1 UR BA NI I ZZ IV 3 1/ 1 ju ni j/ Ju ne 2 02 0 le to /y ea r 20 20 le tn ik /v ol um e 31 urban experience doživljanje mesta watershed planning načrtovanje povodij buldings & climate change stavbe in podnebne spremembe informal street market neformalna ulična tržnica travel speed potovalna hitrost Untitled-1 1 25. 08. 2020 11:48:35 Urbani izziv, letnik 31, številka 1, junij 2020 Urbani izziv, volume 31, number 1, June 2020 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Bojan Golčar, Posledice / Consequences Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Področni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Goličnik Marušić, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan- ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Luka Mladenovič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Članki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni članki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro- kovni članki. Članki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezična re- vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila člankov so vključeni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO- BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte- national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com- puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da- tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re- lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu- des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple- te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc- tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki z oznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri čemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni članek, 1.02 pregle- dni znanstveni članek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referenčni v domačem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO- BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Članki«, drugi del pa »Pred- stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezična – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo več kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora- bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrstični razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilčene in na dnu strani postavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj ločiti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih črk (a, b, c in podobno) stično ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti označeni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na- vedek, se napiše za dvopičjem: (Zupančič, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v članku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na- vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Načini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder- shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanović, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statistični urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statistični letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, če je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov. org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, če avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8. Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in v drugih državah pa avtor brezplačno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izključno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor članka in vsak recenzent en brezplačni izvod publikacije. Članki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includes original research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5. Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6. In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated by a comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanović, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http:// www. avramov. org/ documents/ document7. pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslov uredništva Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv − The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con- struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniška fakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/ Croatia • Nico Kotze, University of South Africa – UNISA, Department of Geography, Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Blaž Križnik, Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Republika Koreja/Republic of Korea • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Čile/Chile • Breda Mihelič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, Faculty of Social Sciences, Finska/Finland • Giorgio Piccinato, Università degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti- tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemčija/ Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co- pernicus University, Wydziału Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/ Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kana- da/Canada • Matjaž Uršič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupančič Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju- bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and Social Administration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Dawn O'Neal Reindl Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Translation from Slovenian Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/Translation from English Simona Lapanja Debevc Redakcija/Text formatting Tamara Puc, Damjana Gantar Prelom in računalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP Demat, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršič, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print Demat, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna naročnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30 for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20 for individuals Kazalo Uvodnik Damjana GANTAR ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................3 Posledice Članki Michal NOWOSIELSKI, Agnieszka NOWOSIELSKA ..........................................................................................................................................................5 »Hladna, kamnita in razčlovečena« – nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock Sahar POUYA, Handan TURKOGLU, Umit ARPACIOGLU ..........................................................................................................................................17 Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij Mitchell Edbert SURYANTO, Joko ADIANTO, Rossa Turpuk GABE ............................................................................................................................28 Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici Živa KRISTL, Coline SENIOR, Alenka TEMELJOTOV SALAJ ......................................................................................................................................40 Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju Simon KOBLAR, Luka MLADENOVIČ ..................................................................................................................................................................................51 Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane Predstavitev projekta Daniela Angelina JELINČIĆ .........................................................................................................................................................................................................62 Projekt KEEP ON: Učinkovite politike za trajne in samozadostne projekte s področja kulturne dediščine Contents Editorial Damjana GANTAR ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................4 Consequences Articles Michal NOWOSIELSKI, Agnieszka NOWOSIELSKA ........................................................................................................................................................66 “Cold, stony, dehumanized”: Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space: e case of Cathedral Street (Ulica Tumska) in Płock Sahar POUYA, Handan TURKOGLU, Umit ARPACIOGLU ..........................................................................................................................................78 Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management Mitchell Edbert SURYANTO, Joko ADIANTO, Rossa Turpuk GABE ............................................................................................................................89 Accommodating the informal economy in public space: e intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market Živa KRISTL, Coline SENIOR, Alenka TEMELJOTOV SALAJ ................................................................................................................................... 101 Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector Simon KOBLAR, Luka MLADENOVIČ ............................................................................................................................................................................... 112 Calculating the speed of city bus trips: e case of Ljubljana, Slovenia Presentation of project Daniela Angelina JELINČIĆ ...................................................................................................................................................................................................... 123 KEEP ON: Eective policies for durable and self-sustainable projects in the cultural heritage sector 3 Posledice Prazne ulice, ljudje z maskami, zaprte ustanove in vsakodnevne skrb vzbujajoče novi- ce o številu okuženih in umrlih. Prvi meseci tega leta so bili res povsem drugačni od preteklih. Česa takega nismo predvidevali, čeprav so globalne pandemije s številnimi žrtvami tudi predmet znanstvenega raziskovanja prihodnosti, in ne le katastročna kcija. V znanstvenem raziskovanju prihodnosti namreč na podlagi predpostavljenih dogodkov razvijejo več možnih scenarijev, tudi ekstremnih in najslabših možnih, na podlagi katerih se je mogoče pripraviti na podobne situacije in zmanjšati njihove posledice. Takšni dogodki, kakršen je izbruh pandemije, se imenujejo neznanke, to so nepredvidljivi dogodki z zelo velikimi posledicami, za katere je le vprašanje, kdaj se bodo pojavili. V moje okolje je virus prišel v trenutku, ko se je zdelo, da je vse napeto kot elastika prav pred trenutkom, ko popusti in poči. Ko naloge, obveznosti in roki začnejo uha- jati izpod nadzora, občutek nemoči pa začenja vplivati na dobro počutje in zdravje. Potem pa smo z danes na jutri ostali v osami. Nekaj dni smo se privajali, potem smo spoznali, da bo trajalo malo dlje in bo bolj zahtevno, na koncu pa smo se že navadili in bi nekatere prednosti takega življenja tudi obdržali. V presežku časa, ki je bil kar naenkrat na voljo, smo lahko spet malo zadihali. Odmik od službe, šole, družbenih medijev ter znancev, prijateljev in razširjene družine je prinesel več časa zase in za najbližje. In je bilo prav dobro. Odpočile so se ulice in ceste, parki so zadihali svež zrak, narava se je pomladno prebudila, živali so se vrnile v mesta. V dveh mesecih smo osvojili nove spretnosti in navade, več časa smo preživeli v naravi in odkrivali lepe in mirne kotičke čisto blizu doma. Za marsikoga je bil to čas uvida, kaj je res pomembno v življenju, v družbi in v svetu. Vsi smo nekako upali, da bomo to znali ohraniti tudi po tem. Do naslednjič. Do takrat ne pozabimo, da imamo samo ta prostor, v katerem živimo. Da moramo biti odgovorni in pošteni do sebe in do vsega, na kar vplivamo. Saj je vse, kar se nam zgodi, posledica naših dejanj. Naše zavedanje tega pa ne sme trajati samo v času raznih kriz, ampak tudi takrat, ko se zdi, da je vse v najlepšem redu. Damjana Gantar, glavna urednica 4 Consequences Empty streets, people wearing masks, closed institutions, and alarming daily news on the number of new infections and deaths. e rst few months of 2020 were truly completely out of the ordinary. No one expected something like this to happen, even though global pandemics with many fatalities are not just a catastrophic ction, but also the subject of futures studies. Based on assumed events, futures studies develop several possible scenarios, including extreme and worst-case ones, which can be used to prepare for similar situations and reduce their impact. Events such as pandemic outbreaks are called wild cards; that is, unpredictable events with devastating con- sequences that may happen at any time. e virus entered my world right at a moment when everything seemed as taut as a rope that was at a breaking point: that point when assignments, obligations, and deadlines start getting out of hand and the feeling of helplessness starts aecting your sense of wellbeing and your health. en suddenly, we ended up in isolation. It took a couple of days to get used to it, and then we realized that everything would last a bit longer and be more challenging than we initially expected. Once we got used to it, we realized we would even prefer to keep certain advantages of this lifestyle. In all the free time we suddenly had available, we were able to catch our breath again. By distancing ourselves from our jobs, schools, social media, acquaintances, friends, and extended families, we had more time for ourselves and our loved ones. And it was great. e streets and roads got a break, the parks breathed in some fresh air, nature woke up in its spring attire, and animals returned to towns. In two months we acquired new skills and habits and spent more time outdoors, exploring pretty, peaceful little nooks close to our homes. To many, this period provided insight into what really matters in life, society, and the world. We all hoped to somehow be able to preserve all of this even aer the pandemic was over. Until the next time. Until then, let us not forget that the only space we have is the one we live in. at we should be responsible and fair to ourselves and to everything in our control. In the end, everything that happens to us is the consequence of our actions. However, we need to be aware of this not only when a crisis hits, but also when everything seems to be just ne. Damjana Gantar, Editor-in-Chief Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 5 UDK: 711.4(438Plock): 625.712.1 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2020-31-01-001 Prejeto: 3. 10 2019 Sprejeto: 2. 3. 2020 Michal NOWOSIELSKI Agnieszka NOWOSIELSKA »Hladna, kamnita in razčlovečena« – nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock V članku avtorja proučujeta, kako spremenjena podoba ulice po prenovi vpliva na dojemanje ulice, njeno sen- zorično krajino in vzdušje na njej. Na primeru Tumske ulice, glavne ulice v srednje velikem poljskem mestu Plo- ck, dokažeta, da imajo lahko tovrstne spremembe nepri- čakovane posledice, ki pri prebivalcih vzbujajo negativ- ne občutke. Izsledki raziskave, ki je temeljila na mnenju članov fokusnih skupin, kažejo, da trenutno vzdušje na Tumski ulici povzroča negativne zaznave, ki se nanašajo na štiri vrste senzoričnega zaznavanja oziroma značilnosti krajine: tipne, vidne, slušne in vohalne. Negativna občutja so še močnejša pri posameznikih, ki imajo pozitivne spo- mine na nekdanjo ulico – na njeno stanje pred prenovo. Zaradi negativnega vzdušja na Tumski ulici in neprijetnih občutij, ki jih vzbuja, so se ulične aktivnosti prebivalcev zmanjšale na najnujnejše opravke. Navedeni izsledki kaže- jo, da bi morali pri oblikovanju ali preoblikovanju javnih prostorov vedno upoštevati vplive na ulično vzdušje in potrebo po ustvarjanju pozitivnih občutij. Ključne besede: glavna ulica, vzdušje, doživljanje mesta, urbana sociologija, senzorično zaznavanje Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 6 M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA 1 Uvod Ulica kot vrsta javnega prostora je pogosta tema raziskav s področja urbane sociologije ali urbane etnograje. Možni sta dve glavni metodi proučevanja in analiziranja ulic. Prva daje prednost materialnemu in urbanističnemu vidiku ter se osredotoča na to, kako materialnost ulice določa družbeno vedenje. Pri navedenem raziskovalnem pristopu je ulica del omrežja javnih mestnih prostorov (Degen, 2018; Hubbard in Lyon,  2018). Druga metoda pa proučuje družabno življenje na ulici in poudarja pomembno vlogo ulic pri zagotavljanju občutenja kraja in časa. Lahko jo razumemo kot del širšega koncepta sociologije doživljanja mesta, ki se osredotoča na to, kaj posameznik doživlja v krajih in prostorih ter z njimi (Bo- rer, 2013: 966). Drug pomemben del tega pristopa je analiza senzoričnih zaznav javnih prostorov, tudi ulic, in njihovega ozračja ali vzdušja  (ibaud,  2011). Vzdušje je v tem smislu neločljivo povezano s čustvi, saj je opredeljeno kot zmožnost prostorov, da vplivajo na občutke (Löw, 2008). Zaradi tovrstnega zaznavanja prostora in vzdušja v njem bi bilo treba razumeti, da je vzdušje pomemben del ulice kot kompleksnega družbenega pojava. Navedeno nakazuje, da bi bilo treba pri oblikovanju ali preoblikovanju mestnega pros- tora posebno pozornost nameniti možnostim vplivanja na vzdušje (tj. njegovega ustvarjanja ali poustvarjanja). Jean-Paul ibaud  (2015:  42) razlaga novo področje urbane inter- vencije:  urbanistično oblikovanje se ne osredotoča več samo na predmete, ampak tudi na tisto, kar je med predmeti. Ne gre več samo za vprašanje oblikovanja stavb ali megaobjektov, ampak tudi tega, kar jih obdaja. Zato je ena izmed nalog arhitektov in odločevalcev, da se ne osredotočajo samo na funkcionalne ali estetske vidike, ampak tudi na občutke, ki jih najverjetneje vzbudijo spremembe javnega prostora. Navedeno se nanaša zlasti na gradnjo in obnovo, pri katerih lahko oblikovanje in preoblikovanje materialnih razmer vplivata na vzdušje na ulici in v povezavi z njim vzbudita negativne ali pozitivne občutke. V članku avtorja proučujeta, kako spremenjena podoba ulice po prenovi vpliva na dojemanje ulice in vzdušja na njej. Poka- žeta, da senzorično zaznavanje ulice pri ljudeh vzbuja negativna občutja in da prebivalci svoja negativna občutja, povezana s sedanjo podobo ulice, običajno primerjajo s pozitivnimi spo- mini na nekdanjo ulico. Kot primer uporabita Tumsko ulico – glavno ulico v srednje velikem poljskem mestu Plock. 2 Glavna ulica in njene spremembe Nick Dines (2018: 953) za ulico uporablja izraz mikrokozmos mesta in ker ima ulica osrednjo vlogo v vsakdanjem življenju mestnih prebivalcev, bi bila lahko tudi kvazimetafora za mest- no življenje. Nekateri raziskovalci trdijo, da ulica ponazarja naravo in dinamiko mesta, kar slikovito opiše tudi Henri Lefebvre  (2003:  18):  Ulica je kraj zbiranja  (topos), saj brez nje niso mogoča nobena druga dogovorjena srečanja … Na ulici kot nekakšni obliki spontanega gledališča postanem spektakel in včasih igralec. Ulica je kraj, kjer poteka gibanje  – interakcija, brez katere ne bi bilo mestnega življenja … Ulica je kraj igre in učenja. Ulica je kraj nereda. Zanimiv in pomemben predmet raziskav ulic je glavna ulica. Izraz se nanaša na glavno nakupovalno ulico  (ali včasih sku- pek več ulic) v mestnem središču, kjer so zgoščene trgovine in druge storitvene dejavnosti (Carmona, 2015). Glavna ulica ima pomembno vlogo v srednje velikih in majhnih mestih, saj zagotavlja občutek družbene stabilnosti in trajne lokalne identitete. Tradicionalno glavna ulica deluje kot prometno vozlišče in zbirališče, ki zagotavlja priročen dostop do trgovin in raznih storitev (Griths idr., 2008). Lahko pa se obravnava tudi kot čaroben prostor, ki ga radi obiskujejo tako prebivalci kot turisti, ki ustvarjajo in spodbujajo medosebne stike, poleg tega oblikuje posebne prostorske in čustvene odnose (Rzego- cińska-Tyżuk, 2008). Glavne ulice so v nekem trenutku izgubile svoj pomen. To je povezano s spremembami v mestnih središčih, ki jih obi- čajno lahko opišemo kot degeneracija in propadanje. Na- vedena procesa sta se v zahodnih državah začela pojavljati konec tridesetih let  20.  stoletja, vrhunec pa sta dosegla po letu  1960  (Robertson,  1995). Zaradi nenačrtnega širjenja mest  (Burchell  idr.,  1998) in decentralizacije  (Filion in Bun- ting,  2006) so mestna središča izgubila svoj pomen na račun predmestij, saj so se ljudje, trgovine in druge storitvene de- javnosti začeli seliti iz mestnih središč  (Burayidi,  2001). Po- sledično so ljudje začeli soseske v središču mesta dojemati ne samo kot nepomembna, ampak tudi manj prijetna območja, na katerih živijo neprivilegirane skupine (starejši, priseljenci in izključeni posamezniki) (Neto idr., 2014). Poleg tega trgovska vloga glavnih ulic upada, pomen drugih mestnih prostorov, ki ponujajo najrazličnejše storitve (nančne, zabavne, zdravstve- ne itd.), pa narašča (Dawson, 1988). Razmere dodatno slabšajo čedalje večji stroški najema poslovnih prostorov, zaradi česar podjetja zapuščajo glavne ulice (Carmona, 2015). Posledično se te ulice ne dojemajo več kot naravna družbena središča mest. Na neki točki je upadanje pomena glavnih ulic (tako kot propa- danje mestnih središč) postalo družbeno in posledično politič- no vprašanje. Zato so bili izvedeni številni poskusi revitalizacije navedenih javnih prostorov (Anderson, 1964; Carmon, 1999; Seidman,  2004; Hechesky,  2005; Cerreta  idr.,  2018). Poleg splošnejših programov revitalizacije so bili uvedeni tudi kon- kretnejši pristopi k regeneraciji glavnih ulic. Med najbolj zna- Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 7Nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock nimi je ameriški program Main Street America  (Internet  1), ki problem propadanja glavnih ulic obravnava z večdimen- zionalnega vidika, pri čemer se osredotoča na vprašanja, kot so gospodarsko prestrukturiranje, organizacija, promocija in oblikovanje  (Robertson,  2004). V mnogih primerih procesi revitalizacije niso dosegli pričakovanih rezultatov, kot so re- generacija skupnosti ali socialna in gospodarska rast mestnih središč (Kaźmierczak idr., 2011). Pogosto so navedeni procesi samo delno učinkoviti. Revitalizacija infrastrukture in podobe ulic je še najlažji del tovrstnih projektov, druge spremembe, kot je boj proti socialni izključenosti, izboljšanje kakovosti življenja prebivalcev ali gospodarska rast, pa je običajno mnogo težje doseči (Nowosielski 2012a, 2012b). Poleg tega so imeli neka- teri programi regeneracije nepričakovane posledice:  povzro- čali so gentrikacijo  (Cameron,  1992; Miciukiewicz,  2008), nekateri so vplivali na širjenje gospodarske neenakosti  (Stern in Seifert,  2007), zaradi drugih pa je postala infrastruktura mestnih središč in glavnih ulic za prebivalce neudobna in ne- prijazna (Gehl, 2010). 3 Občutenje mesta Vplivu revitalizacije na vzdušje na javnih prostorih se namenja le malo pozornosti, ob tem se (pozitivni ali negativni) občutki, ki jih vzbuja nova podoba ulice, le redko proučujejo. Analize s področja urbane sociologije se običajno bolj osredotočajo na negativne posledice revitalizacije, kot je gentrikacija, okrepi- tev neenakosti ali nezmožnost aktivacije mestnih skupnosti. Vzdušju in občutkom bi bilo treba nameniti več pozornosti. V tem pogledu sta lahko koristna teoretična okvira, ki sta ju pred- lagala ibaud oziroma Borer. V skladu s prvim bi se morala posebna pozornost nameniti vzdušju na mestnih prostorih. Mestni prostor omogoča številne ambiente, ki jih lahko občutimo z vsemi čutili. Ne glede na to, ali gre za živahno odprto tržnico ali pusto parkirišče, privlačno zgodovinsko jedro ali navadno po- stajo podzemne železnice, to, kako dojemamo te prostore, temelji na tem, kako jih senzorično doživljamo  (ibaud,  2011:  43). Ulica se tako ne dojema samo kot prostor, napolnjen z mate- rialnimi predmeti ali ljudmi, ampak tudi kot prostor, ki omo- goča, da ljudje v njem občutijo vse, kar jih obkroža. Navede- no ima posledice za raziskovalca, ki proučuje vzdušje na ulici. ibaud  (2011:  42) trdi, da pri zaznavanju javnega prostora ljudje ne vidijo stvari take, kot so, temveč občutijo nekakšno uglašenost z mestnim prostorom, ki jim omogoča, da mestni pros- tor doživljajo kot občutenje sebe in sveta. Drugi teoretični okvir pa temelji na sociologiji doživljanja mes- ta. Kot navaja Borer  (2013:  969), lahko vsak prostor v mestu ovrednotimo na podlagi čutnih dražljajev, ki jih vzbuja /…/ Ti pomeni so v plasteh naneseni na posamezen prostor, prav zaradi njihove zakoreninjenosti v posamezniku pa se oblikujeta identi- teta kraja in navezanost na kraj, ki ju posameznik deli z drugi- mi. Navedena izjava ima dve pomembni posledici za nadaljnje raziskave. Prvič, nanaša se na čute, ki urejajo naše doživljanje vzdušja v javnem prostoru in našo uglašenost z njim. Da bi jih lahko analizirali, se moramo osredotočiti na to, kako ljudje zaznavajo prostor s čutili. Borer (2013: 969–978) s tem v zvezi predlaga analizo značilnosti mestnih krajin, ki jih zaznavamo z vidom, sluhom, vohom, okusom in tipom. Navedeno se ujema z razvrščanjem senzorično zaznanih območij, ki ga je predlagal Rodaway (1994) in razlikuje med značilnostmi območja, ki jih zaznavamo s tipom, vohom, sluhom in vidom. Pri vidno zaznanih krajinah (ang. seescapes) je poudarjena vloga vida, s katerim lahko najlažje zaznavamo prostor. Poleg tega vizualni vidiki grajenega okolja vplivajo na doživljanje mest- nih prostorov tako, da ponujajo znake in namige, na podlagi katerih lahko sklepamo, katere vrste interakcij tam potekajo in med kom  (Borer,  2013:  970). Vidne značilnosti krajine zajemajo prvine, kot so oblika, barva, prostornina, velikost, zaporedje, raznolikost, predstavljivost in berljivost  (Wankhe- de in Wahurwagh,  2016:  743). Vizualni vidiki se pogosto upoštevajo pri različnih strategijah revitalizacije javnega pros- tora  (Hubbard,  1996). Pri krajinah, ki jih zaznavamo s slu- hom  (ang.  soundscapes), je poudarek na dejstvu, da je mesto polno zvokov, ritmov in hrupov različne intenzivnosti in glas- nosti, ki prihajajo iz različnih virov, kot so ulični promet, javni prevoz, industrijske cone in ljudje. Nekatere mešanice različnih zvokov so povezane s posameznimi kraji  (Borer,  2013:  971). Krajine, ki jih zaznavamo z vonjem  (ang.  smellscapes), se nanašajo na vohalne zaznave in njihovo interpretacijo, zlasti v smislu sprejemljivih in nesprejemljivih vonjev, ki so običajno povezani s tem, kaj je družbeno zaželeno in nezaželeno. Ome- niti je treba, da je za nekatere kulture, tudi evropsko, značilen poseben pojav upravljanja vonjav, katerega cilj je doseči pros- tore brez vonja  (Waskul in Vannini,  2008:  55–56). Opisane krajine lahko na primer opredelimo tudi na podlagi razliko- vanja med aromatičnimi, dišečimi, česnovimi, ambrozijskimi, kozjimi, odbijajočimi, odvratnimi in podobnimi vonji  (Wan- khede in Wahurwagh,  2016:  743). Krajine, ki jih zaznavamo z okusom  (ang.  tastescapes), se nanašajo na proces doživljanja mesta prek pripravljanja in uživanja hrane in pijač. Poudarek je na zaznavah sladkosti, kislosti, slanosti in grenkosti  (Wan- khede in Wahurwagh,  2016:  743). Krajine, ki jih zaznavamo s tipom  (ang. touchscapes), je verjetno najtežje opisati, ker se zdi, da niso omejene samo na zaznavanje teksture površin s prsti  (Rodaway,  1994:  44), ampak so povezane s kompleks- nejšim doživljanjem, ki vključuje premikanje skozi prostore in med predmeti ter njihovo občutenje s celotnim telesom. Med drugim obsegajo občutke suhosti, hladnosti, hrapavosti in trdote  (Wankhede in Wahurwagh,  2016:  743). To je poveza- no z ugotovitvijo, da čutno doživljanje krajev ni individualno, ampak prej skupno. Zato bi ga lahko proučevali ne samo indi- Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 8 vidualno, ampak tudi v razmerah, v katerih bi lahko analizirali njegovo kolektivno naravo. 4 Tumska ulica v Plocku Tumska ulica leži v starem mestnem jedru Plocka  – sredn- je velikega industrijskega mesta v osrednjem delu Poljske, v katerem živi približno  120.000  ljudi. Ulica je bila na začet- ku  19.  stoletja znana kot Dohm Straße  (slo.  Stolna ulica) in je bila zgrajena v središču mesta kot povezava med trgoma Ry- nek Kanoniczy (slo. Kanonični trg) in Nowy Rynek (slo. Novi trg) (Rydzewska, 2009). Čeprav je gradnja trajala pol stoletja, je zaradi oblike in središčne lokacije v mestu postala glavna ulica. Sprva je bila pomembna prometna pot, sčasoma pa je začela opravljati tudi druge funkcije (tj., stanovanjsko, storitve- no in trgovsko). Trgovska funkcija je postala pomembnejša na prelomu  19. v  20.  stoletje, ko si je Tumska ulica prizadevala postati nakupovalno središče mesta (Rydzewska, 2009: 24). Pos- topno je prevzela tudi vlogo kulturnega in družabnega središča Plocka, ki je med prebivalci vzbujalo pozitivne občutke. Prebivalci Plocka, ki se ulice spominjajo še iz predvojnega obdobja, o njej govorijo kot o živahni ulici, ki je spodbujala preživljanje časa na prostem. Takratni Hotel Angielski, ki ga danes ni več, je bil zbirališče, kjer so ljudje pokušali lokalna vina in plesali. Ulica je bila prostor, kjer se je odvijalo družabno živl- jenje (Luma, 2009). Umetniški klub, kjer so se zbirali boemi, in škojska katoliška hiša s kinom in gledališčem za 1.500 ljudi, odprta leta  1935, sta zagotavljala zabavo in razvedrilo manj premožnim meščanom (Rydzewska, 2009). Po drugi svetovni vojni se je zaradi prilagoditev, ki jih je zahteval novi socialistič- ni sistem, narava ulice spremenila. Zgrajene so bile nove javne stavbe, večina katerih je bila povezana s trgovino (blagovnica Centrum) in gostinstvom  (gostilna Piast oziroma poznejši koktejl bar Hortex) (Rydzewska, 2009). Komunistična oblast je slikoviti Hotel Angielski spremenila v krojaško zadrugo, kulturni center  (nekdanja katoliška hiša) na Tumski ulici pa je ostajal zbirališče umetnikov in središče kulturnega življenja, zlasti, ker je bil v njegovih prostorih tudi kino Przedwiošnie. Poleg tega se je postopno spremenila tudi sestava prebivalcev Tumske ulice: premožne meščane in lastnike značilnih večsta- novanjskih stavb, zgrajenih iz opeke ali kamna (pol. kamienice), so zamenjali pripadniki nižjih družbenih slojev (Luma, 2009). Na začetku sedemdesetih let  20.  stoletja je bila ulica prvič prenovljena, in sicer je bila preurejena v pešcono s kotički za sprostitev, ozelenjenimi z rožami in drevesi. Navedene spremembe so med prebivalci vzbujale mešane občutke  (Ry- dzewska, 2009). Po letu 1989 je zaradi prehoda države v tržno gospodarstvo začela cveteti trgovska funkcija ulice, med ljudmi pa se je še okrepila predstava o njej kot o živahnem trgovskem središču mesta. Hkrati so se v mestu gradile nove stavbe, ki so Slika 1: Plock na zemljevidu Poljske (vir: Internet 2) delno nadomestile stare propadajoče objekte in so se ujemale s prvotnimi meščanskimi stavbami (Rydzewska, 2009). V prvem desetletju 21. stoletja so v Plocku hitro nastajali novi nakupo- valni centri, zaradi česar so kupci zapuščali Tumsko ulico, ki je s tem izgubljala vlogo nakupovalnega središča mesta. Hkrati so mestne oblasti dale pobudo za projekt njene posodobitve, ki je bil dokončan leta 2006. Leta 2007 je prejel glavno nagra- do na državnem natečaju posodobitve leta, mestne oblasti pa so prenovljeno ulico začele oglaševati pod reklamnim geslom dnevna soba mesta. Uveden je bil tudi program subvencioniran- ja prenove starih večstanovanjskih stavb  (Woźniak,  2008). Razen sprememb v tlaku, ulični opremi in zelenih površinah nadaljnji posegi kljub temu niso bili v celoti izvedeni. Poleg tega prenova ni bila samo množično kritizirana, ker je med prebivalci vzbujala močne negativne občutke (Woźniak, 2008; Tybura,  2019), ampak tudi ni zmogla zaustaviti družbenega nazadovanja ulice in upada njenega pomena v očeh prebivalcev. Leta 2012 so Tumsko ulico imenovali celo bančna ulica, saj je bilo na 326 m dolgem območju za pešce kar dvajset bančnih poslovalnic. Primanjkovalo je kavarn, trgovin in predvsem peš- cev, kar je dajalo vtis prazne, zapuščene ulice (Woźniak, 2008; Marciniak, 2012). Do zdaj se položaj ni kaj dosti spremenil. Ulica ostaja predvsem promenada, ki se razteza do Tumskega hriba  (pol. Wzgórze Tumskie). Zdi se, da je izgubila svoj nekdanji pomen trgov- skega, zabavnega in kulturnega središča mesta (Tybura, 2019), kljub temu pa ostaja pomembna čustvena referenčna točka. Ewa Luma (2009: 59) glede tega, kako Tumsko ulico doživljajo starejši prebivalci Plocka, navaja: Tumska ulica ima pomembno preteklost, pred nami pa je, upamo, veličastna prihodnost. Ali bo postala dnevna soba mesta, bodo pokazala naslednja stoletja. Ljudje, ki se po njej sprehajajo, so njeno življenje. Njena narava je sestavljena iz številnih prvin: stavb (hiš), dvorišč, ulic in oken stanovanj, v katerih živijo ljudje. Prebivalci so srce vsakega mesta. Hiše so samo njena zunanja podoba, medtem ko ulico določajo ljudje in njihovi občutki. M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 9 5 Raziskovalna metoda in podatki Raziskava, predstavljena v tem članku, temelji na analizi po- datkov iz mnenj, pridobljenih leta 2018 v okviru dveh fokus- nih skupin, v katerih so sodelovali prebivalci Plocka. V vsaki skupini je bilo po osem posameznikov, ti pa so bili izbrani z namenskim vzorčenjem na podlagi čim večjih razlik med seboj. Za raziskavo so bili tako izbrani posamezniki različne starosti, izobrazbe in poklica. Drugo merilo za vzorčenje je bil kraj bivanja: v fokusnih skupinah so tako sodelovali prebivalci različnih predelov Plocka. Raziskava z obema fokusnima sku- pinama je potekala v stavbi Mazovijske državne univerze, ki ni v središču mesta, ampak v eni izmed stanovanjskih sosesk v Plocku. Raziskava s prvo fokusno skupino je trajala 1  uro in 26 minut, z drugo pa 1 uro in 40 minut. V raziskavi s fokusnima skupinama je bilo obdelanih po šest tem, med drugim so si morali člani skupin zamisliti, kako se sprehajajo po sedanji Tumski ulici, in opisati, kaj pri tem ob- čutijo. Prvi sklop vprašanj je bil uporabljen kot ogrevanje in se je večinoma nanašal na podatke o sodelujočih v raziskavi: nji- hovo socialno-demografsko ozadje, kraj bivanja v Plocku in njihov odnos do Tumske ulice. Drugi sklop vprašanj je temeljil na projekcijskih tehnikah, s katerimi sta želela avtorja raziskave določiti občutke sodelujočih v raziskavi v povezavi s Tumsko ulico in vzdušjem na njej ter njihovo uglašenost z ulico. Pri spraševanju je moderator anketirance pozval, naj zaprejo oči, si zamislijo, kako se sprehajajo po Tumski ulici, in pri tem opišejo svoje občutke. Izkazalo se je, da je bila navedena teh- nika med udeleženci zelo dobro sprejeta, njihovi odgovori pa so zagotovili zanimive podatke o tem, kako dojemajo vzdušje na ulici. Tretji tematski sklop raziskave se je nanašal na vsa- kdanje stike s Tumsko ulico. Sodelujoči v raziskavi so morali povedati, kolikokrat na dan jo obiščejo in zakaj  (in če je ne obiskujejo, zakaj ne). Naslednji sklop vprašanj se je osredotočal na dogodke, organizirane na Tumski ulici, in kako jih vprašani dojemajo, peti sklop pa na zaznane prednosti in slabosti ulice. Pri zadnjem sklopu vprašanj pa so morali sodelujoči v raziskavi opisati, kako bi bila videti idealna Tumska ulica. V članku se avtorja osredotočata na zaznavanje Tumske uli- ce in vzdušja na njej. Pri njuni analizi je poudarek na štirih kategorijah senzoričnega zaznavanja krajine, kot jih je predlagal Borer (2013), ter na spominih na nekdanjo ulico in posledicah prenove na to, kako jo ljudje zaznavajo. Uporabljena razisko- valna metoda je vključevala delo s fokusnima skupinama kot orodje, ki omogoča večjo angažiranost sodelujočih. Pri taki Slika 2: Tumska ulica v Plocku (vir: Internet 3) Nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 10 skupinski raziskavi se lažje odprejo in navežejo stik z drugimi. Poleg tega navedena metoda udeležence spodbuja, da delijo svoje občutke in čustva  (Gawlik,  2012) ter se o njih pogo- varjajo. Navedeno pa je mogoče doseči samo, če vprašanja, ki se obravnavajo, niso preveč problematična ali intimna. 6 Rezultati Vprašanja o zaznanem vzdušju na Tumski ulici so se izkaza- la za zelo učinkovita pri pridobivanju informacij o občutkih sodelujočih v raziskavi. Številni odgovori in razprave, ki so sledile, so se nanašali na čutne, skoraj telesne zaznave, ki jih po Borerju  (2013) lahko razdelimo v štiri vrste senzoričnega zaznavanja: tipno, vidno, slušno in vohalno. Zaznavanje kraji- ne, ki se nanaša na okus, v raziskavo ni bilo vključeno. Spodnji primeri izjav vprašanih so šifrirani na naslednji na- čin:  če je navedena izjava samo enega sodelujočega v razis- kavi, je označena s številko fokusne skupine in številko te osebe  (npr.  FS1S4), če pa gre za izmenjavo mnenj med več sodelujočimi v raziskavi, je vsaka izjava označena s številko ose- be, celoten pogovor pa je označen s številko fokusne skupine. Vprašanje moderatorja je označeno s številko fokusne skupine in črko M (npr. FS2M). 6.1 Tipno zaznavanje krajine Najpogosteje omenjeni občutek je bil hlad, zaradi česar so se sodelujoči v raziskavi počutili zelo neprijetno: FS1S4: Naj se sliši še tako čudno, čutim hlad in praznino. FS2S7: Čutim hladno vzdušje. FS1S7:  Zanimivo, tudi jaz sem občutil hlad. Prva beseda, na katero sem pomislil, je bil hlad. Med pogovorom so sodelujoči v raziskavi dodatno pojasnili razloge za opisani občutek. Mnogi so dejali, da so vzrok za hladnost Tumske ulice materiali, iz katerih je zgrajena. Konk- retno so omenjali material, s katerim je tlakovana, ter obliko in materiale ulične opreme. Opozorili so predvsem na prevlado kamna. Slika 3: Kamnita Tumska ulica (foto: Michał Nowosielski) M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 11 FS2: M: Hlad? Zakaj ga čutite? Od kod prihaja? S5: Mislim, da iz materialov, iz katerih je ulica zgrajena. S2: Ja! S5: Točno tako. Ti tlakovci … S1: Te kamnite klopi. S6: Vse je tako hladno. S1: Kamniti oglasni stebri. O tem govorite? S5: Ja. Vse je tako … Ni nobene spontanosti. Zdi se, da zlasti ulična oprema in tlakovci pri vprašanih vzbu- jajo zelo močne občutke. Vidik, ki je pritegnil njihovo poseb- no pozornost, je različna površina ulice, z gladkimi ploščami ob straneh in neravnimi tlakovci v sredini. Poleg tega, da jo vprašani občutijo kot hladno, jo zaznavajo tudi kot neudobno in nefunkcionalno. Zanimivo je, da so sodelujoči v raziskavi svoje občutke opisovali z izrazi, ki so poudarjali spolzkost ali neenakomernost talne površine. FS2: S4: Površina ni v redu. Ni ravna. Ko se mi mudi z avto- busa v službo in hodim hitro, je na teh tlakovcih težko. Zlasti ko je spolzko. M: Sestavljena je iz različnih delov. S2: Ja. In ko hodim, raje hodim … S1: Ob strani, ker je lažje. S2:  Tako je, ker so v sredini tako veliki tlakovci. Priznam pa, da se po sredini vozim s kolesom, ker je tam manj ljudi. S7:  [Robovi] so pozimi spolzki. Pozimi se je bolje držati sre- dine. Sodelujoči v raziskavi so opozorili še na kamnito in hladno ulično opremo. Navedene čutne zaznave nakazujejo, da po mnenju ljudi ulična oprema ne opravlja svoje vloge. Vprašani so najpogosteje omenjali klopi, na katerih naj bi sedeli, počivali in se pogovarjali, po njihovem mnenju niso samo neudobne, ampak tudi nefunkcionalne. Opisali so jih kot uporabniku ne- prijazne in poudarili, da pozimi postanejo še hladnejše, poleti pa še bolj vroče. FS1: S1: Gole so. Povsod je samo kamen, ki je zelo neprijazen, saj so ta sedišča … S7: Popolnoma nefunkcionalna. S2: Ne spodbujajo te k temu, da nanje sedeš ne poleti ne po- zimi, ker so ali prevroča ali premrzla. Slika 4: Različna površina in pešci na pločnikih Tumske ulice (foto: Michal Nowosielski) Nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 12 6.2 Vidno zaznavanje krajine Poleg občutka hladnosti so sodelujoči v raziskavi pogosto omenjali občutek praznosti in opustelosti. Večina je medtem, ko si je zamišljala, da hodi po ulici, navajala, da ni tam nikogar drugega. FS1S5: Praznost. Na žalost nisem videl nikogar, ki bi šel mimo mene. FS2S1: Na Tumski ni ljudi. Nekateri sodelujoči v raziskavi praznosti niso povezovali z družbenimi dejavniki (da ni ljudi), ampak z arhitekturno ob- liko ulice. Spet se je omenjala kamnitost, poleg pomanjkanja dreves in splošnega občutka praznosti ulice. FS1S4: Kamnita puščava, to je moja prva asociacija. 6.3 Slušno zaznavanje krajine Sodelujoči v raziskavi so pogosto povezovali občutek hladu in praznosti, pri čemer so nekako poskušali pojasniti enega v povezavi z drugim. Poleg tega so omenjali še en občutek, ki močno vpliva na vzdušje na ulici:  tišino. Pri tem so vprašani govorili predvsem o tem, da ni običajnega uličnega hrupa. FS2S4: Mislim, da hlad ulice … izvira iz dejstva, da preprosto na njej ni ljudi, da je tako prazna in opustela, ko se po njej sprehodiš. FS2S7: Verjetno je to najpomembnejše … Na splošno ni ljudi, ni tega utripa in uličnega hrupa, zaradi katerega bi ulica takoj postala prijetnejša. 6.4 Vohalno zaznavanje krajine Zadnja in najmanjkrat omenjena čutna zaznava je bil vonj. Ne- kateri vprašani so pri tem, ko so si zamišljali, da hodijo po ulici, poročali o tem, da zaznavajo neprijeten vonj po dimu iz peči, te namreč nekatera gospodinjstva uporabljajo za ogrevanje. FS2S5: Zadušljiv dim iz dimnikov. Zelo neprijeten občutek. 6.5 Vzdušje na Tumski ulici, kot se ga spominjajo ljudje Nekateri sodelujoči v raziskavi so svoje današnje neprijetne ob- čutke primerjali s spomini na čase, ko so bili ti dosti prijetnejši. Pogosto so primerjali hlad s toploto in praznost s prijetnim občutkom družabnosti. Eden izmed vprašanih je razliko med nekdanjo in sedanjo Tumsko ulico primerjal z razliko med živim in mrtvim. FS1S4: Še vedno se spominjam nekdanje Tumske. Bila je pov- sem drugačna. Seveda je bila zanemarjena in ni bila lepa. Bila je malo za časom, kot da bi bila iz nekega drugega obdobja, a je imela neko posebno vzdušje. Vzdušje na njej je bilo povsem drugačno. Na njej so rasla velika, lepa, zelena drevesa z veliki- mi krošnjami. Vmes so bile niše s klopmi, kamor si se lahko usedel. Ljudje so si kupili tortico ali sladoled in se tam ustavili ali pa so se usedli in se pogovarjali. Različni ljudje – ne samo izobraženci, ampak tudi navadni ljudje, ki so živeli v bližini. Tumska je takrat preprosto živela. Sliki 5a in 5b: Klopi na Tumski ulici (foto: Michal Nowosielski) a b M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 13 Slika 6: Opustela Tumska ulica (foto: Michal Nowosielski) Slika 7: Tumska ulica pred revitalizacijo (foto: Mariusz Kucharczyk) Nepričakovani vplivi prenove na senzorično zaznavanje javnega prostora in vzdušje: primer Tumske ulice v poljskem mestu Plock Slika 8: Pogled na Tumsko ulico (foto: Michał Nowosielski) Ko so bili udeleženci raziskave vprašani, kdaj se je po njiho- vem mnenju zgodila ta sprememba, so vedno poudarili, da po revitalizaciji. Zaradi prenove naj bi se spremenila narava ulice, ki je postala neprijazna pešcem. Zanimivo je, da se je nova, bolj estetska oblika ulice izkazala za čustveno manj sprejeml- jivo. Vprašani so pogosto poudarili, da je bila celotna prenova Tumske ulice bolj umetniška vizija arhitekta kot pa odgovor na družbene potrebe in pričakovanja. FS1S2: Šokiran sem bil, ko sem videl Tumsko po prenovi. Ali si opazil? Nekoč je bila polna dreves, tako da sploh nisi mogel videti nič drugega, če si nanjo  ... S4: Pogledal … S2: Točno. Po prenovi pa sem enkrat pogledal tja in videl, da je vse prazno. FS1S6 Mislim, da je problem pristop, ki ga je arhitekt upo- rabil … Kot da bi stanovanje opremil v zelo sodobnem slogu, vendar je to storil samo zase, da bi izpolnil vizijo, ki jo je imel v mislih. To mu je pomagalo pri karieri in za projekt je celo prejel nagrade, vendar s tem ni pomagal nikomur drugemu. Izjavam, v katerih so sodelujoči v raziskavi opisovali negativne občutke v povezavi s prenovo, so običajno sledile splošnejše opazke glede tega, komu naj bi bili ulica in njena prenova na- menjeni. Pri tem so vprašani znova omenjali močne negativne občutke, ki jih je v njih vzbujala prenova. Prenovljeno Tumsko ulico namreč dojemajo kot razčlovečeno, neprijazno in celo neprimerno za življenje, zaradi česar se na njej zadržujejo samo, če je to res nujno. Tumska ulica se tako uporablja samo kot povezava z drugimi ulicami in mestnimi prostori. FS1S4: Komu naj bi bila namenjena? Mesto je namenjeno nje- govim prebivalcem. Mesto je namenjeno nam in moralo bi biti funkcionalno in prijazno ter spodbujati bi moralo preživljanje časa na prostem. Tumska ulica še zdaleč ni takšna, ljudi celo odbija. Vsi komaj čakajo, da jo prečkajo in zapustijo. FS1S4:  Tumska je preprosto hladna, kamnita, razčlovečena, neprijazna pešcem … Ni primerna za življenje. FS1S7: Ulica se uporablja samo kot prehod. 7 Razprava Kot predpostavlja ibaud  (2015:  42), bi se moralo obliko- vanje osredotočati na občutke in vzdušje, pri čemer naš namen ni preoblikovati samo svet grajenih objektov, ampak tudi svet ozračja in zaznavnega vzdušja. Tovrstna naloga pa zahteva osredotočenost na občutke, ki jih vzbujajo javni prostori in se vzbujajo na javnih prostorih. Zlasti težavna je pri prenovi javnega prostora, kot je na primer glavna ulica, ki ima velik družben in čustven pomen. Arhitekt mora namreč upoštevati tako pričakovanja odločevalcev kot močno uveljavljena mnenja in občutke, ki so jih prebivalci oblikovali na podlagi dolgolet- nih osebnih izkušenj. Analiza raziskave s fokusnima skupinama kaže, da Tumska uli- ca pri udeležencih zbuja močne občutke v povezavi z vsemi šti- rimi proučevanimi vidiki: tipnim, vidnim, slušnim in vohalnim zaznavanjem krajine (glej Preglednico 1). Pri tipnem zaznavan- ju krajine so sodelujoči v raziskavi pri opisovanju splošnega vzdušja na ulici in njenih posameznih prvin govorili o hladu, Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 14 notranje temperature ob tem pa so omenjali tudi spolzka in neravna tlakovana tla ali uporabniku neprijazno ulično opremo. Pri vidnem zaznavanju krajine so opisovali občutke praznine in ulico primerjali s puš- čavo, pri slušnem zaznavanju krajine so omenjali pomanjkanje običajnega uličnega hrupa, pri vohalnem zaznavanju krajine pa so poudarjali vonj po dimu. Vsi štirje vidiki oblikujejo hladno, kamnito in razčloveče- no vzdušje in senzorično zaznavanje današnje Tumske ulice. Tovrstni občutki pa se še okrepijo ob spominih na nekdaj to- plo, obljudeno ulico, ki je vzbujala pozitivna čustva. Zdi se, da navedeno potrjuje domnevo Paula Rodawaya (1994), da se zaznavanje ne nanaša samo na sprejemanje informacij, ampak tudi na miselne uvide, sestavljene iz senzoričnih informacij, spominov in pričakovanj. Zaradi nasprotja med pozitivno po- dobo nekdanje Tumske ulice in precej negativnim doživljanjem njene sedanje podobe je senzorično zaznavanje ulice tako zelo negativno – verjetno še bolj, kot bi pričakovali na podlagi njene objektivne oblike. Primer Tumske ulice v Plocku poleg tega kaže, kako lahko prenova, katere cilj je revitalizirati pomemben javni prostor, povzroči nepričakovane in nezaželene posledice s tem, ko nepopravljivo okrni ulično vzdušje. Prostorske spre- membe, ki jih je povzročila prenova, med prebivalci vzbujajo močne negativne občutke, ki jih opisujejo na podlagi inten- zivnih čutnih zaznav. Zaznave uličnega vzdušja in občutki prebivalcev kažejo, da posledice prenove niso omejene samo na psihološke ali čustvene vidike. Kot navajata Kalyani Wankhede in Amit Wahurwagh  (2016), pozitivne in negativne čutne zaznave mestnih prostorov močno vplivajo na kakovost javnih krajev. Zaradi njih lahko začnejo ljudje tudi sebe drugače dojemati v tem prostoru  (npr. da pripadajo ali ne pripadajo kraju, da so na pravem ali napačnem kraju itd.), poleg tega lahko vplivajo na njihove odločitve glede njegove uporabe. Če je vzdušje na ulici negativno ali če ulica vzbuja neprijetne občutke, se spre- menijo tudi aktivnosti, ki jih prebivalci na njej izvajajo, pri čemer jo uporabljajo samo, če je to res nujno. Če uporabimo besede Jana Gehla  (2010), se Tumska ulica uporablja samo za nujne, funkcionalne aktivnosti ali aktivnosti, v katere so ljudje prisiljeni  (tj.  kot povezovalna ulica z drugimi ulicami ali pomembnimi mestnimi prostori). Hkrati so druge, manj nujne aktivnosti (npr. rekreacija in druženje z drugimi) močno omejene. 8 Sklep Pri oblikovanju ali preoblikovanju javnih prostorov je treba vedno upoštevati, da dobro načrtovani in oblikovani prostori ljudi spodbujajo, da se družijo z drugimi zunaj svojega doma, saj pri njih vzbujajo pozitivne občutke, medtem ko slabo ob- likovani prostori pri ljudeh vzbujajo negativne občutke in jih odvračajo od druženja zunaj. Izsledki raziskave potrjujejo, da so pri tem ključne čutne zaznave. Pri načrtovanju revitalizacije ali prenove se je zato treba nasloniti na raziskave senzoričnega za- znavanja, ki upoštevajo vse vrste čutnih zaznav ter spomine in pričakovanja prebivalcev. Tovrstne raziskave so lahko v pomoč pri odločanju (Battistini in Mondino, 2017; El-Sayyad, 2019). Hkrati se je pomembno zavedati vrzeli med značilnimi ukre- pi strokovnjakov (npr. arhitektov), ki temeljijo na estetskih in funkcionalnih merilih, ter ljudskimi ukrepi prebivalcev, ki se bolj osredotočajo na občutenje prostora in uglašenost z njim. Izsledki raziskave kažejo, da je treba upoštevati oboje. Prejšnje študije razkrivajo, da obstajajo primeri revitalizacije, pri kate- rih je bila upoštevana pomembna vloga čutnih zaznav  (De- gen, 2004; Brown, 2012; Henshaw, 2013). Primer, predstavljen v tem članku, kaže, da so lahko vzdušje, občutki in čutne zaznave uporabni raziskovalni kazalniki na področju sociologije doživljanja mesta in lahko pomagajo ra- zumeti, kako ljudje dobro sprejemajo javni prostor. Treba pa bi bilo opraviti širše raziskave z več primeri in raznimi razis- kovalnimi metodami. Čeprav se je raziskava s fokusnima sku- pinama v tem primeru izkazala za učinkovito orodje, bi jo bilo treba v nadaljnjih raziskavah podpreti z drugimi tehnikami, vključno s posebno metodologijo, ki bi temeljila na senzorič- nih sprehodih (vohalnih, slušnih sprehodih itd.), zapisovanju zaznav in interpretacij zaznanih občutij ter izdelavi senzoričnih zemljevidov  (El-Sayyad,  2019). Z navedenim postopkom bi pridobili pomembne informacije o čutnem zaznavanju javnega prostora, na podlagi česar bi ga lahko ustrezno oblikovali ali preoblikovali. Michal Nowosielski Mazowiecka Uczelnia Publiczna w Płocku (Mazovijska državna uni- verza v Plocku), Plock, Poljska E-naslov: m.nowosielski@mazowiecka.edu.pl M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Preglednica 1: Zaznani občutki na Tumski ulici in vrste senzoričnega zaznavanja Vrsta senzoričnega zaznavanja Opis občutka Tipno Vidno Slušno Vohalno Hlad Praznost Tišina Preveč dima Spolzkost Opustelost Brezšumnost Smrad Neravnost Neprijaznost uporabniku Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 15 Agnieszka Nowosielska Mazowiecka Uczelnia Publiczna w Płocku (Mazovijska državna uni- verza v Plocku), Plock, Poljska E-naslov: a.nowosielska@mazowiecka.edu.pl Zahvala Raziskava je bila financirana v okviru projekta Tumska na nowo – badania, katerega naročnik je bila mestna občina Plock, izvajal pa se je na Mazovijski državni univerzi. Viri in literatura Anderson, M. (1964): The federal bulldozer. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press. Battistini, E., in Mondino, M. (2017): For a semiotic multisensorial analy- sis of urban space. The case of Ballaro and Vucciria markets in Palermo. Punctum, 3(1), str. 12–26. Brown, A. L. 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(2008): Ulica Tumska: najładniejsza i najstraszniejsza. Gazeta Wyborcza – Płock, 18. 9. 2008. Dostopno na: http://plock.wyborcza.pl/ plock/1,35681,5710056,Ulica_Tumska__najladniejsza_i_najstraszniejsza. html (sneto 15. 9. 2019). M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 17 UDK: 711.4(560)556.51 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2020-31-01-002 Prejeto: 9. 3. 2020 Sprejeto: 29. 4. 2020 Sahar POUYA Handan TURKOGLU Umit ARPACIOGLU Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij Čedalje večja rast prebivalstva in gospodarski razvoj povzročata onesnaženje vodnih virov in slabšanje njihovega ekološkega stanja. Eden izmed pristopov k reše- vanju tega problema zajema trajnostno upravljanje in na- črtovanje povodij. V skladu z mednarodnimi sporazumi o varovanju povodij je Turčija začela temeljito spreminjati proces upravljanja in načrtovanja povodij. Trajnostno upravljanje vodnih virov, ki vključuje razne gospodarske, socialne in ekološke vidike, pa ni preprosto. V članku so trajnostni kazalniki razvrščeni po pomembnosti z vi- dika zagotavljanja dolgoročne vzdržnosti vodnih virov, za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju vodnih virov in povodij pa je uporabljena metoda anali- tičnega hierarhičnega procesa. Ob upoštevanju, da imajo lahko različni strokovnjaki različna mnenja, sta izbrane dejavnike ovrednotili dve skupini anketirancev  (tj.  uni- verzitetni učitelji in drugi strokovnjaki), izsledki raziskave pa so pokazali stopnjo ujemanja med njihovimi pogledi. Skupini sta podobno ovrednotili družbene, upravljavske in gospodarske dejavnike, glede dejavnikov rabe zemljišč in ekoloških dejavnikov pa so se njihova mnenja močno razlikovala. Izsledki raziskave kažejo, da bi bilo treba za oblikovanje ustreznega modela vrednotenja vodnogos- podarskih načrtov povodij najprej ugotoviti in uskladiti nasprotujoča si mnenja različnih strokovnjakov. Ključne besede: načrtovanje povodij, trajnostno upravl- janje voda, analitični hierarhični proces, Turčija Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 18 1 Uvod Porečja ali povodja imajo ključno vlogo pri oskrbi z vodo, pre- čiščevanju vode ter obvladovanju poplav in erozije. Hitra ur- banizacija, rast prebivalstva in vse večje potrebe po družbeno- gospodarskem razvoju čedalje bolj obremenjujejo sladkovodne vire in povzročajo propadanje mokrišč  (Kennedy  idr., 2012). Zaradi okoljskih problemov, povezanih s porabo in onesnaže- nostjo vode ter podnebnimi spremembami, je trajnostno upra- vljanje voda postalo eden najpomembnejših ciljev trajnostnega razvoja (Združeni narodi, 2014). Cilj vodnogospodarskih na- črtov povodij je izboljšati upravljanje in izvedbo programov trajnostnega razvoja vodnih virov  (Chandniha  idr.,  2014), oblikovani in vodeni pa so tako, da vodni viri postanejo bolj prilagodljivi, robustni in odporni proti negotovi in spreminja- joči se prihodnosti (Loucks in Beek, 2017). Pri zgodnjih metodah trajnostnega upravljanja voda je bil pou- darek na raznih indeksih in kazalnikih, ki so se nanašali na več- dimenzionalne gospodarske in okoljske vidike (WCED, 1987; Basiago,  1999). Kot to navajajo Brooks  idr.  (2013), je upra- vljanje povodij proces urejanja rabe zemljišč in drugih virov v povodju, katerega namen je zagotoviti želene proizvode ali storitve brez negativnega vplivanja na prst in vodne vire. Upra- vljanje povodij vključuje dodeljevanje vodnih virov različnim uporabnikom in za različne namene, pri čemer se je treba odločati med okoljskimi cilji in človeškimi potrebami  (Bar- row, 1998; Molle, 2006). Loucks in Gladwell (1999) sta pred- stavila kriterije, pomembne za zagotavljanje trajnosti vodnih virov, ti so vodna infrastruktura, kakovost okolja, ekonomija in nance, ustanove in družba, človeško zdravje in blagosta- nje ter načrtovanje in tehnologija. Cilj upravljanja povodij je obvladovati ali odpraviti probleme, kot so suše, poplave in čezmerno onesnaževanje, ki so posledica kmetijske dejavnosti in neustrezne rabe zemljišč v porečjih, ter izboljšati kakovost vode in okrepiti vodne ekosisteme  (Loucks in Beek,  2017). Mays (2006) je predstavil sedem zahtev, ki morajo biti izpol- njene za zagotavljanje trajnostnega razvoja vodnih virov, te so osnovna vodna oskrba za zagotavljanje zdravja ljudi, osnovna vodna oskrba za zagotavljanje zdravja ekosistemov, ustrezna kakovost vode, dolgoročna obnovljivost vodnih virov, razpo- ložljivost informacij o vodnih virih za vse sektorje, institucio- nalni načrti za reševanje sporov glede vode in participativno odločanje o zadevah, povezanih z vodno oskrbo. Trajnostno načrtovanje in upravljanje povodij pa je kompleksen proces, prepleten z družbenogospodarskimi, ekološkimi, okoljsko- -upravljavskimi in tehnološkimi dejavniki  (Lal  idr.,  2001; Crase in Cooper, 2015; Srinivas  idr., 2018). Od konca 19. stoletja se za zagotavljanje trajnostnega razvoja vodnih virov uporablja pristop celovitega upravljanja vodnih virov, ki združuje gospodarske, družbene in okoljske vidi- ke  (Internet  1; Kharrazi,  2016). Spodbuja usklajen razvoj in upravljanje voda, zemljišč in drugih virov ter s tem zagotavlja čim bolj enakomerno porazdelitev posledične ekonomske in socialne blaginje brez ogrožanja trajnosti ključnih ekosiste- mov  (Global Water Partnership,  2000). Omenjeni pristop je večdimenzionalen, saj vključuje t.  i. trajnostni trikotnik  (go- spodarstvo, okolje in družba), zakonodajo in zdravstvena vpra- šanja, tehnologijo, institucionalne in politične zadeve ter zgo- dovinska in kulturna vprašanja (omas in Durham, 2003). Drug pristop, ki spodbuja trajnostni razvoj vodnih sistemov, je ocena ranljivosti vodnih virov. Na ranljivost vodnih virov vplivajo naravni  (zični in ekološki), gospodarski in družbe- ni dejavniki ter pristojne ustanove in upravljanje, iz rezultata njenega proučevanja pa je razvidno, koliko lahko človeška de- javnost in naravni dogodki škodujejo vodnemu sistemu. Poleg tega na podlagi rezultata proučevanja ranljivosti določimo sto- pnjo občutljivosti vodnega vira na podnebne spremembe, po- plave, suše, pomanjkanje vode, onesnaženost vode ipd. Bolj ko navedeni pojavi poškodujejo vodne vire, težje je te vodne vire dolgoročno vzdrževati. Dejavnike ranljivosti vodnega vira lah- ko razdelimo v štiri skupine: zične, gospodarske, družbene in okoljske (Füssel, 2007, navedeno v Ide idr., 2019). Ta rezultat proučevanja ranljivosti omogoča boljše razumevanje značilno- sti vodnih virov in zagotavlja znanstveno podlago za odločitve pri načrtovanju in upravljanju vodnih virov  (Ide  idr.,  2019). Ta ranljivost se lahko proučuje z dvema kvantitativnima me- todama: s funkcijsko metodo, ki se osredotoča na značilnosti zičnega mehanizma ranljivosti vodnih virov, in z indeksno metodo, ki se osredotoča na količino vodnih virov in kako- vost vode  (Chen  idr.,  2018). Indeksna metoda vključuje te štiri glavne korake: izbor, določanje uteži, normalizacijo in agregacijo dejavnikov (Ide idr., 2019). Z vidika načel trajnostnega razvoja oba navedena pristopa k načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij vključujeta pet področij načrtovanja: ekološko načrtovanje, katerega cilj je ohraniti mokrišča, načrtovanje rabe zemljišč in infrastrukture, kate- rega namen je vzpostaviti ustrezno vrsto rabe zemljišč v po- vodju  (Kirby in White,  1994), družbeno načrtovanje, kate- rega namen je spodbuditi družbene spremembe in izboljšati življenjske razmere (Keating, 1993; Basiago, 1999), gospodar- sko načrtovanje za povečanje gospodarskih koristi, ki jih zago- tavlja celotno povodje (Cox, 1987), in upravljavsko ali upravno načrtovanje, katerega cilj je določiti institucionalno zgradbo in metode sodelovanja za uresničevanje zahtev načrta  (Kirby in White, 1994; Mencio idr., 2010). V Turčiji se vodne potrebe prebivalcev, kmetijstva, industrije in energetike od druge polovice 20. stoletja večajo, kar čedalje bolj obremenjuje vodne vire. Do osemdesetih let 20.  stoletja se je S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 19Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij pri upravljanju voda upoštevala samo količina vode, načrti so se izdelovali samo za posamezne vrste rabe in težave so se reševale posamično. Nato so odgovorni organi sprejeli številne zakone in predpise za varovanje vodnih virov, na področju njihovega upravljanja pa se je uveljavil celovit pogled na kakovost vode. Poleg tega je Turčija podpisala več mednarodnih sporazumov in deklaracij, povezanih z vodnimi vprašanji ter načrtovanjem in varovanjem povodij v državi. Od leta 2005 država sodeluje v pristopnih pogajanjih z EU in si prizadeva izpolnjevati zahteve iz okvirne direktive o vodah  –  tj.  najpomembnejše okoljske direktive, ki jo je Evropska komisija sprejela leta 2000. Ome- njena direktiva poudarja pomen tako količine kot kakovosti vode, vzpostavlja celovit upravljavski pristop, ki temelji na povodjih, in določa okvir za varovanje vseh voda  (obalnega morja, površinskih voda, somornic in podzemne vode) razen morij  (Bilen,  2008). V skladu z evropsko direktivo o vodah in celovitim upravljanjem vodnih virov je Turčija tako uvedla številne spremembe pri upravljanju in načrtovanju povodij. Zdi se, da Turčija nujno potrebuje model vrednotenja dejav- nikov, ki imajo pomembno vlogo pri načrtovanju povodij ter omogočajo celovit in trajnosten načrtovalski in upravljavski pristop. V Turčiji je  25  povodij z različnimi geografskimi, - zikalnimi in hidrološkimi značilnostmi. Ministrstvo za goz- darstvo in vode, ki je odgovorno za upravljanje povodij, je leta  2013 začelo pripravljati upravljavske načrte za varovanje vodnih teles, ti načrti temeljijo na povodjih ter se osredotoča- jo na varovanje in ohranjanje površinskih voda in podtalnice, na njihove kemijsko-zikalne značilnosti in ekološko stanje ter na količino vode. Turčija je poleg tega začela pripravljati vodnogospodarske načrte za vire pitne vode, pri čemer razvi- ja predpise in politiko varovanja virov pitne vode. Čeprav je pri upravljanju povodij dosegla že pomembne rezultate, kot je povečano število čistilnih naprav  (Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Kalkınma Bakanlığı, 2014), upravno sodelovanje in primerne raziskave kakovosti, ekosistemskih storitev in krajinskih zna- čilnosti povodij  (Tezer  idr., 2018), mora na nekaterih drugih področjih, kot so javna participacija, decentralizacija uprave, vodna politika, predpisi in tehnologija, potrebna za ekološko recikliranje ter merjenje in nadzor kakovosti vode, poskrbeti za izboljšave. Cilj članka je zato ovrednotiti glavne trajnostne dejavnike pri načrtovanju upravljanja povodij ter analizirati in primerjati mnenja univerzitetnih učiteljev in drugih stro- kovnjakov, zaposlenih v vodnogospodarskih ustanovah, o po- membnosti posameznih načrtovalskih dejavnikov pri upravl- janju povodij. Na podlagi rezultatov bo lažje razumeti različne poglede teh dveh skupin anketirancev na trajnostne dejavnike in proučiti morebiten vpliv razlik v njihovih vrednotenjih na- črtovalskih kriterijev na trajnostni razvoj povodij. 2 Metode 2.1 Raziskovalni cilji Glavni cilj raziskave je bil oblikovati model vrednotenja traj- nostnih kazalnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju vodnih vi- rov. Njeni avtorji so poskušali na podlagi strokovnih mnenj določiti povezave med spremenljivkami trajnosti povodij. Predvidevali so, da se lahko odločitve in mnenja univerzitetnih učiteljev  (nosilcev znanja) in drugih strokovnjakov  (ki imajo praktične izkušnje s področja načrtovanja in upravljanja vod- nih virov) razlikujejo. Preden se oblikuje model vrednotenja kriterijev trajnosti povodij, je bilo zato treba razumeti naspro- tujoča si mnenja strokovnjakov. V članku so najprej na podlagi pregleda literature določeni glavni kriteriji in kazalniki, nato pa je oblikovana hierarhija kazalnikov z vidika trajnostnega upravljanja in načrtovanja povodij. Sledi kvantitativno vred- notenje izbranih dejavnikov z uporabo kvantitativne metode odločanja, tj.  analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa, pri katerem so univerzitetni učitelji in drugi strokovnjaki z znanjem in izkušnjami s področja upravljanja povodij določili uteži de- javnikom in poddejavnikom načrtovanja povodij. Raziskava, predstavljena v tem članku, je temeljila na treh glavnih korakih: na oblikovanju hierarhije, določanju uteži trajnostnim kazal- nikom in oblikovanju vprašalnika. 2.2 Oblikovanje hierarhije Za najpomembnejšo enoto upravljanja vodnih območij so bila določena povodja, ki vključujejo vodo v rekah, vodonos- nikih in  (umetnih) jezerih ter obsegajo najrazličnejšo rabo zemljišč, od gozdov in kmetijskih površin do predmestij in mest. Povodje ni samo hidrološka enota, ampak tudi družbe- nopolitična entiteta, ki ima pomembno vlogo pri zagotavljanju hrane in gospodarske varnosti ljudem, ki živijo na zadevnem območju  (Wani  idr.,  2008). Voda v povodjih je ključna za oskrbo gospodinjstev, industrije in kmetijstva (New York State Department of State, 2009), upravljanje in načrtovanje povodij pa vpliva na ljudi in domače živali, ki na njih živijo. Da bi oblikovali jasen okvir trajnostnega razvoja povodij, so avtorji v raziskavi določili glavna področja, dejavnike in poddejavnike trajnostnega upravljanja in načrtovanja povodij (glej Sliko 1). Določenih je bilo teh pet glavnih vidikov ali področij trajno- stnega načrtovanja in upravljanja povodij: • ekologija: trenutno uporabo posameznega vodnega vira bi bilo treba upravljati tako, da se ohranjajo najpomemb- nejši ekološki sistemi in se zagotovi, da bodo lahko isti vir uporabljale tudi prihodnje generacije (Jønch-Clausen in Fugl, 2001). Glavni kazalniki okoljske trajnosti, dolo- čeni v tej raziskavi, so vodni viri  (Ouyang, 2012), drugi Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 20 naravni viri  (zrak, prst in gozdovi), okoljski problemi  – npr. podnebne spremembe (Räsänen idr., 2017) in narav- ne nesreče –, ekosistem in biotska raznovrstnost (Arthin- gton idr., 2009) ter ekološko zdravje; • raba zemljišč in infrastruktura: to področje se nana- ša na zahteve po uporabi ustreznih zikalnih ved in tehnologije pri načrtovanju povodij, na podlagi česar se uskladijo nasprotujoči si interesi različnih vrst rabe zemljišč. Zagotavljati trajnost grajenega okolja pomeni ohranjati človeške vire in tehnologijo v daljšem obdob- ju (Yang idr., 2016). V to kategorijo spadajo zanesljivost, zmogljivost in stopnja obnove infrastrukture, promet in logistika, zgodovinske in kulturne vrednote ter raba ze- mljišč in gostota pozidave; • družba: zaradi rasti prebivalstva in družbenogospodar- skega razvoja potrebe po vodi nenehno naraščajo, s tem pa se veča tudi obremenjenost vodnih virov in nevarnost pomanjkanja vode  (Zhou  idr.,  2018). V načrtovalskem procesu je treba v ospredje postaviti temeljno človekovo pravico dostopa do vode ustrezne količine in kakovosti, da se ohranjanja dobro počutje ljudi  (Shen  idr.,  2011). To področje se nanaša na predpise, ki podpirajo druž- bene spremembe in boljše življenjske razmere, pri čemer morajo upoštevati, kaj ljudje od povodja potrebujejo. V tem članku so kot glavni družbeni dejavniki trajnost- nega upravljanja in načrtovanja povodij določeni socialne pravice in vrednote, javno zdravje in vedenje prebival- cev (preference in mnenja); • gospodarstvo: namen tega načrtovalskega področja je čim bolj povečati gospodarske koristi, ki jih zagotavlja celotno povodje, in zagotoviti, da so pri njegovem načrtovanju in upravljanju stroški in koristi enakomerno porazdelje- ni  (Cox,  1987). Razvoj poljedelstva, živinoreje in akva- kulture  (kot primarnih gospodarskih virov), energetika, turizem, razvoj industrije in rudarstva ter trgovske dejav- nosti so bili prepoznani kot pomembni dejavniki izbolj- šanja gospodarstva celotnega povodja (Jønch-Clausen in Fugl, 2001; Shen idr., 2011); • upravljanje: cilj tega področja je zagotoviti neprekinjen dolgoročni nadzor nad načrtovanjem povodij. Zahteva vključenost najrazličnejših inženirjev pod neposrednim nadzorom vodstvenega osebja  (Kirby in White,  1994) ter zajema predpise, ki se nanašajo na institucionalno zgradbo (institucionalno povezanost in zmogljivost; Di- nar  idr.,  2007; Belay  idr.,  2010), participacijo javnosti in deležnikov, upravljavske tehnike in orodja ter nance in javna sredstva na področju načrtovanja in upravljanja vodnih virov. Slika 1: Pet glavnih področij trajnostnega upravljanja in načrtovanja vodnih virov z dvajsetimi dejavniki in petimi poddejavniki (ilustracija: av- torji) S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 21Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij 2.3 Določanje uteži trajnostnim kazalnikom Avtorji so za proučevanje povezav med trajnostnimi dejav- niki uporabili metodo analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa  (v nadaljevanju:  AHP), pri čemer so vsakemu kriteriju trajno- stnega upravljanja in načrtovanja povodij dodelili numerično vrednost. AHP, ki ga je v sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja razvil omas L. Saaty, je metoda večkriterijskega odločanja, ki omo- goča boljše vrednotenje subjektivnih kriterijev načrtov povodij. Uporablja se na najrazličnejših področjih, na primer za dolo- čanje uteži glavnim gonilom urbane rasti  (apa in Muraya- ma, 2010), razvrščanje dejavnosti, ki podpirajo razvoj podeže- lja, po pomembnosti (Oddershede idr., 2007), določanje glav- nih kazalnikov trajnostnega razvoja mest (Michael idr., 2013) in vrednotenje zičnih značilnosti pločnikov, ki lahko vplivajo na zadovoljstvo pešcev (Shafabakhsh idr., 2015). Poleg tega je bila navedena metoda v procesu upravljanja povodij uporablje- na za izbiro primernega načina čiščenja odplak (Curiel-Espar- za idr., 2014), upravnika javnega vodovodnega sistema (Ruiz- -Villaverde idr., 2013) in primernih načinov upravljanja vodnih virov  (ungngern  idr.,  2017) ter analizo mnenj prebivalcev o uspešnem upravljanju voda  (Yavuz in Baycan,  2013). S to metodo so avtorji tega članka po pomembnosti razvrstili vse dejavnike načrtovanja vodnih virov z vidika načel trajnostnega razvoja, izdelali parne primerjave vseh kriterijev in jih pretvorili v numerične vrednosti. Uporaba metode AHP v predstavljeni raziskavi je omejena na določanje uteži in vrednotenje načr- tovalskih kriterijev, na podlagi česar so razvrščeni glede na pomembnost pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij. 2.4 Oblikovanje vprašalnika Za izdelavo parnih primerjav je bil v aplikaciji Google Forms pripravljen spletni vprašalnik, ta je bil nato poslan univerzi- tetnim učiteljem in drugim strokovnjakom, ki so ovrednotili posamezne načrtovalske kriterije. Vzorec anketirancev je bil tako omejen na posameznike, ki imajo ustrezno znanje ali izkušnje s področja vodnogospodarskega upravljanja in načr- tovanja. Na podlagi vprašalnika so bila pridobljena strokovna mnenja o pomembnosti načrtovalskih dejavnikov pri trajno- stnem upravljanju in načrtovanju povodij. Strokovnjaki so s parnimi primerjavami določali, kako pomemben je prvi kriterij iz para glede na drugega, pri čemer so izbirali med naslednjimi možnostmi: enaka pomembnost, zmerna pomembnost, močna pomembnost, zelo močna pomembnost in izjemna pomemb- nost (Preglednica 1). Za določanje vrednosti primerjav je bila uporabljena lestvica od  1 do  9, pri čemer  1 pomeni, da sta kriterija enako pomembna,  9 pa, da je v matriki parnih pri- merjav en kriterij veliko pomembnejši od drugega (Slika 2). Spletni vprašalnik je bil poslan  20  univerzitetnim učiteljem in 17 drugim strokovnjakom, zaposlenim na generalnem direk- toratu za hidrotehnične objekte (DSI; 4 osebe), v istanbulskem javnem komunalnem podjetju  (ISKI; 6  oseb) ali na turškem ministrstvu za gozdarstvo in vode (7 oseb). Univerzitetni uči- telji so zastopali različna področja, kot so urbanistično in re- gionalno načrtovanje (6 oseb), krajinska arhitektura (7 oseb), gozdarstvo  (6  oseb) in okoljsko inženirstvo  (1  oseba). Drugi strokovnjaki pa so imeli diplomo (65 %) ali magisterij (35 %) iz enega od naslednjih področij: okoljsko inženirstvo (50 %), urbanizem (40 %) in gradbeništvo (10 %). Parne primerjave spremenljivk na treh ravneh so urejene v kvadratno matriko. Diagonalni elementi matrike so enaki  1, kriterij v vrstici i pa je boljši kot kriterij v stolpcu j, če je vred- nost obeh večja od 1. Drugače velja ravno nasprotno (Bhushan Slika 2: Lestvica pomembnosti pri parni primerjavi kriterijev (A in B) (vir: Saaty, 1994) Preglednica 1: Lestvica pomembnosti po metodi AHP Vrednost Pomembnost 1 Enaka 2 Enaka do zmerna 3 Zmerna 4 Zmerna do močna 5 Močna 6 Močna do zelo močna 7 Zelo močna 8 Zelo močna do izjemna 9 Izjemna Vir: Saaty (1994) Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 22 in Rai, 2004; Preglednica 2). Z izračunom največje lastne vred- nosti primerjalne matrike in njeno normalizacijo so avtorji do- ločili relativno pomembnost različnih kriterijev. Lastni vektor so izračunali tako, da so zmnožili vse podatke v vsaki vrstici in nato izračunali  n-ti koren tega zmnožka  (enačba  1). Nato so n-te korene sešteli, končno vsoto pa uporabili za normaliza- cijo elementov lastnega vektorja, tako da je njihova vsota ena- ka  1,00  (Coyle,  2004). Elementom normaliziranega lastnega vektorja pravimo uteži (posameznega kriterija ali podkriterija). (vir: Coyle, 2004) V raziskavi je bilo uporabljeno programsko orodje Super Deci- sion, ki omogoča primerno izvedbo metode AHP (tj. izračun podatkov in oblikovanje matrik). Program je leta 1996 s svojo ekipo razvil omas L.  Saaty, da bi posameznikom pomagal sklepati racionalnejše odločitve. Avtorji so v program vnesli mnenja anketirancev, na podlagi česar so pridobili rezultate in določili stopnjo njihove občutljivosti, kar je potrdilo ali ovrglo veljavnost podanih odgovorov. Pri tem so v program vnesli povprečne vrednosti odgovorov iz vprašalnika, s čimer so določili končne uteži in normalizirane vrednosti. Tako so pridobili primerjalne matrike in diagrame s sprejemljivo stop- njo konsistentnosti (ki po Sattyju ne sme biti večja od 0,1). 3 Rezultati Povprečne vrednosti odgovorov dveh skupin anketiran- cev  (univerzitetnih učiteljev in drugih strokovnjakov) so bile primerjane in razvrščene po pomembnosti. Normalizirane ute- ži so povzete v Preglednici 3, ki vsebuje kvantitativne vrednosti za vsak kriterij glede na skupino anketirancev. Avtorji so pred- videvali, da bodo pri primerjavah mnenj obeh skupin o glavnih načrtovalskih dejavnikih, ki spodbujajo trajnostno upravljanje povodij, rezultati pokazali jasne razlike in podobnosti. Pri razvrščanju štirih glavnih področij, ki jih je treba upoštevati pri trajnostnem upravljanju in načrtovanju povodij, sta obe skupini  na prvo mesto po pomembnosti postavili ekologijo in upravljanje voda. Univerzitetni učitelji so za najpomemb- nejši dejavnik izbrali ekologijo  (42  %), drugi strokovnjaki pa upravljanje voda  (36  %). Univerzitetni učitelji so najmanjši pomen pripisali gospodarstvu (8 %), drugi strokovnjaki pa rabi zemljišč in infrastrukturi (5 %). To bi lahko bil tudi razlog za neusklajenost urbanizma in upravljanja povodij. Anketiranci so za tretji najpomembnejši dejavnik trajnosti povodij izbrali družbo. Pri določanju uteži ekološkim dejavnikom je med obema sku- pinama opazno precejšnje neskladje. Univerzitetni učitelji so največji pomen pripisali ekosistemskim funkcijam in biotski raznovrstnosti (28 %), vodne vire pa so po pomembnosti ize- načili z drugimi naravnimi viri. Po mnenju drugih strokov- njakov pa so na področju ekologije najpomembnejši naravni viri  (35  %) in ekološko zdravje  (26  %). Zdi se, da so vred- notenja drugih strokovnjakov bolj logična glede na trenutne težave, povezane s kakovostjo vode in onesnaženostjo narav- nega okolja v državi, hkrati pa kažejo, da so drugi strokovnjaki slabše seznanjeni s pomenom ekoloških funkcij in ekosistem- skih ciklov v vodnem sistemu. Analize ekosistemskih storitev in funkcij v povodjih spadajo med najpomembnejše analize pri načrtovanju in upravljanju vodnih območij. Pri rabi zemljišč in infrastrukturi so univerzitetni učitelji naj- večji pomen pripisali raznim vrstam rabe zemljišč in gostoti njihove pozidave  (51  %), drugi strokovnjaki pa so kot naj- pomembnejše ovrednotili zgodovinske in kulturne vrednote ter gospodarsko javno infrastrukturo (39 %). Po mnenju obeh skupin je promet najmanj pomemben. Glavna razlika med odgovori obeh skupin je bila pri dejavniku vrste rabe zeml- jišč in gostota pozidave, ki ga je kot pomembnega ovredno- tilo samo  14  % drugih strokovnjakov. Z vidika vplivov rabe zemljišč na kakovost vode in okolje povodij sta pomemben del načrtovanja in upravljanja povodij tudi vrednotenje rabe zemljišč in ustrezno coniranje. Če odločevalci med načrtoval- skimi dejavniki ne upoštevajo rabe zemljišč, lahko v povodjih ali porečjih nastanejo resne težave. Pri določanju uteži gospodarskim dejavnikom sta ime- li obe skupini podobna mnenja. Na prvo mesto sta po- stavili poljedelstvo, živinorejo in akvakulturo, sledili so Preglednica 2: Primer kvadratne matrike parnih primerjav treh podkriterijev Podkriterij 1 Podkriterij 2 Podkriterij 3 n-ti koren zmnožka vrednosti Normalizirani lastni vektor Podkriterij 1 1 2 8 2,51 0,594 Podkriterij 2 1/2 1 6 1,44 0,341 Podkriterij 3 1/8 1/6 1 0,275 0,065 Vir: Bhushan in Rai (2004) S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 23Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij Preglednica  3: Normalizirane uteži in vrednosti glede na skupino anketirancev (univerzitetne učitelje in druge strokovnjake), pridobljene z metodo AHP Trajnostno področje Uteži Dejavniki Uteži Univ. učitelji Drugi strokovnjaki Univ. učitelji Drugi strokovnjaki Ekologija 0,418 0,347 Vodni viri 0,220 0,349 Drugi naravni viri 0,215 0,142 Ekosistem in biotska raznovrstnost 0,275 0,086 Podnebne spremembe in naravne nesreče 0,200 0,167 Ekološko zdravje 0,090 0,256 Raba zemljišč in infrastruktura 0,102 0,052 Gospodarska javna infrastruktura 0,223 0,385 Promet in logistika 0,114 0,087 Vrste rabe zemljišč in gostota pozidave 0,514 0,143 Zgodovinske in kulturne vrednote 0,149 0,385 Gospodarstvo 0,084 0,107 Poljedelstvo, živinoreja, akvakultura 0,578 0,528 Industrijska proizvodnja in rudarstvo 0,112 0,081 Turizem in ekoturizem 0,213 0,300 Energetika 0,097 0,091 Družba 0,124 0,138 Socialne pravice in vrednote 0,311 0,249 Javno zdravje 0,493 0,594 Vedenje in pogledi 0,196 0,157 Upravljanje 0,273 0,356 Institucionalna zgradba 0,205 0,213 Participacija 0,288 0,376 Finance 0,169 0,137 Upravljanje 0,338 0,274 Skupaj 1 1 1 1 Slika 3: Primerjava odgovorov obeh skupin pri vrednotenju poddejavnikov rabe zemljišč pri načrtovanju povodij (ilustracija: avtorji) turizem, industrijska proizvodnja in rudarstvo ter energetika. Drugi strokovnjaki so turizmu pripisali nekoliko večjo po- membnost  (30  %) kot univerzitetni učitelji  (21  %), za kar je razlog morda to, da imajo drugi strokovnjaki več izkušenj in informacij glede pozitivnih vplivov turizma na gospodarstvo v turških povodjih. Pri razvrščanju dejavnikov, povezanih z druž- bo, sta skupini kot najpomembnejše ovrednotili javno zdrav- je  (50–60  %), nato socialne pravice in vrednote  (25–31  %) ter nazadnje vedenje in poglede  (16–20  %). Vrednotenja se zdijo zanesljiva, saj ima vsakdo pravico do dostopa do varne in čiste vode ter urejene kanalizacije. Čeprav je bil dejavnik javno vedenje ovrednoten kot najmanj pomemben, to še ne pome- ni, da ga lahko pri projektih načrtovanja povodij preprosto prezremo. Tudi pri vrednotenju upravljavskih dejavnikov sta imeli skupini podobna mnenja. Za najpomembnejša dejavnika sta določili upravljanje in participacijo (34–38 %), in sicer je bil prvi najpomembnejši za univerzitetne učitelje, drugi pa za druge strokovnjake. Finance so oboji označili za najmanj po- 12,7 % 16,9 % 6,2 % 5,7 % 6,9 % 6,1 % 47,2 % 48,1 % 26,9 % 23,2 % 0 % 10 % 20 % 30 % 40 % 50 % 0 % 10 % 20 % 30 % 40 % 50 % Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 24 Slika 4: Primerjava odgovorov obeh skupin pri vrednotenju trajnostnih kriterijev načrtovanja in upravljanja povodij (ilustracija: avtorji) S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Poljedelstvo, živinoreja, akvakultura Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 25Uporaba analitičnega hierarhičnega procesa za vrednotenje trajnostnih dejavnikov pri načrtovanju in upravljanju povodij membne pri trajnostnem upravljanju in načrtovanju povodij. Pri vrednotenju poddejavnikov rabe zemljišč na tretji ravni hierarhije trajnosti, opredeljeni v tej raziskavi, so bila mnenja obeh skupin usklajena. Kot je prikazano na sliki 3, sta največji pomen pripisali kmetijskim območjem (47–48 %), nato stano- vanjskim (23–27 %) in rekreacijskim območjem (13–17 %) ter nazadnje trgovskim (6  %) in industrijskim območjem (7  %). Navedeno se zdi primerno, saj je kmetijstvo največji porabnik vode, stanovanjska območja pa so sestavni del povodij. Zaradi negativnih vplivov na vodne vire so trgovska in industrijska območja v načrtih povodij običajno zelo omejena, rekreacijske površine pa so na nekaterih območjih delno dovoljene glede na oddaljenost od vodnih teles. Raziskava je dober primer uporabe AHP za vrednotenje traj- nostnih kazalnikov. Metoda AHP je poleg tega uporabljena za ugotavljanje nasprotujočih si mnenj glede upravljanja in na- črtovanja povodij, kar je edinstven način njene uporabe. Kot interdisciplinarni proces morata načrtovanje in upravljanje po- vodij vključevati in upoštevati različne vidike in sektorje, zato morajo odločevalci s področja upravljanja in varovanja povodij in pitne vode dobro poznati ključne dejavnike in vidike, ki jih je treba pri tem upoštevati. Izsledki raziskave so pokazali, da se mnenja strokovnjakov o posameznih področjih trajnosti močno razlikujejo, zlasti pri vrednotenju dejavnikov ekologi- je in rabe zemljišč. Drugi strokovnjaki so dejavnike, kot so ekosistemske funkcije, načrtovanje infrastrukture, vplivi rabe zemljišč, način upravljanja in drugi naravni viri, ovrednotili za manj pomembne pri trajnostnem upravljanju in načrtovanju povodij. Obe skupini anketirancev sta v glavnem podobno ovrednotili dejavnike gospodarstva, družbe, upravljanja voda in rabe zemljišč (Slika 4). Drugi strokovnjaki, ki nimajo ustrez- nih informacij o ekosistemskih funkcijah, vplivih različne rabe zemljišč, načinih upravljanja, družbenih in gospodarskih po- trebah itd., ne morejo oblikovati načrta trajnostnega upravljan- ja povodij. Za opredelitev modela vrednotenja načrtov povodij z vidika trajnostnih načel, ki bi ga lahko uporabili za vse pro- jekte načrtovanja in upravljanja povodij, je zato treba ugotoviti in uskladiti mnenja strokovnjakov z raznovrstnih področij. 4 Sklep Upravljanje in načrtovanje vodnih virov sta povezana s šte- vilnimi trajnostnimi dejavniki, vključno z ekologijo, gospo- darstvom, družbo, rabo zemljišč in upravljanjem. Zaradi tega je tovrstno načrtovanje bolj zapleteno ter zahteva dinamičen, celosten in participativni pristop. Vključenost raznih skupin vodnih uporabnikov in deležnikov v odločanje je ključen de- javnik pri izbiri strategij upravljanja povodij in načrtovalskih pristopov. Sodelovanje med lokalnimi in vladnimi uradi ter javnimi ustanovami je treba zagotoviti že v prvi fazi načrtoval- skega procesa. Včasih pa se mnenja med drugimi strokovnjaki in univerzitetnimi učitelji, javnimi uporabniki in deležniki, regionalnimi načrtovalci in lokalnimi upravniki ter celo med strokovnjaki raznih strok (npr. med krajinskimi arhitekti, načr- tovalci namenske rabe zemljišč, okoljevarstveniki, ekonomisti in upravniki povodij) lahko močno razlikujejo. Navedene razli- ke se lahko pojavijo v vseh fazah odločevalskega procesa in lah- ko zelo negativno vplivajo na odločitve pri oblikovanju načrtov za dodeljevanje vodnih virov, zemljišč in nančnih sredstev. Raziskava, predstavljena v tem članku, je pokazala, da so si lahko mnenja nosilcev znanja in odločevalcev pri nekaterih vidikih vrednotenja dejavnikov trajnostnega razvoja vodnih virov zelo nasprotujoča, kar lahko preprečuje doseganje traj- nostnih ciljev. Pred kakršnim koli resnim razmišljanjem o pripravi vodnogospodarskih načrtov povodij je treba določiti morebitne razlike v pogledih ciljnih skupin. Z ugotavljanjem, na katerih področjih se mnenja razlikujejo, lahko bolje razu- memo glavne izzive, ki se bodo pojavili v procesu odločanja ter pri določanju postopkov upravljanja in njihovi izvedbi. Tej težavi se lahko izognemo ali jo omilimo s sestanki, izobraževal- nimi delavnicami in predstavitvenimi programi, ki omogočajo razpravo med raznimi skupinami odločevalcev, kot so razisko- valci, univerzitetni učitelji, nosilci znanja in vladni odločevalci. Navedeno se lahko zagotovi v vsaki fazi načrtovanja povodij, na primer pri določanju in razvrščanju ciljev, opredelitvi prob- lemov, določanju upravljavskih strategij, predlaganju rešitev in dodeljevanju virov. Po koncu sestankov in razprav so lahko mnenja in pogledi udeležencev precej bolj usklajeni, na podlagi česar se lahko oblikujejo celovite rešitve. Sahar Pouya İTÜ Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Şehir ve Bölge Planlaması Bölümü, Mimarlık Fakültesi, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi (Oddelek za urbani in regionalni razvoj, Podiplomska šola za znanstveni inženiring in tehnologijo, Tehnična univerza v Istanbulu), Istanbul, Turčija E-naslov: pouya@itu.edu.tr Handan Turkoglu İTÜ Fen Bilimleri Enstitüsü, Şehir ve Bölge Planlaması Bölümü, Mimarlık Fakültesi, İstanbul Teknik Üniversitesi (Oddelek za urbani in regionalni razvoj, Fakulteta za arhitekturo, Tehnična univerza v Istanbulu), Istanbul, Turčija E-naslov: turkoglu@itu.edu.tr Umit Arpacioglu Mimarlık Fakültesi, Mimar Sinan Güzel Sanatlar Üniversitesi Archi- tecture (Univerza likovnih umetnosti Mimarja Sinana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo), Istanbul, Turčija E-naslov: umitarpacioglu@gmail.com Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 26 Viri in literatura Arthington, A. H., Naiman, J. R., McClain, E. M., in Nilsson, C. 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DOI: 10.1016/j.sjbs.2017.10.017 Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 28 UDK: 911.375.1-057.118(594) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2020-31-01-003 Prejeto: 14. 1. 2020 Sprejeto: 15. 5. 2020 Mitchell Edbert SURYANTO Joko ADIANTO Rossa Turpuk GABE Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici Zaradi močnega vala urbanizacije in omejenih možnosti formalne zaposlitve v velikih azijskih mestih se čedalje bolj krepi ulična prodaja, ki je zaradi neodobrene uporabe javnega prostora pogosto sporna in nezakonita. Nedeljska tržnica v Kuteku v indonezijski občini Depok se je morala z lokacije zraven univerze, na kateri je bilo običajno polno ljudi, preseliti v razmeroma odmaknjeno stanovanjsko so- sesko, kjer pa prodajalci še vedno precej dobro poslujejo. Študija primera, predstavljena v tem članku, temelji na obsežnih terenskih opazovanjih in intervjujih ter pojasn- juje, kako je bila izbrana nova lokacija tržnice in kako je prostorsko urejena, da lahko zadovoljuje potrebe proda- jalcev, stanovalcev in kupcev. V članku je predstavljeno, kako so stanovalci in prodajalci razvili inovativen, odprt in samoorganiziran sistem upravljanja tržnice, ki se pri- lagaja spreminjajočemu se številu in lastnostim prodajal- cev in kupcev. Čeprav sistem velja za učinkovito orodje, ki omogoča uspevanje sive ekonomije, zaradi omejenih načrtovalskih zmožnosti zahteva sodelovanje z drugimi deležniki, na podlagi česar se lahko rešujejo nepričako- vani izzivi. Sodelovanje med deležniki je povečalo koristi in zmanjšalo slabosti sive ekonomije v javnem prostoru. Ključne besede: ulična tržnica, ulični prodajalci, siva ekonomija, javni prostor, Indonezija Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 29 1 Uvod 1.1 Širjenje ulične prodaje v svetu, ki se čedalje bolj urbanizira Neskladen regionalni razvoj in slabo upravljanje v številnih dr- žavah v razvoju povzročata obsežno nenadzorovano urbaniza- cijo (Hossain, 2004). Zaradi hitre rasti mestnega prebivalstva mnogi prebivalci težko najdejo formalno zaposlitev (Ligthelm in van Wyk,  2004), ena izmed posledic rasti mest pa je tudi širjenje dejavnosti uličnih prodajalcev  (Chirisa,  2009). Njih- ovo število močno narašča, pri čemer zasedajo javni prostor po večjih mestih držav v razvoju in poskušajo zaslužiti dovolj za preživetje  (Faruque in Haque,  2010; Dunn,  2014). Po - nančni krizi leta 1998 se je v številnih azijskih državah število uličnih prodajalcev občutno povečalo, saj je mnogo ljudi, ki so bili prej zaposleni v formalnem sektorju, izgubilo službo (In- dira,  2015). Prodaja blaga na ulici je postala pomemben vir zaposlitve,  storitev in prihodkov  za revna mestna gospodinj- stva  (Fidler in Webster, 1996; Iyenda, 2005; Suriansyah, 2005; Estrada in Hondagneu-Sotelo,  2011). Izraz »ulični prodaja- lec« se nanaša na prodajalce na urejenih tržnicah, prodajalce, ki postavijo stojnice na pasovih ob robu cestišča, potujoče ulične prodajalce in prodajalce na domu  (Cohen  idr.,  2002). Njihovo poslovanje je pogosto nezakonito, čeprav prodajajo zakonito blago in storitve (ILO, 2002). Njihova dejavnost zato ne poteka v ločenih gospodarskih krogih, ampak se prepleta s formalnim sektorjem (Chen, 2007; Hossain, 2014). Prisotnost uličnih prodajalcev na javnih prostorih ima pozitiv- ne vplive tako v državah v razvoju kot v razvitih državah; ulični prodajalci so na primer postali nepogrešljiv del mestne krajine Los Angelesa, New Yorka in Čikaga  (Munoz,  2012). V New Yorku  (Roy,  2005) in Mumbaju  (Anjaria,  2006) povečujejo javno varnost in izboljšujejo kakovost življenja v soseskah, kjer delujejo, čeprav jih mestne oblasti še vedno obravnavajo kot javno nadlogo. Veljajo za sestavni del nekaterih sosesk  (De- guchi, 2005), stanovalcem pogosto zagotavljajo glavni dostop do hrane  (Kabeer,  2004), hkrati pa poživijo javne kraje  (De- guchi idr., 2005). Preobrazba javnih prostorov na podlagi ulič- ne sive ekonomije je novost, ki učinkovito zadovoljuje potrebe mestnih prebivalcevin ljudi spodbuja k druženju (Jimu, 2005; Rojas,  2008), čeprav prisotnost uličnih prodajalcev običajno krši občinske predpise (Danesh, 1999). Kljub raznim pozitiv- nim vplivom je ulična prodaja v mestni politiki držav v razvoju še vedno zapostavljena (Jimu, 2005). Z vidika sodobnega načr- tovanja navedena gospodarska dejavnost spodkopava javni red in državni nadzor  (Cross,  2000), zato se v državah Latinske Amerike, kot je Kolumbija  (Donovan,  2008), in azijskih dr- žavah, kot je Indonezija  (Harjoko in Adianto, 2012), močno omejuje. Želja po oblikovanju privlačnih globalnih mest  (Robins in Askoy, 1996) je očarala številne vlade držav v razvoju, ki pri ur- banističnem načrtovanju in določanju predpisov zato ne upoš- tevajo vidikov sive ekonomije, kot je ulična prodaja  (Partha- sarathy,  2003). Posledično njihovi razvojni načrti niso prila- gojeni potrebam neformalnih mestnih dejavnosti  (Perera in Amin,  1996) in še poslabšujejo prostorske težave v mestih v razvoju (Yankson, 2000). Lokalnim občinam pogosto priman- jkuje politične volje, administrativnega znanja ali inovativnih upravljavskih strategij, potrebnih za učinkovito vključitev ulič- ne prodaje v mestni gospodarski sistem  (Morrell  idr.,  2011). Če vključitev uličnih prodajalcev ni premišljeno načrtovana, lahko to povzroči prezasedenost javnih prostorov in precejšnje okoljske težave, kot so prenatrpani pločniki in oviran prehod pešcev (Loukaitou-Sideris in Ehrenfeucht, 2011) ter slabe sa- nitarno-higienske razmere (Rakodi, 2005) zaradi smeti na uli- cah, pločnikih in v odprtih odtokih, ki jih mestne oblasti niso več zmožne počistiti  (Satterthwaite,  2003; Yankson,  2007). Mnoge empirične raziskave, opravljene v azijskih glavnih me- stih, so sivo ekonomijo, vključno z ulično prodajo, preprosto obravnavale kot nekaj, kar je treba upravljati  (Ong,  2006; Jiang  idr.,  2010), ob tem ko se mesto pospešeno razvija v globalno središče (Yeo idr., 2012). Upravljanje uličnih proda- jalcev vključuje na primer določitev posebnega območja, kjer lahko opravljajo svojo dejavnost (Chai idr., 2011), ali uvedbo sistema za pridobitev dovoljenj za prodajo  (Lincoln,  2008; Chiu,  2013). Tako država prizna obstoj ulične prodaje kot nečesa, kar ustvarja sistem za preživetje revnih mestnih prebi- valcev in s tem zagotavlja red v družbi. Navedeni sistem ima izjemno nenavadno dinamiko samoregulacije, v katerem ni formalnega nadzora nad načrtovanjem (Dovey, 2012), zato je treba dobro razumeti, kako ulični prodajalci na mestnih ob- močjih soustvarjajo prostor za potrebe sive ekonomije. 1.2 Prikriti družbeni sistem, na katerem temelji prostorska ureditev uličnih tržnic Ulična prodaja poteka na javnih prostorih  (Satterthwai- te,  2003), natančneje na pločnikih  (Jimu,  2005), ob po- teh  (Suharto,  2004), tržnicah  (Brown,  2006), na avtobusnih postajališčih (Cohen idr., 2002) in drugih javnih krajih (Yan- kson, 2000). Oblike zasedanja uličnega prostora so ravno tako raznovrstne kot lokacije, odvisno od vrste območij in dejavnos- ti v bližini (Suharto, 2004), kot so območja za pešce (Dewar in Watson, 1990) ali prometna vozlišča in vozlišča za dnevne migrante  (Bhowmik,  2005). Kot navaja Yankson  (2000), je pri izbiri lokacije prodaje glavni dejavnik ta, da je območje privlačno za kupce, sledita razpoložljivost dovoznih cest in pomanjkanje drugih primernih lokacij. Izgon uličnih prodajal- cev z nekaterih javnih prostorov lahko učinkovito onemogoči njihovo dejavnost (Idayanti, 2007), saj lokacija vpliva na viši- Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 30 no najemnine stojnic in zmožnost ustvarjanja prihodka  (Su- silo, 2011). Poleg tega so raziskave v Indoneziji pokazale, da sta narava posameznih krajev in njihova privlačnost za potencialne kupce (v glavnem zaradi dejavnosti v okolici) ključna dejavnika pri izbiri lokacije ulične prodaje (Suparwoko in Sriyana, 2006; Suparwoko, 2008). Brez dobrega razumevanja lokacijskih pre- ferenc uličnih prodajalcev njihova načrtna premestitev na dru- go območje zato ne more doseči želenih ciljev. Raziskava petih tradicionalnih tržnic v Džakarti  (Adian- to, 2009) in študija tradicionalne tržnice v Bekasiju v Zahod- ni Javi  (Libratono,  2012) sta pokazali, da se lokacija, vrsta prodajnih izdelkov in delovni čas uličnih prodajalcev ujemajo z vzorcem dejavnosti kupcev in proizvajalcev. V vseh tovrst- nih raziskavah je bilo ugotovljeno, da ima družbeni sistem, ki določa pravila za upravljanje in uporabo razpoložljivih virov, ključno vlogo pri prostorski ureditvi ulične prodaje na javnih mestih. Navedeni sistem vzpostavlja samoorganizacijo  (Kool- haas,  2005; Mörtenböck in Mooshammer,  2007) pri kateri se oblikujejo prostorske ureditve na podlagi prilastitve ali po- novne prilastitve javnih prostorov  (Isin,  1999; Boeri,  2003), ki temelji na posvetovalnem načrtovanju  (Koolhaas in Cleij- ne,  2007) in kreativnih izračunih  (Franke,  2006). Zaradi sla- bega dostopa do formalnih institucij morajo ulični prodajalci razviti nove ali pa izkoristiti obstoječe ureditve in nenapisana pravila za svojo samoorganizacijo, upravljanje in gospodarsko dejavnost  (Lindell,  2008). Peters  (2013) v raziskavi, opravl- jeni v indonezijskem mestu Surabaya, opisuje izjemno moč neformalnih dejavnosti in njihov prispevek k sodobnemu mestnemu razvoju na podlagi kolektivnega duha prikrajšanih skupin in delavskega razreda. Podobno opisuje tudi Obeng- Odoom  (2011) v raziskavi o prožnosti in sposobnosti za preživetje neformalnih sektorjev v Gani, ki jim stalno grozi deložacija. Kljub stigmatizaciji neformalnost ustvari občutljiv sistem upravljanja, ki deluje v okviru formalnega upravljan- ja (Dovey, 2012), eden izmed njegovih rezultatov je tudi pros- torska ureditev. Omenjena občutljivost spodbuja prožnost in sposobnost preživetja sive ekonomije v moderniziranem mestu pod stalno grožnjo deložacije. Opisane raziskave poudarjajo dejstvo, da je prostor družbena prvina, saj nastaja v vzajemnih odnosih, ki oblikujejo družbene odnose in ti hkrati oblikuje- jo njih  (Lefebvre,  1991; Shields,  1998). Produkcija mestnega prostora se torej ne nanaša samo na preprosto načrtovanje posameznih vrst rabe materialnega prostora, ampak bolj na produkcijo in reprodukcijo vseh vidikov mestnega življen- ja (McCann, 2002). Po Lefebvru je to, kako ulični prodajalci uredijo svoj prostor, prikrit družbeni red, ki se uporablja za ureditev skupnega območja (Ostrom, 2005). Ulični prodajalci skupaj s kupci in drugimi deležniki, ki imajo korist od njihove prisotnosti, ustvarjajo primerne prodajne prostore. Avtorji v članku predstavljajo lokacijske preference, ki usmerja- jo ulično prodajo, in kako prodajalci ustvarjajo prostorske ure- ditve na podlagi samoorganizacije. Konkretno razkrijejo druž- beni sistem, na katerem temelji produkcija uličnega prodajnega prostora na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku v Indoneziji, s čimer želijo obogatiti arhitekturni diskurz o mestni sivi ekonomiji. 2 Metoda Avtorji so v raziskavi proučevali območje Kukusan Teknik v občini Depok v Zahodni Javi, kot je prikazano na Sliki  1. Izbrali so ga zaradi ulične prodaje, ki ob nedeljah dopoldne poteka v stanovanjski soseski na tem območju. Ulični proda- jalci z vseh treh največjih tradicionalnih tržnic v Depoku pri- dejo v Kukusan prodajat blago vsako nedeljo od 6. do 10. ure. Od 80 do 200 uličnih prodajalcev redno prodaja svoje izdelke vzdolž 300 metrov dolge ulice, ki se spremeni v začasno tržnico na robu stanovanjske soseske. V raziskavi je bil uporabljen kvalitativni pristop v treh fazah. V prvi fazi, ki je potekala februarja in marca 2015, so avtorji pregledali literaturo in na njeni podlagi zbrali najnovejše iz- a b c Slika 1: Lokacija občine Depok (a), okrožje Beji (b) in raziskovalno območje (c) (vir: Internet 1) M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 31Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici sledke na obravnavanem področju. Sredi marca 2015 je sledil predhodni terenski ogled, na podlagi česar je bila v skladu s teoretičnim okvirom oblikovana zgradba študije primera. Med terenskim ogledom je bilo določenih več pomembnih lokalnih akterjev, kot so vodja združenja stanovalcev soseske (v nadal- jevanju: vodja ZSS), vodja združenja lokalnih uličnih proda- jalcev  (v nadaljevanju: vodja ZUP) in dolgoletni prebivalci soseske. Avtorji so se navedenim posameznikom predstavili in od njih pridobili soglasja za sodelovanje v raziskavi. Druga faza raziskave, ki je potekala od aprila do junija 2015, je v glavnem vključevala terenska opazovanja in intervjuje. Prednost intervjujev pred drugimi metodami, kot so vprašal- niki, je ta, da lahko vprašani s svojimi besedami opišejo svoje izkušnje in pojasnijo, kako živijo (Valentine, 2005: 111). Med terenskimi opazovanji so bili dokumentirani spreminjajoče se število uličnih prodajalcev, izdelki, ki jih prodajajo, in njiho- va prostorska ureditev. Na podlagi prodajnih izdelkov so bili prodajalci razdeljeni v tri skupine: prodajalci hrane, prodajalci drugih izdelkov in ponudniki storitev (Suharto, 2004). Intervjuji so bili izvedeni v dveh nizih. Najprej so bili maja  2015 intervjuvani vodja ZSS, vodja ZUP in posamezni stanovalci soseske, ki so predstavili zgodovino ulične prodaje na tem območju in proces samoorganizacije, ki ga izvajajo vsi vpleteni. Drugi niz intervjujev je bil opravljen z naključnim vzorcem uličnih prodajalcev, stanovalcev ulice, ki se začasno spremeni v tržnico, in kupcev. Prodajalci in stanovalci so po- jasnili, zakaj prodajajo na navedeni lokaciji ter kako prodajalci v sodelovanju s stanovalci oblikujejo in izvajajo proces samoor- ganizacije. Kupci so pojasnili, zakaj tam kupujejo in kaj menijo o prostorskih posledicah prisotnosti uličnih prodajalcev v njih- ovi soseski. Število intervjuvancev v posamezni skupini je bilo različno. V intervjuje je privolilo samo 50 uličnih prodajalcev. Poleg njih je bilo v 12 tednih terenskih opazovanj in intervjujev intervjuvanih še 50 družin, ki živijo v proučevani ulici (kar je precej veliko glede na to, da je v ulici 57 hiš, od katerih jih ima sedem tudi najemna stanovanja), in 300 kupcev. Intervjuvanci so bili različno stari, imeli so različne poklice in mesečne do- hodke ter so živeli v različnih vrstah stanovanj. Tretja faza raziskave, ki je potekala od julija do septem- bra  2015, je vključevala analizo podatkov, razpravo in zapis izsledkov. Pričevanja intervjuvancev so bila preverjena s trian- gulacijo (Valentine, 2005). O izsledkih so avtorji razpravljali z akademskimi kolegi na sestankih, na podlagi česar so dopolnili in dodelali rezultate raziskave. Da bi še bolj razjasnili nekatera vprašanja, so avgusta 2015 opravili še nekaj dodatnih terenskih opazovanj in intervjujev. 3 Rezultati 3.1 Zgodovina in sedanje stanje nedeljske tržnice v Kuteku Od leta 2001 so prostori Univerze v Indoneziji vsako nedeljo odprti za javne rekreativne dejavnosti. Udeleženci večinoma prihajajo iz najbližje občine Depok in iz bližnje metropole Džakarte. Množice ljudi, ki prihajajo na to območje, so tja privabile tudi ulične prodajalce, ki so obiskovalcem ponujali najrazličnejše izdelke, od hrane in pijače do elektronskih na- prav in raznih storitev. Po navedbah vodij ZSS in ZUP so lahko ulični prodajalci v okviru univerzitetnega kompleksa prodajali, če so za to plačali zadevni prispevek, pri čemer ni bilo treba, da so bili tudi uradno prijavljeni. Njihova prisotnost torej tehnično ni bila nezakonita, hkrati pa je prinašala korist vsem vpletenim: univerzi, prodajalcem in kupcem. Opisano dobičkonosno sodelovanje se je končalo leta  2003 zaradi smrtne nesreče, ki so jo povzročili ulični prodajalci. Od takrat univerza ne dovoli več nikakršne ulične prodaje ob nedeljah. Kljub številnim protestom, na katerih so se ulični prodajalci zavzemali za to, da bi bila spet dovoljena prodaja v univerzitetnem kompleksu, je univerza vse njihove prošnje ostro zavrnila. Kot alternativno možnost je vodjema ZSS in ZUP ponudila preselitev uličnih prodajalcev v sosesko v ne- posredni bližini kompleksa, vzdolž zidu, ki obdaja univerzo. Čeprav je ulica ožja kot območje, kjer so prej prodajali, so se vsi vpleteni strinjali, da bo to nova prodajna lokacija. Izbrana je bila zaradi dveh glavnih razlogov: po eni strani je še vedno blizu univerze, zato bi jo obiskalo veliko ljudi, po drugi strani pa je to slepa ulica, na kateri prodajalci ne bi motili gibanja stanovalcev v soseski. Vodja ZSS je bil imenovan za območnega vodjo, ki naj bi upravljal prodajo in podporne dejavnosti. Sprva so prebivalci ulice nasprotovali prisotnosti prodajalcev pred svojimi hišami. Posledice preselitve tržnice v to ulico so bile motena zasebnost, hrup, nakopičeni odpadki in ovirano gibanje prebivalcev. Po intenzivnih posvetovanjih so prebi- valci privolili v prisotnost ulične prodaje v soseski, če bodo izpolnjeni naslednji pogoji: 1. prodaja lahko poteka samo ob nedeljah od 6. do 11. ure, 2. prodajalci plačujejo prispevke ZSS, ki sredstva porabi za nanciranje izboljšav v soseski,  3.  pro- dajajo lahko tudi prebivalci,  4.  prodajalci morajo plačati za uporabo elektrike iz hiš na ulici, 5. vsakršno neprimerno rav- nanje bo razlog za prekinitev ulične prodaje v soseski. Zara- di varnostnih razlogov se morajo vsi prodajalci prijaviti pri vodji ZSS, za zagotavljanje reda pa mora imeti vsak proda- jalec stalno prodajno mesto. Leta  2003 je bilo na območju prijavljenih 105 prodajalcev, njihovo število pa se je vsako leto povečevalo. Leta 2015 jih je bilo tako že 198 (Slika 2). Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 32 Med 12-tedenskim opazovanjem je število uličnih prodajalcev nihalo med 81 in 198. Pouk na univerzi je potekal od febru- arja do junija 2015, pri čemer se je število uličnih prodajalcev s  140 na začetku aprila povečalo na  198 ob koncu maja. Ob koncu izpitnega obdobja na začetku junija je večina študentov zapustila študentsko naselje in odšla domov, zaradi česar se je število ljudi na območju močno zmanjšalo. Posledično je tudi število uličnih prodajalcev strmo padlo: zadnje tri tedne proučevanega obdobja jih je bilo manj kot  100, zadnji teden pa celo  81. Navedeno nihanje razkriva neposreden vpliv pri- sotnosti študentov na število uličnih prodajalcev na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku. 3.2 Vzajemne koristi za vse vpletene akterje Prodajalci so navedli, da v glavnem prodajajo na treh tradicio- nalnih tržnicah v občini Depok: na tržnici PAL  (34,15  %), tržnici Kemiri  (36,59  %) in tržnici Jaya Depok  (29,27  %). Večina jih na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku prodaja zato, da se izognejo hudi konkurenci na tradicionalnih tržnicah ob koncu tedna. Čeprav tradicionalne tržnice ob koncu tedna pritegnejo ogromno obiskovalcev, se zaradi precej večjega števila konku- renčnih prodajalcev njihov prihodek pomembneje ne poveča. Zato ob nedeljah raje pridejo na tržnico v Kuteku, kjer je manj prodajalcev. Drug ključni razlog so nizki upravni stroški. Štiri- najst prodajalcev je v intervjujih razkrilo, da so upravni stroški na večjih tradicionalnih tržnicah tri-  do petkrat višji kot na a b Slika 2: Skupno število uličnih prodajalcev med letoma 2003 in 2015 glede na vrsto prodajnih izdelkov (a) ter skupno število uličnih prodajalcev vsako nedeljo od 3. aprila do 19. junija 2015 (b) (ilustracija: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 33Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku. Tudi zaradi tega je nedeljska prodaja v Kuteku tako privlačna. Čeprav tudi lokalni prebivalci prodajajo na nedeljski tržnici, niso vsi navdušeni nad njeno prisotnostjo na njihovi ulici. Družinski člani v devetih hišah (18 %) so navedli, da jih tržnica moti, čeprav omogoča številne prednosti. Motijo jih predvsem smeti. Čeprav po zaprtju tržnice vse smeti pobere za to zadol- žen uslužbenec, številne intervjuvance moti, da jih morajo gle- dati in vonjati. Druga pomembna nevšečnost je ovirano giban- je, saj se prebivalci težko prebijejo skozi množico obiskovalcev. Družine so kot tretjo težavo navedle hrup, več pa jih je omenilo tudi, da množice obiskovalcev v neposredni bližini stanovanj- skih hiš motijo zasebnost stanovalcev. Kljub vsem navedenim težavam večina stanovalcev, ki je izrazila nezadovoljstvo, spreje- ma nedeljsko tržnico na svoji ulici. Prodaja omogoča nančno korist celotni skupnosti in mnogim posameznikom. Prebivalci prodajalcem zagotavljajo najrazličnejše podporne storitve, kot so dostop do elektrike, stojnice in skladiščne prostore, kar jim prinaša dodaten zaslužek. Sredstva, ki jih vsak prodajalec plača za najem prodajnega prostora in odvoz smeti, se porabijo za plačo upravnika tržnice in izboljšave v soseski. Tržnica skupnosti omogoča številne koristi. Dvajset stano- valcev  (40  %) je navedlo, da tako lahko v neposredni bližini dobijo najnujnejše stvari, dvanajst intervjuvancev (24 %) pa je povedalo, da jih prisotnost množice obiskovalcev in različnih prodajnih izdelkov zabava. Devet intervjuvancev (18 %) je na- vedlo, da tržnica prebivalcem prinaša zaposlitvene priložnosti in dodaten prihodek. Nekateri tudi sami prodajajo na tržnici, mnogi pa izboljšajo svoje prihodke z zagotavljanjem podpor- nih storitev prodajalcem. Vsak prodajalec mora prispevati v sklad, namenjen izboljšavam v soseski. Po navedbah vodij ZSS in ZUP ter lokalnih voditel- jev skupnost zbrana sredstva porabi za prenovo ulice, popravilo odtočnega kanala vzdolž ulice in vzdrževanje mejnega zidu z univerzo. Pred odprtjem tržnice leta  2003 stanovalci niso imeli skupnega računa, namenjenega izboljšavam v soseski. Od njenega odprtja pa se je zaradi učinkovitega upravljanja sredstev, ki jih prispevajo ulični prodajalci, podoba soseske izboljšala brez kakršne koli vladne pomoči. Čeprav tržnica povzroča več okoljskih težav  (npr.  smeti, ovirano gibanje, hrup in pomanjkanje zasebnosti), hkrati zagotavlja pomemb- ne družbene in gospodarske koristi. Ne glede na to, da je na zaprtem območju  (tj.  v ozki slepi ulici, v kateri običajno ni prav veliko ljudi), pritegne kupce iz celotne občine Depok in celo iz Džakarte. Večina intervjuvancev (44,33 %) je navedla, da tržnico redno obišče vsako nedeljo. Večina kupcev  (44,67  %) živi v občini Depok zunaj ob- močja Kukusan. Iz Kukusana prihaja skoraj enak delež kup- cev (41,67 %), 13,67 % pa jih živi v Džakarti. Skoraj polovica obiskovalcev (49,67 %) na tržnico prihaja po najnujnejše stvari in že vnaprej ve, kaj želi tam kupiti. Drugi tja prihajajo zaradi vzdušja  (28,67  %) ali na nedeljski izlet s prijatelji  (21,67  %). Ti kupci na tržnici uživajo kljub gneči in nekoliko umazanemu okolju. Nedeljska tržnica v Kuteku torej omogoča korist vsem vpletenim: prodajalcem, kupcem in lokalnim prebivalcem. Opisane skupne koristi so mogoče, ker udeleženci upoštevajo družbeno izpogajana in sprejeta pravila, ki urejajo pravice in dolžnosti vseh sodelujočih akterjev, kar omogoča usklajeno prodajno dejavnost. 