Original Scientific Article
Traditional Festivities in North Istria
in Terms of Authenticity and (Dis)Continuity
Katja Hrobat Virloget
University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia
katja.hrobat@fhs.upr.si
Petra Kavrečič
University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Slovenia
petra.kavrecic@fhs.upr.si
This article is derived from the project Turizmo Ištriano (Programme las Istre),
the main aim of which was to observe the intangible heritage of North Istria from
an ethnological point of view, within which our focus was on traditional festivities.
Instead of a tourist valorisation ‘from above,’ the focus of this ethnologic research
was directed towards the perceptions ‘from below,’ on how people perceive the local
intangible heritage. Questions were raised about the so-called ‘authenticity,’ conti-
nuity, or discontinuity of the traditions and their relation to tourism. The research
has shown that a significate element of the break of tradition of šagre can be found in
the massive migrations after wwii in the rural part of Istria, which is related to the
consequences of the so-called ‘Istrian exodus.’ It has also been shown how vital it is
for the tradition to survive is its adaptation to the needs of the present. It was shown
that people do differentiate between šagra (local character, no tourist promotion),
and the ‘massive’ events that are attempting to attract tourists by selling products,
presentation of ‘old days’ customs, traditional dresses, etc. that represent a ‘staged
authenticity.’
Keywords: festivities, šagra, tradition, (dis)continuity, North Istria
https://doi.org/10.26493/2335-4194.12.109-120
Introduction: On Tradition and Village Festivities
Šagre
The reflections in this article are derived from the
project Turizmo Ištriano (Programme las Istre)1 in
which the primary aim was to observe the intangible
heritage of North Istria2 from an ethnological point of
1 The programme las Istre (Lokalna akcijska skupina za ob-
močje občin Ankaran, Izola, Koper and Piran) is a public-
private partnership with the aim of acting jointly in the im-
plementation of the Local Development Strategy of a given
area and to obtain support from eu funds.
2 The part of Istria which lies today in Slovenia. Because of
the multiculturality and official Italian-Slovenian bilingual-
view, within which our focus was on traditional fes-
tivities. The interest was also to study the correlation
between traditional local festivities and the tourism
industry, identifying those elements of intangible her-
itage that could be positioned and promoted in the
tourism offerings of Northern Istria. For this purpose,
we have prepared a list of intangible heritage, focus-
ing on annual customs (tradition) and habits in the
studied region. We have given evidence that the most
appealing customs for tourists are the festivals, known
ism of the region, we prefer to call it North Istria and not
Slovenian Istria.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 109
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
as šagre. This traditional event was also studied in the
previous project Heritage Live: Living, Lived, Revived
Cultural Heritage (Programme ipa Slovenia-Croatia
2007–2013), in which particular attention was given to
the history of such events (from the 16th to the 19th
century) and the so-called ‘authenticity’ of the intan-
gible heritage of North Istria (see Panjek 2012).
In the frame of this project, we have decided, that
instead of a tourist valorisation ‘from above’ we will
look into peoples’ perception of intangible heritage
and how is a tourist promotion of these events seen
by the locals. Are tourists welcome at all? Or are these
festivities mostly meant for inhabitants from the area?
Which festivities potentially have a tourist interest and
want to attract tourists (foreign)? Are there such fes-
tivities in this area? Is this more common for new,
recently ‘invented’ festivities or also for ‘traditional’
ones? These reflections have brought out questions of
the so-called ‘authenticity’ and continuity or disconti-
nuity of the intangible heritage in North Istria, which
had not been previously explored.
The intention linked to the ethnological part of the
project would be to preserve the intangible heritage
of Istria and present it within a tourism framework.
As mentioned above, one of the aims is to elaborate
a list of intangible heritage of North Istria focusing
on traditional calendar festivities, where the focus was
on the kind of village festivities called šagre.We have
concentrated on the calendar festivals in Northern Is-
tria, conducting ethnographic fieldwork at traditional
and new events (šagre, celebrations related to memo-
rial events of wwii, 1st May etc.). During the field-
work, we have though decided to focus mostly on ša-
gre, since this has been and is still today one of themost
widespread traditions in the field of calendar festivities
and it has not received sufficient attention in the pro-
fessional/scientific literature.
Ethnologists are well aware that traditions evolve
and adapt to new contemporary needs of the present
in order to be meaningful to members of a particular
community; they also disappear when they losemean-
ing for the people and their collective identity. Once
they cease to be changeable, they disappear and be-
come ‘fossilised’ as heritage (Sims & Stephens, 2005;
Kockel, 2008). Tradition is not a product of the past
to be accepted passively by successors, but a ‘view-
point,’ a contemporary interpretation of past events by
strictly contemporary criteria. Every continuity con-
tains change, constructions, inventions, therefore con-
tinuity is not synonymous of sameness, but change-
ability (Kockel, 2008, p. 12; Lenclud, 2004, pp. 124–126,
131).
This article aims to reflect on the elements of (dis)-
continuity in North Istria, especially in the case of the
village festivals, called šagre, which when speaking of
the traditional village festivities, were the most dis-
cussed by our interlocutors. Usually a nostalgic picture
of the countryside prevails, portrayed as ‘rural idyll,’
where ‘frozen’ tradition is locked in time and space
(Poljak Istenič, 2013, pp. 108–110). This would also be
the case of the observed cases in North Istria. How-
ever, if the tradition exists because it makes sense to
the community, it gives the basis for identity construc-
tions, it unites members of the community, it brings
economic advantages, etc. (Poljak Istenič, 2012; Fakin
Bajec, 2011, pp. 287–291), why have certain traditional
festivities in North Istria disappeared, and why others
have persisted?
Methodology
The interest of this paper was to study the changing
of tradition in the rural area of North Istria in the
period following wwii, when political, economic, so-
cial, and population changes significantly affected this
area. How did these changed circumstances affect the
local tradition, why and how did it change? As already
explained in the introduction, we have decided to con-
centrate our study from a different perspective. Our
focus was on the peoples’ perception of intangible her-
itage and their relation towards its tourist promotion.
