REPUBLIKA SLOVENIJA MINISTRSTVO ZA NOTRANJE ZADEVE POLICIJA CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES RESEARCH REPORT CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES RESEARCH REPORT Aleksander Koporec Oberčkal, PhD Terezija Andreja Povše, MA Darinka Kolar Osvald Martina Stergar Ljubljana, March 2025 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES RESEARCH REPORT Kataložni zapis o publikaciji (CIP) pripravili v Narodni in univerzitetni knjižnici v Ljubljani COBISS.SI-ID 228803075 ISBN 978-961-6797-70-2 (PDF) Issued by: the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Slovenia, the Police Authors: Aleksander Koporec Oberčkal, PhD, Terezija Andreja Povše, MA, Darinka Kolar Osvald and Martina Stergar. Authors of the measurement instrument – questionnaire: Aleksander Koporec Oberčkal, PhD, Terezija Andreja Povše, MA, Darinka Kolar Osvald and Martina Stergar, Tomaž Pečjak, Robert Jakopič, Marija Mikulan, Jolanda Vidic, Robert Urek, Aleš Grudnik Reviewers: Tomaž Pečjak, Manuel Vesel Photos on the cover: Police archive, Nina Djordjević, Monika Golob, Petra Hacin Valič, Brigita Petric, Nevenka Pinter, Ana Vidmar Proofreading and translation: Špela Bibič, Translation and Interpretation Division of the Secretariat-General of the Government Text and cover design: Ana Vidmar Digital publication URL: https://www.policija.si/delovna-podrocja/enakost-spolov Ljubljana, March 2025 Table of Contents 1 Introduction 11 1.1 Conducting the study 14 1.2 Document structure 15 2 Equal Opportunities for Women and Men 18 2.1 Imbalanced representation of women 18 2.2 Gender Equality Index 18 2.3 Implicit cognitive bias 19 3 Career Ambitions and Professional Aspirations 21 4 Work-life Balance 22 4.1 Advantages for the employer 22 4.2 Perceptions of the organisational culture 22 4.3 Machismo and the cult of masculinity 23 4.4 The critical mass theory 23 4.5 Legislation 24 5 Work on International Civilian Missions 25 6 Discrimination, Sexual and Other Forms of Harassment and Workplace Mobbing 27 7 Hypotheses by Subject Area 29 7.1 Equal opportunities 29 7.2 Career ambitions 29 7.3 Professional aspirations 30 7.4 Work-life balance 30 7.5 Work on international civilian missions 30 7.6 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing 31 8 Method 32 8.1 Respondents 32 8.2 Procedures 34 8.3 Tools 35 9 Results 37 9.1 Equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance 37 9.1.1 Equal opportunities 39 9.1.2 Career ambitions 67 9.1.3 Professional aspirations 75 9.1.4 Work-life balance 78 9.2 Work on international civilian missions 82 9.3 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing 88 10 Discussion 107 10.1 Equal opportunities 107 10.1.1 Hypothesis 1: The percentage of women working in the police is as prescribed by the legislation. 107 10.1.2 Hypothesis 2: There are no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment. 108 10.1.3 Hypothesis 3: There are no gender differences in terms of average paygrade. 110 10.1.4 Hypothesis 4: The percentage of unassessed women in 2019, 2020 and 2021 is greater than the percentage of unassessed men. 111 10.1.5 Hypothesis 5: There are no gender differences in terms of the equal opportunities factor. 112 10.1.6 Hypothesis 6: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to equal opportunities. 112 10.2 Career ambitions 113 10.2.1 Hypothesis 7: There are no gender differences in terms of the career ambitions factor. 113 10.2.2 Hypothesis 8: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to career ambitions. 113 10.2.3 Hypothesis 9: The percentage of female managers is increasing while the percentage of male managers is decreasing. 114 10.3 Professional aspirations 114 10.3.1 Hypothesis 10: There are no gender differences in terms of the professional aspirations factor. 114 10.3.2 Hypothesis 11: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to professional aspirations. 115 10.4 Work-life balance 115 10.4.1 Hypothesis 12: There are no gender differences in terms of the work-life balance factor. 115 10.4.2 Hypothesis 13: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to work-life balance. 116 10.5 Work on international civilian missions 117 10.5.1 Hypothesis 14: The majority of respondents do not want to work on international civilian missions. Men are more interested in taking part than women. 117 10.5.2 Hypothesis 15: The biggest motivation factor for taking part in international civilian missions is adequate remuneration, and the decision to take part is most affected by the family situation. 118 10.5.3 Hypothesis 16: There are no gender differences in relation to the statement that work on international civilian missions is more suited to male than female police officers. 118 10.5.4 Hypothesis 17: The majority of respondents, of which more men than women, believe that they have sufficient information about international civilian missions. 119 10.6 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing 119 10.6.1 Hypothesis 18: Awareness of the employer’s duty and familiarity with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing at the workplace 120 10.6.2 Hypothesis 19: Percentage of subjective perceptions of sexual harassment, harassment or mobbing at the workplace by gender 120 10.6.3 Hypothesis 20: Percentage of subjective perceptions of sexual harassment, harassment or mobbing at the workplace by gender of the alleged perpetrator 121 11 Conclusion 122 12 References 123 13 Appendices 127 13.1 Appendix 1: Questionnaire – Certain Organisational Aspects of Police Work: Gender Differences 127 13.2 Appendix 2: Gender differences in performance assessments and average paygrades by internal organisational unit of the General Police Directorate and other directorates 148 Tables Table 1: Descriptive statistics of the sample of respondents by gender 33 Table 2: Rotated factor matrix 37 Table 3: Correlation between the four factors 38 Table 4: Gender differences by factor 39 Table 5: Problems in maintaining a good work-life balance. 81 Table 6: Motivation to work on international civilian missions – other 84 Table 7: Deterrents from applying to work on international civilian missions 86 Table 8: Suitability for work on international civilian missions and sufficient information 87 Table 9: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged sexual harassment? 93 Table 10: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged harassment? 94 Table 11: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged mobbing? 96 Table 12: How did you react to sexual harassment? 102 Table 13: How did you react to harassment? 104 Table 14: How did you react to mobbing? 105 Table 15: Gender differences in performance assessments and average paygrades by internal organisational unit of the General Police Directorate and other directorates 148 Charts Chart 1: Men and women are treated equally in the police – in % 40 Chart 2: Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men – in % 41 Chart 3: Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement – in % 41 Chart 4: Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues – in % 42 Chart 5: Average performance assessment by gender 43 Chart 6: Average performance assessment in 2019 by education and gender 44 Chart 7: Average performance assessment in 2020 by education and gender 44 Chart 8: Average performance assessment in 2021 by education and gender 45 Chart 9: Average performance assessment in 2019 by work experience and gender 46 Chart 10: Average performance assessment in 2020 by work experience and gender 46 Chart 11: Average performance assessment in 2021 by work experience and gender 47 Chart 12: Average performance assessment in 2019 by age and gender 48 Chart 13: Average performance assessment in 2020 by age and gender 48 Chart 14: Average performance assessment in 2021 by age and gender 49 Chart 15: Unassessed by gender 50 Chart 16: Average paygrade by gender 51 Chart 17: Paygrade by age and gender 52 Chart 18: Average paygrade by work experience and gender 52 Chart 19: Average paygrade by education and gender 53 Chart 20: Reasons for gender differences – in % 54 Chart 21: Solutions to improve gender equality – in % 60 Chart 22: The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions – in % 68 Chart 23: There are enough women in management positions in the police – in % 69 Chart 24: Percentage of managers by gender – total 70 Chart 25: Percentage of managers by gender – national level 71 Chart 26: Percentage of managers by gender – regional level 71 Chart 27: Percentage of managers by gender – local level 72 Chart 28: Percentage of managers (professional/technical posts) by gender – regional level 73 Chart 29: Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions – in % 73 Chart 30: Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work – in % 74 Chart 31: I want to be promoted within the current post – in % 75 Chart 32: I want to be promoted to a more demanding post – in % 76 Chart 33: I want to obtain additional education – in % 76 Chart 34: Education by gender 77 Chart 35: I look up to highly educated people – in % 78 Chart 36: The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance – in % 79 Chart 37: Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers – in % 80 Chart 38: I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. 80 Chart 39: Wish to take part in international civilian missions – in % 82 Chart 40: Motivation to work on international civilian missions – in % 83 Chart 41: Factors affecting the decision to take part in international civilian missions – average ratings 85 Chart 42: Are you aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work? – in % 88 Chart 43: Are you familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing? – in % 89 Chart 44: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced sexual harassment at the workplace? – in % 90 Chart 45: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced harassment at the workplace? – in % 91 Chart 46: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced mobbing at the workplace? – in % 92 Chart 47: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment? – in % 98 Chart 48: Who were you harassed by? – in % 99 Chart 49: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of harassment? – in % 100 Chart 50: Who was the perpetrator of the mobbing? – in % 101 Chart 51: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of mobbing? – in % 102 Summary This study examined employees’ views on gender-balanced representation in various positions within the Slovenian Police. It also looked at differences in career ambitions and professional aspirations. Another area of interest was the respondents’ work-life balance and problems arising from that. Finally, it explored the gender perspective in relation to work on international civilian missions and strived to determine the prevalence of discrimination, sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing based on the respondents’ subjective perceptions and impressions. The purpose of the study was to canvass the views of police employees on the topic in question by analysing 996 responses obtained with a questionnaire and by analysing the staff register and other relevant sources of information. The aim of the study was to gain a better understanding and thus improve individual organisational aspects of police work, focusing on gender differences. A variety of statistical analyses revealed quantitative and qualitative gender differences concerning several elements of equal opportunities. Furthermore, they showed that women tend to have greater career ambitions and aspirations for promotion than men and that perceptions of equal opportunities between genders differ considerably. The findings show some differences in terms of work-life balance, but both women and men believe that the nature of the work, the working hours, the work schedule and other elements related to the 24-hour presence in the field are an aggravating circumstance preventing an optimum work-life balance. Furthermore, it was revealed that the majority of respondents do not want to take part in international civilian missions, mainly due to family responsibilities, but also for other reasons, such as inadequate remuneration for work abroad and insufficient knowledge of a foreign language. As expected, women reported more subjective experiences of sexual harassment than men, while men expressed more subjective experiences of harassment and mobbing, mainly in superior-subordinate relations. All these findings are important information for the senior police management as they allow them to make strategic decisions supported with proof and introduce improvements in the areas that were the subject of the study. Keywords: police, equal opportunities, gender differences, work-life balance, career ambitions, professional aspirations, work on international civilian missions, discrimination, sexual harassment, harassment, mobbing at the workplace. Timeframe: from 25 January to 11 February 2022 Population: all employees of the Slovenian Police Sample population: internet users Method used: online survey with a general invitation (the respondents participated in the study of their own accord, without direct requests) Sample type: non-probability sampling Weighing/post-stratification: no Sample size (n): 996 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 1 Introduction Even though Danica Melihar Lovrenčič, who started working at the Ljubljana Police Directorate back in 1936, is considered to be the first female police officer (Mrevlje, 2020), the systematic employment of women is one of the most significant milestones in the history of the Slovenian Police, as female officers at police stations performed the same tasks as their male colleagues. This year, the Slovenian Police is celebrating the 50th anniversary of the systematic employment of uniformed female police officers, once known as miličnice. 1 The first woman was assigned to the post of trainee police officer (miličnik) at the Ljubljana Internal Affairs Administration2 on 1 December 1973, and the next one a month later, on 1 January 1974. They were followed by another three female police officers, assigned to the Maribor Internal Affairs Administration.3Eventually, the Slovenian Police began to employ more women (MNZ, UOK, 2013) who performed their jobs on various organisational levels (the General Police Directorate, other police directorates and police stations) and in various posts. They became police station commanders, heads of departments, centres and services (MNZ, UOK, 2022) and the first female police officers to serve on international civilian missions (Zupan, 2020). We have a female head of a police directorate, and we also had a female Director-General of the Police. All these milestones improved the gender ratio that is slowly approaching the balance norm prescribed by the legislation. Slovenia’s Equal Opportunities for Women and Men Act (hereinafter: the ZEMŽM) adopted in 2002 lays down the common guidelines and foundations to improve the status of women and to establish equal opportunities for women and men in individuals areas of social life (Article 1 of the ZEMŽM). Equal treatment and equal opportunities for women and men are also among the fundamental legal principles of EU policy (European Union, 2016). Under the ZEMŽM, the promotion of the gender equality policy is the responsibility of the ministries themselves (Article 11 of the ZEMŽM). In the Police, a body affiliated to the ministry, this has been ensured since 2014 as a field of work within the Research 1 The term miličnik or miličnica was replaced by “police officer” (policist) in 1992 (the Act Amending the Internal Affairs Act, Articles 1 and 2). 2 Today, the Ljubljana Internal Affairs Administration goes by the name of the Ljubljana Police Directorate (the Police Act, Article 4 in conjunction with Article 138). 3 Today, the Maribor Internal Affairs Administration goes by the name of the Maribor Police Directorate (the Police Act, Article 4 in conjunction with Article 138). 11 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES and Social Skills Centre of the Police Academy. In addition to scientific and specialised research, psychological activities, respect for diversity and interpersonal relations, conflict management, museum activities, policing in a multicultural society and ethics and integrity, the Centre also carries out activities related to promotion of the gender equality policy. This field of work deals with organisational elements pertaining to equal opportunities for women and men in the Slovenian Police in a systematic and systemic manner (MNZ, 2018). Various data is monitored on a regular basis to ensure equal opportunities for women and men, namely data on the number of female and male employees in the Slovenian Police, the types of posts held by women, the organisational level within the Slovenian Police on which women are engaged, the representation of female police officers compared to their male colleagues and the representation of women compared to their male colleagues in management positions within the Slovenian Police. This data shows that the percentage of women in the Slovenian Police is increasing (GPU, SGDP, 2023) but is yet to reach the threshold of gender-balanced representation prescribed by the legislation. It also shows that, compared to the number of men in management positions, the number of women varies depending on the hierarchical level of organisation within the Slovenian Police (MNZ, UOK). In addition to efforts for a gender-balanced representation within the Slovenian Police, adopting strategic and other decisions in this area also requires the achievement of the employees’ work-life balance. Most modern police and other organisations are well aware of this fact. It is an organisational aspect relevant for both genders, particularly taking into account the modern nature of roles assumed by women and men in their professional and family lives. In terms of work-life balance, police work occupies a specific place due to its unpredictability, often depending on unexpected events that necessitate a response. This unpredictability means that the nature of police work can also differ from other types of employment in terms of time (for example, irregular working hours and special work schedules) and, as a result, tends to change relatively quickly in certain circumstances. This also includes night work, work on holidays and other work-free days, overtime, etc., all of which affects one’s possibilities of managing work and private life, particularly when trying to find a balance in police families,4 single-parent 4 A police family is a marriage or cohabitation of a male and female police officer with at least one minor child (Article 2 of the Collective Agreement for Police Officers – KPP). 12 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES families5 and large families.6 A special part of the field of work concerning equal opportunities for women and men is the professional aspirations to work in more demanding posts and career ambitions to work in management positions, and the related motivation of both genders for additional education, training and the acquisition of knowledge and skills with the aim of promotion. On the one hand, this involves traditional education7, which is commonly one of the conditions for occupying a demanding or management position, and on the other, it concerns trainings designated by the employer – the Slovenian Police. These include education and training and the acquisition of knowledge and skills pursued exclusively by individuals wishing to better themselves and to perform their work on a higher level of skill and expertise and are therefore more proactive in the pursuit of this knowledge. Another field of work of the Slovenian Police where the gender perspective is extremely important, is collaboration in ensuring peace and security around the world. The European Union and the Member States actively encourage the participation of greater numbers of women in military operations and international civilian missions. Slovenian police officers of both genders have been involved in these activities since 1997 (Lobnikar, Vesel and Banutai, 2011). Data shows that, in international civilian missions, the rate of participation among women employed in the Slovenian Police is lower than that of men, with men accounting for 88.7% and women for 11.3% of police employees being seconded to international civilian missions (MNZ, UOK, 2023). At least indirectly, the promotion of the gender equality policy also tackles deviant and prohibited behaviours in the organisation, such as discrimination, sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing. All gender-related connections are considered, regardless of whether the subject is the victim or the alleged perpetrator of one of the relevant prohibited behaviours. In 2021, the Slovenian Police provided assistance and information on the available measures relating to protection against sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing in 20 cases (GPU, SGDP, 2022); the number of cases decreased to 9 in 2022 (GPU, SGDP, 2023). Five reports of alleged workplace 5 A single-parent family is a community of one parent with one or more children, if the other parent is deceased and the child does not receive benefits for maintenance through that parent, or when the other parent is unknown or the child actually does not receive any benefits for maintenance through the second parent (Article 72 of the Parental Protection and Family Benefits Act). 6 A large family is a family having, for at least one day in a calendar year, three or more children aged up to 18 years of age, or beyond 18 years of age if they have the status of a primary or secondary school pupil, apprentice or student, but only until they reach the age of 26 (Article 77 of the Parental Protection and Family Benefits Act). 7 Slovenian Police employees often have a higher education level than that required to fill a certain post in the job classification (MNZ, UOK, 2022). 13 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES mobbing and one report of alleged sexual harassment were considered in 2021 (GDPU, SGDP, 2022); in 2022, the number of considered reports of alleged workplace mobbing increased to 12 and there were no reports of alleged sexual harassment under consideration (GPU, SGDP, 2023). 1.1 Conducting the study As part of the researched topic, the Slovenian Police conducted a study on certain organisational aspects of police work among its employees, with a focus on gender differences. The basic premise of the study was to examine how equal opportunities for women and men are ensured in the Slovenian Police. During the research development phase and drafting of the research plan, a few other important organisational elements of police work were added, but the main purpose was to explore gender balance based on the perceptions of Slovenian Police employees to build not only administrative, but also scientific and research foundations for the development of this field of work in the Police. In addition to the general question of differences between men and women in terms of their views on gender balance, another objective was to establish whether women have the same opportunities as men to get promoted based on their performance assessments and whether they receive equal pay or achieve a similar paygrade on average for work in the same conditions. To this end, data from the staff register of the Ministry of the Interior was analysed (MNZ, UOK, 2022 and 2023). Problems associated with work-life balance experienced by Slovenian Police employees were also explored. According to certain data, despite changes in the division of family responsibilities, the conventional gender division of roles is still very much prevalent in Slovenia. According to the last Resolution on the National Programme for Equal Opportunities for Women and Men 2015–2020, family responsibilities are “one of the key obstacles to management positions and career building for women” (MDDSZEM, 2016, p. 27; Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia [Uradni list RS], No. 84/15). The respondents were also asked about their professional aspirations in terms of promotion and work in demanding posts, their career ambitions8 and the consequent occupation of higher-valued and management positions. The respondents’ motivation for education and training, which are closely related to promotion, was also studied. 8 Ambitions are strong desires or wishes for success and advancement (Fran, 2022). 14 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The study also strived to determine the reasons for the modest interest in and the resulting lower participation of women in international civilian missions compared to men. Our aim was to establish whether women have the same opportunities as men when applying for work on international civilian missions, and whether the percentage of selected female applicants is the same as that of their male colleagues. This issue proved impossible to analyse, as the data of the competent service is very scarce. With regard to work on international civilian missions, the study also examined the types of obstacles women (as well as men) encounter when considering work on international civilian missions for a period of time. The study also included questions on the subjective perceptions and experiences of potential employee discrimination, sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing. All respondents were presented with the definitions of the prohibited behaviours in question and asked how familiar they were with the terms and the related rights they enjoyed. Questions about the subjective perceptions of the relevant prohibited behaviours were aimed at both the actions themselves and the consequences felt by everyone involved in the alleged prohibited behaviours. 1.2 Document structure This part consists of theoretical and empirical presentations of data pertaining to the above categories of interest. Chapter One outlines the scope of the study and the broader context in which it was conducted. Chapter Two contains information pertaining to the equal opportunities of women and men, gender balance in the police and implicit cognitive bias that can have a variety of effects on ensuring equal opportunities. The gauge used was legislation which clearly stipulates what constitutes an imbalanced gender representation. The chapter also lists statistical and other police data, compared to that of other countries and available studies. Chapter Three focuses on the professional aspirations of both men and women and their career ambitions for promotion and the occupation of higher-valued and management positions. These are closely related to motivation for further education and training. 15 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Chapter Four deals with the management of professional and private life or achieving a balance between the two, with an emphasis on unevenly distributed work, shift and night work and work with longer daily or weekly working hours than prescribed by law. This subchapter includes a comparative analysis of rest time and leisure activities, which have an important effect on the individuals’ quality of life, both professional and private. Other issues in this chapter include gender roles and the related division of responsibilities in families and other relevant functional communities. Chapter Five touches upon the work of police officers on international civilian missions, focusing on gender differences, specifically in terms of the appeal of this type of work and the obstacles individuals encounter due to objective or subjective circumstances, despite having a wish to perform such work. An overview of literature is given in Chapter Six, which covers discrimination, sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. This theoretical overview mainly focuses on legislative provisions. Chapter Seven gives a detailed rundown of 20 research hypotheses, categorised into six sets: equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations, work-life balance, work on international civilian missions and cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. The empirical part of the study is covered in three chapters. Chapter Eight, entitled “Method”, describes the sample of male and female employees in the Slovenian Police who contributed their views, opinions and experiences to the study between 25 January and 11 February 2022. This chapter also gives a detailed description of the data collection method, the measurement instrument and the procedures required to achieve the set aims. Chapter Nine, “Results”, provides chart and table presentations of statistical data obtained through various types of statistical operations. The chapter begins with the factor analysis conducted for 15 topic-related questionnaire items. The factor analysis reduced the relevant number of items to four, namely four factors that account for 61.55 percent of the variance; these factors are: equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance. The empirical part also contains a chapter entitled “Discussion”, which places the findings in the context of the conclusions of other authors cited in this part and strives to determine whether the proposed hypotheses can be confirmed or rejected. This is 16 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES followed by “Conclusion” and “References”. The Appendix contains the measurement instrument used and a table showing gender differences based on performance assessments and average paygrades by internal organisational unit of the General Police Directorate and other directorates. 