Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 105 DOI: https://doi.org/10.18690/rg.18.2.3416 Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience Received/ Prejeto: 17. 12. 2023 Revised / Popravljeno: 30. 12. 2023 Accepted/ Sprejeto: 31. 12. 2023 Published/ Objavljeno: 31. 12. 2023 Peter KUMER 1 peter.kumer@um.si Erik KRALJ 2 erik.kralj@zrs-kp.si Cécil MEULENBERG 2 cecil.meulenberg@zrs-kp.si 1 University of Maribor, Faculty of Arts, Department of Geography; Maribor, Slovenia 2 Science and Research Centre Koper, Mediterranean Institute for Environmental Studies; Koper, Slovenia Abstract This study explores the relationship between tourism gentrification and urban climate resilience in Piran. It focuses on socio-economic changes due to tourism and their implications for the town's ability to respond to climate-related challenges. Using mixed methods, it evaluates the effects on architectural authenticity, public spaces, and community dynamics. The findings reveal conflicts between heritage preservation and tourism, highlighting integration challenges for newcomers in enhancing climate resilience. The paper advocates for strategies balancing sustainable tourism with cultural heritage preservation, offering solutions for similar towns in the Mediterranean. Keywords tourism gentrification, climate resilience, Piran, cultural heritage, social dynamics, community disaster resilience, public spaces, overtourism, interviews Izvleček Turistična gentrifikacija v majhnem sredozemskem mestu: vplivi in posledice za urbano podnebn odpornost Članek obravnava odnos med turistično gentrifikacijo in podnebno odpornostjo Pirana. Posveča se socio-ekonomskim spremembam zaradi turizma in njihovim vplivom na sposobnost odzivanja mesta na podnebne izzive. Z mešanimi metodami ugotavljamo vpliv na arhitekturno avtentičnost, javni prostor in dinamiko skupnosti. Ugotovitve razkrivajo konflikte med ohranjanjem kulturne dediščine in zahtevami turizma. Poudarjeni so izzivi pri vključevanju novih lastnikov za doseganje podnebne odpornosti. Rezultati kažejo na potrebo po strategijah, ki usklajujejo trajnostni turizem z ohranjanjem kulturne dediščine, in ponujajo rešitve za podobna sredozemska mesta. Ključne besede turistična gentrifikacija, podnebna odpornost, Piran, kulturna dediščina, socialna dinamika, odpornost skupnosti na nesreče, javni prostor, preturizem, intervjuji © Authors/ Avtorji, 2023 Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 106 1 Introduction In the winter months, the streets of coastal towns in the northern Mediterranean region, bustling with activity during the summer tourist season, fall into a quiet lull, underscoring the profound impact of tourism gentrification. This seasonal transformation, gaining prominence since the late 1970s alongside the global surge in international travel, highlights the dual nature of these towns as they grapple with the high season influx and low season absence of tourists. As previous studies, such as those by Salee et al. (2022), Chamizo-Nieto et al. (2023), Pavel and Romeiro (2023), and Bobic and Akhavan (2022) illustrate, the influx of tourists has significantly altered local housing markets, social dynamics, and cultural landscapes in this region. Overtourism, characterized by an excessive number of tourists leading to overcrowding, has resulted in lasting lifestyle changes for residents, restricted access to amenities, and harm to their overall well-being (Milano et al., 2019). While 'gentrification' typically denotes urban changes leading to the displacement of lower-income residents, 'tourism gentrification' specifically refers to how tourism- driven transformations exacerbate these changes. This is particularly relevant in Piran, where the influx of tourists has significantly reshaped the local socio-economic landscape (Hudnik, 2015). As a consequence, the concept of tourism gentrification in practice - as explained by Cocola-Gant (2018) - often leads to urban residential displacement through the escalation of property prices rendering housing unaffordable for residents; the replacement of local businesses with those catering to tourists; and the transformation of the area's unique character and identity. The dynamics of tourism's impact on local economies and societal structures, as noted by Smith and Eadington (1992) reveal how investment in buildings and infrastructure are coupled with challenges such as overtourism. These issues have grown more prominent as cultural tourism shifts from a niche market to a mainstream pursuit, exacerbating the issues in many destinations (Garcia-Hernandez et al. 2017). In this paper, we utilize the theoretical framework of community disaster resilience (Cutter et al., 2014; Wardekker et al. 2022) to understand how these processes affect the local community's climate resilience. This