If traditionality is conceived as the kind of events
with a long-lasting continuity (Habinc, 2014, pp. 114,
125; Poljak Istenič, 2008, p. 71), ‘the continuity of the
past in the present’ (Lenclud, 2004, p. 125) or ‘a set of
phenomena that have been passed on from generation
to generation and finally settled in the life of a com-
munity’ (Poljak Istenič, 2012, p. 77), our aim was to
observe (dis)continuity elements and the reasons for
them.
The method implied was ethnographic. Interviews
110 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
were conducted with older persons from North Is-
tria, above the age of 60, focusing mostly on their
perception of local calendar festivities, what they like
or dislike and what is their opinion about changes
through time and their view about the commercial-
isation (tourism) of these events. The interest was
to question their point of view about issues such as
the transformation, disappearance, and revitalisation
or invention of festivities. Since šagre are one of the
most well-known and common festivities in the stud-
ied area, we dedicated most attention to these events.
While talkingwith our interlocutors,manyother ques-
tions were raised, especially related to ‘authenticity,’
continuity and discontinuity. Those phenomenaman-
ifested due to specific historical circumstances, follow-
ing the Second World War in Istria.
The second part of the research is derived from the
anthropological method of participant observation,
in which students and researchers were observing the
performance of nine festivities (šagre) in the current
year (2019), interviewing organizers of the events, but
also questioning visitors about their opinion, attitudes,
etc. The study also concentrated on scientific and pro-
fessional literature.
Continuity Elements and ‘Authenticity’
Šagre, sometimes opasilo, semenj, fiera, etc. in Istria,
as well as in other places in Slovenia, also known as
žegnanje, proščenje, shod, etc., have many meanings.
The root of the word and history suggest that the
word originally signified dedication, i.e. commemo-
ration of the anniversary of the consecration of the
church. As observed by Muženič (2012, pp. 88–89),
the celebration is not performed on the annual day it-
self, but on the Sunday that follows. In the past, the
duration was commonly from one to three days. The
most important daywas Sunday, startingwith theHoly
Mass, following by the procession through the vil-
lage. A smaller celebration took place also onMonday
and/or Tuesday, rarely on Saturday. As an informant
said: ‘the preparations of the stage for dancing usu-
ally took place on Saturday, the šagra was organized
on Sunday [. . .] we started late in the afternoon.’3 As
3 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
known, today’s šagra takes place from Friday to Sun-
day. The majority of visitors are coming on Saturday.4
People slowly transferred the word to other ecclesi-
astical events, such as the consecration of a chapel, an
altar, the restoration of a church, etc., and slowly it was
transferred to the local church patron saint, e.g., a saint
or saint to whom the church is dedicated. In the word
for ‘fair,’ Slovenian semenj or Italian fiera, a second
meaning is retained: gathering people with a promi-
nent trading function (Vilfan, 1945, pp. 18–19; 1996,
155; Kuret, 1998, p. 143; Hrobat Virloget, 2012, p. 14). In
some places there are also two (Vidali, 1989, p. 58) or
three šagre (Sv. Peter, Škofije) a year, which could be
explained by the loose meaning of the festivity, which
extends from the celebration of the patron saint to the
dedication of the church and its various parts (Hrobat
Virloget, 2012, p. 14) or to several churches or chapels
in the village (e.g,. Škofije). The village of Škofije re-
mains divided in the upper (Zgornje Škofije) and lower
village (Spodnje Škofije). The two settlements (or even
part of the settlements) organised a šagra each or even
more than one šagra. The upper village (2nd and 3rd
Škofija) organized two celebrations. One was dedi-
cated to the nearby church of Kristus Kralj (Christ
the King), celebrated still today at the end of Novem-
ber. The local priest organizes the celebration, with
the procession, accompanying the statue of Christ the
King across the central part of the village.5 The other
was organised in summer months (the second Sunday
of July) and was not based upon any religious celebra-
tion.
The sole organization of šagre in the past has al-
ready been described in detail. We will just briefly
present themain characteristics. The organisationwas
in the hands of the youngmenof the village. Theywere
in charge of the preparation of the dance floor, stage
and selection of musicians, permissions, wine sale,
ticket sale, the organization of the dance, where a spe-
4 This is understandable in the present way of living. People
are usually at to work during the week, which is mostly sit-
uated in the nearby urban centres. The weekend represents
‘the free days,’ so the festivity has adjusted to present needs.
5 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019 and Župnija
Koper (B. d.).
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 111
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
cial symbolic function was linked to the so-called ‘first
dance’ etc. (Hrobat Virloget, 2012, pp. 15–18; Ciglič,
1981; Kuret, 1998, p. 153; Koštiál, 2005, p. 209). An in-
formant had a humorous comment on the ‘old’ way of
advertisement: ‘one week before “šagra” the Yugosla-
vian flag was put on the highest point. It was an old
oak tree above Truške by us . . . Facebook on the tree
augh.’
People managed to adjust to various changes. As
seen in this case, it regarded a specific political situa-
tion. Since Istrians experienced five different change
of states (from Austro-Hungarian empire, the King-
dom of Italy, Provisional Government of the Free Ter-
ritory of Trieste (Zone A and B), Yugoslavia, tp Slove-
nia/Croatia) during the 20th century, the choice of
the flag depended upon the temporary state powers.
An informant commented on the period following
wwii, when the territory has been divided into two
zones (Zone A and B of the Free Territory of Trieste
(1947–1954)). Since Škofije was a village closer to the
border (Cunja, 2004), the inhabitants had to adjust to
this situation. As explained by an interlocutor from
Škofije: ‘after the war, arches were placed . . . in Spod-
nje Škofije . . . a magnificent arch made of juniper . . .
on the Italian side . . . on the Yugoslavian side, a knife
was in our flags . . . but the arch on the Zgornje Škofije
was not that magnificent.’6
On the day of šagra, all the village was decorated,
houses’ interior was repainted, in some towns (e.g.,
Piran) handmade fabrics and ivy decorations in the
streets were made, etc. (Hrobat Virloget, 2012, pp. 16–
18). In contrast to the night music of today, this was
organised during the daylight, after lunch, with a Ro-
man Catholic mass before.
