ZALOŽBA Z R C Studia mythologica Slavica ISSN 1408-6271 Uredniški svet / Consiglio di redazione / Advisiory Board Natka Badurina (Universita degli Studi di Udine),Nikos Čausidis (Univerzitet Sv.Kiril i Metodi, Skopje), Pietro U. Dini (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Remo Faccani (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Stefano Garzonio (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Larisa Fialkova (University of Haifa), Janina Kursite (Univerza v Rigi), Nijole Laurinkiene (Lietuviq literatures ir tautosakos institutas, Vilnius), Mirjam Mencej (Univerza v Ljubljani), Ljubinko Radenkovic (SANU, Beograd), Zmago Šmitek (Univerza v Ljubljani), Svetlana Tolstaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva), Giorgio Ziffer (Universita degli Studi di Udine) Uredništvo / Redazione / Editorial Board Monika Kropej (odgovorna urednica/curatrice/Editor-in-Chief) ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia E-mail: monika@zrc-sazu.si Andrej Pleterski (odgovorni urednik/curatore/Editor-in-Chief) ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/Slovenia E-mail: pleterski@zrc-sazu.si Roberto Dapit Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature Straniere, Italija/Italia Via Mantica 3, 33100 Udine E-mail: roberto.dapit@uniud.it Vlado Nartnik ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija/ Slovenia E-mail: vlado@zrc-sazu.si Izdajata / Pubblicato da / Published by Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija in / e / and Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Letterature Straniere, Udine, Italia Spletna stran / Sito internet / Website http://sms.zrc-sazu.si/ Izhaja s podporo Agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost RS / Pubblicato con il sostegno finanziario dell' Agenzia per la ricerca scientifica della Repubblica di Slovenia / Published with the support of the Slovenian Research Agency in / e / and Mednarodne ustanove Forum slovanskih kultur / International Foundation Forum of Slavic Cultures I/ Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases: Ulrich's International Periodicals Directory; MLA Bibliography; Sachkatalog der Bibliothek - RGK des DAI; IBZ; FRANCIS; HJG (The History Journals Guide); OCLE; INIST; INTUTE: Arts and Humanities UK. Slika na zadnji strani ovitka / Fotografia sul retro della copertina / Back cover photo: Mirilo. Opuvani dolac, Hrvaška/Croatia/Croazia Tisk / Stampato da / Printed by Collegium Graphicum d. o. o., Ljubljana © ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA XIV 2011 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA UNIVERSITA DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E LETTERATURE STRANIERE, UDINE, ITALIA LJUBLJANA 2011 Vsebina Indice Contents SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA - VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE............................................7 MITOLOGIA SLAVA - FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI...........................................................7 SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY - SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS.................................7 Nikolai Mikhailov] : Einige Anmerkungen zur slowenischen mythopoetischen Tradition im rahmen der slawischen Mythologie.............................................................9 Radoslav Katičic: Veles u psalmu.............................................................................................15 Brina Škvor Jernejčič: Motiv trikotnika s podaljški na glinenem posodju v pozni bronasti in zgodnji železni dobi. Razmislek o njegovi okrasni in simbolni vrednosti..........................................................................................................23 Katja Pavlič: Spinning - the Myth And the Reality...............................................................53 LJUDSKO PRIPOVEDNIŠTVO IN VEROVANJA..............................................................59 RACCONTI E CREDENZE POPOLARI...............................................................................59 FOLK NARRATIVE AND BELIEFS ......................................................................................59 Monika Kropej: Folk Storytelling between Fiction and Tradition: The "Walled-Up Wife" and Other Construction Legends...........................................................................61 Suzana Marjanic: The Mythic Cyborgs of Croatian Oral Legends and the Fantasy Genre......................................................................................................................87 Ivan Lozica: Doubles Game: Orko & Macic Versus Golem & Homunculus..................107 Luka Šešo: What is "Real" in Believing in Supernatural Beings? The Informant's Cut .. 113 Jelena Markovic: Pričanja o neobičnim iskustvima iz djetinjstva i procesi ontogeneze 125 Marijana Hameršak: Lowbrow Skepticism or Highbrow Rationalism? (Anti) Legends in 19th-Century Croatian Primers.....................................................143 Nataša Polgar: Is There a Place for the Other in Fokloristics?..........................................157 RAZISKOVALNE METODE IN INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA.........167 METODI DI RICERCA E INTERPRETAZIONI DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE. 167 RESEARCH METHODS AND INTERPRETATIONS OF FOLK TRADITIONS........167 Saša Babič: Lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika.................................................169 Marija Klobčar: »Voda! Jaz ti darujem, od dna do dna ...« Pesemske sledi verovanja v nadnaravno moč vode..................................................................................................181 .Huguja CrojaHOBMfr: ApanoT bo MaKegoHCKaTa HapogHa khm^bhoct u HeroBu napanenu Ha MeguTepaHoT............................................................................................195 ^y6MHKO PageHKOBuh: 3ao nac y BepoBaK>y enoBeHeKux Hapoga.................................213 Michal Luczynski: Kognitywna definicja Peruna: Etnolingwistyczna proba rekonstrukcji fragmentu slowianskiego tradycyjnego mitologicznego obrazu swiata....................................................................................................................219 Koctahtmh PaxHo: CeMaHTMKa Boraro rornapHoro ropHa b ómopycbKÍM KynbTypi .. 231 PonaHgac Kper^gMc: PeKOHCTpy^MA MM^o^o^TMHecKo^o o6pa3a yTKu (Anas) (no gaHHHM nMCbMeHHbix mctohhmkob m ^onbKnopa 6anTMM^B, cnaBAH u gpyrux M-E HapogoB).....................................................................................................253 flaMHroc Pa3aycKac: Pbi6a - MM^onomqecKMM npoo6pa3 nogKM...................................291 MITOLOGIJA IN KNJIŽEVNOST.....................................................................................305 MITOLOGIA E LETTERATURA........................................................................................305 MYTHOLOGY AND LITERATURE..................................................................................305 Tihomir Engler, Andrijana Kos-Lajtman: Bajkopisna diseminacija mitoloških motiva u Pričama iz davnine Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic na primjeru intertekstualnih poveznica s leksikonom A. Tkanyja...............................................................................307 Petra Novak: Najstnikom 'predpisana' slovenska bajčna in mitološka bitja....................327 GRADIVO...............................................................................................................................343 MATERIALE...........................................................................................................................343 MATERIAL.............................................................................................................................343 Mirjana Trošelj: Mitske predaje i legende južnovelebitskog Podgorja............................345 Boris Čok, Ladislav Placer: Trhlovca = lokavska Triglavca...............................................371 Boris Čok: Pričevanje o bogu Kresu: Prelože pri Lokvi.....................................................379 RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH........................................................................381 RECENSIONI DI LIBRI........................................................................................................381 BOOK REVIEWS...................................................................................................................381 AVTORJI / AUTORI / CONTRIBUTORS..........................................................................394 SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA -VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE MITOLOGIA SLAVA -FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI SLAVIC MYTHOLOGY -SOURCES AND RECONSTRUCTIONS Einige Anmerkungen zur slowenischen mythopoetischen Tradition im rahmen der slawischen Mythologie Nikolai Mikhailov 1967-2010 The treatise deals with certain questions concerning some data on the reconstruction of Slavic mythology. Unsere Meinung hinsichtlich der terminologisch-theoretischen Seite des Problems (d. h. hinsichtlich der Stichhaltigkeit der Verwendung des Begriffes "Mythologie" als terminus technicus, der Verhältnisse zwischen den sogenannten primären und sekundäen Quellen, der Möglichkeit über die "slowenische Mythologie" zu reden, sowie hinsichtlich eines Versuches der "Teilrehabilitierung" einiger nicht ganz "vertrauenswerter" Mytho-logen usw.) ist von uns schon früher geäußert worden; die "Apologie" der Mythologie als wissenschaftlicher Disziplin fand auch in unseren vorigen Beiträgen statt (Mikhailov 1996a; 1996b). Wir haben außerdem eine Rekonstruktion eines mit der Figur von Kres-nik verbundenen Fragmentes der slowenischen mythopoetischen Tradition durchgeführt (Mikhailov 1996c), die verschiedene (skeptische und zustimmende) Reaktionen hervorgerufen hat. Im vorliegenden Beitrag möchten wir aber weniger theoretisieren, sondern einige kleinere konkrete Anmerkungen zu den Daten der slowenischen volkstümlichen ("mythologischen") Tradition anführen, die vielleicht helfen könnten, uns das ursprüngliche slowenische mythopoetische "Weltmodell" etwas deutlicher vorzustellen. Bevor wir konkrete Beispiele anbieten, wäre es sinnvoll, an die Tatsache zu erinnern, daß die slowenische ethnographisch-folkloristische Schule sehr vorsichtig und auch ziemlich ungerne über die Existenz der "slowenischen Mythologie" spricht. Man kennt eigentlich nur wenige Arbeiten, die direkt dem Problem der slowenischen Mythologie gewidmet sind und ihren überblick darstellen. Die erste davon ist das Vorwort Kelemi-nas zu seiner Sagensammlung (Kelemina 1930, 5-32), die auch jetzt überraschenderweise noch immer einige interessante Interpretationen enthält, obwohl mehrere Behauptungen des Autors nicht mehr aktuell sind. Zu loben ist die Absicht Keleminas, einen Systemati-sierungsversuch zu unternehmen. Ein interessanter, aber auch fehlerreicher Bericht von J. Mal (Mal 1940), welcher nach dem Werk Keleminas erschien, kann nicht mehr ganz ernst genommen werden und ist schon in dem nächsten slowenischen "mythologischen" Artikel scharf kritisiert worden (Bezlaj 1951). Auch die thematisch ihm folgende, fast vierzig Jahre später veröffentlichte Arbeit über die slowenischen mythischen Wesen (Maticetov 1989) strebt eher dazu, den Wert der "mythologischen" Berichte zu vermindern, die verdächtigen "Mythensammler" zu entlarven, und sie meidet selbst das Wort "Mythologie". Eine solche Vorsicht ist ohne Zweifel ein Zeugnis des richtigen wissenschaftlichen Verantwortlichkeitsgefühls, man muß aber auch anerkennen, daß es äußerst schwierig ist, mit so einer Einstellung die wirklich existierenden, nicht nur "mythologischen", aber auch kulturgeschichtlichen Probleme zu lösen. Die Hauptfrage ist, was für eine Religion oder mindestens was für eine Art Glauben und Geisteskultur die (Ur)slowenen vor ihrer Christianisierung hatten (irgendwelche heidnische Religionsvorstellungen hatten sie ganz bestimmt!). Wenn man diese Hauptfrage nicht beachten will, ist die Gefahr sehr groß, daß man die ganze slowenische Mythologie und sogar die Volkskunde der Feder der "Mytho-logomanen" und "Mythenerfindern" zuschreibt, was selbstverständlich nicht richtig wäre. Uns ist die Meinung gut bekannt, daß nicht nur Trstenjak und Trdina, aber auch "ernstere" Systematisierer des mythologischen Materials wie Pajek und Kelemina nicht immer völlig vertrauenswert sind. Man muß mit dieser Meinung rechnen, obwohl uns unmöglich scheint, nicht zu merken, daß mehrere Informationen, die in den Märchen-, Sagenoder Volkskundesammlungen von Pajek, Gabrscek und insbesondere von Kelemina und in den Volksliedersammlungen von Strekelj oder von Scheinigg enthalten sind und die sich oft (aber nicht immer!) auf die Berichte Trstenjaks stützen, ihre Begründung auch in den Bächern und Beiträgen qualifizierter Volkskundesammler unserer Zeit finden (V. Möderndorfer, F. Kotnik, N. Kuret, M. Maticetov, M. Boskovic-Stulli u. a.). Die Authentizität dieser letzteren Materialien wird bestimmt von niemandem bezweifelt. Ein wertvoller Versuch, die slowenische Mythologie als ein organisiertes System der mythologischen Vorstellungen mit einer bestimmten Hierarchie der mythischen Wesen darzustellen, ist im Buch D. Ovsecs unternommen worden (Ovsec 1991), und dieses könnte einen neuen Weg in der Forschung aufzeigen, obwohl einige Schlußfolgerungen des Autors noch zu kommentieren, zu besprechen und vielleicht zu vervollständigen wären. Dazu kann man auch hinzufügen, daß auf praktischer Ebene (d. h. Sammlung des ethnographischen, ethnologischen, folkloristischen Materials) in Slowenien sehr viel gemacht worden ist. Mehrere Archivmaterialien warten auf ihre Veröffentlichung, vieles ist aber schon herausgegeben worden. Diese praktischen Daten bieten dem Forscher gute Möglichkeiten, auch einige theoretische Hypothesen aufzubauen, die das Ganze irgendwie systematisieren müßten. Wir erlauben uns zu behaupten, daß die reine "Beschreibung" ohne die verallgemeinernden Interpretationen, die schließlich zu der vollkommenen Abwesenheit der Formulierung jeder Art Konzeption führt, für die Wissenschaft meistens unproduktiv ist. Wenn man sehr kurz aufzählen würde, welche Elemente der slowenischen Volkstradition konkrete Verbindungen mit der hypothetisch rekonstruierbaren panslawischen heidnischen Religion manifestieren, könnte man folgende Punkte anführen1: 1) die angebliche Anwesenheit des Namens Perun im slowenischsprachigen Raum, sowohl in der Sprache als auch in der Toponymie (Mal 1940; Maticetov 1989; Filipovic 1948 über Istrien). Die Erscheinung von Perun in späteren folkloristischen Varianten ist im Gegenteil wenig überzeugend (Kelemina 1930, Nr. 202). Besonders interessant ist die Existenz der taranbalta, die eine Art Pfeil Peruns sein könnte und in mehreren Volkskundemotiven aufscheint (Kelemina 1930, Nr. 202, I, II; Pajek 1884, 7-8; insb. Kret-zenbacher 1941, 41-42). Das Lexem taranbalta ist auch im Vergleich zu der von L. Mos-zynski vorgeschlagenen keltisch-slawischen Erklärung des Namens der Donnergottheit bedeutsam (slaw. Perun= = kelt. Taranis bzw. der kryptonymische Name *Taran; aus kelt. Taranis 'Donnergott', vgl. auch *Taran-vit=; s. Moszynski 1995, 71-72); 1 Man muß sofort anmerken, daß einige dieser Analogien sehr zweifelhaft sind. Keine von ihnen ist aber endgültig dementiert worden. 2) eine große Zahl der Toponyme mit dem sakralen Stamm Vel- / Vol-, die ziemlich sicher mit dem Namen der ostslawischen chthonischen Gottheit Veles / Volos verglichen werden können (s. SKI 1985, 309); 3) die Existenz des weiblichen mythischen Mokoška (dokumentiert in Kelemina 1930, Nr. 201 nach Trstenjak). Der Name ist nicht nur mit der einzigen weiblichen Gottheit aus dem Pantheon Vladimirs zu verbinden, sondern auch mit mehreren dämonolo-gischen Figuren der ostslawischen Tradition, was eine gewisse mythologische Kontinuität vermuten läßt. Der einzige Grund, diese Daten zu bezweifeln, ist die unsichere Quelle Keleminas; 4) die Anwesenheit des Oronyms Triglav, der vollkommen dem Namen der po-labischen Gottheit Triglaus bzw. Trigelawus, Triglous, Tryglav entspricht. Diese Analogie wurde mehrmals betont (vgl. schon Linhart 17912), aber fast jedes Mal begründeterweise bezweifelt. Der Name ist epithetisch bzw. deskriptiv, deswegen kann Triglav einfach einen Berg mit drei Spitzen bezeichnen und mit dem nordslawischen Heidentum nichts zu tun haben; 5) eine gewisse "Popularität" von Sveti Vid / Šentvid und die Verbreitung dieses Namens in der Toponymie (SKI 1985, 288). Die Wahrscheinlichkeit einer direkten Verbindung mit dem polabischen Sventovit ist ziemlich gering, darf aber nicht völlig ausgeschlossen werden (vgl. Nahtigal 1956); 6) die vermutliche Existenz einer Gottheit bzw. mythischen Figur namens Belin / Belič (Kelemina 1930, Nr. 12), vgl. auch Laber (Pajek 1884, 84). Dieses Wesen bietet indirekte Analogien mit dem rekonstruierten polabischen *Bel(o)bog, über dessen Authentizität mehrere Vermutungen ausgesprochen worden sind (vgl. in letzter Zeit Mikhailov 1994). Die Verbreitung des Adjektivs bel 'weiß' in mehreren Bereichen von der Toponymie an (Bela Krajina, Beljak, Bela, Bele Vode, Belica, Belo u. a., vgl. SKI 1985, 16-17; Kattnig, Zerzer 1982, 9-10) bis zu solchen mythischen Wesen wie Bele žene kann zum Zeugnis der sekundären Realisierung eines ursprünglich sakralen Epithetons werden (vgl. Kelemina 1930, Nr. 22, 202/I, 245/II; Pajek 1884, 205; Möderndorfer 1934, 6); 7) die Existenz des mythischen Kresnik und seine speziellen Funktionen und die Rolle, die ihn als die slowenische Version der panslawischen Donnergottheit darstellen, erlauben zu vermuten, daß der ganze Kresnik-Mythos als eine slowenische Variante des rekonstruierten "Hauptmythos interpretiert werden darf (vgl. Mikhailov 1996c). Dazu gehört auch der zweifellos sehr archaische Charakter des slowenischen kres-Rituals, das nicht nur aus panslawischen, sondern sogar aus den baltoslawischen Zeiten stammen könnte; 8) das Problem der Existenz eines slawischen heidnischen Tempels in Ptuj (Svetišče na Ptujskem gradu), das schließlich auf der Ebene der archäologischen Quellen nicht endgültig gelöst bleibt (vgl. vor allem Korošec 1948, wieder erwähnt von Rusanova, Timoščuk 1993). Zu den slawischen ([ur]slowenischen) heidnischen Kultstätten können wahrscheinlich auch der ehemalige heidnische Tempel in Millstatt (Österreich) und kleinere, vermutlich sakrale Naturobjekte und Plätze in Slowenien (bei Slovenj Gradec, Paški Kozjak, auf 2 Vgl. Linhart 1791, 256-257: «I. Triglav, ein dreiköpfiger Gott, wie es der Name anzeigt, weil Jie ihm die Herrschaft über Luft, Erde, und Wa/Jer zujchreiben. Ihn verehrten vorzüglich die im nördlichen Deutschland wohnenden Slaven, wo Jie ihm an/ehnliche Tempel erbauet haben. Der Berg Terglav in Bohein, welcher der höch/te in Krain i/t, voll prächtiger Scenen der wilden Natur, Jcheint von die/er Gottheit /einen Namen zu führen». der Insel von Bled usw. u. a.) gezählt werden (viel und perspektivenreich in letzter Zeit Pleterski 1994; Pleterski 1996). Wenn man diese Elemente der slowenischen Volksüberlieferung, die irgendwie zu der vorigen slawischen Urstufe der heidnischen Vorstellungen zurückführen, aufzählt, müßte man dabei korrekterweise betonen, daß es um sekundäre indirekte Materialien geht, die für die Rekonstruktion eines gewissen archetypischen, mythopoetischen Schemas nützen sollen und nicht für den Aufbau eines wahrscheinlich nie existiert habenden slowenischen Pantheons. Dazu ist hinzuzufügen, daß mehrere ethnogenetische Probleme, die sowohl die Slowenen als auch im allgemeinen die Slawen betreffen, noch nicht gelöst sind. Auch die Chronologie bleibt bei solchen Studien eher ein vages Thema. Besonders interessant und als Untersuchungsgebiet vielversprechend erscheint für die Kultur- und Religionsgeschichte jedes einzelnen slawischen Volkes die Periode unmittelbar vor der Christianisierung, die für die Slowenen mehr als hundert Jahre im Vergleich z. B. zu den Ostslawen zurückliegt. Diese Tatsache kann in zwei verschiedene Richtungen interpretiert werden: Die frühe Christianisierung reduziert einerseits die Wahrscheinlichkeit, etwas ursprünglich heidnisches zu finden, andererseits ist aber das, was man doch entdek-ken kann, archaischer als das Material der Traditionen der später christianisierten Völker. Normalerweise wird die erste Seite dieses Phänomens hervorgehoben, während die zweite fast immer ausgelassen wird. Sehr kurz und schematisch könnten wir unseren Gesichtspunkt hinsichtlich des Problems der Existenz der heidnischen Religion bei den Slowenen (oder wenn man will "Urslowenen") auf folgende Art präsentieren: Man darf vermuten, daß es in der Phase der sogenannten baltisch-slawischen Einheit wenn nicht eine entwickelte heidnische Religion, dann ein System der archetypischen sakralen Vorstellungen gab, welches sowohl auf praktischer Ebene (Rituale usw.) als auch in der Sprache vorhanden war ("Stämme mit sakraler Bedeutung"). In dem Moment, in dem sich die Spaltung der baltisch-slawischen Einheit ereignete, die zur allmählichen Bildung einzelner baltischer und slawischer Völker führte, haben sich die religiösen Vorstellungen weiter entwickelt, und jedes Volk hat. seine eigene lokale Version des ehemaligen gemeinsamen Systems der sakralen Vorstellungen ausgearbeitet. Der Höhepunkt der Entwicklung der lokalen Religionen ist für jedes dieser Völker gerade die Zeit vor der Christianisierung. Besonders deutlich sieht man das bei den am spätesten christianisierten Po-laben, die, wie man aus mehreren "primären" Schriftquellen und aus den archäologischen Ausgrabungen erführt, auch eigene Götzen und sogar Tempel hatten. All dies bedeutet, daß, wenn man von der panslawischen Religion bzw. Mythologie spricht, es sich natürlich um einen konventionellen Begriff handelt, der ein gewisses Schema oder eine Sammlung mehrerer archetypischer Daten bezeichnet, aber in Wirklichkeit wahrscheinlich nie existiert hat. Dagegen haben die lokalen religiösen Traditionen und Kulte ganz bestimmt existiert und sich teilweise auch gut entwickelt. Über manche Völker (Ostslawen, Polaben) haben wir mehr Informationen, über manche (südslawische und besonders westslawische Völker) viel weniger, was aber nicht bedeutet, daß die letzteren ohne religiöse bzw. mythopoetische Vorstellungen gelebt haben. Schließlich ist auch die Christianisierung vor allem die Ersetzung einer Religionsform durch eine andere. Die Aufgabe der Wissenschaftler ist nun zu versuchen, möglichst mehr über die vorchristliche Kultur der sich zu jener Zeit schon gebildeten Völker zu entdecken. Literatur Bezlaj 1951: F. Bezlaj, Nekaj besedi o slovenski mitologiji v zadnjih desetih letih, "Slovenski etnograf", III-IV, 1951, 342-353. Filipovic 1948: M. Filipovic, Tragovi Perunova kulta kod Južnih Slovena, "Glasnik Zemalj-skog muzeja v Sarajevu", Nova serija 1948, III, 1948, 63-80. Kattnig, Zerzer 1982: F. Kattnig, J. Zerzer, Dvojezična Koroška. Seznam dvojezičnih krajevnih imen južne Koroške. Zweispraciges Kärnten. Zweisprachiges Ortsverzeichnis von Südkärnten, Celovec / Klagenfurt 1982. Kelemina 1930: J. Kelemina, Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva, Celje 1930. Korošec 1948: J. Korošec, Slovansko svetišče na Ptujskem gradu, Ljubljana 1948. Kretzenbacher 1941: L. Kretzenbacher, Germanische Mythen in der epischen Volksdichtung der Slowenen. Ein Beitrag zu einer Kulturgestaltung im deutschen Grenzraum, Graz 1941. Linhart 1791: A.T. Linhart, Versuch einer Geschichte von Krain und den übrigen Ländern der südlichen Slaven Österreichs, Zweiter Band, Laibach 1791. Mal 1940: J. Mal, Slovenske mitološke starine. Donesek o sledovih poganstva med Slovenci, "Glasnik Muzejskega druötva Slovenije", 21, 1940, 1-37. Matičetov 1989: M. Matičetov, O bajnih bitjih Slovencev s pristavkom o Kurentu, "Traditi-ones", 14, 1985, 23-32. Mikhailov 1994: N. Mikhailov, Appunti su *Belobog e *Černobog, "Ricerche slavistiche", 41, 40-51. Mikhailov 1996a: N. Mikhailov, Baltico-slovenica. Alcuni paralleli mitologici, "Res Balti-cae", 2, 1996, 151-178. Mikhailov 1996b: N. Mikhailov, Slovanska mitologija in slovensko bajeslovje, in Koledar Mohorjeve družbe v Celovcu 1997, Celovec 1997, 11-114. Mikhailov 1996c: N. Mikhailov, Fragment slovenskoj mifopoetičeskoj tradicii, in Koncept dviženija. Struktura slovesnych i neslovesnych tekstov slavjanskoj tradicii, Moskva 1996, 127-141. Möderndorfer 1934: V. Möderndorfer, Narodno blago koroških Slovencev, Maribor 1934. Moszynski 1995: L. Moszynski, Die vorchristliche Religion der Slaven im Lichte der slavi-schen Sprachwissenschaft, Köln - Weimar - Wien 1992. Nahtigal 1956: R. Nahtigal, Svetovit=, "Slavistična revija", IX. Letnik, 1-4, 1956, 1-9. Ovsec 1991: D.I. Ovsec, Slovanska mitologija in verovanje, Ljubljana 1991. Pajek 1884: J. Pajek, Črtice duševnega uitka štajerskih Slovencev, v Ljubljani 1884. Pleterski 1994: A. Pleterski, Ecclesia demonibus addicta. Povedka o poganskem svetišču v Millstattu, "Zgodovinski časopis", 48, 1994, 297-306. Pleterski 1996: A. Pleterski, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih, "Zgodovinski časopis", 50, 1996, 163-185. Rusanova, Timoščuk 1993: I.P. Rusanova, B.A. Timoščuk, Jazyčeskie svjatilišča drevnih slavjan, Moskva 1993. SKI 1985: F. Jakopin, T. Korošec, T. Logar, J. Rigler, R. Savnik, S. Suhadolnik, Slovenska krajevna imena, Ljubljana 1985. Alcune osservazioni sulla tradizione mitopoietica slovena nella cornice della mitologia slava Nikolai Mikhailov Nell'articolo vengono elencate le seguenti particolarità della tradizione mitopoieti-ca slovena che permettono di usare il materiale sloveno per la ricostruzione del quadro generale della mitologia e/o del paganesimo slavo: 1) La presenza del nome Perun nella tradizione folclorica; 2) l'esistenza di un certo numero di toponimi con la radice sacrale *Vel-/*Vol-; 3) la presenza nella tradizione popolare del personaggio femminile Mokoška; 4) l'esistenza dell'oronimo Triglav paragonabile al teonimo Triglaus registrato presso i polabi; 5) la popolarità di S. Vito forse riconducibile alla figura della divinità polaba Svento-vit; 6) l'esistenza della figura Belin documentata nella tradizione folklorica paragonabile al ricostruito *Belobog; 7) l'esistenza del mitico Kresnik, la cui figura risale probabilmente a quella della divinità panslava della tempesta; 8) la presenza di alcuni templi presumibil-mente pagani nell'area linguistica e culturale slovena. Veles u psalmu Radoslav Katičic Psalm 22, 1-2 and 4 sings about Jahve, the God, who cares about the believer as the shepherd cares about his lamb. In connection with this, the Psalm sings about the grazing meadow filled with the green grass, about the water and resting on the water, about the valley that is overshadowed by death. All these are the motifs that are connected with Veles, the Slavic god of cattle. On the basis of available comparative material, the question about the origin of this complex of motifs could not be answered. U psalmu 22, 1-2 i 4 pjeva se o Jahvi, Bogu, koji se o vjerniku skrbi kao pastir na paši o svojem janjcu. S time u vezi govori se onda o pašnjaku obraslom zelenom travom, o vodi i počinku na njoj i o dolini koju zasjenjuje smrt. Sve su to motivi povezani s Vele-som, slavenskim stočjim bogom. Ta motivika, medutim, nije vjerski sadržaj psalma, nego pjesnički ukras. Na temelju raspoložiivoga poredbenoga materijala ne može se odgovoriti na pitanje o podrijetu toga motivskog kompleksa. To je svakako dalekosežna tipološka podudarnost. Uzima se u obzir mogucnost da bi mogao biti preuzet iz neke indoeuropske predaje. Tu se prvo pomišlja na filistejsku. Ali to su samo vratolomna domišljanja. Svakako, slika Velesa ocrtala se oštrije. A mi stojimo pred činjenicom i zagonetkom. Jedan odlomak starozavjetnoga teksta, početak jednoga psalma (23, 1-2), pobuduje našu osobitu pozornost. On u hebrejskom izvorniku glasi: Jahveh ro% Jahve je moj pastir, lo ehser ni u čem ne oskudijevam. Binot deše' jarbiseni Polaže me na pašnjak od zelene trave, 'al-me msnuhot jsnahaleni. vodi me na vodu i počinak. I onda tek nešto malo dalje (23, 4): Gam ki - elek bige'salmavet Štoviše, kad idem po dolini pod sjenom lo - 'ira ra ki- attah 'immadi smrti, ne bojim se zla jer si ti sa mnom. šibtska umišandtteka Tvoj pastirki štap i tvoja palica, hammah jdnahamuni. oni me tješe. U tom se odlomku hebrejskoga svetog i obrednog pjesništva, te u sadržajima riječi kojima se kazuje, lako prepoznaju bitni sadržaji vjerovanja o bogu Velesu kako ga po- znajemo iz do sada utvrdenih ulomaka slavenske i baltičke sakralne poezije.To se lijepo pokazuje pri pomnijem čitanju hebrejskoga izvornika. Bog je tu pastir. On je dakle onaj koji je u slavenskoj svetoj pjesmi skotbjb bogt, a to je Veles.1 Javljaju se dalje i drugi sadržaji vezani u slavenskoj predaji, koliko je uspješno rekonstruirana, uz toga boga. Kako se u pjesničkim rekvizitima toga psalma prepoznaju sadržaji vezani za predodžbe o Velesu, razabire se kad se ne gleda samo na prijevod: se-dasmdesetoricu helenističkih rabina, našega Jeronima i njegovu Vulgatu, Jeruzalemsku i Zagrebačku Bibliju, nego nastoji prodrijeti do izvornog izraza hebrejskoga izvornika. Prijevodi koji su gore ispisani temelje se upravo na tome i jedina im je svrha da posreduju, a ne da ikomu budu samostalni biblijski tekstovi. Sada ce se nešto pobliže razmotriti izvornik i istaknuti podudarnosti sa slavenskom sakralnom predajom o bogu Velesu. Psalam počinje Božjim imenom Jahveh. Pri našem pristupu valja tu zanemariti sve implikacije i zadržati samo najelementarnije značenje 'bog'. O njem se kaže da je ro'eh, a to je particip prezenta glagola raah 'pasti'2 i znači 'onaj koji pase'. Tom je participu dodan sufiks -i. To je posvojna zamjenica prvoga lica jednine ili lična zamjenica istoga lica kao objekt glagola. Moglo bi se dakle prevesti i ovako: „Jahve me pase". Tako su prevela sedamdesetorica na grčki i Vulgata na latinski. Ovdje je odabran prijevod "moj pastir" jer se tako na prvi pogled lakše razumiju sve implikacije toga odnosa, a taj se particip rabi i poimeničen: 'pastir'. Od sve punine sadržaja imena Jahve u ovom razmatranju ostaje samo najtemeljnije i najopcenitije 'bog'. Kako je vec rečeno, tu se bog o kojem je riječ predstavlja kao skotbjb bogt. A to je Veles.3 U nastavku stoji lo ehser. To je glagol hasar 'oskudijevati' zanijekan niječnom česti-com lo. Oblik ehser prvo je lice jednine muškoga i ženskog roda imperfekta. Imperfekt je glagol u nesvršenom vidu, i opet bez gramatičke vremenske oznake. Uporabno se najčešce odnosi na buducnost, pa ga zato, manje primjereno, rado zovu futur. Najadekavatnije se prevodi prezentom nesvršenoga glagola, tek što se taj u standardnom hrvatskom jeziku ne odnosi na buducnost osim u stilski snažno obilježenoj porabi. Stoga valja u svakom poje-dinom slučaju razmotriti nije li prijevod futurom nesvršenoga glagola primjereniji. Ipak gramatičko značenje nesvršenoga glagola proteže se po sebi neograničeno u buducnost. U kontekstu biblijskoga mjesta kojim se bavimo nema razloga ne prevesti hebrejski imperfekt upravo prezentom nesvršenoga glagola, tek treba držati na pameti da se time glagolski sadržaj ne smješta u sadašnjost, nego se izriče bezvremenski. Imamo dakle 'eiiser 'oskudijevam'. Taj glagolski oblik je zanijekan: lo 'eiiser 'ne osku-dijevam', što znači isto kao 'ništa mi ne fali'. Treba pak tu još jednom naglasiti da se to tako izrečeno proteže na svu buducnost i nije smješteno samo u sadašnjosti. A to što tu bog daje jest obilje blagodati i komu to padne u dio, taj je, reklo bi se praslavenski, bogatt. Dobio je svoj udio, što je praslavenski bogt u pasivnom značenju te imenice, i sada ga ima. Isto tako: tko ima roge taj je rogatt. A koji udjeljuje bogatstvo i blagodat je bogt u aktivnom značenju te imenice. Ona stoji u tvorbenoj vezi sa staroindijskim bhajati, to je trece lice 1 Usp. Katičic, 2008, 125-136. 2 Oblik raah je trece lice jednine muškoga roda perfekta. To je oblik u kojem se navode hebrejski glagoli kao rječničke jedinice. U nas je to infinitiv i zato se taj oblik u toj gramatičkoj funkciji prevodi s 'pasti'. Perfekt je nešto kao svršeni vid glagola i nije obilježen kategorijom vremena. Odatle nastaju teškoce pri prevodenju s hebrejskoga. No uporabno se najčešce odnosi na prošlost, pa je to prvo na što se pomišlja. Može se dakle reci da ra'ah znači nešto kaos 'izveo je na pašu'. 3 Vidi bilješku 1. jednine prezenta (tako se u staroindijskom navode glagoli kao leksičke jedinice) i znači 'dijeliti', dodjeljivati'. U slavenskoj je predaji taj koji to dodjeljuje bog Veles.4 Tako smo u istom stihu psalma opet kod njega. On je stočji bog, bog pastir, daje nam stoku, mlijeko i od njega sir, meso i slaninu, toplu i bogatu vunu. U njoj sam leži u liku zmije.5 Njegova je i zelena trava gdje stoka pase i mladi se konji ricu. To u psalmu spomi-nje sljedeci stih. Glagol navah znači 'stanovati', 'boraviti'. Od njega je izvedena imenica muškoga roda naveh 'stanište', 'boravište, osobito kad se govori o nomadskim pastirima i njihovim stadima. Tako onda ta imenica dobiva specijalna značenja 'pašnjak', 'sočna livada', 'travnjak'. Kad se pak na toj imenici utemelji sklop sintaktički usko povezanih riječi, a takvo se stanje u hebrejskoj gramatici zove status constructus, ona svoj oblik mijenja u nsot. U našem tekstu ona stoji u takvom sklopu s prijedlogom (prefiksom) bs, koji znači 'u, 'na' i s od te imenice zavisnom drugom imenicom deše' 'svježe zelenilo', 'trava', 'travnjak'. Takva povezanost konstruktnim statusom temeljne imenice odgovara odnosu atributa u genitivu kakav se susrece u indoeuropskim jezicima. Bilo bi to dakle nešto kao „na pašnjak svježeg zelenila", upravo "pašnjak od zelene trave". Imenica muškoga roda deše' uvodi nas u razgranatu tvorbenu porodicu sa znače-njem vrlo znatnim za predodžbe o godišnjoj vegetacijskoj sili. Izvedena je od glagole daša 'tjerati mladice, 'klijati', 'nicati', 'zeleniti se. U svojoj izvedenoj kauzativnoj osnovi - u hebrejskoj se gramatici ona zove hifil - znači taj glagol 'roditi zelenilom. Od njega je izvedena i imenica ženskoga roda dišah 'gaj', 'lug', 'dubrava', potvrdena samo u hebrejskom mladem od Staroga zavjeta. Tu smo dakle duboko zašli u semitsku jezičnu izražajnost koja se odnosi na vegetaciju i njezin godišnji ciklus. Kad se radi o takvu bogu, to je vrlo znatno. A zelena trava i ovce što pasu na njoj, pa kao ovce i pokojnici pod njegovom zašti-tom, sve su to predodžbe u slavenskoj predaji vezane uz boga Velesa. Tu se, vrlo prepo-znatljivo, u starozavjetnom psalmu susrece ono što je u slavenskom svetom pjevu zelem Ipgt.6 Taj zeleni lug sa svojim karakterističnim grmljem i drvečem i sočnom travom na zavoju rijeke u mitskom prostoru leži pod drvetom svijeta, tamo gdje izvire voda iz njegova korijenja, kraj Velesove duplje u njima. Kako god je zeleni lug u slavenskom mitu poznatiji kao poprište svete svadbe Perunove djece, nema ni najmanje dvojbe da pripada sferi boga Velesa7 I tako se u psalmu tu opet prepoznaje on. Predikat je u toj rečenici glagol rabas 'ležati', osobito o životinjama kad se voljko odmaraju. U svojoj kauzativnoj osnovi (hifil) taj glagol glasi hirbis i znači 'položiti'. Oblik pak u kojem se u našem tekstu taj glagol javlja kao predikat: jarbiseni treče je lice jednine muškog roda imperfekta toga hifila sa sufiksom lične zamjenice prvoga lica kao objekta. Točan prijevod je dakle „polaže me", s time da taj glagolski sadržaj nikako nije smješten u sadašnjost, nego je bezvremenski i naglašeno okrenut prema budučnosti, što u hrvatskom nije. Tu je zadržana i razradena slika boga pastira jer se janje polaže na zeleni pašnjak. On se i tu vrlo izrazito pokazuje kao stočji bog. U sljedečem polustihu imenica muškog roda maj 'voda', obično u množini majim, nosi kao temeljna sintaktički usko povezan sklop riječi i zato mijenja oblik (status constructus) u me. Sklopljena je s prijedlogom 'al 'na', 'ka', 'prema' i imenicom ženskog roda mdnuhah, kojoj je množina msnühot, a znači 'mir, 'smirenje', 'počinak, 'počivalište'. Riječi 4 Usp. Katičic, 2008, 149-172. 5 Usp. Katičic, 2008, 71-76. 6 Usp. Katičic, 2010, 113-155 i 199-200. 7 Usp. Katičic, 2010, 113-155 i 193-200. me mdnuhot značile bi dakle 'vode smirenja', 'vode počinka. Pravomu značenju toga hrvat-skog izraza treba se tek domišljati. Prikladnije je stoga u hrvatskom razglobiti taj hebrejski konstruktni izraz i navesti njegove sastojke usporedno, sintaktički ravnopravno: „voda i počinak". Radi se dakako o tome da nema počinka ako se ne utaži žed. A voda je u slavenskoj mitskoj slici svijeta element boga Velesa, njegovo mjesto, kako se pjevalo u svetim pjesmama i govorilo u svetim kazivanjima. Kad se on povuče u vodu, gromovnik ga Perun više ne bije.Voda je najizrazitije Velesova sfera. On je njezin gospodar, on ju daje i on ju uskracuje. Tada ju obilno daje tek kad ga Perun bije.8 Po vodi i tu u psalmu prepoznajemo Velesa. Predikat je u toj rečenici glagol nahal 'voditi', 'pratiti'. Oblik jdnahaieni je trece lice jednine muškoga roda imperfekta toga glagola i znači 'vodi', s time da taj glagolski sadržaj nikako nije gramatički smješten u sadašnjost, nego je bezvremenski i naglašeno okrenut prema buducnosti, što u hrvatskom nije. A dodan je i sufiks koji znači ličnu zamjenicu prvoga lica kao objekt toga glagola. Imamo dakle: „vodi me na vodu i počinak. Bog kao pastir vodi svoje janje na vodu i odmorište. I opet stočji bog: Veles. Treci stih toga psalma nam ovdje nije zanimljiv, ali nas četvrti opet vrlo prepoznat-ljivo vraca Velesu. Prva je riječ prilog gam. Znači 'sve u svemu', 'takoder', 'štoviše'. Rječca ki što slijedi za njom i usko se prislanja za riječ iza sebe zavisni je veznik. Značenje mu je vrlo široko: 'da', 'jer', 'buduci da, 'što', 'kao', 'kad', 'kad li', 'upravo kad', 'dok. Ovdje se zavisna rečenica koju taj veznik uključuje u rečenični sklop najbolje može shvatiti kao vremenska. Predikat te rečenice je glagol halak 'ici'. A njegov oblik elek prvo je lice jednine muškoga i ženskoga roda imperfekta toga glagola. Znači dakle 'idem', s time da taj glagolski sadržaj nikako nije smješten u sadašnjost, nego je bezvremenski i naglašeno okrenut prema buducnosti, što u hrvatskom nije. Dobiva se tako prijevod: „Štoviše, kada idem". Slijedi pri-jedložni izraz koji kazuje kuda to "idem". Prijedlog je i opet prefiks bs 'u', 'na', koji ce se uz glagol kretanja najbolje prevesti s 'po'. Imenica koja nosi čitav sklop riječi je gaj' 'dol', 'dolina', 'udubina', u status constructus ona glasi ge', a o njoj je zavisna druga imenica ženskog roda salmavet 'duboka tama', 'mrak, 'strah, 'užas', zapravo: 'sjena smrti' (sel 'hlad, 'sjena' i mavet 'carstvo smrti', 'kuga', 'smrt'). Dobiva se dakle prijevod zavisne rečenice: „Štoviše kada idem po dolini u sjeni smrti". Moglo bi se, dakako, prevoditi i „po dolini u smrtnom mraku" jer je čak i ta dramatična patetika sadržana u izvornom hebrejskom izrazu. Tu se i dalje opisuju predodžbe kakve su vezane za boga Velesa. Njegovi su dol i dolina za razliku od gore boga gromovnika. On je i gospodar pokojnika, oni borave u nje-govu carstvu. U baltičkom se pak pokojnici čak zovu njegovim imenom: litavski vele 'duša pokojinika, latvijski velis 'pokojnik'. A Vels i Vielona potvrdeni su kao imena boga mrtvih u starih Latvijaca. A to da je stočji bog ujedno i gospodar mrtvih posve je u skladu sa starom i prvotnom indoeuropskom predodžbom o sočnoj livadi na kojoj on pase pokojnike kao svoje stado.9 Glavna rečenjca u toj zavisno složenoj i sama je složena. Predikat njezine glavne je glagol jare 'preplašiti se', 'prestrašiti se'. Oblik 'ira' je prvo lice jednine muškoga i ženskoga roda imperfekta toga glagola. Zanijekan je česticom lo i znači 'ne bojim se'. A ono čega se sveti pjevač ne boji stoji uz taj glagolski oblik kao objekt u akuzativu: ra', što znači 'zlo'. I u hebrejskom je to poimeničen oblik pridjeva. Dobiva se tako prijevod: „ne bojim se zla". 8 Usp. Katičic, 2008, 41, 67, 191, 313-326. 9 Usp. Puhvel, 1969; MBaHOB - TonopoB, 1974, 67-71; Katičic, 2003, 85-95. Toj glavnoj rečenici priključena je zavisna: ki 'attah 'immadi. Veznik ki mnogozna-čan je, kako je vec gore razloženo, a ovdje se daleko najbolje može razumjeti kao uzročni. Ta rečenica nema glagolskoga predikata. Subjekt joj je lična zamjenica drugoga lica 'attah 'ti, a predikat prijedložni izraz s prijedlogom 'im 'sa' i sufiksom lične zamjenice prvoga lica -i u složenom obliku 'immadi, koji znači 'sa mnom'. Dobiva se tako prijevod: „jer si ti sa mnom". To onda u nastavku dobiva konkretniji sadržaj. Tu su usporedno postavljene dvije imenice kojih je sadržaj bitan za svu predodžbu koja se tu izražava. Prva je imenica muš-koga roda šebet, što znači 'štap', 'pastirki štap, 'žezlo', a dodan joj je sufiks drugoga lica jednine -ka, koji je ovdje posvojna zamjenica 'tvoj'. S tim sufiksom imenica dolazi u status constructus i mijenja nešto oblik, pa to onda glasi šibtska i u ovom kontekstu znači 'tvoj pastirski štap. Druga je imenica koordinirana ovoj sastavnim veznikom vs-, koji joj je dodan kao prefiks. U glasovnom okruženju u kojem se ovdje našao on glasi u-. Druga je imenica ženskoga roda, mišanst 'prut, 'palica', 'batina', 'naslon'. I njoj je dodan isti sufiks -ka, i ona je, takoder u status constructus, nešto promijenila oblik, pa se tako dobilo umišanstteka 'i tvoja palica'. Iza toga slijedi lična zamjenica trecega lica množine muškoga roda hammah 'oni' i kao predikat glagol naham 'sažaljevati! Osnova piel, kojoj je značenje faktitivno ili intenzivno, od toga je glagola niham i znači 'tješiti. Oblik jdnahamuni trece je lice množine muškoga roda imperfekta toga piela s dodanim sufiksom lične zamjenice prvoga lica kao objektom: 'oni me tješe. Pastirski štap i palica živahno dopunjaju sliku pastira i prikazuju da je bog zaštitnik tu doista skotbjb bogb. Tako se u tom psalmu još dojmljivije susrece bog Veles. Komentar Jeruzalemske Biblije iznosi mišljenje da je ono 'attah 'ti' u tekst četvrtoga stiha vjerojatno dodano naknadno kako bi se uspostavila veza s onim što se pripovijeda u Prvoj knjizi Samuelovoj 22, 23 i tako dobila aluzija na Davidovo junaštvo. Ako je to doista tako, a komentar Jeruzalemske Biblije valja uzimati vrlo ozbiljno, onda je psalam na tom mjestu bio ispjevan ovako: ki-šibtska umišanstteka 'immadi - „jer tvoj je pastirski štap i tvoja palica sa mnom". Od toga slika boga pastira postaje još kompaktnija. I na kraju navest ce se taj odlomak psalma iz Zagrebačke Biblije kako tamo stoji u prijevodu Filiberta Gassa: Jahve je pastir moj: ni u čem ne oskudijevam: na poljanama zelenim on mi daje odmora. Na vrutke me tihane vodi. Pa da mi je i dolinom smrti proci, zla se ne bojim, jer ti si sa mnom. Tvoj štap i palica tvoja utjeha su meni. Vec se jednim pogledom vidi: to je kao hrvatski prijevodni biblijski tekst besprije-korno. Tek predodžba o stočjem bogu Velesu slavenske predaje ne pokazuje se tu tako re-ljefno, ne prepoznaje se tako jasno i ne razabire tako oštro kao kad se razglobi sam izvorni tekst. To i jest razlog što je čitatelju tu podastrto pomalo zamorno razlaganje koje, koliko je ovaj autor sposoban za to, otvara izravan pristup samomu izvorniku. Sve što je tu do sada izneseno nesporne su činjenice. U tekstu starozavjetnog psalma prepoznati su motivi koji se nedvojbeno sklapaju u predodžbu o stočjem bogu Velesu kakva nam je poznata iz slavenske i njoj blisko srodne baltičke predaje. Tu se, naravno, postavlja pitanje od kuda to u Starome zavjetu. Ne vidi se, naime, kako bi moglo biti preu-zeto iz slavenske ili baltičke pretkršcanske predaje. A da bi to bilo preuzeto u te predaje iz Staroga zavjeta gotovo da je još teže zamislivo. Radi se o davninama kad baltički i slavenski svijet nije još imao nikakvih veza s hebrejskim. Od kako je počela ozbiljna rekonstrukcija slavenskih i baltičkih pretkršcanskih sakralnih tekstova, naglašuje se da njihovi motivi i vjerske predodžbe izražene u njima nisu samo slavenske, samo baltičke ili samo baltoslavenske. One su dakako indoeuropske jer su i slavenska i baltička predaja grane indoeuropske, ali nisu ni samo indoeuropske jer se važne i zanimljive tipološke podudarnbosti susrecu diljem čitavoga svijeta. Tomu su Ivanov i Toporov posvetili cijelo jedno poglavlje svoje knjige.10 Ipak se nije moguce tu zadovoljiti time da se ustvrdi kako je to u semitskoj predaji tek tipološka podudarnost indo-europskoj. Moguce je naravno da je to tako, pa i nije nevjerojatno, ali se iz starozavjetnog teksta koji je ovdje naveden razabire i više od toga. Motiv poznat iz slavenske predaje o stočjem bogu Velesu susrece se tu u tolikim pojedinostima, opjevani su tu toliki atributi njegova božanstva, da to nisu pojedinačni i raspršeni dodiri i podudarnosti, nego motivski blok, čitava razgranata sadržajna cjelina. Bitno je pak uočiti pri tome da ta sadržajna cjelina nije vjerski sadržaj toga hebrejskoga svetoga pjeva. Njegov je religiozni sadržaj poptpuna predanost Jahvi, Bogu, i bezgranična vjera u potpunu zašticenost pod njegovim okriljem. Takav je vjerski sadržaj tud slaven-skoj i baltičkoj pretkršcanskoj predaji. Motivski sklop koji se prepoznaje kao podudaran s njom u psalmu je pjesnički ukras, dojmljiva razradba slike o Bogu koji vjernika njeguje, zbrinjava i štiti, onako kako pastir njeguje, zbrinjava i štiti svojega janjca. Pjesnik je zapje-vao o Bogu kao o pastiru. Sve ostalo su asocijacije koje su slobodno i nevezano došle pje-sniku i dale njegovu izrazu dojmljivu puninu. Sustavnost tih motiva ne pripada glavnomu sadržaju psalma, ona potječe iz dodatnoga asocijativnog fonda njegova pjesnika. U tom smislu to je u psalmu strano tijelo, pjesnički ukras kao što je to potanki opis svete svadbe uvršten u epsko pripovijedanje Homerove Ilijade (14, 346-351), a preuzet je iz sakralnoga pjesništva indoeuropske predaje. To nije motiv junačkoga epa.11 Da bi se o tom pitanju moglo ozbiljno dalje razgovarati, trebalo bi prvo utvrditi javlja li se ta motivika i drugdje u Starom zavjetu i kako. To je pretraživanjem ključnih riječi uz pomoc postojecih konkordancija razmjerno lako izvedivo. Još lakše danas elektroničkim pretraživanjem. Tek leži izvan dosega aktualnih radnih mogucnosti ovoga autora. Trebalo bi nadalje pregledati ostalu semitsku predaju, javlja li se u njoj ta motivika drugdje i kako. To je pak ovomu autoru sasvim nedostupno. A treba, naravno, uzimati u obzir i mogucnost da je to preuzeto, ako vec ne iz slavenske ili baltičke predaje, a ono iz kakve druge indoeuropske. Vec su se u nas razmatrale dodirne točke vedskoga i hebrejskog sakralnog pjesništva.12 A u staroj Palestini bili su 10 Usp. MBaHOB - TonopoB, 1974, 136-164. 11 Usp. Katičic, 2010, 193-200. 12 Usp. poglavlje "Brahman i psalam" u Ježic, 1987, 48-68. Kanaancima susjedi Filisteji, za koje se s dobrim razlogom pretpostavlja da su bili osvajači indoeuropskoga jezika i izvorno indoeuropske tradicije. No i to ostaje upitno. Je li u psalmu motivski sklop o stočjem bogu koji svojega janjca polaže na zelenu travu, vodi ga da se odmara na vodi i da tamo utaži žed, prisutan je u dolini pod sjenom smrti te ga štiti i tamo, - je li taj motivski sklop možda potekao iz filistejske predaje? Je li preuzet iz koje druge indoeuropske? S poredbenim aparatom kojim sada raspolažemo nije moguče odgovoriti na ta pitanja. Ipak je vrijedno biti ih svjestan. A naša slika o Velesu, stočjem bogu, postaje od toga psalma oštrija i sigurniji smo da je ta slika iz krhotina koje su došle do nas u slavenskoj i baltičkoj predaji dobro i pouzdano složena. Vrela, literatura i pomagala Amerl, Rudolf, Hebrejsko-hrvatski rječnik, Krščanska sadašnjost, Zagreb 1997. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, ediderunt K. Ellinger et W. Rudolph, editio quinta emendata opera A. Schenker, Stuttgart 1997. Biblija. Stari i Novi zavjet. Urednici Josip Tabak, književnik, Dr Jerko Fučak, bibličar, Krščanska sadašnjost, Zagreb 1996 (Zagrebačka Biblija). Gesenius, Wilhelm, Hebräisches und aramäisches Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament, in Verbindung mit Prof. Albert Socin und Prof. H. Zimmern bearbeitet von Dr. Frants Buhl, dreizehnte Auflage, Leipzig 1899. MBaHOB, BflHecnaB BceBonogoBMH, MccnegoBaHMA b oönacTM cnaBAHCKMX gpeBHOCTeö. ^eKCMHecKMe m ^pa3eonorMHecKMe Bonpocbi peKOHCTpy^MM TeKCTOB, MocKBa 1074. Jeruzalemska Biblija, Stari i Novi zavjet s uvodima i bilješkama iz »La Bible de Jérusalem«, uredili Adalbert Rebič, Jerko Fučak (t), Bonaventura Duda, Krščanska sadašnjost, Zagreb 2001. Ježič, Mislav, Rgvedski himni. Izvori indijske kulture i indoeuropsko nasljede, Zagreb 1987. Katičič, Radoslav, Die Hauswirtin am Tor. Auf den Spuren der großen Göttin in Fragmenten slawischer und baltischer sakraler Dichtung, Frankfurt am Main 2003. Katičič, Radoslav, Božanski boj, Zagreb 2008. Katičič, Radoslav, Zeleni lug, Zagreb 2010. Konkordanz zum hebräischen Alten Testament, ausgearbeitet und geschrieben von Gerhard Lisowsky. Dritte verbesserte Auflage besorgt von Hans Peter Rüger, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1993. Lambdin, Thomas O., Lehrbuch Bibel-Hebräisch. Herausgegeben von Heinrich von Siebenthal. 4. Auflage, Gießen 2003. Nova Vulgata Bibliorum Sacrorum editio, Libreria editrice Vaticana, Romae 1979. Puhvel, Jan, 'Meadow of the Otherworld' in Indo-European Tradition, Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung (KZ, Kuhns Zeitschrift) 83 (1969), 64-69. Rebič, Adalbert, Slovnica hebrejskog jezika s čitankom (za studente teologije i samouke), Krščanska sadašnjost, Zagreb 1997. Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta LXX interpretes edidit Alfred Rahlfs, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1979. Der Slawische Gott Veles in einem Psalm Radoslav Katicic Im Psalm 22, 1-2 und 4 ist die Rede vom Gott Jahwe, der seinen Gläubigen als Hirte auf der Weide beträut. In diesem Zusammenhang wird der mit grünem Gras bewachsene Weidegrund, das labende Wasser und das Tal im Todesschatten angesprochen. Dies alles sind Motive die mit dem slawischen Gott Veles, dem Gott des Viehs, engstens verbunden sind. Diese Motivik ist aber nicht religiöser Gehalt des Psalms, sondern dichterische Ausschmückung. Aufgrund des verfügbaren Vergleichsmaterials, kann die Frage nach der Herkunft dieses Motivkomplexes nicht beantwortet werden. Auf jeden Fall ist das eine weitgehende typologische Entsprechung. Die Möglichkeit wird ins Auge gefasst, dass es aus einer indogermanischen Überlieferung übernommen worden sein könnte. Zunächst wäre da an die philistäische zu denken. Aber das sind nur abenteuerliche Vermutungen. Auf jeden Fall zeichnet sich jetzt das Bild von Veles schärfer ab. Man steht da vor einer Tatsache und vor einem Rätsel. Motiv trikotnika s podaljški na glinenem posodju v pozni bronasti in zgodnji železni dobi. Razmislek o njegovi okrasni in simbolni vrednosti Brina Škvor Jernejčič The following article is an attempt at interpretation of the so-called triangle with extensions that appears as an ornament on prehistoric ceramic vessels (end of the 2nd and beginning of the 1st millennium BC). According to archaeological and further ethnological analogies within Eurasian territory, we presume that the ornament-symbol in question not only presents a feminine figure, as discussed in preceding studies, but can also be read as a house, home, oven or a posture of crossed arms. Furthermore, it seems that this sign has a symbolical function to protect and to shelter. Ko razmišljamo o pomenu simbola, smo usmerjeni k idejam, ki so onkraj dosega razuma. (Carl G. Jung 2006, 23) I. Uvod Razlaga znakov, likov in simbolov je vsekakor zagonetna, še posebej v primerih, ko imamo opravka s prazgodovinsko in protozgodovinsko oblikovno zapuščino. Le-ta ostaja nemalokrat nema, pogojena z nepoznavanjem pisnih virov, takratnega pripovednega izročila in nenazadnje časovno distanco. Tako ostaja dejstvo, da poskusi interpretacij izhajajo največkrat iz naših lastnih predpostavk, same razlage pa temeljijo na posplošenih časovno in prostorsko oddaljenih primerjavah ali samo po sebi umevnih razlagah.1 Ena od možnih metodologij je t. i. etnološka analogija, ki izhaja iz primerjave in posledično razlage prazgodovinskih znakov in simbolov s še danes obstoječimi vzorci, znaki in simboli. Pri tem načinu razpoznavanja in razlaganja simbolov ostaja problematično dejstvo časovne in prostorske distance.2 Etnološka analogija temelji na predpostavki, da naj bi se pomen, sporočilo ali pripoved raznoterih simbolov ohranili skozi daljše časovno obdobje in so potemtakem dandanašnjemu uporabniku še vedno poznani. Analogija torej predpostavlja vizualno in sporočilno enačenje med različnimi primerki. V pričujočem prispevku bomo poskušali ugotovitve, izhajajoče iz arheološke analize, soočiti z etnološkimi analogijami in na podlagi ugotovljenega podati hipotetično razlago motiva trikotnika s podaljški, ki ga razumemo obenem kot simbol. V analizi okrasne in simbolne vrednosti posameznih motivov je nujno, da ločujemo med gledanjem in razumevanjem upodobljenega lika. Pri prvem gre zgolj za vidno za- 1 Za možnosti interpretacij simbolov v arheološkem smislu glej Grieder 1975; Robb 1998. 2 Kritično o tem že Kubler 1967, 11-12. znavanje upodobljenega, pri drugem za videnje-vedenje, kaj lik upodablja in kaj je namen te upodobitve. Tako gledanje in razumevanje se glede na čas in prostor opazovalca lahko razlikujeta. Ne glede na prej omenjene metodološke skepse je naloga arheologije in drugih ved, da poskušajo razložiti tudi ta vidik duhovne kulture, ki se je sicer ohranil zgolj v materialni kulturi. Pričujoči prispevek je zato le spodbuda in povod k razmisleku in diskusiji, ali je možno znake, like in simbole prazgodovinskega človeka zgolj gledati ali tudi videti-razumeti, in če, do kakšne mere, ali pa se v rezultatih naših razlag, bolj kot dejansko sporočilo, skrivajo naše percepcije in razlage sveta. Izhajamo namreč iz predpostavke, da posodje (kot tudi drugi predmeti) lahko služi kot prenosnik informacij o njihovih proizvajalcih, lastnikih in uporabnikih.3 To velja tako za obliko, kakovost izdelave pa tudi za okras na posodju. Obenem predpostavljamo, da se v slednjem skriva ne zgolj estetska, temveč tudi simbolna sestavina. Prav tako naše nadaljnje ugotovitve temeljijo na hipotezi, da v primeru posodja kot grobnega pridatka izbira tega (skupaj z obliko, kakovostjo izdelave in okrasom) za preminulega ni bila naključna. Slika 1: Okras trikotnika s podaljški na posodju iz železne dobe (po Dobiat 1982, Abb. 13:33-44). Brez merila. Motivika trikotnika s podaljški, ki ga nameravamo na tem mestu obravnavati, je bila deležna raznoterih analiz, predvsem kronoloških, pa tudi interpretativnih4. V slovenski arheološki literaturi je bilo poimenovanje obravnavanega motiva različno. Največkrat gre zgolj za kataloški opis posode z obravnavanim okrasom.5 Dejstvo je, da predvsem tuji avtorji že s samim poimenovanjem (na primer zastavice, rokice itd.) nakazujejo interpretacijo bodisi motiva bodisi sporočilnosti, ki ga ta motiv nosi. V nadaljevanju bomo uporabljali poimenovanje trikotnik s podaljški, ki se zdi z interpretacijo najmanj obremenjeno. Gre za motiv, ki je lahko upodobljen oziroma izveden v raznoterih različicah. Skupno vsem različicam oz. primerkom so trikotnik (bodisi spodaj odprt ali zaprt, viseči in stoječi, šrafiran, mrežast, večkraten, itd.) ter dve nasproti stoječi si, prelomljeni ali ukrivljeni črti na vrhu trikotnika, ki sta lahko dodatno poudarjeni z manjšimi črticami (slike 1-16). 3 Orton, Tyers, Vince 1994, 227. 4 Siegfried-Weiss 1979, 100 ss.; Dobiat 1982; Horvat 1983, 151-154; Čovic 1984, 20; Teržan 1990, 38-42; Tasic 1991; Nebelsick 1992, 406; Eibner 1997; Kossack 1999, 137 ss.; Schappelwein 1999, 164-179; Eibner 2000/2001; Huth 2003, 68 ss.; Golan 2003, 211, fig. 211: 2-7; Brosseder 2004; Rebay 2005, 193-198; Kern 2009. 5 Na primer: motiv spodaj odprtega trikotnika s podaljškoma oz. zastavicama (Horvat 1983, 151), trikotniki, katerih vrhovi so podaljšani v prelomljeni črti (Gabrovec 1960, 36), motiv v obliki X z odlomljenima gornjima krajcema (Pahič 1957, 24), motiv šrafiranega trikotnika z visečimi kraki z zapognjenimi konci (Pahič 1972, 27) itd., če omenimo le nekaj slovenskih poimenovanj. Osnovna shema trikotnika z dvema nasproti si stoječima prelomljenima ali ukrivljenima črtama na zgornjem kraku je torej naše likovno izhodišče. V analizi izhajamo primarno iz upodobljenega lika, ki ga opazujemo v kontekstu celotnega okrasa na glinenem prazgodovinskem posodju. Sekundarno poskušamo ta motiv razumeti glede na kompozicijo samega okrasa, nadalje glede na posode in kontekst, kjer se posoda z okrasom pojavi (v tem primeru predvsem grobne celote). Na koncu poskušamo soočiti te informacije z izpričanimi etnološkimi primerjavami evrazijskega prostora. Nasprotno metodologijo je predstavil Dobiat.6 Njegovo primarno izhodišče je analiza upodobitve antropomorfne figure, ena od njenih različic pa je tudi motiv trikotnika s podaljški (slika 1). Kljub številnim prej omenjenim različicam upodobitve trikotnika in podaljškov obravnavamo motiv celostno. Ob tem se zavedamo pomanjkljivosti, da utegnejo raznotere različice nositi dodaten pomen, torej bi zahtevale nekoliko drugačno gledanje in razumevanje. O tem priča na primer bogata, a sicer drugačna ornamentika na anatolskih kilimih, kjer se različice stilizirane ženske figure po pomenu ločijo glede na starost in stan ženske (deklica, dekle, odrasla ženska itd.).7 Pomeni podrobnosti okrasa so nam, še posebej v prazgodovinskih kontekstih, težje določljivi, zato se nam zdi združevanje različic istega lika v celostno obravnavo edina smiselna pot. Ob tem se moramo zavedati, da generalizi-rano gledanje obenem prinaša tudi posplošeno razumevanje. Slika 2: Odlomek posode z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 52, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU (po Stare 1954, t. XLV: 3). M = 1:1. Slika 3: Askos z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 54, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU (po Stare 1954, t. LVII: 1a). M = 1:3. II. Arheološka analiza Gostota pojavnosti obravnavanega motiva daje slutiti, da je, kljub svoji delni specifičnosti, znak-simbol do neke mere univerzalen. Pojavi se namreč v različnih časovnih obdobjih na zelo različnih in med seboj oddaljenih prostorih.8 Ta motiv je pogost že v 6 Dobiat 1982. 7 Yakar 2005, 118, fig. 9. 8 Z izrazom univerzalen bi lahko označili tudi druge znake-simbole kot so na primer krog, valovnica, spirala, trikotnik ipd. Slika 4: Posoda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 55, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU (risba: Ida Mur-gelj). M = 1:8. prazgodovini, povsem v enaki obliki pa je prisoten danes v ornamentiki ljudske obrti in umetnosti Evrazije. Nasprotno kaže pojavnost motiva v prazgodovini na prostoru današnje Slovenije dokajšnjo specifičnost. Tu se pojavi v ostro omejenem časovnem obdobju in hkrati samo v nekaterih od t. i. poznobronastodobnih skupin. Pojav motiva je na prostoru današnje Slovenije vezan na okras grobnega oziroma naselbinskega posodja od mlajšega obdobja kulture žarnih grobišč9 vse do zgodnje železne dobe, torej od konca 2. in v prvih stoletjih 1. tisočletja pr. n. št. Prostorsko se pojavi na najdiščih dobovske, ruške in ljubljanske skupine.10 Skoraj vse primerke je zbrala že Horvatova:11 1. Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU, grob 5212 (slika 2), grob 5413 (slika 3), grob 5514 (slika 4), grob 12715 (slika 5), brez konteksta16 (slika 6 in 7), brez konteksta (pogojno)17 (slika 8). 9 V tej analizi bomo obravnavali motiv trikotnika s podaljški v bronasti in železni dobi, kljub temu da se pojavi že v mlajši kameni dobi. Za nekaj primerov glej Muller-Karpe 1980, Taf. 555: 6; Gimbutas 1989, 21, 68, fig. 32, 106; Golan 2003, fig. 211: 2-7; Haarman 2005, fig. 12. 10 Za diskusijo o natančnejši dataciji oz. vprašanju sočasnosti grobnega posodja okrašenega z motivom trikotnika s podaljški v ruški in dobovski s poznanimi primerki iz ljubljanske skupine glej Teržan 1990, 41, 42. 11 Horvat 1983. 12 Stare 1954, t. XLV: 3. 13 Stare 1954, t. LVII: 1a. Glej tudi Budja 1980, 85, 86, kjer v risbi ni upodobljen obravnavani motiv. Vendar ta risba ni dosledna, saj se nam je po ogledu najdbe (Narodni muzej Slovenije) potrdilo, da je askos dejansko okrašen s trikotnikom s podaljški. 14 Stare 1954, 66, t. XLIX: 5, kjer je narisan samo del okrasa. Po reviziji gradiva v Narodnem muzeju Slovenije, se je izkazalo, da je tudi ta posoda okrašena s trikotnikom s podaljški (slika 4). Prav tako je bilo ugotovljeno, da sta bili v grobu dve fibuli očalarki in ne ena, kot je navedeno v Staretovem katalogu. 15 Puš 1971, t. 16: 14. 16 Stare 1954, t. II: 7; Puš 1982, t. 31: 3. 17 Puš 1982, t. 34: 5. Slika 5: Posoda z okrasom trikotnikov s podaljški iz groba 127, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU (po Puš 1971, t. 16:14). M = 1:6. Slika 6: Okras trikotnika s podaljški na odlomku, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU, brez konteksta (po Stare 1954, t. II: 7). M = 1:1. Slika 7: Posoda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU, brez konteksta (po Puš 1982, t. 31: 3). M = 1:6. Slika 8: Odlomek posode z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU, brez konteksta (po Puš 1982, t. 34:5). M = 1:4. Slika 9: Posoda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 51, Bled, Pristava (po Gabrovec 1960, t. XXIX: 3). M = 1:6. 2. Bled, Pristava, grob 5118 (slika 9). 3. Grobišče pri Velikem Nerajcu, grob 4 (slika 10). 18 Gabrovec 1960, t. XXIX: 3. Slika 10: Ročata skleda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 4, Veliki Nerajec (po Spitzer 1973, t. 6:1; 7). Posoda: M = 1:4. Slika 11: Posoda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 7, Veliki Nerajec oz. Pusti Gradac (po Spitzer 1973, t. 8: 10; 9:1). Posoda: M = 1:4. Slika 12: Skodelica z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 165, Ruše (po Muller-Karpe 1959, T. 114: D3). M = 1:4. Slika 13: Amfora z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški iz groba 18, Ruše (po Pahič 1957, t. VIII: 1; XIX: 3). Posoda: M = 1:4. Slika 14: Amfora z okrasom trikotnikov s podaljški iz groba 256, Dobova (po Stare 1975, t. 37:3). M = 1:4. Slika 15: Skodelica z okrasom trikotnikov s podaljški iz groba 15, Pobrežje (po Pahič 1972, t. 3:6). M = 1:4. Slika 16: Amfora z okrasom trikotnikov s podaljški iz groba 56, Pobrežje (pa Pahič 1972,1.12:1). M = 1:4. 4. Grobišče pri Velikem Nerajcu, grob 719 (slika 11). 5. Ruše, I. grobišče, grob 16520 (slika 12). 6. Ruše, II. grobišče, grob 1821 (slika 13). 7. Dobova, grob 25622 (slika 14). 8. Pobrežje, grob 1523 (slika 15), grob 5 624 (slika 16). Nekaj novih najdb je poznanih predvsem iz naselbin: 1. Kranj, severno ob farni cerkvi25 2. Kranj, Jelenov klanec26 19 Primarno Spitzer 1973, t. 6: 1; 7; 8: 10; 9: 1, za novo rekonstrukcijo grobne celote glej Škvor Jernejčič 2008 in Škvor Jernejčič, v tisku. 20 Muller-Karpe 1959, T. 114: D3. 21 Pahič 1957, t. VIII: 1; XIX: 3. 22 Stare 1975, t. 37: 3. 23 Pahič 1972, t. 3: 6. 24 Pahič 1972, t. 12: 1. 25 Horvat 1983, sl. 5: 6; t. 7: 21; t. 22: 21. 26 Turk 2000, 41, 42. 3. Kranj, Pavšarjeva hiša, domnevna hiša 227 4. Ljubljana, Tribuna28 5. Ptujski grad29 6. Gornja Radgona, sonda II30 7. Brinjeva gora31 8. Ormož, sektor IV/jama 4, jarek Ill/hiša 3/b-zahod, Skolibrova ulica: sektor 2/ kurišče, sektor 2/kvadrant 80, sektor 3/jama 339, sektor 4/kvadrant 76, Havlasov vrt: kvadrant 3732 9. Rogoza pri Mariboru, v naplavinski plasti nad strugo vodotoka (SE 610)33 10. Poštela (pogojno)34 Na tem mestu nameravamo podrobneje ovrednotiti le grobne najdbe, saj so naselbinske najdbe povečini brez konteksta ali pa je le-ta izpovedno okrnjen. Za prazgodovinske grobove na prostoru današnje Slovenije je značilno, da so vsi, z izjemo belokranjskih grobov (iz grobišča pri Velikem Nerajcu, kjer gre za skeletna pokopa), plani žgani grobovi, bodisi z žaro ali brez nje. V času zgodnje železne dobe je motiv zastopan le na najdiščih, ki so se kontinuirano nadaljevala iz pozne bronaste v začetek zgodnje železne dobe. Edina izjema je grobišče pri Velikem Nerajcu, katerega začetki segajo v zgodnjo železno dobo. Pomembna se zdi ugotovitev, da novonastale zgodnje želez-nodobne naselbine in grobišča dolenjske skupine, prav tako svetolucijska in notranjska skupina, tega okrasnega motiva niso poznale. Motiv kot tak je torej značilen za okrasni repertoar poznobronastodobnih najdišč dobovske, ruške in ljubljanske skupine. Kljub številčno majhnemu vzorcu izpričanega lika, naj na tem mestu poskusimo očrtati nekatere skupne značilnosti. Vsem grobovom, z izjemo nerajskih, je torej skupen grobni ritual sežiganja pokojnikov skupaj z njihovo nošo. Vseeno pa med njimi obstajajo določene razlike. Pri tem izstopajo grob 15 (a in b) iz Pobrežja, grob 54 iz Ljubljane, dvorišča SAZU in grob 51 z blejske Pristave35, saj se na podlagi skopih podatkov izkopavalcev zdi, da gre v teh treh primerih za dvojni grob, da sta torej v njem pokopani dve osebi. Prva dva sta namreč vsebovala dve žari36, grob z blejske Pristave pa je vseboval ženske in moške pridatke. V grobovih z blejske Pristave in Pobrežja so bile, kot navajajo izkopavalci, najdene »izbrane kosti«, ki so bile po sežigu posebej odbrane iz sežigališča in nato položene bodisi direktno v grob, bodisi v grobno posodo-žaro, v čemer se kaže nek poseben grobni ritual. 27 Rozman 2004, t. 8: 3; t. 9: 1. 28 Neobjavljeno. Za podatek se zahvaljujem dipl. arheol. Petri Vojakovic. 29 Korošec 1951, sl. 73. 30 Horvat-Šavel 1981, t. 6: 7; Šavel 1994, priloga 49: 4. 31 Oman 1980, t. 45: 13; t. 49: 21. 32 Lamut 1989, t. 25: 21; Lamut 2001, t. 9: 1, 11; Dular, Tomanič Jevremov 2010, t. 13: 4, 6; 20: 2, 4; 32: C3; 66: C14; 154: 8. 33 Črešnar 2010, t. 4: 4. 34 Teržan 1990, t. 38: 1. Posoda, katere okras bi lahko pogojno uvrstili med obravnavan motiv - gre za navzdol obrnjen trikotnik s podaljški, ki so poudarjeni s pikami. 35 Po mnenju dr. A. Pleterskega gre v primeru blejskih grobov iz Pristave za družinske grobnice z večkratnimi pokopi. Za ta podatek se dr. A. Pleterskemu najlepše zahvaljujem. 36 Grob 15 iz Pobrežja je sicer označen s črkama a in b, zaradi dveh žar, ki sta stali tesna druga ob drugi (Pahič 1972, 42, 43). Glede na to, da sta obe žari stali v isti grobni jami predpostavljamo, da gre za en grob dveh pokojnikov. Nadaljnja primerjava obravnavanih grobov je pokazala, da je skoraj polovica grobov vsebovala pridatke, ki jih pripisujemo ženskam. Ostala polovica zaradi odsotnosti pridat-kov noše in pomanjkanja antropoloških analiz ne dopušča podrobne interpretacije glede na spol pokopanih. Ob tem je zanimivo, da se v grobu z blejske Pristave, v edinem grobu, ki je označen z moškim pridatkom (z iglo), pojavi tudi fibula. Pomembna se zdi tudi ugotovitev, da služi posoda z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški kot žara (Pobrežje, Ruše, Ljubljana, dvorišče SAZU) ali pa je bila posoda z okrasom v žari sami (Pobrežje). Do odstopanj pride le v primeru, ko grob ni vseboval žare in so bile sežgane kosti (z žganino) položene direktno v grobno jamo (Bled-Pristava), ali pa v primerih, ko gre za skeletni pokop (Veliki Nerajec). Edina izjema je grob 54 iz Ljubljane (dvorišče SAZU), vendar je v tem primeru z obravnavanim okrasom okrašen askos, torej posoda, ki že sama po sebi nosi simbolni pomen.37 Prav tako izstopa ta grob glede na tip posode, saj se v drugih grobovih pojavi izključno na posodah z lijakastim oz. stožčastim vratom ali pa na manjšem posodju, na primer amforah, ročati skledi in skodelicah s presegajočim ročajem. Slika 17: Motiv trikotnika z (ravnimi) podaljški na posodi iz Grčije (po Golan 2003, fig. 220:5), in okras na posodi iz Rabensburga, gomila 2 (po Huth 2003, Taf. 40:4). Brez merila. Druga značilnost posodja z motivom je, da je njihova prisotnost na posameznih grobiščih izredna, saj se pojavi v dveh ali treh primerkih na grobiščih z več sto pokopi. Pri tem izstopa žarno grobišče na dvorišču SAZU v Ljubljani, kjer se posodje z obravnavnim okrasom pojavi kar v sedmih primerih. Torej ne gre za okras, ki bi bil množičen, lahko rečemo celo nasprotno, da je ekskluziven in zdi se, kot bomo pokazali v nadaljevanju, tudi individualiziran. Sočasno s pojavom okrasa trikotnika s podaljški v okviru slovenskih mlajše žar-nogrobiščnih skupin je ta okras značilen za poznobronastodobno skupino Ostrov ob Džerdapu (Železna vrata). Nekoliko kasnejša skupina Basarabi ta okras sicer še pozna, vendar je bolj pogost motiv trikotnika, ki se na zgornjem kraku zaključuje s spiralo, ali 37 O tem že Stare 1954, 101-104; o poimenovanju tipa posode glej Budja 1980, 87, 88 op. 11. pa je upodobljen motiv romba s podaljški.38 Ta ugotovitev kaže, da lahko povezave med spodnjim Podonavjem in jugovzhodnoalpskim prostorom, ki se kažejo s posredovanjem in prevzemanjem določene motivike na glinenem posodju, vidimo že gotovo konec pozne bronaste dobe39. Njihov porast v začetku železne dobe pa kaže razprostranjenost t. i. okrasa Basarabi in njegovih lokalnih imitacij vzdolž glavnih vodnih poti Balkana, kot je to dobro nakazala že Eibnerjeva.40 Nekoliko kasnejši kot v primerjavi s prej omenjenimi najdišči dobovške, ruške in ljubljanske skupine je množičen pojav različic motiva v času Ha C1 in C2 na področju današnje južne Nemčije (južna Bavarska, gornje Frankovsko) in hkrati tudi v okviru ka-lendenberške skupine. Na podlagi dosedanjih raziskav lahko ugotovimo, da se v tem času pojavi tudi na železnodobnih najdiščih Češke, južne Moravske, spodnje Šlezije in na najdiščih Kalakača in Cepina.41 Predvsem na posodju kalendenberške skupine je zastopana različica motiva, kjer se podaljški na trikotnikih zaključujejo v obliki meandra. V tem okviru je izpovedna Fre-yjeva teza, da se v okrasu glinenega posodja jugovzhodno- in vzhodnoalpskega prostora odražajo egejski vplivi.42 Na obravnavani motiv nekoliko spominja tudi motiv mrežastega trikotnika z meandrom, ki se pojavi na vzhodnogrški keramiki poznega geometrijskega in orientalizirajočega obdobja (v 8., 7. stol. pr. n. št.).43 Ob tem je zanimiva tudi primerjava motiva polnega trikotnika s krogom nad zgornjim krakom in dvema dodatnima črtama ob straneh iz Rabensburga na današnjem skrajnem severovzhodu Avstrije44 s povsem enakim motivom iz Grčije (slika 17).45 Kolikor sledimo datacijam grobov z glinenim posodjem, ki nosi obravnavani motiv, vidimo jugovzhodnoalpski prostor, predvsem z najdišči dobovske, ruške in ljubljanske skupine, kot del širšega prostora (s spodnjim Podonavjem in srednjo ter vzhodno Evropo, vključujoč najdišče Hallstatt, kjer se ta motiv pojavi v dveh grobovih46), ki je v določenem času sprejel in začel upodabljati specifičen znak-simbol trikotnika s podaljški. Prazgodovinsko glineno posodje pa ni edini nosilec tega okrasa, saj se v bronasti in železni dobi pojavi tudi na bronastih in jantarnih pridatkih, vendar ne na prostoru današnje Slovenije.47 Upodobljen je bil na bronasti ločni fibuli iz Drežnika (slika 18: 1), na sekiri iz najdišča Someseni (slika 19). Na japodskih pasnih sponah se sicer razlikuje 38 Motiv trikotnika s podaljški najdemo na najdišču Bistret (Vulpe 1986, Abb. 12: 2a) in Insula Banului (Moritz, Roman 1969, fig. 9: 5;15: 17; 17: 11), za motiv trikotnika, ki se zaključuje s spiralo glej Vulpe 1986, Abb. 2: 21, 23; 4: 14, 15; 7: 7, 11; itd., za motiv romba s podaljški glej Vulpe 1986, Abb 6: 9; 8: 1. 39 Na tem mestu ostaja odprto vprašanje razlage zgodnejšega pojava tega motiva na najdišču Pietroasa Micä v času pozne kultue Monteoru (14.-13. stol. pr. n. št.) (Oancea 1981, fig. 4: 4; 10: 1, 6; 20: 2), ter prostorsko oddaljenega najdišča Lichačejevka na današnjem vzhodu Ukrajine (Kamyöa, flaparaH 2009, Pmc. 5: 13). 40 Eibner 2001, še posebej karta 1 in 2. 41 Za razprostranjenost motiva na omenjenih najdiščih glej Horvat 1983, 152, 154; Ettel 1996, 301, Taf. 228; Schappelwein 1999, Tab. 5, 7, Abb. 3, 4; Brosseder 2004, Abb. 102: 435-64; 149: 435-230; 152: 837-1; 153: 439-3; 156: 443-1, 413-109, 607-49; 163: 453-2; 165: 435-166; 167: 771-17, 435-174, 435-192; 168: 773-3; 172: 435-202; 174; 175; 176: 704-2, 706-24. 42 Frey 1969, 76 ss.; po njem tudi Siegfried-Weiss 1979, 100 ss., Abb. 2 in 3. 43 Siegfried-Weiss 1979, Abb. 3: 1; Boardman 1998, fig. 137; 139; 144. 44 Dobiat 1982, Abb. 4: 1. 45 Golan 2003, fig. 220: 5. 46 Grobova 58 in 1017 (Kromer 1959. Taf. 4: 21; 196: 9). 47 Navajamo le nekaj primerov, saj smo se primarno osredotočili le na pojav motiva na glinenem posodju: Du-mitrescu 1972, Tav. 84; Vinski-Gasparini 1973, t. 128: 9; Čovic 1984, 20, t. 3: 9, 10; Raunig 2004, t. XXIII: 1-4; XXXIII: 1-3. Slika 18: Motiv (šrafiranega) trikotnika (s podaljški) na bronastih pridatkih (po Raunig 2004, t. XXIII: 1-4; XXXIII: 1,2). Brez merila. Slika 19: Okras trikotnika s podaljški na bronasti sekiri iz najdišča Someseni, Romunija (pa Dumitrescu 1972, tav. 84). Brez merila. od obravnavanega motiva, interpretiran pa je bil kot upodobitev vojakov s čeladami (slika 18: 3-4).48 Eibnerjeva povezuje motiv s trikotnimi bronastimi obeski z rokicami v obliki ptičjih protomov,49 prav tako je posredno podobnost med motivom trikotnika s podaljški in obeski navedla tudi Horvatova.50 K tem lahko dodamo še obeske s podobno trikotno oz. trapezoidno shemo in dvema ptičjima protomoma (slika 20),51 ki so značilni predvsem za japodski in liburnski prostor, pojavijo se tudi v Donji Dolini, na slovenskem prostoru so 48 Čovic 1984, 20; Raunig 2004, 117-118. 49 Eibner 2000/2001, 108. 50 Horvat 1983, 152. 51 Raunig 2004, t. XXV, še posebej št. 2-9. Slika 20: Antropomorfni obeski iz japodskih najdišč (po Raunig 2004, t. XXV: 1-12). Brez merila. redki (Grm pri Podzemlju, Tolmin in Libna).52 Povezavo med trikotnikom in ptico najdemo tudi na slikani glineni posodi iz Knososa, kjer je trup ptice upodobljen kot trikotnik s podaljški (slika 21).53 III. Poizkus razumevanja motiva Gledanje in razumevanje obravnavanega motiva v predhodnih študijah ni bilo enotno. Najpogostejša, in kot se zdi, tudi najbolj uveljavljena je teza, da gre za upodobitev she-matizirane človeške figure, predvsem ženske54. Trup oz. telo (krilo) figure je upodobljeno s trikotnikom, podaljški predstavljajo roke, v nekaterih primerih pa je nad zgornjim krakom trikotnika tudi krog, ki naj bi upodabljal glavo (slika 17). Redko razlagajo ta motiv kot upodobitev hiše, kolibe ali splošno nekega arhitekturnega objekta.55 Oblika trikotnika v tem primeru ponazarja streho, podaljški pa, kot bomo videli tudi v nadaljevanju, posebno konstrukcijo tramov, ki je tako funkcionalna, kot tudi okrasna. Redki razumejo motiv kot upodobitev kultivirane oz. obdelane poljske površine.56 V nadaljevanju navajamo nekaj dodatnih arheoloških in etnoloških analogij, ki nam služijo kot orodje pri razumevanju motiva. III.1. Motiv viden kot del arhitekture Na prazgodovinskih skalnih upodobitvah oz. petroglifih v Valcamonici na severu Italije je skoraj nedvomno, da gre za upodobitve bivališč oz. hiš (slika 22). Trikotnik s podaljški, 52 Kukoč 1994-95; Preložnik 2007, t. 2: 25. 53 Coldstream, Catling 1996, Abb. 109. 54 Horvat 1983, 152; Dobiat 1982; Eibner 1997; Eibner 2000/2001; Huth 2003, 75 ss. 55 Stroh 1988, 263-267; Kossack 1999, 138; pogojno tudi Tasic 1991, 242, t. III: 15, 16. 56 Golan 2003, 221 razlaga podaljške trikotnika kot rastline, šrafuro (z dodatnimi pikami) znotraj trikotnika pa kot pasove kultivirane zemlje, torej polja zasejana z rastlinami. Slika 21: Okras na pithosu iz groba 107, Knosos, Teke (po Coldstream, Catling 1996, Abb. 109). Brez merila. ki upodablja v tem primeru streho bivališča, stoji nad pravokotniki, ki ponazarjajo bivalni del ter temelje v prerezu. Preseneti podobnost detajla na glavnem slemenu hiše, ki se zaključuje z dvema nasproti postavljenima tramovoma, z obravnavanim motivom. Brusadinova razlaga ta arhitekturni element kot križni spoj stranskih tramov (incrocio delle travi di falda).57 Zdi se, da lahko v zalomljenih podaljških na mestu, kjer ti izstopajo iz linije strešnega tramu, vidimo dodaten okras nad slemenom. Podoben slemenski okras krasi namreč tudi žarno po-sodje oz. t. i. hišaste žare v času vilanovske kulture na Apeninskem polotoku.58 Pri tem imamo v mislih obliko strehe, ki ima skupaj s podaljški v obliki ptičjih protomov ali živalskega rogovja na slemenu, silhueto trikotnika s podaljški (slika 23). Zanimivo je, da je vrezan ali naslikan motiv trikotnika s podaljški na samem posodju italskih žele-znodobnih skupin nepoznan. Na Apeninskem polotoku je iz tega časa poznan tudi lesen prestol iz Verucchia, na katerem je upodobljena bogata scena, med drugim tudi stavba, katere streha nosi, poleg okrasa človeških in žival- „,., v .,.„ i Slika 23: Hisasta zara iz najdišča skih figur tudi sleme ki se prav tako zaključuje s podalj- Vetulonija (po Randal-MacIver 1924, ški in spominja na omenjeni motiv (slika 24).59 pl. 15:15). Brez merila. Slika 22: Petroglif v obliki hiše iz Valcamonice (Naquane) (po Brusadin 1960-61, fig. 17b). Brez merila. 57 Brusadin 1960-61, 72, glej tudi Priuli 2006, 9-št. 73. 58 Npr. Hencken 1968, fig. 45: g; 48: e, f; Randal-MacIver 1924, pl. 15: 14, 15. 59 Kossack 1998, fig. 6: 2, 3. Slika 24: Detajl okrasa na lesenem prestolu iz Verucchia, Rocca Malatestiana, grob 89 (po Kossack 1998, fig. 6). Brez merila. Poleg navedenih prazgodovinskih arheoloških primerjav poznamo primerke okra-ševanja vrha strehe tudi iz etnološke zapuščine minulega stoletja. Element podaljšanega zatrepa strehe v obliki živalskih glavic je bil prisoten v začetku 20. stoletja v Nemčiji in v Ukrajini (slika 25).60 Sodobne etnološke primerjave, prostorsko sicer zelo oddaljene, najdemo v jugovzhodni Aziji. Element podaljškov na slemenu oziroma zatrepu se pojavi na sicer tajski arhitekturi v današnjem severozahodnem Vietnamu (slika 26). T. i. khau cut sestoji iz dveh prekrižanih lesenih (bambusovih) tramov, ki sta okrašena. Njuna funkcija je, da ščitita streho pred močnim vetrom, hkrati pa njuna oblika in okras sporočata socialni status lastnika hiše. Na primer khau cut v obliki lotusa označuje premožno družino, khau cut z geometrijskimi vzorci povprečno premožno družino, preprosti khau cut pa revne. Novo poročeni pari si khau cut izrezljajo v obliki noseče ženske oziroma pogače, kar prinaša srečo in blaginjo.61 Podobna motivika se pojavi tudi na grobni arhitekturi ljudstva Jarai Arap, prav tako v Vietnamu (slika 27). Na poslikavah strehe te hiše-grobnice najdemo tudi t. i. motiv bnga grang oz. motiv odprtega trikotnika, ki ima na koncu kar trojno upognjeno linijo črt 60 Glej Golan 2003, fig. 200: 6, 7; 289: 4; 290: 2, s primarno literaturo. 61 Zaradi nedostopne literature povzemamo te informacije po informacijskih tablah, razstavljenih v Vietnamskem etnološkem muzeju v Hanoju (Vietnam). Slika 25: Okras na slemenih streh iz Krima, Nemčije in Ukrajine (po Golan 2003, fig. 200:6, 7; 390:2). Brez merila. Slika 26: Khau cut - zaključek slemena tajske hiše iz severozahodnega Vietnama, Vietnamski etnološki muzej, Hanoi. Brez merila. Slika 27: Jarai Arap, grobnica - hiša, Vietnamski etnološki muzej, Hanoi in detajl poslikave na strehi grobnice - hiše (po Hung 2006, 37). Brez merila. Slika 28: Jarai Arap, grobnica - hiša, Vietnamski etnološki muzej, Hanoi, detajl poslikave (po Hung 2006, 35). Brez merila. in naj bi ponazarjal rastlino oz. bilko s steblom, stranskimi listi in osrednjim popkom.62 Nad njim se pojavijo večji trikotniki z daljšimi in številčnejšimi stebli, listi in cvetovi. To upodobitev je treba, po pripovedovanju izdelovalcev, razumeti kot sveto drevo toac (bnga toac), ki povezuje nebo z zemljo (slika 28). Izredno zanimiva je primerjava motiva drevesa s ptico na njegovem vrhu (slika 27) z enakim motivom na že omenjenem prazgodovinskem pitosu iz Knososa (slika 21). Enako motiviko zasledimo tudi v pogrebnih ritualih Giarai, kjer je hiša-grobnica prav tako poslikana s pasom trikotnikov s podaljški (slika 29). Motiv je v teh primerih vezan na pogrebno arhitekturo, sveto drevo moramo razumeti kot posrednika med dvema svetovoma oz. sferama - med nebom in zemljo oziroma med tostranstvom in onostranstvom.63 62 Hung 2006, 35 63 Glej op. 61. Stiku 29: Grobnica v obliki bivališča Giarai in detajl okrasa na vrhu grobnice, Vietnamski etnološki muzej, Hanoi. Brez merila. III.2. Motiv razumljen kot simbol, ki ščiti Osupljiva je podobnost obravnavanega motiva z okrasom iz Dagestana na severnem Kavkazu v današnji Rusiji, ki se je ohranil vse do danes. Lahko je tetoviran, vtkan v tkanine ali pa krasi zunanjo fasado hiš (slika 30). Motiv trikotnikov s podaljški označuje na tem Slika 30: Motiv trikotnika s podaljški, vtetoviran na desno roko dveh žensk, enak motiv na zunanji fasadi pred vhodom v hišo v vasi Gapshima, Dagestan (po Chenciner et al. 2006, 14, 29, 33) in nevestina poročna ruta iz vasi Zilmuk, Dagestan (po Chenciner et al. 2006, 36). Brez merila. področju pozo prekrižanih rok, njegov namen pa je, da ščiti, varuje nosilca tega simbola bodisi pred nadnaravnimi silami bodisi pred zlimi duhovi64. Prav tako sta zanimivi foto- 64 Chenciner et al. 2006, 14, 20-21, 29, 35. Slika 31: Motiv trikotnika s podaljški na vratih, Dagestan (po Golan 2003, fig. 259: 6). Brez merila. grafiji dveh žensk iz Dagestana, saj dejansko ta motiv upodabljata z gesto svojih rok, ki so prekrižane, na eni od njih pa imata enak motiv tudi vtetoviran. Sama gesta torej poudarja pomen vtetoviranega simbola oz. je njegova fizična manifestacija. Izpovedno se zdi dejstvo, da se okras trikotnika s podaljški, ki ščiti, pojavlja tudi na zunanjih fasadah hiš. Torej obstaja spet povezava med trikotnikom in hišo. V zvezi s prostorom, kjer si varen, torej hišo-domom, moramo omeniti tudi pomen vrat, saj označujejo mejo med nevarnim - tujim in varnim - domačim. V tem oziru je zanimivo, da so z motivom trikotnika s podaljški, v začetku 20. stoletja prav tako v Dagestanu, še vedno krasili vhodna vrata (slika 31).65 Povezavo trikotnika z vrati najdemo tudi v kretskem hieroglifu trikotne oblike, ki naj bi pomenil vrata, prav tako je v feničanski abecedi črka daleth pomenila vrata (iz nje je grška črka delta A). Upodobitev vrat pa lahko nenazadnje razberemo tudi v okrasu trikotnika s podaljški, katerega notranjost je dodatno razčlenjena (slika 1). 66 / sl. 32 sl. 33 Slika 32: Hieroglifni znak in znak linearja A iz Knososa na Kreti (po Chenciner et al. 2006, 29). Brez merila. Slika 33: Silabogram št. 048 (nwa) linearja B (po http://unicode.org/charts/PDF/U10000.pdf, dostop 7.9.2010, primarno glej Bennett 1951. Zaradi nedostopnosti te publikacije navajamo elektronski vir). Brez merila. Podobnost prej omenjenih fotografij žensk, z gesto prekrižanih rok, s silabogramom (št. 006) minojskih hieroglifov oz. linearja A (slika 32), kot sta ga na Knososu zabeležila A. ' Golan 2003, fig. 259: 6. ' Glej posodo iz Soprona (Eibner-Persy 1980, Taf. 102: 1). Evans in M. Ventris,67 je nadvse presenetljiva68. Ta primerjava je sicer časovno oddaljena, a je kljub temu skorajda identična. Razlika je le v tem, da ima žena dlani obrnjene proti sebi, na silabogramu pa so dlani obrnjene stran proti opazovalcu. Omenjeni znak se je ohranil tudi v kasnejšem linearju B v silabogramu št. 048 (nwa) mikenskega linearja B (slika 33). Torej v tem primeru ne gre zgolj za znake-simbole s pomenom, temveč za enega sestavnih delov minojske in mikenske pisave - črke. Zanimiva je teza, da lahko koncept telesa (in posledično okras na njem) enačimo z okrasno izraznostjo na posodah oziroma kot pravijo David, Sterner in Gavua: »... pots »are« persons and the concepts of the body are closely related to and partly determinative of decorative expression on pots (and sometimes other media also).«69 Povezava med vtetoviranim okrasom na telesu in okrasom na posodju torej kaže, da je nosilec simbolike lahko različen, pomen pa verjetno ohranja skupni imenovalec. Oblika prazgodovinske posode iz najdišča Nové Košariskd na današnjem Slovaškem plastično upodablja pozo dvignjenih rok, ki sicer niso prekrižane, temveč razprte z dlanmi obrnjenimi proti nebu (slika 34). Posoda je takorekoč oseba (z rokami, trupom, nogo), v njej pa je tridimenzionalno upodobljen sicer drugačen, a vendar podoben motiv.70 Motiv trikotnika s podaljški je dandanes prisoten tudi v ljudski umetnosti na prostoru severne Evrope, Rusije in Turčije. Na tem mestu navajamo le nekaj primerov tapiserij, preprog in vezenin (slika 35).71 Podoben znak, sicer v izvedbi romba, pa najdemo nenazadnje celo na grbu Belorusije. Slika 35: Motiv trikotnika s podaljški na latvijski vezenini, turški preprogi in ruski vezenini (po Golan 2003, fig. 221; 435:10). Brez merila. Namen motiva, da ščiti, najdemo tudi pri tkaninah Orienta. Ta motiv je pogost na tkaninah in preprogah na področju današnjega Irana, kjer naj bi ponazarjal peč oziroma dom, torej prostor, kjer si varen (slika 36). Razlago, da gre pri motivu trikotnika s podaljški, ki je upodobljen na železnodobnem posodju, za hišo-dom, je podal že Kossack.72 67 Chenciner et al. 2006, 29, z nadaljnjo literaturo. 68 Godart, Olivier 1997. 69 David, Sterner, Gavua 1988, 365. 70 Pichlerova 1969, Tab. XXX; o pomenu usmerjenosti rok glej Teržan 2005. 71 Golan 2003, fig. 221: 1-3; 435: 10. 72 Kossack 1999, 138. Slika 36: Motiv rombov (oz. dvojnih zrcalnih trikotnikov) s podaljški na preprogi iz Tabriza, severozahodni Iran. Brez merila. Nekoliko drugačno interpretacijo romba z dvema nasproti stoječima prepognjenima črtama, motiva prisotnega na iranski preprogi, ki se sicer po obliki loči od trikotnika, poda Ambroz, in sicer razlaga ta motiv v povezavi z drevesom, rastlino življenja.73 Če se po tem kratkem pregledu vrnemo na področje današnje Slovenije, kjer smo razpravo tudi začeli, ugotovimo, da najdemo obravnavani motiv tudi v slovenski ljudski umetnosti. Prisoten je v ornamentiki belokranjskih pisanic (slika 37). Prvi omenja rdeče obarvane pirhe sicer šele Valvasor, med kmečkim prebivalstvom v Sloveniji pa so bili splošno razširjeni v 19. stoletju. S starejšimi viri žal ne razpolagamo, zato ni povsem jasno, koliko je običaj barvanja pirhov na Slovenskem dejansko star. Vemo pa, da je krašenje pirhov največkrat žensko opravilo.74 Poleg omenjene primerjave se pojavi podoben motiv (romb s podaljški) tudi na belokranjskih vezeninah (slika 38). V okrasju ostale etnološke dediščine današnjega slovenskega prostora (bodisi arhitekture, bodisi noše, vezenin itd.) obravnavanega motiva nismo zasledili.75 IV. Zaključne misli Po navedenih pojavnostih trikotnika s podaljški, bodisi tistih, ki jih lahko le gledamo, in tistih, ki jih poskušamo tudi razumeti, se hipoteza, da gre za upodobitev (ženske) 73 Ambroz 1956; glej tudi Eibner-Persy 1980, 66. 74 Židov 2009, 175. 75 Vsekakor zahteva ta tematika poglobljen študij. Pregledali smo zgolj dostopno, publicirano gradivo. Slika 37: Motiv trikotnika s podaljški na belokranjskih pisanicah (po Brancelj-Bednaršek 1993, 17). Brez merila. Slika 38: Vzorec na belokranjski vezenini (Niklsbacher-Bregar 1982, vzorec 119). Brez merila. figure, ne zdi več edina od možnih razlag. V prid tezi, da ne gre izključno za upodobitev človeške figure,76 govori že kompozicija, kjer se obravnavani motiv pojavi skupaj z liki, ki nedvomno upodabljajo človeško figuro, na primer na posodah iz najdišča Nové Košariskd, Schirndorfa, Soprona, Schandorfa, Rabensburga77 (slika 39). V teh primerih gre za kom- Slika 39: Primer upodobitev trikotnika s podaljški (različnih variant) skupaj z antropomorfno figuro: Schandorf, gomila 41 (po Dobiat 1982, Abb. 2: 6), Schirndorf gomila, 89 (pa Huth 2003, Taf. 13:2), Nové Košariska, gomila I (Pichlerová 1969, Taf. 1:1). Brez merila. pleksno kompozicijo, ki je sestavljena iz več motivov, zato lahko upravičeno govorimo o sosledju, ki izraža dogajanje oz. pripoved. Nasprotno se na prostoru današnje Slovenije ta motiv pojavi v drugačni kompoziciji, nikoli v kombinaciji z jasno izpričanimi antropomorfnimi liki (slika 2-16). Pripovedi oz. zaporednosti tu ni moč razbrati. Skupno vsem upodobitvam je, da je trikotnik postavljen na horizontalno linijo, ki poteka okrog posode. 76 Kritično o tem predvsem Nebelsick 1992, 406, op. 47. 77 Dobiat 1982, Abb. 2: 6; 4: 1, 5: 1-4; 8: 1, 2; Uenze 1981, Abb. 2, 3. Slika 40: Hekate in gigant Klitios, atiška rdečefiguralna keramika, ca. 410-400 pr. n. št., hrani Antikenmuseen (Berlin, Nemčija) (po http://www.theoi.eom/Gallery/T16.3.html; dostop 7. 9. 2010). Brez merila. Značilna je tudi pozicija okrasa glede na odseke posode. Največkrat je horizontalna linija obenem tudi ločnica med t. i. vratom in rameni posode, nad njo pa stoji trikotnik s podaljški. Kombinacije okrasa se glede na različice zdijo popolnoma individualizirane. Bodisi da v motivu vidimo pozo prekrižanih rok bodisi hišo, kolibo, dom ali peč, dejstvo je, da se v pozni bronasti in zgodnji železni dobi na današnjem slovenskem prostoru pojavi v ženskih grobovih. Etnološke primerjave kažejo, da ta motiv dandanes krasi vezenine, tapiserije in preproge, torej se pojavlja na izdelkih obrti, ki jih opravljajo ženske, nenazadnje naj bi bilo tudi barvanje pirhov žensko opravilo. Povezava med domom (hišo, kolibo) oz. pečjo (kot osrednjim delom doma) in žensko je izpričana v mnogih kulturah.78 Simbol, ki ščiti in varuje, je torej upodobljen s podobami, ki se nanašajo na žensko sfero. Omenili smo že pomen vrat, njihove praktične, kot tudi simbolne funkcije, da omogočajo ali onemogočajo prehod (tukaj - tam, tostranstvo - onostranstvo), torej varujejo in ščitijo. Prav tako hrani in ščiti tudi posoda - pithos (bodisi shrambena, žara itd.). Ob tem se spomnimo slavnega Heziodovega mita o Pandori, ki iz vrča (pithosa)79 dvigne pokrov in izpusti iz njega vse tegobe sveta, le upanje ostane v vrču.80 V tem kontekstu ima posoda spet podoben namen, torej da hrani (in posledično ščiti) vse tegobe in zlo zaprte v vrču. V 78 O povezavi ženske s pečjo glej Stearns 1973, 326, kjer med drugim pravi, da po ruskem izročilu ženski hišni duh biva na peči. 79 V Heziodovem epu piše pesnik o pithosu torej posodi-vrču in ne pyxisu (skrinjici, zaboju), kot je velikokrat citirano. Do napake je prišlo zaradi prevoda E. Roterdamskega, ki je pithos prevedel kot pyxis. Za ta komentar se zahvaljujem prof. dr. Marku Marinčiču (Oddelek za klasično filologijo, Filozofska fakulteta). 80 Heziod, Dela in dnevi, v. 94-99. okviru prazgodovinskih žarnih grobov, ki smo jih obravnavali v arheološki analizi, poso-de-žare hranijo sežgane kosti in žganino preminulih. Okras trikotnika s podaljški, bodisi na žari sami ali pa na posodi v njej, lahko torej razumemo kot simbol varovanja. Zaradi redke pojavnosti znotraj posameznih grobišč in individualizirane izvedbe motiva se zdi, da lahko vidimo v posodah z okrasom trikotnika s podaljški podelitev specifične vloge umrlemu. Ožja določitev le-te na podlagi razpoložljivih podatkov ni mogoča. Koncept ideje vseh omenjenih elementov se po našem mnenju manifestira tudi v že omenjenih vilanovskih hišastih žarah (slika 23), saj hranijo pokojnika (element osebe/ figure), v obliki hiše (element doma) s streho, ki ima značilno silhueto trikotnika s podaljški. Ob vsem omenjenem se poraja povezava med navedenimi poskusi razlag z atributi grškega htonskega božanstva Hekate.81 Zaščitnica vrat in križpotij, povezana s podzemljem, je na atiški rdečefiguralni keramiki v boju upodobljena z dvema prekrižanima baklama, ki spominjata na obliko trikotnika s podaljški (slika 40). Prav tako je v antičnih virih opisana in upodobljena kot trojna, pri čemer je zanimivo, da je trojnost lastna tudi upodobitvam trikotnikov s podaljški na prazgodovinskem posodju v obliki trojne linije, skupine treh trikotnikov ali kombinacije obojega (slika 5-6, 9, 14). Poleg tega naj bi se pojavila na svetih prostorih, kjer se srečajo tri poti. Kljub temu da neposredno povezovanje z grškim htonskim božanstvom Hekate izključujemo, predpostavljamo razširitev pojmovanja obravnavanega simbola na sveto oz. religiozno sfero. Zaključimo lahko, da pri soočanju arheoloških dognanj z etnološkimi analogijami ne zasledimo bistvenih razhajanj, še več, zdi se, da se simbolika motiva obdrži v nekih pomenskih okvirih. Ugotavljamo, da je motiv trikotnika s podaljški, kljub svoji specifičnosti v likovnem smislu, vendarle do neke mere univerzalen. Z arheološko in etnološko analizo smo želeli poudariti, da znaka - simbola ne smemo razumeti enoznačno, obenem pa ponudili nekaj novih alternativnih možnosti razumevanja motiva. Zahvale Za komentarje k besedilu, pripombe in dopolnitve se zahvaljujem dr. Mirjam Men-cej (Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo Filozofske Fakultete), dr. Bibi Teržan (Oddelek za arheologijo Filozofske fakultete), dr. Petru Turku (Arheološki oddelek Narodnega muzeja Slovenije) in ddr. Andreju Pleterskemu (Inštitut za arheologijo, ZRC). Prav tako se zahvaljujem mag. Idi Murgelj (Narodni muzej Slovenije) za novo risbo (sl. 4) in Reneju Masaryku ter Petri Vojakovič (Arhej d.o.o.) za podatke o arheoloških raziskavah na Kongresnem trgu. Literatura Ambroz A. K. 1956, Rannezemledelčeskij kul'tovyj simbol („romb s krjučkami"). - V: Sovetskaja Arheologija 3, 14-27. Bennett L. E. 1951, The Pylos Tablets: A Preliminary Transcription. Princeton. Boardman J. 1998, Early greek vase painting. 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Yakar J. 2005, The language of symbols in prehistoric Anatolia. - V: Documenta Praehisto-rica XXXII, 111-121. Židov N. 2009, Ornamentika pirhov na Slovenskem in pirhi iz Tarčmuna. - V: Trinkov koledar 2009, 175-178. The Motif of the Triangle with Extensions on the Ceramic Vessels of the late Bronze and Early Iron Age. The Reflection towards Its Ornamental and Symbolic Value Brina Skvor Jernejcic The article suggests how the so-called triangle with extensions can be read and furthermore interpreted. In spite of its formal specificity this sign or even symbol can be considered to some extent universal. This means it appears in various periods within a vast area. Mostly this article treats the appearing of the ornament on prehistoric ceramic vessels. The work is based on the presumption that vessels (as well as other objects) can serve as a mediator of information on the producers, owners and consumers. At the same time we presume that the ornament of the triangle with extensions has not only an aesthetic but also a symbolic function. With this in mind we wish to answer whether, on the basis of archaeological analysis and subsequent ethnological analogies, there exists a possibility of reading and comprehension of the discussed prehistoric sign - symbol. As mentioned above, we proceed from the archaeological analysis of artefacts, mostly prehistoric ceramic vessels, where the sign is represented. All examples that are known so far, from present-day Slovenian territory and dating to the late Bronze Age and early Iron Age (namely the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st millennium BC) are gathered in our analysis (fig. 2 - 16). This is followed by the comparison of samples from contemporary prehistoric sites in the wider European region. In connection with the artefacts, which bear the motif and symbol, it can be stated that the motif appears in settlements as well as in burial-site contexts. Moreover it is evident that the vessels, ornamented with the motif of the triangle with extensions, appear mostly within female graves and were often used as cinerary urns. Subsequently an attempt is made to read and comprehend the treated motif on the firm basis of archaeological and above all ethnological analogies. Further statements result from comparison and interpretation of the prehistoric sign-symbol with similar or even identical, still existing signs and symbols, which are still used and understood nowadays. Taking a critical approach a review of previous studies is made, in which the motif was interpreted as a human (mostly female) figure or as a representation of a house and architectural structure, respectively. We compare the motif with the prehistoric formal legacy of petroglyphs deriving from Northern Italy (fig. 22), with the so called house-urns of italic territory (fig. 23) and further with representation of the house on an Iron Age wooden throne from Verucchio in Italy (fig. 24). Furthermore the ethnological analogies are stated, where the motif of the triangle with extensions often appears in connection with the architecture (fig. 25 - 29). Through the contemporary ethnological analogies we try to offer an alternative reading and comprehension of the motif. It seems that the function of the motif lies in safeguarding the bearer against bad and evil spirits. Such an interpretation is testified by the rich ethnological legacy of the Caucasus, as well as that of the Near and Far East, where an identical motif appears on wooden carvings of the doors, on tapestries, carpets (where the triangle represents the oven), house fronting and vaults, as well as a tattoo on hands (where the triangle represents the gesture of crossed hands) and where its meaning is still known to its users (fig. 30-31, 36). In the ethnological heritage of the present Slovenian territory the treated motif is present on the embellishment of Easter-eggs and needlework in south-east Slovenia (Bela krajina) (fig. 37, 38). From the above statements it can be concluded that in all likelihood we cannot read the motif one-sidedly anymore, namely as a representation of the (feminine) human figure. Whether we read the motif as a gesture of crossed arms or as a house, home or oven, the fact is that it appears in the late Bronze Age and early Iron Age on the territory of present-day Slovenia in female graves. Ethnological analogies show that the motif decorates needle works, tapestries and carpets, therefore it appears on products of crafts which traditionally belong, or are connected to women. Also, we find nothing disputable in bringing into connection with women the comprehension of home (house, cottage, oven), which is also one of the possible readings of the motif. We can firmly conclude that the unifying meaning of the triangle with extensions is to shield and protect, respectively. Spinning - the Myth And the Reality Katja Pavlic Processing fibres into textile used to be one of the main domains of women. Many myths and tales talk about these procedures, mainly breaking flax and spinning. The latter has especially strong symbolic meanings. Many female mythical creatures are mentioned in these myths. It seems that they are but different variations of Mokoš, the Slavic female goddess that is understood as the mistress of nature's cycles and everything that is typically female. Women even seem to identify themselves with those characters in some stages of fibre-processing. Miti so bili notranja zgradba njihove usode, simbolični model njihove zgodovine in medij njihove narave (Borislav V. Pekic, Atlantida). By using the sources and findings of ethnology and mythology when writing my diploma paper, I asked myself questions about the activities of spinning and weaving with regard to time and the life of women, the nature of these activities, possibly the special social role of spinners and weavers in society, and beliefs and mythology considering spinning and weaving in the Slavic tradition. First, let us see how two particular procedures- flax breaking and spinning- are carried out and which factors are present within them. Breaking flax is hard physical work. Nevertheless it was, according to ethnological data, almost exclusively done by women. The breakers (or retters)- women, who were retting flax, gained some kind of special position in that period of time. We can call this phenomena »retter's psychosis«. They are more daring than usual, which includes proverbial ravenousness and a violent, aggressive or at least cheeky attitude, mainly towards men (making noise with breaking machines, showing their behinds, physical assaults, shoving splinters behind men's clothes, etc.). Although mostly festively dressed, in some places (for instance Slovenske Gorice) women smeared soot on their faces, thus resembling masks at Carnival (Kuret, 1989, 61). The question is: are these activities some kind of a resort to escape from the patriarchal every day life, or are they an echo of identification with mythological characters-female demons? Spinning is also a typical women's chore in winter time, most often done in groups. We can follow a very strong concept of taboos- interdictions, considering spinning as a threatened punishment. These interdictions could perhaps be explained by belief in imitative magic. People belived that, in certain periods of time, a kind of gateway between this and the supernatuiral world occurs, so in this time, some people's activities (spinning of wheel, twisting of thread...) could cause things, which are otherwise caused or done by gods or demons, active at this time of year, in this case, winter. In the investigation of myths, superstitions and beliefs, connected to spinning, we come upon a creature, most often named Torka. She was most dangerous on Ember weeks (Winter Embers are in the third week in advent), and spinning was especially forbidden on Tuesday (sl.= torek) night before the beginning of Ember Days. Therefore, she is also called Sredozimka (»mid-winter woman«). Torka is a cruel punisher. She either eats the unobeying spinner, licks the flesh from her bones, or just destroys all the yarn and the equipment (Kuret, 1989, 514). The character of Sredozimka directly or indirectly appears throughout all the procedures of fibre preparation. In the old tradition, Sredozimka is the leader of souls (mostly children's) and, in the German-Slavic area, associated with spinning (Kuret, 1989, 458). In Slavic tradition, such a female demon also goes by the name of Baba Yaga (Baba Jaga, Jaga baba.). Baba Yaga usually only appears in folk tales and is associated with spinning in many ways: her hut is constantly spinning around its own axis as a spindle and stands on a bird's (usually hen's) leg which, in one version, has a spindle instead of a heel (Mencej, 2010). Another being involved with everything that has to do with women, including typical women chores, is Mokos. Toporov analyses the character of Mokos in his study about pre- historical literature among the Slavs. Only Perun, Veles and Mokos can be surely claimed as universal Slavic and ancient- Slavic deities (Toporov, 2002, 47). Mokos was seen as a female person, and as such was worshipped mainly by women, who remained her loyal worshipers for centuries after Christianization. In Northern Russia, Mokos was seen as a woman with a large head and long arms, who spins at night. Toporov also mentions many interdictions, connected to her, her chores and her day (usually Friday); these usually regard laundry washing, sexual intercourse, clothing, food, children, kitchenware etc. And also leaving oakum- because she would come and spin it (Toporov, 2002, 47). The motif of a tragic story, where a woman, who broke such commandments is cruelly punished, is widely present in numerous tales in which the happenning is linked to the intervention of »Pjatnica« (Friday- woman)- in Toporov's reconstruction with Pjatnica herself and probably with Mokos (Toporov, 2002, 49). Also, one of the »vegetal« variations of what Toporov refers to as »the main myth« introduces flax as the main character, which is evident in Baltic and Slavic texts. Its importance lies mostly in the fact that flax endures horrible trials and suffering during its preparation (it's pulled out of the earth, tied in sheaves, thrown into water, exposed to heat, ground, etc.). Toporov thinks that it's very likely that in this motif, flax stands as a substitute for a chthonic person, because flax itself is chthonic. In the » flax version of the myth« we also spot traces of a female person- mostly it is a virgin who cultivates and tills flax and is responsible for the whole flax cycle from the begining to the end - from »she sowed« to »she combed«, »she spun«, »she weaved«, »she bleached«. Furthermore, flax is eventually used to make the bridal gown and the main bride's attribute. The wedding bouquet- is essentially made of flax plant (Toporov, 2002, 82). The previously discussed demonic characters seem directly or indirectly to influence the conception and actions of people, included in activities that have to do with processing raw material into fabrics. The question is how? I believe we can conclude that all these female characters: Torka, Pjatnica, Jaga baba, Mokoš.. .are somehow identical, or at least act the same role on many levels. We can also see how this mythical female figure is manifested within some human actions in traditional procedures of fabric- making. But only in the process of flax breaking (retting) is this demonic female character present in the first- person through actions and behaviour of the retters themselves. It seems that the characteristics of a female deity or demon, who has control and power over spinning, are manifested in human actions during another activity, namely retting. Mokoš, Torklja, Pjatnica, Jaga baba in connection with spinning Punishing unobeying spinners by eating them, licking flesh from their bones, destroying yarn and/ or spinning devices, making noise, appearing as a dog's paw, etc. A tall woman with large head, long arms, big mouth or merely a voice. Eating and drinking a lot. Women while retting - the »retter's psychosis« Violent or at least cheeky behaviour- making noise with breaking machines, showing their behinds, physical assaults, shoving splinters behind men's clothes etc. Gluttony, drinking, blackening their faces. CONCLUSION: The character of Mokoš has its variations and metamorphosis in characters that have to do with women, their lives and typical women's chores, such as breaking flax, spinning and, in some cases, weaving: Torka, Baba Yaga, Pehtra and even Sojenice. It seems that some main characteristics of such female being - or, better, its chthonic side - were manifested in the behaviour of women during flax- breaking. Literature Kuret, Niko 1989: Praznično leto Slovencev (Starosvetne šege in navade od pomladi do zime). Ljubljana. Mencej, Mirjam 2010: Simbolika niti in predenja v evropski folklori. Studia mythologica Slavica 13, Ljubljana. Pavlič, Katja 2010: Predice. Diplomska naloga, Univerza v Ljubljani, Ljubljana. Toporov, N. Vladimir 2002: Predzgodovina književnosti pri Slovanih - poskus rekonstrukcije. Ljubljana. Mit in stvarnost preje Katja Pavlič Pri pisanju diplome sem se pri raziskovanju virov in ugotovitev etnologije in mitologije spraševala o dejavnosti preje in tkanja glede na čas in življenje žensk, naravi teh aktivnosti, možnih posebnih družbenih vlogah predic in tkalk ter verovanjih in mitologiji v povezavi s prejo in tkanjem v slovanskem izročilu. Poglejmo, kako potekajo nekateri posamezni postopki in kateri faktorji, pomembni za tematiko so pri tem prisotni. Teritev lanu je težko fizično delo, vseeno so ga glede na etnološke podatke opravljale skoraj izključno ženske. Teritev je bila pravzaprav tudi domač praznik. Terice dobijo v tem času nekakšen poseben položaj, ki bi ga lahko imenovali »psihoza teric«: dovolijo si več, kot sicer, med drugim so tedaj pregovorno požrešne in nasilne ali vsaj predrzne, predvsem do moških (»klepetanje« s trlico, kazanje zadnjice, fizični napadi, tlačenje pezdirja za oblačila itd.) Čeprav večinoma pražnje oblečene, so se ponekod (Sl. Gorice) za to priložnost namazale s sajami. V tem so podobne pustnim šemam (Kuret, 1989, 61). Vprašanje je, ali jim je tako vedenje pomenilo nekakšno zatočišče pred patriarhalnim vsakdanjikom ali v njem lahko vidimo tudi odmev istovetenja z mitološkimi liki -ženskimi demoni? Preja je prav tako tipično zimsko žensko opravilo, največkrat je potekalo v skupinah. V virih naletimo na koncept prepovedi preje z zagroženo kaznijo. Te prepovedi se da morda razložiti z vero v imitativno magijo: v določenem času je mogoč prehod med tuzemnim in nadnaravnim svetom, ko bi ljudje lahko z nekaterimi dejavnostmi (vrtenje kolesa, sukanje niti...) povzročili stvari, ki jih sicer povzročajo božanstva ali demoni, dejavni v tem - zimskem - času. Pri proučevanju mitov, verovanj in prepričanj glede preje vedno znova naletimo na bitje, največkrat imenovano Torka. Predvsem je bila nevarna ob kvatrnih tednih (zimske kvatre so v tretjem tednu v adventu), preja pa še posebno prepovedana na torkov večer pred začetkom kvatrnega posta. Zato jo poimenujemo tudi Sredozimka. Torka kruto kaznuje. Neubogljivo predico požre, zliže meso s kosti ali le uniči prejo in orodja (Kuret, 1989, 514). Lik Sredozimke se pojavlja skozi vse postopke obdelave vlaken. V starem izročilu je Sredozimka voditeljica duš (predvsem otroških), na nemško-slovanskem območju povezana s prejo (Kuret, 1989, 458). V slovanski tradiciji se tak ženski demon pojavlja tudi z imenom Jaga Baba (Baba Jaga. Ta se pojavlja le v ljudskih pripovedkah in je na mnogo načinov povezana s prede-njem: njena koča se ves čas vrti okoli svoje osi kot vreteno na kokošjih nožicah, ki imajo v eni od različic preslico namesto pete (Mencej, 2010). Še eno bitje, ki je povezano z vsem ženskim, vključno s tipično ženskimi opravili, je Mokoš. Toporov v svoji študiji o predzgodovini književnosti pri Slovanih analizira lik Mokoši in ugotavlja, da je le za Peruna, Velesa in Mokoš gotovo, da so splošnoslovanska in praslovanska božanstva (Toporov, 2002, 47). Mokoš je ženska oseba in zato so jo seveda častile predvsem ženske, ki so ostale zveste častilke te boginje še stoletja po pokristjanje-nju. Na severu Rusije so si Mokoš predstavljali kot žensko z veliko glavo in dolgimi roka- mi, ki ponoči prede. Z njo, njenimi opravili in njenim dnevom (petkom), so bile povezane tudi številne prepovedi, npr. prepoved puščanja kodelje, ker bi jo sicer Mokoš spredla, pranja perila, tabu spolnih odnosov med zakonci na ta dan ipd. ali pa predpisi glede opravil, vedenja, obleke, posode, hrane, otrok, ipd (Toporov, 2002, 47). Motiv tragične zgodbe ženske, ki je prekršila neko zapoved in je bila za to kruto kaznovana, je široko prikazan v številnih »biličkah«, v katerih je dogajanje povezano s posegom Pjatnice, v rekonstrukciji pa samo Pjatnico in verjetno z Mokošjo (Mokoš (Toporov, 2002, 49). Zanimivo je tudi, da v t.i. »vegetativni« različici »glavnega« mita glavnega junaka predstavlja lan. To se vidi na podlagi iz baltskega, delno pa tudi slovanskega besedila. Pomembnost je predvsem v tem, da lan prestaja strašne preizkušnje in muke (ga populijo, vežejo v snope, vržejo v vodo, izpostavijo vročini, potem ga tarejo ipd.). Toporov meni, da je zelo verjetna domneva, da se v tem motivu »glavnega« mita lan ni nič drugega kot nadomestilo za htonično osebo, ker je tudi lan htoničen. V »lanovi« različici mita opazimo tudi sledi ženske osebe: predvsem je to devica, ki goji in obdeluje lan ter je odgovorna za celotni lanov ciklus od začetka do konca - od »posejala« so »razčesala«, »spredla«, »stkala«, »obelila«...Še več, iz lanu konec koncev sešijejo obleko za nevesto, za poroko in glavni nevestin simbol - poročni venček - je obvezno lanen (Toporov, 2002, 82). Zdi se, da prej omenjeni demonski liki očitno posredno ali neposredno vplivajo na človeške predstave in dejavnosti, povezanje s predelavo surovih vlaken v tkanine. Vprašanje je, kako? Menim, da lahko sklepamo, da so vsi ti ženski liki: Torka, Pjatnica, Jaga baba, Mokoš. nekako istovetni ali vsaj vsaj na več ravneh odigrajo isto vlogo. Prav tako lahko vidimo, kako se ta ženska figura kaže v nekaterih dejavnostih ljudi med tradicionalno izdelavo tkanin. A le pri teritvi nastopi v prvi osebi skozi obnašanje teric, ki postanejo nasilne in požrešne. Zdi se, da se značilnosti ženskega božanstva ali demona z močjo nad prejo pokažejo pri drugih človeških dejavnostih, namreč pri tretju. Mokoš, Torka, Pjatnica, Jaga baba v povezavi s prejo Kaznovanje neubogljivih predic (jih požre, zliže meso s kosti, uniči prejo in/ ali pripomočke, zganja hrup, pojavi se kot pasja taca, visoka ženska z veliko glavo in dolgimi rokami, velikimi usti ali zgolj glas). Veliko pije in je. Ženske med teritvijo - »psihoza teric« Nasilno ali zgolj predrzno vedenje- »klepetanje« s trlicami, kazanje zadnjice, fizični napadi, tlačenje pezdirja moškim za obleke ipd. Požrešnost, pitje, mazanje obraza s sajami. Lik Mokoši ima svoje različice in preobrazbe v likih, ki so povezani z ženskami, njihovim življenjem in tipično ženskimi opravili, kot so tretje lanu, preja in v nekaterih primerih tkanje: Torka, Baba jaga, celo Sojenice. Zdi se, da so se nekatere glavne značilnosti takega ženskega bitja, ali bolje njene htonske plati, kazale v obnašanju žensk med teritvijo. LJUDSKO PRIPOVEDNIŠTVO IN VEROVANJA Članki s konference Onkraj esencializmov: Izzivi antropologije v 21. stoletju (Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, FF, Univerza v Ljubljani, 25. - 27. november 2010) RACCONTI E CREDENZE POPOLARI Gli articoli della conferenza Aldila dell'essenzialismo: Sfida dell'Antropologia nel XXI. secolo (Dipartimento di etnologia e antropologia culturale, FF, Universita di Lubiana, 25. - 27. novembre 2010) FOLK NARRATIVE AND BELIEFS The articles based on the papers presented at the conference Beyond Essentialisms: Challenges of Anthropology in the 21st Century (Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, FF, University of Ljubljana, 25th - 28th November 2010) Folk Storytelling between Fiction and Tradition: The "Walled-Up Wife" and Other Construction Legends Monika Kropej Discussed are folktales and songs about the building of important constructions, which include the motifs of human or animal sacrifice or the immuration of other objects, as well as the narratives in which the master mason is a supernatural being. The origins of these stories were interwoven into the myths and different beliefs and cosmogonic presumptions and were at the time of their formation considered to be credible, but in the process of spreading them around they lost their plausibility. People have always been caught between different layers of the imaginary and fictional world. Their cultural, social, and natural environment offered them a certain traditional basis, but they continuously added to this the new inspirations that they received. This can also be observed in folk storytelling, where one easily discovers various deposits and substrates of different origins from the very earliest imaginations to the recent beliefs. This article presents the fusion of various beliefs and worldviews based on examples of motifs about building and construction from ancient sources to the modern media and internet tales. Literary folklore has preserved traces of ancient beliefs that were practised during the building of important structures such as churches, castles, bridges, residences and wells. The constructors used to avert the wrath of chthonic forces or gods and gain their benevolence by offering them a human or an animal sacrifice. This has been confirmed by numerous findings excavated from walls and thresholds, both in Europe and in other parts of the world (Grafenauer 1957a, 41; Kropej 1995, 73-77; Simpson, Roud 2003, 189). In Ljubljana a skeleton of a cat, which was immured to protect the building and the people living in it from supernatural forces, was discovered in a wall of a house from the 17th century (Grafenauer 1957a, 41). Human - or later animal - building sacrifice was gradually replaced by an object of special sacral or apotropaic value; occasionally people tried to redeem themselves also with money. Money and a small cross with apotropaic significance were found immured in the walls of a chapel on Velika Planina. In this case, the sacred object whose purpose was protection from the forces of evil, and gaining the benevolence of gods and house spirits in the form of money, have been combined. The sacrifice was often built into the foundations or under the doorstep, at the main entrance of the building. Since the main entrance to a building was of special significance people often buried sacral and apotropaic objects, occasionally animals or money, also under its doorstep. This does not merely have as apotropaic character but also signifies that the doorstep was a sacred spot. It leads from one world to another, enabling the tran- sition from the outer world into the interior.1 The entrance or the door also closed and blocked it.2 People also believed that house protecting dwarfs (gospodarcki or dedki) had their places under the threshold, or else in the saltcellar, by the hearth or in the house altar like the antique Lars. These beliefs are very deeply rooted in peoples' minds and are depicted also in narrative and song tradition. In this article will be discussed folktales, epic poems and ballads about the building of significant structures which - drawing on Alan Dundes's concept of allomotifs - contain the following episodes: 1. Determination of the place where the construction should be built. 2. Destruction of everything that was built over the day, during the night (Mot. D2192). 3. Supernatural power demands a sacrifice for helping people to build the construction. 4a. The sacrifice is walled-in; 4b. The supernatural power is deceived. 5. The sacrifice of the mason(s). 6a. Ethiological motif explaining the origin of a healing spring. 6b. Ethiological motif explaining the origin of a missing part of the building (construction). I. Immuration of Building Sacrifice Victims (The "Walled-up Wife") Folk tales and songs depicting the extraordinary tragic fate of sacrificed humans - frequently the wife of the master mason - who had been immured in the foundations of newly-erected structures, occupy a special place among the stories focusing on construction. Such tales and songs were known throughout the Balkan Peninsula in Eastern Europe, Turkey and in Asia. This tradition has been discussed for more than 150 years, starting with Jacob Grimm, who - after reading Vuk Karadic's epic song The Building of Skadar - pronounced this ballad one of the most outstanding songs of all peoples and times (J. Grimm, Teutonic Mythology 1835: 3, 1143). At first these ballads were researched mostly from the diachronic perspective. Researchers tried to find its origin and expansion, and while explaining its meaning they established a myth-ritual theory. Later synchronic perspectives were introduced, and the researchers analysed the ballad from the point of view of its structure, function and meaning. The epic poem Zidanje Skadra / The Building of Skadar is a deeply moving ballad about the building of the town of Skadar which is today in Albania. Skadar was in Serbian tradition perceived as the residence of King Vukasin Mrnjavcevic - Serbian king in central and north-western Macedonia from 1366 to 1371 (Pesic & Milosevic-Dordevic 1984, 230). A folk song entitled Zidanje Skadra (The Building of Skadar) was first collected by Vuk Stefanovic Karadic in 1804 and published in 1814. 1 The entrance door, which opens and closes access to the house, is often marked with symbolic images or protective (apotropaic) signs. A proverb stating "The doorstep is like the peak of a mountain" (Kocbek, Sasel 1943, p. 32) further confirms the sacred character of the doorstep. The custom of a bridegroom carrying his bride over the threshold, which has been preserved to the present day, is yet another proof of its significance. 2 Archaeological findings confirm the related lore. Chicken bones, for example, were found under the doorstep of a house in Studor; bird bones in the hallway of a house in Bohinj; and a receptacle in Dolga Njiva below Krvavec. The song describes the building of Skadar on the Bojana river by the three Mrljavcevic brothers: King Vukasin, Duke Ugljesa, and Gojko Mrljavcevic. Three hundred masons had been building the town for three years but could not progress beyond its foundations. Anything that had been erected during the day was demolished during the night. At the onset of the fourth year, the masons hear a fairy's voice from the mountain telling them to build in the town's foundations Stoja and Stojan, a brother and a sister. King Vukasin sends forth his servant who spends three years looking for the siblings in vain. Upon the servant's return, the king resumes the building - but again unsuccessfully. The fairy communicates with them again. She tells them to immure in the foundations the wife of one of the three Mrljavcevic brothers who will be the first to come the following morning to the Bojana, scoop water into a vessel, and bring breakfast to the masons. The brothers swear not to tell this to their wives, preferring to leave the choice of the victim to destiny. But the youngest brother is the only one who has not broken the promise. In the morning, the wife of Vukasin pleads headache while the wife of Ugljesa excuses herself by saying that she has a sore arm. So Gojkovic's wife, who has a month-old baby, has to fetch the water. After she has brought breakfast to the masons she is taken away. The masons start to erect a wall around her. When the wall is knee-high the young mother still believes this is but a game, and only later realizes the truth. She asks her brother Rade to leave openings in the wall: two for her breasts so that she can still nurse her baby, and one for her eyes so that she can see when her baby son Jovan is brought to her. Her wish is granted, and for a year she nurses her child. A source of water with healing powers still runs from these openings. (Karadic 1953: 114-123). In this Serbian song, the first episode on determination of the place for the construction has been omitted; while the etiological motif of the source of healing water is explained by the immuration of a nursing mother. As we can see, this motif stresses the importance and sacrosanctity of the waters and is present also in the poem about the bridge in Mostar in Herzegovina and many other songs of this type. Very famous is the Romanian folk ballad Mojster Manola / Master Manola which sings about the building of the Monastery of Arges. Although its content is similar to the ballad The Building of Skadar, there are several differences betwen the two songs. In this case, masons were building a monastery on the order of Negru Voda, the duke of Mun-tenia. After Nicolae Constantinescu, this name relates to the prince Neagoe Basarab the founder of the Monastery of Arges in 1517. There are many variants of this ballad, but it usually opens with the search for an adequate location for the monastery, while in the Serbian variant this motif is missing. Duke Negru Voda and ten master masons, of whom Manola is the best, ride through Arge^tal, looking for the remains of an unfinished structure. A shepherd shows them the ruin. They set to work on that spot but everything they have built collapses overnight. One night, Manola has a dream. He dreams that the building can progress after the wife of one of the masons, the one who will be the first to bring breakfast to them in the morning, has been walled into the foundations. The masons promise not to tell this to anybody, preferring destiny to decide on the victim. In some variants of this ballad, all have kept their promise; in others, every mason except Manola has broken it. The following morning, Manola pleads in vain for his wife to come across a wolf or a dragon, or to be stopped by a thunderstorm; she is the one who fetches breakfast first. Manola tearfully embraces her. She is placed on the monastery's foundations, and the masons start building a wall around her. When she realizes that this is not a game she starts to beg and weep for her baby whom she will no longer nurse. In certain variants, the wife is still pregnant, and laments that the wall is crushing her baby and her breasts so tightly that milk starts flowing from them. When the wife has been sacrificed the building of the monastery progresses swiftly. Negru Voda arrives to admire the beautiful monastery just as the masons have completed the roof. He wants to know if they can build an even more beautiful building. They boast to be the best masons in the world, capable of building even something more beautiful than the monastery. Negru Voda ponders over their reply, and then orders them to remove all ladders and scaffolding. The masons are left trapped on the top of the monastery. They fasten boards upon their arms in order to fly down, but fall on the ground, petrified. From the spot where Manola has fallen grows a beautiful well, and healing waters arise from its tears of blood.3 Figure 1: Monastery of Arges in Romania. As we can see, the etiological motif of the source of healing water is somewhat different from the one in the afore-mentioned Serbian ballad. There is also an additional motif of the murder of the master masons. Even though the motif might be explained merely by the exceptional cruelty of Negru Voda who had requested the building, and his wish that his monastery would be the greatest, it seems much more likely that this motif has deeper roots. It may be possible that their death could be attributed to ancient beliefs and rituals that necessitated a building sacrifice also of the master mason. It is interesting that 3 The Slovene translation of the Romanian ballad about Master Manola was translated by Katja Špurova and published in Naši razgledi po svetu (February 24, 1984, p. 121.) folk tales from the Karst region in the maritime province of Slovenia which narrate about the building of the churches, often include the motif about the young mason apprentice or the son of the master mason, who - after the church has been built - falls from the top of the church tower and dies (Premrl 2011, 46). Since this motif is connected with so many construction legends it seems that it is a reminiscence of the building sacrifice - in this case the victim is also the mason. The European folklore about a walled-up human sacrifice has been very accurately presented and analysed by Hungarian folklorist Lajos Vargyas, who had elaborated also the map showing their wide circulation. He defines their diversity and characteristics, and ascertains that Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian variants are very heterogeneous. These ballads, epic poems or narratives about the human sacrifice in the foundations were very popular in Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Hungary, Mordvinia, the Caucasus, Georgia, as well as in Turkey (Vargyas 1960, 1967), India and Japan4 in Asia. The ballad was also known among the Gypsies, who might have been the transmitters between India and Europe (Dundes 1996, 190-192). In Croatian variants the wife is sometimes released from being walled-in (Vargyas 1960, 18, 27). Var-gyas also concludes that the Caucasian and Mordvinian variants are related to Hungarian versions. In contrast to Arnaudov (1913), who tried to prove that this ballad derives from Greece, where it appeared under the influence of old Greek and Byzantine culture and was from there spread into Albania, Bulgaria and across Romania into Hungary; Vargyas states its origin in the Caucasus (Vargyas 1960, 45-58). In spite of the great erudition of Vargyas' research, we have to disagree with him on the point where he defines the origin of the ballad in the Caucasus, and also on issuing all Macedonian variants being Bulgarian. As we know, many research studies have been done on this ballad in Macedonia, especially lately; in Kumanovo people still narrate about Rada's bridge and some even believe in the story (Stojanovic Lafazanovska 2000). Hungarian ballads often sing about Clement Mason building the town of Deva. Among the Greek variants, the best known is the ballad about Arta's bridge, in the foundations of which is sacrificed the wife of the main constructor. While she was built into the foundations she put a spell on the bridge, which she finally recalled. Georgios Megas has collected more than 333 variants of this ballad (Megas 1971). Albanian variants of the ballad about immuration of the building sacrifice - like the Serbian - sing about building of the fortification Skutari (Skadar) on the hill of Rozafa (Rozafati). According to some variants the hill got its name after the name of the brother and sister who were walled-into the foundations of the fort - Roza and Fa. Brother and sister - often the twins as the building sacrifice, appear also in Serbian, Macedonian and Bulgarian variants (Vargyas 1960, 30). Indic variants from Kangra in Northwest India and from South India most often sing about the building of the well. In these songs, is built-in the waterway one of the daughters-in-law of the master, usually the wife of the youngest son. Her husband sometimes jumps into the well, when he learns about her sacrifice; or else she is avenged by her brothers, who kill her father-in-law and members of his family (Naraya 1996; Srikantaiah 1996). 