Žarko Lazarevič
THE CONCEPT 
OF PROGRESS IN 
THE TEACHING OF 
HISTORY:
Some Observations from 
Slovenian Textbooks
INTRODUCTION
This discussion will focus on the idea of progress as a driving force of history in 
the Slovenian history textbooks from the 20th century More precisely, we wish to 
present the long-term approaches and changes in the interpretations of historical 
processes and phenom ena in various social and political contexts during the 20th 
century. To this end we will analyze history textbooks printed in various periods 
of the 20th century and used in secondary school education or at the so-called 
gymnasiums. The first textbook was printed in 1909 and was in use before World 
War I, in the time of the Habsburg Monarchy.1 The second textbook was used in
1 Josip Brinar, Zgodovina za meščanske šole [History fo r Bourgeois Schools], Ljubljana: Katoliška 
bukvama, 1909.

the interwar period and the version we analyzed dates back to 1939.2 The third 
textbook originates in the 1980s3 , while the last two are from the transitional 
period of the 1990s.4 The discussion will be divided into four chapters, presenting 
the interpretations of progress in the following fields: economic development, 
Slovenian national emancipation, perceptions and constructs of the “other” and 
“others” , and treatm ent of the com m unist social and economic system.
All of these content groups have the idea of progress in common. The authors 
of the textbooks use progress as a key concept in the interpretation of historical 
dynamics. This is not surprising, because the foundations that the analyzed history 
textbooks were based on, especially those after 1945, are clearly identifiable. We 
are referring to the m odernization theory, which essentially presupposes that 
social progress is a constant process. In the interest of consistency we should 
first define the forms of m odernity itself, and only then proceed with the inter­
pretation of the textbooks’ standpoints and the messages com m unicated to 
the students or pupils. The traditional pre-m odern society constitutes itself in 
the economic sense as an agrarian economy with emphasized self-sufficiency 
(autarky), confinement within narrow local contexts, and lack of interaction or 
integration into the broader flows. In the social sense, pre-m odernity is defined 
as an aristocratic-m onarchic regulation of society where the differentiation takes 
place on the basis of origin, dividing the society on the basis of family relations 
in an environm ent of ideology and the practice of religious culture. The forms of 
m odernity of a society and economy, however, are defined with opposing attributes. 
Thus, a m odern society is based on the following principles: the principles of 
m arket or capitalist economy (in M arxist terminology: all-encompassing co­
m mercialization or commodification), the principles of dem ocratic political 
organization of the society, the principle of the division of the society into strata 
(classes), and the principle of secular culture. M odern societies are complex 
and more fragm ented in term s of lifestyles, education, property, and so on. The 
complexity of m odern societies expresses itself in the formation of various social 
institutions where private and public life take place. Social fragm entation is the 
result of the division of labor. In m odern societies the increasing num ber and 
significance of social (professional) groups based on education is obvious. At 
the same time, the regulation of the work carried out by these groups is also
2 Bogdan Binter - Vojteh Štrukelj, Zgodovina Jugoslovanov za četrti razred srednjih šol [History of 
Yugoslavia fo r the Fourth Grade o f Secondary Schools], Ljubljana: Jugoslovansko profesorsko društvo, 
1939.
3 Branko Božič - Tomaž Weber - Janko Prunk, Zgodovina 2 [History 2). Ljubljana: DZS, 1978.
4 Ervin Dolenc - Aleš Gabrič, Zgodovina 4. Učbenik za četrti letnik gimnazije [History 4. Textbook for
the 4th Year o f Gymnasiums], Ljubljana: DZS, 2002; Božo Repe, Sodobna zgodovina. Zgodovina za 4. 
letnik gimnazij [Contemporary History. History fo r the 4th Year o f Gymnasiums]. Ljubljana: Modrijan, 
1998.