concept emphasizes the preparedness, response, and recovery strategies that communities can employ to minimize the negative effects of disasters related to climate change. Building on this idea, numerous studies (such as Mazzola et al., 2019 and Yang et al., 2021) have highlighted the positive impact of tourism industries on community resilience. We expand this framework by considering the influence of tourism gentrification on the community’s resilience, specifically assessing how changes in cultural heritage and socio-economic dynamics due to tourism impact the community’s ability to effectively prepare for, respond to, and recover from climate-related events. By analyzing the community's adaptive capacity, social-ecological systems, and long- term planning, it is possible to assess how tourism gentrification may disrupt the community's ability to adapt and respond to climate-related challenges. The objective of this paper is to assess the framework by exploring the multifaceted impact of tourism gentrification in Piran. We will examine how the shift towards catering to tourists has affected the local community's climate resilience across three dimensions: 1) Transformations in Cultural Heritage and Public Space Usage; 2) Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 107 Vanishing services catering local Community; 3) Changes in the Cultural and Social Fabric. 2 Description of the area 2.1 Overview of Piran Our research was applied to the rather small town of Piran anchored in the northern Mediterranean region. Piran is located at the north western tip of Istria on the Madona peninsula and in both directions some 20 km away across the sea from Trieste in Italy and Umag in Croatia. Piran has a long history. Throughout the centuries, this town, situated in the broader Istrian region, has been ruled by various authorities, such as the Byzantines, Franks, Holy Roman Empire, Venetians, and Habsburgs. Its rich architectural heritage stems from a history that dates back to the Roman era, with early settlements in the area, however, its most significant architectural influences came from its half-millennium under the Venetian Republic, earning Piran the nickname "Venetian town." Now, renowned for its scenic beauty on the Adriatic coast, Piran is a crown jewel of Slovenia's open-air tourism attractions, frequently featured in national tourism campaigns. The town's main tourist attractions include its Venetian Gothic architecture and several iconic buildings, such as St. George's Parish Church (refer to Figure 1). 2.2 Migration to and from Piran since the beginning of the 20th century The population in the town has been steadily fluctuating over the past 100 years, which is the result of world wars, changes in the economic trends and the need for a new workforce (Guzej 2018; Kalc, 2019; Pletikosić, 2001; Weber 2007). Since the end of world war I, when Habsburg rule ended, and subsequently the 1920 Treaty of Rapallo placed Piran within Italian borders, the land has been subject to forced Italianization and colonization by Italians from Sicily and Calabria who were strong supporters of Mussolini's party. During world war II, with Italy's capitulation in September 1943, German forces occupied Piran and the rest of Istria, Littoral, including Trieste, with the Slovenian population of the region suffering from persecution and forced deportation. From 1945 when Slovenian/Yugoslavian partisans took over Piran, Piran remained under Yugoslav military command until the Paris Peace Treaty was signed in February 1947 (Hametz 2005), and then Piran was incorporated into the Yugoslav-administered Zone B of the provisional Free Territory of Trieste (while Zone A, including Trieste was separately administered), which was transitioned into the state framework of Yugoslavia in 1954 and annexed to the People’s Republic of Slovenia. The 1954 London Memorandum that led to Zone B, encompassing Piran, becoming part of Yugoslavia, a decision later formalized by the 1975 Treaty of Osimo between Italy and Yugoslavia (Pirjevec et al. 2006) which remained unchanged also after 1991, following Slovenia's declaration of independence. Interestingly, comparing the population of Piran in 1956 with the one in 1945 shows a decrease from 5,035 to 3,574 inhabitants, a drop of 32.2%, with the Italian population contributing 91.3% in 1945 and 15.8% in 1956, respectively (Kalc, 2019; Pletikosić, 2000). During the 1950s and 1960s, new immigrants started to arrive mainly from Croatia (Istria and Dalmatia) and inland Slovenia, some from other parts of what was then Yugoslavia (Pletikosić, 2002). With the development of the port in Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 108 Koper and the logistics infrastructure like the railway in the 1960s, new immigrants from other parts of ex-Yugoslavia, predominantly