4 The bridge over the river at Matsue (Davis, Myths and Legends of Japan, 342-344; Brewster 1996, 55). Figure 2: Fortification of Skutari/Skadar in Albania with the reminiscence of Roza and Fa (sister and brother who were walled-in). Human sacrifice on laying the foundation of a building was intended originally as propitation of the spirits of the earth, who were thought of as being disturbed; later on it sometimes passed into another conception that the spirit of the victim would be a ghostly guardian of the building being erected. The ritual of foundation sacrifice has been practised almost all over the world. American folklorist Paul Brewster had presented its widespread dissemination and discussed its traces also in children's games and dances (Brewster 1996, 36-39). Also the Slovenian children's game "Is the Bridge Strong Enough?" is a part of this wide-spread tradition.5 The Romanian ethnologist Ion Talo§ presented Romanian variants of the ballad, which he classified as belonging to the segment of European building and construction legends. Analysing various motifs, he stresses beliefs and magical practices connected with building sacrifice victims; the choice of building location; the laying of the foundation stone; and the significance of foundations and the entrance of a newly-built structure, all of which can be perceived in the ballad about Master Manola and in its Balkan variants (Talo§ 1969). The Bulgarian folklorist Lyubomira Parpulova-Gribble, who had collected and examined 180 versions of this ballad, turned to structuralistic and »deep-semantic« analyses and suggested that the ballad may derive from a rite de passage involving ritual separation (Parpulova-Gribble 1996). Krstivoj Kotur proposes a Christian interpretation (Kotur 1996); Mircea Eliade presented a myth-ritual reading of blood sacrifices with cosmogonic origins preserved in Romanian mythology. He suggested that the plot of the ballad might be based on cosmogonic legends about the creation of the world from a primordial female body. The construction (city or church) is considered as imago mundi or center of the world (Eliade 1996). The Russian folklorist Albert Baiburin has contended that construction sacrifice evokes the whole complex of beliefs about the sacrosanctity of the house, the possibility of ,deriving' it from the body of the victim, and stresses the structural equivalence between the house and the order of the world (Parpulova-Gribble 1996, 174-175). Other readings explored female victimization and heroism by seeing the ballad's theme as a metaphor for marriage, a male-constructed trap seriously restricting women's freedom and mobility. Alan Dundes developed his own feminist and psychoanalytic interpretations of the ballad, but at the same time supported the theory of multiple interpretations of this ballad. Many researchers have examined gender and power issues in the ballad, following male and female interpretations. But such theories seem to be questionable, since the victim can be also a child, twins or a brother and a sister. Already Vargyas had seen in the motif of twins or brother and sister as the building sacrifice an extremely old religious 5 Mirko Ramovš, Otroške igre z odvzemanjem in privzemanjem na Slovenskem. Traditiones 20/ 1991, 127-142. element practised in ancient cultures. He also cites Georgian, Mordvinian as well as central and east European songs and legends where a child is walled up (Vargyas 1960, 49 f.f.). In Bosnian variants Zidanje Dervis-pasine munare (The building of Dervis-pasha's minaret) the building sacrifice is a son of the pasha who is building a mosque, but beside him, under the minaret, is buried the pasha's wife who had died because her heart was broken, hearing that her youngest son will be sacrificed (Hrvatske narodne pjesme V/1, 1909, 141-145). Also in the folk song Cuprija na Drini (The bridge on river Drina) from Herzegovina (Hrvatske narodne pjesme I/1, 1896, 105-107) the sacrificed victim is not a wife but a sister and a brother or the twins - Stoja and Stojan. These names mean 'standing', which has an additional symbolical message. As already mentioned, Stoja and Stojan were supposed to be the victims also in the Serbian song Zidanje Skadra, but they were not found. But the most popular legend about the bridge on the river Drina is the one that was presented by the famous Serbian writer Ivo Andric from Bosnia, who in 1945 wrote the novel Na Drini Cuprija (The Bridge on the Drina) and received in 1961 the Nobel award for his work. The novel is the chronicle of the bridge in Visegrad and depicts the life in this small town through the centuries. The old bridge of Visegrad on the Drina was built by the Grand Vezir Mehmed Pasha (1505-1579), who had been born in the nearby village of Sokolovici (1505-1579) and was named after him "the bridge of Mehmed Pasha Sokolovic". This bridge is a national monument of Bosnia and Herzegovina and has been glorified also in folk narrative and song tradition. Ivo Andric begins his novel with this folk legend, which includes the motif of a supernatural being - vila brodnica (the fairy of the boatmen), who destroyed everything that was built over the day. Finally master mason Rade Neimar (Rade the Mason) heard the voice from the water, and the voice said that infant twins - a brother and a sister, Stoja and Ostoja - should be immured into the two supporting pillars of the bridge. The viziers searched the whole land, and finally they found them in a remote village. Their mother followed the viziers and managed to persuade the master mason Rade Neimar to leave at least two openings through which she could breast-fead her babies. Still today one can see the two small blind windows through which Stoja and Ostoja were breast-fed, and at special times of the year two white streams run out of them. Ivo Andric wrote this legend: ... They knew that the vila of the boatmen had hindered its building, as always and everywhere there is someone to hinder building, destroying by night what had been built by day, until 'something' had whispered from the waters and counselled Rade the Mason to find two infant children, twins, brother and sister, named Stoja and Ostoja, and wall them into the central pier of the bridge. A reward was promised to whoever found them and brought them hither. At last the guards found such twins, still at the breast, in a distant village and the Vezirs men took them away by force; but when they were taking them away, their mother would not be parted from them and, weeping and wailing, insensible to blows and to curses, stumbled after them as far as Visegrad itself, where she succeded in forcing her way to Rade the Mason. The children were walled into the pier, for it could not be otherwise, but Rade, they say, had pity on them and left openings in the pier through which the unhappy mother could feed her sacrificed children. Those are the finely carved blind windows, narrow as loopholes, in which the wild doves now nest. In memory of that, the mother's milk has flowed from those walls for hundreds of years. That is the thin white stream which, at certain times of year, flows from that faultless masonry and leaves an indelible mark on the stone....6 Figure 3: The Bridge on the River Drina in Visegrad. An important fact, which has not been considered enough, is also the context of the song or the rituals connected with the singing of this song. This ballad was connected to certain rituals and was sung as a carol-song during certain periods of the year. This has been preserved in Bulgaria, where it used to be sung at Christmas time and at the wedding rituals (Anastasova 1993). These traditions were also remembered in Kangra in Northwest India, where these ballads were traditionally performed during the lunar month of Chai-tra (March-April) by the carol-singers. Each ballad ends with an allusion to the month of Chaitra, and it is considered inauspicious to use the name of the month of Chaitra before one has heard a basketmaker sing these ballads. Also a ritual gathering associated with the beginning of the planting of rice in the town of Charhi near Dharamsala is held at the temple that was supposedly built by the brother of the sacrificed woman (Narayan 1996, 109-10). These facts contribute to understanding human building sacrifice as an important ritual tradition which was necessary to connect death with life, this world with the world beyond, and in this way to enable the living and make possible the purpose and functioning of the construction. With such customs people tried to establish world order and fertility. 6 Ivo Andric, The Bridge on the Drina. Translated by Lovett F. Edwards. Beograd: Dereta 2007, 25-26. How important the human sacrifice was for establishing the world order can be seen also in folk tales which narrate about the sacrifice of the child who was enbedded into the banks of the river to stop the flood. These narratives Malinčki mantrnik/The martyr from Melinci by the river Mura were recorded in the Prekmurje region in Eastern Slovenia. The legend narrates that a seven-year-old boy Džurov Števek was put between two planks and buried alive by the river to stop the overflowing. After many years they tried to dig him out, but they stopped because of the bad odour.7 Katja Hrobat connected the tradition of the walled-up woman or a child with the folk belief that by doing so the strength of the world beyond would be acquired. The connection with the world beyond enables the fertility and at the same time functioning of the sojourn object (Hrobat 2010, 103-104). This custom is based upon the folk belief that it is through the woman and her sexuality that the connection between this and the other world can be established (Dragan 1999, 25-26, 42-49). The capability of bearing the child and of breast-feeding is fundamental for establishing this contact. Also small children or the snake, which symbolizes woman's sexuality, could have the same effect. If we take into account the customs which are connected with this kind of narrative or song tradition, which includes these ballads into carol singing, it becomes possible that this tradition derives from such a world view. The sacrifice of a woman or a child is therefore necessary to establish the connection with the world beyond and to gain the benevolence of the supernatural forces. The Slovenian folklorist Ivan Grafenauer established already in the 1960s the wide distribution of beliefs connected with the building of houses into the foundations of which were immured human victims, frequently children. He cites Herodotus who mentions in his report that when the Persian army of Xerxes crossed the river Strimon its soldiers buried nine local boys and nine local girls under the river's bridge, when they were building it.8 Known throughout the world, such sacrifices later entailed the shadows of humans who were believed to die shortly afterwards (Grafenauer 1957a, 41-42). Ivan Grafenauer also pointed out that even the boundary stones that marked the border between two clans or two countries sometimes necessitated a human sacrifice (Grafenauer 1957a, b). Human Sacrifice on the Borders Although Slovenian narrative tradition does not include the legends or ballads about immured human sacrifices into the walls of important buildings, it preserves the memory of human sacrifices buried under the border stones. The legends about Krvavi kamen / Bloody stone9 narrate how a border stone which stands on the planes of Gorjanci between the churches of St. Miklavž and St. Jera, was rolled onto the pit where the young runners for determining the border were buried. This stone supposedly marked the border between Kranjci/Carniolians in Slovenia and Uskoks from Vojna krajina in Croatia (Grafenauer 1957a, 44-49). The motifs of one of the variants of this tale are the following: 7 Števan Kühar, Narodno blago vogrskij Slovancof. Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 14/1914, 23. 8 Herodotus VII, p. 114; translation by Savo Sovre II, p. 159. 9 Jožef Babnik (pseudonym: Joseph Buchenhain), Der Blutstein. Eine vaterländische Volkssage aus dem Jahre 1650, Carniolia I/16-18 (22., 25., 29. Juni 1838); Krvavi kamen (Narodna pripovest od godine 165). Danica Ilirska 25, 26 (1838); varianta iz Žumberaka: N. R, Crtice iz okolice žumberačke (B. Krvavi kamen), Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku VII, Zagreb 1863, 180-184. 1. Two communities quarrel because of the pastureland. 2. People decide to determine the border by sending runners from each side; on the spot where they meet, the border will be set. 3. The runners from one side start earlier and gain more land. 4. The commissioners from the other side see this first, and decide to bury the runners alive and roll a stone on top of them. 4. In the grave is buried also the fiancée of one of the runners, who was from the other side.Before she dies, she puts them under oath that this border should be respected. There are also other ethyological legends about this Bloody stone. The Slovenian writer Janez Trdina wrote that Carniolians and Zumbercani (people from Zumberak), while determining the border, because they could not decide where the border should be, started to fight. Human blood covered the stone, which from that time on got its name -the Bloody stone. Another variant from Cerov Log explains that, at the time when both sides were determining the border between Slovenians and Croats, there was also a girl among the negotiators. On the spot of the border they cut off her fingers, so that it would not be forgotten. Her blood coloured the Border stone. The girl was a fairy and that is why the stone remained red for centuries.10 These legends contain similar episodes as narratives and songs about immuring of the human sacrifice in the foundations of significant constructions, yet they are different in their structure and contents. The historical background is anticipated as realistic and is set in the year 1650, but the central motif of the human sacrifice is older, and derives from the same belief traditions as the motif of sacrifice in the ballads about the walled-up wife or other human sacrifices. II. Supernatural Masons Supernatural or mythological masons, generally giants, dwarfs, fairies or the devil, feature as masons in a number of European legends about the building of prominent structures. In these myths, legends and belief tales the supernatural mason has preserved the mythological image, but is always outwitted by men or the gods. a.) Mythological masons The tales about a mythological being building an important edifice are wide spread, not only in northern Europe but all over Europe and on other continents as well. Inger Boberg (1955) wrote extensively on legends about supernatural masons, particularly in North and West Europe. In these stories, demands for payment range from sacrifice of one of the goddesses from the pantheon of gods, to revealing the name of the chief architect by the contract giver. Very well known is the episode in Norse Edda in which a giant was building the wall of Midgard: A giant is building the wall of Midgard (Asgard) with the help of his horse Svadilfari. For payment he requires the Sun, the Moon, and the goddess Freya. Since his horse possesses supernatural pow- 10 Vir: Marinka Dražumerič, Zavod za spomeniško varstvo v Novem Mestu. ers, it seems that the castle will be finished even before the fixed time. Appalled, the gods appeal to Loki to avert the catastrophe. Turning into a mare, Loki appears at night and diverts Svadilfari from work. Thus deceived, the giant starts to leave but is crushed with a hammer wielded by Thor. Although widespread, especially in Swedish, Norwegian, and German lores, such stories were widely known among the Slavs as well. (Talo§, 1974-77, 1394). An example of this kind of belief is also presented by the Istrian folk tale from Croatia, depicting the building of the amphitheatre in Pula by fairies. Divic (arena in Pula) Fairies have built the arena in Pula. On their heads, they had been carrying funnels (grote) and spindles (prele). When a rooster crowed they could no longer continue, which is why the arena has no roof. Old people used to call it Divic. (Boskovic-Stulli 1959, No. 71, p. 120). Figure 4: The arena in Pula. The motif of the mason who loses his power, and with it the bet he had made, because of the premature morning song of a rooster, is known also in Slovene folklore. People often attributed the building of larger structures to the work of supernatural beings, who under Christian influence were replaced by the devil. The latter was believed to have been responsible for Hudičev Most (Devil's Bridge) on the path leading to Dante's Cave in Tolmin, and also for the Vražja peč (Devil's Cliff) by the Drava river in Carinthia. The cliff Vražja peč got its name because the devil could not build the bridge over the Drava river in time. The God promised to him the soul which did not have enough good deeds to prevail on St. Michael's scale, to be able to go to heaven. But this soul would be the devil's only if he would build the bridge in three days. The soul was shaking and praying on the other side of the river. The devil had to bring stones for the bridge from the Peca mountain, and on the way he dropped many rocks so that the Devil's Cliff arose. The Devil was building very fast, but the bad storm and the darkness prevented him from building it in time. The bells in the church rang on the morning of the last day three times the Angelus Bell before he was finished, and the soul was saved.11 Another legend Zlodjev most (Devil's Bridge) from Velikovec in Carinthia tells a different story. The main character is a miller who had his mill on the right side of the river Drava and wanted the people from the other side to bring the grain to him too. So he wished there was a bridge on the river Drava. One night the devil appeared before him and offered to build it before the bells rang in the morning. In the end, the miller asked the sexton to ring the bell a little earlier, to prevent the devil from getting his soul.12 Also the dike on the river Vipava by Branik/Rifemberk near Nova Gorica was built by the devil. In 1941, Jože Seražin published a story about this dike that had been recounted to him by his grandfather in Kazlje by Sežana; the story is titled Zludjev Zid (Devil's Wall). In the story, the devil is defeated by the tolling of church bells that prematurely announce the arrival of the morning. Devil's Wall In Dutovlje lived a rich farmer who was also a sexton. He had a farmhand who was not only very strong but also mean. The farmhand played tricks on people whenever he could. One time, he hanged a bull by his tail. Hearing the animal bellowing, people saved the bull just in time. The sexton had a hayfield up by Brdo. The hayfield had almost no walls around it, and cows were always coming to the field to graze. One evening, the sexton returned home very angry. He had gone to take a look at his hayfield but found that all the grass had been eaten. Seeing his anger, the farmhand makes a suggestion: "If you give me your soul in return I shall build by the time the Angelus Bell announces the arrival of morning a wall over which no cow will be able to jump." The farmhand, you see, was but the devil. In his anger, the sexton promises him his soul. The farmhand vanishes into hell to fetch others who will help him build a wall so high that no cow will be able to go over it. The sexton cannot get any sleep that night. Time after time, he tries to figure out how to save his soul. Finally, he gets an idea. He climbs the belfry to check the hayfield. It is too dark to see anything but he thinks that the devils may be able to finish the wall while it is still dark. He pulls the rope of the Angelus bell and starts to announce the arrival of morning. When the devils hear the bell toll they escape to hell, and the farmhand with them. The sexton has 11 Tone Gaspari, Vražja peč. Mlada Jugoslavija 8, Velikovec (31. 8. 1919), 3-4; reprint: T. Gaspari & P. Košir, Zbirka koroških pravljic. Ljubljana 1923, 42-47. 12 Zlodjev most. Mladi rod 18/3-4 (November - December 1968), 35-36. thus saved his soul but good luck has left him for good. The family died out a long time ago (Seražin 1940/41, pp. 78-79). A common element of such stories is that the supernatural being can only work at night but loses power in the morning. The ancient roots of this legend are further confirmed by the fact that the hoax in the story is valued as a virtue. Since in old civilizations, such deceptions reflected common sense and great wisdom. b.) Sacrifice on the Bridge, AaTh/ATU 1191 This motif about deceiving the supernatural mason is central also in a very popular folk tale of this kind "The Sacrifice on the Bridge" (AaTh/ATU 1191) which had undergone even more Christian influence. According to data, the significance of the building of bridges and the veneration of their architects was known already in antiquity. In the early period of the Roman Empire, bridge construction was closely connected with a cult, and the traces of this cult had been preserved for a long time. It is by no means a coincidence that the most distinguished body of Roman priests, the Collegiumpontificum, consisted of the so-called Pontifices (the builders of bridges), and that the emperor, who was also the chief priest, had the function of Pontifex Maximus (Lexikon der alten Welt 1965: Pontifices). Modified and embedded with Christian elements, a survival of this belief has been preserved in folk tales and legends. The motif of a soul that had been promised to the devil is very frequent in folk narrative and it often replaces the motif about a hoax in which the bell or the ruster prematurely announce the morning. In this case, the devil is given an animal, which is perceived as having no soul, instead of the promised human soul. The most frequent story with this motif has been classified as the international folk tale type AaTh/ATU 1191 "Sacrifice on the Bridge," or the motif S241.1 "Unwitting bargain with the devil evaded by driving dog over bridge first". This motif makes the main difference between the former type of folktales about the "Supernatural masons" and this type about the "Sacrifice on the Bridge". Already in 1688 the Slovenian polyhistor Janez Vajkard Valvasor had included in his "Topografia archiducatus Carinthiae antiquae et modernae completa" the renowned tale about the Devil's Bridge below Ljubelj. Various variants of this legend have been recorded later. One of the variants was written down by Ivan Čavko in 1920 in Brodi in Carinthian Rosental: Šum is a bridge that was being built over high waterfalls. The masons' progress was very slow. At night-time three men got hold of a book on black magic and summoned the devil, asking him for his help. In return they promised the soul of the first one who would cross the finished bridge, and signed the contract in blood. However, they tricked the devil by letting a goat cross the bridge first. They saved their souls, and the goat met its tragic end in the pounding waves of the river. (Published in: Kropej 1995, p. 252). In his book Narodno blago iz Roža (Folk Lore from Rož, 1936/37), Josip Šašel wrote this legend in the dialect of the Rož Valley. Devil's Bridge The bridge under the Šum Waterfall by Sopotnice repeatedly collapsed during its construction. The master mason no longer knew what to do, so he summoned the devil to help. He promised the devil a good prize: the first one to cross the finished bridge would be his to take. The devil was satisfied. He diligently helped, handling the stones so that he was all wet. The bridge no longer collapsed. When the devil rolled the last stone into place he hid by the end of the bridge, waiting for his prize. The mason hurled a loaf of bread along the bridge, and a dog ran after it. I don't know whether the devil took the dog rather than the bread. To this day, the name of the bridge remains the Devil's Bridge. Šašelj published a variant of this tale in Koroški Slovenec in 1931. He also added the history and principal geographic features of the area. The story is described in a more realistic manner and in the context of the way of life of three local villages, Brodi, Sele, and Rute (Šašel 1931; Kropej 2003, 68-70). Placed within a realistic cultural and geographic milieu with which local people could identify, such stories sounded much more plausible than those merely focusing on the central motif, as is the case with the one above. This legend was widespread also in other parts of Slovenia: in the 1990s, in Upper Carniola in the village of Stara Fužina, Marija Cvetek collected the following variant of the Sacrifice on the Bridge legend: Devil's Bridge People used to tell a story of how the Devil's Bridge was built. They were building it until evening, only to find it torn down in the morning. Then somebody said: "Let the devil build this bridge for I shall not!" So the devil started to build the bridge. People asked him what he wanted in return. The devil said: "The first soul that crosses the bridge, I will have that." In the evening, people were pondering over who would be so unfortunate. Then a farmer, who had a dog, got an idea. He said: "I shall take the dog and a juicy calf's bone with me." He flung the bone across the bridge, and the dog followed it. So the devil got the dog's soul. Outraged, the devil wagged his tail so hard that he demolished the entire railing. [Cvetek 1993: p. 178, no. 127; Cvetek 1999: 35]. Larger and more demanding architectural feats were often explained as the work of supernatural beings or the devil. Thus it was believed that the devil built the Ponte del Diavolo (Devil's Bridge) in Čedad/Cividale and the Devil's Bridge on the path leading to Dante's Cave in Tolmin. One variant of such tales about the bridge in Čedad is a Friulian tale Al puint di Cividat: The Bridge in Cividale The inhabitants of Cividale (Čedad in Slovene) decided that their town was too cut off from the rest of the world, and that they needed a bridge. However, they did not know how to build one. The devil suddenly appeared, making a suggestion: "I will build your bridge in return for the first soul who crosses it!" "All right!" they replied without giving it a second thought. The devil, however, could not fulfill the promise by himself so he summoned his mother. Being huge, his mother kept throwing stone upon stone so that the bridge was finished in one night. The people of Cedad started to think: "We will have to give him the soul now. How do we do this? Who has enough courage for such a sacrifice?" So they got the idea of sending a dog over the bridge. The dog walked across the bridge, but this dog was not the promised soul, because dogs have no soul that can be taken to hell. When the devil beheld the dog he was so indignant that he disappeared, never to return. (Sandrin 2010, 80; another variant was published in: Wagner 1931, 89-94). Such legends focusing not only on bridges but also on churches and cathedrals are known throughout Europe. The best known are the German legends about the "Sachenhäuser Brücke" in Frankfurt-am-Main, as well as about the bridges in Regensburg and in Bamberg; and also the legend about the cathedral in German Aachen. Very popular is also the French legend about the bridge on Pont d'Yeau (Moser-Rath 1978, p. 839). Resonating strongly in oral tradition, the process of construction - be it of bridges, churches, castles, cities, houses, and even walls - was once connected with numerous beliefs and rituals. At the time of their origin, among some people construction legends were believed to be true. Although their credibility gradually diminished over the years, some of them have still, in some way or another, survived in a modernized form. An example of such a legend is an aetiological tale about Zidani Most. The story blends an ancient motif with Christian elements, and even with fairly recent events such as the cholera ravaging among construction workers. The legend recounts how engineers tried in vain to build a railway bridge at the confluence of the rivers Sava and Savinja. Late at night, a young man came to a local pub that was owned by Tone, offering to take over the building and solve the problem. Tone signed a contract for his own soul, and the young man brought in his own workers. These workers were somewhat unusual and were feared by the local population. In order to save his soul, Tone had a statue built of St. John the Steadfast on one river bank and a chapel consecrated to St. Catherine on the other. Then he tied bells to the paws of a cat, urging it across the bridge. Afraid of the noise, the cat plunged across the bridge. The young man, who was really the devil, was furious. He hastened after Tone, but Tone had already hid inside the chapel. When the devil realized that he would be unable take revenge he took off toward Hrastnik. During his progress, he strangled every Croatian worker who was still working on the railway bridge. People could see the workers fall on the ground and immediately turn black. At the end of the story, the person who published it in Domači prijatelj in 1913 under the pen name Radečan, concluded: "This legend is still recounted by people living in the vicinity of Zidani Most. The bridge had been built 75 years ago by Croatian construction workers, who were succumbing to an outbreak of cholera."13 While St. Catherine (November 25) is venerated as helper in necessity, St. John the Steadfast (sv. Janez Nepomuk) is the guardian of the bridges and has his name day on 20 May. His statue stood on many bridges in Central and Western Europe, and on his name day people - especially in Prague - floated lights on the river Vltava. In Slovenia, in the small town of Kropa in Upper Carniola, a special children's battel game was performed on his name day. The children hid, each at their end of the bridge, and when a friend from the other end of the bridge came along, they attacked him (Kuret I/ 1965, 321). This children's game might have previously been an old custom connected with the importance the bridges had for society. Due to its explanatory character and the fact that it has been linked to an actual location, in this case a bridge, the legend has been preserved to the present. The person who had recorded it on paper added that it was perceived as a myth - and therefore fictitious. However, his remark that during the bridge's construction the Croatian workers were succumbing to cholera indicates that he believed that there was some truth in the story. At the beginning of the 20th century, people clearly no longer believed that the devil could build a bridge; in the first part of the 19th century, however, they might have still believed that there was a diabolic element to its construction. The story has been placed within the context and circumstances around 1838 when the bridge was presumably built. This was the period in which even a train and its engine were perceived as extraordinary, let alone the demanding construction of a railway bridge. Combining reality with fiction, the story has a similar character and could have been a contemporary story from the period prior to the First World War. One of the characteristic features of contemporary stories may be the perpetuation of old patterns. In the case of the railway bridge, the pattern has been preserved. c.) The Legend of St. Wolfgang (Wolfram, Volbenk, Bolfenk) Legends about St. Wolfgang (Wolfram, Volbenk, Bolfenk) building a church that is torn down by the devil each night are widespread in Slovenia, particularly in Central Europe. At last the saint and the devil make a contract and the devil is promised the soul of the first pilgrim who enters the newly-built church. St. Wolfgang, was born approximately in 934 in Germany; his name day is on 31 October. The apocryphal legends and old stories describe him as a saint who is building a church. He makes a contract with the devil but tricks him by foisting upon the deuce an animal, thus saving an innocent soul from his talons. The animal, which has no soul, is usually a wolf or a dog, sometimes also a cat, a rooster, a pig, or a billy goat. In such legends the protagonist is usually St. Wolfgang, but may be replaced either by St. Cado (Moser-Rath 1978, 839), or in Scandinavia by St. Olof (Boberg 1955, 11-14). 13 Domači prijatelj 10/9, September 1, 1913, pp. 275-277. The legend about St. Wolfgang was first mentioned in the Early Middle Ages. According to the legend, the devil, posing as the master mason, offered to assist the saint in the building of a castle for Frisian King Radbod (Boberg 1955, 4). Spreading throughout Europe, this variant also reached Slovenia where he was also known as St. Bolfenk or St. Volbenk In Slovenia the legend of St. Wolfgang was first published by a Capuchin monk Oče Rogerij/Pater Rogerij (born in 1667 in Ljubljana as Mihael Krammer) in his Palmarium (II/1743, p. 414). Already in his presentation of this legend all the main motifs were included. Even the motif about determination of the location of the church, which was determined by St. Wolfgang throwing a small axe or a hatchet, and on the spot where it fell - in the valley by the lake 'Abersee' -, he started to construct a church for Mother Mary and St. John the Baptist. He situated the foundations on the rock, and the devil offered to help him build the church for the first pilgrim, who was - with God's help - the wolf. Pater Rogerij was in this sermon influenced especially by German written sources, from the Austrian borders. One of the Slovenian variants of this tale, published by Anton Kosi in 1891, Cerkev sv. Bolfenka na Pohorju (The Church of St. Bolfenk in Pohorje) narrates about St. Bolfenk who, holding a stick in one hand and an axe in the other, was looking for a suitable spot in Pohorje on which he could build a church. After he had found the location he thrust his axe into a nearby birch tree. The devil comes by, offering to build the church in return for the first pilgrim who comes to the church. St. Bolfenk suddenly hears a voice from heavens telling him to accept the devil's offer, for the first pilgrim to come to the church will have no soul. After a multitude of devils had finished building the church, a wolf, carrying a lamb in his mouth, enters it. St. Bolfenk takes away the lamb and leaves the wolf for the devil. The enraged devil demolishes a part of the church wall, which can still be seen today (Kosi 1891, 20-21). The folk song about St. Volbenk who tricked the devil was written down by A. Jeglič in the vicinity of Begunje in Gorenjska and later published by Karel Štrekelj. It contains all of the essential motifs about St. Wolfgang that were already included in pater Rogerij's Palmarium. St. Volbenk Tricks the Deuce "Volbenk, fling your axe! This is where we shall build the church". Volbenk threw the axe, And on that spot they began to build the church. But what they had built during the day Was demolished at night By the defiant Deuce. One day, the deuce passes by, Terribly mocking the masons. "Help us build this church And you shall get the first pilgrim!" Once the church is finished Volbenk kneels on the floor, Asking the good Lord To present him with a pilgrim Without a soul. As soon as he utters this A wolf strolls down the road, Holding a stick in his mouth And with a haversack around his neck. The wolf enters the church Where the Deuce lurks behind the altar. "I do not want a pilgrim Without a soul!" "We haggled not over a soul, But agreed on the first pilgrim!" The Deuce seizes the wolf And behind the altar flies out of the church. There still remains a hole. Those who believe not Should see for themselves. (Štrekelj 1895-1898, no. 630) Niko Kuret presumes that the song refers to the church of St. Volbenk in Log in Poljanska Dolina. The song makes a reference to an ancient legal custom, and the reminiscence of it is the motif in which St. Volbenk determines the place in which to build the church by flinging his axe in the desired direction, which signifies that he has claimed that parcel of land. The same motif can be found in the legend about the church situated in the village of Abersee by Lake Wolfgangsee in Upper Austria; the church is believed to have been built by St. Wolfgang during his missionary years in that region (Kuret 1970, 109-111). The determination of the location of the significant building was considered as sacred, just as the determination of a border (Grafenauer 1957b). In Slovenia there are three subsidiary churches consecrated to St. Volbenk in the diocese of Ljubljana; one parish church and two subsidiaries in the diocese of Levant; and only one subsidiary church, consecrated to St. Bolfenk, in the diocese of Gorizia. Legends about St. Volbenk are widespread particularly in Pohorje (Kuret 1970, p. 111). In 1914, Pavel Flere published in the collection of folk tales and legends Babica pripoveduje (Grandma Tells Stories) a legend with the same title and content as the folk song mentioned above. The legend begins with the same motif of choosing the location for a church by flinging an axe. Identical is also the end in which the furious devil leaves the church by rushing through a wall behind the altar, leaving a gaping hole that is still visible today (Flere 1922, 11-13). These similarities suggest that Flere merely translated the song into prose. The legend of St. Volbenk was widespread particularly in the North-Eastern part of Slovenia in Pohorje where it was heard also by Paul Schlosser. He published two of its variants in his German collection of legends from Pohorje. The first one tells of St. Wolfgang who, upon his arrival at Spodnja Štajerska, starts looking throughout Pohorje for the prettiest location for a church. While he is gazing around he hears a voice from the sky: "If you need help from the devil accept it freely for the first pilgrim shall have no soul." At that moment, a company of small devils appears at the saint's feet, offering their services. Their leader Beelzebub assumes command over the building of the church, demanding as payment the first pilgrim who will set foot in the church. When the church is finished a wolf leaps through the door, carrying a lamb in his mouth. St. Wolfgang takes the lamb but leaves the wolf to the devils. They grab him so quickly that each is left only with a single hair of the wolf's fur. Furious, Beelzebub kicks at the church wall to demolish it, but the church remains standing. Only a gaping hole appears in the wall, and the Devil disappears through it. (Schlosser 1956, 52). The second variant was written by Schlosser in Unter-Kotsch in Austria: God wished to get the devil to build a church, promising the first pilgrim as payment. God himself wished to retain the first sacrificial offering. After the church has been completed a wolf came rushing in, holding a captured lamb. God took the lamb from him and the devil was left to run after the wolf. But the wolf was faster and escaped into a wood. (Schloser 1956, pp. 52-53). The folktale Bolfenška bajka: Zlodej sezida cerkev (A Belief Legend about Bolfenk: The Devil Builds a Church) published by Jože Tomažič, refers to a small church in Pohorje that is consecrated to St. Bolfenk. A hermit named Bolfenk starts to build a church but the devil, disguised as the Green Hunter (Wild Hunter), demolishes it every night. This occurs repeatedly until the hermit and the devil make a contract. A multitude of green devils set to work. When the church is completed the devil and Bolfenk the hermit hide behind the altar, waiting for the first pilgrim. They have to wait for a long time. At last, a wolf appears at the threshold. Enraged, the devil rushes through a wall. That hole had remained behind the altar for centuries. (Tomažič 1943, 103-112). In this legend - as we can see - the etiological motif about the hole in the church is included. Not all legends about St. Wolfgang belong to the type AaTh/ATU 1191. A legend from Pohorje about St. Wolfgang - "St. Bolfenk and Areh" (Sveti Bolfenk in Areh), published by Josip Brinar (Brinar 1933, 5-11), does not feature the devil that helped to build a church. Instead, it recounts how St. Bolfenk charmed a spring from a rock for the Bavarian Duke Heinrich (Areh in Slovene). At this spot, Heinrich built a church in which a monument to its founder, St. Areh, was erected years later. It is interesting that in Slovenian folklore St Areh (St. Heinrich - the duke whose teacher was St. Wolfgang, the bishop of Bamberg) appears in religious legends as the saint who stopped the dragon - dwelling in the lake - from causing the flood. The dragon finally had to move away from this location (Smitek 2010, 28, no. 22). The connection of St. Wolfgang and St. Areh in Slovenian folklore seems to have deeper roots at the level of protection of churches, bridges or souls against the evil. Likewise, the legend about Volbenk's souls, published by Venceslav Vinkler (Vrtec 1936-37, 38-39), does not depict the building of a church. It tells how St. Volbenk forced the devil to release three souls from hell. The tale takes place in a snowy landscape situated between the churches in Volcje and in Tara. Wading through deep snow in the middle of a severe winter, the devil meets St. Volbenk on skis. Wanting a pair of skis for himself, the devil makes a wish. But he is careless, and a blacksmith fastens the skis onto his feet too tightly. Forced to ask the saint for help, the devil is compelled to relinquish the souls of three sinners from St. Volbenk's parish. All subtypes of the legends about a supernatural constructor: Mythological masons (2, 3, 4b), The Sacrifice on the Bridge (2, 3, 4b [6b]) and St Wolfgang's legend ([1], 2, 3, 4b, [6b]) contain most of the allomotifs which form the structure also in the folk narrative and song tradition about the human building sacrifice. But they do not contain the motif about immuring of the human sacrifice, they just narrate about the promised soul or other reward. This makes the main difference from the former, and we can hardly believe that they were ever considered to be true, which means that at the time of their formation they were either myths, saint's and sacral legends or aethiological legends. And yet they could fit into the same pattern establishing the connection with the world beyond and gaining the benevolence of the supernatural forces by sacrificing an animal or by destroying the supernatural mason. III. "Fixing the Flue" - Contemporary Construction Legends A similar "building archetype", namely the motif of immuring an object into a newly-constructed building, can be found in modern urban or contemporary legends as well. A lexicon of urban legends contains a modern story with the same motif, but in a very different context. In his book "House", Tracy Kidder mentions that the masons, concerned that they might not be paid, mortared a glass pane into a chimney.14 This was spread around the U.S.A. as a modern story entitled "Fixing the Flue", and has been transformed into the modern legend. 14 Tracy Kidder, House. Boston: Houghton Mifflin 1985. The story mentions how a mason, concerned that he will not receive adequate payment for his work, mortars a glass pane in a chimney of the house under construction. The pane blocks the flue, and when the house owner re-summons the mason, complaining that smoke leaks through the fireplace, the mason promises to "fix" the problem as soon as he has received back payment for the building of the chimney. When the client finally pays him the mason simply releases a brick through the pane, breaking the glass and thus "fixing" the problem. (Brunvand 2002, 152-153). The motif about immuring of an object into a newly constructed building element is much more prosaic than in the lore of the past. Yet in spite of its credibility it may not have been true. Whether we believe it or not depends on the way the story has been conveyed to the listener or the reader. Similar stories have been also recounted in Bela Krajina in Slovenia, and the masons themselves tell them, which means that these legends were probably true. As we can see, this contemporary legend was originally true, just as many other contemporary rumors which circulate today in Slovenia, due to the crisis of some Slovenian construction companies. The origin of these stories is realistic, but in the process of spreading them around they may lose their plausibility. Yet if we compare these legends with the former types, it is clear that contemporary legends do not even have the same structure, nor meaning, and that they are based on entirely economic motivations. Fiction and Tradition in Construction Legends If we define myths as prose narratives which, in the society in which they are told, are considered to be truthful accounts of what happened in the remote past (Bascom 1965, 4), this means that ancient civilizations and peoples living prior to the Late Middle Ages believed in myths, belief tales, legends and epic songs recounted in their milieu. They generally perceived them as an integral part of their history, shrouded in the mist of the supernatural. In the Renaissance, the focus of interest shifted from the transcendental and the supernatural to the human. Instead of ancient beliefs, human beings became the primary criterion in the world that became oriented toward knowledge and the secular. This in turn resulted in a very different perception of tales and legends, which gradually became designated as fabricated and fictitious. Folk tales in particular were eventually perceived as literature for children or amusing stories for adults. In spite of this general tendency, people still believed in certain myths, belief tales, and legends about supernatural apparitions and mythical beings. This is indicated in the sermons, chronicles, historical books, and in other literature from the Renaissance and the age of Enlightenment. According to Jack Zipes, it is no longer possible to distinguish between folk tales and literary fairy tales, nor is it possible to discern whether they have roots in an imaginary world or are symbolic representations of actual past events and circumstances. They are simply perceived as fabricated stories with no relation to a society or historical tradition (Zipes 1992, 4). The process of gradual disbelief in the lore intensified during these periods, and continued to the present. However, in the present time of cybernetics and advanced technology we bear witness to the birth of new stories and tales. They are inspired by modern literature, circumstances, unusual events and phenomena that have aroused people's curiosity and fantasy. The plausibility of a tale clearly depends more on its content than its gen- re. Certain themes seem more believable than others, which is why they have preserved their "authenticity" to the present. On the other hand, credibility depends more upon the narrator and the narrative practice (Fine 1995, 2005; Schneider, p. 143). Among the motifs that are deeply rooted in the past, but have nevertheless managed to preserve their plausibility and credibility, are certainly stories about ghosts and witches (Rohrich 1987, 1281). It is also true that in order to be perceived as authentic, the motifs of such stories have to adapt to the times and change correspondingly. Certain supernatural concepts are more acceptable for certain groups of people and correspond more to their belief concepts. As a result of these differences, people constantly create variants of such tales (Boyer 2000). Old customs and beliefs related to construction and the building process have thus found their place in folk tales - not only in belief tales but also in fairy tales and songs. Modern issues connected with construction are reflected in urban legends and contemporary stories, even though it seems that these stories started to disappear simultaneously with the decrease of their plausibility and the credibility that may have been preserved because of their connection with a certain social praxis or location (this is true primarily of etiological tales), or because of their educational or humorous elements. People have added to the content new inspirations and elements that they received ower time. With the gradual disappearance of old motifs, with their adaptation to new circumstances, and with their subsequent transformation, new genres and contents appeared. 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Vargyas, Lajos 1960: Forschungen zur Geschichte der Volksballade im Mittelalter: Die Herkunft der ungarischen Ballade von der eingemauerten Frau. Acta ethnographica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae IX/1-2, 1-88. Vargyas, Lajos 1967: The Origin of the "Walled-up Wife". Researches into the Medialeval History of Folk Ballad. Budapest: Akademiai kiado, 173-233. Winkler, Venceslav 1936/37: O Volbenkovih dušah. Vrtec 67, Ljubljana, 38-39. Wagner, Rudolf 1931: Poglejmo v Beneško Slovenijo. Ljubljana: Slomškova družba. Zipes, Jack 1983: Fairy tales and the Art of Subversion. The classical genre for children and the process of civilization. London. Zipes, Jack 1992: Breaking the Magic Spell. New York: Routledge. Ljudsko pripovedništvo med fikcijo in tradicijo: "Zazidana žena" in druge zgodbe o gradnji Monika Kropej Človek je bil od nekdaj razpet med različne naplavine imaginarnega in fiktivnega sveta. Njegovo kulturno, družbeno in naravno okolje mu je sicer nudilo določeno tradicionalno osnovo, ki pa jo je nenehno nadgrajeval z novimi vplivi. Dovolj nazorno se to odraža v ljudskih pripovedih in pesmih o gradnji pomembnih objektov, kjer lahko zasledimo najrazličnejše usedline in sestavine različnega izvora. Gradnja pomembnih objektov je bila včasih povezana s človeško stavbno daritvijo, podobno kakor tudi mejniki ali bregovi rek. Posebno mesto v okviru tovrstnih pripovedi zasedajo pripovedi in pesmi, ki opevajo izjemno tragiko človeške žrtve - pogosto žene, otroka, dvojčkov - ki je bila vzidana v temelje novogradnje. Sloveča je epska pesnitev o zidanju mesta Skadar, prav tako romunska ljudska balada „Mojster Manola", ki opeva gradnjo samostana v Argesu, enako tudi grški opevani most na Arti. Tovrstna epika je bila zelo razširjena v prvi vrsti na Balkanskem polotoku: v Grčiji, Albaniji, Bolgariji, Romuniji (kjer so tudi aromunske in ciganske variante), Makedoniji, Srbiji, Črni gori, Bosni in Hercegovini ter na Hrvaškem. Poznana pa je tudi na Madžarskem, v Mordviniji, na Kavkazu in v Gruziji ter v Turčiji in Aziji - predvsem v Indiji. Natančno je do tedaj znano izročilo predstavil madžarski folklorist Lajos Vargyas (1960), pozneje tudi romunski raziskovalec Ion Talo§. Mircea Eliade je v tej baladi videl povezavo z romunskim kozmogonskim mitom, ki predpostavlja, da je svet nastal iz ženskega telesa. Med številnimi razlagami je Alan Dundes podal feministično in psihoanalistično interpretacijo te balade. Vendar pa je bila doslej premalo poudarjena povezava med ritualnimi praksami, ob katerih je bila ta pesem peta. Premalo upoštevana so bila tudi verovanja, povezana z žrtvovanjem hton-skim in vodnim boštvom in obredne dejavnosti, s katerimi so ljudje na mikronivoju svoje skupnosti skušali poustvariti kozmično strukturo sveta in vzpostaviti red. Prav to nam danes narekuje drugačno razlago, ki temelji na povezavi tega motiva z obredji, povezanimi z rodovitnostjo in vzpostavljanjem povezave med tem svetom in svetom onkraj našega zemeljskega bivanja. V članku so predstavljene in analizirane tudi druge ljudske pripovedi in pesmi o gradnji pomembnih objektov, ki pripovedujejo o določanju meja in postavljanju mejnega kamna; prav tako tudi izročila, kjer nastopajo nadnaravni graditelji, kot so velikani, vile, palčki in druga bajeslovna bitja, ki jih je s krščanstvom nadomestil vrag, zlasti v pripovednem tipu »Žrtev na mostu« AaTh/ATU 1191. Prav tako so analizirane tudi apokrifne legende in legendne pesmi o sv. Volfganku (sv. Cado oz. sv. Olof), ki ukane vraga, potem ko mu sezida cerkev. Kljub veliki razliki med izročilom o zazidani ženi, otrocih ali žrtvi graditelja in med izročilom o nadnaravnih graditljih, obstaja med njimi vendarle skupna ideja o žrtvi, ki vzpostavi vez med tem in onim svetom in s tem vzpostavi naklonjenost onstranstva ter naravni red. Predstavljene so tudi sodobne zgodbe in urbane legende o zazidavi predmetov v novogradnjo, ki pa nimajo več simbolične sporočilnosti, pač pa so trdno zasidrane v sodobnem svetu. The Mythic Cyborgs of Croatian Oral Legends and the Fantasy Genre Suzana Marjanic Within the above topic, our intention is to examine the links between animal and supernatural female (mora - fairy - witch) phenomena in Croatian oral legends. Namely, certain characteristics of the mora and witches can be defined by the term zoopsychonavi-gation (navigation of the soul in an animal form), and we can differentiate three types of zoopsychonavigation - zoometempsychosis, zoometamorphosis as well as witches' riding, or flying on astral animal vehicles. Further, we will also consider within this topic the zoomorphic characteristics of fairies as mythic cyborgs, who often have feet (hoofs/ungulae) like donkeys, horses, goats and oxen within the Croatian folklore imaginary, thereby creating the iconographic paradox of the fairy's body - the upper half of the body is ornithomorphic (with wings) and the lower half of the body is tellurian (with hoofed feet). In brief, we shall endeavour to research the transfer of the animal characteristics of mythic beings as mythic cyborgs (cf. Donna J. Haraway, Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century, 1985) from classic myths and oral legends into fantasy films. In considering the topic encompassing the mythic cyborgs of Croatian oral legends and the fantasy genre, we can set out from Donna Haraway's Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century (1985) in which she underscored that the cyborg in myths, the mythic cyborg, appears exactly where the boundary between Humankind and animals has been crossed. It is in just such crossings between the animal and the human being where we can begin, in this case, to contemplate female mythic creatures - in the well-known triad made up of the mora, fairy and witch. Apart from that, Claude Lévi-Strauss pointed out, as did Donna Haraway for that matter, that the world of myths is a world in which the difference between human beings and animals is not clearly defined (cf. Lévi-Strauss 1966). Consequently, we are moving across very familiar terrain. Following along the path of Donna Haraway, the premises from her 1985 essay The Cyborg Manifesto comprehend the definition of the mythic cyborg as comprising all those fantastic, hybrid bodies in myths, religion and folklore, as well as in the contemporary fantasy genre, who cross over the boundary between human and animal bodies. In that process, it is quite obvious that the anthropology of the science fantasy genre shows very clearly that only contemporary cyborgs - which are the outcome of hybrids between the human body and a machine - are not sufficient for the science fantasy genre. Rather one finds that the contemporary science fantasy genre also expresses increasing fascination with mythic cyborgs, that is to say, with mythic crossings or transgression of the bound- ary between the human and the animal, which then additionally brings the science fantasy genre closer to the fantasy genre. For example, we can recall that the blue-haired Na'vi in James Cameron's Avatar (2009) were confronted with that boundary crossing between the human and the animal; namely, with their long blue tails they were closer to Nature than the humans-colonisers, who were much closer to machines and/or contemporary cyborgs. We could say that Cameron depicts the conflict between Nature and Culture in Avatar on the basis of two types of cyborg - between the mechanical cyborg and the mythic cyborg, where, in addition to the contrast between Nature and Culture, one can also locate the ethical dichotomy between Good and Evil. James Cameron - and it seems to me that this makes his film Avatar specific - introduces a third cyborg type; in other words, Cameron transformed the mythic cyborg (an Avatar in Hinduism)1 into a mechanical cyborg, a mechanical avatar, thus increasing the threat of danger from the mechanical cyborg.2 Namely, only that particular avatar - a mechanical avatar enables full entry into the world of Nature, the world of the Na'vi.3 Here, one could possibly make a rough division of science fiction according to the type of cyborg.4 It would seem that the mechanical cyborg dominated 1940s and 1950s science fiction, whose main characteristic was the underscoring of the absolute domination of Homo sapiens over all other types of life. It was just that type of science fantasy work that extolled high technology and elevated human heroes in adventures through Space, the role of such hero being intended, of course, for a male of the Caucasian race of Anglo-American origins. During the 1950s and at the beginning of the 1960s, that anthropocentric and racist discourse was gradually abandoned when a new generation of writers stepped onto the scene; they were closer to the fantasy genre and harboured more doubts about the technical development of such a destructive civilisation and, unlike the case with the previous cyborg-machines, more was seen of mythic cyborgs who introduced a dimension of Nature. That change in the paradigm in science fantasy in favour of Nature came about because of awareness of the nuclear threat of the Cold War, the Cuban missile crisis, the war in Vietnam as well as other moral declines after World War II. We could mention here the novels by Ursula Le Guinn (for example, The Left Hand of Darkness [1969], The Word for World is Forest [1976]), which speak of the possible apocalyptic effects of that technology (cf. Dordevic 2006: 110).5 1 In connection with the ten avatars of the god Vishnu, it is worth noting that the first four avatars are, in fact, animals: the first avatar - Matsya or the fish-avatar, the second avatar - Kurma or the tortoise-avatar, the third avatar - Varaha or the boar-avatar, and the fourth avatar - Narasimha, or the half man and half lion avatar. 2 In a 2007 interview with Time magazine, Cameron was asked about the meaning of the term avatar, not in the Hindu meaning but in the context of his film, to which he replied, "It's an incarnation of one of the Hindu gods taking a flesh form. In this film what that means is that the human technology in the future is capable of injecting a human's intelligence into a remotely located body, a biological body" ("Themes in Avatar", http). 3 I shall be referring at the end of this article to the criticism of this film that identified there an alleged racist subtext, that can be roughly recounted as follows: "(...) the ethnic Na'vi, the film suggests, need the white man to save them because, as a less developed race, they lack the intelligence and fortitude to overcome their adversaries by themselves" (Heaven 2009). 4 I have, of course, compiled the very abstract division of science fantasy literature according to the cyborg type in keeping with the categorisation of American science fantasy literature into two thematic blocks: that of the 1940s and 1950s, on the one hand, and that of the 1950s and 1960s on the other, as proposed by Ivan Dordevic (Dordevic 2006: 109-110). 5 Briefly, since the theme of this article is not the theory of the genre, unlike the science fantasy genre, that genre is usually defined as a fiction genre that uses magic and the supernatural as essential elements of the plot, as shown, for example, by Tolkien's Lord of the Rings trilogy. Naturally enough, those two genres sometimes per- Fairies as mythic cyborgs In the framework of the stated topic, we shall be observing the female mythic creatures (moras, fairies and witches) as mythic cyborgs and shall try to establish the extent to which the fantasy literary and cinema genres drew upon the visual material of just those mythic cyborgs from the folklore of various peoples. For instance, it is known that one of the inspirations for the look of the Na'vi came from a dream that Cameron's mother had told him about ("Avatar, 2009 film", http). Jungians would say that the appearance of those blue mythic cyborgs came to Cameron's mother in a dream from the collective subconscious whose archetypes, in Jung's interpretation, are the foundations of all religions and beliefs. For that very reason, and because the mythic creatures I have mentioned (moras, fairies and witches) from Croatian oral legends are more familiar to me than similar mythic creatures in other cultures, and since the mythic creatures in all cultures largely comply with universal mythic patterns, we will seek out certain similarities between mythic creatures and mythic cyborgs in the fantasy genre. Firstly, we can consider the zoomorphic characteristics of fairies, who often have feet (hoofs) like donkeys, horses, goats and oxen in the Croatian folklore imaginary, thereby creating the iconographic paradox of the fairy's body. So the upper part of the fairy's body is characterised by wings - while the lower part of the body is marked by tellurian symbols - hoofed feet. In that way, the fairy's animal legs indicate their belonging to the World Beyond, to something demonic, if we use the word demonic in its primary meaning. Just as a reminder, it was only at the end of the Hellenistic period that the demon concept acquired the exclusive connotation of Evil (Russell 1982: 110). Through the opposition between the upper half of the body (the fairy as a golden-haired and winged girl) and the lower, sexual half of the body (that is characterised by hoofed feet), one can follow the folklore construct of the fairy as a bipolar, astral feminine phenomenon. Therefore, the fairy can be read off in that sense as a figure of the "internal woman" (that would be a positive aspect of the anima according to in-depth, analytical psychology), and the fairy as a "negative aspect" of "destructive illusion", which would denote the liberated eroticism of Nature. In any case, we recall that one of the significant meanings of the polysemantic word nymph also denotes "the small red labium (the pudenda) on the female sexual organ". Other meanings of the word nymph are as follows: 1. the companions of Artemis; 2. a beautiful girl; 3. larva, chrysalis, an insect's cocoon (Klaic 1985: 946). A nymph (The question is which one? The answer is: It depends - on whom is involved.) can cause nympholepsy, nympholeptic frenzy (a state of delight, exaltation, infatuation with fairy beauty) or nymphomania (a state of sexual insatiability).6 Therefore, let us pause at the interpretation of those fairy animal feet, which can be roughly categorised in three groups. Firstly, the interpretations that derive from the Christian sphere regard those fairy hoofs as a sign of demonic infection.7 The interpretatio christiana took care of course, as al- meate each other, so that some critics define Star Wars as belonging to the fantasy genre while other see it as science fiction. 6 On the frigidity of the nymph type cf. Medicinska enciklopedija [Encyclopaedia of Medicine] 8 (Pir-Shis), Zagreb: JLZ, 1963, p 676. 7 So in a case when fairies have only one hoofed foot, the interpretation that emerges from the Christian ideosphere brings fairies nearer to the iconography of a lame devil, a sign of demonic physical monstrosity. ways when the reduced, pagan, pre-Christian Other was in question, to demonise exaltedly the fairies' disappearance: namely, Croatian oral legends, obviously very much influenced by the Christian matrix, usually mention that at the moment when (Christian) processions were initiated was when the fairies left the scene, since they belonged to the pre-Christian substrate (MS IEF 171: 114). Further, or a second interpretation, there are construals, that read off that ostensible foot deformity among fairies as a remnant of pre-Christian, pagan imaginary phenomena, and/or as traces of totemism. We recall, for example, Egyptian deities who have animal characteristics and who can be regarded, in that sense, as mythic cyborgs and/or as deities of teriomorphic origins. We can also cite as an example that the goddess Demeter of Arcadia was shown with the head of a horse.8 And Artemis and her nymph companions should also be mentioned, as they figured as a counterpart to the Southern Slavic fairies. In her mythic biography, Artemis, who is designated as the "mistress of the animals" in the Iliad (potnia theron, XXI. 470) (Ginzburg 1991: 128), descends from a female bear, the teriomorphic deity of fertility, the female founder of the original matriarchal clans from whom she inherited the role of the protecting goddess of fertility and motherhood (Zivancevic 1963: 42).9 Otherwise, the female bear's solicitous nurturing of her progeny is proverbial in Greece (Ginzburg 1991: 128). Artemis as an "untameable virgin" is the contrary of Aphrodite while, uniting in symbolical meaning with Aphrodite, she exhibits the overall image of Femaleness, the wild goddess, Nature (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 22). Dwelling further on Artemis, she figures in oxymoronic fashion as both a virgin and as a goddess of Nature. A significant fact was mentioned by Desmond Morris, the culturolo-gist and zoologist, in the BBC's documentary series Human Sexuality; he pointed out that the Virgin Mary lived eight or nine kilometres away from the temple of Artemis in Ephe-sus after the crucifixion of her Son, and that she was also defined by Artemis' oxymoronic attribute (virginal motherhood). Apart from this point of contact on the archetypical map, it was at Ephesus that the Virgin Mary was proclaimed as the Mother of God in 431 (cf. Campbell 1975: 63).10 In his study Fuss- und Schuh-Symbolik und -Erotik [The Symbolics and Erotica of Feet and Shoes] (1909), the culturologist Aigremont claimed that a deity and demon who have animal feet figured in their origins as a deity or demon of fertility. Aigremont noted particularly that the goat-footed women originally figured as goddesses of fertility, and mentions the goat-footed figuration of a white woman - die weisse Frau (cf. Aigremont 1909: 21-22), which conjures up the iconography of Croatian fairies. Therefore, the individual interpretation of beliefs about fairies are identified as a remnant from the Thracian-Illyrian and Hellenic eras, as beliefs linked with the cult of Dionysus and the orgiasm of the Bacchae (Bassarides, Maenades), and with the cult of semi- 8 Cf. Pausanias's description (Pausanias VIII, 42; Elej Mountain in the Province of Phigalia and the Black Demetre Cave) of the wooden statue of Demeter in the Black Demetre cave in Phigalia, begins: "She was sitting on a rock and looked like a woman in every respect except for her head." 9 The idea of the she-bear as the protectress of "copulation and fertility" developed in the female bear mother cult (ursa/cultus matronalis) among the Mediterranean peoples of Antiquity (Zivancevic 1963: 62). Since she appears with her new-born cub from her lair in Spring after hibernation, the bear/she-bear symbolises resurrection/initiation (Cooper 1986: 103). 10 Within the mythem framework of virginal motherhood, we can recall the Croatian oral legends that note fairy birth through parthenogenesis as in, for example, the birth of fairies from particular grasses (cf. Nodilo 1981: 468; Marjanic 1998: 45). divine creatures, nymphs and sirens (cf. Tomicic, MS IEF 419; 1962-1963a: 15).11 Further, Zlatko Tomicic is of the opinion that the origins of folk imagination in the Croatian Imotski region that fairies have one donkey leg should be "sought in equal fashion as an explanation of the myths" of the donkey ears of the Phrygian King Midas or the goat ears of the Roman Emperor Trajan (ibid.: 15-16).12 There are still more mythic female personages who have problems with their legs. So Onoskelis (English meaning: "she with the ass's legs") has one donkey legs according to Lucian of Samostata's True History or True Story (2.46), while one of Empusa's leg was of bronze and the other of cow dung (Aristophanes, The Frogs, 294) (Devereux 1990: 131). It should be added that, in comparison with Aristophanes, Gilbert Durand spoke of Em-pusa, the phantom of nocturnal anxiety (nightmares), as having only one leg, that being the leg of a donkey (Durand 1991: 70). Nodilo's mythological-meteorological interpretation of fairies' feet We can focus here on the interpretation of Natko Nodilo (The Old Faith of Serbs and Croats, 1885-1890), the first scholar in Croatian philology to try to interpret the fairy feet characteristics. In so doing, Nodilo very resolutely negated the Christianised interpretation of those legends, and endeavoured to attribute those fairy mythic-leg "shortcomings" into deeper Indo-European archetypology and/or into the world of the Rigveda: "These hooves [horse hooves; op. S. M.] belong to them from ancient times" (Nodilo 1981: 485). In his efforts to interpret the meaning of the fairy animal feet - horse hooves in this case - Nodilo started out from Adalbert Kuhn's meteorological-mythological theory (Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Göttertranks, 1859) due to the fact that Adalbert Kuhn adhered to the poetic concept of the cloud as a galloping horse in his interpretation of the Rigveda, leading Nodilo to the following conclusion: What came and was left to our cloud-like fairy from that horse personage were the horse's hooves. From that same mythic impression, the people still think that the fairy loves to ride on horseback, and that she loves to ride on a stag. And in many of the Kajkavian stories, the fairy likes best to transform into a horse, which is referred to as 'the fairy horse'. (Nodilo 1981: 485; according to Valjavec 1858: the tale Decek imal vilinskoga konja [The Young Boy Had a Fairy Horse]). While Nodilo interpreted the fairies' legs with the help of the world of the Rigveda, he also interpreted the fairies' goat legs by the mythological-meteorological theory of Adalbert Kuhn, but in the context of the Indo-European thunder deities, one of whose host of attributes was actually the he-goat.13 Nodilo then concludes: 11 Slobodan Zecevic (1963:609) drew attention to the fact that fairies were known among all the Slavs, not only to those who settled in the Graeco-Thracian region, although the fact is that the Slavs who did settle there did have descriptions of fairies with foot-wise "shortcomings". 12 Zlatko Tomicic (1930-2008), a Croatian journalist, writer, publicist, publisher, poet, travel-writer, playwright, short story writer, essayist, novelist, author of visual art depictions and writer of articles (cf. "Zlatko Tomicic", http). 13 Namely, Nodilo gives numerous examples that show that almost all the Indo-Europeans connect the goat or the he-goat with the Thunder God: for example, the Germanic Thor's chariot is pulled by two he-goats; the Greek thunder god Zeus lined his shield with goat-skin, and he was wet-nursed by the goat Amaltea. Further, the Iranian Veretraghna is usually depicted with "the body of a fine belligerent he-goat with sharp hooves". On the basis of numerous further Indo-European examples in the Southern Slavic context, Nodilo finds the rem- According to that, goat legs among fairies merely show the force of lightning and thunder, when a black-clouded storm is whirling around. It follows that the fairy, even from her original genesis, receives stormy goat legs. The swift-footed celestial goat gives up part of its own lineament to the swift-footed fairy. (Nodilo 1981: 485). And while Nodilo interprets the fairy's horse hooves and goat feet with the aid of Adalbert Kuhn's meteorological-mythological theory, he believes that the fairy donkey feet legends are linked solely with the Makarska coastal region (in Croatia), which would be Pagania as Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (Porphyrogenitus) in his book De administrando imperio called this region, whose inhabitants Nodilo defines - again according to Porphyrogennetos - as the population that was the last to be baptised among the Croatians who had settled in these parts (cf. Nodilo 1981: 485, 476). He also adds that donkey's feet (probably because he had not managed to incorporate them into the storm myth) were a Christian infiltration that, naturally enough, led people to recoil from the fairies (Nodilo 1981: 476): This latter concerning donkey legs provides us with a hint that the coastal legends about fairies, even if preserved in the territory that remained pagan the longest, is not original in every respect. (Nodilo 1981: 476). Thus, incorporating the fairy's horse hooves into the Indo-European meteorological-stormy myth, Nodilo tries to prove that our Croatian fairies in comparison with (Greek) nymphs are inscribed in the more profound Indo-European matrix; so, while our fairies have goat legs, the Greek nymphs do not bear that animal attribute, rather they offer up the goat only as a sacrifice (Nodilo 1981: 488). To state it briefly - Nodilo identifies the Southern Slavic fairies as intermediates (between) the celestial Vedic Apsarases and the Greek nymphs, who (the nymphs) are not connected with celestial expanses but with mountain peaks (ibid.: 488).14 So, in comparison with the Greek meadow nymphs, the Southern Slavic fairies, as meteoric creatures linked with Perun, the Slavic God of Thunder, actually dwell in and on the clouds (fairies of the clouds)1 I am giving examples of a more recent instance of memory-imaginary about the fairy's donkey feet that I recorded in field research in Livno and Ljubuncic (Bosnia and Herzegovina) together with my colleagues Josko Caleta and Aaron Tate.16 nant of those he-goats of the thunder god in the tale of the he-goat skinned alive from Karadzic's collection of tales, and concludes that the he-goat skinned alive relates to the Thunder God in the Southern Slavic context. Along with numerous Indo-European examples, Nodilo deduces that the Indo-Europeans "caught sight of the lively, defiant he-goat and sometimes a ram in the wild interplay of clouds, lightning and thunder" (Nodilo 1981: 399-402). 14 When writing about the figuration of our Croatian fairies in a warrior and funereal role (a fairy "in a belligerent form"), Nodilo interprets her in the context of the Scandinavian Valkyrie (cf. Nodilo 1981: 494-496). 15 Compared with Kukuljevic's (1846/1851) categorisation of fairies according to their dwelling place (fairies of the air, fairies of the earth and fairies of water), Nodilo introduces a division according to the fairies' functions and activities (cloud fairy, mountain fairy and warrior fairy). 16 A legend about fairies' donkey legs was recounted by Mr Josip Gelo, the director of the Franciscan Museum and Gorica-Livno Gallery (cf. Caleta 2000). It was interesting to note that Mr Gelo when first narrating the memorata of his grandfather and in awakening his own memory of the folk fairy imaginary spoke of fairies' goat feet, which he corrected after recounting his memories, emphasising that donkey hooves were in question. In that process, regarding the part of the legend that spoke of the fairy being on the human's back (the actual word from the narrative), we can speak symbolically of a fairy that had taken over the (masculine) role of an incubus. I was 6 - 7 years old when my brother used to tell Grandfather that people had gone to the Moon and Grandfather would answer: 'Like hell they did, are you trying to make a fool of me?' But he did believe in the existence of fairies. The way he told it - fairies had donkey feet. He spoke of when a man met a fairy beside the road that he had to carry her. The fairy asked him: 'Is it hard for you?' He answered: 'Yes, it is', thinking that she would get down from his back. However, she became even heavier. The more he complained, the heavier she became. Another occurrence that Grandfather talked about: they threw some stones into a cave. And anyway someone answered. 'You'll break the pots! Don't throw stones!', the fairies from the cave called out. Their description was largely that they had donkey feet, but looked like girls. They lived in those caves. And the third interpretation, this is an opportunity to emphasise the interpretation of that fairy foot shortcoming as shamanic phenomenology. Namely, Carlo Ginzburg showed that the origins of a series of myths and fairy-tales along the lines of impediments in walking, from Oedipus and his swollen feet to Cinderella's lost glass slipper, are located in the same mythic nucleus that gives rise to ecstatic phenomena; thus, this is a matter of journeys into the World of the Dead (Ginzburg 1991:248).17 In other words, any departure from the symmetry of the human form opens the door to a disposition to step over the boundary and to establish contact with other worlds (cf. Cica 2002:45). So it is on that particular path that Carlo Ginzburg interprets Cinderella as a fairy-tale about a journey into the World of the Dead and/or as a fairy-tale that enters into shamanic phenomenology. In the context of shamanic phenomenology, we can add that the leg as the limb that enables walking is a symbol of social connection (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 433). This underscores that, with the characteristics of animal walking, the fairy lives on the alternative edge, the border of Humankind. In relation to Cinderella and her possible shamanic phenomenology as Ginzburg interprets it, we can add how Bruno Bettelheim pointed out that it was not by chance that the story of Cinderella was first written down in China during the 9th century (Bettelheim 1979: 259; cf. Ginzburg 1991: 247-248). In the context of the hindrance in walking referred to, and the method of objective amplification, the favoured method of the Jungians that can really be a blessing in this context, we can recall the Chinese custom of foot-binding that was practised in Mandarin society between the 6th and 8th year of a little girl's life. This practice was intended to lessen the length of the foot by one third of its normal size - producing the highly favoured 'Golden Lotus'; in that way "the aim was to make the Chinese women partly immobile so that they were fully dependent on men" (Morris 1988: 243-244). This was, in fact, a ritualisation of bodily disfigurement by which wives and concubines were tamed into the impossibility of sexual lapses from virtue. The culturologist Desmond Morris in the above-mentioned BBC documentary Human Sexuality informs us that such hoofs were erotically attractive to men, and that they "took the entire foot into their mouths and sucked on them lustfully. (...) In addition, they used to place the two feet together, while their curved form provided a pseudo-opening that could be used as a symbolic vagina" (ibid.: 244). Desmond Morris states literally that such mis- Or, in the words of Ginzburg: "Cindarella's monosandalism is a distinguishing sign of those who have visited the realm of the dead (the prince's palace)" (Ginzburg 1991: 243). shapen feet looked like hoofs since all the toes, with the exception of the big toe, were tied beneath the sole of the foot.18 According to some legends in certain parts of Croatia, fairies were naturally enough given quite ordinary, everyday, unsurprising women's legs and/or feet, and these were not, therefore, emphasised in the telling of tales as an interesting fairy (female) phenomena. In brief and in conclusion about the animal legs of fairies: the replacement of legs with the legs of animals indicates the twofold nature (the mixture of the human and the animal) of the fairy phenomena, in which, of course, the ideosphere of interpretation depends on the religious backdrop from which the search for meaning is induced. The Christian interpretation would see them as a demonic attribute while culturologists would incline towards culturological traces of totemism or even the shamanic matrix. Along this track, I would draw attention to Philippe Walter's interpretation and caution that Celtic mythology knows Bird goddesses, while the legendary Morgana, the (half)-sister of King Arthur was one of them. Philippe Walter further informs his readers that, of them, only female saints with goose-like feet among the Bird goddesses were preserved in the Middle Ages. Otherwise, the Church exiled them to cautious anonymity in that process and often underestimated the significance of those unusual saints with goose-like feet. Despite that, the Church introduced into its calendar one female saint with goose-like feet, who was called Neomaja or Neomoza, and was revered only from the 15th century. As a young woman she had been confronted with the problem of a forced marriage and had prayed for numinous energy to inflict her with an illness that would make her undesirable. So, as a sign of physical ugliness, God gave her a goose-like feet. What is paradoxical is the fact that those goose-like feet were a sign of her divine nature, by which she preserved the memory of the ancient Bird Goddess (cf. Gimbutas 1991), used again in that way in a specific manner (Walter 2006: 111-112). Figure 1: Guillermo del Toros film Pan's Labyrinth (2006): Ophelia and Pan Due to the link between the fairies of Croatian oral legends and the mythic cyborgs of the fantasy genre, in further relation to the fairy hybrid body I would mention Guillermo del Toro's film Pan's Labyrinth (2006), in which the goat-footed Faun reads off as a mythic cyborg. Naturally enough, since this is a Faun from the mythic repertoire of Antiquity, who announces himself to the little girl Ophelia in that fantasy film as a life-saving medium of entry into the world of fantasy, leaving behind the dark reality of Spain in the wartime year of 1944. In keeping with its connection with Nature, the hybrid monster, the Faun, presents itself to the little girl Ophelia in the following way: "I've had so many names. Old names that only the wind and the trees can pronounce. I am the mountain, the forest and the earth. I am... I am a faun. Your most humble servant, Your Highness." ' It is interesting to note that ballerinas in their "winged" ballet shoes evoke soft walking upon the Earth, the easiness (but not an "easy" woman) of the Chinese woman's body with her disfigured "hoofs". Moras and witches as mythic cyborgs After having briefly looked at the zoomorphic attributes of fairies in Croatian oral legends and compared those facts from the category of oral literature with the fantasy genre - or, more precisely, with Guillermo del Toro's film Pan's Labyrinth, which depicts the zoomorphic characteristics of the mythic cyborg, the Pan - we can turn to moras and witches in order to be able to form the triangle of female mythic creatures, made up of the mora, fairy and witch. It is interesting to note that the sacrament of marriage in Croatian oral legends is placed as the bordering determinant between the mora and witches; in other words, the mora is defined as a young girl; only when she marries does she as a mora transform into a witch, according to folklore beliefs (cf. Marjanic 2006).19 Certain characteristics of the mora and the witch can be defined within the concept of zoopsychonavigation, that is, navigation of the soul in animal form. In that process, we can differentiate three phenomena within the framework of zoopsychonavigation - zoome-tempsychosis, zoometamorphosis as well as witches'flights or flying on astral animal vehicles.20 Namely, by the term zoopsychonavigation (psychonavigation in animal form) I am denoting the separation of the soul from the body during the temporary death of supernatural individuals and mythic creatures, which can be referred to as catalepsy, or cataleptic trance. To begin with - zoometempsychoses - or the shape-shifting of the soul into an animal form, let's say an ordinary household fly, takes place in the lethargy experiences of supernatural individuals and mythic creatures, due to the fact that metempsychosis demands a transgression through death - a temporary death (Chevalier, Gheerbrant 1987: 401). Metempsychosis of moras and witches is usually marked by the emergence of a fly from the mouth of the sleeping person; it is in that form that the soul departs to undertake demonic action and after such actions, usually at night, the soul returns in the form of a fly back through the mouth of the sleeping person into the body where it dwells. The belief is that if those persons are turned around on the bed, that is, if the head is placed in the usual position of the feet, then the soul in its animal form, either as a fly or a moth, cannot find the point of entry into the body in which it dwells (cf. Marjanic 2006). Furthermore, as far as zoometamorphosis is concerned, the dominant classic belief about the witches' capability of transformation - largely into a toad - takes place so that she can steal her neighbour's milk, cause discord between a married couple, and the like (cf. Mencej 2006).21 Mirjam Mencej (2006) points to the study "Folk Medicine as Part of a Larg- 19 Eva Pocs mentions that many scholars consider that the mora is one of the most important predecessors of the European witch in the belief system (Pocs 1999: 46). 20 In a 2006 article, I interpreted zoopsychonavigation by witches in Croatian legends as a possible aspect of sha-manic techniques of ecstasy and trance, in the framework of which I named the term zoopsychonavigation as the border of permeation between shamanic ecstatic experience and the witches' experience of lethargy. Besides the concept (1) of zoopsychonavigation, there are also possible points of contact between witchcraft and shamanism established on the basis of (2) the mythem of shamanic and/or witches' mutual agon as well as on the basis of (3) the light-hypostasis of the witch's body which, in the context of Eliade's attribution of the shaman as "the Lord of Fire", can be linked with shamanism. As I pointed out in the introduction, in addition to those concepts I also established in that article possible points of contact between witchcraft and shamanism on the basis of (4) the distinctive birth (birth in a cowl), (5) the axis mundi concept - the mythic geography of a mountain and a tree (parallelism between the shamanic tree and the witch's fairy tree) and (6) the use of hallucinatory plants. It is in that sense that this article continues on from that article in 2006. 21 For the linguistic connections between toads and witches, cf. Pizza 2006: 1123. Namely, Giovanni Pizza finds this information in an article by Hugh Plomteux "Le crapaud, magie et maleficie: A propos de quelques er Concept Complex" (Arc, 43, 1987) by Bente Gullveig Alver and Torunn Selberg, who set the difference between metamorphosis (when a human being metamorphoses into an animal as, for example, in the case of, for example, werewolf) and the phenomenon that is characteristic of witches, the separation of the soul from the body which, after demonic activity, returns to the body. In such zoopsychonavigations - we would say that these are a matter of metempsychosis - it is possible to see such persons in two places at once (bilocation); in her normal appearance also in the form of the soul that she obtained during demonic activities, for example, some other person or even an animal (largely as a cat, rabbit, toad, or as a large black bird), but also in abstract forms (as mist, light, or steam). Mirjam Mencej (2006) compares those psychonavigational abilities with shamanic elements just as Zmago Smitek (1998) recognised such elements in kresnik or krsnik constructs. In other words, while I denote the concept of zoometempsychosis as a transgression of the soul into animal form, I denote the zoometamorphosis notion as transgression of the physical appearance into animal form. True enough, in shamanism, the transformation is largely understood in the spiritual, soul-like mode; however, as well as belief in such transformation of the soul, there is equal belief in the physical transformation (cf. Tuczay 2006: 40). Regarding witches' zoometa-morphosis in Croatian oral legends, these are legends about sorcerers up in the clouds in bird-like guise - eagles and ravens that bring severe weather and hail (Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 148).22 Thus, the mythem about mutual battles between shamans can be compared with the battles between witches and warlocks in which the witches and the warlocks battle among themselves, largely in the clouds, and usually fly in the guise of a raven, with some defending their village, while the other group attacks it (cf. Marjanic 2006). I am signifying riding or flight on animals, animal vehicles - as the third type of zoopsychonavigation23 - this being mainly on the back of a he-goat, she-goat or horse. This involves witches floating on animals, and is related to the anatomy or iconography of the Woman-Animal. An incubus riding on males is also included here, this being common to both fairies and witches, since fairies and witches choose the best mounts, that is, men (Marjanic 2004, 2006).24 That magical riding on animals in which witches and fairies take over the role of an incubus in their iconography is similar to witches riding on brooms because, in the original versions of those magical flights, it was usually mentioned that the brush of the broom was in front of the demo-flyer while in contemporary versions, for ex- zoonymes italiens" [Toads, magic and spells: about some Italian zoonyms], published in the journal Revue de linguistique romane (No. 29, 1965). Or, as noted by Giovanni Pizza: "In German dialects, for example, Hexe signifies both 'toad' and 'witch', and in many Italian dialects, the toad is defined as strega, 'witch', or fata, 'fairy'. The Spanish bruja, 'witch', the old French brusche, and the Sardinian bruscia all derive from the Vulgar Latin bruscu" (Pizza 2006: 1123). Among others, Pizza shows that the toad figures as the animal most frequently linked with the zoometemamorphosis of witches. 22 Maja Boskovic-Stulli differentiates three types of witch transformation into animals: when she flies in the clouds (the motif is similar to that in the legend "They Shot Into the Tempest", which states that the army, shooting at a sudden storm, killed an old woman who - as she said in her dying agony - was supposed to destroy vineyards with hailstorms [cf. Marjanic 2006: 175]); when they fight among themselves (e.g. in the form of ravens) or with krsniks; or when their souls depart the body, assuming animal form (Boskovic-Stulli 1991:151). I have noted this latter mode of transformation as zoometempsychosis and separated it from earlier differentiations of zoometamorphosis. 23 For more details on zoometempsychoses among witches, for example, transformation into a fly, a cat or a moth, as well as zoometamorphoses and riding (flight) on animals (teriomorphic vehicles - such as he-goats, goats and horses), cf. Marjanic 2006. 24 For instance, Christa Tuczay and Eva Pocs point out that riding on a human being in animal form is one of the most typical motifs of witch legends (Tuczay 2006: 41; Pocs 1999: 79). ample, in the Hollywood cinematic imaginings about Harry Potter, the broom's brush was behind the rider. Of course, strictly speaking, the Harry Potter films are not the product of Hollywood imaginings, although they were distributed by Warner Brothers. For example, Kevin Carlyon, high-priest of the British White Witches coven, strongly criticised the Hollywood film imagining of the broom in the 2002 documentary, Discovering the Real World of Harry Potter (Atlantic Productions). He saw their presentation as inauthentic, since wood engravings from the 16th century show the broom's brush in front of its levitating rider, either male or female (Davis 2001). So in Goya's visual art imagining of witches' flight, The Fine Teacher!, one finds two naked and fluttering long-haired witches on one broom, with the brush triangle facing forward, while an aged witch is there in the role of the leader of astral navigation. True enough, the information is not identical in the visual history of witchcraft, so that we see in the key encyclopaedia on witchcraft that it is the so-called "Hollywood" type of illustration of flight on a broom that is the earliest preserved illustration of witches' astral flight, in the Parisian manuscript of the poem Defender of Ladies (Le Champion de Dames, 1440-1442) by Martin Le Franc. It was published in 1485 and is one of the earliest works to take a position on the defence side of accused and processed witches (Zika 2006: 1087).25 This manuscript depicts two witches: and while one is in carefree flight on a cane, the other is implementing astral flight on a broom, with the brush triangle behind her. It is obvious that two iconographic depictions of flight on a witch's broom (with respect to the position of the unclean brush in front of or behind the demo-flyer) varied in iconographic depictions. In other words, although some will definitely see the broom as a remnant of the shamanic hobby horse (in cases in which the astral brush is iconographically shown in front of the demo-flyer), others for their part will transpose the broom into an aerodynamic phallomorphic applicator. In other words, in that erotic reading off of the broom's symbolisation, they unify the broom by its structure with the male principle - the phallic symbol of the handle upon which the witch rides-flies - and the female principle of the triangular (delta-shaped) top, thus presenting the opposition between the clean (phallic handle in her hand) and the unclean and dangerous (female triangle of the broom that sweeps) (Radenkovic 1996: 150-151).26 25 Martin Le Franc (1410-1461), one of the most influential poets of the 15th century French language. The Paris manuscript of his poem contains two illustrations on the margin about women-witches, which is the first such illustration in the visual history of witchcraft (Kors, Peters 2001: 167). 26 In a 2006 article, I interpreted the witches' astral broom as an iconographic instrument of witch demo-technique, through its three isomorphs: (1) the witch's broom as a isomorphism of the shamanic horse cane with a handle in the form of a horse's head, which the Buryat shaman uses in ecstatic dances, and which, in any case, he calls his horse; (2) the isomorphism of the phallomorphic applicator that was lubricated with salves containing atropine; (3) the revolutionary corrective - in material and spiritual symbolism of the apotropaic averting of the activity of the mora, with the instruction that the broom should be turned upside down behind the door in that process. Furthermore, I also showed in that article that besides the fact that Croatian witches - or perhaps one should say, witches from Croatia - rode on brooms, they could also achieve psychonavigations on other psychonavigational vehicles. So a shaft and, for instance, a spindle that are included in the technique of spinning and weaving, connect the witches with the gods of fate (weaving); agricultural tools such as bramble forks and billhooks place the witches in the context of the vegetation cycle cult; a mortar, a churn give her the role of provider; while the iron hearth poker connects the role of the witch with the cult of the hearth as the spiritual centre of the house where the witch/old woman, as the guardian of the holy fire practises pagan (peasant, village) religion/magic, because traditional witchcraft related to the cult of vegetation and fertility of livestock. Figure 2: Martin Le Franc: Defender of Ladies (1440-1442, MS) (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) Figure 3: Francisco de Goya: The Fine Teacher! (Capricho 68, 1797-1798) Zoopsychonavigation - in any mode whatsoever, such as zoometempsychosis, zoometamorpho-sis or even as astral flights/riding on animal vehicles (which also comprehend witches as fairy incubi riding on men) - are experiences that have been noted everywhere geographically. As far as riding on astral animal vehicles is concerned, we have the example of Kama (Kâmadeva), the Vedic deity of love, who is often shown iconographically as a young man riding on a parrot as his astral vehicle, and then there is Tlazolteotl, the agrarian deity of pre-Colombian Mexico, who is shown with a cone-shaped hat, sitting on a broom (Hughes 1975: 50). Apart from that, ancient Indian texts also describe flying vehicles. In the Rigveda descriptions are given of propellants for astral navigation; however, it is awkward that individual words for fluid mixtures can no longer be translated today (Daniken 2000: 129). The strength of these beliefs in animal souls possessed by human beings is shown by the fact that Mexican Na-gualism - belief in the animal soul possessed by humans - has outlived the Christian missions in those regions, as well as the colonial period and several revolutions. The Roman Catholic Church there went so far as to remove evangelical symbols (the bull, eagle, lion) from the façades of their churches in order to prevent the adoration of those ostensibly animal souls (nagual - an animal soul, an alter ego), which the Mexicans believed were more powerful representatives of those saints, the evangelists, than their human appearance (Behringer 2004: 19). It is evident that the zoopsy-chonavigation that we have observed among moras and witches in Croatian oral legends is also to be seen in Chris Weitz's film The Golden Compass (2007), which is based on the novel Northern Lights (1995) by Philip Pullman, where the animal dœmons possess the ca- Figure 4: Harry Potter: aerodynamic iconography of the astral broom with the brush behind the "demoflyer" pability of zoopsychonavigation - psychonavigation in animal form. In the novel Northern Lights (1995) by Philip Pullman, every person, every human being possesses a dwmon, a physical manifestation of the soul in animal form, which can change that shape, but only in the case of children - that is, up until puberty. Namely, that animal dsmon then becomes constant; it is then that the child's dsmon takes on the animal form that it will retain until the end of life. So the ds-mon of little girl Lyre - Pantalaimon - can manifest itself as a threefold animal: as an ermine, a moth or as a mouse. In brief, children's dwmons are changeable, because such is the character of a child. Or, as the director of the film himself explained: Once you become an adult your daemon settles. It's a physiological process by which the daemon becomes what you are inside. Someone really grand, and bold, and adventurous like Lord Asriel [played by Daniel Craig] has a snow leopard for a daemon. Someone more shy and retiring might have a mouse for a daemon, and someone who is used to obeying could have a cocker spaniel for a daemon. ("The Golden Compass", http) Otherwise, the film The Golden Compass (2007) was accompanied by an interesting Internet campaign. A personality test of sorts can be solved on its official web-pages. After you have answered twenty questions, you will know who your dsmon is - the magical animal that accompanies you everywhere and represents your soul.27 The film also made waves in the media since it was based on the novel Northern Lights by Philip Pullman, who is a declared atheist.28 The director, Chris Weitz, admitted that he had softened the anti-religious and anti-Christian topic and changed the ending, because he did not want to offend believers in the audience ("Zlatni kompas", http). Or perhaps this was merely a matter of compromise with the producers? As we mentioned at the outset, Cameron's film Avatar and/or the official Avatarize Yourself Generator also allows you to upload your picture and get Avatarised for free. You can also choose between different Pandora-staged backgrounds, and even change your gender.29 Figure 5: Kama (Kamadeva) in astral flight on his parrot (Storm 2003:130) And to conclude: Two features of the mythic cyborgs - that is, animal characteristics on the human body that we observed among fairies, and zoopsychonavigation, that is, navigation of 27 Cf. http://newline.com/properties/goldencompassthe.html 28 The novel Northern Lights is the first story in Pullman's His Dark Materials trilogy. 29 Cf. http://reface.me/profile-pictures/avatarize-yourself/ Figure 6: Golden Compass: Pan in ermine form30 the soul in animal form - are equally present in the fantasy genre. This could indicate that the fantasy genre perhaps serves one particular group of readers as contemporary mythology, by which those readers are able to flee from the ruling repression and depression, since the fantasy genre opens up space for mythic cyborgs, which incline to the Nature category rather than the machine category. Although there are predictions that a large part of the world will already be dominated by robots by the year 2040. This fear of the mechanical cyborg was evident, for example, in James Cameron's Avatar, where the human beings-colonisers almost succeed in destroying the planet Pandora unified with technology (e.g. Slash-Cutter, SA-2 Samson Tiltroto, AT-Gunship). In the process, Avatar introduces a third cyborg type - the avatar - who came about by the use of genetic engineering and highly advanced technology, while the creature in question has the form of the aborigines of the Na'vi tribe that inhabits the planet Pandora.31 The assignment of that mythic-mechanical cyborg, who is a hybrid between animal-human nature (as the members of the Na'vi tribe are) and highly developed technology (a case, as we pointed out at the beginning of this article, of transfer of a mythic cyborg from the Hindu religious system into a mechanical cyborg), to convince the natives of Pandora to abandon the Holy Tree that stands above the deposits of the priceless unobtanium, a highly valuable mineral found on Pandora, the mineral that the Man-Coloniser wants to get his hands on at any price. Namely, the human beings seek Pandora's unobtanium in order to solve an energy crisis on Earth; literally, they need it in order to survive. Thus, avatar is the term for the genetically engineered body that looks like the bodies of the member of the Na'vi tribe on the planet Pandora, run by a human mind from a distance, from a laboratory (cf. Mucko 2010: 14-15). Briefly, the avatar, controlled by a former marine who is confined to a wheel-chair, at first carries out his assignment like an obedient individual in American colonialism, but then he falls in love with a native princess and understands that people (Americans, that is, white males of Anglo-American origin) are evil, according to the dualistic order, while the natives of Pandora are good. And then he makes the ethical choice: as an avatar he turns against his species, which is actually what Nikolaidis gives as the central ideological message of the film Avatar (cf. Nikolaidis 2010: 143). So, the white coloniser (Jake Sully - the paraplegic war veteran) becomes the native Messiah and revolutionary leader in the struggle against militant-corporative im- 30 Photographs taken from the web-page: http://media.movies.ign.com/686/686290/img_5063697.html 31 The Na'vi term for avatar is Uniltirantokx, that is, a "Dreamwalkerbody" (Wilhelm, Mathison 2010:148). perialism (Mucko 2010: 14-15). Nikolaidis, while reading off that New-Age-Eco-Activist film in its anti-capitalist and anti-colonial dimension (Nikolaidis 2010: 138-139), nonetheless concludes that Cameron's anti-colonial story contains a host of colonial clichés, and one of them is the cliché that shows that the coloniser who possesses capabilities that the native do not, imposes himself as their leader and heads up their battle for freedom. Furthermore, Nikolaidis draws the following conclusion about the colonial clichés in the film Avatar: "That becomes the standard of Hollywood films that take a 'critical' stance against America's colonial past - see Dances with Wolves and The Last Samurai" (Nikolaidis 2010: 139). It is interesting that Eisa Nefertari Ulen, from the perspective of her Afro-American identity, feels that Avatar profoundly represents the anti-Bush doctrine- or, as she writes emotionally after her own experience on viewing the film - "(...) every fibre in my African-American soul wanted to chant, shriek, I am Na'vi. But I couldn't. I know deep down (actually, I know this pretty close to the surface) I am not one of the super-cool, all-love, blue-black aliens." The author underscores that Avatar definitely does not belong to the neo-Tarzan genre of films along the liens of Dances With Wolves to The Last Samurai (Ulen, http)32 - thus, just the opposite of Nikolaidis. Still, like Nikolaidis, Slavoj Žižek finds similarity with the film Dance with Wolves, or as he comments: "The Utopia imagined in Avatar follows the Hollywood formula for producing a couple - the long tradition of a resigned white hero who has to go among the savages to find a proper sexual partner (just recall Dances With Wolves)" (Žižek 2010). For their part, some authors see Cameron's contribution to the Hollywood stereotypical representation as distinctive and/or identify a minor but significant detail in the constitution of wildness: in other words, the Na'vi have animal tails, and according to those interpretations, the tail is "a sign of ultimate exotisation, while it is simultaneously an act of animalisation of the wild man", that is, of those colonised aliens (Mucko 2010: 14-15).33 For my part, as I pointed out at the beginning, I have concentrated in this paper on the anti-capitalist and anti-colonial dimension of Cameron's film, in which the animalisation referred to can be read off as that very dimension of a return to Nature, an encounter between species, as a negation of speciesism and/or seeing those human-animal cyborgs as a cross-over of species of sorts - in fact, as trans-speciesism. And to remain further in the New-Age-Eco-Activist of the film Avatar: the Na'vi are a very intelligent race of humanoids living in a Neolithic social community (Wilhelm, Mathison 2010: 4), who have developed a complex culture based on the profound spiritual connectedness of all creatures and a deity they call Eywa (ibid.: 27). In keeping with that, the Na'vi are masters 32 Cf. her web-page http://www.eisaulen.com/ 33 In that sense, criticism goes on to observe that Cameron's Na'vi are aliens implemented "as an attempt towards universal representation of certain abstract, although very Earthly, tribal communities", as an universalistic portrait of Hollywood's exotic Other, while the visual identity of the Na'vi prompts racial associations: "Slim and tall with long plaits like Kenyan and Tanzanian Maasai warriors, they ride on horses and fight with bows and arrows like Native Americans, their bodies are ornamented with white horizontal lines like the bodies of Australian Aborigines, their ear-rings are similar to the jewellery of North American, African, and Indian tribes...". Apart from that, individual critics note further how that "kitchy portrait" was contributed to by several anthropologists: namely, it is known that Nancy Lutkehaus from the University of Southern California collaborated with the film choreographer, who conceived individual ritual scenes in keeping with her knowledge of the culture of the people of Papua New Guinea, while the linguist Paul Frommer from the same university, who invented the language of the Na'vi, is otherwise an expert in Hebrew, Persian (Farsi), Malayan and Mandarin Chinese. Furthermore, the Na'vi characters themselves were also brought to life by "exotic" actors, Afro-Americans and a Native American female (Mucko 2010: 14-15). of a series of skills that celebrate the connectedness of everything in Nature through story-telling, song, dance and handicrafts (ibid.: 27) Their long braided hair serves to connect them with animals who are important for protection of the clan; so, with that braided hair (a neuron plait or a neuron whip), they can connect with the Direhorse and the Mountain Banshee. All of this shows that the Na'vi experience themselves as an inseparable part of Nature (ibid.: 29, 72). It is in that sense that Eisa Nefertari Ulen identified perfectly the symbolics of the former marine paraplegic as a paralysed Earthling (Ulen, http). That is, of course, in relation to the paralysed ethics of the majority of Figure 7: Afemale mem- us towards other creatures of Nature, where we show ourselves to be ber of he Navi tribe the ultimate speciesists. So the fantasy genre, and here we have concentrated on only three films - Pan's Labyrinth, Golden Compass and Avatar - perhaps also manifests itself as a fictional subversion of sorts of all the programmes of the Holy Trinity of neo-liberal capitalism which is made of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (cf. Šimleša 2006; Marjanic 2008).34 Translated by Nina H. Antoljak References cited Aigremont. 1909. Fuss- und Schuh-Symbolik und -Erotik. Folkloristische und sexual-wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen. Leipzig: Deutsche Verlags - Aktien - Gesselschaft. "Avatar, 2009 film". (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avatar_(2009_film)#Themes_and_in-spirations). Barrionuevo, Alexei. 2010. Tribes of Amazon Find an Ally Out of 'Avatar'. New York Times, (http://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/11/world/americas/11brazil.html?_r=1). Behringer, Wilhelm. 2007 (2004). Witches and Witch-Hunts. A Global History. Cambridge: Polity. Bettelheim, Bruno. 1979. Značenje bajki. Beograd: Prosveta. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja. 1991. Pjesme, priče, fantastika. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, Zavod za istraživanje folklora. Campbell, Joseph. 1975. The Masks of God: Primitive Mythology. New York: The Viking Press. Chevalier, Jean, Alain Gheerbrant. 1987. Rječnik simbola. Mitovi, sni, običaji, geste, oblici, likovi, boje, brojevi. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske. Cooper, Jean Campbell. 1986. Ilustrovana enciklopedija tradicionalnih simbola. Beograd: Prosveta, Nolit. 34 In that sense, as far as the interpretation of the fantasy genre given above is concerned, as a specific subversion of neo-liberal capitalism, I incline more to the interpretations of Cameron's Avatar that stem from eco-criticism, eco-politics, eco-feminism, and eco-philosophy. It is true though that quite contrary interpretations which see colonial clichés in that film also identify certain problematic sore spots in the film. 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Ein Beitrag zur Vergleichenden Mythologie der Indogermanen. Berlin: Ferd. Dümmler's Verlagsbuchhandlung. Kukuljevic Sakcinski, Ivan. 1851. Bajoslovlje i crkva 1. Vile. Arkiv za povjestnicu jugosla-vensku I:86-104. Lévi-Strauss, Claude. 1966. Divlja misao. Beograd: Nolit. Marjanic, Suzana. 1998. Telurni simbolizam konavoskih vila. Zapisi vilinskih pripovijeda-ka Katine Casilari u Bogišicevoj cavtatskoj rukopisnoj zbirci usmenih pripovijeda-ka. Dubrovnik 1:44-65. Marjanic, Suzana. 2004. Životinjsko u vilinskom. In: Izmedu roda i naroda: etnološke i folklorističke studije. (eds. Renata Jambrešic Kirin, Tea Škokic). Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Centar za ženske studije, Biblioteka Nova etnografija, pp. 231-256. Marjanic, Suzana. 2006. Witches' zoopsychonavigations and the astral broom in the worlds of Croatian legends as (possible) aspects of shamanistic techniques of ecstasy (and trance). Studia mythologica Slavica 9:169-202. Marjanic, Suzana. 2008. On the Subject of the Utopian Demand for Global Protest Against Geocide. Journal for Faith, Spirituality and Social Change Volume 1, Issue 2, 2008 (http://www.fsscconference.org.uk/journal/1-2.htm). Mencej, Mirjam. 2006. Coprnice su me nosile. Raziskava vaškega čarovništva v vzhodni Sloveniji na prelomu tisočletja Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo. Morris, Desmond. 1988. Govor tijela: priručnik o ljudskoj vrsti. Zagreb: August Cesarec. MS IEF (manuscript, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Zagreb) 171 Boškovic-Stulli, Maja. 1954. Narodnepjesme, običaji, priče, predaje i drugo iz Konavala. Mucko, Bojan. 2010. Nije važno jesi li bijel ili plav. Zarez: dvotjednik za kulturna i društvena zbivanja, No. 297-298, pp. 14-15. Nikolaidis, Andrej. 2010. Homo Sucker: poetika apokalipse. Zagreb: Algoritam. Nodilo, Natko. 1981. Stara vjera Srba i Hrvata (Religija Srba i Hrvata, na glavnoj osnovi pjesama, priča i govora narodnog). Split: Logos. Pauzanija. 1989. Vodič po Heladi. Split: Logos. Pizza, Giovanni. Toads. 2006. In: Encyclopedia of Witchcraft. The Western Tradition, Vol. 4 (ed. Richard M. Golden). Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford: ABC-CLIO, pp. 11231125. Pocs, Eva. 1999. Between the Living and the Dead. A Perspective on Witches and Seers in the Early Modern Age. Budapest: Central European University Press. Radenkovic, Ljubinko. 1996. Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena. Beograd: Prosveta. Russell, Jeffrey Barton. 1982. Mit o davolu. Beograd: Jugoslavija [etc.]. Storm, Rachel. 2002. Enciklopedija: mitologija Istoka. Rijeka: Leo-commerce. Šimleša, Dražen. 2006. Četvrti svjetski rat: globalni napad na život./ Drugačiji svijet je mo-guč:priče iz našeg dvorišta. Zagreb: Što čitaš? Šmitek, Zmago. 1998. Kresnik: An Attempt at a Mythological Reconstruction. Studia mythologica Slavica 1:93-118. "Themes in Avatar". (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avatar_(2009_film)#Themes_and_in-spirations). Tomičic, Zlatko. 1962-1963. (MS IEF 419; manuscript, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Zagreb). Folklorna grada Imotske krajine. Tomičic, Zlatko. 1962-1963a. (MS IEF 419; manuscript, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Research, Zagreb). Komentari "Folklorne grade Imotske krajine". Tuczay, Christa. 2006. Animals; Flight of Witches. In: Encyclopedia of Witchcraft. The Western Tradition, Vol. 1, 2 (ed. Richard M. Golden). Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford: ABC-CLIO, pp. 40-42, 379-382. Ulen, Eisa Nefertari. We're Not the Na'vis: The True Ecology of Avatar. (http://www.thede-fendersonline.com/2010/03/09/we%E2%80%99re-not-the-na%E2%80%99vis-the-true-ecology-of-avatar/). Valjavec, Matija Kračmanov. 1858. Narodne pripovjedke skupio u i oko Varaždina Matija Kračmanov Valjavec. Varaždin: Štampao Josip pl. Platzer. Walter, Philippe. 2006. Krščanska mitologija: svetkovine, obredi i mitovi srednjega vijeka. Zagreb: Scarabeus-naklada. Wilhelm, Maria, Dirk Mathison. 2010. Avatar. Povjerljivi izvještaj o biološkoj i društvenoj povijesti Pandore. Zagreb: Algoritam. Zečevic, Slobodan. 1963. Južnoslavenski mitski folklor u očima stranaca i Slovena. Narodno stvaralaštvo 8: 602-609. Zika, Charles. 2006. Sticks. In: Encyclopedia of Witchcraft. The Western Tradition, Vol. 3 (ed. Richard M. Golden). Santa Barbara, Denver, Oxford: ABC-CLIO, pp. 1086-1087. "Zlatko Tomičic". (http://hr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zlatko_Tomi%C4%8Di%C4%87). "Zlatni kompas". (http://www.filmski.net/filmovi/3799). Živančevic, Vladimir. 1963. Volos - Veles, slovensko božanstvo teriomorfnog porekla. Glasnik Etnografskog muzeja 26: 33-66. Žižek, Slavoj. 2010. Return of the natives. (http://www.newstatesman.com/film/2010/03/ avatar-reality-love-couple-sex). Mitski kiborzi hrvatskih usmenih predaja i fantasy žanr Suzana Marjanic U okviru navedene teme istražujemo poveznice izmedu animalnih i nadnaravnih ženskih (mora - vila - vještica) fenomena u hrvatskim usmenim predajama. Naime, odredene se osobine mora i vještica mogu odrediti pojmom zoopsihonavigacija, dakle, navigacijom duše u životinjskom obličju, a pritom u okviru zoopsihonavigacije možemo razlikovati tri njezina fenomena - zoometempsihoze, zoometamorfoze kao i vještičja jahanja, odnosno letove na astralnim životinjskim vozilima. Nadalje, u okviru navedene teme razmatramo i zoomorfne osobine vila koje u hrvatskom pučkom imaginariju često imaju magarece, konjske, kozje ili volovske noge (kopita/papke), čime se ostvaruje ikonografski paradoks vilinskoga tijela - gornja polovica tijela: ornitomorfno (krila i okrilje) i donja polovica tijela: telurno (kopita/papci). Navedene se činjenice iz kategorije usmene književnosti usporeduju s fantasy žanrom - npr. filmom Panov labirint (Pan's Labyrinth) (2006) Guillerma del Tora, gdje je riječ o zoomorfnim osobinama mitskoga kiborga - Pana/Fauna, kao i filmom Zlatni kompas (The Golden Compass) (2007) Chrisa Weitza, odnosno romanom Polarno svjetlo (Northern Lights) (1995) Philipa Pullmana, gdje animalni dwmoni (preslike) posjeduju osobinu zoo-psihonavigacije - psihonavigaciju u animalnom obličju. Ukratko, nastojimo istražiti transfer animalnih osobina mitskih bica i nadnaravnih osoba kao mitskih kiborga (Donna J. Haraway, Cyborg Manifesto: Science, Technology, and Socialist-Feminism in the Late Twentieth Century, 1985) iz klasičnih mitova i usmenih predaja u fantasy žanr. Doubles Game: Orko & Macic Versus Golem & Homunculus Ivan Lozica This short tennis analogy is the author's attempt at revision and theoretical elaboration of the earlier paper on two imaginary beings of Croatian folklore. Broadening the scope and introducing comparison with similar literary characters and demons of learned culture might help us to better understand the contemporary role of belief narratives in remythologization processes within popular culture. Domestic team: Orko and Macic The imperial tranquillity and serenity of social sciences and humanities belongs to the past centuries. Even my own, seemingly recent paper on the orko and macic belongs to the end of the last millennium (Lozica 1995). The paper is a review of the records and data about orko and macic, two attractive imaginary beings of Croatian folklore. Orko (the monster) and macic (the villain) both belong to the ancient layer of oral tradition. They were very popular up to recently in oral narration, but nowadays the general public is not so familiar with them. It may be that their non-Slavic origin kept them away from the body of the Croatian written literature. The study has been inspired by the exhaustive and detailed footnotes on those mythical beings in the works of M. Boskovic-Stulli. A selection of texts has been added (from manuscript collections and from printed books, dictionaries and magazines) in order to illustrate the character of the two demons. The bibliography at the end of the article contains the indicators to help in locating them within the vast field of dispersed sources. But who are orko and macic? The two controversial mythical beings from oral legends and belief narratives are charged with strong literary capacities and properties. That is my main argument for treating them as demons. Can we be sure about their number? Are there only two demons? Are they demons at all? In oral tradition and written records they appear under diverse (though similar) names, their appearance can vary in shape and size, sometimes within the same narration. The imaginary beings of belief narratives can be compared with the demons of learned culture only conditionally, cum grano salis. Those beings are not Christian or pre-Christian demons. The term demon derives from Antiquity, but acquires negative connotations in Christianity. The Christian demons are evil spirits originating from the rebellious angels. Orko and macic are not good or bad; their ethically ambivalent character is closer to the pre-Christian understanding of demons - though it might not necessarily be the result of their supposed pre-Christian origin. It seems that they are both beyond good and evil. Macic is friendlier - he often helps humans to find money and protects them against peril. However, they both scare people and both can kill. Orko and macic are folk demons, demons from the folklore realm. They are living in Christianity for centuries, they have been Christianized a long time ago. That explains their contaminations with the devil and why macic (or tintilin) often serves as a ghost of the unbaptized child. Macic, macic, macvalic, macmolic, mamalic, masmalic, malik, tintilin and others usually look like pert children, boys who wear red hats or caps and like fried food - but can also appear as various animals or jumping flames, and can be hatched from a cock's egg warmed under one's arm. They hide horses or cattle over night and bring them back in the morning, milked or tired out. As early as the 4th century, St. Hilarius of Poitiers asserted that demons entered the bodies of humans to use them as if they were theirs, and also proposed that the same could happen with animals. The latter can also be said about the orko, who appears mostly at night as a small but fast-growing or flying dangerous donkey - although he can sometimes take the body of a mule, dog, goat kid, mouse or black sheep. The orko likes to be ridden. To ride an orko is a pleasant relaxation at first, but if the rider falls asleep he can wake up at a distant and unexpected location: on top of a tree, on a bell-tower, somewhere high in the mountains, near a puddle or elsewhere. If the traveler knows how to force him, the orko can return to the initial spot - but only before the first cockcrows. The formation of an orko is seldom explained in narratives. According to some reports, an orko can originate from garbage or grow out of a hen manure dunghill that has not been dug over for seven years. The orko is often associated with sweepings, refuse, stench, bad odour, excrements and farting. The capability for sudden growth is somehow connected with the orko's other appearance as a nocturnal giant standing astride over the road - an enormous humanlike (or more or less shapeless or headless) dark figure, a murderous personification of darkness. The orko might be a distant echo of Orcus, ancient Etruscan (and Roman) god of the underworld. Orcus was chiefly worshipped in the countryside and survived as a folk figure into the Middle Ages. His name came to be used for diverse European demons. The Italian orco and the French ogre are exactly the same sort of monster found in fairytales that feeds on human flesh - and they are both in relation with the medieval mythical figure of the wild man (Bernheimer 1979). If we are to believe Bernd Dieter Insam and Maja Boskovic-Stulli, the term orko (with its numerous variants) covers diverse motifs and properties in correlation. The comparative research indicates that those are not separate and completely diverse mythical beings hidden under the same name -the orko should be understood as a unique figure with fluid character (Insam 1974:86; Boskovic-Stulli 1975:144). Still, the approach to classification is a matter of choice. To avoid uncritical generalization, we can as well treat the variants as separate, but similar mythical beings. If the allopersonages (Ivanov & Toporov 1974:6) are varied, otherwise named personages who function as signs for the same structural element, then diverse variants of orko can be isopersonages: personages with the same or a similar name who simultaneously function as tokens for diverse elements or semantic levels of structure (Lozica 2008:1024). The diversity of Croatian variants might well justify such an approach: flying donkeys, shapeless or humanlike giants, inflating goatskins, werewolves, vampires, cypresses and oaks may share the name of orko, but they can easily be treated as separate nocturnal beings. On the other hand, if we take into account the close physical and dimensional resemblance of the alpine orko and Croatian macic, it may be difficult not to treat them as allopersonages of the same villain dressed in red. From that point of view there is only the orko, and macic is just one of his many appearances or transformations. Guest team: Golem and Homunculus When writing about the orko and macic fifteen years ago, my main idea had been to stop the ethnic cleansing of the two non-Slavic imaginary beings in wartime Croatia. The resulting article is a reminder of the neglected, ignored so-called "lower" creatures of mythic legends. Those creatures are alive in the folklore process, they appear as personages in everyday narratives and thus differ essentially from dead pagan gods, but the academic priorities of mythological scholarship in transition nevertheless leave them in the shadow of the (re)construction of the Proto-Slavic holy family. State borders and national identities should not stop supernatural demons - but demons are mental creatures and they need mortals (our bodies and souls) for cohabitation in the human world. Therefore linguistic barriers and political preferences can have an impact on demons, and I am glad if I have helped both orko and macic in this respect - namely in their demonic transfer from oral Croatia to written Europe. However, the realm of written communication differs from the realm of oral tradition. It is more internationally competitive - even for demons. To make a long story short, on the playground of written culture orko and macic will confront golem and homunculus, the two famous imaginary beings, two "man-made humans" from kabbalah and alchemy. The golem is most widely known in Jewish tradition as an artificial creature created by magic. The word golem can be found in the Bible, in Psalm 139; it means "unformed", the state of matter before it is given form by the Creator - the prima materia of the alchemists. The popular idea of the golem in literature and film is associated with the legends surrounding the famous Rabbi Loew of Prague and had its start in the 1890s. The golem is often used as a kind of artificial slave or worker, similar to the modern robot or android, but the monster always gets out of hand. In many versions he behaves like an orko: he continues to grow and grow and becomes too big for the magician to handle. The homunculus might also be of kabbalistic origin, though there is no proof for that assumption. However, the term refers specifically to the alchemic concept of a miniature though fully formed human body. Paracelsus defines homunculi as "artificially made human beings, generated from the sperm without the assistance of the female organism (black magic)" (Hartmann 1896: 36). All four players in our doubles game do have a lot in common: under certain circumstances they can be produced artificially. Orko can originate from garbage or grow out of a hen manure dunghill which has not been dug over for seven years; macic can be hatched from a cock's or black hen's egg warmed under one's arm; golem is made of clay or soil, moulded by virtue of a magic act, through the use of holy names; according to Paracelsus, homunculus can be made if the sperm, enclosed in a hermetically sealed glass, is buried in horse manure for forty days, and then properly magnetized and artificially fed with the arcanum sanguinis hominis until it is about forty weeks old. Of course, there are other methods for making the artificial humans (from mandrake root, or by galvanic machinery), but those creatures are not real homunculi. All four players can be used to help people: golem can defend the weak, homuncu-lus can be educated and trained in diverse fields like any other child, orko can be used for transport and macic can bring us money. Gershom Scholem points out that the golem always lacks some essential feature. In some versions he cannot speak, in others he lacks intelligence or some other positive human quality (Scholem 1965). In all golem stories he is strong, but less than fully human. In fact, the truth is that none of the four players are perfect. Why is that so? The idea that mortal humans can share in the creative power of God is considered blasphemous and betrays either the hubris of humanity or the work of the devil. The unbearable virtual reality of the playground Tradition is a continuing (historical and ongoing) process of multi-level interpretation of repetitive procedures and symbols in the human community, rather than an inherited collection of indisputable facts, spiritual values and material objects. Not so long ago there were two more or less separate playgrounds: the oral tradition and the written culture. Today the playground is only one, and it includes the interactive cyberspace. In the recent popular culture Orko is a fictional character from the Masters of the Universe franchise and we can meet him even in video games. He appears for the first time in the 1980s Filmation animated series He-Man and the Masters of the Universe and in the 2002 remake of the series. Orko is a Trollan, he wears red robes and he is never without his red hat... in another words, he looks just like an alpine orko or levitating macic from the Croatian belief narratives. Trolla is a world in another dimension. It is not Tyrol in the west of Austria - but who knows... It becomes more and more tedious to follow the interaction of the processes of tradition and retraditionalization in the formation of multiple aspects of the cultural identity. The tennis analogy serves here as a framework for theoretical elaboration. Orko and macic - the two imaginary beings from the Croatian (and Mediterranean) oral tradition - do share many resemblances and mutual differences with the golem and homunculus. The latter two originate from kabbalah and alchemy, and thus - according to enlightened modernist classifications - inevitably belong to literary fiction. Nowadays, the literary net is fading under the postmodern pressure of interdisciplinary globalization, and its height cannot be measured: the pairs are blending into a common mythical playground. The idea of the free market aspires to become the new materialist deity, and it renounces the very existence of spirituality - even within the human brain. Religion, mythology, art and literature are oversimplified to ideology. The imaginary beings (both in literature and in belief narratives) cease to be the relevant subject in the humanities, and they have to make room for real humans - narrators and their social context. On the other hand, the arrogant anthropologization of our studies bears no proportion to the spontaneous remythologization in society. Who are the real, pure humans, is still an open question. The otherness is still within us, and the deprived imaginary beings can strike back. They can use the anthro-pocentric hubris of neoliberalism and return as superior "man-made humans". A "new singularity" (Kurzweil 2005) might transcend human biology by combining the three important technologies of the 21st century: genetics, nanotechnology, and robotics (including artificial intelligence). References cited Bernheimer, Richard 1979. Wild men in the Middle Ages. New York: Octagon books. Boskovic-Stulli, Maja 1975. "Usmene pripovijetke i predaje s otoka Braca". Narodna umjetnost 11/12,5-159. Hartmann, Franz 1896 The life of Paracelsus. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co, Ltd. Insam, Bernd Dieter 1974. Der Ork. Studien zu einer alpinen Wort - und Erzählgestalt. München: Wilhelm Fink Verlag. Ivanov, Vjaceslav V.; Toporov, Vladimir N. 1974. Issledovanija v oblasti slavjanskih drev- nostej / leksiceskie i frazeologiceskie voprosy rekonstrukcii tekstov. Moskva: Nauka. Kurzweil, Ray 2005. The Singularity is Near: When Humans Transcend Biology. Penguin Group (USA). Lozica, Ivan 1995. "Dva demona, orko i macic". Narodna umjetnost 32/2, 11-63. Lozica, Ivan 2008. "Towards the Other Mythology - The Offspring of Darkness: Jocasta' s Daughters and Granddaughters". Collegium Antropologicum 32/4, 1023-1033. Scholem, Gershom 1965. "The Idea of the Golem". In: On the Kabbalah and its Symbolism. New York: Schocken, 158-204. Igra parova: Orko i Macic protiv Golema i Homunculusa Ivan Lozica Analogija igre parova u tenisu ovdje služi kao okvir za teorijsku razradu. Orko i macic - dva imaginarna biča u hrvatskoj (i mediteranskoj) usmenoj tradiciji - odlikuju se snažnim književnim nabojem i svojstvima, ali ih samo uvjetno možemo usporedi-vati s demonima učene kulture. To nisu krščanski ili pretkrščanski demoni. Ipak, orko i macic iz usmenih predaja te golem i homunculus iz kabalističkih i alkemijskih teksto-va dijele mnoge sličnosti i uzajamne razlike. Opreka usmenosti i pisanosti blijedi pod postmodernim naletom interdisciplinarne globalizacije. Usmene predaje i vjerovanja marginalizirani su koliko i književna fikcija: ideja slobode tržišta nameče se kao novo materijalističko božanstvo, negirajuči i samo postojanje duhovnosti. Religija, mitologija, umjetnost i književnost pojednostavljeno se tumače kao puka ideologija. S druge strane, arogantna antropologizacija naših struka u suprotnosti je sa spontanom remitologizaci-jom u društvu. Drugost je još u nama i obespravljena imaginarna biča mogu iskoristiti antropocentričnu samouvjerenost neoliberalizma. Mogu nam se vratiti kao nadmočni umjetni ljudi, nastali kombinacijom triju važnih tehnologija dvadesetprvog stolječa: genetike, nanotehnologije i robotike, kombinacijom koja uključuje i stvaranje umjetne inteligencije. What is "Real" in Believing in Supernatural Beings? The Informant's Cut Luka Šešo Recent field research into traditional beliefs in supernatural beings (werewolves, fairies, witches, and moras) among the inhabitants of the Dalmatian hinterland has shown that such beliefs are still present within certain groups. This fact opens up a possibility of asking present-day informants different kinds of questions, not often asked in folkloristic and ethnological research conducted in these regions. First and foremost, these refer to the question of what the informants themselves think about believing in supernatural beings, why people believe in them and talk about them. Thus in this paper there will be no talk about the nature, doings and names of supernatural beings or narrative forms they occupy, but about the notions and explanations of the very informants. Through informants' own interpretations and additional data about them were gathered on the basis of a modified questionnaire we will be able to better understand the reality of the informant's relationship toward believing in supernatural beings. There are not many subjects coming out of ethnological and anthropological field research that are as delicate and raising as many questions and dilemmas as the belief in anything that has to do with the supernatural. While researching the beliefs in supernatural beings, we intrude on the quite intimate worldview of the holders of these values. To enter such an intimate and closed system, we need special skills, knowledge and techniques, but, more importantly, we also need the help of those who created and who hold such beliefs. Anthropologists generally consider that the beliefs are propositions about the relations among things to which those who believe have made some kind of commitment for practical or emotional reasons (Goodenough 1990: 597). Such conceptions of belief typically have two elements: "propositionality" (a mental state of conviction in which a doctrine or proposition concerning one's world-view is affirmed as true as opposed to false) and an assumption that such a "prepositional" relationship to tradition is an "interior-ized" one because of its reference to mental states (Tooker 1992: 808). Precisely because of the "interior-ized" mental states which are "prepositional" in beliefs, in this research I was not interested only in collecting a large body of data concerning the appearance, names and doings of supernatural beings, but I wanted to hear the interpretations of the very informants who are the holders of those traditions. Therefore, this paper is based on my field research conducted in the Dalmatian hinterland. In past several years I contacted 42 informants from almost every part of the region including the Bukovica region, Ravni Kotari, Zagora, Sinjska and Imotska counties. Hence, for the purpose of the research I developed a questionnaire containing questions that could be asked about the appearance, origin, activities and protection from supernatural beings such as werewolves, witches, fairies and moras. In addition, I added questions relating to the informant's history, i.e. his/her education, migration, religious and national belonging, questions about the position of a village, its level of isolation and geographical environment, as well as all those parameters that could be helpful in the research of the informants' contexts. Additionally, one of the main questions, or intentions, was to find out what the informants thought of the focal issue of my research, i.e. what the informants thought about the existence of supernatural beings. By using these questions my intention was to get the informants to shift from the recounting of data and stories about supernatural beings based on traditional beliefs and to inspire them instead to question the meaning of these stories for themselves and to interpret them individually. Therefore, encouraged by the thought that we should broaden our viewpoints with the ideas of interlocutors classified as non-academics (Briggs 2008: 102), I was particularly interested in the thinking and explanations of the very informants. Before we engage in further discussion of the informants' viewpoint let us briefly look at some basic features of supernatural beings that can be found in the beliefs of informants in this region. The most frequent being that every informant mentioned is a witch. The person the community would call a witch is stereotyped as an old, ugly, blind (having strange eyes) and unattractive woman, i.e. the one whose appearance deviates from commonly accepted norms. Besides physical appearance, the significant indicator for calling someone a witch is the person's character, social reputation and marital status. Therefore, whores, promiscuous, widowed and unmarried women are considered witches as well. It is believed that a witch can kill persons and domestic animals or make them ill, mostly using her "evil eye". She causes storms and hail, destroys crops and can transform into an animal, usually black or nocturnal. A mora has similar abilities as the witch, but the main difference is that the mora is described as a young woman who becomes a witch after marriage. She is mostly seen as a black cat that sucks its victim's breasts during the sleep/night. Men usually turn into werewolves. The respect for social norms is also highlighted in their case, therefore, it is believed that liars, thieves, cheaters, non-baptized, aggressive and extremely evil men will turn into werewolves after death. They rise from the grave as the undead in the form of boneless skin filled with blood; they attack the villagers (mostly neighbors and family) and can kill domestic animals and persons while fighting with them. Finally, the informants from the Dalmatian hinterland often mentioned beliefs in fairies describing them as beautiful young women with animal legs (goat's, cow's, donkey's). They emphasize their character, which is usually good but can also be evil or ambivalent. The most important thing about them is that fairies have supernatural powers, which they can use to help good people or to punish the evil ones.1 At the end of the interview, after they described supernatural beings in the manner just shown, I asked each of my informants the following question: What do you think about the existence of supernatural beings? Their views and explanations can be classified into several groups. The first group consists of those who did not offer any concrete explanations or express their opinion. Therefore, seven informants said that they did not believe in super- 1 For a detailed description of the appearance and abilities of supernatural beings from Croatian and South Slavic traditional beliefs cf. eg: Dordevic: 1953, Vukanovic: 1989, Seso: 2007. natural beings, but that they did know that some older people in the past had believed in them. They were not willing to discuss this topic further and concluded that they could not help me anymore. They justified themselves by having no time and being in a hurry and suggested that I should go to another village where there were more old people who might know something about this. Often they really did give names of people living in other villages, mostly older, who could tell me more about the beliefs in supernatural beings. However, it must be said that after my question, the conversation with almost all of the informants from this group ended and thus it is impossible to conclude with certainty what is their attitude towards supernatural beings. After the question was asked, some of the informants started showing a lack of trust towards the researcher who wanted to get to the bottom of such delicate themes as supernatural beings, while others considered the explanation of such phenomena not worthy of discussion and, although they might have known something or even quite a lot about the issue, they saw no point in further discussion about it. The largest number of informants (15) forms the next group. They described the appearance of supernatural beings, told about how they come into being, what they do, how to defend oneself from them, what their names are, they told stories about supernatural events, etc. The repertoire which the informants from this group offered seems as if copied from hundred years old descriptions of beliefs that can be found in Zbornik za narodni život i običaje2 or from the legends that were collected in the same area by Maja Boškovic-Stulli a couple of decades ago (cf. Boškovic-Stulli 1967/1968: 392-408). The discourse of narration very much resembled the repertoire, i.e. the informants most often said that they had met such creatures or that some supernatural manifestation had taken place before one of their neighbors, relatives or acquaintances and the informants often gave exact names and locations where those occurrences took place. However, they always emphasized that this happened in some "previous times" and added a refrain "whether this is true or not, I don't know". When asked what they thought about the existence of supernatural beings, they always distanced themselves and replied that they personally did not believe in supernatural beings, but they emphasized that there are elements of truth in this that they cannot explain. The usual sentences that we find in their answers are: Ipersonally never believed in such things, but, still, there is something real about it. (Ivan).3 There is some sort of a force that has control over these people. Everything that has a name should exist. (Josip). As can be seen, the informants would seldom determinedly say that all of these were "just stories", and were more likely to say: There are people who still believe in this, but I never believed in any of these things (Pave) or Only women and older folk still believe in 2 Zbornik za narodni život i običaje is the first Croatian ethnological publication with its first volume published in 1896. 3 The names in brackets are the first names of my informants. The full names, transcripts and other information are stored in the archives of the Institute of Ethnology at the Croatian Academy of Arts and Sciences in Zagreb under the signature NZ 195. this (Nikola), thus creating the impression that the existence of supernatural beings is in fact true. At that, their gesticulation, the expression of their faces and other non-verbal segments would add to the suspense and credibility of their story, and frequently they would switch their narration from the third to the first person and suddenly the mora that attacked their friend would become the mora that the informant once met in his or her sleep. If we analyze the refrains the informants used and if we take into consideration the verbal components and the emotional tension, we can conclude that these are not semiotic but apophantic testimonies in which the informants leave the possibility that they do not necessarily speak the truth. Such examples in which the informants claim that it was they who saw a fairy, that a mora "harassed" them or that there "is something there", have a narrative function of creating suspense, intrigue, excitement and are a constitutive element of the genre of mythic tales. Here the listener has the impression that the narrator believes in the delivered content. Also they often use names of real persons who experienced such things, they list localities and dates (Rudan 206: 96). The retelling of someone else's encounters with the supernatural often turns into the first person narration in order to give a more exciting tone to the story (Boskovic-Stulli 1991: 190). In the third group, 4 informants stated that they did not believe in the existence of supernatural beings, but that they believed that people used to amuse themselves with stories of such (imagined) beings in the moments of boredom. The usual answers to my question were: All of this was invented, all those stories about the dead, of them rising. Come winter, they'd get bored, so they'd gather and tell these foolish stories. (Marta). When we would sit around in a house, stories would be told. Some were listened to, others not. Some knew how to tell a story better, they knew how to invent things. (Nikola). These stories were told around a fireplace. It was important not to spend too much wood, so everyone would gather at one house. People who never moved anywhere, they scared people and would get drunk. (Mare). As can be seen, even some of the more recent testimonies about the circumstances in which such stories were told showed that in the past the stories about supernatural beings served as a form of entertainment, especially in winter, when people did not have much work. People gathered for company or to save firewood. But, as Boskovic-Stulli observes, such circumstances, in which the stories were told in the above-described manner, had almost disappeared already at the time of her own research (1950s and 1960s) because of the migration and changes in the way of life (Boskovic-Stulli 1967-68: 311-312). Today the informants covered by this field research also emphasize that those stories were more frequent in the past, while today they do not exist. However, even though the way of life, that is, the social and economic changes that took place in the last fifty years, have considerably changed the circumstances in which the stories were told, they still in a certain form exist even today. During my field research I had no opportunity to participate in evening sit-togethers, corn shucking and similar gatherings where the members of the community covered by my research talked about supernatural beings, but during my interviews I actually managed to create such situations and raised curiosity with many inhabitants wherever I conducted my interviews. While interviewing some individuals, it often happened that someone "dropped in" or that the neighbor saw me sitting in front of the house with my informant and decided to join us at the table and share his/her story. Also, occasionally some older people from the village were called to come to the house where the interview was taking place in order to participate in it by revealing some of their knowledge about supernatural beings. This led to spontaneous situations in which more inhabitants took part in the interview, such as the situations mentioned by Boskovic-Stulli. Perhaps it should be pointed out that at the given moment probably any other topic would provoke curiosity with the villagers who are eager for amusement, socializing and exchanging stories. However, it is significant to notice that almost every "guest" knew something or quite a lot about supernatural beings, often got involved in the narration and in this way contributed to the already-mentioned suspense, drama or mysticism of the stories. So, telling stories about supernatural beings still has or, if induced from the outside, it can have the function of socialization and amusement. Even though various social changes led to the disappearance of fundamental predispositions that in the past stimulated people to gather and tell stories, it is still possible to create situations that take the contours of the previous conditions and in which the stories of supernatural beings play the role of amusement and socialization which is often emphasized by the informants themselves. In the fourth group we have 4 informants who emphasized that now they no longer believed in supernatural beings, but that they used to believe in them when they were children and that now they believed those stories used to play an important role in the children's up-bringing. A werewolf, that's a devil used to scare the children. If they misbehaved, a werewolf would come and take them away. (Miho). The elderly made up the stories. The children were scared of these stories. Witches, fairies and werewolves... (Andrija). On Carnival days, our father would not let us out; he would say: "Tonight we do not open the doors, every freak and every witch is out." (Mara). They used fairies to scare children. Fairies were beautiful and nice, but people were afraid as fairies were made out of beautiful girls. (Anka). The informants' explanations tell us how the things worked some fifty years ago when they were children. But what is the situation today? Today in the Dalmatian hinterland, unfortunately, we cannot find children sitting around the table listening to their elders' stories. The first reason is, of course, the demographic picture, which is showing the region's population decline, that is, the number of children born is decreasing, and the villages are mostly populated by the older population. The children who are born in the region attend schools in larger towns and cities nearby; they often live in student homes because schools in their villages have long closed due to as insufficient number of pupils. Although in the field I was unable to find any children whom I could ask about super- natural beings, many informants were willing to share experiences from their childhood. Back then at the gatherings the older people of the village also told stories whose intention was, as some informants said, to scare the children. It is thus evident that the stories about supernatural beings provoked fear and intimidation with children, but also with the older people of the village. Such results are in accordance with Lauri Honko's thesis according to which the function of the stories about supernatural beings was to create fear and dread from supernatural beings so that they could function, that is, fulfill their social function as guardians of norms (Honko 1962: 118). The only question is whether such stories were told on purpose in order to educate children and enforce social norms on them through the topic of supernatural beings? According to Marijana Hamersak, the stories told at evening gatherings and other situations were not directed exclusively towards children, but the children happened to hear them (Hamersak 2009: 246). I partially agree with Hamersak and think that the stories filled with authenticity, drama and suspense served to occupy and "teach", but also to amuse all of the participants who, by the way, all held these stories to be somewhat true. However, I also believe that the storytellers were additionally motivated if the children were present during their telling. In those cases, the storytellers most likely chose more frightening examples in order to provoke fear and intimidation in the children. It can be assumed that after such stories children did not leave their homes at night, did not walk in the woods alone, they did not avoid church services, in other words, they tried to behave in accordance with certain social norms in order to avoid an encounter with a supernatural being. Thus these stories were for the good measure intended for the children, and the motivation behind them was to educate the children, to impose certain social norms on them, and to provoke fear that in case the imposed norms were broken the supernatural beings would be called upon those who broke them. The fifth group consists of several informants who explained that the beliefs in supernatural beings are caused by external material factors such as hard physical work, harsh weather conditions and alcohol: After working the whole day in the field, the people would get tired, and in the evening they would see different things because of the hard work. (Imelda). These nightmares might be the result of the pressure in the body, some pressure, when it is hot. (Marko). Those who got drunk saw the werewolves. (Pave). As we can see from the examples above, the informants' answers to my questions on the belief in supernatural beings were rather short and the informants refrained from giving lengthy comments. However, we now come to two extremely interesting explanations of the existence of supernatural beings, whereby the informants tried to give a detailed explanation of these beings' existence. This explanation was accompanied by a strong rationalization of the issue. Both explanations were initially given by the informant named Milorad from Bukovica, but in later interviews some other informants expressed similar views. Milorad explained the belief in supernatural beings as a psychophysical disorder, which is the result of difficult life conditions. He emphasized that he had observed people and their behavior for years and that he came to the conclusion that werewolves, fairies and other beings always appeared, or were mentioned, after difficult situations in life such as war, drought, hunger, or death. After such events, people are prone to believe that supernatural beings are responsible for their hardships. People encounter them at the precise moment or immediately after some accident happens and start believing that these supernatural beings are responsible for these events. After a catastrophe of some kind, such beings are seen in the whirlwind, in the humming of leaves, in a black cat, sheets being dried outside during the night. So the people are prone to believe that a werewolf has awakened, that fairies are walking through the woods and that moras or witches are walking through the village. Then I asked Milorad why he thought people were likely to connect the appearance of supernatural beings to catastrophes and other similar events. Milorad answered that such events often rendered people psychologically instable and prone to believe in unusual things: People start talking about these things when they get into debt or some other evil befalls them, such as this war that brought misfortune to us all. Then we find ourselves in a specific situation, which makes us nervous, suspicious, and we cannot find a normal answer for why something is happening to us. When this war happened, I started seeing a black cat - a mora. It was jumping on me in sleep, making me unable to move. I didn't know if it were a dream or if it were for real. I knew that it couldn't be, but I couldn't get rid of the feeling that it was for real. (Milorad). Based on the conversation with Milorad, it is clear that the people from this region are inclined to see supernatural beings during unusual situations that are hard to accept. As he said, in such situations they see what they are familiar with, i.e. traditional supernatural beings that are by definition able to cause troubles. Similarly, the supernatural beings almost always appear during or after an event as an answer and an unambiguous sign of something inexplicable, something difficult to comprehend and therefore supernatural. While Milorad's first explanation addresses the connection between the appearance of supernatural beings and difficult life situations, his second explanation sheds light on the background of the whole issue. This second explanation, which is actually an addition to the first one, is expressed in one sentence: Looking back, every time supernatural beings were mentioned, they were misused for some evil doing. (Milorad). Hence, we have a second explanation according to which the belief in supernatural beings "exists" so that it can be (illegally) exploited for someone's material benefit. According to Milorad, supernatural beings were used by particular individuals to scare other people and gain material benefit. The mechanism of using supernatural beings for the purpose of intimidation functioned in such a manner that villains and thieves [...] would find mentally ill individuals and influence them to spread the stories. After 1945 they walked at night in chains inciting the mentally ill to start the rumors. (Milorad) The thieves' goal was to start the avalanche in the whole village by intimidating psychologically unstable people. By spreading the story, according to which fairies and werewolves are walking through the village among the inhabitants, fear would spread among the people and keep them locked in their houses at night. Thieves would use this situation to steal from barns and warehouses without fear that anyone would come and check the suspicious sounds. Hence, it seems that one of the explanations for the existence of supernatural beings is their use for criminal purposes such as robberies and thefts. Another informant from Bukovica discussed the type of resourceful tricks thieves used in order to additionally frighten people and make them believe in supernatural beings. During the entire interview, this informant argued that werewolves were invented precisely for the purpose of stealing and robbing people from the village. Werewolves are invented. It was done by professional thieves to frighten people, so that they could steal during night as ghosts. They made the dolls and figures people saw themselves, using rags, sheets, quilts. To seem more real, they lit candles. Back then it was not allowed to walk through the graveyard or the narrow streets. Thieves were the people from that village. (Ivan). The informant from the neighboring region of Ravni Kotari agreed with this last informant. He claimed that a nearby hill had always been the subject of various stories about witches and that these stories were used by thieves to frighten people. The elderly invented the stories that witches dance on Vrcevo Hill. It was like this. There was no electricity in the village and people could easily be frightened. Some villagers would frighten others so as to steal sheep and goats. When a person died in the village, they told others they saw him resurrect. While the bell rang the Holy Mary, everybody stayed at home, and they stole. There is a tower on Vrcevo hill, one could drive a car on the walls. They would say they had seen a light, while in reality they carried torches and the thieves frightened the people. I looked after sheep at nights and collected grass for oxen. If there were any witches, I would have seen them and they would have taken me. (Mladen). A similar explanation was offered by the informant from Dalmatinska Zagora who said: Let me tell you one thing. At first, they said werewolf. Listen: there was no work, and there were many people. There was no place where people could earn a living. There was no work, no factories, nothing. The factory was sold, you couldn't get a job anywhere. And then people would dress in black or white, go behind the graveyard, in the woods, on the road, and scare you. And then people could go nowhere and then they would steal around the village. They would steal sheep or hams or... I know what. And, that's why there were werewolves. (Jakov) The answer of Janja from Bukovica shortly summarizes the problem: All that was invented, so that some could steal. (Janja). Emphasizing the abuse of the belief in supernatural being for dishonest purposes and the search for psychophysical causes for such beliefs are characteristic of the informants we mostly find in Bukovica and the nearby Ravni Kotari. The fact that the informants belong to this region can help us better understand why they show particular inclination toward such strong rationalizations. Namely, unlike other areas covered by the research, this region was strongly hit by the Croatian War of Independence. The mixed population (Croats and Serbs standing on opposite sides) that inhabited Bukovica almost completely escaped or was forced to leave. During the war the inhabitants lived in larger urban centers such as Biograd, Zagreb or Zadar (when the Croats are in question) or in Belgrade, Novi Sad and Subotica (as far as the Serbs are concerned). After the war, one part of the population returned to Bukovica and today the returning Croats and Serbs live there under the motto of peaceful coexistence. This new, complex ethno-political situation in Bukovica left a mark on the inhabitants' position towards beliefs in supernatural beings. In their testimonies the informants now often use strong self-censorship, which is most evident in the way they end their sentences - this no longer exists, that's all foolishness or only ill people believed in that - as well as in the informants' reservation towards the testimonies they give. In this way the informants refrain themselves from saying anything that would compromise their status of peaceful returnees. Such a position towards the problem of believing in supernatural beings in Bukovica can primarily be explained by the informants' fear from the "intellectual" elite walking about the village and writing down everything that is said. French ethnologist Jeanne Favert-Saada noticed this same position while researching the belief in witches in rural France where people believed that the researchers of traditional beliefs (folklorists and ethnologists) often considered the holders of such beliefs backward and primitive and thus the informants were in "no hurry" to reveal their beliefs so as not to be considered backward (1980: 4). Thus the informants in their testimonies often used self-censorship or rationalized the problem so as not to be brought into connection with such "backward" beliefs. However, when Bukovica is in question, such a position towards believing in supernatural beings is even more prominent because the informants not only do not want to be considered backward or primitive, but, more importantly, they do not want to be considered backward or primitive Croats or Serbs. Similarly, the Bukovica informants strive to demystify traditional beliefs in supernatural beings because, unlike the informants from other regions covered by the research, they do not have a strong feeling of group or local belonging4 because of the recent war in which the local population was in conflict with each other. Thus the negation, rationalization and self-censorship of traditional beliefs in supernatural beings that were shared among the population before the war5 comes out of the (until recently warring) groups' need to make a distinction between each other. In other words, the Bukovica informants have the need to deconstruct their shared memories and thus their negation, self-censorship and rationalization of such traditions is understandable. Finally, it is worth mentioning that all of the informants covered by the research during the Croatian War of Independence spent a longer period of time in larger urban centers in which they came face to face with rational explanations of "back- 4 More about the relationship between the belief in supernatural beings and group affiliation cf. Seso 2010. 5 Older literature and data dealing with the beliefs in supernatural beings in Bukovica shows almost no difference in beliefs between Croats and Serbs (cf. eg. Ardalic, 1899, 1917). ward" beliefs cherished by the older people from their villages. The confirmation of this came from the informant Milorad who told me that during his exile in Belgrade he had read Erich von Daniken and Carlos Castaneda and realized that the supernatural beings from old people's stories were actually foolishness. Accordingly, it can be assumed that the traditional beliefs in supernatural beings in Bukovica are additionally deconstructed and directed at rapid decline due to the storytellers' mass departure to larger urban centers during the Croatian War of Independence, where they acquired detachment from such "backward" beliefs. Conclusion By looking at the answers the informants gave to the question of what they themselves thought about supernatural beings, we can conclude that, according to the informants, the belief in supernatural beings was increasing during or immediately after situations of social hardships and catastrophes. Such hardships primarily refer to wars, outbreaks, natural disasters and economic crises. During and immediately after such events, two groups of people appear. The first group is comprised of those who have become psychologically instable and are inclined to believe in the existence of supernatural beings, which somehow represent either the answer to the hardship or a sign, a climax of that hardship. The second group is simply trying to use this situation for their material profit. In the situation of complete chaos of a village or an individual, the members of the second group reach out to supernatural beings from traditional beliefs, which are strongly rooted in the consciousness of the inhabitants of the Dalmatian hinterland. Reproducing various values and symbols ascribed to supernatural beings by traditional beliefs, a group of profiteers wittily uses them, hence managing to manipulate other inhabitants. However, if we look at the explanations given by some other informants, we can immediately notice that supernatural beings are always mentioned as a tool for the realization of certain goals. They are used as objects of entertainment and socialization, for the purpose of the construction and maintenance of social norms, i.e. the upbringing of children, as an excuse for various hardships of life, drunkenness, etc. In all these segments of human life, supernatural beings with their characteristics, values and symbols provide support. They help us in the world that surrounds us and poses many more questions and creates more obstacles than it provides answers and offers support. One has to find these on one's, sometimes with the support of supernatural beings, or as my last informant said: Whatever a person believes, it helps him. (Jakov). Bibliography Ardalic, Vladimir. 1899. "Bukovica. Narodni život i običaji". Zbornik za narodni život i običaje 4/1: 113-126. Ardalic, Vladimir. 1917. "Vještica i vila. (Bukovica u Dalmaciji)". Zbornik za narodni život i običaje 22: 302-311. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja. 1967/68. "Narodne pripovjetke i predaje Sinjske krajine". Narodna umjetnost. Hrvatski časopis za etnologiju i folkloristiku 5/6: 303-432. Boškovic- Stulli, Maja. 1991. Pjesme, priče, fantastika. Zagreb. Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, Zavod za istraživanje folklora. Briggs, Charles L. 2008. "Disciplining Folkloristics". Journal of Folklore Research 45/1: 91-105. Dordevic, Tihomir R. 1953. "Veštica i vila u našem narodnom verovanju i predanju. Vampir i druga bica u našem narodnom verovanju i predanju". Srpski etnografski zbornik 66: 5-255. Favret-Saada, Jeanne. 1980. Witchcraft in the Bocage. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Goodenough, Ward E. 1990. "Evolution of the Human Capacity for Beliefs". American Anthropologist 92/3: 597-612. Hameršak, Marijana. 2009. "Usmenost za djecu u hrvatskoj etnologiji i folkloristici". Studia Ethnologica Croatia 21: 233-254. Honko, Lauri. "Gaisterglaube in Ingermanland". FF Communications 185: 5-470. Rudan, Evelina. 2006. "Authentication Formulae in Demonological Legends". Narodna umjetnost. Hrvatski časopis za etnologiju i folkloristiku 43/1: 89-111. Šešo, Luka. 2007. "Vjerovanje u bica koja se pretvaraju u životinje". In Kulturni bestijarij, eds. Antonija Zaradija-Kiš, Suzana Marjanic. Zagreb. Hrvatska Sveučilišna naklada: 253-275. Šešo, Luka. 2010. "Kazivanja o nadnaravnome - prema lokalnim temeljima grupne pripadnosti". Etnološka tribina 33: 107-114. Tooker, Deborah E. 1992. "Identity Systems of Highland Burma: ''Belief", Akha Zan, and a Critique of Interiorized Notions of Ethno-Religious Identity". Man, New Series 27/4: 799-819. Vukanovic, Tatomir P. 1989. "Witchcraft in the Central Balkans I. Characters of Witches". Folklore 100/1: 8-24. Što je "stvarno" u vjerovanju u nadnaravna bica. Kazivačeva verzija Luka Šešo Nedavna terenska istraživanja tradicijskih vjerovanja u nadnaravna biča (vukodlake, vile, vještice, more i dr.) medu stanovništvom dalmatinskog zaleda pokazala su još uvijek snažnu prisutnost takvih vjerovanja. Ta činjenica otvara nam mogučnost da današnjim kazivačima postavimo neka pitanja koja se u dosadašnjim folklorističkim i etnološkim bavljenjima ovom temom na ovim prostorima nisu često postavljala. Riječ je prvenstveno 0 pitanju što sami kazivači misle zašto postoje vjerovanja u nadnaravna biča, zašto ljudi u njih vjeruju i o njima pričaju. Stoga se u ovom radu autor ne bavi izgledom, djelovanjem 1 nazivljem nadnaravnih biča ili narativnim formama, več u prvom redu razmišljanjima i tumačenjima samih kazivača. Kroz vlastite interpretacije kazivača i dodatne informacije o kazivaču prikupljene uz pomoč modificirane upitnice (koja obuhvača društveni položaj, profesiju, obrazovanje i migracije kazivača iz dalmatinskog zaleda) autor nastoji razumjeti stvarnost kazivačeva odnosa prema vjerovanju i pričanju o nadnaravnim bičima. Pričanja o neobičnim iskustvima iz djetinjstva i procesi ontogeneze Jelena Markovic The article focuses on certain characteristics of storytelling about childhood, collected using various methods and told in everyday life and in research interviews, and compares and contrasts them with the characteristics of traditional narratives, particularly memorates, as well as fabulates, negative legends and tall tales. Uvod Vrlo opcenito, u folkloristici se mogu razaznati obrisi dvaju idealnih tipova pristupa žanrovima. Jedan je kontekstualan, i termine, koncepte i teorijske sustave smatra primje-njivima jedino u kontekstu pojedinog istraživanja u kojem se koriste. Drugi predmnijeva uvid u definicije i njihove uporabe u pojedinim istraživanjima i njime se nastoji postici barem okvirni konsenzus o uporabi različitih žanrovskih termina i njihovih definicija (usp. Stahl 1977a: 18). Oba pristupa karakterizira visok stupanj arbitrarnosti žanrovskih sustava i obično ne funkcioniraju zasebno. Oba pristupa i njihove inačice pokazuju da žanrove ne možemo smatrati "prirodnim" kategorijama, iako često i sami prenositelji usmene tradicije poznaju nazive za pojedine oblike koji katkada i ne korespondiraju s onima utemeljenima u folklorističkoj tradiciji. U skladu s time za raspravu koja slijedi važno je napomenuti da su korpusi usme-nih priča na kojima su se temeljile tradicije žanrovskih odredenja bili uvjetujuci za same koncepte koji su se koristili. Jednako tako i kontekst njihova prikupljanja u mnogočemu je uvjetovao genezu koncepata. Mojim vlastitim istraživanjem oblika pričanja o djetinjstvu nastao je ponešto dru-gačiji korpus od uobičajenih folklorističkih korpusa.1 Ono što ga čini drukčijim jest izo-stanak namjere prikupljanja primjera nekog tradicijskog žanra. Korpus usmenih priča u Riječ je o istraživanju za doktorsku disertaciju o folklorističkim i kulturnoantropološkim aspektima pričanja o djetinjstvu (2010a) koje je trajalo pet godina (2005-2009). U tom sam vremenu osmislila mrežu metodoloških postupaka od kojih svaki sa svojim osobitostima nastoji dopuniti nedostatke ostalih postupaka, a sve u skladu sa zanimanjem za pojavu koja je bitno, pa čak i ključno, obilježena "prirodnim" kontekstom koji je često nemoguce snimiti ili vjerodostojno zabilježiti. Korišteni metodološki postupci jesu: naknadno bilježenje govornih situacija kojima sam bila sudionikom (promatranje sudjelovanjem), otvoreni intervju s pripadnicima različitih dobnih skupina, uključivanje drugih subjekata - i djece i odraslih - u istraživačku poziciju, autoetno-grafija u odnosu na osobno iskustvo povezano s istraživanom temom, iz psiholoških istraživanja preuzeta aso-cijativna metoda istraživanja autobiografskog pamcenja te arhivski rad na manjem dijelu grade Dokumentacije Instituta za etnologiju i folkloristiku u Zagrebu u kojoj se nalaze "slučajno" zabilježene pripovijesti o osobnim iskustvima iz djetinjstva. istraživanju izrastao je iz razgovora i iz života samog, i to u raznovrsnim istraživačkim situacijama. Studija koja slijedi s jedne je strane utemeljena na drukčije utemeljenom korpusu, a s druge na žanrovskim kategorijama koje su uglavnom izrasle iz uobičajenih folklorističkih korpusa, čiji je inicijalni poticaj i dominantna namjera najčešce bila priku-pljanje primjera pojedinog usmenog žanra, i srasle su s njima. Slijedom toga u ovom cu radu nastojati neke karakteristike oblika pričanja o djetinj-stvu u svakodnevici i istraživačkoj situaciji2, koji su prikupljeni različitim metodološkim postupcima, propitati u odnosu na karakteristike etabliranih tradicijskih oblika pripovi-jedanja, posebno memorata, ali i fabulata, negativnih predaja i lagarija. Cilj nije dovesti u direktnu vezu tradicijske žanrove s pojedinim primjerima, dijelovima korpusa ili sl. vec promisliti o tome možemo li neke primjere, i na kojim razinama, dovesti u vezu s nekim tradicijskim pripovjednim oblikom, pod uvjetom da prihvatimo uporabu svakog pojedi-nog koncepta. Slijedom toga konačni, posredni cilj jest na temelju vlastitog korpusa pokazati kako su temeljni žanrovski koncepti folkloristike, za koje znamo da su katkada tijesni i nekompatibilni, još tješnji i teže aplikabilni na pojedine oblike. Ovakav pristup pokazuje kako je "prirodne" pripovjedne oblike u svakodnevici katkada nemoguce uklopiti u "neprirodne'' žanrovske kategorije i kako nas klasifikacija oblika pripovijedanja u svakodnevici može ograničiti na način da, baveci se njome, po-činjemo obracati nedovoljno pozornosti na život sam kao kontekst pričanja, a previše se koncentriramo na pripovjedne okamine u kontekstu pojedine izvedbe. Iz te promijenjene perspektive u radu cu oblike pričanja o djetinjstvu i neke tradicijske oblike pripovijeda-nja usporedivati na temelju nekih svojstava pojedinih etski koncipiranih žanrova kao što su komunikacijsko-narativna, semantička i epistemološka svojstva. Pričanja o djetinjstvu, prije svega, promatrat cu kao praksu, a ne formu, iako cu govoriti i u žanrovskim kategorijama. Usredotočit cu se, dakle, na pripovijesti djece i odraslih o nekom neobičnom isku-stvu iz djetinjstva kao što su primjerice susreti ili "susreti'' s Djedom Mrazom, vilama, izvanzemaljcima, neobičnim zvukovima, ljudima, pojavama. Pri tome cu uz pomoc aktualnih znanja o žanrovima promatrati dječjeg pripovjedača, dječju izvedbu i dječju publiku kao kategorije jednakovrijedne i istovjetne kategorijama odraslog pripovjedača i njegove publike, a neobično i natprirodno u dječjem svijetu kao jednakovrijedno svijetu odraslih. Iz te perspektive status "mitskog bica'' u pripovijestima djece, posebno medu dječjom pu-blikom, može imati i primjerice Djed Mraz ili Zubic Vila. Dječjem pripovjedaču necu odricati vjerodostojnost kao istraživačica i odrasla osoba, vec cu njegovu priču promatrati u odnosu na publiku, koja može biti dijete ili odrasla osoba, koja može (ne)vjerovati, sum-njati, oponirati. Dječjem pripovjedaču najčešce odrasla publika odriče vjerodostojnost, zbog čega priče često mijenjaju svoje žanrovske karakteristike. U svakodnevnoj komunikaciji dijete i odrasla osoba kao pripovjedači nemaju jed-nak status kada su u pitanju kategorije vjerovanja, nevjerovanja, sumnje ili oponiranja naspram pripovijedanog sadržaja. Ono što se prepoznaje kao neistina u dječjim pripovijestima često se ne diskreditira tako olako kao laž u pejorativnom smislu. Naime, djeci se neobičnost iskustva koje pripovijedaju često pripisuje maštanju kao prihvatljivom obliku dječjeg ponašanja. Neobičnost iskustva, posebno kod djece, može biti i produktom neu-pucenosti i neznanja. Pripovjedač se pri tome ne prepoznaje kao lažljivac nego kao dijete, 2 O oblicima pričanja o djetinjstvu i srodnim konceptima vidi Markovic 2010b. što takoder mijenja žanrovske karakteristike pripovijesti. Dakle, nedostatak znanja djece, ali i predodžbe odraslih o njihovu znanju i potrebama za znanjem, različite koncepcije i realizacije odgoja djece, životni stilovi i uvjerenja roditelja bivaju utkani i u osobne pripovijesti u kasnijoj životnoj dobi u kojima se ispreplicu znanja iz prošlosti i sadašnjosti sa sjecanjima na tu prošlost. Zbog svega navedenoga, neke ce priče u jednoj inačici nalikovati osobnim pripo-vijestima, u drugoj predajama (memoratima), u trecoj negativnim predajama, odnosno racionalizacijama neobičnog iskustva, lagarijama, tračevima, glasinama ili sl., dok ce druge u jednoj inačici nalikovati osobnim pripovijestima, pripovijestima o neposredovanom iskustvu, a vec u drugoj anegdotama, vicevima ili sl. U promišljanju pripovijesti koje tematiziraju neki neobičan dogadaj iz djetinjstva u spomenutoj gradi vizura je ponešto izmijenjena i zato što se oblike pričanja o djetinjstvu pokušava razumjeti uzimajuci u obzir ostale moguce načine na koje je priča mogla biti ispričana (usp. Bruner 2004/1987:709), kao i razumjeti je s obzirom na životni ciklus po-jedinca, procese ontogeneze i njezinu transmisiju u obitelji i "malim'' grupama. Smatram da se pri tome ne bavimo pseudofolkloristikom nego na taj način amortiziramo metodološke nemogucnosti da osobu sa snimačem pratimo cijeli njezin život i na taj način zabilježimo život pojedine priče. Primjerice, iskustvo koje je petogodišnjaku neobično i izvanredno vec u sljedecem trenutku ili nakon duljeg vremena, procesom odrastanja i prikupljanjem informacija o pojavi, može postati običnim. Time se, s obzirom na životni ciklus pojedinca, dogadaju korjenite promjene žanra, i to ponekad i u više smjerova, a često kao istraživači ne možemo zabilježiti varijante priče istog pripovjedača ili život pripovijesti u "maloj" grupi. O životima varijanti priče, nažalost, možemo samo pretpo-stavljati s relativnom sigurnošcu, medutim te nam pretpostavke otvaraju cijeli niz novih i poticajnih pitanja. Unatoč nedostacima postupka, na taj način arbitrarni žanrovski sustav pokazuje svoje najranjivije obličje, a to je da su često oblici pričanja o životu, odnosno pričanja o djetinjstvu, promjenjivi ne samo s obzirom na specifičnosti pojedine izvedbe (posebno specifičnosti pripovjedača i publike), nego i s obzirom na onoga tko ih i s kojim ciljem promatra i bilježi. Memorat i osobna pripovijest Na promišljanje o sličnostima i razlikama memorata (odnosno njegovih različitih odredenja) i osobnih pripovijesti ponukale su me ne tako brojne rasprave koje ta dva pri-povjedna oblika dovode u vezu (posebno Stahl 1977a: 21-23, 1989: 19 i 23), a iz kojih na nekim razinama proizlaze i - u konkretnim studijama koje cu spominjati neosviještene -komparacije fabulata i pričanja o životu. Memoratom se u hrvatskoj folklorističkoj tradiciji ustalilo nazivati jedan od tri načina pripovjednog prikazivanja predaje (npr. Boškovic-Stulli 1975:128; 2006:23). Pričanja koja nazivamo predajama temelje se "na vjerovanju u istinitost onoga o čemu se kazuje. Kompozicijski i stilski predaje su jednostavne i najčešce jednoepizodne. Tematski govore o vjerovanju u nadnaravna bica, o povijesnim reminiscencijama, o podrijetlu pojava i stvari. [...] Klasično mjerilo za odredivanje te vrste jest vjerovanje u istinitost [...]. Načini prikazivanja kristalizirali su se u tri glavna oblika: kao kratko priopcenje (ili kronikat), zapravo informaciju u sklopu govorne riječi; kao memorat, tj. pričanje o dogadaju po vlastitome sjecanju; i kao fabulat, tradicijom prenošena priča o kakvom dogadaju'' (Boškovic-Stulli 2006: 22-23). Njihov unutarnji poticaj jest u "doživljaju susreta s nečim tudim, izvanred-nim i neobičnim, bilo ono nadnaravno ili govori o distanciranoj prošlosti'' (ibidem: 23). Memorat je prvi, vrlo restriktivno, definirao Carl Wilhelm von Sydow tridesetih i četrdesetih godina prošloga stoljeca. Von Sydow tvrdi da postoji potreba za razlikovanjem predaje i oblika koji, iako je na neki način povezan sa spomenutim žanrom, nema ni poetičke ni tradicijske karakteristike. Oblik je nazvao memoratom, a definirao ga je kao reprodukcije "vlastitih, čisto osobnih iskustava'' (prema Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 225 i usp. von Sydow 1987/1948: 230). Medutim, koliko je god posredno i neposredno von Sidowlje-va definicija žanra bila prihvacena i zaživjela je u folkloristici (jednako i u hrvatskoj), bilo je i pokušaja da se ona dovede u pitanje, a često je doživljavala vrlo ozbiljne kritike. Na udaru su posebno bili dijelovi definicije koji se odnose na pripovjedačke razine prema sudjelovanju pripovjedača u priči, odnosno prema poklapanju ili nepoklapanju subjekta govorenja i subjekta radnje (npr. Honko 1964; Degh i Vazsonyi 1974; Stahl 1977a), i dijelovi definicije kojima se von Sydowljev memorat odreduje kao nepoetična vrsta (npr. Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 232 i dalje). Posebno je mjesto u raspravama o pripovjedačkim razinama zauzelo pitanje u koji se oblik memorat "pretvara'' kada ga pripovijeda onaj tko nije "vlasnik iskustva''? Degh i Vazsonyi (1974) postavljaju ključno pitanje, koje se, tako postavljeno, jednako može odnositi i na status osobnih pripovijesti kao dijela pričanja o životu, odnosno djetinjstvu, ako na trenutak zanemarimo osobitost memorata kao tematski više, a pričanja 0 životu kao tematski manje utemeljenih na neobičnim, katkada nemogucim (ili barem opceprihvaceno nemogucim i neobičnim) iskustvima i usko povezanih s njima. Naime, teza von Sydowa o memoratu i "osobnom iskustvu'' kao njegovu važnom svojstvu navodi na zaključak da priču koju kanimo nazvati memoratom može prenositi jedino osoba koja je "vlasnik'' iskustva, a ako priču ispriča druga osoba ili druge osobe, ona više nije priča o vlastitom iskustvu, a samim time ni memorat (Degh i Vazsonyi 1974 i Degh 2001). Ako nije memorat, što ta priča "postaje''? Fabulat? Nešto puno apstraktnije što cemo naprosto nazvati kolektivnim vjerovanjem, koje se može manifestirati u primjerice poslovici, vicu, predaji i sl. ili čak u osobnoj pripovijesti ili pričanjima o životu? Čini se da bi iz jedne perspektive jedini dio memorata koji se prenosi tradicijom mogao biti sažetak samog vje-rovanja, odnosno "tradicionalni'' dio priče (usp. Stahl 1977b: 20). Sukladno tome, sadržaj predaja ili sažetak vjerovanja u predaji može se aktualizirati u drugim oblicima (usp. Degh 1 Vazsonyi 1976: 93; Honko 1964). Stahl drži ironičnim da je memorat privukao pozornost folklorista samo zato što su folkloristi odredena zajednička, ali neizrečena "vjerovanja" prepoznali kao ona koja tvore jezgru raznih, inače različitih pripovijesti o osobnom iskustvu (1977b: 20-21). Kako folklorist to shvaca, takvo ugradeno vjerovanje zapravo je značenje ili "bit" memorata i njegova najvažnija tradicijska komponenta. Postoji li takav "element" u sekularnom ekvivalentu memoratu, pita se Stahl. Postoji li "nešto što folklorist može izdvojiti i prepoznati kao ono što daje značenje i tradicionalnost inače različitim osobnim pripovijestima'' (Stahl 1977b: 20-21)? Vjerovanje je, smatra Stahl, apstraktni entitet i rijetko je kada kao takvo ispričano (1977b: 21), prije je ono uronjeno u neki drugi narativni oblik i isprepleteno s njime. Poslovica je njegova najbliža reprezentacijska forma, smatra Stahl (1977b: 21). Kada priča koja je imala status istine i znanja prijede u nevjero-vanje, izmišljotinu, laž, ona "prelazi'' u neki drugi žanr (vidi npr. Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 100). Prema do sada spomenutim definicijama (von Sydow 1934 i 1948 prema Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 225; von Sydow 1987/1948: 230 i Boškovič-Stulli 2006: 22-23), memorat može poznavati samo ta jedna osoba i one osobe koje su ga čule od pripovjedača, "vlasni-ka'' iskustva. To znači da osoba koja nije "vlasnik'' iskustva o kojem memorat pripovijeda, ako pripovijeda priču koju je čula, više nije pripovjedač memorata, čak i ako priča kores-pondira s originalnom fabulom (usp. Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 226). Prema takvom odrede-nju, memorat je, s jedne strane, priča koja u svojim varijantama nema velikih izgleda da bude prenošena, ona je neodrživa, a s druge zahtijeva nove termine i definicije koji bi ga učinili prepoznatljivim u arbitrarnom klasifikacijskom sustavu. Prema široj definiciji, memorat se definira kao iskaz proživljenog iskustva iz prve ili druge ruke3 ili se smatra da on može biti utemeljen ne samo na osobnom iskustvu več i na iskustvu drugih koje informant prenosi izravno4. Juha Pentikainen (1973: 220) takoder smatra da von Sidowljeva definicija prejako naglašava osobni element memorata te da "čisto osobno'' u njegovoj definiciji ograničava aplikabilnost termina na minimum. S druge pak strane, Stahl (1977a: 22) se pita o prirodi samog iskustva: Može li osoba imati "čisto osobno iskustvo''? Iskustvo uglavnom nastaje i opstaje u interakcijama "vlasnika iskustva'' i drugih. Pričanje iskustva več je njegova interpretacija. Stahl smatra da je nadnaravno iskustvo koje se memoratom svjedoči puno manje "osobno'' nego što bi to na prvi pogled moglo izgledati, a to argumentira, doduše ne baš tim terminima, argumentima teorija socijalizacije, posebno narativne (usp. Stahl 1977a: 22). Naime, osobna pripovijest 0 nadnaravnom iskustvu može biti u opreci sa zajedničkim ili barem večinskim vjerova-njima u ono što je moguče u stvarnosti, a samim time i nevrijedno, pa čak i nepoželjno, pripovijedanja u osobnom kodu. Samo ona iskustva koja ne bi bitno remetila vjerovanja u čudesno, neočekivano, neobično, neobjašnjivo i sl. poželjna su i vrijedna pripovijedanja. Dakle, iskustvo nikada nije "čisto osobno'', a "osobno iskustvo'' koje se pripovijeda takoder je osobno iskustvo iskustva (usp. Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 236). Pričanja o djetinjstvu izmedu memorata i fabulata Ista ili problemski bliska pitanja možemo postaviti kada razlikujemo osobne pripo-vijesti kao pripovijesti o vlastitom iskustvu i pričanja o životu (djetinjstvu) koja uključuju 1 pripovijesti iz prve i još najmanje druge ruke (vidi Markovič 2010b). Dakle, pričanja o djetinjstvu, jednako kao i pričanja o životu, kako ih je definirala Boškovič-Stulli (1984), pričanja su o vlastitom iskustvu, isto kao i ona pričanja koja govore o iskustvu koje nije naše ili priče koje su dijelom našeg sječanja na priče i, možda još važ-nije, dijelom našeg aktivnog repertoara o djetinjstvu neke druge osobe, a pričamo ih zato što nam je osoba koja je "vlasnik'' iskustva ili osoba od koje smo priču čuli posebno važna ili pak zbog same upečatljivosti i pamtljivosti izvedbe ili dogadaja o kojem se pripovijeda, a možda i samo zato što nas je kontekst pripovjedne situacije na to nagnao a da ni ne znamo čije to "vlastito iskustvo'' pripovijedamo. U tom smjeru možemo tražiti bitne razlike izmedu pretpostavljenog oblika koji se u folklorističkoj tradiciji naziva memoratom (bilo uže ili šire definiranog), a koji pripovijeda iskustvo iz djetinjstva, i pričanja o djetinjstvu, a jednako tako i bitne sličnosti izmedu memorata i osobne pripovijesti. Ili možemo iči i 3 Reidar Th. Christensen 1958, prema Degh i Väzsonyi 1974: 227 4 Gunnar Granberg 1969, prema Degh i Väzsonyi 1974: 227 korak dalje i pokušati pronači zajedničke osobitosti fabulata u koji se memorat, navodno, "pretvara'' ako se prenosi kao pripovijest o "tudem'' iskustvu, pri čemu valja imati na umu moguče složene odnose tih dvaju oblika s obzirom na to da, prema postoječim klasifikacijama, oni nisu oblici iste hijerarhijske razine. U povijesti pojma bilo je i pokušaja da se memorat odredi i kao osobna pripovijest 0 natprirodnom iskustvu, pa čak i da mu se pronade "sekularni'' ekvivalent (Stahl 1977b: 20), nasuprot uvjerenjima da, iako memorat može sadržavati osobno vjerovanje, on naj-češče sadrži ona kolektivna. Paradoksalnim, ali možda i ne toliko proturječnim, čini se odredenje memorata kao spremišta sadržaja kolektivnih vjerovanja s obzirom na to da je jedna od njegovih osebujnosti upravo ograničenost prenošenja, jer kao arbitrarno definiran žanr ne trpi usložnjavanje pripovjedačkih razina. Lauri Honko ističe da vjerovanje sadržano u memoratima "možda nikada neče doseči razinu artikulacije 'kao vjerovanje' medu ljudima koji skriveno "vjeruju'' (Honko 1964: 9). Vjerovanja kao takva prepoznaju istraživači, smatra Honko (1964) kritizirajuči folklorističku praksu u prvoj polovici 20. stolječa, kada je bilo bitno manje zanimanja za usmenoknjiževni tekst, a istraživači su vjerovanja samo upisivali u svoje notese u gene-raliziranoj formi. Prema tome, često je vjerovanje bilo (a bitno je manje danas) kreacija skupljača jer "ono što on čuje je memorat, a ono što zapisuje ili bilježi su informacije u poopčenoj formi'' (Honko 1964: 9). Honko smatra da "ima mnogo manje memorata u kojima prednjače osobni elementi od onih u kojima se motivi memorata podudaraju s folklornom tradicijom'' (1962: 113 prema Degh 2001: 77). Folklorna tradicija u najširoj mogučoj definiciji, ali i proizvodi visoke i popularne kulture kao što su romani, filmovi i dr., jesu grada koja pokreče i usmjerava maštu. Dakako da tim smjerom u promišljanjima memorata možemo krenuti pod uvjetom da neobične sadržaje memorata smatramo produktom mašte, a ne utemeljenima na osobnom iskustvu. Memorat se, kao i drugi pripovjedni oblici, oblikuje u dodiru s dostupnim kolektivnim konceptima čije podrijetlo može biti iz usmene tradicije, književnosti, popularne kulture, neke tude "osobne'' tvorevine koja može biti kombinacijom svega navedenog. Procesi reduciranja idiosinkratskog elementa osobne pripovijesti i nje-zino uklapanje u širi kontekst tradicijskih i drugih vjerovanja vrlo su složeni i mogli bi biti predmetom zasebne studije (vidi npr. Degh 2001: 77-78). Za ovu priliku, pri pokušaju načelnog dovodenja u vezu osobitosti oblika koji se često naziva memoratom i osobnih pripovijesti, pa čak i, na puno opčenitijoj razini, fabulata i pričanja o životu (posebno na razini transmisije sadržaja), nije potrebno dublje ulaziti u problematiku predajnog kanala 1 procesa predaja (Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 96). Ono što je bitno za daljnju studiju jest da "istinita priča'' koja prolazi predajni proces i prenosi se kroz predajni kanal može postati predaja (Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 96-97). Ideji da "memorati nisu vrsta predaje več čine zasebnu kategoriju'' (Honko 1964: 17) u prilog ide složenost samog procesa "pretvaranja'' (u smislu znanstvene percepcije) unutar žanra predaje. Naime, fabulati mogu podrazumijevati postojanje proto-memora-ta (Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 232), dakle osobnih pripovijesti o nadnaravnom iskustvu kao ishodištu, kao što mnogi fabulati mogu poprimiti "osobnu'' formu (usp. Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 225).5 Upravo zbog tog reverzibilnog odnosa problemskih čvorišta koja se generira-ju postoji ozbiljna tendencija odbacivanja večine von Sidowljevih pretpostavki utkanih u 5 Za daljnju raspravu o pripovjednim razinama u predajama vidi Degh i Vazsonyi 1974: 229. definiciju memorata kao i znanstvene opravdanosti razlikovanja navedenih dvaju konce-pata (npr. Degh 2001: 79). Koncept memorata, dakle, na neki je način djelomice istisnut iz uporabe upravo zbog pometnje koju je unio, a unatoč tome nastala pometnja bila je i ostala poticajna za pomicanje granica nekih žanrova i za etabliranje novih. Predaje, negativne predaje i osobne pripovijesti, pričanja o djetinjstvu: (ne)vjero-vanje i uloga publike Slijedom do sada rečenog stoji otvorenim i pitanje: kako odrediti pripovjedni oblik u kojem se pomoču naknadnih znanja i iskustava osvjetljava i racionalno (pitanje je tre-baju li konceptu racionalno navodni znaci) tumači predaja. Nas prije svega zanima prošlo osobno iskustvo izvanrednog, nadnaravnog i sl., dakle ono što se priča u obliku koji obi-čavamo nazivati memoratom. Nadalje, ostaje i pitanje što s oblicima koji tumače samo uvjetno izvanredne pojave. Uvjetno, jer odredene skupine ljudi neke, za večinu izvanredne, pojave smatraju znanstveno utemeljenima.6 Jesu li folkloristi kompetentni i zaduženi za to da proglašavaju nešto mogučim i jesu li zastupnici večine ili jednako tako mogu aktivno sumnjati ili biti insajde-ri samog vjerovanja ili sl.?7 Na koncu, je li disciplini to uopče važno, odnosno ima li to ika-kve reperkusije na disciplinarna znanja? "Objektivna istina i prisutnost, kvaliteta i količina subjektivnog vjerovanja nisu važni", smatraju Degh i Vazsonyi (1976: 119). Ono što je za predaju važno jest da ona "zauzima stav i zahtijeva izražavanje mišljenja o pitanjima istine i vjerovanja" (1976: 119). Vjerovanje i nevjerovanje, odnosno objektivna istina koncepti su oko čijeg značenja i opsega nije postignut konsenzus na razini institucionalnih znanja. Jednako tako, uvidbeni ili analitički prodor u osobno koje nije manifestirano kroz pripo-vjedno nije moguč. Možemo eventualno na razini iskaza pretpostaviti istinitost, izmišlje-nost, laž u skladu s vlastitim habitusom. Kako onda možemo u prihvatljivim kategorijama suditi o tome vjeruje li pripovjedač u pripovijedano i je li priča utemeljena na "istini" proživljenome, i to ako su pripovjedači odrasli, a posebno ako su djeca? Prije možemo reči da pripovjedač nastoji uvjeriti svoju publiku u istinitost ispripovijedanog i svojeg navod-nog iskustva, ali pri tome imati na umu da, iako je iskustvo diskurzivno i ugradeno u jezik svakodnevnog života (usp. Smith i Watson 2001: 25,26), ono je bogatije od diskursa i stoga diskurs i iskustvo rijetko kada potpuno koincidiraju, a k tome je iskustvo več interpretacija dogadaja, pa je priča o iskustvu interpretacija interpretacije. 6 Primjerice, priča koju sam naslovila Pupčana vrpca (vidi Markovic 2010a:183-185) tematizira dogadaj vla-stitog rodenja pripovjedača (četrdesetjednogodišnjaka) kada mu je pupčana vrpca bila omotana oko vrata. Pripovijest je strukturirana tako da tematizira autobiografsko sjecanje vlastitog rodenja, što je u suprotnosti sa znanstvenim spoznajama i iskustvima vecine ljudi. Taj je dogadaj pripovjedač doveo u vezu s poteškocama koje je imao prilikom nošenja majica s visokom kragnom. Njegovo je iskustvo nerazdvojivo od učenja vjers-ke zajednice kojoj pripada. Iako o toj zajednici znam vrlo malo i ne dijelim vjerska iskustva pripovjedača, njegova je priča za mene uvijek bila vjerodostojna kao posljedica vjerodostojnosti pripovjedača kao osobe. Neka druga publika mogla bi vjerojatno posve drugačije svjedočiti o njegovoj vjerodostojnosti. Primjer je to koji može poslužiti kao predložak za promišljanje oblika koji tumače samo uvjetno izvanredne pojave, ali i za promišljanje istraživačevih kompetencija da pripovijedano iskustvo nazove istinitim ili neistinitim, mogucim ili nemogucim, a prema tome i priču žanrovski odredi kao osobnu pripovijest, ili kao predaju, ili kao raciona-lizaciju neobičnog iskustva (predaje?). 7 Zanimljivu raspravu o razinama vjerovanja i nevjerovanja te procesima prelaska vjerovanja u nevjerovanja vidi kod Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 97-101. Time otvaramo dva nova problemska pitanja. Prvo od njih tiče se statusa i uloge publike prema stupnju (ne)vjerovanja. Mnogi istraživači smatraju, kao što je to formulirala i Maja Boškovič-Stulli, da se predaje (dakle i memorati - osobne pripovijesti o izvanred-nim, nadnaravnim pojavama ili, kako autorica spominje, "nadnaravnim bičima''8) temelje "na vjerovanju u istinitost onoga o čemu se kazuje'' (2006: 22). Prema takvom odredenju, trebamo se upitati što se dogada sa zamišljenim žanrovskim okvirom ovisno o tome da li u procesu koji pripovijest prolazi pojedini recipijent vjeruje u ispripovijedano, je li on indiferentan, skeptičan, u pripovijest ne vjeruje ili joj oponira (usp. Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 117 i dalje).9 Uostalom, "[k]azivačeva dvojba u istinitost izrečenoga [...] u usmenoj predaji pripada zakonitosti žanra, ona je gotovo obvezna završna formula koja izrečenome ostavlja tajnu'' (Marks 2004: 20). Iz toga proizlazi da, iako je priča samo konstrukcija realnosti, složit če se mnogi, odnosno, njezina verzija "čija je prihvatljivost upravljana konvencijama i 'pripovjednom nužnošču', prije nego empirijskim verifikacijama i potrebama za logično-šcu'', "ironično mi nemamo stida kada priču proglašavamo istinitom ili lažnom'' (Bruner 1991 :4-5). Priča je forma reprezentacije realnosti, ali i ništa manje forma tvorbe realnosti. Drugo novo problemsko pitanje, koje je usko povezano s prvim, formira se oko stupnja vjerovanja, odnosno nevjerovanja samog "vlasnika'' iskustva u trenutku pripovije-danja, ali i tijekom životnog ciklusa (usp. Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 94-96 ). Degh i Vazsonyi (1976: 95) navode zanimljiv hipotetski primjer. Oni pričanja o NLO-ima svrstavaju u područje predaje. Pretpostavimo da uključuju pripovijesti u prvom i trecem licu. Pričama o NLO-ima, smatraju oni, pripisuje se istinitost. Ono što nisu pret-postavili, ili barem nisu eksplicitno naznačili, jednako kao što to odredenje predaje Maje Boškovič-Stulli (2006: 22) o "vjerovanju u istinitost" pripovijesti, čini se, ne pretpostavlj - dok neki upravo naglašavaju tu mogucnost (npr. Marks 2004: 20 i drugdje; vidi i Ru-dan 2006) -, jest da upravo sumnja u istinitost priče, ali i sumnja u ispravnost percepcije samog osobnog iskustva, čini vjerovanje vjerovanjem10. A da nije tako, govorili bismo o običnom, svakodnevnom, "normalnom'' iskustvu koje možda čak ne bi bilo ni vrijedno pripovijedanja.11 Naime, Degh i Vazsonyi (1976: 95) postavljaju važno hipotetsko pitanje: 8 Ovo odredenje, čini mi se, svjedoči o bitnom fokusu, medu ostalima, hrvatskih folklorista na nadnaravna biča, a ne toliko na nadnaravne pojave. 9 Načelno Degh i Vazsonyi (1976: 117) smatraju da svaki od ovih pretpostavljenih tipova sudionika u pre-dajnom procesu može sudjelovati u oblikovanju predaje i njenoj transmisiji. 10 Ovdje treba razlikovati spomenutu tezu i razlikovanje stupnja vjerovanja pripovjedača ili njegove publike, što je u folklorističkoj literaturi odavno relevantna tema (za kratki pregled vidi Degh i Vazsonyi 1976: 116). 11 Primjer Djed Mraz pije Coca-Colu pokazuje upravo navedeni raspon mogučnosti. Promotrimo ga: Na Badnjak, čini mi se, 2002. godine moj suprug i ja bili smo na večeri kod prijatelja, mladog bračnog para i njihovo dvoje djece, šestogodišnjeg dječaka i dvogodišnje djevojčice. Dječak je tijekom božične promidžbe Coca-Cole na televiziji zamijetio reklamni sadržaj u kojem Coca-Colin lik Djeda Mraza u božičnoj noči do-lazi u obiteljsku kuču, gdje nalazi bocu Coca-Cole te je dopola otpije i ostavi poklone za ukučane. Dječak je za Badnjak ostavio neotvorenu bocu Coca-Cole ispod ukrašenog drvca, vjerojatno ponukan reklamom, i s nestrpljenjem odlučio provjeriti postoji li uopče djedica koji donosi poklone i ulazi kroz dimnjak. Svi prisutni odrasli sudjelovali su na svoj način u ovoj predstavi za šestogodišnjaka. Kada su njegovi roditelji odlučili realizirati iznenadenje, suprug i ja otišli smo u dječju sobu s dječakom i djevojčicom osluškujuči 'zvonca' sa saonica, čime smo odvlačili njihovu pozornost. Njihov tata uhvatio se poklona koje je donio pod bor, a mama je ispila pola boce Coca-Cole. Ispijena boca bitno ga je više zaintrigirala od zanimljivog poklona (napisano prema vlastitom sječanju na dogadaj i prema vlastitom sječanju na vlastito pripovijedanje u različitim kontek-stima). Ako istinski uvažimo dječjeg pripovjedača, dječju izvedbu i dječju publiku kao kategorije jednakovrijedne i istovjetne kategorijama odraslog pripovjedača i njegove publike i ako pokušamo pretpostaviti kako je dječak U kakav ce se žanr "pretvoriti" pričanja o NLO-ima ako se naknadno ispostavi da su, u vrijeme kada su bila raširena (ali mi cemo pretpostaviti - i kada su bila dijelom osobnog repertoara kao pripovijest o vlastitom iskustvu), koincidirala s "objektivnom istinom"?12 Možemo tome dodati i pitanje s kakvim oblicima možemo imati posla ako se kasnije ispostavi da su, u vrijeme kada su bili rašireni, bili osobnom zabludom te ako, na osobnoj razini, pripovijest "prijede" iz vjerovanja u nevjerovanje. Problemska pitanja slična onima koja su o pričama o NLO-ima postavili Dégh i Vazsonyi (1976: 95) možemo formulirati kada je riječ o pričanjima o djetinjstvu ili osob-nim pripovijestima o djetinjstvu u kojima se racionaliziraju neobjašnjiva iskustva ili vjerovanja u susret s nečim izvanrednim u nekom razdoblju životnog ciklusa. Svjetlo i zvuk Tu sam imala sigurno tri, četiri godine. Ne više. Još smo stanovali u M[... ulici]. Onda je bilo u Zagrebu vrlo malo automobila. Bilo je automobila, ali malo. Ja sam katkada nocu bila budna i onda znam da sam ovako kad sam ležala na ledima... To sam bila mala... I tad sam vidjela na stropu kako prolaze neke ovako sjene, vodoravne, ravne nekakve crte. Iprolazi to, prolazi. I to mi je bilo strašno neobično, a još mi je čudnije bilo da je nekoliko minuta nakon toga prošao auto. Ja sam znala da uvijek kada vidim te sjene, nakon toga ce proci auto, ali nisam povezivala da je to... Sad sam tek nedavno shvatila... Sasvim nedavno, da je to bio najprije reflektor od auta, a nakon toga je prošao sam auto. Protutnjao, jel, pa se čuo zvuk. Ovo se vidjela slika, a ono se čuo zvuk. Ja sam znala da to ide jedno za drugim. Bilo mi je to jako čudno i neobično zašto dolazi uvijek jedno za drugim, ali nisam povezala. I to je bilo ovako. To je obično bilo kad nisam mogla spavati, znate, pa nije bilo to tako jako lijepa uspomena, ali vrlo intenzivna. (osamdesetšestogodišnjakinja). Možemo se isto tako zapitati kako odrediti pripovjedni oblik koji samo djelomično demistificira iskustva iz djetinjstva; u iskustvo se sumnja i tumači ga se iz perspektive odrasle osobe, ali i vjeruje istodobno iz perspektive djeteta, odnosno ne odriče se u potpu-nosti vjerodostojnost izvanrednom iskustvu. Promotrimo dva takva primjera: Čovjek u bijelom odijelu Kad sam bila mala... Imala sam oko... Šta ja znam... Išla sam recimo u drugi, treci osnovne... Vidjela sam u hodniku u stanu čovjeka u bijelom odijelu koji je stajao ispred kupaone. Vikala sam i mama je dotrčala. Popalila je svjetla. Nije bilo nikoga, ali ja se i dan danas sjecam odijela, lica. Prevrtila je mama sve ormare, gledale smo ispod kreveta i nije bilo nikoga. Stoposto sam sigurna da sam tada vidjela čovjeka u bijelom odijelu. Ali... Mama nije zabrijala da je netko bio tamo. Ona je radi mene to sve pretražila. Da me uvjeri da nema nikoga. Poslije sam o tome razmišljala i... U to vrijeme brat i ja bili smo opčinjeni Kosom13. taj dogadaj mogao pričati svojim vršnjacima, onda taj konkretni primjer i iz njega derivirani moguci primjeri svjedoče u prilog tezi da upravo sumnja u istinitost priče, ali i sumnja u ispravnost percepcije samog osobnog iskustva, čini vjerovanje vjerovanjem. Dakako, otvorena je i mogucnost da Djed Mraz može djetetu predstavljati nimalo neobičan lik te da on može biti uklopljen u djetetovo poimanje ,realnosti' kao nimalo neobičniji od stomatologa ili poštara. Dijete može u Djeda Mraza bez sumnje vjerovati. Tada iskustvo šestogodišnjaka iz njegove perspektive nije bilo izvanredno, neuobičajeno, a Djeda Mraza ne bi smatrao nadnaravnim bicem te njegovo iskustvo ne bi bilo vrijedno pripovijedanja. 12 Više o NLO-ima i folkloristici vidi npr. Dégh 1977 i 1987/1971; Lowe 1979; Sanarov 1981. 13 Film Hair Miloša Formana iz 1979. godine. U filmu se javljao neki lik u bijelom odijelu. Fraku. Tako nešto. To je neka scena kad se oni svi nadrogiraju i onda haluciniraju pa je neko vjenčanje, ona trudna, leti. Šta ja znam... Možda taj čovjek u bijelom odijelu ima veze s tim scenama iz filma. (tridesetogodišnjakinja). Čovjek iz podzemlja Prvih deset godina proživjela sam u Zagrebu u M[...] ulici broj deset [...]. Rodila sam se u Osijeku. To isto znate, ali sa par mjeseci smo se preselili u Zagreb. [...] I sada, u M[...] ulici... Dakle, tamo smo se mi djecaprijepodne... Da, vidite, samoprijepodne smo se tamo išli igrati. Popodne nismo. Ne znam kako to. I sada ovako: ima jedna zbilja slika koje se sjecam, koja je zbilja samo slika. Mi smo se igrali u dvorištu. Nas negdje petero, šestero nas iz kuce, kolko nas je vec bilo, petero, šestero... Nekad manje, nekad više i, ovaj, tamo, kad smo obično bili tamo u onom prizemnom dijelu u kojem se ulazi u dvorište, izpodruma je uvijek dolazio jedan stari gospodin s dugačkom bijelom bradom. Nekako mi je. Poslije sam ga usporedivala... Čini mi se da je bio sličan kao onaj srbijanski ministar Pašic, ako znate tko je to bio. Tako dugačka bijela brada je bila. Dolazio je iz podruma. Vjerojatno je u podrumu on uvijek... Svakoga dana je prolazio. Ljubazno bi ga pozdravili. Ne znam kako bi rekli: "Dobro jutro" ili tako. On bi jako, jako ljubazno odgovorio: "Dobro jutro, dje-co", ali nikada ništa nije govorio, ni on, ni mi, osim ovoga vrlo ljubaznoga pozdrava. I ovaj, ja ne znam, ja uopce nisam mislila... Ja sam imala neki dojam kao da on dolazi... Nisam o tome mislila, ali sad kada mislim... Kao da on dolazi iz nekogpodrumskog, samogpod-zemnog prostora. Vjerojatno je on tamo imao neki mali skromni stančic. Pretpostavljam, znate, ali on... Nisam ja nikada mislila ni zamišljala da bi tamo mogao biti neki stan, ali on je živio... Ali ja sam imala dojam da on dolazi iz toga hodnika i kao da pripada na neki način tom podzemnom svijetu. I ništa, ovaj, jednoga dana samo neki gospodin, stari sa bradom je umro. Ništa više, ali znam da je to ovako bilo. I vidite, sad vam to pričam. Bitno je da se toga uopce sjecam. To je valjda bio prvi susret sa doživljajem da je netko... da je netko umro, da se može nestati. Tako. To je bilo s tim gospodinom. Poslije cu vam pričati još nešto o... isto o doživljaju kad je netko umro, ali to ce doci malo poslije. E, sada, opet neka ovako... Pazite to su samo neke neodredene [...] krpice sjecanja, znate. [...] A slika tog starog gospodina s tom bijelom bradom, kao da je bio stanovnik podzemlja. A, bio je to neki podzemni, samo u realnom smislu... A meni se činilo kao... I nikad nisam mislila: Gdje on živi? Kako on živi? Ima li tamo stan? Valjda je bio. Ni danas ne znam. M[...] ulica deset još postoji. Možda tamo postoji neki podrumski stan. Nisam nikada bila u tom podrumu. Drvarnice nisu bile tu. Drvarnice su bile u dvorištu. (osamdesetšestogo-dišnjakinja). Osobna pripovijest naslovljena Čovjek iz podzemlja dijelom tumači, racionalizira, kako sama pripovjedačica kaže, "sliku" iz djetinjstva koja je u tom životnom razdoblju za nju značila susret s nečim izvanrednim, onostranim, podzemnim, smrcu. Pripovijest samo dijelom demistificira "sliku'' i vjerovanje s obzirom na to da ostavlja mogucnost da se provjeri postoji li na toj adresi podrumski stan za koji pripovjedačica čak daje naslutiti da i ne vjeruje da postoji. Kod ove je pripovijesti zanimljivo i to da pripovjedačica svoje prošlo iskustvo nije tretirala kao vjerovanje, odnosno nije u doživljaj iskustva sumnjala u trenutku kada je iskustvo bilo vremenski blisko. Tek je promijenjena perspektiva pri-povjedačice, uzrokovana odrastanjem, participacijom u kulturi, u pitanje dovela vjero-dostojnost samog doživljaja iskustva, a moguce je da ga je i tek tom promjenom učinila vrijednim pripovijedanja. Istom argumentacijom možemo promatrati i primjer Čovjek u bijelom odijelu. Nadalje, možemo razmotriti i pripovjedne oblike koji, upravo suprotno od spome-nutog, "stvarne'', "realne", iskustvene životne poteškoče naknadno tumače u kategorijama koje su izvanredne, večini se doimaju "nerealnim" objašnjenjem iskustva u koje pripo-vjedač nastoji uvjeriti dio svoje potencijalne publike (koji ne vjeruje ne toliko zbog legi-timiteta pripovjedača nego same pojave o kojoj govori, jer se ona kosi s "realnim stanjem stvari''), dok publiku koja navodno dijeli njegova iskustva ne uvjerava, več naprosto pri-povijeda svoje osobno iskustvo (vidi primjer Pupčana vrpca). S tim u vezi treba promisliti o tome kako odrediti pripovjedni oblik o osobnom iskustvu kojem publika a priori odriče vjerodostojnost pripovijedanog dogadaja, i to u slučajevima kad je pripovjedač dijete ili kad je pripovjedač odrasla osoba. Primjer koji slijedi, naslovljen Prijatelj Vizi, vrlo je slojevit. Transkript svjedoči o osobnoj pripovijesti o iskustvu iz djetinjstva koje se velikim dijelom temelji na znanju o prošlosti, a ne na sječanju. Priča o prijatelju iz svemira "prisvojena'' je kao vlastita, iako se iskustva o kojem pripovijeda pripovjedač ne sječa. Sječa se jedino tudih interpretacija i tudih pripovijesti koje su je učinile osobnom. Prijatelj Vizi Marko: [...] Postoji ta priča koja je onako meni dosta mutna o tom mom prijatelju iz svemira koji se zove Vizi. I, iskreno, ne znam, imam tih nekih par onako... polusjecanja, da znam da sam ja ... Ko da sam s nekim razgovaro, ovaj, i kad bi čuo auto od tate i mame da dolaze, ovaj... jer bi tata otišao, recimo, po mamu na posao, a ja bi osto s bratom, pa bi ja, recimo, otišao u sobu i nešto kao, ne znam. Brat bi otišo, ne znam, u sobu gledat televiziju i ko da se ja sjecam da sam ja s nekim razgovaro i nešto. I znam kad bi čuo auto, ovaj, a buba se čula. Tata je imo bubu i kad bi ono... I kako bi se parkirala gore na parkirno mjesto... Moja soba je bila di je sada spavaca od mame i tate, tako je bila točno kod parkinga i sjecam se da bi mu rekao: "E, sad ti možeš ici" kao "Evo, sad su došli mama i tata, evo", i on bi reko da on mora ici jer da se njega kao ne treba vidjeti, ono. Jelena: Nemaš ideju kako je on izgledao? Marko: Ne. Ne. Ne. I to je onako, sad se to... Znam da su starci poslije pričali da bi oni do- lazili u sobu i da sam ja s nekim razgovarao. I to, ovo, ono i onda: "S kim si razgovaro"? "S Vizijem". S nekim vjerojatno izmišljenim prijateljem. Nisam ga utjelovio u ništa. Nije to bio ni jastuk ni neka igračka ni nešto ovo, nego eto... [...] Jelena: U kojim prilikama se pričaju te priče o Viziju, o dudama i to? Marko: Pa, obično ono kad se... Dugo se nismo nešto tako pretjerano okupljali, a nekad kad se skupilo... kad bi se skupilo dido, baba, nešto, ovo, ono, pa... Uvijek kad je neko generalno okupljanje, ono, pa, eto, krene neka priča o nečemu pa neko nešto bubne, pa onda se ispriča neka anegdota pa onda krene... Kad je neko bio mali, pa ovaj pa onaj, pa Anti lagali za kile da ga prime u školu, pa ne znam... I onda eto tako uvijek dodu ti klinci na red nekako. (tridesetčetverogodišnjak). Ovaj primjer može se promatrati i u kontekstu iznesene teze o promjenjivosti žan-rovskih karakteristika oblika pričanja o životu s obzirom na životni ciklus pojedinca, od-nosno s obzirom na dob pripovjedača. Primjer naslovljen Prijatelj Vizi zanimljiv je kao predložak na temelju kojega možemo promišljati dobne razlike pripovjedača i njegove publike (koja prenosi, interpretira i vrednuje pripovjedačevo iskustvo i samu pripovijest stvarajuči, na temelju tudeg iskustva, vlastitu pripovijest) i s tim u vezi promjene koje pri-povjedni oblici prolaze. Ovaj primjer pokazuje i prije iznesenu tezu da dijete pripovjedač i odrasla osoba pripovjedač nemaju jednak status kada su u pitanju kategorije vjerovanja, nevjerovanja, sumnje ili oponiranja naspram pripovijedanog sadržaja. Kada dijete pripo-vijeda, kao u nekoj od varijanti pripovijesti o kojoj imamo svjedočanstvo u primjeru Prijatelj Vizi, kod odrasle publike čak ne postoji ni sumnja da bi dogadaj mogao biti istinit. Prethodnim se pitanjima pridružuje i ono kako odrediti pripovjedni oblik u kojem publika drži da pripovjedač samo "laže'' bez obzira na to što pripovjedač uvjerava publi-ku u istinitost (vidi pretpostavljenu varijantu primjera Prizivanje duhova u podrumu koji slijedi, u kojem je odgajateljica publika) ili u kojoj pripovjedač laže da bi se obranio od optužbi da je lagao kada je govorio ono što je mislio da je istina, a ta je istina nadnaravnih karakteristika (u istom primjeru) itd. Prizivanje duhova u podrumu I sjecam se kad smo prizivali duhove. Ja, moj brat i njegovo društvo. Kako je on stariji, ono, brdo, onda je on sa svojom ekipom išao u nekakav podrum i tamo smo prizivali duhove. I znam da smo svi bježali, vrištali i da je taj duh bio došao, pod navodnicima, i nešto smo vidjeli. Onda je bila neka priča sa nekim žlicama... da je žlica bila zamotana u neke novine i onda je ta žlica izašla vani i nešto se dogodilo i znam da smo dan poslije bili sa vrticem u šumici. Sjedili smo na panjevima. To se točno sjecam i ja sam pričala svojim prijateljicama taj dogadaj. Znači, nisam ništa lagala nego sam pričala ono što sam doživjela i ono što su drugi pričali da su doživjeli. I onda par dana poslije su došli roditelji, ono. Masovno su dolazili: "Tko to djeci priča o duhovima? Djeca nece ici spavati." Neka mama nije mogla ic staviti veš na terasu jer je dijete joj stalno visilo po nozi, tralala. Uglavnom, ta drugarica me natjerala da stanem pred cijelu grupu i da kažem da sam lagala i da to ne postoji. I ja sam stala pred cijelu grupu i rekla sam: "Ja sam lagala i to ne postoji, ali to mi je drugarica rekla da kažem, a sve ono što sam vam rekla je istina. Jer ja ništa nisam lagala." (tridesetjedno-godišnjakinja). *** Da bi bilo prepoznato i tretirano kao vjerovanje, ono uvijek podrazumijeva sum-nju nekoga od sudionika govornog čina. Ako netko pripovijeda da se susreo s Djedom Mrazom (Djed Mraz u Institutu), ili pripovijeda roditeljima o tome kako se igrao s izvan-zemaljcem (kao u primjeru Prijatelj Vizi), ili pripovijeda vršnjacima o iskustvu prizivanja duhova (kao u primjeru Prizivanje duhova u podrumu), onda njegova priča dobiva na svom značaju (za folklorista i za pripovjedačevu domicilnu publiku), medu ostalim i zato što podrazumijeva sumnju barem jednog od sudionika govornog čina ili zato što publika u potpunosti odriče vjerodostojnost pripovijedanom dogadaju. A što se dogada ako vjerovanje prijede u nevjerovanje (ili suprotno, zašto ne?!), pripovijest o neobičnom iskustvu u racionalizaciju toga iskustva? Folkloristika je do kraja prve polovice 20. stolječa bila usredotočena na bilježenje i skupljanje predaja, a rijetko i "antitetički strukturiranih pripovijesti u kojima se navodno iskustvo susreta s nadnaravnim demistificira racionalnim objašnjenjem'' (Hameršak 2008: 64), koje se nazivaju negativnim predajama (usp. Hameršak 2008: 64-70 i Dégh i Vázsonyi 1976: 112-115) ili antipredajama, tranzicijskim formama, pseudopredajama (usp. Dégh i Vázsonyi 1976:112-113). Posljedicom toga može biti i prije spomenuti propust folklorista koji su vjerovanje lišili njegove važne i uvjetujuce sastavnice nevjerovanja, sumnje (za iznimku vidi Marks npr. 2004: 20). Funkcija negativnih predaja može biti primjerice edu-kacijska (Dégh i Vázsonyi 1976: 114), didaktična (Hameršak 2008: 67), ritualna, mogu biti u funkciji poticanja straha (Dégh i Vázsonyi 1976: 114) kao i njegove redukcije. Takoder, funkcija im može biti zabavna, a karakter šaljiv. Jednako tako, njihova funkcija može se ogledati i u težnji za smislenošcu vlastitog iskustva i održivosti koherentnosti pripovijesti s obzirom na osobne stavove i uvjerenja, očekivanja okoline, psihološke potrebe itd. Ako pokušamo hipotetski promišljati nabrojene karakteristike negativnih predaja aplicirane na osobna iskustva i pripovijesti o osobnom iskustvu nadnaravnoga unutar po-jedinčeva životnog ciklusa14, možemo s tim u vezu dovesti brojne prikupljene primjere pripovijesti u kojima vjerovanje iz djetinjstva u pripovijesti te iste osobe u kasnijem život-nom razdoblju zadobiva neka svojstva onoga što se naziva negativnim predajama (primjerice Svjetlo i zvuk, Čovjek u bijelom odijelu, Čovjek iz podzemlja). Primjer naslovljen Djed Mraz u Institutu pokazuje kako se taj proces može odvijati i kako je važno da se pripovijesti u kojima su pripovjedači djeca ili u kojima se pripovijeda o djetinjstvu promatraju i kroz okular procesa odrastanja, životnoga ciklusa. Da bi proces razvidan u primjeru bio jasniji, donosim neke kontekstualne informacije o priči. Krajem 2008. godine zaposlenice Instituta za etnologiju i folkloristiku, u kojem sam zaposlena, organizirale su susret djece i unuka zaposlenika s Djedom Mrazom. Kako se proslava bližila kraju, djeca su se raspršila po institutskim prostorijama na petom katu, a četverogodišnjak, čiji cu iskaz koji je nastao osam mjeseci nakon dogadaja iznijeti u obliku transkripta, medu policama knjiga pronašao je odijelo Djeda Mraza. Pozvao je svoga oca, s čudenjem mu pokazao svoj pronalazak. Tada je posumnjao u priču koju su priredili roditelji. Zbog toga smo zamolili Vilu, Djedovu pomocnicu (za koju je nedugo zatim dječak doznao da je moja kolegica s kojom dijelim radnu sobu), da mu objasni kako je moguce da je Djed Mraz tamo ostavio odjecu. Misterij mu je "racionalno" objasnila. Naime, Djed Mraz je ostavio odijelo da mu ga Vila opere jer ga je u dimnjaku zaprljao. Dječak je, barem se tada tako činilo, prihvatio argumentaciju, racionalizaciju toga dogadaja. Iskustvo povezano s Djedom Mrazom ima i svoj nastavak. Nekoliko mjeseci nakon institutskog Djeda Mraza, bili smo kod prijatelja kojima je u posjet došao stariji muškarac čiji su brada i glas podsjecali na lik Djeda Mraza, što je petogodišnjak takoder primijetio. Djed Mraz "u civi-lu'' prihvatio je novu ulogu institutskog Djeda Mraza i dječaka uvjerio da je on trenutno na godišnjem odmoru i da uskoro očekuje njegovo pismo. Djedu Mrazu malo smo i mi pomo-gli informacijama o odijelu, Institutu i njihovu susretu. Dalje u tekstu donosim transkript razgovora koji je snimljen osam mjeseci nakon inicijalnog iskustva u Institutu i tjedan dana nakon iskustva s Djedom Mrazom na godišnjem odmoru o kojima se pripovijeda: Jelena: Da li bi mi ispričao jednu priču? Adrijan: Da. Kakvu priču? Jelena: O Djedu Mrazu. 14 Važna karakteristika koja je ušla u prepoznavanje negativnih predaja, a koja još više naglašava nemogucnost komparacije sa žanrovskim karakteristikama osobnih pripovijesti, jest njihova fikcionalnost (Hameršak 2008: 64 i dalje), što je, čini se, važno distinktivno obilježje koje na razini žanrovskih koncepata udaljava oblike osobnih pripovijesti i negativnih predaja. Adrijan: Ja mislim da Djed Mrazpostoji. Jelena: Sjecaš li se kada je prošle godine u Institut došao Djed Mraz? Adrijan: Da. Jelena: Možeš mi ispričati što je bilo u Institutu? Adrijan: Tamo je bilo neko čudo. Veliko čudo. Bili su jastučici, fotokopirali smo si ruke. Vila nam je fotokopirala ruke i dobili smo fotokopije. Iste kao one koje sam poslije dobio u Klaicevoj kada sam slikao nogu. Onda je došao Djed Mraz i nasmijao se: Ahaha! I rekao je da nas jako voli. Jelena: Što je onda bilo? Adrijan: Onda smo puhali balone i igrali se s nečim i slavlje je bilo. Jelena: Što je onda bilo? Jesi li našao nešto neobično? Adrijan: Da. Našao sam knjige i pored knjiga je bilo odijelo i pokloni. Jelena: Odakle tamo Djeda Mrazovo odijelo? Što misliš? Adrijan: Pa, skinuo se. Skinuo je i bradu. Može bradu skinuti? Pa, ne može. Jelena: Pa kako mu je onda brada tamo bila? Adrijan: Pa nije brada. Odijelo samo. Dobar dečko je Djed Mraz i vjerujem u njega. Vila mi je rekla, znaš, Maša, da mu je ona nosila odijelo prati. Kada sam bio kod Jasne i Ivana bio je isto Djed Mraz. On je bio u Institutu. On mi je dao čokoladice, bombončice. Mislim da su bili čokoladni bomboni. I napolitanke. I dao nam je puse. Jelena: A kod Jasne i Ivana? Adrijan: Pa, vjerovao sam mu da je Djed Mraz. A znaš zašto mu nisam vjerovao? Jer je pio pivicu, a Djed Mraz ne pije pivicu. Volim Djeda Mraza. Pisat cu mu pismo za Božic. Ti vec znaš šta cu mu napisati. (petogodišnjak). Ovaj primjer treba promatrati u kontekstu teze da se oblici pričanja o djetinjstvu vrlo učestalo u malim vremenskim razmacima do te mjere mijenjaju da im se i žanrovska svojstva mijenjaju do katkada oprečnih kategorija (primjerice od predaje do negativne predaje, od istinite priče do lagarije). Naime, s obzirom na to da je, prema dječakovoj ocjeni, riječ o pripovijesti o "čudu'', to implicira da pripovjedač i sumnja u pripovijedano iskustvo. Priča li on memorat? Naginje li njegova priča vec pomalo obliku kojim racionalno objašnjava "čudo''? Nije li dječakova priča možda dokaz pristajanja na roditeljsku igru s Djedom Mrazom? Je li možda ova snimljena priča prijelazni oblik iz vjerovanja u nevje-rovanje? Ako publika u priču dječaka uopce ne vjeruje, o kakvom je onda pripovjednom obliku riječ? Kako trebamo odrediti priču koju je Djed Mraz na godišnjem odmoru ispri-čao dječaku? Nadalje, možemo se pitati i kojeg je žanra Vilina "racionalna argumentacija" kada joj je četverogodišnjak publika i kada su joj publika odrasle kolege. Možemo li oblik odrediti kao blizak izmišljotini, laži, fikciji, negativnoj predaji? Ovisi, dakako, o tome tko procjenjuje i iz koje pozicije. Ovdje je prije riječ o životu, pričanjima o životu, koja su promjenjiva s obzirom na životni ciklus i okolnosti različite provenijencije. U svakodnevnoj komunikaciji ovi su oblici toliko isprepleteni da se žanrovske karakteristike unutar jedne pripovijesti ili unutar jedne konverzacije, a da ne govorimo svakom pojedinom izvedbom, neprestano izmjenjuju, transformiraju. Prilikom promišljanja o žanrovskim karakteristikama primjera nipošto ne mislim da je moguce staviti znakove jednakosti i jednoznačno neki primjer odrediti nekom žan-rovskom kategorijom, ali čini mi se poticajnim promišljati u tom smjeru. Umjesto zaključka U folkloristici je neprijeporno da su usmene priče promjenjive forme. Promjenji-vost kao svojstvo možemo pripisati i osobnim pripovijestima i pričanjima o djetinjstvu, medutim ono što je kod tih oblika specifično jest da se njihove promjene, "prelasci" iz oblika u oblik, dogadaju u vrlo kratkom vremenu. Gotovo svaka izvedba mogla bi se promatrati kao bitno različit oblik jer u pripovjednoj okolini ne postoji samo dijete koje se ubrzano mijenja procesima odrastanja i učenja nego istovremeno i odrasle osobe kao publika i prenositelji pripovijesti, a oni imaju drugačiji pogled na realnost. Iz tog razloga status "mitskih biča" mogu dobiti i u folkloristici "nepriznati" pojedinci. Uzroke tome treba tražiti prije svega u procesima odrastanja koji utječu na varijabilnost pripovijesti. Prelascima iz vjerovanja u nevjerovanje (katkada i obrnuto) i promjenama raspoloživih informacija pripovjedni oblici mijenjaju svoje karakteristike koje vezujemo za pojedine tradicijske žanrove. U jednom trenutku, odnosno u jednoj vremenski bliskoj izvedbi, pri-povijesti po nekim karakteristikama nalikuju memoratima, u drugoj negativnim predajama, u trečoj lagarijama, a sve ovisno o životnom ciklusu pojedinca i svim promjenama koje on nosi kao i publici koja priču sluša i koja onda sudjeluje u procesima njene tran-smisije. Promatrajuči te promjene, slažem se sa Sandrom Stahl da se predložak koji se žanrovski odreduje mora promatrati kao proces (1977a: 19), ali se predložak kojemu je dijete pripovjedač ili koji čini pripovijest o djetinjstvu mora promatrati i kroz okular procesa odrastanja, životnog ciklusa, a ne kao snimljena ili zabilježena pripovjedna okamina u kontekstu izvedbe. Navedena literatura Boškovič-Stulli, Maja. 1975. "Narodna predaja - Volkssage - kamen spoticanja u podjeli vrsta usmene proze''. U Usmena književnost kao umjetnost riječi. Zagreb: Mladost, 121-136. Boškovič-Stulli, Maja. 1984. "Pričanja o životu. (Iz problematike suvremenih usmenoknji-ževnih vrsta)''. U Usmeno pjesništvo u obzorju književnosti. Zagreb: Nakladni zavod Matice hrvatske, 309-366. Boškovič-Stulli, Maja. 2006. "O povijesti i teoriji pričanja i priča". U Priče i pričanje. Sto-ljeca usmene hrvatske proze. Drugo dopunjeno izdanje. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska, 5-28. Bruner, Jerome. 1991. "The narrative construction of reality''. Critical Inquiry 18/1: 1-21. Bruner, Jerome. 2004./1987. "Life as narrative''. Social Research 71/3: 691-710. Degh, Linda. 1977. "UFOs and how folklorists should look at them''. Fabula 18: 242-243. Degh, Linda. [Deg, Linda]. 1987/1971. "Predanje 'verovanje' u modernom društvu: Forma, funkcija i veza sa drugim žanrovima". Polja. Časopis za kulturu, umetnost i društvena pitanja. XXXIII/340: 257-261. Degh, Linda. 2001. Legend and Belief. Dialectics of Folklore Genre. Bloomington i Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Degh, Linda i Vazsonyi, Andrew. 1974. "The memorate and the proto-memorate". Journal of American Folklore 87/345: 225-239. Dégh, Linda i Vazsonyi, Andrew. 1976. "Legend and belief''. U Folklore Genres. Dan Ben-Amos, ur. Austin: University of Texas Press, 93-123. Hameršak, Marijana. 2008. Tvorbe djetinjstva i preobrazbe bajke u hrvatskoj dječjoj književnosti. Doktorska disertacija. IEF rkp 1951. Honko, Lauri. 1964. "Memorates and the study of folk belief". Journal of the Folklore Institute 1/1,2: 5-19. Lowe, Virginia A. P. 1979. "A brief look at some UFO legends'' Indiana Folklore 12: 6779. Markovic, Jelena. 2010a. Folkloristički i kulturnoantropološki aspekti pričanja o djetinjstvu. Doktorska disertacija. Zagreb: Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Markovic, Jelena. 2010b. "Pričanja o djetinjstvu i srodni koncepti: "Velike'' i/ili "male'' priče''. Narodna umjetnost 47/2: 51-76. Marks, Ljiljana. 2004. "Ban Josip Jelačic in Croatian oral legends: Between history and myth''. Narodna umjetnost 41/1: 7-21. Pentikainen, Juha. 1973. "Belief, memorate, and legend." Folklore Forum 6(4): 217-241. Rudan, Evelina. 2006. "Authentication formulae in demonological legends''. Narodna umjetnost 43/1: 89-111. Sanarov, Valerii I. 1981. "On the nature and origin of flying saucers and little green men''. Current Anthropology 22/2: 163-167. Smith, Sidonie i Watson, Julia. 2001. Reading Autobiography. A Guide for Interpreting Life Narratives. Minneapolis, London: University of Minnesota Press. Stahl, Sandra Dolby. 1977a. "The oral personal narrative in its generic context". Fabula 18/1,2: 18-39. Stahl, Sandra Dolby. 1977b. "The personal narrative as folklore''. Journal of the Folklore Institute 14/1,2: 9-30. Stahl, Sandra Dolby. 1989. Literary Folkloristics and Personal Narrative. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Von Sydow, Carl Wilhelm [Von Sidov, Karl]. 1987/1948. "Kategorije proznog narodnog pesništva''. Polja. Časopis za kulturu, umetnost i društvena pitanja. XXXIII/340: 229-231. Storytelling about Unusual Childhood Experiences and Processes of Ontogenesis Jelena Markovic The article focuses on stories told by children and adults about unusual childhood experiences, such as, encounters or "encounters" with Santa Claus, fairies, aliens, strange sounds, people or phenomena. The texts traditionally used to define genres determined the very concepts they served to define. But this research into storytelling about childhood produced a collection of texts which is different from standard folklore collections. What makes it different is the fact that there was no intention of collecting examples of traditional genres. This collection of oral narratives is based on conversations and life itself. There is yet another difference. The intention was to examine storytelling about childhood (dealing with an unusual childhood event) by taking into account various other ways in which the story might have been told and observing it with regard to an individual's life cycle, processes of ontogenesis, and the transmission of the story in the family and "small" groups. Thus, depending on an individual's life cycle, genres may undergo dramatic and varied changes. Note that we are not dealing with pseudofolklore; rather, we are trying to overcome a methodological inadequacy: our inability to follow a person around with a tape-recorder all their life, recording the life of a story. This line of thought shows that it is sometimes impossible to take "natural" narratives from everyday situations and fit them into "unnatural" genre categories. It also illustrates that an existing classification of oral narratives may impose limits on us when dealing with everyday life - by focusing on the classification we pay insufficient attention to life as the context of the narrative, concentrating instead on petrified narratives within the context of a particular performance. In this article the author adopted this alternative perspective, and compared storytelling about childhood with some traditional narratives, basing the comparison on certain characteristics of ethic genres, including their communicative, narrative, semantic and epistemological features. Storytelling about childhood was primarily observed as a practice and not a form. In the article the author suggests that the original story told by a child, or a story about childhood, must be seen from the point of view of the process of growing up, of the life cycle, and not as a recorded petrified narrative within the context of a particular performance. Lowbrow Skepticism or Highbrow Rationalism? (Anti)Legends in 19th-Century Croatian Primers Marijana Hamersak The article discusses one of the numerous intersections of orality and literacy in the long 19th century in Croatian society. More specifically, it focuses on the orality of Croatian primers published from 1779 until the start of World War I and the issue of the primers' implementation of narratives which are today considered characteristic of oral communication and labeled as pseudo-, negative-, anti-legends (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976). Looking into the issue of marginality of (anti)legends in the folklore collections and folkloristic research, and after discussing differences and similarities between (anti)legends published in primers and documented in folklore collections of this and the following period, the article discusses the question of whether their inclusion in long 19th century Croatian primers was the implementation of lowbrow skepticism or the intrusion of highbrow rationalism, or both. In their discussion of inequalities echoed in the voices of the founders of modern critical thought, Richard Bauman and Charles L. Briggs recently noticed that today it is a commonplace "not only of histories that focus on transformations of the world associated with the production and reception of printed discourse, but of far more sweeping lines of social, cultural, philosophical, and cognitive theory, to contrast the printed word with the spoken word, literacy with orality" (Bauman & Briggs 2003: 13). Quite the opposite can be said of the status of orality and literacy in folklore studies. The days when the followers of the Finnish school belittled the literary tradition are long gone. The Romantic conception of folklore in which the poems and tales collected in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were seen as messages from the ancient times when the life and oral traditions of the people had not been influenced by print, literature, reading and writing (cf. Apo 2007: 20), is now replaced by the notion of merging of literacy and orality, which has become an indisputable principle of rigorous folklore research. The idea that orality and literacy intersect across ages, cultures and societies has become widely known since the 1980s and the works by Jack Goody (1987), Rudolf Schenda (1997, 2007), Eric Havelock (2003) and others, but, as seen in the quotation from Briggs and Bauman, has never gained general acceptance. Nevertheless, even Walter Ong's famous book Orality and Literacy (1982), where orality and literacy are seen as polarities, emphasizes their interconnections. Although Ong's starting point was the opposition between literacy and orality, he states in his concluding remarks that "the orality-literacy interaction enters into ultimate human concerns and aspirations" (Ong 1982: 179). He views literacy and orality as different cognitive and cultural spheres, but he nevertheless develops the notion of secondary orality which is "based permanently on the use of writ- ing and print, which are essential for the manufacture and operation of the equipment and for its use as well" (Ong 1982: 136-138). Following the idea that instead of the orality-literacy opposition we can only speak about the constant merging of orality and literacy, this article will focus on the orality of Croatian primers in the long 19th century, i. e. primers published from 1779 until the start of World War I. For the purpose of this research, primers will be defined as books used in first grades of elementary education to teach children reading and writing. Primers are not a random example. They were chosen primarily because, paradoxically but pragmatically, they employ orality in order to spread literacy. In fact, it can be said that primers as such are a link between orality and literacy. Or even more radically, a primer is a precondition for literacy. *** Ever since the end of the 18th century, primers have had a crucial role in teaching literacy in Croatian society. Since that time, the rules of reading and writing have been taught in primers. The purpose of a primer is to instruct people how to transform sounds into letters, the spoken word into the written. But the reality is that during this process it is the letters that are primarily transformed into sounds, or the written words into the spoken word, rather than vice versa. Even today the alphabet, syllabarium and texts from primers are typically spoken, or rather, read aloud, oralized in the process of instruction. From this perspective, it could be said that the graphemes printed in the primers are decoded factually as phonemes. Letters in primers are literally printed to be pronounced, and words or sentences to be spoken. The orality of primers was even more significant in the past. The variety of fonts and types, characteristic of 19th century primers is, as Patrica Crain stated about The New England Primer (used from the end of the 17th century to mid-19th century), "a reminder that the primer was introducing the alphabet into nonalphabetized culture and to a nonprint audience" (Crain 2000: 42). Sometimes the alphabet and syllabarium served only as "exercises in pronunciation, quite separate from meaning" (Crain 2000: 43). Quite similarly, words and letters printed in 19th century Croatian primers were primarily supposed to be spoken, verbalized, and the syllabarium was often learned with no reference to meaning. Moreover, it is worth mentioning that in the context of 19th century Croatia, reading instruction usually precedes writing instruction. The principal goal of primary school education was learning how to read. Therefore, many pupils completed elementary school with very limited reading skills (Wolfl 1879: 538) and with almost no knowledge of writing. Many different documents suggest that the majority of people who completed elementary school during the second half of the 19th century could no more than sign their name (Gross & Szabo 1992: 98-99). Not to mention that, for most readers at the time, reading aloud was the norm. Instruction in reading was in fact instruction in speaking written words. Primers from the 19th century also abounded with orality on a higher, discourse level. Thus, dialogic texts, and narratives familiar to the readers from the oral communication were common in primers. As opposed to the tractate literature focusing on moral instruction, rules and formulas to be learned by heart (Jembrih 1994: 31), which was dominant before the long 19th century, 19th century Croatian primers preferred tales and dialogic texts rather than formulas and rules, in accordance with the new conception of childhood which emerged during the Enlightenment and partially during Romanticism (cf. e.g. Cunningham 1995). Tales and dialogues were included in these primers with the intention of teaching children "useful and crucial everyday truths, principles and rules of life" (Helfert as cited in Basariček 1895-1906: 150). Some of these tales, which meant to teach children useful and crucial everyday truths, principles and rules of life, were taken from or inspired by the patterns and forms characteristic of oral communication. It may seem curious that today's epitomes of oral narratives, such as jocular tales, tall tales or magic tales, were not included in these primers. It was not until the second half of the 19th century, when the romantic concept of folklore as a survival from a distant national past was generally adopted in the Croatian cultural sphere (cf. Boškovic-Stulli 2006: 86-102), that these narratives were incorporated into Croatian primers. Nevertheless, almost all Croatian primers from the long 19th century included at least one narrative that could be connected to oral belief narratives, or rather, in most cases a negation or distortion of the belief narratives. The oldest among these narratives is the one about little Franz (Francek, Franjo), first published in a primer dating from 1779 and republished several times in the 19th century. In this tale Franz alarmed his father: "Fire, fire!" after he saw a reflection of the Sun on the surface of the lake and his father demonstrated to him that what he had seen was actually a reflection. The father also warned him: "My son! The reflection is just an illusion. Therefore you need instruction of wise men, to learn not to believe everything you see, but to use your reason instead" (Abc 1779:40-41). This tale is also one of the first Croatian articulations of the view according to which the seriousness of the elementary school should be employed "to eradicate this fault [i.e. superstition - M. H.]. This difficult feat cannot be accomplished by any amount of moralizing or persuasion as to the opposite, for young people believe folk traditions more than school, it can be done by employing irrefutable arguments of natural history. [...] One means to achieve this end, then, is for the children to realize, based on the laws of nature, which acts people and nations can and which they cannot carry out using their physical forces" (Klobučar 1869: 181-182). Tales like the one about Franz can also be found in other Croatian primers from the long 19th century. Thus, the Franz tale is related to the one about a boy who was frightened by servants who told him various scary stories, especially popular in primers dating back to the first half of the 19th century.1 Similarly, a primer published in 1852, contained a tale about a man who believed that he was pursued "by a ghost, possibly even the devil himself" (Sto 1852: 32), only to realize at the end that he was "pursued" by a hawthorn branch which got stuck to his cloak. Another primer from the period contained the tale about Rožalija who, having heard somebody scratching at the door at night, immediately thought that it was her dead cousin trying to talk to her (cf. Kratka 1840: 42; Male 1843: 35). In yet another primer published several years later, a tale about Rožalija's namesake, Ružica, appeared, who, thought that the scratching was a "hobgoblin" (Pripovesti 1846: 21). In both tales, in the morning the protagonists realized that it had, in fact, been a dog. In addition to these, a tale from a mid-19th century primer should also be mentioned, in which a boy called Božidar goes to a neighbor's house one evening, where people were sitting, spinning yarn and "talking about hobgoblins" (Šulek 1 Cf. the following tales: Imen 1823: 56-60; Kratka 1840: 42; Male 1843: 35; Sto 1852: 15-16. 1850: 58). Suddenly there was a rattle, and everyone fled because they were afraid. Only Božidar, who had a progressive parental education, went to see where the noise was coming from, and laughing uproariously caught the "hobgoblin by the horns", brought it "down the stairs" where the gathered crowd found out that it was a "goat who had escaped from the barn and went to the attic" (Šulek 1850: 58). In the long 19th century, elementary school primers used such tales to demystify, denounce and/or rationalize folk beliefs; but sometimes they also cumulatively presented examples of the so-called superstitions (cf. Druga 1860: 157-158) without a coherent storyline, and, more commonly, stories within stories (cf. Druga 1860: 166-167). The tale about a boy who got frightened of his own shadow having ruthlessly stolen a bag of walnuts - appearing in one of the primers - is in fact a story within a story that a father told his daughters when he found out that "Luca the servant told them tales about bogies", in order to convince them that someone "with a clear conscience has nothing to fear; fear is only for evil people" (Druga 1860: 166). Explicit moral teachings like this one are found in many narratives of this type. For instance, in a 1902 primer, a version of a tale about a man who died of fear because his cloak got stuck to a grave, which was very popular in Croatian literature of the second half of the 19th century, was framed by the comment that "in the ancient times even intelligent people believed all sorts of things. They believed in the wrong gods, specters, werewolves, elves, witches and soothsayers. And when an accident happened they would say that it was because of this or that, refusing to believe the real reason why the accident happened" (Čitanka 1902: 80). Similarly, in a bilingual Italian-Croatian primer (cf. Zabava 1849: 19), the central tale which was described as literally true was contrasted with "foolishness" about incubi, the dead, witches, dwarves etc. Just as in the above mentioned tale prompted by Luca's tales (1860: 166), the readers were called upon to use their common sense and moral superiority: "Be good and have a sound good-night's sleep: goodness frees you", and only evildoing and remorse can cause you to fear (Zabava 1849: 17-19). Some of these tales were based on oral narratives which folklorists frequently refer to as mythical or demonological legends, narratives which, according to the classical definition of the genre, deal with a supposedly true encounter of ordinary people with supernatural forces (cf. e.g. Boškovic-Stulli 1975: 130; Degh 2001: 51), incubi, fairies, the dead, etc. The content and form of the tales about Ružica and Rožalija who got frightened (cf. Kratka 1840: 42; Male 1843: 35; Pripovesti 1846: 21) as well as the tales about the man who got scared in the forest (cf. Sto 1852) and the brave Božidar (cf. Šulek 1850) problematized this type of tale. In this sense, these tales published in primers can be taken as an argument in support of the claim, thus far only sporadically researched in Croatia, according to which in the long 19th century tales were told to children and adults alike. As summarized by Geoffrey Summerfield, in most pre-written oral traditional narrative situations, there was no firm distinction between the children and the adults of the audience: they all sat, or stood, commingled and united in a shared experience (Summerfield 1984: 244). As claimed by Aries (1989: 176), children used to be part of the adult world, and would thus hear tales that are today classified as purely adult tales (cf. Hameršak 2009: 243-246). On the other hand, some of abovementioned tales which were also published in primers, those about boys (cf. Imen 1823: 56-60; Kratka 1840: 42; Male 1843: 35; Sto 1852: 15-16) or girls (cf. Druga 1860: 166) whom maids scared with tales about ghosts, specters, the Bogeyman, did not problematize telling legends. Given that these tales were critical of the instruction methods used by maids, it may be assumed that they were disapproved of for the same reasons that John Locke mentions in his famous treatise on education from 1693: "But even then, and always whilst he is young, be sure to preserve his tender mind from all impressions and notions of spirits and goblins, or any fearful apprehensions in the dark. This he will be in danger of from the indiscretion of servants, whose usual method is to awe children, and keep them in subjection, by telling them of raw-head and bloody-bones, and such other names as carry with them the ideas of something terrible and hurtful, which they have reason to be afraid of when alone, especially in the dark" (Locke 1909-1914: 138). The narratives that Locke criticized are usually classified as fairytales in the literature, but it is a moot point whether they were in fact fairytales.2 At the time when Locke published his Thoughts Concerning Education, Ruth Bottigheimer claims, there were no folk tales about the rise (and sometimes, as in Cinderella, first the downfall and then a rise) on the social scale with the help of a miracle, which is today synonymous with a fairytale.3 Therefore, Bottigheimer believes that "when John Locke inveighed against servants who filled their young charges' ears with tales about fairy beings, he was not talking about fairy tales with plotted texts and Aristotelian beginnings, middles, ends [...]. Instead, the tales Locke meant were tales about fairies, hobgoblins, Robin Goodfellows, and imps, creatures whose doings explained events in the reader's or listener's daily life, such as lost keys or dry cows" (Bottigheimer 2005: 2), in a word - legends. Still, it seems that Locke's admonition did not refer to legends. In fact, Locke explicitly mentions servants who "awe children, and keep them in subjection, by telling them of raw-head and bloody-bones, and such other names" (Locke 1909-1914: 138), which means that his remark about narratives intended for children and with a specific educational goal - should be considered as possibly referring to tales, narratives or most often the shorter narrative fragments frequently called warning tales in folkloristics rather than to legends, which did not specify the receivers' age.4 According to Marc Soriano (1969: 27), warning tales are one of the few oral forms which were meant exclusively for children even before the advent of written children's literature and that (which is particularly important with regard to the referent of Locke's admonition) they were used to scare them.5 Descriptively, these are tales such as the one in which a 19th century character of popular children's educational tales would tell his sister: "Katinka, beware, do not go too close to the old town. Sometimes the Lady of the Tower appears there. She is not very nice to children, and she could do something unpleasant to you!" (Schmid 1892: 12). This is the type of tale about which we know, when we reach a certain age - as Katinka said - that they "were made 2 Locke's stories are connected with fairytales by, e.g., Cross 1997: 19; Hamersak 2004: 33; O'Malley 2003: 18; Sky 2002: 373-374. 3 Truth be told, the similarity between the stories that Locke talks about and fairytales is not an entirely modern deduction - it was mentioned by Tomislav Ivkanec, the author of the entry entitled "Fairy Tale and Tale" published in the Pedagogical Encyclopedia in the 19/20th century. Ivkanec believed that the opinion that "stories induce fear and superstition in children [...] cannot be applied to all stories", but only to those that "imprint on the children's soul the fear and superstition, and do not let children sleep peacefully, which primarily refers to stories that mention phantasms, ghosts, dead people and other types of bogies used to scare disobedient children (Ivkanec 1895-1906: 349). 4 In Croatia, Evelina Rudan (2011) has recently written about oral tales, narrative fragments and warnings used to discipline children. 5 For more information on warning tales see Soriano 1972; Tatar 1992: 30-50. up for disobedient children, so as to keep them away from the old tower, because a rock might fall off and kill them" (Schmid 1892: 12). In a word, these are narratives, or more frequently short warnings which the adults use to appease a child "telling him: this one will bite you, that one will eat you, I will call a dog, there comes the chimney sweep, you will be swallowed by the dark, the Bogeyman will come" (Prestini 1887: 374). *** All of the abovementioned tales published in primers explicitly or implicitly included another legend or a warning tale framed by an explicit rational explanation of a supposedly supernatural experience. All of them also contained a moral about the harmful effects of oral belief narratives (in the broad sense of the term: legend, warning tale etc.) on everyday life and worldview. Moreover, all of them started or ended with lamentations about the destructiveness of oral belief narratives. Therefore at first sight it would be reasonable to assume that these tales used the rationalist matrix of primers, or in other words - highbrow culture. However, the problem with such a view of oral legends and especially of warning tales - which were, at best, considered belief narratives only by their receivers (children), and not their senders (adults) - was that they did not belong exclusively to the highbrow domain. For instance, in his famous monograph on Poljica (Dalmatia) the Croatian ethnographer Frano Ivanisevic wrote that various types of magic and soothsaying were referred to as "surke babe Jurke" ('old woman Jurka's tales'), i.e. old women's tales (Ivanisevic 1987: 627).6 From this emic skeptical perspective, which is, truth be told, rarely mentioned in older ethnological and folklore studies texts, it is no wonder that the founders of the performance-centered approach to legends, Linda Degh and Andrew Vazsonyi, noticed "a whole group of well established legends that are built up against commonly known and confirmed belief concepts with the intent to discredit them" (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976: 112). These legends are usually called anti-legends, negative legends, pseudo-belief-legends, transition forms, mixed forms, corruptions, travesties and can have various social functions, such as: educational, ritual, fear-stimulating (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976: 112-113). In this article they will be designated as (anti)legends. The prefix anti is used to show that these tales, at least in the context of the 19th century Croatian primers, should be seen as a relevant and distinct class of texts. On the other hand, this prefix is written in parenthesis to reflect the claim of those approaches to legends which rightly insist that questioning the belief or the truth is in the core of the genre (Degh 2001, Oring 2008 etc.) According to Degh and Vazsony, the main subject matter of (anti)legends is the difference in reality values (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976: 112). Of course, this difference and its negotiation is characteristic of legend telling in general because "the question of belief-nonbelief is an active problem in any community where legends are told" (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976: 109). Exactly because of that, negotiation of this difference can be observed and interpreted on different levels. The question of belief or disbelief can be observed on the level of interaction between the teller and the audience, on the level of personal 6 Milan Lang, the author of the ethnographic monograph on Samobor (small town near Zagreb) from the beginning of the 20th century, was somewhat more reserved than Ivanisevic with regard to the issue of the skepticism of the folk. Lang believed that "people who do not believe any of this are but few in our country: there are much fewer of them among the common folk, and more of them among the gentry" (Lang 1992: 932). attitudes, individual variations etc. In the case of an (anti)legend it is expressed by the narrative content itself (Dégh & Vázsonyi 1976:112-113). The (anti)legend itself is an articulation of this question. Of course, the fact that the above mentioned tales which were included in primers have had their oral counterparts does not guarantee their oral background. The fact is that orality and literacy merged in various ways throughout history. Legends about saints entered the oral repertoire from sermons and religious books (cf. e. g. Boskovic-Stulli 2006: 23), and according to some authors fairy tales (or at least the rise and restoration of fairy tales) derived from written (print and manuscript) culture (cf. e. g. Bottigheimer 2009). On the other hand, the fact that (anti)legends came into the analytical focus of folk-lorists only recently (cf. Dégh & Vázsonyi 1976: 112) may suggest that the same, printed-oral, pathway of dissemination could be assumed for (anti)legends as well. But the observation that folklorists have only recently focused on (anti)legends does not support the conclusion that (anti)legends were not part of oral repertoire in the past. As Dégh and Vázsonyi point out: "The folklorist has been acquainted with negative legends; he has not paid much attention to them" (Dégh & Vázsonyi 1976: 112). For this construct of the interdependence of the research interest and the written source of a phenomenon to collapse, it will suffice to consider the impact that the research perception of traditional culture had on, for example, studying oral narratives in Croatia. As is well known, in the course of history folklorists preferred certain genres and ignored others. The same was true in Croatia. In the words of Ivan Lozica: "The history of reception and research of oral tradition of the South Slavs, starting with Fortis to this day, is a history of favoring specific oral genres, particularly epic ones. Although important collectors (primarily Vuk Stefanovic Karadic) edited collections containing an equal distribution of other oral genres, the epic has remained to this day the indisputable archetype of Yugoslav folklore (at least in areas where Croatian and Serbian are spoken). The reasons for this are manifold - heroic themes played an important role in the creation of national myths during the formation of Balkan states, the foreign reading and scholarly audience was fascinated by the picturesque exoticism of the Morlach and highland mentality, and the 20th century interest of researchers in the epic technique was instrumental in familiarizing the world with the Yugoslav epic poetry" (Lozica 2008: 116). An entire array of factors, including epistemological success stories (the research by Albert B. Lord and Mil-man Parry), political movements (the creation of national states in the 19th century), styles (Romanticism), and ideological poetics (Balkanism) thus had an effect on what we today consider and study as the network and hierarchy of oral genres. As Renata Jambresic Kirin warns, during the 19th century "native and foreign folklorists, under the influence of the predominant views about South Slavic epic folklore space, searched for the oldest and the most beautiful epic songs, and ignored fairy tales, tales and legends" (Jambresic Kirin 1997: 53), not to mention (anti)legends. If we generalize, until recently folkloristics "selected those utterances (and genres) as its subject whose dominant function was artistic, or those utterances whose composition or linguistic structure was such that (after they were taken from their original context by writing them down) they could be interpreted as poetic, literary texts" (Lozica 2008: 124). Until recently folklorists ignored, for the subject of this article important levels and forms: metafolklore, metanarration in folklore and folklore forms based on metanarration. Assuming the simplicity of oral narratives, focusing on texts and their aesthetic features and an "objective" message of the tale, prior to the 1970s folklorists usually created a collection of folk narratives which, as Barbara Babcock-Abrahams puts it, "consisted of texts which record little more than narrative content and, all too often, [gave] only a skeletal plot summary of that" (1976: 178). The interest in performance and the presence of the theoretical folklorist in the field challenged this approach and introduced metanarration (which is in the heart of such forms as (anti)legends) as a relevant field of inquiry. Beside that, when in the 1970s a more complex and flexible approach to folklore was applied to folklore genres and folklore in general (Ben-Amos 1971, Dundes 1980), unconditional belief was no longer recognized as the constitutive feature of the genre and, consequently, the rationalization of a belief was no longer recognized as a sign of genre destruction. Or as Linda Degh and Andrew Vaszonyi put it some time ago: "The idea that, prior to modern industrialization, values expressed through folklore were unanimously accepted by individual members of the society would support the contention that legends must be believed. Contrary to this folklorists now know for sure that there are and always were individuals of 'rational mind' opposed to the belief in supernatural or uncommon events" (Degh & Vazsonyi 1976: 113). In fact, it should be said that folklorists know it for sure only recently, after they have undertaken an in-depth historical research of this subject. An example of such a research is Timothy Corrigan Correll's (2005) close reading of late 19th and early 20th century Irish ethnographic records. His research demonstrated that skepticism and its articulation in (anti)legends was quite common among Irish tellers of traditional narratives at that time. In his own words: "traditions of belief and traditions of disbelief were competing discourses that came into collision, interpenetrating and modifying each other in a dialectical relationship that informed individuals as they negotiated their own attitudes about the fairies and fairy healers" (2005: 1). No such research was conducted in Croatia, but a preliminary glance into the ethnographic records from the same period (late 19th and early 20th century) supports the conclusion that popular skepticism, as well as (anti)legends were common in Croatian society at the time. For example, as it has been said, some Croatian ethnographers from the late 19th century also insisted that not all members of a researched community believed in popular belief narratives. Here is how Frano Ivanisevic describes the classical, ideal narrative situation where tales are told at the table, during the winter at dinner or during a journey: "Everybody is silent as if they were dead, they are listening to the storyteller and looking him in the eye. At the end, when he is done, some may say: 'I wonder whether this is actually true?' - He replies: 'People would not tell it if they had not heard it and seen it.' - 'To make something like this up is easy, I do not believe you, friend' they might protest. - 'Why don't you go and ask whether it is true!', the narrator would retort" (Ivanisevic 1987: 519). Other 19th century Croatian manuscripts and printed collections of folk narratives also suggest that skepticism was part of the traditional worldview and that (anti)legends were told at that time. In other words, these collections, albeit rarely, did contain tales similar to those published in primers, aimed at rationalizing and demystifying popular beliefs. Open skepticism toward traditional tales and beliefs is, also seen, for example, in an (anti)legend which Rudolf Strohal recorded in Lika (Western Croatia) at the end of the 19th century "exactly" as it was told by a twenty-one-year-old (Strohal 1904: 233, 250-251). This is a version of a tale that was also popular in children's literature of the time (cf. e.g. Stojanovic 1879: 74; Turic 1885: 131) about a young man who went to the cemetery to remove a cross from a grave, but literally died of fear while doing so. "At the cemetery, as he was driving the cross into the grave, it caught his cloak, and when he wanted to get up, something pulled him back into the grave - it was his cloak - and he fell flat on the ground, dying of fear" (Strohal 1904: 251). Even earlier records of (anti)legends also exist. For example, a young student of medicine Ivan Lovric, in his prompt and polemical 1776 answer to Alberto Fortis' famous Viaggio in Dalmazia (1774), mentions a haunted house in the Dalmatian hinterland and a brave man "who was not so superstitious. One day he went to visit the house, infamous for night noises made by ghosts. Near the house he found a pit which was in fact a hidden entrance to the house. He also found some ropes tied to different objects and set up so as to make noise" (Lovric 1948: 166). Examples of exploiting folk beliefs like the one described by Lovric were frequently published in the popular and scholarly press of the 19th century. Thus in 1838, Ilirske narodne novine reported of a furrier's apprentice who convinced some superstitious people from the town of Sisak that an eerie noise and the sound of breaking dishes were in fact made by a ghost (as cited in Boskovic-Stulli 2006: 91). In his monograph about Slavonian folk customs published in the mid-19th century, Luka Ilic Oriovcanin, a priest and an ethnographer, in the chapter on werewolves mentioned the case of a boy who "used to put resin on his teeth to blacken them, to make them look like metal [...] in order to get a girl - when he could not convince her to take him for love, to do it for fear" (1846: 296-297). Ilic Oriovcanin also wrote of a man "from the neighborhood" who, posed as a "werewolf", and would come every night "to see a woman who still lives there, tempting her, knowing full well that her husband was not home" (Ilic Oriovcanin 1846: 297). I heard a similar tale in 2002 in Pakovo Selo. However, in that version, the tale was interpreted humorously as an attempt by the unfaithful wife to make adultery look like a rape. Ivan Lovric was an intellectual dedicated to the ideas of the Enlightenment, which might, at first sight, make us classify his Note about a false haunted house as the product of highbrow rationalism. But such a classification is quite problematic on several levels. Firstly, even during the Enlightenment in Croatia, folk practices were often repudiated by using these practices themselves (cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1978: 222). Antun Matija Relkovic's decasyllabic epic poem Satir iliti divji covik (1762) is perhaps the most famous example of the selective Enlightenment approach to traditional culture in Croatian literature. For example, on the one hand, Relkovic in his Satir condemns the kolo wheel dance saying that the songs sung in the kolo are used to glorify Prince Marko, whom he considered a Turkish minion. On the other hand, in the second edition of the Satir, Relkovic uses folk poetry, more specifically the poem "Piju vino dva Jaksica mlada" (Two young Jaksics drinking wine) that is used to show the reader the woman's role in preserving or destroying a family (cf. e.g. Dukic 2004: 33). Secondly, the fact that Lovrics (anti)legend about friars may be oral in origin is supported by many correspondences between the narrative that appear in his Notes and the field notes from Sinjska krajina from the second half of the 20th century (cf. Boskovic-Stulli 1967-1968). Thirdly, Lovric contextualized his paragraph about the haunted house with the formula "people say" which is characteristic of legends in general.7 To be more precise: "People say", Lovric wrote, "that similar things are done by friars whenever someone dies and leaves nothing to them" (Lovric 1948: 166). There- 7 For an exhaustive analysis of authentication formulae see Rudan 2006. fore it seems more appropriate to label Lovric's "report" about the haunted house not as a highbrow rationalist intervention in popular belief, but rather as a highbrow rationalist appropriation of popular skepticism. *** The above mentioned 19th century records of (anti)legends, as well as the proposed interpretation of their invisibility or even neglect in the older folkloristics research, suggests that (anti)legends published in primers could be interpreted as highbrow rationalism appropriations of popular skepticism, or more precisely, as just another example of oral forms and popular practices being regulated by the practices and forms coming from the same oral context. This appropriation, of course, meant the introduction of new functions, as well as an emphasis on certain aspects and features of oral (anti)legends. Generally speaking all, both oral and printed, (anti)legends mentioned in the article suggest that instruction was one of the functions of this class of narratives. Demonstrating that the encounter with a supposedly supernatural phenomenon could in fact be explained rationally, (anti)legends taught their listeners how to overcome similar situations without fear of the supernatural, i.e. without deadly consequences. However, (anti)legends from the Croatian elementary school primers and children's books from the long 19th century had an additional function. Thus, the tale about the man in the forest, rather than ending with a remark about the inauthenticity of the supernatural in general, which was, according to Linda Degh and Andrew Vazsony (1976: 113), characteristic of this type of oral (anti)legends, ended with the observation that, when a "reasonable man" heard rustling he would "touch to see what it was, saving himself such horror and torment" (Sto 1852: 32-33). Similarly, tales about Ružica (cf. Pripovesti 1846: 21) or Božidar (Šulek 1850: 58) also highlighted the ignorance of its heroes. And Franz, in a primer first published in 1779 and republished several times until the mid 19th century, was reminded by his father that "the reflection can trick you many times, and this is why you need the instruction of wise men, to learn not to believe everything you see but to use your reason instead" (Abc 1779: 40-41). Highlighting ignorance was apparently part of a strategy to explain to the child readers (i.e. learners) a particular misconception by using a tale (example), but also to put forward the general deduction about the dangers of ignorance. It was this deduction which could compel children to learn. It is of importance to notice that a relevant number of (anti)legends published in primers demystified knowledge or experience of the world acquired outside the school, emphasizing that hobgoblins were a thing you could hear about "from foolish people" (Pripovesti 1846: 21) and that clever people do not tell tales about them (cf. Šulek 1850: 58). In addition to Rožalija and Božidar, other protagonists misled by storytelling include various tales about scared boys, for instance, variants of the narrative about a boy who, fearing a chimney sweep, climbed a tree, all because the tales told to him by a servant left an imprint on him (cf. Imen 1823: 56-60; Sto 1852: 15-16), or variants of the narrative about a boy who after hearing tales "would scarcely dare go to sleep, looking all around him in the dark, fearing he would see something. [...] He dreamed several times that he saw a ghastly ghost, and then he would wake up" (Male 1843: 35; cf. Kratka 1840: 42).8 8 All of the emphases in this paragraph are mine. It is unclear whether the emphasis on hearing and telling i. e. narration was part of the oral tradition of these tales, or whether it was a later addition to serve the primer. In the existing recordings of oral (anti)legends about a man who died of fear when going to the cemetery, his leaving for the cemetery is usually motivated by a bet, while in the published children's versions the standard motivation was to demystify tales told while spinning yarn.9 However, a bet was not necessarily the only motivation in the oral articulation of these tales. The sheer number and variety of living practices does not allow for any final conclusions to be based on the necessarily selective records. It is entirely possible that narration was the driving force in one of the countless non-recorded versions of the (anti)legend about the "hero" at the cemetery, especially in view of the fact that it is a common motivational factor in oral traditions (cf. Boskovic-Stulli 19671968: 348). However, it is also entirely possible that the emphasis on narration in the tales published in children's publications was an editorial practice, especially if we take into account that the editors were anyway given to such "editing" of oral narratives. Still, regardless of whether the emphasis on narration was a result of the editors' work or not, the fact remains that it was narration rather than a bet that moved the story forward, as such being an illustration of a metafolklore (cf. Dundes 1979: 52-58) or, to be more precise, a metanarrative (cf. Boskovic-Stulli 2002: 47-64) prescriptive practice, which was (as I have tried to show) first promoted in the primers of the first half of the 19th century, and later in children's magazines and collections. Based on the idea that tales had a powerful influence on children (which was the foundation of the very endeavor to provide children with useful and life-saving truths, principles and rules of life through fictional plots), (anti)legends published in 19th century Croatian primers thus - beside the content - criticized also the act of narration, beside the belief also the performance.10 (Anti)legends published in primers included at least fragments of metanarrative frames and forms of oral performances, which were out of interest for generations of folklorists, because primers defined narration as a socially relevant and creative act. It is precisely for this reason that primers can be seen as a relevant but, presumably because of their highbrow nature, unjustly ignored material or source of insight into the complexity, dynamics and history of folk narratives. 