ft

increased, especially from the viewpoint of educational qualifications, that is, the 
criteria for entering the labor market. One of the characteristics of m odernity 
is also individualization as the autonom y of individuals in personal and social 
relations within the complexity of social norm s and standards defining behavior 
in concrete social situations. Secularization as a process of raising the scientific 
and technological awareness of a society in which religious thinking, practices 
and institutions are losing their social significance and withdrawing to the private 
realm, is also im portant. Clear distinctions between the public and the private 
take place. Secularization leads to a further and very im portant integral part of 
m odernity: rationalism, involving decision-making at the level of individuals or 
the society as a whole on the basis of efficiency, predictability and usefulness. Since 
m odern societies involve a large num ber of actors (individuals or institutions) 
and interferences between their actions and interests, they are also societies of 
conflict and risk.5
To begin with, we should underline an im portant turning point in the teaching 
of history in Slovenia in the 20th century: the establishment of Yugoslavia. This 
development is related to the establishment of Yugoslavia as a state in 1918 
as well as to its transform ation into a com m unist state after 1945. Thus, 1918 
m arks the im plem entation of an ethnocentric m odel of interpreting and teaching 
history, while in 1945 the class-oriented approach was introduced. However, the 
class-oriented approach did not imply that ethnocentrism would be abandoned.
Quite the opposite: both approaches merged into an inseparable whole.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Comparative reading attests to an interesting fact; namely, that economy or 
economic development were not subjects of considerable attention in the text­
books prior to W orld War II. O n the other hand, such contents represent one of 
the central issues in the textbooks from the second half of the 20th century. The 
industrial revolution was especially im portant. The com m unist period textbooks 
introduced the concept of economic and social m odernization into the classroom.
The textbook used in the pre-transitional period presents industrialization as a 
path towards m odernization, both associated with undisputable progress. In 
accordance with the established scheme from social sciences, less industrialized 
or unindustrialized countries are defined as un-m odern, and economically 
and socially backward. The evaluation is clear and unambiguous. The logic of
5 Haferkamp, H ans- Smelser, Niel (eds.), Social Change and Modernity. Berkeley: University 
of California Press, 1992; Peter Braham, John Allen, Paul Lewis, Stuart Hall (eds.), Political and 
Economic Forms of Modernity. Cambridge: Polity press, 1992.

historical development in the economic or social sense may only pursue the 
swiftest industrialization possible in the economic sense and the social structures 
adapted to it. Science is a key activity on the path towards m odernization. W ith 
its achievements and industrial application it allows for progress in the economic 
field. Thus, science and its derived technologies become an exceedingly im portant 
ingredient of economic modernity, defining - in the context of historical dyna­
mics - the quality of economic development, the growth of the economy, social 
well-being, the living standard, as well as the lifestyle. In the pre-transitional text­
books, these contents are related to the concept of the Marxist interpretational 
pattern of social and economic analysis. Economic contents are m ost prom inent 
in the textbooks from the transitional period, attesting to the onset of a vital 
turning point. After 1991, with the transform ation into a different political and 
economic system, changes in historical identity also took place. In the substantive 
and interpretative sense, the com m unist ideological reductionism vanished from 
the textbooks. The class-oriented analysis of society gave way to m ore complex 
overviews of social relations. The interpretations are m ostlybalanced, the discourse 
calm. The scope of economic and social contents became m ore extensive, and 
the role of the economic and social sphere gained importance. Nevertheless, we 
can state that the economic and social contents within the whole curriculum , 
and consequently also the textbooks, serve prim arily as an illustration of general 
circumstances, not as one of the im portant foundations for understanding the 
relations of the social power and status of individuals, population groups, or, at 
the international level, states or regions. However, in this case also we are dealing 
with the continued interpretation of economic history within the concepts of 
economic m odernity and industrialization as a key criterion of m odernity or u n ­
m odernity/pre-m odernity.
Such a conceptualization of economic and social progress contributes to a 
second, clearly identifiable category. If industrialization is the foundation for 
economic and social progress, then the environm ents where these processes are 
most evident in the historical context are in the center of interpretative attention. 
