367
Keywords
racialization, division, abandonment, isolation, necropolitical afterlives, necro-lives
Abstract
The article delves into the enduring ramifications of historical and contemporary process-
es of racialization, the delineation of societal divisions, the forsaking of marginalized com-
munities, and the coerced isolation or seclusion of specific populations. Within the realm 
of necropolitical afterlives, these terms indicate the manners in which these persistent 
predicaments have molded and persist in molding the realms of life and death for diverse 
groups. Analysis encompassing necro-lives holds significance in comprehending the sway 
of necropolitics, unearthing systemic injustices, and amplifying the voices silenced. The 
bodies of necro-lives amalgamate in communal endeavors for justice, parity, and human 
rights. Necro-lives call for mobilization and advocacy to deconstruct necropolitical frame-
works and forge more just and impartial societies. Necropolitics, entailing dominion over 
life and death by influential necro-entities, can be contextualized through these themes, 
spotlighting how certain populations endure violence, disregard, or isolation beyond their 
corporeal existence, thereby perpetuating cycles of injustice and suffering.
Neskončni seznami: rasizacija, delitve, zapuščenost, 
osamitev
Ključne besede
rasizacija, delitev, zapuščenost, osamitev, nekropolitična post-življenja, nekro-življenja
Povzetek 
Članek obravnava trajne posledice zgodovinskih in sodobnih procesov rasizacije, razmeji-
tve družbenih delitev, zapuščanja marginaliziranih skupnosti in prisilne izolacije ali osa-
*  ZRC SAZU, Institute of Culture and Memory Studies, Ljubljana, Slovenia
 jovitap@zrc-sazu.si | https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3243-7787
Jovita Pristovšek*
Endless Lists: Racialization, Divisions, 
Abandonment, Seclusion
Filozofski vestnik
issn 0353-4510 | Volume 44 | Number 2 | 2023 | 367–91
cc by-sa 4.0 | doi: 10.3986/fv.44.2.17

368
jovita pristovšek
mitve določenih populacij. Ti izrazi na področju nekropolitičnih post-življenj nakazujejo 
načine, ki so vztrajno oblikovali in še vedno oblikujejo področja življenja in smrti različnih 
skupin. Analiza, ki zajema nekropolitiko, je pomembna za razumevanje vplivov nekropo-
litike, odkrivanje sistemskih krivic in krepitev utišanih glasov. Nekro-telesa se združujejo v 
skupnih prizadevanjih za pravičnost, enakopravnost in človekove pravice. Nekro-življenja 
pozivajo k mobilizaciji in zagovorništvu za dekonstrukcijo nekropolitičnih okvirov ter obli-
kovanje bolj pravičnih in nepristranskih družb. Nekropolitiko, ki temelji na  nadvladi ne-
kro-entitet nad življenjem in smrtjo, lahko kontekstualiziramo z omenjenimi temami in 
poudarimo, kako določen del prebivalstva vzdržuje nasilje, ravnodušnost ali izolacijo on-
kraj svojega telesnega obstoja, s tem pa ohranja cikle nepravičnosti in trpljenja.
∞
Introduction
This article addresses the ongoing effects of historical and contemporary pro-
cesses of racialization, segregation of society, exclusion of marginalized com-
munities, and enforced isolation or seclusion of certain populations. Analyzing 
necro-lives is important for understanding the impact of necropolitics, exposing 
systemic injustices, and making voices heard that have been silenced. Rearticu-
lating necropolitical frameworks involving the domination of life and death by 
influential necro-entities can be addressed through these themes. In doing so, 
it becomes clear how the idea of the racialized body can be brought to the fore-
front of contemporary philosophical debates to address “the deeply sensitive, 
heavily affective spaces that people must navigate” and things that “come from 
a time that is not of our making, [but] they’re jumping out at us in this time, 
seeping into our everyday experiences.”
1
 Or, as Macarena Gómez-Barris would 
put it, it’s “about finding connections and learning from them about how we can 
support and promote a different ethos based on more joyful and non-hierarchi-
cal relationships and more complex ways of knowing the world.”
2
1 
Nomusa Makhubu, “Other Knowledge, First Move: A Conversation with Nomusa Makhubu,” 
conversation by Marina Gržinić and Jovita Pristovšek, in Political Choreographies, 
Decolonial Theories, Trans Bodies, ed. Marina Gržinić and Jovita Pristovšek (Newcastle 
upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2023), 22.
2 
Macarena Gómez-Barris, “Other Knowledge, Second Move: A Conversation with Macarena 
Gómez-Barris,” conversation by Marina Gržinić and Jovita Pristovšek, in Gržinić and 

369
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
The Concept of Race Is a Horror to Philosophy
Race and racism are, as Mbembe says, “part of the fundamental process of the 
unconscious. In that respect they relate to the impasses of human desires—to 
appetites, affects, passions, fears.”
3
 The idea of race is, and as both post- and 
decolonial theories have shown us, the fundamental “disease of the (colonial) 
head.”
4
 Wherever it appears, even if only to talk about it, the concept of race 
“unleashes impassioned dynamics and provokes an irrational exuberance that 
always tests the limits of the very system of reason.”
5
Race today—as it is often said, we live in post-racial times—has become only 
seemingly conceptually unthinkable. Ann Laura Stoler suggests that part of the 
problem lies in “colonial aphasia,”
6
 a term Stoler uses to refer to the loss of ac-
cess to and active dissociation from the problem of colonialism, a difficulty in 
speaking and in generating a vocabulary that links appropriate words and con-
cepts to appropriate things. The “system or body of thought” is constantly in-
venting ways to epistemologically immunize itself against the “effects of Black-
ness”
7
—race and racism are usually relegated to the realm of the unrepresenta-
ble, the uncanny, the unheimlich, in relation to philosophy.
Race and Blackness are two sides of a codified madness that the Euro-Ameri-
can world has produced;
8
 and it is a madness that the Euro-American world—in 
times of ontological and epistemological uncertainty—has to deal with. In his 
lectures “Society Must Be Defended,” Michel Foucault has already pointed out 
Pristovšek, Political Choreographies, 247.
3 
Achille Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, trans. Laurent Dubois (Durham: Duke University 
Press, 2017), 31.
4 
Jovita Pristovšek in Marina Gržinić and Jovita Pristovšek, “Race and Its Far-Reaching 
Contemporary Ontological and Epistemological Implications,” in Diseases of the Head: 
Essays on the Horrors of Speculative Philosophy, ed. Matt Rosen (Earth, Milky Way: 
Punctum books, 2020), 216.
5 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, 2.
6 
Ann Laura Stoler, “Colonial Aphasia: Race and Disabled Histories in France,” Public 
Culture 23, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 121–56, https://doi.org/10.1215/08992363-2010-018.
7 
Meg Armstrong, “ ‘The Effects of Blackness’: Gender, Race, and the Sublime in Aesthetic 
Theories of Burke and Kant,” Journal of Aesthetic and Art Criticism 54, no. 3 (Summer 
1996): 213–36, https://doi.org/10.2307/431624.
8 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, 2.