3.3 Prostorska samoorganizacija: od urejene do razdrobljene prostorske členitve Pri izvajanju sistema prijave uličnih prodajalcev med leto- ma 2003 in 2012 sta se vodji ZSS in ZUP dogovorila o prostor- ski ureditvi nedeljske tržnice v Kuteku, ki temelji na umeščanju prodajnih prostorov glede na vrsto izdelkov, ki se prodajajo, ter na določanju parkirnih, skladiščnih in nakladalnih območij. Ureditev je rezultat dogovora med obema vodjema, vsemi ulič- nimi prodajalci in prebivalci ulice ter omogoča korist vsem, ne da bi kakor koli ogrožala varnost soseske (Slika 3). Ker se je število prodajalcev nenehno večalo, hkrati pa so na tržnici začeli sodelovati tudi mnogi občasni prodajalci, sta vodji ZSS in ZUP le stežka prijavljala vse nove člane in jim dodeljevala prostor na tržnici. Občasni prodajalci so na nedeljsko tržnico v Kuteku začeli prihajati leta  2010. Gre za potujoče prodajalce, ki se čez dan z vozovi ali kolesi selijo od ene tržnice do druge. Na tržnici v Kuteku ne prodajajo vsako nedeljo, zato nimajo stalnega prodajnega prostora. Kljub temu jim je vodja ZSS dovolil, da prodajajo na tržnici, saj so privolili v plačilo zahtevanega prispevka. Ker se je število prodajalcev nenehno spreminjalo, je leta 2012 vodja ZSS zaustavil prijavo novih prodajalcev. Z občasno prodajo so se začeli ukvarjati tudi mnogi posamezniki, ki živijo na tej ulici, pri čemer kot prodajni prostor uporabljajo svoje sprednje terase, hiše pa so preuredili v proizvodne prostore. Leta 2010 se je s prodajo ukvarjalo šest stanovalcev, do leta  2015 pa se je njihovo število potrojilo. Sprva so prodajali le občasno, zdaj pa na tržnici sodelujejo stal- no. Kot je razvidno s Slike 4, prisotnost potujočih prodajalcev in lokalnih prebivalcev med prodajalci na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku otežuje njeno prostorsko urejanje. Zaradi njihovega spreminjajočega se števila in prostorske eksibilnosti sta jih vodji ZSS in ZUP prisiljena umestiti na kateri koli prostor, ki je še na razpolago (npr. med stojnice stalnih prodajalcev). Niz tovrstnih in nenehno spreminjajočih se »vdorov« na tržnico krni njeno nadzorovano prostorsko ureditev. Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 34 Slika 3: Stanovalci prodajajo blago pred svojimi hišami (foto: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) a b 80 cm 140 cm 80 cm Slika 4: Velikost stojnic in širina prehoda (a) ter prikaz, kako sosednji prodajalci nadzirajo vmesno prazno stojnico (b) (foto in ilustracija: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) 3 1 4 5 2 Slika 5: Ureditev gibanja pešcev (1 in 2) in prodajalcev (3, 4 in 5) (foto in ilustracija: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 35Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici Stalni prodajalci in stanovalci nimajo nič proti dodatnim prodajalcem, čeprav imajo zaradi njihove prisotnosti vsi manj prostora za prodajo. Stalni prodajalci prisotnost drugih do- puščajo v znak spoštovanja lastnega poklica. Zavedajo se, da je njihovo preživetje odvisno od vzajemne podpore in sodelo- vanja. Poleg tega upajo, da bo prisotnost občasnih prodajalcev vsem povečala dobiček, saj lahko njihovi izdelki pritegnejo dodatne kupce, navedeno tudi spodbuja njihovo sodelovanje. Namesto da bi ovirali občasne prodajalce, stalni prodajalci po- stanejo odločevalci, ki določajo možne lokacije novih občasnih prodajalcev. Kljub negativnemu vplivu na vizualno urejenost tržnice prodajalci ne nasprotujejo prisotnosti dodatnih občas- nih prodajalcev na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku, dokler ti zago- tavljajo dodatne izdelke, ki pritegnejo še več kupcev, in niso neposredna konkurenca že uveljavljenim prodajalcem. Tržnica ima vhod na severu in jugu, kar obiskovalcem omogoča, da vanjo vstopajo iz dveh smeri (Slika 5). Varnost je na območju univerze skrb vzbujajoča, saj so bila tam v preteklosti že zagreše- na razna kazniva dejanja. Severni vhod je pravzaprav odprtina v zidu, ki obdaja univerzitetni kompleks in so jo ustvarili lokalni prebivalci, da bi lahko dostopali do univerze, če so bila južna vrata zaprta. Posledično se vsi obiskovalci premikajo z južnega dela tržnice proti severu in se nato vračajo proti jugu, ko jo želijo zapustiti. Navedeno med  8. in  11. uro povzroča velike zastoje in gnečo na tržnici. Da bi zmanjšali gnečo in omogočili lažje gibanje, so se vodji ZSS in ZUP ter stanovalci dogovorili, da se zahodna ulica ob tržnici uporablja kot dovozna pot za nakladanje in razkladan- je izdelkov. Območje prodajalci poleg tega uporabljajo tudi kot parkirišče za svoja vozila. Mnogi obiskovalci pridejo na tržnico z motociklom. Po navedbah vodje ZSS vsako nedeljo tržnico obišče okoli 100 ljudi na motociklih, kar zahteva veliko parkirnih mest, ki se morajo ustrezno varnostno nadzorovati, hkrati pa ne smejo otežiti gibanja pešcev na tržnici (Slika 6). Prodaja zahteva uporabo stojnice, na kateri lahko prodajalci razstavijo svoje blago. Velikost stojnice je odvisna od števila izdelkov, ki jih prodajalec prodaja, pri čemer je večje stojnice težje premikati. Upravljavci tržnice (tj. vodji ZSS in ZUP ter stanovalci) oddajajo v najem stojnice, ki jih iz rabljenega lesa in bambusa izdelujejo mladi brezposelni prebivalci ulice. Sprva so nameravali najemne stojnice shranjevati na severnem koncu ulice, kjer ni pešcev in motociklistov, ker pa je število stojnic naraslo, so manjše zelene površine spremenili v dodaten pros- tor za shranjevanje, tako da stojnice ne ovirajo gibanja med tednom ali na tržnici ob nedeljah (Slika 7). Zemljišče, na katerem stojijo najemne stojnice, je v lasti lokalne skupnosti. Upravniki tržnice, ki so tudi lastniki stojnic, so s sta- Slika 6: Parkirišča na južnem (1 in 2) in severnem (3) delu tržnice (foto in ilustracija: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) Slika 7: Prostori za shranjevanje lesenih stojnic vzdolž ulice (foto in ilustracija: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto) 1 2 1 2 3 Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 36 novalci dosegli dogovor o uporabi območja, ki je v korist vsem. Prodajalci imajo prostor, kjer lahko prodajajo svoje izdelke in ustvarjajo prihodek, ob tem tudi stanovalci ustvarjajo dodaten prihodek, saj jim prodajalci plačajo za uporabo elektrike. Tudi soseska, ki jo predstavlja vodja ZSS, nekaj zasluži in s prido- bljenimi sredstvi nancira svoje izboljšave. Poleg tega tržnica omogoča zaposlitvene priložnosti brezposelnim stanovalcem, ki lahko s tem lažje preživljajo svoje družine, kupcem pa v neposredni bližini njihovih domov zagotavlja različne dobrine in storitve, ki jih potrebujejo. Zaradi vzajemnih koristi, ki jih zagotavlja dosežen dogovor, se lahko javni prostor in nekateri deli zasebnih zemljišč uporabljajo za namene tržnice. Čeprav se prodajalci običajno strogo držijo pravil, ki veljajo na tržnici, so vseeno nastali konikti. Kot je priznal vodja ZUP, prodajalci niso ustrezno poskrbeli za ogromne količine odpad- kov, ki so jih ustvarili. Za to niso imeli dovolj časa in ljudi, hkrati pa na območju tudi ni bilo dovolj zabojnikov za odpad- ke. Stanovalci so se na koncu pritožili vodji ZUP in zahtevali takojšno rešitev problema. Vodji ZUP in ZSS ter stanovalci so se o zadevi pogovorili in se odločili, da bodo najeli smetarje, ki jih bodo plačali tako, da bodo od prodajalcev pobirali do- daten prispevek. Storitev opravljajo lokalni prebivalci, ki se s tem rešijo brezposelnosti. Po potrebi vsak prodajalec uporabl- ja elektriko iz najbližje hiše. Ko postavljajo svoje stojnice, do hiš speljejo električne kable in elektriko plačajo neposredno stanovalcem. 4 Razprava Vzajemne koristi vseh vpletenih so glavni dejavnik pri pro- dukciji prodajnega prostora v soseski. Prostor se producira in razvija z družbenimi odnosi, kot pravi Lefebvre  (1991), ter z upoštevanjem gospodarskih dejavnikov in dejavnikov, ki vplivajo na kakovost življenja prodajalcev, prebivalcev in na- kupovalcev. Da bi dosegli pričakovane koristi, so vsi vpleteni ustvarili sistem prostorske samoorganizacije in uporabili raz- položljivi javni prostor za prodajo. V zameno za ugodno plačilo lokalni prebivalci prodajalcem zagotavljajo prodajni prostor in parkirna območja, urejajo gibanje pešcev, blaga in vozil, skrbijo za odstranjevanje in odvoz odpadkov ter oddajajo v najem stoj- nice. Nizka cena posameznih storitev prodajalcem omogoča, da prodajajo izdelke dovolj ugodno, da si jih njihove stranke lahko privoščijo. Vzajemne koristi poleg tega odtehtajo nega- tivne vplive tržnice na skupnost, kot so številne smeti, ovira- no gibanje, hrup in motena zasebnost. Družbeni odnosi, ki se ustvarjajo v dogovorih, katerih cilj je doseči vzajemno korist, se ob vprašanjih, ki zahtevajo takojšnje rešitve, še dodatno izpo- polnjujejo. Zaradi naraščajočega števila potujočih in občasnih prodajalcev na tržnici je bilo treba spremeniti sistem prijave in pravila za prodajna mesta. Zaradi čedalje več prodajalcev je bilo treba zagotoviti tudi več prostora, pri čemer je moralo še več prebivalcev dovoliti prodajo pred svojimi hišami. Sprva so prodajalci na nedeljski tržnici v Kuteku izkoriščali prisotnost množic, ki so v univerzitetni kompleks prihajale zaradi rekrea- cije, danes pa je tržnica njihova glavna destinacija. Čeprav je od tragične nesreče leta 2003 tržnica na manj privlačni lokaciji, še vedno pritegne veliko prodajalcev in kupcev. Študija primera, predstavljena v tem članku, kaže, da število pešcev, ki prihajajo na neko območje, še ne določa lokacije uličnih prodajalcev ter da sta za uspešno delovanje ulične tržnice poglavitni dostop- nost in bližina velikega števila ljudi. Raziskava je pokazala sposobnost samoorganizacije lokalnih prebivalcev, s katero rešujejo negativne vplive tržnice. Ob se- litvi prvotne tržnice je bil nov prostor zagotovljen na podlagi vzpostavljenih družbenih odnosov med vpletenimi stranmi in posledičnega dogovora, ki je bil sprejemljiv za vse. Druž- beni odnosi niso nevtralni, ampak temeljijo na natančnih ekonomskih izračunih, ki omogočajo korist vsem vpletenim. Brez možnosti doseganja skupnih koristi ne bi bilo mogoče zagotoviti učinkovite prostorske ureditve. Zaradi potencial- nih vzajemnih koristi se vsi vpleteni prizadevajo ustvariti in ohranjati prostorsko ravnovesje med trgovskimi dejavnostmi in vsakdanjim življenjem lokalnih prebivalcev v ozki ulici. Navedena ugotovitev kaže, kako neformalne dejavnosti de- lujejo v formalnem sistemu  (Dovey,  2012). S samoregulacijo se javni prostor in nekateri deli zasebnih zemljišč spremenijo v skupen prostor  (Ostrom,  2005) s posebnim in občutljivim novim družbenim redom. Poleg tega samoregulacija spodbuja doseganje skupnih koristi za vse vpletene, hkrati pa zmanjšuje negativne vplive na sosesko. Navedeno se nanaša na prožnost in sposobnost preživetja sive ekonomije v moderniziranem mestu, ki ju omenjata Obeng-Odoom (2011) in Peters (2013). Kljub temu siva ekonomija ne bi smela biti razumljena kot posledica prožnosti in sposobnosti preživetja  (Obeng- Odoom,  2011; Peters,  2013), ampak kot način zadovoljenja različnih interesov vpletenih akterjev. Lokacija tržnice je bila izbrana na podlagi dogovora med vodjem soseske, prebivalci in prodajalci, v skladu s katerim je bila za odmaknjeno ulico oblikovana nova tedenska dejavnost. Ustvarjeni prostorski in družbeni sistem odmaknjeno ulico povezuje s potrošniki, kar koristi prodajalcem in prebivalcem, hkrati pa je bolje poskrblje- no tudi za odvoz odpadkov. Zagotavlja zaposlitev prebivalcem in prodajalcem ter sredstva za izboljšave v soseski. Izmenjuje se s pristopom ničelne vsote, značilnim za formalni sektor, ter tako vzpostavlja sporazumen prostorski in družbeni sistem, ki zadovoljuje interese vseh vpletenih ter ustvarja nov sklenjen prostor, povezan s prostorom formalnih dejavnosti. Siva eko- nomija oziroma neformalni sektor tako ni samo alternativen, sporen prostor, ampak prostor, ki je povezan in soodvisen s formalnim sektorjem. Opisano sodelovanje med obema sektor- M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 37Siva ekonomija v javnem prostoru: zapletene politične in prostorske ureditve na indonezijski ulični tržnici jema prinaša skupne koristi, kar zmanjšuje negativne posledice neformalnega sektorja. Sčasoma ta postane sestavni del celot- nega družbenega in gospodarskega sistema, pri čemer je ločnica med formalnim in neformalnim močno zabrisana. 5 Sklep Prisotnost neformalnega gospodarskega sektorja, vključno z ulično prodajo, ob pomembnih koristih za preživetje mestnih prebivalcev povzroča tudi okoljske težave na mestnih obmo- čjih. Zato je treba poiskati načine za vključitev sive ekonomije v mestno okolje, kar bi povečalo njene koristi in zmanjšalo njene pomanjkljivosti. Ulična prodaja je ključna za preživetje trgovcev ter lokalnih prebivalcev in okoliških nakupovalcev, zato njena popolna prepoved zagotovo ni zaželena. V prou- čevanem primeru so po prisilni preselitvi tržnice s prejšnjega območja ulični prodajalci za novo prodajno lokacijo, ki je še vedno dostopna njihovim kupcem, izbrali območje Kuteka. Tržnica zaseda prostor na ulici v stanovanjskem predelu Ku- teka, kar je zahtevalo obsežno sodelovanje in pogajanja, na podlagi česar so bile dosežene vzajemne koristi za prodajalce in lokalne prebivalce. Prodajalci si lahko tako še vedno služi- jo kruh, prebivalci pa so dobili nove možnosti zaposlitve in ustvarjanja dodatnega prihodka. Za doseganje želenih ciljev prodajalci in prebivalci uporabljajo sistem samoorganizacije, s katerim upravljajo prodajo in njene podporne dejavnosti. Sis- tem ureja prostor, gibanje, komunalne storitve in druge zadeve ter se razvija v skladu z lokalnimi razmerami, pri čemer skrbi za to, da se ohranjajo koristi vsake skupine deležnikov. Študija primera kaže, da lahko skupnosti oblikujejo učinkovit sistem samoorganizacije, ki zadovoljuje njihove trenutne potrebe. Samoorganizirani sistemi imajo običajno omejeno zmogljivost in pogosto zahtevajo sodelovanje z zunanjimi akterji. Navede- no sodelovanje je pomembno, saj sta formalni in neformalni sektor odvisna drug od drugega in tvorita skupen gospodarski sistem, v katerem so ločnice med njima močno zabrisane. Pri- merni posegi na področju družbenega razvoja ter urbanistične- ga načrtovanja in oblikovanja lahko sivi ekonomiji na mestnih območjih pomagajo, da postane donosna in ima pozitivne po- sledice. Tovrstni posegi morajo zadovoljiti interese vseh vple- tenih strani, saj se s tem izognemo nasprotovanjem ali novim oviram v prihodnosti. Za potrditev koristi, ki jih neformalni sektorji prinašajo mestnim skupnostim, in proučitev različnih načinov zmanjšanja njihovih morebitnih pomanjkljivosti so potrebne nadaljnje multidisciplinarne raziskave, s katerimi bi proučili, kako lahko povežemo formalne in neformalne gospo- darske sektorje na mestnih območjih. Mitchell Edbert Suryanto Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas In- donesia (Oddelek za arhitekturo, Fakulteta za gradbeništvo, Univerza v Indoneziji), Depok, Indonezija E-naslov: mitchell.edbert93@gmail.com Joko Adianto Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas In- donesia (Oddelek za arhitekturo, Fakulteta za gradbeništvo, Univerza v Indoneziji), Depok, Indonezija E-naslov: joko.adianto@ui.ac.id Rossa Turpuk Gabe Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, Universitas In- donesia (Oddelek za arhitekturo, Fakulteta za gradbeništvo, Univerza v Indoneziji), Depok, Indonezija E-naslov: rossa@ui.ac.id Zahvala Avtorji se Direktoratu za raziskave in vključenost skupnosti Univerze v Indoneziji (DRPM UI) zahvaljujejo za finančno podporo v okviru programa Hibah Publikasi Artikel di Jurnal International Kuartil Q1 dan Q2 (Q1Q2) Tahun Anggaran 2019 (št. projekta NKB- 0305/UN2. 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DOI: 10.4314/rrias.v23i1.22967 Yeo, S. J., Hee, L., in Heng, C. K. (2012): Urban informality and every- day (night)life: a field study in Singapore. International Development Planning Review, 34(4), str. 369–390. DOI: 10.3828/idpr.2012.22 Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 40 UDK: 551.583:69 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2020-31-01-004 Prejeto: 25. marec 2020 Sprejeto: 19. maj 2020 Živa KRISTL Coline SENIOR Alenka TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju Članek obravnava poglavitne izzive v zvezi z odporno- stjo proti podnebnim spremembam z vidika stavbnega sektorja, kot so sheme prilagajanja podnebnim spremem- bam, energetska učinkovitost in ukrepi za blaženje teh sprememb. Izzivi so ovrednoteni glede na najnovejše sta- nje razvoja področja, raziskovalni interes in regulativna vprašanja, pri čemer se pri pregledu znanstvene literature presoja napredek in opredeljujejo raziskovalne vrzeli. Pre- gled literature nakazuje, da se odpornost proti podneb- nim spremembam večinoma nanaša na večje sisteme, na ravni stavb pa se to področje šele razvija. Eden od glavnih ugotovljenih izzivov je pomanjkljiv institucionalni odziv. V številnih objavah je mogoče zaznati, da sta nujna prila- goditev politik in razvoj zakonodaje, ki ju včasih zavirajo negotova predvidevanja o podnebnih spremembah. Za- konodaja EU trenutno delno pokriva področji učinkovite rabe virov in podnebnih sprememb v stavbnem sektorju, nacionalna zakonodaja pa pri tem nekoliko zaostaja. Ta- kšne razmere lahko zmanjšajo konkurenčnost nacional- nega stavbnega sektorja, kar lahko povzroči zaostajanje za opredeljenimi trajnostnimi cilji. S nančnega vidika so manjše kratkoročne investicije dražje, saj odlašanje s posegi v temeljito trajnostno prenovo stavb povzroča ve- čja tveganja. Pristojni organi se trenutno odločajo med hitrimi in zapoznelimi ukrepi, uravnoteženjem stroškov zgodnjega ukrepanja in vzajemnimi stroški zamud. Ključne besede: stavbe, podnebne spremembe, odpor- nost proti podnebnim spremembam, gospodarstvo, pri- lagajanje podnebnim spremembam Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 41 1 Uvod Glede na znanstvene dokaze se podnebne spremembe precej hitreje razvijajo zaradi človeške dejavnosti (ARSO, 2018). Od konca  19.  stoletja se je temperatura zraka na Zemlji zvišala za 0,8 °C, v zadnjih 25 letih pa se je zviševala za 0,2 °C na desetle- tje (UKCP, 2009; Svetovna meteorološka organizacija, 2018). Na sedanji ravni ukrepov se bo glede na predindustrijsko dobo globalna povprečna temperatura do konca stoletja zvišala za več kot  4  °C  (OZN,  2018) in podobno se bo zgodilo tudi v Sloveniji  (Bertalanič  idr., 2018). To bo imelo resne posledice za grajeno okolje. Globalna povprečna temperatura se bo glede na predindustrijsko dobo zvišala za več kot 3 °C (OZN, 2018) tudi, če se uvedejo nekateri blažilni ukrepi, kar bo povzročilo nove zahteve in nove načine rabe stavb. Globalno segrevanje že vpliva na grajeno okolje z izzivi na ravni porabe energije in sistemov oskrbe z energijo  (Olonscheck  idr.,  2011; Wang in Chen,  2014; Pérez-Andreu  idr.,  2018). Zaradi segrevanja oceanov se viša površinska temperatura, narašča morska gladi- na, spreminjajo se vzorci morskih tokov (Ministrstvo za okolje in prostor,  2018; Svetovna meteorološka organizacija,  2017) in gosto poseljena priobalna območja so izpostavljena popla- vljanju  (UNEP,  2018). Od leta  1950 narašča tudi pogostost izrednih vremenskih dogodkov, kar prispeva k precejšnji škodi v grajenem okolju  (IPCC,  2012,  2014; Dolinar  idr.,  2014; ARSO,  2018; Bertalanič  idr.,  2018). Učinki urbanega to- plotnega otoka na lokalni ravni dodatno višajo zunanjo tem- peraturo in povzročajo pregrevanje stavb  (Wandl in van der Hoeven, 2018; Kaplan, 2019). Zato je ključno, da se sprejmejo ostrejši ukrepi za blažitev podnebnih sprememb in prilagajanje grajenega okolja, sicer sprememb v prihodnjih desetletjih ne bo mogoče omejiti na obvladljivo raven. Zaradi rasti prebivalstva število stanovanjskih stavb v svetu narašča. Te stavbe imajo tudi prednostno vlogo pri blažitvi podnebnih sprememb, predvsem zaradi velikega deleža emi- sij CO2, velikih možnosti za varčevanje z energijo in narašča- jočih zahtev glede ugodja stanovalcev (Andrić idr., 2019; Dino in Akgül, 2019). Rezultati ukrepov, uvedenih v preteklih letih, so delno že vidni. V EU je k absolutnemu zmanjšanju emisij največ prispeval gradbeni sektor. Čeprav se večina držav čla- nic trenutno ne približuje vsem ciljem trajnostnega razvoja iz Agende 2030, vse nameravajo doseči največje zmanjšanje emisij prav v gradbenem sektorju. Razlogi za tak pristop so razpolo- žljivost primernih tehnologij za zmanjšanje porabe energije in vključevanje obnovljivih virov energije v stavbe (EEA, 2019). To pomeni, da se bodo trajnostni ukrepi v stavbnem sektorju v prihodnje stopnjevali. Namen članka je proučiti pristope prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v stavbnem sektorju. Mnogi raziskovalci na- mreč menijo, da imajo velik potencial za zmanjševanje emisij toplogrednih plinov. Za obravnavanje vplivov podnebnih spre- memb in strategij za blažitev teh sprememb so najpomembnej- ši: upravljavski pristopi za prilagajanje podnebnim spremem- bam, izboljšanje odpornosti v urbanih območjih in blažitveni pristopi na ravni stavb. Pri tem je ključen pristop, ki temelji na interdisciplinarni in celoviti obravnavi  (Kristl  idr.,  2019). Trenutno se odločitve mnogokrat sprejemajo na podlagi za- devnega vpliva vpletenih deležnikov in zahtev, ki jih je treba izpolniti. V prihodnje pa bodo morali načrtovalci in nosilci odločanja pripraviti in prilagoditi pristope k problemom, me- tode ukrepanja, razpoložljive vire in morebitne postopke odlo- čanja (Gohari idr., 2020). Članek zajema sistematičen pregled literature, ki obravnava tri glavne teme prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v stavbnem sektorju: ukrepe upravljanja ter pri- lagajanje urbanih območij in prilagajanje stavb. Literatura je pregledana na podlagi najnovejšega stanja na področju razi- skav, raziskovalnega pomena in regulatornih vprašanj, ki z raz- ličnih vidikov omogočajo vrednotenje napredka, opredeljujejo vrzeli v raziskavah in zagotavljajo nadaljnje usmeritve. Pregled in opredelitev glavnih izzivov omogočata dobro izhodišče za nadaljnje raziskave na tem področju. 2 Raziskovalni načrt Sistematični pregled literature  (Punch, 2014) poteka kot po- stopen proces, v katerem se posamezne sestavine postopoma združujejo v celoto. V prvem koraku so proučena ločena pod- ročja upravljanja, urbana območja in stavbe, v nadaljevanju pa se navzkrižno kombinirajo s trajnostnimi pristopi in ukrepi za blažitev podnebnih sprememb. Ta metoda omogoča, da se obravnavana literatura analizira z različnih stališč ter da se proučijo problemi, ki na splošni ravni niso upoštevani in bi lahko ostali neobravnavani. Da bi vključili čim več pomemb- nih informacij, smo pregledali številne vire, ki se nanašajo na tematiko stavb in podnebnih sprememb. Pregled je zajel razne vire literature  (monograje, članke, študije, poročila o projektih, smernice, statistične podatke, direktive, standarde, predpise  itd.) in raziskovalna področja, na primer strategije prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam  (strateške dokumente, predpise), energetsko učinkovitost v spreminjajočih se pod- nebnih spremembah (metode in izračune) ter odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam in nančno breme (vplive na sisteme in stavbe). Znanstveni članki so bili izbrani iz več znanstvenih podatkov- nih zbirk (npr. Science Direct, World Wide Science, Emerald). Obravnavane so bile recenzirane objave med letoma  2000 in  2020 v angleškem jeziku. Za iskanje so bile uporabljene naslednje osnovne ključne besede: climate change, climate change strategy, climate adaptation, climate mitigation in cli- Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 42 mate resilience, te so bile kombinirane s ključnimi besedami building, urban, city, real estate, energy use, energy retrotting, energy eciency, heating, cooling, management in nancial. Primeri kombinacij osnovnih ključnih besed, uporabljenih pri iskanju, in njihovi ustrezni rezultati so navedeni v pregledni- ci 1: v stolpcu (1) Iskana beseda je navedeno, katera besedna kombinacija je uporabljena za izvajanje iskanja, v stolpcu  (2) Podatkovna zbirka je navedena zbirka podatkov, ki se uporablja za iskanje, v stolpcu (3) Zadetek je navedeno število najdenih rezultatov iskanja, v stolpcu (4) Naslov + KB je navedeno, ko- liko zadetkov, ki so bili pregledani, sestavljajo naslovi in ključne besede, ki so vsebinsko pomembne, v stolpcu (5) Povzetek je navedeno, koliko vsebin povzetkov se uvršča v kontekst pre- gleda, v stolpcu  (6) Članek pa je navedeno, koliko člankov je ustreznih glede vsebine, pomembne za pregled. Za iskanje pravnih in standardizacijskih virov so bili uporabljeni spletni iskalniki. Enako velja za druge ustrezne spletne vire projektnih informacij in pravnih dokumentov, ki so bili preiskani ročno. V začetni fazi je bilo na splošno veliko zadetkov  (Pregledni- ca  1). Kjer je bilo mogoče, je bilo iskanje v zbirki podatkov nastavljeno na iskanje člankov glede na ustreznost in leto ob- jave. V nadaljevanju iskanja z izbranimi kombinacijami ključ- nih besed je bilo težje najti ustrezno število člankov z visoko pomembnostjo, zlasti na področju odpornosti proti podneb- nim spremembam/energije in prilagajanja podnebnim spre- membam/stavbnega sektorja. To je bilo precej presenetljivo, saj je število člankov na področju rabe energije v stavbah in podobnih tem v literaturi zelo veliko. Da bi našli najnovejše publikacije, je bila v tej fazi v nekaterih primerih uporabljena metoda snežne kepe  (Wohlin,  2014). Izbrani članki so bili pregledani z vidika ustreznosti ključnih besed ali izrazov. V nadaljevanju je mnogo kombinacij ključnih besed dalo precej zadetkov, vendar je v večini primerov le nekaj začetnih strani dalo ustrezne rezultate. Poleg tega so nekatere zbirke podatkov proizvedle zelo podobne rezultate, kar je zmanjšalo potrebo po nenehni uporabi vseh podatkovnih zbirk. Zmanjšanje števila in ltriranje člankov sta bila izvedena na podlagi naslova članka, ključnih besed, povzetka ali vsebine. Končna izbira je temeljila na raziskovalnih tematikah, navedenih v uvodu. Rezultat prei- skave je precej študij in drugih publikacij, izmed katerih jih je bilo več kot 200 izbranih za podrobnejši pregled. Po proučitvi njihove pomembnosti in uporabnosti je bil rezultat nadaljnje izbire več kot 80 virov, ki so bili uporabljeni pri pregledu lite- rature v tem članku. Izbrani članki so bili obravnavani z vidika treh pristopov k prilagajanju podnebnim spremembam: ukrepi upravljanja, urbana območja in stavbe. 3 Pregled pristopov prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam 3.1 Ukrepi upravljanja V prilagoditvenih procesih imajo ključno vlogo oblasti. Te nato vplivajo na deležnike: od nacionalnih institucij, lokalnih ak- terjev, nevladnih organizacij, svetovalnih družb, raziskovalcev do zavarovalnic  (Torabi  idr.,  2018). Sistem deluje na podlagi strateških in regulativnih dokumentov, ki se uporabljajo v pro- cesih odločanja. V tem kontekstu je eden od najpomembnejših mednarodnih sporazumov na svetovni ravni Pariški sporazum, COP  21  (2015), ki je izhodišče za pripravo politik. Pregled ranljivosti zaradi podnebnih sprememb in prilagoditvene pri- pravljenosti v 192 državah članicah OZN, ki sta ga pripravila Preglednica 1: Število zadetkov in ustreznih študij vsebine na nekaterih kombiniranih temah Iskanje besed Podatkovna zbirka Zadetki Naslov + KB Povzetek Članek Climate change Urban Science direct 78.938 321 16 8 World wide science 1.430 370 18 9 Emerald 5.289 26 4 2 Climate mitigation City Science direct 30.034 76 7 3 World wide science 897 128 6 3 Emerald 2.088 52 0 0 Climate adaptation Building Science direct 23.638 116 8 7 World wide science 1.394 151 5 5 Emerald 1.862 2 0 0 Climate resilience Energy Science direct 13.545 5 5 5 World wide science 1.013 25 7 6 Emerald 1.354 0 0 0 Climate change strategy Policy Science direct 78.268 117 5 3 World wide science 1.038 87 4 2 Emerald 13.922 27 2 2 Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 43Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju Sarkodie in Strezov (2019), kaže, da so razvite države v svoje razvojne agende že integrirale načrte in politike za prilagaja- nje podnebnim spremembam. Zaradi močnega gospodarskega, upravljavskega in družbenega prilagajanja so tudi manj ranljive za podnebne spremembe kot države v razvoju. Eden od sklepov pregleda je, da morajo razvite države s svojim znanjem poma- gati državam v razvoju. Poleg tega je za krepitev odpornosti proti podnebnim spremembam potrebna tudi mednarodna nančna pomoč. Da se zagotovi polno izvajanje na ekosistemih temelječih pri- stopov prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam, je na ravni EU strategija prilagajanja  (Evropska komisija,  2013a) usmerjena v nadaljnjo pripravo smernic za organe upravljanja, civilno družbo, zasebni sektor in posameznike, ki delajo na področju varovanja okolja. Po konferenci COP 21 je Evropski svet izjavil, da »sporazum ostaja temelj svetovnih prizadevanj za učinko- vito obvladovanje podnebnih sprememb in ni več predmet pogajanj«  (Evropski svet,  2017:  6). EU je imela pomembno vlogo tudi v procesu, ki je privedel do sprejetja Agende 2030 za trajnostni razvoj  (OZN,  2015). Sprejeta je bila skupna izjava o vzpostavitvi enotnega okvira za razvojne politike in izvajanje programa do leta 2030 (Svet EU, 2017). Najnovejši tovrstni dokument je Evropski zeleni dogovor  (Evropska ko- misija, 2019b), katerega cilj je, da bi bila Evropa do leta 2050 prva podnebno nevtralna celina. Čedalje večje zavedanje o vplivu urbanih območij na strategije prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam in njihovo blažitev je spodbudilo, da so bile sprejete številne politične sheme (Pasimeni  idr., 2019). Evro- pski parlament je sprejel zavezo o ogljični nevtralnosti do leta 2050 (Evropska komisija, 2018a) in države članice EU po- zval, naj pripravijo nacionalne energetske in podnebne načrte ter podnebne politike. Prvotna različica slovenskega podneb- nega načrta (Vlada RS, 2019) je bila grajana zaradi pomanjkan- ja ambicij (Evropska komisija, 2019a; Zgonik, 2019), vendar je v končni različici vlada okrepila zavezo in cilje zastavila neko- liko pogumneje (Vlada RS, 2020). Slovenska vlada je sprejela tudi Odlok o programu porabe sredstev Sklada za podnebne spremembe v obdobju  2020–2023  (Ur. l. RS, št.  14/20). Na lokalni ravni pa Konvencija županov za podnebne spremembe in energijo (2019) povezuje mesta, ki so se zavezala k doseganju podnebnih in energetskih ciljev EU. Različne napovedi kažejo, da bo cena vztrajanja pri zdajšnjem vzorcu delovanja veliko višja od pravočasnega in dovolj obse- žnega odziva. V Sternovem poročilu  (2007) je zapisano, da bi bili skupni stroški in tveganja zaradi podnebnih sprememb enakovredni izgubi vsaj 5 % letnega svetovnega BDP. Trenutne napovedi se niso pomembneje spremenile. V državah srednje in južne Evrope, vključno s Slovenijo, naj bi gospodarske izgube v zadnji tretjini 21. stoletja po sedanji stopnji prilagajanja pod- nebnim spremembam, presegle  4  % letnega BDP  (Evropska komisija,  2018b). Hitro razogljičenje energetskega sistema in zmanjšanje porabe naravnih virov zahtevata 1 % do 2 % svetov- nega letnega BDP (Evropska komisija, 2018b; IPCC, 2018). Ob upoštevanju negotovosti dejavnikov vpliva je takšna ocena približna, vendar ni omejena le na podnebne spremembe, po- gostost izrednih vremenskih dogodkov in nihanja cen energije. Ne glede na to, ali ima znanost prav ali ne, bodo nekajdesetle- tne naložbe v zmanjšanje emisij v obsegu 1 % BDP v vsakem primeru imele pozitiven učinek. Tako imenovane neobžalovalne strategije  (UNEP in UN- FCCC,  2001: 50) lahko zmanjšajo stroške podnebnih spre- memb in delujejo kot pomemben ukrep, tako gospodarsko kot okoljsko. Lahko so priložnost za odpravo nepopolnosti trga in ustvarjanje novih koristi z večjo industrijsko konku- renčnostjo pri doseganju energetske učinkovitosti. Po mnenju več avtorjev je zmanjševanje ogljičnega odtisa najučinkovitejši ukrep za blažitev podnebnih sprememb (Nordhaus, 2017; Fre- ire-González, 2018). V okviru zelene davčne reforme je treba obravnavati davek na ogljik, ki naj bi se po pričakovanjih po- večeval. Čeprav se določanje cen emisij ogljika lahko uporabi za številne pomembne namene, globalna zaveza zahteva, da se prizna tudi ključna vloga instrumentov, ki niso vezani na ceno emisij ogljika (Tvinnereim in Mehling, 2018). Na ravni stavb je najpomembnejše merilo blažitve podnebnih sprememb večja energetska učinkovitost obstoječih stavb. Eko- nomske ocene ukrepov za energetsko prenovo tradicionalno temeljijo na obsegu naložb in zmanjšanju stroškov energije. Razen na institucionalni ravni  (Evropska komisija,  2012) se pri vrednotenju naložb v energetske prenove prihodnje nanč- ne koristi blažitve podnebnih sprememb na projektni ravni le redko upoštevajo. Nydahl idr.  (2019) poudarjajo, da lahko vrednotenje različnih ukrepov energetske prenove postane nančno dobra naložba, če so v analizo vključeni zmanjšani prihodnji stroški blažitve emisij toplogrednih plinov v življenj- skem ciklu. Temeljijo lahko na standardih, na primer oSIST prEN 17472 (Slovenski inštitut za standardizacijo, 2020), ali shemah, kot je na primer orodje Level(s)  (Dodd  idr.,  2017). Zato bi morali naložbeni procesi spodbujati ravnovesje med nančnim, poslovnim in družbenim rezultatom ter dobrim počutjem prebivalcev v skupnosti  (Boge  idr.,  2018; Sa- laj  idr.,  2018). Poleg tega so potrebni zanesljivejši modeli, ki bi se razvili iz modela vlaganja le v stavbo v model vla- ganja v socialno varnost in regionalni razvoj  (Temeljotov Sa- laj  idr., 2011). Zgornje navedbe kažejo, da bo blažitev podnebnih spre- memb verjetno povzročila manjšo porabo energije, večje prihranke in spremembo uveljavljenih preferenc potrošni- kov (IPCC, 2014). Spremembe bodo vplivale tudi na delež do- hodka, ki ga bodo uporabniki ali posamezna gospodinjstva po- Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 44 rabili za ogrevanje in hlajenje stavb. Clarke in sodelavci (2018) ugotavljajo, da velik del študij o družbenogospodarskih in ener- getskih sistemih obravnava statistično gospodarsko razmerje med podnebnimi spremenljivkami in porabo energije. Trdijo, da je tak splošni pristop, ki temelji na podatkih za pretekla obdobja, omejen glede predvidevanja prihodnjih sprememb energetskih sistemov. Posebej zahteven je izračun vpliva porabe energije na delež porabljenega dohodka v gospodinjstvih. Po Olonscheckovi in sodelavcih  (2011) se bo neto globalna po- raba energetskih virov povečala za 0,1 %, če se bo temperatura zvišala za 2 °C. Če bodo uporabniki poskušali ohraniti enako raven toplotnega ugodja v stanovanjih, bodo morali porabiti dodaten delež dohodkov za energijo  (Clarke  idr., 2018). Na- dzor nad porabo energije s težnjo po energetski neodvisnosti ima lahko zelo velik vpliv na ekonomski položaj gospodinjstev. To zagotavlja manjšo odvisnost energetskih potrošnikov od ne- stanovitnega trga v smislu pomanjkanja fosilnih virov energije. Poleg tega lahko pomeni pomembno geopolitično prednost v svetu, kjer so dobavitelji nanih ogljikovodikov močno poli- tično razdeljeni. 3.2 Urbana območja Na splošno se vplivi podnebnih sprememb v urbanih območjih kažejo kot vremenski dogodki, ki vplivajo na temelje urbanih sistemov (prebivalstvo, grajeno okolje in infrastruktura). Posle- dice so lahko zične (npr. poškodbe objektov) in/ali družbe- noekonomske (npr. izguba dohodka, vplivi na zdravje) (Wandl in van der Hoeven, 2018). Pretekli izredni vremenski dogod- ki so izpostavili predvsem ranljivost večjih urbanih območij z velikim številom prebivalcev in kompleksno infrastrukturo. Čeprav je odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam lahko povezana z najpomembnejšimi prednostnimi nalogami mest- nih oblasti, kot sta gospodarska rast in socialna blaginja, se procesi prilagajanja v večini urbanih območij odvijajo zelo počasi (Carter idr., 2015). To ni presenetljivo. Odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam je ključni koncept, vendar je v okviru mest to zapleten pro- ces, ki vključuje številne dejavnike  (Torabi  idr.,  2018). Glede na prepletenost urbanih sistemov je težko natančno določiti učinke podnebnih sprememb na nekatere sektorje in siste- me, saj so posledice pogosto obsežnejše, kot je vidno na prvi pogled (Carter  idr., 2015). Po Rastandehu (2015) analiza al- ternativnih podnebnih scenarijev zagotavlja dobro izhodišče za proučevanje verjetnih vplivov blažitvenih strategij na prihodnji razvoj v spreminjajočih se razmerah. Ta pristop je lahko ključ- ni politični instrument za vključevanje podnebnih sprememb v procese odločanja. Vendar je potrebnih več metodologij in tehnik za preoblikovanje teh napovedi v realistične razvojne vzorce. Na primer, Truong in sodelavci (2018) predlagajo nov model za izbiro naložb v prilagajanje podnebnim spremem- bam, ki upošteva nezanesljivost napovedi. Avtorji ugotavljajo, da navedeni okvir močno poveča vrednost prilagoditvenih na- ložb v primerjavi s prejšnjimi praksami. Pri tem je pomembno zlasti, da se upošteva ustrezno zaporedje naložb, ki ohranja prožnost naložb v negotovih razmerah na področju podnebnih sprememb. Mata in sodelavci  (2019) so v svoji celoviti študi- ji v okviru petih scenarijev podnebnih sprememb izračunali različne potenciale zmanjšanja porabe energije in stroškov, ki nastanejo pri različnih ukrepih varčevanja z energijo. Pri tem so primerjali negotovost zaradi podnebnih sprememb z drugimi negotovostmi, kot so na primer omejitve popisa emisij in razvoj energetskega sistema. Ugotavljajo, da nančna učinkovitost ukrepov energetske prenove stavb pogosto temelji na relativ- nem razmerju med letno naložbo in potencialom privarčevane energije. Pri teh izračunih imajo prihodnje podnebne razmere manj odločilno vlogo. Ukrepi, ki vplivajo predvsem na porabo energije za ogrevanje, so bolj robustni kot spremembe rabe električne energije. Menijo, da je treba strategije za energetsko prenovo stavb prednostno osredotočiti na varčevanje z energijo in v mobilizacijo investicij, ki na podlagi sedanjega tehnolo- ško-gospodarskega vidika niso nujno donosne. Rezultata temeljitega in čimprejšnjega razogljičenja gradbe- nega sektorja bosta zmanjšano povpraševanje po energiji in širša poraba obnovljivih virov energije (Evropski parlament in Svet, 2018). Energetske prenove stavb so torej okoljsko in stro- škovno učinkovit pristop. Bunten in Kahn (2017) pa vendarle verjameta, da lahko trajnost nepremičninskega kapitala ovira prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam. V primeru takšnega sta- nja Dafermos in sodelavci  (2018) predlagajo oceno posledic podnebnih sprememb na nančno stabilnost z analizo vredno- sti nančnih sredstev ter nančnega položaja podjetij in bank. Ob proučevanju globalnih podatkov za obdobje  2016‒2120 ugotavljajo, da lahko podnebne spremembe postopno zmanj- šajo likvidnost podjetij zaradi uničenja kapitala in posledičnega zmanjšanja dobičkov. To lahko privede do višje stopnje utaj in tako negativno vpliva na nančni in nenančni sektor. Škoda zaradi posledic podnebnih sprememb lahko spodbudi selitev kapitala, kar lahko povzroči postopen padec cen delnic priza- detih podjetij. Finančna nestabilnost zaradi podnebnih spre- memb lahko negativno vpliva tudi na posojila. Poleg tega lahko nekatere posledice kratkoročnih ukrepov privedejo do narašča- nja gospodarskih in socialnih težav v prihodnosti (Champagne in Aktas, 2016). Matko in sodelavci (2016) ugotavljajo še, da uvedba metod, ki omogočajo oceno tveganj, vpliva na zmanjšanje škode zaradi izrednih vremenskih dogodkov. Dober primer takega pristo- pa je študija Pasimenijeve in sodelavcev (2019), ki analizirajo sinergijo med ukrepi prilagajanja in blažitve na ravni mest v Italiji in Španiji  (prilagoditev mest ter zdravje, promet, in- frastruktura in energija). Ukrepi za upravljanje mest so bili Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 45Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju opredeljeni kot mehki (osredotočeni na okoljske informacije), sivi (osredotočeni na stavbe) in zeleni (osredotočeni na rešitve, ki temeljijo na naravi). Skupna primerjalna analiza kaže, da so bili v načrtovanje lokalnih energetskih, okoljskih in pod- nebnih prilagoditev v velikih in srednjih italijanskih mestih uporabljeni predvsem mehki  (52 %) in zeleni  (28 %) ukrepi. To je v skladu s sporočilom Evropske komisije (2013b), v ka- terem beremo, da so zeleni pristopi eno od najbolj uporablje- nih, gospodarsko trajnostnih in učinkovitih orodij za boj proti vplivom podnebnih sprememb. Nekatere probleme blažitve in prilagoditve podnebnim spremembam je mogoče reševati tudi z uporabo zelene infrastrukture (npr. z izkoriščanjem prednosti biotske raznovrstnosti in raznih ekosistemov), ki se vse pogo- steje izvaja  (Ravnikar in Goličnik Marušić,  2019), vendar je treba sočasno uvajati tudi ukrepe na ravni stavb. Prilagoditve (zelena infrastruktura) vplivajo na zdravje (čistejši zrak, boljša kakovost vode, manj bolezni) in socialne stike (kre- pitev občutka pripadnosti skupnosti, zmanjšanje občutka iz- ključenosti), ki omogočajo zične, psihološke, čustvene in družbeno-gospodarske koristi, povezovanje urbanih in pode- želskih območij ter ustvarjajo privlačno okolje za življenje in delo ter krepitev regionalnega in urbanega razvoja  (Evropska komisija,  2013b). Učinkovitost zasnove in lokalno podneb- no odpornost lahko spremljajo kazalniki stopnje prilagajanja. Kot primer takšnega pristopa je mogoče omeniti projekt osmih azijskih mest, v katerem je bil ustanovljen skupni konceptualni okvir, v katerem so posamezna mesta izvedla lokalni prilagodi- tveni postopek (Tyler  idr., 2016). Carter in sodelavci  (2015) menijo, da bodo prilagoditveni procesi uspešni, če bodo več- dimenzionalni in sinergijski kot so mesta sama, z blažitveni- mi strategijami, vgrajenimi v jedro načrtovanja in upravljanja mest. 3.3 Stavbe Pregled literature na temo podnebnih sprememb in stavb kaže, da gradbeni sektor pomeni pomemben potencial za bla- žitev podnebnih sprememb in doseganje ciljev trajnostnega razvoja (Andrić  idr., 2019; Kristl, 2019). Vendar tudi stavba, prilagojena podnebnim spremembam, ni dober izraz  (Gryn- ning  idr.,  2017). Trenutno pregledana literatura ni izčrpna in se večinoma nanaša na splošne zakonodajne ravni in stra- tegije načrtovanja. Ugotovitve so deloma zelo splošne zato niso primerne za uporabo v dejanskih razmerah. Poleg tega je specične vplive podnebnih sprememb na stavbe precej težko opredeliti, saj so odvisni od lokalnih razmer. Zelo uporabna je študija Antonopoulosove in sodelavcev (2019), ki ugotavlja, da je vpliv urbanih mikroklim na porabo energije odvisen od lokalnih temperaturnih razlik in mikrotermalnih anomalij ter krajevnih in družbenih razlik. To ustreza rezultatom pregleda literature na področju rabe energije, iz katerih je razvidno, da lahko pojav toplotnega otoka za 19 % poveča porabo energije za hlajenje in za  18,7  % zmanjša porabo energije za ogrevan- je  (Li  idr.,  2019). Opozoriti je treba, da razpoložljive študije večinoma obravnavajo vplive podnebnih sprememb na pora- bo energije v stavbah, emisije toplogrednih plinov in toplotno ugodje (Kershaw idr., 2011; Olonscheck idr., 2011; de Wilde in Coley, 2012; Esteves, 2014; Wang in Chen, 2014). V večini primerov dokazujejo, da bo v prihodnje vzorec rabe energije precej spremenjen in da pretekli podnebni podatki niso pri- merni za natančno oceno energijske učinkovitosti stavb v pri- hodnosti (Farah idr., 2019). Tudi študija (Dolinar idr., 2010), ki obravnava nizkoenergijsko stavbo v dveh tipičnih podnebjih v Sloveniji, predalpskem in sredozemskem, napoveduje povi- šanje temperature od +1 °C do +3 °C in povečanje sončnega sevanja od +3 % do +6 %. V predalpski regiji bi se zato poraba energije za ogrevanje zmanjšala za 6 % do 25 %, v obalni regiji pa sprememba ne bi bila tako velika. Te informacije so koristne, saj je iz njih razvidno, da ugodna konguracija stavbe omogoča precejšnje zmanjšanje porabe energije za ogrevanje. Vendar bi se v primerjavi z obstoječim stanjem v predalpski regiji pora- ba energije za hlajenje povečala za približno šestkrat, v obalni regiji pa za približno dvakrat. Enako številne druge študije napovedujejo, da se lahko de- lež porabe energije za ogrevanje in hlajenje v primerjavi s sedanjimi razmerami pomembno spremeni. Verjetno se bo spremenila tudi struktura energetskih virov, pričakuje se zlasti precejšnje zmanjšanje porabe tradicionalnih energij- skih virov za ogrevanje stavb  (Clarke  idr.,  2018). Ena ne- davnih študij napoveduje, da se bo letna poraba energije za ogrevanje zmanjšala za  21  %–22  %, za hlajenje pa povečala za 29 %–31 %. Kombinirana poraba energije za ogrevanje in hlajenje se bo v primerjavi s sedanjo porabo energije zmanjšala za 4 %–5 % (Farah idr., 2019). Poleg tega bodo temperaturne skrajnosti pomembno vplivale na delovanje stavb. Predhodni rezultati, ki temeljijo na energijskih simulacijah, kažejo, da se bo v prihodnosti pojavljalo precejšnje pregrevanje stavb, kar bo močno vplivalo na porabo energije za hlajenje stavb in/ali udobje prebivalcev  (Dino in Akgül,  2019). Ocenjuje se, da bo relativna variacija največje obremenitve hlajenja v bližnjih prihodnjih ekstremnih razmerah do 28,5 % večja kot v tipičnih razmerah (Moazami idr., 2019a, 2019b). Energijske robustnos- ti stavb torej ni mogoče presojati izključno na podlagi tipičnih prihodnjih razmer. Številne študije kažejo tudi precejšnje razlike med hladnejšim in toplejšim podnebjem. Zmanjšanje števila ogrevalnih ur v hladnejših podnebjih je skoraj zanemarljivo, zmanjšanje tega števila ur v toplejših podnebjih pa je lahko pomembno  (za 0,8 % oziroma 43 % ogrevalnih ur v letu 2050 v primerjavi z letom 2010 za srednji podnebni scenarij) (Andrić idr., 2017). To pomeni, da se lahko potreba po energiji za ogrevanje zmanj- Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 46 ša, pregrevanje pa se lahko okrepi, zlasti v stavbah, načrtovanih za zdajšnje zmerne podnebne razmere  (Košir  idr.,  2018). To se ujema z izsledki študije (Weng, 2017), ki obravnava toplot- no ugodje v stanovanjskih stavbah v Združenem kraljestvu, z uporabo podnebnih scenarijev za leta  2030,  2050 in  2080. Do leta 2050 bo mogoče pregrevanje stavb preprečevati z in- tenzivnim prezračevanjem, pozneje pa se lahko uporablja tudi nočno prezračevanje. Vendar ima pasivno hlajenje svoje meje, zato bo treba od leta  2080 uporabljati kombinacijo senčenja in umetnega hlajenja. V Severni Evropi se prilagajanje pod- nebnim spremembam nanaša predvsem na boljšo odpornost proti vlagi zaradi pričakovanega povečanja padavin in rahlega zvišanja temperatur  (Lisø  idr.,  2017). To pomeni, da bo tre- ba obravnavati predvsem tipična gradbeno-zikalna vprašan- ja, kot sta hidroizolacija in difuzija vodne pare skozi stavb- ni ovoj  (Grynning  idr.,  2017). Ob upoštevanju podnebnih sprememb je treba pristop dobro toplotno izoliranih stavb v zmernih podnebjih vnovično proučiti. V toplejših podnebjih se bo v vseh podnebnih scenarijih poraba energije za ogrevan- je verjetno zmanjšala, potreba po hlajenju in tveganje pregre- vanja pa se bosta močno povečala. Ukrepi, kot so naravno in mehansko prezračevanje, bodo imeli majhen vpliv, toplotna izolacija in zmanjšanje inltracije pa bosta imela večji vpliv na porabo energije  (Pérez-Andreu  idr.,  2018). Poleg tega Bruno in sodelavci  (2017) poudarjajo, da se dobro izolirane stavbe v toplejših podnebjih pogosto pregrevajo vse leto, in predlagajo temeljito obravnavo geometrije stavbe in koncepta stavbnega ovoja. Poleg tega je pomembno, da so na odprtinah nameščena senčila in da se uporablja nočno prezračevanje (Ble- cich idr., 2016). Obenem se priporoča skrbna študija osonče- nosti (Košir  idr., 2014). Nekateri deležniki že obravnavajo različne možnosti prila- gajanja, kot sta iskanje alternativnih lokacij in izpopolnjeno vzdrževanje obstoječega stavbnega fonda. Vendar ta ukrepa nista dovolj celovita, da bi učinkovito ublažila vse posledice podnebnih sprememb (Bunten in Kahn, 2017), kot sta na pri- mer učinek toplotnega otoka in odpornost prebivalcev. Pred- vsem pa je treba zagotoviti, da negativni vplivi in bremena, ki so posledica podnebnih sprememb, ne bodo vplivali na nove stavbe in da bo mogoče zlahka popraviti škodo, nastalo zaradi izrednih vremenskih dogodkov (Champagne in Aktas, 2016). V zvezi z obstoječimi stavbami je treba razviti ustrezne in podnebno prilagojene ukrepe za upravljanje in vzdrževanje stavb, vključno z načrti za izboljšanje in nadgradnjo obstoje- čih sistemov (Grynning idr., 2017). Poleg tega nekateri avtorji menijo, da je treba nemudoma začeti pripravljati multidisci- plinarne ukrepe za blažitev posledic podnebnih sprememb z integriranjem inženirskih in družbeno-okoljskih vidikov  (Pi- sello  idr., 2017). Podpora odločanju za zmanjšanje tveganj in podnebne ranljivosti v grajenem okolju mora biti univerzal- na, sestavljena iz nacionalnih gradbenih aktov, nacionalnih in mednarodnih standardov, certikacijskih shem in smernic za načrtovanje (Lisø idr., 2017). 4 Razprava Vplivi podnebnih sprememb so številni in se kažejo v narav- nem in grajenem okolju. Ker imajo stavbe in infrastruktura dolgo življenjsko dobo, niso podnebju izpostavljeni le v času gradnje, temveč tudi v desetletjih svojega delovanja. Pri prila- gajanju podnebnim spremembam je torej smiselno obravnavati nove in obstoječe stavbe. Pregled literature dokazuje, da imajo tri obravnavana področja  (regulativni ukrepi, urbano okolje in stavbe) velik potencial za blažitev podnebnih sprememb. Področja se lahko upoštevajo tudi kot tri ravni ukrepov, ki morajo biti medsebojno usklajene, sicer ne bodo imele želenega učinka. Ugotavljamo, da kljub pomembnemu napredku na raz- iskovanem področju ni veliko celovitih študij, ki bi se ukvarjale z izbranimi vprašanji. Zlasti je mogoče opredeliti tri ključne izzive, na katere se bo treba v prihodnjih letih bolj osredoto- čiti: pomanjkanje specičnih strategij prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam, napovedovanje porabe energije v spreminjajo- čih se podnebnih razmerah in odpornost proti podnebnim spremembam s posebnim poudarkom na nančnem bremenu. Pomanjkljiv institucionalni odziv je osrednji izziv. Številne štu- dije trdijo, da je priprava politik in zakonodaje ključna, ven- dar jo včasih ovirajo nezanesljive napovedi glede podnebnih sprememb. To se kaže v neenakomerni pripravljenosti različ- nih ravni upravljanja. V mnogih razvitih državah so izzivi pod- nebnih sprememb že vključeni v strateške razvojne dokumente, medtem, ko so infrastruktura in gradbeni predpisi prilagojeni prejšnjim podnebnim vzorcem, metodologije presojanja za daljša prihodnja obdobja pa se šele razvijajo. Nezadostni po- datki o posledicah podnebnih sprememb in s tem povezana nezanesljivost napovedi otežujejo tudi izbiro prilagoditvenih ukrepov. Na ravni urbanih območij je izziv precejšnja kompleksnost, zaradi česar je prilagoditev le eden od izzivov, s katerimi se načrtovalci in odločevalci srečujejo vsakodnevno. Zaradi tega procesi prilagajanja mnogokrat napredujejo zelo počasi, kar zmanjšuje konkurenčnost sektorja in povečuje zaostanke pri doseganju trajnostnih ciljev. Kot primerna strategija za uva- janje prilagoditvenih in blažilnih shem so večkrat predlagane rešitve, ki temeljijo na naravi. Kljub temu so nekateri strateški dokumenti, ki so podlaga za nadaljnji razvoj okoljskih politik, že pripravljeni. Dodatno je treba povečati število raziskav, s katerimi bi pridobili ustrezen obseg informacij za uporabo pri pripravi nadaljnjih prilagoditvenih strategij. Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 47Ključni izzivi prilagajanja podnebnim spremembam v gradbenem sektorju Na ravni stavb še ni jasnih smernic za prilagajanje podnebnim spremembam, čeprav so standardi za trajnostno vrednotenje stavb že v pripravi in je že razvit skupni okvir EU za temeljne kazalnike trajnostnosti. Poleg tega je Evropska komisija vzpo- stavila pomembno raziskovalno shemo  (Horizont  2020), ki podpira razvoj podnebnega modeliranja, metod in standardov, izboljšanja razumevanja ekonomije podnebnih sprememb, ra- zvoj tehnoloških možnosti in strategij za izboljšanje kakovo- sti zraka in zmanjšanje ogljičnega odtisa evropskih mest ter vzpostavljanje podnebnih mrež. Te dejavnosti imajo velik potencial za smotrnejšo uveljavitev podnebnih smernic v pri- hodnosti. Na ravni novih stavb so bili na primer za začetek leta 2021 opredeljeni jasni cilji za nZEB (Evropski parlament in Svet,  2010), na področju obstoječih stavb pa so bile pod- prte naložbe v energetsko prenovo  (Evropski parlament in Svet,  2018). Ti ukrepi že kažejo rezultate. Vendar se podro- čje odpornosti proti podnebnim spremembam na ravni stavb še vedno razvija. Podatki nakazujejo, da bo treba v razvitih državah, kjer je bila večina stavb zgrajena pred letom  1980, pozornost še naprej namenjati oblikovanju ustreznih smernic za prenovo obstoječega stavbnega fonda, prilagojenega priho- dnjim podnebnim razmeram. Delovanje stavb bo v prihodno- sti verjetno odvisno od kombinacije energijskih virov, ki bo drugačna od današnje, saj bodo globalno segrevanje in lokalna temperaturna odstopanja močno vplivali na porabo energije. V državah v razvoju s hitro rastjo mest se je treba osredotočiti na strategije in razvoj okoljskih politik. Na nančnem področju so takojšnji manjši ukrepi ocenjeni kot dražji, saj odlašanje z večjimi trajnostno naravnanimi na- ložbami lahko povzroči povečano tveganje in posledično večje dolgoročne stroške. Ocenjuje se, da bodo skupni stroški zara- di podnebnih sprememb precej višji od stroškov ukrepanja za zmanjšanje emisij toplogrednih plinov (Stern, 2007). Vpliv se lahko pokaže tako v rezultatih gospodarstva doma in v tujini kot v mednarodnih trgovskih tokovih  (IPCC,  2014; Nacio- nalni inštitut za javno zdravje,  2016; Svetovna meteorološka organizacija, 2018). To pomeni, da bodo morali uporabniki ali posamezna gospodinjstva čedalje več prihodkov namenjati za stroške energije, kar bi moralo organe spodbuditi, da postopno uvedejo spremembe v načrtovanju in postopkih evalvacije. Pri- hodnje nančne koristi omejevanja podnebnih sprememb se pri vrednotenju naložb za energijsko prenovo trenutno redko upoštevajo. Izbira med hitrim ali zapoznelim ukrepanjem, s katero se spoprijemajo organi, mora temeljiti na ravnovesju med nančnimi stroški zgodnjega ukrepanja  (kot je tveganje predčasnega umika nekaterih še vedno uporabnih kapitalskih zalog) in vzajemnih stroškov zamude. Prelaganje večjih naložb na poznejši čas obsega tudi tveganje prehitrih odločitev o manj kakovostnih naložbah z uporabo trenutnih modelov visoko emisijske naložbene opreme. Če zmanjšanje emisij naglo po- stane absolutna prednostna naloga, bo predčasno končanje teh naložb zelo drago. Zgodnje ukrepanje ob tem omogoča tudi večjo dolgoročno prožnost naložb za približevanje stabilizaciji koncentracij toplogrednih plinov v ozračju. 