mestni toplotni otok urban heat island socialna stanovanja social housing urbana prenova urban redevelopment javno dobro public good Urbani izziv, letnik 29, številka 1, junij 2018 Urbani izziv, volume 29, number 1, June 2018 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Damjana Gantar Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Področni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Goličnik Marušić, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan- ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Članki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni članki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro- kovni članki. Članki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezična re- vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila člankov so vključeni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO- BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte- national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com- puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da- tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re- lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu- des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple- te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc- tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki z oznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri čemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni članek, 1.02 pregle- dni znanstveni članek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referenčni v domačem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO- BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Članki«, drugi del pa »Pred- stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezična – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo več kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora- bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrstični razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilčene in na dnu strani postavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj ločiti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih črk (a, b, c in podobno) stično ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti označeni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na- vedek, se napiše za dvopičjem: (Zupančič, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v članku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na- vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Načini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder- shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanović, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statistični urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statistični letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, če je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov. org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, če avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8. Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in v drugih državah pa avtor brezplačno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izključno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor članka in vsak recenzent en brezplačni izvod publikacije. Članki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includes original research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5. Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6. In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated by a comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanović, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http:// www. avramov. org/ documents/ document7. pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslov uredništva Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv − The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Eve Blau, Harvard University, Graduate School of Design, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con- struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniška fakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/ Croatia • Tigran Haas, Royal Institute of Technology, School of Architecture and the Built Environment, Švedska/Sweden; Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Matjaž Uršič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nico Kotze, University of Johannesburg, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography, Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Čile/Chile • Breda Mihelič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupančič Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju- bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, University of Technology Sydney, School of the Built Environment, Avstralija/Australia • Giorgio Piccinato, Università degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti- tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemčija/ Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co- pernicus University, Wydziału Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/ Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kanada/Canada • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and Social Administration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Donald F. Reindl, DEKS, d. o. o. Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian translation Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/English translation Simona Lapanja Redakcija/Text formatting Urška Plaznik, Maja Kuhar Prelom in računalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP Demat, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršič, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print Demat, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna naročnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30 for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20 for individuals Kazalo Uvodnik Damjana GANTAR ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................3 Spremembe so stalnica Članki Frank VAN DER HOEVEN, Alexander WANDL .....................................................................................................................................................................5 »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Ion MALEAS .....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................20 Socialna stanovanja v predmestjih: nosilci primestne raznolikosti? Blaž KRIŽNIK ..................................................................................................................................................................................................................................30 Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove v Barceloni in Seulu Mateja ŠMID HRIBAR, Jani KOZINA, David BOLE, Mimi URBANC .........................................................................................................................43 Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno: vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Predstavitve in informacije Breda Mihelič .....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................56 Pariz – meka moderne arhitekture in magnet za mlade Plečnikove študente (predstavitev knjige) Contents Editorial Damjana GANTAR ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................4 Change is a constant Articles Frank VAN DER HOEVEN, Alexander WANDL ...................................................................................................................................................................58 Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Ion MALEAS .....................................................................................................................................................................................................................................73 Social housing in a suburban context: A bearer of peri-urban diversity? Blaž KRIŽNIK ..................................................................................................................................................................................................................................83 Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment in Barcelona and Seoul Mateja ŠMID HRIBAR, Jani KOZINA, David BOLE, Mimi URBANC .........................................................................................................................96 Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia as a transitional society Reviews and information Breda Mihelič .................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. 110 Paris: A modern architecture Mecca and magnet for Plečnik’s young students (Reflections on the book) 3 Spremembe so stalnica Podnebne spremembe, demografske spremembe, spremembe zakonodaje …, skoraj vsak dan slišimo ali beremo o njih in se nam ne zdijo nič novega. So pa še druge, tudi bolj osebne, lahko bi jim rekli življenjske spremembe. Nanje se odzivamo vsak po svoje in odvisno od okoliščin, se jih navadimo ali pa se jim postavimo po robu. Ni pa res, da samo spremembe vpli- vajo na nas, tudi mi lahko vplivamo na spremembe. Vplivamo kot posamezniki in kot del skupnosti, da bo svet boljši za vse. Spreminjajoče se podnebje, starajoče se prebivalstvo in stalna urbana rast so vzporedni procesi, ki so spodbudili raziskavo učinka mestnega toplotnega otoka na zdravje ljudi v Rotter- damu. Izsledki te raziskave so predstavljeni v prvem članku tokratne številke Urbanega izziva. Sledi članek o nasprotujo- čih si pristopih francoske urbanistične politike za spodbujanje gradnje socialnih stanovanj, ki temelji na zagotavljanju pravice do stanovanja za vsakogar in doseganju socialne raznolikosti v soseskah. V naslednjem članku je predstavljena primerjava preobrazbe degradiranih območij v Barceloni in Seulu, s po- udarkom na družbenih vidikih tega procesa. Četrti članek se osredotoča na vsebino in splošno razumevanje pojmov javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno dobro ter na slovenskem primeru izpostavi pomen ustreznega upravljanja in ohranjanja omeje- nih naravnih virov. Vsebino revije zaokroža predstavitev knjige o Plečnikovih študentih v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju. V knjigi so opisani njihove življenjske poti in dosežki, ki so jih s šir- jenjem obzorja prispevali k slovenski moderni arhitekturi in urbanizmu. Želim vam prijetno branje! Damjana Gantar, glavna urednica 4 Change is a constant Climate changes, demographic changes, changes in legislation – we hear and read about them almost every day, and we sim- ply take them for granted. But there are also other changes, including those of a more personal nature, which may also be referred to as life changes. Everyone responds to them in his or her own way and, depending on the circumstances, we either get used to them or resist them. True, changes influence us, but we can also influence them – as individuals and as part of the community in order to create a better world for all. A changing climate, an aging population, and ongoing urban growth are parallel processes that inspired the research on the urban heat island effect on people’s health in Rotterdam, pre- sented in the first article of this latest issue of Urbani izziv. This is followed by an article on the opposing approaches of the French urban planning policy for promoting the develop- ment of social housing, which is based on ensuring the right to housing for everyone and achieving social diversity in neigh- bourhoods. The third article compares the transformation of deprived urban areas in Barcelona and Seoul, focusing on the social aspects of this process. The fourth article discusses the meaning and general understanding of the terms public good, common-pool resources, and the commons, using the case of Slovenia to highlight the importance of proper governance and preservation of subtractable natural resources. This issue is rounded off by a review of a book on Jože Plečnik’s students that worked in Le Corbusier’s studio in Paris. The work de- scribes their lives and the achievements they contributed to modern Slovenian architecture and urban planning by broad- ening their horizons. I wish you pleasant reading. Damjana Gantar, Editor-in-chief Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 5 UDK: 551.584.5:551.583.1(492.613) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2018-29-01-001 Prejeto: 31. 12. 2017 Sprejeto: 16. 2. 2018 Frank VAN DER HOEVEN Alexander WANDL »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Klimatologi napovedujejo, da bodo v prihodnjih desetle- tjih vročinski valovi na Nizozemskem pogostejši. Ob upo- števanju tega dejstva sta avtorja v raziskavi merila mestno toploto in oblikovala model energijske bilance površja v Rotterdamu. Na podlagi geografskega informacijskega sistema  (GIS), 3D-modelov in satelitskih posnetkov sta podrobno določila družbene, morfološke in prostorske vidike mesta ter z uporabo hierarhične in multivaria- tne regresijske analize opredelila povezave med tempe- raturami in energijsko bilanco površja ter družbenimi, morfološkimi in prostorskimi vidiki. Izsledki raziskave so pokazali povezavo med učinkom mestnega toplotne- ga otoka in zdravjem ljudi v Rotterdamu, poleg tega sta avtorja statistično pojasnila tudi izjemno visoko umrlji- vost ljudi, starih  75  let ali več, poleti  2006. Pomembno vlogo pri tem so imeli prostorska zgoščenost starejših prebivalcev, povprečna starost stavb, v katerih so živeli, ter skupni senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok. Vidiki, ki najbolje pojasnjujejo rotterdamski toplotni otok, so ne- prepustnost površja, indeks listne površine, stavbni ovoj, vodne površine in osenčenost. Avtorja sta jih predstavila na dveh t. i. temperaturnih kartah, na podlagi katerih se lahko določijo prednostne naloge pri izvajanju ukrepov prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam. Ključne besede: mestni toplotni otok, morfologija, raba prostora, starejši, prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam, Rotterdam Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 6 F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL 1 Uvod 1.1 Okoliščine Vročinski val v Evropi leta  2003 je bil prvo opozorilo. Vro- čina je avgusta še zlasti prizadela Francijo, kjer se je v pičlih dveh tednih nacionalni zdravstveni sistem popolnoma porušil, umrlo pa je več kot 14.000 ljudi. Samo v Parizu je zaradi vro- čine umrlo približno 5.000 ljudi, med katerimi so prevladovali starejši občani. Raziskave mest, kot sta Pariz in London, ki so bile opravljene v naslednjih letih, so pokazale, da mestni toplo- tni otoki pomembno vplivajo na udobje, aktivnost in zdravje prebivalcev  (Mavrogianni  idr., 2011). Študija Pariza je dala dragocen vpogled v to, kako lahko javno zdravstvo, družbeni dejavniki, stanovanjske razmere, okoljski dejavniki in mestni toplotni otoki vplivajo na večjo umrljivost v primeru hudega vročinskega vala (Vandentorren idr., 2006). Komisija london- ske univerze in medicinske revije Lancet  (ang. UCL-Lancet Commission) je mestne toplotne otoke označila za enega izmed glavnih izzivov pri oblikovanju zdravju prijaznih mest. V tem okviru je navedla, da so mesta kompleksni sistemi, v katerih imajo ključni pomen morfologija, raba prostora in prostorska lokacija (Rydin idr., 2012). Zaradi mestnega toplotnega otoka je lahko mesto občasno toplejše kot njegova okolica, še zlasti ponoči. Pozimi ima to pozitiven vpliv, saj je v mestu manj hladno, tj.  temperature niso tako ekstremno nizke, poleti pa se lahko zaradi toplo- tnega otoka poslabša zdravje mestnih prebivalcev, predvsem starejših. Pri tem je treba poudariti, da so vročinski valovi in mestni toplotni otoki omejeni na posamezna območja. Gre za regionalne pojave, ki prizadenejo lokalna območja. Vročinski val leta  2003 je imel uničujoče posledice za francoska mesta, nizozemska mesta Amsterdam, Rotterdam in Haag pa so se tej naravni nesreči izognila. Statistični podatki niso pokazali izra- zitejšega povečanja umrljivosti v teh mestih, kar pa ne moremo trditi za vročinski val, ki je isto območje prizadel leta  2006. Julija  2006 so bile namreč evidentirane najvišje temperature v nizozemski zgodovini, za posledicami vročine pa je umr- lo  1.000  ljudi. Ker so vročinski valovi regionalni pojavi, me- sta pa kompleksni lokalni urbani sistemi, se raziskave vplivov mestnih toplotnih otokov običajno osredotočajo na samo eno mesto, zaradi česar jih lahko kvečjemu opišemo kot študije primera. Raziskava, ki sta jo avtorja pomenljivo poimenovala Hotterdam in je predstavljena v tem članku, je študija primera vpliva mestnega toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu. Njen glavni poudarek je na družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikih mesta, ki prispevajo k vplivu mestnega toplotnega otoka, ta pa se med drugim kaže tudi v povečani umrljivosti starejših prebivalcev med vročinskimi valovi. 1.2 Pomen in nujnost raziskave Predstavljena raziskava je pomembna in nujna zaradi treh vzpo- rednih procesov: spreminjajočega se podnebja, starajočega se prebivalstva in stalne urbane rasti somestja Randstad Holland. Pričakuje se, da bodo omenjeni procesi v prihodnje okrepili morebitne vplive mestnih toplotnih otokov na družbo. Leta  2014 je nizozemski kraljevi meteorološki inštitut  (niz. Koninklijk Nederlands Meteorologisch Instituut, v nadaljeva- nju: KNMI) objavil štiri scenarije prihodnjih podnebnih spre- memb na Nizozemskem, ki vključujejo napovedi za leti 2050 in  2085. V skladu s temi scenariji inštitut napoveduje, da se bosta število vročih poletnih dni in verjetnost vročinskih valov povečala. Kakovost zraka naj bi se med vročimi poletji poslab- šala in pojavijo se lahko daljša sušna obdobja. Zaradi višjih temperatur bo poleti umrlo več ljudi, vroča in problematična poletja pa bodo pogostejša kot zdaj (KNMI, 2014). Nizozemski centralni statistični urad  (niz. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, v nadaljevanju: CBS) je izdal napoved glede rasti nizozemskega prebivalstva med letoma 2014 in 2060 (van Duin in Stoeldraijer, 2014). Do leta 2040 naj bi število ljudi, starih  65 let ali več, hitro naraslo z  2,9 na  4,8  milijona, nato pa naj bi se ustalilo pri dobrih 25  % celotnega prebivalstva. Po podatkih nizozemske okoljske agencije  (niz. Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving, v nadaljevanju:  PBL) in nizozemskega urada za gospodarske analize  (niz. Central Planning Bureau, v nadaljevanju:  CPB) se bo delež ljudi, starih  75  let ali več, še povečal (de Jong in Daalhuizen, 2014). Leta 2012 je delež prebivalcev v tej starostni skupini znašal 7,1 %, do leta 2040 pa naj bi se povečal na 14,5 %. Število ljudi, ki jih mestna vročina najbolj ogroža, se bo v naslednjih desetletjih podvojilo. Na raz- polago je dovolj dokazov, na podlagi katerih lahko čezmerno umrljivost starejših prebivalcev pripišemo mestnim toplotnim otokom (Vandentorren idr., 2006; Heaviside idr., 2016). Tudi skupno število prebivalstva v somestju Randstad Holland bo še naprej raslo. Po napovedih CBS in PBL (2011) naj bi se do leta 2025 povečalo za 700.000, med letoma 2025 in 2040 pa še za dodatnih 400.000 ljudi. Mesta na tem območju bodo najverjetneje imela manj zelenih površin in bodo postala manj prepustna, kar bi lahko okrepilo pojav mestnih toplotnih oto- kov (ozračja in površja) v mestih, kot so Amsterdam, Rotter- dam in Haag. Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 7»Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka 1.3 Mestni toplotni otoki ozračja in površja V okviru raziskave, predstavljene v tem članku, se mestni to- plotni otoki ozračja nanašajo na razlike v temperaturi zraka med mesti in okoliškimi (zelenimi) območji. Te razlike lahko znašajo tudi do  10  °C, pojavijo pa se predvsem po sončnem zahodu. Podnevi so te razlike pogosto manjše. Čez dan se v mestu toplota kopiči v stavbah, pločnikih, vodnih površinah in tleh. Ko sonce zaide, mestno območje zaradi toplotne ka- pacitete in prevodnosti gradbenega materiala, ki se uporablja v grajenem okolju (zlasti betona in asfalta), to toploto oddaja počasi. V mestih ni naravnega hlajenja, ki ga običajno zagota- vlja rastje, saj so pločniki in stavbe zamenjali večino prvotnih zelenih površin. Mestni toplotni otoki površja se nanašajo na temperaturne raz- like med posameznimi mestnimi površinami (in ne na razlike v temperaturi zraka): med strehami, prekritimi z bitumensko lepenko, in drevesnimi krošnjami, med pločniki in vodnimi površinami ipd. Te razlike so pogosto večje in se pojavljajo pod- nevi. Čez dan se prostorski vzorci mestnih toplotnih otokov površja in ozračja močno razlikujejo, ponoči pa se izenačijo, če je mestna površina edini še preostali vir toplote. Podatki o toplotnih otokih omogočajo boljše razumevanje energijskih procesov na mestnih območjih, ki se imenujejo tudi energijska bilanca površja (ang. surface energy balance; Harman, 2003). 1.4 Raziskovalna vprašanja V raziskavi Hotterdam sta avtorja proučila učinek mestnega to- plotnega otoka v Rotterdamu z vidika prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam. Ugotavljala sta, kateri novi vpogledi bi lahko pripomogli k temu, da bi se spremenilo obnašanje prebivalcev, da bi se izboljšala kakovost stavb in da bi se uvedle spremembe v grajenem okolju. Raziskavo je naročila mestna občina Rot- terdam, ki je želela pridobiti podatke o obsegu vpliva urbanega toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu, njegovih posledicah za prebi- valce ter vlogi morfologije, rabe prostora in prostorske lokacije. V raziskavi sta avtorja obravnavala naslednja štiri vprašanja: • Ali mestni toplotni otok vpliva na vse predele Rotter- dama enako ali na nekatere vpliva bolj kot na druge ter kateri so ti predeli? • Ali obstaja povezava med mestnim toplotnim otokom v Rotterdamu in umrljivostjo starejših prebivalcev med vročinskimi valovi? • Ali lahko razlike v vplivu mestnega toplotnega otoka med posameznimi mestnimi predeli pojasnimo z morfologijo mesta in rabo prostora? • Ali družbeni, morfološki in prostorski vidiki mestnega toplotnega otoka oblikujejo jasne prostorske vzorce, na podlagi katerih bi se lahko pri urbanističnem načrtovanju in upravljanju mesta uporabil pristop, ki se osredotoča na točno določeno območje? 2 Zgradba raziskave Raziskava je bila razdeljena na tri glavne faze. V prvi fazi sta avtorja zbirala podatke o mestnem toplotnem otoku v Rotterdamu, o njegovih prebivalcih in stanovanjih ter o morfologiji mesta in tamkajšnji rabi prostora. V drugi fazi sta podatke obdelala in jih predstavila na kartah, ki sta jih oblikovala v programu ArcGIS, pri čemer sta za vse uporabila enako celično mrežo. V tretji fazi sta z multivariatno regresijsko analizo osnovnih številskih podatkov posamezne mrežne celice proučila povezave med mestno toploto, čezmerno umrljivostjo, morfologijo in rabo prostora. Na podlagi rezultatov regresijskih analiz sta nato izvedla klastrsko analizo, s katero sta oblikovala t. i. družbeno in prostorsko temperaturno karto (ang. heat map). Posamezne faze so podrobneje predstavljene v nadaljevanju. 2.1 Zbiranje podatkov V raziskavi so bili zbrani podatki o obsegu in jakosti mestnega toplotnega otoka, najbolj ogroženi skupini prebivalcev Rot- terdama  (vključno z dejavniki, ki jih še dodatno ogrožajo), morfologiji mesta in rabi prostora. Zgodovinskih podatkov o vremenu v raznih soseskah Rotter- dama ni. KNMI meritve tovrstnih podatkov izvaja na letali- šču Rotterdam-Haag, vendar samo na zahtevani razdalji od pozidanih območij. Čeprav ti podatki ne zadostujejo za opis temperaturnih razlik v mestu, sta avtorja na njihovi podlagi določila vročinski val, ki je julija 2006 močno vplival na zdravje starejših prebivalcev Rotterdama. Zaradi pomanjkanja natančnih temperaturnih meritev mnogi raziskovalci za natančnejše določanje mestnih toplotnih oto- kov uporabljajo metode daljinskega zaznavanja ali mobilnega zaznavanja množic  (ang. crowdsensing). Dousset in Gourme- lon (2003) sta kot prva začela uporabljati satelitske posnetke za ugotavljanje in prikaz mestnih toplotnih otokov. Dokumentira- la sta pojav pariškega toplotnega otoka med vročinskim valom avgusta 2003 in te podatke primerjala s čezmerno umrljivostjo, na kar je močno vplival ta vremenski pojav (Dousset in Gour- melon, 2003; Dousset idr., 2011). Lee Chapman idr. (2017) so pred kratkim metodo mobilnega zaznavanja množic uporabili za proučevanje londonskega toplotnega otoka, pri čemer so uporabili podatke osebnih vremenskih postaj Netatmo  (po- sebnih naprav, ki so povezane v internet stvari in jih uporabljajo posamezniki). Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 8 V raziskavi Hotterdam sta avtorja pridobila satelitske posnet- ke Landsat 5 in Landsat 8 iz spletne aplikacije EarthExplorer ameriške znanstvene agencije USGS ter vanje v postopku pred- obdelave vnesla geometrične in atmosferske popravke. Podob- no kot satelitski posnetki Evropske vesoljske agencije so tudi posnetki Landsat prosto dostopni na spletu. Julija  2014 sta avtorja z uporabo pristopa laične znanosti iz- merila zunanjo in notranjo temperaturo v  1.000 domovih in na  300 javnih prostorih v Rotterdamu  (van der Hoeven  idr., 2014). Temperature so bile izmerjene s cenovno ugodnimi senzorji, ki se običajno uporabljajo v prevoznem sektorju: na- lepkami PakSense UltraContact za spremljanje temperature. Senzorji prikazujejo temperaturo z natančnostjo ±0,5 °C med delovanjem pri temperaturi od –10  °C do 30  °C. Avtorja sta najela deset študentov, izmed katerih je vsak poiskal po sto posameznikov, ki so bili pripravljeni sodelovati pri merjenju. Vsak je obiskal pet izbranih ulic v dveh izbranih soseskah, pri čemer je moral na vsaki ulici najti deset udeležencev tako, da je spraševal od vrat do vrat. Študenti so vsakemu stanovalcu na kratko predstavili raziskavo in mu izročili senzor skupaj s preprostimi navodili. Stanovalci so morali senzorje namestiti v dnevno sobo, in sicer na mesto, ki ni bilo neposredno izpo- stavljeno soncu, in stran od naprav, ki oddajajo toploto (tele- vizijskih sprejemnikov ali računalnikov). Po dveh mesecih so študenti znova obiskali stanovalce in pobrali senzorje. Če koga takrat ni bilo doma, so ga znova obiskali, če pa stanovalca tudi tretjič ni bilo doma, so mu pustili kuverto, v kateri je lahko sam po pošti vrnil senzor. Senzorji so temperature merili od konca julija do sredine septembra 2014. V istem obdobju sta avtorja na podlagi istovrstnih senzorjev merila tudi zunanjo temperaturo. Na vsako izmed stotih ulic sta namestila tri senzorje, torej sta pri merjenju uporabila skupno tristo senzorjev. Vsak senzor je bil opremljen z ma- gnetkom, s katerim sta avtorja senzorje namestila na prometne znake dva metra nad tlemi, in sicer drugega za drugim na isti strani ulice. Senzorji so merili zunanjo temperaturo na istih ulicah, na katerih so stanovalci merili notranjo temperaturo. Tako sta lahko meritve med seboj primerjala. Strokovnjaki za zbiranje in obdelavo podatkov mestne ob- čine Rotterdam so avtorjema priskrbeli podatke iz različnih virov (uradov in organizacij): • podatke o prebivalstvu iz rotterdamske občinske baze osebnih podatkov, • podatke o rabi prostora iz rotterdamskega geografskega informacijskega sistema, • podatke o prebivalstvu nizozemskega centralnega stati- stičnega urada, • dostop do digitalne karte nadmorskih višin za Nizozem- sko (AHN), • podatke o naslovih in stavbah iz posebne podatkovne baze, ki jo vodi občinski katastrski urad, • dostop do digitalne topografske karte Nizozemske (TO- Slika 1: Vizualna predstavitev (zgodboris) raziskave (avtor: Frank van der Hoeven) F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 9 a b P10NL) pri občinskem katastrskem uradu in • podatke o energetski učinkovitosti stavb fundacije Be- spaar Lokaal. 2.2 Obdelava in kartiranje podatkov V programu ArcGIS sta avtorja izdelala geografsko podatkov- no zbirko, v katero sta vključila vse pomembne informacije. Za vsak hektar v Rotterdamu oziroma za vsako mrežno celi- co, velikosti 100 m × 100 m, sta izdelala številske podatke za tretjo fazo raziskave (tj.  multivariatne regresijske in klastrske analize). Uporabila sta najmanjšo prostorsko enoto, ki jo ni- zozemski centralni statistični urad uporablja za predstavitev demografskih podatkov, poleg tega je tudi ločljivost infrarde- čih podatkov, ki se uporablja na satelitskih posnetkih Landsat, dokaj podobna (120 m × 120 m). Manjša enota ne bi prinesla natančnejših rezultatov. Avtorja sta v raziskavo vključila tudi geolocirane zdravstvene podatke, ki sta jih pridobila od občinskega statističnega urada. Uporaba zdravstvenih podatkov je pogosto otežena zaradi po- mislekov glede kršitev zasebnosti, ker pa sta avtorja uporabljala visoko prostorsko ločljivost z velikostjo celice 100 m × 100 m, jima ni bilo treba pridobiti ali prikazati zasebnih podatkov o posameznih prebivalcih. Ker nista razkrila zasebnih podatkov, sta lahko podatkovne nize shranila v obliki odprtih podatkov. Na koncu sta podatke prikazala v zbirki kart ali atlasu, pri katerem je bila ločljivost 100 m × 100 m. 2.2.1 Toplota Na podlagi podatkov KNMI sta avtorja proučila najvišje pov- prečne junijske, julijske in avgustovske temperature med leto- ma  2000 in  2013, nato pa sta jih primerjala s številom smrti med prebivalci Rotterdama, starimi 75 let ali več (podatke sta pridobila od CBS), da bi ugotovila, med katerimi vročinskimi valovi je umrlo največ ljudi v tej starostni skupini. Sredi septembra  2014 sta ob pomoči študentov pobrala  800 od 1.000 razdeljenih senzorjev. Dvesto prebivalcev, ki so sode- lovali v raziskavi, ni bilo doma ali se niso odzvali na prošnjo, naj vrnejo senzorje po pošti. Poleg tega sta pobrala 200 od 300 senzorjev, ki sta jih namestila na javnih mestih. Preostalih sto senzorjev je izginilo. Ker sta avtorja pričakovala, da bo nekaj Slika 2: Formula (a) in grafični prikaz energijske bilance površja (b) (avtor: Frank van der Hoeven) Opombe: Q*: neto sevanje, QE: latentni toplotni tok, QH: senzibilni toplotni tok, QS: shranjeni toplotni tok. »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 10 senzorjev izginilo, sta na vsako ulico namestila po tri in tako je na koncu na vsaki ulici ostal vsaj eden. Podatke s senzorjev sta nato ročno vnesla v podatkovno zbirko, oblikovano v ArcGIS. Za določitev temperature površja v mestu sta uporabila meto- do daljinskega zaznavanja. V ta namen sta pridobila satelitski posnetek Landsat 5, ki ga je NASA naredila med hudim vro- činskim valom leta  2006. Posnetek je bil narejen 16.  julija in prikazuje stanje v Rotterdamu po izjemno močni akumulaciji toplote v tleh, vodnih površinah, pločnikih in stavbah. Na podlagi infrardečega pasu na posnetku (pas 6) sta avtorja do- ločila temperaturo površja. Atmosferski popravek tega pasu sta naredila z Nasinim spletnim orodjem Atmospheric Correction Parameter Calculator  (Barsi  idr., 2005), nato pa sta vse sku- paj pretvorila v obliko, ki prikazuje temperaturo površja (Yale Center for Earth Observation, 2010), pri čemer sta uporabila prosto dostopno spletno aplikacijo Evropske vesoljske agencije BEAM-VISAT  (zdaj jo je nadomestilo orodje SNAP). Karto temperatur površja sta vključila v podatkovno zbirko ArcGIS. Isti satelitski posnetek sta avtorja uporabila tudi za izdelavo modela energijske bilance površja. To bilanco sta določila z aplikacijo ATCOR2, ki so jo razvili v nemškem letalskem in vesoljskem centru, uporablja pa se za izdelavo posnetkov neto sevanja ter senzibilnih, latentnih in shranjenih toplotnih to- kov. Neto sevanje je enako vsoti absorbiranega kratkovalovne- ga sončnega sevanja in dolgovalovnega sevanja ozračja minus dolgovalovno sevanje površja. Senzibilni toplotni tok se nanaša na sevanje, ki segreva zrak, latentni toplotni tok na energijo, ki omogoča evapotranspiracijo in izparevanje vodnih površin, shranjeni toplotni tok pa na sevanje, ki ogreva stavbe, vodne površine in tla. Karte vseh štirih opisanih dejavnikov sta avtorja vključila v podatkovno zbirko, izdelano v programu ArcGIS. 2.2.2 Družbeno-prostorski vidiki Med vročinskimi valovi se umrljivost med starejšimi prebivalci, zlasti starejšimi od  75  let, poveča. Prostorska razpršenost starejših prebivalcev in mestne razmere, ki vplivajo na njihovo umrljivost, so v Rotterdamu zelo različne. Avtorja sta znova uporabila mrežo, sestavljeno iz celic, velikosti  1  ha, s katero sta oblikovala karte za prikaz: • koncentracije prebivalcev Rotterdama, starih 75 let, • števila umrlih julija 2006 v starostni skupini 75 let ali več, • povprečnega števila umrlih v isti starostni skupini julija v letih od 2000 do 2013, • razlike med številom umrlih na hektar julija 2006 in pov- prečnim številom umrlih na hektar julija v letih od 2000 do 2013, kar je razkrilo, koliko ljudi več kot običajno je zaradi (mestne) vročine umrlo leta 2006. Starost stanovanj in stopnja njihove toplotne izolacije deloma določata verjetnost prezgodnje smrti starostnikov (Vandentor- ren idr., 2006). Ker stanovanja dejansko delujejo kot filtri med notranjimi bivanjskimi razmerami in zunanjimi temperatura- mi, sta avtorja uporabila dva niza podatkov, ki bi lahko razkrila, kakšna je (energetska) kakovost stavb, v katerih ti ljudje živijo: podatke o energetski učinkovitosti in starosti stavb. Pri tem sta izračunala povprečje za vsak hektar. 2.2.3 Prostorski vidiki Karti morfologije mesta in prostorske rabe sta temeljili na treh vrstah podatkov: podatkih tridimenzionalnega modela Rotterdama, satelitskih posnetkih in podatkih iz občinskega geografskega informacijskega sistema. Stopnjo neprepustnosti površja kot vodilnega vzroka mestne- ga toplotnega otoka sta avtorja določila s posebno obdelavo satelitskih posnetkov: ločevanjem spektrov  (ang. spectral un- mixing). Pri analizi Rotterdama sta uporabila satelitski posne- tek Landsat 5 (TM), ki ga je Nasa naredila 16. julija 2006, in posnetek Landsat 8 (OLI), narejen 22. julija 2014. Koeficient odbojnosti (albedo) površja, normalizirani diferencialni vege- tacijski indeks NDVI in indeks listne površine sta izračunala z aplikacijo ATCOR2. NDVI in indeks listne površine sta stran- ska proizvoda atmosferskih popravkov v tej aplikaciji. Delež vodnih površin pa sta izračunala na podlagi karte TOP10NL. Indeks stavbnega ovoja, stavbni volumen, delež vidnega neba in osenčenost so bili izračunani na podlagi tridimenzionalnega modela, ki je temeljil na podatkih o nadmorskih višinah AHN- 2. Avtorja sta stavbni volumen obravnavala kot kazalnik zmo- žnosti shranjevanja toplote, za indeks stavbnega ovoja (tj. sku- pne površine streh in fasad na hektar) pa sta domnevala, da lahko pojasni izmenjavo toplote med stavbami in njihovo okolico. Delež vidnega neba sta izračunala s posebno kodo, ki so jo razvili raziskovalci pri ZRC SAZU (Zakšek idr., 2011). Na podlagi zgoraj opisanega sta avtorja izdelala karte ne- prepustnih površin, vodnih površin, albeda površja, rastlin- stva  (NDVI in indeksa listne površine), osenčenosti, deleža vidnega neba, stavbnega volumna in stavbnega ovoja. Vse karte sta vključila v podatkovno zbirko ArcGIS, na njih prikazane podatke pa sta pretvorila v koeficiente, deleže (v odstotkih) in številske vrednosti na hektar. F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 11 2.3 Multivariatna regresijska analiza in klastrska analiza Vettorato (2010) je kot prvi proučil povezavo med morfologijo in prostorsko rabo ter temperaturo površja na podlagi metode daljinskega zaznavanja, multivariatne regresijske analize in ge- ografskega informacijskega sistema. Avtorja sta se pri zasnovi raziskave Hotterdam zgledovala po njegovi študiji italijanskega mesta Trento. Z multivariatno in hierarhično regresijsko analizo sta določi- la povezave med toploto  (energijsko bilanco površja in tem- peraturami) in družbeno-prostorskimi vidiki. V prvi fazi sta analizirala, kateri kazalnik temperatur in energijske bilance površja bi lahko najbolje pojasnil čezmerno umrljivost ljudi, starih 75 let ali več, v Rotterdamu julija 2006. V drugi fazi sta ta kazalnik povezala z morfologijo mesta in njegovo prostorsko rabo. Statistično značilne družbene ter morfološke in prostor- ske vidike sta združila v skupine in jih prikazala na družbeni in prostorski temperaturni karti. Na podlagi teh dveh kart in podatkov, na katerih temeljita, lahko bolje razumemo ogrože- nost starejših prebivalcev Rotterdama zaradi vpliva mestnega toplotnega otoka med vročinskimi valovi. Avtorja sta najprej izvedla hierarhično večkratno regresijsko analizo na vseh hektarjih (mrežnih celicah) proučevanega ob- močja, da bi ugotovila, kateri vidiki bolje napovedo umrljivost prebivalcev, starih 75 let in več. V regresijski model sta vključila zunanjo in notranjo temperaturo zraka, temperaturo površja, neto sevanje, senzibilni, latentni in shranjeni toplotni tok ter energetsko učinkovitost in starost stavb. Nato sta večkratno regresijsko analizo izvedla še za to, da bi napovedala pojav me- Preglednica 1: Povprečne najvišje temperature in število umrlih, starih 75 let ali več, med poletjem 2006 in povprečne poletne vrednosti za obdobje 2000 – 2013 Junij Julij Avgust Leto Povprečna najvišja temperatura Št. umrlih, sta- rih 75 let ali več Povprečna najvišja temperatura Št. umrlih, sta- rih 75 let ali več Povprečna najvišja temperatura Št. umrlih, sta- rih 75 let ali več 2006 21,3 °C 308 27,8 °C 385 20,5 °C 293 povprečje za celotno obdobje 2000 – 2013 20,7 °C 298 22,4 °C 310 22,3 °C 292 Slika 3: Vročinski val leta 2006 v Rotterdamu, število umrlih, starih 75 let ali več, najvišje dnevne temperature (v °C) in koncentracija ozona (vir: van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015c) »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 12 Slika 4: Skupni senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok 16. julija 2006 (avtor: Frank van der Hoeven) stnega toplotnega otoka na podlagi prostorskih in morfoloških vidikov mesta. V regresijski model sta vključila neprepustne površine, vodne površine, albedo površja, rastlinstvo (NDVI in indeks listne površine), osenčenost, delež vidnega neba, stavbni volumen in stavbni ovoj. Pri tem so bile izpolnjene predpo- stavke o linearnosti odnosa, neodvisnosti napak, homoske- dastičnosti, nepričakovanih točkah in normalni porazdelitvi ostankov. Na koncu sta na podlagi rezultatov regresijske analize izvedla še klastrsko analizo v dveh korakih za vse naseljene mrežne celice v mestu. Pri tem sta oblikovala različne skupi- ne (ali tipologije), ki so bile podlaga za oblikovanje družbene in prostorske temperaturne karte. 3 Rezultati 3.1 Kakšna bi bila lahko prihodnja poletja v Rotterdamu: julij 2006 Avtorja sta na podlagi podatkov KNMI in CBS ugotovila, da so bile v poletnih mesecih od junija do avgusta v letih od  2000 do  2013 najvišje povprečne temperature  (27,8  °C) in najvišja stopnja umrljivosti med prebivalci, starimi 75 let ali več, v Rotterdamu evidentirane julija  2006. To je bil najbolj vroč mesec v tristoletni zgodovini dokumentiranja vremen- skih podatkov na Nizozemskem. Po podatkih CBS  (2006) Legenda: ≤ 127 > 127 ≤ 180 > 180 ≤ 232 > 232 ≤ 285 > 285 ≤ 337 > 337 ≤ 390 > 390 ≤ 442 > 442 ≤ 494 > 494 ≤ 547 ≥ 547 mestni toplotni tok (v W/m2) F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 13 je julija  2006 umrlo  1.000 nizozemskih državljanov več kot običajno. S  1.000 umrlimi zaradi rekordne vročine je bila leta  2006 Nizozemska na tretjem mestu svetovne lestvice meteoroloških nesreč  (CRED, 2016). Zaradi teh dejstev sta se avtorja odločila, da bosta julij  2006 vzela kot model, na podlagi katerega bi lahko napovedala, kakšna bodo prihodnja poletja v Rotterdamu. Mestna občina Rotterdam je julija 2006 evidentirala  75  smrtnih primerov več, kot je povprečje za ta mesec  (izračunano za obdobje  2000  – 2013). V primerjavi s povprečjem, ugotovljenim za celotno obdobje  2007  – 2013, pa je ta številka še večja (tj. 90 smrtnih primerov več). Pregled dnevnih podatkov za julij 2006 je pokazal, da je bila stopnja umrljivosti starejših prebivalcev Rotterdama najvišja dva do tri dni po najvišji izmerjeni temperaturi, podobno kot je to leta  2006 ugotovil že CBS. Koncentracije ozona so bile najvišje ob dnevih, ko so bile izmerjene tudi najvišje zunanje temperature. Ti podatki niso dovolj natančni, da bi jih lahko povezali s povečano umrljivostjo, saj se koncentracija ozona meri samo na treh lokacijah v mestu. Obstaja pa velika mo- žnost, da je imel vročinski val leta 2006 tako močne posledice za zdravje ljudi tudi zaradi povečane koncentracije ozona. Na sliki 3 črna črta označuje najvišje dnevne temperature, pre- kinjena črta pa koncentracije ozona. Na desni je označena naj- višja dovoljena koncentracija ozona v Evropski uniji (120 μg na kubični meter zraka). Siva črta označuje stopnjo umrljivosti med ljudmi, starimi 75 let ali več. Avtorja sta pri stopnji umrlji- ≤ –1,0 > –1,0 ≤ –0,5 > –0,5 ≤ –0,3 > –0,3 ≤ 0,0 > 0,0 ≤ 0,3 > 0,3 ≤ 0,5 > 0,5 ≤ 1,0 > 1,0 ≤ 1,5 > 1,5 ≤ 2,0 ≥ 2,0 čezmerna umrljivost ljudi, starih 75 let ali več /ha Legenda: Slika 5: Čezmerna umrljivost prebivalcev, starih 75 let ali več, julija 2006, izražena v absolutnih številkah (avtor: Frank van der Hoeven) »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 14 vosti upoštevala vrednosti z dvodnevnim zamikom, tako da sta lahko skupaj prikazala najvišje temperature, stopnjo umrljivosti in koncentracije ozona. 3.2 Atlas Druga faza raziskave je obsegala obdelavo in kartiranje podat- kov o toploti, družbenih ter morfoloških in prostorskih vidi- kih Rotterdama. Rezultat te faze je bila podatkovna zbirka, izdelana v programu ArcGIS in objavljena v obliki atlasa (glej van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015c). Pri tem sta podrobneje predstavljeni dve karti: karta, ki prikazuje skupni senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok (slika 4), in karta, ki prikazuje čezmerno umrljivost prebivalcev, starih 75 let ali več (slika 5). Najboljši primer kartiranja podnebnih vidikov in prikaza njihovih posle- dic za urbanistično in prostorsko načrtovanje je bil uporabljen v nemški publikaciji Städtebauliche Klimafibel  (Ministerium für Verkehr und Infrastruktur Baden-Württemberg, 2004), ki sta jo avtorja tega članka vzela za zgled. 3.2.1 Kazalniki toplote Avtorja sta rotterdamski toplotni otok proučevala tako, da sta kartirala štiri možne kazalnike: zunanjo in notranjo tempera- turo zraka  (pridobljeno z uporabo metode mobilnega zazna- vanja množic), temperaturo površja (pridobljeno z daljinskim zaznavanjem) in energijsko bilanco površja  (določeno z ana- lizami, opravljenimi z orodjem ATCOR2, ki so temeljile na daljinskem zaznavanju). Podatki o energijski bilanci površja ter temperaturi površja in zraka kažejo na očiten vpliv toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu. Vpliv mestnega toplotnega otoka površja je najmočnejši v pristanišču ter industrijskih in poslovnih pre- delih mesta, vplivu mestnega toplotnega otoka ozračja pa so najbolj izpostavljeni mestno središče in gosto pozidane stano- vanjske soseske v severnem, južnem in zahodnem Rotterdamu. Meritve na podlagi metode mobilnega zaznavanja množic so pokazale mešane rezultate. Ljudje so bili pripravljeni sodelovati v raziskavi, zato sta avtorja zlahka našla 1.000 posameznikov, ki so pomagali pri meritvah. Težava je bila v tem, da so bili sen- zorji razdeljeni konec julija 2014 in da se je nato avgust 2014 izkazal za najhladnejšega v  90  letih. Zbrani podatki so lahko temelj za nadaljnje raziskave, niso pa ponazorili značilnosti omenjenega vročinskega vala, kot sta avtorja upala. Pravzaprav ne izražajo niti povprečnega nizozemskega poletja. Na sliki  6 so prikazani povprečni rezultati meritev senzorjev v prvem tednu avgusta  (ko so bile temperature nad  25  °C). Slika  6: Temperature zraka, izmerjene v izbranih stanovanjih in ulicah Rotterdama. Diagram prikazuje povprečja vseh 800 meritev notranjih temperatur (siva črta) in vseh 200 meritev zunanjih temperatur (črna črta), opravljenih v prvem tednu avgusta 2014 (vir: van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015c). F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 15 Legenda: prebivalci, stari 75 let ali več /ha 77 4 5 4 2 1 starost stavb (v letih) 36 85 59 27 23 88 tok mestne toplote (v W/m2) 363 411 353 396 314 294 Slika 7: Družbena temperaturna karta: prostorski vzorec ogroženosti starejših zaradi vpliva mestnega toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu (vir: van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015c) »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Preglednica 2: Podrobnejša predstavitev posameznega regresijskega modela Spremenljivka Število umrlih, starih 75 let ali več Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 B β Β β Β β konstanta 0,048** −0,043** −0,58** št. umrlih, starih 75 let ali več (2006) 0,002** 0,095 0,002** 0,775 0,001** 0,652 starost stavb 0,000066** 0,213 0,000034** 0,108 mestni toplotni tok (2006) 0,000011** 0,232 R² 0,819 0,847 0,859 F 320,6 193,6 140,2 ΔR² 0,816 0,843 0,853 ΔF 320,6 12 5,9 ** p < 0,005 Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 16 Preglednica 3: Regresijski koeficienti in standardne napake Spremenljivka Β SNΒ β konstanta 281,3 2,6 voda –0,011 0,0002 –0,313** neprepustnost 217,8 2,708 0,680** indeks listne površine –0,13 0,001 –0,077** stavbni ovoj –0,0002 0,0001 –0,005** osenčenost –1,034 × 10–6 4,2475 × 10–8 –0,086** Opombe: ** p < 0,005, Β: nestandardizirani regresijski koeficient, SNΒ: standardna napaka koeficienta, β: standardizirani koeficient, odvisna spremenljivka: tok mestne toplote. neprepustnost 0,80 0,59 0,58 0,39 0,37 0,36 0,09 0,06 indeks listnih površin 249 350 557 1.014 1.056 262 2.074 27 stavbni ovoj (v m²/ha) 1.261 8.136 4.269 1.139 663 732 136 23 vodne površine 3 % 2 % 4 % 7 % 8 % 54 % 8 % 96 % osenčenost 2,4 2,8 3,9 1,4 4,5 2,9 2,8 2,5 tok mestne toplote (v W/m2) 456 406 375 324 316 311 242 119 Legenda: Slika 8: Prostorska temperaturna karta: prostorski vzorec rabe tal in urbane oblike, ki bolj ali manj prispevajo k nastanku mestnega toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu (vir: van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015c) F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 17 Razen najvišjih popoldanskih zunanjih temperatur so bile na proučevanih ulicah notranje temperature zraka v povprečju višje od zunanjih. Podnevi so bile razlike v notranjih tempe- raturah manjše kot pri zunanjih. Zunanje okolje ima očitno zadosten ohlajevalni učinek, da večji del dneva ustrezno zni- žuje temperaturo v stanovanjih. Primerjava meritev na ravni celotnega mesta kaže, da so notranje temperature prostorsko manj koherentne od zunanjih. Končni rezultati analize toplote so karte, na katerih sta avtorja prikazala zunanjo in notranjo temperaturo zraka, temperaturo površja podnevi, neto sevanje ter latentni, senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok. 3.2.2 Družbeno-prostorski vidiki Na podlagi obdelave in kartiranja družbenih vidikov mestne toplote sta avtorja izdelala pet kart, ki se nanašajo na stanje julija 2006: • karto, ki prikazuje prostorsko porazdelitev ljudi, sta- rih 75 let ali več; • karto, ki prikazuje stopnjo umrljivosti ljudi, starih 75 let ali več; • karto nadpovprečne stopnje umrljivosti; • karto starosti stavb; • karto povprečne energetske učinkovitosti stavb na hektar. Ranljiva skupina prebivalcev, starih  75  let ali več, je večino- ma zgoščena v mestnih soseskah, zgrajenih po drugi svetovni vojni  (Schiebroek, Ommoord, IJsselmonde, Zuidwijk, Pen- drecht in Hoogvliet), kjer so tudi številni domovi za ostarele. Nadpovprečna stopnja umrljivosti med vročinskim valom ju- lija 2006 pa kaže bolj razpotegnjen prostorski vzorec (slika 5), kar pomeni, da za razlago umrljivosti starejših potrebujemo več kazalnikov kot samo prostorsko koncentracijo prebivalcev, starih 75 let ali več. Avtorja sta za proučitev tega, kje v Rotterdamu ogroženost zaradi vročine povzroča težave starejšim, izvedla multivariatno regresijsko analizo. Julija 2006 je umrlo 385 starejših prebival- cev, od katerih lahko samo  75  – 90 smrti obravnavamo kot presežne. Avtorja sta hierarhično večkratno regresijsko analizo izvedla za vse hektarje proučevanega območja, da bi ugotovila, kateri družbeni vidiki bi lahko bolje napovedali število umrlih prebivalcev, starih 75 let ali več. V regresijski model sta vključila zunanjo in notranjo temperaturo zraka, temperaturo površja, neto sevanje, senzibilni, latentni in shranjeni toplotni tok ter energetsko učinkovitost in starost stavb. Regresijski model, ki je vključeval število prebivalcev, sta- rih  75  let ali več, skupni senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok ter povprečno starost stavb, je bil statistično najznačilnejši za napoved števila umrlih, starih  75  let ali več. Vključitev sku- pnega senzibilnega in shranjenega toplotnega toka v napoved števila umrlih v tej starostni skupini je povzročil statistično značilno povečanje vrednosti koeficienta determinacije R² za 0,050 pri F(2, 71) = 4,2147 in p < 0,05. Tudi vključitev starosti stavb v napoved  (model  3) je povzročila statistično značilno povečanje vrednosti koeficienta determinacije R² za 0,093 pri F(1, 95) = 8,699 in p < 0,005. Uporabljeni regresijski modeli so podrobneje predstavljeni v preglednici 2. Na podlagi rezultatov regresijske analize (tj. števila prebivalcev, starih 75 let in več, povprečne starosti stavb in skupnega sen- zibilnega in shranjenega toplotnega toka) sta avtorja izvedla klastrsko analizo v dveh korakih za vse naseljene mrežne celice v mestu. Pri tem sta oblikovala šest skupin  (tipologij), ki so prikazane na karti na sliki  7 in spremljajoči legendi, v kateri so pojasnjene posamezne vrednosti. Prostorska razpršenost sta- rejših v Rotterdamu je še vedno posledica navade Nizozemcev, da starejše sorodnike nameščajo v domove za ostarele  (črna območja na karti). Tem lokacijam je treba nameniti posebno pozornost, ustrezen odziv politike pa bi bil potreben tudi za soseske okoli središča mesta  (tj. v severnem, južnem in zaho- dnem Rotterdamu). Čeprav v teh soseskah živi manj starejših na hektar, so izpostavljene večji mestni toploti, stanovanja so tam razmeroma stara, površina teh območij pa je kar velika. 3.2.3 Prostorski vidiki Kazalnik skupnega senzibilnega in shranjenega toplotnega toka (tj.  skupne toplote, ki segreva zrak in stavbe) je najbolje pojasnil vpliv mestnega toplotnega otoka na omenjeno ogrože- no skupino rotterdamskega prebivalstva. V naslednjem koraku sta avtorja ugotavljala, katere prvine morfologije in prostorske rabe vplivajo na nastanek senzibilnega in shranjenega toplo- tnega toka v mestu. V tem koraku klastrske analize sta uporabila karte, ki se na- našajo na neprepustne površine, vodne površine, albedo, ra- stlinstvo, osenčenost, delež vidnega neba, stavbni volumen in stavbni ovoj. Tovrstno združevanje v skupine daje vpogled v to, katerim kombinacijam morfologije in prostorske rabe bi se mo- ralo mesto izogibati in katere bi moralo pogosteje uporabljati. Avtorja sta za napoved skupnega senzibilnega in shranjenega toplotnega toka opravila večkratno regresijsko analizo. Ne- prepustnost, indeks listne površine, indeks stavbnega ovoja, vodne površine in osenčenost so bile spremenljivke, ki so najbolje napovedale učinek mestnega toplotnega otoka: F(5, 1.5951) = 19.167,694, p < 0,0005, prilagojeni R² = 0,857. Vseh pet spremenljivk je statistično značilno napovedalo opisani po- jav pri p < 0,0005. Regresijski koeficienti in standardne napake so predstavljeni v preglednici 3. Na podlagi rezultatov regresijske analize, ki so se nanašali na neprepustnost, indeks listne površine, stavbni ovoj, vodne površine in osenčenost, sta avtorja izvedla klastrsko analizo v »Hotterdam«: kartiranje družbenih, morfoloških in prostorskih vidikov rotterdamskega mestnega toplotnega otoka Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 18 dveh korakih za vse mrežne celice (100 m × 100 m) v mestu. Rezultat klastrske analize je bilo osem kombinacij morfoloških in prostorskih značilnosti, ki so prikazane na karti na sliki  8 skupaj z legendo, v kateri so razložene posamezne vrednosti. Pri nastanku mestnega toplotnega otoka imajo pomembno vlogo pristanišče ter industrijska in poslovna območja v Rotterdamu. Ta območja na družbeni temperaturni karti niso prikazana, saj tam nihče ne živi. Mestno središče ter okoliške gosto pozidane soseske severnega, južnega in zahodnega Rotterdama imajo več morfoloških in prostorskih značilnosti, ki povzročajo problem mestnega toplotnega otoka, kot pa drugi predeli mesta. 4 Sklep V raziskavi Hotterdam sta avtorja proučevala vpliv mestnega toplotnega otoka v Rotterdamu, pri čemer sta se osredotočila na štiri raziskovalna vprašanja: 1. Ali mestni toplotni otok vpliva na vse predele Rotterdama enako ali na nekatere vpliva bolj kot na druge; kateri so ti predeli? Avtorja sta ugotovila, da mestni toplotni otok ne vpliva na vse dele Rotterdama enako. Industrijska območja in pristanišče najmočneje občutijo njegov vpliv, poleg tega ta pojav močneje vpliva na območja severno, južno in zahodno od središča mesta kot na druga območja v mestu. 