370
jovita pristovšek
how race is an extremely mobile concept,
9
 and in this sense race and racism 
“not only have a past. They also have a future, particularly in a context where 
the possibility of transforming life and creating mutant species no longer be-
longs to the realm of fiction.”
10
 The figure of the “Black,” however, as the Critique 
of Black Reason has shown us, was never codified merely as a figure of madness, 
as ontologically defective, as “man-object, man-merchandise, and man-curren-
cy,”
11
 as a being with limited or no agency. Precisely because of the systematic 
negation, the denial of “humanity” and personhood, and the reservoir of non-
sense and fantasies inscribed in this figure, thus constituting an “extraordinary 
accumulation of sensations,”
12
 the colonized was also in a constant state of be-
coming: (an)other.
So, what would need to be reconsidered with regard to the so-called impasse of 
(White) thought, are the “effects of Blackness” itself. First, because what was 
once so meticulously elaborated—in Immanuel Kant’s “pre-”
13
 and “critical 
philosophy”—to serve as a “defense against horrors” or, in Mbembe’s words, 
against Black Reason, was precisely the idea of what should be called “Coloni-
al Reason” with its “mindless state of mind,”
14
 or in line with Giorgio Agamben, 
with its state of exception that served to separate reason from the “body” and 
“flesh.”
15
 Today we can identify this “flesh” in numerous modes of existence as 
a status below the “threshold of the human,”
16
 below the level of “humanity,” 
while the “bodies” are “left to live,” abandoned, and so on. Mbembe suggests 
that the common trajectory of these modes of existence is the universalization 
9 
See Michel Foucault, “Society Must Be Defended”: Lectures at the College de France, 1975–
76, ed. Mauro Bertani and Alessandro Fontana, trans. David Macey (New York: Picador, 
2003), 56.
10 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, 21.
11 
Mbembe, 11.
12 
Mbembe, 39.
13 
Immanuel Kant, “Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime (1764),” in 
Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime and Other Writings, ed. and trans. 
Patrick Frierson and Paul Guyer (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 11–62.
14 
Jean-François Lyotard, The Inhuman: Reflections on Time, trans. Geoffrey Bennington and 
Rachel Bowlby (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 140.
15 
On anthropogenesis, see Giorgio Agamben, The Open: Man and Animal, trans. Kevin Attell 
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004).
16 
Brian Carr, “At the Thresholds of the ‘Human’: Race, Psychoanalysis, and the 
Replication of Imperial Memory,” Cultural Critique 39 (Spring 1998): 119–50, https://doi.
org/10.2307/1354553.

371
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
of the Black condition, as it most accurately summarizes the state of universal 
humanity in the present time.
17
The “effects of Blackness,” once presented as a form of “disease” of the “Coloni-
al Head,” are paradoxically beginning to acquire the status of an epistemologi-
cal “cure” for contemporary “diseases of the head.” For as Mbembe’s Critique of 
Black Reason suggests, “Black Reason” appears as one of the key directions for 
future thought if Western, Eurocentric epistemology is to transcend the limits of 
its own “Colonial Reason.”
The figure of the “Black,” a racialized, colonized, ungendered, and dehuman-
ized “racial ‘flesh,’ ”
18
 to borrow Brian Carr’s list of terms (and I would add, an 
almost peculiar being constructed as not quite subject not right object) is thus 
at the heart of all these processes. In light of today’s convergence of neoliberal 
global capitalism and the reinvention of animism, Mbembe’s lecture “Democ-
racy in the Age of Dynamism” speaks to the “manufacturing of subjects as ob-
jects” and the “manufacturing of objects as subjects,” emphasizing the need to 
interrogate the modes by which objects are brought to “life” at a time when “liv-
ing things” invariably fall into a deadly ritualized mechanics of life.
19
Historically, Black Reason, as Mbembe suggests, is the result of colonialism, 
enslavement, and apartheid, and it refers to the paradigm of subjugation, to a 
model of extraction and plunder, and to the figure of knowledge and fantasies.
20
 
But what was once a condition of Atlantic colonialism is now, in neoliberal glob-
al capitalism, a universal condition of humanity itself.
21
 As Marina Gržinić notes 
in her reading of Mbembe’s Critique of Black Reason, Mbembe rearticulates 
Gilles Deleuze’s concept of “becoming” and proposes a universalization of the 
figure of “Black” as a figure below the level of humanity, as it most accurately 
17 
Achille Mbembe in Marina Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope, dekolonialnost in rasizem,” in 
Politika, estetika in demokracija, ed. Marina Gržinić (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 2015), 108. 
Marina Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope, dekolonialnost in rasizem,” in Politika, estetika in 
demokracija, ed. Marina Gržinić (Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, 2015), 108.
18 
Carr, “Thresholds of the ‘Human,’ ” 125.
19 
Achille Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism,” lecture at Barker Center, Harvard 
University, December 4, 2013, YouTube video, uploaded by Ozmund Field, December 13, 
2013, 1:20:39, https://youtu.be/MtBJ-M-cK4s.
20 
Mbembe in Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope,” 114.
21 
Mbembe in Gržinić, 115.