5 Sklep Sistemi v svetu se bodo morali prilagajati podnebnim spre- membam, krožnim gospodarskim procesom, starajočemu se prebivalstvu, urbanizaciji, priseljevanju in ranljivi infrastruk- turi. To pomeni, da bodo morale prihodnje strategije za po- večanje konkurenčnosti gradbenega sektorja vključevati nove okoljske, gospodarske in socialne pristope, ki tvorijo tudi tri glavne stebre trajnostnega razvoja. Čeprav strokovnjaki čedalje bolj podpirajo oprijemljive ukrepe za blažitev podnebnih spre- memb, je javnost le na splošno naklonjena prilagoditvenim procesom. Podnebne spremembe bodo neizogibno vplivale na trenutni življenjski slog in kakovost življenja. Ob tem postaja vse bolj jasno, da bodo na posameznih področjih potrebne precejšnje nančne naložbe. Zato je treba okrepiti ozaveščanje in informativne kampanje o prilagoditvenih strategijah ter o vplivu podnebnih sprememb na življenje in družbo. Podnebno nevtralnost je mogoče doseči le s preobrazbo zdajšnjih druž- beno-tehničnih struktur, vključno z energetskimi in urbanimi sistemi  (EEA,  2019). 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TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 51 UDK: 656.025.2:796.61(497.451.1) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-2020-31-01-005 Prejeto: 17. 4. 2020 Sprejeto: 13. 7. 2020 Simon KOBLAR Luka MLADENOVIČ Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane Pri spodbujanju rabe javnega potniškega prometa ima pomembno vlogo razumevanje razmer, ki jih sistem za- gotavlja za potnika. Na izbiro potovalnega načina vpli- vajo številni dejavniki, med katerimi se kot pomembna izkazuje konkurenčnost potovalnega časa ali potovalne hitrosti. Pri njenem izračunu si lahko zaradi razširjenosti elektronskih plačilnih sistemov pomagamo z zbranimi podatki validacij uporabnikov. S tem lahko na podlagi dejanskih potovanj izračunamo njihovo hitrost. V okviru raziskave smo na primeru avtobusnega sistema v Ljubl- jani analizirali vse vožnje, opravljene na tipičen dan. Na podlagi vstopnih in izstopnih podatkov o avtobusni vožn- ji smo izračunali opravljeno razdaljo, čas, potreben za pot, in hitrost opravljenih poti. Primerjali smo še, kako hitro bi lahko potniki poti, prevožene z avtobusom, opravili s kolesom ali peš. Ugotovili smo, da je hitrost obravnavanih potovanj z avtobusom odvisna od dolžine potovanja. Pri daljših potovanjih se hitrost povečuje. Kolo je hitrejše na vseh razdaljah, vendar pri večjih razdaljah postane manj sprejemljiva izbira. Hoja je na obravnavanih razdaljah do 2 km glede hitrosti konkurenčna le v manjšem deležu poti. Z opravljenimi analizami nam je uspelo s podat- ki, ki se zbirajo zaradi elektronskega plačevanja storitve, pridobiti uporaben vpogled v uporabniško učinkovitost sistema javnega prometa, kar je v prihodnje lahko upo- rabno pri načrtovanju izboljšav sistema. Ključne besede: javni potniški promet, hitrost potovanja, efektivna hitrost potovanja, elektronski plačilni sistem, primerjava hitrosti Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 52 1 Uvod Razumevanje potovalnih navad prebivalcev in razlogov zanje je eno od pomembnih področij spodbujanja trajnostne mo- bilnosti. Cilji ukrepov trajnostne mobilnosti so namreč po- gosto usmerjeni v spreminjanje potovalnih navad, predvsem v zmanjševanje rabe osebnega avtomobila in povečevanje rabe javnega potniškega prevoza (v nadaljevanju: JPP), kolesarjenja in hoje kot oblik opravljanja vsakodnevnih poti. Pri odločitvi za rabo JPP je izjemno pomembna njegova kakovost  (Van- hanen in Kurri,  2007). Študije, ki se ukvarjajo z obravnavo potovalnih navad, proučujejo dejavnike, ki vplivajo na izbiro potovalnega načina, ali kazalnike, ki opredeljujejo delovanje sistema. Kazalniki kakovosti sistema JPP se delijo v dve po- membni skupini: kakovost ponudbe in kakovost izvedene storitve  (KFH Group,  2013). Kakovost izvedene storitve je opredeljena na podlagi uporabnikove zaznave ali dejanskih številčnih meritev (Carreira  idr., 2014). V primeru dobre ka- kovosti storitve so pri odločitvi za uporabo JPP še posebej po- membni pogostost, razpoložljivost, trajanje poti, cena in odnos osebja  (Stradling  idr.,  2007). Ključna kazalnika, ki sta hkrati tudi pomembna dejavnika pri izbiri potovalnega načina, sta hitrost in posledično čas, ki ga uporabnik porabi za neko pot. Slovenskih raziskav na tem področju je malo in ne omogočajo poglobljenega vpogleda v razmere s stališča potnika, pri čemer te razmere vplivajo na njegovo motivacijo za uporabo JPP (Sta- tistični urad RS,  2017; Ljubljanski potniški promet,  2019). Potovalni čas je eden od pomembnejših elementov kakovosti JPP  (KFH Group,  2013). Vsi drugi dejavniki izbire potoval- nega načina se namreč pomembneje izrazijo šele, ko ima upo- rabnik na voljo časovno konkurenčno izbiro več potovalnih načinov. S povečevanjem porabljenega časa, na primer za pot na delo, sta neposredno povezana zmanjšanje zadovoljstva upo- rabnikov (Loong in El-Geneidy, 2016) ter slabšanje počutja in družbene vključenosti (Morris in Guerra, 2015). Pri izračunu hitrosti JPP so uveljavljene številne metode. Hitrost JPP na nekem segmentu, ki vključuje vse postanke in zastoje, se imenuje komercialna hitrost. Ta kazalnik je po- memben predvsem s stališča operaterja, saj na njegovi podlagi lahko izračuna čas, ki ga prevozno sredstvo potrebuje za izved- bo prevoza po liniji, pripravi vozni red in urnik voznikov ter učinkovito razporeja vozila v sistemu. S stališča potnika pa le podatek o komercialni hitrosti ne zadostuje. Potnik namreč čas potovanja med prevoznimi načini primerja na razdalji od vrat do vrat. Zato sta zanj pomembnejša čas in hitrost, ki vključujeta tudi čas dostopa do postajališča, čakanja, potovanja v vozilu, morebitnega prestopanja in nazadnje še dostopa do cilja (Mu- nizaga  idr.,  2017; Constantinescu  idr.,  2018). To hitrost v nadaljevanju imenujemo efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja. Velik potencial za pridobivanje in analizo teh hitrosti so po- datki, ki se zbirajo ob validaciji potnikov z digitalnimi plačil- nimi sistemi. Ti podatki omogočajo veliko boljše razumevanje potovalnih navad potnikov, smiselno pa jih je uporabiti tudi pri izboljšavah sistemov JPP  (Schmöcker  idr.,  2016). Podat- ke t.  i. pametnih plačilnih kartic je mogoče uporabiti tudi za izračun ključnih kazalnikov delovanja sistema  (Trépanier in Morency, 2016). Na podlagi teh podatkov je mogoče poleg po- tovalnih hitrosti izdelati še številne druge analize (Jang, 2010). Namen prispevka je predstaviti metodo za analizo hitrosti potovanj, opravljenih z mestnim JPP v Ljubljani, na podlagi zbranih podatkov dejanskih potovanj. V okviru raziskave smo se ukvarjali s časovnimi parametri potovanj brez analiz obču- tenih časov. Raziskava je izhajala iz hipoteze, da je na podlagi razpoložljivih podatkov plačilnega sistema in voznih redov mogoče določiti hitrost opravljenih potovanj z JPP, ki bo na- tančnejša od do zdaj razpoložljivih podatkov. Drugi del razis- kave je obravnaval primerjavo hitrosti istih potovanj, če bi jih uporabniki namesto z JPP opravili peš ali s kolesom. Primerjava med posameznimi potovalnimi načini v mestu je sicer pogosto obravnavana tema (Ellison in Greaves, 2011; Andersen, 2014), vendar večinoma nesistematično. Znanstvenih raziskav, ki bi na dovolj velikem vzorcu in primerljivih relacijah omogočale primerjavo med JPP in kolesom, pri pregledu literature nis- mo našli. Glede na razpoložljive podatke o razmeroma kratki razdalji povprečno opravljene poti smo v tem delu izhajali iz druge hipoteze in sicer, da bi bilo lahko povprečno potovanje, opravljeno z JPP, s kolesom opravljeno hitreje. 1.1 Obravnavani primer Ljubljane V Ljubljani mestni JPP izvaja podjetje Ljubljanski potniški promet (v nadaljevanju: LPP), ki letno prepelje skoraj 40 mi- lijonov potnikov. V zadnjih letih število prepeljanih potnikov upada, in to kljub številnim izboljšavam storitve in udobja potnikov, kot so prenova voznega parka, sistem obveščanja o prihodih avtobusov, izboljšana kakovost postajališč in lo- čeni pasovi za avtobuse na nekaterih vpadnicah. Poglavitni razlog za upad ni povsem jasen  (Ljubljanski potniški pro- met,  2019). Prostorska dostopnost JPP je na območju mesta dobra  (Gabrovec in Bole,  2006; Kozina,  2010; Gabrovec in Razpotnik Visković, 2012, 2018; Tiran idr., 2015). Področje potovalnih časov je slabo raziskano. Celcerje- va  (2009) je analizirala potovalne čase na izbranih linijah in jih primerjala s potovalnim časom na isti razdalji z osebnim avtomobilom, vendar ni izračunala potovalnih hitrosti. Na vseh proučevanih relacijah je ugotovila, da so potovalni časi z osebnim avtomobilom precej krajši. Potovalne čase na nekate- rih linijah je proučeval tudi Šabić (2015), vendar je računal le komercialno hitrost, ki ne upošteva tudi časa čakanja in hoje S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 53Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane do avtobusne postaje in do cilja. Podobno tudi LPP meri le komercialno hitrost  (Šmajdek,  2011). Iz podatkov sledenja vozilom je bila izračuna hitrost vožnje na liniji  1, ki v vseh delih dneva presega  22  km/h  (Čelan in Lep,  2020). Majhna potovalna hitrost je kot ključna težava JPP izpostavljena tudi v strateških dokumentih Mestne občine Ljubljana in ljubljan- ske urbane regije  (Milovanović,  2017; Gojčič,  2018), vendar niso navedene ne sedanje ne ciljne vrednosti, kar je verjetno posledica slabe raziskanosti te tematike. Potencial za izdelavo analiz je elektronski plačilni sistem, ki je bil v Ljubljani uveden leta 2010. Ob vstopu v vozilo vsak pot- nik opravi validacijo s kartico ali telefonom. Ob tem se podatek o validaciji skupaj z informacijo o postajališču, ki je pridobl- jena iz sistema spremljanja lokacij avtobusov (AVL), pošlje na centralni strežnik  (Šmajdek,  2011). Razen spremljanja skup- nega števila prepeljanih potnikov za letna poročila, ti podatki razen nekaterih izjem (Koren, 2016; Koblar, 2017; Koblar in Žebovec, 2018), niso bili podrobneje analizirani. So se pa iz- kazali za zelo koristne pri analizi potovalnih vzorcev uporabni- kov (Koblar in Žebovec, 2018; Koblar in Mladenovič, 2020) in načrtovanju morebitnih sprememb v omrežju (Koblar, 2017). 2 Metode Za izračun potovalnih časov smo analizirali podatke iz plačil- nega sistema. Ker se v plačilnem sistemu zabeleži le vstopna postaja, je bil eden od izzivov izračun izstopnih postajališč in združevanje posameznih voženj v potovanje. Z vožnjo mislimo na opravljeno vožnjo na posamezni liniji, ki je zabeležena kot validacija v plačilnem sistemu. Potovanje je ena ali več voženj, združenih skupaj – upoštevani sta vstopna postaja na prvi vož- nji potovanja in izstopna postaja na zadnji vožnji potovanja. Ti podatki so bili nato podlaga za izdelavo nadaljnjih analiz. 2.1 Izračun izstopnih postaj in potovalnih časov Analizo potovalnih časov in hitrosti smo opravili na podlagi opravljenih voženj, ki so zabeležene v plačilnem sistemu LPP. Iz prejetih podatkov validacij za leti 2015 in 2016 smo najprej izbrali tipičen dan, v katerem je bilo opravljeno povprečno število voženj (validacij), ni bilo padavin, šolskih počitnic, cest- nih zapor niti drugih posebnih dogodkov. Za tipičen dan je bila izbrana sreda 18. 5. 2016, ko je bilo opravljenih 142.181 voženj. Ker je večina plačilnih sistemov JPP, podobno kot obravna- vani, zasnovanih tako, da se zabeleži le vstop v vozilo, so se s problemom določanja izstopnih postajališč ukvarjali števil- ni avtorji  (Cui,  2006; Trépanier  idr.,  2007; Zhao  idr.,  2007; Farzin,  2008; Lu,  2008; Wang,  2010; Li  idr.,  2011; Wang  idr.,  2011; Alsger  idr.,  2016; Mosallanejad  idr.,  2019; Yan  idr.,  2019; Assemi  idr.,  2020). V splošnem je bil upo- rabljen preprost algoritem, ki je za določanje izstopnih postaj za potovanja posamezne osebe primerjal dve dnevni vožnji in upošteval dve merili: izstopna postaja prve vožnje je enaka vstopni postaji naslednje vožnje in izstopna postaja zadnje vožnje v dnevu je enaka vstopni postaji prve vožnje. Poleg določanja izstopnih postaj je treba pri rekonstrukciji potovanj združiti tudi posamične vožnje v sklenjena potovanja. Pri tem je treba pravilno določiti, kdaj gre za prestop na drugo linijo in nadaljevanje potovanja, kdaj pa se potovanje konča. To se določa na podlagi razdalje med izstopnim postajališčem na prejšnji liniji in vstopnim postajališčem na naslednji liniji ter časom, ki preteče med izstopom in naslednjim vstopom  (Al- sger idr., 2016). Zaradi pomanjkanja ustreznih podatkov večina raziskovalcev ni preverjala pravilnosti rezultatov. Pomemben korak k izboljšanju algoritmov in preverjanju kakovosti rezul- tatov so naredili Alsger in sodelavci (2016). S podatki validacij iz Queenslanda, kjer se potniki validirajo tudi ob izstopu, so namreč lahko preverili točnost rezultatov. S popravki uveljavl- jenih algoritmov in vključitvijo podatkov iz voznih redov jim je kakovost algoritmov za določanje izstopnih postaj uspelo dodatno izboljšati. Pozneje so sledile še dodatne izboljšave, ki z zahtevnejšimi metodami (strojno učenje) uspešneje določijo izstopne postaje  (Yan  idr.,  2019; Assemi  idr.,  2020). Zaradi preprostejše izvedbe in zadovoljivih rezultatov smo se pri svo- ji raziskavi odločili za uporabo algoritma, ki so ga predlagali Alsger in sodelavci (2016). Za izračun izstopnih postaj na podlagi uporabljenega algo- ritma morajo podatki validacij vsebovati informacije o iden- tikatorju kartice, času vožnje, uporabljeni postaji in liniji. Pridobljeni podatki vsebujejo vse potrebne informacije, poleg tega smo pridobili tudi ustrezno strukturirano bazo voznih redov, ki omogoča povezavo s podatki validacij. Pred začetkom izvajanja analize smo iz baze izločili vožnje, ki niso vsebova- le ustreznih podatkov. Nekatere vožnje so bile opravljene na medkrajevnih linijah, zato jih ni bilo v voznem redu mestnega JPP, pri nekaterih pa je bila napačno zabeležena linija ali posta- jališče. Ker je izstopno postajo mogoče določiti le za potnike, ki so v tistem dnevu opravili več kot eno vožnjo, smo iz baze izločili še podatke za uporabnike z le eno vožnjo v izbranem dnevu  (17.614). Osnovne pogoje za vključitev v analizo je izpolnjevalo  113.985 ali  80,2  % vseh opravljenih voženj. V postopku izračuna izstopnih postajališč in določanja prestopov je potrebna matrika razdalj med postajališči. Za postajališča, ki so oddaljena manj kot  800  m, smo razdalje modelirali na podlagi cestnega omrežja, s čimer smo dosegli večjo natančnost izračuna, za razdalje med drugimi postajališči pa smo izračuna- li evklidsko razdaljo, saj bi bil izračun za matriko  840  ×  840 analiziranih postajališč predolgotrajen. Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 54 Izračun izstopnih postaj smo naredili s samostojnim program- skim orodjem, ki sledi uporabljenemu algoritmu  (Al- sger  idr.,  2016). Program najprej analizira zaporedne vožnje iste osebe in jih razvrsti po potovanjih. Eno potovanje je lahko sestavljeno iz več voženj z vmesnimi prestopi. Potencialne iz- stopne postaje smo določili na podlagi voznega reda, iz katere- ga se izberejo potencialna izstopna postajališča, in to glede na uporabljeno linijo. Od postajališč, izbranih v prejšnjem koraku, se za izstopno postajališče določi tisto, ki je najbližje naslednji vstopni postaji. Za določitev časa izstopa se vstopnemu času prišteje čas potovanja po voznem redu med obema postajama. Če je naslednja vstopna postaja oddaljena manj kot 800 m in je vmes preteklo manj kot 60 minut, se vožnja označi kot prestop, v nasprotnem primeru pa kot samostojno potovanje. Če je šlo za prestop, program analizo validacij tega uporabnika nadaljuje toliko časa, dokler ne pride do zadnje vožnje potovanja. Če je to zadnja vožnja v dnevu, se kot izstopna postaja izbere tista, ki je najbližje vstopni postaji prve vožnje v dnevu, program pa nadaljuje analizo voženj naslednjega uporabnika. Izstopno postajo smo določili za 110.069 ali za 96,5 % valida- cij, ki so izpolnjevale pogoje za vključitev v analizo. Rezultat analize je seznam voženj z dodanim podatkom o izstopni po- staji, času izstopa in zaporedni številki potovanja. Pri vožnjah, ki so se nadaljevale s prestopanjem na naslednjo linijo, je za- beležena tudi razdalja do naslednjega vstopnega postajališča. Te podatke smo nato združili po posameznih vožnjah in za te izračunali potovalni čas. 2.2 Izračun povprečnega časa čakanja Eden od dejavnikov, ki vpliva na potovalni čas, je čas čakanja na prihod avtobusa. Ob predpostavki, da potniki na postajališče pridejo naključno, je povprečni čas čakanja odvisen od pogos- tosti voženj avtobusov, ki peljejo v želeno smer. Zato smo za uporabljeno linijo izračunali razliko v času med uporabljeno, prejšnjo in naslednjo vožnjo. Če je šlo za prvo ali zadnjo vožnjo v dnevu, smo upoštevali le razliko do naslednje oziroma prejš- nje vožnje. Po enakem postopku smo čas čakanja izračunali še za preostale linije, ki bi lahko bile uporabljene za vožnjo med izbranima postajališčema. Pri tem smo upoštevali le linije, na katerih najbližji odhod po voznem redu ni več kot  5  minut pred opravljenim časom vožnje ali za njim. Za izračun povpreč- nega časa čakanja smo čakalne čase na posameznih linijah pre- tvorili v frekvence, te pa sešteli. Seštevek smo nato pretvorili v čas čakanja in ga delili z 0,5. Za potovanja, pri katerih je bil čas čakanja večji od 4 minut, smo predvideli, da potniki pred vožnjo preverijo vozni red ali napoved voznih redov, zato smo za teh 16.771 voženj določili povprečni čas čakanja 4 minute. Povprečni čas čakanja pri teh vožnjah je po prvotnem izračunu znašal 6,1 minute. 2.3 Izračun časa in hitrosti potovanja Ker se izračuni in opredelitve potovalne hitrosti med seboj zelo razlikujejo, smo zaradi boljše primerljivosti z dosedanjimi raziskavami hitrost potovanja izračunali na štiri načine. Pri tem smo spreminjali upoštevano razdaljo in upoštevani čas poto- vanja, kot je navedeno v Preglednici 1. Preglednica 1: Metoda izračuna hitrosti potovanja Upoštevana razdalja Upoštevani čas Efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja Efektivna prepotovana razdalja: lnajkrajša + lhoja Skupni čas potovanja: tvožnje + tčakanja + thoje Skupna hitrost potovanja Prepotovana razdalja: lrazdalja po linij LPP + lhoja Skupni čas potovanja: tvožnje + tčakanja + thoje Efektivna hitrost potovanja Efektivna prepotovana razdalja: lnajkrajša Čas potovanja: tvožnje Dejanska hitrost potovanja Dejanska prepotovana razdalja: lrazdalja po linij LPP Čas potovanja: tvožnje Pri čemer velja: lnajkrajša: najkrajša razdalja med začetnim in končnim postajališčem – izračunana kot peš oddaljenost po omrežju poti, lhoja: 400-metrska razdalja – skupna razdalja za hojo do prvega postajališča in od zadnjega postajališča do cilja, lrazdalja po linij LPP: prepotovana razdalja z avtobusom, v primeru prestopanja je upoštevana tudi prehojena razdalja med prestopnima postajama, tvožnje: čas med vstopom na prvi vožnji in izstopom na zadnji vožnji potovanja – vključuje tudi čas ob prestopanju na drugo linijo, tčakanja: povprečni čas čakanja na prihod avtobusa na prvi vožnji potovanja, thoje: 5 minut – čas, potreben za hojo na 400-metrski razdalji, ki je dodana kot lhoja. Gre za oceno, podano glede na pripravljenost za hojo do avtobusnih postajališč (Tiran idr., 2019). S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 55 2.4 Hitrost hoje in kolesarjenja Čas potovanja s kolesom in hojo smo modelirali v programu OpenTripPlanner  (Morgan  idr.,  2019), z uporabo promet- nega omrežja, izdelanega iz podatkovne baze OpenStree- tMap (OpenStreetMap contributors, 2015). Ti podatki so za Ljubljano dovolj kakovostni, da dobimo dovolj točne rezultate. V programu OpenTripPlanner smo uporabili privzete nasta- vitve za hitrost in uteži za posamezne kategorije cest. Hit- rost kolesarjenja je bila določena na  17,7  km/h. V literaturi se pojavljajo različne ocene o povprečni hitrosti kolesarjev v mestu, in sicer od 15 do 19 km/h (Ellison in Greaves, 2011; Andersen,  2014; Kager  idr.,  2016). Ker za Ljubljano ni na voljo podatka o povprečni hitrosti kolesarjev, menimo, da je privzeta ocena hitrosti primerna. Za hojo je bila upoštevana hitrost 4,8 km/h. Izračun smo opravili za vse pare izvorov in ciljev potovanj. Za izračun efektivne hitrosti potovanja smo tudi pri hoji in kolesarjenju poleg razdalje med postajališči do- dali dodatnih 400 m, kar je pri kolesarjenju pomenilo minuto in pol, pri hoji pa dodatnih pet minut. Za kolesarjenje smo dodali še dodatni dve minuti, ki sta potrebni za odklepanje in zaklepanje kolesa. 2.5 Združevanje podatkov in analiza kakovosti Po izdelavi posameznih analiz smo podatke združili v skup- no podatkovno bazo, v kateri so za vsako potovanje zbrani analizirani podatki. Iz baze smo nato izbrisali potovanja, za katera smo predvidevali, da so se v izračunu pojavile napake. Izkazalo se je, da je merilo za združevanje voženj v potovanja, ki upošteva čas prestopanja manj kot 60 minut in razdaljo med postajališči manj kot 800 m, premalo natančno. Zato smo kot kontrolo kakovosti podatkov izračunali koecient in razliko med lrazdalja po linij LPP in lnajkrajša. Kjer je lrazdalja po linij LPP precej večja kot lnajkrajša, menimo, da gre za napačno oznako prestopa in sta bili v resnici dve potovanji. Iz baze smo zato izločili vsa potovanja, pri katerih je: lrazdalja po linij LPP/lnajkrajša < 0,8 ali > 4 in lrazdalja po linij LPP  ‒ lnajkrajša <  ‒100 m ali > 100 m. Dodatno smo izločili še potovanja, pri katerih je dejanska hitrost potovan- ja  <  5  km/h ali  >  50  km/h. Tako smo izločili napake, ki so se lahko zgodile zaradi napak v povezavi z voznim redom ali zaradi napačnega združevanja posameznih voženj v potovanje, kadar je bil vmesni čas čakanja predolg. V tem primeru lahko potnik v vmesnem času resnično opravi druge aktivnosti, obiš- če lokal, trgovino  ipd., in nato potovanje nadaljuje. Taka po- tovanja z vidika proučevanja potovalnih hitrosti namreč niso relevantna. Od 74.085 voženj nam je po izločitvi neustreznih potovanj ostalo  70.768  potovanj, na podlagi katerih so bile izdelane nadaljnje analize. 3 Rezultati Na podlagi analiziranih podatkov je mogoče izdelati številne analize. Ker je glavni namen tega prispevka analiza potovalnih hitrosti, v nadaljevanju predstavljamo glavne rezultate analiz, povezanih s potovalno hitrostjo. Najprej so predstavljeni rezul- tati analiz za mestni avtobus, v nadaljevanju sledi še primerjava s potovalnimi hitrostmi hoje in kolesarjenja. Slika 1: Povprečni čas čakanja in število voženj, v odvisnosti od dolžine potovanja (izdelal: Simon Koblar) Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 56 Preglednica  3: Število potovanj glede na število opravljenih pres- topov Število prestopov Število potovanj Delež od vseh potovanj 0 70.146 79,1 % 1 16.459 18,6 % 2 1.682 1,9 % 3 311 0,4 % 4 69 0,1 % 5 14 0,0 % Vsa potovanja 88.681 100,0 % Preglednica 4: Izračunane potovalne hitrosti z avtobusom Povprečna hitrost (v km/h) Standardni odklon (v km/h) Efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja 10,0 3,3 Skupna hitrost potovanja 11,3 3,4 Efektivna hitrost potovanja 15,7 6,2 Dejanska hitrost potovanja 17,6 5,7 3.1 Mestni avtobus Ključne ugotovitve rezultatov analize mestnega JPP so nave- dene v Preglednici  2. Podrobnejši podatki so podani v pod- poglavjih. 3.1.1 Povprečni čas čakanja Eden od dejavnikov, ki vpliva na efektivno hitrost potovanja, je povprečni čas čakanja na prihod avtobusa pri prvi vožnji potovanja. Povprečni čas čakanja je 2,9 minute, s standardnim odklonom  1. Na Sliki  1 so prikazani povprečni časi čakanja in delež čakanja od celotnega časa potovanja v odvisnosti od dolžine potovanja. Pri daljših potovanjih so potniki na prihod prvega avtobusa v povprečju čakali dlje kot pri krajših. Eden od razlogov je tudi ta, da so se morala daljša potovanja začeti zunaj mestnega središča, kjer pa so prihodi avtobusov manj pogosti kot v središču mesta. Z dolžino potovanj se zmanjšu- je delež časa, porabljenega za čakanje, v primerjavi s celotno dolžino potovanja. Preglednica 2: Ključni rezultati analize mestnega JPP Kazalnik Vrednost Efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja 10,0 km/h Povprečna dejanska prepotovana razdalja 4,8 km Povprečna efektivna prepotovana razdalja 4,1 km Povprečni čas čakanja 2,9 minute 3.1.2 Prestopanje Prestopanje uporabnikom pogosto ni nekaj najljubšega. Omrež- je LPP izvira iz obdobja plačevanja vozovnice ob vsakem vstopu, zato je bil eden od ciljev pri oblikovanju omrežja zmanjšati po- trebo po prestopanju (Koblar, 2017). V bolj razvitih omrežjih je prestopanje razumljeno kot pomemben del opravljanja poti, saj omogoča kombinacijo številnih ponudnikov in sistemov in s tem večjo pokritost z JPP (Mees, 2010; Dodson idr., 2011). V analizo prestopov smo poleg 70.768 potovanj, za katera smo izvedli tudi druge analize, vključili tudi 17.614 potovanj upo- rabnikov, ki so na proučevani dan opravili le eno vožnjo in so bile zato njihove vožnje neustrezne za izračun izstopnih postaj. Preglednica 3 prikazuje število potovanj glede na število pre- stopov, opravljenih med potovanjem. 3.1.3 Potovalna hitrost Potovalna hitrost je eden od dejavnikov določanja kakovosti sistema JPP. Preglednica  4 prikazuje potovalne hitrosti glede na različna uporabljena merila iz Preglednice 1. Poleg povprečne hitrosti je pomembna tudi razporeditev šte- vila potovanj, ki je prikazana na Sliki 2. Histogram ima obliko normalne porazdelitve, z nekoliko večjim številom vrednosti na desni strani grafa. Potovalna hitrost je odvisna tudi od dolžine potovanja. Pri daljših potovanjih čas čakanja in čas, potreben za hojo, zman- jšata vpliv na hitrost potovanja, zato se hitrosti z daljšanjem potovanja povečujejo. Zanimiva je krivulja efektivne hitrosti vožnje, ta hitrost je pri kratkih razdaljah zelo velika, kar je po- sledica dejstva, da so razlike, kot so ugotovljene med prevoženo razdaljo in najkrajšo razdaljo, pri kratkih vožnjah manjše kot pri daljših. Poleg tega pri teh izračunih nista upoštevana hoja do postajališča in čas čakanja. 3.2 Primerjava s kolesarjenjem in hojo Za boljšo predstavo o hitrosti potovanja z JPP in razumevanje konkurenčnosti JPP v primerjavi z drugimi trajnostnimi ob- likami mobilnosti smo naredili še primerjavo s hitrostjo po- tovanja s kolesom in hojo. Pri primerjavi hitrosti potovanja z avtobusom in kolesom smo upoštevali efektivne skupne poto- valne hitrosti, saj te najbolje izražajo uporabniško izkušnjo. Te hitrosti z dolžino potovanja naraščajo, saj se zmanjšuje vpliv časa čakanja in hoje pri potovanju z avtobusom in dodatnega časa, potrebnega za odklepanje in zaklepanje kolesa. Kolo je najhitrejše na vseh razdaljah, razlika v času in potovalni hit- rosti pa je največja pri krajših potovanjih. Potovanja bi bila s S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 57 Slika 2: Število potovanj po razredih efektivne hitrosti potovanja z avtobusom (izdelal: Simon Koblar) Slika 3: Potovalna hitrost v odvisnosti od dolžine potovanja (izdelal: Simon Koblar) kolesom v povprečju opravljena 7,5 minute hitreje. Z avtobu- som bi bilo hitreje kot s kolesom opravljenih le 8 % potovanj. Več kot  5  minut hitreje bi bilo s kolesom opravljenih  46  % potovanj. Zaradi majhne hitrosti hoje smo upoštevali le poto- vanja, dolga do 2 km. Na razdalji do 2 km bi bilo peš hitreje kot z avtobusom opravljenih  926 ali  7  % vseh teh potovanj. Če upoštevamo še potovanja, ki so z avtobusom le manj kot minuto hitrejša, je takih potovanj 1.783 ali 13 %. 4 Razprava Prispevek prinaša nova spoznanja na področju merjenja ka- kovosti JPP in razkriva velik potencial podatkov plačilnega sistema za izdelavo nadaljnjih analiz. Ker so analize izdelane na podlagi opravljenih voženj, so rezultati še posebej zanimivi z vidika uporabnikov, saj izražajo uporabniško izkušnjo in dajejo vpogled v obnašanje potnikov. Zaradi odsotnosti podatka o izstopni postaji v plačilnem sistemu je bil eden zahtevnejših in več Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 58 korakov izračun izstopnih postaj. Pri tem smo z razpoložljivimi podatki uporabili preverjeni algoritem (Alsger idr., 2016), pri čemer smo razdaljo med postajališči modelirali v GIS-okolju po omrežju pešpoti, s čimer smo dosegli večjo natančnost v pri- merjavi z izračunano zračno razdaljo, ki so jo uporabili Alsger in sodelavci (2016). Za izračun potovalnih hitrosti smo za vsa- ko vožnjo izračunali še čas čakanja na postajališču, čas vožnje in prepotovano razdaljo. Uporabljena metoda za izračun časa čakanja na postajališču, ki upošteva uro in ustrezne linije, zago- tavlja z vidika potnikov realnejše rezultate kot v drugih razis- kavah kakovosti JPP v Ljubljani pogosto uporabljena metoda štetja prihodov v konični uri (Bole, 2004; Tiran idr., 2015). Ker je za potnike pomembna predvsem najkrajša razdalja med izvorom in ciljem potovanja, smo poleg razdalje, prepotovane po liniji JPP, modelirali tudi najkrajšo razdaljo po prometnem omrežju. Za izračun potovalne hitrosti se uporabljajo številne metode, zato smo izračun naredili na štiri načine, pri čemer smo spreminjali upoštevano razdaljo in upoštevani čas. Z vi- dika uporabnika in primerjave z drugimi potovalnimi načini je najbolj relevantna efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja, ki je v povprečju 10,0 km/h, kar je precej manj od dejanske hitrosti potovanja, ki je v povprečju 17,6 km/h. Komercialna hitrost je edini podatek, ki je bil do zdaj na razpolago v primerljivi ob- liki za celotno omrežje. Po podatkih Ljubljanskega potniškega prometa ta hitrost, ki upošteva le vožnjo, brez vmesnih presto- pov na druge linije, znaša 18 km/h (Šmajdek, 2011), kar kaže na pravilnost opravljenih analiz. Velike razlike med rezultati kažejo na pomen izbire metode za izračun potovalne hitrosti. Z izračunom potovalnih hitrosti smo potrdili prvo postavljeno hipotezo. Na podlagi podatkov plačilnega sistema in voznih re- dov je mogoče določiti potovalno hitrost opravljenih potovanj z JPP. Primerjava potovalnih hitrosti med JPP ter hojo in kole- sarjenjem je pokazala na slabo konkurenčnost JPP v primerjavi s kolesom. V povprečju so poti z JPP trajale  7,5  minute dlje kot enake poti, opravljene s kolesom. S tem smo potrdili tudi drugo hipotezo. Povprečno potovanje, opravljeno z JPP, bi bilo s kolesom opravljeno v krajšem času. Nekatere krajše poti bi bile celo hitreje opravljene peš, kar kaže na pogosto nerazum- ne odločitve potnikov. Večina teh krajših poti je opravljena v mestnem središču, kjer so avtobusi že tako zelo obremen- jeni. Razmerje med potovalnimi hitrostmi z JPP in kolesom je verjetno tudi eden od razlogov za porast kolesarjenja (Kle- menčič  idr., 2014) in upad števila potnikov na JPP v zadnjih letih  (Ljubljanski potniški promet,  2019). Poleg proučevanja potovalnih hitrosti smo dobili tudi vpogled v obnašanje pot- nikov glede prestopanja. Izkazalo se je, da je kljub spremembi plačilnega sistema, ki omogoča brezplačno prestopanje 90 mi- nut po prvi validaciji, le  20,9  % potovanj opravljenih s pres- topanjem. To verjetno delno izhaja iz zasnove omrežja, ki naj bi kar se da zmanjšala potrebno število prestopov, delno pa iz počasnega sprejemanja sprememb in spreminjanja navad (pre- težno starejših) uporabnikov tega načina prevoza. Uporabljena metoda ima tudi nekatere pomanjkljivosti, ne- katere bi bilo mogoče odpraviti z dodatnimi raziskavami in uporabo zahtevnejših metod. Zaradi velikega števila podatkov iz plačilnega sistema ne moremo zagotavljati popolnega nadzo- Slika 4: Primerjava hitrosti in potovalnih časov med avtobusom in kolesom (izdelal: Simon Koblar) S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 59 ra nad kakovostjo podatkov. Napaka se pojavi že pri izračunu izstopnih postaj, poleg tega se v postopku določanja izstopnih postaj izloči del voženj, za katere ni na voljo ustreznih podat- kov. Iz vidika kakovosti podatkov je še posebej problematič- no združevanje več voženj v potovanje, kar bi bilo mogoče izboljšati z uporabo zahtevnejših metod  (Assemi  idr.,  2020). V našem primeru je bilo zato ključno, da smo iz nadaljnjih izračunov izločili izstopajoče vrednosti. Žal ne moremo oceniti točnosti izračuna izstopnih postaj, kar bi lahko po zgledu Wanga idr. (2011) naredili s terensko raziskavo in primerjavo rezultatov. Tudi pri izračunu povprečnega časa čakanja bi upo- raba drugačnih predpostavk o naključnem prihodu potnikov na postajališče dala nekoliko drugačne rezultate (Amin-Naseri in Baradaran, 2015). Pri določanju razdalje za hojo smo upo- rabili enotno vrednost 400 m, saj ni podatka o tem, kolikšno razdaljo uporabniki JPP v Ljubljani dejansko prehodijo. Tudi hitrost kolesarjenja, uporabljena v raziskavi, je bila le ocen- jena. Zaradi mnogih elementov, ki vplivajo nanjo  (kakovost kolesarske infrastrukture, čakanje na semaforjih, ne  nazadnje tudi tip kolesarja in kolesa, ki ga uporablja), bi lahko bili re- zultati ob uporabi drugačne predpostavljene hitrosti drugačni. Z izboljševanjem kakovosti kolesarske infrastrukture in pove- čanjem deleža uporabe električnih koles lahko pričakujemo, da se bodo povprečne hitrosti kolesarjev večale. Napaka se pojavi tudi pri računanju hitrosti vožnje avtobusa, to hitrost smo računali na podlagi voznih redov. Dejanske hitrosti od teh vedno odstopajo, še posebej na postajališčih proti koncu linij. Rešitev bi bila uporaba podatkov iz sistema za sledenje vozilom, na podlagi česar bi bilo mogoče natančneje določiti hitrost vožnje (Wang idr., 2011). Podatki plačilnih sistemov JPP omogočajo še številne druge analize  (Pelletier  idr., 2011; Ali  idr., 2016; Trépanier in Mo- rency, 2016), ki bi jih bilo v prihodnje smiselno izvesti. Dobro poznavanje sistema JPP in obnašanje potnikov sta lahko v ve- liko pomoč pri uvajanju izboljšav v sistemu JPP, te izboljšave Ljubljana zaradi slabe konkurenčnosti JPP in neustrezne za- snove omrežja  (Koblar  idr.,  2018) nujno potrebuje. Treba je namreč obrniti trend upadanja števila potnikov, saj bomo le s tem lahko dosegli zastavljene cilje o deležu poti, opravljenih z JPP  (Milovanović,  2017), kar bi prispevalo k zmanjšanim okoljskim vplivom. Po drugi strani le izboljšave sistema JPP niso dovolj, potrebna bo tudi boljša integracija prostorskega in prometnega načrtovanja  (Plevnik,  1997), kar še posebej velja ob obstoječih koridorjih JPP z dobro ponudbo  (Šašek Divjak, 2004). 5 Sklep Predstavljena metoda analize podatkov plačilnega sistema JPP in merjenja hitrosti potovanj, uporabljena na primeru Ljublja- ne, je eden redkih poskusov merjenja kakovosti omrežja JPP na podlagi dejansko opravljenih voženj. Izračunana efektivna skupna hitrost potovanja veliko bolje izraža uporabniško izkuš- njo kot bolj splošno uveljavljene meritve komercialne hitrosti. Primerjava opravljenih voženj v primerjavi s kolesarjenjem in hojo pa te hitrosti postavi v ustrezen kontekst. V postopku izračuna hitrosti smo pridobili še druge pomembne informa- cije, kot so potovalni čas, prepotovana razdalja, povprečni čas čakanja in število prestopov. V prihodnje bi bilo treba upoš- tevati dejansko prehojeno razdaljo do postajališča, hitrost vožnje računati iz podatkov sistema sledenja vozilom, večjo pozornost pa je treba nameniti kontroli kakovosti, še posebej pri določanju izstopnih postajališč in združevanju voženj v potovanja. Analizo bi bilo tudi smiselno izvesti za daljše ob- dobje. Uporabljena metoda je zelo uporabna za spremljanje uporabe sistema JPP in za njegove izboljšave, s čimer bi lahko obrnili trend upadanja števila potnikov. Že trenutni rezultati na primeru Ljubljane so uporabni za prometne načrtovalce in LPP za uvajanje sprememb, ki bi povečale konkurenčnost JPP. 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DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8667.2007.00494.x Izračun hitrosti potovanj z mestnim avtobusom: primer Ljubljane Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 62 Predstavitve in informacije Daniela Angelina JELINČIĆ Projekt KEEP ON: Učinkovite politike za trajne in samozadostne projekte s področja kulturne dediščine Kako lahko zagotovimo obstojnost in trajnost kulturne dediščine? Čeprav se v večini držav največji del proračuna, namenjenega kulturnemu sektorju, porabi za ohranjanje dediščine in je dediščina vključena v številne progra- me Evropske unije  (EU), ki ji namen- jajo precejšnja sredstva, to še ne zago- tavlja njene trajnosti. Mnoge kulturne ustanove še vedno težko pokrijejo celo najosnovnejše stroške vzdrževanja. Na- vedeno je velika težava v celotni EU, pri čemer je kulturna dediščina zaradi nedavnega upada gospodarstva in pan- demije covida-19 pomaknjena še nižje na lestvici prednostnih nalog. Trajnost je kompleksen pojem in ni nujno povezana s nančnimi sredstvi, poleg tega nančna sredstva še ne za- gotavljajo trajnosti. Ta je močno odvisna od načina upravljanja dediščine, vkl- jučenosti lokalne skupnosti, okoljskih vprašanj, varovanja dediščinskih vred- not ipd. KEEP ON je projekt v okviru programa Interreg Europe in se izvaja od leta  2018, potekal bo do leta  2023, nancira pa ga Evropski sklad za regi- onalni razvoj  (ERDF). Njegov cilj je izboljšati javno politiko na področju kulturne dediščine z vidika zagotavl- janja kakovostnih projektov, katerih rezultati se bodo lahko z ustreznimi javnimi sredstvi trajno ohranjali. Nje- gov vpliv na regionalni razvoj naj bi bil dolgotrajen. Politika, ki jo projekt KEEP ON obravnava in izboljšuje, naj bi odpravila sramoten, a običajen pris- top k ohranjanju trajnosti dediščine v smislu ko se projekt konča, se vse konča. O trajnosti za zdaj izrecno razmišlja pre- senetljivo malo kulturnih ustanov. Na- črtovati jo je treba že dolgo pred izvedbo projekta, nančni organi pa jo morajo pazljivo vključiti v svoje usmeritvene dokumente. Po drugi strani je zaradi močnega upada javnih in zasebnih na- ložb v mnogih državah EU in posledic globalizacije pomembno poleg javnih virov nanciranja aktivirati tudi zasebne vire. Projekt KEEP ON se osredotoča na naslednja glavna vprašanja: Kako lahko ustanove še naprej podpirajo svoje delovanje, potem ko se javno nanciran- je preneha? Kako zagotovijo sredstva za kritje prihodnjih operativnih stroškov? Kako trajni dediščinski projekti vpliva- jo na širše vidike družbe (gospodarstvo, urbanizem, skupnost itd.) in kako lahko javna politika podpira upravičence pri ohranjanju samozadostnosti njihovih projektov? Odgovori se iščejo na med- regionalni ravni EU. V projektu sodelujejo partnerji iz sedmih držav EU (Grčije, Hrvaške, Italije, Nizo- zemske, Poljske, Portugalske in Španije), ti izvajajo šest instrumentov politike (tri programe ERDF in tri regionalne/lo- kalne strategije), tako da pripravljajo konkretne akcijske načrte. Sodelujoče države so izjemno bogate s kulturno dediščino, hkrati pa jih ima večina naj- ranljivejša gospodarstva  (npr.  Španija, Portugalska, Italija in Grčija). Poleg navedenih so v projekt vključene tudi Poljska kot največja prejemnica sredstev na podlagi evropske kohezijske politike, Nizozemska, ki uporablja model kultur- ne politike z močno vključenostjo lokal- nih skupnosti (kar bi lahko imelo velik vpliv na trajnost), in svetovalni partner iz Hrvaške. Dosedanje izkušnje, pridob- ljene v okviru navedenega partnerstva, kažejo, da države uporabljajo zelo raz- lične pristope k zagotavljanju trajnosti kulturne dediščine. Za večino sta še ved- no največja izziva zagotavljanje vzdrž- nega nanciranja kulturne dediščine in nezadostno inovativno znanje njenih upravnikov. Po drugi strani so nekatere države navedena izziva že premagale. Ena izmed njih je Nizozemska, kjer po- skušajo vzdržno nanciranje dediščine zagotoviti s spremembo namembnosti objektov kulturne dediščine, pri čemer so preobrazbe pogosto namenjene šir- šemu trgu. Eden izmed izzivov, s ka- terim se pogosto srečujejo, je povezan Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 63Predstavitve in informacije s sakralno dediščino; zaradi manjšanja števila vernikov se cerkve spreminjajo v koncertne dvorane, hotele, restavracije, izobraževalna središča ali študentske do- move (Slika 1). Navedeno ne zagotavlja samo stalnih nančnih prilivov, ampak vpliva tudi na večjo obstojnost stavb, saj se redno uporabljajo. Poleg tega izboljša nadzor nad vlago in drugimi naravnimi dejavniki v stavbi, ki lahko vplivajo na njeno življenjsko dobo. Primeri tovrst- nih sprememb namembnosti objektov kulturne dediščine so lahko navdih za druge države, čeprav so včasih močno odvisni od značilnosti posamezne de- žele. Na primer, v državah, kjer so pre- bivalci tesno povezani s svojo vero, so tovrstne prakse neprimerne. Nizozemski primer je lahko navdih za druge države tudi z vidika načrtovanja politike: dediščinska politika je običaj- no dolgoročna  (pokriva obdobje  20– 30 let), kar izraža trajnost, in neodvisna od političnega vpliva tudi, kadar se vla- dajoče stranke zamenjajo. Po drugi stra- ni je največji izziv, s katerim se spopri- jemajo Nizozemci, okoljska in ekološka trajnost. Naraščajoči izpusti ogljikovega dioksida močno vplivajo na gladino rek v mnogih nizozemskih mestih, hkrati pa navedeno neposredno ogroža dedišči- no in je resen dolgoročni izziv. Zato se javne politike pogosto osredotočajo na zmanjšanje ogljikovih izpustov in ener- gijske porabe, uporabo odpornih mate- rialov in izolacije pri obnovi kulturne dediščine ter uporabo obnovljivih virov energije. Te problematike ne rešuje samo kulturna politika, ampak se obravnava celostno, z vključenostjo raznih pod- ročij  (npr.  urbanizma, izobraževanja, industrije, znanosti  itd.). Posebna po- zornost se namenja tudi ozaveščanju javnosti, kar pa zahteva dolgoročen pristop. Tudi primeri iz drugih držav EU kaže- jo, da se uporabljajo zanimivi pristopi. Grad v Checinyju na Poljskem ponuja lep primer pospeševanja kulturnega tu- rizma, portugalski ekomuzej lanu v Ri- beiri de Pena (Slika 2) pa zasluži pohvale za participativni pristop k muzejskemu načrtovanju in upravljanju. Podobno kot na Nizozemskem je preobrazba verskih objektov, zlasti na podeželju, značilna tudi za Španijo. Projekt ob- nove in preobrazbe starega samostana v pokrajini Ribeira Sacra  (Slika  3) je bil odgovor na vprašanje, kako na novo uporabiti ta zgodovinski objekt. Z nje- govo obnovo in preureditvijo v hotel je zagotovljeno varstvo grajene kulturne dediščine, samostan tako ohranja svo- jo arhitekturno vrednost, hkrati pa je postal novo gonilo turističnega razvoja celotnega območja. V projekt je vkl- jučenih več deležnikov, med njimi tudi španska državna veriga luksuznih hote- lov Paradores de Turismo de Espana, ki ponuja nastanitve v nekdanjih gra- dovih, palačah, trdnjavah, samostanih in drugih zgodovinskih stavbah. Veriga je skupaj s kulturnim ministrstvom in njegovim generalnim direktoratom za varstvo kulturne dediščine nancirala obnovo samostana. Pristop medregionalnega učenja, ki se uporablja v okviru projektnega part- nerstva KEEP ON, lahko pomaga pri pripravi akcijskih načrtov v smislu posegov v instrumente politike, ki od- pravljajo zaznane vrzeli pri zagotavl- janju trajnosti kulturne dediščine. Ko so uvedeni, morajo poskrbeti za to, da prihodnji projekti, nancirani v okviru teh instrumentov, upravičijo naložbe in omogočijo trajne projekte s področja varovanja kulturne dediščine. Celoten proces deluje po načelu partici- pacije, vanj pa so s strokovnim znanjem vključeni deležniki iz vsake sodelujoče države. Začel se je z izčrpno predsta- vitvijo vseh obravnavanih instrumentov politike, kar je bilo izhodišče za njihovo primerjavo. Analiza instrumentov poli- tike iz šestih sodelujočih držav je po- kazala, da kulturna dediščina ni vedno jasno opredeljena kot prednostno pod- ročje, vse države pa se zavedajo njenega razvojnega potenciala, zaradi česar jo vključujejo v svoje razvojne načrte kot del nekaterih širših tem. Kljub temu bi bilo treba politiko izboljšati ter pri tem določiti jasne in konkretne kazalnike, iz katerih bi bilo razvidno, kako nancira- ni projekti vplivajo na lokalno skupnost in regionalni razvoj. Če instrumenti po- litike ne merijo svojih vplivov na podla- gi vnaprej določenih kazalnikov, je zelo težko presoditi uspešnost posegov in ustrezno načrtovati prihodnji razvoj. Slika  1: Nekdanji samostanski kompleks v Mariënburgu v občini ’s-Hertogenbosch (vir: In- ternet 1) Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 64 Predstavitve in informacije Slika 2: Muzej lanu v portugalskem mestu Ribeira de Pena (vir: Internet 2) Slika 3: Samostan sv. Štefana v španski pokrajini Ribeira Sacra (vir: Internet 3) Z upravniki kulturne dediščine je bila nato opravljena anketa o dobrih prak- sah na področju zagotavljanja trajnosti kulturne dediščine, poleg tega so bili analizirani in zbrani tudi primeri dobrih praks, ki so že nancirani v okviru in- strumentov politike. Najnovejši rezultat projekta je praktični vodnik o trajnosti kulturne dediščine, v katerem so najprej opredeljeni izzivi in nevarnosti v pove- zavi z zagotavljanjem trajnosti dedišči- ne, nato pa so predstavljene ustrezne rešitve. Največji izzivi so povezani z gospodarskimi, okoljskimi, družbe- no-kulturnimi in političnimi pritis- ki, nanašajo pa se tudi na dediščinske vrednote in standardizacijo dediščine. Posebej so obravnavani izzivi, povezani z upravljanjem dediščine, saj je dobro upravljanje ključni dejavnik pri zago- tavljanju trajnih dediščinskih projektov in upravičevanju naložb. Dosedanje delo, opravljeno v okviru pro- jekta, daje podlago za pripravo akcijskih načrtov v posamezni državi. Zadnje štiri faze projekta so namenjene izvajanju in spremljanju akcijskih načrtov, s čimer bodo pridobljene pomembne povrat- ne informacije o rezultatih projekta. Pričakuje se, da bo projekt izboljšal razumevanje pomena samozadostnosti kot pametnega orodja za zagotavljanje dolgoročnih koristi naložb. Javne po- litike lahko olajšajo doseganje boljše obstojnosti in samozadostnosti kultur- ne dediščine, hkrati pa podpirajo dose- ganje odličnosti. Širjenje dobrih praks med oblikovalci politik, upravičenci in deležniki bi moralo vplivati na povečan- je njihovih zmogljivosti, projekt pa bi lahko na koncu zagotovil boljše razume- vanje in aktivacijo zasebnih sredstev v projektih s področja kulturne dediščine. Namen projekta KEEP ON je zagotovi- ti dragocene informacije vsem deležni- kom v EU, s posebnim poudarkom na prihajajoči kohezijski politiki, ki bo vel- jala za obdobje po letu 2020. V skladu z novo evropsko kohezijsko politiko za obdobje 2021–2027 bo ključna naloga na področju kulturne dediščine reše- vanje socialnih in gospodarskih izzivov, velik poudarek pa bo na rezultatih, kar naj bi pospešilo spremljanje in merjen- je projektnih rezultatov ter omogočilo uvajanje sprememb. Proračunska sred- stva, namenjena kulturi, naj bi se pre- cej povečala  (za  17  %), pri čemer bo dediščina med prednostnimi področji. Poleg tega nova kohezijska politika podpira povezovanje kulture in izobra- ževanja, kar naj bi rešilo problem ne- zadostnega znanja upravnikov kulturne dediščine. Proračun, namenjen progra- mu Erasmus+, naj bi se tako podvojil. Znova je v ospredju tudi gospodarski vidik, poleg socialnih vprašanj in iden- titete, ki ponujajo nove priložnosti na področju kulturne dediščine. Med dose- danjimi razlogi za slabo samozadostnost dediščinskih projektov so predvsem nji- hovo slabo vrednotenje in neustrezni kazalniki uspešnosti. Med prednostni- mi nalogami nove kohezijske politike je tudi opredelitev zgoščenih in primernih kazalnikov, na podlagi katerih bi se lah- ko končno zagotovila trajnost kulturne dediščine. Strateško načrtovanje zato Urbani izziv, letnik 31, št. 1, 2020 65Predstavitve in informacije ne bi smelo biti samo modna muha, ampak orodje za krepitev in ohranjan- je dediščinskih vrednosti za sedanje in prihodnje generacije. Po krizi zaradi pandemije covida-19 pa se bodo lahko prednostna področja spremenila in na področju kulturne dediščine se bodo lahko pojavili novi izzivi. Navedeno bo zahtevalo še več ustvarjalnosti in inova- tivnosti pri zagotavljanju obstojnosti in trajnosti kulturne dediščine, pri čemer bo lahko priprava akcijskih načrtov v okviru projekta KEEP ON še toliko pomembnejša in zahtevnejša. Daniela Angelina Jelinčić Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odno- se (Inštitut za razvoj in mednarodne odno- se), Zagreb, Hrvaška E-naslov: daniela@irmo.hr Informacije o projektu in viri Domača stran projekta: https://www. interregeurope.eu/keepon/ Internet 1: https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Voorkant_Mari%C3%ABnburg_%27s- -Hertogenbosch.jpg. Internet 2: http://www.ecomuseu-rpena.pt/ museu-do-linho/. Internet 3: https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Parador_de_Santo_Estevo_-_Clau- stro_de_la_Porter%C3%ADa.jpg. Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 66 UDC: 711.4(438Plock): 625.712.1 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2020-31-01-001 Received: 3 Oct. 2019 Accepted: 2 March 2020 Michal NOWOSIELSKI Agnieszka NOWOSIELSKA “Cold, stony, dehumanized”: Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space: The case of Cathedral Street (Ulica Tumska) in Płock is paper shows how changes to the appearance of a street aer the revitalization process inuence the per- ception of the street, its sensory landscape and atmos- phere. e example of Cathedral Street (Ulica Tumska), the high street in Płock, an average-sized town in Po- land, is used to prove that such changes may bring some unexpected results by evoking negative emotions among the residents. e results of the study conducted using focus groups show that the contemporary ambience of Cathedral Street cause negative sensations perceived in four dimensions:  touchscape, seescape, soundscape, and smellscape. ose feelings seem to be even stronger tak- ing under consideration positive memories of the street before revitalization. As a result of the negative atmos- phere of Cathedral Street and the unpleasant emotions it evokes, the residents’ activities conducted on the street are reduced only to fullling the most necessary needs. Such conclusion results in a postulate that when designing or redesigning public spaces we should always be aware of the consequences for the ambience of the street and the need to generate positive emotions. Keywords: high street, ambience, urban experiences, ur- ban sociology, sensory landscape Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 67 1 Introduction e street, understood as a type of public space, is a research topic eagerly undertaken by urban sociology or urban ethnog- raphy. ere are two distinct ways in which the street can be studied and analyzed. One type of research prioritizes the ma- terial and urbanistic aspects, focusing on how the street’s ma- teriality organizes social behaviour. is approach also views the street as constituting an element within the urban public space network  (Degen,  2018; Hubbard  & Lyon,  2018). e other type of research, however, tends to examine the social life taking place within the street. It also emphasizes the im- portance of streets in providing individuals and communities with a sense of place and time. is paradigm may be per- ceived as an element of the broader concept of the sociology of urban experiences, which focuses on “the lived experiences within, and with, places and spaces”  (Boer,  2013:  966). An- other important part of this approach is analysis of the sensory perception of public spaces  – including streets  – and their “atmosphere” or “ambiance” (ibaud, 2011). e atmosphere as understood here is clearly inextricably related to emotions, because it is dened as the potential for spaces to inuence feelings (Löw, 2008). Signicantly, this perception of space and its ambience may result in the need to understand that the ambience itself is an important part of the street as a complex social phenomenon. is, in turn, implies that when designing or redesigning the urban space, special attention needs to be paid to the oppor- tunities to inuence  (i.e.,  create or renew) the atmosphere. ibaud (2015: 42) postulates thinking about “a new eld of urban intervention” and discusses its meaning: “urban design no longer just focuses on objects but also on what is between the objects. It is no longer just a question of designing buildings or megastructures, but also what surrounds them”. us, one of the tasks of architects and decision makers is to focus not only on the functional or aesthetic layers, but also on the emotions that are likely to be evoked by changes to a public space. is particularly applies to construction and reconstructions during which the shaping and reshaping of material conditions may, in consequence, exert inuence on the atmosphere of the street and evoke negative or positive emotions to its reference. is paper shows how changes to the appearance of the street aer revitalization may inuence the perception of the street and its ambience. It demonstrates that the sensory experience of the street evokes negative emotions, and describes how residents tend to juxtapose these negative feelings related the street’s current appearance with their positive memories. e case study features Cathedral Street (Ulica Tumska), the high street in Płock, an average-sized town in Poland. 2 The high street and its changes Nick Dines  (2018:  953) calls the street a “microcosm of the city” and, being situated in the heart of the population’s every- day experience, the street may even serve as a quasi-metaphor for city life itself. Some researchers claim that the street ex- emplies the character and the dynamics of the city, which is vividly depicted by Henri Lefebvre  (2003:  18):  “[e street] serves as a meeting place (topos), for without it no other des- ignated encounters are possible. .  .  . In the street, a form of spontaneous theatre, I become a spectacle, and sometimes an actor. e street is a place where movement takes place, the interaction without which urban life would not exist. . . . e street is a place to play and learn. e street is disorder”. An interesting and signicant issue undertaken as part of street research is the “high street”. e term is used to describe the main shopping street (or sometimes a conglomerate of several streets), located in the city centre, with its cluster of retail and services (Carmona, 2015). In fact, the high street plays a vital role in medium-sized and small towns because it is connected with the sense of social stability and the permanence of local identity. e traditional high street functions as a communica- tion hub as well as a meeting place, providing convenient access to shopping facilities and service outlets (Griths et al., 2008). It can be also treated as a “magical” spot, not only willingly visited by both residents and tourists, creating and facilitating interpersonal contacts, but also generating specic spatial and emotional relationships (Rzegocińska-Tyżuk, 2008). However, at some point the high street seems to have lost its importance. is phenomenon is connected to changes in city centres that are usually described as degeneration or decline. ese processes have been observed in Western countries since the late  1930s but reached their peak aer the  1950s  (Rob- ertson,  1995). Urban sprawl  (Burchell et  al.,  1998) and de- centralization  (Filion  & Bunting,  2006) caused city centres to lose their signicance in favour of the suburbs because of relocation of the population, trade, and services outside of city centres (Burayidi, 2001). As a consequence, some city centres began to be perceived not only as unimportant but also as less pleasant neighbourhoods inhabited by disadvantaged commu- nities (like the elderly, immigrants, and excluded people; Neto et al., 2014). In addition, the commercial role of high streets has been on the decline, whereas a number of alternative points oering a variety of services (nancial, entertainment, health, etc.) have been on the rise (Dawson, 1988). is phenomenon has been further compounded by increasing rental costs for commercial space, leading to the outow of entrepreneurs from the high Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 68 street (Carmona, 2015). As a result, the high street is no longer perceived as the natural social centre of a city. e decline of the high street – just like the degeneration of the city centres  – at some point became both a social and subsequently a political concern. In eect, numerous attempts to revitalize these public spaces were implemented  (Ander- son,  1964; Carmon,  1999; Seidman,  2004; Hechesky,  2005; Ceretta et. al., 2018). Apart from more general revitalization programs, there were also specic approaches to regenerating the high street. One of the best-known of these is the Main Street America Programme (Internet 1), which addresses the problem in a multidimensional way, focusing on issues such as economic restructuring, organization, promotion, and de- sign (Robertson, 2004). In many cases, however, revitalization processes have not yielded the expected results, such as com- munity regeneration or the social and economic growth of city centres  (Kaźmierczak et.al,  2011). Oen such processes are only partly eective. e revitalization of the infrastructure and the streets’ appearances is the easiest part of the project. Other changes  – such as ghting social exclusion, improving the residents’ quality of life, or economic growth, are usually much harder to achieve (Nowosielski 2012a, 2012b). Moreo- ver, some of the regeneration programmes turned out to have unexpected eects. Some of them caused gentrication (Cam- eron, 1992; Miciukiewicz, 2008), some had the eect of spread- ing economic inequalities (Stern & Seifer, 2007), and still oth- ers made the infrastructure of the city centres and high streets uncomfortable and unpleasant for residents (Gehl, 2010). 3 Feeling the city ere is little attention being paid to the eect of revitalization on the ambience of public spaces. Neither do the emotions evoked by the new appearance of the street – either positive or negative – undergo frequent scrutiny. Urban sociology analyses have focused more on the negative consequences of revitaliza- tion such as gentrication, rising inequalities, or the inability to activate urban communities. ere seems to be a need to pay more attention to the issues of ambience and emotion. Two theoretical frames  – proposed by ibaud and Borer  – can be helpful in this matter. ibaud notes that special attention should be paid to the atmosphere of urban spaces. “Urban space provides numerous ambiances to be felt with all the sens- es. Whether we think of a lively outdoor marketplace or a dull parking lot, an attractive historical centre or a casual subway station, the very way we relate to those places is based on the sensory experience they involve” (2011: 43). Hence, the street is perceived not only as a place lled with material objects, or even with people, but also a place where everything that surrounds the people therein is perceived through the senses. is creates certain consequences for a researcher willing to focus on the ambience of the street. ibaud (2011: 42) claims that in the process of perceiving public space, people do not simply see things as they are but rather feel a kind of “reso- nance”, which lets them experience urban space as a “feeling of self and of the world”. e second frame is based on the sociology of urban experi- ence. As Borer (2013: 969) notes, “[e]ach place in the city can be assessed through its sensory stimuli . . . . ese meanings are layered onto a place, and it is in the very act of embedding these meanings that place identity and place attachment emerge and are shared with others”. is remark has two important impli- cations for further research. Firstly, these are the senses that “organize” our experience of ambience and resonance in public space. erefore, in order to deconstruct them we need to focus on people’s sensory experiences within the space. In this context Borer (2013: 969–978) proposes analysis of seescapes, soundscapes, smellscapes, tastescapes, and touchscapes of the city. ose categories somewhat match the classication of “sensual geographies” proposed by Paul Rodaway (1994), who described haptic, olfactory, auditory, and visual geographies. Seescapes underline the role of sight and vision, which are the most obvious and perceivable ways of experiencing space. Also “[t]he visual aspects of the built environment inuence the experience of urban places by giving cues and clues about what types of interactions take place there and between whom” (Borer, 2013: 970). Seescapes focus on elements such as form, colour, volume, size, order, diversity, imageability, and legibility (Wankhede & Wahurwagh, 2016: 743). It is also im- portant that visual aspects are oen taken into account in dif- ferent strategies for revitalizing public space (Hubbard 1996). Soundscapes pay attention to the fact that the city is full of dierent sounds, rhythms, and noises of dierent intensity and volume that come from multiple sources, such as street trac, public transportation, industrial parks, and people themselves. Certain mixtures of sound are oen connected with particu- lar places  (Borer,  2013:  971). Smellscapes relate to olfactory perception and its interpretation  – especially in the context of acceptable or unacceptable scents that are usually associat- ed with what is socially desirable and undesirable. It is worth noting that in certain cultures – including European ones – a specic phenomenon of odour management can be observed, which is targeted at achieving “scent free” spaces  (Waskul  & Vannini,  2008:  55-56). Smellscapes can be dened through dierent “classication of smell in term[s] of aromatic, fra- grant, alliaceous, ambrosial, hircinous, repulsive, nauseous and so on”  (Wankhede  & Wahurwagh,  2016:  743) Tastes- capes describe the process of experiencing the city through production and consumption of food and drink. ey focus on sensual experiences in terms of “sweetness, sourness, saltiness, M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 69Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space bitterness”  (Wankhede  & Wahurwagh,  2016:  743). Touch- scapes are perhaps the most dicult dimension to describe because they are not – as it may seem – limited to “the action of ngers feeling the texture of surfaces” (Rodway, 1994: 44) but are connected to more complex experience of moving through spaces and between objects and feeling them with the whole body. Among others they include feelings of “dry- ness, coldness, roughness and hardness”  (Wankhede  & Wa- hurwagh,  2016:  743). e second consequence is connected with the observation the sensual experiences of the space are not individual but rather shared. As a result, they can be stud- ied not only individually, but also in conditions that oer a perspective on the collective character of these experiences. 4 Cathedral Street in Płock Cathedral Street is located in the historic town centre of Płock – a medium-sized industrial town in central Poland inhabited by approximately 120 thousand residents. Its history dates to the early nineteenth century, when, earmarked in the heart of the town  (then as Dohm Strasse) it was planned as a con- nection between two squares in Płock: Canon Square (Rynek Kanoniczy) and New Square (Nowy Rynek; Rydzewska 2009). Although its construction took decades, eventually amounting to half a century, both the way it was designed and its central location contributed to its becoming the high street in Płock. It initially performed crucial functions related to being a vital transportation artery. With time, however, it developed oth- er uses:  residential, service, and commercial. e commercial function gained importance at the turn of the twentieth cen- tury, when “Cathedral Street tried to aspire to the rank of a shopping centre”  (Rydzewska,  2009:  24). With time, it also started to play the role of the cultural and social centre of Płock, arousing positive emotions among the town’s residents. Within the memories of Płock residents that remember the street from the pre-war period, there emerges a picture of a joyful agora that favoured spending time in the open air. It was then that the English Hotel (which no longer exists) served as a place for meetings, tasting homemade wines, and dances. e street was a place where one could “go out” (Luma, 2009). e presence of an art club guaranteed by the colourful bohemia, as well as the opening of the Diocesan Catholic House in 1935, with a cinema and a theatre accommodating 1,500 people, pro- vided entertainment for the less wealthy town residents  (Ry- dzewska,  2009). Aer the Second World War, the character of the street changed through adaptations to the requirements of the new communist system. New public buildings were built – most of which primarily related to trade (the Centrum department store) and gastronomy (the Piast Catering Com- plex, later the Hortex Cocktail Bar; Rydzewska, 2009). On one hand, the communist authorities transformed the colourful English Hotel into a tailors’ cooperative, whereas on the other hand, the Cultural Centre (formerly the Catholic House) on Cathedral Street was still a meeting place for artists and the centre of cultural life with an important place in the form of the Przedwiośnie cinema. Moreover, the prole of the Ca- thedral Street residents underwent gradual changes, when the wealthy burghers and tenement house owners were replaced by residents of lower socioeconomic status  (Luma,  2009). e rst street modernization began in the early  1970s. e most important anticipated change was transforming it into a pedestrian precinct with places to relax adorned with ow- ers and trees; these changes aroused mixed feelings among Płock residents  (Rydzewska,  2009). Aer  1989, the systemic transformation in Poland led to a ourishing of the street’s commercial function and strengthening its image as a lively commercial town centre. At the same time, there were new developments appearing that partly replaced the old ruined buildings and corresponded with or matched the original historic buildings (Rydzewska, 2009). e rst decade of the twenty-rst century coincided with the rapid development of Płock shopping centres. ose openings resulted in the out- ow of customers from Cathedral Street, contributing to its decline as a shopping centre in Płock. ere followed, however, a simultaneous initiative by the city authorities to modernize the street, with the project completed in  2006. In  2007, the design was granted the main prize in the nationwide compe- tition “Modernization of the Year” and the town authorities embarked on promoting the renovated street under the slo- gan “City Lounge”. A programme to nance tenement revi- talization was also launched  (Woźniak,  2008). Nevertheless, apart from the changes to the pavement, street furniture, and greenery, further actions were not fully implemented. Moreo- ver, the revitalization activities were not only widely criticized, having evoked strong negative emotions among the town’s res- idents (Woźniak, 2008; Tybura, 2019), but they also failed to Figure 1: Płock on the map of Poland (source: Internet 2). Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 70 halt the street’s social degeneration and decreasing signicance in Płock residents’ eyes. In  2012, Cathedral Street was even called Bank Street  – because as many as twenty nancial in- stitution oces could be counted within the 326-metre-long pedestrian zone. Attention was drawn to the lack of cafes, the few stores and, above all, the shortage of passers-by, all of which resulted in the impression of an empty, deserted street (Woźni- ak, 2008; Marciniak 2012). is situation has not particularly changed since then. e street functionally remains just a promenade leading to Ca- thedral Hill  (Pol. Wzgórze Tumskie). It seems to have lost its signicance as an important place of trade, entertainment and culture (Tybura, 2019). However, it still remains a crucial emo- tional point of reference. As Ewa Luma (2009: 59) stated while presenting the elderly residents of Płock’s experiential histories of Cathedral Street: “Cathedral Street has an important yester- day, and ahead of us, we hope, is the splendour of tomorrow. Will Cathedral Street be the city lounge? e next centuries will show . . . . e people passing along the street are her life. e street character consists of numerous elements: its build- ings; houses, courtyards, alleys, the windows of the ats where people live. Residents are like the bloodstream of every town. e houses themselves are only its external image, whereas the street itself is designated by people and their associated emotions.” 5 Research method and data e paper is based on an analysis of the data gathered in 2018 from two focus groups  (FGs) comprising the residents of Płock. Each focus group included eight individuals. Purposive sampling based on the maximum dierentiation criterion was applied. e people chosen for the study were of various ages, educational backgrounds, and professions. Another criterion of sampling was place of residence: respondents from dierent parts of Płock took part in the focus groups. Each of the FGIs took place in the building of Mazovian State University, which is not located in the city centre but in one of the housing estates of Płock. e rst focus group lasted for one hour and twen- ty-six minutes, and the second one hour and forty minutes. e FGI scenario consisted of six topics, including the projec- tion question on the impressions felt while imagining walking on today’s Cathedral Street. e rst block of questions was treated as a “warm-up” and concerned mostly facts about our Figure 2: Cathedral Street (Ulica Tumska) in Płock (source: Internet 3). M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 71 respondents:  their socio-demographic background, place of residence in Płock, and relationship with Cathedral Street. e second block of questions was based on projection techniques that were supposed to help to capture the respondents’ emo- tions towards the street and its ambience, and the resonance they experienced. As a verbal stimulus, the moderator asked the respondents to close their eyes and imagine that they were on Cathedral Street. e respondents were asked to visualize themselves walking along the street and then to describe their feelings and impressions. It turned out that the respondents’ reactions to this applied projection technique was enthusiastic, and their answers supplied interesting data concerning their perception of Cathedral Street’s ambience. e third topic raised by the study dealt with everyday contact with Cathe- dral Street. e respondents were asked to describe how oen they were on Cathedral Street and for what reason, or – if they did not visit it  – why not. e next topic concerned events organized on Cathedral Street and their perception. e h block of questions dealt with strong and weak sides of the street. e point here was to nd the positive and negative elements of Cathedral Street’s social perception. e last issue that was raised during the FGI concerned an imagined, perfect Cathedral Street. e respondents were asked to describe what the “ideal Cathedral Street” would look like. is article concentrates mostly on issues concerning the per- ception of Cathedral Street and its ambience. erefore, its analyses focus on sensory experiences of the street divided into four categories as dened by Borer (2013), memories of feelings of the past Cathedral Street, and consequences of the revitalization process for the street’s ambience. Focus groups were chosen as a research technique because they are a tool that allows greater respondent involvement. Group processes that take place during a focus group make it easier for respondents to open up to others and make contact. It oers researchers the opportunity to encourage respondents to be more expressive and to share their feelings and emotions  (Gawlik,  2012). It may also provide an opportunity to discuss shared experiences and emotions. Obviously, this can only be achieved if the issues raised do not apply to highly problematic or intimate issues. 6 Results e questions about their perception of Cathedral Street’s ambience proved highly eective in obtaining data specifying the respondents’ feelings. Many of the answers and the discus- sions stemming from them referred to sensual, almost bodily impressions. Following Borer’s concept (2013), they can be or- Figure 3: Stony Cathedral Street (photo: Michał Nowosielski). Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 72 ganized in four dimensions: touchscape, seescape, soundscape, and smellscape. One of the categories – tastescape – was not part of the study. e respondents’ statements below are coded as follows: when a single statement is provided it is coded with the number of the focus group and the number of respondent (e.g., FG1R4); when an exchange of views between more than one respondent is provided, each line is assigned the respondent’s number and the whole conversation the interview number. e moderator’s questions are coded with the number of the focus group and the letter M (e.g., FGI2M). 6.1 Touchscape e sensation mentioned most oen was the feeling of cold- ness. is association gave the respondents the impression of acute discomfort: FG1R4:  However unspectacular it may sound, [I feel] cold and emptiness. FG2R7: I feel a cold atmosphere. FG1R7:  And that’s interesting, because I felt cold too. e rst word I thought was “cold”. During the discussions, the respondents further described the sources of that feeling. Many of them pointed out that Ca- thedral Street’s coldness stemmed from its material makeup, namely from the materials it is paved with, and from the form and materials of the street furniture. In their descriptions the respondents indicated the prevalence of stone materials used throughout Cathedral Street to be to blame. FG2M: Coldness? Why does it appear? Where does it come from? R5: I think the materials from which the street was made. R2: Yes! R5:  .  .  . made of. It’s exactly as I say. is pavement . .  .  . R1: ese stone benches. R6: Everything’s just so cold. R1: Glass advertising columns . . . . Is that what you’re talking about? R5: Yes. Everything is so .  .  .  . ere is no spontaneity. Figure 4: Diverse surface and pedestrians using sidewalks on Cathedral Street (photo: Michał Nowosielski). M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 73 e street furniture and the pavement seemed to evoke espe- cially strong sensations and feelings among the respondents. One of the elements that drew particular attention was the surface of the promenade, which is diverse: with smooth slabs on the sides and uneven paving stones in the centre. Apart from the sense of coldness described above it was also seen as uncom- fortable and dysfunctional. What is important the respondents described their experiences using expressions highlighting their sensual feelings of slipperiness or roughness. FG2R4: e [surface] they put there, it’s bad. Simply uneven. When I’m in a hurry, for example, from the bus to work, and I’m going fast, it’s hard on those paving stones. Especially when it’s slippery. M: ere are dierent zones. R2: Yes. And when walking I chose .  .  .  . R1: e sides. It’s more comfortable there. R2: at’s right, because there in the middle .  . . there are so many stones. I ride my bike down the middle, I admit, because there are just fewer people. R7: [e sides are] slippery in winter. In the winter, it’s better to stick to the middle of the road. Another problem the respondents noted was the street furni- ture, which is also perceived as stony and cold. ose sensual experiences translate into the way the street furniture is per- ceived as not fullling its role. e most frequently discussed examples were the benches, which should be places to sit, rest, and talk, but which the respondents believed were not only not cosy and uncomfortable, but even dysfunctional. ey were described as “unfriendly”, amplifying the cold in the winter and the heat in the summer. FG1R1:  It’s bare. ere is just stone, unfriendly anyway, be- cause those seats are .  .  .  . R7: Completely dysfunctional. R2: ey don’t encourage you to sit either in the summer or winter, because it’s either too warm or too cold. 6.2 Seescape In addition to cold, another feeling the respondents described was the sensation of hollowness and being deserted. Most of them stated that in their imaginary picture of the street there was no one around them. FG1R5:  Emptiness. I didn’t see anyone passing by there, un- fortunately. FG2R1: ere are no people on Cathedral Street. Interestingly enough, some of the respondents did not connect the emptiness with the social factors (lack of people) but rather with the architectural shape of the street. Once again there was a theme of being stony, accompanied by remarks on the lack of trees and the general impression of Cathedral Street being hollow. FGI1R4: A stone desert, this is my association. 6.3 Soundscape e respondents oen associated these two sensations  – the feelings of cold and emptiness – somehow trying to explicate one with the other. In addition, they also added another im- a b Figure 5a, 5b: Benches on Cathedral Street (photo: Michał Nowosi- elski). Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 74 pression strongly aecting the ambience of the street: silence. In fact, the respondents did not refer to quietness but rather to the lack of ordinary street noises. FG2R4: I think that the coldness of the street . . . I mean, this coldness stems from the fact that there is just a lack of people, that it’s so empty, that it’s such a deserted street when you go from one end to the other. FG2R7: Probably it’s the most important of all . . . . In general, there’s a shortage of people and a lack of life and street noise, which would immediately make it more pleasant, somehow. 6.4 Smellscape e last – and least mentioned – sensual experience was associ- ated with the sense of smell. Some of the respondents claimed that when they imagined walking on Cathedral Street they smelled an unpleasant odour of the smoke from the furnaces used to heat some tenements. FG2R5:  Choking smoke from chimneys. Well, this is such a very unpleasant feeling. 6.5 Ambience of Cathedral Street in memories In their statements, the respondents sometimes compared to- day’s unfriendly sensations with their memories of the times when their feelings were much more pleasant. ey oen jux- taposed coldness with warmth and emptiness with the pleas- ant feeling of being together with other people. In one of the statements, the respondent compared the dierence between today’s Cathedral Street and the old one  – before revitaliza- tion – to the dierence between something alive and dead. FG1R4: I still remember that old Cathedral Street. I remember a street that had a completely dierent face. at is, it was . . . obviously neglected, it didn’t look great. A little bit backward, a bit from a dierent era, but it had its own atmosphere. It had a completely dierent atmosphere. ere were big, nice, green, spreading trees. ere were niches with benches where you could sit down and people would buy either a cake or an ice- cream, and just stop there, or sit down to talk. Well, dierent people, not only intellectuals aer all, but also ordinary people who lived nearby, and that Cathedral Street simply lived. When asked about the moment of change, the respondents al- ways pointed to the revitalization of Cathedral Street, claiming that the renovation of the promenade changed its character and made it look unfriendly to the passers-by. Interestingly, the new – more aesthetic – form of the street turned out to be less emotionally accepted. In their statements the respondents oen highlighted that the whole concept of Cathedral Street renovation was more one of a single designer’s artistic vision than an answer to social needs and expectations. FG1R2: I was shocked when I saw Cathedral Street aer the renovation. Did you notice? Once Cathedral Street  .  .  . was full of trees. It wasn’t really possible to see  .  .  . Figure 6: Deserted Cathedral Street (photo: Michał Nowosielski). Figure  7:  Cathedral Street before revitalization (photo: Mariusz Ku- charczyk). Figure 8: View of Cathedral Street (photo: Michał Nowosielski). M. NOWOSIELSKI, A. NOWOSIELSKA Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 75 R4: A view of the street  .  .  . R2: Yes, a view. And at some point aer the renovation I looked and saw that there wasn’t anything le. FG1R6 at is, I think, that here is the problem of the ap- proach of the person who planned it  .  .  . it’s like furnishing a at in a very modern style, but he didn’t do it for everyone. I think he did it only for himself, to full the vision he had in his mind. Okay, it helped him to pursue his professional life and he actually got the rewards for it, but it hasn’t helped anyone else. Statements describing the negative perception of the renova- tion were usually the introduction to the more general remarks regarding whom the street and its renovation should serve. In those parts of the discussion, again, respondents made refer- ences to their strong negative emotions evoked by the revi- talization outcomes. Negative motions evoked by Cathedral Street aer revitalization seem to create a specic atmosphere of being dehumanized or unfriendly or even “not for life”. It is an important rejection factor, causing people not to use it in any other way than necessary. As a result, the function of Cathedral Street is reduced to a connection between other streets and spaces. FG1R4 But whom should it serve? e town is to serve its people. e town is for us and it should be functional, it should be friendly, it should encourage spending time in this open space. In the meantime, there is nothing like that, it even repels people, this Cathedral Street pushes you back. As they say, just go, go through it and pass it. FG1R4 Cathedral Street is simply cold, stony, dehumanized, unfriendly for people, for passers-by  .  .  . not for life. FG1R7 e street’s just a passageway. 7 Discussion ibaud (2015: 42), postulating about the focus of design on emotions and ambience, writes:  “In brief, our purpose is to transform not only the world of the objects built but also the world of the air and the perceptible atmosphere.” Such a task, however, requires focusing on the emotions that are evoked in and by public spaces. It may be especially dicult in the case of renovating the public space  – especially one of such great social and emotional importance as the high street, where the architect needs to deal not only with the decision makers’ expectations but also with the previously-held residents’ views and feelings gathered over their years of personal experience. e  FG analysis shows that Cathedral Street evokes strong sensual feelings of respondents in all four analyzed dimen- sions:  touchscape, seescape, soundscape, and smellscape  (see Table 1). In case of the touchscape, the respondents reported sensations of coldness, referring to the general atmosphere of the street, as well as to its specic elements. is coldness is accompanied by such feelings as the slipperiness/roughness of the pavement or unfriendliness of the street furniture. As for the seescape, respondents talked about the notion of empti- ness, comparing Cathedral Street to a hollow desert. Cathedral Street’s soundscape has been described with metaphors of the lack of normal street noise, and the smellscape with the sen- sation of the odour of smoke. All four dimensions make the ambience of today’s Cathedral Street and its sensory landscape “cold, stony, and dehuman- ized”. ose sensations become even more striking when compared to the memories of Cathedral Street being warm, crowded, and full of positive emotions. It seems that what we witness is a conrmation of Paul Rodaway’s (1994) observation that perception may not only mean reception of information but also “mental insight”  – a feeling made of sensory infor- mation amalgamated with memories and expectations. is clash between positive images of the past Cathedral Street and rather negative experiences with the contemporary appearance of the street makes the perception of the sensory landscape so strikingly distasteful  – possibly more distasteful than the objective form of the street would suggest. e case of Cathe- dral Street in Płock also shows how renovation aimed at the revitalization of an important public space brings unexpect- ed and unwanted results by irreversibly disrupting the street atmosphere. e change of the space brought about by the revitalization process evokes strong emotions in the residents, who describe their feelings with severe sensual impressions. Ex- periencing Cathedral Street thus induces a negative resonance among Płock residents. Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space Table 1: Experienced sensations on Cathedral Street and types of sensory landscape. Type of sensory landscape Description of sensation Touchscape Seescape Soundscape Smellscape Cold Empty Silence Smokiness Slippery Hollow Soundlessness Smelly/Stinky Rough Deserted Unfriendly Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 76 e perception of the street’s ambience and the residents’ feelings show that consequences are not exclusively reduced to psychological or emotional dimensions. As Kalyani Wank- hede and Amit Wahurwagh  (2016) note, both positive and negative sensory experiences of urban spaces strongly inuence the quality of public places. ey may result in changes to how people perceive themselves in this space (e.g., in terms of belonging or not belonging, the feeling of being in the right or wrong place, etc.). ey may also have an impact on ques- tioning ways to make use of the space. It seems that when the street atmosphere is negative and the emotions evoked are unpleasant, it changes the residents’ activities conducted on the street, reducing its usage only to fullling the most nec- essary needs. Using Jan Gehl’s  (2010) metaphors, one might say that Cathedral Street is used only for necessary/functional activities – those in which people are forced to use Cathedral Street as a passageway to other destinations:  other streets or important spaces. At the same time, other activities (optional or recreational activities, such as walks, and social activities undertaken in the presence of or in cooperation with others, such as group walks and having fun together) of a more vol- untary character are seriously limited. 8 Conclusion It can be concluded that, when designing or redesigning public spaces one should always be aware of the rule that well-de- signed public spaces should induce people to stay among others outside their homes by generating positive emotions, whereas badly designed places can deter and discourage people from spending time together, which in turn evokes highly negative feelings. e study ndings prove that sensual perceptions are crucial in this process. It can therefore be postulated that when creating a revitalization or renewal plan, one should use sen- sory studies that would take into consideration all the senses, combined with residents’ memories and expectations. Such sensory landscape studies might be helpful in decision-mak- ing  (Battistini  & Mondino,  2017; El-Sayyad,  2019). At the same time, it is important to mind the gap between the typ- ical measures used by professionals  (like architects)  – based on aesthetic and functional criteria – and “popular measures” applied by the residents, and focus more on feeling the space and resonating with it. ese study ndings show that both should be taken into consideration. Previous studies show that there are revitalization processes that have succeeded in consid- ering the important role of senses (Degen, 2004; Brown, 2012; Henshaw, 2013). e case presented here shows that ambience, emotions, and senses may be useful research measures of the sociology of urban experiences, which help to understand how people “resonate” with the public space. ere is, however, a need to conduct broader studies using more examples and more research techniques. Although the FGI proved to be an ef- fective tool, in further research it should be supported by the use of other techniques including specic methodology based on conducting sense-walks  (smell-walks, sound-walks,  etc.), preparing sense-notes describing perception and interpreta- tion of perceived feelings, and nally creating sense-maps (El- Sayyad, 2019). Such a procedure could be a source of important information on the sensual experience of a public space and provide guidance for how to shape or reshape it. Michal Nowosielski Mazovian State University in Płock, Płock, Poland E-mail: m.nowosielski@mazowiecka.edu.pl Agnieszka Nowosielska Mazovian State University in Płock, Płock, Poland E-mail: a.nowosielska@mazowiecka.edu.pl Acknowledgments This work was funded as part of the research project “Tumska na nowo – badania”, commissioned by the City of Płock Office and car- ried out at Mazovian State University. References Anderson, M. (1964) The federal bulldozer. 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Unexpected outcomes of revitalization on the sensory landscape and ambience of public space Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 78 UDC: 711.4(560)556.51 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2020-31-01-002 Received: 9 March 2020 Accepted: 29 Apr. 2020 Sahar POUYA Handan TURKOGLU Umit ARPACIOGLU Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management With increasing population growth and economic devel- opment, water resources have faced environmental pollu- tion and ecological deterioration. Sustainable watershed management and planning has emerged as an approach to address these problems. Following the international agreements on watershed protection, Turkey has initiated fundamental modications in the watershed management and planning process. However, sustainable management of water resources involves various economic, social, and ecological dimensions, and it is not a straightforward pro- cess. is study ranks sustainability indicators in terms of their importance in water resource resilience. e an- alytic hierarchy process is utilized to weight the sustaina- bility factors in planning water resources and watersheds. Considering the dierent opinions experts may have, two groups of respondents (i.e., academics and professionals) were chosen to evaluate the factors. e results showed degrees of correspondence and contradictions among the respondents’ perspectives. e groups were similar in pri- oritizing the social, management, and economic factors, whereas they showed considerable dierences in evaluat- ing the land use and ecological factors. e article shows that the conicting views of various groups of experts should be identied and harmonized in order to develop an evaluation model for watershed and water basin plans. Keywords: watershed planning, sustainable water man- agement, analytic hierarchy process, Turkey Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 79 1 Introduction Water basins or watersheds are essential sources for water sup- ply, water purication, and ood and erosion control. Rap- id urbanization, population growth, and increasing demand for socioeconomic development have increased pressure on freshwater resources and deteriorated wetlands  (Kennedy et al., 2012). Furthermore, with facing environmental issues re- lated to water use, water pollution, and climate change, sustain- able water management has become one of the most impor- tant sustainable development goals  (United Nations,  2014). Watershed plans aim to improve the management and imple- mentation of sustainable development programmes for water resources (Chandniha et al., 2014) and they are designed and operated in ways that make the water resources more adaptive, robust, and resilient in the face of an uncertain and changing future (Loucks & Beek, 2017). Earlier approaches to sustainable water management have emphasized dierent development indexes and indicators involving multidimensional economic and environmental as- pects  (WCED,  1987; Basiago,  1999). According to Brooks et  al.  (2013), basin management is the process of organizing the use of land and other resources within a basin to provide the desired products or services without adversely aecting soil and water resources. Watershed management includes the allocation of water resources between various users and purposes, choosing between environmental objectives and hu- man needs  (Barrow,  1998; Molle,  2006). Loucks and Glad- well (1999) provide criteria for water sustainability, which em- phasize the importance of water infrastructure, environmental quality, economics and nance, institutions and society, hu- man health and welfare, as well as planning and technology. Watershed management aims to control or eliminate the water basin related issues such as adverse eects of droughts, oods, and excessive pollution resulting from agricultural activities and imprecise land uses in the water basins as well as enhancing water quality and aquatic ecosystems (Loucks & Beek, 2017). Mays (2006) introduced seven requirements to ensure the sus- tainability of water resource systems: a basic water require- ment to maintain human health, a basic water requirement to maintain the health of ecosystems, water quality, long-term renewability of water resources, available information on wa- ter sources for all sectors, institutional plans to resolve water conicts, and participatory water-related decision making. However, sustainable river basin planning and management is a complex phenomenon that is interconnected with socioec- onomic, ecological, environmental governance, and technolog- ical factors (Lal et al., 2001; Crase & Cooper, 2015; Srinivas et al., 2018). As a way of integrating various economic, social, and envi- ronmental dimensions, the integrated water resource manage- ment (IWRM) approach was introduced in the late nineteenth century to ensure the sustainability of water resources (Inter- net  1; Kharrazi,  2016). It is a process that promotes the co- ordinated development and management of water, land, and related resources to maximize the resultant economic and social welfare equitably without compromising the sustaina- bility of vital ecosystems  (Global Water Partnership,  2000). e IWRM is multidimensional, comprising the sustainability triangle (i.e., the economic, environmental, and social dimen- sions), legislation and health issues, technique and technology, institutional and political issues, and historical and cultural issues (omas & Durham, 2003). Another approach that encourages the sustainable develop- ment of water systems is water resources vulnerability assess- ment  (WRVA). e vulnerability of water resources is inu- enced by natural factors  (physical and ecological), economic and social dimensions, and water institutions and governance, and its assessment shows how much a water system can be jeop- ardized by both human activity and natural events. Similar- ly, WRVA determines the ratio of sensitivity of a water resource to climate change, oods, droughts, water shortage, water pol- lution, and so on. e more the water resources are damaged by these extreme impacts, the less they can be maintained in the long run. Water resource vulnerability factors can be divided into four groups: physical, economic, social, and environmen- tal factors (Füssel, 2007, cited in Idé et al., 2019). WRVA con- tributes to understanding water resources characteristics and provides a scientic basis for decision-making related to water resource planning and management  (Idé et  al.,  2019). Two quantitative methods can be used for WRVA: the function method focusing on characteristics of the physical mechanism of water resources vulnerability, and the index method deal- ing with volume and water quality of water resources  (Chen et  al.,  2018). In the index method of assessment four main steps are identied: selecting, weighting, normalizing, and aggregating factors (Idé et al., 2019). Considering water sustainability principles, the  IWRM and WRVA approaches to watershed or water basin planning and management consist of ve areas of planning: ecological planning to preserve wetland, land use and infrastructure plan- ning to establish a suitable land use pattern in the basin (Kir- by & White, 1994), social planning to support social changes and improve living conditions (Keating, 1993; Basiago, 1999), economic planning to maximize the economic benets ob- tained from the whole basin (Cox, 1987), and management/ administrative planning to dene the institutional structures and the cooperation techniques for the implementation of the plan requirement (Kirby & White, 1994; Mencio et al., 2010). Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 80 In Turkey, the water needs for the population, agriculture, in- dustrial development, and energy purposes have been increas- ing since the second half of the twentieth century, which has resulted in a deterioration in water resources. Until the 1980s, only the amount of water was considered in water manage- ment. Plans were made for individual uses, and personalized solutions were developed for the problems. In the following years, many laws and regulations have been adopted by compe- tent public bodies to protect water resources and an integrated view on water quality has been growing in water resource man- agement. In addition, Turkey has signed several international agreements and declarations related to water issues on the plan- ning and protection of the water basins located in the country. Since  2005, Turkey has been in accession negotiations with the EU and committed to implementing the Water Frame- work Directive  (adopted in  2000) as the most critical direc- tive addressed under the environmental chapter. is directive highlights both the quantity and quality of water, adopts an integrated and basin-based management approach, and pro- vides a framework for the protection of all water, including streams, coastal waters, surface waters, transitional waters, and groundwater, excluding seas (Bilen, 2008). erefore, accord- ing to the European Water Framework Directive and using the IWRM approach, Turkey has introduced a series of changes and modications in its watershed management and planning. It seems that there is an essential need to provide a valuation model of the watershed planning factors that help with achiev- ing an integrated and sustainable planning and management approach in Turkey. ere are twenty-ve river basins with dierent geographical, physical, and hydrological characteris- tics in Turkey. e Ministry of Forestry and Water Aairs, as the primary authority responsible for river basin management, has started preparing basin-based management plans for water body protection since 2013. In these plans, the protection and conservation of surface and groundwater and their chemical, environmental, and physical qualities, as well as water quantity, have been the priority. Turkey has also started to prepare water management plans for drinking water resources, developing provisions and policies for the protection of drinking water resources. Even though noticeable achievements in watershed management have been attained, such as an increase in treat- ment plants (Turkey Ministry of Development, 2014), admin- istrative cooperation, and proper studies on watershed qual- ity, ecosystem services, and landscape characterization  (Tezer et al., 2018), in some other aspects such as public participation, decentralization of administration, water-related policy and regulations, the technology needed for nutrient recycling, and water quality measuring and monitoring, more work is needed. erefore, this article aims to weight the primary sustainability factors in watershed planning. Furthermore, it analyses and compares the opinions of academics and professionals work- ing at water management institutions on prioritizing the plan- ning factors in watershed management. e results will help to understand the diverse perspectives of the two groups on sustainability factors and discuss the impact that the dierent academics’ preferences in prioritizing planning criteria might have on watershed sustainability. 2 Methods 2.1 Research aims e main aim of this study is to dene a valuation model for the sustainability indicators in water resource planning and management. It seeks to understand the interrelation- ship among watershed sustainability variables according to expert perspectives. Considering dierent perspectives that might emerge among the experts, it is presumed that aca- demics  (knowledge holders) and professionals  (those with experience in water resource planning and management) have dierent selections and evaluations. erefore, before decid- ing on an evolutionary model of the watershed sustainability criteria, it is necessary to understand the contradictory views that might exist among the experts. is study rst determines the main criteria and the indicators through a literature review, and a hierarchy of sustainability factors is dened in terms of SWMP. en, the determinant factors are evaluated through a quantitative decision-making method: the analytic hierarchy process  (AHP). Using this method, the watershed planning factors are weighted by the academics and professionals with knowledge and experience in watershed management. ere- fore, three main steps have been followed in this study: de- termining a hierarchy, weighting the sustainability indicators, and building a questionnaire. 2.2 Determining a hierarchy Basins were determined to be the most signicant watershed management unit. A water basin includes the water in rivers, aquifers, and lakes/reservoirs, and covers a mosaic of diverse land uses, including forest, agriculture, suburban, and urban areas. e water basin is not merely a hydrological unit but also a sociopolitical entity that plays a signicant role in pro- viding life support services, food, and economic security to the people living in the area (Wani et al., 2008). Basin water is critical for domestic, industrial, and agricultural water con- sumption (New York State Department of State, 2009). Water- shed management and planning aect people and livestock as an integral part of a watershed. In an eort to provide a clear framework for watershed sustainability, this work identies the primary areas, factors, and subfactors of sustainable watershed management and planning (SWMP; see Figure 1). S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 81Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management Five main dimensions or areas of sustainability were recog- nized in watershed planning and management: • Ecology: the current use of the water resource should be managed in a way that maintains critical ecological systems, thereby not compromising use of the same source by future generations of  (Jønch-Clausen  & Fugl,  2001). e leading indicators of environmental sustainability identied in this work are water resourc- es (Ouyang, 2012), other natural sources (air, soil, forest), environmental problems including climate change (Räsä- nen et al., 2017) and natural disasters, ecosystem and bio- diversity (Arthington et al., 2009), and ecological health. • Land use and infrastructure: this area includes the re- quirements for using the relevant physical sciences and technology in the water basin plans to harmonize the competing interests of various types of land use. Sus- tainability of the built environment means maintaining human resources and technology for the long term (Yang et  al.,  2016). is category involves the factors of the reliability, capacity, and rehabilitation rate of infrastruc- ture, transportation and logistics, historical and cultural values, and land uses and construction density. • Society: population growth and socioeconomic devel- opment continuously increase water demands and, thus, extreme water pressure and water shortage risks  (Zhou et al., 2018). e fundamental right for all people to have access to water of adequate quantity and quality for the maintenance of human wellbeing must be prioritized through the planning process  (Shen et  al.,  2011). is area consists of provisions that support social changes and better living conditions, which need to understand what people need from the basin. In this area, social rights and values, public health, and the residents’ behaviour (their preferences and perceptions) are dened as the primary social factors in the SWMP. • Economy: is planning dimension intends to maxi- mize the economic benets obtained from the entire basin and ensure that these costs and benets are equi- tably distributed through the water basin planning and management  (Cox,  1987). Agriculture and aquaculture development (as primary economic sources); energy pro- duction, tourism; industrial and mining development; and commercial activities were identied as signicant factors for economic improvement in the entire water basin (Jønch-Clausen & Fugl, 2001; Shen et al., 2011). • Management: watershed planning management aims to sustain continuous oversight of water basin planning in the long term. It needs broad engineering responsibilities under the direct supervision of the executive sta  (Kir- by  & White,  1994). It also involves regulations on the institutional structure  (institutional integration and ca- Figure 1: Five main areas with twenty factors and five subfactors of sustainable water resource management and planning (illustration: authors). Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 82 pacity; Dinar et al., 2007; Belay et al., 2010), public and stakeholder participation, management techniques/tools, and nance and governmental funding for water resource planning and management. 2.3  Weighting the sustainability indicators In this study, the AHP was used to understand the interre- lationships among the sustainability factors by considering a numerical value for each criterion of SWPM. e  AHP, developed by omas L. Saaty in the  1970s, is a multiple criteria decision-making approach that provides a better eval- uation of subjective criteria of watershed plans. e AHP has been used in various areas to weight the main drivers of urban growth  (apa  & Murayama,  2010), to prioritize the activi- ties supporting rural development (Oddershede et al., 2007), to determine crucial urban sustainability indicators  (Michael et al., 2013), and to evaluate the potential physical character- istics aecting pedestrians’ satisfaction with sidewalks (Shafab- akhsh et  al.,  2015). Furthermore, the  AHP has been applied in the watershed management process to select a suitable tech- nique for wastewater treatment (Curiel-Esparza et al., 2014), to decide on the responsible manager of the public water service  (Ruiz-Villaverde et  al.,  2013), to choose the suitable alternatives for water resource management  (ungngern et  al.,  2017), and to analyse the population’s perceptions re- garding successful water management (Yavuz & Baycan, 2013). Using AHP, all of the factors of water resources planning in terms of sustainability principles are ranked and pairwise comparisons are made for each criterion that are converted into quantitative numbers. e  AHP method in this study is limited to weighting and valuating the planning criteria in order to prioritize them in terms of their importance in the watershed planning and management process. 