S t u d i a mythologica S I a v i c a
2
9 9
/V\

vex
ZRC SAZU
UNIVERSITÁ DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E CIVILTÁ DELL' EUROPA CENTRO-
ORIENTALE
LJUBLJANA 1999
zm&žan z r c
Studia mythologica Slavica II © 1999, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana
Uredniški odbor / Comitato di redazione:
Pietro U. Dini (Universita degli Studi della Basilicata), Stefano Garzonio (Universita degli Studi di Pisa), Elena Levskievskaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva), Andrzej Litwornia (Universita degli Studi di Udine), Vlado Nartnik (ZRC SAZU, Inšitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Ljubljana), Andrej Pleterski (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Ljubljana), Giorgio Ziffer (Universita degli Studi di Udine)
Urednika / Curatori Monika Kropej,
ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Gosposka 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija E-mail: monika@alpha.zrc-sazu.si
Nikolai Mikhailov,
Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta deli' Europa Centro-Orientale
Zanon 6
33100 Udine
E-mail: nikolaim@tin.it
Izdajata /Pubblicato da
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija in / e
Universita degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilta dell' Europa Centro-Orientale, Udine, Italia
Oblikovanje in oprema / Impostazione grafica Milojka Žalik Huzjan
Prevodi / Traduzioni
Albina Kenda, Nives Sulič-Dular, Andrej Pleterski
Jezikovni pregled / Revisione linguistica Alan McConnell-Duff, Rachel Novšak
Tisk / Stampato da Tiskarna Litterapicta, Ljubljana
Tiskano s podporo Ministrstva za znanost in tehnologijo Republike Slovenije /
Stampato con il sostegno finanziario del Ministero della Scienza e Tecnologia della Repubblica
di Slovenia
ISSN 1408-6271
Po mnenju Ministrstva za kulturo Republike Slovenije sodi publikacija med proizvode, za katere se plačuje 5-odstotni davek od prometa s proizvodi.
Vsebina Indice
SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA - VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE MITOLOGIA SLAVA - FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI
Leszek Pawel Slupecki & Roman Zaroff: William of Malmesburg on Pagan Slavic
Oracles: New Source for Slavic Paganism and its two Interpretations..............9
Slavko Ciglenečki: Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis. The Origins of
the Kurenti and of the Pinewood Marriage ("Borovo Gostüvanje")...............21
Volker Schmidt: Rethra - Lieps, am Südenende des Tollensesees.................................33
Roman Zaroff: Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign
Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?................................................................47
Leszek Pawel Slupecki: Krakus' and Vanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow....................77
Roberto Dapit: Manifestazioni dell'aldilä attraverso le testimonianze dei resiani......99
TaTMHa A. AranKHHa: O Toflopnax, pycamax h nponnx HaBax (mcptbcuh-
fleMOHbl H "HeHHCTbie" nOKOHHHKH B BeCeHHeM KMeHflape C^aBÄHCKHX
HapoflOB)..............................................................................................................145
Zmago Šmitek: The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene
Folk Tradition......................................................................................................161
Mirjam Mencej: Mitična oseba "Šent" v slovenskem izročilu......................................197
SEMIOTIČNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE
Rainer Eckert: Eine slawische und baltische Erdgottheit...........................................207
Mnxam eb3^hh: O KOCMoroHHHecKoä ocHOBe MOTHBa "3Mea h fleBbi" b cba3h c
MOTHBOM "CTpaHCTBHH B nOfl3eMHOe napCTBO"
(Ha MaTepHMe pyccKHx cKa3OK)......................................................................219
Alberto Borghini: Il gomitolo nel folklore: linee per una tipologia. Una fiaba russa
e l'antico racconto di Teseo nel labirinto cretese.............................................233
Cepreö EeHHaflHeBHH ohhahh: O6 oflHOM bo3moxhom BoCTOHHoc^aB^HCKOM
"npoTopmyMe" (Ha MaTepHMe 3aroBopHoä TpaflHnHH)............................245
RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD
SVILUPPO DEI METODI DI RICERCA
9pxe6eT KaMaH: napaflHma npa3flHHKa b Tpyflax B.^. nponna h
M.M. BaxTHHa.....................................................................................................261
Nikos Čausidis: Mythical pictures of the South Slavs.................................................275
5
NEEVROPSKE VZPOREDNICE
PARALLELI NON-INDOEUROPEI
Maja Milčinski: Kami in šintoistična kozmogonija
299
MITOLOGIJA IN KNJIŽEVNOST MITOLOGIA E LETTERATURA
flejaH AjnaHHh: ^eTeae neMOHa y enoBeHCKOM $onKnopy h
KftH^eBHOCTHMa 19. BeKa................................................................................307
6
SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE
MITOLOGIA SLAVA FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles: New Sources for Slavic Paganism and its two Interpretations
Leszek Pawei Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
The article brings to the attention of the scholarly world a hardly known medieval source Gesta Regum Anglorum written by William of Malmesbury. Who was an early 12th century English benedictine monk from Malmesbury in Western England. The article revolves around the outmost relevance of William of Malmesbury to the study of pre-christian Slavic religion, and provides two interpretations of William's account.
Many years ago, the Croatian slavist Vatroslav Jagic said that it would be worthwhile to hand over all the contemporary studies concerning Slavic religion for some new and truthful mediaeval texts, relevant to that topic. In 1982 Polish historian Aleksander Gieysztor expressed the same opinion.1 Unfortunately in the course of the 20th century no new sources about the Slavic religion have come to light. Today however, the Australian scholar Roman Zaroff discovered that William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum Anglorum is a text for which Jagic, Gieysztor and no doubt many others were searching. Gesta Regum Anglorum is of course a very well known source, but as far as we know nobody has introduced it into Slavonic religious research.
William of Malmesbury was a medieval English monk and historian of the 12th century. He was born sometime between 1090 and 1096 at Wiltshire and he was educated at the Abbey of Malmesbury.2 According to the tradition, the abbey at Malmesbury was founded in the first half of the 7th century by the Irish monk Meildub. In the 11th century the abbey became renowned in England for its large library and for being an important learning centre of the time. After completing his education, William became a Benedictine monk, librarian and later a precentor at the Malmesbury abbey. He was very well educated and knew most of the classical authors, continental medieval chroniclers, hagiographies, charters, letters as well as works of the Church Fathers. It has been shown by Rodney Thomson that he knew around 400 works written by about 200 authors.3 He is regarded as one of the most outsanding and reliable English historians since Bede. He never travelled outside England but often visited other English abbeys and monsteries, where he had access to local libraries and records. He died in 1143 or shortly after.4 In the second book of his Gesta Regum
1	A.Gieysztor, Mitología Stowian (Warszawa, 1982), p.12.
2	J.A. Giles, in: William of Malmesbury's Chronicle of the Kings of England (London, 1904), p. VII ; and A. Gransden, Historical Writing in England, c. 550to c. 1307 (London, 1974 ), p. 166.
3	R. Thomson, William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge, 1987), pp. 7 &13 & 16. For full list of works known to William, see: ibid., pp. 197-207.
4	D. H. Farmer, 'Two Biographies by William of Malmesbury', in T. A. Dorey, ed., Latin Biographies (London, 1967), pp. 157-159; and A. Gransden, Historical Writing in England..., p. 170 and R.Thomson, William of Malmesbury, p. 2-3.
9
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
Anglorum we find an interesting passage of great relevance for a better understanding of Slavic religion. William described the reign of German emperor Henry III who ruled between 1039 and 1056. In this chapter, entitled "De Henrico Imperatore", we read as follows (for Latin text see Appendix 1):
"This emperor (Henry III) posessed many and great virtues; and nearly surpassed in military skill all his predecessors: so much so, that he subdued the Vindelici and the Leutici, and the other nations bordering on the Suevi, who alone, even to the present day lust for the pagan superstitions: for the Saracens and Turks worship God the Creator, looking upon Mahomet not as a God, but as his prophet. But the Vindelici worship Fortune, and putting her idol in the most eminent situation, they place a horn in her right hand, filled with the beverage, made of honey and water, which by a Greek term we call 'hydromel'. St. Jerome proves, in his eighteenth book on Isaiah, that the Egyptians and almost all the eastern nations do the same. Wherefore on the last day of November, sitting round in a circle, they all taste it; and if they find the horn full, they applaud with loud clamours: because in the ensuing year, plenty with her brimming horn will fullfil their wishes in everything: but if it be otherwise, they lament. Henry made these nations in such wise tributary to him, that upon every solemnity on which he worn his crown, four of their kings were obliged to carry a cauldron in which flesh was boiled, upon their shoulders, to the kitchen, by means of levers passed through rings".5
It is worth stressing an interesting similarity between William's description of Slavic divination and that of later Saxo Grammaticus' account in Gesta Danorum (end of 12th century) concerning the Rugian cult of the god Sventovit. Saxo's text is of course much larger, and the ritual of divination from the alcoholic beverage kept in the horn is only one of many religious ceremonies described (for Latin text see Appendix 2). But precisely this ritual had for a long time no parallel in written sources for Slavic religion until Williams' account came to light.6
"There stood in the temple a huge image bigger than any man, astonishing for its four heads and four necks, two facing the front, and two the back. And one gazed to the right, and one to the left, both before and behind. He was made to be clean-shaven and crop-headed, so you would think the ingenious craftsman had imitated the Rugian style of hair-dressing. In his right hand he bore a horn decorated with various sorts of metal, which the priest skilled in his worship used to fill every year with drink, in order to forsee the next year's crops from the state of the liquor. On the left side, the arm was represented as bent inward with a bow. A tunic was carved reaching down to the shanks, which were made of different kinds of wood, jointed to the knee so inconspicuously that the place of the join could only be discovered on minuter inspection. The feet appeared level with the ground, their bases lying under it".7
5	William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, Book II, Chp. XII (pp. 208-209): J. A. Giles translation.
6	Indoeuropean context of that ritual was shown in A.Gieysztor, 'Opfer und Kult in der slawischen Überlieferung', Frühmittelalterliche Studien, vol.18, 1984, p.262.
7	Saxo, Book XIV.39 (p. 494); English translation in: Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, Liber X- XVI, in E. Christiansen, ed. and transl. (Oxford, 1984).
10
Leszek Pawel Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
After description of the idol Saxo, described priest's preparation and the ceremonies at the temple:
"The next day, the people kept watch outside the door, and he took down the cup from the image, and inspected it closely; if any amount of the liquor he had put in had gone away, he thought that this meant a dearth in the following year. Noting this, he would order the corn in hand to be kept for the future. If he saw no lessening of its usual fullness, he would prophesy a good season. Depending on this augury, he warned them to use this year's harvest either sparingly or liberally. Then he poured out the old wine at the feet of the image as an offering, and filled the empty cup with fresh; and playing the part of a cupbearer, he worshipped the statue and petitioned him in a ritual incantation for increase of wealth and victory for himself, his country, and its people. After this, he put the cup to his mouth and emptied it excessively fast in one draught, putting it back into the right hand of the statue refilled with new drink".8
Then follows an account about ritual cake and the final celebration of a communal
feast:
"...they spent the rest of the day feasting greedily, using the sacrificial meat for their merriment and gluttony and making the sacred victims of the God subservient to their unbridled appettites. In this feast drunkeness was reckoned pious, sobriety infamous".9
Both authors, William and Saxo, reported use of a horn and an alcoholic beverage in foretelling the future prosperity. Saxo explicitly referred there to the harvest, while William no doubt meant the same using the term prosperity, as Ranove's economy was based on farming. Both mentioned the feast at the end of the ceremony. The discovery of William's account brings to mind two fundamental questions of outmost relevance for research concerning Slavic religion. First, can we still acknowledge that Saxo's account originated from his Danish informants, who were eywitnesses (or rather main actors) in the destruction of the temple at Arcona in 1168, and not from his knowledge of William's text (or his sources). If so, William's text reinforces the credibility of Saxo's account. Second, did William's text describe the divination among the Ranove of Rügen, perhaps at Arcona, as the similarity to Saxo's account suggests, or does it rather concern the Luticians, as suggested by the fact that only the name of this tribe (apart of the name Vindelici) appeared in William. In such a case the similarity to Saxo's account could be attributed to similar forms of ritual, common to all Polabian Slavs.
Rugian Interpretation by Roman Zaroff
First of all, we have to look when William of Malmesbury wrote his Gesta Regum and what sources he used. Taking into consideration that the first three books of Gesta Regum were completed around 1120 or shortly after,10 and the passage we are concerned with refers to the middle of the 11th century, we can assume that William used some written
8	Saxo, Book XIV.39 (p. 494-496) Eric Christiansen translation.
9	Saxo, Book XIV.39 (pp. 96) Eric Christiansen translation.
10	J.A. Giles, in William ofMalmesbury's Chronicle of the Kings of England, p. VIII n.
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
sources for this account. The construction of the entire passage about Henry III's reign, subjugation of the Vindelici and Leutici and about pagan Slavic ceremonies suggests that it comes from the same source. According to Antonia Gransden it comes from a now lost German source of the 11th century written at the time of Henry III.11 It is worth noting that the bias in this story points to a German source also. This is so, because Henry III struggled to subdue the Lutician Union but he was not altogether successful as claimed in Gesta Regum Anglorum.12 Neither did he manage to fully subjugate the other Polabian Slavs. The Luticians were independent until at least 1030, when the Empire had been involved in conflict with Mieszko II of Poland (reigned 1025-1034). There is a possiblity that the Luticians even participated in the conflict on the Polish side.13 Between 1033 and 1035 (according to Lowmianski in 1036) emperor Conrad II fought at least two campaigns against the Luticians. In 1035 (or 1036) the Luticians agreed to pay a tribute, but it is unlikely that they delivered it every year and in full.14 In the year 1045, Conrad II's successor Henry III campaigned against the Lutician Union again, but they continued to raid German territory. In 1056 the Luticians severely defeated the Saxons at the battle of Prizlau. This clearly indicates that the Luticians were far from being defeated and fully subjugated. The decline of the Lutician Union began in the year 1057 when civil war erupted between northern and southern tribes of the union. This, however, took place after the death of Henry III and during the minority of Henry IV and regency of Henry III's wife and Henry IV's mother Agnes of Poitou. In 1067 or 1068 the temple at Radogoszcz was destroyed by a German expedition led by bishop Burchardt of Halberstadt.15 Although the Lutician Union (the Redarove and Dolenzhane tribes only) still survived and continued its existence until the early 12th century, they did not play any significant role in the region anymore.16
The oracle and associated ceremonies described by William of Malmesbury leave no doubt that he was referring to the Polabian Slavs. The question remains as to which branch the account applies. Identification of the Leutici poses no problem, as he certainly meant the Luticians or Lutician Union, a federation of Slavic tribes of the Redarove, Dolenzhane, Chrespyane and Khyzhane. Neither is the term Vindelici dificult to decipher. In the context of these accounts, no doubt, it meant the Wends. However the term Vindelici, the Wends, is a very broad one and it has been often used in sources to describe the entire Polabian Slavdom, between the Elbe-Saale and Oder rivers.
The question arises as to whom he was referring to in particular. Although William of Malmesbury himself was most likely ignorant about the division of the Polabian Slavs, he copied this story from some older German source. A few sentences before the description of the Slavic idol, William wrote: "... (Henry III) subdued the Vindelici and the Leutici...who
11	A. Gransden, Historical Writing in England..., pp. 171 & 178.
12	see note 5.
13	Annales Magdeburgenis, G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores vol. 16 (Hannover, 1859), year 1030. On the controversy about the Lutician participation see: W. Brüske, 'Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Lutizenbundes', Mitteldeutsche Forschungen, vol.3 (Münster-Köln, 1955), pp. 54-74; and G. Labuda, Mieszko IIkrolPolski (1025-134). Czasyprzelomu w dziejach panstwapolskiego (Krakow, 1992), p.67-71; and K. Wachowski, Slowianszczyzna Zachodnia (Poznan, 1950), pp. 133-135.
14	Wipo, The Deeds of Conrad II, in T.E. Mommsen & K.F. Morrison, Imperial Lives and Letters (New York, 1962) Year 1033, 1035, 1036; and H. Lowmianski, PoczqtkiPolski, vol.5 (Warszawa, 1973), pp. 291-292.
15	Annales Augustiani, G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores vol. 3 (Hannover, 1839), Year 1068.
16	L. P. Slupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries (Warsaw, 1994), pp. 56-57.
12
Leszek Pawel Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
alone, even to the present day, lust for the pagan superstitions...".17 It has to be pointed out that William's source clearly and implicitly distinguished the Vindelici from the Leutici, that is the Lutician Union. On the other hand, in descriptions of the Slavic idol, ceremonies and oracle he implicitly used the term Vindelici. This indicates that the name Vindelici was applied to some other Polabian Slavs - Wends. Therefore, it must have been used in reference to some different Polabian Slavs than the Luticians. Consequently, the description of idol and ceremonies could not and did not refer to the Lutician deity of Svarozhich or ceremonies at Radogoszcz. We can also exclude the Sorbian tribes of the south, since by the middle of the 11th century they were well incorporated into the marches of the Empire. As for the Obodrites, from around 1031 until 1043 they were fully independent and ruled by prince Ratibor who maintained a friendly relationship with the Empire. Afterwards the Obodrite principality was recovered by Gotschalk a member of an Obodrite Nakonid dynasty that had ruled the land at least since the middle of the 10th century. Also Gotschalk remained on very good terms with both Saxony and the Empire and, although he recognized imperial authority and payed tribute, he ruled independently.18 Ratibor himself was a Christian and he allowed German clergy to preach Christianity in his principality.19 So was prince Gotschalk who officially promoted Christianity and has been praised for that by Adam of Bremen; and later by Helmold of Bosau and Saxo Grammaticus.20 Therefore, the term Vindelici could not have been used in relation to the Obodrite state either. This leaves practically only the Ranove of Rügen island as the sole candidates for William's Vindelici.
The above notion is reinforced by the account written by Saxo Grammaticus. The similarity of some parts of William's and Saxo's accounts is striking. In both cases authors reported use of a horn and an alcoholic drink as a medium for foretelling the future harvest. Knowing that wine in this part of medieval Europe was not a very common drink, it is more likely that fermented honey, mead, not wine was used in this particular Polabian ritual. Therefore, it is more plausible that on that instance William was better informed than Saxo.
Moreover, Saxo recorded that Ranove's harvest celebration and divination from the drink in the horn took place annually after harvest,21 that is in autumn. In this context it is worth to recalling Helmold of Bossau's story about Sventovit's high priest demanding that the German priest Gotschalk be sacrificed to the god for performing Christian service on the island. It is of great significance that accordng to Helmold this took place in November.22 Taking into consideration that the human sacrifice was the highest form of offering we may conclude that it was planned for a most important Rugian harvest festival and that it was held in November. This coresponds exactly to the timing of celebrations reported by William.
From William's description only the name of the deity does not resemble Sventovit of Rügen. We may assume that William, unfamiliar with the name of Slavic gods, like many
17	see note 5.
18	Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, in: Quellen des 9. und 11. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte der Hamburgischen Kirche und des Reiches, ed. W.Trillmich (Darmstad, 1961), Book III. 19 & 50; English translation in F. J. Tschan, ed., History of the Archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen(New York, 1959); and Helmold of Bossau, Chronica Slavorum, in F.J. Tschan; The Chronicle of the Slavs (New York, 1966), Book I.18 & 21.
19	Adam of Bremen, Book II.71 & 79.
20	Adam of Bremen, Book III.19; and Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum, Book X. 17; and Helmold of Bosau, Book I.20.
21	Saxo, Book XIV.39 (p. 494-496): Eric Christiansen translation.
22	Helmold of Bossau, Book II.108.
13
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
other ancient and medieval historians before and after him, substituted it with the name of a classical deity. The choice of Fortuna seems to be an "intepretatio romana" as this ancient Roman female deity was a goddess of blind faith and had also provided oracles.23 Therefore, in the light of the evidence presented it becomes evident that William of Malmesbury was referring to the ceremonies associated with cult of Sventovit of Arkona on Rügen island.
Returning to the source used by William, there is no evidence that the Ranove of Rügen were subdued by the Empire in the middle of the 11th century. In this context the story probably came to Germany from abroad. Most likely from the Danes, who were involved in the trade and piracy on the Baltic Sea, and no doubt were well informed about the religious matters of the Ranove of Rügen. Henry III married Gunhilda (Kunigunde) a daughter of Canute the Great, king of Denmark, Sweden and England in 1036.24 It is very likely that the information about Ranove's pagan cults was brought by Gunhilda herself or the members of her Danish entourage. There is another possibility that cannot be totally excluded. In 1045 Henry III campaigned against the Luticians, and according to Annales Augustiani this campaign was fought in the vicinity of Rügen island.25 This is probably a mistake as most likely the imperial expedition did not reach the Baltic shores. However, it has to be remembered that Ranove's principality included parts of the mainland known as the Tribsee and Bardo districts. Hence, the most likely location for the campaign are Lutician territories bordering the mainland domain of the Ranove. Whatever the case, the imperial army could come into contact with the Ranove or the other Baltic Slavs, and from them this information could have been obtained.
Saxo Grammaticus, like William, was very well educated and read in both classical and contemporary works. But there is no evidence that he knew Gesta Regum Anglorum.26 Although both descriptions are very similar they are substantially different, making it extremely unlikely that Saxo based his account on William's work. Hence the importance of William's account lies in the fact that he authenticates Saxo Grammaticus' description of Arkona, the Sventovit temple and associated ceremonies. At the same time, it also settles the dispute about Saxo's credibility. Furthermore, William's account shows that ceremonies similar to those reported by Saxo Grammaticus were performed at Arkona on Rügen island as early as the mid-11th century. This also demonstrates that the cult of Sventovit was fully developed by that time. Moreover, although there is no hard evidence to postulate this, the cult of Sventovit at Arkona might have emerged even earlier. Archaeological excavation has revealed that the internal rampart at Arkona was built in the first half of the 9th century and it probably did not serve a defensive purpose.27 Therefore, it was most likely an enclosure for some sort of a cult centre. Unfortunately a lack of evidence for that period prevents us from postulating anything about the nature of this cult and the deity worshipped there.
23	P. Jones, & N. Pennick, A History of Pagan Europe (London, 1995), p.39.
24	William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, Book II, Chp. XII (p. 207).
25	Annales Augustiani, Year 1045.
26	for Saxo's biography, his work and sources, see: H.E. Davidson in Saxo Grammaticus, vol. I, p. 1 & vol. II, pp. 1-12; and E. Christiansen in Saxo Grammaticus, pp. 703-710.
27	L. P. Slupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries, p. 34.
14
Leszek Pawel Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
Lutician Interpretation by Leszek Pawel Siupecki
At the beginning of the chapter William talks about "Vindelici et Leutici" but in the fragment that follows and describes the divination he mentions only the Vindelici. From a German source he supposedly follows, William has correctly taken the name of the Leutici (Luticians). The name Vindelici however, as a name for a Slavic tribe is rather unusual. Vindelici was the name of a Celtic tribe that lived in Roman times in Raetia, in contemporary Tyrol and Bavaria. A Roman city, Augusta Vindelicorum, today's Augsburg in southern Germany, was once situated there.28 The name Vindelici appeared in William's account perhaps because of his classical education and good erudition. He either misunderstood a similar name, Vinidi, used in the early Middle Age for the Slavs, or tried to interpret it using classical terms (this was quite a typical medieval practice). The name Vinidi was used quite often in early German sources (especially Frankonian) as a name for the Polabian Slavs.29 However it sometimes was applied specifically for the Vilti (Veletians), the name for the branch of tribes that were later called the Luticians. The phrase "Vindelici et Leutici" could be also interpreted as a pleonasm, and it is of outmost importance to say here that the Luticians very often appeared in the sources under a double name.30 If this is not the case, we may look for another similar sounding Slavic tribal name. A good candidate would also be the Wolinians, a tribe very well known to the Germans and the Danes; and famous for their city-port of Wolin (legendary town Vineta), that was still pagan in the middle of the 11th century.31
In my opinion, in William's text the term Vindelici denotes the Polabian Slavs as a whole, that is Wenden in German and the Wends in English. From among these Wends, William, or his source, knew only the Luticians in particular. It appears that the description of the cult and ceremonies are attributed by William to all the Wends, but he is drawing from the example of the Luticians, known better to him. Additionally, the passage about four kings that Henry III compelled to pay tribute and do services could echo the very fact that the Lutician Union was composed of four tribes. Finally, as far as we know Henry III fought against the Luticians, and not against the other Polabians.
Consequently, the description of Slavic idol and pagan divination could refer to the Lutician temple at Radogoszcz. We know from Thietmar's account32 that this temple held an oracle. The German chronicler described only lot-casting and horse-divination,33 but said nothing at all concerning oracles from liquor in the horn. It was perhaps because this ritual was performed only once a year, namely in autumn, and the German envoys, who were supposedly Thietmar's informants, visited Radogoszcz at another time, possibly in spring 1003. Hence they did not witness this major Lutician festival held there later in the year. On the other hand, at Arkona on Rügen island all these similar forms of divination (from the lots, horse and liquor in the vessel) were also practiced, but during the autumn festival only.
28	R.Heuberger, 'Vindelici', Paulys Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Zweite Reihe, vol.9, Part A1, (Stuttgart, 1961), col. 1-17; and J. Wielowiejski, 'Raetia', Slownik Starozytnosci Slowianskich, vol.4, p.459.
29	G. Labuda, 'Wenedonia', Slownik Starozytnosci Slowianskich, vol.6, p.372-373.
30	L.P.Slupecki, Wojownicy i Wilkolaki (Warszawa, 1994), pp.183-184, with examples.
31	L.Leciejewicz, 'Wolinianie', Slownik Starozytnosci Slowianskich, vol.6, p.564; and R. Kiersnowski, Legenda Winety, Studium historyczne (Krakow, 1950).
32	Thietmar, VI, 23-25: Kronika Thietmara, ed. M.Z.Jedlicki (Poznan, 1953), pp. 344-351.
33	L.P.Slupecki, Wyrocznie i wrozby poganskich Skandynawow (Warszawa, 1998), p.143-145.
15
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
William's Gesta Regum immediately brings to attention the famous account by Saxo Grammaticus describing the Sventovit temple, the idol located at Arkona on Rügen island and all associated ceremonies. The question arises whether Saxo's account is original. He could have known William's work, which is at least a half century older, and we know that in his Gesta Danorum he used some English sources, including the works of Venerable Bede (explicitly quoted by Saxo) and Goeffrey of Monmouth.34
Nonetheless, when we compare the passage from Gesta Danorum with a relevant fragment of Gesta Regum Anglorum there is in fact no trace of any copied sentence. In both texts we find totally different phrases and different words used. Only the expressions: "cornu dextrae" (William) and "dextra cornu" (Saxo) sound a bit similar. However, both descriptions are applied to similar events. Nonetheless, William's and Saxo's account are similar, though they are not the same. There are some small differences, the most important being, perhaps, that William talks about the use of mead (hydromellum), while Saxo reported wine, or rather "merum", that is pure wine, not mixed with water, an alcoholic beverage being very proper for pagan ceremonies.35
Taking into consideration rarity of wine on the shores of Baltic Sea it could be reasonable to assume that the mead rather than wine was used by the Polabian Slavs in their ceremonies. Therefore, most likely William was right rather than Saxo. Wine, however, was also well known, even much further in the North than the Polabian lands36 and there is a possibility that the Saxo account may also be correct in this respect. Whatever the case, both authors reported a horn filled with an alcoholic beverage being used in foretelling the future harvest. Also, both reported a communal feast associated with the festival.
In William's description of ritual only the name of the deity is problematic. We may assume that William, unfamiliar with the deity of foreign-sounding name - like other ancient and medieval historians before and after him - used the classical model and replaced it with the name of an ancient goddess. The choice of Fortuna is, however, significant as this ancient Roman female deity was the goddess of blind faith and had also provided oracles. Hence, the substitution of Fortuna for a Slavic deity may simply be a result of William's association of a strange sounding Slavic god with oracles. On the other hand, that might have been a deeper reason for such an interpretation. Fortuna not only sounds different as Svarozhich or Sventovit. Fortuna is of different sex. Therefore, we can also postulate that originally the story was linked to some Slavic female deity responsible for oracles and divinations. Unfortunately, Slavic goddesses are very poorly attested in written sources.37 In Thietmar's Chronicle however, there is a fragment (without mentioning the name) about a Lutician war-goddess appearing to be of great importance; who was represented on their war-standards.38 Futhermore, Thietmar reported that at Radogoszcz, apart from main idol of Svarozhich, there were many statues of other gods and goddesses.39 And, as comparative
34	I.Skovgaard-Petersen, 'Saxo Grammaticus', Kulturhistorisk Leksikon for nordisk midelalder fra vikingetid til reformationstid, vol.15 (Krbenhavn, 1970), col.54-55.
35	L.P.Slupecki, Einflüsse des Christentums auf die heidnische Religion der Ostseeslawen im 8.-12. Jahrhundert: TempelGötterbilder-Kult, in print.
36	See Gieysztor 1984, p. 261; The knowledge of wine in the North is also attested in plenty of Norse sources.
37	L.P. Slupecki, 'Au décline des dieux slaves', in: Clovis. Histoire et mémoire. La baptçme de Clovis, son écho a travers l'histoire, vol.2 (Paris, 1998), pp. 295-296.
38	Thietmar, VII. 64 (pp. 559-561).
39	Thietmar, VI. 23 (p.345).
16
Leszek Pawel Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
studies into pagan religions show, the divination about prosperity was a domain of female deities rather than male gods.40
Conclusion
The question of William's account referring to the Luticians, Radogoszcz and a cult of Svarozhich or some female deity of unknown name - or alternatively to Arkona on Rügen, and the temple of Sventovit located there - must remain open. It has to be acknowledged that it is possible to find arguments in favour of both such hypotheses. Whatever the case, William's account shows that ceremonies similar to those reported by Saxo Grammaticus were performed as early as the middle of the 11th century. This also shows that such pagan rituals in Polabian lands were fully developed by then. Religion, like any other social phenomenon, is a long term and complex process. Hence, it could be assumed that the Western Slavic ritual of divination about future prosperity from an alcoholic drink in the horn, and performed in such a complex and sophisticated form, developed not later then the late 10th century - if not much earlier.
Yet there is another important implication deriving from William's account. He stated that the ceremony, that was identified here with the cult of Sventovit at Arkona on Rügen island was performed at the end of November, during the annual harvest festival. This timing brings to mind Adam of Bremen's descriptions of the martyrdom of Bishop John of Mecklenburg in 1066 after the pagan uprising in the Obodrite principality. An uprising in which the Luticians were heavily involved.41 What is worth noting is that Bishop John of Mecklenburg was captured and taken by the Luticians in June, but was sacrificed to the Svarozhich of Radogoszcz on the 10th of November that year.42 The question arises for what purpose he was kept alive for so long a time. Although the issue requires much more investigation and research, it could be postulated that Bishop John was sacrificed to the Lutician deity during a similar harvest celebration at Radogoszcz. In turn, this notion reinforces the hypothesis that the Polabian Slavs shared many religious concepts.
Finally, William of Malmesbury's account provides proof of authenticity for Saxo Grammaticus' description of Arkona, the Sventovit temple and associated ceremonies. Nonetheless, in spite of all this, the possiblity remains for some hypercritical historian to argue that Saxo used William's account in composing his story about the fall of Arkona, just to praise and to glorify Bishop Absalon and King Waldemar I of Denmark.
40	L.P.Slupecki, Wyrocznie i wrozby poganskich Skandynawow, passim.
41	W.Bruske, 'Untersuchungen...', pp. 81-83.
42	Adam of Bremen, Book III. 51. Helmold of Bosau copied the description of Bishop John's martyrdom from Adam's work; the author of Old-Icelandic Hungrvaka, although he undoubtedly knew and used Adam's account, could have additionally consulted some others sources concerning Bishop John and his martyrdom; cf G.Turville-Petre, The Origins of Icelandic Literature (Oxford, 1967), p.72-73.
17
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
Appendix 1
William of Malmesbury's account about the Polabian Slavs:
"Erat imperator multis et magnis virtutibus praeditus, et omnium pene ante se bellicosissimus, quippe qui etiam Vindelicos et Leuticios subegerit, ceterosque populos Suevis conterminos, qui usque ad hanc diem soli omnium mortalium paganas superstitiones anhelant; nam Saraceni et Turchi Deum Creatorem colunt, Mahumet non Deum sed ejus prophetam aestimantes. Vindelici vero Fortunam adorant; cujus idolum loco nominatissimo ponentes, cornu dextrae illius componunt plenum potu illo quem [variant: quod] Graeco vocabulo, ex aqua et melle, Hydromellum vocamus. Idem sanctus Hieronymus Aegiptos et omnes pene Orientales fecisse, in decimo octavo super Isaiam libro confirmat. Unde ultimo die Novembris mensis, in circuitu sedentes, in commune praegustant; et si cornu plenum invenerint, magno strepitu applaudunt [variant: plaudentes], quod eis futuro anno pleno copia cornu resdponsura sit in omnibus; si contra, gemunt. Hos ergo ita Henricus tributarios effecerat, ut, omnibus sollempnitatibus quibus coronabatur, reges eorum quatuor, lebetem quo carnes condiebantur, in humeris suis, per anulos quatuor vectibus ad coquinam vectitarent".43
Appendix 2
Saxo Grammaticus' account about Sventovit, his cult and associated ceremonies:
"Ingens in aede simulacrum omnem humani corporis habitum granditate transscendens, quattuor capitibus totidemque ceruicibus mirandum prestabat, e quibus duo pectus totidemque tergum respicere videbantur. Ceterum tam ante quam retro collocatorum unum dextrorsum, alterum levorsum contemplationem dirigere videbatur. Corrasae barbae, crines attonsi figurabantur, ut artificis industriam Rugianorum ritum in cultu capitum aemulatam putares. In dextra cornu vario metalli genere excultum gestabat, quod sacerdos sacrorum eius peritus annuatim mero perfundere consueverat, ex ipso liquoris habitu sequentis anni copias prospecturus. Levea arcum reflexo in latus brachio figurabat. Tunica ad tibias prominens fingebatur, que ex diversa ligni materia creatae, tam arcano nexu genibus iungebantur, ut compaginis locus non nisi curiosiori contemplatione deprehendi potuerit. Pedes humo contigui cernebantur, eorum basi intra solum latente."
"Postero die, populo prae foribus excubante, detractum simulacro poculum curiosius speculatus, si quid ex inditi liquoris mensura subtractum fuisset, ad sequentis anni inopiam pertinere putabat. Quo annotato, praesentes fruges in posterum tempus asservari iubebat. Si nihil ex consuetae fecunditatis habitu deminutum vidisset, ventura agrorum ubertatis tempora praedicabat. iuxta quod auspicium instantis anni copiis nunc parcius, nunc profusius utendum monebat. Veteri deinde mero ad pedes simulacrui libamenti nomine defuso, vacuefactum poculum recenti imbuit, simulatoque propinandi officio statuam veneratus, tum sibi, tum patrae bona civibusque opum ac victoriarum incrementa sollemnium verborum
43 Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum libri quinque, in W. Stubbs, ed., The Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages, vol. 90, part 1 (London, 1887), Book II.189 (pp.230-231).
18
Leszek Pawel Siupecki and Roman Zaroff
nuncupatione poscebat. Qua finita, admotum ori poculum nimia bibendi celeritate continuo haustu siccavit repletumque mero simulacri dextrae restituit."
"reliquum diei plenis luxuriae epulis exigentes, ipsas sacrificii dapes in usum convivii et gulae nutrimenta vertere, consecratas numini victimas intemperantiae suae servire cogentes. In quo epulo sobrietatem violare pium aestimatum est, servare nefas habitum".44
Bibliography
PRIMARY SOURCES
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, in: Quellen des 9. und 11. Jahrhunderts zur Geschichte der Hamburgischen Kirche und des Reiches, ed. W.Trillmich (Darmstad, 1961).
Adam of Bremen, Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, in F. J. Tschan, ed., History of the Archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen (New York, 1959).
Annales Augustiani, G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores vol. 3 (Hannover, 1839).
Annales Magdeburgenis, G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores vol. 16 (Hannover 1859).
Helmold of Bossau, Chronica Slavorum, in F.J. Tschan; The Chronicle of the Slavs (New York, 1966).
Saxo Grammaticus, Saxonis Gesta Danorum, J.Olrik ed. (Hauniae, 1931).
Saxo Grammaticus, The History of the Danes, Books I-IX, H.E. Davidson & P. Fisher ed., (Cambridge, 1979/80).
Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, Liber X-XVI, in E. Christiansen, ed. (Oxford, 1984).
Thietmar, Kronika Thietmara, M.Z.Jedlicki ed. (Poznan, 1953).
Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Regum Anglorum libri quinque, in W. Stubbs, ed., The Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland during the Middle Ages, vol.90, part 1 (London, 1887), Book II.189 (pp. 230-231).
William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, in J.A. Giles, William of Malmesbury's Chronicle of the Kings of England (London, 1904).
Wipo, The Deeds of Conrad II, in T.E. Mommsen & K.F. Morrison, Imperial Lives and Letters (New York, 1962).
SECONDARY SOURCES
Brüske, W., 'Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Lutizenbundes', Mitteldeutsche Forschungen, vol.3 (Münster-Köln, 1955), pp. 54-74.
Farmer, D.H., 'Two Biographies by William of Malmesbury', in T. A. Dorey, ed., Latin Biographies (London, 1967), pp. 157-176.
44 Saxo Grammaticus, XIV, 39, 3-7 (pp. 823-825): Saxonis Gesta Danorum, ed. J.Olrik (Hauniae, 1931), pp.465466.
19
William of Malmesbury on Pagan Slavic Oracles
Gieysztor, A., Mitologia Stowian (Warszawa, 1982).