from Bosnia, were offered cheap housing in and around Piran. While on the other hand since 1970s, people have been moving out of the old town due to poor housing conditions and poor transport access, neighbouring areas started to develop, with Lucija as a main residential area, and Portorož as a combined seaside hotel riviera and residential area. Especially given the fact that in order to own a seaside second home the inhabitants of other Slovenian regions began buying the abandoned houses. Thus, during the trend of middle-class Slovenian people moving out of Piran that started in the 1970s and continued in the 1980s, many apartments in the historic town center were left empty, although during the 1980s some were filled with immigrants from Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Kosovo, and Albanians from Macedonia. At the beginning of 1990s a real estate law was passed that enabled everyone living in the so-called socialist apartments, paying a symbolic rent, to buy the property for a very small price, though many were subsequently not able to maintain old houses (Guzej, 2018; Kalc, 2019; Pletikosić, 2001; Weber 2012). Altogether the current population of Piran is the result of influential immigration, that has been gradually and unevenly filling the demographic gap and workforce needs. Figure 1: A postcard depicting Piran in 1980s with extension of embankments beyond former town walls to serve growing tourism and traffic sector. Source: personal archive of Igor Štibilj. 2.3 Piran’s demographics and overnight capacities Our research focuses on Piran old town which mainly lies in one of the 11 administrative units (in Slov. naselja) of Municipality of Piran (as shown in Figure 2). Official records from SURS (2023) indicate a population of 3,878 in the area. However, verifying this figure is challenging (see for example Koderman, 2014 and Razpotnik, 2020), leading to significant variations in reported and actual number of residents. A Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 109 research by Pletikosić (2021) suggests that only about one third of the above figure are permanent residents, and this population has been declining over the years. For example, according to official migration data from SURS, the period from 1995 to 2017 consistently showed a net negative migration rate. Since the 1970s, the growth of tourism has significantly impacted Piran. From the current 6 hotels, 6 hostels and 278 apartments, rooms and accommodations (AJPES, 2023), it can be calculated that there are 65.5 tourist beds offered per 100 inhabitants. This is significantly greater when compared to the administrative regions in the municipality's inland areas (Figure 2), indicating that tourism in Piran (along with the two adjacent regions: Portorož and Strunjan) is exerting significant pressure. Figure 2: Tourist beds per 100 residents in administrative units within the municipality of Piran. Source: SURS, 2023; AJPES, 2023 3 Methods 3.1 Quantitative analysis of tourist accommodations The quantitative part of this research comprised mainly the analysis of AJPES's Registry of accommodations establishments (2023) which was recategorized. Categories of apartments and apartment-complexes (small private businesses) were merged into a second group, while hotels and hostels were compiled in another groups, and additionally inns and similar establishments were merged into a third group. Group named “Other” was created from all the remaining original categories Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 110 (campsites, glamping, marinas, temporary accommodations, other kinds of accommodation). Tourist establishments were then grouped by the settlement in which they are located. The number of tourist beds was graphically presented with two maps: The first one compares the number of beds with official number of residents for each settlement in the municipality of Piran (Figure 2), and the second one shows the share of beds by type of accommodation (Figure 3). Both maps were created using QGIS. Figure 3: Share of beds by type of accommodation facilities within administrative units which are part of municipality of Piran. Source: SURS, 2023; AJPES, 2023. 