2.4 Building a questionnaire For pairwise comparison, an online questionnaire was prepared using Google Forms and sent to two groups of professionals and university academics for giving weight and value to the planning dimensions. erefore, the respondents were limited to individuals that have knowledge or experience in water-re- lated management and planning. In this way, the questionnaire data were obtained from expert judgments on the importance of the planning factors in SWMP. Experts could rate the com- parison as equal, moderately strong, strong, very strong, and extremely strong (Table 1). e scale ranges from one to nine, where one implies that the two elements are equally important. On the other hand, nine means that one factor is much more important than the other one in a pairwise matrix (Figure 2). e online form was sent to the selected individuals, including twenty academics (university teachers) and seventeen experts or professionals working either at the General Directorate of State Hydraulic Works  (DSI; 4 persons), Istanbul Water and Sewerage Administration (ISKI; 6 persons), or the Turk- ish Ministry of Forestry and Water Aairs (7 persons). e university teachers had degrees in one of these areas: urban and regional planning  (6 persons), landscape architecture  (7 persons), forestry engineering  (6 persons), or environmental engineering  (1 person). e professionals that responded to the questionnaire have either a bachelor’s degree  (65%) or a master’s degree (35%), specializing in environmental engineer- ing (50%), urban planning (40%), or civil engineering (10%). e pairwise comparisons of variables at three levels are organ- ized into a square matrix. e diagonal elements of the matrix Table 1: The AHP degree of importance scale. Scale Degree of importance 1 Equally important 2 Equally to moderately important 3 Moderately important 4 Moderately to strongly important 5 Strongly important 6 Strongly to very strongly important 7 Very strongly important 8 Very strongly to extremely important 9 Extremely important Source: Saaty (1994). Figure 2: The importance scale in pairwise comparison of two criteria (A and B) (source: Saaty, 1994). S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 83 are 1 and the criterion in the  ith row is better than criterion in the jth column if the value of element (i, j) is more than 1; otherwise, the criterion in the  jth column is better than that in the  ith row  (Bhushan  & Rai,  2004; Table  2). By calcu- lating the principal eigenvalue of the comparison matrix and normalizing it, the relative importance of the various criteria is obtained. e eigenvector is calculated by multiplying the entries together in each row of the matrix and then taking the nth root of that product (Equation 1). e nth roots are summed and that sum is used to normalize the eigenvector elements to add to  1.00  (Coyle,  2004). e elements of the normalized eigenvector are termed weights, with regard to the criteria or sub-criteria. (source: Coyle, 2004). is study used a soware program called Super Decision that is appropriately set up for  AHP implementation to calculate the data and provide the matrixes. e soware was developed by omas L. Saaty and his team in 1996 to help individuals make more rational decisions. is program allowed us to enter the judgments, get results, and obtain the sensitivity rate for the results, which shows the validity of the answers. erefore, the average of the answers obtained on the questionnaire was entered into the program to get the nal weights and normal- ized values. In this way, comparison matrices and diagrams with an acceptable consistency rate were obtained  (the con- sistency rate according to Saaty should not be more than 0.1). 3 Results e average amounts of the answers obtained from the two groups (academics and professionals) were compared and pri- oritized. e normalized weights are summarized in Table  3, showing the quantitative values considered for each criterion by the two groups of respondents. e results could show bril- liant dierences and similarities in comparisons of the two groups’ perspectives toward the main planning factors of wa- tershed sustainability. In prioritizing four primary dimensions considered for the SWMP, both groups gave the most weight to ecology and water management. e academics chose ecolo- gy as the rst priority (42%) whereas the professionals consid- ered water management (36%) as their most important factor. e academics gave economy the least weight  (8%), but for the professionals, land use and infrastructure was the least im- portant (5%) comparatively. is may be a reason that there is lack of harmonization between urban planning and watershed management. Society was chosen as the third most important area in watershed sustainability. In weighting the ecology factors, there is considerable disagree- ment between the two groups’ answers. e academics gave the most weight to ecosystem functions and biodiversity  (28%), and they considered water resources to have the same value as other natural resources. However, in the view of the profession- als, water resources  (35%) and then ecological health  (26%) are the most important criteria in the ecology dimension of SWMP. It seems that the professionals had more logical val- uations considering water quality issues and current environ- mental pollution in Turkey’s water basins. However, this also shows that they may have less knowledge of the importance of ecological functions and ecosystem cycles in the water system. Analysing the ecosystem services and their functions in the water basins has been recognized as one of the most critical assessments in the planning and management of water areas. With regard to the land use and infrastructure factors, the ac- ademics gave the most weight to land uses and density (51%). In contrast, the professionals believed that the highest weight should be assigned to historical and cultural values and infra- structure (39%). Transport was chosen as the least important priority by both groups. e main dierence between the two groups’ answers is in land uses and density, which was weighted at 14% by the professionals. In considering the various eects of land uses on the water quality and watershed environment, land use assessment and proper zoning planning are signicant parts of any watershed planning and management. erefore, if decision-makers ignore land use as a planning factor, serious problems in the watersheds or water basins will result. In weighting the economy factors, the two groups had similar priorities. e choices were agriculture and aquaculture as the rst priority, followed by tourism, industrial production and mining, and energy production as the least important crite- ria. e comparisons show that the professionals put a little more weight (30%) on tourism than the academics (21%). It may be because the professionals have more experience and information on the positive eect of tourism activities in the economy of the watershed areas in Turkey. In prioritizing the society factors, the most important values based on the groups’ answers were given to public health (50–60%), then to social rights and values  (25–31%), and nally to behaviour and at- titudes  (16%–20%). ese preferences seem reliable, consid- ering the right of public access to safe, clean water and sewers. Even though the criterion of public behaviour was given the least weight, it does not mean this dimension can be ignored in watershed planning projects. Valuating the management factors showed that the two groups have similar perceptions regarding their priorities. ey gave the highest weight to man- agement and participation  (34–38%). e academics chose management as the most valuable one, and the professionals Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management : Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 84 Table 2: An example of a square matrix of pairwise comparisons among three sub-criteria. Sub-criterion 1 Sub-criterion 2 Sub-criterion 3 nth root of value product Normalized eigenvector Sub-criterion 1 1 2 8 2.51 0.594 Sub-criterion 2 1/2 1 6 1.44 0.341 Sub-criterion 3 1/8 1/6 1 0.275 0.065 Source: Bhushan & Rai (2004). Table 3: Normalized weights and values by category of respondent (i.e., academics and professionals) obtained using the AHP. Sustainability dimensions Weights Factors Weights Academics Professionals Academics Professionals Ecology 0.418 0.347 Water resources 0.220 0.349 Other natural resources 0.215 0.142 Ecosystem & biodiversity 0.275 0.086 Climate change & natural hazards 0.200 0.167 Ecological health 0.090 0.256 Land use & infra- structure 0.102 0.052 Infrastructure & utilities 0.223 0.385 Transport & logistics 0.114 0.087 Land uses & density 0.514 0.143 Historical & cultural values 0.149 0.385 Economy 0.084 0.107 Agriculture & aquaculture 0.578 0.528 Industrial production & mining 0.112 0.081 Tourism & eco-tourism 0.213 0.300 Energy & fuel services 0.097 0.091 Society 0.124 0.138 Social rights & values 0.311 0.249 Public health 0.493 0.594 Behaviour & attitudes 0.196 0.157 Management 0.273 0.356 Institutional structure 0.205 0.213 Participation 0.288 0.376 Finance 0.169 0.137 Management 0.338 0.274 Total 1 1 1 1 Figure 3: Comparison of the two groups’ answers in weighting the land use subfactors in the watershed planning process (illustration: authors). S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 85 Figure 4: Comparison of the two groups’ answers in prioritizing the sustainability criteria of watershed planning and management (illustration: authors). Using the analytic hierarchy process to evaluate sustainability factors in watershed planning and management Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 86 assigned the most value to participation. Finance was selected as the factor with the least weight in the SWMP. In evaluating the land use subfactors at the third level of the sustainability hierarchy dened in this research, the two groups agree on the prioritization. As Figure  3 shows, the most weight was given to agricultural areas  (47–48%), followed by residential areas (23–27%), recreational areas (13–17%), and nally com- mercial (6%) and industrial areas (6–7%). is choice seems to be suitable because agriculture is the main water-using sector and residential areas are an undeniable part of the water basins. e commercial and industrial areas are mostly restricted by watershed planning provisions due to their negative impacts on the water resources. Recreational uses are partially allowed in some areas of the watershed according to their distance from the water bodies. is study provides a good example of using the AHP for evaluating sustainability indicators. It employs the AHP to discover the conicts in watershed management and planning, which may be considered unique in using this method. Water- shed planning and management as an interdisciplinary process needs to be integrated with dierent dimensions and sectors. erefore, water basin and drinking water management and protection decision-makers are required to have comprehen- sive knowledge of the related factors and dimensions. ese results proved that there are critically dierent views on the sustainability dimensions among experts, especially in weight- ing ecology and land use. e professionals considered fac- tors, such as ecosystem functions, infrastructure planning, land use impacts, management, and other natural sources, as less important for the SWMP. e two groups were mostly in agreement on weighting economy and society, water man- agement, and land use factors  (Figure  4). Professionals that have inappropriate information on ecosystem functions, land use impacts, management techniques, social and economic requirements, and so on, are not able to provide a sustainable watershed management plan. As a result, in order to dene an evaluation model for watershed plans in terms of sustainability principles (which can be applied to all watershed planning and management projects), the views of various types of experts should be harmonized. 4 Conclusion Water resource management and planning are associated with various sustainability factors, including ecology, economy, soci- ety, land use, and management. is makes watershed or water resource planning much more complicated, and thus it requires a dynamic, comprehensive, and cooperative approach. e par- ticipation and involvement of dierent groups of water users and stakeholders has been recognized as a critical factor in the decision-making process for watershed management strategies and planning approaches. Cooperation among various local and government agencies and public institutions should be established at the rst step of the planning process. However, sometimes there is a great discrepancy in views between pro- fessionals and academics, public users and stakeholders, and regional planners and local managers, or even among various groups of experts such as landscape architects, land-use plan- ners, environmentalists, economists, and watershed managers. is discrepancy can occur at all stages of the decision-making process, whereas its eect on preparing the allocation plans for sources of water, land, and nance can be very adverse. is article shows that there can be a critical contradiction among knowledge holders and decision-makers in some as- pects of prioritizing water resource sustainability factors, which may lead to failing to achieve sustainability objectives. It seems that before taking any serious steps toward watershed planning, the gaps among the perspectives of target groups should be identied. Determining the areas of contradicting views can help understand the primary challenges that will appear during the decision-making process, management programming, and implementation eorts. is issue can be eliminated or mitigated through organized meetings, educa- tional workshops, and introductory programmes that allow for discussion among dierent groups of decision-makers includ- ing researchers, university teachers, knowledge holders, and governmental managers. ese programmes can be managed for each phase of watershed planning, such as goal determi- nation and prioritization, problem identication, determina- tion of management strategies, suggesting solutions, allocating sources, and so on. At the end of the discussion meetings, it is likely that the participants’ perspectives and choices are much more harmonized, which would contribute to the achievement of comprehensive solutions. Sahar Pouya Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Graduate School of Science Engineering and Technology, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey E-mail: pouya@itu.edu.tr Handan Turkoglu Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Faculty of Architec- ture, Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey E-mail: turkoglu@itu.edu.tr Umit Arpacioglu Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul, Turkey E-mail: umitarpacioglu@gmail.com S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 87 References Arthington, A. H., Naiman, J. R., McClain, E. M. & Nilsson, C. (2009) Preserving the biodiversity and ecological services of rivers: New chal- lenges and research opportunities. Freshwater Biology, 55(1), pp. 1–16. DOI: 10.1111/j.1365-2427.2009.02340 Barrow, C. J. (1998) River basin planning and development: A critical review. World Development, 26(1), pp. 171–186. DOI: 10.1016/S0305-750X(97)10017-1 Basiago, D. 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(2018) Effects of different water management on absorption and accumulation of selenium in rice. Saudi J Biol Sci, 25(6), pp. 1178–1182. DOI: 10.1016/j.sjbs.2017.10.017 S. POUYA, H. TURKOGLU, U. ARPACIOGLU Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 89 UDC: 911.375.1-057.118(594) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2020-31-01-003 Received: 14 Jan. 2020 Accepted: 15 May 2020 Mitchell Edbert SURYANTO Joko ADIANTO Rossa Turpuk GABE Accommodating the informal economy in public space: The intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market e immense wave of urbanization and the limited for- mal job opportunities available in large Asian cities have led to the proliferation of street vending activities, which are oen controversial and sometimes illegal due to their occupation of public space. e Kutek Sunday Market in Depok municipality, Indonesia was forced to move from a busy university location to a relatively secluded residential neighbourhood. Despite this disadvantage, the market has continued to attract sizeable business. is case study, based on extensive eld observation and interviews, describes how the market location was select- ed and how it is spatially arranged to meet the needs of vendors, residents, and shoppers. e paper shows how local residents and vendors creatively developed an open-ended, self-organized system to manage the com- plex tasks involved in operating the market and to adapt to uctuations in the number and characteristics of ven- dors and shoppers. Although the system is highly praised as an eective tool for informal economy survivability, its limited planning capacity requires cooperation with other parties to overcome unanticipated challenges. Co- operation among stakeholders has maximized the bene- ts and minimized the drawbacks of informal economic activities in a public space. Keywords: street market, street vendors, informal econ- omy, public space, Indonesia Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 90 1 Introduction 1.1 Proliferation of street vendors in an urbanizing world Regional development disparities and lack of good governance have contributed to the problem of uncontrolled, massive ur- banization in many developing countries (Hossain, 2004). e rapid population growth of urban centres has made it hard for many residents to nd employment in the formal econo- my (Ligthelm & van Wyk, 2004). One consequence of urban growth is the proliferation of street vendors  (Chirisa,  2009), who have been greatly increasing in number and occupying public spaces all over major cities in developing countries, seeking to obtain enough income to survive  (Faruque  & Haque, 2010; Dunn, 2014). Aer the monetary crisis of 1998, the number of street vendors grew substantially in many Asian countries, because many workers previously employed in the formal sector lost their jobs  (Indira,  2015). Selling goods on the street has become a major source of employment, services, and income for poor urban households  (Fidler  & Webster,  1996;  Iyenda,  2005; Suriansyah,  2005; Estrada  & Hondagneu-Sotelo,  2011). e term ‘street vendor’ encom- passes vendors in organized marketplaces, sellers who set up booths in the kerb lanes of streets, mobile street hawkers, and home-based vendors  (Cohen et  al.,  2002). eir operations are oen considered illegal, but they distribute legal goods and services  (ILO,  2002). erefore, their economic activities do not operate in separate economic circuits but are interrelated with the formal sector (Chen, 2007; Hossain, 2014). e presence of street vendors in public spaces oers positive impacts, not only in developing countries but also in devel- oped ones. For example, street vendors have become an una- voidable feature of the urban landscape in Los Angeles, New York, and Chicago (Munoz, 2012). In New York (Roy, 2005) and Mumbai (Anjaria, 2006), they contribute to public safety and enhance quality of life in the neighbourhoods where they operate, although city authorities still tend to regard them as a public nuisance. ey are recognized as an integral part of certain neighbourhoods  (Deguchi,  2005), community mem- bers oen rely on them for access to food (Kabeer, 2004), and they add liveliness to urban places (Deguchi et al., 2005). e transformation of public spaces by informal street businesses represents an innovation that eectively accommodates the needs of city dwellers and encourages people to engage in social interaction (Jimu, 2005; Rojas, 2008), despite the fact that the presence of these businesses usually violates municipal regula- tions  (Danesh,  1999). Despite its various positive outcomes, street vending is still neglected in urban policy in developing countries  (Jimu,  2005). rough the lens of modernist plan- ning, this economic activity is generally viewed as inimical to public order and state control (Cross, 2000). For this reason, street vending has been widely discouraged in Latin American countries such as Colombia (Donovan, 2008) and Asian coun- tries such as Indonesia (Harjoko & Adianto, 2012). e mounting desire to create attractive global cities  (Rob- ins & Askoy, 1996) has mesmerized many governments in de- veloping countries, leading them to disregard aspects of the informal economy such as street vending in their city planning and regulatory activities (Parthasarathy, 2003). As a result, their development plans are unresponsive to the needs of informal urban activities (Perera & Amin, 1996) and contribute further to spatial problems in developing cities (Yankson, 2000). Lo- cal municipalities oen lack the political will, administrative expertise or innovative management strategies needed to in- corporate street vending activities eectively within the urban economic system  (Morrell et  al.,  2011). is failure to plan thoughtfully for the inclusion of street vendors can result in immense occupation of public spaces and substantial environ- mental problems, such as congested pavements and obstruction of pedestrian trac (Loukaitou-Sideris & Ehrenfeucht, 2011), as well as poor sanitation (Rakodi, 2005), due to littering of the streets, pavements, and open drains that exceeds the author- ities’ capacity to keep their cities clean  (Satterthwaite,  2003; Yankson,  2007). Many empirical studies conducted in Asian capitals have viewed the informal economy, including street vendors, as something simply to be managed (Ong, 2006; Jiang et  al.,  2010) while a city pursues advanced development as a global city  (Yeo et  al.,  2012). Methods of regulating street vendors have included designating a single area for their activ- ities  (Chai et  al.,  2011) or a licence procurement system for vending activity  (Lincoln,  2008; Chiu,  2013). In these ways, the state acknowledges the existence of street vending as cre- ating a survival system for the urban poor and thus ensuring social order. However, this survival system reveals a highly dis- tinctive dynamic of self-regulation that lacks formal control over planning  (Dovey,  2012). erefore, it is imperative to understand street vendors’ spatial production in urban areas for accommodating the informal urban economy. 1.2 The hidden social system underlying the spatial arrangements of street markets Street vending occurs in public spaces  (Satterthwaite,  2003), on street pavements  (Jimu,  2005), along footpaths  (Su- harto,  2004), around marketplaces  (Brown,  2006), at bus stops (Cohen et al., 2002), and at other venues in public spac- es (Yankson 2000). How they occupy the street space varies as widely as the locations themselves, depending on what activi- ties are nearby (Suharto, 2004), such as pedestrian trac (De- war & Watson, 1990) or proximity to transport and commuter M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 91Accommodating the informal economy in public space: The intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market nodes (Bhowmik, 2005). According to Yankson (2000), cus- tomer attraction is the primary factor in site selection, followed by availability of access roads and lack of suitable alternative sites. e eviction of street vendors from certain public spaces can eectively block them from functioning (Idayanti, 2007), because the location is the determining factor of the stalls’ rental price and revenue-generating capacity  (Susilo,  2011). Moreover, studies in Indonesia have shown how the charac- ter of particular places and their ability  (largely due to the activities occurring in the surrounding area) to attract pro- spective customers are crucial considerations in the location decisions of street vendors (Suparwoko & Sriyana, 2006; Su- parwoko, 2008). erefore, a relocation programme, without a comprehensive understanding of the vendors’ location pref- erences, will fail to achieve its intended goals. Research conducted previously by Adianto (2009) at ve tra- ditional markets in Jakarta and by Libratono  (2012) at the Bekasi traditional market in West Java demonstrated that the location, types of commodities sold, and hours of operation of street vendors conform to the activity patterns of shoppers and producers. All these studies noted that the social system, which produces rules for the management and use of available resources, plays a pivotal role in the spatial arrangement of street vendors in public spaces. e social system manufactures self-organization to construct spatial arrangements  (Kool- haas, 2005; Mörtenböck & Mooshammer, 2007) through ap- propriation and re-appropriation of public spaces (Isin, 1999; Boeri,  2003), based on deliberative planning  (Koolhaas & Cleijne,  2007) and creative calculations  (Franke,  2006). Due to their lack of access to formal institutions, street vendors must either develop new arrangements or make use of existing arrangements or unwritten rules as sources for their self-organ- ization, governance, and economic activity (Lindell, 2008). A study by Peters  (2013) in Surabaya  (Indonesia) describes the formidable strength of informality and its contribution to modern urban development through the spirit of collectivity of the underprivileged and proletariats. It shares a similar argu- ment with Obeng-Odoom (2011), who studies the agility and survivability of the informal sectors under the constant threat of eviction in Ghana. Despite the stigmatization, informality creates a delicate governance that works within the framework of formal governance (Dovey, 2012), and the spatial arrange- ments are one of these delicate results. is delicacy encourages the agility and survivability of the informal economy in the modernized city under constant eviction threats. ese stud- ies underscore the observation that space is social, because it is produced in reciprocal relations that both shape and are shaped by social relations  (Lefebvre,  1991; Shields,  1998). us, the production of urban space is not simply about plan- ning specic uses of material space; rather, it involves produc- ing and reproducing all aspects of urban life (McCann, 2002). Based on Lefebvre’s insights, how street vendors organize their spaces represents a concealed social order, applied to the organ- ization of a shared arena (Ostrom, 2005). e street vendors, along with shoppers and other parties that benet from their presence, create suitable vending arrangements. is study aims to clarify the location preferences that guide street vending activities and how vendors create spatial ar- rangements through self-organization. Specically, by uncov- ering the social system behind the production of street vending space in Indonesia’s Kutek Sunday Market, we seek to enrich architectural discourse on urban informality. 2 Method e study location was the Kukusan Teknik area of Depok, West Java as shown in Figure  1. It was selected because of the street vending activity that took place in this area’s hous- ing complex on Sunday mornings. Street vendors from all three major traditional markets in Depok come to Kukusan to sell consumer goods each Sunday from 6:00 to 10:00 a.m. On a regular basis, from  80 to nearly  200 street vendors sell various commodities along an alley of  300  metres in length, constituting a temporary market at the edge of a residential neighbourhood. We applied a qualitative approach in three stages. In the rst stage, during February and March  2015, we completed a lit- erature review to establish the state of the art in this eld. We then conducted preliminary observation in mid-March 2015, to structure our case study in alignment with our theoretical framework. During our preliminary observation, we identied several prominent local actors, such as the head of the Neigh- bourhood Association (NA), the head of the local Vendors As- sociation (VA), and long-time local residents. We introduced ourselves to these individuals and obtained their consent to participate in this study. Field observations and interviews were the main features of the project’s second stage, from April to June 2015. One advantage of conducting interviews relative to other alternatives, such as questionnaires, is that it allows the interviewees to construct their own accounts of their experiences, describing and ex- plaining their lives in their own words (Valentine, 2005: 111). e uctuating number of vendors, the commodities sold and their spatial arrangements were documented during eld observation. Based on the commodities being marketed, we classied the vendors into three categories: food, goods, and services (Suharto, 2004). Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 92 e interviews took place in two waves. First, in early May 2015, we interviewed the NA head, VA head, and knowl- edgeable residents in the neighbourhood, who explained the history of street vending activity in this area along with the self-organization process carried out by all involved actors. e second wave of interviews comprised a random sampling of vendors, residents that live in the alley-turned-market, and shoppers. Vendors and residents shared information regarding their reasons for trading at this location, as well as concern- ing the construction and implementation of vendors’ self-or- ganization in cooperation with local residents. e shoppers gave their reasons for purchasing goods at this location and their perspectives on the spatial implications of street vendors’ presence in their neighbourhood. e number of respondents in each subgroup varied. Only y vendors consented to in- terviews. We also interviewed y families residing in the al- ley—a signicant number considering that there are y-seven houses in the alley, seven of which contain rental units. Finally, we spoke with three hundred shoppers in the course of twelve weeks of eld observation and interviews. e respondents were of various ages, occupations, monthly income levels and housing types. e third stage of the study, from July to September  2015, consisted of data analysis, discussion, and writing. Triangula- tion was employed to verify the accounts of the various inter- viewees  (Valentine,  2005). e ndings were discussed with academic colleagues at peer meetings to enrich and rene the results. Several additional eld observations and interviews were carried out during August  2015 to further clarify par- ticular issues. 3 Results 3.1 The history and present condition of the Kutek Sunday Market Since  2001, the University of Indonesia has opened their facilities for public recreational activities every Sunday. e participants come mostly from the immediately surrounding municipality of Depok, but also from the nearby metropolis of Jakarta. e huge crowds ocking to this area lured vendors who provided a range of commodities, from food and beverag- es to electronic gadgets and various services. According to the heads of the NA and VA, vendors were allowed to trade within the University of Indonesia complex if they made a nancial contribution, even though they were unregistered. erefore, their presence was not technically illegal, and it was protable for all parties – the university, vendors, and shoppers. is lucrative cooperation ended due to a fatal accident caused by vendors in  2003. Since then, the University of Indonesia has prohibited all trading activities by vendors on Sunday. Despite a series of demonstrations seeking renewed permis- sion to operate on campus, the vendors were rebued. As an alternative way to resolve the dispute, the university discussed with the heads of the NA and VA the possibility of relocat- ing the vendors to a neighbourhood immediately outside the campus, along the university’s perimeter wall. Although this street is narrower than the previous location, all parties agreed to make it the new trading location for vendors. Two main factors made this new location preferable. On the one hand, it is still very close to the University of Indonesia, making it easy for large crowds to visit the site. On the other hand, because it is a blind alley, the presence of vendors does not disturb the circulation of residents in the neighbourhood. e NA head was appointed as area manager to administer the trading and supportive activities. a b c Figure 1: a) the Depok municipality; b) the Beji district; c) the study location (source: Internet 1). M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 93 At rst, the residents of the alley objected to the presence of vendors in front of their houses. Privacy disturbances, loud noise, piled-up rubbish, and restricted circulation were among the results of the market’s relocation to the alley. Aer intense deliberations, the residents consented to vending activities in their neighbourhood with several conditions: (1) the activity may occur only from 6:00 to 11:00 a.m. on Sundays; (2) the vendors make payments to the NA to fund local improve- ments;  (3) local residents are allowed to participate in the vending activity;  (4) vendors reimburse the cost of any elec- tricity they use from the houses of local residents; and (5) any misconduct will lead to the termination of street vending ac- tivity in the neighbourhood. For security reasons, all vendors must register with the head of the NA. To maintain order, each vendor has a permanent trading spot. In 2003, there were 105 registered vendors, but the number has increased each year, reaching 198 vendors in 2015 as shown in Figure 2. During our twelve weeks of observation, the number of ven- dors uctuated from eighty-one to 198. Courses at the Univer- sity of Indonesia were in session from February to June 2015; the number of vendors increased from  140 in early April to  198 at the end of May. Aer nishing their examinations in early June 2015, most students vacated their rented rooms and returned to their permanent residences, reducing trac in the area considerably; accordingly, the number of vendors dropped precipitously and was under one hundred for the last three weeks of our observation, dropping to eighty-one in the a b Figure 2: a) the total number of vendors by type of commodity from 2003 to 2015; b) the total number of vendors each Sunday from 3 April to 19 June, 2015 (illustration: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). Accommodating the informal economy in public space: The intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 94 nal week. is uctuation reveals the direct impact of the presence of students on the number of vendors selling at the Kutek Sunday Market. 3.2 The mutual benets for all involved actors e vendors indicated that their main trading locations were the three traditional markets in Depok municipality: the PAL Market  (34.15%), Kemiri Market  (36.59%), and Jaya Depok Market  (29.27%). Most of them stated that their reason for trading at the Kutek Sunday Market was to avoid erce com- petition at the traditional markets on weekends. Although the traditional markets attract very large numbers of visitors on weekends, prots do not increase because of the substantial- ly greater number of competitors. Instead, to enhance their prots, these vendors choose to come to the Kutek Sunday Market, where the number of vendors is lower. Low adminis- trative costs are another key consideration. Fourteen vendors stated in their interviews that the administrative fee at the major traditional markets is three to ve times higher than the costs at the Kutek Sunday Market. is factor also helps to make coming to Kutek on Sundays an attractive option. Although local residents also engage in trading activities as vendors, not all of them are delighted with the presence of the Kutek Sunday Market on their alley. Family members at nine houses  (18%) stated that they were annoyed by the market’s presence, despite the several advantages they receive from it. Rubbish is a major disturbance. Although an appointed ocer picks up all the rubbish aer the market closes, the unpleasant sights and smells bothered several respondents. Blocked circu- lation is another main inconvenience. For local residents, the huge crowd creates an exceptionally displeasing environment to walk through. Family members identied noise as a third problem. Furthermore, several family members commented that the huge crowd of people in such close proximity to res- idents’ houses compromises the privacy of people living along the alley. Despite all these problems, most of the residents that expressed dissatisfaction still accepted the Kutek Sunday Mar- ket’s presence on their street. Vending activities yield nancial benets for the community as a whole and for many indi- viduals. Local residents provide a wide range of supportive services to vendors, such as electricity access, stall tables, and storage space, thereby earning additional income. Moreover, the payments remitted by each vendor in exchange for the trading space and the rubbish disposal service cover the market administrator’s salary as well as neighbourhood improvements. e market provides several benets to the community. Twenty residents  (40%) said they could obtain items to meet their immediate needs within walking distance. Twelve people  (24%) said they were amused and entertained by the presence of the crowd and the various commodities oered. Nine respondents (18%) noted that the market brought with it job opportunities and additional income for local residents. Not only do some of the residents participate in the market as vendors, but many of them gain additional income to improve their livelihood by providing needed services. Each vendor is obligated to contribute to a fund for neigh- bourhood improvements. According to the NA and VA heads and local leaders, the community has used this money to over- haul the alley, improving the drainage channel along the alley and maintaining the border wall that separates it from the university. Before the market opened in  2003, the residents had no joint account for neighbourhood improvement. Since then, thanks to eective management of the funds contributed by vendors, the neighbourhood’s physical condition has been improved without any help from government programmes. us, although the market brings with it several environmen- tal problems – rubbish, restricted circulation, loud noise, and lack of privacy – it also oers substantial social and economic benets. Although the market is located in an enclosed area – on a narrow, dead-end alley where large numbers of people would not normally pass – it has attracted shoppers from all over Depok municipality and even from Jakarta. Most of the respondents  (44.33%) said they visited the market regularly every Sunday. Geographically, the largest portion of shoppers (44.67%) lives in Depok municipality outside the immediate Kukusan area. Kukusan itself provides nearly as many customers  (41.67%), and 13.67% live in Jakarta. Nearly half of the visitors (49.67%) said they come to full needs and already have in mind what kinds of commodities they intend to purchase; the oth- ers stated that their main interest was to enjoy the atmos- phere  (28.67%) or sightseeing with their friends  (21.67%). ese shoppers found the market enjoyable despite the huge crowds and the somewhat messy scene while the market is functioning. In summary, the Kutek Sunday Market delivers benets to all involved actors  – vendors, shoppers, and local residents. ese mutual benets are possible because the par- ticipants abide by accepted rules, as a product of negotiation in social relations. e rules regulate the rights and obligations of all participating actors so as to allow the vending activities to be orchestrated harmoniously. 3.3 Spatial self-organization: From well-ordered to scattered zoning In the process of implementing the vendor registration system from 2003 to 2012, the heads of the NA and VA reached agree- ment on the spatial arrangement of the Kutek Sunday Market. is arrangement situates the location of trading spaces based M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 95 a b 80 cm 140 cm 80 cm 3 1 4 5 2 Figure 3: Vending activities by residents in front of their houses (photo: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). Figure 4: a) the size of the stalls and the width of circulation space; b) a diagram showing how adjoining space is controlled by surrounding vendors (photo and illustration: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). Figure 5: Circulation arrangements for pedestrians (photos 1 and 2) and vendors (photos 3, 4, and 5) (photo and illustration: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). Accommodating the informal economy in public space: The intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 96 on the types of commodities sold, as well as identifying park- ing, storage, and loading areas. e arrangement represents a consensus of the two association heads, all vendors, and res- idents of the alley. e spatial arrangement has successfully accommodated each party’s interests without compromising neighbourhood security as shown in Figure 3. As the number of vendors continued to grow and many oc- casional vendors started participating, the NA and VA heads were overwhelmed and struggled to register the new members and allocate market sites to them. e penetration of occa- sional vendors into the Kutek Sunday Market started in 2010. ese are ambulatory vendors who use wheeled carts or bicy- cles to move from one market to another in the course of a day. ey do not trade at the Kutek Market regularly every Sunday, so they cannot be assigned a permanent trading spot. However, the NA head allowed them to operate in the market because they agreed to pay the prescribed contribution. Since the number of vendors was uctuating, the NA head discon- tinued new registrations in 2012. Many local residents, mainly people living in the alley, also began to engage in occasional trading activities, using their front terraces as a trading space and turning the interior of the house into a production space. In 2010, six local residents were participating in this way, but by 2015 this number had tripled. At rst, they operated on a occasional basis, but now they have become permanent sell- ers. Figure  4 shows the presence of ambulatory vendors and local residents among the traders at the Kutek Sunday Market, which complicates the development of spatial arrangements. eir uctuating numbers and exible locations compel the NA and VA heads to locate them in any available vacant spac- es, such as between stalls of permanent vendors. is series of ever-changing incursions obnubilates the regulated spatial arrangements. Remarkably, the permanent vendors and residents allow and accept the additional vendors, even though their presence re- duces everyone else’s trading space. e permanent vendors tol- erate the others as a token of appreciation for their profession. ey recognize that their survival as street vendors depends on mutual support and cooperation. Furthermore, they hope that the presence of occasional vendors can increase everyone’s prof- it because they sell complementary commodities that can draw additional customers; this factor also encourages their mutual cooperation. Rather than seeking to bar the occasional sellers, the permanent traders become the decision-makers that deter- mine possible locations for new occasional vendors. erefore, despite the negative impact on visible spatial order, vendors do not object to the presence of additional occasional vendors inside the Kutek Sunday Market, as long as they provide com- plementary commodities to generate more shoppers and avoid engaging in direct competition with already-established sellers. e market has north and south gates, which allow visitors to enter from two directions as shown in Figure 5. Security is an important concern because various criminal acts have occurred in the university area. On the other hand, the north gate is an opening in the university’s perimeter wall, created by local residents to access the university area whenever the south gate was closed. Consequently, all shoppers travel from the south end of the market to the north end and then return south when they wish to leave the market. is circulation pattern causes severe blockages and a high density of people in the market during the peak hours of 8:00 to 11:00 a.m. To alleviate these density and circulation diculties, the NA and VA heads and local residents reached an agreement to use the west street for service access for loading and unload- ing commodities. is area has also become a vehicle parking space for vendors. Many visitors ride motorcycles to visit this market. According to the NA head, about  100 motorcycles enter the market every Sunday. is large number of vehicles requires provision of considerable parking space that can be easily monitored for security purposes, but without compli- cating pedestrian circulation throughout the market as shown in Figure 6. 1 2 3 Figure  6: Parking space on the south side (photos 1 and 2) and north side (photo 3) of the Kutek Sunday Market (photo and illustration: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 97 Vending activities require stalls for displaying commodities. e size of each stall depends on the number of commodi- ties that a vendor wishes to sell, and the larger stalls are not easy to move. e administrator, which consists of the NA and VA heads and local residents, provides rental stalls, made from second-hand wood and bamboo by unemployed young residents. Initially, the NA and VA heads and local residents decided to place the rental stalls at the north end of the alley, where pedestrians and motorcycles do not pass through. As the number of rental stalls has grown, small green spaces have been repurposed as additional rental stall storage areas, so that the stalls do not disturb circulation on weekdays or on market days as shown in Figure 7. e land where the rental stalls stand belongs to the communi- ty. e administrator, as the stall owners, make the consensual agreement with the residents, which brings mutual benet for all parties. e sellers have space for selling their goods to earn income. e residents also earn income, from the electricity fee paid by the sellers. e neighbourhood, which is represented by the NA head, earns income as well to fund the self-help neighbourhood improvement. It also provides employment opportunities for the unemployed residents to earn income for their families. Meanwhile, for the shoppers, the market provides various goods and services they need within walking distance in the neighbourhood. erefore, the obtained mutu- al benets to all parties from the consensual agreement allow the public space and some parts of the individual properties to be utilized for the market. Although vendors have generally adhered faithfully to the mar- ket’s rules, several matters sparked conict. As the VA head admitted, vendors failed to keep up with the abundant rubbish they were generating. Not only did they have inadequate time and sta to handle their rubbish, the waste disposal bins in the area were insucient. Eventually, local residents led com- plaints with the VA head, demanding an immediate solution. To overcome this impediment, the NA and VA heads and local residents deliberated on the issue and agreed to hire a waste disposal ocer, who would be paid by additional contribution from vendors. e service is carried out by local residents, pro- viding a job opportunity for unemployed persons. Meanwhile, each vendor accesses electricity, if needed, from the nearest res- ident’s house. While setting up their stalls, the vendors install cables to access electricity and pay the residents for it directly. 4 Discussion Mutual benets, which are shared with all involved parties, become the main consideration for producing vending space within a neighbourhood. e space is produced and devel- oped through social relations, as described by Lefebvre (1991), through consideration of the economic and quality-of-life con- siderations of vendors, residents, and shoppers. To achieve the expected benets, all involved parties created spatial self-or- ganization and appropriated the available existing space for vending activities. Local residents provide vending space, parking, circulation management for pedestrians, goods, and vehicles, waste disposal service, and rental stalls in exchange for aordable compensation from vendors. e low price of various service provisions allows vendors to sell commodities within the purchasing ability of the designated shoppers. e mutual benets also compensate for the negative outcomes the market imposes on the community, such as piles of rubbish, circulation blockages, loud noise, and privacy transgressions. e social relations, which are manifested in agreements to achieve the concurred mutual benets, are also rened as issues arise that require immediate solutions. e increasing number of ambulatory and occasional vendors in the market led to changes in the registration system and the regulations gov- erning selling locations. e increasing number of vendors has also compelled spatial expansions, which have required more residents to agree to permit vendors to trade in front of their houses. Originally, the Kutek Sunday Market took advantage of the crowds participating in other recreational activities at a university complex. Today, however, the vending activities 1 2 Figure 7: Storage of wooden stalls along the street (photo and illustration: Mitchell Edbert Suryanto). Accommodating the informal economy in public space: The intricate political and spatial arrangements at an Indonesian street market Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 98 are themselves a primary destination. Despite having a less advantageous location ever since the tragic accident of 2003, the market has continued to attract increasing numbers of vendors and shoppers. is case study shows that the number of pedestrians already coming into a particular area does not always determine the locations selected by street vendors, but that accessibility and proximity to large numbers of people are essential to make a street market possible. is study demonstrated the ability of local residents to engage in spatial self-organization to deal with the adversities present- ed by the market. e spatial provisions for relocating vending activities were accommodated through the establishment of social relations among the involved parties, which resulted in a mutually acceptable agreement. Social relations, in this case, are not neutral but involve careful economic calculations that enable all parties to benet. Without the possibility of achiev- ing shared benet, the social relations could not lead to viable spatial arrangements. However, the potential of mutual bene- t has motivated eorts to create and preserve a harmonious spatial order among commercial and domestic activities, all occurring in a narrow alley. is nding shows how informal- ity operates in the framework of its formal counterparts, as mentioned by Dovey  (2012). is self-regulation transforms the public space and some parts of individual property to a shared arena  (Ostrom,  2005) with a distinctive and delicate “new social order”. It also works to encourage mutual benets for all involved parties as positive outcomes, and simultaneous- ly minimizes the negative impacts to the surrounding neigh- bourhood. It is the agility and survivability of informality, as stated by Obeng-Odoom  (2011) and Peters  (2013) in the modernized city. However, informality should not be considered as the act of agility and survivability itself, as Obeng-Odoom  (2011) and Peters (2013) describe, but the act of accommodating the vari- ous interests of the involved actors. e location of the market was selected according to a consensual agreement between the head of neighbourhood, residents, and vendors, which brought a new weekly activity to an isolated alley. e created spatial and social system connects the isolated alley with points of ac- cess for the shoppers, which prots the vendors and residents, as does the waste removal service. It brings employment for the residents and vendors, and also funding for neighbour- hood improvement. It alternates with the zero-sum approach of formality to attain a consensual spatial and social system for accommodating the interests of the involved actors, then creates a new contiguous space that connects with its formal counterparts. erefore, in this case, informality is not just an alternative, contested space but rather one that is inter- connected and interdependent with the formal system. is cooperation brings mutual benets, thus minimizing the neg- ative impacts of the informal sector. It gradually becomes an integral part of the whole social and economic system, with only blurred lines separating the formal and informal. 