Gieysztor, A., 'Opfer und Kult in der slawischen Überlieferung', Frühmittelalterliche Studien, vol.18, 1984.
Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England, c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974).
Heuberger, R., 'Vindelici', Paulys Realencyclopädie der Classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Zweite Reihe, vol.9, Part A1 (Stuttgart, 1961).
Jones, P., & Pennick, N., A History of Pagan Europe (London, 1995).
Kiersnowski, R., Legenda Winety, Studium historyczne (Krakow, 1950).
Labuda, G., 'Wenedonia', Stownik Starozytnosci Stowianskich, vol.6.
Labuda, G., Mieszko II krol Polski (1025-134). Czasyprzetomu w dziejach panstwa polskiego (Krakow, 1992).
Leciejewicz, L., 'Wolinianie', Stownik Starozytnosci Stowianskich, vol.6.
Eowmianski, H., PoczqtkiPolski, vol.5 (Warszawa, 1973).
Skovgaard-Petersen, I., 'Saxo Grammaticus', Kulturhistorisk Leksikon for nordisk midelalder fra vikingetid til reformationstid, vol.15 (Kobenhavn, 1970).
Slupecki, L. P., Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries (Warsaw, 1994).
Slupecki, L. P., Wojownicy i Wilkotaki (Warszawa, 1994).
Slupecki, L. P., Wyrocznie i wrozbypoganskich Skandynawow (Warszawa, 1998).
Slupecki, L. P., 'Au décline des dieux slaves', in: Clovis. Histoire et mémoire. La baptême de Clovis, son écho à travers l'histoire, vol.2 (Paris, 1998), pp. 295-296.
Slupecki, L. P., Einflüsse des Christentums auf die heidnische Religion der Ostseeslawen im 8.12. Jahrhundert: Tempel-Götterbilder-Kult, in print.
Thomson, R., William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge, 1987).
Turville-Petre, G., The Origins of Icelandic Literature (Oxford, 1967).
Wachowski, K., Slowianszczyzna Zachodnia (Poznan,1950).
Wielowiejski, J., 'Raetia', Stownik Starozytnosci Stowianskich, vol.4.
William iz Malmesburyja o prerokbah poganskih Slovanov: nov vir o slovanskem poganstvu
in njegovi interpretaciji
Leszek Pawel Slupecki in Roman Zaroff
Članek razbira tisti del poročila Williama iz Malmesburyja o vladavini nemškega cesarja Henrika III, ki opisuje poganski kult in obrede polabskih Slovanov. Gre za krajevno podrobneje nedoločeno vsakoletno praznovanje žetve, pri katerem so s pomočjo medice v rogu prerokovali, kakšna bo naslednja letina. Praznik so sklenili z vsesplošno gostijo.
V nadaljevanju avtorja vsak zase interpretirata Williamovo poročilo. Roman Zaroff povezuje te obrede z Rugijci z otoka Rügna (Rujane), z Arkono in Sventovitovim kultom. Leszek Pawel Slupecki pa vidi v poročilu Ljutiče (ljudstvo Veletov), ki so imeli središče v Radogostu (Retri) in so častili božanstvo z imenom Svarožič. Oba avtorja se strinjata, da je Williamovo poročilo pomembno za proučevanje slovanske religije in še posebej za delo Gesta Danorum Saksa Gramatika. Strinjata se, da Sakso ni poznal Williamovega dela Gesta Regum. Zato je Williamovo poročilo, ne glede na to, kateri skupini Polabskih Slovanov pripada opisani obred, dokaz za pristnost Saksovega poročila.
20
Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis. The Origins of the Kurenti and of the Pinewood Marriage ("Borovo Gostuvanje")
Slavko Ciglenečki
The carnival mask of the kurent invokes the memory of the mythical companions of Cybele and Attis, who played an important role directly before Christianity became the prevailing religion throughout the territory ofpresent-day Slovenia. It also seems that pinewood marriage ("borovo gostuvanje"), an event that takes place during the carnival festivities, reflects one of the high points of the March celebrations dedicated to Attis. The author further mentions some additional elements of the heritage which have preserved the elements of the Great Mother cult as late as the Middle Ages and even into modern times.
There are numerous carnivals masks and traditions that originated during the pre-Slavic period. In his excellent, although almost unnoticed 1978 study concerning the mask of the hind, Niko Kuret emphasizes the pre-Slavic origin of this mask and presents the phenomenon of the survival of individual elements of pagan cults all through to the present (Kuret 1978). Kuret perceives in the hind the survival of an older cult figure worshipped by indigenous inhabitants that lived in the territory of present-day Slovenia and amidst the confusion of migrations, took to almost inaccessible areas of southeastern Noricum (Kuret 1978, 502). Here I would like to draw attention to the roots of the kurent (korant) from Ptujsko polje and the custom of pinewood marriage (borovo gostuvanje) in Prekmurje which can be traced to an important cult which was practiced in Slovenia during the Roman era.
A comprehensive review of masks in Slovenia maintains numerous attempts at explaining the figure of the kurent (Kuret 1984, 192-196) by ethnologists and linguists: their explanations tied it with the Slavs, the Uskoki, the Illyrians, the Greeks, the Latin peoples and all the way to the East Finns/Mongolians. The most renowned expert on masks in Slovenia, the late Niko Kuret, wrote in 1984 that the figure of the kurent remains a mystery (Kuret 1984, 193).
In a booklet, published in 1978 on the new collection of the Ptuj museum S. Cobelj proposes yet another thesis concerning the origins of the kurent; from the point of view of this article she comes nearest to the solution of this enigma (Cobelj 1978, 9-10). Cobelj indicates that the origins of the kurent are related to the Kuretes, Greek demons who protected the young Zeus in a cave from his father Cronus by banging their swords against their shields and thus creating a great din, to drown the child's crying.
This thesis was not welcomed by experts in the field. F. Bezlaj, for instance, termed it unpersuasive (Bezlaj 1982, 113), while N. Kuret felt that this comparison was forced, especially the part which linked the swords of the warriors from Crete with the hedgehog clubs of the kurenti (Kuret 1984, 196). Since the meager economic connections between the
21
Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis
present-day Slovene territory and Greece could not justify the transmission of this tradition in a satisfactory manner, the presumption about the links between the kurent and the Kuretes and the Koribantes from Crete was not convincing enough. S. Cobelj compared the kurent only to the Kuretes from Crete (or to the Koribantes), but did not emphasize the role of the latter in connection with Cybele, the goddess from Asia Minor. Nor did she realize the connection between the cult of Cybele and the Slovene territory, despite the fact that two of the most beautiful depictions of the goddess in the Roman provinces had been found in the
very town of Ptuj (comp. Modrijan, Weber 1979-1981, 95-97, and Abramic 1925, 188189).
The current and different understanding of Slovene ethnogenesis is of some significance; the varying views concerning settlement patterns at the time the Slavs reached this territory had a havy influence upon varying interpretations of the kurent figure. Until very recently it was commonly believed that at the end of the 6th century the Slavs migrated to a more or less empty territory with but a few fragments of the remaining indigenous inhabitants (comp. Grafenauer 1978, 230-233). The large majority of older researchers therefore looked for analogies for the kurent mainly in the heritage of the peoples who had settled in this area after the decline of the Roman Empire.
Numerous fortified settlements, some of which had already been researched, indicate that the present-day Slovenia was still settled during the Late Roman era, however mostly in the hilly and remote areas far from valleys of transit. This is where the indigenous inhabitants spent the dangerous period of the great migrations, meeting new settlers with which they merged during the following centuries; this process remains very vague. Two such indigenous areas have been discovered in the vicinity of Ptuj: south of Donacka gora and Boc with Kozjansko at its center (Ciglenecki 1992), and the southeastern slopes of Pohorje (Strmcnik 1997). Even though indigenous settlements have yet to be found in Slovenske gorice or in Haloze, these two areas cannot be completely ruled out as possible refuge territories.
The second significant element which should be taken into account when attempting an explanation of the individual fragments of folk culture and tradition is the much more important role of the cult of the Great Mother at the end of the Roman era; that is during
1. The front of a damaged altar dedicated to Cybele featuring symbols of the goddess and Attis; from Marof near Jurkloster. The central part of the surface depicts a pine tree with different musical instruments (a Phrygian flute, panpipes, tambourine, and cymbals)hanging from its branches and Attis'cap, adorned with stars. The tree with instruments (symbols of Attis) grows from a wall-shaped crown between two reclining lions (symbols of Cybele).
22
Slavko Ciglenečki
the critical time when Christianity prevailed over paganism. Many items which shall be mentioned later on confirm the existence of the elements of this cult in folk culture long into the Middle Ages, and in some forms - though sometimes largely transformed - even up to the present. One should of course also bear in mind a specter of the remaining pagan cults which had been only seemingly abruptly replaced by Christianity; in reality this was a very gradual process, and in some places it has never occurred on the whole.
While studying the Roman monuments that are dedicated to the cult of Cybele (Kybela) and which have been preserved in Slovenia, a hitherto overlooked possibility of explaining the figure of the kurent as well as the carnivals custom of pinewood marriage ("borovo gostuvanje") in Prekmurje in a different manner surfaced (Ciglenecki 1998a and Ciglenecki 1998b). A gradually increasing number of monuments dedicated to this cult enhances the knowledge which is further supplemented by the elements of folk tradition in Slovenia as well as by individual finds from neighbouring and also more distant lands.
In the territory of present-day Slovenia the cult of Cybele was concentrated around the Roman towns of Emona, Celeia, and Petoviona; individual monuments were also discovered at Ig, Marof near Jurkloster, Podkraj near Hrastnik, and in Koper (Kolsek 1968; Swoboda 1969; Lovenjak 1997, 67-68, 83; Ciglenecki 1998b). The majority are honorific inscriptions, two are statues, and some are also reliefs with depictions of symbolic objects pertaining to the cult of Cybele.
In order to facilitate the understanding of this theme it is necessary to condense the knowledge about this extremely complex goddess into several sentences. The literature about her is extensive; especially lately it consists also of popular, often somewhat uncritical works (for basic insight and literature see Cumont 1959; Vermaseren 1977; Garth 1984). The notion about the life-giving goddess reaches far back into the darkness of prehistory. In the forests and hills of Asia Minor people worshipped an ancient female deity; the first depictions by the Hittites date to the 2nd millennium B.C. In the course of time a goddess with all of her attributes and characteristics crystallized by Phrygians. Her two most important aspects were fertility and the protection of life, and her cult was centered on dying as well as upon awakening stagnant nature to spring life. One of the numerous variants of a story from the Roman Empire era depicts how Cybele falls in love with a shepherd named Attis. The goddess punishes
23
2. The marble statue of Cybele was discovered in the vicinity of the first Mithraeum in Hajdina near Ptuj; it is kept at the Graz museum. The head, adorned by a crown resembling a city wall, is missing. To the left and right of the goddess are the remains of reclining lions, her faithful companions.
Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis
him for his infidelity by driving him insane. Overcome by madness, Attis castrates himself under a pine tree and bleeds to death. Struck by remorse, Cybele pleads with Zeus to preserve the body of Attis; it is believed that Attis changes into an evergreen pine tree, is reborn again, and is reunited with Cybele. The original mythic companions of Cybele from Asia Minor were the Koribantes (korubantes), in Greece they were joined by the Kuretes (kouretes) from Crete; both possessed similar characteristics. During the Roman era both groups represented Cybele's escorts (Roscher 1890-1894). The Kuretes and the Koribantes (sometimes they appear as demigods or even demons in literature) are a sort of antipode to the Amazonians, accompanying the triumphant march of Cybele with an apotropaic din and ritual dances with arms.
The cult of Cybele spread from Pessinus in Phrygia; in 204 B.C. it was officially introduced in Rome. During the time that Hannibal was encroaching upon Rome, the Romans took their vows and accepted the goddess into their pantheon as the first Oriental deity. They named her Magna Mater Deorum (The Great Mother); in this form she is most often depicted on Roman monuments. Her cult spread in the imperial era, especially under the support of the emperor Claudius (41-54 B.C.), spreading to all the territories of the great Roman Empire ; thus also into the area of present-day Slovenia. The indigenous population accepted the cult willingly, for in the image of the mother goddess they easily recognized the features of their local female deities. In Dalmatia, for instance, Cybele's beloved Attis was even associated with Silvan, the supreme deity of the Delmati tribe. This notion is supported by the relief from Pridraga (Cambi 1968, 137). The cult reached its zenith during the reign of emperor Antoninus Pius, although it did not lose in significance as it was supported by a considerable number of succeeding emperors.
Parallel to the growing crisis in the Roman empire and its subsequent depletion of power, the importance of the classical Greek-Roman deities was undermined as well. On the other hand, Oriental mystery cults offering people in distress a spiritual haven and the promise of ascent and eternal life later on became more prominent. Aside from Mithraism, two such cults that evolved were the cults of Cybele and Isis. Since Cybele was the first to have been incorporated into the Roman pantheon and thus also enjoyed the official protection of the state, she accrued a certain privilege and many followers throughout the centuries.
The cult of the Great Mother persisted for a long time concurrent with the rise of Christianity. During the reign of Eugenius, Theodosius' opponent, the cult experienced its last period of prosperity. A ritual cleansing of Rome was performed at that time and upon the initiative of the consul Virius Nicomachus Flavianus, pagan rituals were revived once again. Flavianus even performed the taurobolium in person. The sacred pine tree was carried in a procession and the Romans were once again able to admire and worship the statue of Cybele accompanied by silver lions. Revived were also the megalensia, festivities honoring the Great Mother. This final splendor of the cult is also reflected in some valuable objects of artistic value, for instance the patera from Parabiago with the depiction of the triumph of Cybele and Attis in the presence of the gods of heavens, earth, and water (Levi 1935). The motifs on contorniates from the second half of the 4th century are also similar. An important datum from the territory of present - day Slovenia mentions that in 388 Theodosius was greeted and solemnly received by the sacerdotes, flamines, and Oriental cults eunuch-priests, together with the town council (Sasel 1983, 55).
Despite the scarcity of stone monuments which could attest to the cult of Cybele in the countryside, a taurobolium object (fossa sanguinis) was found during the excavation of
24
Slavko Ciglenečki
the Late Roman post at Gradina Zecovi near Prijedor. This object, dating to the middle of the 4th century (Medini 1980-1981), aptly confirms the thesis concerning the presence of the cult also in more remote parts of the provinces and not only in Rome. It is significant that an early Christian church was erected in Gradina only a few meters aside in the 5th or 6th century (Cremosnik 1955, 137-140).
An additional confirmation of the thesis of the great importance of the cult of the Great Mother in the final era of paganism is the famous depiction of the goddess in a somewhat rigid poise in the middle of a golden patera along with the depiction of classical antique gods (Heland 1973). Her superiority over the classical pantheon is clearly visible here. It was found in Pietroasa in Romania and dates to the first half of the 5th century (Harhoiu 1977, 36). This seems to be one of the last depictions of the pagan Great Mother.
The continuation of the story about the fight between Christianity and paganism in Slovenia is well known. The pagan destiny was sealed in the great battle between Theodosius and Eugenius in the Vipava valley on the 5th to 6th of September 394, whereupon the cult lost its official support; the temples of the Great Mother, along with those of other pagan cults, became the target of destruction by fervent Christians. Yet worship of the female divine principle has not completely died out; it has found its expression in Mary, the mother of Christ, who was - this is quite significant - raised to the status of the mother of god at the very council in Ephesus in 431, not far from the site from which the cult of Cybele once spread throughout the Roman empire.
There are numerous antique sources on the course of the worship of Cybele, especially during the great Ides of March festivities at the beginning of spring (comp. Cumont 1959; Garth 1984, 1517-1521). These festivities started on March 15th with a procession and the sacrifice of a bull which would assure the fertility of fields. After seven days of abstinence and fasting the central event of the March celebrations took place. Members of a special association, most often wood merchants or lumberjacks (dendrophores - The College of Tree-Bearers) cut down a pine tree or a spruce, decorated it with violets, wrapped it in wool, and in a ritual procession carried it to the temple on Palatine. Around the tree women sang mourning songs for the late Attis. Two days of mourning were followed by the so-called hilaria on March 25th , the Festival of Joy which celebrated Attis' rebirth.
Cybele's monuments from the territory of the present Slovenia represent the key to the enigma of the kurent and of pinewood marriage ("borovo gostuvanje"). The similarity between the mythical companions of Cybele, the Kuretes and the Koribantes, and our kurents is considerable; and the fact that until the end of the 4th century the cult of Cybele was well represented in our territory, especially in the southern part of the province of
25
3. A gold-plated silver plate from Parabiago (Milan) depicting Cybele and Attis on a lion-drawn chariot. Dancing Kuretes and Koribantes accompany their ride, banging their shields with their swords. The plate represents the culmination and simultaneously the last shimmer of depictions of the Great Mother cult.
Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis
Noricum around Petoviona and Celeia, is all the more significant. It may therefore be presumed that the Kuretes and the Koribantes, with only slightly altered names (maybe even present with both names: Koribantes -korants, Kuretes - kurents), have been absorbed into the local tradition and preserved to the present. Their identity has not been confirmed only by similar names and behaviour (ecstatic dancing and causing a tremendous racket), but mainly by their basic mission: the awakening of spring life. It is namely for this that the festivities honoring Cybele took place in the month of March. Other characteristics, such as clothes and paraphernalia, which necessitate further research and in-depth study should be set aside, most of these details were probably added later on. N. Kuret, in his study of animal figures, has already stated that often these masks do not morphologically correspond to their names (Kuret 1978, 498). He explained this with the fact that "people carelessly alter masks but remain conservative as far as names are concerned. Whenever possible, they cling to old, inherited names. The name thus stays but the form changes." We might also mention Lucretius' description of Cybele's festival celebrations in which he speaks of several armed people, whose heads are covered with menacing plumes and who dance intertwined, jump in step, and shed blood from the wounds inflicted upon each other (Lucretius). The horns which adorn the head of the kurent might also indicate Cybele, in whose honor a bull was sacrificed. Slovene folk heritage conveys an interesting reference to the sacred Kurent (Kuret 1984, 194) and bestows a much more important status upon this figure, perhaps even revealing the reminiscence of the status of demigod held by the Kuretes and the Koribantes in antiquity. The demonic character of the kurenti, whose music so affectively influenced everyone around them, can also be found in Slovene oral heritage and its subsequent artistic transformations (Stanonik 1992).
It is also necessary to mention the restraint expressed by Kuret. He namely allowed for the possibility that the kurent had been brought to Ptujsko polje from their previous home by the Uskoki (Kuret 1984, 192). As mentioned above, it is not possible to entirely refute this presumption since the mask could also have developed from the same roots elsewhere; the cult of the Great Mother was indeed widespread throughout the entire Roman empire. Yet the fact that the carnival mask of the kurent appears in the direct hinterlands of Petoviona, the town had been one of the strongest focal points of Oriental cults (aside
4. The kurent - like his predecessors, but transformed into a mask and adapted to a different geographic region - continues to perform his basic mission: to revive the sleeping nature. Steer horns on his head symbolise the connection with the bull, Cybele's cult animal.
Slavko Ciglenečki
from the monuments dedicated to Cybele, let us bear in mind at least five Mythraeums!), most convincingly confirms the origin of the tradition in this area.
It is very possible that the origin of other similar masks such as the lampe, the busari, or the kukeri can be traced to the same roots. It is especially interesting that, unlike the kurent, the kukeri from Bulgaria wear wooden swords, which points to the mythical Koribantes and Kuretes even more explicitely (Cobelj 1978, 10).
Due to limited space it is not possible to analyze other fascinating similarities among the masks which accompany the kurenti and the cult of Cybele. Let us only mention the figure which appears in the group surrounding the kurent, the so-called "picek" (cockerel). This mask is worn by a child and consists of an underskirt, a white shirt, and a long pointed cap (Kuret 1984, 203-204). While the mask's name alludes to Cybele's priests who were named Galli (galli=roosters), the cap is similar to the pointy Phrygian head-covering of Cybele's beloved Attis. The mask is thus reminiscent of the infant Attis that was often depicted on small bronze or clay statuettes in Roman times.
It is also possible that the above mentioned custom of cutting down a pine tree during the festivities dedicated to Cybele is reflected in the unique custom bearing no known analogies as of yet, "borovo gostuvanje" (the Pinewood Marriage). "Borovo gostuvanje" is an unusual event depicting a marriage (gostuvanje) to a pine tree (Kuhar 1957; Kuret 1984, 168-170). Kuhar studied the origin of this custom in detail, concluded that even though the first mention of it was relatively late, its origin is not contemporary; the custom was merely revived according to the old tradition (Kuhar 1957, 50). The choice of a tree (a pine or another evergreen)in particular, as well as the central event (the marriage) are clear allusions to Cybele, who achieves the revival of Attis (the symbol of Attis is a pine tree) and then reunites with him.
In addition to the masks of the kurent, the "picek" and the custom of "borovo gostuvanje", certain elements from neighboring countries are also reminiscent of the remains of the Cybele and Attis cult which has been preserved throughout the Middle Ages and into modern times.
Concerning the oral tradition of the Kuretes and the Koribantes, perhaps we should also cite the testimony of Thomas Archidiakonus from the 13th century, who described the downfall of Salona with the following words: "Croatia used to be named Kurecija, and the
27
5. Children's masks of the "piceki" with pointed caps are reminiscent of the young Attis, Cybele's beloved. The "piceki" - cockerels - might best be explained with the term "galli" (roosters) as the priests of Cybele's cult were named.
Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis
6. The central event of "borovo gostuvanje": the felling of a tree (at Andovci, Feb. 22, 1998).
nations which are now called Croatians used to be called Kuretes or Koribantes." He further mentions their custom of banging on bronze objects at the waning moon in the hope of helping the suffering moon by making great noise which will scare away the demons from biting off pieces of the moon (Archidiakonus 1960, 19). Perhaps the author was familiar with the tradition which was still alive in Dalmatia's hinterlands, although he confused it with the reports from old texts?
Part of an oral tradition from eastern Tyrol is of special significance. It mentions a procession with a ram which set forth from some smaller villages in the vicinity of Lienz to Lavant. Lavant, a cult stronghold, sheltered a settlement of refugees from Aguntum during the Late Roman era. Three early Christian churches from the 5th and the 6th century were discovered under the structures of two churches from the Middle Ages. According to S.Karwiese, who has written a lengthy study concerning this procession, it portrays the remainder of pre-Christian sacrifice rites (Karwiese 1973, 21-24). Karwiese presumes that a temple dedicated to Cybele used to stand in the spot of this later stronghold from the Late Roman era. A criobolium, the sacrifice of a an animal dedicated to Attis, the ram, took place in the temple. In later centuries, when the Christian church supplanted pagan customs, or better yet built upon them, this custom was preserved due to the fact that eastern Tyrol of that time represented an island secluded from the course of events. Karwiese's assumption is further attested to certain - although indeterminate - remains of an older shrine on the hill, and indirectly also by the fact that such cult localities did exist on hills; this had also been demonstrated by the taurobolium object that was discovered on Gradina Zecovi and mentioned above.
Let us briefly summarize our conclusions: the kurenti are part of the heritage pertaining to the Great Mother who was worshipped in the area of present - day Slovenia - and likewise throughout the Roman empire - for centuries. During the celebrations dedicated to Cybele, her male worshippers recreated the mythical event of driving winter away by dancing ecstatically and by creating a tremendous racket thus enabling the arrival of new life. Their noisy behavior is reflected in the behavior of the mythic carriers of the cult of the Kuretes and the Koribantes who, accompanied by the goddess, roamed the forests looking for Attis and made noise in order to wake up the sleeping god, namely the sleeping vegeta-
28
Slavko Ciglenečki
tion. And "Borovo gostuvanje" reflects the memory of the ritual performed by Cybele's worshippers during the March celebrations dedicated to the cult of Cybele; they cut down a pine tree, symbolically performing the death of Attis, in order to celebrate his revival and his uniting with the Great Mother in the following days. The connection with the survival of the last significant pagan cult in our territory and the fragmentary traces of the late tradition in the neighboring regions signify that the memory of the cult of the Great Mother has persevered much longer than we had imagined, especially in hidden and remote areas where isolated groups of the old population survived.
Elements of the old Eurasian cult have endured - albeit only as masks and carnival customs - to the present. They represent the remarkably interesting heritage of a time long gone - a connection with antiquity, alive even today.
7. A decorated tree, already on the ground and prepared for the ceremonial transportation ("borovo gostuvanje" in Andovci, Feb. 22, 1998).
Literature:
Abramic, M. 1925, Poetovio. Ptuj. Arhidakon, T. 1960, Kronika. Izdaja muzeja grada Splita 8. Bezlaj, F. 1982, Etimološki slovar slovenskega jezika II. Ljubljana. Cambi, N. 1968, Silvan - Atis. Primjer kultnog sinkretizma. Diadora 4, 131-142. Ciglenečki, S. 1992, Polis Norikon, Poznoantične višinske utrdbe med Celjem in Brežicami. Podsreda.
Ciglenečki, S. 1998a, Nekoč so bili spremljevalci Kibele, danes preganjajo zimo kot pustne
maske. Delo, 25. 2., 10. Ciglenečki, S. 1998b, Nenavaden spomenik Kibelinega in Apolonovega kulta iz Marofa
(Mrzlo polje) v bližini Jurkloštra. Arheološki vestnik 49, 251-259. Cobelj, Š. 1978, Maske in opravila. Ptuj.
Cumont, F. 1959, Die orientalischen Religionen im römischen Heidentum. Darmstadt. Čremošnik, I. 1955, Novi srednjevekovni nalazi kod Prijedora. Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu NS X, 137-148.
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Late Traces of the Cults of Cybele and Attis
Garth, T. 1984, Magna Mater and Attis. Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II, 17. 3, 1500-1535.
Grafenauer, B. 1978, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda I. (3. edition). Ljubljana.
Harhoiu, R. 1977, The Fifth-Century A.D. Treasure from Pietroasa, Romania, in the light of recent research. British Archaeological Reports, Supplementary Series 24.
Heland von, M. 1973, The golden Bowl from Pietroasa. Acta Universitatis Stokholmiensis, Stokholm Studies in History of Art 24.
Karwiese, S. 1973, Lavant. Ein Schwerpunkt in der Frühgeschichte Osttirols. Osttiroler Heimatblätter 41, No. 7-10.
Kolšek, V. 1968, Pregled antičnih kultov na slovenskem ozemlju. Arheološki vestnik 19, 273-286.
Kuhar, B., 1957, Borovo gostüvanje v Prekmurju in podobni pustni običaji na Slovenskem. Doctoral thesis.
Kuret, N. 1978, Košuta - cervula. Arheološki vestnik 29, 495-504.
Kuret, N. 1984, Maske slovenskih pokrajin. Ljubljana.
Levi, A. 1935, La patera d'argento di Parabiago. Opere d'arte 5, Istituto di archeologia e storia dell'arte.
LIMC 1981 = Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae 8, 1, Kouretes, Korybantes 736-741. Zürich, München, Bern.
Lovenjak, M. 1997, Novi in revidirani rimski napisi v Sloveniji. Arheološki vestnik 48, 6388.
Lucretius, T. Carus, De rerum natura 2, line 600-660.
Medini, J. 1980-1981, Ein taurobolisches objekt und das Ritual auf Zecovi. Archaeologia Iugoslavica 20-21, 96-102.
Modrijan, W. & E. Weber 1979 - 1981, Die Römersteinsammlung des Joanneums im Eggenberger Schlosspark, 2. Part. Schild von Steier 14, 7-108.
Roscher, W. H. 1890-1894, Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Römischen Mythologie 3, 1587-1628. Leipzig.
Stanonik, M. 1992, Kurent. Enciklopedija Slovenije 6, 78. Ljubljana.
Strmčnik, M. 1997, Mariborsko - bistriško območje v poznorimski dobi. Arheološki vestnik 48, 269-288.
Swoboda, R. M. 1969, Denkmäler des Mater-Magna-Kultes in Slovenien und Istrien. Bonner Jahrbücher 169, 195-207.
Šašel, J. 1983, Napisi v mozaičnih tleh emonske krstne kapele in cerkvenega portika. In: Plesničar-Gec, L. 1983, Starokrščanski center v Emoni. Katalogi in monografije 21, 52-59.
Vermaseren, M. J. 1977, Cybele and Attis. The Mith and Cult. London.
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Slavko Ciglenečki
Pozni sledovi Kibelinega in Atisovega kulta.
O izvoru kurentov in borovega gostivanja
Slavko Ciglenečki
Raziskave ostalin kulta Velike matere bogov (Kibele) iz rimskega obdobja v Sloveniji so opozorile na možno povezavo med likom pustne maske Kurenta in mitskimi spremljevalci Kibele, kureti in koribanti. Posebej pomembno je dejstvo, da je bil Kibelin kult v slovenskem prostoru še najbolj razširjen v južnem delu Norika s Petoviono in Celejo. Tako smemo domnevati, da so kureti in koribanti le v malo spremenjeni imenski obliki (morda prisotni celo z obema imenoma: koribanti - koranti, kureti - kurenti) prešli v lokalno tradicijo in se tu ohranili do danes. Njihove istovetnosti ne potrjuje le imenska podobnost in njihovo obnašanje (ekstatični ples in povzročanje trušča), ampak predvsem njihovo temeljno poslanstvo -obujanje pomladnega življenja, saj so Kibelina in Atisova praznovanja obhajali v marcu prav s tem namenom.
Potrebno je izpostaviti še lik, ki se pojavlja v kurentovi druščini pod imenom "picek" (petelinček): maska, v katero se napravi šolar, ko obleče spodnje krilo, belo srajco, na glavo pa posadi dolgo koničasto kapo. Ime aludira na Kibeline svečenike, ki so se imenovali gali (galli - petelini), kapa pa na koničasto frigijsko pokrivalo Kibelinega ljubljenca Atisa. Skratka, spominja na otroškega Atisa, kot je bil v antiki velikokrat upodobljen v majhnih bronastih ali glinenih kipcih.
Tudi pri borovem gostuvanju, izjemnem običaju, ki je doslej brez vzporednic, je bilo mogoče v podiranju bora v sklopu Kibelinih praznovanj najti ustrezno razlago za nenavaden običaj ženitve (gostuvanja) z borom. Pri tem je posebej izbira drevesa (bor ali katero drugo zimzeleno drevo) pa tudi osrednje dejanje (poroka) jasna aluzija na Kibelo, ki doseže ponovno vstajenje Atisa (njegov simbol je bor) in se nato z njim združi.
Poleg maske kurenta, piceka in običaja borovega gostuvanja je potrebno omeniti še dva podatka v soseščini, ki opozarjata na preostanke kulta Kibele in Atisa v srednjem in novem veku, namreč omemba kuretov in koribantov pri Tomažu Arhidijakonu iz 13. st. in "ovnova procesija", ki so jo do začetka 20. stoletja prirejali na znani kultni in naselbinski točki Lavant na vzhodnem Tirolskem.
Povezava z ostalinami zadnjega pomembnega poganskega kulta pri nas in sledovi drobcev poznega izročila v soseščini opozarjajo, da se je spomin na kult Velike matere bogov obdržal mnogo dalje, kot smo si predstavljali doslej, posebno še v skritih, zakotnih predelih, kjer so se ohranili staroselski otoki.
31
Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
Volker Schmidt
Rethra was an early town center in the region ofRedarians. On the basis of written and archaeological sources it is possible to locate this place between the Tollensesee lake and the Uecker river. Especially important is the southern side of the Tollensesee lake and the neighboring Lieps, where archaeologists were able to prove the existence of an early Slavic town whose importance had not been merely local. Discovered were the dwellings of noblemen, a burial ground, three settlements of servant quarters, and several cult localities. The author is of the opinion that all these represent the early town center of Rethra.
Die Suche nach dem zentralen Ort und kultischen Mittelpunkt der Lutizen, Rethra, hat eine lange, interessante Forschungsgeschichte. Schon 1378 war man sich nicht mehr im klaren darüber, wo denn nun eigentlich Rethra gelegen habe. Der Chronist Ernst von Kirchberg nahm für seinen Lokalisierungsversuch aus diesem Jahr die Stadt Demmin in Anspruch. In den nächsten Jahrhunderten folgten zahlreiche Abhandlungen, mit denen man die Lage des Hauptortes des Lutizenbundes beweisen wollte. Bis in unsere Gegenwart wurden über 36 verschiedene Örtlichkeiten dafür in einem sehr weiträumigen Gebiet zwischen Elbe und östlich der Oder sowie Warnow und Havel in Betracht gezogen. Fast alle diese Versuche beruhten nur auf rein hypothetische Überlegungen. Das ist natürlich bei den älteren Überlegungen nicht anders möglich, stellt doch die Archäologie erst eine sehr junge Wissenschaft dar.
Grundlage für die gesamte Rethraforschung stellt selbstverständlich die berühmte Schilderung Thietmars von Merseburg (VI, 23-25) aus dem Jahre 1005 dar.
„Est urbs quaedem in pago Riedirierun Riedegost nomine, tricornis ac tres in se continens portas - una quxque per singula cornua (Zusatz des Codex in Brüssel) - quam undique silva ab incolis intacta et venerabilis circumdat magna. Duae eiusdem portae cunctis introeuntibus patent; tercia, quae orientem respicit et minima est, tramitem ad mare iuctapositum et visu nimis horribile monstrat-qu (a) e nulli facilepatet (Zusatz des Codex in Brüssel). In eadem est nil nisi fanum de ligno artificiose compositum, quodpro basibus diversarum sustentatur cornibus bestiarum. Huius parietes variae deorum dearumque imagines mirifice insculptae, ut cernentibus videtur, exterius ornant; interius autem dii stant manu facti, singulis nominibus insculptis, galeis atque loricis terribiliter vestiti, quorum primus Zuarasici dicitur et pre caeteris a cunctis gentilibus honoratur et colitur. Vexilla quoque eorum, nisi ad expeditionis necessaria, et tunc per pedites, hinc nullatenus moventur. Adhaec curiose tuenda ministri sunt specialiter ab indigenis constituti. Qui cum huc idolis immolare seu iram eorundemplacare conveniunt,sedent hii, dumtaxat
33
Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
caeteris asstantibus, et invicem clanculum mussantes terram cum tremore infodiunt, quo sortibus emissis rerum certitudinem dubiarumperquirant...."
„Quot regiones sunt in hispartibus, tot templa habentur et simulacra demonum singula ab infidelibus colentur, inter quae civitas supramemorataprincipalem tenet monarchiam."
„Im Redariergau liegt eine Burg mit Namen Riedegost, dreihörnig und drei Tore enthaltend - ein jedes wegen der einzelnen Hörner - welche allseitig von einem großen, von den Einwohnern unberührten und verehrungswürdigen Wald umgeben wird. Zwei dieser Tore sind dem Zutritt aller geöffnet, das dritte, das nach Osten zeigt und das kleinste ist, mündet in einem Pfad, der zu einem nahe gelegenen See mit schauerlichem Anblick führt - das keinem leicht offen steht."
W. Trillmich (1966, S. 269) übersetzt den weiteren Text wie folgt: „In der Burg befindet sich nur ein kunstfertig errichtetes, hölzernes Heiligtum, das auf einem Fundament aus Hörnern verschiedener Tiere steht. Außen schmücken seine Wände, soviel man sehen kann, verschiedene, prächtig geschnitzte Bilder von Göttern und Göttinnen. Innen aber stehen von Menschenhänden gemachte Götter, jeder mit eingeschnitztem Namen, furchterregend sind sie mit Helmen und Panzern bekleidet; der höchste heißt Swarozyc, und alle Heiden achten und verehren ihn besonders. Auch dürfen ihre Feldzeichen nur im Falle eines Krieges, und zwar durch Krieger zu Fuß, von dort weggenommen werden.
Für die sorgfältige Wartung dieses Heiligtums haben die Eingeborenen besondere Priester eingesetzt. Wenn man sich dort zu Opfer für die Götzen oder zur Sühnung ihres Zorns versammelt, dürfen sie sitzen, während alle anderen stehen; geheimnisvoll murmeln sie zusammen, während sie zitternd die Erde aufgraben, um dort durch Loswurf Gewißheit über fragliche Dinge zu erlangen." ...
„Jeder Gau dieses Landes hat seinen Tempel und sein besonderes, von den Ungläubigen verehrtes Götzenbild; doch genießt jene civitas (nicht Burg, Verfasser) einen besonderen Vorrang."
Besondere Bedeutung muß man der Ausführung über die Priesterschaft beimessen, die im ganzem slawischen Raum einzig dasteht. Sie war für die Wartung, die sicherlich auch Schutz umfaßte, des Heiligtums verantwortlich. Aufgrund ihrer besonderen gesellschaftlichen Stellung ist anzunehmen, daß es sich um Angehörige des hohen Adels handelte. Damit muß außerhalb der „urbs", die von dem heiligen Hain umgeben war, eine vermutlich befestigte Siedlung der adligen Priesterschaft gelegen haben. Das dritte und kleinere Tor des Heiligtums mündete in einem Pfad, der sich wahrscheinlich in einer Brük-ke fortsetzte. Offenbar durfte dieses Tor nur von der Priesterschaft und wenigen Auserwählten passiert werden. In diesem Zusammenhang wäre der Zusatz des Codex von Brüssel verständlich, daß „das Tor keinem leicht offensteht". Am Anfang der Beschreibung benutzt Thietmar im Zusammenhang mit dem Heiligtum zweimal den Begriff „urbs", die Burg. Zwei Absätze weiter spricht er jedoch von der „civitas" und meint in diesem Zusammenhang sicherlich nicht die „Burg" sondern eine größere stadtähnliche Siedlung. Die bewußt verschieden gewählten Termini benutzt Thietmar von Merseburg analog auch in dem Bericht über Liubusua. Für das Jahr 932 erwähnt er eine urbs Liubusua und eine davor gelegene municiuncula (I, 16), während er zum Jahre 1012 die vorher als urbs bezeichnete größere Anlage als civitas anführt und die municiumcula jetzt als urbs anspricht (VI, 59).