17 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 2 Equal Opportunities for Women and Men 2.1 Imbalanced representation of women The employment of a diverse workforce, especially in terms of the representation of women on all levels of organisation of the Slovenian Police, is a key factor in creating an appropriate police culture (Sebire, 2020). Nevertheless, the police is a hierarchical organisation with a predominantly male workforce. The percentage of women in the Slovenian Police is increasing every year9 and is currently at 26.5% (GPU, SGDP, 2021). The situation is similar elsewhere in the world; the percentage of women working in the police is lower than that of men but gradually increasing. According to Sebire (2020), the percentage of women in the British Police was 25.7% in 2010 but increased to 30.4% by 2019. A comparison between the two countries in the same period (from 2012 to 2019) reveals that the percentage of women increased by 2.6% in the British Police and by 1.6%, i.e. one percentage point less, in the Slovenian Police. This means that the percentage of female police employees in Slovenia is increasing more slowly than in Britain, for example. The fact that the number of female employees in the Slovenian Police is gradually increasing does not, in and of itself, mean the same as if placed in the context of the Act stipulating a gender-balanced representation in individual fields of social life or parts of these fields. The ZEMŽM (Article 7) provides that an imbalanced gender representation is deemed to exist when the representation of one gender in a specific field of social life or in a part of such a field is lower than 40%. This means that a 13.5-percent increase in the number of women over men is required in the Slovenian Police in order to fulfil the legal norm. 2.2 Gender Equality Index In addition to legislative provisions, the Gender Equality Index, which has been measured annually since 2013 and is aimed at effectively monitoring and amending gender equality policies, also contributes to understanding the importance of gender balance. In most European countries, measurements are conducted in several areas. The index covers six core domains, namely work, money, knowledge, time, power and health. In each of these domains, a Member State can achieve from 1 to 100 9 The percentage of female employees in the Slovenian Police was 24.2% in 2012 and 2013, 24.6% in 2014, 25.4% in 2015, 2016 and 2017, 25.8% in 2018 and 2019, and 26.3% in 2020 (Annual Report on the Work of the Police 2021, p. 244). 18 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES points, 100 representing full gender equality. But such a country does not yet exist. The highest number of points was achieved by Sweden, at 83.9%, and the lowest by Greece, at 53.4% (European Institute for Gender Equality, 2022). In 2022, Slovenia achieved 67.5 points, which is 0.1 points less than in 2021. The overall decrease is based on poorer performance in two domains, namely knowledge (56.0 points, which is 0.6 points less than in 2021) and health (the domain with the highest score of 86.9 – but 0.9 points less than in 2021). The score in the domain of time is the same as last year, 72.9 points, while other scores are higher than in the previous year, at 73.4 points in the domain of work (up by 0.4 points), 83.9 points in the domain of money (up by 0.2 points) and 53.3 points in the domain of power (up by 0.3 points). Compared to other European countries, our total score places us right below the average of all participating countries, meaning that Slovenia has plenty of room for improvement in all the relevant domains, the most in terms of power (ibid.). 2.3 Implicit cognitive bias In addition to the aforementioned, various dimensions of equal opportunities are also affected by implicit bias or decision-making errors (Régner, Thinus-Blanc, Netter, Schmader in Huguet, 2019). They play an important role in our everyday decisions. They refer to views or stereotypes that subconsciously affect our understanding, actions and decisions. Their subconscious nature makes them difficult to control. One common example of implicit bias is gender stereotypes. These are ways that men and women are judged based on the traditional assigned female and male qualities. Confirmation bias is also relevant to the subject of our study. This type of bias can affect the committee selecting job candidates. Existing views on various social groups lead to discrimination that may be subconscious and impact the selection and recruitment process. The idea is that the selection is influenced by the belief of each committee member that a certain group is more qualified than another, for example that men are more qualified than women for the job of a police officer or a police chief. Confirmation bias occurs when people look for one-sided proof and information confirming their beliefs. Recognising what separates us from others contributes to the development of implicit bias in early childhood, followed by the formation of a negative opinion of other social groups with which individuals do not identify (ibid.). It is also possible for the 19 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES development of implicit bias to be affected by the brain’s tendency to simplify the world. To make it easier to understand it in all its complexity, mental shortcuts are created. These shortcuts are used constantly, as they enable a quicker and easier classification of enormous amounts of data into manageable categories. An example of a mental shortcut is the use of “common sense”. An imprecise use of these shortcuts leads to implicit bias (Rynders, 2019) on which we consequently rely instead of studying all the relevant information. This is particularly true when we are under considerable stress (Wigboldus, Sherman, Franzese and Knippenberg, 2004). Moreover, implicit bias may arise from culture, media and the individual’s education. For instance, the way in which an individual is portrayed and the use of a specific type of language in the media can help shape and reinforce a certain implicit bias in our mind. Education also has a strong impact on the development of implicit bias, parental upbringing not being the only source of this impact – kindergartens, schools, associations, peers and, equally importantly, the culture to which an individual belongs all play their part. There are at least three ways in which implicit bias can be reduced: through mediation and mindfulness practice (Lueke and Gibson, 2016), adapting our perspective (Gutierrez, 2014) and training (Jackson, Hillard and Schneider, 2014). Studies show that mediation reduces implicit bias against people of colour and the elderly. Gutierrez’s study (2014) confirmed the author’s hypothesis that the experience of subtle racial bias decreased with an increase in empathy. Studies also show that special diversity training reduces implicit bias among men in relation to women. While such training programmes can be useful for police officers (Plant and Peruche, 2005), they can also have an adverse effect. Active attempts at reducing stereotypes can cause the bias to increase over time even more than if it was suppressed from the outset (Macrae, Bodenhausen, Milne and Jetten, 1994). Deliberate attempts at suppressing certain thoughts increases the likelihood of these thoughts appearing even more often (Wegner and Schneider, 2003). 20 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 3 Career Ambitions and Professional Aspirations The percentage of women in the police is slowly increasing and currently amounts to 26.5%, while the number of women promoted to more demanding and management positions remains relatively stable, i.e. not increasing or decreasing gradually (MNZ, UOK, 2023). Archbold, Hassell and Stichman (2010) conducted their study among US police officers (N = 129). They looked at gender differences in terms of promotion aspirations, discovering that there were differences and similarities between men and women in their aspirations for promotion and occupation of higher-valued and management positions. While the results showed that 70% of women and 52% of men did not want to engage in the promotion process, the differences were not statistically significant. Answers to the question of whether or not they intended to engage in the promotion process also failed to produce any statistically significant differences. Male police officers reported that they did not trust the promotion process, while their female colleagues said that the reasons for the decision not to engage in the promotion process were related to feelings of isolation, scrutiny from male colleagues and different treatment based on their gender. Both male and female police officers reported that the promotion requirements were achievable and set fairly in terms of gender. 21 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 4 Work-life Balance In terms of gender balance, police organisations that understand the importance of respecting and enabling the employees to manage their professional and private lives are very progressive (Sebire, 2020). According to some authors (Gregory and Milner, 2008), the beginnings of research in the field of work-life balance date back to the 1960s. The concept was developed partly due to equal opportunities for women and men and was first aimed at achieving balance between work and family life. Later, through various theoretical models, such as the opposition between one’s professional and private life, the enrichment of one’s professional and private life and management of one’s professional and private life (Adlešič, 2019), it developed into the concept of work-life balance (Nortje, 2021). 4.1 Advantages for the employer This balance has a number of advantages for both the employees and the employer. Because employees have more time for private tasks, they are less likely to do things unrelated to work during their working hours and they take less sick leave. Employees who have more time for their private life report having high work satisfaction, which makes them less likely to quit. They are also more motivated for work and more productive. Happier people who are very satisfied with their work and have more time for their private life are also less likely to develop illness and stress-related conditions (Chimote and Srivastava, 2013). All of the above is particularly true for police work, the police profession being one of the hardest to balance with one’s private and family life (Silvestri, 2007). The fact is that policing is a 24-hour job, the work is often time consuming, the working hours irregular, with a lot of overtime, that the work is done at night, on holidays and other work-free days and that the work schedule depends on the situation in the field. These specific features definitely pose a challenge in achieving a work-life balance, both for men and women (Duxbury and Higgins, 2012). 4.2 Perceptions of the organisational culture In relation to the above, Duxbury, Bardoel and Halinski (2021) recently conducted a study on a sample of 616 Canadian male and 264 female police officers, which, in 22 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES addition to the expected positive impact of the roles of both men and women on the work-life balance, revealed that the positive correlation between the role requirements (at work and at home) and the opposition between their professional and private life are stronger for police officers who perceived their organisational culture as family-friendly than those with a low perception of a family-friendly organisational culture. Police organisations around the world are striving to improve respect for labour force diversity, including in terms of gender. Views on gender in scientific and scholarly works on police culture were oversimplified (Silvestri, 2017, p. 290). In focusing on gender, understanding this simplification can be used as a reason for the continued gender gap in the police and the lack of progress despite the efforts invested in improvements in gender equality, even in simple ratio terms prescribed by the legislation (the ZEMŽM), let alone in other aspects. The fact is that policing is done by both genders, on the individual and structural levels as well as on the level of culture (Dick, Silvestri and Westmarland, 2014; Silvestri, 2015; and Silvestri, 2017). Even though this year marks the 50th anniversary of the systemic employment of female police officers and even though 40% is the legal norm of a gender-balanced representation, the percentage of women employed in the Slovenian Police is only 26.5% (the Annual Report on the Work of the Police 2021). 4.3 Machismo and the cult of masculinity Studies first looked for the reasons for the current situation in police culture, with an emphasis on machismo and the cult of masculinity in relation to the need to use physical force (Silvestri, 2017, p. 290). Such studies drew extensive criticism, which resulted in improvements. Criticism focused on three aspects: seeing police culture as synonymous with the causes and consequences of inappropriate police actions and the related tendency for police culture to slip into cultural determinism, the monolithic nature of police culture (Reiner, 1992), and the static, rigid and enduring nature of the system of policing (Silvestri, 2017). 4.4 The critical mass theory According to Silvestri (2017), studies focusing on gender and policing were also oversimplified. On the one hand, they often focused on examining only the women’s point of view and not enough on men’s experience through the lens of gender, and on the other they mainly counted women and the changing ratio to men. Another point 23 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES to note in this context is the critical mass theory, which suggests that changes in a system will happen when a minority achieves a certain level of representation (i.e. a critical mass); this will bring about changes in group interactions, reveal substantive differences, minority members will become more decisive and the minority will start manifesting a behaviour that differs from that of the majority (Kanter, 1977). According to Silvestri (2017), a critical mass is achieved when the minority attains around 35% in size, while other authors (Dahlerup, 2006; Bratton, 2005) indicate other percentages. 4.5 Legislation In terms of work-life balance, police work occupies a specific place due to its unpredictability, often depending on unexpected events that necessitate a response. This unpredictability means that the nature of policing also differs from other areas of work in terms of time, mainly due to irregular working hours (Article 148 of the ZDR-1, Article 6 of the Decree on working time in state administration bodies), work according to the schedule (Article 16 of the KPP), which can change relatively quickly in certain situations, work during the night (Article 150 of the ZDR-1), on holidays and other work-free days, overtime (Article 144 of the ZDR-1, Articles 72 and 73 of the ZODPol), on-call duty (Article 71 of the ZODPol, Article 17 of the KPP), etc. Due to the nature of this type of work, the profession makes it more difficult to find an appropriate work-life balance, particularly in a police, single-parent or large family. 24 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 5 Work on International Civilian Missions Slovenian police officers of both genders have been involved in international civilian missions10 since 1997. They face specific stress factors in their line of work in all phases – before, during and after the secondment (Lobnikar, Vesel and Banutai, 2011). Stress factors prior to secondment (Barabé, 1999; Lobnikar et al., 2011) are: • the anticipated time for preparation for secondment, • long separation from family, • major family events during the absence, • the children’s age and • the trust and support received by the family from the organisation and local community. Seconded police officers show signs of distress and fear. Feelings of burden and anger (Roberts, 2002) and loneliness (Rook, 2000) are common. Behaviour changes are visible, excessive alcohol drinking and rule violations often occur. Mental health deteriorates in particular, morale is low and people are no longer capable of performing their job (Lobnikar et al., 2011). Stress therefore affects police officers even before secondment, but even more so during it. Stress factors during secondment (Barabé, 1999; Lobnikar et al., 2011) are: • limited communication between the individual and their family, • the duration of secondment, particularly if it is uncertain, • the living and working conditions (food, hygiene and recreation), • the tragedies of families, children and other civilians in the place of secondment, • threats to life (armed conflicts, car bombs and ambushes), • restricted movement, etc. 10 International civilian missions are activities organised by an international organisation or an international regional union to help target countries or territories under the administration of the international community to ensure stability and establish democratic institutions according to international standards, or activities ensuring international assistance to a threatened civilian population; another possibility is secondment in the form of participation in a project financed by an international organisation or regional union (Article 3 of the Secondment of Personnel to International Civilian Missions and International Organizations Act, 2021). 25 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The stress experienced by seconded peace mission members can increase the feelings of melancholy, apathy, desperation, concern and anxiety and in certain cases even depression, which significantly changes the individual’s view of the world and themselves. As a result, the individual often withdraws, isolates him or herself from the environment in which they live, neglects important activities and loses interest in things that they previously found enjoyable. Their quality of life deteriorates significantly (Lobnikar et al., 2011). However, the stress impact does not end after secondment. It affects everyone involved (including the person’s partner and other family members) even after the mission is completed. The stress factors after secondment (Barabé, 1999; Lobnikar et al., 2011) are: • changes in the living environment, • integration into the living and working environment back home, • the mission member’s expectations and various responsibilities to others (family, children). Ford (2002) reports the development of post-traumatic stress disorder even among the family members of people on peace-keeping missions. Just as different people react differently to a traumatic experience, families respond differently to emotional and behaviour changes of a family member returned from a mission (Roberts, 2002). The most common issue of most partners of mission members is the feeling of being trapped in a vicious circle. They feel like they are walking on a tightrope that will soon tear. Women or girls must constantly maintain a balance between children and other family members and at the same time help their partner, forced to sacrifice themselves and their needs, trying not to appear selfish (Harrell, 2000). The research of Lobnikar and others (2011) showed that stress factors affect not only the member of a peace-keeping mission, but all family members. Separation from family and a family member’s absence are the most common stress factors. Separation makes both partners worry about how their close ones are living, if they are safe and if they are able to spend long periods by themselves, and causes concerns about the partner relationship. Mission members and their partners miss the tenderness, the intimate and emotional support, which often makes members of peace-keeping missions cheat on their partners during secondment. Nevertheless, there are other obstacles to secondment, which this study attempted to address. 26 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 6 Discrimination, Sexual and Other Forms of Harassment and Workplace Mobbing In Slovenia, discrimination, sexual and other forms harassment and workplace mobbing are prohibited (Articles 6 and 7 of the Employment Relationships Act). All employers, including the police, must ensure equal treatment of their employees (Article 6 of the Employment Relationships Act), irrespective of their: • nationality, • race or ethnic origin, • national or social background, • gender, • skin colour, • state of health or disability, • faith or beliefs, • age, • sexual orientation, • family status, • trade union membership, • financial standing or • other personal circumstances in accordance with this Act, the regulations governing the implementation of the principle of equal treatment and the regulations governing equal opportunities for women and men. The less favourable treatment of workers in connection with pregnancy or parental leave is also deemed discriminatory (ibid.). Equal treatment (ibid.) must be ensured in: • employment, • promotion, • training, • education, • re-qualification, • salaries and other benefits from the employment relationship, • absence from work, • working conditions, • working hours and • the cancellation of employment contracts. 27 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The Employment Relationship Act (ZDR-1) prohibits two types of discrimination, namely direct and indirect discrimination. Direct discrimination exists where, owing to a certain personal circumstance, a person was, is or could be treated less favourably than another person in an identical or similar situation. Indirect discrimination owing to a personal circumstance exists where, owing to an apparently neutral regulation, criterion or practice, a person with a certain personal circumstance was, is or could be placed in a less favourable position than another person in an identical or similar situation or condition, unless such regulation, criterion or practice is justified by a legitimate objective and the means for achieving that objective are appropriate and necessary. Any instructions for discrimination against a person on the basis of any personal circumstance are also examples of direct or indirect discrimination (ibid.). Sexual and other forms of harassment and mobbing are also discriminatory (Article 7 of the Employment Relationships Act). Sexual harassment is any form of undesired verbal, non-verbal or physical action or behaviour of a sexual nature with the effect or intent of adversely affecting the dignity of a person, especially where this involves the creation of an intimidating, hateful, degrading, shaming or insulting environment (ibid.). Harassment is any undesired behaviour associated with any personal circumstance with the effect or intent of adversely affecting the dignity of a person or of creating an intimidating, hateful, degrading, shaming or insulting environment ( ibid.). Workplace mobbing is any repeated or systematic objectionable or clearly negative and offensive treatment or behaviour directed at individual workers at the workplace or in connection with work (ibid.). 28 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 7 Hypotheses by Subject Area 7.1 Equal opportunities The study of equal opportunities was based on the following six hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: The percentage of women working in the police is as prescribed by the legislation. Hypothesis 2: There are no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment in 2019, 2020 and 2021. The same is true (there are no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment) when taking into consideration the level of education, age and work experience. Hypothesis 3: There are no gender differences in terms of average paygrade. The same is true (there are no gender differences in terms of average paygrade) when taking into consideration the level of education, age and work experience. Hypothesis 4: The percentage of unassessed women in 2019, 2020 and 2021 is greater than the percentage of unassessed men. Hypothesis 5: There are no gender differences in terms of the equal opportunities factor. Hypothesis 6: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to equal opportunities. These items are: “Men and women are treated equally in the police”, “Women in the police have the same possibilities as men to fulfil their work potential”, “Women and men have equal opportunities in career advancement” and “Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues.” 7.2 Career ambitions Hypothesis 7: There are no gender differences in terms of the career ambitions factor. Hypothesis 8: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to career ambitions. These items are: “The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on 29 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES women’s position in achieving their career ambitions”, “There are enough women in police management positions”, “Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions” and “Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work.” Hypothesis 9: The percentage of female managers is increasing while the percentage of male managers is decreasing. This is the case regardless of the hierarchical level of management and regardless of the division into official and professional/ technical posts. 7.3 Professional aspirations Hypothesis 10: There are no gender differences in terms of the professional aspirations factor. Hypothesis 11: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to professional aspirations. These items are: “I want to be promoted within the current post”, “I want to be promoted to a more demanding post” and “I want to obtain additional education.” 7.4 Work-life balance Hypothesis 12: There are no gender differences in terms of the work-life balance factor. Hypothesis 13: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to work-life balance. These items are: “I want to be promoted within the current post”, “I want to be promoted to a more demanding post” and “I want to obtain additional education.” 7.5 Work on international civilian missions Hypothesis 14: The majority of respondents do not want to work on international civilian missions. More men than women want to take part in international civilian missions. 30 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Hypothesis 15: The biggest motivation factor for taking part in international civilian missions is adequate remuneration, and the decision to take part is most affected by the family situation. Hypothesis 16: There are no gender differences in relation to the statement that work on international civilian missions is more appropriate for male than female police officers. Hypothesis 17: The majority of respondents, and more men than women, believe that they have enough information about international civilian missions. 