Traditiones 54 (3): 115–140 | COBISS: 1.01 | CC BY 4.0 | DOI: 10.3986/Traditio2025540306
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on 
Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Alenka Bartulović
Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia 
alenka.bartulovic@ff.uni-lj.si
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-9179-5645
Alma Bejtullahu
Institute for Music Research, University of Würzburg, Germany
alma.bejtullahu@uni-wuerzburg.de 
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0002-4464-5727
Focusing on Albanian communities’ overlooked 
musical heritage in post-Yugoslav Slovenia, 
this paper analyses how and why the domi-
nant framing of Albanians has reinforced the 
assumption of the absence of the Albanian 
heritage. By comparing central and peripheral 
settings in examining the ambivalence towards 
this heritage in Kočevje and the recent process 
of heritagisation in Ljubljana, we challenge 
the notion that minority cultural recognition 
occurs uniformly across national space.
 ⬝ Keywords: Albanians in Slovenia, Albanian 
music, hidden heritage, marginalisation, 
Slovenia, Yugoslavia
V članku je obravnavana spregledana glasbena 
dediščina albanske skupnosti v postjugoslo-
vanski Sloveniji. Gre za analizo, kako in 
zakaj je prevladujoče dojemanje Albancev 
okrepilo domnevo o njeni odsotnosti. S pri-
merjavo urbanega središča in obrobja na 
primeru protislovnega pristopa k tej dediščini 
v Kočevju in novejšega procesa dediščinjenja 
v Ljubljani želimo premisliti podmeno, da se 
kulturno priznavanje manjšin v nacionalnem 
prostoru odvija enakomerno. 
 ⬝ Ključne besede: Albanci v Slovenija, alban-
ska glasba, skrita dediščina, marginalizacija, 
Slovenija, Jugoslavija
Introduction
The perception of Albanians and their immigration to Slovenia is often dominated by the 
media and public discourse that express concerns regarding the potential transformation 
of Slovenian society and its urban landscapes, as well as discussion about the pace of 
integration of Albanians.1 The public interest and unease surrounding migration narratives 
have also incited a scholarly inquiry into the migration patterns of Albanians within 
the former Yugoslav territories. A growing body of research has sought to delineate 
the migratory trajectories of Albanian communities across Southeastern and Central 
Europe, with particular attention to issues of integration, assimilation, and the economic 
activities of Albanian migrants. These studies often emphasise the solidarity practices 
within Albanian (kin) networks, especially those formed by economic migrants from 
Kosovo and North Macedonia, while exploring the broader socio-political ramifications 
1 For example, the sarcastic observation that the abbreviation KR, which can be found on car license 
plates, should no longer be the designation for the town of Kranj but could be read as an abbreviation for 
the Republic of Kosovo, clearly reflects public concern about the presence of Albanians in Slovenia.
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116 |     Traditiones
of their presence in host countries. Such investigations frequently engage with public 
perceptions of Albanians, underscoring both the challenges faced by these migrant com-
munities and their impact on their countries of origin (see Nikolić Đerić, Orlić, 2014; 
Iveta Rajković, Geci, 2017; Archer, 2023). In addition, scholars have also explored 
the status of Albanians in Slovenia, analysing historical trajectories and their influence 
on the sociocultural position of the Albanian community within Slovenian society 
(Berishaj, 2004; Vadnjal, 2014; Kladnik, 2019; Mandelc, Gajić, 2022; Zobec, 2023).
However, specific gaps in the existing literature remain, particularly regarding the 
nuanced interpretation of Albanian heritage in Slovenia, focusing on cultural and, more 
specifically, musical heritage. This study seeks to address some of the understudied aspects 
of Albanian migrations, offering a critical examination of the special position of Albanian 
communities in Slovenia and the representation of their cultural and musical practices, 
which, until recently, have remained largely obscure and marginalised within the broader 
Yugoslav and Slovenian contexts. We argue that the prevailing discourse surrounding 
Albanians in the former Yugoslav states, including Slovenia, is predominantly shaped 
by narratives emphasising entrepreneurship, hard work and diligence. Such representa-
tions have inadvertently marginalised the significance of cultural engagement and the 
active preservation and interpretation of heritage within Albanian communities and also 
contributed to the perception of an absence of Albanian cultural heritage in Slovenia.
Minority cultural expressions are often analysed through an identitarian lens, 
frequently framed within the paradigm of methodological nationalism (Kozorog, 
Bartulović, 2015; Bejtullahu, 2016; Kovačič, Hofman, 2019; Pettan, 2021). This 
approach, applicable in some instances, gives no account for the specific dynamics of 
construction and preservation of Albanian musical heritage in Slovenia, which could 
be described as a form of hidden or neglected heritage or simply as legacy,2 that has 
been slowly – and through various, often contradictory processes – transformed into 
the heritage for a segment of both Albanian and Slovenian audiences and performers.3 
2 In this context, we adhere to the distinction between ‘legacy’ and ‘heritage’, where ‘legacy’ is understood 
as a neutral term referring to something that is transmitted from past generations, leaving traces in the present 
world regardless of our awareness. In contrast, ‘heritage’ refers to that which is actively selected, nurtured, 
and preserved, valued positively as a source of pride and a cornerstone of identity for a specific group 
(Baskar, 2005: 46−47). Albanian musical practices can be viewed as an important legacy in the Slovenian 
context, linked explicitly to emigration processes and shared experiences within socialist Yugoslavia. At the 
same time, however, these practices constitute a complex heritage for the Albanian community. Whether 
intentionally or not, this heritage has been concealed or overlooked for various reasons by most Slovenians. 
The reasons will be further explored in this article.
3 We want to emphasise that the Albanian community in Slovenia employs distinct emic terms to describe 
their cultural production, with the term ‘heritage’ gradually incorporated into their vocabulary. While 
Albanians in Slovenia do not use the expression ‘trashëgimi’ (which could be roughly translated as [in]
heritage) when discussing musical practices, they may rather use the expression ‘traditë’ (tradition) in the 
context of continuity of a (music) practice, e. g. playing a traditional instrument like çifteli (a two-string 
plucked chordophone). Nevertheless, we are also intentionally using the term ‘heritage’ since it has important 
cultural, political, and juridical implications, and we are also focusing on the practices subject to the complex 
heritagisation process. However, not all musical practices can be conceptualised as a heritage.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 117
Long-lasting obscurity and non-recognition of Albanian heritage in Slovenia stems 
from the limited channels available to promote Albanian cultural activities and a his-
torical lack of meaningful contact between the Albanian community and the broader 
Slovenian public. Although Albanian cultural expressions and the public heritagisation 
of Albanian culture have slowly gained visibility in Slovenia in recent decades, these 
issues remain a marginal concern, both for many Albanians living in Slovenia and for 
the Slovenian public, the former being preoccupied with the immediate challenges 
of survival upon immigration and the burden of public misrepresentations, and the 
latter, owing to minimal direct engagement with Albanians, remains largely unaware 
of or indifferent to these cultural contributions. Nevertheless, as mentioned in the last 
decades, new forms of heritagisation of Albanian musical practices have been brought 
about, which we aim to explore here.
Situating the research: Methods, sites, and applied ethnomusicology
This article, designed as an ethnomusicological and cultural anthropological study, 
is based on fieldwork conducted in 2023 and 2024 in Kočevje and Ljubljana among 
Albanians – an ethnic minority with migrant experiences or backgrounds – and Slove-
nians, the predominant population. These two research sites were selected due to their 
diametrically contrasting positions within Slovenia’s sociogeographic landscape. By 
comparing a central and a peripheral location, the study aims to highlight the internal 
heterogeneity that shapes cultural production and the valorisation of minority heritage 
in Slovenia. While Ljubljana, as the capital, is an important centre of minority cultural 
activities, Kočevje is a small town in the Slovenian southeast that is often character-
ised as a peripheral region with a complex, multicultural, and contested history (see 
Moric, 2021). Both locations are marked by vibrant Albanian businesses operating in 
urban centres and residential neighbourhoods, but the Albanian population in Kočevje 
is notably smaller compared to Ljubljana. This demographic difference impacts the 
organising of the community and the way heritage and heritagisation processes are 
perceived and enacted. The comparison highlights the differing circumstances surround-
ing the recognition, presence, preservation, and popularisation of minority heritage in 
peripheral versus central multicultural areas, challenging the general assumption that 
the national acknowledgement of minority cultural practices occurs uniformly within 
a single national context.