Ein so bedeutendes politisches und kultisches Zentrum kann nicht allein aus dem Heiligtum und aus der Priesterschaft bestanden haben. In einer gesicherten Entfernung zum Kultplatz waren Kaufmanns- und Handwerkssiedlungen unbedingt lebensnotwendig.
34
Volker Schmidt
Außerdem mußte ein starkes wirtschaftliches Hinterland gesichert sein. Bei der Interpretation des Berichts von Thietmar, daß nähmlich innerhalb des frühstädtischen Zentrums die dreitorige Burg mit dem Tempel lag, steht die Beschreibung Adams von Bremen nicht unbedingt im Widerspruch:
„Interquos medii et potentissimi omnium suntRetharii, civitas eorum vulgatissimaRethre, sedes idolatriae. Templum ibi constructum est daemonibus magnum, quorumprinceps Redigast. Simulacrum ejus auro, lectus ostro paratus. Civitas ipsa novem portas habet, undique lacu profundo inclusa, pons ligneus transitumpraebet, per quem tantum sacrificantibus aut responsa petentibus via concedituv. Credo hec ea significante causa, quodperditas eorom animas, qui ydolis serviunt, congrue novies Styx interfusa cohorcet. Ad quod templum ferunt a civitate Hammaborg iter quattour esse dierum."
„In deren Mitte sind die mächtigsten vor allem die Redarier, ihre weit berühmte cicitas ist Rethra, der Hort ihres Teufelsglaubens. Dort steht ein großer Tempel ihrer Götzen, deren oberster Radegast ist. Sein Bild ist aus Gold gefertigt, sein Lager von Purpur. Die civitas selbst hat neun Tore und ist ringsum von einem tiefen See umgeben. Ein Knüppeldamm gewährt Zugang, aber er darf nur von Leuten betreten werden, die opfern oder Orakelsprüche einholen wollen; das deutet vermutlich darauf hin, daß die verlorenen Seelen der Götzendiener ganz zu Recht ,neunfach der Styx umfließt und einschließt'. Die Entfernung bis zu diesem Tempel soll von der Stadt Hamburg aus vier Tagesreisen betragen" (R. Buchner 1961, S. 253).
Adam von Bremen benutzt sowohl im Zusammenhang mit Rethra als auch für Hamburg den Begriff „civitas". Eine Auslegung als „Stadt" erscheint auf jeden Fall angebracht zu sein. Damit erfährt auch die Interpretation Thietmars Schilderung einige Sicherheit. Wenn Adam schreibt, daß die „Stadt" selbst neun Tore hat, muß darin kein Widerspruch zu der dreitorigen Burg Thietmars liegen. Seine Ausführung, daß nur einem bestimmten Personenkreis der Weg über die Brücke gestattet war, bestätigt die Annahme eines absichtlichen Fernhaltens der breiten Volksmassen vom Heiligtum.
Helmold von Bosau berichtet an verschiedenen Stellen über Rethra und lehnt sich stark an die Ausführungen des Adam von Bremen an. Eine wertvolle selbständige Ergänzung von Helmold über den Tollenserkrieg 1057 besagt folgendes:
„Siquidem Riadurisive Tholenzi proter antiquissiman urben et celeberrimum illudfanum, in quo simulachrum Radigast ostenditur, regnare volebant, asscribentes sibi singularem nobilitatis honorem, eo quod ab omnibus populis Slavorum frequentarenturpropter responsa et annuas sacrifficiorum impensiones."
„Denn die Redarier und Tollenser beanspruchen die Führung wegen ihrer uralten Burg und jenes hochberühmten Heiligtums, in dem das Bild des Radegast gezeigt wird; sie schrieben sich in besonderem Maße Ansehen und Ehre zu, weil sie von allen Slawenvölkern wegen der (Orakel) antworten und alljährlich Opfergaben besucht würden" (H. Stoob 1963, S. 103).
Helmold von Bosau sieht in der uralten Burg und dem Heiligtum scheinbar zwei verschiedene Objekte. Sein indirekter Hinweis auf das Alter der Burg scheint die Vermutung zu bestätigen, daß die Anfänge des kultischen und politischen Mittelpunktes Rethra in einem altslawischen Zentrum wurzeln. In seiner Schilderung über Rethra im Kapitel 2 der Slawenchronik verwendet Helmold dann auch den Begriff „civitas".
In allen drei Berichten finden wir zu Lokalisierung folgende gemeinsame Aussagen. Rethra lag im Stammesgebiet der Redarier, an einem großen See und stellte eine civitas
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Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
dar. Aus diesen Gründen war es vorrangig notwendig, das Territorium auf dem die Redarier ansässig waren sicher aufzuspüren und zu umreißen. Schon mehrfach wurden dazu die urkundlichen Überlieferungen herangezogen. In den Urkunden von 965 (DO I, Nr. 295), 973 (DO II, Nr. 31 c.15) und 975 (DO II, Nr. 118 c.11) werden stets in der gleichen Reihenfolge die fünf Stämme Ukrer, Riezaner, Redarier, Tollenser und Zirzipaner aufgezählt. Dabei handelt es sich offensichtlich um eine geographische Abfolge. Die Herkunft des topographischen Namens Ukrer ist zweifelsohne auf den Fluß Uecker zurückzuführen. Ebenso ist der Stammesname Tollenser mit Sicherheit vom Fluß Tollense abgeleitet. Also kann entsprechend der Aufzählung der Stämme das Gebiet der Redarier nur zwischen den Flüssen Uecker und Tollense gelegen haben, worauf schon W. Brüske (1955, S. 151) Bezug nimmt. Ein indirekter Hinweis findet sich auch in der Beschreibung Adams von Bremen über Rethra. „In deren Mitte sind die Mächtigsten vor allem die Redarier" (R. Buchner 1961, S. 253). Aus der gefälschten Stiftungsurkunde vom Kloster Broda für das Jahr 1170 (PUB I, Nr. 54), die jedoch nach archivalischen Forschungen kaum vor 1244 entstanden sein kann (PUB I, Nr. 429), geht nicht hervor, ob „Raduir", der Name läßt sich mit einiger Sicherheit auf Redarier zurückführen, östlich bis südöstlich vom Tollensesee gelegen hat oder den südlichen Bereich vom See mit umfaßte. Es ist jedoch sicher, daß sich die Stammesgebiete der Tollenser und Redarier am Tollensesee berührten (Abb.1).
Abb.1. Verbreitungskarte der slawischen Stämme des 11./ 12. Jahrhunderts im nordostdeutschen Raum.
Wie schon W. Brüske ausführte, wissen wir über den Stamm der Riezaner sehr wenig. Er ist im Gebiet südwestlich der Ukrer im Raum von Lychen, Fürstenberg, Gransee,
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Volker Schmidt
also an der oberen Havel zu lokalisieren (W. Brüske 1955, S. 190 f.). Zur Eingrenzung des Stammesgebietes der Redarier lassen sich auch Ergebnisse jahrzehntelanger systematischer archäologischer Forschungen heran ziehen. Bei den slawischen Burgwällen können wir heute aufgrund des hohen Standes der Bodendenkmalpflege davon ausgehen, daß die erhaltenen Anlagen annähernd vollständig erfaßt sind. Auf der Verbreitungskarte der Burgwälle ist über das Gebiet von der Peene, Tollensefluß, -see bis über die Randow hinaus und das Oderknie erreichend für die altslawische Zeit eine gleichmäßige Streuung erkennbar (Abb.2a). Es handelt sich dabei um die typischen großräumigen wilzischen Burgen. In der
Abb.2. Verbreitungskarten der slawischen Burgen des nordostdeutschen Raumes: a - altslawisch (7.- 9. Jahrhundert), b - mittelslawisch. (9.- 10. Jahrhundert), c - jungslawisch (11.- 12. Jahrhundert).
Mitte des 9. Jahrhunderts hörten die meisten derartigen Befestigungsanlagen auf zu existieren. Für die mittelslawische Zeit zeichnet sich ein völlig anderes Bild ab (Abb.2b). Es wurden überwiegend neue, kleine Anlagen mit Abmessungen von etwa 60 m im Durchmesser errichtet. Dabei sticht eine großräumige Konzentration im Bereich der Ueckerseen und des Ueckerflusses deutlich hervor, die das Stammesgebiet der Ukrer ausmacht. Westlich des Tollensesees und des Tollenseflusses liegt eine weitere Anhäufung von derartigen mittelslawischen Burgwällen, die offensichtlich mit den Tollensern in Zusammenhang zu bringen sind. Zwischen diesen beiden Territorien klafft eine auffallend große Lücke gerade in dem Bereich, der nach den Schriftquellen das Siedlungsgebiet der Redarier ausmacht. Vereinzelt treten seit dem 9. Jahrhundert erstmals befestigte Anlagen bei den Riezanen auf. Auf der Verbreitungskarte der jungslawischen Burgwälle (Abb.2c) erhöht sich zwar die Anzahl der Befestigungen, jedoch bleiben die Konzentrationen in den bekannten Verbreitungsgebieten des 9./ 10. Jahrhunderts bestehen. Beim Stamm der Ukrer ist ein Landesausbau nach Norden zu verzeichnen, wobei das Haff nicht erreicht wurde. Auffallenderweise treten auch in der gesamten jungslawischen Zeit im Siedlungsareal der Redarier keine Burgwälle auf. Bislang wurde für die frühdeutsche Landesburg in Burg Stargard, aufgrund der Übersetzung des slawischen Namens „Stargard" in „alte Burg" eine jungslawische Vorgängerburg angenommen. Ausgrabungen auf dem spätmittelalterlichen Burggelände und dem Vorburgbereich erbrachten jedoch den Nachweis, daß hier im Zeitraum vom 11. bis Anfang 13. Jahrhundert weder eine Befestigungsanlage stand, noch überhaupt eine Besiedlung stattgefunden hat. Das großflächige Plateau des Burgberges war in slawischer Zeit nur bis zum 9./ 10. Jahrhundert bewohnt (B. Schmidt 1997, S.345 ff.).
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Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
Auffallenderweise ist vom Siedlungsgebiet der Redarier eine besonders hohe Besiedlungsdichte nachgewiesen (Abb.3). In jungslawischer Zeit erfolgte ein starker Landesausbau mit dem sich die Anzahl der Siedlungen annähernd verdoppelte. Für den Zeitraum des 11./ 12. Jahrhunderts ist duchschnittlich pro Quadratkilometer ein Siedlungsplatz durch Fundmaterial belegt. Es kommen aber auch Konzentrationen vor, wo in unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft drei bis fünf derartige Plätze aufgetreten sind. Dabei ist die Gleichzeitigkeit der Siedlungen nicht wahrscheinlich.
Abb.3. Verbreitungskarte slawischer Siedlungsplätze des 11./ 12. Jahrhunderts nördlich des Tollensesees.
Die Ursachen für die auffälligen Siedlungsstrukturen im Gebiet der Redarier liegen sicherlich in den besonderen gesellschaftlichen Verhältnissen dieses Stammes. Seit der Mitte des 9. Jh. scheint sich bei den Lutizen eine Entwicklung abzuzeichnen, die darin bestand, daß sich die adlige Schicht eine Herrschaft im politischen Mittelpunkt, in Rethra, errichtete. Hier in diesem politischen und kultischen Zentrum wurde von einer Priesterschaft, die sich aus dem hohen Adel herausgebildet hatte, unter Mitsprache einer breiten Adelsschicht und der freien Bauern, die Macht ausgeübt. Der mächtigste Stamm in dem Lutizenbund waren die Redarier, auf deren Territorium auch das Zentrum gelegen hat. Mit der politischen Machtausübung einer Priesterschaft hielten besonders die Redarier an der Spätphase urgesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse fest, während bei den Obodriten, Hevellern und Rügenslawen die Stammesfürsten ihre Machtausübung behaupten konnten und eine staatliche Organisation aufbauten. Durch das Verharren in diesem Stadium erreichte der
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Lutizenbund im 11. Jh. seinen Höhepunkt, und speziell die Redarier behielten bis weit ins 12. Jh. ihre politische Selbständigkeit. Die zentrale Machtausübung in Rethra verhinderte auf Grund ihrer Stärke bei den Redariern einen burggesessenen Adel und damit Voraussetzungen für eine Fürstenschaft. Nur so ist es zu erklären, daß in dem sehr dicht besiedelten Raum östlich des Tollenseflusses und -sees keine jungslawischen Burgen vorhanden waren und nur dorfgesessener Adel nachgewiesen werden kann.
Abb.4. Verbreitungskarte von Gußformen bei den Nordwestslawen.
Im archäologischen Fundmaterial zeichnen sich zwei Fundgruppen mit markanten Verbreitungsbildern ab, auf die in diesem Zusammenhang kurz verwiesen werden soll. Bei der Kartierung der slawischen Gußformen aus dem Raum Nordostdeutschland und Polen fällt eine starke Konzentration im Bereich Tollensesee, -fluß auf (Abb.4). Schon die Anwendung dieser Gußtechnik zeigt einen hohen Entwicklungsstand des Schmuckhandwerks (V. Schmidt 1994, S. 107 ff.). Derartige spezialisierte Handwerker saßen in der Regel an größeren Zentren und konnten sich sicherlich nur dort entwickeln, wo der Wohlstand der Auftraggeber einen solchen Luxus erlaubte. Unter diesem Blickwinkel nimmt es eigentlich nicht Wunder, daß bei einer Kartierung der Silberschatzfunde im gleichen Tollense-Bereich auch eine deutliche Anhäufung erkennbar ist (J. Herrmann 1985, S. 136, Abb.53). L. Leciejewicz weist im Zusammenhang mit der Konzentration von Silberschatzfunden an der oberen Tollense auf ein Zentrum mit Handels- und Handwerkssiedlungen vom frühstädtischen Typ hin, das mit Rethra möglicherweise zu verbinden wäre (L. Leciejewicz
39
Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
1967, S. 301). Auch J. Herrmann sieht in den zahlreichen Schatzfunden dieser Gegend einen sicheren Hinweis auf ein ökonomisches Kerngebiet des Lutizenbundes (J. Herrmann 1968, S. 78 ff. und Abb. 18).
Folgen wir nun den gemeinsamen Überlieferungen der drei mittelalterlichen Chronisten, so liegt im grob umrissenen Stammesgebiet der Redarier nur ein großer See, der Tollensesee. Desgleichen muß man feststellen, daß im gleichen Territorium, trotz jahrzehntelanger intensiver archäologischer Forschungen nur ein frühstädtisches Zentrum für das 11./ 12. Jahrhundert nachweisbar ist. Dieses befand sich am Südende des Tollensesees und im südlich anschließenden Bereich der Lieps. Es lag also noch im Siedlungsareal der Redarier, jedoch unmittelbar an der Grenze zu den Tollensern. Offenbar ist in diesem Zusammenhang die Nachricht von Helmold von Bosau zu verstehen. „Denn die Redarier und Tollenser beanspruchen die Führung wegen ihrer uralten Burg und jenes hochberühmten Heiligtums ...", weil sie gemeinsam ein Kult- und Machtzentrum besaßen, daß dann, um beiden Partnern gerecht zu werden, am günstigsten im Grenzbereich lag.
Abb.5. Verlauf der Fernhandelswege des 11./ 12. Jahrhunderts der nordwestslawischen Stämme.
Unmittelbar südlich der Lieps verlief der Fernhandelsweg Hamburg - Stettin von dem hier eine Abzweigung nach Norden in Richtung Wolgast erfolgte (Abb.5). Das frühstädtische Zentrum an der Lieps zeichnete sich dadurch aus, daß vier Inselsiedlungen hier in jungslawischer Zeit eine Siedlungsagglomeration bildeten (Abb.6). Um das Jahr 1000 entstand auf dem damals etwa 16.700 mt großen Hanfwerder, der größten Insel in diesem Bereich, das politische Führungszentrum. Mit dem Auftreten von zwölf Sporen und zahlreichen Luxusgütern aus weiterentwickelten Wirtschaftsgebieten ist hier eine adlige Schicht für den Zeitraum vom frühen 11. bis Mitte 13. Jahrhundert nachgewiesen. Neben Wohn-und Wirtschaftsgebäuden konnte ein Kultbau freigelegt werden, der im Unterbau durch
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Volker Schmidt
Abb.6. Slawische Besiedlung Bereich Südende Tollensesee- Lieps: 1 altslawische Siedlung, 2 altslawischer Burgwall, 3 jungslawische Siedlung, 4 alt- und jungslawische Siedlung, 5 altslawische Hügelgräber, 6 jungslawischer Bestattungshain.
ein gehäuftes Auftreten von schädelechten Geweihen, Urhornzapfen und Tierschädeln auffiel. Dabei handelt es sich um Schmuckelemente, die den Eindruck erwecken sollten, als stände der Tempel auf Hörnern, Geweihen und Schädeln verschiedener Tiere, ähnlich wie ihn Thietmar von Rethra beschrieb. Das Bauwerk gehört in die Siedlungsperiode B, wurde in der Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts errichtet, Anfang des 13. Jahrhunderts zerstört und überbaut. Offenbar fanden bei der Errichtung dieses Kultbaus althergebrachte lokale Traditionen Anwendung, die bislang im gesamten westslawischen Siedlungsbereich keine Entsprechungen haben (V. Schmidt 1992, S. 59, Abb. 19). Zwischen 1150 und 1160 wurde die Inselsiedlung durch eine Befestigungsanlage gesichert. In einem an der östlichen Seite
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Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
ausgegrabenem Tor traten als Bauopfer mehrere komplette Tierskelette und weitere Tierschädel auf. Von hier führte eine Brücke zur am Festland vorgelagerten geschützten Vorburgsied-lung und einem sich unmittelbar anschließenden Bestattungsplatz (V. Schmidt 1984; 1990, S. 103 ff.). Auf dem Gräberfeld wurden die Toten vom Hanfwerder beigesetzt. Der Bestattungshain fällt auf durch seine lockere Belegung, mehrere Totenhäuser, ein- und mehrteilige Holzkammergräber (Abb.7), einen großen Tempel und eine Feldsteinmauer, die zu dem Kultbau führte. Die hohe Beigabenquote sowie das Spektrum an Beigaben, wie Schwerter, Sporen (Abb.8), Münzen, Amtsstäbe und andere Würdezeichen, Buchschließen, Seide und die besonderen Grabbauten belegen eindrucksvoll den hohen Adel (V. Schmidt 1992).
Beim Tierknochenmaterial vom Hanfwerder
fällt mit 27,8 Prozent der besonders hohe Anteil von Wildsäugern auf, darunter Ur, Wisent, Elch, Rothirsch, Schwein und Bär (R.-J. Prilloff 1994, S. 57, Abb. 17). Hierin spiegelt sich offensichtlich die hohe Jagd wider, ein Privileg der Adelsschicht. Eine intensive Pferdehaltung ist sowohl unter den Tierknochen als auch im anderen Fundmaterial deutlich erkennbar. Vom Hanfwerder liegen keine Hinweise auf eine handwerkliche Tätigkeit vor.
Eine zum Hanfwerder gehörige Funktionssiedlung stellt die 2,5 km entfernt gelegene Fischerinsel im Südende des Tollensesees dar. Sie war über eine 510 m lange Brücke mit der zeitgleichen Festlandssiedlung Wustrow verbunden. Für die jungslawische Zeit sind auf der etwa 1,4 ha großen Insel verschiedene Handwerke nachweisbar, wie die Drechsler, Stellmacher, Netzemacher, Korbmacher, Töpfer, Kammacher und der Feinschmied. Zahlreiche Bronzeblechabfälle, Werkzeuge, ein halbfertiger Schläfenring mit angeschmolzener Bleimatrize, 28 fertige Schläfenringe und eine Gußform belegen die Produktion von Schläfen- und Fingerringen. Erwähnenswert sind vom Töpferhandwerk drei Stem-
Abb.7. Dreiteiliges Holzkammergrab mit kreisförmiger Pfostensetzung und Beigaben- Bestattungshain vom Hanfwerder.
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pel aus Geweih, zumal derartige Fundstücke äußerst selten nachgewiesen sind.
Bei den breit angelegten Ausgrabungen am Südende des Tollensesees erfährt die Häufung der Schlüsselfunde von der Fischerinsel besondere Aufmerksamkeit. Hier kamen insgesamt elf Stück zutage, während die Untersuchungen auf dem Hanfwerder, Kietzwerder und Bacherswall keine Schlüssel erbrachten. Das Auftreten von Schlüsseln bezeugt immer eine fortgeschrittene soziale Differenzierung. Eine derartige Konzentration läßt offensichtlich den Schluß zu, daß für die Bewohner der Fischerinsel die Notwendigkeit bestand, ihre Häuser und Gebäude verschließen zu können. Sicherlich schlägt sich hierin die auf der Insel ausgeübte Markttätigkeit nieder, wollte man doch sein privates Eigentum vor dem Zugriff Fremder schützen. Die Fischerinsel war in jungslawischer Zeit durch eine hölzerne Befestigungsanlage umgeben. Es ist im Fundmaterial der lokale Markt, aber auch die Teilnahme am Fernhandel klar erkennbar. Im Tierknochenmaterial zeichnet sich die Weiterverarbeitung von Rohfellen vom Fuchs, Dachs, Fischotter, Biber und Eichhörnchen ab (R.-J. Prilloff 1994, S. 50 ff.). Möglicherweise liegt hier
Abb.8. Silbertauschierte Sporen - Bestattungshain vom Hanfwerder; Sattelgerüst- Hanfwerder.
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Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
ein Hinweis auf den Pelzhandel vor, ein einheimisches Handelsäquivalent von großem Wert. Bestandteile von Steckschlössern und Steckschlüsseln belegen die Benutzung von eisernen Fesseln, die unmittelbar mit dem Sklavenhandel in Verbindung gebracht werden können.
Mit dem Auftreten des doppelköpfigen Holzidols wird auf die überregionale Bedeutung dieser jungslawischen Inselsiedlung hingewiesen (Abb.9). Die Kultfigur könnte unmittelbar mit der Markttätigkeit in Verbindung gebracht werden, ähnlich wie Helmold von Bosau
für die Rügenslawen überlieferte, daß die Kaufleute vor der Eröffnung des Marktes dem Hauptgott Opfer bringen mußten.
Eine weitere zum Hanfwerder gehörende Dienstsiedlung stellt der Kietzwerder dar. Die ursprünglich 1900 mt große Insel erbrachte entsprechend den Erhaltungs- und Bergungsbedingungen ein relativ reiches Fundmaterial, das vorwiegend aus dem überfluteten Inselbereich geborgen wurde. Es läßt sich ein Grobschmied nachweisen, der offenbar mit der Pferdehaltung und der Anwesenheit von Kriegern im Zusammenhang stand. Die stategisch günstige Lage der Insel läßt auf eine Kontrollfunktion über die Brücke vom Festland zur Halbinsel Nonnenhof schließen, einem wichtigen Zugang in das Zentrum der Lieps. Dadurch bedingt ist das Auftreten von einzelnen Importgegenständen, wie Bergkristallperle, Bleibarren, Münze, nicht verwunderlich. Der Kietzwerder stellt also einen echten slawischen Kietz des 11./ 12. Jahrhunders dar.
Der Binsenwerder, eine durch den Mühlenstau vollständig überflutete Insel, die ursprünglich etwa 3000 mt umfaßte, war über die gesamte Slawenzeit besiedelt. Auf dem vorgelagerten Festland befinden sich ein alt- und drei jungslawische Siedlungsplätze, die für die Bedeutung der Inselsiedlung sprechen. Bedingt durch die extrem ungünstigen Erhaltungsmöglichkeiten und Bergungsbedingungen erbrachten die Unterwasseruntersuchungen ein Fundmaterial, das zwar weit über den Charakter einer dörflichen Siedlung hinausreicht, jedoch zur gesellschaftlichen Stellung der Inselbewohner keine zuverlässigen Aussagen erlaubt.
Die vier jungslawischen Inselsiedlungen bildeten zusammen eine Siedlungsagglomeration, in der der Hanfwerder die Hauptburg darstellte. In einer angemessenen Entfernung zu diesem Zentrum befanden sich auf der Fischerinsel und dem Kietzwerder Handwerkersiedlungen mit Marktverkehr, die - durch ihre günstige Lage am Verkehrswegnetz bedingt - durchaus auch die Möglichkeit des Fernhandels nutzten. Die wirtschaftliche
Abb.9. Doppelköpfiges Holzidol von der Fischerinsel im Südende des Tollensesees aus der Zeit um 1200.
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Grundlage des jungslawischen Zentrums lag in der Handwerksproduktion, dem Handel und in der starken Landwirtschaft des dicht besiedelten Hinterlandes. Die strenge soziale Differenzierung innerhalb der Siedlungsagglomeration und die daraus resultierenden geographischen Abmessungen sprechen für eine überregionale Bedeutung dieses vorstädtischen Zentrums. Aus den angeführten Argumenten läßt sich ohne wesentliche Vorbehalte der historisch-logische Schluß ziehen, daß die slawische Frühstadt im Bereich der Lieps mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit das gesellschaftliche Zentrum des Lutizenbundes, Rethra, darstellt.
Für das frühgeschichtliche Zentrum am Südende des Tollensesees - Lieps ist eine Spätdatierung der slawischen Besiedlung bis in die zweite Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts nachgewiesen. Mit der 1236 vorgenommenen Übereignung der Länder Stargard, Beseritz und Wustrow, die zum größten Teil dem Stammesterritorium der Redarier entsprachen, durch Wartislav von Pommern an Johann I. und Otto III. von Brandenburg, hat das politische, ökonomische und kultische Zentrum an der Lieps seine Bedeutung verloren. Es ist anzunehmen, daß die für diese Zeit noch nachweisbare slawische adlige Schicht auf dem Hanfwerder in Lehnsabhängigkeit zur deutschen Feudalklasse geriet. Auf der Fischerinsel befand sich in dieser Phase des Zerfalls der Siedlungsagglomeration das slawische castrum Wustrow, welches ständig durch das Kloster Broda bzw. später durch die Burg Penzlin kontrolliert werden konnte. Unweit des Hanfwerders entstand in Prillwitz eine mächtige frühdeutsche Burganlage, für die der Kietzwerder aus dem frühgeschichtlichen slawischen Siedlungskomplex herausgelöst und zur Dienstsiedlung umfunktioniert wurde. Von deutscher Seite war man bestrebt, die günstige Lage am Knotenpunkt der beiden Fernhandelsstraßen zu nutzen, um die ökonomische Macht des slawischen Zentrums an der Lieps abzubauen und auf die 1248 am Nordende des Tollensesees gegründete Stadt Neubrandenburg zu übertragen. Durch den Bau der Vierrademühle in Neubrandenburg, der in die Zeit zwischen 1263 und 1271 fällt, wurde der See etwa 0,8 m angestaut, so daß zusammen mit der Verfeuchtungsphase aus dem Ende des 12. Jh. der Wasserspiegel so anstieg, daß die slawischen Inselsiedlungen größtenteils bzw. vollständig überflutet wurden. Damit war die endgültige Vernichtung des vorstädtischen Zentrums abgeschlossen. Funktionell kann das slawische Zentrum im Bereich der Lieps als Vorläufer für die am nördlichen Ende des Tollensesees gegründete Lokationsstadt gewertet werden.
Quellen / Literatur
Adam von Bremen, Hamburgische Kirchengeschichte, MG SS rer. Germ. 2, 3. Aufl.,hrsg. von B. Schmeidler, Hannover 1917. Dt. Übersetzung: R. Buchner, Quellen des 9. und 11. Jh. zur Geschichte der Hamburgischen Kirche und des Reiches. Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 11, Berlin 1961. Helmold von Bosau, Chronica Slavorum, MG SS rer. Germ. 32, 3. Aufl., hrsg. von B. Schmeidler, Hannover 1937. Deutsche Übersetzung: H. Stoob, Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 19, Berlin 1963. Brüske, W. 1955: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Lutizenbundes. Deutsch- wendische
Beziehungen des 10. - 12. Jahrhunderts. Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 3, Köln. DO I: Diplomata Ottonis I, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Diplomata I. DO II: Diplomata Ottonis II, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Diplomata II. Herrmann, J. 1968: Siedlung, Wirtschaft und gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse der slawischen Stämme zwischen Oder/Neiße und Elbe. Berlin.
45
Rethra - Lieps, am Südende des Tollensesees
Herrmann, J. 1985: Die Slawen in Deutschland. 2. Auflage, Berlin.
Leciejewicz, L. 1967: Die wirtschaftliche Gliederung der elbslawischen Stämme im Licht
der Schatzfunde. In: Zeitschrift für Archäologie 1, S. 298-304. Prilloff, R.-J. 1994: Lieps. Archäologische Untersuchungen an slawischen Tierknochen vom Südende des Tollensesees. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mecklenburg -Vorpommerns 30, Lübstorf. PUB: Pommersches Urkundenbuch, Stettin 1868 ff.
Schmidt, B. 1997: Burg und Stadt Burg Stargard im Mittelalter. Eine Studie auf der Grundlage schriftlicher und archäologischer Quellen. In: Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg - Vorpommern, Jahrbuch 1996, Bd. 44, S. 337-393. Schmidt, V. 1984: Lieps. Eine slawische Siedlungskammer am Südende des Tollensesees. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Bezirke Rostok, Schwerin und Neubrandenburg 16, Berlin. Schmidt, V. 1990: Bemerkenswerte slawische Neufunde aus dem Bereich der Lieps bei Neubrandenburg. In: Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg, Jahrbuch 1989, Bd. 37, S. 103-125.
Schmidt, V. 1992: Lieps. Die slawischen Gräberfelder und Kultbauten am Südende des Tollensesees. Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mecklenburg - Vorpommerns 26. Lübstorf. Schmidt, V. 1994: Die Gußtechnik im Schmuckhandwerk bei den Westslawen. In: Zeitschrift
für Archäologie 28, S. 107-121. Thietmar von Merseburg, Chroniken, MG SS rer. Germ., N. S. IX, hrsg. von R. Holtzmann, Berlin 1935. Deutsche Übersetzung: W. Trillmich. Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 9, Berlin 1966.
Retra - Lieps na južni strani jezera Tollensesee
Volker Schmidt
Pričevanja srednjeveških kronistov Thietmarja iz Merseburga, Adama iz Bremna in Helmolda iz Bosaua se ujemajo v tem, da je ležala Retra (Radogost), družbeno in kultno glavno mesto zveze Ljutičev, na področju Redarijcev, najmočnejšega plemena zveze. Od tod so v 11. st. odločno posegali v srednjeevropsko politiko. Od 1378 dalje si prizadevajo, da bi ponovno našli mesto tega političnega središča. Doslej so upoštevali prek 36 različnih krajev na prostoru med Labo in vzhodno od Odre ter Warnowa in Havele. Danes lahko s pomočjo pisnih virov in novih arheoloških opažanj omejimo plemensko območje Redarijcev na ozemlje med rekama Tollense in Uecker. Za ta prostor je še posebej značilno, da nima gradišč iz srednjega (9. in 10. st.) in mlajšega (11. in 12. st.) slovanskega časa. Pri Redarijcih je obstajalo centralno izvajanje oblasti le v Retri. To je bilo tako močno, da ni dopustilo nastanka plemstva s svojimi gradovi. Ker pisni viri sporočajo, da je bila Retra glavni kraj, ki je imel značaj zgodnjega mesta, in da je ležala na velikem jezeru, pride v poštev za lokalizacijo le Tollensesee, kjer je bilo mogoče na njegovi južni strani in na področju sosednjega Liepsa arheološko dokazati slovansko zgodnje mesto nadregionalnega pomena. To središče predstavlja naselbinska aglomeracija z razvitim družbenim razlikovanjem. Poleg plemiškega bivališča in temu pripadajočega grobišča, na katerem so bili nedvomno najdeni pokopi visokih plemičev, je bilo mogoče ugotoviti tudi tri naselbine služnostnega prebivalstva in več kultnih mest. Avtor meni, da je to zgodnje mestno središče Retra.
46
Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local
Tradition?
Roman Zaroff
The article attempts to address a common notion in the English speaking world that the pre-Christian Slavic religion was basically animistic. And that personified and anthropomorphic Slavonic deities, known from medieval sources, were a foreign invention. In particular this article focuses on the pagan Kievan cult of the late 10th century as institutionalized by Vladimir the Great. As the Eastern Slavic religion did not evolve in a vacuum, the article analyses it within the broader Slavic and Indo-European context.
INTRODUCTION
According to the Laurentian version of The Russian Primary Chronicle in the year 980: ,,H Hana khaxhth Bo^o^HMepb Bb KbieB± e^HHb, h nocTaBH KyMHpbi Ha xo^My bh± flBopa TepeMHaro: nepyHa apeBAHa, a raaby ero cpe6peHy, a ycb 3^arb, h Xbpca, ^axb6ora, h CTpH6ora h CHMapbraa, h MoKomb".1
"And Vladimir began to reign alone in Kiev, and he set up idols on the hill outside the castle: one of Perun, made of wood with a head of silver and a moustache of gold, and others of Khors, Dazhbog, Stribog, Simargl, Mokosh."
There is no doubt that this was an attempt by the Kievan ruler to organise a more centralised, pagan cult to facilitate state building and centralisation. However, on many occasions, it has been claimed that he merely elevated the elite cult. And that the beliefs, as well as those gods, were of foreign origin - namely Scandinavian. At the same time the native Eastern Slavic religion was often assumed to be a collection of some animistic beliefs with an inpersonalised "Mother Moist Earth" as a dominant, agricultural deity.2
Such an assumption is a consequence of the paucity of knowledge about Slavic mythology. This is so for a number of reasons. First, in the English speaking world, as far as now, no one has really attempted to research the pre-Christian Slavic religion. The subject usually occupies a short chapter or paragraph in general publications on European mythol-
RPC, year 980, p. 56; Die Nestor-Chronik (Laurentian version), D. Tschizewskij, ed., (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1969), p. 77.
Claims of Kievan Slavic religion being: animistic, elitist and of Scandinavian origin of Kievan cult: G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', in P. Grimal, New Larousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd., 1982 ed.), p. 281; G.P. Fedotov, The Russian Religious Mind, Vol. I, Kievan Christianity, The 10th to the 13th Centuries (Belmont: Nordland Publishing Company, ed. 1975), pp. 8, 19-20, 351; J. Hubbs, Mother Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Presss, 1993), pp. 17-19 & 74.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
ogy - and that is all. This is a surprising situation considering the fact that the Slavs are the largest linguistic sub-family in Europe, numbering close to 300 million people. Secondly, many publications do not go beyond the various accepted ideas that originated in the German school of the 1930's and early 1940's, championed by Erwin Wienecke and Leonhard Franz. Briefly, both Wienecke and Franz claimed that without outside help the Slavs were incapable of developing any complex beliefs beyond animism due to their racial inferiority, and that they needed an external stimulus from the "Master Race" to invent more complex beliefs or personification of their deities.3 Thirdly, a number of Russian and Soviet scholars, accepted, more or less, these notions. It may well be that those Russians in the West, who were recruited predominantly from post-revolution emigres, were in general deeply religious and conservative. Hence, their views were biased against any pagan beliefs. Meanwhile, many historians in the Soviet Union generally treated any religion as a collection of ancient superstitions not worth investigating.
The issue of this organised pagan cult of the Kievan Rus' under Vladimir along with its emergence can only be properly investigated in a broader Indo-European and a common Slavic context. For that reason the first section of the following work will deal with the common Indo-European background and pre-migration Slavic beliefs. Apart from the deities of Vladimir's pantheon, some other Slavic gods, mentioned in other Eastern Slavic sources, will also be investigated. Nevertheless, it has to be acknowledged that the following reconstruction of the common ancient Slavic religion is only partial, and explores only selected "core" concepts and deities with some relevance to the later Kievan cult.
It is commonly accepted that all the Indo-European languages evolved from closely related Bronze Age dialects collectively termed Proto-Indo-European.4 Further, certain similarities in the names of many ancient deities were also observed. From this premise, a rather simplistic Indo-European pantheon was postulated by the early 12th century.5 More recently a comparative analysis of Indo-European beliefs focussed on common functional and conceptual elements rather than on linguistic similarities of the god's names. Such a study was first attempted by an American scholar of Romanian background - Mircea Eliade.6 It was further developed and championed by French philologist Georges Dumézil, and is now followed by the "new comparative school" of religious studies world-wide. This new approach focuses on the premise that the pre-Christian beliefs of Indo-European people (Germanic, Celtic, Italic, Greek, Baltic, Indian Iranian and Hittite) share certain concepts, ideas and a number of deities on a functional level. It also explores the concept that various Indo-European people built their own theology and mythology, drawing it from a common tradition.7 However, the "new comparative school" acknowledges that different peoples developed their beliefs on their own, in different conditions and under different influences.8
The Slavs, as a culturally and linguistically distinct people, emerged in Central and Eastern Europe on a relatively small area. Geographically the Slavic cradle was located somewhere along the northern slopes of the Carpathian mountains, reaching as far north
3	A. Gieysztor, Mitología Slowian (Warszawa, Poland: Wydawnictwo Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1982), p. 90.
4	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs (London: Thames And Hudson, 1971), p. 16.