2. Ali obstaja povezava med mestnim toplotnim otokom v Rotterdamu in umrljivostjo starejših prebivalcev med vročin- skimi valovi? Avtorja sta ugotovila povezavo med čezmerno umrljivostjo starejših prebivalcev in statistično pojasnila nadpovprečno umrljivost prebivalcev, starih  75  let in več, v Rotterdamu ju- lija 2006 na podlagi: • prostorske razporeditve ljudi v tej starostni skupini, • leta gradnje njihovih domov, • kupnega senzibilnega in shranjenega toplotnega toka. 3. Ali lahko razlike v vplivu mestnega toplotnega otoka med posameznimi mestnimi predeli pojasnimo z morfologijo mesta in rabo prostora? Da. Med posameznimi območji obstajajo razlike v akumulira- ni mestni toploti  (in povezanih zdravstvenih težavah) zaradi kombinacije morfoloških in prostorskih značilnosti, kot so: • neprepustne površine, • vodne površine, • listnate (zelene) površine, • stavbni ovoji in • osenčenost. Ti vidiki vplivajo na to, ali se na posameznem območju kopiči več ali manj mestne toplote in ali imajo na njem ljudje več ali manj s tem povezanih zdravstvenih težav. 4. Ali družbeni, morfološki in prostorski vidiki mestnega to- plotnega otoka oblikujejo koherentne prostorske vzorce, na podlagi katerih bi se lahko pri urbanističnem načrtovanju in upravljanju mesta uporabil pristop, ki se osredotoča na točno določeno območje? Klastrska analiza podatkov je pokazala koherentne prostorske vzorce. Industrijska območja in pristanišče v Rotterdamu so močno povezani s pojavom mestnega toplotnega otoka. Ker na teh območjih nihče ne živi, avtorja priporočata, da se pristojna politika raje osredotoči na območja severno, južno in zahodno od mestnega središča, zgrajena pred drugo svetovno vojno, za katere so značilne razmeroma visoke temperature površja, raz- meroma močan skupni senzibilni in shranjeni toplotni tok ter višje zunanje temperature. Delež starejših ljudi, ki živijo na teh območjih, pa je še vedno precej velik. Frank van der Hoeven TU Delft, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft, Nizozemska E-naslov: f.d.vanderhoeven@tudelft.nl Alexander Wandl TU Delft, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft, Nizozemska E-naslov: a.wandl@tudelft.nl Zahvala Raziskava Hotterdam je potekala v okviru projekta Climate Proof Cities, ki je del nacionalnega nizozemskega klimatološkega razisko- valnega programa (Albers idr., 2015). Avtorja se zahvaljujeta, da sta v raziskavi lahko uporabila rezultate projekta Sensing Hotterdam, ki je bil eden izmed projektov v sklopu 4TU.Bouw Lighthouse Projects, ki potekajo pod okriljem zveze štirih nizozemskih tehnoloških univerz 4TU.Federation. Sensing Hotterdam je bil skupen projekt tehnoloških univerz v Delftu in Eindhovnu. Začetni izsledki raziskave Hotterdam so bili v nizozemščini in an- gleščini objavljeni v publikaciji, ki je prosto dostopna na svetovnem spletu in namenjena širši lokalni javnosti (van der Hoeven in Wandl, 2015b, 2015c). Za podrobnejši vpogled v izsledke sta avtorja vse po- datke shranila v prosto dostopno podatkovno zbirko 4TU.Centre for Research Data (Wandl in van der Hoeven, 2015). Viri in literatura Albers, R. A. W., Bosch, P. R., Blocken, B., van den Dobbelsteen, A. A. J. F., Van Hove, L. W. A., Spit, T. J. M., idr. (2015): Overview of challenges and achievements in the Climate Adaptation of Cities and in the Clima- te Proof Cities program. 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DOI: 10.3390/rs3020398 Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 20 UDK: 711.4:316.334.55/.56(44) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2018-29-01-002 Prejeto: 18. 12. 2017 Sprejeto: 12. 3. 2018 Ion MALEAS Socialna stanovanja v predmestjih: nosilci primestne raznolikosti? V zadnjih letih francoska urbanistična politika zahteva razmislek o možnih povezavah in stičiščih med značil- nima in skoraj protislovnima oblikama stanovanjske gra- dnje: kolektivnimi socialnimi stanovanji in predmestnimi enodružinskimi hišami. V Franciji veljata zakona, ki spod- bujata nasprotujočo si dinamiko na stanovanjskem trgu: zakon o solidarnosti in urbani prenovi, sprejet leta 2000, spodbuja gradnjo socialnih stanovanj in od občin zah- teva, da dosegajo zahtevano kvoto, zakon o stanovanjih in prenovljenem urbanizmu, sprejet leta 2014, pa pospe- šuje zasebno gradnjo, da bi se z zgoščevanjem predme- stne gradnje omejilo nenačrtno širjenje mest. Zaradi teh dveh nasprotujočih si načrtovalskih pristopov so lokalne oblasti prisiljene izvajati kompleksne politike, katerih uresničljivost je vprašljiva. V članku je avtor predstavil glavna socialna in politična pojma, na podlagi katerih se v Franciji spodbuja gradnja socialnih stanovanj, in sicer pravico do stanovanja in, kar je najpomembnejše z vidika predmestij, socialno raznolikost sosesk. V povezavi s tem je obravnaval pomen socialne raznolikosti za predmestja in predstavil nekaj uspešno izvedenih projektov gradnje socialnih stanovanj v predmestnih soseskah. Članek je zaokrožil z razpravo o možnih metodah reševanja naspro- tja med dinamiko gradnje socialnih stanovanj in procesi zgoščevanja zasebne gradnje v predmestjih. Ključne besede: urbanistična politika, socialna stanova- nja, socialna raznolikost, predmestja, enodružinske hiše Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 21Socialna stanovanja v predmestjih: nosilci primestne raznolikosti? 1 Uvod Kolektivna socialna stanovanja in predmestne enodružinske hiše so značilne oblike stanovanjske gradnje, ki v novejšem ob- dobju prevladujejo na francoskih mestnih in primestnih ob- močjih ter v političnih in akademskih razpravah o stanovanjih in mestnem okolju na splošno. Ti obliki se redko povezujeta in skoraj nemogoče si ju je zamišljati skupaj; socialni stanovanj- ski bloki ali t.  i. grands ensembles modernizma in samostojne predmestne hiše, zgrajene v slogu novega urbanizma, pogosto delujejo kot svoja popolna nasprotja (Lelévrier, 2014). Novejša francoska urbanistična politika kljub vsemu zahteva razmis- lek o možnih povezavah in stičiščih med tema oblikama. Ta razmislek spodbuja posebni pravni okvir, ki ga določata zlasti dva zakona: zakon o solidarnosti in urbani prenovi (fra. Soli- darité et renouvellement urbain, v nadaljevanju: SRU), sprejet leta  2000, in zakon o stanovanjih in prenovljenem urbaniz- mu  (fra. Logement et un urbanisme rénové, v nadaljevanju: ALUR), sprejet leta 2014. Zakona imata velik vpliv na razprave o socialnih in predmestnih stanovanjih. Avtor je najprej na kratko predstavil literaturo z obravnavanega področja in s tem opredelil temo članka. Nato je proučil fran- coski področni pravni okvir in urbanistične politike, na podlagi česar je oblikoval hipotezo, da se v francoskih predmestjih izva- jata nasprotujoči si stanovanjski politiki, ki temeljita na SRU in ALUR. Nasprotujoče si stanje se dogaja med izvajanjem politike, ki zahteva, da ima vsaka občina v skupnem stanovanj- skem fondu tudi določen delež socialnih stanovanj, in politike, ki pospešuje zgoščevanje gradnje v predmestjih in posledično več zasebnih gradenj. Za boljše razumevanje opisanega stanja je avtor analiziral številne politike, ki v Franciji spodbujajo gradnjo socialnih stanovanj. Socialna raznolikost je glavni de- javnik, na podlagi katerega se spodbuja tovrstna gradnja, avtor pa proučuje, kakšen pomen ima za predmestja, zaradi česar je pregledal tudi socialne značilnosti francoskih predmestij. Na koncu članka je predstavil nekaj primerov gradnje socialnih sta- novanj v francoskih predmestjih, na podlagi katerih razpravlja o možnih načinih reševanja opisanih nasprotujočih si politik, poleg tega je predstavil predloge za sistematično gradnjo so- cialnih stanovanj v predmestjih. 2 Kontekst predmestij Avtor je v članku najprej predstavil statistične in pravne vire ter publikacije, ki obravnavajo vprašanje predmestij, pri čemer se je osredotočil na francoske primere. V besedilu uporablja izraza primestje in predmestje. Prvi se nanaša na lokacijo in se v odnosu do mestnega središča razume kot njegovo obrobje, ki okrog središča običajno tvori koncentrične kroge (Dodier in Cailly, 2008), drugi pa se večinoma razlaga z morfološkega vidika, in sicer kot območje, kjer je čedalje več enodružinskih hiš (Duany idr., 2010). Res pa je, da se ti značilnosti (ena loka- cijska in druga morfološka) pogosto pojavljata druga ob drugi in sta v francoski literaturi pogosto zamenljivi. Vprašanje predmestij je kompleksno, njihova razširjenost in čedalje večja pojavnost po vsem svetu pa sta že dolga leta tema mednarodnih akademskih razprav. Med pomembnejšimi av- torji v ZDA, pri čemer Združene države pogosto veljajo za vzorčen primer uporabe predmestnega modela, sta Kenneth Terry Jackson (avtor dela Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbaniza- tion of the United States, 1985) in Robert Fisherman  (avtor knjige Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia, 1987), ki proučujeta socialno-ekonomske vzroke nastanka predmes- tij ter pomen zasebne lastnine in stanovanjskega lastništva ter obravnavata dejavnike, kot sta nizka gostota prebivalstva in prevladujoči stanovanjski status. V Italiji sta predmestja najprej proučevala Francesco Indovina, ki je leta 1990 uporabil izraz razpršeno mesto  (ita. citta difussa), in Bernardo Secchi, ki je podobne pojave raziskoval na evropski ravni. Oba avtorja sta opozorila na rastoči obseg mest, večinoma zaradi razpršenos- ti stanovanjske funkcije  (Indovina, 1990; Crysler  idr., 2012). Podobno je v knjigi, objavljeni leta  1997, Thomas Sieverts na primeru Porurja raziskoval pojav vmesnega mesta  (nem. Zwischenstadt) ter pri tem obravnaval prostorske, gospodarske in zgodovinske značilnosti nove regionalne oblike urbanizaci- je, ki ni ne mestna ne podeželska  (Sieverts, 2003; Charmes, 2015b). Istega leta sta v Franciji Geneviève Dubois-Taine in Yves Chalas  (1997) objavila delo, v katerem sta proučevala pojem nastajajočega mesta (fra. ville émergente). Opozorila sta tudi na njegovo dvoumno lastnost  (v smislu vmesne stopnje med mestom in podeželjem ter mestom in naravo) in pouda- rila ključen pomen predmestnih enodružinskih hiš (Charmes, 2015a). V prvem desetletju 21. stoletja, ob uveljavitvi okoljskih razprav o trajnostni urbanizaciji, so se začele kritike predmestij osre- dotočati na ključno vlogo predmestij pri nenačrtnem širjenju mest. V delu Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream Duany idr. (2010) proučujejo glavne urbanistične in arhitekturne značilnosti nenačrtnega širjenja predmestij (npr. stanovanjska naselja in ceste), jih pri- merjajo s tradicionalnim strnjenim mestnim središčem (njego- vo središčno lokacijo, prijaznostjo do pešcev in mešano rabo prostora) in opozarjajo na njihove škodljive vplive na okolje. Podobne kritike so se pojavile tudi v Franciji, kjer so nepri- merna raba kmetijskih zemljišč in naravnih območij, obsežna pozidava tal ter odvisnost od avtomobilov in njihova čedalje večja uporaba glavna vprašanja, ki jih proučuje nacionalna or- ganizacija za arhitekturne in urbanistične raziskave in posku- se, znana pod imenom PUCA (2015a, 2015b, 2015c). Druge kritike v Franciji se nanašajo na socialnopolitične značilnosti Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 22 I. MALEAS predmestnega prebivalstva, pri čemer očitki letijo na pomanj- kanje socialne raznolikosti (Donzelot in Epstein, 2009) ali des- ničarsko usmerjenost teh prebivalcev  (Lévy, 2007). Okoljska in socialna vprašanja so vključena v francoske državne zakone, ki jih je vredno podrobneje proučiti. 3 Pravni in urbanistični okvir Na področju okoljskih vprašanj je cilj zakonov grenelles I (za- kon št. 2009-967, sprejet 3. avgusta 2009) in grenelles II (za- kon št. 2010-788, sprejet 12. julija 2010) ter še zlasti njunega naslednika, že omenjenega zakona ALUR (št. 2014-366, spre- jet  24.  marca  2014), s pospeševanjem procesov zgoščevanja gradnje omejiti nenačrtno širjenje mest ter uporabo naravnih in kmetijskih območij. Zaradi urbanističnih politik, sprejetih na podlagi teh zakonov, lokalne oblasti zelo težko določajo nova območja urbanizacije, na lokalni ravni pa je treba obvezno proučiti tudi možnosti zgoščevanja gradnje. Poleg tega omenje- ne politike spodbujajo delitev zemljiških parcel: prej zahtevano razmerje med velikostjo parcele in njeno pozidavo je zamenjala metoda, ki dovoljuje večji delež zazidljive površine, odpravljena pa je bila tudi pravica občin, da določijo najmanjšo dovoljeno velikost zazidljivih parcel (Ministère du Logement et de l’Éga- lité des territoires, 2014). Te spremembe se nanašajo zlasti na primestja in predmestja. Kot je bilo že ugotovljeno v številnih obsežnih francoskih raziskovalnih programih, imajo ta velika in redko pozidana območja, ki se razprostirajo okoli mestnih središč ali med njimi in na katerih ima urbano tkivo obliko krpanke – v francoski literaturi se zanje običajno uporabljata izraza périurbain (primesten) in pavillonnaire (predmesten) –, velik potencial za zgoščevanje gradnje (Hanrot, 2014; Bonnet, 2016). Značilen primer zakonskega reševanja socialnih vprašanj na urbanističnem področju je razviden iz  55.  člena SRU, ki predpisuje, da mora skupni stanovanjski fond v občinah z več kot  3.500  prebivalci (ali več kot 1.500  prebivalci v primeru osrednje francoske regije Île-de-France) vključevati vsaj 20 % socialnih stanovanj. Zakon določa sistem letnih in triletnih kazni, ki se izračunajo in predpisujejo na podlagi primanjkl- jaja socialnih stanovanj v posamezni občini  (zakon št.  2000- 1208, sprejet  13.  decembra  2000). Zakon iz leta  2013, ki so ga poimenovali po ministrici Cecile Duflot, določa še ostrejše pogoje: v večini primerov zahtevani delež socialnih stanovanj dviga  25  % (nekatere občine so te nove kvote oproščene) in predpisuje še višje kazni  (zakon št.  2013-61, sprejet  18.  ja- nuarja  2013). Od skupno  36.685 francoskih občin jih ima samo  8,5  % več kot  3.500 prebivalcev  in zanje se torej upo- rabljata ta zakona, vendar v njih živi kar 67,6 % celotnega fran- coskega prebivalstva  (INSEE, 2017). Nacionalna raziskava, opravljena leta 2017, je pokazala, da od 1.997 občin, za katere se ta zakona uporabljata, jih kar 1.222 ni izpolnjevalo obvez- nosti, povezanih s fondom socialnih stanovanj, in je moralo plačati kazni v skupni višini 76,8 milijona evrov. Plačane kazni se nato porabijo za financiranje socialnih stanovanj (Ministère de la Cohésion des Territoires, 2018). Na podlagi opisanega je mogoče v predmestjih opaziti dve nasprotujoči si stanovanjski dinamiki. Na eni strani je za ta območja značilna dinamika gradnje zasebnih stanovanj na podlagi delitve zemljiških parcel, ki jo pospešuje ALUR, na drugi pa dinamika gradnje socialnih stanovanj, ki jo občinam predpisuje SRU (s kaznimi v primeru premalo teh stanovanj). Dinamiki si nasprotujeta, saj povečanje števila zasebnih bivališč v posamezni občini neposredno zmanjša njen delež socialnih stanovanj. V občinah, ki nimajo dovolj socialnih stanovanj in kjer prevladuje predmestno tkivo, imajo lokalne oblasti manjšo operativno moč od številnih zasebnih lastnikov hiš v predmest- jih. Takšne občine se znajdejo v slepi ulici, saj nimajo zemljišč ali znanj, potrebnih za gradnjo dovolj socialnih stanovanj, ki bi izravnala učinek množenja in zgoščevanja zasebnih bivališč. Treba je poudariti, da so običajno parcele kolektivnih social- nih stanovanj, pri gradnji katerih sodelujejo tradicionalni javni akterji s področja zagotavljanja socialnih stanovanj (npr.  last- niki socialnih stanovanj), veliko večje od parcel predmestnih hiš. Poleg tega občine, ki še imajo dovolj socialnih stanovanj, a tudi velik delež zemljišč, na katerih se gradnja zgošča  (tj. predmestnih sosesk), v prihodnje lahko ne bodo imele več do- volj teh stanovanj, če se ob procesu zgoščevanja gradnje ne bo sprejela tudi politika sistematične gradnje socialnih stanovanj zasebnih predmestnih parcelah. Na eni strani je torej očitna operativna prožnost najrazličnejših akterjev s področja grad- nje zasebnih stanovanj  (lastnikov in investitorjev), na drugi pa sankcioniranje javnih akterjev s šibko operativno močjo v predmestjih (občinskih uprav in lastnikov socialnih stanovanj). Izvedljivost obeh politik na istem predmestnem območju je zato vprašljiva. Danes  56  % francoskih prebivalcev živi v samostojni hiši ali dvojčku v predmestju (INSEE, 2016) in za kar 87 % prebival- cev je to idealno bivališče in si zato želijo ali nameravajo živeti v takšni hiši (Damon, 2017). Hkrati je 74 % vseh francoskih gospodinjstev upravičenih do socialnega stanovanja  (INSEE, 2009), pri čemer ima štiri milijone prebivalcev neprimerno stanovanje ali je brez njega, približno  12,1  milijona ljudi pa čuti posledice stanovanjske krize  (Foundation Abbé Pierre, 2017). Ima lahko priljubljeni model predmestne hiše vlogo pri zagotavljanju socialnih stanovanj? Ali bi bilo mogoče v predmestnem tkivu zgraditi manjša socialna stanovanja na manjših parcelah? Kateri socialnopolitični pojmi se uporabl- jajo za gradnjo socialnih stanovanj in ali so pomembni tudi za predmestna območja? Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 23 4 Gonila gradnje socialnih stanovanj Člen L.411 francoskega gradbenega in stanovanjskega zakoni- ka (fra. Code de la Construction et de l’Habitation) opredeljuje vlogo socialnih stanovanj v Franciji. V skladu s tem členom je cilj gradnje, razvoja, dodeljevanja in upravljanja socialnih najemnih stanovanj izboljšanje stanovanjskih razmer ljudi z majhnimi prihodki. Te dejavnosti so del izvajanja pravice do stanovanja in prispevajo k potrebni socialni raznolikosti mest in sosesk (zakon št. 98-657, sprejet 29.  julija 1998). Opisano je navedeno na začetku četrte knjige zakonika z naslovom Ha- bitations à loyer modéré  (stanovanja za prebivalce z majhnimi dohodki) in jasno opozarja na glavna izziva, povezana s social- nimi stanovanji v današnji Franciji: pravico do stanovanja in socialno raznolikost. Pravica do stanovanja je bila glavni vzrok za začetek obsežne gradnje socialnih stanovanj v večini evropskih držav po drugi svetovni vojni  (Scanlon  idr., 2015). Kot temeljna človekova pravica priznana v Splošni deklaraciji o človekovih pravicah, podpisani v Parizu leta 1948, je stanovanje v Zahodni Evropi veljalo za del družbene pogodbe med vlado in državljani, ki je bila podlaga za oblikovanje socialne države  (Scanlon  idr., 2015:  2). V Franciji je zagotavljanje stanovanj ljudem, ki si jih ne morejo privoščiti, vprašanje, s katerim se vlada nene- hno spopada in ga poskuša reševati z najrazličnejšimi zakoni in politikami (Driant, 2015). V devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja so pravna in politična prizadevanja v zvezi s pravico do stanovanja spet prišla v ospredje. Ta pravica je med drugim glavna tema Bessonovega zakona iz leta  1990  (zakona št.  90-449, spreje- tega  31.  maja  1990), ki je vpeljal nov pristop v urbanistični stanovanjski politiki, ki se osredotoča na socialno ogrožene prebivalce. Vzpostavil je novo kategorijo socialnih stanovanj, za katera lahko najranljivejši prebivalci pridobijo posebna sub- vencionirana posojila za najem (fra. Prêt locatif aidé d’intégra- tion, v nadaljevanju: PLAI), z njim pa so pomemben akter na področju socialnih stanovanj postala državljanska združe- nja (Driant, 2015; Stébé, 2016). V istem obdobju se je v uradnem izrazoslovju urbanistične politike pojavil nov izraz: socialna raznolikost  (še zlasti s t. i. protigetovskim zakonom, sprejetim  21.  decembra  1989, in zakonom o urbani usmeritvi iz leta  1991; Driant, 2015). Razvil se je kot odziv na getoizacijo prebivalcev, ki običajno živijo v socialnih stanovanjskih blokih. Z vidika reševanja socialno-prostorske segregacije prebivalcev in socialnopolitič- nih razlik, ki jih povzroča, se socialna raznolikost nanaša na prizadevanje, da bi z boljšo porazdelitvijo socialnih stanovanj po vsej Franciji dosegli bolj raznoliko stanovanjsko ponudbo in posledično socialno bolj raznolike soseske (Lelévrier, 2014; Charmes in Bacqué, 2016c). Opisana raznolikost se nanaša na prihodke, socialni položaj in poklicno sestavo prebival- stva, vključuje pa tudi temeljno etnično, rasno, kulturno in versko raznolikost  (Charmes in Bacqué, 2016a). Politika, ki podpira socialno raznolikost, je prostorsko usmerjena, saj je njen cilj združiti različne družbene skupine na enem mestu. Vključuje pristop, ki obsega vse vladne in urbanistične ravni: regije, občine in soseske  (Driant, 2015). Njeno izvajanje lah- ko spremeni deleže določenih skupin prebivalstva v soseski, kar poveča vrednost njenih nepremičnin, prostorska bližina različnih družbenih skupin pa spodbuja socialno integracijo in kohezijo (Lelévrier, 2014). Raziskovalci opozarjajo na nasprotujoče si posledice dveh te- meljnih ciljev socialne stanovanjske politike  (pravice do sta- novanja in socialne raznolikosti): socialno ogroženi prebivalci običajno živijo v cenejših socialnih stanovanjih, ki so najpo- gosteje v delavskih soseskah, kar povzroča prav nasprotno od tega, za kar si prizadeva politika socialne raznolikosti (Jaillet, 2011). Pravica do stanovanja ima delni etični vpliv in poli- tično vrednost, ki na ravni EU in Francije nista vprašljiva, socialna raznolikost pa se uporablja samo na francoski držav- ni ravni  (Houard, 2011; Scanlon  idr., 2015; Dhoquois  idr., 2016). O socialni raznolikosti se v francoski literaturi na široko razpravlja, zlasti z vidika načel, na katerih temelji, ter njenih osnovnih ciljev, strategij uporabe in socialnopolitičnih vplivov na državo (Lelévrier, 2014; Driant, 2015; Charmes in Bacqué, 2016c; Stébé, 2016). 5 Socialna raznolikost: sporni pojem Socialna raznolikost je bila zaradi svoje plastičnosti vedno učinkovit politični pojem  (Jaillet, 2011:  351). Kot navajata Charmes in Bacqué  (2016a:  12): plastičnost pojma izhaja iz njegove večpomenskosti in različnih možnih interpretacij. Ta večpomenskost spodbuja nekakšno soglasje in upravičuje poli- tike, ki se lahko med sabo močno razlikujejo. Avtorja omenjata politiki, ki se izvajata v imenu socialne raznolikosti, a si hkrati skoraj popolnoma nasprotujeta. Prva se zavzema za to, da bi se kolektivna socialna stanovanja v delavskih soseskah poru- šila, kar bi omogočilo bolj raznoliko stanovanjsko ponudbo, od česar bi imela korist zlasti gospodinjstva srednjega sloja. Druga politika pa se zavzema za gradnjo socialnih stanovanj v soseskah srednjega in višjega sloja. Gre torej za dve plati istega kovanca. Driant v svojem delu ti politiki ali pristopa podrob- neje predstavi na primeru Francije (2015): • Prva plat kovanca je politika urbane prenove, ki spodbuja procese rušenja in obnove, s katerimi se izboljšata podoba in privlačnost revnejših sosesk, saj se socialna stanovan- ja nadomestijo s stanovanjsko ponudbo, privlačnejšo za srednji sloj. Kljub temu se številni raziskovalci strinjajo, da prostorska bližina gospodinjstev z različnimi dohod- Socialna stanovanja v predmestjih: nosilci primestne raznolikosti? Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 24 ki ne zmanjšuje socialnih razlik (pravzaprav jih lahko še okrepi), vsekakor pa ne odpravlja socialnih, finančnih in političnih neenakosti  (Jaillet, 2011 Lelévrier, 2014; Driant, 2015; Giroud, 2016; Stébé, 2016). Ta procesa urbane prenove  (rušenje in obnova) se izvajata večino- ma na območjih kolektivnih socialnih stanovanj, ki so blizu mestnih središč ali so z njimi vsaj dobro povezana, njun namen pa je povečati privlačnost in vrednost teh območij s ponudbo cenovno dostopnih bivališč, ki ne zahtevajo selitve na obrobje mesta in ponujajo alternativo predmestnim lastniškim hišam (Lelévrier, 2014: 118). • Druga plat kovanca ni nič drugega kot uvedba minimal- ne kvote socialnih stanovanj v skupnem stanovanjskem fondu občin  (v skladu z razvpitim  55.  členom SRU iz leta  2000 in poznejšim zakonom Duflot iz leta  2013). Politika urbane prenove ponuja alternativo primestnim bivališčem, SRU pa je relevanten predvsem za primestna območja. SRU je pomembno vplival na gradnjo social- nih stanovanj v občinah s premajhnim številom tovrstnih stanovanj, saj se je tam njihov delež med letoma  1999 in 2011 povečal za 12,7 % (v primerjavi s šestodstotnim porastom v občinah, kjer teh stanovanj ni primanjkova- lo), kar je v praksi pomenilo, da se je število novozgrajenih socialnih stanovanj povečalo s 87.000 v obdobju 2002– 2004 na 140.000 v obdobju 2011–2013 (Vie publique, 2014; Ministère de la Cohésion des Territoires, 2015). V regiji Provansa-Alpe-Azurna obala, kjer je skoraj 40 % vseh francoskih občin, v katerih primanjkuje socialnih stanovanj, pa je od leta 2008 opazno, da ima čedalje več občin premalo socialnih stanovanj, kar je posledica rasti števila prebivalcev in s tem povezanega povečanja števi- la zasebnih bivališč  (Boullion in Couartou, 2016). To kaže na pomembno vlogo predmestij v razpravah obrav- navane tematike, saj je večina zasebnih bivališč v Franciji prav v predmestjih. Stébé (2016: 115) navaja, da mestna središča običajno izvajajo proaktivno politiko in tako dosegajo še večji delež socialnih stanovanj od zahteva- nega, občine z nezadostnim številom socialnih stanovanj pa prevladujejo v primestjih večjih mest in so večinoma sestavljene iz predmestnega tkiva. Nacionalna raziskava izpolnjevanja zahtev iz 55. člena SRU je pokazala, da so leta  2016 najvišje kazni plačale občine Saint-Maur-des- Fossés, Neuilly-sur-Seine, Le Cannet, Sanary-sur-Mer in Grasse  (Ministère de la Cohésion  ..., 2016). Štiri izmed njih imajo velik delež predmestnega tkiva, peta in edina, ki nima predmestnih lastnosti  (Neuilly-sur-Seine), pa je v primestju Pariza  (Google Maps, 2017). Ti izsledki še dodatno dokazujejo, da obveznosti, ki jih predpisu- je SRU, povzročajo težave predmestnim in primestnim skupnostim. Še vedno pa ostaja odprto vprašanje: Ali je politična utemeljitev socialne raznolikosti na podlagi 55. člena SRU relevantna tudi za predmestne in primestne skupnosti? 6 Pomen socialne raznolikosti za primestna območja Primestna območja v Franciji so postala sinonim za predmest- no gradnjo, običajno pa nanje letijo očitki zaradi socialno-eko- nomske homogenosti, pomanjkanja arhitekturne in urbanistič- ne kakovosti ter monofunkcionalnosti. Njihovi arhitekturna in funkcijska homogenost nista vprašljivi, raziskave številnih avtorjev (npr. Dodierja idr., Lambertove in Charmesa) pa jas- no kažejo, da so francoska primestja socialno-ekonomsko in politično raznolika. Obstaja več vrst primestnih območij, ne samo eno  (Char- mes  idr., 2016:  85), saj ima vsako svoje posebnosti, vključno s prebivalci, ki imajo različne lastnosti in politične usmeritve. Dodier (2007: 35–46) navaja, da so primestja nekoliko manj socialno raznolika od mestnih območij, saj tam živi manj pred- stavnikov najbogatejšega in najrevnejšega družbenega sloja, hkrati pa opozarja na prisotnost vseh družbenih kategorij v primestjih in predlaga podrobnejšo proučitev geografskih in socioloških značilnosti predmestnih območij. V posameznem primestnem območju so opazni najrazličnejši življenjski slogi in odnosi, ki jih imajo prebivalci do svoje soseske in mesta; to so vidiki, ki so odvisni od spola, starosti, prometnih pove- zav itd. (Cailly in Dodier, 2007). Kljub vsem razlikam je mo- goče zaznati tudi delno diskriminacijo na podlagi družbenega položaja, narodnosti, etnične pripadnosti, rase  itd.  (Lambert, 2015). Vse opisane prvine razkrivajo veliko socialno razno- likost primestnih območij in spodbujajo preseganje nasprotij med mestnimi in primestnimi območji. Poudarjajo pomen vztrajnega osredotočanja na kontekst ter zlasti na neenakosti med soseskami in socialne razlike (Sampson, 2016: 35), kar je tudi eden glavnih Sampsonovih nasvetov za izvajanje sociolo- ško-urbanističnih raziskav. Kot je bilo opisano zgoraj, javna politika, ki spodbuja socialno raznolikost, temelji na prostorskem pristopu. Pri proučevanju periurbanih območij na obrobju francoskih mest Tours in Le Mans je Dodier ugotovil, da so nekatere socialno-ekonomske razlike povezane s prostorskimi razlikami, ki temeljijo na treh glavnih prvinah. Prva je oddaljenost od mestnega središča v koncentričnih krogih. Raziskovalci nenehno ugotavljajo, da se vrednost hiš in zemljišč ter posledično socialno-ekonomski položaj stanovalcev postopno in precej sistematično slabšata z oddaljenostjo od mestnega središča  (Cailly in Dodier, 2007; I. MALEAS Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 25 Dodier, 2007; Jaillet, 2011; Driant, 2015). Druga prostorska prvina je povezana z mestnimi kvadranti  (severnim, južnim, vzhodnim in zahodnim), za katere je značilna različna razvoj- na dinamika, povezana z lastnostmi posameznega ozeml- ja (npr. kakovostjo krajine, oddaljenostjo od javne infrastruk- ture in bližino delovnih mest). Tretja prostorska prvina, ki povzroča socialno-ekonomske razlike, pa je razdrobljenost ne- premičnin, ki se med primeri razlikuje, odvisna je na primer od velikosti zemljiških parcel in datuma gradnje objektov (Cailly in Dodier, 2007). S podrobno sociološko-urbanistično analizo in upoštevanjem pomena konteksta pri vsakem proučevanem primeru  (Sam- pson, 2016) se občina in posamezno primestno območje ana- lizirata na podrobnejši ravni  – tj. na ravni soseske in več pri- mestnih predelov, ki obstajajo na ozemlju, ki se je prej dojemalo kot eno samo homogeno območje. Proučevanje na tako pod- robni ravni omogoča boljše razumevanje posamezne soseske na primestnih območjih in določanje prave homogenosti, kjer obstaja. Socialna raznolikost je lahko zato pomemben pojem za predmestja. Zanimivo je, da je bil Sampson tudi član nacional- nega svetovalnega odbora za ambiciozni ameriški socialni po- skus, znan kot program Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing Demonstration Programme (Briggs idr., 2010). V devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja so v ZDA v okviru tega programa proučevali vplive sosesk na revna gospodinjstva in tem družinam poma- gali, da so se z zelo revnih območij preselile na nekoliko manj revna območja, večinoma v predmestjih  (Briggs  idr., 2010; Ludwig, 2012). Čeprav so program kritizirali kot politično naivnega (Geronimus in Thompson, 2004), je večina raziskav pokazala, da je imela selitev pozitiven vpliv na stanovanjske razmere  (Briggs  idr., 2010), izobrazbo, zaposlitev, prestopni- štvo (Gennetian idr., 2012), finančne koristi (Chetty in Hen- dren, 2015) in zdravje (Ludwig idr., 2011) revnih družin. Na podlagi opisanega bi lahko urbanistična politika socialne raz- nolikosti tudi v predmestjih bila učinkovita. 7 Socialna stanovanja kot nosilec socialne raznolikosti v francoskih predmestjih? Za francoska predmestja velja, da so socialne razmere v prvem koncentričnem krogu velikih mest na splošno bolj specifič- ne, saj tam prevladuje srednji sloj  (Dodier, 2007:  35–46), ki se postopno spreminja v višji sloj. Tovrstna primestna območja običajno vključujejo soseske, zgrajene v šestdesetih letih  20.  stoletja, ko so popularizacija osebnih vozil in razne urbanistične politike spodbujale razpršeno urbanizacijo (Cal- len, 2011; Haëntjens, 2011; Magri, 2015). V teh soseskah pre- vladujejo predmestne enodružinske hiše na velikih parcelah, ki imajo običajno dober dostop do javne infrastrukture (npr. šol in bolnišnic), dobre javne prometne povezave z mestnim središčem  (in delovnimi mesti)  itd.  (Dodier in Cailly, 2008; Desgrandchamps idr., 2010; Petitet, 2013). Opisane značilnos- ti urbanega tkiva in same lokacije omogočajo ugodne pogoje za procese zgoščevanja gradnje  (npr.  velike parcele in dobra infrastruktura) in gradnjo socialnih stanovanj (npr. učinkovit javni prevoz in bližina delovnih mest; Desgrandchamps  idr., 2010; Petitet, 2013; Touati in Crozy, 2015). Ker je večina prebivalcev teh sosesk pripadnikov srednjega ali višjega sloja, je gradnja socialnih stanovanj v okviru politike socialne raz- nolikosti etično bolj upravičena, hkrati pa zagotavlja, da ta stanovanja opravljajo tudi svojo drugo temeljno vlogo opre- deljeno v francoskem gradbenem in stanovanjskem zakoniku: nudijo bivališče socialno ogroženim gospodinjstvom. Številni kvadranti v prvih koncentričnih krogih primestnih območij bi bili lahko zato učinkovito stičišče predmestnih prvin  (in njihovega zgoščevanja) in socialnih stanovanj  (in posledično socialne raznolikosti), pri čemer bi se bilo treba stalno izogibati posploševanju. Pri tem je treba upoštevati socialne, ekonomske in politične značilnosti vsake soseske ter lastnosti posameznih kvadrantov, kot so razpršenost nepremičnin, kakovost krajine, velikost parcel in datum gradnje objektov. Danes so v Franciji primeri uspešne gradnje socialnih stano- vanj na zasebnih parcelah. Številna združenja ali mikrolast- niki socialnih stanovanj sistematično gradijo manjše razpršene komplekse socialnih stanovanj  (od ene do dvanajst enot na kompleks) v okviru zgoščevanja predmestne gradnje (Primard in Touati, 2015). Ta združenja gradijo socialna stanovanja na podlagi PLAI za najranljivejše skupine prebivalcev, med nuj- nimi pogoji za začetek posameznega projekta pa sta ustrezna lokacija in bližina javne infrastrukture  (npr.  javnega prevoza, trgovin, šol in delovnih mest). Omenjena združenja delujejo v pravnem okviru Bessonovega zakona (pri čemer imajo korist od potencialne vloge na trgu socialnih stanovanj in gradnje socialnih stanovanj na podlagi PLAI). Socialna stanovanja na podlagi PLAI večinoma že zagotavljajo neko socialno raznoli- kost v predmestjih, njihovi mikrolastniki pa poleg tega v pro- jekte vključujejo tudi študentska stanovanja, stanovanja za sta- rejše in medgeneracijska stanovanja, ki so v skladu z zakonom SRU priznana kot socialna, če so pomembna za širši mestni prostor ali lokalno stanovanjsko politiko. Socialna raznolikost se spodbuja tudi pri vsakem gradbenem projektu, pri čemer se za stanovalce manjših kolektivnih stanovanjskih kompleksov izbere ljudi različnih starosti in z različnimi dohodki. Ko so Étienna Primarda, soustanovitelja in predsednika enega izmed takšnih združenj, znanega kot Solidarités nouvelles pour le lo- gement (Nova stanovanjska solidarnost, v nadaljevanju: SNL), v intervjuju vprašali, katera so najpomembnejša merila za to, da se posamezen projekt začne, je kot prvo merilo izpostavil možnost vključitve sosedov v proces odločanja o projektu (Pri- mard in Touati, 2015). Socialna stanovanja v predmestjih: nosilci primestne raznolikosti? Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 26 Prizadevanja za gradnjo socialnih stanovanj v okviru zgošče- vanja gradnje na primestnih območjih, kjer živita srednji in višji sloj, običajno naletijo na odpor stanovalcev. Čeprav večina francoskega prebivalstva zamisel socialne raznolikosti dobro sprejema  (ELABE, 2016), lokalni prebivalci skoraj nikoli ne odobravajo zgoščevanja gradnje v predmestjih  (Desgrand- champs  idr., 2010), slab sloves socialnih stanovanj pa trenja samo še zaostruje. Participativni procesi omogočajo razpra- vo o posameznem gradbenem projektu in njegovo prilago- ditev, na podlagi česar se lahko izvede gradnja, hkrati pa se zagotovijo zadovoljive rešitve vsem zainteresiranim akterjem. Tovrstni procesi prispevajo k vzpostavitvi novih strok, praks in spretnosti v mestnem tkivu (Biau idr., 2013). Izsledki Do- dierjeve podrobne analize in poglobljene razlage primestnih območij ter Sampsonove raziskave, pri kateri se je osredotočal na kontekst in izhajal iz terenske sociologije, podpirajo obliko državljanske udeležbe, ki daje velik pomen mnenju prebival- cev. Opisani participativni pristopi čedalje bolj postajajo nujne prvine procesov predmestnega zgoščevanja gradnje  (Petitet, 2013; Hanrot, 2015). Posveti s stanovalci in njihovo sodelo- vanje pri odločanju so že postali sestavni del upravljanja so- cialnih stanovanj (Demoulin, 2013; Dhoquois 2016), Patrick Bouchain  (2010, 2016)  – arhitekt, ki slovi po uporabi parti- cipativnih metod v svojih projektih, pa je v zadnjih letih pro- učeval možnosti sodelovanja prebivalcev pri zasnovi in gradnji socialnih stanovanj. Tudi pri spornih urbanističnih politikah socialne raznolikosti je ena izmed kritik to, da se pogosto izvajajo brez upoštevanja prebivalcev, v nekaterih primerih pa celo v nasprotju z njihovimi željami  (Charmes in Bacqué, 2016b:  99–100). Poleg tega se pogosto izpostavlja možnost uvedbe participativne politike socialne raznolikosti, pri kateri bi se uporabljali postopki, ki spoštujejo obstoječe prebivalce in ustvarjajo prave socialne vezi med obstoječimi in novimi prebivalci (Lelévrier, 2014; Charmes in Bacqué, 2016c). Pomembno je, da se pri urbanističnih projektih ne prikriva kompleksnost participativnih procesov in da se ti procesi ne dojemajo kot čudežno zdravilo za vse urbanistične težave. V tridesetih letih delovanja na tem zapletenem in konfliktnem področju združenje SNL ni imelo niti enega primera, v ka- terem bi prebivalci preprečili izdajo gradbenega dovoljen- ja (Touati, 2014), zato bi bil model njegovega delovanja lahko vsaj vir navdiha. S projekti, ki so dobro sprejeti pri lokalnih oblasteh  (ker pomagajo zniževati kazni, povezane s SRU) in pri lokalnih prebivalcih (ker so o njih dobro obveščeni in lah- ko vplivajo na končni rezultat s sodelovanjem pri odločanju, pri čemer končni rezultat vedno ostane na ravni predmestne arhitekture), je model združenja SNL primer dobre prakse. Ključno je, da se iz njega učimo, zlasti tako, da upoštevamo Primardov nasvet glede posvetovanja s prebivalci in njihovega vključevanja v odločanje na vseh načrtovalskih ravneh – tj. na regionalni ravni (pri čemer prebivalci sodelujejo pri oblikovan- ju regionalnih načrtovalskih dokumentov, kot je SCoT ali PLH v primeru Francije) ter na ravni občin in njihovih sosesk (pri čemer prebivalci sodelujejo pri oblikovanju dokumentov, kot so lokalni urbanistični načrti; Primard in Touati, 2015). Hkrati se je pomembno zavedati tudi njegovih šibkih točk: • tovrstna združenja temeljijo na neki politični angažira- nosti svojih ustanoviteljev, povezani s pravico do stano- vanja njihovih sodržavljanov, večino osebja teh združe- nj pa sestavljajo prostovoljci  (SNL ima  70 zaposlenih in 1.127 prostovoljcev; SNL-Union, 2017); • opisani način zagotavljanja socialnih stanovanj v okviru procesov zgoščevanja predmestne gradnje bo še naprej imel obroben pomen, če ne bo upošteval finančnih in- teresov zasebnih lastnikov (ki imajo v lasti veliko večino predmestnih zemljišč). Za popularizacijo tovrstne urbanistične politike in sistematič- no zagotavljanje razpršene gradnje socialnih stanovanj v pred- mestjih je treba upoštevati, da se gradnja večinoma zgošča na zasebnih predmestnih parcelah na pobudo zasebnih lastnikov, ki bi morali za to prejeti ustrezno finančno nadomestilo. 8 Sklep Poleg posameznih združenj se za problematiko, obravnavano v tem članku, zanimajo tudi drugi akterji, ki bi jih bilo treba spodbuditi k sodelovanju in iskanju rešitev. Najprej so to obči- ne, ki se želijo izogniti kaznim, ki jih trenutno plačujejo zaradi neizpolnjevanja zahtev zakona SRU pri zagotavljanju stano- vanj z zgoščevanjem predmestne gradnje. Poleg tega je treba k sodelovanju spodbuditi tudi tradicionalne akterje s področja zagotavljanja socialnih stanovanj (lastnike takih stanovanj), ki v zadnjem desetletju kažejo čedalje večje zanimanje za manjše projekte, 95  % zgrajenih socialnih stanovanj je manjših ko- lektivnih stanovanjskih kompleksov, začasnih bivališč ali sa- mostojnih hiš (Stébé, 2016). Njihovo sodelovanje z zasebnimi investitorji in gradbeniki postaja čedalje pogostejše in zato tudi preprostejše (Dhoquois, 2016). Poleg tega so se začeli ukvarjati tudi s projekti urbane prenove, ki vključujejo javne površine, tr- govine in druge prostore (Couartou, 2016). Ob angažiranosti teh lastnikov socialnih stanovanj ali urbanistov v predmestjih bi ta območja začela postajati urbanistično, arhitekturno in funkcijsko bolj raznolika. Čeprav je socialna raznolikost sporen pojem, je lahko v neka- terih kontekstih koristen cilj urbanistične politike. V nasprotju s splošnim prepričanjem so francoska predmestja socialno pre- cej raznolika, podrobnejša analiza primestnih območij, ki se je osredotočala na kontekst posameznega primera, pa je pokazala, da obstajajo predeli, kjer bi bila lahko politika socialne razno- likosti učinkovita. Mednarodni primeri so spodbudna podlaga I. MALEAS Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 27 za tovrstno preizkušanje v povezavi s socialno raznolikostjo, pri čemer bi se preizkušanje osredotočalo na predmestno tkivo v prvem primestnem koncentričnem krogu. Zgoraj opisani akterji  (občine in tradicionalni lastniki so- cialnih stanovanj) bi lahko primere mikrolastnikov socialnih stanovanj, kot je združenje SNL, uporabljali kot učinkovite modele delovanja. Model združenja SNL dokazuje, da lahko na podlagi sodelovanja med prebivalci, občinami in lastniki socialnih stanovanj ter uporabe zasebnih bivališč za socialna stanovanja participativni procesi pomagajo odpraviti nasprotja med dinamiko zasebnih in socialnih stanovanj. Trenutno ni ustrezne zakonske podlage, ki bi jasno in preprosto omogoča- la sodelovanje prebivalcev, občin in lastnikov socialnih stano- vanj  (mikrolastnikov, tradicionalnih lastnikov ali lastnikov  – urbanistov) pri gradnji. Poleg tega je treba temeljito razmisliti tudi o rešitvah, ki bi bile finančno privlačnejše za več vplete- nih akterjev. Treba je oblikovati urbanistične, arhitekturne in krajinske predloge, ki ustrezajo okoljskemu cilju zgoščevanja gradnje in socialnemu cilju zagotavljanja socialnih stanovanj. Razmišljanja morajo upoštevati vse ravni, od ravni EU in njenih politik, do nacionalnih, regionalnih, občinskih ravni in ravni sosesk ter ne nazadnje ravni stanovalcev in njihovih zasebnih parcel. 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Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 30 UDK: 711.4-168:332.72(460.235.2)(519.512) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2018-29-01-003 Prejeto: 8. 1. 2018 Sprejeto: 16. 3. 2018 Blaž KRIŽNIK Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove v Barceloni in Seulu Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij je pomemb- na za krepitev družbene vzdržnosti v lokalnih okoljih, poleg tega je ključna za privabljanje novih naložb v mes- ta. Toda pri špekulativnem urbanem razvoju se pogosto prezre družbeni pomen lokalnih okolij, ki se dojemajo le kot ekonomske dobrine, ki jim je mogoče odvzeti zgodo- vinske, družbene in simbolne pomene ter jih pretvoriti v tržno blago. V članku avtor proučuje nekoliko proti- slovno vlogo preobrazbe degradiranih območij v mestih, pri čemer primerja Barcelono in Seul, mesti s precej raz- ličnimi zgodovinskimi, kulturnimi in institucionalnimi značilnostmi. Območje dejavnosti 22@ v Poblenouju in Novo sosesko Wangsimni v Seulu obravnava kot študiji primera, s katerima poskuša ugotoviti, kako se urbana regeneracija in prenova umeščata v posamezno lokalno okolje in katere posledice imata za družbeno vzdržnost. Čeprav se primera razlikujeta glede na načrtovalski pris- top, deležnike in institucionalni okvir, izsledki kažejo, da so posledice za družbeno vzdržnost pri obeh podobne. V članku avtor ugotavlja, da sta bila oslabljena družbe- na kohezija in premajhno sodelovanje javnosti posledica špekulativnega urbanega razvoja, pri čemer sta se urbana regeneracija in prenova uporabili za privabljanje naložb, krepitev gospodarske konkurenčnosti in izboljšanje glo- balne privlačnosti mesta, namesto za reševanje raznovrst- nih lokalnih vprašanj. Ključne besede: sodelovanje javnosti, družbena kohezija, družbena vzdržnost, urbana prenova, urbana regeneracija Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 31Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove 1 Uvod Mesta tekmujejo pri privabljanju naložb, ustvarjanju delovnih mest, organiziranju dogodkov in privabljanju turistov, s čimer naj bi se okrepila njihova gospodarska rast in urbani razvoj ter izboljšala kakovost življenja. Toda zelo malo dokazov kaže, da takšno tekmovanje prinaša enake koristi za vse. Nasprotno, koristi so pogosto neenakomerno razporejene med družbenimi skupinami v mestu  (Brenner idr., 2012; Harvey, 2012). Po- leg tega naj bi tekmovalna urbana politika, ki daje prednost pretvorbi javnega prostora v tržno blago, privatizaciji javnih dobrin in storitev, deregulaciji urbanističnega načrtovanja in gradnji ikoničnih projektov skupaj s trženjem mesta, povzro- čala degradacijo okolja, družbene in gospodarske neenakosti ter kršenje državljanskih pravic  (Short, 2004; Mayer, 2007). Tovrsten tržno usmerjeni urbani razvoj obravnava lokalna okolja le kot ekonomske dobrine, ki jim je mogoče odvzeti zgodovinske, družbene in simbolne pomene ter jih pretvoriti v tržno blago  (Balibrea, 2001; Short, 2004; Križnik, 2011). Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij je zato postala kl- jučna za privabljanje novih naložb v mesta (Smith, 2002; Shin in Kim, 2016), prenova teh območij pa je pomembna tudi za krepitev družbene razsežnosti trajnostnega razvoja mest (Man- zi idr., 2010; Colantonio in Dixon, 2011; Ho idr., 2012). Avtor v članku proučuje nekoliko protislovno vlogo preobra- zbe degradiranih urbanih območij v mestih, pri čemer primerja Barcelono in Seul, mesti s precej različnimi zgodovinskimi, kulturnimi in institucionalnimi značilnostmi. Predhodne ra- ziskave kažejo, da se je kljub tem razlikam preobrazba urbanih območij, ki sta jih mestni upravi Barcelone in Seula obravna- vali kot nerazvita, pogosto izkoriščala za privabljanje naložb, krepitev gospodarske konkurenčnosti in izboljšanje splošne privlačnosti Barcelone  (Marshall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001; Ar- baci in Tapada-Berteli, 2012; Dot Jutgla idr., 2012; Charnock idr., 2014) in Seula  (Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2011; Shin in Kim, 2016). To se je javno upravičevalo kot strateško pomembno za mesto in domnevno koristno za vse prebival- ce (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; SMG, 2005, 2010). Podobnosti v izkoriščanju in upravičevanju tovrstne preobra- zbe mest so izhodišče za primerjavo preobrazbe degradiranih urbanih območij v Barceloni in Seulu ter njenih posledic za družbeno vzdržnost lokalnega okolja. Čeprav je urbani razvoj v Barceloni in Seulu pogosto predmet raziskav, je bil redko obravnavan s primerjalnega vidika (izje- me vključujejo raziskave, ki so jih opravili Uršič in Križnik, 2012; Colantonio idr., 2014; Križnik, 2014). Članek se začne z razpravo o odnosu med urbanim razvojem in družbeno vzdrž- nostjo, na podlagi česar avtor vzpostavi okvir za vrednotenje posledic urbanega razvoja za družbeno vzdržnost lokalnega okolja. Nato primerja Barcelono in Seul glede na njun položaj v svetovnem in nacionalnem omrežju mest ter njune načrto- valske pristope in institucionalne okvire. Območje dejavnosti 22@  (Activity District 22@, krajše 22@) v Poblenouju in Nova soseska Wangsimni (Wangsimni New Town ali WNT) v Seulu sta obravnavana kot poglobljeni študiji primerov urbane regeneracije v Barceloni oziroma urbane prenove v Seulu z vidi- ka načrtovalskega pristopa, deležnikov in posledic za družbeno vzdržnost.[1] Članek se konča s povzetkom rezultatov, sklepom in predstavitvijo omejitev raziskave. 2 Urbani razvoj in družbena vzdržnost Trajnostni urbani razvoj je navadno obravnavan v smislu troj- nosti, v skladu s katero naj bi bila trajnostna gospodarska rast mest uravnotežena z varovanjem okolja in družbeno enakost- jo (Mayer in Knox, 2006: 324). Uravnoteženje gospodarstva, okolja in družbene enakosti zahteva pogajanja med deležniki, kar kaže, da vsebuje trajnostni urbani razvoj tudi politično razsežnost. V preteklosti se je trajnostni urbani razvoj nanašal le na gospodarsko in okoljsko razsežnost, zdaj pa je široko uvel- javljen večrazsežnostni pristop, ki priznava pomen družbene vzdržnosti za dolgoročen trajnostni urbani razvoj  (Dempsey idr., 2011; Dujon idr., 2013). Eden od razlogov za razmeroma malo pozornosti, ki je je bila v preteklosti deležna družbena vzdržnost, je povezan z nezadostnim razumevanjem odnosa med družbeno vzdržnostjo in urbanim razvojem. Drug razlog so pogosto neoprijemljive družbene posledice urbanega razvo- ja, ki prej ali slej povzročijo težave pri izvajanju in vrednotenju urbane politike, ki spodbuja družbeno vzdržnost. Colantonio in Dixon (2001: 24) trdita, da je treba družbeno vzdržnost obravnavati v smislu tradicionalnih področij in načel socialne politike, kot sta enakost in zdravje, ter porajajočih se vprašanj, povezanih s sodelovanjem javnosti, potrebami, socialnim kapitalom, gospodarstvom, okoljem in v zadnjem času tudi s pojmi sreče, dobrega počutja in kakovosti življenja. Urbana politika, katere namen je okrepiti družbeno vzdržnost, bi morala po njunem mnenju izboljšati kakovost vsakdanjega življenja, spodbujati enake možnosti za družbene skupine z različnim ekonomskim, socialnim in kulturnim ozadjem, spod- bujati družbeno vključenost z reševanjem ekonomske, social- ne in politične izključenosti, vzdrževati obstoječe družbene in kulturne strukture v lokalnih okoljih, spodbujati sodelovanje javnosti v procesih odločanja in podpirati samoupravljanje lo- kalnih okolij. Zato je za krepitev družbene vzdržnosti v me- stih potrebno povezovanje najrazličnejših politik, vključno s tistimi, ki se osredotočajo na gospodarstvo, socialno varstvo, izobraževanje, okolje in urbanizem (Dempsey idr., 2011). Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 32 B. KRIŽNIK Načrtovalski pristopi, namenjeni preobrazbi degradiranih urbanih območij, kot sta urbana prenova in urbana regene- racija, so pomembna orodja za reševanje vprašanja družbene vzdržnosti v mestih  (Williams in Dair, 2007; Manzi idr., 2010; Colantonio in Dixon, 2011; Ho idr., 2012). Poleg za- gotavljanja cenovno dostopnih stanovanj, javnih storitev in infrastrukture lahko preobrazba teh območij ublaži družbene neenakosti in krepi družbeno vključenost v lokalnih okoljih z ustvarjanjem vključujočih prostorov, kjer se lahko srečujejo družbene skupine z različnimi ozadji ter se lahko ustvarjajo in poustvarjajo skupnostno življenje in skupne identitete (Forrest in Kearns, 2001). Urbana prenova (ang. urban redevelopment) se osredotoča na fizično izboljšanje in spreminjanje podobe degradiranih urbanih območij, ki se delno ali popolnoma porušijo in nadomestijo z novogradnjami. To pogosto vodi v množično razseljevanje prebivalcev in razpad njihovih so- cialnih mrež. Nasprotno je namen urbane regeneracije  (ang. urban regeneration) gospodarska, družbena, okoljska in fizi- čna preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij, pri čemer se novi objekti in storitve povežejo z obstoječim družbenim in urbanim tkivom (Cho in Križnik, 2017; Roberts idr., 2017). Ho idr. (2012: 127) menijo, da je takšen postopni in celostni pristop primernejši za krepitev trajnosti grajenega okolja. Sodelovanje javnosti je splošno prepoznano kot ključno za krepitev družbene vzdržnosti  (Irvin in Stansbury, 2004; Dempsey at el., 2011). Prispeva k boljšemu zavedanju delež- nikov o različnih interesih, težavah in priložnostih v lokalnih okoljih ter k učenju skupnega reševanja teh izzivov. Tako se lahko izboljša kakovost načrtovanja, upravičijo sprejete odlo- čitve in prebivalce spodbudi, da prostore, ki se preobrazijo z njihovim sodelovanjem, aktivno uporabljajo in jih vzamejo za svoje (Cerar, 2014). Cho in Križnik (2017: 151) prepoznava- ta nujnost gradnje trdnega partnerstva med državo in civilno družbo kot pomemben korak k uspešnemu urbanemu razvoju, ki temelji na skupnosti, in močnejši družbeni vzdržnosti v me- stih. Načrtovalski pristopi, katerih namen je okrepiti družbeno vzdržnost, po njunem mnenju spodbujajo aktivno vključevanje prebivalcev v procese odločanja in prispevajo k družbeno bolj povezanim lokalnim okoljem. Značilnosti takih lokalnih okolij so majhna družbena neenakost, močne socialne vezi in zaupan- je ter dobro vzpostavljena komunikacija in sodelovanje med prebivalci in javnimi ustanovami  (Larsen, 2013). Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij lahko tako izboljša družbene odnose, zaupanje in solidarnost med različnimi deležniki ter zaupanje v javne ustanove, za kar Manzi idr. (2010: 18) trdijo, da so ključni pojmi in vodilna načela družbene vzdržnosti v lokalnih okoljih. Številna mesta, kjer so prebivalci izključeni iz procesov odlo- čanja, se spopadajo s težavami pri vzdrževanju družbene in teri- torialne kohezije (Brenner idr., 2012). Harvey (1989: 13) trdi, da ti problemi izvirajo predvsem iz urbanega podjetništva in uničujočega tekmovanja med mesti. Urbani razvoj namreč po- staja vse bolj špekulativen in pomemben predvsem za mobiliza- cijo nepremičninskih trgov v mestih kot sredstev za kopičenje kapitala  (Smith, 2002:  446). Mesta z razmeroma obrobnim položajem v svetovnem omrežju mest so navadno izpostavlje- na močnejšim pritiskom glede kopičenja kapitala kot vodilna središča  (Gugler, 2004; Short, 2004; Harvey, 2012). Taylor (2004) jih imenuje mesta, ki si želijo postati globalna mes- ta (ang. wannabe global cities), s čimer izpostavlja njihovo željo po spremembi vzpostavljenih odnosov v svetovnem omrežju mest. Tekmovanje med mesti in posledični špekulativni urbani razvoj lahko negativno vplivata ne le na družbeno vzdržnost lokalnih okolij, temveč tudi na dolgoročno sposobnost mesta, da se učinkovito spoprijema z družbenimi, gospodarskimi in okoljskimi izzivi (Wolfram, 2018). 