7.6 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing Hypothesis 18: More than 95% of respondents are aware or very aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work and are familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. Hypothesis 19: More than 95% of men and women have no subjective experiences of sexual harassment, harassment or workplace mobbing. Among those with a subjective experience of prohibited behaviour covered by these terms, there are more women than men. Hypothesis 20: Men have more subjective experiences of sexual harassment, harassment or workplace mobbing by women, and women have more experiences of these behaviours by men. 31 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 8 Method 8.1 Respondents The study covered 254 women (30.6% of the total) and 575 men (69.4% of the total). Out of a total of 996 police employees who participated, 167 did not indicate their gender. The respondents indicated being between 21 and 63 years old. The highest percentage, 59%, were 45-years-olds, followed by 5.7% 40-year-olds, 5.5% were 55-year-olds and 5.2% were 52-year-olds. The smallest percentage, at 0.1%, were aged 21, 23, 59, 61 and 63. The respondents’ average age was 44.24. The average age of women was 41.73 and the average age of men was 45.41. The respondents’ education differed. The highest percentage of respondents, 28.8% (N = 237), had completed an education level of VI/2.11The lowest percentages were recorded on both ends of the education scale, with 0.3% of respondents completing an education level of I-IV12 (N = 2) and 1.0% of respondents completing an education level of VIII/213 ( N = 8). Others’ education levels in descending order were level VI 14with 25.1% (N = 206), level V 15with 21.4% (N = 176), level VI/1 16with 17.7% (N = 141) and level VIII/117 with 6.3% ( N = 52). 11 Level VI/2 includes the “pre-Bologna” specialisation after short-term higher education programmes and professional higher education programmes, and professional higher education and academic higher education programmes of the first Bologna cycle (https://www.gov.si/). 12 Levels I–IV include the incomplete first stage of basic education, basic education, short-term vocational upper secondary education (two-year programme) and vocational upper secondary education/ (three-year programme) (https://www.optius.com/). 13 Level VIII/2 includes the “pre-Bologna” doctorate programme and the doctorate programme (the third Bologna cycle) (https://www.gov.si/). 14 Level VII includes the “pre-Bologna” specialization after professional higher education programmes and academic higher education programmes, and the Bologna master’s education programme (the second Bologna cycle) (https://www.gov.si/). 15 Level V includes the general upper secondary education, vocational upper secondary education and technical upper secondary education (https://www.optius.com/). 16 Level VI/1 includes the “pre-Bologna” Short-term higher education programmes (until 1994) and higher vocational education programmes (https://www.gov.si/). 17 Level VIII/1 includes the “pre-Bologna” specialization after academic higher education programmes and the master’s education programme (https://www.gov.si/). 32 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Table 1: Descriptive statistics of the sample of respondents by gender No data Men Women Total available Number of respondents 575 254 167 996 Age (average in years) 45.41 41.73 42.81 44.24 Education levels I–IV 1 1 0 2 level V 115 59 2 176 level VI/1 105 29 7 141 level VI/2 168 60 9 237 level VII 125 79 2 206 level VIII/1 33 17 2 52 level VIII/2 7 1 0 8 no data available 21 8 145 174 Years of service (average in years) 25.20 19.00 22.14 23.26 Organisational level of employment General Police Directorate 122 71 5 198 police directorate 150 71 3 224 police station 279 99 9 387 no data available 24 13 150 187 Marital status married 289 98 11 398 in cohabitation 207 89 1 297 single 45 46 5 96 no data available 34 21 150 205 Type of position management 159 21 3 183 non-management 383 217 14 614 no data available 33 16 150 199 The respondents’ years of service varied from one to 46 years. The highest percentage of respondents, i.e. 8.9%, had 30 years of service, followed by 5.0% of respondents 33 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES with 20 and 3.5% with 35 years of service. The smallest percentage, i.e. 0.1%, had 41, 42 or 45 years of service. The respondents’ average years of service amounted to 23.26 years. The women’s years of service averaged 19.00 and the men’s was 25.20. The respondents were employed on all organisational levels of the Slovenian Police. The highest percentage, 47.8% (N= 387) of respondents worked at police stations, followed by 27.7% (N = 224) at police directorates, and the smallest percentage, i.e. 24.5% (N = 198) at the General Police Directorate. With regard to marital status, the highest percentage of respondents, i.e. 50.3%, were married (N = 398), followed by 38.1% (N = 297) of respondents in cohabitation and 11.6% (N = 96) of single respondents. The positions held by the respondents at the time of the study varied. The designation of positions was also based on the individual’s perception. Most of the respondents, i.e. 77.0% (N = 614), occupied non-management positions. Out of 23% of management positions (N = 183), 21 were occupied by women and 159 by men. Three positions could not be associated with gender. 8.2 Procedures For the purposes of this study, a research plan was developed, the methodology covering several research tasks. Together with the Appendices, the research plan was presented to the Police Academy’s Programme Council and the equal opportunities auditor, and was examined by the members of the advisory body for equal opportunities. The measurement instrument – a questionnaire (in Appendix 1) – was developed and tested, in the Limesurvey environment (https://www.limesurvey.org) installed on the Slovenian Police’s server. The environment enables the development of various forms which can be designed and adapted to a particular study. In a letter sent to all police units, all employees were invited to participate in the study. The final version of the questionnaire was published on the Police intranet. The study enabled the participation of all Police employees between 25 January and 11 February 2022. After this time, the questionnaire was disabled and the respondents’ answers were exported to computer programmes for analysis. Statistical analyses of the acquired results were conducted. The analyses included descriptive statistics, factor analysis, one-way analysis of variance and correlation analysis and measurements to establish the relevance 34 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES of differences. Moreover, an analysis of the content was required, as parts of the questionnaire items were designed in a way that allowed participation only with descriptive opinions and views. The content analysis was followed by procedures of content categorisation. Independent of the measurement instrument, a letter was drafted for the HR Service of the Ministry of the Interior, requesting the data necessary to confirm the set hypotheses. The HR Service sent two tables with the requested data. The data was examined in terms of content and statistics. 8.3 Tools The study included our questionnaire (enclosed). It consists of 56 statements or questions divided into four sections following an introductory address. The first section – demographics – contains eight items. This section includes the following respondent data: gender, age, level of education, years of service, organisational level of employment, marital status, post title and whether the post held by the respondent is a management or a non-management position. The second section consisting of 17 questions pertains to gender-balanced representation, the respondents’ professional and private life and their aspirations. The respondents had to assess most of the items in this section on a scale of one to five, ranging from “I strongly disagree” to “I strongly agree”, or selected the appropriate pre-defined answers. The items pertained to the equal treatment of women and men, equal opportunities for women (compared to men) in fulfilling their work potential, the impact of balancing private life and care for the family on the women’s development possibilities and ambitions, the organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised, and the potential impact on the position of women, the adequacy of the number of women in management positions, equality in terms of women’s impact and role in management positions compared to their male colleagues, aspirations to achieve higher levels of education, etc. The third section, which consisted of seven main and nine supplementary items, pertained to work on international civilian missions. Its purpose was to establish the reasons that might indicate a lower level of women’s interest in work on international civilian missions compared to men, the reasons for application, familiarity with work on international civilian missions, etc. 35 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The fourth and final section, which encompassed 24 items, attempted to establish the respondents’ opinions, views and beliefs or cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. The items covered cases from work practice and legislation, and the respondents rated each item based on pre-defined answers. The study also included two Excel tables with data from the HR Service. This data included: • the unit of employment, • whether the post was a management or non-management position, • the post title, • gender, • age in years, • years of work experience in the police, • years of work experience outside the police, • start of work in public administration – the Police, • the number of promotions since the start of work until the end of 2021, • the level of education – the year in which each level was achieved, • performance assessments for 2019, 2020 and 2021, • the title achieved, • the paygrade achieved. Furthermore, the HR Service of the Ministry of the Interior was asked to provide data on the type of posts by gender. And the Service of the General Director of the Police was asked to provide data on applications and the selection of candidates for work on international civilian missions by gender. As this data is not collected by the relevant service, it could not be analysed. 36 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9 Results 9.1 Equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance In accordance with the research plan, the authors first checked if it was possible to combine the items of the first section into a smaller number of factors. The purpose of this analysis was to discover any hidden factors that would make it easier to understand the respondents’ answers. The factor analysis showed that four logical factors could be used to explain 61.55% of the variance. Table 2: Rotated factor matrix EO CA PA WLB Men and women are treated equally in the police. 0.769 Women in the police can fulfil their work potential 0.769 the same way as men. Women and men have equal opportunities for 0.718 career advancement. Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male 0.555 colleagues. The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has 0.730 a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. There are enough women in management positions –0.637 in the police. Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career 0.560 development in achieving their career ambitions. Promoting a gender equality policy is important for 0.500 police work. I want to be promoted within the current post. 0.781 I want to be promoted to a more demanding post. 0.777 I want to obtain additional education. 0.44 employees to achieve a good work-life balance. 0.706 The police provides appropriate advantages for 37 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Parental protection is appropriately regulated under 0.465 the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. I find it difficult to balance my private and 0.421 professional life. Legend: EO – equal opportunities; CA – career ambitions; PA – professional aspirations; WLB – work-life balance. The varimax rotation with the Kaiser normalisation was used; the extraction method was the principal axis factoring and the rotation was repeated six times. The rotated factor matrix shows which items are included in each factor. According to the table, the existing data provided us with four factors, namely equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance. These four factors can explain 61.55% of the variance. Table 3: Correlation between the four factors EO CA PA WLB EO 1 –0.281** –0.140** 0.268** CA –0.281** 1 0.138** –0.058 PA –0.140** 0.138** 1 –0.036 WLB 0.268** –0.058 –0.036 1 **Statistically significant correlation on the level of 0.01, EO – equal opportunities; CA – career ambitions; PA – professional aspirations; WLB – work-life balance. The table shows a correlation analysis of four factors, namely equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance, obtained through factor analysis. The data shows a weak, statistically significant negative correlation between the equal opportunities factor and the career ambitions factor, a weak, statistically significant negative correlation between the equal opportunities factor and the professional aspirations factor, and a weak, statistically significant positive correlation between the equal opportunities factor and the work-life balance factor. The table also shows a weak, statistically significant positive correlation between the career ambitions factor and the professional aspirations factor. The results seem to suggest that those with a higher level of career ambitions and professional aspirations give lower ratings to the elements of the equal opportunities factor. The results show that those who believe more that equal opportunities are ensured also have a more positive perception of their work-life balance and that those with higher professional aspirations have greater career ambitions, and vice versa. 38 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Table 4: Gender differences by factor Factors Gender N M SD F Sig. equal opportunities female 231 2.45 0.842 male 503 3.50 0.883 total 734 3.17 0.997 230.75 0.000 career ambitions female 221 3.38 0.437 male 493 3.04 0.545 total 714 3.14 0.538 68.82 0.000 professional aspirations female 198 4.17 0.619 male 446 3.78 0.869 total 644 3.90 0.820 33.12 0.000 work-life balance female 202 2.57 0.610 male 475 2.69 0.649 total 677 2.65 0.639 4.79 0.029 Legend: N – number of respondents, M – mean rating, SD – standard deviation, F – ratio between two mean square values, Sig. – statistical significance. The table shows the results of a one-way variance analysis based on the factors of equal opportunities, career ambitions, professional aspirations and work-life balance by gender. The data shows that the gender differences are statistically typical, namely that women have greater career ambitions and professional aspirations than men, and that they give lower average ratings to equal opportunities and work-life balance. 9.1.1 Equal opportunities The equal opportunities factor consists of the following four items: • Men and women are treated equally in the police. • Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men. • Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement. • Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues. 39 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Below is a graphic representation of gender differences included in the equal opportunities factor by item. Men and women are treated equally in the police. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 1: Men and women are treated equally in the police – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item Men and women are treated equally in the police. The chart shows that more men agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Men and women are treated equally in the police. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = 52.5843, p < 0.01. (1.N = 686) Disagreement with the statement was more pronounced in women than men. 40 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 2: Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men. The chart shows that more men agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = 132.1215, p < 0.01. Agreement with the statement was more pronounced in (1.N = 695) men than women. Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 3: Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement – in % 41 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences for the item Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement. The chart shows that more men agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = 147.4985, p < 0.01. Agreement with the statement was more (1.N = 684) pronounced in men than women. Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 4: Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item Women in management positions in the Police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues. The chart shows that more men agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = 133.7026, p < 0.01. Agreement with the (1.N = 655) statement was more pronounced in men than women. 42 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.1 Average performance assessment by gender Average performance assessment by gender 2019 assessment 2020 assessment 2021 assessment Men Women Chart 5: Average performance assessment by gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment by year, for assessment periods 2019, 2020 and 2021. The chart shows that the average performance assessment of women is lower than that of men. It also shows that the average was the highest for both men and women in 2020. The gender differences are statistically significant in all years: F = 34.447, p = 0.000, F = 45.056, p = 0.000 2019 2020 in F = 47.282, p = 0.000. 2021 Calculations of the one-way variance analysis were also conducted to establish the gender differences by police internal organisational unit and police directorate. The results show that the gender differences in performance assessment are distributed differently by police unit, some of them showing gender differences and others not (see Appendix 2). 43 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Average performance assessment in 2019 by education and gender Secondary Short-term higher 1st Bol. 2nd Bol. 3rd Bol. Men Women Chart 6: Average performance assessment in 2019 by education and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2019 by education. According to the chart, the average performance assessment of women is lower than that of men, regardless of education. It also shows that the average performance assessment improves with education, except for the highest level of education for women. The gender differences are statistically significant for Fshort-term higher = 6.498, p = 0.011, F = 18.083, p = 0.000, F = 9.566, p = 0.002 first Bol. cycle second Bol. cycle and F = 12.090, p = 0.001. third Bol. cycle Statistically significant gender differences were not established for secondary education F = 3.270, p = 0.071. secondary Average performance assessment in 2020 by education and gender Secondary Short-term higher 1st Bol. 2nd Bol. 3rd Bol. Men Women Chart 7: Average performance assessment in 2020 by education and gender 44 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2020 by education. According to the chart, the average performance assessment of women is lower than that of men, regardless of education. It also shows that the average performance assessment improves with the level of education for men but not for women. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 4.091, p = secondary 0.043, F = 10.580, p = 0.001, F = 11.351, p = 0.001, F = short-term higher first Bol. cycle second Bol. cycle 16.885, p = 0.000 and F = 20.921, p = 0.000. third Bol. cycle Average performance assessment in 2021 by education and gender Secondary Short-term higher 1st Bol. 2nd Bol. 3rd Bol. Men Women Chart 8: Average performance assessment in 2021 by education and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2021 by education. According to the chart, the average performance assessment of women is lower than that of men’s, regardless of education. It also shows that the average performance assessment is distributed differently among men compared to women. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 12.520, p = 0.000, F secondaryshort-term higher = 8.605, p = 0.003, F = 26.650, p = 0.001 and F = 7.334, p = first Bol. cycle third Bol. cycle 0.008. Statistically significant gender differences were not established for the second Bologna cycle F = 1.504, p = 0.220. second Bol. cycle 45 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Average performance assessment in 2019 by work experience and gender Up to 10 years From 11 to 20 years From 21 to 30 years 31 years and more Men Women Chart 9: Average performance assessment in 2019 by work experience and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2019 by work experience. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women with less work experience (up to 10 years and from 11 to 20 years) is lower than for men, and that for women with more work experience (from 21 to 30 years and 31 years and more) it is higher than for men in the same categories. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 15.397, p = 0.000. 11–20 years Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2019 were not established for F = 1.073, p = 0.300, F = 0.644, p = 0.422 up to 10 years 21–30 years and F = 0.514, p = 0.474. 31 years and more Average performance assessment in 2020 by work experience and gender Up to 10 years From 11 to 20 years From 21 to 30 years 31 years and more Men Women Chart 10: Average performance assessment in 2020 by work experience and gender 46 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2020 by work experience. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women with less work experience (up to 10 years, from 11 do 20 years and from 21 to 30 years) is lower than for men, and that for women with more work experience (31 years and more) it is higher than for men in the same category. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 6.805, p = 0.009, F = 13.701, p = 0.000 up to 10 years 11–20 years and F = 5.957, p = 0.015. 31 years and more Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2020 were not established for F = 0.335, p = 0.563. 21–30 years Average performance assessment in 2021 by work experience and gender Up to 10 years From 11 to 20 years From 21 to 30 years 31 years and more Men Women Chart 11: Average performance assessment in 2021 by work experience and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2021 by work experience. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women with less work experience (up to 10 years, from 11 do 20 years and from 21 to 30 years) is lower than for men, and that for women with more work experience (31 years and more) it is higher than for men in the same category. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 5.636, p = 0.018 and F = 11.486, p = up to 10 years 11–20 years 0.001. Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2021 were not established for F = 1.348, p = 0.246 and F = 2.592, p = 21–30 years 31 years and more 0.108. 47 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Average performance assessment in 2019 by age and gender From 20 to 29 years From 30 to 39 years From 40 to 49 years From 50 to 51 years 60years and odler Men Women Chart 12: Average performance assessment in 2019 by age and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2019 by age. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women aged up to 50 years is lower than for men, and higher for women over 50 than for men in the same categories. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 30–39 years 29.802, p = 0.000 and F = 19.614, p = 0.000. 40–49 years Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2019 were not established for F = 0.037, p = 0.848, F = 1.191, p = 0.275 20–29 years 50–59 years and F = 2.821, p = 0.095. 60 years and older Average performance assessment in 2020 by age and gender From 20 to 29 years From 30 to 39 years From 40 to 49 years From 50 to 51 years 60years and odler Men Women Chart 13: Average performance assessment in 2020 by age and gender 48 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2020 by age. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women aged up 50 years is lower than for men, and higher for women over 50 than for men in the same categories. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 20–29 years 4.931, p = 0.027, F = 32.113, p = 0.000 and F = 25.074, p = 0.000. 30–39 years 40–49 years Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2020 were not established for F = 0.517, p = 0.472 and F = 1.675, p 50–59 years 60 years and older = 0.198. Average performance assessment in 2021 by age and gender From 20 to 29 years From 30 to 39 years From 40 to 49 years From 50 to 51 years 60years and odler Men Women Chart 14: Average performance assessment in 2021 by age and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average performance assessment for 2021 by age. The chart shows that the average performance assessment for women aged up 50 years is lower than for men, and higher for women over 50 than for men in the same categories. The gender differences are statistically typical for F = 10.190, 20–29 years p = 0.002, F = 29.947, p = 0.000 and F = 12.890, p = 0.000. 30–39 years 40–49 years Statistically significant gender differences in average performance assessment for 2021 were not established for F = 0.517, p = 0.472 and F = 1.675, p = 50–59 years 60 years and older 0.198. 49 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.2 Unassessed by gender Unassessed by gender Unassessed in 2019 Unassessed in 2020 Unassessed in 2021 Men Women Chart 15: Unassessed by gender The chart shows the percentages of men and women who were not assessed in a given assessment period. The chart shows the trend of an increasing number of unassessed women, while the number of unassessed men in 2020 was lower than the year before, and the percentage of unassessed men in 2021 increased to the highest level shown in the chart. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the level of education. The relationship between gender and unassessed individuals in a given assessment period was not statistically significant, χ2 = (2.N = 338) 3.2866, p = 0.194. 50 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.3 Average paygrade by gender Average paygrade by gender Men Women Average paygrade by gender Average paygrade for all employees Chart 16: Average paygrade by gender The chart shows the gender differences in average paygrade over the average of all paygrades in the personnel file. The chart shows that the average paygrade for women is lower than that of men and below the total average, while the average paygrade of men is above it. The gender differences are statistically significant, F = 1127.102, p = 0.000. Calculations of the one-way variance analysis were also conducted to establish the gender differences in average paygrade by police internal organisational unit and police directorate. The results show that the gender differences in average paygrade are distributed differently by police unit, with differences established in most units (see Appendix 2). 51 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Paygrade by age and gender From 20 to 29 years From 30 to 39 years From 40 to 49 years From 50 to 51 years 60years and odler Men Women Chart 17: Paygrade by age and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average paygrade by age. The chart shows that the average paygrade for women is lower than that of men in every age category. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = 4.044, p = 0.045, F 20–29 years30–39 years = 49.863, p = 0.000, F = 577.395, p = 0.000, F = 825.508, p = 0.000 40–49 years 50–59 years and F = 49.510, p = 0.000. 60 years and older Paygrade by work experience and gender Up to 10 years From 11 to 20 years From 21 to 30 years 31 years and more Men Women Chart 18: Average paygrade by work experience and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average paygrade by work experience. The chart shows that the average paygrade for women is lower than that of men in every 52 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES category of work experience. The gender differences are statistically significant for Fup to 10 years = 29.271, p = 0.000, F = 202.323, p = 0.000, F = 371.648, p = 0.000 11–20 years 21–30 years and F = 514.472, p = 0.000. 