5	G. Dumézil, Gods of Ancient Northmen (Berkeley: University Of California Press, 1973), pp. xx-xliii.
6	A. Gieysztor, Mitología Slowian, p. 14.
7	G. Dumézil, Gods of Ancient Northmen, p. xx-xliii.
8	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, Vol. 1 & 2 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 176.
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Roman Zaroff
as the Pripet marshes that divided the proto-Slavic group from the proto-Balts. As the linguistic uniformity of Slavonic languages suggests, the process of Slavic ethnogenesis must have been completed at some time during the first half of the first millennium C.E. - prior to their migration period during the 6th and 7th centuries C.E.9 The area under discussion was under a strong Iranian (possibly Scythian and more likely Sarmatian) influence, during the first millennium B.C.E. and until the 3rd century C.E.10 This explains the strong Iranian influence on pre-Christian Slavic religion. The Scythians and Sarmatians spoke dialects which are classified as Eastern Iranian. Nowadays the Ossetic language of the Caucasus is the sole survivor of this linguistic group.11 However, for the purpose of clarity, throughout this study both Scythians and Sarmatians will be referred to as Northern Iranians, basically employing a geographical rather than a linguistic context.
Taking into consideration the relatively small area where the Slavs emerged, and the fact that the Slavic languages did not begin to diverge significantly before the 10th century C.E.12, it may be assumed that prior to their migration period their culture and religious beliefs were relatively uniform. This working hypothesis does not imply that Slavic religion was a monolithic and solid set of beliefs, but rather - like other tribal religions - a heterogeneous collection of various beliefs revolving around the same common "core" concepts.
The question of pre-migration Slavic religion will be addressed through a three-way approach. Firstly, by tracing common Indo-European concepts and ideas in Slavic religion. Secondly, by searching for these concepts among the Eastern Slavs, especially among the ordinary people. And thirdly, by looking for the existence of similar concepts among the Western and Southern Slavs. By doing this, we can isolate those beliefs which were common to all Slavs from those which were of foreign influence or a result of later cultural developments in Slavdom.
SELECTED DEITIES AND CONCEPTS IN SLAVIC RELIGION
Most of the Indo-European mythologies shared the concept of a Sky God, as well as Sun and Fire worship. Also a common Indo-European world view shared a tri-partite functional division. The first function is sacred power and knowledge. The second is associated with war. Finally, the third function covers economic activities, such as agriculture, animal husbandry and others.13 This spiritual system is reflected in an organised social hierarchy, which found its greatest expression in the original caste division of India. There, society was divided into: priestly class of brahman; warriors - ksatryas; and farmers - Vaisya.14 In a similar fashion the functions of principal deities were divided into three main spheres of
9	This is not the generally accepted area of Slavic ethnogenesis. The author supports the theory of Kazimierz Godlowski and Zdenek Vâna of the late ethnogenesis of the Slavs and on the territory of Western Ukraine: Z. Vâna, The World of the Ancient Slavs (London: Orbis Publishing Co., 1977), pp. 24-28; and J. Strzelczyk, Od Praslowian do Polakôw (Krakow, Poland: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1987), pp. 23-24.
10	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 28-29, also in: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 33-34. The Slavic ethnogenesis might have been a result of cultural and ethnic mixing of the Sarmatian and the southern Balto-Slavic people (The commonly used term Balto-Slavic is unfortunate and misleading. The people who are so called were neither the Balts or Slavs but rather the Eastern branch of Old European speakers).
11	Encyclopaedia Britannica (London, New York: Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1982 ed.), Vol. 9, pp. 45-451.
12	Z. Vâna, The World of the Ancient Slavs, pp. 26-27.
13	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 162 & M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1 (London: William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd., 1979 ) pp. 192-195.
14	G. Dumézil, Gods of Ancient Northmen, p. 16.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
sovereignty, military and the economic activities.15 In a peculiar way, the first domain was occupied by two deities in a system of dual sovereignity.16 For example, Indian Varuna and Mitra; Iranian Ashura and Mithra; Germanic Wodan/Odin and Tyr/Tiw; and Italic Jupiter and Dius Fidius. The second function was the domain of war gods, such as: Indian Indra, Germanic Donar/Thor, Celtic Taranis, Greek Ares and Italic Mars.17 Moreover, this tripartite view found another reflection in the division of the world into three spheres - those of heaven, atmosphere and earth. Much of the Indo-European mythologies revolved around the inter-relation of those three separate domains.18
SVAROG
The name of a common proto-Indo-European sky deity derives from a word deivos -heavenly, and who was known as Dyaus.19 Different historical and cultural developments over the millennia resulted in divergence from this concept, but it still could be traced among many Indo-European people, either in its function or name. For example, many Indo-European languages associated a similar name with gods, divinities and the sky, such as: the Latin deus and even Jupiter himself whose name derived from Dyau Pater,20 Greek -Zeus21 and Hindu Dyaus.22 The old Germanic Tyr/Tiw and the Saxon god of the 8th century called Tiewaz, also fall into that category.23 Baltic mythology also preserved a Sky deity known as Dievas - the sky.24 The Balts and Slavs are culturally and linguistically closely related. Because the Baltic languages preserved many ancient Indo-European features it is believed that Slavic languages branched out from the common Balto-Slavic dialects.25 Hence, it is logical to conclude that, in some form or other, the concept of a sky god also existed among the proto-Slavs. At first, the search for a Slavic sky god also is disappointing as there was no deity known by the name related to the root deivos or to the Lithuanian Dievas. It has been suggested by the Polish historian Alexander Gieysztor that Perun originated as a sky god.26 However, although Perun evinced some attributes of a sky god, the etymology of the name and his original functions point to the common Indo-European god of thunder, rain and weather. It seems that the Slavs abandoned the Dievas-like name of a sky god which they had shared with the Balts while under the Northern Iranian influence. In Slavic languages the old name echoes only in the term div, which in the Slavic languages it de-
15	On the three functional pantheon: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 161 & 279: also in: G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 10.
16	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 199.
17	The first function gods: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 161 & 279; also in: G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity, p. 10.
18	Tri-partite division of the world: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 226 and G. Dumézil, The Destiny of a King (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973), pp. 105-106.
19	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 30-31, 409.
20	ibid., p. 176.
21	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 48.
22	Dumezil , Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 30-31 & 409.
23	"teiwa, tiwar"and Tiwaz : H.R.E. Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Limited, 1975 ed.), p. 196.
24	M. Gimbutas, The Balts (London: Thames And Hudson, 1963), p. 199; and also in M. Gimbutas,'The Lithuanian God Velnias, in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo- European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 92.
25	Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, pp. 12-27.
26	Perun as a sky god: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 45-48.
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Roman Zaroff
scribes a supernatural occurrence or some demonic being.27 Despite relatively fragmentary state of the available evidence, only the god known as Svarog fits the concept. Etymologically, the name Svarog fits perfectly with the sky god because of its celestial connotations. The root svar in the name of Svarog is a cognate of the Old Indian svar, describing upper heavenly worlds.28 Further, a related word svarga means radiant sky, and svarati - shines or gleams. Elsewhere, in modern Hindi svarg means heaven.29 In Ossetian, the sole surviving Eastern (Northern) Iranian language, the adjectives in present continuous have the suffixes -ak or -ag, corresponding to the Scythian -akos and -agos.30 Therefore, the name Svarog could be reconstructed as "The shining one". It is worth noting that the Slavs adopted a number of Iranian loan words. For example, the Slavic sky nebo, derives from nebah, both initially meaning the cloud;31 the Polish word for the heaven raj meaning garden;32 and the term baWan from phalavan of the same meaning.33
The evidence for the Svarog cult among the Slavs is weak, and is sometimes confused with another deity known as Svarozhich. These issues will be addressed in detail in the section on cosmology. In terms of written sources Svarog appeared in the Russian translation of John Malalas, a Byzantine chronicler of the 6th century. In the Slavic version, Hephaistos was substituted by Svarog, and Helios by Dazhbog. The Malalas version goes as follows:
"After the death of Hephaistos, his son Helios reigned over the Egyptians for....12 years and 97 days", and "Helios the son of Hephaistos, was very generous".34 In the Slavic version we read: "After Svarog reigned his son, named Sun, was also called Dazhbog, for he was a mighty lord".35
The Slavonic version clearly indicates that the translator was fully aware of the mythological nature of Hephaistos and Helios resulting in substitutions of Slavic deities instead. Usually it has been accepted that the functions of both Slavic gods correspond to Greek deities: that is, Hephaistos and Svarog of fire, and Helios and Dazhbog of the Sun. But this is not necessarily the case. It is reasonable to assume that the translator, knowing Hephaistos to be the father of Helios, introduced into the text two Slavic deities who were in a father-son relationship. So, while Dazhbog was a Sun deity, his father Svarog's domain was not fire. Although in this translation there is no suggestion of Svarog being a Sky god, another account from the other side of Europe supports this claim. Certain relevant Slavic myths were reported by Helmold of Bossau, a German clergyman of the 12th century:
"...one god in heavens ruling over the others. They (the Slavs) hold that he, the all powerful one, looks only after heavenly matters; that the others, discharging the duties assigned to them in obedience to him, proceeded from his blood...".36
27	A. Brückner, SlownikEtymologiczny Jqzyka Polskiego (Warszawa, Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1985 ed.), p. 114.
28	J. Herbert,'India: The Eternal Cycle', in P. Grimal, Larousse World Mythology (London, New York, Sydney: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973), p. 227.
29	"Svargas": M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 162; "Svarga" - the sky: R. L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), p. 804.
30	V. V. Martynav, Etnagenez Slavyan (Minsk, Belorussia: Nauka i Tekhnika, 1993), p. 7.
31	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny jQzyka Polskiego, p. 359.
32	ibid., p. 452.
33	L. P. Slupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries Warszawa, Poland: IAE, 1994), p. 200.
34	John Malalas, The Chronicle of John Malalas (Melbourne: Australian Association of Byzantine Studies, 1986), Book 2.1 and 2.2.
35	The Slavonic version of Malalas: G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 284.
36	Helmold of Bosau, The Chronicle of the Slavs (New York: Octagon Books Inc., 1966), Book I.84. HB will be an abbreviation for Helmold's work.
5
1
Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
It is worthwhile noting, that the concept of a passive god is common among the other Indo-Europeans. The Greek Uranos, a Sky God, became incapacitated and an inactive deity after the act of creation.37 In Indian mythology Dyaus', a sky god, is also a creator whose involvement in earthly affairs was unclear and indirect afterwards. In the Vedic period his importance was surpassed by Varuna and Mitra, with Varuna appropriating some attributes and functions of Dyaus.38 Taking into consideration that Sun worship was widespread among the Slavs (to be discussed later), it seems that one of the deities fathered by the Slavic Sky God was the Sun God. This again is a common Indo-European concept, and in Indian mythology the Sun - Surya - is often described as a son of Sky (Dyaus) and Earth.39 Although the name of the Sky god was not mentioned by Helmold, the complementary nature of both stories suggests that he was referring to Svarog.
A reinforcement for this claim that Svarog was the father of the major Slavonic gods comes from the name of another Slavic deity, that of Svarozhich, a Fire god. The ending of the name Svarozh-(ich), indicates that he was son of Svarog.40 The endings "ich" (spelled "icz" or "ic" in Polish and "hh" in Russian), common in all Slavic languages, indicate a patronymic name and are still in use in present day Russia. For example: HBaHOBHH (Ivanovich), means "son of Ivan". In other countries these endings have been preserved in surnames: like in Polish - Wlostowicz , "son of Wlast"; or among the Souther Slavs - Josipovic, "son of Joseph".41 Some scholars have postulated that Svarog and Svarozhich were the same god, and that Svarozhich is a diminutive for Svarog.42 But it is highly unlikely that such a fierce and fear-inspiring god of fire would be addressed in such a disrespectful way.
The relationship between Svarog, Svarozhich and Dazhbog, and their functions, has been interpreted in various ways by many different scholars. However, it only fits together perfectly if we accept the notion that Svarog was the Sky god, and furthermore that he fathered the Sun god (Dazhbog) and Fire god (Svarozhich ).43
The evidence for Svarog as a common Slavic deity comes mainly from the toponymy. Examples of it include: Swarozyn near Gdansk and Swarz^dz near Poznan, in Poland; Svaren in the Czech Republic; and CBapnx (Svaryzh) near Pskov in Russia. Morever, the name of the German Mecklenburgian town of Schwerin derives from its old Slavic name Swarzyn. According to Roman Jakobson, an American scholar of Russian background, Svarog under tabu names appears in places such as Twarozna Gora in Poland and Tvarozna in the Czech Republic.44 Furthermore, it could be assumed that whenever or wherever Svarozhich (son of Svarog) was reported, it implied that the concept of Svarog, the sky god, was also known. A prime case is the 10th and 11th centuries cult of Svarozhich in Eastern
37	M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, pp. 247-250; & G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 178; & A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp.133-135.
38	Dyaus' - no earthly involvement: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 409.
39	Sky & Sun in Indian myths: The Rig Veda (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1981), 1.160 & 1.164. On sancticity of the sky and its fatherly functions, see: M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 189.
40	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p.130.
41	Patronymic names: L. Leciejewicz, Slownik Kultury Dawnych (Warszawa; Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990), pp. 146-147.
42	Claim for Svarozhich being the dimunitive of Svarog: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 130.
43	This claim is supported by George Vernadsky & Polish historian Henryk Eowmiañski: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 134.
44	Svarog in Slavic toponomy: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 131.
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Germany, then inhabited by Slavs45, indicating that the concept of a Sky god - Svarog - predates the migration period.
The explanation for the lack of a more prominent cult of Svarog lies in Helmold's account. The Slavic Sky god was an otiose and passive god who became removed from earthly affairs. Hence there was not much point in worshipping a "retired" deity, and the cult slowly lost its prominence.
DAZHBOG
The cult of the Sun is well attested among many of the Indo-European peoples. It was especially prominent among the Iranians and the Medes of Persia, as well as among the Masagetae, Scythians and Sarmatians.46 In the case of the Slavs it is difficult to ascertain how "solar" their religion actually was. It is possible that 'solarisation" of the religion was more prominent among the Eastern Slavs, due to the closer and prolonged contacts with Northern Iranian people. Whatever the case, there is evidence that in Slavic religion the Sun cult played an important part.
The Slavic Sun god was called Dazhbog, and it is reasonable to assume that he was a son of Svarog. The name Dazhbog could be translated as " giver of wealth" or " giving god". The root bog, literally meaning god in all Slavic languages, is a clear Iranian borrowing, from the Iranian bhaga - god.47
The widespread Sun cult of Dazhbog featured prominently among the Eastern Slavs, not just as a part of the Kievan pantheon of Vladimir. In the The Song of Igor's Campaign, a 12th century Russian epic poem48, the Russians are twice referred to as "Dazhbog grandsons".49 Also in the poem, a prayer by the daughter of Yaroslav of Galich begins with the words: "Bright, thrice-bright Sun!".50 Regardless of the literary nature of these sources, the survival of Dazhbog in popular memory and of sun worship in general indicates that it was deeply rooted in Eastern Slavic beliefs. It definitely is not the case of short-lived elitist cults. An Arab traveller, Al Masudi, reported around the middle of the 10th century that Eastern Slavs were sun worshipers51, and that they had a temple-like structure with an opening dome and some other feature enabling them to observe the sunrise.52 Although it was most likely an open shrine rather than a temple, it is almost certain that such structures were part of a sun cult.
The name Dazhbog does not appear in other Slavic lanuages in association with the Sun deity. However, the name Dazhbog survived in the Polish personal name - Dazbog.53 And in Serbian folklore it remains as the demons called Dajboga and Daba.54 The cult
45	Svarozhich cult at Radogost: Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, edited & transl. by M.Z. Jedlicki, (Poznan; Poland: Instytut Zachodni, 1953), Vol. VI.23-25.
46	Sun & Fire worship among the Sarmatians: T. Sulimirski, The Sarmatians (London: Thames And Hudson, 1970), p. 34; among the Massagetae: ibid., p. 58, and in: Herodotus, The Histories (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1986 ed.), Vol. I.215-216 ( p. 128 ). Among Scythians: ibid., Vol. IV. 59-64.
47	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny J^zyka Polskiego, p. 84; also in: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 137.
48	It was written in Kiev at the close of the 12th century: V. Nabokov, in, SIC, p. 14. and: S.A. Zenkovsky, ed., Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles and Tales, p. 137.
49	SIC v. 258 & v. 305 & p. 109n.
50	SIC v. 722-730.
51	Al Masudi on Sun worship: G. Vernadsky & R.T. Fisher, Jr., A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, p. 9.
52	Al Masudi on the Sun "temple": M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 164-165.
53	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny jQzyka Polskiego, p. 84.
54	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 137.
53
Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
might have existed in the German Baltic region of Wagrien among the Slavic Obodrites, where Helmold of Bossau reported a temple and idol at Plön called Podaga.55 The name Podaga was interpreted by Roman Jakobson as a corruption of Daboga or Dajboga56, but this interpretation is questionable. Nevertheless, the remnants of a sun cult survived among the Slavs till recent times, thus clearly demonstrating its importance to all the Slavs since the pre-migration period. The Southern Slavic peasants were known to swear an oath on the Sun, and in Bulgaria the Sun was regarded as divine. Also, customs of greeting the rising sun were reported all over Russia, Ukraine and Belorussia. Certain medieval Eastern Slavic sources reported the rural custom of bowing to the south (the Sun) at midday.57 In Germany, in the south-eastern district of Lusatia the Slavic Sorbs were reported to greet the rising sun before entering church on Sunday.58 In the Western Ukraine a curse was known: "May the Sun make you perish", and in Croatia peasants would say" May the Sun avenge me on you".59 In Christian times the Sun has been called "God's face" or "God's eye".60 Clearly this is an echo of the old Indo-European concept, in which the Sun deity Surja is called an eye of Varuna.61
The Sun figures prominently in Slavic folklore throughout all Slavdom. It was believed that the Sun resided in the east, in the land of the everlasting summer and of plenty, inhabiting a palace made of gold. The morning and evening auroras were associated with the Sun and were regarded as two virgin divinities. They were called morning and evening Auroras - Zoryas in Slavic. The Zoryas stood on both sides of the Sun's golden throne. According to one story, the morning Zorya opened the palace gates when the Sun was to begin his daily journey across the sky, while the other one closed the gates after the Sun returned at the evening.62 Similar forms of sun worship and stories about auroras, morning and evening stars (planet Venus), were reported in Baltic mythology.63 Also, in Iranian mythology, there were two divinities of dawn and dusk associated with the sun god Mithra,64 and Ushas as Sun companions in Indian mythology.65
There is also some indirect evidence for the Sun cult among the Slavs. For example, the depictions of a wheel or circle in pre-Christian, Indo-European iconography are interpreted as solar symbols, and a large number of such engravings have been found on early Slavic pottery.66 Furthermore, in Indo-European mythology, it is commonly accepted that the horse is usually associated with the Sun cult. It was reported among many Indo-European people, such as: ancient Indians, Iranians, Germans, Celts, Greeks, Balts and Slavs.67
55	HB, Book I.84.
56	Jakobson's interpretation: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 137.
57	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 132-133.
58	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165.
59	G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 285.
60	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 132.
61	Rig Veda, 1.50.
62	G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 285.
63	M. Gimbutas, M., The Balts, p. 199.
64	J. De Menasce, 'Persia: Cosmic Dualism', in P. Grimal, Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.), p. 202.
65	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 53.
66	A. Gieysztor, 'Slav Countries: Folklore of the Forests', in P. Grimal, editor; Larousse World Mythology (G. P. Putnam: Sons, 1965), p. 401.
67	The horse as a Sun symbol among I.E. people, Germans: H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 51-52; among the Balts: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 199; among the Indians: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 133;
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Among the Western Slavs, horses associated with the cult of Sventovit of Rügen, Svarozhich of Radogost and Triglav of Szczecin were reported. One of their important functions was being used in foretelling the future.68 Although none of those later and complex cults were purely solar, the incorporation of a horse indicates an amalgamation of solar and other elements. It is worth noting that there is a saying in Russian äfüce %nü (veschiy kon'), meaning "prophetic horse",69 indicating that use of a sacred horse in foretelling the future was a common Slavic concept.
SVAROZHICH
The cult of Svarozhich, the fire god, and son of Svarog, also shows common and strong Indo-European roots. Practically all Indo-European people worshipped fire in one form or another. It was of the greatest importance among the ancient Indians. The Iranians were regarded as fire worshippers too, and were reported to swear oaths by fire.70 Also, the ancient Baltic people were reported to worship a female fire goddess, and to believe that fire was brought to the earth by a thunder god Perkunas.71 In Indian mythology there was a fire deity known as Agni, meaning literally a fire, this being a cognate to the Latin word ignis, Lithuanian ugnis and Slavic ogni - a fire.72
The Svarozhich cult also appears to be universal to all Slavs. Evidence for the cult comes from two extremes of Slavdom. According to the Russian source known as Boroaro6en ([Unknown] Admirer of Christ):
"They (the pagan Slavs) also address prayer to Fire, calling him Svarogich".73 The sanctity and divinity of fire survived into the Christian era among most of the Slavs. The 19th century Russian peasants would not spit into the fire or swear at it. Throwing a sheaf into fire was believed to bring luck. There was also a widespread belief that fire had special powers. A fire started by friction using wooden sticks was called a "living fire" and supposed to have healing properties. For example: sick cattle were driven around "living fire", bon-fires in the field to cure them. One of the spells to cast out illness, that began with the words: "Little Fire, Tsar-Fire", seems to be a clear reminiscence of the times when Fire was worshipped as a god.74 Igniting a "sacred fire" through friction is a common element of the wide-spread Indo-European tradition. It is known to have been practised in ancient India,75 as also was the case with ancient Roman Vestal fire.76 It was also reported among the Lithuanians as late as the 17th century.77 And fire was started in this manner as late as the first half of the 20th century in some parts of rural Poland on Annunciation Day.78
among the Iranians: M. Eliade, A History Of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, Chapter XIII. par. 109; among the Celts: A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1983), p. 404.
68	A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, p. 146; and Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 94; and M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 154.
69	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 161.
70	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 322-323.
71	M. Gimbutas, M., The Balts, pp. 203-204.
72	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny Jçzyka Polskiego, pp. 375-376; also in: M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, Chapter VIII, par. 62.
73	G. Alexinsky, Slavonic Mythology, p. 284.
74	E. Warner; Heroes, Monsters and other Worlds from Russian Mythology (London: Peter Lowe, Inc., 1985), p. 16.
75	G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 312-314.
76	ibid., p. 17.
77	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 47.
78	ibid., p. 135.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
In Western Slavdom, the cult of Svarozhich gained prominence among the Veletian people, a branch of the Polabian Slavs. It was a regional deity and its major temple stood at Radogost, near modern Neuebrandenburg, in eastern Germany.79 This elaborate cult was an amalgamation of various elements of Slavic religious traditions, and it cannot be fully equated with the Slavic fire worship of the pre-migration period. It will not be discussed in detail, as it was a later development, and because the issue goes beyond the scope of this work. Nevertheless, the name of the deity clearly shows that the cult evolved from a common Slavic concept of a Fire God.
PERUN
There is also no doubt about the antiquity and Indo-European origins of the Slavic god Perun, the god of thunder and lightning. The name Perun derives from an Indo-European root perk, perg or per, meaning - to strike, and is directly associated with a striking thunderbolt.80 In Indian mythology there was a weather god, Parjanya, whose domain was thunder storms and monsoons. This deity, who also makes things grow, like Perun, is associated with cattle.81 Moreover, among the Balts, a thunder god Perkunas was one of the major deities.82 There is a close conceptual relationship between the foregoing and thunder-associated gods of other Indo-European people, such as: Celtic Taranis; Greek Zeus and Germanic Thor/Donar.83 Independent developments separated Indo-European beliefs, but certain common concepts were preserved. For example, in Germanic mythology the goddess Fjorgynn is the mother of the thunder god Thor. Taking into consideration that in Germanic languages the original Indo-European "p" changed into "f", her name clearly appears related to the stem perg.84 In Hittite mythology the stone monster Ullikummi, who fights the weather god Tesub, is a son of the major god Kumarbi and a rock, a goddess called Perunas or Pirunas.85 Unfortunately, Hittite mythology is so mixed up with Semitic and non-Indo-European beliefs that the similarity of name with Parjanya or Perun may be only a coincidence. On the other hand it may reflect a common Indo-European tradition shared with the Germanic people.
Further support for the antiquity of the Perun-like deity in Eastern Europe comes from Mordvinian mythology. In pre-Christian times, the Mordvins, who are an Ugro-Finnic people of the middle Volga basin, worshipped a thunder god called Purginepaz.86 This is a clear borrowing from the Indo-European mythology. However, it was not borrowed from the Slavs, as their Eastern branch did not penetrate the middle Volga in pre-Christian times. While at the same time the root purg in Purginepaz suggests some relation with the Baltic perk in Perkunas, the only plausible explanation being that the Mordvins borrowed the
79	For description of cult and temple of Svarozhich at Radogost, see: Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, Book VI.23 - 25.
80	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 165-166; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Stowian, pp. 45-48.
81	M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 213; and Rig Veda, 5.83 & 7.101.
82	M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 202: and J. Puhvel, 'Indo- European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon', in G. J. Larson, Myth In Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 78, 83.
83	For Taranis, see: P. Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology (London: Newnes Books, 1983), p. 24; for Zeus see: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 198; for Thor, see: P. Grappin, 'Germanic Lands: The Mortal Gods', in P. Grimal, ed., Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.), p. 373.
84	Goddess Fjorgyn story in Voluspa, a poem in Scandinavian Edda: D. Evans, 'Dodona, Dodola And Daedala', in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity ( Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), p. 101 & 101n.
85	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Stowian, p. 49.
86	ibid., p. 49.
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concept and the god's name from the Fatyanovo culture of the second half of the second millennium B.C.E. The Fatyanovo culture emerged in the Eastern Baltic area and spread along the Volga and Oka as far as the Ural mountains. The physical anthropology, and the strong cultural affiliation of the Fatyanovo complex with the Kurgan and later Baltic cultures, indicates that they were Indo-European people. They were not Balts, and probably not Balto-Slavic people either, but rather culturally and linguisticaly ancestral to both.87 Whatever the case, this shows that the concept of a Perun-like deity was common amongst the Old European population of Eastern Europe in the middle of the second millennium B.C.E. This in turn clearly indicates a continuity of this common Indo-European concept.
The evidence for the notion of a thunder god among the Slavs is relatively plentiful, with his worship first mentioned among the Southern Slavs. According to the mid-6th century Byzantine historian Procopius:
"For they ( Slavs ) believe that one god, the maker of the lighting, is alone lord of all things, and they sacrifice to him cattle and all other victims".88 There is no doubt that this account refers to Perun. The account does not imply that the Slavs were monotheists, but rather that Perun gained prominence among the Southern Slavs, whose religion evolved into henotheism. There is also evidence that in the mythology of non-Slavic Albanians, there was a thunder god known as Perendi. Again, this is no doubt a borrowing from the Southern Slavs.89
As a consequence of the relatively early Christianisation of the Southern Slavs, there are no more direct accounts in relation to Perun from the Balkans. Nevertheless, as late as the first half of the 12th century, in Bulgaria and Macedonia, peasants performed a certain ceremony meant to induce rain. A central figure in the rite was a young girl called Perperuna, a name clearly related to Perun. At the same time, the association of Perperuna with rain shows conceptual similarities with the Indian god Parjanya. There was a strong Slavic penetration of Albania, Greece and Romania, between the 6th and 10th centuries. Not surprisingly the folklore of northern Greece also knows Perperuna, Albanians know Pirpirúna, and also the Romanians have their Perperona.90 Also, in a certain Bulgarian folk riddle the word perusan is a substitute for the Bulgarian word ¿ñpMomeeuua (grmotevitsa) for thunder.91 Moreover, the name of Perun is also commonly found in Southern Slavic toponymy. There are places called: Perun, Perunac, Perunovac, Perunika, Perunicka Glava, Peruni Vrh, Perunja Ves, Peruna Dubrava, Perunusa, Perusice, Perudina and Perutovac.92
In addition, the Eastern Slavs, promised to uphold treaties with the Byzantines by invoking Perun in 907, 945 and 971. The Perun idol was already standing in Kiev by 945, when prince Igor swore to be true to the treaty at the shrine.93 Therefore, either Vladimir did not erect it or only enlarged the shrine.
There are more accounts and other evidence showing that the cult was widespread among the ordinary people and in various forms survived christianization. It is worth noting certain passage in The Russian Primary Chronicle. This stated that when the Perun idol
87	Fatyanovo culture: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, pp. 34 & 44-46 & 91-93.
88	Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars (Cambridge: Harward University Press, 1968), Book VII.X[V.23.
89	D. Evans, 'Dodona, Dodola And Daedala', p. 100.
90	ibid., p. 103; and also in: A. Gieysztor, Mitología Slowian, pp. 67-70.
91	A. Gieysztor, Mitología Slowian, p. 50.
92	ibid., p. 50.
93	Perun in Russo-Byzantinian treaties: RPC, years 907, 945, 971.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
and its sanctuary was destroyed, the people cried,94 while, according to the Chronicle of Novgorod, assault on the Perun shrine in Novgorod caused serious uprising and bloody fighting in the city.95 Surely, both cases implied that it was a well established people's cult and not exclusively a domain of the élite.
The survival of Perun's worship well into the Christian era is also well attested. The following accounts strongly demonstrate the popularity of the cult among the ordinary people. In a Russian apocrypha of the 12th century, known as Xomdene Eozypoduu,u no MymM (Hozhdyene Boguroditsipo mukam), idols of Perun and other gods were mentioned: "And they made gods out of the devils Troyan, Khors, Veles and Perun, and they worshipped these evil devils".96
Furthermore, a 14th century source known as Cnoeo Tpuzopun (Slovo Grigoriya - The Word of Gregory), says that in remote areas pagans still prayed to Perun.97 In the late 18th century Russia, an ecclesiatic ruling had forbidden the singing of Christian prayers in front of an oak tree.98 It has to be remembered that the oak tree was closely associated with the cult of Perun (oak tree worship will be discussed later). Also, an interesting custom was reported near Novgorod, as late as the early 12th century. Here many travellers or boatsmen, sailing the Volkhov river, would cast a coin into the water, at the spot where the Perun shrine was excavated in the 1950's.99
Finally, after Christianization the cult merged and was transformed into veneration of Saint Elias. This happened most likely because of the Old Testament, which credited Saint Elias with the ability to bring rain and thunderstorms. Thus, through these means, an obscure Christian saint became a major celebrity in Eastern Slavic Orthodoxy. In the later Christian iconography of Saint Elias, he appears like Perun traversing the sky in the chariot of fire or riding on the horse. He has also been associated with thunders, arrows and oaks.100 In the early 20th century, in the north-east of Russia, the following celebration was reported. On the 20th of July, Saint Elias' day, a cow was slaughtered and the meat prepared by males. It was then distributed in the church and eaten by the whole congregation. This custom, evidently not being Christian, resembles the sacrificial killing of an animal and the communal consumption of the meat.101
The veneration of St. Elias with its mixture of pagan and Christian elements is one of the best arguments for the purely Slavic character of Perun and of the cult being widespread among all sections of Eastern Slavic society. Put simply, if Perun was only a deity of the elite and was elevated to prominence at Kiev only for a few years, ordinary people would not have retained the cult for centuries. Neither would the Orthodox Church be forced to accept and tolerate certain evidently pagan beliefs and practices. The name of Perun also appears in Eastern Slavic toponymy. The most famous place is Peryn' near
94	RPC, year 988.
95	V. Volkoff, Vladimir the Russian Viking (London: Honeyglen Publishing Ltd., 1984), pp. 242-244.
96	Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam is a 12th century Apocrypha known in English as The Visitation to the Torments by the Mother of God, also called The Descent of the Virgin into Hell: in S.A. Zenkovsky, ed. Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles And Tales, p. 123.
97	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 51.
98	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 166.
99	E. Warner, Heroes, Monsters and other Worlds from Russian Mythology, p. 15.
100	M.N. Tikhomirov, 'The Origins of Christianity in Russia', History, Vol. XLIV, 1959, p. 204; also in: M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, pp. 166-167.
101E. Warner, Heroes, Monsters and other Worlds from Russian Mythology, pp. 15 & 17.
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Novgorod, where the remnants of an open site shrine were unearthed by archaeologists,102 and there was a place on the Dneper known as "Perun's Shoal".103
Perun was also a deity of the Western Slavs, although the cult did not show up so prominently. In all Slavic languages, except Polish and Kashubian, the term for thunderbolt is grom. The term is known to the Poles but more often they call it "piorun", a word clearly deriving from the name of Perun. In Silesia, even today, people say typieronie!, which in freelance translation means " you bastard!". The older Poles' saying of dissatisfaction, do pioruna!, could be translated as "by thunder!". It sounds like nonsense, but if we substitute the old meaning it would be "by Perun!". Very close to the familiar "by Jove!".104 Similar sayings have survived among the Kashubians in the form of na peróna! and ty perónie!. It is good to note that in Kashubian, thunder or lighting is called parón not perón,105 indicating that the original saying refers to the deity rather than to thunder. In Moravian and Slovakian folklore there are spells using the termparom or hrom (original Slavic "g" replaced by "h" in Ukrainian, Czech, Slovak and High Sorbian languages) interchangeably for thunder.106 Furthermore, the Slovaks would say parom do teba or do paroma, meaning "may Perun strike you" and "by Perun!", respectively.107 Among the now almost extinct Polabian Slavs of eastern Germany, a deity called Porenutius (Porenut) was reported on Rügen island by a Danish chronicler of the turn of the 13th century Saxo Grammaticus.108 Some scholars have interpreted the name as a corrupted form of Perun. However, this interpretation is not uniformly accepted. Another deity called Proue was mentioned by Helmold as being worshipped in the 12th century near Oldenburg in Wagrien. Its idol stood in an enclosed sanctuary situated in an oak grove. Sacrifices of cattle and sheep, and sometimes humans were performed for this deity, and once a week the tribal court and assembly was held there.109 Again it has been postulated that the name Proue is a corruption of Perun, taking into consideration that in another version of the chronicle, known as the Stettin manuscript, it appears as Prone.110 Whatever the case, Proue's association with oaks and with cattle sacrifice indicates close conceptual links with a Perun-like deity. Toponymic evidence from the Polabian lands is a harbour of Prohn (Por) in the Tribsee region opposite Rügen island, recorded in the earliest source as Perun.111
Nonetheless, the strongest evidence for the antiquity of the Perun cult, as well as its universality among all the Slavs, and all sections of the Slavic society, comes from the western extreme of Slavdom. In the region of Hanoverian Wendland, west of the Elbe river in Germany, a Polabian Slavic language survived till the end of the 18th century. Those Slavs called Thursday a Perendan - meaning literally a "day of Perun".112 Evidently, these
102ibid., p. 15.
103	RPC, year 988.
104	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 46.
105	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 51. Also from the personal experience of the author.
106	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 50.
107	Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 87.
108	Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, edited & transl. by E. Christiansen (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1981 ), Book XIV.XXXIX.
109	HB, Book I. 52, 69, 84.
110	Proue - Perun: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 51; and on Prone: J. Strzelczyk & J. Matuszewski, editor & translator, Helmolda Kronika Slowian (Warszawa, Poland: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1974), p. 244n.
111	Saxo Grammaticus, Book XIV.XXXI ( p. 476) and E. Christiansen in Saxo, p. 820 (n410).
112	K. Polanski & J.A. Sehnert, Polabian-English Dictionary (The Hague: Mouton & Company, 1967), p. 109; and in: H. Popowska-Taborska, H.,'Polabszczyzna jako Polnocno-Zachodnia Peryferia Slowianszczyzny', in J. Strzelczyk, Slowianszczyzna Polabska (Poznan; Poland: Wydawnictwo UAM, 1981), p. 107.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
people were aware that the name for Thursday in German Donnerstag means "day of thunder",(deriving from a continental Germanic war god Donar). However, instead of substituting the Polabian word grom for the thunder they used the word peren. Clearly, the term peren, as in the Polish language, derives from the name Perun.
VELES/VOLOS
The origins and functions of the god Veles or Volos, are controversial. According to the Laurentian version of the Russian Primary Chronicle, Veles was the god of cattle.113 This view was accepted without question by the majority of scholars. However, there is some indication that he was more than a mere god of the beasts. In Christian times, Veles was replaced by St. Blasius - a patron of domestic animals. It is likely that a monk who had written the "Russian Primary Chronicle" had projected the functions of St. Blasius functions onto Veles, albeit ignorant of the role of the ancient god.114
From the scarce written records we know that at the official signing of the treaty with the Byzantines in 907 the whole Kievan army swore by Perun and Veles, and also, in the 971 treaty, the warriors swore by Perun and the "rest of Rus'" by Veles.115 This shows that Veles was an important god whose functions must have gone much beyond caring for cattle. The importance of cattle for the Eastern Slavs cannot be denied, but their economy was agriculturally based. It would make more sense if they swore by the "Mother Earth" rather than Veles. So, this suggests that Veles was also the guardian of the oath.116 In reference to the punishment for breaking the oath, the offenders would be killed by their own weapons and da 6ydeM 3onomue hko soAomo (da budem zoloti yako zoloto - become yellow as gold).117 Knowing the war function of Perun it seems that punishment by their own weapons must have referred to the wrath of Perun. For other punishment, at first the sentence appears to make no sense at all. However in Russian sonomyxa (zolotukha) means scrofula, a tuberculosis of the bones and lymph glands - a serious and life threatening disease. So, this suggests that Veles was also able to inflict disease as a punishment.118 Furthermore, from the Song of Igor's Campaign comes a passage referring to the bard Boyan: "Vatic Boyan, grandson of Veles...",119 suggesting a clairvoyant and prophetic nature of the god. After Christianisation of the Kievan Rus', Veles was transformed into St. Blasius (Russian B^acHH /Vlasiy/), a patron of domestic animals.120 An interesting insight into the cult comes from ethnographic data. Well into Christian times in Russia, during the cattle epidemic, peasants carried an icon of St. Blasius and performed a certain ritual. This ritual involved killing a ewe, ram, horse and cow, all being tied together.121 The rite is a mixture of many traditions and customs, and it is impossible to analyse it in detail. Nevertheless, the killing of horses
113	Veles as a cattle god, see: RPC, year 907.
114	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 112.