5 Conclusions e presence of the informal economic sector, including street vendors, in urban spaces has generated environmental prob- lems despite its immense contribution to urban livelihoods. erefore, it is critical to seek ways to integrate the informal economy into the urban environment so as to maximize the benets and reduce the downsides. Street vending plays a piv- otal role in sustaining livelihoods, not only for traders but also for local residents and regional shoppers. Prohibiting vending activities completely is certainly an undesirable solu- tion, because doing so would negatively aect many people’s livelihood and sustenance. In this case, aer the market was evicted from its previous location, vendors pursued the Kutek area as a new location that would still be accessible to their customers. e market’s occupation of a residential street in Kutek area has required extensive cooperation and negotiation to achieve mutual benets for both vendors and local residents. Vendors have preserved their livelihoods and residents have received job opportunities and other ways to earn additional income. To achieve their desired objectives, vendors and local residents operate a self-organized system to manage vending and its supportive activities. e system determines the space, circulation and utility arrangements, as well as managing oth- er issues. It evolves in accordance with local conditions to maintain the benets sought by each stakeholder group. is case study shows that communities can display considerable capacity to construct a self-organized system that meets their immediate needs. However, self-organized systems tend to have limited capacity and oen require cooperation with outside parties to succeed. is cooperation is important because the formal and informal are interdependent and become an integral economic system with a vague distinction. Suitable interventions in social de- velopment, urban planning, and design can help to enable the informal economy to function lucratively and benecially in urban areas. Such interventions must accommodate the in- terests of all involved parties so as to avoid resistance or new impediments in the future. Further multidisciplinary studies on how to integrate the informal and formal economic sectors in urban space are needed to validate the benets of informal sectors to urban communities and to explore multiple ways to reduce their possible downsides. Mitchell Edbert Suryanto Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, University of Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia E-mail: mitchell.edbert93@gmail.com M. E. SURYANTO, J. ADIANTO, R. T. GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 99 Joko Adianto Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, University of Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia E-mail: joko.adianto@ui.ac.id Rossa Turpuk Gabe Department of Architecture, Faculty of Engineering, University of Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia Email: rossa@ui.ac.id Acknowledgments We would like to express gratitude to Directorate of Research and Community Engagement at the University of Indonesia (DRPM UI) for administering the Hibah Publikasi Artikel di Jurnal International Kuartil Q1 dan Q2 (Q1Q2) Tahun Anggaran 2019 scheme under grant number NKB- 0305/UN2.R3.1/HKP.05.00/2019, and Faculty of Engineering at the University of Indonesia (FTUI), Department of Architecture for their support in this research. We also wish to express our sincere gratitude to the head of Neighbourhood Association 1 (Kutek area) for approving our research and participating actively in it. 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GABE Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 101 UDC: 551.583:69 DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2020-31-01-004 Received: 25 Mar. 2020 Accepted: 19 May 2020 Živa KRISTL Coline SENIOR Alenka TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector is paper addresses the main challenges in climate resil- ience of the building sector, including climate adaptation schemes, energy eciency, and mitigation approaches. ese challenges are evaluated with regard to the state of the art, research interest, and regulatory issues, pro- viding an assessment of the advances and dening re- search gaps in the literature review. e review shows that climate resilience mainly deals with larger systems, whereas the eld is still developing at the building level. One of the main challenges identied is the institutional response. Many publications state that it is necessary to revise policies and develop legislation; however, this is sometimes hindered by uncertain climate change predic- tions. e  EU legislation currently provides partial cov- erage of resource eciency and climate mitigation in the building sector, while the national legislation is delayed. e current situation can impair the competitiveness of the national building sector, causing it to lag behind the goals set for achieving sustainability. From the cost per- spective, immediate short-term actions are seen as more expensive, because delays can result in increased risks for major investments. e authorities are currently choosing between rapid and delayed actions, balancing the costs of early actions and the reciprocal costs of delay. Keywords: buildings, climate change, climate resilience, economy, climate change adaptation Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 102 1 Introduction e scientic evidence shows that the speed of climate change has signicantly increased due to human activi- ty  (ARSO,  2018). Since the end of the nineteenth century, the air temperature on Earth has risen by  0.8  °C, and in the past twenty-ve years it has been rising by  0.2  °C per dec- ade (UKCP, 2009; WMO, 2018). At the current level of pre- ventive measures, by the end of the century, the global average temperature will have risen by more than 4 °C relative to the pre-industrial era  (UNEP,  2018) and a similar rise will take place in Slovenia  (Bertalanič et  al.,  2018). is will have a severe impact on the built environment. Even if some previ- ously set mitigation measures are applied, the global average temperature will rise by more than 3 °C relative to the pre-in- dustrial era (UNEP, 2018), resulting in new requirements and use patterns in buildings. Global warming already inuences the built environment by challenging building energy demand and energy supply systems  (Olonscheck et  al.,  2011; Wang et al., 2014; Pérez-Andreu et al., 2018). Ocean warming results in higher surface water temperatures, a rising sea level, changed patterns of sea currents  (WMO,  2017; MOP,  2018), and ooding of densely populated coastal regions (UNEP, 2018). Since the  1950s, changes have also been observed in the fre- quency of extreme weather events, contributing to signicant damages in the built environment  (IPCC,  2012;  2014; Do- linar, 2014; ARSO, 2018; Bertalanič et al., 2018). At the local level, the eects of urban heat islands further increase ambient temperatures and cause overheating (Wandl & van der Hoev- en, 2018; Kaplan, 2019). It is therefore essential to take more intensive action on climate change mitigation and adaptation of the built environment, or else it will not be possible to limit these eects to a manageable level in the coming decades. As a result of population growth, the increasing volume of residential buildings is a high-priority area in climate change mitigation due to its large share of CO2 emissions, signicant energy saving opportunities, and rising expectations regard- ing occupant comfort (Andrić et al., 2019; Dino et al., 2019). e results of measures introduced in previous years are to some extent already visible. In the  EU the building sector has contributed most to absolute reductions of emissions. Al- though the majority of member states are currently not on track regarding the 2030 targets, they all plan to achieve larg- est decreases of emissions in the building sector. e reasons for such an approach are the market availability of suitable technologies for reducing energy use and the integration of renewables  (EEA,  2019). is means that the sustainability measures in the building sector will continue in the future. is article assesses climate change adaptation approaches in the built environment that many researchers believe have great potential for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. e most important areas of dealing with climate change impacts and mitigation strategies are climate change governance adaptation approaches, the improvement of resilience in urban areas, and mitigation approaches at the building level. e holistic ap- proach is important, based on cross-disciplinary and complex decision-making, accentuating the fact that at present these decisions are oen carried out within the framework of the inuence of the involved stakeholders and the requirements that need to be addressed  (Kristl et  al.,  2019). City planners and decision-makers need to clarify and communicate their approaches to the problem, intervention methods, available resources, and possible decision-making procedures  (Gohari et al., 2020). e study was carried out as a systematic litera- ture review, dealing with three main subjects of climate adap- tation in the building sector: governance measures, adaptation of urban areas, and buildings. In the article’s state-of-the-art section, research interest and regulatory issues are considered, providing a valuation of the advances and dening research gaps and trends in various aspects. An overview of the main challenges provides a good starting point for further investi- gation in this area. 2 Study design e systematic literature review  (Punch,  2014) is structured as a gradual process in which the individual components are combined into a whole. At rst, the separate elds of govern- ance measures, urban areas, and buildings are studied, aer which they are cross-combined with sustainability and climate mitigation approaches. is method allows the literature to be assessed from various viewpoints and enables an evaluation of problems that are not widely considered and could remain un- noticed. To include as much relevant information as possible, a range of various sources were searched to detect studies as- sociated with climate change–related topics and buildings. e literature search encompassed various literature types (books, articles, studies, project reports, guidelines, statistical data, di- rectives, standards, regulations,  etc.) and research elds, such as climate adaptation strategies  (strategic documents, regula- tions), energy eciency in a changing climate  (methods and calculations), and climate resilience and nancial burden (in- uences on systems and buildings). An article search was carried out of various scientic data- bases (e.g.,  Science Direct, WorldWideScience, and Emerald) for peer-reviewed publications from 2000 to 2020 written in English, with the keywords “climate change”, “climate change strategy”, “climate adaptation”, “climate mitigation”, and “cli- mate resilience” combined with “building”, “urban”, “city”, “real estate”, “energy use”, “energy retrotting”, “energy eciency”, “heating”, “cooling”, “management”, and “nancial”. Examples Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 103Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector of the basic keyword combinations used in the search and their relevant results are presented in Table  1. “Search term” de- scribes what word combination was used to perform the search, “Database” is the database used for the search, “Hits” reveals how many results the search produced, “Title + kw” shows how many of the hits that were reviewed comprised titles and keywords relevant to this review, “Abstract” refers to how many of the abstracts tted this review’s mandate, and “Article” de- scribes the number of general articles whose content is relevant to this review. To nd legal and standardization references, various internet engines were run. Also, other relevant web sources were manually searched for project information and legal documents. In the initial search the amount of hits was generally quite high (Table 1). Where possible the database search was set to search for articles according to relevance and publishing year. However, when the search advanced by using the selected key- word combinations, it was more dicult to nd an appropriate number of articles with high relevance, especially in the elds of climate resilience/energy and climate adaptation/building. is was quite surprising, since the number of articles on en- ergy use in buildings and similar topics is quite high in the literature. In this stage forward snowballing  (Wohlin,  2014) was used in some cases to nd the most recent publications. e selected articles were scanned for relevant keywords or terms. Many keyword combinations resulted in a considerable number of hits; however, in most cases only few initial pages gave relevant results. Furthermore, some databases produced very similar results, which diminished the need to use all the databases continually. e articles were culled and ltered based on the articles’ title, keywords, abstract, or title content relevance. e nal selection was based on the research topics stated in the introduction. e search resulted in a substantial quantity of studies and other publications from which more than 200 were selected for consideration. Aer examining their relevance and applicability, the culling process resulted in more than eighty sources that were used in the review. e selected articles were discussed from the perspective of three approach- es to climate change adaptation: governance measures, urban areas, and buildings. 3 Review of climate change adaptation approaches 3.1 Governance measures Authorities play a key role in adaptation processes. ese fur- ther inuence various stakeholders from national institutions to local players, NGOs, consulting companies, researchers, and insurance companies  (Torabi et  al.,  2018). e system functions on the basis of the strategic and regulatory docu- ments implemented in the decision-making process. In this context, one of the most important international agreements with a global impact is the Paris Agreement  (UN,  2015b). An overview on climate change vulnerability and adaptation readiness in the 192 UN countries, by Sarkodie et al. (2019), shows that the developed countries have integrated climate adaptation plans and policies into their developmental agen- das and are less vulnerable to climate change due to strong economic, governance, and social adaptation readiness. e developed countries have to commit assistance to developing countries and international assistance is needed to strengthen their resilience. Table 1: Number of hits and relevant studies for selected combined search terms Search term Database Hits Title + kw Abstract Article Climate change Urban Science Direct 78,938 321 16 8 WorldWideScience 1,430 370 18 9 Emerald 5,289 26 4 2 Climate mitigation City Science Direct 30,034 76 7 3 WorldWideScience 897 128 6 3 Emerald 2,088 52 0 0 Climate adaptation Building Science Direct 23,638 116 8 7 WorldWideScience 1,394 151 5 5 Emerald 1,862 2 0 0 Climate resilience Energy Science Direct 13,545 5 5 5 WorldWideScience 1,013 25 7 6 Emerald 1,354 0 0 0 Climate change strategy Policy Science Direct 78,268 117 5 3 WorldWideScience 1,038 87 4 2 Emerald 13,922 27 2 2 Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 104 At the  EU level the strategy for adapting to climate change  (European Commission,  2013a) has been oriented toward further guidelines for governing bodies, civil society, the private sector and individuals working in environmen- tal protection in order to ensure the full activation of eco- system-based adaptation approaches. Aer the adoption of the Paris Agreement, the European Council stated that “the Agreement remains a cornerstone of global eorts to eective- ly manage climate change and is no longer negotiable”  (Eu- ropean Council,  2017:  6). e  EU also played a prominent role in the process that led to the adoption of the  2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development  (UN,  2015a). A joint statement was adopted  (European Commission, Council & Parliament, 2017), establishing a common framework for the development policies and implementation of the 2030 Agen- da. e latest document in this line is the European Green Deal  (European Commission,  2019) which sets out how to make Europe the rst climate-neutral continent by 2050. e growing recognition of the impact of urban areas on climate adaptation and mitigation strategies has initiated several policy schemes (Pasimeni et al., 2019). e European Parliament has made a commitment to reach carbon neutrality by 2050 (Eu- ropean Commission, 2018) and directed the EU countries to prepare national energy and climate plans and climate policies. In Slovenia, the original version of the climate plan  (Vlada Republike Slovenije,  2019) was criticized for its lack of am- bition  (C 4424 nal,  2019; Zgonik,  2019) but in the nal version the government strengthened the commitment and the goals were set more boldly (Vlada Republike Slovenije, 2020). e Slovenian government has also adopted the Ordinance on the Climate Change Funding (Odlok, 2020). At the local level, the Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy (Internet 1) connects cities committed to reaching the  EU’s climate and energy targets. Various forecasts suggest that the price of insisting on an existing pattern of performance will be much higher than a timely and suciently comprehensive response. e Stern Re- view  (Stern,  2007) suggested that the overall costs and risks of climate change would be equivalent to losing at least  5% of global annual GDP. e current forecasts have not con- siderably changed. In central and southern Europe, including Slovenia, the economic losses at the current rate of climate adaptation are projected to exceed 4% of annual GDP in the last third of the twenty-rst century  (Internet  2). e rapid decarbonization of the energy system and the reduced con- sumption of natural resources requires  1 to  2% of annual GDP  (Internet  2; IPCC,  2018). Such evaluation is approx- imate, considering the uncertainty of the various factors in play, which include but are not limited to climate evolution, frequency of extreme weather events, and variation in energy prices. In any case, the result of a  1% of GDP investment in reducing emissions for a few decades will still have a positive eect regardless of the science being right or wrong. e “no regrets strategies”  (UNEP  & UNFCCC,  2001: 50) can minimize the costs of climate change and represent a mean- ingful action, economically and environmentally. ey can be an opportunity to remove market imperfections and create new benets through greater industrial competitiveness in en- ergy eciency. According to several authors, carbon footprint is the most eective measure to mitigate climate change (Nor- dhaus, 2017; Freire-González, 2018). e carbon tax, which is expected to rise steeply over the years, should be enacted in the context of a green tax reform. Even though the carbon pricing serves several important purposes, the global commitment re- quires acknowledging the vital role of instruments other than carbon pricing (Tvinnereim & Mehling, 2018). At the building level, the most important climate change mit- igation measure is increased energy eciency of the existing building stock. e economic assessments of energy retrot- ting measures are traditionally based on the investment rate and the reduction of energy costs. Apart from the institutional level  (European Commission,  2012) future nancial benets of mitigating climate change are seldom considered in the evaluation of the retrotting investments at the project level. Nydahl et al. (2019) emphasize that the evaluation of various energy retrotting measures may become nancially sound investments if the reduced future costs of mitigated life cycle greenhouse gas emissions are included in the analysis. ey can be based on standards (e.g.,  oSIST prEN 17472, 2020) or schemes, such as the Level(s) tool (Dodd et al., 2017). For this reason, the investment processes should encourage a balance between nancial success of the business and social success and welfare of residents in the community (Boge et al., 2018, Salaj et al., 2018). In addition, more reliable models that evolve from investing only in the building to also investing in social security and regional development are needed  (Temeljotov et al., 2011). e information presented above shows that climate change mitigation will probably result in lower energy consumption, overall greater savings, and a change in established consumer preferences  (IPCC,  2014). e changes will also aect the amount of income that users or individual households spend for building heating and cooling. Clarke et al. (2018) note that many studies on socioeconomic and energy system changes address the statistical economic relationship between climate variables and energy consumption. ey argue that such a general approach based on information from past periods has limitations regarding the changing energy systems in future periods. Particularly challenging is the calculation of the im- pact of energy consumption on the share of household income Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 105 spent. According to Olonscheck et al.  (2011), the net global use of energy resources will increase by 0.1% if the temperature rises by 2 °C. If users try to maintain the same level of thermal comfort, they will spend an additional share of their income on energy  (Clarke et  al.,  2018). Aiming toward energy inde- pendence by having control over energy consumption can have a highly positive impact on such economies. It guarantees that energy consumers are less dependent on a volatile market in the context of scarce fossil resources. Furthermore, the geopolitical benet is signicant in a world where the suppliers of petrole- um hydrocarbons are heavily polarized on the political stage. 3.2 Urban areas Generally, the eects of urban climate change are reected as climatic events that aect the fundamentals of urban sys- tems (population, built environment, and infrastructure). e consequences can be physical (e.g.,  damage to objects) and/or socio-economic (e.g., loss of income, health eects; Wandl & van der Hoeven, 2018). e past extreme weather events have above all exposed the vulnerability of major urban areas with a large population and complex infrastructure. Although resil- ience to climate change can be linked to the core priorities of city authorities, such as economic growth and social well-be- ing, adaptation processes in most urban areas are evolving extremely slowly (Carter et al., 2015). Resistance to climate change is a key concept, but in the con- text of cities this is a complex process including a number of various factors  (Torabi et  al.,  2018). Given the intertwining nature of urban systems, it is dicult to accurately determine the eects of climate change on certain sectors and systems, because the consequences are oen more extensive than im- mediately comprehended  (Carter et  al.,  2015). According to Rastandeh (2015), the analyses of alternative future scenarios oer a good starting point to study probable inuences of mit- igation strategies on the future development in the changing conditions. is approach can be a crucial political instrument for including climate change in decision-making. However, more methods and technologies are needed to transform these presumptions into realistic development patterns. For exam- ple, Truong et  al.  (2018) propose a new model for selecting investments in climate adaptation, which takes into account the unreliability of climate change forecasts. e authors note that this framework signicantly increases the value of invest- ment adjustments compared to previous practices. In particu- lar, it is important to take into account the proper sequence of investments in order to maintain the exibility of investment in the uncertain climate change conditions. Furthermore, in their comprehensive study Mata et  al.  (2019) calculate the variations in the energy-saving potentials and costs for a se- ries of energy-saving features in ve climate change scenarios and compare the obtained uncertainty due to climate change to other uncertainties, such as the boundaries for emission inventories and energy system development. ey nd that the nancial eectiveness of the retrotting measures is oen founded on the relationship between annualized investments and energy-saving potentials. Future climate conditions have a less decisive role. Measures that primarily aect heating en- ergy need are more robust than changes in electricity use. e strategies for building retrotting should focus on prioritizing energy savings and mobilizing investments that may not be protable based on the current techno-economic standpoint. Deep and rapid decarbonization of the building sector requires energy demand reductions and the integration of renewable en- ergy sources (EPBD 844, 2018). As already mentioned above, energy retrotting of buildings is an ecient and cost-eec- tive approach. Bunten & Kahn (2017), however, believe that the durability of real estate capital can hamper the climate change adaptation process. In this type of scenario, Dafermos et  al.  (2018) provide an assessment of the consequences of climate change on nancial stability using an analysis of the value of nancial assets and the nancial position of companies and banks. e simulations are carried out using the global data from 2016 to 2120. ey nd that climate change, due to the destruction of capital and the consequent reduction in prots is likely to gradually exacerbate companies’ liquidity, which can lead to a higher level of defaults and thus have a negative impact on both the nancial and non-nancial sectors. e damage caused by the consequences of climate change can lead to the migration of capital, which may result in a gradu- al decline in share prices of the aected companies. Financial instability as a result of climate change can have a negative im- pact on lending. Furthermore, the economic and social aspects of short-term approaches to the issue may result in growing problems in the future (Champagne & Aktas, 2016). Matko et al. (2016) also nd that introduction of methods that allow for risk assessment inuences the reduction of damages due to extreme weather events. A good example of such an approach is a study by Pasimeni et al. (2019), which analyses the synergy between adaptation and mitigation actions at the urban level in Italy and Spain  (urban adaptation and health, transport, infrastructure, and energy). Urban management measures were classied as so  (focused on environmental information), grey (focused on buildings), and green (focused on nature-based solutions). e overall comparative analysis shows that in large and medium-sized Italian cities, mainly so  (52%) and green  (28%) adaptation measures have been integrated into local energy, environmental, and climate mit- igation planning. is is in line with the EU Communica- tion (European Commission, 2013b), which states that green approaches are one of the most widely used, economically Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 106 sustainable, and eective tools to combat the eects of cli- mate change. Certain problems can be mitigated or adapted to climate change using green infrastructure (e.g., use of biodi- versity and dierent ecosystems) which are being increasingly implemented (Ravnikar & Goličnik Marušić, 2019); however, further measures at the level of buildings should also be em- ployed. Adaptations  (green infrastructure) aect health  (cleaner air, better water quality, fewer diseases), social contacts (strength- ening the sense of community, avoiding the feeling of exclusion), allow for physical, psychological, emotional and socio-eco- nomic benets, link urban and rural areas, create an attractive environment for living and working, and strengthen regional and urban development (European Commission, 2013b). In- dicators for the design eectiveness and local climate resilience can be used to monitor the degree of adaptation. As an example of such an approach, a project of eight Asian cities can be mentioned, in which a common conceptual framework was set up, within which the individual cities carried out the local alignment process (Tyler et al., 2016). e adaptation process- es should be as multidimensional and synergic as the cities themselves, with mitigation strategies integrated into the very core of city planning and management (Carter et al., 2015). 3.3 Buildings is review of the relationship between climate change and the built environment shows that the building sector represents a signicant potential for climate change mitigation and reach- ing the sustainability goals (Andrić et al., 2019; Kristl, 2019). However, a building adapted to climate change is still not a well-dened term  (Grynning et  al.,  2017). Currently, the lit- erature reviewed is not comprehensive and mostly relates to general legislative levels and planning strategies. e ndings are to some extent generic and are therefore not applicable to actual situations. Also, the specic impacts of climate change on buildings are somewhat dicult to assess, because they depend on local anomalies. Very useful is the study by Anto- nopoulos et al.  (2019), which nds that the impact of urban micro-climates on energy use depends on local temperature variation and microthermal anomalies as well as urban and social dierences. is corresponds to the results of a review on building energy use, which nds that urban heat islands can increase cooling loads by 19% and decrease heating loads by  18.7%  (Li et  al.,  2019). It can be noted that the available studies mainly address the impacts of climate change on energy consumption in buildings, greenhouse gas emissions, and ther- mal comfort (Kershaw et al., 2011; Olonscheck et al., 2011; de Wilde  & Coley,  2012; Esteves,  2014; Wang & Chen,  2014). In most cases they demonstrate that the future shis in energy use will be substantial and that the historical weather data are not adequate for accurate assessment of buildings’ energy per- formance (Farah et al., 2019). For instance, a study by Dolinar et al. (2010) examining a low-energy building located in two typical climates in Slovenia, pre-Alpine and Mediterranean, predicts a temperature increase of 1 to 3 °C and a solar radia- tion increase of 3 to 6%. In the pre-Alpine region the heating energy use would be reduced by  6 to  25%. In the coastal re- gion, the change would not be signicant. is information is instructive, because a favourable conguration of the building would enable a signicant reduction in heating energy con- sumption. However, the cooling requirements would increase by about six times in the pre-Alpine region and around twofold in the coastal region, compared to the current situation. Many other studies also predict that the share of energy con- sumption for heating and cooling in relation to the current situation can signicantly change. us potential change in the energy mix, notably a signicant reduction of traditional heat- ing energy sources, is likely to occur (Clarke et al., 2018). One recent study predicts that annual heating energy will decrease by  21 to  22% and annual cooling energy will increase by  29 to  31%. Combined heating and cooling energy will decrease by 4 to 5% compared to current energy use (Farah et al., 2019). Moreover, the temperature extremes will have a signicant im- pact on building performance. e preliminary results based on energy simulations show that noticeable overheating will occur in the future, which will have a strong eect on cooling energy use and/or occupant comfort (Dino & Akgül, 2019). It is estimated that the relative variation in peak load for cooling demand under near-future extreme conditions may be up to  28.5% higher than in typical conditions  (Moazami et al., 2019a, 2019b). e energy robustness of buildings thus cannot be assessed solely based on typical future conditions. Several studies also indicate substantial dierences between cooler and warmer climates. Although the decreasing rate of heating hours in cooler climates is almost negligible, the decreas- ing rate in warmer climates may be signicant (0.8% and 43% of heating hours respectively in  2050 compared to  2010, for the medium weather scenario (Andrić et al., 2017). is means that the heating energy demand may decrease and overheating may intensify, especially in buildings planned for today’s mod- erate climates (Košir et al., 2018). is aligns with ndings by Weng (2017) dealing with thermal comfort in UK residential buildings, using climate scenarios for  2030,  2050, and  2080. By  2050, building overheating can be prevented by intensive ventilation and, later, night ventilation can be used. However, passive cooling has limitations, and by 2080 a combination of shading and articial cooling will have to be used. In north- ern Europe, adaptation to climate change relates primarily to better moisture resistance due to the expected increase in pre- cipitation and slight rise in temperatures  (Lisø et  al.,  2017). Ž. KRISTL, C. SENIOR, A. TEMELJOTOV SALAJ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 107 is means that it is predominantly necessary to address typ- ical building-physics issues, such as waterproong and water vapour diusion through the building envelope  (Grynning et al., 2017). In the context of climate change, the paradigm of well-insulated buildings in temperate climates certainly needs some reconsideration. In warmer climates the heating energy consumption will probably signicantly decrease, whereas the demand for cooling and the risk of overheating will signicant- ly increase in all scenarios. Strategies like natural and mechan- ical ventilation will have a limited impact, whereas thermal insulation and reduction of inltration will have larger impact on energy demand (Pérez-Andreu et al., 2018). Furthermore, Bruno et  al.  (2017) stress that well-insulated buildings in warmer climates are likely to overheat throughout the year and suggest a thorough examination of the building’s geometry and the concept of the building envelope. It is also impor- tant to shade openings and employ night ventilation (Blecich et  al.,  2016), as well as carefully study the solar exposure of the building envelope (Košir et al., 2014). Some stakeholders are already reviewing various adaptation op- tions, such as nding alternative locations and adjusting main- tenance of the current building stock. However, these meas- ures are not suciently comprehensive in order to eectively mitigate all the consequences of climate change  (Bunten  & Kahn,  2017), such as the heat island eect and urban popu- lation resilience. Above all, it is necessary to ensure that the new buildings will not be aected by the negative impacts and burdens caused by the changed weather patterns, and that it will be possible to easily repair the damage caused by extreme weather events (Champagne & Aktas, 2016). Regarding exist- ing buildings, appropriate and climate-adapted building man- agement and maintenance measures, including plans for the improvement and upgrading of the existing systems, must be developed (Grynning et al., 2017). Furthermore, some authors feel that it is necessary to immediately initiate the preparation of measures to mitigate the eects of climate change, and that these should be multidisciplinary with integrated engineering and socio-environmental aspects (Pisello et al., 2017). e sup- port of decision-making aimed at reducing risk and climate vulnerability in the built environment has to be universal, consisting of national building acts, national and internation- al standards, certication schemes, and design guidelines (Lisø et al., 2017). 4 Discussion e eects of climate change are numerous and reect on the natural and built environment. Because buildings and infra- structure have a long lifespan, they are exposed to the climate not only during the time of their construction, but also to climate change over their subsequent decades of service. In this regard, the buildings that are currently being designed and also the existing buildings have to be taken into consideration. e review shows that the three areas considered (regulatory measures, urban environment, and buildings) have signicant potential for climate change mitigation. ey can also be con- sidered as three levels of actions that can potentially be taken, but they must be the result of a concerted strategy, or they will not have the desired eect. Despite numerous signicant de- velopments, there are not many comprehensive studies dealing with the selected questions. Especially, three key challenges can be dened: the lack of specic climate adaptation strategies, energy use predictions in the changing climatic conditions, and resilience to climate change with a special focus on the nancial burden. One of the important challenges is institutional response. Many studies claim that development of policies and legisla- tion are necessary but are sometimes hindered by inaccurate climate change predictions. is reects in an uneven level of readiness. Although many developed countries include climate change challenges in their strategic developmental documents, the existing infrastructure and building regulations are adapted to the earlier climate patterns, whereas estimation methodolo- gies for longer future periods of time are still being developed. Insucient information about the consequences of climate change and the associated unreliability of the forecasts makes adaptation measures dicult to choose. At the urban level the high complexity presents an important challenge, which makes adaptation only one of the problems that planners and decision-makers encounter daily. For this reason, the adaptation processes oen advance extremely slow- ly. Such a situation reduces the competitiveness of the sector and increases lagging behind the goals of achieving sustaina- bility. Oen nature-based solutions are suggested as a suitable strategy for introducing adaptation and mitigation schemes. Nevertheless, some strategic documents that form the basis for further development of environmental policies have already been prepared; still, it is essential to increase the extent of research in order to create a suitably large pool of informa- tion that various stakeholders can use to prepare adaptation strategies. At the building level, there are no clear guidelines for climate adaptation yet, though standards for the sustainable evalua- tion of buildings are being developed and the common EU framework of core sustainability indicators was developed. Furthermore, strong research activity has been set out by the European Commission  (2020), supporting the development of climate modelling, methods, and standards, improvement of understanding the economics of climate change, and de- Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 108 velopment of technological options and strategies to improve air quality and reduce the carbon footprint of European cities and create climate change networks. Combined, these activi- ties have a strong potential of rmer guideline positioning in the future. At the level of new buildings, for example, guide- lines with a clear objective for nZEB in early  2021  (EPBD 31,  2010) have already been dened, and in the eld of the existing buildings accelerated investment in energy retrot- ting is supported (EPBD 844, 2018). ese measures already show results. However, the eld of climate resilience at the building level is still evolving. e evidence shows that in the developed countries, where many of the buildings were built before 1980, attention should be further focused on creating adequate guidelines for renovating the existing building stock, adapted to future climatic conditions. Future building services may depend on a signicantly dierent energy mix than that of today, as global temperature increase and local temperature anomalies can signicantly aect energy use. In developing countries with rapid urban growth, the focus should be on strategies and policy development. In the nancial eld, immediate actions are seen as more expensive, but delaying could result in increased risks and therefore larger long-term costs. It is estimated that the overall costs and risks of climate change will be much high- er than the cost of action towards reducing greenhouse gas emissions (Stern, 2007). As a result, the state of the economy at home and abroad, as well as international trade ows may be aected  (IPCC,  2014; NIJZ,  2016; WMO,  2018). is adds to the increasing amount of income that users or indi- vidual households will have to allocate to energy expenses and should encourage authorities to gradually introduce changes in planning as well as in evaluation processes. e future nancial benets of limiting climate change are rarely included in the evaluation of retrotting investments. e choice faced by the authorities between a rapid or a delayed action must be guided by the balance between economic costs of early actions (such as the risk of retiring some still usable capital stocks prematurely) and the reciprocal costs of delay. Delaying involves the risk of locking in today’s model of high-emissions capital equipment for decades. If the need to reduce emissions rapidly becomes an absolute priority, prematurely retiring those investments would be at a large cost. Acting early would allow an increased long- term exibility of approaching the stabilization of atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases. 5 Conclusion e systems will have to globally adapt to climate change, cir- cular production processes, ageing population, urbanization, immigration, and vulnerable infrastructure. is means that the upcoming strategies for raising the competitiveness of the building sector will have to include new environmental, economic, and social approaches, which also constitute the three main pillars of sustainability. Although concrete climate change mitigation measures are increasingly favoured by pro- fessionals, the general public is in favour of adaptation process- es only in general terms. Climate change will inevitably aect people’s current lifestyle and quality of life. It is also becoming increasingly clear that signicant nancial investments will be required in individual areas. For this reason, awareness raising and informational campaigns on the impact of climate change on life, society, and adaptation strategies should be stepped up. Climate neutrality can be achieved only by transforming the existing sociotechnical structures, including energy and urban systems (EEA, 2019). is information is crucial for preparing concrete measures to address the upcoming climate change challenges in the built environment. Živa Kristl New University, European Faculty of Law, Nova Gorica, Slovenia E-mail: ziva.kristl@epf.nova-uni.si Coline Senior Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway E-mail: coline.senior@ntnu.no Alenka Temeljotov Salaj Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway E-mail: alenka.temeljotov-salaj@ntnu.no References Andrić, I., Koc, M. & Al-Ghamdi, S. G. 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Available at: https://www.mladina.si/194097/slov- enski-znanstveniki-o-podnebnih-spremembah-nasa-moralna-in-etic- na-dolznost-je-pozvati-k-ukr/ (accessed 21 Feb. 2020). Key challenges of climate change adaptation in the building sector Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 112 UDC: 656.025.2:796.61(497.451.1) DOI: 10.5379/urbani-izziv-en-2020-31-01-005 Received: 17 Apr. 2020 Accepted: 13 July 2020 Simon KOBLAR Luka MLADENOVIČ Calculating the speed of city bus trips: The case of Ljubljana, Slovenia In promoting the use of public transport, an understand- ing of the passengers’ perspective on the provided ser- vice plays an important role. A series of factors inuence people’s selection of transport mode, among which the competitiveness of travel time, or travel speed, is vital. anks to the widespread use of electronic payment sys- tems, data collected through user validation can be used to calculate this speed. us, the actual trips made can be used to estimate their speed. is study focused on the Ljubljana bus system to analyse all trips made on a typical day. e input and output trip data were used to calculate the distance travelled, and the time and speed of the trips. In addition, an estimate was also made of how quickly the distances travelled by bus could have been travelled by bicycle or on foot. e ndings showed that the speed of the bus trips analysed depends on the length of the journey: it increases with longer journeys. Bicycles are generally faster for all distances, but they be- come a less acceptable choice for longer distances. With regard to distances shorter than 2 km, in terms of speed, walking is competitive on only a few routes. e analyses performed using the data collected through the electronic service payment system provided useful insight into the eciency of the public transport system from the passen- ger perspective, which in the future may prove useful in planning system improvements. Keywords: public transport, travel speed, eective travel speed, electronic payment system, speed comparison Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 113 1 Introduction Understanding the residents’ travel habits and reasons for them is an important factor in promoting sustainable mobility. e goals of sustainable mobility measures are oen directed to- wards changing people’s travel habits, especially reducing the use of cars and promoting the use of public transport, cycling, and walking as dierent modes of making daily trips. People’s decisions to use public transport are heavily inuenced by its quality  (Vanhanen  & Kurri,  2007). Studies of travel habits examine the factors inuencing the choice of travel mode or the indicators dening how a public transport system operates. e quality indicators of a public transport system can be di- vided into two major categories: the transit capacity and the quality of the actual service provided  (KFH Group,  2013). Quality of service is dened using user perceptions or actual numerical measurements (Carreira et al., 2014). If the service is of good quality, then frequency, availability, travel time, price, and sta quality are especially important in deciding to use public transport  (Stradling et  al.,  2007). e key indicators, which are also important factors in selecting the travel mode, are the speed and consequently the time the user spends to make a trip. ere are only a few Slovenian studies in this area and the ones that do exist do not provide detailed insight into the conditions that inuence the passengers’ motivation to use public transport (Statistični urad RS, 2017; Ljubljanski potniški promet, 2019). Travel time is one of the most impor- tant elements of public transport quality (KFH Group, 2013) because all the other factors inuencing the choice of travel mode only come to the fore when the user is provided with a competitive selection of various travel modes in terms of travel times. Longer travel times  (e.g.,  of commuting to work) are directly connected with reduced user satisfaction  (Loong  & El-Geneidy,  2016), as well as poorer wellbeing and social in- clusion (Morris & Guerra, 2015). Various methods are used to calculate public transport speed. e speed over a specic stretch, including all stops and delays, is referred to as commercial speed. is indicator is primarily important from the operator’s point of view because it makes it possible to calculate a vehicle’s travel time on a line, set up timetables and drivers’ schedules, and eectively distribute ve- hicles across the system. From the passengers’ point of view, commercial speed is not enough because they compare the travel times of various transport modes from a door-to-door perspective. More important for them are the time and speed that also include the time of reaching the station, waiting, in-vehicle travel, any transfers, and ultimately reaching the des- tination (Munizaga et al., 2016; Constantinescu et al., 2018). is speed is referred to as the eective total travel speed below. Data collected through passenger validation enabled by digi- talized payment systems provide great potential for acquiring data on and analysing these speeds. Such data allow a much better understanding of passenger travel habits and it also makes sense to use them in improving the public transport systems (Schmöcker, 2016). Smart card data can also be used to calculate the key indicators of a system’s operation (Trépani- er & Morency, 2016), as well as conduct many other analyses in addition to those focusing on travel speeds (Jang, 2010). is article presents a method for analysing the speed of public transport trips in Ljubljana using the data on the trips actually made. e study examines the time parameters of trips without the analyses of perceived times. It proceeds from the hypothesis that the available payment system and timetable data can be used to determine the speed of actual public transport trips that is more accurate than the data available to date. e sec- ond part of the study compares the public transport travel speeds with the speeds of traveling the same routes by bicycle or on foot. Comparisons of individual travel modes in a city are a frequent research topic (Ellison & Greaves, 2011; Ander- sen, 2014), but most of these are unsystematic. e literature review revealed no study that would provide a comparison between a public transport mode and cycling based on a suf- ciently large sample and comparable routes. Based on the available data on the relatively short distance of an average trip, this study proceeds from the hypothesis that an average public transport trip would take less time by bicycle. 1.1 The case of Ljubljana Public transport in Ljubljana is operated by Ljubljanski Pot- niški Promet (hereinaer: LPP), which carries nearly 40 mil- lion passengers a year. In recent years, the number of passengers has been falling despite many improvements to the service and passenger comfort, such as revamping the bus eet and the bus arrivals system, improving the quality of bus stops, and introducing separate bus lanes on some arterial roads. e main reason for the falling number of passengers is not entire- ly clear (Ljubljanski potniški promet, 2019). e accessibility of public transport is good within the city perimeter  (Ga- brovec  & Bole,  2006; Kozina,  2010; Gabrovec  & Razpotnik Visković, 2012, 2018; Tiran et al., 2015). Travel times have been poorly studied to date. Celcer (2009) analysed the travel times on selected lines and compared them to cars, but she did not calculate the travel speeds. She es- tablished that travel times for cars were signicantly shorter on all the routes studied. Travel times on specic lines were also studied by Šabič (2015), but he only calculated the com- mercial speed, which does not take into account waiting and Calculating the speed of city bus trips: The case of Ljubljana, Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 114 walking. Similarly, LPP also only measures the commercial speed  (Šmajdek,  2011). Vehicle tracking data were used to calculate the travel speed on line  1, which exceeds  22  km/h throughout the day  (Čelan  & Lep,  2020). Low travel speed as a key problem in public transport has also been highlight- ed in strategic documents (Milovanović, 2017; Gojčič, 2018), in which, however, no current or target values are provided, which is most likely the result of this topic being understudied. e electronic payment system, which Ljubljana introduced in  2010, has good potential for analysis. When entering the bus, every passenger validates their card or uses the Urbana app on their smart phones to pay for the fare. e validation data are sent to the central server together with the informa- tion on the bus stop retrieved from the Automatic Vehicle Location (AVL) system (Šmajdek, 2011). Except for keeping records of the total number of passengers for the annual re- ports, these types of data, except for certain exceptions (Kor- en,  2016; Koblar,  2017; Koblar  & Žebovec,  2018), have not been analysed in detail. However, they proved to be very useful in analysing user travel patterns (Koblar & Žebovec, 2018; Ko- blar & Mladenovič, 2020) and planning potential changes to the network (Koblar, 2017). 2 Methods e payment system data were analysed to calculate the travel times. Because only the boarding bus stop is recorded in the payment system, one of the challenges was determining the alighting stops and merging individual trips into a journey. A trip refers to a ride on an individual line validated in the pay- ment system. A journey refers to one or several trips together by taking account the boarding stop of the rst trip and the alighting stop of the last trip. ese data provided the basis for further analyses. 