3 Metodologija Sassnova (2001: 348) pojasnjuje, da v nasprotju s klasičnim pri- merjalnim pristopom primerjanje mest v svetovnem omrežju mest zahteva novo metodologijo; takšno, ki ne temelji na poenotenju študij primerov, temveč poskuša slediti danemu sistemu ali dinamiki in njunim značilnim pojavnim oblikam v številnih državah. V tem članku avtor upošteva njen predlog ter primerja Barcelono in Seul, da bi bolje razumel posledice špekulativnega urbanega razvoja za družbeno vzdržnost. Obe mesti sta v preteklosti zasedali podoben položaj v svetovnem in lastnem nacionalnem omrežju mest. Predhodne raziskave kažejo, da je to vplivalo na preobrazbo degradiranih urbanih območij, ki so jo izkoristili predvsem za privabljanje naložb, krepitev gospodarske konkurenčnosti in izboljšanje globalne privlačnosti Barcelone in Seula  (Marshall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001; Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2011; Arbaci in Ta- pada-Berteli, 2012; Dot Jutgla idr., 2012; Charnock idr., 2014; Shin in Kim, 2016). To se je v javnosti v glavnem upravičevalo kot strateško pomembno za mesto in domnevno koristno za vse prebivalce (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; SMG, 2005, 2010). Podobno izkoriščanje in upravičevanje urbanega razvoja v obeh obravnavanih mestih v povezavi z njunim položajem v svetovnem in lastnem nacionalnem omrežju mest ponujata metodološko izhodišče za medkulturno primerjavo preobra- zbe degradiranih območij v Barceloni in Seulu. Čeprav sta bili obe mesti že obravnavani primerjalno, so se predhodne študije osredotočale na vpliv medmestnega tekmovanja na upravljanje mesta (Uršič in Križnik, 2012), pomen večnivojskega upravl- janja mesta za njegovo gospodarsko prožnost (Colantonio idr., 2014) ali na odzive prebivalcev na globalizacijo Barcelone in Seula (Križnik, 2014). V teh študijah je bilo manj pozornosti Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 33 namenjene vplivu urbanega razvoja na družbeno vzdržnost, ki je sicer prepoznana kot eden največjih prihodnjih izzivov mest (Dempsey idr., 2011; Wolfram, 2018). V tem članku zato avtor območji 22@ v Barceloni in WNT v Seulu proučuje kot poglobljeni študiji primera urbanega razvoja, da bi ugotovil, kako se načrtovalski pristopi umeščajo v posamezno lokalno okolje in katere posledice imajo za družbeno vzdržnost. Vred- notenje te vzdržnosti se osredotoča na družbeno kohezijo in na vključevanje prebivalcev v procese odločanja, ki sta prepo- znana kot ključni načeli družbene vzdržnosti  (Forrest in Ke- arns, 2001; Irvin in Stansbury, 2004; Manzi idr., 2010; Cho in Križnik, 2017). Terenska raziskava je zajemala številne obiske Poblenouja in Wangsimnija med letoma 2006 in 2012, ki so bili namenjeni opazovanju družbene in urbane preobrazbe teh dveh območij. V tem obdobju so bili izvedeni polstrukturirani intervjuji z  12 intervjuvanci iz Barcelone in  16 iz Seula, pri čemer je vsak izmed njih pripadal eni od petih glavnih skupin deležni- kov.[2] Dve anketi, ki sta vključevali  148 vprašanih iz Poble- nouja oziroma 95 iz Wangsimnija, sta bili izvedeni v letih 2006 in 2007, da se primerjajo posledice preobrazbe obeh lokalnih okolij za vsakdanje življenje. Anketi sta temeljili na neverjet- nostnem kvotnem vzorčenju, pri katerem so bili anketiranci izbrani glede na spol, starost, kraj rojstva, izobrazbo in last- ništvo stanovanja.[3] Ker ta metoda ne omogoča posplošitve rezultatov ankete na celotno populacijo, sta bili anketi dopoln- jeni s poglobljenimi intervjuji in obsežno analizo sekundarnih virov. Ti so med drugim vključevali dokumente in poročila mestnih uprav, raziskave, povezane z urbanistično politiko in prostorskim načrtovanjem, in razne zgodovinske zapise o Pob- lenouju in Wangsimniju. O izsledkih raziskave je bil opravljen tudi posvet s strokovnjaki na terenu v obeh mestih, s čimer se je avtor izognil kulturni pristranskosti pri razumevanju in vrednotenju podatkov, kar velja za glavno težavo medkulturnih primerjalnih študij (Hantrais in Mangen, 1996). 4 Študija primera: Barcelona in Seul 4.1 Institucionalni okvir urbanega razvoja Barcelone in Seula Barcelona in Seul sta prestolnici Katalonije oziroma Južne Ko- reje. Obe mesti sta v svetovnem omrežju mest zasedali podoben položaj, ki ga je Gugler (2004) opisal kot sekundarno svetovno mesto. Taylor (2004) je Barcelono in Seul na podlagi analize naprednih storitvenih dejavnosti podobno uvrstil na 32. oziro- ma 41. mesto glede na njun položaj v svetovnem omrežju mest. Tudi drugi avtorji so v preteklosti prepoznali razmeroma obro- ben položaj Barcelone in Seula v svetovnem omrežju mest (Be- averstock idr., 1999; Alderson idr., 2010; Csomós in Derudder, 2013). V nasprotju z vodilnimi središči, kot so New York, Lon- don ali Tokio, ki jih je Sassnova  (2001:  3) označila za povel- jevalne točke v organizaciji svetovnega gospodarstva, pomen Barcelone in Seula v svetovnem omrežju mest izhaja iz njune vloge pri povezovanju nacionalnega gospodarstva s svetovni- mi trgi. Barcelona je primer tega, čemur Taylor  (2004) pravi »inner wannabe city«. Zadnjih dvajset let je bil strateški cilj mestne uprave izzvati vodilni položaj Madrida v nacionalnem omrežju mest z razvijanjem panog, ki temeljijo na inovacijah, znanju in ustvarjalnosti, ter z izboljšanjem komunikacijske, lo- gistične in prometne infrastrukture (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). Mesto si je pri tem prizadevalo izboljšati svoj položaj ne samo v odnosu do Madrida, temveč tudi do drugih evropskih in še posebno sredozemskih mest  (Monclús, 2003; OECD, 2009). Seul pa je primer mesta, ki ga Taylor imenuje »outer wannabe city«, saj je s spodbujanjem naprednih storitvenih dejavnosti in panog, ki temeljijo na znanju in kulturi, posku- šal tekmovati s Tokiem, Hongkongom in Pekingom  (Taylor, 2004). Čeprav ima Seul visoko razvito komunikacijsko in prometno infrastrukturo, ostaja izboljšanje kakovosti življenja glavni strateški cilj mestne uprave (OECD, 2005; SMG, 2013). V tem smislu sta se obe mesti v zadnjih desetih letih uspešno spremenili iz nacionalnih industrijskih prestolnic v pomembni postindustrijski globalni mesti. Še zlasti Seulu je uspelo moč- no okrepiti svojo globalno poveljevalno in nadzorno funkcijo, Barcelona pa ohranja svoje konkurenčne prednosti kljub zman- jševanju pomena evropskih mest na splošno  (Csomós in De- rudder, 2013: 346). Globalizacija je tako okrepila njuno vlogo nacionalnih gospodarskih, družbenih, kulturnih in političnih središč, kar je privedlo do še večje koncentracije prebivalstva ter finančne in politične moči. Leta  2014 je približno  63  % prebivalcev Katalonije živelo v barcelonski metropolitanski regiji, približno  48  % Južnokorejcev pa je živelo v regiji na- cionalne prestolnice Seul  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2015; SMG, 2015a). Barcelona ni samo prestolnica Katalonije, je tudi drugo največje špansko mesto in rivalstvo z Madridom je vedno močno vplivalo na njen urbani razvoj (Monclús, 2003). Obe mesti ostajata privlačni za velike naložbe, panoge, ki te- meljijo na znanju in kulturi, napredne storitvene dejavnosti, nova delovna mesta ter ključne raziskovalne, razvojne in izo- braževalne ustanove v Kataloniji in Južni Koreji, čeprav se je v tem pogledu tudi pomen metropolitanskih regij v zadnjem času povečal (Choe, 2005; OECD, 2005, 2009). Ta posebni položaj Barcelone in Seula v svetovnem in lastnem nacionalnem omrežju mest vpliva tudi na preobrazbo degra- diranih urbanih območij ter postaja čedalje bolj ključen za privabljanje naložb v obe mesti (Charnock idr., 2014; Shin in Kim, 2016). Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij v Bar- celoni sega v pozno 19. stoletje, ko so bili precej spremenjeni večji deli mestnega središča. V skladu s to tradicijo je mestna uprava v osemdesetih letih 20.  stoletja uvedla inovativni na- Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 34 črtovalski pristop, katerega cilj je bil izvesti program prenove v celotnem središču mesta in se spoprijeti z njegovo degrada- cijo z edinstveno in celostno vizijo (Arbaci in Tapada-Berteli, 2012: 292). Ta načrtovalski pristop so po osemdesetih letih 20. stoletja razširili tudi na obrobna območja (Esteban, 2004). Uspešna preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij je postala splošno prepoznana kot ključen del t. i. barcelonskega modela urbanega razvoja (Monclús, 2003), za katerega je značilna ob- sežna urbana regeneracija nekdanjih industrijskih zemljišč, ki se pretvorijo v strnjena mestna območja mešane rabe. To pre- obrazbo omogočajo javne naložbe v javne storitve in prometno infrastrukturo, razpoložljiv visokokakovostni javni prostor in trdna partnerstva med različnimi deležniki  (Marshall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001). Med krepitvijo špekulativnega urbanega razvoja v prvem desetletju 21. stoletja so se ta partnerstva spo- prijela z velikimi izzivi, zaradi česar so nekateri avtorji pisali o propadu barcelonskega modela  (Delgado, 2004; Degen in García, 2012). V nasprotju z Barcelono je mestna uprava v Seulu bolj spodbu- jala urbano prenovo kot pa urbano regeneracijo degradiranih mestnih območij.[4] Od konca sedemdesetih let 20.  stoletja je bilo množično rušenje revnih četrti pod vplivom zasebnih naložb ključna značilnost politike urbane prenove v Seulu. Rušenju je navadno sledila prisilna razselitev prebivalcev, ki so morali odstopiti prostor špekulativnim projektom urbane prenove (Kim in Yoon, 2003: 587). Tako je bilo prenovljeno skoraj celotno središče Seula. Zaradi neuspešnega reševanja čedalje večjih družbenih, gospodarskih in okoljskih vprašanj pa je v zadnjem desetletju mestna uprava začela razmišljati o drugačnem načrtovalskem pristopu in se je prenove degra- diranih urbanih območij lotila na bolj celosten in vključujoč način (Cho, 2008; Kang, 2012; Križnik, 2013). Urbana rege- neracija, ki temelji na lokalni skupnosti in katere cilj je vključiti prebivalce v načrtovanje in prenovo sosesk, je po letu 2008 po- stala sestavni del urbanega razvoja Seula (SMG, 2013, 2015b). Še ena pomembna razlika med Barcelono in Seulom, povezana s preobrazbo degradiranih urbanih območij, se nanaša na in- stitucionalni okvir odločanja, še zlasti, ko gre za odnos med javnimi ustanovami in civilno družbo. Lokalna demokracija se je v Barceloni razvijala skupaj z demokratizacijo katalonske in španske družbe v sedemdesetih letih 20.  stoletja in prve demokratične lokalne volitve so bile leta 1979. V Južni Koreji pa se je lokalna demokracija začela razvijati šele po splošni demokratizaciji družbe, tako da so bile prve demokratične lo- kalne volitve organizirane šele leta 1995. Vključevanje javnosti, pri katerem javni in zasebni deležniki v procesih odločanja enakopravno sodelujejo z mestno upravo, ima zato v Barceloni daljšo tradicijo kot v Seulu. Zlasti sosedska združenja so imela pomembno vlogo pri preobrazbi barcelonskih degradiranih ur- banih območij od sedemdesetih let 20. stoletja, saj so delovala kot široke koalicije lokalnega prebivalstva, ki so zastopale raz- nolike lokalne interese  (Marshall, 2000; Esteban, 2004). Na- sprotno so pri urbanem razvoju Seula lahko sodelovali samo lastniki nepremičnin, in sicer prek t.  i. združenj za prenovo, ki pa so jih v praksi nadzirale gradbene korporacije z aktivno podporo mestne uprave (Kim, 2013; Shin in Kim, 2016). Zato je v Seulu pred letom 2008 težko govoriti o institucionalizira- nem vključevanju javnosti v preobrazbo degradiranih urbanih območij (Park, 2006; Cho in Križnik, 2017). 4.2 Barcelona: Območje dejavnosti 22@ v Poblenouju Območje dejavnosti 22@, uvedeno leta 2000, je eden največjih projektov urbane regeneracije v Barceloni v zadnjih desetlet- jih. Osredotoča se na preobrazbo nekdanjega industrijskega območja v industrijskem središču Barcelone v strnjeno sosesko mešane rabe, kjer naj bi t.  i. strateške panoge  – IKT, medi- cinska tehnologija, biotehnologija, energetika ter mediji in oblikovanje – nadomestile tradicionalno industrijo. Načrt naj bi torej spodbujal gospodarsko rast, izboljšal gospodarsko kon- kurenčnost in omogočil preobrazbo Barcelone v konkurenčno globalno mesto. Območje Poblenouja je bilo za to daljnosežno preobrazbo izbrano zaradi bližine mestnemu središču, majh- ne gostote pozidave, razpoložljivosti praznih ali neizkoriščenih zemljišč, dostopnosti, slabo razvitega lokalnega gospodarstva, navidezno nazadujočih socialnih razmer in svoje dolge zgodo- vine industrializacije  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; Oliva, 2003). Industrializacija Poblenouja sega v sredino 19. stoletja, ko so se na tem območju zaradi dobrih prometnih in prostorskih raz- mer za industrijski razvoj ustanovile velike tekstilne tovarne in obrati strojne industrije. Hkrati s tovarnami je bilo v tem času zgrajenih tudi veliko delavskih sosesk. Poblenou je postal znan kot »katalonski Manchester«, ne samo zaradi svoje značilne industrijske krajine, temveč tudi posebnega načina življenja in lokalne kulture, ki so ju zaznamovali slabe ekonomske razme- re, slaba kakovost življenja, nerazvite javne storitve ter močna solidarnost delavskega razreda in družbeni aktivizem  (Arxiu Històric del Poblenou, 2001). Družbene in ekonomske raz- mere so se še poslabšale po šestdesetih letih 20.  stoletja, po množični deindustrializaciji območja in preselitvi glavnih to- varn iz mesta. Med letoma 1970 in 2001 je približno četrtina prebivalcev zapustila Poblenou zaradi slabih bivalnih razmer in brezposelnosti (preglednica 1). Izboljšanje kakovosti življenja v Poblenouju je bil zato po- leg gospodarske konkurenčnosti Barcelone še en pomemben cilj 22@. V tem smislu naj bi urbana regeneracija spremenila območje v strnjeno sosesko z mešano rabo, novimi stanovanji, zelenimi površinami, javnimi storitvami in infrastrukturo, ob B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 35 tem bi se legalizirala obstoječa stanovanja. Poleg tega sta bili načrtovani prenova industrijske dediščine in njena vključitev v novo sosesko  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2006). To naj bi dosegli predvsem z osredotočanjem na urbani razvoj t. i. stra- teških območij, ki bi po pričakovanju mestne uprave delovala kot gonilo preobrazbe celotnega območja, zagotavljala kohe- rentnost in omogočala mešano rabo za zadostno neprekinje- nost stanovanjskega tkiva  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000: 18). Mestna uprava je zato 22@ v javnosti predstavila in upraviče- vala kot projekt izjemnega pomena za prihodnost Poblenouja in mesta v celoti (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). Nekdanji vodja občinske urbanistične službe je jasno predstavil priča- kovano vlogo 22@ za dolgoročno gospodarsko rast mesta ter njegov pomen za izboljšanje kakovosti življenja na tem ob- močju. Po njegovem mnenju se mora spoj novih storitvenih dejavnosti vrniti v mesto, v novo, na znanju temelječe mesto. Urbanistični predpisi in gospodarski ukrepi morajo omogočiti in spodbujati okrevanje industrije, da bi lahko obdržali položaj med vodilnimi evropskimi mesti, z novimi zaposlenimi v novih pisarnah, z dobrimi komunikacijami, skratka, da se bo izbolj- šala kakovost življenja prebivalcev (Bragado i Acín, 2001: 42). Veliko teh izhodiščnih ciljev je bilo v zadnjem desetletju dose- ženih. Poblenou se je spremenil iz na videz propadajoče v živah- no sosesko z mešano rabo, kjer se zdi, da so razne družbene in gospodarske dejavnosti dobro povezane (slika 1). Razvijajoče se panoge in storitve, ki temeljijo na znanju in kulturi, izobra- ževalne in raziskovalne organizacije ter javne ustanove zago- tavljajo nove poslovne priložnosti in delovna mesta, prebivalci pa uživajo v novih javnih parkih ter uporabljajo javne storitve Preglednica 1: Rast števila prebivalcev v Poblenouju 1970 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 prebivalstvo 64.493 61.403 57.328 58.021 55.945 58.035 69.396 77.393 rast –5 % –7 % 1 % –4 % 4 % 28 % 4 % Vir: Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2015 Slika  1: Na območju dejavnosti 22@ naj bi se obstoječa soseska združila z novimi objekti in storitvami (foto: Barcelona Activa, mestni svet Barcelone) Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 36 in infrastrukturo (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). Vendar v nasprotju z začetnimi cilji zagotavljanje teh storitev ni sledi- lo hitremu ritmu urbanega razvoja, poleg tega tudi varovanje industrijske dediščine pred pričakovano komercializacijo ob- močja ni potekalo po načrtih. Charnock idr. (2014: 200) opo- zarjajo, da so v resnici preobrazbo večinoma določale najem- niške prakse, ki so stremele k monopolnim najemninam, in ne prizadevanja za spodbujanje industrije, temelječe na znanju, ali izboljšanje kakovosti življenja v Poblenouju. Glede na upad števila delovnih mest v tradicionalnem industrijskem in sto- ritvenem sektorju, rast stanovanjskih stroškov in izključevanje prebivalcev iz zbirokratiziranih procesov odločanja  (Marrero Guillamón, 2010; Dot Jutgla idr., 2012) ne preseneča, da je območje dejavnosti 22@ tudi negativno vplivalo na vsakdanje življenje v Poblenouju in spodbudilo lokalne prebivalce, da začnejo nasprotovati preobrazbi območja (Križnik, 2014). 4.3 Seul: Nova soseska Wangsimni Na prvi pogled se zdi Nova soseska Wangsimni (WNT) za Seul mnogo manj pomembna, kot je 22@ za Barcelono. Urbana prenova majhnega območja mešane rabe, velikega 324.000 m2, v novo stanovanjsko-poslovno sosesko je bila samo eden od podobnih projektov, ki so bili v zadnjem desetletju zgrajeni po vsem mestu. WNT je hkrati tudi eden izmed pilotnih projektov novega mestnega razvoja (ang. New Town Develop- ment) – pobude, ki jo je mestna uprava leta 2002 predstavila, da bi uravnotežila urbani razvoj, ustvarila nova delovna mesta in naložbene priložnosti ter izboljšala gospodarsko konku- renčnost Seula (Kim, 2010; Kang, 2012). Z reševanjem vpra- šanj, povezanih z nenačrtnim širjenjem mesta, stanovanjskimi razmerami, pomanjkanjem infrastrukture in javnih storitev ter čedalje večjo brezposelnostjo, naj bi pobuda odpravila Preglednica 2: Rast števila prebivalcev v Wangsimniju 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 prebivalstvo 32.622 34.298 31.212 25.224 26.178 23.961 13.682 13.086 rast 5 % –9 % –19 % 4 % –8 % –43 % –4 % Vir: SMG, 2015a Slika 2: Nova soseska Wangsimni je popolnoma nadomestila staro sosesko (foto: Choi Hongyi). B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 37 regionalna neskladja. Osredotočala se je na urbana območja v severnem Seulu, ki jih je mestna uprava obravnavala kot ne- razvita, da se gospodarska rast in urbani razvoj uravnotežita s premožnejšim južnim delom mesta  (SMG, 2010). Takratni podžupan, odgovoren za javne zadeve in eden idejnih vodij pobude, je poudarjal njen veliki strateški pomen. Po njegovem mnenju je bil glavni razlog za to pobudo dejstvo, da je prišel čas, ko se je bilo treba osredotočiti na revitalizacijo obstoječih sosesk, in ne na gradnjo sindosi.[5] Zato je bilo treba obstoje- če mesto prenoviti na podlagi obsežnih, celostnih načrtov, ki upoštevajo splošne potrebe po urbani infrastrukturi (navedeno v Kim, 2010:  95). Wangsimni je bil izbran kot eden od treh pilotnih projektov, ki naj bi pokazali prednosti novega načrto- valskega pristopa, ki celovito obravnava družbene, gospodarske in okoljske vidike urbane prenove (Cho in Križnik, 2017). Wangsimni je bil nekoč na obrobju Seula. Med hitro industria- lizacijo mesta v šestdesetih letih 20.  stoletja so se na tem ob- močju nakopičile številne majhne tovarne, ki pa so v naslednjih desetletjih začele počasi, a vztrajno nazadovati (Seoul Museum of History, 2009). Med letoma  1979 in  2004 je Wangsimni izgubil 27 % svojega prebivalstva (preglednica 2). Gospodarsko nazadovanje in slabe bivalne razmere so bili skupaj z dobro dos- topnostjo in bližino mestnega središča med glavnimi razlogi, da je mestna uprava to območje izbrala in vključila v pobudo novega mestnega razvoja (SMG, 2005). Kljub temu se zdi, da je bila ta odločitev manj rezultat dejanskih potreb prebivalcev in bolj posledica gospodarskih in političnih interesov mestne uprave, še zlasti v povezavi z bližnjo prenovo potoka Cheon- ggye.[6] Čeprav projekta med seboj uradno nista bila povezana, je imela prenova potoka Cheonggye neposreden vpliv na izbiro Wangsimnija kot pilotnega projekta, s čimer je želela mestna uprava pokazati pozitivne učinke prenove na degradirana ur- bana območja (Kim, 2010). Soseska WNT je bila načrtovana kot območje mešane sta- novanjske in poslovne rabe s številnimi javnimi storitvami in obsežnimi zelenimi površinami. Mestna uprava je načrt pred- stavila kot okolju prijazno skupnost v središču mesta, ki živi v sožitju s potokom Cheonggye, ter kot podeželsko območje v osrčju metropole in novo skupnost, kjer lahko sobivajo prebi- valci različnih generacij in družbenih skupin (SMG, 2005: 22). Toda v resnici je urbana prenova povzročila popolno uničen- je stare soseske. Zgradila se je nova soseska, ki pa ima malo skupnega z napovedanimi cilji načrta ali interesi deležnikov. Neskladnost načrta in njegove dejanske izvedbe je bila predv- sem posledica spremenjenega odnosa mestne uprave, ki je sprva pozvala k prenovi obstoječih mestnih območij in poskušala prisluhniti različnim deležnikom, na koncu pa je upoštevala le špekulativne interese lastnikov nepremičnin  (Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010). Mestna uprava si je tako prizadevala načrt čim prej uresničiti, saj je bil strateškega pomena za mesto (SMG, 2010). Soseska WNT, ki bo kmalu dokončana in ponuja nove sta- novanjske in poslovne prostore ter javne storitve, je močno izboljšala bivalno okolje za nove prebivalce  (slika  2). Vendar preobrazba ni spremenila samo bivalnega okolja v Wangism- niju, ampak tudi obstoječo družbeno strukturo in gospodarsko organiziranost soseske, poleg tega je tudi negativno vplivala na vsakdanje življenje na tem območju. Večina nekdanjih pre- bivalcev se je morala izseliti, obsežne rušitve pa so negativno vplivale tudi na lokalno gospodarstvo in življenje skupnosti ter povzročile izgubo delovnih mest v tradicionalnih industrij- skih in storitvenih sektorjih (Kim, 2010). Toda v nasprotju z obsežno mobilizacijo prebivalcev v Poblenouju so se protesti majhnih lastnikov nepremičnin in najemnikov v Wangsimniju začeli pozno, pri čemer so si prizadevali zaščititi predvsem svoje materialne interese, preobrazbi območja pa niso nasprotova- li (Križnik, 2014). 4.4 Posledice in dojemanje urbanega razvoja Izsledki ankete in intervjujev razkrivajo, da sta imela Poblenou in Wangsimni pred preobrazbo dobro razvito gospodarsko in skupnostno življenje. To je v popolnem nasprotju s podobo razvrednotenih urbanih območij, ki sta jo javnosti predstavljali mestni upravi, da bi upravičili preobrazbo Poblenouja in Wan- gsimnija (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000; SMG, 2005). 66 % vprašanih v Poblenouju in 69 % v Wangsimniju je zatrdilo, da so svoj prosti čas pogosto preživljali na tem območju, približno Preglednica 3: Dojemanje vsakdanjega življenja in urbanega razvoja v Poblenouju in Wangsimniju (deleži odgovorov) Poblenou Wangsimni delovno mesto v soseski 58 % 66 % pogosto preživljanje koncev tedna v soseski 66 % 69 % dnevno srečevanje sosedov 28 % 32 % tedensko srečevanje sosedov 20 % 41 % dobri odnosi s sosedi 69 % 65 % dojemanje soseske kot slabo razvitega območja 29 % 64 % dobro poznavanje 22@/WNT 17 % 8 % 22@/WNT izraža interese prebivalcev 6 % 37 % Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 38 polovica vprašanih pa je imela delovno mesto v soseski. Obo- je kaže na močno navezanost na kraj  (Livingston idr., 2010). 28 % vprašanih v Poblenouju in 32 % v Wangsimniju je svoje sosede srečevalo dnevno, 20 % vprašanih v Poblenouju in 41 % v Wangsimniju pa je sosede srečevalo tedensko. Poleg tega je 69 % vprašanih v Poblenouju in 65 % v Wangsimniju svoje odnose s sosedi označilo kot odlične ali dobre (preglednica 3). Anketa kaže, da je bila v preteklosti za vsakdanje življenje v Poblenouju in Wangsimniju značilna razmeroma močna druž- bena kohezija, ki je ključna za družbeno vzdržnost lokalnih okolij (Manzi  idr., 2010; Colantonio in Dixon, 2011). Če bi obe mestni upravi skrbela družbena vzdržnost, bi mora- li preobrazbi Poblenouja in Wangismnija ohranjati in krepiti družbeno kohezijo območja. Eden od namenov 22@ je bil dejansko legalizirati 4.614  stanovanjskih enot, ki so veljale za nezakonite, ker so bile zgrajene na zemljiščih, namenjenih izključno industrijski rabi, s tem bi nove objekte in storitve povezali z obstoječim družbenim in urbanim tkivom  (Ajun- tament de Barcelona, 2000). Takšen pristop bi lahko ohranil družbene vezi, navezanost na kraj in skupnostno identiteto v Poblenouju. Toda veliko teh stanovanjskih stavb je bilo pozne- je zaradi špekulativnega urbanega razvoja porušenih. Porušili naj bi se tudi stari industrijski objekti, kar je postalo glavni vir spora med mestno upravo in prebivalci. Ti so industrijsko dediščino dojemali kot pomemben del svojega kolektivnega spomina na zgodovino industrializacije (Grupo de trabajo sob- re patrimonio del Fòrum Ribera del Besòs, 2003: 7). Družbena mobilizacija prebivalcev – ki so želeli ohraniti stare tovarne in skupnostno identiteto Poblenouja – je mestno upravo prisilila, da je veliko industrijskih zgradb zaščitila kot kulturno dedišči- no in jih nazadnje nekaj namenila javni rabi  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2006). Prebivalci Poblenouja so se spopadali tudi z razlastitvijo, raz- selitvijo, upadom števila delovnih mest in rastjo stanovanjskih stroškov (Assemblea de Joves del Poblenou i Assemblea d’En- davant del Poblenou, 2011; Dot Jutgla idr., 2012). Zaradi urba- ne regeneracije se je v Poblenou v zadnjih desetih letih priselilo več kot 20.000 prebivalcev, kar je enakovredno tretjini vseh prebivalcev, ki so v soseski živeli leta 2000 (preglednica 1). V istem obdobju se je prebivalstvo v okrožju Sant Martí, kjer je Poblenou, povečalo samo za 12  %  (Ajuntament de Barcelo- na, 2015). Dejansko število novih prebivalcev bi bilo lahko še večje, saj so morali nekateri starejši prebivalci območje za- pustiti zaradi naraščajočih stroškov in pomanjkanja cenovno dostopnih stanovanj. Med letoma 2000 in 2010 so v okrožju Sant Martí najemnine naraščale najhitreje v celotnem mestu. V primerjavi s povprečno rastjo najemnin v Barceloni, ki je znašala 187 %, so se povprečne najemnine v tem okrožju zvišale za 212 % (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2015). Da bi zagotovila cenovno dosegljiva stanovanja, je nameravala mestna uprava zgraditi 4.000 socialnih stanovanj, od katerih bi jih bilo 25 % namenjenih prebivalcem Poblenouja. Do leta  2010 je bilo dejansko dokončanih samo 1.520  stanovanj  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). Posledično so prebivalci začeli preobrazbo območja dojemati kot načrten poskus mestne uprave, da spre- meni obstoječo družbeno strukturo in skupnostno identiteto Poblenouja  (L’Associació de Veïns, 2003). To je še zaostrilo nesoglasja med nekaterimi skupinami prebivalcev in mestno upravo (Križnik, 2014). V nasprotju s Poblenoujem, kjer je večina prebivalcev osta- la v soseski in je bil del stanovanjskih in industrijskih zgradb ohranjen, je bil Wangsimni popolnoma porušen. Več kot 10.000  prebivalcev ali približno 45  % celotnega prebivalstva iz leta  2004 je bilo v zadnjem desetletju prisiljenih zapustiti sosesko (preglednica 2). V tem obdobju se je v okrožju Seon- gdong-gu, v katerem je Wangsimni, število prebivalcev zman- jšalo le malenkostno (SMG, 2015a). Med tistimi, ki so ga za- pustili, so bili večinoma najemniki iz gospodinjstev z majhnimi dohodki, zaradi naraščajočih stanovanjskih stroškov pa je malo možnosti, da se bodo po dokončani gradnji WNT vrnili (Lee, 2009; Kang, 2012). V tem pogledu se WNT ne razlikuje dosti od drugih projektov urbane prenove v Seulu, pri katerih se v novo sosesko navadno vrne manj kot 20 % prebivalcev (Shin in Kim, 2016). Takšna množična razselitev prebivalcev lahko izjemno negativno vpliva na družbeno vzdržnost lokalnega okolja (Manzi idr., 2010). Preobrazba Poblenouja in Wangsimnija je povzročila tudi upad števila delovnih mest v tradicionalnih industrijskih in storitve- nih sektorjih. V Poblenouju je bilo leta 1999 1.661 industrij- skih podjetij ali 23 % vseh podjetij. Potem ko se je leta 2000 začel graditi 22@, je njihovo število do leta  2004 upadlo za 21,6 %, na 1.302, v naslednjih letih pa je še naprej upada- lo (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2008). Čeprav naj bi bilo po na- vedbah mestne uprave do leta 2010 ustvarjenih 56.000 novih delovnih mest  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012), jih večino zasedajo novi prebivalci ali dnevni vozači in so nedosegljiva prebivalcem, ki so delali v tradicionalnih industrijah in sto- ritvah. V Wangsimniju, kjer so leta 2004 industrijska podjetja zajemala 40,5 % vseh podjetij (Seongdong-gu District Office, 2006), so bile razmere še slabše. Podjetja so bila večinoma mala in povezana v industrijske grozde, v katerih so fizična bližina in neposredni stiki ključni za poslovanje (Cho in Križnik, 2017). Po porušenju Wangsimnija teh socialnih in proizvodnih omre- žij ni bilo več mogoče ohraniti in številna podjetja so se bila prisiljena preseliti ali končati svoje poslovanje. Leta  2012 v Wangsimniju ni bilo tako rekoč več nobene industrije. Prejšnje raziskave kažejo, da so imeli tradicionalni industrijski in sto- ritveni sektorji v Barceloni in Seulu pomemben vpliv na ob- likovanje družbene kohezije v lokalnih okoljih (Nahm, 2001; Marrero Guillamón, 2010). Njihov propad je negativno vplival B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 39 ne samo na gospodarsko, temveč tudi na družbeno vzdržnost Poblenouja in Wangsimnija. V nasprotju s Poblenoujem, kjer se je družbena mobilizacija prebivalcev proti gospodarskim in družbenim posledicam pre- obrazbe soseske začela že leta 2000, so prebivalci Wangsimni- ja sprva podpirali WNT. Čeprav so Wangsimni dojemali kot prijeten kraj za življenje, so sosesko videli tudi kot nerazvito območje, na katerem je primanjkovalo poslovnih priložnosti, zaradi česar so na začetku podpirali načrt prenove (pregledni- ca 3). Kim (2010) navaja, da je bila ta podpora povezana tudi z dejstvom, da je načrtovanje vodila mestna uprava in so zato prebivalci verjeli, da je WNT v javnem interesu. Naraščajoče vrednosti nepremičnin, za katere so prebivalci pričakovali, da jim bodo prinesle finančne koristi, so še dodatno vplivale na njihovo podporo. Med letoma 2002 in 2007 so cene zemljišč v Wangsimniju zrasle za  111  %, cene zemljišč v Seulu pa so v istem obdobju v povprečju zrasle za 55  %  (Kang, 2007). Po mnenju intervjuvancev je podpora WNT po letu  2006 močno upadla zaradi počasnega izvajanja načrta, finančnih iz- gub, naraščajočih stanovanjskih stroškov in koruptivnih praks združenj za prenovo. Tako so nekateri lastniki nepremičnin in skupine najemnikov začeli aktivno nasprotovati uresničevanju načrta (Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2014). Anketa kaže, da so prebivalci Poblenouja in Wangsimnija spo- znali (čeprav ne sočasno), da je preobrazba bolj v interesu last- nikov nepremičnin, zasebnih korporacij ali mestne uprave kot pa njih samih (preglednica 3). Dejstvo, da je bil 22@ načrtovan brez sodelovanja javnosti in da si je mestna uprava sprva za to le malo prizadevala, je to mnenje samo še okrepilo (Degen in García, 2012). Za večino prebivalcev glavna težava ni bila sama preobrazba, temveč njihova nevključenost v odločanje (Oliva, 2003; Marrero Guillamón, 2010). Hiter urbani razvoj na eni strani in počasna prenova javnih storitev na drugi sta po mnen- ju intervjuvancev še okrepila njihov negativni odnos do 22@. V nasprotju s Poblenoujem je mestna uprava v Seulu poskušala prebivalce vključiti v načrtovanje WNT. Toda počasen proces vključevanja javnosti, ki je prinesel malo oprijemljivih rezul- tatov, in zahteve združenj za prenovo po čimprejšnji izgradnji WNT sta mestno upravo prisilila, da je nazadnje prebivalce izključila iz odločanja. To je koristilo špekulativnim lastnikom nepremičnin in zasebnim korporacijam, a je bilo hkrati zelo nepravično do lastnikov nepremičnin, ki so bili proti projektu, ali do najemnikov (Kim, 2010: 154). Lee (2006) ob tem izpo- stavlja, da je bilo dejansko sodelovanje prebivalcev pod priča- kovanji. Nekateri niso imeli časa, drugi pa so morda ugotovili, da imajo zaradi premoči združenj za prenovo v tem procesu v resnici zelo malo besede. Ne preseneča, da so anketiranci preobrazbo svoje soseske do- jemali razmeroma negativno, čeprav mnogi ob tem niso bili natančno seznanjeni s podrobnostmi obeh načrtov. Samo 6 % vprašanih v Poblenouju je verjelo, da 22@ izraža interese pre- bivalcev, 53 % pa jih je menilo, da je načrt v interesu zasebnih korporacij in mestne uprave. V Wangsimniju je 37 % vpraša- nih, večina med njimi je bilo lastnikov nepremičnin, menilo, da je WNT v njihovem interesu  (preglednica  3). Ugotovitve ankete in intervjujev kažejo, da sta 22@ in WNT posledično prispevala k čedalje večjemu nezaupanju prebivalcev v javne ustanove, kar negativno vpliva na družbeno vzdržnost (Manzi idr., 2010; Dempsey at el., 2011). 5 Sklep 22@ in WNT se razlikujeta glede na načrtovalski pristop, deležnike in institucionalni kontekst. 22@ je primer celovite dolgoročne urbane regeneracije, ki poskuša združiti nove ob- jekte in storitve z obstoječim družbenim in urbanim tkivom v Poblenouju. Mestna uprava je najprej pripravila in izvedla načrt v partnerstvu z zasebnim sektorjem brez večjega sode- lovanja javnosti. WNT pa je primer kratkoročne urbane pre- nove, pri katerem je bilo lokalno okolje popolnoma porušeno in nadomeščeno z novo sosesko. Čeprav so bili prebivalci na začetku delno vključeni v odločanje, so zasebne korporacije ob podpori mestne uprave obvladovale celoten proces načrtovanja in izvedbe. Kljub tem precejšnjim razlikam izsledki raziskave kažejo, da sta imela 22@ in WNT z vidika družbene vzdržnos- ti podobne posledice v lokalnem okolju, še zlasti na družbeno kohezijo in sodelovanje javnosti pri odločanju. Za vsakdanje življenje v Poblenouju in Wangsimniju so bili včasih značilni močne družbene vezi, navezanost na kraj ter po- sebna lokalna kultura in skupnostna identiteta. Oba načrtoval- ska pristopa nista veliko pripomogla k ohranitvi teh družbenih in kulturnih struktur, ki so pomembne za krepitev družbene kohezije na nekem območju. Preobrazba, zaradi katere so se porušila obstoječa stanovanjska in industrijska območja ter je povzročila izgubo delovnih mest v tradicionalnih industrijskih in storitvenih sektorjih, propad družbenega življenja in naraš- čanje stanovanjskih stroškov, je družbeno kohezijo v Poblenou- ju in Wangsimniju oslabila, namesto da bi jo okrepila. Čeprav sta 22@ in WNT ustvarila nova delovna mesta, zagotovila nova stanovanja in javne površine ter izboljšala javne storitve in infrastrukturo, vsi od tega niso imeli enake koristi, kar je posledično negativno vplivalo na dojemanje preobrazbe med nekaterimi skupinami prebivalcev. Po njihovem mnenju je bila nova soseska predvsem v interesu mestne uprave in zasebnih korporacij, kar je posledično oslabilo njihovo zaupanje v javne ustanove. To zaupanje je dodatno omajala izključitev prebival- cev iz odločanja. Družbena vzdržnost je večplasten pojem, ki ga je težko ovred- notiti. To je še težje v primerih, kot sta 22@ in WNT, kjer za- Preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij in družbena vzdržnost: primerjalna študija urbane regeneracije in urbane prenove Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 40 radi še vedno potekajoče gradnje njenih dolgoročnih posledic še ni mogoče v celoti oceniti. Kljub temu je študija jasno poka- zala na premajhno sodelovanje javnosti in oslabljeno družbeno kohezijo, ki sta pomembna vidika družbene vzdržnosti v lokal- nem okolju. Čeprav se oba načrtovalska pristopa pomembno razlikujeta, je dejstvo, da 22@ in WNT nista mogla zagotoviti družbene vzdržnosti, v obeh primerih posledica špekulativnega urbanega razvoja, pri katerem se je preobrazba degradiranih urbanih območij uporabila za privabljanje naložb, krepitev gos- podarske konkurenčnosti in izboljšanje privlačnosti mesta kot celote. V javnosti sta se oba načrta upravičevala kot navidezno koristna za vse prebivalce, v resnici pa sta koristila predvsem lastnikom nepremičnin in zasebnim korporacijam. Izsledki raziskave zato kažejo, da lahko špekulativni urbani razvoj ne- gativno vpliva na družbeno vzdržnost, ne glede na uporabljeni načrtovalski pristop. Zaradi še vedno trajajoče preobrazbe Po- blenouja in Wangsimnija je predstavljena raziskava omejena. V tem pogledu bi bilo treba izvesti naknadno študijo, s katero bi opredelili spremembe v načrtovalskem pristopu v daljšem obdobju in celovito ocenili dolgoročne vplive preobrazbe na družbeno vzdržnost v Barceloni in Seulu. Blaž Križnik Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Seul, Repub- lika Koreja E-naslov: blaz@hanyang.ac.kr Opombe [1] V članku se avtor pri poimenovanju opisanih načrtovalskih pristo- pov v Barceloni in Seulu naslanja na ustaljena angleška izraza in njuni slovenski ustreznici. Čeprav je bil projekt 22@ prvotno predstavljen kot projekt urbane obnove (kat. renovació urbana), se v angleških do- kumentih in literaturi omenja kot projekt urbane regeneracije (ang. urban regeneration; Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000; 2012; Charnock idr., 2014). WNT pa se opisuje kot projekt urbane prenove (ang. ur- ban redevelopment, kor. dosijaegaebal; SMG, 2010; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2014). [2] Intervjuji, opravljeni v Barceloni, so vključevali šest predstavni- kov civilne družbe (sosedskega združenja Poblenou, zgodovinskega arhiva Poblenou, komisije proti 22@ in foruma Ribera del Besòs), tri predstavnike mestne uprave (barcelonskega mestnega sveta, sve- ta okrožja Sant Martí in urbanističnega urada Barcelona Regional), enega predstavnika zasebnega sektorja (omrežja 22@) in dva stro- kovnjaka (enega predstavnika katalonske politehnike UPC in enega predstavnika katalonskega inštituta za napredno arhitekturo IaaC). V Seulu je pet intervjuvancev zastopalo civilno družbo (odbor za skupnostni razvoj v Wangsimniju, korejski svet za lokalno agendo 21, korejsko raziskovalno središče KOCER in inštitut Hope), trije so zastopali lokalno upravo (seulsko metropolitansko upravo in zgodo- vinski muzej v Seulu), štirje so zastopali zasebni sektor (2. in 3. zdru- ženje za prenovo v Wangsimniju, industrijsko in trgovsko združenje Wangsimnija in podjetja Dongyang Purena), vključeni pa so bili tudi štirje strokovnjaki (predstavnik seulskega razvojnega inštituta SDI, predstavnik seulske državne univerze SNU, predstavnik univerze v Seulu UOS in predstavnik univerze Konkook). [3] Projekta 22@ in WNT sta najbolj vplivala na preobrazbo uprav- nih enot El Poblenou in Wangsimni 1-dong. Prva je imela leta 2008 30.949 prebivalcev, v drugi pa je leta 2006 živelo 14.099 prebivalcev, kar je bila podlaga za anketno vzorčenje (Ajuntament of Barcelona, 2008; SMG, 2015a). [4] Barcelona in Južna Koreja sta te načrtovalske pristope formalizirali leta 1976, ko je barcelonski mestni svet sprejel splošni metropoli- tanski načrt, ki je zagotovil pravno podlago za urbano regeneracijo degradiranih urbanih območij, v Južni Koreji pa je bil sprejet zakon o urbani prenovi (Degen in García, 2012; Kim, 2013). [5] Sindosi je korejsko poimenovanje za nova mesta, ki so bila v zadnjih desetletjih zgrajena v seulski metropolitanski regiji za reševanje težav s pomanjkanjem stanovanj, javnih storitev in infrastrukture v Seulu. [6] Prenova potoka Cheonggye (ang. Cheonggyecheon Restoration) je še en strateški projekt iz leta 2002, s katerim je bila nekdanja hitra cesta Cheonggye spremenjena v petkilometrski mestni park, skozi katerega teče obnovljena struga potoka Cheonggye. 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(2007): A framework for assessing the sustainabi- lity of brownfield Developments. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 50(1), str. 23–40. DOI: 10.1080/09640560601048275 Wolfram, M. (2018): Cities shaping grassroots niches for sustainability transitions: Conceptual reflections and an exploratory case study. Jour- nal of Cleaner Production, 173(1), str. 11–23. DOI: 10.1016/j.jclepro.2016.08.044 B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 43 UDK: 347.218.2:364.614.8(497.4) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2018-29-01-004 Prejeto: 12. 1. 2018 Sprejeto: 6. 4. 2018 Mateja ŠMID HRIBAR Jani KOZINA David BOLE Mimi URBANC Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno:  vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Namen prispevka je proučiti in jasno opredeliti pojme jav- no dobro, skupni viri in skupno. V članku smo na podlagi prostorsko-časovne analize, intervjujev in delavnic med splošno in strokovno javnostjo osvetlili dojemanje javne- ga dobra in skupnega v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi. Analiza je pokazala, da na razumevanje teh pojmov med splošno javnostjo še vedno močno vpliva poudarjanje so- cialne pravičnosti, enakosti in dostopnosti dobrin za vse iz obdobja socializma, kar je lahko v nasprotju s pravico do zasebne lastnine. Neustrezno upravljanje dobrin, ki so do- jete kot javno dobro, v resnici pa so skupni viri, lahko vodi v konflikte in razvrednotenje skupnih virov, s čimer bomo izgubili prednosti, ki nam omogočajo kakovostnejše ži- vljenje. Ker smo od omejenih naravnih virov življenjsko odvisni, je treba o njih nujno ozavestiti splošno in strokov- no javnost, izpostaviti ranljivost teh virov in pojasniti, da ne morejo biti dostopni vsem v neomejenih količinah. V mednarodnem okolju želimo s predstavljenim slovenskim primerom prispevati k boljšemu razumevanju človeškega vedenja in pričakovanj do javnega dobra in skupnih virov v postsocialističnih tranzicijskih družbah. Ključne besede: javno dobro, skupno dobro, skupni viri, skupno, skupna lastnina, prostor, upravljanje, tranzicijska družba, Slovenija Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 44 1 Uvod Kulturna krajina, naj bo podeželska ali urbana, kot življenjski prostor prinaša dobrine na različnih ravneh in za različne sku- pine ljudi. Lastnike zanima predvsem njen ekonomski vidik, nelastniki pa imajo pričakovanja glede javnega in skupnega dobra  (Šmid Hribar idr., 2015). Tako je zaradi polpretekle zgodovine in tranzicijskega stanja slovenske družbe del slovenske javnosti prepričan, da dobrine, kot so na primer gozdni sadeži, gozdovi, mestne zelenice, obale rek in jezer ter podobno, pripadajo vsem in jih lahko vsi tudi uporabljajo, saj meni, da so javno dobro. Z njimi se ne strinjajo lastniki zemljišč, v glavnem kmetje, ki želijo omejevati rabo tovrstnih dobrin. Neustrezno dojemanje javnih dobrin se nanaša tudi na urbana območja. Pomenske razlike med pojmoma javno in skupno dobro niso jasne. Splošna javnost ju večinoma uporabl- ja sinonimno, pri čemer prevladuje izraz javno dobro, kar bomo uporabljali v nadaljevanju. K zmedi dodatno prispeva tipolo- gija dobrin, po kateri sta v ekonomskem in okoljevarstvenem diskurzu ključni lastnosti dobrine manjša ali večja dostopnost in manjše ali večje zmanjševanje z rabo  (Ostrom in Ostrom, 1977; Ostrom, 2005). Zgoraj omenjene dobrine torej v resnici niso javno dobro, temveč skupni viri, saj so prosto dostopne in se njihova razpoložljivost z uporabo manjša. Namen tega prispevka ni preverjanje akademskih pojmov javnega in skupnega dobra ter skupnih virov med splošno in strokovno javnostjo, ampak želimo z njim osvetliti, da splošno razumevanje javnega dobra – ne glede na poimenovanje – in z njim povezanih pravic včasih ni ustrezno in je posledica pre- teklega dojemanja upravičenosti do dobrin. Po drugi strani so pritiski lastnikov po omejevanju dostopa do dobrin čedalje izrazitejši, kar ustvarja razkorak med pravicami do zasebne lastnine, določene po  33. členu Ustave  RS (Ustavni zakon o dopolnitvi III. poglavja Ustave Republike Slovenije, Ur. l. RS, št. 75/2016), in privilegiji, pridobljenimi v prejšnjem sistemu. Dejstvo je, da v socialistični preteklosti pridobljeni privilegiji prinašajo prednosti, ki jih sodobna zakonodaja delno ohranja in lastnikom omejuje uporabo nekaterih dobrin. Tako 67. člen Ustave RS (Ustavni zakon o dopolnitvi III. poglavja Ustave Republike Slovenije, Ur.  l. RS, št. 75/2016) določa, da mora zakon določiti način pridobivanja in uživanja lastnine tako, da je zagotovljena njena gospodarska, socialna in ekološka funkci- ja. Skladno z navedenim smo postavili hipotezo, da slovenska družba, ki spada med tranzicijske, številne prosto dostopne dobrine v kulturni krajini, ki so pravzaprav skupni viri, dojema kot javno dobro, do katerega so upravičeni vsi, pri čemer trči ob pravice do zasebne lastnine. Predvidevamo, da je tako do- jemanje posledica polpretekle zgodovine oziroma političnih, ideoloških, gospodarskih in družbenih sprememb. Nepoznavanje skupnih virov in neustrezno upravljanje lahko vodita v konflikte glede uporabe in razvrednotenje virov ter posledično v izgubo prednosti, ki omogočajo kakovostnejše življenje. Zato menimo, da v tranzicijskih družbah, kakršna je slovenska, potrebujemo jasno opredelitev pojmov javnega dobra in skupnih virov. To bo prispevalo k razumevanju, da ne- katere dobrine, čeprav so prosto dostopne, niso javno dobro, da jih ni v neomejenih količinah in da so ranljive, zaradi česar ni samoumevno, da so vedno vsem na voljo. Ustrezno poznavanje razlike med javnim dobrom in skupnimi viri je pomembno, saj vpliva na pričakovanja in vedenje javnosti do dobrin, ki imajo ključno vlogo pri dobrobiti in kakovosti življenja. Tovrstne dobrine so skupni viri predvsem zato, ker lastniki ne omejujejo dostopa do njih, tega pa ne storijo, ker je takšne vire a) fizično težko ograditi (npr. gozd) in s tem omejiti njihovo nabiranje (npr. gozdne sadeže) ali b) ni v slovenski tradiciji, da bi fizično omejevali dostop in njihovo rabo. Cilji članka so: 1. pojasniti, zakaj se v slovenski tranzicijski družbi pojavljajo nesporazumi o dojemanju javnih dobrin in skupnih virov, in pokazati, kako se to kaže v konfliktih, povezanih z do- stopnostjo do skupnih virov, 2. osvetliti, kako širša in strokovna javnost v Sloveniji razumeta pojma javno in skupno dobro, in 3. opozoriti na jasno razliko med javnim dobrom in skupnimi viri, da bomo razumeli in znova ozavestili, da prosto dosto- pne dobrine, ki so skupni viri, niso javno dobro in zato ne morejo biti dostopne vsem v neomejenih količinah. 2 Teoretska izhodišča Izraz javno dobro v slovenski zakonodaji ni jasno opredel- jen, uporablja se nekonsistentno in nesistematično  (Vugrin, 2005; Šmid Hribar idr., 2015). V že omenjenem ekonom- skem in okoljevarstvenem diskurzu so raziskovalci v drugi polovici 20.  stoletja v iskanju opredelitve javnega dobra dob- ro opredelili s kriterijema (ne)izključenosti in (ne)konkurenč- nosti (Samuelson, 1954, navedeno v Ostrom, 2010; Musgrave, 1969, navedeno v Desmarais-Tremblay, 2013), ki so ju poz- neje natančneje opredelili in zamenjali s kriterijema manjše/ večje dostopnosti in manjšega/večjega zmanjševanja z upora- bo (Ostrom, 2010). S križanjem kriterijev (ne)izključenosti in (ne)konkurenčnosti sta Musgravova  (Musgrave in Musgrave, 1973) s teoretičnim modelom opredelila štiri tipe dobra, pri čemer sta se poleg zasebnega in javnega dobra pokazali še dve obliki: dobro, katerega razpoložljivost se z uporabo ne manjša, a nimajo vsi dostopa do njega, in dobro, katerega razpoložlji- vost se z uporabo manjša, a je težko preprečiti dostop. Za dru- go obliko se je sprva uporabljal termin skupno dobro. Vendar M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 45 je ta termin, čeprav je bil že od antične Grčije del zahodne politične misli  (Lee, 2018) in širše uporabljen koncept, ki ga obravnava večina političnih mislecev (Dupré, 1993), ohlapen, nenatančen in so mogoče zlorabe  (Jaede, 2017). Po mnenju Mansbridgeeve  (2013) pomen koncepta izvorno ni dorečen. Zadevo še otežuje dejstvo, da se pojem skupnega dobra pogosto zamenja z javnim dobrom in javnimi interesom (Mansbridge, 2013). Zaradi proste dostopnosti in omejenosti je ta kategorija dobrine postala zanimiva za raziskovalce. Pomemben pečat sta ji dala zlasti Vincent in Elinor Ostrom (1977; Ostrom, 2005) ter njuni sodelavci, ki so jo poimenovali skupni viri (ang. com- mon-pool resources). Po opredelitvi je skupni vir »naravni vir ali sistem vira, ki ga je ustvaril človek in ki je dovolj obsežen, da je drago (vendar ne nemogoče) potencialnim uporabnikom pre- prečiti, da bi z uporabo pridobili koristi« (Ostrom, 1990: 30). Omenjene lastnosti niso odvisne od družbenopolitičnih dejav- nikov, temveč so neločljivo povezane s skupnimi viri. Skupni viri se zaradi proste dostopnosti pogosto zamenjujejo z javnim dobrom. Nepoznavanje skupnih virov vodi v neustrezno upravljanje in uporabo virov. Neustrezna zakonodaja pri tem ni v pomoč. To lahko vodi v poslabšanje ali celo uničenje vira, na kar je opozoril Hardin  (1968) v znamenitem prispevku Tragedy of the commons. V njem je izpostavil usodno človeško lastnost, in sicer da vsak posameznik išče le svoje koristi. Sodobna pri- mera tragedije skupnega sta čezmerni ribolov v Jadranskem morju  (Fromentini, 2009; Colloca idr., 2013) in gospodar- jenje z denacionalizirani gozdovi na Slovaškem  (Kluvánková in Gežík, 2016). Čezmerna uporaba skupnega vira ali nepri- meren poseg vanj imata lahko otipljive družbenogospodarske posledice  (Rodela, 2012). Hardinovemu pristopu je uspešno nasprotovala Ostromova (1990), ki je zagovarjala, da se je tra- gediji skupnega mogoče izogniti z ustreznim upravljanjem. Iz- postavila je (1990, 2000, 2010), da ne trg oziroma neoliberalni ekonomski model ne država niti zasebniki prek koncesijskih pogodb niso ponudili želenih rešitev za trajnostno upravljanje skupnih virov. Na podlagi številnih primerov iz različnih delov sveta je Ostromova ugotovila, da skupne vire lahko upravljajo tudi lokalne skupnosti (Ostrom, 1990; 2010). Leta 2009 je za spoznanje, da ljudje ob spoprijemanju z omejenimi viri zmorejo delovati in sodelovati v skupno korist, prejela Nobelovo nag- rado  (Ostrom, 2010; Anderies in Janssen, 2013). V Sloveniji takšna sodelovanja poznamo v obliki agrarnih skupnosti, ki so več stoletij upravljale skupna zemljišča oziroma skupno v širšem smislu (Vilfan, 1996; Petek in Urbanc, 2007; Bogataj, 2012), bile v času socialistične ureditve razpuščene, po osamo- svojitvi Slovenije pa se zopet oživljajo. Termin skupno  (ang. commons) dodatno vpliva na zmedo med pojmoma javno in skupno dobro. Nanaša se na dobrine v skupni lasti, ki jih upravljajo skupnosti, ob uporabi skupnostnih praks, s točno določenimi pravili in se pogosto napačno razumejo kot skupno dobro. Na zmedo je pred leti opozorila McKeanova (2000), ki je izpostavila, da je skupna lastnina le posebna oblika zasebne lastnine v skupni rabi. Po njenem mnenju je treba razlikova- ti med dobrinami, pravicami in pravnimi subjekti/zasebnimi lastniki, ki posedujejo stvari. Dobrine, pravice in pravni sub- jekti so lahko zasebni ali javni. Zmeda pri razumevanju pojmov javnega dobra in skupnega v Sloveniji je predvsem posledica zgodovinsko-institucional- nega konteksta. Ta učinek se imenuje prostorsko-časovna odvisnost  (ang. path dependency) in ga označuje zaporedje zgodovinskih dogodkov v prostoru, ki vodijo v sedanje institu- cionalne vzorce ali verigo dogodkov. Z opredelitvijo zgodovin- skih dogodkov v nekem prostoru in njihovega medsebojnega učinkovanja lahko razkrijemo prostorske, družbene in druge vzorce  (Godina, 2015). Heinmiller  (2009) meni, da je pros- torsko-časovna odvisnost pri proučevanju skupnostnih praks pri upravljanju skupnih virov premalo raziskana, a lahko kl- jučno vpliva na upravljanje virov. Analiza skupnostnih praks v zgodovinskem kontekstu na Portugalskem (Gomes Lopes idr., 2013) je pokazala, da je sedanje stanje skupnih zemljišč tesno povezano s ključnimi zgodovinskimi obdobji. Sočasno se je pokazalo sosledje oblikovanja odnosov do virov in pravil, ki so vodila v različne parcelacije in pravne oblike skupnih zemljišč. Godina (2015) izpostavlja, da je bil pomen prostorsko-časovne odvisnosti prezrt pri načrtovanju in izvajanju družbenih spre- memb v postsocialističnih družbah, vključno s slovensko. Kot glavni razlog navaja ideološko obarvan odnos do zgodovine, ki temelji na ideji diskontinuitete s socializmom. Enako lahko tr- dimo tudi za socialistično in industrijsko družbo v razmerju do agrarne družbe pred letom 1945. Dodatno zmedo povzročata ključna koncepta polpretekle zgodovine: družbena lastnina in samoupravljanje. Zakon o združenem delu  (Ur.  l. SFRJ, št. 53/1976), ki je vpeljal koncept družbene lastnine, ne podaja opredelitve, iz komentarja (Grahek, 1988: 14) pa izhaja: »De- lavci si tako prilaščajo del dohodka, vendar ne na lastninski, temveč na delovni podlagi.