One element of continuity from the past is the or-
ganisation of the šagre, especially in places where the
young people are in charge of them. Still, most of the
observed šagre tend to imitate the past events with
the local popular music, mostly limited to the taste of
older generations. However, in some observed study-
cases of the šagre, young people were in charge of their
organisation. As an informant noted, not only folk
music should be present at these events, since the mu-
6 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
sic should suit to the tastes of all generations: ‘it does
not matter what music is played . . . but it should be a
little bit of all . . . not only rock.’7
The cases of šagre with music answering to the
needs of the younger generation seem to be successful,
especially those with the music that does not derive
from the popular kind. Such is the case of črna šagra
or black šagra in Pobegi with the concerts of metal
music. The event was organized a day before the ‘tra-
ditional’ šagra with the aim of linking the so-called
‘black’ one and the traditional ‘coloured’ one. After
two years the ‘black’ šagra surpassed the number of the
visitors of the traditional šagra, which could indicate
a success when tradition is adapted to the needs of the
present or to those who will become the future bear-
ers of tradition – young people. Similar was the event
entitled ‘the youth in Smokvica’ with electronic mu-
sic, which was consciously organised apart from the
date of traditional šagra, but it was still perceived by
people as šagra. In both cases, the events organized by
village youth were supported by older village people,
who expressed their satisfaction because ‘something is
happening in the village.’8 As already said, if tradition
does not adapt to the needs of the present, if it loses
its meaning and disappears. This will probably not be
the case of the šagre of the youth, where tradition fully
answers to the needs of the present and (probably) the
future bearers of tradition.
The element of šagre that was highlighted by most
of the interlocutors of the previous and contempo-
rary research was the function of the first dance or
dance in general. It is in this case that the cohesive role
of tradition takes place (Fakin Bajec, 2011, pp. 287–
291). Before globalisation processes, šagre were one of
the rare occasions where young couples could meet
and express their mutual affection by the official ‘first
dance.’ One can say that this cohesive function of ša-
gre has been retained only in places, where they are
organised by youth, but in contrast to the past, it is
no longer the prevalent function of šagre. The need
for social encounters in fulfilled on many other occa-
7 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
8 Interviews and both field research made by Jaka Godeša,
16th of August 2019 and 2nd of August 2019.
112 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
sions. As observed during the ethnographic fieldwork,
it seems that today, the main social gathering at the
šagra is meant for families, children, and neighbours
that meet at the festivity. Food and beverage are, of
course, offered and consumed. It is an occasion for lo-
cals to socialize. There is music, but the dancefloor is
not crowded. Dancing is not the primary purpose of
the šagra anymore.
A difference with the šagre in the past is also repre-
sented by the food.While in the past only wine was of-
fered (with the exception of some osmicas9), food was
offered only in the intimacy of the family and the vis-
iting relatives. For those days ‘they did their best to of-
fer the best they had’ (Hrobat Virloget, 2012, p. 20) or
as another informant commented, ‘something better
than usually was on the table.’ Ethnologists as much
as our informants were well aware of the changes in
the ‘traditional food.’ What seems as traditional today
was not necessary so in the past, as an informant com-
mented, ‘once there was not this habit of the tomato in
the salad. Once, it was before the war. My uncle was a
carabiniere [Italian police] in Italy and he used to eat
this kind of tomato.’10
As seen in this case, the food has many symbolic
functions in the cultures in which it is created. In line
with the changing cultural patterns (through space
and time), the eating habits of the members of a par-
ticular culture or community also change. The food
and the ways of its preparation are not a static, un-
changeable phenomenon, as they adapt to different
influences, acquiring new characteristics over time
(Kavrečič, 2014, p. 37). What seems today ‘newly im-
ported,’ will be probably tradition in the future as
most of the cultural processes have been ‘invented’
or ‘reinvented;’ therefore there is no need to, distin-
guish between more and less ancient tradition (Mug-
naini, 2004, p. 57; Hobsbawn & Ranger, 1983). That
9Osmica represents the right to sell home made products
as wine, later also food for a limited number of days (ini-
tially for eight days – that is why the name osmica – osem
means eight in Slovene language). This right was obtained
for the peasants during the Habsburg period (Hrobat Vir-
loget, Kastelic and Kavrečič, 2012, pp. 65–66).
10 Interview by Katja Hrobat Virloget, 4th July 2019.
is why, regardless of the guidelines for the so-called
‘authenticity’ (Sedmak, 2012) and regardless of the
average perception of ‘traditionality,’ čevapčiči is one
of the most common food on šagre, as it has been
most common on the public and private gatherings
in (post)socialist Yugoslavia (Habinc, 2014, p. 121). Its
seems that there is no Slovene family picnic or birth-
day celebration during warmer months without če-
vapčiči. This has also been successfully targeted by
advertising of food-chain companies. Every end of
April (towards the 1st May Holidays) as well as in
summermonths, the companies compete with one an-
other for ‘the best’ offers of čevapčiči and similar food.
The fact that before such holidays food and butcher
shops usually run out of such products shows that this
dish has been commonly accepted by Slovenes. How-
ever, knowing that tradition is changeable, invented,
revived, forgotten in the constant adaptation to con-
temporary needs of the present, it would be nonsense
to judge the ‘import’ of new food or drinks as some
sort of ‘terrible contamination.’ Čevapčiči can be com-
pared to discourses about burek, a similar ‘imported’
food from the Balkans, in which Jernej Mlekuž finds
the representations of the Otherness, Balkanness, ori-
entalness, although at the same time is perceived as
‘foreign, but still “ours”’ (Mlekuž, 2008; Janović, 2008).
Although, čevapčiči seem to have accomplished amore
efficient integration in the Slovene society and daily
dish. When talking to the interlocutors, they made
it clear that ‘of course, we serve čevapčiči at šagra . . .
what else?’11Čevapčiči are considered to be an integral
part of the offering at this festivities.