11 9 For the motivation of the narrative about the man who died at the cemetery in Croatian children's collections and magazines of the 19th century see, e.g. Stojanovic 1879: 74; Turic 1885: 131. For the motivation of the oral variants of this narrative cf. e.g. Belovic-Bernadzikowska 1899; Boskovic-Stulli 1967-1968: 348; Citanka 1902: 80; Devcic 1887; Dolenc 1972: 140; Marks 1980: 245; Strohal 1904: 250-251. 10 One of the 19th century Croatian primers (cf. Slovnicka 1853) used a very particular technique when criticizing the authenticity of folk narration. One of the tales in the primer went against the legend that a man could "find money by digging for treasure at midnight in some places" by a tale about a man who, misguided by the legend, started digging for the treasure one night and saw a "child who bore a candle", and the child advised him that if he wanted to get rich he should go home and work from dawn to dusk. "And lo and behold - that man really did this and from that time on he was never bored, he became much healthier and merrier, never again thinking about where he could dig out money" (Slovnicka 1853: 57). In a word, the belief in the legend about a buried treasure was neutralized by using a message from a dead child, and dead children, according to another legend, appeared to the living at night. 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(Anti)predaje u hrvatskim početnicama 19. stoljeca Marijana Hameršak U članku se na primjeru hrvatskih udžbenika za početku obuku u pisanju i čitanju, koji su objavljeni u razdoblju od 1779. godine do početka Prvog svjetskog, raspravlja o razinama i implikacijama pretapanja usmenosti i pisanosti u dugom 19. stolječu. Radi se o udžbenicima koji su, kako je to razvidno več iz njihove tipografske opreme ili žanrovskog sustava, nasljedovali značajke i obrasce usmene komunikacije. Sprega pisanosti i usmenost u udžbenicima za početnu obuku u čitanju i pisanju temeljila se na okolnosti da je zadatak tih udžbenika bio opismenjavanje nepismenih, dakle, prevodenje usmenosti u pisanost. Paradoksalno, ali pragmatično, udžbenici za početnu obuku u pisanju i čitanju oslanjali su se na usmenost da bi širili pismenost. Ostavljajuči interpretacije i artikulacije ove razine povezivanja usmenosti i pisanosti, članak se usredotočuje na pitanje reprezentacije us-menih žanrova u tim udžbenicima. Za razliku od bajki ili šaljivih priča koje u udžbenicima iz danog razdoblja nalazimo tek u tragovima, u gotovo svakom od tih udžbenika nailazimo na barem jednu predaju ili priču upozorenja, preciznije: negativnu, pseudo-, anti-predaju (Degh & Väzsonyi 1976). Na temelju osvrta na razloge sve donedavne nevidljivosti (anti) predaja u folklorističkim istraživanjima, kao i na temelju sličnosti i razlika izmedu dokumentiranih usmenih (anti)predaja i (anti)predaja objavljenih u udžbenicima za početnu obuku u čitanju i pisanju, (anti)predaje objavljene u udžbenicima u članku se tumače kao oblik implementacije pučkog skepticizma, ne tek puko nametanje elitnog racionalizma. Time se hrvatski udžbenici iz dugog 19. stolječa prepoznaju kao relevantne publikacije za interpretaciju složenosti, dinamike i povijesti folklornih formi, a (anti)predaje kao makar u tom korpusu distinktivna i relevantna vrsta priča. Is There a Place for the Other in Fokloristics? Nataša Polgar An attempt will be made in this paper to identify the frameworks within which it is possible to introduce the concept of the Other into folkloristics. The Other is discussed primarily as a psychoanalytic term coined by Jacques Lacan, a notion that is very productive in the interpretation of diverse aspects of culture and folklore phenomena, which are not, for their part, fully explicable only with the help of historical, political and social factors. This paper deals with the ways in which Lacan's categories can be used in reading narratives and oral stories about supernatural beings, especially witches. The psychological dimensions of the construction of witches have not been properly taken into consideration, although witch-trial records, narratives about witches, oral stories and Malleus Maleficarum in particular would allow such analysis. Witches are represented as an extreme, as particularly evil or harmful, as beings that undermine the social order. Their construction as the Other can be read as a means of establishing the social order, a way of maintaining and preserving cultural norms. This paper deals with possible readings of "folk culture" from the perspective of psychoanalytic criticism. More specifically it explores whether and, if so, to what extent, folkloristics can be fruitfully approached using Lacan's theoretical constructs, to be more precise, his concept of the Other. Psychoanalytic ambition to explain folklore is certainly not new: the links between folkloristics and Freud's psychoanalytic theory and method were noted by early psychoanalysts. For them, the interrelationship between psychoanalysis and folklore was reciprocally beneficial: Freud and his followers were drawing upon folklore phenomena to support a certain theoretical problem in psychoanalytic theory, and vice versa. This is clearly evident in many of Freud's works, and in his tenth lecture of Introductory Lectures on Psycho-analysis he made his debt to folklore explicit: "My reply is that we learn from different sources - from fairy tales and myths, from buffoonery and jokes, from folklore (that is, from knowledge about popular manners and customs, sayings and songs) and from poetic and colloquial linguistic usage. In all these directions we come upon the same symbolism, and in some of them we can understand it without further instruction. If we go into these sources in detail, we shall find so many parallels to dream symbolism that we cannot fail to be convinced of our interpretations" (Freud 1916: 158-159). One of his earliest works on folklore - Dreams in Folklore, which Freud and David Ernst Oppenheim, a secondary school teacher from Vienna, co-authored around 1911 (the paper was found and published much later, in 1958) - was an analysis of dreams in folktales that Oppenheim took from Anthropophyteia, an "obscene" folklore journal pub- lished from 1904 to 1913. This was a clear application of Freud's oft-repeated claim that the source of the people's unconscious symbolism was, in fact, folklore: "The symbolism employed in these dreams coincides completely with that accepted by psychoanalysis and ... a number of these dreams are understood by the common people in the same way as they would be interpreted by psychoanalysis - that is, not as premonitions about a still unrevealed future, but as the fulfillment of wishes ..." (Freud & Oppenheim 1958: 25). Many of Freud's followers also applied psychoanalytic theory to folkloristics, including, for instance, Otto Rank (The Myth of the Birth of the Hero, 1909), Karl Abraham and Ernest Jones ("Psycho-Analysis and Folklore", 1928), to mention but a few. Géza Roheim is considered the first psychoanalytic folklorist, who, among other things, investigated dreams, superstitions, rituals etc. (The Gates of the Dream (1952), Fire in the Dragon and Other Psychoanalytic Essays on Folklore (1992) etc.). Folktales, especially fairytales, proved particularly amenable to psychoanalytic criticism, as seen in the works of Bruno Bettelheim (The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales, 1976), Erich Fromm (The Forgotten Language: An Introduction to the Understanding of Dreams, Fairy Tales and Myths, 1951), Marie-Louise von Franz (Interpretation of Fairy Tales, 1996), Alan Dundes (Parsing through Customs, 1987; From Game to War, 1997; Bloody Mary in the Mirror, 2002) and many others. However, despite the fact that Freud himself, like many other psychoanalysts, was involved in folklore research, psychoanalysis never gained a firm foothold in folkloristics. Part of the problem probably lies in the fact that Freud and his followers accepted the unilinear evolutionary theory of their time and found folklore as a mere survival from times of "savagery". In this, psychoanalysis coincides with the framework of late nineteenth-century folkloristics, which was mostly focused on the historical reconstruction of the past, believing that all people had passed through the same stages, evolving from savagery into civilization (see, for example: Lévy-Bruhl and his work La mentalité primitive (1922), Ernest Jones's "Psycho-Analysis and Folklore" (1928), Freud's Totem and Taboo (1913), Karl Abraham's Dreams and Myths: A Study in Race Psychology (1913), etc.). But still one can find many of Freud's concepts, such as displacement and projection, very fruitful for the analysis of culture and folklore phenomena. Among folklorists, psychoanalysts are few and far between in many countries; indeed, in Croatian folkloristics - I mean in folkloristics in the narrow sense of the term, i.e., in the study of oral literature, but also oral tradition - psychoanalysis has failed to find its niche. In Croatia, oral literature, including all its genres, was interpreted and studied as part of philology, with special attention being given to its esthetic component in comparison to written literature. In the mid-20th century, in addition to core research activities - collecting and recording folklore - Croatian folkloristics opened out to theoretical approaches, including, e.g., Russian Formalism, Prague Functionalism, the so-called Finnish School and the American contextual approach (Lozica and Marks 1998). For a very long time, folklore (and literary) studies in Croatia were characterized by a certain immanent-ism, resistance to the recent cultural studies approaches, although a purely synchronic approach has always been taken with caution. It was not until the 1990s that the scholarly paradigm changed and research became more open to inter- and transdisciplinarity focusing on literary anthropology, gender and cultural studies, and to a certain extent on Imagology, which marked a change in folkloristics as a discipline, a similar change that is also evident today. However, even during this period of opening up, psychoanalysis has been left on the periphery, as not quite acceptable or "not entirely scientific". Stereotypes about psychoanalysis and its reductionism are apparently still too common for it to become an accepted interpretative method in Croatia. Psychoanalysis indeed is interpretation, which should also be one of the tasks of folkloristics, rather than it being merely collecting, recording and classifying folklore. As Alan Dundes says, "the 'meaning' or 'meanings' (plural) of folklore were not investigated to any great extent by folklorists" (Dundes 2002: 9). I believe that the psychoanalytic approach can provide a fresh look at folklore phenomena, and in this sense I will now turn to the very fruitful notion of the Other. The term seems to have come into use in the discourse of various humanities quite independently of its psychoanalytic background. Its meaning within these discourses, especially when spelled with a capital O, seems to be a matter of tacit agreement. However, practice paints a different picture. When reading theoretical texts dealing with society, culture or philosophy from the 1960s until today, it is much easier to find places where the Other has not been mentioned, while finding consistency in the various approaches where it has been used seems an equally arduous task (Van Zyl 1998: 80-81). The notion of the Other dates back at least to Plato's Sophist, where the Stranger takes part in a dialogue on the ontological problems of being and non-being, of the One and the Other. Still, the notion of the Other was largely introduced into contemporary theory by hermeneutics and psychoanalysis (from their respective points of view). It was especially popular in post-structuralism, in agreement with the post-structuralist comprehensive transdisciplinary aspirations. Of course, it is difficult if not impossible to make generalizations based on all the concepts of the Other, which have been analyzed by authors as different as Hegel, Husserl, Nietzsche, Bakhtin, Adorno, Lévi-Strauss, Foucault, Barthes, Said, Greenblatt, and Lévi-nas, to mention but a few. Still, the overall scope of the term Other may be, to make a gross simplification, boiled down to three points: 1. the issue of interaction of one person with another, whether it be ethical, psychological or social - i.e., a philosophical, psychological or social issue; 2. the issue of interaction with a text, which is a literary theoretical issue, and, 3. the issue of communication between temporally or spatially distant cultures, which is primarily an anthropological issue (Biti 2000: 98). However, psychoanalysis is typical for connecting the Self and Otherness through the dimensions of culture, text, ethics, language and sociology, which is in complete disagreement with the charges of reductionism. In this respect, Jacques Lacan's place in the history of alterity is particularly exceptional, if not emblematic. It is also unique, because Lacan insists on a decentering of Otherness. Specifically, Lacan explores an intrapsychic Otherness different from the Other of interpersonal theories of identity and distinct from the philosophical problem of the Other. Having that in mind, I will recapitulate the basic tenets of his theory in order to draw attention to several crucial questions pertaining to the relevance of (a potential) psychoanalytic interpretation of folklore. These are: How can Lacan be used not only in reading the symptoms of contemporary society - which is a largely Zizekian endeavor -but also in reading the symptoms of previous social orders, as well as in reading the logic of desire, an important index of how social, cultural and political forms are created, which affects any interaction between the Self and Other(s). Can his categories be used in reading narratives about supernatural beings? According to Lacan, mistaken belief in our integrity, which results in misrecognition, projections, transitivism, loss, lack and aggressivity between the Self and the Other is not a mere developmental phase, but a continuous play which characterizes the relationships between people, both real and imaginary. Isn't it true that supernatural beings, especially female ones - like witches - play a crucial role in the construction and the structuring of identity, gender and aspirations through which society reproduces itself? Unlike his contemporaries, Lacan postulates a gap between an Other ("the big Other") and an other ("the little other"), reflecting a gap between the Subject and the ego. These decenterings imply Lacan's symbolic and imaginary registers, since the "decentering of the Subject" actually means that the Subject and the ego inhabit disjunct registers. Likewise, the disjunction between the symbolic linguistic Other and the imaginary mirroring other signifies a decentering of the former from the latter. These two decenterings articulate an approach that is radically different from the approach that constructs the "Other" as a person, let alone as a person who is marginal or subversive in some way, as is characteristic of certain philosophical, sociological, feminist or anthropological approaches. In contrast, the realms of symbolic and imaginary registers are concepts that are highly productive in dealing with phantasmatic constructions of folklore imagination. Lacan based his work on "the return to Freud" and reread the core concepts of psychoanalysis. For him, psychoanalysis concerns itself above all else with the understanding of human speech, "and linguistics, rhetoric and poetics are its indispensable allies" (Bowie 1991:11). Using Freud's two theories on the psychic apparatus, Lacan had developed his own tripartite classification system around which all his theorizing revolves. His system includes three orders or registers: the Imaginary, the Symbolic and the Real (Séminaire 1). They are not mental forces like the three agencies in Freud's structural model; they are primarily concerned with mental functioning. Although the three registers are profoundly heterogeneous, they are all structurally interdependent, i.e., each order must be defined by reference to the other two. The basis of the imaginary order is the formation of the ego in the mirror stage, when the subject becomes alienated from himself by identifying with his counterpart, whom Lacan calls the little other or objet petit a (1996: 93-101). This little other "is the other who is not really other, but a reflection and projection of the ego (...). He is simultaneously the counterpart and the specular image" (Evans 1996:132-3). This misrecognition is a fundamental aspect of the structure of subjectivity and it gives rise thereby to an aggressive tension between the subject and the image. Unlike Freud, who found the roots of aggressivity in social interactions, Lacan considers aggressiv-ity to be intrasubjective. The big Other is symbolic insofar as it is particularized for each subject. "The Other is thus both another subject in his radical alterity and also the symbolic order which mediates the relationship with that other subject" (Evans 1996: 133). It is important to note that Lacan also considers the Other to be "the Other sex", which is always woman, for both male and female subjects. "Man here acts as the relay whereby the woman becomes this Other for herself as she is this Other for him" (Lacan 1975: 732). For Lacan, femininity is wholly a discursive construct and sexual identity is completely socially - symbolically - constructed. Later Lacan states that "a woman is a symptom", more precisely, a woman is a symptom of a man, in the sense that a woman can only enter the psychic economy of men as a fantasy object, the cause of their desire. Definitions of masculinity and femininity are constituted via the symbolic order - with the man as a self-determining, autonomous agent, and the woman the lacking Other, the cause of desire. The political implications of such cultural fantasy are that a man imagines himself as unified, projecting his sense of lack and otherness onto a woman. Female supernatural beings, let us take witches as an example, are represented as an extreme, as particularly evil or harmful, as beings that undermine the social order. Their construction as the Other can be read as a means of establishing the social order, a way of maintaining and preserving cultural norms. Starting with Lacan, perhaps it might be possible to show to what extent the Other (supernatural beings/witches) is a social and ideological construct that is given provisional stability by a "web of belief" (to use Daniel Dennett's term), and to what extent the representation of the demonized Other is based on directing and controlling the collective anxiety. I believe that the psychological dimensions of the construction of supernatural beings, especially witches, have not been properly taken into consideration, although witch-trial records, narratives about witches, oral legends and Malleus Maleficarum, a medieval inquistors' manual, in particular would allow such analysis. I will not argue whether supernatural beings existed/exist, but rather I will suggest that they can be seen as a collective projection, as the Other that is a primary part in the construction of the Subject. Detailed information contained in Malleus Maleficarum (printed for the first time in 1486), an inquisitor manual for witch prosecution, makes it clear that the central reason for the persecution of witches was a disguised interest in the witch as the "Other" and the fear of a witch/woman as an agent of castration, but also as the unattainable object of desire. For Lacan, desire emerges originally in the field of the Other, i.e., in the unconscious. But, what is the most important - desire is always a social product, which is constituted in a dialectical relationship with the perceived desires of other subjects. Witches were accused, among other things, of copulating with the devil, causing male impotence, causing the penis to disappear and of stealing men's penises - the latter crimes no doubt exemplifying the male fear of castration. The Malleus Malleficarum also supplies a series of supposedly logical reasons why women are more inclined toward witchcraft than men. The reasons are related to the definition of a woman as the Other, the weaker but dangerous complement of a man. "What else is a woman but a foe to friendship, an inescapable punishment, a necessary evil, a natural temptation, a desirable calamity, a domestic danger, a delectable detriment, an evil of nature, painted with fair colors!" (Malleus Maleficarum 2009: 162) Here it is evident that an effort to exclude radical Otherness is made by using the language and knowledge about this threatening Other. The witch is defined as an abject figure in that she is represented within patriarchal discourse as an implacable enemy of the symbolic order. It is not unimportant to mention that the Croatian word for witch is vjestica, which means "woman who knows, who is skillful" (Čiča 2002: 67). The witch sets out to unsettle the boundaries between the rational and irrational, symbolic and imaginary. The monstrous-feminine is constructed as an abject figure because she threatens the symbolic order (Creed 1993). The supernatural being, the witch in this case, draws attention to the "frailty of the symbolic order" through her evocation of the natural, animal order, which is part of the Imaginary, and its terrifying associations. And for that she must be severely punished. The construction of witches' physical appearance in general is the same throughout Europe: "she is ugly, filthy, unkempt, with a large, hooked nose, warts, dressed in a long black dress, a shawl that covers her face etc." (Mencej 2006: 315) - an uncanny figure of death that threatens the Subject with dissolution. This demonic feminine stages an excessive presence of the dangers of the body, being the disruptive point of the symbolic realm. Both femininity and death inspire the fear of an ultimate loss of control, of a disruption of boundaries between Self and the Other, of a dissolution of an ordered and hierarchical world. In many Croatian (and not only Croatian) narratives one can find descriptions of their power as a warning and a threat of the presence of death: "There are those who are wicked, who believe they can create evil, and create it they do: they are evildoers, poisoners, they kill unborn babies in the womb, they brew poisonous potions for money, which can cause death or illness. Some seek carnal pleasure keeping night trysts, fraying your nerves with secretive symbols and rituals, serving the evil spirit, the Satan, later called the devil." (Mažuranic 1975: 14). Stereotypes concerning witches are representations of difference, which structure the world and localize anxiety at the body of another, at the site of Otherness. Stereotypes are a way of dealing with the instabilities arising from the division between self and non-self by preserving an illusion of control and order; the stereotype of the Other is used to create safe boundaries. The construction of Woman/witch as the Other serves to dynamize a social order, while her death marks the end of the period of change: "Over her dead body, cultural norms are reconfirmed or secured, whether because the sacrifice of the virtuous, innocent woman serves a social critique and transformation or because the sacrifice of a dangerous woman reestablishes an order that was momentarily suspended due to her presence." (Bronfen 1992: 181). (Croatian) Folklore phenomena dealing with supernatural beings is imaginatively very diverse, although it can, in principle, be reduced to the mentioned parameter of Otherness. I believe that in this context psychoanalytic criticism is welcome not only to diagnose the problem of Otherness, but also to explain its variant forms. Further analysis possibly could serve as an explanation of the long duration of such phenomena as the belief in witches is. Bibliography Biti, Vladimir. 2000. Pojmovnik suvremene književne i kulturne teorije. Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska. Bowie, Malcolm. 1991. Lacan. London: Fontana Press. Bronfen, Elisabeth. 1992. Over her dead body. Death, femininity and the aesthetic. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Creed, Barbara. 1993. The Monstruous-Feminine: Film, Feminism, Psychoanalysis. London and New York: Routledge. Čiča, Zoran. 2002. Vilenica i vilenjak. Sudbina jednogpretkršcanskog kulta u doba progona vještica. Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku. Dundes, Alan. 2002. Bloody Mary in the mirror: essays in psychoanalytic folkloristics. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi. Elliot, Anthony. 2002. Psychoanalytic Theory: An Introduction (2nd edition). Duke University Press. Evans, Dylan. 1996. An Introductory Dictionary of Lacanian Psychoanalysis. London and New York: Routledge. Freud, Sigmund; Oppenheim, D. E. 1958. Dreams in Folklore, New York: International Universities Press, Inc. Freud, Sigmund. 1916. Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis. Vols. 15 and 16 of The Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud: Standard Edition. London: Hogarth Press. Kramer, Heinrich; Sprenger, James. 2009. The Hammer of Witches. Malleus Maleficarum. Trans. by Christopher S. Mackay. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lacan, Jacques. 1966. Écrits. Paris: Éditions du Seuil. Lacan, Jacques. 1975. Le Séminaire. Livre 1. Les écrits techniques de Freud, 1953-4, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller. Paris: Seuil. [The Seminar. Book I. Freud's Papers on Technique. 1953-4. trans. John Forrester. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987]. Lozica, Ivan; Marks, Ljiljana. 1998. "Finitis decem lustris. Pola stoljeca folklorističkih (filoloških, etnoteatroloških i njima srodnih) istraživanja u Institutu". Zagreb: Narodna umjetnost 35/2, pp. 67-101. Mažuranic, Vladimir. 1975. Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povjestni rječnik. Zagreb: Informator (reprint of 1908 first volume). Mencej, Mirjam. 2006. Coprnice so me nosile. Raziskava vaškega čarovništva v vzhodni Sloveniji na prelomu tisočletja. Ljubljana: Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo. Van Zyl, Susan. 1998. "The Other and Other Others: Post-colonialism, Psychoanalysis and the South African Question". American Imago 55.1, pp. 77-100. Ima prostora za drugog u fokloristici? Nataša Polgar U tekstu se propituje je li i u kojoj mjeri u folkloristici interpretativno produktivan Lacanov instrumentarij, preciznije njegov pojam Drugoga. Dakako, psihoanalitičke ambicije da se protumače folklorni fenomeni nisu nove: veza Freuda te njegovih sljedbenika i folkloristike dobro je znana. No ipak, unatoč njihovu angažmanu, psihoanalitička kritika nikada nije ušla na velika vrata u tu discipline, ponajprije stoga što je mnogi, posve pogrešno, smatraju suviše redukcionističkom teorijom. Autorica smatra kako, medutim, psihoanalitički pristup, oslanjajuci se na Jacquesa Lacana, može donijeti novi pogled na odredene folklorne pojave, kao što je vjerovanje u nadnaravna bica, prije svega u vještice. U tekstu se propituje koliko je moguce konstruk-ciju vještica kao Drugoga čitati kao sredstvo za uspostavljanje društvenoga reda, kao način utvrdivanja i osiguravanja kulturalnih normi te može li se pokazati koliko je vještica kao Drugi društvena i ideološka konstrukcija kojoj privremenu stabilnost daje "mreža vjer-ovanja", kao i to koliku ulogu u predstavljanju toga demoniziranoga Drugog ima upravo usmjeravanje i nadziranje kolektivne anksioznosti. RAZISKOVALNE METODE IN INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA METODI DI RICERCA E INTERPRETAZIONI DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE RESEARCH METHODS AND INTERPRETATIONS OF FOLK TRADITIONS Lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika Saša Babič The article is a review of the development of linguistic anthropology and etholinguistics. It examines connections and differences between them, and the differences between Moscow and Lublin tendencies. It also tries to state the methods of linguistic anthropology and the ethnolinguistic methods in Slovenia. Uvod Jezik je del kulture - kulturo izraža in hkrati ji postavlja meje. Začetki raziskovanja soodnosa jezika in kulture segajo v 19. stoletje, ko so v Evropi predvsem etnologi in literarni raziskovalci, v Ameriki pa antropologi začeli črpati podatke o različnih plemenih in narodih iz slovstvene folklore in iz govorjenega ter zapisanega jezika, metaforike in pestrosti izrazja. Začetnika lingvistične antropologije v Ameriki (ter hkrati tudi etnoling-vistike v Evropi) sta Benjamin Lee Whorf in Edward Sapir, v Evropi pa so se tovrstni problematiki posvečali W. Humboldt, A. A. Potebnja, V. V. Ivanov, V. N. Toporov.1 Soodnos jezika in kulture je bil v raziskavah vse od 19. stoletja; to raziskovalno področje se je kot veda najprej opredelilo v Ameriki pod imenom lingvistična antropologija oz. antropološka lingvistika, etnolingvistika pa se je kot veda opredelila šele v 70-ih letih 20. stoletja v evropskem prostoru. Razvoj lingvistične antropologije Lingvistična antropologija se je razvila v Združenih državah Amerike znotraj antropologije, katere začetki segajo v 19. stoletje in v raziskovanje življenja in kulture prvotnih, nepismenih plemen, ki so jih označili za 'primitivna'. Kultura in življenje teh plemen nista zbujala interesa pri drugih vedah, zato so se raziskovalci posvečali vsem področjem življenja. Tako se je antropologija razvila kot - preprosto rečeno - študij o človeštvu (Salzmann 1993: 1). Lingvistična antropologija v sodobnem smislu se je razvila preko prvih vzgibov s strani evropskih imigrantov z različnih raziskovalnih področij, ki so se zanimali za jezik prvotnih ameriških naseljencev.2 Začetke lingvistične antropologije najdemo že v delih W. Humboldt, A. A. Potebnja, E. Sapir, B. Whorf so se posvečali predvsem problematiki jezikovnih kazalcev kulture (t. i. jezikovna slika sveta), V. V. Ivanov in V. N. Toporov pa sta želela s pomočjo primerjalno-zgodovin-ske metode rekonstruirati zgodnje indoevropske jezikovne elemente in strukture ter indoevropske kulturne sestavine (Tolstaja 2006: 22). Med njimi so bili tudi amaterski lingvisti, kot npr. Thomas Jefferson, ki je v 18. stoletju naredil slovar govora prvotnih ameriških prebivalcev (Salzmann 1993: 10). Wilhelma von Humboldta (1767-1835), ki je bil mnenja, da glasovi postanejo besede šele, ko dobijo pomen; notranjo formo jezika je izpostavil kot način upomenjanja odnosov med deli stavka, ki izraža človekov odnos do sveta (Duranti 1997: 63). Prvi antropolog na akademski poziciji v Ameriki in sploh pomembna osebnost za razvoj in uveljavitev antropologije kot vede, tudi lingvistične antropologije, je bil Franz Boas (1858-1942), ki je želel z zapisom in opisom indijanskih jezikov in kulture predvsem ohraniti izginjajoče jezike in kulture. Njegova teza o nujnosti jezika za človeško mišljenje in posledično za človeško kulturo je postala bazična teza ameriške kulturne antropologije prve polovice 20. stoletja. Menil je, da ne moremo razumeti druge kulture, ne da bi imeli direkten dostop do njenega jezika. Boas je izpostavil tudi t. i. kulturni relativizem, tj. vidik, da bi morala biti vsaka kultura razumljena predvsem v okviru svojih pogojev, ne le kot del intelektualne ali moralne lestvice nekega višjega načrta, na kateri naj bi bili Evropejci na vrhu. Kulturni relativizem je očiten tudi v načinu, kako jezik opredeljuje svet; ta način je arbitraren: v enem jeziku imamo lahko različne besede za vodo, jezero, reko, potok, dež itd., v drugem jeziku je lahko za vse to samo en izraz.3 V teku svojega delovanja je izdal slovar Handbook of American Indian Languages iz leta 1911, drugi del je izšel 1922, tretji del je izhajal v letih 1933-1938, četrti 1941; ta slovar velja za eno prvih pomembnejših del na področju lingvistične antropologije. Do druge svetovne vojne je bila antropologija že dobro ustaljena in razširjena po ameriških univerzah z raziskovalci kot Alfred L. Kroeber (1876-1960), Edward Sapir (18841939), Ruth Benedict (1887-1948) in Margaret Mead (1901-1978) (Salzmann 1993: 1). Edward Sapir (1884-1939) je nadaljeval in razširil Boasov interes za jezike s še več zanimanja za lingvistične strukture in poudarjal načine, na katere je vsak jezik dovršen in popoln sistem, ki mora biti razumljen pod njegovimi lastnimi pogoji. Prepričan je bil v notranjo logiko vsakega lingvističnega sistema, kar je ponazoril s pojmom fonem, abstraktno enoto lingvistične analize. Poudarjal je pomembnost individualnosti v kulturi (kulturo je dojemal kot simbolično medigro med individuumi in družbo) (Duranti 1997: 56, 57).4 Opažal je, da v primerjavi s kulturo do jezikovnih sprememb prihaja počasneje ter da je jezik kot celota precej bolj kompakten in samoohranjujoč sistem kot kultura ter zato prost zavestne racionalizacije s strani govorca, npr. velike revolucije, nasilne ali nenasilne, ponavadi bistveno spremenijo strukturo družbe, v kateri se zgodijo, jezik pa ostaja nespremenjen, z izjemo manjših prilagoditev v besedišču. Sapirjevo mnenje je, da so kulturni vzorci določene civilizacije zakodirani v jeziku, ki izraža to civilizacijo, zato je jezik vodnik k 'družbeni realnosti'. Sapirjeva monografija Language (1921) še danes predstavlja klasično delo lingvistične antropologije (Salzmann: 1993: 152, 153). Največji prispevek Benjamina Lee Whorfa (1897-1941) lingvistični teoriji je njegovo osredotočanje na razmerja med jezikom in svetovnim nazorom (worldview). Bil je mnenja, da struktura katerega koli jezika vsebuje teorije strukture univerzuma, zato naj bi bila naloga lingvistike opisati te svetovne nazore.5 Sistematično raziskovanje vzorcev jezika - Whorf 3 Verjetno je najbolj znana ponazoritev arbitrarnosti jezikovne klasifikacije sveta Boasov prikaz različnih izrazov za sneg pri Eskimih (Duranti 1997: 52-56). 4 Sapir je menil, da je prava kultura tista, v kateri obstaja harmonija med družbenimi in posameznikovimi potrebami; večina aktivnosti individuuma mora direktno zadovoljiti njegovo lastno kreativnost in čustvene impulze. Lažna, ponarejena kultura je tista, v kateri je individuum prisiljen v frustrirajoče in duhovno nepotrebne naloge v imenu višjega učinka (Duranti 1996: 53). 5 Odnos med jezikom in svetovnim nazorom je ostal pomemben del lingvistične antropologije, vendar pa sta se pojma jezik in svetovni nazor spremenila in s tem tudi njun soodnos, saj se Whorfov pojem svetovni nazor je uporabil tudi izraz 'konfiguracije' - lahko odkrije ne le eksplicitne oz. očitne kategorije (fenotipi), ampak tudi implicitne oz. zakrite kategorije (kriptotipi) (Duranti 1997: 58). Edward Sapir in Benjamin Lee Whorf sta oblikovala t. i. hipotezo o lingvistični relativnosti, danes znano tudi pod imenom Sapir-Whorfova hipoteza. Lingvistična relativnost vsebuje eno najmočnejših trditev, da jezik, ki ga uporabljamo za pogovor, vpliva na razmišljanje in na svet. Sapir je to trditev izrazil že leta 1929 v članku The status of linguistics as a scene. Temu mnenju se je nato pridružil še Whorf in ga poimenoval princip lingvistične relativnosti (linguistic relativity principle): ozadje lingvističnega sistema (oz. slovnice) vsakega jezika ni le instrument za reproduciranje glasovnih idej, temveč tudi ostri ideje (Duranti 1997: 60). Whorf je izpostavil dva principa: princip lingvističnega determinizma, tj. način, kako je kdo determiniran z jezikom, ki ga govori, in princip lingvistične relativnosti, tj. razlike med jeziki se kažejo v govorčevih pogledih na svet (Salzmann 1993: 154). Sapir in Whorf sta bila prva, ki sta artikulirala vidik, da bi jezik lahko vplival na razmišljanje ter da je jezik močan instrument, ki nam daje možnost, da damo smisel svetu (Duranti 1997: 62). Znotraj antropologije se je na delih navedenih znanstvenikov oblikovala lingvistična antropologija kot samostojna veja, ki se ukvarja s pomembnim aspektom človeka: z jezikom - z njegovim razvojem in z njegovim soodnosom s kulturo. Po drugi svetovni vojni je bilo raziskovanje razmerja med jezikom in kulturo v celoti priznano za dovolj pomembno, da je postalo eno od glavnih področij antropologije, kjer lingvistična antropologija raziskuje predvsem jezik kot (1) karakteristiko, ki definira človeka, ter (2) spremlja in raziskuje razvoj jezika v kontekstu človeške evolucije (Parrott Hickerson 2000: 1). Termin lingvistična antropologija je leta 1964 uvedel Karl V. Teeter; opredelil ga je z razlago, da gre za usmeritev v antropologiji (ne v lingvistiki!), zato govorimo o lingvistični antropologiji in ne o antropološki lingvistiki.6 Raziskovalec, ki se ukvarja z lingvistično antropologijo je sicer antropolog, vendar mora obvladati ves terminološki in raziskovalni aparat iz jezikoslovja. V sodobni lingvistični antropologiji mora izčrpen opis jezika (glasovni sistem, slovnica in stavčne formacije) temeljiti na jeziku različnih zvrsti in različnih situacij: v vsakdanji komunikaciji, govoru mladih in starih, moških in žensk, tradicionalnem pripovedovanju, jeziku v formalnih situacijah itd., ter zajemati širše kot samo glasovni sistem, slovnico in besedišče določenega jezika; tako praktične govorne sposobnosti kot poznavanje strukture jezika so nujni za popolno razumevanje odnosov znotraj jezika na eni in znotraj družbe in kulture na drugi strani (Salzmann 1993: 6-9). Duranti (1997: 2-5) opredeljuje lingvistično antropologijo kot »raziskovanje jezika kot kulturne zakladnice in raziskovanje govora kot udejanjanje kulture z jezikom«, termin lingvistična antropologija pa utemeljuje s Hymesovo opredelitvijo, da gre za »raziskovanje govora in jezika znotraj konteksta antropologije«, ki vsebuje prehod in reprodukcijo kulture, odnose med kulturnimi sistemi in različne oblike družbene organizacije ter vlogo materialnih pogojev bivanja v človekovem razumevanju sveta. Lingvistična antropologija sega tudi zunaj polja antropologije, ravno to upravičuje njen obstoj kot posamezne veje znotraj širšega polja antropologije; poskuša raziskati sistem komunikacije interpsihološke (med individuumi) in intrapsihološke (v samem individuumu) pojavnosti družbenega reda. Lingvistični antropologi poudarjajo pogled na jezik kot na jezikovno mrežo v splo- nanaša na teorijo kulture kot znanje (,culture as knowledge'), zato Whorfova teorija ni več sprejemljiva v celoti. (Duranti 1997: 60). 6 Uporabljana sta bila oba termina, celo nekateri raziskovalci so v svojem pisanju uporabili oba termina. šni rabi, ki igra bistveno vlogo v kontaktni komunikaciji. Govorec je v tej jezikovni mreži predvsem družbeni udeleženec (social actor), tj. član določene po interesih kompleksne družbe, ki je organizirana z vrsto socialnih institucij oz. skozi mrežo prekrižanih, vendar ne nujno prekrivajočih se mrež pričakovanj, verovanj in moralnih vrednot o svetu. Gre za enega od tisoč sistemov ustne komunikacije, ki ga uporabljajo različne človeške družbe, in za del človeške genetične sposobnosti, kjer je prvi jezik naučen v otroštvu skupaj z ostalimi neverbalnimi plastmi določene kulture. Na neki način je prvi jezik enako kulturno zavezan, kot so tradicionalne navade in vrednote družbe, ki jih uporabljajo. Zato je pomembno ločevati besedišče in strukturo (gramatiko) jezika (Salzmann: 155, 156). Duranti (1997: 14-21) opiše tri teoretična področja, ki so bila razvita znotraj lingvistične antropologije: (1) performanca (performace), (2) znakovnost (indexicality) in (3) udeležba (participation). (1) Koncept performance je lahko interpretiran na veliko načinov. Ena raba termina izhaja iz teoretičnega dela Noama Chomskega, ki je razlikoval med kompetenco7 in per-formanco.8 Performanca je dejanska raba jezika, pozornost, percepcija, spomin, ki morajo biti v rabi, da govorec lahko učinkovito in neodvisno uporabi abstraktno znanje. V tem primeru je kompetenca idealno znanje jezika, ki ga ima govorec, performanca pa uporaba lingvističnega sistema. Po Austinu je performanca, kaj 'se dela z besedami'. V slovstveni folklori je performanca človekova dejavnost, kjer je posebna pozornost posvečena načinu, v katerem so komunikativna dejanja izražena; o tem govori Roman Jakobson, ko govori o 'poetični funkciji' govora: performanca je nekaj kreativnega, realiziranega, doseženega. Gre za dimenzijo človekovega življenja, ki je izražena predvsem v glasbi, gledališču in drugih možnostih umetniškega izražanja (petje, pripovedovanje zgodb in drugih govornih dejanjih, v katerih govorec upošteva estetski kanon). V govoru je vedno estetska dimenzija, ki je razumljena kot pozornost na formo, kaj je bilo rečeno; vedno je izpostavljeno sodbi, reakciji poslušalcev, ki interpretirajo, sprejmejo, sankcionirajo itd., kar je bilo rečeno. Na ta način je performanca vedno dimenzija jezika, ki vsebuje tudi kreativnost in improvizacijo v vseh govornih dejanjih in govornih dogodkih od povsem ritualiziranih pa do najbolj vsakdanjih. (2) Znakovnost je utemeljena s Kantovim razlikovanjem med arbitrarnimi in naravnimi znaki (npr. črke so arbitrarne, ker je bila konvencija podana s strani družbe; dim je naraven znak, saj ni bil določen s strani družbe, ampak je vedno 'spremljevalec' ognja). Pomene, ki imajo neko zunanjo povezavo s tistim, na kar se nanašajo, je Charles Pierce poimenoval idexes 'znaki' (npr. dim in ogenj). Izraz znakovnost se je razširil na lingvistično komunikacijo, kjer pomeni, da so besede znakovno povezane z nekim 'objektom' ali svetovnim nazorom; gre za spoznanje, da besede nosijo moč, ki je nad opisom in identifikacijo ljudi, objektov, dogodkov, priložnosti. (3) Udeležba pomeni, da je govorec socialni udeleženec: govor je opredeljen kot družbena aktivnost, ki vedno vsebuje več kot le lingvistične izraze. Da je kdo govorec jezika, mora biti član družbe; da je kdo kompetenten govorec kakega jezika, pomeni, da lahko z jezikom dela stvari kot del širše družbenih aktivnosti, ki so organizirane in interpretirane v okviru kulture. Govoriti določen jezik pomeni, da lahko uporabimo zvoke, ki nam omogočajo udeležbo v interakciji z drugimi tako, da se spomnimo besede, ki je obi- 7 Kompetenca pomeni predvsem nezavedno znanje, ki ga ima govorec o principih, ki dovoljujejo interpretacijo in uporabo določenega jezika; gre za jezikovno zmožnost. 8 Ta delitev je bila delno inspirirana z de Saussurjevim kontrastom med langue in parole. čajno širša kot vse, kar lahko vidimo ali česar se lahko dotaknemo v kateremkoli trenutku. Povezava skozi ta širši svet, ne glede na to, ali je realen ali namišljen, je deloma ustvarjena skozi njihovo performativno moč, ki prihaja preko njihove znakovnosti. Nedvomno besedišče posameznega jezika odraža, kar neverbalna kultura sprejme, tj. tiste aspekte, ki so pomembni za člane družbe, zato lahko govorimo o t. i. jezikovnem modeliranju stvarnosti: v jeziku se odražajo specifičnosti vseh sistemov neke družbe in imajo povratno dejstvo, ko z jezikom modelirajo stvarnost. Antropolog poskuša razvozlati lingvistične sisteme, ki jih uporabljajo resnični ljudje v realnem času in prostoru, saj so ti lahko vodnik h kulturnemu sistemu. Etnolingvistika Termin etnolingvistika se je pojavil konec štiridesetih in v začetku petdesetih let 20. stoletja v Združenih državah Amerike (Olmsted 1950; Garvin in Riesenberg 1952), v samostojno humanistično šolo pa se je razvila v Evropi,9 kolikor se je v 70-ih letih 20. stoletja opredelila za samostojno disciplino: opredelila je svoj predmet in objekt, svoje meje, soo-dnose z drugimi disciplinami (filološkimi in kulturološkimi).10 Etnolingvistika daje posebno mesto jeziku v odnosu do slovstvene folklore (ožje pojmovanje etnolingvistike) in vse duhovne kulture (širše pojmovanje etnolingvistike). Po etnolingvističnih pojmovanjih jezik v teku svojega obstoja sprejme vase kulturne smisle; v pomenih besed, v frazeologiji, včasih celo v gramatiki se nahajajo izrazi predstav o svetu in o človeku. Jezik služi kot material kulture, hkrati pa se pojavlja kot metajezik kulture, ki se utrjuje v verbalnih formah smislov, motivov, tolmačenj, ocen in kognitivnih modelov sveta. Skupaj s slovstveno folkloro je jezik pojmovan kot eden od kulturnih kodov, ena od form izražanja kulturne tradicije ter en od samih virov raziskovanja kulture in rekonstrukcije njegovih zgodnjih stanj. Povezava jezika s folklornimi in drugimi vrstami kulture je vzajemna. Zato se jezik, poleg etnografije in folklore, kaže kot tretji nespregledljiv element narodne kulture (Tolstaja 2006: 20). Sorodnost kulture in jezika se kaže kot podoben funkcijski znakovni sistem. Jezik in kultura pogosto nastopata kot dopolnjujoča se in podvajajoča se drug drugega: enaki pomeni se izražajo verbalno ali obredno ali predmetno, glavna razlika med jezikom in kulturo pa je predvsem neenak karakter uporabljenih znakov: znaki naravnega jezika (besede, morfemi, gramatične forme itd.) se kažejo kot jezikovne enote, ki niso drugače uporabljene, kultura pa široko uporablja tudi znake, ki imajo drugačne, nespecializira-ne pomene (npr. v obredih uporabljeni pomožni predmeti). Tudi meja med jezikovno in kulturno semantiko ni ostra; odvisna je od razumevanja semantike besede (tudi kono-tativnih komponent). Kulturna semantika ima simbolično naravo - med vsemi značilnostmi predmeta/dejanja izbere eno (oblika, dimenzija, barva, funkcija itd.), ki (lahko) postane dominirajoč predznak in prevlada vse druge (Tolstaja 2006: 9-12).11 Ravno pri opredelitvi semantičnega pomena se stališča znanstvenikov razlikujejo in tako sta se gle- 9 Duranti (1997: 2) sicer uvršča etnolingvistiko pod lingvistično antropologijo. Razvoj etnolingvistike kot posebne veje lingvistične antropologije v Evropi razlaga predvsem zaradi (domnevne) prevlade etnologije nad antropologijo konec 20. stoletja v evropskem prostoru. 10 Kot smo poudarili že na začetku, s stališča problematike, tj. soodnos jezika in kulture (W. Humboldt, A. A. Potebnja, E. Sapir, B. Whorf itd.) ter možnost rekonstrukcije kulturne vsebine iz jezika (V. V. Ivanov, V. N. Toporov), to raziskovalno področje obstaja že od 19. stoletja. 11 Tako se lahko nekateri pomeni iz konotativnih spremenijo v polne pomene besed, saj beseda nima izgrajenega pomena enkrat za vselej, pomen se lahko spreminja (Tolstaja 2006: 12). de na pojmovanje semantičnega pomena in glede na pojmovanje raziskovalnega polja etnolingvistike oblikovali dve šoli: moskovska (Nikita Ilič Tolstoj) in lublinska šola (Jerzy Bartminski). Bartminski je mnenja, da vsi taki kulturni pomeni (verovanja, predstave o elementih zunanjega sveta itd.) sodijo v jezikovno semantiko besednih poimenovanj in so zato jezikovni stereotipi, ki izražajo svetovni nazor. Moskovski etnolingvisti pa izhajajo iz mnenja, da meja med jezikom in kulturo obstaja, pa čeprav je premična, zato obstajajo tudi kriteriji razmejevanja jezikovnih in nejezikovnih (tj. kulturnih) pomenov. Frontalna analiza kontekstov pomena besede, upoštevanje raznih jezikovnih idiomov in stilov razširijo meje semantičnega obsega besede, vendar kljub temu ostanejo nekateri pomeni, ki jih jezik ne podpira, zato v svojo obravnavo vključijo tudi obrede in predmete, verovanja ... (Tolstaja 2006: 13) V etnolingvistiki so utemeljili termin jezikovna slika sveta; ta označuje predstave o svetu in človeku: gre za osnovna razumevanja, ki izražajo specifiko človeka in njegovega obstoja, njegov odnos do sveta, pomembnejše pogoje njegovega obstoja v svetu - jezikovna slika sveta pokaže vse vidike svetovnega nazora in predstav (Balašova 2003: 3). Zato jezik služi kot gradivo kulture in se istočasno pojavlja kot metajezik kulture, ki ima stalne verbalne forme smislov, motivov obravnave, ocen in kognitivnih modelov konceptualiza-cije sveta. Ravno s folklornimi teksti, obredi, folklorno umetnostjo lahko jezik upoštevamo kot enega od kulturnih kodov, eno od form izraza kulturne tradicije in kot enega od virov preučevanja kulture in rekonstrukcije njegovih zgodnjih stanj (Tolstaja 2006: 19). Funkcioniranje jezika v njegovem realnem, situacijskem, osebnem, lokaliziranem v času in prostoru, v kontekstu obnašanja, komunikacije, njegovih subjektov, naslovnikov, vsebine, ciljev itd. preučujejo tudi z metodami komunikativne lingvistike in lingvistične pragmatike, uporabljene pa so tudi metode lingvistične geografije, jezikovne rekonstrukcije, semantike in sintakse, lingvistične pragmatike, teorije govornih dejanj, kognitivne lingvistike, konceptualne analize, prek katerih se ugotavlja, da imata govorjeni jezik in kultura sorodne funkcije: kognitivne, socialne in komunikativne Tolstaja 2006: 10). Moskovska etnolingvistična šola Moskovsko etnolingvistično šolo je zasnoval Nikita Ilič Tolstoj (1928-1996) v začetku sedemdesetih let 20. stoletja. Njena glavna značilnost je prenos lingvističnih metod na raziskovanje narodne kulture Slovanov s poudarkom na zgodovinskem (diahronem) in genetičnem vidiku raziskav (Judin 2007: 1). N. I. Tolstoj je pri opredelitvi etnolingvistike osmislil oba dela besede (Tolstaja 2006: 8): (1) etno- pomeni, da tradicionalno narodno kulturo preučujejo v etnoloških, regionalnih in »dialektnih« oblikah, na katerih se rekonstruira praslovansko stanje; (2) -lingvistika ima trojni pomen: pomeni, da je glavna iztočnica za preučevanje tradicionalne kulture jezik, da kulturo razumejo - tako kot jezik - kot sistem znakov, kot semiotični sistem ali kot jezik v semiotičnem smislu, da uporabljajo veliko lingvističnih pojmovanj in metod. Podal je tudi dve opredelitvi etnolingvistike (Tolstaja 2006: 8): (1) ožja opredelitev etnolingvistiko uvršča kot usmeritev jezikoslovja, v kateri raziskovalec opazuje soodnos ter povezave jezika in duhovne kulture, jezika in mentalitete, jezika in folklornega ustvarjanja, njihove vzajemnosti ter različne korespondence; ker gre za opredelitev znotraj jezikoslovja, je objekt raziskave jezik in njegov odnos do kulture; (2) širša opredelitev etnolingvistike zavzema ves nabor vsebin kulture, narodne psihologije in mitologije, neodvisno od sredstev in možnosti njihovega formalnega izražanja ter vključuje dialektologijo, jezik slovstvene folklore in del zgodovine jezika - skratka vse vidike raziskovanja jezika kot družbenega pojava. Tolstoj in sploh moskovska etnolingvistika v svojih delih razvije drugo, širšo opredelitev raziskovanja z namenom raziskovati slovansko duhovno kulturo na osnovi podatkov iz jezika, slovstvene folklore, vraž in obredov vseh slovanskih narodov. Predmet takega raziskovanja ni samo jezik (kljub temu, da je glavno izrazno sredstvo in ohranjevalec kulturne informacije v času), temveč tudi druge forme in substance (npr. predmeti pri obredih), v katerih je izražena kolektivna zavest, narodova mentaliteta, 'slika sveta' - objekt takega raziskovanja je vsa narodna kultura, vsi vidiki, žanri in forme: verbalni (besedišče in frazeologija, paremiologija, folklorni teksti), akcionalni (obredi), mentalni (verovanja). Gre za antropološki pogled na kulturo in jezik, ki je značilen za vso humanistiko današnjega časa (Tolstaja 2006: 21, 22). Najbolj reprezentativen projekt te šole je slovar Slavjanskie drevnosti (izhajal je od l. 1995 v petih delih), za katerega je N. I. Tolstoj dobil zamisel že leta 1978. Koncept slovarja je bil zasnovan na osnovi dela v 60-ih in 70-ih letih, ko so se ukvarjali z rekonstrukcijo slovanske tradicionalne duhovne kulture. Gre za poskus izločiti in razložiti semantične enote 'jezika kulture', tp. za kulturo najpomembnejše pomene, ne glede na formo ali način, v katerem so izraženi (v besedi ali v dejanju, ali so pomeni vsebovani v njegovih lastnostih ...). Pri tem je najpomembnejše razumevanje 'integralnosti' kulture, tj. smisla, pomena enote v vseh njenih formah in žanrih (jezik, obred, verovanje, folklorna umetnost), pogojene z eno sliko sveta, ki sprejema in osmišlja človeško kulturo.12 Članki v slovarju obsegajo praktično vse sfere tradicionalne duhovne kulture slovanskih narodov, zato pomeni ta slovar enega od stebrov rekonstrukcije duhovne kulture Praslovanov. Drugi steber predstavlja Atlas, ki vsebuje opise in analizo slovanskih ostalin z dialektološkega vidika (Judin 2007: 1-3). Lublinska etnolingvistična šola Delovanje lublinske etnolingvistike je tesno povezano s Slovarjem folklornih stere-otipov in simbolov (Siownika ludowych stereotypow jgzykowych) (1980, 1996, 1999) in z znanstveno revijo Etnolingwistyka. V 60-ih in 70-ih letih 20. stoletja je bilo raziskovanje na Poljskem osredotočeno predvsem na dialektologijo (začetki lublinske etnolingvistike so v dialektoloških raziskavah, ki sta jih prispevala prof. Pawel Smoczynski13 in Leon Kaczma-rek14) in folkloro, nato pa so se omejili na pogovorni poljski jezik in na njegove notranje, stilistične in dialektološke obrate. Sprejeli so komparativne in inter jezikovne vidike, še posebej tiste, ki temeljijo na semantiki in aksiologiji. Leta 1980 so izdali Siownika ludowych stereotypow jgzykowych, ki velja za 'manifest' lublinske etnolingvistike. Bartminski je slovar zasnoval že v sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja; zanimal ga je predvsem 'navaden' človek, predstavnik folklorne tradicije, njegov subjektivni svetovni nazor, njegova interpretacija realnosti in ocene, zato je iskal definicije besed, ki jih človek kot predstavnik narodnega jezika in folklore vcepi v svoj jezik. Definicije v etnolingvističnem slovarju so razširjene: ni pomemben opis pomena besede, temveč stereotip, ki ga Bartminski opredeli kot predstavo o predmetu, ki se oblikuje v okvirih kolektivne izkušnje in opredeljuje to, kar predmet predstavlja, kako vpliva, kako deluje, v kakšnem odnosu je s človekom itd.; gre za predstavo, ki je posplošena v jeziku, nam je dostopna skozi jezik ter pripada ko- 12 Po mnenju Tolstaje je v današnjem času tak antropološki vidik na kulturo in jezik značilen za vse humanistične vede (Tolstaja 2006: 22). 13 Pawel Smoczynski je avtor Atlasa lublinskega dialekta (Bartminski 2008: 2). 14 Leon Kaczmarek je vpeljal snemanje lokalnih folklornih konverzacij (Bartminski 2008: 2). lektivnemu znanju o svetu.15 Stereotipi so komponente lingvističnega svetovnega nazora (Bartminski 2005: 12-15). Danes lublinska etnolingvistika zavzema antropološko-kulturno in kognitivno področje lingvistike: predstavlja del sodobne lingvistike, ki se osredotoča na jezik in na njegova razmerja s kulturo in zgodovino določene družbe (lokalne, regionalne ali nacionalne) ter na obnašanje, sistem vrednot in lokalne mentalitete. Preko 'kulture v jeziku' poskuša rekonstruirati svet s sinhronega vidika, kot se kaže v jeziku ter ga prikazati kot rezultat specifičnih konceptualizacij realizacij govorca. Ob analizi sočasnega jezika16 lu-blinska etnolingvistika upošteva tudi podatke iz preteklosti kot tudi sodobno dediščino (Bartminski 2008: 9). Po Bartminskem je naloga etnolingvistike 'subjektivna' rekonstrukcija kulture in raziskovanje mentalitete njenih nosilcev (subjektov), njihovih zmožnosti konceptualiza-cije sveta, zasidranih v jeziku, zato je glavna metoda Bartminskega in lublinske šole celotno obravnavanje jezika in kulture kot pojava, ki ima enega in istega nosilca; pozornost je osredotočena na nosilca in na njegov svetovni nazor. Človek, njegova dejavnost in njegova zavest predstavljajo sfero jezika; vse nosi na sebi sled besede, odblesk smislov, konotacij in asociacij. Iz jezika je možno razbrati človekov vsakdan in večnost, javno in zasebno, upanja in strahove, okuse in ocene. Zato je glavni cilj lublinske šole indirektno ali direktno odgovoriti na vprašanje, kako se kolektivna zavest kaže v jeziku ter kako se skozi lingvistične tekste in kulturno vedenje manifestira koncept realnosti. Z drugimi besedami: kako se loči realnost na posamezne elemente, kako jih poimenuje in s kakšne perspektive in s kakšnimi detajli jih ločuje, kakšna so razmerja med objekti in dogodki in kakšna je vloga človeka v svetu, kako je človeško vedenje modelirano glede na vloge v družbi oz. kako se človeško bitje sprejema in kako dojema svet okoli sebe v določeni kulturi (Bartminski 2008: 9-13). Zastopanost lingvistične antropologije in etnolingvistike v Sloveniji Za enega prvih, ki se je ukvarjal z lingvistično antropologijo v Sloveniji, velja Stane Južnič, ki je 1972 izdal šapirografirano izdajo učbenika o lingvistični antropologiji in jo tudi uporabil kot izhodišče za »sociologijo jezika oz. sociolingvistiko« na Fakulteti za sociologijo, politične vede in novinarstvo (Južnič1983: 12). S svojim delom je Južnič predstavil lingvistično antropologijo, ne pa tudi sistematično razvijal. Kljub temu je nastalo nekaj diplomskih nalog, tako pod njegovim mentorstvom kot pod mentorstvom profesorjev na Filozofski fakulteti (na Oddelku za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo). Etnolingvistika je bolj zastopana v etnoloških in lingvističnih raziskavah kot dodatna metoda, predvsem v sociolingvističnih raziskavah. V večini gre za kvantitativni pristop (nabiranje besedišča).17 15 Na izbranih primerih za sonce, konja, vola, kukavico, rožmarin, večji in ljubeč je bila preko stereotipov predstavljena stalna semantična in formalna relacija ter opisana z mrežo strukturiranih stavčnih definicij, s t. i. minimalnimi konteksti (kasneje opredeljenimi kot »stereotipni motivi«), ki temeljijo na folklornih in pogovornih tekstih glede na pomen morfološke in tekstualne analize. Stavčne definicije so bile urejene po 'semantičnih kategorijah' (Bartminski 2008: 3). 16 Polje raziskovanja pokriva vse nacionalne jezike, upoštevajoč pogovorni jezik z vsem bogastvom, s stili in tipi govora (Bartminski 2008: 8). 17 Mojca Ravnik je etnolingvistično raziskovanje označila kot zelo različno, »čisto v skladu s heterogenostjo problemov, situacij, zgodovinskih kontekstov. Pahljača z imenom etnolingvistika se razteza od etnologije, so-ciolinigvistike, lingvistične antropologije.« (Elektronska pošta, 20. 7. 2010). Tudi kot ključne besede najdemo Etnolingvistika kot metoda preučevanja je v Sloveniji še vedno metoda, za katero se odločajo posamezniki. Uporabljajo jo predvsem v preučevanju frazeologije, kjer se je v slovenskem jezikoslovju pojavila že sredi 20. stoletja (kljub temu, da je začetek moderne frazeologije pri nas - nekoliko zapoznelo - v prvi polovici sedemdesetih let s Toporišiče-vim člankom K izrazju in tipologiji slovenske frazeologije v Jeziku in slovstvu 1973/74). Prvo slovensko monografsko etnolingvistično leksikološko-frazeološko raziskavo z vsem potrebnim zgodovinskim in sociokulturnim instrumentarijem je leta 1977 objavil Jože Stabej, z naslovom Kruh ubogih; posvečena je krompirju. Večji del jezikoslovnega razpravljanja je namenjen slovenskim poimenovanjem za to rastlino, predstavljene pa so tudi vse pro-storsko-časovne, socialne idr. okoliščine za razlago frazemov in pregovorov (imeti krompir 'imeti srečo', neumen kmet ima najdebelejši krompir itd.). Prvo teoretično in načelno razmišljanje, povezano tudi z etnolingvističnim preučevanjem frazemov je prispeval Janez Keber vsaj v dveh člankih:18 1995 je izšel Pomen etnografskih in zgodovinskih podatkov za raziskovanje leksike in frazeologije v Razvoj slovenske etnologije od Štreklja in Murka do sodobnih etnoloških prizadevanj (prikaz, kako ustrezno izrabljati podatke iz kulturnozgodovinskih virov za razlaganje motivacijske osnove konkretnih frazemov) ter 2001 Razlaganje izvora slovenskih frazemov (sistematično poda in razloži s primeri svoj 'razlagalni pristop' pri razlaganju izvora frazemov) (Kržišnik 2005: 77). Sicer pa je danes etnolingvistična metoda priznana in uporabljana tudi pri nas (v širšem razmahu sta sociolingvistika in kognitivna lingvistika), predvsem pri obravnavanju frazeologije in v povezavi z drugimi metodami, medtem ko lingvistično antropologijo zasledimo pri antropologih in manj v jezikoslovju. V zadnjem času je o sodobnem raziskovanju preseka jezika, kulture in mišljenja napisala odličen članek Tanja Petrovič.19 V članku obravnava tako lingvistično antropologijo in etnolingvistiko kot kognitivno lingvistiko, prikaže njihov razvoj in preplet. Lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika v Sloveniji nista zastopani kot samostojni vedi, temveč zgolj kot dodatna ali pomožna metoda v raziskovanju, večinoma soci-olingvističnem, etnološkem in antropološkem. Zato ostaja ta prostor še odprt, hkrati pa ga čedalje bolj zapolnjujejo raziskave v etnologiji, frazeologiji, dialektologiji in konceptualni lingvistiki. Sklep Lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika sta vedi, ki imata skupne korenine in skupen predmet raziskovanja, tj. jezik kot človeška vokalna komunikacija v soodnosu s kulturo, vendar so med njunima vidikoma tega soodnosa razlike: v lingvistični antropologiji je poudarjeno, da jezik v določeni meri določa kulturo, daje omejitve, kaj in kako izraziti - jezik da določen obrazec mišljenja (ko se otrok uči govoriti, hkrati s tem sprejema neki model sveta); jezik raziskuje kot karakteristiko, ki definira človeka, ter spremlja in raziskuje razvoj jezika v kontekstu človeške evolucije. Dojema ga kot sredstvo in kot pomemben dejavnik identifikacije, ki ima v soodvisnosti s kulturo neko posebno moč: etnolingvistiko največkrat pri narečnih in etnoloških raziskavah, predvsem s področja manjšin, v funkciji opisa njihovega narečja in poimenovanj. 18 Še vedno lahko trdimo, da je Janez Keber najplodnejši raziskovalec etnolingvistične smeri v slovenski frazeologiji. 19 In the search for Subtle Ties: Approaches to Research at the Intersection of Language, Culture, and Cognition, Die Europäizität der Slawa oder die Slavizität Europas: ein Beitrag der kultur- und sprachrelativistischen Linguistik, Berlin, München, 2009, str. 11—47. med seboj povezuje različne generacije in v tem povezovanju je vsebina neke kulture; zato je jezik shranjevalec in založnik modeliranja stvarnosti.20 Lingvistična antropologija se v raziskovanju soodnosa jezika in kulture zanima predvsem za to, kaj jezik 'dela', kako oblikuje naš svet in našo komunikacijo. V etnolingvistiki jezik izraža kulturo in človekov svetovni nazor, njegove vrednote, prepričanja, verovanja. Posebno mesto daje odnosu jezika do slovstvene folklore in vse (tradicionalne) duhovne kulture, saj naj bi jezik v teku svoje zgodovine sprejel vase kulturne smisle: v pomenih besed in frazemov, celo v gramatiki se nahajajo izrazi predstav o svetu in o človeku. Kot tak pomeni izražanje kulturne tradicije ter vir raziskovanja kulture in rekonstrukcije njegovih zgodnjih stanj. Zanima jo kulturno ozadje kot izhodišče za slikovito podlago nekega jezikovnega pojava, saj je tako mogoče ugotoviti, kako je neka kulturna realija povezana z določenim kulturnim prostorom in časom. Npr. pri pregovoru Obleka naredi človeka 'kdor se lepo, izbrano oblači, dobi večji ugled, naredi boljši vtis'21 lahko raziskujemo pomembnost obleke ter primernosti in načina oblačenja; v ospredju je stereotip, da je človek, ki se lepo oblači, bolj ugleden in zanesljiv, človeku, ki je slabše oblečen, ne gre vedno zaupati. Ta stereotip izhaja iz velikih socialnih razlik in stereotipov iz preteklosti, ko so, poenostavljeno rečeno, revni kradli za preživetje, bogati pa so imeli vso blaginjo, zatorej jim ni bilo treba krasti in lagati in so bili bolj zaupanja vredni kot revnejši sloj, iz česar sledi, da je zaupanje vezano na gmotno stanje človeka. Seveda je ta razlaga zelo poenostavljena in predvsem manjkajo še drugi pregovori in frazemi na temo obleke, vloga oblačil v slovstveni folklori ter raziskava med ljudmi, ki bi pokazala razumevanje pregovorov in frazemov; le z vsemi temi raziskavami bi lahko ustvarili jezikovno sliko sveta, tj. osnovne predstave o svetu in o človeku, ki pokažejo vse vidike svetovnega nazora in predstav človeka. Raziskavo bi lahko razširili na tako besedno kot predmetno izražen pomen obleke pri obredih (kar bi sodilo na področje širše etnolingvistike), lingvistična antropologija pa bi razširila raziskavo na vse lingvistične forme izražanja oblačil in oblačilnih zahtev, 'omejevanje oblačilnega sveta' z jezikom, kaj s svojim jezikom na temo oblačil delamo ter posledično na pomen in funkcijo obleke v vsakdanjiku ter za posebne priložnosti. Kljub temu, da imata lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika skupne korenine in deloma skupen predmet obravnave, tj. soodnos jezika in kulture, imata za raziskovanje problematike različne pristope in izhodišča, zato se lahko raziskave širijo in dopolnjujejo. Ker pa je raziskovalno polje te problematike izredno široko je dobrodošlo, da se metode definirajo in vidiki porazdelijo, saj tako lahko dobimo kvalitetnejše raziskave. V Sloveniji je ta raziskovalni prostor še široko odprt, hkrati pa ga že zapolnjuje precej raziskav, katerih del sta tudi lingvistična antropologija in etnolingvistika. Literatura Balašova, Elena A.: Naivnaja kartina mira Slovencev: socio- i etnolingvističeskij podhod. Center za slovenščino kot drugi/tuji jezik pri Oddelku za slovenistiko Filozofske fakultete. Ljubljana 2004. 20 Jeziki se ne razlikujejo samo med različnimi narodi, temveč tudi v samem jeziku - glede na starost govorcev, področje itd. 21 Razlaga je povzeta iz Slovarja slovenskega knjižnega jezika na spletnih straneh: http://bos.zrc-sazu.si/cgi/a03. exe?name=sskj_testa&expression=ge%3Dobleka&hs=1. Bartminski, Jerzy: Jazykovoj obraz mira: očerki po etnolingvistike. Založba Indrik. Moskva 2005. Bartminski, Jerzy: Lublin Ethnolinguistics (2004). http://www.rastko.org.yu/projekti/etno-ling/delo/12073, pregledano 7. 5. 2008. Duranti, Alessandro: Linguistic Anthropology. Cambrige textbooks in Linguistics. Velika Britanija: Cambrige University Press 1997. Judin, Aleksej V.: Slavjanskaja etnolingvistika (2007). http://www.rastko.org.yu/rastko/ delo/11696, pregledano 8. 5. 2008. Južnič, Stane: Lingvistična antropologija. Fakulteta za sociologijo, politične vede in novinarstvo Univerze Edvarda Kardelja v Ljubljani. Dopisna delavska univerza Univer-zum. Ljubljana 1983. Keber, Janez: Pomen etnografskih in zgodovinskih podatkov za raziskovanje leksike in frazeologije. Razvoj slovenske etnologije od Štreklja in Murka do sodobnih etnoloških prizadevanj. Slovensko etnološko društvo: Znanstveni inštitut Filozofske fakultete. Knjižnica Glasnika Slovenskega etnološkega društva. Ljubljana 1995. Str. 85-90. Keber, Janez: Razlaganje izvora slovenskih frazemov. Zbornik za učitelje slovenščine kot drugega/tujega jezika. Ljubljana : Center za slovenščino kot drugi/tuji jezik pri Oddelku za slovanske jezike in književnosti Filozofske fakultete. Ljubljana 2001. Str. 35-50. Kržišnik, Erika: Frazeologija v luči kulture. Večkulturnost v slovenskem jeziku, literaturi in kulturi. 41. seminar slovenskega jezika, literature in kulture 27. 6.-15. 7. 2005. Zbornik predavanj. Univerza v Ljubljani, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za slovenistiko. Ljubljana 2005. Str. 67-81. Muršič, Rajko: Uvod v metodologijo. Izbrane teme. Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. Ljubljana 2001. Parrott Hickerson, Nancy: Linguistic Anthropology. ZDA: Texas Tech University. Petrovič, Tanja: In the search for Subtle Ties: Approaches to Research at the Intersection of Language, Culture, and Cognition, Die Europäizität der Slawa oder die Slavizität Europas : ein Beitrag der kultur- und sprachrelativistischen Linguistik. Berlin, München: O. Sagner 2009. Str. 11-47. Salzmann, Zdenek: Language, Culture & Society. ZDA: Worldview Press 1993. Sulima Roch: Folklorystyka i etnolingwistika a horyzont poznawczy antropologii kultury. Etnolingwistyka 18. Lublin 2006. Stabej, Jože: Kruh ubogih : kulturnozgodovinski in jezikovni začrt zgodovine krompirja na Slovenskem. Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti. Ljubljana 1977. Tolstaja, Svetlana M.: Postulaty moskovskoj etnolingvistiki. Etnolingwistyka 18. Lu-blin2006. Toporišič, Jože: K izrazju in tipologiji slovenske frazeologije. Jezik in slovstvo 19, št. 8 (maj 1973/74). Ljubljana 1973/74. Str. 273-279. Wrodawski Krzysztof: Folklorisika, etnolingwistika, etnofilologia? Etnolingwistyka 18. Lublin2006. http://www.anthropology.emory.edu/Linganth/ http://www.rastko.org.yu/projekti/etnoling/ Linguistic Anthropology and Ethnolinguistics Saša Babič In the second half of 20th century the interest of linguistic research transferred from symbol to the human that uses these symbols. This had an influence on folkloristics and has largely changed the discussion of their fundamental forms: text and ritual. Text gained the pragmatic interpretation: the discussion about text became closer to the discussion about ritual, happening, as much as the inner structure, semantics and "outer" existence of its implementation became important for the contents' interpretation. New comprehension of the folklore text as a syncretic cultural phenomenon brought folkloristic studies closer to ethnology, sociology and culturology. Folklorists found out new phenomena and categories, especially the pragmatics of folklore text, its ceremony (and also cultural) functions, creators and listener, intention, aim and circumstances (time, place, context) of performing. On the basis of such discussion about language and text they founded linguistic anthropology and the following ethnolinguistics. Linguistic anthropology and ethnolinguistics have common roots and common fields of research, though there are differences between them: in linguistic anthropology it is stressed that language to a marked extent defines the culture, gives boundaries, prescribing what and how to express - language provides the form of our thinking (as a child is learning the language, he/she also accepts a certain model of the world). Linguistic anthropology researches language as a characteristic that defines the human being and it researches language in the context of human evolution. It understands language as a means and as an important factor of identification, that connects different generations, and by connecting it represents the content of a certain culture; that is why language is a keeper and publisher of modelling the reality. Linguistic anthropology is interested in what language "does", how it models our world and our communication. In ethnolinguistics, language represents the culture and a human world view, personal evaluations, convictions, beliefs. It puts a special meaning on the relation towards the folklore, as language is supposed to accept cultural meanings during history: in the meaning of words and sayings, even in grammar, the expressions of the conceptions about the world and human beings are located. As such, language represents the expression of cultural tradition and the source for research into its early states. Ethnolinguistics is interested in the cultural background as a starting-point for the picture foundations of a certain language phenomenon; using this method, it is intended to figure out how certain culture phenomena are connected with a certain culture place and time. Even though linguistic anthropology and ethnolinguistics have common roots and a partly common field of research, i. e. correlation of language and culture, they have different origins and approaches. That is why the researches can extend and supplement the field. As the research field of this topic is extremely wide, it is most welcome that the methods are defined and the points of view specified appoints; in this way, the results of the researches have more quality. In Slovenia both methods are used as a part of ethnologic, linguistic and cultural researches, but never as an independent research study or a project, and mostly not as a specified method. So there is still an open area to start independent research in the area of linguistic anthropology and ethnolinguistics in Slovenia. »Voda! Jaz ti darujem, od dna do dna ...« Pesemske sledi verovanja v nadnaravno moč vode Marija Klobčar This paper examines beliefs in the supernatural power of water as expressed or preserved in folk songs, and at the same time addresses the study of this heritage. The study of belief in the supernatural power of water reflected in song thus takes place at two levels: on the one hand, it seeks aspects of this belief in the lyrics of folksongs that connect water with the supernatural, and on the other hand it uses preserved songs to determine what directed and shaped the transcribers' relationship to this heritage. Na zadnji strani slovenskega bankovca za pet tisoč tolarjev, prvič izdanega skoraj dve leti po slovenski osamosvojitvi, 1. junija 1993, je bil v tlorisu in narisu upodobljen Robbov vodnjak1. Njegova upodobitev je pomenila uvrstitev enega od prepoznavnih simbolov v nabor reprezentativnih slovenskih podob. Povezava med vodnjakom in denarjem je imela torej v tem primeru narodnoreprezentativno vlogo. Uvrstitev na slovenski bankovec pa ni edina simbolna vloga tega vodnjaka: Robbov vodnjak na Mestnem trgu v Ljubljani je namreč le eden od številnih vodnjakov, v katera danes ljudje mečejo kovance. Kovance mečejo v bajerje in jezera, kovanci se zbirajo v Postojnski jami v jezercu, v katerem je človeška ribica, najti pa jih je mogoče celo v simboličnih jezercih, vključenih v cerkvene jaslice. Jaslice v cerkvi v neposredni bližini Robbovega vodnjaka so zato opremljali z napisi, da je prepovedano metati kovance v vodo. Zakaj prepoved in kje je ob tem mogoče iskati zvezo s pesmijo? Skrite sledi obrednega darovanja vodi v pesemskem izročilu V 19. stoletju, v času vedno bolj intenzivnega zbiranja ljudskega pesemskega izročila, je bilo zbiranje obrednih pesmi nezaželeno. Te pesmi so bile sicer del izročila, vendar so s predkrščanskimi elementi neposredno izražale vero v magično moč naravnih sil, s tem pa zaostalost in nasprotovanje krščanskemu nauku. Narodnoreprezentativni vlogi, ki je bila v ozadju foklorističnih prizadevanj, s tem niso ustrezale. V začetku zanimanja za ljudsko pesemsko izročilo so bile namreč zaradi potrebe po izražanju nacionalne samobitnosti izpostavljene predvsem pripovedne pesmi (Bohlman 2004: 36). Pesmi, ki so bile del obredja, vključno s pesmimi, povezanimi z verovanjem v nadnaravno moč vode, pa so bile v nasprotju s tem že stoletja izpostavljene preganjanju. Ta proces se je začel že pred koncem 9. stoletja s prepovedjo koledovanja »po poganski šegi« (Grafenauer 1973: 45). 1 http://www.bsi.si/bankovci-in-kovanci/opis-bankovcev.asp?MapaId=445. Ker se je pokristjanjenje izkazalo za uspešnejšo metodo, kot je bilo odkrito preganjanje, se je v preoblikovani obliki ohranilo veliko predkrščanskih elementov. Prav zato je v 16. stoletju Primož Trubar, slovenski protestantski pridigar in avtor prvih slovenskih knjig, Cerkvi očital ohranjanje poganskih navad. Trubar je namreč v tej zvezi med drugim obsojal tudi blagoslavljanje vode (Trubar 1562: 32). Prav blagoslovljena voda pa je v šegah v veliki meri nadomestila predkrščansko verovanje v čudežno moč vode. Zaton reformacije je to kritičnost utišal, številnim oblikam predkrščanskega verovanja pa so nasprotovali tudi katoliški razumniki. Smešenje teh pogledov je najti tudi v Valvasorjevi kroniki Die Ehre des Hertzogthums Krain iz leta 1689 (Valvasor 1689: 473). Kljub temu je bilo v 19. stoletju razlogov za nasprotovanje predkrščanskemu verovanju še dovolj; učinkovito jih je oslabila šele uvedba splošne šolske obveznosti. Prvi zapisovalci ljudskih pesmi so poročali, da so obredna ravnanja s prepoznavnim predkrščanskim miselnim ozadjem veljala za greh, za katerega posamezni duhovniki pri spovedi niso dajali odveze (Podgoriški 1862: 367). Pesmi so bile ob tem toliko bolj izpostavljene, saj je bilo petje težko prikriti. Eden prvih zapisovalcev slovenskih ljudskih pesmi, Stanko Vraz, ni mogel razumeti nasprotovanja predkrščanskemu izročilu, ki je preprečevalo tudi petje (Vraz 1879: 2-3). Poročal je o obrednem darovanju vodi za novo leto na Štajerskem (Vraz XIX, 3. nav. po: Pajek 1884: 87) in v svojih zapisih ohranil spomin na obredne pesmi, povezane tudi z verovanjem v moč vode, vendar je ob izdaji zbirke Narodne pesni ilirske tudi sam objavil predvsem pripovedne pesmi (Vraz 1839). Zgodba o zapisovanju in objavljanju pesmi o vodi je torej hkrati zgodba o razmerju med pripovednimi in obrednimi pesmimi. Pri Slovencih je odmev na Herderjevo objavo srbske Hasanaginice povzročil visoko vrednotenje junaških pesmi, precejšnje pozornosti pa so bile deležne tudi bajeslovne in pravljične pesmi. Ena od teh je bila tudi pesem o dekletu, sveti Marjeti, in o njeni rešitvi pred zmajem, med letoma 1842 in 1845 zapisana na Selih pri Kamniku (SLP I: 131-132). Pesem omenja veliko naselje, grad in jezero; v njem je zmaj, ki mu morajo žrtvovati ljudi. Vrsta je prišla tudi na grajskega gospoda in gospo, vendar je gospa namesto sebe in moža zmaju namenila pastorko Marjetico. Marjetica se je morala obleči kot nevesta; med potjo k jezeru je srečala svetega Jurija, ki jo je rešil pred zmajem, zmaj pa je v jezi podrl grajsko poslopje. 15 Tam stoji, stoji velika vas, na konc vasi beli grad, na konc gradu pa jezer globok. Notri je pa neguden črv, 5 neguden črv, lintvern hud; 20 druzga ne pije, druzga ne je, leško kri, leško meso. Še so imel ordnancijo, de so mu enga človeka dajali. 10 Prišla je ordnanca bla 25 na žlahtniga gospoda in pa na gospo, de pojde k jezer globokimu, de tam svoje življenje sklenil bo: ven bo prišal neguden črv in bo tam tega požrl, kter bo tjekaj poslan. Še je to rekel žlahtni gospod: »Kaj pravim, žlahtna gospa! Prišla je ordnanca: pojdeš ti, al pojdem jez k jezer globokimu?« Še to rekla žlahtna gospa: »Nič se ne boj, žlahtni gospod! Ne pojdeš ti, ne pojdem jez, dala bova Marjetico.« Še tako rekla žlahtna gospa: »Gori, gori pojd, Marjetica, naprav se k ena nevestica!« Marjetica čista, nedolžna bla, 30 rada je svojo mačoho bogala. Napravla se je k ena nevestica, pa je bla silno žalostna. Šla je k jezeru globokimu, srečal jo je en stari mož, 35 o ljub sveti Jurij orožnik. Še je tako rekel star možic: »Kaj je tebi, Marjetica, ker si silno žalostna?« Še je tako rekla Marjetica: 40 »Usmil se tavženkrat Bogu! Godi se vselej tako, k otroci svoje matere nimajo. Jaz grem k jezer globokimu: prišal bo neguden črv, 45 ki bo mene tam požrl.« Še je tako rekel star možic, oj ljub svet Jurij orožnik: »Nič se ne boj, Marjetica, saj pojdem jez tudi s tabo.« Pesem o dekletu, ki ga sveti Jurij reši pred zmajem, je bila razumljena predvsem kot pesem o svetem Juriju Umeščena je bila v čas od 12. stoletja naprej, saj naj bi svetega Jurija izoblikovala šele legenda 12. stoletja (SLP I: 131-132). Zgodba pa ima vendarle tudi drugo sporočilo, ki morda ne zapisovalcu ne racionalistično usmerjenemu uredniku prve zbirke slovenskih ljudskih pesmi, dr. Karlu Štreklju, ne bi bilo všeč, če bi bil pozoren nanj: vsebuje namreč zelo jasno sled obrednega darovanja vodi. Vsebina je pokristjanjena: dekle je spremenjeno v svetnico, sveto Marjeto. Kot sirota brez staršev je sveta Marjeta prisiljena prevzeti nase vlogo osebne žrtve, ki jo zahteva vodni demon. Ljudsko izročilo kamniške okolice, kjer je bila pesem zapisana, je ohranilo spomin na nekdanje jezero, ki je čudežno odteklo, zavetnica mesta je bila sveta Marjeta, cerkev v Nevljah, ki naj bi bila ob njem, pa je posvečena svetemu Juriju. Možnost obstoja jezera pa z navzočnostjo glinastih sedimentov potrjujejo geološke ugotovitve (Tolmač 1983) in najdba mamuta v Nevljah. Podoba svete Marjete je bila do konca 19. stoletja tudi v grbu mesta Kamnik, takrat pa jo je liberalna mestna oblast zaradi strankarskih nasprotij nadomestila s podobo Veronike. Pesem o sveti Marjeti in zmaju kot pripovedna pesem, ki ima jasno izraženo držo pripovedovalca, v času zapisa ni bila sporna: verovanja v nujnost obredne žrtve ne izraža neposredno, saj je krščanska preobleka prekrivala sledi predkrščanskega verovanja. Ta pesem tako ne poudarja verovanja v moč vode, temveč vlogo svetega Jurija. Za zapisovalce in zbiralce je bila takšna pesem tako kot vse pripovedne pesmi zanimiva in uporabna za izražanje nacionalne samobitnosti. Starost pripovednih pesmi je bila namreč dokaz ustvarjalnosti naroda, s tem pa tudi njegove samobitnosti in pravice do nacionalne uveljavitve. 50 Šla sta k jezer globokimu, prišal je ven neguden črv, neguden črv, lintvern hud. Svet Jur je zavzdvignil desno roko, čez črva storil sveti križ. 55 Marjetica je zdrasala pasec svoj, vrgla ga je črvu na vrat. Črv je tako močno zarjul, de se je ves grad na kup razsul. Zdaj premisli, človek ti, 60 kaj ena taka pregreha stri: ta nevošlivost stri, de se cel grad potopi.2 2 Leški - človeški; neguden - grd, ostuden, ordnancija (iz nem - po lat.) - odločba, obveznost; zdrasala - odtrgala. Zapisovanje pripovednih pesmi, tudi bajeslovnih, je torej služilo nacionalni samo-promociji, temu cilju pa so bile podrejene tudi nekatere »narodno« zaznamovane prireditve. Poleg zapisovanja pripovednih pesmi je zato pomenilo uspešen način iskanja nacionalne samopotrditve tudi oživljanje plesnih iger. Nacionalno samopotrjevanje s pesmijo, v kateri je skrito obredno darovanje vodi, je tako mogoče čutiti v folklorističnem oživljanju belokranjske igre most. Igra most je bila razširjena po vsej Sloveniji in ni slovenska posebnost, saj jo je v podobni obliki poznala večina evropskih narodov. Spremljala jo je pesem; v metliški varianti sta si nasproti stoječi vrsti izmenično odpevali posamične vrstice, ob koncu igre pa je prišlo na vrsto tudi vprašanje: B: Kaj nam mite nosite? A: Črnooko deklico. (Marolt 1936: 48). Folkloristično oživljanje igre je sicer ohranjalo tako ples kot pesem, vendar ob oživljanju te plesne igre pomen izročitve dekletca, »črnooke deklice«, za mitnino ni bil več znan. Leta 1936 je tako France Marolt zapisal: »/.../ docela pa se je izgubila motivično važna misel o črnooki deklici.« (Marolt 1936: 48) Razširjenost plesne igre v širšem evropskem prostoru dokazuje, da njene korenine segajo v indoevropsko plast. Nekateri vidijo v njej simbol prehajanja ali vedno obnavlja-jočega se življenja in tudi simbol mitološkega mostu z onostranstvom, drugim pa je igra ostanek starodavnih obredov pri graditvi mostov (Ramovš 1991: 138-140). Na Slovenskem so igro ohranili tudi odrasli; v Železnikih in Kropi so jo povsem opustili, v Metliki, Črnomlju in Predgradu pa jo po zaslugi folklornih skupin plešejo še danes. Pesem o sveti Marjeti in svetem Juriju in belokranjska igra most, kjer izročijo za mitnino črnooko deklico, pa imata skupni imenovalec: v obeh primerih je prepoznavna sled verovanja v vodno božanstvo in darovanja vodi, ki se je v različnih oblikah ohranjalo tudi pozneje. Da gre res za ostanke darovanja vodnemu božanstvu, ki je poznalo človeške žrtve, je mogoče razbrati tudi iz neposrednega dokaza takšnega dejanja. V Prekmurju, ki je v času avstroogrske monarhije spadalo pod ogrsko krono, je v veliki povodnji narasla reka Mura ogrožala vas Melinci, kjer je bilo veliko mlinov (Kuhar 1910: 115). Vaščani so na vse načine skušali ustaviti spodkopavanje bregov, vendar brez uspeha: Mura je grozila, da bo odnesla vas. Vaški možje so se pri iskanju rešitve zatekli k izročilu, ki je očitno še živelo med ljudmi: zmenili so se, da bodo poleg struge živega zakopali sedemletnega dečka. Blizu Mure so skopali jamo in vanjo zakopali sedem let starega Džurovega Števeka, ukleščenega med dve deski. Deček je neizmerno jokal, vendar so vaščani vztrajali pri stoji nameri. Verjeli so, da so s tem preprečili nadaljnje spodkopavanje bregov (Kuhar 1914: 23). V tej tragični zgodbi o darovanju otroka vodi ni bilo ne rešitelja ne pesmi, ki bi ohranila spomin na dogodek. Zgodba, objavljena leta 1914, ne navaja časa tega dogodka, ohranjeno ime otroka pa dokazuje precejšnjo časovno bližino. Zapisovalec dodaja, da so dečka sredi 19. stoletja skušali odkopati, da bi ga pokopali v blagoslovljeni zemlji, vendar zaradi zaudarjanja trupla tega niso zmogli (Kuhar 1914: 23). Spomin nanj je ohranilo le verovanje, da se na mestu, kjer je bil nesrečni otrok živ pokopan, prikazuje čudna svetloba. Zbiranje pesemskega izročila in odnos do pesmi o nadnaravni moči vode Tragična zgodba iz Melincev pojasnjuje, da razlogi za nasprotovanje predkrščanske-mu verovanju v nadnaravno moč vode niso bili le religioznega značaja: oba primera, torej primer zapisa pripovedne pesmi o sveti Marjeti in zmaju in primer pesmi ob plesni igri z omembo darovanja deklice za mitnino imata torej v ozadju resnično darovanje vodi. Sled darovanja pa je bila dovolj zabrisana, da so zapisovalci in ohranjevalci ljudskega izročila oba primera pesmi uvrstili med pomembne dokaze nacionalnega in ju z zapisom ali oživljanjem skušali ohraniti. Pesmi, ki so sledi tega verovanja odkrito ohranjale, pa so izražale zaostalost, s katero se niti preprosti ljudje kot ohranjevalci izročila niti izobraženci kot zapisovalci niso želeli ponašati. Obrednih pesmi, povezanih z verovanjem v nadnaravno moč vode, zato med najstarejšimi zapisi slovenskih ljudskih pesmi skoraj ni. Nasprotovanje ljudskemu verovanju pa je povzročilo, da so te pesmi ljudje z opismenjevanjem sami opuščali, večinoma prej, preden so se zapisovalci ljudskega izročila začeli zanimati zanje. Za te pesmi so se začeli zanimati predvsem zagovorniki mitološke šole. Ta šola, ki je s prizadevanjem za rekonstrukcijo slovanskega Pantheona sledila dogajanjem v nemškem prostoru (Kropej 1992: 74), je bila na Slovenskem veliko odmevnejša v zbiranju ljudskega pripovedništva kot pri zbiranju pesemskega izročila. Pripovedništvo je ohranjalo spomin na mitološko izročilo, vendar je hkrati vzpostavljalo distanco: mitološka šola se je namreč soočala z velikim nasprotovanjem ljudskemu verovanju. Nasprotovanja je slabilo zavedanje, da tudi to izročilo ob mednarodnih primerjavah lahko služi nacionalni samopromociji. Gregor Krek, eden vidnejših predstavnikov mitološke šole, je leta 1872 zapisal, da imajo ljudske pesmi »neprecenljivo lastnost, posvetiti v sicer temna svetišča, odpirajoča nam tajnosti bogočastja naših pradedov« (Krek 1872: 171). Tedaj so predvsem v raznih revijah že dve desetletji izhajali zapisi raznih zbiralcev (Kropej 1992: 74), ki so sledili smernicam mitološke šole. Pod vplivom teh pogledov so zapisovali tudi najrazličnejša predkrščanska verovanja ter šege in pesmi, povezane z njimi, čeprav javno mnenje temu ni bilo naklonjeno. V javnosti sta se torej prepletala nasprotovanje ljudskemu verovanju in vrednotenje šeg in pesmi, ki so imele »svoj izvirek notri v malikovavskih časih naših pradedov« (Navratil 1949). Leta 1851 je eden najvidnejših predstavnikov mitološke šole na Slovenskem, Matija Majar, v Rožu na Koroškem zapisal božično pesem, v kateri je ohranjen spomin na magično moč svete noči. Pesem so peli za začetek polnočnice, sicer pa so jo prepevali koledniki. V njej je verovanje v moč vode podrejeno dogodku božjega rojstva: čudežna moč vode svete noči naj bi bila namenjena celo sveti družini. Pesem namreč med drugim pravi: »... Jožef vzame barihelco in hila3 po frišno vodico ...« V sveti noči je bilo namreč potrebno iti po vodo, kar pesem pojasni v nadaljevanju: »... So vse gore zvate ble, so vse vode z vinam takle ... « Pojasnilo ob pesmi razlaga pomen vode v sveti noči: v sveti noči naj bi bile v nekem trenutku vse gore zlate, v rekah in drugih vodah pa naj bi teklo vino. Če bi človek v tem 3 Hila - narečno iz nem. eilen - hiteti. trenutku zajel iz reke, potoka ali studenca, bi namesto vode zajel vino (SNP 3: 23-24, št. 4770). V tej pesmi se je torej ohranilo takšno razumevanje čudežne vode, ki je bilo bližje krščanski simboliki vode in vina. Zapisi zagovornikov mitološke šole so začeli sestavljati mozaično zgodbo o čudežni vlogi vode v življenju posameznika. Ta poročila so v odnosu do vode v predstavah preprostih ljudi opažala predvsem dvoje: po eni strani so ljudje v vodi videli nadnaravno moč, vodno božanstvo, ki se mu je bilo potrebno prikupiti ali pa se mu odkupiti z darovanjem, posebno ob določenih priložnostih, po drugi strani pa so ob posebnih priložnostih to moč skušali izkoristiti tudi zase. Najpomembnejši priložnosti za to sta pomenila najdaljši dan in najdaljša noč v letu, torej letni in zimski kres, na osebni ravni pa predvsem poroka. Darovanje vodi izraža sledi globokega verovanja v vodno božanstvo, zato je krščanstvo uspelo to prepričanje preusmerjati le postopno, z osredotočanjem na cerkvena praznovanja in pokristjanjenjem besedil, ki so obredje spremljala, torej tudi pesmi. Spomladanske šege, povezane z vodo, so se zato različno prepletale z veliko nočjo, binkoštmi in kresom, zimske pa z božičem in novim letom. Voda je imela namreč kljub pokristjanjenju v predstavah ljudi posebno moč, ki si jo je bilo ob teh ključnih praznikih potrebno pridobiti, hkrati pa so to moč ob posebnih priložnostih tudi izkoriščali. Zatekanje k magični moči vode pa je zelo dolgo spremljala zavest, da se je tem močem potrebno tudi oddolžiti. Zgodba o sveti Marjeti in zmaju in vloga črnooke deklice v belokranjski plesni igri most pričata o najgloblji obliki verovanja v vodno božanstvo, o darovanju vodi, ki je zahtevalo ljudi. Darovanje, ki se je ohranjalo ob spomladanskih in zimskih šegah, pa je bilo simbolično: sprva so darovali hrano, v 19. stoletju pa postopno že denar. V najstarejših poročilih je še ohranjen spomin na darovanje kruha, kot je razvidno iz darovanja za novo leto ali za veliko noč na območju vzhodne Slovenije: »Na novega leta dan vstajajo dekle za rana in hite po vodo. Ktera preje pride, vrže jabelko, v katero je rožmarinov šopek vtaknjen, v studenec, da bi laže in hitro moža dobila.« (Vraz XIX, 3. nav. po: Pajek 1884: 87). »Nekoč je dobila voda na Štajerskem na veliko noč dar, vrgli so v studenec nekaj blagoslovljenega kruha, v celjski okolici so vrgli nekaj blagoslovljenega kruha v studence, nekaj pa ga je dobila živina. F lendavski okolici posujejo okoli studenca drobtine blagoslovljenih jedi« (Moderndorfer 1948: 250-251). Poročila o darovanju vodi v Radomercih na Štajerskem iz sredine 19. stoletja še govorijo o sledeh magičnih besedil, torej o pesmih. Prvo poročilo navaja, da hodijo na novoletno jutro dekleta »vodi darovat«. Vsako stopi k studencu in vrže vanjo nekaj denarja z besedami: »Ljuba voda! Jaz ti darujem od dna do dna, sem za moža že zadosti godna.« (Razlag 1852: 104; nav. po: Pajek 1884: 88). V nekaterih primerih je bila prošnja tudi povsem konkretna, kot je bilo zapisano v Središču: »Voda! Jaz ti darujem, od dna do dna, jaz sem za moža godna, daj mi moža Štefana ali pa Vrbana.« (Pajek 1984: 88). V Beli krajini so darovanje vodi pospremili z besedami: »Na, voda, to darujem tebi, tudi ti daruj meni!« (Kuret 1970: 241). Z darovanjem vodi so si torej ljudje pridobili pravico do njene moči, tudi magična dejanja umivanja ali polivanja z vodo pa so se ohranjala bolj ali manj skrivaj. Obredno polivanje neveste z vodo je bilo na vzhodu in jugu slovenskega etničnega ozemlja, torej v Prekmurju in v Beli krajini, v navadi še v začetku 20. stoletja. Pesmi o tem se niso ohranile ali pa niso bile zapisane. V Prekmurju so poznali šprickanje neveste, v Beli krajini pa sta ženin in starešina zagugala nevesto nad potokom, da se je dotaknila žive vode. V Vinici v Beli krajini so tako na drugi dan gostije, drugipirovni dan, svatje odvedli nevesto k bližnji živi vodi (k potoku ali studencu), kjer je potekal obred očiščenja. Eden od svatov je nosil pred sprevodom na kolu svežo jarčevo glavo, zadnji svat - »govornik« - pa je s kadilnico kadil po polju in nosil škopnik slame, ki ga je pri vodi zažgal. Nevesta je imela v žepih sol, da je z njo posipala polje, v vrču pa vino, ki ga je po obredu ponudila svatom.4 V letnih šegah je bilo obredno polivanje z vodo znano predvsem ob velikonočnem kresu. S Štajerskega je ohranjen zapis, da so pri velikonočnem kresu fantje polivali dekleta, dekleta pa fante; zapisana je bila tudi pesem, ki so jo peli pri tem. Sodeč po besedilu, je pesem potekala v dialogu: »Ljubi moj fant je jak, on je lep mijak -moja pa deklica čvrsta kopalica.« Polivanje je bilo v navadi tudi na kresni večer. Takrat so se fantje in dekleta medsebojno polivali med plesom, med tem pa so peli: »Sveti, sveti, svetli kres! Vrti, vrti mladi ples!« (SNP III: 203). Polivanje z vodo pri kresu je bilo sredi 19. stoletja na Štajerskem še zelo živo: »Mladeniči radi dekleta pri kresu z vodo polivajo. Zato gledajo dekleta, ko h kresu pridejo, naj preje, kje bi voda bila; pa dečki njo kje prikrijejo in izbrano deklino v hipu z vodo polijejo. Od take polite dekline pravijo: 'Dobila je mivaka za možaka.« (Pajek 1884: 57). Polivanje kresnic je bilo znano tudi v Beli krajini (Kuret 1967: 109). Šega polivanja z vodo pri velikonočnem kresu se je ohranila v umivanju: po ljudskem verovanju naj bi imela voda takrat, ko so na veliki četrtek utihnili zvonovi, in takrat, ko so se na veliko soboto vnovič oglasili, posebno moč, zato se je takrat »v prejšnjih časih kar trlo praznovernega ženstva ob vodnjakih«, da bi si natočili vode. Ta voda naj bi namreč koristila lepoti - zagotavljala naj bi lepo polt, ponekod pa so verjeli, da je zdravilna predvsem za oči. Šega je bila znana na vsem slovenskem etničnem ozemlju (Kuret 1965: 156-157). Na Koroškem so ob tem izgovarjali besede: »Lišej, lišaj, fuj te bodi, ki si na veliki petek meso jedu! Lišej, lišaj, pojdi nazaj!« (Moderndorfer 1948: 251). Poleg verovanja v magično moč vode je bilo v 19. stoletju simbolno darovanje vodi ob posebnih priložnostih še dokaj razširjeno. Da je bil v ozadju ostanek verovanja v vodno božanstvo, je čutiti v njegovih poimenovanjih. Na Štajerskem so na primer verjeli, da v vodi živi povodni mož Gestrin. Brodarji in ribiči so, preden so šli na vodo, vrgli vanjo »kakošno rutico, v ktero so zavili prstan, da Gestrina potolažijo in si ga prijaznega storijo« (Pajek 1884: 40). Če pri kopanju vodnjaka dolgo niso prišli do vode, so se zavedali, da se 4 Opis ob fotografiji GNI ZRC SAZU, F Ob-9. bodo morali odkupiti vodnemu božanstvu - da bodo morali »Vancašu ofer dati« (Pajek 1884: 245; Kropej 2008: 253-254). V Prekmurju so romarji, ko so prešli reko Muro, vanjo vrgli kruh. Darovanje vodi je bilo vidno tudi v poročnih šegah, saj so ob poroki v vodo vrgli denar (Ložar-Podlogar 1995: 53). V Ziljski dolini je bila navada, da sta ženin in nevesta na poti k poroki v potok ali vodnjak vrgla denar, živa še ob koncu 20. stoletja (Zablatnik 1990: 64), prav tako pa tudi navada, da je nevesta vrgla nekaj kovancev v studenec tudi po poroki (Zablatnik 1990: 69). To verovanje se je preneslo v čas po drugi svetovni vojni. Verovanje v moč vode se je torej ob vedno večji razgledanosti ljudi ohranjalo predvsem kot skrito izkoriščanje njene magične moči, vendar so se ohranjale tudi sledi darovanja. Na novo leto so v Predgradu še ob koncu 19. stoletja »darovali vodi«, tako da je eden izmed domačih vrgel v studenec rezino kruha, verjetno v želji, da vode ne bi nikoli zmanjkalo (Makarovič 1985: 473). V Predgradu je bil spomin na to, kako so no novo leto hodili po vodo, živ še po drugi svetovni vojni. Voda je morala biti prinešena opolnoči, ponekod pa so šla dekleta po vodo na studenec po polnoči. »In veselje je blo tisti čas.« V tej - novi - vodi se je umila vsa družina. Smisel darovanja vodi se je že zgubljal: dekla, ki je vodo prinesla, je dobila od gospodarja dar - denar - kar v lavor, v katerem je prinesla vodo. Če se kdo zjutraj ni umil v novi vodi, je moral plačati - vreči je moral denar v vodo. (Predgrad, T 410/A, T410/C, 1963). Iz Prekmurja pa je znan le podatek, da so po vodo na novo leto morali iti bosi (Kuret 1970: 244). Z darovanjem vodi so se torej ljudje vodi oddolžili za to, kar so prejeli od nje, torej za moč, ki so je bili deležni ob posebnih priložnostih. Pesmi, ki so ta magična dejanja spremljale, so izginile hitreje kot samo verovanje, ohranjale pa so se v obrobnih predelih. V Kostelu sta bili še leta 1961 zapisani dve pesmi, ki so ju peli na starega leta zvečer pri kresu in takrat, ko so šli na studenec po vodo. Prva govori o nastopu novega leta: Staro leto je minilo, novo nam je nastopilo, kakor blisk goreč staro šlo je preč, al nazaj ga ne bo več (GNI M 24 344).5 Druga je božična in dokazuje, da je šega lahko ostala, njena zunanja podoba, torej pesem, pa je bila pokristjanjena: Marija gredo v zelenja pa nesjo krancel veselja. Od tega rojstva božjega, od tega leta novega, Marija ziblje Jezusa (GNI M 24 345). Drugi primer zgovorno dokazuje pokristjanjenje: šega je ostala, njeno vsebino pa so skušali nadomestiti s krščanskim sporočilom. Pesem je bila nosilka novega sporočila. 5 Primeri z oznako GNI so v arhivu Glasbenonarodopisnega inštituta ZRC SAZU. Ob izginjanju verovanja v nadnaravno moč vode je bila kakršna koli sled te drže pogosto deležna posmeha. To je veljalo tudi za verovanje v čudežno moč binkoštne rose, ki je bilo še po drugi svetovni vojni živo celo v razvitem osrednjeslovenskem območju, vključno z zaledjem Ljubljane. Na Dolenjskem so še v šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja ženske hodile na binkošti pred sončnim vzhodom na polje, si v roke nabrale rose in se umivale z njo. Pri tem so govorile: »Preluba binkoštna rosica, da b bla še jest leipa, tok kot si. Pa tok čista.« S tem so se po njihovem verovanju obvarovale tudi pikov mrčesa. Z roso so se hodili umivat tudi otroci, moški pa ne. Podoben obredni pomen binkoštne rose je viden tudi v tem, da so ponekod na Dolenjskem binkoštno roso nabirali tudi za izdelovanje droži, s katerimi so zamesili kruh (GNI, T 407). Kritično misleči so to verovanje smešili: med ljudmi je bila zelo znana zgodba o dekli, ki se je šla umit z binkoštno roso in govorila: »O binkoštna rosica, o binkoštna rosica ...«; pri tem je segla v kravji iztrebek in vzkliknila: »O ti prekleta prasica!« Zmotnost praznoverja je bila poudarjena s tem, da je bil dogodek pripisan dekli. To verovanje - tako kot druga verovanja, povezana z magično vlogo vode - v očeh javnosti namreč z razgledanostjo nikakor ni bilo združljivo. Današnje podobe spomina na verovanje v magično moč vode in njene mednarodne vzporednice Pregled pesemskih besedil, povezanih z verovanjem v nadnaravno moč vode, dokazuje, da pesem ni bila temeljna nosilka sporočila, temveč le sestavni del obredja. Ob preganjanju tega obredja je pesem ljudi najglasneje izdajala, zato se je hitreje pokristja-nila od samega verovanja. Šega je bila namreč vztrajnejša od pesmi: pesem je večinoma ali utihnila ali pa se je spremenila v pokristjanjeno pesem ali molitev. Spomin na pesmi, vezane na predkrščansko izročilo, zato danes ohranjajo le pisni zapisi, ki so presegli ozko presojo praznoverja. Tej presoji se je izmaknila šega spuščanja cerkvic v Železni Kapli na Koroškem, ki jo spremljajo do nerazumljivosti spremenjeni latinsko-slovenski verzi. Šego obnavljajo vsako leto na predvečer svečnice, 1. februarja. Otroci se ob 18. uri zberejo pred ljudsko šolo, vsak pa drži v rokah drog, na katerem je pritrjena cerkvica iz lepenke. Na poti proti Glavnemu trgu vpijejo latinsko-slovenske verze »Antepantepopulore, Kocle vrate cvilelore.« Pred cerkvijo je kratek dvojezični slovensko-nemški cerkveni obred, ki ga vodi župnik, na poti proti gradu Hagenegg pa množica spet vpije »Ante pante populore, Kocle vrate cvilelore.« Na mostu pred gradom Hagenegg se ljudje ustavijo, otroci snamejo svoje cerkvice z droga in jih vržejo v Belo, da odplavajo (Till 2010: 52-53). Šego razlaga pripovedka, ki se sklicuje na veliko neurje v preteklosti. Ob neurju so se vaščani zatekli v romarsko cerkev Marije v Trnju in se zaobljubili, da bodo vsako leto v zahvalo naredili veliko procesijo (Till 2010: 52-53). Nerazumljive besede, ki jih vzklikajo otroci, naj bi nastale kot izraz nerazumevanja latinskega besedila »Ante faciem omnium populorum« (Turnšek 1943: 89), nadaljevanje pa naj bi bilo naključna rima iz leta 1854; avtorstvo pripisujejo hlapcu Luki Smrtniku, nastala pa naj bi, ko se je sprevod pomikal po trgu mimo Kocljeve hiše; vrata so zacvilila, hlapec pa naj bi k vzkliku »Ante pante populore« dodal verze »Kocle vrate cvilelore« (Till 52-53). Zapis pred več kot petdesetimi leti ob razlagi šege poudarja veliko poplavo, kar se je v današnjem zavedanju že močno izgubilo. V Železni Kapli se namreč steka pet rek. Ob poplavi so prebivalci vrgli v naraslo vodo veliko cerkveno maketo in s tem naj bi voda upadla (Kotnik 1930/31: 146). V ozadju šege je torej simbolično predkrščansko zaznamovano darovanje vodi, ki je v povezavi s cerkvenim praznovanjem svečnice dobilo krščansko vsebino, z vključitvijo cerkvenega obreda pa tudi krščansko podobo. S spremenjenim besedilom šega ni bila sporna, zato se je ohranila. Podobno simbolično darovanje ima vzporednico v šegi spuščanja Lucijinih hišic v Furstenfeldbrucku na Bavarskem, prav tako povezani s povodnijo (Till 2010: 53-54). Pri teh ravnanjih je šlo torej za verovanja, ki daleč presegajo meje nacionalnega. Prav primerjave pa opozarjajo tako na razsežnosti, ki jih je imelo verovanje v nadnaravno moč vode, kot na sorodnosti in razhajanja v nadaljnjem ohranjanju teh šeg. Takšno primerjavo omogoča tudi verovanje v moč vode ob veliki noči, še pred drugo svetovno vojno dokumentirano v osrednjeslovenskem območju: v nekaterih drugih slovanskih deželah, kot na primer na Slovaškem, se je navada kot šega polivanja na velikonočni ponedeljek ohranila do danes in ima predvsem družabni značaj. Prav družabnost je namreč zameglila podobo predkrščanskega verovanja, ki se je skrivalo in razkrivalo v tem obredju. Zanimiva je tudi primerjava belokranjske igre most s slovanskim izročilom (prim. Marolt 1936: 55): med igrami odraslih deklet, ki so se na Slovaškem začele pred veliko nočjo in se navadno končale na veliko noč ali velikonočni ponedeljek, je bila ta igra zelo podobna slovenski belokranjski pesmi, vključno s simbolno izročitvijo črnooke deklice. Na vprašanje prve skupine »Hoja ... Čo nam za dar nesiete? Hoja ...« odgovori druga »Hoja ... Černooke dievčatko. Hoja ...« (Horvathova 1986: 199). Primerjave opozarjajo na to, da je skupnih sledi predkrščanskega verovanja veliko več, kot smo v iskanju razločevalnega videli doslej. Tudi na videz nepomembna navada, kot je metanje kovancev v vodnjake, nakazuje potrebo po iskanju vzporednic, pa naj gre za tako znani vodnjak, kot je Fontana di Trevi v Rimu6, za Robbov vodnjak v Ljubljani, zaradi ogroženosti zamenjan s kopijo, ali za komaj znane vodnjake malih mest. Sledi nekdanjega verovanja v moč vode namreč opozarjajo na to, da danes narodov ne združuje le ohranjeno izročilo, temveč tudi to, kar se ni ohranilo ali pa je bilo zaradi iskanja razločevalnega prezrto ali zamolčano. Ohranjene pesmi ali njihovi drobci so ob tem dragocena pričevanja, ki presegajo meje nacionalnega. Bibliografija Bohlman, Philip V., 2004: The Music of European Nationalism. Cultural Identity and Modern History, Santa Barbara: ABC CLIO. Horvathova, Emilia, 1986: Rok vo zvykoch našho I'udu, Bratislava: Tatran. Kotnik, Fran, 1930/31: Otroška procesija pred Svečnico v Železni Kapli, Naš rod 5, 146. Krek, Gregor, 1872: Odlomek iz spisa: Važnost ustnega slovstva (tradicijonalne literature) kot izvirnik basnoslovju (mythologiji), Zora 1, 71-174. Kropej, Monika, 1992: Raziskovanje ljudskega pripovedništva na Slovenskem. Traditiones 21, 73-84. 6 http://www.trevifountain.net/2010/12/the-rite-of-trowing-a-coin/. Kropej, Monika, 2008: Od ajda do zlatoroga: Slovenska bajeslovna bitja. Celovec-Ljublja-na-Dunaj: Mohorjeva založba. Kühar, Števan, 1910: Narodno blago vogrskij Sloväncof, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 7, 107-128. Kühar, Števan, 1914: Narodno blago vogrskij Sloväncof, Časopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 11, Priloga: 17-37. Kumer, Zmaga, 2002: Slovenska ljudska pesem, Ljubljana: Slovenska matica v Ljubljani. Kuret, Niko, 1965-1970: Praznično leto Slovencev 1-4, Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Makarovič, Marija, 1985: Predgrad in Predgrajci. Narodopisna podoba belokranjske vasi, Ljubljana: Kulturna skupnost Kočevje. Mencej, Mirjam, 1997: Voda v predstavah starih Slovanov o posmrtnem življenju in šegah ob smrti, Ljubljana: Slovensko etnološko društvo. Marolt, France, 1936: Tri obredja iz Bele Krajine, Slovenske narodoslovne študije II, Ljubljana: Glasbena Matica v Ljubljani. Podgoriški, L., 1862: Narodne vraže in navade, Slovenski glasnik 8, 367-368. Pajek, Josip, 1884: Črtice iz duševnega žitka štajerskih Slovencev, Ljubljana: Matica Slovenska. Ramovš, Miko, 1991: Otroške igre z odvzemanjem in privzemanjem na Slovenskem, Tra-ditiones 20, 127-142. Slovenske ljudske pesmi I (SLP I), 1970: Pripovedne pesmi. Ur. Z. Kumer idr.. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. Till, Jože, 2010: Železnokapelska šega "nošenja cerkvic." Koledar Mohorjeve družbe v Celovcu: 48-54. Tolmač za list Ljubljana L 33-66, 1983 (Tolmač ...): Osnovna geološka karta 1 : 100 000, Beograd: Socialistična Federativna Republika Jugoslavija Trubar, Primož, 2005: Artikuli oli deilli te prave, stare vere krščanske. Reprinted in Zbrana dela Primoža Trubarja, vol. 3, (prva izdaja 1562), Ljubljana: Rokus, Slovensko protestantsko društvo Primoža Trubarja, 5-52. Turnšek, Metod, 1943: Pod vernim krovom, vol. 1, Ljubljana: Družba svetega Mohorja. Valvasor, Johann Weichard Freiherrn, 1689 (1877): Die Ehre des Herzogthums Krain, Faksimile, Rudolfswerth: J. Krajec. Vraz, Stanko, 1839: Narodne pesni ilirske, Zagreb: Author. Wilson, William A., 2005: Herder, Folklore and Romantic Nationalism, Journal of Popular Culture 4 (1973): 819-835, Reprinted in Alan Dundes, ed. Folklore: Critical Concepts in Literary and Cultural Studies. Vol. 2. The Founders of Folklore. London: Routledge, 4-21. Zablatnik, Pavle, 1990: Od zibelke do groba, Klagenfurt: Mohorjeva založba. Zora, 1852: Graz: Tancer: 104. "Water! I sacrifice to you, from bottom to bottom ...": Belief in the Supernatural Power of Water Reflected in Song Marija Klobcar Slovenian folk songs connected with belief in the supernatural power of water did not raise much interest during the initial period of folksong transcription: due to efforts to establish ethnic identity, evidence of pre-Christian beliefs was not something that enhanced prestige at that time. In the oldest folksong transcriptions, this belief is thus covert or indirect: for example, traces of people's sacrifices to a water deity can be found in the ballad about St. George and St. Margaret, and the dance game most 'bridge'. Both examples refer to a belief that demanded human sacrifice to a water deity. That this sacrifice actually existed is confirmed by an undated event in the Prekmurje village of Melinci, when a seven-year-old boy was sacrificed to the flooding Mura River to make the water subside. In the mid-nineteenth century, transcriptions of ritual song lyrics emerged that directly expressed the supernatural power of water; the majority of transcribers had backgrounds in the mythological school. In the transcriptions, the songs were presented as component parts of the rituals: they accompanied a symbolic sacrifice to the water or symbolic acts that would yield some sort of benefit due to the supernatural power of the water, such as ritual washing or drawing water on specific occasions. At that time, belief in the power of water was thus realized at a symbolic level following the reciprocity principle of "I give to you, you give to me" and people sacrificed something to the water such as bread, an apple, or money, and at the same time expected payment from it (usually beauty, good health, or a bridegroom). Songs, which were often already greatly truncated, were used in both cases, but they were disappearing faster than the customs themselves. People covered up these acts and so they were difficult to trace. Due to improved education, a greater general breadth of knowledge, and ideological opposition to superstition, sacrifice to water was disappearing, and even more so its purpose; songs were lost or changed in this process. Despite all of the limitations felt by the transcribers as well as the people themselves, the transcribed rituals and ritual songs prove that the ideas of the special power of water continued to be used in rituals up until the nineteenth century, and some even up to the Second World War or beyond. Magical acts that were supposed to provide happiness, which usually meant a good groom and especially beauty, were preserved for a relatively long time. Like tossing coins in fountains, this belief has been preserved to the present day, reaching far beyond national borders. By studying the relationship to water and reflecting on these issues, one can see a clear duality of the relationship to ritual songs in Slovenia. Folklore studies were shaped as a discipline that identified the distinctive elements in the song heritage that distinguished Slovenians as a nation. Ritual songs were left in the background due to their connection with pre-Christian beliefs. Transcribing folksongs was therefore selective, but later on the transcribers were no longer aware of this selectivity. The songs about belief in the supernatural power of water that have been transcribed thus do not completely reflect the true beliefs, but show what has been preserved despite ethnologists' initial disinclination and people's reserve. One custom that managed to evade the self-censorship of those preserving the custom as well as the opprobrium of their opponents is the practice of floating small wooden churches down the river at Eisenkappel in Austrian Carinthia, which is accompanied by the Latin-Slovenian verse "Ante pante populore, Kocle vrate cvilelore"; the verse has been modified so much that is hardly intelligible today. The custom is performed every year on the night before Candlemas, or 1 February. It is based on a great flood in the past, when the people threw a large model church in the rising water, which made it subside again. In the background of this custom thus lies the symbolic pre-Christian sacrifice to the water, which has its parallels with the custom of floating St. Lucy's houses illuminated with candles in Fürstenfeldbruck, Bavaria, which is also connected with a flood. Comparisons with the preserved heritage of other peoples draw attention to the fact that many more traces of pre-Christian beliefs are shared between peoples than has been determined so far because of the emphasis on seeking distinctions. Even seemingly unimportant customs such as throwing coins in fountains indicates the need to seek parallels. These behaviors are connected with beliefs that reach far beyond ethnic boundaries. This is also confirmed by the comparison of the White-Carniolan game most 'bridge' with the Slovak tradition, which includes a surprisingly similar song that accompanied this custom. In addition, the modern Slovak custom of pouring water on people on Easter Monday, which is only one of this custom's forms preserved in the area settled by the West Slavs, is reminiscent of the custom of pouring water on people at Easter and at bonfires in Slovenia. At the same time, the tradition of songs connected with beliefs in the supernatural power of water proves that it cannot be understood and treated merely as song heritage: the perception, discovery, and understanding of ritual songs demands a comprehensive ethnological context. Only in this way is it possible to understand the multilayered nature of these song fragments, which often become much more informative only through international comparisons. ApanoT BO MaKegoHCKaTa HapogHa KHM^eBHOCT m HeroBu napanenu Ha MeguTepaHoT Muduja Cmojanoeuh The continuity/duration of the figure of the Arab (in Macedonian folk literature) is not maintained in the same manner and to the same extent in all areas. This implies the problem of substrata and the super-strata. If we approach the Arab only by listing the facts without taking into account the historical background (from the Arab-Byzantine conflict to the present day), then we may arrive at a paradoxical, ahistorical idea of continuity. Moreover, the continuity of a certain phenomenon (the formulaic character of the Arab, for example) is actually made possible by profound social changes. As the Arab-Byzantine conflict receded into the past, the formulaic character of the Arab assumed three basic characteristics (three-headed/black/sorcerer), most frequently as a bearer of the basic attributes of an enemy (in the epic) or a helper (in folktales). By sustaining the rules and requirements of genre, the Arab performs his function. This character is associated with the basic motif of abduction of a young woman. With the arrival of the Turks, he returns to the stage as a real historical opponent of the domestic, national hero. The emergence of his substitutes (the Turk, Arnaut or Gypsy) has the primary purpose of preserving his attributes and this indicates the subtlety of the issue of continuity. Ysog McropuHHocTa u TpaeK>eTo kom ce ogHecyBaaT Ha KOHTMHyMTeTOT, He noTceTyBa-aT geKa HacnpoTM gojroTo TpaeK>e bo npeHecyBa^eTo KaKO cmhohmm 3a Tpagu^ujaTa, MHory norojeMo BHuMaHue Mopa ga My ce o6pHe Ha „npeHeceHoTo" Koe e bo HeBepojaT-Ha 3aBUcHocT og MCTopMCKMTe npoMeHM Ha kouoto mm e noTHuHeTo; mctoto gypu u Kora bo HeroBuoT HagBopemeH o6juk ocTaHyBa Heu3MeHeTo, cnopeg npaBujaTa Ha ho-BMTe npeHecyBaraa /pacKa^yBanu, uH^opMaTopu/, ru MeHyBa cBouTe ^yH^uu, cMucna u 3Hanefte. KoHTUHyuTeToT Ha ApanoT /bo HapogHaTa khu^bhoct/ He nocTou bo cuTe o6-nacTu Ha uct HaHuH u bo ucra Mepa; co oBa ce HaBecTyBa npo6jeMoT Ha cyncTpaToT u cynepcTaToT. floKojy My npuoraMe Ha ApanoT caMo co pegefte Ha ^aKTuTe, 6e3 Boon-oto ga ce 3eMe bo npegBug ucTopucKaTa nogjora (og apancKo-Bu3aHTucKuTe cygupu go geHec), Toram goaraMe go napagoKcajHaTa, aucropuHHaTa ugeja 3a KoHTuHyuTeToT. flypu Mo^e ga ce Ka^e geKa ToKMy KoHTuHyuTeToT u KoHcTaHTHocTa Ha ogpegeHa noja-Ba (bo cnyHajoT ^opMyjHuoT jiuk Ha apanuHoT) cTaHyBa bo3mo^h 6jarogapeHue Ha gna6oKuTe onmTecTBeHu npoMeHu. McTopuHHocTa u TpaefteTo Ha ApanoT bo HapogHaTa khu^bhoct Ha MeguTe-paHoT ce ycjoBeHu og ucropucKure, peajHu HacTaHu bo KopeJa^uja co pa3uHaTa Ha CBecTa; co ogMaKHyBaaeTo og apancKo-BH3aHTHCKMTe cygupu, ^opMyjHuoT juk Ha ApanoT nonpuMa Tpu ochobhm KapaKTepucTuKu (TporjaB^pH/Bojme6HuK), HocejKu ru HajnecTo ocHoBHUTe aTpu6yTu Ha egeH HenpujaTej (bo enoT) uju noMomHMK-nygoT-Bope^ bo cKa3HUTe. 3agp^yBajKu ru npaBujaTa u 6apaaaTa Ha ^aHpoT, Toj ja o6aByBa cBojaTa ^yH^uja. CenaK, 3a oBoj jiuk ce Bp3yBa 0CH0BHU0m MomuB Ha ^pa6HyBawemo Ha Mnadama MeHa (^ena Buga, BojeH flojnuH, Kpaju MapKo, rjepr Eje3 Ajuja). Co goaraaeTo Ha Typ^UTe, Toj noBTopHo ce BpaKa Ha c^Ha KaKo peajeH ucTopucKu npo-tubhuk Ha goMamHuoT, Ha^uoHaJeH xepoj. nojaBaTa Ha HeroBuTe cyncTuTyTu, (Typnu-hot, apHayTuTe uju ^u^aHOT), cjy^u npeg ce 3a ga ru 3agp^u HeroBuTe aTpu6yTu, u hu noKa^yBaaT KojKy e cynTujHo npamaaeTo Ha TpaeaeTo. MMajKu ja bo npegBug onpegej6aTa Ha npo^ecopoT Page Bo^obuk, cnopeg Koro-mTo mutojooko-uctopuckuot Kjyn Ha ^Ha ApanuHa ce Haora bo HeroBaTa cjo^eHa gejcTByBa^Ka ^yH^uja, npeTcTaBeHa KaKo: 3Mej/^aMja nygoBumTe > ^H6or/TporjaB/ TpurjaB > ^hu ApanuH > TypnuH, co mTo ro HanpaBu rjaBHuoT noMaK bo ^ojkjo-pucTuKaTa, geKa TypnuHoT npeTcTaByBa cyncTuTyT Ha ApanuHoT, a He o6paTHo, Bcym-hoct, cjukobuto u jacHo hu roBopu 3a Toa KaKo encKoTo neeae nocTanHo ho y6egjuBo ce gBu^u og mutot koh ucTopujaTa, KaKo nocjegu^ Ha BHaTpemHuoT MexaHu3aM Ha noeTuKaTa Ha mutot u ycHoTo TBopemTBo. Ja BocnocTaByBa Te3aTa geKa ApanuHoT KaKo cjo^eH, cuHKpeTuneH juk, ja npeTcTaByBa napagurMaTa 3a HajeKcnpecuBHuoT nuK Ha cmpaHe^ Koj ce jaByBa Ha oBue npocTopu u geKa nomeKHyBa od nepuodom Ha BU3aH-mucKo-apancKume cydupu (1977). AHajorHo craHoBumTe 3acTanyBa u M. Tpa^eHayep (1943), bo HeroBaTa cTyguja nocBeTeHa Ha ^ena Buga. noKpaj cpegoBucoKorepMaHcKuoT HoBenucTu^Ku en Pomep (Rother)1, Hildesage (od Kudrun), u cu^UJujaHCKaTa npuKa3Ha Scibilia Nobili, rpa^eHayep HaBegyBa u gpyru u3Bopu mTo ru cTaBa bo KopeJa^uja co 6ajagaTa 3a ^ena Buga, u3HecyBajKu ro cboj'ot cTaB geKa Taa He noTeKHyBa og cpegHo-eBponcKuTe, ajncKo-aBpcTpucKu u HopgucKu cu^ea HacTaHaTu 3a BpeMe Ha KpcToHoc-HuTe boj'hu koh cpeguHaTa Ha 12 BeK, TyKy geKa ocHoBaTa Ha HacujHoTo rpa6HyBaae Ha MjagaTa ^eHa/MajKa noTeKHyBa og BpeMeTo Ha apancKuTe Hanagu Ha MeguTepaHoT bo paHuoT cpegeH BeK. ^ukot Ha ApanuHoT e MHory paHo BHeceH bo MHoryTe enoBu og MeguTepaHcKu-ot 6aceH. Bo oBaa cMucja, Bo^obuk ymTe bo 1977 r. ro nocraBu ochobhoto npamaae: gaju ApanuHoT bo HapogHaTa Tpagu^uja BoonmTo, KaKo u bo noe3ujaTa, KaKo noTecho nogpanje, npeTcTaByBa MuTojomKa uju ucTopucKa juhhoct, uju naK cTaHyBa 36op 3a HemTo TpeTo, co mTo ja rpagu cBojaTa Te3a geKa cTaHyBa 36op 3a egeH cjo^eH juk Koj npepacHyBa bo Haju3rpageH juk Ha CTpaHe^ bo HapogHaTa ycHa Tpagu^uja Ha oBue npocTopu (Bozovic, 1977). CaMuoT ApanuH KaKo ^opMyjeH juk He uHcnupupame ga pa3rjegaMe HeKou ^oc^e^u^UHHU cuTya^uu bo KoumTo goara go cpeg6a/cygup noMery rjaBHuTe npoTaroHucTu og HapogHaTa khu^bhoct co pa3HuTe HeroBu aJTepHa^uu. noKpaj pa3HoBugHocTa Ha TeMuTe u MoTuBuTe 3a KoumTo ce Bp3aHu ApanuTe, Tpe6a 1 CTaHyBa 36op 3a no3HaTaTa necHa 3a KpajoT PoTep, Koj ja npocu KepKaTa Ha BM3aHTMcKMoT Kpaj. OBa gejo 3aegHo co necHaTa 3a BojBogaTa EpHcT, HeroBoTo nporoHcTBo og TepMaHMja u naToT koh Mctok, noToa je-reHgapHMTe necHu 3a CajMaH (CajaMyH) u Mopoj^, KaKo u jmkobmtc Ha cBe^uTe OcBajg u OpeHgej ru KapaKTepM3Mpa egHa 3aegHu^Ka oco6eHocT. Bo cuTe oBue encKu necHu, 6e3 orjeg Koj um 6eme aBTopoT, uc-TaTa cKa3o^Ha ^aHTacTuKa ru cnou BepcKuTe u cBeTcKuTe motubu bo KoHrjoMepaToT Koj 6eme nogegHaKBo oggaje^eH u og cTporaTa jyHa^Ka necHa u og BepcKuoT 3aHoc bo npuKa3oT Ha XpucToBuoT ®ubot u oHoj Ha cBe^uTe. ga ce o6pHe BHUMaHue u Ha pa3HOBpcHuoT TpeTMaH Ha .ukot Ha ApanuHOT, u.u Apan-KaTa. KaKo mTo 3aK.yqu bo^obuk, a Toa ro oTKpuBMe u bo MaTepja.UTe og MaKegoHc-KUOT u MeguTepaHcKuoT ^o.K.op, BHaTpemHuoT pacT, noKpaj HagBopemHuoT, u Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha encKaTa Tpagu^uja, ru pa3Bu oco6eHocTUTe Ha oBoj .uk go Taa MepKa mTo ApanuHOT (TopraaB^pH/ApanKa geBojKa) cTaHa Haju3rpageH .uk Ha CTpaHe^ bo ycHa-Ta Tpagu^uja. OHa mTo bo TeKOT Ha HameTo ucTpa^yBaae hu ocTaBu ro.eM BnenaTOK e BHUMaTe.HOTo noBp3yBas>e Ha no3UTUBHuoT KBa.u^uKaTUB Ha ApanuHOT Bo.me6HUK (Koj e bo ^yH^uja Ha noMomHUK Ha r.aBHuoT .uk og cKa3HaTa),2 co oHoj HeraTUBHuoT, KaKo npuMapeH (og HuemTo 3.o Tpe6a ga ce cnacuMe) Kora e bo npamaae HapogHaTa Tpagu^uja og jy^Hoc.oBeHCKUoT, 6a.KaHCKUoT u.u MeguTepaHcKuoT npocTop. Ogro-BopoT oKo.y HeroBuoT aM6uBa.eHTeH KapaKTep e MHory jaceH. CTpyKTypaTa Ha oBoj .UK og HapogHaTa npo3a (cKa3HUTe u HOBe.ucTUHHUTe npuKa3Hu) gonymTa, u noKpaj HeKou 3HanajHu pa3.UKU bo ogHoc Ha oBoj .uk og necHUTe, ga 3aK.yquMe geKa uctuot npeMUHyBa. og noe3uja bo npo3a u o6paTHo (Božovič 1977, 18-19). Co egHa MHory Ba^Ha HanoMeHa geKa bo npo3aTa ce qyBCTByBa u noM.agoTo B.ujaHue Ha opueHTa.Hu-Te MOTUBU, oco6eHo Ha npuKa3HUTe og nponyeHaTa 36upKa „1001 hok", pe^a^uja mTo ja ucTpa^yBaa npogaHOBUK (1932), Horálek (1969), Kalashi (1972), Nevena Krstič (1973), neHym.ucKu (1984). Cera Ke ce o6ugeMe ga u3BpmuMe peKOHCTpy^uja Ha HeKou nouHTepecHu cuTy-a^uu bo KoumTo noeTcKUTe u npo3HUTe jyHa^u ce cpeKaBaaT co ApanoT (Tpur.aB, ^h, Bo.me6HUK). Pe3UMupaHo, bo KaKOB ogHoc ce jaByBaaT ApanoT og encKUTe, 6a.agHUTe u cKa3OHHUTe cu^ea? EncKa ÓHorpa^nja EgeH og no3HanajHUTe gye.u bo jy^Hoc.oBeHCKaTa encKa noe3uja ro BogaT Kpa.u MapKo - ^Ha ApanuHa. Co egHa 3HanajHa HanoMeHa: ApanoT e c.oeBUT cuHTeTUHKU .UK nue Tpaeae u ^ubot bo enoT ce go.ru; ApanoT KaKo ^opMy.eH jyHaK ^uBee nogo.