« S prenehanjem pogodbe o delu je ugasnila tudi pravica do dohodka iz določene družbene last- nine. Samostojno upravljanje lastnine je bilo bistvo delavskega samoupravljanja, uzakonjenega leta 1950 (Zakon o upravljanju državnih ..., Ur. l. FLRJ, 1950). Oba koncepta sta v spremenje- nem pomenu še vedno v zavesti ljudi (Toplak, 2014) in vplivata na pojmovanje dobrin. Navedene trditve vsaj deloma lahko po- splošimo na druge postsocialistične države srednje in vzhodne Evrope (Premrl idr., 2015; Markuszewska, 2018), v katerih so zaradi družbenogospodarskih sprememb kot posledica spre- membe režima in decentralizacije oblasti nastale številne vrzeli med lastninsko zakonodajo in pravicami v praksi. Razkorak med de iure in de facto pri upravljanju dobrin vodi do krčenja širših interesov v korist posameznikov, kar povzroča slabšanje kakovosti in zmanjševanje zalog skupnih virov (Sikor, 2004). Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno: vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 46 3 Metode V  4.  poglavju članka smo kot metodološki okvir uporabili koncept prostorsko-časovne odvisnosti in na podlagi pregle- da literature utemeljili tri zgodovinska obdobja, ki vplivajo na dojemanje pojmov javnega dobra in skupnega v slovenski družbi, ki jo še vedno označuje postsocialistična tranzicija. S tem pristopom želimo opozoriti na vlogo (ne)ustreznega razu- mevanja lastnosti naravnih virov in pokazati, da jih je mogo- če trajnostno upravljati. V 5. poglavju članka smo na podlagi intervjujev in delavnic navedli primere javnega in skupnega dobra na pilotnih območjih ter izpostavili prednosti in kon- flikte, ki jih ustvarjajo te dobrine. Zanimalo nas je, kaj doma- čini na pilotnih območjih in strokovna javnost razumejo kot javno in kot skupno dobro. Jeseni 2015 smo na treh pilotnih območjih  (krajevne skupnosti Bevke, Čadrg in Kosovelje) izvedli po eno delavnico z domačini o koristih krajine ter o javnem in skupnem dobru v njihovih naseljih. Od marca do novembra  2016 smo izvedli  31 poglobljenih strukturiranih intervjujev z domačini in  23 z deležniki iz javnega sektorja, ki se pri svojem delu posredno ali neposredno ukvarjajo s krajinami  (s področja razvoja podeželja, varstva zavarovanih območij, narave in kulturne dediščine, kmetijstva, gozdarstva in lova). Intervjuji so v povprečju trajali 53 minut in so obsegali tri sklope vprašanj o odnosu posameznika do kulturne kraji- ne, pri čemer se je tretji sklop nanašal na vprašanja o javnem in skupnem dobru v krajini, njihovih koristih in morebitnih konfliktnih situacijah. 4 Vpliv prostorsko-časovnih odvisnosti na razumevanje javnega dobra in skupnega v Sloveniji V Sloveniji lahko razmejimo tri pomembna zgodovinska ob- dobja, ki so povezana s širšimi političnimi, gospodarskimi in demografskimi spremembami. Klemenčič  (1989; 1997) na podlagi sektorske teorije  (Small in Witherick, 1986) piše o različnih razvojnih stopnjah – demografskih, družbenogospo- darskih, geografskih in drugih –, ki so pustile odtise na kraji- ni in ljudeh. Zlasti so zanimive družbenogospodarske stopnje, ki s spreminjanjem deležev v sektorjih zaposlitve nakazujejo prehod od agrarne prek industrijske do postindustrijske  (in- formacijske) družbe. Slovenska družba je bila do šestdesetih let  20.  stoletja pretežno agrarna, nato je sledila bliskovita in kratka industrializacija do devetdesetih let  20.  stoletja, tej pa je sledila terciarizacija družbe. Odločilno vlogo sta imela so- cialistična ureditev po drugi svetovni vojni in prehod v tržno gospodarstvo po osamosvojitvi Slovenije. Skladno s tem smo se odločili, da dojemanje javnega dobra in skupnega prikažemo na podlagi treh zgodovinskih mejnikov: agrarnega obdobja do konca druge svetovne vojne (do leta 1945), obdobja socializ- ma, kolektivizacije in industrializacije (1945–1991) in obdobja samostojne Slovenije (po letu 1991), ki je zaznamovano s ter- ciarizacijo gospodarstva, individualizacijo družbe in prehodom v tržno gospodarstvo. 4.1 Agrarna družba (do leta 1945) Agrarna družba je gospodarsko temeljila na primarnem sek- torju  (kmetijstvo, lov, ribolov in gozdarstvo). Prevladovala je razdrobljena zasebna lastnina, v manjšem obsegu pa so bili pašniki in gozdovi v posesti vaških skupnosti, ki so te dobrine uporabljale skupno (Vilfan, 1996). Ker so bile skupnosti od vi- rov odvisne, so večinoma pazile, da jih ne izčrpavajo ali poško- dujejo (Rodela, 2012). Slovenija ima bogato tradicijo skupnih zemljišč, ki so imela velik gospodarski pomen, povezan s preži- vetjem ne le posameznih družin, ampak celotnih vasi (Petek in Urbanc, 2007). Skupna zemljišča po nastanku segajo še v dobo plemenske ureditve in so se prek fevdalizma ponekod ohranila do današnjih dni. Obči državljanski zakonik Habsburške mo- narhije iz leta 1812 je razlikoval med a) javnim dobrom, kamor so spadale stvari, prepuščene v rabo vsem državljanom (na pri- mer javne ceste, napajališča), b)  občinskim dobrom, do kate- rega so bili upravičeni občani, in c) občinskim premoženjem, iz katerega naj bi se pokrivali občinski stroški (Vilfan, 1996). Vendar že Vilfan opozarja, da je različne oblike skupne lastnine težko razvrstiti v omenjene pravne kategorije in da so se pravice do koriščenja krajevno razlikovale. Krovna termina zajemata več regionalnih in časovnih različic; skupno zemljišče: »ko- munšna«, »komunela« in »gmajna« (prav tam: 237) in ag- rarna skupnost: »soseska« (Petek in Urbanc, 2007), »sose(d) ska«, »srenja«, »jus«, »skupnina«  (Bogataj, 2012). Poleg gospodarjenja na skupnih zemljiščih je agrarna skupnost skrbe- la za vzdrževanje, na primer urejanje poti in napajališč (Ravnik, 1998). Na splošno se bile do konca fevdalizma pravice na skup- nih zemljiščih dokaj enotne in vezane na pripadnost lokalni skupnosti, po njegovem zatonu pa so se začele diferencirati. Vilfan  (1996) izpostavlja, da so se ostanki nekdanjih vaških skupnosti ohranili v primerih skupnostnega upravljanja skup- nih zemljišč. Pri upravljanju je prevladoval gospodarski vidik, ki pa je bil zaradi nizke stopnje tehnološkega razvoja večinoma okoljsko vzdržen. Kljub temu so se pojavljale tudi prakse, ki so vodile v osiromašenje ali celo izgubo naravnega vira. Eden takšnih primerov je izguba šote na Ljubljanskem barju. V za- četku 19. stoletja, tik pred intenzivnim osuševanjem, naj bi bilo na njem do 1500 ha šotišč (Pavšič, 2008). Franciscejski kataster kaže, da so bili med letoma  1824 in  1827 številni mokrotni travniki in pašniki skupna zemljišča  (Šmid Hribar, 2016). Z osuševanjem in delitvijo zemljišč po letu 1830 pa so nekdanji skupni pašniki prehajali v zasebno last. Zaradi gospodarskih dobičkov so lastniki začeli v drugi polovici 19. stoletja šotišča intenzivno izkoriščati. Kljub ocenam, da zaloge šote zadoščajo M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 47 za  229  let, je šota v nekaj desetletjih pošla in posledično so se barjanska tla znižala  (Melik, 1927). Poplavna ogroženost Ljubljanskega barja se je povečala in spremenile so se funk- cije krajine in ekosistemske storitve, posledice pa občutijo vsi zdajšnji prebivalci (Šmid Hribar, 2016). 4.2 Industrijska družba (1945–1991) Ključni vpliv na današnje dojemanje in upravljanje javnega dobra in skupnega ima obdobje socializma, ki so ga spremljale temeljite strukturne in ideološke reforme družbene, politične in gospodarske ureditve. Pomembni sta zlasti nacionalizacija in posledična razlastitev večjih posestnikov. Z zemljiškim mak- simumom jim je bilo dovoljeno obdržati največ  35  hektarov (Zakon o agrarni  …, Ur.  l. LRS, št.  10/1948), od leta 1953 pa le še  10  hektarov obdelovalnih zemljišč  (Zakon o kmetij- skem  …, Ur.  l. FLRJ, št.  22/53). Razlastitev je poleg kmetov zajela tudi agrarne skupnosti  (Zakon o agrarnih skupnostih, Ur.  l. LRS, št. 52/1947; Zakon o razpolaganju …, Ur.  l. SRS, št.  7/1965), s čimer je bila prekinjena kontinuiteta načina upravljanja omejenih naravnih virov. Czerny  (2014) na pri- meru izbrane agrarne skupnosti Škrbina-Rubije-Šibelji pred- videva, da je odsotnost kontinuiranega skupnega upravljanja agrarnih skupnosti vplivala na razumevanje njihovih članov. Pri tem izpostavlja razlikovanje med upravljavskimi cilji pasivnih in aktivnih članov agrarne skupnosti. Aktivni člani dajejo pred- nost gospodarskim ciljem, pasivni člani pa okoljskim. Hkrati oboji ocenjujejo komunikacijo kot pomembno pri odločanju v agrarni skupnosti. Prepoznavajo tudi pomen usklajevanja glede rabe skupnih virov, kar je po njihovem mnenju poglavitno za preživetje agrarne skupnosti na dolgi rok (prav tam). Agrarna reforma, ki je povzročila razlastitev velikih posestnikov, je obe- nem vplivala na kolektivizacijo in vzpostavitev velikih državnih sistemov, kot so socialistične zadruge, kmetijski kombinati in državna gozdna podjetja (Jepsen idr., 2015; Premrl idr., 2015). Nastal je velik razkorak med povprečno 200 ha velikim kme- tijskim kombinatom in povprečno  5,2  ha velikim kmečkim gospodarstvom (Drozg, 2007). Podobno kot v drugih državah vzhodnega bloka je bila za Slovenijo po drugi svetovni vojni značilna uvedba centralno- planskega gospodarstva  (Jepsen idr., 2015). Zasebno lastnino sta zamenjali državna in družbena lastnina  (Urbanc, 2002). Moč odločanja se je s posameznikov, kmečkih gospodarstev in lokalnih skupnosti prenesla na državno raven (Partlič, 1989), z uvajanjem družbene lastnine in delavskega samoupravljan- ja pa na zaposlene v podjetju  (Šetinc, 1979; Toplak, 2014). Z uvajanjem novih oblik lastnine so se začele krhati stoletja trajajoče in nastajajoče vezi med omejenimi viri in njihovimi lokalnimi skupnostmi, te so bile tudi njihove dejanske upravi- teljice. Posledično se je začelo izgubljati znanje o značilnostih virov. Odgovornost za njihovo upravljanje je bila prenesena predvsem na državne ustanove, ki zaradi fizične in/ali kogni- tivne oddaljenosti niso bile tako dovzetne za trajnostno upravl- janje. Eden prvih kritikov povojne kmetijske politike je bil po mnenju Partličeve (1989) Pučnik, ki se je že leta 1963 v tedaj ideološko spornem prispevku O dilemah našega kmetijstva spraševal o ciljih kmetijske politike: ali je to urejena preskrba s hrano ali odprava zasebne lastnine in uvedba kolektivne pride- lave (Pučnik, 1963, navedeno v Partlič, 1989: 433). Negativen odnos do kmeta kot zasebnega proizvajalca  (Urbanc, 2002; Razpotnik Visković in Seručnik, 2013) in načrtno ustanavljan- je industrijskih podjetij po vsej Sloveniji sta vplivala na obsežno socialno preslojevanje iz agrarnih v neagrarne dejavnosti ter s tem povezano urbanizacijo oziroma demografsko in prostor- sko rast mest (Drozg, 2007). Razdrobljenost posesti, tudi kot posledica agrarne reforme, je povzročila oblikovanje obsežnega sloja polkmetov, ki so zaradi šibke gospodarske moči ohranjali drobno posest, pestrost kmetijskih krajin in ekstenzivno ob- delovanje zemljišč (Urbanc, 2002) ter delovali zaviralno pred intenzivno deagrarizacijo. S tem so imeli pomembno vlogo pri vzdrževanju tradicionalne kulturne krajine (Razpotnik Visko- vić in Seručnik, 2013). Z industrializacijo družbe in deagrarizacijo je začel v ospredje stopati mestni prostor  (Drozg, 2007), v katerega se je prene- sla problematika urejanja skupnega. Rezultat nedomišljenih strukturnih in ideoloških reform je še viden na primeru javnih zelenih površin ob večstanovanjskih stavbah (Zlatkova, 2015; Simoneti, 2016), ki naj bi meščanom omogočale kakovostnej- še življenje in jih povezovale z naravo, a v zadnjih desetletjih postajajo vse bolj ogrožene. 4.3 Postindustrijska družba (po letu 1991) Postindustrijska družba se je v Sloveniji razvila po letu 1991, ko je število zaposlenih v storitvenih dejavnostih rastlo hitreje od števila industrijskih delavcev (Klemenčič, 1989; 1997). Po- Slika 1: Rezanje in sušenje šote na Ljubljanskem barju (vir: arhiv Kra- jinskega parka Ljubljansko barje) Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno: vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 48 litične, družbene in gospodarske spremembe, ki so sledile osa- mosvojitvi in prehodu iz totalitaristične socialistične družbene ureditve v demokracijo in tržni kapitalizem  (Drozg, 2007), ter zamenjava vrednostnih usmeritev družbe in posameznikov, povezanih z zmanjševanjem pomena kolektivizacije in naraš- čanjem individualizacije, so prinesle številne posledice. Z vidika javnega dobra in skupnega sta ključni predvsem dve vrsti procesov. Prva se nanaša na odpravo družbene lastnine kot prevladujoče oblike lastniških razmerij iz socialističnega obdobja, druga pa na obujanje načinov skupnostnega upravl- janja omejenih naravnih virov, ki se je izvajalo že v agrarni dobi. Odpravo družbene lastnine sta spremljali denaciona- lizacija in privatizacija, med katerima je pomembna vsebinska razlika. Pri prvi so bila lastniška razmerja razmeroma jasna in razumljiva. Premoženje se je vrnilo oškodovancem ali njihovim dedičem  (Premrl idr., 2015) in vzpostavilo se je stanje pred nacionalizacijo. Pri privatizaciji pa je bilo lastništvo ohlapnejša kategorija, družbeno lastnino in nadzor nad produkcijskimi sredstvi pa je zamenjala razpršena in nepregledna zasebna lastnina. Neustrezna prerazdelitev bogastva in moči med pri- padnike politične in gospodarske elite je lahko vodila v divjo privatizacijo  (Lorenčič, 2009) ter slabšo kakovost vodenja in upravljanja državnega premoženja. Zadnje je značilno za vse nove države članice Evropske unije (Tomšič in Vehovar, 2012). Pozornost privatiziranja se je od nastanka gospodarske krize od državnih podjetij premaknila predvsem v prostor (zemljiš- ča), energetiko, vodo, ki imajo lahko lastnosti skupnih virov in so ključni za preživetje. Denacionalizacija je obudila načine upravljanja skupnih zemljišč iz obdobja pred industrijsko druž- bo. Zakonodaja, sprejeta po osamosvojitvi Slovenije, omogoča ponovno vzpostavitev agrarnih skupnosti ter vračanje odvze- tega premoženja in pravic  (Petek in Urbanc, 2007). Vendar imajo zaradi slabo premišljenega Zakona o denacionalizaciji iz leta  1991, po katerem naj bi bila zemljišča vrnjena individu- alnim dedičem, agrarne skupnosti številne težave pri izvedbi sodnih postopkov, saj zakon vodi k privatiziranju nekoč skupne posesti in s tem v verjetno spremembo uporabe tovrstnih zeml- jišč (Šmid Hribar idr., 2015). Po navedbah Cerarja idr. (2011) naj bi bilo v postopkih nacionalizacije v socializmu ukinjenih in razlaščenih od 1.000 do 1.500 agrarnih skupnosti, pri čemer obseg njihovih zemljišč ni znan. Premrl (2013) je navedel, da je v registrih upravnih enot zavedenih 638 agrarnih skupnosti, od tega potencialno aktivnih  547, za dodatnih  48 postopki vračila premoženja še niso bili končani. Agrarnim skupnostim je bilo vrnjenih  77.486,47  ha zemljišč, kar je  3,67  % ozemlja Slovenije (Premrl, 2013). V nasprotju z agrarno dobo, ko je bil pomen skupnih zemljišč zlasti gospodarski, v sodobnem času v ospredje prihajata ohranjanje in vzdrževanje ekološkega ravno- vesja, biotske raznovrstnosti, tradicionalne kulturne krajine in podeželja nasploh (Petek in Urbanc, 2007; Jepsen idr., 2015; Šmid Hribar idr., 2015). Z nedokončano privatizacijo, preobrazbo komunalnih služb in izvajanjem javne službe urejanja javnih zelenih površin lahko povežemo slabše vzdrževanje starejših stanovanjskih sosesk, ki Slika  2: Stanovanjske zelene urbane površine, ki so se začele pojavljati v obdobju socializma, so pomembno urbano skupno, hkrati pa tudi skupni vir, zato jih je treba upravljati (foto: Peter Stavanja). M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 49 jim brez celovite prenove preti razvrednotenje. Občine brez posebnih usmeritev, meril in pogojev za razdelitev površin med javne in zasebne so pri urejanju zelenih površin sosesk ravnale različno. V prostoru se to kaže v slabem vzdrževanju, prisvajan- ju, preurejanju in špekulantskih nakupih. Za zdaj poslabšanje kakovosti v starejših soseskah slovenskih mest še ni kritično, vendar lahko slabo vzdrževanje vodi v zmanjšanje možnosti za nove ureditve, v skrajnem primeru tudi v nepovratno izgubo javnih zelenih površin  (Simoneti, 2016). V Sloveniji postaja- jo pereča težava tudi različne oblike rekreacije v gozdu, med katerimi je priljubljeno nabiranje gozdnih sadežev. Nezado- voljstvo lastnikov gozdov je še večje, če nabiralci in rekreativci niso domačini. Jeseni 2016 so se v nekaterih krajih razvile tako imenovane kostanjeve vojne, ko so se jezni domačini zaradi pretiranega nabiranja kostanja, malomarnega parkiranja in vož- nje zunaj prometnih cest uprli obiskovalcem (Omladič, 2016). 5 Javno in skupno dobro v Sloveniji 5.1 Dojemanje javnega in skupnega dobra med domačini Večina domačinov na vseh treh pilotnih območjih slabo raz- likuje med pojmoma javno in skupno dobro. Intervjuvanka iz Bevk pravi: »V bistvu ne ločim to zelo dobro, ker je to zame zelo podobno.« Včasih isto stvar hkrati razumejo kot javno in skupno dobro. Po podrobnejšem spraševanju se je izkazalo, da domačini pretežno skupno in javno dobro opredeljujejo le z lastninsko pravico ali pravico do uporabe dobrine. Javno dobro je po večinskem mnenju dobrina, ki je v javni lasti, za katero ni treba plačati in jo lahko uporabljajo vsi. Skladno s tem javno dobro razumejo kot javne površine, ki so last vseh: na primer zemljišča v lasti občine, občinska lastnina, ceste in poti, korita/napajališča za napajanje živine, vodnjak, kal, lokev, infrastruktura, prostor za smetnjake, zemljišča Sklada kmetij- skih zemljišč, pokopališče, spomeniki, razgledišče. Prebivalci tudi vodo dojemajo kot javno, ne kot skupno dobro. Med javnimi dobrinami domačini izpostavljajo tudi storitve, ki so namenjene vsem, npr.  javno zdravstvo, gasilci, bolnica, šole. Pod pojmom skupno dobro domačini razumejo tisto, kar upo- rabljajo le krajani posameznega naselja: naravne vire, skupna zemljišča, zaprte ali odprte prostore in infrastrukturo ter stvari, ki so jih naredili, zgradili ali vzpostavili v skupnih akcijah v sklopu vaške skupnosti in za njihovo uporabo. »Skupno dobro je vse, kar skupaj naredimo,« meni intervjuvanec iz Kosovelj. Kot glavne primere skupnega dobra so povsod izpostavljali skupen zrak, vodo, mir, dostopnost do dediščine. Ključni so skupno lastništvo, skupno delo, koristi in uporaba. Po mnen- ju domačinov so skupno dobro v Čadrgu pitna voda in vaški vodovod, skupna zemljišča, kjer je možnost paše, ekološko kmetijstvo, priprava drv na skupnih zemljiščih, razgledišče s klopjo, prostor, na katerem so sadili in sadijo orehe, sirarna, ko- rita za napajanje živine. V Kosoveljah so skupno dobro skupni vodnjaki za zalivanje vrtov, ceste, pešpoti, tudi lokev, prostor za kurjenje kresa, prostor za smetnjake, parkirni prostor, tudi zasebni vrt, ki ga odprejo in želijo deliti z drugimi, optični kabel s hitrim prenosom podatkov, nove zastave ter gobe in zelišča. V Bevkah so kot skupno dobro izpostavili nekatere kra- je, pomembne za varstvo narave, pitno vodo in vodno zajetje, zdravilne rastline in možnosti druženja v prostorih, ki so jih pridobili s skupnimi močmi, kot so gasilski dom, športni park, vrtec, šola, cerkev, pokopališče. Po mnenju domačinov jim vse omenjene dobrine, podobno kot javno dobro, izboljšujejo ka- kovost življenja in prinašajo koristi. Na vseh treh pilotnih območjih poznajo konflikte, povezane z rabo javnega in skupnega dobra. Največkrat je šlo za neustrezno upravljanje vodnih virov. V enem primeru je bilo nestrinjanje posledica vzpostavitve nadzora kakovosti pitne vode in s tem povezanih finančnih in upravljavskih stroškov. Prebivalci so se dogovorili in sprejeli ustrezno rešitev. Drug primer se je nanašal na globoko lokev s pitno vodo, ki so jo z napačnim gradbenim posegom skoraj uničili in v kateri voda ni več pitna, jo pa zdaj poskušajo sanirati. Zadnji primer je povezan z vodnim virom, od katerega je odvisna sosednja občina. Prebivalci so možnost črpanja pitne vode pogojevali z ureditvijo dela ceste, ki pote- ka po sosednji občini. Pereče je tudi vprašanje gozdov, ki so nekoč pripadali agrarni skupnosti in na katerih so lovišča, ki so v lasti države. Prebivalci se ne strinjajo z davčnimi bremeni za zemljišča, s katerimi ne smejo gospodariti. 5.2 Dojemanje javnega in skupnega dobra med strokovno javnostjo Tudi strokovna javnost skoraj ne razlikuje med javnim in skup- nim dobrom, a pri svojem delu večinoma uporablja izraz javno dobro, ki ga razume kot tisto, kar potrebujemo za preživetje, zato moramo imeti dostop do tega vsi. To so ceste, promet- nice, (gozdne) vlake, poti, skratka infrastruktura, ki omogoča prehodnost in dostop do zemljišč, gozdov, obale. Nekateri intervjuvanci so omenjali še mir, razglede, ohranjeno krajino, prostor, gozd in kmetijska zemljišča, naravo, ohranjene rastlin- ske in živalske vrste, vodo in preskrbo z njo, šole, trge ter drev- nino in parke. Tudi strokovna javnost javno dobro povezuje pretežno z lastništvom in pogosto meni, da zaradi poseganja v zasebno lastnino lastnikom povzroča breme. Po mnenju st- rokovnjakinje za prostor zapleti lahko nastanejo tudi, ko je lastnica zadevnih javnih dobrin občina, drugih javnih dobrin pa država, kar kaže na potrebo po večnivojskem upravljanju. Redka razmišljanja o skupnem dobru so se nanašala na tisto, kar uporabljajo skupno: ceste, skupne pašnike, travnike, gozdo- Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno: vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 50 ve, tudi vodo in krajino. Torej, podobno, kar so omenjali že pri javnem dobru. Pri skupnem dobru so posamezniki izpostavili uporabo, ki lahko pride navzkriž z zasebnim interesom, pred- stavnica varstva kulturne dediščine pa je omenila, da se začnejo »ljudje skupnega dobra zavedati, ko ga začnejo izgubljati«. Dodatna asociacija na skupno dobro so bile agrarne skupnosti, ki upravljajo skupna zemljišča in dobrine (npr. les), ki jih lah- ko uporabijo člani agrarne skupnosti. Med koristmi skupnega dobra so posebej omenili gobe, beluši, možnost rekreacije in estetske vrednote v nekem okolju. Tudi strokovna javnost se zaveda konfliktov, ki izhajajo iz pre- tirane in množične rabe javnega in skupnega dobra. Izpostavila je konflikt pri uporabi prireditvenega prostora ob sotočju Tol- minke in Soče, ki je skoraj vse poletje v času festivalov zapr- to. To jezi domačine, ki so se tam vedno lahko sprehajali in kopali, zdaj pa za to potrebujejo vstopnico. Na tem območju je tudi gozd s posebnim namenom, ki mu zaradi množičnega obiska festivalov grozi razvrednotenje. Predmet konfliktov so tudi nabrežja rek, ki so v Sloveniji prosto dostopne. Poleti jih obiskujejo obiskovalci iz različnih delov Slovenije, ki za sabo nemalokrat puščajo smeti, kar še dodatno razjezi domačine. Izpostavljen je bil problem uporabe reke Soče, kjer so bili v konfliktu ribiči, kajakaši in rafterji. Rešitev so našli v prostorski in časovni razmejitvi različnih dejavnosti. Verjetno bo treba podoben mehanizem upravljanja uporabiti pri rabi padalskih vzletišč, saj povečano število padalcev in čas zadrževanja na vzletnih točkah vznemirjata divjad. Vse večji konflikt ustvarja tudi nabiranje gob. 6 Razprava Prvi cilj članka je bil pojasniti konflikte pri dojemanju nekate- rih dobrin, za katere splošna javnost v Sloveniji meni, da so jav- no dobro, s čimer pa se lastniki ne strinjajo. Nesporazum smo želeli pojasniti z analizo prostorsko-časovne odvisnosti. Kot se je izkazalo, na dojemanje teh dobrin še vedno močno vplivajo lastništvo ter pojma družbena lastnina in samoupravljanje iz časa socialistične Jugoslavije, manj pa dogodki v agrarni dobi. Kot smo pričakovali, so v agrarni družbi, vsaj na območjih z večstoletno naselitvijo, upoštevali ranljivost naravnih virov, saj je bila trajnostna raba virov ključna za preživetje skupnosti. Domačini so se pri upravljanju omejenih naravnih virov naj- večkrat organizirali v agrarne skupnosti in se s strogimi pravili uporabe skupnega izognili tragediji, ki jo je napovedoval Har- din (1968). Pokazali so, da je z omejenimi viri mogoče gospo- dariti tako, da se vir kljub uporabi nekaterih dobrin ohranja za prihodnje rodove, kar je pozneje na več mednarodnih primerih dokazala Ostromova (1990, 2005). Kljub temu je bila že takrat ponekod značilna čezmerna uporaba, in to predvsem zaradi slabega poznavanja vira in razdelitev zemljišč. Takšen primer je uničenje šote na Ljubljanskem barju v drugi polovici 19. sto- letja, ko so nove lastnike vodile predvsem gospodarske koristi. Omejeni naravni viri, npr.  pitna voda, lokve, gozdovi in paš- niki, so še danes pomembni za kakovost življenja. Na pilotnem območju v Čadrgu so staro prakso skupnostnega upravljanja omejenih virov prenesli v sodoben čas. Uspešno upravljajo skupne gozdove, pašnike in vodo, pesti pa jih nerazumevanje države, ki jih na eni strani spodbuja k vpisu skupnih gozdnih zemljišč v zemljiško knjigo, po drugi strani pa jim ne priznava pravice do soodločanja pri upravljanju divjadi. V industrijski dobi je v Sloveniji, ki je bila takrat del Jugoslavije, nastal lastninski konflikt med kmeti na eni in državo na dru- gi strani zaradi uveljavljanja koncepta družbene lastnine. Tega koncepta ne smemo enačiti s konceptom skupnega iz agrarne dobe, saj je koncept družbene lastnine temeljil na delu, koncept skupnega pa na skupnostnem upravljanju omejenih virov, ki so bili v skupni lasti. Caffentzisem (2010) pravi, da je socialistična ideologija ustvarila podobo skupnega gospodarjenja z viri, ki pa je v resnici temeljilo na restriktivnem upravljanju na podla- gi birokratskih ali povsem kapitalističnih kriterijev. Podobno je trdil Pučnik  (1963), ki je odpravo zasebnega lastništva na podeželju povezoval s socialno krivico in ekonomsko diskri- minacijo kmečkega prebivalstva. Odprava agrarnih skupnos- ti in podržavljanje skupnih zemljišč po drugi svetovni vojni potrjujeta ugotovitev Obeng-Odooma  (2016), da nevarnost za obstoj ne preti od znotraj, temveč je zunanja. Le da v Slo- veniji odprava ni bila posledica kapitalizma ali imperializma, temveč jih je, ironično, odpravil komunizem. Prenos lastništev in/ali upravljanja na javne ustanove se je mnogokrat izkazal za problematičnega (npr. Zlatkova, 2015; Simoneti, 2016). Po eni strani so viri (p)ostali lastninsko v družbeni lasti, a ker se niso zavedali njihove ranljivosti, je bilo upravljanje pogosto slabo dorečeno brez ustreznih pravil in sankcij, kar je vodilo v pro- padanje. Na podeželju se je to na primer kazalo kot zaraščanje kmetijskih površin zaradi ideološke podpore industrializaciji, v mestih pa kot razvrednotenje skupnih zelenih površin ob večstanovanjskih stavbah. Za posledice slabšega upravljanja ali celo odsotnosti upravljanja so najbolj odgovorne »oddaljene« javne ustanove, ki zaradi pomanjkanja znanja in šibkih osebnih vezi niso prepoznale, da imajo tovrstni naravni viri lastnosti skupnih virov. Intervjuji z domačini kažejo ta še vedno traja- joči konflikt, saj praviloma grajajo ravnanje države z omejenimi naravnimi viri (npr.  gozdovi, vodo) in menijo, da ni dober gospodar. Kot upor socialistični kolektivizaciji so postsocialistične drža- ve navdušeno sprejele neoliberalizem (Smith in Timár, 2010), kjer ima država precej manjše možnosti usmerjanja lokalnega in regionalnega razvoja kot v planskem gospodarstvu (Drozg, 2005). Znani so pritiski lastnikov gozdov, da se uporaba gozd- nih sadežev omeji na lastnike (Kumer, 2017). V poglavju 5.2 M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 51 smo že omenili primer zapiranja prostora ob sotočju Soče in Tolminke v času festivala, kar je za slovensko javnost nerazuml- jivo in pomeni nezakonito prilaščanje skupnega prostora, ki ga domačini uporabljajo za sprehode in sprostitev. Koncesionar si je s plačilom uradno kupil pravico do omejitve gibanja za neobiskovalce festivala, vendar bi morala občina upoštevati, da imajo do prostora pravico tudi domačini, in temu primerno prilagoditi upravljanje. Na podlagi analize prostorsko-časovne odvisnosti v treh obdobjih ugotavljamo, da so posledice spre- minjanja vpliva in moči posameznikov, skupnosti in ustanov na upravljanje omejenih virov v Sloveniji še danes vidne v raz- ličnem dojemanju javnega dobra in skupnega ter posledično tudi v različnih pričakovanjih javnosti in lastnikov do tovrstnih dobrin. V intervjujih z domačini in strokovno javnostjo smo ugotavlja- li, kaj ti razumejo kot javno in skupno dobro, kar je bil drugi cilj članka. Izkazalo se je, da med pojmoma skoraj ne razlikujejo in ju dojemajo kot nekaj, kar je prosto dostopno. Razlikovanje je vezano predvsem na lastninsko pravico in gospodarsko korist, s čimer se skupno dobro pomensko približuje skupnemu. Predvi- devamo, da je to posledica prostorsko-časovnega konteksta in procesov, ki so oblikovali in še oblikujejo dojemanje skupnega in njihovega lastništva (agrarne skupnosti, nacionalizacija, de- nacionalizacija ipd.). Domačini skupno dobro pogosto enačijo s skupnimi stvarmi in ju uporabljajo kot sinonima. Za skupno je značilna skupna lastnina, pri čemer je dobrina, odvisno od (ne)dostopnosti, lahko zasebna ali pa skupni vir, ni pa javno dobro. Gozd v lasti agrarne skupnosti in zelene površine v blokovskih soseskah so zaradi proste dostopnosti skupni vir, ograjen skupni pašnik in sirarna pa ne, ker je dostop do njiju omejen. Na vseh treh pilotnih območjih domačini veliko truda namenjajo obstoju in nadgradnji skupnega; dejavno prosto- voljno sodelujejo v skupnih akcijah in se zavedajo, da so pri izboljšanju kakovosti življenja odvisni predvsem od sebe in svo- jih, tudi finančnih vložkov. V preteklih desetletjih so si sami ali z lastnimi sredstvi zgradili vodovode, telefonsko napeljavo, elektriko, ponekod celo ceste. Vlagajo v obnovo in vzpostavitev kolesarskih in pohodnih poti, čistijo okolico, obnavljajo stare suhe zidove, vzdržujejo in gradijo skupne prostore. Nekatere stvari so si domačini pripravljeni deliti med seboj, zmoti pa jih, če se kdo želi okoristiti s pridobitvami njihovega skupne- ga dela in prispevkov. To kaže na pomembno vlogo skupnega pri izboljšanju kakovosti življenja domačinov. Pozitiven odnos do skupnega soustvarjanja in obnavljanja lastne okolice, ki jo upravlja skupnost, je nedvomna lastnost slovenskega podeželja. Skupno je v Sloveniji razumljeno več kot le skupna lastnina, saj gre za skupne vaške stvari, kar dodatno krepi skupnost in soustvarja lokalno identiteto. Podobno smo tudi med strokovno javnostjo zaznali povezo- vanje skupnega dobra s skupno uporabo in z ustanovami, ki upravljajo skupna zemljišča (npr.  agrarne skupnosti). Dobro se zaveda konfliktov, ki izhajajo iz povečane ali neopredeljene rabe nekaterih dobrin (npr. prostor, pitna voda, gobe), in ugo- tavlja, da je za reševanje tovrstnih konfliktov potreben dialog z vsemi vpletenimi, čemur mora slediti večnivojsko upravljan- je. A kot ugotavlja Rodelova  (2012), ključne odločitve glede skupnih virov v Sloveniji še vedno sprejemajo državne ustano- ve  (zavodi, ministrstva, agencije), njihove resorne politike in razvojne programe pa izvajajo na dislociranih enotah. Ta način upravljanja skupnih virov je dediščina socializma, v katerem je centralizirani državni aparat okrepil svojo moč in veljavo. Al- ternativa tovrstnemu upravljanju so sodobni tuji modeli kom- pleksnega upravljanja skupnih virov, ki temeljijo na konceptih, kot so soupravljanje  (Somerville in Haines, 2008), večakter- sko upravljanje  (Schut idr., 2014) ali večnivojsko upravljan- je (Hooghe in Marks, 2003). Ključna pri omenjenih konceptih sta vzajemno oblikovanje in zastopanje različnih skupnosti, da bi uvedli učinkovitejše politike upravljanja skupnih virov. Tretji cilj članka je bil opozoriti na jasno razliko med javnim dobrom in skupnimi viri, da bomo razumeli, zakaj prosto dos- topne dobrine, ki so skupni viri, niso javno dobro in zato ne morejo biti neomejeno dostopne vsem. Obdobje socializma je s poudarjanjem socialne in prostorske pravičnosti, enakosti in dostopnosti dobrin za vse (Drozg, 2005) okrepilo mnenje jav- nosti, da sta dostop in koriščenje tovrstnih dobrin (npr. gozdni sadeži, dostop do obale in podobno) njihova neodtujljiva pra- vica. Težava nastopi, ker javnost te dobrine še vedno dojema kot javno dobro in se ne zaveda negativnih posledic pretirane in neustrezne rabe. To potrjuje Heinmillerjevo (2009) ugoto- vitev, da pretekli vzorci lahko vplivajo na zakoreninjena razu- mevanja, pogosto povezana s starimi pravicami. V Sloveniji smo v agrarni dobi že poznali skupnostno upravljanje omejenih virov, ki je bilo v socializmu prepovedano in nadomeščeno z upravljanjem vsega kot družbene lastnine brez zavedanja o omejenosti naravnih virov. Danes čutimo posledice obeh praks, ki se krešejo in vplivajo na trenutna dojemanja in pričakovanja splošne in strokovne javnosti, odločevalcev ter lastnikov zeml- jišč. Kljub mnogim slabostim preteklega sistema smo avtorji članka dobrine, kot so prost dostop do obal rek in jezer ter do gozda, možnost sprehodov po gozdu in pešpoteh zunaj gozda, nabiranje gozdnih sadežev v dovoljenih količinah in podob- no, prepoznali kot pomemben privilegij preteklega sistema in prednost, ki splošni javnosti ključno izboljšuje kakovost živl- jenja, lastnikom pa ne povzroča škode. Na podobne privilegije do zemlje je opozarjal že George konec 19. stoletja (navedeno v Obeng-Odoom, 2016), Ostromova in njeni sodelavci pa se z njimi praviloma niso ukvarjali. Za ohranitev teh privilegijev je zato ključno ozavestiti javnost, da naštete dobrine niso javno dobro, torej nekaj, do česar imajo dostop vsi, in to v neomeje- nih količinah, temveč imajo te dobrine zaradi prostega dostopa in omejenosti lastnosti skupnih virov. Javno dobro, skupni viri in skupno: vpliv zgodovinske zapuščine na sodobno dojemanje v Sloveniji kot tranzicijski družbi Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 52 Obenem moramo ozavestiti tudi lastnike, da jim lastništvo še ne podeljuje neomejene pravice uporabe naravnih virov. Za- radi želja po privatizaciji, koncesijah in licenčninah, ki zaradi gospodarskih interesov močno ogrožajo naše omejene naravne vire, se splošna javnost v Sloveniji upravičeno boji. Zgovoren odpor na takšne težnje je vpis pravice do pitne vode v Usta- vo  RS (Ustavni zakon o dopolnitvi III. poglavja Ustave Re- publike Slovenije, Ur.  l. RS, št.  75/2016), vendar je treba ob tem izpostaviti, da ustavodajalec ne razume, da voda ni javno dobro, temveč omejeni naravni vir. Prav ta lastnost, ki jo slo- venska javnost zaznava intuitivno, je bila gonilo prizadevanj za vpis pravice do vode v Ustavo RS. Vendar vpis vodnih virov še ne bo zaščitil, saj ti ostajajo ranljivi in omejeni. Maja in julija 2017 sta slovensko javnost pretresli dve ekološki katastrofi, ki sta poleg prsti in zraka prizadeli tudi vodne vire. Pokazalo se je, da le sprememba zakonodajnega okvira s pripadajočimi podzakonskimi akti ni dovolj. Potrebni bodo konkretne pri- lagoditve, jasna pravila, nadzor in ne nazadnje sankcije nad neustreznim upravljanjem vodnih virov. Pereč primer v Slo- veniji je tudi spreminjanje rodovitnih zemljišč v industrijska območja. Vsaka taka investicija zahteva tehten premislek, saj so rodovitna zemljišča naši naravni viri, njihovo razvredno- tenje pa nepovratno. Zaradi povečanja števila uporabnikov in nasprotij interesov so v urbanem okolju izpostavljene zelene površine ob večstanovanjskih stavbah. S tem člankom želimo opozoriti, da nam v primeru neupošte- vanja omejenosti dobrin grozita siromašenje in izčrpavanje teh dobrin ali virov. Včasih lahko siromašenje, predvsem z ekosis- temskega vidika, povzroči tudi delitev virov v manjše enote. V izogib temu so predniki za uporabo omejenih naravnih virov razvili skupnostno upravljanje s točno določenimi pravicami in pravili. Razdelili so si donose, na primer drva, ne pa tudi zaloge skupnega vira, v tem primeru gozda. To potrjuje ugotovitev McKeanove (2000), da so privatizirali pravice do dobrine, ne da bi jo razdelili na manjše dele. Na tem konceptu je temeljila tudi družbena lastnina v socializmu, a s to razliko, da pravica ni bila prenosljiva in je ugasnila s prenehanjem delovnega raz- merja. Sodoben in aktualen primer upravljanja skupnih virov iz urbanega prostora so blokovske zelene površine. Ponekod se stanovalci organizirajo, posadijo grmovnice in drevesa, ne da bi obenem razdelili zelenico, saj bi bil posamezen delež zemljišča premajhen za posaditev drevesa. S pravili, pogoji in sankcija- mi se vključijo v upravljanje svoje zelenice, ki ni javno dobro, temveč skupni vir. Kjer se stanovalci ne organizirajo, tvega- jo razvrednotenje zelenih površin v svoji neposredni okolici. Skupina ljudi gre lahko še korak dlje, izbere, najame ali kupi zemljišče ter na njem zasadi orehe, kot v Čadrgu, v urbanih soseskah pa zelenjavo in sadje. Plodovi, ki dozorijo na teh zeml- jiščih, niso javno dobro. So tipična skupna lastnina ali skupno, a kljub temu, da se ve, kdo jih lahko koristi, imajo zaradi ome- jenosti dobrine v primeru prostega dostopa lastnosti skupnih virov. Podobno tudi plodovi v mestnem sadovnjaku, zasajenem v Ljubljani na Viču, ki je bil zaradi prešibkega upravljanja že nekajkrat žrtev vandalizma, čeprav je zasajen na javnih povr- šinah, niso javno dobro, temveč so zaradi omejenosti dobrine in proste dostopnosti skupni viri. Zaradi omejenosti in proste dostopnosti tudi borovnice, gobe in kostanji v gozdu niso javno dobro, temveč skupni viri. V izogib nadaljnjim nejasnostim v zvezi z javnim dobrom, skupnimi viri in skupnim ter v podporo ustreznejšemu upravljanju smo v preglednici 1 pripravili kratke razlage ključnih pojmov. V sklepu razprave želimo izpostaviti še vlogo lastništva. Kot je navedeno v teoretičnih izhodiščih, sta ključni lastnosti dobrin manjša/večja dostopnost in manjše/večje zmanjševanje z rabo, ne pa tudi lastništvo. Vendar se vloga lastništva uveljavi pri upravljanju, ko lahko lastnik omeji dostop do vira ali dobri- ne. Privatizacija omejenega naravnega vira zaradi gospodarskih interesov posameznika ali manjšine lahko vodi v izčrpavan- je vira, od katerega je odvisna lokalna skupnost. Ni vseeno, kdo odloča o dostopu do vira in njegovega upravljanja. Že predniki so se zavedali, kako pomembno je, da imajo lokalne skupnosti lastništvo nad omejenimi naravnimi viri v svoji ne- posredni okolici. Tega se zavedajo domačini v Čadrgu, ki so z velikimi prizadevanji ohranili pravico do upravljanja vodnih Preglednica 1: Slovarček pojmov Izraz v slovenskem jeziku Izraz v angleškem jeziku Kratka razlaga Primer javno dobro public good Dobrina, do katere dostopa ni mogoče preprečiti in se njena razpoložljivost z uporabo ne manjša. UV sevanje, mir, cesta, varnost ... skupni vir(i) common-pool resource(s) (CPRs) Dobrina, do katere dostopa ni mogoče preprečiti in se njena razpoložljivost z uporabo manjša. gozdni sadeži, pitna voda, dostop do obale, prosto dostopne zelene površine v blokovskih soseskah ... skupno commons Posebna oblika zasebne lastnine v skupni rabi, ki jo upravlja skupnost po določenih pravilih; skupno so lahko skupni vir (npr. gozdni sadeži), ni pa nujno, lahko gre za povsem zasebno dobro (npr. sirarna). vaški nasad orehov, skupna zemlji- šča, prostori krajevne skupnosti, skupnostni vrtički ... M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 53 virov. Duraippah  idr.  (2014) omenjajo, da se v zadnjem času na Japonskem vzpostavlja koncept novega skupnega (ang. new commons), ko skupina posameznikov začne skupno upravljati zapuščene zaraščene površine. 7 Sklep Analiza prostorsko-časovne odvisnosti je pokazala, da sta pretekli družbenogospodarski ureditvi nedvomno vplivali na sedanje dojemanje javnega dobra in skupnega, kar moramo upoštevati pri nadaljnjem upravljanju. Bogata zgodovina ag- rarnih skupnosti je v Sloveniji prek skupnih zemljišč uvedla raznovrstno upravljanje omejenih naravnih virov. Socialistična dediščina se kaže v poudarjanju pravičnosti dostopa do dobrin za vse prebivalce, ki mnoge dobrine dojemajo kot javno dob- ro in imajo lahko skladno s tem prepričanjem neupravičena pričakovanja. Dodaten vpliv preteklega sistema je še vedno opazen v togem in centraliziranem državnem upravljanju. Po- stsocialistično obdobje je prineslo denacionalizacijo, ponovno obujanje skupnostnega upravljanja omejenih virov, a tudi divjo privatizacijo različnih dobrin z željo po gospodarskih dobič- kih za posameznike in manjšine. To je v Sloveniji povzročilo bojazen splošne javnosti po privatizaciji vode, kar je vodilo k vpisu pravice do vode v Ustavo RS. Po drugi strani pretirano nabiranje gozdnih sadežev in nespoštljiva raba gozdov jezita lastnike in vplivata na kostanjeve in gobarske vojne, ki so po- sledica omenjenih zgodovinskih dejavnikov. Na podlagi raziskave o dojemanju javnega in skupnega dobra med domačini in strokovno javnostjo smo ugotovili, da glavno razliko med tema dvema pojmoma intervjuvanci pripisujejo lastništvu, pri čemer strokovna javnost presoja z vidika lastne soudeležbe ali neposredne koristi. Skupno dobro domačini in strokovna javnost dojemajo kot tisto, kar je last lokalne sku- pnosti ali ta to upravlja, kar pojem približuje pojmu skupnega. Takoj ko se lastništvo prenese na javno ustanovo (npr. občino ali ministrstvo), v očeh širše javnosti to postane javno dobro. V izogib konfliktom, razvrednotenju omejenih naravnih virov in morebitni izgubi privilegijev, ki nam izboljšujejo kakovost življenja, si avtorji prispevka prizadevamo slovensko splošno in strokovno javnost ozavestiti o razlikovanju med javnim dob- rom in skupnimi viri. Razumevanje o razlikovanju teh dveh pojmov je treba vključiti v izobraževalni sistem ter v druge izrazne oblike in vsebine. Ob podrobnem pregledu se pokaže, kako malo dobrin v resnici spada med javno dobro. Marsikateri naravni viri niso bili ogroženi več stoletij, dokler jih človek ni znal uporabljati ali pa je bila raba zanemarljiva. Dokler splošne in strokovne javnosti ne ozavestimo, da je poleg proste dos- topnosti ključna lastnost skupnih virov omejenost, njihovo upravljanje ne bo ustrezno in lahko vodi v izrabo, kar bo na koncu najbolj prizadelo lokalne skupnosti, ki so odvisne od teh virov. Javnost mora razumeti, da so številne dobrine, ki jih trenutno dojema kot javno dobro, v resnici skupni viri, ki so prosto dostopni, a omejeni. Do rabe tovrstnih virov, ki nika- kor ni samoumevna, mora javnost privzeti spoštljiv odnos. Le ustrezno upravljanje z jasno določenimi pravicami rabe ohranja in vzdržuje skupne vire, zato je ključno, da javnost razume 1)  bistvo javnega dobra in skupnih virov ter 2)  vloge skup- nostnega upravljanja pri trajnostnem gospodarjenju z viri. To razumevanje bi morali s podeželja prenesti v urbana območja in ga je treba upoštevati pri upravljanju urbanih območij, kot so zelene površine ob blokovskih soseskah, javnih sadovnja- kov, skupnostnih vrtov  ipd. V mednarodnem okolju želimo s predstavljenim slovenskim primerom prispevati k boljšemu razumevanju človeškega vedenja in pričakovanj do javnega dobra ter skupnih virov v postsocialističnih tranzicijskih družbah. Ključno vlogo pri tem imata družbenogospodarski in politični kontekst s pripadajočimi ideologijami. Mateja Šmid Hribar Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: mateja.smid@zrc-sazu.si Jani Kozina Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: jani.kozina@zrc-sazu.si David Bole Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: david.bole@zrc-sazu.si Mimi Urbanc Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: mimi.urbanc@zrc-sazu.si Zahvala Avtorji se zahvaljujemo dvema anonimnima recenzentoma za korist- ne napotke pri izboljševanju vsebinske pestrosti in jasnosti članka. 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DOI: 10.11649/ch.2015.012 Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 56 Predstavitve in informacije Breda Mihelič Pariz – meka moderne arhitekture in magnet za mlade Plečnikove študente Naslov: Plečnikovi študenti in drugi jugoslovanski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju Avtor: Bogo Zupančič Založba: Muzej za arhitekturo in oblikovanje (MAO) Kraj in leto izdaje: Ljubljana, 2017 Število strani: 232 [ISBN: 978-961-6669-47-4] Izid knjige zaznamuje, kot je avtor za- pisal v uvodu, tri pomembne obletnice: 130. obletnico rojstva Charles-Édouar- da Jeannereta ‒ Le  Corbusiera, enega največjih modernih arhitektov 20. sto- letja, 60. obletnico smrti Jožeta Plečni- ka, največjega arhitekta 20. stoletja v srednji Evropi, in 110. obletnico rojstva Edvarda Ravnikarja, vodilnega sloven- skega modernega arhitekta, ki je na neki način vez med obema omenjenima. Knjiga je rezultat poglobljenega razis- kovanja doma in v tujini, natančnega pregleda obsežnega gradiva, ki je raz- pršeno od Ljubljane, Zagreba, Sarajeva, Beograda do Cambridgea, pomemben del hrani Le  Corbusierova fundacija v Parizu. S to zanimivo temo se avtor ukvarja že več kot deset let. Tematiko je prvič predstavil leta  2007 na raz- stavi v galeriji Vžigalica, o njej je imel več predavanj in objavil več člankov, leta 2017 je v Muzeju za arhitekturo in oblikovanje pripravil tudi večjo razstavo Plečnikovi študenti in drugi jugoslovanski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju v Parizu. Knjiga je prva celovita predstavitev te- matike v širšem kontekstu sodobnega dogajanja na področju arhitekture doma in v tujini, predvsem v Parizu. Kot je v uvodu zapisal avtor, je namenjena pred- vsem strokovnjakom in poznavalcem. Temeljno vprašanje, ki si ga je zastavil, je, kakšen je bil prispevek Plečnikovih študentov in jugoslovanskih arhitektov, ki so se izpopolnjevali pri Le  Corbusi- eru, k oblikovanju slovenske in jugoslo- vanske urbanistične misli in prakse pred drugo svetovno vojno in zlasti po njej. Knjiga je razdeljena na tri dele. V prvem so predstavljeni Plečnikovi študenti v Le  Corbusierovem ateljeju med le- toma  1929 in  1940, v drugem delu drugi slovenski arhitekti in gradbeniki na izpopolnjevanju v Parizu med leto- ma  1925 in  1938, v tretjem pa hrvaški in srbski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju med letoma  1927 in  1937. Na koncu je dodan obsežen pregled litera- ture in virov, ki bodo odlična pomoč nadaljnjim raziskovalcem. Knjiga je bo- gato ilustrirana, velik del fotografskega gradiva, ki je zbran od različnih virov doma in v tujini, je objavljen prvič. Avtor je v prvem poglavju predstavil sedem arhitektov, ki so diplomirali pri Plečniku in so se po diplomi odpravili v Pariz, kjer so kot risarji delali v Le Cor- busierovem ateljeju. Na podlagi doku- mentov je omenil Miroslava Oražma, Milana Severja, Hrvoja Brnčiča, Mar- jana Tepino, Jovana Kruniča, Edvarda Ravnikarja in Marka Župančiča. Slo- venci smo imeli s Francijo tradicionalno dobre odnose in tesne stike. V Ljubljani je bil na pobudo slovenskih intelektual- cev že leta  1921, torej kmalu po usta- novitvi univerze ustanovljen Francoski inštitut. Zaradi tesnih stikov, zgodovin- ske povezanosti s Francijo in dobrega znanja jezika so imeli študenti dobre možnosti za potovanja, dostopne pa so jim bile tudi francoske državne štipen- dije, zato ni naključje, da so te možnosti tudi dobro izkoristili. Pariz je bil najza- nimivejša evropska in svetovna kulturna in umetnostna prestolnica med obema vojnama ter je privlačil umetnike, arhi- tekte in intelektualce z vsega sveta. V dvajsetih in tridesetih letih 20. stoletja je v Parizu poleg arhitektov študiralo ali delalo veliko Slovencev, med njimi slikarja Veno Pilon in Nikolaj Pirnat, književniki Josip Vidmar, Bratko Kre- ft, Ciril Kosmač ter študenti drugih smeri, pravniki, inženirji, jezikoslovci in nekateri politiki. Francoski inštitut je imel bogato knjižnico, v kateri so lahko študenti prebirali najnovejše revije. Tam so se študenti, kot je v svoji knjigi zapisal Plečnikov študent Janko Omahen, prek Urbani izziv, letnik 29, št. 1, 2018 57Predstavitve in informacije revij seznanili tudi z Le Corbusierom in sodobnim dogajanjem v arhitekturi, o čemer v šoli od učitelja niso veliko sli- šali. Plečnik je bil do Le  Corbusiera in modernega funkcionalizma zadržan in je svoje študente od modernih pobud bolj ali manj odvračal, kljub temu je dogajanje v moderni arhitekturi budno spremljal, kar dokazuje med drugim tudi njegova bogata knjižnica. Njego- ve študente pa je sodobno dogajanje čedalje bolj zanimalo. Leta 1925 so obis- kali razstavo dekorativnih umetnosti v Parizu, kjer jih je popolnoma prevzel Le Corbusierov Paviljon nove dobe (Pavil- lon de l‘esprit nouveau). Avtor je na podlagi zelo natančnega pregleda virov in literature doma in v tujini dokazal, da je v Le  Corbusiero- vem ateljeju pred drugo svetovno vojno delalo sedem Plečnikovih učencev, med njimi Miroslav Oražem, Milan Sever, Hrvoje Brnčič, Marjan Tepina, Jovan Krunič, Edvard Ravnikar in Marko Župančič. Poleg njih pa še arhitekt Feri Novak, gradbeni inženir Janko Bleiweis in verjetno tudi gradbeni inženir Fran Tavčar, kar je bilo razmeroma veliko glede na arhitekte iz drugih večjih dr- žav. Le Corbusier je slovenske študente zaradi odličnega znanja o klasični arhi- tekturi in risarskih sposobnosti, ki so jih pridobili pri Plečniku, zelo cenil. Avtor je natančno navedel, kdaj so posamezni slovenski arhitekti prišli v njegov atelje, koliko časa so tam delali in pri katerih projektih so sodelovali, kar je doku- mentiral tudi z nekaterimi potrdili, ki jih je podpisal Le  Corbusier, z načrti in skicami, ki so večinoma ohranjene v Le Corbusierovi fundaciji v Parizu, ter s fotografijami in korespondenco. Poseb- no poglavje je namenil tudi odnosom med slovenskimi in tujimi arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju, ki so priha- jali z vseh koncev sveta. Z nekaterimi od njih so obdržali stike tudi po vojni, tako so na primer švicarskega arhitekta Alfreda Rotha povabili, da je predaval v Ljubljani in prispeval članke za revijo Arhitekt. Plečnikovi študenti so izkušnje, ki so jih pridobili v Le  Corbusierovem ateljeju, že pred drugo svetovno vojno uporabi- li na številnih natečajih doma, kjer so pobrali številne nagrade, kar je avtor podrobno popisal. Med najodmevnej- šimi je bil nedvomno natečaj za regu- lacijo Ljubljane leta 1939, na katerem sta Ravnikar in Tepina v svojih nate- čajnih projektih neposredno uporabila nekatere Le  Corbusierove urbanistične pristope. Tudi po vojni je na področju arhitekture in urbanizma s kratkim intermezzom socialistične arhitekture prevladala Le  Corbusierova smer, ki so jo arhitekti začrtali že pred vojno, kar je avtor knjige opisal v treh poglavjih. V njih je posebej izpostavil načrte Nove Gorice in Novega Beograda ter številnih arhitekturnih del v Sloveniji in zunaj nje, pisal je o vključevanju slovenskih arhitektov v mednarodne organizaci- je (UIA, CIAM idr.), sodelovanju na odmevnih mednarodnih kongresih in razstavah ter organizaciji arhitekturnih razstav, med katerimi sta bili posebej od- mevni razstava Le Corbusier v Moderni galeriji leta 1953 in razstava Stanovanje za naše razmere v nedokončani stavbi Kozolec leta 1956. V drugem delu knjige je avtor pred- stavil arhitekte (Plečnikove študente), ki so se izpopolnjevali v Parizu, a niso delali v Le  Corbusierovem ateljeju, in sicer Dušana Grabrijana, Borisa Kobeta in Gizelo Šuklje. Dodatno je predstavil še arhitekta Ferija Novaka ter gradbe- na inženirja Janka Bleiweisa in Frana Tavčarja, ki so delali v Le  Corbusiero- vem ateljeju. Vsakega posebej predstavi z deli, ki odražajo vpliv Le Corbusiera. V tretjem delu knjige pa je podobno predstavil še sedem hrvaških in srbskih arhitektov (Zvonimir Kavurić, Ernest Weissmann, Jurij Neidhardt, Ksenija Grisogono, Krsto Filipović, Milorad Pantović in Branko Petričić), ki so prav tako delali v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju in s katerimi so bili slovenski arhitekti med obema vojnama precej povezani tako prijateljsko kot strokovno prek re- vije Arhitektura, ki je izhajala med leto- ma 1931 in 1934 kot glasilo slovenskih, hrvaških in srbskih arhitektov. Knjiga Boga Zupančiča je izjemno dra- gocen dokument obdobja med obema vojnama, ko se je ob boku velikega Plečnika rojevala nova mlada moderna arhitektura, ki je kljub navideznemu od- klonu od velikega učitelja v resnici dra- goceno znanje, ki jim ga je posredoval Plečnik, nadgradila z novimi idejami, ki jih je prepoznala v delu Le  Corbusiera in pionirjev modernega gibanja. Avtor je zelo natančno opisal pot mladih slo- venskih arhitektov iz domačega arhitek- turnega okolja, prežetega z osebnostjo Jožeta Plečnika v svetovno umetnostno in kulturno prestolnico, polno novih izzivov, kjer je v  20. letih prejšnjega stoletja zavladal povsem nov duh mo- derne, prežet z optimizmom po koncu prve svetovne vojne in željo po izbolj- šanju sveta, k čemur bi lahko, tako so verjeli mladi arhitekti, prispevala tudi arhitektura. Breda Mihelič, Urbanistični inštitut Republi- ke Slovenije, Ljubljana, Slovenija E-naslov: breda.mihelic@uirs.si Informacije o knjigi Spletna stran: http://mao.si/Publikacije.aspx Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 58 UDC: 551.584.5:551.583.1(492.613) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2018-29-01-001 Received: 31 Dec. 2017 Accepted: 16 Feb. 2018 Frank VAN DER HOEVEN Alexander WANDL Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Climate scientists forecast that heat waves will occur more often in the Netherlands in the coming decades. The Hotterdam study accordingly measured urban heat and modelled the surface energy balance in the Dutch city of Rotterdam. It identified in detail the city’s so- cial, morphological, and land-use dimensions using a geographic information system  (GIS), 3D models, and satellite images. It used hierarchical and multivariate re- gression analyses to determine the links between temper- atures and the surface energy balance on the one hand, and social, morphological, and land-use aspects on the other. The Hotterdam study did establish a link between the urban heat island effect in Rotterdam and the health of its population. It also statistically explained the high rate of mortality among seniors seventy-five and over during the summer of  2006. The spatial concentration of senior citizens, the average age of the buildings they live in, and the sum of the sensible heat flux and storage heat flux play a large role. Imperviousness, the leaf area index, the building envelope, surface water, and shade are the dimensions that best explained the Rotterdam urban heat island. We mapped these aspects in two heat-maps that help in setting priorities for implementing climate adaptation measures. Keywords: urban heat island, morphology, land use, el- derly, climate adaptation, Rotterdam Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 59 1 Introduction 1.1 Context The European heat wave of 2003 was something of a wake-up call. The heat struck France particularly hard that August. In a matter of two weeks, the national health system collapsed, and over fourteen thousand citizens were dead. The city of Paris felt the impact of an estimated five thousand heat-related deaths, predominantly among its senior citizens. The research on cities like Paris and London that followed in the years after under- scored that “urban heat islands have significant implications for the comfort, energy and health of citizens” (Mavrogianni et al., 2011). The case study of Paris provided valuable insights into the way public health, social factors, housing conditions, environmental factors, and urban heat islands aggravate mor- tality during a severe heatwave  (Vandentorren et  al., 2006). The University College London (UCL) Lancet Commission identified urban heat islands as one of the leading challenges in shaping cities for health. The Lancet Commission stated in this context that cities are complex systems in which morphology, land use, and spatial location play key roles (Rydin et al., 2012). As result of the urban heat island effect, a city may be warm- er at times than its surrounding area, especially at night. In the winter this will result in a positive effect. The city will be less cold, so temperatures will be less extreme. In the summer, however, a heat island will aggravate the health of citizens, especially seniors. In this context it is important to emphasize that both heatwaves and urban heat islands are constrained to specific areas; they are regional occurrences that impact local areas. While the 2003 heatwave had a devastating impact on French cities, the Dutch cities of Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and The Hague avoided this natural disaster. Statistical data do not show much of an increase in mortality in these cities, which is in sharp contrast to the heatwave that hit the same region in 2006. July 2006 became the warmest month on record for the Netherlands, resulting in one thousand deaths. Because heatwave events are regional and cities are complex local urban systems, research into the effect of urban heat islands usually explores one city at a time and could best be classified as a collection of case studies. The Hotterdam research project is a case study of the urban heat island effect in the Dutch city of Rotterdam with a distinct focus on the city’s social, mor- phological, and land-use aspects that contribute to the urban heat island effect as evidenced by the excess mortality of elderly citizens during heatwaves. 