Nowadays šagra food represents an important com-
ponent of the festivity. It is important that the dish is
prepared quickly and in abundance. Čevapčiči seems
to have gained more success integrating into Slovene
food habits than burek has, probably also because its
easier preparation. Nowadays čevapčiči are not made
at home but already prepared to be grilled, which pro-
vides them an advantage compared to other dishes.
However, in the observation of the traditional fes-
tivities in Istria we are again faced with an eternal
dilemma in ethnology and cultural anthropology: to
11 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 113
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
act in an applicative way, to judge (as expected from
an ethnologist) what is truly traditional (cf. Poljak Is-
tenič, 2008, 75; Habinc, 2014, p. 114), thereby creating
or inventing heritage, or to critically observe from a
distance how the society today ‘thinks’ heritage (Fakin
Bajec, 2011, p. 13). At the festival of wine called Fontana
fest in Marezige,12 it can be difficult to avoid judging
as kitsch the presentations of the ‘old days’ such as the
classic cars and old imported American bus or even
the so-called traditional ‘Šavrinke and Šavrini,’ dressed
in folk costume from last century, a typical form of
folklorisms condemned as a ‘distortion of folklore or
“fakelore”’ (Poljak Istenič, 2012, 84).
However, as the critics of the concept of folklorism
have shown all the cultural forms, including the ‘au-
thentic’ ones, remain ‘constructions’ (Bausinger, 2004,
pp. 145–159; Mugnaini, 2004, p. 41). Furthermore, the
concepts of ‘authentic’ and ‘non-authentic’ are re-
versed over time (Dei, 2002, p. 32). The term ‘au-
thenticity’ today remains limited only to the field of
tourism, where it implicates traditional culture, the
feeling of originality, reality or uniqueness and where
it gives sense to the experiences of tourists since tourist
places are perceived as constructed, as a staged scene,
with a ‘staged authenticity’ (Poljak Istenič, 2013, pp.
103–108). Ahmed Scounti defines these kinds of her-
itage performances as ‘authentic illusions,’ which are
similar to ‘the inventions of traditions’ (Hobsbawm &
Ranger, 1983). As intangible heritage has no authen-
ticity, if this is conceived as rootedness, faithfulness
or fixedness, since it changes, it is fluid, it is never
performed identically, it is re-created, it has differ-
ent application within communities, it has different
meanings for different people, etc. If we want to fix
it or materialize it, we just make a certain copy in a
certain time, but we cannot guess the forms it will
take through time (Scounti, 2009, p. 78). With tradi-
tion, ‘communities and individuals think of their past,
present and future’ (Slavec Gradnišnik, in print). Tra-
dition is not what people passively accept from the
past and what it has always been, but is the view-
point, the perception of the contemporary people of
what the past was. It is, therefore, an interpretation of
12 Fieldwork done by Jaka Godeša 9th June 2019.
the past according to the strictly contemporary crite-
ria. As Gérard Lenclud summarises, ‘tradition is not
what it always was, but what is made of it’ (Lenclud,
2004, p. 131). According to Herman Bausinger, the so-
called ‘non-authentic’ has to enter into the research
field of the ethnologist to help him/her understand the
processes of constructing the social meaning of the
phenomenon and its role in organising social bonds
(Bausinger, 2004, pp. 145–159; Mugnaini, 2004, p. 41).
If we reflect on the popular regional symbol of ‘Šavrini’
presented inMarezige’s festival, it has to be understood
as a form of an invented identity from the 1990s, the
consequence of the Slovenisation and nationalisation
of the newly Slovenian Istria (Brumen, 2000, p. 404;
Baskar, 2002, p. 120). Today, it reflects the ‘façade of
the tourist image’ (Ledinek Lozej & Rogelja, 2012, p.
544) and ‘a nostalgic search for lost time and authentic
life’ (Ledinek Lozej & Rogelja, 2012, p. 544). As Mateja
Habinc observes, cases such as this show that authen-
ticity is not only a fiction, as described above, but it
is also a reality based on the organizers’ discourse, a
social fact affecting social practice, which is therefore
changeable through time (Habinc, 2014, p. 115; Cerib-
ašić, 2008, pp. 261–262).
Problems of Dis-Continuity?
If we have shown some elements of continuity through
time in the village festivities of šagre while being well
aware that continuity does not mean sameness, but
adaptation and changeability through time, the ques-
tion goes to a thus far mostly ignored question of the
continuity of the tradition in Istria in places, where
‘old people’ have gone away.When we asked our inter-
locutors why the traditional village festivities like šagre
have died out, usually the answer would be as the one
fromManžan:13
i1: These people from this village went to Izola,
Koper, Trieste, Italy, they went left and right,
and the village remained empty. [. . .] You know
what they got, that Italians from Koper and
Izola, they went to Trieste, and these [e.g., peo-
ple settling in the emptied towns after Italians
13 Interview by Katja Hrobat Virloget, 4 th July 2019.
114 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
left] they got these old big houses, the old ones,
they got farms in Koper, they left this and went
fromMarezige,Manžan, all these villages. They
got and went away [. . .] And at that time the
village, at least Manžan, has emptied out.
K: And who came here?
i2: People from the south [e. g. From ex Yu-
goslavian republics other than Slovenia] . . . a
feeling of loneliness among the newcomers in
the village was felt further on.
The older married couple from Manžan commen-
ted that all these forešti,meaning strangers, not locals,
are not interested in the local tradition:14
i1: Once our daughter, they thought of organiz-
ing a šagra. [. . .] But what if here is everything
mixed [meaning locals and migrants]. But then
nothing happened. [. . .] Nothing was done.
i2: There was no interest.
i1: These forešti [foreigners]. There was no in-
terest.
Similar was the answer of another informant from
Zabavlje15 on the question why the commemorations
by the localmonument of the national liberation strug-
gle are no longer organised anymore: ‘Today, there are
other people in the village, only a few locals, they came
from elsewhere. They are all fine, they have adapted,
but they still do not feel the same as I do living here.’16
Kennell, Šuligoj, and Lesjak (2018) claim that these
highly significant occasions for local communities
might not be understood by visitors, which can be
evidently applied also to immigrants.