This is where geographic reductionism takes place. In order to substantiate the 
prevailing thesis about m odernization, the authors limit the presentations of 
economic contents to those regions of the world where these processes are most 
evident. Therefore it is not surprising that in the context of the economic-social 
processes, textbooks are exceedingly Eurocentric or, more precisely, Western 
Europe-centric. Here the textbooks convey a clear message about values to the 
students. M odernization, that is, industrialization as a mechanism of modernizing 
the economy and society, becomes a synonym for the “W esternization” of other 
societies. W estern society is the m odern economy or m odern society, that is, the

society of progress. Such an approach to interpreting economic and social change 
has been a constant of the textbooks from the period after W orld War II onwards.
SLOVENIAN NATIONAL EMANCIPATION
As we have already stated, 1918 was an im portant turning point in the 
concept of teaching history. Namely, from the viewpoint of the historical 
perspective it signifies the introduction of the ethnocentric concept as the basic 
value in the teaching of history. A m ore detailed insight into the structure of the 
1909 textbook brings the attention to the differences in the concept of national 
spaces. The analyzed textbook was not written from the viewpoint of Slovenians 
as an independent entity. Quite the opposite, it was written from the viewpoint 
of the Habsburg M onarchy as a whole. It is w ritten from the standpoint of social 
power, m eaning that the central role, the m ain driving force of history and state, 
is reserved for the emperor. The em peror was cast in the role of protector of 
every citizen, of a caretaker in charge of the well-being of the citizens, regardless 
of their ethnic origins. Thus, he was seen as a supranational institution which 
should ensure unity within the heterogeneous realm of the Habsburg Monarchy.
In such an idealistic and idolized concept there was no room for the reality of 
the Monarchy. Perm anent political conflicts along the lines of national and ethnic 
divisions were ignored. The author of the textbook, a teacher himself, presents the 
Habsburg M onarchy as an orderly, stable and harm onic com m unity of various 
nations. As a reflection of state ideology he clearly emphasizes the standpoint 
that loyalty to the em peror is at the same time also loyalty to the state and even 
to God. Significant political differences and gaps between the levels of economic 
and social development are not mentioned, the author simply overlooks them. 
He makes the only exception in the case of the year 1848, when the existence of 
the M onarchy was threatened because of arm ed uprisings in Italy and Hungary.
The insistence on the concept of harm ony prevented the author from 
presenting society as a complex mechanism of interfering interests of individuals 
and social groups. His interpretations are deficient, biased, overly simplified and 
thus also quite reductionist. Yet, having on the one hand overlooked the complex 
and conflicting ethnic structure of the Habsburg Monarchy, the author was able to 
introduce other m om ents in his presentation, not noticeable to this degree in the 
subsequent textbooks. W ithin the strictly delimited concept of social harm ony he 
focused on the status of the individual citizen, his political, social, and economic 
rights. And this is the basic starting point for interpreting the historical progress 
made.

In the interw ar period, the establishment of the Yugoslav state had im portant 
consequences, also for the teaching of history. In the Slovenian political rheto­
ric, Yugoslavia was a Slovenian national state. The evaluation of the past was 
adapted accordingly, since the interwar period had brought changes to the 
conceptualization of the state, monarchy, and nation. In accordance with the 
concept of the tripartite Yugoslav political nation, consisting of Slovenians, 
Croats and Serbs, the basic emphasis had changed. The emphasis no longer lay 
on the citizen. The discourse of the com m unity and nation as a whole was at the 
forefront. The driving force of history was now the nation, in our case the Slove­
nian nation with its political ambitions, economic and social interests. Thus the 
long-term historical situations of prim arily Slovenians and then also Croats as well 
as the Kingdoms of Serbia and M ontenegro became the greatest concern of the 
textbooks. Awareness of the Yugoslav diversity in the ethnic and religious sense 
is reflected in the abandonm ent of the Unitarian narrative. No single narration 
exists, unlike in the case of the Habsburg Monarchy. Instead, several stories 
unravel at the same time. Besides the prim arily Slovenian historical experience, 
the author of the 1939 textbook simultaneously recounts an interpretation of 
the history of Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and M ontenegro. As the 
recounting of various histories is involved, the story also contains a com m on 
element: the political efforts of the South Slavic nations to establish the Kingdom 
of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later renam ed Yugoslavia, which function as a 
com m on denom inator of various histories.