1.2 Relevance and urgency The Hotterdam study is relevant and urgent because of three parallel developments: a changing climate, an ageing popula- tion, and enduring urban growth in the Randstad Holland conurbation. These three developments are expected to in- crease the potential impact of the urban heat island effect on respective societies. In  2014 the Royal Netherlands Meteorological Insti- tute  (Dutch Koninklijk Nederlands Meteorologisch Instituut, KNMI) published four new scenarios on how the climate in the Netherlands might develop in the future: KNMI’14. These scenarios include predictions for 2050 and 2085. On their ba- sis, the KNMI predicts that the number of hot summer days will increase, as will the likelihood of heatwaves. Air quality is forecasted to deteriorate during warm summers, and long periods of drought may occur. The rise in temperature will lead to more deaths during the summers. Hot and problematic summers will become more frequent than currently  (KNMI, 2014). Statistics Netherlands (Dutch Centraal Bureau voor de Statis- tiek, CBS) issued a forecast on the development of the Dutch population between 2014 and 2060 (van Duin & Stoeldraijer, 2014). By  2040 the number of seniors sixty-five and above will quickly rise from  2.9  million to  4.8  million. After that their share will stabilize at just over a quarter of the popula- tion. According to the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency  (Dutch Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving, PBL) and the Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis (Dutch Central Planning Bureau, CPB), the percentage of seniors sev- enty-five and above will rise even more strongly  (de Jong  & Daalhuizen, 2014). In 2012, 7.1% of the population was sev- enty-five or older. By 2040 this share in the overall population will have grown to 14.5%. Those that are most vulnerable to urban heat will double in the next decades. There is sufficient evidence to attribute the excess mortality of seniors to urban heat islands (Vandentorren et al., 2006; Heaviside et al., 2016). The overall population in Randstad Holland will continue to grow as well. The CBS and PBL  (2011) forecast an in- crease of  700,000 inhabitants by  2025 and another  400,000 between 2025 and 2040. The cities in Randstad Holland are likely to become less green and more impervious, potentially resulting in increased (atmospheric and surface) urban heat is- lands in cities such as Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and The Hague. 1.3 Atmospheric and surface urban heat islands The atmospheric urban heat island refers in this context to the air temperature differences between cities and their surround- ing (green) areas. Such differences can reach up to 10 °C and occur especially after sunset. In the daytime these temperature differences are often smaller. During the day the city accu- mulates heat in buildings, pavements, surface water, and the Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 60 ground. After sunset the urban area releases this heat slowly because of the heat capacity and thermal conductivity of the construction materials used in the built environment, predom- inantly concrete and asphalt. The natural cooling effect of veg- etation is lacking in cities because pavement and buildings have replaced much of the original green areas. The surface urban heat island refers to the temperature dif- ferences between parts of the city’s surface  (and not air): be- tween asphalt roofing and treetops, and between pavement and surface water. These temperature differences are often more substantial and occur during the daytime. In the daytime, the atmospheric heat island and the surface heat island display vast- ly different spatial patterns. In the night, their spatial patterns align when the city’s surface is the only remaining source of heat. Data on the surface heat island can be used to understand the energy processes that take place in urban areas, also known as the surface energy balance (Harman, 2003). 1.4 Research questions The Hotterdam research project looked into the urban heat island effect in the city of Rotterdam from the perspective of climate adaptation. What insights could support altering the behaviour of residents, improving buildings, and making changes in the built environment? The Municipality of Rot- terdam commissioned the research. It asked for insights into the extent of the urban heat island effect in Rotterdam, the impact on its citizens, and the role that morphology, land use, and spatial location play. The project addressed four specific research questions: • Does the urban heat island effect impact all parts of the city of Rotterdam equally, or are distinct districts more affected than others; if so, which areas are these? • Does a link exist between the urban heat island in the city of Rotterdam and the mortality rate among senior citizens during heatwaves? • Can the differences in the urban heat island effect be- tween districts be explained by the morphology and land use of the city of Rotterdam? • Do the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the urban heat island effect result in coherent spatial patterns that allow an area-oriented approach in the ur- ban planning and management of the city? 2 Research design The research design of the Hotterdam study included three main steps. The first step was collecting data on the urban heat island in the city of Rotterdam, social data on its citi- zens and housing, and data on the morphology and land use of Rotterdam. The second step involved processing the data and mapping it in ArcGIS, using a fixed grid. The third step was analysing the links between urban heat, excess mortality, morphology, and land use by conducting multivariate regres- sion analyses on the underlying numeric data per grid cell. The outcome of the regression analyses was used to perform cluster analyses, resulting in so-called social and spatial heat maps. We explain the three steps below in more detail. 2.1 Data collection The project acquired data sets that helped describe the range and severity of the urban heat island, the vulnerable segment of the Rotterdam population  (including factors that puts it additionally at risk), and the city’s morphology and land use. A  (historical) data set that describes the weather in the vari- ous neighbourhoods of the city of Rotterdam does not exist. The KNMI does take measurements at Rotterdam The Hague Airport; however, at a requisite distance from built-up areas. Although their dataset is not sufficient to describe the tem- perature differences within the city, it was used to identify the critical heatwave event that had a measurable impact on the health of the elderly citizens living in Rotterdam in July 2006. To overcome the lack of fine temperature measurements, sev- eral researchers in this field use remote sensing or crowdsens- ing to more accurately map the urban heat island. Dousset and Gourmelon (2003) pioneered the use of satellite imagery for visualising urban heat islands. They documented the Paris urban heat island during the heatwave of August  2003 and checked this data against the excess mortality that resulted from the meteorological disaster  (Dousset  & Gourmelon, 2003; Dousset et  al., 2011). Chapman et  al.  (2017) recently applied crowdsensing in the case of the London urban heat island using Internet-of-Things devices owned by the public: Netatmo urban weather stations. The Hotterdam project had us obtain Landsat  5 and Landsat  8 satellite imagery from USGS’s EarthExplorer repository and pre-process the images by geo-rectifying and atmospherically correcting them. Land- sat images are available as open access downloads, much like the satellite images from the European Space Agency. Next, we measured the outdoor air and indoor air temperature, using a citizen science approach. We recorded the temperature in one thousand Rotterdam homes and at three hundred pub- lic spaces in the summer of 2014 (van der Hoeven et al., 2014). The temperatures were taken using low-cost sensors commonly used in the transport sector: the PakSense UltraContact tem- perature monitoring label. The typical temperature accuracy F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 61 of these sensors is ± 0.5 °C, when operating between −10 °C and 30 °C. Ten students were assigned to find a hundred par- ticipants each. Each student visited five selected streets in two selected neighbourhoods. Going from door to door, they were assigned to find ten participants on each street. The students briefly explained the aims of the research to the resident and handed out simple instructions together with the sensor. The residents were asked to place the sensors in their living rooms, out of the sunlight and away from heat sources such as tele- visions or computers. Two months after they distributed the temperature sensors the students collected them by revisiting the participating citizens. If the citizens were not at home, students visited them a second time. If they were still not at home, the students left an envelope behind that the residents could use to return the sensor. The sensors took readings from the end of July until mid-September 2014. During the same period we measured the outdoor temperature with the same type of sensors. The authors placed three sen- sors on each of the one hundred streets, using a total of three hundred sensors. A small magnet was attached to the sensor. Using this magnet we attached the sensors to street and traffic signs two metres above ground level, on one side of the street in a row. The sensors measured the outdoor temperature on the same streets where residents had been approached to take the indoor temperature readings. This made it possible to compare the measurements. The data specialists of the Municipality of Rotterdam acted as brokers between the authors and various agencies and provided us with data from several sources: • Population data from the Rotterdam municipal personal data records; • Land use from the Rotterdam GIS system; • The population data from Statistics Netherlands; • The Current Dutch Elevation Map (AHN); • The Basic Registration of Addresses and Buildings (BAG) from the cadastre; • The topographical map of the Netherlands (TOP10NL) from the cadastre; and • Energy labels for buildings from Bespaar Lokaal. 2.2 Processing and mapping We built a geodatabase in ArcGIS in which we collected all relevant information. For each hectare in Rotterdam, for each grid cell of 100 × 100 m, we generated numeric data to be used in the third step of the methodology: the multivariate regres- sion and cluster analyses. The grid we applied is the smallest spatial unit for demographic data used by Statistics Nether- lands  (CBS). It also resembles the resolution of the infrared data in Landsat satellite images (120 × 120 m). A smaller grain size would not have produced more accurate results. Figure 1: Sensing Hotterdam: storyboard that outlines the crowd-sensing (author: Frank van der Hoeven). Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 62 In the case of Hotterdam, we included in our research design the use of geo-located health data, which was provided by the municipal statistical office. Using health data is often compli- cated because of privacy concerns. Adhering to the grid size of 100 × 100 m allowed us to work at a high spatial resolution while it was not necessary to receive or display private data on individual citizens. By removing citizens’ personal information, we were able to store the datasets as open data. In the end we displayed the data as a categorized set of maps: the so-called Atlas, which again used a resolution of 100 × 100 m. 2.2.1 Heat With the help of the KNMI dataset, we made an overview of the average maximum temperatures in  June, July, and Au- gust  2000 up to  2013. These were checked against the num- ber of deaths in Rotterdam among seniors seventy-five and over (data provided by the CBS) to identify critical heatwave events. In the middle of September  2014, we recollected eight hun- dred out of the one thousand temperature sensors from resi- dents. Two hundred participants were not at home when we revisited or did not respond to our requests to send the sensors back. We recollected two hundred out of three hundred sen- sors placed in public spaces. The other one hundred sensors had disappeared. We did, however, anticipate such a loss by putting three sensors on each street. In the end we had covered almost every street with at least one sensor. The data from the sensors were manually retrieved and entered into the ArcGIS database. We used remote sensing to determine the city’s surface tem- perature. We obtained a Landsat  5 image that NASA took during the extreme heat wave event in  2006. The image was taken on 16 July that year and portrays the city of Rotterdam after an extensive accumulation of heat in the ground, surface water, pavements, and buildings. The infrared band of the Landsat  5 image  (Band  6) was used to determine land sur- face temperature. We atmospherically corrected the band with the use of NASA’s online Atmospheric Correction Parameter Calculator (Barsi et al., 2005). This was translated into a land surface temperature image  (Yale Center for Earth Observa- tion, 2010) using an open source application developed by the European Space Agency: BEAM-VISAT  (currently replaced Figure 2: The surface energy balance in formula (a) and graphic (b) (author: Frank van der Hoeven). Note: Q* = net solar radiation received by the earth’s surface, QE = energy consumed through evaporation (by water and greenery), QH = sensible heat (conversion of heat from surface to air), QS = energy absorbed by the ground, buildings, and surface water. a b F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 63 by SNAP). We included the surface temperature map in the ArcGIS database. The same Landsat  5 image was used to model the surface energy balance. An application called ATCOR2 was used to determine the surface energy balance. ATCOR2 (originally de- veloped at the German Aerospace Centre) produces images of the net radiation, the sensible heat flux, the latent heat flux, and the storage heat flux. Net radiation is the absorbed shortwave solar radiation plus the longwave radiation that is emitted from the atmosphere minus the longwave radiation that is emitted from the surface. Sensible heat flux is the radiation that heats up the air. Latent heat flux is the energy that facilitates evapo- transpiration from plants and evaporation from surface water. Storage heat flux is the radiation that warms up buildings, surface water, and the ground. We included the net radiation, sensible heat flux, latent heat flux, and storage heat flux maps in the ArcGIS database. 2.2.2 Socio-spatial dimensions Mortality among seniors, especially those over seventy-five, increases during heatwaves. The spatial distribution of seniors and the urban conditions that influence their mortality vary throughout the city. We again used the hectare grid to create maps on: • The concentrations of citizens seventy-five years old living in Rotterdam; • The number of deaths that occurred in July 2006 in the age group 75+; • The number of deaths that occurred on average in the age group 75+ in July over the period 2000–2013; • The difference between the number of deaths per hec- tare that occurred in July 2006 and the average number of deaths per hectare that occurred in July from  2000 to 2013, resulting in the 2006 excess mortality per hec- tare due to (urban) heat. The age of homes and the level of their insulation determine in part the likelihood of seniors dying prematurely  (Vanden- torren et al., 2006). Considering that homes act as filters be- tween senior citizens and ambient outdoor temperatures, we used two datasets that could function as a possible indicator of the  (energy) quality of such buildings: energy labels and building age. We calculated averages for each hectare. 2.2.3 Spatial dimensions We based the maps on morphology and land use on three types of data: data derived from a  3D model of the city of Rotterdam, satellite imagery, and data that we obtained from the municipal GIS system. Imperviousness, the leading cause of the urban heat island, was determined through a particular procedure to treat satellite im- agery: spectral unmixing. The satellite images used in the case of the Rotterdam analysis were a Landsat 5 image (TM) that NASA took on 16 July 2006 and a Landsat 8 image (OLI) tak- en on 22 July 2014. Surface albedo, the normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI), and the leaf area index (LAI) were produced using ATCOR2. Both the NDVI and the LAI are by-products of this software’s atmospheric correction proce- dure. The TOP10NL map was used to calculate the percentage of surface water. The building envelope index, the building volume, the sky-view factor, and shade were based on a 3D model based on the Dutch Elevation Dataset 2 (AHN-2). We considered building volume as an indicator of the capacity to store heat, while we hypothesized that the building envelope index  (the total surface of roofs and facades per hectare) might explain the heat exchange between buildings and their surroundings. We calculated the sky-view factor using the SVF Computation Code, which was developed by the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts (Zakšek et al., 2011). These actions resulted in maps concerning the impervious surface, surface water, surface albedo, vegetation  (NDVI and LAI), shade, sky-view factor, building volume, and building envelope. All maps were again included in the ArcGIS data- base and expressed in ratios, percentages, and numeric values per hectare. 2.3 Multivariate regression analysis and cluster analysis Daniele Vettorato (2010) pioneered the evaluation of the link between morphology / land use and the land surface temper- ature, using remote sensing, multivariate regression analysis, and GIS. His case study of the city of Trento, Italy, provided the initial research design for the Hotterdam research project. We determined links between heat  (surface energy balance, temperatures) and the social-spatial dimensions through mul- tivariate regression analysis and hierarchical regression analy- sis. The first step was to analyse which temperatures / surface energy balance indicator best explained the excess mortality among seniors seventy-five years and older in Rotterdam in July 2006. The second step was to link the indicator that we would find to the morphological / land-use dimensions of the city. We clustered the social and morphological / land-use di- mensions that were statistically significant and incorporated these in the social and spatial heat maps. Those heat maps and the underlying data help to understand the vulnerability Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 64 of Rotterdam’s senior citizens to the urban heat island effect during heatwaves. We first used hierarchical multiple regression analysis for all hectares in the research area to establish which of the aspects improve the prediction of all the deceased inhabitants seven- ty-five and over. We added to the model outdoor and indoor temperature, surface temperature, net radiation, sensible heat, latent heat, storage heat flux, energy labels, and building ages. Next, we ran a multiple regression analysis to predict the urban heat island based on the spatial / morphological dimensions of the city of Rotterdam. Here we added to the model impervious surface, surface water, surface albedo, vegetation  (NDVI and LAI), shade, sky-view factor, building volume, and building envelope. The assumptions of linearity, independence of errors, homoscedasticity, unusual points, and normality of residuals were met. Finally, we used two-step cluster analyses based on the results of the regression analyses for all inhabited grid cells across the city. The analyses led to distinct clusters  (or typologies) that became the basis for the social and a spatial heat maps. 3 Results 3.1 What a future Rotterdam summer may look like: July 2006 Based on KNMI and CBS data, we found that July 2006 was the summer month with the highest average maximum tem- perature in Rotterdam (27.8 °C) and the highest mortality rate among citizens seventy-five and over, compared to the months of June, July, and August from 2000 to 2013. July 2006 became the hottest month in three hundred years of recorded Dutch weather history. The CBS (2006) reported that one thousand Table 1: Summer 2006 and average summer (2000 – 2013) in Rotterdam, average maximum temperature, and number of deaths among those seventy-five and over. June July August Year Average max. temperature Deaths of people 75+ Average max. temperature Deaths of people 75+ Average max. temperature Deaths of people 75+ 2006 21.3 °C 308 27.8 °C 385 20.5 °C 293 Average 2000 –2013 20.7 °C 298 22.4 °C 310 22.3 °C 292 Figure 3: The 2006 heat wave in Rotterdam, deaths of seniors seventy-five and over, maximum daytime temperature (in °C) and ozone (source: van der Hoeven & Wandl, 2015c). F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 65 more Dutch citizens than average died during July 2006. With one thousand deaths as the result of the record heat, the Neth- erlands was placed third in the world’s meteorological disaster rankings in 2006 (CRED, 2016). Reviewing these facts made us decide to work with July 2006 as a model for future Rot- terdam summers. The city of Rotterdam registered seventy-five more deaths among seniors in July  2006 than in an average July (as compared to 2000 to 2013). Compared to the mean over the period 2007 – 2013, this figure would even be as high as ninety additional deaths. The overview of the day-by-day data for July 2006 shows that the peak in mortality rates among senior citizens in Rotter- dam occurred two to three days after the peak in temperature, similar to the observation of the CBS back in 2006. The con- centrations of ozone peaked on the same days as the outdoor temperature. The data at this point, however, are not suffi- ciently precise to correlate with the increased mortality. Ozone is only measured at three locations in the city of Rotterdam. However, there is a real possibility that the health impact of the 2006 heat wave was (in part) caused through the increased concentration of ozone. The black line shows the maximum daytime temperature. The dashed line shows the concentrations of ozone. On the right is the European target value of 120 μg per cubic metre of air. The grey line shows the mortality rate among those seventy-five and over. The figures for the mortality rate have been shifted Key ≤ 127 > 127 ≤ 180 > 180 ≤ 232 > 232 ≤ 285 > 285 ≤ 337 > 337 ≤ 390 > 390 ≤ 442 > 442 ≤ 494 > 494 ≤ 547 ≥ 547 Figure 4: The sum of the sensible and storage heat fluxes, 16 July 2006 (author: Frank van der Hoeven). Urban heat flux (W/m 2) Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 66 backwards by two days, given the time lag. This shift brings together the peaks in temperature, mortality, and ozone 3.2 Atlas The second step in the research design was the processing and mapping of the city of Rotterdam’s heat, social characteristics, and morphological / land-use dimensions. This resulted in an ArcGIS database published as an atlas (see van der Hoeven & Wandl,  2015c). We show two maps in closer detail: the sum of the sensible and storage heat fluxes  (Figure  4) and excess mortality among those seventy-five and over  (Figure  5). The most prominent case where climate aspects were mapped to visualize and understand its consequences for urban and spatial planning was the Klimafibel ‘Climate Booklet’  (Ministerium für Verkehr und Infrastruktur Baden-Württemberg, 2004), which we took as an example. 3.2.1 Heat indicators We explored the Rotterdam urban heat island by mapping four potential indicators: the outside and inside air temper- ature  (crowd sensing), the land surface temperature  (remote sensing), and the surface energy balance  (ATCOR2 analyses based on remote sensing). The data on the surface energy bal- ance, the surface temperature, and the air temperature all point to an apparent heat island effect in Rotterdam. The surface heat island is strongest in the port, industry, and business areas. The ≤ –1.0 > –1.0 ≤ –0.5 > –0.5 ≤ –0.3 > –0.3 ≤ 0.0 > 0.0 ≤ 0.3 > 0.3 ≤ 0.5 > 0.5 ≤ 1.0 > 1.0 ≤ 1.5 > 1.5 ≤ 2.0 ≥ 2.0 Excess mortality 75+ /ha Key Figure 5: Excess mortality seventy-five and over, July 2006 in absolute numbers (author: Frank van der Hoeven). F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 67 city centre and the older, densely built-up residential districts in northern, southern, and western Rotterdam are exposed to a significant atmospheric urban heat island effect. The results from the crowdsensing measurements were mixed. We encountered sufficient willingness to participate in the study and did not experience difficulty in finding one thou- sand participants. However, by the time all of the sensors were distributed it was late July, and August 2014 would turn out to be the coldest August in ninety years. The data we collected do provide leads for further research, but they do not represent the heatwave event we hoped for. They did not even resemble an average Dutch summer. We displayed the averages of measurements of all sensors taken during the first week of August  (temperatures above  25  °C) in Figure 6. The air temperatures inside homes are on average higher than those taken in the corresponding streets, except for the daily afternoon peaks of the outdoor air temperature. The indoor fluctuations are modest compared to the outdoor temperature differences during the day. The outdoor environ- ment seems to provide a sufficient cooling effect so as to reduce the indoor temperatures during most of the day. Comparing the measurements at an urban scale reveals that the indoor temperatures show less spatial coherence than the outdoor temperatures. The results of our heat analysis are maps that visualize air temperatures (outdoor and indoor), surface tem- peratures during the daytime, net radiation, latent heat flux, sensible heat flux, and storage heat flux. 3.2.2 Socio-spatial dimension Processing and mapping the social dimensions of urban heat resulted in five maps relating to July 2006: • The spatial distribution of seniors seventy-five and over; • The mortality rate of seniors seventy-five and over; • The above-average mortality rate; • The age of the buildings; and • The average building energy labels per hectare. The vulnerable group of citizens seventy-five and over is strongly concentrated in the post  –Second World War dis- tricts: Schiebroek, Ommoord, IJsselmonde, Zuidwijk, Pendre- cht, and Hoogvliet. Here many old people’s homes and care homes are located. The above-average mortality rate during the July  2006 heat wave shows a pattern that is more spread out (Figure 5). We need more indicators to explain the mor- tality of seniors than merely the spatial concentration of those seventy-five and over. Figure  6: Air temperature measured in selected homes and streets in Rotterdam. The diagrams show the averages of all eight hundred indoor (grey line) and two hundred outdoor temperature (black line) readings in the first week of August 2014 (source: van der Hoeven & Wandl, 2015c). Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 68 Key Citizens 75+/ha 77 4 5 4 2 1 Age of buildings (years) 36 85 59 27 23 88 Urban heat flux (W/m 2) 363 411 353 396 314 294 Figure 7: Social heat map: the spatial pattern of the vulnerability of the elderly to the urban heat island effect in the city of Rotterdam (source: van der Hoeven & Wandl, 2015c). Table 2: Full details on each regression model. Variable No. of deceased 75+ Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Β β Β β Β β Constant 0.048** −0.043** −0.58** No. of 75+ (2006) 0.002** 0.095 0.002** 0.775 0.001** 0.652 Building age 0.000066** 0.213 0.000034** 0.108 Urban heat flux (2006) 0.000011** 0.232 R² 0.819 0.847 0.859 F 320.6 193.6 140.2 ΔR² 0.816 0.843 0.853 ΔF 320.6 12 5.9 ** p < .005 F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Key Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 69 Table 3: Regression coefficients and standard errors. Variable Β SEΒ β Constant 281.3 2.6 Water −0.011 0.0002 −0.313** Imperviousness 217.8 2.708 0.680** Leaf area index −0.13 0.001 −0.077** Building envelope −0.0002 0.0001 −0.005** Shade −1.034E-06 4.2475E-08 −0.086** Note: ** p < .005 B = unstandardized regression coefficient, SEΒ = standard error of the coefficient; β = standardized coefficient. Dependent variable: urban heat flux. Imperviousness 0.80 0.59 0.58 0.39 0.37 0.36 0.09 0.06 Foliage (leaf area index) 249 350 557 1,014 1,056 262 2,074 27 Building envelope (m ²/ha) 1,261 8,136 4,269 1,139 663 732 136 23 Surface water 3% 2% 4% 7% 8% 54% 8% 96% Shadow 2.4 2.8 3.9 1.4 4.5 2.9 2.8 2.5 Urban heat flux (W/m 2) 456 406 375 324 316 311 242 119 Key Figure  8: Spatial heat map: the spatial pattern of land use and urban form that contributes in a greater or lesser degree to the urban heat island in the city of Rotterdam (source: van der Hoeven & Wandl, 2015c). Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 70 A multivariate regression analysis was used to explore where in Rotterdam vulnerability to heat leads to problems for seniors. In July  2006,  385 elderly citizens died, whereas we can only consider seventy-five to ninety deaths as excess mortality. We used hierarchical multiple regression analysis for all hectares to establish which of the social aspects would improve the prediction of the number of deceased inhabitants that were seventy-five or older. Added to the model were outdoor and indoor air temperature, surface temperature, net radiation, sensible heat flux, latent heat flux, storage heat flux, energy labels, and building age. The full model using the number of inhabitants seventy-five and over, the sum of sensible heat and storage heat flux, and the mean building age was statistically the most significant in predicting the number of deceased citizens seventy-five and over. The addition of the sum of sensible heat flux and stor- age heat flux to predict the number of deceased inhabitants seventy-five and over led to a statistically significant increase in R  ² of  0.050, F(2, 71)  = 4.2147, p  < 0.05. The addition of building age to the prediction of deceased 75+ (Model 3) also led to a statistically significant increase in R  ² of  0.093, F(1, 95)  = 8.699, p  < 0.005. See Table  2 for full details on each regression model for the number of deceased inhabitants seventy-five years and over. A two-step cluster analysis for all inhabited grid cells across the city used the outcome of the regression analysis: the number of inhabitants seventy-five or over, the mean age of buildings, and the sum of sensible heat and storage heat flux. That cluster analysis resulted in six clusters (or typologies) that are shown here on the map  (Figure  8), together with a table explain- ing the underlying values. The distribution of seniors in Rot- terdam still reflects the custom of the Dutch to concentrate their seniors in care institutions  (located in black hectares on the map). These spatial pockets require special attention. The neighbourhoods around the centre of Rotterdam (north, south, and west) need a policy response as well. These districts may have fewer seniors per hectare, but they experience higher levels of urban heat. The homes here are relatively old, and these areas are quite extensive. 3.2.3 Spatial dimension The sum of sensible heat flux  (heat that warms up air) and storage heat flux (heat that warms up buildings) was the best indicator explaining the urban heat island effect on the vul- nerable part of the Rotterdam population. In a further step we explored which morphological elements or land uses account for the sum of sensible heat flux and storage heat flux. For this clustering we used maps of impervious surfaces, surface water, albedo, vegetation, shade, sky view, building volume, and building envelope. This clustering provides insights into which combinations of morphology and land use the city should avoid and which it should apply more frequently. A multiple regression analysis was run to predict the sum of sensible heat and storage heat flux. The variables impervious- ness, leaf area index, building envelope index, surface water, and shade performed best in predicting the urban heat island effect, F(5, 15,951) = 19,167.694, p < .0005, adj. R² = .857. All five variables added statistically significantly to the pre- diction, p  < .0005. Table  3 shows regression coefficients and standard errors. A two-step cluster analysis for all grid cells (100 m × 100 m) across the city used the outcome of the regression analysis: im- perviousness, leaf area index, building envelope index, surface water, and shade. The clustering resulted in eight combina- tions of morphology and land use features. These are shown on the map in Figure 8, just above the table that explains the underlying values. The port, industry, and business areas play an important role in the formation of the urban heat island in Rotterdam. These areas did not appear on the social heat map because no (senior) citizens live there. The Rotterdam city centre and the surrounding densely built-up districts  (north, south, and west) possess more morphological and land-use features that are at the root of the urban heat island problem than other parts of the city. 4 Conclusion The Hotterdam project examined the urban heat island effect in Rotterdam by answering four research questions: 1. Does the urban heat island effect impact all parts of the city of Rotterdam equally, or are distinct districts more affected than others, and which areas are these? The urban heat island effect does not impact all parts of Rot- terdam equally. The industrial and harbour areas in Rotterdam experience the urban heat island effect most strongly. The dis- tricts north, south, and west of the Rotterdam city centre are more strongly affected than the rest of the city. 2. Does a link exist between the urban heat island in the city of Rotterdam and the mortality rate among senior citizens during heatwaves? We established reasons for the above-average mortality among elderly citizens and explained the spike in the above-average mortality of seniors seventy-five and over in July 2006 in Rot- terdam statistically based on: F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 71Hotterdam: Mapping the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the Rotterdam urban heat island • The spatial distribution of people in this age group; • The year that their homes were built; and • The sum of sensible heat flux and storage heat flux. 3. Can the differences in the urban heat island effect between districts be explained by the morphology and land use of the city of Rotterdam? Yes. A district experiences differences in the accumulation of urban heat (and the associated public health problems) due to a combination of morphology and land use: • Impervious surfaces; • Surface water; • Foliage (green); • Building envelopes; and • Shade. These dimensions primarily determine whether a district faces more or rather less accumulation of urban heat and associated public health problems. 4.  Do the social, morphological, and land-use dimensions of the urban heat island effect represent coherent spatial patterns that allow an area-oriented approach in the urban planning and management of the city? The cluster analyses of the data did produce coherent spatial patterns. The industrial and harbour areas in Rotterdam are strongly associated with the urban heat island. Because no one lives in these areas, we advise that policies focus on the pre –Second World War districts instead: the districts directly north, south, and west of the Rotterdam city centre. These dis- tricts are affected by a relatively high land surface temperature, a relatively high sum of sensible heat and storage heat flux, and higher outdoor temperatures. In addition, the percentage of the elderly living in these areas is still significant. Frank van der Hoeven TU Delft, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft, Netherlands E-mail: f.d.vanderhoeven@tudelft.nl Alexander Wandl TU Delft, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft, Netherlands E-mail: a.wandl@tudelft.nl Acknowledgments The Hotterdam research project was carried out in the context of Climate Proof Cities, a consortium in the Dutch research programme “Knowledge for Climate” (Albers et al., 2015). The Hotterdam research project expresses its gratitude for being able to use the results of one of the 4TU.Bouw Lighthouse Projects, which was made possi- ble by the 4TU.Federation: Sensing Hotterdam. 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(2015c) Hotterdam: How space is making Rotterdam warmer, how this affects the health of its inhabit- ants, and what can be done about it. Delft, TU Delft. DOI: 10.7480/bkbooks/hotterdam/en van der Hoeven, F., Wandl, A., Demir, B., Dikmans, S., Hagoort, J., Moret- to, M., et al. (2014) Sensing Hotterdam: Crowd sensing the Rotterdam urban heat island. SPOOL, 1(2), pp. 43–58. DOI: 10.7480/spool.2014.2.935 van Duin, C. & Stoeldraijer, L. (2014) Bevolkingsprognose 2014–2060: groei door migratie. The Hague, BS. Vettorato, D. (2010) Urban planning and design for local climate mitiga- tion. A methodology based on remote sensing and GIS. Paper presented at the 46th ISOCARP Congress 2010, Nairobi, Kenya. Available at: http:// www.isocarp.net/Data/case_studies/1815.pdf (accessed 14 Feb. 2018). Wandl, A. & van der Hoeven, F. (2015) Hotterdam: Urban heat in Rot- terdam and health effect. Dataset. Delft, TU Delft. Available at: http:// dx.doi.org/10.4121/uuid:be41b523-1f1a-4f46-82d1-09c2c24f357b (ac- cessed 14 Feb. 2018). DOI: 10.7480/spool.2014.2.935 Yale Center for Earth Observation (2010) Converting Landsat TM and ETM+ thermal bands to temperature. Available at: http://citeseerx.ist.psu. edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.187.6113 (accessed 16 Feb. 2018). Zakšek, K., Oštir, K. & Kokalj, Ž. (2011) Sky-view factor as a relief visuali- zation technique. Remote Sensing, 3(2), pp. 398–415. DOI: 10.3390/rs3020398 F. VAN DER HOEVEN, A. WANDL Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 73 UDC: 711.4:316.334.55/.56(44) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2018-29-01-002 Received: 18 Dec. 2017 Accepted: 12 Mar. 2018 Ion MALEAS Social housing in a suburban context: A bearer of peri-urban diversity? In recent years, French urban policies have demanded reflection on the possible relations and intersections be- tween two emblematic, and almost antithetical, forms of housing: collective social housing and suburban sin- gle-family housing. There are two main laws in place that encourage opposite dynamics in the housing market: on the one hand, the Solidarity and Urban Renovation Act adopted in 2000 promotes social housing construction, obliging municipalities to achieve a certain quota. On the other hand, the Housing and Renewed Urbanism Act adopted in 2014 facilitates private housing production to limit urban sprawl through suburban densification. These opposite planning approaches leave local governments re- sponsible for enforcing complicated policies of question- able feasibility. This article presents the main social and political concepts used in France today to promote social housing: the right to housing and, most importantly for suburbs, the social diversity of neighbourhoods. Subse- quently, the relevance of social diversity for the suburbs is discussed. Certain social housing projects that have been successfully implemented in suburban neighbourhoods are examined. Finally, this article opens a discussion on possible methods for resolving the opposition between the dynamics of social housing construction and private housing densification processes in the suburbs. Keywords: urban policies, social housing, social diversity, suburbs, single-family housing Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 74 I. MALEAS 1 Introduction Collective social housing and suburban single-family housing are two characteristic forms of housing in recent French history in urban and peri-urban areas, and also in political and academ- ic discourse concerning housing and the urban environment in general. They are rarely associated and almost never imagined as coexisting; the social housing blocks, the grands ensembles of Modernism, and the individual suburban residences inspired by New Urbanism often serve as counterexamples of one an- other (Lelévrier, 2014). However, recent French urban policies demand reflection on the possible relations and intersections between them. These reflections are imposed by and at the same time inscribed in a specific legal and policy framework provided especially by two laws: the Solidarity and Urban Renovation Act (Fr. Solidarité et renouvellement urbain, SRU) adopted in 2000 and the Housing and Renewed Urbanism Act (Fr. Logement et un urbanisme rénové, ALUR) adopted in 2014. These two laws have been very influential for discussions of social housing and suburban housing. First, a short bibliographic overview is provided to define the subject matter. Then the French legal framework and the ur- ban policies it entails are examined. From this examination, a hypothesis is formed: the French suburban context currently has two opposing housing policies due to the SRU and ALUR. Opposing dynamics occur between the application of poli- cies imposing a specific percentage of social housing within the total housing stock of each municipality, and the appli- cation of policies that facilitate suburban densification  (and therefore the multiplication of private housing). Subsequently, and in order to better understand this condition, the various policies that promote social housing in France today are ex- amined. Social diversity is a central concept for encouraging social housing construction, and it is therefore questioned in an effort to define the concept’s pertinence to suburban areas. The social characteristics of suburban France are there- fore also examined. Finally, certain examples of social housing construction in French suburbs are presented. These examples constitute the basis for a discussion on possible ways to resolve the antagonistic policies identified, and proposals are offered for the systematic construction of social housing in suburbs. 2 The context of suburbs This article begins by reviewing statistical, legal, and biblio- graphical sources, focusing on the French example. Two terms used in this article must be defined. Peri-urban area refers to location and is understood in relation to an urban cen- tre as its periphery  usually forming concentric circles around it (Dodier & Cailly, 2008), whereas suburb is defined mostly morphologically, as a territory where single-family housing proliferates  (Duany et  al., 2010). Therefore, suburban fabric can be found in peri-urban areas, and peri-urban areas may largely consist of suburban fabric; however, the two do not necessarily coincide. However, it is true that they are two char- acteristics (one locational, one morphological) that very often coexist, and they tend to be used interchangeably in French sources. The question of suburbs is a complex one, and its widespread, ever-expanding presence throughout the world has been a subject of international academic discussion for years. In the United States  (often considered the exemplar country of the application of the suburban model), important publications include those by Jackson  (Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburban- ization of the United States, 1985) and Fishman  (Bourgeois Utopias: The Rise and Fall of Suburbia, in 1987), who study the historical socioeconomic roots of suburbs and identify the importance of private property and home ownership, as much as they identify characteristics such as low population density and a dominant residential status. In Italy the concept was first explored by Indovina, who referred to the citta difussa ‘diffused city’ in 1990, and Secchi (who observed similar phe- nomena, extending them to the European scale), both noting the expanding scale of urban spatial organization mostly due to the dispersion of the residential function (Indovina, 1990; Crysler et  al., 2012). Similarly, observing the Ruhr region in Germany, Sieverts explores the concept of what he terms the Zwischenstadt ‘in-between cities’ in his 1997 book, recogniz- ing the spatial, economic, and historical characteristics of a new form of urbanization at a regional scale that is neither urban nor rural  (Sieverts, 2003; Charmes, 2015b). The same year in France, Dubois-Taine and Chalas  (1997) published on the concept of the ville émergente ‘emerging city’, also dis- cussing its ambiguous character between urban and rural, and city and nature, and noting the seminal role of the suburban house (Charmes, 2015a). It is interesting to note that in the 2000s, and with the envi- ronmental discourses of sustainable urbanization being estab- lished, criticism of the suburbs began to focus around their fundamental contribution to urban sprawl. In Suburban Na- tion: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream, Duany et al. (2010) focus on the urban and architectural char- acteristics most prominent in suburban sprawl  (e.g.,  subdivi- sions and roads), contrasting them with the traditional dense urban centre  (in terms of centrality, walkability, and mixed use) and highlighting their harmful environmental effects. In France, similar criticism arises, with the waste of agricultural and natural land, the extended soil sealing, and the depend- ency on  (and intensification of ) car use being some of the focal points studied by the national organization of archi- Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 75Social housing in a suburban context: A bearer of peri-urban diversity? tectural and urban research and experimentation, known as PUCA (2015a, 2015b, 2015c). Other criticism in France has to do with the socio-political characteristics of the suburban population, criticizing the lack of social diversity (Donzelot & Epstein, 2009) or its right-wing tendencies (Lévy, 2007). Both environmental and social concerns are embodied in laws estab- lished by the French state, and it is interesting to examine them. 3 The legal and urban policy framework Concerning environmental issues, the laws Grenelles I  (law no. 2009-967 of 3 August 2009) and Grenelles II (law no. 2010- 788 of 12 July 2010), followed most importantly by their suc- cessor law, ALUR (law no. 2014-366 of 24 March 2014), aim at limiting urban sprawl and the consumption of natural and agricultural space by facilitating densification processes. The urban policies that followed make it very difficult for local governments to open new zones for urbanization and make evaluation of densification possibilities obligatory at the local level. In addition, plot subdivision processes are facilitated: the previous plot / construction ratio is abandoned for a method that allows a higher occupancy index, and the municipalities’ previous right to define the minimum size of a constructi- ble plot is withdrawn  (Ministère du Logement  . . . , 2014). These developments particularly concern peri-urban zones and specifically suburban territories. As established by many extensive research programmes in France, these large territo- ries of patchy urban fabric and low density, spreading around and between urban centres  – most commonly referred to as périurbain ‘peri-urban’ and pavillonnaire ‘suburban’ in French literature  – seem to have genuine potential for densification processes (Hanrot, 2014; Bonnet, 2016). On the other hand, an emblematic example of social concerns expressed through urban policies is Article  55 of the SRU, which prescribes a quota of at least  20% of social housing within the total housing stock of municipalities with more than  3,500 residents  (1,500 for Île-de-France). It establishes a system of penalization with annual and triennial fines cal- culated in relation to the level of social housing deficiency of each municipality (law no. 2000-1208 of 13 December 2000). The Duflot Law of 2013, reinforces these requirements, rais- ing the percentage of social housing demanded to  25% for most cases (certain municipalities are exempted from the new quota) and increasing the level of fines  (law no.  2013-61 of 18  January  2013). In France, out of  36,685 municipalities, only  8.5% have a population over  3,500  (and are therefore affected by these laws). However, these municipalities in- clude  67.6% of the country’s population  (INSEE, 2017). In the national survey of  2017, out of the  1,997 municipalities concerned,  1,222 of them did not respect their obligations with regard to social housing stock and were subjected to fines totalling EUR  76.8  million, which in turn is used to finance the social housing sector (Ministère de la Cohésion . . . , 2018). It is therefore possible to identify two opposing housing dy- namics in the suburbs. On the one hand, there is the dynam- ic of private housing through plot subdivision facilitated by the ALUR. On the other hand, there is the dynamic of social housing, a municipal necessity prescribed by the  SRU  (with penalties for deficiency). These dynamics are antagonistic in that the rise in the numbers of private dwellings in a munic- ipality directly diminishes the municipal percentage of social housing. Indeed, in deficient municipalities, whose fabric is mostly of a suburban nature, local governments have limited operating power compared to the many private landlords in the suburbs. Such municipalities find themselves at an impasse, not having the land available, or the knowhow, to build enough social housing in order to offset the private housing multiplica- tion and densification. It should be noted that the accustomed scale of collective social housing, which mobilizes the tradi- tional public bodies of social housing (e.g., social landlords), is much larger than the plot of a suburban house. Furthermore, municipalities that are not deficient at the moment but have an important share of their territory susceptible to densifi- cation  (i.e.,  suburban neighbourhoods) may find themselves deficient in the future if the imminent process of densification is not accompanied by a systematic social housing construction policy at the scale of the suburban private plot. Therefore, what can be observed is an operating flexibility af- forded to a multitude of private housing actors (landlords and developers) in contrast to the penalization of public actors with low operational power in the suburbs  (municipal gov- ernments and social landlords). As a result, the operational feasibility of both of these policies in the same suburban ter- ritory is questioned. Today in France,  56% of the population lives in a detached or semi-detached suburban dwelling  (INSEE, 2016), and a full 87% considers this the ideal type of housing (and therefore wishes or plans to live in such a house; Damon, 2017). At the same time, 74% of all French households are eligible to apply for social housing  (INSEE,  2009), with four million people considered to have inadequate or no housing, and an estimat- ed 12.1 million people affected by the housing crisis (Founda- tion Abbé Pierre, 2017). Could the popular suburban housing model play a role in social housing provisions? Are there ways of constructing small-scale social housing in the suburban fab- ric? What socio-political concepts are used for social housing, and are they relevant for the suburbs? Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 76 4 The engines of social housing production In the French Construction and Housing Code (Fr. Code de la Construction et de l’Habitation), Article L.411 defines the role of social housing in France: “The construction, development, attribution, and management of social rental housing aims to improve the housing conditions for people of moderate or low income. These operations participate in the implementation of the right to housing and contribute to the necessary so- cial diversity of cities and neighbourhoods”  (law no.  98-657 of 29 July 1998). These are the first phrases of volume four of the code titled Low-Income Housing (Fr. Habitations à loyer modéré), and they clearly highlight the two fundamental chal- lenges of social housing in contemporary France: the right to housing and social diversity. Indeed, the right to housing is the central idea that led almost all European countries to the large-scale construction of social housing after the Second  World  War  (Scanlon et  al., 2015). Having been identified as a fundamental human right  (in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights signed in Paris in 1948), housing in western Europe “was seen as part of the social contract between government and citizens which made up the welfare state” (Scanlon et al., 2015: 2). In France, pro- viding housing to those that are unable to access it has been a continuous preoccupation of the state with numerous laws and policies  (Driant, 2015). In the  1990s, legal and political efforts concerning the right to housing again moved to the forefront. The right to housing is the subject of the 1990 Bes- son Law (law no. 90-449 of 31 May 1990), which establishes a new register for urban policies concerning housing, with a focus on the underprivileged population. This law introduces the PLAI (Fr. Prêt locatif aidé d’intégration ‘Subsidised Rental Loan for Integration’) category of social housing  (a catego- ry focused specifically on the most vulnerable), and it makes citizens’ associations important actors in the social housing sector (Driant, 2015; Stébé, 2016). During the same period, within the official vocabulary of urban policies, a new term, social  diversity, emerged  (most notably with the laws of the  21  December in  1989, known as the “anti-ghetto law”, and the “urban orientation law” of  1991; Driant, 2015). This concept is a response to the ghettoization of certain populations that tend to inhabit the social housing blocks. In order to address the socio-spatial segregation of the population and the socio-political division that it entails, the proposition of social diversity is that better distribution of social housing throughout French territory leads to diversi- fication of the housing supply, and therefore to the social di- versification of neighbourhoods (Lelévrier, 2014; Charmes & Bacqué, 2016c). The diversity envisioned refers to income lev- els and socio-professional categories, but also includes underly- ing ethnic, racial, cultural, and religious diversity (Charmes & Bacqué, 2016a). The approach of this policy is of a spatial character, meaning that its logic is to bring different social groups together in the same places. It is an approach that crosses all government and urban planning scales, regional, municipal, and neighbourhood  (Driant, 2015). The driving concept is that its application can change a certain percent- age of the population of a neighbourhood, thereby increasing the value of its real estate, and that the spatial proximity of different social groups will cultivate social integration and co- hesion (Lelévrier, 2014). However, the research community has pointed to contradic- tory results between the two fundamental objectives of social housing (the right to housing and social diversity): the under- privileged population is most commonly housed in less expen- sive social housing, which is mostly found in working-class neighbourhoods, and this therefore yields contradicting re- sults regarding the objectives of social diversity policies ( Jail- let, 2011). The right to housing may have a certain ethical impact and a political value that are not questioned at the European scale or at the French national scale; in contrast, social diversity is a concept that is only applied by the French state at the national level (Houard, 2011; Scanlon et al., 2015; Dhoquois et al., 2016). The concept of social diversity has been widely contested in French literature due to the principles it is founded upon, its underlying objectives, its application strat- egies, and its socio-political effects on the territory (Lelévrier, 2014; Driant, 2015; Charmes & Bacqué, 2016c; Stébé, 2016). 5 Social diversity: a contested concept Since its inception, social diversity has been an effective polit- ical concept due to its “plastic character” ( Jaillet, 2011: 351), which is due to “the notion’s polysemy and the diversity of interpretations that could be drawn from it. This polysemy favours a sort of consensus and legitimizes policies that could be vastly different from one another,” as supported by Charmes and Bacqué  (2016a:  12). They refer to two distinct policies that are both implemented in the name of social diversity but are nearly opposites of each other. One approach is to demolish collective social housing in working-class neighbourhoods in order to replace the housing supply with a more diverse one, thus profiting middle-class households. The other approach is to construct social housing in middle- and upper-class neigh- bourhoods. These are two sides of the same coin. In his work, Driant specifies these two approaches in France (2015): • One side of the coin is the policy of urban renovation. I. MALEAS Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 77 This policy promotes processes of demolition and recon- struction to improve the image and attractiveness of un- derprivileged neighbourhoods by replacing social housing with a housing supply more attractive to middle - income brackets of the population. However, numerous research- ers agree that the spatial proximity of households with different incomes does not negate social distance (on the contrary, it could reinforce it), and it certainly does not resolve social, financial, and political inequalities ( Jaillet, 2011 Lelévrier, 2014; Driant, 2015; Giroud, 2016; Stébé, 2016). Such processes of urban renovation  (demolition and reconstruction) are mostly carried out in areas with collective social housing that are well situated in relation to urban centres (or at least well connected to them) in order to generate attractiveness and surplus value by of- fering “an alternative to homeownership in the suburban” environment, with dwellings that are affordable “without having to move to the periphery” (Lelévrier, 2014: 118). • The other side of the coin is none other than the impo- sition of a minimum quota of social housing within the total housing stock of municipalities  (the infamous Ar- ticle 55 of the SRU in 2000, and the subsequent Duflot Law  2013). If urban renovation policies are considered to offer an alternative to peri-urban housing, then the SRU could be considered highly pertinent to peri-urban territory. The SRU has had an important influence on social housing production in deficient municipalities, with an increase of 12.7% between 1999 and 2011 (com- pared to the 6% increase in non-deficient municipalities), translating into an increase in new social housing units from  87,000 in  2002–2004 to an estimated of  140,000 in  2011  – 2013  (Vie publique,  2014; Ministère de la Cohésion  .  .  . , 2015). In contrast, in the region of Provence–Alps–Cote-d’Azur (where nearly 40% of defi- cient municipalities of France are found), an increase in deficient municipalities has been noted since  2008, at- tributed to population growth and therefore an increase in private dwellings (Boullion & Couartou, 2016). This serves as an initial indication of the importance of sub- urbs in this discussion because private dwellings in France are mostly of a suburban nature. Stébé  (2016:  115) states that “city centres have proven to follow proactive policies,” achieving a higher social housing quota than demanded, whereas municipalities identified as “low performing” are found in the peri-urban areas of large urban centres, and / or are municipalities with a mostly suburban fabric. According to a national survey on Arti- cle 55 of the SRU, the municipalities that paid the highest fines in 2016 were Saint-Maur-des-Fossés, Neuilly  -  sur- Seine, Le Cannet, Sanary-sur-Mer, and Grasse (Ministère de la Cohésion . . ., 2016). Four out of five of these mu- nicipalities have a significant share of suburban fabric, and the fifth (Neuilly-sur-Seine is the only one without a suburban character) is found in the Paris peri-urban area (Google Maps, 2017). This is yet another indication that the obligations prescribed by the SRU pose problems for suburban and peri-urban communities. However, the following question still remains: Does the political jus- tification of social diversity  (imposed on the territory through Article 55 of the SRU) provide a valid discourse for suburban and peri-urban communities? 6 The importance of social diversity for the peri-urban area The peri-urban area in France has become synonymous with suburban development, and it is a territory commonly accused of having socioeconomic homogeny, lacking architectural and urban qualities, and plagued by its monofunctionality. Although the architectural and functional homogeny is not contested, the work of researchers such as Dodier et al., Anne Lambert, and Charmes  (among others) clearly demonstrates the socioeconomic and political diversity of the French peri-ur- ban area. “There is not one but several peri-urbans”  (Charmes et  al., 2016:  85), and each of these peri-urban areas varies in its attributes, and their populations have diverse characteristics and political orientations. While admitting a social diversity “slightly weaker than found in the urban space” (the wealthiest and most impoverished social classes being less present), Dodi- er (2007: 35 –46) draws attention to the presence of all social categories in the peri-urban areas and invites consideration of a more detailed geography and sociology of suburban territory. Even within each of these peri-urban areas, it is possible to discover a plurality of ways of living and the residents’ relations to the neighbourhood and the city – aspects that depend on gender, age, ease of transport, and so on  (Cailly  & Dodier, 2007). Within all of these variations, certain discrimination has also been identified based on class, nationality, ethnic or racial background, gender, and so on (Lambert, 2015). All of these elements highlight the important social diversity of the peri-urban areas and provide motivation to surpass the polari- zation between urban and peri-urban areas. They demonstrate the importance of “focusing tirelessly on the context and in particular the inequalities between neighbourhoods and the social differentiations”  (Sampson, 2016:  35), which is Samp- son’s most fundamental advice for socio-urban research. As described above, public policies promoting social diversity are founded on a spatial approach. For the peri-urban areas that Dodier studied on the periphery of the cities of Tours and Le Mans, certain socioeconomic variations were identified Social housing in a suburban context: A bearer of peri-urban diversity? Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 78 to correlate with a “spatial differentiation” composed of three main elements. The first involves the distance from the urban centre in concentric circles. This is a constant and converg- ing observation between researchers, with the value of houses and land, and thus the socioeconomic level of the residents, decreasing progressively and in a fairly systematic manner de- pending on the distance from the city centre (Cailly & Dodier, 2007; Dodier, 2007; Jaillet, 2011; Driant, 2015). Second, there is a differentiation that correlates with the quadrants around the city  (north, east, south, and west), showing different de- velopment dynamics related to the specific features of the territory (e.g., landscape quality, location in relation to public infrastructure such as public transport, and proximity to work areas). The third spatial differentiation that causes socioeco- nomic variations depends on real-estate fragmentation and is specific and internal to each case (e.g.,  plot size and date of construction; Cailly & Dodier, 2007). Through this detailed socio-spatial analysis, and through rec- ognizing the importance of context in each case  (Sampson, 2016), the scale of the municipality and of a peri-urban area is specified and analysed at the more detailed scale of the neigh- bourhood and several peri-urban realities existing within what was previous conceived as one homogenous territory. At this detailed scale, it is possible to arrive at a deeper understand- ing of each neighbourhood of the peri-urban areas, and thus it is possible to arrive at a reading of true homogeny, where it exists. Thus, social diversity could be a relevant concept for the suburbs. Interestingly, Sampson was also one of the members of the national advisory committee for the ambi- tious social experiment called the Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing Demonstration Programme (Briggs et al., 2010). In the United States in the  1990s, this programme studied neighbourhood effects on low-income households, helping such families move from high-poverty areas to lower-poverty areas, most of them in the suburbs  (Briggs et al., 2010; Lud- wig, 2012). Although this programme has been criticized for political naivety (Geronimus & Thompson, 2004), most stud- ies point toward important positive effects, including housing conditions  (Briggs et al., 2010), education, employment, and delinquency (Gennetian et al., 2012), economic gains (Chet- ty & Hendren, 2015), and health (Ludwig et al., 2011) of the low-income families that were relocated. Consequently, there are indications that an urban policy of social diversity may find fertile ground in suburban territories. 7 Social housing as a bearer of social diversity in the French suburbs? With regard to the French suburbs, it can be established that “in the first peri-urban concentric circle of large cities, the social situations are globally more specific, being mid- dle-class”  (Dodier,  2007:  35–46) and tending toward up- per-class socioeconomic status. These types of peri-urban are- as are typically neighbourhoods built in the 1960s, when the popularization of private cars and various urban policies pro- moted diffused urbanization (Callen, 2011; Haëntjens, 2011; Magri, 2015), with many of their quadrants characterized by suburban houses on large plots, which are usually well-served by public infrastructure (e.g., schools and hospitals), well con- nected through public transport to the city centre and thus to work areas, and so on (Dodier & Cailly, 2008; Desgrand- champs et  al., 2010; Petitet, 2013). These characteristics of urban fabric and location provide favourable conditions both for densification processes (e.g.,  large plots and good service) as much as for social housing construction (e.g., public trans- port and work area proximity; Desgrandchamps et al., 2010; Petitet, 2013; Touati & Crozy, 2015). In addition, the fact that the socioeconomic groups that inhabit these neighbourhoods are mostly middle to upper class means that social diversity policies through social housing construction find ethically less conflicting legitimization while still fulfilling the other funda- mental role of social housing (as defined in the French Con- struction and Housing Code): providing housing for disad- vantaged households. Therefore, within many quadrants of the first concentric circles of peri-urban areas, potentially fruitful ground is being discovered for the productive intersection of suburban elements  (and their densification) and social hous- ing (and therefore social diversity), while constantly taking care to avoid generalizations. This includes paying attention to the context and specific social, economic, and political character- istics of each neighbourhood, and to quadrant aspects such as real-estate fragmentation, landscape quality, sizes of plots, dates of construction, and so on. Today in France’s peri-urban areas there are examples of suc- cessful social housing construction at the scale of the private plot. In particular, there are a number of associations (or “social micro-landlords”) that systematically produce defused, small- scale social housing projects (one to twelve units per project) within suburban densification procedures  (Primard  & Toua- ti, 2015). These actors produce PLAI social housing for the most vulnerable, and one of the necessary conditions for com- mencing a project is the location and its proximity to ameni- ties  (e.g.,  transport, commerce, schools, and work areas). The associations function within the legal framework provided by the Besson Law  (profiting from both their possible role within the social housing market and the PLAI category of social housing). In most cases, PLAI social housing already constitutes a form of social diversity for the suburban area; however these social micro-landlords make an additional ef- fort to integrate student housing, housing for seniors, or inter- generational housing  (all recognized as social housing by the I. MALEAS Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 79 SRU) within their projects when such housing is considered pertinent to the wider urban context and the local housing policies. In addition, there is an effort to promote social di- versity within each project, with residents of different ages, revenue levels, and so on chosen for small collective housing projects. Finally, when Étienne Primard  (the co-founder and president of such an association, Solidarités nouvelles pour le logement ‘New Solidarities for Housing’, or SNL) was asked in an interview about the most essential criteria for launch- ing a project, the first one he highlighted is the possibility of mobilizing neighbours in participatory procedures related to the project (Primard & Touati, 2015). Indeed, with efforts to construct social housing in the subur- ban densification context of middle- and upper-class peri-ur- ban areas, the concept of social diversity is bound to face oppo- sition from residents. Although social diversity is an idea well accepted by the majority of the French population  (ELABE, 2016), suburban densification is almost always met with dis- content from local residents  (Desgrandchamps et  al., 2010) and the reputation of social housing only adds to that tension. Participatory processes are a way to discuss and adjust a project in order to achieve its construction while providing satisfac- tory solutions to all interested actors. These types of project procedures contribute to new trades, new practices, and new abilities in the urban fabric  (Biau et  al., 2013). The detailed analysis by Dodier and the deeper understanding of peri-urban areas, as much as the attention to context and the progress from the terrain sociology of Sampson, promote a form of citizen participation in the sense of the importance given to the inhabitants’ word. Increasingly, these participatory approaches are considered necessary elements of suburban densification processes (Petitet, 2013; Hanrot, 2015). In social housing, resi- dent consultation and participation are already an integral part of social housing management  (Demoulin, 2013; Dhoquois, 2016), and in recent years Patrick Bouchain  (2010, 2016), an architect celebrated for his participatory project methods, has examined the possibilities of inhabitant participation in the conception and construction of social housing. Even for contested and questioned urban policies of social diversity, the criticism is that they “are unfortunately often carried out without, and in some cases against, the concerned inhabit- ants” (Charmes & Bacqué, 2016b: 99–100). Furthermore, the potential of a participatory social diversity policy, through pro- cedures that respect the existing residents and create true social connections between old and new residents, is often highlight- ed (Lelévrier, 2014; Charmes & Bacqué, 2016c). It is important not to conceal the great complexity of par- ticipatory processes in the urban project, not to consider it a panacea for all urban problems. In thirty years of the experi- ence of the SNL association in such a tense and conflict-rid- den area, they have never had a construction permit blocked by residents  (Touati, 2014), and so their model of operation could at least serve as a source of inspiration. With their pro- jects well accepted by both local governments  (because they contribute to lowering the fines related to the SRU) and local residents  (because they are informed and can influence the result through their participation – a result that always remains on the architectural scale of the suburban), the SNL model serves as a successful example. It is crucial to learn from such an example, specifically by following Primard’s advice on res- ident consultation and participation throughout all planning scales, whether this is regional (and includes the formulation of regional planning documents such as the SCoT or the PLH in the French case), or at the scale of the municipality and its neighbourhoods  (with planning documents such as the local urbanism plans; Primard & Touati, 2015). At the same time, it is equally important to note its weaknesses: • These associations are based on a certain political com- mitment of their founders, related to the right to housing of their fellow citizens, and the great majority of their personnel are volunteers (in the case of the SNL, 70 em- ployees and 1,127 volunteers; SNL-Union, 2017). • Furthermore, this method of producing social housing within suburban densification processes will continue to remain marginal if it does not include financial interests for private landlords (the owners of the vast majority of suburban land). In order to achieve the popularization of such an urban policy and make the diffused production of social housing systematic at the suburban scale, it is necessary to consider the reality of densification that is bound to be mostly at the scale of the pri- vate suburban plot and initiated by private landlords, and must therefore offer a certain financial compensation to the owner. 8 Conclusion Beyond committed associations, there are other actors inter- ested in this subject, actors that must be mobilized in the ef- fort to provide solutions. First of all, the municipalities have an interest in finding ways to avoid the SRU fines they are currently paying while providing housing through suburban densification. Furthermore, the traditional bodies of social housing (social landlords) must also be mobilized. During the last decade, these social landlords have become increasingly interested in smaller project scales  (with  95% of construct- ed social housing being small collective housing complexes, intermediary housing, or individual dwellings; Stébé, 2016). Their collaboration with private developers and constructors is becoming more common, and thus easier and simpler with time  (Dhoquois, 2016). In addition, these traditional social Social housing in a suburban context: A bearer of peri-urban diversity? Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 80 landlords have also started committing to projects with a more urban design  / renewal character by including public spaces, shops, and other places  (Couartou, 2016). With the hypothesis of the commitment of these social landlords / urban designers in the suburban context, the beginning of an urban, architectural, and functional diversity is possible to imagine. Although social diversity is a contested concept, in certain contexts it could be a beneficial policy objective. Questioning popular belief, the social characteristics of the French suburbs have proven to be rather diverse. However, by following an in-depth, detailed analysis of peri-urban areas, and by focusing on the context of each case, it is possible to find examples where social diversity policies could be productive. Interna- tional cases provide an encouraging basis to inspire such di- versity experimentations, focusing on suburban fabric in the first peri-urban circle. Furthermore, the example of social micro-landlords, such as the SNL, could effectively serve as operating models for these actors  (such as the municipalities themselves and the traditional social landlords). What their model indicates is that participatory procedures could help reconcile the antag- onism between private and social housing dynamics through collaboration between inhabitants, municipalities, and social landlords, and the mobilization of private dwellings in social housing provisions. However, there is currently no regulato- ry apparatus that could clearly and easily bring inhabitants, municipalities, and social landlords (whether micro-landlord, traditional landlord, or landlord as urban designer) together in construction operations. Moreover, the need for solutions that are financially more attractive for more of the actors involved demands thorough reflection. Urban, architectural, and land- scape proposals that respond to the environmental objective of densification, and at the same time respond to the social objective of social housing, must be provided. The ensemble of these reflections on the subject must take into account all levels, starting from the level of the EU and its urban policies, to the national, regional, municipal, and neighbourhood levels, and finally the level of the residents and their private plots. The proposals should be produced through participatory pro- cedures in order to offer solutions that are socially, politically, financially, and architecturally viable, enduring, and sustaina- ble for peri-urban environments of the future. Ion Maleas Marseilles School of Architecture, Marseille, France E-mail: ionmaleas@gmail.com Acknowledgments This article was supported through a doctoral scholarship from the Ministry of Culture and Communication of France. I would also like to express my gratitude to Stéphane Hanrot, ENSA-Marseille, and Jérôme Dubois, IUAR, for their guidance. References Biau, V., Fenker, M. & Macaire, E. (eds.) 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MALEAS Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 83 UDC: 711.4-168:332.72(460.235.2)(519.512) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2018-29-01-003 Received: 8 Jan. 2018 Accepted: 16 Mar. 2018 Blaž KRIŽNIK Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment in Barcelona and Seoul The transformation of deprived urban areas is important for strengthening social sustainability in particular local- ities, and it is also instrumental in attracting new invest- ments to cities. Speculative urban development, however, often ignores the social importance of localities and con- siders them mere economic assets that can be stripped of historical, social, and symbolic meaning and turned into easily marketed commodities. This article examines the somewhat contradictory role of the transformation of deprived urban areas in cities. It compares Barcelona and Seoul, two cities with different historical, cultural, and institutional contexts. The 22@ Activity District in Poblenou and Wangsimni New Town are explored as case studies to understand how urban regeneration and ur- ban redevelopment are embedded in a particular locality and what consequences they have on social sustainabil- ity. Although the two cases differ in terms of planning approach, stakeholders, and institutional contexts, the findings suggest that the consequences for social sustain- ability were similar in both. The article argues that de- clining social cohesion and a lack of citizen participation were a consequence of speculative urban development, in which urban regeneration and urban redevelopment were instrumentalized to attract investments, strengthen economic competitiveness, and improve the city’s global appeal rather than address diverse local challenges. Keywords: citizen participation, social cohesion, social sustainability, urban redevelopment, urban regeneration Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 84 B. KRIŽNIK 1 Introduction Cities compete to attract investments, jobs, events, and tourists to boost their economic growth and urban development, and to improve their quality of life. There is little evidence, how- ever, that competition benefits everyone equally. In fact, the benefits of competition are often rather unevenly distributed across different social groups in the city (Brenner et al., 2012; Harvey, 2012). Moreover, environmental degradation, social and economic disparities, and declining civil rights are seen as a consequence of a competitive urban policy that prior- itizes commodification of public space, privatization of social amenities and services, deregulation of urban planning, and the construction of iconic projects, along with city market- ing (Short, 2004; Mayer, 2007). This market-driven urban de- velopment considers localities to be mere economic assets that can be stripped of historical, social, and symbolic meanings, and turned into easily marketed commodities (Balibrea, 2001; Short, 2004; Križnik, 2011). In this sense, the transformation of deprived urban areas has become instrumental in attracting new investments to cities  (Smith, 2002; Shin & Kim, 2016). At the same time, the improvement of deprived urban are- as is also important for strengthening social sustainability in cities  (Manzi et  al., 2010; Colantonio  & Dixon, 2011; Ho et al., 2012). This article examines the somewhat contradictory role that the transformation of deprived urban areas has in cities. It com- pares Barcelona and Seoul, two cities with rather different his- torical, cultural, and institutional contexts. Previous research suggests that in spite of these differences the transformation of what the Barcelona City Council and Seoul Metropolitan Government  (SMG) considered to be underdeveloped ur- ban areas was often instrumentalized to attract investments, strengthen economic competitiveness, and improve the global appeal of Barcelona  (Marshall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001; Arba- ci & Tapada-Berteli, 2012; Dot Jutgla et al., 2012; Charnock et al., 2014) and Seoul (Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2011; Shin  & Kim, 2016). This was publicly legitimized as being of strategic importance for the city and seemingly beneficial for all citizens (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; SMG, 2005, 2010). This similarity regarding instrumentalization and legitimization is the starting point for comparing the transfor- mation of deprived urban areas in Barcelona and Seoul and its consequences for social sustainability in individual localities. Although urban development in Barcelona and Seoul is well studied, it has seldom been discussed from a comparative per- spective; exceptions include Uršič and Križnik  (2012), Col- antonio et al.  (2014), and Križnik (2014). The article begins with a discussion on the relationship between urban devel- opment and social sustainability to establish a framework for assessing the consequences of urban development for social sustainability in localities. Barcelona and Seoul are compared in terms of their position in the global urban system and their respective national urban systems, institutional contexts, and planning approaches. 22@ Activity District  (22@) in Barce- lona’s Poblenou and Wangsimni New Town (WNT) in Seoul are explored as an in-depth case study of urban regeneration in Barcelona and urban redevelopment in Seoul in terms of planning approach, stakeholders, and consequences for social sustainability.[1] Finally, the findings are summarized, the con- clusion is presented, and limitations of the study are discussed. 2 Urban development and social sustainability Sustainable urban development is commonly addressed in terms of the “three-E framework,” according to which sus- tainable economic growth of cities should be balanced with environmental protection and social equity  (Mayer  & Knox, 2006: 324). Balancing the economy, the environment, and so- cial equity requires negotiation between stakeholders, which implies that sustainable urban development also has an inher- ent political dimension. In contrast to the past, when sustain- able urban development used to be reduced to its economic and environmental dimensions, a multi-dimensional approach, which recognizes the importance of social sustainability for long-term sustainable urban development, is now widely ac- cepted  (Dempsey et  al., 2011; Dujon et  al., 2013). One rea- son for the relatively little attention that social sustainability received earlier is related to the insufficient understanding of the relationship between social sustainability and urban de- velopment. Another reason lies in the often intangible social consequences of urban development, which eventually pose difficulties for implementing and assessing urban policy that promotes social sustainability. Colantonio and Dixon (2011:  24) argue that social sustain- ability should be approached in terms of “traditional social policy areas and principles, such as equity and health, with emerging issues concerning participation, needs, social capi- tal, the economy, the environment, and, more recently, with the notions of happiness, well-being, and the quality of life.” In Colantonio and Dixon’s view, urban policy that aims to strengthen social sustainability should improve the quality of everyday life; promote equal opportunities for social groups with different economic, social, and cultural backgrounds; fos- ter social integration by addressing economic, social, and po- Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 85Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment litical exclusion; sustain existing social and cultural structures in localities; encourage citizen participation in decision-mak- ing; and support self-management of localities. Integration of a broad array of policies  – including those focusing on eco- nomics, social welfare, education, the environment, and urban planning  – is therefore needed to strengthen social sustaina- bility in cities (Dempsey et al., 2011). Planning approaches that address the transformation of de- prived urban areas, such as urban redevelopment or urban regeneration, are an important instrument to address social sustainability in cities  (Williams  & Dair, 2007; Manzi et  al., 2010; Colantonio  & Dixon, 2011; Ho et  al., 2012). Apart from providing affordable housing, social amenities, and infra- structure, transformation of deprived urban areas can mitigate social inequalities and address social exclusion in localities by creating inclusive places where social groups with different backgrounds can meet and where communal life and shared identities can be created and reproduced  (Forrest  & Kearns, 2001). Urban redevelopment, however, is focused on physical improvement and re-imaging of deprived urban areas, which are partly or entirely demolished and replaced with new urban development. This often leads to a massive displacement of residents and the collapse of their social networks. In contrast, urban regeneration addresses the economic, social, environ- mental, and physical transformation of deprived urban areas, where new urban development is integrated within existing social and urban fabric (Cho & Križnik, 2017; Roberts et al., 2017). Ho et  al.  (2012:  127) argue that such a gradual and comprehensive approach is more appropriate “for enhancing the sustainability of the built environment.” Citizen participation is widely regarded as playing a critical role in strengthening social sustainability (Irvin & Stansbury, 2004; Dempsey et al., 2011). It leads stakeholders to become better aware of various interests, problems, and opportunities in localities, as well as to learn to solve these challenges col- lectively. This can improve the quality of planning, legitimize decision-making, and also encourage citizens to actively use and appropriate places that are transformed with their partic- ipation (Cerar, 2014). Cho and Križnik (2017: 151) recognize “the necessity of building a robust partnership between the state and civil society” as an important step towards success- ful community-based urban development and stronger social sustainability in cities. In their view, planning approaches that aim to strengthen social sustainability should promote citizens’ active involvement in decision-making and contribute to socially cohesive localities. These are characterized by low levels of social inequality, strong social connections and trust, and well-established communication and cooperation among citizens and public institutions  (Larsen, 2013). In this way, the transformation of deprived urban areas can improve social interaction, trust, and solidarity among various stakeholders, as well as confidence in public institutions, which according to Manzi et al. (2010: 18) are the “core concepts and guiding principles for a localized social sustainability agenda.” Many cities in which citizens are excluded from decision-mak- ing face difficulties in maintaining their social and territorial cohesion  (Brenner et  al., 2012). Harvey  (1989: 13) argues that these problems largely stem from what he calls “urban entrepreneurialism” and “ruinous inter-urban competition.” As a result, urban development becomes increasingly speculative and instrumental in mobilizing “urban real-estate markets as vehicles of capital accumulation” (Smith, 2002: 446). In terms of capital accumulation, cities with a comparatively peripheral position in the global urban system are expected to face strong- er pressures than dominant centres (Gugler, 2004; Short, 2004; Harvey, 2012). Taylor (2004) calls these cities “wannabe global cities,” indicating their aspiration to challenge the established relations in the global urban system. Inter-urban competition and resulting speculative urban development can in turn neg- atively affect not only social sustainability in localities but also cities’ long-term capacity to effectively address emerging social, economic, and environmental challenges (Wolfram, 2018). 3 Research methodology In contrast to what she calls the “classical comparative ap- proach,” Sassen  (2001:  348) argues that comparing cities in the global urban system requires a new methodology; one that is not based on standardization across cases, but that tries to track “a given system or dynamic .  .  . and its distinct incarnations . . . in different countries.” This study follows her suggestion and compares Barcelona and Seoul to better un- derstand the consequences of speculative urban development on social sustainability. Both cities formerly occupied a sim- ilar position in the global and national urban system in the past. Earlier research suggests that this affected the transfor- mation of deprived urban areas, which was instrumentalized to attract investments, strengthen economic competitiveness, and improve the global appeal of Barcelona and Seoul (Mar- shall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001; Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2011; Arbaci & Tapada-Berteli, 2012; Dot Jutgla et al., 2012; Charnock et  al., 2014; Shin  & Kim, 2016). This was largely legitimized in public as being of strategic importance for the city and seemingly beneficial for all citizens  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; SMG, 2005, 2010). The similar instrumentalization and legitimization of urban development in relation to the position of both cities in the global urban system and their respective national urban systems constitutes the methodological starting point for a cross-cultural comparison of the transformation of deprived Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 86 urban areas in Barcelona and Seoul. Although both have been discussed from a comparative perspective, earlier studies focused on the impact of inter-urban competition on urban management (Uršič & Križnik, 2012), the role of multi-level urban governance for their economic resilience  (Colantonio et  al., 2014), or the grassroots responses to the globalization of Barcelona and Seoul  (Križnik, 2014). These studies paid less attention to the impact of urban development on social sustainability, which is recognized as a major challenge for cities in the future  (Dempsey et  al., 2011; Wolfram, 2018). For this reason, 22@ in Barcelona and WNT in Seoul are explored as an in-depth case study of urban development to understand how different planning approaches are embedded in a particular locality and what consequences they have on social sustainability. The assessment of social sustainability fo- cuses on social cohesion and on the involvement of citizens in decision-making, which are recognized as the key princi- ples of social sustainability (Forrest & Kearns, 2001; Irvin & Stansbury, 2004; Manzi et al., 2010; Cho & Križnik, 2017). The field research consisted of numerous site visits to Poblenou and Wangsimni between 2006 and 2012 to observe their social and urban transformation. During this period, semi-structured interviews were conducted with twelve interviewees from Bar- celona and sixteen from Seoul, each of them belonging to one of five major stakeholders’ groups.[2] Two surveys – which in- cluded 148 respondents from Poblenou and ninety-five from Wangsimni  – were carried out in  2006 and  2007, with the aim of comparing the consequences of the transformation of each locality on everyday life. These surveys were based on quota non-probability sampling, in which respondents were selected according to their sex, age, place of birth, education, and homeownership.[3] Because this method does not allow generalization of the survey results to the overall population, these were complemented with in-depth interviews and exten- sive analysis of secondary sources. These included but were not limited to local government documents and reports, research papers on urban policy and planning, and various historical records about Poblenou and Wangsimni. Finally, the findings were discussed with field experts in both cities in order to avoid cultural bias in understanding and assessing the data, which is believed to be a major difficulty in cross-cultural studies (Han- trais & Mangen, 1996). 4. Case study: Barcelona and Seoul 4.1 The institutional context of urban development in Barcelona and Seoul Barcelona and Seoul are the capitals of Catalonia and South Korea. Both used to occupy a similar position in the global urban system, which Gugler (2004) described as second-tier global cities. Taylor  (2004) similarly ranked Barcelona and Seoul as thirty-second and forty-first, respectively, in terms of their global network connectivity based on his analysis of advanced producer services in the early 2000s. Other authors identified the comparably peripheral position of Barcelona and Seoul in the global urban system in the past (Beaverstock et al., 1999; Alderson et  al., 2010; Csomós & Derudder, 2013). In contrast to dominant centres, such as New York, London, or Tokyo, which Sassen  (2001: 3) recognized as the “command points in the organization of the world economy,” the im- portance of Barcelona and Seoul in the global urban system resulted from their role of connecting the national economy to global markets. Barcelona is a case of what Taylor  (2004) calls an “inner wannabe city.” For the past two decades, the strategic goal of the local government was to challenge the dominant position of Madrid in the national urban system by developing innovation, knowledge, and creative industries, as well as advancing communication, logistics, and transportation infrastructure (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). The city tried to improve its position not only in relation to Madrid but also to other European and Mediterranean cities (Monclús, 2003; OECD, 2009). In contrast, Seoul used to be an example of an “outer wannabe city,” trying to compete with Tokyo, Hong Kong, and Beijing by boosting advanced producer services and by promoting knowledge and cultural industries  (Tay- lor, 2004). Although Seoul offers world-class communication and transportation infrastructure, improving the quality of life remains one of the main strategic goals of the local govern- ment (OECD, 2005; SMG, 2013). In this way, both cities successfully transformed themselves from industrial national capitals into important post-industrial global cities over the past decade. Seoul in particular has man- aged to considerably strengthen its global “command-and-con- trol function,” whereas Barcelona maintains its competitive advantages despite the declining importance of European cit- ies overall  (Csomós  & Derudder, 2013:  346). Globalization has thus strengthened their role as national economic, social, cultural, and political centres, leading to a further concentra- tion of population, and financial and political power. In 2014, about  63% of the Catalan population lived in the Barcelona Metropolitan Region and about 48% of South Koreans lived in the Seoul National Capital Region (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2015; SMG, 2015a). At the same time, Barcelona is not only the Catalan capital, but also the second-largest Spanish city, and the rivalry with Madrid has always strongly affected urban development (Monclús, 2003). Both continue to attract major investments, knowledge and cultural industries, advanced pro- ducer services, jobs, and key R&D and educational institutions in Catalonia and South Korea, although the importance of metropolitan regions has recently grown (Choe, 2005; OECD, 2005, 2009). B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 87 This particular position of Barcelona and Seoul in the global and national urban system also affects the transformation of deprived urban areas, which has become increasingly instru- mental in attracting investments to each city (Charnock et al., 2014; Shin & Kim, 2016). The improvement of deprived urban areas in Barcelona dates back to the late nineteenth century, when large parts of the city centre were substantially trans- formed. Following this tradition, the local government intro- duced an innovative planning approach in the 1980s, which was “to deliver the renewal programme in the whole central district and tackle deprivation under a unique and integral vision”  (Arbaci  & Tapada-Berteli, 2012: 292). This planning approach was extended to peripheral areas after the 1980s (Es- teban, 2004). Successful improvement of deprived urban ar- eas has become widely recognized as an essential part of the “Barcelona model” of urban development  (Monclús, 2003). This refers to the large-scale urban regeneration of former in- dustrial land into mixed-use and compact urban areas, which is sustained by public investments in social amenities and trans- portation infrastructure, the provision of high-quality public space, and well-established partnerships between various stake- holders (Marshall, 2000; Balibrea, 2001). Amid rising specu- lative urban development, these partnerships were challenged during the 2000s, which led some authors to write about the demise of the Barcelona model  (Delgado, 2004; Degen  & García, 2012). In contrast to Barcelona, the local government in Seoul used to promote the urban redevelopment of deprived urban are- as rather than urban regeneration.[4] Since the late  1970s, a “wholesale clearance led by private investment was the dis- tinct feature of Seoul’s urban redevelopment policies” and was commonly followed by forceful displacement of residents to make way for speculative urban development  (Kim  & Yoon, 2003: 587). Virtually all of downtown Seoul has been trans- formed in this way. During the past decade, however, the fail- ure of urban redevelopment to address growing social, eco- nomic, and environmental challenges has prompted the local government to reconsider this planning approach and start improving deprived urban areas in a more comprehensive and inclusive manner  (Cho, 2008; Kang, 2012; Križnik, 2013). Community-based urban regeneration became an integral part of urban development in Seoul after 2008 with the aim of involving citizens in planning and improving their neighbour- hoods (SMG, 2013, 2015b). Regarding the transformation of deprived urban areas, another important difference between Barcelona and Seoul is related to the institutional context of decision-making, in particular to the relation between public institutions and civil socie- ty. The local democracy in Barcelona progressed along with the democratization of Catalan and Spanish society during the  1970s, and the first democratic local elections were held in 1979. In South Korea, democratization preceded local de- mocracy, and the first democratic local elections were held in  1995. Citizen participation, in which private and civil society stakeholders take part in decision-making along with the local government, has a longer tradition in Barcelona than Seoul. Neighbourhood associations in particular used to play an important role in improving Barcelona’s deprived urban ar- eas since the  1970s as broad grassroots coalitions, represent- ing diverse local interests (Marshall, 2000; Esteban, 2004). In contrast, only property owners were able to take part in urban development in Seoul through the redevelopment associations, which were in practice controlled by construction corporations with active support from the local government  (Kim, 2013; Shin  & Kim, 2016). In Seoul it is therefore difficult to talk about institutionalized citizen participation in the transfor- mation of deprived urban areas before the late  2000s  (Park, 2006; Cho & Križnik, 2017). 