From these interviews, two problems can be dis-
cerned. The first is the break in the continuity of village
traditions due to migrations, with the consequence of
the disappearance of the ‘traditional’ demographic vil-
lage structure. This problem has been mostly ignored
until now. The prevalent perception of the hinterland
of the Istrian towns was usually linked to the continu-
ity of the inhabitants in contrast to the demographic
14 Interview by Katja Hrobat Virloget, 4 th July 2019.
15 Interview by Jaka Godeša, 28 of July 2019.
16 Interview by Jaka Godeša, 28th July 2019.
structure of the urban population of the Istrian towns,
which was more widely known, at least in Istria, to
have changed after wwii. According to the data of
Slovenian authorities with the so-called ‘Istrian exo-
dus’17 27,810 people left the areas of Istria that cameun-
der Slovenian jurisdiction between 1945 and 1958; they
were mostly Italians, but also Slovenians and Croats
(Cunja, 2004, p. 89; Troha, 1997, p. 59) (from a total
of between 200,000 and 350,000 migrants from the
whole Istria; Ballinger, 2003, pp. 1, 275). Especially the
villages closer to the Italian border were faced with
mass migration:
Almost everybody left . . . only ten families re-
mained . . . my wife also wanted us to leave
and I already sold all my belongings . . . but
then I looked at the other side . . . people [that
moved to the emigrant’s camps nearby, inMilje]
lived in poor conditions . . . I couldn’t leave my
home . . . so I have stayed and bought everything
back [furniture, livestock . . .].
Some of the observed cases show even some re-
vitalisation processes of šagre after the tradition dis-
appeared for some decades due to the lack of interest
of the young generation and the migration processes.
Such is the case of the revival of the July šagra in 2nd
and 3rd Škofija (Zgornje Škofije) in 2004. The locals
(not only the younger) gathered and until 2011 orga-
nized the šagra that had disappeared during the 1950s,
sincemost of the ‘old’ villagers left for Italy: ‘it was very
nice . . . a lot of people came . . . but thenwe stopped . . .
there is no people who would work [take care of the
organization] . . . young people were not interested . . .
17 The Istrian exodus was the final stage of Italian migra-
tion from Yugoslavia, which started shortly after the war
ended, when the Yugoslav national liberation army occu-
pied the territories along the Adriatic coast (Istria, Dalma-
tia), assigned to the Kingdom of Italy after the fall of the
Austro-Hungarian empire (Treaty of Rapallo 1920). Some
more research has been done on the Istrian exodus, but in
a much smaller scale on the migration processes after ‘exo-
dus’ (Gombač, 2005; Ballinger, 2003; Verginella, 2015; Hro-
bat Virloget, Gousseff & Corni 2015; Kalc, 2019; Titl, 1961,
etc.).
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 115
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
we [the elders] had to prepare and clean everything.’18
Besides the lack of interest of the young people in
the organisation of the šagra, the problems of mass
migrations after wwii and successive immigrations
were exposed: ‘here there is a lot of immigrants . . .
there is a few families left . . . most of them went to
Italy or already died . . . the problem is also politics . . .
different political opinions and people do not want to
collaborate . . . this is not good . . . it should be neu-
tral.’19
In 1960, a few years after the final phase of the ex-
odus, the proportion of native residents in the Slove-
nian part of Istria dropped to 49, according to reg-
istry offices, reaching 65 in rural areas and 33 in
urban areas. The difference is accounted for by the
fact that the Italian population was concentrated in
urban areas, while the adjacent rural population was
largely Slovene (Titl, 1961; Kalc, 2019).20 The Yugoslav
authorities filled the void that remained in the urban
areas after the Italians had left by stimulating the in-
flow of people from inland Slovenia and the rest of Yu-
goslavia, which has completely changed the ethnic, so-
cial, and cultural face of Istria (Gombač, 2005, p. 11).21
The interviews show that not only inhabitants of the
urban areas left, but also those from the rural, while
the emptied places in the towns were settled by the Is-
trians from their rural surrounding (Hrobat Virloget,
2019). The process of emigration was, as it always is,
highly complex, manifesting as a consequence of po-
litical, economic and social causes.
In order to minimise or relativize the effects of the
‘Istrian exodus’ historical discourses have emphasised
the urban character of the Italians against the rural
Slavic population, which was a nationalistic construct
18 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
19 Interview by Petra Kavrečič, 22th August 2019.
20 In Istrian towns the total registered population of ethnic
Italians dropped from 90 before the war to a mere 7.7
in Koper/Capodistria, 8.15 in Izola/Isola, and 15.7 in Pi-
ran/Pirano in 1957 (Troha, 1997, p. 59).
21We are well aware that othermore or lessmassivemigrations
have affected this contested border region from 19th century
onwards due to several changes of political powers, ideolo-
gies and sovereignties, but since our research is limited to the
recent traditions, our focus goes to the correlated period.
of the 19th century. New research has deconstructed
this ethnic/nationalistic dichotomy, showing a much
more complex socio-historical situation (Dota, 2010,
p. 63; d’Alessio, 2003; on problematic national iden-
tity in Istria see Pupo & Panjek, 2004, p. 352; Ballinger,
2006; Brumen, 2000; 2001; D’Alessio, 2006; Hrobat
Virloget, 2015, pp. 162–164). However, coming back to
the observed problemof discontinuity, themost recent
research on the migration processes after ‘exodus’ in
Istria has showed, that in the first wave of the ‘exodus,’
the emptied Istrian towns after ‘exodus’ were settled
by people from the neighbouring environment, from
Istria and the wider region of Primorska (Hrobat Vir-
loget, 2019; Kalc, 2019). The current research focusing
on tradition proves again, that tradition cannot be re-
searched apart from its social and historical context.
The old cultural-historical perspective in ethnology
and cultural anthropology has been replaced by per-
spectives focusing on agency, in from which the at-
tention goes to dynamic processes of creations, imple-
mentation, agency, praxis, etc. (Habinc, 2008, p. 322).