Our fieldwork included semi-structured interviews with Albanian interlocutors (five 
in Kočevje, two in Ljubljana) from Kosovo and North Macedonia, through which par-
ticipants reflected on their understanding of Albanian heritage. Most of our Albanian 
interlocutors were women active in their family businesses (aged 30−65) and living in 
Kočevje. In addition, interviews were conducted with singers, musicians, and members 
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118 |     Traditiones
of the broader public (six interlocutors) who have become increasingly engaged with 
Albanian musical heritage in recent years. These individuals provided insights into their 
understanding and perceptions of Albanian music, revealing shifting attitudes towards 
this aspect of Albanian cultural expression. Additionally, relevant insights were obtained 
through a series of informal discussions with various groups of Slovenians, who shared 
their perceptions regarding the status of Albanians in Slovenia.
The fieldwork also included observations of musical activities, particularly those of 
members of minority communities from the former Yugoslavia, including the Albanian 
community in Ljubljana. These activities offer valuable context for examining the 
current state of Albanian musical heritage within Slovenia, and the broader dynamics 
of minority cultural engagement and representation. This study employs autoethnog-
raphy, as one of the authors is an active musician and an organiser of musical events 
for Albanian and other minority communities. This approach offers the perspective of 
a native researcher (“native” in the sense that she is also a so-called first-generation 
immigrant to Slovenia) as an experienced musician within the practice she analyses 
as an ethnomusicologist (Chou, 2002: 456).
The analytical part of this article is divided into two sections. The first examines 
the sociocultural status of the Albanian community in the former Yugoslavia, with a 
particular focus on Slovenia, emphasising the public representation and stereotyping of 
Albanians. It identifies reasons for the relative absence of Albanian cultural activities 
and heritage in the Slovenian public sphere, exploring how these expressions have been 
marginalised or neglected. The analysis situates this issue within broader discourses 
on the visibility of minority groups and their cultural contributions in post-Yugoslav 
contexts.
The second section discusses the autoethnographic aspects of applied ethnomusico-
logical research. By applied, we refer to the activities carried out by one of the coauthors, 
whose engagement in music-making aims to improve the circumstances for the Albanian 
cultural community. As scholars note, applied ethnomusicology encompasses various 
areas, including cultural policy interventions, advocacy, education, and more (Pettan, 
Titon, 2019: 3). Thus, the work of the coauthor unfolds, to use Titon’s words, making 
a musical intervention within an unexpected music group, to ensure not only a better 
representation of relatively unknown Albanian musical heritage but also to engage 
Albanians into musical exchange. This section further shifts focus to a specific case 
study: the music-making process of the singing group Kvali and its public performance 
of Albanian songs within the Slovenian ethnomusic scene.4 The autoethnographic 
4 The emic term for ethnomusic in Slovenian is ‘etnoglasba’ (also used hereafter), referring to the various 
but localised interpretations of musical practices from different global traditions, typically for intercultural 
concert or club audiences. While the original musical practices can originate anywhere in the world, Balkan 
music is frequently predominant in this style in the Slovenian context.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 119
analysis addresses two key impacts of applied ethnomusicology – representation and 
self-perception – while examining the establishment of music practices.
Our case study explores the heritagisation processes and the role of Albanian music 
performance as a platform for recognising and integrating Albanian musical heritage 
within Slovenia’s contemporary cultural landscape. It focuses on the musical interac-
tions that foster new social connections in Slovenia and contribute to re-evaluating 
the Yugoslav past. These interactions allow a new audience to critically engage with 
the historical invisibility of Albanian culture in the former socialist state, recognising 
the political exclusions inherent in Yugoslav-era (cultural) politics. Additionally, the 
study highlights the shortcomings of the “host” society, as noted by Blumi (2003), in 
creating an environment conducive to Albanian cultural activities. The comparison 
between two multicultural locations in contemporary Slovenia, Ljubljana and Kočevje, 
further underscores the contrast between central locations more receptive to diverse 
musical expressions and the relative marginalisation of Albanians in peripheral areas 
with limited cultural access.
Unknown neighbours: Changing perceptions of Albanians in Slovenia
Throughout the 20th century, the number of Albanians in Slovenia steadily increased, 
particularly as the era of Yugoslav socialist modernisation intensified migration from 
other Yugoslav republics, including Kosovo and Macedonia.5 This trend was most 
pronounced during the 1970s and 1980s, a period of significant demographic and 
socio-economic transformation. Slovenia experienced, according to Kladnik, a more 
than fifty per cent increase in the migration of Albanians from Kosovo during the 
1980s (2019: 221), and they played a crucial role, particularly in sectors such as food 
retail and confectionery. Working in food stalls, kiosks and pastry shops, they were 
instrumental in fostering the urbanisation of socialist Slovenia. Their labour contributed 
significantly to the development of newly industrialised neighbourhoods, where rapid 
urbanisation and rural-to-urban migration were reshaping the social fabric of Slovenian 
towns alongside the emergence of new forms of social stratification.
Although overlooked outside the economic sphere by their co-citizens in other republics of 
Yugoslavia, Albanians were subjected to intense surveillance by the Yugoslav state security 
services, which, under the rhetoric of “brotherhood and unity”, also sought to monitor and 
regulate the activities of minorities. This dynamic underscored the complex positioning 
of Albanians within socialist Yugoslavia – visible in the economic and political realm, 
5 Some Albanian nobility families were present in the coastal Slovenia since the 13th century (more in Štoka, 
2024). However, their number increased in the 19th century (Klopčič et al., 2003: 219).
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
120 |     Traditiones
yet marginalised in terms of cultural recognition.6 Yugoslavia’s modernisation project 
enabled new connections but also new cleavages and divides. According to Archer 
(2023), Albanians were observed with suspicion because they were over-represented in 
the private sector, an economic entity which was a clear contrast to the state’s policy of 
social ownership and workers’ self-management.7 Additionally, they were largely excluded 
from political involvement in the League of Communists and other relevant institutions. 
Paradoxically, the state simultaneously complained that they showed little interest in 
contributing to the political life of local communities in the northwest of Yugoslavia. 
Officials also persistently emphasised Albanians’ “isolation, distrust and closedness” 
(Archer, 2023: 9).8 This also contributed to the selective political persecution of Albanians.9
Many believed that socialist reforms by the post-war Yugoslav government were 
intended to “divert Albanian traditions and cultural values to the new socialist ways. 
With a high level of illiteracy and beset by the continuous persecution of Albanian 
nationalists whom the state deemed to be irredentists, the Albanian community was left 
stagnant and existed on the margins of the new socialist society” (Limani Myrtaj, 2021: 
185). This enhanced unequal development and widened social disparities between the 
rural Albanian underclass10 and the urban classes in Yugoslavia, which were dominated 
by the Slavic population (ibid.: 185; see also Ströhle, 2016). Although they were the 
largest non-Slavic community in Yugoslavia, and their number in 1984 surpassed 
that of the Macedonians and Montenegrins, Albanians were not recognized as one of 
the constitutional nations of the country – ‘komb/narod’ (see Hetemi, 2015: 142), but 
perceived as a ‘kombësi/narodnost/nationality’11 – a categorisation that signalled that 
6 The similar societal invisibility of Albanians in Western Europe has been examined by Isa Blumi (2003), 
who emphasises how they were often perceived as Yugoslav and Turkish migrants. This perception signifi-
cantly impacted the Albanian community’s political activism, identity formation, and cultural development.
7 Their businesses were primarily made up of family and kin networks, consequently allowing them to form 
a close-knit community of Albanians in their new homes.