4.2 Barcelona: The 22@ Activity District in Poblenou The 22@ Activity District, introduced in 2000, is one of the largest urban regeneration projects undertaken in Bar- celona in recent decades. It focuses on the transformation of  1,982,700  m² of former industrial land in the industrial heart of Barcelona into a compact and mixed-use district, where strategic sectors  – ICT, medical technology, biotech- nology, energy management, and media and design  – are to replace traditional industry. This means that the plan is expect- ed to foster economic growth, improve economic competitive- ness, and sustain Barcelona’s transformation into a competitive global city. The Poblenou area was selected for this far-reaching transformation due to its proximity to the city centre, its low building density, the availability of vacant or underused land, accessibility, the underdeveloped local economy, its seemingly decaying social situation, and its long history of industriali- zation (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000, 2012; Oliva, 2003). The industrialization of Poblenou dates back to the mid-nine- teenth century, when large textile and machinery industries were established in the area due to good transportation and spatial conditions for industrial development. Many work- ing-class neighbourhoods were built at that time along with the factories. Poblenou became known as the “Catalan Man- chester” not only for its distinct industrial landscape, but also for its everyday life and local culture, characterized by a poor economic situation and low quality of life, vastly underdevel- oped social amenities, and strong working-class solidarity and social activism (Arxiu Històric del Poblenou, 2001). The poor social and economic situation declined further after the 1960s, following the massive deindustrialization of the area and Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 88 relocation of major industries out of the city. From  1970 to  2001, around a quarter of residents left Poblenou due to the poor living conditions and unemployment (Table 1). Improving the quality of life in Poblenou was therefore another important aim of  22@, apart from addressing the economic competitiveness of Barcelona. In this sense, urban regeneration was to transform the locality into a compact and mixed-use neighbourhood by providing new housing, green space, social amenities, and infrastructure, and by legalizing existing hous- ing. Moreover, the industrial heritage was to be restored and integrated with the new urban development (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2006). This was to be achieved primarily by focus- ing on the urban development of what the local government called strategic areas, which were to act as “motors for the transformation of the area, .  .  .  grant coherence,” and allow for mixed-use with “sufficient continuity to the residential fabric” (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000: 18). The local government accordingly publicly presented and le- gitimized 22@ as being of utmost importance for the future of Poblenou and the city  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). The former head of the municipal urban planning department was clear about the anticipated role of 22@ for the city’s long- term economic growth, as well as about its importance for improving the quality of life in the locality. In his view, the “new services amalgamation must return to the city, to the new knowledge-based city. Urban development regulations must allow this recovery of industry, and economic promotion poli- cies must foster it . . . to maintain our position among leading European cities, with new employees in new offices, with good communications . . . and, in short, to improve citizens’ quality of life” (Bragado i Acín, 2001: 42). Table 1: Population growth in Poblenou. 1970 1981 1986 1991 1996 2001 2006 2011 Population 64,493 61,403 57,328 58,021 55,945 58,035 69,396 77,393 Growth −5% −7% 1% −4% 4% 28% 4% Source: Ajuntament de Barcelona (2015). Figure 1: 22@ aims to integrate the existing neighbourhood with the new urban development (photo: Barcelona Activa, Barcelona City Council). B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 89 Many of these initial aims have been achieved over the past decade. Poblenou has been transformed from a seemingly de- clining neighbourhood into a bustling mixed-use one, where different social and economic activities seem to be well inte- grated  (Figure  1). Emerging knowledge and cultural indus- tries and services, educational and R&D facilities, and pub- lic institutions provide new business opportunities and jobs, and the residents can enjoy new public parks and use new social amenities and infrastructure (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). However, contrary to the initial aims, the provision of these amenities did not follow the rapid pace of urban de- velopment, and the protection of industrial heritage against anticipated commercialization of the area also did not work as expected. Moreover, Charnock et al. (2014: 200) argue that in reality “the transformation process has been largely deter- mined by rentier practices to capture monopoly rents” rather than by promoting knowledge industries or improving the quality of life in Poblenou. Considering the decline of jobs in traditional industrial and service sectors, growing housing costs, and the exclusion of residents from bureaucratized de- cision-making  (Marrero Guillamón, 2010; Dot Jutgla et  al., 2012), it is not surprising that 22@ has also resulted in nega- tive consequences for everyday life in Poblenou and triggered a grassroots mobilization against the transformation of the locality (Križnik, 2014). 4.3 Seoul: Wangsimni New Town At first glance, WNT seems far less important for Seoul than 22@ is for Barcelona. The urban redevelopment of a small mixed-use area of 324,000 m² into a new residential and com- mercial neighbourhood was only one among many similar projects that were constructed all over the city throughout the past decade. WNT, however, is a pilot project of New Table 2: Population growth in Wangsimni. 1979 1984 1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014 Population 32,622 34,298 31,212 25,224 26,178 23,961 13,682 13,086 Growth 5% −9% −19% 4% −8% −43% −4% Source: SMG (2015a). Figure 2: Wangsimni New Town has completely replaced the old neighbourhood (photo: Choi Hongyi). Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 90 Town Development – an initiative that the local government introduced in 2002 with the intention of balancing urban de- velopment, creating new jobs and investment opportunities, and improving Seoul’s economic competitiveness (Kim, 2010; Kang, 2012). This was expected to resolve regional disparities by addressing problems of urban sprawl, housing, lacking in- frastructure and social amenities, and shrinking employment. It focused on what the local government considered under- developed urban areas in northern Seoul in order to balance its economic growth and urban development with the more affluent southern part  (SMG, 2010). The deputy mayor for public affairs and one of its masterminds emphasized the stra- tegic importance of New Town Development. In his view, the “main rationale behind the New Town initiative was that it was the time to focus on the revitalization of existing neigh- bourhoods rather than on sindosi development. . . . Therefore, the existing city had to be redeveloped based on wide-range, comprehensive plans that took into account the overall de- mand for urban infrastructure”  (cited in Kim, 2010: 95).[5] Wangsimni was chosen to be one of the three pilot projects that were expected to showcase the benefits of this new planning approach, in which the social, economic, and environmental dimensions of urban redevelopment would be addressed in a comprehensive way (Cho & Križnik, 2017). Wangsimni used to be located on the outskirts of pre-modern Seoul. During the city’s rapid industrialization in the  1960s, the locality became packed with small industries, which nev- ertheless experienced a slow but steady economic decline over the subsequent decades  (Seoul Museum of History, 2009). From  1979 to  2004, Wangsimni lost  27% of its pop- ulation  (Table  2). The seemingly deteriorating economy and poor living environment, along with its good accessibility and proximity to the downtown area, are among the main reasons that the local government selected the area for New Town Development  (SMG, 2005). Yet this decision seems to have been less a result of the actual needs of the residents than the economic and political interests of the local government, particularly in relation to the nearby Cheonggyecheon Res- toration.[6] Although the two were formally not related, the Cheonggyecheon Restoration had a direct influence on the decision to select Wangsimni as the pilot project and show the seemingly positive impacts of the restoration on the deprived urban areas (Kim, 2010). WNT was planned as a mixed-use residential and commercial area with many social amenities and extensive green areas. The local government presented the plan as an “environmentally friendly urban centre community in harmony with Cheonggye Stream” and as a “rural area in the heart of the metropolis . . . a new community where residents of different generations and social groups could coexist” (SMG, 2005: 22). In reality, how- ever, urban redevelopment has led to the full-scale demolition of the old and construction of a new neighbourhood, which has little in common either with the announced goals of the plan or with the interests of its stakeholders. This inconsistency between the plan and its actual implementation was largely a consequence of the changing attitude of the local government, which had initially called for the improvement of the existing urban areas and tried to listen to different stakeholders, but finally focused on the speculative interests of property own- ers (Cho, 2008; Kim, 2010). The local government thus aimed to implement the plan as quickly as possible because this was considered of strategic importance for the city (SMG, 2010). WNT, which is nearing completion, offers new residential and commercial space and social amenities, and has greatly improved the living environment for new residents (Figure 2). The transformation has not only significantly changed the liv- ing environment in Wangsimni, but has also altered the estab- lished social structure and economic organization, and had negative consequences for everyday life in the locality. Most of the former residents were displaced, and the large-scale dem- olition negatively affected the local economy and communal life, and contributed to a loss of jobs in the traditional indus- trial and service sectors (Kim, 2010). However, in contrast to the extensive grassroots mobilization in Poblenou, protests by small property owners and tenants in Wangsimni emerged late Table 3: Perception of everyday life and urban development in Poblenou and Wangsimni. Poblenou Wangsimni Workplace located in the neighbourhood 58% 66% Frequently spending weekends in the neighbourhood 66% 69% Meeting neighbours on a daily basis 28% 32% Meeting neighbours on a weekly basis 20% 41% Good relations with neighbours 69% 65% Perception of neighbourhood as an underdeveloped area 29% 64% Very familiar with 22@/WNT 17% 8% 22@/WNT reflects the interests of residents 6% 37% B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 91 and were focused on protecting their material interests rather than challenging the transformation of the locality  (Križnik, 2014). 4.4 Consequences and perception of urban development The survey results and interviews reveal that Poblenou and Wangsimni used to have a well-developed economic and communal life before the urban development started. This largely contrasts with the notion of a deprived urban area, which the local government used in public to legitimize the transformation of Poblenou and Wangsimni  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000; SMG, 2005). The survey showed that  66% of respondents in Poblenou and  69% in Wangsimni claimed that they frequently spent their free time in the locality. At the same time, about half of all respondents had their workplace in the neighbourhood, which together points towards a strong place attachment  (Livingston et  al., 2010). Twenty-eight per cent of respondents in Poblenou and 32% in Wangsimni met their neighbours on a daily basis, whereas 20% of respondents in Poblenou and  41% in Wangsimni met them on a weekly basis. Sixty-nine per cent of respondents in Poblenou and 65% in Wangsimni also considered their relationships with neigh- bours excellent or good  (Table  3). The survey suggests that everyday life in Poblenou and Wangsimni used to be charac- terized by relatively strong social cohesion in the past, which is of key importance for social sustainability in localities (Manzi et al., 2010; Colantonio & Dixon, 2011). If the local governments had been concerned with social sus- tainability, the transformation of Poblenou and Wangsimni should have maintained or strengthened social cohesion in the locality. Indeed, one of the aims of 22@ was to integrate new urban development with existing social and urban fabric by legalizing 4,614 housing units, which were earlier considered illegal due to the exclusive industrial land use (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2000). Such an approach could have sustained the social connections, place attachment, and collective identity in Poblenou. However, many of these residential buildings were demolished due to speculative urban development. At the same time, old industrial buildings were also designated for demo- lition, which has become a major source of conflict between the local government and residents. They considered industrial heritage to be an important part of their “collective memory of the history of industrialization”  (Grupo de trabajo sobre patrimonio del Fòrum Ribera del Besos, 2003: 7). Grassroots mobilization  – aiming to preserve old factories and the col- lective identity of Poblenou – has forced the local government to designate a larger number of industrial buildings as cultural heritage and eventually transform some of them into social amenities (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2006). The residents of Poblenou also faced expropriations, displace- ment, a decline in jobs, and rising housing costs  (Assemblea de Joves del Poblenou i Assemblea d’Endavant  (OSAN) del Poblenou, 2011; Dot Jutgla et al., 2012). The new urban devel- opment has seen more than twenty thousand residents move to Poblenou over the past decade, which is equivalent to one- third of the neighbourhood’s population in 2000  (Table  1). During the same period, the population of Sant Martí district, where Poblenou is located, has grown by only 12%  (Ajunta- ment de Barcelona, 2015). The actual number of new resi- dents could be even higher because some old residents had to leave the area due to the growing costs and lack of affordable housing. From 2000 to 2010, the Sant Martí district saw the fastest growth of rents in the entire city. During this period, the average rental prices increased by 212%, which was higher than the average increase of 187% in Barcelona (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2015). To address the issue of affordable housing, the local government planned to build four thousand social housing units, with 25% of them for the residents of Poblenou. By 2010, 1,520 units were actually completed (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2012). As a result, residents started to perceive the ongoing transformation of the locality as a purposeful attempt on the part of the local government to change the existing social structure and collective identity of Poblenou (L’Associ- ació de Veïns, 2003). This intensified conflicts between some groups of residents and the local government (Križnik, 2014). In contrast to Poblenou, where the majority of residents stayed in the locality and part of the residential and industrial build- ings were preserved, Wangsimni was completely demolished. More than ten thousand residents, or about  45% of its to- tal population in  2004, have been forced to leave the local- ity over the past decade  (Table  2). During this period, the Seongdong-gu district, where Wangsimni is located, has only seen a minimal decrease in the population  (SMG, 2015a). Among those that left were mostly tenants from low-income households. Due to the rising housing costs, these residents have little chance of returning once the construction of WNT is completed (Lee, 2009; Kang, 2012). In this regard, WNT differs little from earlier urban development in Seoul, where fewer than 20% of old residents usually return to a new neigh- bourhood (Shin & Kim, 2016). Such massive displacement of residents can have a highly negative impact on social sustaina- bility in localities (Manzi et al., 2010). The transformation of Poblenou and Wangsimni also resulted in the decline of jobs in the traditional industrial and service sectors. In  1999, 1,661  industrial establishments accounted Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 92 for  23% of all establishments in Poblenou. After 22@ got underway in 2000, their number declined by 21.6% to 1,302 by  2004 and then continued to decline over the following years  (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2008). Although  56,000 new jobs were reportedly created during the  2000s  (Ajunta- ment de Barcelona, 2012), these were mostly taken by new residents or commuters and are inaccessible to those resi- dents that used to work in traditional industries and services. The situation in Wangsimni was even more difficult, where industrial establishments accounted for  40.5% of the total in 2004 (Seongdong-gu District Office, 2006). Most of them were very small and organized as a networked industrial cluster, where physical proximity and direct contacts were essential for businesses  (Cho  & Križnik, 2017). After the large-scale demolition of Wangsimni, it was impossible to preserve these social and productive networks, and many were forced to re- locate or close down. By 2012 there was virtually no industry in Wangsimni anymore. Earlier studies suggest that the tradi- tional industrial and service sectors in Barcelona and Seoul had an important impact on the formation of social cohesion in localities  (Nahm, 2001; Marrero Guillamón, 2010). Their decline negatively affected both economic and social sustain- ability in Poblenou and Wangsimni. In contrast to Poblenou, where grassroots mobilization against the economic and social consequences of new urban devel- opment started as early as  2000, the residents in Wangsimni initially supported WNT. Although they perceived it as a good place to live, they also saw Wangsimni as an underdeveloped area lacking business opportunities. This, in turn, made them initially support the plan (Table 3). Kim (2010) suggests that this support was also related to the fact that the local gov- ernment managed the planning, which made the residents believe that WNT was presumably about public interests. Rising property values, which the residents expected would bring them significant financial gains, additionally contribut- ed to their support. From  2002 to  2007, the land prices in Wangsimni increased by 111%, whereas the average increase of land prices in Seoul was 55% during the same period (Kang, 2007). This significantly changed after 2006, according to the interviewees, because of the slow implementation of the plan, financial losses, rising housing costs, and corrupt practices of redevelopment associations. As a result, some property own- ers and groups of tenants started actively contesting the plan’s implementation (Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2014). The survey shows that, although at different points, the resi- dents of Poblenou and Wangsimni perceived the new urban development as being in the interest of property owners, private corporations, or the local government, rather than in their own interest  (Table 3). The fact that 22@ was planned without citizen participation and that the local government in- itially made little effort to involve residents in decision-making further strengthened this perception in Poblenou  (Degen  & García, 2012). For the majority of residents, the main problem was not the urban development itself, but the lack of their in- volvement in decision-making (Oliva, 2003; Marrero Guillam- ón, 2010). The rapid urban development on the one hand and slow improvement of social amenities on the other intensified the negative perception of 22@ according to the interviewees. In contrast to Poblenou, the local government in Seoul tried to involve residents in planning WNT. However, the slow pro- cess of citizen participation with few tangible results, along with pressure from redevelopment associations to build WNT as quickly as possible, forced the local government to finally exclude residents from decision-making. This was beneficial for speculative property owners and private corporations but “significantly unfair for property owners who are against the project or for renters” (Kim, 2010: 154). Lee (2006), however, points out that the actual involvement of residents was below expectations. Some had no time, whereas others might have realized that they had no voice in a process dominated by re- development associations. It is not surprising that the survey respondents perceived the transformation of their neighbourhood rather negatively, al- though many were not very familiar with the details of both plans. Only 6% of survey respondents in Poblenou believed that 22@ reflected residents’ interests, whereas  53% thought that the plan was about the interests of private corporations and the local government. In Wangsimni 37% of respondents, most of them property owners, believed that WNT was in their interest  (Table  3). The survey findings and interviews suggest that 22@ and WNT have consequently contributed to growing distrust between the residents and public institutions, which does not contribute to social sustainability (Manzi et al., 2010; Dempsey at el., 2011). 5 Conclusion There are differences between 22@ and WNT in terms of the planning approach, stakeholders, and institutional contexts. The former is an example of comprehensive long-term urban regeneration, which aims to integrate new urban development with the existing social and urban fabric in Poblenou. The local government initially prepared and implemented the plan in partnership with the private sector without much citizen participation. The latter is an example of short-term urban redevelopment, where the locality was completely demolished and replaced with new urban development. Although the res- idents were partly involved in decision-making at the begin- B. KRIŽNIK Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 93 ning, it was the private corporations, supported by the local government, that dominated the planning and implementation process. In spite of these significant differences, the research results suggest that 22@ and WNT had similar consequenc- es for social sustainability in the locality, especially on social cohesion and the involvement of citizens in decision-making. Everyday life in Poblenou and Wangsimni used to be character- ized by strong social connections and place attachment, as well as a distinct local culture and collective identity. Both of the planning approaches, however, did little to sustain these social and cultural structures, which are important for strengthening social cohesion in the locality. New urban development, which led to the demolition of existing residential and industrial ar- eas, loss of jobs in traditional industrial and service sectors, decline of communal life, and rising housing costs, contributed to the decline of social cohesion in Poblenou and Wangsimni rather than strengthening it. Although 22@ and WNT did create new jobs, provide new housing and public space, and improve social amenities and infrastructure, this was not equal- ly beneficial for everyone, which has in turn negatively affect- ed the perception of the transformation among some groups of residents. These perceived the new urban development as mainly being in the interests of the local government and private corporations, which has consequently weakened their confidence in public institutions. This was further undermined by the exclusion of the residents from decision-making. Social sustainability is a rather multifaceted concept that is not easy to assess. This is even more difficult in the case of ongoing urban development, such as 22@ or WNT, where long-term consequences cannot yet be fully observed. Nevertheless, the lack of citizen participation along with a decline in social cohe- sion – two major dimensions of a localized social sustainability agenda  – has been clearly identified in this study. Although there are important differences between the two planning approaches, in both cases the failure of 22@ and WNT to address social sustainability was a result of speculative urban development, where the transformation of deprived urban areas was instrumentalized to attract investments, strengthen economic competitiveness, and improve the global appeal of the city as a whole. Both plans were legitimized in public as seemingly beneficial to all citizens, whereas in reality the main beneficiaries were property owners and private corporations. The findings therefore show that speculative urban develop- ment can negatively affect social sustainability, regardless of the planning approach used. However, this study is limited due to the ongoing transformation of Poblenou and Wangsimni. A follow-up study would be needed to determine subsequent changes in the planning approach over a longer period and fully assess the long-term impact of the transformation on social sustainability in Barcelona and Seoul. Blaž Križnik Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Seoul, Republic of Korea E-mail: blaz@hanyang.ac.kr Notes [1] This study uses English terms for the particular planning approach- es used in Barcelona and Seoul. Although 22@ was introduced as an urban renovation project (Catalan: renovació urbana), the English documents and literature refer to it as urban regeneration (Ajunta- ment de Barcelona, 2000; 2012; Charnock et al., 2014). WNT is referred to as urban redevelopment (Korean: dosijaegaebal; SMG, 2010; Kim, 2010; Križnik, 2014). [2] In Barcelona the interviews included six interviewees representing civil society (the Poblenou Neighbours Association, the Historic Ar- chive of Poblenou, the Commission Against 22@, and Forum Ribera del Besòs), three representing the local government (the Barcelona City Council, the Sant Martí District Council, and Barcelona Regional), one from the private sector (Network 22@), and two experts (UPC and IaaC). In Seoul five interviewees represented civil society (from the Committee for Community Development in Wangsimni, the Korean Council for Local Agenda 21, KOCER, and the Hope Institute), three were from local government (SMG and the Seoul Museum of History), four represented the private sector (the 2nd and 3rd Redevelopment Association in Wangsimni, the Association of Wangsimni Industry and Merchants, and Dongyang Purena), and four were experts (SDI, SNU, UOS, and Konkook University). [3] The administrative units of El Poblenou and Wangsimni 1-dong were most affected by 22@ and WNT. In 2008 and 2006 they had populations of 30,949 and 14,099, which was the basis for the survey sampling (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2008; SMG, 2015a). [4] Barcelona and South Korea formalized these planning approaches in 1976, when the Barcelona City Council passed the General Met- ropolitan Plan, which provided a legal framework for urban regen- eration of deprived urban areas, and the Urban Redevelopment Act was introduced in South Korea (Degen & García, 2012; Kim, 2013). [5] Sindosi refers to new cities built in the Seoul metropolitan region in recent decades to address shortages in housing, social amenities, and infrastructure in Seoul. [6] Cheonggyecheon Restoration is another strategic project, in- troduced in 2002, which transformed the former Cheonggye Ex- pressway into a five-kilometre-long urban park, with the restored Cheonggye Stream at its centre. Although it greatly improved the environmental conditions in downtown Seoul and restored part of the historical and cultural heritage, it has also been criticized for lacking environmental authenticity and contributing to the commer- cialization of nearby areas (Križnik, 2011). Transformation of deprived urban areas and social sustainability: A comparative study of urban regeneration and urban redevelopment Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 94 Acknowledgments This work was supported by the research fund of Hanyang Univer- sity (HY-2017). The research was also supported by the Seed Pro- gram for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and the Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2015-INC-2230013). An early draft was presented at the 2014 AESOP Annual Congress in Utrecht, the Netherlands. The author thanks Petra Očkerl for translating this arti- cle into Slovenian and Simona Lapanja for reviewing the translation. 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(2007) A framework for assessing the sustainabil- ity of brownfield developments. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management, 50(1), pp. 23–40. DOI: 10.1080/09640560601048275 Wolfram, M. (2018) Cities shaping grassroots niches for sustainability transitions: Conceptual reflections and an exploratory case study. Jour- nal of Cleaner Production, 173(1), pp. 11–23. DOI: 10.1016/j.jclepro.2016.08.044 Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 96 UDC: 347.218.2:364.614.8(497.4) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2018-29-01-004 Received: 12 Jan. 2018 Accepted: 6 Apr. 2018 Mateja ŠMID HRIBAR Jani KOZINA David BOLE Mimi URBANC Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia as a transitional society This article aims to study and clearly define the terms public good, common-pool resources, and the commons. Us- ing path dependency analysis, interviews, and workshops among the general public and experts, we highlight the perception of public goods and the commons in Slovenia as a transitional society. The analysis reveals that the gen- eral public’s understanding of these terms is still strongly influenced by communist socialist-era emphasis on social justice, equality, and access to goods for everyone, which can be at odds with the right to private property. Inad- equate governance of goods that are considered public goods, but are in fact common-pool resources, can lead to conflicts and degradation of common-pool resources, which results in the loss of advantages providing wellbe- ing. Because people’s lives depend on subtractable natural resources, it is necessary to raise awareness about them among the general public and professional community, emphasize their vulnerability, and explain that they can- not be accessible to anyone in unlimited quantities. Fur- thermore, in an international context, using the Slovenian case, we seek to improve the understanding of human behaviour and expectations concerning public goods and common-pool resources in post-communist transitional societies. Keywords: public good, common good, common-pool resources, the commons, common property, space, gov- ernance, management, transitional society, Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 97Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia 1 Introduction The cultural landscape, either rural or urban, as a living space offers goods at various levels and for various groups of peo- ple. Owners are particularly interested in its economic aspect, whereas nonowners have their own expectations in terms of public and common goods (Šmid Hribar et al., 2015). Due to the recent past and the transitional state of Slovenian society, part of the general public in Slovenia believes that goods such as nuts, berries, and mushrooms, urban green areas, river banks, shores, and similar belong to everyone, and they are considered a public good. This is contrary to the belief of landowners (i.e.,  mostly farmers), who want to restrict the use of these goods. The misunderstanding arising from the perception of public goods pertains to urban areas as well. The distinction between the meanings of the terms public good and common good is not clearly drawn. The general public mostly uses the terms interchangeably. However, the term public good prevails and is used hereinafter in this article. The confusion is even greater regarding the goods typology, according to which in economic and environmental protection discourse the key characteristics of a good are its low/high excludability and low/high subtractability  (Ostrom  & Ostrom, 1977; Ostrom, 2005). Rather than a public good, the goods mentioned above are, in fact, common-pool resources (CPRs) because they are difficult to exclude and have high subtractability of use. Rather than checking the academic terms public good, common good, and CPR among the general public and experts, this arti- cle draws attention to the fact that the general understanding of a public good – irrespective of terminology – and the related rights is at times inappropriate and is the result of the past perception of entitlement to these goods. On the other hand, the pressures from owners to restrict access to these goods are growing stronger, generating a gap between private property rights and the privileges gained under the communist[1] sys- tem. In fact, the privileges granted in the communist era have conferred advantages that current legislation preserves, and it thus restricts landowners in the use of certain goods. Article 67 of the Slovenian Constitution (Sln. Ustavni zakon  .  .  .  , Ur. l. RS, no.75/2016) provides that the manner in which property is acquired and enjoyed shall be established by law to ensure its economic, social, and environmental function. Accordingly, we hypothesize that Slovenian society, which is a transitional society, considers many freely accessible goods in the cultural landscape  – which are, in fact, CPRs  – to be public goods that everyone is entitled to, whereby they come into conflict with private property rights. We assume that this is a legacy of Slovenia’s recent past; that is, a result of political, ideological, economic, and social changes. A lack of knowledge about CPRs and their mismanagement can lead to conflicts and resource degradation, resulting in the loss of the advantages promoting wellbeing. In transition- al societies like Slovenia, there is a need for a clear definition of the terms public good and CPR. This will provide valuable help in understanding that some goods, even if they are openly accessible, are not a public good  – they are subtractable and vulnerable, and constant open access to all cannot be taken for granted. Appropriate understanding of the distinction be- tween public goods and CPRs is important because it affects the expectations and behaviour of the public toward the goods that play a key role in providing wellbeing. Such goods are CPRs mostly because owners do not restrict access to them, which is because access to these resources is a) difficult to re- strict (e.g.,  forests, nuts, berries, and mushrooms) or b) they are traditionally not fenced off in Slovenia. The objectives are: 1. To explain the misunderstanding in the perception of public goods and CPRs in Slovenian transitional society, and to show how this is reflected in the conflicts related to access to CPRs; 2. To provide insight into what is considered a public good and a common good by the general public and experts in Slovenia; and 3. To draw attention to the clear distinction between public goods and CPRs to understand and raise awareness about the fact that openly accessible goods that are CPRs are not public goods and therefore cannot be accessible to everyone in unlimited quantities. 2 Theoretical background In Slovenian legislation, the term public good is still not clearly defined; instead, it is used inconsistently and unsystematical- ly (Vugrin, 2005; Šmid Hribar et al., 2015). When searching for a definition of public good, in economic and environmen- tal protection discourse researchers in the second half of the twentieth century applied the criteria of its (non)excludability and  (non)rivalry  (Samuelson, 1954, cited in Ostrom, 2010; Musgrave, 1969, cited in Desmarais-Tremblay, 2014, which were later narrowed down and replaced by the criteria of low/ high excludability and low/high subtractability of use  (Os- trom, 2010). By combining the criteria of  (non)excludability and (non)rivalry, Musgrave and Musgrave (1973, cited in Des- marais-Tremblay, 2014) used a theoretical model to identify four types of goods, where along with private and public goods two other types were identified: goods whose consumption leads to no subtractions, but are not accessible to everyone (ex- cludable), and goods that are subtractable, but where exclusion from consumption is difficult. The term common good was first used for the latter category. Despite being part of western po- litical thought since ancient Greece (Lee, 2018) and a widely Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 98 used concept as addressed by most political thinkers (Dupré, 1993), the concept of the common good is loose, imprecise, and prone to political manipulation (Jaede, 2017). According to Mansbridge  (2013), the meaning of the concept is essen- tially contested. What makes the issue even more challenging is that the notions of common good, public good, and public interest are often used interchangeably  (Mansbridge, 2013). Due to its low/high excludability and subtractability, this cat- egory of goods attracted researchers’ attention. Vincent and Elinor Ostrom (1977; Ostrom, 2005) and their colleagues left a significant mark on this category by naming it common-pool resources, or CPRs. A CPR is defined as “a natural or man- made resource system that is sufficiently large as to make it costly  (but not impossible) to exclude potential beneficiaries from obtaining benefits from its use” (Ostrom, 1990: 30). This characteristic does not depend on socio-political factors, but it is inalienable to CPRs, albeit not widely recognized. Due to their free accessibility, the term CPR is often used inter- changeably with public good. The lack of knowledge of CPRs leads to mismanagement or misuse, which further leads to inappropriate legislation. This can lead to deterioration or even depletion of resources, as highlighted by Garrett Hardin in his famous essay “The Trag- edy of the Commons”. In this essay he underlined the fateful human trait according to which individuals act according to their own self-interest. Overfishing in the Adriatic Sea  (Fro- mentin, 2009; Colloca et al., 2013) and managing denational- ized forests in Slovakia (Kluvánková & Gežík, 2016) are two recent examples. Excessive use of CPRs and inappropriate activities have tangible socioeconomic consequences (Rodela, 2012). Hardin’s approach was successfully challenged by Elinor Ostrom (1990), who stated that the tragedy of the commons can be avoided by appropriate governance. Ostrom  (1990, 2010 emphasized that neither the market (i.e.,  the neoliberal model) nor the state and private entities via concession con- tracts managed to provide desired solutions for sustainable governance of CPRs. Based on many international cases, she found that CPRs can also be governed by local communi- ties  (Ostrom, 1990, 2010. Ostrom won the Nobel Prize for her conclusion that, when facing a limited resource, people are able to act and collaborate for the common benefit (Ostrom, 2010; Anderies  & Janssen, 2013). In Slovenia these types of collaboration are known as agrarian communities, which gov- erned and managed common lands for centuries (Vilfan, 1996; Petek & Urbanc, 2007; Bogataj, 2012). During the communist era they were disbanded; however, they have been reinstated since Slovenia’s independence. The notion of the commons adds confusion to the terms public good and common good. It relates to jointly owned goods that are governed by commu- nities, which use collective actions with a specific set of rules, and they are frequently misinterpreted as a common good. McKean  (2000) pointed to this confusion and emphasized that common property should be classified as a form of shared private property. According to the author, it is necessary to distinguish between goods, rights, and entities/owners holding rights. These categories are either private or public. In Slovenia, the confusion related to the terms public good and the commons is predominantly due to historical and institution- al contexts. Such an effect is called path dependency, which is characterized by a sequence of historical events in a place, leading to the current institutional patterns or specific chains of events. By identifying historical events in an area and their interactions, one can determine the spatial, social, and oth- er patterns therein  (Godina, 2015). According to Heinmill- er (2009), relatively little attention has been paid to path de- pendency in studying collective actions among resource users, although this can importantly affect governance. An analysis of common land property practices in the historical context of Portugal (Lopes et al., 2013) demonstrated that the current status of common land is closely connected with key historical periods. At the same time, it revealed the sequence of shaping the relations toward resources and rules that led to various land and legal forms of common land. According to Godina (2015), the significance of path dependency has been overlooked in planning and implementing social changes in post-communist societies, including Slovenia. As the main reason she identifies the ideologically influenced perspective on history, which is based on the idea of creating a discontinuity with communism. The same can be said for the communist or industrial society in relation to the agricultural society prior to 1945. Addition- al confusion is caused by two key concepts from Slovenia’s recent past: social ownership and workers’ self-management. The Associated Labour Act  (Sln. Zakon o združenem delu Ur.l. SFRJ, no.  53/1976), which introduced the concept of social ownership, does not provide a definition but rather the following comment by Grahek (1988: 14): “Workers thus ap- propriate part of income, but this is labour-based rather than ownership-based.” Independent property management formed the basis for workers’ self-management that was put into force in 1950 (Zakon o upravljanju . . . , Ur. l. FLRJ, no. 43/1950). Both concepts, albeit with a different meaning, are still em- bedded in people’s consciousness  (Toplak, 2014) and affect the perception of goods. At least to a certain degree, these findings can be generalized to other post-communist countries of central and eastern Europe (Premrl et al., 2015, Markusze- wska, 2018), where, due to socioeconomic changes as a con- sequence of regime changes and government decentralization, many gaps emerged between property legislation and rights in practice. The divide between de jure and de facto in managing various goods leads to the erosion of general interests to the benefit of individuals, causing deterioration and reduction of the stock of common-pool resources (Sikor, 2004). M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 99 3 Methods In Section 4, the path dependency concept is used as a meth- odological framework and, based on a review of the existing literature, we identify three historical periods affecting the per- ception of the terms public good and the commons in Slovenian transitional society. Using this approach, we draw attention to the role of the  (in)appropriate understanding of natural resources’ characteristics and show that they can be governed sustainably. Section 5 lists cases of public and common goods in pilot areas and emphasizes the advantages and conflicts re- sulting from these goods. We were interested in what locals in pilot areas and experts consider a public good and what they consider a common good. In the autumn of 2015 we carried out a workshop with locals in each of the three pilot areas (the local communities of Bevke, Čadrg, and Kosovelje) on bene- fits of the landscape and public and common goods in their settlements. Between March and November 2016, we carried out thirty-one in-depth structured interviews with locals and twenty-three interviews with public sector stakeholders whose work indirectly or directly deals with landscapes (in terms of rural development, protected areas, natural and cultural herit- age, agriculture, forestry, and hunting). The interviews lasted fifty-three minutes on average and consisted of three sets of questions concerning an individual’s perspective on the cul- tural landscape, in which the third set contained questions on public and common goods in the landscape, their benefits, and potential conflict situations. 4 The impact of path dependency on understanding public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons in Slovenia In Slovenia one can distinguish between three important historical periods connected with broader political, econom- ic, and demographic changes. Basing his work on the sector theory  (Small  & Witherick, 1986), Klemenčič  (1989, 1997) writes about various development stages: demographic, socio- economic, geographic, and other stages that left their mark on the landscape and people. Of special interest are the socioeco- nomic stages that, through changing the shares in employment sectors, suggest a transition from an agricultural and indus- trial society to a post-industrial  (information) society. Until the  1960s, Slovenian society was mostly agricultural, which was followed by a rapid but brief period of industrialization until the 1990s, which was then followed by tertiarization of society. The communist government after the Second World War and the transition to the market economy after independ- ence in 1991 played a decisive role. Accordingly, we decided to demonstrate the evolution of the perception of public goods and the commons across three historical milestones: the agri- cultural period until the end of the Second World War (1945); communism, collectivism, and industrialization (1945–1991); and independent Slovenia after 1991, characterized by tertiar- ization of the economy, individualization of society, and tran- sition to a market economy. 4.1 Agricultural society (until 1945) Slovenia’s agricultural society was economically based on the primary sector  (agriculture, hunting, fishing, and forestry). Fragmented private property prevailed, and to a limited extent pastures and forests were owned by village communities, where the use of these goods was shared (Vilfan, 1996). Because com- munities depended on their resources, they were generally care- ful not to deplete or damage them  (Rodela, 2012). Slovenia has a rich tradition of common lands that had great economic significance in terms of livelihood, not only for individual fam- ilies but for entire villages (Petek & Urbanc, 2007). Common lands date back to the period of tribal communities, and in some places they have been preserved since feudalism (Vilfan, 1996). The General Civil Code (German: Allgemeines bürger- liches Gesetzbuch) of the Habsburg Monarchy, which entered into force on 1 January 1812, distinguished between a) public goods, which covered things available to all citizens (e.g., pub- lic roads and watering places), b) municipal goods, from which residents benefited, and c)  municipal property, from which municipal costs were covered (Vilfan, 1996). However, Vilfan points out that the various types of common property are dif- ficult to classify according to these legal categories and that the right to common or municipal goods differed from one place to another. There are several regional and diachronic versions of the umbrella terms; common lands were called komunšna, komunela, and gmajna (Vilfan, 1996: 237) and agrarian com- munities were called soseska  (Petek  & Urbanc, 2007), sose(d) ska, srenja, jus, and skupnina (Bogataj, 2012). Along with gov- erning common lands, the agrarian community was in charge of managing and maintaining roads and watering places, for example  (Ravnik, 1998). By the end of feudalism, the rights to common lands were more or less uniform and depended on a person’s affiliation with a local community, but afterwards these rights started to differentiate. Vilfan (1996) emphasizes that the remains of the former village communities were pre- served in the cases of collective governance of common lands. The economic aspect prevailed in their governance, which was environmentally sustainable due to the low level of technolog- ical development. Nevertheless, there were practices that led to depletion or even loss of natural resources. Such a case is peat in the Ljubljana Marsh. In the early nineteenth century, right before intensive drainage, there were  1,500  hectares of peatland in the marsh  (Pavšič, 2008). The Franciscan Cadas- Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 100 tre shows that between  1824 and  1827 many wet meadows and pastures were common land  (Šmid Hribar, 2016). Due to drainage and division of the land after  1830, the former common pastures became privately owned. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the peatland was intensively exploit- ed by landowners for economic gain. Despite estimates that the peat reserves would suffice for another 229 years, the peat was depleted in a few decades and consequently the elevation of the marsh decreased  (Melik, 1927). The flood risk in the Ljubljana Marsh increased, the functions of the landscape and ecosystem services changed, and the consequences are felt by all current residents (Šmid Hribar, 2016). 4.2 Industrial society (1945–1991) The communist period, which was accompanied by signif- icant structural and ideological reforms of the social, po- litical, and economic system, had a significant impact on today’s perception and governance of public goods and the commons. Nationalization and the resulting expropriation of major landowners are particularly important. The intro- duction of a land maximum allowed them to keep a maxi- mum of thirty-five hectares (Zakon o agrarni . . . , Ur. l. LRS, no.  10/1948), and from  1953 onwards only a maximum of ten hectares of arable land  (Zakon o kmetijskem  .  .  .  , Ur. l. FLRJ, no.  22/1953). Along with farmers, expropriation also pertained to agrarian communities (Zakon o agrarnih skupno- stih, Ur. l. LRS, no. 52/1947; Zakon o razpolaganju .  .  .  , Ur. l. SRS, no. 7/1965), which interrupted the continuity in man- aging subtractable natural resources. Based on the case of the selected agrarian community of Škrbina, Rubije, and Šibelji, Czerny (2014) assumes that the lack of continuous collective governance of agrarian communities affected the perception of their members. He emphasizes the distinction between the governance objectives of both passive and active members of an agrarian community. Active members prefer economic goals, whereas passive members prefer environmental goals. Both categories of members consider communication an important part of the agrarian community’s decision-making. They also recognize the importance of coordination regarding the use of common-pool resources, which, in their opinion, is essential to the agrarian community’s survival in the long run (Czerny, 2014). The agricultural reform that caused the expropriation of major landowners also influenced the collectivization and establishment of major national systems, such as communist cooperatives, agricultural combines, and national forest com- panies (Jepsen et al., 2015; Premrl et al., 2015). There emerged a major gap between agricultural combines averaging two hundred hectares and agricultural holdings averaging 5.2 hec- tares (Drozg, 2007). Similar to other eastern European countries, after the Second World War Slovenia saw the implementation of a centrally planned economy (Jepsen et al., 2015). Private ownership was replaced by state  (national) and social ownership  (Urbanc, 2002). The power of decision-making was transferred from individuals, agricultural holdings, and local communities to the state level  (Partlič, 1989) and, through the introduction of social ownership and workers’ self-management, to em- ployees  (Šetinc, 1979; Toplak, 2014). By introducing new forms of ownership, the centuries-old existing and emerging connections between subtractable resources and their local communities – that were, in fact, their managers – started to break down. As a consequence, knowledge about the resources’ characteristics was gradually lost. To a great extent, the respon- sibility for their governance was transferred to state institu- tions that, because of their physical and/or cognitive distance, were not susceptible to sustainable management. According to Partlič (1989), Pučnik was one of the first critics of the post- war agricultural policy. As early as  1963, in his ideologically contested article “O dilemah našega kmetijstva” (Dilemmas in Our Agriculture), Pučnik questioned the goals of the agricul- tural policy, asking whether its aim was to regulate the food supply or to abolish private ownership and introduce collective cultivation  (Pučnik, 1963, cited in Partlič 1989:  433). The negative attitude toward the farmer as a private producer (Ur- banc, 2002; Razpotnik Visković  & Seručnik, 2013) and the systematic establishment of industrial companies across Slo- venia affected the extensive social layering from agricultural to non-agricultural activities and the related urbanization or demographic and spatial urban growth  (Drozg, 2007). The fragmentation of land, also as a consequence of the agricultural reform, caused the formation of an extensive stratum of part- time farmers. Because of their weak economic power, they pre- served small plots of land, diversity of agricultural landscapes, and extensive land cultivation  (Urbanc, 2002), and they had an inhibitory effect in terms of intensive deagrarization. Thus, they played an important role in maintaining the traditional cultural landscape (Razpotnik Visković & Seručnik, 2013). Figure  1: Peat cutting and drying in the Ljubljana Marsh (source: archives of the Ljubljana Marsh Protected Landscape Area). M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 101 With industrialization of society and deagrarization, urban space came to the forefront  (Drozg, 2007), and the problem of governing the commons was also transferred into this space. The result of poorly thought-out structural and ideological reform is still evident in public green areas next to apartment buildings  (Zlatkova, 2015; Simoneti, 2016), which ought to allow for a better quality of life and connect people with na- ture. Nevertheless, public green areas have become increasingly at risk in recent decades. 