-ro og MapKo, uMajKu ru bo npegBug u noHOBUTe necHu co hucto ucTopucKu npu3ByK. Ja npu^aKaMe npo^HKaTa Ha bo^obuk, cnopeg Koro cuTe ocTaHaTu ko.u3uu: ApanuH - goMameH jyHaK npou3.eryBaaT og Ko.U3ujaTa ApanuH - MapKo no naT Ha Bapuj^uu (1977, 214-215). Kora Muc.uMe Ha cnoMeHaTuoT nap MapKo - ApanuH, He cMeeMe ga ru ucnymTUMe og Bug 1. cTaBOT geKa TpaeaeTo Ha ApanuHOT e MHory nogo.ro og OHa Ha MapKo u 2. geKa encKaTa 6uorpa^uja Ha MapKo e MHory no.uHeapHa u yHU^u^upaHa bo ogHoc Ha oHaa Ha ApanoT Koj ce jaByBa co MHory noc.oeBUTa cTpyKTypa. MHory egHocTaBHo: oHaKa KaKo mTo XoMepoBUTe xepou npeTCTaByBa.e ugea.u-3upaHu MUKeH^u, TaKa u Jy^HUTe c.oBeHU bo BpMeTo Ha TypcKaTa goMUHa^uja ugea-.u3upa.e HeKou cpegHOBeKOBHu .uhhoctu, Mery kou 6u.e u TaKBu kou KaKo ucTopuc-Ku nu^ He ce og.uKyBa.e HUTy co cBojaTa xpa6pocT, HUTy co HeKou ucK.yHUTe.HU nogBU3u. CenaK, ^ogo^Ha ru cMeTa.e 3a ro.eMu xepou, cTaBajKu ru bo hob HapaTUBeH 2 OBge 6m HaBe.e ogpegeH 6poj npuKa3HM bo KoumTo ce oTKpuBaaT MaKegoHCKo-TypcKM npuKa3He^HM na-pa.e.M, npu mTo ApanoT e bo ^yH^uja Ha egeH og MHM^Mja^MCKMTe noKpoBMTe.M Ha r.aBHMOT xepoj, noHeKage e bo ^yH^uja Ha HeroB HenpujaTe. (noBTopHo bo cK.ag co cKa3OMHOTo MHM^Mja^MCK0 c^Ha-puo), noHeKage e Bo.me6HMK Koj My noMara Ha cupoMaBMOT, a noHeKage ce jaByBa m KaKo r.aBeH jyHaK, Koj co CBojaTa npeno3HaT.MBa yMemHocT ro no6egyBa npoTMBHUKOT - bo npuKa3HaTa „Apan ce o6.o®yBa co BpeHr (®paH^y3)" (D;eneHKOB, 1959, kh. 3, np. 6p. 290, cc. 284-285). CBeT, npeKy n03HaTM0T ÖMorpa^cKM Mogen Ha xepojoT. i>opMynaTa KoMnneTHo ru MeHy-Ba MCTopMCKMTe nuHHocra u HMBHMTe go^UByBaaa, CTaBajKM ru bo hobmot HapaTUBeH CBeT. EguHCTBeHo ocTaHyBaaT Heu3MeHeTu HUBHUTe UMuaa. no3HaTaTa ^opMyna bo noTnonHocT ce ogHecyBa u Ha KynTypHuoT xepoj MapKo3, npaTejKu ja no3HaTaTa cxeMa: qygecHo paraae, 3agojyBaae og caMoBuna, creKHyBaae HaTnpupogHa mok, xepojcKU nogBU3U u Kpu3HU MoMeHTU bo 3pen0T0 go6a, ocHUBaae unu ocno6ogyBaae Ha rpago-bu/hobu TepuTopuu, TpuyM^anHa CMpT/6ecMpTHocTa, bo o6nuK Ha egHo MUCTepuo3Ho ucne3HyBaae co Hage:® 3a noBTopHo nojaByBaae ce jaByBa bo npegaHujaTa unu bo ne-reHguTe 3a Kpanu MapKo. Kpanu MapKo (Ha^uoHaneH xepoj Ha cuTe jy^HocnoBeHcKU Hapogu), bo ocho-Ba npeTcTaByBa xepoj-KowaHUK og BpeMuaaTa npeg gocenyBaaeTo Ha CnoBeHUTe Ha BanKaHcKuoT nonyocTpoB. OBoj xepoj-KoaaHUK e go^UBeaH bo cBecTa Ha 6anKaHcKUTe Hapogu MHory nopaHo og ucTopucKuoT Kpan MapKo. Ha3HaHeHU0T xepoj ru hocm aTpu-6yTUTe Ha MoKeH cnacumen Koj ja goHecyBa cno6ogaTa, yTexaTa u ogHoBo ja gaBa Hage^-Ta (Srejovic 1958, 96). CnoBeHcKUTe Hapogu, KoumTo ce gocenyBaaT MHory ^ogo^Ha Ha TepuTopujaTa Ha BanKaHcKuoT nonyocTpoB, nog BnujaHue Ha aBToxToHoTo HaceneHue, ja npu^aKaaT nereHgaTa 3a xepojoT-KoaaHUK, Koja My npunara Ha TpaKucKUTe u unup-cKUTe 6o^ecTBa. OBue naK, kou 6ea nog BnujaHue Ha MHory nopa3BueHUTe penuruu og TunoT Ha xeneHcKaTa, opueHTanHaTa u puMcKaTa, 6ea bo MHory nouHaKBa ^03u^uja bo ogHoc Ha penuruo3HUTe npegcTaBU Ha cnoBeHcKUTe goceneHU^u (cnopegu Srejovic 1958, 96). AganTupajKu ce Ha cogp^UHaTa, aHanorHo bo cBecTa, xepojoT-KoaaHUK ce TpaHc^opMupa bo Kpanu MapKo, Koj BegHam 6eme npu^aTeH KaKo Ha^uoHaneH xepoj. Ha Toj HanuH, nereHgaTa 3a Kpanu MapKo ja UMa BpegHocTa Ha roneM Ha^uoHaneH mut (1958, 96-97). CenaK, He cMeeMe ga ro 3anocTaBUMe cTaB0T geKa KoaoT KaKo aTpu6yT ce jaByBa u Kaj repMaHUTe, McToHHUTe CnoBeHU, MHguj^UTe, TaKa mTo co npaBo npeTcTaByBa egeH onmT UHgoeBponcKU ^eH0MeH. CnynajoT co ApanoT e MHory no3aHUMnuB; KnyHoT 3a pa3raTHyBaaeT0 Ha Hero-boto Tpaeae e npeTcTaBeH npeKy xopu30HTanaTa u BepTUKanaTa Ha HeroBuoT nuK. Bo-äobuk 3a6ene^yBa geKa ^yH^ujaTa Ha ApanoT Tpae nogonro ogomTo motubot 3a Koj e Bp3aHa, mTo bo ceKoj cnynaj npeTcTaByBa npogop Ha ucTopujaTa bo enoT u HacnojyBaae u reHe3a Ha npB0THU0T HocuTen unu HocuTenu Ha apxu^yH^uuTe. OgHocoT noMery TpornaB, ^h, u eTHUHKU0T ^aKTop ApanuH, yKa^yBa Ha Toa geKa bo Hero Tpe6a ga ce 6apaaT uctopucku u peanHU npuHUHU, 3a mTo e go6ap goKa3 u nocToeaeTo Ha BepTUKanaTa Ha nuK0T Ha ApanuHoT HacnpoTU xopu30HTanaTa (1977, 216). HeroBoTo nojaByBaae bo HajcTapuTe encKU necHU - cBag6apcKUTe, o6uhho KaKo TpornaB, Koj ru npeneKyBa cBag6apuTe co ^n ga ja rpa6He HeBecTaTa u gapoBUTe, Bo-äobuk ro Bp3yBa 3a BpeMeTo Kora noHHyBa ga ce pacnara UHCTUTy^ujaTa Ha rpynHuoT 6paK, npeTnonarajKu geKa BeKe og cuHguja3MUHKU0T 6paK noHHyBa ga ce jaByBa TeMaTa Ha 6apaaeT0 ^eHa boh cBojoT pog/nneMe, na oTTyKa u goara go jyHaHKUTe BojyBaaa/ 6op6u noBp3aHU co caMuoT huh Ha npoceae u cBag6a (1977, 215). Cnopeg Hero, npeKy nporpecupaae unu perpecupaae Ha gBaTa ochobhm MoTUBa „ApanoT ru npeneKy-Ba cBag6apuTe" u „ApanoT HaMeTHyBa gaH0K bo geBojKu" BcymHocT HacTaHyBaa hobm motubu u Ha Toj HaHUH ce mupeme encKaTa cogp^UHcKa nognora. CaMo Ha oBoj HaHUH 3 Bo ^onKnopucTMKaTa e no3HaT ^aKToT geKa Kpanu MapKo og HapogHaTa noe3uja HeMa peHucu HUKaKBU 3a-egHUHKU KapaKTepucTMKM co ucTopucKuoT Kpan MapKo. Cn. ByK, C. Kapauuh, CpncKU pujeHHUK, b. MapKo KpaaeBuh; ToMuh (1909); C. CrojKoBuh (1922), Srejovic (1958, 75-76). Mo*e ga ce TonKyBa u pa36epe, cnopeg Bo«obuk mupoKaTa ynoTpe6a Ha oBoj ^opMy-neH u cuHKpeTUHKu nuK, og cTpaHa Ha HapogHUTe nejanu, Koj ro npeTcTaByBa egHuoT og jyHa^UTe Ha Konu3uja oKony Koj ce BpTaT Hajpa3H0BugHu cogp«UHU (ucto, c. 216). Pa3pemyBaH>eT0 Ha npamaaeTo oKony cuHKpeTUHKU0T ^aKTop Ha ApanoT, Bo«o-buk ro raega bo cnojoT Ha mutckoto u ucT0pucK0T0, Koj ce Haora bo cucTeM0T Ha npe-HecyBaaeTo Ha UH^opMa^ujaTa u bo pe^e^^ujaTa noMery UH^opMaTopuTe. Hegopa36u-pafteTo bo npuMaaeTo Ha UH^opMa^ujaTa (necHUTe unu npuKa3HUTe 3a ApanoT) nopa-gu pa3nuKaTa bo pa3UHaTa Ha cBecra, 3Haes>eT0 u c^aKaaeTo noMery UH^opMaTopoT u pe^nueHT0T, cTapuoT u hobuot npeHecyBan Ha Tpagu^ujaTa goBegyBaaT go Memaae Ha mutckoto u cTBapH0T0. Bo ceKoj cnynaj 0Bge He cMee ga ce 3aHeMapu ucTopucKaTa guc-TaH^, T.e ^aKTopoT Ha BpeMeTo u onmTecTBeHUTe ycnoBu, KaKo u Toa geKa ^yH^ujaTa Ha gejcTByBaHK0T0 nu^ Koja ja npeB3eMa ApanoT, bo cymTUHa e ^opMynHaTa cTpyKTypa Koja ce ocnoHyBa Ha cBojaTa cTaTUHHocT. Og gpyra cTpaHa, npoMeHaTa Ha ycnoBUTe, og-ganenyBaaeTo og MUTcKUTe BpeMuaa u ucTopucKUTe HacTaHu, ja pa3opyBa nocroe^KaTa cTpyKTypa u ja guHaMU3upa. TaKa guHaMU3upaHaTa cTpyKTypa He ja ry6u cBojaTa paM-H0Te«a, Taa ce KoHcTUTyupa Ha H0Ba pa3UHa; bo HamuoT cnynaj - bo ^yH^ujaTa Koja ja u3BpmyBa ApanoT ce nojaByBa BepTUKanHaTa nuHuja Ha pa3BojoT, co mT0 ce Bpmu ycoraacyBaae u ypaMH0Te«yBaH>e Ha 0Baa cTpyKTypa co hobu 3Haneaa (1977, 216). ToKMy bo 6op6aTa noMery guHaMUKaTa u cTaTUKaTa Ha cTpyKTypHUTe ^opMynHU eneMeHTu u H0BUTe geKogupaaa Ha UH^opMa^uuTe og cTpaHa Ha H0BUTe pe^nuernu, T.e. HoBUTe npeHecyBanu Ha Tpagu^ujaTa, ce HacnyTyBa cuHKpeTUHHocra u cTapocTa Ha HUK0T Ha ApanoT KaKo ogroBop Ha npamaaeTo 3omTo Toj ce nojaByBa Ty KaKo TporaaB, Ty KaKo ^h, unu naK caMo KaKo ApanuH. EgHocTaBHo, npeKy ogganenyBafteTo og Ha-cTaHUTe og apancK0-BU3aHTucK0T0 KpaumTe, ApanoT KaKo HenpujaTen u npoTUBHUK og ycHUTe Ka«yBas>a unu neeaa, 3acH0BaHu Ha peanHocra, bo TeK0T Ha encKuoT «h-B0T 0Tn0HHyBa ga ce MUTU3upa 6narogapeHue Ha ^opMynHUTe apxucTpyKTypu Ha enc-K0T0 Mucneae Ha yHecHU^UTe bo npeHecyBaaeTo Ha Tpagu^ujaTa. MuTU3upaaeT0 Ha ApanoBaTa ^yH^uja cTaHyBa cé nocunHo KonKy mT0 BpeMeTo og 36ugHyBas>aTa og apancK0-BU3aHTucKUTe KpaumTa ogMUHyBa. CTpyKTypaTa Ha oBoj HanuH noBTopHo ce pymu, perpecupa u Te«Hee koh cBojaTa apxu^opMa. Bo egHa TaKBa cuTya^uja ce jaByBa MapKo KaKo hob htoh bo Konu3ujaTa co ApanoT u og Toj M0MeHT 3anowyBa noBTop-H0T0 guHaMU3upaae Ha ApanoBaTa ^opMynHa ^yH^uja. Taa nocTanHo ce ogganenyBa og MUT0T u ce npuMaKHyBa koh cTBapHocTa, u K0HeHH0, 6narogapeHue Ha Typ^UTe, co cBojaTa BepTUKana npeMUHyBa bo peanHocr. Co gpyru 36opoBU, co nojaBaTa Ha Typ-^UTe, ApanoT noBTopHo BneryBa bo HamaTa ucTopucKa cTBapHocT, Toj ja go«UByBa cBojaTa peuHKapHa^uja no BU3aHTucK0-apancKUTe BojyBaaa (Božovič 1977, 216-217). Ha oBoj HanuH, Bo«obuk aHanuTUHKU ro pemaBa egHuoT og 0cH0BHUTe npo6neMU bo ^onKnopucTUKaTa, Koj ce ogHecyBa Ha K0HTUHyuTeT0T, noTceTyBajKu Hè geKa HacnpoTU gonroTo Tpaeae bo npeHecyBaaeTo KaKo cuhohum 3a Tpagu^ujaTa, MHory noroneMo BHUMaHue Mopa ga My ce o6pHe Ha „npeHeceH0T0" Koe e bo HeBepojaTHa 3aBucHocT og ucTopucKUTe npoMeHU Ha KoumTo um e noTHUHeTo; uctoto gypu u Kora bo Her0BU0T HagBopemeH o6huk ocraHyBa Heu3MeHeT0, cnopeg npaBunaTa Ha HoBUTe npeHecyBaaa /pacKa«Banu/, ru MeHyBa cBouTe ^yH^uu, cMucna u 3Haneae. OBoj nuK u HeroBUTe ^yH^uu TpaaT 0H0HKy gonro cè gogeKa He ce BocraHo-Bu HUK0T Ha hobuot Ha^uoHa^eH HenpujaTen - TypnuHoT. reHeTUHKU0T ToTanuTeT Ha HUK0T Ha ApanuHoT bo xopu30HTanaTa e jaceH. Toj HacnegyBa ^yH^uu Ha HeKaKBa MUTcKa nuHHOcT Ha mTG yKa^yBa ceMaHTUHKuOT eneMeHT TpornaB. Cg gpyruGT ceMaH-tuhku eneMeHT, Koj e MHory noHecTO ynoTpe6yBaH, cuTya^ujaTa e HemTo nouHaKBa. Bg TGj eneMeHT, noKpaj xTOHUHHaTa guMeH3uja, npucyTHa e, no cè U3rnega, u guMeH3ujaTa Ha ucTopucKUTe cygupu Ha Bu3aHTuja cg ApancKUGT xanu^aT og BpeMeTG Ha guHac-TujaTa Ha A6acuguTe, 6ugejKu A6acuguTe KaKG cBoj 3HaMeH Hocea ^Ha 6oja; hg He ru ucKnynyBa u BnujaHueTG Ha aHTpononomKOTo co3HaHue, KaKG u mg^hgtg BnujaHue Ha pacnpocTpaHeTUTe apancKu jyHaHKu HapogHu npuKa3Hu 3a ^HUTe jyHa^u, oco6eHO GHue 3a AHTapa u A6gyn Baxa6 (Abdul Wahab). CenaK, He cMeeMe ga ro ucnymTUMe og Bug ^aKTOT geKa MHory nonpu^aTnuBG pemeHue 3a ^onKnopucTUTe 6eme MUTonomKO-TG TonKyBaae, ugejaTa 3a mutckugt ^h HOBeK, acG^uja^uuTe co geMOHUTe og gonHuOT cBeT, ogomTG TunonomKaTa Teopuja Ha nyTunoB, co BocTaHOBeHaTa xopu3OHTana mTG ja npuMeHyBa Bg^gbuk. Ce jaByBaaT necHu og noHOB nepuog bo kgu ^yH^uuTe Ha ApanoT ru HacnegyBa-aT, T.e. npeB3eMaaT gpyru nuKOBu og TunoT Ha ^raHOT (3aToa mTG e ^h), ApHayTUTe unu naK TypHUHGT, KaKG nocnegu^ Ha reHeTUHKuOT pacT Ha ^yH^uuTe, ogHocHO noja-BaTa Ha hgbugt Ha^UGHaneH HenpujaTen. MHory HecTO bg pa3nuHHu BapujaHTu Ha egHO cu^e KaKG npoTUBHUK Ha MapKO ce jaByBa Ty ApanoT, Ty TypHUHGT, unu naK u gBaTa nuKa (uctg, 217). Bo genoT nocBeTeH Ha EoneH ffojnuH, Ke ja HaBegeMe cnoMeHaTa cyncTu-Tyquja. CnuHHu Bapuj^uu ce cpeKaBaaT u bg HeKOu cBag6eHu o6uHau bg MaKegoHuja.4 KaKG nocnegu^ Ha yHecTBOTO Ha Jy^HUTe CnoBeHu bg cygupuTe Ha BU3 aHTucKO -apancKOTO KpaumTe ApanoT ce KGHcTUTyupa KaKG jyHaK Ha Koro My ce oggaBa u npu-3HaHue. ApanuTe ce BoegHO u KaKOB-TaKOB ucTopucKu HenpujaTen Ha Jy^HUTe CnoBeHu, na GTTyKa u OBaa npuHUHa Mopa ga ce 3eMe bg npegBug npu o6ugoT Ha pa3raTHyBaaeT0 /npoTonKyBaaeTo/ Ha Bne3OT Ha ApanuTe bg HamaTa encKa Tpagu^uja. CnoBeHUTe kgu cg goaraaeTO Ha BanKaHcKuOT nonyocTpoB ce cygpuja co nouHaKBa ^UBunu3a^uja, 6ea BepojaTHG BeKe Toram cnpeMHu ga MeHyBaaT HeKOu og cBOuTe c^aKaaa. Co goaraaeTO Ha BU3aHTucKG-apancKGTG KpaumTe HUBHaTa Tpagu^uja noHHyBa ga ce BKnonyBa bg hgbu ycnoBu, u Toa e npaBuOT Hac, apxMKonu3ujaTa ^H6or-HeKoj gpyr apxujyHaK unu MG^e6u 6am Ben6or, ga My OTcTanu MecTO Ha ^hugt (a6acugcKu) ApanuH5, u ga ru npeB3eMe HeroBUTe ^yH^uu. M 6ugejKu bg Toj nepuog (7-1Q BeK) CnoBeHUTe cé ymTe ro npuMaa xpucTujaHcTBGTO, bg HamaTa encKa necHa unu pacKa^yBaae He Modeme ga ce pa3Bue BepcKaTa HeTpnenuBocT koh ApanuTe, oco6eHO mTG Jy^HUTe CnoBeHu bg Tue BojHu 6ea BoeHa cuna (cn. Božovic 1977, 221-222). OTTyKa, He Tpe6a ga Hè HygaT necHUTe bg kgu craHyBa 360p 3a no6paTUMcTBO noMery HeKoj Ham jyHaK u apanoT. TpaÓHyBafte Ha M^agaTa ^eHa noMery pa3HUTe jyHa^u kgu BneryBaaT bg K0CTe^ co ^HaTa ApanuHa, npuToa noBTopHG ce Bp3yBaMe 3a gchgbhugt mgtub GKony rpa6HyBaaeT0 Ha geBojKaTa u og- 4 Bo npunencKO Kaj McnaMM3upaHMTe MaKegoH^M go cKopo ce cpeKaBame, HeKonKyHneHa rpyna og cBag-6eHaTa noBopKa ga ce MacKupaaT bo TypcKu Haymu co ^n cBag6aTa ga 6uge go6pa, unu naK bo ®mbothm (KaKO aTpu6yTM Ha HeHucTu cunu) bo cMucna Ha BepyBaae bo npoHMCTyBaae og 3nuTe cunu (neTpecKa, 2002). HeKOM naK og 6pcjaHKaTa OKonuHa ce npeo6neKyBaaT bo U^uraHM (napTanaBu, Ta gypu ce ^pHaT), gogeKa bo CTpymKO ce cpeKaBaT nog Ha3UB0T ^poMHM^M. Kaj nocnegHUBe ce jaByBa npeo6neKyBaae (Mam-KUTe ce npeo6neKyBaaT bo ®eHCKM, a Kaj ogpegeHu yHecHM^M ce jaByBa ^pHeae Ha nM^aTa) Koe ce ogBUBa 3a BpeMe Ha cBag6a u cyHeT (b. BecHa neTpecKa, 2002). 5 a6acMgcKM - nopagu ^pHaTa 6oja Koja ja Hoceme BojcKaTa Ha A6acugMTe. 6paHaTa Ha Hej3uHaTa Hecr og CTpaHa Ha 6paToT/6paKaTa bo nap ru npeno3HaBaMe Bo-neH flojHuH, fepr Ene3 Anuja6 u BpaKaTa JaKmuKu. Bo ^MKnycoT mTo ro rpagaT necHuTe 3a BpaKaTa JaKmuKu, floMa ro npeno3HaBa MHgoeBponcKuoT 6nu3HaHKu mmt, ucraK-HyBajKu geKa u bo oBoj cnyHaj co ucTopucKuTe nuHHocru kou npeMuHyBaaT bo hobu-ot HapaTuBeH cBeT ocraHyBaaT Heu3MeHeTu caMo HuBHuTe uMuaa. floMa yKa^yBa Ha ucTopucKaTa nognora Ha ^MKnycoT Ha 6paKaTa JaKmuhu (flMuTap u Cre^aH JaKmuhu, kou ce ucTopucKu nuHHocTu, cuhobu unu ^ocMH^M Ha JaKma, BojBoga gecnoT ^yp^e, kou no KoHe^HaTa nponacT Ha Cpóuja 1459 ce ucenune bo YHrapuja u cTanune bo cny^-6a Ha KpanoT MaTuja. floMa KoHcTaTupa geKa ocBeH uMuftaTa, oHa mTo ce oneByBa bo HapogHuTe necHu (u bo 6y^apmTM^MTe u bo geceTepaHKuTe) 3a JaKmuKuTe, He e HumTo ucTopuHHo ocBeH uMuftaTa CTjenaH u MuTap. OHa mTo e MHory nouHTepecHo, a Ha mTo floMa BcymHocT u ro craBa a^eHToT bo HeroBoTo ucTpa^yBarae, e npeno3HaT-nuBoTo ynaTyBafte Ha uHgo-eBponcKuoT mut 3a 6nM3Ha^MTe, Koj bo cboj'ot KnacuHeH Bug e no3HaT og xeneHcKaTa u crapouHgucKaTa MuTonoruja. KaKo npoTaroHucTu ce ja-ByBaaT gBaTa 6paTa-6nM3Ha^M, KOH>aHM^M, u HuBHaTa cecTpa, Koja 3aegHo ja cnacyBaaT og rpa6HyBanoT, unu naK o6aj^aTa ja 6apaaT 3a ^eHa.7 Kaj XeneHuTe Toa ce fluocKypu-Te u XeneHa, a ucto TaKa u OpecT, nunag u M^ureHuja, HuemTo 6ercTBo og TaBpuga, HajBepojaTHo ogpa3yBa HeKoja goMamHa, upaHcKa MuTcKa npegnomKa; Kaj BegcKuTe MHguj^u, Toa ce gBaj^aTa AmBuHu, „KoH>aHM^M" u HuBHaTa cecTpa Cypja „CyHHu^". CpogHuTe npeTcTaBu ce cpeKaBaaT Kaj TepMaHuTe u BanTuTe, bo HuumTo HapogHu necHu aHanorHuTe ynoru ru urpaaT gBaj^aTa „Bo^ju cuhobu" u „CoHHeBaTa KepKa". Haj-gupeKTeH cnoBeHcKu naHgaH Ha oBue nuKoBu npeTcTaByBaaT gBaj^aTa 6paKa JaKmuKu (HajHecro fluMuTap u CTjenaH), u HuBHaTa cecTpa bo necHaTa Koja roBopu KaKo HeKoj cTpaHe^ HajnecTo ApanuH, ja rpa6Han u ja ogBen bo cBojaTa ganeHHa 3eMja, a 6paKaTa ja npoHaoraaT u ja ocno6ogyBaaT. KnacuHHuoT 3anuc e oHoj Ha ByK II 97, „JaKmuhuMa gBopu noxapaHu" (floMa 2002, 59). CnegejKu ro HajKaHoBuK, cnopeg Koro 3ag ^urypaTa Ha ^Ha ApanuHa bo cpncKaTa TpagM^Mja ctou 6o^ecTBeHuoT BnageTen Ha ^pctboto Ha MpTBuTe,8 u floMa bo Hero ro npeno3HaBa MuTonomKuoT o6pa3e^ Ha naToT koh oHoj cBeT; bo Toj norneg ce oco6eHo 3HaHajHu rpaHuHHuTe Bogu, 6e3 pa3nuKa ganu cTaHyBa 36op 3a Mopufta (KaKo bo npauHgoeBponcKuoT mut 3a gBaj^aTa 6nM3Ha^M kou cnacy-BajKu ja cecrpaTa 6eraaT co Hea npeKy Mope), unu naK ga cTaHyBa 36op 3a e3epo unu peKa Huja Boga He cMee ga ce nue, 3aToa mTo e oTpoBHa (ceKaKo bo Taa cMucna, mTo oHoj Koj ja nue ro ry6u ceKaBafteTo Ha cboj'ot 3eMcKu ^ubot u ce cBpcTyBa noMery MpTBuTe). OTTyKa, floMa, He KaKo cnyHaHo u36paH ,ro npeno3HaBa motubot Ha 6o^eMcKoTo gaBefte Ha gBaTa 6paTa „bo cuhoto Mope" bo egHa BapujaHTa og njeeanuja (2002, 62). CnoBeHeHKu eKBuBaneHT Ha 6o^ecTBeHuTe 6nM3Ha^M og uHgoeBponcKaTa MuTonoruja hu oTKpuBa 3Maro fflMuTeK (2004, 165-166) bo KoHeBcKuTe 6anagu 3a npuMopKaTa / 6 M bo an6aHcKuoT ^onKnop ce HyBcTByBa nonucTagujanHocTa u nonuMop^usMoT Ha nuKoT Arapi i Zi. Bo gyenuTe kou HajHecTo ru Bogu MoMa-BojHuK unu KynTypHuoT xepoj fepr Ene3 Anuja, Toj ce nojaByBa Ty KaKo mutcko HygoBumTe co Tpu rnaBu, KaKo bo necHaTa Gjergj Elez Alija (Anton Qetta i dr. 1993, 8-13), Ty KaKo HoBeHKo 6MTMe. 7 CnoMeHaTaTa gBojHocT: cecTpa/HeBecTa, ogHocHo 6paT/conpyr ce jaByBa u bo BapujaHTuTe og BoneH flojHuH. nocTou noMan 6poj Ha BapujaHTu bo kou HaMecTo cecTpaTa, KaKo npoTaroHucT ce jaByBa conpyraTa. 8 npo$. neTpymeBcKu cBojaTa goKTopcKa gMcepTa^Mja nog MeHTopcTBo Ha HajKaHoBuK ja nocBeTu Ha D^pHu-Te 6o®ecTBa u geMoHu Kaj cTapuTe Hapogu, kou ru Bp3yBa co gonHuoT cBeT (Kaj MMCMp^MTe, BaBMnoH^MTe, MHgoapMeB^MTe, ^epcMjaH^MTe, cTapuTe ^p^M, puMjaHu, cTapuTe repMaHu, KenTu, cTapuTe cnoBeHu) (neT-poBuh 1940). Meererin, OTKpuBajKu hu MHory cTapu MaTpu^u, Ha kgu Ke ce HaBpaTUMe bo aHanu3aTa Ha ^ena Buga. npeno3HaTHMBa encKa 6uorpa^uja ce HyBcTyBa u Kaj 6ghhugt 6paT Koj ja 6paHU necra Ha cBojaTa cecTpa (BoneH flojnuH unu fepr Ene3 Anuja Kaj A^6aH^UTe). Bo cny-najoT co BoneH flojnuH nocTojaT gBa Tuna Ha necHu: 1. Tun Ha necHU, mTO ru UMa 3Ha-wrenHO noManKy, bo KOumTO e mupoKO o6jacHeTa npunuHaTa 3a flojnuHOBaTa 6onecT, a bo HeKGHKy BapujaHTU gypu u HeroBaTa npegogpegeHocT Ha jyHa^KU MergaH ga ja no-6egu ^Ha ApanuHa u co Toa ga ce ucKynu cTopeHUOT rpeB.9 2. BTopuoT Tun Ha necHu ro oneBaaT n03HaT0T0 cu^e Ha og6paHaTa Ha necra Ha cecTpaTa/^eHaTa; bo hub He e o6jacHeTa npunuHaTa 3a flojnuHOBaTa 6onecT, a a^eHTOT e cTaBeH Ha 6uTKaTa co HaTa ApanuHa. npBUOT Tun neHymnuœu ru HapeKyBa npomupeH, a BTopuoT—cKpaTeH (onmT) Tun (1988, cc. 317-318). 3a Hac 6ea oco6eHO UHTepecHU BapujaHTUTe og npBUOT Tun bo kgu npuHUHaTa 3a pa36onyBaH>eTO Ha flojnuH e HeroBaTa ceKcyanHa a6epa^uja, T.e. HeKpo^unuja. OBaa peTKa cnonHa a6epa^uja e no3HaTa u Kaj gpyruTe Hapogu. Pyc-KUGT ^GHKnopucT H. n. AHgpejeB10 ynaTM Ha Tpu cnynaja bo kgu craHyBa 36op 3a BaKOB Tun ^pemHU^u: bo Pycuja og noBon^je, apancKU og nanecruHa u apMeHcKU og nog KaBKa3 (Matičetov, 1987, 339). Bo gBeTe HajcTapu MaKegoHcKU BapujaHTU Ha necHaTa BoneH flojnuH (Munagu-HGB^u, n. 6p. 155, u BepKOBMK, 1985, 3, n. 6p. 47) ynoraTa Ha floj^UHOBaTa cecTpa ja UMa flojnuHU^. Bo gpyru cegyM o6jaBeHU BapujaHTU Taa HacTanyBa HanopegHO co flojnu-HOBaTa cecTpa. HuTy bo egHa coBpeMeHa BapujaHTa BaKBU cnynau HeMa. Cnopeg GBa, MG«e ga ce 3aKnynu geKa Ha HapogHUTe nejanu noBeKe um ogroBapano ynoraTa Ha Hery-BaTenKa ga ja urpa floj^UHOBaTa cecTpa, raacHUK u U3BpmuTen Ha flojnuHGBUTe nopaKU, a He ^eHaTa Ha 6ghhugt jyHaK. He cMeaT ga ce ucnymTaT og Bug u Kypuo3UTeTHUTe cnynau bo KOumTO flojnuH ce jaByBa KaKO MapKOB no6paTUM: bo HegoBpmeHaTa ByKGBa necHa „MapKO KpaaeuK y a3aHKoj TaMHU^u" (ByK 2, n.6p.65) Kage mTO Kpanu MapKO (jyHaKGT Hag jyHa^UTe) He MG^ejKu ga ce ocno6ogu og apancKaTa 3aHgaHa, npaKa nucMO npeKy coKon go flojnuHa (BojBoga flojnun) - rocnogapoT Ha ConyH - 3a ga ro U36aBu/ga ro cnacu. no npuMeHO-TG nucMG, no U3BecHG pa3MucnyBaae, no6paTUMOT pemaBa ga ce nocny^u co UTpuHa. Toj 3eMan „6oja Kapa6oja" u pemun ga ro o6ou cBoeTO ,,6eno nu^" u ce cTopun ,^pHU ApanuHe": „O flojquno, BoroM no6paTUMe! TemKe caM tu MyKe gonagHyo, TemKe MyKe, y ApancKe pyKe, gonagHyo poncTBa u TaMHU^; A npoKneTe A3a^Ke TaMHU^ y TaMHU^u ^UBeTU He Mory! TaMHU^ je KyKa Heo6uHHa; M36aBU Me, aKO Bora 3Hagem!" (ByK, 2, n. 6p. 65; cTp.275) Bo OBoj Tun Ha necHM ce npeno3HaBa 6anaguMHMOT motmb 3a rpemHMOT ajgyTMH. 1 Die Legende von den zwei Erzsündern. Helsinki 1924, FFC 54, 62. MHTepecHa BapujaHTa npeTCTaByBa HapaTUBHaTa npepa6oTKa „Kpanu MapKo u BoneH flojHUH" (Reiter 1964, 255-256), bo Koja MapKo oTenyBa ^na BojcKa og 300 Typ-^M, no mT0 6uBa 3aTBopeH og ^poT bo „ancaHaTa" ^nu Tpu roguHU. Ce jaByBa Hero-B0T0 „nune cokohobo" co Huja noMom MapKo ro noBUKyBa no6paTUM0T flojHUH ga ro cnacu. flBaTa cnoMeHaTa npuMepa hm roBopaT bo npunor Ha Te3aTa Ha Bo^obmk, geKa nog BHujaHue Ha H0BUTe onmTecTBeHU ycnoBU, ucTopucKaTa gucTaH^ u „Hegopa36u-paaeTo" bo npo^coT Ha npeHecyBaaeTo Ha MH^opMa^MjaTa, goara go cy^CTMTy^Mja: aHTUxepojoT ce jaByBa Ty KaKo ^Ha ApanuHa, Ty KaKo TypHUH. OrpoMHo BHuMaHue My 6eme nocBeTeHo Ha oBoj jyHaK bo paMKUTe Ha 6aHKaHc-KaTa ^onKnopucTUKa, ho 0Ha mT0 6u ro cnoMeHane 0Bge ce ogHecyBa Ha K0HCTaHT0CTa Ha npo^HKaTa u npoMeHa Ha ucTaTa bo ogpegeHU HUTepapHU TpaHC^03M^MM Ha oBoj hmk. Bo gBeTe gpaMU Ha reopru CraneB, bo coraacHocT co MogepHaTa, mhm egHocTaBHo, cnegejKu ru npaBunaTa Ha yMeTHocTa (Bypgje), BoneH flojnuH He e npeTCTaBeH KaKo hm-KaK0B MopaneH no6egHUK; oco6eHo e ocygeH gBo6ojoT co ApanuHoT, go Koj goara tok-My bo M0MeHT0T Kora e 3aceraaTa HeroBaTa cecTpa AHrenuHa. CaMuoT huh e go^UBeaH KaKo MopaneH erou3aM. OgHocoT noMery cpaM0T u HecTa KaKo gBe ochobhm MopaHHU KaTeropuu bo noTnoHHocT e U3MeHeT. MMajKu ja bo npegBug ucTopucKaTa gucTaH^ apxauHHaTa HecT ce TpaHc^opMupa bo coBpeMeH cpaM u o6paTHo. npuHUHaTa e jacHa: apxauHHMTe motmbm ce ToHKyBaaT Ha coBpeMeH HaHUH, u Kora cTaHyBa 360p 3a Kyn-TypHaTa KoHCTaHTa, bo cMUcna Ha KoHTuHyuTeToT u TpaeaeTo, npo6neM0T Tpe6a ga ce npeo6pHe bo K0HCTaHTH0CT Ha npo^HKaTa KaKo u ucnuTyBaae Ha npuHUHUTe kom goBene go npoMeHaTa Ha npo^HKaTa. „OnmTecTBaTa Ha HecTa u cpaM0T" ce no ge^MHM^Mja aroHaHHU onmTecTBa (Gezeman, 1943). TaKBUTe co^Mja^HM cKHonoBU ce ognuKyBaaT co egHa oropHeHa, ce-KojgHeBHa 6op6a 3a concTBeHuoT, ceMejHuoT, 6paTCTBeHU0T - u bo eKCTpeMHuoT cnyHaj - nneMeHCKuoT yraeg. Bo HamuoT cnyHaj MopaMe ga ro UMaMe bo npegBug MUcneaeTo Ha fopgaHo, Koj HecTa He ja pa36upa KaKo egeH eranuTapucTUHKU ^pMH^M^ Koj ce TeMenu Ha U3egHaHyBaaeT0 Ha „cTaTycoT Ha MoKHUTe" u „BpHUHUTe Ha cna6uTe"; HecTa npeg cè ce noBp3yBa co npunagHocTa Ha ogpegeH onmTecTBeH cnoj, na oTTyKa nocTojaT Tpu nouMa Ha HecTa co coogBeTHU HopMU, kom ce coraacyBaaT co TpagM^M0Ha^H0T0 cTanemKo ycTpojcTBo: nne6ejcKa, rparaHCKa u apucT0KpaTCKa HecT (Dordano 2001, 105). noKpaj 0Ba, Tpe6a ga ce onoBprae ugejaTa geKa HecTa mm npunara Ha npegMogepHUTe, a g0CT0UHCTB0T0 Ha MogepHUTe onmTecTBa. flBeTe MopaHHU oco6mhm nogegHaKBo ce jaByBaaT bo gBaTa Tuna Ha onmTecTBa. ApxuM0TMB0T Ha rpa6HyBaaeT0 Ha MHagaTa ^eHa/HeBecTa e 0CH0BaTa Ha ymTe egHo cu^e og HapogHaTa khm^bhoct - 6anagaTa 3a ^ena Buga, egHo og Hajy6aBUTe u Hajnpeno3HaTHMBU UMuaa bo cnoBeHeHKaTa HapogHa khm^bhoct. npBUTe 3anucu ga-TupaaT og npBaTa nonoBUHa Ha 19 BeK. KaKo mT0 HanoMeHaBMe, ucTopucKaTa no3aguHa 3a HacTaHyBaaeTo Ha necHaTa npeTCTaByBaaT nupaTCKUTe Hanagu Ha apanuTe, ogHocHo mnaHCKUTe MaBpu Ha ceBepHuoT 6per og Cpeg03eMH0T0 Mope bo paHuoT cpegeH BeK (^He^T ja Bogu ^ena Buga bo fflnaHuja). Bo naH0HCKU0T cBeT ^ena Buga ce jaByBa KaKo KapaKTepucTMHHo cKa30HHeH hmk 6e3 ucTopucKa no3aguHa. O0HKH0pH0T0 npe-gaHue no3HaBa HeKoHKy npuKa3HU 3a ^ena Buga u Hej3UH0T0 3aMUHyBaae Ha Mope: xepouHaTa e rpa6HaTa g06p0B0HH0 (n03HaTU0T motmb Ha ApanoT npeBapaHT) Kage mT0 HaBogHo co noHygeHaTa neK0BUTa 6uHKa Ke ro U3HeHU cBoeTo 6ohho geTe, u Koja 3aBpmyBa TparuHHo (caMoy6ucTBo bo Mope), BTopuoT npeogeH Tun cnopeg Koj Taa ce ynaTyBa bo TyruHa, Kage mTo MecenuHaTa u coonmTyBa geKa geTeTO yMpeno, u TpeTuoT Tun, Koj go6uBa eneruneH npu3ByK, (cTaHyBa gounKa Ha mnaHCKOTO Kpanne, u HaMecTO 3a concTBeHOTO ce rpu^u 3a TyroTo geTe). npBuoT TparuneH (uxaHCKu BapujaHTeH Tun) e HacTaHaT Bp3 ocHOBa Ha Bpe3Hu-kobuot uxaHCKu 3anuc, a enerurao goneacKuoT BapujaHTeH Tun Bp3 OcHOBa Ha Cmo-neTOBaTa11 BapujaHTa. Bo npBuoT TparuneH (uxaHCKu) BapujaHTeH Tun Ha Rena Budat Mlada Vida, no nep^ugHOTO, Tunurao TpuKeTepeKo rpa6HyBaae og cTpaHa Ha ^He-^t, 6anagaTa 3aBpmyBa co TunuHHuoT TparuneH Kpaj (ckok bo Mope): Raji čem na sredi v morje skočiti, Kakor pri tebi se, črni zamorec, voziti! Kako boš, dete, se milo jokalo, Ko ne boš matere več imelo! Vida je čez se sveti križ storila, Na sredi morja je v vodo skočila. (Grafenauer, 1943, 379) Bo npeTnocTaBeHaTa (BO3Mo^HaTa) npeTxogHu^ Ha goneacKuoT Tun Ha Rena Buda, Koj ce 6a3upa Ha Pyge^eBaTa BapujaHTa, ce jaByBa enu3ogaTa bo Koja ^He^T e npaTeH og mnaHcKuoT Kpan ga ja npeBe3e bo mnaHcKaTa 3eMja ^ena Buga, Kage mTo Ke cTaHe mnaHcKa Kpanu^ u TaMy Ke gou KpancKo geTe, u bo 3aBpmHuoT gen no npucrur-HyBaaeTo bo mnaHcKaTa 3eMja ce jaByBa ^uHanHOTO o6paKaae Ha ^ena Buga: Daleč jo je prepeljal v špansko deželo, k španskemu kralju v belem gradu. Prelepa Vida v gradu stala, tam pri oknu sonce vpraševala. Tako je rekla prelepa Vida: „Kaj te vprašam, ti rumeno Sonce: Kaj dela zdaj moje bolno detece?" Tako je reklo rumeno Sonce: „Kaj bo delalo tvoje bolno detece! Siroti svečo so zdaj držali. Tvoj ubogi mož se po morju vozi, tebe išče, prelepa Vida, po tebi se, Vida, milo joka." Prelepa Vida zavpije, zakriči, pri tej priči dušo spusti. (Grafenauer 1943, 380) Ha BocTaHOBeHuoT noneTOK u pa3Boj Ha gejcTBueTo, Tparu^HuoT ucxog e 3aMeHeT co eneru^HOTo o6paKaae Ha mnaHcKaTa Kpanu^ go o^anocTeHaTa ^ena Buga nopagu yMpeHOTo 6onHo geTe: K nji pride španska kraljica: „Kaj ti je prelepa Vida. Kaj se tako milo jokaš?" 11 Ce cMeTa geKa CMoüe ja goÖMn BapujaHTaTa og Jo®e^ Pyge® (1793-1846). (Grafenauer, cTp.34). „Kaj bi se sirota milo ne jokala? Sem pri oknu stala, zlato kupco pomivala, Padla mi je čez okno v morje globoko." Tako je rekla španska kraljica: „Nič ne maraj, ti lepa Vida! Jaz ti spet bom drugo kupila, Pri mojem kralju tebe izgovorila. Le lepo doji mojega kraljiča!" (Grafenauer 1943, 382) Cnopeg rpa^eHayep, MOTMBMTe ro uMaaT cnegHuoT pa3Boj: BanagHaTa npeTxogHu-^ Ha cu^unujaHCKaTa npuKa3Ha ce npemocraByBa geKa 6una pacnpocTpaHeTa bo Jy^-Ha MTanuja koh KpajoT Ha 11 BeK; bo mcto BpeMe 6eme o^opMeH oBge MxaHCKMOT Tun Ha „.ena Buga" co motmbot Ha rpa6HyBaK>eTo Ha naraTa co cKano^HoTo 6naro (isto, 288). Ce jaByBa u an6aHcKo-Kana6pucKu 6anageH Tun, co mctmot oBoj motmb, cnopeg Koj e ocHoBaHa u 6anagHaTa npeTxogHu^ Ha cu^unujaHCKaTa npuKa3Ha. 3Hanu, nocTapuoT 6anageH o6pa3e^ 3a „HacunHoTo rpa6HyBaK>e Ha MnagaTa ^eHa/MajKa og noMopcKuoT rpa6HyBan, npeTcTaByBa npeTxogHu^ Ha cu^unujaHCKUTe BapujaHTu „Scibilia Nobili ". npeg Toa Mopana ga ce o^opMu 6anagaTa 3a HacunHoTo rpa6HyBaK>e Ha xpucTujaHcKaTa geBojKa og cTpaHa Ha HeBepHuKoT. TaKa, oBaa BpcTa Ha 6anagHuTe o6pa^u He Bogu Ha3ag koh nepuogoT Ha Haj^ec-ToKuTe apancKo-MaBpucKu 3anneHyBaK>a gon^ 3anagHoTo Cpego3eMje u no JagpaHoT, go nepuogoT Kora Capa^HuTe ja 3a3egoa Cu^unuja (827-912), Kora 6ea rocnogapu bo TapeHT (841-881) u Bapu (841-871), ogejKu ymTe HaHa3ag, go nepuogoT Kora Apa6ja-HuTe koh cpeguHaTa Ha 7 BeK 6ea 3aBnageane co Mctohhoto Cpego3eMje, naa^Kaa u nycTomea no rp^KuTe 6peroBu u jypumaa og roguHa bo roguHa bo ^purpag (672-677 /678/). (Grafenauer 1943, 288-89). McTpa^yBaaaTa Ha ^peTxogHu^uTe Ha 6anagaTa rpaöuyeamemo na Mnadama MenalMajKa, ogejKu bo HacoKa Ha noTparaTa Ha Hej3uHoTo noTeKno, ro pa3Bp3yBa npo-6neMoT bo HacoKa Ha 6apaae Ha 3eMjaTa Ha noTeKno ogKage mTo noTeKHyBa 6anagaTa (mTo npeTcTaByBame egeH 6ener Ha ^onKnopucTuHKuTe ucTpa^yBaaa ce go go^HuoT 20 BeK); Toa naK Bogu go egHo eTHorpa^cKo ucTpa^yBaae Ha TunoBuTe u BapujaHTHu-Te, ogejKu TaKa ce go PoTep (Koj ja npeTcTaByBa noMnagaTa BpeMeHcKa paMKa). CeTo oBa He BpaKa Ha HacTaHuTe noBp3aHu co MaBapcKo-apancKuTe nupaTcKu Hanagu. Og egeH KHu^eBHoucTopucKu acneKT hu 6eme uHTepecHa BpeMeHcKo-npocTopHaTa paMKa Ha eBeHTyanHoTo jaByBaae Ha 6anagaTa 3a rpa6HyBaaeTo Ha MnagaTa ^eHa, KaKo u nojaBaTa Ha Hej3uHuTe ochobhu BapujaHTu kou ru gaBa rpa^eHayep: A. I npuMuTuBHuoT Tun Ha 6anagaTa „HacunHoTo rpa6HyBaae Ha MnagaTa ^eHa/ MajKa " Koja u npeTxogu Ha „Scibilia Nobili", npunagHuK Ha nneMuKKuoT cTane^, e BpcTa og rp^KaTa TepuTopuja - cuTe Hej3uHu ^peTxogHu^u ce og rp^Ko noTeKno - kou ce Bp-3yBaT 3a nepuogoT og 7-8 BeK. A. IIa. Bep3ujaTa og an6aHcKo-Kana6pucKuoT Tun 3a „rpa6HyBaaeTo co o6MaHa Ha MnagaTa ^eHa/MajKa, co yHuBep3anHuoT motub npeKy KanyBaae Ha 6pog, e og pegoT Ha ^aTpu^uuTe /(nneMuKuTe)/, u ro npuKa^yBa aM6ueHToT og puMcKo-Bu3aHTucKuTe rpagoBu gon^ jagpaHcKuoT 6per u Johckoto Mope, a ce cMecTyBa oKony 10 BeK. A. II6. Bep3MjaTa og TunoT MxaH Koja ce ogHecyBa Ha rpaÖHyBawemo Ha unada-ma MeHa/uajKa , nujamTo o6MaHa oBoj naT ce ogHecyBa Ha neK0T /3a 60nH0T0 geTe/, e ^opMMpaH Mery cnoBeHcKoTo HaceneHue bo 3anagHuTe ^poBUH^uu Ha BanKaHcKuoT nonyocTpoB bo 11 BeK. H + A. IIa. BanagHaTa npeTxogHu^ e u cu^unujaHCKaTa npuKa3Ha Ha Pyco, ^op-MupaHa e bo 11 BeK, KojamTo HopMaHuTe uTanoMepugujaH^u ja npeHene bo Cu^unuja. A. IIb + P TpamHHaTa npeTxogHu^ Ha Bep3uuTe og TunoT Ha Carnia inferiora u npeogHuoT cnoBeHcKo-xpBaTcKu Tun u pa3roBopoT co coh^to ce jaByBa bo 12 BeK. B. Bo nony TparurauoT Tun (Carnia inferiora) ce jaByBa flena Buga KaKo gounKa Ha mnaHcKoTo Kpanne. Bo CnoBeHuja ce jaByBa koh KpajoT Ha 12 BeK CI. npeogHuoT cnoBeHcKo-xpBaTcKu Tun - flena Buga, bo ko^bckuot Kpaj - flena Mapuja - He no cBoja ^en6a cTaHyBa ay6oBHu^ Ha noxoTHuKoT: 13 BeK. CIIa. Bep3ujaTa og TunoT Carnia superiore, - MnagaTa Buga HecaKaHo Bay6eHa bo KugHanepoT, qygecHo ce BpaKa goMa co noMom Ha coh^to: Kpaj Ha 13 BeK. CIIb. Bep3ujaTa og TunoT Carnia superiore: flena Buga, „rocnora u goMaKuHKa/ ra3gapu^" Ha KugHanepoT, ce BpaKa goMa Kage mTo ce rpu^u 3a nacTupcKuoT cuh: 14 BeK. BapujaHTuTe bo kou ce jaByBa coh^to, fflMuTeK ro noBp3yBa ugHoeBponcKuoT mut 3a coH^eBuTe 6nu3Ha^u. npuToa, 3a6ene^yBaMe geKa u Toj, KaKo u bo^obuk, ja npaTu cuHKpeTu^KaTa npupoga Ha rpa6HyBa^0T „črn zamorec". TaKa, flena Buga ucto KaKo u „die schöne Meererin", ce Haora bo 3aToneHumTBo noKpaj MopcKuoT 6per, MecTo Kage mTo npecTojyBa Hej3uHuoT rpa6HyBan, „črn zamorec". npBo6uTHo cTaHyBa 36op 3a ^hoto xtohcko geMoHcKo cymTecTBo og „3ag cBeTcKuTe Mopuaa". Ha oBa yKa^yBaaT 6pojHuTe cnoBeHe^Ku napanenu 3a „povodniot mož" Koj ja 3uMa 3a ce6e 3eMHaTa ^eHa. flypu ^ogo^Ha geMoHcKoTo 6uTue e 3aMeHeTo co MycnuMaHcKuoT MaBap, apancKuoT naa^Kam unu Tp^0Be^ (2004, 166). TyKa u ro Haora fflMuTeK pemeHueTo 3a oBoj Tun BapujaHTu, 3a kou cMeTa geKa cnaraaT Mery nocTapuTe, bo kou coh^to ja BpaKa Ha3ag goMa rpa6HaTaTa ^eHa, og egHocraBHa npunuHa mTo eguHcTBeHo Toa (coh^to, coh-HeBuoT jyHaK?) Mo*e ga ru npeMuHe ^paHu^uTe Ha HamuoT gocernuB cBeT. Bo egHa ropeacKa BapujaHTa, flena Buga ce cnacyBa og 3aToneHumTBo, cnegejKu ro coh^to, ho He Mo^ejKu ga ro ogp^u TeMnoTo, Taa u3BuKyBa: „o neKaj neKaj pyMeHo coh^// Hanpeg He Mo^aM, a 3a Ha3ag 6am mu e rajne (O čakaj čakaj rumeno sonce // naprej ne morem, nazaj ne maram!) (2004, 166). fepr Ene3 Anuja, an6aHcKuoT KynTypeH xepoj, co ucto TaKa u3rpageHa encKa 6uo-rpa^uja, ce jaByBa KaKo npoTaroHucT bo gyenuTe co Bajno3uTe unu ApanuTe, og TunoT Ha jy^HocnoBeHcKuoT u poMaHcKuoT BoneH flojnuH, co Koro e uHTepecHo ga ce HanpaBu cnegHaTa cnopeg6a. Penucu cuTe cpncKu, xpBaTcKu, MaKegoHcKu, 6yrapcKu u poMaHcKu Bep3uu ru KapaKTepu3upa egHa ucTo^Ha ^03u^uja. HacTaHuTe ce noKanu3u-paaT bo ConyH, noHeKoram bo ^purpag, Kage mTo ce Bogu gyenoT co ApanoT ®pHa ApanuHa). Bo an6aHcKuTe Bep3uu, naK, ce jaByBaaT Bajno3uTe u apanuTe kou pegoBHo goaraaT og MopeTo, u o6uhho ce noKano3upaaT HacTaHuTe bo flpan unu CKagap. Xa^-xacaHu ro noBp3yBa oBa cu^e co egHa xpoHuKa og Pary3a, cnopeg Koja: „bo 789 rog. egeH cTpameH ruraHT npaBen 3ynyMu u nycTomes>a mupyM ^nuoT 6per, bo flanMa^uja u bo Ap6epuja". M noKpaj gucKyTa6unHuoT KapaKTep u aBTeHTu^HocTa Ha 6enemKuTe og oBaa xpoHuKa, cenaK ru u3gBojyBaaT gBa uHTepecHu ^aKTu: 1, geKa nereHgaTa 3a egeH TaKOB ruraHT, ^a6ynaTMBHo ^MpKy^Mpa^a Ha BanKaHoT ymTe og KpajoT Ha 8 BeK, u 2. geKa OBaa nereHga 6una no3HaTa Ha ^hmot 3anageH 6per Ha BanKaHcKuoT nonyoc-TpoB (1997, 22). ApanoT bo npo3HuoT ^onKnop noKpaj TeMMTe u cMTya^MMTe kom ru cpeTHaBMe bo npuMepuTe og HapogHaTa no-e3uja, KaKo MHTepecHM hm ce jaBuja u oHue cnynau og HapogHaTa npo3a, kom ce bo MaKe-goHCKuoT ^onKnop HaBne3eHM npeKy TypcKMTe, a HeKou naK npeB3eMeHM og 1001 hoK. npo^ecopoT neHymnucKM, Koj 6eme pegaKTop Ha MaKegoHCKMTe HapogHM npuKa3HM og ^tohkob, bo TeKoT Ha cBoeTo ucTpa^yBaae oTKpu HeKonKy MHTepecHM MaKegoHc-Ko-TypcKM npuKa3HeHHM napanenu, bo kom gocra necro ce cpeKaBa hmkot Ha ApanuHoT. Cera Ke ru npeTcTaBMMe oHue cnynau Kage mTo ce cpeKaBa ApanoT. npuKa3HaTa Ha 6o^amuo rnmo My U3ne3e edeH Apan Ha nam u My pene: Ha Mnadoc caKa da mp^a paam anu Ha cmapoc ^eneHKoB, np.6p.111) e BapujaHTa og TunoT EB 136 = AaTh 577 (948). fflupoKuoT HacnoB Ha npuKa3HaBa jacHo ja Ka^yBa cymTMHaTa Ha cu^eTo. BoraTuoT HoBeK ce onpegenun ga ^MBee cnoKojHo Ha cTapocT, na M3ry6un ce mTo MMan: ^eHaTa (u ge^Ta), mmot. OTKaKo ru noMMHan cuTe ucKymeHuja , Toj Ha KpajoT cTaHan ^p u ^MBeen cnoKojHo go cBojaTa cMpT 3aegHo co ceMejcTBoTo. Typc-km BapujaHTM MMa oKony 30. nocTou u BM3aHTucKa Bep3uja bo yBogoT u 3aKnynoKoT: npuKa3HaBa ce Haora u bo 36upKaTa 1001 hok (E. Littmann12, Bd. 3, 784-801, ^MT. cn. neHymnucKM 1984, 397). npMKa3HaTa CupoMaBuoT u 3a qyqynuraTa Koja My ro jagena npocoTo OTeneHKoB, np.74). EB 176 = AaTh 563 npuKa3HaTa bo cBojaTa ^noKynHa ocHoBa ogroBapa Ha TypcKuoT npuKa3HMHeH Tun EB 176 = AaTh 563, co noconeHM 23 BapujaHTM: 1. EgeH cupoMameH nnane 3aToa hto M3ry6un cKan npegMeT. My ce nojaByBa O^-nana (nygeceH Apan) u My gaBa Marape mTo npaBM 3naTo; 2. MarapeTo Ke My ro yKpaTagaT; 3. npu noBTopHoTo nnaneae, Toj Ke go6ue Bonme6Ho cTonne; 4. OronqeTo Ke My ro 3aMeHaT co o6mhho; 5. npu noBTopHoTo nnaneae, Toj Ke go6ue nygeceH 6o3goraH. 6. Co HeroBa noMom, Toj Ke cu ru noBpaTM MarapeTo u Bonme6HoTo cron^e (neHymnucKM, 1984, 397). Bo MaKegoHcKaTa npuKa3Ha, Bonme6HMTe npegMeTM (Marape, npa^Ka u 6o3goraH), cupoMaBuoT ru go6uBa og ^poT Ha HyHynuruTe (BapujaHTa fl. MupneB, C6Hy IX, 158, og PeceH). Bo egHa TypcKa BapujaHTa (Vasfi Mahir, En guzel Türk Masallari, Istambul 1934, 68-70) jape6M^M ro ogBene cupoMaBuoT bo BogeHM^, Kage My ce nojaBun ApanoT co nygecHMTe npegMeTM (mcto, 397).13 npuKa3HaTa ,HeTupueceTTe ^pcKM cmhom m neTupueceTTe cHau, roneMaTa 3Muja, naMjaTa, apano, ^po u gepBumoT ^en. 90) npeTcTaByBa KOHTaMMHa^Mja Ha TypcKMTe 12 E. Littmann, Die Erzählung aus den Tausend und ein Nächten, 1-6, Leipzig, 1924. 13 BapujaHTM: BonTe-noüMBKa I, 346. A. ApHe noco^yBa a3MCKM, MHgucKu m eBponcKM BapujaHTM (BK.rcyMMTe.rcHo m jy^HOOTOBeHCKM Hapogu) bo FFC 96, 52. MoHorpa^cKa cTyguja: A. Aarne, Die Zaubergaben, Journal de la Société Finno-ougrienne, XXVII (1909), 1-96. Kapn KpoH, ocHMBa^oT Ha MM^pa^MOHaTa Teopuja, coceM onpaBgaHo npegnonara mh^mcko noTeKno Ha oBa cu®e u HeroBo npeHecyBa&e npeKy Mana A3uja (cn. neHymnucKM, 1984:397). TunoBU EB 96 u EB 77 (AaTh 513 A). Bo nocnegHUOB Tun ce jaByBaaT ucTUTe Heo6uHHU ^GMGmHU^u-jyHa^u og npuKa3HaTa Ha ^neHKOB: jyHaK mTG jage ne6 og ^noKynHGTO 6pamHG mTG ro MenaT 12 BGgeHU^u, HeKop nnaHUHa, HygecHUGT CTpene^ u fflMpKHU Mope (neHymnucKU 1984, 398). Cnopeg cornegyBaaaTa Ha ucTpa^yBaHUTe Ha HapogHUTe npuKa3HU, Heo6uHH0 e 3aHUMnuBa cnuHHOcTa Ha TypcKUTe Bonme6HU npuKa3HU co npuKa3HUTe og npo3HaTa Tpagu^uja Ha 3eMjuTe noKpaj Cpeg03eMH0T0 Mope (Slavoljub Džindžic, Turske bajke, Beograd 1978, 216). npuKa3HaTa U,apu^ma rnmo 6una mernKa u Budena coh aKo u3eu edHa 3eneHa cnuBa Ke podu; u ^po rnmo Hajde cnuBa bo ^paduHama od edeH cuneH Apan u My ^o maKca cuh My Ha Apano od nemHaecem ^o^uHu da cu ^o 3eMu ^eneHKOB, 73) ce pa3nuKyBa og TypcKUOT Tun EB 158 (AaTh 314), co HeKOu npomupyBaaa u enu3ogu. Bo TypcKUTe BapujaHTU ^pu^Ta 3a6peMeHyBa og ja6onK0 (cnuHHO Ha npuKa3HaTa Ha ^e^eHKGB 52, co Toa mTG para geBojHe, a Hej3UHaTa KOMmuKa og ^pneHUTe ja6onK0BU nymnu - MOMHe), a bg HamaBa npuKa3Ha - og cnuBa. npuKa3HaBa e npenneTeHa co Hy-gecHG 6ercTBG Ha MOMHeTO og gBope^T Ha ApanoT, co noMom Ha HygeceH Koa. Cnopeg neHymnucKU, BaKBU cnopeg6u MO^aT ga ce pegaT u 3a gpyru Bonme6HU npuKa3HU Ha ^neHKOB. PeHUcu 6e3 ucKnyHOK, Tue noKa^yBaaT U3B0HpegH0 roneMa cnuHHOcT unu ugeHTUHHGCT co TypcKUTe npuKa3HU. OHa mTG e HajnpupogHO, bg HamaTa cpeguHa Tue npeTpnyBane u pa3H0BUHU npoMeHU. HecTonaTU jyHa^UTe go6uBane Hamu UMuaa (neTpe, ^He, HajgeHKO, MeHO, 3naTa u gp.). noHeKoram, HeKOu npuKa3HU go6uBa-ne u coceMa hgbu UHTep^eTa^uu, ce pa3BUBane unu ry6ene 3HaHajHU mgtubcku hu3u, bg cornacHOcT co c^aKaaaTa Ha HamuTe nyre u pacKa^yBaHUTe (...) Og HeKOu TypcKU npuKa3HU ce npe3eMeHU caMO oggenHU enu3ogu 3a ga ^yH^uoHupaaT KaKG HanonHO noce6HU TBop6u (neHymnucKU 1984, 399). ^ukgt Ha ApanuHGT e gocTa npucyTeH hu3 pa3HUTe 36GpHU^u og MaKegoHCKaTa HapogHa npo3a, hg cera Ke ja HaBegeMe npuKa3HaTa co npen03HaTnuB0T0 UHU^uja^uc-KG cM»e. Bo npuKa3HaTa fleTe jyHaHe co HygecHa cuna (BepKOBuK, 1985, 4), ApanoT ce jaByBa KaKO egeH og yHecHU^UTe kgu UMaT 3a ^n ga ro o^opMaT ManoTO geTe bg cuneH jyHaK. Bo egHa enu3oga, ApanuHGT ce jaByBa KaKO HeroB npoTUBHUK. npu Toa, bg TeKOT Ha ^noTG gejcTBue, ApanuHGT ja U3BpmyBa ^yH^ujaTa Ha egHUOT og noBeKeTO npo-TUBHU^U bg UHU^uja^ucKUTe ucKymeHuja Ha rnaBHUOT npoTaroHUcT: „TaMG Ha gpyMOT 6eme Hamon egeH cTpameH ApanuH; 6eme OTBopun ApanuHGT ycTaTa My, caKame ga ro rn'THe ^no geTeTo: TonKO 6eme OTBopeHa ycTaTa My, mTOTO egHUGT gogaK My 6eme Ha 3eMjaTa u gpyruoT Ha He60T0. KaTO Buge TaKa geTeTO, U3Ba^-ga TemKaTa My 6o3nyraHa, Ha ApanuHGT Tpu 6o3nyraHU ro ygpu, Ta ro OKnaBa, ga TaKa GTTaMG e npoMUHan. Ta gpyr geH e BpBen Ta OTuge Ha n TOT, 6eme Hamon egHa cTpamHa MeHKa, U3ne3e Ha nTOT, Ta My Benu (...). (BepKOBUK, 1985, 4, cTp.378). 3aKnyqoK npeKy aHanu3a Ha cTpyKTypHUTe eneMeHTU Bp3aHU 3a OBoj nuK, Kora cTaHyBa 360p 3a enuKaTa, npu^aTnuB e cTaBOT Ha P. bg^gbuk geKa ^opMynHUGT nuK Ha ApanoT npeTc-TaByBa nocnegu^ Ha ucTopucKUTe u Ha KynTypHUTe BpcKU co apancKUOT cBeT, hg u reHe-TUHKUGT pa3Boj Ha HamaTa enuKa, Hej3UHU0T npeod od Mum bo ucmopuja (1977, 218); bg 6anaguHHUTe cu^ea KaKG goMUHaHTeH ce jaByBa yHUBep3anHU0T mgtub Ha rpa6HyBaae Ha MnagaTa geBojKa/^eHa, a Bapuj^uuTe Ha OBoj mgtub ce npuKa^aHU noBTopHO npeKy re- HeTMHKMOT pacT Ha ^yH^MMTe. 3a npo3aTa bo KojamTO HajMHory ce HyBcrayBa 0H0j noM-nag 6paH Ha opueHTanHM BnujaHuja (Horalek 1969, neHymnucKM 1984), cenaK He cMee ga ce 3anocTaBM craBOT geKa ApanoT npeMUHyBan og noe3uja bo npo3a Koe naK ce ogpegyBa m og raegHa tohka Ha jyHa^MTe, npoTaroHucTMTe kom MMHyBaaT hm3 cBojaTa MHM^Mja^Mja. flogeKa encKuoT xepoj MMHyBa hm3 cBojaTa xepojcKa, HagnuHHa MHM^Mja^Mja, u ru hocm aTpu6yTMTe Ha egeH MoKeH cnacuTen Koj ja goHecyBa cno6ogaTa, yTexaTa u ogHoBo ja gaBa Hage^Ta, 3a gocToeH npoTMBHMK ro uMa TporaaBuoT unu ^hmot ApanuH, goToram naK npoTaroHucToT og cKa3HaTa, Koj MMHyBa hm3 cBoeTo nonoBo co3peBaK>e, bo egeH aean-mypucmnKU uanup, HaugyBa Ha ApanuHoT Koj ru 3agp^yBa ^yH^uuTe Ha oBoj ^aHp: noBp3aH e co ouoj cBeT, co ^a3aTa Ha npuBpeMeHaTa cMpT hm3 Koja MMHyBa MHM^MjaHTOT, KaKo Bonme6HMK, qygoTBope^ unu KaKo cTpaoTeH HenpujaTen bo ^yH^uja Ha ycnemHo M3BpmyBafte Ha MHM^Mja^MCKMTe ucKymeHuja Ha raaBHuoT jyHaK. Kora MucnuMe Ha TpaeaeTo Ha MoTMBUTe unu TeMMTe og HapogHaTa khm^bhoct noBp3aHM co ApanoT, necHo Mo^eMe ga ru BoonuMe cTM6unM3MpaHKMTe o6hmkobhm eneMeHTM Kaj ctmxot m HapogHaTa npuKa3Ha (oco6eHo Kaj cKa3HaTa), kom mTo naK og cBoja cTpaHa MHory 3aMamHo Mo^aT ga ja npegonaT BKonaHeTocTa oBo3Mo^eHa npeKy cnenoTo npugp^yBaae koh cTanHMTe o6pa^u. OBue ^opMynHM eneMernu ce Bp3yBaaT 3a Bapuj^uuTe, nuemTo ^pcTo jagpo npugoHecyBa koh 3acunyBafteTo Ha gojMoT Ha KoHTMHyuTeToT Ha pacKa^yBa^KMTe TunoBM. CenaK KonKy u ga ce o6ugyBaaT, ucTMTe egBaj ga Mo^aT ga ro npogon^aT cBoeTo ^mbotho Tpaeae, bo MoMeHToT Kora BHaTpem-HaTa BpcKa bo HMBHaTa cogp^MHa e M3ry6eHa. Pe^epeHTHa nMTepaTypa Aarne, A. & S. Thompson. 1964. The Types of the Folktale. A Classification and Bibliography, FFC, No.184, Helsinki. Bausinger, Hermann. 1969. Zur Algebra der Kontinuität. Kontinuität? Geschichtlichkeit und Dauer als volkskundliches Problem, ed. by Hermann Bausinger und Wolfgang Brückner. Berlin, 9-30. Božovic, Rade. 1977. Arapi u usmenoj narodnoj pesmi na srpskohrvatskom jezičkom podru- čju. Beograd: Filološki fakultet Beogradskog Univerziteta, Knj. XLVII. Eberhard, W. und P.N. Boratav. 1953. Typen türkischer Volksmärchen. Wiesbaden. Fochi, Adrian. 1987 [1964]. Balada lui Doicin bolnavul tnfolclorul sud-est european. in Va-lori ale culturii populare romäne§ti, Vol.I, Introducere §i tabel cronologic de Iordan Datcu, Editie ingrijitä de Rodica Fochi. Bucure^ti: Ed. Minerva, pp.60-239. Grafenauer, Ivan. 1943. Lepa Vida. Študija o izvoru, razvoju in razkroju narodne balade o Lepi Vidi. Ljubljana: Akademija znanosti in umetnosti v Ljubljani. Filozofsko-filolo-ško-historični razred. Dela 4. Džindžic, Slavoljub. 1978. Turske bajke, Beograd. Horalek, Karel. 1969. Märchen aus Tausend und einer Nacht bei den Slaven. Fabula S. 155-195. Haxhihasani, Qemal. 1997. "Gjergj Elez Alija. Gjeneza, zhvillimi, tipologija." Qeshtje te folklorit shqiptar. Tirane: Instituti i kultures popullore. pp.3-36. Loma, Aleksandar. 2002. Prakosovo. Slovenski i indoevropski koreni srpske epike. Beograd: SANU. Balkanološki institut. Posebna izdanja, knj.78. neHymnMCKM Kupun, 1984. MaKedoHCKO-mypcKU npuKa3Hu%Hu napanenu (Bp3 npMKa3HMTe Ha MapKo ^tohkob), 36opHMK bo necT Ha Bna^e KoHecKu, CKonje: yhmb. Kupun u MeToguj. neHymnucKM, Kupun. 1988. „BoneH flojnuH" bo MaKegoHCKaTa HapogHa noe3uja. OdöpaHu ifionKnopucmuHKu mpydoBu, kh. 2. CKonje: MaKegoHCKa KHura, CTp. 303399. neTpecKa BecHa. 2002. CBad6ama KaKo oöped Ha npeMUH Kaj MaKedoH^me od 6pcja%Kama emHO^pa. I (1932), Kft. II (1935) // Cfl36 VI, CAHy, Beorpag. Kapa^fr 1986 - B. C. Kapa^fr, CpncKu pjenHuK (1852)// Ca6paHa gena ByKa Kapa^fra XI/1, Beorpag 1986. Kapa^fr 1987 - B. C. Kapa^fr, CpncKe HapodHe nocnoBu^// Ca6paHa gena ByKa Kapa^fra IX, Beorpag 1987. KopenoBa, XpaMOBa 2008 - K. E. KopenoBa, H. B. XpaMOBa, B "Heyponmiü nac"u b "3nym MuHymy" // ^uBaa crapuHa 2(58), MocKBa 2008, 47-49. MaKcuMOB 1996 - C. B. MaKcuMOB, Henucmax, HeBeàoMax u KpecmHax cuna, MocKBa 1996. MapuHOB 1984 - fl. MapuHOB, M36paHu npo3BeàeHux, t. II, Co^ua 1984. MapKOBufr 1899/I - M. C. MapKOBufr, CpncKe HapodHe npa3HoBepuuß, Kapa^fr I, AneKcuHa^ 1899. HMKonMfr 1932 - B. M. HMKonMfr, npuno3u u {fionKnopue 6eneuKe. 3dpaeuup u3 3anna-wa // DiacHMK ETHorpa^cKor My3eja VII, Beorpag 1932. PucTecKM 1999 - C. PucTecKM, nocMpmnuom o6pedeu KomnneKC bo mpadu^cKama Kynmypa na Mapuoeo, npunen 1999. Cep^nyToycKi 1998 - A. K. Cep^nyToycKi, npuuxi i 3a6a6onu 6enopycay - naneuyKoy, MiHCK 1998. cokohob 1931 - M. M. cokohob, CKa3Ku u npedanun Ce6epno^o Kpan, MocKBa-^eHMHrpag 1931. TpoeBa-rpuropoBa 2003 - E. TpoeBa-TpMropoBa, ffeuonume na Podonume, co^mh 2003. OnnunoBuh 1949 - M. C. ^MnunoBuh, Mueom u o6unaju napodnu y Bucohko] naxuju, CE36 LXI, Beorpag 1949. Boškovič-Stulli 1999 - M. Boškovič-Stulli, Priča o ocu mladem od sina ili o neuskladenu vremenu // "Republika" 5-6, Zagreb 1999. Cvetek 1993 - M. Cvetek, Naš voča so včas zapodval. Bohinjske pravljice, Ljubljana 1993 (Zbirka Glasovi 5). Dolenc 1992 - J. Dolenc, Zlati Bogatin. Tolminskepovedke, Ljubljana 1992 (Zbirka Glasovi 4). Kropej 2008 - M. Kropej, Od Ajda do zlatoroga. Slovenska bajeslovna bitja, Celovec 2008. Matičetov 1968 - M. Matičetov, Pregled ustnega slovstva Slovencev v Rezii (Italija) // Slavistična revija XVI, Ljubljana 1968. Pajek 1884 - Pajek, Črtice duševnega žitka štajerskih Slovencev, Ljubljana 1884. Rešek 1995 - D. Rešek, Brezglavljeni. Zgodbe izPrekmurja, Ljubljana 1995 (Glasovi 9). Zablatnik 1984 - P. Zablatnik, Čar letnih časov v ljudskih šegah. Stare vere in navade na Koroškem, Celovec 1984. "HepoBeH", "hmx qac" b noBepbax cnaBAHCKMX HapogoB hw6uhko PadeHKOBUH B Tpagu^u0HH0M KynbType cnaBaH cy^ecTByeT npegcraBneHue o cy^ecTBOBa-huu b cyTOHHOM ^uKne Heu3BecTHoro oco6o onacHoro MOMeHTa. Ecnu HenoBeK HaHu-HaeT onpegeneHyro geaTenbHocTb b ^TOT MOMeHT, ^TO gna Hero MO^eT MMeTb poKOBbie nocnegcTBua - HecHacTbe unu cMepTb. ^TOT onacHHM MOMeHT Ha PyccKOM CeBepe Ha3biBaeTca HepoBeH Hac; b Hu^He-ropogcKOM noBon^be HeypoHHbiu Hac; Ha ypane, cy^ecrayeT Bbipa^eHue duKou u^c, KOTopoe MO^eT o6o3HanaTb nongeHb, ho u gpyroft "nux" Hac; b ro^HOM Cep6uu now cam, y cep6oB b Tep^roBMHe - 3ao Hac; y cnoBeH^B b Pe3uu (MTanba) - huda ura unu hud čas; y 6onrapcKux MycynbMaH b Pogonax - ukcu caam. Ecnu MaTb nomneT pe6eHKa k nemeMy "b go6pbift u cbhtom Hac", gna Hero ^TO npoKnaTue npoftgeT 6eccnegHO, ho ecnu "b nux Hac, to 6ec yBegeT pe6eHKa". fla^e pyra-Hua ckotuhh "nog HepoBeH Hac" npuBogaT k TOMy, hto OHa, no noBepbaM, craHOBuTca HeBuguMOM gna xo3aeB. no noBepbaM b Hu^HeropogcKOM noBono^be npoKnaTue b HeypoHHoe BpeMa MO^eT nacTb u Ha caMoro pyraro^ero. B Bochuu (Bucoko) Bepunu, hto 3noft Hac uMeeTca bo BTopHuK u b ^aTHu^y u noTOMy, b ^Tu gHu He peKOMeHgoBa-nocb HaHuHaTb naxoTy. CHuTaeTca OHeHb onacHHM, ecnu HenoBeK 3aHaT unu pogunca b 3noft Hac. no noBepbaM u3 rep^roBuHbi, HenoBeK KOTopHM 3aHaT b 3noft Hac nocne cMepTu cTaHeT ynbi-peM. y cnoBeH^B, nuxoft Hac ^epcoHu^u^upyeTca, HaKa3HBaa unu BbmonHaa to, hto onpegeneHHO cygb6oft HenoBeKy. no noBepbaM cnoBeH^B u3 Pe3uu b MTanuu, Huda ura b o6pa3e 6a6ymKu noaBnaeTca b ropax nepeg HaHanoM 6ypu. B BoxuHe 3a^uKcupoBaHbi BHpa^eHua "Hud čas ga kliče" (nux Hac 3OBeT ero), "Hud čas čaka" (nux Hac ^geT), T.e. eMy yroTOBaHO HecHacTbe. Kognitywna definicja Peruna: Etnolingwistyczna proba rekonstrukcji fragmentu slowianskiego tradycyjnego mitologicznego obrazu swiata Michal Luczynski The author analyses Perun, a supreme Storm-God in Old-Slavic pagan religion and mythology, which is correlated to rock, thunder, lightning and rain, war and justice. The author focuses on that problem as a part of Slavic mythology worldviews. Theoretically and methodologically it is based on the model on cognitive definition as proposed by Jerzy Bartminski. Problematyka wi^z^ca si§ z praslowianskim *Perun^ 'bog burzy' zajmuje w ba-daniach nad Slowianszczyzn^ niezwykle istotne miejsce, stanowi^c jeden z centralnych przedmiotow sporu badaczy roznych specjalnosci. Od lat zajmuje si§ nim historycy, j§-zykoznawcy, religioznawcy, archeolodzy i in. Wi^kszosc z nich widzi w nim postac boga suwerennego o konotacjach atmosferycznych lub wegetacyjnych, rozmaicie rozumiej^c jego funkj w panteonie. Badacze rozmaicie postrzegaj^ jego miejsce w panteonie, raz umieszczaj^c go w funkcji wladzy zwierzchniej i magicznej (Gieysztor 1977), innym ra-zem - wojskowej (TonopoB 1961). Niektorzy inni, zwlaszcza dawniejsi autorzy, wr^cz neguje jego istnienie jako bostwa slowianskiego i interpretuj^ go jako starorusk^ hiposta-z§, kalk^ skandynawskiego Thora, zaadaptowanego w funkcji boga druzyny ksi^cej na dworze w Kijowie przez synkretyczne wierzenia starej Rusi (np. Rožniecki 1901). Badania nad tym problemem nie ustaj^, a bogata literatura przedmiotu na ten temat wci^z jest uzupelniana o nowe interpretacje. Tradycyjnie podejmowane pytania o rodzimosc i zasi^g wyst^powania kultu Peruna czy kwestia obecnosci b^dz nie skladnikow obcych (wareskich) w rytuale przysi^gi na or^ž, domniemana praindoeuropejska geneza tej postaci i inne - bodaj dopiero stosun-kowo niedawno zostaly rozstrzygni^te i dzis juž nie ma podstaw w^tpic ani w mozliwosc rodzimosci zewn^trznych form kultu, takich jak formuly magiczne (OeTMCOB 2001), ani w archaicznosc samego bostwa i to, že psl. *Perum kontynuuje form^ pie. dial. *Per5/3unos 'bog-burza'. Dotyczy to rowniez funkcji i znaczenia tego pradawnego bostwa gromu i pio-runow, ktorego militarne kompetencje s^ zrodlowo najwyrazniej uchwytne. Wydaje si§ rowniez, že na ogol nikt nie kwestionuje založen teorii tzw. mitu pod-stawowego, tj. mitu mowi^cego o pojedynku Peruna z zoomorficznym / ofidycznym prze-ciwnikiem (Welesem~Wolosem, žmijem, smokiem) o elementy wszechswiata, takie jak wody, plodnosc, bydlo itp. (MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974; TonopoB 1998; por. Matasovic 1996: 23 n.; Belaj 1998: 67 n.). Co wi^cej, slady tego hipotetycznego mitu s^ obecnie odnajdy-wane nie tylko we wschodnioslowianskim, ale takže w folklorze poludniowoslowianskim - chorwackim, slowenskim itp. (np. MuxaftnoB 1996; Marjanic 2009). Nowsze badania na ten temat niew^tpliwie wskazuj^ na szeroki zasi^g wyst^powania tego archaicznego mo- tywu, a takže rožnorodnosc možliwych transformacji postaci Peruna we wspolczesnym folklorze. Zauwažalne w ostatnim czasie staje si§ zwlaszcza nasilenie badan nad postaci^ Peruna w co najmniej dwoch aspektach: pogl^bionych studiow nad dotychczasowymi, zna-nymi tekstami zrodlowymi wzmiankuj^cymi tego boga oraz proby wyjscia poza korpus znanych zrodel w poszukiwaniu sladow kultu Peruna poza Slowianszczyzn^. Nowe inter-pretacje najstarszego tekstu wymieniaj^cego postac gromowladcy Antow - „O wojnach" Prokopiusza z Cezarei - to studia A. Lomy (2004) i E.R. Lujana (2008). Pierwsza z wymie-nionych podejmuje jeszcze dawniejsz^ kwesti§ tlumaczenia zwrotu theon mer gar hena / theon mer gar hena 'boga bowiem jedynego/jednego z bogow', ktory mialby swiadczyc odpowiednio o monoteizmie lub politeizmie ich religii. Druga wydobywa z zapomnienia mniej znany fragment o rytualnych morderstwach dokonywanych przez Antow na Balkanach, ktore možna interpretowac jako form^ ofiary religijnej. Z kolei, fakt wyst^powania w folklorze ludow kaukaskich postaci bohatera Piry, Pi-ryona itp., sklonil kilku badaczy (m.in. Kneta 1985, 2004; AneKceeB 2006) do baczniej-szego zwrocenia uwagi na tamtejszy folklor z nadziej^ odnalezienia tam sladow slowian-skich wierzen i uzupelnienia sk^pych - jak zwyklo si§ uwažac - informacji na temat tego bostwa w rodzimych zrodlach. Tym bardziej že - jak by si§ na pierwszy rzut oka moglo wydawac - wyrazne konotacje atmosferyczne i wegetacyjne tej postaci upowažniaj^ do takich wnioskow. Abstrahuj^c od tego ostatniego, ktory opiera si§ tylko i wyl^cznie na pozornej zgodnosci fonetycznej kaukaskich form nuptoH, nupta (od firaun z przejsciem f h p) z form^ slowiansk^, powszechny pogled dotycz^cy slowianskiego Peruna wydaje si§ staly i raczej nie odbiega od tych przedstawianych w nowszych syntezach problematyki tzw. kanonu Wlodzimierza i bostw w nim zgromadzonych1, tzn. nie wychodzi on poza obr^b tradycyjnie powielanych interpretacji i cytowanych materialow. Tymczasem nurt badan etnolingwistycznych, jaki porusza problematyk§ reliktow tradycyjnego swiatopogl^du we wspolczesnych przekazach folklorystycznych, dostarcza tematyce historycznej metod pozwalaj^cych na uj^cie tego problemu w zupelnie innym swietle. Metody opisu wypracowane w ramach tego nurtu, jak rowniež podejscie kogni-tywne zastosowane do rekonstrukcji najstarszych wyobražen, czym dotychczas zajmowali si§ przewažnie historycy, otwieraj^ tu perspektyw§ rekonstrukcji postaci takže i slowian-skiego boga-burzy. Artykul ten jest poswi^cony zastosowaniu tej metodologii do badania najstarszych postaci mitycznych poswiadczonych zarowno w zrodlach historycznych, jak i przekazach nowožytnego folkloru. Celem tej pracy jest zatem rekonstrukcja j^zykowo-kulturowego obrazu Peruna jako jednego z bostw panteonu wschodnich Slowian na podstawie tekstow literackich, historycznych i leksykograficznych, pocz^wszy od wczesnego sredniowiecza, a skonczywszy na relacjach etnograficznych 2 pol. XX wieku. Przeprowadzona kwerenda zrodel pozwolila wl^czyc do korpusu tekstow, na pod-stawie ktorych dokonano opisu konotacji teonimu, oprocz znanych i wielokrotnie w hi-storiografii przywolywanych, rowniež nieznane i dotychczas szerzej nie wykorzystywane zapisy historyczne i folklorystyczne. Oprocz wi^c fragmentow staroruskiej „Kroniki Nes-tora", znalazly si§ tu m.in. ludowe bajki wierzeniowe i podania etiologiczne z terenu Rosji, 1 Np. Tera 2005: 5-8. zwi^zane z nowogrodzkimi toponimiami typu Peryn, Perynia Ren, Perunski monaster (dotychczas niemal nie badane pod tym wzgl^dem). Zdecydowano röwniez o wl^czeniu do korpusu zrödel do analizy postaci Peruna cz^sciowo zrekonstruowany niemal niezna-ny fragment prawdopodobnie staroruskiego kazania w formie graffiti z Nowogrodu (patrz Dokumentacja 18), dotychczas w ogöle nie wi^zany z wyobrazeniami o tym böstwie. Roz-szerzenie materialu zrödlowego pozwolilo - jak si§ wydaje - na pelniejsz^ rekonstrukj i lepsze jej oparcie w podstawie materialowej. Wyekscerpowane fragmenty zawieraj^ce nazw^ Perun zostaly nast^pnie poddane analizie semantycznej. Teoretycznie i metodologicznie, praca opiera si§ na zalozeniach lingwistyki kog-nitywnej, wylozonej w szeregu prac badaczy zw. z kr^giem etnolingwistyki lubelskiej -przede wszystkim Jerzego Bartminskiego. Metoda definicji kognitywnej, jak^ tutaj zasto-sowano, zostala opracowana na potrzeby wydawanego od 1995 r. „Slownika Stereotypöw i Symboli Ludowych" (SSSL)2. O przydatnosci tej formuly do etnolingwistycznego opisu demonöw czy innych postaci mitologicznych swiadcz^ dotychczas opublikowane opra-cowania na przykladzie polskich materialöw etnograficznych lub historycznych (zmora, strzyga, planetnik, Szatan i in.). Okazala si§ ona przydatna i z powodzeniem zastosowana w etnolingwistycznym opisie poj^c sfery demonologia. Przedstawione w niniejszym arty-kule wyniki badan s^ pröb^ zastosowania tej metody do rekonstrukcji fragmentu histo-rycznego stanu obrazu swiata - böstwa nominowanego za pomoc^ teonimu Perun. Zasadnicza cz^sc artykulu jest tzw. definicji kognitywn^ leksemu, skladaj^ si§ z a) omöwienia oraz eksplikacji hasla z zastosowaniem podzialu fasetowego; b) dokumentacji hasla, obejmuj^cej wszystkie znane teksty, w ktörych nazwa ta si§ pojawia. W eksplikacji zdecydowano si§ na rozröznienie znaczen leksemu Perun na: 1.1. 'böstwo poganskie', 1.2. 'demon atmosferyczny, planetnik', 1.3. 'diabel, czart, nieczysty'. W dokumentacji zachowa-ny zostal podzial materialu wedlug kryterium gatunkowego, na: kroniki, legendy, bajki, zapisy wierzen itd. Definicja kognitywna nie jest jedyn^ metody opisu etnolingwistycznego tego pola semantycznego, jaki zaproponowano. Na uzytek wydawanego w Moskwie slownika „Sla-vjanskije drevnosti" stosuje si§ schemat opisu postaci mitologicznych3, ktöry przewiduje od kilku do kilkunastu kategorii semantycznych z licznymi podkategoriami i postuluje osobny model definicji dla tej grupy hasel, uwzgl^dniaj^cy specyfik^ i ich wewn^trzn^ struktur^. Zaröwno jeden, jak i drugi model opisu postaci mitologicznych wl^cza kategorie takie, jak nazwa, wygl^d, pochodzenie i transformacje, miejsce i czas pojawiania si§ i dzia-lania postaci. Dotyczy to na ogöl postaci znanych ze wspölczesnego folkloru, do ktörych charakterystyki wykorzystuje si§ duž^ ilosc tekstöw i relacji. Jesli jednak chodzi o pröb^ zastosowania tego modelu do najstarszych postaci folkloru, znanych w przewazaj^cej cz§-sci ze wzmianek w zrödlach historycznych, konieczne okazalo si§ skorelowanie ze sob^ danych z tekstöw historycznych poddanych ekstensywnej i poröwnawczej interpretacji z wykorzystaniem typologicznych ustalen antropologii historycznej, z tekstami folklory-stycznymi. 2 Por. Bartminski 2007: 42-51. 3 CxeMa; por. Bartminski 2007: 50-51, 85. Definicja kognitywna teonimu Perun 1. Eksplikacja Perun wedlug tradycyjnych wierzen ludowych jest bogiem, ktory wywoluje burz^. Rz^dzi pogod^, wstrz^sa chmurami, decyduje, czy pada deszcz, czy grzmi. Latem, w czasie zbiorow i žniw sprowadza burze nad pola. Jest to rosly starzec z siwymi wlosami i g^st^ brod^, jego atrybutem jest bron. W czasie burzy sciga i zabija ni^ swych wrogow. Perun znajduje si§ w burzowej chmurze, ktorej nadejscie zwiastuje burz^ z pioru-nami. Perun zwykle przebywa tež na gorze, w d^bowym lesie, na zalesionym wzgorzu (w d^browie). Tu najlatwiej go spotkac, žeby przekazac mu swoje prosby. Swi^ty gaj jest jego domem, dlatego nie možna go splamic krwi^ ani przemoc^, žeby nie obrazic gospo-darza tego miejsca. Perun przygl^da si§ wiecom i s^dom odbywanym w swi^tym gaju i jest swiadkiem przysi^g skladanych w celu zatwierdzenia pokoju (miru). Tych, ktorzy nie dotrzymuj^ slowa, karze ci^žko smierci^ od wlasnej broni. Na wojnie albo w bitwie dobrze jest zwrocic si§ o pomoc do tego boga i obiecac mu cos ze swojej trzody, wtedy na pewno wyjdzie si§ calo z opresji. Za zwyci^stwo w walce dobrze mu tež podzi^kowac, daj^c mu bydlo i ludzi (jencow), pami^taj^c jednak, žeby wczes-niej nie zbezczescic ich przemoc^ ani žadnym or^žem, aby bog nie czul si§ obražony. 1. Perun 'bostwo poganskie' (nazwa) psl. *Perunt; srus. nepyHt, nepeH, sbulg. nopeBH, nopoyH, spolab. *Pe-ron (> lac. Proue, Prove, Prone); ros. neproH, blr. nepyHt. Augmentativum srus. nepyHM^e (derywaty) teonim (epitet patronimiczny) spolab. *Porenic (> lac. Porenutius, Po-remicius) (etym.) Nazwa zostala utworzona od appelativum psl. *perunt, dosl. 'uderzaj^cy; ten, kto uderza', o budowie rdzen *per- i sufiks -unt, (> ie. *pero(u)nos 'grom' z ie. per(g)-'bic, uderzac'). Ewolucja semantyczna przebiegala w kierunku 'cos, co uderza' (h 'piorun, grom') h 'ktos, kto uderza' (h 'postac mityczna')4 (homonimy) Apelatywa: pol. piorun, polab. peren, perun, kaszub. paron, p'ioren, cz. dial. parom, slow. parom, blr. napyH, blr. dial. nepyH, ukr. nupyH, nepoM, ros. dial. nepyH 'grom, grzmot'. W toponimii: drimonim chorw. nupyH; oronimy serb., chorw. nepyH, bulg. nepuH, nepeH, nepuH; ojkonimy spolab. Perun, Peron, Pyron, Pyrun (> niem. Prohn), bulg. nepuH, serb. nupuH, maced. nepuH. Antroponimy: spol. Piorun, scz. Perun, blr. napyH, bulg. nepyH, napyH, slwn. Perin, Paron. Agionim ros. nepyH. (hiper.) srus. 6ort, aHren, CTape^t, BECB, ros. 3Bepb-3MMAKa, bulg. gag (kohipon.) ukr. Hrim (part.) P. ma (duž^) glow^ 35, zarost (w^sy 1, 35, g^st^ brod^ 34) P. ma bron (palk^ 3b; luk ze strzalami 35) albo žarna 36 lub kamien 7 P. ma zwierz^ta 9a (atryb.) P. jest czerwony, zloty, srebrny 1 P. jest wysoki, barczysty 35 P. jest stary 7, 17, 22 4 OacMep III 246-7; Tpy6a^eB 2002: 197. (agent.) P. pije i je 3c P. swieci / blyszczy 22, 35 P. patrzy na s^d/wiec s^dowy 8c (sprawca) P. sprawia, že jest burza: P. pociera žarnami, powoduj^c grzmoty 36 P. tworzy blyskawic^ 9a, 36 P. rz^dzi niebem, pogod^ 18 (odbior.) P. dostaje zwierz^ta/ludzi 1, 9 (adres.) a) P-a prosi si§ o ratunek na wojnie 9b P-owi kaže si§ ukarac czlowieka smierci^ (od or^ža) 4, 5 (material.) Perun jest z drzewa 1 (lokaliz.) a) P. jest nad wod^ 1, 2, 20b P. jest na l^dzie 5 P. jest na gorze/wzgorzu 2, 8a, 20b-c P. jest w lesie 8b P. jest w posegu 3a b) S^dy s^ tam, gdzie P. 8c Bron (miecze, wlocznie i tarcze) s^ tam, gdzie P. 4c (podob. paral.) P. jest jak czlowiek 2, 7 2. perun 'demon atmosferyczny, planetnik' (nazwa) blr. P'arun, ukr. nepyH, pol. dial. p'eron. (hiper.) blr. dial. box, pol. chlop, ukr. gyx (part.) P. ma bron (strzelb^) 28b (atryb.) P. jest ogromny 28b (agent.) P. lata 28b P. goni / poluje 28b (sprawca) P. blyska, rzuca piorunem / powoduje, že jest burza 29 P. powoduje smierc konia/owiec 29, 32 (adres.) b) P. mowi do czlowieka 28b (lokaliz.) a) P. jest w chmurze 29 (tempor.) P. jest latem 29 (podob. kompar.) P. jest jak wiatr 28b P. jest jak drzewo 28b 3. perun 'diabel, czart, nieczysty' (nazwa) blr. dial. nepyH (agent.) P. ucieka 30 P. chowa si§ (pod czlowieka, drzewo, kamien) 30 (adres.) a) P. rozmawia ze sw. Eliaszem 30 b) P-owi grozi sw. Eliasz 30 (lokaliz.) a) P. jest kolo domu 30 P. jest kolo drzewa 30 P. jest kolo kamienia 30 2. Dokumentacja KRONIKI [1] „nocraBu KyMupH Ha xonMy BHe gBopa TepeMHaro nepyHa gpeBHHa, a rnaBy ero cpe6peHy, a yet 3naT (...) u ^paxy mmi, Hapunro^e a 6orH, u npuBo^axy chhh cboh u gb^epu (...) u ocKBepHHxy 3eMnro Tpe6aMu cboumu" (PVL, 980 r.) [2] „nepyHa ^e noBene (...) Bne^u c ropH (...) Ha Pynan, 12 My^a npucTaBu TeTu ^enbe3eMb. Ce ^e He hko gpeBy qyro^ro, ho Ha nopyraHbe 6ecy, u^e npen^ame cuMb o6pa3oM nenoBeKH, ga Bb3Me3gbe npuuMeTb ot HenoBeK" (PVL, 987 r.) [3] a) „nepyHa (...) noBene Bne^u b BonxoB (...); u b to BpeMa Bmen 6eame 6ec b nepyHa u Hana KpunaTu: «o rope! ox MHe! flocraxca HeMunocTUBHM cum pyKaM»"; u BpuHyma ero b BonxoB." b) „Oh ^e nonnoBe cKBo3e Benun moct, Bep^e ^anu^ro cBoro Ha moct, ero ^e HHHe 6e3yMHuu y6uBaro^eca, yTexy TBopaTb 6ecoM". c) „M 3anoBega HUKoMy ^e hu rge He nopeaTu ero; u uge nugb6naHUH paHo Ha peKy, xoth ^opoH^u BecTu b ropog; onu nepyH npunnH k gepeBy, u oTpuHy u mecToM: «Th, - pene, - nepy^u^, gocHTb ecu en u nun, a HHHe nonnoBu npon», u nnH c cBeTa oKomHee". (PVL, 989 r.) [4] „... u poTe 3axoguBme Me^H co6oro, (...) a Onra BoguBme Ha poTy, u My^u ero no PycKoMy 3aKoHy KnaHmaca opy^beMb cboum, u nepyHoM, 6oroM cbomm, (...) u yTBepguma Mupb." (PVL, 907 r.) [5] a) „ga He uMyTb noMo^u (...) ot nepyHa, ga He y^uTHTca ^mth cboumu, u ga noceneHu 6yguTb Menu cboumu, ot crpenb u ot uHoro opy^ba cBoero" (PVL, 945 r.) b) „A^e nu ^e kto (...) npecTynuTb ce, (...) 6ygeTb gocTouHb cBouMb opy^beMb yMpeTu, u ga 6ygeTb KnaTb (...) ot nepyHa, hko npecTynu cBoro KnaTBy" (PVL, 945 r.) c) „u npuge Ha xonMb, Kge cToame nepyH, u noKnagoma opy^be cBoe, u ^mth u 3onoTo, u xogu Mropb poTe u nrogu ero" (PVL, 945 r.) [6] „... ga uMeeMb KnaTBy ot 6ora, Bb ero ^e BepyeMb b nepyHa (...), u cBouMb opy^beMb ga uceneHu 6ygeM." (PVL, 971 r.) [7] „(...) nepyHb, 6ame y Huxb cTapenmbiM 6orb, co3gaHb Ha nogo6ie nenoBene, eMy^e Bb pyKaxb 6ame KaMeHb MHoro^HHHM aKu orHb, eMy^e hko 6ory ^epTBy npuHomaxy, u orHb Heyracaro^in 3b gy6oBoro gpeBia HenpecTaHHo nanaxy" (Kronika Hustynska5). [8] a) „Przydarzylo si§ zas, že w drodze przybylismy do gaju, ktory jest jedyny w tym kraju, cala bowiem okolica jest plaska. Tam wsrod bardzo starych drzew zobaczylismy swi^te d^by, ktore byly poswi^cone bogu owej ziemi zwanemu Prone". b) „inne bostwa zamieszkuj^ lasy i gaje, jak na przyklad božek starogardzki Prone [lac. Proue, Prove]" c) „Tam co poniedzialek mieszkancy calego kraju wraz z ksi^ciem i kaplanem gro-madzili si§, aby wymierzac sprawiedliwosc" d) „Wejscie do przybytku bylo zakazane wszystkim z wyj^tkiem kaplana i tych, kto-rzy pragn^li zlozyc ofiary lub ktorym grozilo niebezpieczenstwo smierci. Tym bowiem nigdy nie odmawiano azylu. Wobec swoich miejsc swi^tych Slowianie odnosz^ si§ z tak^ 5 Mansikka 1922: 114. czci^, že obejscia swi^tyn nie pozwalaj^ zbezczescic nawet krwi^ wroga" (Helmond, Kronika Slowian I 846) [9] a) „Uwažaj^ oni, že jeden tylko bog, tworca blyskawicy, jest panem calego swiata, i skladaj^ mu w ofierze woly i wszystkie inne zwierz^ta ofiarne" b) „kiedy zajrzy im smierc w oczy, czy to w chorobie czy na wojnie, slubuj^ wowczas, že jesli jej unikn^, zlož^ bogu natychmiast ofiar^ w zamian za ocalone žycie, a unikn^wszy skladaj^ j^, jak przyobiecali, i s^ przekonani, že kupili sobie ocalenie za wlasnie ofiar^" (Prokopiusz III 14,23-24) c) „[Sklawinowie] Zabijali zas napotkanych nie mieczem, wloczni^, ani w žaden inny zwyczajny sposob (...) palili nie szcz^dz^c nikogo, zamkn^wszy ich w chatach wraz z bydlem i owcami, ktorych nie mogli zabrac do swego kraju" (Prokopiusz III 38,177) KAZANIA [10] „... TeMb ^e 6oroM Tpe6oyKnagoyTb m TBopHTb m cnoBeHbCKbiM H3biKb ... nepyHy..." (Slowo sw. Grzegorza, XII-XIII w.8) [11] „M tm Halama Tpe6bi Knacm ... nepyHa, 6ora uxb. (...) no cBHTeMb ^e Kpe^eHbM nepyHa OTpuHyma (...). Ho i HOHe no oyKpaiHaMb mohhtch eMy np0KnaT0My 6ory nepyHy" (Slowo jak poganie klaniali si§ idolom, XVI w.9) [12] „npMcrynMma Kb MgonoMb m Halama ^peTM (...) nepyHy" (Slowo Jana Zloto-usta, XIV-XV w.10) [13] „Moranaca (...) nepyHy (...)?" (XVI w.11) [14] „... MonHTCH ... nepyHy" (Slowo o Mamaju, XVI w.12) [15] a) „M BepoyroTb Bb nepoyHa" b) „MonHTCH ... nepyHy" (Slowo Chrystolubca13) [16] „Bepyro^e b nepyHy (...)". b) „MonHTCH (...) nepyHy" (Zlatan Ciep, XIV-XV w.14) [17] „MHH^e 6oru MHorbi, nepyHa (...) to nenoBe^i 6hhm cyT cTapeMmMHbi, nepyHb b EnuHexb" (Slowo i objawienie sw. Apostolow, XVI w.15) [18] „(TO TM HE BE)flE BECB N(E)BO ... N ... PA3BEflPrB ...fl (BO)3flO(yXM) ...nOTP^COm^ OBflA^M PEHE B(Or)^ TO CTBBOPM (Nowogrod, XII w. 16) PROZA [19] „MaMau ^e ^p... Hana npM3biBaTM 6oru cboh nepyHa (...)" (Slowo o Mamaju17) 6 Meyer 1931: 44-45. 7 Prokopiusz, s. 69, 74; por. Labuda 1999: 170. 8 Mansikka 1922: 162. 9 Mansikka 1922: 163. 10 Mansikka 1922: 174. 11 Mansikka 1922: 250. 12 Cpe3HeBCKMM II 920. 13 AHMHKOB, 1912: 374, 377. 14 Mansikka 149, 151. 15 Mansikka 1922: 201. 16 Pbi6aKOB 1987: 687. 17 Cpe3HeBCKMM op. cit. [20] „u npumegb [BonoguMepb] Bb KbieBb, m3Óm bca ugonbi, nepyHa (...)" b) „hko npiuge Bb KieBb, ugonbi noBene ucnpoBpe^bi, (...) a nepyHa ^e ugona noBene (...) Bne^u c ropbi no BopuneBy Ha Py^eñ" c) „npuBneKmu KyMupa nepyHa, u BbBeproma ero Bb flHenpb Bb peKy (...) u nponnbi cKBo3e nopora, u3Bep^e BeTpb Ha 6perb u cTa My ropa u npocnbi oTTone nepyHH ropa" (Zywot zwykly ksi^cia Wlodzimierza, XIV w.18) [21] „u noraHbCKHH 6ora nane ^e u 6ecbi, nepyHa (...) nonpa u cKpymu" (Zywot stary Wlodzimierza19) LEGENDY, APOKRYFY [22] „flBa aHrena rpoMHaa ecTb, (...) enneHcKiñ cTape^b nepyHb (...) aHrena MonHiuHa" (Biesiada o trzech swi^tych, XV w.20) [23] „to to ohu Bce 6ora npo3Bama (...) nepyHa Ha 6oru o6paTuma" (Chodzenie sw. Bogurodzicy po m^kach, XII w.21) [24] „Pagyñca, y^uTenro BbpaxMaHoBb, chh 6o^uu, nopyHa BenuKa, ^pb AneKcaHgpb..." (Aleksandreida, XIII w.22) [25] „Bor He6a u 3eMnu (...) yHu^aeTca u ocKp6naeTCH noKnoHeHueMb 6onBaHy nepyHy" (Slowo o sw. Jerzym episkopie, XIX w.23) [26] „Bonmuu chh khh3h CnoBeHa - BonxoB 6ecoyrogHbiñ u napogeñ, nroT b nrogex Torga 6bicTb u 6ecoBCKuMu u Menra TBopa u npeo6pa3yaca bo o6pa3 nroToro 3Bepa KopKogena u 3anerame b tom pe^ BonxoBe BogHbiñ nyTb (...). Cero ^e pagu nrogu (...) cy^uM 6oroM oKa^HHoro Toro Hapu^xy u TpoMa ero unu nepyHa HapeKoma (...). nocTaBu ^e oh, oKaflHHbiñ napogeñ, hü^hhx pagu Me^TaHuñ u co6paHua 6ecoBCKoro rpagoK Man Ha Mecre HeKoeM 3obomom nepbiHA, uge^e u KyMup nepyH croóme. M 6acHocnoBHT o ceM BonxBe HeBernacu rnaronrome: B 6oru cen". (Cvietnik 1665 r.24) [27] a) „Bbin 3Bepb-3MuHKa, ^TOT 3Bepb-3MuHKa ^un Ha ^TOM caMoM MecTe, bot rge Tenepb ckut cbhtom ctout, neproHbcKoñ. Ka^uHHyro Honb ^TOT 3Bepb-3MuHKa xogun cnaTb b MnbMeHb-o3epo c BonxoBcKoro KopoHu^ro. b) (...) Hobhm ropog cxBaTun 3MuHKy neproHa ga u 6pocun b BonxoB. HepT cuneH: nonnbin He bhu3 no peKe, a b ropy - k MnbMeHb-o3epy; nognnbin k cTopoHy cBoeMy ^unbro - ga u Ha 6eper! c) BonoguMep-KHH3b Benen (...) gbHBona on^Tb b Bogy. Cpy6unu ^pKoBb: neproHy u xogy HeT! Ottoto ^Ta ^pKoBb Ha3Banacb neproHbcKoro; ga u ckut To^e neproHbcKuñ" (Rosja, 1859 r.25) 18 Mansikka 1922: 53-4. 19 Mansikka 1922: 59. 20 Mansikka 1922:305. 21 Mansikka 1922: 287. 22 Mansikka 1922: 304. 23 OunapeT 1865: 42. 24 Katicic 1988: 71-72. 25 Tbicrna neT, c. 50-51. BAJKI [28] a) „Jeden pän l'ubäl zavdy v nedzel'e predemso xuodzic na polovaene. (...) Jaz tu vyxuodzi cärnä xmara i zacynä z daleka grmic. Ten pän patry i vidzi nad rekom jakes velge ptäcysko, co sedzi na kaemenu. Mysli suob'e: nic ne üupuolovälem, tra xuoc to zabic. (...) Tak ten pän prysed do nego, puodnuos i uoglodä, bo nigdy jesce tak'ego ptäka ne vidzäl i padä suob'e: «skuoda näbuoju, tak'e skaradne ptäcysko». b) Jaz tu nägle krykne xtos, zaenem: „ne zaluj, paene, jä juz prez sedem lät za tem ptäkem xuodze i nimuoge guo üupoluovac; jak jes ty merel do nego, tuo jä merelem do cebe; jakbys guo bel ne zabel, tuo jä cebe". Prelok se paenisko, uoglodnon se i zuobäcel pred suo-bom uogrumnego xluopa, jak drevo, ze strelbom, jak kluoda. Bel to p'eron, co zavse poluje na take ptäki skaradne. (...) Peron vzon za reke tego paena i dlugo jesce z nem gädal, "oglodali se strelby, ha puotem (...) uodl'ecal jak v'ater" (Polska26) [29] „byu u paläskax pän. täm bylä kazonnaja z'amlä, l'Ü3'i xa3'ili try dni u pänscy-znu, scytälis'a jany starakazonnyja. jany palova yasudärstvu rabili, a palova pänu. pän ety yonic' na rabotu etyx bäbau, žytka žac' ci buraki sa3ic'. i3e xmarä. xmarä i3e, bliskavica, znou bliskavica, užo xmarä jak räz nadysla, a ety pän, Narkün, kali krykn'a: ty P'arün, a jä Narkün! i bex! kali streliu u xmäru. täk zära iznou zayrymela, blisnula... däu P'arün u kan'ä i kan'ä zabiu. a ety Narkün i astäus'a u žyc'u. i jon užo na etyja bäby käža: bäby, i3ec'o da xäty, bü3'a s'v'äta, mine šče box pakinuu u žyc'u. jä užo vencai väs bizunaväc' n'a büdu. na druyi yot iznou prysou ety 3en, i što yot zalažyu Narkün eta P'arunä s'v'äta, što jon pakinuu jayo žyna s'vec'a" (Bialorus, 1975 r.27) [30] „nepyH no^enbBae Inbro: | Tbl MeHe He yö'em, h nog rpemHoro HonoBeKa cxaBäroca. | InbH npopoK Ka»^: | - rpexi eMy, TOMy HonoBeKy, npomnaK^a, a h ^6e yce payHo y6'ro (...)." (Bialorus28) RELACJE POTOCZNE [31] „Novuogardenses dim idolum q[u]oddam, nomine Perun eo loci quo nunc est monasterium, quod ab eodem idolo Perunzki appelatur, collocatum, in primis colebant, venerabaturque" (S. Herberstein, Zapiski o Moskwie, XVI w.29) [32] „nepyH 3a6uy Biybi. roHunu nacTyxu goBiy i hk 3arpeMino i 3a6uno gBi Biy^i. B Hac MoynbaT, »u nepyH, to 3nuö gyx" (Ukraina30) ZAMÖWIENIA, MODLITWY [33] „O »ugoBCKoM epeTUKe nepyHe" (akta s^dowe, Rosja, 1760 r.31) 26 Matusiak 1881: 641-2. 27 CygHUK 1979: 230. 28 TS 4, 24. 29 RMC 250. 30 E3 XXXIII 190. 31 noKpoBCKMM 1979: 52. FRAZEOLOGIA [34] „fbctm KaTO Ha gaga nepuHa 6pagaTa" (Bulgaria32) ZAPISY WIERZEN [35] „nepyHb uMeeTb öonbmyro ronoBy cb HepHbiMu BonocaMu u raa3aMu, gnMHHyro 3onoTyro 6opogy; oHb BucoKaro pocTa, nneHMCT; Bb neBOM pyKe HocuTb Konnaffb cb crpenaMu, a Bb npaBOM - nyKb. (...) pa3be3^aeTb no He6y Ha oraeHHoö KonecHu^, cb oraeHHbiMb nyKoMb Bb pyKaxb" (Bialorus33). [36] „nepyHb gep^MTb Bb pyKaxb gBa Hpe3BbraaMHo rpoMagHbixb ^epHoBa, TpeTb mmm u ygapaeTb oguHb o gpyroö; TpeHieMb u ygapaMu oHb npofeBoguTb rpoMb u u3BneKaeTb Monrnro" (Bialorus34). ¿rodla Helmond - Helmonda Kronika Siowian, tlum. J. Matuszewski, Warszawa 1974. Labuda G., Siowianszczyzna starozytna i wczesnosredniowieczna. Antologia tekstöw zrödio- wych, Poznan 1999. Mansikka V.J., Die Religion der ostslaven, I. Quellen, Helsinki 1922 Matusiak S., Volksthümliches aus dem Munde der Sandomierer Waldbewohner, „Archiv für slavische philologie", Berlin 1881. Meyer C. H., Fontes Historiae Religionis Slavicae, Berolini 1931. Prokopiusz - Prokopiusz z Cezarei, O wojnach, tlum. M. Plezia [w:] Greckie i iacinskie zrödia do najstarszych dziejöw Siowian, cz. 1, Poznan-Krakow 1952. PVL - noBecmb BpemeHHUx nem no naBpemeBCKOü nemonucuu, MocKBa - ^eHuHrpag 1950. RMC - Herberstein von, S., Rerum Moscoviticarum Commentarii, Synoptische Edition der lateinischen und der deutschen Fassung letzter Hand Bassel 1556 und Wien 1557, München 2007. Rulikowski E., Zapiski etnograficzne z Ukrainy, "Zbior Wiadomosci do Antropologii Kra- jowej", t. 3, 1879 TS - TypaycKU cnoyHUK, 1-5, MiHcK 1982-1987. AHMHKoBb E. B., Ä3bmecmBo u dpeBHxx Pycb, C.-neTep6yprb 1914. BorgaHoBMH A.E., nepeMumKu ^peBHa^o Mip0B03ep^mxy 6enopyccoBb.^mHo^paBanoca 3 6nucKaBKoro, rpo-3obum BorHeM nepyHa, ^o BucTynaB eMaHa^ero ^oro Bora [ByrniK 2004, c. 502]. 3rigHO 3 BipyBaHHaMu 6inopyciB, 3a^iKcoBaHuMu y ^onbKnopHux TeKcTax, aBTO-homhux i He3ane^Hux Big o6pagy BuroTOBneHHa nocygy, nepmuft BoroHb, aKuM noHa-nu KopucTyBaTuca npegKu, noxoguB 3 He6a, Big "nepyHa", aKuM TpoMOBep^e^ - "Eoz", "nxpyn' B^nuB y gepeBO, HaMararoHucb y6uTu HopTa: "nepuu a^0Hb 3 ne6a, 3 nepyna naxod3iu,b, 6o hk Eyo^ npa^Hay Adaua i EBy 3 paw i pa3aM 3 iui ma^o Hopma, umo ix cKyciy, maK nacnay na ix cmpaunyw 6ypy, ^pUMomy, maK Hopm cxaBaycn nad ncen, a Eyo^ - mpax! - y e^o nepynoM, maK aM ncen 3ananiycn, i AdaM ad mye napu pa3bBey ma^o a^Hw i na ce^odHeuM d3ern mu MaeM." [Federowski 1897, s. 239]; "nepuu a^oHb 3bHBiycn ad nepyna. Om hk mae 6uno. Mk Eo^ Bbttnay nepuux nw-d3eu 3 paw, ma nacnay na uamana BHniKin ^pUMomu 3a mon, umo en cnaKyciy nwd3eu. Hopm KpyuiycH-KpyuiycH, HHMa Kydu d3eu^a, mo Hap^u^e en i cynyy nad cyxacmounae d3epaBo. nnpyn, Ka6 3a6iu,b Hopma, hk mp^cHay y moe d3epaBo, duK hho u 3a^ap^naco. AdaM 6uy 6ni3Ko da hk y6aHuy moe, daK i y3Hy ca6e a^oHb. A nomuM K0MH0^ pa3, hk HMy mp^6a a^oHb, ma en naHne u,epu,u cyxoe d3epaBo adno a6 dpy^oe, ma hho u 3a^apu^^a. Mk HanaBeK nauoy y cBem uyKau,b, d3e nenu, daK i 3a6nyd3iyca da mpaniy na maKoe Meucu^o, d3e BenbMi xonadno. Om Eo^ 3'HBiycnHMy da u naByHay mo, hk dacmau,b a^oHb 3 KpaMenu,a u Mane3Ka" [Cep^nyToycKi 1998, c. 52]; "nepuu a^oHb k naM npunnu^ey 3 nepynoM, da hk 3a^ap^ycH ad3in xBapacmoBU Kyp^Hb, daK nwd3b 36e^nicH adycwnb i daBau xanau^b ^anaBeuKi da na cBaix Kypannx i 3HMnHHKaxy noneni nepaxoBuBau,b. AdnaHa emu a^oHb ne uanu^aBay niKoMy, aM naKynb Eo^ adnaMy cmapoMy KanecbniKy, Kamopu aKpuM KanodaK maHuy i Bepau^ena, ne nacnay uHacbniBae dyMKi, umo6 en nanpo6aBay npyMKi na Bepau^enax BuuMyniBau,b HcenoBuM KninKoM, da ne naMoM Bu^3uBau,b, hk doci. - HaMy ne, - KaMa KanecbniK caM da cn6e, - ncenb u,BHpd3eu, daK naBinen y3HU,b MHK^uuyw 6npo3y; daBau ocb nanpo6yeM. 3acmpy^ayuu ncenoBu KninoK, npucmaBiy mo k Bepau,nny, Mou,na npuMuMawHu, i 3aHay cmuhkom uMop^a^b mo cwdu, mo mydu, umopa3 cKap^u, aM nannnb - nauoy duM 3 Bepauflna, da maK naxne, 6u 3 o^HiuHa. Eh ema daBau daneu uMop^a^b da huw cKap^u da xy^u, aM noKynb no6 cmay MoKpu, da 3 Bepaufina icKpu nacunanicn. ffaK ocb hk HanaBeK 3nauuoy cnpaBndniBu a^oHb; ma^du nwd3i ycwdu namyuuni nepynoBae uflnno da 3aBHni cBoucKi a^oHb i 3 mux nop cmani nyHuau muu,b" [naTKeBiH 2004, c. 298-299]. "fflmo6 6na^ananyHHa 6una c a^HeM", 6inopycu nepeg po3nanroBaHHaM Borau^a Monunuca nepyHOBi [Kocuh 1901, c. 33]. PociftcbKa nereHga Tarn® cBigHuTb, ^o BoroHb gaHuft nrogaM caMuM BoroM, aKuft nocnaB ftoro 3 He6ec Ha gonoMory nepmift nrogum, aKa nicna BuraaHHa 3 paro onuHunaca y cKpyTHOMy cTaHOBu^i i He 3Hana, aK npuroTy-BaTu co6i i'^y. Bor nocnaB 6nucKaBKy, aKa po3Konona m 3ananuna gepeBO, i tum noKa3aB cnoci6 go6yBaHHa BorHro [MaKcuMOB 1903, c. 223]. CnoB'aHu po3pi3Hanu geKinbKa BugiB BorHro, 3 aKux BoroHb, go6yraft TepTaM gBox mMaTKiB gepeBa, BBa^aBca HaftHucrimuM i Haft6naroTBopHimuM. HaTOMicTb bo-roHb, ^o buhuk Big ygapy 6nucKaBKu, nocigaB oco6nuBe Mi^e y HapogHOMy cBiTornagi. ^ cTpamHMH He6ecHMM BoroHb, hkmm Bor Bpa^ae HeHucTy cuny i cTpaHye HeHecru-Bux. KaM'flHi rpoMoBi cTpinu B6uBaroTb HopTiB, a BoroHb ïx cnanroe. BiH cbh^hhmM. ^ft nepmuM BoroHb, ^o noxoguB Big 6nucKaBKM, BBa^aBcH HaftBa^nuBimuM y cBiri, Hag3BMHaMHo hmctmm i cbhtmm. iHogi Moro 3Banu ^mbmm BoraeM - "mubu a^oHb", "živi oganj", "^p0M06Ha, ^p0M06uma Muea eampa", hk i 3ananeHuM TepTHM. BiH BucTynaB og-HoHacHo 3HapHggHM i inocraccro rp0M0Bep^H, ocKinbKM 6nucKaBKa Te^ ocMucnroBa-nacH hk nonyM'a: "nxpyH - ^^ma nnoMH, a^oHb","a^oHb-nxpyH,. Hag ^MM rpi3HMM BorHeM He MaroTb Bnagu Hi HaKnyHM, Hi BigbMM, Hi HaBiTb caMa HeHucTa cuna. racuTM ftoro 3bm-HaMHMM cnoco6oM no6oroBanucH, BBa^aroHM, ^o ^ - rpix. A6o M y3arani HeMo^nuBo, ocKinbKM TaKMM BoroHb He gacTb ce6e 3aracuTM. HacTo Ha ^ M He cnogiBanucH. HaBiTb y 3aM0BnHHHHX roBopUTbcH, ^o B0r0Hb 6nMcKaBKM "Hixmo HH MOM^^b yH^b". Bipunu, ^o BiH Ha6araT0 rapHHimuM i B3arani Mae 30BciM He TaKi BnacTMBocTi, hk 3BMHaftHuft BoroHb, ag^e e HaragyBaHHHM nroguHi npo ïï o6ob'h3km nepeg BoroM. BnucKaBKa ocmmc-nroBanacH hk 3aci6 nogonaHHH gecTpyKTMBHux xaoTMHHux TeHgeH^ft, HKi BUHMKaroTb y Kpu30Bux cuTya^Hx, hk 36poH rp0M0Bep^H, oco6nuBe BTineHHH HagnumKy He6ecHoï cunu, raiBy, arpecuBHocTi, cKepoBaHoï npoTu HeHucTi Ta HenpaBegHux nrogeM. Konu nepyH, hkmm po3'ï3^ae no He6y Ha BorHHHift KonicHM^, 6aHMTb, ^o nrogu rpimaTb, He nHKaroHucb ftoro rpoMy, to, 6a^aroHM noKapaTM Hepo3KaHHicTb cMepTHux, nycKae 6nuc-KaBMHHy cTpiny, HKa 3 BorHeM nagae Ha 3eMnro. no^e^a, BMKnuKaHa hmm, po3rnHgana-ch hk 3HaK Bo^oï nacKM, yBaru, T0My ïï He Mo^Ha 6yno racuTM, xi6a ^o MonoKoM a6o xni6HMM KBacoM. IHogi npucunanu nicK0M, 3eMnero hm cinnro, ane HiKonu He nunu Bogy. Big Heï nonyM'H HaHe6T0 Morno po3ropiTucH ^e cunbHime. A He6e3neKa noHMHana 3a-rpo^yBaTM He nume 6yguHK0Bi, ane M ftoro rocnogapeBi. Ha Hboro HecnogiBaHo Morna BnacTM Konoga i noKaniHUTM a6o b6mtm. IcHyBano nepeKoHaHHH, ^o pHTyBaTM nrogeft hm 6ygiBni, y HKi Bgapuna 6nucKaBKa (b T0My Hucni i pHTyBaTM xygo6y i3 npuMi^eHHH, oxonneHoro BorHeM), He6e3neHH0 M rpimHo, ocKinbKM ^ o3HaHano 6 cnpoTMB Bo^ift Boni, a ïM 3aB^gu Tpe6a KopuTucH. IHogi 3a6opoHy noHcHroBanu M tmm, ^o TaM ropuTb 3a6uTuft HopT, hkmM, 3HaroHM, ^o nepyH nro6uTb nrogeft, xoTiB cxoBaTucH b nrogcbKoMy ^MTni. BBa^anocH, ^o TaKa no^e^a noxoguTb 6e3nocepegHbo Big Bora, ïï cnpuHMHuna cuna Bo^a. ToMy puTyanbHi o6xogu Manu Ha MeTi He 3aracuTM ïï, a TinbKM noKani3y-BaTM, He gonycTMTM nomupeHHH BorHro Ha iHmi o6iMcTH. I3 3ananeHoï 6ygiBni HiHoro He 6panu, a hk^o noHMHanu bmhocmtm peHi, to cnig 6yno, npuHaftMHi, 3anumuTM Ha cBoeMy Mic^ cTin. Togi BoroHb Mo^e M caM 3racHyTM. Mk^o Bor 3axoHe, to b Te ^ Mi^e BnyHMTb ^e ogHa 6nucKaBKa i 3aracuTb. 3a BTpaTM Big TaKoï no^e^i Bor ^egpo BMHa-ropog^ye. CnpuftManu ïï 3 po3HyneHHHM i 6naroroBiMHoro noKoporo, HeKaroHM, goKM Bce gepeB'HHe 3ropuTb a6o go^ caM 3anne BoroHb. y ^ogHoMy pa3i He Mo^Ha 6yno KpuHaTM M 3hmhhtm myM. HaBiTb guM TaKoro BorHro BBa^aBcH 6narogaTHMM gnH nroguHM. Mic-Kygu BnyHuna 6nucKaBM^, B3arani BM3HaBanucH hmctmmm, cbhtmmm i BmaHoByBa-nucH, Ha hmx cnpaBnHnucH oco6nuBi ypoHucTi o6pHgu, npuHocunucH ^epTBM. ïx no3Ha-Hanu c^e^M^iHHMMM TonoHiMaMu (nepyHoy moct, nepyHoBa rapa, nHpyHKa, nepyHoBa xa^a), BenuKMMM KaMeHHMM. Ha Mic^ 6yguHKy, cnaneHoro "nxpyHaMi", He 6ygyBanu H0Be ^MTno. Bhocmtm y giM BoroHb, hkmM bmhmk Big ygapy 6nucKaBKM, 6oHnucH i Bci-nHKo yHMKanu. npoTe nogeKygu ^e goBro 36epiranacH puTyanbHa npaKTMKa, 3rigH0 3 HKoro, Konu BgapHB rpiM i cnanaxyBaB BoroHb, Big Hboro 06H0BnroBanu BorHi y 6yguH-Kax cenu^a. Konu 6nucKaBKa BnyHana b gepeBo, i boho 3aropanocH, to b ceni racunu BoroHb, i Bci Mmnu, ^06 y3HTM BorHro He6ecHoro. "Mbiebi a^oHb" Big 6nucKaBKM, hk i goöyTMM TepTHM, B^MBaBCH gna npunanroBaHHa HOBOHapog^eHux cBiöcbKux TBapuH - TenaT, nomaT - ^o6 yöeperm ix Big MO^nuBoro y roHOMy B^i 3ypoHeHHa [MaKcu-mob 1903, c. 204-210; 3eneHuH 1991, c. 132, 424; ^^uneB ckum 1844, c. 42; flpeBnaHcKuö 1846, c. 17; KpaHKöBCKMÖ 1874, c. 150; flo6poBonbcKuö 1894, c. 23; BorgaHOBuH 1895, c. 76; Federowski 1897, s. 248; Werenko 1896, s. 198; ^uBonucHaa Poccua 1993, c. 267; hmkm^ opoB ckmm 1897, c. 176, 212; PoMaHoB 1912, c. 273; Moszynski 1928, s. 159; Co6o-tobckum 1918, c. 24; Cep^nyTOBcKuö 1909, c. 45; Cep^nyToycKi 1998, c. 32; 3a6a6oHbi 1972, c. 13; 3aMOBbi 1992, c. 34, 38-41; HeHagaBe^ 1996, c. 96; HeHagaBe^ 2002, c. 57-60; HeHagaBe^ 2006, c. 40; 3aÖKoycKi, fly^bm 2001, c. 71; naTKeBiq 2004, c. 298-299, 333, 404, 445; ^ereHgbi i nagaHHi 2005, c. 319, 360, 367; CygHuK 1979, c. 232; ApxaHrenb-ckum 1853, c. 6; A^aHacbeB 1865, c. 267; 1868, c. 10; flanb 1996, c. 99; MamKuH 1862, c. 85; TpyHoB 1869, c. 7; MaKcuMOB 1890, c. 7; MBaHU^KUM 1890, c. 125; kootmh 1899, c. 13; YmaKoB 1894, c. 197; HeycTynoB 1902, c. 118; HeycTynoB 1913, c. 247; Xapy3uH 1889, c. 146; KmHH 1901, c. 164; Xapy3MHa 1906, c. 151; BorarapeB 1916, c. 66-67; no-Te6Ha 1865, c. 276; Hy6uHcKuö 1872, c. 20-23; A.K. 1876, c. 60-61, 169-170, 251-252; Rulikowski 1879, s. 101; H.B. 1889, c. 265; BacunbeB 1895, c. 127; Zmigrodski 1896, s. 326; MaKapeHKo 1897, c. 247; ^M3Hb 1898, c. 461; MunopagoBuH 1902, c. 112; MBaHOB 1907, c. 165; CrpuncKuö 1924, c. 11; KpaBHeHKO 1927, c. 153; KpuMcbKuö 1930, c. 431; Bopo-naö 1993, c. 446; Kolberg 1964, t. 34, cz. II, s. 159; KunuMHUK 1994, c. 74; Tpa6aH 2002, c. 289; KaÖHgnb 2003, c. 111; Bapxon 2003, s. 53; Petrow 1878, s. 125; Gustawicz 1881, s. 139; Wierzchowski 1890, s. 189; Skrzynska 1890, s. 111; Polaczek 1891, s. 628; Zawilinski 1892, s. 254; Mätyäs 1893, s. 115; Magierowski 1896, s. 143; Czaja 1905, s. 215; Matusiak 1907, s. 88; Matusiak 1908, s. 46; Bystron 1917, s. 4; Jaworczak 1936, s. 111; Kolberg 1962, t. 3, s. 90; Kolberg 1962, t. 15, s. 181; Kolberg 1962, t. 17, s. 78, 153-154; Kolberg 1970, t. 42, s. 402; Kolberg 1967, t. 46, s. 462; Kolberg 1962, t. 7, s. 136; Bazinska 1967, s. 83; Gloger 1978, s. 171; Pelka 1987, s. 109; Slownik 1996, s. 291-293; BoHeBa 1994, c. 14, 17; TpojaHOBufr 1930, c. 126; ^op^eBufr 1958, c. 553; ^op^eBufr 1985, c. 132; Nodilo 1981, s. 154, 159; Schulenburg 1993, S. 248; Houska 1855, s. 182; Nahodil, Robek 1959, c. 88; Moszynski 1967, s. 486; Jakubikovä 1972, s. 257; Olejnik 1963, s. 269; Olejnik 1978, s. 143; ^o6aq 2004, c. 356; MBaHOB, TonopoB 1974, c. 91]. y 6inopycbKux Mi^ax Bor rpoMy nepyH noB'a3aHuö i3 go6yBaHHaM BorHro: BiH TpuMae b pyKax gBa BenuHe3Hi ^opHa, Tpe humu i Bgapae oguH o6 oguH; TepTaM i ygapa-mu BiH huhuto rpiM i Bugo6yBae 6nucKaBKy, nogi6Ho go Toro, aK OTpuMyroTb icKpu Big ygapy Kpu^ o6 KpeMiHb. ynaMKu ^opeH neTaTb Ha 3eMnro i Bpa^aroTb HeHucTy cuny aK cTpinu [BorgaHOBuH 1895, c. 76]. 3 BorHeM, öoro po3nanroBaHHaM i go6yBaHHaM cniB-BigHocuTbca i nuToBcbKuM nepKyHac [MBaHOB, TonopoB 1974, c. 95-96, 99, 116, 149; MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974a, c. 146, 151; ^ÖMac 2003, c. 373; Ciszewski 1903, s. 225-232; Kowalik 2004, s. 150-151, 153]. flocnig^yBam nereHgu npo noaBy BorHro BxogaTb go mupmoro ^UKny, eneMeHTu aKoro, He3Ba^aronu Ha neBHy pi3HocTaÖHicTb, 36iraroTbca b ronoBHoMy. B 6inopycb-Kiö Tpagu^i, Bigo6pa^eHiö y TeKcTax pi3Hux ^aHpiB, HiTKO npocnigKoByeTbca ocho-BHa cro^eTHa cxeMa npagaBHboro Mi^y npo 6opoTb6y Bora rpo3u nepyHa 3i cbo'm xToHiHHuM cynpoTuBHuKoM, 3oKpeMa, 3 HopToM. mk^ö Mic^3Haxog^eHHaM nepyHa 3aKoHoMipHo e BepxHiö cBiT, tö HopT nocTiÖHO nepe6yBae BHu3y, Kono KopeHiB CBiTo-Boro flepeBa. TaKuM flepeBOM y 6inopyciB e gy6 a6o ^ aceH. nepyH nepecnigye cBoro B'roHKoro cynocTaTa, aKuö BpemTi-pemT xoBaeTbca nig flepeBOM. Togi rpoMOBep^e^ ypa^ae noro cBoero 36poero - 6nucKaBKoro. BiH ygapHe no flepeBy, 3ananroronu noro. TaK noHMHaeTbca nepmun rpo3oBun nuBeHb. OaKTu, ^o 3acBigqyroTb cTapogaBHicTb ^oro cro^eTy, npocnigKoByroTbcH y 6anTiftcbKiM Ta iHmux cnopigHeHux iHgoeBponeft- CbKMX Tpagu^Hx. BanTu Tarn® Bipunu, ^o BoroHb 6yB npuHeceHun Ha 3eMnro nepKyHacoM nig nac 6ypi [ruM6yTac 2004, c. 214]. Oco6nuBy ^KaBicTb craHoBuTb 3ragKa npo noxog^eHHH BorHro y BegincbKoMy KoHTeKcri, hkum 6araTo b noMy 36iraeTbcH i3 cro^eTHoro cxeMoro HaBegeHux 6inopycb-kmx nereHg npo giHHHH rpoMoBep^H: yo hatvahim arinat sapta sindhun, yo ga udajad apadha valasya, yo asmanor antar agnim jajana, samvrk samatsu sa janasa indrah "Xmo, b6ubmu dpaKoua, nycmuB cmpyMeuimu ciM piK, xmo BmnaB KopiB, ycyuyBmu Bany, xmo nopoduB Bo^oHb MiM dBox KaMeuiB, mou, xmo xanae 3do6un y 6umBax, - mou, o nmdu, Iudpaf' (PurBega II, 12. 3) [MBaHoB, TonopoB 1970, c. 343; MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, c. 43, 95-96, 100-101; MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974a, c. 151; PurBega 1989, c. 249]. Bor rpo3u Bpa^ae cboix geMornraux npoTUBHUKiB 6nucKaBKoro, BorHeM, nopog^eHUM Mi^ gBox KaMeHiB-^opeH, hkum Hagani cTae Hag6aHHHM nrogcTBa. ^opHo Bora rpoMy 3ragyeTbcH y 3aKnuHaHHHx hk MoryTHH 36poH npoTU xtohwhux icToT (ATxapBaBega II 31. 1) [At-xapBaBega 1976, c. 95]. rpoMoBep^e^, nogonaBmu gpeBHboro 3MiH, cTBopuB BoroHb pa3oM 3 iHmuMU ^uttgbumu 6naraMu: Indro... ajanad... suryam u§asam gatum agnim (PurBega III 31. 15) [MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, c. 100; PurBega 1989, c. 320]. iHogi Begin-cbKun Bor rpoMy npHMo oToTo^HroBaBcH i3 BTineHHHM BorHro. OcKinbKu KaMeHi-^opHa cniBBigHocunucH 3 HonoBiHuM i ^hohum HananoM, to Bugo6yBaHHH BorHro po3yMino-ch hk aHanor Hapog^eHHH ^uboi icToTu. 3 ^ei tohku 3opy cTaHoBnHTb iHTepec 6ino-pycbKi, xopBaTcbKi n cep6cbKi Bu3HaneHHH BorHro, 3ananeHoro 6nucKaBKoro, hk ^uboto, cBHToro. y BcecBiTi BegincbKoi nroguHu yci BuguMi ^opMu BorHro, b ToMy nucni 6nuc-KaBKa y noBiTpHHoMy npocTopi i BoroHb Borau^a Ha 3eMni, cyTb He ^o iHme, hk npo-hbu eguHoro BorHro, Arai, HKoMy npuHocunu ^epTBu. ArHi po3rnHgaBcH hk cyKynHicTb ycix, 3eMHux i He6ecHux, ^opM BorHro. no6yTyBano TaKo^ yHBneHHH, ^o BoroHb ArHi - 6paT-6nu3HroK IHgpu, y hux cninbHun 6aTbKo i pi3Hi MaTepi (PurBega VI, 59. 2) [PonaH 1993, c. 236; CeMeH^B 1981, c. 79; Kramrish 1962, p. 155, 160; MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, c. 96, 219; Jurewicz 2001, s. 98; PurBega 1995, c. 158]. nogonaHHH geMoHa BpiTpu nopiBHro-eTbcH i3 po36uTTHM gepeBa 6nucKaBKoro (PurBega II, 14. 3), TpoMoBep^e^ po3Tpo^ye gepeBa i B6uBae geMoHiB: vi vr^an hanty uta hanti rak^aso (PurBega V, 83. 2) [MBaHoB, TonopoB 1974, c. 41, 98; PurBega 1989, c. 252; PurBega 1995, c. 85]. 3rigHo 3 6inopycbKuMu Mi^aMu, rpo3oBe nonyM'H Bigirpano TaKo^ yKpan Ba^-nuBy ponb y BuHuKHeHHi cBiTy. Konu cBiT ^e TinbKu nonuHaBcH, Hige Hinoro He 6yno. Bcrogu 6yna MepTBa Boga, a nocepeg Hei crupnaB Hi6u HKuncb KaMiHb, a6o^o. nepyH, TpuMaronu y pyKax ^opHa, BgapuB KaMeHeM o6 KaMiHb i BuKnuKaB 6nucKaBKy. OcKonKu neTinu Ha 3eMnro, hk cTpinu. OguH 3 ynaMKiB noTpanuB y Ton KaMiHb, i 3BigTu bucko-nunu Tpu icKopKu: 6ina, ^oBTa n nepBoHa. Ynanu icKopKu Ha Bogy. Big ^oro Boga bch cKanaMyTunacH, i cBiT noMyTuBcH, hk xMapu. A Konu Bce nocBiTnino, BigginunacH 3eMnH Big Bogu. A ^e nepe3 geHKun nac 3apogunocH BcHKe ^utth i Ha 3eMni, i y Bogi. I nicu, i TpaBu, i 3Bipi, i pu6u, a noTiM i nonoBiK 3aBiBcH [.HereHgbi i nagaHHi 2005, c. 32, 76]. BigoKpeMneHHH Big He6a Bogu i po3gineHHH Bogu 3 cymero, a hk HacnigoK, po3'egHaHHH He6a i 3eMni - ^ TunoBi gii rpoMoBep^H-geMiypra, HKi KnagyTb nonaTOK ynopHgKy-BaHHro BcecBiTy. KocMoroHia ^ BegiftcbKa, hk 11 iHTepnpeTyroTb gocjigHuKu, e gy^e nogi6Horo, ocKijbKu npunycKae gBi cragii. nepma 3 hux cTaHOBuTb co6oro eTan Hegu^epeH^fto-BaHoi egHocTi. Ha ^m cTagii icHyBaju jume nepBicHi KocMiHHi Bogu, HKi Hecju b co6i 3apogoK ^utth. 3 gHa KocMiHHux Bog nigHHjaca rpygKa 3eMji i, nocTynoBo po3poc-TaroHucb, nepeTBopujaca Ha ropy a6o cKejro, ^o njaBaja noBepxHero Bog i He Maja TBepgoi onopu. Ha ^oMy nepma cTagia 3aKiHHyeTbca, i, hk cnpaBegjuBo 3ayBa^yeTb-ca, 11, BjacHe, He Mo^Ha HaBiTb Ha3BaTu Mi^oM TBopeHHH, TOMy ^o, hk i b 6ijopycbKux BipyBaHHax, neBHi Bu3HaHeHi cTuxii Ha noHaTKy B^e icHyBaju. ^ He cTBopeHHH, a, cKopime, onuc MicruHHoi caMocTiMHoi eBOJK^ii BuxigHoi cTuxii 6e3 BTpyHaHHH geMiyp-ra, HKa He niggaeTbca onucy 3a gonoMororo 6iHapHux ono3u^ft, ocKijbKu b Hift He 6yjo gu^epeH^ftoBaHocTi. He 6yjo HiHoro - Hi He6a, Hi 3eMji, Hi gHH, Hi HOHi, Hi cBiTja, Hi, cTporo Ka^yHu, niTbMu. ^ gonoHaTKOBa cragia onucyeTbca y riMHax 3a gonoMororo B^uBaHHH HeraTuBHux cyg^eHb i noHHTb. ^KaBo, ^o BegiftcbKi pimi po3yMiju, ^o ixHi KocMoroHiHHi po3gyMu Te^ MaroTb Me^i i ^o cTaHOBjeHHH 6yTTH, mo^jubo, He-ni3HaBaHe. flpyra cragia KocMoroHii noHuHaeTbca 3 Hapog^eHHH 3a Me^aMu nepBicHoro cBi-Ty Bora rpoMy iHgpu (He 3OBciM 3po3yMijo, hkum huhom) 3 tum, a6u nopoguTu gyajb-hum kocmoc. 3BigKu BiH npuftmoB, He noBigoMjaeTbca, i TeKcTu HiHoro 3 ^oro npuBo-gy He roBopaTb, ocKijbKu oHeBugHo, ^o npuxig Hi3BigKu cTaHOBuB HacTuHy Moro cyT-HocTi. OcHOBHa ^yHK^H IHgpu nojaraja b TOMy, ^06 3i cBiTy noTeH^MHoro cTBopuTu cBiT peajbHuft. I BiH ygapoM Bag^pu BuKjuKae go ^utth cBiT, ge e KOHTpacT cBiTja i TeMpHBu, gHH i HOHi, ^uTTH i cMepTi. i B 6ijOpyciB, BOrOHb 6jucKaBKu BuKOHye TyT acKpaBo Bupa^eHy Kpea^oHicTcbKy ^yH^iro. BiH TBopuTb gBoicTuft cBiT iHguBigyaji-3OBaHux ^opM 3 Hegu^epeH^ftoBaHoro xaocy. CBoero cujoro iHgpa po3BoguTb gBi c^e-pu cBiTo6ygoBu, He6o i 3eMjro, 3po6uBmu ix BuguMuMu ogHe gja ogHoro, i g03B0jae C0H^ro cBiTuTu (PurBega I 51. 10; I 52. 12; I 56. 6; II 13. 5; VIII 3. 6; X 89. 1-4, 13; X 113. 5) [PurBega 1989, c. 66, 68, 73, 251; PurBega 1995, c. 283; PurBega 1999, c. 233-234, 270]. y BeguHHux riMHax Bigo6pa^eHa caMe gpyra KocMoroHiHHa cTagia. KocMoroHiHHa gi-HJbHicTb IHgpu Mae gBa acneKTu. no-nepme, BiH B6uBae 3Mia Bpirpy, ^o BTijroBaB cujy cnpoTuBy ropu, nepBicHoro narop6y, npo6uBmu hkum, IHgpa gae 3eMji TBepgy onopy i 0gH0HacH0 3BijbHHe Bogu, cKyTi gpaKOHOM, Ta BunycKae BoroHb, yB'H3HeHuft b narop6i. TaKuM huhom 3giftcHroeTbca nepexig Big HeHBHoro go HBHoro, Big aMop^Horo go bu-3HaHeHoro. OcrpiB-cKeja y npaoKeaHi, p03K0J0Tuft IHgporo y MOMeHT cTBopeHHH cBiTy, cTae ^HTpoM cBiTOjagy, hkum BuHuKae 3 Hboro. Mi^e, 3 HKoro yTBopujaca 3eMJH, no-HuHae ^yHK^oHyBaTu b HKocri ii onopu. Buhukju rp030Bi xMapu, HKi 3aKjy6oHujuca Hag cKejero, cTajo TeMHo, aje noTiM 3iftmjo coh^, i y BcecBiTi nocTajo cBiTJo. He-nporjagHa niTbMa po3ciajaca. Po3jujuch Bu3BOjeHi piKu. nicja Toro, hk ^uTTegaftHi cuju 6yju 3BijbHeHi, nepBicHuft cBiT cTaB caKpajbHoro 3eMjero, HKa, po3mupuBmucb, pa3OM 3 He6oM yTBopuja napy nojOBuH KocMocy, i Ha ii noBepxHi 3'hbujoch ^utth. 3a3ejeHiju jicu i TpaB'aHucri pocjuHu, noHaju icHyBaTu HucjeHHi ^uBi icTOTu. Tijb-ku Togi HapoguBca nepmuft 3eMHuft MemKaHe^. no-gpyre, cTBoproroHu gyajbHuft cBiT, po3'egHyroHu He6o i 3eMjro, HKi 6yju 3juTi, Ta yKpinjroroHu ix oKpeMo, rp0M0Bep:®e^ TuMHacoBo igeHTu^iKyeTbca 3 KocMiHHuM cT0Bn0M, to6to ^HTpoM BcecBiry. y poji Bici cBiTo6ygoBu BiH BucTynae TijbKu b MOMeHT TBopeHHH. ^ nigTBepg^yeTbca 6ijbm ni3HiM HOBOpiHHuM puTyajOM, KOju Ha KOpOTKuft Hac Ha HecTb IHgpu HK 3acHOBHuKa cBiTOBoro nopagKy BcTaHOBjroBaju cTOBn. npoTHroM Toro Hacy, goKu BiH ctohb i MOMy noKnoHHHMCH, bîh BBa^aBca toto^hum iHgpi i iHogi no3HanaBCH Moro iMeHeM. Hepe3 ciM gHiB ^m CTOBn npu6upanu i œuganu b pi^Ky, ^o nigKpinnroe npuny^eHHH npo ce30HHMM xapaKTep ^oro 6ora [OmôeHMH 1968, c. 18, 29, 31, 34-37, 52-53; Kramrish 1962, p. 140-143, 147, 153; 1963, p. 271-273; Brown 1942, p. 86, 92, 95-97; BpayH 1977, c. 287-290; KëMnep 1986, c. 14, 17-18, 28-37, 75, 119-125, 156-162, 183-184; ^^uage 1998, c. 34-35; ^^uage 2002, c. 191, 209]. Cnigu apxaÏHHMX BipyBaHb, mo^hubo, npocre^yroTbcH y TOMy ^aKTi, ^o cTOBn y TonoHHift KaMepi gBoxapycHux roHHapHux ropHiB, nomMpeHMX Ha MorunboB^um Ta niBgeHHOMy cxogi Brre6^uHu, a TaKo^ Ha 3axogi Binopyci, 3BaBca "cmoy6" " cnyn'\ " ô3h-ôok" [MunroneHKoB 1983, c. 88], "ded" [BepeHun, KpuBU^Kuft 1968, c. 181]. Bmotîb 6inopycbKMX rornapiB, hkuM BKa3ye Ha BTpynaHHH ypaHiraux cun y ïxHro po6oTy, Mae noBHy napanenb y BegiftcbKiM Tpagu^ï, ge roBopuTbca, ^o iHgpa po3KonoB cKenro 6nucKaBKoro, "30bcîm hk hobuû ^opw,UK, (bibhéda girim navam in na kumbham) (PirBega X 89.7) [PurBega 1999, c. 233]. BnucKaBKa aco^roœanacH 3 igeero 3apog^eHHH ^mbmx icTOT [reHOH 2002, c. 203], ^o HeManoBa^Ho npu po3raagi Mi^onoriHHux yHBneHb, noB'œaHux 3 BorHeM roH-napcbKoro ropHa, b HKoMy BunanroœaBcH rauhhhuft nocyg. y 6inopyciB, hk i b rnmux chob'hh, cuMBoni3a^H nocygy fpyHTyBanacH Ha ftoro aHTponoMop^i3a^ï. Diuhhhum rop^MK po3raagaBcH hk nogi6Ha go nroguHu icToTa, HagineHa pogo-cTaTeBMMM o3Ha-KaMu, KoTpa noBToproe Bci ocHoBHi eTanu nrogcbKoro ^utth: Buy h Ha KanaH^i, 6uy h Ha KpyMaH^i, 6uy Ha naMapu, 6uy Ha 6a3apu; Manadu 6uy - yBecb cBem KapMiy, a hk cmapu cmay - nenHHawu,a cmay; àaBHnocH m naMÎpa^ - HeKaMy Kac^û naxaBa^ [CaxyTa 1980, c. 58]. BunanroBaHHH nocygy y 3aragKax oToTo^HKœanoca 3 no^e^ero, a b 6mopycbKift Kynbrypi Haft6inbma KinbKicTb noBip'ïB i o6pagiB 6yna noB'œaHa i3 no^e^aMu, 3ana-neHUMu 6nucKaBM^K> nepyHa [^o6an 2004, c. 356-357]. HaBiTb 3BunaftHi 3aMMaHHH npunucyBanu Moro rHiBy [Kocuh 1901, c. 33]. DiuHHHa nocyguHa, Hapog^eHa y Bor-Hi ropHa - "Ha naMapu", cnyryBana cumboM^hum o6pa3oM nroguHu, penpe3eHTyronu ïï y HucneHHUx puTyanbHUx npaKTUKax [Banog3iHa 1999, c. 64-77; Banog3iHa 2004, c. 116-117; Banog3rna, CaHbKo 2004, c. 388-389]. PeniKTU aHanori^HUx yHBneHb npocnigKoByroTbca i b rnmux cnoB'HHcbKUx Hapo-giB. nonbcbKi rornapi y Haprnft Beci Kocb^nbHift Bh^octo^koto BoeBogcTBa Bipunu, ^o rpiM nig Hac rpo3U cnpunuHHe nycKaHHH rop^UKiB y BorHi [Kieselski 1968, s. 220]. nonbcbKa nereHga, 3anucaHa Big romapiB 3 ^oH^Ka OpguHa^Koro .Hro6nmcbKoro BoeBogcTBa, po3noBigae, hk 6yna 3ninneHa nepma MucKa. Tocnogb Bor gaB nroguHi po3yM, ^o6 o6namToByBana co6i ^utth b cBiri. OguH nonoBiK cnniB 3 Bep6oBoro rinna KomuK i o6ninuB ftoro rauHoro. Konu Bce Te bucoxho, to BiH 3Mir TpuMaTu b ^oMy KomuKy Hanoï Ta iHmy no^uBy. OgHoro pa3y y Moro KypiHb 3 XMu3y Bgapuna 6nucKaBKa (pieron). Bce 3ropino. Ta Bep6a 3 KomuKa - Tarn®, a rnuHa, HKoro BiH 6yB o6ninneHuft, y ToMy BorHi Bunanunaca, i 3po6unaca 3 Hboro TaKa MucKa. Buhbuhoch, ^o to M^Ha nocyguHa. BigTogi nrogu ninunu co6i nocyg, ane Mycunu 3aB^gu npocuTu Bora npo 6nucKaBKu, ^o6 y BorHi nocyguHu Bunanunuca. ni3Hime, hk HaB^unuca po3nanroBaTu BoroHb, to B^e BunanroBanu caMi, 6e3 6nucKaBKu [Czubala 1970, s. 292-293; Czubala, Czubalina 1980, s. 50]. noHBoro 3BunaftHoro BorHro 3aBepmyeTbca Mi^onoriHHa go6a. y 6inopycbK0My ^onbKnopi mí^ímhum Mac HaMMacTime TpaHc^opMyeTbCH, nocTa-roMU 3onoToro go6oro, Konu H0B0CTB0peHuM cbít ^e He po3TpaTUB 6o«ecTBeHHy eHep-riro i b ycix cboïx npoHBax xapaKTepu3yBaBCH HaggocTaTHicrro i npucyTHicTro BoriB, hkí xogunu no 3eMni M aKTUBHo 6panu yMacTb y «uttí nrogeM. YnopHgKyBaHHH TogimHboro cBiTy 6yno HacnigKoM nepeMoru rp0M0Bep«^-geMíypra Hag xtohímhum cynpoTUBHU-K0M, hkum yoco6nK>BaB nepBicHUM xaoc. HacoBa BigganeHicTb ^oro mí^ímhoto MUHy-noro BugaeTbCH gocuTb yM0BH0ro, ocKinbKU boho noBCHKMac BigHoBnroeTbCH 3a gono-Mororo o6pagoBocTi [Tpbi^aHeHKaBa 2QQ3, c. 91-92; ^o6aM 2QQ3, c. 9]. YcBigoMneHHH n0MaTK0B0r0, npiMopgianbHoro Macy hk go6u TBopeHHH crano ^aKTopoM aKTyani3a^ï 0CH0BH0r0 Mi^y npo 6opoTb6y nepyHa 3 Moro xtohímhum np0TUBHUK0M y BipyBaHHHx 6inopycbKUx roHMapiB. 6aMUM0, BoroHb y r0HMapH0My ropHi - to nepBicHe, gaHe rp0M0Bep«^M He-6ecHe nonyM'H, crpamHe M He6e3neMHe y cuny cBoeï noToM6iMHocTi, HKe He npuHocuTb HiK0My go6pa. Boho npoTUcTaBnHeTbCH BorHro "cboûckamy", "cnpabxdníbamy" - bto-puHHoMy i npupyMeH0My. OgHaK caMe ^M rp030BuM BoroHb, ^o 36epirae cbím geMiyp-riMHUM noTeH^an i Hag hkum He Mae Bnagu 3no, BUK0pucT0ByeTbCH roHMapHMU. TaKUM MUH0M b o6pHgi Bur0T0BneHHH nocygy BigTBoproeTbCH apxeTunoBuM npe^geHT, o6pHg npoeKTyeTbCH y caKpanbHuM Mac nepmonoMaTKy. OgHa 3 ochobhux napagurM kocmo-roHiMHUx mí^íb - no cyTi, He cTBopeHHH, a 3MiHa Toro, ^o icHyBano paHime, ane no3a MacoM, cTaTUMHo. npu6nu3H0 TaK ycBigoMnroBaBCH M npo^c BunanroBaHHH rnuHHHUx Bupo6iB. CraTUMHe 6yTTH, ^o6 yBiMTU, po3ropHyTUcH b guHaMiMHuM npo^c nopo-g«eHHH, Mae oTpuMaTU nomT0Bx Big geMiypra, hkum ^ocb po3'egHye, cTBopro e ^ocb H0Be, HanpuKnag, BoroHb, y xogi nepmoro BenuKoro «epTBonpuHomeHHH, BenuKoro 6oro 3 nepBicHUMU cunaMU, hkí ceMaHTU3yroTbCH hk xaoTUMHi, hk 3arpo3a rapMoHiï. BnucKaBKa BUcTynae 3aco6oM 3M^HeHHH M nigTpuMKU cTBopeHUx eneMeHTiB yHiBep-cyMy, Moro omu^hhh i BnopHgKyBaHHH. PoHMapcbKe ropHo Ha6yBae yHacnigoK ^oro cTaTycy oco6nuBo MUcToro, cBHToro mí^h. Boho cTae MacTUHoro 0praHi30BaH0r0 cBiTy. TaKe cniBBigHeceHHH BorHro hk geMiypriMHoro HaMana 3 6nucKaBKoro BigoMe y HaM6inbm nepBicHUx KynbTypax [fopnoT 1995, c. 352]. nopiBHHHHH Tpagu^MHUx 6inopycbKUx BUcnoBnroBaHb npo nonyM'H roHMapHoro ropHa Ta BCboro Kona yHBneHb npo BoroHb, peK0HCTpyM0BaHUx gnH KpuBCbKoï KynbTypHoï Tpagu^ï Ha nigcTaBi BenuKoï KinbKocTi pi3HUx puTyanbHUx giM, 3a6opoH, npunuciB, pi3H0MaHiTHUx caKpanbHUx TeKCTiB, ^o no6yTyBanu b MUHynoMy M MacTK0B0 36epernucH go HUHimHboro Macy, a TaKo« K0Mn-neKcy yHBneHb, xapaKTepHUx gnH mmux cnoB'HHCbKUx eTH0KynbTypHUx Tpagu^M, bu-HBnHe, ^o KpuBCbKi yHBneHHH e HaMapxaÏMHimuMU, bohu 3 HaM6inbmoro n0BH0T0ro 36e-pernu gyx cnoB'HHCbKoro h3umhu^b a. HirepaTypa A.K. rpoM u MonHUH // PyK0B0gcTB0 gnH cenbCKUx nacrapeM: «ypHan, U3gaBaeMbiM npu KueBCKoM gyxoBHoM ceMUHapuu. - KueB, 1879. - T. 3. - N 38 (16 ceHT.). - C. 59-64; N 42 (14 okt.). - C. 169-174; N 45 (4 hoh6.). - C. 25Q-258. ApxaHrenbCKuM A. Ceno flaBmuHo // BecTHUK PoccuMcKoro reorpa^UMecKoro o6^ecTBa. - CaHKT-neTep6ypr: Tunorpa^UH ^gyapga npa^, 1853. - T. 7. - Pa3g. 3. - C. 1-8Q. ATxapBaBega. M36paHHoe. - MocKBa: HayKa, 1976. - 406 c. A^aHacbeB A.H. ^o^TMHecKMe B033peHMH cnaBHH Ha npupogy: OroiT cpaBHMTenbHoro M3yHeHMH cnaBHHCKux npegaHuft u BepoBaHuft, b cbh3m c Mu^uHecKMMu cKa3aHMHMM gpyrux pogcTBeHbix HapogoB. - MocKBa: u3gaHue K. CongaTeHKoBa, 1865. - T. 1. - 800 c.; 1868. - T. 2. - 787 c.; 1869. - T. 3. - 840 c. BorarapeB n.r. BepoBaHMH BenuKopycoB ffleHKypcKoro ye3ga [ApxaHrenbCKoft ry6epHuu] // ^TH0^pa^MHecK0e o6o3peHue. - MocKBa, 1916. - N 3-4. - C. 42-80. BorgaHoBMH A.E. nepe^uTKu gpeBHero Mupoco3ep^HMH y 6enopyccoB: ^TH0^pa^MHecKMft oHepK. - TpogHa: ry6epHCKaH Tunorpa^MH, 1895. - 186 c. BoHeBa TaHH. HapogeH cBeTorneg // Pogonu. TpagM^M0HHa gyxoBHa u C0^ManH0-HopMaTMBHa KynTypa. - Co^mh: ETHorpa^cKM MHCTMTyT c My3eft - BAH, 1994. - C. 7-50. 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Bartminskiego. - Lublin: wydawnictwo UMCS, 1996. - T. 1. Kosmos. - 439 s. Werenko F. Przyczynek do lecznictwa ludowego // Materialy antropologiczno-archeolo-giczne i etnograficzne. - Krakow: nakladem Akademii Umiejçtnosci, 1896. - T. 1. - 630 s. Wierzchowski Zygmunt. Materyjaly etnograficzne z powiatu Tarnobrzeskiego i Niskiego w Galicyi // Zbior wiadomosci do antropologii krajowej. - Krakow, 1890. - T. XIV. - S. 145-251. Zawilinski Roman. Przes^dy i zabobony z ust ludu w röznych okolicach zebrane // Zbiör wiadomosci do antropologii krajowej. - Kraköw, 1892. - T. XVI. - S. 254-267. Zmigrodski Michal. Ukraina. Theogonia i kosmogonia ludu Ukrainy // Lud. - Lwöw, 1896. - T. 2. - S. 321-329. The Semantics of the Pottery Kiln Fire in Belarusian Culture Kostyantyn Rakhno In descriptions of the ceremony of pottery-making (ritualized technology), principal attention is usually devoted to the easily recorded norms of behaviour, to the inventory of ceremonial, objective, and action symbols. Despite the fact that the mythological and cosmological aspects of traditional culture are no less important than the practical ones, their semantics remain off screen. It remains unknown what exact meaning was invested in these symbols, why one or another phenomenon, item, or operation held such weight in the ceremony. The specific character of the traditional perception of the pottery kiln fire in the context of the mythopoetical model of the world among the Belarusians is the object of the present study. The element of fire in the context of the most ancient crafts has not been the subject of detailed consideration, although in the pottery crafts of the Belarusians, as among other Slavs, a great deal of proper ceremonies, beliefs, and proverbs have been preserved. They are useful materials for studies, including the Balto-Slavonic and Indo-European outlook. The archaism of the Belarusian data accords with the thesis on their especial relationship to the reconstruction of Slavonic paganism. When the ware cracked in a furnace during its firing, potters in many centres of Western Belarus (in particular, the villages of Zabortsy of the Ostrovitsy District, Zablotye and Kurniki in the Smorgon District of the Grodno Region, Butsevichi and Filipovtsy in the Postavy District, Zamoshye near Volkolata in the Dokshitse District of the Vitebsk Region, Syerody in the Myadel District of the Minsk Region) told that it was struck by lightning (piarun bijec). Then, the flame in the kiln was identified with lightning, the stormy fire of Perun, which was interpreted as an emanation of this God. According to the beliefs of the Belarusians, stated in folklore texts autonomous and independent of the ceremony of pottery-making, the first fire that the ancestors began to employ descended from heaven from a lightning bolt (piarun), with which the Thunder God (Bog, Piarun) hit a tree, trying to kill a devil. Later people learned to obtain fire by rubbing. The Slavs distinguished several kinds of fire, among which the fire that was obtained by rubbing together two pieces of wood was considered to be the most pure and salutary. By contrast, the fire that originated from a thunderbolt occupied an especial place in the folk world view. This is a fearful heavenly fire, with which God hits evil spirits and executes the unrighteous. The stone thunder arrows kill devils, and fire incinerates them. It is sacred. This first fire that was descended from lightning was considered to be the most important in the world, utterly pure and holy. Sometimes it was called the living fire (zywy ahon, živi oganj, gromovna, gromovita živa vatra), as the one obtained by rubbing as well. It acted simultaneously as the tool and the hypostasis of the Thunderer, because lightning was interpreted as a flame too: piarun - heta piomia, ahon, ahon-piarun. And the power of this dread fire cannot be wielded by warlocks, witches, or even evil spirits. They were rather afraid of extinguishing it in a standard way, considering it to be a sin. Or it was impossible, inasmuch as such fire does not allow itself to be extinguished. Often people were never expected to do it. Even in the incantations it was said that nobody can put out the fire of lightning (nichto nia mozec uniac). It was believed to be much hotter and to possess generally quite different characteristics to those of ordinary fire; after all, it was a reminder to man of his responsibilities to God. Lightning was regarded as a tool to overcome those destructive chaotic tendencies that appear in crisis situations, such as the weapon of the Thunderer, the special personification of the surplus of the heavenly force, ire, aggressiveness, directed against evil spirits and dishonourable people. When Perun, who drives around in the sky in a fiery chariot, can see that people sin, not being afraid of his thunder, then, desiring to punish the impenitence of mortal men, he shoots a lightning arrow, which falls firing to earth. The conflagration caused by it was considered to be a sign of God's kindness and care; therefore it was not allowed to be put out, except with milk or bread kvass. Sometimes it was filled up with sand, earth, or salt, but never quenched with water, which could supposedly make the flame burn much more intensively. And not only the house but also its owner would be threatened with danger. A log could suddenly fall on him and cripple or kill. There existed a belief that it was dangerous and sinful to save people or buildings that had been struck by lightning (including the rescue of cattle from a room caught on fire), because it could mean resistance to the God's will, and one always ought to submit to it. Sometimes the prohibition was explained with the opinion that the murdered devil was burning there, who, knowing that Perun liked humans, wanted to conceal himself in a human dwelling. It was considered that such conflagration originated peculiarly from the God, for it was caused by the God's might. Therefore ritual rounds were aimed not at extinguishing but only at localizing it, to permit no spreading of fire to other farmsteads. Nothing was taken from the burning building, and if they began to carry out their goods, they ought to leave, at least, a table in his place. Then the fire could go out by itself. If God wants, one more lightning bolt will strike the same place and extinguish it. God recompenses generously for losses from such conflagration. It was accepted with tender emotion and reverential resignation, waiting until all wooden objects had burned down or rain had doused the fire by itself. In no circumstances were screaming and making noise allowed. Even the smoke of such fire was considered to be beneficial for man. Places struck by lightning were generally accepted as pure, holy and worshipped; solemn ceremonies were celebrated on them, sacrifices were made. They have been designated by specific names (Pierunou most, Perunova hara, Piarunka, Perunova khashcha) and big stones. A new dwelling was not built in the place of a house burned out by lightning (pi-aruny). They feared to bring on a house fire, originating from a thunderbolt, and avoided doing so in every possible way. However, in some places a ritual practice was preserved for a long time. According to it, when thunder struck and fire flamed up, fires in the houses of a village were renewed from it. When lightning hit a tree, and it caught fire, in the village the fire was blown out, and everyone went to take the heavenly fire. This living fire (zywy ahon) from lightning, as one obtained by rubbing too, was used for the cauterization of new-born domestic animals - calves, colts - with the aim of guarding them against evil charms, possible at a young age. In Belarusian myths the Thunder God Perun is connected with the obtaining of fire: he holds two huge millstones in his hands, rubs them and strikes one against another; with friction and blows he makes thunder and produces lightning, just as sparks are fetched by striking of steel upon a flint. The flinders of millstones fly onto earth and hit the evil spirits like arrows. The Lithuanian Perkunas deals with fire, its kindling and obtaining too. The studied legends on the appearance of fire belong to the broader cycle, elements of which, without regard to some variances, coincide in the main details. In Belarusian tradition, represented in the texts of different genres, the basic plot scheme of the antique myth on the struggle of the Storm God Perun against his chthonic adversary, in particular, against the devil, can clearly be traced out. If the upper world naturally is the location of Perun, then the devil resides underneath, near the roots of the World Tree. Such a Tree among the Belarusians is an oak or else an ash. Perun pursues his nimble foe, who hides finally under the Tree. Then the Thunderer hits him with his weapon, a lightning bolt. He strikes the Tree, inflaming it. So the first stormy downpour begins. The facts, despite the extreme antiquity of this subject, can be traced out in the Baltic and other kindred Indo-European traditions. The Balts also believed that fire was brought to earth by Perkunas during a tempest. A mention of the origin of fire in the Vedic context, which coincides with the plot scheme of the quoted Belarusian legends on the acts of the Thunderer in many respects, is of especial interest: yo hatvahim arinat sapta sindhun, yo ga udajad apadha valasya, yo asmanor antar agnim jajana, samvrk samatsu sa janasa indrah; "Who, slaying the dragon, turned on the flow of seven rivers on, who turned cows out, having Vala eliminated, who has generated fire between two stones, that, who snatches loot in battles, - that, oh people, is Indra!" (RV II, 12. 3). The God of Storms hits his demonic adversaries with a lightning bolt, fire, generated between two millstones, which later on becomes the common property of mankind. The millstone of the Thunder God is mentioned in the incantations as a powerful weapon against chthonic creatures (AV II 31. 1). The Thunderer, defeating the ancient dragon, has created fire along with other blessings of life: Indro... ajanad... suryam u§asam gatum agnim (RV III 31. 15). Sometimes the Vedic Thunder God was directly identified with the personification of fire. Inasmuch as the millstones were sorted with male and female principles, then obtaining of fire was interpreted as an analogue of the birth of a living being. The Belarusian, Croatian, and Serbian definitions of fire, kindled by a thunderclap, as the living, holy one, are of interest from this standpoint. In the universe of the Vedic man all the visible forms of fire, including the lightning in airspace and the fire of the fireplace on earth, are nothing else than different manifestations of the unified fire, Agni, worshipped with offerings. Agni was considered as the totality of all forms of life, terrestrial and celestial. There also existed a conception that the Fire Agni was a twin-brother of Indra, since they have a common father but different mothers (RV VI, 59. 2). A victory over the demon Vrtra is compared with the crashing of a tree by lightning (RV II, 14. 3), the Thunder God smashes trees and kills demons: vi vr§an hanty uta hanti rak^aso (RV V, 83. 2). According to the Belarusian myths, the stormy flame has also played an extremely important role in the beginnings of the world. When the world had only just begun to exist, it was nothing nowhere. The lifeless water was everywhere, and there stood a kind of stone amidst it. Perun, holding the millstones in his hands, struck a stone upon a stone and generated lightning. Splinters flew to earth, as arrows. One of the flinders hit that stone, and three sparks fell from there: a white one, a yellow one, and a red one. Sparks fell on the water. That made the whole water turbid, and the world grew foggy, like clouds. And when everything grew lighter, earth separated from water. Different forms of life arose both on land and in water. Woods, herbage, animals, and fishes, and later a human appeared. The separation of water from heaven and the division into water and dry land, and the resulting separation of heaven and earth, are the typical deeds of the Thunderer as a demiurge who initiates the ordering of the universe. The Vedic cosmogony, as it is interpreted by researchers, is very similar, because it presupposes two stages. The first is a phase of an undifferentiated unity. At this stage only primeval cosmic waters, containing the embryo of life, existed. A clod of earth arose from the bottom of the cosmic waters and, increasing gradually in size, changed into a mountain or rock that floated on the surface of the waters and had no strong anchor. That completed the first stage and, in fact, cannot even be defined as the myth of creation, because, as in the Belarusian beliefs too, some elements already existed at the beginning. This is not creation but rather a description of the mystical self-dependent evolution of the primary element without any intervention of a demiurge, which defies description with the help of binary oppositions, since there was no differentiation in it. It was nothing - no heaven, no earth, no day, no night, no light, no darkness in the strict sense. This pre-initial stage is described in the hymns with the help of the use of negative opinions and concepts. It is interesting that Vedic r§i understood that their cosmogonical reflections also have limits and that the formation of being is, probably, unknowable. The second stage of cosmogony begins with the birth of the Thunder God Indra outside of the primeval world (it is not completely clear how exactly he was born) with the aim of generating the dual cosmos. Wherefrom he has come, it is not reported, and the texts tell nothing regarding this, because it is obvious that coming from nowhere formed a part of his essence. The main function of Indra consisted in creating the real world from the potential world. And with the blow of vajra he calls into being the world, where there is the contrast between light and dark, day and night, life and death. As among the Belarusians, the fire of lightning performs here the pronounced creationist function. It creates the twofold world of individualized forms from undifferentiated chaos. With his power Indra moves apart two spheres of the world structure, heaven and earth, having made them visible one for another, and allows the sun to shine (RV I 51. 10; I 52. 12; I 56. 6; II 13. 5; VIII 3. 6; X 89. 1-4, 13; X 113. 5). Just this, the second cosmogonical stage, is represented in the Vedic hymns. The cosmogonical activity of Indra has two aspects. First, he kills the serpent Vrtra, who personifies the resistance force of a mountain, of a primeval hill, having breached which, Indra gives to earth a strong bearing and simultaneously frees waters, bound by the dragon, and releases the fire, imprisoned in the hill. A transition from the cryptic to the overt, from the amorphous to the definite is realised in such a way. A rock of an island in the ancient ocean, broken by Indra at the moment of the creation of the world, becomes the centre of the world structure that originates from it. The place, from which earth has arisen, begins to function as its bearing. There emerged storm-clouds, which swirled above the rock, it got dark, but afterwards the sun rose, and light appeared in the universe. The impenetrable darkness dissipated. The released rivers flooded. After the discharge of vivifying forces, the primeval world became sacral earth that enlarged and along with heaven formed two halves of the cosmos, and life appeared on its surface. Woods and herbaceous plants turned green, numerous living beings began their existence. Only then was the first terrestrial inhabitant born. Second, creating the dual world, separating heaven and earth, which were joined, and fixing them separately, the Thunder God is temporarily identified with the cosmic pillar, that is the centre of the universe. In the capacity of the axis mundi he acts only at the moment of creation. It is corroborated with the subsequent New Year's rite, when in honor of Indra as founder of the world order, a pillar was erected. Throughout that time, while it stood and was worshipped, it was considered to be identical with Indra and sometimes was designated by his name. After seven days this pillar was removed and thrown into a river, which confirms the assumption of the seasonal nature of this god. Vestiges of archaic beliefs can probably to be traced in the fact that a pillar in the combustion chamber of two-tiered pottery kilns, prevalent in the Mahilyov Region and in the south-east of the Vitebsk Region as well as in the west of Belarus, was called stoub, slup, dziadok, died. A saying of Belarusian potters, which points towards the meddling of uranic forces in their work, has a direct parallel in the Vedic tradition, where it is said that Indra has split a rock with lightning, "just like a new pot" (bibheda girim navam in na kumbham) (RV X 89.7). Lightning was associated with the idea of the rise of living beings, which is of no small importance in the examination of mythological concepts connected with the pottery kiln fire, in which earthenware was fired. Among the Belarusians, as among other Slavs, the symbolization of earthenware was based on its anthropomorphism. A clay pot was considered a living creature resembling a human being, possessing gender and sexual characters, who reproduced all the main phases of human life. The firing of earthenware was identified with conflagration in riddles, and in the Bela-rusian culture the largest number of beliefs and ceremonies was connected with conflagrations ignited by Perun's lightnings. Even ordinary inflammations were ascribed to his wrath. A clay vessel, born in the kiln fire - in the conflagration (na pazary), as the riddles say - provided the symbolical image of man, representing him in numerous ritual practices. The relics of analogous conceptions can be traced among other Slavonic folks too. Polish potters in Czarna Wies Koscielna of Bialostok District believed that thunder during a storm caused the cracking of pots in the fire. One Polish legend, recorded from the potters from L^zek Ordynacki of the Lublin District, tells how the first basin was modelled. Mind was given by the Lord God to man to make his life in the world comfortable. One man wove a basket of willow twigs and covered it with clay. When everything had dried out, he could keep drinks and other eatables in this basket. Once his shelter of branches had been struck by lightning (pieron), all was burned down. The willow twigs of the basket also burned, and the clay it was covered with burned in that fire, and in such a way a basin was made of it. It turned out that it was a durable vessel. Since then people modelled their ware, but they had always to ask God for lightning to burn vessels in the fire. Later on, since they had learned to kindle fire, they burned it themselves, without the help of lightning. With the advent of ordinary fire, the mythical epoch was concluded. In the Belarusian folklore, mythical time transforms most often, appearing as the Golden Age, when the new-created world has not yet spent the divine energy and is characterized in all its manifestations by over-sufficiency as well as the presence of the Gods, who roamed the earth and took an active part in the life of human beings. The ordering of the then world was the consequence of the victory of the Thunderer as a demiurge over the chthonic antagonist, personifying primeval chaos. The temporal far-awayness of this mythical past seems to be rather relative, since it is constantly recommenced with the help of ceremonial rites. The perception of initial, primordial time as the epoch of creation became the factor of actualization of the basic myth of the struggle of Perun against his chthonic opponent in the beliefs of Belarusian potters. As we can see, fire in the pottery kiln is the initial heavenly flame, given by the Thunderer; it is frightful and dangerous owing to its appearance from the other world, which benefits nobody. It is opposed to ordinary fire (svojski, sprawiadliwy), which is secondary and tame. But just this stormy fire, which retains its own demiurgic potential and cannot be in the power of evil, is used by potters. An archetypal precedent is reproduced in the ceremony of pottery-making in such a way; the ceremony is projected in the sacral time of commencement. One of the main paradigms of cosmogonical myths is not the creation per se, but the change of that which has existed earlier, but timelessly and in stasis. The process of the firing of earthenware was understood approximately in this way too. The static being, in order to enter, develop into the dynamic process of generation, has to get a powerful incentive from the demiurge, which disjoins something, creates something new, for example, fire, in the process of the first great sacrifice, the great battle against primary forces, which are semantized as the chaotic ones, as a threat to harmony. Lightning acts as a tool to consolidate and to support the created elements of the universe, to purify and regulate it. A pottery kiln obtains consequently the status of a high, pure, and holy place. It becomes a part of the organized world. Such a correlation of fire as a demiurgic principle with lightning is known in the most primitive cultures. The comparison of traditional Belarusian sayings on the flame of a pottery kiln and the whole range of beliefs about fire, reconstructed for the Krivian cultural tradition on the basis of a large quantity of ritual operations, prohibitions, injunctions, and multifarious sacral texts that have been partly preserved, with the complex of beliefs, typical for other Slavonic ethnocultural traditions, finds that the Krivian conceptions are the most archaic; they have preserved the spirit of Slavonic paganism in its entirety. PeKOHCTpy^MH MM^0^0^TMHecK0^0 oöpa3a yTKM (Anas) (no gaHHMM nucbMeHHux mctohhmkob m ^onbKnopa 6anTM^eB, cnaBXH m gpyrux M-E HapogoB) Ponandac Kpe^M^uc The article deals with the reconstruction of the mythopoetical image of a duck (Anas) according to the written sources and folklore data of Baltic, Slavic and the other Indo-European peoples. It also presents an etymological analysis of Russ. dial. amymKa 'devil, demon; Antichrist; hobgoblin, water-sprite, familiar, sylvan; trollop; poor person; pickle; curse'. nepeg Hana.oM aHa.u3a MM^0^0^TMHecK0^0 o6pa3a yTKM (Anas), Heo6xoguMo ynecTb to o6cToaTe.bcTBo, mto TaKaa Mu^o.oreMa He Bbige.aeTca He To.bKo b cbo-gax no 6a.TuMcKoM Mu^o.oruu (BRMS; LM; Balys, Biezais 1973), ho m b paöoTax, noc-BH^eHKHX ^TOH TeMaTMKe (cp. Juciewicz 1846, 43-78, 93-135; Biezais 1974, 663 T.g.; 1975, 307 T.g.). npaBga, Mapua ruM6yTeHe (Gimbutiene 1985, 160) yTBep®gaeT, mto cuMBo.uKy yTKM c.egyeT cooTHocuTb c 3ooMop^h^im o6.ukom 6orMHM cygb6bi .utob-^b Haüua-ffanH, T.e. oHa go.®Ha BocnpuHuMaTbca KaK Teo^opHbiö MM^onorunecKUM o6pa3 (Gimbutiene 1985, 139). O TaKoM MM^oHMMe [T.e. aKmueno deücmBymm^eu MufionozunecKou nepconaMe] He ynoMMHaeTca u b ucc.egoBaHuax u cBogax no c.aBaHcKoö1 Mu^o.oruu u ^THOKy.b-Type (cp. CM 421, 429; CMa 473; Gimbutas 1967, 719 T.g.; Brückner 1918, 1980; Be.e^aa 1978; OaMuH^ra 1995; Hugep.e 2000; neTpyxuH 2000; Tpy6aqeB 2003, Mag.eBcKaa 2005), oh oTcyTcTByeT u b c6opHuKax gpeBHepyccKux mu^ob, cKa3aHuö u .eTonuceö B pe.uKToBbix o6pa3^ax gpeBHepyccKou pe3b6bi yTKu MacTo u3o6pa®aroTca TaHy^uMu HoMHoe co.H^, KoTopoe HaxoguTca b nog3eMHbix Bogax (cp. ugeHTu^Hbiu motub yKpauHcKoro npegaHua 'KpacHocBti' (cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 37)) [o^eBugHbiu o6pa3e^ KoHBepreHTHoro npo^cca co.apHoro u .yHapHoro Ky.b-tob (cm. 1 cxeMy) - 3Ta pe^.eKcua o6^euHgoeBponeucKou Tpagu^uu, nocKo.bKy xopomo u3BecTHo, mto puM.aHe 6o®ecTBo homhoto cBeTa gyHy (Meca^ mtu.u b tom ®e caMoM cBaTu.u^e, rge npuHocu.u ®ep-tbm Co.H^y (Macrob. Sat. III 8, 3 - MC 321)]. Pbi6aKoB (1981, 236) yTBep®gaeT, mto yTKa aB.aeTca cumbo-.om co.apHoro Ky.bTa, xoTa He o6tacHaeT 3Ha^eHua MacTo u3o6pa®aeMou Tpuagbi stux ^TU^ BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa BoKpyr Kpyr.oro He6ecHoro Te.a (cp. Pbi6aKoB 1981, 342, 344), KoTopbiu, no Bceu BuguMoc-tu, c.egyeT ucTo.KoBbiBaTb KaK pe^epeHT .yHapHoro Ky.bTa, nocKo.bKy uMeHHo .yHe cBoucTBeHHbi Tpu r.aBHbie ^a3bi (y^ep6Haa .yHa, [HoBo.yHue - MacTo conocTaB.aeMaa c y^ep6Hou ^a3ou u3-3a To®gecT-BeHHoM ^opMbi], Bo3pacTaro^aa .yHa, no.Ho.yHue), cp. Mu^o.oru^ecKue a.eMeHTbi gpeBHux uHguu^B: MHgpa pacKa.biBaeT gyHy-BpuTpy O [u3-3a noxu^eHua cTaga KopoB (RV X 8, 8-9), T.e. HapymeHua Mupo-Boro nopagKa « 3aMeHbi gHa b Ho^b O UM^.UKa^uu 3aTMeHua co.H^]. noaB.aeTca BumBapyna (g.uHg. Vifvärüpa) ,,o6.agaK>^uu (npuHuMaro^uu) BceMu ^opMaMu, pa3Hoo6pa3Hbiu (anuTeT BumHy)" [to, mto BumHy mo»ho cpaBHuBaTb c .yHapHbiM 6o®ecTBoM - a He c co.apHbiM, KaK sto npuHaTo go cux nop (MC 126) - b nepByro o^epegb nogTBep^gaeT 3HaMeHuTbie TpH mara BnmHy (RV I 154), „KoTopwMu oh u3Me-pu. 3eMHwe c^epw" (MC t.®.), T.e. Tpu ^a3bi u.u unocTacu gyHbi, aB.aro^ueca r.aBHoM tomkom oTc^eTa ucqucneHua BpeMeHu - ogHoro u3 TauHcTB Bo^ecTBeHHoro nopagKa] = *„ocko.ku // pa3Hbie ^a3w nyHw" $ Tpexr.aBbiM geMoH O Tpu r.aBHwe ^a3bi nyHw: C [y^ep6Haa .yHa, HoBo.yHue] I O [no.Ho.yHue] I 3 [Bo3pacTaro^aa .yHa] O no.Ho.yHue cocTaB.aroT C + 3 (cm. cxeMy Ns 1). (PbióaKOB 1963; CflnMC). flimb anM3ogMHecKMe ynoMMHaHMa 06 o6pa3ax SToro bo-gaHoro nepHaToro, ux 3HaqeHMax u npMHMHax noaBjeHua npMcy^M gja pa6oT A.H. A^aHacbeBa, B. nponna, B. Pbi6aK0Ba, Baq. Bc. MBaHoBa, B. H. TonopoBa, 3aBagcbKM u gp. [m KynbTyponorMHecKMx cBogoB - (CP 488)] (cm. gajbme). runoTe3y o npucyTcTBuu KoHBepreHTHoro npo^cca cojapHoro u jyHapHoro KyjbToB mo»ho apryMeHTu-poBaTb u apxeojoruqecKuMu HaxogKaMu Ha 3eMje paguMuqeñ (b boct. qacTu Bepx. nogHenpoBba, no p. Co®y u ee npuToKaM) - b ogHoñ u3 HaxogoK u3o6pa®aeTca kohb c yTMHoro rojoBoñ (!!!) (nogpo6Hee cm. Pbi6aK0B 1981, 236-237; e^e cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 238; uJJK>cTpa^uK> W 1), u gaHHbiMu BocToMHocja-BaHcKoro ^ojbKjopa: b pyccKoñ cKa3Ke [W 283 (A^aHacbeB u gp. 1957)] ynoMuHaeTca, mto Ha j6y ^apeBu-qa 6mjo u3o6pa®eHo cojih^, a Ha 3aTbMKe - jiyHa, no 6oKaM - co3Be3gua. no MHeHuro B. Pbi6aK0Ba (1987, 385), 'yTK0-K0Hu' aBjaroTca «caMbiMu uHTepecHbiMu, Kjro^eBbiMu gja pemeHua MHorux BonpocoB KocMoroHuqecKoro xapaKTepa». K co®ajeHuro, Pbi6aK0B Bce cBoe BHuMaHue cKoH^HTpupoBaj Ha uccjegoBaHuu cojapHoro KyjbTa - ga®e yToK uHTepnpeTupyeT, KaK ocHoBHbie ^Je-MeHTM aTpu6yTuKu ^T0^0 He6ecHoro cBeTuja: «gHeM cojh^ gBu®eTca no He6y Hag 3eMjeñ u ero BjeKyT kohu (uHorga je6egu), a Hombro cojh^ njbiBeT no nog3eMH0My oKeaHy u BjeKyT ero BogonjaBaro^ue nTu-^1.» (Pw6aK0B t.®., e^e cm. 520). O jyHapHoñ KyjbToBoñ Tpagu^uu ^T0T uccjegoBaTejb yMajquBaeT, KaK 6ygTo ee Boo6^e He cy^ecTBoBajo. Bpag ju mo®ho corjacuTca c yTBep®geHuaMu Pbi6aK0Ba o tom, mto cjaBaHe cooTHocuju yTKy c aTpu6yTuKoñ cojh^, nocKojbKy um npegcTaBjeHHbie pejuKTbi MaTepuajb-Hoñ KynbTypw (y®e ynoMaHyTbie KocTaHbie nogBecKu yTKu-KoHu', gepeBaHHbie npajKu c u3o6pa®eHuaMu KoHa u yTKu u gp.) cjegyeT ucTojKoBbiBaTb KaK o6pa3^i oTo6pa®eHua nopagKa MupoBoro ycTpoñcTBa, T.e. jyHa + 3eMja + cojh^, cp. um ®e npegcTaBjeHHyro uJJK>cTpa^uK> c u3o6pa®eHuaMu ^Tux gByx He6ecHbix cBeTuj b o6pa3e 3ooMop^Hbix cumbojob KoHa [= cojh^] u K03ja [= jyHa] (cm. Pbi6aK0B 1987, 243). K ToMy ®e Heo6xoguMo oTMeTuTb, mto Pbi6aK0B urHopupyeT pacxo®geHua mucto ^M^upuMecK0^0 xapaKTepa, T.e. HecooTBeTcTBua u3o6pa®eHuñ cojh^ (cumboj b ^opMe oKpy®HocTu c MHoro^ucjeHHbiMu jyqe- Mnnmcmpa^x N 1: YmKU-KúHU (o6pa3^i pe3b6u U3 Kocmu - 3aBadcbKa u dp. 2002, 332) Mnnmcmpa^x N 4: u3o6paMeHue cBacmuKu u3 mo¿UHHUKÜ Ko6aH (Ocemun) (Wilson 1896, 821; OHBC 453) Mnnmcmpa^x N 5: u3o6paMeHue cBacmuKu u3 mo¿uhhukü KypmoB npumMamaü (MumBa) (mockbuh ^e¿noB 2008, 385) BbiMM OTBogaMu) u .yHbi (b ^opMe reoMeTpuMecKoñ ^urypbi Tpex^...™^c0MgH0M cTpyKTypbi), mto OTo6pa-®aeT 6ec^a30B0e cocToaHue co..H^a u TpH ^a3M BugoM3MeHeHMa nyHbi. ApryMeHT ^T0^0 uccnegoBaTena (Pbi6aKOB 1987, 354-355, 520) o tom, aKo6bi 3HaK cBacTMKM Ha rpygu kohs m.m nTM^i go¡raeH M3,bscHSTcs KaK cumbo. co..H^a SBnseTca Ka3yucTMMHbiM no npuMMHe goMMHupoBaHua ^T0^0 reoMeTpuMecKoro 3HaKa b ^yHepanbHOM aTpu6yTMKe 6a.TM^eB, upaH^B u gp. M-E HapogoB (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregždys 2011; e^é cm. M^^rocTpa^MM N2 4, 5), KOTopaa, HecoMHeHHO, pe^.eKTupyeT ^yH^MOHanbHyro pa3H0BugH0cTb .yHbi, a He co.h^. MHTepecHeñmuñ KepaMM^ecKMM pe.MKT (14 b. go P.X.), BuguMO, Ke.bTcKOM KynbTypbi, HañgeH Ha TeppuTopuu HbiHemHeñ Cepóuu, npegcTaB.aeT TpexKO.ecHyro ynpa^Ky, 3anpa®éHHyro yTKaMu. Ynpa^KOM ynpaB.aeT KaK0e-T0 óo^ecTBO (cm. ESC 108). OcHOBbiBascb Ha ^TMX gaHHbix, mo^ho ge.aTb ocTopo^Hoe npegno.o^eHue, mto ^^MTeT BumBapynbi Tpu-mupac (g.uHg. trifiras) „TpéxraaBbiñ" O3HaMaeT Tpu .yHHbie ^a3bi, T.e. npegno.araeT peKOHcTpy^uro og-Horo M3 HauMeHOBaHMM 6ora nyHbi. ^yHapHWM, a He co.apHbm KynbTOBbm motmb, cBS3aHHbiM c Mu^onoreMoñ ymKa, npegonpege.éH u c.aBaH-ckmm oóbmaeM npenogHocuTb b ®epTBy óoraM ^T0^0 nepHaToro BMecTe c 6mkom [m.m ero toüobom] (nog-poÓHee cm. PbióaKOB 1981, 508) - a cbs3m .yHapHoro Ky.bTa u MM^o.oreMbi 6uk nogpoÓHee cm. Kperaguc 2009, 265, 277, 288, 291; e^é cp. ^^M3og naTbimcKOM cKa3KM, rge yTBep^gaeTca, mto xTOHMMecKoe 6o®ecTBO MépT nuTaeTca 6bMbMM mscom: Valns ilac oka, plsmel pylnuveria uodu yudina, atnas, pllej kotla, ilik galu un vuorej. Izvuorej versi. Cik jau tur apedja kolps, bet valns apad pus verša, llkas un gul (Sods par skaišanos (23. A. 1000. 1049. 1052. 1007. 1115. 1060. 1063. 1084. 1130. A. Gari-Juoneno S. Keibinika Kokorevas pag. - Bce npu-Mepbi .aTbimcKoro ^o.bKnopa npuBoguTca M3 cama www.ailab.lv)), T.e. Hepm npumyn b Konode% Ha6pan nonHuü 6ypdwK Bodu, npuHec, Bunen b Komen, nonoMun Maco u Bapun. CBapun 6bma. EampaK yMe Haenca, ho nepm, cveB nonoBuHy 6bma, co^Hynca u npune^, a cBa3b xTOHMMecKoro 6o®ecTBa c .yHapHbiM Ky.bTOM He Bbi3biBaeT coMHeHMM, cp. onucaHue OeoKpuTOM (OeÓKpiToc; EíSúWia II 11-14) rpe^ecKOM óoruHM reKaTbi, KOTopaa b to ®e caMoe BpeMa 6bi.a u B.agbrau^M nog3eMe.ba, u nyHbi. KpoMe Toro, HeoóxoguMO o6pa-TMTb BHMMaHue Ha BecbMa Ba«HH» ^aKT bo3mo®hoto conocTaB.eHue MM^onoreMbi ymKa c .yHapHbiM óo^ecTBOM - c.aBaHe Bepunu, mto ^Ta nTM^ MMeeT npaMoe OTHomeHue k ypo^afaocTM pa3Hbix pacTeHMM (PbióaKOB 1981, 516). ^TOT motmb mo^ho cooTHecTM c aHanoru^Hoñ ^yH^ueñ gpeBHeMHguñcKoro 6ora .yHbi CoMbi, b MéM pacnopa^eHuu Haxogu.acb Bca ^.opa - cm. MC 498). HecoMHeHHbiM nogTBep^geHueM B3auMocBa3M .yHapHoro 6o®ecTBa u MM^onoreMbi ymKa aB.aeTca cBage6Hwe o6w^au boctomhwx c.aBaH: 1) yKpaMH^M g.a Bbmo.HeHMS ^T0^0 o6paga BwneKanu x.e6, Ha kotopom Mo.ogoñ u HeBecTa M3o6pa®a-.ucb b Buge ce.e3Ha u yTKM (cm. ®añB0p0H0K 2006, 278) [TaKaa ^THO^pa^MMecKaa oco6eHHocTb npucy^a u g.a cBage6Horo o6paga pyccKux (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 336; Typa 1997, 669)]; 2) motmbw ^TMX ^TM^, OTO^gecTB.aeMwx c MonogwMM, BcTpe^aroTca u b 6e.opyccKux necHax (MBaHOB, TonopoB 1974, 252 g.; e^é cm. TonopoB 1993, 192), u b pyccKOM - YmaHKa duKaa, Kaneda, // na 6upeMKy nuKana, Kaneda, // ropdemmKy KnuKana, Kaneda: // «rapdemmKa-cunmeHb, Kaneda, // Tamu ymKy KaMdaü deHb, Kaneda, // A He xonumb KaMdaü deHb, Kaneda, // Tannu ymKy nupm deHb, Kaneda!» (P^O 73); noüme, deBKu, npu6aymKu, // Eydym cene3Hu u ymKu. // YmKa KpunbaMu Maxaem, // Cene3eHb myda nuxaem. (P^O 486) -, u b no.bcKOM, a TaK^e b 6o.rapcKOM ^o.bKnope (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 64, 336). Motmb yTKM-HeBecTbi BcTpe^aeTca u b pyccKux 6paMHbix ragaHuax (rpu^eHKOB 2005, 145), u b cKa3Kax (cm. ^240 [213] - A^aHacbeB u gp. 1957). Mm^ohmm ce.e3Ha KaK cuMBO.MMecKyro unocTacb .yHbi M3tacHaeT, ocHOBWBaacb Ha gaHHWx pyccKux cKa-3ok, E. Ba.aHguHcKMM (2008, 92). Mm^ohmmh 6wKa u yTKM cooTHeceHbi b paccKa3e cKaHguHaBOB o TecTpe, Hamegmero yTKy, cugeBmyro Ha cBoeM rHe3ge b poraTOM qepene ÓMKa (Tañnop 2000, 26). TaKyro ®e pe^epeHTHyro cBa3b Me^gy 300M0p-^hhm (6mk) m opHMTOMop^HWM (yTKa) MM^OHMMaMM pe^.eKTupyeT BocTOMHoc.aBaHcKMM o6pag cTpo-eHua goMa, T.e. b ogHux o6.acTax Pycu b ocHOBaHue goMa K.a.M ronoBy 6wKa, a gpyrux (Hanp., b nepMu) - Kpbino yTKM, mto, y^MTWBaa cTpyKTypHoe cTpoeHue KocMonoruMecKoñ cucTeMW c.aBaH, BuguMO, coot-BeTcTByeT no.o^eHue nyHw; b npoTMBono.o^HOM yr.y K.a.u ronoBy KOHa (= cmmbo. co.h^), a nocepe-guHe ca^anu gepeB^e (= cmmbo. MupoBoro gepeBa) (nogpo6Hee cm. Bañ6ypuH 1993, 160-161). M3BecTHO, mto puMcKaa 6orMHa nyHM fluaHa, KpoMe ^yHK^MM npegonpege.MTe.a xopomero ypo^aa, Bwno.Hana u Muccuro oneKyHmu 6narono.yMH^ix pogoB [o^eBugHaa cBa3b c Bogoñ (!) - no noBepbaM boctomhwx c.aBaH (yKpaMH^eB), geTM po^ga.ucb b BogoéMax (T.e. ux noaB.eHue BocnpuHMMa.ocb KaK pe3y.bTaT peMHKapHa^MM yMepmux [no noBepbaM boctomhwx c.aBaH, npoKnaTWM u BoroM He.ro6uM no-komhmk npeBpa^aeTca b yTKy - cm. 3e.eHMH 1995, 80], c gaBHux BpeMéH xopoHMBmuxca b Boge), noc.e Mero ux npuHocu.M yTKM, rycu m.m .e6egu (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 137, 333)] (cp. Opeñ3ep 1980, 165), a 6oruHe ypo^afaocTM, po®eHM^ (u c00TBeTcTBeHH0 - pogoB), ceMeñHwx OTHomeHMM u geTeñ WHOHe, KaK u fluaHe, o6bMHO npunucwBanu u ^yHK^Mro 6o®ecTBa .yHbi (Opeñ3ep 1980, 190). PeKOHcTpy^us MM^o^o^TMMecKoro oöpa3a yTKM (Anas) O TaKOM MM^oHMMe yMan^MBaeTcfl m b gpyrux paöoTax no öa^THHCKOH u cnaBÄHCKOH (Pisani 1950), repMaHCKOH (Guerber 1895; Rydberg I-III; Munch 1926; Vries 1935, 1937; Cmmhcöh 2005; KoponeB 2007; Harris 2008)2, KenbTCKOH3 (Le Roux 1961; Konnuc 2007; TioHoHBapx, ^epy 2001; KoponeB 2007a; mupoKOBa 2005; Mypago-Ba 2010; BC [npaBga, KenbTbi MHorga c o6pa3oM yTKM acco^MpoBanu öorMHro McroKa peKM CeHbi CeKBeHy (cm. Matson 2010, 10; ^KM 288; Kobielus 2002, 136)]), mhammckom4 noHsTue nepeMe^eHMS gymu yMepmero b yTKy npucy^e u gns nuTOB^B, cp. b cKa3Ke 'CuryTe' paccKa-3WBaeTca o tom, KaK MaqexoM-BegbMofi M3BegeHa nag^epu^ CuryTe 3a«MB0 cropaeT, a noToM ee nenen npeBpa^aeTcs b yTKy (cm. EyTpuMac, rupuHMHKac 1985, 149): Bumna nepHax menKü 3a Bopoma, no 3anaxy y3Hana nenen Cmyme u oönmana e^o. Tomnac Bunemena U3 nenna ymKa (K^ 88); npxMo b xMy ysoduna. // Manexa MeHx c^y6una, // Cupomu He nom,aöuna, // nenen Bbßpeöna u3 xmu, // npax moü no Bempy nycmuna! // TenKa nenen moü nu3Hyna, // Tomnac x KpunoM B3MaxHyna, // necmpoü ymKoü b He6o B3Muna. (K^ 89). TyT yMecTHo ynoMSHyTb u runoTe3y B. TeoprueBa o6 ^TMMono^MM Ha3BaHus Hapoga, o KoTopoM roBopuTcs b Tpyge MopgaHa, Antes (Hentes, Antei) - ^T0 cnoBO 6onrapcKMM nuHrBucT Bo3BoguT k nuT. äntys „yTKM", nocKonbKy, no MHeHuro TeoprueBa, yTKa 6bina ogHMM M3 ToTeMoB cnaBsH (nogpo6Hee cm. Karaliünas 2005, 391). O^eBugHo, mtö TaKoe cy«geHue, BuguMo, ocHoBaHo Ha MeToguKe HapogHofi ^TMMono^MM, nocKonbKy go cux nop hmkto He goKa3an (gaHHbiMM apxeonoruMecKux uccnegoBaHMM unu npuMepaMM MM^onoru^ec-kmx motmbob), mtö b o6psgoBofi TpagM^MM cnaBsH Korga-Hu6ygb ucnonb30Bancs TaKOM ToTeM. A rnaBHoe -Heo6xoguMo o6tscHMTb cBS3b peKoHcTpyupyeMoro ToTeMa c KynbTypHOM TpagM^MeM 6anToB, cy6cTpaTHoe BnusHue KoTopbix b ^TOM cny^ae npegycMaTpuBaeT reoprueB. O6o6^as aHanu3 bö3mo«hom peKOHcTpy^uu MM^onoreMW ymKa no gaHHbiM BocTOMHocnaBsHcKofi KynbTypHoM TpagM^MM, Heo6xoguMO KOHcTaTupoBaTb ^aKT ee OTcyTcTBMS b nnaHe aKTMBHoro geficTByro^ero nepcoHa«a, T.e. npeo6nagaeT cuMBonuKa MHaKTMBHoro o6teKTa. 