8 Mladen Zobec, for example, writes about the complex relationship between Albanian confectioners and 
the Slovenian local authorities. Based on archival documents, he presents the story of Redžep Redžepović, 
who experienced severe bureaucratic obstacles in the 1950s when establishing a private business in Kamnik, 
Slovenia. Numerous Albanians share similar stories (see Zobec, 2021).
9 Many Albanians from Slovenia (including Kočevje and Maribor) were also imprisoned in concentration 
camps on Goli Otok island. Since they were often marginalised and not part of the local community, they 
were frequently seen as most suspicious and critical towards the official ideology (Božidar Jezernik, personal 
communication; see also Jezernik, 2013).
10 Being a member of the underclass, according to Ströhle, “implies isolation from other social segments of 
society as well as deviation from ‘normal’ or ‘normative’ biography, in socialism that is being a productive 
member of society” (2016: 116−117). In a particular context, it denotes the populations unable to achieve 
the Yugoslav dream for structural reasons and for whom Gastarbaiter migrations opened new avenues for 
financial and personal development.
11 Yugoslav nations and ethnic groups (kombet e kombësitë/narodi i narodnosti) were a complex political 
concept, legally solidified with the 1974 Constitution to distinguish between the nations, which were, in 
fact, a majority in six political entities (republics), and ethnic minorities or nationalities (narodnosti), which 
had less political power and were primarily understood as minorities. Among the latter were Albanians, 
Hungarians, Roma, Turks, and others.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 121
their “original” homeland lay beyond the state’s borders, that is in Albania rather than 
Yugoslavia. Thus, they were considered “a subversive minority” (Baker, 2018: 158). 
Nevertheless, their status has changed over time, especially during the 1970s (see 
Hetemi, 2015: 143), but also varied in different Yugoslav republics. In Serbia, open 
othering of Albanians existed throughout the 20th century (see Pavlović, 2019a, 2019b), 
in Croatia and Slovenia they were mostly treated as “a semi-racialised, culturally and 
ethnically distinct underclass” (Baker, 2018: 159).12 This kind of policy made the 
Albanian community even more self-sufficient and also hindered communication with 
other majority or minority communities. The ideas of an isolated Albanian community 
that is self-sufficient have persisted until today, also in Slovenia, where, according to 
Jaka Vadnjal (2014: 124), we can find “a well-established” and integrated and, above 
all, economically sustainable community since Albanian nationals “usually take care 
of themselves and do not contribute to the unemployment rate”.
The position and perception of Albanians in Slovenia fluctuated over time,13 depending 
on the political climate and historical events. After the student protests in Kosovo in 
1981,14 which marked the turning point in Yugoslav dissolution and essentially called 
for an improvement in the political status of Albanians living in Yugoslavia, mistrust of 
Albanians in Yugoslavia only intensified. Slovenia was not an exception. This is evident 
from the fact that the activity of the Albanian student association, which published 
the newspaper Besa, was banned (Berishaj, 2004: 143). As Archer notes, officials 
regarded the purchase of real estate in city centres as a suspicious practice, indicating 
considerable purchasing power and suspect financial resources of Albanian “migrants” 
(2023: 9). In the early phase of Yugoslav disintegration, Slovenians and Albanians 
nevertheless had common political goals; they were united in the same aspiration for 
independence. Moreover, this was when politicians not only publicly supported the 
political rights of Albanians in Kosovo but also enabled renewal of cultural organi-
sation and the development of activities that generally supported Albanians’ cultural 
identity in Slovenia. Albanians in Slovenia started to self-organise and, in some cases, 
for example, in organising the Albanian language afternoon classes, had some support 
from state institutions (Ministry of Education).
This (albeit short-lived) political alliance between the Slovenian and Albanian 
political elite and Slovenian support for the identity-building of Albanians during 
12 In the 1980s, ideas about the Albanians as fundamentalist Muslims prevailed in the majority of nationalist 
discourses in the post-Yugoslav space.
13 In recent years, there has also been enhanced cultural production with stereotypical depictions of the 
Albanian community that have a global audience and thus influence ideas of Albanians in the region; for 
example, some popular depictions focused on “the exotic value of the re-emergence of vendetta killings, 
prostitution and other informal practices”. In general, they are also portrayed as a homogeneous group and 
as Muslims, ignoring the Albanian religious and regional diversity (see Schwandner-Sievers, 2008: 47−64; 
Rydzewski, 2024: 51).
14 For more on the 1981 student protest, see e.g. Limani Myrtaj (2021).
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122 |     Traditiones
Yugoslavia’s dissolution did not translate into everyday life; contacts between Slove-
nians and Albanians remained limited. With the nationalisation of the society in the 
1990s, the distance between Slovenians and other communities from the territories 
of former Yugoslavia grew even further. This process was significantly different for 
Albanians, who were not even considered to be a Slovenian “noteworthy” Other 
– that place that belonged to the speakers of former Serbo-Croatian language that 
were often stigmatised, but also had a stronger presence in the public, political, and 
cultural sphere. As one of the interlocutors from Velenje explained, Albanians were 
not even “worth of othering”.
Reflections on Albanian music
The anti-Albanian attitude in the post-Yugoslav region stems from “the intersection 
of ethnicity, language, social class, religion and racism, which all shape Albanians’ 
relationships with post-Yugoslav states, as well as their otherness and the feeling of 
abandonment” (Rydzewski, 2024: 50). Public perceptions of Albanians in Slovenia, 
particularly those of Kosovar and Macedonian origin, have evolved in tandem with the 
broader political transformations in the region. However, it can be argued that, relative 
to other former Yugoslav nations, Slovenians tend to feel a greater ethnic distance 
towards Albanians. This is corroborated by various public opinion surveys (Udovič 
et al., 2007), which highlight a persistent sense of disconnection between Slovenians 
and Albanians. Interviews with interlocutors who grew up in socialism in Slovenia 
reveal a marked distance toward Albanians, with many describing the relationship 
as “mutual ignorance”. While individuals born in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s often 
recall the ubiquity of Albanian-operated fruit stalls, bakeries, and confectioneries and 
the familiar presence of burek – a popular pastry often served by Albanians15 – few of 
these individuals reported having personal relationships with Albanians. Furthermore, 
many admitted to knowing little about Albanian culture.
Several interlocutors reflected on their lack of engagement with Albanian culture, 
with one musician in his late 40s stating, “It seemed like we did not live in the same 
country”. This sentiment points to a broader feeling of cultural dissonance, a lack 
of shared cultural space, and a limited awareness of Albanian popular culture and 
cultural activities. As mentioned, for many Slovenians, the image of Albanians was 
primarily informed by their visible presence in the marketplace, simplified in the 1988 
Radenska commercial produced by Studio Marketing to promote the Yugoslav mineral 
water brand. This commercial aimed to depict the music/activities of diverse peoples 
15 Jernej Mlekuž (2013) writes that for some generations of Slovenians, the “real” burek is the greasy and 
unhealthy one sold by Albanians in city centres.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 123
of Yugoslavia, yet it reinforced stereotypical representations of Albanians, highlighting 
their role in the service economy – specifically their work in selling ice cream and cream 
cakes (see also Kladnik, 2019: 219) and, in many ways, detaching them their cultural 
heritage. Although this representation forms part of a broader marketing discourse, it 
simultaneously reflects a profound lack of in-depth knowledge and understanding of 
Albanian traditions, culture, and cultural production. The absence of a more nuanced 
representation of Albanian culture in the public sphere can be interpreted as politically 
motivated, reflecting a latent fear of Albanian unification and its potential implications 
for the broader socio-political landscape.
This ignorance of Albanian cultural identity has contributed to constructing an image 
in which Albanian culture is perceived as either non-existent or, at best, monolithic and 
reductively confined to conservative practices, rituals, and customs. Such perceptions 
are often framed within the context of a traditionalist society, thus reinforcing stereo-
types that distance Albanian cultural expression from more contemporary or dynamic 
forms of cultural production.16 This was also observed in the study on language and 
cultural barriers in the health system, where Albanians are often seen as a problematic 
and homogeneous community. The only difference that health workers noticed between 
“Albanians” relates to gender, with men stereotypically described as patriarchal and 
women as subordinate, socially isolated and unmotivated for integration into society 
(Lipovec Čebron, 2020: 132−133). These views are also reinforced by a specific ori-
entalist aversion to Islam or islamophobia in Slovenia (see, for example, Bartulović, 
2010; Baskar, 2015), which resonates with Slovenian self-positioning in Western and 
“Christian” Europe (Mandelc, Gajić, 2022: 124).