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jovita pristovšek
describes the condition of (universal) humanity in the contemporary system of 
neoliberal global capitalism.
22
 Race is a mechanism of reification, a security sys-
tem, and a mode of governmentality—and above all, it is a raw material “from 
which difference and a surplus—a kind of life that can be wasted and spent with-
out limit—are produced.”
23
It is with the concept of race as a “gray area” at the intersection of body and 
philosophy in times of tension between biopolitics and necropolitics that we 
can point to its contemporary ontological and epistemological implications and 
think about the future of the prosthetic body in the 21st century. For what is 
historically at this intersection is a racialized, colonized, genderless, and dehu-
manized racial flesh, a being constructed as not a proper subject and not a prop-
er object. Let’s recall right away a series of terms listed by Mbembe that denote 
contemporary forms of existence that all coexist in the context of neoliberal, 
global finance capitalism: “human-thing,” “human-machine,” “humancode,” 
“human-in-flux.”
24
To put it succinctly, the present relations of inhumanity are rooted in the inhu-
manity of past centuries.
25
 Anibal Quijano suggested that globalization can be 
seen precisely as “the culmination of a process that began with the constitution 
of America and colonial/modern Eurocentered capitalism as a new global pow-
er.”
26
 This power revolves around two fundamental axes: the social classifica-
tion of the world’s population along racial lines and the new structure of control 
of labor and its sources and products.
27
 All this was followed, as Quijano argues, 
by the constitution of Europe as a new entity/identity—the elaboration of a Eu-
rocentric perspective of knowledge whose central elements is dualism, the radi-
calization of which can be seen, for example, in the Cartesian rupture between a 
rational subject and a body, which until then, in Christian thought, represented 
an unresolved ambivalence between the soul and the risen body.
22 
Mbembe in Gržinić, 108.
23 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, 34.
24 
Mbembe, 3–4.
25 
Elaine Coburn, review of Critique de la raison nègre, by Achille Mbembe, Decolonization: 
Indigeneity, Education & Society 3, no. 2 (2014): 177.
26 
Anibal Quijano, “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America,” trans. Michael 
Ennis, Nepantla: Views from South 1, no. 3 (2000): 533.
27 
Quijano, 533–34.

373
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
The second step of the radicalization unfolded from the eighteenth century on-
wards as an evolutionism that formulated the emergence of “human” history as 
a continuous, linear progression from the “state of nature” to its culmination in 
European “civilization.”
28
 A Eurocentric knowledge perspective has fabulated, 
codified and placed the “inhuman” in a specific place on the timeline—as prior 
to “human history” or more precisely, as “without history,” legitimizing infanti-
lization, inferiority, exploitation and enslavement, while naming the “Black” as 
living proof of the inability to separate instinct and Reason/reason.
29
Eyal Weizman writes in 2016 that in the early Enlightenment, three limit condi-
tions were related: “The threshold of the forest—a shifting environmental con-
dition together with its unique climate; the threshold of the law—the political 
limit of territory and sovereignty; and the threshold of the human—a blurry limit 
to the human species”
30
; these frontiers became and remain entangled in such a 
way that shifts within one lead to shifts in the others.
31
Moreover, as Joseph Vogl has shown, neoliberal global finance capitalism has 
taken on a kind of aesthetic—sublime—character because it is floating (digital), 
intangible (it escapes control), unrepresentable (in sublime sums of money that 
cannot be captured by any sensible material), and, above all, because, through 
the transcendence of material production, it has acquired the creative capacity 
of self-creation, giving rise to a series of “zones of indistinctions,” or so-called 
“gray zones” in which political and economic decisions are made.
32
 All of this, 
as Vogl notes elsewhere, has powerful and fatal effects, “effects of sovereign-
ty,”
33
 storms of chaos that leave behind the ravaged landscapes of the present 
and the future already sold.
28 
Quijano, 534–42.
29 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason, 30.
30 
Eyal Weizman, “Are They Human?,” E-flux, Superhumanity, October 10, 2016, https://
www.e-flux.com/architecture/superhumanity/68645/are-they-human/.
31 
Weizman, “Are They Human?”
32 
Joseph Vogl, The Specter of Capital, trans. Joachim Redner and Robert Savage (Stanford: 
Stanford University Press, 2015).
33 
Joseph Vogl, “The Sovereignty Effect: Markets and Power in the Economic Regime,” trans. 
William Callison, Qui Parle: Critical Humanities and Social Sciences 23, no. 1 (Fall/Winter 
2014): 125–55, https://doi.org/10.5250/quiparle.23.1.0125.

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Racialization and Migration
The refugee crisis that escalated in 2015 has sparked many debates, often fruit-
less, on both sides of the front, about who has a legitimate right to enter the Eu-
ropean space of freedom of opportunity (which created the conditions for the 
crisis) and who does not (political migrant vs. economic migrant or refugee vs. 
migrant),
34
 as if both had nothing to do with the European history of colonialism 
and the Holocaust. Nat Raha vividly shows how things are inextricably linked 
together:
The Global North does not exist in isolation—all the wealth of the Global North 
has been extracted, has accrued and accumulated through the extraction of labor 
resources, land and people from the so-called Global South. And that relation, 
the accumulation, I think Marxism is very powerful in thinking through all of 
that. All of those resources, all of that labor, all of that life that’s been extracted 
is still there in some form as value. That’s why the wealth inequality between the 
Global North and the Global South is so massive. Frantz Fanon claims that Eu-
rope is literally a creation of Africa.
35
 There would be no Europe if it were not for 
enslaved Blacks, Africans, and to a much lesser extent, enslaved Brown, South 
Asian, and East Asian bodies who’ve been put to work in the service of capitalism 
and capitalist nation-states as Empire in the Global North.
36
However, the so-called refugee or humanitarian crisis and the situation of ref-
ugees in refugee centers, asylum shelters and temporary tent accommoda-
tions—i.e. in the zones that Europe creates within its space or on its periphery is 
based on the principle of getting rid of those who do not “belong” in the Euro-
pean order of relations, which takes the right to zone its exterior and transform 
34 
In Slovenian context, the terminological “dilemmas” around the definitions of a politi-
cal and economic migrant were discussed within Terminological counselling, an online 
service of Fran Ramovš Institute of the Slovenian Language, ZRC SAZU, intended for the 
expert community public facing specific naming problems. See “Prebežnik” [a refugee], 
Terminološka svetovalnica, Inštitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša ZRC SAZU, accessed 
January 21, 2023, http://isjfr.zrc-sazu.si/sl/terminologisce/svetovanje/prebeznik.
35 
See Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: 
Grove Press, 1963), 102.
36 
Nat Raha, “Insurgent Flows. Trans*Decolonial and Black Marxist Futures: A Conversation 
with Nat Raha,” conversation by Marina Gržinić and Tjaša Kancler, in Gržinić and 
Pristovšek, Political Choreographies, 132.