2.1 Determining the alighting stops and calculating the travel times Travel times and speeds were analysed based on the trips made and recorded in the payment system used by LPP.  e  2015 and  2016 validation data retrieved were rst used to select a typical day on which an average number of trips (validations) were made, the weather was nice (no rain) and there were no school holidays, roadblocks or other special events. Wednes- day, 18 May 2016, was selected, with 142,181 trips recorded. Because most public transport payment systems are designed so that they only record the entry into the vehicle, just like this one, a considerable number of authors have so far sought to de- termine the alighting stops (Cui, 2006; Trépanier et al., 2007; Zhao et  al.,  2007; Farzin,  2008; Lu,  2008; Wang,  2010; Li et al., 2011; Wang et al., 2011; Alsger et al., 2016; Mosallanejad et  al.,  2019; Yan et  al.,  2019; Assemi et  al.,  2020). To dene the alighting stops on individuals’ journeys they generally used a simple algorithm that compared two daily trips and took account of two criteria: the alighting stop on the rst trip is the same as the boarding stop on the next trip and the alighting stop on the last trip of the day is the same as the boarding stop on the rst trip. In addition to determining alighting stops, the reconstruction of journeys also requires merging individ- ual trips into complete journeys. Here, it is vital to accurately determine when a person changes lines and continues their journey and when they end it. is can be determined based on the distance between the alighting stop on the previous line and the boarding stop on the next line and the time between alighting and the next boarding (Alsger et al., 2016). Due to the lack of appropriate data, most researchers did not check the accuracy of their results. Alsger et al. (2016) made an im- portant step toward improving the algorithms and checking the quality of results. ey used the smart card data of the South-East Queensland public transport network, in which passengers also validate their cards when alighting, to check the accuracy of results. By modifying established algorithms and including data from the public transport schedules, they man- aged to additionally improve the quality of origin-destination estimation algorithms. Later additional improvements were introduced, using more complex methods  (machine learn- ing) to more successfully determine the alighting stops  (Yan et al., 2019; Assemi et al., 2020). Due to its simpler implemen- tation and satisfactory results, we decided to use the algorithm proposed by Alsger et al. (2016). To determine the alighting stops based on this algorithm, the smart card validation data must contain the card identier, travel time, and the stop and line used. e data obtained in- clude all the necessary information; in addition, a bus schedule database was obtained that was suitably structured for link- ing with the validation data. Before running the analysis, trips without the required data were eliminated from the database. Some trips were part of long-distance (inter-city) lines and so were not included in the city public transport schedule, and for some the wrong line or stop was recorded. Because the alighting stop can only be determined for passengers that took more than one trip on the same day, data on users with only one trip on a selected day were also eliminated from the data- base (17,614). e basic conditions for inclusion in the analysis were met by 113,985 or 80.2% of all the trips made. A matrix of distances between the stops is required to determine the alighting stops and transfers. For stops less than 800 m apart, the distances were modelled based on the road network, which resulted in more accurate calculations. For distances between other stops, the Euclidean distance was calculated because the S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 115 calculation for the  840  ×  840 matrix of the stops analysed would have taken too much time. e alighting stops were determined using our own soware, which followed the algorithm applied  (Alsger et  al.,  2016). e soware rst analyses the consecutive trips of the same person and orders them into journeys. One journey can be composed of several trips with transfers in between. e poten- tial alighting stops were determined based on the bus schedule, from which the potential alighting stop is selected according to the line used. From among the stops selected in the previous step, the stop closest to the next boarding stop is dened as the alighting stop. To determine the alighting time, the travel time between both stops as provided in the bus schedule is added to the boarding time. If the next boarding stop is less than 800 m away and less than 60 min have passed in between, the trip is dened as a transfer; otherwise, it is treated as an independent journey. In the event of a transfer, the soware continues to analyse the user’s card validations until the last trip in the journey. If this is the last trip of the day, the stop closest to the boarding stop of the rst trip of the day is selected as the alighting stop, and the soware then continues by analys- ing the next user’s trips. e alighting stops were determined for 110,069 or 96.5% of validations that met the conditions for inclusion in the analysis. e result of the analysis is a consec- utively numbered list of trips with additional information on the alighting stop and the alighting time. Trips that continued with a transfer to the next line also contain information on the distance to the next boarding stop. ese data were then merged into individual trips, for which the travel times were calculated. 2.2 Calculating the average waiting time One of the factors aecting the travel time is also the time of waiting for the bus to arrive. Assuming that passengers arrive at the stop randomly, the average waiting time depends on the frequency of bus trips on all lines that are heading in the select- ed direction and are available at the time of travel. erefore, the dierence in the travel times of the current, previous, and next trips were calculated for the specic line used. If this was the rst or last trip of the day, only the dierence to the next or previous trip was taken into account. e same method was used to calculate the waiting times for other lines that could have been used between the two selected stops. In this, only the lines on which the nearest scheduled departure was less than  5  min before or aer the actual trip made were taken into account. To calculate the average waiting time, the waiting times on individual lines were converted into frequencies and summed up. e sum was then converted into waiting time and divided by 0.5. For journeys in which the waiting time was longer than 4 min, it was assumed that passengers checked the bus schedule before the trip and, therefore, an average waiting time of 4 min was determined for these 16,771 trips. Accord- ing to the initial estimate, the average waiting time on these trips was 6.1 min. 2.3 Calculating the travel time and speed Because the calculations and denitions of travel speed vary signicantly, to ensure better comparability with research to date, the travel speed was calculated in four dierent ways, taking into account dierent distances and travel times, as shown in Table 1. 2.4 Walking and cycling speed Cycling and walking travel times were modelled in OpenTrip- Planner  (Morgan et  al,  2019). using the transport network created from the OpenStreetMap database  (OpenStreetMap contributors, 2015). ese data are of suciently high quali- ty for Ljubljana to obtain suciently accurate results. In the OpenTripPlanner program, the default speed and weighting settings for individual road categories were used. e cycling speed was set at  17.7  km/h. Various estimates of the aver- age speed of urban cyclists are used in the literature, rang- ing from  15 to  19  km/h  (Ellison  & Greaves,  2011; Anders- en, 2014; Kager et al., 2016). Because no data are available on the average speed of cyclists in Ljubljana, it is assumed that the above speed estimate is suitable. e walking speed was set at 4.8 km/h. Calculations were made for all origin-destination pairs. For walking and cycling, too, another 400 m were added to the distance between stops to calculate the eective travel speed, which added up to  1 min  30  s for cycling and  5  min for walking. We added another two minutes for cycling, as the time required to lock and unlock the bicycle. 2.5 Data merging and quality analysis Aer conducting individual analyses, the data were merged into a joint database, in which the data analysed is collected for every journey. Journeys for which it was assumed that there were errors in the calculations were deleted from the database. It turned out that the criterion for merging trips into journeys that allows for less than 60 min for the transfer and a distance of less than  800  m between stops was insuciently accurate. us, to control for the quality of data, the coecient and dierence between lLPP line distance and lshortest were calculated. Where the lLPP line distance was signicantly greater then lshortest, this indicated that a transfer was wrongfully assigned instead of two separate journeys. us, all journeys in which lLPP line distance /lshortest < 0.8 or > 4 and lLPP line distance − lshortest < −100 m or > 100 m were eliminated from the database. Additionally, Calculating the speed of city bus trips: The case of Ljubljana, Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 116 journeys were eliminated in which the actual travel speed was lower than 5 km/h or higher than 50 km/h. is way, errors were eliminated that might have occurred due to mistakes in the bus schedule or mistakes in merging individual trips into a journey where the waiting times were too long. In this situ- ation, in reality a passenger can perform other activities in the meantime, such as go to a bar or shop, and then continue their journey. Such journeys are irrelevant in terms of studying travel speeds. Aer eliminating these inadequate ones,  70,768  trips remained out of the initial  74,085, based on which further analyses were performed. 3 Results Based on the data analysed it is possible to conduct a series of analyses. Because the main purpose of this article is to analyse the travel speeds, the main results of analyses related to travel speed are presented below: rst, the results of the city bus analyses, followed by a comparison with walking and cycling travel speeds. 3.1 City bus e main ndings of the city public transport analysis are pre- sented in Table  2. Detailed information is presented in the subsections. Table 2: Key results of the city public transport analysis. Indicator Value Effective total travel speed 10. km/h Average actual distance travelled 4.8 km Average effective distance travelled 4.1 km Average waiting time 2.9 min 3.1.1 Average waiting time One of the factors aecting the eective travel speed is the average time of waiting for the bus to arrive on the rst trip in the journey. e average waiting time is 2.9 min (SD = 1). Figure 1 shows the average waiting times and the share of wait- ing in the total travel time, depending on the length of the journey. With longer journeys, on average passengers had to wait longer for the bus to arrive. One of the reasons for this is also that longer journeys had to start outside the city centre, where bus arrivals are less frequent. e longer the journey, the smaller the share of time spent waiting compared to the time spent for the entire journey. 3.1.2 Transfers Users generally dislike transfers. e LPP network originat- ed at a time when tickets were paid each time the passenger boarded the bus and hence one of the goals in designing the network was to reduce the need for transfers (Koblar, 2017). Table 1: Method of calculating the travel speed. Presumed distance Presumed travel time Effective total travel speed Effective distance travelled: lshortest + lwalking Total travel time: ttrip + twaiting + twalking Total travel speed Distance travelled: lLPP line distance + lwalking Total travel time: ttrip + twaiting + twalking Effective travel speed Effective distance travelled: lshortest Travel time: ttrip Actual travel speed Actual distance travelled: lLPP line distance Travel time: ttrip Whereby: lshortest: the shortest distance between the first and last stops calculated as the walking distance along pedestrian routes lwalking: 400 m distance – the total walking distance to the first stop and from the last stop to the destination lLPP line distance: distance travelled by bus; in the event of a transfer, the walking distance between the two transfer stops is taken into account ttrip: time between boarding the bus on the first trip and alighting from the bus on the last trip of the journey; it also includes the time of transferring to the next line twaiting: average time of waiting for the bus to arrive on the first trip in a journey twalking: 5 min – the time required to walk 400 m, which is added as lwalking. This is an estimate based on how much time people are willing to spend walking to a bus stop (Tiran et al., 2019). S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 117 In more developed networks, transfers are conceived as an important part of travel routes because they provide a com- bination of various operators and systems and hence better public transport coverage (Mees, 2010; Dodson et al., 2011). In addition to 70,768 journeys, for which other analyses were also performed, the transfer analysis also included 17,614 user journeys that only made one trip on the day studied and hence their trips were unsuitable for calculating the alighting stops. Table  3 shows the number of journeys based on the number of transfers made. 3.1.3 Travel speeds Travel speed is one of the factors that determine the quality of the public transport system. Table 4 shows the travel speeds based on the various criteria used and presented in Table 1. In addition to the average speed, the distribution of the num- ber of journeys shown in Figure 2 is also important. e his- togram has a normal distribution shape, with slightly higher values on the right side. Travel speed also depends on the length of the journey. In longer journeys, the waiting and walking times reduce the im- pact on travel speed and so the speeds increase with the length of the journey. e eective travel speed curve is interesting: it is very high for short distances, resulting from the fact that the dierences between the distance travelled and the short- est distance are smaller with shorter trips. In addition, these calculations do not account for the walking time to the bus stop and the waiting time. 3.2 Comparison with cycling and walking To have a better idea of public transport travel speeds and to better understand the competitiveness of public transport over other forms of sustainable mobility, a comparison was also made with bicycle and walking travel speeds. In com- Figure 1: Average waiting time and number of trips, depending on the length of the journey (author: Simon Koblar). Table 3: Number of journeys based on the number of transfers made. No. of transfers No. of journeys Share of all journeys (in %) 0 70,146 79.1 1 16,459 18.6 2 1,682 1.9 3 311 0.4 4 69 0.1 5 14 0.0 All journeys 88,681 100.0 % Table 4: Calculated bus travel speeds. Average speed (km/h) SD (km/h) Effective total travel speed 10.0 3.3 Total travel speed 11.3 3.4 Effective travel speed 15.7 6.2 Actual travel speed 17.6 5.7 Calculating the speed of city bus trips: The case of Ljubljana, Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 118 paring the bus and bicycle travel speeds, eective total travel speeds were taken into account because they best reect the user experience. Eective total travel speeds increase with the length of the journey, due to a reduced impact of waiting and walking times for buses and a reduced eect of the additional time required to lock and unlock the bicycle. Bicycles are the fastest on all distances, with the dierence being the greatest in shorter journeys. On average, a bicycle would be  7.5 min faster than the bus. Only 8% of the journeys would have been faster with the bus and  46% of journeys would have been  5 min faster with the bicycle. Figure 2: Number of journeys by effective bus travel speed class (author: Simon Koblar). Figure 3: Travel speed in correlation with the length of the journey (author: Simon Koblar). S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 119 Due to the low speed of walking, only journeys up to 2 km were taken into account. On stretches shorter than 2 km, 926 jour- neys (i.e., 7% of the total journeys shorter than 2 km) would have taken less time on foot than by bus. Also taking into account the journeys that are less than 1 minute faster by bus, the total number of these journeys adds up to 1,783 or 13%. 4 Discussion is article presents new ndings related to the measurement of public transport quality and reveals great potential of the electronic payment system data for conducting further analy- ses. Because analyses are performed based on the trips made, the results are especially interesting from the user perspective because they reect the user experience and provide insight into passenger behaviour. Because the payment system does not provide information on the alighting stop, determining the alighting stops represented a signicant challenge. To this end, available data were applied to a well-tested algorithm (Alsger et al., 2016), whereby the distance between stops was modelled in the GIS environment using pedestrian routes. is resulted in greater accuracy compared to the straight-line distance ap- plied by Alsger et  al.  (2016). To determine the travel speeds the waiting time at the stop, the travel time, and the distance travelled were also calculated for each trip. e applied method for calculating the waiting time that also takes into account the time of day and relevant lines, yields more realistic results from the passenger perspective than the method of counting arrivals at peak times frequently used in other studies of public transport quality in Ljubljana (Bole, 2004; Tiran et al., 2015). Because the shortest distance between the origin and destina- tion is especially important from the passenger perspective, the shortest distance in the transport network was also modelled in addition to the distance travelled on a public transport line. Various methods are used to calculate the travel speed and hence four dierent methods were applied, using dierent distances and times. From the user perspective and compared to other travel modes, the most relevant is the eective total travel speed, which on average amounts to 10.0 km/h; this is signicantly lower than the average actual travel speed of 17.6 km/h. Commercial speed is the only information that has been available for the entire network in comparable form to date. According to the LPP data, the commercial speed, which only takes into account the individual trip without transfers to other lines, is 18 km/h (Šmajdek, 2011), demonstrating the accura- cy of the analyses conducted. e substantial dierences in results indicate the importance of selecting the travel speed calculation method. By calculating the travel speeds, the rst hypothesis was also conrmed. Based on the electronic payment system data and bus schedules it is possible to determine the travel speed of bus trips. A comparison of bus travel speeds with walking and cycling showed that the bus is poorly competitive with bicy- cles. On average, equivalent trips took 7.5 min longer by bus than by bicycle. is also conrmed the second hypothesis. An average bus trip would have taken less time if made by bicycle. Some shorter routes would even have been travelled faster on foot, which points to frequently irrational passenger decisions. Most of these shorter trips are made in the city centre, where buses are very full as it is. e ratio between the bus and cy- Figure 4: Comparison of bus and bicycle speeds and travel times (author: Simon Koblar). Calculating the speed of city bus trips: The case of Ljubljana, Slovenia Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 120 cling travel speeds is most likely one of the reasons for the increase in cycling (Klemenčič et al., 2014) and the decline in the number of bus passengers in recent years (Ljubljanski pot- niški promet, 2019). In addition to travel speeds, insight was also provided into passenger behaviour in terms of transfers. It turned out that despite changes to the payment system, which allows free transfers within  90  min aer the rst validation, only 20.9% of journeys include transfers. is probably results from the network’s design, which is supposed to reduce the number of required transfers as much as possible, and partly also from the fact that  (predominantly elderly) users tend to only accept change and change their habits slowly. e method applied also has certain deciencies and some could be eliminated through further research and more com- plex methods. Due to the large quantity of the electronic pay- ment system data, complete control over their quality cannot be guaranteed. Certain errors can already arise in determining the alighting stops, whereby additional parts of the trips for which there are not suitable data are eliminated. In terms of data quality, what is especially problematic is merging several trips into a journey, which could be improved through more complex methods  (Assemi et  al.,  2020). e key step in this study was the elimination of outliers from further calculations. Unfortunately, the accuracy of the alighting stops determined cannot be estimated, which, modelling on Wang et al. (2011), could have been done through eld research and by comparing the results. In addition, using dierent presumptions about the random passenger arrival at the bus stop would have yielded somewhat dierent results in calculating the average waiting time  (Amin-Naseri  & Baradaran,  2015). In determining the walking distance, a uniform value of 400 m was used because no data are available on what distance the users of the Ljublja- na public transport system actually walk. e cycling speed applied in the study was a mere estimate, too. Due to many elements that aect it  (e.g.,  the quality of the cycling infra- structure, waiting at trac lights, and ultimately the type of cyclist and bicycle used), the results could have been dierent if a dierent assumed speed have been used. By improving the quality of the cycling infrastructure and increasing the share of electric bicycles the average cycling speeds can be expected to rise. A certain degree of error also occurs in calculating the bus speed, which was determined based on the available bus schedules. e actual speeds always deviate from these, especially at the stops close to the end of the lines. A solution would be to use the data from the vehicle tracking system, based on which the bus speeds could be determined more accurately (Wang et al., 2011). e public transport payment system data also make it possi- ble to conduct a series of other analyses (Pelletier et al., 2011; Ali et  al.,  2016; Trépanier  & Morency,  2017), which would be prudent in the future. Good familiarity with the public transport system and passenger behaviour may be of great help in introducing improvements to the system, which are vital for Ljubljana due to the poor competitiveness of its public transport and the inappropriate design of its network (Koblar et  al.,  2018). Specically, it is vital to reverse the decreasing trend in the number of passengers because only this way the targeted share of public transport trips can be achieved  (Mi- lovanović, 2017), which would contribute to a reduced envi- ronmental impact. On the other hand, improvements in the public transport system alone are not enough; a better integra- tion of spatial and transport planning is also required  (Plev- nik, 1997), which especially applies to the well-served public transport corridors (Šašek Divjak, 2004). 5 Conclusion e method of analysing the public transport payment sys- tem and measuring the travel speed presented and applied to Ljubljana is one of the few attempts to measure the quality of the public transport network based on trips actually made. e eective total travel speed reects the user experience sig- nicantly better than the more widely used commercial speed measurements. In turn, comparing the bus trips to cycling and walking suitably contextualizes these speeds. Calculating the speeds also yielded other important information, such as the travel time, the distance travelled, the average waiting time, and the number of transfers. In the future, the actual distance walked to the bus stop should be taken into account, the bus speed should be calculated from the vehicle tracking system, and greater attention should be dedicated to quality control, especially in determining the alighting stops and merging trips into journeys. In addition, analysis should cover a longer pe- riod. e method applied is very useful for monitoring the use of the public transport system and improving it, which could reverse the falling trend in the number of passengers. e current ndings for Ljubljana alone can be used by transport planners and LPP to introduce changes that would increase the competitiveness of the public transport systems. Simon Koblar Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: simon.koblar@uirs.si Luka Mladenovič Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Ljubljana, Slovenia E-mail: luka.mladenovic@uirs.si S. KOBLAR, L. 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DOI: 10.5038/2375-0901.14.4.7 Yan, F., Yang, C. & Ukkusuri, S. V. (2019) Alighting stop determination using two-step algorithms in bus transit systems. Transportmetrica A: Transport Science, 15(2), pp. 1522–1542. DOI: 10.1080/23249935.2019.1615578 Zhao, J., Rahbee, A. & Wilson, N. H. (2007) Estimating a rail passenger trip origin-destination matrix using automatic data collection systems. Computer-Aided Civil and Infrastructure Engineering, 22(5), pp. 376–387. DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8667.2007.00494.x S. KOBLAR, L. MLADENOVIČ Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 123Reviews and information Daniela Angelina JELINČIĆ KEEP ON: Eective policies for durable and self-sustainable projects in the cultural heritage sector How can cultural heritage be made durable and sustainable? Although the largest share of cultural budgets in most countries is spent on heritage, and de- spite the fact that a number of Europe- an Union programmes cover heritage, thus providing substantial funds, this does not necessarily ensure the sustain- ability of heritage assets. Many cultural institutions still have diculty covering even basic maintenance costs. is is- sue is of great importance to the whole EU area, in which the recent economic downturn and COVID-19 pandemic crisis have put cultural heritage lower on the priority list. e concept of sustainability is complex and does not necessarily relate to fund- ing; nor does funding necessarily ensure sustainability. It largely depends on the modality of heritage asset management, local community involvement, environ- mental issues, safeguarding of heritage values, and so on. KEEP ON is an Inter- reg Europe project spanning from 2018 to 2023 and funded by ERDF. It aims to improve public policies in the cultural heritage sector in terms of delivering high-quality projects that allow the results to remain sustainable with rea- sonable public funding. It should have a long-lasting impact on regional de- velopment. e policies addressed and improved by the project should bring to an end the shameful but customary approach to heritage sustainability: “When the project is over, everything is over.” Surprisingly, few cultural in- stitutions are thinking explicitly about sustainability as yet. Sustainability planning needs to begin long before project implementation, and it should be carefully addressed by the funding authorities in their policy documents. On the other hand, it is also important to activate private resources apart from public sources of funding, especially against the backdrop of a sharp decline in public and private investments in many EU member states and the im- plications of globalization. e main questions addressed by the project are the following: When the public fund- ing is over, how do institutions sustain their work for the future? How do they secure funds for their future operational costs? What impact do sustainable her- itage projects have on broader aspects of society  (economy, urban planning, community,  etc.) and how can public policies support beneciaries in keeping their projects self-sustainable? An EU- wide, interregional perspective is taken to nd answers. Partners from seven countries (Croatia, Greece, Italy, the  Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, and Spain) work on the pro- ject, addressing six policy instruments (three  ERDF programmes and three regional/local strategies) through con- crete action plans to be prepared. e countries involved are extremely rich in cultural heritage, but most of them also have the most vulnerable economies (i.e., Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Greece). ey are accompanied by Poland as the largest EU cohesion policy beneciary, the Netherlands with its cultural policy model with high involvement of local communities (which may have a strong impact on sustainability), and an advi- sory partner from Croatia. So far, ex- perience gained within the partnership shows that there are substantial dier- ences between the countries’ approach- es to heritage sustainability. For most countries, the greatest challenge still lies in securing sustainable cultural heritage funding, accompanied by insuciently innovative knowledge of cultural herit- age management. Some countries, on the other hand, have overcome those challenges; one of them is the Nether- lands. ere the sustainability of herit- age funding is sought, for example, in adaptive reuse of cultural heritage assets, oen aimed at wider markets. One of the challenges frequently addressed in the Netherlands is specically related to religious heritage; due to the decreasing Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 124 Reviews and information number of religiously observant people, churches are nding new uses as con- cert halls, hotels and restaurants, educa- tional centres, or student housing (Fig- ure  1). is not only ensures steady funding, but also impacts the building’s durability because it is in regular use. is also enhances control of moisture and all the other natural phenomena that may aect the building’s longevi- ty. Examples of such adaptive reuse of heritage assets may be inspirational for other countries but are sometimes very context-dependent. For example, in countries whose populations are closely tied to their religion, such practices may seem inappropriate. Apart from specic practices, the Dutch experience may also be inspirational for other countries in terms of policy plan- ning: heritage policies are usually long- term policies  (spanning  20–30  years), reecting sustainability, and are inde- pendent from political inuence even when the ruling parties change. On the other hand, the greatest challenge the Dutch face is environmental and ecological sustainability. Rising carbon emissions have made a big impact on the water levels in many Dutch cities. is also represents a direct threat to heritage and is a serious challenge in the long term. is is why public pol- icies oen focus on decreasing carbon emissions and energy consumption, using resistant materials and insulation in heritage restoration, and the use of renewable energy sources. ese issues are not addressed only by cultural policy but rather involve a holistic approach with contributions from urban plan- ning, education, industry, science, and so on. Special attention is also paid to raising public awareness. is, however, requires a long-term approach. Examples from other countries also show interesting approaches. e Pol- ish case of the Royal Castle in Chęciny is a good example of a cultural tourism boost, whereas the Portuguese Eco-Mu- seum of Flax in Ribeira de Pena  (Fig- ure 2) can be commended for its partic- ipatory approach to museum planning and management. As in the Dutch case, reuse of religious buildings, especially in rural areas, is also one of the urgent top- ics in Spain. e project to restore and reuse the old monastery in the Ribeira Sacra region  (Figure  3) was an answer to the problem of creating a new use for this historic space. By restoring the historic monastery building for a hos- pitality function, turning it into hotel, the safeguarding of built heritage is ensured, the monastery has maintained its architectural value, and it has also now become a new driving force for the tourism development of the whole area. ere are several main stakeholders in- volved, including Paradores de Turismo de España, a public, state-owned chain of Spanish luxury hotels in adapted castles, palaces, fortresses, convents, monasteries, and other historic build- ings. is company invested funds in the monastery conservation, with addi- tional funding provided by the Spanish Ministry of Culture and its General Di- rectorate of Cultural Heritage. e interregional learning approach adopted within the KEEP ON project partnership may benet the preparation of action plans, which are considered as interventions in policy instruments that address previously detected gaps in ensuring heritage sustainability. Once introduced, they should ensure that future projects funded under these in- struments would justify the investments and result in durable and sustainable heritage projects. e whole process is participatory in nature and involves stakeholders in each country that contribute with their knowledge and expertise. It started with a comprehensive summary of the rele- vant policy instruments, which served as a basis for the policy instruments and experiences benchmark exercise. Analysis of policy instruments from the six countries showed that cultural heritage is not always clearly identied as a priority, but there is an awareness of its developmental potential. is is why it is integrated into the respective development plans through some wider topics. Policy improvements, however, are needed in the sense of setting up clear and specic indicators that will show the funded projects’ impacts on their local communities and regional development. If policy instruments fail Figure  1:  Mariënburg Convent: a former monastery complex in the Municipality of ’s-Her- togenbosch (source: Internet 1). Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 125Reviews and information to measure their impacts according to previously set indicators, it is extremely dicult to evaluate the success of the intervention and to plan future devel- opment accordingly. Cultural heritage managers were then surveyed in order to detect good prac- tices in heritage sustainability. In addi- tional, good practices already funded within the existing policy instruments were analysed and collected. e latest deliverable produced by the project is a practical guide on durability and sus- tainability of cultural heritage, which rst detects challenges and threats to cultural heritage sustainability and then responds with “how-tos” in order to provide solutions to those challeng- es. e greatest challenges are seen in economic, environmental, sociocultur- al, and political pressures, but they also concern heritage values and heritage standardization. Heritage management challenges are specically addressed, be- cause good governance is a key factor in ensuring sustainability and durability of heritage projects and justifying the investments. e work carried out thus far serves as a basis for preparing the action plans in each country. e nal four semes- ters of the project are reserved for implementing and monitoring the ac- tion plans and, in this way, important feedback on the project results will be provided. e project should thus ensure better understanding of the im- portance of self-sustainability as a smart tool to ensure a long-lasting return on investment. Public policies can serve as catalysts in achieving improved dura- bility and self-sustainability of heritage assets while also striving for excellence. Because good practices spread among policy makers, beneciaries, and stake- holders, this should have impact on their increased capacities. In the end, better understanding and activation of private funding in cultural heritage pro- jects could be ensured. e KEEP ON project intends to pro- vide a valuable input to all EU stake- holders with a special focus on the forthcoming post-2020 cohesion poli- cy. e new 2021–2027 EU Cohesion Policy sees the key role of cultural her- itage in addressing social and econom- ic challenges and has a strong focus on results in order to facilitate monitoring and measuring project outcomes and to introduce changes. e plan is to ensure a substantial budget increase for culture (17%), in which heritage is set as one of the priorities. Also, synergies be- tween culture and education are advo- cated, which is an opportunity for rem- edying insucient knowledge of cultur- al heritage management. us, the plan is to double the Erasmus+ budget. e economic dimension is again in focus, alongside social and identity aspects which, again, oer new opportunities for heritage. One of the reasons for poor sustainability of heritage projects so far has been their poor evaluation and inadequate success indicators. e new cohesion policy prioritizes setting up concise and appropriate indicators, Figure 2: Museum of Flax in Ribeira de Pena (source: Internet 2). Figure 3: Saint Stephen’s Monastery in the Ribeira Sacra region (source: Internet 3). Urbani izziv, volume 31, no. 1, 2020 126 Reviews and information so that sustainability of heritage might nally be achieved. Strategic planning, therefore, should not be only a buz- zword, but an instrument for enhanc- ing and sustaining heritage values for present and future generations. e era following the  COVID-19 crisis might, however, set up new priorities and give birth to new challenges for heritage. is may require even greater creativi- ty and innovation for ensuring heritage durability and sustainability, whereby the role of action plan preparation with- in the KEEP ON project may be even more important and challenging. Daniela Angelina Jelinčić Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb, Croatia E-mail: daniela@irmo.hr Project information and sources Project homepage: https://www.inter- regeurope.eu/keepon/ Internet 1: https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Voorkant_Mari%C3%ABn- burg_%27s-Hertogenbosch.jpg. Internet 2: http://www.ecomuseu-rpena.pt/ museu-do-linho/. Internet 3: https://commons.wikimedia.org/ wiki/File:Parador_de_Santo_Estevo_-_Claus- tro_de_la_Porter%C3%ADa.jpg. Urbani izziv, letnik 31, številka 1, junij 2020 Urbani izziv, volume 31, number 1, June 2020 ISSN Tiskana izdaja/Print edition: 0353-6483 Spletna izdaja/Online edition: 1855-8399 UDK/UDC: 71/72 COBISS.SI-ID: 16588546 Spletna stran/Web page: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslovnica/Cover: Fotografija/Photograph: Bojan Golčar, Posledice / Consequences Izdajatelj/Publisher Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Odgovorni urednik, direktor/Representative, Director Igor Bizjak Glavna urednica/Editor-in-Chief Damjana Gantar Področni uredniki/Field editors • Barbara Goličnik Marušić, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Plan- ning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Luka Mladenovič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Richard Sendi, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Nataša Viršek Ravbar, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia Revija Urbani izziv je namenjena razširjanju znanstvenih in strokovnih dognanj ter obravnavi problemov urejanja prostora. Na leto izideta dve številki. Prva številka izide junija, druga decembra. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. Prvi (daljši) del se imenuje »Članki«. V njem so objavljeni izvirni in pregledni znanstveni članki, kratki znanstveni prispevki in stro- kovni članki. Članki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani. Drugi (krajši) del se imenuje »Predstavitve in informacije« in je namenjen objavi recenzij, predstavitvam (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnim informacijam in podobno. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, niso recenzirani. Urbani izziv je dvojezična re- vija – vsi prispevki so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. Povzetki in polna besedila člankov so vključeni v slovensko podatkovno zbirko CO- BISS in slovensko digitalno knjižnico dLib.si ter v mednarodne bibliografske baze SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Complete), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Inte- national Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Com- puter Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Da- tabase, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate in Genamics JournalSeek. Revija je vpisana v razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo Republike Slovenije, pod zaporedno številko 595. Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. Urbani izziv (“Urban Challenge”) is intended for the dissemination of research and technical information as well as the discussion of issues re- lating to spatial planning. The journal is published twice a year. The first issue is published in June, and the second in December. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and inclu- des original research, review articles, short studies and technical studies. Articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements (e.g., announcements of books, projects, events, lectures, conferences, etc.), library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. The journal is published in two languages: all contributions are published in Slovenian and English. Abstracts and full texts of articles are included in the Slovenian COBISS database and the Digital Library of Slovenia (dLib.si), as well as in the international bibliographic databases SCOPUS Elsevier, ERIH PLUS, EBSCOhost (Art & Architecture Complete, Academic Search Comple- te), ESCI (Clarivate Analytics), ProQuest (ProQuest Central), CEEOL (Central and Eastern European Online Library), IBSS (Intenational Bibliography of Social Sciences), IBZ (International Bibliography of Periodical Literature in the Humanities and Social Sciences), GEODOK (Geographic Literature Database), EZB (Electronic Journals Library), CGP (Current Geographical Publications), ICONDA (International Construction Database), DOAJ (Direc- tory of Open Access Journals), OCLC (Online Computer Library Center), Ulrich’s Periodicals Directory, Academic Journals Database, Sciencegate, Index Copernicus International, J-Gate and Genamics JournalSeek. Urbani izziv is registered in the media register kept by the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Slovenia under serial number 595. The journal is subsidised by the Slovenian Research Agency. NAVODILA ZA AVTORJE 1. Uredništvo sprejema prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv vse leto. 2. Urbani izziv se vsebinsko deli na dva dela. V prvem (daljšem) delu so objavljeni prispevki z oznakami COBISS od 1.01 do 1.03, pri čemer pomeni 1.01 izvirni znanstveni članek, 1.02 pregle- dni znanstveni članek, 1.03 kratki znanstveni prispevek. V tem delu so objavljeni tudi prispevki, ki predstavljajo metode in tehnike, vendar spadajo v enega od navedenih tipov prispevkov. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v tem delu revije, so recenzirani ter štejejo kot referenčni v domačem znanstvenem okolju in tujih znanstvenih okoljih. Drugi del je namenjen objavi recenzij (CO- BISS-oznaka 1.19), predstavitev (na primer knjig, projektov, dogodkov, predavanj, konferenc in podobno), knjižničnih informacij in podobno. Prvi del se imenuje »Članki«, drugi del pa »Pred- stavitve in informacije«. 3. Revija Urbani izziv je dvojezična – vsi prispevki (v prvem in drugem delu revije) so objavljeni v slovenskem in angleškem jeziku. 4. Prispevki, ki so objavljeni v prvem delu revije, naj obsegajo od 4.000 do 8.000 besed. Prispevki, objavljeni v drugem delu revije, naj ne presegajo več kot 2.000 besed. 5. Prispevki morajo biti napisani s programom Microsoft Word. V vsem prispevku naj bo upora- bljen le en slog, in sicer privzet slog Normal. Prispevki morajo imeti enojni medvrstični razmik, tip pisave Times New Roman, velikost pisave 12, obojestransko poravnavo in 2,5 centimetrske robove pri formatu A4. Strani v prispevku naj bodo zaporedno oštevilčene in na dnu strani postavljene na sredino. 6. V besedilu morata biti pri sklicu na literaturo navedena avtorjev (urednikov) priimek in letnica izdaje: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy in Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme idr., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker in Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, navedeno v Felce in Perry, 1995). Dela enega avtorja, ki so izšla istega leta, je treba med seboj ločiti z zaporednim dodajanjem malih črk (a, b, c in podobno) stično ob letnici izida: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Dobesedni navedki morajo biti označeni z narekovaji. Stran, na kateri je v delu dobesedni na- vedek, se napiše za dvopičjem: (Zupančič, 2001: 36). Pri publikacijah, pri katerih avtor in urednik nista znana, se navede ime izdajatelja: (Statistični urad Republike Slovenije, 2007). 7. Vsa dela (viri in literatura), navedena v članku, morajo biti po abecednem vrstnem redu na- vedena v sestavnem delu prispevka z naslovom »Viri in literatura«. Načini navedbe enot so: Montgomery, J. R. (2007): The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Alder- shot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P., in Smith, S. J. (1990): Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R., in Murie, A. (ur.) (1995): Housing and Family Wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005): Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. V: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K., in Pichler-Milanović, N. (ur.): Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, str. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Stanovanjski zakon. Uradni list Republike Slovenije, št. 69/2003. Ljubljana. Statistični urad Republike Slovenije (2007): Statistični letopis 2007. Ljubljana. Sendi, R. (1995): Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), str. 435–446. Vire s svetovnega spleta navajamo, kot je prikazano spodaj. Na koncu vedno navedemo tudi datum, na kateri je bil vir snet s spleta. Navedba spletnega vira, če je avtor znan: Avramov, D. (2006): Social exclusion and social security. Dostopno na: http://www.avramov. org/documents/document7.pdf (sneto 20. 2. 2008). Navedba spletnega vira, če avtor ni znan: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (sneto 15. 9. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (sneto 22. 2. 2008). V prvem primeru se med besedilom navede (Avramov, 2006), v drugih dveh primerih pa (internet 1) oziroma (internet 2). 8. Prispevke za objavo v reviji Urbani izziv morajo avtorji poslati na elektronski naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. Za avtorsko delo, poslano v objavo v reviji Urbani izziv, vse moralne avtorske pravice pripadajo avtorju, materialne avtorske pravice reproduciranja in distribuiranja v Republiki Sloveniji in v drugih državah pa avtor brezplačno, enkrat za vselej, za vse primere in neomejene naklade ter vse medije prenese izključno na izdajatelja. 10. Ob izidu prejme vsak avtor članka in vsak recenzent en brezplačni izvod publikacije. Članki niso honorirani. Podrobnejša navodila za pripravo prispevkov v reviji Urbani izziv so objavljena na spletni strani: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si INSTRUCTIONS FOR AUTHORS 1. The editors accept contributions for publication in Urbani izziv throughout the year. 2. Urbani izziv is divided into two parts. The first (longer) part is titled “Articles” and includes original research, review articles, short studies and technical articles. This section also includes articles presenting methodologies and techniques in one of these categories. The articles in this part of the journal are subject to blind peer review. The second (shorter) part of the journal is titled “Reviews and information” and contains reviews, announcements, library information and other material. The material published in this part of the journal is not peer-reviewed. 3. Urbani izziv is published in two languages: all contributions (in both parts of the journal) are published in Slovenian and English. 4. Articles in the first part of the journal should be between 4,000 and 8,000 words. Articles in the second part should not exceed 2,000 words. 5. Submit contributions in Microsoft Word. Use default Normal style throughout the entire contribution: single line spacing, Times New Roman 12, full justification, 2.5 cm margins and A4 paper format. Number the pages at the bottom centre. 6. In-text references include the surname of the author(s) or editor(s) and year separated by a comma: (Boyer, 1993), (Handy & Niemeier, 1997), (Besleme et al., 1999), (Jencks, 1987; Walker & Saleh, 1992; Anderson, 1998; Taylor, 1998; Koolhaas, 1999), (Roback, 1982, 1988), (Holland, 1990, cited in Felce & Perry, 1995). Distinguish references to more than one publication by the same author in the same year as a, b, c and so on: (Baier, 1992a, 1992b). Mark quotations with double quotation marks. Indicate the page of the source after a colon: (Newman, 2005: 39). If no person is named as author or editor, the name of the appropriate body should be used: (Office for National Statistics, 2009). 7. Place the alphabetised reference list at the end of the article. Examples of various references are given below: Montgomery, J. R. (2007) The new wealth of cities: City dynamics and the fifth wave. Aldershot, Ashgate. Clapham, D., Kemp, P. & Smith, S. J. (1990) Housing and social policy. London, Macmillan. Forrest, R. & Murie, A. (eds.) (1995) Housing and family wealth. London, Routledge. Dimitrovska Andrews, K. (2005) Mastering the post-socialist city: Impacts on planning the built environment. In: Hamilton, F. E. I., Dimitrovska Andrews, K. & Pichler-Milanović, N. (eds.) Transformation of cities in Central and Eastern Europe: Towards globalization, pp. 153–186. New York, United Nations University Press. Planning act 2008. Statutory Instrument, no. 2260/2009. London. Office for National Statistics (2009) Statistical yearbook 2009. London. Sendi, R. (1995) Housing reform and housing conflict: The privatisation and denationalisation of public housing in the Republic of Slovenia in practice. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 19(3), pp. 435–446. List Internet sources as shown below. State the access date for each source. If person is named as the author of an Internet source: Avramov, D. (2006) Social exclusion and social security. Available at: http:// www. avramov. org/ documents/ document7. pdf (accessed 20 Feb. 2008). If no person is named as the author of an Internet source: Internet 1: http://www.urbanplan.org (accessed 15 Sept. 2008). Internet 2: http://www.architecture.com (accessed 22 Feb. 2008). Cite known authors as usual: (Avramov, 2006). Cite unknown authors as (Internet 1), (Internet 2) and so on. 8. Send contributions in electronic form only to: urbani.izziv@uirs.si 9. For articles submitted to Urbani izziv, all of the author’s moral rights remain with the author, but the author’s material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are irrevocably and unconditionally ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions and for all media. 10. Authors and peer reviewers receive one free copy of the publication. No honoraria are paid for articles in Urbani izziv. For detailed instructions for the authors see: http://urbani-izziv.uirs.si Naslov uredništva Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije Urbani izziv – uredništvo Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija Telefon: + 386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-naslov: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Editor’s address Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia Urbani izziv − The Editor Trnovski pristan 2, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia Telephone: +386 (0)1 420 13 10 E-mail: urbani.izziv@uirs.si Mednarodni uredniški odbor/International Editorial Board • Montserrat Pallares Barbera, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona/Autonomous University of Barcelona, Departamento de Geografia/Geography Department, Španija/Spain; Harvard University, Institute for Quantitative Social Sciences, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Georgia Butina Watson, Oxford Brookes University, Joint Centre for Urban Design, Velika Britanija/United Kingdom • Kaliopa Dimitrovska Andrews, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Institute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Marco Giliberti, Auburn University, College of Architecture, Design and Con- struction, Združene države Amerike/United States of America • Mojca Golobič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Biotehniška fakulteta/Biotechnical Faculty, Oddelek za krajinsko arhitekturo/Department of Landscape Architecture, Slovenija/Slovenia • Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac, Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Hrvaška/ Croatia • Nico Kotze, University of South Africa – UNISA, Department of Geography, Južnoafriška republika/South Africa • Blaž Križnik, Hanyang University, Graduate School of Urban Studies, Republika Koreja/Republic of Korea • Francisca Márquez, Universidad Alberto Hurtado/Alberto Hurtado University, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Čile/Chile • Breda Mihelič, Urbanistični inštitut Republike Slovenije/Urban Planning Insti- tute of the Republic of Slovenia, Slovenija/Slovenia • Franklin Obeng-Odoom, Faculty of Social Sciences, Finska/Finland • Giorgio Piccinato, Università degli Studi Roma Tre/Roma Tre University, Facolta’ di Architettura/Faculty of Architecture, Italija/Italy • Martin Prominski, Leibniz Universität Hannover/University of Hanover, Insti- tut für Freiraumentwicklung/Institute for Open Space Development, Nemčija/ Germany • Krzysztof Rogatka, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu/Nicolaus Co- pernicus University, Wydziału Nauk o Ziemi/Faculty of Earth Sciences, Poljska/ Poland • Bijaya K. Shrestha, S 3 Alliance, Development Forum for Habitat, Nepal • Sasha Tsenkova, University of Calgary, Faculty of Environmental Design, Kana- da/Canada • Matjaž Uršič, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Ljubljana, Fakulteta za družbene vede/Faculty of Social Sciences, Slovenija/Slovenia • Tadeja Zupančič Strojan, Univerza v Ljubljani/University of Lju- bljana, Fakulteta za arhitekturo/Faculty of Architecture, Slovenija/ Slovenia • Yung Yau, City University of Hong Kong, Department of Public and Social Administration, Hongkong/Hong Kong Lektoriranje slovenskih besedil/Slovenian copy editor Nataša Purkat, Lektor'ca Lektoriranje angleških besedil/English copy editor Dawn O'Neal Reindl Prevajanje slovenskih besedil/Translation from Slovenian Avtorji prispevkov/Authors of contributions Prevajanje angleških besedil/Translation from English Simona Lapanja Debevc Redakcija/Text formatting Tamara Puc, Damjana Gantar Prelom in računalniško oblikovanje/Layout and DTP Demat, d. o. o. Zasnova naslovnice/Cover layout Nina Goršič, Biba Tominc Tisk/Print Demat, d. o. o. Naklada/Print run 500 izvodov/copies Letna naročnina/Annual subscription 40 € za ustanove/€40 for companies, institutions, 30 € za posameznike/€30 for individuals Cena posamezne številke/Single issue rate 25 € za ustanove/€25 for companies, institutions, 20 € za posameznike/€20 for individuals 1 UR BA NI I ZZ IV 3 1/ 1 ju ni j/ Ju ne 2 02 0 le to /y ea r 20 20 le tn ik /v ol um e 31 urban experience doživljanje mesta watershed planning načrtovanje povodij buldings & climate change stavbe in podnebne spremembe informal street market neformalna ulična tržnica travel speed potovalna hitrost Untitled-1 1 25. 08. 2020 11:48:35