Our non-Albanian interlocutors realised they had not regarded Albanians as creative17 
or interested in cultural activities.18 This focus on entrepreneurship, hard work and 
diligence when observing the Albanian community in the countries of former Yugo-
slavia has also convinced many people that cultural activities are entirely outside of 
16 See Schwandner-Sievers, 2008 for a discussion of the stereotypical image of Albanians or the subcategory 
of Albanianism in the West.
17 Prejudiced and reductive perceptions of Albanian culture often emerge in unexpected contexts, even 
among individuals who are otherwise progressive or anti-nationalist. A notable example is the work of Đorđe 
Balašević, a prominent figure in the Yugoslav pop-cultural scene and outspoken pacifist who criticised the 
nationalist regimes of the 1990s. In his 1991 book Tri Posleratna Druga [Three Post-War Friends], published 
during the tumultuous period of Yugoslavia’s dissolution, Balašević expressed frustration not only with 
the break-up of the country but also with what he viewed as Albanian secessionist ambitions. He depicted 
Albanians as culturally and historically insignificant, claiming they were “without painters, ballerinas, 
cellists […] These are unhappy people […]” (Balašević, 1991). Although he later expressed regret for these 
remarks, Balašević’s views reflected a broader cultural and political climate in which the marginalisation of 
Albanians, both from Kosovo and Albania, was widespread.
18 The idea that Albanians needed help in cultivating their culture was also evident in the political discourses 
of the 1940s, when, for example, the Slovenian composer Bojan Adamič was sent to Albania in 1947 as 
a so-called cultural aid to help rebuild the Albanian symphony orchestra, the military choir, and the opera 
and ballet orchestra. He was similarly active in Kosovo. However, it is often overlooked that Adamič was 
also fascinated by the Albanian cultural heritage (Tole, 2024).
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124 |     Traditiones
their interest. An interlocutor from Ljubljana claimed in the informal conversation: 
“They have no free time to indulge in activities that might not prove to be productive; 
they work all the time … They do work a lot. Who has time for heritage?” Additionally, 
some interlocutors asserted that, during their childhood, their Albanian peers were often 
occupied with assisting their parents with work, which limited their ability to engage 
in recreational activities or participate in extracurricular pursuits, such as singing in 
the choir or playing a musical instrument. Nevertheless, economic success is often the 
most “effective way of relieving some of the stigmata of one’s foreignness” (Blumi, 
2003: 959).
One individual, for instance, reflected on a recent visit to Kosovo where he had 
become acutely aware of his ignorance regarding the existence of Albanian rock 
bands in the 1970s and 1980s. He was surprised that Kosovo had a vibrant popular 
music scene and an alternative music culture. Another interlocutor from Ljubljana 
recalled that the only connection between Kosovo and music he could remember 
from his youth in Yugoslavia was a song by the rock band Bijelo Dugme titled 
‘Kosovka’ [Kosovo girl]. He asserted that he believed this was the first rock song 
performed in Albanian and emphasised that it was disturbing for him not to under-
stand the lyrics. He agreed with other interlocutors who believed that the language 
barriers were the most significant reasons for widening the gap between Albanians 
and other Slavic-speaking inhabitants of former Yugoslavia. For example, a female 
translator, fluent in many European languages, criticised Slovenian prejudices against 
Albanians as a closed-off community but also admitted that there is often a lack of 
communication skills on both sides, which also prevents musical interactions. She 
believed that the “strangeness” of the language, the impossibility of recognising 
“where one word begins and another ends” causes Slovenians to keep their distance 
and prevent deeper interactions. After the initial surprise upon her attending a concert 
of Slovenian women singing Albanian songs, she realised that Albanian musical 
heritage now seemed more familiar and that most Slovenians are ignorant about 
Albanian traditional music.
At numerous events that brought together individuals from various communities 
across the former Yugoslavia, we observed informal gatherings – often after official 
events – where a well-established repertoire of traditional songs from the region was 
performed. This repertoire predominantly featured Macedonian, Bosnian, and occasion-
ally Serbian songs, yet Albanian songs were consistently absent. Interestingly, while 
Albanian musicians frequently perform regional songs, particularly Macedonian and 
Sevdalinka songs, which gained popularity in Slovenia during the 1990s (see Kozorog, 
Bartulović, 2015; Bartulović, Kozorog, 2019, 2023; Bartulović, 2023), contributing thus 
to maintaining the music heritage of these ethnicities, the presence of Albanian musical 
heritage in post-Yugoslav musical context in Slovenia is disproportional. Therefore, we 
may speak of Albanian music in Slovenia as a (Yugoslav) legacy (see Baskar, 2005), 
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 125
a form of neglected or hidden heritage or heritage created in the shadows or away 
from the public eye.19
In a larger Slovenian context, Albanian (musical) heritage has remained largely 
unrecognized or perceived as non-existent despite the continuous activity of several 
Albanian cultural societies across Slovenia since the 1990s.20 These have played a key 
role in preserving and interpreting musical heritage, yet they were primarily directed 
inward towards the Albanian community and diaspora. In recent years, the cultural 
society Migjeni in Ljubljana has been instrumental in fostering connections between the 
Albanian community and the Slovenian public, making musical heritage more visible.
Hidden heritage: Who has time for (Albanian) music?
While some scholars equate “hidden heritage” with intangible cultural heritage or “difficult 
heritage”,21 which is often silenced or contested (MacDonald, 2010; Bartulović, 2022), 
our definition frames it within the dynamic process of heritage formation, or heritag-
isation, which is inherently selective and exclusive, highlighting specific memories, 
narratives, and histories but also suppressing others. While in the Yugoslav era the 
political and cultural environment, at least until 1981, did not promote and support 
Albanian identity (Blumi, 2003: 956), post-Yugoslav time enabled the nationalisation 
of Albanian heritage, which was often hidden in the close-knit diasporic communities, 
away from the public eye. Hence, we can see hidden heritage due to particular political 
and socio-economic circumstances. Even in multicultural areas, Albanian cultural 
heritage was not publicly visible, contributing to the long process of marginalisation 
of Albanians and their cultural activities.
Exclusion from national heritage typically targets minority groups within a society 
(Stone, MacKenzie, 1994). In the case of numerous migrant communities, particularly 
those marginalised, their heritage is not only rendered unrecognisable but reduced to 
stereotypical representations. Furthermore, it is also often invisible due to the lack of 
official promotion. As a result, it is primarily experienced by community members 
themselves in their everyday lives as living heritage (Tyner in Muzaini, Minca, 2018: 
8). Moreover, it is frequently unsafe and detrimental to exhibit elements of the heritage 
in public (see Muzaini, 2012). The emotions elicited by the heritage of stigmatised 
communities can be uncomfortable and unsettling for the majority, which is evident 
19 It is also possible to speak about “absence heritage”, which includes calculated, accidental, or neglected 
heritage (see James-Williamson et al., 2024).
20 Six active Albanian cultural societies or associations are in the largest Slovenian cities.
21 Here, we avoid using the term ‘difficult heritage’ due to its overuse, which reduces its analytical value 
and fails to capture the nuances of the specific historical and cultural dynamics it is meant to address. We 
intend to highlight the Albanian community’s invisibility in Slovenia, which influences the fact that its 
heritage was hidden and invisible for the majority of Slovenians.
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
126 |     Traditiones
also in Slovenia where Albanian culture is routinely “orientalised”. Such processes not 
only obscure the cultural contributions of these communities but also perpetuate their 
marginalisation within the broader national narrative.22 This also shapes the attitudes 
of community members toward their heritage. In specific contexts, such as Western 
Europe during the latter half of the 20th century, members of the Albanian community 
expressed, as Blumi (2003: 954) highlighted, a strong desire to be seen after enduring 
decades of invisibility and imposed identities.