375
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
it into landscapes of death through (neo-)colonial appropriation by means of 
military, political and economic interventions—is no longer a scandal today.
37
In his 2020 study “Carceral Geographies along the Balkan Refugee Route,”
38
 an 
analysis that looks at three lineages of subjugated bodies: Roma, migrants, and 
refugees, Piro Rexhepi, notes that
Refugee crisis has not only become a revenue stream but also a momentary op-
portunity for the peripheral and post-socialist states to use their control and con-
tainment as a negotiating leverage with the EU. The impoverished peripheral sub-
ject who sees austerity as the mechanism of being robbed of their peripheral Eu-
ropean privilege has now come to also see the refugees, Roma, women, queer and 
trans folks as a threat to their existence; regardless of what registry he locates, 
his “injury” is a racist call for promised European privilege that does not protest 
the police for beating and killing Roma and refugee communities but for not pro-
tecting whatever is left of that post-Cold War promise of privilege in a euro-gated 
community.
39
Rexhepi shows how the convergence of Covid-19 with the ongoing “refugee cri-
sis” enabled the EU to revise its asylum policy, which has subsequently mor-
phed into a “public-private carceral conglomerate.”
40
 Turning away from Europe 
and its racist capitalist constellations therefore remains the most important an-
ti-racist task facing the left today.
41 
Since the immediate future holds the plan-
etarization of apartheid, as Mbembe asserts,
42
 the future of thought should be 
in the direction of coming out of a relationship without the desire and from the 
danger of societies of enmity.
43
37 
Achille Mbembe, Necropolitics, trans. Steven Corcoran (Durham: Duke University Press, 
2019), 60.
38 
Piro Rexhepi, “Jetnišnične geografije balkanske begunske poti,” in “Rasni kapitalizem: 
Intersekcionalnost spolnosti, bojev in mejnih teles,” ed. Tjaša Kancler and Marina Gržinić, 
special issue, Časopis za kritiko znanosti 48, no. 281 (2020): 80–92.
39 
Piro Rexhepi, “Carceral Geographies along the Balkan Refugee Route” (unpublished man-
uscript, 2020). This is the unpaginated English version of the article titled “Jetnišnične 
geografije.”
40 
Rexhepi, 81.
41 
Rexhepi, 83.
42 
Mbembe, Necropolitics, 180.
43 
Mbembe, 188.

376
jovita pristovšek
Since 2022, with the exception of a two-day headline like the border crisis be -
tween Poland/EU-Belarus border crisis,
44
 suddenly no one was talking about 
migrants. Following the US theorist Fatima El-Tayeb,
45
 who specifically analyses 
the European regimes of Whiteness, as well as Houria Bouteldja,
46
 in 2020, Rex -
hepi exposes the abstract humanism of left progressivism across Europe, which 
routinely dismisses questions of coloniality and racism as liberal discourse to 
disguise its supposedly color-blind “class struggle” against austerity, as if the 
two things had nothing to do with each other.
47
 At the same time, they are os-
tensibly anti-racist and anti-capitalist while supporting the EU, whose deadly 
security infrastructures in the Mediterranean and along the Balkan route are 
directed primarily against Black and Brown refugees.
48
Why is it important to emphasize all this? Because the exposed rhetoric of “we” 
against the elites has caused the left in Europe to literally lose its compass. Turn-
ing away from the processes of racialization, subjugation, differentiation, which 
are at the center of the Marxist explanation of the circulation of capital, the army 
of labor, private property, is nothing but drowning in empty rhetoric, which fits 
very well with the European rhetoric:
We must close the borders. Filter those who make it across them. Process them. 
Choose who we want to remain. Deport the rest. Sign contracts with corrupt elites 
from the countries of origin, third world countries, transition countries. They 
must be turned into the prison guards of the West, to whom the lucrative busi-
ness of administering brutality can be subcontracted.
49
44 
In July 2021, a new refugee crisis erupted between Poland and Belarus, and to a lesser ex -
tent between Belarus and Lithuania or Latvia, where thousands of migrants were abused 
for a power play between the EU and actors outside the EU. See Ondřej Filipec, “Multilevel 
Analysis of the 2021 Poland-Belarus Border Crisis in the Context of Hybrid Threats,” Central 
European Journal of Politics 8, no. 1 (2022): 1–18, https://doi.org/10.24132/cejop_2022_1.
45 
Fatima El-Tayeb, European Others: Queering Ethnicity in Postnational Europe (Minneapolis: 
University of Minnesota Press, 2011).
46 
Houria Bouteldja, Whites, Jews, and Us: Toward a Politics of Revolutionary Love (South 
Pasadena, California: Semiotext(e), 2016).
47 
Rexhepi, “Carceral Geographies.”
48 
Rexhepi.
49 
Mbembe, Necropolitics, 98–99.