From this perspective, the present research indicated
that one of the most decisive factors in the questions
of dis-continuity or disappearance of traditions in the
Istrian hinterland was played by (massive)migrations,
which were until now totally overlooked, at least when
speaking of the non-urban environment.
The second reason for the dying of tradition in the
Istrian country-side linked to themigrations and indi-
cated by the interlocutors is the absence of the identi-
fication of the settlers with the new environment. The
new paradigm emphasis the cohesive role of tradition
in which it is perceived as a medium that enhances
the sense of belonging and mobilises the individual
within it (Poljak Istenič, 2012, p. 88; Fakin Bajec, 2011,
pp. 287–291). Jasna Fakin Bajec noted that people do
not preserve tradition because they would like to pre-
serve the past (as the expectation of the professionals
would be), for market purpose (tourism) or for iden-
tification purposes, but because of their current social
needs for gathering, fun, and conversations (Fakin Ba-
jec, 2011, pp. 287–291). If people do not need to identify
with the village community and gather with the mem-
bers of it, especially in the contemporary individually
oriented society, there is no need for tradition. The
116 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
fieldwork has shown that the problem of discontinu-
ity of tradition in some Istrian villages is linked to the
disinterest of the new settlers in actively taking part in
the village traditions, and in actively taking part of the
village community. This can also be explained by the
individualistic and frenetic way of life of today.
A Remark on Šagre and Tourism
Tourism is an activity that provides substantial finan-
cial income, and it is one of the fastest-growing indus-
tries in the world (Kavrečič, 2017, p. 19). It has excel-
lent capabilities to adjust to latest trends and needs. If
is the sun and the sea, it will promote sun and swim-
ming localities; if it is curiosity for heritage and way of
living of the visited destinations, its offering and sup-
ply will adjust to that demand. In recent years, a great
effort has been made towards heritage tourism, em-
phasising the natural and cultural resources22 of the
visited areas. In the case of North Istria, we were also
interested in peoples’ perception of touristic activities
linked to the intangible heritage such as šagre. Our
research has shown that šagra events do not have a
tourist affiliation. Locals mostly want to maintain a lo-
cal characteristic, and their purpose is to gather the
inhabitants of the village (and surrounding commu-
nities). They are an opportunity for locals to meet and
socialize. As an informant said: ‘for the rural area . . .
šagra . . . and I like it to stay this way, since the city is
something different. Here are more local people [that
come at šagra], although people are also coming from
other places, because they have means of transport.’23
However, tourists are not seen as participants at such
events.
In contrast, there are events – mostly new – that
have overcome the local affiliations and gained a more
‘touristic’ character. Such events (as Praznik refoška or
Fontana fest in Marezige) are seen differently by the
locals:24
22 Heritage tourism aims at promoting ‘traveling to experience
the places, artefacts, and activities that authentically repre-
sent the stories and people of the past and present. It includes
cultural, historic and natural resources’ (National Trust for
Historic Preservation, 2015; Gibson, 2015).
23 Interview by Jaka Godeša, 28th July 2019.
24 Interview by Jaka Godeša, 28th July 2019.
when you visited šagra you met a lot of people,
it took place in the local area, but today Praznik
refoška is losing its cosiness. At the beginning,
the locals voluntarily organized the event, my
mum, I know, she baked bread . . . every woman
baked something . . . but today, it is only com-
mercial, they sell different things, busses [are ar-
riving], the restaurant . . . it is all for money.
We can see the difference between the festivities.
On one side there are the ones (šagra) that have amore
local character and have no interest in tourist promo-
tion, on the other, there are ‘massive’ events that are in
fact trying to attract also tourists by selling products,
presentation of ‘old days’ customs, dresses etc. that rep-
resent a ‘staged authenticity.’ Both types can be linked
with some kind of nostalgia and especially the least
ones with (trendy) special interest tourism (Šuligoj,
2018).
Concluding Remarks
This paper presents an analysis of the conducted study
and ethnographic fieldwork on intangible heritage of
North Istria that took place in the frame of the project
Turizmo Ištriano (Programme las Istre). The main
focus of the research was on traditional festivities, es-
pecially šagre in the region, which when speaking of
the traditional village festivities, were the most men-
tioned by our interlocutors. The issues raised have
brought out questions of the so-called ‘authenticity’
and continuity or discontinuity of the intangible her-
itage in North Istria, which had not been questioned
before.
The question –Why have certain traditional festiv-
ities in North Istria have disappeared and why others
have persisted? – can be only partially answered. The
research has shown that a significate element of the
break of tradition of šagre can be found in the mas-
sive migrations after wwii in the rural part of Istria,
which is related to the consequences of the so-called
‘Istrian exodus.’ The finding is quite innovative, since
in the dominant discourses the massive migrations
were mostly linked to urban areas, to Istrian towns,
but no reflection had previously been done on their
impact in the rural part of Istria. The second reason
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 117
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
for the discontinuity of tradition in some Istrian vil-
lages is linked to the disinterest of the new settlers in
actively taking part in the village traditions,and in ac-
tively being apart of the village community. Younger
people do not integrate into the villages, since they
commute to work to the urban areas, and the village
is mostly considered a place to sleep. In this period of
capitalistic euphoria and the consumer society, noth-
ing is done for free. Thus, migrations could be seen
as one of the strong reason for the break in the tradi-
tions in Istria, in one way due to the disappearance of
the ‘bearers’ of tradition with the ‘exodus,’ and on the
other way due to the disinterest in the maintenance of
traditions of the new settlers, coming after ‘exodus’ or
in more recent decades.
The research has also shown cases of continuity of
šagre, which seems to be much stronger when the ac-
tive part of its organisation is taken charge by young
people, the future bearers of tradition. It has been
shown how necessary the tradition’s adaptation to the
contemporary needs of the present is in order for it
to survive; in the observed cases, this has affected the
choice of music for the taste of the youth (or all gener-
ations together) or with the adaptation to the popular,
even though ‘non-authentic’ food.