31 years and more Paygrade by education and gender Secondary Short-term higher 1st Bol. 2nd Bol. 3rd Bol. Men Women Chart 19: Average paygrade by education and gender The chart shows the gender differences in average paygrade by level of education. The chart shows that the average paygrade for women is lower than that of men in every education category. The gender differences are statistically significant for F = secondary 710.929, p = 0.000, F = 117.515, p = 0.000, F = 328.784, p = 0.000, short-term higher first Bol. cycle F = 84.716, p = 0.000 and F = 8.696, p = 0.004. second Bol. cycle third Bol. cycle 53 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.4 Reasons for gender differences Reasons for gender differences Men Women Chart 20: Reasons for gender differences – in % Legend: There are gender differences in: (1) remuneration for work, (2) achievement rewards or recognitions, (3) employment practices, (4) promotion practices, (5) job posts – management positions, (6) job posts – international civilian missions, (7) gender balance in recruitment committees, (8) gender bias in the recruitment process, (9) there are no gender differences, and (10) other. The chart shows how the respondents answered the item concerning the reasons for gender differences. The item consisted of ten possible pre-defined answers. The respondents could choose more than one answer and also had the option to write other elements of gender differences, by selecting other and writing their answer. These answers are categorised by subject matter below. The answer there are no gender differences stands out at first glance, specifically in the percentage of men’s answers, which is almost six times higher than the percentage of women’s answers. Compared to women, the percentage of men’s answers is also higher for gender bias in the recruitment process and other. Compared to men, women more often selected the answers remuneration for work, achievement rewards or recognitions, employment practices, promotion practices, job posts – management positions, job posts – international civilian missions and gender balance in recruitment committees, and consequently achieved a higher percentage. 54 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.5 Differences expressed by women The responses of female respondents pertain to four topics concerning their views on gender differences, as follows: • gender equality and equal distribution of tasks, with the statement: The distribution of tasks also shows […] that women are rarely enabled to participate equally in procedures, tasks, etc. Their superiors assign them more “female” tasks, such as work with children, victims and administration. Men don’t have to fight for their status; the mere fact of being a man is enough, even though some are lazy, constantly complain, refuse certain tasks and avoid responsibility. In short, these kinds of people wouldn’t last long in the private sector [...], but here they can loaf around indefinitely and even get promoted. There is no equality in the police [...]. • work-life balance in the context of single-parent and large families, with the statement: Unfortunately it is extremely difficult, sometimes impossible to have a good work-life balance with small children and elderly parents as a female police officer. If you don’t have someone to watch your children, if you have too many sleepless nights, it’s sometimes simply impossible to build a career... • the working hours which consequently results in lower assessments in a given period, with the statement: There are gender differences because of the filter used by decision-makers (most of them men) in various processes and appointments to committees, commissions or various posts, as well as in terms of promotion. Gender quotas just don’t help because we’re still in an unequal position when it comes to selection (at least a third of female workers), and women are still losing out on the other two thirds. We are losing out when it comes to promotion as some of us are absent for a whole year due to maternal leave and therefore unassessed (in the worst-case scenario) or receive lower scores (as better scores are reserved for those who are active all year round and deserve it) and consequently have a smaller salary than our male colleagues. This (non-assessment due to sick or maternity leave) is one of the biggest problems which should have been resolved a long time ago, because we live in a modern, equal society that prioritises families and social justice. 55 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES • communication and respect, with the statement: Difference in communication, attitude and respect. 9.1.1.6 Differences expressed by men The responses of male respondents pertain to four topics concerning their views on gender differences: • the performance of intervention tasks and the nature of police work, • the relationship between the superior and a female police officer, • the testing criteria, and • parental rights. 9.1.1.6.1 The performance of intervention tasks and the nature of police work The men’s responses pertaining to the performance of intervention tasks and the nature of police work are: In critical situations, there are gender differences. There are differences in the performance of tasks given the nature of police work. In principle there are no gender differences, but women tend to receive more lenient treatment when it comes to the assignment of certain tasks. Women are more successful than men in certain types of police work and much better suited for it. Men are better suited and better qualified for other types of work. Nature just makes small differences between men and women. Differences are mostly visible in the field where, as a rule, men do all the difficult tasks (interventions, arrests, etc.). I believe the most important police work is patrol duty, especially interventions. Female police officers have privileges in intervention patrols. Seeing as they have the same powers as men, the same paygrades and everything else, women often don’t sign up for intervention patrols, particularly not two women together. As a result, men 56 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES are more often exposed to dangerous situations as employees working in intervention patrols are the first to arrive at the scene where they face risks. To achieve gender equality, these things also need to be taken into account so that women have to do the same types of work as men. The specificity of police work in certain posts that require fitness and strength prioritises men. In posts where fitness and strength don’t play a crucial role, there are no differences. In performing police tasks, such as interventions. One or even two female police officers on patrol duty call in that they’re two women and ask for back-up. Either some people don’t know what profession they signed up for or, to a lesser degree, the police chief is not assigning work properly. Female police officers are rarely assigned to intervention patrols. Unit heads avoid assigning women to intervention patrols as they are less effective in more difficult interventions. If a patrol has one or even two women, an additional patrol is sent as a backup, especially for interventions concerning breaches of public peace or order. A patrol consisting of two men does not receive such backup. We all get the same pay for the work we do, although women are sometimes considered to be “weaker”. And this is a case of reverse gender discrimination. I agree that if an intervention involves a fight and the patrol consists of two female police officers, they need assistance. Women are too sheltered in the field, for example on patrol duty. If a man and a woman receive equal pay for their work, they should both do the same work in the field, such as interventions, rather than almost always sending an additional patrol to the scene if a female patrol is there. If that isn’t possible, such female officers should be assigned to another appropriate post. ... Unfortunately, if we touch on police interventions in bars, there is no comment necessary. From calling in saying that there are two girls in a patrol and they’re not going to respond (which the Operations and Communications Centre takes into account and sends a patrol of two men to the scene) to avoiding work or preferring only the easiest tasks. They also don’t dare to use coercive measures, much less taking charge of a situation. And I absolutely disagree with that. The examples are from our police station where I work. 57 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES ... Women are not assigned the same tasks as men. For example if there are two women in an intervention patrol, women or only women are not called in to respond to critical situations... but they receive the same pay. 9.1.1.6.2 The relationship between the superior and a female police officer The men’s responses pertaining to the relationship between the superior and a female police officer are: Superiors are protective of women. Most women are useless in interventions and performing more demanding physical tasks. Unfortunately, we’ve fallen so low on the local level that certain assistant chiefs or the chief himself is having an affair with a female administrator or police officer. And as a result, she receives all the bonuses (even if she’s on sick leave). So as a male police officer, you can work yourself to death and you don’t get a bonus. And because of affairs, certain female police officers don’t get assigned cases, which again puts the burden on the men who get their cases. Women are absolutely privileged in all aspects. Superiors don’t dare give female police officers a bad assessment, “don’t dare” not award them with an extra workload, send them to assist in other units or the Security and Protection Centre (etc.). On several occasions, female police officers have told the superior straight to their face what they won’t do, and then even brag about it at the station that they will report them for sexual harassment if they don’t get their way. Superiors don’t treat men and women equally because they’re afraid. I’ve seen this happening at our stations for more than ten years. During this time […] I’ve seen several superiors come and go and it’s the same thing every time. They are afraid to criticise or give a bad score to female police officers. Women have a harder time getting promotion. Despite equality, we ourselves always put them in a privileged position – they are not in intervention units, there are very few female members in special police units, etc. When it comes to physical tasks, women are protected, the men do their job for them, for the same pay [...] The women in our units are more privileged than men. 58 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.6.3 Acceptance into the police and performance criteria The men’s responses pertaining to acceptance into the police and performance criteria are: There is a difference between men and women from acceptance into the police onwards. Although men will receive the same pay for their work, they experience discrimination. Alongside the call for applications, a physical ability test is published, which specifies that women can receive 10 to 20 percent lower scores for the same number of points. The most obvious example is the Cooper test, where a man gets 0 points for a score over 11.31, while a woman receives 20 (for a score under 12,06). If the police wanted to achieve gender equality, they should first change the criteria – making them the same for everyone. I agree that women don’t have the same predispositions for physical abilities as men, but men don’t get to have 10 to 20 percent less theoretical knowledge in school than women to get the same grade. Men also experience discrimination due to “gender quotas”. I’ve also noticed that, after their maternity leave (or several maternity leaves), when they are absent for up to five or six years, female police officers like to point out their years of service. The objective criteria are more lenient for women than men, which goes against equality. This is unnecessarily discriminatory for men and gives women a false feeling of equality in all aspects (the two sexes differ in basic biological aspects). If a certain physical ability is needed to be a police officer, it’s like that for a reason. Either the criteria are lowered for all candidates (including men) or they remain high, allowing only the best female candidates to qualify. Inequality when it comes to the annual psycho-physical test […], lower criteria for women compared to men […]. 9.1.1.6.4 Parental rights The men’s responses pertaining to parental rights are: Some women take advantage of sick leave […] and childcare. It’s easier for some to get a free day or to claim childcare than others. The police should be excluded from the public administration system, as certain stations with more women or partners working at the same station experience 59 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES too many sick days due to childcare, parental leave and the exploitation of other advantages, as a result of which other police officers must make up for it in their stead. Women tend to find excuses and are more likely to avoid certain types of work while expecting preferential treatment in everything. And if they don’t get their way, they blame chauvinism and attitude against women, which in most cases is completely acceptable if they do the same work as their male colleagues. Promoting gender equality must be a two-way street – not only in terms of equal or proportional representation of men and women in numbers, but actual equal treatment, meaning the same workload. Not that the burden is borne only by men and then it becomes a problem if these same men (justifiably) get promoted to management positions instead of women. 9.1.1.7 Solutions to improve equal opportunities The respondents were asked where they see possibilities for improvement in ensuring equality between women and men. They could choose between six pre-defined answers shown in the chart below. Alternatively, they could specify other solutions not covered in the provided answers under other. Solutions to improve gender equality Men Women Chart 21: Solutions to improve gender equality – in % Legend: Appropriate solutions to improve gender equality are: (1) gender equality training, (2) awareness-raising and information on the relevant legislation in force, (3) official communication 60 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES and internal documents written in gender-sensitive language, (4) adequate means to report disrespectful behaviour, abuse and sexual harassment, (5) events/programmes for women and men in the police, (6) other. The chart shows possible solutions proposed by the respondents to improve gender equality. The item consisted of six possible pre-defined answers. The respondents could select more than one answer and also had the option to write other solutions to improve gender equality, namely by selecting other and writing their answer. These answers are shown below. The potential solution gender equality training was selected by slightly more women than men. Both saw the biggest added value in this solution. A similar percentage (although lower than the previous solution) for both genders was recorded in awareness-raising and information on the relevant legislation in force. The lowest number of men selected official communication and internal documents written in gender-sensitive language. The percentage of women who selected this solution, although relatively small, is almost twice as high as the percentage of men. The potential solution adequate means to report disrespectful behaviour, abuse and sexual harassment proved more popular among women than men. The opposite is true of the potential solution events/programmes for women and men in the police. In comparison to women, men also proposed more additional solutions, which are provided below. 9.1.1.8 Other solutions proposed by women The responses of female respondents pertain to four topics concerning solutions to improve equal opportunities, proposed under other, namely: • changing the mindset, • amending the legislation, • special training and • equal treatment. 61 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.8.1 Changing the mindset The women’s responses in relation to changing the mindset are: Retirement of the older management, emphasising the importance and positive contribution of women to the work and the collective, stressing the efficiency and quality of female labour. Giving women more opportunities, discussing the issue at roundtables, obtaining different opinions and taking an argument-based approach to finding posts where they can be equally successful. Eliminating the stereotype that men are better by nature. Changing the employees’ mindset that women don’t belong in the police, that they are incompetent, that they can’t do something, that they don’t know how to do something... Changing the opinion of many male police officers (especially older ones) because they still believe that women in the police are superfluous. They completely disregard women’s opinions or maybe listen to them, and that’s it, because a woman having her own ideas is “too much” for them (that would mean they also have to do something and speak up, but they don’t do it because they’re afraid for their jobs). It would be important to stop the division of labour by gender and base it on capability, perceptiveness, flexibility [...] and these characteristics have nothing to do with gender. Also when it comes to promotion, women can only get promoted based on personal connections, an intimate relationship with a colleague, family relations [...], which makes all other female police employees look bad. If a man gets a promotion, it’s because he’s capable, but when a woman does it, the assumption is that “she must have slept with the chief...” But the sad fact is that it is often true, which leads to generalisations. So: what kind of equality? [...] 9.1.1.8.2 Amending the legislation The women’s responses in relation to amending the legislation are: A better – more specific and encouraging – formal regulation of parental protection, adapted to the traditional female role in family life and single-parent families. 62 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES A better – more specific and encouraging – formal regulation of parental protection, adapted to the traditional female role in family life and single-parent families. Legislation that prevents discrimination. The introduction of gender quotas. 9.1.1.8.3 Special training The women’s responses in relation to special training are: Special training for managers I think in particular that the only appropriate solution is the selection of a high-value and high-quality personal growth seminar for everyone in the police (not only men, although they are certainly the best candidates). We can draft all the legislation in the world and attend events […], but if management (leading positions at the General Police Directorate, police directorates and everywhere else) and decision-making positions continue to be occupied by people who are trapped in their world of beliefs, subconscious patterns and filters through which they view the world, other people and themselves (which is a completely subconscious component if you don’t go through this type of training), then... The only appropriate solution for people to first realise what they are made of, what guides them in life and how they see themselves, the world and others. Only on this neutral basis can they create something new and functional, both for the individual and the organisation and society as a whole. 9.1.1.8.4 Equal treatment The women’s responses in relation to equal treatment are: Equal treatment by superiors and, if inequality between male and female police officers is detected, appropriate action taken by the management, instead of ignoring, escalating or brushing the matter aside completely. Balance in all types of decision-making bodies that are adequately trained for gender equality and equal treatment of everyone (without gender-based discrimination). 63 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.9 Other solutions proposed by men The responses of male respondents pertain to four topics concerning solutions to improve equal opportunities, namely: • changing the mindset, • amending the legislation, • equal treatment and • unnecessary gender separation. 9.1.1.9.1 Changing the mindset The men’s responses in relation to changing the mindset are: There is no gender equality. Most work in the police can be performed by both men and women. But practice often shows that a single female police officer on patrol duty means a greater need for an additional intervention patrol. And if the patrol consists of two women, this need arises even more often. Which is normal. I only think that, as a result, there is no need to introduce quotas and achieving the same number of employees by gender. Whoever wants to work in the police or any service, they should if they meet the conditions. There is no need to “force” gender equality. Given the suggestive options, it is difficult to answer. The real key is hard work and dedication, then the differences don’t matter. The differences increase because of leniency, hiding from responsibilities and other deviations from labour equality. It’s only about ensuring (including in the upbringing of children at home and in school) that young people form an honest, appropriate and responsible attitude to nature, animals (i.e. the environment), people at home and on the job, work, etc. If this is achieved, the question of equal/different treatment based on gender will no longer be relevant. It’s only one form of discrimination. What about attitudes to different, small, poor, handicapped people and others? A person who has the right attitude to these things doesn’t see the need to discuss gender differences or the lack of them. Gender is irrelevant. What matters is qualification, experience and motivation for work. 64 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.1.9.2 Amending the legislation The men’s responses in relation to amending the legislation are: Supplementing or completely amending legislation in terms of personnel in all areas. If this system worked 20 years ago, it’s certainly not working now. It should be modernised and adapted to the current situation. For a job such as being a police officer, there are already many women. The types of work that can be done by men, women or both should be strictly separated or the criteria determined that everyone needs to meet. 9.1.1.9.3 Equal treatment The men’s responses in relation to equal treatment are: Appropriate treatment in all cases, such as the work schedule (women need to be aware when they join the police that they will be doing similar jobs to those of men, for example intervention work). And that is often not the case and the difference is still very obvious. My opinion is that women are needed for police work, but to a lesser extent, as this type of work is much more suited to men (except for notable exceptions). For both genders to be treated truly equally, instead of unequal treatment starting even before employment with differing psychophysical testing criteria. Actual equality and equity. That’s the solution, not some quasi-workshops, etc. Equal treatment in all types of police work. The same requirements upon joining the police. Equal treatment by the management. Equality cannot be achieved, nor does it make sense to do it. Equality is guaranteed. Both men and women should be aware of gender equality. The survey itself suggests that women are disadvantaged. 65 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Women and men should meet the same standards, whether in terms of psychophysical or other abilities. Everyone on patrol should be subject to the same standards/ expectations. It doesn’t make sense to assign women to management positions just to achieve various quotas. The same criteria for women should be ensured upon joining the police. At the moment, there is positive discrimination, for example a man has to achieve better results to get the same number of points in physical abilities. Women quotas are discriminatory against men. A strictly equal treatment. Balanced entry tests... the same results for both genders, equality in the performance of duties and tasks (interventions, etc.). The solution is accepting the difference between genders and their equality. Instead of discriminating one or the other just because their natural predispositions differ. Women should also be aware that if they’re equal, it also means they should do all the jobs, just like men, instead of being treated or acting like, I’m a woman, I don’t have to do it! In employment, staffing, promotion, rewarding... the criteria of competences, knowledge and abilities should be applied, regardless of gender. The appropriate solution to improve gender equality is setting clear criteria (the types of knowledge and skills) to occupy a post. Then there is no discrimination and everyone is the same. Anyone who continues his or her education can get promoted. Men are mostly underprivileged compared to women (women are privileged in terms of parenthood – assignments to protection, the Security and Protection Office, the excuse of having children (men also have them), intervention assignments, etc.). Based on the ratio between men and women, there is no equality, the profession of a police officer is specific; the person doing this job is mainly expected to use repressive measures (not counting certain posts, preventions, PR, etc.), a police officer must help the people in need of assistance by taking action against those putting these people in danger. Not every man or woman is right for this job and, above all, gender equality cannot be measured by the ratio between men and women or the number of female police employees. Even the criteria for joining the police differ between men and women, so I think gender discrimination is present from the outset. If discrimination 66 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES is only discussed and employment quotas are enabled, determined, discrimination only increases. 9.1.1.9.4 Unnecessary gender separation The men’s responses in relation to gender separation are: I don’t see a need for improvement. The situation is completely ok as it is. I don’t see a need for highlighting gender equality, because it’s not genders being employed, but appropriate and capable people...! The gender of a person applying for the job is irrelevant...! Anyone who wants to advance in their career will make sure that someone (a partner, parents, paid help, etc.) takes over the responsibilities in their private life so they can focus on their job and career...! I don’t see a need for this as I can’t see any differences, at least not at our police station. Not employing girls in the police, except for administration. There is no need because both genders are treated equally! There is no need to improve gender equality. 9.1.2 Career ambitions The career ambitions factor consists of the following four items: • The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. • There are enough women in management positions in the police. • Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions. • Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work. Below is a graphic representation of gender differences in the career ambitions factor by item. 67 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 22: The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. The chart shows that more women agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of men disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = 162.1844, p < 0.01. Agreement with the (1.N = 647) statement was more pronounced in women than men. 68 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES There are enough women in management positions in the police. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 23: There are enough women in management positions in the police – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item There are enough women in management positions in the police. The chart shows that the majority of women disagree with the statement, while a slightly higher percentage of men agree. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item There are enough women in management positions in the police. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = (1.N = 581) 102.8673, p < 0.01. Disagreement with the statement was more pronounced in women than men. 69 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.2.1 Percentage of managers by gender Percentage of managers by gender – total M W Chart 24: Percentage of managers by gender – total The chart shows the percentages of police managers employed from 2012 up to and including 2021 by gender. According to the chart, the percentage of male managers is increasing while the percentage of female managers is decreasing. The percentage of male managers increased by 2.2. percentage points in the relevant period, from 90.2% in 2012 to 92.5% in 2021. The percentage of female managers decreased by 2.2. percentage points in the relevant period, from 9.7% in 2012 to 7.5% in 2021. 70 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Percentage of managers by gender – national level M W Chart 25: Percentage of managers by gender – national level The chart shows the percentages of police managers employed on the national level from 2012 up to and including 2021 by gender. According to the chart, the percentage of male managers is increasing while the percentage of female managers is decreasing. The percentage of male managers increased on the national level by 5.8. percentage points in the relevant period, from 88.1% in 2012 to 93.9% in 2021. The percentage of female managers decreased on the national level by 5.8. percentage points in the relevant period, from 11.9% in 2012 to 6.1% in 2021. Percentage of managers by gender – regional level M W Chart 26: Percentage of managers by gender – regional level 71 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the percentages of police managers employed on the regional level from 2012 up to and including 2021 by gender. According to the chart, the percentage of male managers is increasing while the percentage of female managers is decreasing. The percentage of male managers increased on the regional level by 3.3. percentage points in the relevant period, from 92.6% in 2012 to 95.9% in 2021. The percentage of female managers decreased on the regional level by 3.3. percentage points in the relevant period, from 7.4% in 2012 to 4.1% in 2021. Percentage of managers by gender – local level M W Chart 27: Percentage of managers by gender – local level The chart shows the percentages of police managers employed on the local level from 2012 up to and including 2021 by gender. According to the chart, the percentage of male managers is decreasing while the percentage of female managers is increasing. The percentage of male managers decreased on the local level by 1.9. percentage points in the relevant period, from 99.1% in 2012 to 97.2% in 2021. The percentage of female managers increased on the local level by 1.9. percentage points in the relevant period, from 0.9% in 2012 to 2.8% in 2021. 72 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Percentage of managers in professional/technical posts by gender – regional level M W Chart 28: Percentage of managers (professional/technical posts) by gender – regional level The chart shows the percentages of police managers employed in professional/ technical posts only on the regional level from 2012 up to and including 2021 by gender. According to the chart, the percentage of male managers is increasing while the percentage of female managers is decreasing. The percentage of male managers in professional/technical posts increased by 5.4. percentage points in the relevant period, from 7.1% in 2012 to 12.5% in 2021. The percentage of female managers in professional/technical posts decreased by 5.4. percentage points in the relevant period, from 92.9% in 2012 to 87.5% in 2021. Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 29: Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions – in % 73 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences for the item Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions. The chart shows that more women agreed with the statement, while a slightly higher percentage of men disagreed. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2 = (1.N = 680) 61.5304, p < 0.01. Agreement with the statement was more pronounced in women than men. Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 30:Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work. The chart shows that the majority of people of both genders agreed with the statement. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work. The relationship between gender and the item was statistically significant, χ2(1.N = 599) = 20.1981, p < 0.01. Agreement with the statement was more pronounced in women than men. 74 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 9.1.3 Professional aspirations The professional aspirations factor consists of the following three items: • I want to be promoted within the current post. • I want to be promoted to a more demanding post. • I want to obtain additional education. Below is a graphic representation of gender differences in the professional aspirations factor by item. I want to be promoted within the current post. I want I don’t want Men Women Chart 31: I want to be promoted within the current post – in % The chart shows the results for the item I want to be promoted within the current post. The wish to be promoted within the current post is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the wish to be promoted within the current post. The relationship between gender and the wish to be promoted within the current post was statistically significant, χ2 = 14.0969, p < 0.01. The wish to be promoted within the current (1.N = 675) post was more pronounced in women than men. 75 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES I want to be promoted to a more demanding post. I want I don’t want Men Women Chart 32: I want to be promoted to a more demanding post – in % The chart shows the results for the item I want to be promoted to a more demanding post. The wish to be promoted to a more demanding post is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the wish to be promoted to a more demanding post. The relationship between gender and the wish to be promoted to a more demanding post was statistically significant, χ2 = 13.3197, p < 0.01. The wish to be promoted to a more (1.N = 688) demanding post was more pronounced in women than men. I want to obtain additional education. I want I don’t want Men Women Chart 33: I want to obtain additional education – in % 76 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the results for the item I want to obtain additional education. The wish to obtain additional education is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the wish to obtain additional education. The relationship between gender and the wish to obtain additional education was statistically significant, χ2 = (1.N = 707) 26.3819, p < 0.01. The wish to obtain additional education was more pronounced in women than men. 9.1.3.1 Education by gender Education by gender Basic and short-term Secondary Short-term higher 1st Bol. 2nd Bol. 3rd Bol. vocational Men Women Chart 34: Education by gender The chart shows the percentages of respondents by category of education based on gender. Below is a graphic representation of gender differences by item. The chart shows that the percentage of men is higher compared to women in terms of short-term higher education and first and third Bologna cycle education. The percentage of women is higher in terms of basic and short-term vocational upper secondary education and secondary education. The percentage is the same by gender in terms of the second Bologna cycle education. 77 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The above is closely related to the achieved average paygrade by gender (see Table 16). Occupying a certain post generally requires an appropriate field and level of education and work experience (see Charts 18 and 19). 9.1.3.2 Other I look up to highly educated people. I look up to them I don’t look up to them Men Women Chart 35: I look up to highly educated people – in % The chart shows the results for the item I look up to highly educated people. Looking up to highly educated people is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and looking up to highly educated people. The relationship between gender and looking up to highly educated people was statistically significant, χ2 = 7.2362, (1.N = 705) p < 0.01. Looking up to highly educated people was more pronounced in women than men. 9.1.4 Work-life balance The work-life balance factor consists of the following three items: • The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. 78 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES • Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. • I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. • Below is a graphic representation of gender differences in the work-life balance factor by item. The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 36: The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance – in % The chart shows the results for the item The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. The chart shows that the majority of people of both genders disagreed with the statement. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. The relationship between gender and the item was not statistically significant, χ2 = 0.1052, p = 0.745714. There are no gender (1.N = 620) differences for the statement. 79 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. I disagree I agree Men Women Chart 37: Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers – in % The chart shows the gender differences for the item Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. The chart shows that the majority of people of both genders agreed with the statement. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. The relationship between gender and the item was not statistically significant, χ2 = 1.8031, p = 0.179343. There are no gender differences (1.N = 532) for the statement. I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. I find it difficult I don’t find it difficult Men Women Chart 38: I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. 80 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The chart shows the gender differences for the statement I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. The chart shows that a slightly larger percentage of women compared to men find it difficult to balance their private and professional life. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the item I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. The relationship between gender and the item was not statistically significant, χ2 = (1.N = 532) 2.3455, p = 0.155407. There are no gender differences for the statement. The table below shows specific problems in maintaining a good work-life balance. Table 5: Problems in maintaining a good work-life balance. 1 2 3 4 5 Total work according to the schedule, the nature of work, shift work, night work, 5 9 1 29 10 54 overtime, working weekends longer commute to work 6 1 1 8 newcomers 2 1 3 1 7 absence of other people and lack of lack of understanding from the superior 3 1 2 6 difficulty coordinating schedules with a partner in a police family or in the case of 4 4 divorce unpaid stand-by 1 2 3 It is not only the working hours, it is a way of life – more and more superiors think 3 3 that we are married to the police. poorer possibilities for women to achieve 1 1 2 their career ambitions single mothers and social pressure 2 2 the husband’s salary is higher even 1 1 though he has three years of service less. It is easier for male colleagues to get a 1 1 transfer closer to their home. Total 8 28 3 38 14 91 Legend: (1) gender or type of work not indicated, (2) female non-managers, (3) female managers, (4) male non-managers, (5) male managers. 81 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The table shows a frequency distribution of problems faced by the respondents in managing their professional and private life. The most common occurrence across categories is the nature of work, which encompasses work according to the schedule, shift work, night work, overtime and working weekends. This is followed by a longer commute to work. The next problem is the lack of personnel, followed by lack of understanding from the superior. Other common problems include remuneration-related issues and difficulty finding a balance in a police family. The lowest frequency refers to the subjectively detected inequality of women compared to men. 9.2 Work on international civilian missions The respondents were first asked whether they want to take part in international civilian missions. They could choose between three different answers, namely yes, no and I have already taken part. 31.6% of respondents said yes, 64.9% said no, while 3.5% said they have already taken part in international civilian missions. Wish to take part in international civilian missions Yes No I have already taken part Men Women Chart 39: Wish to take part in international civilian missions – in % The chart shows the distribution of answers to the question Do you want to take part in international civilian missions? by gender. Of all the respondents, 30.5 % of men want to take part in international civilian missions, 65.8% of them do not, and 3.7% of men have already taken part in international civilian missions. The percentage of women who want to take part in international civilian missions is 32.2%, 66.4% of them do not, and 1.4% of them have already taken part in international civilian missions. 82 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the wish to take part in international civilian missions. The relationship between gender and the wish to participate in international civilian missions was not statistically significant, χ2 = 0.0721, p = 0.788309. The wish was expressed to the (1.N = 669) same degree by women and men. The respondents were also asked what motivates them to take part in international civilian missions. The results showed that most respondents decide to work on international civilian missions because they consider it a personal challenge. The percentage of such respondents was 48.9%. This was followed by the answer that the decision to work on international civilian missions depends on financial motivation, i.e. 28.3% of respondents. Other answers recorded less than 10%, namely working abroad (9.5% of respondents), greater possibilities of promotion (6.2% of respondents), using a foreign language (5.3% of respondents) and other (1.8% of respondents). Motivation to work on international civilian missions Financial Working abroad Promotion Personal challenge Foreign Language Other Men Women Chart 40: Motivation to work on international civilian missions – in % The chart shows the distribution of answers to the question regarding motivation to work on international civilian missions by gender. The majority of men responded that they consider it a personal challenge. The percentage of such respondents was 47.1%. This was followed by financial motivation, at 30.0% of respondents. 9.1% of male respondents selected working abroad, another 6.7% selected greater possibilities of promotion and 5.4% selected using a foreign language. The order of percentages for women is similar to men’s. The majority of women responded that they consider it a personal challenge. This percentage is higher than 83 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES for men and amounts to 50.4%. This was followed by financial motivation, at 24.8% of respondents, which is lower compared to men. A higher percentage of women selected working abroad, at 11.3%. And 6.0% of women selected greater possibilities of promotion, which is lower compared to men. A higher percentage of women, 6.0%, selected using a foreign language. The answer other was selected by 1.7% of men and 1.5% of women. The responses under other are shown in the table below. Table 6: Motivation to work on international civilian missions – other Women For me, the motivation to work abroad in an international environment means a personal challenge, great opportunities for personal growth and development, using a foreign language and, most importantly, doing something good and useful for others. Men I don’t want to work abroad! New experience, personal challenge, financial aspect. Obtaining new knowledge and skills and meeting new people. Getting to know unknown environments, where not everything is predictable and subject to strict official protocols. A change of working environment; removing the burden of leading a unit; a change of tempo; clearing my head. The table shows the answers listed by the respondents as other reasons motivating the decision to work on international civilian missions. We also wanted to establish what or which factors had the biggest impact on the decision to take part in international civilian missions. 84 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Factors affecting the decision to take part in international civilian missions Men Women Chart 41: Factors affecting the decision to take part in international civilian missions – average ratings Legend: (1) family situation, (2) knowledge of a foreign language, (3) international experience, (4) working conditions, (5) duration of the secondment (the shorter the secondment, the likelier the application), (6) the place of secondment (the closer it is, the likelier the application), (7) duration of the secondment (the longer the secondment, the likelier the application), (8) the place of secondment (the further away it is, the likelier the application). The chart shows that, on average, the family situation is the biggest contributing factor affecting the decision to take part in international civilian missions. This holds true for both men and women. Another important factor is knowledge of a foreign language. With relatively high average ratings, these two are followed by international and work experience. In the bottom with slightly lower average ratings are the place and duration of secondment, interchangeably, namely in terms of distance or time of secondment. The respondents were then asked to provide at least three reasons deterring them from applying to work on international civilian missions. The frequency distribution is shown in the table below. 85 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Table 7: Deterrents from applying to work on international civilian missions Deterrents from applying to work on Women Men Total Total in % international civilian missions distance from family 72 151 223 35.9 lack of need, desire 5 62 67 10.8 insufficient knowledge of a foreign language 18 28 46 7.4 inadequate remuneration for work 5 40 45 7.2 absence from work – superior’s 10 27 37 6.0 dissatisfaction time of secondment 7 20 27 4.3 age 4 21 25 4.0 unstable situation in the place of 9 15 24 3.9 secondment work abroad – distance 8 16 24 3.9 lack of accessibility of calls for applications 6 16 22 3.5 or information accessibility of training 10 12 22 3.5 I don’t know the right people 5 10 15 2.4 lack of work experience 7 7 14 2.3 inadequate education or lack of basic 7 6 13 2.1 training no deterrent 2 7 9 1.4 co-workers’ dissatisfaction 2 1 3 0.5 poor organisation or unclear status upon 0 3 3 0.5 return challenge of the unknown 1 1 2 0.3 Total 178 443 621 100.0 The table shows that the most common reason deterring someone from applying for an international civilian mission is distance from family. That is the case for 35.9% of respondents. 10.8% of respondents lack the need or desire to take part in international civilian missions. This is followed by insufficient knowledge of a foreign language, at 7.4% of respondents. Another reason is inadequate remuneration for work, for 7.2% of respondents. 86 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The medium part of the table, with values ranging from 2.1 to 6.0%, lists the following reasons: absence from work, time of secondment, age, unstable situation in the place of secondment, work abroad – distance, lack of accessibility of calls for applications or information, accessibility of training, I don’t know the right people, lack of work experience, and inadequate education or lack of basic training. The least common reasons are no deterrent, co-workers’ dissatisfaction, poor organisation or unclear status upon return, and challenge of the unknown. The percentages of these answers ranged from 0.3 to 1.4% of respondents. In relation to applications and work on international civilian missions, we also wanted to know the answers to two questions by the male and female respondents and potential differences between them, namely if work on international civilian missions is more suited to men or women, and if they have sufficient information about work on international civilian missions. Table 8: Suitability for work on international civilian missions and sufficient information N M SD F Work on international civilian missions is more suited to male women 195 2.29 1.07 than female police officers. men 441 2.36 1.099 Total 636 2.34 1.09 ns I have sufficient information about work on international civilian women 169 2.56 1.148 missions. men 413 3.02 1.162 Total 582 2.89 1.175 18.705*** N – number of respondents, M – mean rating, SD – standard deviation, F – the ratio of two mean square values, *** – statistical significance of differences of 0.001, ns – the differences are not statistically significant. The table shows the average ratings of men and women for each item with appropriate standard deviations and the number of respondents. According to the table, the differences between men and women in relation to the question of whether the work is suited to a particular gender are not statistically significant. Both men and women seem to think that the statement Work on international civilian missions is more suited to male than female police officers is not true. As for the statement regarding 87 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES information about work on international civilian missions, the results showed statistically significant gender differences, specifically that women on average gave lower ratings, meaning that they agreed to a lesser extent with the statement I have sufficient information about work on international civilian missions compared to men. 9.3 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing The respondents were asked if they were aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work. The results are shown in the chart below. Are you aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work? I am not aware of that I am aware of that I am very aware of that Men Women Chart 42: Are you aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work? – in % The chart shows the answers to the question Are you aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work? The results show that most respondents are aware or very aware of the employer’s duty. The percentage of men who are not aware of this is 6.8%, while the percentage of women is 11.8%. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the level of awareness of the employer’s duty to protect the worker’s dignity at work. The relationship between gender and the level of awareness was statistically significant, χ2 = 16.6090, p < 0.01. Men were more aware of the duty (2.N = 656) than women. 88 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The respondents were also shown definitions of the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. The purpose was to establish the percentage of respondents familiar with the terms and the terms that they were most familiar with. The answers are shown in the chart below. Are you familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing? Not familiar More familiar with Very familiar More familiar with More familiar with sexual harassment harassment mobbing Men Women Chart 43: Are you familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing? – in % The chart shows the answers to the question Are you familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing? The highest percentage of men and women responded to this question with the answer I am very familiar with these terms. This answer was selected by 83.8% of male and 82.4% of female respondents. The chart also shows that a higher percentage of women compared to men responded I am not familiar with the terms (2.9%) and I am more familiar with the term sexual harassment than the terms harassment and mobbing (9.8%). A higher percentage of men compared to women responded I am more familiar with the term harassment than the terms sexual harassment and mobbing (4.5%) and I am more familiar with the term mobbing than the terms sexual harassment and harassment (2.9%). A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and familiarity with the relevant terms. The relationship between gender and familiarity with the relevant terms was not statistically significant, χ2 = 4.2360, (2.N = 650) p = 0.375. Differences between men’s and women’s responses were not statistically significant. 89 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES We also wanted to know the prevalence of subjective perceptions of individual prohibited behaviours, namely sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. Subjective perception of sexual harassment I haven’t experienced I have experienced More than once sexual harassment sexual harassment Men Women Chart 44: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced sexual harassment at the workplace? – in % The charts shows the answers to the question According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced sexual harassment at the workplace? The highest percentage of men and women responded to this question with the answer I have not experienced sexual harassment, specifically 98.7% of men and 67.7% of women. 24.6% of women also responded that they have experienced sexual harassment, compared to 1.3% of men. Men have not experienced sexual harassment on several occasions, while the same is not true for women. According to their subjective perception, 7.7% of women experienced sexual harassment on several occasions. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of sexual harassment. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of sexual harassment was statistically significant, χ2 = 137.9250, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of sexual harassment was (2.N = 647) more pronounced in women than men. 90 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Subjective perception of harassment I haven’t experienced harassment I have experienced harassment More than once Men Women Chart 45: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced harassment at the workplace? – in % The chart shows the answers to the question According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced harassment at the workplace? The highest percentage of men and women responded to this question with the answer I have not experienced harassment, specifically 54.4% of men and 75.5% of women. 18.2% of women also responded that they have experienced harassment, compared to 36.9% of men. 8.7% of male and 6.3% of female respondents were harassed on several occasions according to their subjective perceptions. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of harassment at the workplace. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of harassment was statistically significant, χ2 = 29.5980, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of harassment was (2.N = 639) more pronounced in men than women. 91 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Subjective perception of mobbing I haven’t experienced mobbing I have experienced mobbing More than once Men Women Chart 46: According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced mobbing at the workplace? – in % The chart shows the answers to the question According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced mobbing at the workplace? The highest percentage of men and women responded to this question with the answer I have not experienced mobbing, at 29.4% of men and 76.8% of women. 18.2% of women also responded that they have experienced mobbing at the workplace, compared to 24.9% of men. 10.2% of male and 5.1% of female respondents experienced mobbing at the workplace on several occasions according to their subjective perceptions. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of mobbing at the workplace. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of mobbing at the workplace was statistically significant, χ2 = 10.8980, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of (2.N = 632) mobbing was more pronounced in men than women. We also wanted to know to what extent the respondents experienced pre-determined behaviours in relation to alleged sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing. 92 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Table 9: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged sexual harassment? Men Women Total Total in % stories, jokes or suggestive comments with 66 88 154 18.1 sexual content lewd comments relating to one’s way of 22 68 90 10.6 dressing, body or appearance sexual advances, lascivious looks or offensive 22 65 87 10.2 flirting being asked personal questions about your 21 60 81 9.5 social or sex life unwanted attempts at steering the 14 67 81 9.5 conversation from work to sex being called sweetheart, honey, baby, sweetie, 13 62 75 8.8 babe, etc. suggestive comments and remarks, insinuations, the use of obscene language or 11 60 71 8.3 gestures (such as whistling) unnecessary touching, patting, pinching, physical closeness (for example leaning over 14 49 63 7.4 your shoulder), unwanted back or shoulder massage, etc. sexually suggestive gestures or people staring 3 38 41 4.8 at a part of your body repeated invitations to socialising and dates 4 34 38 4.5 sex-related invitations or being pressured to 2 19 21 2.5 engage in sexual activities emails, letters, faxes and other materials with 5 16 21 2.5 sexual content unwanted or forced hugging or kissing 2 14 16 1.9 promises of a higher salary, promotion or other benefits in exchange for agreeing to acts of a 1 8 9 1.1 sexual nature (for example, a date, sex, etc.) indecent exposure 2 3 5 0.6 forced sexual intercourse (rape) 0 0 0 0.0 sexual assault (attempted rape) 0 0 0 0.0 Total 202 651 853 100 93 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The table shows the frequency distribution with the relevant percentages of answers to the question Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged sexual harassment? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (18.1%) have experienced stories, jokes or suggestive comments with sexual content. These were followed by lewd comments relating to one’s way of dressing, body or appearance (10.6%). The third most common behaviour experienced by 10.2% of respondents was sexual advances, lascivious looks or offensive flirting. In total, other behaviours were experienced to a lesser extent. These actions are specified in the table. The female respondents also indicated that they experienced (1) gossiping and spreading lies with sexual content with the aim of tarnishing one’s reputation and (2) patting on the buttocks, touching one’s thigh. The male respondents did not state anything under other. Table 10: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged harassment? Men Women Total Total in % unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to 8 70 78 11.6 gender mockery or degradation due to gender 5 56 61 9.1 shaming, disparagement or insults due to gender 5 52 57 8.5 lies told or rumours spread about one’s sex life 16 39 55 8.2 shaming, disparagement or insults due to 6 42 48 7.1 nationality or race mockery or degradation because the person has 25 23 48 7.1 a lower or higher education than the perpetrator unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to 21 19 40 5.9 age shaming, disparagement or insults due to 19 17 36 5.3 education mockery or degradation due to age 17 15 32 4.7 stories, jokes and comments due to nationality 20 10 30 4.5 or race mockery or degradation due to sickness 11 12 23 3.4 unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to 14 8 22 3.3 faith 94 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES mockery or degradation due to faith 11 7 18 2.7 intimidating behaviour due to gender 1 16 17 2.5 mockery or degradation because the person is of 9 5 14 2.1 a different nationality than the others mockery or degradation because the person is speaking a different language than the 5 7 12 1.8 perpetrator unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to 7 4 11 1.6 sexual orientation lies told or rumours spread about one’s sexual 3 7 10 1.5 orientation mockery or degradation due to sexual orientation 4 6 10 1.5 shaming, disparagement or insults due to 3 6 9 1.3 sickness intimidating behaviour due to faith 5 3 8 1.2 physically aggressive behaviour due to gender 2 4 6 0.9 intimidating behaviour because the person is speaking a different language than the 0 4 4 0.6 perpetrator shaming, disparagement or insults due to faith 3 2 5 0.7 shaming, disparagement or insults due to sexual 3 2 5 0.7 orientation mockery or degradation due to disability 1 2 3 0.4 physically aggressive behaviour due to nationality 2 1 3 0.4 or race shaming, disparagement or insults due to 2 1 3 0.4 disability intimidating behaviour due to sexual orientation 0 2 2 0.3 physically aggressive behaviour due to faith 2 0 2 0.3 physically aggressive behaviour due to age 0 1 1 0.1 physically aggressive behaviour due to sexual 0 1 1 0.1 orientation Total 230 444 674 100 The table shows the frequency distribution with the relevant percentages of answers to the question Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged harassment? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (11.6%) have experienced unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to gender. The 95 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES next highest answer was mockery or degradation due to gender. The percentage of respondents who experienced that was 9.1%. 8.5% of respondents experienced shaming, disparagement or insults due to gender. In total, other behaviours were experienced to a lesser extent. These actions are specified in the table. The female respondents also indicated that they experienced the following: (1) I often hear inappropriate comments about my age and the way I look. Only from male colleagues of a similar age, never from younger people... That I’m an old crone, etc. […] Under other, men indicated that they experienced the following: (1) My mistakes being pointed out, making me feel inferior. Being given senseless tasks by my superior., (2) I was harassed by my superior. He was taking it out on me from a position of power when I took a different position than him on a job-related issue. As a result, I was transferred to other units several times, (3) Making my job difficult, picking on me, preventing me from performing tasks, etc., (4) Being degraded by my superior just because he’s my superior and he can do it, (5) Being shamed, disparaged or insulted by my superior because I took advantage of childcare leave, (6) Spreading lies and awful stories, gossiping, etc. because I’m good at my job, (7) Intimidation and abuse of the institution of power without any arguments (the behaviour bordered on mobbing). Table 11: Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged mobbing? Men Women Total Total in % baseless rumours being spread 125 74 199 13.6 slandering behind one’s back 128 70 198 13.5 yelling and name-calling 103 42 145 9.9 mockery 72 45 117 8.0 not acknowledging one’s presence 57 54 111 7.6 being prevented from expressing yourself 57 38 95 6.5 being constantly interrupted when you 42 28 70 4.8 speak criticising one’s private life 36 34 70 4.8 constantly being given new assignments 38 22 60 4.1 being given assignments below your 31 18 49 3.3 professional qualification 96 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES being relieved of important responsibilities 34 14 48 3.3 by your superiors intimidation by phone, verbal and written 37 10 47 3.2 threats being given demeaning tasks 14 24 38 2.6 degrading assessment of one’s efforts and 17 17 34 2.3 having all one’s decisions doubted being called insulting names 21 11 32 2.2 being prohibited from talking to others 17 12 29 2.0 being prevented from accessing other 16 13 29 2.0 people being transferred to a work station 18 10 28 1.9 separated from others mocking one’s political beliefs or faith, 12 3 15 1.0 private life, nationality or ethnicity preventing contact with looks, gestures and 5 8 13 0.9 taunting being treated as mentally ill 5 3 8 0.5 mimicking one’s gestures, walk or voice as a 3 5 8 0.5 form of mockery mockery due to one’s potential disability or 6 1 7 0.5 physical or other impairment mockery related to a mandatory psychiatric 2 4 6 0.4 evaluation or investigation having one’s home or work station damaged 1 3 4 0.3 being threatened with physical violence 3 0 3 0.2 being forced to do physically demanding 1 0 1 0.1 work physical abuse 0 0 0 0.0 Total 901 563 1464 100 The table shows the frequency distribution by gender with the relevant percentages of answers to the question Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged mobbing? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (13.6%) have experienced baseless rumours being spread. The next highest answer was slandering behind one’s back. The percentage of respondents who experienced that was 13.5%. 9.9% 97 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES of respondents experienced yelling and name-calling. In total, other behaviours were experienced to a lesser extent. These actions are specified in the table. The female respondents also indicated having experienced the following: (1) Being given “women’s tasks”, other people being given priority to speak, (2) The work I did was never good enough for my superior, he always corrected it, (3) Repeated return of deliveries to make unnecessary corrections, (4) Lack of interest from the management to come to the bottom of things at work because of friendship, (5) Being insulted at the Labour Court. Under other, men indicated having experienced the following: (1) A statement by my superior (according to second-hand information) that I was faking my illness. We also wanted to know the perpetrators of sexual harassment, but there were no answers provided under this item. Nevertheless, data on the gender of alleged perpetrators of sexual harassment is available and is shown in the chart below. Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment? Men Women Male Female Chart 47: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment? – in % The chart shows answers to the question Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment? The highest percentage represents answers from women indicating that they experienced sexual harassment by men, amounting to 79.1%. The chart also shows that women did not experience sexual harassment by other women. Men experienced sexual harassment by both, but more by women than men. According to the subjective perceptions of men, the percentage of sexual harassment carried out by women was 16.5% and the percentage of sexual harassment carried out by men was 4.4%. 98 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of sexual harassment by gender of the alleged perpetrator. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of sexual harassment by gender of the alleged perpetrator was statistically significant, χ2 (1.N = 91) = 68.0610, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of sexual harassment by gender was more pronounced in women than men. Who were you harassed by? Superior Co-worker Co-workers Superiors Subordinates Subordinate Men Women Chart 48: Who were you harassed by? – in % The chart shows answers to the question Who were you harassed by? The highest percentage represents answers from men indicating that they were harassed by their superior at work. This percentage amounts to 48.3%. According to their subjective perceptions, this type of harassment was also experienced by 24.7% of women. More women than men were harassed by their co-worker, with 31.8% of women and 21.8% of men having experienced it. More women than men were harassed at work by several co-workers, with 36.5% of women and 10.3% of men having experienced it. According to their subjective perceptions, the percentage of men harassed by their superiors was higher than the percentage of women, i.e. 10.3% of men and 7.1% of women. The chart also shows that women did not experience harassment by one or more subordinates, while 5.7% of men were harassed by one subordinate and 3.4% by several subordinates. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of harassment at the workplace. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of harassment at the workplace was statistically significant, χ2 = 29.0720, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of (5.N = 172) sexual harassment by gender was more pronounced in men than women. 99 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of harassment? Men Women Male Female Chart 49: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of harassment? – in % The chart shows answers to the question Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of harassment? The highest percentage represents answers from women who experienced workplace harassment by men. This percentage amounts to 52.7%. The chart also shows that 2.3% of women were allegedly harassed by women. Men were allegedly harassed at the workplace more by men than by women. According to the subjective perceptions of men, the percentage of harassment carried out by men was 36.6% and the percentage of harassment carried out by women was 8.4%. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of workplace harassment by gender of the alleged perpetrator. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of workplace harassment by gender of the alleged perpetrator was statistically significant, χ2 = 7.1210, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of harassment by (1.N = 131) gender was more pronounced in women than men. 100 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Who was the perpetrator of the mobbing? Superior Co-worker Co-workers Superiors Subordinates Subordinate Men Women Chart 50: Who was the perpetrator of the mobbing? – in % The chart shows answers to the question Who was the perpetrator of the mobbing? The highest percentage represents answers by men claiming that they experienced mobbing by their superior at work. This percentage amounts to 58.3%. According to their subjective perceptions, mobbing by a superior was also experienced by 38.0% of women. More women than men experienced mobbing by their co-worker. The percentage for this answer was 21.5% of women and 7.6% of men. More women than men also experienced workplace mobbing by several co-workers. The percentage for this answer was 25.3% of women and 8.3% of men. According to their subjective perceptions, the percentage of men who experienced mobbing by several superiors was higher than the percentage of women, at 21.2% of men and 13.9% of women. The chart also shows that women did not experience workplace mobbing by several superiors, but 1.3% of them did experience it by a subordinate. 3.0% of men experienced mobbing by one subordinate and 1.5% by several subordinates. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of mobbing at the workplace. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of workplace mobbing was statistically significant, χ2 = 24.5170, p < 0.01. The subjective perception of workplace (5.N = 211) mobbing by gender was more pronounced in men than women. 101 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of mobbing? Men Women Male Female Chart 51: Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of mobbing? – in % The chart shows answers to the question Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of mobbing? The highest percentage represents answers from men who experienced workplace mobbing by men. This percentage amounts to 57.4%. The chart also shows that 30.1% of women experienced alleged workplace mobbing by men. 5.7% of men and 6.8% of women experienced alleged workplace mobbing by women. A chi-squared test of independence was conducted to study the relationship between gender and the subjective perception of workplace mobbing by gender of the alleged perpetrator. The relationship between gender and the subjective perception of workplace mobbing by gender of the alleged perpetrator was not statistically significant, χ2 = 3.3490, p = 0.067. (1.N = 176) We also wanted to know how the respondents who allegedly experienced sexual harassment, harassment or workplace mobbing reacted to such actions. Table 12: How did you react to sexual harassment? Men Women Total Total in % I did not react 131 40 171 40.9 I felt uneasy 9 54 63 15.1 I ignored it 12 35 47 11.2 I avoided contact and conversation 4 42 46 11.0 102 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES I talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/un- 5 28 33 7.9 wanted I notified the superior, the employer 4 21 25 6.0 I talked to a co-worker 4 21 25 6.0 I turned to a psychologist or the organisa- 2 4 6 1.4 tion’s designated person I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. 0 1 1 0.2 I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating to protection against sexual and 0 1 1 0.2 other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing I terminated my employment 0 0 0 0.0 Total 171 247 418 100.0 The table shows the frequency distribution by gender with the relevant percentages of answers to the question How did you react to sexual harassment? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (40.9%) did not react to sexual harassment. The second highest percentage was recorded for the answer I felt uneasy, at 15.1% of respondents. 11.2% of respondents ignored it, and a further 11.0% avoided contact and conversation. The percentages of other reactions were lower and are indicated in the table. Women also described other reactions to sexual harassment, namely: (1) I was quiet in the room – at work, I avoid negative people (men and women), (2) I turned to an outside institution for help and (3) Lawsuit. There were no answers to the question How did the employer respond? We also wanted to know how satisfied the respondents who allegedly experienced sexual harassment were with the action taken by the employer. The results showed that seven women and one man responded to this question. Three women and one man were satisfied with the action taken by the employer/superior, one woman was very satisfied, and three women were dissatisfied. 103 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Table 13: How did you react to harassment? Men Women Total Total in % I did not react 132 39 171 32.8 I felt uneasy 34 51 85 16.3 I ignored it 26 29 55 10.5 I talked to the perpetrator and told them that 27 25 52 10.0 their behaviour was unacceptable/unwanted I talked to a co-worker 17 33 50 9.6 I avoided contact and conversation 12 34 46 8.8 I notified the superior, the employer 15 10 25 4.8 I turned to a psychologist or the organisation’s 11 5 16 3.1 designated person I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. 12 3 15 2.9 I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating 4 3 7 1.3 to the protection against sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing I terminated my employment 0 0 0 0.0 Total 290 232 522 100.0 The table shows the frequency distribution by gender with the relevant percentages of answers to the question How did you react to harassment? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (32.8%) did not react to harassment. The second highest percentage was recorded for the answer I felt uneasy, at 16.3% of respondents. 10.5% of respondents ignored it, and a further 10.0% talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/unwanted. The percentages of other reactions were lower and are indicated in the table. The respondents also described other reactions to harassment. Women indicated the following: (1) I changed teams, departments, (2) Transfer, (3) I tried talking to a co-worker but he didn’t want to talk about it and completely ignored me. The men indicated the following: (1) Transfer and (2) I got sick! 12 men and 10 women responded to the question How did the employer react? The majority of men (six) responded that the employer, superior did not take any action. Two women responded in the same manner. Two men (and no women) responded: The employer/superior took action against me. Five women (and one man) responded: They took action against the alleged perpetrator of harassment. 104 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Three men and three women responded: They did not take action against the alleged perpetrator of harassment. We also wanted to know how satisfied the respondents who allegedly experienced harassment were with the action taken by the employer. The results showed that 11 women responded to the question, of whom one was dissatisfied and 10 were satisfied with the action taken. Table 14: How did you react to mobbing? Men Women Total Total in % I did not react 117 48 165 26.1 I felt uneasy 64 45 109 17.2 I talked to the perpetrator and told them that 47 20 67 10.6 their behaviour was unacceptable/unwanted I talked to a co-worker 39 27 66 10.4 I avoided contact and conversation 29 32 61 9.7 I notified the superior, the employer 24 23 47 7.4 I ignored it 26 17 43 6.8 I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. 24 11 35 5.5 I turned to a psychologist or the organisation’s 14 11 25 4.0 designated person. I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating to 5 7 12 1.9 the protection against sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing I terminated my employment 0 2 2 0.3 Total 389 243 632 100.0 The table shows the frequency distribution by gender with the relevant percentages of answers to the question How did you react to mobbing? The table shows that the highest percentage of respondents (26.1%) did not react to mobbing. The second highest percentage was recorded for the answer I felt uneasy, at 17.2% of respondents. 10.6% of respondents talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/unwanted, and 10.4% of respondents talked to a co-worker. The percentages of other reactions were lower and are indicated in the table. In addition to the above, the respondents also described other reactions to mobbing. 105 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Women indicated the following: (1) Other position, (2) I looked for a transfer to another position or unit, (3) I changed departments, (4) I went to work at another police station. The men indicated the following: (1) I raised my voice, (2) I wanted to attack my superior physically, (3) I ended the mobbing with an aggressive verbal outburst, as a result of which the supervisor finally went silent and stopped shouting, insulting and threatening me, (4) I warned my superior of his inappropriate attitude and the consequences if he continued to act like that, (5) When some time passed, I went to a higher superior and handled the matter, then I took up a different position, (6) Changing my job and the working environment. 23 men and 21 women responded to the question How did the employer react? Seven men responded that the employer, superior did not take any action. Three women responded in the same manner. Three men (and one woman) responded: The employer/superior took action against me. Seven women (and one man) responded: They took action against the alleged perpetrator of mobbing. 12 men and 10 women responded: They did not take action against the alleged perpetrator of mobbing. We also wanted to know how satisfied the respondents who allegedly experienced mobbing were with the action taken by the employer. The results showed that 19 women and 22 men responded to this question. 12 men and 14 women were dissatisfied with the action taken by the employer. One man and four women were satisfied with the action taken by the employer, and one man and one woman were very satisfied. 106 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10 Discussion The purpose of this study was to establish the respondents’ views on gender-balanced representation in the police. We wanted to know if both genders have equal opportunities to get promoted and which problems men and women in the police encounter in terms of work-life balance. Furthermore, we wanted to determine men’s and women’s aspirations for promotion to higher-valued and management positions in the police. We also studied the reasons for and obstacles to working and taking part in international civilian missions for men and women. We strived to establish the prevalence of prohibited behaviours, such as discrimination, sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing. 10.1 Equal opportunities 10.1.1 Hypothesis 1: The percentage of women working in the police is as prescribed by the legislation. Several indicators were used to establish whether women and men have equal opportunities in the police. The first indicator used is provided by the legislation, specifically Article 7 of the ZEMŽM, which states that the minimum percentage of balance is 40%. Hypothesis 1 therefore reads: The percentage of women working in the police is as prescribed by the legislation. It was established that the percentage of women in the police compared to that of men was lower than 40% in 2021. It amounted to 26.5% (GPU, SGDP, 2021), meaning that a 13.5-percent increase in the number of women over men is required in the Slovenian Police in order to comply with the legal norms. The results also show that the Slovenian Police is trying to improve the gender ratio, as the number of women in the police is increasing slowly but steadily. The situation is similar in the police forces of certain other countries (Sebire, 2020), where the gradual increase in the number of women is more rapid than in Slovenia. Based on the above, hypothesis 1 must be rejected as the percentage of women in the police is yet to achieve the level stipulated in the legislation. 107 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.1.2 Hypothesis 2: There are no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment. Another indicator applied was the average performance assessments in 2019, 2020 and 2021. The aim of hypothesis 2 was to establish whether the average performance assessments in a given assessment period (2019, 2020 and 2021) were the same for both genders or if there were statistically significant differences. Equality or inequality was also looked at by taking into consideration the respondents’ level of education, age and work experience. The results showed statistically significant differences between men and women in the average performance assessments for the three assessment periods, namely that the average performance assessments of men were higher than those of women in all measured assessment periods (see Chart 5). 10.1.2.1 Hypothesis 2 and the respondents’ levels of education The results also revealed statistically significant differences between genders in terms of average performance assessment for 2019 in most education categories, namely that the men’s were higher than women’s in short-term higher education, the first Bologna cycle, the second Bologna cycle and the third Bologna cycle. There were no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment for 2019 in secondary education (see Chart 6). The results also revealed statistically significant differences between genders in terms of average performance assessment for 2020 in all education categories, namely that the men’s were higher than women’s in secondary education, short-term higher education, the first Bologna cycle, the second Bologna cycle and the third Bologna cycle (see Chart 7). The results also revealed statistically significant differences between genders in terms of average performance assessment for 2021 in most education categories, namely that the men’s were higher than women’s in secondary education, short-term higher education, the first Bologna cycle and the third Bologna cycle. There were no gender differences in terms of average performance assessment for 2021 in the second Bologna cycle education (see Chart 8). 108 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.1.2.2 Hypothesis 2 and the respondents’ work experience The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2019 only in one category of work experience, specifically between 11 and 20 years of work experience, with the performance assessments of men being higher than those of women. According to the results, there were no gender differences in other categories of work experience (up to 10 years, from 21 to 30 years and 31 years and more) (see Chart 9). The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2020 in three categories of work experience, specifically up to 10 years of work experience and from 11 to 20 years of work experience, with the performance assessments of men being higher than those of women. The third category that revealed statistically significant gender differences was the category of 31 years and more. In this category, the women’s performance assessments were higher than those of men. According to the results, there were no statistically significant gender differences in the category from 21 to 30 years of work experience (see Chart 10). The results also showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2021 in two categories of work experience, specifically up to 10 years and from 11 to 20 years of work experience, with the performance assessments of men being higher than those of women. According to the results, there were no statistically significant gender differences in the categories from 21 to 30 years of work experience and 31 years and more (see Chart 11). 