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endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
European provincialism with its Eurocentric thinking, which turns Europe into 
a provincial fortress, according to Gržinić, thus has its own (additional) em-
blematic figure for the “becoming Black of the world”
50
: the refugees and asylum 
seekers.
51
 Her thesis implies a sharp critique of the aphasic, Western European 
system of thought that is unwilling to reconsider its own colonial past and the 
self-evident idea of freedom (along with its implementation).
Necrogeography
Liberal political thought, as Mbembe has argued with reference to Hagar Kotef, 
has always clung to contradictions when it came to the idea of a borderless 
world and freedom enshrined in the concept of movement, while at the same 
time it has always managed mobility through the use of concepts of race, class 
and gender, creating ever new forms of vulnerability for stigmatized and ex-
pendable racialized groups.
52
 With the war in Ukraine and the millions of refu-
gees coming to the EU, the question of the status of refugees and of migration is 
exponentially present since 2022.
In his 2019 book Necropolitics, Mbembe speaks of necrogeography, where sub -
jects (refugees, displaced, migrants, asylum seekers—the list of dispensable 
bodies is never exhausted) are trapped in a state between the life and death, and 
where the extraction of time,
53
 as Ruth Wilson Gilmore would argue,
54
 from fore-
closed bodies occurs along with the extraction of land and natural resources. 
Mbembe talks about the spread of societies of sovereignty and techno-fascism 
around the world, along the rapidly proliferating net of necro-spaces.
55
50 
Mbembe, Critique of Black Reason.
51 
Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope,” 109.
52 
Achille Mbembe, “The Idea of Borderless World,” lecture at Whitey Humanities Center, 
Yale University, Tanner Lectures on Human Values, March 28, 2018, YouTube video, up -
loaded by Yale University, April 2, 2018, 1:26:35, https://youtu.be/NKm6HPCSXDY.
53 
Mbembe, Necropolitics.
54 
Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Abolition Geography and the Problem of Innocence,” in Futures of 
Black Radicalism, ed. Gaye Theresa Johnson and Alex Lubin (London: Verso, 2017), 225–
40; Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Insurgent Flows. Trans*Decolonial and Black Marxist Futures: 
A Conversation with Ruth Wilson Gilmore,” conversation by Marina Gržinić and Tjaša 
Kancler, in Gržinić and Pristovšek, Political Choreographies, 218–38.
55 
Mbembe, Necropolitics.

378
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This endless list does not stop referring to an ever-present reality, though often 
largely invisible, not to say all-too-familiar and in the end banal. The camp, it 
ought to be said, has not only become a structural feature of our globalized con-
dition. It has ceased to scandalize. Better still, the camp is not just our present. 
It is our future: our solution for “keeping away what disturbs, for containing or 
rejecting all excess, whether it is human, organic matter or industrial waste.” In 
short, it is a form of government of the world.
56
The nation-state is always presented as a biopolitical mode of protecting and im-
proving the course of life of the majoritarian nation, which today, in order to main-
tain the biopolitical, produces necro-landscapes everywhere.
57
 Slovenia, for ex-
ample, has necropolitics at its core with the Erased, which is the name for social 
and political elimination in the de- and re-territorialization of bodies at the time 
of the formation of the Slovenian sovereign nation-state (the erasure occurred 
in 1992, before the Srebrenica genocide in 1995).
58
 Slovenian state is also one of 
the biggest violators of the rights of the Roma community in Europe, to name the 
Roma family Strojan, who was moved out of Ambrus in 2007 due to death threats 
and expulsion demands from compatriots “defending” their “personal autono-
my,” which is nothing but a form of control. It has also managed to impoverish the 
working class (among the most notorious bankruptcies starting in the 1990s were 
the collapse of the Maribor Automobile Factory, known as TAM, and the steel gi-
ant Litostroj holding). More, Slovenia has also managed to create highly racialized 
labor markets (most clearly in the infrastructure and construction sectors, which 
involve the very migrant workers from the former Yugoslav states who come, so to 
speak, from the same labor pool it erased in 1992, and who are constantly subject-
ed to state-supported exploitation with virtually no rights). Not to mention that 
Slovenian state has implemented the logic of “graduated citizenship”
59
 with its 
two failed referendums on the Family Code (in 2012, 2015), depriving the LGBTQI+ 
community of their constitutional rights. And last but not least, in 2020, the Slo -
venian government introduced new amendments to the Aliens Act that restrict the 
human rights of foreign workers and their families, children, minors and refugees. 
56 
Mbembe, 60.
57 
Marina Gržinić, “Euro-Slovenian Necrocapitalism,” Transversal (webjournal), Transform, 
February 2008, http://transform.eipcp.net/transversal/0208/grzinic/en.html.
58 
Gržinić.
59 
Aihwa Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignity (Durham: 
Duke University Press, 2006).

379
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
When right-wing political rhetoric speaks of the people and the nation, markers of 
differentiation such as class, race, and gender dissolve and become invisible. The 
process of class and gender differentiation, racialization, the distinction between 
citizens and non-citizens and the abandonment of minorities is, however, central 
to the constitution of the majority in the nation-state.
Speculative Realism 
In “ ‘Afterwards’: Struggling with Bodies in the Dump of History,”
60
 Gržinić pos-
its the following: if the main feature of biopolitics is pseudo-humanism, and if 
the biopolitical optical machine could be summarized by the phrase “more hu-
man than human”
61
—since “human” is not only the product constructed against 
the animal (speciesism), but also a figure that is not reducible to the human 
animal (racism)—then the necropolitical optical machine, along with post-hu-
manism or the “necropolitical injunction of neoliberal global capitalism, is ‘still 
too human!’ ”
62
 That is, “the optical machine of necrocapitalism cannot view any 
class, race, and gender specificities of the post-human, as this would imply the 
return of the social antagonism at the heart of the (post)-human.”
63
My proposal is therefore to pursue this “still ‘too human, much too human’ ” 
agenda, the dream of overcoming the notion of “human,” precisely on the ter-
rain of speculative realism. I will draw on the introduction to Speculations V : Aes-
thetics in the 21st Century, in which Ridvan Askin, Andreas Haegler, and Phillip 
Schweighauser survey the developments of debates in 21st century aesthetics.
64
60 
Marina Gržinić, “ ‘Afterwards’: Struggling with Bodies in the Dump of History,” in Body 
between Materiality and Power: Essays in Visual Studies, ed. Nasheli Jiménez del Val 
(Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2016), 163–82. Gržinić’s analysis exposes to -
day’s humanitarian refugee crisis within the European Union and Europe as “one of the 
hardest lessons to learn for Western academic vocabulary” (Gržinić, 164); and by substi-
tuting the biopolitical concept of the “body” with the necropolitical notion of “political 
flesh” (i.e., the status of bodies in refugee centers), this analysis proposes the latter as the 
actual matter for thought to think (Gržinić, 179–80).
61 
Gržinić, 177.
62 
Gržinić, 177.
63 
Gržinić, 177.
64 
Ridvan Askin, Andreas Hägler, and Philipp Schweighauser, “Introduction: Aesthetics after 
the Speculative Turn,” in Speculations V : Aesthetics in the 21st Century, ed. Ridvan Askin et 
al. (Brooklyn: Punctum Books, 2014), 6–38.