3.2 Interviews with Piran stakeholders Fourteen face-to-face in-depth interviews were performed with main stakeholders (Table 1). These interviews were facilitated through SCORE project, which managed to establish a diverse network of stakeholders within the Coastal City Living Laboratories (Kumer et al. 2022a). The interviews were part of a broader research related to climate resilience, therefore the questions on tourism gentrification (used for this study) formed only one group of interview topics. Additionally, 14 stakeholders were interviewed via group discussions (one focus group and one local community meeting, Table 2). The SCORE project's co-creation living lab methodology was instrumental in engaging these participants, offering a structured platform for discourse and exchange. Participant observation (the method used in ethnography or anthropology to immerse as a researcher into a community to observe and understand behaviours and interaction) was an important tool for recruiting informants. Most interviewees were Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 111 recruited through a previously interviewed person (snowball sampling) while ensuring that the data collected is representative and meaningful. Adhering to Geertz's (1973) concept of 'thick description,' we conducted a detailed account of our field experiences to elucidate not just behaviours but also their contexts, thereby enabling a deeper understanding of their meanings. Altogether a cross-section of interviewees was recruited to give voice to different types of individuals living in the area for at least ten years (or on the other hand moved out of Piran but remained professionally connected with the town). Most of interviewees are not more than second generation residents due to the specific demographic developments of Piran. Their experiences were important to understand the evolution of the old town, together with the way in which they have adapted over time to such changes. The data was systematically coded in ATLAS.ti using thematic analysis to identify key themes and patterns relevant to our study objectives. This approach of interviews, discussion groups and participant observation, provided a comprehensive understanding of the implications of tourist gentrification in Piran on climate resilience. interviewee identifier gender field of work D1 female Communal services D2 male Firefighter D3 male Tourism D4 female Education D5 male Communal services D6 female Education D7 male Firefighter D8 female Communal services, community group D9 female Culture, Community group D10 male Cultural heritage D11 male Culture D12 male Civil protection D15 female Culture, community group D16 female Community group Table 1: Overview of Participants in in-Person in-depth interviews: identification codes, gender, and professional sectors. type of group discussion number of participants number of males number of females field of work D13 focus group 9 3 6 Ecology, municipality, civil protection, landscape architecture, cultural heritage, research Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 112 D14 local community meeting 5 3 2 retiree and engaged citizen, designer, communal services Table 2: Summary of participants at focus group and local community meeting. 4 Results 4.1 Transformations in cultural heritage and public space usage Piran's historic center is designated as a cultural and urban monument, requiring adherence to its original architectural style in city planning and management. This necessitates preserving its design to ensure the center's prominence complements the surrounding landscape (Kočevar and Plazar Mlakar, 2006). However, the analysis of interviews demonstrates that the architectural landscape of Piran is under pressure with renovations and new constructions catering to tourist needs. This development is often at odds with preserving historical and cultural heritage which also had a traditional function to make the city more resilient against sea and flash floods. This concern that traditional architectural styles offer natural climate control, whereas modern tourism-focused developments lead to reduced resilience has been highlighted in recent study by Kralj et al. (2023). D6 explains why floodings are considered problematic, more than they used to be: »Before, there were basements and canteens. Now, there are apartments and offices, increasing the damage”. Especially the ground floors in the houses next to the sea are problematic because according to D7 they »were for storage, like fishermen's nets and farmers' potatoes, not apartments. Now, with the tourism boom, it's all about making money.« Notable examples are also the extensions of restaurants at Prešeren embankment onto the street, where additional tables and seating are set up. Public space is also under pressure being usurped. For instance, as pointed out by D6, »restaurants encroach on public space, extending tables further out each time”. These outdoor dining spaces have gradually evolved into structures with permanent walls and roofs. As noted by D2: »these structures appeared overnight. A restaurateur replaced permeable cobblestones on his terrace with concrete and underfloor heating, creating a restaurant above it. I doubt they had a permission from heritage institution for this.