In conclusion, a short reflection has been done on
the problem of the correlation between traditional lo-
cal festivities and the tourism industry. Which events
are potentially attractive for tourists and which are
eager to obtain a more local characteristic, but this
time with the focus on the perspective of the locals –
the Istrians? It has been shown that people do differ-
entiate between two types of festivities, those (šagra)
that have a more local character and in reality do not
have any interest in being part of tourist promotion,
on the other, the ‘massive’ events, that are in fact try-
ing to attract also tourists by selling products, presen-
tation of ‘old days’ customs, costumes, etc., that rep-
resent a ‘staged authenticity.’ From the point of view
of the locals, dissatisfaction with the ‘massive’ festiv-
ities for tourist aims was noted, while a desire was
observed to maintain the local characteristics of ša-
gre gathering only the inhabitants of the village and
surrounding communities. As it seems tradition has
been still valued due to its function of cohesive role
among people of the village and region, regardless of
its (dis)continuity, ‘old’ or ‘new’ imported forms.
Acknowledgments
We thank Jaka Godejša, a student of the Faculty of
Tourism study-Turistica, for his participation in the
fieldwork. His work was very accurate, and his inter-
views and observations represent an essential contribu-
tion for this research.
References
Ballinger, P. (2003). History in exile: Memory and identity at
the borders of the Balkans. Princeton, nj: Princeton Uni-
versity Press.
Ballinger, P. (2006).Opting for identity: The politics of inter-
national refugee relief in Venezia Giulia, 1948–52. Acta
Histriae, 14(1), 115–140.
Baskar, B. (2002). Dvoumni Mediteran. Koper, Slovenia:
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko.
Bausinger, H. (2004). Per una critica alle critiche del folk-
lorismo. In P. Clemente and F. Mugnaini (Eds.), Oltre il
folklore: Tradizioni popolari e antropologia nella società
contemporanea (pp. 145–159). Rome, Italy: Carocci Edi-
tore.
Brumen, B. (2000). Sv. Peter in njegovi časi. Ljubljana, Slove-
nia: *Cf.
Brumen, B. (2001). Avant, on était tous simplement des
Istriens: L’émergence de nouveaux repères identitaires
dans un village frontalier de Slovénie. In C. Bromberger
and A. Morel (Eds.), Limites floues, frontières vives: Des
variations culturelles en France et en Europe (pp. 343–
359). Paris, France: Maison des sciences de l’homme.
Ceribašić, N. (2008). Folklor i folklorizam. In A. Muraj and
Z. Vitez (Eds.), Predstavljanje tradicijske kulture na sceni
i u medijima (pp. 259–270). Zagreb, Croatia: Institut za
etnologiju i folkloristiku / Hrvatsko etnološko društvo.
Ciglič, Z. (1981). Ljudsko izročilo na območju Marezig. In
Marezige – simbol upora: 1921–1981 (pp. 79–94). Koper,
Slovenia: Založba Lipa.
Cunja, L. (2004). Škofije naMorganovi liniji.Koper, Slovenia:
Založba Lipa.
D’Alessio, V. (2003). Il cuore conteso: Il nazionalismo in una
comnità multietnica; L’Istria Asburgica. Naples, Italy:
Filema.
D’Alessio, V. (2006). Istrians, identifications and the Habs-
burg legacy: Perspectives on identities in Istria.ActaHis-
triae, 14(1), 15–39.
Dei, F. (2002). Beethoven e le mondine: Ripensare la cultura
popolare. Rome, Italy: Meltemi.
118 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
Dota, F. (2010). Zaraćeno poraće: konfliktni i konkurentiski
anrativi o stradanju i iseljavanju Talijana iz Istre. Zagreb,
Croatia: Srednja Evropa.
Fakin Bajec, J. (2011). Procesi ustvarjanja kulturne dediščine:
Kraševci med tradicijo in izzivi sodobne družbe. Ljublja-
na, Slovenia: Založba zrc sazu.
Habinc, M. (2008). Koledarski prazniki: Niko Kuret, tvor-
nost in političnost praznikov. In I. Slavec Gradišnik
(Ed.), Čar izročila: zapuščina Nika Kureta (pp. 303–318).
Ljubljana, Slovenia: zrc sazu.
Habinc, M. (2014). Intangible culture as tradition: The cows’
ball, the village serenade and the country wedding in Bo-
hinj. Narodna umjetnost, 51(1), 113–129.
Hobsbawm, E., & Ranger, T. (Eds.) (1983). The invention of
tradition. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University
Press.
Hrobat Virloget, K. (2012). Šagre v Istri: etnološki pogled.
In A. Panjek (Ed.), Istrski praznik: preteklost, sedanjost,
avtentičnost: šagre in ljudski prazniki v severni Istri (pp.
14–24). Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Hrobat Virloget, K. (2015). The burden of the past: Silenced
and divided memories of the post-war Istrian society. In
K. Hrobat Virloget, C. Gousseff & G. Corni (Eds.), At
home but foreigners: Population transfers in 20th Century
Istria (pp. 159–188). Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Hrobat Virloget, K. (2019). The ‘Istrian exodus’ and the Is-
trian society that followed it. Dve domovini: razprave o
izseljenstvu, 49, 163–180.
Hrobat Virloget, K., Kastelic, E., & Kavrečič, P. (2012). So-
dobne »tradicionalne« prireditve v severni Istri s stališča
predstavitve dediščine. InA. Panjek (Ed.), Istrski praznik:
preteklost, sedanjost, avtentičnost: šagre in ljudski prazniki
v severni Istri (pp. 54–74). Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Gibson, J. (2015). Today’s word: Heritage tourism. Retrieved
https://savingplaces.org/stories/preservation-glossary-
todays-word-heritage-tourism#.XXH-CSgzZPY
Gombač, J. (2005). Ezuli ali optanti? Zgodovinski primer v
luči sodobne teorije. Ljubljana, Slovenia: Založba zrc.