115	RPC, year 907. On the 971 treaty, see: RPC, year 971.
116	Veles - guardian of oath: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 114.
117	phrase Da budem zoloti yako zoloto: RPC, year 971.
118	A. Gieysztor interpretation: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 113-114.
119	Veles in SIC: SIC v. 65. This association of Boyan's clairvoyancy and prophetic attributes with Veles supports the argument for the sometimes questioned authenticity of The Song of the Igor's Campaign. The Much later forger would have no knowledge of the association of Veles with prophecies, which can be deducted only through comparison with the Baltic Velinas.
120	M.N. Tikhomirov, 'The Origins of Christianity in Russia', p. 204.
121	Cattle epidemic ritual, in: G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', p. 298.
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must be an ancient tradition associated with the cult of Veles. Among Indo-Europeans, the very common sacrifice of a horse was performed to only a few major deities.122 Hence, in this new perspective, Veles emerges as a deity of great importance, not only as a cattle god, but also as a guardian of the oath, punishing with diseases, and associated with clairvoyance and prophesies. A horse, and possibly some other animals were sacrificed to Veles.
Furthermore, his importance could be fully realised if we look closer into the merger of the cult of Veles with St. Blasius. Most historians, without much thought, accept the simple notion that Veles was a cattle god transformed into the Christian saint of similar patronage. However, there is no doubt that Greek missionaries and the Eastern Slavic clergy viewed the non-Christian beliefs as evil, and tried as hard as possible to eradicate any traces of them. If they did not succeed, and had to accept a merger of pagan and Christian beliefs, Veles must have been a god of great importance whose cult was deeply rooted in Eastern Slavic tradition. Only Perun, no doubt a major god of the 10th century Eastern Slavs, managed to achieve the same by "transforming" himself into Saint Elias.
Some further insight into the functions of Veles comes from Baltic mythology. Both the Slavs and the Balts are linguistically and culturally closely related and share many similar religious concepts. In Baltic mythology, there is a deity known as Velinas, Velnias or Vels, very well attested in folklore and toponymy, hence indicating the importance of this god in Baltic beliefs. In folklore, Velinas appears to be a deity or demon of the dead and of cattle.123 In some Lithuanian legends Velnias is associated with clairvoyance.124 Furthermore, according to Marija Gimbutas and Jaan Puhvel, the underworld demons known as Pikulas, Pikis or Piktis are alternative names of Velinas.125 There is also evidence that the Balts sacrificed a horse, bull and he-goat to Velnias.126 So, the similarity of names and functions strongly indicate that both, Veles and Velinas are conceptually the same deity.
Other historical accounts also mentioned the cult of Veles on a number of occasions. A Veles statue stood in the suburb called Podol, an area which was apparently a craftsmen's and tradesmen's quarter. The source known as The Tale of Vladimir's Baptism tells us that this idol was destroyed shortly after conversion.127 We will probably never know if Veles was included in Vladimir's pantheon or not, and if not, why his worship was not incorporated into the Kievan cult. The cult of Veles is also known from other parts of Eastern Slavdom. The destruction of a stone idol of Veles was recorded in the Rostov district in the 11th century in Mueom AepaaMa (The Life of Abraam), a biography of an archimandrite of the Rostov monastery.128 In the other 12th century source already cited in reference to Perun, known as Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam, Veles is mentioned as still being worshipped in some rural areas.129
122Vedic hierarchy of sacrifices: men, horse, ox, sheep, goat: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 239 & 468. Vedic Indian horse sacrifice - Ashvamedha, ibid., p. 224; among the Massagetae - to Sun: Herodotus, The Histories, Book I. 215-216 (p. 128); among the Scythians - to god of war: ibid., Book IV. 59-64 (p. 289-290); among the Celts & Romans: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 17.
123	Vélinas domains: deceased and the cattle: M. Gimbutas,'The Lithuanian God Velnias', pp. 87-88.
124	ibid., p. 89.
125	Pikulas-Vélinas: ibid., p. 88; and J. Puhvel, 'Indo-European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon', p. 84.
126	M. Gimbutas, 'The Lithuanian God Velnias', p. 90.
127	V. Volkoff, Vladimir the Russian Viking, p. 103.
128	M.N. Tikhomirov, 'The Origins of Christianity in Russia', p. 208.
129	S. A. Zenkovsky, Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles and Tales, p. 123.
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The name of this ancient god was also preserved in Eastern Slavic toponymy. Although many place names may relate to eonocu (volosy) hair in Russian, the names for at least two places in the Belorussian forests are associated with some supernatural forces called Volosin and Volosach, or the river Velesa in the Smolensk district of Russia, and seem to be derived from Veles.130 All this suggests that the cult of Veles was widespread among all sections of Eastern Slavic society.
It appears that the borrowing from Baltic mythology could be excluded and that the Veles-Velinas concept comes from common Balto-Slavic tradition. This is supported by evidence from other than the eastern branch of Slavic people. For example, there is a mountain called Veles in Bosnia and a place of the same name, Veles, on the river Vardar in Macedonia.131 The name of a Greek port on the Aegean coast of Thessaly, Volos, on the site of ancient Iolcos, may also be of Slavic origin,132 being a legacy of Slavic penetration into Greece between the 6th and 9th century. In Serbia, one of the names for the constellation of Pleiads is Vlasici, clearly meaning "children of Vlas".133 In Western Slavdom, among the Poles of the Tatra Mountains there is a folk tale about the dragon and the mountain called Woloszyn (phonetically: Voloshin),134 while in a Kashubian folk song, a female spirit called Velevitka (the root: Vele, Velev) appears.135 In a certain Bohemian folk tale, a bad wife turns into the goose that flies "beyond the sea, to the Veles". In an old Bohemian carol, condemned by a Christian priest, a spirit called vele brings the people luck and happiness. The word vele is meaningless in the Czech language, but seems to be an echo of an ancient pagan chant.136 The 16th century Czech could say about weird ideas: ky veles ti to naseptal? (what devil put you up to it?), and there is another Czech saying: u velesa!, as an expression of annoyance.137
So, despite this indirect evidence, it seems to be cumulatively convincing that Veles was a major god of various functions and known to all branches of Slavdom. Hence his cult definitely pre-dates the migration period.
STRIBOG
Stribog of the Kievan pantheon appears to be a god of wind or winds. The word's etymology is unclear, but the root stri may derive from the Slavic stru - to flow. Whereas the root bog means either means god or wealth. An alternative etymology was postulated by Russian scholars Ivanov and Toporov. According to them, the name Stribog derives from the Iranian patri bhagos - a Father God.138 However, this would make Stribog a major god of a first function, at least among the Eastern Slavs. This seems to be unlikely considering his rather minor position in the Kievan pantheon and low prominence in Slavic mythology and folklore.
130Veles in Eastern Slavic toponomy: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Siowian, p. 115.
131	Veles in Southern Slavic toponomy:ibidem; and in Macedonia: A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, p. 169.
132	Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. X, p. 488.
133	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Siowian, p. 117.
134	ibid., p. 115.
135	ibid., p. 117.
136	ibidem.
137	Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 87.
138	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165; and in: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Siowian, pp. 140- 141; and A. Bruckner, Siownik Etymologiczny jQzyka Polskiego, p. 520.
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There are parallel beliefs in various Indo-European mythologies. For instance in India there was a wind deity called Väyu, also known in ancient Persia as Vayu. Furthermore, a similar deity named Wejopatis was worshipped by the Balts.139 Besides The Russian Primary Chronicle, this deity was also mentioned in The Song Of Igor's Campaign, where the winds were called " Stribog's grandsons".140 In another passage in the tale, the daughter of Yaroslav of Galich - a 12th century prince - addressed this prayer to the wind:
"Wind, Great Wind! why, lord, blow perversely? Why carry those Hinnish dartlets on your light winglets against my husband's warriors?"141
This seems to link the Wind with some military affairs, which finds a conceptual reflection in the military association of India's Väyu and the Iranian Vayu.142 Finally, Stribog also appears in Eastern Slavic toponymy, such as: Stribozhe Lake, or a place called Stribozh.143 Any search for the Stribog cult beyond the borders of Eastern Slavdom does not produce much evidence. Nevertheless, the winds and associated demons are common in Slavic folklore and mythology - from Bulgaria to Poland.144 Among the Western Slavs, in some regions the Poles called certain winds stryj, but this may as well derive from stryj - a term for father's brother.145 As for toponomy, there is Strzyboga in central Poland, and in the 13th c., a stream near Gdansk was called Striboc.146 The latter suggests that Stribog, like Perun and Veles, might have been a common Slavic deity. How developed this cult was in the pre-migration period is hard to determine. It was definitely not as prominent and elaborate as it was in late 10th century Kiev.
The remaining deities of the Kievan pantheon, such as: Khors, Simargl and Mokosh seem to be specifically Eastern Slavic deities, and will be discussed later.
PERSONIFICATION AND ANTHROPOMORPHISATION
The question of Slavic animism is probably sufficiently answered by the foregoing evidence demonstrating that these major common Slavic deities were to a various degree personified. Nonetheless, the whole issue should be explored a bit further. It should be pointed out that the personification and anthropomorphisation of Slavic deities is also supported by their very names. All the deities discussed above had different names from their functions or their domains. For example, Svarog was a sky god, while the sky is called "nebo" in all Slavic languages.147 Dazhbog - "the giver of wealth" or "giving god" was a Sun god and the Sun is called comu,e (solntse) in Russian, and similary in all other Slavonic
139	Indian, Iranian & Baltic wind gods: M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, p. 190.
140	SIC v. 197.
141	ibid., v. 699-703.
142	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 141.
143	ibidem.
144	G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', pp. 285-286; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 141.
145	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny jQzyka Polskiego, p. 521.
146	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 141.
147	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny jQzyka Polskiego, p. 359.
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languages.148 In a common Slavic myth the Sun takes a journey across the sky - from the east to the west - in his chariot, pulled by flame-breathing white horses. This is a broad and general description of the myth, as certain details differ from region to region.149 Nevertheless, the myth clearly indicates that Slavs worshipped the Sun god but not the Sun itself. The name of Svarozhich, a Fire deity, shows a clear son-father relationship with Svarog. The fire in Russian is oioHb (ogon'), in Polish ogien, and similarly in all other Slavonic tongues.150 Perun is the name of a deity, not a thunderbolt, clearly related to personified Indian and Baltic deities of a similar function, and the original proto-Slavic name for thunderbolt in all languages is grom.151 The Veles etymology, although unclear, does not resemble any Slavic name for domestic animals.152 The same applies to Stribog, god of winds, as wind is called eemep (vyeter) in Russian, and similarly by other Slavs.153
The personification and anthropomorhisation of major Slavic deities should not be a surprise. All the other Indo-European peoples had personified and anthropomorphised deities from the earliest times, suggesting that the process began already among the Proto-Indo-Europeans, before divergence into separate linguistic branches.154 It would be most unusual if the Slavs had reverted to animism after branching off from a Balto-Slavic ethno-linguistic stratum.
To what degree Slavic gods were personified and anthropomorphised is difficult to establish. Possibly it varied, not only between various Slavic branches and tribes, but also between social classes. It is worth noting that different conceptions of deity are still common today, even in very uniform and organised religions. For example, for a Calabrian peasant and a Christian Democrat minister in Italy, the concept of Jesus Christ is definitely very different, although both are Roman Catholics.155
The beliefs and veneration of a multitude of lesser gods, demigods, spirits, waters, wells etc., is an Indo-European phenomena and was common among the Celtic, Germanic, Italic, Slavic and other people156, forming the lower layer of their pre-Christian religion. Claims of Slavic animism could emerge as a result of customs and beliefs observed among the Eastern Slavs in Christian times, a situation which arose from the eradication of major cults where only the lower strata of beliefs survived in folklore, customs and some rites. At the same time written records about Slavic religion were scarce. We can imagine a person equipped with a book containing Catholic doctrines but ignorant of the ancient Aztec religion trying to reconstruct the pre-Christian beliefs of Mexicans. We would have a similar situation where the upper stratum of the Aztec religion was completely wiped out, while the Catholicism of the rural Mexicans heavily intermingled with the lower stratum of old beliefs. In such a case the conclusion would very likely be: that the Aztecs were animists.
148	ibid., p. 500.
149	G. Alexinsky, 'Slavonic Mythology', pp. 254-255.
150	A. Brückner, Slownik Etymologiczny Jçzyka Polskiego, pp. 375-376.
151	ibid., p. 158.
152	ibid., pp. 495-496.
153	ibid., pp. 610-611.
154	M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, Chapter VIII, paragraph 62.
155	The same religion is not practiced on the same level, as there are significant differences in relation to education, social status, etc.: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 20-21.
156	Lesser deities and spirits in mythologies of the Celts: A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain, pp. 46-50, 61-65 & 84; of the Germanic people: E. O. G. Turville-Petre, Myths and Religion of the North; Religion of Ancient Scandinavia (Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1975 ed.), pp. 221-235; of the Italic people: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 553, and A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain, p. 59.
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"CORE" CONCEPTS AND GODS IN SLAVONIC COSMOLOGY
As the above evidence shows, the Slavic pre-christian religion was conceptually rooted in the common Indo-European tradition. It evolved into its own relatively uniform set of beliefs in specific conditions and circumstances. Where especially Northern Iranian influences played an important part, they had major deities and their personification is also well attested. That does not imply that some animistic elements did not exist, especially on the level of lesser spirits.
The expression of particular cults might not have been common among all the Slavs, as the presented evidence often comes from much later times. Nevertheless, the "core" of the pre-migration period Slavic religion was an acknowledgment of a passive Sky god, known as Svarog. There are some indications that Veles was also a deity ranking among the major gods.157 The Slavs of the pre-migration period were clan based, small tribal societies and it seems logical to conclude that lack of political unity and any central authority led to the demise of Svarog and to some degree of Veles. Svarog was the creator of two deities, Sun and Fire, being Dazhbog and Svarozhich respectively. This conceptually echoes an Indo-European tradition. In Rig Veda, Sun-Surja is created by Dyaus but also often confused or identified with Fire-Agni.158 From there, it is not hard to conclude that both deities descended from the Sky god. Perun, and his thunderbolt was most likely perceived as the "fire link" between celestial fire of the Sun and earthly fire.159 This clearly reflects a common Indo-European concept of tri-partite division of the world. At the same time, the original deity of the second function, the god of war, faded into oblivion.160 However, taking into consideration some war - like attributes of Perun, it appears that the original deity of weather and thunder was always to some extent associated with war functions. This is supported by evidence of the association of Indian Parjanya with Indra and military functions.161 It might have happened that by the time the need for a war deity arose, Perun, who fits most closely, was assigned this function, and this is reinforced by the already presented evidence from Procopius and from the Hannoverian Wendland.
EVOLUTION OF THE EASTERN SLAVIC BELIEFS
Now let us return to the end of the 10th century at Kiev, and Vladimir's pantheon. As has already been shown, Perun and Dazhbog are major and common Slavic gods. The case of Stribog seems to be unclear, and his cult might have not extended far from the Eastern Slavdom. The remaining deities are without doubt specifically Eastern Slavic.
KHORS
Khors seems to be unique to the Eastern Slavs, and appears to be another version of Dazhbog, that is, the Sun god. The etymology of his name is Iranian again, and it appears to
157	Veles as a major deity: J. Puhvel, 'Indo-European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon', pp. 84-85.
158	Surja & Agni: Rig Veda, I.50 & 10.123 & 10.177. Agni as a son of Dyaus: M. Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1, Chapter VIII. par. 69.
159	Perun-thunder, a link between the sky and Earth. This concept is evident in Indian tradition of setting up of three sacrificial fires: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, pp. 312-314, and in invoking the sky, atmosphere and earth in Ashvameda rite (horse sacrifice): ibid., p. 226.
160	There are some indications that Yarilo/Yarovit type of deity might have been an original and old Slavic war god. This hypothesis requires further reaserch, but this is going beyond the scope of this work.
161	Rig Veda, p. 163.
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be cognate to Iranian khvar, and the modern Persian Khorsid, both meaning the Sun.162 It is likely that some easternmost Slavic tribes, possibly those of Tmutorokan, were under much stronger Sarmatian influence than the rest of the Eastern Slavs. They might then worship the Sun god under its Iranian name. Khors' inclusion in a Kievan pantheon might have been an attempt to bring some tribal god into the mainstream and state organised cult. The cult is not Vladimir's invention, since the deity and its worship is mentioned in some other source. He appears in the The Song of Igor's Campaign, in reference to Vseslav, a Russian prince-wizard of the turn of 12th century, strongly suggesting his solar character.163 In the 12th century Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam, the idol of Khors, alongside other already mentioned deities was recorded.164 The survival of Khors' memory into the Christian era suggests that the cult was widespread, and that under the name of Khors some sections of Eastern Slavic society worshipped the Sun.
SIMARGL
Simargl appears to be yet another direct borrowing from the Northern Iranians. In medieval Iranian and Caucasian mythology a bird-like demon with a dog's head is known as Simurgh, or Senmurv, and was the creature of a "good omen".165 What the function of the Eastern Slavic Simargl was is unclear. In later Russian folklore, a similar-looking creature is sometimes called Paskudj, and it appeared as a decorative motif between the 9th and 13th centuries.166 There is no evidence for this obscure cult anywhere else in Slavdom and it seems confined to its eastern branch. It is also hard to say how and why it was included in the Kievan pantheon.
MOKOSH
The interpretation of the Mokosh cult, the only female deity in Vladimir's pantheon, poses a great difficulty. Above all, the etymology of her name is unclear.167 A common Indo-European etymology is unconvincing and speculative.168 An Ugro-Finnian borrowing has been suggested, as there was a deity or demon called Moksha. However, borrowing from the Slavs by the Ugro-Finnian people also cannot be excluded. An Iranian origin of this goddess was also postulasted by the Belorussian scholar Viktar Martynav.169 In Russian folklore Mokosh is associated with a variety of activities such as shearing and spinning. There are also some links with sexuality and fertility. It is possible that Mokosh derives from the Slavic root mok or mokr - wet. In that case, she could have been somehow associated with "Mother Moist Earth".170 Taking into consideration that there is no evidence of the personification of Mother Earth in Slavic mytholgy, the possiblity is that Mokosh was Vladimir's invention. But it has to be acknowledged that the above argument is also of a highly speculative nature.
162	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 131 & 138. Xurs/Xors - a sun in Iranian: A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, p. 394.
163	SIC v. 665-666.
164S.A. Zenkovsky, ed., Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles and Tales, p. 123.
165	P. Masson-Oursel & L. Morin, 'Mythology of Ancient Persia', in P. Grimal, New Larousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd., 1983 ed.), p. 315; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 142-143.
166	Paskudj' in Russian folklore: G. Vernadsky, Kievan Russia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976 ed.), p. 54.
167	Mokosh - an Ugro-Finic etymology: Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 87.
168	Mokosh - an Indo-European etymology: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 153.
169	V. V. Martynav, Etnagenez Slavyan, p. 7-8.
170	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 153-154.
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FOREIGN INFLUENCE ON SLAVIC RELIGION
There is no doubt that the long association between Slavs and Iranians left a visible mark on their beliefs. Their religion absorbed and incorporated numerous Iranian elements; nevertheless, Slavic beliefs had also developed on their own. In this context the deities like Svarog, Svarozhich, Dazhbog, Veles and Stribog should be regarded as Slavic, rather then Iranian. Only Khors and Simargl are clear and direct borrowings from the Northern Iranian pantheon. Finally, the knowledge about Mokosh and her cult is so obscure that any claims in regard to her remain in the sphere of speculation.
It is interesting to note that by an overwhelming majority, the champions of Slavic animism and supporters of Norman origin of an organised cult in Kiev never substantiate their claims, rarely going beyond a simple statement without any evidence being presented. Such statements were made by Alexinsky and Fedotov.171 For Vlasto and Turville-Petre, Veles was a rustic Slavic deity while Perun a "Varangian god". Additionally, Turville-Petre says that Perun is not well attested in Slavonic mythology,172 a claim already disproved by the above work. And in a recent publication, titled Mother Russia, Joanna Hubbs claimed strong Scandinavian elements in Vladimir's pantheon, and that Thor was a prototype for Perun. Again, no evidence was presented.173 As far as the author's research goes, only Nora Chadwick attempted to prove her point in the 1945 publication on Russian history. However, before addressing Chadwick's claims, we shall analyse the Kievan cult in the context of possible Scandinavian influence.
Firstly, we can look into the organisational aspect of religious life in Kiev. One of the most common shortfalls in addressing the Slavic religion is a failure to recognize that, like any living religion, it was not a static phenomenon. Any religion serves the social function appropriate for the society that practices it, and both evolve together.174 Hence in the clan-based, small tribal society,175 there is no need for elaborate, highly organised and hierarchical cults. On the other hand, in supra-tribal society,176 socio-political realities facilitate the emergence of more complex and hierarchical religions. During the migration period and shortly after - that is between the 6th and 9th centuries - the Slavic societies underwent transformation from a clan-based to a large tribal form of socio-political organisation. In
171	G. Alexinsky, Slavonic Mythology, p. 293-294; and G.P. Fedotov, The Russian Religious Mind, Vol. I, pp. 8, 19-20, 351.
172	A. P. Vlasto on Perun-Thor: A.P. Vlasto, The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom, pp. 252 & 254, and Turville-Petre on Perun: E. O. G. Turville-Petre, Myths and Religion of the North; Religion of Ancient Scandinavia, p. 96.
173	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, pp. 17-19, 74.
174	On society and religion, see: E. Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1968 ed.), p. 30, 47, 347.
175	To clarify the terminology, the term "clan based" or "small tribal " society is applied to the socio-political entity incorporating number of clans into small unit of vicinatus known as opole in Polish covering around 75-80 sq. km. The number of vicinatus' would form a small tribe of the size between 150-300 sq. km, while a "great tribe" would be around 2000-4000 sq. km.: Z. Kobylinski, 'Settlement Structures in Central Europe at the Beginning of the Middle Ages', in P. Urbanczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warszawa, Poland: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), p. 109.
176	A "Supra-tribal" society is a large tribal and regional unit combining a number of smaller tribes, ie., medieval Obodrite principality. Its equivalent in the West would be an average duchy, such as Saxony and Bavaria or Scania and Zeeland in Scandinavia: R. Zaroff, 'Socio-political Developments Among the Polabian Slavs (Wends) between the Eight and Twelfth Centuries - An Obodrite Case', Proceedings of the University of Queensland History Research Group, Number 8, 1997, pp. 10-11.
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the case of the Eastern Slavs, this was partly a result of their expansion to the north and east177, The process is facilitated when people are on the move, colonising new territories, encountering new challenging environments, circumstances and often hostile locals. This undoubtedly created a need for better hierarchical organisation and more clearly defined leadership. Also, during that period, Eastern Slavs came into contact with, and often were subjugated by, nomadic or semi-nomadic people such as Huns, Avars and Khazars.178 This also stimulated internal socio-political changes. Consequently, by the 9th century, Eastern Slavs were already organised into supra-tribal political units, such as: Polyane, Kriviche, Drevlyane and others.179 In this context, the religion of the Eastern Slavs had to serve new and different functions, and became more organised, elaborate, and hierarchical.
It has to be acknowledged that Scandinavian military organisation and prowess, as well as their mercantile spirit, played a significant part in the foundation of the Kievan Rus'. Nevertheless, the Scandinavian impact on the Eastern Slavs is frequently exaggerated. It is often overlooked that the Scandinavians did not have much to offer in political and religious spheres. Above all, Sweden did not exist as such by then, and on its territory there were a number of independent supra-tribal political units.180 Those principalities were more or less on a par with the large, regional, tribal political entities of Eastern Slavdom. In the religious sphere, Scandinavians were also on a similar level. Their mythology was often as inconsistent as in the case of the Slavs. It is worthwhile to note, that formal priesthood did not exist in Scandinavia until the 10th-11th century. Furthermore, Scandinavians did not have temples and worshipped their gods at open shrines. It is commonly accepted that later temples and the priesthood (from subsequent centuries) came into being as a result of unification trends and to some extent as a response to the ideological challenge of Christianity. 181 So, there is no reason to believe that the evolution of Eastern Slavic religion was the result of any direct Scandinavian influence.
Secondly, we can look into the cult of Perun and how it acquired its war god characteristics and developed henotheistic tendencies. It is hard to say when the atmospheric functions of this deity were surpassed by the military functions. Nevertheless, it is likely that it took place just before the Slavic migration began. This is supported by the foregoing evidence from the Hannoverian Wendland, in which Perun was conceptually perceived as a similar deity to the Germanic Thor/Donar, and where later contacts with Eastern Slavdom could be safely excluded. It seems natural that the warlike deities would become of greater importance in the societies engaged in frequent warfare. This is the case with the Eastern Slavs during the northern and eastern expansion of their migration period, as well as a result of later constant conflicts with the people of the steppes. A similar development took place among the Southern Slavs, who conquered and colonised the Balkans. This is confirmed by the previously cited account by Procopius that their dominant deity was a
177Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, pp. 45-51.
178	The Eastern Slavs and the nomads: D. MacKenzie & M.W. Curran, A History of Russia, The Soviet Union and Beyond (Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1993), pp. 16-20.
179	The 9th century Eastern Slavic political entities: this is confirmed by archaeological data and by the Russian Primary Chronicle, where large tribes like Polyane or Kriviche are treated as single socio-political units: ibid., pp. 21-22.
180	Socio-Political structure of the early medieval Sweden: I. Andersson, A History of Sweden (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970 ed. ), pp. 22-23, 32-35.
181H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 139-142, and in: J. Puhvel, Indo- European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon, p. 76.
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thunder god - no doubt Perun himself. On the other hand, it appears that among the Polish tribes, the cult of Perun never became dominant. Simply because they were surrounded by fellow Slavs and, as a consequence, sheltered from other hostile people. This of course does not imply that inter-tribal warfare among the Slavs did not exist. It did exist, but such intertribal conflicts were of a different nature, magnitude and consequence. A similar development took place among the people of Scandinavia, where the cult of Thor gained prominence from the outset of the Viking era,182 that is, when warfare became of greater importance to their society.
Thirdly, we will explore the close association of the Perun cult and the oak tree. There is evidence that sacred and consecrated oaks were situated in some form of enclosure, usually surrounded by a ditch, a stone ring or a fence.183 Here sacrifices and offerings were made to Perun. The most common sacrificial animal was a cock, but sometimes on special occasions a bull, bear or he-goat. The sacrificial animals were killed and consumed at the communal eating event. It was believed that such a feast would strengthen the bonds between the group's members.184 This association clearly derives from the common Indo-European heritage, shared by most European people. The oak was a holy tree, not only of the Germanic Thor/Donar but also of the Italic Jupiter, Baltic Perkunas and Celtic Taranis. Also, Greek Zeus was associated with this tree.185 This universal association of thunder gods with an oak could be explained in the following terms. As oaks are quite tall and large trees, they must have been struck by lightning more often than any other trees. So, this coincidence must have been seen by ancient Indo-Europeans as being caused by divine power. There is also a linguistic association of thunder gods with an oak tree. The Indo-European root "perg" - to strike, found in Perun and Perkunas, also appears in oak- related terms. In Latin an oak is quercus, where the Indo-European "p" was replaced by the Latin "q" . In Celtic, hercos means oak forest, where "h" replaced "p", while in Gothic, "fairguni", means "hill covered with oaks", with a typical Germanic change of the Indo-European "p" into a Germanic "f".186
Fourthly, in popular Slavic mythology Perun's magic weapon was a bow and arrow.187 The Slavs believed that arrow-like stones were Perun's thunderbolts. They were called stryela - arrow, arrow-bolt, and had certain magic properties when found.188 Evidence for this belief is overwhelming, and comes from the Ukraine, Slovenia, Serbia and Poland.189 This again echoes the ancient Indo-European tradition, as arrows were associated with the Indian god Parjanya.190 At the same time, the most recognisable attribute of the Baltic Perkunas was an axe,191 the same as the Germanic Thor/Donar who wielded and threw an axe or stone hammer.192
182H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, p. 132.
183	J. Puhvel, Indo-European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon, p. 77.
184	M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 166.
185	Worship of Thunder God and its association with the oaks among the Balts: M. Gimbutas, The Balts, p. 198; among the Celts: P. Mac Cana, Celtic Mythology, p. 48; among the Germans: H.R.E. Davidson, Gods and Myths of Northern Europe, p.86.; and among the Greeks: A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 48; and among the Slavs: ibid., pp. 47-51.
186	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 47-48.
187M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165.
188	ibidem.
189	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 65.
190Rig Veda, 6.75.
191M. Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 165.
192P. Grappin, 'Germanic Lands: The Mortal Gods', p. 373; also in: & H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 132-133.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
Fifthly, we can explore a shrine devoted to Vladimir's pantheon. Although we have no description of the Kievan site, presumably a similar shrine was excavated near Novgorod. It is known from historical records that Novgorod had a shrine for Perun193, and the site excavated nearby at a place called Peryn' must be the old Perun's cult centre of the Novgorodians. It was an open, circular site 33 metres in diameter enclosed by a ditch, in which a number of sacred fires were burnt. A number of large post holes and centrally located fragments of rectangular stone were interpreted as being bases for the idols.194 A similar, but smaller site was excavated near Xhtomhp (Zhitomir) on the river rHHnonara (Khnylopiata) in Ukraine which dated from the second half of the 9th century.195 Numerous sites, similar to the foregoing, were unearthed all over Slavdom. Just to list a few, there were two enclosures at Trzebiatow and one at Smoldzin dated to the 9th and 10th centuries. Stone encircled sites were located on mount Chelmno, mount Gora Grodowa, mount Paleni near Wapiennica in Silesia and on the mount Swiçty Krzyz in Kielce district ( all in Poland - the 9 th - 10th centuries). Furthermore in Bohemia, circular, ditched sites were unearthed at Starâ Kourim and at Pohansko, both from the 9th century.196 Generally speaking, the early Slavs did not build temples, but neither did the Scandinavians before the 10th - 11th centuries.197 As a matter of fact, the early ancient Indians, Iranians, Celts and Romans also worshipped their deities in the open. For many Indo-European people, sacred places were often: trees or groves; springs and lakes; or open, fenced or stone encircled enclosures.198 Hence, there are no reasons to believe that the open, circular shrines of Eastern Slavdom bear any Scandinavian influence. The wooden, or sometimes stone idols - often with a moustache - are also common finds across Slavdom, dating from the 6th to 11th centuries.199 Here again there is no evidence of Norse influence.
Now, returning to Nora Chadwick: a major problem with her interpretation is her initial assumption that Scandinavian pre-Christian religion was somehow superior to that of the Baltic and Slavic peoples, an issue already briefly addressed. In her interpretation of the 971 treaty with the Byzantines, she postulated that a parallel exists with an Icelandic oath taken on a golden ring, in which Freyr, Njôrdr and an unspecified "almighty god" were invoked.200 She claimed that the name of Veles derives from the Scandinavian Vôlsi: a horse penis and a symbol of fertility from the Saga Of King Olaf Tryggvason. Then by associating Vôlsi with the fertility attributes of the god Freyr, she equated Veles with Freyr. In the next step of her reasoning, she introduced Thor as an "almighty god" and equated him with Perun. This was than followed by the interpretation of a passage in the Russo-Byzantine treaty, "slain by their own weapon", as a reference to Odin/Wodan. Finally, she arrived at the conclusion that the 971 treaty was really sworn on Odin, Thor and Freyr.201 However,
193	RPC, year 980.
194	A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, pp. 54-56.
195	ibid., p. 184.
196	Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, pp. 92 & 96-98; and A. Gieysztor, Mitologia Slowian, p. 177.
197H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, pp. 139-142.
198	Open shrines of early Vedic India: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 93; of the Scythians: Herodotus, The Histories, Book IV. 60-64 (p.290); of the Celts: A. Ross, Pagan Celtic Britain, pp. 61-65, 84; of the Romans: G. Dumézil, Archaic Roman Religion, p. 115.
199	Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, pp. 94-96.
200	Icelandic oath: N. K. Chadwick, The Beginnings of Russian History: An Enquiry into Sources (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966 ed.), pp. 84-89.
201	ibid., p. 86, and for the Vôlsi story, see: R. Simek, Dictionary of Northern Mythology (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell & Brewer Ltd., 1993 ed.), pp. 365-366.
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this interpretation poses serious problems. Previously cited passage from The Russian Primary Chronicle „da 6ydeM 3onomue hko soaomo" (da budem zolotiyako zoloto - to become yellow as a ), already explained in terms of sickness as a punishment for breaking the oath, has no conceptual link with the Icelandic golden ring. A brief account of laying some gold under the Perun idol by prince Igor in 945, as a part of the oath, is hard to interpret and explain. Unfortunately, The Russian Primary Chronicle does not specify whether the "gold" of Igor's was personal jewellery, some booty or some other artefacts. Consequently, it does not offer any clues which could assist in the interpretation of its symbolism, and it could be freely interpreted or linked with most of the religions. Using Chadwick's logic we may come to the conclusion that the Kievan cult was influenced by Roman Catholicism. After all, Catholics are known to make golden votive offerings to their Saints.
Although, the authenticity and antiquity of the Volsi story has been questioned,202 its links with the god Freyr seem plausible. Nevertheless, this interpretation fails to explain how Freyr under the name Velinas, became a major deity of the Baltic people. And how, under the Slavic name Veles, it became known among the Western and Southern Slavs (see earlier paragraph on Volos). In a subsequent step in her study, Chadwick conveniently omitted Njordr and more or less out of the blue introduced Odin and Thor - neither of which is mentioned by name in either the Icelandic oath or the Russo-Byzantinian treaty. Hence, taking into consideration that the entire interpretation is based on a lengthy sequence of highly speculative arguments it should rather be disregarded.
Also, Nora Chadwick claimed that the name of the Kievan deity Khors derives from the Anglo-Saxon hors or Old Norse hross - both meaning: horse - and that Khors did not appear in other sources. Then by association of horse with the horse penis she also linked Khors with both Volsi and Volos.203 Evidently, she was unaware that this god was mentioned together with Veles and other deities in Hozhdyene Boguroditsi Po Mukam, and once more in the The Song of Igor's Campaign. Above all, taking into consideration the strong and undisputable Northern Iranian influence on the Slavic religion and languages, the Iranian etymology of Khors and his solar association appear to be more plausible.
Nevertheless, taking into consideration that the Varangians and Slavs coexisted for centuries in the land of Rus', we could conjecture that some diffusion of religious elements took place. For example, a number of ship burials were reported in Russia. This is obviously a Scandinavian custom with similar burials found all over Scandinavia, in Iceland, Brittany and England.204 It is hard to say who was buried there, but it is likely that at least in some cases the Slavic elite might have adopted these Scandinavian burial customs.
It is possible that prince Igor's act of laying down his weapons under Perun's idol205 reflected a Scandinavian ritual. All Germanic people revered their swords, resulting in many of them being endowed with magical and supernatural powers.206 On the other hand, other people like the Scythians worshipped the sword as a war god symbol, and are known to perform the sacrifice of a horse and cattle in it's honour.207 As a matter of fact, "celebration" of weapons could be viewed as any warriors' ritual, not exclusively Germanic.
202	R. Simek, Dictionary of Northern Mythology, pp. 365-366.
203	N. K. Chadwick, The Beginnings of Russian History..., pp. 89-90.
204	H.R.E. Davidson, Pagan Scandinavia, p. 113.
205	RPC, year 945.
206	Germanic custom of swearing oath on the sword (from Ammianus Marcelinus): N. K. Chadwick, The Beginnings of Russian History..., p. 85 n.
207	Herodotus, The Histories, Book IV, 59-64 (p. 289-290).
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
On the contrary, there is some evidence of slavization of the Varangian beliefs in Kievan Rus'. For example, according to Al Masudi, wives of deceased prominent Slavs were burned alive with their husbands.208 There is no reason to doubt the account, since similar customs were practiced by Indians and Sarmatians.209 However, an account by another Arab trader of the early 10th century, referring to the Varangian Russes, tells us that they buried alive the wives of important men upon these men's death.210 There is no evidence for that practice among any other Germanic people, and it is therefore reasonable to assume that it was adopted by Varangians from the Eastern Slavs. It is also worth noting that, according to "The Russian Primary Chronicle", treaties with the Byzantines in 907, 945 and 971 were sworn by the Russes on Perun.211 Regardless of conceptual similarities between the Germanic Thor and the Slavic Perun, the very fact that they swore by a Slavic rather then Scandinavian deity suggests a high degree of slavization of the Varangian beliefs.
CONCLUSION
In summary, it has to be acknowledged that the reconstruction of the "core" Slavic beliefs ( presented above ) may be a subject of criticism, and certain details subject to different interpretations. Nevertheless, it could be said that the pre-migration religion of Slavs was clearly and deeply rooted in the common Indo-European tradition. In this period, the Slavic religion shows a certain conceptual uniformity but was not a single set of beliefs. It displayed a very strong and indisputable Northern Iranian influence, in both religious concepts and in the origins of many deities.