« Figure 4: A view of Prešeren embankment during periodic sea floods on October 27, 2023, spanning a 6-hour duration. This series of webcam photos demonstrates the vulnerability of open-air dining areas to flooding events. Source: Hotel Piran, 2023. During floods the newspapers mostly report on damage caused on Prešeren embankment as it directly affects outdoor dining spaces (Figure 4). The construction Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 113 of an anti-flood wall was planned to improve the town's flood safety (Kumer et al., 2022b). Businesses along the embankment support the construction of such concrete barrier as they have »noticed significant changes over the last decade. Ten years ago, hotel lobby floods occurred once or twice a year, but now they average six to eight times annually.« (D3). But there is a dispute between the businesses and some members of local community who think that »the wall is pointless without resolved sewage infrastructure and stormwater management in the city (D9)« and that »the wall around Piran seems least acceptable as it would alter its appearance. Other measures should be prioritized due to water seeping through leaky sewage systems. The issue will persist even with the sea wall (D8).« Moreover, D4-1 highlights a growing concern: the increasing number of foreign property owners may lean towards more drastic solutions like concrete flood barriers, potentially hindering cooperative efforts in upgrading the town's water management system. The permeable cobblestones, once covering the entire town as seen from Marco Mosso's 1889 topographical map of Piran (Pomorski muzej, 2023) have mostly not been preserved. As noted by D9 interviewee these permeable cobblestones have been mostly replaced over time with solutions less prone to sea and flash floods: "Rainwater rushes down the streets towards Tartini Square, accumulating and clogging the storm drains, sweeping away poorly installed building materials, sometimes even sand or soil, who knows what else. And because the pavement isn't permeable, the water just stays there." Another historical feature is dry stone walling, now waiting for restoration: »The gardens of Piran feature their own dry-stone wall which needs restoration. We have numerous paths and trails leading uphill to these gardens, and there are stairs in poor condition that are not maintained« (D4). Tourism also affects urban infrastructure like parking. Increased traffic and parking issues lead to more concrete surfaces, affecting urban heat island and drainage. The parking issue also hampers the civil protection service's ability to respond efficiently during floods. It is worth mentioning that the problem with car parking remains one of the main reasons for people deciding to move out of Piran because as noted by D13-1 »after night shifts, finding a parking spot was a hassle, often ending up parking far and commuting in all weather conditions.« This is a result of an overtourism and a car- centric city policy and the absence of effective public transit or bicycle (and even pedestrian) infrastructure. Residents are unlikely to agree to car restrictions along the embankment unless a viable and sustainable parking alternative is introduced. They consider maintaining vehicular access in this area essential, viewing restrictions on cars as impractical. The prevailing automobile-centric urban planning in Piran has had a significant impact on the town's climate resilience. This phenomenon is elucidated by D13-2's observation that the primary concern in Piran is not the flooding of spaces per se, but rather the challenges associated with vehicular parking as »we've seen instances where firefighters had to move a flooded car, as owners were fearing they'll lose their spot if they move them« (Figure 5). Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 114 Figure 5: Often during seasonal floodings, alarms are only used to alert car owners to move their vehicles Source: Piran Civil Protection Service, 2021. 4.2 Vanishing of services catering local community While strolling through the streets of Piran during the winter months, the once vibrant Župančičeva Street lies deserted, its local establishments shuttered with signs of indefinite closure. Tartini Square, typically a hub of activity, hosts only a sparse crowd around the city's last ATM – a stark reminder of the bank's closure in 2022. The town, known for its bustling summer life, transforms into a near ghost town, with only three grocery stores remaining operational (two of them part of the same chain of stores), offering limited selections. This scene underscores not only the socio-economic impacts of tourism gentrification but also hints at the town's diminishing ability to maintain a robust response to climate-related challenges. The disappearance of businesses affects Piran which is continuously losing its character as D10 put it »Piran has been losing its essence for decades, especially over the last 20 years. Families