Throughout our interviews in Kočevje, our (Albanian) interlocutors displayed a 
noticeable discomfort when expressing positive views regarding certain Albanian tra-
ditions. Specifically, initiatives concerning preserving or promoting national heritage 
were met with disapproval and a marked sense of distancing. For example, women 
from different generations disapproved of Instagram posts featuring young girls from 
Kosovo and North Macedonia dressed in traditional Albanian attire at weddings. The 
respondents suggested that such attire should be reserved for folkloric contexts and 
not incorporated into everyday life. Faced with discrimination, anti-Muslim sentiments 
and societal stereotypes targeting in particular Albanian women as conservative, many 
felt shame. They showed the need to hide or protect their heritage from additional 
judgments.23 These attitudes reflect not only discomfort with the visibility of certain 
national traditions within the Slovenian context – where the Albanian community is 
often perceived, as previously noted, as backward or “stuck” in the past – but also 
a broader critique of the nationalisation of heritage in Albania, Kosovo, and North 
Macedonia. In the context of our research, Albanian invisibilities are framed as a form 
of protection against further stigmatisation. Thus, the strategic silencing of certain 
aspects of their connection to Albanian heritage can be understood as an attempt to 
influence how members of Slovenian society perceive them. Hence, hidden heritage 
is also a result of intentional hiding because of the past experiences of invisibility and 
contemporary experiences of stigmatisation and judgment.
Heritage among our interlocutors was also very much associated with the past, while 
personally they were future-oriented. So, rather than discussing the past and culture, 
our interlocutors systematically reoriented discussions towards the future. This is also 
clearly demonstrated in their discussion of their family business, where they look to 
the future goals. In this sense, heritage is mainly related to family heritage and less to 
national Albanian heritage. While family heritage can function as a “future-making” 
project (Harris, 2013) or one that enables the capacity to aspire (Appadurai, 2004), 
22 It should also be emphasised that the Albanian community in Slovenia is very heterogeneous and has 
diverse attitudes towards heritage and heritagisation processes.
23 In the interviews, which were conducted in three languages (Slovenian, Albanian and English), some 
answers were intentionally delivered only in Albanian and directed only to the researcher with proficiency 
in the Albanian language, with the special note that these parts should not be translated to the non-Albanian 
researcher due to mistrust that some traditions will not be adequately understood.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 127
on the other hand, Albanian heritage as national heritage is sometimes a source of 
shame and something that should be hidden or preserved in a closed community. Thus, 
while family heritage can facilitate future-oriented goals and personal growth, national 
heritage could be perceived as a burden, subject to critique and marginalisation in the 
broader social context.
However, the activities of some of the Albanians clearly state that there are many 
different ways of heritagisation of music and culture in the Albanian diaspora (Bartulović, 
Bejtullahu, 2021), since the Albanian community in Slovenia is very heterogeneous, 
which is the result of several factors, including the country/region of origin, education, 
class, religion, and others. This is also confirmed by a study carried out in 2004, where 
Berishaj goes quite far in his interpretation, claiming that “being an Albanian from Fužine 
[neighbourhood in Ljubljana] is something completely different from being an Albanian 
in the Centre or Šiška [neighbourhood in Ljubljana]” (2004: 146). While the statement 
may be somewhat exaggerated, it underscores the significance of the local environment 
and community in shaping the self-understanding, way of life, identity, and, ultimately, 
the reflection on both the past and future of members of the Albanian community. A 
crucial aspect of heritage valorisation lies in the role of cultural associations, which, 
while integral, can also become sites of conflict due to the diverse interpretations and 
understandings of heritage. In contrast to cities such as Ljubljana, where the social 
life of Albanians is vibrant, Kočevje presents a very different scenario. As one of our 
interlocutors, a small fruit shop owner in Kočevje, remarked, there are “not enough 
Albanians” in the town to sustain a cultural life. Consequently, cultural expression tends 
to be confined to the family sphere, a pattern reflected in the interviews with Albanian 
women from Kosovo and North Macedonia. This is confirmed by their approval of 
public inclusion of Albanian heritage in some of the cultural events organised by other 
organisations. For example, while our interlocutors in Kočevje expressed appreciation 
for the inclusion of Albanian music and folklore performed by a society from Novo 
Mesto during the Days of Cultures event (organised by the Kočevje Tourist Board in 
cooperation with the Serbian Cultural and Artistic Society of Kočevje and the Associ-
ation for the Development of Voluntary Work from Novo Mesto) in recent years, they 
did not express a desire to establish their own cultural association or become active and 
visible interpreters of Albanian heritage. Nevertheless, in recent years, there has been 
a gradual rediscovery of Albanian “hidden heritage” among segments of Albanians 
and the Slovenian public, particularly those interested in Balkan ethnomusic. In this 
context, we observe initiatives that seek to make Albanian culture more visible, thus 
creating opportunities for innovation and reinvention (James-Williamson et al., 2024: 2), 
mainly in the Slovenian capital – Ljubljana.
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
128 |     Traditiones
The background on musical exchange between 
Slovenians and Albanians in Slovenia
Since Slovenia’s independence, there have been very few musical interactions between 
Albanian and non-Albanian musicians. Until 2010, it was next to impossible to hear 
Albanian music in Slovenian public venues. To our knowledge, a few contemporary 
classical music concerts presented Albanian and Kosovan composers and musicians. 
Most occurred during the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century when certain 
Albanian classical musicians were active in Slovenia, most notably Zeqirja Ballata.24 
Ballata advocated presenting this music to the Slovenian audience and was instrumental 
in collaborations between Kosovan and Slovenian classical musicians.25 Though limited 
to the connoisseurs of this genre, this improved the knowledge about this segment of 
Albanian music.
At that time, it was not feasible to transform this initiative into a larger project, 
partially because Albanian cultural societies in Slovenia lacked the resources (human and 
financial) to implement an agenda for improving the public representation of Albanian 
music. Another reason lies in the society: between the 1990s and the first years of the 
21st century, the cultural spaces and institutions managed by Slovenians, as a majority, 
did not prioritise intercultural exchange with the countries of the Western Balkans. On 
the contrary, it was shunned due to the Yugoslav break-up and the complex process of 
independent Slovenia’s self-positioning within the West European context. During this 
period, listening to and playing music from the Balkans in general, and we are talking 
primarily about popular music, was marginalised into subcultural scenes (Stanković 
et al., 1999: 76; Stanković, 2002). But even in these circles, Albanian music, such as 
rock music from Kosovo and North Macedonia, was mostly unknown.
Regarding Albanian music available in public,26 things began to change around 
2010 when the first public performances of musicians (Albanian and non-Albanian) 
playing Albanian music started taking place. A fortunate combination of the venue 
and musicians seems to have been crucial for this change, in this case, the stage of the 
hostel Celica in Ljubljana and musicians at the early-stage career, among others the 
guitar duo Aritmija,27 who explored and uniquely interpreted the music of the Balkans. 
24 Albanian Zeqirja Ballata (1945) is a composer who was a professor of music in Maribor at the time. Over 
the years, one of the authors of this paper was able to observe his work and even collaborate on one of his 
projects.
25 These concerts were held in Ljubljana (among other, in the studio of Radio Slovenia) and Maribor (in 
the Kazina concert hall) until Ballata’s retirement.
26 From here on, Albanian music encompasses music with Albanian lyrics, primarily traditional but also, in 
some cases, evergreen songs.
27 Guitarists began including a few compositions based on Albanian traditional tunes as early as 2010. The 
first one is the composition ‘Merak n’t u Bana’, based on the arrangement of an Albanian folk song by 
American guitarist Tim Sparks.
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Celica’s concept is to enable musicians to participate in jam sessions immediately after 
the weekly concerts of etnoglasba, thus opening the stage for young or unaffirmed 
musicians, often members of various minorities.