10.1.2.3 Hypothesis 2 and the respondents’ age The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2019 in two age categories, specifically from 30 to 39 years and from 40 and 49 years. The men’s performance assessments in these two categories were higher than those of women. According to the results, there were no statistically significant gender differences in the categories from 20 to 29 years, from 50 to 59 years and 60 years and over (see Chart 12). The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2020 in three age categories, specifically from 20 to 29 years, from 30 to 39 years and from 40 to 49 years. The men’s performance 109 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES assessments in these three categories were higher than those of women. According to the results, there were no statistically significant gender differences in the categories from 50 to 59 years and 60 years and over (see Chart 13). The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average performance assessment for 2021 in three age categories, specifically from 20 to 29 years, from 30 to 39 years and from 40 to 49 years. The men’s performance assessments in these three categories were higher than those of women. According to the results, there were no statistically significant gender differences in the categories from 50 to 59 years and 60 years and over (see Chart 14). 10.1.2.4 Hypothesis 2 – conclusion Based on the above, hypothesis 2 must be rejected, as there were gender differences in terms of average performance assessments in 2019, 2020 and 2021. Furthermore, there were gender differences in terms of average performance assessment when taking into consideration the level of education, age and work experience. 10.1.3 Hypothesis 3: There are no gender differences in terms of average paygrade. The third indicator applied was the gender differences in terms of the average paygrades in 2019, 2020 and 2021. The aim of hypothesis 3 was to establish whether the average paygrade in a given period was the same for both genders or if there were statistically significant differences. Equality or inequality in the average paygrades was also looked at by taking into consideration the level of education, age and work experience. The results showed that the average paygrade for men was higher than that of women (see Chart 16). 10.1.3.1 Hypothesis 3 and the respondents’ levels of education The results also revealed statistically significant differences between genders in terms of the average paygrade in all education categories, namely in secondary education, 110 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES short-term higher education and the first, second and third Bologna cycles. Based on the level of education, the men’s average paygrades were higher than those of women (see Chart 19). 10.1.3.1 Hypothesis 3 and the respondents’ work experience The results also showed statistically significant gender differences in the average paygrade in all categories of work experience, these being up to 10 years, from 11 to 20 years, from 21 to 30 years and 31 years and more. Based on work experience, the men’s average paygrades were higher than those of women (see Chart 18). 10.1.3.1 Hypothesis 3 and the respondents’ age The results showed statistically significant gender differences in the average paygrade in all age categories, specifically from 20 to 29 years, from 30 to 39 years, from 40 to 49 years, from 50 to 59 years and 60 years and over. Based on age, the men’s average paygrades were higher than those of women (see Chart 17). 10.1.3.2 Hypothesis 3 – conclusion Based on the above, hypothesis 3 must be rejected, as there were statistically significant gender differences in terms of average paygrade. The same is true when taking into consideration the level of education, age and work experience. 10.1.4 Hypothesis 4: The percentage of unassessed women in 2019, 2020 and 2021 is greater than the percentage of unassessed men. The fourth indicator applied was the gender differences in terms of the percentage of unassessed persons in 2019, 2020 and 2021. According to hypothesis 4, the percentage of unassessed women would be higher than that of men. The results showed no gender differences in terms of non-assessment in a given assessment period. Based on the above, hypothesis 4 must be rejected as there were no differences in the percentages of women and men in the measured periods and it is therefore not true 111 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES that the percentage of unassessed women in 2019, 2020 and 2021 is greater than that of unassessed men. 10.1.5 Hypothesis 5: There are no gender differences in terms of the equal opportunities factor. The fifth indicator applied was the gender differences in the equal opportunities factor established with a factor analysis. According to hypothesis 5, there are no gender differences in terms of the equal opportunities factor. The results showed that men gave a higher rating to this factor than women, suggesting a stronger agreement of male respondents with the statement that equal opportunities exist compared to female respondents. Based on the above, hypothesis 5 must be rejected, as there were statistically significant gender differences in terms of the equal opportunities factor. 10.1.6 Hypothesis 6: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to equal opportunities. The sixth indicator applied was the gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to equal opportunities. These items, covered by hypothesis 6, are: “Men and women are treated equally in the police”, “Women in the police have the same possibilities as men to fulfil their work potential”, “Women and men have equal opportunities in career advancement” and “Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues.” The results show completely opposite perceptions of the situation and the resulting answers. While men seem to think that women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues, women feel that is not the case. And while more men think that women and men are treated equally in the police, women do not, expressing strong disagreement with this statement. The same is true for the statement that women in the police have the same possibilities as men to fulfil their work potential. Men largely agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. The statement that women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement also revealed completely opposite 112 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES perceptions. Men largely agreed with the statement, while a significant percentage of women disagreed. Based on the above, hypothesis 6 must be rejected, as there were gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to equal opportunities. These items are: “Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues”, “Men and women are treated equally in the police”, “Women in the police have the same possibilities as men to fulfil their work potential” and “Women and men have equal opportunities in career advancement.” 10.2 Career ambitions 10.2.1 Hypothesis 7: There are no gender differences in terms of the career ambitions factor. In terms of the career ambitions factor, the results obtained with the factor analysis showed that women gave a higher average rating to this factor than men, meaning that they have greater career ambitions compared to men. Based on the above, hypothesis 7 must be rejected, as there are statistically significant gender differences in terms of the career ambitions factor. 10.2.2 Hypothesis 8: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to career ambitions. More women than men agree that the organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. The statement indicating that there are enough women in management positions in the police also showed significant differences, with women strongly disagreeing and the majority of men agreeing. The same is true for the statement that private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions, with women strongly agreeing and men expressing a slightly higher level of disagreement with the statement. However, as expected, both men and women agreed that promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work (see Charts 22, 23, 29 and 30). 113 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Given that there are statistically significant differences, with women expressing a higher level of agreement than men, hypothesis 8 must be rejected as gender differences exist. 10.2.3 Hypothesis 9: The percentage of female managers is increasing while the percentage of male managers is decreasing. The results show that the percentage of women in management positions in the police decreased by a total of 2.2 percentage points, with the percentage of women in management positions on the national level of organisation decreasing by 5.8 percentage points, the percentage of women in management positions on the regional level of organisation decreasing by 3.3 percentage points, and the percentage of women in professional/technical management positions on the regional level decreasing by 5.4 percentage points. The percentage of male managers on all relevant levels increased. The percentage of women in management positions on the local level increased, by 1.9 percentage points, with the percentage of male managers decreasing proportionately (see Charts 24, 25, 26, 27 and 28). Based on the above, hypothesis 9 must be partly confirmed and partly rejected. The partial confirmation applies only to the local level of management. 10.3 Professional aspirations 10.3.1 Hypothesis 10: There are no gender differences in terms of the professional aspirations factor. In terms of the professional aspirations factor, the results obtained with the factor analysis showed that women gave a higher average rating to this factor than men, meaning that they have greater professional aspirations compared to men. Based on the above, hypothesis 10 must be rejected, as there are statistically significant gender differences in terms of the professional aspirations factor. 114 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.3.2 Hypothesis 11: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to professional aspirations. Aspirations for promotion were measured based on four items obtained through a factor analysis, namely: “I want to obtain additional education”, “I want to be promoted within the current post”, “I want to be promoted to a more demanding post” and “I look up to highly educated people.” The results show that the wish to obtain additional education is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. The results show that the wish to be promoted within the current post is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. The wish to be promoted to a more demanding post is also expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. The same is true for looking up to highly educated people, which is expressed by both genders, but is more pronounced in women. Promotion to a more demanding post is related to a person’s salary, regardless of gender. More demanding posts are valued higher in the hierarchical organisation that strives for uniformity, and are associated with status and prestige which, among other things, is reflected on the outside by a particular uniform. The wish for education can be motivated by an inner feeling that we lack the necessary knowledge or competence for the work that we perform or an individual’s thinking in the context of a competitive advantage for the limited number of better paid positions in processes of constant comparison. Based on the above, hypothesis 11 must be rejected, as there are statistically significant gender differences in terms of individual items in the professional aspirations factor. 10.4 Work-life balance 10.4.1 Hypothesis 12: There are no gender differences in terms of the work-life balance factor. In terms of gender differences in the work-life balance factor, the results obtained with the factor analysis showed that women gave a lower average rating to this factor than men, meaning that they have a lower tolerance of problems arising from work-life balance compared to men. 115 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Based on the above, hypothesis 12 must be rejected, as there are statistically significant gender differences in terms of the work-life balance factor. 10.4.2 Hypothesis 13: There are no gender differences in terms of individual items pertaining to work-life balance. A good work-life balance is one of the priorities of progressive police organisations. This is not just because the percentage of female police employees is increasing, but also because men’s family rights are changing and it is a conclusively proven fact that well-rested employees who have more time for leisure activities are more productive, creative and useful to the employee than those working long hours (Chimote and Srivastava, 2013). The results of our study show that the nature of police work is an important factor affecting work-life balance. Work according to the schedule, shift work, night work, working weekends and holidays make it more difficult to organise one’s private life for most of the respondents. They also pointed out the problem of employee absence given the lack of new recruits, meaning that individuals do more work, which additionally hinders the management of one’s private and professional life. Another obstacle to work-life balance is a longer commute from and to work. Some need more than an hour to arrive at work. This means a two-hour daily commute which, with a 22-day schedule, results in 44 hours and more spent only on commuting. In a calendar year, not counting two months of annual leave and other absences, this totals 440 hours of commuting or, divided by an 8-hour workday, 55 days. In other words, more than two working months spent only on commuting. The time of commute doubles in a police family, where both parents work different work schedules, with overtime, holiday work, etc. Such families also require more coordination and organisation to balance their professional and private life. Results also show that neither men nor women agree with the statement that the police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. However, both men and women agree that parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. Based on the above, hypothesis 13 must be accepted as the results did not show statistically significant gender differences (see Charts 36, 37 and 38). 116 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.5 Work on international civilian missions Work on international civilian missions is very psychologically and physically demanding in all phases, namely in the phases of secondment, work and reintegration into everyday life, not only for the police officer taking part in international civilian missions, but also for their family and loved ones (Lobnikar, Vesel and Banutai, 2011). The results of the study show that only a small percentage of respondents have taken part in international civilian missions. 30.5% of men and 32.2% of women said they would like to take part in one. Two motivation factors stand out among the respondents’ answers, namely the majority chose to work on international civilian missions because they considered it a personal challenge and because the work is very well paid, albeit dangerous. A smaller percentage of reasons are the motivation factors of working abroad, better chances of promotion and the opportunity to use a foreign language. The relevant percentages are similarly distributed among men and women. The greatest deterrents to working on international civilian missions are the family situation and the working conditions, followed by knowledge of a foreign language. A significant percentage of respondents also cited the duration of the secondment. 10.5.1 Hypothesis 14: The majority of respondents do not want to work on international civilian missions. Men are more interested in taking part than women. The results showed that the majority of respondents, at 64.9%, did not want to work on international civilian missions. The percentage of women who do was higher, at 30.5% (see Chart 39). Based on the above, hypothesis 14 must be partially rejected, that is, accepted in the part suggesting that a higher percentage of respondents do not want to work on international civilian missions, and rejected in the part suggesting that men are more interested in this type of work than women. 117 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.5.2 Hypothesis 15: The biggest motivation factor for taking part in international civilian missions is adequate remuneration, and the decision to take part is most affected by the family situation. The biggest motivation factor for taking part in international civilian missions is a personal challenge, specifically for 48.9% of respondents. Financial motivation came only second at 28.3% (see Chart 40). In terms of gender, 47.1% of men selected personal challenge and 30% selected financial motivation, while 50.4% of women selected personal challenge and 24.8% selected financial motivation. The biggest deciding factor for taking part in international civilian missions for both men and women is the family situation, followed by knowledge of a foreign language (see Chart 41). This is also confirmed by the deterrents to apply for work on international civilian missions, with the highest percentage, i.e. 35.9%, being separation from family, followed by the lack of need for this type of work at 10.8% and insufficient knowledge of a foreign language at 7.4% (see Table 7). Based on the above, hypothesis 15 must be partly confirmed, as the motivation factors for applying and deciding to participate and the deterrents are covered by the three most frequent answers. 10.5.3 Hypothesis 16: There are no gender differences in relation to the statement that work on international civilian missions is more suited to male than female police officers. For the statement that there are no gender differences in relation to the statement that work on international civilian missions is more suited to male than female police officers, the results did not show statistically significant differences. Hypothesis 16 can therefore be fully accepted (see Table 8). 118 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 10.5.4 Hypothesis 17: The majority of respondents, of which more men than women, believe that they have sufficient information about international civilian missions. For the statement that a larger percentage of respondents, of which more men than women, believe that they have sufficient information about international civilian missions, the results showed that women typically agree with the statement to a lesser extent than men. Hypothesis 17 can therefore be fully accepted (see Table 8). 10.6 Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing All employers are obliged to protect the dignity of their workers, and sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing are prohibited. These behaviours should not happen, but whether an individual feels affected in this context or not depends on their subjective perception. In this case, all employees have a variety of possibilities at their disposal to exercise their rights if they believe that these were violated. The respondents were first asked if they are aware that the employer is obliged to protect their dignity. 4.7% of men and 3.7% of women replied that they were not. The majority of respondents replied that they were, with 23.0% of men and 5.8% of women indicating that they were very aware of this right. We also wanted to know how familiar the respondents were with individual terms designating prohibited behaviours. Definitions of terms specified by the Employment Relationships Act were therefore provided. The results show that most respondents were very familiar with the terms, with only a small percentage of men and women, i.e. 0.9%, indicating that they were not familiar with the terms. The results also showed the subjective perceptions and experiences of individual prohibited behaviours. Sexual harassment at work was subjectively experienced once by 24.6% of women and 1.3% of men, and more than once by 7.7% of women. Harassment was subjectively experienced once by 18.2% of women and 36.9% of men, and more than once by 6.3% of women and 8.7% of men. Mobbing at the workplace was subjectively experienced once by 18.2% of women and 24.9% of men, and more than once by 5.1% of women and 10.2% of men. 119 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The respondents were also asked about their specific experiences of individual behaviours. In the context of sexual harassment, most men and women indicated stories, jokes or suggestive comments with sexual content, and women also reported obscene comments relating to one’s way of dressing, body or appearance. In the context of harassment, the men’s most common experience was mockery or degradation because the person has a lower or higher education than the perpetrator, while women reported unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to gender. In the context of mobbing, men and women reported slandering behind one’s back and baseless rumours being spread, and men additionally indicated yelling and name-calling. When it comes to subjective perceptions, it is also important to know the alleged perpetrator. The respondents did not indicate the perpetrator in the context of alleged sexual harassment. The results also showed that men mostly experienced alleged harassment by their supervisor, and women by their co-workers. 10.6.1 Hypothesis 18: Awareness of the employer’s duty and familiarity with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing at the workplace The results show that awareness of the employer’s duty to protect the workers’ dignity at work was not 95% and was more pronounced in men than women. The same is also true of familiarity with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing at the workplace (see Charts 42 and 43). Based on the above, hypothesis 18 must be rejected, as the percentages of awareness and familiarity do not exceed the anticipated deviation of 5%. 10.6.2 Hypothesis 19: Percentage of subjective perceptions of sexual harassment, harassment or mobbing at the workplace by gender The results shows that 98.7% of men and 67.7% of women had no subjective experiences of sexual harassment, that 54.4% of men and 75.5% of women had no subjective experiences of harassment and that 29.4% of men and 76.8% of women had no subjective experiences of mobbing at the workplace (see Charts 44, 45 and 46 and Tables 9 and 10). 120 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Based on the above, except as regards the men’s subjective experience of sexual harassment, hypothesis 19 must be rejected, as the percentages do not exceed 95%. 10.6.3 Hypothesis 20: Percentage of subjective perceptions of sexual harassment, harassment or mobbing at the workplace by gender of the alleged perpetrator The results show that 79.1% of women had a subjective experience of sexual harassment by men. Men had a subjective experience of sexual harassment by women (16.5%) and men (4.4%). Women had a subjective experience of workplace harassment by men (52.7%) and by women (2.3%). Men experienced more alleged workplace harassment by men than by women. According to the subjective perceptions of men, the percentage of harassment carried out by men was 36.6% and the percentage of harassment carried out by women was 8.4%. The highest percentage, at 58.3%, comprises answers by men indicating that they were victims of mobbing by their superior. This percentage amounts to 38% for women. Mobbing by a co-worker was subjectively experienced by 21.5% of women and 7.6% of men. More women (25.3%) than men (8.3%) also experienced mobbing by one or more co-workers. 21.2% of men had a subjective experience of mobbing by several superiors, compared to 13.9% of women. Women did not experience mobbing by several superiors, but 1.3% of them did experience it by one subordinate. 3.0% of men experienced mobbing by one subordinate and 1.5% of them by several subordinates. Based on the above, hypothesis 20 must be rejected, as the percentages of the men’s subjective experiences of specific prohibited behaviours by gender of the perpetrator are not higher than the percentages of women (see Charts 47, 49 and 51). 121 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 11 Conclusion This very complex study provided answers to a variety of questions relating to equal opportunities for men and women, career ambitions, professional aspirations, work-life balance and work on international civilian missions, as well as questions pertaining to cognitions and the subjective perceptions of sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing at the workplace. The results show that gender differences do exist. Furthermore, women tend to have greater career and promotion ambitions than men and the perceptions of equal opportunities differ considerably between men and women. Women are more motivated and have greater aspirations for higher positions. The results show some differences relating to work-life balance, but both women and men believe that the nature of the work, the working hours, the work schedule and other elements related to the 24-hour presence in the field are an aggravating circumstance preventing an optimum work-life balance. The majority of respondents do not want to take part in international civilian missions, mainly due to their family responsibilities. Other common reasons included inadequate remuneration for work abroad and insufficient knowledge of a foreign language. As expected, women expressed more subjective experiences of sexual harassment than men, while men expressed more subjective experiences of harassment and mobbing, mainly in superior-subordinate relations. 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Parental Protection and Family Benefits Act (Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia [Uradni list RS], Nos 26/14, 90/15, 75/17 – ZUPJS-G, 14/18, 81/19, 158/20 and 153/22). Police Act, (Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia [Uradni list RS], No. 49/98). Régner, I., Thinus-Blanc, C., Netter, A., Schmader, T. in Huguet, P. (2019). Committees with implicit biases promote fewer women when they do not believe gender bias exists. Nature Human Behavior 3(11), str. 1171–1179. DOI: 10.1038/s41562-019-0686-3. 