After 1945, in the com m unist regime, the ethnocentric and Yugoslav concept 
still prevails. As an interpretative basis, ethnocentrism remains the dom inant 
model of interpreting historical progress in the context of Slovenian national 
emancipation. However, an additional substantive emphasis appears at this time. 
The concept of the “unsolved Slovenian national question” asserts itself in the 
historical discourse and becomes the key point of the Slovenian national ideology. 
It stems from the political concept of “United Slovenia” , shaped by the Slovenian 
political elites in the middle of the 19th century, more precisely in 1848, in the year 
of the European “Spring of Nations” . The concept was based on the never realized 
unification of all Slovenians in a single adm inistrative unit within the Habsburg 
Monarchy. The concept of U nited Slovenia became an issue again in the time 
between both world wars, when the Slovenian ethnic space was divided into four 
states - the m ajor part in Yugoslavia, as well as territories in Italy, Austria and 
Hungary. The expression “undelivered Slovenia” was introduced to refer to the 
parts of the Slovenian ethnic space in the neighboring countries. D uring World 
War II the resistance movem ent (under the leadership of the Com m unist Party) 
revived the concept of a United Slovenia as a m otivational impetus of the resistance

against the Italian and Germ an occupation forces, and the liberation struggle was 
an act of em ancipation for the entire Slovenian ethnic community. W orld War II 
was supposedly an opportunity for the realization of this concept. After World 
War II, only the border with Italy was changed, resulting in an annexation of a 
considerable part of the Slovenian ethnic territory of the Slovenian republic in the 
context of the Yugoslav state. The borders with Austria and Hungary rem ained 
unchanged, and large Slovenian ethnic m inorities rem ained in Italy as well as 
in Austria and Hungary.6 It was this division of the Slovenian nation into four 
states that defined the concept of the “unsolved Slovenian national question” in 
the political discourse. The introduction of the new interpretative concept also 
m eant that school history would be presented differently The new approach 
also involved a strengthening of the ethnocentric imagery of school history. As 
an additional criterion of evaluating history, the concept of the Slovenian state 
was introduced, because the Slovenian state stood in the background of the 
“unsolved Slovenian national question” concept. At that time this was still within 
the context of the Yugoslav community. In this concept of evaluating the past, 
the Slovenian state represents the final em ancipation and final solution of the 
Slovenian national question.
In accordance with the concept of the “unsolved Slovenian national question” , 
the perception of the Habsburg M onarchy changed radically. This was a tim e and 
a state which had prevented the historical progress of Slovenians. Thus Yugoslavia 
became the only realistic solution to political subordination, economic and 
social disregard. The establishment of Yugoslavia in the textbook interpretations 
from the com m unist and transitional period remains a positive action, a path of 
progress in the process of Slovenian national emancipation, regardless of the fact 
that the evaluation of the existence of the Yugoslav state is twofold. O n the one 
hand, the processes of economic and social m odernization during its existence 
are underlined. O n the other hand, the emphasis lies on the restrictions of the 
political sovereignty of Slovenians w ithin the Yugoslav state and the profound 
Yugoslav crisis in the 1980s, contributing to the form ation of the independent 
Slovenian state. It is this fact w hich is presented as progress on the path towards 
Slovenian national emancipation.
6 For detailed information see Slovenska novejša zgodovina [Slovenian Contemporary History]. 
Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, 2005, pp. 24-25, 510-565, 758-761, 908- 
926, 1226-1255.

