KOPER 2017 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Series Historia et Sociologia, 27, 2017, 2 UDK 009 ISSN 1408-5348 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 ·2 ISSN 1408-5348 UDK 009 Letnik 27, leto 2017, številka 2 UREDNIŠKI ODBOR/ COMITATO DI REDAZIONE/ BOARD OF EDITORS: Roderick Bailey (UK), Simona Bergoč, Furio Bianco (IT), Milan Bufon, Alexander Cherkasov (RUS), Lucija Čok, Lovorka Čoralić (HR), Darko Darovec, Goran Filipi (HR), Devan Jagodic (IT), Vesna Mikolič, Luciano Monzali (IT), Aleksej Kalc, Avgust Lešnik, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja Mihelič, Edward Muir (USA), Vojislav Pavlović (SRB), Peter Pirker (AUT), Claudio Povolo (IT), Andrej Rahten, Vida Rožac Darovec, Mateja Sedmak, Lenart Škof, Marta Verginella, Tomislav Vignjević, Paolo Wulzer (IT), Salvator Žitko Glavni urednik/Redattore capo/ Editor in chief: Darko Darovec Odgovorni urednik/Redattore responsabile/Responsible Editor: Salvator Žitko Uredniki/Redattori/Editors: Urška Lampe, Gorazd Bajc Gostujoči uredniki/Guest Editors: Špela Verovšek, Matevž Juvančič, Tadeja Zupančič Prevajalci/Traduttori/Translators: Petra Berlot (it.) 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Naklada/Tiratura/Circulation: 300 izvodov/copie/copies Revija Annales, Series historia et sociologia je vključena v naslednje podatkovne baze / La rivista Annales, Series historia et sociologia è inserita nei seguenti data base / Articles appearing in this journal are abstracted and indexed in: Thomson Reuters (USA): Arts and Humanities Citation Index (A&HCI) in/and Current Contents / Arts & Humanities; IBZ, Internationale Bibliographie der Zeitschriftenliteratur (GER); Sociological Abstracts (USA); Referativnyi Zhurnal Viniti (RUS); European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences (ERIH PLUS); Elsevier B. V.: SCOPUS (NL). Vsi članki so v barvni verziji prosto dostopni na spletni strani: http://www.zdjp.si. All articles are freely available in color via website http://www.zdjp.si. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico Del Vecchio & Tadeja Zupančič: Contextualisation of a creative practice. A dialogue ............................................................. 227 Contestualizzazione della pratica creativa. Un dialogo Kontekstualizacija kreativne prakse. Dialog Tina Potočnik & Ljubo Lah: Pojem identiteta v izbranih mednarodnih listinah varstva dediščine in njegova uporaba v Sloveniji ................................................ 245 Il concetto dell’identità nella conservazione e nella tutela del patrimonio ambientale secondo alcuni selezionati documenti internazionali e la sua attuazione in Slovenia The Concept of Identity in Selected International Documents of Heritage Conservation and its use in Slovenia Biserka Dumbović Bilušić, Mladen Obad Šćitaroci & Jasenka Kranjčević: Historical Character of the Landscape of Veliki Brijun ...................................................... 259 Il carattere storico del paesaggio dell‘isola Veliki Brijun Zgodovinska značilnost krajine otoka Veliki Brion Simon Petrovčič & Vojko Kilar: Ocena potresne ranljivosti objektov arhitekturne dediščine na območju Slovenije ......... 277 Valutazione della vulnerabilità sismica delle opere del patrimonio architettonico sul territorio Sloveno Seismic Vulnerability Assessment of Architectural Heritage Buildings in Slovenia Jasna Petrić: Neighbourhood Attachment in Central and Peripheral Areas of Belgrade: Evidence from Stari grad and Kaluđerica ............................... 295 L’attaccamento al quartiere nelle zone centrali e periferici di Belgrado: evidenze da Stari grad e Kaluđerica Navezanost na naselje v centralnih in perifernih področjih Beograda: dokazi iz naselij Stari grad in Kaluđerice Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS UDK 009 Letnik 27, Koper 2017, številka 2 ISSN 1408-5348 Urška Valenčič & Tatjana Capuder Vidmar: Načrtovanje v naseljih znotraj kulturne kraške krajine na študijskem primeru idejne krajinsko-urbanistične zasnove Divače ........ 309 La progettazione nei centri abitati dell‘area culturale carsica sull‘esempio del progetto di studio paesaggistico-urbanistico di Divača Planning in Settlements within the Karst Cultural Landscape on the Case Study of the Conceptual Landscape and Urban Design of Divača Marko Rukavina & Mladen Obad Šćitaroci: Urban Integration of Archaeological Heritage in Zadar ................................................... 329 Integrazione del patrimonio archeologico di Zara nel contesto urbano Urbana integracija arheološke dediščine v Zadru Špela Verovšek & Ljiljana Čavić: Expressions of Spatial Quality and Local Identity in Urban Riverfronts .................................. 349 Le espressioni di qualità spaziale e identità locale nello sviluppo di lungofiume urbano Izrazi prostorske identitete in kakovosti urbanih prostorov pri razvoju mestnih rečnih nabrežij Jure Ramšak: Casino v socialističnem mestu: začetki igralniške industrije in socialnoekonomska preobrazba Nove gorice ......................................... 363 Il casinò nella città socialista: gli inizi dell’industria del gioco d’azzardo e la trasformazione socioeconomica di Nova gorica Casino in the Socialist Town: the Origins of the Gambling Industry and the Socioeconomic Transromation of Nova gorica Vojko Strahovnik: Divine Command Ethics, Cosmopolitanism, Fundamentalism and Dialogue .............................. 379 Etica del comando divino, cosmopolitismo, fondamentalismo e dialogo Etika božjega ukaza, kozmopolitizem, fundamentalizem in dialog ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 ·2 Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies Lenart Škof: Hospitalities of the Body: On Materialism and Spirituality in the Philosophical Traditions of Europe and Asia ................................. 387 Le ospitalita’ del corpo: sul materialismo e sulla spiritualità nella tradizione filosofica europea ed asiatica Gostoljubja telesa: o materializmu in spiritualnosti v filozofskih tradicijah Evrope in Azije Bojan Žalec: Javni um, religija in ekskluzivizem: Rawls v luči katoliške in islamske misli ............................ 395 Public Reason, Religion and Exclusivism: Rawls in the Light of the Catholic and Islamic View La ragione pubblica, la religione e l’esclusivismo: Rawls nella luce del pensiero cattolico e di quello islamico Branko Klun: Vattimo’s Kenotic Interpretation of Christianity and its Relevance for a Postmodern Democracy ..... 407 L’interpretazione chenotica del cristianesimo di Vattimo e la sua rilevanza per una democrazia postmoderna Vattimova kenotična interpretacija krščanstva in njegov pomen za postmoderno demokracijo Nadja Furlan Štante: The Secret Code of Goddess – Unwritten Regulations and the Critique of Violent Theology ... 417 Il codice segreto di dea – norme non scritte e la critica della teologia violenta Skriti kodeks boginje – nenapisana pravila in kritika nasilne teologije Vesna Vukićević-Janković: Lik Blažene Ozane kotorkinje kao kulturalnomemorijski kod ...................................... 429 L’immagine della Beata Osanna come codice di memoria culturale The Character of the Blessed Ozana of Kotor as a Cultural Memory Code Aleksandar Knežević: Flotantne etničke grupe u demografskim istraživanjima – metodološki problemi, pristupi i primeri ................................................... 439 Gruppi etnici fluttuanti nelle ricerche demografiche – problemi metodologici, approcci e esempi The Floating Ethnic Groups in Demographic Research – Methodological Issues, Approaches and Examples Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ...................................... 457 Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 457 Index to images on the cover ................................. 457 Navodila avtorjem ................................................ 458 Istruzioni per gli autori .......................................... 460 Instructions to authors ........................................... 462 227 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.16 received: 2016-03-28 CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE Federico DEL VECCHIO University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: Federico.DelVecchio@fa.uni-lj.si Tadeja ZUPANČIČ University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT This dialogue aims to demonstrate the relational knowledge creation in creative practice research. The practice identity is investigated through the lenses of the Mediterrannean context. The starting point is the EU 7th FP ITN ADAPT-r project ‘Architecture, Design and Art Practice Training-research’. The two dialogue voices are from this network: a nomadic sculptorer/visual artist as a PhD fellow, and an architect/academic as his supervisor. The article contextualises both practices, bridging the gap between creative practice and academia, artistic and scientifi c re- search. The relational knowledge model is enhanced to explicate the tacit knowledge and challenge a wide variety of new knowledge creations. Keywords: creative practice research, research relevance, visual arts, architecture CONTESTUALIZZAZIONE DELLA PRATICA CREATIVA. UN DIALOGO SINTESI Il presente dialogo tende a dimostrare la conoscenza relazionale nella ricerca sulla pratica creativa mediante l’investigazione sull identità della predetta prassi. L’identità di tale prassi viene investigata attraverso le lenti del contesto mediterraneo. Il punto di partenza è il Progetto EU 7th FP ITN ADAPT-r Architettura, Design e ricerca sulla didattica della prassi artistica. Le due voci di questo network sono uno scultore nomade/artista visivo, candidato ad un PhD, ed un architetto/accademico, suo supervisore. L’articolo contestualizza entrambe le pratiche, colmando il divario che esiste tra la prassi creativa ed il mondo accademico, tra la ricerca artistica e quella scientifi ca. Il modello di conoscenza relazionale viene rafforzato allo scopo di spiegare la conoscenza tacita e di mettere in discussione un’ampia gamma di nuove creazioni conoscitive. Parole chiave: ricerca sulla pratica creativa, pertinenza di ricerca, arti visive, architettura 228 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 INTRODUCTION This article emerges from the following positions: • The creative practice research in the ADAPT-r project: ‘Architecture, Design and Art Practice Training-research’ (ADAPT-r, 2016); this initial training network emphasizes a creative practice as the primary source of new knowledge creation and new methodological developments; • The doctoral programme in architecture at the University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture (Doktorski študijski program arhitektura, 2016); • The view through the ANNALES call on the identity of the urban environment and cultural landscapes – Mediterranean; • The artistic practice of Federico del Vecchio – ADAPT-r fellow/doctoral researcher/sculptor and visual artist; • The supervisory practice of Tadeja Zupančič – ADAPT-r project leader at the University of Ljubljana partner/doctoral programme leader/ architect. The fi rst part of this article explains the approach to the knowledge creation in creative practice research through the lenses of the ADAPT-r project, the doc- toral programme and the magazine call. The second one demonstrates the way new knowledge is explicated from creative practices through a dialogue between the two voices from ADAPT-r. The third and fi nal part dis- cusses some knowledge explication from the dialogue presented. The ADAPT-r project ‘aims to signifi cantly increase European research capacity through a unique and ground-breaking research model.’ It develops ‘a robust and sustainable initial training network in an emergent Supra-Disciplinary fi eld of research across a range of design and arts disciplines – creative practice research’ (Blythe & Van Schaik, 2013; Verbeke & Zupančič, 2014). The ADAPT-r network links seven schools of architecture: KU Leuven, RMIT Europe, University of Westminster, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia; Estonian Academy of Arts, Aarhus School of Architecture, and Glasgow School of Art. It builds on recent discussions about research through practice (Polanyi, 1966; Schön, 1983; Österle & Otto, 2010; Koskinen et. al., 2011; Dunin-Woyseth, 2005; Stamm, 2009; Kocatűrk and Me- jddoub, 2011; Van Schaik & Johnson, 2011; Zupančič, 2009, 2012, 2013, 2014; Fraser, 2013; Verbeke, 2013; Blythe & Van Schaik, 2013; Verbeke & Zupančič, 2014). It relates to other networks (ARENA, 2016). It develops a training model, and is also training new researchers themselves. At the PhD, the postdoc as well as the supervisory levels. The authors of this article represent two voices from this network: the former, Federico, is the PhD fellow, and the latter, Tadeja, is his supervisor. The project investigates a wide variety of knowledge types: the selection of the fellows is based on their ‘ven- turousness’/competence/input knowledge. The output knowledge/innovation, as the outcome of the creative process, is investigated through the lenses, described below. The third type of knowledge, developed rational- ly in-between competence and innovation, is relational, aimed to be demonstrated in the ‘dialogue’ below. It ex- ists in action and is developed through communication (Hatleskog, 2016, 25; Amin and Roberts, 2008). RESEARCH APPROACH, STRATEGY, METHODS Creative practice and creative practice research Not all creative practice is research. The venturous practitioners are identifi ed as the ones investigating beyond the commercial success. The ones with essential input and output knowledge, capable to develop rela- tional knowledge. Their conscious decision to explicate some of the implicit/experiential knowledge from their creative practice through the relational knowledge development makes the difference. And the decision to develop a discipline of research training contributes to that difference. The new tacit/explicit knowledge is a consequence, recognizable through the relational knowledge creation. This is embedded within the com- munities of creative practice research and (potentially) recognized by the communities of research relevance (wider research community which fi nds this research relevant). Creative practice research framing The ADAPT-r project builds on a wide variety of doctoral training and creative practice research experi- ences. Its methodology focuses on six reference points/ lenses: case study (of creative practice), community of practice, transformative triggers, public behaviours, ex- plication of tacit knowledge and explication of methods for the tacit knowledge explication. These lenses can be used non-linearly, as a refl ective wall. On the other hand they are grouped into three investigation stages (which are explained in more detail in the following paragraphs), each digging deeper into the creative practice and its community. The fi rst stage is similar to the ‘state of the art’/ metarials/problems/questions/themes defi nition. The creative practice and its community are identifi ed and staged. What drives/motivates the creative practices? Who are the people, related to the practice – research- ers, practitioners, clients, public, teachers…? Then the practice transforms into a fi eld-based research laboratory. Creative thinking and its research relevance are investigated through the lens of trans- formative triggers, the critical moments/situations that change the thinking/working modes… The lens of 229 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 ‘public behaviours’ shows the ways the practitioner is searching for contextualization/recognition/relevance… The last stage explicates the contribution to the knowledge-body and methodological developments (‘results and discussion’). The new knowledge is related both to design thinking (drivers/triggers) and public be- haviours (community of practice/behavior rituals). The methodological contributions develop (individual) meth- ods for explication of the tacit knowledge. Why do we focus on the tacit knowledge in ADAPT- r? Because this core of the knowledge-base needs to be at least partially explicated to be shared within the re- search community. And because it triggers new explicit/ tacit knowledge creation. And why, in this article, the focus is on the relational knowledge? Because at this ADAPT-r stage (Hatleskog, 2016; Hatleskog and Holder, 2015a, 2015b; Holder, 2015) it is clear that the relational knowledge helps to explicate the tacit dimensions of the creative practices to make it shareable and thus relevant for wider research communities. Investigation of community of practice and community of practice research to identify community of research relevance Federico is enrolled in the PhD at the University of Ljubljana. He is in the early stage, when the relational knowledge plays a critical role in his orientation. He needs to identify the contexts of his research relevance earlier in the process than some other PhD research- ers in the ADAPT-r network. Because our institutional research community is aware that the focus on practice research, when too intense, can lead to the ignorance of theoretical contextualisation – and the opposite. This awareness derives from adapting to the ADAPT-r (Verbeke & Zupančič, 2014), while we identifi ed the resonance with the network and emphasized the roots of the practice research at the doctoral level from the last fi ve decades. This article contextualises Federico’s practice through the following questions: What/who/how drives and/or triggers the practice? What are the relations to others – practitioners, researchers? The presentation method in the main part of the text is a dialogue between both authors’ voices: to demonstrate the relational knowledge development in the creative practice research; and to build on both pro- fessional obsessions of the participants. This dialogue shows how the explication of the implicit knowledge ‘works’ through the relational knowledge development. It demonstrates rather than answers how it works explic- itly. The next explication step is in the conclusions. The article contextualises also Tadeja’s supervisory practice. When and how to trigger the artistic practice of contextualisation? How to identify the community of research relevance in these cases? How to identify the contribution of creative practice research to the wider research communities? The ‘dialogue’ develops the idea of the interview, common in the artistic dissemination world; to indicate the nature of the respectful partnership in the relational knowledge creation. However, the dialogue is contex- tualized through the introduction and the less personal conclusion, In a more contemporarily usual manner, to trigger some further research community relevance. The dialogue is not seen as a method in a mechanical sense, but rather as a mode of understanding (Gadamer, inter- preted by Brinkman, 2007; a ‘Mediterrannean’ example: Plato, 380 BC). Doxastic and epistemic interviews are combined into a hybrid conversation, to trigger the shifts from tacit/experiential/story based to explicit/describ- able in general terms and back again. The ANNALES call – from a potential community of research relevance – is used as a trigger to communicate the notion of diverse knowledge types from the creative practice research to the wider research communities. And this is why the joint voice of the authors splits to demonstrate the method of the relational knowledge investigation. Though knowledge is developed/created together, the identities of single voices need to dem- onstrate how they trigger each other’s thinking in the creative practice research. The conclusions integrate Federico’s thoughts of the artistic/curatorial practice and Tadeja’s view as a writer/editor/supervisor; from the gen- eralistic notion of architectural research (EAAE, 2012). A DIALOGUE Places as inspirations of creativity Tadeja. As an architect I’m convinced I think spatially and I understand the difference between places and spaces; as sometimes authentic and non-problematic, and at other times dynamic / multiple but unique, rec- ognizable socio-spatial entities (Norberg-Schulz, 1984; Madanipour, 1996; Abel, 1997). Spatial identity is thus a characteristic of a singular, specifi c location/area/ region… as an experiential totality of interrelations at different scales. They possess their own ‘identity of’ as a potential to be sensed and ‘identifi ed with’ (Zupančič and Mullins, 2002) by individuals and communities. Feeling/knowing places is the essential inspiration for any spatial intervention. The ANNALES call starts from these notions of identity. Federico, you are a sculptor/ visual artist and I expect you to focus more on objects rather than places. Moreover you are from Naples and you are a nomadic artist. It can be assumed that your creative practice relates somehow with the Mediterran- nean identity, which seems obvious from some of your works, I wonder how it ‘works’ for you. Federico. Am I aware that the Mediterranean cultural identity and its symbols are appropriated in my work? How important is it for me to choose these icons rather 230 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 Figure 1: Federico Del Vecchio (F.D.V.): selected works from 2013 to 2014, most obviously relating to the Me- diterrannean context: Untitled (Bialetti; photo credit: Queens Park Railway Club), Discobolo di Nettuno (photo credit: Museo Apparente), Patricia, Italy, M (photo credit: Queens Park Railway Club), Lemon Tree (photo credit: The Telfer Gallery), Brancusiello (photo credit: Queens Park Railway Club), Untitled (photo credit: Queens Park Railway Club), Untitled (photo credit: Jenifer Nails), Alfa Romeo Spider ‘Osso di Seppia 1966–69’ (detail; Photo credit: Jenifer Nails) 231 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 than others? Meanwhile, I also use the icons/objects col- lected from various cultural environments, sometimes far from my belonging (Figure 1). Objects as inspiration for creativity, obsession with collecting objects An unexpected conversation makes me think about my internal obsession; the impulse to collect things and the diffi culty of ridding oneself of them. This carries on from place to place. Perhaps this relates to the idea of identity, and the notion of a place, a person or individu- als. Each object has a personal and subjective meaning which connects individuals to their environment. One which is itself fragmented into objects and integrated through their meaning, mirroring ourselves in our sur- roundings. A recurrent phenomenon that is confronted with the obsessive accumulation of excessive amount of junk turns into a mass phenomenon that drives our behavior and defi nes our identities. Tadeja. Is this obsession the evidence that we are afraid of losing memories? The act of selection Federico. If the collecting and the assembly of our own meaning is derived through the objects that form our ‘place’, then understating the process of what we select is critical in this discussion. The very act of selec- tion and what motivates a selectivity of what is chosen and kept. As a mechanism. For each individual with their own criteria for the choices. If we relate it to an artistic-cultural context, it becomes a matter of common interest; for example, a large number of artists select the same typology of objects even if they work in a different way. A collective desire for certain objects through a shared set of criteria and established set of standards. Tadeja. You have already brought a fresh view to the act of the selection of information, relevant for ‘scientifi c’ research (Del Vecchio, 2015). You arranged an art exhibition from the list of conventional research references of the Aarhus conference participants. Not in the alphabetical order but grouped according to the choice of people. Using the ‘search dogs’, the mov- able trolleys in front of the wall with the references exhibited, you demonstrated the chance, intuition, instability and play involved in carving of the artist/ curator through the information and materialisation fl ows. The act of selection is based on the people’s responsiveness, contextualized within the specifi c re- search community. You transformed the ordinary into extraordinary, as usually. But you thought about how to start your research at that time... And about how the research process usually starts... How to select relevant information? The information is transformed into a set of personalized objects, which form a specifi c place of the research background. Object and place, artifi cial belonging Federico. The obsession with collecting objects is also pragmatic in a sense. In our present reality, which lacks the future certainty, the things bring a consistency to the everyday moments. It also refl ects a nomadic and fl exible lifestyle as the main structure for certain individuals, and a large portion of this generation. So it is a kind of move- ment where the found, collectable things of a place are assembled and then shattered again to be reassembled at some other place. The collected matter forms a certain aura to a current place and dissolves again as we move, and new spatial realities and new things are collected. This perhaps brings us to the necessity for ‘lightness’, or the practicality of not solidifying the structures of our object environments. Lightness in terms of fl exibil- ity, a model of life that points to the profession and its relationships. This mobility creates a lack of emotional relationships, or a regular family participation. Through a series of tangible objects collected at each place a sort of artifi cial belonging is shaped. Each object becomes part of a new life meaning. Extending the life of that object and projecting it through to allow for placemak- ing that may be part of the environment of that specifi c location in the space-time. Everydayness shifting into the art realm My works explore the concept of form, representa- tion and the divide between everyday objects and art- works. Using the everyday as a source, I’m interested in the moment when objects are shifted into artworks and detach themselves from their intended context. Through the moment of critical transformation the assumed use value evaporates and the artworks form new/unusual interrelations within the exhibition space. These ties are not mechanical or defi ned through one specifi c mean- ing. The object’s meaning, its socio-political role, its commodity value and functionality shifts; and its place within a hierarchy is altered. My practice refl ects on the notion of objecthood in contemporary practice. The conditions and circum- stances in which objects are modifi ed, positioned, assembled and displayed are central to this process. I am intrigued by how such transformations in the context express the tensions between polar qualities: monumen- tal and mundane; stable and unstable; permanent and ephemeral; the value and lack thereof. ‘Objects’, specifi cally as they occupy our daily envi- ronments, express less of their objecthood and become an entity of utility. And yet there is their transformative process from the “everyday” and their placement in the realm of art practice. Conditions for artistic transformation Tadeja. While we discussed this displacement I asked you about the basic conditions for an everyday object to 232 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 become an art object. Is it about the cultural community recognition? What else? We both observed the cases of dementia where a strange juxtaposition of objects is a ‘natural’ reaction to the situation. Is the artistic deliberate use of the same principle a potential sign of a found memory? Jo Van Den Berghe built his whole research story from his found memories of his already destroyed grandmother’s house (Van Den Berghe, 2012, Book 2). Dimitri Vangrunder- beek’s transformation of ordinary to sculpture is obessed with limits/borders (Vangrunderbeek, 2015). Thoughts as inspirations of creativity: everydayness, objecthood, home Federico. I’m questioning the ‘everyday’, particu- larly through the writings of Blanchot and Lefebvre. Blanchot (Johnstone, 2008) suggests that the everyday should exhibit an ‘absence of qualities’, cannot be approached cognitively, and ‘that it should display an energizing capacity to subvert intellectual and institutional authority’. It is ‘inexhaustible, unimpeach- able, always open-ended and always eluding forms or structures’. Moreover, the everyday is the site of fundamental ambiguity: where we become either alienated or where we can demonstrate our creativity. Here Blanchot closely follows Lefebvre: the everyday is the place ‘where repetition and creativity confront each other’, it is ‘simultaneously the time and the place where the human either fulfi lls itself or fails’ (edited by: Johnstone, 2008, 15). Plato’s refl ection of particular relevance is the fun- damental difference between form and object. Form as the universal entity is always constant. “Forms are transcendent. This means that they do not exist in space and time” (Plato’s Theory of Forms). On the other hand he argues that objects are a complex formation of condi- tions that are very specifi cally organized in relation to space and time. This very understanding creates a more critical awareness of objects, including the everyday objects around us. The ‘object’ implies materiality that differs from the realm of ‘form’, which in contrast only exists in an immaterial realm. The very materiality of the object is the reason that the object ceases to be purely form, regardless of the extent it aspires to be purely ‘form’. Plato goes on to elaborate that all objects embody the qualities of form and are the copies of form; ‘form’ is the pure essence of the object: “Particular objects are the copies or likeness of them: and the participation of such objects in the form consists in being made like it” (Plato, 1867, 272). The object is understood as a subjec- tive interpretation of those associated combinations and visual/tactile complexities that take from the ‘form’ to exist in our world. Their ability a to exist in the space and time and thus be transient in nature, empowers the objects to “be” with a specifi c condition and perform in a specifi c way related to the particularities of the space and time they are positioned within. This positioning and existence will never become universal; but will be in a constant state of fl ux. Creating each moment is a unique oppor- tunity of its existence, with the potential to refl ect the moment or the context. This understanding of the source of object and the possibility of its source of existence, takes us to observing the role of objects in our world and our attitude towards them. Heidegger argues that the very functionality of objects has made them in ways invisible: we no longer refl ect on their essence – their very objecthood – but only see them performing the roles they are assigned to: /.../ objects tend to vanish from conscious awa- reness and to perform their functions invisibly. Objects are tools, not in the sense that all objects are “useful” for something but in the sense that objects tend to vanish from view in favour of some larger context or ulterior purpose by which they are dominated (Harman, 2005, 268). This implies that our human interaction with non-hu- man objects have been mostly reduced to the functional features that the object beholds. The result disregards the essence of that object – which links it back to its metaphysical ‘form’ and the properties that allow it to be very specifi c to time and space. This observation occurs when the object is acknowledged as a unifi ed entity. However, Heidegger addresses the way in which this lack of awareness of the intricacies and complexities of the object can be resolved: “By deliberately tearing the objects from their invisible actions and putting them openly on display” (Harman, 2005, 268). Taking the discussion back to refl ect on the artistic practice in the appropriation of objects. Especially during the last few decades, artists have been working primarily either on appropriating objects that are part of the visual cultural landscape, transform- ing them, juxtaposing them or on using them as ready- mades. Boris Groys states: Art today is defi ned by an identity between crea- tion and selection. At least since Duchamp it has been the case that selecting an artwork is the same as creating an artwork. That /…/ does not mean that all art since then has become ready-made art. It does, however, mean that the creative act has become the act of selection: /…/ producing an object is no longer suffi cient for its producer to be considered an artist. One must also select the object one has made oneself and declare it an artwork. Accordingly, since Duchamp there has no longer been any difference between an object one produces oneself and one produced by someone else (Groys, 2008, 93). 233 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 The ‘the system of objects’ (Baudrillard, 2005) refers to the house as a well-organized structure, where the arrangement of the furniture refl ects a function related to the hierarchical structure and functionality of a fam- ily. These objects with or without a family contain the meaning of it and the system of meaning it associates. Individuals with no ‘permanent home’, how do they face such situations? It can be drawn to a desire for the staging of an overcrowded space where the excessive accumula- tion of objects attempts a simulation of such a ‘home’. It is a drive for wanting ‘home’ even without a real- ity of ‘home’ being there. The meaning is poured into these objects as the lost objects of ‘home’, in an almost morbose relationship with these objects. They are scat- tered around in different places, unobtainable, lost, just like the Lacanian objects of desire. And it turns into a cycle of accumulation and constant connecting of all these objects to form a unifi ed entity, side by side. Away from its reality where they would have never been in such juxtaposition. But for an ‘individual’ this might become a ‘home ‘. Providing the hope that all these objects together make a sense of a ‘place’. An ‘entity’ that does not need a link to a single location but refl ects this nomadism and a lack of impermanence. These found and collected objects never really belonged to that individual. Freed from the need to belong they form a reality of its own. A reality without attachment to physicality of a place. Perhaps becoming the mirror of arationality that we want to achieve but at the same time refuse. Causing an internal loop in and out of this desire. Creative practices as references: transpositions Referring to the well-known example of the Du- champ’s ready-made – the Fountain (1917) – Rosalind Krauss describes: But for Duchamp, the work was no longer a common object, because it had been transposed. It had been “fl ipped” or inverted to rest on a pedestal, /…/ it had been repositioned, and this physical repositioning stood for a transformation that must then be read on a metaphysical level. Folded into that act of inversion is a moment in which the viewer has to realize that an act of transfer has occurred (Krauss, 1981, 77). Objects interact with each other in a specifi c way: “some works are composed of different/independent units and come together in the moment of the exhibi- tion…” (Buskirk, 2003). The interplay in the way art- ists engage with assembling, archiving, accumulating, manipulating and combining these objects is of par- ticular intrigue. Objects are non-inert entities capable of interaction and producing relations between them. They “/…/ have a fourfold structure that is drawn from Heidegger; I treat casual relations between non-human objects no differently from human perception of them” (Harman, 2011, 5). Furthermore, the deliberate juxtapo- sition of object brings forth the following: An object is defi ned by its relationship to another object(s). The meaning is generated through the play of objects; in how they are placed, acting on one another. The viewer is engaged to complete the story, to solve the riddle (Steinbach, 2008). Some of these relations are established in the Isa Gen- sken’s works (Genzken, 2013). One begins to plunge into a narrative state, refl ecting on those objects but unable to fi nd a logical thread. Those objects, however, may say a lot, result in a shiny surface bound by the plastic and industrial materials. It is clear that these objects belong to our every day life, but in their particular state of as- semblage they could hardly return to that situation. Even after the slight manipulation that have undergone, they are now in a new dimension; even if it appears precari- ous, it maintains a balance between them: /…/ plentiful piles of disparate objects, and vivi- dly artifi cial colors, they, too, address the dialectic of growth and ruin, creation and destruction, past and future. Genzen creates astoundingly original works that adopt specifi c primary concerns of earlier sculptural practice-arrangement, scale, presentation-while discarding (or re-positioning) others-precision, stability, permanence (Ellegood et. al., 2007, 51). The performative, dynamic quality of an object is pre- sent in the case of Felix Gonzales Torres (1991a, 1991b, 1994). Even though it is often an assembly of the same object which is able to totally change the perception of space. In spite of the objects being in multiples, they become a single work, such as the stack of posters, or an installation with candies. It is interesting to see howthe nature of an object has different attributes when it forms an accumulated object composed from the same parts. Tadeja. What about the composition of an architec- tural object from bricks, for instance? What makes the difference here, actually? Federico. The posters become like a single sculpture block and candies become a shiny cloak. At the same time, the same object begins to take on different for- mal presentation trough the subtraction by the viewer. Through the deconstruction the singular objects take an intimate role and become part of the visitor’s world. This is further emphasized because these objects are simple and familiar. There is a continuous changeability in these works that places the object in constant motion by changing its formal and perceptual role. And each object then takes on a life of its own and transfers into other contexts while carrying along part of the narrative from an accumulated composition. 234 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 In this instance of accumulation these mundane ob- jects begin to transform into another realm. They express their singularity and their formal quality, which is made more powerful in their mass presence. And the hesitation of the viewer to ‘take’ indicates that they are placed in a way that they are made ‘untouchable’. Then the permis- sion is given back to the viewer, to take away the object that assumes another value because it has been trans- formed into an art object. Often these candies or posters return home with the audience, become cherished as art, and worthless candies are seen as a sculptural object. This is the power of that transformation. Constantly moving and living other contexts, means that you experience new spaces, fl avors, fragrances, and different visions in a more detailed manner. This has always led me to observe specifi c objects, their context and their interrelations. Unnoticed everydayness as inspiration Lawrence Weiner says: /…/ Art is not about telling, is about showing. /…/ so it is posing a question /…/ if you take these Figure 2: F. D. V.: We End Up Always Using the Same Things. The Telfer Gallery, Glasgow, 2013 (Photo credit: The Telfer Gallery) Figure 3: F.D.V.: A Can in the Hand, 2013 – print on silk (scanned smashed cans collected in Glasgow). We End Up Always Using the Same Things ‒ detail. The Telfer Gallery, Glasgow, 2013 (Photo credit: The Telfer Gallery) 235 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 materials and put them together, what would the product, what would the result look like? When you see a sculpture, when you see a Brancusi /…/, what do you do? You tell yourself what you are seeing…/…/ Art is one of those things that has no essential defi nition…/…/ it has no quali- fi cations necessary. It has no need for a reference point to anything else. Art is one of those things that appears in the world becausesomebody decides they are going to pose the question and that makes it art.That’s the whole purpose of? art, it doesn’t answer anybody’s question... /.../ I wish they woud just stop being so cruel to each other for no reason /…/ my art is not going to change that but is going to take away any rationalization for that. When you do the wrong thing, you are doing the wrong thing, there is no way to rati- onalize it. /…/ The artist is about simultaneous realities and those realities are not a refl ection of each others. Refl ections of things have tendency to become hierarchy. /…/Art is about things you don’t know, not about things somebody invented or created, but something that nobody noticed. And that’s what my life is about, is about fi nding those things and having the time to be able to present those things that people might not have noticed (Weiner, 2015). In Glasgow, where I lived at that time, I exhibited the ‘A Can in the Hand’ (Figures 2, 3). The object in question is a can as part of the urban fabric. It is impossible that it goes unnoticed; you can see many of them smashed around the city. The act of being run over by a car activates the transformation of that object. From a three-dimensional object it becomes two-dimensional and passing through the scanner, it is printed on silk, a precious fabric. This shifts the hier- archical value, from urban waste to ‘art work’. These smashed cans assume an aesthetic value, with their graphics, colors and metallic sheen. The relation with this object is refl ected into the ac- tion. As an expression of an obsessional neurotic struc- ture referring to the Lacanian notion of this neurosis. The exhibitionism and the fetishism towards objects. I utilize the objects related to our capitalist era: the things that adorn our daily routine and surround our lives. The human subject has developed a very strong rela- tionship to certain ‘objects’; which goes beyond function and becomes an extension of itself. These objects become a mass phenomenon that drive our behaviors and become the representation of ourselves. Their function is to place us in a context of acceptance in a society that is well circumscribed and manipulated. The relationship with an object refl ects also on an action and obsession: the speed Figure 4: F.D.V.: Untitled – direct UV print on plastic wheel rim. I wish I were a Futurist, Jenifer Nails, Fran- kfurt am Main, 2014 (Photo credit: Jenifer Nails) Figure 5: F.D.V.: Domestic landscape. Ljubljana, 2016 (Photo: F.D.V.) 236 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 of time has an overwhelming position in comparison to man., It causes a sort of time procrastination, or in other words not entering time, but maybe just staying in a state of “cosmic time”, a way to avoid death by becoming part of the space beyond death. I have been working on the appropriation of a series of different automobile rims (Figure 4). The images of cuttlefi sh in their natural habitat are printed on the surface. The rims are nothing but a lie, an aesthetics mask/coverage. Maintaining their formal aerodynamics, they become a support for a seductive and almost alien image that covers the entire surface through which the logo of the car is transpiring. Tadeja. A Fiat, of course. Federico. The images of the cuttlefi shs are chosen in a way that the sea urchins are present in another work, in addition to its physical and formal characteristics. This has probably something to do with my personal interests that create strong emotions beside the creative process. Those that are able to get me away from the daily routine and become immersed in a different dimension. Free diving and experiencing the sea is a fundamental part of my exsistence. To become a predator in a ‘hostile’ environment, but at the same time ‘comfortable’ is someht- ing mandatory and meditative. To isolate myself for a lim- ited period of time and to experience completely different feelings. To observe an ‘alien’ world, so fascinating, and then maybe transcend some emotions to another environ- ment, perhaps more alien, or that of the creative space. Another example from my practice is still not formal- ly materialized (Figures 5, 6). It again takes into account the elements with which we relate methodologically and which are repeated systematically. They are part of both, a positive and a negative addiction that affects our body and our mind. I’m referring to the obsession with vitamin C through the act of pressing citrus fruits; and to the addiction to smoking. The act of squeezing citrus fruits and automatically wedging in each other like a modular process to form a column, led me to imagine the individual elements as a ‘uniqueness’, and imagine them as a number of ashtray- sculptures. The cigarette is also seen here as a sculpture, as an object that we picture very well in our imagination. I’m interested in the presence of cigarette within a sculp- tural-installation arrangement. Its narrative is retained, partially consumed; it implies that the action of smoking has been completed. However, the action is paused and is part of the display within the exhibition environment. The cigarette exists in all its presence, but at the same time it is turning into ashes. It refers to life and death. There is also a form of idolatry towards the car culture, as well as smoking as a historical reference to religious ceremonies and offerings to deities in cleans- ing rituals. These objects are part of a larger cultural performance brought into a new formal confi guration. Alienation from everydayness as inspiration Federico. I believe in the everyday as the site of a fun- damental ambiguity: it is both where we become alien- ated and where we can show our creativity. It is exactly by taking part to this alienation that I keep deconstructing this experience by challenging the obsessiveness of ob- jecthood in contemporary society while placing it in a gallery setting or other social contexts (Figures 7, 8, 9). Tadeja. The everyday is a site… an example of a general identity of space, as a contrast to the specifi c identity of a place, a square, a region… An abstract site, a constantbut also a dynamic set of concrete and specifi c repeating circularities. The everyday is a ritual, our unconscious obsession. Being able to develop a distance to the everydayness seems the key to identify the relevance of what we are doing. A distance through the abstraction of the specifi c; through the awareness of our own obsessions in relation to the cultural context we are working in/with… I have also been interested in how a form or a ty- pology of visual aesthetics is linked to a specifi c time. What takes us back or forth? The ambiguity of time relates to an unknown space of a ‘future’. Perhaps even an unattainable idea of the future. Thus the future and the notion of Futurist always remain as unattainable, yet ironically recognizable through vintage imagery. An example of this dichotomy is captured through one of my latest work composed of cuttlefi sh bones connected into a curtain like surface. The geometric form of the cuttlefi sh embodying the curves is often associated with the futurists. On one side the Alpha Romeo Spider is printed, a car designed in 1966, also known as Osso di Seppia, which in Italian means a cuttlefi sh bone (Figure 10). The organic object is transformed into a new ma- teriality, referencing through the imagery and nebulous Figure 6: F.D.V.: Fé tichisme and lemon soda – lemons and/or oranges, brass, cigarettes (Photo: F.D.V.) 237 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 form of the cuttlefi sh to a ‘future’. An object of no time – since it is past/vintage, and simultaneously related to an abstract future. The blurred image of the car is not visible at fi rst glance, it becomes a puzzle-like fragment of memory to be rebuilt. The delicate and suspended surface of the cuttlefi sh bones sways as people pass by, sways at a minimum air shift… It reminds of those curtains that we often en- counter in the south Italy during hot summers. Curtains which try to hinder the passage of fl ies and to maintain the internal environment mild... Passing trough those curtains activates a fragmented sound and movement, like that of the memory. Alienation to region Tadeja. The majority of your works selected for this discourse seem a very obvious artistic refl ection of the powerful Mediterranean cultural context, where the sea is understood as the centre of the ‘world’. The limits of this area are ‘not only geographical’ (Matvejević, 2008, 15 – Croatian ed. 1987). Can we challenge the notion of those limits? Your work indicates the blurring boundaries of the spatial contexts you are working in/ with. This borderline position enables you to emphasize the potentials involved in a new situation. Working in- between familiar and exotic keeps the borderline alive, identifi able, but fl exible, appearing/disappearing within its own rhythm. Discussing the rhythm of the Mediterraneean cities Lefebvre and Regulier write: externality is necessary; and yet in order to grasp a rhythm one must have been grasped by it.’ /…/ ‘all forms of hegemony and homegeneity are refused in the Mediterranean./…/ it is the very idea of centrality that is refused, because each group, each entity, each culture considers itself as a centre… (Lefebvre & Regulier, 2004, 95, 104). Another space / place Federico. The space which artists work with is another space. Even when the artistic intervention relates to a physical space, that space becomes a mental/metaphysi- cal space. The artist is also playing barely with the reality, with a minimal displacement, dragging the viewer into his world. The observer, even if for an instant, loses the relationship with reality, with the ‘functional’ space to deal with in a ‘new’ reality’. The artist does not work with pragmatism and functionality but rather analyses reality and looks beyond the board/transverse. Movements and shifts make certain things dissolve and remain and the other ones follow. The ongoing collecting of objects is transformed into a new system referring to different places. Through this pattern a sort of a ‘new-place’ is formed, and embodied through the associative content that these selected ob- jects contain. This makes a person feel as a citizen of no-place, a place outside of a location, more connected to the new system of object-meaning and a personal narrative. Tadeja. Is this reality without any attachment to physicality possible? This place is specifi c and inhabited primarily mentally. But its creation is also architectural: it is defi ned by the selected objects. Though that place is distributed/scattered within many physical places it is unifi ed though a singular human experience, forming his own socio-spatial identity. Figure 7: F.D.V.: Discobolo di Nettuno, skeletons of sea urchins on black glass. Pugna Est Vita, Museo Apparen- te, Naples, 2013 (Photo: F.D.V.) Figure 8: F.D.V.: Untitled (Bialetti), 2013. Wood worked on the lathe; Turning and Boring. Queens Park Railway Club, Glasgow, 2013 (Photo credit: Queens Park Rail- way Club) 238 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 Creative practices as inspirations: another space / place Federico. I have been interested in the work of Haim Steinbach (1985a, 1985b). In his scenario a new space/universe is created. There is a deliberate physical and formal esthetics of the new space that allows the object(s) to adapt a particular type of relationship that is other. The space is formed to manipulate/change the object. By creating a shelf Steinbach creates a new formal construct that allows the objects he positions to express a very specifi c formal order. This is emphasized and dictated by the properties that the new space beholds. Through the specifi cities of that shelf he sets the prec- edent, in terms of colour, texture, form, proportion and scale, where “a relational play of measurements and num- ber is implied between objects and shelf” (Wolfe-Saurez, 2008). In the exhibition in 1986 called New Sculpture, Steinbach showed every day objects juxtaposed one an- other, which perhaps carry some aesthetical connections but are highlighted and given hierarchy through the use of the colors on the shelf. However no parallels are made in their functionality: a ceramic pitcher to a cardboard detergent box. Steinbach addresses the formal composi- tion of the objects. Thus the appropriated objects are dependent on the specifi c spatial condition. The need to change the existing space and then to create a new display is part of the work. It is not only the object(s) to be affected by the space created, they are interacting with each other and with the space that hosts them. What allows the object to transform into an art object and remain as what it is; is the conscious decision of the artist. The recreation of the space through an initial plat- form is also seen in the work of Tom Burr (2007). The larger spatial envelope remains as the white cube, but the recreation of a stage, a secondary object, allows the introduction of everyday objects in a scenario that binds them in an intentional way. The new stage implies a new set of rules the objects abide, which disconnects them from the everyday. This refers to Burr’s exhibition Moods, an installation of four chairs, placed at the centre of attention, in a relation to one another around a constructed platform and steel frames. The standard expectation of the directionality and orientation of chairs in an ensemble is changed and disrupted. Anke Kempkes writes: But the chairs…Despite their symbolic and narra- tive potential they are no less ‘abstract’ than the former minimalist sculptures of Tom Burr. They are made ‘unrelated’, ready for entering the sphere of aesthetic experience, waiting to perform new yet unknown relations – like in a surrealist painting of a kind (Kempkes, 2008). The staging of this object, in this case the chair, brings the conditions of its objecthood into visibility and away from its assumed function. Closeness and distance as indicator of research relevance Tadeja. The Mediterranean world seems an obvious background you are fi ghting for and against. It is per- haps about fi nding a dynamic balance of closeness and distance, security and taking risk, stepping out of the comfort zone, essential for creativity in any type of crea- Figure 9: F.D.V.: Brancusiello. wood carved and worked on the lathe. Pugna Est Vita, Museo Apparente, Naples, 2013 (Photo: F.D.V) 239 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 tive practice/research. Being close and far enough at the same time is also what triggers my research curiosity, and what I recognize while talking to others, from other fi elds, about research relevance. My prejudices, when I am unaware of them, add to the ‘distance’ and block my understanding of any research message. Relevance is not only about the mes- sage itself… I can also add a note of closeness and distance to your artistic practice. We share the obsession with ob- jects. While my obsession shifts the scale and includes the specifi c places and regions, you are able to alienate yourself from these shifts. Your conceptualism doesn’t necessary mean you neglect aesthetics. Perhaps this is why I fi nd it relevant for the architectural community of my faculty, my wider reseach context and myself. I’m interested in what we can learn from the dif- ferences, how to overcome the world of dualities. And howwe structure our research the way we think. I’d like to challenge the obsession with both artistic and scientifi c research dissemination traditions; the integration has already started to happen. I’m in favour of the research freedom, its only limitation is perhaps its relevance for others we respect/admire. Relevance offers many faces. I feel the obsession with the declara- tive innovation requirements in research, I would like to relax from the pressure that cannot prevent the hot- water reinventions. Any research is an integral part of the collective knowledge body. In the case of the PhD research it is necessary to identify the relevance not only for the researcher and his immediate surround- ings, but also for many diversifi ed research contexts. Different types of knowledge co-exist in many research areas. Your talking about the blurring boundaries of the artistic/curatorial practice triggers my thinking about Figure 10: F.D.V.: I wish I were a Futurist; Alfa Romeo Spider ‘Osso di Seppia 1966-69’, 2014 – direct UV print on cuttlefi sh bones, steel. Jenifer Nails, Frankfurt am Main, 2014 (Photo credit: Jenifer Nails) 240 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 the editorial/supervisory practice. If the disciplinary background is essential in the professional supervision, the PhD supervision is different. The candidate is an expert already, with his/her own vision/motivation; the supervisor is the challenger/research trainer with the research ‘training’-related vision. He/she creates the environment for the relational knowledge to develop. The most literal personalisation of this environment is the supervisory team. Each supervisor needs to train his/ her awareness/emphaty, the responsivenes to specifi c situations; a rich experience can lead to blindness for new situations. This is what I have learned from/con- tributed to the supervisory traning within the ADAPT-r so far. And from my home institution? I have learned the difference between the start of the career orienta- tion through the PhD, the mid-term carreer needs to shift the practice (many ADAPT-r fellows), due to the personal/community crisis; or the carreer maturity research framing before/after retirement, potentially relevant for others. I’m fascinated by the (hybrid) ways of architectural research. And in the potentials of my supervisory prac- tice. Both. Because I need the former to improve the latter. And the latter to understand how to become an effective mirror/trigger of my candidate’s thoughts; to himself and also to other researchers. Not a simple mirror, but the one with the glass blurred with my own knowledge/experience. Identifi cation of potential research relevance Federico. We collect – select – fi lter – create place – uproot – move and return again. Never leaving anything behind. Tadeja. This reinvestigation of the artistic actions’ background offers some insight into its potential research relevance. The trajectories to what/how is selected/ relevant for us can give us some initial ideas about our research relevance for others. Potential research relevance through the local/regional perspective As a supervisor/guest editor of this magazine I’m bringing my own pre-conceptions to the discussion. I need to address the notion of ‘scientifi c research’. I belong to academic practitioners, triggered by an institutional divide within the discipline/among disciplines. The dichotomy of artistic and scientifi c research is deeply enrooted even within the academic promotion criteria. From the ADAPT-r and other dis- cussions I know that ‘scientifi c’ research means many different things (‘natural sciences’/‘excellent research’, like in Slovenia). Similar can be said about ‘art’ (a discipline/‘artistic excellence’). I would like to address the variety of the multidimensional knowledge fl ows intertwining ‘artistic’ and ‘scientifi c’ research creativ- ity. Instead of defi ning ‘artistic’/‘scientifi c’ I prefer the investigation of the (fi eld of) research creativity and its relevance for knowledge creation in any type of research. CONCLUSIONS What/who/how drives and triggers Federico’s creative practice? The ‘dialogue’ itself explicates that the nomadic way of life is a set of triggers, driving him. His life-style is involves excessive collecting of objects, which Federico is absolutely aware of. On the other hand the books he reads and the art-works he admires increase his imagination. The constant desire to create the magic moments of transformation from ordinary to extraordinary can also be seen as a a key driver of Federico’s practice. What are Federico’s relations to others – practitioners/ researchers? There is deep respect for all… The inspira- tions from theories and practices are equally important. Some relations are easily seen in the ‘dialogue’ (he admires some contemporary artists, curators, philosophers…); the others emerge from the reader’s perspective. How can Tadeja as a supervisor trigger the artistic practice contextualisation? With the assumptions seemingly most obvious (for example, the notion of the indentifi cation with the (Mediterrannean) region. How can she trigger the process of identifi cation by the community of research relevance? Through the stimulation of the investigation of the infl uences within the practice. Mapping of the trajectories/constellations involved (like in signposting/subtitling within the ‘dia- logue’). How to look beyond creative practice research and identify its contribution to the wider research com- munity? The common glasses of the people involved help. The discussion on the shareability of the relational knowledge development is another potential. The deliberate juxtaposition of the two voices can be seen as a representation of the deliberate juxtaposi- tion of objects in the artistic practice discussed. It shows the fi rst voice as object oriented and the other specifi c place focused. The artist refl ects the ANNALES call from a distance, the architect looks through the fi lter itself. The evidence is obvious in their interpretantions of identity. The seemingly imposed theme, though ‘present’ in the ‘worlds’ of both actors involved, can be seen as a trigger of the specifi c practice, in-depth investigation, avoiding the literarines of the identifi ca- tion and consciously developing a critical distance. The evidence can be traced in the literarines of the intial statements and the critical distance of the devel- oped ones. For example: ‘Am I aware that the Mediter- ranean cultural identity and its symbols are mirrored in my work? /…/ a sort of ‘new-place’ is formed for the individual, embodied through the associative content that these selected objects contain, /.../ a no-place.../ 241 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 connected to the new system of object-meaning and a personal narrative.’ The juxtaposition of the two voices is not just a dialogue: the contextualisation of a creative practice invites many voices into the discussion; we can hide behind them, build on their shoulders, reinterpret, jump somewhere else; thus the dialogue becomes a rich conversation on its own right, beyond the duality of the represented voices. We are now far from any research exclusivism. We acknowledge a wide variety of knowledge fl ows includ- ing the fl ow from within the creative practice and back again. We are also far from individualistic notions of relevance (some ignorant creative practitioners are thus not recognised as creative practice researchers) and from the idea that all excellent creative practice research results need to become globally relevant. The idea of the ANNALES call is taken as a driver to investigate the contextual dimension of the specifi c creative practice. The ADAPT-r up to now focused on singularities of the creative practitioners and the general nature of the knowledge explicated/developed. In the current research phase we redirect the discussion to the diversity of contextualisation and relevance levels. This article demonstrates some insight of how we can identify and trigger the intermediate relevance lev- els. One aspect is (trans-)disciplinary, another (trans-) regional. The third one can be found in the freedom of our mental space: it breaks our current sensing/thinking limitations, to investigate the parallel views to our real- ity… that sometimes meet. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under REA grant agreement n° 317325. 242 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 KONTEKSTUALIZACIJA KREATIVNE PRAKSE. DIALOG Federico DEL VECCHIO Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana e-mail: Federico.DelVecchio@fa.uni-lj.si Tadeja ZUPANČIČ Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, Ljubljana e-mail: tadeja.zupancic@fa.uni-lj.si POVZETEK V pričujočem članku želiva avtorja pokazati, kako nastaja novo relacijsko znanje v raziskovanju konteksta kreativne prakse, in sicer skozi dialog o identiteti. Ta dialog je spodbudil poziv revije ANNALES o identiteti Medi- terana. Najino razmišljanje izhaja iz sodelovanja v EU projektu ADAPT-r – ‘Architecture, Design and Art Practice Training-research’, ki razvija nov model raziskovalnega treninga na doktorski, podoktorski in mentorski ravni. Prvi avtor, Federico, je kipar in vizualni umetnik, doktorski študent, druga, Tadeja, pa arhitektka, akademska raziskovalka in njegova mentorica. V članku kontekstualizirava kreativno prakso kot povezavo med strokovno in akademsko sfero, med umetniškim in znanstvenim raziskovanjem. Dialog med avtorjema v jedru besedila kaže, kako lahko razvoj relacijskega znanja skozi diskusijo prispeva k eksplikaciji implicitnega znanja in h kreaciji novih umetniških in znanstvenih spoznanj. Ključne besede: raziskovanje skozi kreativno prakso, relevanca raziskovanja, likovna umetnost, arhitektura 243 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Federico DEL VECCHIO & Tadeja ZUPANČIČ: CONTEXTUALISATION OF A CREATIVE PRACTICE. A DIALOGUE, 227–244 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY ADAPT-r – Architecture, Design and Art Practice Training-research. Http://adapt-r.eu Abel, C. (1997): Architecture and Identity: Towards a Global Eco-Culture. Oxford, Architectural Press. Amin, A. & J. Roberts (2008): Knowing in action: Beyond communities of practice. Research Policy, 37, 2, 353–369. ARENA – Architectural Research European Network Association. 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Journal of Architectural Education, 561, 15–21. 245 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.17 received: 2016-01-28 POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI Tina POTOČNIK Raziskovalni inštitut za vizualno kulturo od 19. stoletja do sodobnosti, RI19+, Posavskega 13, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: tina.potocnik@ri19plus.si Ljubo LAH Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: ljubo.lah@fa.uni-lj.si IZVLEČEK Članek opredeljuje pojem identiteta v povezavi z grajenimi strukturami v prostoru, predstavlja njegovo uporabo in različne pomene ter opredeljuje sistem dojemanja identitete grajenih struktur v povezavi z identiteto posameznika. Poleg tega je v prispevku podan pregled opredelitev pojma identiteta v zgoraj navedenem kontekstu v mednarodnih pravnih aktih in nekaterih slovenskih dokumentih, ki se nanašajo na ohranjanje dediščine, razvoj naselij ter v sloven- skem okviru še na urejanje prostora. Ključne besede: identiteta, grajene strukture, stavbna dediščina, konservatorski dokumenti IL CONCETTO DELL’IDENTITÀ NELLA CONSERVAZIONE E NELLA TUTELA DEL PATRIMONIO AMBIENTALE SECONDO ALCUNI SELEZIONATI DOCUMENTI INTERNAZIONALI E LA SUA ATTUAZIONE IN SLOVENIA SINTESI L’articolo defi nisce il concetto dell’identità in relazione a strutture edifi cate nell’ambiente, presenta la sua at- tuazione, i suoi diversi signifi cati e illustra la percezione delle strutture edifi cate in relazione all’identità del singolo individuo. Inoltre viene presentata una rassegna di come viene defi nito il concetto dell’identità nel detto contesto in diversi documenti internazionali giuridici e in alcuni documenti sloveni che si riferiscono alla conservazione e alla tutela del patrimonio abitativo, dello sviluppo dei centri abitativi e, nel caso della Slovenia, alla pianifi cazione del territorio. Parole chiave: identità, strutture edifi cate, patrimonio abitativo, documenti sulla conservazione 246 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 UVOD Pojem identiteta se danes – v obdobju globalizacije in internacionalizacije, ko moderna tehnologija omogo- ča hiter pretok informacij – uporablja v različnih konte- kstih, tudi v povezavi s prostorom, z naselji, arhitekturo in stavbno dediščino. Termin identiteta je latinskega iz- vora (identitas) in ima v slovenskem jeziku po različnih slovarjih več pomenov: največkrat je pojem identiteta označen kot istovetnost, identičnost, istost, (popolna) enakost dveh stvari; skladnost; enakost stvari same sebi; skupek značajskih potez človeka itd. V razmerju do prostora, naselij in stavb pa je pojem identiteta mogoče poenostavljeno razumeti zlasti kot skupek in preplet značilnosti, ki prostor, naselja in stavbe označujejo in jim dajejo lastno prepoznavnost. Pojem identiteta se zelo pogosto uporablja v kon- tekstu varstva stavbne dediščine, razvoja in prenove. V nadaljevanju so podane še nekatere druge dimenzije pojma identiteta in pojasnila, kako je pojem mogoče razumeti v razmerju do označevanja grajenih struktur v prostoru. Pojem identiteta (Slika 1) bomo v nadaljevanju obravnavali v različnih kontekstih in pomenih: lokalna, regionalna, skupna, individualna, relativna, absolutna ter pojem povezali s terminoma stabilitas loci in genius loci (Slika 1). RAZLIČNI POMENI IDENTITETE Pojem identiteta grajenih struktur v prostoru se pove- zuje z različnimi pomeni. Prav ta raznolika pomenskost daje pojmu posebno vrednost. »Identity is notoriously loose concept. »/…/ This looseness is not /…/ a weakness – rather it is a key reason why the term is valuable«1 (Butina Watson in Bentley, 2007, 2–3). Ti pomeni ozi- roma koncepti so si pogosto nasprotni. V literaturi tako zasledimo obravnavo lokalne in regionalne, skupne in individualne, relativne in absolutne identitete. Prepoznavnost naselij, ki se kaže v fi zičnih oblikah, vzorcih in prostorski organizaciji, skupaj z elementi naravnega okolja, imenujemo lokalna identiteta. Gre za prepoznaven značaj, oblikovan v preteklosti, ob vplivu številnih dejavnikov. Naselja so namreč sčasoma izoblikovala prepoznaven značaj zaradi naravnih, topo- grafskih in pokrajinskih razmer, razpoložljivosti gradiv, poznavanja gradbene tehnologije, značilnosti gospo- darstva in proizvodnje, družbenopolitičnih dejavnikov, predvsem pa tedanjih oblikovalskih pristopov. Tako kot posamezni kraji ali urbane strukture (naselja), lahko tudi skupine mest kažejo določeno skupno prepoznavnost, ki je lastna posameznemu območju ali regiji. V tem pri- meru govorimo o regionalni identiteti (Butina Watson, 1997, 3). Skupna, relativna identiteta – lahko bi rekli kolektiv- na – je splošna, združevalna. S splošnimi dogovorjenimi ali privzgojenimi sestavinami opredeljuje relativno vrednost arhitekture in določa kontinuiteto razvoja ter razpoznavnost prostora. Nasprotno temu je individual- na, absolutna identiteta ločevalnega značaja. Je avtorska in se loči od okolja. Nanaša se na posebnosti oziroma sestavine, ki neko enoto ločujejo od drugih in dajejo prostoru in njegovim splošnim vrednotam dodatno vre- dnost. Skupna in individualna identiteta se vedno med seboj prepletata (Fister idr., 1993, 5). Obstoj identitete nekateri povezujejo s pojmoma genius loci (duh kraja) in stabilitas loci (nespremenljivost kraja). Stabilitas loci je tisto, kar daje prostoru nespre- menljivi karakter, posebno, njemu lastno atmosfero. Pri tem stabilitas loci ni odvisna od pogojev, ki jih nare- kujejo vedno znova sodobne ekonomske, socialne in politične ali celo prometne spremembe (Capuder, 1990, 90). Pooseblja jo duh prostora, njegov genius. Genius loci oziroma duh posameznega kraja označuje speci- fi čno atmosfero tega kraja. Sestavljajo ga simboli, t. j. vsebinski – mentalni del, in strukture kraja – formalni del. Urbano tkivo je mogoče razumeti kot interpretirani genius loci. Urbana struktura – notranja struktura – je namreč pogojena s strukturo locusa – zunanjo struktu- ro. »Urbani prostor ni neodvisni svet zase, odvisen je od splošnih značilnosti kraja. Samo v takem odnosu urbanega prostora do locusa sta konkretizirani tudi orientacija in identiteta« (Capuder, 1990, 91). Tradicionalno razumevanje prostora kot stabilnega oziroma fi ksnega je v času informacijske tehnologije, ki izničuje razdalje in soustvarja »globalno vas« (»global village«) problematično, deloma pa je tudi v nasprotju s konceptom integralnega varstva dediščine, ki vključuje dediščino v razvoj naselij, kar zahteva določeno prila- gajanje sodobnim potrebam in načinu življenja. IDENTITETA IN SUBJEKTIVNOST NJENEGA ZAZNAVANJA V pregledu razumevanja pojma identiteta se bomo namerno izognili opredelitvam in diskurzom, ki so jih v preteklosti ponudili nekateri svetovno znani avtorji: od Norberga-Schultza in Charlesa Jenksa na eni strani, do Umberta Eca in Noama Chomskya na drugi strani. Arhitektura kot identiteta je bila na fi lozofski ravni že temeljito razčlenjena (Abel, 2000, 141–150). Z vidika zaznavanja arhitekturno-urbane strukture v prostoru pa je identiteta mesta rezultat sistema prepo- znavanja kompleksne strukture mesta oziroma njegove- ga značaja. Značaj mesta se nanaša na splet lastnosti oziroma na osnovne poteze mesta ter na njihovo izvir- nost, prepoznavnost, na razlikovanje nasproti drugim. 1 V prevodu: »Znano je, da je identiteta ohlapen koncept. /…/ Ta ohlapnost /…/ ni slabost – prej je ključni vzrok, zakaj je termin tako pomemben«. 247 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 Stanič defi nira identiteto mesta (s stališča opazovalca) kot vsoto različnih zgodovinskih, socioloških, ekonom- skih, umetnostnih, etnoloških idr. občutkov opazovalca – je oznaka vseh predstav, ki jih mesto daje opazovalcu (Stanič, 1991, 25). Zaznavanje identitete je torej subjektivno in člove- kov odnos do nje je lahko zelo oseben (Slika 2). Kot pravi Annette Roggatz (2005, 252): »Der Identitätsbezug kann sehr persönlich sein, wie das Haus, in dem man au- fgewachsen ist, oder der Kiosk in der Nähe der Schule, der eine solch unbändige Anziehungskraft hatte«.2 Identiteta, ki se nanaša na grajene strukture, je namreč povezana z osebno identiteto (identiteto vsakega posa- meznika). Georgia Butina Watson in Ian Bentley (2007, 3) sta prišla do ugotovitve, da ko posamezniki govorijo o identiteti nekega mesta ali kraja, navadno mislijo na pomen tega mesta v okviru njihove lastne identitete. Gre za vpliv tega mesta na njihovo predstavo o samem sebi oziroma na njihovo predstavo o vplivu tega mesta na to, kako jih bodo dojeli, razumeli drugi ljudje. Pri tem v kon- struiranju človeške identitete nima takega pomena sama grajena struktura, kot pomen, ki ga ima ta struktura za človeka. Iz te povezave med identiteto človeka in pome- nom kraja izhajata Georgia Butina Watson in Ian Bentley (2007, 6) ob postavitvi defi nicije pojma identiteta kraja: »Place-identity is the set of meanings associated with any Slika 1: Pojem identiteta v različnih kontekstih in pomenih (Ilustracija: Tina Potočnik, Ljubo Lah) 2 V prevodu: »odnos do identitete je lahko zelo oseben, tako kot hiša, v kateri je nekdo odrastel, ali kiosk v bližini šole, ki je imel tako neznansko privlačno moč«. 248 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 particular cultural landscape which any particular person or group of people draws on the construction of their own personal and social identities«.3 Pri tem pogosto močno vplivajo na to, kako ljudje čutijo o svoji identiteti, tudi kraji, ki so sicer neprilju- bljeni ali pa je identiteta grajenih struktur v nasprotju z identiteto prebivalcev – znan je primer Bosne – ki ga obravnavata tudi Georgia Butina Watson in Ian Bentley (2007, 6). Povezava identitete kraja z identiteto posa- meznika oziroma istovetenje s prostorom, ki pogojuje tudi občutek pripadnosti temu prostoru (Capuder, 1990, 89), ima lahko tudi skrajne posledice, kot je v primeru etničnih čiščenj (Slika 2). POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE V nadaljevanju je obravnavana uporaba pojma iden- titeta v izbranih mednarodnih listinah in dokumentih, ki se nanašajo na varstvo stavbne in naselbinske dediščine in so nastali v pretežni meri pod okriljem mednarodnih organizacij Združenih narodov in Sveta Evrope. Za tem je predstavljena uporaba pojma identiteta v izbranih nacionalnih normativnih dokumentih. Pri tem je bil kriterij obravnave dokumentov dejanska uporaba termina identiteta, v tujih pa angleške sopomenke oziro- ma prevoda (ang. identity). 3 V prevodu: »Identiteta kraja je niz pomenov, ki so povezani z določeno kulturno krajino, ki neko določeno osebo ali skupino ljudi vodi do oblikovanja njihove lastne ali družbene identitete«. Slika 2: Presek značilnosti identitete (Foto: Tina Potočnik, Ljubo Lah) 249 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 Pojma identiteta nekatere starejše listine – ki so sicer izjemnega pomena za razvoj doktrine varstva dediščine – ne uporabljajo. To so npr. Beneška listina iz leta 1964 (Mednarodna listina o ohranjanju in obnovi spomenikov in spomeniških območij / International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monu- ments and Sites; The Venice Charter) in Haaška listina iz leta 1954 (Konvencija o varstvu kulturnih dobrin v primeru oboroženega spopada / Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Confl ict; The Hague Convention of 1954) pa tudi Am- sterdamska listina iz leta 1975 (Evropska listina stavb- ne dediščine / European Charter of the Architectural Heritage). V okviru pregledanih mednarodnih pravnih aktov se identiteta prvič omenja leta 1985 v Granadski konvenciji. Granadska konvencija, 1985 Konvencija o varstvu stavbne dediščine Evrope oziroma uradno Konvencija o varstvu evropskega arhi- tekturnega bogastva (ang. Convention for the protection of the architectural heritage of Europe), imenovana tudi Granadska konvencija, je bila sprejeta leta 1985 v Gra- nadi. Njen namen je bil zagotoviti varstvo stavbne dedi- ščine, ki je vsem skupna, tako je v mednarodno doktrino varstva dediščine povzdignila koncept celostnega ohra- njanja in ga tudi natančneje opredelila (Petrič, 2000, 24; Pirkovič, 2010, 6). Granadska konvencija v 15. členu navaja, da si naj vsaka država članica prizadeva sledeče: »To develop public awareness of the value of conserving the architectural heritage, both as an element of cultural identity and as a source of inspiration and creativity for present and future generation«4 (Conven- tion for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe, 2012). Listina torej kulturno identiteto povezuje s stavbno dediščino. Slednja tvori identiteto oziroma je njena ključna sestavina. Urbana listina Evrope, 1992 Urbano listino Evrope (ang. The European Urban Charter) je leta 1992 sprejela Stalna konferenca re- gionalnih in lokalnih skupnosti Sveta Evrope. Listina opredeljuje načela dobrega upravljanja mest in varstva urbane dediščine ter poudarja pomen lokalnih skupnosti in interdisciplinarnosti strokovnih skupin. Kot glavni cilj urejanja prostora opredeljuje načela celostnega ohra- njanja (Pirkovič, 2010, 7). Listina v okviru opredelitve razvoja in podobe evropskega mesta navaja: »Cities, however, are complex entities. They differ considerably in terms of urban development and size. Their identity, although rooted in history, is constantly changing. Over time, most towns and cities have evolved in the light of new requirements, ideals, lifestyles, standards of living and a new quality of life«.5 Listina identiteto povezuje s preteklostjo in obenem z neprestanim spreminjanjem zaradi novega načina življenja. V nadaljevanju ob na- vajanju načel varstva v povezavi s fi zično obliko mest navaja: »European historic centers, with their buildings, urban spaces and street patterns, provide an important link between the past, the present and the future; they contain priceless elements of the architectural heritage; are places which enshrine the city’s memory; establish a sense of identity for present and future generations and are key factors in establishing a sense of solidarity and a sense of community between the people of Eu- rope«.6 Listina torej v tem delu identiteto opredeljuje kot sestav stavb, urbanih prostorov, uličnih vzorcev (evropskih) zgodovinskih središč, ki med drugim pomenijo pomembno časovno vez in varujejo spomin mesta. V nadaljevanju preberemo: »Urban architecture is made up of a heritage of elements considered to be of enduring signifi cance, preserved to protect a town’s identity and memory. This may include natural elements, i.e. the result of location, topography and climate, as well as man-made elements, the product of human skill and artistic and cultural values; this heritage is often complemented with additional elements in response to temporary or permanent needs, fashions or pressures, which have themselves, become permanent. This urban heritage constitutes an important and irreplaceable part of the urban fabric, crucial for the identity of a city and its inhabitants«.7 Identiteto mesta (in spomin) listina povezuje z ohranitvijo arhitekturno-urbanih sestavov oziroma njihovih dediščinskih elementov, saj je dedišči- na bistvenega pomena za identiteto mesta in njegovih prebivalcev. V nadaljevanju je v dokumentu sama 4 V prevodu: »da bo razvijala zavest javnosti o pomenu ohranjanja arhitekturne dediščine (v uradnem prevodu: arhitektonskega bogastva) bodisi kot elementa kulturne identitete bodisi kot vira za navdih in ustvarjalnost sedanjih in prihodnjih generacij«. 5 V prevodu: »Mesta so vendar kompleksni organizmi. Znatno se razlikujejo glede na urbani razvoj in velikost. Njihova identiteta, četudi je zakoreninjena v preteklosti, se neprestano spreminja. Sčasoma so se vsa mesta in velemesta razvila v luči novih zahtev, idealov, življenjskih slogov in standardov in nove kvalitete bivanja«. 6 V prevodu: »Evropska zgodovinska središča ustvarjajo s svojimi stavbami, urbanimi prostori in uličnimi vzorci pomembno vez med preteklostjo, sedanjostjo in prihodnostjo. Vsebujejo neprecenljive elemente stavbne dediščine. So kraji, ki hranijo spomin mesta. Ust- varjajo občutek identitete za sedanje in prihodnje generacije in so ključni dejavniki v ustvarjanju občutka solidarnosti in pripadnosti Evropejcev«. 7 V prevodu: »Arhitekturno-urbane sestave tvori dediščina elementov, ki so trajnega pomena in ohranjeni za to, da se ohranjata identiteta in spomin mesta. Ti elementi so naravni (lokacija, topografi ja, klima) in ustvarjeni elementi (produkti človekovega ustvarjanja, njegovih umetniških in kulturnih vrednot). Dediščina pa je pogosto dopolnjena z elementi, ki so odraz trenutnih potreb, navad in nujnosti in so tudi sami postali trajni. Ta urbana dediščina tvori pomemben in nenadomestljiv del urbanega tkiva, ki je odločilnega pomena za identiteto mesta in njegovih prebivalcev«. 250 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 identiteta precej jasno opredeljena: »Every town has its own identity, to be preserved and asserted. Its regional affi liation, its location, its population, its spatial extent, its hinterland, its weather, its form, its color, its origins, its hi- story, its function – all of these are elements which mark it off from other towns«8 (The European Urban Charter, 2011). Identiteta je torej lastnost vsakega mesta, ki se od drugega loči po lokaciji in njenih naravnih značilnostih, fi zičnih značilnostih (obseg, oblika, barva), prebivalcih, zgodovini in izvoru ter funkciji. Dokument iz Nare, 1994 Dokument iz Nare (ang. The Nara Document on Authenticity) je bil zasnovan leta 1994 na konferenci v Nari na Japonskem (ang. Nara Conference on Authen- ticity in Relation to the World Heritage Convention), katere tematika je bila avtentičnost v povezavi z dedi- ščino. Dokument poudarja pomen raznolikosti kultur v svetu in pomen izraza te raznolikosti, ki se kaže v spomenikih, spomeniških območjih, kulturni krajini in v dediščini. Avtentičnost, ki izvira iz specifi čnega kulturnega konteksta, je opredeljena kot bistven ele- ment defi niranja, vrednotenja in monitoringa kulturne dediščine. V tem dokumentu lahko v 4. točki preambule preberemo: »In a world that is increasingly subject to the forces of globalization and homogenization, and in a world in which the search for cultural identity is some- times pursued through aggressive nationalism and the suppression of the cultures of minorities, the essential contribution made by the consideration of authenticity in conservation practice is to clarify and illuminate the collective memory of humanity«9 (The Nara Document on Authenticity, 2011). Dokument vzporeja (kulturno) identiteto s kolektivnim spominom (k jasnosti slednjega prispeva avtentičnost) in jo postavlja nasproti svetovni globalizaciji in homogenizaciji. Priporočilo št. R (95) 9, 1995 Priporočilo Odbora ministrov Sveta Evrope št. R (95) 9 o celostnem ohranjanju območij kulturne krajine kot dela krajinskih politik (ang. Recommendation No. R (95) 9 of the Committee of ministers to member states on the integrated conservation of cultural landscape areas as part of landscape policies), sprejeto leta 1995, predstavlja izhodišče za razširitev koncepta celostnega ohranjanja na področje varstva (kulturne) krajine. Doku- ment državam članicam priporoča tesnejše vključevanje politike varstva krajine v prostorsko načrtovanje in v kmetijsko-gozdarske politike (Pirkovič, 2010, 8), tudi na podlagi naslednje priporočene usmeritve: »The protection and enhancement of cultural landscape areas and the landscape helps to preserve the folk memory and cultural identities of human communities and is a factor in the improvement of their environment«10 (Recommendation No. R (95) 9, 2011). Priporočilo torej obravnava ohranjanje kulturne identitete življenjskih skupnosti ljudi v povezavi z varstvom in povečevanjem območij kulturne krajine. Agenda Habitat in Carigrajska deklaracija, 1996 Agenda Habitat (ang. The Habitat Agenda) je pogla- vitni politični dokument, ki je bil zasnovan na konfe- renci Habitat II – drugi konferenci Združenih narodov o človekovih naseljih v Istanbulu leta 1996, katere prioritetni tematiki sta bili primerno bivališče za vse in trajnostna mesta. Dokument, ki ga je sprejelo 171 držav, vsebuje prek 100 zavez in 600 priporočil, ki se nanašajo na problematiko človekovih naselij. V dokumentu je v prvem poglavju (v preambuli) opozorjeno na pomen identitete prebivalcev v okviru stanovanjskih politik in politik urbanega razvoja, v okviru tega prispevka pa je bolj zanimiva omemba identitete ob opredelitvi ciljev in načel: »Sustainable human settlements are those that, inter alia, generate a sense of citizenship and identity /…/«11 (The Habitat Agenda, 2011). Identiteto oziroma občutek identitete torej lahko ustvarjajo le trajnostna človekova naselja. V sklopu, ki obravnava razvoj trajnostnih človekovih naselij v urbaniziranem svetu, se v podpoglavju na temo ohranjanja in rehabilitacije zgodovinske in kulturne dediščine pojem identiteta pojavi v povezavi s snovno in nesnovno dediščino kot izraz te dediščine: »Historical places, objects and mani- festations of cultural, scientifi c, symbolic, spiritual and religious value are important expressions of the culture, identity and religious beliefs of societies«12 (The Habitat Agenda, 2011). Agenda Habitat kot izraz identitete (ter kulture in verovanja) opredeljuje zgodovinska mesta (kraje), objekte in manifestacije kulturnih, znanstvenih, simboličnih, duhovnih in religioznih vrednot. 8 V prevodu: »Vsako mesto ima svojo identiteto, ki jo je potrebno ohraniti in braniti. Elementi, ki mesto označujejo oziroma ločujejo od drugih pa so njegova regionalna pripadnost, lokacija, ljudje, prostorski obseg, zaledje, klima, oblika, barva, njegov izvor oziroma začetek, zgodovina in funkcija«. 9 V prevodu: »V svetu, ki je vedno bolj dovzeten za sile globalizacije in homogenizacije, in v katerem se iskanje kulturne identitete včasih izvaja z agresivnim nacionalizmom in zatiranjem manjšinskih kultur, je bistven prispevek upoštevanja avtentičnosti v konservatorski praksi ta, da razjasnjuje oziroma pojasnjuje kolektivni spomin človeštva«. 10 V prevodu: »Varstvo in povečanje (vrednosti) območij kulturne krajine in same krajine pomaga ohranjati spomin ljudi in kulturne identitete človeških skupnosti in je dejavnik v izboljševanju njihovega okolja«. 11 V prevodu: »Trajnostna človekova naselja so tista, ki (med drugim) ustvarjajo občutek državljanske pripadnosti in identitete, /…/«. 12 V prevodu: »Zgodovinski kraji, objekti in manifestacije kulturnih, znanstvenih, simbolnih, duhovnih in religioznih vrednot so pomemben izraz kulture, identitete in verovanj družbe (družbenih skupin)«. 251 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 Carigrajska deklaracija (ang. The Istanbul Decla- ration on Human Settlements), sprejeta vzporedno z Agendo Habitat leta 1996, ki potrjuje slednjo in njun skupni cilj – boljši življenjski standard v večji svobodi za vse človeštvo, pojma identitete ne navaja (UN Habi- tat, Istanbul Declaration on Human Settlements, 2011). Evropska konvencija o krajini, 2000 Evropska konvencija o krajini (ang. The European Landscape Convention) je bila sprejeta leta 2000 v Firencah. Konvencija podpira varstvo, upravljanje in načrtovanje evropske krajine in organizira sodelovanje v Evropi v okviru problematike, ki se nanaša na krajino. Gre za prvo mednarodno pogodbo, ki zadeva izključno evropsko krajino in vse njene dimenzije. Konvencija države podpisnice obvezuje, da krajino vključijo v regionalno in urbanistično načrtovanje ter v vse druge politike, ki imajo vpliv nanjo. Konvencija v preambuli navaja med izhodišči za oblikovanje tega dokumenta tudi (evropsko) identiteto (= prepoznavnost), h konso- lidaciji katere prispeva prav krajina: »Aware that the landscape contributes to the formation of local cultures and that it is a basic component of the European natural and cultural heritage, contributing to human well-being and consolidation of the European identity«.13 V 5. čle- nu, ob obravnavi splošnih ukrepov, nalaga vsaki državi podpisnici sledečo obvezo: »To recognize landscapes in law as an essential component of people’s surroundings, an expression of the diversity of their shared cultural and natural heritage, and a foundation of their identity«14 (European Landscape Convention, 2011). V konvenciji je kot temelj identitete Evrope oziroma Evropejcev opredeljena prav krajina. Krakovska listina, 2000 Leta 2000 je bila v Krakowu, na konferenci z naslo- vom Kulturna dediščina kot temelj razvoja civilizacije (ang. Cultural Heritage as the Foundation of the Deve- lopment of Civilization ) sprejeta listina, ki obravnava varstvo in ohranjanje stavbne dediščine, imenovana tudi Krakovska listina (ang. The Charter of Krakow. Principles for Conservation and Restoration of Built Heritage). Listina se že v preambuli – ob sklicevanju na proces unifi kacije Evrope – dotakne pojma identitete. Identi- teta oziroma identitete postajajo vedno bolj značilne in različne: »We are conscious of living within such a framework, in which identities, in an ever more extensive context, are becoming characterized and more distinct. Europe today is characterized by a cultural diversity and thus by the plurality of fundamental values related to the mobile, immobile and intellectual heritage, the different meanings associated with it and consequently also con- fl icts of interest«.15 Priporočila iz listine, v poglavju cilji in metode, dopuščajo možnost rekonstrukcije stavbe le v povezavi z ohranjanjem identitete oziroma iz izjemnih socialnih in kulturnih razlogov, vezanih na identiteto celotne skupnosti: »Reconstruction of an entire building, destroyed by armed confl ict or natural disaster, is only acceptable if there are exceptional social or cultural motives that are related to the identity of the entire community«.16 V dodatku, v nekakšni prilogi listine, je uporabljena terminologija dodatno pojasnjena: »Identity is understood as the common reference of both present values generated in the sphere of a community and past values identifi ed in its authenticity«17 (The Charter of Krakow, 2011). Identiteta je torej v listini razumljena kot skupek sedanjih vrednot skupnosti in preteklih vrednot, ki se nanašajo na avtentičnost. Okvirna konvencija Sveta Evrope o vrednosti kulturne dediščine za družbo, 2005 Okvirna konvencija Sveta Evrope o vrednosti kulturne dediščine za družbo (ang. Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Herita- ge for Society) je bila sprejeta leta 2005 v Faru na Portu- galskem. Dokument poudarja, da ohranjanje dediščine in njena trajnostna uporaba težita k razvoju človeštva in dvigu kvalitete življenja. V 3. členu, ki se nanaša na skupno dediščino Evrope, se okvirna konvencija zavze- ma za razumevanje skupne dediščine Evrope tudi kot sestava idej, principov in vrednot, ki izvirajo iz preteklih izkušenj in pripomorejo k razvoju miroljubne in stabilne družbe, ob tem pa tudi, da spodbujajo priznavanje sku- pne evropske dediščine, ki jo sestavljajo: »All forms of cultural heritage in Europe which together constitute a shared source of remembrance, understanding, identity, cohesion and creativity /…/«18 (Council of Europe Fra- 13 V prevodu: »se zavedajo, da krajina prispeva k oblikovanju lokalnih kultur in da je temeljna sestavina evropske naravne in kulturne dediščine, ki prispeva k človekovi blaginji in utrjevanju evropske prepoznavnosti (=identitete)«. 14 V prevodu: »da bo krajine zakonsko priznala kot bistveno sestavino človekovega okolja, kot izraz raznovrstnosti skupne kulturne in naravne dediščine ljudi ter temelj njihove istovetnosti (=identitete)«. 15 V prevodu: »Zavedamo se življenja v takem okviru, v katerem identitete – v vedno širšem kontekstu – postajajo značilne in vedno bolj izrazite. Evropo danes označuje kulturna raznolikost in s tem pluralnost temeljnih vrednot, vezanih na premično, nepremično in intele- ktualno dediščino, na različne pomene, ki se z njo povezujejo, in posledično tudi na konfl ikte interesov«. 16 V prevodu: »Rekonstrukcija celotne stavbe, ki je bila razrušena v vojnem spopadu ali v naravni katastrofi , je sprejemljiva le ob prisotnosti izjemnih socialnih in kulturnih vzrokov, ki so vezani na identiteto celotne skupnosti«. 17 V prevodu:»Identiteta je razumljena kot skupna zveza tako sedanjih vrednot, generiranih v sferi skupnosti, kot preteklih vrednot, identi- fi ciranih v njeni avtentičnosti«. 18 V prevodu: »vse oblike kulturne dediščine v Evropi, ki so skupni temelj spomina, razumevanja, prepoznavanja (=identitete), povezanosti in ustvarjalnosti /…/«. 252 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 mework Convention, 2011). Dokument pojem identiteta vzporeja oziroma primerja s pomnjenjem (spominom), razumevanjem, povezovanjem in kreativnostjo – katerih skupni vir so vse oblike kulturne dediščine. Ob obravnavanih dokumentih omenimo še nekatere listine, ki tako kot že omenjena Beneška listina, Haaška konvencija in Amsterdamska listina sicer pojma iden- titeta v povezavi s stavbno ali naselbinsko dediščino ne opredeljujejo oziroma ga sploh ne omenjajo. Med znanimi mednarodnimi dokumenti so to, npr. Wa- shingtonska listina iz leta 1987 (Listina o konservaciji historičnih mest in urbanih jeder; ang. Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas; Wa- shington Charter – ICOMOS), deklaracija, sprejeta v Riu leta 1992 (ang. The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development; Rio Declaration) in Leipziška listina iz leta 2007 o trajnostnih evropskih mestih (ang. Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities). POJEM IDENTITETA V SLOVENSKI PROSTORSKI ZAKONODAJI IN V STRATEGIJI PROSTORSKEGA RAZVOJA SLOVENIJE Pojem identiteta se v normativnih in strateških dokumentih uporablja neposredno ali posredno. Po- glejmo izbrane najpomembnejše pravne akte, ki urejajo področje varstva kulturne dediščine in načrtovanje ter urejanje prostora (Zakon o urejanju prostora, Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju in Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine), ter strateški prostorski akt – Strategija pro- storskega razvoja Slovenije. Zakon o urejanju prostora, Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju in Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine Zakon o urejanju prostora (Ur. l. RS, št. 110/2002, v nadaljevanju: ZUreP–1), sprejet leta 2002 (Zakon o urejanju prostora, 2002) ne omenja pojma identitete, ob tem pa Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju (Ur. l. RS, št. 33/2007, v nadaljevanju: ZPNačrt), sprejet leta 2007, v 8. členu (načelo ohranjanja prepoznavnih značilnosti prostora) navaja: »Prostorsko načrtovanje mora upo- števati vrednote in pre poznavnost obstoječih naravnih, grajenih in drugače ustvarjenih struktur, ki zaradi posebnih geografskih, kulturno-zgodovinskih, uprav- nih, socialno-ekonomskih in drugih pogojev razvoja soo blikujejo identiteto prostora in določajo njegove značilnosti« (Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju, 2007, 4587). ZPNačrt torej identiteto prostora, ki jo povezuje s prepoznavnimi grajenimi strukturami, opredeljuje kot pomemben element, ki ga je potrebno upoštevati v okviru načrtovanja razvoja prostora. Precej skopo je pojem identiteta zastopan v Zakonu o varstvu kulturne dediščine (Ur. l. RS, št. 16/2008, v nadaljevanju: ZVKD–1), sprejetem leta 2008. Le v 2. točki 1. člena (namen zakona) omenja identiteto, in sicer v naslednjem kontekstu: »Dediščina so dobrine, podedovane iz preteklosti, ki jih Slovenke in Slovenci, pripadnice in pripadniki italijanske in madžarske naro- dne skupnosti in romske skupnosti, ter drugi državljanke in državljani Republike Slovenije opredeljujejo kot odsev in izraz svojih vrednot, identitet, verskih in drugih prepričanj, znanj in tradicij« (Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine, 2008, 1121). Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije (SPRS) Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije (v nadalje- vanju: SPRS) je strateški prostorski akt, ki velja od leta 2004, ko ga je sprejel Državni zbor Republike Slovenije. Dokument večkrat omenja identiteto v obravnavanem kontekstu. Prvič se pojma dotakne v uvodu, ob splošni predstavitvi dokumenta, ki: »Poudarja prizadevanja za ohranitev prepoznavnosti prostora in krepitev identi- tete Slovenije ter njenih lokalnih oziroma regionalnih identitet, kar v razmerah evropske konkurence ponuja primerjalne prednosti« (SPRS 2004, 8) .V enakem konte- kstu lokalno in regionalno identiteto omenja SPRS tudi v poglavju Zasnova prostorskega razvoja Slovenije s prioritetami in usmeritvami za dosego ciljev prostorske- ga razvoja Slovenije: »S prostorsko strategijo v skladu z načelom vzdržnega prostorskega razvoja se uveljavlja smotrno rabo prostora ter varnost in kakovost življenja in dobrin. Spodbuja se prizadevanja za ohranitev prepo- znavnosti prostora Slovenije ter njenih lokalnih in regi- onalnih identitet, kar v razmerah evropske konkurence predstavlja primerjalne prednosti, obenem pa bogati kakovost življenja njenih prebivalcev« (SPRS 2004, 18). Sledi še več omemb pojma identiteta. Ob razlagi pojma arhitekturna krajina, dokument na- vaja identiteto prostora, ki jo oblikujejo gradnje enotnih meril: »Arhitekturna krajina je tista prostorska enota, v kateri je zaradi specifi čnih geografskih, kulturno-zgodo- vinskih, upravnih, socialno-ekonomskih, gospodarskih in drugih pogojev razvoja, predvsem pa zaradi zavestne gradnje in ohranjanja značilnosti bivalnega okolja, mogoče razpoznati enotna merila vseh vrst gradenj, ki sooblikujejo identiteto prostora« (SPRS 2004, 9). Prostorska identiteta je omenjena tudi v okviru splošnih izhodišč prostorskega razvoja Slovenije, in sicer kot ena temeljnih razvojnih zahtev: »Prostorska strategija upošteva zahteve po zagotavljanju in varstvu kakovosti okolja. Ohranjanje narave, varstvo prostorske identitete in kulturne dediščine ter varstvo in izboljšanje kvalitete bivalnega in delovnega okolja so temeljne razvojne zahteve, ki jih prostorska strategija vključuje kot sestavni del usmerjanja prostorskega razvoja« (SPRS 2004, 13). Ob opisu stanja v krajinski in urbani strukturi v okviru obravnave značilnosti slovenskega prostora SPRS govori o arhitekturni identiteti, ki je odslikava značilnega pose- litvenega vzorca: »Poselitveni vzorec Slovenije je odraz naravnih in zgodovinskih razmer /…/ Posledica takega poselitvenega razvoja se odraža v izjemni arhitekturni 253 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 identiteti in kulturni dediščini, ki je prisotna v številnih naseljih« (SPRS 2004, 14). Ko je govora o krepitvi prepoznavnosti kakovo- stnih naravnih in kulturnih značilnosti krajine, SPRS obravnava arhitekturno identiteto kot del slovenske prepoznavnosti: »Slovenija je prepoznavna po pestri krajini in krajinskih vzorcih, arhitekturni identiteti mest in podeželskih naseljih, ohranjeni naravi, veliki biotski raznovrstnosti, velikem številu naravnih vrednot in naravnih procesih, bogastvu voda in gozdov. Take značilnosti imajo zlasti območja kulturne dediščine ter ekološko pomembna območja in zavarovana območja« (SPRS 2004, 28). Ob obravnavi prenove naselij kot prednostne razvoj- ne usmeritve SPRS omenja identiteto naselja, ki jo je ob prenovi potrebno upoštevati: »Pri načrtovanju prenove se upošteva ohranjeno identiteto naselja ali dela naselja in skrbi za uravnoteženo razmerje med grajenimi in zelenimi površinami v naselju« (SPRS 2004, 32). Ob obravnavi prenove kulturne dediščine in druge stavbne dediščine SPRS omenja širšo prostorsko identi- teto (katere del so naselja) in celostno identiteto (katere del je kvalitetna stavbna dediščina): »Z vidika prostor- skega urejanja se naselja razvrsti na naselja s stavbno dediščino, ki je spoznana kot kulturna dediščina, nase- lja, ki so del širše prostorske identitete in naselja, katerih fond in struktura druge stavbne dediščine predstavljata vrednoto v arhitektonskem in urbanističnem smislu in se zanje načrtuje ustrezno obliko prenove. Prenovo se izvaja v vseh območjih s kvalitetno stavbno dediščino, ki se jo kot posebno vrednost opredeli kot del osnovne celostne identitete v krajinskem, naselbinskem ali arhitekturnem merilu, oziroma je s predpisom zavaro- vana kot naselbinska ali stavbna dediščina. Prenova ima prednost pred novogradnjo v naseljih, ki so del širše prostorske identitete in predstavljajo kvalitetno stavbno dediščino« (SPRS 2004, 32). Nazadnje SPRS omenja nacionalno in lokalno iden- titeto, in sicer v okviru opredelitve optimalnega razvoja krajine: »Razvoj krajine je optimalen, kadar z umešča- njem dejavnosti dosegamo, da je krajina funkcionalen, ekološko in oblikovno uravnotežen sistem prostorskih struktur, ki omogoča zdravo, varno in prijetno bivalno okolje, kadar razvoj v največji možni meri ohranja naravno zgradbo, kulturne plasti ter zagotavlja prostor za odvijanje naravnih procesov, in kadar razvoj krajine omogoča, da je ta nosilka nacionalne in lokalne identi- tete« (SPRS 2004, 55). POJEM IDENTITETA V ARHITEKTURNEM IN PROSTORSKEM KONTEKSTU V različnih obdobjih je bil pri nas pojem identiteta v razmerju do grajenih struktur in prostora različno razumljen in uporabljan. V delih različnih zgodnjih raziskovalcev slovenskega prostora, kot so opisi Paola Santonina s konca 15. stoletja, upodobitve Giovannija Pieronija in upodobitve drugih kartografov ter inženir- jev iz 17. stoletja, delo Georga Matthäusa Vischerja itd., je bil pojem opredeljen enostransko in na podlagi poljubno izbranih elementov (grajenih in naravnih). Večinsko (preprostejše) stavbarstvo je bilo v upodobi- tvah zapostavljeno, obenem pa so bile lastnosti dežel obravnavane ločeno. Celoviteje je različne lastnosti in njihove pomene za identifi ciranje določenega prostora začel obravnavati Janez Vajkard Valvasor. Določene novosti so se v okviru razumevanja identitete uveljavile šele v drugi polovici 19. in v prvi polovici 20. stoletja. V drugi polovici preteklega stoletja pa so bili vpeljani tudi novi pristopi in bolj celostno razumevanje lastnosti identitete. Med prvimi so posebno vrednost zaokrože- nih kulturno-geografskih enot in širok spekter sestavin identitete prepoznale umetnostnozgodovinska stroka, etnologija in geografi ja, ki je v navedenem obdobju začela preučevati tudi do tedaj zapostavljene dele pro- stora (Fister et al., 1993, 5–6). Danes pojem identiteta bivalnega okolja enakovre- dno združuje vse temeljne sestavine prostora: naravne in antropogene elemente ter ustvarjene pogoje, obenem pa upošteva celotno hierarhijo grajenih sestavin pro- stora in ne le najpomembnejše arhitekture. V zadnjih desetletjih preteklega stoletja se je v evropskem prostoru celo izoblikovalo dojemanje identitete prostora kot ene večjih kvalitet, tako s kulturnozgodovinskega vidika, kot z vidika kvalitete življenjskega okolja (Fister et al., 1993, 11–12). Pomen identitete (in podobe) naselja pa naj bi bila osrednja tema za primerjanje (rangiranje) mest na mednarodni ravni pri tekmovanju za naložbe, za izobražen kader, dejavnosti, kulturo in turizem (Dimitrovska Andrews, 1998, 5). Pregled izkušenj uspešnih evropskih mest namreč kaže, da so se ta mesta začela zavedati odvisnosti statusa evropskega mesta in njegovega gospodarskega razcveta tudi od zmožnosti opredelitve identitete mesta v evropskem prostoru (Di- mitrovska Andrews, 2011, 16). Mesta in regije (v tekmi za kapitalom in naložbami) tako vedno bolj spoštujejo vrednost prepoznavne identitete, zato težijo k razvoju, ki bi izražal lokalni ali regionalni značaj prostora – kul- turne in grajene krajine (Butina Watson, 1997, 4). Identiteto prostora Fister po francoskem zgledu za identifi kacijo krajinskih enot opredeljuje kot sestavljen- ko iz specifi čnega, hierarhičnega prepleta značilnih prostorskih sestavin – naravnih danosti in struktur, ki jih je ustvaril človek. Slednje jo tudi najmočneje (ne) posredno določajo oziroma nanjo vplivajo (Fister et al., 1993, 5, 12, 24). Značilne sestavine, ki oblikujejo identiteto prostora, lahko opredelimo na ravni krajine, naselja in posame- zne arhitekturne enote. Na ravni krajine in naselij so to lokacija, lega naselbinskih teles v pokrajini, njihova usklajenost, prilagojenost reliefu in rabi tal, meje oziroma robovi, dominante, vedute, struktura, členjenost in parce- lacija površin. Pri krajini gre še za posebne dele prostora ter pomenske in simbolne vrednosti, na nivoju naselij pa 254 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 še za silhuete, zasnovo, prostorsko organiziranost naselja in njegovih delov, naselbinsko tipologijo, razmerje med osnovno enoto in celoto, členjenost gabaritov in fasadnih nizov ter pomen vsebinskih in drugih vrednosti. Na ravni arhitekture pa so značilne sestavine, ki oblikujejo identi- teto, stavbna tipologija in zasnova enot, lega na parceli, vsebina, značaj ali funkcije stavbnih enot, orientiranost in prilagojenost terenu, gabariti, volumenska razmerja, tipika streh in struktura kritin, lega in oblika arhitekturnih členov, členjenost fasad, fasadna razmerja ter materiali, strukture, barvitost (Lah, 1992, 174; 1994, 137). Živa Deu (2004, 20) razume pojem identiteta kot »sklop kakovostnih lastnosti. Lahko rečemo tudi ožjih identitet, ki dajejo prostoru, naselju ali stavbi posebno pojavno obliko, po kateri jih je mogoče razpoznati in ločiti od drugih prostorov, naselij in stavb«. Identiteto naselja in posameznih delov oblikujeta tudi odnos med tematskimi (ponavljajoči se vzorci gra- jenih in odprtih prostorov) in netematskimi strukturami (omrežje javnega prostora) ter ravnovesje med njimi (Dimitrovska Andrews, 2011, 53). Kot nosilce oziroma gradnike identitete naselja lahko opredelimo tudi pole (fokusne, središčne točke in oblikovna jedra generičnih lastnosti) ter povezave med njimi (Koželj, 1990, 23). SKLEPNE UGOTOVITVE Termin identiteta v splošnem pomeni istovetnost, identičnost, skladnost, ko pa govorimo o identiteti pro- stora, naselja ali stavbe, se ta nanaša na sklop lastnosti, po katerih je prostor in grajene strukture v njem mogoče ločevati od drugih (Slika 3). Slika 3: Pojem identiteta v razmerju do prostora, naselij in stavb je mogoče poenostavljeno razumeti zlasti kot sestav lastnosti, ki jih označujejo in jim dajejo prepoznavnost (Ilustracija: Tina Potočnik, Ljubo Lah) 255 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 Identiteta je skupek in preplet značilnosti, ki prostorske strukture označujejo in jim dajejo prepo- znavnost. Ustvarjajo edinstveno podobo stavbi, mestu, krajini. Pri tem se pojem identiteta povezuje z različni- mi pomeni. Govorimo o lokalni identiteti, ki se nanaša na prepoznavnost posamezne strukture in v primeru prepoznavnosti skupine struktur o regionalni identiteti. Skupna identiteta je splošna, združevalna, individu- alna pa je ločevalna. Relativna identiteta zaznamuje najširše, splošne, enotne lastnosti, absolutna pa ozke, individualne, razpoznavne lastnosti. Obstoj identitete se povezuje s prisotnostjo t. i. genius loci in aktivnostjo stabilitas loci. Z vidika zaznavanja je identiteta rezultat sistema prepoznavanja strukture v prostoru. Tovrstno zaznavanje je vselej deloma subjektivno; tako posa- mezniki, ki govorijo o identiteti nekega mesta oziroma kraja, navadno mislijo tudi na pomen tega mesta v okviru njihove lastne identitete. Ob pregledu opredelitev pojma identiteta (v povezavi z grajenimi strukturami v prostoru) v okviru obravnava- nih mednarodnih dokumentov (Granadska konvencija, Urbana listina Evrope, Dokument iz Nare, Priporočilo Odbora ministrov Sveta Evrope št. R (95) 9, Agenda Ha- bitat, Evropska konvencija o krajini, Krakovska listina, Okvirna konvencija Sveta Evrope o vrednosti kulturne dediščine za družbo) lahko ugotovimo, da je v vsakem dokumentu pojem identiteta uporabljen z nekoliko spe- cifi čnim in prilagojenim pomenom. Splošno veljavne defi nicije pojma identiteta ni. Defi nicijo pojma identiteta dejansko podaja le Krakovska listina, sama defi nicija pa je precej ohlapna. Iz konteksta uporabe pojma v preostalih navedenih mednarodnih dokumentih je mogoče povzeti, da je identiteta nekaj, kar je zakoreninjeno v preteklosti in je spreminjajoče, prilagodljivo. Ustvarjajo jo naravne in ustvarjene strukture, stavbna dediščina ter mesta, ki se po določenih značilnosti ločijo od drugih mest, stavbe, urbani prostori in ulični vzorci historičnih jeder. Identi- teta je povezana s pomnjenjem, tudi kolektivnim spo- minom, razumevanjem, povezovanjem in kreativnostjo. Zanjo lahko rečemo, da je skupek in preplet značilnosti, potez, po katerih lahko razpoznamo oblikovani prostor – naravni ali grajeni. V povezavi z grajenim prostorom lahko povzamemo, da tvorijo identiteto zlasti ohra- njene in ponavljajoče se značilnosti, ki so skupnega, združevalnega značaja. Identiteta pa, seveda, ni nekaj nespremenljivega. Ni stalna, večna, ampak se stalno razvija, dopolnjuje in spreminja. Če se osnovne značil- nosti in poteze v razvoju ohranjajo, lahko govorimo o nadgradnji – kontinuiteti identitete, v nasprotnem pa o degradaciji identitete in o njeni diskontinuiteti. V slovenskem okviru je pojem identiteta v vseh treh obravnavanih zakonih (Zakon o urejanju prostora, Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju in Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine) redko uporabljen termin. Slednje pa nikakor ne velja za Strategijo prostorskega razvoja Slovenije, ki pogosto omenja lokalno, regionalno in na- cionalno identiteto, kakor tudi arhitekturno in prostor- sko identiteto. Ker obstoj identitete predstavlja vrednoto in primerjalno prednost, obenem pa bogati kakovost življenja njenih prebivalcev, menimo, da ohranjanje identitete mora postati cilj in temelj delovanja vseh, ki posegajo v prostor. Identiteta grajenih struktur v prostoru ima danes v hitro spreminjajočem se svetu vsekakor pomembno mesto v človekovem življenju. Tega bi se bilo potrebno zavedati tudi ob načrtovanju razvoja, ki zadovoljuje naše sodobne potrebe, kajti tudi identiteta je ena od temeljnih človekovih potreb. Kot pravi Annette Roggatz (2005, 252): »Človek, ki je vezan na sedanjost, potrebu- je zanesljivo preteklost, da lahko deluje in ustvarja. Iz tega, torej iz individualnega in kolektivnega spomina, defi nira svojo identiteto. Človek potrebuje identiteto, da lahko oblikuje svojo prihodnost«. 