The multipart singing group Kvali from Ljubljana embarked on a more systematic 
public interpretation of Albanian traditional two- or three-part songs. This women’s 
non-professional group of singers, initially founded as a Georgian multipart singing 
group in 2008, is composed mainly of Slovenian singers.28 The singers had no previous 
knowledge of Albanian music. Around 2011, the Albanian-Slovenian group member 
and co-author of this article introduced Albanian songs to the repertoire. Gradually, 
Kvali started to sing them as a try-out in concerts (with Georgian music), mainly in 
hostel Celica and the ethno-club Zlati Zob, places frequented by the audience with a 
genuine interest in etnoglasba or so-called world music. In a few years, Kvali slowly 
built a repertoire of Albanian songs and presented them to the Slovenian audience. 
Kvali’s activity was introduced to the Albanian community at a concert in Ljubljana. The 
concert was well received by a mixed Slovenian and Albanian audience, encouraging 
the group to explore Albanian songs further. Thus, Kvali is the first musical entity to 
perform Albanian music continuously in a Slovenian context. In addition, we can speak 
about a specific case of making Albanian musical heritage more visible.
The significance of Kvali in the heritagisation of Albanian 
music: From public representation to self-perception
In examining the processes of presentation and heritagisation of Albanian songs – 
initiated through the applied ethnomusicological work – we identify two key areas of 
impact. Firstly, the activities influenced non-Albanian perceptions of Albanian music 
and, by extension, the Albanian community, contributing to a re-consideration of 
Albanians’ status within (post-)Yugoslav society. Secondly, these efforts shaped the 
self-perception of Albanians themselves, fostering a renewed sense of cultural visi-
bility and value. There is also a third effect that is more an unintentional byproduct of 
affecting the public representations of non-Albanians: the rapport the singers developed 
with the Albanian songs, which is also changing attitudes towards Albanian music in 
the Slovenian music scene.
Kvali played a pivotal role in introducing Albanian music to the ethnomusic scene 
in Ljubljana. Their performances were met with enthusiasm, with many interlocu-
tors expressing admiration not only for the women performing in Albanian but also 
for the richness and diversity of the musical heritage. One noted that the songs felt 
28 Ranging from 11 to 18 singers, born between 1972 and 1980. All but four are non-professional musicians, 
music is their leisure activity.
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
130 |     Traditiones
simultaneously familiar and distant. At the same time, another reflected on how Kvali’s 
concerts prompted a rethinking of Yugoslav musical heritage, remarking, “It is curious 
that we have never heard these songs before”, reflecting the fact that Albanian music 
was not promoted equally as the music traditions of other Yugoslav peoples. Even 
some ethnomusicologists acknowledged their limited familiarity with Albanian musical 
traditions despite the official ideology of brotherhood and unity. Through its work, 
Kvali contributed to expanding the Slovenian musical landscape and offering greater 
visibility to Albanian cultural expression. In a sense, it also managed to “deorientalise” 
Albanian culture in public perceptions. However, this transformation of a primarily 
hidden heritage into a recognised one is most evident when examining the evolving 
perceptions of Albanian music among the singers through the embodied process of 
learning and performing Albanian songs.
For members of Kvali, the process was complex and personal. For the coauthor, 
singing Albanian songs begun as a “spontaneous experiment of introducing their music 
to the group of co-singers”, while for the Slovenian singers, it was the process of 
learning through socialising that was crucial. This transmission, in a way, intersected 
the relations between “teacher” and “student” with the “native” and “non-native singer” 
(Albanian and Slovenian). Singers of Kvali regard learning and being acquainted 
with Albanian songs as a positive experience because it occurred simultaneously with 
social bonding. It is hard to distinguish which plays a more important role to them, the 
subjective aesthetic evaluation of Albanian songs or the importance of the friendship 
they developed through singing. In the words of singers, singing Albanian songs is 
intertwined with forging friendship among singers: “[Albanian songs] stayed with us 
because we like them and it is great to interpret them” but also “I took [them] as my 
own because of the socialising and the friendship”.
The coauthor planned to gradually introduce three types of Albanian traditional music: 
Arbëreshë29 songs, urban traditional music, and iso-polyphonic singing. These songs range 
from somehow familiar to less familiar melodies and singing techniques. The three types 
of multipart songs mentioned above could be distinguished from each other according to 
their respective tone scales as well as the melodies and harmonies. Speaking in musical 
terms, it was important to start with songs closer to the major-minor (diatonic) tonal system 
and in regular rhythms (time signatures), which are more common in Slovenia. That is 
why Kvali’s repertoire features several Arbëreshë songs, a singing tradition influenced 
by the music practices of Italian neighbours. This type of song was the easiest to master 
by the singers and was aesthetically appreciated by the (Slovenian) audience.
29 Arbëreshë are members of a historic Albanian minority from various regions of south Italy and are de-
scendants of Albanians who migrated to Italy around the 15th century (and later) during the Ottoman invasion 
of the Balkans. Arbëreshë lived and still live in compact communities in Italy, becoming thus a distinctive 
minority in Italy today. While Arbëreshë still speak and sing in Albanian, the influence of Italian music on 
their songs is very much evident.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 131
The second type, Albanian urban traditional songs,30 are also tonally and harmoni-
cally within the range of Western tonality, due to the tonal influence of predominantly 
Western instruments. Kvali’s singers overcome possible diminished intervals, melisma, 
or irregular rhythms in these songs (albeit still within the Western harmonies), which 
might sound unusual to Slovenian listeners. The most complex part of the repertoire, 
the iso-polyphonic singing31 based on (anhemitonic) pentatonic scales and vibrant 
embellishments, is sonically more distant from Slovenian music than previous styles 
due to the complexity of three- or four-part melodic lines. While the singers may 
master some parts easily, the soloist parts need more training. The good training of a 
couple of soloists, which takes time, is crucial for a successful interpretation. One of 
the singers describes that this unusualness or differentness of these songs “brings up 
emotions” to her, and she “liked them instantly” [because] they are different and felt 
that “they caress me”.
Most singers of Kvali, as Slovenians, may not feel Albanian songs as “their own” 
in a sense of cultural belonging. At the same time, they (perhaps paradoxically) in-
ternalise these songs as their own in the sense that singing them publicly, after long 
rehearsals, gave them an experience that brought great joy and made the group feel 
closer. Moreover, although the Albanian language remains a mystery, singers describe 
that Albanian songs have become very close and familiar to them. In this sense, some 
sort of transformation occurred; hidden musical heritage became known and embraced 
as a part of the group’s repertoire and something that incites favourable feelings.
Despite being an unknown practice, Kvali’s performance of Albanian songs was 
received very well by the audience (Slovenian and other) and supported by the organ-
isers in these venues. The audience listens to these concerts with an open mind and 
primarily evaluates the quality of interpretation (“the singing is wonderful”, “each 
concert is an improvement in singing”) and the melodiousness of the music. One of 
the listeners said “I am surprised with how the songs match Kvali’s voices”. It is not 
uncommon for someone in the audience to have a profound emotional reaction to the 
music. Overall, people describe the concerts as a pleasant experience and a surprise. 
The surprise, just as for the singers themselves, entails the revelation of Albanian songs 
as an aesthetically satisfactory practice for its recipients, meaning that it satisfies the 
audience’s music standards. This also comes from the position of high esteem for vocal 
music, which is practised thoroughly in both classical and traditional music in Slovenia.
30 This music style was (and is) practised since the 19th century as vocal and instrumental music played and 
sung in public urban places such as cafés, wedding, and others. Most of the instruments in these ensembles 
were Western (accordion, violin); these also replaced older instruments of Turkish origin that may have 
been used initially. Emic expressions are muzika popullore / muzika lirike / këngë të ahengut shkodran / 
saze. Similar urban music traditions also exist(ed) in other Balkan countries.
31 This is a multipart singing practice, specific for Albanians in southern Albania and some areas of North 
Macedonia and Greece; it is a combination of drone singing, two soloist voices that intertwine in a contrapuntal/
polyphonic style and sometimes by the third soloist who interprets embellishment on the (minor or major) third.