As the foregoing work shows, the alleged animism of pre-Christian Slavic beliefs appeared to be a hard dying legacy of biases of the two German historians of 30's and early 40's, Wienecke and Franz; and also of the general lack of serious research on the subject.
Moreover, Vladimir's pantheon was not a foreign, Scandinavian elite cult. It is reasonable to assume that certain Norman elements were incorporated into the Kievan cult, but their impact is hardly traceable. In principle, Vladimir's pantheon was a response to internal socio-political changes and the external needs of the emerging Eastern Slavic state. It was a henotheistic and dynastic cult focussing on the deity which best served state building purposes - Perun. It was a product of the long evolution of the Eastern Slavic religion which in post-migration times diverged from relative conceptual unity of the common Slavic beliefs. Eastern Slavic beliefs evolved in specific geographic, ethnic and political conditions, characteristic of Eastern Europe. Its development was the response to those circumstances. Serving new needs and purposes, the Kievan cult had to incorporate new attributes and acquire a new dimension. Nevertheless, those new elements were drawn mainly from Slavic and Northern Iranian heritage, rather than from the Scandinavian one.
208	Al Masudi account in G. Vernadsky & R.T. Fisher, Jr., A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, p. 9.
209	Burning the wives among the Indians: Z. Vana, The World of the Ancient Slavs, p. 85; among the Sarmatians, see: T. Sulimirski, The Sarmatians, p. 50.
210	Ibn-Rusta on Varangian Russes: G. Vernadsky & R.T. Fisher, Jr., A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times to 1917, p. 10.
211	RPC, years 907, 945 and 971.
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Abbrevations
HB - Helmold's of Bossau's Chronica Slavorum
RPC - noeicmb eperneHHUxb fl±rm> (Povest' vremennykh Let - The Russian Primary Chronicle)
SIC - Cnoeo o noAKy Hzopeee (The Song of the Igor's Campaign)
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Die Nestor-Chronik (Laurentian version), D. Tschizewskij, ed., (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1969).
Helmold of Bossau, Chronica Slavorum, in F. J. Tschan, ed., The Chronicle of the Slavs (New York: Octagon Books Inc., 1966).
Helmold of Bossau, Chronica Slavorum, in J. Strzelczyk & J. Matuszewski, ed. & transl., Helmolda Kronika Stowian (Warszawa, Poland: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1974).
Herodotus, The Histories, in A. De Selincourt transl., A.R.Burn ed. (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1986).
John Malalas, The Chronicle of John Malalas (Melbourne: Australian Association of Byzantine Studies, 1986).
noeicmb eperneHHbixb ımr> (Povest' Vremennykh Let), (MocKBa, .eHHHrpan: H3naTenbCTBO ÄKaneMHHH HayK CCCP, 1950).
Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars (Cambridge, Mass., USA: Harvard University Press, 1968).
The Rig Veda ((Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Limited, 1981).
Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, ed. & transl. by E. Christiansen ( Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1981).
Crneo o noAKy Hzopeee in V. Nabokov, transl., The Song of Igor's Campaign (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1960).
Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, ed. & transl. by M.Z. Jedlicki, ed. ( Poznan; Poland: Instytut Zachodni, 1953).
Vernadsky, G., & Fisher, Jr., R.T., A Source Book for Russian History from Early Times To 1917, Vol. 1 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972).
Zenkovsky, S.A. ed., Medieval Russia's Epics, Chronicles and Tales (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1963).
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Alexinsky, G., 'Slavonic Mythology', in P. Grimal, NewLarousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd., 1983).
Andersson, I., A History of Sweden (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1970).
Brückner, A., Stownik Etymologiczny Jqzyka Polskiego (Warszawa, Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1985 ed.).
Chadwick, N. K., The Beginnings of Russian History: An Enquiry into Sources (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966 ed.).
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Davidson, H.R., Pagan Scandinavia (London: Thames & Hudson, 1967).
Davidson, H.R.E., Gods and Myths of Northern Europe (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Limited, 1975 ed.).
De Menasce, J., 'Persia: Cosmic Dualism', in P. Grimai, Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.).
Durkheim, E., The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1968 ed.).
Dumézil, G., Archaic Roman Religion, Vol. 1 & 2 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970).
Dumézil, G., The Destiny of a King (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1973).
Dumézil, G., Gods of Ancient Northmen (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973 ed.).
Eliade, M., A History of Religious Ideas, Vol. 1 (London: William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd., 1979).
Encyclopaedia Britannica (London, New York: Encyclopaedia Britannica Inc., 1982).
Evans, D., 'Dodona, Dodola And Daedala', in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
Fedotov, G.P., The Russian Religious Mind, Vol. I, Kievan Christianity, The 10th to the 13th Centuries (Belmont, Massachusetts, USA: Nordland Publishing Company, 1975 ed.).
Gieysztor, A., 'Slav Countries: Folklore of the Forests', in P. Grimal, editor, Larousse World Mythology (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1965).
Gieysztor, A., Mitologia Stowian (Warszawa, Poland: Wydawnictwo Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1982).
Gimbutas, M., The Balts (London: Thames And Hudson, 1963).
Gimbutas, M., The Slavs (London: Thames And Hudson, 1971).
Gimbutas, M., 'The Lithuanian God Velnias', in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
Grappin, P., 'Germanic Lands: The Mortal Gods', in P. Grimal, ed., Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.).
Herbert, J., 'India: The Eternal Cycle', in Grimal, Larousse World Mythology (New York: Hamlyn Publishing Group, Ltd., 1973 ed.).
Hubbs, J., Mother Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993).
Kobylinski, Z., 'Settlement Structures in Central Europe at the Beginning of the Middle Ages', in P. Urbanczyk, ed., Origins of Central Europe (Warszawa, Poland: Scientific Society of Polish Archaeologists, 1997), pp. 97-114.
Larson, G.J., in G.J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
Leciejewicz, L., StownikKultury Dawnych Stowian (Warszawa; Poland: Wiedza Powszechna, 1990).
Mac Cana, P., Celtic Mythology (London: Newnes Books, 1983).
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Masson-Oursel, P., & Morin, L., 'Mythology of Ancient Persia', in P. Grimal, New Larousse Encyclopaedia of Mythology (London: The Hamlyn Publishing Group Ltd., 1983 ed.).
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Popowska-Taborska, H.,'Polabszczyzna jako Polnocno-Zachodnia Peryferia Slowianszczyzny', in J. Strzelczyk, ed., Slowianszczyzna Polabska (Poznan, Poland: UAM, 1981), pp. 95-108.
Puhvel, J., 'Indo- European Structure of the Baltic Pantheon', in G. J. Larson, Myth in Indo-European Antiquity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974).
Ross, A., Pagan Celtic Britain (London: Constable & Co. Ltd., 1983).
Simek, R., Dictionary of Northern Mythology (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell & Brewer Ltd., 1993 ed.).
L. P. Slupecki, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries Warszawa, Poland: IAE, 1994).
Strzelczyk, J., Od Praslowian do Polakow (Krakow, Poland: Krajowa Agencja Wydawnicza, 1987).
Sulimirski, T., The Sarmatians (London: Thames and Hudson, 1970).
Tikhomirov, M. N., 'The Origins of Christianity in Russia', History, Vol. XLIV, 1959.
Turner, R. L., A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages (London: Oxford University Press, 1966).
Turville-Petre, E.O.G. , Myths and Religion of the North: Religion of Ancient Scandinavia (Westport: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1975).
Vina, Z., The World of the Ancient Slavs (London: Orbis Publishing Co., 1977).
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Vlasto, A. P., The Entry of the Slavs into Christendom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970).
Volkoff, V., Vladimir the Russian Viking (London: Honeyglen Publishing Ltd., 1984).
Warner, E., Heroes, Monsters and other Worlds from Russian Mythology (London: Peter Lowe, Inc., 1985).
Zaroff, R., 'Socio-political Developments among the Polabian Slavs (Wends) between the Eighth and Twelfth Centuries - An Obodrite Case', Proceedings of the University of Queensland History Research Group, Number 8, 1997, pp. 1-29.
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Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition?
Organizirani poganski kult v kijevski državi.
Iznajdba tuje elite ali razvoj krajevnega izročila?
Roman Zaroff
Članek kaže, da so bila glavna božanstva panteona Vladimirja Velikega iz 10. st., ki jih omenjajo kronika "Povest' vremennyh let" in drugi pisni viri, skupna vsem Slovanom ali pa vsaj vsem vzhodnim Slovanom. To kaže, da so jih Slovani poznali in častili že pred prihodom Skandinavcev. Zapletenost kijevskega kulta je bila verjetneje v neposredni povezavi z razvojem kijevske države kakor z nordijskim vplivom, ki ga je sploh težko slediti. Skandinavska verovanja in kulti so bili enakovredni slovanskim in zato niso predstavljali privlačnega zgleda. Zato je bil nordijski vpliv na slovanska verovanja zelo majhen, če je sploh bil. Še več, zdi se, da božanstva, kot so Svarog, Perun, Veles in Dažbog, konceptualno izvirajo še iz obdobja pred razselitvijo Slovanov, in globoko koreninijo v indoevropskem izročilu. Prav tako se zdi, da so bili Slovani v času pred razselitvijo pod razmeroma močnim iranskim (sarmatskim) vplivom. Ta je bil vedno močnejši proti vzhodu, kjer so bili stiki s Sarmati tesnejši in bolj pogosti. To se odraža v številnih idejah, pojmih in imenih bogov, ki so si jih Slovani izposodili od Irancev. Članek kaže, da sta bila tudi bogova Hors in Simargl jasno iranskega izvora in da ni prepričljivega dokaza, da bi ju častili tudi zunaj področja vzhodnih Slovanov. Etimologije imen Stribog in Mokoš so dvomljive in čeprav so ju morda častili tudi drugi Slovani, so dokazi zato še šibki. Članek dodatno dokazuje, da sta antropomorfizacija ter personifikacija slovanskih božanstev obstajali že pred slovansko razselitvijo in da mnenje o animistični naravi slovanske religije temelji na napačnih ter predsodkov polnih domnevah.
76
The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
Leszek Pawei Siupecki
The author presents the Krakus and the Wanda s burial mounds in the vicinity of Cracow, Poland. He has established that the connection between the figures of the Cracow legend and both mounds is more than just a product of 15th century literature, but originates from a much earlier tradition. Archaeological excavations of the Krakus' mound indicated that the mound originates from the 9th and the 10th century. According to the author, the pagan peoples living along the Visla river created these mounds in the very center of their state as a response to the advancing Christianity from neighboring Moravia.
The existence of two monumental burial mounds called Krakus' Mound and Wanda's Mound in the environs of Cracow is a significant piece of evidence that this place was the prinipal center of rule in Little Poland in tribal times. One of the most important questions in the history of the mounds is whether these can be linked with prince Krak and his doughter Wanda - characters from the Cracowian myths - or whether this link is the result of an interpretation undertaken in the 15th century, when nameless mounds were connected with the characters from the myth.
Two states were established on contemporary Polish territory at the end of the early Middle-Ages: the state of Polanians with a center in Gniezno and the state of Vistulanians with a center in Cracow. The testimonies concerning the rulers of the latter are so scare that in the sources from that time even their names are not preserved (MPH, vol.1, 1960, p.11; Alfred, ch.12, p.66; Zywot Metodego, ch.XI, 2-3, p.111; cf. J.Lesny, 1977, p.489-491).
The foundation of the Polish state was accomplished by the Piast dynasty which ruled in Gniezno over the Polanians. The state of the Vistulanians which existed in the second half of the 9th century was defeated and probably liquidated by the rulers of Great Moravia. At the beginning of the 10th century, Little Poland was a part of the Czech state. Finally, at least at the very end of the 10th century, the former Vistulanian territory was included into the Polish state ruled by the Piast dynasty (cf. Eowmiañski, 1963-1985, vol.4, p.445-532, vol.5, p.548-575; Labuda, 1988, p.257-260).
Despite the quick disappearing of the Vistulanians from the scene of history, two mythical traditions about the legendary origins of the Polish state survived among Polish sources: one of them connected these origins with the Piast dynasty and the Polanian town of Gniezno (Banaszkiewicz, 1986; Dalewski, 1991, s.33-34), and the second one with Vistulanians and the town of Cracow and the prince Krak (Römer, 1872; Brückner, 1901; Siupecki, 1993), who is however a character unknown from early-medieval accounts.
In the area of Gniezno there are no traces of monumental burial mounds and we
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
find no information in written sources that such burial mounds existed in that area in the past. Whereas in the environs of Cracow there exist two burial mounds of that kind. These mounds are situated at a relatively large distance one from another (9 km), and are separated by the Vistula river (Fig. 1).
Fig. 1 - The great bourial mounds in the enviroment of Cracow: 1. Krakus' Mound 2. Wanda's Mound 3. Wawel Castle.
Krakus' mound
The first of the burial mounds in the environs of Cracow is called Krakus' mound. It is situated at the top of Lasota mount (271 m above sea level) in the mountain chain called Krzemionki. On another top of this hill, separated by a lower area (through which nowadays there is a railroad), the small church of St Benedict is situated. Krakus' mound has the shape of a cone with a cut-off top. It is 16 m high, and the diameter of its base is 60 m long. The cubage of the mount is approximatly 18,000m3 (Jamka, 1965, s.189-190).
The second burial mound is called Wanda's mound. It is situated on the culmination of the river-terrace on the left side of the Vistula (238m above sea level). It is 14 m high and the diameter of its base is 50-m-long (Zoll-Adamikowa, 1977, p.314). The mound is situated at the inlet of the small river Dlubnia to the Vistula. Late-medieval sources recorded the tradition that those two mounds in the area of Cracow were the burial mounds of prince Krak and his daughter Wanda.
But it is possible to find some traces of this tradition already at the turn of the 12th century. Master Vincent, who first recorded the legend about Krak in his Chronica Polonorum, asserts that Krak had established the Polish state with a center in Cracow area. Krak, in later versions of the legend, is known as the heros-eponymous and founder of the town. In Master Vincent's Chronicle he is the founder of the state (but not the
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town). According to this chronicle Cracow was established - after the kiling of a dragon and the death of the old ruler - by his subjects, and received the name Cracow in memory of the old prince.
I am of the opinion (Siupecki, 1993) that the whole contents of legend were not included in the chronicle of Master Vincent, who had chosen only some motives from the story. This is evident from the fragment about the last moments of Krak's reign. The chronicler gave a relatively full description of the fight of Krak's sons with the dragon. He mentioned that one of them motivated by the desire to rule himself, killed his brother after the victory over the beast, and for a short time succeeded his father. But very soon his crime came to light and he was punished by death or banishment. This account is followed by the mention of the funeral of Prince Krak. And, as the chronicler adds: "The funeral ceremonies wouldn't stop, until the finishing of the construction of the town ended them" (Master Vincent, I, 7). Neither the circumstances of the death of the old ruler, nor the details of the funeral are mentioned. But it should be assumed that already in Master Vincent's time the tradition pointed to the burial mound mentioned later under Krak's name as his tomb.
In the thirties of the 15th century Jan D^browka, professor of the Jagiellonian University in Cracow, in his Commentary to Master Vincent's Chronicle adds the following gloss to the description of Krak's funeral: "his corpse was buried in an elevated place, where nowadays is St Benedict Mount" (Zwiercan, 1969, p.125). This is a reference to Lasota Mount. The first testimony of the existence of this church is to be found in a document dated 1254, in which the "mons ante Cracouiam cum ecclesia sancti Benedicti" is mentioned (KDKK, no 40, p.53; cf. LB, vol.3, p.70). But the church is older. Excavations discovered that under the present building traces of a small rotunda from the 11th century can be found (K. Zurowska, 1988, s.116, 121).
The informations of Master Vincent and Jan D^browka were used by Jan Diugosz. In his chronicle he states that Krak "only in old age finished his life", and the episode of fratricide among his sons (separated from the motive of the fight with the dragon) appears written by Diugosz after death of Krak. In that version of the legend the funeral of Krak was tended to by both his sons. Diugosz wrote that to honour Krak "a high mount from sand was elevated as his grave". The gentlemen and the people together "according to the customs of that time buried his corpse with due honour on the Lasota Mount, which faces the city of Cracow. Krak's sons elevated his grave, to make it more enduring and eternal, and to ensure that the descendants would not forget about it; they elevated it on the top of the hill according to his own instructions, given to them when he was still alive, in so ingenious a manner, that its peak would stand out above the hills in the vicinity. The grave elevated with that industry and labour testifies up to this very day the high veneration the Poles have for this great man and their endeavor to hand down his name to posterity and make him immortal" (Diugosz, Annales, I, vol.1, 1964, p.127).
Diugosz's knowledge extends beyond the information recorded by Master Vincent and Jan D^browka. Let us leave aside the fact that Diugosz had relieved Krak's sons from the task of killing the dragon and removed their struggle (ending with fratricide) to the time after the King's death; it should be considered as an attempt to put the legend in logical order. But Diugosz gave new, concrete data: the name of the mount (Lasota Mount), and reported the manner in which the burial mound was constructed: the use of an existing natural hill and elevating a mound of sand. The first was easy to deduce from the
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
position of Krak's Mound in the landscape; however, the correct definition of the material used for the construction of the mound deserves consideration. As the archaeologists found out to their astonishment, the Dlugosz information was correct (Zurowski, 1935, p.94).
Important data are also to be found on the first illustrations showing this mound (Zurowski, 1935, p.95-96). The A.Lautensack engraving shows the position of the army of Archduke Maximilian around Cracow in 1587 during the siege of this town. The Krakus and Wanda mounds are shown very schematically; this engraving - however - testifies that both these mounds composed important topographical elements of the Cracow area. The peaks of both mounds are crowned by schematically marked crosses.
In 1591 T.Treter inserted to his Regnum Poloniae Icones the portraits of Krak and Wanda, with views of their mounds in windows on the engraving. On both mounds there are some constructions, probably small chapels.
The topography of the Krakus' Mound area is shown in detail around the year 1600 on the engraving by Vischer and Merian, showing a hill with St Benedict church and a
Tutttultu Jwtus
Fig. 2 - Lasota Hill on Mateus Merian engraving, 17th century (after Jamka 1965, p.187).
mound, called there "Tumulus dictus R^kawka" (Fig. 2). Krakus' Mound was then shown on Dahlberg's engraving and in many later illustrations (Zurowski, 1935, p.96).
From the beginning of the 18th century Krakus' Mound appears also on cartographical materials. On the city-plan prepared by Swedes in 1702, Krakus' Mound appears on the Lasota Hill, well distinct in the terrain (Fig. 3). The top of the mound is on this map desolate (Stockholm, Krigsarkivet: Sveriges krig 10: 182a). But at a similar distance as the
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Fig. 3 - Fragment from city map of Cracow, made by the Swedish Army in 1702 (Stockholm, Krigsarkivet: Sveriges krig 10: 182a).
St Benedictus church there appears similar, large constructions (if this is not a schematic sign for a mountain). Many later plans are in the collections of Archive of the Old Records of the Town of Cracow (Archiwum Akt Dawnych Miasta Krakowa, cf. Zurowski, 1935, p.96). This plans shows the topography of the mound at the time before the quarry opened in that area and the military forts and the railroad were built, thus causing significant changes in the original topography.
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
Groups of barrows can be observed in that area on the Austrian plan of Krzemionki from 1797 (Jamka 1965, p.188) showing St Benedict church and "Cracus Hügel" (Fig. 4). Those could be any small burial mounds. Nowadays there are no traces of those barrows in the terrain which was strongly transformed during the 19th century. But a frail trace survived in the written tradition. A smaller mound existed near the Krakus' Mound, known in the early 19th century as the grave of Krakus' grand-mother (RJakimowicz, 1934, 30
Fig. 4 - Austrian map of Krzemionki Hills from 1797. "Cracus Hügel"; "Capeila S. Benedicti" and some traces of barrows around them visible (after Jamka 1965, p.188).
April). It is of course a very late legend but it recorded however a trace of the existence of an intriguing mound in the environs of Krakus' Mound.
Wanda's Mound
The second of the Cracow Mounds is called Wanda's Mound. According to the Cracowian myth - recorded in Master Vincent's Chronicle (I, 7) - Wanda was Krak's daughter (Slupecki, 1993, p.15-17). The attempts to diminish her role to that of a literary character, transferred to Poland by Master Vincent (Kumaniecki, 1925/1926), have brought some important observations on how the myth was elaborated by medieval scholars, but are not convincing on the whole. Wanda, although dressed in foreign clothes, was nevertheless an authentic character from an old Cracowian myth (I have discussed this matter in detail in another paper, cf. Slupecki, 1997).
In Master Vincent's chronicle there is no mention of Wanda's burial mound. But already in 1222, one year before Master Vincent's death, we can find traces of this mound
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in charters. Iwo, Master Vincent's successor to the Cracow bishopric (it should be added here that Master Vincent a few years before his death resigned his post and retired to a Cistercian monastery) donated a village to the Cistercian monastery in Kacice. The village was called Mogila sive Tumba, super Dlubna cum omnibus suis appendiciis (ZDMog, nr 2, p.2). Iwo took over the initiative of founding the Cistercian monastery in Kacice from his relative Wislaw. The abbey was to be originally located in Pr^docin or Kacice, but very quickly it was translated to Mogila and finally founded in 1226 (Szujski, 1867, p.11-12). In documents this place is from that time on called Claratumba quod vulgariter Mogyla appellatur (ZDMog, nr 4, p.4). On the lands of this village, today within the boundaries of Cracow, is the Wanda's Mound. Unfortunately, nowadays it has the gigantic metallurgical plant in Nowa Huta in the background. The documents quoted here testified that Mogila (a grave) took its name from the burial mound, because burial mound in the Slavonic language is called "mogila" (Potkanski, 1965, p.218).
Already in 1872, K.Römer (1872, p.21) remarked that bishop Iwo and his chapter "were prompted by no other reasons than the same that guided the founders of St Benedict church on Krakus' Mound. They wanted the pagan custom connected with this burial mound to be turned into a Christian one". Exactly as in the case of Krakus' Mound this mound was also considered the memorial of a distinct person, but the name of this person was not written down in the documents.
K.Römer (1872, p.20) found the first trace of connections between this mound in Mogila with Wanda in Dzierzwa's chronicle. The author of this source written down in 13th/14th century claimed that Poles were the descendants of the old Wandalitae, descendants of the first father Wandalus; from his name was also derived the name of the Wandalus river, in vulgar language called Wisla (Vistula). "Also one mountain, where the aforesaid river Wanda originates is called after his name" (Dzierzwa, I, 8: MPH, vol.2, 1961, p.163; cf. Banaszkiewicz, 1979, p.32-51).
According to Römer (1872, p.20), Dzierzwa thought that Wanda's Mound is the mountain at the foot of the sources of the Vistula river. Only a literal spelling of the name of the river can be considered a serious argument in favour of that idea. Although Dzierzwa is always writing about father Wandalus and the Wandalus river at that one moment there appears - exceptionally in a chronicle - the form Wanda. In the Carpathian Mountains there is no mount of that name. The attempt by G.Labuda to recognize in that name the mountain Giewont in the Tatras (doubtless from German *Ge-Wand) is not convincing, because German colonization in that region at the time when Dzierzwa's Chronicle was being written was only just beginning, and Giewont received its name later. And it is quite impossible to think that a Polish chronicler could place the sources of the Vistula near Cracow.
In Dzierzwa's Chronicle it is rather a reference to the Wandalian Mountains, which sometimes appear in studies of medieval erudits; the latter are known to Joachim Bielski (1597, p.18) who used this name for the mountains where the sources of the Elba are situated, and to Stanislaw Sarnicki (1712, p.981), who quoted Cassius Dio in his account about the Wandalian Mountains. Cassius Dio (LV, 1, 3) was the first author to mention the Wandalian Mountains (Eowmianski, 1963-1985, vol.1, p.248).
Thus the first account linking the mound in Mogila with Wanda is to be found in Jan D^browka. But in his Commentary to Master Vincent's chronicle he reported also a later version of the Wanda-myth, taken from the Wielkopolska Chronicle (ch.1). According to
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
that version, Queen Wanda paid for her victory by voluntary suicide in the waves of the Vistula. Jan D^browka, after an account of Krak's burial, adds: "Wanda however, who - as it was said above - in that way sacrificed herself to the gods and then emerged from the waters by the doings of the gods, was buried in another mountain by the village Mogila" (Zwiercan, 1969, p.125-126).
We can find a detailed account in the Annales written by Jan Dlugosz. According to Dlugosz (Annales, I, vol.1, 1964, p.132) Wanda, after thanksgivings and prayers to the gods for the victory, "jumped from the bridge into the Vistula in self-sacrifice to the waves of the mentioned Vistula river and died covered by them". Dlugosz followed in his account the Wielkopolska Chronicle (ch.1), the author of which was the first to say that Wanda paid for her victory by own death. Dlugosz made the story more picturesque in an interesting way. In the Wielkopolska Chronicle (ch. 1), Wanda of her own free will (sponte) jumped into the Vistula, Dlugosz changed that to: from the bridge (ex ponte) and still of her own free will (Römer, 1872, p.14). At the end of the story Dlugosz wrote: "She was buried by the river Dlubnia, one mile from Cracow, in a field. And - which for posterity is more astonishing than plausible - a mound was also erected for her, equally eminent to that for her father. A high mound of soil was built, which still today marks her grave, and from that mound the village took its name Mogyla" (Dlugosz, Annales, I, 1964, s.132).
Dlugosz mentioned the distance between Cracow and the Wanda's Mound and the name of river Dlubnia, which flows below the Wanda's Mound, a tributary of the Vistula. But it was already noticed by bishop Iwo in his document. The sources of Dlugosz's account are also to be found in the literary tradition (Master Vincent, Kronika Wielkopolska, Jan D^browka, perhaps the document of bishop Iwo for the Cistercians) and Dlugosz's own knowledge of the topography of the Cracow area. Dlugosz stresses - and this is rather rare in his Annales - his personal distance from the legend. That for Wanda a mound equally eminent as for her father was build for the chronicler was worth "more astonishment than credibility". From the commentary of Jan D^browka he omitted the information that the body of the queen emerged from waters. We can see here (apart from reluctance to value equally the role of men and women in history) elements of polemic with the tradition.
The description of Wanda's Mound in Liber Beneficiorum is larger, and Dlugosz took here more from Jan D^browka. "Mogila Monastery - he wrote - took its name from the nearby village Mogila. The name of the mentioned village however came from the artificially made mound in the form of a pyramid, overlooking the village, where the Polish queen Wanda was buried (Krakus' daughter from whom Cracow took its name, as we know from our ancestors) after she jumped into the Vistula sacrificing herself to the gods. Drowned by the waves, she was buried there, at the place where the dangerous stream brought her. Because the Poles call a burial mound in their language mogila" (Jan Dlugosz, LB, t.3, Cracoviae 1864, s.422). The participation of the pagan gods in the emerging of the queen's body from Vistula is also here omitted by Dlugosz, a cracowian canon, in the description of events.
In the Chronicle of Joachim Bielski (1597, p.32) we can find an illustration showing Wanda jumping with a horse from a bridge into the Vistula (Fig. 5). In the background one can see a church (Cistercian Abbey) and Wanda's Mound with a path leading to the top, bearing a small chapel. The presence of a chapel on the top of the mound is mentioned by Bartosz Paprocki (1584, p.2) and Stanislaw Sarnicki (1712, p.1006-1007). Both quoted also the text of a Latin epitaph honoring Wanda, which was to be engraved on the chapel.
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Fig. 5 - Engraving from Joachim Bielski Chronicle (1597, p.32) showing Queen Wanda jumping on horse from a bridge into the Vistula. In the background a church (Cistercian Abbey) and Wanda's Mound with a path leading to the top.
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
A cross appears on the top of the mound already on the first illustration showing this object, i.e. on the same engraving by Lautensack showing the siege of Cracow in 1587, in which the first picture of Krakus' Mound is to be found. A figure with a cross or a small chapel is shown also in a window in the background of Wanda's portrait in Regnum Poloniae Icones by Treter dated 1591 (Zurowski, 1935, p.94-97). A small chapel appears on the top of the mound still in 19th century illustrations showing the mound (Zurowski, 1935, p.97; Euszczkiewicz, 1899, p.59).
One of the most important questions in the history of the mounds by Cracow is whether these can be linked with Krak and Wanda "from the beginning" in the Cracowian tradition, or whether this link is the result of an interpretation given in the 15th century by Jan D^browka and Jan Dlugosz, when nameless mounds were connected with the characters from a Cracowian myth, written down by Master Vincent and in the Wielkopolska Chronicle without any mention about these mounds (Brückner, 1901, p.222). In favor of the second theory is the fact that in bishop Iwo's document the name of the village Mogila sive Tumba is written down without any mention of who was buried in this tumba (Gieysztor, 1977, p.311). But this is not a valid argument. The aim of Iwo's document was not to preserve the legend connected with the place, but only to establish a precise location to designate the village. And such a statement sufficed for that purpose. The name Mogila -however - cannot exist in local tradition with no link to a definite, even mythical, person (Eowmianski, 1963-1985, vol.4, p.456-457). Thus I believe in a link of the mounds with the characters from the Cracowian myth "from times immemorial".
The first historical interpretation of the Krakus' Mound was done by Jan Dlugosz, who regarded it as proof of the Roman origin of Krakus-Gracchus. According to Dlugosz (Annales, I, 1964, p.126) "a grave built in that way proves also, that he was Roman, because Romulus, the founder of Rome, had a grave in the shape of a mound built in the same way of stone". Sarnicki (1712, p.1004) was of the opinion that Krak-Krakus - as Roman - wanted to be buried according to the Roman custom" and this mound, changing some letters, was called in the Latin way Mogila instead of moles". And in that way, according to Sarnicki, the word entered to the Polish language. It should be stressed here that, also for Sarnicki, the Krakus' Mound was called Mogila.
In the 19th century both mounds by Cracow were interpreted as signs of fords, military watch- and signalizing points, cult-places, places of justice and - of course - as burial mounds as well (Rostafinski, 1910, p.36-37; Zurowski, 1934; Reyman, 1964, p.513).
Excavations on the Krakus' Mound
Wanda's Mound was never investigated by archaeologists (Zoll-Adamikowa, 1977). The Krakus' Mound, however, was excavated in 1934-1937. These were, beside the excavations in Biskupin, among the biggest Polish excavations carried out in Poland before the Second World-War. The results were published by Rudolf Jamka (1965).
The excavations were preceded by a thorough review of the results of investigations of similar objects in Europe, as Gamla Uppsala, Jelling, Tcharnaya Mogila in Tchetnihov and the Scythian burial mounds in Ukraine (Zurowski, 1934; Jakimowicz, 1934). Due to that, the removal of the upper layer of the mound one third down from the top, and then the investigation of the remaining part through a decreasing funnel - digging in quarters until the
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Leszek Pawei Slupecki
rock-bed was reached - was accepted as an excavation method. The same method was used in the investigations of burial mounds - including Tcharnaya Mogila - by D.J.Samokvasov (1875, p.2; 1908, p.197-201). It was however a fairly popular method, used once more in 1942 in the excavation in the Southern Mound in Jelling. Samokvasov, nota bene professor of the Russian University in Warsaw, recommended that method in his instruction for excavations of burial mounds (Samokvasov, 1878, p.3). It is possible, that Samokvasov's researches were used as a model for the method of excavations, accepted in Cracow. It was supposed that this method made it possible to keep intact a relatively great part of the original mount, enabling at the same time a good view of the structure of the object and the opportunity to find the possible grave in the middle of the mound (Jakubik, 1934, p.40). But already before the excavations, remarks could be heard that it was not obvious that the grave should be situated in the middle (Zurowski, 1934). One cannot help noticing that although Polish archaeologists knew that excavations of great mounds sometimes yield small results (Jakimowicz, 1934), they hoped that the works on the "Krak's grave" would produce brilliant finds. With regard to that, the results of excavations brought a great disappointment.
When at the bottom of the mound - although a small area of the surface was uncovered - no traces of the expected grave were discovered, and the originally planned funnel was greatly extended. Finally, 60% of the bottom of the mound was unveiled, so from the original cone of the mound there survived only a small collar 4 m high and 7 m wide. (After the excavations the original shape of the monument was reconstructed.) From the bottom of the trench forge even the upper layer of the rock was found (Kotlarczyk, 1979, p.55). But no traces of the grave were found.
The disappointment with the results was so great that these excavations are commonly regarded in Polish archaeology as unsuccessful. R.Jamka (1965, p.209) tried to find the source of the failure in the false method of excavations: he pointed out that the funnel unveiled only a small area of the bottom of the mount. But he forgot that the original idea of excavations was changed and, finally, a large part of the lower part of the mound was excavated. This fact - stressed by Kotlarczyk (1979, p.55-56) - was not presented by Jamka (1965) although the drawings published in his article show the final reach of the excavated area.
It is also possible to assume that in Krakus' Mound no rich grave existed. But that assumption could be verified: a small part of the mound remains unexcavated, and there is little chance of finding something there. The suppositions that such a grave existed in the excavated area - but that it was a robbed grave and that an avarian decoration found in the lower part of the mound was a trace of it (Kostrzewski, 1949, p.235-236) - are not convincing. No traces of grave constructions were identified.
Contrary to common opinion I would stress that although no brilliant finds were discovered in the mound, the excavations really brought interesting results.
Geological research in the area of Krakus' Mound state that it was build on the culmination of a calcareous hill (Nowak, 1934, p.37-40; cf. Kreutz, 1934, p.40-42).
The excavations started from preliminary diggings in the environment of the mound and from levelling and pulling down the Austrian fortifications from the 19th century. During these preliminary works two hoards of coins from modern times (collected during the fortification works and at that time deposited) were found, the dating is established through the latest nineteen-century coins. In the layer coming under the mound, pottery of the Lusatian culture was found (Jamka, 1965, p.194).
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
The main works began with the pulling down of the upper part ("hut") of the mound to a depth of 5.33 m. On the very top of the mount, traces of the digging for the foundations of a triangulation point were found. These diggings presumably destroyed the traces of the foundation of the small chapel (Jamka, 1965, p.198). In the layer to 1 m deep beneath the top of mound, in two different places, the parts of an childs skeleton and a fragment of a man's cranium were found (Stolyhwo, 1935, p.91-92). Also the traces of a big hearth were found (Jamka, 1965, p.198; Kotlarczyk, 1979, p.58). It is possible to connect it with the illuminations of the mound in modern times.
At the depth 2.00-5.33 m from the top, fragments of a large root system of a great oak were found (Jamka, 1965, p.203-205). The age of the oak was estimated at 300 years (Szafer, 1935, p.91). Between its roots also a piece of birch wood was found. These wood-finds, never dated by C14 or dendrochronology, were used for very free speculations. It was supposed that this oak was a sacred tree which was cut down after the christianisation of the country in the 10th century, and on its place a cross of birch-wood was fixed (Szefer, 1935, p.91). This supposition (with an assumption that the oak was 300 years old) also
gave grounds for dating the Krakus' Mound for the years around 700 AD. These speculations were rightly rejected by H.Lowmianski (1963-1985, vol.2, p.374).
At the depth 3.50 m the first traces of small pickets were revealed. From the depth of 4.00 m they formed regular structures, resembling fences braided from dry wood. The pickets were of oak wood and the twist between them of willow branches (Szafer, 1935, p.90). Such fences appear in many layers of the mound, from the depth of 7.50 m even in very clear structures. The aim of these constructions was perhaps to stabilize the mound (Jamka, 1965, p.207). At the depth 3.50 m there also appears - observed beneath in the deeper layers - the trace of a big post, stuck in the middle of the mound.
In the lower part of the mound, excavated at first only by funnel, at a depth 10 m from the top in the north-east quarter a big concentration of stones in an area of 7 x 2 m was found. The meaning of this concentration has not been explained. At the same 10 m level was very clearly visible a negative of the central post, with a diameter of 40 cm. Around the post-hole many stones were discovered (Fig. 6). At this level the traces of the fences were also found, especially in the northern and eastern parts of the mound. The traces of fences were found beneath at the level of 11 m. At the level of 12 m the post-hole in the middle was still visible (Jamka, 1965, p.211-213). At the level of 15 m the last traces of the central post were observed, and in the south-eastern part of the mount the last traces of the
Fig. 6 - Plan of the Krakus' Mound 10 m below the top (after Jamka 1965, plan V). 1.- loam; 2.- brightly sand; 3.-sand with some humus; 4.- sand with abundance of humus; 5.- deep-brown sand; 6.- stones; 7.- fences; 8.- central posthole; 9.- traces of pickets.
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fences. At the very bottom of the mound a 10 cm thick layer of sand, the rock-bed, was found. In the upper part of this layer some traces of charcoal were found.
According to Rudolf Jamka (1965, p.217) in the north-eastern part of the mound, at a depth of 15.50 m an Avarian belt-fixture was found, which is dated by W.Szymanski as being from the 8th century AD (Fig. 7). On the plan of the mound at the depth 15 m this object was marked at the distance of 4 m from the middle of the mound. J.Kotlarczyk (1979, p.60-62) questioned the credibility of this plan, pointing to some inaccuracies in the excavations diary.
In the south-western part of the mound, on the periphery of the excavations funnel an inserted layer of sand with some lumps of loam was observed, which distinguishes it from the environment. The trench was also extended in this part. It has been stated that this is a trace of a robbery digging and holds late-mediaeval materials, e.g. a coin of Czech king Charles IV (Jamka, 1965, p.217-219 and fig. 22 there).