2 npaBga, fl. ge Opuc (Vries 1937, 153) npuBoguT uHTepecHefimufi ^aKT, mtö e^e b Hakane 20 b. ceBepHbie repMaH^i, gaBas KnsTBy unu npu yTBep«geHMM goroBopa, npugep»MBanucb cTapoM TpagM^MM ucnonb30-BaTb o6rnogaHHwe yTMHbie koctm [nocne nognucaHus cornameHus ux pa36pacbiBanu]: „Merkwürdigerweise ist auch im heutigen Volksbrauch eine ähnliche Sitte bekannt; auf der Watteninsel Terschelling wird beim buulfeest, das im Januar stattfindet, auch mit den abgenagten Resten der verspeisten Enten geworfen". B 6onee paHHMM nepuog BpeMeHM gns ^TMx ^nefi ucnonb3OBanu Tymy Benpa. OcHOBbiBascb Ha ^TMx ^aKTax, mö«-Ho peKOHcTpyupoBaTb gpeBHefimyro - HyTpuanbHyro ^yH^uro ^T0^0 nepHaToro BogsHoro npocTpaHcTBa (cm. Roesdahl, Wilson 1992, 141, 249; Togg 2005, 31), KOTopas c Te^eHueM BpeMeHM, M3-3a caKpanM3a^MM Tpane3w (HunbccoH 1998, 102), 6bina cooTHeceHa c 6o«ecTB0M (cp. Roesdahl, Wilson 1992, 386) [y^MTbiBas ^aKT BepoBaHMM gpeBHux cKaHguHaBOB, mtö yMepmue T0«e nuTaroTcs mscöm ^T0M nTM^i (Togg 2005, 63)], BegaBmuM BbmonHeHueM KnsTBbi unu ycnoBMM goroBopa (TaKMM 6o«ecTB0M gns gpeBHux MHgufi^B 6bin BapyHa - 6or MupoBbix Bog u nopsgKa BceneHHOM (MC 116), CoMa - 6or jiyHbi (MC 497); npsMbiM cööt-BeTcTBueM Hag3upaTenbcTBa Hag ucnonHeHueM o6braaeB, ynopsgoMMBaro^ux «mböthwm m pacTMTenbHbiM Mup u c^epy nrogcKOM gesTenbHocTM, pe^neKTupyeTcs b ^yH^MOHanbHOM pa3H0BugH0cTM gpeBHerpe^ec-kom 6oruHM JiyHbi ApTeMugw (MC 64). B nocnegcTBuu ^Ta ^TM^a 6bina cooTHeceHa c ogHMM M3 aTpu6yT0B Mupa noTycTopoHHero (cp. Wägner, MacDowall 1884, 238), T.e. nyHa « Boga $ 6o«ecTB0 nyHbi (Bogbi) i xTOHM^ecKas cpega u ee aTpu6yTMKa (^TM^a BogsHoro npocTpaHcTBa; KnbiKM Benpa, BM3yanbH0 cööthöcm-Mbie c ^a3aMM y^ep6Hofi u B03pacTaro^efi nyHbi « C + 3). flns HappaTMBHOM TpagM^MM Mu^oneTM^ecKoro o6pa3a yTKM ceBepHwx ^epMaH^eB npucy^e, KaK u gns BocTOMHbix cnaBsH (cm. 1 cHocKy), OTcyTcTBue aKTMBHoro geficTByro^ero nepcoHa«a, cp. mm^öhmm geBM^-ne6egeM, c6pacwBaro^ux nepuHHoe ogesHue u npeBpa^aro^uxcs b npeKpacHwe geBymKM (MacCulloch 1930, 258) [06 ugeHTM^Hwx MM^o^o^TMMecKMx MOTMBax BocTO^Hbix cnaBsH (yKpaMH^eB) cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 300]. 3 Ha^e Bcero KenbTW yTKM BocnpuHMManu KaK o6teKT «epTBonpuHomeHMM, cp. Ha re6pugcKux ocTpoBax yTKy, KypM^y, neTyxa unu KomKy Bw6pacwBanu 3a gBepb goMa, mtö6w yMonuTb 3eMHwx 6oroB (nogpo6Hee cm. MacGulloch 1911, 244). 4 flpeBHue MHgMM^M, KaK u cnaBsHe (cm. 8 cHocKy), Bepunu, mtö yTKM (u rycu) sBnsroTcs cpegcTBOM nepe-Me^eHus, TonbKO nepBwe Bepunu, mtö Ha hmx neTsT 6oru (ryceBa 2002, 122). MgeHTM^Has ^yH^us ^T0^0 nepHaToro npocne«MBaeTcs u b gpeBHerpe^ecKOM MM^onoru^ecKofi cucTeMe - 6oruHs A^MHa, npeBpaTMB-mucb b yTKy-HbipKy [oTcroga ee ^^MTeT 3^us], no yTBep«geHuro recuxus, nog cbömmm KpbinbsMM cnpsTana KeKponca u nepeHecna ero b Merapy (Taxo-rogu, ^oceB 1999, 211-212). TaKOM mötmb (T.e. cegnaHue yTKu) BcTpe^aeTcs Ha HeKOTop^ix gpeBHerpe^ecKux Ba3ax (nogpo6Hee cm. rupo 1915, 68). (Cust 1880, Dowson 1888, Monier-Williams 1885, 1891, Oldenberg 1896, Bloomfield 1899, Macdonell 1897, 1900, 1927, Keönep 1986; Ky3bMuHa 1994) [b PurBege neKceMa ymKa Boo6^e He ynoTpe6naeTca (!!!) - cm. Griffith 1896; Geldner I-III; Bloomfield 1906; Enu3apeHKoBa I-III, a b co6paHuu 3aKoHoB MaHy (Manu) yKa3biBaeTca, hto yTKa - aBa-Tapa HenoBeKa, bo BpeMa npe^Heö äm3hm BopoBaBmero Bogy, T.e. c^opMynupoBaH neMopaTMBHbrn KoHHoTaT (cm. Monier-Williams 1876, 281)]5, npaHCKOM (Bartholomae 1924; Widengren 1965; Bomc 1994; ^kohuh 1969; nepeBognuKoBa 1994; fynaeB 2005)6, HTa^HHCKOH (KflP I-II; PMP; Abbott 1912; Zielinski 1999; CepreeHKo 2000; Mang 2006 [b nucbMeHHHx ucToHHuKax na^e Bcero ynoMuHaroTca namb Ha3BaHua acTB, npuro-ToBneHHHx u3 Maca yTKu (cm. PMC 25)]), gpeBHerpenecKOH (Burkert 1977; 3enuHcKuö 1993; HunbccoH 1998; rXHC; CKp^uHcKaa 2009 [KaK rn^a BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa, yTKa b rpenecKoß Mu^onorunecKoM cucTeMe 6bma cooTHeceHa co c^eporo BnuaHua noceögoHa (BoHHap 1994, 28; Kobielus 2002, 136) - rpeKu BocnpuHuManu ee KaK Mop- 5 TyT Heo6xoguMo noacHuTb, mto g.a neKceMbi gp. uHg. cakra-vaka '6ypbm rycb (Anas Casarca)', ynoMu-HaeMoñ b PurBege (RV II 39,3) u uHTepnpeTupyeMoñ KaK mu^ohum (Macdonell, Keith 1912, 252-253) [b nepeBogax eé TpaHc.uTepupyroT, a He nepeBogaT (cp. Griffith 1896, 123; Geldner I 300; E.u3apeHK0Ba I 282)], TCOTbKO b neKcuKorpa^u^ecKux cBogax npuBoguTca ceMeMa 'yTKa 6paxMaHa' (cp. Monier-Williams 1872, 311), no cBoeñ cyTu gu^epeHTHa pe^epemy 'yTKa (Anas)' « gp. uHg. ¿akra-pata 't.®.' (cp. MonierWilliams ibd.), T.e. ^Tu c.oBa aB.aroTca acco^uaTUBHbIMu HauMeHoBaHuaMu ®pe^ecKoro coc.oBua (6pax-MaHOB) [T.e. gp. uHg. cakrá 'Ko.eco; gucK (opy^ne Bhmhh u KpumHbi); MHo®ecTBo; BJiacTb' + gp. uHg. vaká 'roBopa^uñ; u3pe^eHue (^opMy.a); Mo.b6a' // gp. uHg. pata 'no.éT; nageHue; c6pacbiBaHue u gp.'], cp. gp. uHg. hariheti-hüti 't.®.' [T.e. gp. uHg. hari-heti 'opy®ue BumHbi' + hüti 'Mo.eHue, Mo.b6a']. K ToMy ®e, cpaBHuB gpyrue HauMeHoBaHua yTKu [cp. gp. uHg. karanda 'TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK'; kala-hansa 'Ta-Kaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK // rycb'; gp. uHg. kamika 'guKaa yTKa', gp. uHg. karandava 'TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK'; gp. uHg. tarad 't.®., gp. uHg. plava 't.®.'; gp. uHg. bhasad 'TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK; co.H^ u gp.'; gp. uHg. marala 'He®Hbiñ; ^.aMuHro; rycb; TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK; KoHb; rpaHaToBaa po^a; o6.oko; Herogañ, ca®a u3 naMnbi'; gp. uHg. maralaka 'TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK'; gp. uHg. marula 't.®.'; gp. uHg. mahapaksa 't.®.'; gp. uHg. sahasra-pada 'co.H^; TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK'; gp. uHg. hansa-mala 'TaKaa pa3HoBugHocTb yToK u.u ryceñ'], mo®ho ge.aTb BbiBog oo tom, mto nepe^ucneHHbie 3oo^opHbie uMeHa pe^.eKTupyroT cuM6uoHTHoe HuBe.upoBaHue, cp. gp. uHg. hansa 'I. rycb « ^.aMuHro « yTKa; II. Ko.ecHu-^ BpaxMbi; 6paxMaH - Habano Bce.eHHoñ' (Monier-Williams 1872, 1163), onpege.aro^yro peKoHcTpy^uro runepoHuMa '^Tu^a BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa'. Mu^onoru^ecKuñ o6pa3 ^T0^0 nepHaToro To®e cKoHcTpy-upoBaH, npugep®uBaacb ^puH^u^a acc0^uaTUBH0CTu, no HecKo.bKuM npu^uHaM: 1) ^BeT0B0M oKpacKu (cp. ^BeT ^¡iaMuHro (KpacHoBaTbiñ « ®e.T0BaTbm) « yTKa) O Mu^o.oreMa 6o®ecTBo Co¡ra^a; 2) ^opMbi [^ cumbo. cpegcTBa nepegBu®eHua (cygHa « Bocxoga) co¡ra^a] O Co.H^ (Mu^onoreMa). Bcé-TaKu, apxeonoru^ecKue HaxogKu uHgo-nepcugcKoro apea.a cBugeTe.bcTByroT o tom, mto npu^uc.e-Hue yTKu k Ky.bT0B0ñ aTpu6yTuKe co.apHoro Ky.bTa, BuguMo, aB.aeTca pe3y.bTaT0M y®e ynoMaHyToro KoHBepreHTHoro npo^cca (cm. 1 cHocKy), TaK KaK u3ge.ua g.a pa3BecoMHMX noTpe6HocTeñ, u3r0T0B.a-.u uMeHHo b ^opMe yTKu (cm. u^^rocTpa^uro N2 3), KoTopaa b upaHcKoñ Tpagu^uu go.®Ha 6bma 6biTb cooTHocuMa uMeHHo c jiyHapHMM 60®ecTB0M XaÓMa [= gp. uHg. CoMa], aB.aBmeMca no6eguTe.eM (Y. 17) (cm. MC 567). ro. A. PanonopT BbigBuHy. runoTe3y o tom, mto paccKa3, npegcTaB.eHHbiñ b ABecTe o npucwnKe 3aK0Ha Axypbi Ma3gw Ha 3eM.ro nTu^M KapmunT (V. II, 42), aB.aeTca g0Ka3aTe.bcTB0M o pe.uru03H0M cTaTyce yTKu - nTu^i BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa (cm. PaeBcKuñ 2006, 81). HeocnopuMWM g0Ka3aTe.bcTB0M, nogTBep®garo^uM npucyTcTBue cmwc.obom cBa3u Me®gy 06pa30M yTKu u aTpu6yTuKoñ jiyHapHoro Ky.bTa, aB.aeTca apxeo.oru^ecKaa HaxogKa Ha TeppuTopuu M6epcKoro no.yocTpoBa - u6epcKaa npa®Ka b ^opMe yTKu, coeguHeHHoñ c ^o^yMeca^eM (cm. Appu6ac 2004, 173). 6 M3BecTHo, mto motub yTKu (u gpyrux BogonnaBaro^ux nTu^ 6w. o^eHb mupoKo pacnpocTpaHeH b cku^ckom ucKyccTBe, mto npuBe.o fl. PaeBcKoro (2006, 80-81, 154, 441, 481, 541) k BbiBogy o tom, mto «o6pa3 Bogon.aBaro^eñ nTu^i 6w. b cku^ckom Mupe ycTomuBbiM pe.uruo3HWM cumbo.om», nocKo.bKy ucTopuKaMu pe.uruu ycTaHoB.eHa cBa3b o6pa3a ^Tu^w BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa c mu^om o co3gaHuu Bce.eHHoñ. no npu^uHe oTcyTcTBua TaKoro gpeBHeuHguñcKoro Mu^onoru^ecKoro cooTBeTcTBua, BwgBuHyTa runoTe3a o ero HeuHgoeBponeñcKoM npoucxo®geHuu (npu^uc.aeTca k Ky.bTypH0My B.uaHuro HapogoB M0Hr0¡i0ugH0M pacw) (e^é cm. 7 cHocKy). cKyro ^TU^y (!!!; cm. Mireaux 1980, 103)]; e^e cm. 4 cHocKy), xeTTCKOH (Campbell 1926; Gurney 1954, 1977 [ynoMUHaeTca numb HyTpuanbHHÖ acneKT - cm. Macqueen 1975, 77], Boikob, HenoMHa^uö 2004) Mu^onoruu u penuruu u cBogax no ^THono^uu u ^TH0^-pa^uu Bcex HapogoB Mupa (cp. Creuzer 1822; Teönop 1897; RKA; Haussig 1973; ®p^3ep 1980 - oh numb KoHcraTupyeT tot ^aKT, hto UHgeö^i CeBepHoö AMepuKU cBa3HBanu yTKy c ypo^aMHocTbro 6o6obhx ($p^3ep 1980, 463); AK; ATK; PM; ^nuage, KynuaHo 1997; BeKKep 1995; neTpoB 1997; Haöng 2007; CaM03BaH^B 2000; West 2007)7. Mnnrncmpau,ux N 2: ymKU-kohu (möenux U3 Memanna -3aBadcbKü u dp. 2002, 335) Ba^HOCTb MM^onorMHecKoro noHATua yTKM b ^onbKnope pa3HHX M-E HapogoB [b tom Hucne 6anTU^eB u cnaBAH], ynoMUHaeTca b cTaTbe B. H. TonopoBa (1973, 29-44) nog Ha3BaHueM M3 ucmopuu óanmo-cnaexncKux X3UK06UX cex3eü: amymKa, b KoTopoM ot HacTU pa36upaeTCH MM^onorMHecKMM o6pa3 SToro Hau6onee pacnpocrpaHéHHoro pyccKoro Ha3BaHua HeHucToM cunbi (cm. nMTMHa 2002, 87), KoTopbiM, b cbok> oHepegb, gon^eH pa3'bflcHflTbcfl KaK acco^aTUBHblM, noCKonbKy B CoBoKynHoCTM cBoeö pe^-neKTupyeT o6pa3 UHaKTUBHoro nepcoHa»a - MeguaTopa8 [nogHepKUBaa cTaTUHHbiM xapaKTep ero geMcTBua (cm. 23 cHocKy)], b npoTUBoBec MU^oHUMy aKTUBHoro nnaHa, BHnonHHro^ero ^yH^uro fleMuypra b KynbrypHon Tpagu^u ^mhhob m gpyrux, He M-E HapogoB (cm. 7 cHocKy). B cTaTbe TonopoBa raaBHbiM o6pa3oM aHanu3upyeTcfl npo6neMa 3TUMonoru3a-^u MMeHu Mu^oHMMa, KoTopoe b guaneKTax pyccKoro A3biKa Mo»eT o6o3HaHaTb 1. 'HepT, gbHBon, 6ec; aHTuxpucT' (Open, CuM6upcK, Tyna, Pa3aHb, Tepb, TepuT. peKu floHa, TBepb, neH3a, KypcK, TaM6oB, To6on), [TaK»e BbigenaroTca anbrepHaTUBHbie ceMeMbi Toro »e caMoro pe^epeHTa] l.a. 'HepTeHoK, 6eceHoK (CapaToB, neH3a, Pa3aHb), 1.6. 7 Bonbme cBegeHUM o MM^onorMHecKoM o6pa3e ^T0^0 nepHaToro npegcTaBneHo b onucax penuruu HeuHgo-eBponeñcKux HapogoB (Hanp., erunTaH, eBpeeB, KUTañ^B - cm. Kynep 1995, 343; MHM I 215, 336; Kobielus 2002, 136; uHgeñ^B CeBepHoM AMepuKu - cm. Tpecuggep 1999, 386; ^eBU-Crpoc 2000, 122, 136, 2000a, 176; 2007, 29, 46, 53, 105 u gp.; UHgeñ^B w»hom AMepuKu [nneMeHu 6opopo b Bpa3unuu] - cm. ^eBU-CTpoc 1999, 202; fleBu-Crpoc 2000a, 154, 174, 176-178, 352; Tañnop 2000, 214; ^HTpanbHoñ AMepuKu - cm. MHM I 612; HeH^B u cenbKynoB - cm. ^nMage 2002, 17; HapogoB komm - cm. MHM I 522; TropKcKUx HapogoB - cm. MHM II 726; anTañ^B, mop^B - MHM II 738; ^mhhob (Kapen) - MHM II 762, 926; Pbi6aKoB 1987, 221, 408; MeneTUHcKUM 1998, 28, 347; TaBpunoB, HaroBU^iH 2002, 49-52; MopgBbi - Pbi6aKoB 1987, 407; MoHronbcKux HapogoB u caaHo-anTañcKUx TropoK - MHM II 909; 6ypaT - MHM II 919), ^HTpanbHo-aBcTpanuñcKux nneMeH (MeneTUHcKUM 1998, 71). 8 Cp. motmb ^yHepanbHoro o6paga [CaBHyK (2004, 468) noHeMy-To yTBep»gaeT, hto ^TOT ^THono^MHecKMM motmb 3auMcTBoBaH U3 ckm^ckoto KynbTypHoro Hacnegua] yKpauH^B, Korga BgoBa npocuT yTKy oTHecTU Ha Hy»6uHe yMepmeMy My»y BecToHKy o tom, hto oHa cKopo nocnegyeT 3a hum, T.e. yMpeT (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 300), unu geBoHKa-cupoTa nocbinaeT BecToHKy yMepmeMy o^y (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 332). flpeBHue cnaBaHe TaK»e Bepunu, hto gymu yconmux nepeMe^anucb b Mup noTycTopoHHUM Ha Kpbinbax yToK unu ne6egeM (^omhukob 2002, 75). no yTBep»geHuro nnuHua, puMnaHe 6onu b »UBoTe neHaT TeM, hto ux nepeBogaT U3 Tena 6onbHoro b ^eH-Ka unu yTKy (Tañnop 2000, 341), T.e. BbigenaeTca ^yH^ua MeguaTopa Me»gy MMpaMM xmbhx m MepTBbix (acco^MaTMBOM 6onu « 6one3HU « cMepTu). j C - y^epÖHaa nyHa i ---- ¡j C - Hoeonyme ; I L---------- I I______ i- -► ^yHa O - noHHonyHbe nyHHHe ^a3H ; D - BO3pacTaro^afl nyHa CxeMa N 1: nyHHue $a3u; KOH6ep^eH^uoHHUü npo^cc conxpHO^o u nyHapH0^0 Kynbmoe 'BogaHOM HëpT' (Tepb, TaMÓGB), l.B. 'goMOBOM' (Opën, TaM6oB), l.r. 'nemuñ' (Kanyra); 2. 'Hepaxa, rpfl3Hyna' (KypcK, Opën, Pa3aHb, Kanyra, OpeHÓypr); 3. '6egHHM, HecHacTHHM HenoBeK (KypcK), 4. '6anoBeHb, 6anoBHuK (Kanyra), S. ceMeMa yHuw^uTenbHoro 3Ha-HeHua - pyraTenbCTBG (PœaHb, Tyna, Tepb, BopoHe^, Tu^nuccKaa ry6epHua) (CPHr I 262-263), T.e. ^TOT 6g^gk MHoronuK (cm. nuTuHa t.^.). rnaBHHM BHBog, k KGTopoMy npuxoguT TonopoB b kgh^ aHanu3a gaHHOM mu^o-noreMH, cggthgcum c npo6neMaTuK0M 6anT0-cnaBaHCKux OTHomeHuM, KOTopoM yHë-HHM nocBeTun 6ónbmyro HacTb cBoeM HayHHGM geaTenbHGCTu, T.e. oh BagBuHyn runo-Te3y o6 ynoTpe6neHuu 6anTu3Ma Ha TeppuTopuu Poccuu [Ha ocHOBaHuu ^T0^0 yTBep^-geHua, ycTaHaBnuBaroTCH rpaHu^i npo^uBaHua npoTo6anTuMCKux nneMëH (cm. Tono-poB 1973, 38-41)], t. e. oh cooTHëc pycc. guan. amymKa c nuT. guan. ančiUte, amiùkas 'He6onbmaa yTKa' (TonopoB 1973, 36). ^Ty runoTe3y gh noBTopun b Cnoeape npyccKoao H3UKa (TonopoB 1975, 96) u, genaa Ty ^e caMyro npegnocanKy - b MufionozunecKOM cnoeape (MC 54), T.e. TonopoB He coMHeBanca b cy^ecTBGBaHuu bg3mg^hgm reHeTu-HecKGM cBA3u Me^gy pycc. guan. amymKa u neKcunecKuMu cooTBeTCTBuaMu nuTOBc-Koro A3HKa. flaHHoe npegnono^eHue, npaBga, c HeKOTopoM ocTopo^HGCTbro, noBTO-paeTca u b HOBeñmux uccnegoBaHuax no pyccKGM Mu^onoruu u ^onbKnopucTuKe (cm. Bhhkgb 2000, 18; nuTuHa 2002, 87; BnacoBa 2008, 22-23). ^uHrBucTunecKaa uHTep^peTa^uH gaHHoro cnoBa, KGTopyro b Bame ynoMHHyTOM cTaTbe npegcTaBun TonopoB, aBnaeTca BecbMa cno^HOM u3-3a cBoeM MHororpaHHOcTu u, no BceM BuguMGCTu, Hy^gaeTca b paguKanbHOM Koppe^uu. B HaHane aHanu3a TonopoB (1973, 34) HacTauBaeT Ha tgm, htg pycc. guan. amymKa npegcTaBnaeT co6om npou3BogHoe cnoBO c cy^^. pycc. -ymKa, c KOTopaM hkg6h o6pa3yroTca Ha3BaHua MenKux «hbothhx (KomKu, Kypu^i u gp.); npu ^TGM ynoMuHaeTca Ba^Has 0C06eHH0CTb ceMaHTuHecKoro nnaHa - no ero MHeHuro, Ta-kum cnoBaM HacTO npucy^e yHuHu^uTenbHoe 3HaHeHue (i). OcHOBHBaacb Ha TaKux Mnnmcmpa^x N 3: 6p0H30eax Mepa eeca u3 nepcenonx (nepcux) (ESC 1175) cy:geHuax, aBTop runoTe3bi npuxoguT k BbiBogy, hto aHanu3upyeMbiM mm^ohmmom MMeHOBanocb MM^onorMHecKoe cy^ecTBo ManeHbKoro pocTa (TonopoB t.:.). npuxo-guTCs co:aneTb o tom, hto gaHHoe yTBep:geHue He unnrocTpupyeTcfl cooTBeTCTByro-^mmm npMMepaMM pyccKoro S3biKa, noaTOMy cyguTb o KoppeKTHocTM TaKon runoTe3bi BecbMa TpygHo9 - KoHeHHo, goKa3aTenbcTBoM npaBunbHocru TaKoro cy:geHua Morna 6h 6bTb ceMeMa 1.a. 'HepTëHoK' (CapaToB, neH3a, Pa3aHb), T.e. 'ManeHbKun HëpTuK « 'HëpT, gbSBon, 6ec; aHTuxpucT' (Opën, Cmm6mpck m gp.), unu pycc. gnan. aHwmKa 'He-6onbmaa pbi6Ka, no6onbme BepmKa' (CPHr I 263), ho mm He CBoncTBeHHo yHuHu^u-TenbHoe 3HaHeHue10. OcHoBbBascb Ha neKCMHecKoM MaTepuane pyccKoro S3bKa, mo:ho c yBepeHHoc-Tbro yTBep:gaTb, hto cy^^. pycc. -yTKa He Bcerga ynoTpe6nfleTca gna Bbipa:eHufl gMMMHyTMBHon ceMaHTMHecKon ^yH^uu, KpoMe Toro c hum o6pa3yroTcfl Ha3BaHus :ubothhx, cbomm pa3MepoM npeBocxoga^ux u KomKy, u Kypu^, cp. pycc. guan. K03ymKa 'Ko3a' (ncKoB - nOC XIV 329) < pycc. Ko3a + cy^. -ym- u -Ka (ropaHeBa 2007, 39). KopoTKo npegcTaBuB aHanu3 Mop^onoruHecKon cTpyKTypbi cnoBa, TonopoB (1973 t.:.) nepexoguT k STuMonoruHecKon onucu neKceMbi, yKa3aB, hto eë Heo6xo-guMo HanaTb c o6cy:geHua neKcuHecKux cooTBeTcTBun, KoTopbie „<...> HecoMHeH-ho, cBS3aHb c amymKa, ho no cpaBHeHuro c amymKa coxpaHaroT e^ë oguH aneMeHT (-6an-, -6un-, -6yn- u nog.) <...>". Heo6xoguMo o6paTuTb BHuMaHue Ha to o6cToaTenb-ctbo, hto aBTop runoTe3H (TonopoB t.:.) oco6eHHo nogHëpKuBaeT Ba:HocTb TaKoro cpaBHeHua gna ycraHoBneHua ucTuHHoro npoucxo:geHua aHanu3upyeMoro cnoBa, nocKonbKy oho „<...> KaK pa3 u gaëT Bo3Mo:HocTb gna oKoHHaTenbHoro pemeHua Bonpoca". TaKuMu neKcunecKuMu cooTBeTcTBuaMu, no yTBep:geHuro TonopoBa, sb-naroTca: pycc. guan. amü6an '6onoTHbiö HëpT, BogaHon; gbSBon, caTaHa; 6paHHoe cno-bo, 6acypMaH' (TepuT. peKu floHa, OpnoB - CPHr I 262), amü6un 't.:.' (TepuT. peKu floHa, OpnoB - CPHr t.:.), aH^îi6ân, aH^i6yn't.:.' (BnaguMup, KypcK, ncKoB - CPHr I 261-262), aH^6anKa, amü6onum '6paHHoe cnoBo' (TepuT. peKu floHa - CPHr I 262); yKp. aH^6onum, aH^6onômHUK, aHWu6onômcbKuû u gp. nepBuHHHM 3HaneHueM stux cnoB, no MHeHuro TonopoBa, aBnaeTca ceMeMa '6onoTHHn HëpT, BogaHon', nocKonbKy TaKyro pe^neKTupyroT HoBoo6pa3oBaHua, o6pa3oBaHHbie no npuH^ny HapogHon STuMonoruu, cp. yKp. aH^-6onom, aH^-6onomHUK - pycc. 6onômHUK, yKp. 6onommÜK 'HopT, :uBy^uM Ha 6onoTe'). npaBga, cBoro runoTe3y TonopoB (1973, 36) cpa3y :e KaK 6h u onpoBepraeT, KoHcraTupya ^aKT, hto yKp. aH^6onom, aH^6onomHUK „<...> He BHrnagaT KaK cTapbie cnoBa", nocKonbKy 6onee apxaHHHyro Mop^onoruHecKyro cTpyKTypy neKceM pe^neKTupyroT pycc. amü6an, aHU,û6an, KoTopHe KaK pa3 u sb- 9 TaKue gaHHHe oTcyTcTByroT u b cnoBape BnaguMupa flana (flanb II 182-183; 223-225), u b CnoBape pyccKux uapobuux ^oBopoB (CPHr XV 149-151, 158; XVI 147). 10 ynoTpe6neHue nefiopaTuBHoro 3HaHeHua Ha^e Bcero He SBnaeTca Bbipa:eHueM coBoKynHocTu ceMaHTu-HecKon ^yH^uoHanbHocTu BTopuHHoro cy^^uKca -ymKa, nocKonbKy c hum o6pa3oBHBaroTca anTepHaHTH no pogoBoMy npu3HaKy, T.e. TaKon ceMaHTuHecKun oTTeHoK pe^neKTupyeT Mop^onoruHecKoe ceMaHTuHec-Koe cTpoeHue ^opMbi My:cKoro poga, cp. geBep6aTuBH pycc. 3aKÜm '(neöop.) BcaKoro poga manam, KoHy-pa unu 3eMnaHKa u gp.' (masc.) « 3aKÜmKa 't.:.' (fem.); pycc. cKpym '(neöop.) oguH u3 npocTHx pa36opoB a6noK' (masc.) « cKpymKa't.:.' (fem.) (flanb IV 211) (cm. 3anu3HSK 1980, 185). TaKaa :e caMaa cnoBoo6pa3oBaTenbHaa Mogenb npucy^a u gna cMbicnoBbix egMHM^ 6e3 yHuHu:uTenbHoro ceMaHTuHecKoro oTTeHKa c cy^^. -Ka, cp. pycc. pacnân 'pacmupeHbe 3anana, nporap ot nanb6w' (masc.) « pacnânKa 't.:.' (fem.) (flanb IV 65). .HroTcH nepBUHHoM ochobom, Ha 6a3e KoTopoM Morau B03HMKHyTb y^e ynoMHHyrae H0B006pa30BaHUH co BTopbiM KoMnoHeHToM KoMno3MTa, B03B0guMbiM k pycc. 6onomo 'Sumpf'. ycTaHoBMB TaKyro nepegy Mop^onorunecKux u3MeHeHuM, aBTop aHa.u3a npeg^-HB.HeT e^e ogHy runoTe3y - «B TaKoM cnynae pyccK. amu6an tohho cooTBeTCTByeT hut. anciabalis 'yTMHoe 6ohoto' <...>» (TonopoB t.^.), T.e. oho B03B0guM0 k hut. antis 'goMamHHH unu guKaH nTu^ BogHHoro npocTpaHCTBa (Anas)' J, K, SD79, R, Pn, I, J.Jabl, T.Ivan, V.Krev, Jnsk, Rs, Vlkv, BM 411, Sml, Grz, NS 97, Pn, NS 229, BsP III 30, 106, Dks, Trgn, B [LKZe] u hut. bala '6ohoto'. flaHHoe yTBep^geHue11, k co^aneHuro, Hy^-gaeTCH b cy^ecTBeHHoM KoppeKTupoBKe, nocKo.bKy pycc. amu6an '6ohothhm nepT, BogHHoM' (CPHr I 261-262) u hut. anciabalis '6ohoto, b kotopom HaxogHTcH yTKu' Vrn, Kb (LKZe) no cBoeMy npoucxo^geHuro npegcTaBHHKiT coBepmeHHo pa3Hbie neKcunec-Kue eguHu^i. BuguMo, g.H ap^yMeHTa^uu cBoeM runoTe3bi o npoucxo^geHuu pycc. guan. amymKa TonopoB no ^puH^u^aM ceMuoTunecKoro aHa.u3a co3gaeT nuHrBo-Mu^o-norunecKyro Moge.b, raaBHoM HepToM kotopom HB.HeTcH cMbicnoBaH ^nb: 6o^ecTBo BogHHon cpegbi ^ ero rugpoHuMHaH ^0Ka^u3a^uH (cm. 11 cHocKy). OTcyTcTBue aHa-noruHHbix TunonorunecKux npuMepoB Ha 6a3e gaHHbix nuToBcKoro H3biKa, KoTopbie nogTBepgunu 6h npaBu.bHocTb TaKoro npegnono^eHUH, HB.HeTcH BecKoM npunuHoM g.H nepecMoTpa ^TUM0^0^UU pycc. guan. amu6an. TonopoB b Hanane pa36opa gaHHoM npo6neMbi ynoMuHaeT o6 oneHb Ba^HoM ce-MaHTunecKoM [ga u a^eHTonoruHecKoM] cbh3u Me^gy pycc. guan. amu6an, amu6un, anu,u6an, anu,u6yn u gp. '6ohothhm nepT, BogHHoM u gp.' (CPHr I 261-262) u pycc. anmuxpucm, pycc. guan. amuxpucm, anmuxpucm 'nepT; no.oBUHa 6eca' (CPHr I 262263). B cbh3u c ^TUM, mo^ho genaTb ocTopo^Hoe npegnono^eHue o tom, hto pycc. guan. aHHu6an HB.HeTcH K0Mn03uT0M [ru6pugoM u3-3a npucyTcTBuH b cTpyKType cnoBa cocTaBHHX KoMnoHeHToB pa3HHX h3hkob], pe^neKTupyro^uM ceMaHTunecKuM u ot nacTu Mop^onorunecKuM ^KBUBa^eHT pycc. anmuxpucm: rpen. avri- 'npoTuB' + uBp. Baal 'rocnogb (B.agbiKa) (T.e. o6^eynoTpe6uTenbHoe umh 6o^ecTBa); Bnagene^ ynpaBHHro^un' (LE II 13; MC 88), T.e. onpege.HeT BoccraHoBneHue HauMeHoBaHuH aHTunoga Tocnoga // Bora. npaBunbHocTb TaKoro cy^geHUH nerKo goKa3yeMa - oho nogTBep^gaeTcH npo-ucxo^geHueM BToporo KoMnoHeHTa K0Mn03uTa pycc. guan. anw'i6yn, cooTHocuMoro c uMeHeM ceMuTcKoro 6o^ecTBa Bemeeyn [uBp. Baal Zebub12 BnagbiKa Myx' (cm. R2 62, MC 121)], BeemeByn13 BnacrenuH geM0H0B u 3nbix gyxoB ^uhuctuhhh', T.e. c runoKo-pucTunecKuM coKpa^eHueM -6yn ot eBp. Zebub ^ (reneHU3upoBaHHaH, a noToM u na-TuHu3upoBaHHaH ^opMa - cm. 12 cHocKy) naT. Zabu(a//o)lus 'gbHBon, nepT' (Niermeyer 11 nogTBep^geHMe bo3mo®hoctm TaKoBo HeopgaHapHoro cpaBHeHMH TonopoB (1973, 36) BMgMT b geTepMM-HaTMBHoM cmhc.obom cbh3m Me^gy (I) .mt. anciabalis a (II) pycc. amu6an KaK (I) locus « (II) subjectus. CaMHM 6o^bmoM HegocTaToK TaKoM MHTep^peTa^MM - cno^HocTb ee goKa3yeMocTM. fl^H BepM^MKa^MM TaKoro npegnono^eHMH Heo6xogaMH npaMepH ageKBaTHoro OT0B006pa30BaTe;ibH0r0 Tana, KoTopHe b cTa-Tbe TonopoBa oTcyTcTByroT. Mx aBTop ranoTe3H, HecoMHeHHo, npeg^HBan 6h, ho no npa^MHe oTcyTcTBMH TaKoBHx b hmtobckom H3HKe, 3To He npegcTaB^HeTcH bo3mo«hhm. 12 M3MeHeHae K0H^a ochobh gaHHoM ^opMH -6 /e/- b -n- o6ycnoB^eHo rpe^. (no3g. - BM3aHTMMcKMM nepaog) Za^oXo^ gbHBo., caTaHa' [h rpe^. Sia^oXo^ K.eBeTHMK, n^enpacH^HHM; (no3g.) gbHBon'], onpege^MBme-ro B03HMKH0BeHae naT. zabolus // zabulus'diabolus' (Lewis, Short 1958, 2018). 13 MBp. Baal apaM. Beel (LE II 13). 1976, 1138). Ba^HenmuM ^aKTOM, nogTBep^garo^uM ceMaHTunecKyro CBH3b Me^-gy pycc. guan. anw>i-6yn 'gbABon, caTaHa' u rpen. (no3g.) Zd^oXoc; 't.^.', naT. zabolus // zabülus 'diabolus', u cooTBeTCTBeHHO uBp. Baal Zebub, ABn^eTca paccKa3 aBTopoB HoBoro 3aBeTa, hto stum uMeHeM co6cTBeHHbiM foapuceu u khu^huku Ha3biBanu Mncyca XpHCTa, nocKonbKy ohu yTBep^ganu, hto tot u3roHfleT 6ecoB cunoro 'kha3h 6ecoB', T.e. Benb3eByna (MaT^. 10, 25; 12, 24, 27; Mk. 3, 22; ^yK. 11, 15-19 - nogpo6Hee cm. MC t.^.; LE II 14). 3HanuT, BTopon KoMnoHeHT KoMno3uTa pycc. guan. aHU,ú6yn gon^eH u3bflcHHTbcfl hu KaK pe^neKcua nuT. balà '6onoTo', ho KaK coKpa^eHue uMe-hu ceMuTcKoro 6ora Eaan 3e6y6a[-6yna], crpyKTypHo u ceMaHTunecKu ugeHTuHHoro pycc. aHmúxpucm, nocKonbKy o3HanaeT hma Toro ^e caMoro 6o^ecTBa. nocne He coBceM yga^Hon nonbiTKu o6beguHuTb b ogHo neKcuKo-ceMaHTu-necKoe rHe3go pycc. guan. amú6an, amú6un, aH^i6àn, aH^i6yn (u gp.) u pycc. guan. amymKa, TonopoB (1973, 36) npuBoguT rnaBHbin apryMeHT gna nepecMoTpa ero ^e runoTe3H HacnëT STuMonoruu SToro cnoBa - MeToguKy BbigeneHua cTpyKTypHbix eguHu^ cnoBa u ycTaHoBneHua ux pa3genuTenbHbix rpaHu^ npe^ge ucTonKoBaHHaa KaK npou3BogHaa ^opMa c cy^. pycc. -ymKa (TonopoB 1973, 34), neKceMa noneMy-To 3aHoBo uHTepnpeTupyeTca KaK KoHTaMuHa^oHHoe cy^uKcanbHoe o6pa3oBaHue u3 gByx neKcunecKux egurn^ nuToBcKoro œbiKa: nuT. guan. anciüté 'yTo^Ka' LKG I 282; 'nupo^oK b ^opMe yTKu' Rdm14 (LKZe) u nuT. anciùkas 'BbiBogoK yTKu' Prn, Kp, Ms, Gs, Êr (LKZe), T.e. cy^^. nuT. -üt- + cy^. nuT. -uk- > -utk-. K co^aneHuro, aBTop ru-noTe3H onaTb-TaKu He npuBoguT hu ogHoro npuMepa aHanoru^Horo cTpyKTypHoro o6pa3oBaHua nuToBcKoro œbiKa (!!!). BuguMo, no npunuHe HenpaBgonogo6HocTu Ta-Koro o6,bflcHeHufl, TonopoB (1973, 37) genaeT e^ë ogHy nonbiTKy ucTonKoBaTb cTpyK-Typy pycc. guan. amymKa - cnoBo TpaKTyeTca KaK TaBTonorunecKoe o6pa3oBaHue, T.e. nuT. guan. anc- 'yTëHoK' (h nuT. anciôkas 'BHBogoK yTKu') + pycc. ymKa 'Ente'. TaKoe cy^geHue 6bino 6bi npueMneMo numb b cnynae npuBegeHua coo6pa3HHx npuMepoB, KoTopbie b TeKcTe cTaTbu oTcyTcTByroT. nonbiTKa TonopoBa (1973 t.^.) o6ocHoBaTb cbok> runoTe3y 6anTu3Ma, npuBoga apryMeHTM BHemHero o6nuKa 6o^ecTBa - oho poraToe, 6ecnaToe, T.e. TaKoe ^e, KaK u yTKa -, To^e He yBeHHanacb ycnexoM, nocKonbKy caM aBTop npegnono^eHua npu-3HaëT tot ^aKT, hto Bce stu nepra de origine cBoncTBeHHbi HëpTy. B pyccKoM ^onb-Knope nëpT npegcTaBnaeTca TaK^e u KaK cy^ecTBo c rycuHbiMu HoraMu (BnacoBa 2008, 533) [npoucxo^geHue SToro MoTuBa mo^ho o6bacHuTb cpegon o6uTaHua 6eca: o3epoM, TpacuHon, BogoBopoToM u ga^e MopeM (cp. BnacoBa 2008, 533), T.e. Ton ^e caMon cpegon, rge o6hhho u ^uBëT sto nepHaToe]. rnaBHbin apryMeHT, Ha KoTopbin onupaeTca aBTop runoTe3bi, tot, hto onucbiBaeMbin Mu^onorunecKun nepcoHa^, KaK u yTKa, Mo^eT neTaTb, To^e HBnaeTca Ka3yucTunecKuM no Ton ^e npocTon npunuHe, hto 3Ta oco6eHHocTb cBoncTBeHHa u nëpTy - oh nacTo npegcTaBnanca KaK KpbinaToe 6o^ecTBo (BnacoBa 2008, 533-534), cp. nëpm UHO^^a „nemum 3ueeu" (BnacoBa 2008, 545); Mo^eT HecTucb KaK Buxpb unu 6ypHbm BeTep (nëpT-Buxpb) (BnacoBa 2008, 543). Bo3Bpa^aacb k npo6neMaTuKe Mop^onorunecKoro aHanu3a u 3TuMonoru3a^u pycc. guan. amymKa, Hy^Ho oTMeTuTb BecbMa Ba^Hoe o6cToaTenbcTBo nuHrBucTu-necKoro pa36opa gaHHoro neKcuKo-ceMaHTunecKoro rHe3ga - onpegeneHue 6a3oBon u 14 O^eHb pegKoe ynoTpe6neHMe gaHHoro cnoBa b guaneKTax nuToBcKoro a3biKa [b LKËe yKaswBaeTca numb oguH nyHKT KœHbix ayKmTanToB] aBnaeTca goBonbHo BecKon npu™HoM coMHeBaTbca b npaBunbHocTu TaKon goragKu. np0M3B0gH0M ^opM. BuguMo, aHanu3 stom rpynnbi cnoB Hy®H0 6bino HaHaTb MMeH-Ho c 6a30B0M unu npoM3Bogfl^eö ^opMbi, T.e. c pycc. guan. amym 'HëpT' (Kanyra -CPHr I 262), a He cy^MKcanbHoö np0M3B0gH0M pycc. guan. amymKa [e^ë cp. pycc. 6yKa 'MHMMoe nyrano, komm pa3yMHbie BocnuTaTenu cTpa^aroTi gíTeñ; HenroguMi, MegBigb, HenoBeKi HenpucTynHbm, cypoBbrn, yrproMbrä' h pycc. 6yKam 'HenoBeK, Ha 6yKy noxo®MM; HëpT' (flanb I 138; CPHr III 262) h pycc. 6yKáHKa '^aHTacTUHecKoe cy^ecTBo, ®MBy^ee b goMe; goMOBOM; HeaKKypaTHaa ®eH^MHa' (CPHr III 262)]. OHe-BugHo, KOTopaa M3 hmx ABnaeTCH nepBMHHOM, cp. pycc. y^á^^¡ 'yragbiBaHue' h y^a^Ka 't.®.' (flanb IV 465). Hecy^^MKcanbHaa m cooTBeTCTBeHHo nepBMHHaa ^opMa pycc. guan. anHym cBoeö gepMBa^M0HH0M Mogenbro coBceM He oTnuHaeTca ot gpyrux neK-ceM Toro ®e caMoro Tuna, T.e. geBepóaTHBOB pyccKoro A3biKa. MMea b Bugy bo3mo®-Hoe npucyTCTBue ^eHOMeHa Ta6y npu ^opMupoBaHMM Mop^onoruHecKoñ cTpyKTypbi cnoBa [cp. Hepy^aücx Ha HoHb, amymKa npucnumcx; AnHymuK caöumcx Ha Ho^u moMy, Kmo 3a cmonoM 6onmaem Ho^aMU eo epeMX edu (CPHr I 262; TonopoB 1973, 38-39); e^ë cp. Cnoeo Hëpm npou3Hocumb ^pex, He mo oh npuexMemcx u 6ydem npuHurnmb 3no (Bonorga); MHo^ue cnóea Hëpm He np0U3H0CKm, 6oxcb Hëpma, a na3uearom e^o Hëpnuû, neMumuK (HoBropog - BnacoBa 2008, 535)], mo®ho cgenaTb ocTopo®Hoe npegnono-®eHue o npoM3omegmeM Mop^oTaKTUHecKoñ TpaHC^03M^MM gaHHOM ^opMbi - TaKoe cy®geHue mo®ho apryMeHTupoBaTb npucyTCTBueM cooTBeTCTBeHHbix U3MeHeHUM b cTpyKType Ha3BaHUM gpyrux pyccKMX MM^onoruHecKUx nepcoHa®eñ (cm. ganbme): pycc. guan. amym 'HëpT' < *anHyd 't.®.' [Mop^onorMHecKaa 3anucb; e^ë cp. cnopagu-HecKoe M3MeHeHue -d- ^ -m-: pycc. HydóK'b ^ HymóK-b 'HeMH0®K0, cKonbKo-Hu6ygb; KocymKa BMHa' (flanb IV 613)] ~ pycc. guan. amuród 't.®.' (TonopoB 1973, 31) [c M3MeHe-HueM -y- b -uro- U3-3a no3gHeñ K0HTaMMHa^MM c pycc. uyda (guan. uwda, cp. cn. Mroàa (tacMep II 145; e^ë cm. HepKacoB, MocKBUTUHa 2005, 192) 'u3MeHHMK, npegaTenb' (cp. flanb II 68) ~ pycc. Myàa „oguH U3 gBeHag^TM anocTonoB, npegaBmuM Mucyca XpucTa"] < pycc. guan. *naHyd 't.®.' [Mop^oTaKTMHecKaa TpaHC^03M^Mfl M3-3a Ta6y, cp. pycc. guan. y^a^áHKa 'BegbMa' (KonbiMa - BnacoBa 2008, 499) < *y^a^aHKa h rn. pycc. y^a^ueamb 'oT(pa3-)ragaTb, goragaTbca; y3HaTb no TëMHbiM npu3HaKaM m gp.' (flanb IV 464-46515)] h rn. pycc. naHydúmb (naHydécumb, naHydomeópumb) 'HanpoKa3UTb, 15 TyT Heo6xGgMMG GTMeTMTb, HTG M3iacHeHMe npGMcxG®geHMa ^TG^G cnGBa, npegcTaBneHHoe AneKcaHgpoM Ahmkmhmm (2000: 580), aBnaeTca npuMepoM HapogHOH ^THMo^o^HH (mhg®cctbg TaKMx npuMepoB npeg-cTaBneHG b KHMre nnaTGHa ^yKameBMHa (1847)), nocKGnbKy npuHMcnuB gaHHGe chgbg k 3aMMCTBGBaHuaM M3 aKyT. yàasan 'maMaHKa, BegbMa, KGngyHba', a nocnegHMM M3 MGHr. yàasan 'maMaHKa', aBTop runGTe3bi 3a-6blfl yCTaHGBMTb: I. MCTGHHMK 3aMMCTBGBaHMS (!!!), TaK KaK TropK. *ïduk'cBS^ëHHbm', nG MHeHMro AHMKMHa, aBnaro^MMca cy6cTpaTH0M ^opMGM, Ka3yucTMHHa He TonbKG M3-3a cTaTyca peKGHCTpyupGBaHHGM ^opMbi [cBGë cy®geHMe Ahmkmh apryMeHTupyeT numb acTepuKCGM (!!!); KCTaTM, TaKGe 3aMMCTBGBaHMe HeyKa3aH-HG b cBoge TropKM3M0B pyccKGro a3WKa (cm. munGBa 1976: 342-343)], ho m HecGGTBeTCTBua Mop^G^GHe-TMHeCKGM CTpyKTypbl 3aMMCTBGBaHMS; II. 3BeHG MGp^GnGrUHeCKMX M3MeHeHMM - HeaCHG, (a) nGHeMy aKyT. yàasan 'maMaHKa, BegbMa, KGngyHba', ceMaHTMHecKM peanM3yeMbm KaK pe^epeHT ®eHCKGro poga, b pyc-CKGM a3WKe ynGTpe6;iseTcs c cy^^. -Ka; (6) ecnu ^TG cBa3aHHG c KGHTaMMHa^MeM pycc. guan. (3auM.) maMaHKa 'pyraTenbCTBo; pyraTenbHGe chgbg' (OacMep IV 401; Ahmkmh 2000, 688), Torga B03HMKaeT BGnpoc, KaK b pyccKGM guaneKTe Cm6mpm MGrno noaBMTbca 3auMCTBGBaHue, cBoeM Mop^GnoruHecKGH cTpyKTypGM HecGGTBeTCTByro^ee Mop^GTaKTMHecKGH cTpyKTypw pyccKGro a3WKa, KGrga b ^T0M BGCTGHHGcnaBaHCKGM a3WKe m b ero cu6upcKGM guaneKTe mupoKG pacnpocTpaHeHG ynGTpe6neHue gpyroro 3aMMCTBGBaHua Toro »e caMoro 3HaqeHMa, cp. pycc. maMám, maMáHKa 'pogt o6Ma^MKGBt, y guKMxi cM6upcKMxt HapogGBi, KGTGpwe nogi BugoMi KongoBCTBa G6MaHWBaroTi Hapogi' (CAP 850), maMáH, maMáHKa 'cny®MTenb Kynb-Ta gyxGB, BCTynaro^MÏÏ b puTyanbHGe o6^eHue c hmmm; KGngyH, 3Haxapb, cnGco6Hwñ npuBogMTb ce6a b cGCTGaHMe ^KCTa3a' (BTCPfl 1489), T.e. „rMnGTe3a" AHMKMHa MCKa®aeT o6^enpMHaTwe TeopeTMHecKMe HagenaTb manocreM; guBuTb CTpaHHHMM pacnopagKaMu u ynpaBneHbeMb16' (flanb II 497), cp. pycc. guan. nacnyx cnyx' (OpeH6ypr) (flanb II 471; CPHr XII 172) h rn. pycc. nacnymamb, nacnymueamb 'nocnymuBaTb, nogcTeperaTb yxoMb u gp.' (flanb t.®.). Bo3Mo®eH u gpyroft nyTb o6bacHeHua 06pa30BaHua pycc. guan. annym - cno-bo, no Bceft BepoaTHocTu, pe^neKTupyeT nepecTaHoBKy [o6ycnoBneHHyro ^chomchom Ta6y] Mop^onorunecKoft cTpyKTypbi cy6cTaHTuBa co cnopaguMecKu ynoTpe6naeMbiM npe^uKcoM na-, T.e. npe^. pycc. na- + cy6cT. pycc. nydo17 'bcskoc SBneHue, Koe mm He yMi eMi o6bacHuTb, no u3BecTHbM HaM 3aKoHaM npupogw; guBo, Heo6biMaMHaa Be^b unu SBneHue' (flanb IV 612) ^ (?) 'MepT' (cp. Hydo MopcKoe, dueo nonbCKoe, cmpaxv eodnnou (flanb t.®.)), T.e. mo®ho peKoHcTpyupoBaTb pycc. guan. *uanyd, cp. pycc. guan. HaMono^e^ ^ Mono^e^ Monogoft MenoBeK (npu Be®nuB0M o6pai^eHuu)' (BnaguMup - CPHr XII 40), pycc. guan. nanpaeda ^ npaeda 'Hacroa^aa npaBga' (BnaguMup -CPHr XII 95), pycc. guan. napoeecnu^ ^ poeecnu^ 'cBepcrroma' (ApxaHrenbcK -CPHr XII 126), pycc. guan. nacapau ^ capau ceHoBan, HaBec' (nepMb - CPHr XII ochobw noaBneHua cynepcTaTHoM neKcuKu: 3auMcmeoeaHue - ,,o6pa^eHue k neKcuMecKoMy ^oHgy gpyrax s3wkob gna Bwpa®eHua hobmx noHaTUM, gajibHenmeM gu^^epeH^a^u y»e uMero^uxca u o6o3Haqe-Hua Heu3BecTHMX npe^ge npe^MeTOB (HepegKo caMu ^Tu noHaTua u npegMeTw cTaHoBaTca u3BecTHWMu HocuTenaM gaHHoro S3WKa numb BcnegcTBue KoHTaKToB c TeMu HapogaMu, u3 Mbux s3wkob 3auMcTByroT-ca cooTBeTcTByro^ue cnoBa)." (AxMaHoBa 1969, 150-151) // "Adoption of a linguistic expression from one language into another language, usually when no term exists for the new object, concept, or state of affairs" (Bussmann 2006, 139). Oco6eHHo HacTopa®uBaeT ogHa MepTa ^TUM0n0^uMecK0M onucu cnoB, npegcTaBneHHoM Ahukuhmm - non-Hoe oTcyTcTBue cuHxpoHHoro aHanu3a neKcuMecKoM eguHu^i. Oh He aHanu3upyeT u He geTanu3upyeT oco6eHHocTeM u3MeHeHuM cTpyKTypHwx cTpoeHuM neKceM pyccKoro S3biKa, ho cpa3y 6epeTca 3a peKoHc-Tpy^uro npa^opM He M-E s3wkob (KoTopwe, no-BuguMoMy, HuKorga He cy^ecTBoBanu - cm. ganbme), xots geBep6aTuBHoe npoucxo®geHue pycc. guan. y^a^dHKa 'BegbMa (pyraTenbHoe cnoBo)' oMeBugHo, k ToMy ®e Heo6xoguMo KoHcTaTupoBaTb npoTuBonono®HwM nyTb 3auMcTBoBaHua Bwme yKa3aHHwx neKceM, T.e. SKyT. ydasaH 'maMaHKa, BegbMa, KongyHba', MoHr. ydasaH 'maMaHKa' SBnaroTca cnaBSHcKuMu 3auMcTBo-BaHuaMu, a He Hao6opoT, KaK ^Ty goBonbHo Hecno®Hyro npo6neMy o6bacHaeT Ahukuh: pycc. guan. ^a^ 'oTragMuK, ^popu^aTenb' OnoHe^Kaa ry6epH. (1846 r.), Bonorga, flpocnaBnb, KocTpoMa, nepMb, 3anagHaa Poccua; 'goragnuBwM, xopomo yragwBaro^uM MTo-nu6o MenoBeK' flpocnaBnb (1853 r.); '3Haxapb' Bonorga, nepMb (CPHr VI 90), pycc. guan. ^a^& '3Haxapb; Bopo^ea' 3anagHaa Poccua (flanb I 339) h pycc. guan. *sadaH't.®.' (c anoKonoM cy^^. -aH u3-3a K0HTaMUHa^uu c pycc. ^a^ '3Mea' (CPHr VI 89) - TepMuHoM caK-panbHoM c^epw (!!!) [- (ugeHTuMHwe Mogenu Mop^onoruMecKoM cTpyKTypw nomina agentia) pycc. Monnam 'co6aKa, KoTopaa KycaeTb MonMa, u3nogTumKa, 6e3b naro u gp.' [h rn. pycc. Monnamb 'HiimHyTb, 6e3MonBc-TBoBaTb, TuxHyTb u gp.'] (flanb II 343) (6onbme npuMepoB cm. 3anu3HSK 1980, 494-496)] « pycc. ^a^dHKa 'raganKa' Ypan 1963 r. (CPHr VI 90). MrHopupoBaHue cTpyKTypHwx u3MeHeHuM cnoBa npuBeno k ToMy, mto pa3Hwe no cBoeMy npoucxo®geHuro u Mop^onoruMecKoMy cTpoeHuro omo^ohh pycc. ^a^ '3Mea' u pycc. guan. ^a^ 'oTragMuK, ^popu^aTenb u gp.' 6wnu cooTHeceHw b ogHo neKcuKo-ceMaHTuMecKoe rHe3go (CPHr VI 89-90). OcHoBWBaacb Ha pe3ynbTaTax gaHHoro aHanu3a, mo®ho BwgBuHyTb npegnono®eHue o tom, mto pycc. guan. ydasdHKa 'BegbMa (pyraTenbHoe cnoBo)' gon®Ha pa3bacHSTbca KaK geBep6aTuBHaa pyccKaa neKceMa (cm. Bwme), a He 3auMcTBoBaHue. M, HanpoTuB, b yKa3aHHwx a3uaTcKux S3WKax oHa 6wna 3auMcTBoBaHa gna o6o3HaMeHua pe^epeHTH^ix ceMeM 'maMaHKa, BegbMa, KongyHba'. DiaBHbiM apryMeHToM gna BoccTaHoBne-hus pycc. *ysadaHKa 'BegbMa, acHoBuga^ee' SBnaeTca neKcuKo-ceMaHTuMecKoe cooTBeTcTBue yKpauHcKoro S3biKa, To®gecTBeHHoe peKoHcTpyupoBaHHoM ^opMe u b nnaHe Mop^onoruMecKoro cTpoeHua (T.e. pe^-neKcua Mogenu geBep6aTuBHoro cTpoeHua cnoBa) u b nnaHe ceMaHTuMecKoM: yKp. ysadHuK (esadHuk) 'ac-H0Buge^' « y^a^Hu^a (e^a^Hu^a)'t.®. (®.p.)' h rn. yKp. ysadyeamucx (esadyeamucx) 'npegBugeTb, npeg-MyBcTBoBaTb, 6wTb cyeBepHWM; 2. npegyragaTb, yragwBaTb; 3. y3HaTb' [h yKp. ysadHuu,meo (esadHuu,meo) 'yMeHue yragwBaTb'] (cm. CYM 371). 16 O6 yMeHuu MepTa MapogeMcTBoBaTb, yragwBaTb 6ygy^ee nogpo6Hee cm. BnacoBa 2008, 538, 540; [oco6eH-ho] 541; 544-545, 546-547. 17 ^TUMono^ua ^T0^0 cnoBa go cux nop ocTaeTca npegMeToM cnopa (nogpo6Hee cm. OacMep IV 377-378). 151), pycc. guan. nacnÔBa ^ ochobü '(^yHgaMeHT, Grundlage' (Bonorga - CPHr XII 178), pycc. guan. naynümenb ^ ynumenb 'Lehrer' (Cmotohck - CPHr XII 252), pycc. guan. nanücmKa ^ nucmKa 'HucTKa (noMe^eHua), Putzen' (6acceßH peKu floHa - CPHr XII 289). OcHOBbiBaacb Ha pe3ynbTaTax Mop^onoruHecKoro aHanu3a, mo»ho BbigBUHyTb npegnono»eHue, hto pycc. guan. amymKa npegcraBnaeT co6oß 06pa30BaHue u3 Tpëx cTpyKTypHbix K0Mn0HeHT0B: npe^. pycc. Ha- + Kop. pycc. nyb- [c ceKyHgapHbiM -m-((^OHeTUHecKaa 3anucb) BMecTO ^TUM0n0^uHecK0^0 -Ô-] + cy^. -Ka O *HanyÖKa. Cy^-^ukc -Ka b 06pa30BaHbax geBep6aTuB0B pyccKoro A3biKa BcTpeHaeTca BecbMa HacTO, cp. pycc. npÂm-Ka 'cKpbiTue' h rn. pycc. npâmamb cnpaTaTb, KnacTb b coxpaHHoe Mec-to' (flanb III 534), pycc. npxd-Ka 'BbiTHHyTaa u3^ Kygenu u cKpyHeHHaa HuTb' h rn. pycc. npHÖamb KpyTUTb HuTb u3^ BonoKOH^, TaHyTb u3^ Hero u cyHUTb HuTKy' (flanb III 533), pycc. 6apa6ÔM-Ka '6e3T0nK0Bbiß, cyeTnuBbiß, 6e3nopflgoHHbiß HenoBeK' h rn. pycc. 6apa6ômumb '6yTopa»uTb, cyMaTomuTb u gp.' (flanb I 47), pycc. Haxöd-Ka 'Fund' h rn. pycc. Haxodümb haTanKUBaTbca, HaTbiKaTbca' (flanb II 491-492), pycc. HauônB-Ka 'HaroBop, o6BuHeHue, HaBiTi/ (flanb II 440; CPHr XII 40) h rn. pycc. HauônBumb, HauonBniimb 'HacKa3biBaTb, HaroBopuTb, KneBeTaTb' (flanb t.».) u gp. MMea b Bugy HeßTpanbHbiß ceMaHTUHecKUß OTTeHOK ^Tux gepuBaTOB, mo»-ho c yBepeHHocTbK) yTBep»gaTb, hto c cy^. pycc. -Ka o6pa3yroTca He T0nbK0 gu-MUHyTUBbi [cp. gucTpu6yTuBH0 BTopuHHyro ceMeMy pycc. guan. amymKa 'HepTëHOK, 6ecëH0K' (CapaTOB, neH3a, Pa3aHb - CPHr I 262)] unu neßopaTUBbi (no yTBep»geHuro TonopoBa), ho um TaK»e Bbipa»aeTca gononHUTenbHaa Mop^onoruHecKaa gucrpu-6y^ufl cy6cTaHTHBH3a^HH, cp. pycc. yaaöb ^ yaaÖKa 'goragKa' (flanb IV 465), pycc. npHÖb ^ npHÖKa 'BbiTHHyTaa u3^ Kygenu u cKpyHeHHaa HuTb' (flanb III 533), pycc. 6apa6ôma ^ 6apa6ôuiKa '6e3T0nK0Bbiß, cyeTnuBbiß, 6e3nopflgoHHbiß HenoBeK' (flanb I 47), pycc. Haxôdb ^ HaxôdKa 'Fund' (flanb II 492) u gp. - 3HaneHHH gaHHMX npuMepoB To^gecTBeHHM (!!!). Onupaacb Ha ^Tu gaHHbie, mo»ho BHgBuHyTb npegnono»eHue o TOM, hto pycc. guan. amym 'HëpT' ^ pycc. guan. amymKa t.».' ABnaroTca geBep6aTu-BaMu [unu cy6craHTuBHbiMu gepuBaTaMu] pyccKoro A3biKa, 03HaHaro^uMu Mu^ono-ruHecKue cy^ecTBa, BbiTBoparo^ue Heo6biHaßHbie Be^u unu aBneHua, T.e. HepTeß18. 06^acHeHue nonuceMuu pycc. guan. amymKa 'HëpT, gbaBon, 6ec; aHTuxpucT; HepTëHOK, 6ecëH0K; BogaHoß HëpT; g0M0B0ß; nemuß; Hepaxa, rpfl3Hyna; 6egHbiß, He-cHacTHbiß HenoBeK; 6anoBeHb, 6anoBHuK; ceMeMa yHUHu»uTenbHoro 3HaHeHua - py-raTenbcTBo' He npegcraBnaeTca npo6neMaTUHHbiM, nocKonbKy Bce nepeHucneHHbie 3HaHeHua cBoßcTBeHHbi umu Bbipa»aeM0My pe^eperny - HëpTy, b co3HaHuu nrogeß uMeBmeMy aHTponoMop^HMH o6^hk poraToro, nopocmero HëpHoro mKypoß cy^ec-TBa c KonbiTaMu u xboctom (nogpo6Hee cm. MC 595; BnacoBa 2008, 533), K0T0p0My cBOßcTBeHHO 6bino 3nuTbca (BnacoBa 2008, 536), McTuTb (BnacoBa 2008, 533), npuHu-HaTb Bpeg (BnacoBa 2008, 540-541), myTuTb u pe3BUTbca, a TaK »e 6biTb HeonpaTHbiM u HeaKKypaTHMM, HeyKnro»uM (BnacoBa 2008, 534-543, 546). B03HuKH0BeHue ceMeMbi yHUHu»uTenbHoro 3HaHeHua - pyraTenbcTBa, BuguMO Hy»H0 cBA3biBaTb c npuBbiHKOß HëpTa noHBnaTbca npu npou3HeceHuu ero uMeHu (cm. Bbime), hto 6bino He»enaTenbH0. 3HaHeHue '6egHbiß, HecHacTHbiß HenoBeK' M0»eT uHTepnpeTupoBaTbca gBoaKo: 1) KaK 18 Cp. «aHHyTKa, b gpeBHepyccKOß s3biHecKofi MM^onorMM 3nofi gyx, »MBy^Mß b B03gyxe m b Boge, nocne npMHSTMa xpMcTMaHcKoß Bepw — 0gH0 M3 Ha3BaHMß MepTa. B Hapoge ero MMeHOBanu «6ec^aTHM» (CP 48). o6o3HaHeHMe xuTpe^ - 3Ta nepTa xapaKTepa 0C06eHH0 qacro npunucHBaeTcH 6ecy; nöSTOMy oh 3oBéTcH jyKaBHM (cm. BjacoBa 2008, 534) -, T.e. nenoBeKa, kotophm nyTéM o6MaHa [npegcTaBjHHcb 6egHHKoM u 3aHuMaHcb no6upaTejbcTBoM] xoneT Ha^uTbcH 3a cnéT gpyrux; 2) o6pa3e^ ceMaHTM^ecKoro u3MeHeHuH, Korga pe^epeHT 3aMeHHeTcH ogHMM M3 ero KoHoTaToB (nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2010, 24-26), b stom cjynae, npu-Hagne^HocTbro gbHBojy, T.e. npuo6peTaeT 3HaneHue 3nonony%Huü nenoBeK (ajKorojuK [no gaHHHM pyccKoro ^ojbKjopa, Bce nbHHu^i HaxogHTcH bo BjacTu 6eca - BjacoBa 2008, 542-543, 547], noBecuBmußcH uju bchkoto poga caMoy6u^a (cm. BjacoBa 2008, 543), napogeß, yMepmuß HacujbcTBeHHoß cMepTbro (BjacoBa 2008, 545), yMepmuß MJiu y6uTbiM HeKpe^eHHM M^ageHe^ (BjacoBa 2008, 544) u gp.) - Bce Te, Hbu gymu npuHagne^aT gbHBojy. ^Ta neHuTeHTHaH 3aBucuMocTb noHuMajacb BecbMa 3aHHTHo: Bce BHme nepenucjeHHHe, KpoMe geTeß [ohu b nog3eMejbe oxpaHHju cKap6 nepTeß (BjacoBa 2008, 544)], no pyccKuM noBepbHM, cjy^uju 6ecaM cpegcTBoM nepeMe^e-huh, T.e. Ha hux nepTu e3guju BepxoM - stux ropeMHK ga^e nogKoBHBaju KaK noma-geß (cm. BjacoBa 2008, 543). OcHoBbiBancb Ha BHme u3jo^eHHHx apryMeHTax no npoucxo^geHuro mu^ohu-Ma, mo^ho yTBep^gaTb, hto HeT HuKaKux npunuH pycc. guaj. amymKa cpaBHuBaTb c Ha3BaHuHMu ^TM^ BogHHoro npocTpaHcTBa u TeM 6ojee o6,bHcHHTb ero KaK 6ajTu3M - c^obo RBJiAeicR ucKOHHO pyccKMM (!!!). B Bugy SToro, ycTaHoBjeHue bo3mo«hhx rpaHuií npo^uBaHuH npoTo6ajTußcKux njeMéH Ha TeppuTopuu Poccuu, ocHoBHBa-Hcb Ha apeajbHoM pacnpocTpaHeHuu gaHHoß jeKceMH, He HBjHeTcH bo3mo»hhm. Omu6o^Hoe cooTHeceHue o6pa3a yTKu c mu^ohumob neßopaTuBHoro 3Hane-huh pycc. guaj. amymKa 'gbHBoj', noBjuHjo Ha noHBjeHue BecbMa coMHuTejbHHx BHBogoB no ycTaHoBjeHuro apxeTunHoro 3HaneHuH SToro nepHaToro BogHHoro npocTpaHcTBa b Tpygax gpyrux uccjegoBaTejeß, b kotophx yTBep^gaeTcH, hko6h «yTKa ... cBH3aHa c HenucToß cujoß» (rypa 1997, 668). OcHoBHBaHcb Ha Ka3yucTuHHoM STuMonorunecKoM aHaju3e gaHHoro 6o^Ka, bo BTopoß nacTu cBoeß cTaTbu TonopoB (1973, 42-43), k co^ajeHuro, npuBoguT jumb BecbMa MajoHucjeHHbie ^aKTH juToBcKoro ^ojbKjopa, B KoTopblX ynoMuHaeTcH mu-^onoreMa ymKa. no stom npunuHe BHBogH aBTopa runoTe3H o geMoHunecKoß npupo-ge SToro nepHaToro [cp. „<...> napajjeju3M nepKyHaca u nepTa (> yTKa) <...>" (TonopoB 1973, 43)] u cooTBeTcTBeHHo ero npuHagje^HocTb k xToHunecKoß c^epe goj^HH 6HTb nogBeprHyTH T^aTejbHoß npoBepKe. HeKoTopHe BHBogH, npegcraBjeHHHe b cTaTbe TonopoBa, jumb ot nacrn coot-BeTcTByroT gaHHHM ^ojbKjopa BocToHHo-6ajTußcKux HapogoB19: I. TonopoB (1973, 42) yTBep^gaeT, hto oco6o uHTepecHHM ^ktom jutobcko-ro ^ojbKjopa HBJHeTcH npeBpa^eHue HépTa b yTKy: Griausmas musa kok¡ necystq. 19 flaHHHx o 3Ha™MocTu ^T0M m^H BogHHoro npocTpaHcTBa b o6pagoBoñ TpagM^MM 3anagHHx 6ajToB no^Tu He coxpaHujocb, KpoMe ynoMuHaHuH npeTopuH (MP III 467), mto bo BpeMH npa3gHuKa ypo^aa, npoBoguBmerocH b K0H^e okth6ph, „KoToporo no-pyccKu Ha3HBaju oiinek, T.e. y6op ypo^aa", 6ory 3eMe-HueKy uju 3ueMHuHueKy npuHocuju b ®epTBy ytky uju cene3ha. npaBga, Bcro MH^opMa^Mro, npegcTaBjeHHyro b Tpyge npeTopuH Deliciae Prussicae, oder preussische Schaubühne (II-aH nojjoBuHa 17-oro BeKa) Heo6xoguMo paccMaTpuBaTb BecbMa KpuTu^ecKu, nocKojbKy ^T0My aBTopy cBoßcTBeHHH npeyBeju^eHua, a TaK^e Hy^Ho uMeTb b Bugy u to o6cToHTejbcTBo, mto b um onu-cHBaeM^ix o6pagax u noBepbHx npyccoB BecbMa 3Ha^uTejbHyro MacTb 3aHuMaeT B0CT0MH0-6aJTMMCKMe KyjbTypHHe ^JeMeHTH, nocKojbKy u3BecTHo, mto ^MM^pa^MH npegcTaBuTejeß npoTojuToBcKux njeMéH Ha TeppuTopuro npyccuu Ha^ajacb b 6 B.H.e. (PEZ IV 47) (nogpo6Hee cm. Kper^guc 2009, 297). Vienq kartq eina medžiotojas ir mato - koks antinas galvq jkisçs vandenin ir gaudo žuvis. Medžiotojas sové vienq kartq, kitq - ir vis nenušauna. Pamislijo, kad gali buti velnias, sukramté nusimovçs sidabrinj žiedq,prisimusé sautuvq, kaip sové ir nusové... Ten buta veln-io (LTA 1081/227), T.e. Monnux ydapxem no uenucmoû cune. KaK-mo udëm oxomnuK u Budum - ceneseub, oKynyB zonoBy b Body, noBum puôy. Oàuu pa3 Bucmpenun oxomnuK, u àpyaoû - Bcë nycmo. noàyuan, nmo ^mo uoMem 6umb nëpm, pa3MeBan cnxmoe c nanb^ cepeôpxuoe Konbw, 3apxdun pyMbë u KaK Bucmpenun - nonan... ^mo 6un nëpm; Œéjo lietus, eidamas namo, medžiotojas pamaté ežere antj. Sové keliskart, bet po kiekvieno šuvio antis rodé žmogui uodegq ir vél sau plauké. Supratçs, kad velnias, sové sidabriniu pinigu. Istraukçs is vandens, pamaté, kad tai ne antis, bet katé (Mitt. IV H. 20 173), T.e. Hanancx àoMÔb, no àopoae àouoû oxomnuK yBuden na o3epe ymKy. Bucmpenun HecKonbKo pa3, ho nocne KOMàoû nonumKu ymKa Bcë noKa3UBana nenoBeKy cboû xBocm u àanbme nnaBana. noHXB, nmo ^mo nëpm, Bucmpenun cepe6pxHoû MoHemoû. Bumaw,uB u3 Bodu, yBuden, nmo ^mo He ymKa, a KomKa. OcHoBbiBaacb Ha ^TUx gaHHbix, genaeTcH npegnocbinKa o geMoHUHecKon cvmhoctu ^T0^0 npegcTaBUTena nepHaTbix BogHHoro npocTpaHCTBa u o6pa3a ero gencTBUA. PaccMaTpuBaH gaHHoe yTBep^geHue, Heo6xoguMo KoHCTaTMpoBaTb ^aKT cy^ec-TBoBaHUH TaKoro opHMToMop^Horo npegcTaBneHUH gbHBona b hmtobckom ^onbKnope, ho Hago uMeTb b Bugy u to Ba^Hoe o6cToHTenbCTBo, hto ^TO xToHUHecKoe cy^ecTBo Mo^eT npeBpa^aTbCH He TonbKo b yTKy - u ^To BecbMa Ba^Hoe ero cbomctbo nepeBon-no^eHUH. Bonee UHTepecHbin npuMep u3 nuToBcKoro ^onbKnopa, KoTopbin c nepBoro B3rnaga nogTBep^gaeT goragKy TonopoBa o nenopaTUBHon ^yH^uoHanbHocra mh^o-noreMbi ymKa, npuBoguT MoHac Banuc (JBR III 38): b aHUManuCTunecKux CKa3Kax yTKa oguH pa3 npegcTaBneHa KaK nyTemecTBeHHUK, y6uBaro^UM xo3HUHa goMa, y KoToporo oHa ocTanacb Ha Honner (LTA 544(334)). ^TOT motub HaBepHHKa Hy^Ho cBH3biBaTb c ogHon U3 ^^u^aHUHecKUx unocracen gbHBona. Bcë-TaKU, BugeTb b ^TOM cro^eTe nogTBep^geHue xToHUHecKoro npoo6pa3a yTKu Henb3H no oneHb npocron npuHUHe - Hanmuu cnyHanHoro unu BTopuHHoro o6pa3a HëpTa, nocKonbKy no gaHHbiM Toro ^e caMoro Tuna cKa3oK, xo3HUHa goMa y6uBaeT He TonbKo yTKa, ho u neTyx, Kypu^, muno u urna (LTA 544(334)). Oco6oe BHUMaHue He-o6xoguMo o6paTUTb Ha tot ^aKT, hto neTyxa cooTHocuTb co c^eporo gencTBUH gbHBona hu b KoeM cnynae Henb3H - oh BcHHecKU npenHTcTByeT Bonno^eHuro 3nogencTB HëpTa (JBR III 326 [256]), pa3roHHeT HepTen (JBR II 133 [70], 149 [78], 167 [87]). AHTaro-HucTUHecKoe gencTBue neTyxa no oTHomeHuro k 3noBpegHbiM cunaM npoHBnHeTcH u b naramcKux npegaHUHx (JBR I 195 [9]), TaK^e u b pyccKoM ^onbKnope (nogpo6Hee cm. BnacoBa 2008, 542). ^Ta m^a HacTo HBnHeTcH cuMBonoM 3apu20 (no gaHHbiM ^onb-Knopa nuTOB^B - JBR I 87 [1096], JBR III 348 [363], BTB VII 394 [36], 418 [49, 50]; nuBQB - JBR 188 [2]; mBegoB - JBR I 225). OcHoBbiBaHcb Ha ^TUx gaHHbix, mo^ho genaTb ocTopo^Hoe npegnono^eHue o cnynaMHoM Bbi6ope yKa3aHHbix ^ubothhx gnH Bon-no^eHUH o6pa3a gbHBona [TyT Heo6xoguMo ynoMHHyTb o6pa3 nuToBcKoro neTynero 20 3to caMoe cuMBonuHecKoe 3HaHeHue gaHHon nTM^i npucy^e h MM^onorMM gpeBHux rpeKoB: chh Ah-gpoMegw h nepceH, cnyra Apeca, SneKTpuoH (rp. àXeKTpuwv „neTyx") gonraeH 6wn oxpaHHTb ot Hy^ux rna3 He6paHHoe no®e Apeca h A^pogMTW. EMy 6wno yKa3aHHo 6yguTb Bnro6nëHH^ix no yTpaM, ho KaK-To pa3 oh B3Hn ga h npocnan. npenro6ogeeB 3acTan renuoc. no stom npuHHHe SneKTpuoH 6wn npeBpa^ëH b neTyxa (nogpo6Hee cm. MC 34, 615) - stot paccKa3 cBH3aH c rpeHecKon TeoroHuen, cp. ^BeT nepbeB neTyxa h anMTeT 6o™hm yTpeHHen 3apu 3oc poôoôaKTuXoç „po3onepcTaa" (Hom. Il. I 477) (cp. MC 618). gyxa aMTBapac, npegcTaBaBmero b C03HaHHM Hrogeft to oraeHHbiM 3MeeM, to gpaK0H0M, to neTyxoM, M3Bepraro^MM 3epHO (cm. CM 30) - nocHegHMM motmb sbho BTopuHeH, nocKonbKy coothocmm c cmmbohmkom coHapHoro 6o^ecTBa, b HbeM pacnopa^eHuu, no npegcraBHeHuro 6aHTuftcKux nneMeH, HaxoguHca pocT 3epH0Bbix u ux ypo^aMHocTb (cp. ^yH^uu HTm. touuca - nogpo6Hee cm. Kper^guc 2009, 261 T.g.); no gaHHHM hm-ToBCKoro ^onbKnopa xToHMHecKoe 6o^ecTBo nuTaeTca ucKHroHMTeHbHo mohokom (pe-hmkth gpeBHeftmero MM^oHoruHecKoro nnacTa), a xHe6oM npeHe6peraeT (nogpo6Hee cm. Kper^guc yK.coH. 290)], kotophm no cyTM gena Mo^eT npeBpa^aTbca b Koro yrog-ho - ga^e b KceHg3a (JBR III 374 [419-422]). nogo6Hbift MCKnrowrenbHo pa3Hoo6pa3-HbM MeTaMop^o3 xapaKTepeH u gna pyccKoro 6eca - „oh Mo^eT o6pa^aTbca b Mbimb, 3Mero, HarymKy, pbi6y, copoKy, cBMHbro, K03HMKa, 6apaHa, oBeHKy, Homagb, 3aft^, 6eHKy, B0HKa; a TaK^e b KHy6oK hmtok, Bopox ceHa, KaMeHb <...> a TaK^e oh o6opaHMBaeTca MoHaxoM, CBH^eHHMKoM; CTpaHHMKoM, coHgaToM" (BnacoBa 2008, 534). K ToMy ^e mo^ho BbigBMHyTb npegnono^eHue o btopmhhom m, cooTBeTCTBeH-ho, no3gHeM Bo3HMKHoBeHMM opHMT0Mop^Horo o6pa3a [b gaHHoM cnynae b Buge yTKu] gbHBona no tom npocroft npuHMHe, hto b hmtobckmx STuoHoruHecKux CKa3aHuax ge-STeHbHocTb u c^epbi ynpaBHeHua 6oroB aHTaroHucTMHecKoro xapaKTepa pa3HMHaroTca BecbMa onpegeneHHo - cnynau HMBeHupoBaHua cmmbohmkm ypaHMCTunecKoro u xto-HunecKoro nnacTa oHeHb pegKM. flueBac co3gaeT ^mbothhx ypaHucTMHecK0M c^epbi: HacToneK, roHy6a (JBR III 300), HeTaro^ux HaceKoMbix (JBR III 301), ^eraoB (JBR III 321), aucTa (JBR III 322 tt.), KyKymKy (JBR III 325), ^aBopoHKa (JBR III 327), KyponaToK (JBR III 327 [261])21. HepT, 3axoTeB co3gaTb m^y, coTBopuH ^a6y (JBR III 300), T.e. oh He Mo^eT co3gaTb ^mbothoto ypaHucTMHecK0M c^epbi (!!!), nogBHacraoft flueBacy, xots b ogHoM cKa3aHuu ynoMMHaeTca o coTBopeHuu gbaB0H0M Bopo6ba, hto6h tot yHMHTo^an ypo^aft, B3pa^eHHbift HeH0BeK0M (JBR III 300), a b gpyroM - ^aBopoHKa (JBR III 327 [259]), xots ocHoBHBaacb Ha co6paHHoM ^oHbKHopHoM MaTepuane Banuca (JBR III 327 [258]), ero noaBHeHue Ha cBeT cBS3aHHo c geftcTBueM flueBaca. 3HaHMT, gBa nocnegHux reHepaTMBHbix MoTMBa goH^Hbi 6biTb o6^acHHeMH KaK ceKyHgapHbie, B03-HMKmue b 6onee no3gHee BpeMa. Bce-TaKM HeHb3S urHopupoBaTb u tot ^aKT, hto opHMToMop^HHM o6pa3 xto-HMHecKoro 6o^ecTBa [gpaKoH, 3MeM, aMTBapac] cbommm KopHSMM yxoguT b ray6oKyro cTapuHy u npegcTaBHaeT co6oM BecbMa apxauHHbift Mu^oHoruHecKuft motmb 6opb6bi ypaHucTMHecKoro u xToHMHecKoro 6o^ecTB, cocTaBHaro^eft cMbicH0B0e agpo raaBHoro MM^a MHgoeBponeftcKux nneMeH [o6 stom ynoMMHaeTca u b uccnegoBaHuu TonopoBa (1973, 39 T.g.) - stot noeguHoK gByx aHTaroHucTMHecKux 6o^ecTB pe^neKTupyeT ^op-MupoBaHue onno3M^oHHbix cTpyKTyp HyHapHoro u coHapHoro KyHbToB (cm. 1, 5, 24 chockm)]. II. flpyroM apryMeHT, Ha kotophm ccHHaeTca TonopoB, peKoHcTpyupya cmmbohm-HecKyro napannenb nepm = ymKa, motmb npeBpa^eHua b yTKy nrogeft, kotophm oh He aHaHM3upyeT, a numb KoHcTaTupyeT ^aKT TaKoro MeTaMop^o3a: no gaHHHM hmtobckofo ^onbKHopa b Hee npeBpa^aeTca geBymKa, Ha KoTopyro oxotmtcs bhhm M0H0ge^ [oxot-hmk]. TaKoft MM^oHoruHecKMM motmb, 6e3ycH0BH0, cy^ecTByeT, ho Bpag hm ero cnegyeT HanpaMyro cBH3HBaTb c geftcTBueM gbaB0Ha, u TeM 6oHee oTo^gecTBHHTb HepTa u yTKy. 21 YpaHMcTMHecKoe 6o®ecTBo onpegeHMHo m MecTo npo^MBaHMa nepHaTHx, cp. Ko^^a Had 3Bepamu u nmu^-mu em,e BnacmBOBan nepKyHac, mo^^a oh u Mecma, ^^e um Mumb, onpedenun: aucmy - Ha bucokom depeBe, ymne, ^ycw, HupKy - b Bode (Kg 402). B HapogHbix necHHx nuT0B^B MonogaH geBymKa MacTo cpaBHUBaeTCH c yTKoM (JBR II 79). OHa M0«eT npeBpaTUTbCH b ^Ty m^y (JBR II 8Q). B cene3HeM MoryT 6biTb npeBpa^eHH 6paTbH geBymKU (JBR II 94). B ^TUx MoTUBax mo«ho ycM0TpeTb pe^neK-cuu TpaHc^HgeHTHoro (noTycTopoHHero) Mupa unu geMcTBUH cy^ecTB xT0HUMecK0-ro Mupa unu nrogeM, HaxogH^uxcH bo BnacTU nocnegHUx (KongyHbi, BegbMbi). TaKue cMbicnoBbie npuMepbi npucy^u u nuT0BCK0My, u naTbimcK0My ^onbKnopy: (cKa3Ku) BedbMa npeBpamaem b ymKy npun^ccy ('Apé karaliünus ir ragan^' - JBTB VIII 61); Manexa npeBpamaem b ymKy naönepu^: Nogajis upmala. Pile izpeldejusi mala. Keninš nokeris pili, lai nu stastitu, ko isti gribot; bet pile kenina rokas palikusi par vina sievu un nu nemusies smalki, jo smalki izstastit, ko pamate izdarijusi (Balta un melna ligava. B. - 1. A. 4Q3 B. Žiema Mežotne. LP, IV, 56, 2), T.e. nomën k 6epe^y peKU. ymKa 6una BunnuBMU na 6epe^. Koponb cxBamun ymKy, nmo6u cKa3ana, ne^o no npaBde xonem, no ymKa na pyKax Kopona npeBpamunacb b deBUu nanana eMy paccKa3UBamb monKUM ^onocoM, nmo Manexa namBopuna; b ymKy M0Mem 6umb npeBpamën u npocmo dypanoK: Bet pile pašavusies apakš üdens un snapu izkampusi keninam no kabatas tas tris akmena bumbinas! Tai paša bridipile palikusi par mulkiti. (Blediga sieva - 2. A. 566. R. Bergmanis, Kükeniekos. LP. IV, 68 (13, 4)), T.e. Ho ymKa nupnyna nod Body u KnwB0M Bumamuna U3 KapMana Kopona ^mu mpu mapUKa! B mom Me M0Menm ymKa npeBpamunacb b dyponKa.; b ymKy M0Mem 6umb npeBpamën u nuneM ne omnunammuûca MyMnuna: Tad pile pacelas sparnos, aizskrien uz krastu un paliek par cilveku (Blediga sieva - 3. A. 566. Skolnieks V. Juonins, Eglüna)), T.e. To^^a ymKa pacKpuna Kpunba, Bu6eMana na 6epe^ u npeBpamunacb b nenoBeKa. MHTepecHo, mto npuMUHy TaKoro npeBpa^eHUH mo«ho BbiHBUTb, numb ochobh-BaHCb Ha gaHHbix naTbimcKMx cKa30K. B ogHoM U3 hux Meklešana pec nepazistama (3. A. 465. A. V. Vïdneris Skrunda, LP, V, 323 (142, 2)) paccKa3biBaeTCH, mto b yT0K npeBpa^a-roTCH geBymKU guBHoM KpacoTbi: Vecos laikos dzivoja keninš ; tam bija teicams medinieks. Reiz medinieks, jürmala medidams, ierauga tris savadas piles. Vinš tülin grib saut, bet doma: „Ne, lai nometas!". Piles nometas paša üdena mala, un kas nu par brinumiem! Pilu sparni atkrit no rumpjiem un šis paliek par dailam dailam meitam, T.e. ffaBnuM daBno Mun 6un Koponb; y ne^o 6un oxomnuK. KaK-mo oxomnuK, oxomacb na no6epeMbe Mopa, yBuden mpëx cmpannux ymoK. On yM xonem cmpenamb, no nodyMan: „Hem, nycmb cadym!". ymKU ycenucb y caM0^0 no6epeMba, u nmo 3a nydo! Kpunba ymoK omdenunucb om mynoBum, a nocnednue npeBpamunucb b npeKpacnue deBymKU. B gpyroM BapuaHTe ^ToM «e cKa3KM M3no«eHbi npuMMHbi, no K0T0pbiM npoucxoguT TaKaH nepeMeHa BHemHocTu: 0HU, TonbKo mto po«geHHbie u e^ë He Kpe^eHHbie, 6binu 6pomeHbi b o3epo, T.e. y6uTbi. ^0^T0My 0HU nonanu bo BnacTb gbHBona [oMeBugHbiM UHH0Ba^0HHbiM ^onbKnopHbiM ^neMeHT, Hacbi^eHHbiM gorMaTUMecKUMU xpucTuaHCKUMU B033peHUHMu]: Tas tris piles bijušas nomocïtas, noslïcinâtas mazas meitinas. Toreiz ka dzimušas, vinas nekristitas iemestas tai paša ezera, un ta vinam tad bijis jamazgajas par pilem, kamer mirstamais laiks bütu bijis atnacis, jeb kamerperkons bütu nosperis. <...> Tikai viens glabinš nabagapilem atlicies, ja gribejušas atkal par cilvekiem cilveku starpa klüt, tad vajadzejis kadam cilvekam apnemties vinas no velna nagiem izpestit (Meklešanapec nepazistama - 14. A. 465. A. 761. A. Lerchis-Puškaitis Džükstë. LP VI, 1Q45 (154 1)), T.e. ^mu mpuymKU 6unu 3aMynennue, ymonnennue ManenbKue deBonKU. B mom Me M0Menm, K0^^apodunucb, onu neKpemenue 6unu 6pomenu b mo Me caMoe o3epo, ^^e onu donMnu 6unu nnaBamb, do mo^o BpeMenu, noKa npudëm ux nac cMepmu, unu b nux nonadëm Monnua. <...> TonbKo odno cnacenbe dnx ymoK, ecnu ouu 3axomenu 6u BHOBb cmamb nwdbMu, KaKoû-uu6ydb nenoeeK donMeu pemumbcx oceo6odumb ux u3 H0^meû dbxeona. E^ë b gpyroM BapuaHTe ^ToM ®e cKa3Ku yTBep®gaeTca, hto b yT0K geBymKu npeBpa^aroTca caMu22, ogHa U3 hux - goHb MopcKoro [no gpyroM Bepcuu, 3aMopcKoro] ^pa. D^enb ux npe6biBaHua Ha M0pcK0M no6epe®be - ®enaHue no3HaTb o6pa3 ®U3HU nrogeM, npe6biBaro^ux b Mupe 3eMH0M, T.e. Ha gpyroM 6epery Mopa [oHeBugHoe npoTu-BonocTaBneHue gByx pa3Hbix c^ep - xT0HUHecK0M (nog3eMHoM) u 3eMH0M (npocTpaHc-TB0 o6uTaHua HenoBeKa), Haxoga^eMca nog BnacTbro ypaHucTUHecKux 6o®ecTB]: Un tä nu gar jüras malu staigädami, piepeži ieraudzjuši divi pîles no jüras puses atlaižamies. Sîs nolaidušas mala, atskrüvejusas spärnus - kas ir? - nav vairs pîles bijušas - palikušas par meitäm un bridušas jürä mazgäties. Bet kenina dels meitäm spärnus nozadzis un neatdevis äträk, kamer pateikšot, no kurienes tädas esot. Tad tä jaunäkä teikusi: vina esot kenina meita, bet ta otra vinas draudzene (Meklešana pec nepazîstama - 17. A. 465. A. 302. M. Šilina Vïkselniekos, A. Bïlensteina kr. LP, VI. 1062 (8)), T.e. M npoxaMueaxcb no M0pcK0My noóepeMbw, 6ue3anuo yeudenu deyx ymoK, cnycKaww,uxcx co cmopouu Mopx. Ouu cnycmunucb ua 6epe^, c6pocunu Kpunbx - u nmo? - yMe ue ymKu, a èeeu^i b Mope udym Kynambcx. Ho cuu Koponx Kpunbx ymaw,un u do mex nop ue omdan, noKa ue euxcuun, omKyda ouu noxeunucb. To^^a ma, Komopax no MonoMe, cKa3ana, nmo oua donb Koponx, a ma ^py^ax - eë no^py^a. Bcë-TaKu rnaBHbiM ^aKTop, onpegenaro^uM npeBpa^eHue b m^y BogaHoro npocTpaHCTBa, - conpMKOcHOBeHMe c Bogon, T.e. nepexog U3 ognoM (3eMHoM) c^epbi b gpyryro (noTycTopoHHroro - nog3eMHyro), He nogne®uT coMHeHuro, cp. cro®eT ogHoM 22 McKaroHUTembHoM HepToM TaKux cKa30K aBnaeTca motub ^pMo6peTeHMa raaBHbiM repoeM unu geMCTByro-^um nepcoHa®eM opHUToMop^Horo unu aHTponoMop^Horo o6nuKa no cBoeMy ®enaHMro [npu stom He MeHbmeM Ba®H0CTu gna gaHHoro M3MeHeHMa aBnaeTca motub B0nme6H0M oge®gbi - cBa3MBaro^uM 3Be-HOM noTycTopoHHero u 3eMHoro MupoB]: Vecîtis sacîja:„Labi, ka man neslepi! Nakoša meža tu atradîsi ezeru; paslepies pie ta, jo tur naks septinas pîles peldeties; kad tas büs izpeldejušas un aizgajušas, tad näks vel viena, tai megini drebes nozagt. Nozadzis drebes, gaidi, lai pîle näk atprasît; bet nu ievero, ja pîle saka: „Mîlais tevs!" tad neatdodi: ja saka: „Mîlais brali!" tad atdodi." Labi. Dels aizgäja uz ezeru un paslepäs. Drîzi naca septinas pîles, izpeldejas, apgerbas, aizgaja. Tad naca viena pati, nogerbas, iegaja ezera. Dels pielîda klusam un panema drebes. Pîle iznaca no ezera, apskatîjas bedîga un sacîja: „Mîlais brali, atdodi manas drebes!". Dels tüdal atdeva. Nu vina apgerbas, palika par cilveku un gaja uz savu büdinu, bet dels gaja lîdz un palika lîdz vakaram meitenes büdina (Magiska begšana ar aizliegto kastîti - 6. A. 313 S un C. M. Ärons Bërzaunë, Brïvzemnieka kr. LP, 119, 1. AŠ, III, 4p), T.e. CmapunoK paccKa3an: „Hy, xopomo, 3aneM Mue cKpueamb! B 6nuMaûmeM necy mu naûdëmb o3epo, cnpxnbcx maM, nocKonbKy myda nnaeamb npunemxm ceMb ymoK Ko¿da ouu ucKynawmcx u ynemxm, mo¿da npunemum odua, y moû nonpo6yû ymam^umb oôeMÔy. yKpae oôeMÔy, MÖu, noKa ymKa ue nannëm mpe6oeamb eë omdamb; uo uMeû b eudy, ecnu ymKa cKaMem: „floposoû omeu,!" ue omdaeaû, a ecnu cKaMem: „floposoû 6pameu,!" mo¿da omdaû. TaK u 6uno. Monodeu, nomën k 03epy u cnpxmancx. BcKope npunemeno ceMepo ymoK, ucKynanucb, odenucb, ynemenu. To¿da npunemena odua eduncmeennax, pa3Öenacb, nonnuna. Kinoma nod6eMamb muxonbKo u B3xn oôeMÔy. ymKa eumna na 6epe¿, o¿nxnynacb nenanbnax u Moneuna: „floposoû 6pame% eepnu Mow odeMdy!". Monoôeu, momnac omdan. Ona odenacb, npeepamunacb e nenoeeKa u nomna e ceow u36ymKy, no napenb mën pxdoM u do eenepa ocmancx e doMe deeymKu; Ezera mala nolaižas trîs pîles, nomet savus pîlu svarkus un nu paradas trîs skaistas jaunavas, kas aiziet ezera peldet. Kunga dels panem vienus pîles svarkus un paslepjas ezermalas krümos. Drîz vien jaunavas atkal iznäk no ezera un apvelk savus pîlu svarkus, bet jaunaka paliek beša. Vina pamana kunga delu, lüdzas, Lai šis atdodot vinai svarkus, un stasta: „Es jau zinu, ka tu gribi näktpie mana teva." (Magiska begšana un aizmirstä lîgava - 3. A. 313 C. A. Vaivods Várkavá, B. Spüla krájumá), T.e. Ha 6epe¿ 03epa cnycmunucb mpu ymKu, c6pocunu ceou ymxnbu w6ku u nox-eunucb mpu npeKpacnue deeymKu, Komopue 6pocunucb e o3epo nnaeamb. rocnodcKuû cun B3xn odny ymxnbw w6Ky u cnpxman e Kycmax y 6epe¿a. BcKope deeymKu eumnu na 6epe¿ u nadenu ceou ymxnbu w6ku, no caMax wnax ocmanacb ¿onoû. Ona 3aMemuna ¿ocnodcKozo cuna u npocx e¿o, nmo6 mom omdan eû w6Ky, Moneuna: „SMe3naw, nmo mu xonemb noûmu kMoeMy omu,y.". naramcKOM cKa3Ku - HeygarauK (na^KyH) cHuMaeT mTaHbi u ugéT B6pog; oh npeBpa-^aeTca b yTKy: Kerninš nometa bikses, uzlika turpat uz ezera malu un brida. Gabalinu pabridušam, spurgt! pile celas gaisa un snapt! tas bikses ciet, kur tie paši vecie uguns riki atradas. Pile pacelas ar biksem gaisa un pie tas labas jumpravas pili iekša, sacidama: „Iznemi nu, mila meitin, tas škiltavas no biksem škili par manu galvu un saki: lai dzivo dumjais!". Labi. Tikko meitene to bija darijusi, te parvertas pile par dumjo delu (Mežonigais virs - 9. A. 502. 562. 1880. Kraminš Peterupe, A. Bilenšteina kr. LP, VI, 775, 127, 2), T.e. Kucnxü crnn umanu, ocmaBun y 6epe¿a 03epa u cman udmu b 6pod. Hymb nymb npoüdx Bneped, unup! - ymKa nodrnnacb b Bo3dyx u xan! - 6pmK yMe nem b moM Mecme, ade 6unu dpyaue Bew,u. ymKa nodmnacb b Bo3dyx BMecme c 6pmKaMu u nanpaBunacb k 3aMKy 6naaonecmuBoü deByuKe, aoBopx: „Bo3bMu u3 umanoB, KpacaBuw, ozhubo cnepedu Menx u ¿oBopu: ffa 3dpaBcmByem anyne^". TaK u 6uno. TonbKo deBuua cdenana, nmo Benena, ymKa npeBpamunacb b cuna anyn^. MTaK, npoaHanu3upoBaB Bbime npuBegéHHbie npuMepbi ^onbKnopa boctoh-Ho-6anTMMCKMX HapogoB, mo^ho onpegenuTb ochobhom cMbicnoBoñ o6pa3 yTKu KaK Meduamopa, T.e. ABnaro^eroca cumbohom gByx (nacro ^TOMy nepHaTOMy npunucbiBa-roT Tpu c^epbi, oTgenbHo Bbigenafl BogHoe, B03gymH0e u 3eMHoe npocTpaHCTBo (cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 331)) npoTuBonono^Hbix MupoB ^to nepHaToe npo^uBaeT u b Boge, u Ha cyme (!)], KOToporo HanpaMyro oTo^gecrenaTb c ypaHucTunecKuM unu xto-hu^ckum 6o^ctbom HeT HuKaKoñ bo3mo^hoctu. He ygenafl nepecnyp MHoro BHuMaHua cuMBonunecKoñ 3HaHuMocru o6cy^gae-Moro nepHaToro, gna pa3pemeHua npo6neMbi bo3mo^hoctu unu npaBunbHee - HeBo3-mo^hoctu cooTHeceHua o6pa3oB yTKu u xToHunecKoro 6o^ecTBa KaK anTepHaTuBHbix aKTuBHo geñcTByro^ux nepcoHa^eñ, flBnaeTcfl tot ^aKT, hto ^Ta nTu^, no gaHHbiM ^onbKnopa BocroHHo-6anTuñcKux HapogoB, oneHb nacro cuMBonu3upyeT aHTunog gbHBona u BcanecKOH HeHHCTOH ch^m: 1) nepcoHa^ aKTuBHoro nnaHa, T.e. cuna, npo-TuBocTOflrnafl 3ny: a) yTKu noMoraroT TpeTbeMy 6paTy BbmonHuTb 3agaHHyro eMy gba-bohom pa6oTy, T.e. pacnyTbiBaeT ko3hu HenucToñ cunbi (JBTB VIII 95 - Apé tris mel-nyko sünus ir užkeiktq karalystg; (e^é cm. cKa3Ky) Apé tris brolius JBTB VIII 321-322), b) b yTKy npeBpaTuBmaacfl geBymKa cxBaTbiBaeT khkibom BegbMy u TonuT eé b o3epe (JBTB VIII 303 g. - Apé Rastinj ir Alenq, XI 372 T.g.; Apie vienq strielty ir jo dukterj (e^é cp. JBR III 44)), c) nono^uTenbHbiñ repon Monac (= pycc. MBan) npeBpa^aeTca b yTKy u no6e^gaeT 3noro Kopona (Jaunikaitis Jonas - DSP 323); 2) nepcoHa^ uHaK-TuBHoro nnaHa, T.e. o6pa3 yTKu ABnfleTcfl KaK 6bi 3amuTHHM mutom ot Bo3geñcTBufl HenucTon cunbi, npu ^TOM ero npegcraBneHHbiñ repon aKTuBHo He geñcrayeT: a) b yTKy npeBpaTuBmaaca Onyme (= pycc. AnnyuKa) u36eraeT pacnpaBbi co cTopoHbi BegbMbi (JBTB VIII 309-310 - Apé raganq; e^é cp. JBR III 52), cupoTa Cuayme, nonaBmaa b noBymKy, ycTpoeHHyro Manexoñ, cropaeT u npeBpaTuBmucb b yTKy, yneTaeT (JBR III 54) ^tot motub HeKoTopbMu uccnegoBaTenaMu cBH3HBaeTca c norpe6anbHbiMu o6pagaMu 6anToB [KpeMa^ueH] u KOH^e^^ueH MeTeMncuxo3a, cp. ByTpuMac, rupuHuHKac 1990, 149)], 6) b Bogy BegbMoro 6pomeHHaa ^agHepu^a npeBpa^aeTca b yTKy u TaKuM o6pa-3om ocTaéTca b «hbhx (JBTB VIII 414 T.g. - Balti karveliai skiria dalj), b) b naTbimcKux cKa3Kax yTBep^gaeTca, hto nacTHM Tena yTKu cbomctbeHHH nygecHHe cBoncTBa; c^eB ux, rnaBHHM repon cTaHoBuTca KoponéM [TaKoñ motub BcpenaeTca u BocTo^HocnaBHH-ckux cKa3Kax, cp. motub pyccKoñ cKa3Ku «E^enu kto Ty yTo^Ky c^ecT, tot ^apb 6ygeT» (^196 [92] - A^aHacbeB u gp. 1957)] unu u3 cBoero pTa BHHuMaeT 3onoTHe Kyco^Ku: Reiz vinam paradijas, ka upe peld divas piles. Kas vinas nosaus un apedis vinu sirdis, tas splaus zeltu, bet kas apedis galvas, tas paliks par keninu (Burvju putns - 4. A. 567. Skolnieks A. Piläns, Eglünä. N. Rancäna kr.), T.e. KaK-mo oÖHouy nenoseKy noMepemunocb, nmo b peKe nnasamm dseymKU. Kmo ux 3acmpenum u cbecm ux cepö^, mom cmaHem 6o^aHOM, a Kmo c^ecm ^onoBu, mom 6ydem KoponeM; No rita pile izdejusi dimanta olu, meza sargs to aiznesa uz pilsetu un dabüja tris simti rublu. Otra rita pile atkal izdejusi otru olu, to tapat aiznesa uz pilsetu un dabüja vel tris simti rublu. Uz vienu reizi virsnieks ieraudzija, ka uz tas piles galvas bija rakstits: „Kas to galvu aped, tas ir gudrs, un kas tos sparnus aped, tas splauj dukatus" (Burvju putns - 9. A. 567. 566 J. Hennins no K. Freiberga, 1882. g., Sasmakä), T.e. ympoM ymKa CHecna anMa3Hoe xüup, e^epb omHec e^o b ^opo^ u npodan 3a mpucma py6neü. Ha cneöyrnmee ympo ymKa CHecna ^py^oe xtyo, Komopoe onxmb omHec b ^opo^ u nonynun mpucma py6neü. OÖHaMÖu BoeHHUü yBuden, nmo Ha BepxHeü nacmu ymKu 6uno HanucaHo: „Kmo c^ecm ^onoBy, mom 6ydem yMHbü, a Kmo cKymaem Kpunbx, mom cmaHem 6o^a^oM". Motub npeBpa^eHufl b yTKy KaK cnoco6 yKjoHeHuH ot cMepTu [BecbMa crpaH-Hyro uHTepnpeTa^ro SToro npo^cca, KaK cumboj ^u3HeHHoro Kpyra, npegtHBJHeT rupuHuHKac (Girininkas 1994, 230)] npucy^ u gjH ^ojbKjopa cnaBÄHCKHX HapogoB (nogpo6Hee cm. ^BbHH 1994, 190). C. ^omhukob (2002, 76) BHgBuHyj npegnojo^eHue o tom, mto uMeHHo MecTo npo^uBaHuH, a He geMoHunecKaH cy^HocTb (KaK yTBep^gaeT A. rypa (1997, 668)) yTKu npegonpegejujo noHBjeHue yHuBepcajbHHx KanecTB 060-poTHunecTBa (T.e. npeBpa^eHue nejoBeKa b yTKy): 06opomuna Bacunuca npeMyöpax KoHeü o3epoM, MsaHa^apesuna cene3HeM, a caMa cdenanacb ymKom. npucKaKan ^pb MopcKoü k o3epy, momnac ^o^a^ancx, Kmo maKoBb ymKa u cene3eHb; yöapuncx o cupy 3eMnm u o6epHyncx opnoM. (cm. cKa3Ky Ne222 [179] - Ä^aHacbeB u gp. 1957). ^Ty runoTe3y mo^ho apryMeHTupoBaTb u npucyTcTBueM ^yH^uoHajbHoro ot-TeHKa MeguaTopa (!!!)23, T.e. gyma yMepmero, npuHHB o6juk yTKu, Mo^eT ocTaBaTbcH b Mupe äubhx, cp. (cKa3Ky Ne265 - Ä^aHacbeB u gp. 1957) nomonuna Hac b 6ucmpoü peneHbKe, // 06pamuna Hac b 6enux ymoneK, cp. ugeHTu^Hbie motubh yKpauHcKux cKa-30K (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 300). Bbime oroBopeHHaH ^yHK^H uHaKTuBHoro nepcoHa^a (MeguaTopa) ^ojbKjo-pa 6ajTuß^B npucy^a u gjH yKpauHcKoro cjoBecHoro HacjeguH, rge yTKa HBjHeTcH cumbojom ocegjocTu, HenogBu^HocTu; uHorga ceje3HeM Ha3HBajcH 0Te^ (BuguMo, no aHajoruu c yKp. KánenKa '^eHa' - cm. 1 cHocKy); TaK^e cuMB0ju3up0Baja npogyKT nu-TaHuH (^aÖB0p0H0K 2006, 277-278). HyTpuajbHaH ^yHK^H, BuguMo, caMaH gpeBHHH [cjaBHHe c gpeBHeßmux BpeMéH b goMy BHpa^uBaju Kyp, yT0K u ryceß (CegoB 1995, 21; ^ypaBjéB 1996, 125; e^é cm. 23 OyH^uro MeguaTopa pe^jeKTupyeT u motub cKa3Ku N2195 [90] (Ä^aHacbeB u gp. 1957): Bumamun oh Kysmun, pa3Óun Ha 6epe¿y, u sumen ommyda Heeedomuü monodeu, u cKa3an: «Ecmb 3eneHuü ny¿, Ha moM nyzy 6epe3a, y moü 6epe3u nod KopeHbxmu ymKa; oópyóu y 6epe3u KopeHbx u eo3bmu ymKy domoü; oHa cmaHem Hecmu me6e xuhku — oduH deHb 3onomoe, dpysoü deHb cepe6pxHoe», T.e. KaK ^TM^a, uMero^aH cBH3b c ypaHucTu^ecKoß c^eporo, oHa BocnpuHuMaeTcH KaK cumboj coj^a [HecéT 3ojoTHe H^a], a KaK nepHa-Toe BogHHoro npocTpaHcTBa - KaK cumboj jyHH [HecéT cepe6pHHHe Hß^a]. B cBoeß c0B0KynH0cTu yTKa, KaK HHaKTHBHMH pe^epeHT, cooTHocuMa c gByMH rjaBHHMu njacTaMu KocMojoru^ecKoß cucTeMH, T.e. kocmu^ckumu ochmu - coJH^eM u jyHoß O ero 3aMeHHeTcH MupoBoe gpeBo, KoTopoe HBjHeTcH coeguHH-ro^uM 3BeH0M ^TMx gByx He6ecHHx cBeTuj [BuguMo, ^0^T0My u bo3huk pe^epeHT ymKa-ocHosaHue (3eM-jh), BcTpe^aro^ußcH b pyccKoM ^ojbKjope (cm. 31 cHocKy)]. TaKoe o6tHcHeHue npoTuBope^uT runoTe3e Pb6aK0Ba (1987, 354) o tom, mto yTKa HBJHeTcH cumbojom aKTuBHoro nepeMe^eHuH homhoto nyTu coJH^a (e^é cm. 4, 8 chocku). BorarapeB 2007, 137, 140, 201)] b pyccKOM ^onbKnope npegcTaBneHa BecbMa mhotohuc-neHHHMH npMMepaMM, OTpa^aro^MMM peanuu caMoro gpeBHero cTpoa npo^uBaHua CnaBHHCKMX nneMéH - KOHeBOH-OXOTHMHMM, cp. MOTMB CKa3KM N^167[779] (A^aHaCbeB m gp. 1957): fypu u ^peeunu, Koponu u Koponeeunu cMompxm Ha deopety Ha cadu u dueymmcx: maKoao 6oaamcmea uuade He eudarn, a 6onbme ecezo noKasanucb um ymKU u cene3enb — 3a odHy ymKy momho non^pcmea damb!; N^201 [105]: Bom KaK-mo e3dyMan MeaH^apeeun noexamb na oxomy; nonpomancx c cecmpu^m, cen Ha kohh u noexan e nec;y6un zycx, y6unymKy da noÜMan Mueoao eonnoHKa u npuee3 doMoü.; N^254 [242]: Pa3 mu ^nuü deHb oxomunucb u y6unu mpu ymKu; k eenepy npumnu e nec, pa3eenu oaorn, omunanuymoK u cmanu eapumb ux kyMuHy; ceapunu uycenucb 6uno 3a mpane3y.; N^422 [265]: npunemena ymKa, HaHecna e HeM xuneK u eueena demoK. 3axeamun x ece ¿He3do; nepen Ha ce6x Haden, a nmu^ 3aMapun da noen (e^é cm. cKa3Ku N^389 [177], ^422 [265], Ne142[662], Na155[722]; A^aHacbeB II 478). npMcyTCTBMe cnaBHHcKOM y3yanbHOH ceMeMbi 'yTKa - npogyKT nuTaHua' HBnaeT-ch oó^eHHgoeBponencKOH [^ 't.^.' b KenbTcKux cKa3Kax (CBK 158)], cp. cMbicnoByro eguHu^y nuToBcKoro ^onbKnopa 'yTKa - npuMaHKa b oxoTHMHbeM npoMbicne gna no-MMKM hhcm' (cm. KH 18-19). TaKaH ^e ^yH^ua ^T0^0 nepHaToro, KoTopyro mo^ho Ha3BaTb goMMHMpy-ro^en, cBoncTBeHHa u gna BocToHHo6anTuMcKoro ^onbKnopa, hto nogTBep^gaeT aHTMcaKpanbHyro cy^Hocrb ^T0^0 pe^epeHTa, cp. oóbraan hutob^b npoBepATb rny-ÓMHy u npoxoguMocTb Hopb, nycKaH b Heé yTKy, T.e. eé ucnonb3oBanu KaK npegMeT ÓMTOBoro oÓHXoga, cm. npegaHue 'Urvai griezlés piliakalnyje' (ED 88). TaKoro ^e o6bi-HaH npugep^uBanucb u naramu: (cKa3Ka) Reiz uz pilskalna stavejusi pils, kas esot nog-rimusi. Iedobums vel tagad redzams. Ja dobuma pa caurumu ielaista pile, tad ta izpeldejusi Lielupe [Bauskas aprinkis] (Mezotne. A. Laus no 60 g. v. sievietes Mezotne)), T.e. KaK mo e ¿opodume cmoxn 3aMoK, Komopuü npoeanuncx nod 3eMnm. BudHa 6una numb enaduHa. Ecnu e omeepcmue enanocmu nycmumb ymKy, mo oHa eunnuna 6u e Huenyne [TaKaa naTbimcKaa peKa - P.K.]. no noBegeHuro yTKu Ha Boge yragbiBanu norogy: (noBepbfl) 24186. Ja piles mazgajas, tad büs lietus (K. Corbiks, Livberze), T.e. Ecnu ymKu Kynammcx, mo ^mo k doMdw (e^é cm. 24187 - 24201, 24203 - 24207). no BbimuHe eé nonéTa onpegenaroT, KaKaH 6ygeT 3uMa u oceHb: 24208. Ja piles rudeni projam laizoties lido augstu, büs driza ziema; Ja zemu, büs ilgs un silts rudens (J.A. Jansons, Pinki) (e^é cm. 24209), T.e. Ecnu ymKu ocemm e doMdnueym noaody eucoKo nemxm, 6ydem KopomKax 3uMa, ecnu 6nu3 3eMnu, doman u mennax oceHb. npucyTcTBue numb y3yanbHon ceMeMbi npocne^MBaeTca b HeKoTopbix naram-ckux cKa3Kax, cBugeTenbcTByro^en o npucyTcTBuu npeHe6pe^uTenbHoro oTHome-huh k ^TOMy nepHaToMy BogHHoro npocTpaHcTBa: Talaku vini nonaca pie ezera un saka pargalvigi svaiditpiles ar akmeniem (Pateicigie kustoni 3. A. 554. Ernsts Birznieks no Billes Freibergas. Dzirciema, Jkr. III, 57, 21. LP, VII, II, 22, 3, 3), T.e. nomoM ohu nomnu k o3epy u Hananu noeecHunamb u meupxmb KaMHu e ymoK; Diki pa to laikupeldpiles un Peteritis sviez pilem maizi. Maize nogrimst diki un iekrit rinku vidü. Piles, noiedamas pec maizes, uzmauc rinkus uz deguniem. Peteritis nosit piles un panem rinkus (Pateicigie kustoni 5. A 554. Skolnieks A. Ignats Nica, K. Lielozola kr.), T.e. B mo epeMx ymKu nnaeanu no npydy u nempyma 6pocun ymKaM xne6. Xne6 nomoHyn e npyde u ocen eHympu Koneu,. ymKu, eo epeMx noedaHux xne6a cyHynu Knmeu e Konb^. nempyma y6un ymoK u e3xn Konb^a. TaKOM BbiBog mo^ho genaTb, ocHoBbiBaacb m Ha pe3ynbraTax uccnegoBaHMM ap-xeonoruHecKMx HaxogoK, Ha KoTopbix o6Hapy^eHbi M3o6pa:®eHMa ^TM^ BogaHoro npo-CTpaHCTBa. Apxeonor P. PuMaHTeHe (Rimantiené 1977, 9) yTBep^gaeT, hto Ha Teppu-TopMM ^mtbh o6Hapy^eHbi koboh, Ha pyKoaTKax KoTopbix M3o6pa^eHbi ronoBbi yToK (e^ë cm. Gimbutiené 1985, 31), ryceM [no yTBep^geHuro H. Benroca (Vélius 1977, 176), ocHoBaHHoM Ha uccnegoBaHuax nuT0BcKoro ^onbKnopa, MMeHHo rycu 6binu 6onee 3Ha-hmmh gna SToro Hapoga], ne6egeM (HaHano HeonuTa). PuMaHTeHe BbigBMHyna npegno-no^eHue, hto TaKue M3o6pa:®eHMa MoryT pe^neKTupoBaTb KynbT Bogbi, npoucxo^ge-Hue KoToporo, b cBoro onepegb, cnegyeT cooTHocuTb c ygoBneTBopeHueM nu^eBbix noT-pe6HocreM (Rimantiené 1977, 10). fl. M^bmh (Juciewicz 1846, 144) TaK^e a^eHTupyeT Ba^HocTb co6upaHua aM^ guKMx ^TM^ KaK ogHo u3 rnaBHHX mctohhmkob nu^M nrogeM goucropuHecKoro nepuoga. flMT0B^b guKMx yToK noBunu ygoHKaMM (Dunduliené 1982, 96) unu ceTHMM (Dunduliené 1991, 84), b gpeBHocTM TaK^e crpenanu U3 nyKa - stot STHorpa^MHecKMM motmb 3a^MKcupoBaH b ogHoM M3 KaneHgapHbix neceH: Monogen nnbiBa no Mopro, go6biBaeT yToK crpenaMM (Laurinkiené 1990, 46); ogoMamHeHHbix pa3-Bogunu b ucKyccTBeHHbix BogoëMax (Dunduliené 1991, 90). Motmb yTKM, Bonno^aro^uñ noHaTue ygoBneTBopeHua nu^eBbix noTpe6Hoc-Ten [cBH3aHHHM c eë aft^HocHocrbro, BHpa^MBaHueM yTHT m gp. (nogpo6Hee cm. JBTB XII 195, 269, 287, 375, 485, 589, 614)], npegcTaBneH bo MHorux npuMepax nuT0BcKoro ^onbKnopa (cp. JBR III 144; (cKa3Ku) JBTB VIII 95 'Apé tris melnyko sünus ir uzkeikt^ karalystç', 129-130; Apé tris brolius'; JBTB III 410 Apé kunig^ ir jo varganist^'; e^ë cp. 'Ménesis dangaus ir jauno znokai nuo Palmono gadynés' (DSP 204); (noBepba): Jeigu mo-teris kisa ¡ antj bulkas, tai krütys uzaugs kaip bulkos (Veliuona, LTA 746/65 - JBR V 56 [889]), T.e. Ecnu MeHW,uHa 3anuxueaem b ymKy 6ynKu, mo y Heë ^py^u 6ydym KaK 6ynKu. y3yanbHbiM motmb BecbMa Hacro BcTpeHaeTca u b naramcKux cKa3Kax - yTKa npo-rnaTbiBaeT 3onoToe Konb^o, KoTopoe gocTaroT, eë 3ape3aB: Tiklîdzpile to izteica, tad kalps to sagraba un nokava. Vins iznema to gredzenu un nonesa kenina meitai (Balta cüska - 5. A. 673. Skolniece K. Jaunzeme Nica. K. Lielozola kr.) - K0T0pbiM aBnaeTca goBonbHo BecKMM apryMeHToM gna onpoBep^eHua bo3mo^hom peK0HcTpy^uu MM^oHUMa c caK-panbHHM M MM^onorUHecKMM cMbicnoBblM 0TTeHK0M. npogoBonbcTBeHHaa y3eMa Hacro cooTHocuTca c npoMbicnoBbiM ceMaHTMHec-KMM nnacToM, T.e. c ToproBneM [TaK0M motmb npucy^ gna Bonme6Hbix cKa30K]: Gai-lis, krasns cauruma to dzirdedams, aizteceja pie pîles un sacîja: „Bedz uz mezu, tevi rîtu pardos!" (Majas lopi cel ëku - 2. A. 130A. Kalnins Cenas muiza, A. Bïlensteina krajuma, H. Bïlensteina 'Tiermärchen' 27. LP, VI, 36, 9. AS, II, 51k.), T.e. nemyx, ycnumae ^mo nepe3 neHHym mpy6y, npu6eMan k ymKe u ^o6opum: „Ee^u b nec, me6xympoM npodadym!". y3e-Ma 'yTKa' ^ 'T0Bap' cBoMcTBeHHa u nuT0BcK0My ^onbKnopy, cm. 36 cKa3Ky U3 ^Kna 'Apie raganas ir raganius' (JBTB V 205). B cBoge naTbimcKMx noBepuM yTBep^gaeTca, hto yTMHoe Maco MMeeT 6naronpu-aTHoe BnuaHue Ha 3gopoBbe HenoBeKa: [ero coBeTyroT npuHMMaTb b nu^y 6epeMeHHbiM ^eH^MHaM] 6630. Matei pec dzemdîbam jagul maja sesas nedelas. Tanî laika nakot pie vinas raugulotajas un tas nesot calus, pîles, karasas un citus gardumus. Pec noguleta laika jaiet baznîca skîstîties (G. Pols, Vecgulbene), T.e. Mamepu do podoe HadneMum neMamb rnecmb Hedenb. B mo epeMX 3a Heü npucMampueamm^e npumcxm ^mnxm, ymoK, 6enuü xne6 u ^py^ue naKoMcmea. nocne ^mo^o He6xoduMo noümu e Kocmën npunucmumbcx; e^ë cp. (nocnoBM^) Cepta pîle mute nekrît 1627 1693 // 1627 717, T.e. MapeHHax ymKa u3o pma He nadaem; Gaidi vien kad cepta pile mute skries 280 1069, T.e. Màëmb nmo6 monbKo MapeHHax ymKa b pom Bnemena; (cKa3Ka) Virin, citi slimnieki kauj piles, pakauj sad un tad calus, zosis - mes nekad! Es labprat vëlëtos nokaut tris četrus calus un ritu tev brokasti izvarit (Neuzticamâ sieva - 3. A. 1380. J. Birgelis Mežotne. LP, VI, 908, 135, 2), T.e. MyMunoK, HeKomopue 6onbHue pewym ymoK, umaàa ^innxm, ayceû - mu HuKoaàa! M npeànonumam 3ape3amb mpëx unu nemupëx ^mnxm u ympoM cBapumb me6e Ha 3aBmpaK. YnoTpe6neHue yTHTUHbi b nu^y [u c Hen CBH3aHHbin oxothhhhm motub] oHeHb Hacro ynoMUHaeTcH b naramcKux cKa3Kax: Tresa diena brinuma dels, piles medidams, satiek lielu viru, kas ludzas nosautas piles. Vins iedod vienu pili; bet tas nebija atraki miera, kamer atdeva visas piles. Lielais virs panem piles un aped, bet delam tas davina par to labumu mazu spiekiti, sacidams: „Tas tev sava laika deres!" (Brinuma deli - 2. A. 707. A. Lerchis - Puškaitis, Džukste - Pienavâ, LP, I, 74, 42), T.e. B mpemuû deHb cKa3onHuû aepoû, oxomxcb Ha ymoK, Bcmpenaem BenuKaHa, Komopuû npocum yaocmumb ymKaMu, do6umuMu Ha oxome. Oh omdan odHy ymKy, ho ^mo^o He xBamuno, noKa oh He omdan Bce ymKu. BenuKaH B3xn ymKu, da u cven, a ¿epom 3a ezo do6podymue nodapun ManeHbKym nanonKy, npu ^moM npuaoBapuBax: „OHa me6e b HyMHym nopy caodumcx"; Aizgaja uz mežu piles saut: kuru nosauj, to turpat atstaj; kura dziva paliek, to uz maju atnes (Gudrâs atbildes - 3. A. 921. Krumina Jânis Nitaurenos. Etn. III, 1893. LP, VII, II, 30, 2, 5b), T.e. nomën b nec ymoK cmpenbHymb: Komopym y6un, maM u ocmaBun, a Komopym paHun, doMoû omHëc; Kad jauna keniniene apmetusies pili, tad pavelejusi pavaram izcept tris piles. Kad piles bijusas izceptas, tad keniniene viena pati apedusi divas piles, jo vairak dienas ta bijusi badojusies (Sikstais kungs - 4. A. 1407. H. Skujina, Andrs Ziemelis, Aumeisterapag), T.e. Koaàa KoponeBa cmana Mumb b hobom 3aMKe, moaàa noBenena noBapaM nodwapumb mpu ymKu. Koada ymoK 3awapunu, caMa KoponeBa cKymana dBe ymKu, nocKonbKy 6onbme dHx bo pmy Huneao He uMena. C TeHeHueM BpeMeHU goMamHHH m^a yTKa crana BocnpuHUMaTbCH KaK Mu^ono-ru3upoBaHHHH o6beKT (cm. Hobhk 1975, 223). EnaBHaH TpygHocTb, c KoTopon cranKUBa-roTCH uccnegoBaTenu ^T0^0 opHUToMop^Horo MU^oHUMa, cnegyeT cwraTb onpegeneHue ero cnoco6a gencTBUH, T.e. BbigeneHue cy6crpaTHon MU^onoreMbi UHaKTUBHoro unu aK-TUBHoro nepcoHa^a. B nocnegHee BpeMH HeKoTopbiMU uccnegoBaTenHMU cnaBHHCKoro ^onbKnopa 6binu npegnpuHHTbi nonbiTKU BbigenuTb aKTUBHo gencTByro^un nepcoHa^ yTKy, npucBauBaH eMy npoo6pa3 fleMuypra, T.e. co3gaTenH Mupa. no yTBep^geHuro fl. rpoMoBa, A. BbiHKoBa (2005, 137-138), «b MHoroHUcneHHbix cnaBHHCKux gyanucTUHec-kux nereHgax o coTBopeHUu Mupa gBa 6ora-TBop^ HacTo npegcTaBnHroTCH KaK Bogo-nnaBaro^ue nTU^i (yTKU, roronu, rycu u gp.). Bo MHorux BapuaHTax gaHHoro cro^eTa BogonnaBaro^aH nTH^ He acco^uupyeTCH c TBop^MU, ho HBnHeTCH ux noMo^HU^n, ucnonHUTenbHU^n geMuypruHecKoro gencTBUH: oHa HbipHeT Ha gHo oKeaHa u gocTaeT oTTyga HeMHoro 3eMnu, U3 KoTopon Bor u TBopuT cymy». ABTopbi gaHHoro yTBep^geHUH ynoMUHaroT u o bo3mo^hom 3 auMCTB ob aHUu ^T0^0 cro^eTa U3 ^UHHo-yropcKon mu^o-noruu (e^ë cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 331), ogHaKo gaHHaH runoTe3a, no ux MHeHuro, «ManoBepoHTHa BBugy mupoKon pacnpocTpaHeHHocTU cro^eTa b CnaBHHCKux 3eMnHx u 6biT0BaHUu ero ganeKo 3a npegenaMU 30hh KoHTaKTupoBaHUH c ^UHHo-yropcKUMU nneMeHaMU» (e^ë cm. 3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 332; Bhhkob 2000, 10, 53). CornacuTbCH c runoTe3on o cnaBHHCKoM npoucxo^geHUu nra^i-fleMuypra, KoTopon npugep^HBaeTCH Bhhkob, TpygHo, nocKonbKy b yKpauHCKon HoBoaoÔHeû necHe, Ha cro^eTe kotopom ocHüBbiBaeTca TaKoe npegnono^eHue, ynoMaHyTbi rony6u, a He yTKM (cm. Cpe3HeBCKMM 1843, raBpunoB, HaroBu^m 2002, 50-51), hto, no Bcen Bepo- HTH0CTM, HBHHeTCH HOBmeCTBOM, T.e. pe^TOKCMeM XpMCTMaHCKOrO y^eHUa 06 OgHOM M3 06pa30B flyxa rocnoga Bora b unocTacu rony6a [unu MepycanuMa (cm. Barton 1918, 238-239) ^ uBp. yonah (Pardee 2002, 268)], oxpaHaro^ero pog HenoBeqecKUM (TaKaa ^yH^ua, no MHeHuro HeKüTopbix ceMUTonoroB, y^e OTpa^eHa b KOHHOTa^u HeKOTO-pbix anMTeTOB yrapMTcKMX 6oroB (nogpo6Hee cm. Rahmouni 2008, 189). BuguMO, npuxoguTca cornacuTbca c yTBep^geHueM B. PbróaKOBa (1987, 230) 0 npucyTcTBuu MM^onoaTMHecKoro 3auMcTB0BaHua u3 ^HHCKoro KynbTypHoro Hacne-gua (cm. 7 cHocKy), nocKonbKy ^uKca^a aKTuBHoro nepcoHa^a-fleMuypra, TaK unu uHane, cBa3aHHa c MecTaMu npo^uBaHua unu KynbTypHoro BnuaHua SToro Hapoga, cp. ceBep0-B0cT0K BenuKononbmu [B03M0^H0e mBegcKoe KynbTypHoe BnuaHue - cBeoHb y^e b 10 b. 3aBoeBanu Bcé ro^Hoe no6epe^be BanTuñcKoro Mopa (cm. LE XXX 132)], ÁpxaHrenbcKaa o6nacTb (rypa 1997, 667-668), rge npo^uBanu cupaHe - npegcTaBUTe-nu ^mhckom HapogHocTu (cm. LE XXII 315). CBoro runoTe3y Pbi6aK0B (1987, 407) 0cH0BbiBaeT Ha BbiBogax apxeonoruqecKux uccnegoBaHun HaxogoK u3 Boh^ckom Bonrapuu, T.e. bmcohhhx Kone^ Ha kotophx u3ü6pa^eHa yTKa c 3ohothm mapuKOM b KnroBe. ^T0T motub, no MHeHuro PbróaKOBa, OTpa^aeT «KocMoroHUHecKyro nereHgy, b kotopoh Mup coTBopeH yTKOH, nnaBaBmeñ no Mup0B0My OKeaHy». ^T0T 3ohotoh mapuK - KOMO^eK 3eMnu, KOToporo mo^ho co-0TH0cuTb He TOHbKO c KocMoroHUHecKUM cUMBOHOM, «HO u mecTbro 30n0TbiMU aM^MU, ynoMaHyTHMu b KaneBane: Tpu aM^BugHbix 6ycuHbi Hagera Ha Konb^, a Tpu nogBe-meHH Ha OTgenbHbix ^noHKax.», K0T0pbie, bo3mo^ho, 03HanaroT npoucxo^geHue Mupa u3 au^ (cm. A^aHacbeB I 535-536.). ^Tu ^aKTH urHopupyeT A. rypa (1997, 667-668), KOTopbiM, ocHüBbiBaacb Ha bh-Bogax pa6oTH TonopoBa 0 MH^OHHMe amymKa, yTBep^gaeT, hto yTKa «cBa3aHHa c He-huctom cunon». yTBep^geHua TonopoBa 0 geMOHunecKOM cuMBonuKu yTKu npoTUBü-penaT gaHHbiM pyccKoro ^onbKnopa, TaK KaK uMeHHO repon n03UTUBH0H KOHHOTa^u cKa30K MO^eT npeBpaTuTbca b ne6ega [unu b gpyryro Hexn^Hyro rcru^]; 300M0p^Haa unocTacb npoTuBHuKa no3uTuBHoro repoa b o6pa3e yTKu He ^uKcupyeTca (!!!) (nneT-HéBa 1978, 391, 394). flaHHoe onpegeneHue ugeHTUHHO Bbme oroBopeHHon ^yH^uu yTKu (cene3Ha), KaK aHTunoga gbHBona u BcanecKOM HenncTOH cmam b 6anTUMcK0M cnoBecHoñ Tpagu^u, cp. o6pa3 yTKu b unocTacu rp0M0Bep:^a, T.e. 0nn03u^0HH0M cune BnacTenuHa nog3eMenba: [pyccKaa Heo6pagoBaa necHa Ne 1941] Dopodou h rnna 3apem, // Ko 6opy npurnna mynem, // Ydapuna b Bopoma óypem, // nycmuna no dBopy cunbHuü doMÓb, // Caua h nonnuna ymKow, // Ha Kpunb^ h B3omna naBom, // Bo HOBue Bopoma ne6eÓKom, // Bo bucok mepeM deBymKoü. (PbróaKOBa 1984, 81); [3aragKa] KpHKHynaymKa Ha Becb cBem nymKo! KypcK [= 'rpoM']) (A^aHacbeB I 269) T.e. yTKa cum-Bonu3upyeT rpoM // MonHHro24. 24 npoMcxo®geHMe TaKoro MM^0^0^TMMecK0^0 o6pa3a MonHMM mo®ho o6tacHMTb y®e ynoMaHyTüM KOHBep-^eH^MeM nyHapHoro m conapHoro KynbTOB (cm. 1, 5 chückm m 1 cxeMy), 0 MéM cBMgeTenbcTByeT cooTHome-HMe gByx npoTMBonono®HHX nnacTOB b KocMoroHMMecKMX cKa3aHuax boctomhhx cnaBaH, T.e. «BeceHHee conH^e, OMHBmucb b go®geBHX noTOKax rpo3üB^ix Tyq, noKa3HBanocb ü^aM cMepTHbix — npocBeTneHHoe, apKO 6necTa^ee, u 6wnü ynügü6naeMü 6enücHe®HüMy ne6egro, Kynaro^eMyca b Bügax, unu gpyruM Boga-hhm ^TM^aM: yTKe u rycro» (Á^aHacbeB I 261); «no gpeBHeMy ^ü^TMMecKüMy npegcTaBneHuro, Bücxüga^ee noyTpy co;rn^ pü^ganocb M3 tgmhhx Hegp homm, a cünH^e BeceHHee — M3 Hegp rpü3üBHX Tyq. CürnacHü c no3MTMBHyro KOHHOTa^uro pe^neKTupyeT He TonbKo npucyTcTBue ^onbKnopHo-ro Bonme6Horo noMo^HUKa - KaK u 6anTußcKux CKa3Kax (cm. BHme) - b o6pa3e yTKu (nponn 1986, 33), ho u qacroe cooTHeceHue aHTponoHUMa c yTKoß, cp. [npuMep u3 BenuKopyccKux cMUTanoK] ymKa npacKymKa (TonopoB 2004, 269) « (runoKopucTUK) npacKOBbH. C^epa npo»uBaHua yTKu - BogaHoe npocTpaHcTBo, KaK u 6anTußcKoß, TaK u b cnaBaHcKoß KynbTypHoß Tpagu^uu u3gaBHa 6bina cooTHocuMa c noTycTopoHHuM MupoM yconmux25 (cm. 1, 8 chocku) - eë npuHaTo cooTHocuTb c MecToM npe6biBaHua gymoß yMepmero (3aBagcbKa u gp. 2002, 333) [KaK u b nuTOBcKOM ^onbKnope - KH 88-89; cm. 1 cHocKy] -, mto npuBeno k noaBneHuro BTopuMHbix Mu^oHUMuqecKux co-oTHomeHuß yTKu c Mu^onoruqecKUMu xTOHUMecKUMu cy^ecTBaMu26, cp. yTBep»geHua B. nponna (1986, 169) o opHUTOMop^HOM o6pa3e 6a6bi aru, KOTopaa «oMeHb MacTo aBnaeTca cTapyxoß u ogHoBpeMeHHo «hböthhm» unu 3aMeMaHua Ä^aHacbeBa (II 87), mto «yTKu Bce neTo »uByT Ha peKax, o3epax u npygax, nog Hag3opoM u oxpaHoro ge-gymKu BogaHoro» (e^ë cm. rypa 1997, 668). no ^Toß »e npuMUHe ^To nepHaToe cTanu BocnpuHuMaTb KaK cuMBon cMepTu (cm. nponn 1986, 422), cp. [3aragKy] Cudum ymKa na nnomy, // XBanumcx Ka3aKy: // HuKmo Meux He npoüdem. (oTBeT - 'cMepTb') (MBa-hob, TonopoB 1965, 78). 3HaMUT, mo»ho BbigBUHyTb npegnono»eHue, mto npoucxo»ge-Hue ^Toß ceMaHTeMb, BuguMo, cnegyeT o6,bacHaTb KaK MeTOHUMUMecKyro pe^neKcuro (6nu3Kyro cuHeKgoxe), T.e. nepeHoc ceMaHTUMecKoß KOHHOTa^uu o6^eKTa BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa (runepoHuMa) Ha ogHoro u3 ero runoHuMoB - BogaHoro nepHaToro, »u-By^ero b cpege, pa3genaro^eß Mup »uBbix u MëpTBbix (Cfl I 386-387), mto b nocnegc-tbuu onpegenuno npuMucneHue ^Toß nTu^i k xTOHUMeKoß c^epe - cp. yTUHbiß o6pa3 12 goMepeß MopcKoro ^pa u gp. (cm. MBaHOB, TonopoB 1965, 151, 190)]. no yTBep»geHuro O. Xpucro^opoBoß (2010, 252) pyccKue KongyHbu b o6pa3e ^Tu^ (b tom Mucne, u yTOK) u »ubothhx npoHUKaroT b goM u Ha gBop. Ohu u3 Meno-BeKa BHcacHBaroT KpoBb, T.e. HaBogaT cna6ocTb, 6one3Hb. no ^Toß »e npuMUHe BO3-hukhobeHua BTopuMHoß neßopaTUBHoß KOHHOTa^uu cTana ynoTpe6naTca runoHUMu-MecKaa ceMeMa '6one3eHb27 («• KorunoHuM VyMa')' - no yTBep»geHuro Ä^aHacbeBa (I 267-268), «B HeKOTopbx MecTHocTax Poccuu npocroß Hapog npegcTaBnaeT xonepy b o6pa3e orpoMHoß MepHoß nTu^i, neTaro^eß no HOMaM: Hag MbUM goMOM MameT oHa 3TMM, 3onoToe conHeMHoe aM^o Hecna MepHaa nTM^-HOMb unu nTM^ — MonHMeHocHaa TyMa: mu^, no npe-MMy^ecTBy coeguHaeMbrä c neTyxoM, KaK nTM^ro, b o6pa3e KOTopoM paBHo onu^TBopanucb m yTpeHHMM paccBeT, m nnaMa rpo3bi» (Ä^aHacbeB I 268-269). MMea BBugy to o6cToaTenbcTBo, mto nyHa no BepoBaHMaM M-E HapogoB (b oco6chhoctm, gpeBHux MHgufi^B m upaH^B) c gpeBHefimux BpeMëH MMena npaMoe oTHomeHue co c^eporo Bogbi, BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa m, b MacTHocTM, c comom - cy^HocTbro »M3HeHHoro Havana, mto onpegenuno noaBneHMe ^yH^MM noKpoBMTena go»ga, nacT6u^ m BogoëMOB (Yt. X 61) (cm. Macdonell 1927: 32; Vajracharya 1997: 5-8; Murthy 2003: 7; e^ë cm. Kper»guc 2009: 267), cooTHomeHMe pe^epeHTOB 'rpo3a // MonHMa' « 'yTKa' cnegyeT npMMMcnMTb k acco^MaTMBHWM HOBoo6pa3OBaHMaM, T.e. conpuKocHOBeHMe conH^ c TyMaMM npegonpegenuno noaBneHMe aTpu6yTMKM conH^ KOHBepreHTHoro xapaKTepa: ymKa - nepeuHHuü cumeon nyHU h emopuHHuü cumeon con^a. 25 Cp. (pyccKyro npu6ayTKy) YmKa mox, cene3Hwxa mox, He nemaü 3a peKy, He Knmü necKy, He mynu HocKy! (garyTMHa 2009, 12). 26 Cp.(pyccKyro cKa3Ky) Tym ymKa KpxKHyna, 6epe^a 3BXKHynu, Mope 63Öonmanocb, Mope ecKonuxanocb — ne3em nyöo-möa, MocanbcKax ^y6a: 3Meü mecmmnaeuü (Ns 136[632] - Ä^aHacbeB m gp. 1957). 27 no noBepbaM yKpaMH^B, ecnu yTKa HaMgëT Bonocbi MenoBeKa m M3 hmx cBeeT rHe3go, y SToro MenoBeKa 6ygeT 6oneTb ronoBa (3aBagcbKa m gp. 2002, 297). cbommm KpbinbAMM — Tyga u ABnaeTca 6one3Hb. TaK»e u HyMy cwraroT neTaro^ero yTKoro, y kotopom xboct m ronoBa 3MeuHbie, t. e. o6pa3 nTM^i cnuBaroT b 0gH0 npeg-craBneHue c 06pa30M MM^MHecKoro 3Mea». npuxoguTca co»aneTb o tom, hto rypa (1997 T.».) BHme ynOMAHyTbie BTOpMHHbie neÖOpaTMBHHe KOHHOTaTMBH M3bAcHAeT KaK apxuceMeMH. Oco6hm MM^onorunecKUM o6pa3 nTM^i-xpaHMTenbHM^i npucy^ boctoh-HoenaBHHeKMM cKa3KaM o Ko^ee BeccMepTHOM, cp. «rde Me y meöx cuepmb, Korn EeccMepmHbiü?» - «y uenx cuepmb, - ^OBOpum oh, - b maKOM-mo Mecme: mau cmoum dyö, nod dyöou xw,uk, b xw,uKe 3axty b 3aüuß ymKa, b ymKe xüup, b xtye mox cuepmb». (Na156[723] - A^aHacbeB u gp. 1957; e^e cm. cKa3KM Na157[730], ^ 162[757], ^ 269 [275]). flaHHHM cKa30HHHM motmb ynoMMHaeTca MHoruMM uccnegoBaTenaMM cnaBAHc-Koro KynbTypHoro Hacnegua (nogpo6Hee cm. Ä^aHacbeB II 210-211; Pb6aK0B 1987, 220, 236; MBaHOB, TonopoB 1965, 77; HeKnrogoB 1975, 67; Hobmk 1975, 225; MHM I 481, 742; fl0MHMK0B 2002, 149); raBpunoB, HaroBM^rn 2002, 98-99; HepegoBaHue 300M0p^H0Ö M3MeHHMBocTM npocne»MBaeTca u b rorocnaBcKMx cKa3Kax (nogpo6Hee cm. CHM 18). npaBga, ga ceö nopb HMKOMy TaK u He yganocb o6bacHMTb cMbicn HepegH 300M0p-^hhx mm^ohmmob. no MHeHuro Pb6aK0Ba (1987, 221), «MecTOHaxo^geHue KO^eeBOM cMepTM c00THeceH0 b cKa3Ke c Mogenbro BceneHHOM - am^m. HegapoM oxpaHMTenaMM SToro coKpoBM^a ABnaroTca npegcTaBMTenu Bcex pa3genoB Mupa: Boga (oKeaH), 3eMna (octpob), pacTeHua (gy6), 3Bepu (3aa^), nTM^i (yTKa).». M. Cmmphob (1997, 30, 97) M3bacHaeT 3Ty Hepegy nocpegcTBOM cucreMbi norpe6anbHoro o6paga, T.e. cnoBa Ka^ea BeccMepTHoro «CMepTb moa b urne28, urna b am^, aö^ b yTKe, yTKa b 3aö^, 3a^ b cyHgyKe, cyHgyK nog gy6oM...», no ero MHeHuro, 03HaHaroT Teno b rpo6y, rpo6 b capKO-^are, capKO^ar b cKnene, cKnen b KypraHe u T.n. Cmmphob yTBep»gaeT, hto nogo6Hoe gy6nupoBaHue M3BecTH0 co BpeMeH HeonuTa, Korga Teno yMepmero 3aBopaHMBanocb b mKypy, mKypa b ny6aH0M ^cTy, ^cra Knanacb b AMy u T.n.). TaKyro »e runoTe3y paHb-me BHcKa3ana E. CaBocTMHa (1990, 241) u gp. ^omhmkob (2002, 148-149) b stom nepe- HMcneHMM 300M0p^H0r0 3BeHa, KOTOpHM OH MMeHyeT TepMMHOM «Be^b B Be^M», BMgMT pe^neKcuro cTpyKTypupoBaHua Mupa (T.e. Mup npegcTaBnaeTca KaK ^noe). Pbi6aK0B (1987, 230)29 BHgBMHyn runoTe3y o cynepcTaTHOM npoucxo»geHMU SToro MOTMBa, T.e. oh ABnaeTca ^MHHO-yropcKMM cy6cTpaT0M, «TaK KaK o6^eu3BecTHH KocMonoruHecKue nereHgH 06 yTKe u aö^, MMero^ueca b KapenbcKOM 'KaneBane' u b MopgoBcKMx Hapog-hhx MM^ax». K co»aneHuro, b yKa3aHHHx Tpygax OTcyTcTByeT o6bacHeHue nog6opa pe^epeHTHHX 06beKT0B, KOTOpHe B 300M0p^H0M 3BeHe «Be^b B Be^M», BMgMMO, 28 flna pyccKoro ^onbKnopa TaK»e npucy^a cro»eTHaa K0HTaMUHa^ua: pe^epeHT monKa nogBepraeTca 3a-MeHe Ha xü%o, a ero cbegaHue M3bacHaeTca KaK cnoco6 npuo6peTeHua nro6BU co ctopohh geBU^i, T.e. noegaHue cuMBona nnogoBMTocTM cooTHocuTca c kohhuhom 3noro HaHano - BuguMO, ^T0 no3gHMM motmb]: [cKa3Ku] Ha moü cmopone üKeana-Mopx cmoum öyö, na dyöy cyndyK, e cyndyKe 3ax% e 3aü%e ymKa, e ymKe xü%o, a e xüu,e nmöoeb %apb-deeu%u! (^232 [202]); Mean-%apeeun ^oeopum: «Mw,y nxzymKy, Meny ceow». CmapymKü ^oeopum: «Oü, Mean-%apeeun, ona meöx xonem rneecmb; x ee uamb. nodu Me mu, Mean-%ape-eun, 3ä uope; mau neMum Kauenb, e ^moM Kaune cudum ymKa, e ^moü ymKe xuhko; eo3buu ^mo xuhko u npunecu ko une» (N2268 [270] - Ä^aHacbeB u gp. 1957). 29 ÄBTop runoTe3H yKa3HBaeT (1987, 345), hto b ogHofi cucTeMe B0cT0HH0cnaBAHcK0r0 3aKnuHaTenbHoro y3opa Hag OKHaMU yKa3aHHa ogHa 6oruHa, 0Kpy»eHHaa 3BepaMU [HacTO M3o6pa»anucb u ^TU^H: neTyxu, rycu, yTKu], KOTopaa «pacnpocTpaHeHa TaM, rge b X-XII bb. npo»MBanu MepaHcKue [^MHHO-yropcKue -P.K.] nneMeHa, TBop^H oco6oro 300M0p^H0r0 cTuna yKpameHUM». 03HanaroT KocMuHecKuft opueHTup - nyTb gymaM yMepmux b noTycropoHHuft Mup, T.e. nog ^TUMU uMeHaMu 3Bepeft u Bereft30 cKpbiTbi Ha3BaHua co3Be3guft, hto nogTBep^gaeT npaBunbHoCTb runoTe3bi o B3auMocBH3u gaHHoro CKa30HHoro MOTUBa c ^yHepanbHbiM o6pagoM (o M-E KynbrypHbix cooTBeTcTBuax gpeBHeftmero nepuoga nogpo6Hee cm. Kregzdys 2011). O cbh3u ^T0^0 ^UK^a cKa3oK c KocMuHecKuM motubom yKa3biBaroT u boctoh-Ho6anTMMCKue ^onbKnopHbie cooTBeTcTBua, cp. y^e ynoMHHyTbift cro^eT nyHapHoro KynbTa o Mu^onoruHecKoft cbh3u Me^gy 6hkom u yTKoft (cm. 1 cHocKy) - b naramcKux cKa3Kax paccKa3biBaeTca o tom, hto cMepTb gpaKoHa (3Mea, goMoBoro) cnpaTaHa b or-poMHoM 6biKe, b HeM yTKa, a b yTKe - aft^: „Varu ar tev teikt, jo tu manu beznaves speku tikpat nespeji roka dabut. Redzi simtu judzu taluma ir otrs tads pats klints kalns ka sis. Tani klinti ir pils, pilt ir briesmigs versis. Sis versis ir mans beznaves speks. Tomer ja versi art nonavetu, ir tad tu manu speku roka nedabutu: nonavetais versis parverstos par ptli gaisa. Un ja tu art ptli spetu nokert un nonavet ir tad tu manu speku roka nedabutu: nonaveta pile parverstos par olu un iekristu juras dzilumos" (Zveri par svainiem - 2. A. 552. 570. 302. A. Lerchis-Puskaitis Dzukste - Pienava. LP. II, 28. AS. II, I00 - m), T.e. [gpaKoH] „Mo^y me6e CKa3amb, nomouy nmo mu He cyMeemb ne^Ko do6umb mow 6eccMepmHocmb. Budumb, cmo Munb omcwda Haxodumcx maKax Me cKanucmax ^opa KaK u 3decb. Ha mou ^ope cmoum 3aMOK, b 3aMKe MUBem yMacHuu 6uk. ^mom 6uk u ecmb mox 6eccMepmHocmb. Ecnu mu ^mo^o 6uKa y6un 6u, u mo^^a mu He do6un 6u mow 6eccMepmHocmb: y6umuu 6uk npeBpamuncx 6u b nemxmyw ymKy. M ecnu 6u mu cyMen nouMamb u y6umb ymKy, u mo^^a ne^Ko He do6un 6u mow 6eccMepmHocmb: y6umax ymKa npeBpamunacb 6u b xu^, a mom ynan 6u b MopcKux ^ny6uH". OcHoBbiBaacb Ha pe3ynbTaTax Bbime npuBegeHHoro aHanu3a, mo^ho genaTb bh-Bog o tom, hto o6pa3 uHaKTuBHoro ^onbKnopHoro nepcoHa^a, cuMBonuHecKaa ^yHK-^ufl MeguaTopa u cnyHaftHoe cooTHeceHue nepHaToro BogaHoro31 npocTpaHcTBa c ho-KanbHbiMu 6o^ecTBaMu XToHuHecKoft c^epbi [a uHorga u ypaHucTuHecKoft] He HBnaroT-ca BecKuMu npuHuHaMu gna ycraHoBneHua M-E Mu^onoreMbi ymKa, KoTopaa gon^Ha orauHaTbca coBoKynHHM u uHguBugyanu3upyro^uM cmhchobhm nnacroM. B cbh3u c oTcyTcTBueM TaKoBoro, MHorue ^onbKnopHbie ^^U3ogH, b kotophx ynoMuHaeTca ^Ta nTu^, Mo^eT 6biTb o6^HcHHeMH KaK pe^neKcuu BTopuHHoft cumbohuku, T.e. acco^u-aTuBH. 30 Cp. yTBep^geHue A^aHacbeBa (I 270), mto «He ogHo co.m^ ynogo6¡ianocb 30^0T0My a^y; Ta ®e MeTa^o-pa npu.rara.racb u k 6¡iecTa^MM Ha He6e 3Be3gaM», «Co3Be3gue Krceag (neXeiac; — guKMM ro;iy6b), M3BecT-Hoe y HapogoB eBponeñcKux nog MMeHeM HacegKM c ^mnaTaMM, y Hamux KpecTbaH Ha3biBaeTca nTM^bUM unu ytmhmm rHe3goM». 31 MHorga b pyccKoM ^oübKnope ucno;ib3yeTca MeTOHMMu^ecKaa nepecTaHoBKa pe^epeHTa, T.e. 'BogaHoe npocTpaHCTBo' « 'yTKa (^TM^a BogaHoro npocTpaHcTBa)': Men a He nymeM, He ^opo^oü; nodne nuKDB ^opu dpan; yBuden Ha ymKe o3epo, monop b ee mu6 - Hedomuó, ^py^uM mu6 - nepemuó, mpembUM mu6 - nonano, da mumo; ymKa-mo cKyny6anacb, o3epo-mo ynemeno (N2426 [271] - A^aHacbeB m gp. 1957), cp. nomen a Ha nuKD ^opy dpamb;yBudan, HaymKax 03ep0 nnaBaem. % cpo6un mpu nanKu: odny enoByw, ^py^yw 6epe3oByw, mpembw pa6uHoByw; 6pocun enoByw - He do6pocun, 6pocun 6epe3oByw - nepe6pocun; 6pocun pa6uHoBym -y^o^un; 03ep0 ecnopxHyno, nonemeno, a ymKu ocmanucb (garyTMHa 2009, 15), mto nogTBep^gaeT npucyTc-TBue runepoHMMu^ecKoM u runoHUMHoñ Bca3u Me^gy pe^epeHTaMu 'Boga' í 'yTKa', a ^TO, b cbok> o^epegb, aB^aeTca goBo^bHo BecKMM apryMeHToM gna onpegeneHua MHaKTMBHoro xapaKTepa MM^oHMMa 'yTKa'. BblBOgbl: ^UH^BUcmu^ecKo^o aHanu3a 1) Pycc. guan. amymKa npegcraBnaeT co6om geBep6aTuB, o6pa3OBaHHbiM u3 Tpex CTpyKTypHbx K0Mn0HeHT0B: npe^. pycc. Ha- + Kop. pycc. nyb- [c ceKyHgapHbiM -m- ((^OHeTMHecKaa 3anucb) BMecTO STuMonorunecKoro -d-] + cy^. -Ka O *HanyÓKa; 1a.) ^opMa *HanyÓKa nogBeprnacb Mop^OTaKTunecKOM nepecTaHOBKu u3-3a ^e-HOMeHa Ta6y: *Hanyd-Ka 'nepT > *amyd-Ka't.^.' [Mop^onorunecKaa 3anucb] > pycc. guan. amym-Ka't.^.' [^OHeTunecKaa 3anucb]; 16.) pycc. guan. amymKa ABnaeTcfl mckohho pyccKMM ctobom, a He 6anTM3MOM; 2) pycc. guan. aHU,úóyn ABnaeTcfl ru6pugHbiM KOMnO3MTOM M3 gByx KOMnoHeH-TOB: rpeH. ávTÍ- 'npOTuB' + uBp. -6yn (coKpa^eHue [runOKOpucTuK] uMeHu ceMuTcKOrO 6Ora Eaan 3e6y6a[-6yna]). 3) nonuceMus pycc. guan. amymKa npegOnpegeneHa MHOrOO6pa3ueM um Bbipa-^aeMoro pe^epeHTa - HepTa. ^mHono^u^ecKo^o aHanu3a 1) CuMBOnuKa XTOHunecKoro 6o^ecTBa b O6pa3e yTKu ABnaeTcfl BTopuHHOM, BO3-HuKmaa KaK pe3ynbTaT npo^cca KOHBepreHTHOcTu conspHoro u nyHapHOrO KynbTOB; 2) nO cBOeM ^yH^uoHanbHocTu mu^ohum 'yTKa' coothocum c aHTunOgOM gbs-BOna u BcsHecKOM HenucTOM cunbi; 3) Hau6onee apxauHHas ^yHK^MOHanbHas pa3HOBugHocTb Mu^OHuMa 'yTKa' -^pyMeHTanbHaa, pe^neKTupyeMaa He TonbKO cnaBSHcKuMu u 6anTuMcKuMu ^onbKnop-HbiMu MOTuBaMu, ho u KynbTypHbiM HacnegueM gpyrux M-E HapogoB; 4) ^onbKnopHbiM o6pa3 uHaKTuBHoro nepcoHa^a 'yTKa' npegonpegenseT peKOHCTpy^uro ^yH^uu MeguaTopa. ^htepatypa u hctohhhkh AK - AHmuHHax Kynbmypa. Humepamypa, meamp, ucKyccmBO, tfiunocoifiux, HayKa: CnoBapb-cnpaBOHHUK. nog peg. B. H. #pxo. MocKBa: Bbicmaa mKona, 1995. ATK - AHmuHHoemb KaK mun Kynbmypu. A. floceB, H. A.HucrflKOBa, T. M.Bopogañ u gp. MocKBa: HayKa, 1988. A^aHacbeB I-III - A^aHacbeB A. H. ^o^mu^ecKue B033peHux cnaBXH Ha npupody: Onum cpaBHumenbHo^o u3yneHux cnaBmcKux npedaHuü u BepoBaHuü b cbh3u c MutfiunecKUMu cKa3aHuxuu ^py^ux podcmBeHHux HapodoB (1-3). - MocKBa: Cob-peMeHHbiM nucaTenb, 1995. BTCP.3 - Eonbrnoü monKOBuü cnoBapb pyccKo^o x3UKa. Peg. C. A. Ky3He^B. CaHKT-neTep6ypr, 2000. BC - Bonme6Hue cymecmBa: ^H^UKnone^ux. CaHKT neTep6ypr: A36yKa-KnaccuKa, 2005. rXHC - rpeu^un: xpaMu, Ha^^po6ux u coKpoBuma. MocKBa: Terra, 1997. flanb I-IV - BnaguMup flanb. Tohkobuü cnoBapb MUBo^o BenuKopyccKo^o x3UKa, 1-4. MocKBa: PyccKuM H3HK, 1989-1991. Enu3apeHKOBa I-III - Enu3apeHKOBa T. PmBeda (1-3). MocKBa: HayKa, 1999. KflP I-II - Kynbmypa ^peBHe^o PuMa (t. 1-2). Otb. peg. E. C. Tony6^6a. MocKBa: HayKa,1985. KH - KoponeBa He6eöb: HumoBCKue napadnue ckü3ku. Coct. A. HéóuTe. BunbHroc: Bu-Typuc, 1987. MHM I-II - Mutfiu uapodoB Mupa. ^H^uKnone^ux b ÖByx mouax (1 [a-K; 1987]; 2 [k-a; 1988]). MocKBa: CoBeTcKaa ^H^uKno^egufl. MC - MufionozunecKuü cnoBapb. MocKBa: CoBeTcKaa ^H^uKno^egufl, 1990. nOC - ncKobckuü oónacmHoü cnoBapb c ucmopunecKuMu daHHUMu, t. 14. HeHurnpag, 1989. PMP - Mutfiu u neaeHÖu HapodoB Mupa. PaHHxx Mmanux u Pum. Atb. peg. A. M. HeMu-poBcKUM. MocKBa: Mup KHuru, 2004. PMC - ^H^uKnone^ux «Mcne3HyBmue ^Bunu3a^u». Pum: ^xo uMnepcKoü cnaBu. MocKBa: Terra, 1997. PM - Penuauu Mupa. MocKBa: Ben^aKc, 1994. P^® - PyccKuü ^pomu^ecKuü 0onbKnop. necHu, oópagbi u oöpagoBbiM ^onbKnop, Ha-pogHHM TeaTp, 3aroBopbi, 3aragKu, HacTymKu. CocTaBneHue u Hayraoe pegaK-TupoBaHue A. TonopKoBa. MocKBa: HayHHo-u3gaTenbcKuö ^rnp «HagoMup», 1995. CAP - CnoBapb AKadeMiu PocciücKoü, t. 6. CaHKTneTepöyprb: MMnepaTopcKaa AKa-geMÍH HayKb, 1794. CBK - CKBo3b BonmeÓHoe Konbup. 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(1980), rpaMMamunecKuü cnoeapb pyccKoao H3UKa. CnoBou3MeHeHue. MocKBa. 3eneHuH fl. K. (1995), M36paHHue mpydu. OnepKu pyccKoü Muifionoauu: YMepmue HeecmecmeeHHom cMepmbm u pycanKu. MocKBa: MHgpuK. 3enuHcKuH (1993), ffpeeHeapenecKaxpenuzux. KanuHuHrpag: Cuhto. MBaHoB Bah. Bc., TonopoB B. H. (1965), CnaerncKue x3UKoeue Moöenupyrnw,ue ceMuomunecKue cucmeMU (öpeeHuü nepuod). MocKBa: HayKa. MBaHoB Bah. Bc., TonopoB B. H. (1974), MccneöoeaHux e o6nacmu cnaerncKux öpeemcmeü. MocKBa: HayKa. Kënnep B. (1986), Tpydu no eeöuücKoü Muifionoauu. MocKBa: HayKa. Konnuc fl:. (2007), Kenbmu. McmoKu, ucmopux, mu$. MocKBa: BeHe. KoponëB K. (2007), CKaHÖuHaecKaxMufionozux. MocKBa: ^KCMO. KoponeB K. (2007 ), Mu$ono^ux EpumaHCKUx 0cmp0B0B. ^dH^Knonedun. MocKBa: ^Kc- MO. Kper®guc P. (2009), npycc. Curche: STUMonoma TeoHMMa, ^yH^uu 6o®ecTBa; npo6ne-MaTUKa ycTaHoBneHMH KynbToBbix cooTBeTcTBMM Ha no^Be o6pagoBoM Tpagu^u BocToHHo-6anTMMCKMX, cnaBAHcKMX m gpyrux MHgoeBponeMCKMX HapogoB // Studia Mythologica Slavica 12, 249-320. Ky3He^Ba B. C. (1998), ffyanucmunecKue ne^eH^u o comBopeHuu Mupa b BoemoHHoenaBHHeKou ifionbKnopHou mpadu^u. Hobocm6mpck, 1998. Ky3bMMHa E. E. (1994), OmKyda npumnu uHdoapuu? MamepuanbHan Kynbmypa nneMeH aHdp0H0BCK0u očw,Hocmu u npoucxoMdeHue uHdoupaH^B. MocKBa: Mrn «KanuHa» BMHMTM PAH. Kynep fl®. (1995), ^H^uKnone^ux cuMBonoB. MocKBa: Acco^a^a flyxoBHoro EguHe-hma «3onoTon BeK». .aryTMHa T. B. (2009), Hapodmie cKopo^oBopKu, npučaymKu, nacmymKu, nocnoBu^i u 3a^a^Ku. MocKBa: PMnO.. •HeBU-Orpoc K. (1999), Mu B.H. TonopoBa, ogHMM m3 06pa30B cMepTM «b .aTHmcKMx ganHax c yHacTMeM Velu mate 0Ka3HBaeTCH Boga b pa3HHx ee BMgax, BK.roHaa m c.HKOTb, 6o.0T0, Mope, B.ary m T.n. Cp., b HacTHocTM, motmb Mopa: Dar', Dievini, zelta setu / Visgarami jüras malas, / Lai nevar Vela mate / Visu zemi zegelet ['Cge.an, Bo®e, 30.0Tyro 3aropogb / Bgo.b Bcero MopcKoro 6epera, / Hto6h MaTb Be.a He cMor.a / no Bcen 3eM.e HocMTbca'] (27683). Cyga no STOMy ^pameHTy, Vela mate HaxogMTca 3a MopeM», m b stom c.yHae «naTHmcKMM MM^o.orMHecKMM motmb (Vel- Ha Mope) go geTa.en coBnagaeT co cTapoHemcKMM cBMgeTe.bCTBOM o TaKon ®e noKa.M3a^M Be.eca (cp. np0K.HTMe-0TCH.Ky XV b.: nykam k Velesu za more; nykam k Velesu pryč na more, nogo6H0 oTCH.Ke 3a Mope .uxopagoK, 6o.e3HeM m T.n. b pyccKMx 3aroBopax)»6. B HaHa.e XX b. b Ma.on ^MTBe 3a^MKcup0BaH0 noBepbe o tom, hto bo BpeMH Be.MKon HyMH 17Q9 r. Giltiné atéjo iš marty ir smaugé žmones 'CMepTb npu-m.a M3 Mopa m gymu.a .rogen'7. npu stom oHeBMgHo cooTHomeHMe Mopa m cMepTM m Ha ^0HeTMHecK0M ypoBHe: cp. .mt. märios, mârés, marià, mâré 'Mope' m mara, märas 'cMepTb, yMMpaHMe, Mop, HyMa', mareti 'BHMupaTb', marinti 'MopuTb, yMep^B.HTb'8. M sto co3ByHMe hocMTe.HMM H3HKa xopomo 0C03HaeTCH: TaK, no onpege.eHMro .m-T0BCKoro nucaTe.H m Ky.bTypnoro geHTe.H BpeMën Ha^oHa.bHoro B03p0®genuH B. neTapuca (1894 r.), «C.oBo marios 'Mope' npoucxoguT ot c.ob marus 'cMepTHHM, cMepTonocHHn', marinantis 'MopMTe.bHHM, yMep^Bnaro^MÖ', mhhmm c.oBaMM, marios 'Mope' - to ®e, hto marinančios 'Mopa^ee, yMep^Bnaro^ee'»9. Cp. b pyccK0M cxogcTBo Me®gy Mope m Mop m, b cBoro oHepegb, Mnenue A. H. Â^anacbeBa o tom, hto Hapagy c cooTBeTCTByro^MMM c.oBaMM b gpyrux M.-e. H3HKax «c.aBHH. Mope - ot mri- 'yMMpaTb' = MepTBaa, nycTHnnaa noBepxnocTb»10. BMecTe c Â. O. ^ypaB.eBHM «6h.o 6h ne6e-3HHTepecHHM npoc.egMTb na c.aBHHCKOM h3hkobom MaTepua.e HapogHoaTMMonorM-HecKMe c6.M®enMH noHHTMn 'Mope' m 'cMepTb', BHpa®aeMHx omohmmmhhhmm KopHH-MM *mor-. Ha nepBHM c.yHan yKa®eM napanne.M3M „oTHecTB" MopéeuH '®MTe.b Mop-cKoro no6epe®ba' b cu6upcKMx 6H.MHax m MopeeHa - Mapba MopeeHa M3 „cKa30K Â^aHacbeBa", KOTopaa M0®eT 6HTb 3anogo3peHa b HeKoen KocBeHHon npuHacTHocTM noTycTopoHHeMy MMpy, cp. ee noxM^eHMe Ka^eeM, cy^HocTb („c m e p t b") KOTopo-ro, KaK M3BecTH0, .0Ka.M3yeTCH b K0HeHH0M cHeTe 3a m o p e M-0KeaH0M, Ha ocTpoBe»11. OoHeTMHecKoe cxogcTBo cooTBeTcrByro^ux c.oB hbho bo MHorux MHgoeBponencKMx H3HKaX. yHMTHBaH TaK®e Mx CeMaHTMHeCKyro C00TH0CMM0CTb, 6h.0 BHCKa3aH0 npeg- 5 Lietuvi^ rasytoj^ surinktos pasakos ir sakmés / Parengé Bronislava Kerbelyté. Vilnius, 1981, c. 47, N 16. 6 B. H. TonopoB. K peKGHCTpy^uu GgHGro ^UKna apxauHHHx MU^G^G^TUHecKUx npegcTaB.eHun b cBeTe «Latvju dainas» (K 150-.eTuro cg gHa po®geHua Kp. BapGHa) // BaaTG-caaBaHCKue ucc.egGBaHua 1984. MGCKBa, 1986, c. 55. 7 R. Racénaité. Regimieji mirties pavidalai skirtinguose lietuvi^ tautosakos žanruose // Tautosakos darbai, XXIII. Vilnius, 2007, c. 85. 8 Lietuvi^ kalbos žodynas, VII. Vilnius, 1966, c. 846-849, 858-860 u ga.ee. 9 d^mt. no: B. Kabasinskaité. Lietuvi^ kalbos liaudies etimologija ir artimi reiškiniai. Vilnius, 1998, c. 61. 10 Â. H. Â^aHacbeB. ^G^TUHecKue BG33peHua c.aBHH Ha npupogy, II, c. 65. Â. H. Â^aHacbeB npugep®UBa.-ca ycTapeBmero y®e b ero BpeMa npegcTaB.eHua g npGUcxG®geHUu Bcex MHgoeBponeïïcKux h3hkgb U3 caHCKpuTa, ^G^TGMy BMecTo u.-e. *mer- yKa3HBaeT cGGTBeTCTByro^uñ caHCKpuTCKun raarG.bHHM KopeHb Hy.eBGn cTeneHU HepegoBaHua raacH^ix (b cGBpeMeHHGn TpaHCKpu^^uu) mr-. 11 Â. O. ^ypaB.eB. h3hk u mu^: ^UHrBUcTUHecKUM KGMMeHTapun k Tpygy Â. . Â^aHacbeBa «^G^TUHecKue BG33peHua c.aBHH Ha npupogy». MocKBa: MHgpuK, 2005, c. 289; pa3pagKa Â. nono^eHue o tom, hto KopHH u.-e. *mör- 'Mope, cTOHHaa Boga' u *mer- yMupaTb; CMepTb' geMCTBHTejbHo flBJflroTCfl pogcTBeHHbiMH, T.e. cBH3aHHbiMH reHeTMHeCKM, ^THM0^0^H-HecKH12. TunonoruHecKH noKa3aTejbHo, hto, HanpuMep, HHgeß^i «KBaKuyTJb npegcTaB-jihjih ceöe Mope KaK orpoMHyro peKy, TeKy^yro Ha ceBep. TaK Ha ceBep (b gpyrux TeKCTax roBopuTcH o 3anage), b jro6oM cjyHae b oTKpbiToe Mope, oTKpbiBaeTca Bxog b nog3eMHHM Mup, rge gymu yMepmux coeguHaroTca co cBepx'becrecTBeHHbiMH gyxa-mh. Korga npujHB y6biBaeT, Mope HanojHHeT nog3eMHbiö Mup; oho onopo^HHeT ero, Korga BHoBb nogHUMaeTcH»13. no HayHeHuro pyccKoß HH^opMaHTKH o 3aroBopax, ecnu öournbcx, nmo noKoüuuK Bepuemcn, mo, Ko^^a npuöemb c Knaööuw,a, omKpoü Bce 3acoBu y nenKU u npo^oBopu b mpyöy: Tu - 3 a p e k o Ü, h - 3a ^py^oü, mu k nau - hu Ho^oü■■ cp. e^e 3aroBop ot Bo3Bpa^eHua noKoßHHKa: M - 3 a p e k o Ü, mu - 3a ^py^oü, He bu-öambcx Hau c moöoü. Eydb cBxm, neMu Ha cBoeu uecme14. «.ro6onbrrao b ^T0M cMbicne, hto ropMM flonropyKMM, no cBHgeTejbCTBy jeTonucu, Ha3biBan 3agHenpoBcKuß KueB-ckhm gBop „paeM" faoMe 3Bamemb cau^ [föpuü] PaeM»); mo^ho npegnono^HTb, hto b ^TOM HauMeHoBaHuu aKTyajH3upyeTCH H3biHecKoe npegcraBneHue o pae KaK MecTe, oTgejeHHoM BogHbiM npocTpaHCTBoM»15. no oTHomeHuro k cKa3aHHoMy 3acny:uBaroT npucTajbHoro HHTepeca cooöpa^eHHH O.H. Tpy6aHeBa o6 ^THM0^0^HHecK0H conpa-^eHHocTH cjaBHHcKoro o6o3HaHeHHH Mupa 6na:eHHHX *rajb c raaronbHbiM rHe3goM u.-e. *rei- / *roi- / *röi- 'TeHb', Kyga npuHagne^HT u cjaB. *reka 'peKa'; *rajb TojKyeTcH KaK 'cBH3aHHbiM c TeHeHueM, b HacTHocTH, '3apeHHbiß'16. B KaHecTBe npuMepa caMoß peKH KaK nyTH Ha tot cBeT npuBegeM gjH conocTaB-jeHHH oguH 3a gpyruM crpo^y yKpauHcKoß KopoBaßHoß necHH (3anucaHHoß b cepe-guHe XIX b. Ha BejHKopyccKUM MaHep), b KoTopoß gyma b paro ynogo6jHeTcH pbi6e b flyHae: Buüch, KopoBam, Ew,e Bummuü Budpam, Mk öymeüKa no pam, A puöoüKa no ffyHam17; HeTBepocTumue naTbimcKoß gaßHbi (3anucaHa b 5 BapuaHTax), b KoTopoM gymu nnHByT no peKe flBHHe (3aMeTHM: Ha 3anag u no HanpaBjeHuro k m o p ro, o6^eguHHH TeM caMHM gBa MecTonono^eHHH Mupa MepTBbix BoeguHo): 12 B. n. Ka3aHcKeHe. «CToHHaH Boga» h «cMepTb» b HHgoeBponeßcKoM TpagH^HH // BanTo-cnaBHHcKHe stho-KyjbTypHwe h apxeojorHHecKHe gpeBHocTH: norpe6ajbHWM o6pag (Te3Hcbi goKjagoB). MocKBa, 1985, c. 43-44. 13 K. .eBH-CTpocc. nyTb MacoK. MocKBa, 2000, c. 65. 14 PyccKHe 3aroBopbi h 3aKJHHaHHH / nog pega^uefi npo^. B. n. AHHKHHa. M3gaTejbcTBo MocKoBcKoro yHHBepcHTeTa, 1998, c. 385, 2462 h 2456; cm. A. O. ^ypaBjeB. H3biK h mh$, c. 288-289. 15 B.A. YcneHcKHM. OujojorHHecKHe pa3bicKaHHH, c. 56; cm. A. O. ®ypaBneB. fl3biK h mh^, c. 288-289. 16 A. O. ^ypaBjeB. h3wk h mh^, c. 290; O. H. Tpy6aHeB. ^TH0^eHe3 h KyjbTypa gpeBHefimux cjaBHH: .HHr-BucTHHecKHe uccjegoBaHHH. MocKBa: HayKa, 2003, c. 190. Cp., KcTaTH, 3apeHbe b cTapoM BujbHroce, go cux nop HMero^ee oco6biß KyjbTypHWM cTaTyc. 17 H. O. CyM^0B. CuMBojHKa cjaBHHcKHx o6pagoB: M36paHHbie Tpygw. MocKBa, 1996, c. 241. Strauji tek Daugavina, 'Eucmpo menem ffBUHymKa, Strauji dienu, strauji nakti. Eucmpo drnu, 6ucmpo Honbm. Ka ta strauji neteces, KaK Me oHa He nomenem 6ucmpo, Pilna dargu dveselišu. nonHax ^opo^ux dym'l&; M OTpbIBOK M3 MaHgeuCTCKOrO COHMHeHMfl «nnaH Ticuna», B KOTOpOM tot gna cnaceHua gym C03gaeT peHHbie n0T0Ku: «ft C03gan pyHbu u3 CBe^en Bogbi, KaK BÓgbi b MopgaHe, b K0T0pHX gymu npuHuMaroT Kpe^eHue. ft C03gan nyTb, TaK hto Bee gymu nnHByT no TeHeHuro u BoecTaroT»19; * Hto ^e KacaeTca Hamen TeMH, uHTepec npegcTaBnaroT cnegyro^ue pyccKue 3a-ragKM c OTBeTOM «Kopa6nb unu nogKa», b KOTopbix Mope TaK^e npaMO ynogo6nfleTCH CMepTu: Edem B03 6e3 Konec, a dopo^a 6e3 necKy, a KHym 6e3 necKy, cudum no^oHxem, Ha cuepmb no^nxdaem; unu ^e: Edy, edy - cnedy Hemy, o^nmycx - cMepmu 6omcx; TeM 6onee cnegyro^aa: Edy, edy, hu nymu, hu cnedy, cuepmb nodo mhoü, Eo^ Hado mhoü20. TaK^e b eooTBeTCTByro^ux 6enopyccKux: Edy-edy Ha cubum dedy, cyxonuHuü nb^umm, Ha cMepw nunudam [no^nxdam] = BogHaa n0BepxH0CTb21; Edy, edy Ha cmapuM d3edy, KieM nanixam, Ha cMepna^nxdam = HenH; Edy, edy - hí cnedy. nyMKam Maxam, Ha cMep^ na3ipam; Edy na paymd3i, ad cMep^ Ha mpu nxd3i i nad Ha^aMi He6a = nogKa; Bo3 6e3 Kanec, dapo^a 6e3 nxcKy, cbímhom na^ame, Ha cMep^ na^nxdae = nnHTb Ha HenHe; Ha cyxiM edy, cyxiM na^aHxm, Ha cMep^ na^nxdam = nogKa, Becno22. B naramcKux: Celš bez smilšu, zirgs bez kaju, apakša nave 'flopora 6e3 necKa, KOHb 6e3 Hor, BHu3y CMepTb' = nog-Ka Ha Boge; Krasla sed, nove veras 'B Kpecne cuguT, Ha CMepTb CMOTpuT'; Pats koka, koks roka, nave skatas 'CaM b gpeBe, b pyKe gpeBO, Ha CMepTb CMOTpuT' = HenoBeK b nogKe23. B nuTOBCKOM: Kumelé be klušiy, kelias be dulkiy, botagas be pavaros - mirtis ant nosies 'Ko6bina 6e3 na^eK, gopora 6e3 nbinu, 6uh 6e3 nog6opbi - CMepTb Ha Hocy' = nnHTb Ha nogKe24. M nogKa unu Kopa6nb, KaK cpegcTBO npeogoneHua «Mopa CMepTu» unu nepe-gBu^eHua no HeMy, 3gecb noaBnaeTca He cnynaMHO. TaK, b gpeBHeeruneTCKux «TeKCTax capKO^aroB» mh o6Hapy^uBaeM cnegyro-^ee o6pa^eHue k yconmeMy: «Th nepennHBemb Ha gpyryro CTopoHy Ha nogKe u He 18 Krisjana Barona Dainu skapis // , N 30710-5; cm. J. Kursite. Latviesu folklora mitu spoguli. Riga, 1996, c. 57. 19 The Gnostic Bible / Edited by Willis Barnstone and Marvin Meyer. Boston & London, 2003, c. 559. 20 3aragKu / M3gaHue nogroTOBuna B. B. MuTpo^aHoBa. ^eHMHrpag, 1968, c. 134, N 4471, 4492; 3aragKu pyccKoro Hapoga: C6opHMK 3aragoK, BonpocoB, npuTM u 3aga^ / CocTaBun fl. CagoBHMKoB. C.-neTep6ypr, 1876, c. 183, 185, N 1485, 1509. 21 npocTOHapogHbie 3aragKM / Co6pan b Brne6cKoM ry6epHuu H.H. HuKu^opoBcKMM. BuTe6cK, 1898, c. 27, N 476 (3anucu H. H. HuKu^opoBcKoro Bbmo;raeHbi TorgamHMMu pyccKMMu nucMeHaMM u oTTm^aroTcs ot no3®e npMHSToro 6e.nopyccKoro npaBonucaHus). 22 3aragKi: 2-e BbigaHHe, BbmpayroHae i ganpa^BaHae / CKnagHiKi: M. H. rpwH6naT, A. I. rypcKi. MiHcK, 2004, c. 265, 266, N 2868, 2870, 2875, 2878, 2879. 23 Latviesu tautas miklas. Izlase / Sastadijusi A. Ancelane. Riga, 1954, c. 170-171: N 1726, 1738, 1739. 24 „Menu mjsl^ keturgysl^": Lietuvi^ liaudies mjsles / Paruose K. Grigas. Vilnius, 1970, c. 139, N 953. o6epHembca, th nonHHBemb no BoHHaM noToKa, u tboh ^u3Hb HaHHeTcH cH3H0Ba»25. B cBoro oHepegb, Ha pocnucax boctohhom cTeHH rpo6Hu^i TyTaHxaMoHa HaxoguTcH u3o6pa^eHue nagbu, u TaK^e «cpegu Bereft, HaftgeHHbix b rpo6Hu^ TyTaHxaMoHa, mh BcTpeHaeM nagbu, Becna»26. B gpeBHeeruneTcKoft Mu^onoruu rpo6 c yno^eHHHM b Hero OcupucoM nycKaeTca bhu3 no TeHeHuro Huna27. «„^ogKa yMepmux" urpaeT 3HaHuTeHb-Hyro poHb b Manaft3uu u MHgoHe3uu, KaK b co6cTBeHHo maMaHcKux npaKTuKax, TaK u b norpe6anbHHx o6biHaHx u nnaHax. Bce ^TU BepoBaHuH, KoHeHHo, cBH3aHH, c ogHoft cTopoHbi, c o6biHaeM KnacTb noKoftHuKoB b HogKu uhu norpy^aTb ux b Mope, a c gpyroft cTopoHbi, c norpe6anbHHMu Mu^onoruHMu»28. «B MHgoHe3uu maMaH conpoBo^gaeT yMepmero b noTycTopoHHuft Mup u gnH ^T0^0 ^KCTaTUHecK0^0 nyTemecTBuH HacTo uc-nonb3yeT HogKy», b to BpeMH KaK «gaHKcKue nnaKanb^u^i BopHeo BbmonHHroT Ty ^e poHb, HaneBaH puTyanbHbie necHu, b KoTopbix ugeT peHb o nyTemecTBuu yMepmero b HogKe»29. y gaHKoB Hrag^y b M^hom BopHeo, cooTBeTcTBeHHo, «rpo6 uMeeT ^opMy HogKu»30. y nneMeHu Topag^a b ^HTpanbHoM CynaBecu «rpo6 Ha3biBancH hu6o 6aH-^Ka, hu6o dMyMy. BTopoe chobo o6o3HaHaeT nro6oft noKpoB, Torga KaK nepBoe uMeno 3HaHeHue „HogKa" [...]. Hto rpo6 geftcTBuTenbHo mhchuhch HogKoft, HBcTByeT u3 Toro ^aKTa, hto ecnu K0My-T0 bo cHe npuBugencH HenoBeK, ugy^uft Ha Becnax, to cHuTanocb, hto ^pe6e^ BcKope yMpeT»31. no cnoBaM B.H. TonopoBa, <«tot Kpyr 06pa30B cMepTu b nocnegHee BpeMH nonyHun nogTBep^geHue b cBugeTenbcTBax ^a^ueHT0B, nepe^uBmux KnuHuHecKyro cMepTb. Bot ogHo u3 TaKux noKa3aHuft: noTepana co3HaHue, nocne Hero ycnHmana HenpuHTHoe ^y^^aHue u 3boh. 3aTeM h noMHro, KaK 0Ka3anacb Ha ko-pa6ne unu b He6onbmoft HogKe, nepenHHBmeft Ha gpyroft 6eper BogHoro npocTpaHcTBa, a Ha tom 6epery h Bugena Bcex, Koro h nro6una b ^Toft ^u3hu..."»32. «AHanoruHHbie BepoBaHuH u norpe6anbHbie npaKTuKu (nogKa yMepmux u T.n.) BcTpeHaroTcH y repMaH^B u y HnoH^B»33. Cp. u3BecTHbie cKaHguHaBcKue 3axopoHeHuH b nagbHx BpeMeH BuKuHroB u paHee, noxopoHHbie nagbu b repMaHcKoft Mu^onoruu (Ha-npuMep, noxopoHH KoponH b «BeoBynb^e», Banbgpa b <^ggax») u gp.34 CxogHbiM 06-pa30M, a BepoHTHo u b HenocpegcTBeHHoft cbh3u c ^TUM, no cnoBaM E.E. ^eBKueBcKoft, «Bepa b to, hto gyma no gopore Ha „tot" cBeT nepenpaBHHeTcH Hepe3 BogHyro nperpagy, Hamna oTpa^eHue b gpeBHepyccKoM noxopoHHoM o6page: yMepmero Hecnu k MecTy norpe6eHuH b nagbe»35. no Ha6nrogeHuro B.A. HucTHKoBa, «b KaneHgapH0-06pag0B0M ^onbKnope coxpaHunucb u ottohocku BepH b to, hto 3arpo6Hbift Mup HaxoguTcH b hu-30BbHx peKu: HyHeno unu gpyroft 3HaK c TeM ^e 3HaHeHueM 6pocanu b Bogy, uMuTupyH npu ^T0M noxopoHH. OguH u3 nogo6Hbix o6pagoB - noxopoHH pycanKu - 3aKnroHancH b tom, hto HapH^eHHyro b nnaTbe KyKny Knanu b rpo6, „noxopoHHaa" npo^ccuH HanpaB- 25 M. ^HMage. CBa^eHHbie tckcth HapogoB MMpa, c. 347. 26 M3. MaTbe. M36paHHbie Tpygbi no mm^oho™m m ugeoHoruM flpeBHero ErunTa. MocKBa, 1996, c. 51. 27 L. Spence. Myths and Legends of Egypt. London, (1915) 1998, c. 67-68. 28 M. ^HMage. fflaMaHM3M: ApxaMHecKMe TexHMKM ^KCTa3a. KueB-MocKBa, 2000, c. 330. 29 TaM ®e, c. 332. 30 M. ^HMage. CBa^eHHbie TeKcTH HapogoB MMpa, c. 166. 31 TaM ®e, c. 339. 32 B. H. TonopoB. O «^0^TMHecK0M» KoMnHeKce Mopa m ero ncMx0^M3M0H0rMHecKMx ocHoBax // Oh ®e. Mh^, puyaH, cmmboh, o6pa3: MccHegoBaHMa b o6HacTM MM^o^o^TMHecKoro (M36paHHoe). MocKBa, 1995, c. 619. 33 M. ^HMage. fflaMaHM3M, c. 330. 34 H. R. E. Davidson. Gods and Myths of Northern Europe. London, 1990, c. 133-137. 35 E. E. geBKMeBcKaa. Mm^h pyccKoro Hapoga. MocKBa, 2002, c. 172. nanacb k peKe, rge c pycanKOM npo^anucb m 6pocanu rpo6 b Bogy. TaK b KaneHgapHOM ^onbKnope OTpa3uncH pacnpocTpaHeHHHM gpeBHecnaBHHCKMM o6braaM norpe6eHMH MnM Co^^eHMH B nOgKe [...]. BocnOMMHaHMH o6 ^TOM CoxpaHMHMCb M B TOnKOBaHMHx cHa - nepeg noKOMHMKOM HKo6bi chmtch nogKa»36. Cp. cuHOHMMuro 'rpo6a' m 'nagbu' b cnoBax Konoda 'rpo6' m 'gon6neHHaH nogKa, (nonec.) dy6 'rpo6' m 'gon6neHHaH nogKa' m T.n.; A. O. ^ypaBneB nogMenaeT: «Ka^eTca, b ^TOM cbh3m go eux nop He o6pa^anu bhm-MaHMH Ha ogHy b Bbicmen creneHM 3aMenaTenbHyro yKpauHcKyro (3anucaHHyro Ha yMaH-^MHe, TeppuTopuH coBpeMeHHoft HepKaccKOM o6nacTu) napeMMonoruqecKyro ^opMy-ny, KOTopaH cny^MT OTBeTOM ^anyro^eMyca Ha to, hto oh He Bbicnanca: Bucnuccx b hobhî (a6o: b dy6i) 'Bbicnumbca b nenHe (unu: b nogKe-gon6neHKe)', to ecTb 'b rpo6y, Ha tom CBeTe'»37. 3gecb TaK^e yMecTHO BcnoMHMTb o tom, hto cTapocnaB. KOBbHe^^¡ MMeno 3HaneHMe 'rpo6' u Boo6^e 6bino 3auMCTBobaHO M3 boctohhhx H3HKOB, cpegu KOTOpbix qynbiM.-TaTap. koyur 'rpo6',MOHron. qagurcaq '6obmon h^mk, rpo6' u gp.38 «He cKa3anocb nu onucHBaeMoe HBneHue, - 3agaeTCH BonpocoM A. O. ^ypaBneB, - u b aHanorunecKon Bbipa6oTKe MeTa^opunecKoro 3HaneHMH 'cMepTb, KOHe^ y TK>pKM3Ma KamK 'nogKa, nen-hok' (m3 TaTap., Type^K., KpbiM.-TaTap. kajyk)?»39. B npyccuu o6Hapy^eHbi 3axopoHeHMH Ha BbiMO^eHHbix KaMHeM nno^agKax, MMero^ux ^opMy Kopa6nH40. PeMMHMC^eH^MM norpe6anbHbix nogoK OTpa^aroTca b HapogHbix necHHx nuTOB^B M3 Manon ^mtbh41, MO^eT 6biTb, u b HeKOTopbix nuTOBcKux nereHgax u npegaHMHx42. B HeKOTopbix naramc-kmx 3aragKax caMa nogKa ynogo6naeTcfl MepTBe^y: Nedzîvs dzïvu nes (vizina) 'MepTBbin ^MBoro HeceT (bo3mt)'; Dzîvs zalu kroni nes, nomiris - dzîvas dveseles 'Bygynu «mbhm hocmt 3eneHyro KopoHy, yMepmu - «hbhx gym' = HenoBeK b nogKe43. Cp. BHme 3aragKM o nogKe Ha Boge = cMepTM. B ^TOM OTHomeHuu cnegyeT o6paTMTb BHMMaHue Ha TaKue cnoBa cooTBeTcTBy-ro^ux H3HKOB, KaK nTm. nave (b HacTHocTM, b Tex ^e 3aragKax), nuT. nové 'cMepTb', npyccK. nowis 'Tpyn', gp.-pyc. HaBb, roT. naus 'Teno MepTBe^' u gp. C ogHon cTopoHbi, pacnpocTpaHeHue gaHHbix cnoB «orpaHuneHO 6anTO-cnaBHHO-repMaHcKMM apeanoM, hto HBcTBeHHO yKa3biBaeT Ha o6^HocTb npegcTaBneHun o cMepTM u cooTBeTcTByro^ux o6pHgoB y ^TMx MMeHHO rpynn MHgoeBpone^eB», «ho BMecTe c TeM - cornacHO Bah. Bc. MBaHOBy, - M3BecTHbie gaHHbie o ponu nogKM unu Kopa6nH b norpe6anbHOM o6page y Tex ^e nneMeH genaroT BecbMa BepoHTHbiM conocTaBneHue c o6^eMHgoeBponencKMM Ha3BaHueM 'cygHa, 3Byna^MM npaKTunecKM TaK ^e [cp. naT. navis, gp.-rp. vava u gp.]. Ecnu ^Ta runoTe3a BepHa, to npeBpa^eHue 'cygHa, Kopa6nH, nogKu' *nau- b oguH M3 Ba^Heflmux ^neMeHTOB norpe6anbHoro o6paga Morno 6bi cnuTaTbcH cy^ecTBeHHbiM ^THonMH^BMCTMHecKMM npu3HaKOM Bcero 6anTO-cnaBHHO-repMaHcKoro apeana»44. 36 B. A. Hmcthkob. npegcTaBneHMH o gopore b 3arpo6Hbifi Mup b pyccKMx noxopoHHbix npuMMTaHMHx IX-XX bb. // 06pagbi m o6pHgoBWM ^onbKnop. MocKBa, 1982, c. 122. 37 A. O. ®ypaBneB. 83hk m mm^, c. 290. 38 A. O. ®ypaBneB. fl3WK m mm^, c. 291; cm. M. OacMep. ^TMMono^MMecKMM cnoBapb pyccKoro H3WKa, II. CaHKT-neTep6ypr, 1996, c. 272. 39 A. O. ®ypaBneB. 83hk m mm^, c. 288. 40 V. Simènas. Archeologini^ tyrinèjim^ Prusijoje istorija // UZmirstieji prusai: Archeologija, istorija, padavimai ir turistiniai marsrutai. Vilnius, 1999, p. 45. 41 R. Balsys. MaZosios Lietuvos Zvej^ dainos. Klaipèda, 2003, p. 157-158. 42 J. Balys. Rastai, IV. Vilnius, 2003, c. 94, 116-117: » 61-65. 43 Latviesu tautas mïklas, c. 171: » 1740, 1741. 44 Bot. Bc. MBaHOB. gMHrBMcTM^ecKMe MaTepuanw k peKOHCTpyK^MM norpe6anbHwx tôkctob b 6anTMnc-kom TpagM^MM // BanTO-cnaBHHcKMe MccnegoBaHMH 1985. MocKBa, 1987, c. 9; cm. T. B. raMKpenug3e, Bot. CornacHo Mupna ^nHage, «puTyanbHaH nogKa, Ha KoTopyro cKnagbiBanu Tpynbi, 6bina npoTOTunoM Bcex nponux nogoK. ^T0 oneHb Ba^Hoe 3aMenaHue, m6o oho n0M0-raeT nynme npegcraBuTb ce6e 3apo^geHue HenoBenecKoro MacTepcTBa. To, hto Ha3biBa-eTcH „noKopeHue npupogbi HenoBeKoM", 6bino He cronbKo pe3ynbTaToM HenocpegcTBeH- HHX HayHHblX oTKpHTMM, CKonbKo nnogoM pa3HMHHHX „CHTya^HM", B KoTopbx HenoBeK oKa3biBanca b ^T0M Mupe, CHTya^HM, onpegenaeMbix guaneKTuKoß uepo^aHun»45. B ^TOM oTHomeHuu TaK^e mo^ho yKa3aTb Ha noBceMecTHo H3BecTHbM Mu^onorunecKuß mothb gepeBHHHoß Kop3uHbi, H^uKa unu 6ohku, 3aKnroneHHHM b KoTopyro repoß (unu 6ygy^un repoß) nycKaeTCH b Mope unu no TeneHuro peKu - cp. y^e oTMeneHHbiñ Bbime rpo6 Ocupuca. * Ho o6pa3 nogKu b Bogax cMepTu, pa3yMeeTcH, He ABnaeTca nepBuHHbiM. McTopu-necKu 6onee paHHuM npegcTaBneHueM cMepTu 6bina nacTb, rnoTKa qygoBu^a, b nepByro onepegb - BogHoro qygoBu^a, b HacTHocru, 6onbmoñ pbi6bi. no cnoBaM B. nponna, «cMepTb-no^upaTenbHu^ gpeBHee gpyrux BugoB cMepTu», ^0^T0My «6biTb npornoneH-HbM 6bino nepBHM ycnoBueM npuo6^eHufl k uHoMy ^pcTBy», a «Bxog b ^pcTBo ugeT nepe3 nacTb ^ubothhx»46. 3gecb yMecTHo HanoMHuTb, hto gpeBHerpenecKoe cnoBo %áoq 'xaoc' - ogHoro KopHH c xpioxu> '3eBaTb, 3uHTb, pacKpbiBaTb poT' u ganee c pyccKuMu 3uxmb,paseeamb, nuToBcKuMu zióti(s) 'pa3eBaTb, pacKpHBaTb poT, ziótys 'nacTb; ropno-BuHa' u BocxoguT k u.-e. KopHro *ghe- / *ghs- co 3HaneHueM 'pa3eBaTb poT, 3eBaTb, 3uHTb', k KoTopoMy TaK^e BocxoguT gpeBHeucnaHgcKoe Ha3BaHue nepBuHHoñ 6e3gHH xaoca Ginnunga gap47. no cnoBaM A. floceBa, «xaoc mOToMy o3HanaeT npe^ge Bcero '3eB, '3eBaHue', '3uHHue'», «oh - MupoBoe lygoBuqe,cy^HocTb KoToporo ecTb nycToTa u huhto»48. noHHTue o6 Auge KaK o nygoBu^e, norno^aro^eM yMepmux, He 6bino ny^go u xpucTuaHcKoM Mbicnu, HanpuMep, b ogHoM u3 cpegHeBeKoBHx u3o6pa^eHuñ «Xpuc-toc ctout y oTKpbiToñ nacTu orpoMHoro pbi6onogo6Horo nygoBu^a, u3 KoToporo BHxogHT nepBbie npegcTaBuTenu HenoBenecrea - AgaM u EBa»49. npeucnogHroro b Bc. MBaHOB. HHgoeBponeficKMM S3MK m MHgoeBpone^bi: PeKOHcTpy^ua u McTOpuKO-TunonorMMecKUM aHa.M3 npaa3biKa u npoTOKy.bTypbi. M3gaTe.bcTBO TöunuccKoro yHMBepcuTeTa, 1984, c. 825; O.H. Tpy-öa^eB. ^THO^eHe3 u Ky.bTypa gpeBHefimux c.aBaH, 190-191; A. O. ®ypaB.eB. H3biK u mh^, c. 288; cp. H.A. KpuHu^Haa. PyccKaa HapogHaa MM^onoruMecKaa npo3a: Mctokm m no;mceMaHTM3M 0Öpa30B, I: Bbi-.mmkm, öbiBa.b^MHbi, .ereHgbi, noBepba o gyxax-«xo3aeBax». CaHKT-neTepöypr, 2001, c. 421. 45 M. ^.raage. O^epKM cpaBHMTe.bHoro penuraoBegeHua. MocKBa,1999, c. 148. 46 B. H. nponn. CoöpaHue TpygoB: Mop^onorua (BO.meÖHOM) cKa3KM [C. 5-111]; McTOpu^ecKue KopHM bo.-meÖHOM cKa3Ku [C. 112-436]. MocKBa, 1998, c. 332, 345, 367. 47 Cm.: T. B. TonopoBa. CeMaHTM^ecKaa cTpyKTypa gpeBHerepMaHcKOM Moge.u Mupa. MocKBa, 1994, c. 42; M. OacMep. ^TMMO¡Io™MecKMM c.OBapb pyccKoro a3WKa, II, c. 98; n. H. HepHbix. McTOpMKO^TMMO.ro™-qecKMM c.OBapb coBpeMeHHoro pyccKoro a3WKa, I. MocKBa, 1999, c. 325; E. Fraenkel. Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg, Göttingen, 1962-1965, c. 1312-1313; J. de Vries. Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Leiden, 1962, c. 156, 167; a TaK^e J. Pokorny. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, I. Bern-München, 1959, c. 418-422, 449 u gp. fflupe oö ^TOM BecbMa pacnpocTpaHeHHOM u pa3BMTOM npeg-cTaB.eHuu cm.: A. O. ^ypaB.eB. H3wk m mm^, c. 386-388; fl. Pa3aycKac. CuMBO.MKa pwöw, cBa3aHHaa c hh»hhm MupoM u cMepTbro, b öa.TO-c.aBaHcKOM TpagM^MM // BanTO-c.aBaHcKue uccnegoBaHua XVII. MocKBa, 2006, c. 332-344. 48 Mu^bi HapogoB Mupa: ^H^MK^o^egMa b gByx TOMax, II. MocKBa, 1982, c. 579, 581. 49 ^. B. Taräop. nepBOöwTHaa Ky.bTypa. MocKBa, 1989, c. 163. Buge 6onbmoñ pbi6bi, pa3Bep3HyBmeñ rnoTKy, mm HaxoguM m b ucKyccTBe, b nacraocTM, b KapTMHe ^nb rpeKo «Coh ^ununna II» (cm. MHM II, 43) u gp. 3gecb mo^ho BcnoMHUTb cnoBa EBaHrenua ot MaT^ea 12.40, rge npe6biBaHuro MoHbi bo npeBe 6onbmoñ pbi6bi ynogo6naeTca rpo6HM^ Mucyca XpucTa: «M60, KaK 6bm MoHa bo npeBe KMTa Tpu gHa u Tpu hohm, TaK 6ygeT Cmh HenoBenecKMM b cepg^ 3eMnu Tpu gHa u Tpu hohm». TaKUM o6pa3oM, rpo6HM^ Mucyca XpucTa - a BMecTe c TeM u Morunbi Bcex yconmux go u nocne Hero, KOTopbix Oh Cbomm BocKpeceHueM cnac U3 nacTU BeHHOM noru6enu, - npupaBHMBaroTca k npeBy «6onbmoñ pbi6bi», npegcTaB-naro^eñ co6oñ cMepTb. M conocTaBneHue ^TO TaK^e ganeKo He cnynañHo. HañgeHHbiñ b nunpaxBe KaMeHHbiñ cocyg c ocTaHKaMU rayTaMbi Byggbi To^e, KcTaTU, UMeeT ^opMy pbi6bi50. no cnoBaM nponna, «rpo6, ^TO, KOHeHHo, no3gHeñmee aBneHue. Ho bo3hmk-HoBeHue u ^BonK>^Ma rpo6a Boo6^e MoryT 6biTb npocne^eHbi. npegmecTBeHHUKaMU rpo6a aBnaroTca gepeBaHHbie xpaHunu^a ^mbothom ^opMbi. TaKue xpaHunu^a 3a-cBugeTenbcTBoBaHH bo MHorux MecTax. fflyp^ HanpuMep, coo6^aeT o goMax c gepe-BaHHbiMU M3o6pa^eHMaMM a k y n, BHyTpu KOTopbix xpaHunucb Tpynbi Borgen. ^TO - gpeBHeñmaa ^opMa rpo6a. TaKaa ^opMa, b cBoro onepegb, oTpa^aeT 6onee paHHue npegcTaBneHua o npeBpa^eHUu nenoBeKa npu cMepTU b ^MBOTHoe unu o cbegeHMM ero «mbothhm. B ganbHeñmeM rpo6 TepaeT cbom ^MBOTHbie aTpu6yTbi. TaK, b eruneTcKOM „KHure MepTBbix" mo^ho BugeTb M3o6pa^eHua capKo^aroB unu nocTaMeHTOB, Ha ko-Topbix ne^MT MyMua. Ohm UMeroT ho«km ^mbothoto m ronoBy u xboct ^mbothoto. B ganbHeñmeM ^MBOTHbie aTpu6yTbi coBceM oTnagaroT, u rpo6 npMHMMaeT U3BecTHbie HaM ^opMbi»51. TeM 6onee hto capKo^ar, gp.-rp. oapxo-pàyoç, 6yKBanbH0 03HanaeT 'no-^upaTenb nnoTM, nnoTo-agHbiñ' u HenocpegcTBeHHo yKa3biBaeT Ha conocTaBneHue rpo-6a, Morunbi c nygoBM^eM, npornoTMBmuM nnoTb yMepmero. ^0^T0My geMcTBMTenbHo, no cnoBaM fl^. ^Mn6enna, «capKo^ar unu rpo6 aBnaroTca b apMa^MaMM npeBa KUTa»52. Oco3HaHue ^T0^0, HaKOHe^ coBepmeHHo neTKo oTpa^aroT pyccKue 3aragKU c oTBeTOM «MoHa»: rpo6 nnuBem, b HeM MepmBe^ noem; rpo6 xodxrne, b HeM MepmBe^ noxme; nnuBem ^po6 no Mopm, a b HeM MepmBe^ uMe xepyBUMU noems3; rpo6 nnuBem, a MepmBe^ noem; rpo6 muboü u MepmBe^ muboü, ^po6 nnuBem, a MepmBe^ noem; Bun HenoBeK mu-Boü nonoMeH b MUBym Mo^uny, Mo^una c hum mpu dm xobuna54. no cnoBaM roHra, «„3HaMeHue MoHbi npopoKa" BocxoguT k 6onee gpeBHeñ Tpa-gM^MM, noBecTBOBaBmen o repounecKOM hohhom nyTemecTBMM u no6ege Hag cMepTbro, Korga repon 0Ka3biBanca npornoneH pbi6oñ („KMTOM-gpaKOHOM"), a 3aTeM B03p0^gan-ca. MMa cnacuTena Memya, Meromya ['#xBe ecTb cnaceHue'] (rpen. Mucyc) cBa3aH0 c pbi6oñ: Memya - cmh HyHa, a HyH 03HanaeT 'pbi6a'»55. YKa3aHHHM roHroM apxauHHMM MM^onoruHecKUM motmb U3BecTeH noBceMecTHo. HanpuMep, b pyccKOM cKa3OHHOM TpagM^MM oh 6hh paccMOTpeH y^e A. H. A^aHacbe-BbiM. npuBegeM ero KopoTKMM nepecKa3: «Bbm y My^MKa (noBecTByeT pyccKaa cKa3Ka) ManbHMK-ceMuneTOK - TaKoñ cunan, KaKoro Hurge He BugaHo u He cnbixaHo! nocnan ero 0Te^ gpoBa py6uTb; oh noBanun ^enHe gepeBba, B3an ux cnoBHo Ba3aHKy gpoB u noHec 50 R. G. Chandra. Indian Symbolism: Symbols as Sources of Our Customs and Beliefs. New Delhi, 1996, c. 73. 51 B. H. nponn. Co6paHMe TpygoB, c. 218. 52 fl». KaMn6enn. repoß c TbicaHbro nM^aMM. KueB, 1997, c. 302. 53 3aragKM pyccKoro Hapoga, c. 271, Ns 2194. 54 3aragKM, c. 153, N 5162-5164. 55 K.r. roHr. Aion: MccnegoBaHue ^eHOMeHonoruu caMocTM. MocKBa-KueB, 1997, c. 128. goMoß. Gran Hepe3 moct nepenpaBnaTbca, yBugana ero MopcKaa pbióa-KMT (no gpyro-My cnucKy: pbi6a-^yKa), pa3UHyna nacTb u crnoTHyna Mónog^ co BceM KaK ecTb - u c TonopoM, u c gepeBbaMu. ManbHUK u TaM He yHHBaeT, B3an Tonop, Hapy6un gpoB, go-cTan u3 KapMaHa KpeMeHb u orHuBo, BbiceK orHa u 3a®er KocTep. HeBMoroTy npumnocb pbióe: ®®eT u nanuT eß HyTpo cTpamHbiM nnaMeHeM! Grana oHa 6eraTb no cuHro Mopro, bo Bce cTopoHH TaK u KugaeTca, u3 nacTu gHM cTon6oM - tohho u3 nenu BanuT; nogHa-nucb Ha Mope BbicoKue BonHH u MHoro noTonunu Kopa6neß u 6apoK, MHoro noTonunu ToBapoB u rpemHoro nrogy ToproBoro; HaK0He^ npbirayna Ta pbi6a bhcoko u ganeKo, nana Ha MopcKoM 6eper ga TyT u u3goxna. HeTBepo cyToK pa6oTan ManbHUK TonopoM, noKa npopy6un y Heß b 6oKy oTBepcTue u Bbine3 Ha BonbHHM 6enHM CBeT»56. M3BecTeH ^TOT motub u b naTbimcKoñ (Kursite, 364) u hutobckom Tpagu^uax. Cp naTbimcKyro 6h-nuHKy: Reiz jürä redzeta tik liela zivs, ka bedas... Veläk zivs, prom iedama, ierijusi zvejnieku ar visu laivu. Zvejnieks citädi gan palicis vesels; tikai zivs vederä bijis nejauki tumss un est art gribejies. Te atminejies, ka laivä malka ltdz un kabatä skiltavas. Iesktlis uguni, saküris un nu tikai griezis zivs treknumus un cepis un noedies labi. Zivs täpat büs mantjusi säpes, tadel izsplävusi so ar visu laivu atkal dienas gaismä 'OgHa^gbi b Mope noKa3anacb TaKaa 6onbmaa pbi6a, hto CTpamHo... noToM pbi6a, yxoga npoHb, npornoTuna pbi6aKa BMecTe c nogKoß. Pbi6aK TeM He MeHee ocranca ®mb, TonbKo bo HpeBe y pbi6bi 6bino oTBpaTu-TenbHo TeMHo u xoTenocb ecTb. TyT oh BcnoMHun npo gpoBa b nogKe u orHuBo b Kap-MaHe. BbceK oroHb, 3a®er u cTan oTpe3aTb pu6uß ®up u ®apuTb, u Haenca gocbiTa. Ho pbi6a TaK®e n0HyBcTB0Bana 6onb, mOT0My BHnnroHyna ero BMecTe c nogKoß b gHeBHoß cBeT'57. npu ^T0M nuToBcKaa cKa3Ka c cooTBeTcTByro^uM motubom o6Hapy®uBaeT npa-MHe yKa3aHua Ha uHu^ua^uro u nonyneHue HygecHbix 3HaHuß. repoß cKa3Ku no Ha-cTaBneHuro o^a Ka^gbiß geHb Kpomun b Mope xne6, ho co BpeMeHeM ycTan u cTan 6po-caTb y®e TonbKo HecKonbKo KpomeK: Uzpyko uz tai didzuvé, émé vienq syk¡ irprarijo j¡ ir nunesé zuvy. karaliui. - Uz kq gi tu j¡ prarijai? - klausé zuvy. karalius. - Jis tau gera daré, o tu jam piktu atsimokéjai! Taip negalima daryti. Ismokink tq zmogy ir paleisk. Karaliaus reikia klausyti: paémé didzuvé tq zmog^ pas save, ismokino j¡ paukscty ir gyvulty kalbos, o paskui isnesé ir isspjové ant kranto. 'Pa3rHeBanacb 3a ^T0 6onbmaa pbi6uHa, B3ana, ga u npornoTuna ero u oTHecna k pbi6HoMy Koponro. - 3a hto ®e th ero npornoTuna? - cnpocun ph6hhM Koponb. - Oh Te6e go6po genan, a th eMy 3noM oTnnaTuna! TaK Henb3a genaTb. H a y h u ^T0^0 HenoBeKa u ot-nycTu. Kopona Hago6Ho cnymaTbca: B3ana pbi6uHa Toro HenoBeKa k ce6e, Haynuna ero nTuHbeMy u 3BepuH0My a3HKy, a noToM Bbrnecna u BHnnroHyna Ha 6eper'58. 56 A. H. A^aHacbeB. noaTMHecKMe B033peHua cnaBaH Ha npupogy: OnHT cpaBHMTenbHoro M3yHeHua cnaBaH-ckmx npegaHMM m BepoBaHMM b cBa3M c mm^mhcckmmm cKa3aHMaMM gpyrux pogcTBeHHHX HapogoB, t. II. MocKBa, 1995, c. 79. 57 ^t. no: . 58 Lietuvi^ tautosaka, III: Pasakos / Paruosé L. Sauka, A. Seselskyté. Vilnius, 1965, c. 563, Ns 198; cp. Lietuviskos pasakos jvairios / Surinko Jonas Basanavicius, IV. Vilnius, 1998, c. 495, N 232. B «KaneBane» (XVII.617-620) BaMHaMëMHeH, Bbinga U3 HpeBa npornoTUBmero ero BenuKaHa BunyHeHa, To®e npu3HaeTca: «CTa cnoBaM a Haynunca, / Tbicany y3Han 3aKnaTUM, / Bbrnec cKpbiTbie 3aKnaTba / M cnoBa U3 TaMHoM rny6u»59. flencTBUTenbHo, KaK nognepKHyn M. ^nMage, «b HeKoTopbix peruoHax o6pagbi MHM^Ma^MM npu HacTynneHMM nonoBon 3penocru BKnroHaroT Bxo®geHue b ^urypy, Ha-noMMHaro^yro BogHoe ®UBoTHoe (KpoKoguna, KUTa mam 6 o n b m y ro p h 6 y)»60. Ha-npuMep, no cnoBaM P. napKUHcoHa, «b KynbTe KBaT Ha ocTpoBe BaHKa Ha yeguHeHHoM MecTe genaeTca cBoero poga 3aroH (enclosure) nocpegcTBoM 3a6opa U3 TpocTHUKa, gBa koh^ KoToporo HaBucaroT m o6pa3yroT Bxog. ^T0 Ha3biBaeTca nacTbro aKynbi»61. «Boac b cBoen KHure o c0^ManbH0M op^aHM3a^MM nneMeHU KBaKuyTn[b] noKa3an, KaKoe 6onb-moe pacnpocTpaHeHue UMeeT pbi6a b KaHecTBe ToTeMHoro ®mbothoto; ^acagbi MHorux goMoB pacnucaHH orpoMHHMU pbi6aMU, TaK hto BcTynaro^UM b goM KaK 6h BcTynaeT b pbi6y»62. Cp. nuToBcKyro 3aragKy, b KoTopon pbi6a ynogo6naeTca goMy: Maža maža klételé, skatikéliais dengta 'ManroceHbKaa KneTb, geHb®aTaMU noKpbiTa'63; TaK®e naram-cKue: Dzîvai majinai sidraba jumtinš 'Y ®mbom U36ymKU cepe6paHaa KpHma'; Maza majina ar sudraba sienam 'ManeHbKaa U36ymKa c cepe6paHHMU cTeHaMu' = pbi6a64. B HnoHMM bo BpeMH «npa3gHUKa ManbHUKoB» (HeKoe nogo6ue o6paga MHM^Ma^MM), kotophm oTMenanca naToro gHa naTon nyHbi, a HHHe - npocTo 5-ro Maa, «gna gocru®eHMa ycnexoB b ®m3hm ManbHUK gon®eH 6bin npegBapuTenbHo npone3Tb cKBo3b MaTepnaToro Kapna»65. TaK®e «cHUTaeTca, hto maMaHH ^annaHguu bo BpeMH cbomx TpaHcoB BxogaT b KumeHHMK 6onbmoM pbi6bi unu KUTa»; HaKoHe^ «He Mo®eT 6biTb HUKaKoro coMHe-Hua, hto p h 6 a, KoTopaa npornaTHBaeT MoHy m gpyrux MU^UHecKUx repoeB, cmmbo-nu3upyeT cMepTb; ee 6proxo npegcTaBnaeT npeucnogHroro. B cpegHeBeKoBbix npegcTaB-neHuax npeucnogHaa Hacro pucoBanacb KaK orpoMHoe MopcKoe HygoBU^e, KoTopoe, BepoHTHo, UMeno cbomm npoToTunoM 6u6neöcKoro ^eBua^aHa. n^ToMy 6biTb npo-rnoHeHHHM mm paBHo3HaHHo cMepTU, cnycKy b npeucnogHroro - nepe®MBaHMro, KoTopoe hbho nogpa3yMeBaeTca BceMU npuMMTMBHHMU o6pagaMU MHM^Ma^MM»66. TaKUM o6pa3oM, «onbiT Bxo®geHua b HpeBo KUTa unu 6onbmoM pbi6bi, KaK b ucTopuu Mohh, cpogHU TeM penuruo3HHM npegcTaBneHuaM, KoTopbie cTanu ochobom gna MucrepuM MHM^Ma^MM m puTyanoB cMepTU m Bo3po®geHua Hepe3 BHoBb o6peTeHHyro Mygpocrb. BapuaHTH gaHHoro cuMBona nepexoga o6Hapy®UBaroTca noBceMecTHo, ot o6pagoB MHM^Ma^MM b OKeaHMU, 3anagHoM À^puKU, ^annaHguu m OuHnaHguu go ceBepoaMe-puKaHcKoro UHgeMcKoro cKa3aHua o ruaBaTe, npornoHeHHoM ^peM Ph6»67. 59 KaneBana / nepeBog g.n. BenbcKoro. neTpo3aBogcK, 1985, c. 150. 60 M. Snuage. mm^h, cHoBugeHua, MucTepuu. MocKBa, KueB, 1996, c. 256. 61 B. H. nponn. Co6paHue TpygoB, c. 157, cm. 308-309. 62 B. H. nponn. OonbKnop u gencTBUTenbHocTb: M36paHHbie cTaTbu. MocKBa, 1976, c. 228. D^enbifi pag npuMe-poB cTpoeHUM MHM^Ma^M0HH0^0 Ha3HaHeHua b ^opMe MU^UHecKoro HygoBU^a npuBoguT, HanpuMep, fl®. fl®. Op33ep. 3onoTaa BeTBb. MocKBa, 1998, c. 725-728. 63 Lietuvi^ folkloro chrestomatija / Parengè Bronislava Kerbelytè, Bronè Stundiienè. Vilnius, 1996, c. 161, Ns 319; Lietuvi^ tautosaka, V: Smulkioji tautosaka, žaidimai ir šokiai / Paruosè K. Grigas. Vilnius, 1968, c. 528, N 6181. 64 Latviešu tautas mïklas, c. 320, N 3715, 3716. 65 A. H. Me^epaKoB. KHura anoHcKUx cmmboaob. MocKBa, 2004, c. 170. 66 M. Snuage. mm^h, cHoBugeHua, MucTepuu, c. 259-260. 67 The Encyclopedia of Religion / Editor in chief Mircea Eliade, V. New York, 1993, c. 347. * HaM b gaHHOM cnyHae cy^ecTBeHHo to, hto, no cnoBaM B. nponna, «motmb nepe-Hoca b nogKe unu 6oHKe npou3omen ot MOTMBa nepeHoca b pbi6e. B aMepuKaHcKMx cKa-3aHuax BHoma nepeHocuTca b HpeBe pbi6bi, KOTopaa ero npornoTuna. Oh ce6a Bbipe3a-eT. nepexog ot pbi6bi k nogKe u 6oHKe, ot Bbipe3aHua M3 pbi6bi k Bbi6MBaHMK> gHa 6ohkm Mo^eT 6biTb noKa3aH Ha MaTepuane oHeHb tohho. HaM Ba^Ho oTMeTUTb 3gecb numb to, hto b McTopMHecKoft nepcneKTUBe ^TOT motmb BocxoguT k norno^eHuro pbi6oft»68. «BepoaTHo croga BocxoguT u Hom, TaK^e Bxoga^uft b 6onbmyro nogKy, unu KOBHer, 3aKpHBaro^UM ce6a b HeM u Bbixoga^uft U3 Hero pogoHaHanbHMKOM nrogeft», HaKOHe^ «c ^TOM tohkm 3peHua UHTepecHo nepecMoTpeTb npe6biBaHue b nnaBaro^eft Kop3UHe Moucea (kotophm 3aTeM craHOBMTca Bo^geM u cnacuTeneM cBoero Hapoga)»69. K TaKo-My 3aKnroHeHMK> npuxoguT PeHe Rhoh: «Ecnu mm Tenepb cpaBHUM c ^TMM ucropuro mohh, yBuguM, hto kmt, BMecTo Toro, hto6h npocTo BecTU KOBHer, Ha caMoM gene c ^TMM KOBHeroM oTo^gecTBnaeTca. fleftcTBMTenbHo, MoHa HaxoguTca b Tene KUTa TaK :e, KaK... Hom - b KoBHere»70. HaKOHe^ UMeroTca gaHHbie o tom, hto nogKa unu Kopa6nb b MM^onoruHecKOM co3HaHMM Boo6^e M3HaHanbHo BocnpuHMManucb b KaHecTBe BogaHoro HygoBM^a, b HacTHocTM MMeHHo «6onbmoft pbi6bi». B ^TOM oTHomeHMM, HanpuMep, oHeHb noKa3a-TenbHM npegcTaBneHua o6 MHM^Ma^MM MacTepa no M3roTOBneHuro nogoK nneMeHM Bap-pay ycTba Opmhoko. Bo BpeMa MHM^Ma^MM roHomy npornaTbiBaeT u BHOBb M3BepraeT HygoBM^e, a «b ^TO BpeMa oh o^ynbiBaeT 6oKa HygoBM^a u TeM caMbiM nonyHaeT npeg-cTaBneHue, KaKOBbi gon^Hbi 6biTb pa3Mepbi u ^po^op^MM nogoK, KOTopbie oh 6ygeT genaTb»71. Ha yHMBepcanbHocTb TaKMx apxauHHbix npegcTaBneHMM yKa3biBaeT u XVII pyHa «KaneBanbi», b kotopom BaMHaMeMHeH, 6ygyHM «b yTpo6e» BenuKaHa BunyHeHa, y3HaeT ot Hero «Tpu cnoBa» 3aKnuHaHua, Heo6xoguMbix gna M3roTOBneHua nogKM72. YKa3aHua Ha MMeBmee MecTo oTo^gecreneHue nogKM unu Kopa6na c «6onbmoft pbi6oft» MMeroTca u b naTMHcKOM a3biKe: Hapagy c piscis 'pbi6a' cp. pistris,pistrix 'MopcKoe Hygo-BM^e (kmt, aKyna)', ho b to BpeMa u 'He6onbmoe 6bicrpoxogHoe BoeHHoe cygHo'73. npuTOM u b aHTMHHOM u xpucTuaHcKOM cuMBonu3Me Kopa6nb MHorga oTo^gecTBnaeTa c pbi6oft.74 3oguaKanbHOMy 3HaKy Pbi6 b eBponeftcKoft TpagM^MM, b cBoro oHepegb, co-oTBeTcTByeT Kopa6nb «Apro», b eBpeftcKoft - Kopa6nb75. O tom :e, b KOHeHHOM cHeTe, cBugeTenbcTByeT u pyccKaa 3aragKa, b kotopom Kopa6nb unu nogKa HenocpegcTBeHHo 68 B. H. nponn. OonbKnop u geMcTBUTenbHocTb, c. 275; cm. B. H. nponn. Co6paHue TpygoB, c. 324-325. 69 B. H. nponn. Co6paHue TpygoB, c. 326. 70 R. Guenon. Fundamental Symbols: The Universal Language of Sacred Science. Oxford and Northampton, 1995, c. 110. 71 ro. E. Eepe3KMH. Mm^h ro^HoaMepuKaHcKMx MHgeM^B Ha cro^eT o6paga MHM^Ma^MM // OonbKnop u st-Horpa^ua: y STHorpa^MHecKMx mctokob ^onbKnopHbix cro^eTOB u o6pa3OB / nog pega^ueM E.H. nyTM-noBa. geHMHrpag, 1984, c. 14. 72 KaneBana, c. 143-151. 73 gaTMHo-pyccKMM cnoBapb / CocTaBunu M. X. flBope^KMM u fl.H. KoponbKOB. MocKBa, 1949, c. 672. 74 C. G. Jung, C. Kerenyi. Essays on a Science of Mythology: The Myth of the Divine Child and the Mysteries of Eleusis. Princeton University Press, 1973, c. 46, 51. flononHMTenbHo no aTOMy noBogy cp., c ogHoM cTopo-hh, «AMTapea 6paxMaHy» III.2.29: «^epTBa - sto 6bicTpaa p h 6 a, nponnbiBaro^aa mmmo», a c gpyroM, «fflaTanaTxa 6paxMaHy» IV.2.5.10: «^epTBa, bo BceM cBoeM eguHcTBe, - sto k o p a 6 n b, Hecy^uM Te6a b He6o» ^mt. no: M. ^nMage. fflaMaHM3M, c. 369). 75 Cm. Ta6nu^i b: B.H. TonopoB. Meca^i // Mm^h HapogoB Mupa, II, c. 143, 145. ynogo6.HroTCH pH6e: Pu6uHa-6enyMUHa ece óepeza OKpyMuna, 3UMa npumna - OHa e aopy nomna = Kopa6.b m.m .ogKa76. TaK®e .aTHmcKaa 3aragKa: Lîdaka upe, zarnas meža '^yKa b peKe, noTpaxa b .ecy' = .ogKa b peKe77. TaKMM 06pa30M, pH6a, TOHHee - MM^o.orMHecKaa «6o.bmaa pH6a» M0®eT chm-TaTbca np006pa30M .ogKM m.m Kopa6.a, Heo6xoguMHe g.a nocTpoeHMH KOToporo 3HaHMH, a M0®eT 6HTb, m caMa ugea ero BnepBHe, Bno.He BepoHTHO, 6h.m no.yHeHH He.OBeKOM bo BpeMH apxaMHecKon mhm^^mm, cocTOHBmen bo Bxo®geHMM b HpeBO 3T0M «6o.bmoM ph6h», 6ygyHM npor.OHeHHHM ero, m ycnemHOM BHxoge OTTyga, cmm-BO.MHecKM npeogo.eB CMepTb. KcTaTM, 3aC.y®MBaeT BHMMaHMa B gaHHOM KOHTeKCTe STMMO.OrMH caMoro pyc-cKoro c.OBa Kopaónb, BHCKa3aHHaa B. ^. Op.OM, HanpaMyro cBH3aBmuM sto c.obo c HemcK. gua.. koräb '.omagMHHM cKe.eT, octob', HM®He.y®. kórabja, kórabje 'cKe.eT' Ha ocHOBaHMM npegno.o®eHMa o tom, hto Kopa6.b M3HaHa.bH0 6h. «(KpynHon) mnaHro-yTHon K0HCTpyK^MeM» b OT.MHMe ot Me.KMx cygoB-ogHogpeBOK78. Cp. BHme 6ygy^ero MacTepa no M3r0T0B.eHMro .ogoK n.eMeHM Bappay ycTba OpuHOKO, bo BpeMa MHM^a-^m o^ynHBaBmero M3HyTpu 6oKa npor.OTMBmero ero HygoBM^a. 76 3aragKM pyccKGro Hapoga, c. 186, N 1519; 3aragKU, c. 134, N 4485. 