256 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 THE CONCEPT OF IDENTITY IN SELECTED INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS OF HERITAGE CONSERVATION AND ITS USE IN SLOVENIA Tina POTOČNIK Research institute for visual culture from the 19th century to the present, Posavskega 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: tina.potocnik@ri19plus.si Ljubo LAH University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: ljubo.lah@fa.uni-lj.si SUMMARY In relation to space, settlements and buildings, identity can be understood as a compound of features, which characterize them and make them recognizable. The text presents the use of the term identity, its different meanings and contexts: local and regional, social and individual, relative and absolute, visual and semantic identity and its linkage to genius loci and stabilitas loci. In terms of perception, the identity is the result of subjective identifi cation of structures in space, developed separately by every individual. In the second part the text provides an overview of the determination of identity within some international documents on conservation (The Granada Convention, The European Urban Charter, The Nara Document on Authenticity, Recommendation No. R (95) 9, The Habitat Agenda, The European Landscape Convention, The Krakow Charter, Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society) and within the Slovenian legislation (Spatial Management Act, Spatial Planning Act and Cultural Heritage Protection Act). The most important conclusion is that there is no generally accepted defi nition of this conception; only a cross-section of the identity’s characteristics can be recognized. In Slovenian laws, handled in this paper, identity is only minimally represented or is not even mentioned. However, this does not apply to the Strategy of spatial development of Slovenia, which refers to local, regional and national identity, as well as architectural and spatial identity. Keywords: identity, built structures, built heritage, documents on conservation 257 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 VIRI IN LITERATURA Abel , C. (2000): Architecture & Identity: Responses to cultural and technological change. Architectural Press, Oxford. Butina Watson, G. (1997): Izgrajevanje lokalne in regionalne identitete. Urbani izziv, 8, 32–33, 3–8. Butina Watson, G. & I. Bentley (2007): Identity by design. Burlington, Elsevier Ltd. Capuder, T. (1990): Teoretično usmerjena raziskava. II. del. V: Koželj, J. & T. Capuder: Strukturni pristop k urbanističnemu načrtovanju in projektiranju. Ljubljana, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, 45–117. Deu, Ž. (2004): Obnova stanovanjskih stavb na slovenskem podeželju. Ljubljana, Kmečki glas. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (1998): Obvladovanje mesta: formalni in neformalni vzvodi (re)urbanizacije. Urbani izziv, 9, 2, 3–15. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2011): Orodja za usmer- janje in nadzor urbanih oblik. Ljubljana, UIRS. Fister, P., Boh-Pečnik, N., Debevec, L., Deu, Ž., Kav- čič, M. & L. Lah (1993): Arhitekturne krajine in regije Slovenije. Ljubljana, Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor Republike Slovenije, Zavod Republike Slovenije za prostorsko planiranje. Koželj, J. (1990): Aplikativno usmerjena raziskava. I. del. V: Koželj, J. & T. Capuder: Strukturni pristop k urbanističnemu načrtovanju in projektiranju. Ljubljana, Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, 10–39. Lah, L. (1992): Stavbna dediščina v skladnem razvo- ju podeželja: posebnosti arhitekturne pokrajine Krasa. Magistrska naloga. Ljubljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Univerza v Ljubljani. Lah, L. (1994): Prenova stavbne dediščine na pode- želju. Kras. Novo Mesto, Dolenjska založba. Pirkovič, J. (2010): Celostno ohranjanje in varstvo dediščine, razvoj dejavnosti in sodobna izhodišča. Do- stopno na: http://www.mk.gov.si/fi leadmin/mk.gov.si/ pageuploads/Ministrstvo/Postopki/dediscina/izpiti_nazi- vi/Skripta_Obci_konservatorstvo-celostno_ohranjanje. pdf (sneto 17. 4. 2011). Roggatz, A. (2005): Denkmalpfl ege und Identität. V: Euskirchen, C., Kieser, M. & A. Pfotenhauer (ur.): Hörsa- al, Amt und Marktplatz. Forschung und Denkmalpfl ege im Rheinland. Köln, Verlag Schnell & Steiner GmbH, 251–254. Stanič, I. (1991): Značaj, identiteta, slika o mestu. Urbani izziv, 2, 16–17, 25–26. Listine, konvencije, zakoni in drugi dokumenti Agenda Habitat, Carigrajska deklaracija, Deklaraci- ja Svetovnega zbora mest in lokalnih uprav. http://www. mop.gov.si/fi leadmin/mop.gov.si/pageuploads/publika- cije/drugo/agenda-habitat_1.pdf, . Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas. http://www.international.icomos.org/ charters/towns_e.pdf , . Convention for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe. http://www.ifa.de/pdf/abk/inter/ ec_ets121_en.pdf, . Convention for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe; prevod: http://www.svetevrope. si/sl/dokumenti_in_publikacije/konvencije/121/index. html . Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Va- lue of Cultural Heritage for Society. http://conventions. coe.int/Treaty/EN/Treaties/Html/199.htm, . European Charter of the Architectural Heritage.http:// www.icomos.org/docs/euroch_e.html, . European Landscape Convention. http://www.coe. int/t/dg4/cultureheritage/heritage/landscape/,. Evropska konvencija o krajini. http://www.mop. gov.si/fi leadmin/mop.gov.si/pageuploads/zakonodaja/ konvencije/krajina.pdf, . Konvencija o varstvu evropskega arhitektonskega bogastva. http://www.svetevrope.si/sl/dokumenti_in_pu- blikacije/konvencije/121/index.html, . Leipziška listina o trajnostnih evropskih mestih. http://www.mop.gov.si/fi leadmin/mop.gov.si/pageuplo- ads/zakonodaja/konvencije/leipziska_listina.pdf, . Okvirna konvencija Sveta Evrope o vrednosti kul- turne dediščine za družbo. http://www.svetevrope.si/sl/ dokumenti_in_publikacije/konvencije/199/index.html, . Recommendation No. R (95) 9. https://wcd.coe.int/ wcd/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com.instra- net.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage=536539&SecMode= 1&DocId=527032&Usage=2, . Rio Declaration on Environment and Development. Report of the United Nations Conference on the Hu- man Environment. http://www.un.org/documents/ga/ conf151/aconf15126-1annex1.html, . Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije (2004). V: Bartol, B. et al. (ur. skupina). Ministrstvo za okolje, pro- stor in energijo, Direktorat za prostor, Urad za prostorski razvoj, Ljubljana. The Charter of Krakow. Principles for Conservation and Restoration of Built Heritage. http://www.metria.es/ eng/servicios/docs/Charter_of_Cracow_2000.pdf, . The European Urban Charter. http://sustainable- -cities.eu/upload/pdf_fi les/URBAN_CHARTER_EN.pdf, . The Habitat Agenda. http://www.unhabitat.org/ downloads/docs/ 1176_6455_The_Habitat_Agenda.pdf, . The Habitat Agenda Goals and Principles, Commit- ments and the Global Plan of Action. http://ww2.unha- bitat.org/declarations/documents/The_Habitat_Agenda. pdf , prevod: http://www.mop.gov.si/ fileadmin/mop.gov.si/pageuploads/publikacije/drugo/ agenda-habitat_1.pdf . 258 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Tina POTOČNIK & Ljubo LAH: POJEM IDENTITETA V IZBRANIH MEDNARODNIH LISTINAH VARSTVA DEDIŠČINE IN NJEGOVA UPORABA V SLOVENIJI, 245–258 The Hague Convention of 1954. uifs.zrc-sazu.si/ fi les/The Hague Convention of 1954.pdf, . The Nara Document on Authenticity. http://www. iflaclc.org/guidance/ICOMOS-Nara-Docoument- -Authenticity-1994.pdf, . The Venice Charter. www.international.icomos.org/ charters/venice_e.pdf, . UN Habitat, Istanbul Declaration on Human Set- tlements. http://www.unhabitat.org/content.asp?ID=407 &catid=366&typeid=24, . Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 16/2008. Ljubljana. Zakon o prostorskem načrtovanju. Uradni list Repu- blike Slovenije, št. 33/2007. Ljubljana. Zakon o urejanju prostora. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 110/2002. Ljubljana. 259 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.18 received: 2016-01-31 HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia, Conservation Department in Rijeka, Užarska 26, 51000 Rijeka, Croatia e-mail: bbilusic@gmail.com Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI University of Zagreb, Faculty of Architecture, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: mos@arhitekt.hr Jasenka KRANJČEVIĆ Institute for Tourism, Vrhovec 5, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: jasenka.kranjcevic@iztzg.hr ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the landscape of Veliki Brijun Island, from ancient to contemporary times. By examining the organisation and land use over various historical periods we have determined the island’s characteristic features. The research results indicate changes in landscape, infl uenced by social, economic, cultural, and political circumstances. Various types of landscape have been formed, witnessing a range of space use during particular periods, including: agrarian, residential, military/fortifi cation, tourism, forest/natural, production, maritime, and recreational use. Aiming to preserve the identifi ed elements of landscape identity, criteria are proposed for the conservation of value in case of future spatial interventions. Keywords: northern Adriatic, Veliki Brijun, landscape history, landscape factors, landscape types IL CARATTERE STORICO DEL PAESAGGIO DELL’ISOLA VELIKI BRIJUN SINTESI Il tema del presente lavoro è il paesaggio dell’isola Veliki Brijun (Brioni Grande o Maggiore) dalla preistoria al giorno d’oggi. Sulla base delle ricerche effettuate sull’organizzazione e sull’uso dello spazio nelle diverse epoche storiche, vengono defi nite le sue caratteristiche peculiari e distintive. I risultati della ricerca indicano che il paesaggio è cambiato a seguito delle circostanze sociali, economiche, culturali e politiche. Si sono formate varie tipologie di paesaggio, che testimoniano ancora oggi diversi usi dello spazio in determinati periodi storici, come ad esempio: fun- zioni agricole, residenziali, militari difensive (fortifi cazioni), turistiche, silvicolturali, produttive, marittime e ricreative. Al fi ne di preservare gli elementi distintivi dell’identità paesaggistica, vengono proposti dei criteri per conservare il valore del paesaggio anche attraverso nuovi possibili interventi e progetti nell’area. Parole chiave: Adriatico settentrionale, Veliki Brijun (Brioni Grande o Maggiore), storia del paesaggio, componenti paesaggistiche, tipologie di paesaggio 260 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 INTRODUCTION1 Croatian territory abounds in various cultural land- scapes, including the Brijuni Islands, an example of well-preserved landscape and seascape – a synthesis of natural and anthropogenic values. The island Veliki Brijun is located in northern Adriatic, next to the Istrian peninsula, north-west of the city of Pula. It boasts an area of 560 acres and is the largest of all of the 14 Brijuni islands. Brijuni Islands became a national park in 1983 and is one of the rare national parks in Croatia that has experienced signifi cant human activity throughout his- tory (Zakon o nacionalnom parku i spomen području Brijuni, 1983). Therefore, it was recognised as a cultural property in 2012 and included in the Register of Cultural Heritage of the Republic of Croatia (Zakon o zaštiti i očuvanju kulturnih dobara, 1999). Previous approaches to the protection, conservation, and spatial planning at Brijuni National Park relied on separate analysis of ei- ther natural or cultural components, without examining the interrelationships of landscape types. Considering the fact that during the past few decades maintaining the value of the cultural landscape of Veliki Brijun has stagnated, this research focuses on examining the anthropogenic features of landscape formed during historical development. The aim is to determine the factors that infl uence its identity and use them as a stepping stone to determining the criteria for future development plans. A vast number of papers on the Brijuni islands has been published, mostly focusing on cultural or natural heritage. Some of the most prominent papers on ar- chaeological heritage include: Gnirs, 1911; Mlakar 1962; Suić, 1976; Vitasović, 2005; Glogović, 1989; Begović-Dvoržak & Schrunk, 2006. The topic of military fortifi cations on the islands was covered by: Piplović, 2003; Cvek, 2015. The topic of tourist-architecture heritage was covered by: Goldstein & Mavar, 2003; Mugler, 2013; Dumbović Bilušić & Bilušić, 2015. The topic of natural heritage was covered by: Brockhausen, 1906; Schiller, 1912; Markotić, 1997. There has been virtually no systematic research on the formation and transformation of Veliki Brijun landscape, save for the following papers: Begović-Dvoržak, 1995; Dumbović Bilušić & Bilušić, 2015. The research of Veliki Brijun landscape begins by examining the island within the historical, economic, social, cultural, political, and ecological context. The overall space-time context infl uences the landscape’s heritage, whereas its revitalisation and future use must help stimulate and develop the environment. The research was motivated by the changes in the Spatial plan of the Brijuni National Park, and the creation of the Management plan, which required an adequate professional basis (Ministarstvo kulture Republike Hrvatske, 2014; Ministarstvo kulture Repub- like Hrvatske, 2015). This was followed by a research within the scientifi c project Heritage Urbanism, aimed at researching urban and spatial models for the revival and enhancement of cultural heritage. Examining a landscape without including historical data can lead to a failure to recognise important factors of its character, and a loss of value when planning its development. Not only does a landscape’s historical character serve as a means of understanding the histori- cal nature of landscape, it also aims to include it in the planning of changes. To gain insight into landscape formation, the paper examines through various historical periods the organi- sation and use of land, as well as landscape factors as elements of spatial, functional, and visual identity. Us- ing time-slice analysis, various types of landscape, as well as their spatial positions and interrelations, were determined in different historical layers. The research is based on fi eld research, analysis of written and graphic historical sources, as well as avail- able literature. Apart from the time-slice method, the inductive-deductive method was used for the creation of graphic attachments in GIS. Figure 1: Position of Veliki Brijun – map (Source: authors) 1 This research is a part of the scientifi c project Heritage Urbanism (HERU) - Urban and Spatial Models for Revival and Enhancement of Cultural Heritage (HERU-2032) fi nanced by Croatian Science Foundation, which is being carried out at the Faculty of Architecture Uni- versity of Zagreb, under the project leadership of Prof. Mladen Obad Sćitaroci, Ph.D., F.C.A. 261 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 NATURAL FEATURES OF VELIKI BRIJUN LANDSCAPE Natural features of an island include the topographi- cal context whose advantages were used to establish set- tlements and employ other forms of land use: production, residential, military/fortifi cation, tourist, recreational use etc. This relates to Carl Sauer’s classical defi nition of cultural landscape: The cultural landscape is fashioned out of a natural landscape by a culture group. Culture is the agent, the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape is the result (Sauer, 1925, 37). The geological and geomorphological make-up of Veliki Brijun consists of early-cretaceous carbonate sedi- ments covered in thin quaternary deposits. Lithologically, these are thin-layered light-grey and white limestone. With respect to relief, Veliki Brijun consists of a fl at, indented shoreline which exhibits mild elevation inland, thus forming gently-inclined hills.2 The inclina- tion is usually slight, 12º maximum. The gently-inclined hills gradually spread inland, whereas the middle of the island culminates at its highest peak of cca 50 meters above sea level. There are no sources of potable water, submarine springs, or running water on Veliki Brijun. On the hill above Verige cove lie the remains of an old well and cistern that provided a supply of potable water. There are four ponds on the island as proof of former larger water areas and wetlands which were drained in the late 19th and early 20th centuries through the process of amelioration. Veliki Brijun belongs to the European Mediterranean climate zone characterised by mild, relatively short and rainy winters and dry and hot summers. Vegetation is lush with predominantly Mediterranean species, permanently green grass, macchia and forests. Forest vegetation consists primarily of holly oak and fl owering ash spread on most of the island. The holly oak layer sporadically contains bay trees. Due to long- term anthropogenic infl uence the fl ora of the island has changed signifi cantly. In 2013 the Brijuni Islands was included in Natura 2000,3 a network of protected areas, making this maritime zone extremely important in terms of planning and sea use. Visually, Veliki Brijun has an indented and meander- ing coastline with deeply indented coves, especially on the north-eastern side. The land consists of conical forest-covered hills and is surrounded by open areas of meadows and pastures. Thus, a dynamic relief-compo- sition of space is formed, complete with tall and short vegetation and bordered by a fl at shoreline. HISTORICAL LAYERS OF VELIKI BRIJUN LANDSCAPE – TIME-SLICE ANALYSIS Examining the landscape of Veliki Brijun through various historical layers one can identify cultural, social, economic, ecological, and political circumstances of a 2 The highest peak of the island is Straža is 54,7 meters above sea level. 3 By joining the EU, the most signifi cant Croatian areas for the conservation of species and habitats were included in the network of pro- tected areas Natura 2000 Ekološka mreža http://www.bioportal.hr/gis/ (15.1.2016.). Figure 2: Relief – hypsometric characteristics of Veliki Brijun (Source: authors) Figure 3: Aerial footage of Brijuni Islands (Source: https://www.google.hr/search?q=brijuni&biw=1422& bih=766&source=lnms&tbm) 262 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 particular period. Certain circumstances have left per- manent marks in space by creating distinctive features of spatial organisation and land use enabling the identi- fi cation of landscape factors. The historical character of landscape is defi ned as a combination of physical and perceptual attributes of a location. Through chronologi- cal layering, time-slice analysis, we examine the degree of conservation of landscape features from particular periods, and acknowledge their role and contribution to the current appearance of the landscape. The Veliki Brijun area possesses certain elements of historical char- acter that are analysed within the corresponding spatial and historical context. Prehistory (up to 2nd century B.C.) Traces of life on Veliki Brijun are marked by dinosaur footprints in Barban, Ploče, and Tratika. The footprints date back to the Mesozoic era cca 230 – 65 million years ago. The fi rst evidence of anthropogenic infl uence on the changes in natural environment dates back to the Neolithic period, cca 4000 years B.C. when livestock and crop farming, fi shing, and probably salt extraction, as well as dwelling construction, marked the fi rst sig- nifi cant change in the natural condition of the Brijuni landscape. The indented shoreline and coves were suit- able for docking of ships, whereas the highest peaks were suitable for establishing hill forts and controlling and defending of the area. The Bronze and Iron Ages, spanning from the 13th to 2nd centuries B.C., mark a high population density of Veliki Brijun (Suić, 1976, 63–83). From the late Bronze Age hill-fort settlements on the island were inhabited by the Illyrian tribe Histri4 who participated in the Mediterra- nean trade, as well as piracy (Starac, 1994, 46). From the 6th to 4th centuries B.C. northern Adriatic was the centre for the communication between the Greeks, Etruschans, and middle Europe, including the Histri tribes. Organisation and land use In the Javorika bay, in the immediate vicinity of the sea, a settlement without defensive structures was established. Traces of huts on the Gromače cape in the immediate vicinity of the sea, near the salty pond in the Soline cove, indicate the existence of semi-dugouts with exterior made of wicker.5 The position of the island in relation to Adriatic waterways infl uenced the use and organisation of island space. During the Bronze and Iron Ages the Histri erected their settlements (hill forts) on fl at hilltops, in naturally convenient locations. These stone settlements were established on the most prominent hills at the cen- tre of the island: Straža, Gradina, Antunovac, Ciprovac, and Rankun. The settlements were surrounded by one to three belts of concentric ramparts adapted to the natural confi guration of the hill. An important architectural form of that age were burial structures – necropoles, stone heaps discovered on top of the hills Ciprovac, Antuno- vac, and Rankun (Gnirs, 1908). From today’s perspec- tive, these are small-scale organic settlements patterns. By clearing forests and macchia, the fi rst arable land and pastures were created. Presumably, the use of quar- ries and salt pans existed before Roman settlement on the island. Arable land was communal.6 Landscape identity factors Landscape appearance in prehistoric times of the Bronze and Iron Ages was primarily defi ned by hill-fort settlements on fl at hilltops and communal land owner- ship. Situating hill forts on hilltops enabled communica- tion and a certain amount of control over waterways. Hill forts like Gradina and Ciprovac have been well 4 The Illyrian name for Brijuni was Brevona (Glogović, 1989, 13). 5 Archaeological research was conducted by archaeologist Anton Vitasović. 6 Pastures and livestock farming were vital to indigenous communities throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages (Suić, 1976, 60). Figure 4: Organisation and land use of Veliki Brijun during prehistoric times (Source: authors) 263 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 preserved as archaeological sites, whereas the highest peak Straža was used to build a new fort in mid 19th century. The Soline site, with a preserved toponym and marsh – pond, is a remnant of the shallow sea where salt was extracted in ancient and probably earlier times. Roman and Byzantine Empire (2nd century B.C. – early 9th century) From 177 B.C. Veliki Brijun was part of the Roman Empire and was populated by Roman settlers (military veterans, and offi cials).7 After the fall of the Western Roman Empire, Istria and thus, Brijuni Islands fell under the rule of Visigoths (476–539), and later the Byzantine Empire, until 788. During emperor Justinian’s conquests in Eastern Adri- atic and Apennines, the settlement of Kastrum on Veliki Brijun was probably used as a mil9itary settlement and quarantine. In the 6th century, following the spread of Christianity during the Byzantine Empire, two structures were built: a three-nave basilica of St. Mary in the im- mediate vicinity, above the Kastrum settlement, and St. Peter’s Church on top of a nearby hill (Starac, 1999, 42–73; Šonje, 1981). Organisation and land use During the Roman times, the formerly communal land from the Neolithic period (forests, fi elds and pas- tures) became individual property of Roman landown- ers,8 and was organised into large agricultural estates. The centre of the estate was a villa in Verige, whereas several other rustic villas (villae rustica) existed on the island’s agricultural estates. The characteristic built-up settlement patterns are large-scale and are of the mari- time villa and rustic villa type. From the late 1st century B.C. to the 1st century A.D., two villas were built on Veliki Brijun. One villa with a pier was located in the Verige cove and had contained outbuildings, residential, and sacred buildings.9 With respect to technical solutions and utilities, the villa was very well equipped, as witnessed by the water reservoir and well on top of the hill, used to supply potable water to the villa.10 The northern part of the cove contained architecturally less elaborate, yet more functional out- buildings.11 After the fall of the Western Roman Empire the Verige villa is abandoned and the inhabitants fi nd refuge in a settlement in Dobrika cove. The rustic villa located on the northern part of the island at the Kolci site served for exclusively economic purposes (Begović-Dvoržak & Schrunk, 2006). The old- est rustic villa located at the Dobrika cove maintained the continuity of life from ancient to medieval times due to its gradual transformation into a settlement.12 Located by the shore, it was organised around a centre courtyard containing a cistern. At the end of the 4th century the villa was systematically fortifi ed with strong defensive walls containing watch towers, guarded entrances, a water cistern, food and goods storage space. Thus, a military-camp (lat. castrum) type settlement of Kastrum was formed.13 Kastrum was organised in an orthogonal Figure 5: Organisation and land use during Roman and Byzantine times (Source: authors) 7 After their victory in 177 B.C. the Romans conquer Istria and with it the Brijuni Islands, thus beginning the romanization of the area (Starac, 1994, 45–61). 8 The assumption that the entire island of Veliki Brijun had a single owner – apart from historical sources and parallels with Italian territory – is corroborated by the fact that there are no traces of land distribution on the island. 9 The villa is considered the largest in Istria and represents the most extravagant architectural complex on the eastern Adriatic coast (Zaninović, 1995, 86–96; Begović-Dvoržak & Schrunk, 2006). In mid 1st century amphoras and olive oil were produced in the villa (Starac, 1999, 65–67). 10 Considering its urbanistic and architectural make-up, the Verige cove villa can be compared to the Damecuta maritime villa on the island of Capri (McKay, 1998, 115). 11 Apart from the area designated for the production of wine and olives, farm facilities also contained food and wine storage space, as well as a pool for fi sh farming. 12 The antique cistern was also used during Venetian rule in the 15th and 16th centuries (Bertoša, 1986, 29). 264 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 street layout, with several smaller squares at intersec- tions. Four main entrances connected the settlement with the road system leading to other parts of the island. Quarries were located mainly by the shore: north of the Dobrika cove on the western side of Veliki Brijun, near the rustic villa, and a Late-Antiquity settlement located between the Dobrika cove and Soline bay. The patterns of unbuilt landscape include forests and macchia, vast farmlands for cultivating olives and vines, and to a lesser extent grain and vegetables. Landscape identity factors The Roman period which caused massive changes in the landscape of Veliki Brijun served as the basis for the future urbanization of the island. The changes in land- scape were caused by new methods of land use, as well as the implementation of new technical achievements in processing and storing food and liquids (olive oil, wine, etc.), supplying water, quarrying, sea-salt exploitation, and the like (Starac, 1999, 8). Making use of the island’s natural advantages, a villa with a port was built in the well-protected Verige cove, as an example of highly representative architecture and urbanism of the time. The villa in Dobrika cove was transformed into an urbanized Late-Antiquity i.e. Byz- antine settlement. Both villas, together with their arable farmland, introduce a new, large scale into the landscape and represent the key elements of architectural identity. Simultaneously, as a spatial focal point, they infl uenced the organisation of farmlands and woodlands, as well as the establishment of main roads toward land and sea. Relicts of agrarian olive-oil production are witnessed by old olive trees in particular areas, especially near Kas- trum, and the northern part of the island. The functional identity of the island is defi ned by agrarian production of olives and wine, quarrying and salt extraction,14 and a defensive function. Preserved landscape patterns from Antiquity and the Byzantine period are integrated in the spatial formation of tourist landscape in early 20th century and represent important elements of visual identity (Keller, 1905). 13 Kastrum also contained a textile workshop (Matijašić, 1998, 34). 14 At the site of former salt pans in Soline building remains are preserved. Figure 6: Maritime villa at Verige cove (Photo: Biserka Dumbović Bilušić) 265 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 Late 8th century to early 19th century (medieval and modern period) From the late 8th to late 18th centuries this area was un- der Frankish, Aquileian, and Venetian rule, respectively. At this time the Brijuni Islands underwent a change in ethnic and economic structure. Unlike previous periods, when the area experienced economic progress and spa- tial improvements, this new era was a time of insecurity and constant threat accompanied by the menace of the plague. The Brijuni Islands, as well as Istria, were under Franksih rule since 788. The newly-arrived Slavic and the remaining Roman inhabitants settle in the area ac- cording to the feudal policy on farmland use of the time. Due to constant Saracen attacks in the 9th century, as well as the Venetian wars with west Istrian cities from 11th to 14th centuries, the Brijuni Islands were frequently taking a hit and changing rulers. At these tumultuous times the island population found a safe haven in the fortifi ed settlement of Kastrum. During Venetian rule the Brijuni Islands were owned by various rich patrician families.15 The southern part of the island was a marshland – one of the reasons contributing to the migration from Kastrum to the settlement as we know it today. In addition to the agricultural production of olive oil, grapes, and grain, the most prominent activities included quarrying and wood exploitation, as well as salt extraction (Bertoša, 1986, 63). After the plague subsided in 1412, due to the loss of a great part of the population, the Pula municipal council decided to incentivize the settlement of the Bri- juni Islands and grant privileges to stonecutters.16 Health problems were caused not only by the plague, but also the local conditions in marshlands i.e. malaria. Accord- ing to historical descriptions from the 17th century, the Brijuni Islands were a poorly inhabited location whose inhabitants are engaged in quarrying. Fields remain bar- ren, but the sea is teaming with fi sh (Bertoša, 1986, 69). The age of decadence and malaria lasted well into the late 19th century. The Treaty of Campo Formio in 1797 marks the end of Venetian rule. Organisation and land use Gradual decay of ancient civilisations and great socioeconomic changes infl uenced the spatial transfor- mation of the island. The medieval and modern periods were marked by numerous attacks by conquerors, changes of rulers, the menace of the plague and malaria, all of which was refl ected in space. The data from late 16th century indicates that the chief activities on the is- land included quarrying and wood exploitation, whereas livestock farming and agriculture became secondary. Therefore, farmlands and pastures from earlier periods diminished, went untended and were overgrown with macchia. In early 17th century there were merely fi fty or so poor inhabitants on the island, living in fourteen houses and farming wheat, maize, and olives, quarrying and delivering stone for the construction of Venice.17 In addition to quarries used in the Roman period and located mostly by the shore, new ones were opened in the island’s interior. In the medieval period there were two settlements on the island: Kastrum on the southern shore, and the new settlement of Brijuni in today’s port, around the shal- low bay, near the defensive tower. In late 9th century, next to St. Mary’s Church in the immediate vicinity of Kastrum, a Benedictine monastery was built, infl uencing the economic, social, and cultural life on the island. The life in Kastrum is interrupted due to the plague and the dissolution of the Benedictine abbey in 1312. However, ceramic remains in the water cistern, dating from the 15th and 16th centuries, indicate a continuity of life (Bertoša, 1986, 46). The exact period of the formation of the new Brijuni settlement in the interior, above the bay and today’s port, has not been determined. The Roman- Figure 7: Organisation and land use from 8th to late 18th centuries (Source: authors) 15 The owners of the Brijuni Islands were patrician families: Dona, Canal, Cornero, and Franghini as the last one (Bertoša, 1986, 58). 16 According to the Statute of the city of Pula from 1421 and 1423, privileges were granted to stonecutters in Brijuni (Gnirs, 1911). In 1563 merely 0,5% of Brijuni land was cultivated (Bertoša, 1986, 67). 17 Report by Novigrad bishop Tommasini from 1650 (Bertoša, 1986, 70). 266 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 esque defensive tower around which the settlement was formed dates back to the 12th century (Bertoša, 1986, 34). In the location of an older church in the settlement, St. German’s Church was built in 1481, and St. Rocco’s Church in 1504. Landscape identity factors From the 8th to late 18th centuries, the Brijuni Islands experienced a complete decline of previously accom- plished economic, technical, and cultural values. This was also refl ected in the condition of the landscape – untended farmlands and poor architectural activity. The ancient settlements Verige and Kastrum were aban- doned, as were the rustic villas surrounded by farmland. A new settlement with fewer than twenty houses was formed next to the castle and tower. By building the Romanesque tower, and later a castle, the settlement did not reach new architectural heights, nor did the island’s space organisation establish new spatial structures. The urban patterns of the new settlement include organic forms and small-scale construction, adapted to terrain conditions. The silhouette of the settlement is dominated by the castle with tower. The 19th century After the demise of the Venetian Republic in 1797, the Brijuni Islands briefl y came under Austrian rule, as they were part of Illyrian provinces under French ad- ministration following the Treaty of Schönbrunn, from 1809 to 1813. The islands will later become part of the Austrian Monarchy, until its demise in 1918. At the beginning of the century the sole inhabitants of the island were stonecutters who engaged in manual quarrying (Bertoša, 1986). During the 19th century the number of inhabitants fl uctuated substantially, as the inhabitants and military men fell ill with malaria (Bahr, 1991; Cvek, 2015, 79). Organisation and use of land Several cartographic illustrations from the early 19th century show the spatial organisation on Veliki Brijun,18 and the extent to which the island was built up. Since the Brijuni Islands were one large estate owned by a sin- gle owner, the subdivision of land was carried out solely according to use. Preserved maps clearly show that in the fi rst half of the 19th century the largest portion of the island was covered in forest and macchia, especially in the south and north, apart from valleys containing farmlands with olive gardens and vineyards.19 Smaller areas with fi elds and pastures were located near the Brijuni settlement, the Peneda peninsula, near Soline, and the Rankun peninsula. The central settlement of Brijuni is located at the bottom of the shallow bay near the defensive tower and castle, facing Istria. The settlement contains two churches and only ten or so residential and outbuild- ings, several of which are marked as dilapidated. Other dilapidated buildings include: St. Mary’s Church with monastery, St. Peter’s Church, three buildings in the So- line cove, two buildings at the foot of the Straža hill, and one by the shore of the Turanj cove. The settlement of Kastrum is marked as pasture ground with trees. The site of the antique villa in Verige cove marks only a water cistern. Salt exploitation in the salt pan was completely abandoned in the early 19th century. At the highest peak of Veliki Brijun, located at the Neolithic hill fort, a strategically signifi cant location which provides a broad view of both sea and land, the Tegetthoff fort was built from 1864 to 1868. In the late 19th century the defence system was improved and coastal forts Peneda, Naviglio, and Cavarola were built from 1898 to 1902 (Piplović, 2003). For the construc- 18 Map made during the French administration 1809–1813, a cadastral map from 1820, and topographic map from 1830. 19 Small and fl at valleys stretching between hills the ground consists of thick layers of red soil and is suitable for farming, meadows, and vineyards (Kupelwieser, 2006, 32). Figure 8: Organisation and land use in early 19th centu- ry (Source: authors) 267 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 tion of these military forts several smaller active quarries were used (Bertoša, 1986). Due to the increasing number of professional soldiers the island had to provide more food, which led to an increase in farmland. In the efforts to fi ght malaria in the late 19th century amelioration was conducted as a basis for landscape transformation (Mlinarić, 2009). Island space was connected by a net- work of roads from previous periods, used in the late 19th century to connect military and civilian facilities. Landscape identity factors During the 19th century the landscape of Veliki Bri- jun was defi ned by areas covered in forest and macchia, overgrown fi elds, and marshlands. The modestly propor- tioned Brijun settlement with a prominent castle, at the foot of which a church and several residential buildings are located, is an example of vernacular architecture, in both structure and form. The settlement pattern was defi ned by stone houses with traditional inclined roofs, forming an organic whole. At the back of the settlement there were the large rocky slopes of stripped quarries. New landscape patterns were established by the construction of military fortifi cations, situated at strategi- cally important locations, either by the shore or strategic hills, contributing to the locations’ visual identity. The fi rst half of the 20th century (1893–1945) The big changes in Veliki Brijun landscape began in 1893 when the islands were purchased by Paul Kupelwieser.20 Through major investments and inter- ventions the islands underwent a vast transformation economically, socially, ecologically, and culturally. In addition to draining the land in order to fi ght malaria, organised agricultural production and afforestation were implemented. The establishment of organised agricul- tural production set the basis for the development of a fashionable new tourist destination.21 WWI halted all large-scale activities on Brijuni and after the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918 they became part of the Kingdom of Italy. Paul Kupelwieser died in 1919 and his son and heir Karl Kupelwieser struggled to keep the island business afl oat. After his death in 1930, due to substantial debts, the Brijuni Islands were now owned by Italy. After Italy’s capitulation in 1943 the islands were taken over by the Germans. Allied air forces bombed German military positions on several occasions in 1944 and 1945 (Mlakar, 1959; Mlakar, 1971), damaging ho- tels and buildings on the western shore. Organisation and use of land After purchasing Veliki Brijun, Kupelwieser turned the island into a model agricultural farm. Amelioration22 was followed by improvements to farmland designated for growing vines, olive trees, fruit trees, and the like. Simultaneously, several other activities were conducted, including afforestation, enhancements of old and build- ing of new roads. New structures were built around the spatial nucleus that was the old historic settlement. The shallow bay was levelled and a port was built for the docking of ships (Kupelwieser, 2006, 61), whereas a series of farm, residential, and outbuildings were built by the southern and western shores. For the formation of the port arch the natural shoreline was adjusted to form straight lines along the southern and western shore, whereas the area at the entrance channel was slanted, thus forming a zig-zag pattern in an attempt to imitate the shore’s natural appearance.23 The formation of the Figure 9: Organisation and land use in early 20th centu- ry (Source: authors) 20 Paul Kupelwieser was a director at an iron and steel plant in Vítkovice (Czech Republic) (Mugler, 2013, 136; Kupelwieser, 2006). 21 Although Veliki Brijun was not equipped for tourism, there are records of sailing excursions arriving from Pula in 1886 (Blažević, 1987, 66). 22 Robert Koch (1843–1910) was hired to fi ght malaria on the islands (Mlinarić, 2009, 145). 23 For the levelling of the bay and building of the new revetment, stone from abandoned quarries was used. A narrow-gauge railway was built to transport the stone. Thus, new space was gained for fi elds and meadows (Kupelwieser, 2006, 61). 268 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 shoreline and the positioning of the main pier, as well as the location of the historic part of the settlement defi ned the spatial organisation of the future tourist resort of the Brijuni. The fi rst structures built included separate housing for the owner and his family, and the labourers. Outbuildings included: stables, wine cellar,24 windmill, dairy plant (Brockhausen, 1906, 229; Almanach, 1909b, 24), plant nursery etc., in the immediate vicinity of the shoreline, on the location of future hotels. To ensure the effi cient functioning of the modern estate, potable water was supplied from land via submarine route, whereas electricity was produced by a generator. The spatial organisation and construction density before the construction of tourist and hotel structures at the Brijuni Port are documented in a 1904 military map. This demonstrates that the construction was conducted without a previously designed spatial plan outlining the organisation and appearance of the future tourist resort. The idea of tourist development came to being several years after the establishment of the agricultural farm. The port, which was built using the innovative reinforced concrete, enabled the docking of various vessels. Following the architect Eduard Kramer’s project design, by 1914 a series of hotels was built along the shoreline, accompanied by numerous amenities (cafés, restaurant, casino, reading room, etc.), and the fi rst saltwater indoor swimming pool in this part of the Adri- atic. The scope of the construction of tourist facilities is illustrated by the fact that just before the outbreak of WWI there were 300 luxury rooms registered on the island (Dumbović Bilušić et al, 2015, 361). Large sections of the Neptun hotel complex were built, characterised by historicist and secessionist decorative elements, playful mansards and modern forms refl ected in large loggias with expressive ornaments, as well as old small-scale ele- ments (churches, villas, labourer settlements, etc.). Tour- ists were mainly distinguished guests, Austro-Hungarian and European nobility, esteemed scientists, high-ranking offi cers, and the like.25 In addition to tourist facilities, the island also contained an acclimatization centre for exotic animals waiting to be transported to ZOOs across Europe. Abandoned quarries by the shore and inland were sys- tematically transformed into parklands.26 Several guest villas were built on the southern and western shores.27 Medieval churches (Churches of St. Peter and St. German) were restored, and archaeological sites were presented to the public (Gnirs, 1908; Gnirs, 1915).28 The entire area is landscaped, with an important role played by the refurbished abandoned quarries. It was the time when revitalized quarries, restored churches, and archaeological sites were integrated into a landscaped park, stretching mostly through the centre of the island, and offered as a tourist attraction (Jurić & Ćorić, 2009). The existing fortifi cation system of Veliki Brijun was complemented by fort Giaccone during WWI (Piplović, 2003). After the end of the Great War in 1918 the follow- ing years were a time of recuperation and the 1920s witnessed a number of undertakings, including the construction of golf and polo courses, and an airstrip (Kranjčević, 2015). To accommodate golf players, a new hotel named Karmen was built in 1942. Landscape identity factors At the turn of the 20th century, changes occurred not only in the spatial plan of the Brijuni landscape, but the attitude towards nature and landscape as well, sparking admiration for natural forms (Haeckel, 1899). Although 24 In 1903 the capacity of the wine cellar was 1055 hl of wine (Lenz Guttenberg & Pavletić, 2007, 12). The Brijuni wine was advertised in the islands’ own newspaper Brioni Insel Zeitung, published 1910–1914, as well as other publications (Almanach, 1909b, 12). 25 The list of distinguished guests was published in the Brioni Insel Zeitung magazine. 26 The work was conducted according to the plans of chief forester Alojz Zuffar/Čufar’s (1852–1907). 27 Villa Otto, Villa Freis and Villa Bertha. 28 In line with the views of conservationists M. Dvorak and J.W. Kubitschek, the cultural heritage of the island was now used for tourism (Jurić & Ćorić, 2009). Figure 10: Organisation and land use in the second half of 20th century (Source: authors) 269 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 plans initially focused primarily on model agricultural farm, gradually they began to incorporate the island as a whole, including its cultural and natural heritage (Brockhausen, 1906). Unlike the organic spatial structure of the old Brijuni settlement, the construction of residential structures, outbuildings, and tourist structures gave the island new features. Urbanistic character was established by the in-line construction of the hotels Neptun I, II, and III, and their annexes, as well as the formation of a continu- ous representative façade. As opposed to single-storey structures that dominated the western shore, the south- ern shore now boasted three and four-storey structures, setting a new standard in space (Dumbović Bilušić et al., 2015). The vista from the shore toward the centre of the settlement remained open owing to careful dimension- ing of the esplanade wall, the Wandelbahn, enabling the medieval tower to retain its long-standing status as a signifi cant spatial accent of Brijuni. In the late 1930s the vista of the cove was enriched by the construction of hotel Karmen. By the construction of hotels complemented by sports, recreational, and other holiday and entertain- ment amenities, the island became a tourist landscape. The overall appearance of the landscape was espe- cially accentuated by forests, numerous promenades of various widths (embellished with stone walls, small footbridges, and belvederes), as well as Mediterranean and exotic plants (agaves, mimosa, tangerine, almond, and bay trees, and the like).29 Short and tall vegetation was neatly separated, with clearly outlined edges and a guided vista directed toward a distant perspective. To complement the indigenous vegetation (holly oak and olive trees, etc.), and the overall composition of the vista, pine and stone pine trees were introduced due to their geometric shapes. The landscaped archaeological park containing the ruins of a maritime villa in Verige, and the Kastrum site are two of the most striking locations. Due to this specifi c relationship between its cultural and natural heritage the Brijuni Islands are regarded as a cultural fairy tale (Brockhausen, 1906). The island’s landscaping scheme integrates recog- nizable historical elements: abandoned quarries turned into landscaped parks as an early example of biological revitalization and ecological approach; buildings of his- torical value and archaeological sites. The positions of the Neolithic hill forts (Antunovac, Ciprova, and Rankun) were recognized for their beautiful vistas and were thus chosen as belvedere locations. This was a way of trans- ferring into the modern age the prehistoric landscape’s character, defi ned by the harmony of architectural forms and natural topography. The former defensive and resi- dential use of hilltops was partly retained, as plans were made to construct modern fortifi cations. The second half of the 20th and the beginning of 21st century Allied bombing campaigns destroyed or damaged most of the buildings on the western and southern shores. After WW II the Brijuni Islands became part of former Yugoslavia and were categorised as national (government) property. From 1947 Brijuni were used as a presidential residence and were thus closed to the public, losing their tourist and commercial use. The cul- tural and natural values of the island were recognized and measures to protect the nature and cultural property were implemented.30 After the death of Yugoslav presi- dent Josip Broz Tito in 1980 it was discussed whether the island should be open to the public. The Act on National Parks and Brijuni Memorial Site from 1983 opened the island to the public, and aimed at ensuring the conditions for the permanent protection, maintenance, conservation, and improvement of struc- tures and space on the islands, as well as the use of their natural, cultural, and historical values. After the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991 the Brijuni Islands became part of the Republic of Croatia. With the changes in the socio-economic system, the island man- agement and the system of fi nancing changed as well. Today the Brijuni Islands are managed by the public institution Brijuni National Park. During the past few decades the value of heritage, especially cultural and historical, has declined. The priorities have shifted toward maintaining the natural condition, leading to the succession of macchia and shrubbery, and the loss of the recognizable landscaped park structure – distinct edges and the relation between the lawns and tall vegetation. The villas and hotels managed by the Government and National Park, respec- tively, are not operating in a sustainable way, which is refl ected in the failure to provide proper maintenance. Organisation and land use During the renovation after the bombing, the former concept of continuous façades was abandoned in favour of detached structures, especially on the western side of the port. To accomodate government offi cials in the 1950s, old villas were renovated and several new ones built on 29 In the early 20th century, The Brijuni Islands were dubbed „Natur Park im grössten Stile“ [Nature park of the highest of styles]. As early as 1906 the islands boasted 35 km of walking and cycling paths (Brockhausen, 1906, 229; Almanach, 1909a, 24). 30 In 1948 the Republican Institute for the Protection of Natural Rarities of the People’s Republic of Croatia declares the Brijuni Islands a protected natural rarity. The Regional Offi ce for Preservation of Monuments in Rijeka includes the “Yugoslav Monument Site – Tito’s Brjuni” in the Register of Immovable Cultural Monuments in 1983. That same year, on the basis of the Nature Protection Act, Brijuni Islands were declared a National Park. 270 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 the western shore, with landscaped parks added later on. Cultivated nature continues to hold the highest rec- ognizable value.31 In place of the old dilapidated Saluga bathhouse a new one was built. To accomodate the presidential security service on one section of the golf course in the Turanj cove hotels Franina and Jurina were built in 1956. These buildings were built in the form of pavillions in the park, designed according to modernist principles. Standing army troops were stationed on the island, making use of some parts of Veliki Brijun and several other islands.32 For accommodation and military activi- ties they mostly used the military structures built in the second half of the 19th century, the Peneda peninsula, and fort Tegetthoff. In late 20th century military troops abandoned the large area on the island, now occu- pying only a small part of Peneda and the area near Tegetthoff. Historic military forts that were not used began to decay. In addition to the ZOO established next to the Jadranka villa, on the northern edge of Veliki Brijun a sa- fari park was established in 1978 containing numerous exotic animals, mainly gifts brought by foreign offi cials on their visit to the island. Since the islands opened to the public, three systems of tourist use and visitation have existed: excursions/vis- its, stationary, and state-residential. Given the numerous examples of individual arachitectural and archaeologi- cal heritage, the Spatial plan of the Brijuni National Park divided the island areas into zones according to various degrees of protection. The most valuable areas include the central and north-western part of the island, con- taining the highest concentration of archaeological sites dating back to prehistoric times, antiquity, and early me- dieval period, surrounded by two archaeological zones: Verige and Kastrum. The second-degree protection area includes the landscape park, which is connected to the fi rst-degree protection zone. This includes the locations of numerous cultural, historical, and natural elements, the central hotel-zone, and the fortifi cation complex on the Peneda peninsula. The areas with the highest degree of nature protection include forest reserves, arboretums, and ornithological reserves. The island’s surface is covered mostly in forests and woodlands whose natural 31 Gardner from Rijeka, Josip Kulfanek was in charge of maintenance (Radivojević, 2009). 32 The military’s presence was necessary to provide maritime border security and protect high-ranking government offi cials. Figure 11: Hotel complex at Brijuni port in the 2015 (Source: PINP Brijuni) 271 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 value dictates spatial planning and management, aim- ing to preserve the integrity of forest stands (Ministarstvo zaštite okoliša i prostornog uređenja Republike Hrvat- ske, 2001). Landscape identity factors Post WWII period was a time of protecting and preserving values acquired in previous periods and did not contribute to creating new, recognizable landscape patterns. The renovation of tourist landscape following the bombing led to the purifi cation of architectural and urbanistic characteristics from the early 20th century. This in turn diminished the features of the architecture and setting. Instead, the contributions related to non- material and associative values, as Brijuni were once again open to foreign offi cials33 and renowned artists and scientists (Srdić, 1985, 46–60). During the post WWII period, especially when the island was closed to the public, several villas were built that were masterfully incorporated in the environment.34 LANDSCAPE IDENTITY FACTORS OF THE VELIKI BRIJUN ISLAND The research of the genesis of Veliki Brijun Island revealed numerous types of landscape which resulted from organisation and use of land infl uenced by vari- ous historical, social, economic, cultural, and political circumstances. They bear witness to the relationship between natural circumstances and human activity. On a small island, several landscapes types emerged that were interrelated and intertwined. Through different uses/facilities in space various landscape patterns were created, including residential, agrarian, fortifi cation, production, maritime, recreational, and tourist land- scapes, which acted as the bearers of spatial, functional, and visual identity of landscape and seascape. The research revealed the most important identity factors formed in particular time periods. The landscape’s his- torical character is apparent in its current appearance. The historical character of Veliki Brijun’s landscape is defi ned by landscape patterns from prehistoric, antique, Byzantine, late-medieval and Renaissance periods, from late-19th and early-20th century Romantic and secession- ist features, and mid-20th century modernist features. The prehistoric landscape patterns are represented on hillstops that contain hill forts. These belong to Neolithic communities of the Liburni and illustrate the symbiotic relationship between topographical features of the terrain and the constructed residential, sepulchral, and defensive structures. Hillsides were covered in for- est, whereas peaks contained settlements with either concentric defensive walls, or sepulchral structures (tumuli). The Liburnian hill forts illustrate the process of relo- cating from the plains (dugout settlement in Soline cove) to higher ground, which remained a permanent feature of the island, until the emergence of Roman settlements. Ancient Rome introduced signifi cant and long-last- ing changes to the landscape with respect to settlement organisation and land use. Life on the island is settled in the plains, by the shore near docks or ports, a common feature of settling in the eastern Adriatic (Suić, 1976, 28). Unlike the communal use of pastures, fi elds, and forests practiced by Liburnian tribes, Roman senatorial families used their private land (ager privatus) to inten- sify agrarian production of olives and grapes, as well as the exploitation of natural resources, stone and salt. The functional identity of the landscape in Roman times is characterised by luxurious life style and leisure time, agricultural production, and exploitation of natural resources (McKay, 1998, 115). The settlement landscape is represented in large-scale maritime and rustic villas, which are now archaeological sites. The period from 8th to late 18th centuries was defi ned by spatial isolation and malaria, marking a time of decay and demise of the island’s urban and productive ac- complishments. The settlement shifts to the north of the island and a new urban pattern emerges, with which the landscape structure reverts to a small spatial scale. In the organic settlement surrounded by quarries the land- scape was dominated by the defensive tower, castle, and sacred buildings, whose structures have been preserved to this day. The defensive and fortifi cation character of the island in the 19th century is represented by landscape patterns with military forts dating from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, located on prominent coastal spots, as well as Neolithic hill forts, illustrating the historical sequence of defence identity. The tourist and recreational character of the landscape from early to mid 20th century came about through planned activities. Brijuni Islands were recog- nized as the ideal Mediterranean landscape, an English park landscape („englischen-parklandschaft“), “a sea garden”, a nature park, and the like (Brockhausen, 1906; Almanach, 1909a; Illustrierter Wegweiser, 1911, 41; Illustrierter Wegweiser, 1912, 42). The leisure and entertainment landscape is shaped by the landscape patterns of parklands, tennis and golf courts, forests and meadows with integrated remains of Roman villas and sacred buildings. In addition to the unbuilt landscape, the visual identity of the built-up landscape of the period 33 When Brijuni was the Yugoslav presidential residence it was always associated with the Yugoslav president Josip Broz Tito. As a highly extravagant location it attracted many foreign offi cials until president Tito’s death in 1980. 34 To satisfy the requests for separate accommodation in the 1950s, several residential villas were renovated / built on the western coast: Jadranka, Brijunka, Bijela (White) villa, Primorka, Dubravka, and Lovorka. The area surrounding all the villas consisted of landscaped parks with meticulously tended paths and garden equipment. 272 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 is defi ned by the typology of historicist and secession- style villas and hotels. Brijuni is comparable to famous European destinations: for its landscaping to the Island of Wight in England (Brockhausen, 1906), for its fl ora with Corsica (Illustrierter Wegweiser, 1912, 43), for its archaeological sites with Greek islands and Asia Minor (Illustrierte Wegweiser, 1912, 46), and for its climate with the Cote d’ Azur (Der Fremdenverkehr, 1912, 2). In the second half of the 20th century there were no signifi cant changes in landscape. The Brijuni Islands became an exclusive holiday location for the former Yu- goslav president Josip Broz Tito and his guests – foreign offi cials. The visual identity of the villas and hotels is defi ned by architectural and urbanistic characteristics of neoclassicism and modernism. Associative features and a non-material connection were created between the Brijuni landscape and Tito and the Non-Aligned movement. In recent times activities are focused on maintenance, protection and preservation of natural and cultural val- ues of the island aiming for relaxation, education, and recreation. With this in mind, small-scale elements are introduced, causing fragmentation of landscape pat- terns, creating a dispersion model. CRITERIA FOR THE CONSERVATION OF LANDSCAPE VALUE AND NEW INTERVENTIONS ON THE ISLAND By examining the landscape, we have confi rmed the main hypothesis of the research stating that the historical features of the Veliki Brijun Island have infl uenced the formation of its character. The island presents distinct patterns of agrarian, residential, fortifi cation, tourist, maritime, and recreational landscape from various periods. The anthropogenic character of the landscape is preserved in historical patterns as material elements of its spatial and visual identity. In addition to material features, the Veliki Brijun landscape boasts powerful as- sociative features related to the post-WWII period when it served as the presidential residence of Josip Broz Tito and his place for meeting with numerous world leaders. When aiming to preserve landscape identity and adjust it for new use, the future development of Veliki Brijun cannot be planned solely according to laws of nature – the anthropogenic features of its character must also be taken into account. The conservation of identifi ed landscape features and values, as well as new interventions, must be based on satisfying the defi ned criteria (Dumbović Bilušić, 2015). The evaluation of landscape involves the relationship toward criteria groups for the determination of value of particular landscape factors and types/areas. The criteria are based on historical, cultural, architectural, setting, archaeological, and aesthetic values of landscape-iden- tity factors i.e. types. The framework for the evaluation of cultural landscape is based on the internationally set and established evaluation model (UNESCO, 2012). The criterion of wholeness/ integrity of cultural land- scape, and therefore the evaluation of integrity, is based on the presence of distinctive formation components and functions of its development in multiple historical periods. The integrity of the Veliki Brijun landscape was studied as: functional, structural, and visual. The spatial identifi cation of preserved landscape patterns, which document the functions that took place in the landscape through historical periods, defi nes the landscape’s structural integrity. As a result of historical development, visual integrity is closely related to the identifi cation of the morphological factors of landscape i.e. its identity. Landscape types of Veliki Brijun fully meet the criterion of integritiy, as they possess a substantial number/quan- tity of factors, features, and patterns able to convey the value of integrity. The criterion of authenticity/credibility relates to ma- terial landscape features, such as state of conservation/ survival of historical structures and landscape patterns from various historical periods. The authenticity of landscape organisation, and its formation, includes the evaluation of the patterns of spatial organisation defi ned by the systems of roads, and land subdivision, etc. In addition to the main criteria of integrity and authentic- ity, other criteria for landscape evaluation include: time depth, coherence, representativeness, and rarity. Figure 12: Veliki Brijun landscape types (Source: authors) 273 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 The criteria for value conservation and new inter- ventions in the landscape of Veliki Brijun are based on the evaluation of value of each landscape type. If a landscape type exhibits higher degrees of conservation and value, the main intervention would include mainte- nance and conservation of its attributes. If the historical attributes have deteriorated, the landscape demands a higher degree of new interventions, which would include enhancements or the creation of new attributes. CONCLUSION The landscape of Veliki Brijun is an area of a small, low-elevation, slightly hilly island with pronounced human activity spanning over several thousand years. It is an area where natural elements and man-made structures are intertwined through human habitation and use. Within the framework of UNESCO’s landscape classifi cation, it could be categorised as intentionally designed tourist landscape from early 20th century with highly natural areas (forests and macchia) and landscape patterns from various historical periods integrated in its structure. Tourist landscape with diverse and complex landscape patterns and structures includes villas and hotels; recreational facilities (tennis, golf, polo, etc.), ZOO, promenades and paths with belvederes; outbuild- ings and ancillary facilities. By analysing the elements of landscape identity of Veliki Brijun in various historical periods we have determined that over the course of history man has changed not only the landscape, but his attitude towards landscape, as well. The island’s primarily agricultural and production character was the result of rich soil and sea shallows favourable for salt extraction, of limestone and quarries, and has survived during its long history, despite the post-WWII period when as the presidential residence it was closed to the public. The recent stage of the island’s development within the Brijuni National Park is focused on relaxation, recreation, and education. The formation and transformation of landscape and seascape as a relationship between man and nature has changed over the course of history. After a great economic and cultural rise during ancient times, fol- lowed by a breakdown of civilisation heritage, in the early 20th century Veliki Brijun underwent a planned transformation into a tourist location. It was designed as a tourist resort located in landscaped parkland with important artefacts of architectural heritage integrated in its structure: archaeological sites from Roman/ancient times and Byzantine and early Mediaval times, as well as historical buildings. The entire island was designed as park landscaped, in the spirit of the landscaping style developed in England in late 18th and 19th centuries. Landscape patterns of residential character have been present throughout the island’s history and were preserved in the structures of Bronze-Age hill forts, resi- dential and rustic Roman villas, Byzantine settlement, Modern-Age vernacular settlement and residential vil- las at the coastal strip, from the fi rst half and mid 20th century. The pattern continuity of the island’s fortifi ca- tion and defencive role was preserved in the following structures: Bronze-Age hill forts, Late-Antiquity and Byzantine towered ramparts, medieval defensive tow- ers and castle, and a fort from the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The patterns of tourist and hotel landscape originate in the fi rst half and middle of 20th century. This period is also related to the patterns of unbuilt landscape of recreational facilities (tennis and golf courses, promenades, landscaped parklands in abandoned quarries and around hotels and villas). The patterns of agrarian landscape (fi elds, pastures, olive groves, vineyards) were signifi cantly reduced when compared to the active productive periods of the Ro- man times and the early 20th century, and are thus now present in a very small capacity of the education garden and arboretum. The areas covered in forest and macchia belong to the historically continuous landscape patterns which have been present constantly and are the most represented among all of the other patterns. The research has demonstrated that, aside from the predominantly natural character of Veliki Brijun land- scape, anthropogenic attributes also proved important, as they shaped the elements of spatial, functional, and visual identity preserved within various landscape pat- terns. The mentioned landscape patterns that satisfy the criteria of time depth, diversity, representativeness, and rarity must be maintained to preserve the integrity and authenticity of the historical character of Veliki Brijun landscape. Diverse landscape patterns are integrated in the homogeneous, intentionally designed recreation and leisure landscape.Due to its uniqe and distinctive nature, the Brijuni landscape represents an important segment in not only Croatian, but Adriatic and Mediter- ranean cultural heritage as well. 274 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 ZGODOVINSKA ZNAČILNOST KRAJINE OTOKA VELIKI BRION Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ Ministarstvo kulture Republike Hrvatske, Konzervatorski odjel u Rijeci, Užarska 26, 51000 Rijeka, Hrvatska e-mail: bbilusic@gmail.com Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Arhitektonski fakultet, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: mos@arhitekt.hr Jasenka KRANJČEVIĆ Institut za turizam, Vrhovec 5, 10000 Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: jasenka.kranjcevic@iztzg.hr POVZETEK Veliki Brion je največji otok v arhipelagu Brioni v severnem Jadranu. Članek se osredotoča na oblikovanje in spre- membe krajine skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja. Namen raziskave je bil preko analize geneze krajine Veliki Brion ugotoviti organizacijo in rabo zemljišč ter dejavnike krajinske identitete. Cilj je, da se prepoznajo značilne krajinske značilnosti ter določijo merila za ohranitev krajinske vrednosti za prihodnje posege v prostoru. Ob prepoznavanju značilnih krajinskih vzorcev, tipov krajine, sta bila določena njihov prostorski položaj in medsebojna povezanost. Z induktivno-deduktivno metodo so v članku obdelani raziskovalni podatki, pridobljeni iz pisnih in grafi čnih zgodovin- skih virov, medtem ko je bila za pripravo grafi čnih podob v GIS-u uporabljena časovna analiza. Osnovne značilnosti krajine Veliki Brion vključujejo tudi odnos med naravnimi elementi in človekovimi aktivnost- mi, ki so spreminjali in prilagajali krajino v skladu s socialnimi, kulturnimi, gospodarskimi in političnimi potrebami. Različne potrebe in funkcije prostora so kreirale stanovanjske, agrarne, utrdbene, proizvajalne, turistične, pomorske in rekreacijske elemente krajine. Glede na kompleksen zgodovinski značaj krajine Veliki Brion, mora sodoben pristop k načrtovanju krajine temeljiti na priznavanju in upoštevanju funkcij, ki so se oblikovale v različnih zgodovinskih obdobjih. Ključne besede: severni Jadran, Veliki Brion, zgodovina krajine, dejavniki krajine, tipi krajine 275 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Biserka DUMBOVIĆ BILUŠIĆ et al.: HISTORICAL CHARACTER OF THE LANDSCAPE OF VELIKI BRIJUN, 259–276 ABBREVIATIONS GIS – Geographic Information System UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientifi c and Cultural Organization WWI – World War I WWII – World War II PINP Brijuni – Public Institution National Park Brijuni SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Almanach der Österreichischen Riviera 1908-1909. Küstenländische Kurorte-revue (1909a). Im Selbstver- lage der Verfasser, Laibach, 23–28. 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Zakon o zaštiti i očuvanju kulturnih dobara (Narodne Novine) br. 69/99 151/03, 157/03, 87/09, 88/10, 61/11, 25/12, 136/12, 157/13, 152/14). Zaninović, M. (1995): Villae rusticae u pejzažu otoka i obale antičke Dalmacije. Istria antiqua, 1, 86–96. 277 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.19 received: 2016-02-18 OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE Simon PETROVČIČ Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: simon.petrovcic@fa.uni-lj.si Vojko KILAR Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: vojko.kilar@fa.uni-lj.si IZVLEČEK Objekti arhitekturne dediščine običajno niso bili zasnovani za prevzem potresne obremenitve. V nedavnih potre- sih na območju Mediterana je bilo največ poškodovanih prav zgodovinskih stavb. Prispevek vsebuje oceno potresne ranljivosti arhitekturne dediščine za najpogostejše tipologije na območju Slovenije, za katero velja povečana potresna ogroženost. Na podlagi podatkov iz registra nepremične kulturne dediščine in pričakovane potresne intenzitete je bila izdelana posebna karta, ki prikazuje posamezne enote nepremične kulturne dediščine in pričakovane potresne intenzitete. Izvedena ocena temelji na verjetnostni pričakovanih stopenj poškodovanosti znotraj obravnavanega območja intenzitete. Rezultati so bili za posamezno tipologijo izraženi kot verjetnost pojava posamezne stopnje poškodovanosti po EMS-ovi makroseizmični lestvici. Ključne besede: arhitekturna dediščina, potresna odpornost, ocenjevanje ranljivosti, konservatorstvo VALUTAZIONE DELLA VULNERABILITÀ SISMICA DELLE OPERE DEL PATRIMONIO ARCHITETTONICO SUL TERRITORIO SLOVENO SINTESI Le opere del patrimonio architettonico non sono state solitamente progettate per far fronte ad un carico sismico. Nei recenti terremoti nell’area del Mediterraneo sono stati proprio gli edifi ci storici ad essere maggiormente dan- neggiati. Il contributo comprende una valutazione della vulnerabilità sismica del patrimonio architettonico per le tipologie più frequenti sul territorio sloveno e che sono soggette ad un maggior rischio sismico. Sulla base dei dati del Registro del patrimonio culturale immobiliare e dell’intensità sismica prevista è stata realizzata un’apposita mappa che mostra le singole unità del patrimonio culturale immobiliare e le intensità sismiche previste. La valutazione effettuata si basa sulla probabilità dei livelli di danno previsti all’interno dell’area di intensità esaminata. I risultati espressi per la singola tipologia mostrano la probabilità che si verifi chi un determinato grado di danno secondo la scala macrosismica europea (EMS). Parole chiave: patrimonio architettonico, resistenza sismica, valutazione della vulnerabilità, conservazione 278 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 UVOD Potresi se razlikujejo od drugih naravnih nesreč po ogromni rušilni moči, ki lahko v hipu prizadene zelo široko območje in povzroči ogromno gmotno škodo na grajenem okolju. Gradnja objektov po gradbenih predpisih, katerih namen je aplikativna uporaba te- oretičnega znanja z različnih tehničnih področij za zagotovitev ustrezne stopnje varnosti, kakovosti in trajnosti zgrajenih objektov, se po svetu širše in v okviru zakonskih določil uporablja šele dobrih sto let. Starodavni objekti arhitekturne dediščine so bili zato običajno grajeni izkustveno, na podlagi izkušenj, ki so jih graditeljski mojstri pridobivali postopoma, zlasti pri gradnji podobnih objektov v preteklosti. Zagotavljanje zadostne odpornosti in stabilnosti takih objektov glede potresnega vpliva pri zasnovi in gradnji pogosto ni bilo posebej upoštevano, saj osnovno teoretično znanje s tega področja še ni bilo dognano, praktična spoznanja pa so se zaradi relativne redkosti potresov v življenjski dobi človeka težje prenašala v nove rodove graditeljskih mojstrov. Zgodovinske stavbe in podobni objekti običajno torej niso bili zasnovani tako, da bi bili odporni proti potresnim obremenitvam. Gradbeni material in kon- strukcijski sistemi, ki tvorijo take objekte, običajno dobro prenašajo tlačne obremenitve, nastale zaradi delovanja gravitacijskih obtežb. Tovrstne konstrukcije običajno slabo prenašajo strižne in natezne napetosti, zato so zelo ranljive za horizontalne obremenitve, med katerimi je najmočnejša potresna. V preteklosti je bilo pogosto pomanjkljivo tudi njihovo vzdrževanje, tako da je material marsikdaj razpadel zaradi vpliva časa in okolja. V nedavnih potresih smo že bili priče številnim izgubam na tem področju. V potresih, ki so se zgodili v zadnjem času na evropskih tleh (npr. 1976 – Furlanija, 1979 – Črna gora, 1980 – Potenza, 1997 – Umbrija, 1998 in 2004 – Posočje, 2009 – L‘Aquila, 2012 – Mo- dena), je bilo največ poškodovanih stavb in žrtev prav posledica neustrezne trdnosti zgodovinskih stavb. Ocena potresne odpornosti obstoječih objektov znotraj opazovanega področja predstavlja prvi korak pri načrtovanju statične sanacije arhitekturne dediščine. Na področju potresnega inženirstva so bile v zadnjih desetletjih razvite številne nove metode, ki omogočajo zelo zanesljivo analizo potresnega odziva na nivoju večjega števila objektov s skupnimi karakteristikami (npr. FEMA, 1998; Freeman, 1998; Faccioli idr., 1999; Faeh idr., 2001; Giovinazzi in Lagomarsino, 2002; Erdik idr., 2004; Lagomarsino, 2006; Bosiljkov idr., 2015) ter nivoju posameznega objekta (npr. FEMA, 1998; SIST, 2005; Petrovčič in Kilar, 2013; Sinkovič idr., 2016). V prispevku se osredotočamo na ocenjevanje potresne ranljivosti posameznih tipologij objektov arhitekturne dediščine. Dobljene ocene veljajo torej za celotno ob- močje in ne za konkreten primer in služijo kot osnovno vodilo pri odločanju o varstvenih posegih v arhitekturno dediščino na določenem področju. V nadaljevanju je predstavljena metoda za ocenjevanje ranljivosti in prikazan primer ocene za območje Slovenije. VAROVANJE ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE IN NJENA RANLJIVOST NA POTRESNO OBTEŽBO Proces varovanja arhitekturne dediščine Arhitekturna dediščina predstavlja zožitev pojma kulturna dediščina na vso nepremično dediščino, povezano z grajenim okoljem. V splošnem lahko kot ar- hitekturno dediščino opredelimo vsak grajeni objekt, ki v ljudeh vzbuja občutek radovednosti, povezan z vpra- šanjem o njegovem nastanku in kulturi ter duhu časa, v katerem je nastal (Feilden, 2003). Zanj je lahko značilna večja arhitekturna, estetska, zgodovinska, arheološka, ekonomska ali pa tudi družbenopolitična in simbolna vrednost. Kljub temu pa je prvi vtis vedno čustven, saj predstavlja simbol narodne identitete oz. dediščine. Zakon o varstvu kulturne dediščine (ZVKD-1, Ur. l. RS, št. 16/2008) opredeljuje, da varstvo kulturne dediščine zajema ohranjanje materialnih in vsebinskih lastnosti predmetov, skupin predmetov oz. objektov ali območij, opredeljenih kot dediščina. V tem kontekstu pojem varstvo pomeni skrb za njihovo celovitost in neokrnjenost ter poudarjanje in zagotavljanje pomena predmetov in objektov kulturne dediščine kot bistvene sestavine sodobnega življenja. Varstvo kulturne dedišči- ne ima predvsem kulturno funkcijo, varstvo arhitekturne dediščine pa se nanaša predvsem na ohranjanje vrednot oblikovanosti, materiala, izdelave, umestitve v prostor in vplivnega območja. Arhitekturne spomenike varujemo z zavarovanjem in drugimi instrumenti na podlagi omenje- nega zakona ter z zakoni s področja urejanja prostora. V Sloveniji je na podlagi vpisa v zbirni register dediščine evidentirana dediščina varovana in je s tem obvezno izhodišče za pripravo prostorskih načrtov občin. Odločitev za varovanje in načrtovanje obsega varovanja arhitekturne dediščine je posledica komple- ksnega metodološkega procesa, ki ga prikazuje slika 1 (Baker, 1999). Prvi korak je zavest o obstoju potrebe po varovanju, ki izhaja iz defi nicije pojma kulturne oz. v našem primeru arhitekturne dediščine. V tem koraku potekata identifi kacija potencialnih objektov varovanja, vrednotenje njihove pomembnosti in ogroženosti, kamor spada tudi konstrukcijska odpornost objekta na potresno obtežbo. Drugi korak je upravljanje in zajema zakonsko podlago za pripravo načrtov varovanja. V tej fazi se izoblikujejo konkretne smernice varovanja in smernice za vzdrževanje. Ocenijo se tako pozitivni kot tudi negativni vplivi, ki bi jih taki posegi povzročili, ter se določi razmerje med ekonomskimi in okoljskimi vplivi. V tretjem koraku se natančno opredelijo predmet varovanja, izdelajo se ocene njegove uporabne kot tudi kulturnozgodovinske vrednosti ter se določijo vplivi var- stvenih posegov na ekonomske, socialne, izobraževalne 279 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 in kulturne vrednosti. Iz vseh treh korakov kot rezultat sledita večje razumevanje vrednosti objekta tudi v širšem kontekstu ter njegova promocija, ki sta ključna pojma pri določanju identitete in prostora (Zupančič Strojan in Mullins, 2002). Proces je iterativen, zato se je na podlagi rezultatov mogoče vrniti v katerikoli korak in proces ponoviti do konca. Iz zgornjega procesa torej izhaja, da je potrebno problematiko odpornosti objekta arhitekturne dediščine na zunanje vplive obravnavati že v prvem koraku, v katerem se defi nira potreba po varovanju. Z omenjenim prispevkom želimo torej pokazati katere vrste objek- tov arhitekturne dediščine na območju Slovenije so bolj ranljive na potresno obtežbo in s tem ozaveščati strokovno javnost in nosilce javnih pooblastil o ciljnih skupinah objektov, ki so prioritetno potrebne varovanja. Kot navajajo Vodopivec in soavtorji (2015), pregledne in znanstveno utemeljene metode odločanja, opredelje- ne za določen prostor in za določeno zvrst dediščine, pomagajo upravljavcem dediščine pri njihovem odlo- čanju. Ranljivost arhitekturne dediščine na potresno obtežbo in način njenega ocenjevanja Starodavni objekti arhitekturne dediščine so bili običajno grajeni izkustveno, na podlagi izkušenj, ki so jih graditeljski mojstri pridobivali postopoma, zlasti pri gradnji podobnih objektov v preteklosti. Pojav potresa je z vidika življenjske dobe človeka redek pojav, zato se je graditeljska praksa razlikovala od obdobja do obdobja in tudi glede na seizmičnost njihove geografske lokacije (Feilden, 2003). Na območjih z visoko seizmičnostjo, na katerih se močni potresi pojavljajo pogosteje, lahko v starih stavbah pogosto najdemo konstrukcijske detajle in ojačitve za boljši prevzem potresnih sil, po drugi strani pa na območjih z nizko seizmičnostjo take detajle najdemo le na stavbah, zgrajenih v prvih nekaj letih po večjih potresih (Tomaževič, 2009). Objekti arhitekturne dediščine so torej na potresno obremenitev različno občutljivi oz. ranljivi. Zaradi njihove pomembnosti in unikatnosti je pogosto treba oceniti ranljivost za vsak obravnavani objekt posebej. Kljub temu pa velja, da je tudi pri objektih arhitekturne dediščine v prvem koraku treba oceniti ranljivost posa- meznih tipov objektov glede na dano lokacijo. Tako do- bimo splošno oceno ranljivosti na določenem območju, ki je eden od ključnih dejavnikov pri določanju stopnje in obsega sanacijskih ukrepov v smislu protipotresne utrditve. Rezultat ranljivostne analize znotraj dolo- čenega geografskega območja daje podatek o vplivu potresa na arhitekturno dediščino v obravnavani regiji za posamezni tip objekta. V splošnem lahko s takimi analizami določimo stopnjo potresnega tveganja za vse objekte in tako lažje načrtujemo tudi ukrepe za zaščito in reševanje v primeru rušilnih potresov. Slika 1: Proces varovanje arhitekturne dediščine kot ga opisuje Baker (1999) Figure 1: The process of architectural heritage consercation according to Baker (1999) 280 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Različne metode za ocenjevanje ranljivosti so poda- ne na makroseizmičnih lestvicah in pogosto omogočajo grobo oceno ranljivosti stavb na širšem območju, ki jo dobimo iz osnovnih karakteristik objektov (tipologija, material, lega) ter podatkov o intenziteti. V zadnjih nekaj desetletjih so bile razvite tudi različne statistične metode, ki v kombinaciji z makroseizmičnimi lestvicami omogočajo natančnejše ocenjevanje ranljivosti objektov znotraj določenega območja. Najbolj splošna je metoda za oceno ranljivosti po evropski makroseizmični lestvici (skrajšano EMS) ( Grünthal, 1998), ki je nadgradnja metode z lestvice MSK (Medvedev in Sponheuer, 1969) in tudi drugih predhodnih lestvic, s katerimi so se poškodbe klasifi cirale neodvisno od vrste objektov. Tak pristop je sicer preprost, vendar lahko daje precej netočne ocene na območjih z različnimi tipologijami objektov. Točnejši pristop bi seveda zahteval zajemanje širšega nabora arhitektonskih in inženirskih parametrov določene stavbe, vendar bi bilo to v praksi zelo težko izvedljivo, zlasti pri pripravi ocen ranljivosti za širše območje. Metoda po EMS temelji na kompromisu med preprosto delitvijo potresne odpornosti posameznih tipov stavb glede na uporabljeni material in tehnologijo gradnje ter robustnim načinom razlikovanja med raz- ličnimi odzivi (stopnjami poškodovanosti) na potresno obremenitev. V nadaljevanju bo predstavljen primer novejše me- tode, ki temelji na dejansko registriranih poškodbah za določen tip objekta in intenzitete. Določena bo ocena ranljivosti tipičnih objektov arhitekturne dediščine v Sloveniji. OCENJEVANJE RANLJIVOSTI NA PODLAGI DEJANSKO REGISTRIRANIH POŠKODB V zadnjih desetletjih so bile razvite različne ana- litične metode za oceno ranljivosti skupine objektov na širšem območju, ki temeljijo na verjetnostni analizi (Dolce idr., 1994; FEMA, 1998; Freeman, 1998; Faccioli idr., 1999; Faeh idr., 2001; Erdik idr., 2003; Giovinazzi in Lagomarsino, 2002; Lagomarsino, 2006; Bosiljkov idr., 2015). V nadaljevanju bo predstavljena metoda, ki jo predlaga Lagomarsino (2006) in je sinteza dela različnih avtorjev, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko oce- njevanja ranljivosti stavb. Ideja metode je, da se podatki o dejanski poškodovanosti stavb pridobijo na podlagi opazovanja poškodb, nastalih na stavbah po potresih znotraj homogenega makroseizmičnega območja. Podrobneje je v tem prispevku opisana njena aplikacija na zidane stavbe. Glavne značilnosti metode lahko strnemo v dveh točkah (Roca idr., 2006): • kot osnova za določitev ranljivosti in pričako- vanih poškodb se uporablja evropska lestvica EMS, za katero velja, da se kljub določeni meri subjektivnosti lahko uspešno uporablja za celo- stno analizo ranljivosti; • metoda temelji na podatkih o dejansko registrira- nih poškodbah na določenem tipu objektov in pri določeni intenziteti, pri čemer lahko izberemo različno količino podatkov in s tem dosežemo želeno raven natančnosti. Nastanek poškodb na zidanih objektih pri potresih glede na lestvico EMS Lestvica EMS pri zidanih stavbah je predvidenih šest razredov ranljivosti, označenih s črkami od A do F. Pri razvrščanju posameznih vrst zidanih konstrukcij v razrede ranljivosti se poleg uporabljenega materiala upošteva tudi raven potresno odporne gradnje. Prvi trije razredi (A, B in C) predstavljajo odpornost tradicionalne gradnje, kamor običajno uvrščamo tudi objekte arhitek- turne dediščine (zelo ranljiva skupina). Med temi so hiše iz nežgane gline ali zemlje, preproste zidane stavbe in starejše armiranobetonske konstrukcije, pri katerih ukre- pi za povečanje varnosti med gradnjo v večini primerov niso bili upoštevani. Razreda D in E predstavljata no- vejše konstrukcije, ki so že bile grajene ob upoštevanju ukrepov za potresno varno gradnjo, zato so pri potresni obremenitvi manj ranljive (ranljiva skupina). Sem spa- dajo solidno grajene lesene konstrukcije, konstrukcije iz povezanega ali armiranega zidovja ter jeklene konstruk- cije. V razredu F so konstrukcije, ki so bile projektirane po sodobnih načelih potresno odpornega projektiranja (manj ranljiva skupina). Uvrstitev določenega objekta v posamezno skupino je odvisna od vrste konstrukcije, tj. od materiala in po- sledično tudi od načina gradnje, ne pa tudi od tipologije objektov in obdobja, v katerem je bila konstrukcija zgra- jena. Odziv posamezne vrste konstrukcije na potresno obremenitev je lahko zelo različen in je odvisen tudi od predhodne poškodovanosti objekta, kakovosti gradnje, neregularnosti, stopnje potresne odpornosti itd. V prispevku smo na sliki 2 za namen primerljivosti med lestvico EMS in Evropskim predpisom Evrokodom 8-3 (SIST, 2005), ki ureja projektiranje potresnoodpornih konstrukcij pri prenovi stavb, približno umestili stopnje poškodovanosti (oznake D0 do D5), ki jih predvideva EMS. V primerjavi s stopnjami poškodovanosti so evro- kodova mejna stanja prag med različnimi stopnjami poškodovanosti. Tudi Evrokod 8-3 predvideva določene poškodbe za posamezno mejno stanje. Iz opisov po- škodb, ki so za posamezno mejno stanje predvidene, lahko predpostavimo, da je mejno stanje DL na meji med stopnjami poškodovanosti D1 in D2, mejno stanje SD je doseženo približno na prehodu med D3 in D4, mejno stanje NC pa med D4 in D5. Kakšne poškodbe bo določena vrsta konstrukcije utrpela, je odvisno tudi od intenzitete potresne obre- menitve. Lestvica EMS za vsako od dvanajstih intenzitet ocenjuje za posamezni ranljivostni razred okvirne stopnje poškodovanosti. 281 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Slika 2: Predlog kombiniranja stopenj poškodovanosti zidanih konstrukcij po EMS z mejnimi stanji po Evrokodu 8-3 Figure 2: Damage grades based on the EMSscale and limit states based on Eurocode 8-3 282 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Prehodi med zaporednimi stopnjami poškodovano- sti naj bi v splošnem predstavljali premo sorazmerno odvisnost med naraščajočo oz. padajočo intenziteto. Treba je tudi izpostaviti, da lestvica EMS ne navaja vseh možnih kombinacij med razredi ranljivosti in doseženo stopnjo poškodovanosti. Izpostavljeni sta vedno samo dve najvišje doseženi stopnji poškodovanosti, pri čemer velja predpostavka da bodo drugi objekti istega razreda ranljivosti utrpeli manjše stopnje poškodovanosti, in sicer v sorazmernih deležih. Pomembno je razlikovati tudi med poškodbami konstrukcijskih elementov (po- škodbami na nosilni konstrukciji) in nekonstrukcijskih elementov (sekundarnih konstrukcijskih elementov, predelnih sten, dimnikov) ter med poškodbami, ki so nastale kot posredna posledica sekundarnega delovanja potresnega vpliva (npr. trkov med konstrukcijami, ze- meljskih ali snežnih plazov, likvefakcije idr.). Opis metode Metoda je zelo priročna, ker določa analitično zvezo med razredi ranljivosti po EMS, potresno intenziteto in pričakovano stopnjo poškodovanosti. Shematično je potek metode prikazan na sliki 3. Osnovni parameter je povprečna stopnja poškodovanosti (oznaka mD), ki je pri določeni intenziteti srednja vrednost stopnje po- škodovanosti (slika 2). Statistično so stopnje poškodova- nosti od D0 do D5 diskretne spremenljivke, parameter mD pa je zvezna spremenljivka in je brez neposredne fi zikalne interpretacije. Če vzamemo kot primer mD = 3.6, to pomeni, da pri dani intenziteti v povprečju lahko pričakujemo poškodbe med tipoma D3 in D4. Vrednost parametra mD pri določeni intenziteti lahko določimo iz dejanskih podatkov o poškodbah na objektih po potresih. Če ti podatki niso na voljo, lahko parameter mD ocenimo glede na razred ranljivosti, ki mu obravnavana vrsta objekta pripada. To storimo s t. i. indeksom ranljivosti (oznaka V), ki številčno opredel- juje enega od šestih ranljivostnih razredov, označenih s črkami od A do F (gl. Grünthal, 1998). Posamezne indekse ranljivosti prikazuje preglednica 1. Ker so ob- jekti v razredu A v najranljivejši skupini, se jim dodeli najvišji indeks, tj. V = 1.00. V drugih razredih so premo sorazmerno nižji indeksi, pri čemer je indeks vsakega naslednjega razreda manjši za šestino. Prve ocene za določitev analitične zveze med mD ter V pri določeni intenziteti so bile določene na podlagi opazovanja poškodb na več kot 2000 cerkvah po potre- su v Umbriji in Markah leta 1997 (Lagomarsino, 1998). Rezultate analize sta pozneje uporabila Giovinazzi in Lagomarsino (2002) ter predlagala splošno zvezo za mD, ki velja za katerokoli tipologijo stavb in je prikazana na sliki 2. V navedeni enačbi označuje I stopnjo intenzitete po EMS. Q je t. i. indeks duktilnosti, ki ponazarja stopn- jo povečanja poškodovanosti v odvisnosti od intenzitete in je v intervalu med 2.0 in 3.0. Višje vrednosti za Q veljajo za duktilnejše objekte. Za stavbe je priporočena vrednost Q = 2. 