Krakus' Mound was built of different materials. Its inner structure was clearly described by Kotlarczyk (1979, p.56-57): "On an intact layer of fluvioglacial sand, covering by a thin mantle the rocky substratum of jurassic chalk stone, was built first a small (1.30 m high) barrow of sand, with a diameter of approximately 15 m. Above that a layer of loam was put, with maximal thickness of 2 m. This mound was about 3 m high and had a diameter of approximately 30 m. Next, a higher mound was heaped up to the height of 12 m which has at the bottom the same diameter as
Fig. 7 - Awarian belt-fixture found in the Krakus' Mound (after Jamka 1965, p.217).
Fig. 8 - Inner structure of Krakus' Mound after J.Barty's drawing (modified by Kotlarczyk 1979, p.57). 1.- the limits of not-excavated parts of the mound; 2.- natural, high-jurassic limestones; 3.- natural sand, fluvioglacial; 4.-sand; 5.- sand, with some clay and stones; 6.- loam; 7.- "cover" of the mound: gravel with clay; 8.- clay; 9.- clay with humus; 10.- disturbed part of the "cover": chalk rubble with humus; 11.- post with surrounding stones; 12.- some archaeological finds, projected to the level of the mound: 1-fire place; 2-child's skeleton; J-man's cranium; 4-La Tenne periods pottery fragments; 5-La Tenne periods iron buckle; 6-cattle's cranium; 7-denarius of Czech prince Boleslaus II; 13-the limits of the excavated parts according to the excavating periods.
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the mound has today. It is worth stressing that axes of the mounds from sand and from loam are placed excentrically in comparison to each other and to the axis of final shape of the mound. The structure of the sand cover was very sophisticated: from the central post (standing vertically in the axis of the final construction) stretch in an radiant way the partitions (fences) twisted from osier, between them the material for building of the mound was strewn (...). The sand mound was finally covered by a mantle of sedimental materials of layered structure. This layer consists of alternating layers of chalk rubbish, clay, loam and humus. Also in some places traces of fences were found, but it is not sure if this constituted a continuation of the fences from the sand mound beneath or formed an independent structure. All elements described above constituting the structure of the mound (excentric mounds one in the other, the segments of different materials, the mantle of different stone-materials in the upper part of the mound) were intended to keep the mound in stable form and shape. The materials were supplied from a place a few hundred meters away to the south-east, 30 m below the base of the mound (Fig. 8)."
In the layer of sand below the mound, and in the environs pottery of the Lusatian and Pomeranian cultures was found. Only outside the mound this layer includes early-mediaeval and mediaeval pottery. In the inner part of the mound were found flintstone materials, pottery of Lusatian culture, a Halstatt-time iron pin, pottery of Pomeranian culture and Przeworsk culture from its early phase (Kotlarczyk, 1979, p.57), although one of the examples is dated 1-3th century AD (Jamka, 1965, p.210). The mediaeval pottery appears only in the exterior mantle of the mound, until the depth of 1.00 m. Only there do coins appear also, apart from a denarius of the Czech prince Boleslaus II from 10th century, the coins descend from 16th-20th century (Jamka, 1965, p.223).
Conclusions
The investigations of the Krakus' Mound had their weak points but they were not caused by the method of excavations by a funnel but rather from digging by mechanically separated layers of 1 m in thickness. And what is much worse, a part of the documentation is missing and the final publication was prepared by a person who did not conduct the excavation works on the spot but on the basis of incomplete materials. Nevertheless it is possible to reinterpret the results. The pottery of Lusatian and Pomeranian cultures in the layer beneath the mound on the one hand, and the coin from 10th century AD found in the upper mantle of the mound on the other, restrict the chronological boundaries and enable us to consider three possible periods of this foundation: the time of Przeworsk culture, the time of the Migration of Nations, and the early-Middle Ages. J.Kotlarczyk (1979) argued that this mound was build in the 1st century AD and ascribes it to the Celts (Kotlarczyk, 1974). The Celts indeed erected monumental burial mounds (Schlette, 1987, p.24-30) and the presence of Celtic peoples is proven in the area of Cracow (Wozniak, 1970, p.105-149), but the burial rites of the Celts in that territory at that time is very scantly attested (Wozniak, 197-, p.147-149). The possibility that the mound was built at the time of the Migration of Nations and belongs to the German peoples was not examined in Polish archaeology.
I am in agreement with the majority of Polish researchers in attributing the Krakus' Mound to the early-Middle Ages. Against the supposition that the mound was erected at the beginning of our era points the disorderly dispersion of pottery of the Przeworsk culture in different places of the interior of the mound. In spite of Kotlarczyk's doubts as to
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the exact place where the Avarian decoration was found, one must admit that it allows for dating the mound as a whole. No proof exists that it was a mistake or a swindle. Thus the mound was built between the 8th and 10th century, when in the upper part of this object the Czech coin was deposited. And it is precisely a time when in Eastern Europe the building of many barrows is observed (Van de Noort, 1993, p.69). The roots of the oak, although intriguing, without physicochemical dating cannot give any basis for definite dating of the mound.
The excavation of the mound reveals some interesting elements: the big pole constituting the axis of this object and the twisted fences stabilizing its constructions. Three main layers forming the mound (the lower of sand covered with loam mantle, the middle one of sand, and the upper mantle including stones) enable us to look for analogies between the Krakus' Mound and, e.g., Tcharnaya Mogila in Tchernigov.
Tcharnaya Mogila was 11 m high, with a diameter of 40 m. There, too, the first and smallest mound was heaped up to a height of 1-1.5 m with a diameter approximately 10 to 15 m. On the top of this mound cremation was performed, as is attested by a big hearth in which some burnt bones remain and remainders of different things. But the most magnificent pieces (such as prettily decorated aurochs horns, cf V. J. Petrukhin, 1995) were placed above, over the next mound heaped up to the height of 7 m. Then the mound was elevated 4 m more (Samokvasov, 1874, p.3-5; Rybakov, 1949, p.24-51; Sedov, 1982, p.253-256). Generally the Krakus' Mound has a similar structure. But no traces of burial or grave were found. However there is no rule that there must be one in every mound. The rules differ. In the mound Hulbishche in Tchernigov the most precious pieces were deposited directly on the hearth (Samokvasov, 1874, p.1-2). We have at least one Arabian account of the Anonymous Relation in ibn Rosteh's version telling that the vessels with the ashes of cremated people were placed "on the hill", i.e. on the burial mound (Lewicki, 1955, p.125; Zoll-Adamikowa, 1975-1979, vol.2, p.180). In that case it is really difficult to find any archaeological remains of the grave.
The vertical post in the axis of the Krakus' Mound also has some analogies. In the Western mound in Gamla Uppsala (Lindquist, 1936, p.147) and in the Southern Mound in Jelling (Roesdahl, 1992, p.162-163; Krogh, 1993, p.259; Andersen, 1994, p.3-9) the traces of similar central posts were found. The traces of some constructions from small pickets and twist branches between them, similar to those from Krakus' mound, were also discovered in the great mounds in Jelling (Krogh 1993, p.174, 178-180).
The analogies between the Krakus' Mound and Tcharnaya Mogila and Scandinavian mounds do not necesarily imply that the mount in Cracow is of Scandinavian origin, as R. Jakimowicz supposed (1934, 23 April). It is rather the case of the presence of some model on a large territory. No important traces of the presence of Scandinavians, as clear as those in Russia, exist in Poland. As J. Zak (1977, p.459) remarks, the territories of Western Slavs in the Viking Period and in the Middle Ages were at the same stage of development as in Scandinavia, were too poor to be spoiled and too strong to be taken in possession. The traces of connections with Scandinavia are scanty, especially on the territory of the Vistulanians. Gustav Kossina (1929, p.105) could point out (following Ekblom) only one village - War^zyn on the inlet of Przemsza river into Vistula - and a mention in Ibrahim ibn Jacob's (ch.3: MPH sn, vol.1, 1946, p.49) account about a Russ (Varangian) and Slavonic merchants travelling from Cracow to Prague with their goods.
A few years ago, in Cracow, a grand hoard of axe-similar iron marks was found; this kind of pre-monetary currency is known from Scandinavia, but in that case it is to be linked with Great Moravia and the zone of exchange of that region (Leciejewicz, 1989, p.133-134).
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The ideas of Norse etymologies of the names of Krak and Wanda - although intriguing - at that stage of our knowledge about connections between southern Poland and Scandinavia should be rejected. It is possible to compare Cracowian Krak with e.g. Hrolf Kraki from Hrolfs saga Kraka or other Scandinavian characters bearing that name, but it is better to look for analogies closer by, viz. in the Slavic world, where not only in Polabia and Pomerania but also in Bohemia or even in south-Slavonic territories we can find many personal names as Krak, Krok, Krk and place-names as Krakow, Krakowec. It is possible to recognize in Wanda a Freya-Vanadisa, but it would be still better to explain that name through learned transformation from Wislawa to Wandalian Wanda, analogous to the change from Krak to Gracchus.
But the analogy between the charm in Wanda's story in Master Vincent's chronicle and the Norse juridical tripartite formula earth-sky-heaven (cf. Slupecki 1997) is really intriguing. It is also worth adding that, according to the idea of W. Semkowicz (1920, p.143-145), the Lasota Mount, which bears the Krakus' Mound, belonged originally to the Awdancy family, a Polish kin of Scandinavian origin (with the name derived from Old-Scandinavian audr - hoard, riches, opulence) and the Lasota Mount take its name from comes Lasota.
To the early-mediaeval and Slavic origin of Krakus' Mound points the significance which gives the Cracowian myth to Krakus' and Wanda's Mounds. Although the mounds appear in written sources only in the 15th century, the village-name Mogila was written down already at the beginning of the 13th century. Moreover in the 14th century a robbery-digging was done in the Krakus' Mound, and that should mean that someone was looking for the treasure of a distinct person in the interior of the mound. The mound was also considered, exactly like Wanda's Mound, to be a grave. And the mention by Sarnicki (1712, p.1004) is proof that indeed the name Mogila (grave) was used also for the Krakus' Mound. This leads to the supposition that the robbery digging provided the knowledge about the inner structure of the mound which came to light in Dlugosz's account.
Both mounds must have played an important role in the symbolical meaning of space in the Cracow region as early as the 11th century. In that century a St Benedict rotunda was built near the Krakus Mound. In the 13th century, beside the Wanda's Mound, a Cistercian Monastery was founded. The foundation of the churches close to the monumental burial mounds can be observed in most important Scandinavian centers, as Gamla Uppsala, Jelling and Borre. The same applies to Tchernigov where close to Tcharnaya Mogila existed the Monastir Eleckiy and not far from the big concentration of smaller barrows around Hulbishche Mound existed the Troickiy Monastir (Samokvasov, 1874, p.2).
The Krakus' and Wanda's Mounds have no documented parallels in Poland. Some big burial mounds in southern Poland (G^ssowski, Gardawski, 1961, p.132) have never been properly investigated. I could only mention a 10 m high mound in Krakuszowice (Slownik Geograficzny, vol. 4, 1883, p. 607) and a few similar objects. So already J.Zurowski (1934, 26 march) kept his reserve about the idea of the Little Poland as an region abounding in that kind of monument. The large mound Salve Regina in Sandomierz appears after the investigation as a natural hill (Buko, 1983). The aim and time of creation of big mounds near Przemysl (Kopiec Tatarski in Przemysl, and two mounds in Solca and Komarowice) remained for a long time unclear and these objects were not properly excavated (Machnik, 1971, cf. Kotlarczyk, 1969) till the year 1997. Now, after the new works in the field and in the archival iconographical materials, E. Sosnowska in a still unpublished study comes to
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the conclusion that around Kopiec Tatarski in Przemysl (which was probably in great part a natural hill), some other, artificially built mounds may have been existed.
The Cracovian mounds belong to great mounds, very rare in Europe (with the exception of Western and Eastern Scandinavia, cf. Silver, 1996), called in old German literature Königshügel. According to Michael Müller-Wille they were erected mostly in the second part of the first millennium AD (Muller-Wille, 1992, p.10). They appear sometimes in groups as in Gamla Uppsala (4 big mounds and 3 a somewhat smaller), Borre (9 relatively big mounds) or in Jelling (2 big mounds), sometime single (as Ottarshögen in Swedish Uppland). During the excavations of some of them graves were found, but the others seem to be empty, as the big mound in Romerike (15 m high) where some wooden constructions were found but no traces of any grave (Müller-Wille, 1992, p.10). Usually, as in Gamla Uppsala (Duczko 1993), Borre (Keller 1994; Myhre 1994), Jelling (Krogh 1993, p.26 - in that case considered as bronze age barrows) and in Tchernigov, around the great mounts big concentrations of smaller mounds and barrows appear. Sometimes the new medieval mounds were build alongside the prehistorical barrows or even the prehistorical barrow (as in the case of Sothern Mount in Jelling) could be reused as the foundation for a medieval one (Van de Noort, 1993). In this context, the existence of some barrows around Krakus' Mound on the plan from 1789 is worth stressing. Beside the Tcharnaya Mogila in Tchernigov a small barrow exists, (Samokvasov 1875, p.6) and a mound (levelled in the 19th century) called "Mogila Kniahini Tcharnoy" (Samokvasov, 1875, p.5-6; 1876, p.264).
The Krakus and Wanda's mounds, although both visible one from the other, are divided by a distance of 9 km. It is also impossible to consider these mounds as one group as in Gamla Uppsala or Jelling but they are also not single mounds. A similar situation is to be found in Tchernigov, where at a distance of 700 m from Tcharnaya Mogila the mound Hulbishche appears and three other great mounds accompanied by many smaller barrows (Samokvasov, 1874; 1908, p.189-201). It is however not excluded, as the Swedish plan from 1702 shows, that beside the Cracus mound there existed some other big mounds.
In Scandinavia the existence of a group of monumental burial mounds is considered as proof of the existence of small dynastic kingdoms (Müller-Wille, 1992, p.13). And, indeed, a very important dynastic tradition links them with Gamla Uppsala, Borre and Jelling (Myhre 1994a). A similar phenomenon is to be observed in Russia, where Tchernigov appears in the early "letopisy" (annali) among the most important centers of the country (PVL, year 907), and the voievoda (commander) of the Kievian prince resided there (Petrukhin, 1995, p.1). Following H. Lowmianski (1963-1985, vol.4, p.456-457) we can also stress that the Krakus and Wanda's Mounds should be regarded as one of the most important indications that "in the area of Cracow there existed a significant and permanent center of tribal rule".
The Cracowian mounds, as connected with the Vistulanians, were build relatively late. Similar burial mounds in Jelling were currently dated (with the use of dendrochronology) to the 960s AD (Roesdahl, 1992, p.164). This phenomenon could be explained from the point of view of history of religion as the pagan answer to the expansion of Christianity in the form of the foundation of grandiose grave monuments (for that hypothesis cf Van de Noort, 1993). If this explanation is true (it is not valid for many other mounds, as e.g. in Gamla Uppsala and Borre) so this kind of explanation could be used also for Cracow as a center of pagan Vistulanian state which in the 9th century stood in face of the powerful Christian neighboring country of Great Moravia.
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Szujski J., 1867, Wiadomosc historyczna o Mogile, (in:) Monografia opactwa cystersow we wsi Mogila, vol.1, Krakow, p.5-24.
Szymanski W., 1962, Uwagi w kwestii zabytkow awarskich znalezionych na terenie Polski, "Archeologia Polski", vol.7/1, p.283-314, Wroclaw.
Urbanczyk S., 1977, Wanda, SSS, vol.6, Wroclaw, p.311.
Urbanczyk S., 1977a, Wawel, SSS, vol.6, Wroclaw, p.341-342.
Vogt, W.H., 1936. Zwei Flüchte der griöamal, "Arkiv för nordisk filologi", vol.52, p.325-339.
Vogt, W.H., 1936a, Altnorwegens Urfehdebann und die Geleitschwur. Tryggdamal und Gridamal, Forschungen zum Deutschen Recht, vol.2/1, Schriften der Akademie für Deutsches Recht, Weimar 1936.
Wielkopolska Chronicle: Chronica Poloniae Maioris, ed. B.Kürbis, MPH sn, vol.8, Warszawa 1970.
Wozniak Z., 1970, Osadnictwo celtyckie w Polsce, Wroclaw, Warszawa, Krakow.
ZDM: Zbior dyplomow mogilskich, ed. E. Janota, Monografia opactwa Cystersow we wsi Mogile, vol.2, Krakow 1867.
Zoll-Adamikowa, H., 1977, Wandy Kopiec, SSS, vol.6, p.314-315.
Zoll-Adamikowa, 1979, Wczesnosredniowieczne cmentarzyska cialopalne Slowian na terenie Polski, vol.2, Wroclaw.
Zwiercan, M., 1969, Komentarz Jana z D^bröwki do Kroniki Mistrza Wincentego zwanego Kadlubkiem, Wroclaw, Warszawa, Krakow.
Zak J., 1977, Wikingowie, (in:) SSS, vol.6, Wroclaw, p.458-464.
Zurowska, K., 1988, Architektura monumentalna u progu chrzescijanstwa w Polsce, "Nasza Przeszlosc, vol.69, p.115-132.
Zurowski J., 1932, Czem s^ kopce Krakusa i Wandy? KLN, nr 27 (4 lipca 1932).
Zurowski, 1934, Czem moze byc kopiec Krakusa i jak nalezy go badac? KLN, nr 13 (26 marca 1934), nr 15 (9 kwietnia 1934).
Zurowski J., 1934a, Przebieg i wyniki dotychczasowych badan archeologicznych nad najblizszem otoczeniem kopca Krakusa, "Sprawozdania PAU, vol.39/5, p.35-37.
Zurowski J., 1934b, Dotychczasowe wyniki badan nad kopcem Krakusa, KLN, nr 33 (13 sierpnia 1934).
Zurowski, J., 1935, Sprawozdanie z dokonczenia badan nad otoczeniem i podstaw^ kopca Krakusa, "Sprawozdania PAU, vol.40/3, p.84-85.
Zurowski J., 1935a, Wyniki badan nad szczytem (czapk^) kopca Krakusa, "Sprawozdania PAU, vol.40/3, p.86-88.
Zurowski J., 1935b, Wiadomosci historyczne tycz^ce si§ budowy i wygl^du kopcow Krakusa i Wandy, "Sprawozdania PAU, vol.40/3, p.94-97.
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The Krakus' and Wanda's Burial Mounds of Cracow
Zurowski J., 1935c, Nazwy na okreslenie kopcöw Krakusa i Wandy, wystçpuj^ce w zrödlach
historycznych, "Sprawozdania PAU, vol.40/3, p.97-98. Zywot Metodego (in:) Apostolowie Slowian. Zywoty Konstantyna i Metodego, transl. T.Lehr-Splawinski, Warszawa 1988.
Abréviations
KLN - Kuryer Literacko-Naukowy
KDKK - Kodeks Dyplomatyczny Katedry Krakowskiej
LB - Liber Beneficiorum
MPH - Monumenta Poloniae Historica
PVL - Povest Vremennykh Let
PSRL - Polnoe Sobranie Russkikh Letopisei
sn - series nova
SSS - Slownik Starozytnosci Slowianskich ZDM - Zbiör Dyplomöw Mogilskich ZOW - Z Otchlani Wieköw
Krakova in Vandina gomila pri Krakovu
Leszek Pawel Stupecki
Obstoj dveh monumentalnih gomil, imenovanih "Kopiec Krakusa" in "Kopiec Wandy", v okolici Krakova, je močan dokaz, da je bil ta kraj v plemenskem obdobju pomembno središče oblasti na Malopoljskem. Eno od osnovnih vprašanj o zgodovini teh gomil je, ali ju je mogoče povezati s knezom Krakom in njegovo hčerko Vando, z osebama iz krakovske legende, ali pa je ta povezava zgolj interpretacija, ki so jo sestavili v 15. stoletju, da bi brezimni gomili povezali z legendarnima osebama. Avtor meni, da je ta povezava starejša od 15. st. in izvira iz izročila, čeprav je krakovska legenda dobila tudi mnogo literarnih sestavin. Poleg motivov, ki so že poznani raziskovalcem, opozarja avtor na trojnost formule "zemlja - nebo - morje" uroka iz krakovske legende, kakršno poznajo tudi staroislandska pravna besedila.
15 metrov visoke Vandine gomile niso nikoli izkopavali. 16 m visoko Krakovo gomilo pa so raziskovali v letih od 1934 do 1937. Čeprav niso našli nobenih bogatih grobov, ki so jih pričakovali, so dala izkopavanja zanimive rezultate. Našli so sledove velikega stebra, ki je tičal sredi gomile, ter sledove ograje iz hrastovih kolov in vrbovega prepleta. Pri notranji zgradbi je bilo mogoče razločiti tri glavne plasti, ki so tvorile gomilo: spodnjo iz peska, ki ga je pokrival glinast plašč, srednjo peščeno in zgornjo, ki je vsebovala kamne. Namen vseh teh konstrukcij je bil stabilizirati gomilo. Krakova gomila je datirana z avarskim pasnim okovom iz 8. st. n. št., ki so ga našli znotraj gomile, in s češkim kovancem iz 10. st., ki so ga našli v zgornjem delu gomile. Prav tako so zasledili roparski vkop iz poznega srednjega veka.
Čeprav so resnično zanimive nekatere podobnosti med krakovskima gomilama ter velikimi gomilami iz Skandinavije in Rusije, avtor meni, da sta Krakova in Vandina gomila slovanskega izvora. Predvideva, da je postavitev obeh monumentalnih gomil v okolico Krakova mogoče razložiti kot poganski odgovor na širjenje krščanstva iz sosednje Velike Moravske v 9. stoletju. s katero se je soočilo središče države poganskih Vistulanov.
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Manifestazioni dell'aldilà attraverso le testimonianze dei resiani
Roberto Dapit
Številna pričevanja dokazujejo, da je v Reziji verovavje v onstranstvo še živ pojav. Uvodna raziskava te študije predstavi gradivo, ki je porazdeljeno v več tematskih sklopih. Raziskani so glavni motivi in vsebine tovrstnih sodobnih pripovedi. Bogato gradivo je zapisano v rezijanskem narečju.
I. Introduzione
1. Osservazioni generali
Lo scopo di questo studio è di mettere in rilievo un aspetto ricorrente nella narrativa popolare contemporanea dell'area resiana, ossia le rappresentazioni e le manifestazioni del mondo dell'aldilà, ottenute esclusivamente attraverso testimonianze recenti raccolte sul campo. Per narrativa si intende qui un complesso di racconti che, dal punto di vista dell'intento comunicativo, sono da considerare non tanto come elaborazione estetica di unità di intrattenimento ma come espressione di credenze e soprattutto di esperienze individuali o collettive. L'epoca della narrazione dettata da intenti didascalici o di intrattenimento è tramontata nell'ambiente resiano dove tale mezzo espressivo ha perduto quasi totalmente la propria funzione. Qui infatti la struttura socio-economica di tipo rurale è praticamente annientata e simili esigenze, anche a livello domestico, vengono soddi-sfatte ora da altri mezzi. Tuttavia la comunità resiana conta ancora circa 1.300 abitanti e numerosi sono i resiani residenti nelle località di lingua friulana situate fra Resia e Udine, per non parlare di quanti abitano in altre regioni italiane o in paesi stranieri. Lo spiccato senso di identità dei resiani e il loro attaccamento alla terra d'origine permettono a quanti si interessano della loro cultura di accedere ancora ad aspetti quantomai interessanti su tutti i piani della tradizione di cultura materiale o spirituale. Attraverso le generazioni più anziane, quindi, è possibile ricongiungersi a una fase in cui la visione del mondo puo, sotto vari aspetti, definirsi mitica e si riescono ancora ad ottenere varie sfaccettature del com-plesso esistenziale dei resiani, ricostruibile sia negli aspetti materiali che simbolici.
E' stato scelto espressamente questo materiale contemporaneo anche per mettere in evidenza il livello di conservazione di questo aspetto della cultura spirituale, nonostante si abbia a disposizione presso l'Istituto di etnologia slovena di Lubiana (ISN ZRC SAZU) un importante archivio di testi resiani raccolti da Milko Maticetov dal 1962 che comprende circa 4000 unità di vario genere. Se il mondo dell'aldilà rappresenta, comunque, uno dei temi preferiti della cultura popolare, sia come elaborato di carattere narrativo sia come
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Manifestazioni dell'aldilà attraverso le testimonianze dei resiani
espressione di un semplice atto comunicativo, pare che le relative entitá ancora presentí nella tradizione resiana siano diffuse in misura piuttosto elevata. Degno di nota e inoltre il fatto che le testimonianze qui raccolte, il cui numero di 80 non ci pare esiguo, sono state per la maggior parte narrate nella piü profonda convinzione di veridicitá. Da questo punto di vista, e importante mettere in evidenza fin d'ora che numerosi racconti ci sono stati narrati come esperienza diretta e li definiamo quindi autobiografici. Fra i racconti riporta-ti, tuttavia, sono rari quelli a carattere leggendario o fantastico, quindi solitamente privi di riferimento a persone o luoghi noti. In ogni caso, bisogna tenere presente l'importante distinzione fra il racconto di natura autobiografica e la narrazione di esperienze indirette, ossia riportate, che, a mio avviso, rappresenta di per sé un dato molto eloquente.
2. I motivi narrativi
Nell'intento di analizzare il materiale raccolto e nell'operazione classificatoria, del resto molto difficile a causa dell'intrecciarsi di motivi che si possono osservare da diversi punti di vista, e stato scelto il criterio dello "spirito" del narratore, ossia raggruppando le unitá in base ai motivi e contenuti visti alla luce del loro effetto come espresso dal narratore stesso. Un secondo criterio potrebbe essere quello di analizzare specificamente i motivi classificandoli in base all'indice internazionale. Tale operazione tuttavia non verrá effet-tuata in questa sede ma in un momento successivo, quando sará stato raccolto materiale proveniente dall'intera valle. In questa prima fase di osservazione viene anche riportato del materiale comparativo dall'area etnica friulana, germanica di Sauris/Zahre e veneta. Da questo punto di vista non si e potuto realizzare uno spoglio sistematico delle fonti comparative, ma sono state prese in considerazione principalmente alcune raccolte di letteratura di tradizione orale e vari studi specifici. I risultati di questa ricerca sono tuttavia da considerare a carattere provvisorio per quanto concerne l'analisi interna e comparativa del materiale. In questo momento la nostra intenzione e di rendere accessibile quanto piü materiale possibile, sperimentando un criterio di classificazione. Nelle fasi successive, con l'aggiunta di nuove unitá, si prevede di ampliare l'aspetto comparativo dell'analisi, estendendolo al resto del mondo sloveno, anche tenendo conto, possibilmente, delle culture piü vicine: oltre a quella romanza e germanica, quelle degli altri paesi slavi.
I testi, che sono stati raccolti presso informatori di Korito/Coritis e Učja/Uccea, linguisticamente appartenenti al gruppo di parlate di Oseacco, ossia l'area linguistica piü a oriente della Val Resia, vengono qui pubblicati in forma integrale. Oltre a contenere nuovo materiale linguistico, essi costituiscono una preziosa testimonianza a cui ci rincre-scerebbe rinunciare1. A questo proposito e opportuno tuttavia ricordare che determinate
1 Per quanto riguarda i criteri di trascrizione dei testi resiani sono stati adottati dei segni grafici il più possibile fedeli all'ortografia resiana come proposta da H. Steenwijk, Ortografia resiana/To jost rozajanskë pïsanjë, Padova 1994, a cui si rimanda. Le tipiche vocali scure del resiano vengono indicate come ï, ü, ë, o, a per Coritis/Oseacco, mentre per Uccea appare di solito à in luogo di a. Se in una parola compaiono due vocali scure è la prima a portare l'accento. Se compare solo una vocale scura nella parola quella è sempre accentata a meno che la sillaba tonica non venga indicata con un accento. Anche è, ô e é, ó oltre a rappresentare la vocale accentata riflettono rispettivamente la vocale aperta e chiusa; se e, o appaiono nei monosillabi riflettono la qualità di vocali chiuse, in posizione atona sono da considerare invece come vocali medie; la vocale indistinta che nella varietà di Coritis/Oseacco appare in diverse posizioni, non viene indicata nei casi di parole di origine slava in cui si manifesta assieme a r sillabico, ad es. mrzla. A Uccea è attestato il suono corrispondente alla interdentale sonora nella parola flà 'io'. La spirante [y] viene trascritta sempre con g, nei casi in cui si
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unità raccolte, nonostante l'elevato interesse, sono state omesse perché toccano, in maniera ancora più profonda di quelle qui pubblicate, la sfera personale del narratore2.
Emergono dalla prima fase di analisi alcuni interessanti aspetti di cultura spirituale che certamente oltrepassano le soglie della comunità resiana per ricongiungersi a testimo-nianze molto antiche e in certi casi diffuse in vaste aree culturali.
Un esempio eloquente, da questo punto di vista, è il motivo del fidanzato morto che ritorna a prendersi la ragazza, motivo che viene ricordato dal famoso verso: "Da káko lëpo lüna gri, dan zïvi nu dan mrtvi wkwop" (Kf), nella versione friulana "Oh, ce biel lusôr di lune plene, il muart e il vîf a van insieme"3.
Per quanto riguarda gli aspetti culturali di carattere religioso, emerge con una certa frequenza la concezione delle anime in pena assimilabile all'immagine cattolica del purgatorio. Numerosi racconti resiani mettono in evidenza lo stato di anima purgante che si manifesta attraverso forme innocue in cui chiede ai vivi suffragi o aiuto al fine di liberarsi dalle pene e sfuggire all'inferno. In cambio, il vivo ottiene solitamente una ricompensa. In altri casi tali manifestazioni si verificano in forma anonima, invisibile ma minacciosa "stràsanjë", assumendo caratteristiche demoniache "ti donáne", ossia i dannati. Non si percepisce nel corpus una netta distinzione fra le anime in pena e quelle dannate. Sembra che le prime appartengano più spesso a persone identificabili in parenti e conoscenti men-tre le seconde si manifestano in varie forme anche come strepiti o fuochi. Simili concezio-ni dell'anima dopo la morte riflettono il riposo negato e l'idea di espiazione delle colpe,
manifesta il suono [g], lo si indica con g in grassetto. Si e cercato inoltre di mettere in riliero le interferenze dal friulano e dall'italiano evidenziando in corsivo solo le parole o strutture non integrate né a livello fonologico né morfologico nel resiano. Cfr. invece la parola suwdáda, dall'italiano 'soldato' o friulano 'soldat', adattato sia dal punto di vista fonologico, ol^uw, che morfologico con la desineza -a dell'accusativo. Tale problema appare piuttosto complesso poiché in certi casi si manifestano degli effetti fonetici di interferenza anche in parole sentite dal parlante come vera e propria citazione dall'italiano. Si e scelto anche in queste situazioni di evidenziare questi casi con la grafia italiana cosí come pronunciati dall'informatore, rendendo solamente certi suoni con la grafia resiana, per esempio scüsimi per 'scusami', dove ü sta ad indicare il suono della vocale scura resiana. Per ulteriori dati sui criteri di trascrizione delle parlate di Coritis e Uccea cfr. DAPIT 1995 e 1998a.
2	Alcuni informatori hanno espresso il desiderio che le testimonianze qui pubblicate rimangano anonime. Rispettando la volonta dei narratori abbiamo deciso di indicare in margine alle unita unicamente la sigla del luogo di origine degli informatori, K per Korito e U per Uccea, e il sesso degli stessi, con m o f; si indica A se si tratta di racconto autobiografico, O se esperienza onirica. Si specifica infine la data di raccolta del documento. I titoli resiani dei racconti vengono spesso tratti da frasi o strutture contenute nei testi stessi e di conseguenza la versione italiana appare talvolta relativamente libera. Tutto il materiale dialettale e registrato su audiocassetta. La scelta degli informatori non e avvenuta tramite campionatura, ma in forma occasionale fra le generazioni piu anziane.
3	Cfr. JOB, p. 545. Il motivo del morto che ritorna a prendere la sua promessa sposa risulta ampiamente attestato. In questa sede tuttavia non viene presentato alcun racconto inerente a questo tema specifico ma e ricordato attraverso un famoso verso conosciuto da un'informatrice di Coritis. Numerosi riferimenti bibliografici al riguardo si trovano in MAILLY, pp. 178-179, a cui si rimanda. Ulteriori attestazioni appaiono in AQUILEIA, p. 176, n. 162: "El moros danat" (San Vito al Torre), p. 204, n. 190: "El muart e 'l vif' (Porpetto), dove il verso ricompare: "Oh ze biel lusor di lune plene, un muart e un vif a spas insieme!" e n. 191: "Il muart tornat" (Castions di Strada), dove pure si legge: "Oh ce lusor di lune plene, un vif e un muart e' cjamínin insieme!", pp. 208-210, n. 195: "El pat di sposasi" (Chiopris). Nelle prime tre unita non appare espressamente il motivo della promessa di matrimonio, mentre nella quarta viene stretto il patto di legarsi in matrimonio da vivi o da morti. Il testo inizia infatti con il seguente avvertimento: "Ragazze, non fate nessun patto con il fidanzato, di sposarvi da vivi o da morti; non si fanno questi patti. Un ragazzo e una ragazza lo fecero un tempo...". Ancora in MILANI, p. 378 "El moroso morto" si confronti il dialogo tra i fidanzati: "Maria, senti: al lustro de luna i mort camina. No te ha paura ti, Rosina?" - "Eh no, eh, che son insieme de ti. No ho paura."
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quindi lo stato di dannazione4. Secondo la credenza locale l'anima non trova posto in nessuno dei luoghi preposti, ossia l'inferno, il purgatorio e il paradiso, ed è quindi costret-ta a vagare. Esiste tuttavia la possibilité di ritornare a chiedere intercessione ai vivi che possono discolparla, mettendo fine alle pene.
Ci sembra opportuno inoltre mettere in evidenza la tradizione dell'Esercito furioso, o Caccia selvaggia, che puo forse essere messa in relazione con diverse unità narrative qui presentate (n. 44-48) e che solitamente viene considerata da storici e folcloristi come antichissima. Testimoniata in varie forme fino ai nostri giorni ritroviamo allusioni all'Eser-cito furioso già nella Germania di Tacito e il nome della Masnada di Hellequin viene indicato per la prima volta nel XII secolo dal monaco anglo-normanno Orderico Vitale (1075-1142).5
Altro aspetto di rilievo nella nostra antologia sono le manifestazioni oniriche. Il sogno rappresenta il mezzo più diffuso e privilegiato nella comunicazione fra vivi e morti e risulta
4	L'anima dannata del purgatorio risulta in qualche modo sospesa e in questo tempo e costretta a sollecitare le preghiere dei vivi ed espiera le sue colpe sia con il suo "maledetto errare" sia con supplizi piu precisi (ARIES, p. 542). Nelle sacre scritture non esisterebbe alcun fondamento dell'intercessione dei vivi per i morti e tale pratica affonderebbe le proprie radici nella tradizione pagana. In base al Canone romano le anime dei giusti attendevano la resurrezione alla fine del mondo ma gia nel V secolo gli autori dotti non ammettevano piu la concezione dell'attesa della resurrezione alla fine del mondo: le anime venivano raccolte direttamente in paradiso o respinte all'inferno. Nonostante ció la massa dei fedeli e rimasta attaccata all'idea tradizionale di attesa che, fino alla riforma di Paolo VI, costituiva la piu antica congerie di elementi liturgici relativi al rito funebre (ARIES, p. 167-168). Dal secolo XVII al XX le preghiere per le anime del purgatorio diventano la devozione piu diffusa e popolare della chiesa cattolica (ivi, p. 544). Per uno sguardo storico sulla questione del purgatorio si confronti l'ampio studio di J. Le Goff citato in bibliografia. Riguardo al periodo tra riforma e controriforma cfr. invece il contributo di G. Zarri, Purgatorio "particolare" e ritorno dei morti tra riforma e controriforma: l'area italiana, Quaderni storici, 50, a. XVII, n. 2, 1982. Cfr. inoltre ARIES, pp. 540-546, VOVELLE, pp. 260-265.
5	Cfr. il capitolo V "La masnada di Hellequin", dedicato a questo tema, in SCHMITT, pp. 127-165. Testi in latino e volgare provenienti da numerosi paesi del continente europeo parlano dal secolo XI di apparizioni dell'Esercito furioso o Caccia selvaggia in cui si individua la schiera dei morti, talvolta dei morti anzitempo, come soldati uccisi in battaglia o bambini non battezzati. Alla guida della schiera si alternano personaggi mitici o mitizzati. Il tema dell'apparizione minacciosa dei morti implacati - reperibile in culture fra esse piuttosto distanti - viene in seguito interpretato in senso cristiano e moraleggiante in relazione all'immagine del purgatorio che in quell'epoca si stava elaborando (GINZBURG 1989, pp. 78-80). Interessante appare quindi il legame tra caccia selvaggia e purgatorio. Nel XIII secolo si intravede l'interpretazione religiosa e morale del tema, ossia la demonizzazione della schiera come punizione di chi usa la violenza e ne fa il proprio mestiere. All'esercito furioso e indomito degli "spiriti maligni" si oppongono le anime in pena chiuse individualmente nel purgatorio. Predicatori e confessori dal Concilio Laterano IV (1215) diffondono tra il popolo cristiano attraverso gli exempla nuove concezioni di teologia morale, atteggiamenti penitenziali e angoscia della morte di sé. Mentre nei racconti precedenti il tema riguardava allo stesso tempo le strategie secolari e l'idiologia monastica, ora il re Hellequin-Artu viene associato al diavolo, sovrano dell'inferno (SCHMITT, pp. 163-165). A partire dall'anno mille inoltre nelle testimonianze (molto piu numerose di prima) si combinano vari tipi di apparizioni: talvolta si tratta di una specie di processione di morti penitenti, ombre pietose che invocano preghiere, in altri casi l'esercito si manifesta in forme spaventose come una furia nel frastuono delle armi, dei cavalli e dei cani (ivi, p. 137). Le diverse unita presenti nel nostro materiale, e rapportabili forse al tema dell'Esercito furioso, presentano la schiera caratterizzata dall'opposizione di cui sopra: a Coritis la schiera di soldati che vagano pregando il rosario e a Uccea la furia dei cavalli e dei soldati che passano chiedendo miniacciosamente 'libero passaggio'. La bibliografia riguardante l'argomento dell'Esercito furioso e piuttosto vasta. Per quanto riguarda il Friuli cfr. la testimonianza in RPF V, n. LXXXV p. 205: "La cjazze dal gjaul no la sintin duc'. 'A e 'ne gran confusion di musiche, di cjadenaz: ai dolore, ai berghele. 'I va-ju lusors a uso fücs..." . Qui appare anche la figura del fuoco fatuo. In ambito veneto cfr. MILANI alle pp. 387-390, "La cazza selvarega", dove sono raccolte 12 unita che testimoniano della Caccia selvaggia, quasi sempre rappresentata come una muta di cani.