125 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Rynders, D. (2019). Battling Implicit Bias in the IDEA to Advocate for African American Students with Disabilities. Touro Law Review, 35(1), pp. 461–480. Sebire, J. (2020). Why gender equality in policing is important for achieving United Nations Sustainable Development Goals 5 and 16. International Journal of Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 8(1): pp. 80–85. https://doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd. v9i1.1452. Secondment of Personnel to International Civilian Missions and International Organizations Act (Official Gazette of the Republic of Slovenia [Uradni list RS], No. 204/21). Silvestri, M. (2007). “Doing” police leadership: enter the “new smart macho”. Policing and society, 17(1), pp. 38–58. DOI: 10.1080/10439460601124130. Wegner, D. M., and Schneider, D. J. (2003). The white bear story. Psychological Inquiry, 14(3–4), pp. 326–329. Wigboldus, D. H., Sherman, J. W., Franzese, H. L., and Knippenberg, A. V. (2004). Capacity and comprehension: Spontaneous stereotyping under cognitive load. Social Cognition, 22(3), pp. 292–309. Zupan, U. (31 October 2020). Prva slovenska policistka na mednarodni misiji: Želela sem preizkusiti svoje meje. V: J. Tepina (ed.), www.24ur.com, POP TV, d. o. o., available at: https://www.24ur.com/magazin/policistka.html. 126 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 13 Appendices 13.1 Appendix 1: Questionnaire – Certain Organisational Aspects of Police Work: Gender Differences You are kindly invited to participate in a study of the police aimed at improving certain organisational aspects. Before you is a questionnaire designed to determine and examine your views on a variety of issues. We would like to know what you think about the gender balance in the police and if you believe that men and women have the same opportunities for promotion. We want to know how you balance your private and professional life, what your aspirations are in terms of education and what your views are on working on international civilian missions. We would also like to know your opinion on issues related to sexual harassment, harassment and mobbing at the workplace. The questionnaire consists of statements and questions with pre-defined sets of answers. Some require additional explanation. If you wish to share something that was not covered, you can do so in the last item or email us at raziskovanje@policija.si. The questionnaire is anonymous and short. It takes 15 to 20 minutes to complete. Please answer all items. We thank you in advance for your cooperation. I. Demographics 1. Gender Pick only one option: female male 2. Age You can only enter numbers. ________________________ 127 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 3. Education Pick one of the following answers: levels I–IV (incomplete basic education, basic education, short-term vocational upper secondary education (two-year programme), vocational upper secondary education (three-year programme)) level V (general upper secondary education, vocational upper secondary education, technical upper secondary education level VI/1 (short-term higher education programmes (until 1994), higher vocational education programmes. level VI/2 (specialisation after short-term higher education programmes, professional higher education programmes, professional higher education and academic higher education programmes (first Bologna cycle)) level VII (specialization after professional higher education programmes, academic higher education programmes, master’s education programme (second Bologna cycle)) level VIII/1 (specialization after academic higher education programmes, master’s education programme) level VIII/2 (doctorate programme, doctorate programme (third Bologna cycle)) 4. Years of service You can only enter numbers. ________________________________________________ 5. Organisational level of employment Pick one of the following answers: General Police Directorate Police directorate Police station 6. Marital status Pick one of the following answers: married single 128 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES in cohabitation 7. Post title (indicate your post title) Write your answer: ________________________________________________________ 8. Position: Pick one of the following answers: Management position Non-management position II. Gender balance, work-life balance and aspirations 9. Men and women are treated equally in the police. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 10. Women in the police can fulfil their work potential the same way as men. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 129 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 11. Private life and care for the family have a negative effect on women’s possibilities of career development in achieving their career ambitions. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 12. The organisational culture that makes it easier for men to be successful and recognised as such has a potential negative effect on women’s position in achieving their career ambitions. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 13. There are enough women in management positions in the police. Choose one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 130 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 14. Women in management positions in the police have the same influence and role as their male colleagues. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 15. Women and men have equal opportunities for career advancement. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I have no opinion. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 16. I find it difficult to balance my private and professional life. Pick one of the following answers: yes no other Please specify. ___________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 131 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 17. The police provides appropriate advantages for employees to achieve a good work-life balance. Choose one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 18. Parental protection is appropriately regulated under the Collective Agreement for Police Officers. Choose one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 19. There are gender differences in: Select all that apply: remuneration for work achievement rewards or recognitions employment practices promotion practices job posts – management positions job posts – international civilian missions gender balance in recruitment committees gender bias in the recruitment process there are no gender differences other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ 132 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 20. Promoting a gender equality policy is important for police work. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 21. An appropriate solution to improve gender equality is: Select all that apply: gender equality training awareness-raising and information on the relevant legislation in force official communication and internal documents written in gender-sensitive language adequate means to report disrespectful behaviour, abuse and sexual harassment events/programmes for women and men in the police other: please specify. __________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 22. I want to obtain additional education. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 133 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 23. I want to be promoted within the current post. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 24. I want to be promoted to a more demanding post. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 25. I look up to highly educated people. Pick one of the following answers: 1. I strongly disagree. 2. I disagree. 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. I agree. 5. I strongly agree. 134 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES III. 10.5 Work on international civilian missions 26. Do you want to take part in international civilian missions? Pick one of the following answers: yes no I have already taken part. 27. My motivation to take part in international civilian missions is or was: Pick one of the following answers: financial working abroad greater possibilities of promotion a personal challenge using a foreign language other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 28. Most common factors affecting the decision to take part in international civilian missions: (Rate according to the following scale: 1 – Strongly disagree; 2 – Disagree; 3 – Neither agree nor disagree; 4 – Agree; 5 – Strongly agree.) Pick the appropriate response to each statement: 1 2 3 4 5 a. family situation b. working conditions c. knowledge of a foreign language č. international experience 135 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES d. place of secondment (the closer it is, the likelier the application), e. place of secondment (the further away it is, the likelier the application) f. duration of the secondment (the shorter the secondment, the likelier the application) f. duration of the secondment (the longer the secondment, the likelier the application) h. other: Please specify. 29. Work on international civilian missions is more suited to male than female police officers. Pick one of the following answers: 1. Strongly disagree 2. Disagree 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 4. Agree 5. Strongly agree 30. I applied for an international civilian mission: Pick one of the following answers: never once or twice more than three times more than five times 31. I have sufficient information about work on international civilian missions. Pick one of the following answers: 1. Strongly disagree 2. Disagree 3. I neither agree nor disagree. 136 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 4. Agree 5. Strongly agree 32. List at least three reasons deterring you from applying to work on international civilian missions. Write your answer: _______________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ IV. Cognitions on sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing Yours answers should only focus on police employee relationships and collaboration. 33. Are you aware that the employer is obliged to protect the workers’ dignity at work? Pick one of the following answers: I am not aware of that. I am aware of that. I am very aware of that. 34. Are you familiar with the terms sexual harassment, harassment and workplace mobbing? Pick one of the following answers: I am not familiar with these terms. I am more familiar with the term sexual harassment than the terms harassment and mobbing. I am more familiar with the term harassment than the terms sexual harassment and mobbing. I am more familiar with the term mobbing than the terms sexual harassment and harassment. I am very familiar with these terms. 137 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Sexual harassment is any form of undesired verbal, non-verbal or physical action or behaviour of a sexual nature with the effect or intent of adversely affecting the dignity of a person, especially where this involves the creation of an intimidating, hateful, degrading, shaming or insulting environment. Harassment is any undesired behaviour associated with any personal circumstance with the effect or intent of adversely affecting the dignity of a person or of creating an intimidating, hateful, degrading, shaming or insulting environment. Mobbing is any repeated or systematic objectionable or clearly negative and offensive treatment or behaviour directed at individual workers at the workplace or in connection with work. Write your answer. _______________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 35. According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced sexual harassment at the workplace? Pick one of the following answers: I haven’t experienced sexual harassment at the workplace. I have experienced sexual harassment at the workplace. I have experienced sexual harassment at the workplace more than once. 36. According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced harassment at the workplace? Pick one of the following answers: I haven’t experienced harassment at the workplace. I have experienced harassment at the workplace. I have experienced harassment at the workplace more than once. 138 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 37. According to your subjective perception, have you ever experienced mobbing at the workplace? Pick one of the following answers: I haven’t experienced mobbing at the workplace. I have experienced mobbing at the workplace. I have experienced mobbing at the workplace more than once. 38. Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged sexual harassment? Select all that apply: sexual advances, lascivious looks or offensive flirting unwanted attempts at steering the conversation from work to sex repeated invitations to socialising and dates lewd comments relating to one’s way of dressing, body or appearance sex-related invitations or being pressured to engage in sexual activities stories, jokes or suggestive comments with sexual content suggestive comments and remarks, insinuations, the use of obscene language or gestures (such as whistling) being asked personal questions about your social or sex life being called sweetheart, honey, baby, sweetie, babe, etc. sexually suggestive gestures or people staring at a part of your body indecent exposure emails, letters, faxes and other materials with sexual content unnecessary touching, patting, pinching, physical closeness (for example leaning over your shoulder), unwanted back or shoulder massage, etc. forced sexual intercourse (rape) unwanted or forced hugging or kissing sexual assault (attempted rape) promises of a higher salary, promotion or other benefits in exchange for agreeing to acts of a sexual nature (for example, a date, sex, etc.) I have not experienced any of these behaviours other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ 139 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 39. Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged harassment? Select all that apply: physically aggressive behaviour due to gender intimidating behaviour due to gender shaming, disparagement or insults due to gender mockery or degradation due to gender lies told or rumours spread about one’s sex life unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to gender stories, jokes and comments due to nationality or race intimidating behaviour because the person is speaking a different language than the perpetrator mockery or degradation because the person is speaking a different language than the perpetrator shaming, disparagement or insults due to nationality or race physically aggressive behaviour due to nationality or race mockery or degradation because the person is of a different nationality than the others shaming, disparagement or insults due to disability shaming, disparagement or insults due to sickness mockery or degradation due to sickness mockery or degradation due to disability intimidating behaviour due to faith mockery or degradation due to faith physically aggressive behaviour due to faith unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to faith shaming, disparagement or insults due to faith physically aggressive behaviour due to age unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to age mockery or degradation due to age shaming, disparagement or insults due to sexual orientation intimidating behaviour due to sexual orientation 140 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES mockery or degradation due to sexual orientation lies told or rumours spread about one’s sexual orientation unwanted stories, jokes and comments due to sexual orientation physically aggressive behaviour due to sexual orientation mockery or degradation because the person has a lower or higher education than the perpetrator shaming, disparagement or insults due to education I have not experienced any of these behaviours other: please specify. __________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 40. Have you ever experienced any of the following behaviours in relation to alleged mobbing? Select all that apply: being prevented from expressing yourself being constantly interrupted when you speak being yelled at and called names criticising one’s private life intimidation by phone, verbal and written threats preventing contact with looks, gestures and taunting not acknowledging one’s presence being prevented from accessing other people being transferred to a work station separated from other people being prohibited from talking to other people slandering behind one’s back baseless rumours being spread mockery being treated as mentally ill mockery related to a mandatory psychiatric evaluation or investigation mockery due to one’s potential disability or physical or other impairment mimicking one’s gestures, walk or voice as a form of mockery 141 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES mocking one’s political beliefs or faith, private life, nationality or ethnicity being given demeaning tasks degrading assessment of one’s efforts and having all one’s decisions doubted being called insulting names being relieved of important responsibilities by your supervisors being given assignments below your professional qualification constantly being given new assignments having one’s home or work station damaged being forced to do physically demanding work being threatened with physical violence physical abuse I have not experienced any of the specified behaviours other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 41. Who were you sexually harassed by? Pick one of the following answers: a superior a co-worker a subordinate co-workers (plural) superiors (plural) subordinates (plural) 42. Who were you harassed by? Pick one of the following answers: a superior a co-worker a subordinate co-workers (plural) 142 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES superiors (plural) subordinates (plural) 43. Who was the perpetrator of the mobbing? Pick one of the following answers: a superior a co-worker a subordinate co-workers (plural) superiors (plural) subordinates (plural) 44. Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment? Pick one of the following answers: male female 45. Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of harassment? Pick one of the following answers: male female 46. Which gender was the alleged perpetrator of mobbing? Pick one of the following answers: male female 47. How did you react to sexual harassment? Select all that apply: I talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/ unwanted. 143 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES I notified the superior, the employer. I talked to a co-worker. I avoided contact and conversation. I felt uneasy. I ignored it. I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating to the protection against sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing. I turned to a psychologist or the organisation’s designated person. I terminated my employment. I did not react. Other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 48. How did the employer or superior respond? Pick one of the following answers: They took action against the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment. They did not take action against the alleged perpetrator of sexual harassment. The employer or superior took action against me. The employer or superior did not take any action. 49. Were you satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior? Pick one of the following answers: I wasn’t satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was very satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. 144 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 50. How did you respond to harassment? Select all that apply: I talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/ unwanted. I notified the superior, the employer. I talked to a co-worker. I avoided contact and conversation. I felt uneasy. I ignored it. I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating to the protection against sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing. I turned to a psychologist or the organisation’s designated person. I terminated my employment. I did not react. Other: please specify. __________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 51. How did the employer or superior respond? Pick one of the following answers: They took action against the alleged perpetrator of harassment. They did not take action against the alleged perpetrator of harassment. The employer or superior took action against me. The employer or superior did not take any action. 145 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 52. Were you satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior? Pick one of the following answers: I wasn’t satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was very satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. 53. How did you respond to mobbing? Select all that apply: I talked to the perpetrator and told them that their behaviour was unacceptable/ unwanted. I notified the superior, the employer. I talked to a co-worker. I avoided contact and conversation. I felt uneasy. I ignored it. I turned to a physician, trade union, etc. I turned to a counsellor for assistance and information on the available measures relating to the protection against sexual and other forms of harassment and workplace mobbing. I turned to a psychologist or the organisation’s designated person. I terminated my employment. I did not react. Other: please specify. ___________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ 54. How did the employer or superior respond? Pick one of the following answers: They took action against the alleged perpetrator of mobbing. They did not take action against the alleged perpetrator of mobbing. 146 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES The employer or superior took action against me. The employer or superior did not take any action. 55. Were you satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior? Pick one of the following answers: I wasn’t satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. I was very satisfied with the action taken by the employer or superior. 56. If you did not find an appropriate answer in the questionnaire or wish to add something, you can provide a short description: ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Thank you for your participation. We wish you a good day. 147 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES 13.2 Appendix 2: Gender differences in performance assessments and average paygrades by internal organisational unit of the General Police Directorate and other directorates Table 15: Gender differences in performance assessments and average paygrades by internal organisational unit of the General Police Directorate and other directorates N M SD F Sig. Security and Assessment men 188 4.96 0.250 Protection Centre 2019 women 29 4.76 0.988 Total 217 4.93 0.430 5.480 0.020 Assessment men 188 4.96 0.240 2020 women 32 4.78 0.941 Total 220 4.94 0.423 5.141 0.024 2021 men 191 4.93 0.538 Assessment women 32 4.97 0.177 Total 223 4.93 0.502 0.191 0.662 Paygrade men 191 39.08 5.141 achieved women 32 33.66 6.152 Total 223 38.3 5.616 28.747 0.000 National Forensic Assessment men 26 4.81 0.981 Laboratory 2019 women 42 4.64 1.303 Total 68 4.71 1.185 0.307 0.581 Assessment men 27 4.85 0.456 2020 women 44 4.52 1.210 Total 71 4.65 1.001 1.829 0.181 148 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 28 4.75 0.645 2021 women 45 4.47 1.290 Total 73 4.58 1.092 1.165 0.284 Paygrade men 28 42.43 7.960 achieved women 46 38.57 7.117 Total 74 40.03 7.630 4.688 0.034 Police Academy men 115 4.89 0.526 2019 Assessment women 35 5.00 0.000 Total 150 4.91 0.463 1.610 0.207 Assessment men 116 4.92 0.496 2020 women 37 4.97 0.164 Total 153 4.93 0.439 0.370 0.544 Assessment men 259 4.02 1.449 2021 women 98 3.89 1.655 Total 357 3.99 1.507 0.573 0.450 Paygrade men 417 24.42 10.510 achieved women 167 22.73 8.975 Total 584 23.94 10.117 3.347 0.068 Celje PD Assessment men 638 4.7 0.629 2019 women 223 4.53 1.056 Total 861 4.66 0.766 8.358 0.004 Assessment men 649 4.74 0.553 2020 women 233 4.63 0.906 Total 882 4.71 0.666 4.855 0.028 149 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 651 4.77 0.542 2021 women 239 4.62 0.979 Total 890 4.73 0.690 8.081 0.005 Paygrade men 653 35.41 5.195 achieved women 241 28.79 6.804 Total 894 33.62 6.386 239.661 0.000 Koper PD men 586 4.57 0.861 2019 Assessment women 216 4.57 1.076 Total 802 4.57 0.923 0.000 0.994 Assessment men 599 4.62 0.744 2020 women 227 4.56 1.175 Total 826 4.6 0.883 0.872 0.351 Assessment men 598 4.71 0.736 2021 women 230 4.63 1.048 Total 828 4.69 0.835 1.257 0.263 Paygrade men 601 34.61 5.620 achieved women 231 29.61 6.270 Total 832 33.22 6.222 123.782 0.000 Kranj PD Assessment men 336 4.81 0.518 2019 women 111 4.69 0.892 Total 447 4.78 0.633 2.808 0.094 Assessment men 345 4.88 0.356 2020 women 116 4.83 0.701 Total 461 4.86 0.467 0.908 0.341 150 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 345 4.88 0.495 2021 women 124 4.68 1.166 Total 469 4.83 0.738 7.038 0.008 Paygrade men 348 35.88 5.645 achieved women 124 28.27 6.874 Total 472 33.88 6.858 147.203 0.000 Ljubljana PD men 987 4.75 0.611 2019 Assessment women 415 4.59 1.032 Total 1402 4.7 0.763 14.152 0.000 Assessment men 1027 4.78 0.583 2020 women 437 4.55 1.179 Total 1464 4.71 0.814 22.982 0.000 Assessment men 1037 4.83 0.505 2021 women 446 4.64 1.067 Total 1483 4.78 0.726 21.567 0.000 Paygrade men 1042 34.31 5.582 achieved women 451 28.22 5.907 Total 1.493 32.47 6.333 362.492 0.000 Maribor PD Assessment men 793 4.79 0.617 2019 women 247 4.63 1.129 Total 1,040 4.75 0.773 8.854 0.003 Assessment men 801 4.83 0.576 2020 women 249 4.79 0.826 Total 1,050 4.82 0.644 0.531 0.466 151 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 802 4.8 0.631 2021 women 256 4.75 0.920 Total 1,058 4.79 0.712 1.076 0.300 Paygrade men 803 35.6 5.010 achieved women 258 28.24 7.129 Total 1,061 33.81 6.427 337.946 0.000 Murska Sobota PD men 387 4.78 0.440 2019 Assessment women 108 4.78 0.460 Total 495 4.78 0.444 0.000 1.000 Assessment men 390 4.79 0.438 2020 women 109 4.83 0.468 Total 499 4.8 0.445 0.556 0.456 Assessment men 392 4.76 0.557 2021 women 117 4.58 1.147 Total 509 4.72 0.738 5.344 0.021 Paygrade men 392 35.51 5.021 achieved women 117 28.88 7.552 Total 509 33.99 6.343 121.998 0.000 Nova Gorica PD Assessment men 196 4.87 0.467 2019 women 75 4.91 0.336 Total 271 4.88 0.435 0.443 0.506 Assessment men 199 4.85 0.465 2020 women 79 4.9 0.379 Total 278 4.87 0.442 0.572 0.450 152 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 201 4.91 0.355 2021 women 80 4.9 0.341 Total 281 4.9 0.351 0.014 0.906 Paygrade men 205 36.18 6.120 achieved women 82 28.78 5.955 Total 287 34.06 6.925 86.845 0.000 Novo mesto PD men 609 4.73 0.672 2019 Assessment women 233 4.65 0.949 Total 842 4.71 0.759 1.921 0.166 Assessment men 619 4.78 0.579 2020 women 238 4.63 0.975 Total 857 4.74 0.714 6.912 0.009 Assessment men 621 4.81 0.570 2021 women 243 4.7 0.921 Total 864 4.78 0.689 4.850 0.028 Paygrade men 622 34.95 5.580 achieved women 246 29.2 6.069 Total 868 33.32 6.279 177.878 0.000 Service of the Assessment Director-General of men 81 4.81 0.808 2019 the Police women 30 4.67 0.959 Total 111 4.77 0.849 0.664 0.417 Assessment men 84 4.56 1.010 2020 women 33 4.39 1.321 Total 117 4.51 1.103 0.531 0.468 153 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 89 4.7 0.697 2021 women 35 4.51 1.245 Total 124 4.65 0.885 1.066 0.304 Paygrade men 90 42.28 7.893 achieved women 35 38.91 8.972 Total 125 41.34 8.311 4.235 0.042 Special Unit men 94 4.95 0.269 2019 Assessment women 4 5 0.000 Total 98 4.95 0.264 0.155 0.695 Assessment men 94 4.97 0.177 2020 women 4 5 0.000 Total 98 4.97 0.173 0.129 0.720 Assessment men 95 4.97 0.308 2021 women 4 5 0.000 Total 99 4.97 0.302 0.042 0.839 Paygrade men 95 39.17 5.856 achieved women 4 36.5 12.583 Total 99 39.06 6.166 0.717 0.399 Motorway Police Assessment men 50 4.76 0.476 Directorate 2019 women 12 4.75 0.622 Total 62 4.76 0.502 0.004 0.951 Assessment men 51 4.84 0.418 2020 women 12 4.83 0.389 Total 63 4.84 0.410 0.005 0.941 154 CERTAIN ORGANISATIONAL ASPECTS OF POLICE WORK: GENDER DIFFERENCES Assessment men 50 4.98 0.141 2021 women 12 4.83 0.577 Total 62 4.95 0.282 2.688 0.106 Paygrade men 52 34.81 5.831 achieved women 17 26.76 6.769 Total 69 32.83 6.962 22.507 0.000 Directorate men 152 4.88 0.501 Criminal Police Assessment 2019 women 70 4.86 0.666 Total 222 4.87 0.557 0.092 0.762 Assessment men 154 4.88 0.489 2020 women 72 4.76 0.911 Total 226 4.84 0.654 1.460 0.228 Assessment men 156 4.9 0.484 2021 women 75 4.85 0.651 Total 231 4.88 0.543 0.333 0.564 Paygrade men 157 46.12 5.998 achieved women 76 39.61 8.967 Total 233 44 7.717 43.136 0.000 Uniformed Police Assessment men 171 4.91 0.463 Directorate 2019 women 50 4.82 0.748 Total 221 4.89 0.540 0.991 0.321 Assessment men 172 4.91 0.291 2020 women 50 4.76 1.001 Total 222 4.87 0.540 2.893 0.090 155 Assessment men 172 4.94 0.421 2021 women 52 4.9 0.298 Total 224 4.93 0.395 0.264 0.608 Paygrade men 172 39.34 6.506 achieved women 53 32.81 8.012 Total 225 37.8 7.412 36.444 0.000 Directorate men 73 4.81 0.461 Police Specialities Assessment 2019 women 15 5 0.000 Total 88 4.84 0.426 2.570 0.113 Assessment men 77 4.78 0.681 2020 women 16 4.69 1.250 Total 93 4.76 0.799 0.173 0.679 Assessment men 81 4.69 0.996 2021 women 16 4.38 1.708 Total 97 4.64 1.138 1.032 0.312 Paygrade men 83 41.98 8.329 achieved women 16 30.38 11.650 Total 99 40.1 9.861 22.672 0.000 IT and Assessment Telecommunications men 122 4.96 0.199 2019 Office women 19 4.89 0.315 Total 141 4.95 0.218 1.434 0.233 Assessment men 126 4.98 0.153 2020 women 21 4.81 0.512 Total 147 4.95 0.244 8.878 0.003 Assessment men 131 4.98 0.150 2021 women 21 4.86 0.359 Total 152 4.96 0.195 7.099 0.009 Paygrade men 135 41.16 7.111 achieved women 21 34.67 6.445 Total 156 40.28 7.349 15.492 0.000 Legend: N – numerus, M – mean, SD – standard deviation, F – the ratio of explained variance to unexplained variance, Sig. – statistical significance.