3. Parameter mD pove, kolikšna je pri posameznem indeksu ranljivosti V in intenziteti I srednja vrednost razreda poškodovanosti. Braga idr. (1982) so ugotovili, da je funkcijo gostote verjetnosti posameznega razreda poškodovanosti (pk) možno oceniti z uporabo binomske porazdelitve. Izraz za pk je prav tako prikazan na sliki 3, pri čemer označuje verjetnost stopnje poškodovanosti Dk (od D0 do D5). Indeks k torej zavzema vrednosti med 0 in 5. Ob poznavanju verjetnosti za posamezni Dk lah- ko določimo tudi kumulativno verjetnost P, pri čemer bodo dosežene poškodbe stopnje Di ali večje. Z uporabo opisanega postopka se torej lahko izognemo opisnim ocenam in ranljivost objektov kvan- tifi ciramo. Prednost takega pristopa je, da lahko hitro in razmeroma preprosto ocenimo ranljivost večjega števila objektov na širšem območju. Ker ocena temelji na uporabi podatkov o dejansko nastalih poškodbah, lahko natančnost metode prilagajamo glede na vhodne podatke. Tak pristop je zelo primeren za preliminarno analizo ranljivosti objektov arhitekturne dediščine, pri čemer moramo zaradi visoke kulturne vrednosti upo- rabljati natančnejše metode. Po drugi strani pa so pri takem pristopu še vedno številne omejitve. Ena glavnih pomanjkljivosti je, da se analizira globalna odpornost objektov. To pa je zaradi arhitektonske kompleksnosti, konstrukcijskih detajlov, kakovosti materiala, načinov gradnje ter predhodnih poškodb lahko posledica različ- nih lokalnih porušitev, ki jih z globalnim pristopom ni mogoče zajeti. Temu bi se lahko izognili, če bi analizo ranljivosti izvajali na posameznih elementih, ki so sestavni deli objektov in jih v potresnem smislu lahko samostojno obravnavamo. ŠTUDIJA PRIMERA: OCENA RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE V SLOVENIJI V tem prispevku bo ocena izvedena na podlagi verjetnostne analize po metodi, opisani v prejšnjem Preglednica 1: Razredi ranljivosti po EMS in pripadajoči indeksi ranljivosti Table 1: Vulnerability classes based on the EMSscale and their corresponding vulnerability indexes Razred ranljivosti A B C D E F Indeks ranljivosti (V) 1.00 0.83 0.67 0.50 0.33 0.17 283 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Slika 3: Shematski prikaz potrebnih vhodnih podatkov in postopek izračuna ranljivosti na podlagi verjetnostne analize Figure 3: Schematic representation of the required input data and the calculation procedure for vulnerability assessment based on a probabilistic approach 284 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 poglavju, pri kateri za izbrano tipologijo objekta izha- jamo iz dejanskih, med potresom nastalih poškodb, ki jim v posamezni intenzitetni coni predpišemo verjetnost pojavitve. Izbrano metodo je mogoče uporabiti na raz- ličnih tipologijah objektov. V nekaterih primerih (npr. cerkve) je mogoče pridobiti ustrezno količino podatkov o nastalih poškodbah pri različnih intenzitetah. V drugih primerih pa se je zaradi pomanjkanja podatkov treba zanesti na individualno presojo za določitev ustreznih parametrov. V prispevku bomo metodo uporabili za tri najpogostejše tipologije objektov, s čimer bomo dopol- nili že izvedene študije. Enote nepremične kulturne dediščine na ozemlju Republike Slovenije Republika Slovenija je skladno s 5. členom ustave dolžna skrbeti za ohranjanje naravnega bogastva in kulturne dediščine ter ustvarjati možnosti za skladen civilizacijski in kulturni razvoj. Register nepremične kulturne dediščine v Sloveniji, ki ga vodi ministrstvo, pristojno za kulturo, vsebuje več kot 30 000 enot in obsega vso nepremično kulturno dediščino ne glede na vrsto, tip, obseg, lastništvo ali varstveni status enote (MIZKŠ, 2012). Od tega je okoli dvesto enot stavbne in memorialne dediščine s statusom kulturnega spomenika državnega pomena, kamor uvrščamo najpomembnejše spomenike v Sloveniji (preglednica 2). Slika 4a v sklopu načrta varstva kulturne dediščine za obdobje 1986–2000 prikazuje lokacije spomenikov državnega pomena in prednostna območja varovanja. V splošnem pojem arhitekturna dediščina presega okvire registra nepremične kulturne dediščine, saj je ta ena izmed glavnih sestavin identitete prostora. Fister idr. (1993) so pri izdelavi modela določanja arhitekturne identitete v Sloveniji prišli do zaključka, da je danes na Slovenskem 74 topografsko določljivih krajin, med seboj povezanih v štirinajst arhitekturnih regij. Slika 4b prikazuje omenjene krajine in regije skupaj s stopnjo ohranjenosti njihove identitete. V najvišjo kategorijo je uvrščenih sedem arhitekturnih krajin, omejenih pretežno na gorska območja. V tej kategoriji je ohranjena večina kakovostnih razmerij med celotno stavbno dediščino in splošno identiteto arhitekturne krajine ter ni izrazite moteče arhitekture ali drugih posegov v prostor, ki bi bistveno razvrednotili dele arhitekturne krajine. V drugo kategorijo je uvrščenih petindvajset arhitek- turnih krajin, ki so skoncentrirane predvsem v zahodni, južni in severovzhodni Sloveniji. Tukaj je identiteta kra- jine še razmeroma dobro razpoznavna, saj je ohranjena večina značilne mreže naselij in prostorskih značilnosti. To pomeni, da lahko, poleg spomenikov državnega in lokalnega pomena, tudi številne objekte znotraj prve in druge kategorije vrednosti arhitekturne krajine obravnavamo kot objekte arhitekturne dediščine. V sklopu tega prispevka je bila zato za primerjavo izde- lana karta z imenom Nepremična kulturna dediščina in potresna intenziteta ( slika 5). Na njej so prikazani vsi elementi kulturne dediščine iz registra, tudi tisti, ki niso klasifi cirani kot spomeniki državnega in lokalnega pomena. Ker vpisi v register zajemajo tudi arheološke ostanke iz prazgodovine in antike, so zaradi relevant- nosti prikazani samo objekti, zgrajeni od 11. stol. n. št. dalje. Kot podlaga karte je bila uporabljena karta po- tresne intenzitete Slovenije za 475-letno povratno dobo (ŠketÓMotnikar in Zupančič, 2011), ki je bila izdelana na podlagi 1046 zapisov različnih intenzitet potresov, dobljenih iz poenotenega kataloga potresov Slovenije in sosednjih dežel, ki zajema obdobje med letoma 1201 in 2010 ter površine dobrih 100 000 km2 (Šket-Motnikar in Zupančič, 2011). Skrajne meje tega območja so slabih 100 km od meja Slovenije. Karta intenzitet je določena za povratno dobo 475 let, kar ustreza 90-odstotni ver- jetnosti, da vrednosti na karti v petdesetih letih ne bodo presežene, in upošteva povprečne značilnosti tal znotraj območja posamezne stopnje intenzitete, na kar vplivajo tudi značilnosti lokalne geološke podlage. Na sliki 5 je tako poleg lokacije objekta mogoče razbrati tudi predvideno stopnjo intenzitete. Intenzitete so razdeljene v tri cone: v coni 1 je intenziteta VIII, v coni 2 je VII, v coni 3 pa je predvidena intenziteta VI. Na podlagi podatkov, predstavljenih na karti, lahko za- Preglednica 2: Tipologija in število enot kulturne dediščine državnega pomena Table 2: Different typologies and their registered entities classifi ed as cultural heritage of national importance Tip enote Št. enot Primer Profana stavbna dediščina 125 grad Turjak Sakralna stavbna dediščina 31 cerkev Sv. Trojice v Ljubljani Sakralno-profana stavbna dediščina 6 samostan v Kostanjevici na Krki Memorialna dediščina 49 Ilirski steber v Ljubljani Vir: Register nepremične kulturne dediščine, september 2012 285 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Slika 4: Načrt varstva kulturne dediščine za obdobje 1986–2000 (a) ter arhitekturne krajine in regije s stopnjo ohranjenosti identitete (b) (Fister et al., 1993) Figure 4: Cultural heritage protection plan for the years 1986–2000 (a) and architectural regions of Slovenia with their corresponding level of identity conservation (b) (Fister et al., 1993) 286 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 ključimo, da se objekti arhitekturne dediščine pojavljajo v večjem številu v vseh treh intenzitetnih conah. Analizirane tipologije Izbrane so bile tri tipologije objektov, in sicer stavbe, cerkve ter stolpi. Vse tri tipologije so značilne za nepremično dediščino na Slovenskem in so med potresno obremenitvijo zaradi svoje konstrukcijske zasnove, načinov gradnje in uporabljenega materiala najranljivejše. Krajši opisi izbranih tipologij so navedeni v nadaljevanju. • Stavbe zajemajo gospodarske in stanovanjske objekte, ki so pogosti v zgodovinskih mestnih jedrih. So razmeroma pravilnih tlorisnih dimen- zij, z dokaj enakomerno porazdelitvijo sten v tlorisu in brez večjih prekinitev po višini. V višino merijo do štiri etaže in so grajene kot skupine med seboj povezanih objektov, kar pomeni, da so nosilni zidovi lahko skupni. Običajno je etažna višina večja od treh metrov, z nizkimi parapeti ter s posledično velikimi okni. Stropi, kot tudi ostrešja, so leseni. Zidovi pogosto tudi niso povezani z zidnimi vezmi, zaradi česar je bistveno zmanjšana njihova potresna odpornost, saj ne delujejo povezano. Slika 6a prikazuje tri objekte kot značilne predstavnike te tipologije. Kolizej v Ljubljani so zgradili leta 1847 in je bil postavljen kot zadnji od treh podobnih objektov v avstro-ogrski monarhiji, za zgradbama (»Co- liseum«) v Gradcu in na Dunaju (Kržan, 2008). V slovenski sekciji organizacije ICOMOS (angl. International Council on Monuments and Sites) so med drugim izpostavili, da je Kolizej na Slo- venskem edini še ohranjeni primer romantične umetnosti na prehodu iz bidermajerja v histori- zem (ICOMOS/SI, 2011). Kljub večletnemu priza- devanju civilne iniciative ter dela arhitekturne in umetnostnozgodovinske stroke, da bi stavbo ohranili in restavrirali, so jo leta 2011 porušili. Drugi primer je t. i. Kadetnica v Mariboru. Gre za poslopje, s katerim je bil v Mariboru uveden neoromanski slog, ki se pri tem objektu najizra- Slika 5: Predlagana karta nepremične kulturne dediščine na posameznih intenzitetnih conah (Vir: podloga karte z intenzitetnimi območji povzeta po Šket-Motnikar in Zupančič, 2011, 114) Figure 5: Proposed cultural heritage chart of structures and other fi xed artefacts in specifi c intensity zones 287 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 ziteje izraža s pročeljem na katerem so polkrožni zaključki oken in dekorativni elementi (Lutman in Weiss, 2003). Poslopje je bilo zgrajeno leta 1856 kot največja tovrstna stavba v tedanji Avstriji. Po zadnji prenovi, ki je bila zaključena leta 2009, so v njej center za vojaško izobraževanje in uspo- sabljanje, vojaški muzej in informacijske službe. Tretji primer objekta tipologije stavb je Auersper- gova palača, v kateri je danes ljubljanski mestni muzej. Gre za prvo arhivsko dokumentirano stavbo, ki je nastala s prezidavo grofovske palače grofov Turjaških iz leta 1547. Do leta 1935 je bila stavba s klasicistično fasado dom Auerspergov, ki veljajo za eno najvplivnejših kranjskih plemiških družin (Vovk-Čepič in Veselko, 2002). Danes je v lasti Mestne občine Ljubljana. • Cerkve zaradi monumentalne zasnove, pri kateri se veliki razponi premoščajo z razmeroma redkimi rastri zelo visokih ter vitkih stebrov in sten, prav tako predstavljajo potresno zelo ranljivo tipologi- jo. V preteklosti je gradnja cerkva vedno poosebl- jala vrhunec graditeljske stroke posamezne dobe. Z iznajdbo novega materiala in tehnik gradnje so se pojavljali tudi novi arhitekturno-konstrukcijski elementi, ki so tvorili njihov skelet. Zato bi bilo tudi pri ocenjevanju ranljivosti treba upoštevati tipologije, vezane na posamezna zgodovinska obdobja. V Sloveniji je največ objektov sakralne arhitekture iz obdobja baroka, za katerega so v konstrukcijskem smislu značilni veliki volumni (široke ladje) in kupole ovalnih oblik. Druge karakteristike, kot so težnje po simetriji v tlorisu in po višini ter začetki gradnje kupol, pa izvirajo že iz renesanse (Croci, 1998). V doktorski diser- taciji (Petrovčič, 2013) smo vse cerkvene objekte klasifi cirali pod enotno tipologijo. Kot primeri te tipologije so na sliki 6b prikazani Frančiškanska cerkev v Ljubljani, cerkev sv. Mohorja v Gorn- jem Gradu ter cerkev Marije Snežne v Polskavi. Frančiškanska cerkev je zgrajena v slogu zgodn- jebaročne bazilike z eno ladjo in dvema vrstama stranskih kapel. Cerkev sv. Mohorja pa je eden ključnih spomenikov visokega baroka na Sloven- skem, ki sledi vzoru ljubljanske stolnice (Vidrih, 2012a in 2012b). Tudi cerkev Marije Snežne je poznogotska cerkev t. i. koroškega tipa z v celoti poslikano zunanjostjo (arhitekturno poslikavo). Zaradi močne statične ogroženosti je bila v letih 2007 in 2008 izvedena sanacija s protipotresno utrditvijo (Kilar in Marušić, 2007). • Stolpi in zvoniki1 zajemajo tako posvetne kot sakralne objekte, za katere je značilno, da je višina bistveno večja od tlorisnih dimenzij in da so grajeni iz nearmiranega kamna ali opeke. Sem uvrščamo tako grajske stolpe, stolpe na mestnih zidovih, razgledne stolpe kot tudi cerkvene zvo- nike, ki so popolnoma ali po večjem delu svoje višine ločeni od okoliških objektov. Zaradi neu- godnega razmerja med višino in širino ter visoko postavljenim težiščem se pri potresni obremenitvi obnašajo kot sistem obrnjenega nihala, za katero obstaja nevarnost prevrnitve. Primeri takih objek- tov so predstavljeni na sliki 6c. Kamnit obrambni stolp na Taboru so leta 1485 izdelali Benečani, da bi se zaščitili pred vpadi Turkov. Pozneje je bil vaška žitnica, danes pa je v njem muzej. Grad Branik – Rihemberk je največji ohranjeni srednjeveški grad na Primorskem, s prevladu- jočim kamnitim romanskim stolpom iz 13. stol. Razmeroma vitek prostostoječi zvonik cerkve sv. Jurija v Piranu je del cerkvenega kompleksa na vzpetini nad mestom Piran, ki ga poleg zvonika sestavljajo še cerkev in krstilnica (baptisterij). Zvonik je bil zgrajen 1608 in je izdelan po vzoru cerkve sv. Marka v Benetkah (Bernik, 1994). Glede na tipološke enote iz registra nepremične kulturne dediščine (preglednica 2) uvrščamo stavbe med profano stavbno dediščino, cerkve in stolpi pa so del sakralne oz. sakralno-profane stavbne dediščine. Določeni manjši stolpi so lahko tudi del memorialne dediščine. Za potrebe analize po metodi, predstavljeni v prej- šnjem poglavju, je treba za vsako obravnavano tipologi- jo določiti tudi indekse ranljivosti (V) in duktilnosti (Q). Vrednosti izbranih indeksov so prikazane v preglednici 3. Določene so bile na podlagi ranljivosti posameznih vrst zidanih konstrukcij, po predlogih Lagomarsina (2006), ki je določil indekse za podobne tipologije objektov v severni Italiji. Indeks V0 je izhodiščna vre- dnost za oceno ranljivosti posameznega objekta. Poleg izhodiščne vrednosti pa je predvidena tudi njegova korekcija (indeks Vk), ki upošteva nekatere dodatne karakteristike obravnavanih objektov, vezane na raven vzdrževanja, kakovost vgrajenega materiala, pravilnost Preglednica 3: Upoštevane tipologije objektov in pripa- dajoče vrednosti indeksov V0, V in Q Table 3: Considered typologies and corresponding values indexes V0, V and Q Objekt V0 V Q Stavba 0.83 0.99 2.3 Cerkev 0.89 1.01 3.0 Stolp / zvonik 0.78 0.86 2.0 1 Zaradi krajšega zapisa bo v nadaljevanju za stolpe in zvonike pogosto rabljen samo izraz stolpi. 288 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 v tlorisu, pravilnost po višini, lego, že uporabljene utrdi- tvene ukrepe in morfologijo terena. Predviden razpon vrednosti korekcijskih faktorjev je prikazan v preglednici 4. Končna vrednost indeksa ranljivosti je določena kot vsote izhodiščne ranljivosti in skupne vrednosti vseh upoštevanih korekcijskih faktorjev. Preglednica 5 prikazuje izbrane vrednosti korekcij- skih faktorjev za posamezni parameter pri določenem tipu objekta. Poudariti je treba, da gre v vseh primerih za grobo oceno posameznih parametrov, s katero poskuša- mo samo približno zajeti reprezentativne karakteristike posamezne tipologije v Sloveniji. Pri vseh tipologijah smo predpostavili, da sanacijski ukrepi za povečanje potresne odpornosti še niso bili izvedeni. Glede na to, da so bile osnovne ocene indeksov ranljivosti narejene za objekte v severni Italiji, za katere je v splošnem značilna razmeroma dobra kakovost uporabljenega materiala (Feilden, 2003), smo za objekte v Sloveniji pri uporabljenem materialu predpostavili nekoliko slabšo kakovost, pri stavbah in stolpih pa tudi nekoliko slabšo stopnjo vzdrževanja. Pri vseh treh primerih smo upoštevali regularno zasnovo v tlorisu, pri stolpih celo simetrično, ki oceno ranljivosti nekoliko zmanjšuje. Za stavbe in cerkve pa smo upoštevali še neregularno zasnovo po višini. Pri povezanosti s sosednjimi objekti smo pri stavbah in stolpih predpostavili vogalno lego, ki v splošnem deluje neugodno zaradi povečanih torzijskih vplivov. Poleg tega smo pri cerkvah upoštevali tudi lego na neugodnem terenu (teren v naklonu). Rezultati Ocene ranljivosti za posamezno tipologijo objektov so prikazane na sliki 7. Rezultati so podani v obliki hi- stogramov poškodb, ki prikazujejo verjetnost doseganja posamezne stopnje poškodovanosti po EMS znotraj treh intenzitetnih con, ki jih prikazuje slika 5. Verjetnosti do- seganja posamezne stopnje poškodovanosti so bile izra- čunane na podlagi postopka, prikazanega na sliki 3. Slika 7 poleg stopnje poškodovanosti prikazuje tudi meje med posameznimi mejnimi stanji po Evrokodu 8-3. Interval do Preglednica 4: Korekcija indeksa ranljivosti – parametri in korekcijski faktorji Table 4: Correction of the vulnerability index – parameters and correction factors Parameter Korekcijski faktor (Vk) (a) raven vzdrževanja zelo slaba (+0.08) slaba (+0.04) srednja (0) dobra (–0.04) (b) kakovost materiala slaba (+0.04) srednja (0) dobra (–0.04) (c) regularnost v tlorisu večja neregularnost (+0.04) regularna (0) simetrična (–0.04) (č) regularnost po višini večja neregularnost (+0.04) regularna (0) (d) povezava s sosednjimi objekti na vogalu (+0.04) brez povezave (0) povezava z obeh strani (–0.04) (e) sanacijski ukrepi niso prisotni (0) so prisotni (–0.08) (f) naklon terena strmo pobočje (+0.08) rahel naklon (+0.04) na ravnini (0) Preglednica 5: Korekcija indeksa ranljivosti – upoštevani korekcijski faktorji pri posameznih tipologijah Table 5: Correction of the vulnerability index – considered correction factors for each specifi c typology Objekt Korekcijski faktor (Vk) Vsota Vk (a) (b) (c) (č) (d) (e) (f) Stavba 0.04 0.04 0 0.04 0.04 0 0 0.16 Cerkev 0 0.04 0 0.04 0 0 0.04 0.12 Stolp/zvonik 0.04 0.04 –0.04 0 0.04 0 0 0.08 289 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 Slika 6: Primeri objektov, ki pripadajo izbranim tipologijam: (a) stavbe, (b) cerkve, (c) stolpi Figure 6: Examples of structures corresponding to a certain typology: (a) buildings, (b) churches and (c) towers 290 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 mejnega stanja DL predstavlja območje brez poškodb oz. manjših poškodb. Med mejnima stanjema DL in SD se na konstrukciji pojavljajo zmernejše poškodbe, vendar je konstrukcija še stabilna. Med mejnima stanjema SD in NC je konstrukcija zelo močno poškodovana in je že na meji porušitve. Ko je preseženo mejno stanje NC, pa se konstrukcija poruši. Podrobnejši opis poškodb pri posa- meznem mejnem stanju je opisan na sliki 2. Iz rezultatov na sliki 7 je razvidno, da stopnja poškodovanosti po pričakovanjih narašča z intenziteto. Najmanjše poškodbe nastanejo znotraj cone 3 (intenziteta VI), nekoliko večje znotraj cone 2 (intenziteta VII), največje pa znotraj cone 1 (intenziteta VIII). Razporeditev doseženih stopenj poškodb je močno odvisna tudi od tipologije objektov. Stavbe in cerkve imajo med seboj podobno razporeditev poškodb. Verjetnost pojavitve poškodb je pri teh dveh tipologijah pretežno v območju med DL in NC. Pri obeh tipologijah velja, da bi večina objektov pri intenzitetah VII in VIII presegla mejno stanje DL. Izkaže se, da so stolpi oz. zvoniki najmanj ranljiva skupina, saj bi jih pri intenziteti VI 44 odstotkov ostalo nepoškodovanih (stopnja poškodovanosti D0), pri inten- Slika 7: Verjetnost pojavitve določene stopnje poškodovanosti, ki velja v posameznih intenzitetnih conah (povratna doba potresa TR = 475 let) Figure 7: Damage grade probability for a specifi c intensity zone (return period TR = 475 years) 291 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 ziteti VIII pa bi jih nepoškodovanih ostalo le okoli tri odstotke. Preostali deleži bi utrpeli poškodbe od stopnje D1 do D4. Z višanjem intenzitete se situacija poslab- šuje. Pri intenziteti VII je največja verjetnost pojavitve poškodb tipa D1 (okoli 34 %) in D2 (okoli 32 %). Približno enaka verjetnost je tudi pri intenziteti VIII, le da je tu pričakovan tip poškodb D3. Največja verjetnost poškodb razreda poškodovanosti med D2 in D3 torej velja za stavbe in cerkve pri vseh treh intenzitetah. To velja tudi za stolpe pri intenzitetah VII in VIII. Verjetnost popolne porušitve (stopnja D5) je največja pri stavbah (okoli 20 %) in cerkvah (okoli 17 %). Predpis Evrokod 8-3, ki ureja zahteve glede protipo- tresnega utrjevanja konstrukcij, določa, da konstrukcija izkazuje dovolj veliko potresno varnost, če pri projektni potresni obremenitvi za TR = 475 let mejno stanje SD ni preseženo. Pri tem mejnem stanju je konstrukcija močneje poškodovana. Nosilni elementi še vedno lahko prenašajo vertikalno obtežbo in v določeni meri tudi horizontalno, kar omogoča preživetje ponovljenega zmernega popotresnega sunka. Zaradi velikosti in šte- vila poškodovanih elementov popravilo verjetno ni več ekonomično. Dodatno predpis zahteva tudi preveritev preseganja mejnega stanja DL (v Sloveniji se upošteva potres s TR = 95 let) ter mejnega stanja NC (upošteva se potres s TR = 2475 let). Verjetnosti preseganja mejnega stanja SD za obrav- navane tipologije objektov so prikazane na sliki 8. Ob upoštevanju rezultatov s slike 7 je določitev te verje- tnosti dokaj trivialna, saj so v tem primeru prikazani rezultati že bili določeni za povratno dobo 475 let. Tako lahko na podlagi zadnje enačbe iz slike 3 preseganje mejnega stanja SD določimo kot kumulativno verjetnost za stopnji poškodovanosti D4 in D5. S slike 8 je tudi razvidno, da sta tipologiji stavb in cerkva najbolj ogroženi. Za stavbe verjetnost prekorači- tve mejnega SD pri intenziteti VIII dosega 57 odstotkov. Povedano drugače, v coni z intenziteto VIII, ki zajema osrednjo, dobršen del severozahodne in jugovzhodno Slovenijo, bi se ob potresu, ki se lahko pojavi z desetod- stotno verjetnostjo v petdesetih letih, kar 57 odstotkov zgodovinskih zidanih stavb močno poškodovalo ali celo porušilo. Tudi pri intenziteti VII je ta verjetnost še vedno razmeroma visoka in znaša približno 20 odstotkov. Pri intenziteti VI se ta verjetnost krepko zmanjša in znaša samo štiri odstotke. Zelo podobne vrednosti veljajo tudi za cerkve. Razlog za tako obnašanje je slaba konstruk- cijska zasnova takih objektov, ki pri cerkvah pogosto vključuje visoke vertikalne elemente z velikimi razponi. Pri stavbah pa je zaradi lesenih stropov pogosta slabša povezanost s sosednjimi zidovi, kar zelo neugodno vpliva na potresni odziv takih objektov. To se v analizi odraža že v izhodiščnem indeksu ranljivosti (V0), pri katerem je za stavbe bila privzeta vrednost V0 = 0.83, kar ustreza razredu ranljivosti B po EMS (preglednica 1). Pri cerkvah je bila ranljivost ocenjena še nekoliko višje, in sicer z indeksom V0 = 0.89. Z upoštevanjem korekcijskih faktorjev pa se je vrednost končnega inde- ksa ranljivosti za obe tipologiji še povečala in v obeh primerih znaša približno 1.0 (preglednica 3), kar ustreza razredu ranljivosti A po EMS. V ta razred uvrščamo najranljivejše objekte, zato se tudi pri ocenjevanju ran- ljivosti, ki jo podaja lestvica EMS, pričakuje, da bo pri intenziteti VIII med 20 in 60 odstotkov objektov utrpelo stopnje poškodovanosti tipa D4 ter 20 odstotkov tipa D5 (porušitev), kar skupaj nanese od 40 do 80 odstotkov za obe stopnji poškodovanosti skupaj. V povprečju je to ravno 60 odstotkov, kar je zelo blizu verjetnosti pre- seganja mejnega stanja SD za stavbe (57 %), ki smo jo dobili z analizo, pri čemer smo upoštevali kumulativno verjetnost dveh stopenj poškodovanosti (D4 in D5). Tako ujemanje naše analize z metodo analize po lestvici EMS potrjuje ustreznost izbrane metode. Poleg stavb in cerkva se pri intenziteti VIII tudi stolpi izkažejo kot zelo ranljiva tipologija, saj bi bilo pri kar 28 odstotkih preko- račeno mejno stanje SD. Pri višjih intenzitetah ranljivost hitro pade, in sicer na zgolj štiri odstotke pri intenziteti VII, pri intenziteti VI pa je zanemarljivo majhna. Iz navedenega sledi, da je pri stavbah, cerkvah in večinoma tudi stolpih (izjema je cona z intenziteto VI) razmeroma velika verjetnost preseganja mejnega stanja SD pri večjih intenzitetah (VII in VIII). Slika 8 za omenje- ne tri tipologije predstavlja t. i. krivulje ranljivosti (angl. fragility curves), ki za posamezno tipologijo prikazujejo verjetnost prekoračitve mejnega stanja SD v odvisnosti od intenzitete po EMS. Določene so na podlagi kumu- lativne verjetnosti po zadnji enačbi na sliki 3 za vsako intenziteto posebej. Krivulje ranljivosti sicer običajno prikazujejo verjetnost v odvisnosti od ag (Syrmakezis, 2006). Ker imamo v analizi opravka z intenzitetami in ker v splošnem zveza med intenziteto in projektnim Slika 8: Krivulje ranljivosti za izbrane tipologije objek- tov Figure 8: Fragility curves of selected typologies 292 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 skupino objektov arhitekturne dediščine v Sloveniji. Pri najpogostejših in tudi najbolj ogroženih tipologijah, tj. cerkvah in do tri etaže visokih zidanih stavbah, veljajo znotraj posameznih intenzitetnih con zaključki, prika- zani v preglednici 6. Kljub temu je treba poudariti, da gre v prikazani analizi le za grobo oceno ranljivosti, ki velja za območje celotne Slovenije, ob predpostavljenih vrednostih indeksov V in Q, ki so bile pridobljene ob opazovanju poškodb na objektih v severni Italiji, ki so jih v preteklem desetletju prizadeli potresi. Za prenos metode na območje Slovenije, pa smo v okviru te študije določili korekcijske faktorje (preglednica 5), ki vključujejo lokalne arhitekturne, konstrukcijske in druge značilnosti vezane na izbrane tipologije. Zaključimo lahko torej, da na območju Slovenije ob- staja povečana potresna ogroženost za stavbe in cerkve na območjih s VIII. stopnjo potresne intenzitete po EMS. Gre za pas, ki poteka od severozahoda, preko osrednje Slovenije in proti jugovzhodu države. Na tem območju lahko pričakujemo, da se bo ob potresu s povratno dobo 475-let poškodovala več kot polovica takšnih objektov. Posegi za povečanje potresne odpornosti arhitekturne dediščine morajo na tem področju biti usmerjeni v ti dve tipologiji objektov. Rezultat analize ranljivosti znotraj določenega geografskega območja daje podatek o vplivu potresa na arhitekturno dediščino v obravnavani regiji za po- samezni tip objekta. Na območju Slovenije pri objektih arhitekturne dediščine je torej sorazmerno veliko po- tresno tveganje. To pomeni, da je povečanje potresne odpornosti (varnosti) eden izmed ključnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju sanacije takih objektov. Preglednica 6: Deleži objektov, ki bi pri projektni potresni obremenitvi (TR = 475 let) znotraj posameznih intenzi- tetnih con verjetno utrpeli večje (nepopravljive) poškodbe Table 6: The amount of structures that would in specifi c intensity zones sustain greater (irreparable) damage in the case of the design seismic loading (TR = 475 years) Intenziteta Večja mesta / kraji / regije Močneje poškodovani objekti VIII Ljubljana, Kranj, Celje, Bovec, Postojna, Trbovlje, Novo mesto … 57 % (stavbe) 51 % (cerkve) 30% (stolpi) VII Nova Gorica, Jesenice, Ribnica, Velenje, Dravograd, Ptuj, Murska Sobota … 21 % (stavbe) 24 % (cerkve) 4% (stolpi) VI Portorož, Maribor, Gornja Radgona, severno Pomurje (Goričko) … 4 % (stavbe) 7 % (cerkve) 1 % (stolpi) pospeškom tal ni enoznačno določljiva, predstavitev krivulj ranljivosti v takem formatu ne bi bila smiselna. S slike 8 je razvidno, da pri vseh treh tipologijah obstaja verjetnost preseganja mejnega stanja SD šele od intenzitete V dalje, kar je skladno tudi z lestvico EMS, ki poškodbe na konstrukcijah predvideva šele pri intenzi- teti V. Pri intenziteti XII ta verjetnost pri vseh tipologijah presega 98 odstotkov. Za cerkve in stolpe do intenzitete VII je značilen dokaj podoben potek krivulje ranljivosti, pri čemer je pri cerkvah verjetnost preseganja mejnega stanja SD nekoliko večja, od intenzitete VII dalje pa je ta verjetnost večja pri stavbah. Največja razlika je pri intenziteti IX in znaša okoli 15 odstotkov. V primerjavi s stavbami in cerkvami je za stolpe značilna dokaj nižja verjetnost prekoračitve tega mejnega stanja. Največja razlika je pri intenziteti VIII, kjer presega 20 odstotkov. Krivulja ranljivosti je za stolpe premaknjena nekoliko bolj v desno. Razlog za tako obnašanje je dobra za- snova takih objektov, saj so običajno zelo masivni in čokati (značilna je majhna vitkost). Posledično je pri teh objektih nižji tudi indeks ranljivosti (V), ki pri stolpih po upoštevanju korekcijskih faktorjev znaša 0.9. Pri stavbah in cerkvah z nekoliko manj ugodno izhodiščno zasnovo znaša indeks ranljivosti 1.03 oz. 1.05 (preglednica 3). Pri intenziteti X ranljivost stolpov nekoliko preseže ran- ljivost cerkva, vendar je ta razlika minimalna in znaša največ okoli tri odstotke. SKLEP IN RAZPRAVA Na podlagi izvedene analize je mogoče zaključiti, da stavbe, cerkve in stolpi spadajo v izjemno ranljivo 293 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Simon PETROVČIČ & Vojko KILAR: OCENA POTRESNE RANLJIVOSTI OBJEKTOV ARHITEKTURNE DEDIŠČINE NA OBMOČJU SLOVENIJE, 277–294 SEISMIC VULNERABILITY ASSESSMENT OF ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE BUILDINGS IN SLOVENIA Simon PETROVČIČ University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: simon.petrovcic@fa.uni-lj.si Vojko KILAR University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: vojko.kilar@fa.uni-lj.si SUMMARY Historical structures were usually not designed to withstand seismic loads. During recent earthquake events in the Mediterranean a high degree of damage was observed on structures of architectural heritage. The article analyses the assessment of seismic vulnerability of such structures in Slovenia. A probabilistic assessment method based on the European macroseismic scale (the EMS) is presented. The method is based on observations of actual damage to individual buildings during earthquakes. Based on data available in the Slovenian Register of cultural heritage real estate and seismic intensity zones a special hybrid map was developed that shows individual cultural heritage structures, placed in the area of a certain seismic intensity. Analyses were performed for three characteristic building typology units: historic masonry buildings, churches and masonry towers. For each typology the probability of a specifi c state of damage in the event of an earthquake is presented. The study concludes that in Slovenia an increased seismic risk exists for historic masonry buildings and churches in areas with the VIII-th EMS intensity level. 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Mullins (2002): The Identity of Place in Virtual Design Studios, Journal of Architectural Education, 56, 15–21. 295 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.20 received: 2016-02-29 NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA Jasna PETRIĆ Institute of Architecture and Urban & Spatial Planning of Serbia, Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II, 11000 Beograd, Serbia e-mail: jasna@iaus.ac.rs ABSTRACT The focus of this article is on two typical inner urban and peripheral neighbourhoods in the city of Belgrade, e.g. Stari grad and Kaluđerica, which are comparatively analysed in terms of their residents’ appreciation of the neighbourhood’s social and physical environment, and development of bond and sentiment towards these neigh- bourhoods. By employment of a questionnaire survey analyses, the aim of the paper is to investigate individual (or group) of factors which mostly infl uence the components of neighbourhood attachment in the presented case study areas of a city undergoing a post-socialist transition. Keywords: attachment, survey, neighbourhood, urban, suburban L’ATTACCAMENTO AL QUARTIERE NELLE ZONE CENTRALI E PERIFERICI DI BELGRADO: EVIDENZE DA STARI GRAD E KALUĐERICA SINTESI Il focus di questo articolo è su due quartieri, un interno urbano e un periferico, tipici nella città di Belgrado, ad esempio, Stari grad e Kaluđerica, che sono analizzati e comparati in termini dell’apprezzamento dell’ambiente sociale e fi sico dei quartieri dai loro residenti, e dello sviluppo di legame e il loro affetto verso questi quartieri. Applicando un’analisi dell’indagine via questionari, lo scopo del lavoro è quello di esaminare i singoli (o multipli) fattori che infl uenzano di piu’ dei componenti di attaccamento verso il quartiere nelle aree presentate come i casi di studio di una città nella fase di transizione post-socialista. Parole chiavi: attaccamento, indagine, quartiere, urbano, suburbano 296 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 INTRODUCTION From a sustainable urban development perspective, it has been argued that living in inner urban areas dem- onstrates numerous advantages over living in the urban periphery. In contrast to compact urban living, suburban forms are often characterised by discontinuity, leap- frogging and low densities. Typical examples of such sprawl may be found in North American-type of urban settings, being characterised by zoned areas with a single dominant use and low land-use intensity, relative uniformity of housing, weaker connections and lower accessibility as well as by reduced walkability (Petrić & Bajić, 2015, 135–136). However, in contrast to North American middle-classes who live mostly in suburbs, European middle-classes are mainly located in the inner city or better-off suburban areas. Conversely, those who cannot exercise their residential choice are increasingly concentrated in suburban areas of the European cities, whereas in North America, they predominantly inhabit the inner city areas (Szirmai, 2011, 15). For countries which were under socialism/commu- nism in the period between 1950s and 1990s, the state took the role of primary urban developer, and that was possible since most urban land and large production means were put in public ownership. The demand for labour in the growing urban/industrial centres attracted in-migration from rural areas and smaller towns to bigger urban centres, but public housing within socialist cities was limited both in quantity and in allocation rules. Therefore, not all of the housing demand could have been accommodated in cities; hence this opened a way to peri-urban concentration of the incoming population. In Serbia, almost 90% of agricultural resources had been privately owned (Hirt, 2009, 296). With the administra- tive control being less stringent at the urban periphery where people could acquire land from agricultural own- ers in order to develop a house, such self-help housing option became the mode to overcome the income-price problems (Kovács & Tosics, 2014). The role of the neighbourhood in post-socialist coun- tries undergoes transformation. In former Yugoslavia and Socialist Republic of Serbia “working people in a set- tlement, part of a settlement or several interconnected settlements had a right and duty to organise themselves into a local community with a view to realising specifi c common interests and needs in the fi elds of: physical improvement of their settlement, housing, communal activities, child care and social security, education, culture, physical culture, consumer protection, the con- servation and improvement of the human environment, national defence, social self-protection, and in other spheres of life and work” (Triska & Barbic, 1980, 87). Yet this has changed with privatisation and marketization of the housing system and increased residential mobility. The transition from a centrally planned to market-driven economy is often argued to affect neighbourhoods decline in importance for intensive social interaction, cohesion and equality, having that traditional ties suc- cumb to the infl uence of privatism and individualism (Fischer et al., 1977; Guest & Wierzbicki, 1999; Ma, 2002). Generally, in the Serbian urban context, people who can exercise their residential choice would opt for the inner city living, where land is scarce but urban fa- cilities and amenities are concentrated. Socio-economic status or the lack of fi nancial sources would still drive people to fi nd cheaper housing at the urban periphery. In addition, some have to choose suburban neighbour- hoods due to unemployment issues in the inner city and unaffordability of its life commodities (Krisjane & Ber- zins, 2012). These factors are in contrast to the Western countries suburbanisation drivers, i.e. aspiration of the affl uent population to attain a dream-house in suburbs (Petrić & Bajić, 2015). Various studies have hypoth- esised that neighbourhood attachment is linked to social networks (social cohesion) and physical environments, namely because both social and physical environments contribute to community identifi cation and community sentiment (Zhu et al., 2012, 2440; Logan, 1978; New- man & Duncan, 1979; Lee & Guest, 1983). With that in view, the focus of this research is on factor(s) which infl uence neighbourhood attachment in two opposite types of neighbourhoods in a post-socialist city. CONTEXT OF THE STUDY: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT Among all dimensions of residential preference, neighbourhood attachment is regarded as the most personal one. Like Fischer et al. (1977, 156) argue, attachment to place is multidimensional and different types of people are attached to places for different reasons. As people not only choose to live in places that match their preferences (if they can afford it), but they also tend to adjust their view to favour current cir- cumstances, attachment is seen as one of the resident’s adapting mechanisms to the neighbourhood (Talen, 2001; Brower, 1988). This dimension of residential preference concerns residents’ emotional attachment to the neighbourhood in which they reside, and their satisfaction with the neighbourhood in meeting individual needs. In this respect, authors like Adams (1992a) and Hunter (1974; 1978) distinguish two aspects of attachment: community sentiment (related to overall emotional attachment to the neighbourhood) and community evaluation (related to rational assessment of the relative advantages and disadvantages of living in a particular neighbourhood). As Adams (1992a, 219) points out: “on the surface, community sentiments and community evaluation may appear to be quite similar (as) for instance, both are seen as outcomes of participation and integration within the local community”. However, what makes a clear dis- tinction between the two is the way in which residents 297 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 assess the local community: either by emotions only (community sentiment) or by involving rational judg- ment (community evaluation). In sociological research, from the Chicago school of urban sociology to the present days, the majority of studies has focused on the neighbourhood as a social unit and the assessments of residential preference have pivoted on the role of neighbourhood attachment, main- ly regarded through the aspect of community sentiment (Wekerle, 1985; Talen, 2001). In comparison to other city subareas, neighbourhoods, which are something less than a municipality but more than a few city blocks, are viewed as physical and social environments that affect the lives of their inhabitants (Olson, 1982). There are researchers who believe that in context of globalisa- tion and urbanisation processes, the neighbourhood becomes even more important as a place of refuge (Zhu et al., 2012, 2443). The proponents of New Urban- ism think that certain built environment may create a “sense of community”, but even though there may be appreciation of the neighbourhood’s physical and social environment, some other researchers believe that bonds and sentiments with a neighbourhood develop only with actual involvement in local social relationships (Zhu et al., 2012; Mesch & Manor, 1998; Stedman, 2003). In addition, some researchers fi nd that social contacts and local social networks play much more important role in neighbourhood attachment within less affl uent areas whereas attachment to “leafy” neighbourhoods is more conditioned by the physical component (Plas & Lewis, 1996; Forrest & Kearns, 2001). Regarding factors which have the infl uence on community sentiment, Hunter (1974; 1978), Kasarda & Janowitz (1974) and Wellman (1979) argue that “local statuses” (e.g. age, length of residence, children liv- ing in the home, marital status and religion) affect the kinds of people we meet, the friends we make, and our sentimental feelings toward the neighbourhood itself. Fischer (1982) states that people’s gender also relates to community sentiment as ‘women traditionally are more responsible for childcare, shopping and other household tasks performed in the local community, … (therefore), they are more likely to have locally-based social network ties and strong community sentiments when compared to men’. Also, in addition to age and length of residence, it is also the homeownership that affects feelings of sentimental attachment to the resi- dential neighbourhood (Lee et al., 1991). Other studies emphasize the importance, but not a distinctive priority, of interpersonal ties (social interaction with one’s neigh- bours) as determinants of emotional attachment to the neighbourhood (Campbell et al., 1976; Zehner, 1972; Adams, 1992a). Despite the diversity of these fi ndings, they all refl ect the position that the local residential en- vironment remains a meaningful unit for participation, investment, and commitment in modern societies (Fried, 1982). In studies on community evaluation, it is argued that individual social statues, different cultural values and desired goals, infl uence this aspect of neighbour- hood attachment. According to Hunter (1974; 1978) cultural values, which are best captured by examining race and social class have a strong effect on community evaluation. Several studies also suggest that the length of residence as a measure of neighbourhood stability infl uences community evaluation (Litwak, 1961; Fis- cher, 1982; Lee et al., 1991; Adams, 1992a). There are, however, studies, which underlie that in general, ‘the effects of background variables such as race, income and tenure on community evaluation are small relative to the effects of perceived neighbourhood attributes such as friendliness of neighbours, noise, safety or qual- ity of shops and schools’ (see: Campbell et al., 1976; Fried, 1982; Lee & Guest, 1983; Spain, 1988). Similar conclusions are drawn in the research done by Parkes et al. (2002, 23), where results showed that ‘perceived neighbourhood attributes are a much better guide than personal and housing background variables to under- standing neighbourhood satisfaction’. As Adams (1992a) suggests, community life affects community evaluation in ways which are both similar to and different from community sentiments. Objective characteristics of the local community, perceptions of those conditions, social statues, and the interactions community members have with each other may affect both community sentiment and community evaluation. Community evaluation, however, is more sensitive to the local conditions such as crime and environmental problems than to participation in local communities via social network (Guest & Lee, 1983). In sum, the ordering and strength of factors affecting neighbourhood attachment differ depending on whether one focuses on community sentiment or community evaluation. In the research on the relationship between the type of physical environment and neighbour- hood attachment, there are two models that are most infl uential. The fi rst model is called linear or density- dependent model and it follows the approach of Louis Wirth (1938), arguing that high-density living, coupled with relative anonymity of the individual and increased social disorder, puts greater tensions on daily life than smaller, longer-established and more homogeneous rural communities. This model predicted that neigh- bourhood satisfaction was inversely related to size of the neighbourhood and to the density and heterogeneity of the population (see: Adams, 1992b; Parkes et al., 2002). In contrast to the linear model, the systematic model is based on the length of residence rather than on popula- tion size and density. The systematic model, as proposed by Kasarda and Janowitz (1974), suggests that satisfac- tion with the residential neighbourhood depends more on social factors linked to an individual respondent’s length of residence, system of friendship and kinship networks, and formal and informal associational ties. 298 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 Therefore, it is possible to have increased attachment towards relatively crowded urban neighbourhoods in which residents have established good social networks over time (Parkes et al., 2002). Even though traditional urbanism advocates and other sustainable city supporters suggest that ‘suburbanities are unattached’, research mainly shows the lack of a relation- ship between attachment and acceptance of traditional urban principles. Moreover, it is suggested that residents who are less attached or even unattached to suburbia are not necessarily more likely or willing to be attached to a different residential environment (Talen, 2001). RESEARCH DESIGN FOR TESTING INFERENCES ON NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA The case-studies for designing a survey on neighbour- hood attachment of urban and suburban residents in the city of Belgrade have been chosen in order to represent a high contrast in terms of the physical settings. Urban municipality of Stari grad (Figure 1) is the old core of Belgrade, which presents cultural, historical, ar- chitectural and economic hub of the city. Even its name Stari grad (Engl. “Old town”) depicts its role and position in the long period of development. The present admin- istrative boundaries of Stari grad were outlined back in 1961 so that it encompasses 650 ha, or 435 ha of the mainland area and 215 ha of aquatic area (UB ŠF, IAUS, 2012). Its present population is approximately 48,000 people, which is 14% less than what was registered in previous census. In demographic terms, Stari grad is one of the oldest parts of Belgrade since more than 1/4 of its population is older than 60 years of age. Kaluđerica, as a suburban (peripheral) area of the city is infamous example for comprehensive illegal construction which had a kick-off in late 1960s due to lack of available fl ats in Belgrade. This formerly rural settlement became attractive for migrants coming from all over the country because of its proximity (12 km from the centre of Belgrade), favourable position – road connections, and most of all because the Master Plan of Belgrade that was endorsed in the early 1970s, drew the line right in front of Kaluđerica allowing individual housing development there and not in the urban part of Belgrade (Saveljić, 1989; Žerjav, 2014; Petrić and Bajić, 2015). Its present population is approximately 27,000 living at the territory of 932 ha. The type of research design which was performed in the two case-study areas was a survey, which included the following operations: 1) composition of the question- naire; 2) composition of the codebook; 3) determination of the sample; 4) collection of the data; 5) data entry, data organisation and presentation, and data analysis and 6) interpretation of results. Questionnaire survey in Kaluđerica was conducted in the period February-March 2014, followed by the survey in Stari grad in the period April-July 2014. The Figure 1: Stari grad – urban (central) area of Belgrade 299 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 sample in Kaluđerica was 91 respondents and in Stari grad 81 respondents. Each participating household was represented by one respondent only who was expressing his or her personal perception on the attachment to the residential neighbourhood, social and environmental context, physical planning issues, etc. Once the data were collected and transferred to codes amenable to quantitative analyses, the statistical procedures of the SPSS Version 21.0 were applied. FINDINGS ON FACTORS WHICH INFLUENCE NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN BELGRADE’S (SUB)URBAN NEIGHBOURHOODS In reference to previous research on the underlying components of neighbourhood attachment (community sentiment and community evaluation), this empirical study considered these variables as the dependent ones and number of factors of socio-economic characteris- tics, ecological conditions and perception on those conditions in the neighbourhood as independent vari- ables. Tests were conducted for two case-study areas of Belgrade: Stari grad (urban) and Kaluđerica (suburban). First hypothesis to be tested is that two neighbour- hoods of central (urban) and peripheral (suburban) type statistically differ in terms of their residents’ community sentiment. Since the assumption on equal variances has been violated (Sig. value .004 in Levine’s Test is less than .05) we are looking under the second line for the Sig. (2-tailed) value (Table 1). This value (.004) is less than required cut off of .05, and we conclude that there is a statistically signifi cant difference in the mean communi- ty sentiment to the residential neighbourhood between residents of Stari grad (mean score: 3.88) and Kaluđerica (mean score: 3.41). According to Cohen (1988) the mag- nitude of differences between the two neighbourhoods in terms of community sentiment can be calculated using the following formula for eta squared: Eta squared = t2 : (t2 + (N1+N2-2)). Replacing with the appropriate values from the T-test (Table 1), the obtained result is 0.05, which explains that there is a small effect size for difference in community sentiments between residents of Stari grad and Kaluđerica. From a number of statistical analyses on relation- ships between independent variables: household type; gender; age; highest achieved level of education; home ownership; duration of living in a present neighbour- hood; childhood type of neighbourhood; happiness with the contacts with neighbours; feeling of safety in the neighbourhood; perceived pollution problems; and satisfaction with the overall facilities provided by the neighbourhood, and community sentiment in Stari grad, there was only one statistically signifi cant relationship documented, and that was a medium positive correla- tion between lack of perceived pollution problems in Stari grad and community sentiment (emotional attach- ment) to this neighbourhood (r=.30) (Table 2). Figure 2: Kaluđerica – suburban (peripheral) area of Belgrade 300 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 Following are the results of Pearson Correlation between variable of community sentiment to Kaluđerica and variables which have previously shown statistically signifi cant infl uence on this variable while performing the individual tests. When observing the results from Table 3, it can be noticed that there is medium negative correlation between lack of happiness with the overall facilities provided by Kaluđerica and community sentiment in this neighbourhood (r=-.42); small negative correla- tion between level of education of the respondents in Kaluđerica and community sentiment in it (r=-.29); and small positive correlation between community sentiment in Kaluđerica and happiness with contacts with neighbours (r=.28); feeling of safety in Kaluđerica (r=.27); respondent’s age group (r=.22); and household type (r=.11), respectively. The empirical research involving community evalu- ation was based on development of Neighbourhood Satisfaction Scale (NSS) for each of the two neighbour- hoods as a measure of their residents’ community evalu- ation (total neighbourhood satisfaction). NSS consists of 7 items, each one of them ranked from 1 to 7 (1=strongly disagree; 2=disagree; 3=mildly disagree; 4=neutral/ undecided; 5=mildly agree; 6=agree; 7=strongly agree). The 7 items of scale are: 1) like of convenient location; Table 1: Independent samples T-test for difference in mean scores of community sentiment to the residential neighbourhood between Stari grad and Kaluđerica Group Statistics Neighbourhood N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Community sentiment Urban neighbourhood - Stari grad 81 3.88 .927 .103 Suburban neighbourhood - Kaluđerica 91 3.41 1.192 .125 Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Mean Difference Std. Error Difference 95% Confi dence Interval of the Difference Lower Upper Community sentiment Equal variances assumed 8.672 .004 2.860 170 .005 .470 .164 .146 .794 Equal variances not assumed 2.901 167.070 .004 .470 .162 .150 .790 Table 2: Pearson Correlation between variable of environmental context and community sentiment in Stari grad Correlations Neighbourhood Lack of perceived pollution problems in the neighbourhood Urban neighbourhood - Stari grad Emotional attachment to the residential neighbourhood Pearson Correlation .302** Sig. (2-tailed) .006 N 81 ** Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) 301 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 Table 3: Pearson Correlation between variables of environmental context and community sentiment in Kaluđerica Correlations Neighbourhood Emotional attachment to the re- sidential neighbour- hood Hou- sehold type Respondent's age group Highest level of education Happi- ness with neighbo- urhood contacts Feeling of safety in the neighbo- urhood Lack of happiness with the overall facilities provided by the neighbo- urhood Suburban neighbour- hood - Kaluđerica Emotional attachment to the residential neighbour- hood Pearson Correla- tion 1 .109 .224* -.291** .283** .273** -.424** Sig. (2-tailed) .303 .033 .005 .007 .009 .000 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Household type Pearson Correla- tion .109 1 .453** -.024 .080 .129 -.144 Sig. (2-tailed) .303 .000 .824 .449 .223 .172 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Respond- ent's age group Pearson Correla- tion .224* .453** 1* -.128 .034 .198 -.100 Sig. (2-tailed) .033 .000 .226 .751 .060 .346 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Highest level of education Pearson Correla- tion -.291** -.024 -.128 1 -.189 -.142 .217* Sig. (2-tailed) .005 .824 .226 .072 .179 .039 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Happi- ness with neighbour- hood con- tacts Pearson Correla- tion .283** .080 .034 -.189 1 .218* -.399** Sig. (2-tailed) .007 .449 .751 .072 .038 .000 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Feeling of safety in the neigh- bourhood Pearson Correla- tion .273** .129 .198 -.142 .218* 1 -.274** Sig. (2-tailed) .009 .223 .060 .179 .038 .009 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 Lack of happiness with the overall facilites provided by the neighbour- hood Pearson Correla- tion -.424** -.144 -.100 .217* -.399** -.274** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .172 .346 .039 .000 .009 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 91 * Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) ** Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) 302 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 2) like of ‘village feel’ (friendly people); 3) like of pres- ence of facilities, amenities and house values; 4) like of quietness and safety; 5) like of good neighbours; 6) like of public transport system; and 7) like of environmental quality and level of cleanliness. When forming a scale like NSS, the most important fact is its reliability, i.e. scale’s internal consistency, or the degree to which the items that make up the scale ‘hang together’ (Pallant, 2001). All the items have to measure the same underlying construct or otherwise the scale we developed is not reliable. The most common measure of internal consistency of scale is Cronbach alpha coeffi cient. This coeffi cient should be above .7 for considering a scale to be reliable with our sample. In the case of NSS, for each one of the two case-study neighbourhoods (urban and suburban), Cronbach’s alpha was above this critical value: for Stari grad (.796), and for Kaluđerica (.708). Following the formation of NSS, the hypothesis to be tested is on difference between the two types of neighbourhoods in terms of their resident’s community evaluation. Since Sig. value (.368) in Levine’s Test is above .05 (Table 4), the assumption on equality of variances has not been violated and we look under the fi rst line for the Sig. (2-tailed) value. As this value (.000) is less than .05 that means there is a statistically signifi cant differ- ence between Stari grad and Kaluđerica in the mean scores of community evaluation (total neighbourhood satisfaction). According to the mean values from the Group Statistics Table, respondents from Stari grad had a higher mean total neighbourhood satisfaction (34.2) than respondents in Kaluđerica (29.19). The magnitude of differences between the two neighbourhoods in terms of community evaluation of the residential neighbour- hood shows moderate effect according to Cohen’s (1988) Eta squared, which in this case equals 0.11. The next step of analyses regarding community eval- uation concerns testing the hypotheses on relationship among certain independent variables and community evaluation. Those independent variables are identifi ed from the literature review, and they can be summarised to what Adams (1992a) addresses as ‘ecological condi- tions’ and ‘perception on those conditions’. Here, the ecological conditions include 2 variables: duration of living in a present home, which is a measure of stabil- ity of the local area, and home ownership. Perception of ecological conditions is captured by the following variables: happiness with contacts with neighbours; perception on neighbourhood safety; satisfaction with public transport in the neighbourhood; satisfaction with the overall facilities, and perception on lack of certain facilities in the residential neighbourhood. According to statistical T-tests (Tables 5 and 6) which were conducted in Stari grad and Kaluđerica regarding the relationship between duration of living in a present home or home ownership on the one hand, and commu- nity evaluation (total neighbourhood satisfaction) on the Table 4: Independent samples T-test for difference in mean scores of community evaluation to the residential neighbourhood between Stari grad and Kaluđerica Group Statistics Total neighbourhood satisfaction Neighbourhood N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Urban neighbourhood - Stari grad 81 34.20 7.153 .795 Suburban neighbourhood - Kaluđerica 91 29.19 6.868 .720 Independent Samples Test Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Mean Differ- ence Std. Error Difference 95% Confi dence Interval of the Difference Lower Upper Total neighbour- hood satis- faction Equal variances assumed .815 .368 4.684 170 .000 5.011 1.070 2.899 7.123 Equal variances not assumed 4.672 165.884 .000 5.011 1.072 2.893 7.128 303 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 other, there was not a statistically signifi cant difference in the mean scores of community evaluation between residents who have been living in their present home for less or equal 5 years and those who have been living in their present home for 6 years and longer, nor there was a difference between owner-occupiers and non-owner occupiers. Following are the results of Pearson Correlation (Ta- ble 7) between variable of community evaluation (total neighbourhood satisfaction) in Stari grad and variables of perception of ecological conditions, which have pre- viously shown statistically signifi cant infl uence on this variable while performing the individual tests. When observing the results from Table 7, it can be noticed that in Stari grad there is large positive correla- tion between satisfaction with public transport system and community evaluation (r=.70), between satisfaction with the overall facilities provided by this neighbour- hood and community evaluation in it (r=.568), and between feeling of safety and community evaluation in Stari grad (r=.529); medium positive correlation between happiness with contacts with neighbours and community evaluation in Stari grad (r=.48); and small negative correlation between perception on the lack of facilities in Stari grad and community evaluation in it (r=-.195). Table 5: Independent samples T-test for difference in mean scores of community evaluation in Stari grad and Kaluđerica between residents living in their present home for less and equal 5 years and residents living in their present home for 6 years and longer Group Statistics Neighbourhood Duration of living in the present home N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Urban neighbourhood - Stari grad Total neighbourhood satisfcation Less and equal 5 years 20 35.60 7.330 1.639 6 years and more 61 33.74 7.094 .908 Suburban neighbourhood - Kaluđerica Total neighbourhood satisfcation Less and equal 5 years 16 29.00 6.314 1.579 6 years and more 75 29.23 7.020 .811 Independent Samples Test Neighbourhood Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Mean Diffe- rence Std. Error Differen- ce 95% Confi dence Interval of the Difference Lower Upper Total neighbourhood satisfaction in Stari grad Equal variances assumed .016 .898 1.011 79 .315 1.862 1.843 -1.806 5.530 Equal variances not assumed .994 31.522 .328 1.862 1.874 -1.957 5.682 Total neighbourhood satisfaction in Kaluđerica Equal variances assumed .170 .681 -.119 89 .905 -.227 1.902 -4.006 3.552 Equal variances not assumed -.128 23.622 .899 -.227 1.774 -3.892 3.439 304 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 Table 6: Independent samples T-test for difference in mean scores of community evaluation in Stari grad and Kaluđerica between owner- occupiers and non owner-occupiers Group Statistics Neighbourhood Ownership over the house or fl at N Mean Std. Deviation Std. Error Mean Urban neighbourhood - Stari grad Total neighbourhood satisfcation Owner occupied 76 34.24 7.056 .809 Not owner occupied 5 33.60 9.450 4.226 Suburban neighbourhood - Kaluđerica Total neighbourhood satisfcation Owner occupied 83 29.33 6.949 .763 Not owner occupied 8 27.75 6.182 2.186 Independent Samples Test Neighbourhood Levene's Test for Equality of Variances t-test for Equality of Means F Sig. t df Sig. (2-tailed) Mean Diffe- rence Std. Er- ror Dif- ference 95% Confi dence Interval of the Difference Lower Upper Total neigh- bourhood satisfaction in Stari grad Equal variances assumed .601 .441 .192 79 .848 .637 3.322 -5.976 7.250 Equal variances not assumed .148 4.298 .889 .637 4.303 -10.990 12.263 Total neigh- bourhood satisfaction in Kaluđerica Equal variances assumed .553 .459 .617 89 .539 1.575 2.551 -3.494 6.645 Equal variances not assumed .681 8.798 .514 1.575 2.315 -3.680 6.830 The results presented in Table 8, show that in Kaluđerica there is medium positive correlation be- tween satisfaction with the overall facilities provided by this neighbourhood and community evaluation in it (r=.467), between satisfaction with public transport sys- tem and community evaluation in Kaluđerica (r=.464), and between happiness with contacts with neighbours and community evaluation in this neighbourhood (r=.429); small positive correlation between feeling of safety and community evaluation in Kaluđerica (.296), and small negative correlation between perception on the lack of facilities in Kaluđerica and community evalu- ation in it (r=-.258). CONCLUSION The main inferences of the study regarding neigh- bourhood attachment components (community senti- ment and community evaluation) in central and periph- eral parts of Belgrade showed both similarities and some particularities in comparison to what has been identifi ed in the literature review on this subject. First of all, the deductions of this study support the systematic model rather than the linear or density- dependent one since there is a statistically signifi cant difference between the urban (Stari grad) and suburban (Kaluđerica) neighbourhoods both in terms of commu- nity sentiment and community evaluation with higher mean scores in the urban neighbourhood. Then, the presented research has proven a hypoth- esis that perceived neighbourhood attributes (overall facilities provision, and especially public transport sys- tem organisation; feeling of safety; and happiness with contacts with neighbours) are better predictors of com- munity evaluation (total neighbourhood satisfaction) 305 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 than personal or housing background variables. Com- munity sentiment, however, is much more diffi cult to predict, especially for the urban neighbourhood, where in the case of Stari grad there was just one independent variable (lack of perceived pollution problems in the neighbourhood) which showed a statistically signifi cant relationship with community sentiment. The observed relationships between independent variables and community sentiment and community evaluation as the dependent ones showed that in Bel- Table 7: Pearson Correlation between variables of perception of ecological conditions and community evaluation in Stari grad Correlations Neighbourhood Total neigh- bourhood satisfac- tion Happi- ness with neigh- bourhood contacts Feeling of safety Satisfac- tion with public transport system Satisfac- tion with the overall facilities provided by the neigh- bourhood Perception on lack of facilities Urban neigh- bourhood – Stari grad Total neigh- bourhood satisfaction Pearson Correlation 1 .477** .529** .700** .568** -.195 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .000 .000 .080 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 Happiness with neigh- bourhood contacts Pearson Correlation .477** 1 .326** .306** .308** -.113 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .003 .005 .005 .315 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 Feeling of safety Pearson Correlation .529** .326** 1 .207 .312** -.051 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .003 .064 .005 .650 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 Satisfaction with public transport system Pearson Correlation .700** .306** .207 1 .486** -.151 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .005 .064 .000 .178 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 Satisfaction with the over- all facilities provided by the neigh- bourhood Pearson Correlation .568** .308** .312** .486** 1 -.363** Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .005 .005 .000 .001 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 Perception on lack of facilities Pearson Correlation -.195 -.113 -.051 -.151 -.363** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .080 .315 .650 .178 .001 N 81 81 81 81 81 81 ** Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) grade’s neighbourhoods, the physical environment and perception on that environment play a much more signifi cant role for neighbourhood attachment than neighbourhood interactions. Particularity of the studied cases is that people put large importance on the public transport system organisation when they rationally as- sess relative (dis)advantages of their neighbourhood and develop the attachment to it. This could be an important guide for upgrading the residential environments, both central and the peripheral ones. 306 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is the result of the projects: “The Role and Implementation of the National Spatial Plan and Regional Development Documents in Renewal of Stra- tegic Research, Thinking and Governance in Serbia”, No. III47014, which is fi nanced by the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, and of project “Transitioning Towards Urban Resilience and Sustainability (TURaS)”, Contract No. 282834, which is fi nanced within FP7 of the EC on topic ENV.2011.2.1.5-1. Table 8: Pearson Correlation between variables of perception of ecological conditions and community evaluation in Kaluđerica Correlations Neighbourhood Total neigh- bourhood satisfca- tion Happi- ness with neigh- bourhood contacts Feeling of safety Satisfac- tion with public transport system Satisfac- tion with the overall facilities provided by the neigh- bourhood Percep- tion on lack of facilities Suburban neighbour- hood – Kaluđerica Total neigh- bourhood satisfcation Pearson Correlation 1 .429** .296** .464** .467** -.258* Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .004 .000 .000 .013 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 Happiness with neigh- bourhood contacts Pearson Correlation .429** 1 .161 .466** .339** -.134 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .127 .000 .001 .205 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 Feeling of safety Pearson Correlation .296** .161 1 -.015 .251* -.243* Sig. (2-tailed) .004 .127 .889 .016 .020 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 Satisfaction with public transport system Pearson Correlation .464** .466** -.015 1 .390** -.084 Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .000 .889 .000 .430 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 Satisfaction with the over- all facilities provided by the neigh- bourhood Pearson Correlation .467** .339** .251* .390** 1 -.453** Sig. (2-tailed) .000 .001 .016 .000 .000 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 Perception on lack of facilities Pearson Correlation -.258* -.134 -.243* -.084 -.453** 1 Sig. (2-tailed) .013 .205 .020 .430 .000 N 91 91 91 91 91 91 ** Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed) * Correlation is signifi cant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed) 307 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jasna PETRIĆ: NEIGHBOURHOOD ATTACHMENT IN CENTRAL AND PERIPHERAL AREAS OF BELGRADE: EVIDENCE FROM STARI GRAD AND KALUĐERICA , 295–308 NAVEZANOST NA NASELJE V CENTRALNIH IN PERIFERNIH PODROČJIH BEOGRADA: DOKAZI IZ NASELIJ STARI GRAD IN KALUĐERICE Jasna PETRIĆ Inštitut za arhitekturo in urbanizem Srbije, Bulevar kralja Aleksandra 73/II, 11000 Beograd, Srbija e-mail: jasna@iaus.ac.rs POVZETEK Članek izhaja iz vprašanja kako se občutek skupnosti in evaluacija skupnosti, kot dve komponenti navezanosti na naselje, spreminjata odvisno od socio-ekonomskih značilnosti prebivalstva, kakor tudi od različnih vrst fi zičnih okolij. Raziskava temelji na dveh študijah primera mestnega in primestnega tipa v mestu Beograd. Metodologija, ki je bila uporabljena pri raziskovanju, je metodologija družbenih raziskovanj, pri čemer so bili podatki zbrani z metodo vprašalnika. Statistične analize (T-test in Pirsonova korelacija) so opravljene s pomočjo programa SPSS. Rezultati so pokazali, da prebivalci mestnih naselij kažejo višjo stopnjo skupne navezanosti na naselje v katerem živijo glede na prebivalce primestnih naselij. Pokazalo se je, da osebne spremenljivke ali one v zvezi s stanovanjem v manjšem obsegu vplivajo na občutek skupnosti in evaluacijo skupnosti kot fi zično okolje in percepcija tega okolja. Poseben rezultat te raziskave predstavlja značilna zmerna do visoka pozitivna korelacija med zadovoljstvom s sistemom javnega prevoza in evaluacijo skupnosti v naseljih v katerih je bila izvedena anketa. Ta rezultat bi lahko vplival na prihodnjo politiko k bolj ambicioznim in bolj trajnostnim (pri)mestnim okoljem. 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Master Thesis. Available at: thesis.eur.nl/ pub/12211/(1)33609.pdf (28. 02. 2014). 309 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.21 received: 2016-02-26 NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJINE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU IDEJNE KRAJINSKO-URBANISTIČNE ZASNOVE DIVAČE Urška VALENČIČ Trg 15. aprila 1, 6215 Divača e-mail: urska.valencic6@gmail.com Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR Univerza v Ljubljani, Biotehniška fakulteta, Jamnikarjeva 101, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: Tatjana.CapuderVidmar@bf.uni-lj.si IZVLEČEK Kulturna kraška krajina predstavlja pomembno vrednoto znotraj slovenskega prostora. Namen članka je preveriti hipotezo, ki pravi, da so kraške reliefne oblike, s poudarkom na vrtačah, lahko vsestransko orodje in pomoč pri prostorskem načrtovanju naselij znotraj kraške krajine v primerih, ko se izgubljajo značilnosti in identiteta kulturne kraške krajine. Raziskovalno delo je slonelo na integraciji/povezovanju zgodovinske (zbiranje virov, morfogeneza) ter deskriptivne metode (analiza in inventarizacija prostora, analiza primerov dobre prakse, kategorizacija, izvedba ankete). Rezultati so predstavljeni na študijskem primeru idejne krajinsko-urbanistične zasnove Divače. Ključne besede: kulturna kraška krajina, urbanistična zasnova, krajinska zasnova, Divača, identiteta, razvoj, mestna podoba LA PROGETTAZIONE NEI CENTRI ABITATI DELL‘AREA CULTURALE CARSICA SULL‘ESEMPIO DEL PROGETTO DI STUDIO PAESAGGISTICO-URBANISTICO DI DIVAČA SINTESI Il paesaggio carsico ha un valore molto importante nel territorio sloveno. Lo scopo di questo articolo è quello di verifi care l’ipotesi che sostiene che la morfologia del territorio carsico, specialmente le doline, possono essere di grande aiuto nella pianifi cazione territoriale degli insediamenti all’interno del paesaggio carsico nei casi in cui si perde l’identità culturale e le caratteristiche paesaggistiche. Il lavoro di ricerca si è basato sull’integrazione/il collegamento tra i metodi storici (raccolta delle informazioni, morfogenesi) e quelli descrittivi (analisi del paesaggio, analisi di esempi di una buona prassi, categorizzazione, svolta di un sondaggio). Il risultato di ricerca si basa sulla progettazione concettuale del paesaggio urbano di Divača. Parole chiave: paesaggio carsico, progettazione urbana, progettazione del paesaggio, Divača, identità, sviluppo, paesaggio urbano 310 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 UVOD Kulturne krajine, ki so plod tradicionalnega1 gos- podarjenja (rabe), so prepoznane kot vrednota (MOP, 2008). Njihove urbane in krajinske strukture predstavl- jajo pomemben element identitete prostora. V Strategiji prostorskega razvoja Slovenije2 (SPRS, 2004, 55) je zapisano, da »je razvoj kulturne krajine optimalen, ka- dar razvoj krajine omogoča, da je ta nosilka nacionalne in lokalne identitete«. »Pomensko obogatene krajinske prvine so lahko nosilke tako osebne kot skupinske iden- titete – simboli pripadnosti določeni skupini« (Kučan, 1998). (Kulturna) kraška krajina ima zaradi svojih last- nosti in simbolne vloge še poseben nacionalni pomen (SPRS, 2004). Na Krasu sta predvsem geološka zgradba in relief najizraziteje pogojevala način razvoja kulturne krajine. V njej se odslikava težnja po ohranitvi in skrbi za rodovitno zemljo ter pitno vodo, največji dragoce- nosti Kraševcev. Članek se z raziskavo geografsko omeji na kulturno kraško krajino Divaškega Krasa3 (izbrano študijsko območje je označeno na Sl. 2). Strateški prostorski dokumenti na ozemlju Divaškega Krasa namreč pred- videvajo krepitev prometnega križišča z dograditvijo nove cestne in železniške infrastrukture (SPRS, 2004; Uredba, 2005; MOP, 2012). Sklepamo lahko, da bodo ti gonilna sila gospodarskega, družbenega in prostorskega razvoja. Vendar se sodobni človek 21. stoletja s svojimi dejavnostmi oddaljuje od neposrednega stika z domačo krajino. Možnost dostopa do naravnih virov s celega sveta je povzročila upad zavesti o »prednosti kulturne krajine, kakor se jih je zavedal tradicionalni agrarni človek« (Breg, 2007, 55). V intenzivno razvijajočih se naseljih na območju Krasa, kot so Logatec, Sežana, Divača, Kozina, se tekom prostorskega načrtovanja de- javnosti izkazuje težnja po zasipanju in pozidavi vrtač (Breg, 2007). Vrtače in druge kraške reliefne oblike4 so razpoznavna sestavina kraške krajine. Razvidno je, da se v procesu družbenogospodarskega razvoja odvija degradacija značilnosti kulturne kraške krajine,5 s tem pa se izgublja identiteta kraške krajine. Capuder Vidmar (2012) je mnenja, da sodobna kriza prostora izvira tudi iz odtujenosti med arhitekturnimi in urbanimi rešitvami ter prostorom, v katerega so postavljene. Če povzamemo, »se krajina zaradi intenzivnih družbenogospodarskih procesov in globalizacije hitro spreminja in postaja vse bolj poenotena« (MOP, 2008, 1). To utemeljuje iskanje/ raziskovanje načrtovalskih orodij za uresničevanje ciljev strateških prostorskih dokumentov na območjih kulturne kraške krajine.6 Hipoteza raziskave pravi, da prostorskim načrtoval- cem na območju kulturne kraške krajine kraške reliefne oblike lahko predstavljajo orodje in pomoč za omilitev degradacije značilnosti in identitete kulturne kraške krajine. Cilj prispevka je skozi študijski primer idejne krajinsko-urbanistične rešitve Divače utemeljiti ohran- jevanje in vključevanje kraških reliefnih oblik v pros- torske zasnove. Sprašujemo se o vlogi kraških reliefnih oblik oziroma vrtač s treh vidikov. Prvi vidik predstavlja vključevanje vrtač v zeleni sistem urbanih naselij kot prostor za rekreacijo in prosti čas. Drugi vidik je vkl- jučevanje oziroma prilagajanje krajinsko-arhitekturnih rešitev značilnostim vrtače in avtohtonemu materialu - kamnu. V tretjem vidiku vrtača predstavlja zgled za analogno oblikovanje v urbanih okoljih.7 Poglavje, ki sledi uvodu, je razdeljeno v tri dele. Prvi je opredelitev in opis metode raziskovalnega dela. Sledi izvedba metode na izbranem študijskem prostoru, (kulturni) kraški krajini Divaškega Krasa, in hkratna formulacija/pojasnitev vloge vrtače (kraških reliefnih oblik) v različnih okoliščinah. Poglavje se zaključi s stopnjevanjem deskriptivne metode, to je kategoriza- cijo pridobljenih podatkov o Divači na probleme in potenciale. V tretjem poglavju so predstavljeni rezultati, idejna krajinsko-urbanistična zasnova naselja Divače. METODE DELA Opis metode Raziskovalno delo je temeljilo na dveh osnovnih metodah. Historična metoda je vključevala zbiranje in preučevanje zgodovinskih virov in dokumentov ter izdelavo morfogeneze naselja. Deskriptivna metoda je vsebovala analizo in inventarizacijo prostora, izvedbo grafi čne ankete z metodo spoznavnih zemljevidov, ana- lizo primerov dobre prakse ter kategorizacijo podatkov o obravnavanem prostoru na probleme in potenciale. Analiza in inventarizacija prostora je bila razdeljena na posamezne vsebinske sklope (glej Sl. 1). 1 Opredelitev pojma se nanaša na opredelitve in defi nicije iz Evropske konvencije o krajini (MOP, 2008). 2 SPRS – Strategija prostorskega razvoja Slovenije. 3 »Različni avtorji delijo Kras na manjše dele, katere navadno poimenujejo po osrednjem naselju. Divaški Kras je del Krasa, poimenovan po večjem naselju Divača« (Markočič, 2011, 7). Enotno določenega obsega Divaškega Krasa ni (Markočič, 2011), v članku je prostor obravnave določen na podlagi naravnogeografskih povezav med Divačo in Škocjanskimi jamami. 4 Kraške reliefne oblike delimo na površinske in podzemeljske (Gams, 2004). Članek glede na namen raziskave obravnava površinske kraške oblike s poudarkom na vrtačah in udornicah. 5 »Značilnost krajine je prepoznavna lastnost, ki opredeljuje določen krajinski videz ali značaj; na primer: oblikovanost površja, raba pros- tora, rastje« (Pangeršič, 2011, 51). Značilnosti (kulturne) kraške krajine opisujejo avtorji Mihevc (2001; 2005), Gams (2004), Jurkovšek (1996), Habič (1972). Prav tako so glavne značilnosti s prostorskega vidika povzete v SPRS (2004). 6 SPRS (2004), Evropska konvencija o krajini – izvajanje v Sloveniji (MOP, 2008), Razvojni program občine Divača za obdobje 2007 do 2013 (ORA Krasa in Brkinov, 2009), Strateški projekt Kras (Kras – Carso, 2012). 7 Oblikovalsko orodje je v času po 2. svetovni vojni razvil in vpeljal krajinski arhitekt Lawrence Halprin (Ogrin, 1993). 311 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 Izvedba metode MORFOGENEZA – Zgodovinski razvoj kraja smo opredelili s štirimi razdobji. Meje med njimi so bile postavljene na podlagi izrednih ali velikih dogodkov, ki so se zgodili na območju današnje Divače.8 Prvo obdobje je med letoma 1308 in 1687. Prva znana omemba kraja izvira iz leta 1308. V knjigah dohodkov tržaškega kapitlja je zapisano: »2 groša za vino Martina iz Divače«. Najstarejšo omembo Divače je odkril tržaški raziskovalec krajevnih imen, Pavle Merku (Potokar, 2011). Valvasorjeva Slava vojvodine Kranjske vsebuje zapis o velikem požaru v Divači, februarja leta 1687, ki je nastal, ko se je furmanom vžgal smodnik. Zabeleženo je, da je bilo takrat v naselju 24 hiš z gospodarskimi po- slopji. Požar je uničil vse, razen šestih hiš in cerkve, ki je stala nekoliko izven takratnega jedra (Potokar, 2011). Okrog cerkve se je kasneje vzpostavilo novo vaško jed- ro. Drugo obdobje je prva polovica 19. stoletja. Glede na franciscejski kataster iz leta 1819 se je oblikovala majhna, gručasta, obcestna kraška vas, ki je štela okrog 23 hiš z gospodarskimi poslopji ter okrog 138 prebival- cev (Potokar, 2011; MK, 2013). Divača se je oblikovala ob glavni poti Senožeče–Lokev–Trst. Iz tega obdobja izvirajo trdne, kamnite, kraške hiše (Potokar, 2011). Tretje obdobje je najpomembnejši mejnik v razvoju in spremembah Divače. Začne se z letom 1857 oziroma s prihodom južne železnice Dunaj–Trst. Kraj s kmetijskim značajem je takrat dobil osnovo za razvoj gospodarstva, političnega in kulturnega življenja. Ilustrativen kazalnik razvoja kraja je število prebivalcev. Leta 1869 jih je bilo 215, leta 1900 pa 644 (Potokar, 2011). V četrto obdobje štejemo konec 20. stoletja. Zaznamovano je bilo z izgradnjo avtoceste Ljubljana–Koper–Trst in obsežnega območja enodružinskih hiš na SZ naselja (PISO, 2013b). Naselje Divača se je razvilo v urbanizirano naselje s 1423 prebivalci (Statistični urad RS, 2013). Divača je največji kraj in sedež občine Divača. Slika 1: Shema poteka raziskovalnega dela Figure 1: Scheme of research work course 8 Divača se v članku nanaša na urbanizirano naselje Divača. V drugačnem primeru je to ustrezno označeno, na primer občina Divača. 312 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 RELIEF, VODE, KRAS – Naravnogeografsko je Divača povezana s Škocjanskimi jamami in s tokom podzemne reke Reke. Povezava poteka preko dveh nizov vrtač in udornic, ki se vrstijo od mesta, kjer ponikne Reka do Divače. To območje predstavlja sistem kraških pojavov in procesov (Mihevc, 2001). Breg (2007) opozarja na ekosistemski in hidrološki pomen vrtač, na pomen krasotvornih procesov ter na njihovo ne spregledljivo vlogo v kulturni krajini. Navedeno argumentira, pomen neposrednega prenosa kraških reliefnih oblik v načrto- valski proces. V dinarski smeri SZ–JV, vzporedno z dvema nizoma udornic in vrtač poteka Divaški prelom. Ta deli Divaški Kras na severni in južni (Jurkovšek, 1996) oziroma na zahodni in vzhodni (Slabe, 2005). Poteka na meji med različno zgradbo in starostjo kamnine (Jurkovšek, 1996; Slabe, 2005) ter je vplival na morfologijo površja Divaškega Krasa. Morfološko najizrazitejše reliefne oblike, ki obdajajo naselje Divača so: Divaški hrib na SV, skupina treh vrtač Doline Krgunca na Z robu ter dve vrtači J od železnice (glej Sl. 10). Kamninska sestava se prav tako odraža v strukturi suhih zidov9. Severno Slika 2: Morfogeneza Divače od leta 1687 do leta 2014 (kart. podl.: GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010d; MK, 2013) Figure 2: Morphogenesis of Divača from 1687 until 2014 (cart. basis: GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010d; MK, 2013) 313 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 od Divaškega preloma so suhi zidovi nizki, gradijo jih tanki in ploščati apnenci. Na južni strani so zidovi višji in debelejši, iz večjih kamnitih gmot (Mihevc, 2005). Suhi zidovi so edinstven kulturni in morfološki element kraške krajine. RABA PROSTORA - Iz karte Franciscejskega katastra (1823) (Petek in Urbanc, 2004; MK, 2013) smo glede na zemljiško parcelacijo (vrtače so bile označene kot samo- stojne, deljene parcele) razbrali, da je bila večina vrtač delanih10. Bile so prostor agrarne dejavnosti za vrtove in njive ali prostor za zajemanje vode (kali, lokve). Slednje kaže na veliko družbeno-ekonomsko vlogo vrtač (Breg, 2007). V nadaljevanju sta predstavljeni dve karti rabe prostora glede na podatek iz leta 2010. Prva prikazuje rabo ruralnega dela naselja, druga pa rabo pozidanega dela. Slika 3: Karta digitalnega modela reliefa in konfi guracije plastnic prikazuje potek dveh nizov vrtač in udornic na prostoru med Divačo in Škocjanskimi jamami (kart. podl.: Mihevc, 2001; Cerkvenik, 2006; GURS, 2010a; GURS, 2010b; ARSO, 2013). Črn okvir označuje izbrano študijsko območje Figure 3: Map of a digital terrain model and the confi guration of contours shows the course of two sets of sinkholes and collapse dolines in the area between Divača and the Škocjan caves (cart. basis: Mihevc, 2001; Cerkvenik, 2006; GURS, 2010a; GURS, 2010b; ARSO, 2013). The black frame indicates the selected study area 9 Suhi zidovi so nastali ob prelaganju kamenja za pridobitev obdelovalnih površin (Mihevc, 2005). 10 Delana vrtača ali kulturna vrtača, ki je (bila) vir agrarne dejavnosti (Mihevc, 2005). 314 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 Slika 5: Shema suhih zidov severnega in južnega dela Divaškega Krasa. Suhi zidovi so narisani na podlagi TTN 5 (GURS, 1995) (kart. podl.: GURS, 1995; Cerkvenik, 2006; GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010c; GURS, 2010d) Figure 5: Scheme of drywalls of the northern and the southern part of the Divača karst. The drywalls are drawn on the basis of TTN 5 (GURS, 1995) (cart. basis: GURS, 1995; Cerkvenik, 2006; GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010c; GURS, 2010d) Slika 4: Leva slika je primer suhega zidu severnega dela Divaškega krasa, desna pa primer suhega zidu iz južnega dela (Fotografi ji: Urška Valenčič, avgust in oktober 2013) Figure 4: The left photograph is an example of a drywall from the northern part of the Divača karst, and the right photograph is an example of a drywall from the southern part. (Photographed by: Urška Valenčič, August and October 2013) 315 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 Slika 6: Slika 6–1: Raba ruralnega prostora okrog naselja Divača (kart. podl.: GURS, 2010c; MKGP, 2010). Slika 6–2: Raba pozidanih in sorodnih površin (kart. podl.: GURS, 1995; GURS, 2010b) Figure 6: Figure 6–1: Use of rural space around the settlement of Divača (cart. basis: GURS, 2010c; MKGP, 2010). Figure 6–2: Use of built-up and similar areas (cart. basis: GURS, 1995; GURS, 2010b) 6–1 6–2 316 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 ZELENE POVRŠINE - Analizo sistema zelenih površin smo izvedli na podlagi terenskega ogleda s kartiranjem in fotografi ranjem. Pridobljene podatke smo dopolnili s pregledom kartografskega gradiva – različno starih digitalnih ortofoto posnetkov (GURS, 2006; PISO, 2013a; ARSO, 2013), temeljnega topografskega načrta (GURS, 1995) in pregledom literature (Kaligarič in Seliškar, 1999; Petek in Urbanc, 2004; Panjek, 2006; ORA Krasa in Brkinov, 2009; MK, 2013). Izdelali smo popis avtohtonih in značilnih drevesnih in grmovnih vrst Divaškega Krasa. Kraško krajino Divaškega Krasa na izbranem študijskem območju smo defi nirali z oprede- litvijo krajinskih vzorcev.11 Opredelili smo 13 različnih krajinskih vzorcev. V Sliki 5 je predstavljenih 5 izmed vseh, izbrani so bili tisti, ki so najbližje naselju, oziroma se nahajajo znotraj naselja Divača. Vegetacija/zeleni sistem skupaj z reliefom predstavlja osnovno (vidno) strukturo krajine. Pomen in vlogo krajinskih vzorcev ter njihovih gradnikov v načrtovalskem procesu podobno preverja že Mlakar (1994) v delu »Vidne tipološke zna- čilnosti prostora kot oblikovalsko izhodišče«. Zanimiv podatek v povezavi z zelenim sistemom kulturne kraške krajine je vezan na čas vladavine Marije Terezije in Jožefa II. Takrat je bila na Krasu in Goriškem razširjena sviloprejska panoga, velik del kulturne krajine pa so zasedali s tem povezani nasadi murv (Potokar, 2011). MORFOLOGIJA – Zgradbe Divače smo razčlenili v posamezne tipološke skupine na podlagi vizualne podobe. Opredelili smo 6 različnih skupin stavb. Prvo skupino tvori kamnita kraška arhitektura starega vaškega jedra iz prve polovice 19. stol. (Potokar, 2011; PISO, 2013b). Druga skupina so območja prostostoječih hiš v Z, J in V delu naselja. V svojo skupino lahko uvrstimo dve meščanski vili v zelenju iz 19. stol. (Potokar, 2011). Četrto skupino sestavljajo modernistični prostostoječi stanovanjski bloki. Značilna tipologija povezuje želez- niško postajo iz časa Avstro-Ogrske ter ostale stavbe, vsebinsko vezane na železnico. Šesta skupina je ob- močje obrtno-industrijskih objektov oziroma delavnic železnice. Sorodna vsebina narekuje nekatere skupne, arhitekturno-tehnične poteze. Druge nestanovanjske stavbe (stavbe javne uprave, stavbe za zdravstveno oskr- bo ipd.), ki gradijo središče naselja so tipološko različne oziroma med njimi v okviru razporeditve, ni mogoče, opredeliti podobnih značilnosti. Znotraj naselja so za- stopani primeri verižnega in terasnega bloka ter primeri verižnih in vrstnih hiš. Domnevamo lahko, da je razvoj industrije in delovnih mest ter upad agrarne dejavnosti v drugi polovici 20. stol. botroval oddaljitvi prebival- cev Divače od kulturne kraške krajine. Sprememba življenjskega sloga, razvoj tehnologij in materialov v gradbeništvu so bili vzrok upadu uporabe avtohtonih materialov. Med drugim je tudi »razširjena in nekritična uporaba vzorcev modernistične arhitekture povzročila degradacijo samega bistva funkcionalistične stanovanj- ske arhitekture …« (Mihelič, 1983, 53). Vzporedno s tem je bil pri načrtovanju zapostavljen vidik do značilnosti prostora, v katerem se je določena arhitektura gradila. PROMET – Analizo prometne infrastrukture smo razdelili v tri sklope. To so peš in kolesarske poti, cestni promet ter železniški promet. Obravnavane so bile predvsem z morfološkega vidika v odnosu s krajino. Kulturni kraški krajini Divaškega Krasa lahko sledimo preko gostega spleta peš in kolesarskih poti. Izmed teh navajamo dve vsebinsko opredeljeni in zaključeni; na južnem robu Divače speljana tematska pot »Krasoslovna naravoslovna učna pot Divaški Kras« ter »markirana pot Divaški kolesarski krog« (Občina Divača, 2013). Najbolj ostro mejo med krajino in naseljem predstavljata avto- cesta Divača–Sežana na severnem robu ter regionalna cesta Divača–Senožeče na vzhodnem robu. Železnica in železniška postaja v sedanji zasnovi predstavljata ostro Slika 7: Primer petih krajinskih vzorcev na območju Divače, opredeljeni na podlagi digitalnega ortofoto posnetka in terenskega ogleda, posamezni izseki so predstavljeni v Slikah 7–1 do 7–5 (kart. podl.: GURS, 1995; GURS, 2006). Slika 7–1: Travniška krajina z omejki, kamnitimi suhimi zidovi in soliterji. Na obeh travnikih je to velikolistna lipa. Slika 7–2: Gozd črnega bora na Divaškem hribu s primesmi drugih drevesnih in grmovnih vrst na gozdnem robu. Slika 7–3: Sistem treh vrtač Doline Krgunca. Sklenjeno območje gozda prekinja nogometno igrišče in čistilna naprava. Čez območje vodi nekaj pešpoti, obdanih s suhimi zidovi. Slika 7–4: Ostanki kulturne kraške krajine znotraj naselja. Travnato zaplato obdaja kamnit suhi zid, ob robu raste navadni oreh, v ozadju je stanovanjska hiša. Slika 7–5: Sklenjen gozd obdaja neporaščeno vrtačo. Viden je trend zaraščanja vrtače Figure 7: Example of fi ve landscape patterns in the Divača area, defi ned on the basis of a digital orthophoto image and a fi eld visit, individual sections are presented in Figures 7–1 to 7–5 (cart. basis: GURS, 1995; GURS, 2006). Figure 7–1: Meadow landscape with fi eld borders, stone drywalls and saltpeters. Both meadows feature large leaf linden. Figure 7–2: Black pine forest in Divaški hrib with elements of other tree and shrub species on forest boundaries. Figure 7–3: System of three sinkholes of Krgunca Valley. The closed forest area is interrupted by a football ground and a water treatment plant. There are some footpaths surrounded by drywalls leading through the area. Figure 7–4: Remains of the karst cultural landscape inside the settlement. The grassy patch is surrounded by a stone drywall, along the edge grows common walnut, in the background is a residential house. Figure 7–5: Closed forest surrounds a less overgrown sinkhole. A trend of overgrowing the sinkhole is visible 11 »Krajinski vzorec je kompozicija različnih krajinskih prvin, na primer reliefa, stanja površinskega pokrova in rabe. Krajino lahko opre- delimo kot sistem krajinskih vzorcev« (Golobič, 2009‐10). 317 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 318 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 mejo med severnim in južnim delom naselja Divača, kar pri razvoju infrastrukture kaže na iskanje ravnovesja med ohranjanjem zveznosti krajine s prilagajanjem zatečenemu reliefu na eni strani ter razvojem hitre in udobne infrastrukture na drugi strani. Mesto 20. stol. je bilo defi nirano z uvedbo avtomobila in racionalnim omrežjem poti. Morda mora mesto 21. stol. polagati upe v krajino in ne v prisiljeno vzpostavljeni red (Designing for tomorrow, 2010). MENTALNA PODOBA DIVAČE – Grafi čna anketa (Golobič, 2006) je potekala z metodo risanja spoznavnih zemljevidov po metodi K. Lyncha12 (Polič, 2002). Anketo je opravila skupina desetih prebivalcev Divače, od tega je bilo pet moških in pet žensk. Starost anketirancev je bila v razponu med 20 in 50 let, 9 izmed njih je bilo laikov, 1 pa strokovnjak na področju prostorskega načrtovanja. Udeležencem v času anketiranja niso bile predložene kartografske podlage Divače. Anketiranci so bili raz- deljeni v dve skupini. Naloga petih anketirancev je bila podati risbo splošne predstave o Divači in opredelitev značilnosti, ki v njihovem pogledu zastopajo ‚‘kraško‘‘. Druga skupina je dobila navodilo naj podajo risbo sploš- ne predstave o Divači in naj opredelijo njene značilnosti. Pridevnik ‚‘kraško‘‘ je bil torej pri drugi skupini izpuščen. Interpretacija risb: V skupini s prvim vprašalnikom je vseh pet anketirancev poiskalo in opredelilo eno ali več kraških značilnosti Divače (kraška gmajna, obnovljena kamnita kraška hiša, staro vaško jedro, udornica Risnik, Doline Krgunca, suhi zidovi). V drugi skupini anketiran- cev je kraške značilnosti Divače opredelil le en izmed vseh anketirancev. Ta je bil strokovnjak s področja prostorskega načrtovanja. Iz primerjave med risbami iz prve in druge skupine anketirancev lahko sklepamo, da prebivalci brez predhodnega opomina, Divačo ne ena- čijo s kraškim. Glavnino risbe vseh desetih anketirancev predstavlja cestno omrežje in železnica (železnica je večinoma narisana kot ločnica med S in J delom nasel- ja). Iz tega lahko sklepamo, da ima Divača prevladujoč značaj prometnega križišča. Poleg opisanega smo opa- zili, da so značilnosti risb pogojene še z dvema dejavni- koma. Risbe so bile različne glede na to iz katerega dela Divače je anketiranec (iz ‚‘stare Divače‘‘ S od železnice ali iz ‚‘nove Divače‘‘ J od železnice). Vsi prebivalci iz J dela naselja so namreč označili oba dela naselja ( S in Slika 8: Slika 8–1: Risba najstarejšega anketiranca iz S dela Divače, kjer je opredeljenih največ kraških značilnosti (vprašalnik 1). Slika 8–2: Risba najmlajše anketiranke iz S dela Divače. Risba izključuje naselje J od železnice (vprašalnik 2). Slika 8–3: Risba strokovnjaka s področja prostorskega načrtovanja. Na risbi je označeno naravno zaledje Divače v povezavi s Škocjanskimi jamami (vprašalnik 2) Figure 8: Figure 8–1: Drawing by the oldest interviewee from the N part of Divača where the majority of karst features are identifi ed (questionnaire 1). Figure 8–2: Drawing by the youngest interviewee from the S part of Divača. The drawing excludes the settlement S of the railway (questionnaire 2). Figure 8–3: Drawing by a spatial planning expert. The natural hinterland of Divača in connection with the Škocjan caves is marked on the drawing (questionnaire 2) 12 Spoznavni (percepcijski) pristop se s prostorom ukvarja posredno v relaciji do opazovalca. Gre za študijo podobe mesta v odnosu z ljudskim dojemanjem fi zičnega okolja, pogosto v navezavi z gibanjem po prostoru (Gosling in Maitland, 1984). 319 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 J), medtem, ko sta dve prebivalki S dela Divače podali le risbo ‚‘stare Divače‘‘ brez J dela naselja. Drugi dejavnik, ki je narekoval določene podobne poteze risb je starost anketirancev. Sklepamo lahko, da zavedanje o kraški okolici Divače sovpada z anketirancimi starimi nad 40 let. Trije najstarejši udeleženci ankete so namreč na risbi opredelili največ kraških značilnosti. PREGLED PRIMEROV DOBRE PRAKSE ‒ Kot prime- re dobre prakse navajamo 3 prostorske zasnove. Dve temeljita na prilagajanju in vključevanju zatečenih reliefnih oblik v zasnovo, ena pa v prostorsko rešitev vnaša želene značilnosti z analognim oblikovanjem. Prvi projekt je zasnovan na območju kraške krajine, gre za ureditev igrišč ob osnovni šoli Ob Rinži. »Krajinsko oblikovanje prostora okrog osnovne šole za struktu- riranje prostora izkorišča naravno razgiban in skalnat svet kraških vrtač in notranjo členitev gozda« (Kučan et al., 2010, 190). Prostori za igro in šport so umeščeni tako, da se poskuša ohraniti prvinskost/divjost gozda (Kučan et al., 2010), s tem pa se ohranjajo tudi njegove socialne in ekološke funkcije. Pri drugem primeru gre za arhitekturno zasnovo. Oblikovanje Arheološkega muzeja Vučedol je podrejeno integraciji s terenom, v katerega je stavba vkopana. Objekt je lociran na reliefni rob, od koder se v krajino odpira le prva, glavna fasada (Archiscene, 2014). Tretja zasnova je primer krajinskega oblikovanja v strogo urbanem okolju (neposreden stik oziroma fi zična navezava z naravno krajino ni mogo- ča). Halprinov načrt za Lovejoy plazo v mestu Portland kaže, da zasnova črpa navdih iz narave oz. gorskega skalovja (Ogrin, 1993). Glavno načrtovalsko orodje tega in sorodnih Halprinovih del je analogno oblikovanje. Ureditve odprtega prostora so abstraktna preoblikovanja skalnate gorske krajine (Ogrin, 1993). Slika 9: Slika 9–1: Ureditev igrišč ob osnovni šoli Ob Rinži (Studio AKKA, 2014). Slika 9–2: Oblikovanje Arheolo- škega muzeja Vučedol (Archiscene, 2014). Slika 9–3: Halprinov načrt za Lovejoy plazo v mestu Portland (Ogrin, 1993) Figure 9: Figure 9–1: Arrangement of playgrounds by the Ob Rinži elementary school (Studio AKKA, 2014). Figure 9–2: Design of the Museum of Archaeology Vučedol (Archiscene, 2014). Figure 9–3: Halprin’s plan for the Lovejoy Plaza in Portland (Ogrin, 1993) 320 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 PROBLEMI IN POTENCIALI Tabela 1: Opredeljeni so problemi in potenciali naselja Divača s stališča ohranjanja/krepitve značilnosti in identi- tete kulturne kraške krajine S STALIŠČA OHRANJANJA/KREPITVE ZNAČILNOSTI IN IDENTITETE KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJINE - + RELIEF, VODE, KRAS Zasipanje vrtač ob upadu njihove družbeno-ekonomske vloge. Znotraj starega vaškega jedra so ohranjeni krajinski vzorci, ki so posledica agrarne rabe pred intenzivno mehanizacijo kmetijstva. Krajinske vzorce gradijo vrtače, suhi zidovi in avtohtona oziroma značilna vegetacija (glej Sl. 7 – 4). V drugi polovici 20. stol. so bile kraške reliefne oblike oziroma vrtače pri gradnji prezrte in velikokrat zasute (GURS, 1995; GURS, 2006; ARSO, 2013b; MK, 2013; PISO, 2013a). Kot primer navajamo skupino 3 vrtač, Doline Krgunca kjer so, kot posledica zasipanja in prostorske zasnove čistilne naprave, (vidno) degradirane značilnosti kraške krajine (glej Sl. 7 – 3). ZELENE POVRŠINE Nezveznost ter izrinjenost krajine iz naselja zaradi načina razporeditve grajenih struktur ter gostega prometnega omrežja. Divača ima naraven nastavek za oblikovanje zaokroženega zelenega sistema naselja. Ponuja se možnost, da se z ustreznim načrtovanjem v naselje vpne Divaški hrib, sistem treh vrtač Doline Krgunca ter dve ohranjeni vrtači južno od železnice. RABA PROSTORA Lokacija in organizacija avtomobilskega odpada na JV robu železnice. Vzdrževalec kulturne kraške krajine sodobnega časa lahko postaneta rekreacija in prosti čas. Vrtače imajo potencial sotvorjenja zelenega sistema naselja. Naselje nima vzpostavljenega trga. Železnica in obstoječi obrtno-industrijski objekti na njenem JZ robu so potencial za razvoj obrtno-proizvodnih dejavnosti. MORFOLOGIJA Upad uporabe avtohtonih materialov, tj. kraškega kamna in lesa. Staro vaško jedro iz prve polovice 19. stol. s kamnitimi kraškimi hišami je zavarovano kot območje kulturne dediščine (MK, 2014). Kraške reliefne oblike ponujajo priložnost za krajinsko- arhitekturno oblikovanje (glej Sl. 9 – 1). Velik, krožen prostor v JV delu naselja ponuja možnost za zasnovo osrednjega prostora/trga naselja. PROMET Železnica ostro deli naselje na severni in južni del. Predvidena je izgradnja 2. železniškega tira med Divačo in Koprom ter vzpostavitev hitre železniške povezave med Divačo in Trstom kar je lahko priložnost za razbremenitev cestnega prometa (ORA Krasa in Brkinov, 2009; Kras - Carso, 2012). Železniška postaja v Divači predstavlja priložnost za oblikovno in pomensko prenovo, razvoj železniškega križišča v komunikacijsko središče naselja. Načrtovana je izgradnja obvoznice do Sežane v smislu razbremenitve tranzitnega prometa čez staro vaško jedro (PISO, 2014). Pokaže se priložnost za oblikovanje parterja starega vaškega jedra Divače v prid pešcem. 321 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 Slika 10: Shema glavnih elementov in potez idejne krajinsko-urbanistične zasnove Divače Figure 10: Scheme of main elements and features of the conceptual landscape and urban design of Divača REZULTAT Rezultat je idejna krajinsko-urbanistična zasnova Di- vače, ki temelji na povezavi severnega in južnega dela naselja, vzpostavitvi glavne urbane poteze ter vključitvi Divaškega hriba, Doline Krgunca in dveh vrtač južno od železnice v naselje. Glavne urbanistične in krajinske poteze so določene z idejnim krajinsko-urbanističnim načrtom (glej Sl. 11). Za krajinsko-arhitekturno obliko- vanje območij so podane samo smernice v besedilu. MORFOLOGIJA - Glede na idejno rešitev so nove stavbe načrtovane v sklopu treh območij. Najobsežnejši vnos grajenih struktur je območje stanovanjskih hiš (P+1) na JZ robu naselja. Na ostalih dveh območjih so načrtovane posamezne stavbe. Na glavnem trgu zapoln- jujejo vrzeli in strukturno dopolnjujejo ter zaokrožujejo rob trga. Pri ureditvi območja proizvodnih dejavnosti na JZ robu železnice smo uporabili načelo zgoščevanja urbanega tkiva z dograditvijo treh novih objektov. RELIEF, VODE, KRAS - Suhi zidovi so bili v idejni rešitvi večkrat uporabljeni kot meja med prostori in sočasno kot urbana oprema. V starem vaškem jedru čle- nijo parter, na glavnem trgu tvorijo robove med javnim in poljavnim prostorom, med višinskimi razlikami, v južnem delu naselja, so suhi zidovi načrtovani ob peš- poteh. Ohranjene večje kraške reliefne oblike Divaški hrib, Doline Krgunca ter dve vrtači južno od železnice tvorijo nastavek za oblikovanje zelenih površin naselja. ZELENE POVRŠINE - V prostorsko zasnovo so štiri naštete kraške reliefne oblike vključene tako da se neposredno odpirajo na urbane površine ali pa preko peš poti. Ta krajinska območja tvorijo sestoji avtoh- tone oziroma značilne vegetacije, suhi zidovi, poti in pogledi. Zaradi kompleksnosti območja Dolin Krgunca v idejni rešitvi zgolj podajamo smernice za nadgradnjo obstoječega programa za šport in rekreacijo ter sana- cijo območja čistilne naprave. Načrtovane ureditve naj sledijo konfi guraciji terena ter značilnosti obstoječe vegetacije. Pešpoti so na bolj zahtevnih delih reliefa lahko oblikovane kot mostovi, oziroma so speljane med drevesi (doživljajska vrednost). V starem vaškem jedru, historičnem delu Divače, je predlagana ureditev murvi- nega drevoreda. Kot drevoredno drevo murvina široka in gosta krošnja daje senco mestnim površinam, na drugi strani pa predstavlja možnost za oživitev kulturne kraške krajine v prihodnosti, saj omogoča kmetijsko ali obrtno dejavnost. Drevored se iz historičnega jedra na severu izteče v Divaški hrib po Stari rimski cesti.13 RABA PROSTORA - Načrtovana je programska za- okrožitev treh območij v naselju. Prva se zgodi na območju glavnega trga. Predlog rešitve je, da stavbe, ki obdajajo trg, v celoti zavzamejo 13 ledinsko ime (GURS, 1995). 322 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 centralne dejavnosti. Za vsebinsko in oblikovno dopolni- tev osrednjega trga je zasnovanih pet stavb. Načrtovana je tržnica z objektom za skladišče, hladilnico in servis. V podhodu pod železnico so kot alternativa izgradnji nakupovalnega centra predvidene trgovine. Iz poslopja (vila iz 19. stol. s parkom), kjer sta danes pošta in sta- novanje, se stanovanje preseli na drugo lokacijo. Poštne storitve dopolnijo knjigarna, slaščičarna in kavarna. Vrzel vzhodno od pošte zapolni trgovina in galerija s produkti kraške obrti in rokodelstva, ki zastopajo kraški prostor in identiteto. Na vzhodni strani trga je na sever- nem robu železnice postavljena nova železniška postaja Slika 11: Tloris idejne krajinsko-urbanistične zasnove Divače (kart. podl.: GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010c; GURS, 2010d; PISO, 2013b) Figure 11: Proposed urban plan of Divača (cart. basis.: GURS, 2010b; GURS, 2010c; GURS, 2010d; PISO, 2013b) Slika 12: Ureditev novega trga s podhodom pod železnico. Na vzhodni strani trga je na severnem robu železnice postavljena nova železniška postaja za potniški promet Figure 12: New main square with passageway underneath the railway. On the east side of the square and northern edge of the railway is formed a new train station for passenger transport 323 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 za potniški promet. Južno od železnice je lociran peti objekt s poslovnimi prostori. Idejna rešitev ukine loka- cijo obstoječega bencinskega servisa in predvidi iskanje nove ustreznejše lokacije. Na vzhodnem robu naselja je locirana nova avtobusna postaja s spremljajočimi servisnimi objekti in parkirno garažno hišo v podzemlju. Druga sprememba v rabi prostora je načrtovana v JZ delu naselja, kjer je v skladu z občinskim načrtom (PISO, 2014) predvideno območje stanovanj. Tretja programska zaokrožitev je načrtovana v JZ delu naselja, ob železnici. Razvoj tega območja v idejni rešitvi predstavlja alternativo razvijajoči se poslovno-obrtni coni Risnik na robu Regionalnega parka Škocjanske jame. Rešitev predvideva dopolnitev obstoječih kapacitet (objekti v lasti Slovenskih železnic in Občine Divača (PISO, 2013b)) za obrtno-proizvodne dejavnosti. V skladu s celostno zasnovo idejne rešitve je predlagan prenos lokacije avtomobilskega odpada iz JV dela naselja na to območje. Obstoječa dejavnost na preseljeni lokaciji lahko pomeni priložnost za nadgrad- njo v sodobno reciklažo avtomobilov. Ocenjeno je, da v Sloveniji nastaja najmanj okrog 40.000 izrabljenih vozil letno, zajem teh vozil v razgradnjo pa bi pomenil tudi do 2500 novih delovnih mest (OZS, 2014). Direktiva Evropske unije o izrabljenih vozilih predpisuje, da se mora 85 % vsakega vozila reciklirati, od leta 2015 se bo ta predpis še poostril (Uredba, 2011). OBLIKOVANJE URBANEGA PROSTORA – Na stiku severnega in južnega dela naselja je oblikovan glavni trg. Zasnovan je po analogiji kraške vrtače in kot udo- ben ter širok podhod pod železnico, kar hkrati rešuje problem nepovezanosti S in J dela naselja. Oblika trga se odziva na robove obdajajočega grajenega tkiva. V severnem delu sledi organski krivulji kamnitega zidu, Slika 13: Mentalna podoba Divače glede na idejno krajinsko-urbanistično zasnovo Divače. Grafi čni simboli so povzeti po Lynchu (1960) Figure 13: Mental picture of Divača according to proposed urban plan of Divača. Symbols are applied from Lynch (1960) 324 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 vezanega na park vile iz 19. stoletja. Na zahodnem robu trga je zaradi padca terena terasno zasnovan prostor za tržnico. Tržnica je od obstoječega večstanovanjskega bloka ločena z linijo murvinih dreves. Znamenja v naselju Divača predstavljajo obstoječ Divaški hrib in zvonik cerkve v starem vaškem jedru. V idejni rešitvi je zahodna stran nove železniške postaje za potniški promet oblikovana kot razgledni stolp z uro. To pomensko in višinsko znamenje obenem predstavlja kompozicijski kontrapunkt edini obstoječi arhitekturni dominanti naselja. Pritlični postajni objekt je postavljen na pilote ob vkopu železnice, do nivoja te pa uporabnik pride ali z dvigalom ali s klančino ob robu železnice. Ta se v nivoju železnice izkoristi in oblikuje kot nadkrit čakalni prostor (glej Sl. 12). Postajni objekt je oblikovno zaokrožen s kamnitim zidom, ki se pripne na obstoječ zid (iz časa gradnje železnice) ob železnici in vodnem rezervoarju. Železnica postane prisotna v naselju tudi preko zvoka. Prihodi, odhodi vlakov in obvestila iz nove železniške postaje skupaj z vizualno zaznavnimi struk- turami tvorijo trg in govorijo o Divači kot križišču poti. Načrtovane stanovanjske hiše v JZ delu naselja so razmeščene v ohranjeno kulturno kraško krajino. Obli- kovanje temelji na značilnostih kamnitih kraških hiš iz prve polovice 19. stol. Materiali in karakteristike starega vaškega jedra, interpretirani s sodobnim oblikovalskim jezikom, so preslikani v načrtovano območje stano- vanjskih hiš. Načrtovanje zasnovanih stavb temelji na vzorcu borjačev (Lah, 1994). Borjač zavzema dve vlogi. Prva je notranji, zasebni borjač posamezne stavbe. V drugi vlogi pa je borjač interpretiran v manjši javni in poljavni prostor, ki združuje posamezne enote in se hkrati izteka v odprto kraško krajino (vrtače). Rezultat je strnjen zazidalni vzorec. Namesto velikih odmikov med stavbami zasebnost zagotovi zasnova arhitekture, s suhimi zidovi vezanimi na hišo ter eno slepo fasado. Cilj razporeditve je zagotoviti integracijo stavb z obstoječo krajino ter omogočiti prebivalcem povezavo s krajino. PROMET - Načrtovan širok podhod pod železnico omogoča zvezno potovanje čez prostor. Železnica glede na predlagano idejno rešitev tako ne predstavlja več težko prehodnega roba (problem), temveč pot (potencial). V prometni zasnovi idejne rešitve je glede na dopolnjen osnutek OPN Občine Divača predlagana izgradnja obvoznice do Sežane (PISO, 2014). Kraška cesta, ki poteka čez staro vaško jedro Divače, na ta način postane razbremenjena tranzitnega prometa do Sežane. V sklopu rešitve in reorganizacije prometa je predlagana nova lokacija avtobusne postaje. Ta se umakne na JV rob naselja, kar omogoča, da se avtobusni promet neposredno preusmeri na cesto proti Senože- čam, od koder se odcepi omenjeni krak obvoznice proti Sežani. Staro vaško jedro je po tem urejeno kot shared space.14 Divača je manjše mesto in kot tako obvladljivo za pešca. Prizadevanja v prometni organizaciji težijo k zmanjšanju uporabe avtomobilskega prevoza, ker ti zasedajo preveč življenjskega prostora (Mestna občina Ljubljana, 2014). Cilj je zvečati vlogo kolesarskih poti in pešpoti ter uporabo javnega in tirnega prevoza (Mestna občina Ljubljana, 2014). Organizacija prometa v pred- lagani idejni rešitvi tako daje poudarek na oblikovanje in organizacijo peš in kolesarskih poti. Vzdolž teh so navezane različne storitvene in servisne vsebine, ki te poti programsko podprejo in osmislijo. MENTALNA PODOBA DIVAČE - Načrt idejne kra- jinsko-urbanistične zasnove Divače smo interpretirali v mentalno podobo na podlagi petih grafi čnih znakov povzetih po Lynchu (1960). V primerjavi z obstoječim stanjem ima idejna rešitev oblikovana štiri jasna krajin- ska območja in glavno urbano območje vzdolž naselja (v smeri SV–JZ). Železnica predstavlja pot in ne več rob. Druga oblikovana pot je predvsem peščeva, ki povezuje nastala območja in vozlišča – trg ob cerkvi, nov, glavni trg ter komunikacijsko vozlišče na robu naselja (avtobusna in železniška postaja za potniški promet). Obstoječemu arhitekturnemu znamenju naselja (cerkveni zvonik) se pridruži stolp železniške postaje (glej Sl. 12). Krajinska območja po tej zasnovi hkrati predstavljajo znamenja v prostoru (Divaški hrib, Doline Krgunca, dve vrtači južno od železnice). RAZPRAVA Idejna krajinsko-urbanistična zasnova Divače kot odgovor na probleme in potenciale naselja Divača kaže, da so kraške reliefne oblike oziroma vrtače lahko vses- transko orodje in pomoč pri prostorskem načrtovanju naselij znotraj kraške krajine v primerih, ko se izgubljajo značilnosti in identiteta kulturne kraške krajine. Pri tem so prepoznane tri vloge vrtače. Prva je vključevanje vrtač (kraških reliefnih oblik) v prostorsko zasnovo oziroma zeleni sistem naselja. V Divači je to skupina treh vrtač, Doline Krgunca z obstoječim športno-rekre- acijskim nastavkom, Divaški hrib in dve vrtači južno od železnice. V drugem primeru gre za prilagajanje prostorskih zasnov vrtačam. Takšen primer predstavlja zasnova in razporeditev stanovanjskih hiš v kulturno kraško krajino, v JZ delu naselja. Tretji primer je pos- nemanje ali abstraktno preoblikovanje vrtače (analogno oblikovanje) na podlagi katerega je zasnovan glavni trg/ podhod v Divači. Pomembno je, da poudarimo omejitve teh ugotovitev. Da bi lahko dokončno potrdili hipotezo, je potrebno predlagano prostorsko zasnovo še kritično presojati oziroma vrednotiti. To pomeni nadaljevanje raziskave z vključevanjem javnosti, predstavitev idejne rešitve prebivalcem Divače in strokovni javnosti, risanje spoznavnih zemljevidov na podlagi predstavljene rešitve ali simulacijsko opazovanje prostorske zasnove. Posredno podporo rezultatom lahko najdemo v prispevkih o kontekstualnem odnosu do prostora, ki pri 14 Koncept oz. termin je prvič predstavil nizozemski prometni inženir Hans Monderman (Methorst et al., 2007). 