77 Latviešu tautas miklas, c. 170: N1723a. 78 Â. O. ®ypaB.eB. h3hk u mm^, c. 293, c yKa3aHueM Ha pyKGnucb. The Fish as a Mythological Prototype of the Boat Dainius Razauskas There is a well known idea in very many (perhaps all) mythological traditions that some kind of water body lies between this and the other world. The deceased must cross it to get to the land of the dead. Sometimes the land of the dead is placed in the very depths of this water body. On these grounds, it was suggested by V. Kazanskiené that the Indo-European roots designating 'sea' and 'death' respectively (cf. Lat. mare and mors etc.) might be connected even etymologically. Sometimes the deceased float to the sea as their last resting place by a river. There are in the Eastern slavic (at least Russian and Belarusian) and Baltic (Latvian and Lithuanian) traditions some riddles which directly define the water body as death. For example, Russian: Edy, edy, nu nymu, nu cnedy, cMepmb nodo mhoü, Eo^ nado mhoü 'I ride, I ride, no way before, no trace behind, just death under me and the God above'; Latvian: Celš bez smilšu, zirgs bez kaju, apakša nave 'The road without sand, the horse without legs, death below' = riding a boat. And in very many traditions, beginning perhaps with those of Ancient Egypt, and including the Slavic and the Baltic, the deceased sail to the place of their destination in a boat, or ferry. Cf. also the well known burials in ships, the Northern in the first place, known also in Baltic and Eastern slavic regions. In this connection, attention is called to such words as Lett. nave, Lith. nové 'death', OPruss. nowis, ORuss. naBb, Goth. naus 'dead body, corpse' and, on the other hand, Lat. navis, Gk. naus 'boat, ship'. But the idea of the boat in the waters of death is not the primary one. Its antecedent is the idea of death as a big fish swallowing the deceased (cf. sarko-fagos, namely 'the corpse-eater', etc.). The examples of this idea are numerous and well known. What is of interest in our case, is the mythological subject of a hero being swallowed by a fish, yet managing to get out of it, sometimes with a kind of new magical knowledge, evidently meaning an initiation. Cf. initiation huts in the form of a big fish known in some primitive traditions. Notable in our case is the traditional initiation of the shipwright (boat-tailor) at the mouth of the Orinoco: he is swallowed by a big fish which he then studies from inside, in this way gaining the necessary information on the structure of boats he is going to make. Cf. also the 17th rune of "Kalevala" where Vainamoinen, when swallowed by a monster, knows from him the "three words" indispensable for making boats. One of the etymological solutions for the Russ. Kopa6nb 'ship' is of interest in this context, that which connects it with the Lower Sorbian (Lusatian) kórabja, kórabje 'skeleton'. Cf. also Lat. piscis 'fish', pistris, pistrix 'sea monster (whale, shark)' and at the same time 'man-of-war, warship'. This same archaic identification of the fish and the boat is still present in Slavic and Baltic folk traditions, for instance, in the Russian riddle: Pu6una-6enyMuna Bce 6epe^a oKpyMuna, 3uMa npumna - ona b ^opy nomna 'The big white fish encircled all the banks (shores), the winter came - it went uphill' = boat (ship); and in the short but expressive Latvian one: Ltdaka upe, zarnas meža'The pike is in the river, the guts are in the wood' = boat on the river. MITOLOGIJA IN KNJIŽEVNOST MITOLOGIA E LETTERATURA MYTHOLOGY AND LITERATURE Bajkopisna diseminacija mitoloških motiva u Pričama iz davnine Ivane Brlič-Mažuranič na primjeru intertekstualnih poveznica s leksikonom A. Tkanyja Tihomir Engler, Andrijana Kos-Lajtman In this paper, the connections between Ivana Brlic-Mazuranics fairytales and Anton Tkany's historiographie lexicon Mithologie der alten Teutschen und Slaven are being studied. Exemplified by the analysis of loaned motives, it is shown how intertextuality influences the styling of the author's discourse. By taking into consideration the broader literary-historical context, the quilting point of the author's fairy tales is trying to be established by considering her procedure of narrating mythological motives. Thus the position of the texts by Brlic-Mazuranic is seen as the juxtaposition of old folk tales and of so-called artistic fairy tales, which makes it possible to define the author's discourse type as fairytalemanship, whose focal point is the impulse of preserving national heritage and especially the moral dimension of human existance. 1. Uvod: intertekstualna dimenzija Priča iz davnine U oblikovanju Priča iz davnine Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic diskurzivne prakse drevne slavenske mitologije kao i hrvatske usmene književnosti bile su od presudne važnosti. Navedene postavke prezentirala je i sama autorica u Pismu sinu dru Ivanu Brlicu, razlu-čujuci jedne od drugih poticaja i tumačeci razlike u njihovu stvaralačku preuzimanju (Brlic-Mažuranic 1930: 289). Iako veze sa slavenskom mitologijom autorica u navedenom tekstu stavlja u drugi plan, u odnosu na interferenciju s hrvatskom usmenoknjiževnom baštinom (usp. ibid.), neki njezini drugi iskazi (usp. ibid.: 249), ali takoder i same priče iz zbirke Priče iz davnine, te, osobito, najnovija znanstvena istraživanja (usp. Kos-Lajtman/ Horvat 2010), ukazuju na to da je dimenzija intertekstualnih dodira s mitološko-histo-riografskim diskursom onoga vremena mnogo veca nego što se to ranije mislilo - kako u okviru interdiskurzivnih dodira s domacim, tako, osobito, u okviru onih sa stranim autorima. Nedavni istraživački rad na gradi Hrvatskog državnog arhiva vezanoj uz dnev-ničke zapise Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic, njenu korespondenciju i druge bilješke (usp. Kos-Lajtman/Horvat 2009; Kos-Lajtman/Turza-Bogdan 2010; Kos-Lajtman/Horvat 2010) re-zultirao je pronalaskom autoričina rukopisna zapisa Ove su bilježke izvadene iz Afanasjev, „Vozzrenija drevnih Slavjan" i iz Tkany „Mythologie der alten Teutschen und Slaven". Što je prekriženo ono sam upotrebila u nekim pričama.1 Radi se o vlastoručno potpisanom bilježničkom zapisu iz 1934. godine koji dosada u znanstvenom smislu nije bio uočen, a Iz bilježnice Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic s bilješkama - Fond Hrvatskog državnog arhiva, mikrofilm D.D. - 48 (ZM 50/ 48). Navedeni mikrofilmirani tekst nalazi se i u kutiji inv. br. 67., svežnjic 23. Arhiva obitelji Brlic. koji revidira dosadašnje spoznaje o izvorima mitoloških motiva u stvaralaštvu Brlic-Ma-žuranic, prvenstveno onih korištenih u Pričama iz davnine. U navedenu zapisu autorica daje pregled mitoloških motiva koje je koristila u tekstovima, a koji su u prvom redu preuzeti iz Afanasjevljeva i Tkanyjeva djela. Dosadašnja perspektiva koja je počivala na tome da nema konkretnih dokaza o tome u kojoj je mjeri autorica poznavala i koristila Afanasjevljevu studiju o vjerovanjima ,starih Slavena' - osim izjava same autorice o ono-dobnom čitanju Afanasjeva u spomenutom pismu sinu (usp. Brlic-Mažuranic 1930: 290) - ovim rukopisnim tekstom uvelike je revidirana. Nakon detaljnije analize navedenog rukopisa u članku Ivana Brlic-Mažuranic, Priče iz davnine: Nova konstrukcija autoričinih izvora i metodologije te u članku Utjecaj ruskih mitoloških i usmenoknjiževnih elemenata na diskurs Priča iz davnine Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic Kos-Lajtman i Horvat utvrduju da se rukopis pokazao iznimno preciznim vodičem za rasvjetljavanje geneze mnogih mitoloških i usmenoknjiževih motiva Priča iz davnine, ali i nekih drugih autoričinih tekstova. Analitičkim čitanjem književničinih rukopisnih zabilježaka i rekonstrukcijom izvora i metodologije na koju zabilješke upucuju, pokazalo se, sukladno naslovnom imenovanju rukopisa, da je Brlic-Mažuranic najviše mitoloških motiva crpila iz trotomne studije Afanasjeva Poetičeskie vozzrenija slavjan na prirodu (1865, 1868, 1869), te iz opširna Tkanyjeva mitološkog leksikona Mythologie der alten Teutschen u. Slaven, in Verbindung mit dem Wissenswürdigsten aus dem Gebiethe der Sage und des Aberglaubens (1827). Osim njih, rukopis eksplicitno upucuje i na intertekstualne veze s još tri proučavatelja slaven-ske mitologije i folkloristike - s Matijom Kračmanovim Valjavcem, Ivanom Kukuljevi-cem Sakcinskim i Pavelom Josefom Šafarikom. Otkrice o Tkanyju osobito je značajno jer on kao izvor i poticaj stvaralaštvu Brlic-Mažuranic dosada uopce nije bio zamijecen. Tkanyjev leksikon u rukopisnom dokumentu Brlic-Mažuranic ukupno nalazimo osam puta eksplicitno naveden kao izvor mitoloških pojmova. Od toga sedam pojmova slijedi jedan za drugim, dok se osmi nalazi svega dva pojma ispod toga. Radi se o pojmovima Kirpic, Silinic; Dračice /furije/; Pogoda, pohoda; Negoda; Polkan; Jasen; Woloty i Kotauez. Najznačajniji je zadnji pojam, Kotauez (Kitež), jer svi ostali - osim dračica koje nalazimo u bajci Zašto se rodila bijedna Lera i njezino siroče iz zbirke Basne i bajke (1943.) - ostaju na razinini zapisa te im nije moguce pronaci izravnu književnu traspoziciju u okviru autoričinih tekstova. Znakovito je da od svih pojmova koje je autorica ispisala iz Tkanyjeva leksikona, jedino pojam Kotauez objašnjava na njemačkom: „ein Berg in Mähren. Sagen an dieser Stätte uber Heidenthume. Zwei in Felsen gehauene Höhlen, kreisförmig in die Höhe sich windet. Des auf dem Berge das Kreuz (dalje nečitko, op. a.) Tkany, Slaw. Mythologie". Činjenica da natuknicu o Kitežu zapisuje na njemačkom, ne govori samo 0 izvrsnoj ovladanosti njemačkim jezikom vec se čini da je autorica upravo taj toponim izravno iskoristila u svom književnom diskursu, točnije, u priči Bratac Jaglenac i sestrica Rutvica. Zanimljivo je takoder da se u Tumaču imena što ga pridodaje na kraju Priča iz davnine, navodeci pojam Kitež, autorica poziva na ruskog pisca Merežkovskog, izdva-jajuci dva lokaliteta - pustu šumu i jezero Svetlojar (usp. Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 196). Trag Merežkovskog koji autorica spominje, u koncepciji planine Kitež vidljiv je svakako u prikazu vrha planine s jezerom. S druge strane, motiv crkvice kao mjesta svetosti i dobrote, u okružju koje je demonski strašno i sablasno, moguce je prije svega dovesti u analogiju upravo s onim što navodi Tkany u svom leksikonu. Motiv Kitež-planine dobar je primjer kako upravo otkrice ovog rukopisnog dokumenta, u kojem autorica ponegdje 1 eksplicitno imenuje izvore, može razjasniti sliku o genezi pojedinih motiva. Naime, za toponim Kitež dosada se isključivo smatralo da ga je autorica preuzela, a zatim i stvara-lački transformirala, iz ruske narodne predaje gdje Kitež nije planina vec grad potonuo u jezero, a nije ni strašan (usp. Boškovic-Stulli 1970: 170; Zima 2001b: 101). Eksplicirana poveznica s Tkanyjem od strane same autorice uvelike revidira takav stav - naime, vec i prije detaljnije rekonstrukcije ovog intertekstualnog odnosa, a u kontekstu onoga kako se dosada tumačilo autoričino posezanje za navedenim motivom, svakako je potrebno spomenuti da je u tumačenju koje nalazimo kod Tkanyja Kitež i planina, i itekako strašan (usp. Kos-Lajtman/Horvat 2010). 2. Ustroj i smisao Tkanyjeva leksikonskog usustavljenja mitoloških predodžbi ,starih Nijemaca i Slavena' Kao što iz autoričinih bilježaka iz 1934. godine proizlazi, Brlic-Mažuranic je bila upoznata s Tkanyjevim djelom. Koliko nam je poznato, Tkany se nije bavio daljnjim spisa-teljskim radom, a ako i jest, taj rad nam danas nije poznat, a slabo je poznat i sam leksikon kojim cemo se ovdje detaljnije baviti. Jedini podatak koji rasvjetljuje Tkanyjevu osobu jest onaj s naslovnice leksikona, gdje se autor predstavlja kao „profesor u humanističkim ra-zredima na carskoj i kraljevskoj gimnaziji u Znaimu" (Tkany 1827a), sadašnjem Znojnu, smještenom u Južnomoravskoj oblasti Češke. Riječ je o mjestu gdje se vec u doba Veliko-moravske kneževine u 9. stoljecu uzdizala utvrda da bi ondje osnovani grad 1226. godine Otokar I. Premysl proglasio kraljevskim gradom. Sve do završetka Drugog svjetskog rata vecinski sastav Znojna čine Nijemci i Česi, s tendencijom opadanja udjela njemačkog i rastom češkog stanovništva u prvoj polovici 20. stoljeca. Stoga se nimalo slučajnim ne čini da je zbirno djelo o germanskoj i slavenskoj mitologiji objavljeno upravo u Znojnu jer je riječ o području tzv. Sudeta na kojemu u dužem vremenskom razdoblju dolazi do isprepli-tanja njemačkog i slavenskog stanovništva, a time i njihovih kultura. S obzirom na to, ne bi nas trebalo začuditi da upravo na tom području relativno rano - 1827. godine - nastaje pokušaj prikaza kulturnih stečevina obiju narodnosnih grupa. Tkanyjev se leksikon sastoji od dva sveska - nakon kraceg predgovora slijede abecednim redoslijedom rasporedene leksikonske natuknice da bi na kraju drugog sveska bio otisnut registar pojmova, popis tzv. ,prenumeranata', kao i popis ispravaka. O naumu koji ga potiče na dugogodišnji rad sabiranja leksikonske grade, autor progovara u Predgovoru, gdje ističe da mu je želja čitateljima „u umjerenom opsegu i bez velikih troškova uručiti [...] ono što se o mitologiji, sagama i praznovjerju Nijemaca i Slavena nalazi raspršeno u mnogobrojnim, djelomice vrlo rijetkim i skupim djelima" (Tkany, 1827a: V), predstav-ljajuci se tim povodom kao „prijatelj otadžbinske starine" (ibid.), čija je nakana da bude „sakupljač i izdavač" (ibid.: VI) zatečenog kulturnog blaga i kao takav tek neutralni posrednik. Pritom u maniri devetnaestostoljetnih autora svojom osobom jamči da je iznese-no „sakupio iz najpouzdanijih i svrsi najprimjerenijih djela" (ibid.), navodeci tek u fusnoti ona najznačajnija. Radi se o ukupno 18 izvora, od kojih se - znakovito - čak deset odnosi na germansko kulturno dobro (poput Edde, Nibelungenlied i Grimmovih Deutsche Sagen), pet na slavensko, odnosno, moravsko (poput Popove Slavonische (Slavische) Mythologie ili Ullmannove Altmähren), dok tri naslova predstavljaju opcenite leksikonske izvore (poput Mayerova Allgemeines Mythologisches Lexicon). No vec i taj relativno neopsežan popis literature ukazuje na neke bitne značajke Tkanyjeva djela s nesumnjivom funkcijom posredovanja pri upoznavanju germanske i slavenske mitologije. Kao prvo, Tkanyjeva knjiga obuhvaca prilično široko područje koje nije omedeno samo na tematiku mitologije vec sadrži i različite teme s područja svakodnevnog narod-nog praznovjerja te srednjovjekovne tradicije saga, na što upucuje i sam naslov djela u kojemu se kao ravnopravne sastavnice ističu mitologija, sage i narodno praznovjerje. Za sva tri područja moguce je pronaci i odgovarajuce natuknice u samom tekstu.2 Leksikon povrh toga sadrži i niz prikaza povijesnih ličnosti, kao i objašnjenja mnoštva toponima. Sagledavamo li cjelinu tematiziranih natuknica, možemo reci da prikaz seže od naj-starijih germanskih i slavenskih mitoloških predodžbi, preko vremenoprostora srednjo-vjekovnih saga i narodnih običaja, pa sve do suvremenog trenutka. Znakoviti primjer za to natuknica je Rabenstein u kojoj, polazeci od opisa „pješačke staze na strmoj zapadnoj strani prijaznog Znojna" (Tkany 1827b: 80) koja vodi do stijene s profilom ljudskog lica, iznosi sagu o toj stijeni da bi na kraju natuknice istaknuo želju da se „očuvanju tog otadž-binskog spomenika [...] koji se svakim danom u sve vecoj mjeri približava propasti [...] posveti ipak veca pažnja" (ibid.: 81). Poziv je to svojstven njemačkim romantičarima, čiji je primarni cilj bio proniknuti u ,minula vremena' kako bi se odatle iščitala bit pojedinih nacionalnih entiteta (usp. Žmegač 1996: 162-163). Stoga se drugom bitnom značajkom knjige čini nastojanje da se širim narodnim slojevima podari mogucnost poniranja u hi-storijski vremenoprostor vlastita nacionalnog entiteta kako bi se odatle mogla razabrati njegova bit i u suvremenom trenutku. Paradigma ustrojavanja takva vremenoprostora predstavljena je u nizu natuknica, pri čemu ona najpregnantniji oblik stječe upravo u onoj prethodno navedenoj. Rasprav-ljajuci tu o različitim pretpostavkama vezanima uz etimologiju naziva stijene Rabenstein, Tkany prednost daje onoj u skladu s kojom „se ovdje vjerojatno nalazilo glavno mjesto poganskog bogoslužja" (Tkany 1827b: 80), što „dokazuje ne samo ustroj lokaliteta (usp. Ž r t v a ), vec i [...] okrugli kumirski hram, koji je svakako kasnije, prilikom uvodenja krščanstva, upotrijebljen u krščanske svrhe" (ibid.). Čitatelju se tako kao vremenoprostor-ni okvir mitoloških priča, saga i narodnog praznovjerja ,starih Germana i Slavena' nudi onaj njihova dolaska u europski prostor s vlastitim, vec zgotovljenim mitološkim pre-dodžbama. Te predodžbe, medutim, u dodiru s kršcanstvom blijede, odnosno, bivaju asimilirane novim, kršcanskim sadržajima i običajima, ali tako da premda u dominantnom dijelu potisnute u drugi plan, one ipak upisuju svoj trag i u novi kršcanski habitus. Ma-terijalna i duhovna svjedočanstva tih predodžbi i nadalje, naime, prebivaju disperzirana u kontekstu suvremenog trenutka, uslijed čega se nova pokoljenja suočavaju sa zadacom ponovnog otkrivanja njihova ,autentičnog' smisla kao primarnog sloja vlastite kulturne baštine, a na temelju kojih je sukladno romantičarskoj predodžbi o začecima nacionalnog bica u ,minulim vremenima' potrebno identificirati i nepatvorenu bit svog nacionalnog entiteta. Takva intencija Tkanyjeva djela razabire se izmedu ostalog i iz natuknice Hexen, Hexerei (usp. Tkany 1827a: 125-128), gdje autor govoreci o vješticama i vještičarenju tvrdi da je riječ o kršcanskom praznovjerju koje je prekrilo nekadašnju vrlo uglednu funkciju plemenskih proročica („mudrih žena", usp. ibid., 126). Stoga je trece bitno obilježje djela moguce sagledati u Tkanyjevu nasljedovanju romantičarske nakane rekonstrukcije ko-rijena nacionalnog identiteta. Pritom europski prostor koji Tkany leksikonski obraduje seže od skandinavskog sjevera, preko ruskih stepa, srednjoeuropskog brdsko-nizinskog 2 Tako je s područja praznovjerja moguce pronaci natuknice Blutpfennig ili Freischuß, s područja njemačkih saga Heldenbuch ili Nibelungenlied, ruskih saga Dobruna, a čeških Rotztrapp. U okviru germanske mitologije vrlo instruktivna je natuknica Nordische Mythologie, u okviru slavenske Chernobog ili Dualismus. kraja, pa sve do alpskog podnožja kao virtualne granice germansko-slavenskog područja naspram romanskog, s jedne strane, i do Balkana kao virtualne granice naspram bizantin-skog područja s druge strane. Riječ je o prostorima nastanjenima germanskim i slaven-skim stanovništvom tako da se natuknice referiraju na germansko stanovništvo Danske, Norveške, Švedske i Islanda, kao i na germanska plemena poput Franaka, Gota, Burgunda, Tirinžana, Frižana, Sasa i Anglosasa, pri čemu se navedene skupine ponegdje objedinja-vaju izrazom ,Skandinavci', odnosno, ,Germani' ili ,Nijemci. Uz to se navode baltička plemena poput Letonaca, Litvanaca i Prusa. Što se tiče slavenskog stanovništva, poimence se navode Rusi, Poljaci, Šlezi, Lužički Srbi, Česi i Moravci, dakle, zapadno- i istočnoslavensko stanovništvo, dok se od Južnih Slavena tek ovlaš navode Bugari. Unutar tako tematiziranog prostora najveci dio natuknica odnosi se na germansko kulturno dobro, čiji je jedan izvor Edda sastavljena od „dvije zbirke islandskih pjesama" (Tkany 1827b: 35) iz kojih autor crpi podatke o „nordijskog mitologiji" (ibid.). Drugi je izvor Heldenbuch, koju predstavlja kao „zbirku [...] junačkih pjesama, u kojima se djela i pustolovine znamenitih junaka iz srednjeg vijeka [...] prikazuju u najšarenijem ruhu fik-cije" (Tkany 1827a: 113). Vadeci natuknice iz tih djela, ali i iz sekundarnih izvora, Tkany prilično iscrpno prikazuje nordijsku mitologiju kao vjeru ,starih Nijemaca', potkrjepljujuci istraženost tog područja nizom natuknica koje ispunjavaju veci dio knjige.3 Takvim dokumentiranjem germanske mitološke grade, kao i one srednjovjekovne iz ,njemačkih' saga, stječe se dojam da je riječ o prilično istraženom području, uslijed čega je onda moguca i rekonstrukcija biti germanske mitologije kao poganskog vjerovanja čiju srž tvori panteon ratobornih božanstava koji prebivaju s one strane ljudskog svijeta u očekivanju završnog boja kada ce u „sumraku bogova" zajedno s božanstvima nestati i svijet (usp. Tkany 1827b: 83-86). Nasuprot tome slavenska mitološka grada tvori manji dio Tkanyjeva djela, a sastoji se od niza natuknica u kojima se iznosi ili samo podrijetlo naziva ili se ukratko objašnjava značenje natuknice. Pri tome postoje i one poput Honidlo, koje nakon šturog upucivanja na smisao i geografski smještaj natuknice završavaju primjedbom: „Dalje o njemu ništa nije poznato" (Tkany 1827a: 142). S obzirom na pozadinu iscrpnog prikaza germanske mitologije stječe se dojam da ona slavenska nije u tolikoj mjeri istražena, odnosno, da se na temelju nekolicine nešto opsežnijih natuknica daju tek naslutiti njezini pravi razmjeri. Iz takvog se niza natuknica izdvajaju dvije (Dualismus, Lichtgotter) u kojima Tkany pruža zbirni uvid u temelje slavenske mitologije. Ondje objašnjava da „su sve slavenske religije utemeljene na dualizmu (dvojstvu) koji do izražaja dolazi u obliku dva vrhovna boga B j e l o b o g (v. nat.), bijeli ili dobri bog, i Czernobog (v. nat.), c r n i ili zli bog, kao i u njihovim obostranim dodacima. To dvojstvo naročito razlikuje bit slavenskog štovanja bogova od onog njemačke pra-religije koja počiva na trojstvu (v. nat.)." (Ibid.: 64-65) Polazeci odatle u natuknici Lichtgotter, gdje se referira na vjerovanje Lužičkih Srba, Tkany ustvrduje da su se božanstva 3 Tako, primjerice, postoji mnoštvo natuknica u kojima se navode alternativna imena skandinavskog vrhovnog boga Odina (poput Glapsvirthr), poimence se u obliku natuknica navodi svaki od skandinavskih Asova ili Valkyra (poput Geirahod) - i to zajedno s objašnjenjem njihovih svojstava - te se gotovo svakoj pojedinosti iz nordijskog vjerovanja posvečuje neka natuknica, poput primjerice one Gungner u kojoj se navodi da je riječ o nazivu za „koplje skandinavskog vrhovnog boga Odina" (Tkany 1827a: 103). Uz to se, izmedu ostalog, iscrpno tumači i podrijetlo naziva dana, odnosno, mjeseci kod ,starih Nijemaca'. dijelila u dvostrukom smislu: najprije u dvije klase kao kod svih Slavena, naime u bije-l e (svijetle) i u c r n e , na što se kasnije nadovezao pojam dobrih i zlih bogova, a uslijed čega su oblikovani posebni pod-bogovi, dobri, Gilbog ili Dobrebog, i neprijazni, Zlebog ili Slehobog. Prema drugoj podjeli bogovi su bili Savjetnici (Razi) i Čarobnjaci (Zirnitra); čija svojstva se posljedično mogu i shvatiti kao suprotnosti. Svi su bogovi bili podredeni tom dvostrukom dvojstvu (dualizam) tako da je vrhovni bog u podjednakoj mjeri objedinjavao četiri suprotnosti, uslijed čega je u pogledu zemaljskog svi-jeta postao nedjelatno bice i stoga prema narodnom vjerovanju prebivao samo u nebu i bio samo s obzirom na nebo, a da na svijet planeta nije utjecao. Kod drugih se bogova smatralo da prevladava jedna ili veci broj suprotnosti, uslijed čega su se pretvarali u djelatna bica s neposrednim utjecajem, odnosno, bogove zemaljskog svijeta. Što je božanstvo bilo više, to je u njegovoj osobi bilo više djelatnih onih četiriju suprotnosti, to bliže je stajalo onom Jednom bogu koji je u sebi sadržavao sve nedjelatno [...]. Nasuprot tome u osobi malih božanstava i duhova bilo je djelatno uvijek samo jedno od četiri svojstava; oni nisu bila dualistička bica vec je kod njih svaka suprotnost postala pojedinačna: Svakom odjelu ili nizu unutar poretka bogova stajao je na čelu Jedan bog koji je nosio ime cijelog odjela, a po kojemu su svi pripadajuci bogovi dobili svoj nadimak. Tako je postojao vrhovni B e l b o g (Gilbog) i Zernebog, a svi bogovi koji su bili njima podredeni imali su taj dodatak u nazivu, npr. Podaga Belbog, Karewit Gilbog, Remisa Zernebog, kako bi se naznačilo kojem odjelu naročito pripadaju. [...] Bogovi svjetlosti prikazivani su u ljudskom obličju, a njihovi štetni učinci označavani su tek pridodavanjem životinjskog naličja. No crni bogovi posve su životinjski, stoga stoje mnogo niže nego li bogovi svjetlosti te tvore pod-poredak nalik onom čovjeka i životi-nje kako bi izrazili srodstvo i razliku. Medu crne bogove spadaju prije svega bogovi F y a i F l i n s , psoliki Mita, zli bog R e m i s a zajedno s božicom H e l o m , potom i šumska božanstva ili B e r s t u c k e i kucni duhovi ili G a s t o , od kojih je poimence poznat samo Czernebog Marowit. (Ibid.: 175-177) Navedena je natuknica gotovo u cijelosti citirana jer, s jedne strane, sažima sadržaj ostalih natuknica, a s druge, posreduje uvid u način strukturiranja mitoloških predodž-bi ,starih Slavena' kako ga Tkany predstavlja. Te predodžbe, prije svega u razlici spram germanskih, nisu usmjerene u tolikoj mjeri na ratništvo i postignuce ratnika, odnosno, heroja, vec na moralni dualizam dobra i zla, s obzirom na koji slijedi i podjela slavenskog božanskog panteona. Druga velika razlika spram germanske mitološke grade koja upada u oči na temelju Tkanyjeva prikaza leži u tome da je germanski panteon djelatan u svim svojim segmentima, počevši od stvaranja svijeta pa sve do njegove propasti. Tome nasu-prot vrhovno slavensko božanstvo, pod kojim god imenom se pojavljivalo, prema Tka- nyju, ostaje nedjelatno, dok zbiljski svijet nastanjuju ljudi zajedno s nižim božanstvima kao emanacijama vrhovnog boga u skladu s moralnim dualističkim načelom. Riječ je o prikazu slavenske mitologije kao krajnje panteističke, pri čemu čovjek dolazi u doticaj tek s nižim božanstvima, medu kojima prevladavaju tzv. šumska i kucna božanstva. Jer, sudeci po Tkanyjevu leksikonu, zamalo svaki predmet s kojim se ,stari Slaveni' susrecu, posjedu-je boga-zaštitnika4 čije djelovanje može biti ili pozitivno, što u moralnom pogledu znači dobro, ili negativno, odnosno, zlo. Čitatelj Tkanyjeva leksikona stječe tako sliku o mitološkom svijetu ,starih Slavena' u kojemu vlada mnoštvo aktivnih božanstava. Sva bica, a prije svega šume, odnosno, pojedine vrste drveca, izbočine i udubine u zemlji u takvoj koncepciji posjeduju božanske zaštit-nike koji - ovisno o prigodi - mogu biti i dobri i zli. No ,stari Slaveni' takvim zaštitnicima ne napučuju samo prirodu, vec i vlastito stanište, kucu (usp. Tkanyjevu natuknicu Do-mowye ili Domaschnie Duchy), u kojoj kao i u šumskom okruženju prebiva mnoštvo više ili manje simpatičnih božanstava. Da ona imaju obilježje ,nestašnih duhova, čijim se ekvivalentom čine koboldi ili gnomi germanske mitologije, proizlazi izmedu ostalog i iz natu-knice Leschje (Lesnje). Riječ je o ruskim šumskim duhovima koji, prema Tkanyju, one koji zalutaju u njihove šume „straše užasnom vikom ili poznatim glasom zavode na pogrešan put sve dok ne padne noc, kada ih namame u svoje spilje i ondje škakljaju do smrti" (Tka-ny 1827a: 172). Na osnovu te, ali i drugih natuknica,5 čitatelj stječe uvid u prostodušnost navedenih duhova, ali i u cudljivost, odnosno, prevrtljivost njihova karaktera. Na temelju toga moguce je kao četvrtu značajku Tkanyjeva leksikona istaknuti činjenicu da recepcija tog leksikona zbog šturog dokumentiranja slavenske mitološke baštine ostavlja dovoljno slobodnog prostora da se svijet slavenskog bogoštovlja napuči vlastitim predodžbama o mitološkim bicima koja prebivaju u tom svijetu, a čiji okvir tvore ,minula vremena' i život ljudi u tim vremenima. Pretpostavi li se takva čitateljska recepcija Tkanyjeva leksikona, tada je moguce ustvrditi da on otvorenošcu prema „najšarenij[em] ruh[u] fikcije" (ibid.: 113) predstavlja krajnje plodonosno tlo za književnu diskurzivnu obradu. S obzirom na to, Tkanyjev se leksikon čini pogodnim poticajem i Ivani Brlic-Mažuranic, koja u doticaju s takvom vrste impulsa iz leksikona vadi natuknice da bi u skladu s njima oblikovala vlasti-tu pripovjednu praksu bajkopisa na razmedi mitološke historiografije u duhu Tkanyjeva djela i snažne ukorijenjenosti u hrvatskoj usmenoknjiževnoj tradiciji s jedne strane te uo-bičajenih procesa fikcionalizacije fantastičnog književnog diskursa s druge strane. 3. Intertekstualne poveznice izmedu Tkanyjeva leksikona i stvaralaštva Ivane Br-lic-Mažuranic na primjeru priče o bratu Jaglencu i sestri Rutvici Da je opisanu čitateljsku recepciju Tkanyjeva djela moguce pretpostaviti kao jedan od ishodišnih impulsa u stvaralaštvu Brlic-Mažuranic, proizlazi i iz ustroja njene priče Bratac Jaglenac i sestrica Rutvica. Ondje autorici kao uvod u zaplet služi nocni bijeg knegi- 4 Tako su primjerice predmet štovanja bile i vjeverice, a pod natuknicom Dugnai navodi se da je riječ o jednoj od kucnih božica kod Poljaka, čija je zadaca bila očuvanje tijesta za kruh. Kod Tkanj je tako moguce pronaci niz natuknica iz kojih proizlazi da je priroda kod ,starih Slavena' bila napucena mnoštvom božanskih bica koja su djelovala kao zaštitnici pojedinih predmeta, mjesta ili ljudskih radnji. 5 Usp. natuknicu Ekerken u kojoj je riječ o duhu pod imenom Ekerken (vjeverica) koji je „poskakivao na cesti te zadirkivao i mučio putnike na svakojake načine. Neke je udarao; druge je zbacivao s konja, a nekima je pak prevrtao kola i taljige. No od njega se nije moglo ništa vidjeti osim ogoljene ruke." (Tkany 1827a: 68) nje iz ,tvrda grada' u smjeru „strašne Kitež-planine, koja bijaše na kraju kneževine. Nigdje na svijetu nije u to doba više bilo ni zmajeva, ni vila, ni vještica, ni kakvih uhoda. Bijaše ih protjerao sveti krst i razum ljudski. Samo u Kitež-planini bijaše se još zaklonio posljed-nji Zmaj Ognjeni, a dvorilo ga sedam vila Zatočnica. Zato bijaše strašna Kitež-planina." (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 87)6 Opis je to prostora u kojemu se zbiva radnja priče, a čija je temeljna odrednica toponim Kitež-planina kao posljednje pribježište svih ,nečasnih sila' protjeranih u ,davna vremena' da bi otada one prebivale na planini poput zatočenika, snu-juci „osvet[u] ljudskom rodu" (ibid.: 90). Riječ je o autoričinoj književnoj rekonstrukciji vremenoprostora koji je prisutan i kod Tkanyja. Pod natuknicom Kotaucz u Tkanyjevu leksikonu stoji da je riječ o „brdu u Moravskoj" (Tkany 1827a: 126), čije istaknuto mjesto „u moravskom poganstvu dokumentiraju ne samo lokalitet, vec i različiti spomenici i sage. [...] Na brdu ponegdje iz zemlje vire dijelovi zidina za koje je to izvjesnije da je riječ o ostacima poganskog hrama jer su ovdje 1660. godine prilikom utemeljenja crkve Sv. Križa iskopani različiti vjerski predmeti." (Ibid.) O sadržaju poganskog vjerovanja navodi se tek da se ondje uz „jelo, ples i igru" (ibid.) slavio ljetni solsticij. Uz to se tvrdi da „sage povezane s brdom podsjecaju na Harpije Grka i Rimljana. Jer, još i danas medu Štramberžanima kruži vijest naslijedena od praotaca, kako su se nekoc iz spilja na brdu pojavljivali duhovi koji su upropaštavali ljetinu i stoku, [...] a hranu onečišcavali na tako odvratan način da je se više nije moglo koristiti." (Ibid.) Lokalno se stanovništvo duhova uspjelo riješiti tek nakon što je na vrhu brda „postavljen križ sa Spasiteljem" (ibid). U Tkanyjevu opisu navedeni lokalitet poprima obilježja polisemantičkog toponima. Njegovo izvorno značenje leži u slavenskom poganskom kultu (mitološki sloj u razradi teme) koji je prakticiran u hramu čije je materijalne ostatke, prema Tkanyju, moguce pro-naci i danas. Kristijanizacijom lokalnog stanovništva taj se kult, medutim, potiskuje da bi ostao očuvan tek u negativnom kontekstu saga o ,zlim dusima' (sloj sage u razradi teme), dok je svjedočanstvo definitivne pobjede krščanstva nad poganstvom gradnja crkve, od-nosno, postavljanje križa na vrhu brda (kršcanski sloj u razradi teme). Ivana Brlic-Mažuranic navedeni opis u priči o Jaglencu i Rutvici podvrgava postup-ku književne diseminacije utoliko što preuzimanjem brda kao mjesta prebivanja ostatka ,nečasnih sila' iz ,davnih vremena' šturost podataka o mitološkom sloju značenja lokaliteta kod Tkanyja utjelovljuje u sedam vila Zatočnica. Pritom je njihov naziv moguce tumačiti na dvostruki način: s jedne strane kao vile koje zarobljavaju ,duše' koje se izgube u planini, a s druge kao vile koje su same zatočene pa utoliko predstavljaju simbol ,nečasnih sila'. Kao takve moguce ih je promatrati u perspektivi njihova pomicanja s razine prakticiranog poganskog bogoštovlja na razinu (srednjovjekovnih) saga o njihovu posljednjem prebiva-lištu, saga koje impliciraju da u duhu kršcanskog misionarstva moraju nestati. Zato Tkany govori o gradnji crkve Sv. Križa (usp. ibid.), odnosno, o „postavljanju križa sa Spasiteljem" (ibid.) na vrhu brda, što u autoričinoj diseminacijskog obradi Tkanyjeve mitološko-histo-riografske grade postaje „jezerom [...] navrh planine, [...] nasred jezera otok, a na otoku stara crkvica. Oko jezera bijaše livadica, a oko livadice brazda, davno izorana. Preko ove brazde nisu iz planine smjeli doci ni Zmaj ni vile ni ikakve strahote. Tu je oko jezera cvalo i mirisalo cvijece, tu se zaklonile grlice i slavuji i sve umilno bice iz planine." (Brlic-Mažu- 6 Zanimljivom se čini i autoričina stilska figuracija opisa tog toponima. Premda u rečenici u kojoj ga navodi tvrdi kako ondje prebiva tek „posljednji Zmaj Ognjeni" i „vile Zatočnice" (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 87), dvije rečenice prije toga spominje ,vile, vještice, uhode', čime se Kitež-planina stapa u zbirnu predodžbu o prisutno-sti svih mogucih pretkršcanskih ,nečasnih sila, koja kao takva pridonosi dojmu ,strašnosti' planine. ranic 1972: 91) Na taj način autorica nudi književnu rekonstrukciju Tkanyjeva lokaliteta u sklopu koje na vrh lokaliteta stavlja otok s crkvom kao znak prevlasti kršcanskog svje-tonazora, odvajajuči je jezerom i livadom, te ,brazdom' oko livade kao znakom njezina čvrsta odjeljenja od poganskog sloja potisnutog u okolnu planinu. Pritom nije riječ samo o prostornom situiranju navedenog lokaliteta, več i o zadiranju u njegovu vremensku di-menziju, odnosno, o književnoj diseminaciji vremenoprostora lokaliteta kako je on opisan u Tkanyjevu leksikonu, a koji u sebi objedinjuje i svoj mitološki semantički naboj i onaj iz (moravskih) saga. Polazeci od bijega kneginje kao okvira radnje, pripovjedačica priču posredstvom Jaglenca i Rutvice uranja i u mitološki sloj Tkanyjeva zapisa, utoliko što u prikazu Ki-tež-planine oblikuje prostor djelovanja poganskih slavenskih božanstava koja u vidu vila Zatočnica predstavljaju Tkanyjeva niža božanstva, odnosno, zlebožne šumske duhove. Te je duhove moguce poistovjetiti s negativnim djelovanjem ,duhova' o kojima Tkany pripo-vijeda u natuknici o Kotauczu kada se referira na sage koje su kružile medu stanovništvom u vezi s tim lokalitetom. Time Kitež-planina postaje mjestom sukoba sila iz slavenske mitološke grade i onih iz saga, pri čemu potonje obilježava pozitivni, krščanski naboj, dok se prethodne u svom djelovanju rukovode negativnim motivom ponovne uspostave poganskog bogoštovlja. Činjenica da se sestra Rutvica iz kandži orla, odnosno, od ,zlih sila' spašava na otoku usred jezera s crkvicom, pretvara navedeni toponim u središnji motiv priče koji upravo smještajem na vrh planine, izoliran i okružen prostorom djelovanja ,zlih duhova', dominira naracijom. RAZRADA TEME fc ■ / \ ^^^ KRŠČANSKI SLOJ / \ t i \üä j \ ^B Z in« j Ognjeni vile zWc^Kce ~ j ^B MITOLOŠKI SLOJ j ji ¡ I ' \ Milojlcñ ^ """foieginja SLOJ SAGE Slika 1. Grafički prikaz pojedinih slojeva u razradi teme i pripadajucih likova u priči o Jaglencu i Rutvici No put djece do vrha planine ne predstavlja samo putovanje kroz prostor zbivanja radnje, več ga je moguce sagledavati i kao putovanje kroz njegovu vremensku dimenziju. Pripovijedanje o putovanju na Kitež-planinu čini se tako prikazom spuštanja protagonista radnje, tj. Jaglenca i Rutvice, iz sloja (srednjovjekovne) sage sadržanog u Tkanyjevu tekstu, u njegov još stariji, mitološki sloj, kako bi se odatle proniklo ne samo u temelje obaju slojeva več i kako bi se ti temelji povezali sa suvremenim trenutkom, čime se zaokružuje i sve-vremenska dimenzija priče. Drukčije rečeno: djeca moraju dospjeti na vrh planine kako bi se odatle ,prosvijetlio' mračan prostor Kitež-planine, odnosno, kako bi se čovjek izbavio od mračnih sila. S tim u vezi nameče se pitanje: na čemu počiva narativizacija putovanja djece kroz prostor i vrijeme Kitež-planine, odnosno, kakvim se prošivnim bodom u dubinskom sloju teksta autorica služi prilikom književnog preoblikovanja Tkanyjeve historiografske grade? Odgovorom na to pitanje moglo bi se doprijeti ne samo do temeljne intencije dis-kursa Priča iz davnine vec i do motiva autoričina posezanja za mitološko-historiografskom gradom - kako onom do koje dolazi čitajuci Tkanyja, tako i onom drugih autora. 4. Prošivni bod priče o bratu Jaglencu i sestri Rutvici Ishodišnu točku priče tvori bijeg kneginje iz ,tvrdog grada' pred neprijateljem protiv kojeg nije stigla okupiti „svoju veliku i vjernu vojsku" te „sa malim kneževicem" (ibid.: 87) bježi podno Kitež-planine, gdje se „sterala tiha dolinica. Tu je mlada pastirica Milojka stanovala u pletenoj kolibici i čuvala svoje stado." (Ibid.) Kneginja se pastirici umili te je sakrije do večeri u kolibici. Prije nego li se uputila dalje, kneginja joj ostavlja na čuvanje simbole svoje vladalačke moci, „zlatni pojas i ovaj kneževicev zlatni križic na crvenoj vrpci" (ibid.), koje namjerava uzeti natrag nakon oslobodenja kneževine. To je okvir priče, koji nas uvodi u zbivanja na Kitež-planini, a čiji nastavak slijedi u 12. poglavlju, gdje doznajemo da kneginju bez obilježja njezine vlasti nitko nije prepoznao tako da sa sinom vodi život sirote prelje (usp. ibid.: 109), u načelu istovjetan onom Milojke podno Kitež-planine. Takvo okvirno, ali i ishodišno zbivanje cjelokupne priče o Jaglencu i Rutvici svojim značenjskim ustrojem sliči srednjovjekovnoj sagi7 o gubitku plemicke vlasti, odnosno, od 12. poglavlja nadalje, o njezinoj ponovnoj uspostavi. Na okvirnu priču nadovezuje se dublji i razvijeniji mitološki sloj priče, čije je sredstvo uprizorenja putovanje Milojkine djece na Kitež-planinu: sestra Rutvica dospijeva onamo nakon što je ugrabi orao Klikun, no, dospjevši na vrh planine, „raskopča se pojas" (ibid.: 91) i Rutvica padne u jezero te se spasi na otoku s crkvicom.8 U meduvremenu se i brat Jaglenac u potrazi za sestrom upucuje u planinu, gdje nailazi na vile Zatočnice. Me-dutim, ugledavši „križic na vratu" (ibid.: 93) djeteta, nijedna vila ne usuduje se dotaknuti ga pa odluče vijecati kako da ga se domognu. Dotle se Jaglenac „spokojno[g] srdašc[a]" (ibid.) divi njihovim krilima, sve dok ga jedna od njih ne namami u „vučju rupu" (ibid.: 94). Ipak, Jaglenac, „malen i lagan" (ibid.), ostaje ležati na dnu rupe, neproboden kolcima, gdje i zaspi. Tada „zlobne Zatočnice" odluče „načinit oluju" i „bujicom sa planine" (ibid.: 95) utopiti dijete. No ni to im ne polazi za rukom jer je Rutvica na otoku primijetila kako se na planini sprema oluja pa je zazvonila crkvenim zvonom da bi zaštitila „krštene duše" (ibid.: 96), zbog čega se vile „ostave oluje, razbježe se od straha na sve strane" (ibid.), a bu-jica dopre tek toliko u rupu da Jaglenca izbavi odatle. Ni daljnje vilinske zamke nisu ništa uspješnije: medvjedica, kojoj Jaglenac dolazi u susret s podignutim „ručic[ama], pruž[a] ih spram medvjedice i ide prema njoj upravo, kao da bi ga mati u naručaj zvala" (ibid.: 99), ostavlja dijete neozlijedeno nakon što je začula cviljenje medvjedica kojeg je ujela „crna osa, što ih Zatočnice oko sebe vode" (ibid.: 100). Bezuspješan je i pokušaj trovanja jer se 7 Takvu klasifikaciju uvodnog dijela priče potkrjepljuje i autoričino posezanje za tradicijom južnoslavenske junačke narodne pjesme kao ekvivalenta germanskoj srednjovjekovnoj sagi kada riku Bukača uprizoruje riječima: „Riče strahovito, uplašio bi se i sam Skender-beže silni, jer Skender-beže pamti riku turskijeh topova" (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 104). Riječ je o postupku diseminacijskog preplitanja južnoslavenske usmenoknjiževne tradicije, koja je autorici imanentna, a koju je i inače najviše izučavala, sa zapadno- i istočnoslavenskim mito-logijskim slojem teksta na koji ju je, izmedu ostalog, uputio i Tkanyjev leksikon. 8 Usp: „Spasena je sada Rutvica jer preko brazde nijedno zlo ne može k njoj. Ali koja hasna, kad je sama sirotica mala navrh strašne Kitež-planine, i nitko ne može k njoj ni ona ne može nikuda." (Ibid.: 91) Jaglenac najeo i crvenih i crnih jagodica tako da je otrov jednih suzbio protuotrovom drugih (usp. ibid.: 101-102). Naposljetku, ni rika „glasatoga ptica Bukača" (ibid.: 103), koji su „hudobe [smjestile] na medi da svojom vikom smeta tišinu na jezeru" (ibid.), nije uplašila dijete, a ni Zmaj Ognjeni ga nije spalio jer je ovaj, žureči se po nagovoru vile do jezera, kako bi povratio dah, „teško odahnuo" (ibid.: 105), stvorivši tako „vjetar po planini" (ibid.) koji dijete prebacuje „preko brazde do jezera sveta" (ibid.), gdje sa sestrom pronalazi uto-čište, premda im je i nadalje život u neizvjesnosti. Da bi se s površine sadržaja tog dijela priče prodrlo u njezin dublji semantički postav, potrebno je posegnuti za svojevrsnim interpretativnim ključem. Taj je, čini se, sadr-žan u Tkanyjevu tekstu o Kotauczu, gdje se navodi da „sage povezane s brdom podsječaju na Harpije Grka i Rimljana" (Tkany 1827a: 126). U grčkoj mitologiji Harpije kao „plavo-kose i brzokrile kčeri Taumanta i oceanske nimfe Elektre love zločince i predaju ih Erini-jama da bi ih kaznile" (Graves 2003: 90). Pretežito je riječ o trima Harpijama koje „Homer prepoznaje kao personifikacije olujnih vjetrova, [a koje su] bile ranija Atena, Trostruka božica po sposobnosti iznenadnog uništenja" (ibid.: 91).9 Takvim se Harpijama/Sirenama čine vile Zatočnice, koje imaju moč stvaranja vjetra kao jedne od razornih sila kojima se osvečuju za zaborav svoje negdašnje časti i vlasti. Kao takve one predstavljaju simbol zlih ,nečasnih sila' iz ,minulih vremena' koje u šumi vrebaju na ,zabludjele duše'. Tako fabular-ni element uspona djece na Kitež-planinu postaje ujedno narativnim sredstvom spuštanja u ,minula vremena' kada su vladale „hudobe" (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 103) poput onih vila Zatočnica i Ognjenog Zmaja. Književni je to prikaz nižih božanstava iz Tkanyjeva leksikona, koje je slavensko stanovništvo štovalo u davnim vremenima, a koje nakon kristijaniza-cije u sklopu tradicije saga postaju zlebožni šumski duhovi, kakvim ih i autorica u tekstu portretira. Stoga se čini da je u dubinskom sloju prikaza zbivanja na Kitež-planini riječ o sukobu poganskih mitoloških sila s krščanskim predodžbama oko vladavine nad ljudskim ,dušama', čega je središnji simbol u tekstu zaludenost najmlade Zatočnice da se pod svaku cijenu dočepa kneginjinog zlatnog pojasa kao simbola moči i vlasti, odnosno, Rutvičino ustrajno opiranje tome da joj ga izruči (usp. ibid.: 108). Rutvica, naime, premda zabrinuta za budučnost, odolijeva napasti da Zatočnici preda pojas kako bi se na taj način s bratom izbavila iz planine. Brat pak savladava sve opasnosti na putu kroz planinu jer je riječ o dje-tetu ,spokojnog srdašca', koje opasnosti izlazi u susret „kao da bi ga mati u naručaj zvala" (ibid.: 99). Dakle, tek neopterečenoj ,duši' poput one dječje, a to znači prostodušnoj i ne-vinoj, moguče je izbavljenje iz kandži ,mračnih sila'. Prikaz je to predodžbe pripovjedačice o jedinom mogučem ispravnom (krščanskom) putu ,duše' suočene s dosudenom joj sudbinom uronjenosti u svijet zla. Naime, tek ona ,duša' koja se - u skladu s romantičarskom predodžbom o nevinosti djeteta kao autentičnog izvora ljudskosti (usp. Beutin 2001: 208; Wild 1990: 102-104) - podvrgne procesu ,pročiščenja', u stanju je očuvati ,vlast i moč, odnosno, osigurati egzistenciju. Kao paradigma takvog ,pročiščenja' služi upravo prikazani uspon djece na planinu. Temeljni je to element u razvoju fabule, na što upučuje njegovo središnje pozicioniranje unutar fabularnog tijeka priče, a s obzirom na koji se dalje razvija 9 Zanimljivim se ispreplitanjem motiva unutar grčke mitologijske tradicije čini i Gravesova napomena vezana uz sirene: „Sirene su gravirane na nadgrobnim spomenicima kao andeli smrti koji pjevaju pogrebne pjesme uz pratnju lire, ali takoder im se pripisuju erotske osobine prema herojima za kojima tuguju. S obzirom da se za dušu vjerovalo da izliječe u obliku ptice, oslikavane su kao Harpije, ptice grabljivice koje čekaju dušu i hvataju je. Iako su bile kceri Forkija, ili Pakla, pa stoga prve rodakinje Harpija, nisu živjele u podzemlju ili u pečinama, več na zelenom svetom otoku Eeji ili Ogigiji." (Graves 2003: 501) situacija uspona kneginjina sina na planinu kako bi time i sam nalikovao paradigmi koju svojim usponom uspostavljaju likovi djece, čime se mitološki sloj u razradi teme nanovo pretače u onaj sage, odnosno, okvirne priče o sudbini kneginje i njezina sina. Premda plemenita roda, kneževic odrasta u obijesnog mladica koji zbog svoje prga-ve cudi ne preže ni od ubojstva (usp. Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 110). Uvidjevši zlosretan razvoj kneževica kojeg u sve vecoj mjeri obuzima „ponosna i silovita krv kneževska" (ibid.: 112), kneginja mu otkriva tajnu njihova plemenita podrijetla, na što se kneževic poput junaka iz saga upucuje u potragu za znamenjem negdašnje obiteljske moci. Došavši podno planine, medutim, doznaje da su djecu „odvabile vile" (ibid.). Tragajuci na Kitež-planini za njima, susrece Zmaja Ognjenog kojeg savladava u silnoj bitci (usp. ibid.: 114-115) da bi potom sreo mladu vilu Zatočnicu kako plače zbog svoje bespomocnosti da djeci otme pojas (usp. ibid.: 115-116). Zaludena, medutim, nadom da ce joj ga Relja priskrbiti, otkriva mu tajnu sigurnog prolaska kroz planinu.10 Dospjevši do brazde, vila zaziva Rutvicu, ali joj ona i nadalje ne želi predati naslijedeno znamenje. Svojevrsno je to ,prosvjetljujuce' mjesto u pripovijedanju, ispunjenje intencije kojoj je težio cjelokupni diskurzivni postav priče - prikazuje Relju kojemu se „na dobro uzbudila krv kneževska, krv plemenita," (ibid.: 118) jer uvida ključno mjesto cjelokupne priče o kneginji i Milojkinoj djeci: „,Mili Bože, predala je kneginja vojski oboružanoj i tvrdim gradovima, da joj brane kneževinu. I propade kneževina. A evo djeca su ostala sama na svijetu, dopala su medu vile i zmajeve, i ne mogu im ni vile ni zmajevi oteti, što im je majka dala.'" (Ibid.) Riječ je o okretišnoj točki u naraciji jer do tog trenutka u cjelokupnom postavu priče prevladava prikaz sve ,hudobnijih' područja zarobljenosti ljudske ,duše': od izručenosti djece ,zlim silama' Kitež-planine, preko njihove zatočenosti na vrhu planine, pa sve do inficiranosti Reljine ,duše' nadmenošcu ,kneževske krvi'. Oba se oblika uronjenosti ,duše' u svijet zla u tom trenutku slamaju jer junak priče, uvodenjem u situaciju u kojoj svjedo-či kako dvoje bespomocne djece svojom neiskvarenošcu odolijeva negativnim izazovima svijeta, biva poučen kako se zlo, prisutno posvuda uokolo, rastjeruje isključivo moralnim stavom činjenja dobra.11 Središnji je to motiv vecine srednjovjekovnih saga koji u autori-činu tekstu ujedno postaje temeljnom okosnicom i njegova mitološkog sloja. Naime, moralna pozicija činjenja dobra predstavljala je temelj kako slavenskih mitoloških predodžbi, tako i onih iz srednjovjekovnih saga, tako da se izgradnja moralnog stava naspram svijetu čini središnjim motivom čovjekove egzistencije, na što pripovjedačica aludira kada opisuje, „kako li se razveselila Rutvica, kada vidje, da k njima ide čovjek [kurzivom istaknuli au-tori] i milo ih gleda!" (ibid.: 119). Krščanski je to ecce homo koji u tekstu služi kao sredstvo objedinjavajuceg označavanja mjesta prebivanja ljudskosti, ne samo u sklopu kršcanskog svjetonazora vec i u sklopu ,minulih vremena' slavenskog bogoštovlja utemeljenog na mo-ralnom dualizmu njegova božanskog panteona kako ga upravo prikazuje Tkany. Riječ je o temeljnoj okosnici ljudske egzistencije koja svoj odjek nalazi u svim vremenima, idejnim i svjetonazorskim sustavima, a koja čovjeka poučava o njegovu sudbinskom putu kroz svijet. U rasvjetljavanju tog puta leži i svrha putovanja djece na vrh planine, gdje nevinom nazočnošcu posvjedočuju nemoc zla pred ,spokojnim srdašcem' usmjerenim na činje- 10 Usp.: „Ima u crkvi svijeca i kandilo. Da nakrešu ognja nepaljena, da zapale svijecu i kandilo, prošli bi sa svijecom i kandilom kroz planinu kao da je crkva. Staze bi se pred njima otvarale i drvece krošnje naklanjalo. A za nas bi još i gore bilo, jer bismo poginule i mi vile i hudobe po Kitež-planini, kud god bi se širio dim od kandila i svijece." (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 116-117) 11 Usp.: „Nisam se ja kneževic rodio, niti sam tešku sablju kovao, da ja robim po svijetu sirote!" (ibid.: 119). nje moralno ispravnog. Čovjek pak koji to spozna postaje junakom, a to znači djelatnom snagom života koja život ne satire vec, naprotiv, oploduje. Takvim postaje i Relja, koji više ne srlja u borbu s vilama vec se prepušta vodstvu djece kroz planinu, a djeca u ruci nose voštanicu i kandilo (usp. ibid.: 121) od čega putem pogibaju sve vile Zatočnice. One su -tvrdi pripovjedačica - „svakako morale nestati sa ovoga svijeta" (ibid.: 122) jer je spozna-jom čovjekove moralne vertikale pronaden temelj ljudske egzistencije koji odolijeva svim izazovima svijeta utoliko što se tom spoznajom usred svijeta i usprkos njegovu zlu uspo-stavlja slobodni prostor djelovanja ,razuma ljudskog' (usp. ibid.: 87). Taj je razum okrenut dobroti koja oplemenjuje ljudsku ,dušu', čineci je time ujedno i podobnom za zajedništvo. U tom kontekstu razvidno je zašto autorica u uvodnom dijelu teksta naglašava da su sve ,nečasne sile' na planinu protjerali „sveti krst i razum ljudski" (ibid.). Naime, bez racional-nog uvida u neophodnost očuvanja upravo moralne vertikale, ni ,stara' ni ,nova' vjera nije održiva. Obdaren takvom spoznajom, kneževic Relja podno Kitež-planine okuplja majku, Jaglenca i Rutvicu kao jezgru obitelji „dobrih duša" (ibid.: 124), čije „tiho i blaženo" (ibid.) djelovanje nailazi na odaziv medu suseljanima tako da ga ovi nakon propasti neprijatelj-ske gospode u ,tvrdom gradu' (usp. ibid.: 125-126), a zbog „mudrosti kneginjine i snage Reljine" (ibid.: 125), mole „neka im bude knezom" (ibid.: 126). Sretan završetak priče, u kojem se susrecu i njezin mitološki sloj kao i onaj sage, ne predstavlja samo autoričin ustupak tradiciji narativnog oblikovanja književnog štiva za djecu vec osim djeteta kao primarnog recipijenta ukazuje i na drugog implicitnog adre-sata kojemu autorica namjenjuje tekst. Naime, kao što je putovanje djece vremenoprosto-rom mitološkog sloja priče sredstvo ,prosvjetljenja' kneževica unutar same priče, tako je i okvirni sloj sage sadržan u tekstu upucen odredenom adresatu izvan teksta. Taj je adresat u tekstu nagoviješten u liku neimenovanog neprijatelja koji opsjeda kneginjin ,tvrdi grad' da bi ga nakon njezina bijega preuzeo i u njemu se nastanio, sve dok nije potrošio sve blago pohranjeno u devetorim podrumima (usp. ibid.: 111) tako da straža naposljetku bježi, a „pakosni i buntovni sluge [podrezuju] grede nad dvoranom, pa kad gospoda najbolje vije-cahu, sruši se strop nad njima i poklopi ih ona silna i teška kula od grada, te ih sve umori" (ibid.: 125-126). Tako se neprijateljem koji urušava legitimnu kneževsku vlast doimaju one ,duše' koje se zatvaraju u ,tvrdi grad' da bi ondje zaludene nadmenošcu svoje vladarske pozicije uludo trošile blago što je generacijama i stoljecima bilo brižno prikupljano. Vrhunac književnog prikaza takva života sadržan je u autoričinoj sintagmi da je neprijatelj „[]hranio konje svoje biserom iz riznica" (ibid.: 111). Riječ je o polisemantičkoj sintagmi koja usmjerava tumačenje u više smjerova. S jedne strane svojom nekompatibilnošcu sa svijetom zbilje - naime, s činjenicom, da se konji ne mogu nahraniti biserima, vec napro-tiv, njima jedino zagrcnuti i eventualno udaviti - pripovjedačica ukazuje na disparatnost takva načina života u ,tvrdom gradu', u odnosu na onaj radišni koji vode Relja i njegova majka medu seljanima.12 S druge strane, životinja na koju referira sintagma tradicionalni je simbol vladalačke moci koji, hranjen na navedeni način, simbolički progovara o pro-mašajnosti takva obnašanja vlasti i moci. Poveže li se ta sintagma s onom o ,tvrdom gradu' koji se naposljetku urušava, tada se, s trece strane, dobiva iskaz o tome da ,tvrdi grad' naspram ,radišnog sela' predstavlja simbolički toponim čovjekova života koji je utemeljen na trošenju, a ne na proizvodnji životnih resursa. 12 Usp: „Jaglenac pase ovce i jagnjice, Rutvica redi kucu i baščicu, kneginja prede i šije košulje, a Relja radi na polju i livadi" (ibid.: 124). Utoliko se neprijateljem koji protjeruje kneginju, a kojem se, daje se naslutiti, du-binski postav priče obraca, čini kontekst suvremenog gradskog života. Točnije, riječ je o sredini koja više ne predstavlja srednjovjekovno središte vladalačke moci i obrtničke proizvodnje vec je prožeta procesima industrijalizacije u okviru kojih se u ,tvrdom, a to znači bešcutnom gradu odvija ,porobljavanje' ljudske ,duše' u svrhu njene kapitalizacije. S obzirom na to moguce je ustvrditi da autorica u tekst ugraduje antikapitalistički naboj koji je svojstven neoromantičnoj književnog produkciji na prijelazu s 19. u 20. stoljece (usp. Žmegač 1980: 370-371). U tom kontekstu kao protuparadigma gradskom životu ističe se nepatvorenost idile seoskog života kao mjesta očuvanja čovjekove moralne vertikale. Utoliko restitucija kneževske vladalačke moci na kraju priče počiva na predodžbi o prebivanju u seoskom zajedništvu, obilježenu radišnošcu i marljivošcu, kao jedinom autentičnom načinu očuvanja neposredne ljudskosti u odnosu na sve vecu kapitalizaciju ljudske ,duše' u sklopu modernizacije društvenih odnosa u gradskim središtima.13 S obzirom na to implicitnim adresatom doimaju se pozicije moci koje se povode za ciljevima umnažanja, odnosno, kapitalizacije vlastita ,blaga' - (gradskog) industrijskog i vladalač-kog pogona. Nositelje tog sloja na prijelazu stoljeca moguce je detektirati s jedne strane u novopečenim bogataškim obiteljima, a s druge u političkim elitama koje nastaju u sklopu sve vece demokratizacije društva, potaknute industrijalizacijom. Na oba društvena sloja autorica kao da upucuje opomenu kada u tekstu ističe: „Sretne li kneževine, kojoj blago ne čuvaju ni silne vojske ni tvrdi gradovi, nego majke i dječica u pastirskoj kolibici. Takva kneževina propasti ne može!" (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 126) Opomena je to u sklopu koje se razotkriva i društveno-politički habitus autoričine naracije, koji počiva na svjetonazoru predmodernih slojeva, a koji u obrani vlastitih pozicija poseže za ideologemom idile seo-skog zajedništva kao paradigme autentičnih meduljudskih odnosa. Iz te se perspektive čini da tekst o bratu Jaglencu i sestri Rutvici počiva na lacanovski shvacenom postupku prošivanja u sklopu kojeg se elementi pripovjednog svijeta objedinjuju odredenimprošivnim bodom. Da bi se, naime, ostvarila uspješna komunikacija, metonimij-ska se tvorba označiteljskog lanca i metaforična supstitucija označitelja po Lacanu moraju u odredenoj točki zaustaviti kako bi se dotada ostvaren označiteljski lanac mogao povezati s označenim, odnosno, s predodžbom o nekoj stvari. Stoga se u nekom trenutku mora po-duzeti rez u označiteljskom lancu, kojim se zaustavlja načelno beskonačni tok semantizacije uslijed neprestanog postavljanja uzajamnih razlika medu označiteljima. Mjesto na kojemu dolazi do zaustavljanja u označiteljskom lancu Lacan naziva „prošivni bod (point de capiton)" (Žižek 2002: 125) kojim se jezični sustav kao načelno beskonačni performativ pretva-ra u konstativ konkretne komunikacijske situacije. Riječ je o postupku u sklopu kojeg se mnoštvo ,lebdečih označitelja', [...] strukturira u jedinstveno polje upletanjem odredene ,čvorišne točke' (lacanovski prošivni bod,point de capiton) koja ih .prošiva, zaustavlja njihovo klizanje i fiksira im značenje [...] ,Prošivanje' izvodi totalizaciju kojom se to slobodno lebdenje elemenata zaustavlja, učvršcuje - a to znači da postaju dijelovima strukturirane mreže značenja. [...] To ulančavanje moguce je jedino uz uvjet da odredeni označitelj - Lacanov Jedan' - ,prošiva' cjelokupno polje. (Ibid.: 125-126) 13 Vezano uz modernizaciju i industrijalizaciju hrvatskog društva krajem 19. stoljeca, a naročito o položaju vecinskog, seljačkog stanovništva, usp. Gross 1985: 229-274, Gross 1992: 295-368 i Karaman 1972: 254-265, 302-348. U priči o bratu Jaglencu i sestri Rutvici takvom se čvorišnom točkom narativnog tkiva, odnosno, njegovimprošivnim bodom, čini zahtjev za očuvanjem čovjekove moralne vertikale. Upravo se iz tog mjesta, kao središnje fiksacijske točke priče, historiograf-ska grada s područja slavenske mitologije i srednjovjekovnih saga prošiva s bajkovitim motivima i elementima usmenoknjiževne tradicije da bi se ukazalo ne samo na prisut-nost problematike očuvanja čovjekove moralne dimenzije u svim vremenima i društvenim sustavima vec, štoviše, i na njezinu krajnju aktualnost u suvremenom trenutku. Pritom se poruka o neophodnosti očuvanja ljudske humanosti odašilje - poput one u Ukradenom pismu E. A. Poea - nizu adresata: poruku iz mitološkog sloja priče djeca, na razini fabule, uručuju kneževicu kao središnjem liku okvirne priče koja funkcionira u tematsko-interpretativnom horizontu sage, da bi je odatle kneževic opisanim djelova-njem zapravo uputio implicitnim izvantekstualnim adresatima - uz djecu, i čitateljima iz ondašnjih ,vladalačkih slojeva'. S obzirom na to primarni cilj teksta ne leži u tolikoj mjeri u rasvjetljavanju ,minulih vremena' vec u kritici suvremenim društvenih odnosa. Ona je čitatelju upucena u vidu motiva ostvarenja idile seoskog zajedništva kao nara-tivne fantazme čija svrha leži u tome da čitatelja potakne na preuzimanje „odreden[og] ,mandat[a]', zaposjeda[nje] odredeno[g] mjest[a] u intersubjektivnoj simboličkoj mreži" (ibid.: 154), čime ga se ujedno uvodi i u odredeno „sociosimboličko polje" (ibid.: 155). Pritom motiv ostvarenja idile seoskog zajedništva nije slučajan element priče. Subjektu, naime, zazvanom da zauzme odredeno mjesto u sociosimboličkoj mreži nije poznat razlog zbog kojeg bi to trebao učiniti jer je mandat uslijed svoje performativnosti unutar simboličkog poretka načelno proizvoljan, tj. subjekt ga pozivanjem na svoja pri-rodna svojstva i sposobnosti ne može objasniti (usp. ibid.). Utoliko se u subjektu javlja pitanje „Che vuoi?" (ibid.), naime, što sociosimbolički poredak želi od njega kada mu dodjeljuje taj mandat? Kao odgovor na to pitanje subjekt oblikuje fantazmu koja pruža „koordinate naše želje [...] okvir koji nam omogucuje da nešto želimo" (ibid.: 164), a koji autorica u tekstu ispunjava motivom ostvarenja idile seoskog zajedništva kao ose-bujnog bajkopisnog zapisa vezanog uz čovjekovu vječnu potragu za načinom očuvanja moralne pozicije. Odgovor je to koji tekst usmjerava unatrag, u prošlost, ali i unaprijed, u buducnost - utoliko što čitatelja suočava s činjenicom da pitanje o ispravnom oblikovanju vlastite egzistencije nikada ne zastarijeva. Slika 2. Grafički prikaz ustroja ,prošivnog boda'priče o bratu Jaglencu i sestri Rutvici 5. Bajkopisna pripovjedna praksa Priča iz davnine Na temelju prethodno iznesenog evidentno je da je književna praksa Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic prezentirana u Pričama iz davnine bitno obilježena višestrukom intertekstu-alnom dimenzijom - kako onom usmjerenom mitološkom, tako i onom usmjerenom usmenoknjiževnom diskursu. Osim tekstova čiju je intertekstualnu poziciju u kontekstu nastanka Priča moguce tek pretpostaviti, kao što su usmeni poticaji koje je autorica preuzimala iz izravnog života na terenu (usp. Boškovic-Stulli 1970; Kos-Lajtman/Hor-vat 2009) ili pak studija N. Nodila (usp. Boškovic-Stulli 1970: 170), pet je autora čije je konstitutivno mjesto u oblikovanju autoričine zbirke neprijeporno - A. N. Afanasjev, A. Tkany, M. K. Valjavec, I. K. Sakcinski i P. J. Šafarik. U ovom radu razmatrali smo odnos što ga Priče iz davnine uspostavljaju s leksikonom A. Tkanyja, u kojemu autor tematizira motive vezane uz vjerovanja i mitološke predodžbe ,starih Germana i Slavena'. Tekst u okviru kojeg je najrazvidnije moguce pratiti navedeni odnos bajkovita je priča Bratac Jaglenac i sestrica Rutvica u kojoj Brlic-Mažuranic u kompozicijskom smislu realizira dvostruku priču: onu okvirnu, koja prezentira sudbinu kneginje i njenoga sina Relje, te onu unutarnju - koja izvire iz prve te u nju u konačnici i uvire - o sudbini dvoje siro-čica, brata Jaglenca i sestre Rutvice. Navedeno razdvajanje fabularnih tijekova usko je povezano s raslojavanjem u tematsko-motivskom sloju, koncentriranom u zbivanjima na planini Kitež. Naime, upravo motiv Kitež-planine autorica nesumnjivo preuzima iz Tkanyjeva leksikona te ga dobrim dijelom i oblikuje na temelju spoznaja do kojih do-lazi čitanjem i izučavanjem leksikona, iako se može pretpostaviti da je o navedenom toponimu i njegovim mitološkim razradama saznavala i čitanjem drugih autora, osobito Merežkovskog. Analizom autoričine priče pokazuje se da u razradi teme Kitež-planine, odnosno, sudbine dvoje nevine djece koja se preokrece iz nesretne i neizvjesne u sretnu, pripovjedačica zahvaca i aktivira tri različita sloja: mitološki sloj, sloj srednjovjekovne sage i krščanski sloj. Prožimanjem semantičkih naboja svih navedenih konteksta i njihovim smještanjem na sasvim odredeno mjesto u fabularnom razvoju, pripovjedačica postiže polisemantičku dimenziju cijele priče, kao i njezinu žanrovsku, idejnu i stilsku polivalentnost. Temeljeci motiv Kitež-planine, kronotopa najvažnijih zbivanja u priči, na historiografskoj gradi koja navedeni motiv tematizira kako iz pozicije starih saga, tako i iz pozicije drevnih mitoloških slavenskih koncepcija, pripovjedačica ih povezuje jedne s drugima, prožimajuci ih u konačnici i s kršcanskim svjetonazorom. U prebacivanju motivike za kojom priča poseže iz jedne navedene iteracije u drugu kao prošivni bod i temeljni impetus pripovijedanja služi ne samo intencija očuvanja drevne slavenske i hrvatske narodne baštine, što uostalom predstavlja stalno mjesto autoričina diskursa, vec, osobito, svjetonazorna pozicija u sklopu koje se naročito ističe potreba očuvanja čovjeko-ve moralne dimenzije. Upravo u prezentaciji navedenog svjetonazora ključno mjesto ima kršcanski vidokrug, prisutan kako eksplicitno - doticanjem motiva crkve, Boga, križa, kandila i svetog jezera - tako i implicitnim uvodnim povezivanjem kršcanskog svjetona-zora s pozicijom zdravog razuma. Ono što je najvažnije u postavu autoričine priče kako smo je ovdje izložili njezina je dvostruka, hibridna priroda koja implicira i narativno-stilsku i žanrovsku heterogenost. Argument u prilog navedenoj polivalentnosti nije samo višeslojnost u pristupu kronoto-pu zbivanja, a koji je bitno povezan s idejnim silnicama priče, vec i u genezi cjelokupne motivike, ali i pripovjednog instrumentarija. Iako se radi o autorskom pristupu priči što je najčešce imenovan umjetničkom bajkom (usp. npr. Zalar 2004: 205-212), a u kojem su najvažniji elementi odrednice kao što su „autohtonost priča", „stvaralačko korištenje grade" (Skok 1995: 98), samosvojna interpretacija (usp. ibid.), odnosno, „izvornost u [...] strukturi kazivanja" (Donat 1970: 20), „bujna igra mašte i čudesna sposobnost stvaranja slika" (Boškovic-Stulli 1970: 177), Bratac Jaglenac i sestrica Rutvica primjer je iznimne ukorijenjenosti priče u usmenoknjiževnom habitusu, još u mnogo vecoj mjeri nego su to neke druge autoričine priče. Tako vec i sam lik Relje potječe iz hrvatske usmene epske pjesme (usp. ibid.: 171; Mažuranic 1975: 405), pri čemu navod u Tumaču imena14 pokazuje da je autorica bila dobro upoznata s navedenom genezom. Nadalje, čitav je niz elemenata usmene književnosti koji nalaze svoj odjek u jeziku i stilu priče: od stalnih epiteta,15 medu kojima se osobito ističe tvrdi grad kao lajtmotiv cijele priče, preko stalnih, uobičajenih brojeva usmenoknjiževne provenijencije gdje dominira hipertrofirana uporaba broja sedam,16 pa sve do deseteračke metrike koja je duboko inkorporirana u strukturu autoričine rečenice. Ne samo da je ta metrika interpolirana u priču u obliku deseteračke pjesme o bitci izmedu Relje i Zmaja (usp. Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 114-115), vec su gotovo i čitavi ulomci, iako prozni, odredeni deseteračkom formulom naglašene ritmičnosti.17 Evidentni su i drugi primjeri formulaičnog, ustaljenog usmenoknjiževnog izraza, kao što je onaj radosna ti majka (usp. ibid.: 105), nebu pod oblake (usp. ibid.: 90, 106) ili pak sama sintagma sestrica Rutvica za koju se primjecuje „da nas odmah sjeca ruskih formulaičnih naziva kao batjuška-Morozuško, staruha-govoruha, lisička-sestrička, strelec-molodec, molodec-udalec i dr." (Boškovic-Stulli 1970: 173). Tu je i osebujno obilježje naše usmene pjesme da se koristi vokativ umjesto nominativa.18 Temeljno pak obilježje usmene bajke, naime, „potreba za čudesnim transpozicijama i rješenjima" (ibid.: 179), u Bratcu Jaglencu i sestrici Rutvici itekako dolazi do izražaja, osobito u prezentiranjima Jaglenčeva nevjero-jatna izbavljenja iz situacija stvorenih zlim namjerama vila Zatočnica. Zbog svega navedenog - zbog nasljedovanja historiografsko-mitoloških koncepcija s jedne strane, kao i motiva te narativno-stilskih postupaka usmene književnosti, a isto-dobnog jasnog pozicioniranja u okvirima autorske književnosti uvelike odredene kontekstom „neoromantičarske književne svijesti" (Zima 2001a: 289-295) okrenute elementima bajkovne stilizacije, secesijskoj vizualnosti, književnoj fantastici (usp. Zima 2001b: 10-11) s druge strane - bajkovite priče autorice Brlic-Mažuranic odlučujemo se odrediti bajkopi-sima, s primarnom intencijom podvlačenja njihove žanrovske, stilske, ali i svjetonazorske heterogenosti. Ta je heterogenost, barem što se tiče interferencije s usmenoknjiževnim diskursom, bila prepoznata i ranije, iako s različitim kritičkim predznakom. Tako, primje-rice, Boškovic-Stulli, koja i sama zaključuje „da su Priče iz davnine, koliko su god gotovo 14 Usp.: „Relja (Hrelja). Hrvatska narodna pjesma slavi gdjekad nekoga Hrelju kao boljeg i jačeg junaka od samo-ga Kraljeviča Marka" (Brlic-Mažuranic 1972: 196). 15 Primjerice: bijeli dvori, teška sablja, neznani delija, silan Zmaje, tvrdo srce, rujno vince i dr. 16 Tako primjerice sedam vila Zatočnica, sedam dana u kojima najmlada Zatočnica napastuje Rutvicu, sedam podruma ,tvrdoga grada, pod sedam ključeva, sedmo carstvo u kojem je po svojoj strahotnosti poznata Kitež-planina, sedam dana u kojima se Relja iz planine vrača majci i sedam dana u kojima zajedno odlaze do Rutvice i Jaglenca. 17 Primjerice: „[..] sipa oganj na obje nozdrve, kida putem borove i jele: tijesna mu je šuma i planina." (ibid.: 105); „,Eno dijete, Zmajo ognjonošo! Pripravljaj si ognja ponajboljeg.'" (ibid.); „Frču, siplju iskre i plameni, vračaju se nad Kitež-planinu: pol planine Zmaje popalio, al Jaglenca malog izgubio!" (ibid.: 106). 18 Primjerice: „Kad ono tamo, al u sutjeski silan Zmaje spava. Bijaše se Zmaje ljuto umorio sipljuči onoliku vatru na Jaglenca, zato bijaše duboko zaspao, da prikupi nove snage." (Ibid.: 113) u svakome retku proniknute imenima, motivima i inspiracijama iz usmene književnosti, u svojoj biti od te književnosti ipak distancirane" (Boškovič-Stulli 1970: 180), s druge stra-ne, govoreči o autoričinoj uporabi deseteraca, zapaža: „Kada bi tih deseteraca bilo znatno manje, možda bi oni imali više šarma u pričama, premda njihov epski ton več sam po sebi nije u skladu s obilježjima bajke. No ovako, prekomjerno iskorišteni, oni - po mome osječaju - smetaju pričanju, pa se u ocjeni njihove vrijednosti ne slažem s mišljenjem A. B. Šimiča." (Ibid.: 176) Več i usputno spominjanje Šimičeve reakcije, koja je zapravo kompatibilna večini kasnijih vezanih uz Priče iz davnine, ukazuje na činjenicu da baj-koviti diskurs što ga Brlič-Mažuranič ostvaruje u svojoj najrelevantnijoj knjizi podliježe raznolikim pristupima, ali i na to da bi podrobnija analitička čitanja bila itekako potrebna, unatoč gotovo stogodišnjem egzistiranju zbirke na relevantnim područjima čitateljske i kritičarske recepcije. U okvirima ovoga rada nije nam, medutim, namjera raditi bilo kakvu kritičku evalu-aciju več temeljem intertekstualne veze što ju je Brlič-Mažuranič ostvarila s leksikonskim interpretacijama Tkanyja ukazati na jedinstvenu bajkopisnu strukturu autoričine zbirke, a osobito teksta Bratac Jaglenac i sestrica Rutvica. Riječ je o primjeni takve narativne strategije u sklopu koje dolazi do ispreplitanja pojedinih segmenata slavenskog mitološkog nasljeda, tradicije srednjovjekovnih saga, kao i južnoslavenske usmene književnosti, a sve u kontekstu generiranja svijeta fantastičnog. Osnovna intencija ugradena u tako konstruiran bajkopis prije svega jest osvješčivanje narodne baštine te, osobito, čovjekove moralne dimenzije kao ključnog mjesta eksponiranja autoričina svjetonazora. Literatura A^aHacbeB, AneKcaHgp HMKonaeBMH (t-I 1865, t-II 1868, t-III 1869). ^o^mu^ecKue B033peHUH cnaBHH Ha npupody: Onum cpaBHumenbHo^o u3yneHux cnaBmcKux npedaHuu u BepoBaHuu b cbh3u c MuifirnecKUMu cKa3aHuXMu ^py^uxpodcmBeHHUx HapodoB, Mockba. Boškovič-Stulli, Maja (1970). Priče iz davnine i usmena književnost. U: Jelčič, Dubravko (ur.) (1970). Zbornik radova o Ivani Brlič-Mažuranič. Zagreb: Mladost, 163-180. Brlič-Mažuranič, Ivana (1930). O postanku Priča iz davnine (Pismo sinu dru Ivanu Br- liču). U: Hrvatska revija 3/5 (1930), 289-290. Brlič-Mažuranič, Ivana (1972). Priče iz davnine. Zagreb: Mladost. Beutin, Wofgang i dr. (2001). Deutsche Literaturgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler. Donat, Branimir (1970). Traganja za narativnim strukturama Priča iz davnine. U: Jelčič, Dubravko (ur.) (1970). Zbornik radova o Ivani Brlič-Mažuranič. Zagreb: Mladost, 249-254. Fond Hrvatskog državnog arhiva: Arhiv obitelji Brlič. Mikrofilm D.D. - 48 (ZM 50/ 48). Graves, Robert (2003). Grčki mitovi. Zagreb: CID-NOVA. Gross, Mirjana (1985). Počeci moderne Hrvatske. Zagreb: Globus. Gross, Mirjana; Szabo, Agneza (1992.) Prema hrvatskome gradanskom društvu. Zagreb: Globus. Karaman, Igor (1972). Privreda i društvo Hrvatske u 19. stolječu. Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Kos-Lajtman, Andrijana; Horvat, Jasna (2009). Tematsko-motivske veze u stvaralaštvu Ivane Brlič-Mažuranič i Vladimira Mažuraniča. U: Riječ 15/4 (2009), 182-206. Kos-Lajtman, Andrijana; Tamara Turza-Bogdan (2010). Utjecaj usmenoknjiževnih i mitoloških tvorevina varaždinskog kraja na književni rad Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic. U: Narodna umjetnost 47/2 (2010), 175-190. Kos-Lajtman, Andrijana; Horvat, Jasna (2010). Utjecaj ruskih mitoloških i usmenoknjiževnih elemenata na diskurs Priča iz davnine Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic. Rad u rukopi-su (priprema za tisak u Peti hrvatski slavistički kongres - Zbornik radova). Kos-Lajtman, Andrijana; Horvat, Jasna (2011). Ivana Brlic-Mažuranic, Priče iz davnine: Nova konstrukcija autoričinih izvora i metodologije. U: Fluminensia 1/2011, 87-99. Mažuranic, Vladimir. 1975. Prinosi za hrvatski pravno-povjestni rječnik. Sv. I-II. Zagreb: Knjižara Jugoslavenske akademije Lav. Hartmana (Stj. Kugli) 1908-1922., Pretisak: Zagreb: Informator. Skok, Joža; Milan Crnkovic (1995). Čudnovate zgode šegrta Hlapica i Priče iz davnine Ivane Brlic-Mažuranic. Robinson Crusoe Daniela Defoea. U: Ključ za književno djelo. Kolo II., knj. 5. Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Tkany, Anton (1827a). Mythologie der alten Teutschen u. Slaven. in Verbindung mit dem Wissenswürdigsten aus dem Gebiethe der Sage und des Aberglaubens. Sv. 1. Znaim: Hofmann. Tkany, Anton (1827b). Mythologie der alten Teutschen u. Slaven. in Verbindung mit dem Wissenswürdigsten aus dem Gebiethe der Sage und des Aberglaubens. Sv. 2. Znaim: Hofmann. Wild, Reiner (ur.) (1990). Geschichte der deutschen Kinder- und Jugendliteratur. Stuttgart: Metzler. Zalar, Diana (2004). Kako je Ivana Brlic-Mažuranic uz pomoč dobrih duhova proširila granice klasične umjetničke bajke. U: Metodika 2 (2004), 205-212. Zima, Dubravka (2001a). Bajke Ivane Brlic Mažuranic. U: Sesar, Dubravka; Vidovic Bolt, Ivana (ur.) (2001): Drugi hrvatski slavistički kongres Osijek - zbornik radova II. Zagreb: Hrvatsko filološko društvo, 289-295. Zima, Dubravka (2001b). Ivana Brlič Mažuranic: monografija. Zagreb: Zavod za znanost o književnosti Filozofskog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Žmegač, Viktor (1996). Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Vom 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart. Sv. I/2. Weinheim: Athenäum. Žmegač, Viktor (1980). Geschichte der deutschen Literatur. Vom 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart. Sv. II/2. Weinheim: Athenäum. Žižek, Slavoj (2002). Sublimni objekt ideologije, Zagreb: Arkzin. Fairytalemanship-like dissemination of mythological motives in Croatian Tales of Long Ago by Ivana Brlic-Mažuranic, exemplified by intertextual connections with A. Tkany's lexicon Tihomir Engler, Andrijana Kos-Lajtman In this paper, the intertextual connections between Ivana Brlic-Mažuranics Tales from Long Ago (1916) and Anton Tkany's historiographic lexicon Mithologie der alten Teutschen und Slaven (1827) are being studied. The intertextual dimension of the tales by Brlic-Mažuranic has been partly known for some time, both on the basis of the author's personal statements and of the scientific reflection. In this paper, the past scientific perspective of intertextual structure of the author's texts is broadened by throwing light on the influence that Tkany's lexicon of mythology of old Germans and Slavs had on Tales from Long Ago - especially on Brother Jaglenac and Sister Rutvica - as a completely unknown source of the author's mythological and historiographic motifs up to now. Exemplified by the concrete motifs that Brlič-Mažuranič took over from Tkany's lexicon (which is witnessed by her recently found handwritten record These notes were taken out from Afanasjev, «Vozzrenija drevnih Slavjan» and from Tkany «Mithologie der alten Teutschen und Slaven»), it is shown how the abovementioned intertextuality influences the semantic proliferation of the author's fairytale discourse. By reading the tale about brother Jag-lenac and sister Rutvica in an analytically-interpretative way, light is thrown on the way Brlič-Mažuranič, while developing the theme of the tale at three levels - Christian, saga, and mythological level - implements literary dissemination of the time-space of Tkany's lexicon note on the Kitež mountain as the place where the main part of the author's tale takes place. The result of dissemination of Tkany's mythological-historiographic material can be seen in the presentation of the children's (the main protagonists') rise to the mountain's peak in the way that the narrative presentation of that journey at the same time becomes a travel through the time dimension of mythological-historiographic context of the presented space. In that sense, the protagonists' coming down from the saga layer into the older mythological layer becomes the medium of throwing light on the foundations of both of the layers, but also of their connecting with the contemporary moment. The main intention being realised, both at the story-line level and at the intertextual and architextual correlations levels, is the enlightenment of the dark space of the Kitež Mountain. By taking into consideration the literary-historical context of the author's creating, especially by comparing the situation in the German literature of Romanticism as the linguistic and national Tkany's habitus, the quilting point of the author's tales is trying to be established as the basic dictus of narrating Slavic mythological motives into fictional, literal discourse. Thus the position of the fairytale texts by Brlič-Mažuranič is seen as the juxtaposition of a tale exclusively determined by the influence of the folk tale and of the so-called artistic fairy tale, which usually does not significantly establish the relationship towards spoken-literal and/or mythological elements. Thus the abovementioned author's fairytale discourse type, which can be found in Tales from Long Ago, we name fairytale-manship, as a term whose main task is to identify the specific duality of genesis and phenomenology of tales by this Croatian author. By positioning her stories on the dividing line of mythological historiography, like Tkany's, and strong inveteracy in the Croatian spoken-literal tradition on the one hand, and the usual processes of fictionalisation of fantastic literal discourse on the other, the author presents as the focal discursive point an ideological impulse of preserving the (Slavic) national identity and especially the keeping of the moral dimension of the man's existence. Najstnikom 'predpisana' slovenska bajčna in mitološka bitja Petra Novak The article presents the conclusions of analysis made on the representation of Slovene mythical and mythological contents offered to the pupils in higher grades of primary education by the curricula and different literacy learning school books. The main part of the discussion represents all the texts with fable elements included in the analyzed literacy learning books from the genre point of view and from the motif point of view. Each interpretation of the text includes didactic and literary instruments which represent mythical or mythological elements to the pupils. Uvod V raziskavi, katere glavne rezultate prinaša pričujoča razprava, sem se osredotočila na zastopanost bajčnih oz mitoloških vsebin,1 ki jih slovenskim najstnikom predpisuje učni načrt2 oz. jih ponujajo berila različnih založb. Primerjalni pogled omogoča pregled zastopanosti tako na diahroni3 kot sinhroni4 osi. K temu sta me vodili dve dejstvi: dilema, kakšno besedilo ponuditi najstniku, da bo zadovoljilo tako njegove bralne interese kot zadostilo ciljem književnega pouka, po drugi strani pa kot mentorica bralne značke5 vem, da učenci višjih razredov osnovne šole zelo radi posegajo po knjigah, ki sodijo v območje magičnega, in nadnaravnega.6 Ali je mogoče združiti njihova bralna zanimanja s slovensko ljudsko kulturo, tradicijo in staroslov(a/e)nskim verovanjem? Namen analize učnih načrtov in učbenikov za pouk književnosti je ugotoviti, kako, če sploh, se tega lotevajo strokovnjaki s področja vzgoje in izobraževanja, ki uza- 1 Gre za bajeslovna bitja, ki so povezana z določenimi verskimi predstavami ali pa so nastala v domišljiji ljudi iz različnih vzrokov in v različne namene, ne pa tudi bajeslovne like, med katere sodijo npr. ljudski junaki, antijunaki in zgodovinske osebe, ki so jih ljudje mitizirali (po Kropej 2008: 11). 2 V tej razpravi uporabljam tudi kratico UN. 3 Učbeniki in učni načrt zadnjih dveh desetletij. 4 Učbeniki, ki so na voljo danes. 5 Bralna značka je dolgoročna motivacija za branje. Ta ves čas svojega obstoja in razvoja dopolnjuje pouk slovenskega jezika in književnosti in je tudi zasnovana tako, da pomaga dosegati cilje pouka. Bralci pri branju za bralno značko uporabljajo to, kar so pridobili v okviru rednega pouka in kar pridobijo v okviru bralne značke, uporabljajo pri rednem pouku književnosti (Jamnik 2006: 75-76). 6 Tudi na seznamu najbolj izposojenih/branih knjig, ki ga za vsak mesec izdela IZUM, so tovrstne knjige, npr. knjige vampirske sage Somrak ... (www.cobiss.si) konjajo predvideno znanje slovenskih osnovnošolcev, in avtorji potrjenih7 učbenikov za pouk književnosti. Pred samimi rezultati analize so predstavljeni nosilci načrtovanja pouka književnosti, tj. učni načrti in učbeniki za pouk književnosti. Glavni del razprave žanrsko in tudi motivno predstavi vsa besedila z neposredno bajčnimi elementi. Ob vsaki interpretaciji besedila so navedeni tudi deli didaktičnega in literarnovednega instrumentarija, v katerih so učencem kakor koli predstavljene bajeslovne oz. mitološke prvine. Načrtovanje pouka književnosti: učni načrt in učbenik Za potrebe raziskave so bili analizirani trije učni načrti, in sicer učni načrt iz leta 1984 (Program življenja in dela osnovne šole, 2. zvezek, jezikovno-umetnostno vzgojno izobraževalno področje), iz leta 1998 (Učni načrt, program osnovnošolskega izobraževanja, slovenščina) ter iz leta 2009 (Učni načrt. Slovenščina).8 Vsi učni načrti določajo število ur, namenjenih književnemu pouku, učne cilje, ki naj bi se pri pouku dosegali, ter učno snov, preko katere bi te cilje dosegali - v različnem obsegu. Učni načrt določi cilje in vsebine določenega predmeta na določeni stopnji šolanja, njihovo razporeditev in globino ter tako opravi makroartikulacijo učne snovi. Odnos med učnimi cilji in vsebinami je soodvisen, vendar so bistvenega pomena jasno izraženi cilji, kajti ti že nosijo zaželene psihofizične kvalitete, npr. določene vednosti, sposobnosti, spretnosti, lastnosti ipd., ki naj jih pouk z ustreznimi vsebinami čim bolje uresničuje (Pevec Grm 2001:21). Cilji so pomembni vhodni parameter, ki soodloča v izboru vsebin, predvsem pa je taksonomija ciljev pomembna pri razvrščanju vprašanj in nalog v učbenikih in drugih učnih načrtih. Njihova strukturiranost kaže, katero znanje naj učitelj oz. pisec učbenika razvija pri učencih. Konkretizacija učnih ciljev in določil v učnem načrtu temelji v veliki meri tudi na uporabnosti didaktičnih pripomočkov, v mojem primeru učbenikov za pouk književnosti. Učbenik naj bi bil most med učnim načrtom in neposrednim poukom. Pogosto naj bi bil tudi vodilo učiteljem, saj se nanj opirajo bolj kot na učni načrt in je od njega odvisna tudi kakovost pouka (Krakar Vogel 2004: 142). Učbenik za pouk književnosti oz. berilo9 vsebuje z učnim načrtom usklajeno učno snov za pouk književnosti. V raziskavi sem analizirala vsa berila, ki sovpadajo z učnimi načrti od 5. razreda 8-letne in kasneje 6. razreda 9-letne osnovne šole do 8. razreda 8-letne in 9. razreda 9-letne osnovne šole in so bila oz. so na voljo na založniškem trgu, torej dostopna tako učiteljem kot učencem. 7 S strani Zavoda za šolstvo. 8 Gre za prenovljeni učni načrt, ki se navezuje na učni načrt iz leta 1998, z nekaj dopolnitvami. Ta učni načrt oz. njegova (redakcijsko neurejena in nelektorirana) posodobljena verzija je bila tik pred oddajo tega članka potrjena, in je začela veljati v šolskem letu 2011/2012, najprej v 7. razredu. Vendar glede bajčnih mitoloških vsebin ne prinaša posodobitev/novosti. 9 Učbenik je nadpomenka berilu, berilo pa je zbirka besedil, izbranih v skladu s cilji učnega načrta in opremljenih z ustreznim didaktičnim instrumentarijem (Krakar Vogel 2004: 142). NASLOV AVTORJI ZALOŽBA Pozdravljeno zeleno drevo G. Kocijan, S. Šimenc MK10 Kdo se skriva v ogledalu? B. Golob, V. Medved Udovič, M. Mohor, I. Saksida. MK Branje za sanje M. Cirman, G. Kocijan, S. Šimenc DZS Svet iz besed 6 M. Blažič, N. Cigut, J. J. Kenda, D. Meglič, M. Seliškar, P. Svetina Rokus Sledi do davnih dni M. Kordigel, V. Medved Udovič, I. Saksida Izolit O domovina, ti si kakor zdravje G. Kocijan in S. Šimenc MK Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje M. Mohor, V. Medved Udovič, I. Saksida, Berta Golob MK Ta knjiga je zate M. Cirman, L. Golc, G. Kocijan, M. Potrata in S. Šimenc DZS Svet iz besed 7 M. Blažič, B. Bošnjak, J.J. Kenda, P. Svetina in M. Žveglič Rokus Novi svet iz besed 7 M. Blažič, B. Bošnjak, J.J. Kenda, P. Svetina, A. Žbogar in M. Žveglič Rokus Vezi med ljudmi G. Kocijan in S. Šimenc DZS Dober dan, življenje M. Honzak, V. Medved Udovič, M. Mohor, N. Pirih MK Spletaj niti domišljije M. Cirman, L. Golc, G. Kocijan, M. Potrata, S. Šimenc DZS Svet iz besed 8 M. Blažič, M. Žveglič, Jakob J. Kenda, P. Svetina Rokus V nove zarje: G. Kocijan in S. Šimenc DZS Skrivno življenje besed M. Honzak, V. Medved Udovič, M. Mohor, N. Pirih MK Z roko v roki M. Cirman, L. Golc, G. Kocijan, M. Potrata, S. Šimenc DZS Svet iz besed 9 M. Blažič, B. Bošnjak, J.J. Kenda, P. Svetina, M. Žveglič Rokus Tabela: Tabela analiziranih beril Sicer pa bi tako analizirana berila kakor učne načrte lahko razvrstili na: - berila, ki so izšla po izidu učnega načrta leta 1987 in so bila v uporabi tako v Jugoslaviji kot tudi še v samostojni Sloveniji; - berila, ki izhajajo (še) danes, so v uporabi v devetletki ter je njihova uporaba prepuščena izboru učiteljev - pluralnost učbenikov na trgu za isto predmetno področje. Slovenske bajčne/mitološke vsebine v učnih načrtih V učnih načrtih za 5. razred 8-letke oz. 6. razred 9-letke, ko učenci pridejo na predmetno stopnjo in poučevanje prevzame za določen predmet usposobljeni učitelj, slovenske bajčne oz. mitološke vsebine eksplicitno niso nikjer navedene, kar pomeni, da jih učni načrt ne predvideva. Je pa tako v UN 1998 kot v UN 2009 za obravnavo predlagana ljudska pesem Desetnica, ob kateri je prav tako mogoče spoznati mitološko ozadje. Učni načrt iz leta 1984 za 6. razred 8-letke neposredno ne predvidi nobenih bajč-nih vsebin slovenskega ljudskega slovstva, pač pa pri navedbi usvojenih književnih pojmov med drugim navaja bajko. Učna načrta iz leta 1998 in 2009 v branje priporočata bajko Volkodlak. Med didaktičnimi priporočili pri omenjeni bajki UN 10 Založba Mladinska knjiga 1998 predvidi: Razlaganje razlike med ljudsko in umetno prozo ter opisovanje vrst ljudskih pripovedi. Pisanje fantastične zgodbe na osnovi ljudskih pripovedi in antičnih mitov. UN 2009 pa: Značilnosti pripovednih vrst: opazovanje in izpostavljanje pri primerjanju in vrednotenju književnih besedil iste vrste; razvijanje zmožnosti razumevanja in prepoznavanja pripovednih vrst, s pisanjem izvirnih besedil in pri tem upoštevanje žanrskih določil teh vrst; upoštevanje tudi značilnosti pripovedne zgradbe, sloga in sporočevalnegapostopka;pisanje/zapisovanje (izbirno 1 enota) basen, pripovedka, bajka (skupinsko zbiranje in zapis ustnega izročila). Poleg tega UN iz leta 2009 bajčne/mitolške vsebine predvidi pri enem od operativnih ciljev, in sicer: ugotavljanje zgodovinskega, mitološkega ozadja razlagalne/zgodovinske pripovedke ali bajke ter prepoznavanje vloge bajeslovnih bitij/likov v besedilu. Za 7. razred 8-letke oz. 8. razred 9-letke UN 1984 ne navaja nobenih didaktičnih priporočil eksplicitno navezujočih se na bajeslovje niti na ljudsko slovstvo v splošnem, predpisuje pa obvezno obravnavo besedila Kurent. Učna načrta iz let 1998 in 2009 prav tako ne navajata nobenih didaktičnih predlogov, neposredno navezujočih se na bajeslovje, obe pa predlagata besedilo Vedomec. Nobeden od učnih načrtov slovenskih bajčnih oz. mitoloških vsebin ne predvidi v zadnjem letu osnovnošolskega izobraževanja. Učna načrta 1998 in 2009 (2011) navajata tudi Standarde znanja ob koncu posameznega triletja, tj. po 6. in po 9. letu šolanja. V učnem načrtu 2009 je ljudsko slovstvo oz. bajeslov-je v navedbi pričakovanih rezultatov izrecno navedeno npr. pri doživetju, razumevanju in vrednotenju proze, prim. ob izbranem besedilu učenec izpostavi značilnosti pripovedne vrste in jih primerja z znanimi značilnostmi te vrste besedila (basen, pripovedka, bajka ...). Predstavitev v berila vključenih bajčnih vsebin BERILO PESNIŠTVO PRIPOVEDNIŠTVO Pozdravljeno zeleno drevo! Desetnica / Kdo se skriva v ogledalu? / / Svet iz besed 6 / / Sledi do davnih dni Zarika in Sončica / Branje za sanje Desetnica / O domovina, ti si kakor zdravje / Volkodlak Ta knjiga je zate / / Svet iz besed 7 / Volkodlak Vesoljni potop in Kurent Novi svet iz besed 7 Volkodlak v Ribnici Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje / Volkodlak Vezi med ljudmi / / Svet iz besed 8 Kresnice Vedomci Dober dan, življenje / / Spletaj niti domišljije / Vedomci Volkodlak (v Ribnici) Pripovedki Volkodlak in Volkodlak v Ribnici sodita med bajčne pripovedke oz. bajke, ki so tematsko najstarejše. V bajkah Volkodlak in Volkodlak v Ribnici lahko zasledimo nekaj izmed funkcij Vladimirja Proppa, ki jih je predstavil v Morfologiji pravljice. Deček, ki se ob prekletstvu matere spremeni v volkodlaka, je prisiljen zapustiti hišo. Ne sme se več vrniti, dokler se zopet ne spremeni v človeka. Brez doma hodi po svetu in išče svojega rešitelja. Ljudje se ga izogibajo, ker je podoben volku in s tem vzbuja strah. V resnici hoče volkodlak le kos kruha, ki ga mora pojesti, da bi postal zopet človek. Največkrat poskuša srečo pri potnikih in trgovcih (Bukovčan, ki je vozil 'suho robo' (Volkodlak) in voznik iz Dolenje vasi pri Ribnici (Volkodlak v Ribnici)), vendar ga ti le odganjajo in se ga izogibajo, ker ne vedo, kaj hoče od njih. Čez mnogo let volkodlak le dobi odrešitelja. To je ženska, ki mu da kos kruha. Od vseh likov v delu je samo ena ženska in ta je volkodlakov odrešenik. S tem, da se spremeni iz volkodlaka v človeka, dobi spet staro podobo in je rešen vseh tegob, ki so ga spremljale v telesu volkodlaka. V berilih gre za varianti bajke, s tem da je bajka Volkodlak zgrajena iz okvirne in vložne pripovedi (in morda za razumevanje učencev nekoliko težja). Zapisovalec je dal pripovedni okvir, iz katerega je razviden utrinek iz stvarnega življenja (spomin na mladost). Pripoveduje o tem, s čimer se je ukvarjalo staro verovanje (bajeslovje). Iz pripovedi je razvidno ljudsko verovanje; volkodlak je eno izmed nižjih bajeslovnih bitij.11 Bajka Vokodlak je vklučena v štiri berila za 6. razred 8-letke oz. 7. razred 9-letke: O domovina, ti si kakor zdravje, Svet iz besed 7, Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje in Novi svet iz besed 7. Po letnici najstarejše berilo O domovina, ti si kakor zdravje se v razdelku nalog za (samostojno) delo učencev se prvi sklop vprašanj navezuje na vsebinsko analizo besedila, prim. Kakšen je bil Volkodlak po svoji zunanjosti? Nato je pri vseh besedilih razložena žanrska uvrstitev in značilnosti le-te: Pripoved je bajka: te pripovedujejo o bogovih, nadnaravnih silah, božanskih junakih, skratka o vsem, s čimer se je ukvarjalo staro verovanje (bajeslovje). V naših (slovenskih, op. P. N.) bajkah nastopajo le nižja bajeslovna bitja, kot so vile (rojenice, sojenice), volkodlaki, povodni možje, psoglavci ipd. Iz pripovedi je mogoče videti ljudsko verovanje. Ugotovi, kakšno. (Kocijan, Šimenc 1990: 11). Rokusova berila Svet iz besed in Novi svet iz besed12 sledijo modelu sodobnega komunikacijskega pouka s predvideno didaktično zasnovo učne ure. Že uvodne motivacije pri posameznih besedilih učence seznanijo z določenimi kulturnozgodovinskimi dejstvi: Ali se kdaj vprašate, kako so si naši predniki razlagali svet, človeške usode, kako so razmišljali in čustvovali? Vse to in še več odseva iz številnih ljudskih pripovedi. Preberite zgodbo o volkodlaku in se prepričajte tudi o domišljijski sposobnosti naših daljnih očakov. Po uvodni motivaciji za branje so stvarna pojasnila in neznane besede ob samem besedilu: volkodlak: bajeslovno bitje V sklop Dejavnosti po branju sodijo npr. naloge, ki se navezujejo na vsebinsko analizo besedil Kdo pripoveduje zgodbo o polčloveku in polvolku?Poizvedite, kaj o volko- 11 Gregor Kocijan, Stanko Šimenc 1990: 11. 12 Pri berilih Novi svet iz besed gre za nadgradnjo beril Svet iz besed: koncept didaktičnega instrumentarija je enak kot tudi naloge/predvidene dejavnosti učencev. V glavnem gre za spremenjeno (grafično oblikovanje). dlaku ali o bajki v celoti menijo vaši sošolci, učitelji, starši, prijatelji in znanci. To lahko ugotovite z anketo. Literarnoteoretične definicije v berilu (Novi) (s)Svet iz besed 7 bajko razložijo na način: BAJKE so pripovedi, nastale v bogati ljudski domišljiji. Govorijo o različnih pol-človeških in nečloveških bitjih (povodni mož, škrati, vile, sojenice, rojenice, vesne ipd.); pri Grkih in Rimljanih pa najdemo druga bajeslovna bitja in bogove (Zevsa, Jupitra, Hero, Junono idr.) (Svet iz besed 7 2008: 180-181). Medijske predelave so tudi pri tem besedilu, kakor v ostalih iste založbe, zanimiv primer prenosa starega, ljudskega v sodoben svet, čeprav je določene naloge težje izvesti (snemanje filma): Po zgodbi o volkodlaku napišite scenarij za 3-minutni film; Po scenariju, ki ste ga napisali, posnemite 3-minutni film o Volkodlaku. Vendar pa je lahko to eden izmed predlogov za vključevanje učencev v delo pri dodatnem pouku ali morda tam, kjer so učenci razdeljeni v homogene skupine glede na raven znanja (3. raven). To berilo tudi spodbuja izražanje občutkov in lastnih mnenj, prim. Kakšna se vam zdi zgodba - poučna, malo strašljiva, zabavna, dolgočasna? Didaktični instrumentarij pri berilu Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje (2006: 165) se pri besedilu Volkodlak, poleg malih učenosti - literanovednih razlag - naveže še na druge evropske narode, njihovo izročilo, mitologijo: Volkodlak je ljudska bajka. Nastala je kot plod razburkane človekove domišljije, ko si marsičesa v življenju ni mogel razložiti. V Afriki ima še danes vsaka vas ali vsaj vsako območje svojega pripovedovalca, ki je s svojim pripovedovanjem ohranjevalec spoznanj in ustvarjanja svojega ljudstva. Ob večjih praznovanjih (sejmi, poroke, rojstva) pripoveduje obiskovalcem starodavne pripovedi (mite) ali poje epske pesmi. In nadalje: Bajka (bajati - govoriti, čarati) je domišljijska ljudska pripoved. Nastala je v poganski dobi. Takrat si ljudje še niso znali razlagati naravnih pojavov, zato so jim bogovi, polbogovi in nižja bajeslovna bitja predstavljali naravne sile (dobre in zle). Tako so nastala tudi stara verstva. Naše slovenske bajke ohranjajo predvsem pripovedi o nižjih božanskih bitjih, kot so vile, rojenice, sojenice, volkodlaki, psoglavci, povodni mož, škratje, kresnik. Stari Grki in Rimljani imajo najpopolnejše ohranjeno bajeslovje, v njem sodelujejo tako bogovi kot nižja bajeslovna bitja (Zevs, Jupiter, Kiklopi...). Ilustracija Volkodlaka v berilu Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje -v Ilustracija Volkodlaka v berilu Svet iz besed 7 Vesoljni potop in kurent Bajko Vesoljni potop in Kurent, kakršna je objavljena v berilu, je na Slovenskem zapisal Janez Trdina, po njegovem pripovedovanju pa sta zgodbo zapisala dva njegova učenca iz reške gimnazije, Janez Bilc in Vinko Stubelj. Vanjo, kot v del ljudskega izročila, je podvomil Matičetov, vendar v prvih štirih zgodbah resnično lahko sledimo sestavinam ljudskega izročila, ki so pisatelja navdihovale pri pisanju teh zgodb (Kropej 2008: 35) V bajki nastopa bajeslovno bitje Kurent, eden izmed staroslovanskih bogov. Z vesoljnim potopom se v mitih pogosto konča neka civilizacija, voda ponovno preplavi svet, Ilustracija Volkodlaka v berilu Novi svet iz besed 7 toda na površju ostane človek, ki postane praoče novemu rodu in se zaradi tega dvigne med bogove (Kropej 2008: 35). V omenjeni bajki pa je rešitelj Slovencev pred vesoljnim potopom Kurent. Slovenec naj bi namreč v begu pred vodo splezal po vinski trti, katere zaščitnik (kot tudi ajde) je bil prav Kurent. Od takrat je moral Slovenec v zahvalo spoštovati trto in ajdo, v spomin na srečni dogodek pa se še danes na pustni torek časti kurenta (Lah 2002: 216). Sicer v ljudskih pripovedih nastopa kot slovenski bog veselja in vina, a Matičetov trdi, da v izročilu za to ni opore. Davorin Trstenjak mu je pripisoval sorodstvo z indijskim Šivo in starogrškim Dionizom. Po Grafenauerju se kažejo v njem praslovan-ske poteze z nomadsko pastirsko kulturo; po Bezlaju gre za božanstvo totemskega kulta s pomenom »ustvarjajoč, ustanavljajoč, snujoč«. Matičetov pa poudarja, da Kurent ni mitična figura temveč pravljični junak šaljivec, soroden podobnim osebam v pravljicah drugih evropskih narodov (Stanonik 1999: 219). Podobnost lahko zasledimo v svetopisemski zgodbi o Noetu in njegovi barki. Vendar pa pravljica o Noetu in njegovi barki tudi ni edina verzija te zgodbe. Vse večje civilizacije poznajo zgodbo o veliki poplavi, ki so jo preživeli le redki izbranci: sumerska mitologija - Utnapištin, babilonska mitologija - Ep o Gilgamešu in grška mitologija - Zgodba o Devkalionu. Enake zgodbe poznajo Azteki, pojavljajo se v sveti knjigi Majev, v indijskih svetih spisih - Vedah.13 Bajka Vesoljni potop in Kurent je objavljena v berilu Svet iz besed 7. V dejavnosti po branju pri tem besedilu sodijo naloge, ki predvidevajo razmišljanje v povezavi z ljudskim izročilom, prim. Kaj menite, zakaj se je v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu ohranila ravno vinska trta? Katera rastlina bi po vašem mnenju prevladovala v italijanskih, nemških, madžarskih ljudskih pripovedih? Nadalje isti razdelek predvideva tudi dejavnost, v kateri učenci sami pridejo do določenih značilnosti ljudskega slovstva: Razložite besedno zvezo ljudska pripoved; Povejte, kako so te pripovedi nastale. Kdo in kako jih je prenašal iz roda v rod? Pri analiziranem berilu je priložena še druga vrsta ljudske ustvarjalnosti, ki se povezuje z bajko Vesoljni potop in kurent, in sicer: Kako si razlagate ljudsko modrost O pustu so zrele neveste, o postu pa preste?. Predvidene so poustvarjalne dejavnosti, povezane s slovansko mitologijo: Poznate še druge slovanske bogove? Sestavite rodovnik. Pomagate si lahko s preglednico ob besedilu Frana Šaleškega Finžgarja Pod svobodnim soncem. (Svet iz besed 7 2008: 170-171). Besedilo je likovno opremljeno z različnimi tipi ilustracij, fotografij. Vedomci Pripovedka Vedomci, ki jo predvidevata tudi zadnja dva učna načrta in je vključena v dve analizirani berili, prav tako sodi med bajčne pripovedke. Vedomci se, po Kro-pejevi, pojavljajo kot različna bajeslovna bitja; bajeslovni lik vedomec ima v slovenskem izročilu različne pomene in se lahko pojavlja kot bitje, ki privzema živalsko ali polžival-sko podobo; človek s čarovniškimi sposobnostmi, ki se v nočeh okrog božiča, kresa ali v kvatrnih tednih preganja naokrog; duša pred krstom umrlega otroka, ki se prikazuje kot lučka, in škrat. Kot višje bajeslovno bitje naj bi bil Vedomec ali Vidovina Kresnikov nasprotnik s profanizacijo bajeslovja pa je prevzel Vodomec v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu vlogo čarovnika (Kropej 2008: 293). Vedomci so privzemali živalsko ali pol človeško pol živalsko 13 Pridobljeno na http://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vesoljni_potop_in_Kurent. podobo14 in takšno vlogo - tudi v množini - imajo v obravnavani pripovedki. Tako kot kresniki in čarovniki se tudi vedomci lahko gibljejo s posebno hitrostjo. Bojevali so se pod starim drevesom ali na gori, pogosto v podobi rdečega in črnega vola ali prasca, lahko pa tudi v levji, jelenji, medvedji ali pol medvedji podobi. Bojevali naj bi se vsako noč, na kresno noč ali v kvatrnih tednih (Kropej 2008: 293-294). Vse te lastnosti imajo tudi vedomci v obravnavanem besedilu. Vedomstva se je (tudi v našem primeru) dalo rešiti, če so ga na shajališču trikrat udarili z letoraslimi leskami. Pri besedilu v berilu Svet iz besed 8 se že uvodna motivacija usmeri na poznavanje in celotno shemo žanrskega sistema ljudskega slovstva - kot bi šlo za nekakšen povzetek spoznanega v osnovni šoli: Brali boste ljudsko pripovedno besedilo o vedomcih. Pred tem se v manjših skupinah pogovorite, kaj o slovenskem ljudskem slovstvu, predvsem o ljudskem pripovedništvu že veste. Ugotovitve primerjajte in izdelajte preglednico vseh vrst ljudskega slovstva. O vedomcu berilo razloži med Stvarnimi pojasnili: Vedomec: po ljudskem verovanju človek, ki mu je usojeno, da med spanjem zapušča telo in postane zli duh in nato v različnih dejavnostih po branju: Razmislite in povejte, kdo in kakšni so vedomci?V katero skupino mitoloških bitij spadajo po vašem mnenju? V tisto, ki človeku koristijo, ali v tisto, ki človeku škodijo? Naštejte še druga bitja iz njihove skupine in jih med seboj primerjajte po lastnostih in odnosu do človeka. Ob vedomcu je kot zanimivost oz. dopolnitev znanja razloženo tudi drugo bajeslovno bitje: Po navedbah nekaterih etnologov živi v ljudskem izročilu zanimivo mitološko bitje, ki ga imenujemo kresnik (glede na rojstvo dvanajsti otrok v družini). Njegovo poglavitno opravilo je bojevanje s človeku sovražnimi bitji (vedomci, psoglavci, volkodlaki ipd.). Pri tem se spreminja v različne živali, za pomočnika pa ima pogosto psa. Kresnika nadalje uporabijo za navodilo k določenim nalogam: Dramatizirajte ljudsko pripoved Vedomci ter eno od svojih priredb s kresnikom in pripravite ločeni gledališki predstavi /.../. Kreativno pisanje in hkrati poznavanje slovenskega bajeslovja je predvideno v nalogi: Vaša naloga je, da ljudsko pripoved Vedomci preoblikujete tako, da boste vnesli kresnika in poleg vedomca vsaj še eno človeku sovražno bitje. Kaj se bo zgodilo? Bodo zle sile prevladale? Pri literarnoteoretičnih defincijah naj bi učenci ponovili splošno značilnost žanra, kateremu obravnavano besedilo pripada: Dopolnite: BAJKE razlagajo predvsem nastanek ( ) in ( ), ki mu vladajo. Te so pri Slovencih poosebljene v ( ). (Svet iz besed 8 2008: 139-140). Berilo Spletaj niti domišljije je z didaktičnega vidika ob besedilu Vedomci v primerjavi z berilom Svet iz besed 8 manj kakovosten. Na dnu strani ob besedilu pove, kdo je Vedomec: že pri rojstvu (po ljudskem verovanju) ukleti človek, ki ponoči blodi okoli, nezavedu-joč se svojih dejanj. V razdelku Vedež te vabi razloži nekaj značilnosti žanra: Opraviti imaš z ljudsko pripovedko, ki ji pravimo bajka. Bajke na svoj način razlagajo nastanek sveta in nenavadne naravne pojave ter pripovedujejo o bogovih, božanskih junakih, skratka o vsem, s čimer se ukvarjajo stara verovanja. V njih nastopajo številna dobra in slaba bajeslovna bitja. In nadalje opis bajeslovnega bitja: Vedomci spadajo med škodljiva bitja, njihovo zakle-tost je mogoče rešiti na več načinov. Mnogo zanimivega o vedomcih in drugih nadnaravnih bitjih lahko prebereš v knjigi Alenke Goljevšček Med bogovi in demoni. Ta naloga pa sicer poleg samega berila podpira uporabo še drugih virov (Spletaj niti domišljije 2008: 80-81). 14 Avtorica o tem navaja poročilo Ravnikarja - Poženčana: Vedamec privzema različno podobo in navadno muči in draži ljudi. Ponekod ga imenujejo tudi veša in v tem primeru jih nastopa več. Zarika in Sončica Zarika in Sončica sodi med pripovedne pesmi, balade. Ta, v berilo vključena balada je bila pri nas zapisana zgolj na Gorenjskem, glede na mednarodno motiviko in tuje 'laško' okolje pa je nastala pod tujimi pripovednimi vplivi (Merhar 1961: 162). Z motivom ugrabitve je podobna Lepi Vidi. Ivan Grafenauer postavlja njen izvir v sredozemski kulturni prostor. Mlajši motiv Turkov je le zamenjava starejših saracenskih plenilcev. Pesem je znana tudi v evropskem pesemskem izročilu. Balada in vse njene variante - v nemškem, hrvaškem, srbskem, bolgarskem okolju -, sicer res izhajajo iz različnih kulturnih prostorov, vendar jih med seboj povezuje arhetipska zgodba in bazično čustvo. Z mitološkega vidika bi lahko razložili sovraštvo Zarike in Sončice tako, da s svojimi imeni simbolizirata sonce in jutranjo zarjo. Zarja se mora posloviti, ko vzide sonce, torej je v usedlini tudi zakrito mitološko ozadje. Po Frommu gre za tekmovalno ljubosumje med dvema tekmicama; morda je v pesem vdrla muslimanska navada mnogoženstva, ali pa je španski car arabskega rodu, saj vemo, da je bila Španija kar nekaj let pod mavrsko oblastjo. Prav tako se lahko vprašamo, kaj simbolizirajo kačice in ali gre res za kačji strup ali pa gre za strup, ki deluje z magijo, torej za neko čarovno kuhanje, za obredno smrt (Golež Kaučič 2007: 464, 465). Balada Zarika in Sončica je ena redkih pripovednih pesmi, kjer je dogajanje postavljeno tudi v tujino. Desetnica Evropsko izročilo pozna desetništvo le v prozni obliki. Naša Desetnica je toliko dragocenejša, saj smo edino Slovenci motiv upesnili (Terseglav 1996: 17) in v takšni obliki je predstavljena tudi učencem. Desetnica naj bi bila drobec starega verovanja, »velikega mita«, katerega rekonstrukcija nastaja postopno s primerjanjem besedil različnih narodov. Pesem motivno temelji na starodavnem prepričanju, da desetina oz. vse deseto od tega, kar človek pridela, priredi ali upleni, kakor tudi deseti otrok istega spola pripada bogovom (Bogu). Domnevajo, da so ponekod sprva res žrtvovali tudi otroke, pozneje pa so nadomestili z izgnanstvom ali z oddajo desetega otroka Cerkvi. Čeprav je Desetnica po snovi uvrščena med bajčne in pravljične pesmi, je po obliki balada. Prvotno je bila to plesna pesem, zdaj pa je to besedilo z mračno, tragično, lahko tudi fantastično vsebino; dogodki so podani zgoščeno in le v skopih obrisih, z veliko dialoga očrtuje in včasih samo nakazuje razvoj dejanja. Zadržano, nesentimentalno oziroma suho stvarno ubeseduje pretresljive usode upovedenih oseb (Stanonik 1999: 104, 105). Deseti, deveti, dvanajsti, trinajsti pa tudi sedmi otrok istega spola naj bi bil po ljudskem izročilu bodisi božanstvo, demonsko bitje, jasnovidec ali vrač, hkrati pa tudi žrtev, desetina, namenjena nekemu boštvu. V slovanskih ljudskih pesmih morata desetnica oz. desetnik po svetu. Usoda desetega otroka, namenjenega božanstvu, ki odloča o rojstvu in o smrti, je, da tava po gozdu in po tujih krajih. V slovenskem pripovednem izročilu s Pohorja deseto sestro imenujejo kar smrt. Na Gorenjskem so ji dali ime rojenica, desetemu bratu pa rojenjak. Zaradi popotništva so desetnike ljudje imeli tudi za potujoče barde in rapsode. Desetnik in desetnica sta se do danes ohranila v ljudskem izročilu Slovanov, Baltov in Ircev. Desetnici je usojeno, da pripada boštvu, ki je povezano z usodo in skrbi za rojstvo in smrt, torej za ciklično obno- vo. Te lastnosti so imela božanstva, povezana s kultom rodovitnosti, kot so bile v antiki Hekate, Diana, Artemida, keltska De Ane, slovanska Mokoš, Pehtra ipd. Izročilo o dese-tnici spominja na grški mit o Ifigeniji ki je bila namenjena boginji Artemidi. Artemida je namreč zahtevala njeno smrt, da bi se maščevala zaradi Agamemnonove žalitve, vendar jo je na žrtveniku zamenjala s košuto in jo odpeljala za svojo svečenico na Tavrido. Raziskave ljudskega bajeslovnega pesemskega in pripovednega izročila so nadalje pokazale, da je kot desetnik zaznamovan tudi Zeleni Jurij, boštvo, ki naj bi prineslo pomladno obnovo in rodovitnost, kot desetnica nastopa tudi njegova sestra Marjetica, posvečena ženskemu boštvu rodovitnosti in smrti. Lik desetnika in desetnice, kakor tudi devetega brata v slovanskem in baltskem izročilu ima, kot sta ugotovila Radoslav Katičic in po njem tudi Vitomir Belaj, pomembno vlogo v praslovanskem rodovitnostnem ritualu oz. praslovanskem mitu o dvoboju med bogom gromovnikom in zmajem (Kropej 2000: 87-88). Berilo Pozdravljeno, zeleno drevo v nalogah za vsebinsko analizo besedila v razdelkih 'POIŠČI, UGOTOVI' in 'UGOTOVI, POIŠČI' pri Desetnici predvideva tip naloge, kjer učenec sam v besedilu išče literarne pojme, ki jih predvideva tudi učni načrt, prim. Tako kot v drugem ustnem slovstvu tako tudi v pripovedni ljudski pesmi najdemo ponavljanja (poišči nekaj primerov), stalna števila, (npr. sedem, katera še?) ... in pri 'OBNOVI PESEM' tip naloge, kjer ne gre za golo obnovo, temveč učenca usmerjajo podvprašanja, ki so konstruirana po logičnem zaporedju zgodbe: Čez koliko let se je desetnica vrnila domov? In kaj se je zgodilo potem? Povsem je zapostavljeno je doživljanje, saj naloge učenca nikjer ne sprašujejo po prvotnem vtisu, občutjih, ki jih je doživel med in po branju besedila. So pa pri obravnavanem besedilu navedena mitološka dejstva: Dekletova usoda je več kot žalostna. Bila je posledica starodavnega verovanja, da vse deseto (otroci, pridelek idr.) pripada bogovom (bogu). Zato je mogoče, da so nekoč res žrtvovali svoje otroke, pozneje so jih pošiljali v izgnanstvo ali pa jih oddajali v samostane (Kocijan, Šimenc 1991: 10). Kresnice V berilo vključena belokranjska lirska pesem Kresnice sodi med obredno-običajske pesmi, natančneje kresne pesmi. Le-te so nastale v sklopu največjega poletnega praznika, še iz poganske zgodovine podedovanega kresa, ki pa ga je krščanstvo uspešno prekrilo z likom Janeza Krsnika, Šentjanža. Kljub temu pa je iz kresnih običajev še vedno viden njihov prvotni, jurjevanju soroden smisel - obramba pred čarovnicami in zlimi duhovi, ki so utegnili biti usodni v času tik pred žetvijo spet hudo nevarno. V tem svojem bistvu se je kresovanje najbolje ohranilo v Beli krajini, od koder izhaja tudi pretežna večina naših kresnih pesmi. Posebnost belokranjskega kresovanja je bila tudi v tem, da so kresne pesmi, sicer podobne jurjevskim, pele predvsem tako imenovane kresnice, dekleta, ki je njihov s pečo zakrinkani obraz in celonočno kresno petje opozarjalo na nekdanji obredni, čarovno obrambni značaj tega opravila (Grafenauer 1956: 78-79). V ljudski pesmi, ki naj bi jo obravnavali pri pouku, med kresovanjem kresnice obišče žlahtni gospod. Obljubi, da se bo poročil s tisto, ki zna najlepše peti. Štiri kresnice, hči ferboltarja (oskrbnika), hči šribarja (pisarja), hči rihtarja (sodnika) in hči purgarja (meščana), se pohvalijo, da znajo lepo peti, le peta, sirota, prizna, da poje slabo. Gospod se odloči za siroto (Lah 2002: 212). Po Merharju (1961: 162) je osnova pesmi bajeslovna (ženitev sončnega boga s človeško ženo), vendar so Kresnice v tej obliki pravljična pesem in je podobno zgodbo najti tudi v znameniti arabski zbirki pravljic Tisoč in ena noč. Na značilnosti posameznih žanrov in tudi ljudskega slovstva v splošnem učenca pri berilu Svet iz besed 8 (2008: 146) napeljejo naloge za samostojno delo učencev: Kakšne so podobnosti ljudske pravljice z ljudsko pesmijo? V uvodni motivaciji pri tej pesmi berilo predstavi ljudsko verovanje o kresnem dnevu in deklicah, rojenim na ta dan: Kresna noč je 23. junija, kresni dan pa 24. junija. F starem koledarju je zapisano, da se deklicam, ki se rodijo na tisti dan, lahko da ljudsko ime Kresnica. To izhaja iz ljudskega izročila, ki še dandanes živi v Beli krajini. Kresnice so deklice, ki v kresni noči hodijo od hiše do hiše in pojejo: oblečene so v bela oblačila in prosijo za dobro letino. Podobno je značilnost bajeslovnega bitja kresnica razložena tudi v stvarnih pojasnilih: Kresnica: dekle, ki v kresni noči z obhodi in obrednim petjem prosi za dobro letino. Berilo Svet iz besed 8 skuša ljudsko pesem z bajeslovno podlago kar najbolj približati učencem in njihovemu doživljanju, kar se kaže tudi v nalogah: Spremenite ljudsko pesem v rappesem. Besedilo je likovno opremljeno z modernimi ilustracijami oz. risbami. Sklep Avtorica monografije o slovenskih bajeslovnih bitjih je svoji 'knjigi na pot' napisala, da raziskovanje bajeslovja danes ni hvaležna naloga, da je morda - v času elektronskih medijev - povsem odveč obujati spomin na nekaj tako preživetega, kot je bajeslovje. Vendar ob tem dodaja, da je pri ohranjanju slovenskega ljudskega bajeslovja priskočilo na pomoč splošno ozaveščanje, da je tradicija neka vrednota, ki ima ne le duhovne razsežnosti, pač pa se lahko uporabi tudi v praktične namene (Kropej 2008:10). V kakšni meri se aplicira pri načrtovanju pouka književnosti v višjih razredih osnovne šole, je pokazala analiza učnih načrtov in učbenikov/beril. 8./9. razred Graf: Vključenost bajčnih vsebin na predmetni stopnji OŠ v posameznih berilih Iz grafa je razvidno, da največ slovenskih bajčnih vsebin vsebujejo berila založbe Rokus.15 Berila založbe Mladinska knjiga za vse razrede predmetne stopnje učencem ponudijo le eno besedilo, enako tudi berilo založbe Izolit, vendar je treba poudariti, da pri tej založbi izide le berilo za 6. razred, za naslednje tri razrede osnovne šole pa ne. Berila založbe DZS sicer predstavijo dve bajčni pripovedi, a je spremljevalni, didaktični instru-mentarij, ki omogoča tako poglabljanje prvotnega literarnoestetskega doživetja vsakemu učencu posebej kot spodbujanje dela v skupinah ali dialoškega reševanja literarnega problema (Krakar Vogel 2004: 155), slabši. Literarnovedni instrumentarij ob slovenskih bajeslovnih besedilih glede na učni načrt v vseh berilih zadostuje predvidenim ciljem; so pa med posameznimi berili (z upoštevanjem načel sodobnega komunikacijskega pouka) očitne razlike. In ker je posamezna znanja treba združevati v sisteme znanj, pogoj za sistemsko strukturiranje podatkov pa je njihovo zadostno število, lahko z vidika ohranjanja bajeslovne tradicije najbolj ustreza izbor v berilu Novi (s)Svet iz besed,16 ki osnovnošolskim najstnikom predstavi (naj) več bajeslovnih bitij: volkodlaka, vedomce, kresnike in kresnice, kurenta. Ob tem jih, skladno z njihovimi zmožnostmi, tudi v največji meri seznanijo z mitološkim izročilom Slovencev. Uporabljeni viri Branje za sanje: berilo za 6. razred 9-letne in 5. razred 8-letne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 2004. Dober dan, življenje: berilo za 7. razred 8-letne in 8. razred 9-letne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2002. Kaku se kej narod rihta: folklorne pripovedi od Litije do Čateža. Ljubljana: Kmečki glas, 2000. Kdo se skriva v ogledalu?: berilo za 6. razred 9-letne osnovne šole in 5. razred 8-letne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2004. Novi svet iz besed 7. Ljubljana: Rokus Klett, 2010. O domovina, ti si kakor zdravje: slovensko berilo za 6. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1990. Pozdravljeno, zeleno drevo: berilo za 5. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1991. Program življenja in dela osnovne šole. 2. zv. Ljubljana: Zavod SR Slovenije za šolstvo, 1984. Skrivno življenje besed: berilo za 9. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2005. Sledi do davnih dni: berilo za slovenščino v 5. razredu osemletnega in 6. razredu devetletnega osnovnošolskega izobraževanja. Domžale: Izolit, 2004. Slovenske ljudske pesmi. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1961. 15 Gre za enako število pri berilu Svet iz besed 7 kot Novi svet iz besed 7, zato obe berili brez težav uvrstim pod isto točko. 16 Pri berilu Novi svet iz besed 7 na določenih mestih vizualna podoba prevladuje nad verbalno, a kar se tiče vsebnosti bajčnih/mitoloških vsebin top ne spremeni rezultatov analize. Slovenske pravljice. Ljubljana: Nova revija, 2008. Spletaj niti domišljije: berilo za 8. razred devetletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 2008. Sreča se mi v pesmi smeje: berilo 7: za 7. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 2006. Svet iz besed 6: berilo za 6. razred devetletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Rokus Klett, 2008. Svet iz besed 7: berilo za 7. razred devetletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Rokus Klett, 2008. Svet iz besed 8: berilo za 8. razred devetletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Rokus, 2007. Svet iz besed 9: berilo za 9. razred devetletne osnovne šole in 8. razred osemletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: Rokus, 2003. Ta knjiga je zate: berilo za 7. razred devetletne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 2001. Učni načrt. Program osnovnošolskega izobraževanja. Slovenščina [Elektronski vir]. Ljubljana: Ministrstvo za šolstvo in šport, Zavod RS za šolstvo, 2005. Učni načrt. Program osnovnošolskega izobraževanja. Slovenščina [Elektronski vir]. Ljubljana: Ministrstvo za šolstvo in šport, Zavod RS za šolstvo, 2009. Vezi med ljudmi: slovensko berilo za 7. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 2000. V nove zarje: slovensko berilo za 8. razred osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 1998. Z roko v roki: berilo za 9. razred 9-letne osnovne šole. Ljubljana: DZS, 2005. Uporabljena literatura Golež Kaučič, M. (2007): Pesmi o družinskih usodah in konfliktih. Slovenske ljudske balade. V: Slovenske ljudske pesmi 5. Ljubljana: Slovenska Matica. 19-23. Grafenauer, I. (1959): Pogled na gorenjsko ljudsko pesništvo. Zagreb: Savez udruženja folklorista Jugoslavije. Krakar Vogel, B. (2004): Poglavja iz didaktike književnosti. Ljubljana: DZS. Kropej, M. (2000). The tenth child in the folk tradition. V: Studia Mytologica Slavica letn. 3. 78-86. Kropej, M. (2008): Od ajda do zlatoroga. Slovenska bajeslovna bitja. Ljubljana, Celovec, Dunaj: Mohorjeva družba. Lah, K. (2002): Slovenski literarni junaki. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Merhar, B. (1961): Dodatno besedilo. V: Slovenske ljudske pesmi. Pripovedne pesmi. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Pevec Grm, S. (2001): Učbenik kot didaktični pripomoček pri pouku maternega jezika. Magistrsko delo. Ljubljana: S. Pevec Grm. Stanonik, M. (1999): Slovenska slovstvena folklora. Ljubljana: DZS. Terseglav, M. (1987): Ljudsko pesništvo. Literarni leksikon 32. Ljubljana: DZS. Terseglav, M. (1996): Spremna beseda. V: Slovenske ljudske pesmi. Ljubljana: Karantanija. 'Prescribed' Slovene Mythical and Mythological Creatures for Teenagers Petra Novak The article discusses Slovene mythical and mythological creatures for teenagers in school books and critically analyses mythical and mythological contents offered to Slovene teenagers in school curricula and different reading school books. Three curricula were analysed, one from the year 1984, one from 1998 and one from 2009. All the analysed curricula define the number of lessons dedicated to literacy teaching, aims that need to be achieved (learning aims are differently named and defined) and learning material through which these aims should be achieved. In curricula for the fifth grade of eight-year primary school and for the sixth year of nine-year primary school, mythical and mythological content is not explicitly mentioned. The curriculum from 1984 for the sixth grade of eight-year primary school does however mention a fable as one of the literary terms that need to be acquired, but does not offer any fables or other mythological contents from Slovene folk literature. Curricula from 1998 and 2009 offer the fable "Werewolf". For the seventh grade of eight-year primary school and the eight grade of nine-year primary school the 1984 curriculum does not mention any didactic recommendations connected to mythology, however it requires reading of the text "Kurent". The 1998 and 2009 curricula do not state any didactic suggestions connecting to mythology, but both suggest reading of "Vedomec". None of the mentioned curricula suggests mythological or mythical contents in the last year of primary education. The main part of the discussion represents all the texts with fable elements included in the analyzed literacy learning books from the genre point of view and from the motif point of view. The texts are: Werewolf, The great flood and Kurent, Vedomci, Zarika and Soncica, Desetnica and Kresnice. Each interpretation of the text includes didactic and literary instruments which in any way represent mythical or mythological elements. Literary instruments used with Slovene mythical texts in all the literacy learning books meet the objectives from the curricula; however there are great differences between individual books (considering the modern communication lessons). The analysis concludes that the literacy learning book "Svet iz besed" contains the most Slovene mythological and mystical contents. It represents the highest number of mythological creatures to Slovene teenagers in primary school. GRADIVO MATERIALE MATERIAL Mitske predaje i legende južnovelebitskog Podgorja Mirjana Trošelj U spomen arheologu Anti Glavicicu During her extensive field research, which has been taking place since 1977, of mirila (unusual stone monuments) in the southern part of Velebit, Croatia, the author also made notes on the oral tradition and legends of the local population in south Podgorje (the Mor-laki). This paper contains mythical, historic, and etiological lore and legends; two mythical songs; and a text on the belief in the magic symbolism of the circle. These previously unpublished texts are presented in the original dialect of south Podgorje. Uvod Potkraj sedamdesetih godina 20. st. započela sam samostalna istraživanja mirila južnog Velebita na potezu od Lukova Šugarja do Modriča. Ubrzo se prostor suzio jer su mirila od Lukova Šugarja do Barič Drage izgubila funkciju i velikim dijelom arhitektonski oblik, več od pedesetih godina 20. st. Večina lokaliteta ima samo toponimski karakter, tipa Mirilište, Mirila, Namirlin i sl. Medutim, ovaj kulturni fenomen pokazao se i materijalno i duhovno najočuvanijom baštinom na području Tribnja, Starigrada-Paklenice, Selina i Modriča. Upravo s tih prostora najveci je broj predaja obuhvačenih u ovom radu. Premda su mirila osnovna tema mojih terenskih istraživanja, često su neki kazivači spontano pre-lazili s predaja o mirilima na mitske predaje o fantastičnim bicima i dogadajima, o pečinama sa skrivenim blagom, o dušama, o povijesnim predajama, legendama o sakralnim objektima, o različitim obredima i solarnim ophodima. U radu se pregledno analiziraju samo one predaje koje imaju svoje tematske i motivske poveznice s predajama planinskog i obalnog područja, zabilježene i obradene u relevantnoj literaturi i izvorima. Iznimno je proširena tema o Crnoj kraljci i zakopanom blagu na prostore izvan Velebita. U radu su uvrštena i neka moja osobna iskustva iz osnovnoškolskih i srednjoškolskih dana, prove-dena na području Tribnja i Starigrada-Paklenice, šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina 20.st. Prilog obuhvača 30 predaja, koje govore o vjerovanjima i tradicijskoj kulturi Podgoraca. Neke predaje iz ovoga rada objavljene su prvi put u izvornom idiomu u časopisu Zadarska smotra u okviru projekta Domača rič, ali se ovdje donose proširene i nadopunjene od istih ili drugih kazivača. Cilj projekta bila su filološka istraživanja koja su obuhvačala cijelu Zadarsku županiju. O kazivačima i prikupljenoj gradi Večina kazivača iz sedamdesetih i osamdesetih godina 20.st. nije više živa.U njihovim kazivanjima još je bio "živ" magijsko-mitski svijet na Velebitu. Svjedokinja sam nekih običaja kada sam povremeno s ponekom babom ili tetom i njihovim blagom prtljala na Veliko Rujno na ljetnu ispašu. Uvijek su ih održavale žene. Prije polaska morala sam po babinu nalogu provjeriti stoji li so(l) oko moga vrata. Naime, djeci se, naročito boležljivoj, stavljala sol oko vrata u maloj platnenoj vrečici kao neka vrsta amajlije protiv uroka, kamo god išla. Prema tom vjerovanju, sol je možda imala apotropejsko značenje, a vračarima u Bukovici predstavljala je magijsko sredstvo za vračanje (gatanje). Sječam se da je 1975. moja majka nosila sol čuvenom vračaru Duri iz Bio(vi)čina sela u Bukovici, radi bolesnog člana obitelj. Prevrčuči sol na dlanu, Duro je govorio majci što treba učiniti za njegovo ozdravljenje:uzeti vode sa sedan velebitskih vrila, umit'dite iproli't vodu na raskršcu, kano-tijeru/gucu obuc ditetu naopako i nalit' u kandila maslenovo ulje. Niko ti ga je promirija i tribace vrimena da skinen uroke. Čim se blago odjavilo na pašu, starija žena uzela bi vuneni povez i vezala ga oko grana hrasta, merale ili brista, tako zamršeno da ga nije bilo moguče skinuti, osim prerezati nožem ili škarama. Na moje pitanje zašto se to čini, rekle bi da ne bi na blago niko bacija uroke da ne dode krepa, odnosno da blago bude zdravo na ljetnoj ispaši. Ima urokljive čeljadi, una more promirit' čovika i blago. To su štrige, vištice, govorila je moja teta Marica Adžič (Starigrad-Paklenica).1 Na povratku s ispaše blago se moralo prebrojati da se vidi je li sve na broju (ako manjka koja ovca ili janje, bile su krive štrige ili vile). Brojanje se odvijalo u paru na nekom meni tada čudnom idiomu: do, pato, sasto (šasto), sopce, zece, što bi značilo dva, četiri, šest, osam, deset. Premda su znale brojati na standardnom idiomu, nikada nisu to činile. Istim postupkom brojili su svoje blago bukovački stočari na Velebitu. Mirko Markovič navodi da se "brojilo parnim brojevima do pedeset na starinski vlaški način: do, pato, šasto, šopči, zeči," (Markovič 1980:112). Pretpostaviti je da je ovaj princip brojanja bez sumnje ostatak nekog romanskog ruralnog idioma, koji bi se moglo dovesti u vezu s morlačkim (vlaškim) etničkim elementom, kako navodi Markovič. U prilog tomu govore i neki toponimi, pri-mjerice Jatara, Šugari (Šugarje) i izraz antrešelj (Mirdita 2009:72-73). Lako je moguče da je isti jezični idiom obuhvačao i južne Dinaride, koje prema Albertu Fortisu, takoder nasta-njavaju Morlaci (Fortis 204:33-61). Od mladih kazivača, od kraja osamdesetih godina 20. st. pa do danas, pokazala se vrlo vještom naratoricom Dara Babac iz Tribnja. Priča mitske predaje jasno i uvjerljivo, kao da se sve ispričano uistinu i dogodilo. Uglavnom govori u lokalnom idiomu, dok ostali kazivači miješaju standardni i lokalni idiom jer poneki su zaposleni u gradovima (Rijeka i Zadar, primjerice Dujo Trošelj) ili žive u njima, a ljeti dolaze u Podgorje. Svi kazivači uvjereni su u istinitost svojih priča, osim Nike Vukiča iz Tribnja-Mandaline kada priča o skrivenom blagu na brdu Obljak. Prikupljenu gradu zapisivala sam rukopisno, čim bi kazivač započeo priču. Buduči da sam poznavala kazivače i lokalni idiom, nije bilo poteškoča u razumijevanju i zapisi-vanju. Svi leksemi nekih predaja prevedeni su i akcentirani na standardni jezik, u sklopu 1 O urocima i drugim vjerovanjima, opširno je pisao medu ostalima i Milovan Gavazzi, potvrdujuči njihovu pojavnost u svim krajevim naše zemlje projekta Domača rič u organizaciji Matice hrvatske Zadar.2 Buduci da je riječ, kako je navedeno, o filološkim istraživanjima, prikupljena grada poslužit ce u leksikografske svrhe. Od Lukova Šugarja do Rovanjske bogat je izvor usmenih predaja i legendi o do-gadajima koji su se zbili na onim prostorima tijekom povijesti, kako navode kazivači, a zapravo je vecina njih s dugom lokalnom mitskom tradicijom. U njihovu prenošenju, nastale su od mjesta do mjesta brojne inačice iste teme, a neke su u prepričavanju neutemeljenih ili pobrkanih povijesnih činjenica. Za veliki broj toponima vezuje se neki dogadaj, bilo na povijesnoj, bilo na magijsko-mitskoj podlozi. Uglavnom su to kuline, gradine, sakralni objekti, groblja, planinski kukovi, jezera, naselja i slično. Predaje su razvrstane u cjelinama prema usmenoknjiževnim vrstama. U prvoj su mitske: o caru Pasoglavu (predaje 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6).,3 o Crnoj kraljici (predaja 7), o zakopa-nom blagu (predaje 8, 9, 10), o vilama (predaje 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17) i drugim fantastičnim bicima (predaje 18, 19, 20). U drugoj cjelini su etiološke o planinskim toponimima (predaje 21, 22, 23), priče o mirilima i predaje o kamenim žrtvenicima, Kamenim Babama (predaja 24). U trecoj zaokruženoj cjelini donose se legende o sakralnim objektima i gro- 2 Domaca rič 3, 1996. i Domaca rič 4 - 6, 1997. 3 U izbor su ušle samo one predaje koje je autorica zapisala tijekom osamdesetih godina 20. st. i jedna koju je zapisao Dušan Petričevic. Petričeviceva predaja donosi se onako kako je zapisana: miješanjem lokalnog i standardnog idioma. Predaju je zapisao u Slavoniji prema kazivanju svoje bake Jurke Petričevic, podrijetlom iz Starigrada-Paklenice (Petričevic 1997: 74 - 75) bljima oko njih (legende 25, 26) i u četvrtoj povijesne predaje o nekim toponimima južnog Podgorja (predaje 27, 28, 29 30). Na kraju se donose dvije mitske pjesme (zapisao Dušan Petričevič (1997:88, 90). Posebno je izdvojena cjelina o ophodima. Ovom prilikom ne raspravlja se posebno o etiološkim predajama 21 i 22, o mirilima, legendama i povijesnim predajama. Mitske predaje 1.1. Predaja o caru Pasoglavu Večina tema južnopodgorskih predaja ima svoje poveznice s predajama srednjeg i sjevernog Podgorja. Ta podudarnost ima svoje uporište u povijesnom kontekstu, buduči da je cijelo Velebitsko podgorje naseljavano tijekom 17. i 18.st. novim stanovništvom iz Ravnih kotara i Bukovice, nakon Kandijskih ratova (1645-1669. i 1683-1687).4 Od Se-nja do Karlobaga naseljavanje vrše Krajiške vlasti, a južno Podgorje mletačke vlasti (Ro-gič 1969:101-112). Za pretpostaviti je da je u južnom Podgorju novopridošlo morlačko stanovništvo (kako su ga nazvale mletačke vlasti) još u staroj postojbini poznavalo neke mitske predaje i prilagodilo ih toponimski prostru Velebita, buduči da su u 16.st. starosje-dioci izbjegli iz južnog Podgorja pred najezdom Turaka (Rogič 1969:103). U prilog tomu govori mitska predaja o caru Pasoglavu iz Kuline Večke, koja je takoder zabilježena na području Dalmatinske zagore, ali s drukčijom lokalnom tradicijom u kojoj je car neka antička ličnost.Medutim, južnopodgorskim predajama najbliže su istarske u kojima je car srednjovjekovna ličnost, car Mongola, Atila ili Pasoglav, o čemu je opširno pisala Maja Boškovič-Stulli.5 Autorica iznosi da su imena Atila i Pasoglav ušla u našu predaju posred-stvom Istre i primorskih krajeva; ona su tu vjerojatno sekundarna, preuzeta iz drukčijih mitoloških tradicija o biču s pasjom glavom.(Boškovič- Stulli 1967:84), što bi u buduče svakako trebalo rasvijetliti. Važan je i podatak da se cara Pasoglava vezuje uz još jednu temu u južnom Podgorju, a to je zakopano blago, o čemu če biti govora poslije. Pasoglav je bio kralj Mongola i u Čelinki je zakopao blago ispod devetog poda (Boškovič-Stulli 1967:85). Brdo Čelinka stvarni je oronim iznad Njiva Došenovih, oko tri sata hoda od Kuline Večke. Prema kazivanju Ante Marasoviča Brke, otprije su čobani roval po suvozidinan na Čelinki nebl našli sakriveno blago. Najbliža istarskim predajama o Pasoglavu je predaja 4. u ovome radu, preuzeta od zapisivača Dušana Petričeviča (Petričevič 1997:74-75). One govore (istarske i južnopodgorske) da je car Atila/Pasoglav roden u griju. Kraljeva kči začela je sa psom i rodila pasoglavca. Razlika je samo u tome što u istarskim prorok proriče što če se dogoditi kraljevoj kčeri (Boškovič-Stulli 1986:191-192), predaje 94, 95, 96).6 Je li motivu začeča žene sa životinjom izvor u antičkom mitu (primjerice Pasifaja) ili je to neka druga mitska podloga, ostaje otvoreno pitanje. 