ON OTHERS
In our case the concept of “the other” is narrow. It is limited and does not 
relate to the social implications of the concept of the other and otherness. It has 
to do with other nations with which Slovenians cohabitated or shared borders 
in the past: the Germans, Italians, Hungarians, Croats and Serbs. Already at this 
point, attention should be paid to the basic com ponent of Slovenian national 
ideology apparent in the 20th century textbooks. Slovenians are presented as a 
passive subject of history, as a small nation, deprived in the political, cultural, 
economic and social sense. In this context, Slovenian history is imagined as a 
variety of external and internal conflicts and threats. The im plem entation of the 
ethnocentric m odel after 1918, the outlines of the “unsolved Slovenian national 
question” , and class-oriented logic after 1945 in the school history repertoire 
represented an integral part of strengthening this sort of an outlook on the world 
and history.
After 1918 an additional element was introduced. The textbook published 
before W orld War I was based on the idea of internal harmony, and the concept 
of conflicts was used to interpret international relations. Thus the Habsburg 
M onarchy and hence also Slovenians were threatened by Germ any and Italy due 
to their unification aspirations, which was in conflict with the Austrian interests. 
A nother threat was represented by the Turkish state due to the slow disintegration 
of its central authorities, its underdevelopm ent and lack of culture.
Nor does the narration change with the establishment of Yugoslavia. The list 
of threats and conflicts is only extended. Prim arily this is due to the changed 
interpretative context. The legitimacy of the Yugoslav state is sought in the past, 
and the discourse of “Yugoslavism” is established. The interpretation of m odern 
regional history involves a conflicting interaction between the “righteous” efforts 
for Yugoslavia and the protagonists of preserving the Habsburg Monarchy. 
A nother novelty, contributing to the broadening list of threats, is the inclusion 
of Serbian and Croatian historical imagery into the Slovenian school history. 
The principle is identical, only that new names are added to the list of threats. 
Besides the Slovenian traditional “opponents” , that is the Germans, Italians and 
Austrians, the list is now also populated by Hungarians, Bulgarians and Albanians 
in accordance with Croatian and Serbian interpretations. Turkey as the eternal 
opponent of Christianity and the personification of backwardness in the cultural 
and economic sense is a special case. However, the textbooks from the period of 
the com m unist regime extended the list of conflicting relationships even further. 
In addition to all the neighboring nations, the list of threats now included - in 
accordance with the class-oriented logic - the bourgeoisie, the liberal type of

democracy, and the capitalist economic system and its propagators. The circle 
was thus complete and the model of conflicting relations was filled w ithout and 
within.
Even though the textbooks from the transitional period did not stray far 
from the dom inant pattern of teaching school history as a series of conflicts 
and threats between neighbors, certain changes are nevertheless evident. Here 
we have to do with a phenom enon relativizing the still dom inant ethnocentric 
m odel of conflicts and threats. For example, the Western countries (the United 
States, Great Britain, Italy, Austria and Germany) gradually gained a positive 
reputation after the dispute between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. W ith the 
strengthening of the political and economic cooperation between Yugoslavia 
and the Western countries, the character of certain “others” changes slightly. The 
idea of cooperation gradually comes to the forefront instead of fear or danger. 
The aforem entioned Western countries became the m ost im portant economic 
partners. Finally the emphasis is placed on partnership. Tlius a long-term 
overview shows that in the end of the 20th century the authors included the 
model of cooperation and international partnership instead of confrontation 
into history textbooks for the first time. This new emphasis is most noticeable 
in the chapters about the establishment of the Slovenian state, where Germany 
and Austria are presented as countries firmly supporting the Slovenian efforts for 
their independent state at the turn of the 1980s. Furtherm ore, for the m ost recent 
period the authors introduced the concept of the “com m on Slovenian cultural 
space” . This term found its way into the textbooks from the political discourse as 
a concept of acknowledging the unchangeable European borders, declaratively 
defined by the Conference on European Security and Cooperation in the second 
half of the 1970s7 . This new concept of openness and cooperation replaced the 
preceding concept of United Slovenia from the 19th century, which had been 
based on a clear ethnic and territorial distinction from others.