325 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 načrtovanju teži k spojitvi novega z obstoječim. In kot je npr. v delu Hvalnica senci (Bharne, 2002, 78) zapisano, da spremembe in razvoj današnjega časa ne bi smele preprečevati, »da bi globoko ukoreninjen niz kulturnih vrednot in načel ohranjali, reinterpretirali, ponovno izna- šli in tako ohranili pri življenju«. SKLEP Vključevanje kraških reliefnih oblik oziroma vrtač v prostorske zasnove znotraj kulturne kraške krajine ima lahko potencial pri omilitvi degradacije značilnosti in identitete kulturne kraške krajine. Kraške reliefne oblike in vegetacija skupaj s kulturnimi prvinami krajine (stanje površinskega pokrova/raba, morfologija površja, suhi zi- dovi) so nosilci lokalne identitete. Ugotovitve nakazujejo na nekatere možne implikacije. Ena izmed njih kaže na pomembno soodvisnost med fi zično zasnovo bivalnega okolja in načinom bivanja sodobnega človeka. Gehl (2010) pravi, da najprej oblikujemo mesta, nato mesta oblikujejo nas. To vodi k razmisleku o tem, katero pot bomo v prihodnosti izbrali: globalno poenotenje mest in naselij ali poudarjanje identitete kraja v določenem okolju in času. 326 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 PLANNING IN SETTLEMENTS WITHIN THE KARST CULTURAL LANDSCAPE ON THE CASE STUDY OF THE CONCEPTUAL LANDSCAPE AND URBAN DESIGN OF DIVAČA Urška VALENČIČ Trg 15. aprila 1, 6215 Divača, Slovenia e-mail: urska.valencic6@gmail.com Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR University of Ljubljana, Biotechnical Faculty, Jamnikarjeva 101, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: Tatjana.CapuderVidmar@bf.uni-lj.si SUMMARY The karst cultural landscape represents an important value within the Slovenian territory. The objective of this article is to test the hypothesis which stipulates that karst landforms, with emphasis on sinkholes, may be a versatile tool and help with spatial planning of settlements within the karst landscape in cases when the characteristics and the identity of the karst cultural landscape are being lost. The research part was based on the integration/connecting of the historical (source collection, morphogenesis) and the descriptive method (analysis and inventarization of the space, the analysis of the examples of good practice, categorisation, conducting a survey). The results are presented on the case study of the conceptual landscape and urbanism design of the town of Divača. The conceptual solution is based on the connection between the northern and the southern part of the settlement and on establishing main urban feature, namely including into the settlement the Divaški hrib, Krgunca Valley and two sinkholes south of the railway. In doing so, three roles of the sinkhole were identifi ed. The fi rst is the inclusion of sinkholes (karst landforms) into the spatial design or the green system of the settlement. In Divača, that is a group of three sinkholes, the Krgunca Valley with the existing sports and recreational attachment and Divaški hrib. In the second case it is an adjustment of the spatial designs to sinkholes. This case is represented by the design and the layout of residential houses in the karst cultural landscape, in the SW part of the settlement. The third case is the imitation or abstract transformation of the sinkhole (analog design) on the basis of which the main square/underpass in Divača is designed. Certain parallels for an indirect confi rmation of the hypothesis may be found in the principles of spatial planning in the Eastern civilization before they began imitating the Western world. The hypothesis of the article may ultimately be confi rmed or rejected by continuing the research work, namely by critically assessing or evaluating the proposed spatial design of Divača. Keywords: karst cultural landscape, urban design, landscape design, Divača, identity, development, townscape 327 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Urška VALENČIČ & Tatjana CAPUDER VIDMAR: NAČRTOVANJE V NASELJIH ZNOTRAJ KULTURNE KRAŠKE KRAJNE NA ŠTUDIJSKEM PRIMERU..., 309–328 VIRI IN LITERATURA Archiscene (2014): Museum of Vučedol culture by Radionica Arhitekture. http://www.archiscene.net/museum/museum-vuce- dol-culture-radionica-arhitekture/ (23. 1. 2014). ARSO (2013): Atlas okolja. DOF 2012 – 2014. h t t p : / / g i s . a r s o . g o v. s i / a t l a s o k o l j a / p r o f i l e . aspx?id=Atlas_Okolja_AXL@Arso (16.10.2013). Bharne, V. (2002): Dojemanje "senčnega sveta". V: Tanizaki, J. (ur.): Hvalnica senci. Ljubljana, Študentska založba, 65–80. Breg, M. 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Uredba o izrabljenih vozilih Uradni list RS, št. 32/11. 329 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.22 received: 2016-01-31 URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR Marko RUKAVINA University of Zagreb, Faculty of Architecture, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: mrukavina@arhitekt.hr Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI University of Zagreb, Faculty of Architecture, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: mos@arhitekt.hr ABSTRACT The paper examines urban integration of archaeological heritage in the town of Zadar via analysis of the town’s history and urban development; the history of archaeological research and archaeological heritage protection and preservation; and the analysis of the relevant developed urban or spatial planning documents in relation to archaeo- logical heritage. The history of archaeological research, of archaeological heritage protection and preservation and of urban and spatial planning in Zadar have not yet been systematically scientifi cally researched, and cover the period between the late 19th century (fi rst archaeological excavations) and 2015. Keywords: archaeological heritage, urban and spatial planning, urban integration, integrated protection/ conservation, Zadar INTEGRAZIONE DEL PATRIMONIO ARCHEOLOGICO DI ZARA NEL CONTESTO URBANO SINTESI L’articolo analizza l’integrazione urbana del patrimonio archeologico nella città di Zara, attraverso lo studio della storia cittadina e dello sviluppo urbano, un’analisi storica sulla ricerca archeologica e sulla protezione del patrimonio archeologico, e un’indagine approfondita sui principali materiali e documenti di pianifi cazione urbana e territoriale, in relazione al patrimonio archeologico. La storia della ricerca archeologica, della protezione e conservazione del patrimonio archeologico, e della pianifi cazione urbana e territoriale a Zara non è stata ancora studiata in maniera sistematica e scientifi ca; essa copre un arco di tempo che va dalla fi ne del XIX secolo (primi scavi archeologici), ai giorni nostri. Parole chiave: patrimonio archeologico, pianifi cazione urbana e territoriale, integrazione urbana, protezione integrata, Zara 330 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 INTRODUCTION The paper examines and analyses urban integration of immovable archaeological heritage and the relation between urban planning and in situ preservation of ar- chaeological heritage in the town of Zadar. The analysis of the process of urban integration consists of three units: 1) a brief review of history and urban development of the town, from ancient Illyrian period until today, as a historic, spatial, and value context of urban integration of archaeological heritage, 2) the history of archaeologi- cal research and archaeological heritage protection and preservation divided in four characteristic periods from the late 19th century to 2015, and 3) analysis of relevant developed urban or spatial-planning documents of dif- ferent levels in relation to archaeological heritage, from the fi rst regulation plans, from the fi rst half of the 20th century, until 2015. Thus far, there has been no systematic research fo- cused on the integration of archaeological heritage in Za- dar. This topic was only partially covered by experts and researchers who researched certain aspects of integration of archaeological heritage. From the standpoint of urban planning, some researchers addressed this topic, including Dražen Arbutina who researched Bruno Milić’s work and efforts on urban planning in Zadar; Ines Merčep whose paper researched the competition for the reconstruc- tion of the historic core (1953); Antonija Mlikota whose doctoral thesis researched the post-war construction and reconstruction of the town until 1967; and Damir Magaš who researched the town’s spatial development until 1981 (Arbutina, 2000; 2002; Magaš, 1982; Merčep, 2005; Mlikota, 2013; Rukavina & Bojanić, 2012). Likewise, the papers by urban planners Josip Seissel, Dragan Boltar, and Vladimir Ivanović are important contributions to this aspect (Boltar, 1961; Ivanović, 1971; Seissel, 1954). From an archaeological standpoint, integration of archaeologi- cal heritage is touched upon in texts written by Mate Suić, Ivo Petricioli, Šime Batović, and other archaeologists. The conservation aspect of integration of archaeological heritage is addressed in texts by Grga Oštrić, Ksenija Radulić, Pavuša Vežić, Tomislav Marasović, Miljenko Domijan and others (Domijan, 1989; Marasović, 1985; Oštrić, 1989; Radulić, 1970; Vežić, 1986, 1988, 1990, 1997). The only systematically and scientifi cally covered topic that the conducted research relies on is the history of Zadar (M. Suić, I. Petricioli, Nada Klaić et al) (Klaić & Petricioli, 1976; Suić, 1981; 2003). The following research is based on scientifi c process- ing of published archaeological research, conservation research and records of interventions on architectural (archaeological) heritage in Zadar, documents from the Conservation Department in Zadar, publications and articles on urban planning and architecture in Croatia, document sources, archival sources (urban and spatial- planning documents), online sources, and interviews with archaeologist Smiljan Gluščević, PhD and Barbara Peranić, archaeologist and conservator. The conducted research was considerably hindered by the lack of any previous systematic research. For instance, there are no complete maps of archaeological topography (results of conducted archaeological exca- vations), nor are there maps or inventories of visible archaeological remains. The results of numerous ar- chaeological excavations have not been published and a multitude of documents are missing at the competent conservation department. There has not been suffi cient research of the overall history of archaeological research in Zadar, the history of archaeological heritage protec- tion and preservation or the history of urban and spatial planning (developed urban and spatial-planning docu- ments). The legacy of most architects who were engaged in the post-war reconstruction of Zadar is in disarray and uninvestigated. All of these limitations impede research. In the contemporary period in many European countries archaeological heritage is recognized as a non-renewable resource that needs to be preserved and integrated in the contemporary life.1 Historical, often unfavorable, relationship between urban planning and protection and preservation of archaeological heritage is gradually changing by the realization that archaeo- logical heritage is an important factor of spatial identity and spirit of place which contributes to the quality of life. Archaeological heritage promotes social cohesion, community identity, development of cultural tourism and other benefi ts for the town. Its protection, preser- vation in situ, presentation and interpretation, use and enhancement that includes urban integration is encour- aged. As an example of the contemporary management and integration of archaeological heritage in Europe and in the Mediterranean the case of Spain is highlighted, where in many towns (Mérida,2 Tarragona, Barcelona, Zaragoza, Málaga, Cartagena, etc.) urban integration of archaeological heritage in contemporary life is being conducted based on the identifi cation of archaeological heritage as a spatial and development resource. The paper is based on a doctoral research entitled Archaeological heritage integration method in urban planning, beginning as part of the scientifi c project «Urban and Landscape Heritage of Croatia as part of European Culture» (2009–2013), and ending in 2015 as part of the scientifi c project «Heritage urbanism (HERU) 1 Protection and preservation of archaeological heritage at the international and European level is regulated primarily by numerous protec- tion related documents which defi ne professional conservation principles; by documents relating to urban and regional planning and by documents on environment protection which recognize cultural heritage as one of its components (Rukavina, Obad Šćitaroci, Petrić, 2013; Rukavina, 2015). 2 Management and urban integration of the archaeological heritage in Mérida was investigated as a case study and an example of good practice in the doctoral research Archaeological heritage integration method in urban planning (Rukavina, 2015). 331 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 – Urban and Spatial Models for Revival and Enhance- ment of Cultural Heritage».3 HISTORICAL AND URBAN TOWN DEVELOPMENT – OVERVIEW The Zadar town area has been continuously inhab- ited from prehistoric times, spanning over almost 3000 years. Archaeological research and fi ndings indicate that the Zadar peninsula was continuously inhabited from the 9th century B.C. The peninsula’s defensive position and natural harbour were the main reasons for inhabita- tion. Numerous Greek ceramic artefacts dating from the most ancient times to the Hellenistic Period bear witness to the strong commercial ties between the local Illyrian population and southern Italy and Greece. At the time Zadar was one of the strongest Liburnian centres on the Adriatic (Durman et al., 2006, 304; Petricioli, 1962, 9). The fi rst Roman settlement was formed during Caesar’s time when Italic settlers began inhabiting the peninsula, whereas its colonial status and urban physiognomy developed under Emperor Augustus. The town was named Colonia Iulia Iader, after its founder. The town did not play a major role during Roman times, but archaeological remains bear witness to substantial economic and cultural development. Following the principles of Roman urban planning, the town was di- vided into blocks within an orthogonal grid plan which for the most part corresponds to the current layout on the peninsula. The town centre containing a forum was located in the western part of the peninsula, with an adjoining capitolium and temple, forming a unique spa- tial complex (whose remains are partly visible today). The very beginning of forum construction dates back to the beginning of the colony itself in 27 B.C., whereas its fi nal appearance was shaped during 3rd-century reconstruction. The town was surrounded by walls con- structed under Emperor Augustus with at least three gates, the main of which was a triumphal arc (remains visible on Petar Zoranić square and Emperor Augustus passageway). On the north-eastern part of the peninsula, near the harbour, there was a market place (emporium), and an amphitheatre outside the town walls (fi gure 1). The peninsula most probably also housed a theatre, although this theory is yet to be archaeologically tested. The town was equipped with a sewer and water-supply system, as well as various public facilities. Numerous fi nds of fl oor mosaics, sculpture fragments and orna- ments, and painted walls indicate a high standard of living of wealthier citizens. Outside the town walls there were necropolises, agricultural estates (villae rusticae), two aqueducts that supplied the town with fresh water (remains visible in Ivan Zadranin street, Franko Lisica street, the town cemetery, and Gaženica - the industrial 3 Project Heritage Urbanism (2014–2018) is fi nanced by Croatian Science Foundation (HRZZ-2032), which is being carried out at the Faculty of Architecture University of Zagreb. Further information: http://www.arhitekt.unizg.hr/znanost/HERU/default.aspx. Figure 1: Roman period (1st–2nd century) (Petricioli, 1958, 66) 332 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 part of the town), whereas the entire town territory (ager) was divided into centuriae, whose traces have survived to this day (parts of contemporary grid plan, dry-stone walls, land subdivision). In Late Antiquity, in the 5th and 6th centuries, the town saw the construction of numerous early-Christian churches logically incorporated in its ancient tissue (some have survived to this day and some were discovered during archaeological and conserva- tion research) (Durman et al., 2006, 304–305; Giunio, 2001;2008a; Petricioli, 1962, 4). During the Migration Period Zadar avoided destruc- tion, and after brief Ostrogoth rule in 535 it became the capital of Byzantine Dalmatia and the seat of the imperial governor. In the early 9th century, Zadar bishop Donat was the head of the delegation that surrendered the Dalmatian cities to Charlemagne (only to be returned to Byzantium in 810). It was during this period that St. Donat’s church was built, one of Zadar’s most famous buildings. In the 10th century Dalmatian cities spark the interest of the Venetians who succeeded in occupying Zadar for the fi rst time, if only for a short while (Durman et al., 2006, 306; Petricioli, 1962, 4). In the early centuries of Croatian history Zadar main- tained a connection with Croatian rulers whose rule it began to accept in the 11th century. Croatian infl uence was increasingly stronger in this still mostly Byzantine town. The 12th and 13th centuries were a time marked by constant battles between Zadar and Venice4, which conquered the town several times, and the changes in government between Venice and Croatian-Hungarian kings (Durman et al., 2006, 306; Petricioli, 1962, 4–5). The medieval urban Zadar area included the entire Ro- man town on the peninsula, with the most part of the Ro- man grid plan preserved. In 1346 the Venetians renovated the Kaštel fortress at the entrance to the town harbour and dug a moat, which meant tearing down surrounding build- ings to create a glacis for defensive purposes. In the 15th century, in place of the former tower on the southern town corner, the fortress Citadela was built and a moat was dug along the south-eastern town wall (fi gure 2) (Durman et al., 2006, 306; Petricioli, 1962, 11; Vežić, 1990, 7–43). The remains of Kaštel and Citadela were incorporated in the more recent historical construction and are still par- tially visible owing to conservation efforts. In 1409 Venice purchased Zadar and Dalmatia from the Croatian-Hungarian king, causing the town to stag- nate after imposing restrictions on economic activities. The stagnation intensifi ed after the Ottoman surge in the 16th century. Due to the development of artillery, it was necessary to modernise the town walls and build a new fortifi cation system (most of which have been preserved to this day). The town suburb of Varoš was destroyed and the people moved inside the town walls to enable the construction of Forte, a large rampart serving as the 4 Periods of Venetian rule: 1116–1181, 1205–1358 (town rebelion against Venice: 1164, 1167-1170, 1181, 1242, 1311–1313, 1345, 1357) (Petricioli, 1962, 4–5). Figure 2: Zadar in the middle ages (Petricioli, 1958, 67) 333 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 external fortifi cation belt toward the interior, whereas the medieval town walls were fortifi ed with bastions and partially rebuild. In the early 16th century the entire area outside the Zadar peninsula was conquered by the Ottomans who continued to battle Zadar all through the 17th century. In the 17th and 18th centuries two canals were dug along the Forte rampart and a new fortress was build called Mezzaluna (later demolished). Economic circumstances had improved somewhat in the 18th cen- tury, although the town’s recovery was negligible (fi gure 3) (Petricioli, 1962, 6, 11, 13). After the fall of Venice in 1797, Zadar came under Austrian rule, only to be conquered by the French in 1806. Austrian rule was re-established in 1813 and lasted until the end of WWI when it was taken over by Italy. Under Austrian rule Zadar became the administrative centre of Dalmatia, which stimulated the town’s overall development. During this period the south-western town walls were demolished (1874), followed by the construc- tion of the new shore, whereas the town’s urban structure for the fi rst time began spreading outside the peninsula. (fi gure 4) (Petricioli, 1962, 6–7, 13; 1965, 197). After WWII and severe destruction caused by Allied forces (bombing destroyed 80% of structures on the peninsula), Zadar was returned to Croatia to form a part of Yugoslavia, thereby entering a time of reconstruction, economic recovery and rapid urban development. The socialist period was marked by: industrial development (industrial zone Gaženica), commercial and tourist development (tourist zones Puntamika, Borik, etc.), transport infrastructure development (harbour, railway, airport), spatial expansion of the town over the entire area of the ancient Roman ager, a rapid surge of popula- tion, as well as illegal and unplanned construction on the broader town area (Magaš, 1982; Merčep, 2005, 68). The period of transition and shifting to a market economy began in 1991 after Croatia declared inde- pendence. The town once again suffered destruction during the War of Independence (1991–1995) impeding the course of its development. Only during the recent years has the town begun to recover (tourism, culture, trade, infrastructure), whereas according to the 2011 census it has a population of 75 062. HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE PROTECTION AND PRESERVATION IN ZADAR The history of archaeological research and archaeo- logical heritage protection and preservation in Zadar can be divided according to intensity, character, and applied methodology into four distinct periods: begin- nings of archaeological excavations pre-WWII, town reconstruction between 1945 and 1975 (integration of archaeological monuments), the period between 1975 and 1991, and the contemporary period post-1991. Figure 3: Zadar in the 18th century (Petricioli, 1958, 68) 334 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Beginnings of archaeological excavations pre-WWII The beginnings of archaeological research in Zadar can be traced back to the time of Austrian administration and the town’s gradual economic recovery, as well as construction activities in the 19th century. The conserva- tor of Zadar monuments at the time was Carlo Federico Bianchi who has left a multitude of records on ancient remains found during construction on the Zadar pen- insula (remains of ancient Roman streets, of structures/ architecture, mosaics, sculptures, and graves) (Suić, 1970, 242–245). The Archaeological museum in Zadar was founded in 1832, whereas the fi rst archaeological ex- cavation was conducted in 1877 by Frane Bulić and Alois Hauser at the location of St. Donat’s church. It was then discovered that the church is partly built on the forum pavement which remained visible (Batović, 1964, 679; Suić, 1948, 201; 1970, 246). Archaeological excavation of the pre-Romanesque Stomorica Church and the Church of St. Peter the Elder began in 1880 and 1886, respec- tively (Petricioli, 1958, 57; Petricioli & Vučenović, 1970). Excavations at Petar Zoranić Square were supervised by archaeologist Josip Bersa5 in 1908 when the remains of ancient Roman and medieval town gates, walls, and a small early-medieval church were discovered (Batović, 1964, 679; Suić, 1948, 200; 1970, 242). Some of the fi nds (the base of the ancient Roman triumphal arch) were conserved and remain visible in situ. Small-scale excavations continued under Italian administration (1918–1943). Between 1928 and 1930 excavations were conducted in the area south-east of St. Donat’s Church, leading to the discovery of a new surface of the forum pavement6 while demolishing some of the existing buildings to “liberate” a monument (a church rotunda), also several test pits were excavated aiming to determine the exact surface of the forum (Batović, 1964, 680; Suić, 1948, 201; 1970, 246). Sites also examined during this period were the ancient Roman necropolis near Benkovac road and Great St. Mary’s Church remains while digging a shelter within town walls (Batović, 1964, 680; Vežić, 1975). Archaeological excavation was supervised by Italian archaeologist Luigi Crème, the director of the Archaeological museum in Zadar at the time. Town reconstruction between 1945 and 1975 – integration of archaeological monuments After WWII, when virtually the entire historic part of Zadar lay in ruins and town reconstruction was to Figure 4: Zadar 1941 (Petricioli, 1958, 69) 5 Director of the archaeological museum at the time. 6 Discovered surface remained visible – collection of stone monuments at the archaeological museum. 335 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 begin, archaeologists were faced with an unusual situation. Archaeologists and conservators7 planned a comprehensive systematic research of ruined town areas prior to the commencement of reconstruction and new construction, while conservator Grga Oštrić was vehemently advocating for the prevention of new con- struction on the peninsula in order to ensure suffi cient time for research and development of a construction plan (Suić, 1977, 40). The Zadar administration at the time passed a regula- tion ordering that prior to any new construction in the historic centre – old town, archaeological excavation must be conducted at investor’s cost. However, the regulation was not enforced, leaving the salvaging of archaeological data to the efforts of the Archaeologi- cal museum in Zadar or the former History Institute in Zadar.8 Excavations would start too late, after building plans had already been designed and important details, which would otherwise have been preserved, had to be sacrifi ced (Petricioli, 1958a, 91). Practice has shown that necessary archaeological interventions during foundation digging and similar occasions add considerably to the cost of construc- tion, and more often than not demand changes to the original design for some buildings, due to discovered remains. Consequently, this led to the conclusion that archaeological excavations should be conducted prior to construction, in all areas with planned development. Previous failures have shown that not even preliminary construction plans can be made without a detailed knowledge of the town’s archaeological topography, or without evaluation of discovered remains. Archaeolo- gists took advantage of the situation, conducting exten- sive research on a broader area of the ancient Roman forum complex (Suić, 1977, 40). The research of the forum complex began as early as 1948 (with test-pit excavations), continuing in 1949 and 1952 (Batović, 1964, 6; Suić, 1948, 202–204). System- atic excavation of the complex was intensifi ed between 1964 and 1967 when the clear surface of the forum and the surrounding area was excavated, as well as the partial remains of the forum’s integral parts (taverns, basilica, capitolium with temple). The excavation of the north-eastern edge of the forum, near the cathedral belfry, was conducted in 1971 (Suić, 1981, 204, 206). The previously mentioned rescue excavations during foundation digging for new buildings on the peninsula began in the 1950s, albeit with limited scope and with- out a research plan, provided important data for defi ning the virtually unknown archaeological topography of the ancient, late-ancient, and early-medieval town. Some of the more important fi nds on the peninsula include: pave- ments of several ancient Roman streets, sewer system, market place (emporium), granary (horreum), remains of ancient, late-ancient, and medieval walls and gates, ancient Roman residential buildings (domus), cisterns, private bathhouse complex (balneum) in Široka Street (Calle Larga), and public bathhouse (thermae). Outside the peninsula, research of centuriation, aqueducts, villae rusticae and ancient Roman and late-ancient necropo- lises was conducted (Batović, 1964, 681; Batović, 1980; Belošević, 1967; Ilakovac, 1964; 1982; Nedved, 1980; Suić, 1955; 1956; 1981). Archaeological research of the remains from late-ancient and medieval periods was likewise conducted: medieval town walls, Kaštel fortress at harbour entrance, St. Mary’s Church and convent, St. Thomas’ early-Christian basilica, pre-Romanesque Stomorica Church, St. Ursula’s Church on Puntamika peninsula, St. Peter the Elder’s Church, early-Christian cemetery basilica (St. John’s) (Jeras-Pohl, 1975; Miletić & Štrkalj, 1977; Petricioli, 1958b, 56–63; 1965; Petri- cioli & Vučenović, 1970; Petricioli & Vežić, 1975). At the time archaeological excavations were supervised by archaeologists from the Archaeological museum – Mate Suić, Šime Batović, Boris Ilakovac, and art historian Ivo Petricioli,9 later joined in the museum by archaeologist Branka Nedved. Numerous mentioned fi nds discovered on the pen- insula were, at the time, preserved in situ, remained visible and integrated into new construction, open or public spaces (south-eastern town walls and gates, remains of the horreum, basin from private bathhouse, public bathhouse, remains of an ancient Roman build- ing in Kraljevski Dalmatin Street, Stomorica Church, remains of the Kaštel fortress, remains of medieval town walls, remains of early-Christian St. Thomas’ basilica). At the level of urban planning, this was the beginning of the partial integration of the forum complex. Another important contribution to integration and preservation of archaeological heritage during the 1970s was given by Zadar conservator Ksenija Radulić who was a strong advocate for the completion of urban integration of the forum complex (Radulić, 1970). Period between 1975 and 1991 After 1975, archaeological research in the town subsided, and those that were conducted were mainly rescue excavations. The excavations were conducted by either the Archaeological museum in Zadar or the 7 Dalmatian Institute for Conservation (Konzervatorski zavod za Dalmaciju) founded a committee in Zadar in 1946. In 1952, the Zadar conservation offi ce (Konzervatorski ured u Zadru) is founded which in 1954 becomes an independent institution (today’s Konzervatorski odjel u Zadru) (Đinić, 2006, 65-67). 8 Today’s Institute for Historical Sciences at the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Zadar (Zavod za povijesne znanosti Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti u Zadru). 9 Employed at Archaeological museum 1949–1954. Between 1955 and 1958 employed as expert associate at the History Institute in Zadar and from 1958 employed at the Faculty of Philosophy in Zadar (h ttp://info.hazu.hr/hr/clanovi_akademije/osobne_stranice/ivo_petricioli). 336 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments in Zadar (conservation research of individual monuments). Excavations were carried out at the following locations: cathedral complex (1977–1983), St. Clement’s Church (1977–1978), Citadel (1979–1983), forum (1984), St. Marina’s Church (1988), whereas rescue excavations were conducted at: necropolis at Ivan Zadranin Street (1975/1976), Kaljska Street (1985), ancient Roman Relja necropolis (1989–1990, 850 graves), town market place, St. Dominic’s monastery (Fadić, 1999; Gluščević, 1990; 2001; Nedved, 1980; Vežić, 1986, 171; Vežić, 1988; 1990; Ministry of Culure – Conservation Depart- ment in Zadar, interview with dr. sc. Smiljan Gluščević, Archaeological Museum in Zadar). Protected cultural and historical area of the town was proclaimed in 1978. During this period preserved fi nds included the re- mains of St. Clement’s Church (at Arbanasi), St. Marina’s Church (at Gaženica) and the medieval Citadel, whereas the visible remains of ancient Roman aqueduct were integrated into the layout of a new residential complex (Ivan Zadranin st. / Ante Starčević st.).10 Contemporary period post-1991 Archaeological researches in the Zadar post-1991 consist mostly of rescue excavations.11 The following archaeological excavations have been conducted: garden at Zadar Seminary (1992-93), garden at St. Mary’s con- vent (1995), cemetery basilica12 (1995), Šimun Kožarić Benja Street, Relja necropolis (1998–99, 2005–06, 2008, 2009), Varoška Street (2000), capitolium – John Paul II Gymnasium (2002), St. Nichola’s Church (2004, 2006), cathedral (2006–07), forum – Pope John Paul II Square (2006–07), Petar Zoranić Square (2006–07), puppet theatre (2007), R. Bošković Street (2007), Citadel (2008) (Alihodžić, 2009; 2010; Brusić, 2008; Fadić, 2007; 2007a; 2007b; Fadić & Štefanac, 2011; Giunio & Jurić, 2004; Giunio, 2007; 2008; 2014; Gluščević, 2001; Gusar & Vujević, 2009; Jurić 2008; 2008a; Vežić, 1997; Vučić, 2008; 2010). Underwater archaeological excavation of ancient Roman dock at Kolovare was conducted in 2007 and the International Centre for Underwater Archaeology was founded in the same year (Glušćević, 2008). In the contemporary period, the remains that were preserved in situ and left visible include the remains of the ancient Roman mosaic in St. Mary’s convent, remains of early-Christian mosaic in the cathedral, remains of early-Christian cemetery basilica, and the remains of capitolium substructions in the new gymnasium build- ing, discovered during rescue excavations, whereas renovations were conducted at Petar Zoranić Square (visible remains of ancient and medieval town gates), and John Paul II Square (visible remains of ancient Ro- man basilica and medieval town wall). Although archaeological excavations in Zadar began in late 19th century, a more substantial research of the town was prompted by WWII destruction. For the most part, archaeologists took advantage of the opportunity to conduct excavations prior to the commencement of construction and, wherever possible, enabled in situ conservation and integration of numerous archaeologi- cal remains (forum, town walls, bathhouse, horreum, basin belonging to private bathhouse, St. Thomas’ early-Christian basilica, Stomorica, St. Anastasia’s (St. Stošija’s) Church in Puntamika, Kaštel, residential- building mosaics in Kraljevski Dalmatin Street). An example of urbanistic integration of archaeological area at the time would be the ancient Roman forum. Post- 1975 archaeological excavations subsided because the town reconstruction had mostly been completed and the research focused on individual monuments (St. Marina, St. Clement, the cathedral, the Citadel), and rescue ex- cavations prompted by town expansion (necropolises). The contemporary period is defi ned by continued res- cue excavations, as well as neglect, abandonment, and even devastation of previous conservation efforts (public bathhouses, horreum, ancient Roman basin, ancient Ro- man residential building, aqueduct, Kaštel, town walls, St. Thomas’ Church, St. Marina’s Church, St. Clement’s Church, St. Anastasia’s Church at Puntamika).13 Failure to recognize archaeological heritage as a development resource, and the lack of strategy for its management in the contemporary period led to the decay and endanger- ment of the town’s archaeological heritage. Aside from the still uncompleted urban integration of the forum complex remains, other instances of presenta- tion and integration of archaeological heritage in Zadar are not examples of (systematic) urbanistic integration, but rather of individual conservation efforts/projects to preserve and integrate archaeological heritage. (fi gure 5. and 6.) ANALYSIS OF URBAN-PLANNING DOCUMENTS IN RELATION TO ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE Analysis and evaluation of relevant urban and spatial planning documents of Zadar, developed between 1939 (fi rst regulation plan) and 2015, is conducted in rela- tion to preservation and enhancement of archaeological heritage and its urban integration. As of yet there have been no similar analyses of Zadar’s urban and spatial- planning documents. The goal is to determine the treatment of archaeological heritage in relevant urban and spatial-planning documents which have dictated 10 Positions of residential buildings were defi ned by the traces of the aqueduct and the ancient road. 11 Archaeological excavations were conducted by archaeologists from the Archaeological Museum in Zadar (Arheološki muzej Zadar), archaeologists-curators at the Museum of Ancient Glass (Muzej antičkog stakla), and Zadar University archaeologists. 12 Legally protected in 2003 (MK, Registar kulturnih dobara Republike Hrvatske). 13 For more detail: Rukavina, 2015 (doctoral thesis Archaeological Heritage Integration Method in Urban Planning). 337 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 2 ANCIENT ROMAN BASIN (ŠIROKA STREET) 3 ANCIENT ROMAN HOUSE (KRALJEVSKI DALMATIN STREET) 4 ANCIENT ROMAN MOSAIC (ST. MARY’S CONVENT) 5 ANCIENT ROMAN PUBLIC BATHS 6 ANCIENT ROMAN STREET GRID 7 ANCIENT ROMAN TRIUMPHAL ARCH 9 CITADEL 10 EARLY CRISTIAN MOSAIC IN CATHEDRAL 11 FORUM COMPLEX 12 GREAT ST. MARY BASILICA 13 HORREUM 14 KAŠTEL FORTRESS 15 MEDIEVAL TOWN WALLS 16 SOUTH-EASTERN TOWN WALLS AND GATES (PETAR ZORANIĆ SQUARE, CARA AUGUSTA PASSAGEWAY) 21 ST. PETER THE ELDER CHURCH Figure 5: Visible erchaeological remains and rescue excavations on the Zadar peninsula 22 ST. THOMAS’ EARLY-CRISTIAN BASILICA 23 STOMORICA Rescue excavations: a0 ANCIENT ROMAN HOUSE a5 EMPORIUM a6 FORUM BATHS (?) a7 MARKET PLACE a8 RUĐER BOŠKOVIĆ STREET a9 ST. DOMINIC’S MONASTERY (PUPPET THEATRE) a10 ST. NICOLA’S CHURCH a11 VAROŠKA STREET a12 ZADAR SEMINARY Not excavated: x AMPHITHEATRE Zadar’s spatial development in the 20th and early 21st centuries, and their infl uence on the preservation of im- movable archaeological heritage. Qualitative analysis criteria for the evaluation of urban-planning documents For the purpose of urban and spatial planning documentation analysis and evaluation in relation to the preservation and enhancement of archaeological heritage and its urban integration, the defi ned criteria can be divided into three groups: 1) criteria relating to endangerment of archaeological heritage by planned interventions – group A, 2) criteria relating to protection measures of overall archaeological heritage – group B, and 3) criteria relating to individual archaeological fi nds/sites (e.g. forum, ancient Roman street grid, walls, centuriation, and the like) – group C. The number and variety of defi ned criteria for the evaluation and analysis of urban and spatial-planning 338 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 1 AQEDUCT 8 CENTURIATION 17 ST. ANASTASIA’S (URSULA’S) CHURCH IN THE ANCIENT ROMAN CISTERN (PUNTAMIKA) 18 ST. CLEMENT’S CHURCH 19 ST. JOHN’S EARLY-CHRISTIAN CEMETERY BASILICA 20 ST. MARINA’S CHURCH documents (22 criteria in total, table 1.) have been infl uenced by numerous factors: fi rst and foremost, different historical contexts of planning and protection of architectural heritage, which involves the develop- ment of professional standpoints and methods, plans of various scales, implementation of previously planned interventions, various plan scopes, as well as legal, economic, political, social, and cultural contexts of the planning process. The analyzed criteria are classifi ed according to impact on the archaeological heritage in the two groups of categories - favorable and unfavorable in relation to the archaeological heritage. Evaluation of the particular plan (favorable, partly favorable, partly unfavorable and unfavorable) in relation to the archaeological heritage is obtained by representation of the group of criteria (A; B; C) and the number of relevant criteria in a particular category (favorable and unfavorable) for the each plan (table 1). Piano regolatore di Zara, 1939 (Paolo Rossi de Paoli) The fi rst developed plan relating to archaeological heritage on the Zadar peninsula (historic town core) is evaluated as partly unfavourable because, aside from the planned regulation on the modern-day John Paul II Square, no major interventions on urban tissue were planned (Arbutina, 2000) (fi gure 7). The planned regulation was related to the ancient Roman forum and basilica and would have most probably damaged the archaeological remains preserved underground. The plan was never realised due to the outbreak of WWII. Figure 6: Visible archaeological remains and rescue excavations outside the Zadar peninsula Rescue excavations: a1 ANCIENT ROMAN NECROPOLIS BENKOVAC ROAD a2 ANCIENT ROMAN NECROPOLIS HOTEL KOLOVARE a3 ANCIENT ROMAN NECROPOLIS KALJSKA STREET a4 ANCIENT ROMAN NECROPOLIS RELJA 339 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Plan Piano regola- tore di Zara Zadar regu- lation plan Regu- lation plan for Zadar's historic core Zadar city centre con- structi- on plan Master- plan Zadar master- plan Zadar County spatial plan year of plan adoption 1939 (1947) (1955) 1961 1973 1989 2004- 2011 unfavourable in relation to archaeological heritage A an entirely new planned urban structure on the peninsula * A development of historic core regulated solely by spatial plan * B protection of archaeological heritage is not regulated * * B integration and presentation of possible new archaeological fi nds is not regulated * * B no recognition of the spatial value of archaeological heritage as a development resource * B protection of archaeological heritage left solely to relevant conservation department * C planned interventions on ancient Roman forum * n/a n/a n/a favourable in relation to archaeological heritage A planned small-scale urban interventions in the archaeological area * B protection, presentation, and integration of archaeological heritage * * *, repe- aled by amen- dments B obligation of conducting preliminary investigations of archaeological areas prior to construction, as a basis for determining the conditions for new construction * B obligation of developing a detailed urban-conservation plan for the historic town core * * B inventories of archaeological areas and sites * * * B map of archaeological and architectural heritage * * * B prescribed active protection of architectural heritage * A plan highlights historical heritage as a resource * B protection of archaeological sites from new construction wherever possible * B particularly signifi cant sites are to be preserved and presented in situ * B proposes urban integration of archaeological heritage (its inclusion in economic and social spheres and integration into spatial and functional solutions of the contemporary city) * C planned urban integration of the part of the forum and its reuse as city square n/a partly * * n/a n/a n/a C conservation/affi rmation of ancient grid plan n/a * * n/a n/a n/a n/a C planned presentation of archaeological remains of city walls * n/a n/a n/a n/a C affi rmation of traces of Roman centuriation partly * Key: A – criteria rela� ng to endangerment of archaeological heritage by planned interven� ons B - criteria rela� ng to protec� on measures for overall archaeological heritage C- criteria rela� ng to individual archaeological fi nds/sites. n/a - not applicable brackets – plan was not offi cially adopted Table 1: Comparison of analysed urban planning documents according to defi ned criteria 340 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 In relation to overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as partly unfavourable (planned small- scale interventions in the archaeological area, planned interventions at ancient Roman forum area). Regulation plan of Zadar, 1947 (Milovan Kovačević, Zdenko Strižić, Božidar Rašica) The fi rst plan that proposed the spatial solution for the reconstruction of the devastated Zadar peninsula post WWII were infl uenced by functionalist views on the town (CIAM, Le Corbusier). It did, however, retain the ancient Roman grid plan, albeit with an entirely new structure, ensuring ventilation, insolation, and vegeta- tion, whereas the old historic town was represented only by isolated monuments (Arbutina, 2002, 33; Merčep 2005, 69–70). It did not regulate the archaeological heritage protection, and its implementation would have had severely adverse consequences for the preserved underground archaeological remains (modern construc- tion techniques). The plan was not implemented, but it did, however, serve as a basis for numerous demolitions and removal of historic buildings (fi gure 8). In relation to overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as unfavourable (an entirely new struc- ture planned in the archaeological area, the integration and preservation of possible new archaeological fi nds is not regulated). Regulation plan for Zadar historic town core, 1955 (Bruno Milić, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Architecture and Geodesy at Zagreb University, Institute for Urbanism)14 Based on the results of public urban-planning competition15 from 1953 calling for solutions for the reconstruction of Zadar’s historic town core, architect Bruno Milić developed in 1955 a regulation plan for Zadar’s historic town core, based on a synthesis of the three winning designs (Arbutina 2002, 38). In relation to archaeological heritage, Milić’s plan provided for urban integration of the part of the ancient Roman forum and its reuse as new town square within a typological recon- struction of lost spatial relations and a medieval-town scale. The plan also affi rmed the ancient Roman grid plan. The presentation of archaeological remains of me- dieval and renaissance town walls (north-western and south-western walls) was also planned (UZ FA IUSPLA Bruno Milić). The plan did not regulate the conservation of archaeological fi nds in other parts of the peninsula (fi gure 9). In relation to the overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as partly favourable (planned urban integration of the ancient Roman forum remains; affi r- mation of ancient Roman grid plan; planned presenta- tion of medieval and renaissance walls). The plan did not provide for the possible new archaeological fi nds, or their integration and preservation. Zadar town centre construction plan, 196116 As Milić’s plan did not generate any detailed urban- planning studies, and the immediate vicinity of the churches of St. Donat and St. Anastasia, as well as the ancient Roman forum remained unbuilt, a new urbanistic and architectural competition was announced, calling for ideas for the development of a section of the forum and Široka Street (Boltar, 1961, 40). After the competi- tion, an expert advisory committee was founded for the construction of the peninsula centre, which developed the construction plan based on competition entries.17 The plan provided for urban integration and uncovering of a part of the ancient Roman forum and its reuse as the central town square surrounded by a contemporary buildings with various uses, within a typological recon- struction of lost spatial relations and a medieval-town Figure 7: Regulation plan, historic town core, detail, 1939 (Arbutina, 2000, 139) 14 The plan was not offi cially adopted and it was a synthesis of three equally excellent, fi rst-prize winning works in the 1953 competition. Three equally valuable awards were awarded to: Berislav Kalođera and associates, Bruno Milić and Miroslav Kollenz and associates, Vladimir Ivanović, Radovan Miščević, Branko Petrović, and Branko Vasiljević and associates (Urbanistički institut NRH) (Arbutina, 2002, 35; Merčep, 2005, 72-74). 15 The programme for the competition were developed by the Yugoslav (today’s Croatian) Academy of Sciences and Arts (architects Josip Seissel, Andrija Mohorovičić, Drago Galić, archaeologist Mate Suić and conservator Grga Oštrić) (Boltar, 1961, 40; Merčep, 2005, 70; NOO Zadar, 1953). 16 Expert advisory committee for the construction of the peninsula centre, based on the synthesis of competition entries, 1959. 17 The members of the Committee (Odbor pri Savjetu za urbanizam i građevinarstvo Narodni odbor Općine Zadar) were members of the judging panel (Zvonimir Tišina, Dragan Boltar, Ninoslav Kučan, Zdenko Sila, conservator Grga Oštrić and government representatives Albin Švorinić and Ante Sorić), architects Josip Seissel, Andrija Mohorovičić and Mladen Kauzlarić. First prize winner was a group of 341 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Figure 8: Zadar Regulation plan, 1947 (Arbutina, 2002, 34) Figure 9: Zadar historic town core regulation plan – photomontage of scale-model photo, 1955 (Arbutina, 2002, 58) authors including Vladimir Ivanović, Grozdan Knežević, Zdenko Kolacio, Mirko Maretić, Josip Uhlik, and the second prize winners in- cluded Bruno Milić and Marija Širola. The Institute for Urbanism (Zavod za urbanizam) at the Faculty of Civil Engineering, Architecture and Geodesy at Zagreb University (today’s University of Zagreb Faculty of Architecture) was in charge of the study and the coordination of construction at central Zadar peninsula in 1961 (Boltar, 1961; UZ FA IUSPLA Dragutin Boltar). 18 “Interventions in the square shall focus on its use, which is attractive from both historical and urban aspects –being the heart of the town. Here the Roman forum will be clearly outlined – it can even be separated by archaeological fragments to evoke an ancient Roman por- ticus – much like the two main Roman streets (Cardo Maximus and Decumanus)…” (Boltar, 1961, 41). 19 Built in disregard of the construction plan. 20 Urbanistički institut SRH 21 “Protection, presentation, and integration of archaeological sites into contemporary life is to be conducted on the basis of scientifi c criteria of archaeology. Prior to the commencement of any type of construction in any particular archaeological zone, it is necessary to investigate every such site, and on the basis of archaeological and conservation methods and criteria establish the signifi cance and value scale.18 Based on the plan, the reconstruction of the central part of the peninsula was mostly completed (structures A, B, C, D, E, H19, I, were built according to the plan, fi gure 10). In relation to the overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as partly favourable (planned urban integration of the ancient Roman forum remains). It did not provide for the possible new archaeological fi nds, or their integration and preservation. Zadar masterplan, 1973 (team leader Vladimir Ivanović, Croatian Institute for Urban Planning20) The Zadar masterplan adopted in 1973 emphasises the importance of architectural and archaeological heritage and defi nes the general measures for its pro- tection21 in the town area, whereas the integral part of the plan also includes map 5. General plan for the protection of archaeological sites, architectural monu- 342 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 In relation to the overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as partly favourable (general protec- tion measures – protection, presentation, and integra- tion of archaeological heritage; obligation of conducting archaeological research of archaeological areas prior to construction, as a basis for determining the condi- tions for new construction; obligation of developing a detailed urban-conservation plan for the historic town core; inventories of archaeological areas and sites, pre- scribed active protection of architectural heritage). Zadar masterplan, 1989 (concept authors Aleksandar Bašić, Ivan Čižmek, Nives Kozulić, Tomislav Valerjev, Croatian Institute for Urban Planning23 and the Zadar Institute for Urban Planning24)25 The Zadar 1989 masterplan highlights historical heritage as a resource, and proposes its inclusion in eco- nomic and social spheres and its integration into spatial and functional solutions of the contemporary town. In this way, the revitalization and promotion of cultural and historical values of heritage will be foreseen. The masterplan foresees the protection of archaeological sites from new construction wherever possible, whereas particularly signifi cant sites are to be preserved and presented in situ. The plan prescribes the creation of a detailed plan which would include the entire area of the Zadar peninsula (49 ha). It also acknowledges the preserved traces of ancient Roman centuriation outside the historic zone, as a basis for spatial enhancements (street and pedestrian network) of areas affected by unplanned and illegal construction, as well as a spatial and organisational element of the planned industrial zone (Gaženica)26 (fi gure 12). There was no substantial implementation of the masterplan due to the outbreak of war (1991–1995) and the changes in political and economic systems. In relation to overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as favourable (prescribes detailed protection measures – preservation of archaeological fi nds/sites from future construction wherever possible; presentation and in situ conservation of signifi cant ar- chaeological sites; proposal for urban integration of ar- chaeological heritage; affi rmation of centuriation traces; obligation to develop a detailed urban-conservation plan for the historic town core). Figure 10: Centre construction plan, 1961. Use of buildings according to plan: A, B residential buildings with shops on ground fl oor toward Široka Street; H, I residential buildings; C mixed-use (residential, business, commercial, public, service); D mixed-use (residential, business, commercial, public - cinema); E tourist and service; G public and tourist use (archaeological muse- um); F public (Boltar, 1961, 41) of particular site and the conditions under which new structures can be realised in a particular archaeological zone” (HDA, Generalni urbanistički plan Zadar, 1972). 22 The plan was not developed. 23 Urbanistički institut SRH. 24 Zavod za urbanizam Zadar, founded in 1975, today’s Zavod za prostorno uređenje Zadarske županije. 25 Amendments to the masterplan 1991/1992 and 1998. 26 “Area of centuriation, mostly built-up,… In this area, the orthogonal plan of the centuriae should be affi rmed, wherever conditions al- low, whether as a dirt-road, path, tree-lined path, building line, and the like. Archaeological sites marked in graphic materials are to be protected from new construction wherever possible, and in any case, thoroughly investigated and documented. Particularly signifi cant fi nds are to be preserved and presented in situ” (MGIPU, Generalni urbanistički plan Grada Zadra, 1989). ments, agglomerations of ambiental value, and the old cemetery which included six value categories applied to buildings and town areas, as well as archaeological sites in town areas outside the peninsula. The plan prescribed active protection (integrated protection) of architectural heritage, and the development of the urban-conservation plan for the historic core22, but did not provide a detailed regulation of the protection of architectural and thereby archaeological heritage (protection measures were not specifi ed for individual monuments outside the peninsula – they were to be de- termined for each separate monument in cooperation with conservators). For the area outside the peninsula, the plan provided for a new grid plan, which to a small degree corresponds to the ancient Roman centuriation (fi gure 11). 343 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Zadar County spatial plan, 2004 (coordinator Nives Kozulić, team leader Nevena Rosan, Physical Planning Institute of Zadar County27)28 Although the plan is still valid, it only formally regu- lates the protection and preservation of archaeological heritage (prescribed general measures for the protection of archaeological heritage defi ned by the Croatian Act on the Protection and Preservation of Cultural Goods).29 The plan does not recognize the spatial value of archaeological heritage as a development resource. The masterplan was repealed by 2011 amendments, leaving the regulation of town development, and its historic core especially, solely to the spatial/physical plan, without the means to adequately regulate the conservation and enhancement of the historic core and archaeological heritage (fi gure 13). In relation to the overall archaeological heritage, the plan is evaluated as partly unfavourable (general protection measures stipulated by the Croatian Act on the Protection and Preservation of Cultural Goods; protection left solely to competent conservation department; no application of integrated protection principle – no defi ned measures for the protection of archaeological heritage from the point of view of spatial/urban planning; no concrete guidelines for Figure 11: Zadar masterplan (Land use plan), 1973. Legend: yellow – residential area, orange – tourist area, red – central area, purple ‒ industrial area (Urbanistički institut SRH, 1987, 34) Figure 12: Zadar masterplan, 1989, concept (MGIPU, Generalni urbanistički plan Grada Zadra, 1989) 27 Zavod za prostorno uređenje Zadarske županije 28 Amendments, 2008 and 2011. 29 Article 316 and 318 (2008) and article 318 (2011) (Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra, 2008; Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra, 2011; Zakon o zaštiti i očuvanju kulturnih dobara NN 69/99, 151/03, 157/03, 87/09, 88/10, 61/11, 25/12, 136/12, 157/13, 152/14). the protection/conservation of particular fi nds/sites – their use, presentation, or urban integration). 344 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 Synthesis and overview of analyzed urban and spatial planning documents Seven urban and spatial-planning documents have been analyzed (amendments excluded), developed between 1939 and 2015, on the basis of 22 criteria listed in Table 1. The criteria are divided in three groups: endangerment of archaeological heritage by planned interventions (group A, 3 criteria), measures for the pro- tection of archaeological heritage (group B, 14 criteria), planned guidelines for particular fi nds/sites (group C, 5 criteria). Taking into account the defi ned criteria, in relation to archaeological heritage in the town, the 1947 plan is evaluated as unfavourable, the plans from 1939 and 2004 as partly unfavourable, and those from 1955, 1961, and 1973 as partly favourable. The only plan favourable for archaeological heritage is the one from 1989. This plan foresees the preservation of archaeo- logical sites from future construction wherever possible, conservation and presentation of particularly signifi cant archaeological sites, inclusion of archaeological heritage in economic and social spheres and its integration into spatial and functional solutions of the contemporary town (planned urban integration). 1939 and 1947 plans do not regulate the protec- tion and preservation of archaeological heritage. The 1950s plans show a continuous development of expert standpoints and planning methods, until the Figure 13: Zadar County Spatial Plan, map 5. Development and organization of the settlement – cut-out, amendments 2011. Legend: (S) residential, (M) mixed use, (K) business, (D) public, (T) tourist, (Z) green, (R) sport and recreation, (I) industrial (Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra, 2004, www.grad-zadar.hr) 1990s when principles of integrated protection, which includes urban planners in the protection of archaeo- logical heritage, slowly fade. Records and maps of archaeological sites and areas, as well as measures for the protection of archaeological heritage have been an integral part of adopted plans since 1973. The 1973 and 1989 plans provided for urban integration of ar- chaeological heritage, prescribe general measures for the protection of archaeological heritage, which were more detailed in the 1989 plan, whereas both plans prescribe developing the urban-conservation plan for the Zadar peninsula as a mean of preserving and guid- ing the completion of reconstruction and revitalization of historic town core (never developed). The 1973 plan prescribes active (integrated) protection of architectural heritage. Not one plan applied a systematic approach to the integration of archaeological heritage (visible or underground), whereas the current plan (from 2004, amendments from 2008 and 2011) does not acknowl- edge archaeological heritage as the town’s spatial and development resource, provides almost no regulation on the issue and does not prescribe development of more detailed plans. CONCLUSION The research results on urban integration of archaeo- logical heritage in Zadar include: 345 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 1) The history of archaeological research and archaeological heritage protection and preserva- tion in Zadar, divided in four periods: beginnings of archaeological excavations pre-WWII, town reconstruction between 1945 and 1975, period between 1975 and 1991, and the contemporary period post-1991. 2) The analysis and evaluation of the relevant urban plans in relation to enhancement and preserva- tion of archaeological heritage and its urban integration according to defi ned criteria. 3) The defi ned three groups of criteria for the evalu- ation of urban and spatial planning documents: 1 criteria relating to enda ngerment of archaeologi- cal heritage by planned urban interventions, 2 criteria relating to protection measures for overall archaeological heritage, and 3 criteria relating to individual archaeological fi nds/sites. By synthesizing the research results, an innovative approach to the protection of historic area in the modern- ist period (1950–1975) is recognized. The approach can be regarded as a management model which included urban integration of archaeological heritage related to town reconstruction following WWII. This period saw the beginning of urbanistic integration of the ancient Ro- man forum complex, as well as individual integration of numerous archaeological remains (south-eastern town walls and gates, remains of the horreum, basin from private bathhouse, public bathhouse, remains of ancient Roman residential building, remains of pre-Romanesque Stomorica Church, of the Kaštel fortress, of medieval town walls, of early-Christian St. Thomas’ basilica, etc.). This management model included: interdisciplinary co- operation between expert archaeologists, conservators, and urban planners on the protection of archaeological heritage within an urban context; an important role of scientifi c and educational institutions (Academy of Sci- ences and Arts and the Faculty of Architecture at the University of Zagreb); competitions in 1953 and 1959, used as the basis for developing urban plans (1955, 1961); a deviation from urban-planning principles of modernist architecture and urbanism, as well as numerous archaeological, conservation, historical and other scientifi c research. The aspect of conservation of archaeological heritage in this period, despite certain mistakes, is one of the value factors of post-war recon- struction of Zadar (to this day the defi nitive scientifi c evaluation of the process has not been conducted). Research of the urban integration of archaeological heritage can be conducted in other towns in Croatia with rich archaeological heritage that have also suf- fered WWII devastation (e.g. Pula, Rijeka). These towns have also failed to complete the reconstruction and revitalization of the historic town core, nor have they systematically approached the issue of integration of archaeological heritage. Croatia has a long tradition of acknowledging the protection of architectural and archaeological heritage in the context of urban and spatial planning, beginning in practice in the 1950s (post-war reconstruction of Zadar), and in theory in the 1960s, anticipating numer- ous principles of contemporary conservation principles which have later become internationally accepted and known as integrated protection. After the change in the political system in 1990 and the past 25 years of adjusting to new conditions (transitional period) in Croatia, the previously devel- oped and implemented principles of integrated (active) protection have not been suffi ciently evaluated and are only formally accepted in the planning process. The contemporary period is defi ned by a lack of interdis- ciplinary cooperation between experts (archaeologists, conservators, urban and spatial planners), and other participants in the complex issue of preserving archi- tectural/archaeological heritage in an urban context, as well as the failure to recognize archaeological heritage as an non-renewable spatial resource. Identifi ed management model of archaeological heritage in Zadar represents the adequate technical and scientifi c basis for the development of contempo- rary management model by adjusting it to the present context and by supplementing it with the contemporary principles of archaeological heritage protection and preservation. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks to Dubravka Landau Boltar, dr.sc. Smiljan Gluščević, Barbara Peranić, and mr.sc. Ksenija Petrić. 346 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Marko RUKAVINA & Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI: URBAN INTEGRATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE IN ZADAR, 329–348 URBANA INTEGRACIJA ARHEOLOŠKE DEDIŠČINE V ZADRU Marko RUKAVINA Univerza v Zagrebu, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Hrvaška e-mail: mrukavina@arhitekt.hr Mladen OBAD ŠĆITAROCI Univerza v Zagrebu, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Kačićeva 26, 10000 Zagreb, Hrvaška e-mail: mos@arhitekt.hr POVZETEK Članek raziskuje urbano integracijo arheološke dediščine v mestu Zadar s pomočjo analize zgodovine in urbane- ga razvoja mesta, zgodovine arheološke raziskave in varstva ter ohranitve arheološke dediščine in analize relevantnih dokumentov urbanističnega ali prostornega načrtovanja v povezavi z arheološko dediščino. Zgodovina arheološke raziskave, varstva in ohranitve arheološke dediščine ter urbanističnega in prostornega načrtovanja v Zadru še vedno niso sistematično znanstveno raziskovani, zajemajo pa obdobje med poznim 19. stoletjem (prvi arheološki izkopi) in letom 2015. Ključne besede: arheološka dediščina, urbanistično in prostorno planiranje, urbana integracija, integralna zaščita/ ohranitev, Zadar SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra (2004): Odluka o donošenju Prostornog plana uređenja Grada Zadra (Zadar County spatial plan), www.grad-zadar.hr, 22.12.2014. Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra (2008): Odluka o Izm- jenama i dopunama Prostornog plana uređenja Grada Zadra (Zadar County spatial plan amendments), www. grad-zadar.hr, 22.12.2014. Gradsko vijeće Grada Zadra (2011): Odluka o donošenju Izmjena i dopuna Prostornog plana uređenja Grada Zadra (Zadar County spatial plan amendments), www.grad-zadar.hr, 22.12.2014. 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Za- greb, Ministarstvo kulture, 539–540. 349 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.23 received: 2016-02-15 EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS Špela VEROVŠEK University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Architecture, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: spela.verovsek@fa.uni-lj.si Ljiljana ČAVIĆ CIAUD, University of Lisbon, Faculty of Architecture, Rua Sá Nogueira, 1349-055, Lisbon, Portugal e-mail: ljiljana.cavic.arh@gmail.com ABSTRACT The paper discusses a set of spatial attributes referring to urban places and design, principally focusing on the urban riverfronts and their expressions of perceived quality and spatial identity. River landscapes, riverfronts and designed urban places along the river banks are among the most visible, strong and prominent features of the river cities. They bring certain uniqueness and potential to boost urban quality and to develop places for people. Following our earlier reviews and meta-analyses, we tackle some essential defi nitions and regularly employed characteristics that refl ect the importance and relevance to riverfront development. We debate a list of place-related attributes and explain their role regarding human perception, formation of local identity and their relation to places’ appeal, in the case of two different European river cities, Ljubljana and Lisbon. Keywords: spatial attributes, spatial quality, urban riverfronts, local identity, urban design LE ESPRESSIONI DI QUALITA’ SPAZIALE E IDENTITA’ LOCALE NELLO SVILUPPO DI LUNGOFIUME URBANO SINTESI Il documento descrive una serie di caratteristiche spaziali relative alle localita’ urbane e alla progettazione, con- centrandosi principalmente sui riverfront urbani e sul loro effetto di qualità percepita e identità spaziale. I paesaggi fl uviali, il lungofi ume e località urbane progettate lungo le rive del fi ume sono tra le caratteristiche più visibili, forti e prominenti delle città attraversate da un fi ume. Essi portano una certa eccezionalita’ e potenzialità per aumentare la qualità urbana e sviluppare i posti adatti alla gente. Prendendo in considerazione le nostre revisioni precedenti e meta-analisi, affrontiamo alcune defi nizioni essenziali ed usiamo regolarmente le caratteristiche che hanno impatto sull’importanza e rilevanza per lo sviluppo del riverfront. Discutiamo un elenco di quattro particolarità relative ai luoghi sopracitati e provvediamo a spiegare il loro ruolo nella percezione umana, nella formazione di identità locale e nel loro rapporto con l’attrattività dei luoghi, nel caso di due diverse città fl uviali europee, Lubiana e Lisbona. Parole chiavi: caratteristiche spaziali, qualità spaziale, i riverfront urbani, identità locale, progettazione urbana 350 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 INTRODUCTION Rivers and river landscapes1 in urban environments have always been important factors of the development and have often been recognized as a resource and advantageous predisposition in multiple senses – as a connection, greenery, border, protection, in terms of fi sheries, industrial and port development, recreation, leisure, aesthetics, public open spaces, and of course their role of preservation and nature from the ecological perspective. Remarkable in this sense is also another factor – the creation of spatial identity – which brings, among other, spatial recognition and authenticity of a broader geographical locality. In urban environments the recognition and authentic- ity of a broader geographical locality are leaned upon the intertwinement of a large range of elements and features: from morphological structures, vegetation, climate, built structures and infrastructures, historical character and existence of cultural heritage, land use patterns, to more indirectly visible, less tangible, such as inhabitants’ hab- its and customs, governmental regulations or behaviour patterns (Verovšek et al., 2016). However, a river in a city, river landscapes and riverfronts are of the most vis- ible, strong and prominent elements in these terms – they bring certain uniqueness and potential to boost urban qualities and develop places for people. Throughout the years, the multifunctional nature of riversides revealed their potential to respond to diverse necessities, thus acquiring several meanings. From being principally traf- fi c routs in the Middle Ages and economy booster in the industrial era, they are lately being readapted to places for wellbeing and re-naturalization. These constant and successful functional and spatial reinventions of riverside areas depict their values and capacity to obtain various signifi cations in urban life. As claimed by Larice and Macdonald (2010), the tendencies towards studying, designing and creating urban places with a greater relevance to the user’s personal experience – as a response to the impersonal approach of design – have reinforced the search for alternative ways of tackling the city and its parts, includ- ing riverfronts. Therefore, the scientifi c community has developed a rich set of aspects to approach the evalua- tion and interpretation of urban reality, either in a con- ceptual/ concise/abstract way (Bosselman, 1998) or by means that provide perceptions closer to the experience (Juvančič et al., 2014). Criteria and indicators for as- sessing spatial potentials, pre-dispositions or constraints are therefore based on physical, cultural and social or purely perceptual nature of urban reality. This paper provides a descriptive overview of a set of spatial attributes related to urban riverfronts from the aspect of urban design and planning. Following our earlier reviews and other meta-analyses of the common qualities in urban environments (Ewing et al., 2006; Verovšek, 2012; Verovšek et al., 2013; Čavić and Beirao, 2014), we tackle some essential defi nitions and regularly employed characteristics that refl ect importance and relevance in terms of river banks. We select and discuss a set of place-related attributes and explain their role in terms of human perception and the role for a wider audience and users. The discussion is systematically un- derpinned by geographically two different showcases; that is, by two river cities in Europe – Ljubljana with the Ljubljanica river and Lisbon with Tagus river. PLACES’ EXPRESSIONS FOSTERING URBAN QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY Most commonly speaking, the identity of a place represents the key characteristics with which a particu- lar place is associated.2 The numerous elements and features and their combinations defi ne a certain place and bring an expression of uniqueness and authentic- ity, which has been, since the earliest times, regarded as a sign of value and quality, however, not necessarily strictly correlated to what is considered architectural or urbanistic quality. The defi nition of place is closely linked to compre- hension of its identity, which by differentiation allows for place’s distinction within spatial continuity and topologic confi guration. In broader sense and using Sau- ssure’s linguistic theory of meaning-making (Saussure, 1959), the defi nition of any signifi cant entity is linked to its uniqueness in comparison to proximate or similar elements within the system. Said differently, a place as a meaningful element generates its identity twofold: a) in a relationship towards proximate and the neighbor- hood places and b) in relation to functionally similar but physically separated places. Lynch (1960) considered identity as part of the image of a city with the appearance being the most instantly perceived refl ection of its spatial identity, even if ne- glecting the subjective interpretation of it. However, counting with its counterpart, a place-related identity also inevitably refers to either subjective or objectivised cluster of ideas about the place. It represents an assem- blage of information about the place for its user or the observer. Spatial identity is in this view seen as a dy- namic, collective creation of the interaction between, on the one side the capacities for memory, consciousness, 1 Urban rivers include rivers, or river segments, which originate or fl ow in urban regions, as well as canals or channels (which are man- made but have, over time, achieved characteristics of natural rivers (Yue, 2012). 2 Place identity can commonly be defi ned in two different ways, by either the ways people express identifi cations with reference to the physical environment or the distinctiveness of the environment itself. For the purpose of this paper, place identity is confi ned to the unique or distinct character of a place (Azmi et al., 2014). 351 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 and organized construal and on the other the physical and societal structures and processes which constitute the social context (Breakwell, 1986; Lappegard, 2007). As such, the local or regional identity and character are never a stable construct, but is continuously evolving (Kaymaz, 2013) on the long term basis, however, the essence of it persists due to the more constant factors infl uencing its appearance. The later forms, what Mlinar (1994)3 calls the continuation, as one of the two most conspicuous measures that defi ne any kind of identity (identity in any sense). Consequently, the place identity is also inevitably in conjunction with tradition: “A city’s identity relates to its historical background and to the particularities that traditionally characterized that city” (Deffner and Metaxas, 2010, 52). However, respecting the spatial identity as a quality, which is pursued by many Euro- pean documents,4 proposes not rigorously preserving current state or copying the old models, but rather defi ning the spatial differentiation and continuation in an always new context and attuned to new means of accomplishing it. In terms of urban design, it suggests moving the focus from static to dynamic, from formal towards functional, from economic to social dimen- sion of urban and architectural space, that is by lived experience (Tuan, 1975) turned into a Lefebvre’s living organism (Lefebvre, 1991). From the urban planning point of view, as Mrđa and Bojanić Obad Šćitaroci (2016) ascertain, it is essential to integrate the protec- tion of places’ identity into the planning process, to create a new assessment model that will trigger a new method of specifi c planning approach. No matter how we set it, the concept of local or spatial identity predictably connects the existing urban form and confi guration, morphology and land patterns, as well as climate, vegetation, to some less tangible features (such as inhabitants’ habits and customs, governmental regulations or behavioural patterns) that defi ne the perception of a place. Therefore, the identity connects the multifractal urban characteristics and at- tributes, yet at the same time relates to what constitutes the urban quality as perceived by users. As pointed out above, not all the spatial confi gurations forming its identity are considered architectural or urbanistic qual- ity, however, many of the existing spatial attributes have recognised signifi cance of quality and identity. In the paper we do not intentionally categorise the attributes and qualities by their type, however, we discuss them from the aspect of visual physical form, socially-economic liveliness that provides urbanity and assures users’ sojourning, as well as from the aspect of spatial identity which is shared by the users through their mental perceptions. SELECTION OF URBAN ATTRIBUTES APPLIED TO URBAN RIVERFRONTS In the following chapter we introduce four urban attributes relevant to urban riverfronts and fostering urban quality and the sense of local identity as noted by literature and also judged by the expert panel in past studies (Ewing and Handy, 2009; Carmona, 2010; Verovšek, 2012; Verovšek et al., 2013; Cavic and Beirao, 2014). The selected set is put in the perspective of two geographically different showcases; the city of Ljubljana with Ljubljanica River5 and the city of Lisbon with the delta of Tagus River.6 We use three photos in a row, demonstrating the riverbank scenery according 3 Mlinar (1994) claims, there are two key measures that defi ne each identity, these are differentiation and continuation. 4 The European Urban Charter in 1992 was on the European level among the fi rst concerted efforts to bring the existing local and urban identity in line with efforts linking legislative reform with spatial and architectural development. Following this agenda, also other more contemporary planning and strategic documents highlight the need to preserve or reinforce the locally specifi c character and identities, which refer to newly created or retrofi tted places. Also, a number of contemporary policies have responded by integrating the protection of traditional cultural landscape into their objectives and measures. 5 The Ljubljanica River is the continuation of several karst rivers that fl ow from the Karst region towards Ljubljana and Ljubljana basin. After entering Ljubljana from the south, it defi nes a hoop around the northern slope of Castle hill and encircles the historical centre. In the eighteenth century, the Gruber Canal was built in an attempt to reclaim lands against frequent fl ooding, cutting through the southern end of the promontory. Today the river is considered as one of the greatest spatial potentials in the city of Ljubljana. In the outer parts of the city the riverfronts are less urbanized, greener and gradually sweeping down; however, the central part of the city river is strongly confi ned; at that time it was a unique solution (Plečnik) which was complemented by other Plečnik’s works such as monumental build- ings, open squares, canals, embankments, and riverside parks, altogether forming a strong spatial identity, which is today protected as a cultural heritage. In the last decade, the riverbanks in the section of the old city centre of Ljubljana were partly renovated. Interventions were inserted within the existing design not to overrun the existing heritage and identity. Ljubljana received The European Prize for Urban Public Space for this project in 2012. (The European Prize for Urban Public Space is a biennial competition organized by seven European institutions with the aim to recognize and encourage the recovery projects and defence of public space in cities (http://www. publicspace.org/en/prize/2012). 6 Out of 18 municipalities that compose the Lisbon Metropolitan Area, 16 have one or more waterfronts: 6 of them by the sea and 10 of them along either the Tagus or the Sado rivers estuaries. In the case of Lisbon, river and the riverside represent an important element in city development. Lisbon Riverside is nowadays, almost in its totality, placed over artifi cially constructed landfi lls which as outputs of a long process of conquering water areas, depict the relationship city has established with its river. The nature of Lisbon’s shore has been changing over centuries, moving from the rich, direct and intense city-river interplay, towards a gradual levelling of their joining area through the artifi cial and mostly industrial expansion of landfi lls which led to the extension and regulation of the shore ring. Nowadays, due to decline and relocation of industrial activities Lisbon shoreline is an artifi cially regulated area that despite its morphological uni- formity allows for diverse urban interventions and various open public space typologies (recreational, social, etc.). 352 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 to the selected spatial attribute (one of the three photos demonstrates the non-designed riverfront scenery, not specially targeting urban use or proposing attendance) and an additional non-river scenery referencing high (max) or low (min) value by this attribute in one of the two cities (Table 1, Table 2). Short descriptions are pro- vided, pointing out the features that make each scene either high or low with respect to each spatial attribute. Nature in the city – naturalness The presence and effect of natural environments and elements of nature in urban and architectural space is widely discussed and investigated. It is well documented (e.g. Balling and Falk, 1982; Ulrich, 1986; Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989: Ward Thompson, 2002; Beatley, 2010, etc.) that elements of nature or “nature in the city” bring positive effects in numerous aspects such as biodiversity, microclimate, air quality, aesthetics, variety in appear- ance, noise reduction, to more subtle and complex, such as restorative effects for humans, aroused sense of bal- ance or control and preferences by people. The concept of naturalness in these terms refers to people’s perception that a place is connected to nature if containing elements such as water, vegetation, natural materials as woods, ge- omorphological variegation or offer vistas to mountains, hills or presence of animals, etc. In this context the natu- ralness represents the relation or proportion between the man-made impact and his natural counterpart or input. The question of “real” or total naturalness does not seem to be very crucial at this point. It is apparent that ele- ments of nature in the urban realm capture adjusted form and refl ect limited essence. However, from the aspect of human perception and preferences, it does not seem to be any less effective. Beatley (2010) claims that even the smaller doses of nature in more discontinuous ways (e.g. a rooftop garden, an empty corner lot, single tree, water pass) that are incorporated or found in the compact parts of the cities, have positive effects on human wellbeing and raise the quality of living environments. Addition- ally, in the case of study referring to larger green areas or remote riverfronts (Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989), those areas were recognized as more attractive to users if moderately reformed, designed and equipped, thus in a way urban- ized, adjusted and controlled. We could claim that harsh wildness is not particularly cherished among urban users if it does not provide with basic functionalities and infra- structures, path networks and adequate sense of safety or control. However, the uncontrolled, wild spaces such as railway sidings, river corridors, canal-side banks are claimed to be important in continuity of natural habitat for plant and animal diversity allowing for restoration of wildlife, city resilience and biodiversity (Baines, 1986). Wildness in urban areas is given a value due to its special conditions to hold a memory on what urban space was before it got constructed. It is an undetermined, open and free area, which leaves space for creativity and dif- ferently from constructed natural spaces with cut grass, permits observation of ecosystem in its originality and self-organising spontaneity (Ferraton and Iotzova, 2015). According to abundant theoretical and empirical lit- erature, deductive reasoning shall lead us to the statement that river as an element in the urban environments brings rich predisposition in terms of higher levels of natural- ness. Not only is the proximity of water advantageous for the development or design of adjacent urban places, but also the often required green buffer zone/corridor7 lengthwise the river enriches the potential for develop- 7 Different documents on EU level use dissimilar terminology and required building offsets: Slovenian legislation proposes a 15 meter offset from the river line for new constructions and infrastructures for most rivers of the fi rst class (hydro-morphological classifi cation; Figure 1 and 2: Bringing people closer to the water and greenery of the river edge is one of the well-recognised approaches to boost the sense of naturalness 353 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 ment of quality and pleasant spaces, usually related to recreation, play and leisure. Slovenian strategical plans on the level of municipalities, which are prepared in accordance with European environmental and planning agendas, are laying great efforts to develop and make good use of areas adjacent to rivers in urban contextures. Special concern goes to approaches that bring recrea- tional and walking paths closer to water (Figure 1, Figure 2) and design solutions that offer user experience in the immediate vicinity of water and greenery along it. Spatiality – openness, spaciousness, containment and enclosure In architectural theory authors such as Joedicke (1985), claim that even though very basic, the feature of spaciousness is very important in spatial experience. ‘Spaciousness’ depends on the area or space and height of facades adjacent to it – when the space is small with high surrounding buildings, it is perceived as less spacious comparing in comparison to a larger one with a lower built surrounding (Beirão et al., 2014). Spaciousness is deemed signifi cant due to its importance for safety and utility because more spacious places provide area for satisfaction of basic human needs giving them enough room not to feel threatened by enabling their capacity to see or move (Stamps, 2010). In urban theories, less spa- cious or more contained places allow for closer human interaction and mingling giving possibility for hearing and seeing other people as crucial factor for sojourning and social interaction (Gehl, 1987). Similarly, the term of openness refers to a view, visual scope and addresses the characteristics of spatial built membrane and refers to how much of the spatial two-dimensional or three- dimensional perimeter is enclosed or open towards its background (Nasar, 2011) and relates as opposite to attribute enclosure.8 As a more narrow and focused attribute, openness of spatial boundaries participates in generating spaciousness of urban space – higher open- ness contributes to higher spaciousness. Interestingly, both attributes – openness and enclosure in different urban places – can be considered either valuable or dis- turbing in terms of human perception. There are human- related and space-related reasons for this occurrence. The spatial cognition is infl uenced by one’s previous experiences, memories and individual predispositions and preferences. The phenomenon of openness which to someone might evoke emotion of freedom could to the other represent intimidation (Arnheim, 1977). Cullen (1961), for instance, states that enclosure of an outdoor space, that is, what forms a room-like (Ewing and Handy, 2009) impression, is, perhaps, the most powerful, the most obvious, of all the devices to install a sense of position, of identity with the surroundings. The connotation one gives to an extremely broad or enclosed space, positive or negative one, will as well depend on the spatial context and the anticipations of the user. At lower urban densities, building masses become less important in defi ning space (Ewing and Handy, 2009), which is followed by the users expectations and cogni- tion, thus the spaciousness - at least in a sense of defi ned openness (Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989; Nasar, 1990, 1994) – become appreciated feature. When the contexts and reference change, the perceptions and spatial cognition reasonably follow. It is evident that riverfronts in their nature capture more spaciousness and form specifi c context in these terms due to relatively less dense urban contexture and wider buildings’ edge offsets. Along with the river width and bridges that bring certain sense of spaciousness, there is, as stated before, a green buffer zone lengthwise the river required and regulated by the architectural and planning legislation in numerous European cities.7 This brings different predispositions to such places and their potential for development as liveable and pleasant public open places. There are, of course, exceptions to this principle, referring to the existent greater building densities (e.g. old/historical urban centres), closely confi ning the river and the water line by the buildings and built infrastructures. In these cases, the sense of spaciousness remains due to the river width, but is less intense comparing to riverbanks with wider offsets of buildings. As Ewing and Handy (2009) states, at low urban densities, building masses become less important in defi ning space, and trees assume the dominant role. Rows of trees, either along the street or along the river paths can humanize the height-to-width ratio. Thus, the perceived spaciousness can be strongly affected also by trees and canopies of the green buffer zone, however, the greenery provides more transparent less solid enclosure, which, for some authors is the fi nest solution for places suffering from exceeded openness perceived. Besides, the scale of spaciousness at the riverbank sceneries can be established in different scales of spaciousness (Figure 3 and 4). Linkage – access and connectivity Accessibility and linkage are tightly interrelated attributes of urban places that raise interest of many greater offsets are required in case of protected area of nature, green zones (50 m), water protection zones, protective forests and fl ooding areas, Zakon o vodah Uradni list RS, nr. 67/02). 8 Enclosure and the related spatial containment are considered both in plan and vertical section. The amount of enclosure and the result- ing degree of containment, partially depend on the ratio of the width of the space to the height of the enclosing walls (Carmona, 2010). Enclosure refers to the degree to which streets and other public spaces are visually defi ned by buildings, walls, trees, and other vertical elements. Spaces where the height of vertical elements is proportionally related to the width of the space between them have a room-like quality (Ewing et al., 2006). 354 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 practitioners and theoreticians. One can judge the ac- cessibility of an urban place by openness of its limits, which allows for its connections or linkages to its surrounding places, both in visual and physical sense. Ewing and Handy (2009) defi ne the linkage as a feature that promotes the interconnectedness of different places and that provides convenient access between them. As they claim, the linkage refers to physical or visual9 connections longitudinally or laterally across a place, forming, as Cullen (1961) defi nes it, continuity10 of the visual or physical path. There is of course a distinctive difference between the visual and physical connections. Physical connections can be represented by the travel trajectories, whereas visual connections don’t necessar- ily (or at all) coincide with them and thus do not relate to the actual accessibility and linkage network. The actual linkage is also closely associated with intersections, net- work confi guration and urban nodes,11 the latter being reasonable accompaniment of the linkage nodes. As complex process of organization connects the different nodes of the urban fabric, connections enable one to get easily to any point, preferably by many different paths (Salingaros, 1998). Although the position of a certain place within the network of other places in the city cannot be taken as a short-term or bottom-up design quality but rather a positive or negative predisposition to it, it defi nitely im- pacts the estimated value of space in the urban matrix.12 Centrality (as opposed to positional periphery) is always an advantage in these terms and brings higher levels of accessibility and connectivity. Inversely, as with the attributes of naturalness and spaciousness that commonly reach higher values in case of riverfronts, the attribute of linkage expectably gains lower levels at places along the river. This is a reason- able impact of the waterline as an obstacle to common modes of movement.13 However, although the access from bank to bank is clearly more impeded than, for instance, in the case of a city road, we can claim that cross linkage channels gain accumulated movements in these terms (Figure 5, Figure 6). Bridges here play a crucial role by pooling the movement into defi ned currents and forming strong connection nodes, which commonly adds to liveability, dynamics and quality in societal terms. Topography and visual amplitude One of the strongest attributes that that participates in constitution of place identity is related to spatial topography and the extent to which the built structures follow and adopt the terrain confi guration. Depending Figure 3 and 4: Opening the views and spacing-out the sceneries at the riverbank can be established in different scales of spaciousness (city centre and outeards) 9 As emphasized by Lynch (1960), visual connections are necessary for orientation and for creating a coherent picture of an urban setting; however, they do not necessarily (or at all) coincide with the travel trajectories and thus do not relate to actual accessibility. 10 Cullen (1961) defi nes continuity as “a simple way to show how one type of space is directly linked to another by the physical elements.” When a physical element creates a small fi eld to move along, such as a fence or a sidewalk, continuity indicates whether a viewer is within the fi eld. It suggests a path and an uninterrupted view within the object’s fi eld (Sora et al., 2008). 11 Urban nodes are not entirely defi ned by structures in urbanistic terminology, however, most often they represent an object or place of attraction for a greater part of users (Salingaros, 1998). 12 There are well known models of spatial geometric confi gurations developed (e.g. Hillier and Hanson, 1989) that offer analysis of spatial arrangements and relational concept of space and describe the relative connectivity, accessibility and centrality in regard to possible paths, position, choice and integration. 13 In this paper we regard river as a travel network negligible in terms of traveling in the city and daily travel behaviours of the majority. 355 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 on the slope shapes and the urban design embedded, places are more or less exposed towards environment or embedded into it, which permits a stronger or weaker control over territory, infl uencing the feeling of safety, place visibility, wind protection, sun exposure (insola- tion), etc. The topographic aspect is, therefore, implicitly involved in the defi nitions of several well distinguished but structured qualities, such as visual complexity or imageability of place (Ewing et al., 2006). It is clear that terrain confi guration is an attribute that doesn’t provide with quality itself, but offers higher or lower potential for the development of it, if places are structured around topography by taking advantage of its natural benefi ts such as terraces, viewpoints, depressions as defi ned by contour, valleys, slopes; or by overcoming its slope and height obstacles for water supply, drainage, acces- sibility. The analysis of topography is often undertaken by geographers (Huggett & Cheesman, 2002) and real estate economists (Hurd, 1924), who observe the way settlements are being adapted to the environment and its impact on functionality, cost-effectiveness or the infl uence on other related processes. In urban and architectural researches, topography analyses are often conducted for comprehension of how urban heat, fl ood- ing, microclimates, temperature, landuse, etc are infl u- enced by the environment. Interesting from our point of view is the relationship that urban place establishes with the topographical features, as they profoundly defi ne its character, predefi ne its insolation, limit or enhance its usage and potentiate its visual amplitude. Visual ampli- tude in its defi nition is strongly related to topographic features of any space. It depicts the attribute of a visual fi eld a certain place propagates giving an idea about the overall visual angle and coverage from a certain place, describing the visible spatial structure of an environ- ment. Visual amplitude is dependent both on topogra- phy and built structure. Places on convex and parallel slopes, especially those, which are less enclosed, have stronger visual amplitudes. The quality of visual ampli- tude is thus partly dependent on openness; however, in this case, it does not relate to the perception in terms of spaciousness but to proportion and variety of the vistas encompassed. The more enclosed places tend to obtain lower visual amplitude and less powerful views. Visual fi elds are usually addressed by isovist and viewshed methodologies. While isovist represents the portion of space that can be ‘overviewed’ from a certain spot, viewshed shows objects and parts of the objects that are visible from specifi c spatial point. Isovist depict shape of the view from certain location as being carved out by built and topographic obstacles, whereas views- heds14 are about the visibility of features.15 Viewsheds are commonly used where terrain heights come into play (Weitkamp, 2011). Thus, the visual amplitude can be depicted by viewshed representing a possible visible coverage towards urban – or landscape from a certain point – the greater the visible portion, the stronger the visual amplitude. By applying the attribute of visual amplitude to riv- erfronts and river scenery, we can for sure confi rm both: potentials and weaknesses deriving from topographical predispositions of the riverscapes. By taking into ac- Figure 5 and 6: Bridges accumulate the movement currents and form strong connection- and activity- nodes 14 A viewshed is the geographical area that is visible from a location. It includes all surrounding points that are in line-of-sight with that location and excludes points that are beyond the horizon or obstructed by terrain and other features (e.g., buildings, trees); (Weitkamp, 2011). 15 Inversely, the area from which a structure, object or a standpoint can be seen may be called the zone of visual infl uence. It is the area from which a particular object/point is theoretically visible. Zones of visual infl uence have been used extensively in wind farm develop- ment. A cumulative zone of visual infl uence is used to defi ne the cumulative effects of many developments (The European Wind Energy Association, 2012). 