380
jovita pristovšek
The authors focus on aesthetics especially after the speculative turn,
65
 after 
the articulation of the so-called speculative realists, a faction within continen-
tal philosophy. The speculative realists claim that since Kant’s Critique of Pure 
Reason
66
—that is, with Kant’s introduction of a separation between the noume-
nal, the world as it is “in itself,” and the phenomenal, the world as it shows it-
self “for/to us”—continental philosophy has forgotten to think “reality” or has 
ceased to engage in such thinking. These accusations are, as Goran Vranešević 
picturesquely describes, the result of current “doubts about a subjectively to-
talized world, which with its limitations, like a flat world, prevents expeditions 
into the vastness of the world. More precisely, it is about the regions of existence 
that seemed to be lost forever, having been replaced first by the inaccessible 
world beyond [or the great beyond] and then by the further twisting of subjec-
tive finality.”
67
It is particularly interesting that contemporary debates on aesthetics, as argued 
in the abovementioned introduction, bring to the fore the internal split of spec-
ulative realist philosophy into two poles, a split that was already announced af-
ter the first wave of enthusiasm for the speculative turn had subsided.
68
 Askin, 
Hägler and Schweighauser compare this internal split in speculative realism to 
the 18th-century debates over taste between rationalists and empiricists.
This discourse on taste, the authors argue, is particularly attractive to thinkers 
of the empiricist pole of speculative realism (the other is thus called rational-
ist),
69
 since it provides an approach to things as they are in their reality, while 
65 
The notion of the “speculative turn” is linked to the conference entitled “Speculative 
Realism,” which took place in April 2007 at Goldsmiths, University of London, and with 
the contributions of Ray Brassier, Iain Hamilton Grant, Graham Harman, and Quentin 
Meillassoux. See, for example, Rick Dolphijn, review of Speculative Realism: Problems 
and Prospects, by Peter Gratton, Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews: An Electronic Journal, 
March 29, 2016, https://ndpr.nd.edu/reviews/speculative-realism-problems-and-pros -
pects/.
66 
Immanuel Kant, Critique of Pure Reason, ed. and trans. Paul Guyer and Allen W. Wood 
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
67 
Goran Vranešević, “Prihajajoči svet in žalovanje za njim,” Časopis za kritiko znanosti, 
domišljijo in novo antropologijo 39, no. 248 (2012): 76. All translations of Vranešević’s ar -
ticle are my own.
68 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, “Aesthetics after the Speculative Turn,” 29.
69 
British reflections on taste dealt with notions such as intuition, sensation, perception, and 
so on; Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser mention the forerunners of Alexander Gottlieb 

381
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
allowing for the possibility of their “dehumanization” (note the positivation of 
a term that historically denotes the process of de-humanization) insofar as they 
relate to the structure of reality as such, and not just to the realm of human fac-
ulty of judgment.
70
 Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser thus explain a series of 
attempts to extend aesthetic thinking to a non-human world: the attempts of 
Steven Shaviro and Tim Morton dealing with Kant’s notion of taste, since his 
judgments of taste are not determined by concepts and are disinterested; the 
attempts of Graham Harman and Morton dealing with object-oriented aesthet-
ics as manifested in the theory of “allure,” which refers to an object being able 
to taste, sense, feel, and perceive another object; Iain Hamilton Grant’s attempt 
at aesthetics, which refers to the intuition of the forces and potencies of nature; 
and Shaviro’s cosmology, which describes the realm of apprehension, the realm 
of relationality itself.
71
 For all these authors of the empirical half of speculative 
realism, every encounter is always already a site of aesthetic experience; and for 
all of them, aesthetics is distinct from conceptual knowledge, while at the same 
time it is a precursor to it.
72
“Given the expansion of aesthetics into the non-human realm,” Askin, Hägler, 
and Schweighauser state, “this is also the moment when aesthetics is pushed 
from the domain of human epistemology into that of general ontology. Ceasing 
to be a particular kind of human relation to the world, it becomes a general de-
scriptor of relationality of/in the world.”
73
 Further, “in this framework, human 
epistemology only builds on and comes after the general aesthetic structure of/
in being. Indeed, ‘subjectless experience’ underlies and comes to determine 
cognising subjects.”
74
However, while the empiricist pole of speculative realism argues for “subjectless 
experience,” the rationalist pole argues for “experience-less subjects.”
75
 In their 
critique of the empiricist pole, Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser argue, ration-
Baumgarten’s aesthetics as a science of sensuous cognition: Joseph Addison, Richard 
Steele, Anthony Ashley Cooper, and Francis Hutcheson.
70 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 30–31.
71 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 31.
72 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 31.
73 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 31.
74 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 32.
75 
Ray Brassier, quoted in Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 30.