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
132 |     Traditiones
The impact of Kvali and the circle around the cultural society Migjeni (see below) 
is important to Albanians and their vision of publicly engaging with heritage. This is 
significant also because the general perception outside the circle of etnoglasba con-
noisseurs is, as mentioned, inclined to understand this act as an act of pursuing the 
heritage of an alien, “backward” culture. In addition, as we argued above, there are 
always ideas of “Eastern” or “Islamic” assumptions connected with Albanians,32 which 
are also reflected in the music-making process.33 That is why singers admit that they 
were surprised by the structure of the music, which “was not that much of a deviation” 
from what they were used to (meaning Slovenian or other non-Albanian music). The 
“surprise” referred to the anticipation that Albanian music could have “influences from 
the southern lands, such as Turkey […] something more oriental”, but after learning 
songs, this changed into a perception that it is “not so distant” and “it is not such a 
deviation” meaning that contrary to the expectations, it does not depart that much from 
already established music norms.34 Similar can be seen from the comments of Kvali’s 
audience because their contemporary interpretation of Albanian songs is not seen 
as “oriental”. This could result from the intentional repertoire choice and enhanced 
knowledge of the Slovenian music audience about similar and contemporary styles 
from other Balkan countries.
Kvali’s work influenced not only the public representation of Albanian music – chal-
lenging its underrepresentation and misrepresentation – but also contributed to a shift 
in how Albanians perceive their musical heritage. This impact was particularly evident 
in Ljubljana, which is known for its support of intercultural dialogue and is home to 
numerous minority cultural associations, including Migjeni (Albanian cultural association 
from Ljubljana). Migjeni’s perspective on Albanian music evolved through collabora-
tions with Kvali. Positive feedback from the Slovenian music community encouraged 
Albanian musicians to reengage with their traditions; some instrumentalists initiated 
rehearsals with Migjeni to collaborate with Kvali. These joint performances catalysed 
renewed interest and participation among Albanian and Slovenian musicians. Over time, 
even after Kvali entered a post-COVID hiatus, Migjeni initiated other collaborations 
involving second- and third-generation Albanians learning to perform traditional and 
32 Besides cultural societies, Albanians in Slovenia do not engage much in religious associations or organ-
isations. Albanian representatives are not present in Slovenia’s official Islamic community. The Catholic 
Albanian community has some activities, primarily masses in Albanian language twice a year in Kranj and 
Velenje, held by Albanian priests from the Albanian Catholic Mission in Zagreb.
33 These racist prejudices, as Hemetek argues, can be found everywhere, as she analyses the similar situation 
in Austria: “[T]here are prejudices among the dominant society against the ‘Turkish immigrant’, including 
the following: that they are backward and conservative, that the women are subordinate, and that they are 
Islamic fundamentalists – and therefore dangerous and not willing to integrate” (Hemetek, 2019: 131). 
Hemetek suggests several ethnomusicological strategies in addressing these prejudices.
34 This is an interesting point, music-wise, particularly when considering that urban music traditions of 
the Balkan people flourished during the Ottoman era, so it is impossible to erase the traces of the Ottoman 
musical legacy.
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 133
evergreen popular Albanian songs – musical forms that have found resonance among 
Slovenian performers and audiences alike. Notably, the most experienced Albanian 
musicians from Migjeni gradually assumed the role of mentors, effectively replacing 
the initial leadership provided by Kvali’s performers and creating opportunities for 
younger generations to engage with Albanian musical traditions. This emerging network 
of musicians included collaborations within the Albanian community and with members 
of other minority groups and Slovenians. These activities soon expanded beyond the 
musical domain, engaging with broader social issues affecting minority communities. 
Significantly, this collective has become an active stakeholder in negotiations with 
state cultural institutions, advocating for greater recognition and support of minority 
cultural heritage, particularly those from the former Yugoslav region.
Conclusion
This article explores the evolving processes of heritagisation of Albanian musical 
practices in Slovenia, focusing on the historical marginalisation of Albanian heritage in 
the post-Yugoslav context. We have examined the status of the Albanian community, 
particularly during the latter half of the 20th century, and how public and political per-
ceptions of Albanian heritage – both in the Yugoslav era and contemporary Slovenia 
– have contributed to the invisibility of Albanian culture. From the mid-20th century 
until 2010, Albanian heritage was largely hidden, existing primarily within diasporic 
communities and unrecognised by Slovenian society. In this context, we aimed to 
analyse the socio-political implications of the Yugoslav othering of Albanians, illustrat-
ing how these dynamics obstructed the ability of Albanians to publicly articulate their 
own interpretations of heritage and identity. The unique position of Albanians within 
Yugoslavia, compounded by the lack of institutional mechanisms for public representa-
tion, perpetuated the idea that their cultural heritage was irrelevant or non-existent.
Furthermore, the public image of Albanians in Slovenia was often linked to their 
portrayal as entrepreneurs, investing long hours in labour-intensive work, which made 
it difficult for them to engage in or preserve cultural activities. This narrative is also 
reflected in the experiences of most of our Slovenian interlocutors, many of whom 
only began to explore Albanian musical traditions after the dissolution of the common 
Yugoslav state. Their lack of knowledge about the Albanian music was mostly attrib-
uted to the linguistic barriers. However, through the process of rediscovering Albanian 
music, many came to realise that Albanians were not included in the common Yugoslav 
cultural space as other Slavic nations. This led them to rethink the idea of the complete 
inclusiveness of the Yugoslav state and the ideology of brotherhood and unity.
We particularly focused on comparing different processes of heritagisation related 
to the musical creativity of the Albanian community in Kočevje and Ljubljana. 
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
134 |     Traditiones
This comparison was made possible through a case study of the Kvali music group, 
which illustrates distinct approaches to uncovering and publicly representing “hidden” 
musical heritage, or processes of heritagisation in two contrasting contexts. A central 
figure in the reinterpretation and introduction of Albanian music into the Kvali group’s 
repertoire was the ethnomusicologist, a co-author of this article. Kvali’s interpretation 
of Albanian music played a key role in introducing Albanian heritage to Ljubljana’s 
ethnomusic scene, making hidden heritage visible, at least to an audience with a pref-
erence for ethnomusic. The repertoire chosen for the group was carefully curated to 
foster a shared cultural connection between the Slovenian musicians and the Albanian 
community in Slovenia. The inclusion of Arbëreshë songs, which serve as a link 
between Albanians and their non-Ottoman heritage, as well as the incorporation of 
the complex iso-polyphony, has played a significant role in challenging stereotypes 
and reshaping the perception of Albanian music as being only “oriental” and “com-
pletely different” from Slovenian. By performing songs whose lyrics many listeners 
could not fully comprehend due to language barriers, Kvali nevertheless facilitated a 
shift in awareness and evoked some affective reactions. Their performances not only 
enabled the singers to connect to the Albanian musical heritage and to feel it, but they 
also partly influenced non-Albanian perceptions of Albanian music and community.
In addition, their music practice has had the effect of shaping the musical activities 
and self-perception of Albanians themselves, thereby giving rise to a renewed sense of 
cultural visibility and value. This has resulted in a variety of interpretations of Albanian 
music and collaboration with different minority associations, thus making music not 
just a matter of fun and heritage preservation, but also providing the community with 
a basis to form new political alliances. The case study of the Kvali music group is 
particularly interesting in this regard, as it demonstrates how Albanian music has served 
as a crucial space for identity negotiation and political engagement. This has allowed 
both the Albanian community and Slovenian audiences to confront and reinterpret the 
cultural and historical narratives surrounding Albanian heritage, as well as Yugoslav past.
Despite these efforts, the transformation in public perceptions of Albanian music 
remains limited to niche audiences, particularly in Ljubljana and among those with 
an interest in ethnomusic. The challenges faced by Albanians, including perceptions 
of marginalisation, continue to influence their engagement with cultural practices in 
public spaces. Many Albanians, especially in peripheral areas like Kočevje, may pri-
oritize personal and familial advancement over institutionalised heritage preservation. 
With limited knowledge of the broader social activities of Albanians in Slovenia, they 
tend to prioritize self-improvement and the development of their family businesses. 