7 The Conference on European Security and Cooperation was organized in an effort to overcome the 
Cold War ideological polarization in Europe and as a result of the ongoing processes of decreasing 
tensions. In 1975 the highest representatives of the European countries, the United States of America 
and Canada m et in Helsinki. In the final declaration, they undertook to encourage cooperation 
and the peaceful resolution of disputes instead of polarization and confrontation. The provision on 
the inviolability of the territorial integrity of the European countries was exceedingly important. 
It implied that the borders between European countries were acknowledged as unchangeable, 
regardless of their historical creation. Hum an rights were the second im portant point. The signatory 
states also undertook to respect hum an rights and freedoms (freedom of conscience, ideas, thought 
and religion). For detailed information see Tony Judt, Postwar: A History o f Europe Since 1945. New 
York: Penguin Press, 2005, pp. 500-503.

COMMUNISM
The idea of com m unism is very interesting if we want to illustrate the 
relativity involved in the definition of progress. In this case we are dealing with 
two approaches. In the pre-transition textbooks, com m unism is defined as a very 
successful way of significantly improving the social and economic situation of 
the population. By abolishing social injustice the population would supposedly, 
besides gaining an improved living standard, also gain dignity. The transitional 
period, constituted as a negation of the com m unist regime, brought new and 
different emphases. In the transitional period textbooks, we witness interpretations 
about com m unism as an unsuccessful social and economic model, which, in the 
long run and historically, has not justified its existence neither at the national nor 
international level. Such evaluations certainly attest to the altered value bases of 
the authors as well as the society as a whole. The new estimates are based on the 
standpoint that the liberal type of democracy and m arket (capitalist!) economy 
are a state of “historical norm alcy” .
In the pre-transitional textbooks the definition of com m unism is clear. It is a 
process, supposedly representing a natural historical course of hum an develop­
m ent and progress. C om m unism is defined as a progressive phenom enon in 
itself. The school version of history spreads the message that com m unism as 
a political movement, and its practice allows small, deprived nations or social 
classes to emancipate themselves historically. It enables them to correct social 
injustices within their state borders or at the international level. C om m unism is 
presented as the m ost im portant phenom enon of the 20th century, changing the 
world at its roots with its existence. In the case of Yugoslavia/Slovenia (or other 
Eastern European com m unist countries) the authors stated that the goals of the 
com m unist movem ent had already been achieved by seizing power after 1945. 
By strengthening itself in the Eastern European countries its goals had also been 
reached at the international level. W ith regard to the character of the communist 
regime, the authors offer a characteristic duality. On one hand, they emphasize 
the processes of the political, social and economic em ancipation of the lower 
social strata, that is, the working class (!), while on the other hand they underline 
the Slovenian national em ancipation with their own republic in the context of 
the Yugoslav state. The definitions carefully follow the political rhetoric of the 
com m unist era and interpretation of the past as shaped by the official doctrine of 
the Com m unist Party.
In the textbooks printed during the transition, the issue of com m unism is 
dealt with in a more balanced and complex manner. C om m unism is defined 
as a m ovem ent for the reparation of social injustice. However, as the authors

move away from the level of principles, their wording becomes m ore critical. 
They distinguish between two periods, two practices of the com m unist regime in 
Slovenia (Yugoslavia). The time since the end of W orld War II until the mid-1960s 
is defined as a period of a centralized Stalinist Party state, where the dynamics 
of decision-m aking were dictated by a few members of the innerm ost leadership 
of the Com m unist Party. In the political sense, the Slovenian (Yugoslav) 
com m unism in the first two decades after World War II is defined as an open 
political and economic dictatorship. However, for the more recent decades 
the term “ideologically liberalized m odel of com m unism ” is used due to the 
completed reforms in this time. W hen the m om ent of economic development is 
introduced into our deliberation, the characteristic dual presentation of com m u­
nism is obvious again. We notice two types of argumentation. The students 
should realize that the period of the centrally-planned economy was a tim e of 
shortage. Everything was in short supply: democracy, freedom, consum er goods, 
well-being. The 1960s, famous for being the most liberal tim e in the period of 
com m unism when economic reforms were emphasized, are presented with 
approval. The reforms are defined as an attem pt to introduce certain principles of 
m arket (capitalist) economy into the com m unist economic system. The reforms 
are also defined as an effort to strengthen the living standard of the population 
through m anifestations of consum erism according to the W estern models. 