and young people are relocating, leading to the closure of many local shops. In my time, around 10 stores have shut down. Now, residents must travel to Lucija or Koper for services. This creates a cycle - fewer residents means fewer shoppers, making stores unprofitable and leading to more relocations«. This cycle not only disrupts the town's cultural integrity but also its climate resilience, as the loss of a stable, permanent population can hinder effective community-based climate adaptation strategies. The arrival of tourists and new residents has resulted in a transformation of local cultural dynamics and community cohesion. The town's cultural identity has undergone a shift, manifesting a more tourism-oriented character rather than Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 115 adhering to its traditional local cultural heritage. This transition has led to a discernible alteration in the area's distinctive cultural character and identity. One of the most pronounced changes is the disappearance of services catering the local community: "We no longer have shops or services. When I arrived in Piran in 1989, it had everything, all kinds of stores; you could even buy a refrigerator there. Now, for a single nail, I have to go to Lucija. (D4) " The town is lacking also basic services: “Colleagues who visited the store today mentioned that Mercator is already half empty compared to summer. There's a limited selection of shops, with only two Mercators in all of Piran. Most other stores rely on tourism and close when tourists are absent. (D12) ". Piran's character is marked by seasonal dynamics, bustling with tourists during peak seasons and quieter in off-peak times. This seasonality creates a fluctuating economic atmosphere in the town, impacting the quality of life for permanent residents. Moreover, this economic fluctuation weakens Piran's climate resilience, as a stable year-round community is crucial for developing and implementing effective climate adaptation measures. This has been further elaborated in the context of touristification of Piran by D11 who thinks that »the town's decline stems from a poorly conceived project designed decades ago and the municipal administration's failure to recognize and rectify this. As a result, essential services and businesses, including theaters, butchers, and banks, are leaving due to the shrinking permanent population, making it unviable for them to operate year-round. This issue is rooted in Piran's transformation from a once thriving small town lacking enough residents to sustain businesses, not the fault of the businesses themselves.« Such a transformation not only impacts the local economy but also the community's ability to collectively respond to and manage climate-related challenges. 4.3 Changes in cultural and social fabric In the context of Piran's evolving social and cultural landscape, the transformation of residential spaces into tourist accommodations is significant. Piran offers 1,188 tourist beds in 217 accommodations, a change largely driven by converting flats into rental units. This shift, as seen in the comparison with Portorož's average accommodation size (924 apartments and apartment complexes across 130 accommodations), reflects a trend where personal homes are repurposed for tourism, contributing to the town's gradual transition to a tourism-centric community. More precisely, an average apartment accommodation in Piran offers 5.5 beds, while an average apartment accommodation in Portorož offers 7.1 bed. This can be due to the fact, that such accommodations in Piran are usually transformed from a single flat that was either abandoned due to various reasons mentioned previously in this paper or that the owners simply moved out and started renting out their previous home. The latter is evident in the large share of tourist beds that entrepreneurs (in Slov. samostojni podjetniki) and landlords (in Slov. registrirani sobodajalci) offer, as those represent 27.4% of all the tourist beds in Piran. Meanwhile in Portorož, only 6.5% of available tourist beds are offered by entrepreneurs and landlords while the majority is offered by hotels and their respective tourist chains. Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 116 This transformation not only alters Piran's social and cultural fabric but also poses challenges to its climate resilience, as the transient tourist population impacts the community's ability to effectively address and adapt to climate-related issues. Piran faces challenges due to the tourism industry driving up property prices and transforming residential spaces into tourist accommodations, making it unaffordable for locals. This trend could turn Piran into a tourist-only destination, as suggested by D2 and D10, raising concerns about the community's diminished capacity for climate resilience due to the transient nature of its population. D12 elaborated on this, noting how non-residents expect civil protection services to safeguard their properties: »It's not my right to misuse municipal funds to protect individual property that isn't a public interest, just because they didn't want to protect it themselves.