356 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 count the concave form of the river bed and surround- ing slopes, one can make inferences on lover visual amplitudes. From a specifi c standpoint on the riverfront, the visible coverage is commonly lower due to lower position, while convex and higher slopes would provide more extensive views and consequently more visual complexity. However, if taking into account commonly lower building densities along riverfronts, or greenery that allows transparency, or the possibilities offered by the bridges, one can also make reasonable inferences on some higher visual amplitude, compared to places lying higher from the riverbed where/if the building densities are higher. The attribute of visual amplitude is therefore very much dependent on the micro location and its topographical, as well as build confi guration, also the river width, stream meandering and the nature of river slopes, which are frequently dependent on geology of the river basin (Figure 7, Figure 8). DISCUSSION In an attempt of the urban design and planning to achieve the quality within the spatial attributes exam- ined and discussed in this paper, many different tactics occur. Each place can be seen through a set of ideas about how it should perform, what functionalities it should promote, what form it would capture and how it should be organized to provide with well-balanced pub- lic life and distributions, well designed and functional furniture, quality environment in terms of visual appeal, orientation, or noise/air pollution etc. There are great dif- ferences among different kind of places (plazas, squares, streets, banks, parks, atriums…) and their potentials to develop certain urban qualities. However, there are also great variances, among a particular kind of places – in our case riverfront spaces and their relation to the city form and layout. And yet, there are differences in per- ceptions of the qualities, as being contingent on various pre-established conditions such as the cultural context. For example, the concept of spaciousness/openness and enclosure within the context of North American cities cannot be compared with European or Asian ones. In the same way as we are born into the language and culture, we are born into the spatial context. Our cultur- ally infl uenced and therefore almost intrinsic concept of space is present as a reference to understanding and valuing new realities. We applied our review to the riverfronts in Ljubljana and Lisbon regarding set of selected attributes. Between these two cities, there are two crucial deviances that further drag most of the spatial characteristics, these are, size of the river and the position of the river within the city fabric, and the size of the city distances that provide different scales, especially in terms of spaciousness, link- age and visual amplitudes. Lisbon’s case offers greater distances, and the Tagus delta, due to its broadness, provides with the sceneries and spaces on a different scale regarding spaciousness, while Ljubljanica scales lower and fl ows through the very central part of the city, thus allowing for more proximate social interactions. Although it is evident, that riverfronts in their nature capture more spaciousness and form specifi c context in these terms due to relatively less dense urban con- texture, the two cases revised, show great differences also regarding openness of the public spaces nearby. It is evident that Tagus River creates a sea-like impression in its lower fl ow (river delta). The distances between the banks crate a perception of separation which literally results in inexistent cross linkage for the pedestrians. Bridges providing the linkage are well-distinguished but offer almost exclusively the transport function for motorized traffi cs. Number of bridges affects visual Figure 7 and 8: Slight river curves commonly establish richer sceneries with higher visual amplitudes as opposed to sceneries by straight banks 357 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 amplitude of the places twofold. On one side, when ob- serving from a place, a higher number of bridges chunk visual fi eld into smaller portion diminishing visual am- plitude of a place. When observed from outside, more bridges offer more opportunities to capture better stand/ view point, widening the visual fi eld towards a certain place on the bank. The attribute of visual amplitude in these two cases is of course very much dependent also on the micro location and its topographical, as well as build confi guration, the river width, stream meandering, and the nature of the river slopes grading down the riverfronts and holding the bridges’ edges. In the central part of Ljubljana on the distance of 10 km, there are 20 bridges, of which 9 is exclusively proposed for non- motorised traffi c (pedestrian, bike). This proportion ranks high in comparison to most of the European cities, and by taking in the account also the slight meandering of the river, we can claim that Ljubljanica’s riverfronts are well pre-dispositioned in terms of visual amplitudes to- wards the riverbank, but are quite constrained regarding visual amplitude from riverbank locations. Differently, in case of Tagus, visual amplitude from the riverside is rather high due to wideness of river’s delta and lack of proximate bridges that would work as visual constrains. Due to the lack of bridges, visual amplitude towards the places is low since stand/viewpoints are non-existent. Likewise, both, the linage with the connectivity and the characteristics related to spaciousness are almost in diametric contrast within these two rivers, however in both cases these provide with the uniqueness and adds to the geo-local identity and appeal. CONCLUSION Urban rivers with appurtenant riverbanks hold specifi c predispositions in terms of developing urban Table 1: Selected spatial attributes; Ljubljana – Ljubljanica River 358 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 places. They form distinct spatial arrangements to evolve place-based qualities, and promising possibilities to foster local identity. As claimed by the European centre for river restoration (ECRR, 2017), there are more than 50% of people in the world now living in cities and more than 75% live near a river. Rivers are increasingly valued as part of the urban environment; successful urban river restoration is as much about establishing trust with local people, boosting their sense of identity with their rivers, as it is about improving fl ows and habitats. There are in- deed great differences among diverse urban rivers, their expanse, geomorphology, river profi le and confi guration of the banks, as well as how they are embedded into the urban fabric and integrated into the socio-cultural, ecological, economic and managerial structures of the city. In the article we delve into the selection of spatial attributes, which appear to be more common for the riv- erscapes and places along the river banks. We put them in the perspective of two unlike cities with unique and rather dissimilar riverscapes, to demonstrate the differ- ences and similarities and validate choice of the picked attributes. The characteristics relating to naturalness, distinct topography and spatiality, as well as particularity regarding linkage, are important factors concerning the development of river-by places and their urban design. Not all determine the quality itself, but rather the spe- cifi c potential to be used in a constructive way from the aspect of visitors, residents and users. Likewise, from the aspect of the river sceneries and the spatial identity, these attributes are vital in bringing unique or distinct character to places longwise the river, which is to be recognized and recalled vividly by the users/observers in comparison to other places of the city, however, although not necessarily strictly correlated to what is considered architectural or urbanistic quality. The discussion we expose and consider important in this article is especially the gradual shift in designing, which tends to put forward the actual user‘s experience. The debated research and Table 2: Selected spatial attributes; Lisbon – Tagus River 359 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 fi ndings related to the exposed attributes correspond- ingly represent a rich repository of knowledge to answer questions about spatial qualities, their meanings, ways of their achievement and the ultimate aims at pragmatic value of responsive, well-recognizable and user-friendly structure and shape. The perpetual challenge, however, is how to apply this knowledge to specifi c geo-local en- tity and how to assure the non-confl icting riparian uses among ecological, economic and social functionalities, while concurrently boosting the aesthetic, visual and lo- cally distinct expression in the process of urban planning and design. 360 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 IZRAZI PROSTORSKE IDENTITETE IN KAKOVOSTI URBANIH PROSTOROV PRI RAZVOJU MESTNIH REČNIH NABREŽIJ Špela VEROVŠEK Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Zoisova 12, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija e-mail: spela.verovsek@fa.uni-lj.si Ljiljana ČAVIĆ Univerza v Lizboni, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Rua Sá Nogueira, Lizbona, Portugalska e-mail: ljiljana.cavic.arh@gmail.com POVZETEK Razprava o kvalitetah urbanega prostora in identiteti, ki jo prostori nosijo, je stalnica strokovne, znanstveno-raz- iskovalne, tudi umetniške diskusije v disciplinah, povezanih z načrtovanjem in urejanjem urbanih prostorov. Članek obravnava sklop prostorskih lastnosti, ki se nanašajo na oblikovane urbane prostore in sicer s poudarkom na razvoju obrečnih mestnih nabrežij ter njihovega izraza prostorske identitete in kakovosti. Obrečni prostor, mestna nabrežja in oblikovani nizi prostorov na rečnih bregovih so lahko eden bolj močnih dejavnikov prepoznavnosti prostora in njegove kakovosti. Prinašajo namreč specifi čen izraz prostorske identitete, hkrati pa nosijo ugodne možnosti za razvoj funkcionalnih in uporabniku prijaznih prostorov. Sledeč našim predhodnim študijam in obstoječi literaturi na tem področju v članku obravnavamo nekatere osnovne pojme prostorskih kvalitet, ki odražajo pomen za razvoj ali revitalizacijo rečnih obrežij ter prostorov na bregovih urbanih rek. Razprava sledi širim osnovnim prostorskim atributom, ki so značilni za obrečni prostor, pri tem pregledno izpostavimo njihovo vlogo za uporabnika in njegovo zaznavanje, pomen, ki ga imajo za razvoj prostorske identitete in pomen, oziroma potencial ki ga nosijo za nastanek odzivnih in, s strani uporabnikov, dobro sprejetih prostorov. Dana izhodišča in referenčne vrednosti prikažemo na primerih dveh evropskih rečnih mest, to je, Ljubljane z Ljubljanico in Lizbone z rečno delto toka Tajo. Ključne besede: prostorski atributi, prostorske kvalitete, mestna nabrežja, prostorska identiteta, urbano oblikovanje 361 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Špela VEROVŠEK & Ljiljana ČAVIĆ: EXPRESSIONS OF SPATIAL QUALITY AND LOCAL IDENTITY IN URBAN RIVERFRONTS, 349–362 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Arnheim, R. (1977): The Dynamics of Architectural Form. Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press. Azmi, N. F., Ahmad, F. & A. S. Ali (2014): Place Identity: A Theoretical Refl ection. 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Landscape and Urban Planning, 60, 2, 59–72. Weitkamp, G. (2011): Mapping landscape open- ness with isovists. Research In Urbanism Series, 2, 1, 205–223. Yue, J. (2012): Urban Rivers: A Landscape Ecologi- cal Perspective. Hydrology: Current Research, 3, 125, 12–17 Zakon o vodah (2002). Uradni list RS, nr. 67/02. 363 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.24 received: 2016-02-02 CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE Jure RAMŠAK Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper e-mail: jure.ramsak@zrs-kp.si IZVLEČEK Članek analizira prostorske in družbene posledice igralniške industrije, ki je vzniknila v osemdesetih letih v mestu Nova Gorica na jugoslovansko-italijanski meji. Avtor predstavlja ideološke in politične okoliščine, ki so vplivale na transformacijo planiranega socialističnega mesta v kraj kapitalističnega načina zabave, namenjene izključno tujim državljanom. Kot eden izmed najpomembnejših virov trdne valute je igralništvo uživalo podporo podjetniških in političnih elit poznega socializma. Čeprav je Casino deloval kot izolirana prostorska celota, je ob svoji nenehni širitvi načel tudi sistem socialističnih vrednot in sprožil posledice na družbenem in urbanem tkivu mladega mesta še pred ponovno uvedbo tržnega sistema, ko je igralništvo naposled postalo njegova poglavitna simbolna dominanta. Ključne besede: Nova Gorica, igralništvo, modernistični urbanizem, HIT, jugoslovanska ekonomija IL CASINÒ NELLA CITTÀ SOCIALISTA: GLI INIZI DELL’INDUSTRIA DEL GIOCO D’AZZARDO E LA TRASFORMAZIONE SOCIOECONOMICA DI NOVA GORICA SINTESI L’articolo analizza le conseguenze spaziali e sociali provocate dall’industria del gioco che dagli anni ottanta in poi ha iniziato a svilupparsi a Nova Gorica, città sul confi ne italo-jugoslavo. L’autore presenta le condizioni ideologiche e politiche che hanno infl uenzato la trasformazione di una città socialista pianifi cata a tavolino in un luogo di diver- timento di tipo capitalista, adibito esclusivamente a visitatori stranieri. Come una delle fonti più importanti di valuta forte il gioco d’azzardo aveva il sostegno delle elites politiche e imprenditoriali del tardo socialismo. Nonostante il Casino funzionasse come un’unità spaziale indipendente come conseguenza del suo continuo allargamento ha iniziato a porre in questione i valori essenziali del sistema socialista e ha provocato conseguenze sia nel tessuto sociale che in quello urbano della giovane città ancora prima dell’introduzione dell’economia di mercato, quando l’industria del gioco è divenuta la sua dominante simbolica principale. Parole chiave: Nova Gorica, gioco d’azzardo, urbanismo modernista, HIT, economia jugoslava 364 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 UVOD: METABOLIZEM NOVEGA URBANEGA PROSTORA OB MEJI Grajeno okolje in način življenja, h kateremu naj bi to napeljevalo, je v času velikih ideologij 20. stoletja postalo eden izmed najbolj razpoznavnih kulturnih simbolov modernosti v njenih različnih izpeljavah.1 V največji meri je to veljalo za režime, utemeljene na ide- ologiji komunizma, saj, kot pravi Virág Molnár v svoji knjigi, kjer na celokupen način analizira arhitekturo, politiko in proces izgradnje države v povojni srednji Evropi, »verjetno noben drug politični sistem ni bil tako prepričan v socialno-transformativno vlogo arhitekture in arhitektov kot je to bil socializem« (Molnár, 2013, 7). Ta je najbolj prišla do izraza v primeru povojne gradnje približno šestdesetih novih mest v Sovjetski zvezi in vzhodni Evropi, čeprav so bile mesijanske aspiracije močno prisotne tudi pri prevajanju modernističnih utopij v načrte novih urbanih centrov od Velike Brita- nije prek Indije do Brazilije (Feuerstein, 2008; Holston, 1989; Grindrod, 2013). V povojni kontekst zamisli socialističnih novih mest v srednji in vzhodni Evropi, celo kot enega prvih primerov, lahko prištejemo tudi leta 1947 pričeto gradnjo Nove Gorice na sami hladnovojni razvodnici kapitalizma in socializma.2 Imaginarij tega novega mesta, katerega smo- ter sicer ni bil stanovanjski prilastek (mono)industrijski dejavnosti, kot je bilo to v slučaju večine sorodnih na novo osnovanih naselij v vzhodni Evropi (gl. Cinis et al., 2008), ampak nadomestno upravno, gospodarsko in kulturno središče severnoprimorske regije po določitvi nove meje z Italijo, je bil v mnogočem podoben ideali- zirani podobi stvaritve novega, na kožo delovnega člo- veka pisanega habitusa. Opraviti imamo torej z urbanim planiranjem velikega obsega kot načinom kompleksne ideološke intervencije v prostor v sklopu politike iden- titete na obmejnem območju (gl. Radović, 2013, 168). Prek svoje modernistično-funkcionalistične strukture, pa tudi v diskurzu, ki je spremljal izgradnjo, se je novo urbano okolje v svoji prvi fazi konstituiralo v opoziciji do bližnjega »kapitalističnega imperializma«, odgovornega za izgubo starega mesta, a kmalu za tem spričo velikih premikov v jugoslovanski notranji in zunanji politiki ter ekonomiji, doživelo redefi nicijo svoje identitete (več o tem: Ramšak, 2015, 67–99). Sociološke aspekte tega procesa so v preteklosti beležile posamezne raziskave, ki so jih strnili Jože Šušmelj in Marjan Tavčar (1965) ter Zdravko Mlinar (1983). Obširneje in na podlagi pristopov sodobne urbane antropologije pa se je z vprašanjem, kako se je prek odnosa posameznikov do prostora (funk- cionalnim, afektivnim, identifi kacijskim) v svojega pol stoletja obstoja Nova Gorica konstituirala kot družbeno dejstvo ukvarjala le Katja Jerman (2008; 2012). Omenjena etnologinja ugotavlja, da vladajoča politična opcija običajno spodbuja določene pomene in interpretacije okolja, kar je tudi v primeru novega mesta ob zahodni slovenski meji pustilo močno sled v spominu ljudi in njihovem dojemanju dominantnih diskurzov o socialističnem napredku, čeravno se v spo- minski topografi ji izrisuje večplastna izkušnja novega mesta (Jerman, 2008, 281). Izhodišče njene in redkih drugih raziskav je fenomen nastajanja in družbene strukture ter spleta medsebojnih interakcij v novem, socialističnem mestu, katerega ekonomska osnova je v veliki meri temeljila na industriji. V okviru tega članka pa nas zanimajo politične okoliščine ter prostorske posledice krepitve terciarnega sektorja za potrebe tujih potrošnikov, ki je dodobra posegel v izhodiščno podo- bo mesta kot izložbenega okna socializma. Ta proces je še pred propadom jugoslovanskega socialističnega sistema pripeljal do razrasta igralniške industrije kot enega izmed najbolj izrazitih načinov kapitalističnega načina zabave. S to prilagoditvijo ekonomskega modela lokalnega razvoja povpraševanju z druge strani meje je prišlo do bistvenega odstopanja od dotedanjih vzorcev jugoslovanskega turizma, ki je sicer že prej poznal elitne rezorte zaprtega tipa,3 a bil v splošnem znan po tem, da njegov smoter ni bil le maksimalizacija dobička (Basauri et al., 2012). A pri omenjenem fenomenu eksplozije obmejnega igralništva vendarle nimamo opravka z enostranskim procesom razgradnje socialističnih vrednot, na katerih je bilo osnovano novo mesto, in linearnim podrejanjem kapitalističnim vzorcem urbanega razvoja. Če gledamo na pojavnost tega fenomena še za časa socialistične Ju- goslavije samo z arhitekturnega vidika, bržkone ne bomo zaznali izstopajočih intervencij, ki bi povsem spremenile dominante socialistično-modernističnega urbanega pro- stora, kot se je to zgodilo ob nadaljnji eksploziji igral- ništva v letih in desetletjih po osamosvojitvi Slovenije. Vpeljevanje socialistični ureditvi neprikladne ekonomske dejavnosti, namenjene izključno tujim gostom, se v svoji zgodnji fazi prej izkazuje v obliki spremembe upravlja- vskega režima na določenih mikrolokacijah (ob prvem igralnem salonu), predvsem pa kot sprememba družbenih praks. Na te bomo v nadaljevanju še posebej pozorni in jih postavili v okvir širših družbenoekonomskih sprememb v jugoslovanskem poznem socializmu. S fenomenom casinoja se bomo torej srečali na ravni njegove fi zične umeščenosti v prostor in na ravni njegovega družbenega 1 Članek je nastal v okviru temeljnega raziskovalnega projekta ARRS J6-6833 »Kraji spomina, kraji meje: spomin in identiteta na sloven- sko-italijanskem mejnem območju v dolgem dvajsetem stoletju«. 2 Med precej skromno literaturo o političnih, ekonomskih in arhitekturnih ozadjih nastanka Nove Gorice lahko omenimo naslednje prispevke: Torkar, 1987; Ukmar, 1993; Di Battista, 2011; Čelik, Di Battista, 2012; Grabar, 2009. 3 Najbolj znan tovrsten primer je bil gotovo hotelsko-igralniški kompleks Haludovo Palace na otoku Krku, odprt leta 1972 s sredstvi mogot- ca in lastnika erotične revije Penthouse Boba Guccioneja (Tomažič, 2013). Za splošen pregled o odpiranju jugoslovanskega turističnega trga proti Zahodu gl. Grandits, Taylor, 2010. 365 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 pomena kot dejavnika spremembe vrednostnih in moral- nih načel socialističnega reda, ki so postajale proti koncu osemdesetih let vse bolj vidne. Strukturnim spremembam v obmejni turistični po- nudbi, ki se je ob liberalizaciji mejnega režima začela razvijati v drugi polovici petdesetih let in se na to vse bolj prilagajala povpraševanju s sosednjega kapitalistič- nega trga, dokler se ni v drugi polovici osemdesetih let pojavila ekskluzivna igralniška industrija, bomo sledili na osnovi razdrobljenega arhivskega gradiva republiških organov na področju gospodarstva in fi nanc, ki so imeli v pristojnosti urejanje igralništva. Analizo teh materialov, ki nam odstirajo predvsem politični odnos do poskusov vzpostavitve igralniške dejavnosti v obmejnem mestu že od konca šestdesetih let, bomo dopolnili s prav tako precej skopo dokumentacijo občine Nova Gorica (SO NG), ki se nanaša na umeščanje te dejavnosti v lokalno okolje in s tem povezano razreševanje prostorskih kon- fl iktov, pri čemer si bomo pomagali tudi z ustnimi viri tedanjih akterjev in opazovalcev. Pri tem nas bo še po- sebej zanimalo na kakšen način so se gospodarske elite, lokalne institucije in prebivalstvo soočali s kulturnimi in prostorskimi učinki, ki jih je v nominalno še vedno socialistični sistem vnašala igralniška industrija. Gre za problematičen odnos med socialistično identiteto, vrednotami in načinom urejanja prostorskega razvoja na eni strani in profi tno naravnano reinvencijo urbane krajine na drugi strani, ki pa mu lahko v primeru drugih socialističnih držav sledimo šele v času postsocializma (cf. Pusca, 2008). Čeravno polemika o teh vprašanjih v tedanjem tisku skorajda ni bila prisotna in so tudi drugi viri za raziskavo tega fenomena jugoslovanskega poznega socializma omejeni ali nedostopni (gradivo podjetja HIT Gorica še vedno čaka na uradni arhivski prevzem), lahko v okviru pričujočega članka vsaj na pregleden način prikažemo glavne obrise omenjenega ekonomsko-socialno-kulturnega pojava ob zahodni meji. Odgovor na širše vprašanje, kako se je v tej meta- morfozi od mesta socialistične do mesta kapitalistične utopije znašlo novogoriško prebivalstvo, za katerega bi bila potrebna antropološka raziskava dosti širšega značaja, pa bo moral zaenkrat ostati nedorečen. »MI GRADIMO SOCIALIZEM« V času najintenzivnejšega procesa izgradnje soci- alizma in hkratnega zaostrovanja odnosov z medvojni zahodnimi zavezniki je Jugoslavija jeseni leta 1947 pričela graditi svoje prvo novo mesto, oddaljeno le nekaj sto metrov od sveže začrtane meje, ki je v tistem času predstavljala mnogo več kot le demarkacijo med dvema državama.4 Na dejstvo, da gre tudi za ideolo- ško ločnico, je opozarjal že sam napis »Mi gradimo socializem« na vrhu goriške železniške postaje tik ob mejni črti in dobro viden na sosednjo stran. Propagan- dni diskurz tedanjega časa je mesto razglašal za »glasnik veselega ustvarjanja in napredka, ki ga zmore delovno ljudstvo, kadar se zaveda svoje svobode in dejstva, da ustvarja zase«, kot je novembra 1947 zapisal Slovenski poročevalec.5 Proces mapiranja in identifi kacij je poleg starejših vzorcev delitve na liniji civilizacija–barbari- zem, kot ugotavlja Sabina Mihelj (2014, 289), na obeh straneh meje operiral z enakim narativom napredka, a z bistveno razliko glede dojemanja, kaj je dejanski pomen »modernosti«. Za zahodno stran je pomenila podrejanje zakonitostim tržne ekonomije, na vzhodni strani meje pa so novo družbo želeli ukrojiti po potrebah in priča- kovanjih delovnega človeka. Temu je bilo prilagojeno tudi novo mesto za 20.000 prebivalcev, za katerega načrt je po sprejetju sklepa politbiroja centralnega komiteja Komunistične partije Jugoslavije javnosti prvič razkril tedanji predsednik slovenske vlade Miha Marinko na slovesni proslavi priključitve Primorske na Lijaku 21. septembra 1947.6 Ivan Maček – Matija, minister za gradnje (1946–1951) in podpredsednik slovenske vlade (1946–1953), kate- remu je bila zaupano vodenje prvega tako obsežnega infrastrukturnega projekta v novi Jugoslaviji, je na »zaprtem« natečaju izbral Edvarda Ravnikarja, vodjo oddelka za projektiranje na tem istem ministrstvu. Idejni osnutki njegovih konkurentov so načrtovano mesto v pričakovanju bodoče združitve še naslanjali na staro Gorico, Ravnikar pa je v svojem načrtu že upošteval stroge varnostne zahteve po prepovedi gradnje v 800 metrskem pasu od mejne črte. Mestno jedro v obliki široke magistrale v smeri sever-jug je zato umestil neko- liko vzhodneje in jo skušal skozi daljši predor navezati na obstoječo vipavsko cesto. Osemdeset metrov široka magistrala naj bi z drevoredom platan, cvetličnimi gre- dami in paviljoni ustvarila videz »cestne kompozicije empirskega tipa, kakršne poznamo iz Italije in južne Francije« (Ravnikar, 1984, 46), hkrati pa je magistrala v kontekstu povojnega socialističnega urbanizma pome- nila prostor politične mobilizacije, kjer lahko prebivalci zborujejo, namesto da bi se umikali v svoja predmestna naselja (Molnár, 2013, 35). Ravnikarju pa je cestni križ najbolj služil za neposredno aplikacijo Le Corbusierje- vega načela funkcionalnega coniranja, ko je ob zgornji del magistrale zarisal rekreacijske površine, ob levi krak stanovanjski del in na desno stran industrijsko območje (Ravnikar, 1984, 46). Za razliko od neoklasicističnih hausmannovskih urbanističnih principov in realsoci- alističnega arhitekturnega stila, ki je vladal v Stalinovi Sovjetski zvezi in njenih satelitih v vzhodni Evropi (Mumford, 2009; Cinis et al., 2008, 228), je Ravnikar v svojem načrtu za Novi Beograd in za Novo Gorico 4 O kolektivnem spominu na proces razmejevanja na Goriškem gl. Širok, 2012. 5 Slovenski poročevalec, 9. 11. 1947: Nova Gorica bo prvo novo, v Titovi Jugoslaviji zgrajeno mesto, 3. 6 Slovenski poročevalec, 9. 11. 1947: Nova Gorica bo prvo novo, v Titovi Jugoslaviji zgrajeno mesto, 3. 366 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 spojil izrazito funkcionalistični pristop k urbanizmu Le Corbusierja, v čigar biroju je leta 1939 tudi sam preživel pet mesecev, modernistični dizajn stanovanjskih blokov in politično zahtevo po monumentalnem izgledu repre- zentativnih objektov (Ravnikar, 1947, 364–365; Košir, 2006, 19; Kulić, 2012, 123–128). V primeru ideološkega spopada na polju urbanega prostora na jugoslovansko-italijanski meji potemtakem ne moremo govoriti o apropriaciji arhitekturnega modernizma s strani Zahoda, kot je to bilo značilno denimo za vzhodno – zahodno berlinski duel Stalinal- lee7 – Hansaviertel, ampak je (prilagojeni) modernizem pravzaprav postal zaščitni znak novega socialističnega prostora.8 V tem smislu velikokrat citirana Ravnikar- jeva izjava o »urbanizmu kot orožju v nacionalnem in političnem boju« ni naznanjala izgradnje vizualno prepoznavnega nacionalnega arhitekturnega stila (t. i. architecture parlante), ampak radikalno drugačno razumevanje organizacije urbanega življenja. Nekako tako kot za Novi Zagreb razlaga hrvaška etnologinja Valentina Gulin Zrnić (2004, 63; po: Jerman, 2008, 83), ko pravi: »‘socialistično mesto‘ je atribut splošnih socia- lističnih idealov družbene pravice, enakosti, humanosti, vendar v obliki, da bi prostorsko realiziral substancialne socialistične ideje, ne obstaja«. V Novi Gorici za novega komunističnega človeka niso gradili monumentalnih in dekoriranih »palač za delavce«, poznanih iz Stalinove Sovjetske zveze, ampak samostoječe stanovanjske bloke čistih linij v obeležju mednarodnega stila. Ni pa pri fi - zični in simbolni konstrukciji novega mesta umanjkal za tedanje ljudske demokracije značilni leitmotiv sublima- cije delavcev v heroje in zoperstavljenja njihovih napo- rov imperialističnemu »rovarjenju« in »destruktivizmu« oz. je bil ta zaradi neposredno bližine meje, podobno kot v razdeljenem Berlinu, še posebej izpostavljen (cf. Bartetzky, 2013, 142). Gradnja že od vsega začetka kljub voluntarističnem zagonu ni potekala brez zapletov, z najhujšim izzivom pa se je nastajajoče mesto spopadlo ob izteku prve petletke, ko so v začetku petdesetih let republiške in 7 Dosežke pri gradnji realsocialistične avenije, ki so jo promovirali prek pesmi, slik, posterjev, člankov, brošur, poštnih znamk, spominkov in igrač, si je prišlo leta 1953 ogledat kar pol milijona zahodnonemških obiskovalcev (Colomb, 2012, 62). 8 O odnosu med političnimi ideologijami in modernizmom ter v zvezi z interpretacijo jugoslovanskega modernizma gl. Šuvaković, 2004; Le Normand, 2014. Slika 1: Razglednica Nove Gorice iz leta 1962 (PANG-667, razglednica št. 587) Figure 1: Postcard of Nova Gorica from 1962 (PANG-667, postcard n. 587) 367 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 zvezne dotacije popolnoma presahnile. Če je namreč zidava kljub menjavanju uradnih investitorjev, stalnemu spreminjanju načrtov, premeščanju delavcev na druga gradbišča po Sloveniji in neporavnavanju sprotnih ob- veznosti dotlej z zamudami še potekala dalje, se je leta 1951 malodane ustavila.9 Okrajni izvršilni odbor Gorica je zato junija tega leta pozval Vlado LRS za odobritev kredita v višini 1 milijona dinarjev za dokončanje že začetih gradbenih projektov z obrazložitvijo, da je vzpostavitev političnega, gospodarskega in kulturnega središča Slovenskega Primorja še vedno vsaj tako pomembna, kot je bila nekaj let pred tem.10 A ker od slovenskih oblasti očitno niso uspeli pridobiti potrebnih sredstev – nenavadno o tej problematiki sploh niso raz- pravljali na sejah centralnega komiteja slovenske partije – so nekaj mesecev kasneje skušali omehčati še prvega moža jugoslovanske partije in premiera Josipa Broza – Tita z razlago, da gre pri propadajočih objektih novega mesta zaradi bližine državne meje tudi za politični, ne le ekonomski problem.11 Toda nekaj let po resoluciji in- formbiroja, ko je Jugoslavija že iskala nova zavezništva na Zahodu in želela normalizirati odnose s sosednjo Italijo ter Avstrijo, hkrati pa se še vedno soočala s hudim pomanjkanjem, pomen postavitve socialističnega izlož- benega okna za kapitalistični svet onstran meje ni imel več takšne veljave kot še nekaj let prej. Težave s fi nanciranjem in tudi prehajanje politične pristojnosti iz republiških na organe lokalne uprave je za seboj povleklo tudi bistvene posege v Ravnikarjev izhodiščni koncept mesta, potem ko je ta spomladi leta 1950 oddal zadnja dopolnila svojega načrta. Arhitekt Božidar Gvardjančič je v svojem zazidalnem načrtu iz leta 1953 bolj prisluhnil ljudskemu odboru Goriške oblasti in namesto velikih stanovanjskih blokov obda- nih z zelenjem dopustil zidavo manjših večstanovanj- skih objektov in zasebnih hiš, ki so novim gradnjam dajale značaj predmestnega naselja. Umeščanje novih objektov v prostor na podlagi približnih interpretacij omenjenega Gvardjančičevega zazidalnega načrta in njegove skice generalnega urbanističnega plana je po- tekalo precej stihijsko, celovit urbanistični program pa je šele leta 1957 izdelal geograf Igor Vrišer, leto za tem pa je arhitekt Viljem Strmecki priskrbel nov zazidalni načrt, po katerem je mesto sicer ohranilo magistralo kot središčno os in dobilo še vertikalo v obliki nebotičnika, a se odmaknilo od ustroja cestnega križa kot razvodni- ce posameznih con. Na osnovi tega načrta je bil do sredine šestdesetih let zgrajen največji del mestnega jedra, od leta 1964 pa je skrb za urbanistično podobo kraja od Projektivnega ateljeja iz Ljubljane prevzel no- vogoriški Zavod za urbanizem (Torkar, 1987, 54–75). S podpisom njegovega direktorja, arhitekta Tomaža Vuge, so ob bolj odmaknjeni Cankarjevi ulici in ob Ulici Gradnikove brigade v sedemdesetih letih nastale stanovanjske stolpnice, v katere so se je naselilo tisoče domačinov in priseljencev iz vseh delov Jugoslavije (Toplak, 2012, 74), v središču mesta pa so se v istem času pojavili prvi primerki postmoderne arhitekture (Hotel Argonavti). MESTO SREČEVANJA Razvojni preboj je mlado mesto doživelo šele z združevanjem in ukinitvijo okrajev leta 1965, predvsem pa za uveljavitvijo svoje posredniške vloge pri čezmej- nem prometu. K temu je odločno pripomogel t. i. drugi videmski sporazum med FLRJ in Italijo iz leta 1955,12 ki je v desetkilometrskem pasu omogočal vzpostavitev maloobmejnega prometa, kar je pomenilo izdajo prepu- stnic in olajšave pri prenosu blaga čez mejo za lokalno prebivalstvo. Prav tako je bil z namenom povečanja gospodarskega sodelovanja leta 1955 podpisan goriški sporazum, osebni in tovorni promet pa se je še okrepil z razširitvijo videmskega sporazuma (t. i. tretji videmski sporazum) leta 1962 (Nećak, 2000, 303–304; Šušmelj, 2009; Repe, 1998). Z uvajanjem tržnih principov v ju- goslovansko gospodarstvo se je pomen gospodarskega sodelovanja s sosednjo Italijo, ustanovno članico Evrop- ske gospodarske skupnosti, še povečeval, na območju Nove Gorice pa je vzcvetel maloobmejni promet in z njim množica mesnic, bencinskih servisov in drugih lokalov, kjer so se imetniki maloobmejnih prepustnic z druge strani meje oskrbovali ceneje kot doma.13 Obseg terciarne dejavnosti se je od začetka šestdesetih do začetka sedemdesetih let kar podvanajsteril. Na račun tega, predvsem pa z ekstenzivnim razvojem industrije je občina sredi šestdesetih let presegla slovensko povpre- čje narodnega dohodka (Nanut, 1972, 12–13) in se do začetka osemdesetih let v republiškem merilu povzpela na 14. mesto.14 Omilitev mejnega režima in naraščanje tranzitnega prometa sta v šestdesetih letih močno spodbudila tudi razvoj gostinstva in turizma, ki pa sta še vedno zao- stajala za republiškim povprečjem, saj je njun delež vse do osemdesetih let znašal povprečno le 2 odstotka, kar pomeni celotno odstotno točko manj kot v preostali Sloveniji, temu ustrezno pa je bilo tudi manjše število zaposlenih v tej dejavnosti.15 Investicije v osnovno 9 PANG-61, 2, 3, Problematika investicijske izgradnje v goriškem okraju v letu 1951 po uveljavljanju novih gradbenih predpisov, nedati- rano. 10 PANG-61, 2, 3, Dopis »Problematika investicijskih zgradb« Predsedstvu vlade LRS in Gospodarskemu svetu LRS, 25. 6. 1951. 11 PANG-61, 2, 3, Dopis »Izgradnja Nove Gorice kot naselja« predsedniku Vlade FLRJ Josipu Brozu – Titu, 20. 11. 1951. 12 Prvi sporazum iz leta 1949 je urejal le prehajanje meje za zemljiške dvolastnike, kar pa je že deloma omogočalo tvegano tihotapljenje. 13 PANG-104, 06/B-1/85, Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000. Februar 1985, 100. 14 PANG-104, 06/B-1/85, Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000. Februar 1985, 94. 15 PANG-104, 06/B-1/85, Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000. Februar 1985, 95. 368 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 Slika 3: Soba v hotelu Park pred renovacijo (GM-OZ, fotografi ja št. 22387) Figure 3: Hotel room in the Hotel Park before the renovation (GM-OZ, photo n. 22387) Slika 2: Hotel Park leta 1967 (PANG-667, razglednica št. 16) Figure 2: Hotel Park in 1967 (PANG-667, postcard n. 16) 369 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 turistično infrastrukturo so bile sicer predvidene že v prvem investicijskem planu za Slovensko Primorje za obdobje 1947–1951, kjer je bilo za novogoriški hotel skupaj z restavracijo predvidena dobra polovica od 40 milijonov dinarjev, namenjenih za to panogo na celotnem »novoosvobojenem« ozemlju.16 Polovico tega zneska naj bi porabili že v letu 1948,17 a se je re- alizacija restavracije, kavarne in hotela zavlekla za kar deset let, čemur so botrovala nasprotujoča si mnenja o lokaciji, obsegu in vsebini tega objekta.18 Naposled so mu prostor našli ob kasnejši Delpinovi ulici, s čimer je bila njegova lokacija nekoliko odmaknjena od osre- dnje magistrale in je lahko tri desetletja kasneje, kot izoliran igralniški kompleks, zaživela bolj neopazno. Nov hotel Park je nadaljnji dve desetletji poleg solkan- skega hotela Sabotin predstavljal hrbtenico nočitvenih kapacitet v občini, ki so jih koristili predvsem tranzitni gostje, uslužbenci carinskih služb in trgovski potniki, saj ni nudil prav velikega udobja (nekatere sobe so še v začetku osemdesetih let premogle samo umivalnik) (slika 2, slika 3). Nasprotno pa je nova restavracija hi- tro postala priljubljena točka gostov iz sosednje države ali kot se slikovito spominja ena izmed prvih meščank Nadja Koglot Puppis, so takrat »vsi mislili, da se v njej jé le po italijansko« (Koglot Puppis, 2008, 55). »Kot muhe na med« pa so na erotične predstave pričeli iz tedaj še močno konservativne Italije lesti obiskovalci nočnega kluba, ki so ga konec šestdesetih let uredili v kletnih prostorih hotela (Vuga, 2016). Ne le kulturno, ampak tudi ekonomsko odpiranje proti Zahodu v času po jugoslovanski ekonomski reformi leta 1965,19 je v drugi polovici šestdesetih let privabilo kopico italijanskih investitorjev, ki so želeli izkoristiti lego ob milijonskem in premožnem severovzhodu Italije in v Novi Gorici oz. v njeni neposredni okolici odpreti igralnico.20 Ti so zato na tedanjo SO NG pošiljali nadvse ugodne ponudbe, po katerih so bili pripravljeni nositi vse stroške opreme in odvajati polovico izkupička ter primakniti še kako drugo donacijo. Lokalna oblast je zato že od konca leta 1966 na republiško skupščino naslavljala pobude za spremembo Zakona o posebnih igrah na srečo, ki je onemogočal otvoritev igralnega salona v njihovem kraju.21 K ideji o razvijanju te, iz- med socialističnih držav samo v Jugoslaviji dovoljene dejavnosti, jih je najbolj napeljal portoroški zgled, kjer je ob pomoči italijanskih partnerjev začel celotnemu kraju prinašati izdaten dobiček leta 1964 odprt Casino (Mužič, 2013, 33–35). Slednji je v začetku posloval kar po internih pravilih, prvi evfemistično poimenovani zakon o igralništvu za izključno tuje državljane in za tuje valute pa je Ivan Maček na mestu predsednika slovenske skupščine podpisal šele naslednje leto (Ur. l. SRS 29/1965). Čeprav se je v osnutkih krovnega Zakona o igrah na srečo omenjalo možnost petih igralnic na ob- močju SRS, med njimi tudi v Sežani ali Novi Gorici,22 je njeno odprtje v enem izmed teh dveh obmejnih krajev preprečeval pogoj o prirejanju iger roulette, chemin de fer, baccara simple, baccara tout va, trente et quarante, black 21, boule in iger na igralnih (»slot«) avtomatih zgolj v pretežno turističnih krajih z najmanj 1000 tu- rističnimi posteljami in povprečnim številom 200.000 nočitev letno.23 243 ležišč v tedanjih dveh novogoriških hotelih temu kriteriju še zdaleč ni zadoščalo, argumentom o možno- sti hitrega dostopa po italijanskem cestnem omrežju in potencialu velikega števila dnevnih obiskovalcev pa republiške oblasti niso prisluhnile niti v primeru predlo- gov domačih niti tujih (so)investitorjev.24 Ob tem lahko domnevamo, da je socialistični družbeni ureditvi ne najbolj prikladen način zabaviščnega turizma ostal re- lativno nemoteč dokler se ga je posluževal majhen krog elitnih gostov v turističnem Portorožu in Bledu, množič- na obiskanost pa bi bržkone v tujini in doma sprožila očitke o podrejanju socialističnih idealov nebrzdanemu hlastanju po Zahodnih devizah. A v tistem trenutku se je kot edini formalni »moralno-politični« razlog proti širitvi mreže obmejnih igralnic omenjalo dejstvo, da je v Jugoslaviji tedaj poslovalo že 9 salonov, v kapitalistič- nih Italiji in Avstriji pa samo 6 oz. 4, zaradi česar so pri zahodni sosedi, od koder je dejansko prihajalo 98 odstotkov hazarderskih gostov, celo razmišljali o uradni protestni noti.25 Drugi ugovori, ki bi jih pričakovali pod kategorijo »moralno-političnih« razlogov, v tedanjem času partijskega »liberalizma« niso prišli na dan niti na republiškem niti na lokalnem nivoju. Tam so moderen urbanistični ustroj mesta (socialistični karakter se ni več omenjal) celo šteli kot prednost pri umeščanju igralni- škega turizma v njegovo tkivo, italijanski investitorji pa 16 AJ-41, 617, 970, Investicijski plan za Slovensko Primorje za l. 1947–1951. 17 AJ-41, 157, 293, Hotel Nova Gorica – podaci za plan investicija u 1948 god. 18 AS-233, 77, 731, Restavracija in kavarna Nova Gorica – tehnično poročilo. Projektant: Stanislav Rohrman, 7. 3. 1951. 19 Pozive k vlaganju v jugoslovansko gospodarstvo je bilo moč prebrati tudi v tujem tisku (Il Piccolo, 27. 12. 1966: Belgrado deve raddriz- zare il »nuovo corso« dell‘economia). 20 Kot možni lokaciji sta se omenjali grad Kromberk in vila na Pristavi, iz katere bi morali najprej izseliti higienski zavod (AS-223, 4502, 47-2/67, Prošnja Bruna Gazzana za izdajo dovoljenja za ustanovitev in upravljanje igralnice v Novi Gorici, 14. 10. 1967; Prošnja Casino Municipale iz San Rema za izdajo dovoljenja za otvoritev igralnice, 21. 11. 1967). 21 AS-2104, 56, 578, Predlog o dopolnitvi Zakona o igrah na srečo, 7. 12. 1966. 22 AS-223, 4502, 47-1/65, Osnutek Zakona o igrah na srečo, 8. 4. 1973, §57. 23 Zakon o posebnih igrah na srečo, § 4 (Ur. l. SRS 29/1965). 24 AS-2104, 16, 203, Otvoritev igralnic v Mariboru in Novi Gorici, 22. 4. 1967. 25 AS-2104, 56, 578, Mnenje Odbora za družbeni plan, fi nance in proračun Skupščine SRS glede dopolnitve Zakona o igrah na srečo, 27. 9. 1967. 370 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 so Novo Gorico že videli kot bodoči prvovrsten turistični center, ki bi prenesel celo več tovrstnih objektov.26 Obnova ekstenzivnega modela industrializacije v sedemdesetih letih ni bila naklonjena vlaganjem v rast obsega turističnih kapacitet oz. na splošno terciarne dejavnosti, v zvezi s katero so nekateri tedaj vodilni funkcionarji videli nevarnost, da spreminja Slovenijo v »družbo komijev« (Repe, 2006, 70). Leta 1972 so poleg portoroškega hotela Metropol odprli nov velik igralni salon, konec obdobja Kavčičevega »liberalizma« pa je za nekaj let prekinil načrte SO NG in slovenskih27 ter tujih turističnih podjetij za nadaljnje razvijanje tega tipa turizma tudi v drugih mestih. »Posebne igre na srečo same po sebi niso v skladu z osnovnimi načeli in tudi ne z drugimi političnimi dokumenti, da so delo in rezultati dela osnova za določanje položaja človeka v družbi in s tem v zvezi za zadovoljevanje njegovih potreb«, je leta 1973 ugotavljal republiški sekretar za fi nance Jože Flor- jančič, a v isti sapi nekako pokrpal integriteto sistema, katerega predstavnik je bil: »Posebne igre na srečo so torej institucija, ki je namenjena samo tujcem, mi pa pri tem zagotavljamo le prostor in druge pogoje za to igro.« Te »institucije« so bile pri nas, kot je pojasnil, »uvedene le [podčrtal avtor] zato, da se z njimi kompletirajo turis- tične storitve in se zadovolji tovrstnemu povpraševanju tujcev«.28 Vztrajanje pri ohranitvi ali celo zaostritvi obstoječih pogojev za prirejanje posebnih iger na srečo, k čemur 26 AS-2104, 56, 578, Predlog o dopolnitvi Zakona o igrah na srečo, 7. 12. 1966; AS-223, 4502, 47-2/67, Prošnja Bruna Gazzana za izdajo dovoljenja za ustanovitev in upravljanje igralnice v Novi Gorici, 14. 10. 1967. 27 Leta 1971 je s prošnjo za izdajo posebnega dovoljenja poskušal tudi Zavod za turizem Ljubljana, delujoč v okviru podjetja Emona, ki je po manjši igralnici v hotelu Slon nameraval to dejavnost razširiti še v Maribor in Novo Gorico. Predlog za slednjo so utemeljili z argumentom, da se je mesto razvilo v pomembno gospodarsko, kulturno, in turistično področje, ki mu daje še poseben pomen bližina državne meje z Italijo (AS-2104, 16, 203, Prošnja Emone Ljubljana Republiškemu sekretariatu za fi nance za prirejanje posebnih iger na srečo v hotelih »Slavija« Maribor in »Park« Nova Gorica, 18. 3. 1971). Prav ta okoliščina je že v šestdesetih letih postala najpomembnejša komparativna prednost novega mesta, ki je privlačila investicije podjetij iz drugih krajev Slovenije, aktivno pa je k temu pristopila tudi občinska oblast (Mlinar, 1983, 53). 28 AS-223, 4502, 47-1/65, Nekatere dileme v zvezi z novo ureditvijo posebnih iger na srečo, 30. 10. 1973. Slika 4: Razglednica Nove Gorice iz leta 1978 (GK-OD, foto A. Nemec – Nova Gorica: Prospektbiro, 1978) Figure 4: Postcard of Nova Gorica from 1978 (GK-OD, foto A. Nemec – Nova Gorica: Prospektbiro, 1978) 371 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 je težil omenjeni republiški sekretariat, pristojen za izdajanje dovoljenj, je govorila proti temu, da bi se tudi novogoriški turizem dopolnil s tovrstno ponudbo. V skladu s tem je bil zavrnjen tudi predlog podjetja Alpe-Adria, ki je leta 1971 začela v mestu graditi nov obsežen hotelsko-zabaviščni kompleks. Čeprav že v izhodišču z 246 sobami, pivnico, barom, nočnim klu- bom, kavarno, kegljiščem, pokritim bazenom in savno namenjen predvsem italijanskim in tranzitnim gostom (načrtovali so kar 85 odstotkov tujih nočitev),29 v centru niso uredili predvidene igralnice, ki bi jo naj omenjeno ljubljansko podjetje odprlo skupaj z avstrijsko-ameri- škim partnerjem.30 A število domačih in tujih obisko- valcev se po pet let dolgi realizaciji te investicije, ki je bila v celoti pokrita s posebnim kreditom Jugobanke, namenjenim krepitvi celinskega turizma v Sloveniji,31 ni gibalo po načrtih. V kolikor so bile nočitvene kapacitete vsaj polovično zasedene, je na drugi strani nerentabilno posloval celo nočni bar. Zaradi problematične kvalitete gradnje tega postmodernističnega objekta in neuspešne- ga vodenja poslov, je TOZD hotel Argonavti,32 kot se je imenoval od leta 1979, vseskozi od otvoritve aprila 1976 dalje ustvarjal izgubo, ki se je je do stečaja leta 1984 nabralo za več kot 25 milijonov dinarjev.33 Pred tem se je kot eden izmed sanacijskih ukrepov omenjala tudi možnost odprtja salona z igralnimi avtomati, za katere so po novem Zakonu o posebnih igrah na srečo iz leta 1980 veljali nekoliko omiljeni pogoji.34 Ker pa je bil zaradi carinskih restrikcij njihov uvoz onemogočen, do preureditve dela tega objekta, ki je nameraval v zakup vzeti Casino Portorož, ni prišlo.35 Je pa v dokumentaciji hotela, ki sta ga po stečaju prevzela v upravljanje hotel Park in Iskra Delta za namen svojega računalniško-iz- obraževalnega centra, ostalo dovoljenje Republiškega sekretariata za fi nance, ki je pomenilo prvi korak k novemu poglavju novogoriškega turizma (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 16). KOVNICA DEVIZ Kljub sklenitvi Osimskih sporazumov leta 1975 in »najbolj odprti meji v Evropi«, kot se je tedaj označe- valo liberaliziran režim prehajanja med Italijo in Jugo- slavijo (Šušmelj, 2009; Pirjevec, 2015; Klabjan, 2013), je pričel maloobmejni in redni promet na Goriškem konec sedemdesetih let izrazito upadati in sicer med letoma 1978 in 1981 za kar 24 odstotkov letno, kar je pomenilo upad števila prihoda tujih potnikov na raven iz leta 1966 (Mlinar, 1983, 67). V povezavi s tem je tudi novogoriški turizem v začetku osemdesetih let, čeprav je delež tujih gostov predstavljal le še dvajset odstotkov, kazal dokaj klavrno podobo. Leta 1983 je mesto obi- skalo manj ljudi kot leta 1970 (34.000), število nočitev tujih gostov pa je sploh strmoglavilo na najnižjo raven do tedaj (18.000). Upad prihoda (italijanskih) gostov so pripisovali predvsem vplivom svetovne gospodarske kri- ze, dvigu cen njihovih priljubljenih produktov, slabim cestnim povezavam, pa tudi skromni turistični ponudbi, omejeni predvsem na naravne znamenitosti.36 Z recesijskimi trendi doma in v sosednji Italiji so se posamezniki, ki so se na lokalnem nivoju ukvarjali z razdrobljeno turistično ponudbo, najprej skušali spoprijeti z izkoriščanjem ugodnih klimatskih pogojev in razvojem športnega turizma, na katerega je resno računal hotel Park, ki se je tudi sam leta 1981 začel otepati z izgubo.37 V ta čas pa sodi tudi ponovna ideja o vzpostavitvi igralniškega centra, ki jo je začel ude- janjati gospodarstvenik Danilo Kovačič. S spojitvijo HGP »Gorica« in TOZD Gostinstva Rožna dolina v GKP Gorica je zagnani direktor hotela Park leta 1982 začel z združevanjem razdrobljenega novogoriškega gostinstva in turizma, kar je bil že dolgoletni načrt občinskih obla- sti,38 ki je v končni fazi leta 1986 pripeljal do enotnega konglomerata, poimenovanega HIT (hoteli-igralnica- -turizem) Gorica. Osnovni namen vpeljave skromne igralniške ponudbe je bilo zagotavljanje boljše zasede- nosti hotela po končanju nujno potrebne adaptacije, s katero so se odprle tudi možnosti prostorske širitve.39 A velikega deviznega priliva si od te dejavnosti v tistem času ni obetal še nihče, pač pa so si jo predstavljali zgolj kot dopolnitev in pomoč pri polnjenju nočitvenih kapacitet.40 Decembra 1984 je bila končana predelava hotelske restavracije v t. i. Roulette Salon, saj Casino Portorož, ki 29 PANG-104, 1390, 06/B-1/82-01, Poročilo o poslovanju TOZD Argonavti od leta 1976–1981, 1. 30 AS-223, 4502, 47-2/67, Vloga turistične organizacije Alpe-Adria za odobritev igralnice v Novi Gorici, 28. 5. 1971. 31 AS-223, 5086, 332-02/81-4, Informacija Jugobanke o problematiki hotela Argonavti, Nova Gorica, 16. 9. 1981. 32 Po združitvi delovne organizacije Alpe-Adria je hotel deloval v sestavu ljubljanskega SOZD SAP Viator oz. kasneje preimenovanega v Integral. 33 PANG-104, 1390, 06/B-1/82-01, Poročilo o poslovanju TOZD Argonavti od leta 1976–1981, 1–4. 34 V tem primeru je bil v dotičnem kraju določen vsaj 30 odstotni delež tujih nočitev (Ur. l. SRS, 32/1980, § 44). 35 PANG-104, 1390, 06/B-1/82-01, Poročilo o poslovanju TOZD Argonavti od leta 1976–1981, 7–8, 14. 36 PANG-104, 06/B-1/85, Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000. Februar 1985, 97. 37 PANG-104, 06/B-1/83, Poročilo o delovanju Sklada za pospeševanje turizma v letu 1982 in problematika turizma v občini Nova Gorica, 28. 4. 1983. 38 PANG-104, 1389, 06/B-1/82-01, Zaključni račun HGP Gorica, TOZD Park, 24. 8. 1982. 39 PANG-104, 1389, 06/B-1/82-01, Zapisnik 11. seje občinskega izvršnega sveta SO NG, 9. 9. 1982, 30. 40 PANG-104, 06/B-1/85, Analiza razvojnih možnosti občine Nova Gorica do leta 2000. Februar 1985, 100. Na obrobnost tega dogodka kaže tudi drobna notica iz časopisa Primorske novice, kjer so poročali o predstavitve najnovejše hotelske pridobitve udeležencem okro- gle mize o turizmu (Primorske novice, 21. 12. 1984: Igralnica v Park hotelu, 5). 372 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 je z omahovanjem vložil delež zagonskih sredstev, ni do- pustil uporabe istega imena, kot ga je nosil sam (HIT – De- set let, 1994, 9). Njegov dolgoletni direktor Nino Spinelli je nasploh močno dvomil v potencial dnevih turističnih tokov na Goriškem.41 Toda dogajanje v naslednjih letih je pokazalo ravno nasprotno, saj je število obiskovalcev samo v petih letih povečalo kar za dvajsetkrat iz slabih 25.000 leta 1985 na skoraj pol milijona v letu 1990, kar je do tega leta skupaj naneslo 1.3 milijona obiskovalcev (grafi kon 1). Realizacija HIT-ove igralniške dejavnosti se je tako iz slabih 4 milijard italijanskih lir, ki so veljale v tem podjetju za »uradno valuto«, leta 1986 povzpela na dobrih 52 milijard leta 1990, gostinski del pa jih je k temu dodal še slabih 10. Novogoriška igralniška meka je tako glede na obseg poslovanja že leta 1988 zasenčila do tedaj največji jugoslovanski igralniški center v Porto- rožu in začela postajati opazna tudi v evropskem merilu. Temu so sledile stalne prenove in prostorske razširitve, tako da je bilo po celoviti adaptaciji igralnice leta 1989 na voljo že 350 avtomatov in 40 igralnih miz, naslednje leto pa se ji je pridružil še dodatni salon (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 10–11, 31). Ključnega pomena za eksplozijo igralništva v Novi Gorici je bil prevzem ameriškega tipa igralništva, ki ga je HIT-u pomagal uvesti ameriški poslovnež Steve Stojanović, in je za razliko od elitnega francoskega, pri katerem so vztrajali v Portorožu in večini drugih evropskih casinojev, gradil na množični dostopnosti in povezavi z drugimi načini zabave (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 18). Zapeljivost igralništva, ki je tudi iz protislo- vensko usmerjenih Italijanov izvleka denar naravnost v roke »komunistov«,42 se je prekrivala z vzorci kulturne potrošnje, ki jo je spodbujal naraščajoči medijski impe- rij Silvija Berlusconija (Torkar, 1994, 184). Italijanskim iskalci sreče so tako v nadmodernem »nekraju« na drugi strani meje lahko našli tisto »osvobajajočo anonimnost«, v kateri v uživajo ljudje, ki želijo, kot pravi urbani antro- polog Marc Augé (2011, 102), za določen čas odmisliti svoj položaj, mesto ali videz. Podjetje HIT, ki ga leta 1988 sploh še ni bilo na seznamu največjih slovenskih gospodarskih organiza- cij, se je po skoraj 600 odstotni rasti naslednje leto že uvrstilo na 123. mesto43 in postalo 3. največji izvoznik na področju turizma oz. 38. v celotnem republiškem gospodarstvu.44 Še več, konec leta 1990 si je tedaj že dobro znani Danilo Kovačič drznil napovedovati, da bi lahko novogoriško turistično tržišče prineslo v sloven- sko državno blagajno toliko deviz kot celotni slovenski turizem skupaj.45 Verjetno bi razrast igralništva le nekaj let prej, ko je predsednik slovenskega predsedstva Sergej Kraigher kot odgovor na prigovarjanje za dopu- stitev te dejavnosti predsednika SO NG Jožeta Šušmelja vprašal, »ali je naš ideal delovni človek ali špekulant« (Šušmelj, 2015), partijska elita ne sprejela tako zlahka takšnega modela razvoja lokalne ekonomije. V času, ko je na čelu republiškega izvršnega sveta Dušan Šinigoj (1986–1990) uveljavljal politiko ne le kakršnegakoli izvoza, ampak predvsem tistega, ki je prinašal visoko dodano vrednost v devizah (Prinčič, 2011, 168) in so direktorji turističnih podjetij postali na moč dobrodošli obiskovalci v njegovem kabinetu (Repe, 2006, 72), pa proti usmerjanju gospodarstva v to panogo v sicer no- minalno še vedno socialistični državi ni bilo več resnih političnih zadržkov. »Nova Gorica ni Las Vegas, ima pa igralnico, ki je po svoji specifi ki postala poznana širom po Evropi, še bolj pomembno pa je to, da materi Sloveni- ji prinaša lepe devizne denarce,« je pisalo na naslovnici regijskega časnika v času proti koncu obravnavanega obdobja.456»Devizni argument« je odtehtal tudi varno- stna tveganja (po Zakonu o prirejanju posebnih iger na srečo je moral svoje soglasje za izdajo dovoljenja pri- spevati tudi Sekretariat za notranje zadeve), saj je svoj lonček v obliki provizij nastavila tudi Služba državne varnosti (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 24). Odmevnejših nasprotovanj pa, kot kaže odsotnost polemike v časopisju in v razpravah organov lokalne samouprave, ni bilo niti v ožjem lokalnem okolju. K temu je bržkone pripomoglo odpiranje novih delovnih mest. Skupno število zaposlenih v HIT-ovi igralniški in gostinski dejavnosti je do konca leta 1990 bilo že več kot 600 (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 31), krepitev turističnega sektorja pa je postala tudi statistično opazna. Za razliko 41 Primorske novice, 19. 10. 1984: Dvajset let portoroškega kolesa sreče, 4. 42 Il Piccolo, 14. 9. 2012: Casinò, 30 anni fra azzardo e striptease. Dostopno na: http://ricerca.gelocal.it/ilpiccolo/archivio/ilpicco- lo/2012/09/14/PR_27_01.html. 43 Primorske novice, 18. 7. 1989: Dvajset let portoroškega kolesa sreče, 3. 44 AS-223, 5711, 332-01/86-14, Informacija o najuspešnejših izvoznikih turizma v SR Sloveniji januar-december 1988, 19. 4. 1989. 45 Primorske novice, 14. 12. 1990: Hazardni boom, 1. 46 Primorske novice, 14. 12. 1990: Hazardni boom, 1. 0 100.000 200.000 300.000 400.000 500.000 600.000 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 NASLOV GRAFIKONA Grafi kon 1: Rast števila obiskovalcev igralnice v hotelu Park 1985–1990 (vir: HIT – Deset let, 1994, 31) Chart 1: Growth in visitors in the Hotel Park gambling saloon 1985–1990 (source: HIT –Deset let, 1994, 31) 373 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 od predhodnega obdobja, ko je bil njegov delež v lokalni ekonomiji nižji od republiškega povprečja, se je v drugi polovici osemdesetih let dvignil nad to raven, tako po odstotku družbenega proizvoda (3,5 %) kot po odstotku zaposlenih v tej panogi (3,3 %).47 Ta delovna mesta so za razliko od podcenjenega dela v novogoriškem vzoru Atlantic Cityju, prav tako znanem po bliskovitem razvoju igralništva na deindustrializiranem severozahodu ZDA od konca sedemdesetih let dalje (Hannigan, 2005, 156), lokalnemu prebivalstvu nudila precej velik zaslužek. Ta je bil znatno odstopajoč od povprečja plač v socialistič- nem gospodarstvu, celo toliko, da so dobro plačana, a izobrazbeno nezahtevna delovna mesta začela ustvarja- ti distorzijo na trgu lokalne delovne sile in nespodbudno vplivati na željo mladih po nadaljevanju študija (cf. Jerman, 2008, 152). Ni trajalo dolgo, preden je vsakdo izmed meščanov, že imel koga izmed bližnjih, ki je imel korist od množice prihajajočih hazarderjev (Šušmelj, 2015). Da je igralniški velikan deloval v socialističnem okolju in v povezavi z lokalnimi oblastmi, se je videlo tudi po »družbeno odgovorni« podpori športu, kulturi in investicijah v mestno infrastrukturo (mladinski dom, bazen), zlasti pa tisto, ki je služila estetskim in funkcio- nalnim potrebam njihovih obiskovalcev. Na splošno pa so bili izdatki, namenjeni lokalnemu okolju, bistveno nižji kot v primeru portoroškega Casinoja, ki je prak- tično v celoti postavil novejšo turistično infrastrukturo v kraju (Mužič, 2013, 57). Spinellijev dolgoletni model »ustvarjamo v socializmu, poslujemo s kapitalisti«48 oz. usmerjanje večine igralniškega zaslužka v lokalno okolje (tudi v šolstvo, zdravstvo, otroško varstvo ipd.) se torej v Novi Gorici ni ponovil. Prisotnost igralništva se sprva ni kazala v obliki, kot jo poznamo z druge strani Atlantika. »Ni mogoče reči, da je v primeru novogoriškega igralništva ta ali on izde- lek, objekt, osebek kič sam po sebi, saj se za produkti skrivajo najbolj zveneča slovenska imena arhitekture, designa, kiparjenja, likovnosti, mediamarketinga itd.«, je že v začetku devetdesetih let pisal neprizanesljivi kritik potvarjanja izvirne arhitekturne podobe moder- nističnega mesta Vinko Torkar (1994, 184), in pri tem izpostavil vprašanje, »ali je znosnejša demokratična diktatura osladnosti kiča ali strogost totalizirajočih avantgard?«. Mesto je na videz še naprej živelo svoje »socialistično« življenje ali kot je leta 1990 pribeležil nek novinar: »Neugledna Delpinova ulica, v kateri se nahaja igralnica, je vsak dan dobesedno zatrpana z vozili. Lokali, razen redkih izjem, so tod na zelo nizki ravni. Gostje, ki bi si morda radi kaj kupili, preden vsto- pijo v bleščeče igralniške prostore, ostajajo praznih rok. Kot v posmeh jim na drugi strani ceste brkati prodajalci ponujajo ‚južnjaški kič‘. HITova prizadevanja za uredi- tev ulice, oziroma lokalov, so naletela na gluha ušesa. Morda se bo zmigala nova občinska oblast?«.49 Na dan je prišla bojazen marksističnih teoretikov urbanizma, da je priključitev Jugoslavije na svetovni trg pod krinko nevtralne »nuje stvari« in pojma »urbanosti« povzročila tudi »infi ltracijo« zahodnih življenjskih vrednot (Jakhel, 1979, 28). A trgovska in druge komercialne dejavnosti, pa tudi prostorska politika občinske oblasti, se očitno niso takoj prilagodile povpraševanju in iskanju profi ta, zaradi česar je HIT vzporedno z širjenjem obsega igral- ništva nenehno dvigoval tudi kvaliteto svoje gostinske dejavnosti, tako da so prihajajoči gostje skoraj popol- noma gibali v okviru njegovih kapacitet. Ob tem se je kot turistična destinacija začela počasi pojavljati tudi »zelena« okolica (Goriška Brda, Posočje), mesto pa je ostalo iz teh tokov večidel izločeno. Nezmožnost druženja v historičnem jedru in splet socialnih okoliščin, značilen za nova mesta, sta bila že od vsega začetka eden izmed glavnih razlogov, da je kar tretjina meščanov opisovala svoje mesto kot pusto in pri tem veliko bolj cenila njegovo lego, klimo in lepo okolico, kot pa njegov urbanistični značaj (Mlinar, 1983, 98–99). Že omenjeni zabaviščni centri niso uspeli povsem zaživeti, kar so še posebej občutili mladi: »Zvečer nimam kam iti. Lahko grem v Coctail, Argonavte ipd., tam pa nimam kaj delati (lahko piješ, lahko se pogovarjaš, kadiš in nič drugega)« (Mlinar, 1983, 115). A v kolikor so ta prizorišča še bila namenjena tako tujim kot domačim gostom, je igralnica in njena okolica delo- vala kot popolna klavzura, ki je živela svoje oddvojeno življenje predvsem v nočnem času. V njej se je govoril tuj jezik in se je plačevalo le v tuji valuti, s čimer pa so imeli opravka samo zaposleni, saj je bil jugoslovanskim oz. slovenskim državljanom vstop v igralniške prostore prepovedan vse do sprejema novega zakona leta 1995. Obljudena igralnica in njena okolica je tako postala iz- ključna domena tujcev, ko pa se je Casino razširil še na hotelsko kavarno, so meščani izgubili eno izmed redkih družabnih zbirališč, zaradi česar so se tedaj prvič zasli- šali nekateri kritični glasovi sicer povečini ravnodušnih domačinov (Vuga, 2016). Oblikovanje družbeno-dosto- pnih prostorov z ne-izključevalnim značajem je namreč ena izmed bistvenih smernic načel sodobnega urbanega upravljanja (Verovšek et al., 2015, 122), katere igno- riranje je bilo v socialističnem sistemu še toliko težje razumljivo. Izgubo funkcionalnega mestnega prostora je skušala občinska oblast v tedanjem kontekstu sicer nadomestiti s »samoupravnim« pogojem, da se v iskanje prostorske rešitve za razširitev igralnice vključi pred- stavnike Skupnosti krajevnih skupnosti in se jo prestavi v nadomestni objekt, s čimer bi se hotelski vrt ponovno sprostil za potrebe meščanov, a do tega ni prišlo.50 47 PANG-104, 06/B-1/90-1, Pregled uresničevanja razvojne strategije občine Nova Gorica v letih 1987–1989, 4. 48 Primorske novice, 21. 12. 1984: Delati v igralnici, 8. 49 Primorske novice, 15. 6. 1990: Novogoriški Las Vegas rojeva mlade, 7. 50 PANG-104, 06/B-1/86, I, Zapisnik 11. seje občinskega izvršnega sveta, 18. 7. 1986. 374 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 Vodstvo podjetja HIT je pri svojih načrtih o dozida- vah naletelo tudi na neodobravanje stanovalcev bližnjih stanovanjskih blokov, saj so ti s svojimi pritožbami ustavili izdajo gradbenega dovoljenja, v katerem je sicer SO NG predvidevala namembnost objekta le za dobo petih let. Najbolj pereč problem je bilo pomanjkanje parkirnih mest, saj je večina od tudi 3000 dnevnih obi- skovalcev prihajala s svojimi avtomobili, tako da se je do tedaj mirna okolica hotela Park spremenila v kaotično prometno površino, kar je HIT v dogovoru z občinskim izvršnim svetom nekoliko omilil šele z izgradnjo novega parkirišča leta 1990 (HIT – Deset let, 1994, 9). Še pred tem pa se je že resno razpravljalo tudi o treh možnih novih lokacijah igralnice: med ulico Gradniko- ve brigade, Vojkovo in Kidričevo cesto; na Parkovšču; ali celo pri Vrtojbi. Za prvo variantno je bil že izveden natečaj, a do nadaljnjih korakov, zaradi propada dogo- vora med HIT-om in njegovim ameriškim partnerjem, ni prišlo.51 Potencialne lokacije ob načrtovani avtocesti pa kažejo, da je bil igralniški turizem že takrat skoraj popolnoma ločen od preostalega mestnega življenja ali pa je bilo slednje za obiskovalce celo moteče (Vuga, 2016). Argumenti o pozitivni povezavi med modernim urbanizmom Nove Gorice in prostorskimi pogoji igral- ništva, s katerimi so v šestdesetih letih lokalne oblasti podpirale svoje načrte, niso zdržali, prihajajočih hazar- derjev pa niso pritegnile niti ostale točke interesa oz., kot so ugotavljali kasneje, je postalo jasno, »da večine obiskovalcev teh igralnic samo mesto in njegova regija kot turistična destinacija z lastno zgodovino in značilno identiteto ne zanimata kaj dosti« (Prekovič, 2001, 742). A do začetka devetdesetih let je donosna dejavnost, katere širitev so pri HIT-u utemeljevali z v občinskih planih opredeljeno usmeritvijo v izvozno gospodarstvo, ostala in končno obvladala dogajanje na Delpinovi ulici ter kmalu postala tudi ena izmed dominant mestnega prostora kot celote. Če še ne toliko v svoji fi zični, pa vse bolj v konstrukciji svoje simbolne podobe v smislu prizorišča imaginarnega in fantazijskega dogajanja (cf. Selwyn, 1996). Ko govorimo o ustvarjanju »imidža« nekega mesta se moramo zavedati, da konec osemdesetih let še ni bil čas t. i. urbanega menedžmenta (gl. Bačilija, 2011) oz. »place brandinga«, ki se je močno razširil z vzponom 51 PANG-104, 06/B-1,89-01, IX, Obrazložitev dosedanjih aktivnosti v zvezi z razširitvijo igralnice in drugih objektov HIT-a na obstoječi lokaciji. 16. 2. 1989. Slika 5: Razglednica Nove Gorice s konca osemdesetih let, nedatirana (PANG-667, razglednica št. 1190) Figure 5: Postcard of Nova Gorica from the late 1980s, undated (PANG-667, postcard n. 1190) 375 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 neoliberalizma v naslednjih desetletjih (gl. Colomb, 2012, 11–38). Vendarle pa lahko spremembe v repre- zentaciji Nove Gorice že zaznamo prek razglednic kot osnovnega sredstva konstrukcije turistične podobe kraja. Prve razglednice Nove Gorice ustvarjajo vzdušje prijetnega skupnostnega življenja v novih, lepo urejenih soseskah (slika 1). Tiste, ki so nastale v šestdesetih in sedemdesetih letih, prikazujejo živahno prometno os, reprezentativne objekte, zelene ambiente in skoraj v vseh primerih tudi spomenike partizanom in osebnostim iz preteklega političnega ter kulturnega življenja (slika 4). Fotografi rani portreti se torej ujemajo z vizijo pro- storskega odraza socialistične modernosti v kombinaciji s poudarkom na poglavitnih krajih spomina, vezanih na konstitutivne točke narodne in revolucionarne zgodovi- ne. Bolj kot pa se bližamo koncu osemdesetih let, več razglednic posreduje zapeljivo podobo nočnih panoram in fotografi j posameznih zabaviščnih objektov. Sporoči- lo o urbanistični strukturi modernega mesta in njegovi glavni arhitekturni pomniki pa so že močno potisnjeni v ozadje, dokler ni naposled popolnoma prevladal nov estetski režim sanjskega okolja igralnic in z njimi pove- zanega glamuroznega načina življenja – tudi na tistih z napisi v slovenskem jeziku (slika 5). SKLEP Bleščeči igralniški objekti in spremljajoča infra- struktura so danes vizualno izstopajoč, v zavesti me- ščanov pa s preostalo teksturo mesta že zlit element, katerega prisotnost je pravzaprav postala eden izmed glavnih prostorskih pomnikov Nove Gorice. Z ozirom na radikalne spremembe v urbanem tkivu v nekdanjih socialističnih državah, ki so nastale kot posledica in- tenzivnih intervencij kapitala (gl. Czepczinsky, 2008), bi nas takšen razvoj ne presenetil, v kolikor bi govorili zgolj o rezultatu ekonomske tranzicije iz devetdesetih let. Toda v primeru novega mesta ob meji, postavlje- nega kot nadomestno regionalno središče in obenem konstituiranega kot protipol kapitalistični organizaciji urbanega življenja, lahko sledimo transformacijam ekonomske strukture in družbenih praks že za časa (poznega) socializma. Z novim mednarodnim polo- žajem Jugoslavije in njenim odpiranjem na Zahod je nekdanji »svetilnik« ne meji dveh ideoloških sistemov že v zgodnji fazi svojega razvoja izgubil značaj izlož- benega okna socializma oz. postal točka prehajanja ljudi, idej in blaga med v svet odprto Jugoslavijo in njeno zahodno sosedo Italijo. S tem je prišlo tudi do sprememb v sektorju turizma in gostinstva, katerega usmerjanje je bilo v Jugoslaviji pod izrazito političnim vplivom. Sčasoma se je ustvarila ponudba, očitno usmerjena k potrošnikom iz premo- žnega zaledja severne Italije, a kljub temu ne v njihovi popolni domeni, zato so modernistični urbani prostor in posamezne postmodernistične intervencije v njem služili kot ambient srečevanja ne le ljudi iz obmejne- ga območja, ampak tudi iz notranjosti Slovenije in Jugoslavije ter drugih tranzitnih obiskovalcev. V ta čas uvajanja tržnih principov v jugoslovansko ekonomijo v sredini šestdesetih let sodijo tudi prvi poskusi vzposta- vitve igralniške dejavnosti po zgledu dobičkonosnega Casinoja v Portorožu. Pobuda za krepitev tega dela turistične ponudbe, močno nasprotujoče socialističnim vrednotam, je ves čas prihajala z lokalnega nivoja, na katerega so se z ugodnimi ponudbami obračali tuji in tudi domači investitorji. Da že tedaj ni prišlo do reali- zacije teh načrtov, niso bili posredi ideološki razlogi, ampak predvsem logika stroge regulacije in omejevanja konkurence, ki so se je držale republiške oblasti. Tudi eksplozijo igralništva v osemdesetih letih so sprožili lokalni faktorji v bistveno spremenjenih eko- nomskih okoliščinah v poznosocialistični Jugoslaviji, ki se je ubadala s kroničnim pomanjkanjem trdnih valut. Čeprav je bila ta dejavnost v izhodišču videna samo kot dopolnilni način popolnjevanja slabo zasedenih hotel- skih kapacitet, se je že v nekaj letih izkazala kot izjemno uspešen način izvabljanja deviz od množice prihajajo- čih dnevnih oz. nočnih obiskovalcev z italijanske strani meje, kmalu pa tudi od drugod. S tem dejstvom lahko najbolj prepričljivo pojasnimo odsotnost kakršnihkoli resnih političnih pomislekov proti množičnemu razvo- ju te dejavnosti, ki se je tudi dobro ujela s kulturnimi spremembami v tedanji Italiji, domačinom pa ostajala nedostopna. Določena nasprotovanja so se pojavila v ožjem lokalnem okolju, ki je na eni strani ohranjalo sistem starih družbenih praks, po drugi strani pa sprejelo delo v igralniško-zabaviščni industriji kot priložnost za odličen zaslužek. Prirejanje »posebnih iger na srečo«, kot je jugoslovanska zakonodaja evfemistično poimeno- vala organizacijo hazarda za tujce, se je tako že pred propadom socialističnega sistema dodobra usidralo v najbolj zahodnem mestu v državi. Temu je sledila tudi uradna propaganda, ki v zadnjih letih starega režima ni več imela pomislekov ustvarjati privida sveta kapitali- stičnega užitka v nekdanjem mestu socialistične utopije. 376 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Jure RAMŠAK: CASINO V SOCIALISTIČNEM MESTU: ZAČETKI IGRALNIŠKE INDUSTRIJE IN SOCIALNOEKONOMSKA PREOBRAZBA NOVE GORICE, 363–378 CASINO IN THE SOCIALIST TOWN: THE ORIGINS OF THE GAMBLING INDUSTRY AND THE SOCIOECONOMIC TRANSROMATION OF NOVA GORICA Jure RAMŠAK Science and Research Centre, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia e-mail: jure.ramsak@zrs-kp.si SUMMARY The article analyses spatial and societal consequences of gambling industry, which emerged in the 1980s in the town of Nova Gorica on the border between Italy and Yugoslavia. Built as the modernist counterpart to the old town, which remained in capitalist Italy in 1947, Nova Gorica initially posed as the showpiece of socialism, but experienced metamorphosis of its identity even before the socialist Yugoslavia was over. The author presents the ideological and political circumstances, which infl uenced the transformation of the socialist modernist town into a place of consumption and questionable entertainment. While until the 1970s, tourist infrastructure was intended to attract both domestic and foreign tourists, the new Casino opened in 1984 was designed for foreign citizens only. By introducing the American model of gambling, it became an instant success and attracted 1.3 million mostly Italian visitors until 1990. As one of the main sources of the much-needed hard currency, it was supported by the entrepreneurial and local political elites, which also relinquished some principles of “socialist” spatial governance to give way for its extensions. 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Nova Gorica, Dessa. Torkar, V. (1994): Nova Gorica: mesto park ali par- king? Primorska srečanja, 19, 156, 181–185. Ukmar, D. (1993): Začetki gradnje Nove Gorice. Kronika: časopis za slovensko krajevno zgodovino, 41, 2, 18–37. Verovšek, Š. et al. (2015): Pristopi k preučevanju in reprezentaciji kvalitet urbanih prostorov. Annales, Ser. hist. et soc., 25, 1, 115–128. 379 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.25 received: 2016-04-06 DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM AND DIALOGUE Vojko STRAHOVNIK University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: vojko.strahovnik@guest.arnes.si ABSTRACT The paper aims to investigate the relationship between divine command theory of morality, ethical cosmopolitan- ism framework and correlated challenges pertaining to the questions of a plausible universalism and dialogue in the globalized world. The methods used include an analysis of commitments of divine command ethics and claims about objectivity and authority of morality. Next, a compatibility between divine command ethics and cosmopolitan framework is investigated. The main claim is that divine command ethics is not committed to and does not succumb to fundamentalism or unjustifi ed absolutism and that a proper understanding varieties of universalism reveals this. Keywords: divine command ethics, moral obligation, cosmopolitanism, universalism, fundamentalism, dialogue ETICA DEL COMANDO DIVINO, COSMOPOLITISMO, FONDAMENTALISMO E DIALOGO SINTESI Il lavoro ha voluto analizzare il rapporto tra la teoria del comando divino, il quadro etico del cosmopolitismo e le sfi de legate alla domanda di universalismo e di dialogo plausibili in un mondo globalizzato. I metodi usati comprendono l’analisi degli impegni richiesti dall’etica del comando divino e la richiesta di obiettività e di autorità della morale. Viene quindi analizzata la compatibilità tra l’etica del comando divino e l’ambito cosmopolita. La conclusione principale è che l’etica del comando divino non implica a e non si confonde con il fondamentalismo o con l’assolutismo ingiustifi cato, come mostrato da una corretta comprensione della varietà dell’universalismo. Parole chiave: etica del comando divino, obbligo morale, cosmopolitismo, universalismo, fondamentalismo, dialogo 380 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 INTRODUCTION The paper investigates the relationship between di- vine command theory of morality, ethical cosmopolitan- ism framework and correlated challenges pertaining to the questions of the rationality of religious commitment, plausible universalism, and dialogue in the globalized world. After presenting a key tenor behind divine com- mand ethics and ethical cosmopolitanism, a question about the compatibility of both ethical frameworks is posed. This is an important question for the challenges of the globalized world, in which we see tendencies of different religious fundamentalisms and prevalence of some collective identities. The claim will be that divine command ethics is not committed to and does not suc- cumb to fundamentalism or unjustifi ed absolutism and that a proper understanding of divine command ethics, religious commitment and varieties of universalism reveals this. At the end, some consequences of this for the debate on dialogue are addressed. DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS AND AUTHORITY OF OBLIGATION In this section, the paper defi nes the basic character- istics of a moderate divine command theory. In this en- deavour it relies primarily on the work of Stephen Evans in his recent book God and Moral Obligation (2013). The reason is not that Evans is alone in defending divine command ethics, on the contrary, we are witnessing its wide revival.1 Divine command theory of morality was for the most part of the development of the 20th century moral theory not considered as a particularly viable. Its recent revival is partly due to the fact that divine com- mand ethics is particularly well suited to accommodate some of the central aspects of morality, including its phenomenology, especially those related to authority of moral obligation. In elaborating a viable divine command ethics account, it is best to start with an ontological under- standing of divine command theory, according to which moral obligations depend on God ontologically (God is thus the ground of moral obligations) and God as a com- mand-giver represents the best explanation of objective moral obligations. This is different from a somewhat less plausible epistemic claim that one cannot believe and have knowledge of moral obligations without the belief in God. Further details of a former view can be spelled out in different ways. One prosperous manner to do so is to further spell it out as the claim that moral obliga- tions are or express divine requirements, as “God’s will for humans insofar as that will has been communicated to them” (Evans, 2013, 25) and thus as commands of a good and loving God. This view is narrow in a sense that it does not presuppose that there cannot be any ethical truths that do not depend on God and also it is primarily focused on aspects of moral obligation. In a somehow similar manner Audi (2011) closely relates divine com- mand theory with the notion of a moral authority of God as part of the religious commitment of an individual. In the ontological terms, one can thus claim that e.g. the property of obligatoriness of actions can be equivalent to the property of divine commandedness. Divine commandedness can also be understood as divine com- mandability in the sense that it is not necessarily that every obligatory act is understood as being commanded by God, but merely that it is commandable, i.e. of being eligible to be commanded by omniscient, omnipotent and perfectly good and loving God. One prominent feature of divine command ethics is that it can easily accommodate and explain the authori- tative nature of moral obligations. This characteristic of moral obligation was persuasively exposed by Elizabeth Anscombe in her famous essay on modern moral phi- losophy (1958), marking the turn towards rejuvenation of virtue ethics in the second part of 20th century. Ans- combe emphasizes several distinctive features of obliga- tion or an “ought”, among them its law-like aspect.2 The basic tenets of such a view can be summarized as the claim that moral obligations (as experienced and as part of moral discourse) have a unique character, which any moral theory that attempts to explain obligation must illuminate and accommodate in the explanation offered (cf. Evans, 2013, 12). The mentioned unique character is closely related to objectivity, authority, universality, the verdict on the action, accompanying motivational pull and a close connection to phenomena of responsibility, blameworthiness, and punishment.3 Moral judgments involve a feeling of their objec- tivity; they seem independent of our interests and desires; it appears as if their force comes from outside (that they have external origin) i.e. from the relevant moral circumstances that exert 1 Among them are the works of Robert Adams (1999), Philip Quinn (1979; 1990) and most recently John E. Hare (2015). 2 Anscombe proposed the following diagnosis: “But they [i.e. terms like ‘ought’ or ‘should’; n. VS] have now acquired a special so-called 'moral' sense-i.e. a sense in which they imply some absolute verdict (like one of guilty/ not guilty on a man) on what is described in the ‘ought’ sentences used in certain types of context: not merely the contexts that Aristotle would call ‘moral’ – passions and actions – but also some of the contexts that he would call ‘intellectual’. The ordinary (and quite indispensable) terms ‘should’, ‘needs’, ‘ought’, ‘must’ – acquired this special sense by being equated in the relevant contexts with ‘is obliged’, or ‘is bound’, or ‘is required to’, in the sense in which one can be obliged or bound by law, or something can be required by law” (Anscombe, 1958, 5). 3 This is also the central question that Korsgaard addresses in The Sources of Normativity (1996). She exposes the special nature of obli- gation in the following way: “the day will come, for most of us, when what morality commands, obliges or recommends is hard: that we share decisions with people whose intelligence or integrity do not inspire our confi dence; that we assume grave responsibilities to which we feel inadequate; that we sacrifi ce our lives, or voluntarily relinquish what makes them sweet” (Korsgaard, 1996, 9). 381 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 pressure on us to act in a certain way, limiting the range of our choices; the agent experiences a felt-demand on behaviour (Potrč & Strahovnik, 2014, 162). It is this special character which is driving Ans- combe’s astonishment about a modern concept of obligation, which was not at all so prominent in ancient Greek ethics. And this is why she explicitly relates such a conception of moral obligation with a law-like character of morality, a law-conception of moral obligation and God as a law-giver, and further pinpoints Christianity as an origin of it. How did this [i.e. such conception of an ‘ought’ and obligation; n. VS] come about? The answer is in history: between Aristotle and us came Christianity, with its law conception of ethics. For Christianity derived its ethical notions from the Torah. […] To have a law conception of ethics is to hold that what is needed for conformity with the virtues failure in which is the mark of being bad qua man (and not merely, say, qua craftsman or logician) - that what is needed for this, is required by divine law. Naturally it is not possible to have such a conception unless you believe in God as a law-giver; like Jews, Stoics, and Christians. But if such a conception is dominant for many centuries, and then is given up, it is a natural result that the concepts of ‘obligation’, of being bound or required as by a law, should remain though they had lost their root; and if the word “ought” has become invested in certain contexts with the sense of ‘obligation’, it too will remain to be spoken with a special emphasis and a special feeling in these contexts (Anscombe, 1958, 5–6). Anscombe’s further proposal is quite radical, i.e. that modern moral philosophy should drop such a concep- tion of obligation, mainly because the law conception of morality lack justifi cation, given that God does not play the role of the law-giver anymore and furthermore such a groundless conception can also be harmful. But this is just one possible route to take out of this apparent dilemma. Another option is to take the above mentioned experiential aspects of moral obligation seriously (together with the platitudes that Anscombe is relating with the notions of ought and obligation), and try looking hard at which moral theory (or theories) can accommodate them in their fullest sense. This is part of what motivates the return of divine command ethics. Among the strengths of divine command theory is the one that it can easily accommodate the above mentioned aspects of the moral obligation related to authority and objectivity. First, divine command theory is an objectivist theory in the sense that there is a truth of the matter about the content of moral demands. Sec- ondly, given the presupposition that God created human beings in a way that their fi nal goal is establishing the relationship with God, then establishing and maintain- ing such relationship is of supreme importance. And if moral obligations are part of this relationship, then this readily explains their importance and overridingess. Third, according to this theory the motivating power of moral obligations emerges out of our tendency to satisfy the requirements of a supreme being to which we owe gratitude and whose love for us is such that we can enjoy eternal happiness in communion. And lastly, since all human being are understood as God’s creatures, thus all participate in social relation that grounds universality of moral obligations (Evans, 2013; Audi, 2011). Formulated in this way, i.e. divine command theory of morality as the foundation for explicating moral obligation, such a theory is also compatible with other types of moral theories and normative frameworks, com- plementing them and accommodating other aspects of morality. It is thus compatible and complementary with natural law approach and virtue ethics since the former could represent a viable ground for a theory of value and the latter a basis for a theory of character (Evans, 2013, 54–87).4 But how does such a view fare in relation to the pluralistic nature of a globalized and plural world? Can a viable moral universalism sustain divine command ethics? Is such a conception of morality also compatible with ethical cosmopolitanism and its basic tenets? How do different religious traditions fall into such a picture? We turn our attention to these matters now. ETHICAL COSMOPOLITANISM Contemporary ethical cosmopolitanism arises on the basis of a recognition of living in a “world of strangers” (Appiah, 2007) and at the same time possessing the means to affect the lives of others, to get to know those lives and confront different ways of living. Within such a context K. A. Appiah puts forward an infl uential defence of cosmopolitanism, in which he attempts to reconcile liberal universalism and cultural relativism. The result is a comprehensive account of ethical cosmopolitanism. One of the aspects of the phenomenon of globaliza- tion is the increasing interconnectedness and interde- pendence of the world as a whole in all of the aspects of human life. The most pertinent challenges that the humankind is facing, e.g. climate change and other en- vironmental pressures toward a planet that cannot grow, economic questions and migration issues, the global rule of law and protection of basic human rights, the proper 4 This then goes against Anscombe’s “either–or” position, which she uses as a basis for the argument and an appeal towards developing virtue account of morality as a substitute to existing contemporary moral theories. 382 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 role and effectiveness of international organizations and many others are global in their nature and demand a global response (Singer, 2004). Such a response is only possible as a result of dia- logue and cooperation between communities across the globe. The ethical dimensions of this process are related mainly to the questions of what we owe to other mem- bers of this global community and on which grounds can we develop common understanding.5 Several authors6 have started to address the issues mentioned from the distinctively global perspective, also in ethics. Based on such presuppositions some authors started to defend cosmopolitanism as a possible solution (or at least a fi rst step towards such a solution) to the men- tioned challenges or as a proper perspective for ethical discourse given the global framework. In most cases this is a defence of a version of ethical cosmopolitanism as a view that we have obligations and responsibilities to others in a global world, and not necessarily a political cosmopolitanism (defending an idea of some kind of concrete global polity, world government and citizen- ship), cultural cosmopolitanism (a kind of an open- minded interest in different cultures and ideas about an emerging universalistic culture), critical cosmopolitan- ism or other types of cosmopolitanism. Appiah starts with an initial assumption that the need to accept ethical cosmopolitanism emerges out of recognition of a fact that we possess the means both to get to know about the lives of others and to substan- tially affect these lives affect lives, which establishes responsibility on our side. His preferred account of “rooted” ethical cosmopolitanism encompasses two related ideas, namely (i) universal concern: that we have obligation to others, to all “citizens of the cos- mos” so that this set extends beyond that of members of our country, kind, race, class, social group, etc., and (ii) legitimate difference: that we have to value lives of others in a sense of taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that they cultivate and fi nd important (Ap- piah, 2007, xi–xiii). Both of these ideas can also clash among each other. One of the presuppositions of such a position is also that at least some values are universal across cultures and societies, though their compara- tive importance or ranking is most usually left open. Such universal values are correlated with basic human needs; in the background of basic values is a belief that “we all have a good reason to do or to think or feel certain things in certain context, and so, have reasons to encourage these acts and thoughts and feelings in others” (Appiah, 2007, 26). We use the very language of values in order to coordinate our lives with another, given the interconnectedness of the world, every com- munity, culture, tradition, civilization is important for revealing to us the values that were possibly unrevealed till now and ways of leading lives in accordance with these values. A conclusion from all this for ethical cos- mopolitanism is a very optimistic one: Armed with these terms, fortifi ed in a shared lan- guage of value, we can often guide one another, in the cosmopolitan spirit, to shared responses; and when we cannot agree, the understanding that our responses are shaped by some of the same vocabulary can make it easier to agree to disagree (Appiah, 2007, 30). But it is precisely the disagreement that often is the source of problems and confl ict. It is therefore crucial to analyse its nature and offer a model of a moral dialogue in order to resolve confl icts and overcome disagreements. How is this disagreement strengthened within the perspective of divine command ethics? Moral disagreement can be defi ned as a situation in which the parties involved agree upon and have suf- fi cient understanding of all the facts, but nonetheless disagree what the morally appropriate attitude toward some object of evaluation (action, practice, tradition, situation, outlook, …) is. Appiah identifi es three main sources or kinds of mor- al disagreement. Either (i) the two parties fail to share a common evaluative vocabulary, or (ii) they might share it but gave it a different interpretation, or (iii) they can assign different weight to particular values. Either way, it seems that in a cross-cultural or trans-cultural dialogue we will be left with a considerable moral disagreement. Divine command ethics faces similar issues regarding a plausible universalism and possible disagreements between different religions and religious traditions. The responses could also be analogous. Both defenders of cosmopolitanism and proponents of divine command ethics can argue fi rst, that there can be a disagreement about why we should do something and at the same time agreement about what to do (disagreement in reasons vs disagreement on reasons; cf. Audi, 2014). In other words, some disagreements are benign in practice. Second, the role of reasoned argument resulting in agreement about values is often exaggerated. And at last, most of the confl icts that the 5 “The main problem is the lack of dialogue on these questions. All partners lack the willingness to train the ways of dialogue. ... Yet global development demands dialogue and cooperation. It seems there is no way than living dialogue about the civic and cultural foundations of our development” (Juhant, 2010, 49–50). 6 Among them e.g. John Rawls, Peter Singer, K. A. Appiah, Marta Nussbaum, Seyla Benhabib, David Held, Peter Unger and others. In this vein Nussbaum argues: “If our world is to be a decent world in the future, we must acknowledge right now that we are citizens of one interdependent world, held together by mutual fellowship as well as the pursuit of mutual advantage, by compassion as well as self-in- terest, by a love of human dignity in all people, even when there is nothing we have to gain from cooperating with them. Or rather, even when what we have to gain is the biggest thing of all: participation in a just and morally decent world” (Nussbaum, 2006, 324). 383 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 humankind faces today are not the result of confl icting values and moral disagreement at all (Appiah, 2007, 45–67). Instead of clinging to unsuccessful attempts to overcome moral disagreement Appiah as a defender of ethical cosmopolitanism expresses what could be called the primacy of practice optimism, a view ac- cording to which we can “agree about practices while disagreeing about their justifi cation” (Appiah, 2007, 70). For example, we can agree that we should allow people to exercise the freedom to express their religious belief without agreeing on the grounds for this. The point of cross-cultural dialogue is most often even not that of coming to agree about values but to learn about others and their values. It is the practice that changes things and ameliorates problems and confl icts. But, one could reply, that the most pressing problems arise exactly when we disagree about practice and when it seems that the source of this is the disagreement in justifi cation. The tragedy of the world is, one might object, on the other hand, that practices might easily go the other way, even to a point of being morally evil. This is the core of the primacy of practice optimism that cosmopolitanism defends. For cosmopolitanism it is the practices and not principles or values that enable us to live together in peace. Appiah is therefore defending that practice(s) changes things and overcomes confl icts and not reasonable argument. The condition for this is that there is enough overlapping between cultures and peoples and that there is enough contact between them; if those conditions are fulfi lled the optimistic cosmopolitan picture will start to realize itself. Cosmo- politanism thus is a kind of universalism that usually includes among core virtues tolerance (together with intolerance against actions and practices that are evil), intellectual modesty and fallibilism, curiosity, open- ness to new things, responsiveness, and pluralism. The rationality of religious commitment exposes exactly the need for such virtues to complement it. Recognizing and being responsive to other is then the basis for a deeper dialogue with others that goes beyond a mere acquaintance with other cultures and traditions out of some very general cosmopolitan curiosity. Is the above describe divine command ethics framework at all compatible with cosmopolitanism and dialogic universalism? The answer depends on whether it can avoid fundamentalism and absolutism, and on the other hand harbour moderate moral universalism. DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS BETWEEN FUNDAMENTALISM, ABSOLUTISM AND UNIVERSALISM Ethical cosmopolitanism is clearly committed to a sort of universalism and a similar presupposition is plausible regarding divine command ethics. MacIntyre, and he is not alone in this, warns us before unjustifi ed universalism and argues that [t]he notion of escaping from it [i.e. particularities] into a realm of entirely universal maxims which belong to man as such, whether in its eighteenth century Kantian form or in the presentation of some modern analytical philosophies, is an illu- sion and an illusion with painful consequences. When men and women identify what are in fact their partial and particular causes too easily and too completely with the cause of some universal principle, they usually behave worse that they would otherwise do (MacIntyre, 1981, 221). To briefl y reiterate MacIntyre’s worry; is such univer- salism in this model at all feasible? In order to answer this, it will prove useful to look at a comprehensive and useful understanding of different kinds or types or universalism. We can differentiate between different types of universalism, namely: (a) essentialist universal- ism: fundamental human nature and human essence enables us to derive universal moral truths, norms, and standards of life; (b) justifi catory universalism: on the basis of normative content of human reason we can use generally valid forms of cognition and justifi catory strategies to justify universally valid moral norms; (c) moral universalism: all human beings, independently of race, status, religious belief, etc. are entitled to the equal moral respect or dignity; (d) legal (juridical) universal- ism: even in the absence of essentialist universalism, we must recognize basic human rights to all persons based on the legitimacy of social and legal systems (Benhabib, 2011, 62–64).7 Legal universalism presupposes justi- fi catory universalism and the latter presupposes moral universalism (since justifi catory universalism presup- poses recognition of dialogic freedom of others, which on the level of moral universalism means recognition of equal dialogic respect to others), while between all those there is not a simple relation of constitution, in 7 Benhabib uses this framework to defend her approach to human rights based global ethics. First, one should make justifi cation for them and their theoretical foundations more robust and at the same time extend their scope (e.g. in contrast to some other viewpoint, such as the one by Rawls (1999), which limits their scope to the right to life, the right to freedom, the right to property and the right to formal equality) and thus move away from minimalism. Minimalism is on the one hand very appealing position since it places its hopes to manage to get to an overlapping consensus on the core of human rights and basic moral principles, without having to presuppose any particular standing point. Benhabib opts for a different approach and defends a single foundational human right, which is the “right to have rights”, which is a right of every human being to be recognized by others (and to recognize others in turn) as a person entitled to moral respect and legally protected rights in human community (Benhabib, 2011, 59–60) on the basis of a common humanity. Human rights derived from such foundation at the same time determine moral principles that protect the communicative or dialogical freedom of an individual. But human rights are only one domain with which we can relate concerns about a plausible universalism. 384 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 the sense that one can also, reversely, derive a set of basic human rights that must be legally recognized out of moral universalism itself. In order for a moral position to be plausible and avoid essentialism, absolutism, and fundationalism, one can defend moral and justifi catory universalism as founded on the theory of dialogue and dialogical freedom. Dia- logic justifi cation is based on justifi cation through which we – “you and I, in dialogue, must convince each other of the validity of certain norms” (Benhabib, 2011, 67) and that requires the assumption of respect of dialogic/ discursive freedom, on the basis of which one can only see the other as someone who can accept or reject a certain justifi cation. This model thus begins with the notion of the individual as embedded or immersed in a dialogue, in communication and interaction with others. The role of such dialogue is in forming our life ideals, regulating common living together, and resolution of confl icts. Theories of dialogue and argumentation help us to recognize, that moral dialogue is not a simple, one- dimensional phenomena or process, but that it consists of various justifi catory and normative structures and burdens of proof (e.g. convincing, revealing, determining information, intending, negotiation, disputing, etc.) and different kinds of arguments (moral, political, pragmatic, strategic, etc.) (Testa, 2012); at the same time also going beyond mere argumentative or discursive sphere. An overall outlook, which could harbour all the mentioned perplexities is the approach of dialogic universalism, which was originally developed by David Hollenbach (2002). The approach defends an aspira- tion for a universally valid ethics, which is established through a process of dialogue as a form of solidarity.8 This approach is aware that merely collecting universal ethical components of different cultures and traditions does not necessary lead to the best set of universal values and justifi cation for them. Another way, as such in no way incompatible, I see it rather as complementary to the fi rst, is to try to fi nd the set of values acceptable as values for every rational person or culture. It is this last group to which Nussbaum’s and capability ethics efforts in general belong. […] There obtain uni- versals of human condition as such that demand cultivation of values that share important univer- sal features in order to make possible fl ourishing of individuals and societies. All people as such are subjected to some common limitations or problems we must cope with: we will all die, we are all as bodily creatures vulnerable, we all need recognition, etc. Successful coping with these limitations are rational values that are shared by most if not all of us (Žalec, 2008, 55). One charge that it is often raised against divine command theory is a charge of absolutism and (reli- gious) fundamentalism. But this applies merely to some extreme formulations of divine command theory, which take God’s will as a direct basis for moral obligations and conjoin with that usually only revelation in some concrete form as an epistemic origin of our knowledge of these obligations. If we defi ne religious fundamen- talism in relation to morality as a stance that takes revelation, sacred text or some other moral authority as an absolute, defi nite and fi nal form of all (moral) truth, while at the same time not even being willing to consider other views, then we can argue that the divine command theory of morality does not need to fall within such a domain. We can return to the virtues noted above (tolerance, intellectual modesty, fallibilism, curiosity, responsiveness, pluralism, etc.) and complement them with divine command ethics. One suggestion is to point to several possible epistemic routes to moral beliefs and truths one understand as framing the basis of a moral outlook. Recognizing something as a divine command or as being divinely commendable is not a prerequisite for moral knowledge. The existence of many non-theological ways of apprehending and discovering our obligations might enhance the probability of right conduct for both theist and non-theist; they would each have more ways to discover it, including, of co- urse, non-religious ways. For religious people, a diversity of routes to moral discovery and moral knowledge might reinforce moral conduct (Žalec, 2011, 139). Hare argues in this very direction that: there is no conceptual requirement to connect divine command theory with fundamentalism, Christian or Muslim or Jewish. […] As a meta-ethi- cal theory, divine command theory does not tell us what the commands of God in fact are. But it gives no ground for inferring that these comman- ds will be any less or any more liberal than the prescriptions generated by the various versions of natural law. Having said that, however, it is also true that a theory that has an honoured place for both revelation and reason will fi nd conversation with other traditions easier to sustain (Hare, 2015, 187). As a consequence of this one can add that “it may be possible not only to indicate how a religious commit- ment can be combined with a plausible ethical view, but also to bring divine command and secular perspectives 8 The view is discussed in-depth by Žalec (2008) and also coupled with ethics of capabilities. Solidarity must be understood in a wider sense, including experiential solidarity since “[o]ur aim ought to be to participate on the experience of the other and we should help other to par- ticipate in our intellectual and emotional life too. Intellectual participation is the realization of a genuine dialogue” (Žalec, 2008, 37). 385 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 closer together and at the same time facilitate commu- nication and debate in moral matters between religious and non-religious people” (Audi, 2011, 140) Divine command theory of morality thus can ac- commodate moral disagreement, since the existence of disagreement is not a decisive argument against moral objectivity, but can be on the other hand a mark of engagement in a genuine moral dialogue in search for the right answers or at least acceptable ones. Another reason to understand divine command ethics as non- fundamentalist is that it is usually formed and accepted in a dialogic stance of the believer which accepts is. In the Christian tradition this means the embodiment of the “call – answer” model, based on an understanding God as a limitless closeness, which included an experi- ence of this closeness on the side of the believer and a response on her or his side (Petkovšek, 2016). It is the human refusal to accept basic truth about the self that can lead to psychopathologies, violence and non- compassion. “Religious fundamentalism (and the vio- lence originating from it, e.g. terrorism) is a disturbance on the vertical axis human – God” (Žalec, 2015, 223; cf. Bellinger, 2008), which means that a fundamental- ist neglects other dimensions of human life (e.g. social dimension or individual, biographical dimension) and accepts a static – and in this regard non-dialogical and non-open – mode of existence. This is also a reason that e.g. religious traditions like Judaism, Christianity, Islam can be part of the non-absolutist, cosmopolitan ethics. The above described dialogic universalism is an overall position that arises out of moral universalism (as a thesis about the common humanity and dignity that derives from it) and at the same time providing the space for dialogue and dialogical freedom regard- ing basic moral principles together with the content of moral obligations that can be subsequently amended with mid-level principles that would contextualize the former. Parts of this dialogic sphere could be occupied by divine command ethics, especially those ones that are related to moral obligations. ETIKA BOŽJEGA UKAZA, KOZMOPOLITIZEM, FUNDAMENTALIZEM IN DIALOG Vojko STRAHOVNIK Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: vojko.strahovnik@guest.arnes.si POVZETEK Prispevek razišče več razsežnosti etike božjega ukaza ter jih poveže z razmisleki o posebni naravi moralne obveznosti, ki vključuje objektivnost in avtoriteto. V nadaljevanju je etika božjega ukaza vzporejana s ključnimi vidiki etičnega kozmopolitizma, s ciljem vzpostaviti skladnost med obema. Naslovljena so vprašanja o racionalnosti verske zavezanosti, prepričljivosti univerzalizma in dialoga v globaliziranem svetu. Ta vprašanja so pomembna za izzive globaliziranega sveta, v katerem vidimo težnje različnih verskih fundamentalizmiov in prevlado izbranih kolektivnih identitet. Glavna teza je, da etika božjega ukaza ni zavezana in ne podleže fundamentalizmu ali neutemeljenemu absolutizmu ter da to razkrije ustrezno razumevanje etike božjega ukaza, verske zavezanosti in vrst univerzalizma. Na koncu so izpostavljene nekatere posledice za razpravo o dialogu. Ključne besede: etika božjega ukaza, moralna obveznost, kozmopolitizem, univerzalizem, fundamentalizem, dialog 386 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vojko STRAHOVNIK: DIVINE COMMAND ETHICS, COSMOPOLITANISM, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND DIALOGUE, 379–386 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, R. (1999): Finite and Infi nite Goods. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Anscombe, G. E. M. (1958): Modern Moral Philoso- phy. Philosophy, 33, 124, 1–19. Appiah, K. A. (2007): Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. London, Penguin Books. Audi, R. (2011): Rationality and Religious Commit- ment, Oxford/New York, Clarendon Press. Audi, R. (2014): Normative Disagreement as a Chal- lenge to Moral Philosophy and Philosophical Theology. In: Bergmann, M. & P. Kain: Challenges to Moral and Religious Belief: Disagreement and Evolution. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 62–78. Bellinger, C. K. (2008): The Trinitarian Self: The Key to the Puzzle of Violence. Eugene, Pickwick Publica- tions. Benhabib, S. (2011): Dignity in Adversity. Human Rights for Troubled Times. Cambridge, Polity Press. Evans, S. (2013): God and Moral Obligation. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Hare, E. J. (2015): God’s Command. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Hollenbach, D. (2002): The Common Good and Christian Ethics. New York, Cambridge Universirty Press. Juhant, J. (2010): On Living with: Dialogue as the Way to the Art of Personal and Common Life. In: Juhant, J. & B. Žalec (eds.): Art of Life. Münster, LIT Verlag, 49–59. Korsgaard, C. (1996): The Sources of Normativity. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. MacIntyre, A. (1981): After Virtue. A Study in Moral Theory. Notre Dame, IN, University of Notre Dame Press. Nussbaum, M. (2006): Frontiers of Justice. Cam- bridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Petkovšek, R. (2016): Beseda Bog v jeziku metafi zike in v jeziku evangelija [The Word God in the Language of Metaphysics and in the Language of the Gospel]. Bogoslovni vestnik, 76, 1, 7–24. Potrč, M. & V. Strahovnik (2014): Phenomenological objectivity and moral theory. Synthesis philosophica, 29, 1, 159–173. Quinn, P. (1979): Divine Commands and Moral Requirements. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Quinn, P. (1990): The Recent Revival of Divine Command Ethics. Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 50 suppl., 345–365. Rawls, J. (1999): The Law of Peoples. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Singer, P. (2004): One World: The Ethics of Globali- zation. New Haven, Yale University Press. Testa, I. (2012): The Respect Fallacy: Limits of Re- spect in Public Dialogue. In: Kock, C. & L. Villadsen (eds.): Rhetorical Citizenship and Public Deliberation. University Park, Penn State University Press, 77–92. Žalec, B. (2008): Possibilities of an universalistic ethics: the capabilities approach. In: Juhant, J. and B. Žalec (eds.): Surviving globalization: the uneasy gift of interdependence. Berlin, Lit Verlag, 33–58. Žalec, B. (2011): On not knowing who we are: the ethical importance of transcendent anthropology. Syn- thesis philosophica, 26, 1, 105–115. Žalec, B. (2015): Človekovo nesprejemanje temeljne resnice o sebi kot izvor njegovih psihopatologij, nasilja in nesočutnosti [Human Refusal to Accept Basic Truth About Self as Origin of Psychopathologies,Violence and Non-Compassion]. Bogoslovni vestnik, 75, 2, 221–231. 387 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.26 received: 2016-04-06 HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA Lenart ŠKOF Science and Research Centre Koper, Institute for Philosophical Studies, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia e-mail: lenart.skof@zrs.upr.si ABSTRACT This paper deals with a crosscultural analysis of the phenomenon of breath in both Western and Eastern contexts. First, it brings to the fore two contemporary examples of an intercultural thought – of François Jullien and Kuang- Ming Wu. It critically approaches the fi rst and shows the ethical relevance of the latter. On this ground, this paper then offers an innovative approach towards thinking of the body, called ethical anatomy of the body. In the second section of the paper, an original ethical platform is offered for the ethics of proximity, based on breath. In the third section, we bring to the fore Luce Irigaray’s original philosophy of the breath, also by indicating the relevance of her idea of the coming »Age of the Spirit«. Keywords: breath, Luce Irigaray, ethical anatomy, hospitality, François Jullien, Kuang-Ming Wu, prana, qi LE OSPITALITÀ DEL CORPO: SUL MATERIALISMO E SULLA SPIRITUALITÀ NELLA TRADIZIONE FILOSOFICA EUROPEA ED ASIATICA SINTESI L’articolo tratta l’analisi transculturale del fenomeno del respiro nella tradizione fi losofi ca dell’Occidente e dell’Oriente ed inizia con la presentazione di due casi attuali del pensiero interculturale di Jullien François e di Wu Kuang-Ming. I due elementi basilari, l’approccio critico verso il primo e la rilevanza etica del secondo, lasciano spazio nel prosieguo all’importanza etica del corpo, rappresentata con il sintagma anatomia etica del corpo. Nella seconda parte dell’articolo viene presentata la piattaforma innovativa per l’etica della vicinanza, che si basa sul respiro. La terza ed ultima parte è dedicata alla fi losofi a di Luce Irigaray ed al suo innovativo concetto del respiro quale categoria etica ed antesignana della nuova »Era del respiro« in arrivo. Parole chiave: respiro, Luce Irigaray, anatomia etica, ospitalità, François Jullien, Kuang- Ming Wu, prana, qi 388 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 TOWARDS AN ETHICAL ANATOMY OF THE BODY This paper is an attempt to think in a comparative and crosscultural way what I designate as an ethical anatomy of the body. It is also an attempt to think the so called “hospitalities of the body” – as perhaps yet not explored but already present ways of thinking within our everyday ethical lives with and towards others – what we in philosophy designate with the problem of inter- subjectivity. Let me begin with two examples from contemporary intercultural philosophy: fi rst with François Jullien’s Vital Nourishment and then with Kuang-Ming Wu’s excellent On Chinese Bodily Thinking: A Cultural Hermeneutics. François Jullien claims in his Vital Nourishment (Nourrir sa vie) that it is high time now for the ideas on breathing, harmony and nourishment to return to philosophy. Has perhaps really come the time for a new philosophy of the breath, we ask ourselves reading his book. Has new philosophy of the body arisen, one being sensitive to others, being hospitable towards the world? What is hos- pitality? ... But I think that in his attempt unfortunately fails to open up the ethical dimension of breath, for at a certain point of his explanations he quite unexpectedly comes out with explaining Pablo Picasso’s life and work as follows: Anyone who intends to create an oeuvre should, I think, heed this motto: one’s work requires one not to “waste” one’s breath-energy. To that end, one must voluntarily (ascetically) withdraw from all the ordinary investments among which one’s vitality would normally be dispersed; one must sacrifi ce those investments – immorally (or “egotistically”), as others may judge – in order to concentrate on the one goal (Jullien 2007, 78ff). On fi rst view, we may support his claim. But on a more deep ethical level we cannot. There is no place here to discuss ethical temporality and inherent logic of our ethical gestures towards ourselves and towards others, but clearly, for me, or for you, to offer each other a gift of breath, and hospitality/ies of the body, there is no time for me to do so. I am always already caught in an ethical paradox: you, in front of me, posit an ethical demand I cannot postpone to some other moment in time. My body is always here, for you, I offer you all my time, all my possessions. It is my fi rm opinion that Jul- lien, in this passage, and, as a consequence, perhaps in his entire thought, collides with the very limit of ethics, a limit that he with his philosophy of vitality and breath unfortunately cannot cross. This is what I could not relate to the hospitalities as offered in and by the body towards it/him/herself and towards the living cosmos, in an intersubjective way. On the other hand, we breathe entirely different air in Kuang-Ming Wu’s beautiful book (1997). Here we fi nd the entirely different statement, which I fi nd as a most exact presentation of what I describe with the concept of an ethical anatomy of the body. In my opinion, noone has perhaps better articulated what takes place in my (bodily-spiritual) interior than this American-Chinese (intercultural) philosopher. In a complete accord with the realisations of Levinas and Irigaray, as I will indicate later – he points at an ethical logic in utter contrast with Jullien’s realisations, that of a radically hospitable emptying out of my “inner” bodily space for the other to inhabit it. The medium of this action is qi or the vital energy of (cosmic) breath. Kuang-Ming Wu’s ethics of breath can thus be set alongside Luce Irigaray’s thought; the two philosophers also share a critical stance towards Hegel’s version of dialectics and the commitment to in- tercultural hermeneutics or conversation between West- ern, Indian and Chinese philosophies. Wu advocates the performative character of philosophy. This means that he always operates in concreteness and situational contexts of what he calls bodily thinking. The process of accepting the other into the egomania (or megalomania) of the self is in him illustrated by the syntagm wombing forth: a metaphor for the uterus also illustrated by the sixth statement of Dao de jing by Lao Zi, where he de- scribes the female principle of all ontology. The womb is thus a symbol of void space, an emptied out place within me, and enables a new life-for-the-other: for Wu any intersubjective act (of ethical or any other order) is based on this gesture of motherhood (wombing mother- liness) which originates in the uterus, yet it is not only a microcosmical or feminised symbol for the opening of the space of the other in my interior, but is a symbol of an universal respect opening up of the mesocosmic space of breath (qi), opened between Heaven and Earth. Thus the destruction of the other (i.e., the possibility of or his/her actual death) wombs me forth towards her/ him. This means that my wombing motherliness, in its compassionate care, offers the most precious gift one has: the gift of hospitality. Now, what does an ethical anatomy of the body mean? First, it relates closely to the topic of hospital- ity. Hospitality builds upon compassion; both must be understood and felt as a part of a new material- maternal-matrixial ethics. According to Derrida (1977, 55) – and this indeed is the secret core of compassion –“one doesn’t know why one trembles”. Ancient Greek, Semitic and Sanskrit words for compassion all testify equally for this ethics of compassion: they all relate us to the most intimate bodily phenomena of trembling for/ with the other, such as Greek verb splagkhnízomai (“to be moved by visceral compassion”), the Hebrew word rakhamim (“matrixial compassion”), or the Sanskrit Ve- dic and Buddhist terms rdudara and anukampa (“com- passionate inside” and “compassionate co-trembling”). All these sacred words testify for the inside/uterus/ womb as a locus of compassionate feelings, and also as a locus of hospitality. Secondly, the new philosophical 389 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 discipline I wish to offer here, thinks of our body as a locus of ethical gestures, springing forth from our eyes (lamentations), hands (gestures, mudras, caress) and skin (Feuerbach; we feel both joy and sorrow through skin), lungs full of air of alterity, and face/visage as a basic ethical phenomenon (Levinas), heart (as a place where atman resides) and, fi nally, womb, uterus and our body as a whole. Thus conceived these all are primarily ethi- cal organs. Needless to say, most of them coincide with the chakras and microcosmic bodily systems of Yoga and Tantra (fi g. 1). Needless to say, these body parts/organs also repre- sent almost all of the ancient Indian “senses” (pranas) as foremost precursors of all later Indian epistemology (Samkhya-Yoga, Buddhism). In the Vedic texts (see for example Kaushitaki Upanishad II.1) there are twelve pranas, or fundamental spiritual-bodily vital powers: be- sides fi ve pranas – i.e., breathing, sight, hearing, speech and thinking, there are also others, such as the taste, the body, hands, legs, the sexual organ and intellect (prajña) – which all express an ancient representation of the whole micro- and macrocosmic inter-connectedness of the body, the mind and the surrounding World. In addition to singling out and attributing particular mean- ing to language – or, rather, speech – among the fi ve human “senses” (speech, sight, hearing, intellect, and breath), breath is the one particular prana, after which all the other senses in the old idiosyncratic Vedic plural pranah, which literally means “breaths” or, metaphori- cally, “vital powers”, follow.1 Now, to return to our original thesis: in The Gift of Death Derrida inaugurated the new philosophical discipline: the philosophical symptomatology. In my paper on extreme suffering of migrants in the Mediteran- nean (“Requiem for Lampedusa”), I have refl ected upon Derrida’s thought as follows: We need to come to that “cause closest to our body, that which means that one trembles or weeps rather than doing something else,” as he puts it (Derrida, 1977, 55). As I state in my passage: Therefore we have an ethical anatomy of the body: one trembles from the outside (skin) to the inside (viscera, bowels) and vice versa; one la- ments in the eyes (tears) and in the heart (kardia); then, fi nally, one breathes with lungs full of the wind of alterity (pneuma) in an inspiration that is yet to come (Levinas). Interiority and exteriority, inside and outside: our tears (and their hidden memory of the primeval and all-encompassing cosmic waters) are able to transgress this invisible border between the body and soul, debordering them at the very threshold, which is pain, in its most elemental form; lamentation, tears and our sadness – our longest compassion for the pain of mothers, fathers and their children, in the world, full of suffering (Škof, 2015b, 267f.). BREATH AND ITS ETHICAL RELEVANCE IN THE WORLD Now, let me turn to breath and its ethical relevance in our world. To be connected with every breath we take denotes our bodily connection with everything and everyone. This process does not contain anything metaphysical; on the contrary, the (new) cosmology, epistemology and ethics are mirrored in it. This is the space of new spiritual energies that feed the impulses, wishes and hopes that guide our actions. Through that, the world of the inter-subjective and the ethics and politics stemming from it, are connected to the most essential aspect of human lives – our breathing in and Fig. 1: Chakras (Source: Wikimedia Commons) 1 Cf. chapter 1 of Gearney’s book for the outline and an overview of the senses as they appear in Chinese thought (Gearney, 2002). See also pp. 9–10 on qi and its relation to the body and natural elements. For our concept of ethical anatomy of the body, Gearney’s elaboration on the hearthmind (xin: “physical heart”, “mind”; meaning dispositions and intentions of the person) is of special importance (p. 13). Although heartmind has its own knowledge capacity, it still is considered to be one of the senses. In this way, its role is analogical in its function and position within the body (we may be reminded that prana resides in the secret cavity within the heart during the sleep) to the key Indian epistemological element of prana. 390 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 out and their role within nature and the community culture that are our breath’s living spaces. Hence the ethics of breath(ing), as explained in my theory, can be explained as a fundamental characteristic of the newly restored fi eld of intersubjectivity. This growth fi rstly concerns a person’s genuine attitude towards his/her own body and its ethical anatomy, as already indicated above. In the West, the move in this direction, which was neglected until Fichte (birth of intersubjectiv- ity in his philosophy, later fully conceptualized in Habermas), Schopenhauer (the body as my fi rst rep- resentation, all objectivity originates in our feelings/ sensitivity as related to womb, for him), Feuerbach (the importance of skin and organs of the body for ethics),2 George Herbert Mead (thinking with sense organs and in particular a “haptic” character of his thought),3 Levinas (the ethical relevance of face and lungs), and Irigaray (the body, touch, ethics of breath, especially in her practice and understanding of Yoga), demands more than just a phenomenological reduction of a hundreds of years of mankind’s thinking patterns. We could also include Heidegger into this group of names, namely with the meaning he gives to the hand and its gestures, and, of course Derrida with his meditation on eyes and tears, as also already seen above (Kleinberg- Levin, 2010). In this process, the body does not appear as raw matter, or as an opposite to spirit in one of its forms, nor does it take some modern shape of somat- ics or inter-corporeality; rather, it approaches the old understanding of the world as interconnectedness and interdependence of elements (air or breath, water, fi re, and earth) within the entire cosmology of microcosm and macrocosm. Thus, the body is seen as a part of space that breeds ethical gestures – it becomes a part of the natural and the spiritual environment that I, fully inspired by ancient Vedic thought, call mesocosm.4 According to Irigaray (1985), the Western body was immobilised with a fundamental metaphysical- epistemological gesture. In the history of philosophy, the mirror (or, as her most important book’s title says, the speculum: Speculum of the Other Woman) served mostly as a means of speculation or monological ob- servation of the subject in the mirror of “nature” (as in Rorty’s seminal work) or, to take this one step further, as a means of viewing (and appropriating) the Other in the refl ection of the subject in that mirror. Philosophy and ethics deserve more, I argue. There is a task waiting to be completed in the future: to become in tune with the process of the new spiritual-bodily transformation 2 For Feuerbach (1975, 138) this means to dwell within the body and to communicate through touch with our sensitivity, literally with our skin (“Soviel Sinne – soviel Poren, soviel Blößen. Der Leib ist nichts als das poröse Ich”): the new notion of intersubjectivity departs precisely from our sensitivity rather than from rationality. For him, our spiritual essence resides in the heart, which is again more (stereo- typically) allied with the woman. 3 In his “phenomenology” of gesture Mead ascribes great importance to hand, which also opens interesting possibilities of interpreting him as a “haptic philosopher” (a remark by his student David L. Miller (1982, 22) in the “Introduction” to The Individual and Social Self; note also an elaboration of a “hand” in Heidegger – as a gesture, carrying out the bodily felt dimensions of meaning, as David Kleinberg-Levin (2010) asserts). On the other hand, we have Jean-Louis Chrétien, who in his The Call and the Response (2004 [1992]) deals precisely with the bodily scheme as already proposed by some interprets of Mead. Chrétien’s epistemological credo (“I never start by saying ‘I’, I start by being ‘thou-ed’ by the world” (Chrétien, 2004, 120)), together with his rehabilitation of the touch (and space) is what I fi nd as a most interesting possibility today for extending both Feuerbachian and Meadian concepts of self to contemporary philosophy of inter- subjectivity. But Chrétien, in the ethical line of his argument, also mentions a related ‘nothingness’ of self as a possibility of negating the old Biblical saying “I am, and there is no one besides me” (Isaiah 47:10). Here, both in his concept of touch as well as nothingness of the self, interesting intercultural possibilities open and it is through Watsuji TetsurÓ’s thought that it would be possible to show the importance of the concept of aidagara (“relatedness”, “betweeness”) understood both as space and touch/contact for the understanding of Mead’s philosophy of the body. 4 For the usage of the term “mesocosm” see Katha Aranyaka,critical edition with a translation into German and an introduction by M. Witzel (2004, xl, n. 129). Witzel wrote how curious it was that “the term has not been used in this context before”. He refers to its fi rst usage in a book on Newar religion authored by Robert I. Levy and Kedar Raj Rajopadhyaya (1990) titled Mesocosm: Hinduism and the organization of a traditional Newar city of Nepal. Witzel argues for the reconstruction of the term “mesocosm”: within the Vedic magical interpretation of the world, we face different analogies or magical “identifi cations” between the macrocosmic and microcosmic realities or gods (for example Sun-eye, Wind-breath, Earth-body, Waters-semen, Fire-speech, etc.). This ancient way of thinking uses different “mystic” correlations and equivalents, some obvious (such as between Sun and the eye or Wind and breath) and some more hidden and esoteric (between Moon and mind). But always there exists a nexus or a connection between two beings (in Sanskrit it is called bandhu and upanishad). See also M. Witzel (1997), “Macrocosm, Mesocosm, and Microcosm: The Persistent Nature of ‘Hindu’ Beliefs and Sym- bolic Forms”. See on this aspect my Breath of Proximity (Škof, 2015a, 4). Fig. 2: Cosmic Triade (Škof, 2015a, 195) 391 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 of humanity so as to become enlightened enough to hear the voice of the other, to detect his/her signs and gestures that call for a dialogue with him or her or with nature in one of its beautiful incarnations. It should not be forgotten that this is also a task, for us to learn how to ethically respond to the call of another human being or of a non-human species and their breathing, since breathing means staying alive and sensing everything and everyone that is alive around us. BREATH IN LUCE IRIGARAY’S THOUGHT AND “THE AGE OF THE SPIRIT” Let me now turn to one of the most innovative phi- losophers of our age, namely Luce Irigaray. Her thought represents the peak of entire (both hidden and visible) respiratory philosophy of the West, and it is with her critical examination of Heidegger in her book Forgetting the Air: in Martin Heidegger (1999) that all started. In Irigaray’s thought there are two interconnected features, a double reserve, as it were, which can explain her idiosyncratic (and, for many critics, highly problematic) topography of other traditions, and her invocation of “East” and “Eastern” in particular: breath and interiority. Breath is arguably one of the most important anthro- pological and intercultural constants for human beings of the world, carrying rich epistemological and ethical implications across cultures. According to Japanese intercultural philosopher Tadashi Ogawa (1998), breath has an intercultural potential, for “all humanity is aware of this phenomenon” (Ogawa, 1998, 321). For Ogawa, it is qi, which as a natural/cosmic phenomenon “‘fi lls in’ both an individual body and all that is between heaven and earth” (Ogawa, 1998, 321). As the wind of breath- ing, qi is both expiration and inspiration. But besides its biological (as breath in the body) and cosmic (as wind in the atmosphere) roles, there is also a communal sense of breath. According to Ogawa, and based on no- tions of mood (Stimmung) in Heidegger, or atmosphere (Atmosphere) in Schmitz, there is something between us human beings that makes it possible for us to be in the world and to interact: the atmosphere of love, for example, “appears in the situational eye contact or in the words of a love conversation” (Ogawa, 1998, 328). This approach resonates with breath and breathing in Irigaray: to be able to reground our intersubjective relations in an ethical way, we have to “acknowledge” (presubjectively, internally, as it were, and with all our sensations and in the sense of a proto-logical truth of the world) the atmosphere of breath (interculturally thought as pneuma, prana, or qi), fi lling the world with an ethi- cal mood, capable of transforming “our elemental vital breath into a more subtle breath at the service of loving, of speaking and hearing, of thinking” (Irigaray, 2010, 4). In this ethico-cosmological sense, and without imply- ing universal equivalence among the variety of cultural interpretations of breath/breathing, we can see that Iri- garay’s thought is already a vital part of contemporary intercultural philosophy. The task we share is to attune ourselves to hear the voices of the other, to discern the signs and gestures inviting us to begin a dialogue with others in recognition of their differences. This ethical pro- ject will not be the privilege of one single culture or tradi- tion but is a common task of humanity. We seem to fi nd ourselves in an era of erosion of our natural and spiritual dwellings. It is thus an urgent task to learn how to respond to the call of the other person, or a nonhuman animal, and the natural world in an ethical way. The classical tradition of Western philosophy from Plato to Hegel, and even in Heidegger, has repressed and obscured breath and this essential ethical link we share with nature and transformed it to a metaphysical thought that suffocated the world of the other. One of Irigaray’s merits is to bring the cultivation of breath to the forefront of philosophical analysis through dialogue with Yoga, Buddhism – thus with various Indian teachings of ethical and spiritual respiration. In a beautiful passage of Irigaray: In my opinion, this corresponds to the third age of our tradition, an age which would permit to reunite it with other traditions and to overcome the opposition between matriarchy and patriar- chy, with all possible inversions between the two, which are not enough to open a new epoch of history. [...] From such a point of view, it is not pertinent to defi ne as pagan certain cultures that precede, or do not belong to, the Judeo-Christian culture. In part, we will fi nd in these cultures, the path to enter the third age of Judeo-Christianity, the age of the Spirit. [...] In the third age of the history of Judeo-Christianity, after the age of the world’s redemption, thanks to Mary and to Jesus, the task of humanity will be to become itself divine breath (Irigaray, 2004, 167f).5 5 In »Ethical gestures toward the other« Irigaray states: Breathing corresponds to the fi rst autonomous gesture of the living human being. To come into the world supposes inhaling and exhaling by oneself while, in the uterus, the fetus receives oxygen through the mother’s blood. In fact, we forget this fi rst gesture of life. No doubt, we breathe on pain of death, but we breathe poorly, and we worry little about our fi rst food of life: air. Breathing in a conscious and free manner is equivalent to taking charge of our life, to cutting the umbilical cord in order to respect and cultivate life for ourselves and for others. As long as we do not breathe in an autonomous way, not only do we live badly but we substitute the surroundings where we live for a placenta. Then we form with others a sort of mass in which each individual has not yet conquered one’s personal life but lives on a collective, social and cultural respiration, on an unconscious breathing of a group, beginning with that of the family. Not only does our culture not teach us how to cultivate breathing to assure our existence in an autonomous way, but it does not make known to us that becoming spiritual amounts to transforming our elemental vital breath into a more subtle breath at the service of loving, of speaking and 392 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 CONCLUSION Now, how does this ethical anatomy of the body refl ect in our ethical thinking? Which hidden reservoirs of the body have to be recognized in our thinking to be able to enliven ethically the internal spaces of our bodies? In ancient Upanishadic philosophy there is a beautiful passage, explaining the hidden and obscure link between the eye and the heart: Namely, the mythological person, residing in the left eye, called Virāj (“the shining one”; being the wife of Indra, a god residing in the right eye, who is called “the one who kindles”; in Irigaray this is the place for goddess Kore) is recognizable by ordinary persons as radiance in an eye of a human person (or a non-human animal) while being alive (and, while breathing), a radi- ance which slowly disappears in the moment of death. Death comes in the moment when person is not breath- ing anymore. Virāj thus is a universal metaphor for the primeval experience (both prelinguistic and precogni- tive) of a life, residing in the other person, whether a human or another sentient being. According to Indian teaching, Virāj’s residence during sleep is in the cavity of heart, where prana as vital breath, or later, ātman (the self) also reside (Škof, 2012, xv). This heart is the sacred place of all ethical cardiology, and as gatherer or the senses and their ethical disposi- tions, it is the most vital part of our ethical anatomy. hearing, of thinking. Too often we confuse cultivation and spirituality with the learning of words, of knowledge, of competences. We have forgotten that to be cultivated amounts to being able to breathe, not only in order to survive, but in order to constitute a reserve of breath as a soul that helps us to transform our natural life into a spiritual life. The forgetting of breathing and of cultivating our breath has led to a separation between body and soul. This mistaken division, moreover, became refl ected in our conception of the difference between the sexes: woman would be the body of which man would be the spirit. Now without a cultivation of breathing in each one and between them, man and woman cannot reach a human relation (Irigaray, 2010, 3f). 393 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 GOSTOLJUBJA TELESA: O MATERIALIZMU IN SPIRITUALNOSTI V FILOZOFSKIH TRADICIJAH EVROPE IN AZIJE Lenart ŠKOF Znanstveno raziskovalno središče Koper, Inštitut za fi lozofske študije, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper e-mail: lenart.skof@zrs.upr. POVZETEK Članek se ukvarja s transkulturno analizo fenomena diha v fi lozofskih tradicijah Zahoda in Vzhoda. Najprej predstavi dva sodobna primera medkulturne misli, ki se navezuje na sodobno kitajsko fi lozofi jo oziroma njene reiter- pretacije – tj. Françoisa Julliena ter Kuang-Ming Wuja. Kritično se opredeli do prvega ter pokaže na etično relevanco drugega. Na tej osnovi se članek posveča etični relevanci telesa, kar je poimenovano s sintagmo etična anatomija telesa. Etična anatomija telesa želi človeško telo misliti kot prostor mikrokozmosa, s čimer želimo inavgurirati nove etične geste gostoljubja naproti drugemu. V drugem delu članka je predstavljena inovativna platforma za etiko bližine, ki temelji na dihu. V tretjem, zadnjem delu, se posvečamo fi lozofi ji Luce Irigaray ter njenemu inovativnemu zastavku diha kot etične kategorije ter znanilcu nove prihajajoče »Dobe diha«. Ključne besede: dih, Luce Irigaray, etična anatomija, gostoljubje, François Jullien, Kuang-Ming Wu, prana, qi 394 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Lenart ŠKOF: HOSPITALITIES OF THE BODY: ON MATERIALISM AND SPIRITUALITY IN THE PHILOSOPHICAL TRADITIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA, 387–394 BIBLIOGRAPHY Chrétien, J.-L. (2004): The Call and the Response. New York, Fordham University Press. Derrida, J. (1977): The Gift of Death. Chicago, Chi- cago University Press. Feuerbach, L. (1975): Kritiken und Abhandlungen II (1839–1843). Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp. Gearney, J. (2002): On the Epistemology of the Senses in Early Chinese Thought. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press. Irigaray, L. (1985): Speculum of the Other Woman. Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press. Irigaray, L. (1999): The Forgetting of Air: In Martin Heidegger. Austin, TX, The University of Texas Press. Irigaray, L. (2004): Key Writings. London, Con- tinuum. Irigaray, L. (2010): Ethical gestures toward the other. Poligrafi , Ethical Gestures, 15, 57, 3–23. Jullien, F. (2007): Vital Nourishment. New York, Zone Books. Kleinberg-Levin, D. (2010): Usage and Dispensa- tion: Heidegger’s Meditation on the Hand. Poligrafi , Ethical Gestures, 15, 57, 25–62. Levy, R. I. & K. R. Rajopadhyaya (1990): Mesocosm. Hinduism and the organization of a traditional Newar city of Nepal. Berkeley, University of California Press. Miller, D. L. (ed.) (1982): The Individual and the So- cial Self. Chicago & London, The University of Chicago Press. Ogawa, T. (1998): Qi and Phenomenology of Wind. Continental Philosophy Review 31, 321–335. Škof, L. (2012): Pragmatist Variations on Ethical and Intercultural Life. Lanham, Lexington Books. Škof, L. (2015a): Breath of Proximity: Intersubjectiv- ity, Ethics and Peace. Dordrecht, Springer. Škof, L. (2015b): The Material Principle and an Ethics of Hospitality and Compassion: Requiem for Lampedusa. Annales, Ser. hist. soc. 25, 2, 263–271. Witzel, M. (1997): Macrocosm, Mesocosm, and Microcosm: The Persistent Nature of ‘Hindu’ Beliefs and Symbolic Forms. International Journal of Hindu Studies 1, 3, 501–539. Witzel, M. (2004): Katha Aranyaka. Harvard, MA, Harvard University Press. Wu, K.-M. (1997): On Chinese Bodily Thinking: A Cultural Hermeneutics. Leiden, New York&Köln, Brill. 395 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 review article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.27 received: 2016-04-06 JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI Bojan ŽALEC Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta, Poljanska c. 4, 1001 Ljubljana e-mail: bojan.zalec@guest.arnes.si IZVLEČEK Članek se ukvarja z vprašanjem demokratične in pravične politične ureditve v vrednotno in nazorsko raznolikih sodobnih družbah s posebnim poudarkom na položaju religije in njenim vključevanjem v javni um oz. diskurz. Namen članka je predstavitev štirih pomembnih relevantnih modelov, ki jih zagovarjajo John Rawls, papež Benedikt XVI., Abdullahi A. An-Na‘im ter Martin Breul. Avtor odkriva določene pomanjkljivosti pri prvih treh stališčih (uresničljivost, pravičnost, neizdelanost, nedorečenost, nejasnost) in ugotavlja, da je Breulova inačica zmernega ekskluzivizma najbolj jasen in najustreznejši predlog ter zato najprimernejša smernica za urejanje problema iz glavnega vprašanja članka. Ključne besede: religija, javni um, javni diskurz, ekskluzivizem, umni pluralizem, John Rawls, papež Benedikt XVI., islam, Martin Breul LA RAGIONE PUBBLICA, LA RELIGIONE E L’ESCLUSIVISMO: RAWLS NELLA LUCE DEL PENSIERO CATTOLICO E DI QUELLO ISLAMICO SINTESI L’articolo tratta la questione dell’assetto politico democratico ed equo nelle società contemporanee caratterizzate dall’eterogeneità ideologica e di valori, con particolare attenzione alla posizione della religione e alla sua integrazio- ne nella ragione o discorso pubblici. Il contributo si propone di esporre quattro modelli rilevanti, sostenuti da John Rawls, papa Benedetto XVI, Abdullahi A. An-Na’im e Martin Breul. L’autore individua diverse carenze nelle prime tre posizioni (effettuabilità, equità, incompiutezza, vaghezza, ambiguità) e osserva che la versione dell’esclusivismo moderato di Breul sia la proposta più chiara e adatta e pertanto la linea guida più appropriata per cercare di risolvere il problema che fi gura nella questione principale dell’articolo. Parole chiave: religione, ragione pubblica, discorso pubblico, esclusivismo, pluralismo ragionevole, John Rawls, papa Benedetto XVI, islam, Martin Breul 396 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 UVOD Pričujoči članek ima naslednjo zgradbo. V prvem delu predstavimo primerjavo med modeloma za uredi- tev vrednotno in nazorsko raznolike družbe, ki ju zago- varjata prvak med liberalnimi fi lozofi 20. stoletja Johna Rawls in papež Benedikt XVI (V nadaljevanju bomo iz praktičnih razlogov uporabljali krajše ime Benedikt). Ta del obenem predstavlja tudi že Benediktovo kritiko Rawlsovih pogledov. V drugem delu predstavimo kritiko Rawlsa, ki jo je podal ugledni islamski teoretik Abdul- lahi A. An-Na’im. V tretjem delu predstavimo predlog nemškega fi lozofa Martina Breula o vlogi verskih pre- pričanj v javnem diskurzu. Zaključimo z ugotovitvijo, da je Breulovo stališče zmernega ekskluzivizma najbolj utemeljeno in primerno kot smernica za umno urejanje diskurza in ravnanja na javnem področju. Preden nadaljujemo še ena pojasnitev. V članku bomo uporabljali kar nekaj izrazov, ki jih je potrebno razumeti v natančnem pomenu, ki jim ga je dal Rawls: celovit nauk, javni um, prekrivajoče se soglasje, pridr- žek, domneva, deklaracija … Teh izrazov v tem članku ne moremo pojasnjevati, saj bi to članek razvleklo do nepreglednosti in daleč onstran dovoljenega obsega. Pojasnitev pa danes niti ni več potrebna, saj je Rawls klasik politične fi lozofi je in za mnoge najpomembnejši politični fi lozof 20. stoletja, tako da so njegovi pojmi že del obveznega pojmovnika političnih fi lozofov, pa tudi mnogih drugih družboslovcev in humanistov.1 Ne nazadnje pa namen članka ni podati uvod v Rawlsovo teorijo ali uvesti bralca v Rawlsov pojmovnik. To znanje ta članek v dobršni meri pri bralcu že predpostavlja. Slovenski bralec lahko pojasnitev, iz prve roke, glavnih Rawlsovih pojmov prebere v Rawls, 2011. O pojmovanju javnega uma pri Rawlsu je odličen članek napisal Charles Larmore (2013). Začel ga je z zelo povednimi stavki: Za Johna Rawlsa javni um ni samo ena od vrednot med drugimi. Javni um obsega vse različne ele- mente, ki tvorijo ideal ustavne demokracije, kajti on vodi ‚politični odnos‘ v katerem naj bi bili drug z drugimi kot državljani (Larmore, 2013, 368). K temu je dodal: Mi spoštujemo javni um ko naš lastni um uskladi- mo z umom drugih in si prizadevamo za skupno gledišče pri urejanju pogojev našega političnega življenja (Larmore, 2013, 368). Javni um v Rawlsovem smislu je javen v treh pogle- dih: kot um svobodnih in enakih državljanov je um javnosti; njegov predmet je javno dobro v pogledu vprašanj temeljne politične pravičnosti, vprašanja slednje pa so dveh vrst: ustavni temelji in zadeve osnovne pravičnosti; pa tudi njegova narava in vsebina sta javni, saj sta izraženi v javnem umovanju z družino umnih pojmovanj politične pravice, ki je umno mišljena da bi zadovoljila kriterij recipročnosti (Rawls, 2002b, 133). Ustavni temelji v Rawlsovem smislu zadevajo vpra- šanja, katere pravice in svoboščine se lahko vpišejo v ustavo, če predpostavljamo, da lahko ustavo interpretira ustavno sodišče ali kako podobno telo. Zadeve osnovne pravičnosti so povezane s temeljno strukturo družbe in zadevajo vprašanja osnovne ekonomske in socialne pra- vičnosti in drugih zadev, ki jih ne pokriva ustava (Rawls, 2002b, 133, op. 7). RAWLS IN PAPEŽ BENEDIKT XVI. Rawls je v delu Politični liberalizem postavil vodilno vprašanje svoje razprave z naslednjimi besedami: Kako je mogoče da tisti, ki zagovarjajo verski nauk, ki temelji na verski avtoriteti, na primer Cerkvi ali Bibliji, hkrati imajo umno politično pojmovanje, ki podpira pravično demokratično ureditev? (Rawls, 2005,3 xxxvii; od tu naprej PL). V tem razdelku bomo ovrednotili njegov odgovor na to vprašanje in sicer tako, da ga bomo primerjali z odgovorom na isto vprašanje, ki ga lahko izluščimo iz del papeža Benedikta XVI.2 Za obravnavo Rawlsovega stališča v luči Benedikto- vega in v primerjavi z njim je kar nekaj dobrih razlogov (Jonkers, 2015, 221–222): 1. Benedikt ni bil zgolj pogla- var Katoliške cerkve (v nadaljevanju KC), ampak je tudi izvrsten intelektualec in učenjak; 2. Benedikt je razglasil umno apologijo krščanske vere v sekularnem svetu kot prioritetno nalogo KC. Javno vlogo KC je pojasnjeval v diskusiji z ljudmi izven KC, z nekristjani ter neverniki in torej ni zgolj prepričeval prepričanih. Pri svoji razpravi je uporabljal kolikor se da sekularne razloge in ne pri- marno teoloških. Zato je metodološko mogoče njegov pristop in stališče primerjati z Rawlsovim. 3. Benediktov pogled predstavlja dobro priložnost, da resno preveri- mo Rawlsovo trditev, da bi morali umni celoviti nauki sprejeti njegov odgovor na zgoraj navedeno vodilno vprašanje. Oba, tako Rawls kot Benedikt, izredno cenita umnost in v njej vidita tisto pravo osnovo za primerno urejanje sodobnih družb in sveta. Vendar pa so med njima tudi 1 Maffettone (2015, vii) je celo zapisal, »da bi lahko dejali, da politični fi lozofi živijo v Rawlsovi eri«. 2 Svojo predstavitev smo oprli predvsem na naslednje njegove tekste, četudi bi lahko navedli še kakšne druge: Pope Benedict XVI, 2006, 2008, 2009; Ratzinger, 2004, 2006a, 2006b. 397 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 bistvene razlike. Le-te zadevajo odnos do resnice, pre- sežnosti ter prepričanje o (ne)samozadostnosti človeka in njegovega uma. Medtem ko je Benedikt prepričan, da človek ne more biti umen brez božje pomoči,3 pa je Rawls menil, da je lahko. Temeljna pojma Benedik- tovega modela sta modrost in resnica, ki sta šele pogoj za pravo umnost, pri Rawlsu pa prva dva pojma nista našla svojega mesta oz. pomena, in se je zadovoljil samo z umnostjo. Lahko bi rekli, da je Rawlsovo stališče glede temelja umnosti imanentistično, Benediktovo pa presežno, transcendentno. Po Benediktu modrost kaže na resnico in šele v luči modrosti je možno videti, zakaj je umnost lahko resnična. Modrost kaže na presežnost, na božje, in je noben človek ne more posedovati, kot je ugotavljal že Platon,4 ampak jo ima le Bog oz. bogovi (Platon, 2004). Po Benediktu brez modrosti človek ni zmožen biti usmerjen na kaj drugega kot na svoje lastne egoistične interese, se pravi, da ne more biti pošten in spoštovati druge, kar pa je tako za Rawlsa kot za Be- nedikta šele prava umnost, in ne gola (instrumentalna) razumnost.5 Benedikt v tem smislu torej nima zaupanja v človeka kot samostojnega delovalca, Rawls pa ga, nasprotno, ima. Človek je v pogledu poštenosti in spo- štovanja drugega samozadosten. Lahko ugotovimo, da oba misleca poudarjata um, le da je pri Rawlsu s tem mišljena vodoravna razsežnost in zaupanje v človeški um, pri Benediktu pa navpična dimenzija in zaupanje v Logos, ki se razliva v človeški um in ga očiščuje. Prav tako kot um tudi vera igra osrednjo vlogo pri obeh mislecih. Rawls sprejema Kantovo (1977) oprede- litev fi lozofi je kot obrambe umne vere. V PL (172) je zapisal, da njegova politična fi lozofi ja sprejema nalogo, ki jo je Kant dodelil fi lozofi ji na splošno in ta naloga je obramba umne vere. Kant je pojem umne vere pojasnil v svojem spisu Was heißt: sich im Denken orientieren?. Njegov izraz je Vernunftglaube. Umna vera zavzema vmesni položaj med golim mnenjem na eni strani in vedenjem na drugi. Rawls se strinja s Kantom, da je za umnost potreben nek umen smoter, po katerem se naše mišljenje in ravnanje ravnata (Jonkers, 2015, 233). V tem razdelku nas zanima predvsem Benediktov in Rawlsov pogled na odnos med vero in razumom, na medkulturne in medreligijske odnose in na ustrezen odgovor na dejansko stanje vrednotne, kulturne in verske heterogenosti v svetu. V tem oziru sta temeljnega pomena Benediktovo stališče, da so celoviti nauki (religiozni in nereligiozni) nosilci modrosti in Rawlsovo zadržanje, da moramo gojiti umni pluralizem. Rawls se ne zavzema za vsakršni pluralizem, ampak zgolj za umni pluralizem. V svojih delih je poskušal podati merila in pogoje zanj. Po Rawlsu je njegov bistveni moment neka vrsta skrajnega ekskluzivizma.6 Benedikt pa vsekakor ni pristaš takega ekskluzivizma in poudarja pomen modrosti, ki se nahaja v tradicijskih celovitih naukih. Modrost, ki je v njih, je skupni imenovalec teh tradicij in je lahko osnova mirne- ga sožitja ter dobrega življenja na splošno v vrednotno in kulturno raznolikih družbah. Benedikt ne zavrača pluralizma in si ga ne prizadeva ukiniti. Po njegovem je kulturni pluralizem najpomembnejše dejstvo sodobne družbe, ki ga mora upoštevati vsak, ki se z njo ukvarja in jo želi izboljšati. Vendar pa Benedikt zavrača agregatni pluralizem, po katerem so posamezne kulture naložene kot opeka ena zraven druge, brez medsebojnega odnosa. Benedikt se zavzema za odnos in dialog med njimi. Lahko rečemo, da se zavzema za odnosno ali dialoško pluralnost. Na splošno so pojmi kot so odnos, interakcija in dialog za Benedikta zelo pomembni. Po njegovem mnenju je potrebno, da pride do vzajemnega očiščevanja in očiščenja med vero in umom (da se očistita od lastnih patologij), pa tudi do vzajemnega očiščenja raznih kultur, tako religioznih kot sekularnih. Tako očiščenje bo omo- gočilo, da bo na vidno in do vpliva prišla modrost, ki se nahaja v celovitih naukih. Benedikt torej ne trdi, da ima krščanstvo vso resnico in da je samozadostno. Po drugi strani pa zavrača razne »zbirateljske« pristope, kot je na primer svetovni etos, kot nezadostne in abstraktne.7 Svetovni etos je za sedaj abstrakcija, saj do spoznanja o resnično skupni modrosti, ki ima lahko resničen po- men z vidika družbe miru in soglasja, pridemo le skozi interakcijo med predstavniki različnih celovitih naukov, ne pa da jemljemo elemente iz enega in drugega nauka, sestavimo nek presek in rečemo, da je to naša vera. Biti moramo ukoreninjeni v tej ali oni partikularni in konkre- tni tradiciji in iz nje spoznavati skupno modrost, ki nas druži. Neukoreninjeni svetovni etos ali univerzalna mo- drost sta samo prazni besedi. Benediktovo stališče je torej kljub vsemu, vsaj po svojih implikacijah, vključevalno, inkluzivistično, saj naj bi bila modrost tista, ki je podlaga upravičevanja družbenih ukrepov, modrost, v takšni ali drugačni obliki pa je, vsaj kot jo pojmuje Benedikt, nek 3 Na splošno kristjani verujejo, da se človek ne more sam odrešiti, ampak potrebuje odrešenika. 4 Fajdros, 278d in Simpozij, 204a. 5 Za podrobnejšo obravnavo instrumentalnega razuma, ki ga avtor razlikuje od etičnega razuma in »višjega« razuma (Marion), gl. Klun, 2013, 496–498. 6 Na tem mestu velja opozoriti, da je poznejši Rawls (PL) sam zase uporabljal izraz inkluzivist (Nussbaum, 2015, lok. 664ff). Eksklu- zivizem je razumel kot stališče, da razlogi, ki so podani izrecno v izrazih celovitega nauka, ne smejo biti nikoli uvedeni v javni um. Inkluzivist, v Rawlsovem pomenu, pa trdi, da v določenih situacijah državljani lahko predstavijo osnovo njihovih političnih vrednot, ki koreninijo v celovitih naukih, če to storijo na način, s katerim okrepijo ideal javnega uma sam (PL, 247). Kljub temu pa mnogi menijo, da Rawlsovi načini vključevanja celovitih naukov v javni um ne zadoščajo za to, da bi lahko Rawls veljal za inkluzivista. Sami v tem članku uporabljamo izraza inkluzivizem in ekskluzivizem tako kot Breul (glej začetek spodnjega, četrtega, razdelka o njem) in v tem pomenu je Rawls skrajni ekskluzivist. 7 Podobno kritiko poda Strahovnik (2009), v kateri izpostavi tudi teoretično šibkost in neenotnost takšnih pristopov kot modelov globalne etike. 398 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 celovit nauk. Benedikt je zagovornik ideje predpolitičnih temeljev države (Ratzinger, 2006b). Ta ideja oz. stališče implicira, da je za uspešno delovanje demokracije po- trebno, da imajo državljani ustrezne kreposti in vrednote, ki so del celovitega nauka. Po Rawlsu takšno stališče ne zadošča za urejanje so- dobnih družb, v katerih so prisotna vrednotno izključujoča stališča (ki so del celovitih naukov). Rawls izhaja iz pred- postavke, da vzajemno izključujočih stališč iz liberalne demokratične družbe ni moč izločiti. Lahko pa določimo poštene pogoje družbenega sodelovanja državljanov oz. ljudstev.8 Taki pogoji po Rawlsu načelno izključujejo uporabo razlogov na podlagi celovitih naukov (npr. religi- oznih), saj so ti lahko kvečjemu partikularno sprejemljivi (npr. za predstavnike določene religije). Uporabljajo se lahko le razlogi, ki jih lahko sprejme vsak umni osebek, ne glede na to, kateri celoviti nauk sprejema.9 Seveda pa se pri taki zastavitvi pojavi problem, kot opozarja Jonkers (2015, 238), o umnosti smotra, po katerem se orientiramo oz. po tem, kakšen oz. kateri smoter je umen. Da to nika- kor ni lahko in dogovorjeno vprašanje kažejo razprave, ki problematizirajo univerzalno veljavnost deklaracije o človekovih pravicah od OZN iz leta 1948. Še na globlji ravni problematičnost takega stališča kaže nesoglasje o tem, ali resnično obstajajo kakšne univerzalne (človeške) vrednote. Umnost Rawlsovega umnega pluralizma je torej sama precej problematizirana in postavljena pod vprašaj. Če je človeški um vrhovna avtoriteta, kar za Ra- wlsa nedvomno je, se znajdemo v krogu: mi zahtevamo orientacijsko načelo in končni smoter, da očisti religijo in um od njunih »patologij«, po drugi strani pa mora biti umnost samega tega načela (oz. končnega smotra) umno določena, kajti, kot je vztrajal Kant (1977), mi nikoli ne smemo odrekati umu izključne pravice, da je merilo resnice. V taki nezavidljivi situaciji glede (možnosti) čiste umske utemeljitve se nam zdi vnaprejšnje izključevanje nenevtralnih oz. verskih razlogov in prepričanj iz javne- ga diskurza oz. razprave o skupnih zadevah in ukrepih neutemeljeno in nerealistično. To dvoje poudarjata tako Breul kot tudi An-Na’im in v nadaljevanju bomo najprej bomo predstavili ugovore Rawlsu, ki jih je podal slednji, potem pa bomo predstavili Breulovo stališče zmernega ekskluzivizma, ki se nam zdi najbolj sprejemljivo in obetavno od vseh štirih, ki smo jih predstavili. Vrnimo se sedaj še za trenutek k pomenu vere in vsebini vere pri Rawlsu in Benediktu. Oba, tako Rawls kot Benedikt, se strinjata, da je za doseganje pravično urejene družbe zelo pomembna vera, vendar pa se raz- likujeta po odgovoru na vprašanje v kaj moramo verjeti. Po Benediktu moramo verjeti v Boga oz. tudi če vanj ne verjamemo, moramo ravnati kot da Bog obstaja. Kaj pa po Rawlsu? Kaj je ekvivalenten kot-da po Rawlsu? Kaj je Rawlsov ideal, po katerem se moramo ravnati, če naj se izognemo golemu zasledovanju lastnih interesov, golemu »živalskemu kraljestvu«? Umna vera je prepričanje o resnici, ki je subjektivno adekvatno, ki pa ga ne moremo objektivno dokazati oz. utemeljiti. Je svetilnik, po kate- rem se lahko spekulativni mislec orientira pri svoji umni hoji na področju nadčutnega (Kant) (Jonkers 2015, 233). Rawls se strinja s Kantom, da je fi lozofi ja apologija umne vere. Toda kaj je vsebina te (Rawlsove) umne vere? V kaj veruje umni vernik? Rawls svojo umno vero defi nira kot pokazati koherenco in enotnost uma, tako teoretičnega kot praktičnega, s samim seboj, in tega, kako moramo imeti um za končno prizivno sodišče, ki je edino pristojno, da odloči o vseh vprašanjih o obsegu in mejah njegove lastne avtoritete (PL, 101). Rawls meni, da moramo verjeti v um, da je umno verjeti v um kot vrhovno avtoriteto. Jonkers (2015, op. 49) opozarja, da bi Rawls lahko tu imel v mislih Kantovo stališče, da je um vedno končni temelj resnice. Še več, Rawls istoveti to vero, in vlogo, ki jo pripisuje umu, z »obrambo možnosti pravične ustavne demokratične ureditve« (PL, 101). Torej imamo pri Rawlsu opraviti s tezo, da je člove- ška zmožnost za umnost temelj možnosti demokracije, ob pogoju, da se ta možnost prakticira in um spoštuje kot vrhovna avtoriteta. To pa je v osnovi razsvetljensko stališče. Rawls meni, da moramo verjeti v naslednje stvari (oz. da je v njih umno, pametno verjeti): 1. da je pri vseh ljudeh en sam um (enotnost uma); 2. da so ljudje zmožni umnega ravnanja in spoštovanja avtori- tete uma; 3. da je um vrhovna avtoriteta; 4. da je (zato) možna ustrezna demokratična ureditev družbe. Tudi Benedikt misli podobno, s to razliko, da je prepričan, da je um, ki je vrhovna avtoriteta, božji um, ne zgolj človeški um. Človeški um, ki ni razsvetljen oz. očiščen z božjim umom, je gola racionalnost, orodje za doseganje lastnih interesov. Tako Rawls kot Benedikt pri- segata na um, razlikujeta pa se v tem, kaj je za njiju um: za Benedikta je um samo Um in um, ki ga je očistil Um. Rawls pa se je veri v Boga odpovedal, zaradi holokavsta in drugih strahot (Rawls, 2009), in je zato menil, da je umen tisti, ki spoštuje drugega kot enakega, svobodnega in umnega. Umno, po Rawlsu, ni nujno resnično, resnič- nost je za umnost irelevantna. Kar dela človeka umnega je odnos do drugih ljudi, spoštovanje drugih ljudi kot enakih in svobodnih ter presežnih v smislu dostojanstva vsake osebe.10 Benedikt se glede spoštovanja z Rawlsom 8 V pričujočem članku se omejujemo na prvo nalogo, saj je rešitev tega problema po Rawlsu potreben pogoj za uresničenje ustreznega sodelovanja med ljudstvi. 9 Tako ekskluzivistično stališče v bistvu zavzema tudi Robert Audi (1998, 2000). 10 Rawls sicer ne uporablja izraza dostojanstvo (dignity), ampak uporablja težko prevedljiv izraz inviolability of human person. Gre za to, da ima vsaka človeška oseba neko vrednost, ki jo moramo brezpogojno spoštovati. Prevedek dostojanstvo za inviolability pa utemelju- jemo tudi s tem, da ga je predlagala izjemna poznavalka in občudovalka Rawlsovega dela Martha Nussbaum (Nussbaum, 2015). 399 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 strinja, vendar pa meni, da spoštovanje drugih ni možno brez ravnanja kot da Bog obstaja in ravnanja v skladu z božjo voljo. Kaj pa je božja volja oz. kako se po njej ravnati, za to pa so nam orientacija velike tradicije. Po Rawlsu so ljudje sposobni dobro urejati družbo brez vere v Boga. Dovolj je, da so umni, to je, da spoštujejo druge. Dovolj je »bog«, ki je spoštovanje drugega. Po Benediktu pa dejansko spoštovanje drugega brez vere v Boga, ali vsaj ravnanja, kot da je Bog, ni mogoče, je kvečjemu iluzija. Ali še natančneje: po Benediktu se je potrebno ravnati po tej ali oni preverjeni tradiciji, če naj presežemo golo sledenje lastnemu interesu. Po Rawlsu pa to načelno ni potrebno, četudi je menil (Nussbaum, 2015), da se običajno umni človek ravna po neki tra- diciji. Torej se tudi v pogledu pomena tradicije stališči Benedikta in Rawlsa razlikujeta, dejansko - ali praktično gledano – pa nista tako zelo različni, kot se zdi na prvi pogled. Jonkers (2015, 233–234) v tej točki ugotavlja veliko podobnost med Rawlsom in Kantom. Pri obeh se umna vera ne nanaša samo na enotnost uma, ampak tudi na možnost njunega končnega smotra, pravične ustavne ureditve (Jonkers, 2015, 233). Tako kot Kant tudi Ra- wls meni, da končnost uma pomeni, da realnost tega smotra ne more biti dokazana (Jonkers, 2015, 233). Toda z uvedbo tega končnega smotra Rawls vendarle uvaja »metafi zični element«, ki kaže onkraj sfere uma (Jonkers, 2015, 233–234). Umna vera ni samo vera v um in njegovo enotnost. Je tudi vera v možnost pravičnega ustavnega režima kot normativnega, orientacijskega smotra uma (n. d., 234). To pa po pomeni, da je, po Rawlsu, umno tisto ravnanje, ki prispeva k uresničitvi pravične ustavne ureditve. Doseganje take ureditve je merilo umnosti.11 Rawls ni mislil, da je prekrivajoče se soglasje načel- no omejeno na sekularne razloge. Javni um in sekularni um po Rawlsu nista istovetna.12 Bistvo njegovega sporo- čila je, da se moramo glede skupnih zadev razumeti in soglašati na osnovi razlogov, ki jih lahko vsi razumemo in, če izključimo lastni egoizem, lahko razumemo tudi, za kaj so zavezujoči za vse nas. Tu je na delu Kant in njegov kategorični imperativ v obliko vprašanje »Kaj če bi vsi tako delali?«. Vsak, tudi lažnivec, razume, da je nesprejemljivo, če bi vsi vedno lagali; tudi tat razume, da je nesprejemljivo, da bi vsi samo kradli in nič ustvarjali. Ne more pa vsak razumeti, da je en Bog trojica, da je Jezus »vstal« četudi je bil križan … Benediktova poanta je, da etična načela lahko vsak razume, vendar, če ne bo vodena z veliko tradicijo, bo večina ljudi za njih slepa, jih ne bo zares razumela, dojela in upoštevala. Tako Be- nedikt kot Rawls se strinjata, da je končni orientacijski smoter na temeljni ravni nujen za um (Jonkers, 2015, 235). Po Benediktu živeti kot da Bog obstaja služi kot konkretizacija modrosti kot eksistencialne, orientacijske vrste vednosti oz. znanja, ki je skupna osnova za vse ljudi, ki pa obenem dopušča tudi pluralnost (prav tam). Samo če smo pripravljeni pustiti, da nas vodi modrost, lahko postanemo zmožni pristnega dialoga med kultu- rami in religijami, ki ga danes tako potrebujemo (Pope Benedict, 2006, raz. 16). V Benediktovem primeru je ži- veti, kot da je Bog, način, da se zagotovi skupna osnova tako za verne kot za neverne in ki omogoča pluralnost med njimi. Krščanskega nauka potemtakem Benedikt ne predstavlja kot celotne resnice, ampak kot spodbudo k resnici, klic k ideji resnice ali modrosti (Pope Benedict, 2008, raz. 11). Pojavlja se vprašanje, ali dejstvo, da je za um potre- ben končni smoter, ne ogroža pluralizma. Po Benedikto- vem mnenju ne. Prepričan je, da je krščanstvo inkluzivi- stično (Jonkers, 2015, 235). Toda obenem meni, da to ni dober izraz, saj daje vtis, da so lahko ostali celoviti nauki absorbirani v krščanstvo. Kar zagovarja je preobrazba pluralizma v pluralnost in sicer na osnovi dialoga med celovitimi nauki. Dialog pa je mogoč, po Benediktu, ker tradicije niso popolnoma nedostopne druga za drugo. To pa zato ne, ker jih povezuje prepričanje, da je Logos navzoč v vsaki. Kako je Benediktov pogled na (versko) pluralnost povezan z Rawlsovo idejo umnega pluralizma (Jonkers, 2015, 236ff)? Po Rawlsu so v umnem pluralizmu celoviti nauki sami umni. Po Rawlsu je v družbah, v katerih je umni pluralizem permanentno stanje, umnost primer- nejši temelj za javno upravičenje kot moralne resnice (PL, 129). S tega stališča pa Benediktovo stališče, ki po- udarja pomen modrosti, predstavlja temeljni problem. Po Benediktu je ideja modrosti lahko skupna osnova za vse verske in sekularne tradicije, po Rawlsu pa je ideal uma lahko skupna podlaga za vse umne konsenze. 11 Te ne smemo zamenjevati z golo razumnostjo, ki je instrumentalne narave. Rawls je izrecno ločeval med racionalnim (rational) in umnim (reasonable). Tako npr. v Rawls (2011, 25) pojasni razliko med umnostjo in racionalnostjo za katero pravi, da jo bo dosledno upošteval. Umnost ima prvino moralnosti, racionalnost pa ne. Tako je denimo za nekega političnega osebka v določeni politični situaciji neko ravnanje racionalno v smislu, da mu prinese več političnih točk, vendar pa to ravnanje ni umno. Nekaj torej lahko ni umno (je neumno), pa je še vedno racionalno. V op. 21 na str. 48 pojasni še pojem intrinzične umnosti. 12 Javni um se po Rawlsu razlikuje od tistega, kar se včasih imenuje sekularni um in sekularne vrednote. Ti niso isto kot javni um. Še po- sebno ne, če se zavedamo, da Rawls defi nira sekularni um kot umovanje v pojmih celovitega nereligioznega nauka. Politične vrednote po Rawlsu niso moralni nauki. Moralni nauki so na isti ravni z religijo in prvo fi lozofi jo. Nasprotno pa so liberalna politična načela in vrednote določeni z liberalnimi političnimi pojmovanji pravičnosti in spadajo v kategorijo političnega. (Rawls, 2002a, 143–144) Taka podlaga je omogočala Rawlsu, da je v teku razvoja mehčal svoj ekskluzivizem in po mnenju nekaterih od njega ni prav dosti ostalo. Tako je Burt Dreben (2003, gl. tudi Nussbaum, 2015) njegovo stališče dojel kot tako, za katerega je pomembno le, da so razlogi taki, da jih lahko vsi vpleteni razumejo in sprejmejo. Rawlsova pozicija je po tej interpretaciji izrazito formalistična (še ena vzporednica s Kantom). Sicer pa je Rawls predstavil tri oblike političnega diskurza za vključevanje celovitih naukov v javni diskurz: pridržek (proviso), deklaracijo in domnevo (conjecture) (Rawls, 2002a, 153–156). 400 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 Benedikt je razvil model konvergence, predvsem v de- bati s Habermasom (Ratzinger 2006b). Njegov problem je, kako premagati goli pluralizem in ga zamenjati z odnosnostjo. Stavi na interakcijo med krščansko vero in zahodnim razumom pa tudi med drugimi, nezahodnimi, tradicijami. Taka interakcija naj bi prinesla očiščenje omenjenih tradicij, njegova posledica pa bo pojavitev oziroma izoblikovanje, izkristaliziranje resnične skupne osnove teh tradicij, ki bo postala učinkovita sila v prid vsemu človeštvu. Z Rawlsovega stališča pa to upanje na rastočo interakcijo med kulturnimi tradicijami, in ideja sovpadanja, ki je njegova podlaga, nista zadostni, saj ne priznavata v polnosti obstoja konfl iktnih, a vendarle celovitih naukov kot osnovno dejstvo demokratične družbe. Tako Benediktovo kot Rawlsovo stališče nas puščata v nekakšni zagati ali »aporiji« (Jonkers, 2015, 238), saj nobena od ponujenih opcij ni ravno obetavna. Ali je interakcija med sekularno racionalnostjo in velikimi religioznimi tradicijami možna v smislu modrosti kot skupne osnove med prvo in slednjimi? Trenutna (plurali- stična) situacija ne obeta veliko v tem pogledu. Moderne družbe po eni strani kot svojo nepogrešljivo osnovo, na katero se lahko sklicujemo, potrebujejo ideji človeškega dostojanstva in politične pravičnosti. Po drugi strani pa te iste družbe skorajda niso zmožne doseči, niti v minimalni meri oz. vsebini ne, prekrivajoče se umno soglasje. To še posebno velja na globalni ravni. Jonkers (2015, 238) navaja dva primera, na katera smo opozorili že zgoraj: trenutno kontroverzo o univerzalnosti Splo- šne deklaracije o človekovih pravicah iz leta 1948 in, na bolj temeljni ravni, o tem, ali res obstajajo univerzalne človeške vrednote. Umnost umnega pluralizma je torej pod velikim vprašajem. Potemtakem sta tako Benediktov kot tudi Rawlsov projekt za dosego pravične oz. poštene družbe v škripcih: v pogledu dialoga med sekularno in versko kulturo in med kulturami na splošno smo trenu- tno težko optimistični, ta dialog pa je pogoj za to, da bi se izoblikoval skupni imenovalec, na podlagi katerega bi lahko s soglasjem urejali družbo. Po drugi pa se vse bolj postavlja pod vprašaj in krha tudi soglasje glede tistih (»univerzalnih«) vrednot in načel, ki so bistvene prvine Rawlsovega umnega pluralizma.13 RAWLS IN AN-NA’IM An-Na’imov članek, na podlagi katerega bomo predstavili njegovo kritiko Rawlsa, ima naslov Islamska politika in nevtralna država. Na začetku članka pojasni pojem islamske politike. Ta izraz se nanaša na »islamsko razsežnost v politikah raznih skupnosti muslimanov, ne glede na to ali ti tvorijo tako imenovano večino ali manjšino prebivalstva« (An-Na‘im, 2015, 242). Nato poudari, da je po njegovem mnenju vsa(ka) politika seveda specifi čna in kontekstualna in dodaja, da se izraz islamska politika nanaša na to »kako se islamske vrednote in pojmi uporabljajo v političnih diskurzih, pogajanjih in strategijah lokalnih ali nacionalnih musli- manskih skupnosti v njihovih partikularnih kontekstih« (An-Na‘im, 2015, 242). An-Na’im ne verjame, da obstaja specifi čna islam- ska politika, ki je skupna vsem muslimanom, gledano navpično (zgodovinsko) in vodoravno (danes, po vsem svetu). Tako ima na primer islamska politika muslimanov v Indiji več skupnega s »hindujsko politiko« njihovih sosedov kot z islamsko politiko v Senegalu. V odnosu do tega pojmovanja islamske politike An-Na’im razglablja o potrebnosti, možnosti in zaželenosti nevtralne države, pa tudi o pomenu te nevtralnosti. Svoj razmislek An- -Na’im začne s predstavitvijo dejstva, da v islamskem obzorju ni mogoče družbe »sterilno« razdeliti na seku- larno in versko področje in da politične sfere ni mogoče ločiti od verske v smislu, da se v političnem diskurzu, pogajanjih in strateških premislekih ter razpravah ne bi uporabljali islamski pojmi in vrednote. V islamskem obzorju neke jasne ločnice, razmejitve med sekularnim in religioznim, političnim in religioznim ni mogoče na- praviti in potemtakem tudi ni mogoče uresničevati kake (versko) nevtralne politike v smislu urejanja skupnega dobrega. Iz povedanega izhaja, da v islamskem svetu ni mogoče uresničiti umne ustavne ureditve v Rawlsovem smislu. Vendar pa se na tej osnovi postavljata dve vprašanji: 1. Ali je slabo, da v muslimanskem svetu ni mogoče gojiti nevtralne politike/države, »nevtralne« v Rawlsovem smislu?; 2) Ali je Rawlsov model družbe res pošten/pravičen in sploh izvedljiv, ali je družba, ki si jo je zamisli Rawls sploh možna oz. ali lahko sploh (dobro) deluje? An-Na’im odgovor na obe, vzajemno povezani vprašanji, je negativen. Družba, ki bi delovala oz. ki bi bila uspešna in ki bi bila primerek Rawlsovega modela ni možna. Pa tudi če bi bila možna, izključevanje religij, kot ga zagovarja Rawls, ne bi bilo pravično. An-Na’im meni, da je Rawlsova izključitev religij iz javnega uma napačna v več različnih pogledih in še posebno z vidika ustavnih temeljev in vprašanj osnovne pravičnosti na katere se osredotoča Rawls. Za to navaja pet razlogov (An-Na‘im, 2015, 262): 1. Nepošteno je zavračati nek diskurz samo zato, ker velja za religioznega, ne glede na to, kar ima dejansko za povedati o zadevnem problemu. 2. To je oblika vnaprejšnje cenzure, ki blokira izvrševanje temeljnih človekovih pravic svobode vere in izražanja in to preden je dokazana kakšna škoda. Taka cenzura ni samo načelno nepravična, ampak tudi neizvedljiva: 13 Nussbaumova (2015) ugotavlja, da je Rawls sam (zmotno) menil, da so le nekatere človekove pravice iz deklaracije OZN iz 1948. leta take, da lahko računajo na splošno sprejetje v smislu, da je za njih temelj v vseh velikih kulturah. Rawls je (po Nussbaumovi zmotno) možnost poštene demokratične ureditve, v kateri je edino mogoč umni pluralizem, omejeval na države, ki jih je preobrazila reformacija, to pa so po njegovem države SZ Evrope in ZDA (ne pa več Avstralija). Nussbaumova opozarja na številno zgodovinsko evidenco, ki nasprotuje temu Rawlsovemu stališču (že nekatere starejše kulture so imele neko vrsto reformacije (v Indiji itd.)). 401 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 kako lahko vnaprej vemo katere trditve oziroma zahteve so religiozne, še preden jih dejansko slišimo? 3. Vse drža- vljane bi morali spodbujati naj se udeležujejo političnih razprav, o vseh problemih in v vseh kontekstih, tako, da bodo čez čas razvili in ohranjali svoj državljanski um. Rawlsova izključitev religij predstavlja temeljno oviro za to. 4. Z izključitvijo religij iz javnega uma jih Rawls obravnava kot da bi bile izolirane in zaprte in ne odprte za notranjo razpravo in kot da bi jih lahko jasno in razločno razdelili na religiozne in sekularne segmente. Tako gledanje pa je/bi bilo po An-Na’imjevem mnenju napačna interpretacija islamskega političnega mišljenja, saj se le-to razvija tako preko notranje kot tudi preko zunanje kritike in v zapletenih odnosih z nereligioznim mišljenjem. Rawlsova izključitev religij potemtakem ni v skladu s stvarnostjo tekmujočih racionalnosti znotraj celovitih naukov in omejuje možnosti prepričevanja med verniki. 5. Rawlsovi poskusi, da bi vključil religije v javno razpravo so neustrezni. Četudi Rawls poudarja omejeni doseg ustavnih temeljev in vprašanj osnovne pravičnosti so religije še vedno izključene iz razprave o teh temeljnih političnih vprašanjih in ne glede na mero, v kateri pridržek in domneva po eni strani omogočata vključitev religioznega umovanja v javno razpravo, po drugi strani oba še vedno zahtevata, da je le-to v končni instanci prevedeno v nereligiozne, »javne« izraze, za katere je Rawls menil, da bi mogli biti skupni državlja- nom. An-Na’im se zavzema za veliko manjše omejevanje religije kot Rawls. Po njegovem mnenju sta svoboda izražanja religioznih in drugih celovitih razlogov v po- litiki in svoboda političnega organiziranja z namenom njihovega promoviranja lahko omejeni samo, če kršita ustavne pravice drugih, kot so vzpostavljene z državo in ne še zaradi kakih drugih razlogov, kot je menil Rawls. Če ravnamo tako, kot je, z islamskega gledišča, predlagal An-Na’im, potem po njegovem mnenju lahko zahteve civilnega, ali »javnega«, uma uresničujemo bolj učinkovito (An-Na‘im, 2015, 263). Na koncu članka An-Na’im na kratko opiše prakso tistega, kar sam imenuje »civilni um« v normalnem teku življenja skupnosti, kjerkoli že se le-te nahajajo. Ta praksa je nasprotje njegovi umetni omejenosti na določene zadeve ali uporabe samo v nekaterih, segregiranih funkcijah (5989–91). Njegova glavna poanta oz. namen je pojasnitev izvora in pomena pre- živetvenih »spretnosti« za ohranitev identitete, načina življenja in družbe na splošno. Najprej ugotavlja, da se v normalnih razmerah otroci socializirajo v družinah, šolah in drugih okoljih da osvojijo, sprejmejo in pod- pirajo določene vrednote glede družbenih in političnih odnosov in ravnanja. Odrasli oziroma starejši člani družbe niso samo bili socializirani (v te vrednote) na te ali podobne načine, ampak se jih tudi stalno spominja na pomen in (praktično) koristnost teh vrednot. V tem kontekstu An-Na’im govori (An-Na‘im, 2015, 263–264) o preživetvenih spretnostih, ki morajo biti prisotne v vsaki družbi ali skupnosti, če se le-ta želi ohranjati. Med temi vrednotami oziroma krepostmi so na primer verodostojnost oz. biti vreden zaupanja v ekonomskih odnosih z drugimi, spoštovanje dostojanstva drugih ter sprejemanje tako njihove rasne in etnične identitete kot tudi njihovih verskih in političnih prepričanj. To je potrebno zato, ker tudi sami potrebujemo, da drugi spoštujejo naše dostojanstvo, identiteto in prepričanja. To ne pomeni, da je kakšna konkretna družba lahko popolna ali idealna v tem pogledu, morajo pa v vsaki družbi, ki se želi ohraniti, te vrednote oziroma kreposti biti v zadostni meri navzoče in uresničene. Na tej osnovi An-Na’im predstavi svojo »glavno poanto«, ki je, da ne samo, da so »celoviti nauki« v Rawlsovem pomenu tega izraza sestavni del teh procesov, ampak igrajo celo vodilno vlogo v naši socializaciji v te žlahtne vrednote človečnosti, ki jih moramo uresniče- vati in se za njih zavzemati. Naša izkušnja jasno kaže, da ne moremo nadzorovati in kontrolirati, kakšen diskurz se goji, kdo ga goji in v kakšnem kontekstu. Religija, kultura, družbeni odnosi in dejavnosti, vse to nas pripravlja na zdravo, produktivno in mirno življenje, četudi se včasih zapletemo tudi v patološke, destruktivne in nasilne odnose. Vendar, zaključi svojo razpravo An-Na’im, karkoli že smo, je religija za tiste, ki verujemo, neločljiva prvina tistega, kar smo (naše identitete) oziroma tega, kako živimo (našega načina življenja) (An-Na‘im, 2015, 264). Z besedami o tem, da se ne da razdeliti življenja konkretnih oseb na sekularni in religiozni del itd. se je An-Na’im spet vrnil k začetku svojega članka, kjer je podobne reči poudarjal glede družbene ravni v islamskem obzorju. An-Na’im je v nekaterih svojih ugovorih jasno in tehtno opozoril na pomanjkljivosti Ra- wlsovega modela, v nekaterih drugih točkah pa je ostal preveč nedorečen in nejasen in bi njegova izvajanja težko uporabili kot podlago za izdelavo jasnih smernic za urejanje odnosov v sodobni vrednotno heterogeni družbi in, v tem sklopu, položaja vere v javnem prosto- ru, diskurzu in odločanju. Zato bomo v zadnjem delu tega članka predstavili stališče Martina Breula, ki se nam zdi od vseh štirih, ki smo jih predstavili v tem članku, najbolj jasno in utemeljeno. Menimo, da moramo vsako stališče o vlogi verskih prepričanj in razlogov v javnem prostoru oz. diskurzu zavrniti v tistih njihovih momen- tih, v katerih, ali zaradi katerih, ne dovoljujejo vlog, ki jih kot dovoljene in, še več, kot potrebne in zaželene, navaja Breul. Kot za vsa ostala to velja tudi za Rawlsovo , ki pa je zelo kompleksno. Poleg tega ga je Rawls v teku svoje dolge raziskovalne poti večkrat spremenil in je v določenih pogledih in smislu ostalo nedokončano oz. nedorečeno. BREULOV ZMERNI EKSKLUZIVIZEM Eno od osrednjih vprašanj v razpravi o odnosu med religijo in demokratično javnostjo je vprašanje legiti- 402 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 mnosti uporabe religioznih prepričanj in argumentov v političnih razpravah. Gre za vprašanje, če so religiozna prepričanja in argumenti dopustni razlogi v javnih diskurzih pluralistične družbe. Ali ni morda moralno sporno, da lahko v javnem diskurzu o upravičenju oz. upravičenosti kolektivno zavezujočih norm podajamo, izrekamo, navajamo itd. religiozna prepričanja kot možne in primerne utemeljitve takšnih norm? Postavlja se vprašanje, ob katerem se naša mnenja zelo razhajajo, ali je uporaba religioznih prepričanj v javnem diskurzu legitimni sestavni del verske svobode in morda celo nepogrešljivi del vitalne demokratične kulture, ali pa s takšnimi javnimi uporabami neka prepričanja (na primer o tem, kakšno življenje je dobro in smiselno), ki so vedno lahko kvečjemu zgolj partikularistično utemeljena, na nedopusten način prenašamo na splo- šno zavezujoče norme. Martin Breul (2015, 482) prvo stališče imenuje inkluzivizem, drugo pa ekskluzivizem. Drugo stališče postavlja omejitve za religiozna ali druga celovita verovanja in nauke. Očitno je, da neko umno stališče glede tega vprašanja predstavlja ključno smerni- co za razrešitev ali vsaj ublažitev religiozno političnih konfl iktov sodobne družbe. Breulova teza je, da je v razpravi o dopustnosti religioznih argumentov in prepričanj v javnem diskur- zu možno tretje, vmesno stališče. To stališče imenuje zmerni ekskluzivizem (v nadaljevanju ZE) (Breul, 2015, 482). ZE trdi, da je po eni strani nujno potrebno, da vztrajamo pri idealu nevtralnega upravičevanja. Samo tako utemeljene politične norme so legitimne, saj jih upravičujejo razlogi, ki jih lahko razumejo in sprejmejo vsi, ki jih določeno vprašanje zadeva. To je ekskluzivi- stična prvina ZE. Vendar pa to vztrajanje ne implicira nobenih zahtev, da mora religija ostajati zgolj v zasebni sferi, saj so razen utemeljevanja oz. upravičevanja mo- žne še mnoge druge vloge, ki jih religiozna prepričanja lahko opravljajo v javnem diskurzu (zmerni element). Z zavzetjem takega stališča naj bi se po eni strani izognili vnaprejšnjemu in pavšalnemu izključevanju in diskrimi- niranju religiozne argumentacije na splošno, po drugi strani pa neutemeljenemu gospostvu te ali one svetovno nazorske večine, ki ga omogoča neprečiščeno dopušča- nje in sprejemanje religioznih prepričanj in zahtev, ki ni podvrženo nobeni tehtni presoji na podlagi (religiozno nevtralnih) umnih meril. Breul (2015) je navedel pet funkcij oz. razlogov za tezo, da religiozna prepričanja lahko igrajo legitimno vlogo v javnem diskurzu pluralne in demokratične druž- be. Še več, Breul trdi, da so te funkcije za tako družbo nujne. Pri nobeni vlogi ne gre za funkcijo upravičevanja, glede katere se Breul strinja s skrajnimi ekskluzivisti, da je religiozna prepričanja ne morejo opravljati. Ti razlogi oz. vloge so: 1. Religiozna prepričanja lahko igrajo vlo- ga motivacijskega razloga; 2. Drugi razlog za potrebnost javnega izražanja religioznih prepričanj se nanaša na zadržanost nekaterih glede možnosti prevoda vsebine religioznih prepričanj v nereligiozni, sekularni govor. Breul izhaja iz pojmovanja, da je javnost kritičen in diskurziven postopek za koordiniranje in organiziranje skupnega ravnanja in življenja. Če je tako, potem reli- giozna prepričanja ne bi smela biti vnaprej izključena iz javnosti oz. omejena na zasebno področje saj potem sploh ni nobene možnosti oz. priložnosti, da bi preverili dostopnost njihove vsebine in dele, ki so zanimivi za družbeno razpravo, prevedli v splošno sprejemljivo govorico. Zato moramo, če želimo biti na postsekularni ravni, zavrniti »liberalno« zahtevo zasebnosti religije in dopustiti prisotnost religioznih argumentov v javnosti, pri čemer pa se morajo njihovi zagovorniki zavedati epistemske omejenosti teh argumentov (Breul, 2015, 499). 3. Tretji razlog za prisotnost dostopnih religioznih razlogov v javnem diskurzu je upoštevanje manjšin (Bre- ul, 2015, 499–500). Za marsikatere manjšine je pogosto edini način, da pojasnijo svoje pomisleke, ali zadržke, izražanje v religiozni govorici oziroma s pomočjo reli- giozno obloženih ali utemeljenih ugovorov. Religiozne utemeljitve lahko služijo kot (začetne) namestnice za splošno sprejemljive utemeljitve, v katere se lahko one prevedejo ali ki se lahko kasneje podajo, priobčijo. Razlog za takšno dopustitev po Breulu ni kakšna po- kroviteljska zaščita kulturne raznolikosti, ampak želja, da se kolikor mogoče razširi polje demokratične javne razprave, tako v vsebinskem pogledu kot tudi z vidika možnih udeležencev (vključno z manjšinami z obro- bja). 4. Religiozni argumenti lahko služijo kot dodatna utemeljitev poleg argumentov, ki temeljijo na splošno sprejemljivih razlogih. Tako se lahko razne diktatorske usmeritve ali pa očitne krivice kritizirajo tudi z religio- znih stališč. V takem primeru religiozni argumenti nima- jo odločilnega pomena, lahko pa določenemu stališču dajo večjo težo. Izključitev religiozne argumentacije iz javne razprave lahko privede do nastanka javnega pro- stora, ki ga zasedejo razni skrajneži, ki v javno razpravo brez zadržkov vnašajo lažne religiozne argumente, ki koristijo njihovim interesom. Tako se je v zadnjih letih v ZDA izrazito povečal vpliv religiozne skrajne desnice in evangelikalskih fundamentalistov v javnosti (Sandel, 2010, 208–269.) 5. V okoljih stabilnega nesoglasja, ki zahtevajo obsežne kompromise, je lahko potrebna navezava na religiozne predstave (Breul, 2015, 501). Vzemimo primer zagovornikov splava in njihovih religi- oznih nasprotnikov. Ker ne moremo pričakovati dosege kakšnega soglasja o tem vprašanju med njimi, je edina rešitev tega pat položaja dosega nekega kompromisa, s katerim bodo oboji kolikor toliko lahko živeli in ki bo omogočil pomiritev med obema stranema. Če pa želimo doseči tak kompromis, moramo najprej izvedeti, kaj tvori vrednotna merila in pojmovanja konkretnih poten- cialnih partnerjev za želeni kompromis, da jih bomo v procesu doseganja kompromisa lahko upoštevali. To pa lahko dosežemo le, če tudi religiozna stran lahko v javni razpravi pojasni svoje poglede in če bodo njeni pogledi upoštevani v javnem diskurzu. Na koncu moramo podati še pojasnitev glede 403 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 splošne dostopnosti in splošne sprejemljivosti verskih prepričanj in razlogov kot potrebnih pogojev za upo- rabo v javnem diskurzu. Ali so verska prepričanja in razlogi javno dostopni? Ali so splošno sprejemljivi? Če ne, ali ni potem upravičen njihov »izgon« iz uporabe v javnem umu. Naše stališče je naslednje: Nedvomno je splošna dostopnost verskih prepričanj in razlogov potreben pogoj za njihovo uporabo v javnem umu. Ta pogoj verska prepričanja oziroma razlogi vsekakor izpolnjujejo. Splošna sprejemljivost pa ni pogoj za vsa- ko funkcioniranje v javnem diskurzu, ampak samo za služenje upravičevanju. Jasno je, da verska prepričanja niso splošno sprejemljiva, zato ne morejo služiti upravi- čevanju. Vendar pa so, v nasprotju z mnenjem nekate- rih, splošno dostopna. To nam razkriva analiza sestava verskih prepričanj, ki jo je opravil Breul prav iz razloga, da bi utemeljil svojo trditev, da verska prepričanja lahko upravičeno opravljajo funkcije v javnem diskurzu, ki jih je navedel. Glavna poanta njegove epistemološke analize je, da moramo pri verskih prepričanjih ločevati dva dela: vsebinski ali propozicionalni ali kognitivni del, ki je dostopen, in dejni ali regulativni del, ki ni dostopen. Spoznavna dostopnost verskih prepričanj, ki jo omogo- ča njihov kognitivni ali propozicionalni del, zadošča, da lahko verska prepričanja in razlogi igrajo vloge v javnem diskurzu, ki jih je navedel Breul. Oglejmo si sedaj še malce podrobneje njegovo analizo. Prvo pojmovno razlikovanje, s katerim Breul začne svojo pojasnitev, in ki poteka v okvirih kantovske teorije praktične umne vere, je razlikovanje med mnenjem , vedenjem in vero . O mnenju govorimo takrat, ko ima nekdo nekaj za resnično, vendar je to golo imetje-za-resnično. Ono ne temelji na nobenih razlogih, ki bi bili zadostni, niti objektivno niti subjektivno, za to prepričanje. Po drugi strani pa je vedenje objektivno gotovo, na spoznavanju avtonomnega uma temelječe imetje-za-resnično. Stavki vere pa niso niti popolnoma neutemeljeni niti niso plod zgolj avtonomnega uma, ampak gre za tretjo obliko spoznanja. Breul navaja odlomek iz Kantove Kritike čistega uma (B 855) in na tej podlagi ugotavlja, da vera, razumljena kot praktična umna vera, nikakor ni v na- sprotju z umom, ampak je utemeljeno zaupanje (Breul, 2015, 491). Utemeljeno zaupanje sicer ni objektivna gotovost, je pa dostopno za umno utemeljevanje. Na to razlikovanje človeških zmožnosti Breul naveže analizo religioznih prepričanj, ki ima odločilne posledice za vlogo religioznih prepričanj v javnem diskurzu. Med kognitivne prvine vere spadajo vsebinska oziroma materialna prepričanja o svetu in interpretacije znotraj- svetnega dogajanja. Regulativni elementi implicirajo prakso, ki obsega celotno osebo in ki implicira njeno religiozno zadržanje (Breul, 2015, 492). V navezavi na Avguština lahko materialne vsebine in konkretna intelektualna prepričanja vere označimo kot fi des quae creditur (vera, ki je verjeta), versko zadržanje pa kot fi des qua creditur (vera, s katero je verjeto oz. vera, s katero verujemo) (Augustinus, 2001, De Trinitate XIII, 2,5). Medtem ko torej fi des quae vsebuje vsebine vere, se pravi njene elemente, ki se jih da propozicional- no dojeti, pa označuje fi des qua dej vere, torej praktično izvedbo oz. izvršitev vere (Breul, 2015, 492). Fides quae lahko označimo tudi kot ‚doksastično vero‘, ki ima na- slednjo osnovno obliko: »Jaz verujem, da p«. Fides qua lahko označimo kot »fi duciarno vero«, zaupanjsko vero, vero, ki temelji na zaupanju. Njena osnovna struktura je »Verujem v p«. V sodobnem izrazoslovju se je uveljavilo analogno razlikovanje med vero in verovanjem (Breul, 2015, 492ff).14 Vera pomeni, da vsako religiozno prepričanje spremlja nek dej vere, to se pravi neka odlo- čitev za vero, ki v svojem nastanku najprej ni razumno utemeljena. Nasprotno pa se verovanje nanaša na ko- gnitivno razumevanje propozicionalno zaznamovanih religioznih prepričanj. Tako vera kot verovanje sta bi- stvena sestavna dela religioznih prepričanj, kar pomeni, da eno brez drugega ne more obstajati, če govorimo o pristnih, avtentičnih religioznih prepričanjih. Važno je, da razlike med tema dvema elementoma religioznih prepričanj ne prenapenjamo do te mere, da enega od teh elementov izoliramo in pojmovno odstranimo iz izvor- ne epistemične dvojne strukture religioznih prepričanj (Breul, 2015, 492). Če neko prepričanje ni nič drugega kot neko slepo zaupanje, brez vsake materialne vsebine, ni smiselno govoriti o pravem religioznem prepričanju. Prav tako pa ni smiselno religioznega prepričanja redu- cirati zgolj na golo imetje-za-resnično določenih stvari, ki pa je za praktično življenje nepomembno. Do verskih prepričanj nismo pravični, če jih zreduciramo samo na kognitivne elemente. Zgornja spoznanja lahko razložijo še nekatera dobro znana dejstva: na primer to, da lahko z argumenti komajda kakšnega neverujočega pripravi- mo do vere ali pa to, da religiozni ljudje kljub temu, da (najprej) ne znajo odgovoriti na kritiko religije, vztrajajo pri svoji veri (Breul, 2015, 493). Prav tako nesmiselna je redukcija stavkov vere na njihove regulativne elemente, saj ti stavki neizogibno vsebujejo določena vsebinska verska prepričanja, ki terjajo vsaj intersubjektivno, t.j. ne zgolj zasebno veljavo. Iz zgornje analize sestava religioznih prepričanj izhaja, da so ta, vsaj po eni plati (kognitivne prvine), dostopna za diskurzivno obravnavo oziroma razpravo. V nobenem primeru pa ne gre za izjave, ki so za um za- prte ali mu celo nasprotne, ki jih neverujoči, ali drugače verujoči, ne morejo razumeti in o njihovi kognitivni 14 John Dewey (1962, 20) je razlikoval med believing in in believing that. Tako lahko na primer po eni strani verjamemo v demokracijo, v razne (druge) ideale itd., po drugi strani pa npr. da je Rim glavno mesto Italije, da se je Prešeren rodil l. 1800 … Da verjamemo v nekaj zahteva vsebino, ampak ta vsebina ni samo informacija (Hodges, 2001, 68). 404 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 vsebini ne morejo premišljati, je razumeti ali dognati. To bi bilo v nasprotju s kognitivno zaznamovanostjo religioznih prepričanj. Po drugi strani pa moramo ugo- toviti, da religiozna prepričanja niso identična z avto- nomnimi prepričanji uma. Zaradi njihove nereducibilne življenjsko-praktične zakoreninjenosti zahteva to, da neko religiozno prepričanje postane naše lastno, več kot zgolj kognitivno razumevanje. Lahko rečemo, da religiozna prepričanja lahko popolnoma izpolnijo po- goj intersubjektivne dostopnosti, vendar pa kljub temu, zaradi svoje sestave, ne izpolnjujejo pogoja splošne sprejemljivosti.15 15 Breul poda v tem pogledu še zanimiv razmislek o nekaterih Wittgensteinovih (Breul, 2015, 492–93, op. 27) in Habermasovih razsvetljujočih distinkcijah (Breul, 2015, 493, op. 28) vendar se moramo njihovi predstavitvi, zaradi prostorske omejenosti, žal odpove- dati. 405 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 PUBLIC REASON, RELIGION AND EXCLUSIVISM: RAWLS IN THE LIGHT OF THE CATHOLIC AND ISLAMIC VIEW Bojan ŽALEC University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology, Poljanska c. 4, 1001 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: bojan.zalec@guest.arnes.si SUMMARY One of the central questions of the modern societies – which are heterogeneous regarding their values and world views – is the relation between democratic public on one hand and religions – but also other comprehensive doctrines – on the other. It is obvious that some reasonable account about this issue represents the key guideline for resolving and mitigating the confl icts of the modern world. For this reason the author sets himself to a comparative analysis of the models of arranging of this relation proposed by four eminent theoreticians who are representatives of different religions, cultures and world views: John Rawls, Pope Benedict XVI, Islamic scholar Abdullahi A. An-Na’im, and German philosopher Martin Breul. The author discovers certain drawbacks of the fi rst three accounts from the aspect of feasibility, fairness, completeness and clarity. He fi nds Breul’s variant of moderate exclusivism as the most clear and adequate proposal and hence as the most appropriate guideline to the main topical question of the article. Breul claims that, on one hand, it is necessary that we insist on neutral justifi cation of political norms. But the neutral justifi cation doesn’t imply any demands that religion must stay just in the private sphere, since there are many other roles which can be, and should be, performed by religious beliefs in the public discourse of democratic societies. In such a way we can avoid, on one hand, the unjustifi ed discrimination of religious argumentation in advance and, on the other hand, the possibility of the non-democratic domination of some world view majority based on the religious or some other comprehensive reasons which are not subjected to any neutral judgement. Keywords: religion, public reason, public discourse, exclusivism, reasonable pluralism, John Rawls, Pope Benedict XVI, Islam, Martin Breul 406 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Bojan ŽALEC: JAVNI UM, RELIGIJA IN EKSKLUZIVIZEM: RAWLS V LUČI KATOLIŠKE IN ISLAMSKE MISLI, 395–406 LITERATURA An-Na’im, A. A. (2015): A Friendly Amendment to Rawls? V: Bailey, T. & V. Gentile (ur.): Rawls and Reli- gion. 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Synthesis philo- sophica, 26, 1, 67–77. 407 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.28 received: 2016-04-06 VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY Branko KLUN University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia e-mail: branko.klun@teof.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT This article deals with Vattimo’s provocative interpretation of Christianity and its socio-political signifi cance. The fi rst part presents his view on how Christianity contributed to the process of emancipation and to the ideal of democratic society. However, for Vattimo this ideal also coincides with the original idea of communism. The second part thus focuses on Vattimo’s interpretation of communism as Christianity’s ally, and as an alternative to unauthentic liberal democracies. The third part of the article criticises the nihilist presuppositions of Vattimo’s hermeneutics, his one-sided interpretation of Christianity, and his notion of hermeneutic democracy. Keywords: Vattimo, Christianity, communism, hermeneutics, democracy, weak thought L’INTERPRETAZIONE CHENOTICA DEL CRISTIANESIMO DI VATTIMO E LA SUA RILEVANZA PER UNA DEMOCRAZIA POSTMODERNA SINTESI L’articolo si occupa dell’interpretazione provocatoria del cristianesimo proposta da Vattimo e del suo signifi cato socio-politico. La prima parte presenta la sua visione di come il cristianesimo ha contribuito al processo di eman- cipazione e all’ideale della società democratica. Comunque, per Vattimo questo ideale coincide anche con l’idea originale del comunismo. Per questo, la seconda parte dell’articolo è dedicata all’interpretazione di Vattimo del comunismo come alleato del cristianesimo e come alternativa alle democrazie liberali non autentiche. La terza parte dell’articolo sviluppa infi ne una critica dei presupposti nichilistici dell’ermeneutica di Vattimo, della sua interpreta- zione unilaterale del cristianesimo e della sua concezione di democrazia ermeneutica. Parole chiave: Vattimo, cristianesimo, comunismo, ermeneutica, democrazia, pensiero debole 408 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 Vattimo developed his philosophical thought partic- ularly through a productive appropriation of Nietzsche and Heidegger, and so his book Belief (1999 [in Italian 1996]), in which he set himself to the question of faith and Christianity, came as a considerable surprise. Vatti- mo also did something unexpected with his methodical approach, which tied his treatment of these thematic top- ics to a personal account and a fi rst person perspective. He later added to his interpretation of Christianity with After Christianity (2002), and then again with another important reference to his understanding of religion in a book co-authored by Richard Rorty called The Future of Religion (2005). At fi rst glance it seems that Vattimo’s interpretation of Christianity is highly sympathetic; con- trary to the common view that sees an incompatibility between the absolute claims in religion and democratic political practices, Vattimo speaks in favour of the thesis that modern pluralism and the democratic model of so- ciety are a result of Christianity’s internal development. For this reason Christianity – naturally, along with an appropriate “hermeneutic” self-understanding – is a positive factor within our socio-political context. How- ever, Vattimo did not just return to Christianity, a part of his personal history, but also to another dimension of his past: his enthusiasm for communism. In 2007 he published the book Ecce Comu in Italian, and presented his comprehensive vision of the communist ideal and its meaning for democracy in Hermeneutic Communism (2011), co-authored by Santiago Zabala. Thus, Vattimo does not cease to amaze: the hermeneutics which he develops from the thought of Nietzsche and Heidegger fi nds an ally in both Christianity and communism. And this is more than a mere alliance, since Vattimo is fi rmly convinced that all of these positions embody a single logic – the logic of “weak thought”, something which smashes every absolutist monopoly of or above the truth and, in opposition to the logic of power, is built upon a sensitivity for that which is powerless and weak, while also striving for the emancipation of the weak in a concrete political context.1 In this article my fi rst aim is to present Vattimo’s interpretation of Christianity and the socio-political signifi cance which he attributes to it. The second part focuses on Vattimo’s discovery of the revolutionary vo- cation of hermeneutics and the political ideal of herme- neutic communism. The third part deals with criticisms of Vattimo’s positions: the nihilist presuppositions of his hermeneutics, his one-sided interpretation of Christian- ity, and his questionable understanding of hermeneutic democracy. CHRISTIANITY AS A PROTOTYPE OF BOTH WEAK THOUGHT AND EMANCIPATION Vattimo’s return to Christianity occurred after form- ing his philosophical position, developed through an in- tensive dialogue with Nietzsche and Heidegger. Though he summarises this position with the term hermeneutics, it is necessary to emphasise that this is a specifi c type of hermeneutics, one which is considerably removed from classical authorities, such as Gadamer, or Ricoeur. Grondin justifi ably differentiates between metaphysical and nihilistic interpretations of hermeneutics (Grondin, 2010, 190), and in Vattimo’s case we are dealing with its nihilistic variation. Furthermore, with Vattimo nihilism itself attains a positive connotation (Vattimo, 1988, 19). In accordance with Nietzsche’s legacy, nihilism is the necessary process of the unmasking and destruction of metaphysics (Vattimo, 2007b, 405), a process in which seemingly absolute metaphysical values must be ex- posed as the mere projections of man and of his will to power. However, if Nietzsche persists in his conviction that nihilism, as the pars destruens, is not the fi nal step, but that we also need the pars construens of a strong man (the overman), who establishes his own, strong truth – wherein Heidegger justifi ably does not see an “overcoming”, but rather a “completion” of metaphysics (Heidegger, 1977, 259) – then Vattimo argues not only for the nihilistic destruction of absolute truth and values as a goal in itself, but also for this task to be carried out in perpetuity. He avoids the word destruction – or accepts it in the specifi c sense of Heidegger, who also infl u- enced Derrida’s term deconstruction (Trebežnik, 2013, 528) – because of that dimension of violence which can be felt in the word itself. Namely, Vattimo understands nihilistic dissolution as an eminently ethical act which is diametrically opposed to the logic of violence and power, and so he prefers the term weakening, which strips (annihilates) the power of one who is powerful and potentially violent. Nihilism thus attains an ethical component because it does not allow anything to usurp its power and suppress another person’s different way of thinking or belief. “Weak thought” embodies an ethical ideal which Vattimo eventually connects with love or 1 The reception of Vattimo’s “weak thought” in Slovenia began in the 90s with the translation of some of his articles that were published in various Slovenian journals (Nova revija, Literatura, Tretji dan, FNM). With the monograph on Vattimo by Jan Bednarik (2003), the Slovenian audience received a comprehensive survey of all major themes in Vattimo’s philosophy. However, the religious aspects of Vat- timo’s thought and his interpretation of Christianity were underexposed in that book. The (Christian) journal Tretji dan, on the contrary, took up the topic, and Robert Petkovšek, who wrote an introduction to the “weak thought” (Petkovšek, 1998, 72–73), has been largely responsible for an intensifi ed process of translating Vattimo’s texts on religion and Christianity in this journal in the years to follow. In 2004, Vattimo’s fi rst book on Christianity “Credere di credere” (Belief) was translated into Slovenian (by Tone Dolgan), with an introduc- tory study by Branko Klun (2004). In contrast to the vivid discussion about Vattimo’s view on Christianity, his writings on Communism have not attracted much attention in Slovenia, even if there is a laudatory cover quote of Žižek in the English translation of “Hermeneutic Communism”... 409 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 charity (Lat. caritas) and which is, at its foundation, defi ned per negationem – as non-violence. Here we can see the basic characteristics of Vattimo’s thought: at its beginning, rather than a positive determination, there is a negative moment (the weakening of power) which is then elevated to the highest ethical principle. Though Vattimo’s thought is inspired by Nietzsche, Nietzsche is the fi rst whom he “weakens”. Vattimo does not accept Nietzsche’s glorifi cation of power, but rather only those insights which are in the function of weak- ening, or nihilism. Nietzsche weakened the supposedly objective world into a fable, and declared the death of God, who represented the supreme value and ultimate foundation of reality. For Vattimo this represents a fi nal farewell to the old “ontology of actuality” which identifi ed Being with a fi rm presence; with an objec- tive existence “out there” (Rorty & Vattimo, 2005, 57). According to Vattimo, the weakening of ontology was continued and accomplished by Heidegger, who fi rst reduced Being to understanding (of Dasein), and then interpreted it as a “happening” (Ereignis) which is be- yond man’s power and domination. Being becomes an event of understanding, and thereby a language-event, losing its metaphysical basis. Since Being no longer refers to something existing out there, to an independent reality or objective facts, it is nothing but a historically conditioned, radically fi nite, and thus a “weak” inter- pretation in language. And since there are no longer any fi rm truths, but only weak interpretations, the im- portance of hermeneutics increases. Just as Heidegger spread the concept of metaphysics which, according to him, characterises a specifi c way of thinking in Western philosophy, for Vattimo hermeneutics is not merely a philosophical discipline of interpreting texts, but rather a way of thinking which is characteristic of our contempo- rary postmodern times, something we could call the age of hermeneutics. This age is characterised by a radical pluralism of interpretations, and by the fact that there are no longer any grand narratives (Lyotard), or a unique rationality. The world has in fact become a narrative or story, or even a stage of various stories (interpretations), and without an external metaphysical measure of truth, all that remains is the patient conversation between various narratives and interpretations. Vattimo writes that very early on (Vattimo, 1999, 8) he became aware of the parallels between nihilism and the Christian concept of kenosis, or the “abasement” of God. The central concept of Christianity is the incarna- tion: God, who otherwise transcends the world and is its Creator, became man in Jesus Christ and entered into the (immanence of the) world. This act is described by St. Paul with the word kenosis, which literally means emptying-out, and in a more general sense can also be explained as the annihilation, or radical weakening, of God’s transcendent power. Hegel had already attempt- ed to speculatively comprehend this unheard of truth of Christianity, and he sees the passage of God into negation – up to his death on Good Friday – as the pro- totype of dialectic logic. Vattimo, who is in many ways inspired by Hegel, but still subjects him to hermeneutical weakening, would agree that God (as a transcendence beyond the world) actually dies.2 For all eternity, any transcendent and metaphysical foundation of the world dies, and there remains only the (Holy) Spirit, who lives on as the spirit of the community in the mutual conver- sations of its members. The death of the “metaphysical God” on Good Friday results in the resurrection of the “hermeneutic God” on Easter Sunday – and from that moment God “lives” as an event in the proclamation of the Christian community. However, while Hegel’s fasci- nation lies in the dialectic logic of God’s death, Vattimo gives more importance to the message Jesus brings about God; here God is not a powerful and violent force (the powerful God of natural religion), but rather love, which has brought itself down (kenosis) to people and made them his friends. This message brings with it the freedom and emancipation of every human being, and Vattimo draws two conclusions from this idea of kenosis. First, “nihilism” (the self-annihilation of the powerful God) as an act of kenosis is nothing external or opposed to Christianity, but is part of its very essence (Vattimo, 1999, 35). Second, the kenotic descent of God into the world (Lat. saeculum) represents the fi rst step of secularisation (Vattimo, 2002, 24). God does not seek to remain within the elevated and detached status of his transcendence, but instead desires his own secularisation; the secularisa- tion of his essence, which is love, to permeate the entire world and not remain limited to religion – even if this dissemination of love comes at the cost of religion in a narrower sense (as a cult) being marginalised. According to Vattimo Christianity is a religion which is prepared to “annul” itself (Vattimo, 2010a, 152) in order to allow secular society to become more ethical and realise the logic of love. Christianity therefore unifi es kenosis, ni- hilism, and secularisation; it abolishes the transcendent God, who rules with power, force, and violence, and proclaims God’s love in addition to the Good News of non-violence, all of which make the emancipation of every person possible. For Christianity, instead of making an effort to secure a strong position in society, it is more important for its message of love to be realised in a so- cio-political context. Here we could also draw a parallel with Hegel, who sees the full realisation of (Christian) religion as coinciding with the substance of the state. Vattimo fi nds an ally for his thought in Girard, who helps him understand the relationship between religion 2 Vattimo characterises himself as a “watered-down Hegelian” – that is to say “Hegel without the absolute spirit, without the end of history” (Vattimo, 2010a, 157; Weiss, 2003, 173). Hegel is also an important reference for other contemporary leftist thinkers and their interpreta- tion of Christianity, especially Žižek. 