382
jovita pristovšek
alists disagree about the reification of aesthetic experience and about “human” 
terms (such as intuition, perception, etc.) used when speaking of “non-human 
relations” and objects; rationalists thus see a problem in confusing “human” 
and “non-human” relations and preventing “the rational investigation of hu-
man and non-human relations.”
76
 For them, epistemology governs and deter-
mines aesthetics.
In locating possible objections to empiricist speculative realism—and before 
that with a reference to the “father” of the term “aesthetics,” Alexander Gottlieb 
Baumgarten (legitimizing and justifying Baumgarten’s position within ration-
alist thought)—Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser further recall a problem they 
see as common to both poles of speculative realism: the emergence of transcen-
dental philosophy.
Kant’s invention of the transcendental intervenes precisely in the discussion be-
tween rationalists and empiricists—and even more, the speculative realists with 
their condemnation of correlationism, the latter arguing that it is impossible to 
discuss the issues of subjectivity independently of objectivity and vice versa, re-
fer precisely to transcendental philosophy.
77
 Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser 
therefore argue that what we are witnessing on the terrain of the debates of the 
speculative realists is precisely the transformation of the concept of the tran-
scendental.
78
For all speculative realists, since Kant’s invention of the transcendental, retain 
the notion of immanence; and all speculative realists have in common that they 
care about “this world” while they work out their “thisworldly” philosophies!
79
 
Moreover, Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser argue that the commonality of all 
speculative realists is the rejection of Kant’s Copernican Revolution and thus 
the centrality of human experience and its conditions of possibility, but in two 
different ways: while the empiricist pole rejects the “human” in “human experi-
ence,” the other side rejects “experience” as such.
80
76 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 32.
77 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 32.
78 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 33.
79 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 33.
80 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 33.

383
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
On the one side, what results is an ontological recasting of the transcendental 
as it applies to reality per se: a transcendental empiricism (Grant, Harman, Mor-
ton, Shaviro); on the other side, we have an epistemological account of the pow-
ers of human thought to pierce this very same reality: a transcendental rational-
ism (Brassier, Meillassoux).
81
In view of what we have said before about the idea of race, we might say that a 
criticism similar to that which the speculative realists addressed to continental 
philosophy can now be made of the philosophy of speculative realism itself. But 
my criticism here is far from defending Kant’s system of thought. As we have 
seen, Kant is the best friend of both poles of speculative realism (but not also 
their enemy, as Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser have argued),
82
 whose “spec-
ulative register for the unification of the world”
83
 has extended the horizon of 
the world to other realities to such an extent that it now “accepts all possible 
and impossible objects [. . .] introduced from outside”
84
 and thus falls into a trap 
of “(contingent) choice: whether the world or object or subject or . . . it is always 
directly embodied as an object.”
 85
 Sometimes we also have to deal with the res-
urrected dead or with specters.
In rejecting the centrality of human experience and its conditions of possibility, 
both poles avoid thinking the “racial flesh” that historically, ontologically and 
epistemologically, stood “at the threshold of the human”
86
 and that should be 
addressed in its many contemporary forms. If one group of speculative realists 
explicitly rejects the “human” in human experience, and the other rejects “ex-
perience” as such, then it is clear that both poles are “aphasic” with respect to 
the idea of the human itself, that is, the human as a concept elaborated through 
the ongoing processes of racialization.
In 1997, at a ten-day Cerisy-la Salle conference in France, entitled “I’ Animal au-
tobiographique” (The Autobiographical Animal), Jacques Derrida described the 
logic of the anthropological machine with the following words:
81 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 33.
82 
Askin, Hägler, and Schweighauser, 33.
83 
Vranešević, “Prihajajoči svet,” 81.
84 
Vranešević, 81.
85 
Vranešević, 81.
86 
I refer here to the aforementioned title of Carr’s “At the Thresholds of the ‘Human.’ ”

384
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As with every bottomless gaze, as with the eyes of the other, the gaze called an-
imal offers to my sight the abyssal limit of the human: the inhuman or the ahu-
man, the ends of man, that is to say the bordercrossing from which vantage man 
dares to announce himself to himself, thereby calling himself by the name that 
he believes he gives himself. And in these moments of nakedness, under the gaze 
of the animal, everything can happen to me, I am like a child ready for the apoc-
alypse, I am (following) the apocalypse itself that is to say the ultimate and first 
event of the end, the unveiling and the verdict. I am (following) it, the apoca-
lypse, I identify with it by running behind it, after it, after its whole zoo-logy. 
When the instant of extreme passion passes, and I find peace again, then I can 
relax and speak of the beasts of the Apocalypse, visit them in the museum, see 
them in a painting [. . .]; I can visit them at the zoo, read about them in the Bible, 
or speak about them as in a book.
87
Derrida speaks of the dominance of a category of discourses, of “texts signed by 
people who have no doubt seen, observed, analyzed, reflected on the animal, 
but who have never been seen by the animal,”
88
 and who have never consid-
ered the experience of the contemplating animal in the philosophical and theo-
retical architecture of their discourse. He speaks of a group of thinkers (among 
whom he counts René Descartes, Kant, Martin Heidegger, Jacques Lacan, Em-
manuel Levinas) who see, without having been “seen naked by someone who, 
from the basis of a life called animal, and not only by means of the gaze, would 
have obliged them to recognize, at the moment of address, that this was their 
affair, their lookout [que cela les regardait].”
89
 And he speaks of a “symptom of 
this disavowal”
90
 that we should decipher. He speaks of the inability to speak, 
the muteness, and the “aphasic inability or stupefaction that prevents the use 
of words.”
91
 “Perhaps the body of the anthropophorous animal (the body of the 
slave) is [indeed] the unresolved remnant that idealism leaves as an inheritance 
to thought, and the aporias of the philosophy of our time coincide with the apo-
87 
Jacques Derrida, “The Animal That Therefore I Am (More to Follow),” trans. David Wills, 
Critical Inquiry 28, no. 2 (Winter 2002): 381–82, https://doi.org/10.1086/449046.
88 
Derrida, 382.
89 
Derrida, 383.
90 
Derrida, 383.
91 
Derrida, 388.