However, their non-participation in formal musical or cultural activities should not be 
interpreted as a lack of connection to their cultural heritage. While cultural practices, 
music in particular, remain important in private spheres, public participation in heritage 
activities is still hindered by the enduring stigma associated with Albanian culture. 
Albanian Hidden Heritage in Slovenia: Some Notes on Music-Making in Between the Centre and Periphery
Traditiones     | 135
This reluctance is rooted in decades of marginalisation and reinforced by dominant 
discourses that portray Albanians as traditional, secluded, and uncooperative.
The comparison between Ljubljana and Kočevje, which cannot be generalised, 
underscores the influence of a variety of factors, including sociocultural, political, and 
spatial, on the recognition and preservation of minority heritage. It is important to note 
that this comparison challenges the assumption that minority heritage is uniformly 
acknowledged within national contexts, revealing significant disparities in access to 
cultural visibility and institutional support. These findings contribute to the broader 
discourse on minority heritagisation and offer insights for future, localised studies on 
the role of music in fostering inclusivity and reshaping public perceptions.
Despite ongoing public discourse that continues to demonise and problematise the 
presence of Albanian communities in Slovenia, we argue that focusing on cultural 
heritage – moving beyond the orientalised and stereotypical portrayals of Albanians – 
could facilitate new avenues for reexamining both historical and future relationships 
between the always heterogeneous majority and minority groups. This is evident in 
Ljubljana’s context, but also broadly as confirmed by numerous studies (see Bartleet, 
Heard, 2024). Musical practices that engage the wider community significantly con-
tribute to addressing persistent exclusion and stereotyping of particular communities, 
fostering dialogue, and prompting reinterpretations of dominant perceptions. Music, 
therefore, can serve as an important new space for representation (Hall, 1990), allowing 
for diverse interpretations of musical traditions that are inclusive and appealing to a 
broader audience. Or as one of the Kvali singers observes, through the experiences 
of sharing and learning as well as engaging with the music of the Albanian Other, 
“everyone gains something, and that is good”.
This perspective also underscores the potential for musical heritage and practices 
to function not merely as tools for cultural preservation but also as sites of identity 
negotiation, learning, creativity, social bonding, and political engagement within 
minority communities. In this regard, it is essential for host societies to create spaces 
and initiatives that promote the articulation of new, non-exclusive musical practices. 
However, as demonstrated by the case study of Kvali, the involvement of individuals 
with a deep knowledge of (musical) heritage can be instrumental in fostering new 
musical solidarities.
Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation 
Agency within the following research programs and projects: research core funding 
No. P6–0187 Ethnological Research of Cultural Knowledge, Practices and Forms of 
Socialities, project J6-4612 The Weight of the Past: Heritage of the Multicultural Area: 
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
136 |     Traditiones
Case Study of Gottschee, and from the Humboldt Foundation within the postdoctoral 
fellowship between 2024–2025. The authors would also like to thank all interlocutors, 
reviewers, and commentators for their valuable and constructive feedback.
Research data statement
The authors state that the article is based on ethnographic research materials that are 
not classified as research data. All additional information concerning the ethnographic 
research materials are available on reasonable request with the authors.
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Skrita dediščina Albancev v Sloveniji: premisleki o 
glasbenem ustvarjanju med središčem in obrobjem
Sodobno priseljevanje Albancev v Slovenijo vzbuja zanimanje javnosti, medtem 
ko je prepoznavnost njihove kulturne dediščine v Sloveniji skoraj nična. To je 
izhodišče članka, ki se osredinja na vrednotenje, navzočnost in interpretacijo 
albanske (glasbene) dediščine v Sloveniji. Članek ponuja etnografsko primerjavo 
pogledov in prakticiranj albanske (glasbene) dediščine v Ljubljani in Kočevju 
ter razgrinja premisleke o dediščini Albank in Albancev v Sloveniji in stališča 
slovenskih poslušalcev ter izvajalcev albanske etnoglasbe.
V prvem delu članka je analiza položaja in dojemanja albanske skupnosti v 
Jugoslaviji in specifično v Sloveniji od druge polovice 20. stoletja, poudarjeno 
je javno in politično dojemanje albanske dediščine tako v jugoslovanskem 
obdobju kot v sodobni Sloveniji. Dediščina Albancev, ki jo je mogoče označiti 
kot jugoslovansko zapuščino, se je vsaj do leta 2010 razvijala večinoma v 
albanski skupnosti. V tem smislu lahko govorimo o skriti dediščini, ki je nastala 
ob družbenopolitičnih implikacijah drugačenja Albancev in ob strahovih, ki 
so Albancem onemogočali njeno javno interpretacijo. Omejevanje kulturnega 
delovanja Albancev v Sloveniji in domneve Nealbancev, da albanske dediščine 
sploh ni, izvirata tudi iz percepcije načina življenja Albancev, ki temelji na 
intenzivnem delu in dolgih delavnikih v zasebnih podjetjih. Iz tega je nastala 
prevladujoča javna podoba o podjetnih in delavnih Albancih, ki pa nimajo časa 
ali interesa za kulturno delovanje in ohranjanje svoje dediščine.
V drugem delu članka je študija primera dediščinjenja albanske glasbe na 
podlagi analize delovanja skupine Kvali in dela soavtorice članka, ki je s pristopom 
Alenka Bartulović, Alma Bejtullahu 
140 |     Traditiones
aplikativne etnomuzikologije izbrani repertoar albanskih pesmi predstavila pevski 
skupini in nato slovenskemu etnoglasbenemu občinstvu. Poudarjene so glasbene 
strategije pri postopni popularizaciji glasbenega izročila in albansko-slovenska 
glasbena zavezništva, ki so omogočila proces specifičnega dediščinjenja albanske 
glasbe. S tem je skrita dediščina postala vidnejša. Albanska glasba je za pevke 
in slovenske poslušalce postala manj eksotična, bližja, kar je omogočilo tudi 
svojevrstno spremembo v razumevanju stigmatizirane albanske skupnosti. Te 
glasbene prakse so vplivale tudi na okrepljeno samopercepcijo Albancev, ki so 
se v zadnjih letih, organizirani v kulturnih društvih (npr. Migjeni), sami aktivirali 
pri promociji in reinterpretaciji albanske glasbene dediščine. V tem procesu se je 
albanska skupnost sčasoma vključila tudi v sodelovanje z drugimi manjšinskimi 
skupnostmi, s katerimi skupaj nastopajo, da bi dosegli večjo družbeno vidnost 
in si izboljšali manjšinski položaj. 
Primer skupine Kvali izraža moč glasbe v procesih reinterpretacije identitet 
in tudi političnega angažiranja. Albanska glasbena dediščina omogoča tudi rein-
terpretacijo kulturnih in zgodovinskih pripovedi o albanski in tudi jugoslovanski 
preteklosti, saj so se novi poslušalci začeli zavedati jugoslovanske politike 
izključevanja. Vendar je seznanjanje z albansko glasbo v veliki meri še vedno 
dosegljivo le tistim, ki jih etnoglasba zanima, in sicer predvsem v Ljubljani. V 
obrobnem okolju, kakor je na primer Kočevje, kljub multikulturnosti razmere za 
promocijo dediščine niso enake, kar vpliva tudi na samorazumevanje Albancev in 
njihov odnos do lastne dediščine. Tako so sogovorniki in sogovornice v Kočevju 
poudarjali bolj družinsko in manj nacionalno dediščino, pozorni pa so bili zlasti 
na osebni in družinski napredek, namenjen razvoju družinskih podjetij. Njihovo 
manjše zanimanje za kulturno dediščino pa ne pomeni, da niso navezani na 
lastne kulturne tradicije, marveč ga je treba videti skozi prizmo stigmatizacije 
albanske kulture oz. kot ponotranjenje nekaterih dominantnih stereotipov o 
Albancih. Primerjave med Kočevjem in Ljubljano ne gre posploševati, vendar 
ta poudarja, da gre pri ohranjanju dediščine za mnogoterost družbenokulturnih, 
političnih in prostorskih dejavnikov.