This argum entation served the authors as an illustration of the basic dividing 
line between Slovenia (Yugoslavia) and other Eastern European com m unist 
countries. As the m ain shortcom ing of the com m unist regime in Slovenia and 
Yugoslavia, the authors underlined the inability to ensure long-term political 
stability (also due to the “unsolved national question”!) and to create and pursue 
a suitable economic policy which would ensure a sustainable level of economic 
growth in the long run.
CONCLUSION
As we argued in the beginning, the Slovenian textbooks are based on the 
concept of history as a constant progression on the path towards the ultimate 
goal, the latter of which, naturally, depended on the social context. The analyzed 
textbooks attest to the practice of reoccurring reinterpretations of school history 
and the concept of progress w ithin a wider social and economic context. As the 
social and economic context changed, the interpretations of the past changed as 
well. The legitimization of the present by reinterpreting the past is indisputable 
in the analyzed textbooks from the various periods of the 20th century. In this

process we can underline four aspects as im portant points from the viewpoint of 
the 20th century as a whole:
The first im portant point in the concept of teaching history in the 20th cen­
tury is the establishment of Yugoslavia, since the year 1918 symbolizes the 
adoption of the ethnocentric m odel as an interpretative context for the teaching 
of history This m odel was com plem ented and strengthened by the concept of the 
“unsolved Slovenian national question” in 1945. The second point determ ining 
the contents of the teaching of history after 1945, also im portant in the long 
run, is the introduction of a class-oriented approach to interpreting the past. 
During the transition, the class-oriented approach was abandoned. However, the 
ethnocentric approach became a constant, since it persisted already in the third 
social context of the 20th century.
The introduction of conceptual and interpretative foundations, made possible 
by the ethnocentric approach and the m odel of the “unsolved Slovenian national 
question” , also influenced the way history was taught. This is m ost obvious in the 
presentation of history as a constant series of opposing interests and conflicts 
with the neighboring nations. The “others” are regularly presented in the 
textbooks as a threat to the Slovenian national existence, culture, and future. In 
time, the circle of those threatening the Slovenian interests became increasingly 
wider. A gradual revision of this approach can be noted towards the end of the 
20th century. The textbooks from that period already emphasize the m odel of 
cooperation noticeably, which is a departure from the dom inant ethnocentric 
model of confrontation.
In the com m unist period, the concept of m odernity was widely introduced 
into the contents of school history. This concept presupposes that history has 
an ultimate goal. Unindustrialized or poorly industrialized countries were 
seen as pre-m odern or even un-m odern, and they also had a status of socially 
and economically undeveloped and developmentally backward countries. The 
message and the value system were more than clear. In order to avoid being 
branded as un-m odern and undeveloped in the field of economics and as a 
society, countries had to become industrialized or at least strive towards urgent 
industrialization. At the same time, m odernity or industrialization is associated 
with “W esternization” . The W estern society is m odern society. This becomes a 
norm for judging the social and economic development of all societies.
In the presentations of com m unism we witness an interesting twist in the 
relative concept of progress. There is no doubt in the pre-transitional textbooks. 
Com m unism is a successful way of overcoming social and economic differences 
at the national and international level. According to this interpretation, com m u­

nism contributed significantly to the im provem ent of the living standard and the 
inclusion of the population into the social and economic processes. Therefore its 
contribution to overcoming the boundaries of social “injustice” was supposedly of 
key importance. The transitional period, however, brought a completely opposite 
emphasis. Due to the denial of political rights and other freedoms of the people 
as well as because of its economic failure, com m unism becomes an unsuccessful 
historical process at the level of individual states as well as at the international 
level. Such evaluations in the textbooks attest to the altered value bases of the 
society, where the liberal dem ocratic political model and m arket (capitalist) 
economy constitute themselves at the level of perm anent historical “norm alcy” .