410 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 and violence. According to Vattimo God, conceptu- alised as a supreme being by metaphysics, is directly connected with the image of God from natural religions, as described by Girard. This God is a product of human imprisonment in the cycle of mimetic violence, and a scapegoat mechanism (Petkovšek, 2014, 589; Petkovšek, 2016, 497). Vattimo believes that in metaphysics this corresponds to the construction of a transcendent God through the use of powerful ontological attributes (om- nipotence, absoluteness, eternity, transcendence – Vat- timo, 1999, 39). In other words, it is about establishing a God distinguished by power, and consequently also by violence. However, Vattimo draws the radical con- clusion that every insistence on God’s transcendence (in relation to the world, or to man) already includes violence. For Vattimo, if Christianity maintains that God as a transcendent entity truly exists “out there”, this is a remnant of the legacy of metaphysics, and must be subjected to nihilistic weakening. Similarly, it is nec- essary to weaken any other remains of metaphysics in Christianity – especially in the Church as an institution, which fi xes Christian doctrine in eternal dogmatic truth, advocates the separation of clerics (and with that a spe- cifi c transcendence) from lay people, and invokes nat- ural law as a metaphysical basis for its teachings. From Vattimo’s perspective, Christianity’s deepest vocation is an anti-metaphysical one, since in place of timeless es- sences it posits a story and history (of salvation). Indeed, according to Vattimo the criticism of metaphysics (as a phenomenon of Greek thought) has its roots in Christi- anity, something which Protestant thinkers pointed out when exposing the problem of the “Hellenisation” of Christianity. Vattimo appropriates Dilthey’s explanation that Christianity represented a deviation from Greek metaphysics, which was directed to the cosmos and to the uncovering of (timeless) natural laws, because it (Christianity) turned to the inner man, to his history, uniqueness, and freedom. It was precisely the emer- gence of “historical consciousness” (Dilthey, 1990, 253) which we can say was the driving force for the transition from metaphysics (of timeless being) to hermeneutics (the historicity of understanding). If we were to simplify we could describe this transition – the overcoming of nature in the direction of freedom (of the spirit), and the transition from the universal (i.e. the natural) essence of man to the uniqueness of each individual (based in a new understanding of the will) – as an emancipation of the spirit from the shackles of natural necessity. Chris- tianity brought with it that understanding of the person which then became the foundation for the subsequent political project of emancipation and democracy in the West. For this reason Vattimo does not agree with explanations (such as that of Hans Blumenberg (1966)), which describe how the Enlightenment project, with its political ideals, meant a break with Christianity, and that this took place despite and in opposition to Chris- tianity – here secularisation (which derives its meaning in the Enlightenment precisely from the political prac- tices which limited the Church’s power, infl uence, and property) stands for a process against Christianity – but rather that the development of democracy in the West was made possible precisely because of the message brought by Christianity, even though this message often had to assert itself against the structures and positions of the Church (Vattimo, 1999, 53). Here it becomes clear that Vattimo differentiates between Christianity and the Church, relinquishing the latter of its role of offi cial bearer and interpreter of the Christian message. How- ever, Vattimo is also critical of the Enlightenment ideal of reason which represents a new tool of universality after the end of the old realist ontology. A belief in a universal reason, which represents the domination of one unique and “strong” way of thinking (one “logos”), and does not allow for different interpretations, has yet to free itself from metaphysics and the metaphysical will to power. For that reason the rise of hermeneutics (from Schleiermacher through Dilthey, and up to Heidegger), which weakens the totality of modern rationality (some- thing that continues to persist in science) and leads to the radical pluralism of interpretations, represents fur- ther development and a key result of the “action of the Christian message” (Vattimo, 2002, 67). The abovemen- tioned representatives of hermeneutics were therefore not merely under the infl uence of Christianity. Rather, it is this historical development, from strong metaphysics to weak hermeneutics, which forms the very kenotic logic of Christianity. The development of secular history coincides with the history of salvation – the history of western civilisation is simultaneously the history of the Christian message at work. At this point Vattimo’s proximity to Hegel is once again apparent, but so is a “weakening” of Hegel’s strong metaphysics. Like Hegel, Vattimo ascribes a key role to history: hermeneutics is a process of interpretation from its situation from within history (not from a timeless position), and also the very happening of history itself (Deibl, 2013, 78). Tradition then determines the horizon within which the interpreter fi nds himself: the freedom of interpretation occurs within historically conditioned possibilities of thought, but it also brings something new, and consequentially infl uences the future of history. However, Vattimo takes this a step further and believes that a certain logic is present within the development of history – namely the logic of weakening, which in the same way brings with it a kind of teleology of historical development (and its peak, instead of Hegel’s absolute, is represented by the dissolution of every absolute claim). The logic of weakening is the logic of an ever increasing infl uence of the principle of love, something which, in a political sense, means a development in the direction of ever greater freedom, the emancipation of the individu- al, and a democratic conception of society. To support his thesis that this fi nality also determines Christianity, Vattimo turns to medieval theologian Joachim of Fiore, 411 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 who understood the development of Christianity as a progression through three historical ages (of the Fa- ther, the Son, and the Holy Spirit), with the fi nal age of Christianity – the Age of the Holy Spirit, in which authoritative (strong) thought will be overcome and the spirit of freedom will rule – commencing according to Vattimo’s view in our contemporary, postmodern times (Vattimo, 2002, 25). Weak hermeneutic Christianity, which is most prevalent today, has coincided with the appearance of social pluralism, in which every individ- ual acquires the right to participate in the democratic process, and to have his or her interpretation respected and included in the political conversation which forms the basis of a democratic state. FRAMED DEMOCRACY AND HERMENEUTIC COMMUNISM Vattimo’s own history is marked by more than the experience of Christianity. It is also coloured by a proximity to leftist ideals and communism, and in his autobiography he even describes an enthusiasm for Maoism (Vattimo, 2010a, 52). For that reason, from a personal perspective, it is not surprising if, after his return to Christianity, there also follows a “reconversion to communism” (Depoortere, 2010, 210). Together with his student Santiago Zabala he conceives of a view of communism from the perspective of hermeneutics. But, why include the theme of “weak communism” (Vattimo, 2010b, 205) into this analysis of the importance of Chris- tianity for democracy and society? The reason is simple: Vattimo identifi es the ideal of postmodern hermeneutic democracy with the ideal of hermeneutic communism. In fact, it seems that the essence of Christianity, commu- nism, and hermeneutics meet at the same point, and that all are connected by the commandment of love, which truly links them together only if and when they renounce and weaken their strong (metaphysical) presuppositions. Genuine democracy reveals itself as a regime of weak- ness. Additionally, Vattimo will conclude that the ideal of democracy will be a regime of the weak – namely of those who Marx called the proletariat, but now have different names, and have in common the fact that they are marginalised, disprivileged, and that their voice in seemingly democratic societies is stifl ed. It is interesting that in his studies on communism, Vattimo rarely relates it to Christianity. For biographical reasons he distances himself from Italian “catto-comunismo” in Ecce Comu, but in Hermeneutic Communism Christianity is hardly mentioned at all. The reader gets the impression that Vattimo and Zabala are aiming for a presentation of the timeless essence of communism, which also coincides with the ideal of a genuine democracy. Vattimo justifi es his return to communism with the discovery that hermeneutics embodies a “revolution- ary political project” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 76). Even though hermeneutics and its representatives are often affi liated with a conservative political option, for Vattimo hermeneutics carries within it a progressive political calling which is “opposed to the objective state of affairs” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 6). Hermeneutics seeks to weaken everything that pretends to be fi rm, or is held to be true by the established social order. Vattimo differentiates between two possible readings of Heidegger (Vattimo, 2010a, 149), left and right, progressive and conservative, just as two currents have formed for Hegelianism. While it is too early to connect two readings of Heidegger with two interpretations of hermeneutics, as they are characterised by Grondin, the parallels are nevertheless visible. A metaphysical explanation of hermeneutics insists on a transcendent “thing”, which gives itself through interpretation and in that way “conserves” itself. The conservative position develops as a response, and consequently as a respon- sibility to the thing which is giving itself. Conversely, nihilistic hermeneutics denies the thing in question as something transcendently (objectively) given; the thing that functions as an external measure for interpretation and limits the freedom of the interpreter. For Vattimo, that which conservative hermeneutics calls the thing is none other than an uncritical construction of tradition, and something which must be subjected to nihilistic weakening. Nihilistic hermeneutics is anti-foundational and in a political sense this direction corresponds to the position of anarchism. Vattimo even goes so far as to speak of “the anarchic vein of hermeneutics” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 79). However, anarchy should not be taken in a negative sense; its mission is in the unmasking of every apparent arche while also serving the project of emancipation and liberation. According to Vattimo anarchism is governed by the ideal of non-violence and love for all, especially for those who are weak and dis- tanced from the centres and “origins” (archai) of power. So, what does this mean for concrete political prac- tices? Together with co-author Zabala, Vattimo believes that existing liberal democracies are democratic in appearance only, and that this directly calls for “weak- ening” and for the establishment of a real (hermeneu- tic-communist) democracy. Vattimo calls the model of liberal democracy which is prevalent in contemporary societies framed democracy, and directly connects this idea with the metaphysical way of thinking.3 A frame is a collective name for a given fi rm structure or system which determines a place and order for all things. The existing democratic system is explained as the only possible (rational) way of organising society, and as an 3 Vattimo productively interprets Heidegger’s “Gestell” which we can translate as “frame” (Heidegger, 1994, 23). It represents that essence of metaphysical thinking which continues to persist in our contemporary regime of technology, and which simultaneously presents the “frame” for a liberal understanding of both the state and the concept of democracy which comes as a result from it. Vattimo is therefore striving for an analysis of the metaphysical essence of existing western democracy. 412 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 expression of the objective laws of human coexistence. One thing that has been overlooked is that standing be- hind this “frame” are the interests of power and the logic of violence. For Vattimo and Zabala framed democracy has three essential theoretical features: “the violence of truth, the conservative nature of realism, and the winner’s history” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 17). The fi rst feature concerns its concept of truth. For Vattimo truth is merely one possible interpretation which, through power, attains the status of “the truth”. Truth in this sense is therefore an interpretation of the powerful (which always includes economic power) and an instrument for domination over other interpretations. For Vattimo, not only is this truth established through violence, but it also uses violence. For that reason Vattimo comes to the con- clusion that only a “farewell to truth” (Vattimo, 2011) can make a path to true democracy possible: “the end of truth is the beginning of democracy” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 23). Once again it is necessary to emphasise that the motive for this “death of truth” (Vattimo, 2010c, 100) is an ethical one – truth brings with it a determination, a concluding constriction, and that brings freedom to a stop. For Vattimo, truth is an obstacle to freedom and emancipation. The philosophical perspective of realism, the second feature, relies on a transcendent truth of an objective reality and strives to create a faithful description of it. However, these descriptions of reality do not really mir- ror reality in itself (the “things in themselves”). Rather, they are impositions – i.e. they are the interpretations, which our thinking projects onto reality, even though there may be no awareness of this process. Vattimo sees the greatest blindness and danger precisely within the belief that realism expresses objective reality – just as the greatest danger of framed democracy is the belief that it is an objectively founded social system without “realis- tic” alternatives. In the language of Marxism we could say that this is why it is necessary to fi rst develop the conscience of the proletariat, so that it becomes aware of the unjust relationships in society, and that it does not accept them as objective necessities. Vattimo goes even so far as to explain that the prevailing analytical philosophy (as a form of realism) in liberal democracy represents an ideological superstructure which is based on the real base of capitalism, and on “the metaphysical nature of economics” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 59). The third feature of framed democracies is that after the fall of other social models, especially communism, they present themselves as the “winners of history”.4 In their interpretation “Communism is often presented as tyrannical and hermeneutics is reduced to pure nihil- ism” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 2). Vattimo is speaking of the philosophy of the winners (liberal democracy and the free market), which is an imposed interpretation of the ruling classes, and strives for conservation of the existing social order, so it discredits communism. How- ever, there are still losers within contemporary society – the weak, and the oppressed – and they are calling for a different interpretation, and demand different rights. Vattimo would not agree with the argument that elec- tions in liberal democracies are that guarantee which makes both political freedom and the competition of different interpretations possible. In reality, decisions are still made within a system which (by means of its power) does not allow for decisions to be made about the system itself (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 57). For that reason it is not possible to expect changes in framed de- mocracies to arise on their own. Instead it is necessary to strive for their weakening, and for a new social ideal. How then does Vattimo imagine a genuine (herme- neutic) democracy which must transcend our existing framed democracy? This is a society without classes and “without dominion” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 116). Contrary to framed democracy, in this kind of society the politics of interpretation prevails, without any claims to truth or absoluteness, and in which the voices of the weak can also be heard. In hermeneutic democracy there is a constant weakening of anything and everything possible – since the tendency towards power, certainty, and fi rm structures is always present on both the social and personal level. On the other hand, a positive consequence of weakening is a never-end- ing conversation (as a basis for political life) among the members of society, who allow even the weakest members to participate equally in the interpretation and in political decision-making. Vattimo is suspicious of the concept of dialogue, because from Greek philoso- phy onwards it has presupposed a logos which, as an objective truth, represents a transcendent authority for the participants in the dialogue. For Vattimo this kind of logos is an unjustifi ed metaphysical assumption. To the contrary, a conversation accepts its weakness and its historical limitations. The only principle which cannot be weakened in a political conversation is openness to a different interpretation, or non-violence (qua charity). According to Vattimo, violence is already present in every suspension of the interpretive process, and so a political conversation must allow for the never-ending creativity and productivity of interpretation as a reali- sation of freedom and emancipation (Webb, 2010, 61). That kind of society is the goal of hermeneutic com- munism. Marxist communism must be weakened and purifi ed of its metaphysical elements. It is necessary to renounce “both the ideal of development and also the general call for revolution” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 3). Soviet communism died because it was powerful and violent. Communism can only be reborn as a weak communism, and Vattimo sees examples of such re-birth 4 Vattimo alludes to Francis Fukuyama’s book (1992) about the end of history as triumph of capitalist liberal democracy (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 116). 413 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 in Latin America (Vattimo, 2007a, 116). As paradigmatic examples of weak communism Vattimo mentions Chavez and Morales. Both came to power not with violent revolution, but through elections. However, not so long ago Chavez’s successor Maduro lost the vote in Venezuela, and it would be interesting to hear Vattimo’s comments on the matter.5 It also appears that Vattimo’s advocacy of non-violence in real political practices has its limits. Clearly, due to its powerful enemies, the estab- lishment of a new social order cannot take place merely through conversation, and the authors of Hermeneutic Communism express understanding if Latin America’s communism should violate the rules of parliamentary democracy (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 136). In any case, it is impossible not to feel some disappointment when Vattimo goes from a theoretical argumentation for hermeneutic democracy to practical examples of its realisation – in spite of his own assertion that we are only dealing with hints of the hermeneutic-communist ideal. In the above-mentioned Latin American countries care for the weak is certainly present, but is it being accompanied by a pluralistic society which recognises a multiplicity of interpretations and renounces the logic of power and violence? Or is the weakening of the powerful being converted into a new violence, a new “dictatorship of the proletariat”, which is in reality a dictatorship of those who, after coming to positions of power, appropriated the authority to interpret, and who have now become powerful guardians of weakness? CHRISTIANITY AND DEMOCRACY IN A POSTMODERN CONTEXT We have already mentioned Grondin (2010), who distinguishes between nihilistic and metaphysical interpretations of hermeneutics. If hermeneutics does not merely mean the necessity of nihilistic negation (as it stands in Vattimo’s explanation), but also includes the possibility of a metaphysical position (which in no way seeks to be an imposition), then a hermeneutic interpretation of both Christianity and democracy can be understood in another way. The classical idea of hermeneutics combines both elements: the hermeneu- tic freedom of the interpreter (interpretans) and the givenness of a transcendent meaning (intelligibility, understandability) of the “thing” which is being inter- preted (interpretandum). The meaning of the thing only gives itself through interpretation, so this dependence of meaning on the interpretation does not mean that it (the meaning) is subject to the interpreter, and that the interpreter can create it anyway he wishes, or according to his own freedom. According to Grondin, Gadamer’s hermeneutics does not give up the classical notion of truth as adaequatio (Grondin, 2005), even though this adaequatio, or correspondence, is not to be understood in the sense of coarse realism (and a naive concept of the description), which does not take into account the hermeneutic nature of knowledge. For that reason Grondin does not accept Vattimo’s explanation that Gadamer’s sentence “Being that can be understood is language” (Gadamer, 1990, 478) means the reduction of Being (in)to language, that it therefore brings about a nihilistic weakening of Being, which loses its tran- scendent status and is merely an event within language. Grondin asks: “But what if in Gadamer’s statement, one puts the emphasis on Being itself? Or to put it differently: what if it would be Being itself that would unravel its understandability in or through language?” (Grondin, 2007, 211). Grondin also refers to Gadamer’s phrase about a “language of the things” (212). If we assume that Being possesses an “understandability” which is anterior or prior to its expression in our language, then we could speak of the metaphysical meaning of Being, which, despite its entrance into language, preserves its transcendence and remains the criterion of truth. In Vattimo’s most recent publications he emphasised that he does not completely reject the truth, and that he also does not understand interpretations with such lightness, so as to deprive Being of all its weight (Vat- timo, 2010a, 153–154). However, according to him, that which is a transcendent measure or criterion for our interpretation is nothing more than history. Namely, we constantly fi nd ourselves in a certain historically trans- mitted paradigm (of understanding) by means of which we interpret facts and distinguish truth from non-truth. This historical tradition has a “weight” and we must take it into account. However, that kind of truth and weight does not alter Vattimo’s nihilistic interpretation, as the predominance of history and the denial of any kind of sense which would be independent of time does not allow for an exit from historicism. The rehabilitation of metaphysics and its connec- tion with hermeneutics, as we can see with Grondin, is of key importance for a mediation between the two mutually exclusive alternatives which form the basis of Vattimo’s argument. Vattimo only recognises the metaphysics which builds upon transcendence and violence, and the hermeneutics which renounces any transcendence and accepts only radical weakening. In the case of Christianity this means giving up belief in God as an absolute transcendence. Naturally, Vattimo would say that he too believes in God; not in the kind that exists out there in reality, but rather in the “nar- rated” God, who is an event (of language) and a result of the Bible. He even goes so far as to say that prayer in his (hermeneutically weakened) belief has a central role; not because some kind of existent God would hear and help him, but because the very act of saying the 5 Most likely Vattimo would form his argument similarly to how he explains the causes of economic poverty in Cuba (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 136): imperialistic capitalism is to blame for everything, as it rules the world with its economic power. 414 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 text of a prayer brings comfort and solace (Vattimo et al., 2013, 239). So, is a weak faith, which renounces a powerful belief in an existing (metaphysical) God, truly a faith at all – or in reality, would it be more honest to say with Guarino that it “eviscerates Christian faith of its very meaning” (Guarino, 2009, 157)? Does such a weak faith achieve that existential disposition, without which we cannot understand biblical personalities and their way of existence? Was Jesus merely an enlightened interpreter of Jewish prophetical traditions, or did he actually believe (i.e. trust) God (and not just in – the existence of – God) whom he called Father, and whose “ontological” presence he experienced in his life? Chris- tianity did not begin with kenosis, but with a belief in the resurrection. It did not begin with ethics, nor with the commandment of love, but rather with the “meta- physical” event of resurrection, which only in hindsight enabled the understanding of Jesus the man as the Word of God incarnate. Of course, the Christian faith developed into an integral interpretation of man and the world, and through its own historical infl uence it formed the values of Western civilisation. It cannot be denied that its fundamental message is one of love, and that this message must be “secularised”, i.e. realised in the world. However, the deepest motive of love is religious, and here it is not possible to reduce religious experience to an aesthetic one, as Vattimo subtly does. A belief in a metaphysical foundation – and in Christianity this is in no way the God of natural religions, nor a god of Greek metaphysics, but the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob – is absolutely necessary for Christianity, and rejecting this would not only lead to a weakening, but also to a dissolution of the Christian religion. If Christi- anity remains merely a story which formed the narrative frame of western civilisation, and if this is even a story of the end of religion in the sense of the death of an “objectively” existing God, and along with him any kind of transcendence – which according to Vattimo falls to Christianity as its mission among all other religions, and in a paradoxical way ensures Christianity of its universal validity – then Vattimo’s optimism regarding the “return of religion” is completely unfounded. The difference between a resurgence of interest in Christianity or Star Wars is, in this case, merely a difference in degree, not a difference in principle. Christianity has otherwise had a greater infl uence on the formation of Western man’s consciousness than the narrative of Star Wars, but in this understanding the Christian God is no more metaphysi- cally real than Darth Vader. We could ask similarly critical questions – though this relates to a completely different phenomenon – con- cerning Vattimo’s understanding of democracy. Is it not a special kind of violence, if every metaphysical belief within a political context is considered to be potentially dangerous, and demands to be weakened? Is there not behind this idea a totalitarian tendency for everyone in society to have a weak belief in their own convictions, and for that to be the only way they can participate in the political conversation? Vattimo’s hermeneutic democra- cy brands every belief in a transcendent and “objective” truth as a form of fundamentalism, and it demands the destruction of all metaphysical convictions, especially those which citizens are not even aware of in (their) apparent democracies. So, what would life be like in the realised ideal of hermeneutic democracy? Let us leave aside the leftist Latin American governments which do not easily serve as inspiration, and ask ourselves how it is even possible to come to political decisions on the basis of an amicable exchange of interpretations. How should a political conversation be carried out when a confl ict of interpretations arises? Political decisions usually mean a choosing one option and excluding all others – this process creates realities which are not in accordance with the wishes of a certain portion of the citizen-interpreters. If there is no external measure or positive criteria which could judge between interpreta- tions and allow for a social consensus, then the doors of arbitrary power, and consequently also of violence, are left wide open. The Augustinian ama et quod vis fac, which is followed by Vattimo’s imperative of love, cannot remain a pure form, but it also demands that its contents are determined. Kant’s categorical imperative is for just that reason merely a form, as it presupposes the universality of one rationality which serves as a suprahistorical criterion of moral and political activities. Belief in a unique – although communicative – rational- ity, which connects the plurality of political subjects, is also the basis of Habermas’ political idea, which in its own way continues with Kant’s Enlightenment project and understands itself as post-metaphysical thought. However, Vattimo also accuses Habermas of metaphys- ics, because his idea still remains tied to transcendence (qua transcendentalism) and has not taken the last step of weakening (Vattimo, 2004, 158). This last step would be none other that the renunciation of every “arche” and a positive appropriation of anarchism. If Vattimo claims that Habermas and Apel’s political thought is grounded “on metaphysical ideals” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 76), then we are not in bad company if we connect democracy with metaphysics. As a contrast and alternative to Vattimo’s nihilistic and anarchic un- derstanding of democracy we could posit the concept of metaphysical hermeneutic democracy. Metaphysical claims, in this context, are always and necessarily bound to hermeneutic mediation. In the background is the belief that there exists a transcendent meaning (even a meaning of the political) – as a universal logos – which represents a super-temporal criterion, though this foun- dation is only given through historical (hermeneutic) mediation, i.e. through interpretation.6 This prevents the 6 For a rehabilitation of metaphysics and the notion of transcendence see Grondin, 2012, 249. 415 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 usurping on power on the part of the citizen-interpreter, while also demanding of him an attitude of humility. Believing in metaphysical presuppositions within a political context means believing in the possibility of a transcendent meaning behind political coexistence, and in a transcendent meaning behind every fellow citizen – something which is expressed by the secular idea of the inalienable dignity of every human being. If Chris- tianity believes that every person is an image of God, then this is a belief in a metaphysical foundation. Within Christianity itself this demands hermeneutic mediation; within political pluralism the demand for interpretation is even greater, and requires a special philosophical-sec- ular translation of the religious language, or that which Habermas calls the “philosophical verbalization (Versp- rachlichung) of the sacred” (Habermas, 2013, 299). A hermeneutic democracy which includes metaphysical beliefs is no less hermeneutic than that which Vattimo requires from the viewpoint of the ethical ideal of non-violence. That is why it still remains tolerant to oth- er interpretations in society. However the basic meeting between interpretations is no longer a conversation, but a dialogue. A hermeneutic democracy understood in this way believes in a transcendent logos as a metaphysical basis for dia-logos. It believes in a meaning which we cannot master; it can only be uncovered, and not by one person alone. This can only be done together with others, in a patient and possibly never-ending dialogue. The absence of dialogue is one of the main short- comings of Vattimo’s relationship to Christianity and communism. He does not have a dialogue with them, but just subjects them to weakening. Christianity must renounce its transcendent foundation and can only keep the secular ethical fruits of its labours. A similar weakening is also experienced by communism, which has less problems giving up metaphysical demands, but struggles to identify itself with the role of guarantor of a hermeneutic democracy, which “allows other cultures to suggest different visions of the world” (Vattimo & Zabala, 2011, 138), accepts radical pluralism, and relinquishes the logic of power. Vattimo’s weakening goes so far to level the differences between Christianity and communism that at the end both merge to form the joined phenomenon of Christocommunism, a refl ection of Vattimo’s personal experiences and his own “truth”. However, despite this simplifi cation and a peculiar hermeneutic reductionism (Klun, 2007, 176), in the end it would be unfair if we did not also acknowledge the positive contribution of Vattimo’s thought. For example, there is the fact that Vattimo devoted his philosophical attention to two phenomena, Christianity and commu- nism, which are in many ways weakened today, subject to numerous prejudices, and, in a political context, often marginalised. For a genuine democracy in the future, it will be important to take into consideration their respective concerns. VATTIMOVA KENOTIČNA INTERPRETACIJA KRŠČANSTVA IN NJEGOV POMEN ZA POSTMODERNO DEMOKRACIJO Branko KLUN Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana e-mail: branko.klun@teof.uni-lj.si POVZETEK Cilj članka je predstaviti Vattimovo interpretacijo krščanstva in družbeno-politični pomen, ki ga slednjemu pri- pisuje. Članek je razdeljen na tri dele. Z razliko od prevladujočih mnenj, po katerih so absolutne zahteve v religiji nezdružljive z demokratičnimi političnimi praksami, Vattimo zagovarja tezo, da sta moderni pluralizem in demo- kratični ideal družbe posledica notranjega razvoja krščanstva in da zato krščanstvo predstavlja pozitivni element v družbeno-političnem kontekstu (prvi del). Toda pri Vattimu ne doživi novega ovrednotenja zgolj krščanstvo, temveč tudi komunizem (drugi del). Zdi se, da se bistvo krščanstva, komunizma in hermenevtike srečujejo v skupni točki in da vse povezuje zapoved ljubezni. Vendar je njihovo srečevanje možno šele takrat, ko se odpovedo močnim metafi zičnim predpostavkam in se ustrezno »ošibijo«. Pristna demokracija se razodeva kot režim šibkosti, ki ne tolerira zahtev po absolutni resnici in v katerem se slišijo tudi glasovi šibkih. Toda Vattimova nihilistična interpretacija krščanstva in hermenevtične demokracije odpira mnoga vprašanja, s katerimi se ukvarja tretji del članka. Avtor se zavzema za rehabilitacijo metafi zike, ki je ne smemo podvreči Vattimovim predsodkom in ki nam omogoča spremenjeno razumevanje krščanstva ter alternativno interpretacijo hermenevtične demokracije. Ključne besede: Vatimo, krščanstvo, komunizem, hermenevtika, demokracija, šibka misel 416 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Branko KLUN: VATTIMO’S KENOTIC INTERPRETATION OF CHRISTIANITY AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR A POSTMODERN DEMOCRACY, 407–416 SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Bednarik, J. (2003): Smisel šibkosti. Oris fi lozofske misli Giannija Vattima. Ljubljana, Nova revija. Blumenberg, H. (1966): Die Legitimität der Neuzeit. Frankfurt/M, Suhrkamp. Deibl, J. H. (2013): Menschwerdung und Schwächung. Annäherung an ein Gespräch mit Gianni Vattimo. Wien, Göttingen, Vienna University Press, V&R Unipress. Depoortere, F. (2010): Christianity and Politics: A Biographical-Theoretical Reading of Gianni Vattimo and Alain Badiou. In: Boeve, L. & C. 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Wien, Passagen. 417 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.29 received: 2016-04-06 THE SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE Science and Research Centre Koper, Institute for Philosophical Studies, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper, Slovenia e-mail: nadja.furlan@zrs-kp.si ABSTRACT The paper presents the question of paradigmatic change of perception of the ultimate reality, God/Goddess as a call for the creation of new collective awareness and the revival of female principle in the religious and secular sphere. This can also be understood as the liberating process which leads to thorough transformation and new forms of human relationship to oneself, to other people and the world. Lack of an empowered, liberated identity, lack of compassion and empathy, and failure to accept the others and the different without prejudice and negative stereotyping in the light of their humanity, consequently leads to intolerance, hatred, fear and fundamentalism. In this context, the hermeneutic key to equivalent acceptance of femininity in the fi eld of the religious and the spiritual, is the ethical maxim which should become a sine qua non condition of the moral code in accepting the other, the different, and is the key to a humane sensibilisation of an individual in order to achieve a better coexistence in a cultural and religious diversity. Understanding religion as a precondition to a moral dialogue is therefore faced with the category of gender which is a sine qua non source of this moral dialogue. Keywords: Goddess, gender equality, interreligious dialogue, moral dialogue IL CODICE SEGRETO DI DEA – NORME NON SCRITTE E LA CRITICA DELLA TEOLOGIA VIOLENTA SINTESI Il documento presenta la domanda di cambiamento paradigmatico della percezione della realtà ultima, Dio / Dea come una chiamata per la creazione di nuova consapevolezza collettiva e la rinascita del principio femminile nella sfera religiosa e laica. Questa può anche essere intesa come il processo liberatorio che porta alla trasformazione profonda e nuove forme di relazione umana a se stessi, agli altri e al mondo. La mancanza di un potere, l’identità liberato, mancanza di compassione e di empatia, e l’incapacità di accettare gli altri e il diverso, senza pregiudizi e stereotipi negativi alla luce della loro umanità, porta di conseguenza l’intolleranza, l’odio, la paura e il fondamentali- smo. In questo contesto, la chiave ermeneutica per l’accettazione equivalente di femminilità nel campo del religioso e spirituale, è la massima etica che dovrebbe diventare una condizione sine qua non del codice morale di accettare l’altro, il diverso, ed è la chiave ad una sensibilizzazione umano di un individuo per ottenere una migliore convivenza nella diversità culturale e religioso. Capire la religione come precondizione per un dialogo morale è quindi di fronte alla categoria del genere, che è una condizione sine qua non fonte di questo dialogo morale. Parole chiave: Dea, l’uguaglianza di genere, il dialogo interreligioso, il dialogo morale 418 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 INTRODUCTION With the use of the methodology of hermeneutic key of Chrstian feminist theology, the article draws attention to the importance of the transformation of sexist, male-cen- tred image (monotheistic: Jewish, Christian and Islamic − with a focus on Christianity) of God, which is strongly imprinted in the collective memory of Western humanity. The main target would be to hihglight the importance of positive recognition of femininity and consequentlly of the other in religious and seculare sphere through the paradigm of the hidden code of the Goddess. Althought the paper is focussed on the urge to recognize the equal importance of women and the feminine in the religious sphere to consequentlly acchieve greater gender equality and real acceptance of the other, the different; this other is ment in a broader sense. It involves genders in plural and opens the fl oor for new imaginations of wholeness and new embodiments of justice.1 The present paper emerg- es from the progressive view that the roles of men and women have mainly been shaped by infl uences arising from history, culture and society, and that they therefore change as society itself changes. The modern progressive conception and understanding of the gender order is certainly quite signifi cantly related to the socio-cultural paradigm of power and power distribution. Through the ethics of equal recognition of femininity and equality (parity) of genders in the religious fi eld, the article consequently examines the issue of the importance of active, sincere interreligious dialogue that recognizes and breaks negative stereotypes and prejudices, and raises the level of tolerance, respect and strengthens mutual understanding both in the everyday life of individuals of different religions and spirituality as well as on the hierarchical institutional religious level. Emphasis shall primarily be put on the ethics of inter- dependence between theological ecofeminism and the function of empowerment through the input of gender equality in the fi eld of spirituality and religion. The latter can be seen as a necessary, ensuing step in the evolution of inter-personal, inter-religious relations. The main thesis is that the inclusion of female prin- ciple2 shall be understood as a sine qua non condition of moral dialogue of every religion in the context of cul- tivating sensibility and acceptance of another, different, and the ethics of non-violence. The contemplation on the true meaning of bringing a positive gender difference and equal acknowledgement of femininity and the others to the religious sphere and to interreligious dialogue can be opened by a symbolic narrative about Abba Macarius or Macarius the Great from Egypt, a Coptic hermit, an ascetic who lived in the 4th century A.D. Abba Macarius or St. Macarius of Egypt tells a story of the time when he was walking across dessert and came across a human skull restin in the sand. When St. Macarius poked the skull with a stick and the skull spoke. Macarius asked the skull: “Who are you?” The skull responded: “I was a high priest serving the pagans who had remained in this area. You are Macarius the spirit-bringing. Every time you show your compassion to the damned and pray for them, they feel some consolation”. The Macarius asked him: “What sort of consolation is this and how is hell?” The skull answered: “The fi re under us is great as the distance between the sky and the earth; we stay in the middle of the fi re from our feet to our head. And it is impossible to see each other face to face, because everybody is tied back to back to the other. Whenever you pray for us, we can partially see the face of the other. This is the consolation” (Apophthegmata Sancti Macarii Aegyptii 38, PG 34:257, C-258A). The dialogue between St. Macarius and the skull can be interpreted as a metaphor for a human’s relationship towards others or towards something different. Keeping in mind Plato’s tragic assertion that a human being is a wolf to another human being or Jean Paul Sartre’s idea that hell is other people3 then we see that the metaphor between St. Macarius and the skull on the contrary expresses the ethics of mutual interdependence and the key ethical imperative on the existence of the fundamental con- science or the belief that a human being is the most fun- damental category of humanity: it is the absence not the presence that causes pain and suffering, the absence of others, of different, the absence of both communication and relationships. The sexist, norminative role of man’s domination over women’s subordination, of one gender over other genders could be understood as human being 1 It also opens the fl oor for the disabeld God, described by Nancy L. Eisland (1994). 2 Femininity (feminine principle) and masculinity (masculine principle) are defi ned here as personality traits and are understood as been mainly shaped by infl uences arising from history, culture and society, and therefore they change as society itself changes. Although none of the listed personality components is exclusively characteristic of one gender, the masculine forms are more typical of men and the feminine forms of women. Nevertheless, gender stereotypes about masculine and feminine personality traits are still very much present in the everyday world. Personality traits more characteristically masculine can in terms of contents be denoted as agency traits or traits referring to action and thus be related to power. The agency dimension comprises controlling tendencies (e.g., aggressiveness, ambition, dominance, effi ciency, leadership behaviour) and independence from other people (independence, self-reliance, self-suffi ciency, indi- vidualism). Some additional agency attributes refer to personal effi ciency (e.g., self-confi dence, feeling of superiority, decisiveness) and aspects of personal style (e.g., straightforwardness, adventurousness, perseverance). Personality traits more characteristically feminine can be in terms of contents to which they refer defi ned as communions. The communion dimension primarily refers to the concern for the well-being of others (devotion, complete dedication to others, desire to appease, willingness to help, kindness, compassion, love of children). Some of the typically feminine traits refer to personal sensitivity and emotional expressivity as well as aspects of personal style (e.g., tender, soft-spoken). 3 The renowned sentence from the existentialist play Behind Closed Door (Hius colos). 419 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 is a wolf to another human being, and the hell described by Sartre. Male-centred Theology and Loss of Compassion The concept of male-centred theology comprises the theology which builds on the principle of exclusion rath- er than inclusion and is based on the mental paradigm of lord vs. servant and most of its theology derives from the logic of domination and superiority of the chosen elite, which is, in all respects, set as the norm: a male, white race, Western culture, one religion (Christianity) over another, a human over nature ... Despite gradual raising of awareness in the light of gender equality and the call for the transformation of the relationship between a hu- man and nature, the male-centred theology of the Roman Catholic Church and other Christian churches in its core remains centered around the norm of masculinity. Each “one-way” theology which builds and operates accord- ing to the principle of exclusion of one at the expense of another consequently brings a loss of compassion and sensibility to another. Nevertheless, the theology of male-centred characteristics in its core is deprived of the power of femininity, which is characteristically cable of transmitting life, is open and oriented to another. The logic of domination follows the logic of possession. The- ology based on the discriminatory principle of male-cen- tred hierarchical supremacy of the masculinity of God as the almighty lord who has subjugated all human and non-human beings, women and nature, is the theology of violence that helps to create and expand relations of domination and violence. From the perspective of Chris- tian feminist theology, a negative stereotype of a woman as a passive listener and an obedient maid versus a patriarchal image of domineering Christian God as three persons in one God that is distant and dominant towards man and nature, such stereotype is a still very much root- ed prejudice within the collective memory of Western human, despite the attempts of awareness regarding gen- der equality. The tendency for (pre)dominance which is visible in kiriarchal and patriarchal hierarchical structure of Christian Churches (especially Roman Catholic) which omits the voice of women and which represents the majority stake of the Christian communion’s faithful po- tential, is strongly associated with the negative stereotype of human exploitative, unsympathetic dominance at the expense of nature.4 This is the central thesis of theological ecofeminism (Furlan Štante, 2014). The truth is that the voice of women was consider- ably silenced throughout history due to marginalization and fringe position in the society that they were deter- mined to in Christianity and its hierarchical system, so is the conceptualization of nature stigmatized with a similar character of inferiority by the patriarchal system. Similarly, as Christianity treated women as scapegoats mainly because of the fear of their power and authority (Furlan, 2006, 65), so has, hand in hand, strengthened the domination of man over nature. Women were frequently pushed out from the “order- ly” social world of decision-making also referring to the prejudice of their “wild nature”, which has become both the major obstacle and an excuse for men to “expulsion” of women from the fi eld of decision-making and public social life. Therefore, their position in society became marginal and limited to their basic function, which is solely the service of providing procreation, thus, giving birth to offspring (Furlan, 2006, 67). The argument that a woman is closer to nature5 just because of her ability of precreation has frequently been used as a bias on which the strength of patriarchal power was built, women and nature were consequently stigmatized with instrumen- tality and inferiority. A number of feminists (Rosemary Radford Ruether, 2005; Mary Daly, 1985; Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, 1990 ...) criticize Christianity that it supported and expanded “the ideology of male superiority” instead of promoting the tendency for equivalence and gender equality. Reference is made to the fact that the Church has in recent times played the (most) important role in creating and maintaining cultural and social patterns of everyday life, that it was the institutional bearer of religious discerning of the worldly life and, as such, constitutes an inseparable component in the formula- tion of confi dence in the existing regulation of human relationships and the understanding of the relationship between human and nature. 4 The concept of nature in this paper defi nes human and non-human beings or, in other words, vital life energy that the ancient Greeks conceived of as zoe, which simply means a fact of life, common to all living beings. Thus, zoe also generally refers to the existence of a living being, while bios means to live life in a certain mental manner, thereby, bios is, consequently, a moral deed (Tratnik, 2010, 104–105). 5 Some ecofeminists acknowledge that there is some truth to the ideology of women being closer to nature, but recognise in it traces of a skewed and distorted belief pushed by a patriarchy which wants to dominate women as well as nature and sets both in an inferior position. It is this very ideology that, according to them, remains fi rmly rooted in the essential truth claiming that women are more in har- mony with nature, more in tune with their own bodies by virtue of their probity and their ability to bear life. From the pagan ecofeminist viewpoint, women are more in harmony with nature and should therefore strive for a life in tune with nature and Earth, for establishing new environmental ethics and ecological spirituality, and for asserting active ecological life practices. Still, most ecofeminists reject or oppose the hypothesis of women being more connected with nature due to their ability to give birth and engage in motherhood. They understand the concept of affi nity between woman and the natural environment as a social construct naturalising women and feminis- ing nature with the purpose of making them look more similar or cognate. At the same time, owing to the social determination of their position in the fi eld of physical and material support of society, women are more exposed to the exploitation of nature and more aware of it (Furlan Štante, 2014, 109–111). 420 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 Just as “the sexual domination and subordination of women was maintained from generation to generation in a way that it was understood as something obvious and natural and at the same time explained and justifi ed as the only moral” (Jogan, 1990, 36), so was maintained also the seal of domination of man over nature. Dom- ination over women and nature is (was) justifi ed at the expense of the references to the particular passages from the biblical texts, which are (were) exempt from the con- text and interpreted in the context of the agenda, which was more relevant to the ethos of the particular time. 6 This requires the transformation of the mental paradigms and change in the overall consciousness of an individual and, consequently, the entire collective memory of Western society, not only in terminology but also in the paradigm. Therefore, there is a change in consciousness, the consciousness of talking about a female image of the God as a Goddess, which brings a liberation of the entire mankind from under the shackles of one-way entrapments within the discriminatory prac- tice of Christianity. The vital part is the change that we can worship the Christian God as a Goddess, and doing so we do not fall into excommunication or heresy. It is important to be aware that we can only speak about God and God’s revelation in human language, which is coloured and limited by time and culture in which it develops. In a patriarchal culture where the men are expected to possess the strength, authority and power, God, who is attributed all these properties, can only be a man. Or in the words of feminist criticist Mary Daly: “If God is male, then male is God” (Daly, 1973, 19). This only consolidated the second-class status of women. Increasingly, more Christian feminist theolo- gians became aware of the fact that God the Father is the most frequent appellation for the divine, and con- sequently, that the entire structure of the divine-human and human-human relationships is understood in a patriarchal framework (McFague, 1982, 8). Elizabeth Johnson, for instance, in her criticism of the outmoded language about God, which she defi nes as oppressive and religiously idolatrous (Johnson, 1994, 36), develops an approach which establishes tension concerning the secret of God and the promise of human and cosmic liberation: Only if the full reality of women as well as men enters into the symbolisation of God along with symbols from the natural world, can the idolatrous fi xation on one image be broken and the truth of the mystery of God, in tandem with the liberation of all human beings and the whole earth, emerge for our time (Johnson, 1994, 86). Theological tradition had, on the one side, empha- sised the analogical God/Goddess talk, thus showing that it was aware of the limits of the human language. But on the other side, it underestimated the power of symbolic God/Goddess-talk. Feminist theologians found the answer in symbolic language, the power of which was ignored by tradition. The problem of a patriar- chal-tinted language is an area emerging in connection with the question of feminist hermeneutics and the issue of a feminist image of God. Rosemary Radford Ruether carries on the thought of what needs to be done. She looks for an answer in new sources of religiosity in the sense of rediscovering the lost popular religiosity of women. Ruether rejects the androgyny model with which some feminists, following the trail of Gnosticism, would like to solve the problem. She prefers to talk about a process of double conversion. At the end she writes that humanity can only achieve reconciliation with God if the latter stops being a male God and instead becomes the basis of reciprocity in all creation. The death of God the Father would then destroy the alienated images of male selfi shness in the sky, which sacralise any domination and servitude in the world (Radford Ruether, 1983, 58). Namely, theological tradition has highlighted the analogue language about God and, thus, showed that it recognizes the limitations of human language. There- fore, to take the image of one gender and exclusively through this image and its social features describe God is a completely incorrect and unwise act. In society, a mutual interaction between the patriarchal image of God and the display of male power is consequently refl ected. The theological tradition, on the other side, completely underestimated the power of symbolic talk about God. Patriarchalising the image of God therefore becomes and remains a challenge of modern times, while women view this challenge differently. If the im- age of God is only emphasized by one gender and if this gender becomes the leading group for the whole society, then God shall also obtain the seal of masculinity. The consequence being that a woman can only be imago Dei, the image of God through a man and can only enter into dialogue with God through a man. Feminist theolo- gians are well aware of this, and in their search for the image of God they bear in mind St. Augustine’s warning Deus semper maior – God is always greater than human attempts at understanding. At this point, a rhetorical question can be asked, the same question that was symbolically raised by a fem- inist theologian and a psychologist of religion Naomi R. Goldenberg (1979, 37): What happens if the father images of God become extinct across Western culture? 6 Regarding the question of gender hierarchy in the Bible we see that ambiguity and duality of traditions can be found throughout biblical texts. Two views are in fact present both in the texts of the Old and the New Testament: the patriarchal and the equal. In the past, the Church often chose patriarchal biblical texts and, through them, established and maintained patriarchy, while neglecting the texts that testifi ed on gender equality (Furlan, 2006, 70). 421 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 What happens if the masculine image of God in West- ern culture dies out, disappears – just as the images of Paleolithic goddesses almost disappeared? Would this consequently bring the disappearance of violence? Nevertheless, the context of the tendency towards a paradigmatic transformation in relation to femininity of the images of God / Goddess is implicitly oriented to questioning, re-defi ning and re-evaluating the relation- ship between humanity and Earth as a self-regulatory living organism (Lovelock, 1991), or nature. Lovelock‘s hypothesis on Gaia the Goddess signifi cantly infl uenced the Christian theological ecofeminism in addition to its impact on the female component of the neo-pagan forms of new-age spirituality. The call to the Goddess has consequently developed the formation and strength- ening of feminine forms of spirituality, has started to receive and create its visibility both within traditional religions as well as in new-age matriarchal religions (neo-paganism, wicca, geomancy, the movement of the Goddess ...) In an aspiration to revive femininity of God, the Goddess was symbolically labelled as Her since the purpose of the title, in addition to the descriptive and denoting character, contains the character of appeal. The Goddess thus evokes all the symbolic ideas, values and frameworks that are attributed to femininity, wom- anliness. Feminine eco-theology in its fundation brings the ethics of ecological egalitarity based on the theology of peace and non-violence. Instead of patrairchal andro- centrism and matriarchal utopianism, cosmic ecological egalitarity is placed in the focal position. Unlike andro- centric patriarchal theology, which in turn expands the relations of domination and exclusion, ecofeminist the- ology that focuses around cosmic organic egalitarity, is the theology of non-violence, peace and hospitality. As such, it calls on all insitiutionalized religions and spiri- tual practices to replace the discriminatory paradigm of masculinity of the image of God and the consequent re- lations which are based on the logic of domination and the theology of searching for “scapegoats” with the logic of hospitality and the inclusive theology of non-violence and peace. The transformation of traditional, patriarchal and androcentric, exclusive Western (Christian) tradi- tion which strengthens such relationships of domination and, consequently, establishes spirituality and the “scapegoat” theology and is thus a key to maintaining ethical consciousness of non-violence and hospitality (Furlan Štante, 2014, 90−92). Religious symbols, such as the image of God or Goddess, are not only models of divine reality, but they also formulate the models of human life and relationships. Namely, religious symbols give a tone to an individual culture, as they direct and dictate what is right, what is real and important or they even dictate how people should live. Also, along with the rituals, they have a strong infl uence both on human psychological responses as well as on deep internal- ized emotions and values based on which we accept or reject certain things that are evaluated as good or bad. The community and the society are integrally linked through and with the symbols. According to the Chris- tian theologian Gordon Kaufman, the recognition that religious symbols signifi cantly co-shape and regulate our understanding of reality leads to over-question- ing and a critical assessment of the compatibility of the dominant, traditional symbols with the current, ethical needs. If a discrepancy or a failure of these is discovered, we need to be, as Kaufman says, ready to consider the suitability of use of the respective symbols (Kaufman, 1995, 28). In this respect, it is necessary to assess the adequacy of the respective religious symbols regarding their ability to strengthen the maintenance and cultivation of life on the planet and their impact Figure 1: Gaia: Primordial deity of the Earth (Source: Wikipedia) 422 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 on raising and strengthening the human sense and sensibility for the other and for nature. It is, therefore, necessary to critically analyse the existing religious symbols in the light of their (non)-com- pliance with respect to the strengthening of the human ethics and ethical challenges of modern times. Through analytical, intellectual approach a critical judgment re- garding the appropriateness of certain religious symbols is possible, however, mere common sense is not enough to establish new symbols. Or, according to Paul Tillich: “Symbols cannot be created intentionally”, since they “emerge from the individual’s and collective uncon- scious and cannot be rooted without being adopted and approved by the dimensions of the unconscious in man” (Tillich, 1957, 43). According to the process theologist Carol P. Christ, we live in the time of profound transformations of the symbol of religious image of God as the Mother, the Goddess (Christ, 1997, 49). It could be said that we live at a time when a critical mass has been reached, where a symbol of the patriarchal image of God is no longer relevant and is on the way of search and experimenta- tion with new images of the Goddess. THE MEMORY OF THE GODDESS In addition to the Cartesian dualistic paradigm that consequently left in Western culture a strong mark of hi- erarchical binarisms, a male-centred theology (especial- ly) of three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) which is favoured and enacted ensured the oblivion of the cult of the Goddess ... “At the very beginning, people prayed to the female Creator of life ... At the dawn of religion, God was a woman. Do you remember? ” (Stone, 1976, 1). Those mythological words by Merlin Stone encouraged many seekers, both male and female, to refl ect on the image of God in patriarchal legacy of Western culture. One of them is defi nitely an archaeologist and a cultural historian Marija Gimbutas and her archaeomythology7 with the hypothesis that the “neolithic Europe” or “old Europe” worshiped the Great Goddess that combined one power (which was not divided into good and bad) and, which would connect all into oneness (Gimbutas, 1999, 17). She certainly left a major impact on the Goddess Movement, both on neopagan feminism and Christian feminist theologians, even though the latter are considerably critical of the above stated thesis (Radford Ruether, 2005, 21). The Goddess was supposed to be the original deity of human (pre) historical reality and only relatively late, at the end of the Neolithic period, was supposedly pushed aside by male religious symbolic fi gures. The latter was supposed to be associated with spiritual and historical turning point that meant a change in cultural scheme and that happened at that time. The religion of the Great Goddess was supposedly practiced as long as the ancient societies kept the matriarchal social order. However, matriarchal order did not signify the social dominance of women in terms of analogies with the modern patriarchy, which would result in relations of power. On contrary, it meant the cultural predominance of female values and principles that was refl ected as a state of peace, harmony, social and religious equality, closeness to nature ... Matriarchal civilization is, as idealized, described as a kind of “the golden age of humanity” when love represented the main principle of regulating relations among people and between man and nature. This matriarchal period was supposed to end with the arrival of Semitic and Indo-European peo- ples who destroyed the Civilization of the Goddess, and thus, when male deities were placed on the top of the pantheon, with the attributes of aggression, warfare and domination, and Patriarchate was legalised. Together with this, patriarchal values dominated, such as aggres- sion, violence, and imperialistic possession, domination of men over women, of human over nature, of one reli- gion over another ... Such patriarchal values supposedly helped in maintaining monotheistic religions. (Radford Ruether, 2006, 274–275). The latter theory is supported by Carol P. Christ, in Rebirth of the Goddess (1997), who does not blame the bible for the transition from matriarchal to patriarchal social order and, more specifi cally, for the end of the period of the Great Goddess and the beginning of patriarchal God, however, she sees the reason for the transformation of the values oft he Goddess into the values of warfare and Mediterranean military coloured pantheon, saying: „If we need to fi nd the main culprit for the eradication and the serfdom of the Goddess in the Western world, then it is certainly the responsibility of the Christian rulers whose edicts commanded the deletion of all so-called “pagan religions” (Christ, 1997, 47). Ecofeminist Christian theologies thus seek to revive the lost images and the symbol of understanding the universe as the body of God (Rosemary Radford Ruether, Sallie McFague). This used to be a typical metaphor (present in various forms) and the focal image of the sensibility of the western (Mediterranean) world, but was replaced by a mechanistic worldview model in the 17th century (Carol Merchant and Vandana Shiva). CREATION OF NEW COSMOLOGY OF COMPASSION AND RETURN OF THE GODDESS Carol P. Christ asks in Rebirth of the Goddess (1997): “Why women need the Goddess?” The answer 7 Marija Gimbutas developed a discipline she called archaeomythology, in which she combined different elements of archaeology, history, comparative linguistics, mythology, folkloristics etc. 423 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 to this is found mainly in the meaning of the em- powerment of women, which is, in turn, enabled by feminine personifi cation of the Goddess. With this, the fundamental value and the importance of the so-called “return of the Goddess” is recognized, as this is one of the biggest surprises of the 20th century. Feminine personifi cation of the Goddess thus brings the image of feminine power and deep integration of all beings in the network of life, as well as the call to creating peace on Earth. It brings the inspiration of hope of healing the deep discrepancies between men and women, between man and nature, between God and the world, which have helped in shaping the perception of life of the Western man (Christ, 1997, xiii). The cosmology of the “Goddess, who is back” is understood as the power of embodied love and wisdom that is the foundation of all beings. The Earth is therefore the body of the God- dess. All beings are interconnected and interdependent in the network of life. Nature is alive, conscious and wise. With the help of process theology, Carol P. Christ defi nes the understanding of the Goddess as panentheistic (all lies in God/Goddess), as the one that extends beyond the polarities of immanence and tran- scendence, beyond pantheism (all is God) and beyond theism (God is above all). The power of the Goddess is neither omnipotent nor omniscient, as is the case with the theistic God and his alleged transcendental characteristics which is supposed to be over nature and over history. The power of the Goddess through the eyes of process theology, as Christ arguments, is the limited power that works within a limited and change- able world. For herself, therefore, she cannot transform the crises affl icting the world, historical injustices, en- vironmental, ecological destruction, pollution, threats of nuclear disaster ... without the cooperation of the perpetrators and those who are affected with it. Her power is not a compulsory one, but is interdependent − the Goddess is interdependent with us and we are interdependent with her. Her strength is real and our strength becomes bigger and stronger if we cooperate with her (Christ, 1997, 104−107). We can say that the awareness of the ecological crisis and symbolically put “the call of the Goddess”8 are interconnected and interdependent phenomena. A signifi cant impact on environmental awareness and the growth of femininity in the religious fi eld is certainly to be recognized to the new-age movement. In the sixties of the 20th century, namely in the religious sphere, New Age Movements arose, environmental movements and politics, as well as some kind of mixture of both: environmental movements with the ideology of New Age. The “call to nature” expressed dissatisfaction and a general doubt regarding the appropriateness and ethics of the apathetic modern, technocratic, mechanistic society. The emergence and development of New Age movements is inseparably linked with the emergence of the so-called “subjective turn”, which is understood as a turn to oneself, to the individual’s unique experiences with the world (Črnič and Lesjak, 2012). In this ideological context, the idea of the Earth as a living being or a holistic ecosystem (Gaja) appeared. The impact of the latter can be found both inside different 8 “The Call of the Goddess” in this paper is understood as a symbolic and metaphorical designation for the need for transformation of the mental paradigm of the Western world in terms of feminisation and ethication of the world that makes the world humane and, through a process consistent humanization which builds on the ethics of the intrinsic value of an individual and nature, strives for a change in values. Figure 2: One version of the Spiral Goddess symbol of modern neopaganism (Source: Wikipedia) 424 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 new-age religions as well as within traditional religions and religious feminisms. In a fi eld where new-age and female spirituality meet, as stated by Tina Ban (2007, 151) who recaps Rosemary Radford Ruether, several spiritual movements appeared, each trying to create a new spiritual, cultural and social balance between female and male. One of the most important among them is the Goddesss Movement which occurred in the seventies of the 20th century in North America and in Western Europe. This movement specifi cally discusses the form of discrimination that has been generated by different religious theologies. It also points to the broader ideological infl uence that dominated not only religion but also the wider culture for thousands of years. It criticizes specifi cally the tradi- tional monotheistic theologies that use the male gender as something self-explanatory when interpreting their deities. As recalled by the Goddess Movement, this kind of thinking about the divine is culturally conditioned, and only indirectly touches upon God itself – only as far as a man seeks a contact with God through this pattern and, thus, establishes an intercourse. Therefore, there should be no reason why not putting this pattern into question again and again, and, in the name of gender equality, appropriately changing and repairing it. The patriarchal theology was proposed to be changed with a unique female “theology” based on female perception of the sacred, and a male God should therefore be sym- bolically replaced by a female Deity, i.e. the Goddess that would represent female religious ideas, values and experience. The movement of the Goddess is actually one of the forms of modern paganism9 which rejects any dogmatic defi nition and has no precisely defi nedconcept of the Goddess, the Goddess can be legitimately interpreted in a monotheistic, polytheistic, pantheistic or panen- theistic way. The most prominent representatives of neo-paganism are certainly wiccanist, psychotherapist and environmental activist Starhawk (Miriam Simos) and Carol P. Christ. Both have contributed signifi cantly to the development of the Goddess movement and to identifying and discovering pre-Christian images and worshiping female characters of the Goddess. The latter is the subject of research and analysis of numerous Christian feminist theologians (Rosemary Radford Ru- ether, Anne Primavesi etc.).10 Creation of a new cosmology of compassion, which could in our context be called eco-cosmology through the women’s perspective, is confronted with the presence of many prejudices and negative gender stereotypes, which hinder and inhibit the change towards which we strive. The seemingly simple change and transformation of patriarchal Christian cosmology, which has placed in its focal point the patriarchal fi gure of the male God, the (Christian) eco-cosmology of compassion, with a symbolic conception of God as a woman, the Goddess, is anything but simple. In the process of transformation, the integration of the female element in theological language and the image of God/Goddess is facing many fears and legalised historical images from the past. Patriarchal theological language, the defi nition and the depiction of God as exclusively male is a strong heritage of our collective memory. The fi ndings and the presence of Christian feminist theology, the movement of the Goddess (Goddess Move- ment), the revival of the lost folk religiosity of women and women’s pagan cults, thealogy and the movement of women’s spirituality are crucial both for the reconstruc- tion of the past from the perspective of female perspective as well as in the process of transformation of collective memory and the current media of the religion. As an alternative to patriarchal comprehension, women’s spirituality movements – inspired by various esoteric, mystical, but mostly pagan traditions – formed a completely different concept of the sacred, which is supposed to be close to a female nature. They believed that in women’s perception the sacred is not transcendent and separate from the world, but immanently integrated in it and as such omnipresent. Since God / Goddess is ubiquitous, in nature, in the body and in the human psyche, he is also accessible and can be experienced in the earthly world and in earthly life. His sanctity can 9 Modern paganism (neopaganism) is an umbrella term to denote a plurality of extremely heterogeneous groups of diverse origin and ac- tivities, different practices and traditions which have in common the fact that they understand nature as something sacred and alive, that they take inspiration from the pagan religions of the past. Usually, they are polytheistic, pantheistic and / or duotheistic conceptualisa- tions of God which include in their pantheon both male and female deities. As defi ned by the religiologist Aleš Črnič, with the concept of Neopaganism we usually denote the contemporary interpretations and revitalizations of pre-Christian religions, for example, modern witchcraft, druidism, neoshamanism ... (Črnič, 2012, 86). 10 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza pointed out that the Goddess of radical feminist spirituality is not so very different from the God whom Jesus preached and whom he called care, peace, service, and community. By her opinion the traditions about the Goddess and those of the New Testament are confl ated in the Catholic community’s cult of Mary. The more the Christian understanding of God was patriarchalized – the more God became the majestic ruler and the stern judge, the more people turned to the fi gure and cult of Mary. One could almost say that through the dynamics of this development of the gradual patriarchalization of the God image, Mary became the other face, the Christin face, of God. All the New Testament images and attributes which characterize God as loving, life giving, compassionate and caring, as being with people of God are now transferred to the mother of God, who is accessible as was the nonpatriarchal God whom Jesus preached. The cult of Mary thus grew in proportion to the gradual repatriarhalization of the Christian God and of Jesus Christ. The Catholic tradition gives us thus the opportunity to experience the divine reality in the fi gure of a woman. The Catholic cult of Mary also provides us with a tradition of female language and imagery to speak of the divine, so with the theological language which speaks of the divine reality in female terms and symbols. This tradition encompasses the myth and symbols of the Goddess religion and demonstrates that female language and symbols have a transparency towards God (Schüssler Fiorenza, 1979, 137−139). 425 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 be found anywhere, in oneself, in the other, or in nature (Bednarowski, 1992, 167–168). The female perception of the world is said to have been neglected not only in traditional religions, but also in Cartesian science, which totally de-sacralised the world in which people live. Science views the world as something unconsecrated, something that consists of unconnected pieces which can be manipulated at will without any consequence for the whole. The prevalence of this perception has supposedly turned us into uncon- nected individuals who approach fellow humans and nature manipulatively. If we perceived the world in the female way, as integral and connected, and ourselves as an inseparable part of the world, we would try to take better care of it and of anyone living in it, asserts female spirituality. Such a vision would help modern people overcome their fears of living alone in an inanimate en- vironment, of living a life that from the cosmic perspec- tive makes no sense. As women’s spirituality movements point out, the absence of the female principle in human awareness has much more complex consequences than just those concerning women and their rights. The disregard for female qualities, such as the ability of synthetic thinking, establishing connections, integration and compromise, actually affects the whole society. It is refl ected by numerous social problems, discrimination, military confl icts and ecological problems, state wom- en’s spirituality movements, which are usually quick to link their theological rhetoric to political topics. The movements dealing with the women’s spirituality or any of its branches – new paganism, spiritual ecology, thealogy, etc. – usually proceed from the premise that the social and cultural balance between the male and female principles is ruined, and ascribe responsibility for this to the patriarchal system, which has prevailed in most human societies for the last few thousand years. They see their mission as the formation of a new col- lective awareness that should be able to recognise the problem of discrimination of the female principle and the urgency to establish a new cultural system enabling a balanced co-existence of the two genders and the two cosmic principles. As various authors have ascertained, such movements have been strongly infl uenced by certain feminist ideas, above all the ideas of the second wave of feminist movements (Bednarowski, 1992; Rad- ford Ruether, 2006). For this reason, women wanted to create circum- stances in which they could satisfy to the full their fe- male religious needs, express their religious imagination and fulfi l the female religious potential. For this purpose, they formed various women’s spirituality movements, which quickly intertwined with New Age beliefs. Aspirations for “the call of the Goddess” are there- fore the tendencies for re-revival of cosmology of peace, harmony, equality and integration of all living creatures in the network of life. And besides being the ideal of Christian feminist theologians and ecofeminists Rose- mary Radford Ruether, Ivone Gebara, Anne Primavesi, Sallie McFague etc., this desire is actually the ideal of the holistic view of the world and many new-age femi- nist movements. CONCLUSION The time in which we live forces us to undertake fundamental refl ections and transformations of the sediments of the negative prejudice and discriminatory practices of “the written and unwritten moral codes” in (monotheistic) religions. Religions should per se be ethical and moral. The pursuance and the recognition of gender equality and equal recognition of the voice of women and the feminine mode of operation need to become the foundation and the criterion of ethics as well as the written and unwritten rule of the moral codes in the contemporary (monotheistic) religions. In this context, the understanding of religion as a herald of ethics and morality in the sense of responsibility of religious communities for the common good, needs to be subject to the principle of equal recognition of the female principle as a sine qua non condition of moral dialogue. It is spirituality and religion which build up on the basis of equivalent recognition of both female and male principles as well as the intrinsic value of genders that is (can be) the foundation for peaceful, dialogical, inclusive, intercultural and inter-religious dialogue and harmony. Intersubjectivity, which exceeds the dialectic of master − servant relationship, is the starting point and the foundation for inter-cultural, inter-religious di- alogue, agreement and coexistence. Theology/thealogy that returns a proportion of femininity to the relation with the Divine, with the face of the Goddess, is the theology of sensuality, compassion and peace. From the perspective of male-centred theology, the latter may seem like an unattainable, illusory ideal, however, a step towards this is absolutely necessary, even more so since we are, among other reasons, forced to do so due to the current challenges of the refugee crisis, which puts an individual in fron to the mirror of (in) humanity in the form of social paranoia11 and fear of the the others, the different. With the means of negative sterotypes we “actually mirror our own images onto the hated Other” (Vezjak, 2015, 1). By doing so we agree with what is in psychoanalysis known as a mechanism of projection: 11 Although it is surprising how rarely it is mentioned, paranoia is becoming an ever more realistic and stronger psycho-political state of Europe. The refugee crisis with its endless troops of weary men, women and children on their way to a happier future has brought the disappearance of self-evident acts in the perception of the European Union, its identity has been put under question and, for example, the meaning of the Schengen border. It has not produced only the feelings of empathy and solidarity, it also opened the door to the negative psychology of the masses, which cannot be stopped by any borders or barbed wire (Vezjak, 2015, 1). 426 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 Ever more aggresively the false beliefs, religious and other prejudices, stereotyping and hatred are entering the minds of people, which leads to the fi rst confl icts and incidents of violence across Eu- ropean cities. To what extent the different forms of intolerance, often in the form of Islamophobic feelings fl ow into a unifying fear which sees the Islamic world and the incoming refugees as an enemy, and thus results in a permanent suspici- ous mentality that grows into what Richard Hof- stadter once called “the paranoid style”? (Vezjak, 2015, 1). Lack of an empowered, solid identity, lack of com- passion and empathy, and failure to accept the others and the different without prejudice and negative stereo- typing in the light of his/her humanity and full of benev- olence consequently leads to intolerance, hatred, fear and fundamentalism. In this context, the hermeneutic key to equivalent acceptance of femininity in the fi eld of the religious and the spiritual, is the ethical maxim which should become a sine qua non condition of the moral code in accepting the other, the different, and is the key to a humane sensitization of an individual man or woman in order to achieve a better coexistence in a cultural and religious diversity. 427 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 SKRITI KODEKS BOGINJE – NENAPISANA PRAVILA IN KRITIKA NASILNE TEOLOGIJE Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE Znanstveno raziskovalno središče Koper, Inštitut za fi lozofske študije, Garibaldijeva 1, 6000 Koper e-mail: nadja.furlan@zrs-kp.si POVZETEK Prispevek s pomočjo metodolgije hermenevtičnega ključa krščanske feministične teologije opozori na pomen preobrazbe seksistične, moško-središčne podobe (monoteističnega: judovskega, krščanskega in islamskega – s poudarkom na krščanstvu) Boga, ki je močno vtisnjena v kolektivnem spominu zahodnega človeka. Pod pojmom moškosrediščna teologija je razumljena teologija, ki gradi na principu izključevanja namesto vključevanja, ki temelji na miselni paradigmi gospodar : hlapec in večino svoje teologije izpeljuje iz logike gospostva in večvrednosti izbrane elite, ki jo v vseh ozirih postavlja kot normo: moškega, belo raso, zahodno kulturo, eno religijo (krščanstva) nad drugo, človeka nad naravo... Kljub postopnemu ozaveščanju v luči enakosti spolov ter klica po transformaciji odnosa človeka do narave, moškosrediščna teologija Rimokatoliške cerkve in tudi ostalih krščanskih cerkva, v jedru še vedno ostaja osredinjena na normo moškosti. Za to je potrebna transformacija miselne paradigme in sprememba celotne zavesti posameznika in posledično celotnega kolektivnega spomina zahodne družbe. Ne zgolj terminološko ampak tudi paradigmatsko. Inkluzivnost enakovrednega pripoznanja spolov je tako razumljena kot pogoj sine qua non moralnega dialoga sleherne religije v kontekstu kultiviranja senzibilnosti in sprejemanja drugega, drugačnega ter etike nenasilja. Prispevek preko etike enakovredne pripoznanosti femininosti in enakosti spolov na religijskem polju, v okviru vprašanja konceptualiziranja podobe Boga/Boginje, posledično razvija vprašanje pomembnosti aktivnega, iskrenega medverskega dialoga, ki prepoznava in razbija negativne stereotipne predstave in predsodke ter dviguje raven strpnosti, spoštovanja in krepi medsebojno razumevanje tako v vsakdanjem življenju posameznikov različnih veroizpovedi in duhovnosti kot tudi na hierarhični institucionalni religijski ravni. Ključne besede: Boginja, enakost spolov, medreligijski dialog, moralni dialog 428 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Nadja FURLAN ŠTANTE: SECRET CODE OF GODDESS – UNWRITTEN REGULATIONS AND THE CRITIQUE OF VIOLENT THEOLOGY, 417–428 BIBLIOGRAPHY Apophthegmata Sancti Macarii Aegyptii 38, PG 34:257, C-258A. Ban, T. (2007): New age in ženska duhovnost. [New Age and women’s spirituality] In: Furlan, N. & A. Zalta (eds.): Ženske in religija. [Women and religion). Poligrafi 45/46, Ljubljana, 145–161. Bednarowski, M. F. (1992): The New Age Movement and Feminist Spirituality. In: Lewis, J. & J. Gordon Melton (eds.): Perspectives of the new age. Albany, State University of New York Press, 167–179. Christ, C. P. (1997): Rebirth of the Goddess, Finding meaning in feminist spirituality. London, New York, Routledge. Črnič, A. (2012): Na vodnarjevem valu. Bog s.p. Ljubljana, FDV. Črnič, A., & G. Lesjak (2012): Nove religije v Slo- veniji. Religija.info. http://www.religije.info/NoveReligi- je (10. 3. 2012). Daly, M. (1973): Beyond God the Father. Toward a Philosophy of Women’s Liberation. Boston, Beacon Pres. Daly, M. (1985): The Church and the Second Sex. Boston, Beacon Press. Gimbutas, M. (1999): The living Goddess. Berkeley, University of California. Goldenberg, N. (1979): Changing of the Gods. Bos- ton, Beacon Press. Eiesland, L. N. (1994): The Disabeld God: Toward a Liberatory Theology of Disability. Nashville, Abingdon Press. Furlan, N. (2006): Manjkajoče rebro. Ženska, religi- ja in spolni stereotipi. [Missing rib. Women, religion and gender stereotypes] Koper, Annales. Furlan Štante, N. (2014): V iskanju Boginje. [In search for Goddess] Koper, Annales. Jogan, M. (1990): Družbena konstrukcija hierarhije med spoloma. Ljubljana, FDV. Johnson, E. (1994): Ich bin, die ich bin. Wenn Frauen Gott sagen. Düsseldorf, Patmos-Verlag. Kaufman, G. D. (1995): In Face of Mystery: A Con- structive Theology. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press. Lovelock, J. (1991): Gaia, The Practical Science of Planetary Medicine. London, Gaia Books. McFague, S. (1982): Metaphorical Theology: Models of God in Religious Language. Philadelphia, Fortress Press. Radford Ruether, R. (1983): Sexism and God-Talk: Toward a Feminist Theology. Boston, Bacon Press. Radford Ruether, R. (2005): Integrating Ecofeminism Globalization and World Religions. New York, Row- man&Littlefi eld Publishers. Radford Ruether, R. (2006): Goddess and the Divine Feminine. Berkeley, University of California Press. Schüssler Fiorenza, E. (1979): Feminist Spirituality, Christian Identity, and Catholic Vision. In: Christ, C. P. & J. Plaskow (eds.): Womanspirit Rising. New York, HarperOne, 136–149. Schüssler Fiorenza, E. (1990): In Memory of Her. New York, Crossroad. Stone, M. (1976): When God was a Woman. New York, Barnes&Noble. Tillich, P. (1957): Dynamics of Faith. New York, Harper Torchbooks. Tratnik, P. (2010): In vitro: živo onstran telesa in umetnosti. (Transars, 1). Ljubljana, Horizonti, zavod za umetnost, kulturo, znanost in izobraževanje. Vezjak, B. (2015): Evropska paranoja in migracijska kriza. Dialogi, 9, 1–3. 429 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.30 received: 2016-04-24 LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ Univerzitet Crne Gore, Filološki fakultet – Nikšić, Danila Bojovića bb, 81 400 Nikšić, Crna Gora e-mail: vesnajan@ac.me IZVLEČEK Tradicionalna zgodba blažene Ozane predstavlja kulturno realnost, a hkrati tudi simbolično sublimacijo temelj- nih vrednot na področju Boke Kotarske. Sodobna bralna perspektiva nam ne le nudi vpogled v specifi ke pesniškega izražanja Kotorskih avtorjev v času baroka, torej času svojega stilskega formiranja, temveč tudi v kulturne dosežke (ne samo literarne) v kontekstu južnoslovanske, mediteranske in evropske literarne dediščine, katerih značilnosti lahko opazujemo z vidika njihove ponovne aktualizacije in potrditve. V tem smislu se kaže potreba po drugačnem pristopu do književnega materiala kot delu nacionalne dediščine, ki ne nosi samo brezčasnih/univerzalnih vrednot, temveč zaradi svojega živega potenciala prispeva tudi k odkritju bogastva pomenov, ki so vključeni v črnogorsko medkulturno in spominsko matrico. Ključne besede: kulturni spomin, identiteta, semantika, kultura, dediščina L’IMMAGINE DELLA BEATA OSANNA COME CODICE DI MEMORIA CULTURALE SINTESI Con la leggenda sulla Beata Osanna è rappresentata tutta una realtà culturale, ma anche una sublimazione sim- bolica dei fondamentali valori culturali dello spazio delle Bocche di Cattaro. La prospettiva teorica contemporanea rende possibile non solo l’esame delle specifi cità dell’espressione poetica dell’area di Cattaro nel Barocco, bensì la contestualizzazione delle opere culturali (non solo letterarie) nell’ambito del patrimonio letterario jugoslavo, mediterraneo, nonché europeo; permettendo l’analisi delle caratteristiche osservate dal punto di vista della loro ritualizzazione e riaffermazione. In questo senso, si articola la necessità di un differente approccio al materiale letterario come costituente del patrimonio nazionale, che non è solo portatore di valori atemporali, bensì contribu- isce, grazie alla sua viva potenzialità, anche alla scoperta della ricchezza di signifi cati incorporati nella matrice di memoria interculturale montenegrina. Parole chiave: memoria culturale, identità, semantica, cultura, patrimonio 430 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 UVOD Književno stvaralaštvo Boke Kotorske je od renesan- se ka baroku teklo dvostruko ucrtanim tokovima – s jedne strane, bilo je svjetovno, prigodno (enkomijastič- ko) i epistolografemsko (pisanje stihovanih poslanica), dok je, sa druge strane, nosilo snažnu teološku i di- daktičku oznaku. Posebnu karakteristiku ovog perioda čini obnova poetske erudicije i pojačano interesovanje za pobožnomoralistička pitanja, kao i za neskriveno propagandne umjetničke teme koju nadahnjuju pouke iz kršćanskog života. Pored ugledanja na italijansku i hrvatsku pjesničku baštinu (posebno najbližu dubrovač- ku), počinju se snažnije ispoljavati i obilježja lokalnog, tipično kotorskog kolorita, koja se prvenstveno odnose na oblikovanje antičke mitološke ostavštine i neomi- tologizacijskih projekcija, kao i na bogatstvo kulturnih slojeva impregniranih u zidine drevnog grada. Sukladno tome, pored dominirajućeg italijanskog jezika, počinju egzistirati i tekstovi oblikovani na živom kotorskom go- vornom idiomu (mada će se njegova temeljnija upotreba osjetiti tek u XVII stoljeću), a koji nose snagu kotorskog mentaliteta i specifi čnu kulturalnomemorijsku oznaku. Takva: Izražajnost hrvatskog idioma i zapadnjačka au- tentičnost njezine kulture upečatljiva je svakomu tko posjeti Boku Kotorsku, njezine crkve, salone vlasteoskih i kapetanskih palača, tko prouči nje- zino graditeljsko, kiparsko, slikarsko i književno blago (Babić, 1997, 317). Neophodno je istaći da književna produkcija Boke Kotorske predstavlja izuzetno bogato područje interliterarnosti i interkulturalnosti, posebno zato što baštini pisce i djela koji su, izvorno, u vezi sa različitim književnim i kulturalnim tradicijama. Zapravo, u knji- ževnoistorijskom i kulturalnopoetičkom kontekstu, ovu književnu ostavštinu neophodno je iščitavati u svijetlu pripadnosti mediteranskom arealu, hrvatskoj književnoj baštini kao i književnosti Crne Gore (Babić, 2016, 13). Vjekovna prisutnost dvooltarskih crkava je samo jedna od specifi čnih vrijednosti bokokotorskog prostora (ali i prostora Crnogorskog primorja), koja ikonički upućuje na suživot kultura. A ovo nije bez značaja, „naročito ako uzmemo u obzir vjerski fanatizam koji bio preovla- dajuća ideologija u Evropi u srednjem vijeku. Očigledno da su ovdje postojale objektivne pretpostavke za pojavu dvooltarskih crkava. One nijesu samo iskaz vjerske tolerancije potaknute aktima političke vlasti, nego pred- stavljaju spomenike kulture zajedničkog života naroda s ovog područja“ (Jovović, 2013, 70). Iz tako postavljene vizure proizilazi da stvaraoci koji obilježavaju baroknu književnu produkciju Kotora, svoja poetička, estetička i noetička opredjeljenja formulišu u skladu sa globalnim idejama vremena u kojemu nastaju i u skladu sa egzi- stencijalnim osobenostima podneblja kojem pripadaju, na drugoj strani. Nije neobično što u ovakvom kultur- nom ambijentu danas, pogledom unatrag, nailazimo na idejni pluralitet koji insistirajući na interakciji književnih tekstova i kulture vodi interferenciji semantički razno- vrsnih sadržaja i ukazuje na visok stepen asimilacije različitih kulturnih vrijednosti. KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKA MATRICA Barokni zahtjev da se idejnost u umjetničkom djelu otjelotvori kroz svetačke likove, pokazao se produk- tivnim prvenstveno kroz lik Blažene Ozane; pored Svetog Tripuna još jedne zaštitnice grada Kotora. Njime se reprezentuje čitava jedna kulturna stvarnost, ali i svojevrsna simbolička sublimacija temeljnih kulturnih vrijednosti bokeljskog prostora. Poetička oznaka čitavog razdoblja je heterofunkcionalnost književnih tekstova, uvjetovana raznovrsnošću semiotičkih impulsa koje ti tekstovi asimiliraju i/li projektuju. Upravo zbog toga moramo promišljati o najpodesnijem književnoznan- stvenom pristupu, odnosno o književnohistorijskoj Figure 1: Old town Kotor – panoramic view (Author: Predrag Janković) 431 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 metodologiji kojom bismo obuhvatili sve značajke, ne samo historijske perspektive, već i osvijetlili vrijednosti koje nam pruža pogled unatrag sa pozicije aktualnih promišljanja i istraživanja društvenih datosti. Posebno je lik Blažene Ozane Kotorke (Beata Osanna da Cattaro), koji je utemeljen u ovaj prostor kao „najslavniji stanov- nik grada Kotora“ (Sbutega, 2012, 101), bio od samih po četaka izuzetno pogodan za oblikovanje različitih diskurzivnih strategija i to zahvaljujući idejnim sloje- vima koji korespondiraju sa mogućnošću oblikovanja kolektivnih memorijskih predstava, a u skladu sa tim i sa oblikovanjem identiteta prostora. Zapravo, možemo se složiti sa konstatacijom: Sve što je suštinski oblikovalo mit Ozane Ko- torske deo je zajedničkog hrišćanskog duha obe konfesije: njen sveti život, milosrdna dela, proročki i isceliteljski dar. U Ozani je pomireno njeno pravoslavno poreklo i katoličanstvo, što je čini jednom od najizrazitijih fi gura ukupnog ekumenizma. Sem toga, Blažena Ozana u sebi je pomirila pastiricu sa crnogorskog krša i intelek- tualku iz otmenog Kotora, asketu koji ne pripada svakodnevnom životu ali u njemu, na svoj način, potpuno učestvuje, devicu i strastvenu vizionarku koja govori tačno ono što vidi/misli i u skladu s tim živi, krhko telo i neverovatno snažan duh (Brajović, 2013, 238). Prvi kotorski pjesnici zaneseni blaženom Ozanom Kotorskom, koja već u to vrijeme postaje svojevrsni ideološki, kulturni i književni fenomen, bili su kotorski vlastelini Ivan Bona /Boliris/1 (čije je djelo Vita della Beata Osanna da Cattaro izgubljeno) i Vicko (Vičenco) Bolica Kokoljić, koji je živio krajem XVI i u prvim de- setljećima XVII vijeka. Vicko (Vičenco) Bolica Kokoljić je građu za spjev Život blažene Ozane najvjerojatnije preuzeo iz teksta koji je na talijanskom jeziku tiskao Serafi no Razzi (Vita della Reverenda Serva di Dio, la Madre Suor Ossana da Cattaro, Firenze 1595. godine), a Miroslav Pantić navodi da je riječ o ugledanju na svega jednu petinu njegovog sadržaja (od njezinih prvih mističkih vizija Krista do trenutka kada postaje jedna od zazidanih djevica — Virgina murata).2 Ovaj kratki hagiografski spjev pod nazivom Život blažene Ozane (188 osmeraca, raspoređenih u katrene), nastao je dvadesetih godina sedamnaestog stoljeća i prvo je djelo ovog tipa ispjevano na kotorskom naro- dnom idiomu. Posvećen je Katarini Buća „priuri mana- stira Svetoga Pavla, reda Svetoga Dominika“, a postoji utemeljeno mišljenje da je pripremano za svečanost (1628) na kojoj su Kotorani namjeravali da je proglase za svetiteljicu. Spjev odlikuje snažan odraz baroknih po- etičkih komponenti – kako u pogledu izbora same teme, tako i u idejnom sloju i stilsko-jezičkim osobenostima, pri čemu je očigledno ugledanje na dubrovačku poet- sku matricu. Već u uvodnim katrenima Života blažene Ozane naznačeno je postojanje različitih kulturoloških oznaka i svojevrsna interferencija u religijskoj ravni: Hvala t’budi, dobri Bože, pokli iskra tve ljubavi, ku u Ozanu slavnu stavi, učiniti toli može, Da nevješta Vlahinjica i djetece nedozrelo, koe se u tursko rodi selo, tva s učini nasljednica!3 Život blažene Ozane dalje opisuje mističke vizije u kojima joj se ukazao Krist, nakon čega je djevojčica odlučila da dođe u Kotor gdje je pristupila manastir- skom životu i dala da se živa zazida u manastirskoj ćeliji u kojoj je provela pedeset i dvije godine. Ako na ovaj spjev primijenimo tipologiju fantastičkog diskursa, uviđamo da osnovni materijal čine „sakralne slike i vizi- je, zasnovane na kodovima jednog religijskog koncepta i religijske imaginacije“ (Damjanov, 1988, 51). Prisustvo onostranog, nadstvarnog, nebesnog, zapravo jedne više stvarnosti, preko vlastitih medija, odnosno ovozemalj- skih predstavnika, ima za funkciju da prenese odraz i smisao vrhovne (božanske) svemoći, odnosno prenese božansku, svetu poruku, dostupnu samo izabranima. Upravo zbog toga, spoznaja natprirodnog se ovdje opredmećuje kao realitet, koje zahtijeva interferenciju ovog tipa poetske priče sa projekcijom sakralnog, omo- gućavajući međusobno pretakanje kodova. S obzirom na to da prisustvo fantastičkog koda obavezuje čitaoca da svijet književnog teksta doživljava kao stvaran, on tvori interferirajuću ravan u kojoj se racionalno tuma- čenje ukršta sa shvaćanjem zbivanja kao rezultata nad- naravne (božanske) sile. Današnja perspektiva čitanja teksta (koja ne gubi iz vida da je fantastika obilježje 1 Miroslav Pantić napominje „da je ovaj autor pod tim imenom naznačen, uz dodatak da je iz Kotora (da Cattaro), pod jednim italijanskim sonetom i jednim epigramom na latinskom jeziku, štampanim u Veneciji 1555. godine, dakle još za njegovoga života, u knjizi Il tempio alla divina Donna Giovanna di Aragona, u kojoj su uglednoj dami imaginarni hram od svojih stihova podigli najplemenitiji duhovi u svim glavnim jezicima sveta“ (Pantić, 1990, 39). Ali je nedoumicu oko njegovog imena, koja još nije okončana, izazvao italijanski domini- kanac Serafi no Razzi, u dodatku djela La storia di Raugia, nazvavši ga Joannes Bona de Boliris. Od tada, većina književnih istoričara smatra ovog pjesnika za potomka moćne i brojne patricijske porodice Bolica iz Kotora (Pantić, 1990; Kovijanić, 1953, 52–59). 2 U to vrijeme (tačnije 1560. godine) je pri kotorskim crkvama bilo devet zazidanih djevica koje su poznate pod imenom virgines muratae (Luković, 1965, 119; Blehova-Čelebić, 2002, 256). 3 Stihovi navedeni prema studiji Miroslava Pantića (Pantić, 1990). Dostupno na: http://www.rastko.org.rs/rastko-cg/umjetnost/mpantic-xvi- xviii/xvii_c.html. 432 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 modernističkog diskursa) zahtijeva neprekidnu svijest o tome da je ovakav tip teksta nastajao u vremenu kada se ono što je u njemu prikazano smatralo vjerojatnim i mogućim, nasuprot modernoj čitalačkoj perspektivi u okviru koje koja na ove tektove gleda kao na prostor između čudesnog i natprirodnog. Na drugoj strani, sakralne slike i proročke vizije oblikuju interaktivni kon- tekst sa hrišćanskim predanjima. A upravo zahvaljujući prisustvu originalno oblikovane fantastičke komponen- te, koja izvire iz religioznog barkonog misticizma (često izazivanog najstrožijom pokorom i samokažnjavanjem), predanja o Blaženoj Ozani se i svrstavaju u ona djela koja nam mogu ukazati na postojanje izvjesnog otklona od uzora, kako antičkih, tako i italijanskih, pa na kraju i najbližih – dubrovačkih i dalje, dalmatinskih kultur- nih i književnih uticaja i doticaja. S tim u vezi, idući tragom Save Damjanova, neophodno je istaći važnost istraživanja fantastičke komponente i fenomena koji, po njegovom mišljenju, predstavljaju „istinsku potrebu, imperative jedne savremenije i modernije književnoisto- rijske perspektive, koja bi kao relevantne premise pod- razumevala aktualizujuću recepciju, osavremenjavanje istorije i oživljavanje tradicije, i koja bi bila zasnovana na otkrivalačkoj tenziji, na pokušaju premošćavanja prostora između minule i današnje književnosti, na adekvatnom poimanju onih vrednosti i pojava koje i sa stanovišta sadašnjosti mogu značiti više od pukog spo- menika (a svom vremenu su, možda, donosile određene inovacije, anticipaciju nekih budućih književnih tokova ili neuočen kvalitet)“ (Damjanov 1988, 11). Bez obzira što je riječ o prepjevu Racijevog teksta (Vita della Reverenda Serva di Dio, la Madre Suor Os- sana da Cattaro dell’ordina di San Domenico), a koji je, između ostalih izvora, nastao na osnovu hagiografskog spjeva Beata Osanna da Cattaro kotorskog vlastelina i Ozaninog savremenika Ivana Bone Bolice, Vicko (Vi- čenco) Bolica Kokoljić doprinosi oblikovanju sasvim određenog kulturnog kodiranja unutar književnosti pi- sane maternjim jezikom, čime egzistira kao svojevrstan dokument o postojanju ovog tipa književnog diskursa u poetskom tkanju kotorske barokne stilske formacije. Ono što nas, u tom pravcu najviše interesuje jeste činjenica da je ovdje zastupljena, sa pozicije suvreme- nih kulturnih promišljanja, nesporno interkulturalna dimenzija teksta. Izuzetno ugledna Ozana (1463–1565), poznata i kao sveta Pastirica, rođena je u siromašnoj crnogor- skoj pravoslavnoj porodici iz Lješanske nahije (u selu Relezi, kao Joše/Jovana Đujović, a nakon prelaska u katoličanstvo Katarina Kosić) i prešla je put od neuke pastirice, skromne služavke u kući uglednog vijećnika i suca Aleksandra Buće, do ugledne pripadnice trećeg dominikanskog reda.4 Brojna predanja govore o tome da je bila obdarena proročkim darom, proglašena djevicom miriteljicom, anđelom mira i kršćanske ljubavi, imala je proročanske vizije, kao i moć uslišene molitve, te više puta spašavala grad i Kotorane; posjećivali su je i molili za savjet i molitvu mletački providuri, kotorski biskupi, teolozi i upravnici grada. Blažena Ozana je pokazivala istinsku vezanost uz sugrađane i sam Kotor, koja se najintenzivnije zrcalila u spasonosnim molitvama, predskazanjima i savjetima, čime je ljudima pomagala i pred božjom voljom ih zastupala sa ciljem da se izbave od smrti, bolesti (kuga, sljepilo), poplava, od opsade i opasnosti pokoravanja od Turaka.5 Uz sve to, ističe se da nikada nije zaboravila na porijeklo, obitelj, saplemenike koji su je zvali Svetom Odivom (a taj se naziv u Crnoj Gori, odnosno u njenoj rodnoj Lješanskoj nahiji i danas za nju upotrebljava); da je govorila i molila se ne samo ne samo na talijanskom i latinskom jeziku, već je molitve govorila i svojim mater- 4 Ordo fratrum praedicatorum osnovao je u XIII vijeku Sv. Dominic de Guzman. Dominikanske crkve građene su na cijelom Jadranskom primorju, od Istre do Boke i dalje. Dominikanci su u Boku stigli već sredinom XIII i utisnuli snažan pečat na kulturni identitet podneblja. Posebno su se isticali Vincentije (Vicko) Buća i Dominik Buća, teolozi, propovjednici i poete, koji su poticali iz porodice graditelja prvog dominikanskog manastira u ovom gradu, podignutog uz gradske bedeme (Brajović, 2013, 224). Samostani sestara dominikanki posto- jali su od XIII vijeka u Ninu, Zadru, Splitu, Dubrovniku, Starom Gradu na Hvaru, u Šibeniku i u Kotoru. Kotorske sestre dominikanke je okupila u zajednicu upravo blažena Ozana. 