4 O nasljavanju Velebitskog podgorja tijekom 17. i 18. st. vidi više kod: Stjepan Pavičič, Seobe i naselja u Lici, Zznžio, JAZU, 41, Zagreb, 1962. Isti autor: Raseljavanje starosjedilaca i doseljavanje Bunjevaca u senjski kraj, Senjski zbornik 2, Senj, 1996., Pavle Rogič, Naseljenost velebitske primorske padine kroz historiju, Senjski zbornik 1, Senj, 1965. Isti autor: Antroponimija i porijeklo stanovništva u naseljima srednjeg Velebitskog podgorja, knjiga 2, Zagreb, 1966., Veljko Rogič, Velebitska primorska padina, Geografski glasnik 20, Zagreb, 1958. i Boško Desnica, Historija kotarskih uskoka, SAN, Beograd, 1950. 5 Maja Boškovič-Stulli, Narodna predaja o vladarevoj tajni, Zagreb,1967. 6 Maja Boškovič-Stulli, Zakopano zlato. Hrvatske usmene pripovijetke, predaje i legende iz Istre.Istra kroz sto-lječa 38. Pula - Rijeka: Čakavski sabor, 1986. Prema istraživanjima Maje Boškovic-Stulli, predaja o caru Pasoglavu ima kultno-mitsku podlogu od kralja Mide do cara Trajana (Trojana) i poslije Pasoglava, a sačuvala se, u ponešto izmijenjenom obliku, prema lokalnoj mitskoj tradiciji vezanoj uz lokalitete starih gradina i kulina, i u Velebitskom podgorju (Boškovic-Stulli 1967:144-156). Kulina Večka (Citta Vecca) ruševna je utvrda na Večkom polju u Starigradu-Pakle-nici. Kružnog je tlocrta s vidljivim ostacima okolnih zidina uz obalu sa zapadne i istočne strane, dok su s južne pod morem, zbog čega kruži priča da je tu bija u davnini grad koji je potonija u more. Sjevernu stranu zidina srušili su mještani tijekom 18. i 19. st. da bi obzidali svoje parcele na Večkom polju. Isto su učinili i s vanjskim kamenim omotačem. Poskidali su obzid s grubog sloja gradnje te je tako sve do danas izložena stalnom propadanju. Prema tehnici gradnje i arhitektonskom obliku najvjerojatnije je nastala u ka-snosrednjovjekovnom razdoblju, na temeljima neke starije gradnje (rimske ili bizantske). Znanstveno još nije istražena. 1.2. Predaja o Crnoj kraljici Predaja o Crnoj kraljici raširena je gotovo po cijeloj Hrvatskoj. Ona je najčešce neka povijesana osoba. Primjerice, u zagrebačkim predajama je to Barbara Celjska ili Marija, žena kralja Bele IV., ili neka bezimena kraljica. "Koja se god povijesna osoba (ili više njih) krila iza imena Crne kraljice, zapamcena je u usmenoj tradiciji kao zla žena" (Marks 1986:33). U predaji Podgoraca Crna kraljica je Teuta, najstarija poznata povijesna ličnost na istraženom području i naravno zla vladarica koja je svepotukla u Podgorju, a ratovalaj' s nikin Grcin. Pridružuje joj se kraljica iz novije povijesti Marija Terezija, koja vodi rat s Turcima i carom Pasoglavom iz Večke Kuline. Prva je tukla od Ražanca, a druga od Vinjer-ca u Podgorje. Medutim Plitvička Crna kraljica je iznimka. Ona je vila, dobročiniteljica u nevolji, posebno u vremenskim nepogodama u ličkim krajevima. Kad je narod u nevolji, ona se "ukaže u dolini Plitvičkih jezera sa sjajnom pratnjom. Ona je u vrletnom Velebitu imala svoje vilenske dvore te je katkad dolazila u plodonosne ravnice Ličkog Polja i Gacke Doline, gdje je svojom dobrotom usrecivala narod" (Franic 1910:231). Plitvička kraljica se, dakle, ne pojavljuje kao povijesna osoba, nego kao mitsko bice - vila, i to s Velebita gdje je imala svoje dvore. Medutim, ovaj antagonizam pokrece pitanje zašto je crna, a dobrohotna, gotovo božanska spasiteljica? Prema Tamari Jurkic Sviben vile su u hrvatskim usmenim predajama ambivalentne. Povezuje ih s kultom Velike Majke. Boginje Majke imale su i dobre i mračne strane, a taj njihov pozitivan i negativan aspekt reflektira kozmičke promjene (Jurkic Sviben 2010:157-159). 1.3. Predaja o zakopanom blagu Predaje o zakopanom blagu (zlatu) raširene su po cijelom Podgorju. Ono je zakopano (skriven) u kulinama, pečinama, grobovima, gromilama, gradinama i glavicama juž-nog Podgorja. U grobu je blago zakopano u cupu i čuva ga zmija, koja predstavlja ničiju ukletu dušu. Da bi se oslobodila ukletosti, mora liziti po nalazniku blaga i poljubiti ga u čelo (legenda o sv. Trojici br.25). Analogan motiv zabilježio je i Matija Dronjic u srednjem Podgorju u predaji 14 - Blago u devetom bunaru, u kojoj se govori da je s blagom zarobljena neka djevojka i onaj tko je oslobodi mora dopustit da ga poljubi zmija čuvarica blaga (Dronjic 2009 :253). Ona kao ukleta duša treba nekoga poljubiti u čelo kako bi se oslobodila ukletosti i otišla na drugi svijet, a time bi tragač došao do blaga, ali to ne uspijeva ni tragaču ni zmiji i sve završava s teškim posljedicama (Karanovic 1983:88). U legendi br. 25 - Crkva i groblje sv. Trojice, u tri pokušaja zmije da poljubi Mandu nije joj uspjelo i posljedice su drastične: Manda je ošepavila. U istarskim predajama o zakopanom blagu opširno piše Maja Boškovič -Stulli.7 U predaji 137 kaže se da su Grci zakopali blago, a duše mrtvih su ga čuvale i tko ga je htio naci morao je izvršiti neke radnje: da mu zmija plazi okolo života (Boskovič-Stulli 1986: 215-216). Blago u kulinama, takoder je skriveno u cupu , uzidano u zidove, a u pečinama je pod teškom kamenom pločom koju niko ne more dic. Blago je sakrio niki kralj iz Nina, za razliku od predaja srednjeg Podgorja, u kojima se kralj javlja kao konkretna povijesna ličnost. U predaji 17 pod naslovom Zlatni bunar, kralj je Bela IV. (Dronjič 2009:253).U južnopodgorskim predajama blago skrivaju neimenovani kraljevi i plemiči, a lokaliteti su uglavnom pečine i kuline (gradine), a na grobljima i gromilama to čine Grci. Iznimku predstavlja imenovani car Pasoglav, koji ga je zakopao ispod devetog poda u Čelinki. U prilog tomu govore predaje br. 8 - Blago u pečini na brdu Obljak, br. 9 - Blago u pečini na Asanovcu, i br. 11 - Blago u Kulini Šibuljskoj. U legendi br.25 - crkva i groblje sv. Trojice u Tribnju-Šibuljini pripadali su Grcin, ali ih je protjerala opaka kraljica. Ante Rukavina donosi predaju preuzetu od Ivana Krajača, koji ju je zabilježio na Libinjama od kazivača Petra Kneževiča, da su crkvena zvona sv.Ivana Usika (ispravno Svitnjaka) s Libinja bila zakopana u zemlji, ali ne zna se gdje, a on (kazivač) vidio je penjuči se iz Modriča na Libinje u Vratin otvor, gdje su Grci našli zakopano blago i odnijeli ga (Rukavina 1989:113). Niki Grci javljaju se takoder i u predajama srednjeg i sjevernog Podgorja kao stari narod koji je živio nekad davno u Podgorju. Matija Dronjič opširno piše o tome, navodeči paralele u predajama na prostoru Dinarida, obale i otoka. U podgorskim predajama pri označava-nju starog stanovništva prisutan je termin Grk. Doduše, naglašava Dronjič, u pojedinim slučajevima Grci su ustupili mjesto Rimljanima ili Turcima (Dronjič 2009:264). U južnom Podgorju Grci su ustupili mjesto Mlečanima ili Turcima (predaja br. 23 - Duše na Dušicama, legenda br. 26 - Trstenica, crkva sv. Marije Mandaline u Tribnju, povijesne predaje br. 27 - Mleci, i br. 28 - Vuralanski virovi). I na području Istre Grci su zakopali blago u crkvi, što je zabilježila i obradila Maja Boškovič-Stulli u povijesnoj predaji 137 - Grci zakopali novac (Boškovič-Stulli 1986:215). Blago zakopano u pečinama je nedostupno. U obljačkoj je teškaploča koju niko ne more dic, a asanovačka ploča još je uz to zakleta pa ne samo da se ne može podiči, nego se ne smije ni dotaknuti. Mdutim postoji iznimka; do blaga se može doči samo ako na njoj izgine dvanaestero brace (predaje br.8 - Blago u pečini na brdu Obljak, i br.9 - Blago u pečini na Asanovcu). Kopači blaga u brojci 12: dvanaestero brače, dvanaestero kurjani ljudi, dvanaestero vojnika, dvanaestero djece, dio su magijskog čina, kao i poljubac zmije u ispunjavanju uvjeta, da bi se došlo do blaga. Ali ni to ne pomaže jer neke demonske sile (veli veter) sprječavaju da se blago dobije.8 Izneseni se motivi u svakom tekstu ostvaruju u brojnim inačicama. Uzroci zakopavanja blaga su fantastične prirode, zbog čega se u predaji br. 9 - Blago u pečini na Asanovcu - prikažuje čudo. Čuvar blaga u čupu na groblju sv. Trojice je zmija. Kao htonsko božanstvo može se svladati samo magi-jom (Karanovič 1983:62-65). Kult zmije u tradiciji Velebičana često se u predaji povezuje s dušom pokojnika. Kada ude u kuču, onda je to zmija kucarica i ne smije se ubiti (kaziva-čice Pera Jovič i Dara Babac). Svjedokinja sam jedne takve zmije u našoj kuči. Imala sam šest ili sedam godina, kad sam s babom sjedila u hodniku. Pričala je neke priče i u jednom 7 Maja Boškovič-Stulli, Zakopano zlato. Hrvatske usmene pripovijetke, predaje i legende iz Istre.Istra kroz stolječa 38. Pula - Rijeka: Čakavski sabor, 1986. 8 Zoja Karanovič, Zakopano blago - život i priča, Novi Sad (Bratstvo i jedinstvo), 1983. trenutku sam spazila na nedovršenom tavanu iznad naših glava zmiju. Skrenula sam babi pozornost i ona je pozvala oca. Šarulja je (otrovnica), skini je kakvon kukon doli, al'je ne bi smija ubit'. Otac ju je skino i iznio iz kuce, ali ne znam što je vani učinio s njom. Bilo me strah pitati bilo što. Analognu poveznicu odnosa prema zmiji u srednjem Podgorju donosi Matija Dronjic ". ..oprez i strahopoštovanje Podgoraca spram zmija na temelju kojih su nastale razne fantastične predodžbe u kojima se naziru fragmenti drevnih animističkih i manaističkih kultova" (Dronjic 2009:270). Jedan obred magijskog svladavanja zmije ko-ristio se na Velebitu do 20.st. U ljeto 2010. pokušala sam prici malorujanskoj suhozidnoj crkvini Male Gospe, posve obrasloj u gustu klekovinu. Pokušala sam se provuci razmičuci granje i tako sam nesmotreno "uznemirila" šarulju koja mi je "prepriječila" prolaz. Povukla sam se i odgodila istraživanje za jesen. Pričala sam kazivačici Dari Babac da sam bila na Malom Rujnu. Prva njezina reakcija bilo je pitanje, jesam li vidjela zmije. Jednu, rekla sam. Saču ti reč', zmiju se ne smi ubit', al'je moreš zaklet' da ti ne naudi. Zaklet zmiju znači prikr-stit' zmiju. Kako? Vako: tri puta reci: zmijo, zmijo, zmijo, akos' utekla Isusovoj materi, nečeš meni i učini priko nje rukon križ tri puta. Una če se zgrčit' i neče se moč' maknit'. Unda uzmi kakvu štapinu i makni je ustranu. Ja san to isprovala dok san prtljala na Rujno. Čin san je opazla blizo blaga, zaklelab' je i odmakla od blaga. Totje men' rekla baba Zeka Bušljetinka da tako triba učinit', samo je nemoj ubt'. More bit' kakva ukleta duša, koja ne more na uni svit. U prilog štovanja zmije na Velebitu govori stvarna priča o zmijskom ujedu. Dogodilo se to bivšoj domarki planinarskog doma u Paklenici Grgici Paric. Prije tridesetak godina ugrizla je vipera (šarulja). Nedugo iza toga došla sam u Paklenicu. Pred domom Grgica priča kako je ugrizla zmija. Rano moja, ujla me šarulja. Biču zdrava do smrti. A, sričo moja dobroj' srist' zmiju na putu, okalaj oko nje, al' nikako je nemoj ubt'. Toj' i moja baba govorla. Ne sjecam se je li ipak dobila protuotrov. No to je, čini se, irelevantno, ona se sada približava devedesetoj godini života i posve je zdrava. Ima li to veze sa zmijskim ujedom i njezinim štovanjem zmije ili dobrim genima, pitanje je za neku drugu raspravu. Tema zakopano blago ima istovjetna obilježja i u predajama srednjeg Podgorja, gdje se motiv javlja u vecem broju tekstova (Dronjic 2009:252-255). Mislim da je njezino zna-čenje najjezgrovitije protumačio Matija Dronjic navodeci kako ".čine kompleksan sklop u kojemu se naziru fragmenti vjerovanja, magijskih postupaka, reminiscencije na stvarne dogadaje te životna neimaština..." (Dronjic 2009:265). Neimaštinu Podgorja u 19.st. najbolje je definirao Vjenceslav Novak (1859-1905) u Podgorskim pripovijestima, da se bo-gatstvo jedne kuce u Podgorju mjerilo brojem prosjačkih štapova u njoj. Što više štapova, kuca je bogatija. U tom kontekstu, pronaci skriveno blago, značilo bi osloboditi se egzi-stencijalne bijede. 1.4. Predaja o vilama Predaje o vilama i planinskim predjelima rasprostranjene su ne samo po Velebitu, Istri i južnim Dinaridima, nego i drugim krajevima naše zemlje. Ovdje ce biti riječ samo o velebitskim vilama. Adekvatan mitski prostor njihovo je stanište, primjerice kuk Vilin, izvor Bobika, Bobički kuk, Duboki jaz (jezero), Babino (Vilinsko) jezero, Vilinska vrata, Dušice i Vilenski kuk. Svi su kazivači bili uvjereni u njihovo postojanje. Kazivač Dane Rončevic kaže da vile prolaze kroz Vilinska vrata kada idu na zborovanje, na Dušicama se sastaju, a na Vilenskom kuku plešu. One mogu biti dobre ili zle, ovisi kako su se ljudi odnosili prema njima. Primjerice u predaji br.15 - Vilin dardin, vila je nagradila Poljakovu dobronamjernost najjačim i najboljim konjima u južnom Podgorju. Paralelu nalazim u srednjem Podgorju u predaji 27 - Reliceva vila (Dronjic 2009:256). Kod istog autora u predaji 25 - Milan Prpic i vile, vile mogu dati biranim pojedincima snagu i zdravlje, analogno istarskim predajama o vilama, koje je zabilježila Maja Boškovic-Stulli.9 Odabranim i skromnim pojedincima vile daju nadnaravnu snagu. Onima koji na bilo koji način "ome-taju" njihovo okruženje naudit ce, primjerice, donit če boleštinu, umirat če dica, krepivat če blago i na kraju su prisiljeni odseliti se u druge krajeve. Predaja br.17 - Vile odnosle dicu na Oglavnovcu, o staroj vili - babi koja je odnijela dijete iz kolijevke na Oglavnovcu, govori zapravo o vili - štrigi, opasnoj vili, kao u predaji br. 28 - Vila odnosila djecu u srednjem Podgorju (Dronjic 2009:256). Opasivanje kolijevke krugom od sto jaja po savjetu babe vračare ili kupinom čija se oba kraja drže za zemlju, ima bez sumnje apotropejsko značenje (Srpski mitološki rečnik - Krug čarobni, str. 185). Oglavnovac je bio bukovačko ljetno pasište. Nalazi se otprilike na pola puta od Veli-kog Rujna do Počitelja, s ličke strane Velebita. Put od Rujna prolazi preko Ribničkih vrata i dalje sjeverno preko krških polja Javornika i Šešeljevca do Oglavnovca. Ovaj rujanski put za Liku od prapovijesti je bio karavanski trgovački put (sol), koji je povezivao Podgorje i Liku (Faber 1995:256-257). Oronim Kuk Vilin nalazi se na tribanjskom području izmedu kuka Stapine na za-padnoj strani i Čelopeka na istočnoj. U podnožju Kuka s njegove jugozapadne strane prostire se Duboki jaz, nekada jezero koje je presušilo sredinom 20.st. Jugoistočno se prostire Malo Rujno na koje su Podgorci dolazili s blagom na ljetnu ispašu. 1.5. Predaja o Kamenim Babama Predaje o planinskim predjelima sadržajno se ispreplecu s povijesnim (razdoblje Turaka i Mlečana ) i fantastičnim motivima (vile) ili pak kultno mitskim Babama. Moguce je da su nazivi Babin kuk, Babin kamen (žrtvenik), Babino jezero, Babino vrh, Babin brdo, Babin dolac mogli biti izvedeni iz nekih ženskih kultova o čemu opširno piše Jelka Vince-Pallua10. Ona ističe, prema relevantnim izvorima, da su Babe ostaci ženskih kultova još od liburnskog doba. Lokalna ženska božanstva predstavljala su Magnu mater zajednice s kozmičkim i zemaljskim principom života i rodnosti. Podrijetlo im je iz neolita. Ako su Babe kao kultno kamenje, inkarnacija ženskog demona plodnosti (Vince-Pallua 2004:28), onda je shvatljivo darivanje Kamene Babe na južnom Velebitu, o čemu ce još biti govora. Vince-Pallua dalje navodi da Kamene Babe donose srecu i pri prvom susretu treba ih poljubiti ili udobrovoljiti plodovima da bi se osiguralo blagostanje (Vince-Pallua 2004:2930). Ostaje pitanje poljupca Babe na Velebitu. Od kazivačice Dare Babac doznala sam da je Kamenu Babu na Malom Rujnu izmedu dva svjetska rata blagoslovio pop Došen iz Like, pa se ovaj Kamen zove još i Babin ili Popov kuk Od tada su domace žene-babe donosile svijece i za vecih blagdana molile se Babi. Ljuba Babac, 1980. priča da su mlade žene ne-rotkinje molile Kamenu/Kuku zavjet da zatrudne i rode zdravo dijete. Pri tom činu ljubile su Kamenu Babu, kojeg kazivačica zove još i oltar-žrtvenik jer su na njemu babe prinosile žrtvu u plodinama do Drugog svjetskog rata. Nakon rata Kamen gubi svoj kultni smisao, ali se poljubac prenio na bilo koju živu staru babu na južnom Velebitu, što je analogno 9 Maja Boškovic-Stulli, Zakopano zlato. Hrvatske usmene pripovijetke, predaje i legende iz Istre.Istra kroz stoljeca 38. Pula - Rijeka: Čakavski sabor, 1986. 10 Jelka Vince - Pallua, Vlažni monoliti babe (Ženski kultni supstrat plodnosti i blagostanja), u Žene u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2004. poljubcu žive babe o kojem piše Vince-Pallua. Osobno sam to iskusila 1960-ih.u osnov-noj školi, kada sam morala poljubiti neku babu u Podgorju ili na Velebitu iako je nisam pznavala. Uvijek sam se tomu odupirala, ali je neka od mojih teta bila uporna, govoreči da je to za moje dobro. Poljubac se prenio i na rujansku Veliku Gospu. U ophodnji na golim koljenima, žene su u molitvi ljubile oltar. Na kraju ophoda digle bi se i poljubile Gospine prste na nozi ili njezinu haljinu, buduči da do glave nisu mogle doseči. Takoder su ljubile Gospinu sliku na stalku u ophodima oko crkve i rujanskog polja. Neke starije žene i danas to čine, ali samo u crkvi. Bez sumnje su primorske i velebitske Kamene Babe iznikle iz jedne zajedničke tradicije koja traje od predilirskog vremena i Liburna do 20.st., kako je to Vince- Pallua sistematično prikazala u svom radu. O Kamenoj Babi-žrtveniku na Malom Rujnu pisali su Branimir Gušič, 1973., Mirko Markovič,1980., Ante Glavičič,1981-1982. i Ante Rukavina,1989. Prvi Gušičev zapis uglavnom citiraju svi autori, bez sustavnije obrade. Naime, ova tema, iziskuje posebnu obradu, pa če se i ovom prilikom ponovno istači zapis Branimira Gušiča i kazivanja Dare Babac i Slavke Poljak. Na Malom Rujnu ispod njive Prodana nalazi se jedna monolitna stijena pačetvorinasta oblika, na koju su žene stavljale ljetinu (žito) da se suši jer je Kamen visok pa blago nije moglo do žita. Prema Branimiru Gušiču to je kultno mjesto iz pretkr-ščanskog razdoblja. Tu bi Podgorke svakog prolječa pri izgonu blaga na rujanske pašnjake prosule po kamenu malo žita i prolile malo maslinovog ulja da bi paša toga ljeta bila izdašna, a blago zdravo, plodno i muzno (Gušič 1973:14). Medutim, postojala je i druga malorujanska Baba na polju Sirotkuši kraj javora, ali je minirana nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, u svrhu ogradivanja ogreda (pašnjaka). Taj Kameni žrtvenik imao je veču i značajniju funkciju nego prethodno spomenuti, pa se najvjerojatnije Gušičev zapis o vjerovanju u njegovu moč odnosio baš na njega. Mirko Markovič o istom obredu na Malom Rujnu kaže: Tamošnji narod je vjerovao da če se na taj način odužiti dobrim dusima koji im odr-žavaju blago da bude zdravo i plodno (Markovič 1980:127). Markovič takoder kao i ostali autori, iznosi podatke prema Gušiču, ali donosi nešto više podataka o velikorujanskom žrtveniku, koje doznaje od odredenog kazivača, o čemu če se govoriti poslije. Oronim Babin kuk postoji i u Velikoj Paklenici. Pveznica Babin kuk (vidi se s Lipog puta), Babino jezero i Babin dolac kraj Bukovog puta u Velikoj Paklenici imali su možda istovjetno značenje i funkciju kao na Malom i Velikom Rujnu.Vince-Pallua se takoder osvrče na rujanske Kamene Babe prema spomenutim autorima (Vince-Pallua 2004 :24). Navodi da je na karti južnog Velebita pronašla ornime i hidronime, koji uključuju ime baba u svom nazivu. Pretpostavljam da je riječ o planinarskoj Smerke karti radenoj prema starim vojnim kartama iza Drugog svjetskog rata. U svima njima kao i njihovim inačicama kasnije, večina južnovelebitskih toponima krivo je upisana i takvi ulaze u znanstvenu literaturu. Primjerice, neispravno je upisano na svim kartama (osim Nacionalnog parka Paklenice): Babovački kukovi, Babica, Babika vrelo. Ispravno je: Bobovački kukovi, Bobika vrilo ili samo Bobika, Babci ili Babački kuk(vrh), bez obzira na njihovu eventualnu seman-tičku i simboličku vezu s Babama. 1.6. Predaja o Dušicama Predaje o Dušicama, pašnjaku ispod Svetog Brda, gdje "žive" dušice dičice naputu u nebeski raj, asociraju na mit o Elizejskim poljanama. Jednu inačicu donosi Ante Rukavina, ali ne navodi iz kojega izvora ili kazivača. Kada grmi i sijevaju munje na Svetom Brdu, na planinskim vrhovima sastaju se vile. Istovremeno na Dušicama iz vrtača "izbijaju sitne vatrice, za koje narod kaže da su to one duše koje još nisu našle svoje mjesto na drugom svijetu i ovdje čekaju čas kad če se vinuti u visinu." (Rukavina 1989:136). Dušice su prostrana travnata zaravan jugoistočno od Svetog Brda. Ljeti su ondje prtljali Bukovčani s blagom. Na zapadnoj strani pokraj izvora imali su svoje stanove. Do Drugog svjetskog rata teritorijalno su Dušice pripadale Lici pa su lički lugari stalno nadzirali to područje. Ličani su kosili sijeno i ondje ga spremali u stogove za zimu. Lugari su u svojoj redovnoj ophodnji, usputno pazili i na sijeno jer se dogadalo da Dalmatinci i Podgorci iz Modriča (Libinje) kradu ličko sijeno. U jednoj takvoj zimskoj ophodnji opaze stopice dvoj' dice, koje su obašle oko stožine. Krug je zaokružen i dušice su nastavile dalje. Deminutiv pašnjaka polazi od male, nedužne i bezgrješne dječje duše, pa je to misto posvečeno, ističe Jakov Kneževič. Problem Dušice otvara niz pitanja za daljnja istraživanja, napose na relaciji Sveto Brdo - Dušice - Libinje. 1.7. Pretkršcanski sadržaji u štovanju Velike i Male Gospe na Rujnu Moguči sinkretizam pretkrščanskog i krščanskog u vjerovanjima Podgoraca ne oči-tuju se samo u pretkrščanskim sadržajima unutar krščanskih, o čemu če se još govoriti u obrednim ophodima, nego i u poveznicama sakralnog prostora pretkrščanskog Kamenog žrtvenika-Babe i suhozidne crkvine Velike i Male Gospe na Rujnu. Smisao mita o plodnosti i rodnosti ostao je isti pa se pastir i u novoj religiji pobrinuo za sebe i za svoje blago: Gospi če se zavjetovati da mu dade dobro zdravlje i snagu uz bok svoga blaga, a za to če prinijet žrtvu, o čemu če više biti riječ u simbolici kružnih ophoda u južnom Podgorju. Za crkvinu Male Gospe ne zna se tko ju je sagradio, ali Ljuba Babac sječa se 1980. predaje da čeproklet bit'unaj 'ko odnese njezin kamen za niku drugu gradnju. Osim zavjeta Maloj Gospi, u njoj se prema kazivanju Dare Babac obavljao i zavjetni obred sv. Iliji. Na taj dan (2. 8.) umrlo je više članova iz roda Poljaka oboljelih od koler/kuge koja se pojavila i na Malom Rujnu usred ljeta u 18. ili 19. st? Kazivačica nije sigurna i navodi da ju je donija odniklen jedan iz Poljački stanova. Zbog tog pomora bilo je nužno utemeljiti lokaciju za mirila i groblje, jer se ne bi stizalo nositi mrtve na glavno groblje uz more. Buduči da su Poljački stanovi locirani na jugozapadu (Zavrata) i zapadu (Zamršten) Malog Rujna, najpodesnija lokacija za mirila bio je Piskoviti brig iznad presušenog potoka Kozjača, a jugoistočno od njega na sto metara udaljenosti groblje Grebine. Mrtve se guralo kakvon štapinon ol debljon graninon u greb, da i'se ne dodiruje rukan. Marko Poljak iz Zavrate 1980. iznosi još jedan razlog za štovanje sv. Ilije. Ispričao mi je da je ednon davno, mordaprije dvistagodina, na sv. Iliju iša narod iz Like i pomelo ga na planini. Unda se taj narod (ljudi) mirija na Piskoviton brigu i zakopiva na Grebinan. Danas su i mirila i groblje obrasli u gustu borovu šumu. Ostacima mirila na Piskovitom brigu, koje sam snimila 1980., izgubio se trag. Na dan sv. Ilije, kada su žrtve umrle, održala se misa, a potom se blagovala žrtvena hrana (kruh, janje, sir, vino i drugo što se donijelo sa sobom kod crkvine Male Gospe). Na Velikom Rujnu Podgorci su takoder uz Kameni žrtvenik, sagradili suhozidnu crkvinu Velike Gospe ispred stana Peke Marasoviča (Starigrad-Paklenica). Najstarija (vjerojatno srednjovjekovna) nalazila se na Javorniku, nekad podgorskom ljetnom pasištu. Kad su Podgorce potisnuli bukovački stočari, onda je to pasište napušteno i crkvina je preseljena na Veliko Rujno, prema kaziva-čima, najvjerojatnije u 19.st. Razgradena je 1930. i ponovno preseljena tridesetak metara istočnije od spomenutog stana. Nova je izgradena vezivnim materijalom, a podigao je iste godine s Podgorcima don Ante Adžija. Dalo bi se zaključiti da su još tada u svijesti Podgo-raca bili živi prastari kultovi. Naime, oni nisu dopustili prilikom razgradnje stare crkvine da se prenese i stari kameni oltar, pa on i danas stoji na istom mjestu, a bio je zajedno s Kamenim žrtvenikom simbolički uklopljen u staru crkvinu. Naime, ispred njega nalazila se ploča, kao prastari Kameni žrtvenik, o kojem Mirko Markovič iznosi, prema kazivanju Biče Marasoviča iz 1968., sljedeče:"da se ispred njega (oltara) nalazi poveča ploča pod kojom se nalazi grob nevinog diteta. On se i danas štuje, pa ovdašnji stočari na blagdan Velike Gospe preko toga kamena protjeraju svoja prorijedena stada u nadi da če tako s njih odvratiti svako zlo i nevolju."(Markovič 1980:126-127). Ista ploča danas je izmještena i napola razlomljena i prislonjena na brijest ispred stana Peke Marasovica. Tko je to i zašto učinio, nije poznato. Druga Kamena Baba na Velikom Rujnu nalazi se na Kosi Rujanskoj izmedu Brižina i Petričeviča ogrede. Na njoj se vide tri klasa, ispričali su mi Peko Maraso-vič, 1985, Šime Adžič i Marija Petričevič, 2010. Ispod Rujanske kose kod stanova Joviča u ravnini Babe nalazi se bunar Joviča i od njega vodi staza do Petričeviča Torina na Brižinama.U neposrednoj blizini Babe je javor, kao i u blizini malorujanske minirane Babe. Nameče se pitanje za daljnja istraživanja: poveznice javora u blizini Babe na oba Rujna i eventualno značenje samog javora u magij-sko-mitskom kontekstu. Jugistočno od Rujna po istom obrascu uz kamene žrtvenike, bile su sagradene crkva sv. Jakova u Maloj Paklenici i crkva sv. Ivana Svitnjaka na Libinjama, ispod Dušica i Svetog Brda. Mitske pjesme U dvjema mitskim pjesmama nazire se moguči utjecaj praslavenske mitske predod-žbe u tradiciji Podgoraca. U kolikoj se mjeri može u njima prepoznati praslavenski mit o Jurinoj i Marinoj svadbi, pitanje je za jednu posebnu raspravu. Ovdje čemo se osvrnuti samo na neke jurjevsko-uskršnje običaje u južnom Podgorju. Pjesme je zapisao Dušan Petričevič u Starigradu-Paklenici (Petričevič 1997:88, 90), ne davši nikakvo objašnjenje kojom prigodom su se pjevale, što su kazivači 20.st. bez sumnje još uvijek znali. Prema suvremenim filološkim tumačenjima praslavenskog mita,11 moglo bi se pretpostaviti da se radi o jurjevskim obrednim pjesmama (o svetoj svadbi). Treba napomenuti da je sv. Jure, svetac zaštitnik u Starigradu- Paklenici i Rovanjskoj. Crkva sv. Jure u Rovanjskoj ubicira-na je na groblju uz more. Od nje sjeveroistočno na Libinjama ubicirana je ckva sv. Ivana Svitnjaka (poviše nje su Dušice i Sveto Brdo) i sjeverozapadno u Maloj Paklenici (Seline) crkva sv. Jakova. Svi su spomenuti sveci u Podgorju zaštitnici blaga, rodnosti i plodnosti (Glavičič1981-1982:105-113). Bi li se moglo reči da predstavljaju sveti trokut s obzirom na njihov razmještaj i ubikaciju na mjestima prapovijesnih svetišta, oltara- žrtvenika, gro-mila i izvora, teško je potvrditi dok se ne provedu sustavnija istraživanja. U pjesmi br.2., za sintagmu jedna noga nemogla (di je resla šenica) vidim poveznicu u južnopodgorskoj metafori jedna noga u komoraču, a označava blizinu smrti, smrt nekoga tko je završio svoj hod. Upitala sam pri jednom susretu u prošlom stolječu kazivača Matu Jusupa: "Dide, 11 O tumačenju praslavenskog mita vidi Vitomir Belaj, Hod kroz godinu.Mitska pozadina hrvatskih narodnih običaja i vjerovanja, 1998. Isti : Hod kroz godinu.Pokušaj rekonstrukcije prahrvatskoga mitskog svjetonazora, 2007. i Rdoslav Katičic, "Hoditi - roditi: tragom tekstova jednoga praslavenskog obreda plodnosti". Studia ethnologica, 1:45-63, 1989. Isti: "Dalje o rekonstrukciji tekstova jednoga praslavenskog obreda plodnosti". Studia ethnologica 2:35-47, 1989. Isti: "Dalje o rekonstrukciji tekstova jednoga praslavenskog obreda plodnosti". Studia ethnologica. 3:35-41, 1991. kako si?" Odgovorio je: Rano moja, s jednon nogon u komoraču. Valjao bi ovdje ponešto reci o komoraču (foeniculum vulgare) i njegovoj simbolici u kontekstu uskršnjih "obreda" u južnom Podgorju. Jestiva je i ljekovita samonikla mediteranska biljka, s njome počima i završava proljece. On istovremeno označava život i smrt. U travnju prekrije zapuštene površine Večkog polja uz potok i more u Starigradu-Paklenici. Dan prije Uskrsa, polje bi "preplavile" beračice komorača za uskrsni ručak. Pamtim iz djetinjstva kako se govorilo: Jadna li je kuča u kojoj nema za Uskrs komorača. Un ti je sveta trava, rekle bi stare babe. Njegova jestivost trajala je do lipnja.To bi mogla biti oznaka života (plodnosti i rodnosti). Ljeti i u jesen dosegne visinu od metra do metar i pol, ali tada više nije jestiv. Medutim komorač nije samo poljska biljka," najpolodnije" njegovo mjesto bila su takoder stara gro-blja, primjerice staro groblje na Punti u Starigradu-Paklenici, koje bi u kasno ljeto posve obraslo komoračem. Govorilo se: Eno sveti Jure (stara grobljanska crkva) sav u komoraču. Sada dolazi samo jedna noga - komorač je ostario, a u polju dok je bio mlad, trebale su dvije noge. Točnije u polju se rada, a u groblju završava hod. Ove zaključne pretpostav-ke za spomenutu južnopodgorsku sintagmu nisu znanstveno utemeljene, ali su svakako smjernice za daljnja istraživanja. Obredni ophodi Obredni ophodi12 u predaji južnopodgoraca označeni su simbolom kruga, koji je je-dan od najčešcih magijskih simbola. Ostvaruje se u nizu obreda pomocu raznih predmeta i bilja, primjerice primorsko-dalmatinskog tvrdog (suhog), okruglog kolača, pogače, jaja, urezanog kruga s križem na uporabnim predmetima (preslica) ili izvezenog na odjevnim predmetima (aljinac), kupine kojoj se oba kraja drže za zemlju. U njihovim vjerovanjima on je zaštitnik od zlih sila i uroka. Krug i kružni ophodi imaju dvostruku simboliku: magijsku, u nekim svakodnevnim obredima i religijsku, u štovanju Sunca kao svjetlosnog kruga. U skladu toga značenja urezivan je živim dušama na uzglavnici mirila. Duša se preselila iz kamena u nebo u kozmičku ophodnju, kao svjetlosna supstitucija. Sve što je zao-kruženo zašticeno je od zlih sila. Ulogu kruga zaštitnika kod južnih Podgoraca imao je vec spomenuti kolač nošen oko vrata, obredna pogača, krug s križem na preslici i starinskoj nošnji. Kolač se takoder koristio u liječenju različitih bolesti, kojima se nije uvijek znao uzrok. Bolesniku se davao u mlakoj vodi, preliven maslinovim uljem. Ni u takvom sasta-vu nije gubio svoj kružni oblik. U mojoj obitelji u Podgorju tijekom 20.st., koristila se ta vrsta "terapije." Ulogu zaštitnika male djece u kolijevci preuzela je kupina zaokružena oko kolijevke i jaja posložena u krug. Prigodni kružni ophodi provode se i danas, ali njihovu magijsku funkciju zamijenila je religijska. Primjerice kada žene na golim koljenima kruže oko oltara na Veliku Gospu, na Velikom Rujnu. Svjedokinja sam tih ophoda šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina u 20.st., u kojima su mlade žene nosile Gospinu sliku na stalku (rje-de kip) oko crkve. Načinivši krug procesija je stala pred crkvom, a prisutni su se provlačili ispod Gospine slike. Činila sam to i ja s drugom djecom. Na to su nas poticale starije žene govoreči da ce nam Gospa dati dobro zdravlje. Poslije toga smo morali poljubiti njezinu sliku ili kip. Nakon obreda Gospu se darivalo nakičem (nakitom): kolajnama (pozlacenim i posrebrenim lančicima), mrdelama (niske, ogrlice, vecih i manjih, obojenih, staklenih 12 Obredni ophodi istog ili sličnog tipa provodili su se u svim krajevima naše zemlje. O njima je opširno pisao Milovan Gavazzi u svojoj knjizi Godina dana hrvatskih narodnih običaja, Zagreb, 1988. perlica), rečinama (naušnice) i prstenjem. Drugu skupinu darova činili su vuna, vunena pletiva i šareni ili izveženi vacoliči i vacoli (rupčiči i rubci - marame), treču novac (od ko-vanica do papirnatih novčanica) i četvrtu sviječe. Do Drugog svjetskog rata umjesto njih donosilo se maslinovo ulje za lumine (stijenj-sviječica u dušici, gori u maslinovom ulju i vodi u nekoj posudici, uglavnom čaši) na oltaru (prema sječanjima Pere Jovič). Sav nakit zajedno s rupcima vješao se po Gospinom kipu. Ostali darovi su se poslagali po oltaru. Krajem 20. st., obredni ophodi i darivanja Velike Gospe posve su nestali. Obred je završa-vao žrtvenim svečanostima: svaki rujanski stan žrtvovao je za Gospu jedno ili dva janjeta i taj običaj trajao je sve do kraja 20.st. Za objedom u stanu, svi zaokupljeni jelom, jedna od baba bi izjavila: Ručak je za Bogove/bogove. I danas bilo gdje, čuje se fraza Bogovski/bogo-vski ručak. Navečer se ispred svakog ljetnogstana palila vatra oko koje su Podgorci sjedili u krugu, stariji su pričali, a mladi plesali oko vatre i pjevali. Ti su prizori magijsko-mitskog svijeta u mojoj djetinjoj svijesti ostali nezaboravni. Od osamdesetih godina 20.st., svi su ophodi izgubili smisao i vše ih nema, osim zavjetnih oko oltara Velike Gospe. Solarni ophodi Uloga Sunca i njegovog kretanja od istoka prema zapadu potvrdena je u nizu obreda u južnom Podgorju. Primjerice, svatovski, blagdanski, jurjevski, narodna kola kao i vilin-ska kola. Velebičani su ga štovali i zazivali kao božanstvo. Svjedokinja sam babinih jutar-njih molitvi tijekom šezdesetih i sedamdeseth godina 20.st. Ujutro čim izide sunce, ona je izlazila vani i okretala se istoku - izlazečem suncu - zazivajuči: O, Sunce moje žarko, pomozi mojoj duši i svim našim dušama. Hvala ti za sve dobro koje nam pružaš. Drugima bi rekla; Žarko Sunce bilo ti u pomoči (Pera Jovič). Nakon toga sjela bi na zapadnoj strani dvorišta, pogleda prema istoku-suncu. Prateči njegovu putanju premještala je svoj tronožac dok ne dode na žmorac (zapad), ovisno o solsticiju (zimi kod Joviča na Donjem kraju, a ljeti na školju u smjeru Baga). Svatovski ophodi Mladenka je ophodila ognjište u mladoženjinoj kuči od istoka prema zapadu, tj. naoposlen, a to znači s dobrom namjerom, ispravno onako kako valja. Suprotno je nao-pako, tj. neispravno, s lošim namjeram, nevaljano. Svatovi se nisu vračali istm putom od mladenkine kuče, nego drugim, zaobilazno, da bi se znakovito načinio krug (kazivač Ivan Marasovič Brko). Blagdanski ophodi Na Tijelovo je procesija išla od crkve preko Glavčica do Marasoviča i Večkog polja i natrag uz more do crkve. Tako se zatvorio krug. Na Sisvete se ophodilo najprije oko crkve, a nakon toga kroz selo. Od crkve se pošlo uz more kraj Murve preko Mosta i dalje uz Jazinu do Jazinice i od nje uz more nazad prema crkvi. Tom su prigodom poslije procesije mještani, uglavnom Glavičari, odlazili na groblje na Punti i zabadali jabuku na križ. Procesija za Veliku Gospu na Velikom Rujnu kretala se od crkve ispod Marasoviča stanova i kružila rujanskim poljem prema zapadu i zatim se vračala sjevernim putom prema crkvi. Zavjetni (zavitni) ophod oko oltara takoder se odvijao od istoka, od izlazečeg sunca. Jurjevski ophodi išli su kroz selo u Glavčice do Marasoviča i dalje na Večko polje. Zokruženjem polja procesija se vračala uz more u selo i crkvu. Jurjevske ophode bez sudjelovanja crkve provodili su pastiri,prperuše (muškarci okičeni lozinom - divlja loza), prolaze selom moleči oko svojih torova i kuca kiteci ih zelenilom, pjevajuči obredne jurjevske pjesme. Prperuše odile puton Boga molile da šenica rodila i nevista dičica do novoga Božiča i Prperuše odile puton Boga molile, da im dade kišice i nebeske rosice, priča Ivan Trošelj. Narodna podgorska kola Podgorska narodna kola kolanje ,staro kolo, šetnja, kukulešče, takoder su oponašala kretanje sunca i tekla uvijek u istom smjeru u pravilnom krugu. Čestitarski ophodi Djeci čestitarima za Novo lito odrasli su utiskivali u jabuku kovanice jednu do druge dok se ne zatvori krug. Svjedokinja sam toga obreda od 1958. do 1960. u Starigradu-Pa-klenici kad sam u djetinjstvu s drugom djecom išla u čestitare od kuče do kuče, ali "naža-lost" nikad nisam uspjela zatvoriti krug. Odrasli čestitari polaznici darivani su okruglim kolačem, koji su im domačini vješali oko vrata. Kolač nije bio običan ukras, željelo se njime osigurati čestitarima dobro zdravlje i dug život, a ujedno je simbol zaštite od nečisti'sila i uroka, objasnio mi je Ivan Trošelj. Ostali krugovi Osim ophoda koji uključuju fizičko gibanje, zabilježene su predaje kada se od bilja i jaja rade krugovi iz apotropejskih razloga. Bilje u funkciji magije Za neke dječje bolesti tražila se kupina koja se s oba kraja drži za zemlju, pa bi se opasala oko kolijevke tako da se zatvori krug. Vjerovalo se da če tako načinjenim krugom dijete ozdraviti i biti zaštičeno od uroka, priča Dara Babac. Jaja u funkciji magije Buduči da su vile krale dicu i zaminjival i'sa starin vilan, vračari su savjetovali rodi-teljima da oko kolinke načine krug od jaja. Tako zaštičenima, vile ništa neče moči učiniti, priča Dara Babac. Magijska simbolika kruga u južnovelebitskom Podgorju ima apotropejsku ulogu za-štitnika čovjeka i njegovog blaga od zlih sila (demona i duhova). Zaokruživanjem prostora označene su granice preko kojih ne mogu priječi zle sile. Sve što je u krugu zaštičeno je od djelovanja izvanjskih zlih sila (Srpski mitološki rečnik - krug čarobni, str.185). U Podgorju su zle sile štrige, urokljive babe, zle vile, more, babe vračare. Sve su to vražje babe, govorio je Mate Jusup. Ideja magijskog kruga i njegove funkcije ostvaruje se, prema iznesenom, u nizu obreda pomoču predmeta kružnog oblika i bilja, primjerice primorsko-dalmatinski okru-gli tvrdi kolač s otvorom u sredini, pogače, uporabni predmeti na kojima je urezan krug s križem, ili je izvezen na odjevnom predmetu, ili je uklesan u kamenu mirila. Istu funkciju imaju kružni ophodi (oko crkve, oltara, ognjišta, sela, polja, torova, mirila), u vrijeme pri-godnih blagdana i nekih drugih dogadaja. Obredno igranje u južnopodgorskim kolima, ima takoder magijsku funkciju. Krugu se prema znanstvenim izvorima pridaje apotropej-sko značenje, odbojno prema svim zlim silama i bičima, ima svrhu zastrašivanja zlih sila koje treba odbiti, udaljiti od ljudi i blaga. Ovim radom pregledno je prikazana prikupljena grada s pokušajem povezivanja s gradom srednjeg Podgorja. Prikazana grada razvidno pokazuje kako je tradicijska kultura cijelog Velebitskog podgorja usko povezana. Tomu pridonosi svakako i planinski krajo-braz od prapovijesti do naših dana. Stari način života se napustio, ali priče i vjerovanja su ostali. Gotovo za svaki motiv moguc je komparativan prikaz s motivima srednjeg i sjever-nog Podgorja, pa držim da bi se ubuduce trebala načiniti poveznica u istraživanju cijelog Velebitskog podgorja . Mitske predaje Predaja o caru Pasoglavu iz Kuline Večke 1. Kaživa m' je moj did da j' u Kulni Večkoj careva car Pasoglav. Ima j'pasju glavu pa ga zato niko iz sela nije smija vidit. Svaki dan su dolazil iz sela momci brijat ga i šišat, al' nijedan se kuč ne vrati, jer bi car svakog ubija da ne oda nikom da ima pasju glavu. Kako j' kojeg momka došlo na red, jope, ni jedan nije smija reč ku če (kud ide). Kad je doša red na jednog od Zavitrenika, un o' stra reče svojoj materi. Una mu umi-si kolačič od svog, maternog mlika (imala j' malo dite) i un ga ponese i pode caru. Kad ga je obrija i ošiša, car ga je tija ubit, al' uto mu momak ponudi matern kolačič i car ga pojide."Kakoš me ubit sad kad smo brača po maternom mliku" - veli momak. Car ga nato pušti kuč i reče mu: Dobro, mi smo sada pobratimi i neču te ubit, al' nikom nemoj odat da iman pasju glavu. Momak obeča i ode, al' ne prode dugo da se tajna ne dozna. Momak je od trstike napravija sviralu kojaj' svirala: U našeg cara pasja glava, u našeg cara pasja glava. Eto takotse tajna doznala.(kazivač Ivan Tomic Tatek) 2. Kad momak obeča caru da neče nikom reč da ima pasju glavu, car mu dade svoj slavič od jasenove kore i pušti ga kuč'. Ničiji slavič nije tako dobro svira kaj carev. Momak j' na njen svira i svi su u selu slušal svirku: U našeg cara pasja glava, u našeg cara pasja glava. Momak nije moga izdurat nost tajnu useb, pa je priko svirke oda i tako se svud doznala. Potlen je car živija u osami neobrijan sve do smrti pa momke nije više bilo stra od smrti u Kulni. (kazivač Ante Marasovic Brko) 3. Cara nisu brijal momci iz sela neg vojnici. Čiji vojnici?. Biče njegovi, vrag i'zna. Vojnik koji je donija materin kolačič i bija spašen, iskopaj rupu u zemlji i oda tajnu crnoj zemlji. Na tom mistu izniklaj' trska od koje su momci iz sela napravl sviralu i sviral šnjon svirku: U našeg cara pasja glava. (kazivačica Pera Jovic) 4. Bio kralj koji je imao cer, koja se nije smjela družiti s običnin pučanima. Da bi "ubijala vrime" tražila je od oca da joj dozvoli držanje psa. Medutim nakon izvjesnog vrimena, kraljevna je rodila. Kad je dite ugledano od kralja i članova njegove obitelji, svi su ostali zaprepašteni, jer je dite imalo pasju glavu i ljudsko tilo. Kralj je naredio čuvanje tajne o ditetu. Nije dopušteno nikome da ga vidi. No, kad je dite poodraslo nastupili su novi problemi. Prije nego što bi progovorilo zalajalo bi, a i brijati ga je tribalo da bi, koliko toliko ličio na čovika. S obzirom da je bio običaj da sinove kraljevske porodice briju mladici iz kraljevstva, odlučeno je da se taj običaj ne prekida s tim da ce sada kraljevica brijati svaki dan drugi mladic. Kako bi koji mladic doša i obavio svoju zadacu, kraljevič bi ga pojeo. Zavladao je opci stra u obiteljima kraljestva za sudbinu njihovih sinova. Kad je došao red na sina jedinca da mora ici brijati kraljevica, ustrašena majka napravila je plan i rekla ga sinu. Umjesila je kruv sa svojim mlijekom i rekla sinu:"Kad dodeš kraljevicu odma mu daj da pojede ovoga kruva."Tako je sin i učinio. Nakon što je kraljevic pojeo nekoliko zalogaja kruva, upitao je:"Od čega je ovaj kruv kad je tako sladak i ukusan?" Na to mu je sin jedinac rekao istinu o kruvu. Na to kraljevic upita:"Što cu sad s tobom? Ne mogu te pojesti, jer smo braca po mlijeku tvoje majke."Sin jedinac je samo mučao. Nakon kraceg razmišljanja, kraljevic ce:" Pustit cu te kuci s tim da nikome ne smiš reci što si vidio. A ako i dodeš u iskušenje da o tome govoriš, tajnu koju znaš smiješ povjeriti samo crnoj zemlji." Jednog dana, čuvajuci blago, sin jedinac je morao progovoriti o tajni koju u sebi nosi te je iskopao rupu u zemlji, sagnuo se nad nju i rekao:"Crna zemljo,u našega kralja pasja glava."Slučaj je htio da iz te rupe izraste zovina (bazga) i da jedan od čobana izradi slavič (sviralu) od te zovine. Kad je punuo u slavic, čula se velika tajna. Umjesto melodije čule su se riječi:"U našega kralja pasja glava." I tako se ta tajna pronijela kraljestvom. Nakon toga kraljevicu je ostalo da neobrijan i u osami živi do svoje smrti, a mladici iz kraljevstva oslobodeni su stra od smrti u kraljevskoj tvrdavi. (zapisao Dušan Petričevic) 5. U Petra kralja pasja glava Ednon davno su u Kuln Večkoj zatvarane nevirne žene, medu njiman nade se i kraljica Jelena. U griju j' rodla sina s pasjon glavon. Govorlo se: U Petra kralja pasja glava. (kazivačica Milica Jovic) 6. Marija Terezija ratuje s caron Pasoglavon Kulnu Večku srušlaj u osamleston stolču Marija Terezija. Unaj nju gadala iz Vinjer-ca, dab' oslobodla svog zarobljenog sina. Zarobija gaj' car Pasoglav i tija gaj' ubt. Marija je privarla Pasoglavove vojnike i izvukla sina iz kulne. Jašlaj' na konju kojen je stavla potkove naopako, pridnju stranu potkove okrenlaj' nazad. Takoj' ispalo daj' ošla oklen je idošla. Toj' zavaralo carove vojnike koji su je tribal' uvatit', al' nisu uspil'. Potlen je sa sinon od Vinjerca sorla Kulnu.(kazivač Ante Marasovic Brko) Crna kraljica 7. Podgorska Crna krajca Utra je vrag, zvala sej' Teuta. Unaj tukla nike Grke od Ražanca i s mora i svei' progna-la. Unaj' crna jer je opaka. Naredlaj' svakon svon vojniku da uzme po jedan kamen i uzidu zid - da zna narod kolkoj' imala vojnika. Svaki kamen - vojnik. Isad je taj zid kod Ražanca. Opaka kraljica svej' potukla s mora unas u Podgorju i undaj' ode nasela novi narod iz Ilirije, nike Vlahe i pokrstla ji. Vele daj' tako Marija Terezija tukla od Vinjerca Kulnu Večku i srušla je. (kazivačica Dara Babac) Na sv. Trojici bijaj grčki grad. Stukla ga crna kraljica, a poslen još i potres. Sve je bilo zatrpano. Čobani su tamo napasali blago i opazli u gromili di viri crkvica i kad su razmakli kamenja, ukazala se sv. Trojica. Krov joj je bija pod kupon. (kazivačica Slavka Poljak) Zakopano blago u Tribnju 8. Blago u pečini na brdu Obljak Obljak je obljasto,(oblo) brdo udno Bristovca, lipo ispodLukovca iLivodice. Moš knjen doč od Livodice i Bristovca ozapad a moš i od Ljubotiča odistok. Unjen je pečina podno jedne stine. Na stini je uklesana ruka do zapešča, malo uviše da je nemoš dotač, kako pokažuje kaj putokaz di je u pečini zakopano blago (zlato). Oto zlato je bilo od jednog kralja iz Nina, a un je mora zbog ničeg bižat iz Nina s brodin i iskrca se u Lukovu. Unda je otlen iša Podin uviše. Sebon je ima dvanest tovara zlata. Dvanest vojnika vodloj dvanest natovareni konja. Kad su došli do Obljaka u pečini su iskopal rupu i u nju zakopal zlato.Kralj je sve pokrija velkon pločon na kojoj j' bija uklesan križ. Čoban su je vidl'. Na ploči je još ništo pisalo na nikon jeziku (jamislin latinski). Tudas'okote pečine moga viditpuno praznipuža, prilipaka i drugi školjaka. Šnjiman su se ranli. Čobani su otprije proval dič ploču nebl' izvukli zlato, al'se nije dala dič kolkoj' bila teška. Vele daj' mali Janka Njegovana (Nigovana) uspija izvuč niku kolajnu s medaljon i da je nosi. Ma ko če to virovat, biče mali kupija pa svi misle da je naša. (kazivači Niko Nina Vukič i Kata Vukič) 9. Blago u pečini na Asanovcu (Marinkoviči) Na Asanovcu ima jedna poveča gromila i kraj nje pečinica. Moš tamo doč' od Baja-movca (Prodani) odistok i Korita (Donji Mataci) ozapad, a moš ozdo od Kopovina (Trošelji). Kad je kralj davno pobiga brodon iz Nina iskrca sej' kod nas u Podgorju i u asanovačkoj peči-nici zakopa svoje blago (krunu i zlato) i sve pokrija pločon. Potlen se tute ljudin prikaživalo čudo. Kad su niki ljudi našli ploču, na njoj je pisalo nikin jezikon da niko neče moč doč do krune i zlata (kazivačica Dara Babac) 10. Blago u Kulni Šibuljskoj (Lukiča Torine) Kulnaj lipo kod Lukiča Torina. Zidanaj' klačenin zidon kaj gradina sv. Trojice pa biče da su odistog vrimena. Edni su pripovidal da su tute stali niki plemiči. Mora daj' tamo bija velk grad, al' se sve sorlo, ostalaj' samo Kulna. Dugačkaj' oko petnest, a široka oko osan metara. Vrag je mirija, nako odoka. Pantin daj' pripovida did Lukiča kako su, biče tomu više od stogodina, došla knjen dva čovika barkon, škunon ozdo od Vortice, vrag zna 'esul' bil' od Nina ol od Paga, u naše mulo i došl našin kučan i rekli didu da in spremi štokod pojisti, da ako more ispeče kokoš. Dotlen su uni ništo kopal u kulni. I kad je kokoš bila gotova ode did ponji ,a uni več u po Kanala, ošli ča, a njanci da su rekli bog, odošmo mi, nemamo dokad pojisti ilo, preša nan je. Potlen je did oša vidit u kulnu što su radil', kad tamo, srušil po zida tražeč čup sa zlaton, vidlo se to po komadičin od razbijenog čupa. Cup i blago odnil sa sebon i više nisu dolazil'. Vele da je to bija čup s grčkin blagon.(kazivačica Dara Babac) Predaje o vilama 11. Kuk Vilin U Kuku Vilnu ima jedna pečina i u njoj su živle vile. Obnoč su navr' kuka igrale kolo u nezatvorenon krugu. Obdan su slazle u Duboki okupat se. Jednon in je dok su se kupale priša potajice jedan čoban i odnija najlipšoj krila pa se nije mogla vratit na kuk. Vila je jednu veče došla čobanovoj kuči tražt svoja krila i molt ga da joj ji vrati nazad, al un nije tija, nego joj veli da se uda zanj. Vila reče da oče i rodi mu do nikog vrimena sina. Kad je dite podreslo, vila se poželi svog vilinjskog života, pa pode s dičačičen u Duboki na kupanje k drugin vilan. To sazna njezin muž i pode zanjon s puškon da če je ubit, al promaši i ubije svog sina, a vila se vrati nazad na Kuk Vilin. (kazivačica Milica Jovic) 12. Čolaci i vile Na Kosi Čolakovoj na Malon Rujnu imaju dvi pečine. Tute su Čolaci prtljali prikolta. Udno Kose je Duboko, a ozapad Vilin Kuk. Vile bi s Kuka slazle na Duboko po vodu pa su pasi Čolakovi nanji' lajali i zatoj' Čolacin blago krepivalo i najposle su otlen moral' oset' u Kotare.(kazivačica Dara Babac) 13. Žeželji i vile Vile su ljudin dodijale. Čoban koji bi lega na kosti (leda) nije se više budija. Ljudi su išli kod vračara i odža lipo u Bosnu. Uni su in rekli da vile lete i da triba ležat na stranu da i' se ne gleda. Bija jedan Žeželj i napravija stojbinu kraj Dubokog i počelo mu blago krepivat' i mala dica umirat.' Išaj odži u Bosnu i un muj' reka: Napravijas' stojbinu izmedu viline kuče i jezera i tvoji pasi nanji laju i moraš se otlen oselt'. Takoj ibilo, oselijaj u Liku.(kazivačica Dara Babac) 14. Vilin dardin Vile su imale lip dardin, unjen je bilo svakog drveta kakvog ima na cilon Velebitu. Sve na jednon mistu. Jednon je jedan Poljak naša vilu u dardinu di se zaplela kosan u bukvan. Un joj ji odmrsija. Una ga pita što bi najvolija da mu učini. Volija bi, veli, da mi konji budu naja-či ode unas. I zbiljan su mu bili najači. Vila muj'ispunila želju.(kazivačica Dara Babac) 15. Vilino kolo Usrid Poljačke ogrede Sirotkuše na Malon Rujnu vile su igrale kolo. Isad se vidi izgaže-na trava u velikon posve pravon krugu. Biče da isad une gori igraju kolo obnoč. Kolo (krug) točnoj usuprot Babinom Kuku .(kazivačica Dara Babac) 16. Vile odnose dicu na Oglavnovcu Isprtljali čovik i žena s blagon na Oglavnovac .Ubrzo in se rodi žensko dite. Nikako odresti ,uvik malo i leži u kolinki. Odu čovik i žena vračari u Bukovicu, a una in veli, to van je vila učinila. Složte jaja u krugu oko kolinke. Uni to učiniše i dite se diže i vidi čuda ima sto godina, kaj sto jaja oko kolinke. Jope in vračara reče da ostave dite na Velikoj vodici (lička strana Velebita). Niko vrime prošlo pa odu jope na Veliku vodicu štoj's diteton. Kolinku našli, a diteta nema. Vile ga zaminile sa staron vilon i odnile k sebi.(kazivačica Dara Babac) 17. Vilinsko-Babino jezero Unotje podno Vaganskog kuka i Babinog kuka. Voda mu je vajik čista jer je čiste vile koje obnoč oko njeg igraju kolo. U njen vajik ima vode istog raza i nikad ne prisuši. (kazi-vačica Pera Jovic) 18. Crni junac iz asanovačke pečine Proša obnoč niki čovik kraj asanovačke pečine. Ižnje izleti crni junac i poleti za čovi-kon. Biži čovik, a junac za njin. Misec kaj dan. Čovik se okrene i uvati junca za rogove. Šnji se borija cilin puton do kuče. Prid kučon pušti junca i uteče u kuču, a junac pobigne nazad na Asanovac. Ja mislin daj' to bija vukodlak, vrag ce znat' Tot'je ka nika ukleta duša. To pantin da su otprije vajik divanl'. (kazivačica Dara Babac) 19. Vodeni čovik Otprije smo manju dicu strašl' da ne idu u more jer ce i' odnit' vodeni čovik. Takoj' edno dite odvuka na dno i uno se utoplo.(kazivač Ante Marasovic Brkao) 20. Oglavnovački volovi Na Oglavnovac su prtljali Bukovčani. Na srid Oglavnovca bilaj' voda, tu sej' skuplja-la s točila pa su je Bukovčani obzidal' da se napaja blago. Jednon je voda prisušla i ostala nako gola zemlja. Došla dva vola i legla na tu zemlju. Kad odednon propadoše u zemlju i nestadei'. Zemlja se sama jope zaspe ozgo. Bice daj' dol' jama bezdanka. (kazivačica Dara Babac) Etiološke predaje 21. Oglavnovac Otprije se divanilo kako su čobani čuval blago na Oglanovcu. Odednon su opazl da su volovi rozin iskopal iz trave glavu (lubanju). Uzel su je u ruke i upital': Čijaj ovo glava, Bogje pomilova. To čekan vec sto godina - glava ce nato začudenin čobanin. O glavo Oglavnovca počivaj u miru, rekoše čobani. Otad se Oglavnovac tako zove.(kazivačica Pera Jovic) 22. Kuk Bojin - Bojinac Otij' kuk najvišlji na donjoj strani od Rujna. Ednon davno na kuku su dvi sestre čuvale blago. Odednon se naoblačilo i poče nevrime. Nenadano pukne grom i ubije jednu od nji - Boju, i po njoj kuk dobi ime - Bojinac, Boinac.(kazivačica Milica Jovic) 23. Duše na Dušicama Kažival su stariji da su Turci Udbinjani u sedamleston stolcu odlazl u Kotare po malu dicu i priko Dušica je odvodl u Liku, a potlen u Tursku. Tamo su i' odgajal za svoje vojnike. Matere su u ljutoj žalosti išle za dicon do Dušica i nabrajale: Ajme naše dušce, Vratite nan naše dušce. Dalje nisu smile, akoj' koja ipošla Turci su je ubil'. Dikoja dica su umirala po putu na Dušcan, a dikoja u Lici, a dikoju su Turci ub'l' na Dušcan. Otog nabrajanja jadni matera otad se Dušce tako zovu. Bijaj iz mog roda ajduk Dujam Kneževica, un je napada Turke sa svojin jatacin. Kad su Turci istirani, oselijaj u Vinjerac. (kazivač Marjan Kneževic) Men'je moj čača kaživa da su lički lugari i potlen prvog svitskog rata oblazl Dušce jer su i u to vrime Dalmatinci zimi kad nema paše, kral ličko seno sa stožine (kotarine), a i mi s Libinja smo užal'. Edne zime došla dva lička lugara obac seno na Prisiku i vide da gaj' niko dira: Pokral nan Dalmatinci seno, vikne edan. Oblaze oko stožina i odednon uni drugi lugar opazi prtinu od Svetog Brda. Veli, ne kradu nan Dalmatinci jer prtina ne ide s juga nego sa sjevera od Svetog Brda, mordaj' kakva životinja došla ist' seno. I štoš ti vidt', približe se oba prtini i u čudu opaze da je prtinu isprtlo dvoj bose dice iduc ozgo od Svetog Brda na Dušce. Kad su dica došla do jednog stoga, jedno gaj' dite obašlo s jedne strane, a drugo s druge i unda jope zajno prtinon dalje u istočno Bilo (šumovto brdo iza Dušica). Lugari su pratl prtinu i lipo vidl' trag bosi' dičiji stopica i zaključl' da su to duše (dušice) dice koju su davno odvel Turci i sase njijove duše vracaju istin puton priko Dušica. Rekli su još da su to duše dice na putu u nebeski raj. E, otog ti se Dušce tako zovu. (kazivač Jakov Kneževic) Priče o mirilin Mrtvog nosu od varoši do groblja na noslin. Noge su naprid, a glava otpozadi. Kad dodu do mirila unda ga skinu doli i izmiru dužinu koliki je bija. Na zemlji zabiližu kamenjin dužinu, di je glava metne se veci kamen, a uz noge manji. Kad se vrate iz groblja popune dužinu kamenjin od glave do nogu. Potlen se, more proc i do misec, dva mirilo lipše ureduje: tešu se ploče i zidu u suvozidu i urižu se kod glave šare da bude lipše a digdi godna i ime. Samo se na mirlu smi stat kad se nosi mrtvi. Prave se uz put po dužini puta i na polovini puta od varoši do groblja. Glava gleda uistok. Dok se označuje misto di ce bit mirilo ne moli se i pop ne dolazi na mirlo i ne kite se. Kad se prode užnji, prikrste se i kaže:Boga pomilova s kojin se ode upočivalo. Mirilo je uspomena da se siti mrtvoga. Na njiman se stalo s mrtvin za uspomenu i za dušu koja ce na njiman ostat a ne radi toga što ga je bilo teško nost'. I ne smi se gazt'po mirilin. To su sveta mista. Una stalno stoje dok ji vrime ne razvali. Duša se izmiri da se ne vraca(kuci) ,ako je grišna i ukleta luta, al' se ne vraca, a negrišna ce sama u raj. Mrtvi dolazi na mirla i una se zato zidu da ne ide dalje odnji, da ne dolazi kuci neg' samo donji'. Da bi upočivale duše uni koji su ode upočivali. Mirloj' misto na kojen je mrtvi zadnji put sta' na zemlju. Pokojnik se još jednon prije neg se spušti u grob, položi na zemlju. Toj' misto ka' molba duši (duhu) pokojnika da se ne krece dalje od mirila i da ne dolazi kuci u varoš. (kazivači Ivan Tomic-Tatek, Mate Jusup i Dara Babac) Kameni žrtvenici (Kamen - Baba) 24. Malorujanska Kamena Baba Babin kamen ol Babin kuk tij' na Malon Rujnu nad Babčevin stanovin, ozapad ogrede Sirotkuše uz njivu Prodanovu. Tu se dolazla molt'jedna baba Muslimanka. Bice daj' to bilo za Turaka. Zovemo ga i Popov kuk. Njem se s prolca donosla prvina: žito,janje,tele i masle-novo ulje, koj'što ima.(kazivačica Dara Babac) Kaživala m'je baba, otprije su žene kad bi sprolca otprtljale s blagon na Rujno na ispa-šu, na taj kamen stavle zera žita i polile zera maslenovog ulja da blago bude pravo i zdravo. Otaj kamen je bija dosta velik i nako sam je staja. Napo je razbijen jer je uzidan u stanove Prodana. Običaj je traja do drugog rata, potlen više nije. (kazivačica Dara Babac) Bila su dva Kmena, edan pod njivon Prodanovon. Mi smo se kaj dica otprije penjal na nj. Moš nanjen ležat'. I sad je un tamo. Drugi je bija nasrid polja izmedu Gradinice i Sirotkuše kod Torine Popove. Niki pop ga je blagosovija pa su ga zvali Popov kuk. Poslen rata minirali su ga Poljaci za obzidat ogrede i uzidat u stan. Poslen in je došla krepa na blago pa su oselil'u Zvratu i Zamršten.(kazivačice Dara Babac i Slavka Poljak) Legende o sakralnim objektima i grobljima oko njih 25. Sv. Trojica u Tribanjskoj drazi (Tribanj-Šibuljina) Kraj Tribanjske drage na istoimenoj ranobizantskoj gradini nalaze se crkva i gro- Otoj bilo grčko groblje i crkva u niko davno vrime i unda je sorla opaka kraljica (Teu-ta). Ostalaj' samo zlatna maketa od stare crkve, našli je čobani u kupni i po njoj narod jope uzide novu crkvu. Taj maketa bila učarana, imalaj moč, jer ko je kod tija odnit' iz crkve, umra bi. Kod crkvej' bilo zakopano blago. Ednaj' cura Manda čuvala blago tute oko groblja. Sidlaj na ednome kamenu kraj crkve. Iz jednoggrmečiča kraj kamena virjaj' napolak oveči čup sa zaklopcen. Curaj prela vunu i vrtenon zapela za zaklopac i un se zera pomače, ižnjeg izlizi zmija pa če Mandi: Ajde curo stani mirno ne zaklaplji me, ja ču dolizit' do tvog čela i pušti me da te poljubin u čelo i ti češ se spasit' i bit' sritna i čestita, a i mene češ spast'. Zmijij' bila na glavi žuta kruna kaj vitica s roščičen. Mandaj' stala, okrenla zmiji kosti (leda) i kad je zmija dolizla do vrata una se strese i zmija pane: Curo stan mirno, zmija če po drugi put. Manda se jope od studeni strese i zmija pane. I po treči put dolizi joj zmija dovr'glave, al' se tliko bojala daj' zmija pala i po treči put. Zmija joj reče: Ajme meni zauvik, a tebi do groba, ti češ biti nevoljnica, a ja ču biti ukleta. Saču ja jopet uči u čup, a ti me zaklopi i uredi sve kako je bilo. Mandaj' zmiju zaklopla i čup zasula zemljon. Poslen je pripovidala brači i uni su pošli tražit čup s blagon ,al'ga nikako više nisu mogl'nač. Na krajuj'Manda ošepavila.(kazivačica Dara Babac) Na groblju grčke gradine sv. Trojice biloj sakrivenog blaga u zaklopljenin čupin. Na sv. Marka prva sunčana zraka pane na misto di je zakopano blago i uno zasvitli. Pave Štrbo (Štrbič) iskopaj veliki čup s tri noge i odnija ga kuči. El što u njen naša ne znan. Ja san tamo čobanla i našla srebreni novčič. Na njen je s jedne strane bila nika lipa ženska do prsiju, a s druge strane tri vojnika s kopljin. Novčič je odnija moj pok. svak Duro. Ima isprid Prodana tursko groblje i pečurina. U njoj je zakopana kruna ninskog cara. Čobani su našli ploču na kojoj se prikažuje čudo i niko je neče moč pomaknit dok na njoj ne izgine dvanestero brače. (kazivačica Slavka Poljak) 26. Trstenica, sv. Marija Mandalina u Tribnju-Mandalini Mleci su sikli šumu u Gori (Velebit) i tovarli je na galije. Jednog je Mlečana uvatlo ne-vrime s buron na moru i un se zavitova da če ako ostane živ uzidat' crkvu. Zidari i zavitnici su rekli da če jedan kamen priteč il' valt' kad uzidu crkvu. Takoj' ibilo. Eno se isad vidi da jedan vali. Odej u Drazi bila luka i biloj puno rasta pa se Mlečan veza brodon za rast i tako uteka nevrimenu i odman odredija diče se gradit' crkva uz more u Drazi. Otad je Mandalina zavitna crkva za pomorce, trgovce, ribare, pržinare, uskoke i druge brodare. Dragaj' bila u osamleston stolču mletačka luka. Oko crkvej' bilo tursko groblje, al' toj' sve prikopano dok se zidala cesta i propust, a dostaj' toga raznila voda iz jaruge.(kazivač Niko Nina Vukič) Povijesne predaje 27. Predaja o Mlecin Odej u Podgorju bila velika gora - Rasti i unda su galijan došli Talijani i posikli raste i volovin vukli debla do mora i tovarl ji na galije i odvozl nikuda daleko i šnjiman gradli niki velki grad. Na galijan su veslali robovi, jedan je bija iz Tribinja.(kazivač Niko-Nina Vukič). 28. Vurlanski virovi u Paklenci Došli su podavnije Vurlani jamisln iz Mletaka i ode sikli šumu u Paklenci. Skupljal'su vodu s vrila, ustavljal'je ustavon, a kad je tribalo, puštal'je potokon niz Klance. Vodaj' nosla drva do Jaruge kraj Kulne Večke na utoku potoka u more. Tute su se drva ustavljala s drve-non mrižon - to su prigradene grede. Otlen su cipce odvozl'gajetan i trabakulin u Vurlaniju. Isad se ta vrila zovu Vurlanska. Piše tako i u Katastru.(kazivač Ante Marasovic-Brko) 29. Tamnička Draga U Tamničkoj Drazi bijaj privremeni zatvor (tamnica) za mletačke pribige jer su u to vrime pali Mleci i tutej bila granica medu njiman i Vrancuzin i tutej stala pogranična straža.Vrancuzi su sagradl veliku, lipu kuču za žandare i kraj nje pravu gusternu.Tamničkaj' otad prozvana tako radi vrancuskog zatvora. Ima otog dabi trista godina. Poslen kad su pali Vrancuzi i vlast priuzela Austrija u južnom Podgorju, ondaj' ona dala tamničku kucu na dražbu i proda je brodarin Zubčica ozdo od Ražanca. Oni su bili dobro stoječi pa su mogli za nju dat' najviše. I sad ima kažu u Pešti ugovor o toj dražbi, a u Katastru gospičkom sve lipo piše. Oti Zubčiči nisu dugo bili neg se osele u Dragu Lisaricu koju su iston kupli od Austrije. I danas su tamo njiove kuče. Vrancusku kucu u Tmničkoj prodali su Trošeljin ozgo od Trošelja Seline. I oni se danas služe šnjom i gusternon. Niže zera na Punti mandalinskoj bilaj' mletač-ka karaula. Od nje nije ostalo ništa. Takoj' kad su propali i Mlečani i Vrancuzi sve priuzeja Vranjo Josip, tako su pripovidali stariji.(kazivač Dujo Trošelj) 30. Groblje sv. Jure u Rovanjskoj El' vidiš našej groblje kaj i vaše i seljnjarsko uz more. Sad je sve prikopano iston kaj i vaše. Sičan se stari grobova, svakij bija iznutra obzidan, a ozgo pokriven velkon teškon plo-čon, ja mislin da su tribala mankon četr čovika da je dignu. Morda su uni koji su tu živl prije imal kakve sprave za dovlačenje i namiščanje ploče. Sičan se, kad san bija mladi da je na svakoj ploči bija isklesan poniki bilig. Bijaj križ, pa pomiseca, kolo okruglo kaj sunce, zvizda i ništo nako kaj riblja kost. Sve su ploče porazbijane kad se počelo salivat' nove grobove od cimenta več unazad trijest godina. Grobljej'staro jamislin kolik groblje sv. Petra. Iste su nake ploče bile i naše. Morda i'je zida isti narod. A bilotje ode i naši starinski grobova kaj mirila i jedna kosturnica, al otoj iston sve nestalo.(kazivač Dane Rončevic). Dvije mitske pjesme 1. "Angeline vodu priplovila, Marija se mlada utopila. Dva su briga svekar i svekrva, Sunce, misec mladi diverovi , a ribice mlade jetrvice, morski kamen mladi duvegija. Lipo moje svate dočekajte, svakom svatu jabuku podajte, mom draganu svilenu maramu, što sam vezla tri godine dana. Ja je vezla, majka me je klela. "Naresla je kopriva, sve je polje pokrila, jedna noga nemogla di je resla šenica, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljeno. Žela su je dva brata, medu njima sestrica, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano. Sestrica je plakala, braca su je tišila, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano. Što ti plačeš sestrice, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano. Vec pogledaj pod oblake, pod oblakom zlatan sto, za njin sidi dragi tvoj, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano. U džepu mu vacolic (rupčic) moj, a na ruci prsten moj, o, Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano. Prsten cemo kovati, Vacol (rubac) cemo kupiti, dragog cemo iskati, o Janjo, Janjo, janje umiljano." (zapisao Dušan Petričevic) Kazivači 1. pok. Pera (Perina) Jovic, rod. 1882. (Starigrad - Paklenica) 2. pok. Ivan Tomic- Tatek, rod. 1907. (Starigrad - Paklenica) 3. Dara Babac, rod. 1942. (Tribanj) 4. pok. Kata Vukic, rod. 1914. (Tribanj) 5. Niko Vukic - Nino, rod. 1939. (Tribanj) 6. pok. Mate Jusup, rod. 1892. (Starigrad - Paklenica) 7. Ivan Trošelj,rod.1921.(Starigrad-Paklenica) 8. Marijan Kneževic, rod. 1955. (Modrič) 9. Jakov Kneževic, rod. 1922. (Modrič) 10. pok. Ante Marasovic - Brko, rod. 1916. (Starigrad - Paklenica) 11. Dane Rončevic, rod. 1927. (Rovanjska) 12. Dujo Trošelj, rod. 1927. (Tamnička Draga - Baric Draga) 13. pok. Milica Jovic, rod. 1900. (Starigrad-Paklenica) 14. Slavka Poljak, rod. 1921. (Tribanj) Literatura i izvori: Belaj, Vitomir, Hod kroz godinu, Zagreb, 2007. Bonifačic Rožin, Nikola, Folklorna grada iz Hrv.Primorja pod Velebitom, rkp. IEF 277, 1956. Bonifačic Rožin, Nikola, Rkp.IEF, br. 278, 1955. (iz Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Narodna predaja ovladarevoj tajni, Zagreb, 1967.) Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Narodna predaja o vladarevoj tajni, Zagreb, 1967. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Narodna književnost, Povijest hrvatske književnosti, Knjiga 1, Liber i Mladost, Zagreb, 1987. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Zakopano zlato. Hrvatske usmene pripovijetke, predaje i legende iz Istre.Istra kroz stoljeca 38. Pula - Rijeka: Čakavski sabor, 1986, 191-225. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Priče i pričanje, Zagreb, 2006. Boškovic-Stulli, Maja, Istarske narodne priče, Zagreb, 1959, 190 -194. Dronjic, Matija, Usmene predaje Velebitskog podgorja, Senjski zbornik,god.36, Senj, 2009, 245-273. Faber, Aleksandra, Ekonomsko značenje putova oko Paklenice u prapovijesti, antici i srednjem vijeku, Pklenički zbornik 1, 1995, 255 - 260. Fortis, Alberto, Put po Dlmaciji, Slobodna Dalmacija, Marjan tisak, 2004. Franic, Dragutin, Plitvička jezera, Zagreb, 1910. Gavazzi, Milovan, Godina dana hrvatskih narodnih običaja, Zagreb, 1988. Glavičic, Ante, Prilog istraživanju starohrvatske sakralne arhitekture Velebita i Velike Kapele, (I dio), Senjski zbornik IX, Senj, 1981./1982, 91-114. Gušic, Branimir, Čovjek i kras, Krš Jugoslavije,1,JAZU, Zagreb, 1957. Gušic, Branimir, Naše primorje, Pomorski zbornik,1, Zagreb, 1962. Gušic, Branimir, Naseljenje Like do Turaka; Lika u prošlosti i sadašnjosti, Zbornik 5, Kar-lovac: Historijski arhiv, 1973. (13-63). Jurkic Sviben, Tamara, Od Lilit do more, Mitski zbornik, HED, 2010, 151-170. Karanovic, Zoja, Zkopano blago - život i priča. Novi Sad (Bratstvo i jedinstvo), 1983. Marks, Ljiljana, Vekivečni Zagreb. Zagrebačke priče i predaje, Zagreb (AGM), 1994. Mirdita, Zef, Vlasi starobalkanski narod, HIZP, Zagreb, 2009. Markovic, Mirko, Narodni običaji sezonskih stočara na Velebitu, Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena, knjiga 48, Zagreb, 1980. 5 -141. Petričevic, Dušan, Starigrad-Paklenica, Starigrad - Pklenica, 1997. Rogic, Pavle, Porijeklo stanovnika velebitskih naselje (u Željko Poljak, Velebit), Za-greb,1969, 101-112. Rogic, Veljko, Velebitska primorska padina, Geografski glasnik, 20, Zagreb, 1958. Rukavina, Ante, Zvona ispod zvijezda, Gospic, 1989. Vince - Pallua, Jelka, Vlažni monoliti BABE, Ženski kultni supstrat plodnosti i blagostanja, u Žene u Hrvatskoj, Zagreb, 2004, 21-23. Rječnici 1. Slovenska mitologija. Enciklopedijski rečnik (ur. Tolstoj, Svetlana M. i Radenkovic, Lju-binko), Beograd:Zepter Book World, 2001. 2. Srpski mitološki rečnik, Beograd, 1998., (ur. Š. Kulišič, P. Ž. Petrovič, N. Pantelič 3. Mitološki rečnik (ur. Bulat Petar, Čajkanovič Veselin), Beograd, 1998. 4. Leksikon religija i mitova drevne Europe (A. Cermanovič - Kuzmanovič i D. Srejovič), Beograd, 1992. Mythical Traditions and Legends from Podgorje in southern Velebit Mirjana Trošelj The text focuses on the lore and legends collected in the southern part of Velebit, Croatia, between 1977 and the present. The sole exception is the mythic narrative about Pasoglav, a king with the head of a dog, the variants of which were first written in the second part of the 19th century. Several authors, particularly Maja Boškovič Stulli, whose study on the subject is also the most extensive, have been examining this subject. The story is connected with Kulina Večka, a location in the Starigrad-Paklenica area. Just as specific are two mythical songs published in 1997 by Dušan Petričevič in the book titled Starigrad-Paklenica. The lore from Velebit is classified according to literary folklore types. The first section contains variants of the story about King Pasoglav, whose origin is believed to be in the myth about King Midas and Trajan. It is interesting that in the narratives about Crna Kraljica (Black Queen), the Illyrian Queen Teuta features in the lore of Podgorje as the oldest historical personality. Possessing a malicious character, she fights the Greeks and destroys everything they have built. Treasures are buried in caves and mountains, and next to churches. The riches are usually guarded by a snake, a condemned soul that cannot rise into the firmament. Numerous are also stories about fairies. Fairies are ambivalent beings, both good and evil, that act according to conditions in nature and to the behavior of humans. Etiological tales explain geographical names. They include all mountain tops, valleys, and lakes that bear the name Baba, and also sacrificial stones (the Baba stones). Since the Baba stones functioned as the place where people could make an offering to Baba, seeking fertility and prosperity, the tales may represent the pre-Illyrian substratum of Magna Mater. In Velebit, the cult of Magna Mater was extended to the so-called crkvine (churches), which were cultic objects of shepherds. Whether this syncretism is truly a local tradition from the Middle Ages or was brought to the area by new settlers after the Turks had been banished from this territory at the end of the 17th century, remains unclear. According to the local population, in the period prior to the Second World War both the church in Malo Rujno and the Baba Rock were frequented. This unique form of syncretism was also observed by the author who had spent her youth in this area. The syncretism refers to the transfer of the custom of kissing the Baba Stone to kissing a living old woman and the painting as well as statue of Virgin Mary in Veliko Rujno. The Baba Stone as well as the statue and the painting, this one particularly on Assumption Day on August 15, were all presented offerings for good health and happiness. An important element of the ceremony was the vow made to Virgin Mary that was performed by circling the altar on bended knees. The women who were performing this act during mass kissed the altar and Virgin Mary, presented them with offerings, crawled beneath the picture and the statue of Mary, lit candles at the altar, and circled the church in a procession that carried the picture of the Blessed Virgin. The author also stresses the apotropaic function of the kolač, the dried wheel-shaped bread from Podgorje offered to those who came to pay a visit to wish good luck and happiness during holiday season. Used also as medicine, the bread was worn around the neck to ensure protection from evil forces and spells. The article contains material and data that will be used for further research. It is an attempt to rescue from oblivion the hitherto overlooked cultural heritage from the southern part of Podgorje and to inspire further interdisciplinary research. Trhlovca = lokavska Triglavca Boris Čok, Ladislav Placer The three rocks above the entrance and the three rock columns some ten metres before the entrance explain why, up until the mid-20th century, the Trhlovca rock shelter was commonly referred to as Triglavca (Three-head). Uvod Med Divačo in Lokvijo ležijo trije spodmoli: Trhlovca, Mala Triglavca in Triglavca (sl. 1). V Katastru jam Jamarske zveze Slovenije so ti objekti označeni s številkami 67, 4815 in 608. Trhlovca leži nekaj stran od regionalne ceste Divača-Lokev. Mala Triglavca Sl.1 Orientacijska skica. Fig. 1 Orientation sketch in Triglavca ležita bliže Divači na robu velike udome doline Radvanj. V Trhlovci in Mali Triglavci so pričeli z arheološkimi izkopavanji v drugi polovici 20. stoletja, o čemer so bili objavljeni številni prispevki, raziskovali so France Leben, Ivan Turk, Miha Budja in drugi. V Triglavci arheoloških izkopavanj doslej še ni bilo, zato o njej v strokovni literaturi ni podatkov. Na Karti občine Divača iz leta 1819 (Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana) na mestu spodmola Triglavca ni nobenega imena, Žiberna navaja zapis Terglanz (1981, 81), ki naj bi ga našel v katastrski mapi iz leta 1818, vendar ta podatek ni preverjen, v zemljiškoknjižnih zapisih po letu 1840 se uporablja ime Triglavca. Po Čoku (2010) se je v Triglavci izvajal obred plodnosti do prve polovice 19. stoletja, ko je bil nasilno prekinjen, po Placerju (2010) je ime Divače povezano s tem ali podobnim obredjem. Ledina med Divačo in Lokvijo, na kateri je spodmol Trhlovca, se je po Karti občine Lokev iz leta 1819 (Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana) imenovala »Per Terglauza«, torej Pri Sl. 3 Detajlna skica. Trhlovca, Ruščeva dolinca. Legenda: 1. Tri zaporedne skale-stebri na lokaciji Nr. 1; 2. Tri skale razporejene po ogliščih trikotnika na lokaciji Nr. 2; 3. Tri skale-grebeni na lokaciji št. 3; 4. Stena naravnega oltarja v Ruščevi dolinci; 5. Navpična razpoka; 6 Nagnjena razpoka z označenim vpadnim kotom; 7. Lega plasti z označenim vpadnim kotom. Fig. 3 Detailed sketch. Trhlovca, Ruščeva dolinca (Little Dolina). Legend: 1. Three consecutive rock columns at location Nr. 1; 2. Three rocks situated at triangle joints at location Nr. 2; 3. Three rock ridges at location Nr. 3; 4. Wall of natural altar in Ruščeva dolinca; 5. Vertical joint; 6 Tilting joint with dip angle marked in; 7. Bedding plane position with dip angle marked in. Sl. 4 Naravni oltar z vdolbino. Pogled s severne strani. Ruščeva dolinca. Fig. 4 Natural altar with hollow. View from the northern side. Ruščeva dolinca. Triglavci. V Trhlovco je bila jama preimenovana v drugi polovici 20. stoletja zaradi lokav-ske narečne izgovarjave Triglavca-Ta^louca, ki se v ušesih Neprimorca sliši kot Trhlouca (Placer 2010, 320). Prvotno sta torej obstajala dva spodmola enakega imena, Triglavca pri Lokvi, ki se danes imenuje Trhlovca, in Triglavca pri Divači, ki še vedno nosi to ime. Razprava o pravem imenu Trhlovce se je vodila vso drugo polovico 20. stoletja in še nekaj čez. Mnenja so nihala med oblikami Terglavca, Trglavca, Triglavca in Trhlovca. Zaradi lažjega razlikovanja in navidezne logičnosti je prevladala slednja oblika. O tem so pisali predvsem France Šušteršič, Matjaž Puc in Jožko Žiberna. Sobivanje dveh spodmolov enakega imena je Placerja (2010, 320) navedla na pomisel, da je lokavska Triglavca ob prometni poti v krščanskem obdobju morda služila kot maskirni objekt za prikrivanje poganskega obredja v odmaknjeni divaški Triglavci. Spodmol Trhlovca leži pod 10 m visoko steno (sl. 2) in se po opisu iz Registra jam Slovenije nadaljuje v desno v 124 m dolgo in 22 m globoko jamo. Vstopni rov v jamo je širok približno tri metre in se konča po dvajsetih metrih. Nekje na sredini se levo navzdol odcepi manjši rov, kjer je bila na križišču v kamen ročno izklesana kotanja, v katero je kapljala voda. Med obema vojnama so Italijani vhodni rov zagradili z betonskim zidom in vanj vgradili železna vrata ter prostor uporabljali za skladišče eksploziva. Pri urejanju skladiščnega prostora so uničili kotanjo z vodo. Jamo so uporabljali kot skladišče eksploziva še po drugi svetovni vojni do 60-tih let 20. stoletja. Sl. 5 Tri skale-stebri z lokacije št. 1. Pogled z jugozahodne strani. Najbolj poudarjena trojica, razpoznavna z obeh strani. Fig. 5 Three rock columns from location Nr. 1. View from the southwestern side. Most marked trinity, identifiable from both sides. Izročilo Vodo v izklesani kotanji so domačini iz Lokve do uničenja uporabljali za pitje, po pripovedovanju Francke Mevlja-Vrharjeve leta 1970, po rodu iz Prelož, pa naj bi zgodaj spomladi opravljali tudi obred prerokovanja, kakšno bo poletje. V kotanji naj bi zajeli vodo v lončeno posodo in jo odnesli v Ruščevo dolinco (sl. 3), kjer se nahaja okoli 10 m dolga in okoli 2 m visoka stena v obliki oltarja z vdolbino kvadratne oblike, veliko približno 70 x 70 x 70 cm (sl. 4). Nad vdolbino je umetna ali naravna odprtina široka okoli 15 cm, ki se navzgor lijakasto širi do površja. Preden so posodo z vodo položili v vdolbino, so vanjo vtaknili tri enoletne leskove šibe s šestimi očesi, ki so jih pred tem odrezali v okolici. Posodo so v odprtini pustili za en obrat lune, potem so šli pogledat, ali so pognali poganjki na šibah. Če so vse tri pognale liste, je pomenilo, da bo poleti dovolj dežja in dobra letina. Če sta pognali dve, je bilo pričakovati manjšo sušo in manj pridelka, če je pognala samo ena, se je obetala večja suša in zelo malo pridelka, če ni pognala nobena, je to pomenilo gorje z veliko sušo in lakoto. Da bi odgnali sušo so z vrha, skozi luknjo v skali iz posode zlivali vodo in delali uroke, priprošnje za dež. Do kdaj naj bi se ta običaj ohranil, Francka Mevlja-Vrharjeva ni povedala, glede na ostale običaje verjetno do prve svetovne vojne. Simbolika Tako za divaško kot za lokavsko Triglavco je bilo nejasno, zakaj tako poimenovanje. Po pregledu okolice lokavske Triglavce pa lahko rečemo, da je ime povezano s češčenjem Triglava. Ženska oblika imena se nanaša na samostalnik jama, ki je ženskega spola. Pomen Triglavce nakazujejo tri ločene skale (sl. 5), ki stojijo v vrsti tesno ena ob drugi okoli 70 m pred vhodom v spodmol. Na karti (sl. 3) so označene z lokacijo št. 1. Skale stojijo v smeri 120° (azimut) in segajo v višino od 2 do 2, 30 m. Pomen tega simbola povečujejo tri skale na lokaciji št. 2 tik nad steno, pod katero je spodmol. Na sl. 2, ki je posneta s platoja pred spodmolom, so lepo vidne, še lepše jih vidimo na povečanem posnetku na sl. 6. Tri skale na lokaciji št. 2 dajejo vtis urejene vrste le s prostora pred spodmolom, če pa stojimo ob njih, ta vtis izgine, ker so razporejene v ogliščih trikotnika na različnih višinah. Poleg omenjenih dveh je najti v bližnji okolici spodmola še dve skupini treh skal, eno na lokaciji št. 3, kjer je trojnost lepo vidna s severovzhodne strani (sl. 7), manj z jugozahodne (sl. 8) in skupino nekaj deset metrov vzhodno od lokacije št. 1, kjer je vtis trojnosti še bolj zabrisan Sl. 6 Tri skale razporejene v ogliščih trikotnika z lokacije št. 2. Posneto s prostora pred spodmolom. Fig. 6 Three rocks situated at triangle joints from location Nr. 2. Picture taken from location in front of the rock shelter. Sl. 7 Tri skale-grebeni z lokacije št. 3. Pogled s severovzhodne strani. Trojica je razpoznavna le s te strani. Fig. 7 Three rock ridges from location Nr. 3. View from the northeastern side. Trinity identifiable only from this side. (sl. 9). Simbolni pomen imata le skupini na lokacijah št. 1 in št. 2, medtem ko sta drugi dve manj sugestivni in verjetno nepomembni. V razgibani kraški pokrajini bi morda našli še več takih skupin. Geološki opis Vse skale na omenjenih lokacijah so in situ in odražajo geološko zgradbo okolice Trhlovce, kjer vpadajo debele plasti zgornjekrednega apnenca 10° do 15° približno proti jugu. Območje sekajo trije sistemi bolj ali manj navpičnih razpok v smereh okoli 0°, 30° in 120° (azimut). Razpoke so korozijsko razširjene, tako da so prvotno prizmatični bloki med njimi danes zaobljeni in ločeni med seboj. V pogovornem jeziku so to žive skale. Na lokaciji št. 1 ločujeta skale razpoklinska sistema v smeri 30° in 120°, prvotni bloki so bili v horizontalnem prerezu enakostranični, zaradi česar imajo skale obliko stebrov. Na lokaciji št. 3 so bili horizontalni prerezi blokov podolgovati pravokotniki, zaradi česar imajo skale obliko grebenov. Lokaciji št. 2 in vzhodno od št. 1 nista s tega vidika podrobneje pregledani. Naravni oltar v Ruščevi dolinci (sl. 4) je ravna stena v smeri vzhod-zahod. Ker v tej smeri vsaj pri orientacijskem pregledu nismo odkrili razpok, obstaja možnost, da je stena vsaj deloma umetno izravnana. Na to bi kazala tudi njena struktura; stena je skoraj navpična in sekajo jo nanjo pravokotne razpoke v smeri 175° (azimut), ki vpadajo strmo (85°) proti vzhodu in niso korodirane. Če bi bila stena naravna, bi bil vpliv korozije verjetno vi- si. 8 Tri skale-grebeni z lokacije št. 3. Pogled z jugozahodne strani od koder niso tako razpoznavne. Fig. 8 Three rock ridges from location Nr. 3. View from the southwestern side, from where they are not so identifiable. den. Razdalja med razpokami znaša okoli 60 do 100 cm. Diagonalno preko stene potekata dve položni leziki ali meji med dvema plastema. Odprtina v steni leži med tema dvema lezikama in dvema strmima razpokama, očitno je, da je izdelana umetno, pri čemer se je izdelovalec prilagajal naravnim diskontinuitetam v apnencu. Skupina treh skal-stebrov na lokaciji št. 1 (sl. 5) je vsekakor naravna tvorba, obstaja pa možnost, da so prvotno bili na tem mestu trije skalni grebeni tako kot na lokaciji št. 3 ( sl. 8) v smeri 30°, ki so jih sekale korozijsko razširjene razpoke v smeri 120°. Z odstranitvijo blokov na jugozahodni strani, je bilo mogoče osamiti skrajne bloke-stebre na severovzhodni strani in poudariti njihovo simbolno pričevalnost. Morebitni umetni poseg bi bilo mogoče ugotoviti z razkopom. Sklep Trhlovca ali lokavska Triglavca je predstavljala kraj češčenja Triglava. Na to kaže skupina treh skal na lokaciji št. 1. Tri skale na lokaciji št. 2 tega same po sebi morda ne bi mogle dokazovati, v povezavi s skupino št. 1 pa tak sklep le utrjujejo. Tri skale pomenijo tudi, da gori Triglav in Tolminski Triglav morda nimata le epi-tetnega, temveč tudi ali predvsem mitološki pomen, čeprav so trije vrhovi pri obeh neizraziti in vidni le z določene smeri. Posredno so pričevalna tudi ledinska imena kot gozd Triglavec pri Braniku in senožet Triglavice pri Tomaju (Bezlaj 2005, 224; Snoj 2009, 439), domačijska imena kot Pri Triglavjih in Pri Triglavčkovih v Dobravljah (Bezlaj, prav tam; Snoj, prav tam) ter Triglavčnik nad Radizlom na Pohorju in priimki Terglav, Terglau, Ter-glaučnik, Trglav, Trglaučnik, Trglavčnik, Triglav, Triglavčanin (Toplišek in sod.; Mali in sod.). Napovedovanje suše in dežja v Ruščevi dolinci s pomočjo vode iz lokavske Triglavce v izročilu ni povezano z imenom spodmola. V bližini divaške Triglavce ni vidne skupine treh skal. Njena funkcija je bila po Čoku (2010) in Placerju (2010) drugačna, zato ni mogoče brez dokazov nekritično enačiti pomena obeh imen. Tri sigaste izbokline na stropu divaške Triglavce so preveč neznatne v primerjavi s simboli lokavske Triglavce. Dodatek k sklepu Divaški Kras je središče matičnega krasa, ki poleg ostalih znamenitosti skriva tudi pomembna objekta slovanske mitološke prakse z elementi nasledstva iz rimske in pre-drimske tradicije. Zato je celovito zaščito območja potrebno obravnavati z vso resnostjo tako v okviru Regijskega parka Škocjanske jame pod okriljem UNESCA, ki naj bi se razširil na divaško in lokavsko Triglavco, kot tudi v okviru načrtovanega Kraškega regijskega parka, ki bi zajemal celotni matični kras. Objekte prometne infrastrukture v Divači1, ki potekajo v bližini omenjenih znamenitosti, je treba z občutkom vključiti v prostor. Viri in literatura Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana: Mappe der Gemeinde Corgnale in Jahre 1819. Merilo 1 : 2880. Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana: Mappe der Gemeinde Divazza in Jahre 1819. Merilo 1 : 2880. Bezlaj, France 2006: Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika, Š-Ž. Str. 494, ZRZ SAZU, Ljubljana. Čok, Boris 2010: Opis poganskega obreda v spodmolu Triglavca. SMS XIII, 309-312, Ljubljana. Mali, Hawlina in sodelavci: Rodoslovni indeks priimkov. Slovensko rodoslovno društvo. Placer, Ladislav 2010: Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače. SMS XIII, 313-323, Ljubljana. Snoj, Marko 2009: Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen. Str. 603, Modrijan in ZRC, Ljubljana. Toplišek in sodelavci: Leksikon priimkov in hišnih imen. Slovensko rodoslovno društvo. Žiberna, Jožko 1981: Divaški prag. Str. 204, Krajevna skupnost Divača, Divača. 1 Tu je potrebno opravičilo zaradi neljube nerodnosti v članku »Triglavca, kraj češčenja plodnosti. Poizkus etimologije Divače« (Placer: SMS XIII, 2010, 313), kjer je napačno citiran izvor imena naselja Divača po Snoju (Etimološki slovar slovenskih zemljepisnih imen). Snoj izhaja iz prvotne domnevne oblike Divat'a (vbsb), Miklošič pa iz osebnega imena Divislavv Trhlovca = Triglavca of Lokev Boris Čok, Ladislav Placer Between the villages of Lokev and Divača there are three rock shelters: Trhlovca lies closer to Lokev, whereas Mala (Small) Triglavca and Triglavca (Fig. 1) are nearer Divača. Trhlovca and Mala Triglavca are known for the archeological findings, and Triglavca is famous for the pagan ritual of fertility worship practised there as late as into the first half of the 19th century (Čok 2010, 309), and for the likely origin of the village name Divača connected with the ritual (Placer 2010, 313). On the Lokev borough map of 1819 (Arhiv Geodetske uprave Sežana: Mappe der Gemeinde Corgnale in Jahre 1819), Trhlovca is also named Triglavca, testifying to the fact that initially two rock shelters went under the same name. This state of affairs lasted until the mid-20th century, when Triglavca near Lokev was renamed Trhlovca. According to folk lore, every spring a rain - predicting ritual - or rather a ritual predicting the harvest - was held in Trhlovca (Fig. 2) and in Ruščeva dolinca (Little Dolina) (Fig. 3). It consisted of trapping rainwater in an artificially carved hollow and carrying it in a clay jug to Ruščeva dolinca. On the way, three hazel twigs with six offshoots were cut and put into the jug, which in turn was placed into the opening of the natural altar in Ruščeva dolinca, approximating to the size of 70 x 70 x 70 cm (Fig. 4). As the moon changed they counted the number of offshoots that had sprouted, and on the basis of this determined the amount of rainfall. Another special feature of the Trhlovca rock shelter relates to the two rock groupa-tions consisting of three rocks each, the first (Fig. 5) located roughly 70 m before the entrance to the rock shelter (location Nr. 1 in Fig. 3), and the second (Fig. 2 and Fig. 6) situated above the entrance wall (location Nr. 2 in Fig. 3). Both groupations tell us that the intial name of Trhlovca, Triglavca (Three-head), was connected with the three rocks or symbolical representations of three heads, and that this must have been the location of worship of the three-headed god Triglav. The female form of the name relates to the word cave, which is of feminine gender. The three-rock groupations at the location Nr. 3 (Fig. 3, Fig. 7, Fig. 8) and eastward of the location Nr. 1 (Fig. 3, Fig. 9) are a matter of karstic morphology and are purely accidental. A geological survey of the area has verified that the rock groupations are in situ on all locations. Possibly the superfluous ones have been removed. The natural altar in Fig. 4 has been modified only so that the wall is straightened, and the opening made so that its walls are naturally discontinuous, with two subvertical joints and two bedding planes with a gentle dip. It is possible to conclude that Trhlovca (previously Triglavca) was the location of worship of the god Triglav. His worship is suggested also by the mt. Triglav and Tolminski Triglav (Triglav of Tolmin), the microtoponyms (Triglavec, Triglavice), names of households (Pri Triglavjih-By Triglavs, Pri Triglavčkovih-By the Triglavčkovi, Triglavčnik) in the surnames (Terglav, Terglau, Terglaučnik, Trglav, Trglaučnik, Trglavčnik, Triglav, Triglavčanin). In the vicinity of the Triglavca rockshelter near Divača (Fig. 3) there is no symbolism of the three rocks, therefore the meaning of its name could be something different. Pričevanje o bogu Kresu: Prelože pri Lokvi Boris Čok The text examines a narrative from Prelože by Lokva that speaks about Kres, god of fire, light, and lightning. However, the lore about the kresnik, or Kresnik, is unknown among the local population. V vasi Prelože je ohranjeno pričevanje o bogu Kresu, o katerem je moja pokojna nona Olga Ban-Friglova, por. Čok-Liletova (roj. 1904 v Preložah), dejala: »Tu js nsš ts stsr buh Kres uod uoynja, svstlsya jsn blisksnja, ku ya nesmo smeli usment. Prsd več stu leti suo zsrsdi tsya psyvencli jsn vryli ano Veroniko Bržanovo u Susdno jamo jsn nsbedsn js nej smeu jst jsskst jsn juo zskuopst. Psjele suo juo žvali, ds suo uostale sam kssti!« (To je naš stari bog Kres od ognja, svetlega in bliskanja, ki ga nismo smeli omenjati. Pred več sto leti so zaradi tega pokvečili in vrgli neko Veroniko Bržanovo v Sodno jamo in nihče je ni smel iti iskat in jo pokopat. Pojedle so jo živali, da so ostale samo kosti). O Bržanovi Veroniki se je v Preložah precej govorilo še v sedemdesetih letih 20. st., bila naj bi zdravilka, ki je znala zdraviti bolne z zelišči in uroki! Ali je Veronika pri urokih klicala boga Kresa, mi nona ni vedela povedati, rekla pa je, da je to bilo možno. Sodna jama domačini imenujejo opuščen kamnolom, kjer so kopali kamenje za gradnjo Tabora. To ledinsko ime naj bi po ustnem izročilu dobil zato, ker so tam na grozovit način pobili nekaj hudodelcev in krivovercev. Okrogli Tabor v Lokvi so pozidali domačini leta 1485 za obrambo pred Turki, kar pomeni, da bi se opisana tragedija morala dogoditi po tem letu. Vendar je zgodbo o Veroniki treba po mojem razumeti kot pripoved o nekem srhljivem dogodku, ki se je verjetno nekoč dogodil, pri čemer pa so ime osebe in kraj morda dodali kasnejši pripovedovalci. O vlogi boga Kresa v življenju Preložcev in moje none Olge Ban, por. Čok, priča dogajanje ob bližajočem se neurju, ko sem moral kot otrok hitro v hlev po lesen trinožni stolček za molžo in ga obrnjenega narobe položiti na sredo borjača, nona pa je na stopnicah večkrat vzkliknila: »Kres ne kresni u našo šišo!« in z rokami in tremi iztegnjenimi prsti, palcem vstran ter kazalcem in mezincem naprej, suvala proti stolčku in nato proti nebu. Tako naj bi odgnala točo in strelo! Češčenje Kresa je povezano s kresovanjem, ki se je ohranilo po drugi svetovni vojni do šestdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja. V krščanski maniri dan sv. Ivana (Janeza) Krstnika (narečno Svjati Javan). To naj bi po pripovedovanju moje none Olge Ban-Friglove, por. Čok- Liletove, nato Jožefe Mljač-Bcljeve, por. Mljač-Gabrjelove, po domače Pepke (roj. 1904 v Preložah), in Francke Čok-Mohorjeve, por. Mljač-Bcljeve (roj. 1930 v Lokvi), potekalo tako, da so kres zakurili na čast bogu Kresu na predvečer 23. junija. Veliki kres so v Preložah zakurili nad vasjo na hribu Golcu oziroma na vzpetini pri Belem križu, manjšega na obrobju vasi. V Lokvi so kurili kres na Veliki steni, kjer so pozneje netili tudi prvomajske kresove. Manjše kresove je mladina preskakovala in kdor tega ni zmogel, tisto leto ni bil obvarovan pred nezgodami in boleznimi. Večer pred kresovanjem so praprot zatikali na vhodna vrata ali podboje, ker je prinašala srečo in preprečevala udar strele v hišo. Na vsako okno so privezali majhen šopek poljskega cvetja in vejico mokovca (makonce po domače), kar je preprečevalo zlim duhovom, da bi prišli v hišo. S cvetjem in mokovcem naj bi zle duhove in štrige tudi podkupovali. Vejico mokovca so zataknili tudi v srednji razgor ali začetek njive s poljščinami. Obvarovala naj bi pridelek pred ujmami. Nekateri vaščani to počnejo še danes, Francka Mljač-Bcljeva iz Prelož zagotovo! Moja nona mi je pripoved o Kresu pripovedovala prav ob tem početju, ker sem jo vprašal, zakaj to dela! Na kresni večer so še do konca prve svetovne vojne po vasi od hiše do hiše hodila po štiri dekleta, imenovana kresnice, oblečena so bila v bela ali pisana dolga krila, na glavi pa so nosila venček in pajčolan iz ivanjščic (marjetic), ki jim je zakrival obraz. Pod vodstvom piskača ali orgličarja so pela pesem: »Gori, gori, svetli kres, švigaj plamen do nebes! Tukaj imaš prostor svoj, z nami se raduj nocoj! V hišah pa pohleven bod, Na ognjišču tvoj je kot, v streho ne in ne na vas! Prosimo te, ubogaj nas!« Pesem so peli tudi pri prižiganju kresa. Pri petju pred hišami so dobile kresnice majhen dar, če ga niso, so potem zapele kakšno zbadljivo ali hudomušno na račun »skopuhov«, na primer: »Šukec kukec Parapot, žene kravo na potok! Krava noče pit, pišga Šukca v rit!« »Lila kobila po svetu hodila, nič pila, nič jela, vseeno živela!« »Hlapec je kot mrlič, v žepu nima nič!« »Ta stari Goranc, ima šepast goltanc!« »En Ban pet podgan, kuzla laja, pes prdi, ta starga dedca srat tišči!« Ali pa: »Strina ujna v stari hiši, notri so same miši!« Pri Šukcu, Liletovih, Hlapčevih, Gorancu in Banovih so hišna imena v Preložah in Lokvi. Ta so kresnice vključile v zbadljivke, s katerimi so »špotale« ali zmerjale »skopuhe«. Obred kresnic, je zatrla italijanska fašistična oblast med obema vojnama. V Preložah in Lokvi ni pripovedi o kresniku ali Kresniku. A Narrative from Prelože by Lokva about God Kres Boris Čok The text examines a narrative from Prelože by Lokva that speaks about Kres, god of fire, light, and lightning. However, the lore about the kresnik, or Kresnik, is unknown among the local population. RECENZIJE IN POROČILA O KNJIGAH RECENSIONI DI LIBRI BOOK REVIEWS Damjan J. Ovsec, Praznovanje pomladi in velike noči na Slovenskem in po svetu (Celebrations of Spring and Easter in Slovenia and the World), Ljubljana: Založba Modrijan 2010, 416 str. Damjan J. Ovsec's monograph Celebrations of Spring and Easter in Slovenia and the World is a work of superlative dimensions, especially by Slovenian standards: over 400 pages of a large format, boasting close to 950 predominantly colour illustrations, with an exceptional print run of 2500 copies. No wonder that soon after its publication the book was proclaimed the »Book of the Year«. Perhaps more than its external features, its primary attraction rests with the content; over a number of decades now, ever since the time of Dr. Niko Kuret, no one has dealt with this most colourful and dynamic a segment of Slovenian folklore so comprehensively and with such an eye for detail. Writer, ethnologist, art historian and historian of culture, Ovsec has devoted six years to composing the text and carefully choosing the illustrations, while drawing on a vast reservoir of knowledge acquired over decades. Given the scope and complexity of the topic, his approach was multidisciplinary, combining the perspectives of ethnology, anthropology, cultural history, as well as psychology, philosophy, theology and astrology. His method is primarily comparative, in the first instance describing spring and Easter celebrations across the different regions in Slovenia, noting their various forms and drawing parallels between them while also comparing them to similar or related phenomena in the neighbouring countries and elsewhere in Europe. The title itself points to the book's ambitious scope that encompasses both Christian and pre-Christian era as well as territories. Moreover; in many places the book trespasses into non-European cultures (e.g., into ancient cultures of the Middle East and India, as well as China and Japan), particularly if it sets out to signal a universality of particular concepts and symbols. This is greatly underscored and aided by the numerous and well-chosen illustrations. It is important that Ovsec has drawn our attention to the pre-Christian foundations of Easter celebrations and to its cosmological symbolism going back at least as far as the megalithic Stonehenge and other similarly ancient cultures. According to fertility concepts pertaining to Indo-European creation myths, the combination of fire (warmth) and water is paramount. These two principles have been symbolically incorporated into spring celebrations; the making of bonfires, leaping over the flames, the pouring of water over bonfire participants, etc. All of this was accompanied by various magic procedures: fertility rites, fortune telling, etc. According to many world myths, both the cosmological egg and the sand grain denote the origin of the world. Significance here is less with the egg floating on the waves of the original ocean or the grain of sand needing to be lifted off the seabed, and more with their round shape and their exceptional smallness, especially in comparison to the cosmos. Following mythological interpretations our world originates from them. Both archetypal forms, the egg and the sand grain, represent, as it were, a condensed potential or a germ. This in essence is also the crux of Easter egg's symbolism, and Ovsec devotes a number of his book's chapters to this issue. We might add here that the clay replicas of Easter eggs, oftentimes decorated with cosmological symbols, appear as far back as in the archaeological findings from 9th and 10th centuries in the area of Kiev (cf. Zdenek Vana, Svet slovanskych bohu a demonu, Praha 1990, p. 41). Damjan J. Ovsec, Praznovanje pomladi in velike noči na Slovenskem in po svetu The traditional colour of Easter eggs in Slovenia is red, red-brown or even yellow, depending on the vegetable dyes used (madder, outer onion leaves, crushed grape skins, Brazilin, etc). Alongside the colours white and black, symbolising light and darkness in turn, red was in fact the first 'true' colour of human culture, symbolising fire, blood and life, though the apotropeic meaning too was probably already present then. In Europe the use of red pigment can be traced as far back as the Neolithic Age, and among the Australian indigenous population it is still used in rituals (the colour of ochre). As Ovsec has shown, the etymology of the Slovenian word for the Easter egg itself, the word pirh, means an egg dyed red, though the first to write about red Easter eggs was Valvasor (1641-1693). Eastern Slovenian expressions rumenica, remenica, remenka for the various nuances of colour for Easter eggs, from red to yellow, testify to the fact that there was no conceptual difference between the two colours. Egg decorations only took off in the Baroque period. They are particularly interesting for some of the cosmological symbols depicted on the shells (the tree of life, bird, etc.), whereas the egg with its round shape has forever denoted the continuous cycle of the dying and regeneration of life and cosmos. The Greek-Roman gods of cyclical regeneration of nature were Orpheus and Dionysus. They retained a significant place also in early Christianity where Christ could display certain Dionysian features and even adopted Orpheus' role of the "good shepherd" (the latter acquired also by god Mithras). The Orphic-Dionysian dualism built on the dichotomy of the physical and the spiritual. Both cults have left lasting traces, some recognizable in Slovenian folklore even today, while Kibela and Atis still live on in the festival processions of spring celebrations known as "pine wedding" (borovo gostuvanje). When Christianity came to this part of the Europe in the first centuries of our era, gaining ground over the next few, the value system changed to some extent, but by no means did Christianity uproot the tenacious Pagan rituals and customs. These have sometimes only seemingly adapted to the new times, but more often than not they lived on their parallel lives alongside the official church festivals. Such mixed heritage of the original settlers was to some extent accepted also by the Slavic newcomers on the territory of the present-day Slovenia. Fertility was also depicted with spring greenery (birch branches or some other flower decorations), still a feature of the embellishments of the figure of Green George (Zeleni Jurij). The festival of Green George has had a long and on-going tradition across the Slovenian ethnical territories, but not without regional variations. It would be fascinating to have these presented in some more detail. The celebrations of the festival Jurjevo are replete with the symbolism of light, sun, growth, all fertility types, regeneration and abundance. Unfortunately, however, the figure of Green George has received relatively little scholarly attention in Slovenia. Ovsec too has only been able to draw on what was available. In a wider context, however, the figure has been studied in more detail by a few Croatian authors (particularly V. Belaj and R. Katicic), who have also been able to shed some light on the existing relations between Eastern Slavic and Baltic cultural spaces. What has, however, remained more or less unclear, as also noted by Ovsec, is the connections with the corresponding figures existing on the British Isles (the Green Man and Jack-in-the-Green, the mythological Merlin, Sir Gawain). Ovsec's data and explanations are welcoming indeed, as is the rich pictorial material, which besides England includes also the German part of Switzerland. Traces of the greenery cult find expression in Slovenia and elsewhere in Europe also in the setting up of May-poles as well as in the Whitsun customs, which represent the last markers of spring, and are followed in the summer by bonfire celebrations. Amongst the mythological heroes of spring the book mentions Svarozic, »the young sun worshipped by Eastern Slavs even centuries after Christianization as fire in their home stoves«. We could add here that Svarozic was also known to Western and Southern Slavs, particularly under its other name of Radogost (see Studia mythologica Slavica 2010). It might be possible to see a parallel for this character in the Slovenian folk figure of the young prince Kresnik as well as in the customs of the bonfire festival and the Christian celebrations of John the Baptist. As Christianity became a prominent force it, of course, influenced the values and criteria of the pagan world. One of the most interesting chapters engaging this topic is devoted to the dating of Easter and the different calendar systems and reforms. This complex problematic is conveyed in a most accessible and systematic form. The symbolism of the signs of the zodiac is also explained extremely clear. The chapters on Easter as practiced under Christianity partly already differentiate themselves from mythology in the narrow sense of the term, as they touch upon Christian biblical symbolism, eschatology, soteriol-ogy and liturgy. These questions are addressed in the chapters discussing Ash Wednesday and the Great Fast, Palm Sunday, and the Holy Week with the attendant church ceremonies (such as processions and passion plays) as well as folk customs, rituals and superstitions. A special chapter is devoted to Easter food as eaten in Slovenia and elsewhere in Europe. In modern times, from the end of the 19th century onwards, Easter celebrations have taken on certain new features. The Easter rabbit, for instance, was introduced from German speaking areas, becoming a frequent motif on Easter cards. The chapter on Easter cards brings many new insights indeed and a lot of comparative material. The bourgeoisie evolved its own style of celebrations, and this topic is given a detailed treatment in the chapter on Easter celebrations in Ljubljana. In towns as well as in the countryside there were differences in how Easter was understood and celebrated, also amongst different religious groups (Jews, Evangelicals, Orthodox), and Ovsec gives due attention to this aspect as well. The book concludes with a chapter on the common European heritage as it relates to Easter, followed by a bibliography and sources, index and the list of sources for the pictorial material. Zmago Smitek Daiva Vaitkevicienè, Lietuvi^ užkalb ' ejimai: gydymo formulés Daiva Vaitkevicienè, Lietuvi^ užkalb'ejimai: gydymo formulés / Lithuanian verbal healing charms. Vilnius: Lietuvi^ literaturos ir tautosakos, 2008, 919 str. Leta 2008 je v Vilni izšlo občudovanja vredno delo o litovskih zagovornih obrazcih, dolgo 919 strani. Delo je napisano v litovskem in angleškem jeziku: po vsakem litovskem delu/poglavju je še angleški prevod. Prvi del knjige obsega predstavitev žanra zagovorov in samega obredja, ki temelji na litovskih zagovorih, v drugem delu pa so navedeni in klasifi-cirani sami zagovori. Precej zagovorov je prevedenih tudi v angleščino, tako da lahko tudi angleško govoreči bralec/raziskovalec dobi dober vpogled v litovski zagovorni svet. Predstavitev žanra se začne z opredelitvijo, da so zagovori govorni obrazci, ki naj bi imeli magično moč in naj bi zdravili, vzbudili ljubezen, izboljšali letino, priklicali dež itd. Sledi terminološki oris in predstavitev litovskih zagovorov: večina naj bi bila namenjena zdravljenju ljudi, nekaj jih je v veterinarske namene (zdravljenje in zaščita). Poleg teh pa poznajo zagovore za povečanje letine, za pomoč pri lovu in ribištvu, ljubezenske zagovore (za spodbujanje ali prekinitev ljubezni), za priklic ali ustavitev padavin, zaščito pred strelami, za prenehanje požarov itd. Ob zagovorih avtorica omeni še molitve, obrazce, ki so bile naslovljene direktno k bogu ali drugemu liku čaščenja, ter jih razloči od zagovorov. Tretja obravnavana oblika so prerokovanja, ki napovedujejo vreme ali prihodnost. Kot sorodne žanre pa uvrsti tudi ritualne obrazce, voščila in uroke. Litovci poznajo še t. i. pa-stirčeve tožbe (»piemen^ verkavimai«), gre za rime, ki so izgovarjane delno kot zagovori in delno kot pesem. V poglavju o historičnih in geografskih dimenzijah avtorica poudari internacional-nost zagovornih obrazcev. Stari litovski zagovori so enostavne oblike s ponavljanji (3 ali 9 ponavljanj). Največ zagovorov je proti kačjemu piku. Avtorica poudarja prehodnost motivike, sploh biblijske, ter večjezičnost (zagovori se ob prenosu v tuje jezikovno okolje niso prevajali, temveč so ostali v izvornem jeziku, ne glede na to ali so ga razumeli ali ne). Kot pomembna vzporednica baltskemu zagovarjanju se zdi slovanska tradicija (Rusija), ki jo avtorica večkrat omeni ali celo poudari. Nadalje se avtorica posveti klasifikaciji zagovorov in predstavi tri glavne modele klasifikacije: (1) glede na funkcijo, (2) glede na strukturni in semantični tip, (3) glede na narativno funkcijo teksta. Klasifikacija glede na funkcijo zagovora je najbolj tradicionalna oblika klasifikacij (najpogostejši litovski zagovori so za zdravljenje kačjega pika, potem so še proti pasjemu grizu, čebeljemu piku ... za zdravljenje otečenega sklepa, proti krvavitvi, zobobolu, zagovori za zaščito pred »zlobnim očesom«, proti nespečnosti in živčnosti itd.). Klasifikacija glede na tip zagovora (strukturni in semantični) je rezultat analiz fol-kloristične interpretacije teh besedil. Gre za delitev po podobnih motivih in enakih strukturnih značilnostih. Po tej klasifikaciji je razdeljeno tudi 383 zagovorov v tej knjigi in avtorica poudarja veliko število različic nekaterih zagovorov. Klasifikacija glede na narativno funkcijo temelji na delu ruskega folklorista Vla-dimirja Kiausa, ki je zagovore razdelil na 32 skupin glede na njihovo vsebino in glavne vsebinske teme: ločitev in povezava (npr. odganjanje bolezni, celjenje zlomov), izgon (bolezni), prenos in vračanje (vračanje negativnih vsebin in hkrati priklic pozitivnih lastnosti), čiščenje telesa, uničenje, gibanje in zaustavitev (za zdravljenje in reguliranje fizičnih funkcij), označitev (tukaj ne gre za izganjanje z dejavnostjo, temveč za označitev predme- ta), odrešitev (te vrste zagovori se obračajo neposredno na višjo osebo in ne imenujejo tegobe), kanonske molitve. Vaitkevičieneva umesti zagovore tudi v zagovorni ritual in opiše njegove glavne elemente: verbalno zagovorno formulo, verbalno in gestikularno izvedbo zagovora, ki je strogo predpisana, in magično (ali sveto) moč zagovarjevalca, ki jo je pridobil ob rojstvu ali pa je posredovana iz ene v drugo generacijo. Pri zagovarjanju ima velik pomen čas in prostor, ki sta izbrana za to metodo zdravljenja, ter sam proces, število ponovitev, molitve ob zaključku zdravljenja itd. Vaitkevičieneva se posveti tudi predajanjem zagovorov iz generacije v generacijo. Ker so (bili) zagovori sveta besedila, je (bilo) njihovo predajanje iz generacije v generacijo določeno: zagovarjevalec je besedilo predal pred smrtjo in le prvorojenec ali zadnji otrok v družini sta lahko zagovarjala. Na posredovanje zagovora je vplivala starost, spol in družinska povezanost učenca, vedno pa je moral biti učenec mlajši od učitelja. Avtorica poudarja, da je zelo malo znanega o tem, kako so se zagovori predajali naslednjim generacijam. Ob koncu teoretičnega uvoda nam avtorica predstavi zgodovino zbiranja zagovorov, ki se je v Litvi začelo relativno pozno: skoraj celotna zbirka je rezultat dela folkloristov in etnologov, le v nekaj dokumentih iz 16. stoletja so zapisani obrazci, podobni zagovorom in molitvam. Večino knjige predstavlja gradivo: v litovščini v celoti, v angleščini delno. Zagovori so razdeljeni po strukturnih in semantičnih sklopih, pri vsakem zagovoru je vsaj delno, če ne v celoti, opisan postopek zagovarjanja ter namen in vir. Delo predstavlja pomembno raziskavo na tem področju, saj ga lahko uporabimo tako za obravnavo litovskih pregovorov, za komparativne študije, kot tudi za obravnavo zgolj slovenskih zagovorov. V uvodnem, teoretičnem delu je namreč podana celotna teorija, na kateri lahko zgradimo metodo preučevanja pregovorov. Že ob prvem pregledu knjige pa lahko najdemo veliko sorodnosti z zagovori ostalih evropskih narodov, tako pri tekstu, teksturi in konktekstu kot pri predajanju znanja iz generacije v generacijo. Saša Babič Marijana Hameršak i Suzana Marjanic, ur.: Folkloristička čitanka. Marijana Hameršak i Suzana Marjanic, ur.: Folkloristička čitanka. Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju i AGM, 2010., 562 str. Folkloristička čitanka, koja je objavljena 2010. godine u nakladi AGM-a te Instituta za etnologiju i folkloristiku pod uredništvom Marijane Hameršak i Suzane Marjanic, izbor je iz temeljnih radova svjetske i hrvatske folkloristike. Zbornik je, kako to pišu i urednice u uvodu, sastavljen od tri cjeline. Prva cjelina sadrži programatske analitičke tekstove koji su izabrani kriterijem inovativnosti i utjecaja koji su imali na folkloristiku (Hameršak i Marjanic 2010: 8). Druga cjelina zbir je radova o pojedinim pristupima te odnosima folkloristike s drugim istraživačkim područjima (Hameršak i Marjanic 2010: 8) dok je treca cjelina koncentrirana na probleme i dosege hrvatske folkloristike (Hameršak i Marjanic 2010: 9). Meni, ali i široj hrvatskoj znanstvenoj javnosti, bilo je dosad poznato nekoliko folklorističkih zbornika koji su imali namjeru skupljanja temeljnih članaka o folkloristi-ci i folkloru. Dva su bila naročito utjecajna. To je zbornik Usmena književnost urednice Maje Boškovic Stulli iz 1971. godine te zbornik International Folkloristics iz 1999. godine, urednika Alana Dundesa, zasigurno jednog od najvecih folklorista zadnjih desetljeca 20. stoljeca. Medutim, sada se pojavio i treci zbornik koji je zasjenio prva dva u mogucnosti-ma primjene unutar, prije svega, nastave folkloristike, ali vjerujem da ce to učiniti i unutar drugih, folkloristici srodnih, znanosti. Zbog opsega i kompleksnosti grade koju donosi ovaj zbornik, odlučio sam ne pisati klasični prikaz, nego ga promatrati kao cjelinu te se osvrnuti na njegovu sadašnju, ali i mogucu buducu vrijednost te na prvi pogled skriveno značenje koje ima za folkloristiku prvenstveno u Hrvatskoj, a imat ce sigurno i za širu regiju s kojom smo jezično povezani. Gledajuci s raznih aspekata i valorizirajuci pojedine segmente gotovo je nemoguce pronaci nedostatak ovoga zbornika, sa svakom novom stranicom iznova iznenaduje inovacijama u prikazivanjima presjeka jedne discipline, u ovom slučaju folkloristike. Ovakav zbornik potreban je danas (2011.), možda više no ikada, u vrijeme kada se jedan po jedan diplomski i poslijediplomski folkloristički studiji gase diljem zapadne Europe i kada struka gubi svoj identitet (Dundes 2010: 265). Hrvatska koja nažalost nema tradiciju školovanja folklorista, niti za to postoji mogucnost, srecom ima vrlo eminentne folkloriste koji su dugi niz godina pratili svjetske folklorističke trendove te i sami unosili inovacije u folkloristiku. Medutim, pojavila se i velika skupina folklorista-amatera koji koriste autoritet folkloristi-ke kao temelj za svoj nimalo stručan rad. Iako urednice ističu u uvodu da nemaju namjeru definirati disciplinu, one to na jedan način i čine, odredujuci se za višeglasje kada su u pitanju folkloristička nastojanja tijekom dvije stotine godina (Hameršak i Marjanic 2010: 10), te prikazujuci temeljne folklorističke tekstove od „kovača" riječi folk-lore Williama J. Thomsa do temeljnih članaka hrvatske folkloristike. One ne definiraju disciplinu u pravom značenju te riječi, ali joj ovim zbornikom postavljaju temelje koji su u svemu najvažniji. Urednice ovim zbornikom kao da odgovaraju na vapaj Alana Dundesa iz 2005. godine, neposredno prije njegove smrti, u kojem kaže da je stanje folkloristike deprimirajuce i zabrinjavajuce (Dundes 2010: 265). Kao razloge navodi sve veci amaterizam, ali i nedostatak nove velike teorije (Dundes 2010: 273). Ovaj zbornik sigurno nece umanjiti amaterizam, koji je kod nas i u bližoj okolici dosta raširen, ali ce svakako učiniti amatere malo vecim folkloristima, a „folkloriste" malo manjim amaterima. Ne donosi ni novu veliku teoriju, ali može, a nadam se kako i hoce, potaknuti folkloriste na ponovno promišljanje discipline kojom se bave. Konstantnim promišljanjem i preispitivanjem vlastitih dijela i postupaka na osnovu temeljnih radova i autora koje nam prikazuju i nude urednice, folkloristika u Hrvatskoj može se izboriti za relevantnost i identitetsko samoodredenje te boriti protiv amaterizma koji gura ovu disci-plinu s dugom tradicijom na dno ionako marginaliziranih i podcjenjivanih humanističkih znanosti. Najveca vrijednost ovoga zbornika je za one kolegice i kolege koji se kao i ja susrecu s problemom nastave folkloristike i predstavljanja povijesti discipline i njenih osnovnih teorijskih i metodoloških usmjerenja. Sada sve to imamo na jednom mjestu. Študenti i početnici u folkloristici nece morati gubiti vrijeme tražeci ove radove u časopisima i zbornicima, a imat ce i privilegiju čitati ih na hrvatskom jeziku. Treba naglasiti da vecina članaka koji se nalaze u ovom zborniku do sada nije prevedena na hrvatski jezik što je njegova dodatna vrijednost. S druge strane profesorima ce se znatno olakšati posao jer ce jednostavno moci usmjeriti studente na „čitanku" i biti sigurni da ce dobiti pregledan i potpun uvid u razvoj folkloristike kao znanosti. Taj najvredniji dio ujedno je, vjerujem, bio i najzahtjevniji za pisanje, iako se čini jednostavno prikazati svakog pojedinog autora i njegovo djelo. Medutim, da je to uistinu slučaj, imali bismo puno više tako koncipiranih zbornika. Parafrazirajuci Alana Dundesa, urednice nam ne pružaju samo tekst, nego i kontekst pisca i pisanja svakog pojedinog članka te ponudu drugih članaka i knjiga koje su relevantne za sličan pristup folkloristici i folkloru. Na taj način, nakon što pročitamo rad autora, dobijemo kontekst njegova nastanka, sugestije za daljnje čitanje i na kraju bi-ografiju samoga autora. Ovaj zbornik je nepresušan izvor novih informacija o folkloristici i njenom razvoju, naročito kroz vrlo turbulentno i inovativno 20. stoljece. Možda su urednice mogle uvrstiti u ovakav jedan pregled još ponekog autora kao što je npr. von Sydow i njegova ideja o ekotipovima, Proppa sa strukturom ruskih bajki, Krohna s povijesno-geografskom metodom, ali to nimalo ne umanjuje vrijednost ovoga zbornika koja cu u buducnosti biti teško nadmašena. Mario Katic Michal Tera, Perun buh hromovladce, sonda do slovanskeho archaickeho naboženstvi Michal Tera, Perun buh hromovladce, sonda do slovanskeho archaickeho naboženstvi. Russia Altera svazek 8, rada Slavica svazek 3, Nakladatelstvi Pavel Mervart, Červeny Kostelec 2009, 380 strani, risbe, fotografije, zemljevidi. Ko sem bil na začetku lanske pomladi v Pragi, so me tamkajšnji prijatelji opozorili na novo knjigo o Perunu. Kljub temu da je od njenega izida minilo samo nekaj mesecev, je nisem več našel v nobeni praški knjigarni. Povsod je bila razprodana. S prijateljsko pomočjo sem čez mesece vendarle dobil primerek, ki je zaostal v eni od knjigarn na Mo-ravskem. Zato je bila moja radovednost toliko večja. Kaj vendarle odkriva knjiga, da so jo bralci razgrabili? Avtorjev namen je bil prikazati bralcu portret slovanskega poganstva (osebno dajem prednost izrazu stara vera), kot ga poznamo iz pisnih virov in reliktov ljudske kulture (str. 9). Nosilna tema mu je lik slovanskega gromovnika, ki ga iz srednjeveških pisnih virov poznamo kot Peruna. Perun je Teri zgolj sonda v celotnem sistemu slovanske arhaične kulture. Knjiga poskuša sistemizirati dosedanje ugotovitve, predstaviti pisne vire in glavne teorije ter nakazati širši indoevropski okvir (str. 10). Tako prvi del knjige predstavlja zgodovinarske in folkloristične vire, drugi del pa skuša klasificirati zbrano strokovno literaturo. Študijo zaključuje avtorjeva vizija strukture slovanskega arhaičnega panteona. Ta na analitski ravni navidezno izhaja iz predloženih virov in literature, vendar je neizogiben vtis, da avtor pravzaprav išče potrditev idej Dumezila, Eliadeja in Ginzburga, ki jih uvodoma prizna za svoje glavne metodološke inspiratorje (str. 10). Kot interpretativni model mu je glavna Dumezilova teorija o treh funkcijah, ki jih izpolnjuje indoevropski panteon (str. 11). S tem se je Tera vrnil k fascinaciji, za katero se je v raziskavah slovanske mitologije že več kot desetletje zdelo, da je dovolj argumentirano zavrnjena. Trofunkcijskost mu je vodilo pri prehodu skozi kaotični labirint interpretacij sodobnih raziskovalcev. Možnosti, da se za te interpretacije preprosto ne zmeni, ampak z analizo ohranjenih virov pride do lastne podobe, ni izrabil. Staroslovanska družba bi se po avtorjevi viziji morala deliti na tri družbene skupine: proizvodno, bojevniško in pravno-svečeniško. To trodelnost naj bi Slovani prenesli v svet bogov. Tu smo pri osnovnem vprašanju ali arhaični svet bogov ureja razmerja v naravi, ali pa se ukvarja z razmerji med različnimi družbenimi skupinami. Ogromno tega, kar danes vemo o stari slovanski veri, kaže, da gre za prvo razmerje in da je bila konkurenčna prednost krščanstva v tem, da je pomagalo urejati drugo razmerje. Tera se je odločil za svojevrsten kompromis. Verjame v trofunkcijskost božanskih likov, hkrati se ni mogel izogniti značilnostim neba in zemlje, brez katerih ne bi bilo kozmogonije. Perunov boj zato vidi zgolj v trenutku stvarjenja sveta, ne pa kot neko ponavljajoče se dejanje (str. 237, 238). Tako predlaga petčlenski model, katerega sestavine vidi v pisnih virih vzhodnih in zahodnih Slovanov, v ruskih bylinah in ljudskem izročilu. Nebo mu zastopa Svarog, nebesni oče bogov, Svjatogor, utrujeni bog stvaritelj. Zemlja je mati zemlja Mokoš, Siva (Živa?), mat' zemlja, Mati Božja / mat' syraja zemlja / sv. Paraskeva. Duhovniško-pravno funkcijo opravlja Veles/Volos, Triglav / Černoboh, Volch Vseslavjevič, sv. Nikolaj / sv. Sava / sv. Jurij. V bojevniški funkciji nastopa Perun, Svantovit / Svarožič, Ilija Muromec, prerok Elija. Lik proizvodne funkcije je Jarovit, Mikula Seljanič, Jarylo, Kupalo, Kostroma, German, Kalojan. Ni odveč zaključno Terovo opozorilo, da gre bolj za idejo kot pa za resni znanstveni zaključek. Knjiga nedvomno podaja neki portret slovanske stare vere. Res pa je, da je v znanstveni galeriji toliko njenih portretov, kot je avtorjev, ki se z njo ukvarjajo. Lahko se strinjamo z avtorjevo samokritično oceno, da gre samo za sondo v kulturo starih Slovanov. Hkrati se ni mogoče izogniti vprašanju o smiselnosti takih sond. Kot arheolog vem, da ni pravo vprašanje, sonda da ali ne, ampak kje, kdaj, kako. Na povsem neznanem področju, je vsaka sonda izjemno dragocena, saj prinese vrsto novosti. Ko pa nekaj že poznamo, so sonde samo še ponavljanje že znanega. Če si želimo novih spoznanj, je potreben načrten izkop velikih površin. V sedanji stopnji poznavanja slovanske mitologije lahko zato opazen korak naprej prinese samo raziskava sistema kot celote. Vsaka sonda na ravni interpretacije ostaja ujeta v past homonimij, v gordijski vozel različnih mitskih likov z istimi funkcijami in istih likov z različnimi funkcijami. In znotraj teh omejitev ostaja tudi Terova sonda. Knjigo zaključujejo seznam literature, indeksi mitoloških likov, avtorjev, zemljepisnih in etničnih imen ter kratka povzetka v angleščini in ruščini. V knjigi je tudi mnogo neoštevilčenih ilustracij, kar otežuje koordinacijo med njimi in pripadajočim besedilom. Žal avtor ne citira virov slik z izjemo fotografij, ki jih je dobil od kolegov. Kar prav tako nakazuje njegovo nerazumevanje pomena informacijske analize. Avtor je ne izvede, čeprav je v knjigi zbranih ogromno dobrodošlih informacij. Tera ves čas ostaja na ravni kompiliranja različnih diskusijskih idej. Njegovo študijo bi zato lahko uvrstili v kategorijo preglednih del, če si avtor ne bi vzel diskrecijske pravice meritornega arbitriranja. Katero delo bo sploh vzel v razpravo in katero mu bo nato všeč, katero pa ne. Edino merilo pri tem je on sam, kaj se njemu zdi verjetno in kaj ne. Vendar so že stari Rimljani poudarjali, da se o okusih ne razpravlja (de gustibus non est disputandum). Taka razprava namreč ne pripelje nikamor, lahko je celo nespodobna. V to zadnjo kategorijo lahko uvrstimo trditev, da so razprave Ivanova, Toporova polznanstvene, Katičica in Belaja na meji plagiata, spogleduje se z besedo epigonstvo (str. 252). V razmerah, ko še vedno nimamo enotne in splošno sprejete definicije pojma znanosti, ima pojem polznanosti lahko samo vrednost zaničevalne zmerljivke. To pa je ton, ki ne da nič dobrega. Michal Tera je tu šel po poti najmanjšega odpora; lažje se je posmehovati, kot poskusiti razumeti. Zato je spregledal, da prav našteti avtorji poskušajo vzpostaviti objektivno raziskovalno metodo in s tem izstopiti iz vsesplošnega arbitriranja. Da jih enači z delom Ribakova (str. 252), je zato lahko samo posledica tega, da sam razen arbitriranja mnenj ne pozna nobene druge metode. Seveda pa je res, da se vsak raziskovalec sreča z nujnostjo, da v razpravi o rezulaltih analize poda svoje osebno mnenje. Do tega ima pravico, ne sme pa zamenjevati tega mnenja z analizo samo, kar je naredil Tera in napisal knjigo brez analize. Na koncu podajam odgovor na uvodno vprašanje. Iz osebne izkušnje in podobnih izkušenj ljudi, ki jih poznam, je vstop v svet mitologije vedno očarljivo, presunljivo, vseobsegajoče doživetje intelektualnega erosa. In to doživetje nam omogoči prva obsežna knjiga o mitologiji, ki jo preberemo. Pri tem sploh ni bistveno, ali je dobra ali slaba. Vedno je bila, je in bo naša prva. In Terov Perun je bil očitno prvi mnogim. Andrej Pleterski Katja Hrobat, Ko Baba dvigne krilo, prostor in čas v folklori Krasa Katja Hrobat, Ko Baba dvigne krilo, prostor in čas v folklori Krasa. Znanstvena založba Filozofske fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani, Ljubljana 2010, 306 strani, 49 slik, 1 priloga. Vsak arheolog, ki je kdajkoli opravljal terenske preglede, ve, kako dragoceno oporo pri iskanju arheoloških najdišč in razumevanju prostora, nudijo informacije, ki jih posreduje ustno izročilo. Po drugi strani se zgodovinopisju zdi ustno izročilo skrajno nezanesljivo, češ, da nima časovne globine. Iz istega razloga ga tudi folkloristika proučuje predvsem z vidika motivike ter njene raznolikosti, mnogo manj pa v celostnem sklopu sporočil o nekem življenju. Povezovalna os naštete problematike je prostor kot skupna danost preteklosti, sedanjosti in prihodnosti. Nekaj tega, kar lahko prinese upoštevanje te osi, raziskuje študija Katje Hrobat. Avtorica uvodoma obravnava dobre prakse povezovanja etnoloških in arheoloških virov ter postavlja terminološka izhodišča. Svoje praktične terenske izkušnje je analizirala tudi z metodološkega stališča zbiranja izročila in z vprašanjem odnosa sogovornikov do tega izročila. Na osnovi pričevanj iz Rodika prikazuje, kako se spomin skupnosti prenaša iz roda v rod in pri tem doživlja nenehno poustvarjanje, nekako tako kot »popravljalci« DNK-ja skrbijo za znamenito dvojno vijačnico. Bogato izročilo o zgodovini vaških skupnosti, ji nudi gradivo za spoznavanje dojemanja preteklosti med vaščani, pri čemer si pomaga z arheološkimi ostalinami. Te so tisti preostanek preteklosti, ki dodajo posameznim plastem ustnega izročila časovno globino in mu s tem izjemno povečajo sporočilnost. Prepoznavanje mitskih prvin izročila avtorica vključuje v kategorizacijo preteklosti skozi zavest domačinov in tako razpleta zgodovinsko od čudežnega. Kot analitsko orodje razvije prepoznavanje utelesitev enega ali drugega vidika izročila v pokrajini. Pri tem se seveda sreča s pojavnostmi prostor-časa ter različnimi vrstami prostorskih točk kot me-motehničnih oporišč. V nadaljevanju izlušči nekatera osnovna načela, ki so jih uporabljali ljudje pri organizaciji svojega prostora. Ta se nanašajo na »stvarjenje« vaškega gospodarskega prostora, pri čemer imajo posebno važnost njegove meje, ki predstavljajo v očeh ljudi stik tostran-stva z onostranstvom, ki ga varujejo različna bitja, med katerimi se ji na raziskanem območju kažejo predvsem kače, ženske in tujci. V tem sklopu obravnava tudi meje manjših prostorskih enot kot so dvorišča, hiše, hlevi, njive. Vsak prostor s svojimi mejami se kaže kot mikrokozmos, ki ga podpira svetovna os. Ker je teh prostorov mnogo in so različno veliki, je tudi teh osi mnogo, različnih velikosti. To so lahko tako posamezna drevesa kot tudi gore, ki podpirajo širši prostor. Med slednjimi zavzema posebno mesto Nanos. V zadnjem delu avtorica kot posebno značilno sestavino mitske krajine obravnava kamne Babe. V njih prepoznava kozmične sile na mikroravni in makroravni, prostore, kjer je mogoče s pravilnim obnašanjem vplivati na dogajanje v naravi in doseči blagostanje skupnosti. Fenomen Babe umesti tudi v slovansko mitološko izročilo ter ga osvetli s stališča arhaičnega vidika ženskega kulta. V zaključnem delu knjige je najprej katalog pripovedi, ki pred tem v besedilu še niso bile v celoti predstavljene. Osebno bi se mi sicer zdelo bolje, da vse pripovedi sestavljajo enoten katalog, na katerega se potem sklicujejo komentarji, kar preprečuje podvajanje citatov. Sledita povzetka v slovenščini in angleščini, ki sta koristna vsem, ki si želijo ustvariti hiter vtis o knjigi. Bralcu prijazen je tudi stvarni indeks povsem na koncu. Avtorica je praktično pokazala, kako dragocen analitični pripomoček je prostor, ki omogoča prepoznavanje strukturnih povezav in vzpostavlja sopomenske strukture. Zato so se ji izluščile številne nove in originalne rešitve starih mitoloških ugank, od tistih o Babah do poti pogrebnih sprevodov in krajev njihovih postankov. V svoji analizi se naslanja prvenstveno na terensko gradivo, ki ga je zbrala sama, pri čemer je suvereno obvladala informacijsko zahtevno povezovanje razpršenih podatkov. S svojim delom je več kot prepričljivo dokazala, kako plodna je povezava izročila, arheologije in prostora, kar odpira novo raziskovalno polje. Na svoj račun pa bodo zanesljivo prišli tudi tisti bralci, ki jih bolj zanima kaj drugega. Andrej Pleterski Avtorji / Autori / Contributors Saša Babič Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana Slovenija sasa.babic@zrc-sazu.si Boris Čok Lokev166E SI - 6219 Lokev Slovenija boriscok.lokev@gmail.com Tihomir Engler Veleučilište u Varaždinu J. Križanica 33/6 HR-42 000 Varaždin Hrvatska tihomir.engler@velv.hr Marijana Hameršak Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Šubičeva 42 HR-10 000 Zagreb Hrvatska marham@ief.hr Mario Katic Sveučilište u Zadru Odjel za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju Ulica dr. F. Tudmana 24 HR-23 000 Zadar Hrvatska etnologkatic@gmail.com Radoslav Katičic Reisnerstraße 22/4 AT-1030 Wien Österreich radoslav.katicic@univie.ac.at Marija Klobčar Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Glasbenonarodopisni inštitut Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana Slovenija mklobcar@zrc-sazu.si Andrijana Kos Učiteljski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu Savska cesta 77 HR-10 000 Zagreb Hrvatska andrijana.kos-lajtman@vus-ck.hr Rolandas Kregždys Lietuvos kulturos tyrimu institutas Saltoniškiu g. 58 LT- 10308 Vilnius Lietuva / Lithuania Rolandaskregzdys@gmail.com Monika Kropej Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje Novi trg 2 SI-1000 Ljubljana Slovenija monika@zrc-sazu.si Ivan Lozica Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Šubičeva 42 HR-10 000 Zagreb Hrvatska lozica@ief.hr Michal Luczynski Ul. Slowackiego 22/26 PL-25 365 Kielce Polska michal_osse@interia.pl Suzana Marjanic Nataša Polgar Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Šubičeva 42 Šubičeva 42 HR-10 000 Zagreb HR-10 000 Zagreb Hrvatska Hrvatska suzana@ief.hr polgar@ief.hr Jelena Markovic Ljubinko Radenkovic Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Balkanološki inštitut SANU Šubičeva 42 Knez-Mihailova 35 HR-10 000 Zagreb SRB-11 000 Beograd Hrvatska Srbija jelena@ief.hr rljubink@eunet.rs Petra Novak Kostyantyn Rakhno Univerza v Ljubljani The Ceramology Institute Filozofska fakulteta Academy of Sciences Ukraine Aškerčeva c. 2 102 Partizanska St. SI-1000 Ljubljana UKR-38164 Poltava Slovenija Ukraina trojar.petra@gmail.com krakhno@ukr.net Katja Pavlič Dainius Razauskas Padlih borcev 7 LietuviH Literatures ir tautosakos institutas SI-1000 Ljubljana Antakalnio g. 6 Slovenija LT-10308 Vilnius pavlic.katja@volja.net Lietuva / Lithuania liaudies.kultura@llkc.lt Ladislav Placer Geološki zavod Slovenije Lidija Stojanovic Dimičeva 14 Institute of Folklore »Marko Cepenkov« SI-1000 Ljubljana Ruzveltova 3 Slovenija 1000 Skopje lplacer@geo-zs.si Macedonia lidija_stojanovic@hotmail.com Andrej Pleterski Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU Luka Šešo Inštitut za arheologijo Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku Novi trg 2 Šubičeva 42 SI-1000 Ljubljana HR-10 000 Zagreb Slovenija Hrvatska pleterski@zrc-sazu.si luka@hazu.hr Brina Škvor Jernejčič Narodni muzej Slovenije Prešernova 20 SI-1000 Ljubljana brina.skvor@nms.si Zmago Šmitek Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo Filozofska fakultete, Univerza v Ljubljani Zavetiška 5 SI-1000 Ljubljana Slovenija zmago.smitek@S5.net Mirjana Trošelj Donje Vrapče 58 HR-10 000 Zagreb Hrvatska troselj.mirjana@gmail.com Navodila avtorjem Uredništvo sprejema avtorsko povsem dokončane članke, napisane v slovanskih jezikih, v angleščini, italijanščini ali nemščini. 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