4.3 Post-industrial society (since 1991) Slovenia became a post-industrial society in  1991, when the share of those employed in the service sector exceeded the share of industrial workers  (Klemenčič, 1989, 1997). There were many consequences of the political, social, and economic changes that followed independence and the transition from a totalitarian communist social system to democracy and market capitalism (Drozg, 2007). This was paired with a value shift in society, associated with the reduced significance of collectivism and increasing individualization. In terms of public goods and the commons, two types of processes are particularly significant. The former relates to the elimination of social ownership as the prevailing form of ownership relationships from the communist era, and the latter relates to the revival of methods of collective govern- ance of subtractable natural resources, which was present in the agricultural period. The removal of social ownership was accompanied by denationalization and privatization, but there is an important distinction between the two. With the former, ownership was relatively clear and understandable: the proper- ties were returned to the injured parties or their heirs (Prem- rl et  al., 2015) and the condition before nationalization was re-established. With privatization, ownership is a much looser category, and social ownership and control of means of pro- duction were replaced by dispersed and non-transparent pri- vate property. Inappropriate reallocation of wealth and power among the members of the political and economic elite could result in uncontrolled privatization (Lorenčič, 2009) and mis- management of state-owned assets. This is characteristic of new European Union member states  (Tomšič  & Vehovar, 2012). With the onset of the economic crisis, the focus of privati- zation shifted from state-owned companies to space  (land), energy, and water, which can have characteristics of CPRs and are essential for survival. Denationalization revived methods for governing common land that existed prior to industrial society. The legislation adopted after Slovenia’s independence allows for the reestablishment of agrarian communities and the restitution of properties and rights  (Petek  & Urbanc, 2007). However, due to the poorly conceived Denationali- zation Act of  1991  (Sln. Zakon o denacionalizaciji, Ur.l. RS, no. 27/1991), which allowed the restitution of land to heirs, agrarian communities face many problems in conducting ju- Figure 2: The residential green urban areas that started to emerge under communism are important urban commons, but they are also a CPR, and so they need to be governed (photo: Peter Stavanja). Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 102 dicial proceedings because this act has led to privatization of former common land, which will probably result in changed land use  (Šmid Hribar et  al., 2015). According to Cerar et al. (2011), the nationalization procedure under communism abolished or expropriated between one thousand and  1,500 agrarian communities, but the size of their land is not known. Premrl (2013) reports that 638 agrarian communities are regis- tered in the administrative unit registers, of which 547 are po- tentially active; the procedures regarding property restitution have not been completed for forty-eight agrarian communities. A total of 77,486.47 hectares of land was returned to agrarian communities, which is  3.67% of Slovenia’s territory  (Premrl, 2013). Compared to the agricultural period, when the signif- icance of common land was mostly economic, today the focus is on preserving and maintaining ecological balance, biodiver- sity, the open agricultural cultural landscape, and rural areas in general  (Petek  & Urbanc, 2007; Jepsen et  al., 2015; Šmid Hribar et al., 2015). The ongoing privatization process, transformation of utility services, and public services for public green areas can be linked to the poor maintenance of older high-rise neighbourhoods that are at risk of degradation if no comprehensive renova- tion is put in place. Without specific guidelines, criteria, and conditions for division of land among public and private enti- ties, municipalities acted differently in relation to maintaining green areas. This is reflected in poor maintenance, appropria- tion, reorganization, and speculative purchases. Currently, the deterioration of quality in older neighbourhoods of Slovenian towns is not critical, but poor maintenance may lead to reduc- ing the options for new developments, which may ultimately result in irretrievable loss of green areas (Simoneti, 2016). In Slovenia, a pressing concern is recreation in forests, including the widespread gathering of nuts, berries, and mushrooms. The dissatisfaction of forest owners is even greater when the gatherers and recreational users are not local. In the autumn of 2016, “chestnut wars” occurred in some places, when angry locals stood up to visitors because of their excessive gathering of chestnutss, negligent parking, and driving off-road  (Om- ladič, 2016). 5 Public and common goods in Slovenia 5.1 Perception of public and common goods among locals Most locals at the three case study sites are unable to clearly distinguish between the terms public good and common good. An interviewee from the village of Bevke stated: “I don’t dis- tinguish between the two well enough, I find them very simi- lar.” Sometimes one thing is understood as a public good and common good at the same time. Thorough interviews suggest- ed that locals mostly define common goods and public goods in relation to ownership rights; that is, the rights to use a good. The majority feel that a public good is a good that is publicly owned, free of charge, and can be used by all residents. Ac- cordingly, public goods are understood as public areas owned by everyone; for example, municipality-owned land, municipal properties, roads and paths, troughs and watering places for livestock, wells, ponds, infrastructure, waste bin areas, land owned by the Slovenian Farmland and Forest Fund, ceme- teries, monuments, and viewpoints. Locals perceive water as a public good rather than a common good. They also consider services intended for everyone to be a public good (e.g., public health services, fire services, hospitals, and schools). On the other hand, under common goods locals understand everything that the residents of a settlement use: natural re- sources, common lands, indoor or outdoor areas, infrastruc- ture, and things that they made, built, or established in village community campaigns and for their use. According to one interviewee from Kosovlje: “A common good is everything that we do together.” Shared air, water, peace, and access to heritage were given as the main examples of common goods. The key is shared ownership, common work, benefits, and use. Locals in Čadrg feel that a common good in their settlement is drinking water, the village water supply system, common land for grazing, ecological farming, cutting wood on common land, a viewpoint with a bench, an area for planting walnuts, a cheese factory, and troughs for watering livestock. In Kosovlje, common goods are shared wells for watering gardens, roads, footpaths, a pond, a bonfire area, a waste bin area, parking space, a private garden that the owners open and share with others, high-speed internet access via optic cable, new flags, mushrooms, and herbs. In Bevke, common goods are con- sidered certain areas under nature protection, drinking water and a water reservoir, medicinal plants, and socializing in ar- eas that were acquired together, such as a fire station, sports park, kindergarden, school, church, or cemetery. In the locals’ opinion, all of these goods, similar to public goods, improve their quality of life and offer benefits. In all three pilot sites, conflicts have arisen in relation to the use of public and common goods. In most cases, these were due to the mismanagement of water resources. In one case, the views differed about establishing control of drinking water quality and the related financial and management costs. The residents reached an agreement and adopted an appropriate solution. Another case was a deep pond with drinking water, which was almost destroyed by inappropriate construction work and where the water is no longer fit for drinking; there are attempts to restore the pond. The last case is connected with a water resource that the neighbouring municipality depends on. The M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 103 residents would permit the pumping of drinking water on the condition that the road running through the neighbouring municipality be improved. There is also the issue of forests that once belonged to the agrarian community, where there are hunting grounds owned by the state. The residents are against any tax burdens on land that they are not allowed to manage. 5.2 Perception of public and common goods among experts Experts also had difficulty distinguishing between public and common goods. Nevertheless, in their work they mostly use the term public good and understand it as that which is neces- sary for survival, so that everyone must have access to it. These are roads, thoroughfares, forest roads, and paths  – in short, infrastructure that allows for passability and good access to land, forests, and the coast. Others mentioned peace, views, a preserved landscape, space, forest and agricultural land, nature, preserved plant and animal species, water and water supply, schools, markets, trees, and parks. To a great extent, experts also connect public goods with ownership and frequently be- lieve that, due to encroachment into private property, they are often a burden for owners. A spatial planning expert felt that complications also occur when the municipality is the owner of some public goods and the state is the owner of others, which shows the need for multilevel governance. Reflections on common goods were rare and referred to things that are in shared use: roads, common pastures, meadows, forests, water, and the landscape  – that is, similar to what was mentioned in relation to public goods. With regard to common goods, individuals emphasized that use can conflict with private interests, and a representative of cultural heritage protection services mentioned that “people become aware of a common good only when they start losing it.” Another con- cept associated with common goods was agrarian communities managing common lands and goods (e.g.,  firewood) that the members of individual agrarian communities can use. Among the benefits of common goods, they specifically mentioned mushrooms, wild asparagus, recreation opportunities, and aes- thetic values in an area. Experts were also aware of the conflicts originating from ex- cessive or large-scale use of such goods. They mentioned the conflict in using the area at the confluence of the Tolminka and Soča rivers, which is practically closed off in the festival season, during the entire summer. This angers the local pop- ulation, which cannot swim or walk there without a ticket. In this area there is also a forest with special significance, but because of the large number of festival visitors it has been subject to degradation. Conflicts of interest are also identified on the banks of rivers, which are freely accessible in Slovenia. During the summer, visitors come from various parts of Slo- venia and leave behind waste, which angers the residents even further. The problem of exploiting the Soča River has been stressed, with conflict between fishermen, kayakers, and rafters. A solution was found in the spatial and temporal zoning of various activities. A similar management mechanism will be probably necessary in relation to using the skydiving airfields because the increased number of skydivers and the time that they spend there disturbs the wildlife. Mushroom picking is also becoming a problem. 6 Discussion The first objective of this article was to explain the conflicts in perceiving certain goods that the Slovenian general pub- lic considers public goods, which land owners disagree with. Path dependence analysis was used to clarify this ambiguity. It became evident that the perception of these goods is still strongly influenced by ownership and the terms social owner- ship and worker’s self-management from the times of commu- nist Yugoslavia, and to a smaller degree also by the events in the agricultural period. As expected, in the agricultural period, at least in areas with settlements that go back hundreds of years, people took into account the vulnerability of natural resources because their sustainable use was of key importance for the community’s survival. When governing subtractable natural resources, the locals organized themselves into agrarian com- munities and, by following strict rules for using the commons, they avoided the tragedy predicted by Hardin  (1968). They showed that subtractable resources can be governed so that the resource is preserved for future generations despite consump- tion of certain goods, which was later proven by Ostrom on various international cases (1990, 2005). Despite good practice examples, there were cases of overuse even back then, which were mostly due to poor knowledge of the resource in question and land division. A case in point is the destruction of peat in the Ljubljana Marsh in the second half of the nineteenth cen- tury, when the new owners were mostly motivated by econom- ic gain. Subtractable natural resources (e.g.,  drinking water, ponds, forests, and pastures) have remained important for the quality of life to this day. At the Čadrg pilot site, the former practice of collective governance of subtractable resources was passed on to modern times. The locals successfully manage common forests, pastures, and water, but are hampered by the lack of understanding of the state, which, on the one hand, encourages them to register common forest lands in the land register, but it does not grant them the right to shared deci- sion-making in wildlife management. Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 104 In the industrial era of Slovenia, which was then part of Yugo- slavia, an ownership conflict occurred between farmers on the one hand and the state on the other, due to implementing the concept of social ownership. This concept must not be equated with the concept of the commons from the agricultural period because the concept of social ownership was based on labour whereas the concept of the commons was based on collective governance of jointly owned subtractable resources. According to Caffentzis (2010), the ideology of communism created the imaginary impression of sharing and co-management of social wealth by the citizens, whereas the reality was that most of this was based on restricted management by either bureaucratic or capitalist criteria. Similarly, Pučnik (1963) connected the aboli- tion of private ownership in rural areas with social injustice and economic discrimination against the agricultural population. The abolition of agrarian communities and nationalization of common land after the Second World War was confirmed by Obeng-Odoom  (2016), who finds that their existence is undermined by external, rather than internal, threats. In Slo- venia these communities were not abolished under capitalism or imperialism, but, ironically, under communism. The transfer of ownership and/or governance onto public institutions has often proven to be problematic (e.g., Zlatkova, 2015; Simoneti, 2016). On the one hand, resources became publicly owned, but because people were not aware of their vulnerability they were often poorly managed, which resulted in deterioration. In rural areas this was reflected in the overgrowth of agricultural land due to ideological support for industrialization, and in towns and cities it was reflected in the degradation of common green areas near apartment buildings. The responsibility for the consequences of poor governance, or even a lack thereof, mostly lies with “remote” public institutions, which, due to their lack of knowledge and weak personal ties, often failed to see that such natural resources had characteristics of CPRs. The interviews with locals point to this ongoing conflict because they are mostly critical of the state’s governance of subtractable natural resources (e.g., forests and water) and feel that the state is not a good manager in this respect. As “resistance” to communist collectivism, post-communist countries eagerly adopted neoliberalism  (Smith  & Timár, 2010), in which the state has significantly less chance of di- recting local and regional development than in a planned econ- omy  (Drozg, 2005). The pressures of forest owners to limit the exploitation of nuts, berries, and mushrooms to owners only are well known  (Kumer, 2017). Section  5.2 provided the example of closing the area at the confluence of the Soča and the Tolminka rivers during the summer festival, which is incomprehensible to the Slovenian public and is, in fact, usurpation of a common space that the locals use for walks and relaxation. The concessionaire officially paid for the right to close the area, but the municipality should also consider locals’ right to the area and adjust its governance accordingly. The path dependency analysis in three periods revealed that the consequences of changing the impact and power of individu- als, the community, and institutions concerning subtractable resource governance in Slovenia are still evident in the different perception of public goods and the commons and, as a result, in the various expectations of the public and owners regarding these goods. Interviews with locals and experts offered insight into their perception of public and common goods, which was the sec- ond objective of this article. It turned out that they almost did not know the difference between the terms and perceived them as something that is freely accessible. The distinction is mostly related to property rights and economic benefit, bring- ing the meaning of common good closer to the commons. We assume that this is a consequence of the spatial and temporal contexts and processes that shaped, and continue to shape, the perception of the commons and its ownership (agrarian com- munities, nationalization, denationalization, etc.). Locals often equate common goods with common things, and they use the expressions synonymously. The commons is characterized by common property, where – depending on its (non)accessibil- ity – a good can be a private good or a CPR, but not a public good. A forest owned by the agrarian community or green areas next to apartment buildings are CPRs, but this is not the case with a fenced-in common pasture or a shared cheese factory with limited access. In all three pilot areas, the locals dedicate significant effort to the existence and improvement of the commons; they volunteer in joint campaigns and are well aware that in improving the quality of life they mostly depend on themselves and their input, including financial. In recent decades they have used their own resources to independently build water supply systems, telephone and electric installations, and even roads. They invest in restoration and establishment of cycling and walking routes, clean the surroundings, restore dry stone walls, and maintain and build common spaces. There are some things that the locals are willing to share with each other, but they become upset when someone wants to benefit from their shared work and input. This suggests that the role of the commons in improving the locals’ quality of life is im- portant. A positive attitude toward working together to shape and restore the environment that the community manages is clearly a characteristic of Slovenian rural areas. In Slovenia, the commons is understood beyond common ownership because it relates to common village matters, which makes the com- munity even stronger and builds local identity. Among the experts, we perceived the connection of common goods with common use and institutions that manage com- mon land  (e.g.,  agrarian communities). They are well aware of the conflicts arising from the increased or undefined use M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 105 of certain goods (e.g., space, drinking water, and mushrooms) and they find that solving these conflicts of interest requires dialogue among everyone involved, which should be followed by multilevel governance. According to Rodela  (2012), key decisions regarding CPRs in Slovenia are still made by public institutions (institutes, ministries, and agencies), and their sec- toral policies and development programmes are implemented by relevant branch offices. This manner of CPR governance is a legacy of communism, in which the centralized state ap- paratus gained in power and importance. An alternative to this kind of governance is contemporary foreign models of complex CPR governance, based on various concepts such as co-governance  (Somerville  & Haines, 2008), multi-ac- tor governance  (Schut et  al., 2014), and multilevel govern- ance (Hooghe & Marks, 2003). The essence of these concepts is a mutual formation and representation of various commu- nities to introduce more efficient policies concerning CPR governance. The third objective of this article was to draw attention to the clear distinction between public goods and CPRs to un- derstand that freely available goods that are CPRs are not public goods and therefore cannot be accessible to everyone in unlimited quantities. By stressing social and spatial justice, equality, and access to goods for everyone (Drozg, 2005), the communist era strengthened the public opinion that access to and the benefit of these resources (e.g.,  nuts, berries, and mushrooms, and access to the coast) is the public’s inalienable right. The problem is that the public still perceives these goods as public goods and is not aware of the negative consequences of excessive or inappropriate use. This confirms Heinmiller’s conclusion (2009) that past patterns can lead to deep-rooted perceptions, which are often connected with old rights. In the agricultural period in Slovenia, collective governance of subtractable resources was already in place. However, in the communist era, this type of governance was prohibited and replaced by a system that treated everything as social property, without being aware of the subtractability of natural resources. In the present day we feel the consequences of both practices, which conflict with one another and influence the current per- ception and expectations of the general public, the professional community, decision-makers, and landowners. However, de- spite the many weaknesses of the former communist system, the authors of this article have identified goods such as free access to riverbanks, lakes, and forests, walking in forests, foot- paths outside forests, gathering nuts, berries, and mushrooms in permitted quantities, and so on as an important privilege of the previous system and an advantage that greatly improves wellbeing while not causing any damage to the owners. Similar privileges to land were pointed out by George  at the end of 19th century (cited in Obeng-Odoom, 2016), whereas Os- trom and her colleagues generally did not address them. To maintain these privileges, it is crucial to raise awareness among the public that all of these goods are not a public good – that is, something that everyone has access to in unlimited quanti- ties – but rather that these goods have characteristics of CPRs due to their free access and subtractability. At the same time, we must raise awareness among owners about how ownership per se does not grant an unconditional right to the use of natural resources. Slovenia’s general public is justified in fearing appetites for privatization, concessions, or licencing, which greatly threaten Slovenia’s subtractable natural resources due to economic interests. Very telling resistance to such trends is the inclusion of the right to drinking water in the Slovenian Constitution (Sln. Ustavni zakon . . . , Ur. l. RS, no. 75/2016), although it should be stressed that the constitutional legislator still does not understand that, rather than a public good, water is a subtractable natural resource. This characteristic, which the Slovenian public perceives intuitively, was what drove the efforts to include the right to water in the constitution. The inclusion itself does not protect water resources  – they re- main vulnerable and subtractable. In May and July 2017, the Slovenian public was shaken by two ecological disasters that, along with soil and air, affected water resources. It was shown that the mere amendment of the legislative framework with associated regulations is not enough. Concrete adjustments, clear rules, control, and, ultimately, sanctions for improper water resource governance and management are necessary. A particular problem in Slovenia is the conversion of fertile land into industrial zones. Each such investment requires careful deliberation because fertile land is a natural resource and its degradation is irreversible. Due to the growing number of users and conflicts of interest, green areas near apartment buildings are particularly affected. This article draws attention to the fact that if people fail to take into account the subtractability of a good they are at risk of depleting the good or resource. Sometimes, particularly from the aspect of the ecosystem, depletion can be caused by the division of the resource into smaller units. In order to avoid this, past generations developed collective governance systems with specific sets of rights and rules. They shared the yield (e.g., firewood), but not also the CPR stock (i.e., the forest in this case). This confirms the finding by McKean (2000), who states that the right to goods was privatized without dividing it into smaller parts. Social ownership in communism was based on this concept; the difference was that the right was not transferrable and ceased with termination of employment. A recent example of CPR governance in urban areas is green ar- eas around apartment blocks. The residents become organized, and they grow bushes and trees without dividing the green areas because the individual parts of land would be too small to grow trees. Through rules, conditions, and sanctions, they Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 106 become involved in the governance and management of their green areas, which are CPRs rather than a public good. The lack of organization among residents can lead to degradation of green areas in their immediate surroundings. A group of people may even take it one step further; they may rent or purchase a piece of land and, for example, plant walnut trees there, as was the case in Čadrg, or fruit trees and vegetables in urban neighbourhoods. The produce grown on such land is not a public good. This is typical common property or the commons, but, although it is known who can benefit from it, in the case of free access and given their subtractability these goods have CPR characteristics. This is also the case with the produce from the urban orchard planted in Ljubljana’s Vič neighbourhood, which has been vandalized several times due to poor governance. Even though it is located in a public area, it is not public good, but a CPR due to the good’s subtractability and free accessibility. Similarly, blueberries, mushrooms, and chestnuts in the forest are CRPs rather than a public good. Table  1 provides a short explanation of the key terms and examples to avoid any further ambiguity concerning public goods, CPRs, and the commons, and to promote appropriate governance. Finally, let us emphasize the role of ownership. As discussed in the theoretical background section, the key characteristics of goods lie in their low/high excludability and low/high subtractability, rather than ownership. However, the role of ownership becomes particularly evident in governance, when the owner can restrict access to the source or good. Because of economic profit for individuals or a minority, the privatization of a natural resource can lead to its depletion although the local community depends on it. It becomes of great importance who decides about the access to a resource and about how it is governed. Past generations were aware of how important it was for local communities to own the subtractable natural resources in their immediate surroundings. The residents of Čadrg are well aware of this because their efforts helped them preserve the right to govern their water resources. Duraippah et  al.  (2014) mention that lately in Japan the concept of the “new commons” has been put in place, when a group of indi- viduals starts to manage abandoned overgrown areas. 7 Conclusions The path dependency analysis revealed that the past socioeco- nomic systems undoubtedly influenced the present perception of public goods and the commons, which must be considered in future governance. Through common lands, the rich legacy of agrarian communities in Slovenia left behind a diverse gov- erning system of subtractable natural resources. The commu- nist legacy is reflected in stressing the right of access to goods for all residents, who perceive many goods as public goods. This belief can result in unjustified expectations. The addition- al influence of the former system is still found in the rigid and centralized state governance. The post-communist era resulted in denationalization, the revival of collective governance of subtractable resources, and also uncontrolled privatization of various goods, motivated by the desire for economic gain for individuals and minorities. In Slovenia this caused the gener- al public’s fear of water privatization, which drove efforts to include the right to water in the constitution. On the other hand, excessive gathering of nuts, berries, and mushrooms, and inconsiderate use of forests anger landowners and lead to chestnut and mushroom “wars”, which are a consequence of the aforementioned historical factors. By studying the perception of public and common goods among locals and experts, we found that the interviewees consider ownership to be the main difference between the two concepts, in which stakeholders make decisions in terms of their own participation or direct benefit. A common good is perceived by locals and experts as something that is owned, governed or managed by the local community, which brings the term closer to the term the commons. As soon as ownership is transferred to a public institution (e.g., a municipality or a ministry), it generally becomes perceived as public good. Table 1: Glossary Slovenian term English term Brief explanation Example Javno dobro Public good A good that is neither excludable nor subtractable UV radiation, peace, roads, safety, etc. Skupni vir(i) Common-pool resources (CPRs) A good that is not excludable but is subtractable Nuts, berries, and mushrooms, drinking wa- ter, access to the coast, freely accessible gre- en areas in high-rise neighbourhoods, etc. Skupno The commons A special form of jointly shared private property, managed by the community according to a specific set of rules; commons can be CPRs (e.g., nuts, berries, and mushrooms), but not necessarily, or a private good (e.g., a cheese factory) A village walnut grove, common land, local community premises, community gardens, etc. M. ŠMID HRIBAR, J. KOZINA, D. BOLE, M. URBANC Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 107 In order to avoid conflicts, natural resource degradation, and potential loss of the privileges that improve wellbeing, we seek to raise awareness among the Slovenian general public and professional community about the distinction between pub- lic goods and CPRs. Understanding the distinction between these two concepts should be included in the educational sys- tem and other forms of expression. A detailed review reveals that not many goods fall within the category of public goods. Many natural resources were not at risk for centuries because people did not know how to use them or their use was negli- gible. Until awareness is raised among the general public and the professional community that, along with free access, the key characteristic of CPRs is the subtractability of their use, their governance will be inappropriate and can lead to unfa- vourable use, which will mostly affect the local communities that depend on the resource. The public must understand that many goods that are currently perceived as a public good are, in fact, CPRs, which are freely accessible, but nevertheless subtractable. The public must assume a conscientious attitude towards the use of these resources, which can by no means be taken for granted. Only proper governance with clearly spec- ified rights of use can preserve and maintain CPRs, and so it is essential that the public understand the essence of public good and CPRs, as well as the role of collective governance in sustainable resource management. This understanding should be transferred from rural to urban areas and also be taken into account in governing urban spaces, such as green areas next to apartment buildings, public orchards, community gardens, and so on. Furthermore, in an international context, using the Slovenian case, we seek to improve the understanding of human behaviour and expectations concerning public goods and CPRs in post-communist societies in transition. Socioec- onomic and political contexts with corresponding ideologies play a crucial role in this. Mateja Šmid Hribar Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Research Centre of the Sloveni- an Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: mateja.smid@zrc-sazu.si Jani Kozina Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Research Centre of the Sloveni- an Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: jani.kozina@zrc-sazu.si David Bole Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Research Centre of the Sloveni- an Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: david.bole@zrc-sazu.si Mimi Urbanc Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Research Centre of the Sloveni- an Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: mimi.urbanc@zrc-sazu.si Notes [1] As part of Yugoslavia, from 1945 to 1991 Slovenia had a one-party communist system of government with socialist socioeconomic pol- icies. Therefore the term communism is used in the article. 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DOI: 10.11649/ch.2015.012 Public goods, common-pool resources, and the commons: The influence of historical legacy on modern perceptions in Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 110 Reviews and information Breda Mihelič Paris: A modern architecture Mecca and magnet for Plečnik’s young students (Reflections on the book) Title: Plečnikovi študenti in drugi jugoslovanski arhitekti v Le Corbusierovem ateljeju (Plečnik’s students and other Yugoslav architects in Le Corbusier’s studio) Author: Bogo Zupančič Publisher: Muzej za arhitekturo in oblikovanje (MAO) Place and year of publication: Ljubljana, 2017 Number of pages: 232 [ISBN: 978-961-6669-47-4] As the author mentions in the intro- duction, the release of this book com- memorates three important anniversa- ries: the 130th anniversary of the birth of Charles-Édouard Jeanneret, known as Le  Corbusier, one of the twentieth century’s greatest modern architects; the sixtieth anniversary of the death of Jože Plečnik, the greatest central Euro- pean architect of the twentieth century; and the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Edvard Ravnikar, the leading Slovenian modern architect, who in a way also represents a link between the first two. This book is the result of thorough research in Slovenia and abroad, and a detailed review of extensive material scattered between Ljubljana, Zagreb, Sarajevo, Belgrade, Cambridge, and Paris  (where an important part is held by the Le Corbusier Foundation). The author has been engaged with this im- portant topic for over ten years. He first presented it in 2007 at an exhibition at the Vžigalica gallery in Ljubljana, he has held several talks and published several articles on the subject, and in  2017 he staged a major exhibition at the Ljublja- na Museum of Architecture and Design titled Plečnik’s Students and Other Yugoslav Architects in Le  Corbusier’s Studio in Paris. This book provides the first-ever com- prehensive presentation of this topic within the wider context of modern developments in architecture in Slove- nia and abroad, especially Paris. As its author explains in the introduction, it is primarily intended for experts and connoisseurs. The fundamental ques- tion that the author, Bogo Zupančič, addressed is how Plečnik’s students and other Yugoslav students that trained with Le Corbusier contributed to shap- ing Slovenian and Yugoslav urban-plan- ning thought and practice before and especially after the Second World War. The book is divided into three parts. The first part presents Plečnik’s stu- dents that trained in Le  Corbusier’s studio between  1929 and  1940, the second covers other Slovenian archi- tects and civil engineers that trained in Paris between 1925 and 1938, and the last part discusses Croatian and Serbian architects at this studio between  1927 and 1937. The work concludes with an extensive literature review, which will be of tremendous help to future research- ers. The book is richly illustrated and many of the photographs, which have been collected from various sources in Slovenia and abroad, have been pub- lished here for the first time. In the first chapter, the author presents seven architects that graduated under Plečnik and then left for Paris to work as draughtsmen in Le  Corbusier’s studio. He lists the following individuals based on the documents studied: Miroslav Oražem, Milan Sever, Hrvoje Brnčič, Marjan Tepina, Jovan Krunič, Edvard Ravnikar, and Marko Župančič. Tradi- tionally, Slovenians had good relations and close contacts with France. At the initiative of Slovenian intellectuals, the French Institute was founded in Lju- bljana as early as  1921 (i.e., soon after the establishment of the University of Ljubljana). Because of the close contacts and historical connections with France, and a good command of French, stu- dents were provided good opportunities to travel and also had access to French government scholarships. It is therefore natural that they used these opportuni- ties well. Paris was the most attractive European and world cultural and art capital during the interwar period, and it drew artists, architects, and intellectu- Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 111Reviews and information als from all over the globe. In addition to architects, many Slovenians studied and worked in Paris during the  1920s and 1930s, including the painters Veno Pilon and Nikolaj Pirnat, the writers Josip Vidmar, Bratko Kreft, and Ciril Kosmač, as well as other students, law- yers, engineers, and linguists, and cer- tain politicians. The French Institute had an extensive library, where students could read the latest journals. As one of Plečnik’s students, Janko Omahen, wrote in his book, this was also how stu- dents learned about Le  Corbusier and modern developments in architecture, which they heard only little about from their teacher, Jože Plečnik. Plečnik was reserved regarding Le  Corbusier and modern functionalism, and he more or less discouraged his students from engaging in modern endeavours, even though he paid close attention to devel- opments in modern architecture, which, among other things, is also proved by his extensive library. On the other hand, his students were increasingly interested in modern developments. In 1925, they attended the International Exhibition of Modern Decorative and Industrial Arts in Paris, where they were com- pletely swept away by Le  Corbusier’s Pavillon de l’Esprit Nouveau (Pavilion of the New Spirit). Based on an exceptionally detailed re- view of sources and literature in Slove- nia and abroad, the author proves that seven of Plečnik’s students worked in Le Corbusier’s studio before the Second World War: Miroslav Oražem, Milan Sever, Hrvoje Brnčič, Marjan Tepina, Jovan Krunič, Edvard Ravnikar, and Marko Župančič. Alongside these, there were also other Slovenians working there, including the architect Feri No- vak, the civil engineer Janko Bleiweis, and most likely also the civil engineer Fran Tavčar. This was a relatively high number compared to architects coming from other, larger countries that worked at the studio. Because of their excellent knowledge of classical architecture and the drawing skills that they learned from Plečnik, Slovenian students were highly regarded by Le  Corbusier. The author provides precise information on when individual Slovenian architects arrived at Le Corbusier’s studio, how long they worked there, and which projects they were involved in. He also confirms this with some certificates signed by Le Corbusier himself, plans and sketch- es  (mostly held by the Le Corbusier Foundation in Paris), photos, and corre- spondence. Zupančič dedicates a special chapter to the relationships between the Slovenian and other architects at Le  Corbusier’s studio, who came from all over the world. Slovenian architects kept in touch with some of them even after the war; thus, for example, the Swiss architect Alfred Roth was invited to give talks in Ljubljana and contribute articles to the journal Arhitekt. Even before the Second World War, Plečnik’s students used the experience they had gained in Le  Corbusier’s stu- dio in numerous design competitions in their home country, where they won a series of prizes. This is also described in detail in the book. Among the most high-profile competitions was definitely the one for the urban development of Ljubljana in  1939, in which Ravnikar and Tepina directly applied some of Le  Corbusier’s urban-planning princi- ples in their project proposals. Le Cor- busier’s orientation, which Slovenian architects already applied to some de- gree before the war, also prevailed in architecture and urban planning after the war, with a short intermezzo of com- munist-style architecture. The author describes this in three chapters, in which he highlights the plans for the Sloveni- an town of Nova Gorica and the Novi Beograd neighbourhood in Belgrade, and a series of architectural designs in Slovenia and elsewhere, and he discuss- es the inclusion of Slovenian architects in international organizations  (e.g., UIA and CIAM), their participation in prominent international conferences and exhibitions, and staging of archi- tectural exhibitions. Among the latter, the 1953 Le Corbusier exhibition held at the Ljubljana Museum of Modern Art and the 1956 exhibition Stanovanje za naše razmere (An Apartment for Our Conditions) staged at the unfinished Kozolec (Hayrack) building in Ljubljana met with an especially wide response. The second part of the book presents architects (Plečnik’s students) that trained in Paris, but did not work in Le  Corbusier’s studio: Dušan Grabri- jan, Boris Kobe, and Gizela Šuklje. In addition, it also presents the architect Feri Novak and the civil engineers Janko Bleiweiss and Fran Tavčar, who did work there. The author presents each of them separately, with designs that reflect Le Corbusier’s influence. In the third part of the book, Croa- tian and Serbian architects: Zvonimir Kavurić, Ernest Weissmann, Jurij Neidhardt, Ksenija Grisogono, Krs- to Filipović, Milorad Pantović, and Branko Petričić, that also worked in Le  Corbusier’s studio are presented in a similar manner. During the interwar period, Slovenian architects established significantly close ties with them, both privately and professionally via the jour- nal Arhitektura, which was published from  1931 to  1934 as a joint publica- tion of Slovenian, Croatian, and Serbian architects. Bogo Zupančič’s book is an exception- ally valuable document about the inter- war period, when alongside the great Plečnik a new modern architecture was being born. Despite its seeming devia- tion from the great Slovenian mentor, it actually expanded the valuable skills and information that Plečnik imparted to his students with new ideas conveyed in the works of Le Corbusier and other pioneers of the modern movement. The author provides detailed descriptions of the young Slovenian architects’ path from their home architectural envi- Urbani izziv, volume 29, no. 1, 2018 112 Reviews and information ronment suffused with Jože Plečnik’s personality to the world’s art and cul- ture capital, filled with new challenges, where a completely new spirit of mod- ernism prevailed during the  1920s. It was a spirit filled with optimism after the end of the First World War and a desire to improve the world, to which the young architects believed architec- ture could also contribute its part. Breda Mihelič, Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: breda.mihelic@uirs.si Information about the book The book’s internet site: http://mao.si/Publikacije.aspx Urbani izziv, letnik 29, številka 1, junij 2018 Urbani izziv, volume 29, number 1, June 2018 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Damjana Gantar Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Področni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Goličnik Marušić, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan- ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Članki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni članki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro- kovni članki. Članki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezična re- vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila člankov so vključeni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO- BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte- national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com- puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da- tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re- lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu- des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple- te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc- tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki z oznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri čemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni članek, 1.02 pregle- dni znanstveni članek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referenčni v domačem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO- BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Članki«, drugi del pa »Pred- stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezična – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo več kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora- bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrstični razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilčene in na dnu strani postavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj ločiti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih črk (a, b, c in podobno) stično ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti označeni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na- vedek, se napiše za dvopičjem: (Zupančič, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v članku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na- vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Načini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder- shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanović, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statistični urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statistični letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, če je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov. org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, če avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8. Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in v drugih državah pa avtor brezplačno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izključno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor članka in vsak recenzent en brezplačni izvod publikacije. Članki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includes original research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5. Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6. In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated by a comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanović, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http:// www. avramov. org/ documents/ document7. pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslov uredništva Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv − The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Eve Blau, Harvard University, Graduate School of Design, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con- struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniška fakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/ Croatia • Tigran Haas, Royal Institute of Technology, School of Architecture and the Built Environment, Švedska/Sweden; Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Matjaž Uršič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nico Kotze, University of Johannesburg, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography, Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Čile/Chile • Breda Mihelič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupančič Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju- bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, University of Technology Sydney, School of the Built Environment, Avstralija/Australia • Giorgio Piccinato, Università degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti- tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemčija/ Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co- pernicus University, Wydziału Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/ Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kanada/Canada • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and Social Administration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Donald F. Reindl, DEKS, d. o. o. Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian translation Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/English translation Simona Lapanja Redakcija/Text formatting Urška Plaznik, Maja Kuhar Prelom in računalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP Demat, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršič, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print Demat, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna naročnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30 for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20 for individuals mestni toplotni otok urban heat island socialna stanovanja social housing urbana prenova urban redevelopment javno dobro public good