5 Nakon zauzimanja Herceg Novog i Risna (1538. godine), Hajrudin Barbarosa je 11. kolovoza 1539. godine, došao pred Kotor sa 70 galija i fusta i 30 000 ljudi. Djevica pokornica Ozana je uvjerila kotorskog providura Ivana Marija Bemba, biskupa Luku Bisantija i sve građane da se ne predaju, da se bore hrabro i da će grad biti spašen. Nakon nekoliko dana borbe, Barbarosa je (21. kolovoza 1539) povukao svoju fl otu u Herceg Novi, u kome je ostao do 1687. godine (Luković, 1965, 69–71). Figure 2: The monastery cell where Blessed Ozana sta- yed for 52 years (Church of Saint Paul) (Author: Sister Josipa Otahal, Dominican Sisters of the Congregation of the Holy Guardian Angels) 433 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 njim jezikom. Brojna su i zapisana svjedočenja o njenoj privrženosti rodu i zavičaju. Zapisi o njoj svjedoče i to da ju je rodbina, ali i njihovi suplemenici često posjeći- vali, tražili savjet i utjehu (a odlazeći, uzimali su grumen zemlje sa prostora oko njene ćelije kao amajliju). Predanje o blaženoj Ozani Kotorskoj može se proma- trati kao jedinstven tekst, koji u kontekstu suvremenosti ponovo oživljava i otkriva nove smisaone potencijale. Na primjeru ovog predanja vidimo kako „u slučajevima kada imamo posla s tekstovima koji su sačuvali kulturnu aktivnost, oni pokazuju sposobnost akumulacije infor- macija, to jest sposobnost pamćenja“ (Lotman, 2004, 28). Iz ovakve kulturalnomemorijske matrice se i projek- tiraju kulturološke poruke univerzalnog smisla. Zato je od velikog značaja istaći i ekumensku dimenziju ovog predanja, jer u dokumentu proglašenja Ozane za beatu – blaženu, navedeno je da je njeno štovanje odobreno ne samo zbog njenog bogougodnog života, već i zbog njenog opredjeljenja da vlastitim primjerom ukaže na mogućnost jedinstva pravoslavnih i katoličkih kršćana. Kreiranje lika ove izuzetno poštovane beate, kako od katolika, tako i od strane pravoslavnih kršćana, predstavlja obuhvatnu oznaku čitavog prostora, zasni- vajući se na razumijevanju i prožimanju, sposobnosti za razmjenu i uzajamnu komunikaciju različitih kulturnih kodiranja. Luković ističe da je od važnosti za suvre- menost upravo činjenica „da je Ozanu Crkva uzdigla na oltaru u feudalno doba, pored hiljada kotorskih plemkinja, među kojima je neosporno bilo pobožnih i karitativnih žena iz 70 patricijskih kuća“ (Luković, 1965, 100). Ozana je preminula u sedamdeset drugoj godini života, tačnije 27. aprila 1565. godine, a kotorski biskup Luka Bisanti organizovao je, mimo svih tadašnjih običaja, višednevnu pogrebnu ceremoniju i procesiju gradskim ulicama u čast preminule. Njeni očuvani ostaci su do 1807. godine bili čuvani u u crkvi Svetog Pavla (do 1807), kada su preneseni u crkvu Svete Marije Koleđate (Santa Maria Collegiata), romaničku crkvu iz 1221. godine, gdje se i danas nalaze. TEKST KULTURE O snazi predanja svjedoči i činjenica da se, osim u Boki i Dalmaciji, kult blažene Ozane ili Ozane Crnogorkinje još u šesnaestom vijeku raširio po Italiji, Francuskoj, Španjolskoj, Njemačkoj i Ninozemskoj, iako je Vatikan potvrdu o njenoj beatifi kaciji izdao tek 1927. godine. A u čast obilježavanja 520 godina od nje- nog rođenja, na njen blagdan 27. travnja 2013. godine, pokrenut je proces njene kanonizacije. Jedna suvremena perspektiva čitanja nam omogućuje ne samo uvid u specifi čnosti poetskog izraza kotorskog areala u vrijeme barokne stilske formacije, već i stavlja- nje kulturnih ostvarenja (ne samo književnih) u kontekst južnoslavenske, mediteranske, pa i europske književne ostavštine; čime se ispoljena obilježja mogu posmatrati sa stanovišta njihove re-aktuelizacije i re-afi rmacije. Upravo, kao da „pred sobom imamo živu sliku organskog uzajamnog delovanja, dijaloga, gde svaki od učesnika transformiše drugog i sam se transformiše pod njegovim uticajem. To nije pasivni prenos, nego živi generator novih poruka“ (Lotman, 2004, 109). U tom pravcu, nameće se potreba za drugačijim pristupom književ- nom materijalu kao dijelu nacionalne baštine, koji ne samo da nosi vanvremene/svevremene vrijednosti, već zahvaljujući živom potencijalu doprinosi i otkrivanju bogatstva značenja koja su inkorporirana u crnogorsku interkulturalnomemorijsku matricu (svojevrsnu locus memoriae). Po navođenju njenog prvog biografa, poslje- dnja molitva Ozanina je, na njenu molbu, bila čitana na njenom maternjem jeziku, a ne samo na tada u Kotoru dominirajućem, talijanskom jeziku (up. Lukovič, 1965, 110–123). Ovaj podatak koji nalazimo kod Lukovića, moguće je objasniti činjenicom da je Vincentije (Vicko) Buća, svećenik u dominikanskom samostanu, magistar gramatike i ispovjednik Blažene Ozane, najvjerovatnije bio i „autor teksta pasije Muke Gospodina po Ivanu“ (Brajović, 2013, 224). Figure 3: Dominican Sisters of the Congregation of the Holy Guardian Angels in front of the church of St. Mary Collegiata in Kotor (Blessed Ozana Church) (Author: Sister Josipa Otahal, Dominican Sisters of the Congregation of the Holy Guardian Angels) 434 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 Možemo zaključiti da književnost jeste bitan element kulture, koji doprinosi procesu izgradnje identitetskih obrazaca, zahvaljujući prije svega sposobnosti pro- jektovanja, akumulacije i re/interpretacije nacionalnih predstava, uvjerenja i vjerovanja. Zato nije neobično da se jedan umjetnički lik, koji je, po prirodi stvari, rezultat specifi čno oblikovane multikulturalne sredine (kakva je kotorska) identifi cira sa samim prostorom. A lik blažene Ozane Kotorke determinira i prožima čitav jedan prostor kulture, od književnosti, preko religije (kao najrigidnijeg semiotičkog sistema), umjetnosti u svim njenim pojavnim oblicima, ulazi u narodnu svijest i tradiciju, postajući tako – u najširem određenju ono što možemo označiti kao: manifestacija duha. Jer, blažena Ozana predstavljala je, još za života, uzor divljenja i poštovanja ne samo sugrađana, već i svih koji su imali priliku da slušaju o njoj ili privilegiju da sa njom govore. Od vremena života pa do danas ona je predstavljala živo vrelo inspiracije brojnim književnim stvaraocima i um- jetnicima, a pominje se i u brojnim istorijskim izvorima i dokumentima. Nadahnuti njenim likom bili su, između ostalih: Dominik Ceci, Kotoranin, u 17. stoljeću ispje- vao je pjesmu na narodnom jeziku o Blaženoj Ozani; Jeronim Kavanjin, Splićanin, posvećuje joj stihove u 15. pjevanju religioznog epa Bogatstvo i uboštvo; splitski dominikanac Vicko Dudan u zbirci svojih himni jednu njoj posvećuje; dr Bernardo Pezzi pominje je u rukopisu Libro delle Memorie di Cattaro; Dubrovčanin Serafi n Crijević, dominikanac, preveo je na latinski životopis Blažene Ozane pisan na italijanskom od anonimnog savremenika (nalazi se u biblioteci dominikanskog samostana u Dubrovniku); Francesco Maria Appendini, Italijan iz Pijemonta ne zaobilazi je u knjizi: Memorie spettanti ad alcuni uomini illustri di Cattaro (Ragusa, 1811); Vjekoslav Klaić, hrvatski istoričar, piše o njoj u Opisu zemalja u kojih obitavaju Hrvati (Zagreb, 1881); kanonik Ivo Matković napisao Život blažene Hossane Kotorkinje (Zagreb, 1888); Reinhard E. Pettermann u knjizi Führer dursh Dalmatien (Wien, 1899); Mitar Vukčević, u časopisu Luča, početkom XX vijeka; Boško Dumović u listu Crna Gora objavio je feljton Blažena Jovana (Ozana) Kotorka – crtice iz narodnog predanja (1929); Innocenzo Taurisano piše spis Beata Osanna da Cattaro, (Roma, 1929); Don Niko Luković Život Blažene Ozane Kotorke (Zagreb,1928); Ante Šimčik Blažena Ozana u književnosti u Almanahu Gospe Lurdske (Za- Figure 4: The sarcophagus of Blessed Osanna of Kotor by Antun Augustinčić (Source: ALU HAZU, http://dizbi. hazu.hr/?object=list&mr%5B42806%5D=a&page=4 (27. 04. 2016)) 435 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 greb 1931); Marcus Antonius Van den Oudrin, holands- ki dominikanac, na holandskom De Witte Heilige Van Tsrna Gora (1933). Ove i još opširnije podatke navodi Luković (Luković, 1965, 103–117). Sveta Kongregacija obreda, kako navodi Don Niko Luković, objavila je u Rimu 1927. godine na 460 štampanih strana dokumente o vjekovnom štovanju blažene Ozane (Luković, 1965, 117). U novije vrijeme o njoj su pisali Miloš Milošević, Radoslav Rotković, Jevrem Brković, Balša Brković, Van- da Babić i drugi. Antun Augustinčić izradio je 1929. godine sarkofag za Ozanino tijelo od posrebrene bronze, koji čini pet bareljefa sa scenama iz predanja o njoj (u Katedrali sv. Tripuna, Kotor). Interesantno je da je upravo na central- nom reljefu djevojka, kojoj se ukazuje vizija razapetog Hrista, prikazana sa crnogorskom kapom, čime je istak- nuto njeno porijeklo, a ukupna kompozicija ukazuje na njen nadnacionalni identitet. Veliki crnogorski umjetnik Milo Milunović je u crkvi Rođenja Majke Božje u Prčnju izradio fresku blažene Pastirice (1929). Jednu od najprepoznatljivijih slika Blažene Ozane, koja se nalazi u dominikanskoj crkvi u Dubrovniku, nalikao je Marko Murat (1932). Bronzana vrata, postavljena 1979. godine na crkvi Sv. Marije u Starom gradu Kotoru, na kojima su predstavljene scene iz života Blažene Ozane, izradio je kotorski slikar i skulptor Vasko Lipovac.6 ZAKLJUČAK Sakupljanjem građe, interpretacijom činjenica i događaja, prerađivanjem mnemoničkog materijala, projekcijama dijahronijski promatranih tekstova kulture, dolazi do oblikovanja lika Blažene Ozane Kotorske u vidu snažnog semantičkog jezgra u sistemu crnogor- ske kolektivne memorije. Ako pođemo od Lotmanove tvrdnje da je za onoga ko ga usvaja, tekst svojevrsna metonimija integralnog značenja koje se rekonstruiše, suočavamo se i sa činjenicom da je „zbir konteksta u kojima dati tekst stiče osmišljenost i koji kao da su na neki način inkorporisani u njega“ (Lotman, 2004, 27) zapravo ono što nazivamo pamćenjem teksta i njegovim smisaonim prostorom. S obzirom na to da kulturalni pristup književnim ostvarenjima crpi svoja značenja iz uspostavljenih interakcijskih relacija između književnog teksta i kulture, on neminovno teži sinkretizmu i samih identitetskih predstava. Jer, posmatramo li predaju o Blaženoj Ozani „s motrišta pamćenja“ možemo uvidjeti da se ono postavlja „kao mnemotehnička umjetnost par excellence jer utemeljuje pamćenje kulture; bilježi pamćenje kulture; ona je čin pamćenja; upisuje se u prostor pamćenja koji se sastoji od tekstova; kreira prostor pamćenja u kojemu se tekstovi-prethodnici preuzimaju preko stupnjeva transformacije“ (Lachmann, 2002, 209). Sukladno tome, kulturalnomemorijsko promišljanje mora obuhvatiti razmatranja na različitim razinama, od kojih su samo neke: uloga ovog predanja u okvirima formiranja kotorske, ali i šire shvaćene na- cionalne tradicije; odnos fi kcionalnog diskursa prema nacionalnoj prošlosti; suodnošenje književnosti i kultu- ralnih konstrukcija nacionalnog identiteta; razmatranje reprezentacijske uloge književnog teksta kao konstitu- tivnog dijela kulture u cijelosti; problematiku kritičke i historijske književne kanonizacije itd. (Kodrić, 2012). Kao svjedoci konfl ikta između ideoloških sfera, posebno ukoliko su izgrađene na klišeima, stereotipima, religioznoj, rasnoj i drugoj netrpeljivosti, moramo više nego ikada voditi računa o tome da je književni tekst moćno sredstvo za ulazak u svijest, kapija mitologizaci- je, podložna deformacijama i kontekstualno projektira- nim zloupotrebama. Raščlanjujući koncepcije identiteta sociologa kao što su Anthony Giddens, Jean-Claude Kaufmann i Manuell Castells, Zeman nudi mogućnost za skiciranje moguće »fenomenologije samoiznalaženja Figure 5: Dominican Sister in front of the relics of Blessed Ozana (Author: Sister Josipa Otahal, Domini- can Sisters of the Congregation of the Holy Guardian Angels) 6 O izuzetno bogatoj inspiraciji likom i djelima blažene Ozane u likovnim umjetnostima i muzici, među kojima se navode i za nas danas izgubljena djela, konsultovati brojne navode i opise don Nika Lukovića (Luković, 1965, 119-123). 436 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 identiteta«, koji bismo produktivno mogli primijeniti upravo na ovo predanje. On ističe da: „Izabirati i obli- kovati identitetske fi gure znači, baš poput Janusa, ne gu- beći iz vida zadanost prošlosti, upravljati počecima – ne svih „stvari“, nego onih vlastitih“ (Zeman, 2007, 1027). Ovo je izravno u relaciji sa shvaćanjem da se idejni prostor jednog diskursa oblikuje kao posljedica povije- snih i geopolitičkih uvjetovanosti, ukazujući na posto- janje intertekstovne, ali i interkulturalne interferencije, posebno kada imamo u vidu da je riječ o specifi čnom i jedinstvenom kulturnom arealu. I danas, kada se pogledom unatrag obuhvate semiotičke konstrukcije ovog čudesnog predanja, ali i svih kasnijih književnih, religioznih, povijesnih, likovnih, muzičkih i u najširem smislu društvenih oblikovanja priče o Blaženoj Ozani, možemo konstatirati da raspolažemo modelom arhi- teksta koji ne propagira asimilaciju jednog značenja drugim, odnosno prevlast jedne semiosfere nad drugom, već da imamo neprekidnu interferenciju semiotičkih jedinica koje govore u prilog transkulturalnosti i kul- turno mješovitih identiteta. Zapravo, ako je identitet promjenljiva i fl uidna odrednica, zamjena jednog iden- titeta drugim ne mora nužno da povlači gubitak jednog od njih. Istina, ovakvi primjeri su rijetki, ali su utoliko vrijedniji. Njihov je poseban značaj i u tome što su predstavljeni ne kao odvojeni entiteti, već kao snažno međusobno prožeti i time sposobni da oblikuju našu percepciju sa raznolikih aspekata. Upravo zbog toga ne smijemo zanemariti činjenicu da književni „tekstovi ne govore o kulturi kojoj pripadaju, već predstavljaju tekstove kulture“ (Greenblatt, 1995, 226). A ti tekstovi kulture oblikuju snažnu kulturalnomemorijsku matricu, odnosno društvene vrijednosti i očekivanja, koje bi s toga motrišta tek trebalo pročitati i vrednovati. Zato su pravilna iščitavanja neophodan pretekst, ali i imperativ u oblikovanju čitavog jednog prostora koji bismo u tom pravcu mogli odrediti sintagmatičnom složenicom interkulturalnomemorijska perspektiva. Figure 6: Blessed Osanna Square in Kotor (Author: Sister Josipa Otahal, Dominican Sisters of the Congre- gation of the Holy Guardian Angels) 437 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 THE CHARACTER OF THE BLESSED OZANA OF KOTOR AS A CULTURAL MEMORY CODE Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ University of Montenegro, Faculty of Philology – Nikšić, Danila Bojovića bb, 81 400 Nikšić, Montenegro e-mail: vesnajan@ac.me SUMMARY The authors who marked the Baroque literary production of Kotor, their poetic, aesthetic and noetic commit- ments formulated in accordance with global ideas of the times in which they arise on one, and according to the characteristics of the existential climate to which they belong, on the other side. It is not unusual that in such a cultural ambience in which to mix the expressiveness of a Croatian idiom and western infl uence, there is a concep- tual plurality, which insists on the interaction between literary texts and culture and leads to interference of various semantic content, indicating a high degree of assimilation of different cultural values. This applies particularly to the traditional story of the Blessed Ozana, known as another protector’s town of Kotor, besides St Tryphon. It represents an entire cultural reality, but also a kind of symbolic sublimation of the fundamental cultural values of the area of Boka Kotorska. The fi rst poets from Kotor were astonished by Blessed Ozana of Kotor, which had already, for life, become a kind of ideological, cultural and literary phenomenon: the noblemen Ivan Bona / Boliris / (whose work Vita Della Beata Osanna to Cattaro was lost) and Vicko (Vicenzo) Bolica Kokoljić (The Life of Blessed Ozana). She has been an inspiration to numerous authors since the 16th, and was mentioned in many historical sources and documents. Except in Boka and Dalmatia, the cult of the Blessed Ozana or Ozana Crnogorkinje spread in the sixteenth century to Italy, France, Spain, Germany and the Netherlands, although the Vatican released the confi rmation of her beatifi ca- tion only in 1927. In the document, the declaration of Ozana Beat – blessed, it was stated that it is respected granted not only because of the life she had lived – according to the Christian principles, but also because of her commitment to point to the possibility of the unity of the Orthodox and Catholic Christians giving her own example. Shaping the character of the Blessed Ozana of Kotor in the form of a strong semantic core in the system of Montenegrin collective memory, the results show that literary texts are not only about the culture they belong to, but that they represent a kind of transmitters of culture which, by their nature, shape the cultural matrix and thereby affect social values and expectations, and their own identity and space. Keywords: cultural memory, identity, semantics, culture, heritage 438 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Vesna VUKIĆEVIĆ-JANKOVIĆ: LIK BLAŽENE OZANE KOTORKINJE KAO KULTURALNOMEMORIJSKI KOD, 429–438 BIBLIOGRAPHY ALU HAZU – Arhiv za likovne umjetnosti (ALU), Fo- toteka Arhiva za likovne umjetnosti. Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti (HAZU). Appendini, F. M. (1811): Memorie spettanti ad al- cuni uomini illustri di Cattaro. In: Luković, N. (1965): Blažena Ozana Kotorka. Kotor, Biskupski Ordiniarijat u Kotoru, 103–117. Babić, V. 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Društvena istraživanja, 16, 6, 92, 1015–1029. 439 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 original scientifi c article DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2017.31 received: 2016-04-06 FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ Univerzitet u Beogradu, Geografski fakultet, Studentski Trg 3/III, 11000 Beograd, Republika Srbija e-mail: knezevic@gef.bg.ac.rs IZVLEČEK Uporaba subjektivnih kriterijev kot uradnega načela etnične identifi kacije srbskega prebivalstva v popisni in vitalni statistiki je omogočila pojav etnične mimikrije in nastanek fl otatntnih etničnih skupin. Bistvena značilnost fl otantnih etničnih skupin je labilnost pri opredeljevanju etničnih značilnosti, ki neposredno vpliva na kakovost dobljenih etno-statističnih podatkov, variabilnost trendov populacijske dinamike in, iz njih izhajajoče, demografske kazalnike. Kvantitativni del raziskovanja v pričujočem članku sloni na rezultatih statistične analize trendov rasti prebivalstva glede na narodno pripadnost v obdobju od leta 1948 do 2011, ki predstavljajo osnovo za ločevanje etničnih skupin glede na raven odstopanja in podobnosti variacij trendov. Kvalitativni del raziskovanja pa je zasno- van na diferenciaciji variabilnosti trendov etničnih skupin glede na vzrok ter na vzpostavitvi podlage za oblikovanje tipologije fl otantnosti. Ključne besede: etnične značilnosti, popis prebivalstva, vitalna statistika, etnična mimikrija, fl otantne etnične skupine, variabilnost populacijske dinamike GRUPPI ETNICI FLUTTUANTI NELLE RICERCHE DEMOGRAFICHE – PROBLEMI METODOLOGICI, APPROCCI E ESEMPI SINTESI L’applicazione del criterio soggettivo in qualità di principio uffi ciale di identifi cazione etnica della popolazione in Serbia nella statistica di censimento e quella vitale, ha consentito la comparsa della mimicry etnica e la nascita dei gruppi etnici fl uttuanti. La caratteristica principale dei gruppi etnici fl uttuanti è la labilità che riguarda soprattutto la dichiarazione degli emblemi etnici, il che infl uisce immediatamente sulla qualità dei dati etno-statistici ottenuti e, sulla variabilità delle tendenze della dinamica delle popolazioni e degli indicatori demografi ci che ne risultano. La parte quantitativa della ricerca è basata sui risultati dell’analisi statistica che riguarda le tendenze di crescita della popolazione secondo l’appartenenza nazionale nel periodo 1948-2011. Questi risultati costituiscono la base per la diversifi cazione tra i gruppi etnici secondo il livello di variazione e la somiglianza tra le variazioni delle tendenze. La parte qualitativa della ricerca è basata sulla differenziazione della variabilità delle tendenze tra i gruppi etnici secondo il campione e sulla costruzione della base per la tipologia di fl uttuamento. Parole chiave: emblemi etnici, censimento della popolazione, statistica vitale, mimicry etnica, gruppi etnici fl uttuanti, variabilità della dinamica delle popolazioni 440 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 UVOD Istraživanja stanovništva prema etničkim obelež- jima već duže vreme zauzimaju zapaženo mesto u demografi ji, a rezultati pokazuju određene relacije između populacionih trendova i etničke strukture. U užem smislu, etnodemografska diferencijacija se zasniva na izraženim disparitetima trendova prirodnog kretanja stanovništva različitih etničkih obeležja. Međutim, trendovi se najčešće izvode na osnovu zvaničnih podataka popisne i vitalne statistike čija upotreba zahteva određeni oprez. Ovo je naročito važno jer su pitanja nacionalnog, jezičkog i verskog identiteta vrlo izražena u javnoj sferi društvenog života, ali i ugrađena u pravni i politički poredak svake države. Strepnja da će se etno-kulturni pluralizam negativno odraziti na etnodemografsku diferencijaciju pojačala je potrebu za kvantitativnim istraživanjima demografskih karakteristika stanovništva prema etničkim obeležjima, ali i za preispitivanjem metodoloških rešenja etnostati- stičke evidencije, počev od defi nicija, kategorizacije i statističke klasifi kacije, pa sve do načina prikupljanja i objavljivanja podataka. Pitanja suvereniteta, ljudskih prava, diskriminacije, koegzistencije, različitosti u mul- tikulturalnim društvima, kao i nacionalnog, jezičkog i verskog identiteta, obično imaju svoj statistički odraz u rezulatima demografskih istraživanja. Međutim, me- todološka rešenja etnostatističke evidencije ostavljaju dovoljno prostora za relativizaciju izvedenih demo- grafskih pokazatelja i trendova jer popisi stanovništva često predstavljaju mnogo više od proste refl eksije društvene stvarnosti. Suprotno tome, oni imaju ključnu ulogu u konstrukciji te realnosti, posebno kroz podele stanovništva uvođenjem identitetske kategorizacije na osnovu rasne, etničke, lingvističke ili konfesionalne pripadnosti. To je naročito vidljivo pri demografskim proučavanjima fl otantnih etničkih grupa, koje u užem smislu defi nišemo kao etničke grupe/zajednice/identi- tete/modalitete1 čiji pripadnici često menjaju stav pri deklarisanju etničkih obeležja u popisnoj i vitalnoj statistici. Etnostatističkim istraživanjima stanovništva Srbije je utvrđena izražena fl otantnost kod nekoliko etničkih grupa u skoro svim popisima sprovedenim u periodu od 1948–2011. godine što neposredno utiče na kvalitet dobijenih podataka, koji u nekim slučajevima nemaju upotrebnu vrednost, a čija nekritička primena može dovesti do potpuno pogrešnih i naučno neosno- vanih zaključaka. U ovom radu analizirane su karakte- ristike populacione dinamike fl otantnih etničkih grupa u Srbiji čija statistička varijabilnost zahteva posebne metodološke pristupe u demografskim proučavanjima. OD POPISNOG PRIOMORDIJALIZMA DO ETNOSTATISTIČKOG DETERMINIZMA Jedna od najvećih dilema prilikom prikupljanja, obrade i publikovanja etnostatističkih podataka u većini evropskih zemalja je u vezi sa tumačenjem pojma etnič- kog identiteta. Nacionalna pripadnost i državljanstvo su promenljivi koncepti u zemljama Zapadne Evrope koji često poistovećuju nacionalne i etničke grupe. Principi i preporuke UN za popise iz 1998. godine su u potencirali defi nicije i kriterijume prema sopstvenom državnom kontekstu, a ne iscrpne spiskove obeležja koja se mogu koristiti za identifi kaciju etničke pripadnosti. Državljanstvo i država rođenja su bili preporučeni kao ključna obeležja, a etnička nacionalnost, veroispovest i jezik kao opciona, odnosno dopunska obeležja. Prema aktuelnim međunarodnim preporukama za sprovođenje popisa nedvosmisleno je naglašena subjektivna di- menzija etno-kulturnih obeležja kroz slobodnu izjavu ispitanika, ali i politički senzibilitet manjinskih grupa na diskriminaciju na osnovu etničkog ili religijskog identi- teta (United Nations, 2006, 95). Kategorizacija etničkog identiteta je kroz razne administrativne procedure dobila značaj tek sa na- stankom savremenih nacionalnih država. Iz istorijske perspektive, kolektivni identiteti su postojali i ranije ali su često bili fl uidni, odnosno nisu nužno bili statični. Sa razvitkom savremenih država, političke elite su činile velike napore da kategorizacijom stanovništva stvore, kako državne, tako i etničke granice. To znači da su zvanične statistike imale značajnu ulogu u procesima partikularizcije stanovništva i stvaranja suverenih na- roda (nacija) na osnovu pravnog ili etno-kulturološkog, ili oba kriterijuma (Kertzer, Arel, 2002; Petit, 2013). Etnostatistička kategorizacija se u različitim državama menjala razvijajući nove modalitete u skladu sa politič- kim i opštim društvenim okolnostima. U kolonizovanim državama je bila izražena kolektivna identifi kacija domorodačkog stanovništva kategorijom ’drugi’, dok je razvitak rasne kategorizacije najuočljiviji na primeru Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Tako je u američkim popisima kategorija ’non-white’ menjana kategorijama ’Negro’, ’Afro American’ i ’Black American’. Kategorija ’Spanish spiking residents’ zamenjena je kategorijom ’Hispanic Americans’, koja je uslovila kreiranje novog modela ’White non-Hispanic’. Imigranti iz Turske, Irana i Istočne Evrope u švedskoj statistici se determinišu kao ’Non-Nordic’. Kategorija ’Non-Jews’ u Izraelu identifi - kuje Arape raličitih veroispovesti, a ’Non-Whites’ u SAD determiniše crne i azijske Amerikance (Goldscheider, 2002, 72–73). U Kanadi kategorije zemlja rođenja, 1 Rad se ne bavi identitetskim pitanjima, teorijskim raspravama o shvatanju pojmova etnicitet, etnos, narod, nacija, kao ni problemima kategorizacije nacionalnih manjina koje su bile sastavni deo metodoloških rešenja popisne i vitalne statistike od 1948–2011. godine (etničke manjine, nacionalne manjine, etničke zajednice, narodnosti, nacionalne zajednice). Iz razloga lakšeg razumevanja problema fl otantnosti u demografskim istraživanjima, u radu je korišćen pojam etnička grupa kao sinonim za sve etno-nacionalne, etno-konfesion- alne i etno-kulturne modalitete, bez sugestivne namere određenja njegovog teorijskog, pravnog i političkog značenja. 441 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 jezik, religija ili poreklo čine osnovu za određivanje etničkog identiteta. U statistici Ruske Federacije i bivšeg SSSR-a central- na etnostatistička obeležja su nacionalna pripadnost i maternji jezik. U statističkoj nomenklaturi prema nacionalnosti iz 1989. godine svoje mesto je našlo 128 modaliteta. Prema podacima popisa iz 2002. godine u Ruskoj Federaciji je živelo 182 naroda, odnosno 142 naroda i 40 etničkih grupa, dok je 2010 godine popi- sano 193 naroda, odnosno 145 naroda i 48 etničkih grupa. Zanimljivo je da se u odgovorima na pitanje o nacionalnoj pripadnosti stanovništva u popisu 2002. godine našlo oko 800 etničkih modaliteta što je bio razlog da se angažuju timovi etnologa. Na primer, u zavisnosti od geografskog razmeštaja, za nacionalnu pripadnost Baškiri dobijali su se odgovori ’Baškirot’ ili ’Baškurt’, za Tuvance ’Tuva’, ’Tiva’, ’Tiva-Kidži’, za Burjate, ’Burjad’, itd. (Population of Russia 2003-2004., 2006). Pitanja o maternjem jeziku su bila prisutna u gotovo svim savremenim popisima od 1897. godine, dok se od 1970. godine postavlja i pitanje o „vladanju jezikom drugih naroda SSSR-a” (pri čemu je ispitanik u odgovru mogao navesti samo jedan od jezika), dok je 2010. godine pitanje modifi kovano u „vladanje drugim jezicima”. Etničke i rasne kategorizacije su najizraženije u popisima stanovništva, ali su takođe prisutne i u vitalnoj statistici i drugim tipovima evidencije. Tako je u stati- stičkim obrascima rođenih u Istočnoj Evropi dominan- tna upotreba obeležja etničke nacionalnosti, u Finskoj i Qubecu maternjeg jezika, a u SAD rasne pripadnosti (Courbage, 1998; Snipp, 1989). U dokumetima migracione statistike bivšeg SSSR moguće je pronaći podatke o etničkoj pripadnosti mi- granata, a u Imigracionoj službi SAD početkom XX veka korišćena je lista sa 48 modaliteta rasa ili naroda novih imigranata na Ellis Island (Kertzer, Arel, 2002, 3). Sa druge strane, u Francuskoj su pitanja o rasnoj i etničkoj pripadnosti odsutna iz popisnih obrazaca, a analitička razlika između rasno zasnovane diskrimi- nacije i rasno zasnovane klasifi kacije nije razumljiva (Simon et al., 2015). U Francuskoj je, kao i u većini država Zapadne Evrope, rasa u potpunosti zanemarena kao deskriptivna i neadekvatna statistička kategorija (Coleman, 2012). „Izostanak defi nicija rase i etničkog porekla, kao i nemoć pred rešavanjem mogućih sukoba između potrebe za prikupljanjem ovih podataka i zaštite ravnopravnosti i poverljivosti podataka, u potpunosti određuju pristup etnostatističkoj evidenciji u evropskim zakonima. Francuska ima restriktivan zakonski okvir o prikupljanju podataka koji otkrivaju rasno ili etničko poreklo i verska uverenja jer se smatraju društveno osetljivim“ (Chopin et al., 2014, 16). Francuski otpor uključivanju etničke i kulturne komponente u popise ima pozadinu u Ustavnom sekularizmu i očuvanju fran- cuskog identiteta. Nacionalnost se u Francuskoj tumači kao građanski ili pravni identitet, blizak državljanstvu, dok je u Istočnoj Evropi i bivšim sovjetskim državama je više usklađena sa kulturnim identitetom i etničkim poreklom (Blum, 2002). U zavisnosti od karaktera prikupljenih identitetskih podataka u popisima stanovništva Simon (2007) je iz- dvojio tri tipa evropskih država: države centri u kojima se prikupljaju podaci o zemlji rođenja (EU 15-bez dr- žava Severne Evrope i Turska); države mozaici u kojima se prikupljaju podaci o nacionalnoj/etničkoj pripadnosti i jeziku (Baltičke države, Centralna i Istočna Evropa i Balkan); post-migracione, multikulturalne države u kojima se prikupljaju podaci o etničkoj pripadnosti, re- ligiji i zemlji rođenja roditelja (Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo, Republika Irska, Holandija, Skandinavske države). Prikupljanje podataka o etničkim obeležjima stanov- ništva Srbije ima dugu tradiciju, a pitanje o nacionalnoj pripadnosti stanovništva je prvi put postavljeno u popisu Kneževine Srbije 1866. godine (Radovanović, 2005). U svim popisima stanovništva Srbije od polovine XIX veka do danas centralno mesto su imala pitanja o etničkim obeležjima, pri čemu direktno pitanje o nacionalnoj pripadnosti ima kontinuitet u svim sprovedenim popisi- ma posle Drugog svetskog rata. Hronološki posmatrano, od početka XX veka na popise stanovništava Srbije su direktno uticali društveno-politički tokovi, počev od unitarističke ideologije jugoslovenstva koja se refl ek- tovala kroz metodologiju prikupljanja i objavljivanja etnostatističkih podataka 1921. i 1931. godine (Radova- nović, 2007), preko uspostavljanja tzv. „jugoslovenskog modela socijalizma“ koji je podrazumevao rešavanje otvorenog nacionalnog pitanja konstruisanjem novih nacionalnih modaliteta, preko atmosfere etničkog pre- brojavanja i ciljanog etničkog raslojavanja uoči raspada SFR Jugoslavije, pa sve do popisa nakon demokratskih promena koji su bili sprovedeni u uslovima snažne dominacije koncepta tzv. „političke korektnosti“ (Kne- žević, Radić, 2016, 71). Podaci o nacionalnoj pripadnosti od 1948. godine su prikupljani pod uslovima ustavnih načela koja su garantovala potpunu slobodu nacionalnog izjašnjavanja svih građana. „Iako Ustav ne predviđa izričito, sloboda izražavanja nacionalne pripadnosti u sebi sadrži i slobo- du izbora nacionalne pripadnosti, pa i slobodu promene nacionalne pripadnosti prema sopstvenom izboru. Drugim rečima, sloboda izražavanja nacionalne pripa- dnosti prvenstveno podrazumeva individualni odnos prema sopstvenom identitetu“ (Đurić et al., 2014, 15). Ponuđena metodološka rešenja koja su podrazumevala bezuslovnu primenu subjektivnog kriterijuma pri dekla- risanju etničkog identiteta imala su nepovoljan uticaj na pouzdanost popisnih rezultata jer su omogućavala vidne oscilacije pojedinih etničkih grupa (Radovanović, 1995; Mrđen, 2002; Knežević, 2011). Dakle, kada govorimo o nacionalnoj strukturi stanovništva Srbije, moramo imati u vidu činjenicu da statistika raspolaže brojem „nacio- nalno deklarisanih“, koji ne mora da odražava i stvarnu etničku pripadnost. 442 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Pored navedenog, etnodemografska istraživanja do- datno otežavaju i česte promene statističkih klasifi kacija nacionalnosti kroz uvođenje novih modaliteta,2 česte nedoumice oko defi nisanja naroda, nacionalnih manji- na, etničkih grupa (Janjić, 1988; Bufon, 1997; Josipovič, 2014), kao i zbirno iskazivanje podatatka za određene etničke zajednice. Iz navedenog bi se moglo zaključiti da je skoro svako izjašnjavanje o etničkoj pripadnosti imalo političku konotaciju koja se kvantitativno mogla meriti u popisnim podacima, počev od pokušaja da se na ideo- loškim osnovama naprave nove etničke konstrukcije, do pokušaja da se tzv. „ustavnim nacionalizmom“ pomire dva suprotstavljena koncepta suvereniteta, teritorijalni i etnonacionalni (Hayden, 1993). Pitanje o maternjem jeziku, kao jednom od ključnih etnokulturnih obeležja, je postavljano u kontinuitetu u svih šest sprovedenih popisa u Kraljevini Srbiji u perio- du 1884–1910. godine, u oba međuratna jugoslovenska popisa, a osim u popisu 1948. godine, postavljano je i u svim popisima posle Drugog svetskog rata.3 Iako se u etnodemografskim istraživanjima maternji jezik tretira kao objektivnije obeležje od nacionalne pripadnosti, podaci pokazuju određenu varijabilnost koja je u kore- laciji sa promenama statističkih nomenkaltura maternjeg jezika, odnosno nacionalnosti.4 Nepodudaranja jezičke i nacionalne pripadnosti (alterofonija) javlja se često i kao posledica fl otantnog ponašanja određenih etničkih grupa. Zato maternji jezik ne mora uvek da bude dovolj- na odrednica za pripadnost nekoj nacionalnoj grupi jer nije retka pojava da više etničkih zajednica istovremeno deklariše različitu nacionalnu pripadnost i isti maternji jezik (Sentić, Breznik, 1968).5 Informacije o konfesionalnim obeležjima stanovništva Srbije prikupljane su u gotovo svim popisima stanovništva Srbije do 1910. godine, kao i oba predratna jugoslovenska popisa 1921. i 1931., dok je u periodu socijalističke Ju- goslavije pitanje veroispovesti imalo izraženu ideološko- -političku konotaciju. Postavljeno je samo 1953. godine, a vraćeno u popis 1991. godine, više u funkciji fundiranja politike etničkog prebrojavanja, nego demokratske prakse slobodnog iskazivanja verske pripadnosti. U zavisnosti od načina na koji se postavlja, pitanje o veroispovesti može imati naglašeni subjektivni karakter, ili može da odražava samo formalnu pripadnost odrđenoj religiji.6 Prema aktuelnim metodološkim rešenjima pitanje o verskoj pripadnosti je otvorenog tipa, a prema članu 43. Ustava Republike Srbije građanin nije dužan da se izjasni. Odgovori su dobijani po subjektivnom kriterijumu, a na osnovu ličnog ubeđenja i shvatanja religije. Pored popisa stanovništva, u etnodemografskim istraživanjima podjednako važan izvor podataka je vi- talna statistika (staistika rađanja, umiranja, sklopljenih i razvedenih brakova). Statistika vitalnih događaja se u Srbiji beleži još od prve polovine XIX veka, ali je distri- bucija podataka po nacionalnosti dostupna tek od pe- destih godina XX veka. Vitalna statistika u posleratnom periodu je bila podložna metodološkim promenama, naročito 1965–1970. godine, kada je bez objašnjenja obustavljeno prikupljanje i objavljivanje vitalnih događaja po nacionalnosti, što znatno otežava etnode- mografska proučavanja iz tog perioda. Ovo je posebno važno za demografska proučavanja onih nacionalnih zajednica kod koji su u tom periodu ostvarile značajne demografske promene (npr. Slovenci u Srbiji).7 Osnovni 2 U periodu od 1948–2011. godine statistička klasifi kacija stanovništva Srbije prema nacionalnosti je menjana u svim međupopisnim pe- riodima, bilo da se radi o uvođenju novih, ili preimenovanju postojećih modaliteta. Statistička klasifi kacija je proširena sa 23 modaliteta iz 1948. godine, na 46 nacionalnih modaliteta 2011. godine (Knežević, Radić, 2016, 72). 3 Defi nicija maternjeg jezika koja je primenjena u popisu 1953. godine je podrazumevala jezik kojim lice u svom domaćinstvu ’pretežno govori’, odnosno jezik koji lice smatra svojim maternjim jezikom. U kasnijim popisima pod maternjim jezikom se podrazumevao jezik kojim je neko lice naučilo da govori u najranijem detinjstvu, odnosno jezik koji lice smatra svojim maternjim ako se u domaćinstvu govori više jezika. 4 U popisu 2002. godine uvedeni su modaliteti bosanskog, cincarskog i kineskog maternjeg jezika, dok je klasifi kacija maternjeg jezika 2011. godine proširena sa bunjevačkim, goranskim, jermenskim, crnogorskim, šokačkim i šopskim jezikom. 5 Značajni dispariteti se pojavljuju kod Vlaha i Roma ali su prisutni, u većoj ili manjoj meri, i kod ostalih etničkih zajednica. U popisu 1953. godine, najveća odstupanja su zabeležena kod Vlaha, kojih je prema popisnim rezultatima bilo 28.047, dok je broj stanovnika koji je deklarisao vlaški maternji jezik iznosio 198.861. Prema rezultatima popisa 1991. godine kod Srba, Slovenaca i Crnogoraca nije bilo većih odstupanja, dok je visok stepen alterofonije bio izražen kod fl otantnih etničkih grupa. Iste godine kod Jugoslovena se najčešće javlja srpski ili hrvatski maternji jezik, 21% Bugara deklarisalo srpski maternji jezik, dok je kod Muslimana podudarnost iznosila svega 33,6% što je bio rezultat masovne deklaracije bošnjačkog jezika koji se tada nije nalazio u statističkoj nomenklaturi jezika pa je bio svrstavan u kategoriju „ostali jezici’’. Prema rezulataima popisa iz 2002. godine, visok stepen etnofonije (preko 90%) je bio prisutan kod Srba, Mađara, Slovaka, Albanaca i Bošnjaka, dok je značajna alterofonija bila izražena kod Crnogoraca, Makedonaca, Muslimana i Hrvata. Prema rezultatima popisa 2011. godine, ukupan udeo etnofonije pripadnika 27 analiziranih nacionalnih zajednica iznosio je oko 96%, a alterofonije blizu 4% (Radovanović, 1995, 206; Knežević, 2011, 136-137; Đurić at al., 2014, 149). 6 U jugoslovenskim popisima 1921. i 1931. godine subjektivni kriterijum pri deklarisanju verske pripadnosti stanovništva je imao veoma slab uticaj (udeo građana koji se nisu deklarisali prema veroispovesti iznosio je manje od 1%) pa su dobijeni odgovori predstavljali formalnu pripadnost na osnovu koje se često izvodi etnička stuktura stanovništva. U popisu 1953. godine, pitanje o veroispovesti je formulisano kao „odnos prema veri“, uz objašnjeje da lice koje ima određeno versko ubeđenje upisuje veroispovest koju ispoveda, odnosno ako nema, upisuje „bez vere’’. 7 Tačnu godinu u kojoj je prvi put više Slovenaca u Srbiji umrlo nego što se rodilo nije moguće utvrditi jer je ondašnja jugoslovenska satis- tika bez ikakvog objašnjenja obustavila prikupljanje podataka vitalne statistike po nacionalnosti, i na taj način u periodu 1965–1970. godine strvorila ’rupu’ u podacima demografske statistike. Ovaj statistički nedostatak onemogućava računanje pokazatelja, i u izvesnoj meri otežava praćenje priprodnog kretanja stanovništva po nacionalnosti, što je od posebne važnosti za Slovence u Srbiji jer je njihov negativan prirodni priraštaj otpočeo upravo u ovom periodu (Knežević, 2012, 181). 443 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 nedostatak važeće metodologije registracije i objavlji- vanja vitalnih događaja po nacionalnosti predstavlja činjenica da su postojeći podaci o natalitetu distribui- rani po nacionalnosti majke, što znači da raspolažemo samo brojem rođene dece od nacionalno deklarisanih majki. Nacionalna deklaracija majke je subjektivnog karaktera i ne mora odražavati njeno etničko poreklo, dok je evidencija smrtnog događaja pod uticajem izja- ve izvestioca. Ovo rešenje omogućava pojavu razlike u nacionalnoj deklaraciji pri evidenciji rađanja i smrti iste osobe što je izraženo kod fl otantnih etničkih grupa, a posebno kod Roma (Knežević, 2010b, 53). METODOLOGIJA RADA Jednu od osnovnih karakteristika današnjeg nacio- nalnog sastava Republike Srbije čini značajan udeo lica drugih nacionalnosti sa etničkom maticom van Srbije, kao i onih bez matične države. Istorijski događaji u Sr- biji u protekla dva veka su obeleženi dinamičnim i vrlo složenim političko-geografskim i prostorno-demograf- skim procesima koji se nalaze u osnovi današnje etničke strukture, a čiju heterogenost su pokazali su i rezultati popisa stanovništva iz 2011. godine prema kojima su Srbi činili udeo od 83.3%, dok se u okviru ostale 44 etničke grupe deklarisalo 12% stanovništva.8 Etnička struktura Srbije je formirana pod uticajem brojnih faktora koji se u najširem smislu mogu razvrstati na demografske i nedemografske. Demografski faktori su direktni i podrazumevaju diferencijalne trendove pri- rodne i migracione komponente populacione dinamike, kao i strukturnih promena stanovništva prema etničkoj pripadnosti. Nedemografski faktori deluju posredno, pri čemu ključnu ulogu ima promena stava pri deklarisanju etničkih obeležja (pre svega nacionalne pripadnosti) usled primene subjektivnog kriterijuma kao zvaničnog principa nacionalne identifi kacije u popisnoj i vitalnoj statistici. Drugi važan nedemografski faktor se odnosi na promene metodoloških rešenja zvanične etnostatističke evidencije i statističkih nomenklatura etničkih obeležja. Kao rezultat pomenutih činilaca pojedine etničke grupe su s vremenom povećavale svoj broj i udeo u ukupnom stanovništvu, dok su druge imale stagnirajuće ili nega- tivne trendove. Zato je cilj ovog rada kauzalno istraži- vanje varijabilnosti demografskih trendova fl otantnih etničkih grupa, i objašnjenje relativističkog karaktera etnostatističkih podataka koji se često nekritički koriste pri kreiranju i sprovođenju javnih politika. Prostorni obuhvat istraživanja je defi nisan teritorijom Republike Srbije9, a vremenski okvir predstavlja period od 1948–2011. godine. U radu je naglašena upotreba demografskog metoda koji omogućava potpunu hrono- logiju naučnog zaključivanja i daje mogućnost provere empirijske građe, što nije slučaj u većini društvenih nauka. Zato je demografski metod izrazito upotrebljiv kod kauzalnih istraživanja varijabilnih demografskih pokazatelja, a njegova primena je značajna zato što precizno usmerava istraživača na fazna istraživanja, od prikupljanja, obrade i sređivanja podataka u tzv. ’siro- vom’ statističkom obliku, preko demografske analize, do faze istraživanja uzročno-posledičnih veza koja u sebi sintetiše sve logičko-misaone procese. Za analizu vari- jabilnosti fl otantnih etničkih grupa u radu su korišćeni statistički metodi standardne devijacije i hijerarhijske klasterske analize na originalnim podacima indeksa rasta stanovništva po nacionalnosti Ward Linkage meto- dom, pri čemu je sličnost varijacija iskazana modelom kvadratne euklidske distance. Osnovni izvori etnostatističkih podataka koji su korišćeni u radu su popisi stanovništva i vitalna statisti- ka, a analitički deo rada objašnjava uticaj vrijabilnosti obeležja nacionalne pripadnosti stanovništva na kvalitet dobijenih demografskih pokazatelja i njihovih trendova. REZULTATI ISTRAŽIVANJA Dinamika stanovništva Srbije posle Drugog svetskog rata ukazuje na izrazite razlike u tempu rasta/pada broja stanovnika prema deklarisanoj nacionalnosti što potvrđuje ranije iznetu tezu o neophodnom analitičkom pristupu razmatranja popisnih etnostatističkih podataka (Tabela 1). Kvantitativni deo istraživanja je iskazan rezultatima koji su dobijeni statističkim analizama popisnih podtaka o nacionalnoj pripadnosti stanovništva Srbije u periodu od 1948–2011. godine. Lančani indeks rasta (Tabela 2), rezultati hijerarhijske klaster analize na originalnim podacima indeksa rasta (Grafi kon 1; Tabela 3) i standar- dna devijacija indeksa rasta po nacionalnosti (Tabela 4; Grafi kon 2) pokazuju da se u međupopisnim periodima, jasno izdvajaju dva modela promene populacione dinamike. DISKUSIJA REZULTATA-UZROCI I TIPOVI FLOTANTNOSTI Na osnovu predstavljenih rezultata kvantitativnih is- traživanja varijabilnosti indeksa rasta stanovništva Srbije prema deklarisanoj nacionalnoj pripadnosti u periodu 1948–2011, izdvajaju se dva modela dinamike rasta. 8 Prema rezultatima popisa stanovništva Republike Srbije iz 2002. godine, Srbi su činili udeo od 82.9%, dok se u okviru 40 nacionalnih ili etničkih zajednica deklarisalo 14.7% stanovništva (Etnički mozaik Srbije, 2004; Knežević, 2005, 104). 9 Popisni rezultati za 1991., 2002. i 2011. godinu ne obuhvataju prostor AP Kosova i Metohije, dok su za 1991., i 2011. godinu prika- zani konačni rezultati popisa u opštinama Bujanovac, Preševo i Medveđa u južnoj Srbiji, bez obzira na nedovoljan obuhvat albanskog stanovništva. 444 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Tabela 1: Stanovništvo Republike Sbije prema nacionalnoj pripadnosti, 1948–2011. (Izvor: Popisi stanovništva Srbije (1948–2011)) Table 1: Population of the Republic of Serbia according to declared nationality, 1948–2011. 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 19911) 20021) 20111) UKUPNO 6527966 6979154 7642227 8446591 9313677 7759920 7498001 7186862 Srbi 4823730 5152939 5704686 6016811 6182159 6252405 6212838 5988150 Albanci3) 532011 565513 699772 984761 1303032 15406 61647 5809 Aškalije / / / / / / 584 997 Bošnjaci / / / / / / 136087 145278 Bugari 59472 60146 58494 53800 33455 26698 20497 18543 Bunjevci4) / / / / / 21434 20012 16706 Vlasi 93440 28047 1368 14724 25596 17804 40054 35330 Goranci / / / / / / 4581 7767 Grci5) / 1279 1178 840 757 916 572 725 Egipćani / / / / / 433 814 1834 Jevreji5) / 1054 1250 1128 683 1107 1158 787 Jermeni / / / / / / / 222 Jugosloveni6) / / 20079 123824 441941 320168 80721 23303 Mađari 433701 441907 449587 430314 390468 343800 293299 253899 Makedonci 17917 27277 36288 42675 48986 45068 25047 22755 Muslimani 17315 81081 93467 154330 215166 180222 19503 22301 Nemci 41460 46228 14533 9086 5302 5172 3901 4064 Romi 52181 58800 9826 49894 110959 94492 108103 147604 Rumuni 63160 59705 59505 57419 53693 42316 34576 29332 Rusi 13329 7829 6984 4746 2761 2473 2588 3247 Rusini2) 22667 23720 25658 20608 19757 18052 15905 14246 Slovaci 73140 75027 77837 76733 73207 66772 59021 52750 Slovenci 20998 20717 19957 15957 12006 8001 5104 4033 Turci 1914 54526 44434 18220 13890 765 522 647 Ukrajinci2) / / / 5643 5520 5042 5354 4903 Hrvati4) 169864 173246 196409 184913 149368 97344 70602 57900 Cincari / / / / / / 293 243 Crnogorci 74860 86061 104753 125560 147466 118934 69049 38527 Česi 6760 5948 5133 4149 3225 2675 2211 1824 Šokci4) / / / / / 1738 717 607 Šopi / / / / / / / 142 Ostali 9214 7807 7267 6989 17289 7166 7051 9530 Neizjašnjeni / / / 4486 7834 10718 107732 160346 Regionalni / / / 10409 6848 4841 11485 30771 Nepoznato / 1994 5604 30274 43222 47958 75483 81740 Napomene: 1) Bez podataka za AP Kosovo i Metohiju; 2) Do popisa 1971. godine Ukrajinci i Rusini su prikazivani zbirno; 3) 1991. i 2011. godine nepotpun obuhvat albanskog stanovništava u opštinama Preševo, Bujanovac i Medveđa; 4) Do popisa 1991. godine Bunjevci i Šokci su prikazivani zbirno sa Hrvatima; 5) U popisu 1948. godine u FNR Jugoslaviji popisano je ukupno 6.853 Jevreja i 1.830 Grka koji nisu bili posebno iskazani po republikama već su svrstani u kategoriju ostali; 6) U popisu 1961. godine modalitet Jugosloven obuhvata građane koji se nisu bliže nacionalno deklarisali ili su deklarisali regionalnu pripadnost. 445 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Tabela 2: Indeks rasta stanovništva Srbije po nacionalnoj pripadnosti, 1948–2011. (Izvor: Proračun na osnovu podataka iz Tabele 1) Table 2: Growth Index of Serbian population according to declared nationality, 1948–2011. 1953/48 1961/53 1971/61 1981/71 1991/81 2002/91 2011/02 UKUPNO 106,9 109,5 110,5 110,3 83,3 96,6 95,9 Srbi 106,8 110,7 105,5 102,7 101,1 99,4 96,4 Albanci 106,3 123,7 140,7 132,3 1,2 400,1 9,4 Aškalije / / / / / / 170,7 Bošnjaci / / / / / 106,8 Bugari 101,1 97,3 92,0 62,2 79,8 76,8 90,5 Bunjevci / / / / 93,4 83,5 Vlasi 30,01 4,9 1076,3 173,8 69,6 225,0 88,2 Goranci / / / / / 169,5 Grci / 92,1 71,3 90,1 121,0 62,4 126,7 Egipćani / / / / 188,0 225,3 Jevreji / 118,6 90,2 60,5 162,1 104,7 68,0 Jugosloveni / / 616,7 356,9 72,4 25,3 28,9 Mađari 101,9 101,7 95,7 90,7 88,0 85,4 86,6 Makedonci 152,2 133,0 117,6 114,8 92,0 55,6 90,8 Muslimani 468,3 115,3 165,1 139,4 83,8 10,8 114,3 Nemci 111,5 31,4 62,5 58,35 97,5 75,4 104,2 Romi 112,7 16,7 507,8 222,4 85,2 114,4 136,5 Rumuni 94,5 99,7 96,5 93,5 78,8 81,7 84,8 Rusi 58,7 89,2 68,0 58,2 89,6 104,6 125,5 Rusini 104,6 108,2 80,3 95,9 91,4 88,1 89,6 Slovaci 102,6 103,7 98,6 95,4 91,2 88,4 89,4 Slovenci 98,7 96,3 80,0 75,2 66,6 63,8 79,0 Ukrajinci / / / 97,8 91,3 106,2 91,6 Turci 2848,8 81,5 41,0 76,2 5,5 68,2 123,9 Hrvati 102,0 113,4 94,1 80,8 65,2 72,5 82,0 Cincari / / / / / 82,9 Crnogorci 115,0 121,7 119,9 117,4 80,7 58,1 55,8 Šokci / / / / / 41,3 84,7 Česi 88,0 86,3 80,8 77,7 82,9 82,7 82,5 Muslimani/Bošnjaci 468,3 115,3 165,1 139,4 83,8 86,3 107,7 Rusini/Ukrajinci 104,6 108,2 103,4 95,3 91,4 92,1 90,1 Hrvati/Bunjevci/Šokci 102,0 113,4 94,1 80,8 80,7 75,8 82,3 Napomena: Iz razloga koji su opisani u metodološkim problemima etnostatističke evidencije, za potrebe klasterske analize su izdvojena tri zbirna modaliteta za koje je moguće obezbediti podatke u kontinuitetu. 446 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Grafi kon 1: Rezultat hijerarhijske klaster analize metodom Ward Linkage10 na originalnim podacima indeksa rasta stanovništva Srbije prema nacionalosti Figure 1: The result of hierarchical cluster analysis (Ward Linkage method) to the original data of the growth index of the population of Serbia, according to declared nationality 10 Za merenje sličnosti varijacija je korišćen model kvadratne euklidske distance. 11 Niska varijabilnost i linearni trendovi indeksa rasta navedenih etničkih grupa koji su iskazani u rezultatima istraživanja ne isključuju etničku mimikriju i određenog broja njihovih pripadnika u okolnostima pod kojima su sprovođeni popisi stanovništva, iako se ove grupe ne mogu okarakterisate kao fl otantne. 12 Slovenačko stanovništvo u Srbiji je već duže vreme zahvaćeno depopulacijom usled nedovoljnog rađanja, koje im ne obezbeđuje ni prostu reprodukciju, što pokazuju proračuni na osnovu podataka vitalne ststistike. Slovenačka populacija u Srbiji je ostvarila negativan prirodni priraštaj već sredinom 60-tih godina, što se podudara sa prvim značajnim padom broja Slovenaca u Srbiji (Knežević, 2012, 181). Prvi model karakterišu ravnomerne ili blago varijabilne promene indeksa rasta u oba smera, čija kauzalnost je utemeljena na interpretabilnim demografskim trendo- vima izvedenim na osnovu podataka popisne i vitalne statistike. Na nisku varijabilnost indeksa rasta Srba, Bugara, Bunjevaca, Mađara, Makedonaca, Rumuna, Rusa, Rusina, Slovaka, Slovenaca, Ukrajinaca, Hrvata, Čeha, uticali su relativna stabilnost pri ispoljavanju na- cionalnog identiteta u popisima stnovništva sa jedne,11 i relativno linearni trendovi prirodnog priraštaja i migra- cija druge strane. Kontinuirano i ravnomerno opadanje broja stanovnika u posmatranom periodu beležimo kod Slovenaca,12 Rumuna, Rusa i Čeha, dok polulacionu dinamiku Srba, Makedonca, Mađara, Bugara, Rusina, Slovaka i Hrvata karakterišu prvobitni blagi porast, a zatim opadanje stanovništva do kraja posmatranog perioda (Tabela 2). Sa druge strane, na osnovu rezulata hijerarhijske klasterske analize i standardne devijacije izdvajaju se etničke zajednice koje karakterišeu varijabilni modeli populacione dinamike. Dobijeni rang vrednosti standar- dne devijacije u odnosu na aritmetičku sredinu indeksa 447 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Tabela 3: Klasterska pripadnost etničkih grupa prema indeksu rasta u ponuđenim višeklasterskim rešenjima Table 3: Cluster affi liation of ethnic groups, according to growth index in the multiple choice clusters 5 klastera 4 klastera 3 klastera 2 klastera Srbi 1 1 1 1 Albanci 2 2 1 1 Bugari 1 1 1 1 Vlasi 3 3 2 2 Grci 1 1 1 1 Jevreji 1 1 1 1 Jugosloveni 4 4 3 2 Mađari 1 1 1 1 Makedonci 1 1 1 1 Muslimani/Bošnjaci 1 1 1 1 Nemci 1 1 1 1 Romi 5 4 3 2 Rumuni 1 1 1 1 Rusi 1 1 1 1 Rusini/Ukrajinci 1 1 1 1 Slovaci 1 1 1 1 Slovenci 1 1 1 1 Turci 1 1 1 1 Hrvati/Bunjevci/Šokci 1 1 1 1 Crnogorci 1 1 1 1 Česi 1 1 1 1 Tabela 4: Standardna devijacija indeksa rasta po nacionalnosti u periodu 1948–2011. Table 4: The standard deviation of the growth index by declared nationality, 1948–2011. StDev StDev UKUPNO 10,3 Grci 25,8 Turci 1052,4 Rusi 25,0 Vlasi 377,6 Hrvati 16,9 Jugosloveni 260,9 Bugari 13,5 Romi 160,7 Slovenci 13,4 Muslimani 145,8 Rusini 9,7 Albanci 132,2 Rumuni 8,1 Jevreji 37,1 Bunjevci 7,0 Makedonci 31,7 Ukrajinci 7,0 Šokci 30,7 Mađari 7,0 Crnogorci 29,8 Slovaci 6,2 Nemci 28,8 Srbi 4,8 Egipćani 26,4 Česi 3,4 448 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 rasta za svaku nacionalnost u ukupnom periodu po- smatranja izdvaja nekoliko etničkih grupa sa izraženim oscilacijama populacione dinamike (Tabela 4; Grafi kon 2). Međutim, bilo bi neosnovano da svakoj statističkoj oscilaciji u populacionoj dinamici pripišemo fl otantnst određenoj etničkoj grupi. Iako ponuđena višeklasterska rešenja i vrednosti standardnih devijacija jasno izdva- jaju klastere varijabilnih etničkih grupa (Tabele 3 i 4), moramo imati na umu da opseg varijabilnosti ne može biti osnova za kvalitativno razdvajanje klastera fl otantnih etničkih grupa jer ispunjava samo numrički princip gru- pisanja. S obzirom da je varijabilnost fl otantnih etničkih grupa primarno determinisana promenom stava pri nacionalnom deklarisanju u popisima stanovništva (čiji uzroci se nalaze u širokom spekrtu socio-kulturnih, po- litičkih i ekonomskih faktora), neophodno je iz klastera varijabilnih etničkih grupa izdvojiti one čija je varija- bilnost mogla biti pod uticajima promena metodoloških rešenja etnostatističke evidencije, izmena statističkih nomenklatura nacionalnosti ili primene međudržavnih sporazuma o preseljavanju stanovništva. Osnovne karakteristike ovog tipa varijabilnosti su predvidljivost i mogućnost rekonstrukcije demografskih trendova. Tako se, kao rezultat nacionalne politike u poslera- tnoj socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, pristupilo uvođenju novih metodoloških rešenja u popis stanovništva koja su se neposredno odrazila na dinamiku kretanja Muslimana,13 Jugoslovena i regionalno opredeljenih što pokazuju značajne oscilacije indeksa rasta u periodu 1948–1961. godine (Tabela 2). Grafi kon 2: Standardna devijacija indeksa rasta po nacionalnosti u periodu 1948–2011. Figure 2: The standard deviation of the growth index by declared nationality, 1948–2011. 0,00 200,00 400,00 600,00 800,00 1000,00 1200,00 Tu rc i Vl as i Ju go slo ve ni Ro m i M us lim an i Al ba nc i Je vr ej i M ak ed on ci Šo kc i Cr no go rc i Ne m ci Eg ip ća ni Gr ci Ru si Hr va ti Bu ga ri Sl ov en ci Ru sin i Ru m un i Bu nj ev ci Uk ra jin ci M ađ ar i Sl ov ac i Sr bi Če si 13 U popisu 1948. godine Muslimani su tretirani kao lica jugoslovenskog porekla „bez vere”, pri čemu su se mogli izjašnjavati kao Srbi-muslimani (87.637), Hrvati-muslimani (444) i neopredeljeni-muslimani (17.315). U popisu 1953. godine ukinuta je kategorija Jugoslovena-muslimana i uvedena kategorija Jugosloven-neopredeljen. Indeks rasta od 468,3 u ovom periodu ukazuje na transfer stanovništva iz prethodne kategorije Jugosloven-musliman, pri čemu intenzitet rasta ukazuje da se 1953. godine među Jugoslovenima- neopredeljenima našao i određeni broj fl otantnih etničkih grupa. Poptpunom identifi kacijom religioznog sa nacionalnim obeležjem, od 1961. godine odvija se ubrzani proces etničke konsolidacije Muslimana u smislu etničke pripadnosti, odnosno njihove pojave kao naroda (Radovanović, Radovanović, 1998). Uvođenje modaliteta Bošnjak u popis 2002. godine uticalo je na značajno opadanje broja Muslimana čiji je indeks rasta u odnosu na 1991. godinu je iznosio svega 10,8 (Tabela 2). 449 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 Izmene statističke nomenklature nacionalnosti u smislu uvođenja novih modaliteta su takođe uticale na dinamiku i varijabilnost etničkih grupa koje su do određenog perioda prikazivane zbirno. Tako su od popisa 1971. godine Ukrajinci prikazivani odvojeno od Rusina, od popisa 1991. godine Bunjevci i Šokci odvo- jeno od Hrvata, dok je uvođenje modaliteta Egipćana, (a od 2002. godine i Aškalija) neznatno uticalo na broj deklarisanih Roma, odnosno Albanaca. Jedan od uzroka varijabilnosti koji je snažno uticao na pokazatelje porasta stanovništva određenih nacio- nalnosti, a koji nije uslovljen demografskim trendovima ili raznim metodološkim rešenjima popisne statistike, predstavljale su i aktivnosti države koje su bile usmerene na ciljane migracione transfere uvođenjem mogućnosti optiranja. Kao primer se mogu navesti ugovori o preselja- vanju stanovništva između FNR Jugoslavije, Grčke i Tur- ske, (Ugovor iz 1953. godine iz Ankare, i 1954. godine iz Bleda),14 kao i protokol između vlada FNR Jugoslavije i SR Nemačke o uzajamnom obaveštavanju o naturali- zaciji državljana dve zemlje iz 1954. godine (stupio na snagu 13. januara 1955. godine) 15 kojim je regulisano iseljavanje pripadnika nemačke nacionalne manjine i gubitak jugoslovenskog državljanstva (Grafi kon 3). Analiza dinamike stanovništva Srbije prema naci- onalnoj pripadnosti pokazuje značajna odstupanja in- deksa rasta albanskog stanovništva koja su evidentirana u međupopisnim periodima od 1991–2011. godine. Razlozi varijabilnosti se ne mogu tražiti u fl otantnom ponašanju albanskog stanovništva, čija je dinamika u periodu od 1948–1981. godine imala linearan i demo- grafski objašnjiv trend usled visokih vrednosti nataliteta i prirodnog priraštaja. Međutim, albansko stanovništvo u Srbiji je iz političkih razloga bojkotovalo popise 1991. i 2011. godine što se direktno odrazilo na pokazatelja porasta.16 Dobijeni rezultati pokazuju da je u akcija- ma bojkota vladala gotovo potpuna disciplina među albanskim stanovništvom, što indirektno svodi pojavu fl otantnosti na statistički minimum. Ideološko-politički pristup nacionaloj identifi kaciji sta- novništva u Srbiji je najizraženiji u kretanju broja dekla- risanih Jugoslovena. U početnim godinama posmatranja promenljivo kretanje broja Jugoslovena je bilo u tesnoj vezi sa uvođenjem Muslimana u statističku nomnklaturu Grafi kon 3: Kretanje broja Nemaca i Turaka u Srbiji, 1948–2011. Figure 3: The number of declared Germans and Turks in Serbia, 1948–2011. 0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Nemci 0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 60000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Turci 14 Prema navedenom ugovoru turska ambasada u Beogradu izdavala je dozvole o turskoj nacionalnoj pripadnosti koja se sticala samo na osnovu poznavanja desetak turskih reči, otpusta iz državaljanstva Jugoslavije, zahteva za spajanjem porodica (pri čemu su porodice shvatane u najširem smislu) i pripadnosti islamskoj veroispovesti (Pavlović, 2015, 588). Opravdana je hipoteza da je u ovom sporazumu svoju šansu za iseljenje iz Jugoslavije iskoristio daleko veći broj pripadnika etničkih grupa koje u užem smislu nisu imale etničke veze sa Turcima. U prilog tome idu rezultati standardne devijacije (Tabela 4; Grafi kon 2) i nagli porast indeksa rasta deklarisanih Turaka u Srbiji koji je u međupopisnom periodu 1948–1953. godine iznosio 2.849 (Tabela 2), što ukazuje na masovnu etničku mimikriju muslimanskog stanovništva, pretežno iz oblasti Starog Vlaha i Raške, ali i dela albanskog stanovništva. 15 Ovome je prethodila jedna decenija nastojanja novih jugoslovenskih vlasti da se u posleratnim godinama trajno reši pripadnika nemačke nacionalne manjine kojoj su zakonski uskraćivana osnovna građanska i ljudska prava, iz čega su izuzeti „oni Nemci koji su se borili na strani NOP-a, pomagali ga, ili se za vreme rata nisu deklarisali kao Nemci, kao i Nemci u mešovitim brakovima“ (Janjetović, 2010, 7). Period realizacije pomenutog protokola se poklapa sa značajnim padom broja Nemaca u Srbiji u međupopisnom periodu 1953–1961. godine kada je indeks rasta iznosio 31,4 što ukazuje na varijabilnost čiji uzrok ne može biti objašnjen ni trendom prirodnog kretanja, ni fl otantnim ponašanjem Nemaca pri nacionalnoj deklaraciji. 16 1991. godine je u Srbiji popisano ukupno 24.497 Albanaca, od čega 15.406 u Centralnoj Srbiji i Vojvodini. Već 2002. godine u Central- noj Srbiji i Vojvodini je popisano 61.647 Albanaca čija je najveća koncentracija bila u opštinama Preševo i Bujanovac. Ovaj podatak se smatra relativno pouzdanim jer nije vođena kampanja bojkota popisa usled novih političkih okolnosti koje su podrazumevale, između ostalog, i amnestiju za sve učesnike prethodno izvedene oružane pobune na jugu Srbije. Međutim, popis stanovništava 2011. godine je ponovo bio obeležen bojkotom albanskog stanovništva što se neposredno odrazilo na pokazatelje porasta. 450 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 nacionalnosti. Od 1961. godine kategorija Jugosloven skoro potpuno gubi pređašnje etnonacionalno i civiliza- cijsko značenje, i dobija obeležje fl otantne i nedefi nisane populacije, na šta upućuje i svrstavanje Jugoslovena u popisima od 1961–1981. godine u kategoriju ’nacional- no neopredeljenih’. Od popisa 1991. godine Jugosloveni se svrstavaju u kategoriju nacionalno ’opredeljenih’, uz objašnjenje da će se u redosledu klasifi kacije naći iza na- roda, a ispred narodnosti, i to bez ikakve bliže odrednice šta se podrazumeva pod pojmom Jugosloven (Radovano- vić, 1995, 189). Statističke oscilacije broja deklarisanih Jugoslovena imaju objašnjenje u promenama metodo- loških rešenja popisa, porastu udela etnički heterogenih brakova, ideološkom pristupu nacionalnoj deklaraciji, kao i etničkoj mimikriji u određenim društveno-politič- kim okolnostima. Međutim ekspanziju Jugoslovena koja je registrovana u popisu 1981. godine treba posmatrati iz šireg društvenog konteksta, pre svega kroz težnju dela mladog stanovništva za nadrastanjem sopstvene nacije i socio-kulturnu identifi kaciju sa jugoslovenskom drža- vom, naročito u vreme new wave pokreta s kraja 70-ih, i početka 80-ih godina. Navedeni razlozi su mogli uticati na nagli porast broja deklarisanih Jugoslovena u Srbiji, čiji je maksimum zabeležen 1981. godine (441.941), dok je prema rezulatima poslednjeg sprovedenog popisa 2011. godine njihov broj bio približan onom iz 1961. godine (Grafi kon 4). Sa druge strane, kretanje broja deklarisanih Crno- goraca u Srbiji je do 1991. godine imalo karakteristiku predvidivog linearnog trenda rasta koji je bio u korelaciji sa dinamikom prirodnog i migracionog kretanja. Među- tim, rezultati popisa iz 2002. i 2011. godine pokazuju intenzivno opadanje broja Crnogoraca koji se ne može dovesti u vezu ni sa jednom komponentom demograf- skog razvitka, već isključivo sa promenom stava pri deklarisanju nacionalne pripadnosti koja je uzrokovana novim političkim okolnostima, pre svega raspadom državne zajednice Srbije i Crne Gore, ali i izraženom, i danas aktuelnom polarizacijom stanovništva Crne Gore u vezi sa tumačenjem sopstvenog etničkog identiteta. Kada govorimo statističkoj varijabilnosti prema naci- onalnoj pripadnosti stanovništva Srbije, centarlno mesto zauzimaju Romi i Vlasi, čija dinamika pokazuje konti- nuirane nepravilnosti usled učestalih promena stava o nacionalnoj pripadnosti u svim sprovedenim popisima posle Drugog svetskog rata. Primena subjektivnog kri- terijuma, kao zvaničnog principa ispoljavanja etničkog identiteta, rezultirala je izraženim oscilacijama broja deklarisanih Roma i Vlaha u svim međupopisnim perio- dima u kojima je nemoguće uspostaviti interpretabilne trendove populacione dinamike. Uzroci fl otantnosti romskog i vlaškog stanovništva u Srbiji se razlikuju od ostalih etničkih grupa o kojima smo do sada govorili jer ona nije samo metodološkog karaktera, već proizilazi i iz specifi čnih socio-kulturnih matrica Roma i Vlaha, koje su rezultat kompleksnog istorijsko-demografskog razvitka i društvenog konteksta u kome se on odvijao. Varijabilnost ovih grupa u etnostatističkoj evidenciji stanovništva Srbije posle Drugog svetskog rata nikada nije predstavljao ad hoc pojavu, već konstantno pra- vilo etničke mimikrije. Zato je nastojanje demografa, sociologa, antropologa, etnologa, istoričara i ostalih istarživača da, na osnovu podataka popisne i vitalne statistike, objektivno prikažu demografske karakteri- stike Roma i Vlaha najčešće bez uspeha. Međutim, daleko veći problem nastaje kada se na osnovu takvih rezultata istraživanja izvode zaključci koji predstavljaju integralne delove javnih politika, naročito onih koje defi nišu pravni i politički položaj ovih etničkih grupa. Prema prikazanim rezultatima hijerarhijske klasterske analize, a u ponuđenim višeklasterskim rešenjima (Tabela 3), već u dvoklasterskom rešenju Romi i Vlasi Grafi kon 4: Kretanje broja Jugoslovena i Crnogoraca u Srbiji, 1948–2011. Figure 4: The number of declared Yugoslavs and Montenegrins in Serbia, 1948–2011. 0 50000 100000 150000 200000 250000 300000 350000 400000 450000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Jugosloveni 0 20000 40000 60000 80000 100000 120000 140000 160000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Crnogorci 451 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 su svrstani u drugi klaster prema varijabilnosti indeksa rasta, dok njihovu dinamiku karakterišu odsustvo bilo kakve pravilnosti, značajne oscilacije u međupopisnim periodima, nepredvidivost dinamike, i nemogućnost uspostavljanja i rekonstrukcije demografskih trendova (Grafi kon 5, Tabele 1 i 2). Iako je zajednička karakteristika vlaškog i romskog stanovništva u Srbiji izrazita labilnost pri nacionalnoj identifi kaciji u popisima stanovništva, rezultati dosadaš- njih etnodemografskih istraživanja, koji nisu bazirani samo na numeričkoj interpretaciji podataka zvanične statistike, pokazuju da se radi se o dve etničke grupe sa dijametralno suprotnim modelima reproduktivnog ponašanja, kao i izraženom dihotomijom većine de- mografskih pokazatelja. Romsku populaciju karakterišu visoke vrednosti natalteta i prirodnog priraštaja, starosna struktura progresivnog tipa, niska prosečna satarost i starost majke pri prvorođenju, a visoka podudarnost očekivanog i ostvarenog broja dece, značajno učešće u reprodukciji mladih žena iz optimalnog fertilnog kontingenta i visoke vrednosti stope ukupnog fertiliteta (Knežević, 2010b; Radovanović, Knežević, 2014). Sa druge starne Vlasi u Srbiji su suočeni sa du- goročnim opadanjem nataliteta (od kraja XIX veka) i negativnim prirodnim priraštajem od polovine XX veka. Svi demografski pokazatelji vlaškog stanovništva ukazuju na nepovratni proces demografske erozije, počev pokazatelja demografskog starenja (visoke pro- sečne starosti, indeksa starenja i regresivne starosne strukture), pa do izraženog odlaganja rađanja, prakse tzv. „sistema jednog deteta” i visokog udela žena iz fertilnog kontingenta koje ne učestvuju u reprodukciji, što je rezultiralo stopom ukupnog fertiliteta ispod 1.5, a čija je vrednost u demografskoj teoriji označena kao donja granica mogućnosti rehabilitacije feriliteta (Knežević, 2013b). Postoji još nekoliko osobina koje razlikuju ove dve etničke grupe. U smislu etničkog porekla Vlasi i Romi u Srbiji nemaju dodirnih tačaka. U geografskom smislu radi se o dve zajednice sa različitim prostornim razmeštajem. Prostorni razmeštaj Roma je disperzan i teško ga je pratiti jer nigde u Srbiji ne čine homogenu strukturu, već su kao specifi čno manjinsko stanovništvo razbacani u velikom broju naselja, najčešće u izolova- nim delovima (Knežević, 2013a; Sabic et al, 2013). Sa druge strane, preko 99% Vlaha je skoncentrisano na prostoru istočne Srbije, ali prema popisnim podacima ni u jednoj opštini ne čine većinsko stanovništvo. Međutim, pitanje je koji su to faktori koji uslovljavaju zajedničku karakteristiku učestalog etničkog prikrivanja pri etnostatitističkoj evidenciji ove dve etničke grupe? Da su Romi i Vlasi stanovništvo koje se u pogledu smera i karakteristika etničke mimikrije razlikuje od ostalih manjinskih zajednica u Srbiji, potvrđuju rezultati svih popisa stanovništva posle Drugog svetskog rata. Sigurno je da osnovne razloge mimikrije treba tražiti u istorijskim iskustvima i socio-kulturološkim speci- fi čnostima (Promitzer, 2004), ali ne treba zanemariti i činjenicu današnjeg društvenog položaja ovih grupa koji ima i neke zajedničke determinante, pre svega ne- povoljnu obrazovnu i socio-ekonomsku strukturu, kao i nedostatak artikulisanih aktivnosti u pravcu ostvarivanja osnovnih građanskih prava kroz osnivanje relevantnih političkih i kulturnih organizacija. Kada govorimo o Romima, značajan uticaj na fl otantnost mogu imati veliko siromaštvo, nedovoljna društvena emancipacija, obostrana etnička distanca, ali i nepostojanje matične države koja bi zaštitila njihove interese. Romi u Srbiji su socijalno najugroženija etnič- ka zajednica, a razmere egzistencijalnih problema sa kojima se suočavaju ne možemo prepoznati iz rezula- tata popisne statistike. O načinima na koji se ovi faktori Grafi kon 5: Kretanje broja Vlaha i Roma u Srbiji, 1948–2011. Figure 5: The number of declared Vlachs and Roma in Serbia, 1948–2011. 0 10000 20000 30000 40000 50000 60000 70000 80000 90000 100000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Vlasi 0 20000 40000 60000 80000 100000 120000 140000 160000 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2002 2011 Romi 452 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 zajedno sa drugim sadržajima romskih etnokulturnih elemenata odražavaju na različite aspekte njihovog života možemo razmišljati samo hipotetički zbog česte sklonosti Roma ka promeni stava pri deklarisanju etnič- kih obeležja (Knežević, 2013a). Sa druge strane, pitanje etničkog identiteta vlaškog stanovništva u Srbiji već više od jednog veka dominant- na tema akademskih i političkih rasprava u Rumuniji sa tendencijom rumunizacije svih potomaka starobalkan- skog romanofonog stanovništva na prostoru od Dunava do Istre na jednoj, i od južnog panonskog oboda do Ko- rintskog zaliva na drugoj strani (Vâlsan, 1996; Zbuchea, 2002; Knežević, 2010a; Toarca, 2012). Tome ide u prilog i uslovljavanje Srbije prilikom dodele statusa kandidata za članstvu u Evropskoj Uniji od strane Rumunije koja je tražila napredak u ostvarivanju prava vlaške nacionalne manjine u istočnoj Srbiji, identifi kujući je sa rumunskom nacinalnom manjinom koja je skoncentrisana u jugois- točnom Banatu, a koja u demografskom smislu nema nikakve sličnosti sa Vlasima istočne Srbije. Flotantnost Vlaha u Srbiji je pojava novijeg datuma jer iz srpske popisne statistike XIX i početka XX veka doznajemo da je stanovništvo rumunskog maternjeg jezika u Kneževini i Kraljevini Srbiji u periodu 1834– 1910. godine imalo gotovo stogodišnji linearni trend rasta koji nikada nije značajno oscilirao (izuzev 1900. godine),17 a relativno pouzdan broj je moguće dobiti i iz pipisa 1921. godine. Proces etničke simbioze Vlaha i Srba u istočnoj Srbiji koji se odvijao prema potrebama i shvatanjima stanovništva je neraskidivo povezan sa du- gom zajedničkom prošlošću. Međusobno povezivanje stanovništva nije potvrđivano samo rodbinskim vezama već i kroz ostale oblike svakodnevnog života koji su vremenom doprinosili stvaranju posebnog osećanja pripadništva Vlaha srpskoj etničkoj zajednici. Međutim, u to vreme nije bilo fl otantnog ponašanja Vlaha o čemu svedoče i podaci tadašnje popisne statistike. Sa druge strane, uzroke fl otantnosti Vlaha koja je evidentirana u popisima stanovništva socijalističke Jugoslavije nije mo- guće u potpunosti objasniti, pri čemu je primena subjek- tivnog kriterijuma pri deklaraciji etničkih obeležja samo način da Vlasi iskažu distancu prema vlastitom identite- tu. Oscilacije u kretanju broja deklarisanih Vlaha, kao i izražena alterofonija u korist srpskog jezika odredili su populacionu dinamiku ove zajednice kao izrazito nepravilnu, a rezultate demografskih istraživanja na osnovu podataka zvanične statistike nepouzdanim. I na kraju treba istaći da metodološki problemi et- nodemografskih proučavanja fl otantnih etničkih grupa posebno dolaze do izražaja pri usaglašavnju podataka pipisne i vitalne statistike na osnovu kojih se izvode demografski pokazatelji i trendovi. Poređenjem poda- taka vitalne statistike o prirodnom priraštaju, i popisne statistike o apsolunom porastu broja pripadnika izabra- nih varijabilnih etničkih grupa u Srbiji u poslednjem međupopisnom periodu, dolazimo do zaključka da ne postoji nikakva korelacija između ova dva pokazatelja (Tabela 5). To znači da ovi podaci, iako jedini i službeni, ne mogu činiti osnovu za uspostavljanje naučno utemel- jenih demografskih trendova iz kojih bi trebalo izvoditi zaključke, naročito one koji bi direktno uticali različite aspekte pravnog, političkog, kulturnog, odnosno ukup- nog društvenog položaja fl otantnih etničkih grupa. ZAKLJUČAK Demografska proučavanja fl otantnih etničkih grupa u Srbiji su u direktnoj vezi sa metodološkim problemima etnostatističke evidencije koji su uticali na kvalitet dobijenih podataka popisne i vitalne statistike o etničkim obeležjima stanovništva. Pojava fl otantnih etničkih grupa u Srbiji ima najmanje dve dimenzije, statističko-činjeničnu i kauzalnu. U statističkom smislu, uzrok fl otatntnosti posmatranih grupa treba tražiti u primeni subjektivnog kriterijuma kao jedinog i zvanič- nog principa etničke identifi kacije u popisnoj i vitalnoj statistici, koja ostavlja mogućnost svakom licu da na postavljeno pitanje „otvorenog tipa” (bez ponuđenih i sugestivnih odgovora), slobodno izrazi svoja nacional- na, verska i jezička obeležja, ili da se uopšte ne izjasni. Ovo rešenje je uvek bilo zagarantovano Ustavom, kako u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, tako i u Republici Srbiji, pa su efekti etničke mimikrije dobili nedvosmisleni statistički odraz, posebno u dinamici onih etničkih grupa kod kojih je ona masovna i učestala od popisa do popisa, 17 Prema metodološkim rešenjima popisa 1900. godine, bilo je predviđeno da se pored stanovništva rumunskog maternjeg jezika evidentira i stanovništvo koje se služilo rumunskim i srpskim jezikom što je dovelo do primetnog opadanja u odnosu na broj iz 1895. godine. Tako je prema rezultatima iz 1900. godine ukupan broj stanovnika koji su izjavili rumunski maternji jezik bio 89.873, a bilingvalnog (srpsko- rumunskog) stanovništva 32.556, što je zbirno činilo 19% u ukupnom stanovništvu Kraljevine Srbije (Statistika Kraljevine Srbije, 1900; Knežević, 2013b, 153). Tabela 5: Prirodni priraštaj (J) i apsolutni porast (R) broja stanovnika izabranih varijabilnih etničkih grupa u Srbiji, 2002–2011 (Izvor: Popis stanovništva Srbije (1948–2011), Demografska statistika (1950–2011)) Table 5: Nanural increase (J) and the absolute growth (R) of selected varying ethnic groups in Serbia, 2002–2011. J R Albanci 7892 -55838 Crnogorci -2139 -30522 Jugosloveni 383 -57418 Nemci -812 163 Romi 21301 39501 Vlasi -525 -4724 453 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 što ih determiniše kao „fl otantne”. Druga dimenzija fl otantnosti etničkih grupa je usmerena na širi društveni kontekst etničkog prikrivanja koje najčešće predstavlja refl eks određenih okolnosti. Rezultati kvantitativnih istraživanja pokazatelja porasta stanovništva Srbije pre- ma deklarisanoj nasionalnosti u periodu 1948–2011. godine jasno grupišu nacionalne zajednice prema varijabilnosti indeksa rasta. Rezultati standardne devi- jacije indeksa rasta u posmatranom periodu pokazuju visoku varijabilnost kod šest nacionalnih zajednica (Turci, Vlasi, Jugosloveni, Romi, Muslimani i Albanci), dok su izvesna interpretabilna odstupanja prisutna kod Nemaca i Crnogoraca. Rezultati hijerarhijske klasterske analize pokazuju sličnost varijacija između Roma, Vlaha i Jugoslovena već u dvoklasterskom rešenju, dok se u četvrtom klasteru pojavljuju i Albanci. Rezultati koji su dobijeni kvantitativnim statističkim metodama potvrđuju prisustvo statističke varijabilnosti određenih etničkih grupa, ali ne mogu biti jedina osnova za kvalitativna istraživanja fl otantnosti. Promene meto- doloških rešenja etnostatističke evidencije, međudr- žavne sporazume o preseljavanju pripadnika odrđenih etničkih grupa i političku instrumentalizaciju zvanične statistike možemo tretitati kao institucionalno inicirane uzroke varijabilnosti određenih etničkih grupa, čiju populacionu dinamiku karakterišu predvidljivost i mogućnost rekonstrukcije demografskih trendova. Sa druge strane, fl otantnost Vlaha, Roma, Jugoslovena i Crnogoraca može se objasniti kompleksnim uticajem istorijskih, socio-kulturnih, ekonomskih i političkih faktora koji, u zavisnosti od opštih društvenih okolnosti, različito usmeravaju etno-nacinalnu identifi kaciju pri statističkoj evidenciji. Osnovne karaktreristike ovog tipa fl otantnosti su kontinuirana varijabilnost trendova populacione dinamike, nepredvidljivost, dispariteti etničkih obeležja u okviru iste etničke grupe, razlike u deklaraciji etničkih obeležja pri registraciji vitalnih događaja iste osobe, kao i nemogućnost uspostavljanja objašnjivih demografskih trendova usled odsustva korelacije između vrednosti komponenata popilacione dinamike i pokazatelja porasta stanovništva. Iako ne- slaganje „stvarnog” i deklarisanog etničkog identitea predstavlja centralni problem u etnodemografskim is- traživanjima, etnostatistička slika koja je zasnovana na rezultatima popisne i vitalne statistike se mora prihvatiti kao istorijska, politička i demografska realnost, i zva- nično utvrđena statistička činjenica. Sa druge strane, prikazani rezultati eksplicitno ukazuju na kvalitativna ograničenja dostupnih padataka o fl otantnim etničkim grupama koja moraju biti razmatrana sa odrđenom distancom, naročito kada se koriste kao osnova za kreiranje javnih politika koje defi nišu pravni, politički, ekonomski, socio-kulturni i opšti društveni položaj njenih pripadnika. 454 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 THE FLOATING ETHNIC GROUPS IN DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH – METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES, APPROACHES AND EXAMPLES Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ University of Belgrade, Faculty of Geography, Studentski Trg 3/III, 11000 Belgrade, Republic of Serbia e-mail: knezevic@gef.bg.ac.rs SUMMARY Demographic research of the fl oating ethnic groups in Serbia are directly connected to the methodological problems of ethno-statistical evidence, that affect the quality of the census data, vital statistics and derived demo- graphic trends. The usage of subjective criteria, as a offi cial principle in expression of ethnic identity in census and vital statistics, gave rise to ethnic mimicry and created a fl oating ethnic groups, characterized by varying trends in population dynamics due to frequent changes in ethnic declaration. According to the results of quantitative research of population growth indicators according to declared nationality at the period 1948–2011, the ethnic groups are clustered by variability trends, that don’t have a demographic explanation. The methodological changes of ethno statistical evidence, changes of statistical nomenclature of ethnic characteristics, the interstate agreements of reset- tling and political instrumentalization of census may cause statistical variability characterized by predictability, and the possibility of reconstruction of demographic trends. On the other side, there are the fl oating ethnic groups whose ethno-national identifi cation was directed by complex infl uences of historical-civilization, socio-cultural, economic and political factors. The basic characteristics of this ethnic groups are continuous variability of demographic indica- tors, unpredictability of trends, disparities of ethnic characteristics within the same ethnic group, and absence of correlation between the components of population dynamics and indicators of population growth, which hinders the formation of explicable demographic trends. Keywords: ethnic characteristics, census, vital statistics, ethnic mimicry, the fl oating ethnic groups, the variability in population dynamics 455 ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 Aleksandar KNEŽEVIĆ: FLOTANTNE ETNIČKE GRUPE U DEMOGRAFSKIM ISTRAŽIVANJIMA – METODOLOŠKI PROBLEMI, PRISTUPI I PRIMERI, 439–456 IZVORI I LITERATURA Blum, A. (2002): Resistance to identity categorization in France. In: Kertzer, I. 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Sabic D. et al (2013): Belgrade Slums-Life or Survival on the Margins of Serbian Society. Trames – A Journal of the Hamanities and Social Sciences. Tallinn, Estonian Academy of Sciences and Tartu University, 55–86. Sentić, M. & D. Breznik (1968): Demografske karak- teristike etničkih, religioznih i rasnih grupa. Stanovni- štvo, 6, 3-4. Beograd, Institut društvenih nauka-Centar za demografska istraživanja, 141–183. Simon, P. (2007): ‘Ethnic’ statistics and data pro- tection in the Council of Europe countries. Thematic report of the “European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI)”. Strasbourg, Council of Europe. Simon, P., Piche, V. & A. Gagnon (2015): Social Sta- tistics and Ethnic Diversity. Cross-National Perspectives in Classifi cations and Identity Politics. Heidelberg, New York, Dordrecht, London, SpringerLink.com. Snipp, C. M. (1989): American Indians: The First of the Land. New york, Sage. Statističko odeljenje Ministarstva narodne privrede Kraljevine Srbije (1900): Statistika Kraljevine Srbije, knj. XXIV. Beograd. Toarca, I. (2012): Comunitatea româneasca din estul Serbiei: Studiu geografi c. Bucuresti, Lucrarea apare sub egida Institutului „Eudoxiu Hurmuzachi” pentru Românii de Pretutindeni, 1–281. United Nations (2006): Recommendations for the 2010 Censuses of Population and Housing. Conference of European Statisticians. New York, Geneva. Vâlsan, G. (1996): Românii din Bulgaria si Serbia. Craiova, Scrisul românesc. Zbuchea G. (2002): Românii Timoceni-scurtă istorie. Timişoara, Editura Mirton. 457 KAZALO K SLIKAM NA OVITKU NASLOVNICA: F.D.V.: Brez naslova – UV tisk na plastično platišče. I wish I were a Futurist, Jenifer Nails, Frankfurt am Main, 2014 (Foto: Jenifer Nails). Slika 1: Čakre (Vir: Wikimedia Commons). Slika 2: Zračni posnetek otočja Brionov (Vir: https://www.google.hr/search?q=brijuni&biw=1422&bih=766&sour- ce=lnms&tbm). Slika 3: Grad Rihemberk, Branik, Nova Gorica (Vir: Wikimedia Commons). Slika 4: Gaja: boginja Zemlje (Vir: Wikipedia). Slika 5: Cerkev Sv. Jurija v Piranu (Vir: Wikimedia Commons). Slika 6: Tromostovje in Prešernov trg, Ljubljana (Foto: Špela Verovšek). INDEX TO IMAGES ON THE COVER FRONT COVER: F.D.V.: Untitled – direct UV print on plastic wheel rim. I wish I were a Futurist, Jenifer Nails, Frank- furt am Main, 2014 (Photo: Jenifer Nails). Figure 1: Chakras (Source: Wikimedia Commons). Figure 2: Aerial footage of Brijuni Islands (Source: https://www.google.hr/search?q=brijuni&biw=1422&bih=766&s ource=lnms&tbm). Figure 3: Rihemberk Castle, Branik, Nova Gorica (Source: Wikimedia Commons). Figure 4: Gaia: Primordial deity of the Earth (Source: Wikipedia). Figure 5: St. George‘s Parish Church in Piran (Source: Wikimedia Commons). Figure 6: Triple Bridge and Prešeren Square, Ljubljana (Photo: Špela Verovšek). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 458 NAVODILA AVTORJEM 1. Revija ANNALES (Anali za istrske in mediteran- ske študije Ser. hist et soc.) objavlja izvirne in pregledne znanstvene članke z družboslovnimi in humanističnimi vsebinami, ki se navezujejo na preučevanje zgodovine, kulture in družbe Istre in Mediterana. Vključujejo pa tudi primerjalne in medkulturne študije ter metodološke in te- oretične razprave, ki se nanašajo na omenjeno področje. 2. Sprejemamo članke v slovenskem, italijanskem, hrvaškem in angleškem jeziku. Avtorji morajo zagotoviti jezikovno neoporečnost besedil, uredništvo pa ima pra- vico članke dodatno jezikovno lektorirati. 3. Članki naj obsegajo do 48.000 znakov brez pre- sledkov oz. 2 avtorski poli besedila. Članek je mogo- če oddati na e-naslov Annaleszdjp@gmail.com ali na elektron skem nosilcu (CD) po pošti na naslov uredni- štva. Avtor ob oddaji članka zagotavlja, da članek še ni bil objavljen in se obvezuje, da ga ne bo objavil drugje. 4. Naslovna stran članka naj vsebuje naslov in pod- naslov članka, ime in priimek avtorja, avtorjeve nazive in akademske naslove, ime in naslov inštitucije, kjer je zaposlen, oz. domači naslov vključno s poštno številko in naslovom elektronske pošte. Razen začetnic in kratic pisati z malimi črkami. 5. Članek mora vsebovati povzetek in izvleček. Iz- vleček je krajši (max. 100 besed) od povzetka (cca. 200 besed). V izvlečku na kratko opišemo namen, metode dela in rezultate. Izvleček naj ne vsebuje komentarjev in pri- poročil. Povzetek vsebuje opis namena in metod dela ter povzame analizo oziroma interpretacijo rezultatov. V povzetku ne sme biti ničesar, česar glavno besedilo ne vsebuje. 6. Avtorji naj pod izvleček članka pripišejo ustrezne ključne besede. Potrebni so tudi angleški (ali slovenski) in italijanski prevodi izvlečka, povzetka, ključnih be- sed, podnapisov k slikovnemu in tabelarnemu gradivu. 7. Zaželeno je tudi (originalno) slikovno gradivo, ki ga avtor posreduje v ločenih datotekah (jpeg, tiff) z naj- manj 300 dpi resolucije pri želeni velikosti. Največja velikost slikovnega gradiva je 17x20 cm. Vsa potrebna dovoljenja za objavo slikovnega gradiva (v skladu z Za- konom o avtorski in sorodnih pravicah) priskrbi avtor sam in jih predloži uredništvu pred objavo članka. Vse slike, tabele in grafične prikaze je potrebno tudi pod- nasloviti in zaporedno oštevilčiti. 8. Vsebinske opombe, ki besedilo še podrobneje razlagajo ali pojasnjujejo, postavimo pod črto. Bibliografske opombe, s čimer mislimo na citat – to- rej sklicevanje na točno določeni del besedila iz neke druge publikacije, sestavljajo naslednji podatki: avtor, leto izida in – če citiramo točno določeni del besedila – tudi navedba strani. Bibliografske opombe vključimo v glavno besedilo. Celotni bibliografski podatki citiranih in uporablje- nih virov so navedeni v poglavju Viri in literatura (najprej navedemo vse vire, nato literaturo). Pri tem avtor nave- de izključno dela ter izdaje, ki jih je v članku citiral. Primer citata med besedilom: (Kalc, 2010, 426). Primer navajanja vira kot celote: (Kalc, 2010). Popolni podatki o tem viru v poglavju Literatura pa se glasijo: Kalc, A. (2010): „Statistični podatki o Trstu” ob tretji francoski zasedbi leta 1809. Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 20, 2, 423–444. Če citiramo več del istega avtorja iz istega leta, po- leg priimka in kratice imena napišemo še črke po abe- cednem vrstnem redu, tako da se viri med seboj razli- kujejo. Primer: (Kalc, 2010a) in (Kalc, 2010b). Bibliografska opomba je lahko tudi del vsebinske opombe in jo zapisujemo na enak način. Posamezna dela ali navedbe virov v isti opombi lo- čimo s podpičjem. Primer: (Kalc, 2010a, 15; Verginella, 2008, 37). 9. Pri citiranju arhivskih virov med oklepaji nava- jamo kratico arhiva, kratico arhivskega fonda / signa- turo, številko tehnične enote in številko arhivske enote. Primer: (ARS-1851, 67, 1808). V primeru, da arhivska enota ni znana, se dokument citira po naslovu v opombi pod črto, in sicer z navedbo kratice arhiva, kratice arhivskega fonda / signature, šte- vilke tehnične enote in naslova dokumenta. Primer: ARS-1589, 1562, Zapisnik seje Okrajnega komiteja ZKS Koper, 19. 12. 1955. Kratice razložimo v poglavju o virih na koncu član- ka, kjer arhivske vire navajamo po abecednem vrstnem redu. Primer: ARS-1589 – Arhiv republike Slovenije (ARS), Central- ni komite Zveze komunistov Slovenije (fond 1589). 10. Pri citiranju časopisnih virov med tekstom nave- demo ime časopisa, datum izdaje ter strani: (Primorske novice, 11. 5. 2009, 26). V primeru, da je znan tudi naslov članka, celotno bibliografsko opombo navedemo pod črto: Primorske novice, 11. 5. 2009: Ali podjetja merijo učinkovitost?, 26. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 459 V seznam virov in literature izpišemo ime časopisa / revije, kraj, založnika in periodo izhajanja. Primer: Primorske novice. Koper, Primorske novice, 1963–. 11. Poglavje o virih in literaturi je obvezno. Biblio- grafske podatke navajamo takole: - Opis zaključene publikacije kot celote – knjige: Avtor (leto izida): Naslov. Kraj, Založba. Npr.: Šelih, A., Antić Gaber, M., Puhar, A., Rener, T., Šuklje, R., Verginella, M. & L. Tavčar (2007): Pozabljena polovica. Portreti žensk 19. in 20. stoletja na Sloven- skem. Ljubljana, Tuma, SAZU. V zgornjem primeru, kjer je avtorjev več kot dva, je korekten tudi citat: (Šelih et al., 2007). Če navajamo določeni del iz zaključene publikaci- je, zgornjemu opisu dodamo še številke strani, od koder smo navedbo prevzeli. - Opis prispevka v zaključeni publikaciji – npr. pri- spevka v zborniku: Avtor (leto izida): Naslov prispevka. V: Avtor knjige: Naslov knjige. Kraj, Založba, strani od-do. Primer: Lenarčič, B. (2010): Omrežna družba, medkultur- nost in prekokulturnost. V: Sedmak, M. & E. Ženko (ur.): Razprave o medkulturnosti. Koper, Založba Annales, 245–260. - Opis članka v reviji: Avtor, (leto izida): Naslov članka. Naslov revije, let- nik, številka strani od-do. Primer: Lazar, I. (2008): Celejski forum in njegov okras. An- nales, Ser. hist. sociol., 19, 2, 349–360. - Opis ustnega vira: Informator (leto izporočila): Ime in priimek informa- torja, leto rojstva, vloga, funkcija ali položaj. Način pri- čevanja. Oblika in kraj nahajanja zapisa. Primer: Žigante, A. (2008): Alojz Žigante, r. 1930, župnik v Vižinadi. Ustno izporočilo. Zvočni zapis pri avtorju. - Opis vira iz internetnih spletnih strani: Če je mogoče, internetni vir zabeležimo enako kot članek in dodamo spletni naslov ter v oklepaju datum zadnjega pristopa na to stran: Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a con- fluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). Http://www.trynova.org/victiminfo/ readings/VictimsMovement.pdf (15. 9. 2008). Če avtor ni znan, navedemo nosilca spletne strani, leto objave, naslov in podnaslov besedila, spletni naslov in v oklepaju datum zadnjega pristopa na to stran. Članki so razvrščeni po abecednem redu priimkov avtorjev ter po letu izdaje, v primeru da gre za več cita- tov istega-istih avtorjev. 12. Kratice v besedilu moramo razrešiti v oklepaju, ko se prvič pojavijo. Članku lahko dodamo tudi seznam uporabljenih kratic. 13. Pri ocenah publikacij navedemo v naslovu pri- spevka avtorja publikacije, naslov, kraj, založbo, leto iz- ida in število strani (oziroma ustrezen opis iz točke 10). 14. Prvi odtis člankov uredništvo pošlje avtorjem v korekturo. Avtorji so dolžni popravljeno gradivo vrniti v enem tednu. Širjenje obsega besedila ob korekturah ni dovoljeno. Druge korekture opravi uredništvo. 15. Za dodatna pojasnila v zvezi z objavo člankov je uredništvo na voljo. UREDNIŠTVO ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 460 ISTRUZIONI PER GLI AUTORI 1. La rivista ANNALES (Annali per gli studi istriani e mediterranei, Ser. hist. et soc.) pubblica articoli scien- tifici originali e rassegne dai contenuti sociologici e umanistici relativi allo studio della storia, cultura e so- cietà dell’Istria e del Mediterraneo. Include inoltre studi comparativi e interculturali nonché saggi metodo logici e teorici pertinenti a questa area geografica. 2. La Redazione accetta articoli in lingua slovena, italiana, croata e inglese. Gli autori devono garantire l’i- neccepibilità linguistica dei testi, la Redazione si ri serva il diritto di una revisione linguistica. 3. Gli articoli devono essere di lunghezza non su periore alle 48.000 battute senza spazi, ovvero 2 fogli d’autore. Possono venir recapitati all’indirizzo di posta elettronica Annaleszdjp@gmail.com oppure su supporto elet tronico (CD) per posta ordinaria all’indirizzo della Re dazione. L’autore garantirà l’originalità dell’articolo e si im- pegnerà a non pubblicarlo altrove. 4. Ogni articolo deve essere corredato da: titolo, eventuale sottotitolo, nome e cognome dell’autore, de- nominazione ed indirizzo dell’ente di appartenenza o, in alternativa, l’indirizzo di casa, nonché l’eventuale indirizzo di posta elettronica. Tranne sigle e acronimi scrivere in minuscolo. 5. I contributi devono essere corredati da un rias- sunto e da una sintesi. Quest’ultima sarà più breve (max. 100 parole) del riassunto (cca 200 parole). Nella sintesi si descriveranno brevemente i metodi e i risultati delle ricerche e anche i motivi che le han- no determinate. La sintesi non conterrà commenti e se- gnalazioni. Il riassunto riporterà in maniera sintetica i metodi delle ricerche, i motivi che le hanno determinate as- sieme all’analisi, cioè all’interpretazione, dei risultati raggiunti. Si eviterà di riportare conclusioni omesse nel testo del contributo. 6. Gli autori sono tenuti ad indicare le parole chia- ve adeguate. Sono necessarie anche le traduzioni in in- glese (o sloveno) e italiano della sintesi, del riassunto, delle parole chiave, delle didascalie, delle fotografie e delle tabelle. 7. L’eventuale materiale iconografico (originale) va preparato in formato elettronico (jpeg, tiff) e consegnato in file separati alla definizione di 300 dpi a grandez- za desiderata, purché non ecceda i 17x20 cm. Prima della pubblicazione, l’autore provvederà a fornire alla Re dazione tutte le autorizzazioni richieste per la ripro- duzione del materiale iconografico (in virtù della Legge sui diritti d’autore). Tutte le immagini, tabelle e grafici dovranno essere accompagnati da didascalie e numerati in successione. 8. Le note a piè di pagina sono destinate essen- zialmente a fini esplicativi e di contenuto. I riferimenti bibliografici richiamano un’altra pubbli- cazione (articolo). La nota bibliografica, riportata nel testo, deve contenere i seguenti dati: cognome dell’au- tore, anno di pubblicazione e, se citiamo un determi- nato brano del testo, anche le pagine. I riferimenti bibliografici completi delle fonti vanno quindi inseriti nel capitolo Fonti e bibliografia (saran- no prima indicate le fonti e poi la bibliografia). L’auto- re indicherà esclusivamente i lavori e le edizioni citati nell’articolo. Esempio di citazione nel testo: (Borean, 2010, 325). Esempio di riferimento alla fonte, senza citazione: (Borean, 2010). I dati completi su questa fonte nel capitolo Fonti e bibliografia verranno riportati in questa maniera: Borean, L. (2010): Collezionisti e opere d’arte tra Venezia, Istria e Dalmazia nel Settecento. Annales, Ser. hist. sociol. 20, 2, 323–330. Se si citano più lavori dello stesso autore pubblicati nello stesso anno accanto al cognome va aggiunta una lettera in ordine alfabetico progressivo per distinguere i vari lavori. Ad es.: (Borean, 2010a) e (Borean, 2010b). Il riferimento bibliografico può essere parte della nota a pié di pagina e va riportato nello stesso modo come sopra. Singole opere o vari riferimenti bibliografici in una stessa nota vanno divisi dal punto e virgola. Per es.: (Borean, 2010a, 37; Verginella, 2008, 37). 9. Le fonti d'archivio vengono citate nel testo, tra parentesi. Si indicherà: sigla dell'archivio – numero (oppure) sigla del fondo, numero della busta, numero del documento (non il suo titolo). Ad es.: (ASMI-SLV, 273, 7r). Nel caso in cui un documento non fosse con- traddistinto da un numero, ma solo da un titolo, la fonte d'archivio verrà citata a piè di pagina. In questo caso si indicherà: sigla dell'archivio – numero (oppure) sigla del fondo, numero della busta, titolo del documento. Ad es.: ACS-CPC, 3285, Milanovich Natale. Richiesta della Prefettura di Trieste spedita al Ministero degli Interni del 15 giugno 1940. Le sigle utilizzate verranno svolte per intero, in ordi- ne alfabetico, nella sezione »Fonti« a fine testo. Ad es.: ASMI-SLV – Archivio di Stato di Milano (ASMI), f. Senato Lombardo-Veneto (SLV). ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 461 10. Nel citare fonti di giornale nel testo andranno indicati il nome del giornale, la data di edizione e le pagine: (Il Corriere della Sera, 18. 5. 2009, 26) Nel caso in cui è noto anche il titolo dell’articolo, l’intera indicazione bibliografica verrà indicata a piè di pagina: Il Corriere della Sera, 18. 5. 2009: Da Mestre all’Archivio segreto del Vaticano, 26. Nell’elenco Fonti e bibliografia scriviamo il nome del giornale, il luogo di edizione, l’editore ed il periodo di pubblicazione. Ad es.: Il Corriere della Sera. Milano, RCS Editoriale Quo- tidiani, 1876–. 11. Il capitolo Fonti e bibliografia è obbligatorio. I dati bibliografici vanno riportati come segue: - Descrizione di un’opera compiuta: autore/i (anno di edizione): Titolo. Luogo di edizi- one, casa editrice. Per es.: Darovec, D., Kamin Kajfež, V. & M. Vovk (2010): Tra i monumenti di Isola : guida storico-artistica del patri- monio artistico di Isola. Koper, Edizioni Annales. Se gli autori sono più di due, la citazione è corretta anche nel modo seguente: (Darovec et al., 2010) Se indichiamo una parte della pubblicazione, alla citazione vanno aggiunte le pagine di riferimento. Descrizione di un articolo che compare in un vo- lume miscellaneo: - autore/i del contributo (anno di edizione): Titolo. In: autore/curatore del libro: titolo del libro, casa editri- ce, pagine (da-a). Per es.: Povolo, C. (2014): La giusta vendetta. Il furore di un giovane gentiluomo. In: Povolo, C. & A. Fornasin (eds.): Per Furio. Studi in onore di Furio Bianco. Forum, Udine, 179-195. Descrizione di un articolo in una pubblicazione pe- riodica – rivista: autore/i (anno di edizione): Titolo del contributo. Ti- tolo del periodico, annata, nro. del periodico, pagine (da-a). Per es.: Cergna, S. (2013): Fluidità di discorso e fluidità di potere: casi d'internamento nell'ospedale psichiatrico di Pola d'Istria tra il 1938 e il 1950. An nales, Ser. hist. sociol., 23, 2, 475-486. Descrizione di una fonte orale: informatore (anno della testimonianza): nome e co- gnome dell'informatore, anno di nascita, ruolo, posi- zione o stato sociale. Tipo di testimonianza. Forma e luogo di trascrizione della fonte. Per es.: Žigante, A. (2008): Alojz Žigante, r. 1930, parroco a Visinada. Testimonianza orale. Appunti dattiloscritti dell'intervista presso l'archivio personale dell'autore. Descrizione di una fonte tratta da pagina internet: Se è possibile registriamo la fonte internet come un articolo e aggiungiamo l’indirizzo della pagina web e tra parentesi la data dell’ultimo accesso: Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a con- fluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). (15. 9. 2008). Http://www. trynova. org/victiminfo/readings/VictimsMovement.pdf Se l’autore non è noto, si indichi il webmaster, anno della pubblicazione, titolo ed eventuale sottotitolo del testo, indirizzo web e tra parentesi la data dell’ultimo accesso. La bibliografia va compilata in ordine alfabetico se- condo i cognomi degli autori ed anno di edizione, nel caso in cui ci siano più citazioni riferibili allo stesso au- tore. 12. Il significato delle abbreviazioni va spiegato, tra parentesi, appena queste si presentano nel testo. L’elen- co delle abbreviazioni sarà riportato alla fine dell’ar- ticolo. 13. Per quanto riguarda le recensioni, nel titolo del contributo l’autore deve riportare i dati bibliografici come al punto 10, vale a dire autore, titolo, luogo di edi- zione, casa editrice, anno di edizione nonché il numero complessivo delle pagine dell’opera recensita. 14. Gli autori ricevono le prime bozze di stampa per la revisione. Le bozze corrette vanno quindi rispedite entro una settimana alla Redazione. In questa fase, i testi corretti non pos sono essere più ampliati. La revisione delle bozze è svolta dalla Redazione. 15. La Redazione rimane a disposizione per even- tuali chiarimenti. LA REDAZIONE ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 462 INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS 1. The journal ANNALES (Annals for Istrian and Me- diterranean Studies, Ser. hist et soc.) publishes original and review scientific articles dealing with social and human topics related to research on the history, cultu- re and society of Istria and the Mediterranean, as well as comparative and intercultural studies and methodo- logical and theoretical discussions related to the above- -mentioned fields. 2. The articles submitted can be written in the Slo- vene, Italian, Croatian or English language. The authors should ensure that their contributions meet acceptable standards of language, while the editorial board has the right to have them language edited. 3. The articles should be no longer than 8,000 words. They can be submitted via e-mail (Annaleszdjp@gmail. com) or regular mail, with the electronic data carrier (CD) sent to the address of the editorial board. Submissi- on of the article implies that it reports original unpubli- shed work and that it will not be published elsewhere. 4. The front page should include the title and subtitle of the article, the author’s name and surname, acade- mic titles, affiliation (institutional name and address) or home address, including post code, and e-mail address. Except initials and acronyms type in lowercase. 5. The article should contain the summary and the abstract, with the former (c. 200 words) being longer than the latter (max. 100 words). The abstract contains a brief description of the aim of the article, methods of work and results. It should con- tain no comments and recommendations. The summary contains the description of the aim of the article and methods of work and a brief analysis or interpretation of results. It can contain only the infor- mation that appears in the text as well. 6. Beneath the abstract, the author should supply appropriate keywords, as well as the English (or Slo- vene) and italian translation of the abstract, summary, keywords, and captions to figures and tables. 7. If possible, the author should also supply (original) illustrative matter submitted as separate files (in jpeg or tiff format) and saved at a minimum resolution of 300 dpi per size preferred, with the maximum possible pu- blication size being 17x20 cm. Prior to publication, the author should obtain all necessary authorizations (as sti- pulated by the Copyright and Related Rights Act) for the publication of the illustrative matter and submit them to the editorial board. All figures, tables and diagrams should be captioned and numbered. 8. Footnotes providing additional explanation to the text should be written at the foot of the page. Bi- bliographic notes – i.e. references to other articles or publications – should contain the following data: author, year of publication and – when citing an extract from another text – page. Bibliographic notes appear in the text. The entire list of sources cited and referred to should be published in the section Sources and Bibliography (starting with sources and ending with bibliography). The author should list only the works and editions cited or referred to in their article. E.g.: Citation in the text: (Blaće, 2014, 240). E.g.: Reference in a text: (Blaće, 2014). In the section on bibliography, citations or references should be listed as follows: Blaće, A. (2014): Eastern Adriatic Forts in Vincenzo Maria Coronelli's Isolario Mari, Golfi, Isole, Spiaggie, Porti, Citta ... Annales, Ser hist. sociol., 24, 2, 239-252. If you are listing several works published by the same author in the same year, they should be diffe rentiated by adding a lower case letter after the year for each item. E.g.: (Blaće, 2014a) and (Blaće, 2014b). If the bibliographic note appears in the footnote, it should be written in the same way. If listed in the same footnote, individual works or so- urces should be separated by a semicolon. E.g.: (Blaće, 2014, 241; Verginella, 2008, 37). 9. When citing archival records within the parenthe- sis in the text, the archive acronym should be listed first, followed by the record group acronym (or signature), number of the folder, and number of the document. E.g.: (ASMI-SLV, 273, 7r). If the number of the document can not be specified, the record should be cited in the footnote, listing the archive acronym and the record group acronym (or si- gnature), number of the folder, and document title. E.g.: TNA-HS 4, 31, Note on Interview between Colonel Fišera and Captain Wilkinson on December 16th 1939. The abbreviations should be explained in the section on sources in the end of the article, with the archival records arranged in an alphabetical order. E.g.: TNA-HS 4 – The National Archives, London-Kew (TNA), fond Special Operations Executive, series Eastern Europe (HS 4). 10. If referring to newspaper sources in the text, you should cite the name of the newspaper, date of publica- tion and page: If the title of the article is also known, the whole ref- erence should be stated in the footnote: The New York Times, 16. 5. 2009: Two Studies tie Disaster Risk to Urban Growth, 3. ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2 463 In the list of sources and bibliography the name of the newspaper. Place, publisher, years of publication. E.g.: The New York Times. New York, H.J. Raymond & Co., 1857–. 11. The list of sources and bibliography is a man- datory part of the article. Bibliographical data should be cited as follows: - Description of a non-serial publication – a book: Author (year of publication): Title. Place, Publisher. E.g.: Darovec, D., Kamin Kajfež, V. & M. Vovk (2010): Among the monuments of Izola : art history guide to the cultural heritage of Izola. Koper, Annales Press. If there are more than two authors, you can also use et al.: (Darovec et al., 2010) If citing an excerpt from a non-serial publication, you should also add the number of page from which the citation is taken after the year. - Description of an article published in a non-serial publication – e.g. an article from a collection of papers: Author (year of publication): Title of article. In: Author of publication: Title of publication. Place, Publi- sher, pages from-to. E.g.: Muir, E. (2013): The Anthropology of Venice. In: Dursteler, E. (ed.): A Companion to Venetian History. Leiden - Boston, Brill, 487-511. - Description of an article from a serial publication: Author (year of publication): Title of article. Title of serial publication, yearbook, number, pages from-to. E.g.: Faričić, J. & L. Mirošević (2014): Artificial Peninsu- las and Pseudo-Islands of Croatia. Annales, Ser hist. et sociol., 24, 2, 113-128. - Description of an oral source: Informant (year of transmission): Name and surname of informant, year of birth, role, function or position. Manner of transmission. Form and place of data storage. E.g.: Žigante, A. (2008): Alojz Žigante, born 1930, priest in Vižinada. Oral history. Audio recording held by the author. - Description of an internet source: If possible, the internet source should be cited in the same manner as an article. What you should add is the website address and date of last access (with the latter placed within the parenthesis): Young, M. A. (2008): The victims movement: a con- fluence of forces. In: NOVA (National Organization for Victim Assistance). Http://www.trynova.org/ victiminfo/ readings/VictimsMovement.pdf (15. 9. 2008). If the author is unknown, you should cite the orga- nization that set up the website, year of publication, ti- tle and subtitle of text, website address and date of last access (with the latter placed within the parenthesis). If there are more citations by the same author(s), you should list them in the alphabetical order of the authors’ surnames and year of publication. 12. The abbreviations should be explained when they first appear in the text. You can also add a list of their explanations at the end of the article. 13. The title of a review article should contain the following data: author of the publication reviewed, title of publication, address, place, publisher, year of publi- cation and number of pages (or the appropriate de- scription given in Item 10). 14. The authors are sent the first page proofs. They should be returned to the editorial board within a week. It is not allowed to lengthen the text during proof- -reading. Second proof-reading is done by the editorial board. 15. For additional information regarding article pub- lication contact the editorial board. EDITORIAL BOARD ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 27 · 2017 · 2