Janović, N. (2008). Jernej Mlekuž, Burek.si?! Koncepti/recep-
ti. Dve domovini, 28, 169–171.
Kalc, A. (2019). The other side of the ‘Istrian exodus:’ Immi-
gration and social restoration in Slovenian coastal towns
in the 1950s. Dve domovini, 49, 145–162.
Kavrečič, P. (2014). Interpretacija istrske hrane: od osnovne
življenjske potrebe do dediščine. Glasnik Slovenskega et-
nološkega društva, 54(4), 37–42.
Kavrečič, P. (2017). Turizem v Avstrijskem Primorju: zdravil-
išča, kopališča in kraške jame (1819–1914). Koper, Slove-
nia: Založba Univerze na Primorskem.
Kennell, J., Šuligoj, M., & Lesjak, M. (2018). Dark events:
Commemoration and collective memory in the former
Yugoslavia. Event Management, 22(6), 945–963.
Kockel, U. (2008). Putting the folk in their place: Tradition,
ecology, and the public role of ethnology. Anthropologi-
cal Journal of European Cultures, 17(1), 5–23.
Koštiál, R. (2005). Šege in navade v Rakitovcu v 20. stoletju.
In V. Rožac Darovec (Ed.),Meje in kofini (pp. 169–228).
Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Kuret, N. (1998). Praznično leto Slovencev (Vol. 2). Ljubljana,
Slovenia: Družina.
Ledinek Lozej, Š., & Rogelja, N. (2012). Šavrinka, Šavrini
in Šavrinija v etnografiji in literaturi. Slavistična revija,
60(3), 537–548.
Lenclud, G. (2004). La tradizione non è più quella d’un
tempo. In P. Clemente & F.Mugnaini (Eds.),Oltre il folk-
lore: Tradizioni popolari e antropologia nella società con-
temporanea (pp. 123–134). Rome, Italy: Carocci Editore.
Mlekuž, J. (2008). Burek.si?! Koncepti/recepti. Ljubljana, Slo-
venia: Studia Humanitatis.
Mugnanini, F. (2004). Introduzione: Le tradizioni di do-
mani. In P. Clemente & F. Mugnaini (Eds.), Oltre il folk-
lore: Tradizioni popolari e antropologia nella societa con-
temporanea (pp. 11–72). Rome, Italy: Carocci Editore.
Muženič, M. (2012). Zgodovinske prvine šager in ljudskih
praznikov v severni Istri. In A. Panjek (Ed.), Istrski praz-
nik: preteklost, sedanjost, avtentičnost: šagre in ljudski
prazniki v severni Istri (pp. 88–94). Koper, Slovenia: An-
nales.
Poljak Istenič, S. (2008). Šege in navade kot folklorizem.Tra-
ditiones, 37(2), 61–110.
Poljak Istenič, S. (2012). Aspects of tradition. Traditiones,
41(2), 77–89.
Poljak Istenič, S. (2013). Tradicija v sodobnosti: Janče – zeleni
prag Ljubljane. Ljubljana, Slovenia: Založba zrc.
Pupo, R., & Panjek, A. (2004). Riflessioni sulle migrazioni
al confine Italo-Jugoslavo (1918–60). In C. Donato, P.
Nodari, & A. Panjek (Eds.), Oltre l’Italia e l’Europa:
Ricerche sui movimenti migratori e sullo spazio multicul-
turale (pp. 343–360). Trieste, Italy: Edizioni Università di
Trieste.
Scounti, A. (2009). The authentic illusion: Humanity’s in-
tangible cultural heritage, the Moroccan experience. In
L. Smith & N. Akagawa (Eds.), Intangible heritage (pp.
74–92). London, England: Routledge.
Sedmak. G. (2012). Podlage in smernice za trženje šager in
ljudskih praznikov. In A. Panjek (Ed.), Istrski praznik:
preteklost, sedanjost, avtentičnost: šagre in ljudski prazniki
v severni Istri (pp. 76–87). Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019 | 119
Katja Hrobat Virloget and Petra Kavrei Traditional Festivities in North Istria
Sims, M., & Stephens, M. (2005). Living folklore: Introduc-
tion to the study of people and their traditions. Logan, ut:
Utah State University Press.
Slavec Gradnišnik, I. (In print). Več kakor eni drugi človik.
In B. Jezernik& I. Slavec Gradišnik (Eds.),Močni, modri,
in dobri; junaki v slovenski folklori. Ljubljana, Slove-
nia: Znanstvena založna Filozofske fakultete Univerze
v Ljubljani.
Šuligoj, M. (2018). Characterising the flows of Slovenian
tourists within the former Yugoslavia with respect to
post-communist ‘nostalgic context.’MoravianGeograph-
ical Report, 26(1), 14–26.
Titl, J. (1961). Populacijske spremembe v Koprskem primorju:
Koprski okraj bivše cone B. Koper, Slovenia: Author.
Troha, N. (1997). sto – Svobodno tržaško ozemlje. In S.
Valentinčič (Ed.), Zbornik Primorske – 50 let (pp. 56–
60). Koper, Slovenia: Primorske novice.
Verginella, M. (2015). Writing historiography on migrations
at the meeting point of nations in the Northern Adriatic.
In K. Hrobat Virloget, C. Gousseff, & G. Corni (Eds.),At
home but foreigners: Population transfers in 20th Century
Istria (pp. 49–70). Koper, Slovenia: Annales.
Vidali, R. (1989). Čubejske žrjavce. Koper, Slovenia: Revija
Fontana.
Vilfan, S. (1945). Žegnanja v slovenski pravni zgodovini. Et-
nolog, 17, 16–27.
Vilfan, S. (1996). Pravna zgodovina Slovencev. Ljubljana,
Slovenia: Slovenska matica.
Župnija Koper (B. d.). Cerkev Kristusa Kralja. Podružnična
cerkev Kristusa Kralja na Zgornjih Škofijah. Retrieved
from https://skofije.donbosko.si/cerkev-kristusa-kralja
This paper is published under the terms of the
Attribution- NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0
International (cc by-nc-nd 4.0) License.
120 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 2, December 2019