« This sentiment underlines a broader issue of disengagement from long-term community well-being among short-term residents. Integrating newcomers into the community is the key to acquaint them with issues like climate-related hazards. This was illustrated by D13-2 based on immigrants from previous migration wave: »We have a resident structure here from Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, who are unfamiliar with the sea. They not only lack experience living with it, but they also see it as an enemy and perceive it as a threat.« The same issue seems to be not understood by new property owners detached from the community (D13-2): “Many gardens here once had wells. Now, they are being demolished to make room for swimming pools. This is happening currently, with pools often constructed illegally. It's a reality that these pools are filled with drinking water. People are told not to water flowers during water shortages, yet at the same time, wealthy owners are watering lawns and filling their pools.« Piran, with its favorable climate, attracts retirees and foreign property owners, impacting the community dynamics. D8 emphasizes the need for integrating these new residents, including those unfamiliar with the local environment, into the community. This integration is crucial for raising awareness about climate resilience, especially as some new owners may lack understanding of local climate-related challenges, exemplified by the replacement of wells with swimming pools. Engaging these residents in local issues is key to fostering a climate-resilient community. Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 117 5 Discussion and conclusion The findings of this paper highlight the multifaceted impact of tourism gentrification on the small historic coastal town and its implications for urban climate resilience. The analysis has revealed several key findings and their implications, which are discussed below. 1. Socio-economic Transformations and Climate Resilience: The influx of tourists and new home owners has led to significant socio-economic transformations in Piran. While tourism gentrification has driven up property prices and transformed residential spaces into tourist accommodations, it has also resulted in the closure of local businesses catering to the permanent community. As a result, Piran faces the risk of becoming a tourist-only destination, where the transient nature of its population challenges the town's climate resilience. The loss of essential services limits the community's capacity to adapt and respond to climate-related challenges, making it more vulnerable to environmental and economic fluctuations driven by changing climatic conditions. 2. Integration of Newcomers for Climate Resilience: Integrating newcomers (new home owners) into the community emerges as a pivotal strategy for enhancing climate resilience in Piran. As retirees and foreign property owners are drawn to Piran's favorable climate, their engagement in local issues and awareness of climate- related hazards become essential. The example of immigrants from previous migration waves highlights the importance of acquainting new residents with the local environment to foster a climate-resilient community. Engaging them in initiatives that address climate challenges is crucial, as it encourages responsible practices and a sense of shared responsibility for the town's long-term well-being. 3. Public Awareness and the Role of Municipality: Promoting public awareness of climate-related hazards and the need for resilience-building measures is a fundamental step towards safeguarding Piran's future. Municipal authorities play a pivotal role in initiating and implementing climate-resilient projects. A more detailed and current record of all rental activities, coupled with an effective tax policy, could incentivize long-term rentals, contributing to a stable local population. Additionally, comprehensive planning that considers both climate resilience and sustainable tourism is imperative to strike a balance between economic development and the preservation of Piran's cultural heritage and identity. In conclusion, Piran stands at a critical juncture, where the forces of tourism gentrification and climate change intersect. The town's ability to navigate these challenges and emerge as a climate-resilient community hinges on its capacity to integrate newcomers, preserve its cultural heritage, and prioritize long-term sustainability over short-term gains. Achieving climate resilience requires a collective effort from residents, municipal authorities, and stakeholders in Piran. By recognizing the intricate relationship between tourism gentrification and climate resilience, Piran can embark on a path towards a more sustainable and climate-resilient future. This study serves as a starting point for further research and policy development in Piran and similar coastal towns facing similar challenges. As Piran continues to evolve, the lessons learned here can inform strategies for climate adaptation and community resilience, ultimately contributing to the preservation of its unique character and heritage in the face of a changing climate and shifting socio-economic dynamics. Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 118 Acknowledgement This research was funded by the European Commission through the SCORE project, Smart Control of the Climate Resilience in European Coastal Cities, H2020-LC-CLA- 13-2020, Project ID: 101003534 References Agencija Republike Slovenije za javnopravne evidence in storitve (AJPES). Register nastanitvenih obratov. Retrieved from https://www.ajpes.si/Registri/Drugi_registri/Register_nastanitvenih_obratov/Splosn o (Accessed December 3, 2023). 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Družbenogospodarske transformacije in odpornost na podnebne spremembe: Priliv turistov in novih lastnikov stanovanj je v Piranu povzročil pomembne družbeno- gospodarske spremembe. Medtem ko je turistična gentrifikacija dvignila cene nepremičnin in spremenila stanovanjske prostore v turistične nastanitve, je povzročila tudi zaprtje lokalnih podjetij, ki oskrbujejo prebivalstvo. Posledično se Piran sooča s tveganjem, da postane izključno turistična destinacija, kjer prehodna narava prebivalstva ogroža podnebno odpornost mesta. Izguba bistvenih storitev omejuje sposobnost skupnosti, da se prilagodi in odzove na izzive, povezane s podnebjem, zaradi česar je bolj ranljiva za okoljska in gospodarska nihanja, ki jih povzročajo spreminjajoče se podnebne razmere. 2. Vključevanje prišlekov za podnebno odpornost: Vključevanje prišlekov (novih lastnikov nepremičnin) v skupnost se kaže kot ključna strategija za povečanje podnebne odpornosti v Piranu. Ker upokojence in tuje lastnike nepremičnin privlači ugodno podnebje Pirana, postaneta njihova vključenost v lokalna vprašanja in ozaveščenost o nevarnostih, povezanih s podnebjem in njegovim spreminjanjem, bistvenega pomena. Primer priseljencev iz prejšnjih migracijskih valov poudarja pomen seznanjanja novih prebivalcev z lokalnim okoljem za krepitev podnebno odporne skupnosti. Njihovo vključevanje v pobude, ki obravnavajo podnebne izzive, je ključnega pomena, saj spodbuja odgovorne prakse in občutek skupne odgovornosti za dolgoročno blaginjo mesta. 3. Ozaveščanje javnosti in vloga občine: Spodbujanje ozaveščenosti javnosti o nevarnostih, povezanih s podnebjem, in potrebi po ukrepih za krepitev odpornosti je temeljni korak k varovanju prihodnosti Pirana. Občinski organi imajo ključno vlogo pri spodbujanju in izvajanju projektov, ki so odporni na podnebne spremembe. Podrobnejša in aktualnejša evidenca sobodajalcev in ostalih turističnih nastanitev skupaj z učinkovito davčno politiko bi lahko spodbudila dolgoročno oddajanje, kar bi prispevalo k stabilnemu lokalnemu prebivalstvu. Poleg tega je celovito načrtovanje, ki upošteva tako podnebno odpornost kot trajnostni turizem, nujno za vzpostavitev ravnovesja med gospodarskim razvojem ter ohranjanjem kulturne dediščine in identitete Pirana. Zaključimo lahko, da se Piran nahaja na razpotju, kjer se križajo sile gentrifikacije turizma in podnebnih sprememb. Sposobnost mesta, da se spopade s temi izzivi in postane podnebno odporna skupnost, je odvisna od njegove sposobnosti vključevanja novih prebivalcev, ohranjanja kulturne dediščine in dajanja prednosti trajnostnosti pred kratkoročnimi koristmi. Doseganje podnebne odpornosti v Piranu zahteva skupna prizadevanja tako prebivalcev kot predstavnikov občine. S prepoznavanjem zapletene povezave med turistično gentrifikacijo in podnebno odpornostjo lahko Piran stopi na pot k bolj trajnostni in podnebno odporni prihodnosti. Ta študija služi kot izhodišče za nadaljnje raziskave in oblikovanje razvojnih politik v Piranu in podobnih obalnih mestih, ki se soočajo s podobnimi izzivi. Ker se Piran še naprej razvija, se lahko na podlagi pridobljenih spoznanj oblikujejo strategije za Revija za geografijo – Journal for Geography, 18-2, 2023, pp. 105-122 121 prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam in odpornost skupnosti, kar na koncu prispeva k ohranjanju edinstvenega značaja in dediščine Pirana v razmerah spreminjajočega se podnebja in spremenljive družbeno-gospodarske dinamike. Tourism Gentrification in a Small Mediterranean Town: Impacts and Implications for Urban Climate Resilience 122