385
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
rias of this body that is irreducibly drawn and divided between animality and 
humanity.”
92
To put in on the table: in 1997 Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze brilliantly elaborated 
on the “color” of Kant’s Reason/reason,
93
 to which we can add that Reason/rea-
son is neither “genderless” nor “classless.” Kant—the philosopher of the sys-
tem—as Eze stated, “had uncritically assumed that the particularity of Euro-
pean existence is the empirical as well as ideal model of humanity, of universal 
humanity,”
94
 “taken as humanity in itself,”
95
 which, in its greatest perfection, 
seems to (allegedly) reside within the White race.
It would be a mistake to believe that Kant contributed nothing new or of original 
consequence to the study of “race” or to the problem of European ethnocentrism 
in general. Strictly speaking, Kant’s anthropology and geography offer the strong-
est, if not the only, sufficiently articulated theoretical philosophical justification of 
the superior/inferior classification of “races of men” of any European writer up to 
his time.
96
With this rough outline of the symptoms of contemporary ontological and epis-
temological uncertainty within the “system of thought,” we can now address 
the state of affairs in necrocapitalism by making a direct analogy to what Mbem-
be describes as the reinvention of animism.
In a lecture entitled “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism,” Mbembe’s central 
thesis is that late capitalism as we know it today represents a kind of final stage 
of commodification characterized by the convergence of capitalism and the re-
invention of animism.
97
 The concept of animism, introduced into anthropology 
in the late nineteenth century by Edward Burnett Tylor, ascribes to “primitive 
societies,” in a way that infantilizes their beliefs—the belief that there is life in 
92 
Agamben, The Open, 12.
93 
Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze, “The Color of Reason: The Idea of ‘Race’ in Kant’s Anthropology ,” 
in Postcolonial African Philosophy: A Critical Reader, ed. Emmanuel Chukwudi Eze 
(Cambridge: Blackwell, 1997), 103–40.
94 
Eze, 117.
95 
Eze, 117.
96 
Eze, 129. 
97 
Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism.”

386
jovita pristovšek
inanimate matter, that inert objects have a life that can be activated and animat-
ed—as they “seem” to represent a kind of precursor in the evolution from reli-
gion to science.
98
 In Mbembe’s view, this reinvention of animism works in two 
directions in the context of contemporary neoliberal global necrocapitalism.
The first direction, as Mbembe elaborates it, refers to the “manufacturing of ob-
jects as subjects,” to the granting of the form of life in particular to new tech-
nological objects and more generally to commodities or to finance capital itself. 
On the one hand, this direction implies a kind of re-enactment of commodity 
fetishism; on the other hand, it also refers to the life in the object itself, that is, 
to the life imposed on the objects by the preceding violent, politically animated 
human production, visible in the wars for the monopolies on the mineral re-
sources used for the production of new technological objects.
99
And here we are back to the second direction of animism, which is closely in-
terwoven with the first. It refers to the “manufacturing of subjects as objects,” 
which turns out to be a perverse form of subjectification through thinghood, 
since objects now function as virtual transformations of ourselves in relation 
to them.
100
 According to Mbembe, commodity fetishism has reached the stage 
where objects possess their own life, which, it seems, is the only one worthy 
of the name, and our task, therefore, is to become animistic objects in order to 
grasp the life that now resides and is animated between the object and the ob-
ject, in the realm of this “other humanity” or “in-humanity.”
101
Are we able, then, to think in terms of the necropolitical afterlives, precisely 
these very terms that point to the ways in which persistent predicaments have 
shaped and continue to shape the realms of life and death for various groups?
98 
Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism.” See also Achille Mbembe, “Technologies 
of Happiness in the Age of Animism,” lecture at European Graduate School, Saas-Fee, 
Switzerland and Valetta, Malta, March 27, 2016, YouTube video, uploaded by European 
Graduate School Video Lectures, September 12, 2016, 1:04:59, https://youtu.be/nIi -
jTCn8Gh4.
99 
Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope,” 121. See also John E. Drabinski, “Mbembe, Democracy, 
Animism,” academic website, December 6, 2013, https://jdrabinski.wordpress.com/2013/ 
12/06/mbembe-democracy-animism/; Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism.” 
100 
Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism.” See also Gržinić, “Kolonializem Evrope,” 
121.
101 
Mbembe, “Democracy in the Age of Dynamism.”

387
endless lists: racialization, divisions, abandonment , seclusion
Coda
The bestowal of life on the objects themselves has serious consequences for life 
as such and its effects: in another lecture titled “Rethinking Democracy Beyond 
the Human,”
102
 Mbembe, referring to Luciana Parisi and her 2016 “Automated 
Thinking and the Limits of Reason,”
103
 talks about the emergence of an Elec-
tronic Reason that weakens and replaces what we once called Public Reason. 
According to Mbembe, agency has become a capacity no longer reserved for hu-
mans alone, while “automated thinking” (i.e., algorithmic reasoning) not only 
challenges the (human) mind about its own limits, but also gradually relieves 
us of the duty to govern ourselves.
104
 The most recent “sensational” example of 
giving life to an object is the humanoid robot Sophia, which was granted Sau-
di Arabian citizenship at the Future Investment Initiator Congress in Riyadh in 
late October 2017 .
105
 It is important to emphasize that Sophia is not the first such 
case, as a humanoid robot named Fran Pepper was already registered in the Bel-
gian birth registry on January 30, 2017.
106
These accelerated changes with regards to life in connection to the latest tech-
nologies raise a number of questions about democracy in the age of new tech-
nologies, not the least of which is whether life is now included in the concept 
of citizenship, in parallel with questions about all those who are not eligible to 
receive or hold citizenship.
102 
Achille Mbembe, “Rethinking Democracy Beyond the Human,” lecture at European 
Graduate School, Valetta, Malta, October 16, 2017, YouTube video, uploaded by European 
Graduate School Video Lectures, December 5, 2017 , 54:40, https://youtu.be/A_k3YIupGok.
103 
Luciana Parisi, “ Automated Thinking and the Limits of Reason,” Cultural Studies – Critical 
Methodologies 16, no. 5 (October 2016), 471–81, https://doi.org/10.1177/1532708616655765.
104 
Mbembe, “Rethinking Democracy Beyond the Human.”
105 
The humanoid replied to the question of the awareness of herself as a robot with a ques-
tion in reply: “How do you know you are human?” See Anja Pavlič Jerič, “Savdska Arabija 
prva država, ki je podelila državljanstvo robotu,” MMC, October 27, 2017, https://www.
rtvslo.si/zabava/zanimivosti/savdska-arabija-prva-drzava-ki-je-podelila-drzavljanstvo-ro-
botu/436323.
106 
“Un robot inscrit au registre des naissances à Hasselt,” VRT, January 30, 2017 , http://dere -
dactie.be/cm/vrtnieuws.francais/Soci%25C3%25A9t%2 5C3%25A9/1.2879299.

388
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