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spesso come comice per i racconti autobiografici relativi alle apparizioni dei defunti6. Rispetto alla questione dei sogni come cornice narrativa, assume importanza il fatto che nel nostro materiale le apparizioni in sogno spesso rappresentano il contenuto di racconti autobiografici. Le apparizioni e visioni in stato di veglia sono invece meno numerose nel genere autobiografico e sono piuttosto frequenti nei racconti riferiti7.
Nel complesso dei motivi attestati in questo materiale, sono individuabili due rag-gruppamenti principali: da un lato le manifestazioni di rapporti fra defunti e relativi paren-ti o amici stretti vivi, dall'altro le manifestazioni dell'aldilà, solitamente anonime ma spesso inquietanti e minacciose, attraverso visioni di figure umane, di animali oppure di ogget-ti, percezione di rumori, identificazione di elementi naturali (luce, fuoco). Gli ultimi rag-gruppamenti, con un numero assai esiguo di unità, sono rappresentati dalle premonizioni e segnali negativi e infine dall'identificazione degli spiriti con il maltempo. Presentiamo qui di seguito uno schema riassuntivo di tutti i racconti con il relativo numero e l'indica-zione del carattere autobiografico A e/o onirico O.
A. Rapporto con i propri defunti che si manifestano nei modi seguenti:
a.	vengono in aiuto ai parenti vivi oppure li proteggono sia volontariamente sia perché viene loro esplicitamente chiesto: aiuto nei momenti di pericolo O (n. 1), madre che ritorna ad allattare il figlio (n. 2), soccorso durante il parto O (n. 3), o la figliatura di animali (n. 4), i nonni accudiscono i nipoti (n. 5), qualcuno rimbocca le coperte A (n. 6), spirito custodisce la casa A (n. 7), protezione da eventi naturali O (n. 8), protezione da persone AO (n. 9);
b.	predicono il futuro e comunicano ai propri cari: di aver ricevuto l'offerta dei vivi AO (n. 10), il sesso del figlio AO (n. 11), il ritorno del marito dalla guerra AO (n. 12), di ritornare a casa dal luogo di sfollamento AO (n. 13), il luogo dove è nascosto il denaro A (n. 14), la morte del figlio (n. 15); oppure: di essere accanto ai vivi O (n. 16), chiedono di far cessare i lamenti O (n. 17) o le invocazioni (n. 18), ammoniscono in seguito alla pro-messa di ritornare a riferire sull'aldilà (n. 19);
c.	si manifestano per ottenere suffragi, servizi e oggetti come nella vita terrena: messe di suffragio (la zia in miseria O, n. 20, suffragi per la madre O, n. 21), corona del rosario (n. 22-23), calzature (n. 24), pettine AO (n. 25);
6	Il tema dell'apparizione dei defunti è presente nella letteratura cristiana sin dai primi secoli ma durante tutto l'alto Medioevo i documenti di origine ecclesiastica rivelano una certa prudenza rispetto a tale questione. Simili racconti si moltiplicano invece dopo l'anno Mille in seguito a vari motivi fra cui la valorizzazione del sogno personale nella coscienza di sé e lo sviluppo della memoria dei parenti carnali e spirituali (SCHMITT, pp. 49-50). Nel XII secolo parecchi autori mettono in evidenza la novità e l'elevata frequenza delle apparizioni dei morti, fatto che viene giustamente collegato con il culto dei defunti (ivi, p. 83). Il sogno è strumento fondamentale per lo scambio tra vivi e morti anche nella tradizione napoletana secondo cui in varie chiese viene praticato il culto di rendere servigi a un'anima, dopo la scelta di un cranio che si trova in determinati punti della città come il camposanto delle Fontanelle. Nell'ambito di questo culto delle anime purganti l'anima prescelta appare in sogno chiedendo preghiere e suffragi, oppure si puo anche essere chiamati direttamente senza che il devoto abbia compiuto la sua scelta. Il sogno diventa il modo di farsi riconoscere, quindi comunicazione con l'aldilà, ma anche di diffusione poiché i devoti raccontano i sogni nella comunità dei fedeli formatasi attorno a questi luoghi specifici di culto (DE MATTEIS e NIOLA, pp. 20-21). Il sogno permette dunque di instaurare questo scambio di servigi tra vivi e morti: l'anima sconosciuta viene rapidamente liberata dal purgatorio e un giorno dal paradiso potrà ricompensare il suo benefattore (ARIES, pp. 545-546).
7	Nello studio di SCHMITT il racconto autobiografico sulle apparizioni di morti sarebbe rappresentato per lo più dal sogno (p. 50). Inoltre, viene messa in evidenza la frequenza delle apparizioni oniriche nei racconti autobiografici e delle apparizioni in stato di veglia nei racconti riportati (p. 79).
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d. chiedono di riparare le ingiustizie commesse durante la vita e di essere quindi liberati dalle pene: prendere i soldi o quant'altro di valore occultato O (n. 26-27), offrire il burro promesso AO (n. 28), rendere il fieno sottratto ai vicini O (n. 29), l'uomo che ha spostato il confine (n. 30), spirito scongiurato sul Canin (n. 31); donna che libera un'ani-ma penitente A (n. 32), soldati che si vendicano a causa della morte violenta (n. 33).
B.	Altre manifestazioni attribuite a spiriti o fantasmi:
a.	percezione di rumori o voci riconducibili all'azione o alla presenza di persone, animali, diavolo e spiriti:
-	passi in chiesa A (n. 34), rumori in malga (n. 35 A, 36), viandante che scongiura lo spirito (n. 37-38), piantare chiodi (n. 39), rumore di oggetti metallici A (n. 40), il diavolo e il dannato (n. 41), un mulo urta la baracca (n. 42), il mulo di un soldato defunto demo-lisce la baracca A (n. 43);
-	compagnia di soldati o soldati a cavallo (n. 44-48);
b.	visioni in stato di veglia di figure umane: il soldato nella trincea (n. 49), l'uomo vestito da soldato A (n. 50), il soldato seduto A (n. 51), l'uomo vicino all'albero A (n. 52), l'uomo gigante (n. 53), parente sul prato A (n. 54), parente che cammina A (n. 55), la donna avara (n. 56), quattro maschere ballano (n. 57), due maschere ballano (n. 58), la donna in nero (n. 59), uomo che cammina davanti (n. 60), oste imbroglione (n. 61-62), le mani del figlio ladro (n. 63);
c.	trasmigrazioni: serpi A (n. 64), il rospo nel campo (n. 65);
d.	visioni in stato di veglia di fuochi fatui, luci, candele accese: fuochi fatui e candela accesa A (n. 66), la candela sotto il Tufo (n. 67), l'aereo precipitato (n. 68);
e.	percezione di rumori o spostamento di cose e persone: caduta di candelabri e oggetto che rotola A (n. 69), rumori presso la chiesa di Carnizza (n. 70), le brande vagano A (n. 71), la porta si apre da sola (n. 72); caduta di pietre (n. 73), bambino battezzato cade a terra (n. 74).
C.	Premonizioni e segnali negativi:
sognare fiori O (n. 75) o la chiesa vecchia di Uccea O (n. 76), il baule che scricchio-la A (n. 77), rumore dalla stufa A (n. 78).
D.	Identificazione di spiriti con eventi atmosferici: temporale (n. 79), vento (n. 80).
Nel primo raggruppamento (A) e attestato un discreto numero di racconti autobiogra-fici (11 unitá) e la comunicazione con i defunti avviene spesso sul piano onirico (16 unitá). La relazione, in senso lato, si instaura anche attraverso segnali o l'invocazione dei defunti.
Le esperienze autobiografiche riportate nel secondo raggruppamento (B) sono piut-tosto numerose (13 unitá) ma la manifestazione avviene generalmente attraverso l'udito oppure si tratta di visioni in stato di veglia (7 unitá) e non di esperienza onirica.
Per quanto riguarda la natura dei racconti, si evidenzia l'opposizione tra "verosimi-glianza", che caratterizza le unitá autobiografiche, e "fantasia" che permea determinati racconti riportati. Alcune unitá rivelano quindi un contenuto fantastico oppure rappresen-tano un bagaglio familiare o collettivo come per esempio: la compagna, come promesso, ritorna a riferire sull'aldilá; il fantasma dell'oste imbroglione riappare sulla botte del vino; la madre morta ritorna ad allattare il figlio e riacquista la vita. Il primo motivo e piuttosto
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diffuso a Resia ed è attestato più volte nel materiale di Milko Maticetov; il secondo è attestato da due informatori mentre il terzo appare anche in ambito friulano. Anche i rumori presso la chiesa di Carnizza sono testimoniati da diversi informatori di Uccea e i motivi inerenti all'Esercito furioso sono attestati in ben cinque unità.
3. Credenze, usanze e rituali
Intorno alla credenza delle anime e al culto dei morti a Resia, abbiamo raccolto diverse testimonianze che in parte vengono qui pubblicate. Vale infatti la pena ricordare in questa sede almeno alcuni fra i numerosi aspetti inerenti a tale complesso di tradizioni come testimoniate a Coritis e a Uccea. Fra quelle più diffuse, anche altrove, appare la credenza che i defunti ritornino nelle proprie case la notte dei morti. Per questo nelle case si preparava un secchio d'acqua per le anime dei propri defunti e si accendeva loro una candela; hanno bisogno dell'acqua per bere e della candela per vedere: "Ti mítve za Sasvaté, wsak prháa ta-h svëj hïse. Alora sa jin wnácalo no svíco anu sa díwalo no bándo wodá, ka ko ni so prháale, so mëli mët za pèt. Wsak prsow ta-h svëj hïse" (Kf).
Se l'acqua serve ad alleviare la sete delle anime, anche alcuni riti relativi al cibo sono da considerare come suffragio per le stesse. Il giorno di Ognissanti, alcune famiglie di Coritis un tempo preparavano per l'intero paese una minestra, chiamata sijost, i cui ingre-dienti principali erano zucca, patate, fagioli e panna. La formula di ringraziamento di chi prima di mezzogiorno andava a prendere la sua porzione era "Buh pranasïtë ta-prad wsa wása düsa!", ossia 'Che Dio faccia giungere questo a tutti i vostri defunti', formula che viene ancora usata quando si riceve qualcosa in dono, sia cibi che abiti. In tal modo tutte le anime defunte della persona che ha donato godono del beneficio derivato dagli oggetti offerti, in quanto le stesse li ricevono. Per assicurare l'efficacia del gesto è tuttavia necessa-rio fare il segno della croce sul dono, che solo in questo modo puo raggiungere le anime dei defunti: "Zawoo jtoga sa naréalo jti sijost, da ni so naréale krïs da to pranasë ta-prad wsa düsa, ka so bíla Sasvaté. Nu pa ti otrocïci ka so hodïli ôku dur, gô, mátara so ücila, da ko ni wan dáaó bódi gorëh, bódi kroh, tô ka to cë, mata narédit rüdi krïs nu racèt, da: 'Buh pranasïtë ta-prad wása düsa!', perché onè so kontènt wsíga. Ma ti mas racèt rüde da ta-prad wsa, si në dnè jiô nu dnè glédaô, ni nïmaô wsè" (Kf). Risulta inoltre che una donna anzia-na di Coritis offriva di tanto in tanto caffelatte e pane alle altre anziane del luogo poiché sapeva che i parenti, dopo la sua morte, non avrebbero offerto nulla per la sua sopravvi-venza nell'aldilà. La stessa persona ha inoltre donato degli oggetti di un nipote defunto ad un altro nipote affinché possano giungere al primo. La testimonianza di una visione onirica riferita da una conoscente confermerebbe infatti che questi oggetti sono giunti all'anima, come dal racconto n. 10. Quanto appena esposto permette di delineare una concezione delle anime nell'aldilà caratterizzate da qualità e abitudini prettamente umane, assoggetta-te agli stessi bisogni fondamentali per la sopravvivenza dell'uomo.
Riguardo ai riti di trapasso, era abitudine a Coritis, quando una persona moriva, lasciare le porte di casa aperte affinché potessero entrare i defunti e portare con sé l'anima: in quel momento si puo solo pregare e non tentare di fare ritornare in vita quella persona. Sembra quindi che il trapasso rappresenti un momento difficile che i vivi devono cercare solamente di facilitare. Nella preparazione alla sepoltura, inoltre, la vestizione della salma deve essere effettuata con i migliori abiti e calzature che il defunto portava in vita, in quanto si crede che debba poter camminare anche nell'aldilà. Nella bara vengono
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messi determinati altri oggetti come cappello, fazzoletto, sigarette e fiammiferi per un uomo: "Anu mata sa verwat nu mata vedet, da ko dan mije, mata mu gat wse to ka mu gre: mata lepo ga obot, hláca críwja anu ci an püli klobük mata ga gat nú h njamo anu ci an fifá, mata mu gat pa spunjuleta, ka dópo an jisce, nima anu mata mu gat pa glom'ik, ka an ma pa sa casat" (Kf). A Uccea tale usanza appare ancora piü marcata e oltre a scegliere i migliori abiti e calzature per la vestizione, con la salma rimangono pure determinati oggetti personali come la fede nuziale, gli orecchini, la scatoletta per il tabacco da fiuto, kúfica, e un coltellino da tasca, pokarica, per le donne, per gli uomini la fede e se fumava le sigarette, ad entrambi del denaro. Le ossa dei morti devono essere raccolte e non abbandonate perché, se manca loro qualcosa, ritornano indietro a cercarla. Altrimenti succede come sul monte Canin dove e precipitato un aereo provocando molte vittime e si vedeva sempre un lumino girare (racconto n. 68). Lo stesso si crede quando uno muore, per esempio cadendo da una rupe, e le sue spoglie non possono venire raccolte interamente: l'anima ritorna sul posto per cercare quanto le manca.
Determinate manifestazioni dell'aldilá solitamente definite strásanje 'spaventare (attraverso strepiti)' provocano reazioni di paura e naturalmente di difesa presso gli indivi-dui che sono soggetti a simili esperienze. Ne consegue che, al fine di scongiurare queste manifestazioni, si ricorre a determinate pratiche. Tali sono la benedizione delle stanze di una casa dove a lungo non si ha dormito oppure dove si avvertono strepiti o altro. La benedizione, che deve essere compiuta con un preciso rituale, viene effettuata anche dalla persona che abita quella casa aspergendo, con un ramoscello d'ulivo, l'acqua benedetta da sacerdoti ritenuti validi e capaci a tal fine: "Tu ka ti na spis káre timpa tu-w ni hise, tu-w ni cánibe, ti mas owdela' jto delo, ka sa na vi da ko prháa nú pod jérprga, vis, da ko prháa sa ritiráwat anu jtu ti zígnes, to gre, anu si ne t'e jto, tadí to ta stráse" (Kf). A questo rituale puo seguire una breve formula di scongiuro se viene percepita la presenza di un'anima dannata: "Tace tu ka Buh ta gaw", ossia 'Vai nel posto che Dio ti ha assegnato!'8. E' interessante notare che, come per il rituale appena descritto, tale formula e prerogativa della persona che ritiene di doversi difendere da simili presenze minacciose e viene quindi pro-nunciata dall'individuo senza la mediazione di sacerdoti esorcisti, a cui invece ci si rivolge se le manifestazioni sono molto pesanti o perdurano. E' attestata anche la credenza che quan-do un'anima purgante si manifesta e sufficiente rivolgerle la parola per liberarla dalle pene.
Esistono inoltre dei rituali di prevenzione soprattutto per quanti si trovassero al di fuori delle mura domestiche nel lasso di tempo fra il suono dell'avemaria della sera e quello del mattino. Un tempo si sconsigliava di uscire dopo l'avemaria senza copricapo e, prima di lasciare la soglia di casa per recarsi in un luogo un po' piü lontano, i resiani si facevano il segno della croce con l'acqua santa: "Ko zwoni vimarija mej ún züna cence tana gláve anu pa prit núku vilest ta-pot kápan za tet na ta, jnjan pa mi na uzámo, peró, ti stári so rüdi sa zagnüwale, ko ni so meli sa spartet nu tet, pa vilest za tet magari kan" (Kf). Tale credenza, diffusa non solo nell'ambiente resiano, caratterizza molti racconti diventando la cornice temporale dell'evento. Si evidenzia non solo in racconti legati agli spiriti ma anche in altri riguardanti altri esseri mitici, in particolare demoniaci. In una variante del racconto n. 41 "Il diavolo e il dannato" una voce grida: "Din e twoj nu nuc t'e ma!", sottolineando la classica spartizione temporale della giornata secondo cui e destinata all'uomo la parte di
8 Simili formule di scongiuro sono attestate anche in ambito friulano: "Anime serene, contimi la to pene - sta pur sore di te - e no sta tociami me" (San Daniele), oppure "... conte il to peciat - e s'ciampe tal to sagrat" (Feletto) (D'ORLANDI, p. 47); lo stesso riporta CICERI 1992, p. 297: "Anima terena - contimi la to pena -conta il to pecjat - e torna tal to sagrat".
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luce mentre alle forze del male quella delle tenebre. Le ore attorno alla mezzanotte sono considérate le più pericolose e vengono infatti definite ta slába óra 'le ore cattive'9.
E' inoltre credenza comune che solo determinate persone possano essere soggette, per esempio, a fenomeni quali le visioni in stato di veglia. Si tratterebbe di una caratteristi-ca che una persona avrebbe dalla nascita: 'sono nati cosi e quelli che hanno gli occhi cosi, vedono' (Uf). Il contatto con queste persone, stringendo loro la mano per esempio, per-metterebbe anche ad altri di vedere fantasmi. E' interessante notare che da Uccea proven-gono tutti i racconti autobiografici relativi a visioni in stato di veglia.
4. Conclusioni
Da una prima osservazione delle credenze e dei motivi rilevati nei racconti resiani qui raccolti pare che un nucleo importante attorno al quale si sviluppano le concezioni dell'anima nell'aldilà, viste come riflesso dell'immaginario collettivo, sia l'esigenza di giu-stizia che, se non durante la vita, deve inevitabilmente avere il sopravvento dopo la morte. Anche il proverbio resiano "Wsë prháa wrácano, tej múka ta posójana"10 illustra il senso di giustizia universale che caratterizza i messaggi trasmessi attraverso i racconti. In questo senso i vivi sono in grado di soddisfare questa propria esigenza conscia o inconscia non solo attraverso servizi resi a un'anima ma anche, quando è il caso, scongiurandola in luoghi sperduti. Viene sottolineata in tal modo la capacità dei vivi, prerogativa concessa tra l'altro non solo a determinate persone, di influire sulla propria e altrui sorte nell'aldilà. La relazione con i defunti rappresenta inoltre un grande potenziale benefico per i vivi e spesso traspare la caratteristica della solidarietà.
Senza dimenticare gli intenti didascalici che permeano numerosi racconti riferiti, si possono ancora intravedere in alcuni motivi i riflessi del senso di colpa individuale, anche nei casi di morte ingiustamente sopportata, traducibile forse come paura del trapasso senza l'espiazione delle colpe. La credenza dell'immortalità dell'anima, visibile per esem-pio nel bisogno di protezione ultraterrena che viene offerta dagli spiriti tutelari oppure nel timore dovuto all'incombenza della dannazione, è naturalmente il nucleo aspettuale che permea l'intera antologia.
Come ci si puo attendere, la rappresentazione del mondo dell'aldilà appena traspare in alcuni racconti e in ogni caso illustra una condizione di grave difficoltà riferita sia al passaggio tra questo e l'altro mondo, sia all'esistenza delle anime che devono conquistarsi la pace eterna11. Si percepisce che l'idea è quella della separatezza dei due mondi e il mistero dell'aldilà viene preservato attraverso i tabù che ne vietano qualsiasi interferenza umana. Abbiamo inoltre a disposizione diversi elementi per poter affermare che i resiani considera-no l'altro mondo, ta krèj na ta, come un luogo dove alle anime è concessa un'esistenza che rispecchia quella che conducevano in vita: hanno infatti bisogno non solo di cibo, ma anche di begli indumenti, di scarpe per camminare, di denaro e possono addirittura soddisfare desideri
9	D'ORLANDI, p. 40, riporta da Mersino (Benecia): "Quando le campane suonano l'ora di notte, tutte le sere le anime vanno in chiesa e la mattina all'Ave tornano in processione in cimitero. Un uomo che vede gli spiriti ha chiesto ad uno di essi dove andava la notte. Questi rispose: La notte è mia come il giorno è tuo".
10	"Tutto ritorna indietro come la farina data in prestito".
11	Nel materiale non si fa espressamente cenno alla suddivisione fra pakatórih 'purgatorio' e paklo 'inferno', ma secondo un'informatrice di Coritis l'anima per raggiungere il paradiso, paravïz, dovrebbe passare attraverso l'inferno e il purgatorio. In base alla gravità dei peccati o all'assenza di questi l'anima si fermerebbe in uno di questi tre luoghi.
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quali il fumare sigarette o fiutare tabacco. Constatiamo quindi che nell'aldilà avviene la ricostituzione dell'immagine della persona, con caratteristiche umane ben definite, che tutta-via è inserita in un quadro quasi inesistente dal punto di vista della rappresentazione.
Indubbiamente il mondo resiano ci offre testimonianze di un intenso rapporto con l'aldilà, esplicitato anche attraverso le ricche manifestazioni inerenti al culto dei morti. Tale rapporto è tenuto saldo da innumerevoli implicazioni di natura storico-sociale, culturale ed etnica che come vedremo, si manifestano talvolta a diffusione "universale". Sarà la concezione del mondo dell'aldilà a rivelarci aspetti ancora una volta specifici di Resia -come spesso si puo evincere dagli studi resiani - oppure contribuirá a inserire questo spazio in un contesto, che lentamente si va definendo, di specificità e allo stesso tempo di relazioni di ampio respiro? La risposta a tale quesito verrà fornita, ci auguriamo, nel momento in cui l'analisi avrà tenuto conto di tutti i microsistemi culturali ancora presenti nel territorio studiato, le cui dimensioni e complessità presentano fortunatamente a Resia, e probabilmente anche altrove, un alto grado di imprevedibilità.
II. M a t e r i a l i
A. Entità rapportabili al mondo dei defunti
a. I defunti vengono in aiuto ai vivi o li proteggono
1.	"Máte ka na dm róka ta-pod nogáme od hcará / La madre sorregge la figlia con le
mani"
Una donna ha l'abitudine di andaré nel bosco a raccogliere legna. Una notte le appare in sogno la madre defunta che le mostra le mani insanguinate perché, quando la figlia passa in un punto pericoloso su una roccia, gliele tiene sotto i piedi affinché non cada. La prega di non recarsi più in quel luogo (Kf-O).
Ë bíla na žana ka n'ë hodïla w gôst jta-gorë na Hlivac, ta krèj na ta, káko to ma jïmë: ta-ziz Moroncan. Alora jsa hcï ta-dô za Kalïscan ë hodïla nu dópo n'ë praháala ta-na Hlíwci ta, ma ma be' bi' rop. Alora ko n'ë praháala ta, ka bi' jsi rop, n'ë rawnála bábica pot, ma perd ë bi' rop ta-zdolá, potïca na mája anu biw rop pa na won. Ko n'ë šla s kórbo ona n'ë mëla sa díwat na krèj, ma onjapôwk ka to bëšë bílo o gnjïlo káki ománek o kèj, na gardëšë dô wb duw. Alora n'ë vïdala wûsnë nji mátor, n'ë rakla da: "Jnjan ti si spet šla w gôst gorë w Moroncan, ma na stüj tè' vèc," - na ë rakla, na ë rakla da - "le me róka," - n'ë rakla - "ni so krvava, ta krèj ka tï ti prahááš ta-z rop, ko tï ti praháaš ta-s ta rop a man ti držat róka ta-pod nogáme, da ti ba sa na wálila anu jnjan na stüj jtè' vèc!" - na ji pokázala róka. E dópo na na bo bíla pa šla vèc, ko máte ji pokázala róka (...); mïsli se tï, si mïslet, da tu ka díwan a nôgo, ë mátara róka ka mi drži!
Questo racconto è stato narrato più volte e, in una versione identica dal punto di vista contenutistico, appare anche in DAPIT 1998a, pp. 205-206. Il motivo del parente defunto che ritorna per soccorrere un parente vivo è variamente attestato dal materiale riportato in questa sezione. A Sauris risulta in RPF XVII, p. 149, nota 35, che un uomo aggredito dalle streghe viene liberato da un defunto.
2.	"Ta žana ka ë prháala dojèt to màjë / La madre che ritorna ad allattare il figlio"
Una donna muore poco dopo la nascita del figlio. Di notte il marito sente che il bambino viene allattato. Va dal prete a riferirgli il fatto e questo gli consiglia di gettare la stola sulla
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culla per far ritornare in vita la moglie. Cosí accade e la donna rimane sempre chiusa in casa. Dice pero al marito che non avrebbe dovuto fare ció e anziché morire di nuovo ingoierebbe un "toro ungherese"con tutte le corna (Kf, 7.10.1996).
Ë bíla pur ta ka si ti právila (...), ka n'ë bíla mwíla žana anu otrocèc t'ë bi' da' máje, májo tïmpa, na dvi nadëje, trï, libôj, vi onô da muc, máji otrôk, anu n'ë prháala rüdi tu-w nocè dojèt to máje, n'ë rüdi wárwala tu-w nocè to máje, to ni mwèj ôkalo anu ë čow fïn da to pusá. Alora jsi muš an na mese tèt ta-h ëro racèt da ko to ë. Alora ë šow anu jsi ero mu dow stólo jsamo múžo. Ë rëkow: "Ko ti boš čow da na ë, da to puSá to máje" - n'ë prháala mu da' ëst, búžica - "ti maš navija' Stólo ta-ziz zibílo." Anu un navijow Stólo ta-ziz zibílo anu o jèw: n'ë bíla spet žïwá, ë bi' o jew ano ëro na mëSë owbdëlat jtoga, mëSë naháat, na mu wrédila otrocïca, na ga wárwala tu-w nocè, da búžac - to mi prháá da ôcën pa á - alora dópo na se ožrnla ma na ni hodïla mwèj nikač, n'ë stála rüdi ta-par hïSe anu n'ë rakla - šiša, ka ni so vëdale jüdi da n'ë wmíla, na tëšë spe' hodèt ator po vasè? - alora ona n'ë rakla tu-w njaga, n'ë rakla: "Ti na mëšëš mwèj owbdëlat ina-táka račá ka" - na ë rakla, da - "jnjan a," - na ë rakla - "rejši núku spe' wmrit, a ba tëla požrit naga wógorskaga wola zi wsémi rogáme, rèj^i núku spe' wmrit!"
Interessante in questo testo è l'arcaismo wógorski 'ungherese', il cui significato oggi non viene più percepito. Il motivo della madre che ritorna ad allattare il proprio figlio è molto diffuso e in ambito friulano risulta attestato nelle seguenti fonti: OSTERMANN, p. 397, riporta un racconto di Osoppo che rivela lo stesso motivo. Qui la madre resta un anno e poi scompare; a Moggio appare il dettaglio relativo all'affermazione della madre secondo la quale sarebbe stato meglio inghiottire un bue con tutte le corna piuttosto che ritornare in vita. Tuttavia si arrende e continua a lavorare in casa come faceva da viva. A quanti le chiedono notizie sull'aldilà si limita a rispondere: "tal si fâs e tal si spiete" (letteralmente 'tale si fa, tale ci si aspetta'). Anche D'ORALNDI, p. 42, annota diversi luoghi dove tale motivo risulta attestato in Friuli e riaffiora il particolare del bove: "pesa più ringhiottire la morte che inghiottire un bove con sette teste" (Ciago di Meduno); oppure a Cesclans: "Al sarès stât miôr che tu mi vès fat glutî un ciâf di bou che no fâ chesta part uchi". Cfr. infine JOB, p. 544: la moglie defunta viene trattenuta dal marito che la afferra per la vita e rimane un mese e un giorno ad allattare il bambino; cfr. inoltre RPF XVII, p. 149 nota 35, e p. 150 nota 36.
3.	"Ta črna škorca bogajïmë / Le croste della polenta per la nonna defunta"
Una donna nell'alpeggio Klen presso Coritis muore in seguito al parto. La nonna defunta appare in sogno ai familiari dicendo che se in quel momento avessero offerto bogajïmë per lei almeno le croste della polenta, anche quelle più abbrustolite, avrebbe potuto salvare la nipote, ma a causa della fame non ha potuto continuare a pregare (Kf-O, 7.11.1997).
Bè, tèj jta ka ë bíla ta-gorë w Klïno - ma na vin ce ti si bíla ti rakla - ka n'ë mëla mët mládje jsa ta mláda ta-gorë w Klïno - mlë to mi parjá da t'ë bílo ta-gorë pr T. Al ora jsa ë bíla ji mwíla bába ano mwíla bába anu jsa ë mëla mët mládje jsa ta mláda (...) anu n'ë mwíla anu ni so vïdale wûsnë bábo. "Ëh," - n'ë rakla - "da jte din ba bëštë mi dáli šk0rča ta čma bôgajïmë, ta čma šk0rča ba bëštë mi dáli bôgajïmë, a tëšën bíla o šaMla, ma" - n'ë rakla -"si bíla mása Mčna, nïsi mogla vèc prosèt." Videš, ta čma šk0rča ona tëšë bíla o šaMla, šlovëká, anu n'ë bíla mása Mčna, n'ë rakla, na ni mogla vèc prosèt anu tadíj n'ë mwíla.
4.	"Jnjan si sam, pomágita me! / Ora sono solo, aiutatemi!"
A Coritis una mucca sta per figliare ma il padrone si ritrova da solo. La notte precedente a questa persona è apparso in sogno un parente defunto a cui era molto legata. Nel momento cruciale della figliatura l'uomo chiede aiuto alle anime dei defunti e riesce a portarlo a termine da solo. Normalmente tale operazione richiede l'intervento di più uomini (Kf-O, 7.11.1997).
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Ábe M. ta-gorë na Korïtë, ka mu zdëlala inïca - jnjan ti ce regištrat pa jsô. Alora ë mëla mu zdëla' inïca anu staw Š. ta-gorë. Anu Š. ë rëkow, da: "À, puw óra, cu be' dô na Súbico, cu tèt anu cu pa spe' prît." Š. sa špartèw, ta drügi ë š ow dô w hliw: kráwa zdalüwala, t'ë bílo wsë jt o. Ë rëkow M.: "Jnjan si sam, ko man dëlat?" Anu vïdow wûsnë Bépina to nuc prit, da ë šow küntra h njamo, da ë pršow ga nalëst jsi Bépo, ka ë biw rüdi pa ôku njaga. Alora ë rëkow, da ë wézow worco anu paracow wsë ë anu rëkow, da: "À si rëkow, da pomágita me jnjan!" - ë rëkow da - "Pomágita me jnjan!" Ë rëkow da talá da' momènt ë bílo ta-na svëto. Viš ka kada to cë pa štiri pet mužúw za liberat no kráwo anu t'ë bíla inïca nu no valïkë talá anu èršt ë o kístew; ë vas biw anu na črna wüha. À si ga bárala, da: "Káko bèj ma jïmë?" - "Eh" - ë r ëkow, ma popolédow le-táko - "viš káko si mu rëkow jïmë? Da Katerïnica!"
Il protagnista del racconto ci ha personalmente confermato il fatto che sarebbe accaduto proprio come è stato qui narrato.
5.	"Žuwdma basída / La richiesta esaudita"
Una donna va a lavorare nel campo portando con sé il figlio piccolo che piange continuamente. Invoca lauto dei nonni defunti affinché vengano ad accudire il bambino che viene posto in una coperta nel campo; subito si tranquillizzapermettendo alla madre di terminare il lavoro. Un simile evento viene definito iuwdlna basída, letteralmente "parola esaudita" nel senso di desiderio o richiesta (Kf 7.10.1996).
Dna to-gorë w vasè anu n'ë mëla tèt prdáat tu-w njïwo (...), inšoma n'ë mëla tè' prdáat jsa ano otrôk rüdi ôkuw, rüdi ôkuw nu n'ë mëla za prdáat anu na ni mogla prdat. N'ë rakla da t'ë bílo o ribijálo, n'ë rakla: "Kë twa bába nu twôj dët za prït ta glédat, da morëj prdat!?" N'ë gála otroka nú w razôr ta-nú w no kóco anu nï vèc zahôwknuw anu ë staw jtu dárdo ka n'ë prdála njïwo. Alora ti stári ni so gáli da ë 'žuwdma basída'. Ko n'ë rakla jtáko ë bila žuwdïna basída, so prslè nünave, da na morëj prdat (...). Ti stári ni so rüdi gále: wsè vimô kèj, pa tï, pero ti na viš da kada ë minot, ka še në, ci ti ba vëduw da kada ë minot ta práve, ba báraw na vin da koj, ti ba báraw tô ka ti ba tëw.
6.	"T'ë parslú së, t'ë ma lëpu ma pokrïlu / Qualcuno mi ha rimboccato le coperte"
Una donna di Uccea va a dormire assieme ai fratelli più piccoli e sente che la porta della camera si apre. Qualcuno le rimbocca le coperte e crede sia il padre. Ma non si tratta del padre bensi dello spirito della persona che viveva prima in quella casa e che ora protegge quanti vi abitano (Uf-A, 7.10.1998).
Alora dâ bon bila mëlâ na dânest lit, kô semô spále, ko ma máte n'ë hodïla nútor h Bábe, semô spále wsè tu-w ni cánibe, zatô ka si mëlâ, ci bëšë sa sucëdinalu kèj, semô bili wsè wkwop, nïsi mëla problém za jtèt tu-w ta drüga cániba vïdët da ko ni mëô me sastrá nu koj an mâ môj brátar. Alora nu nuc so sa ogála dúre anu sa č&a stópa ta-na plumíntu, pero dâ si kapïlâ da t'ë bi' môj ocâ, a si ga klïcalâ: "Papà! Papà! Papà!", dan glas ë rëkuw da: "Šššš!" T'ë parélú së, t'ë ma lëpu ma pokrïlu anu t'ë mi lëpu gálu, káku sa di, kücina ta-pod matarač anu so spet šla stópa won po dùrëh. Spet da: "Papá! Papá! Papá!" - "Šššš!" Drügi din, dâ si rüdi kapïla da t'ë biw môj ocâ, da ë š ow spat ta-w to drügo cánibo, invezi drügi din miga ocâ ga ni bílu, wse dúre so bíla zagána; dâ prosüminân, da vin da du t'ë biw, da ë jsa parsùnâ ka n'ë stála tu-w ^ši Mše, pero dâ sa na bojïn proprio fès nicár perché jsa parsúM pa ko dâ hôdin dô w mo Mšu, o čüân da n'ë jtu, pero na wuardijá môju Mšu, na mi glédâ, probabilmente, pa mi gléda môje genitôrja, quindi dâ sa na bojïn, anzi o ringracjáwân.
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7.	"Ta žank ka na mi glédâ hïsu / La donna che protegge la mia casa"
Una donna di Uccea percepisce la presenza dello spirito della precedente proprietaria della casa, che ora la custodisce, e le dice che se l'edificio crolla con il terremoto, deve abban-donare quella la casa (Uf 7.10.1998).
Nu jso parsúnu si o cûlâ pa ko ë biw paršow taramotti dellundicisettembre; a si slâ gorë w h'išu, si cüla da dna parsúna n'ë šla won, won po štiglih, ma si kapïla da t'ë biw moj ocâ, a di corsa won, dúdu won na čâšt; e inveci ni bilâ nína düša, ë bíla rüdi jsa parsùnâ, rüdi jsa žanâ, ka t'ë bíla na žaM, cheprobabilmente n'ë wardijáwala hïšuperché ni so spádla wsa h'iša, te ka so bíla oku no oku, ma ta n'ë bíla ostâlâ na nogâh. (...) "Ci na spáde jsa h'iša, vi matë vilëst won s hïša."
8.	"Wsak ta-h svëj hïse bránet sve jüde / Ognuno pretegga i propri cari"
Una donna, in sogno, vede uscire dal cimitero di Oseacco una defunta che dice di dover ritornare indietro a chiamare le altre anime affinché si rechino ognuna nella propria casa a proteggere i propri familiari che vivono in paese (Kf-O, 7.11.1997).
Jto nuč prit núku potrés, jto nuč ka t'ë mëlo strest, ka da n'ë pršla dárdo gorë h satmtéëriho, ë o vïdala wûsnë na ža^, da na o vïdala vilëst zis satmtéëriha nu n'ë pršla gorë dárdo tu ka ë bíla ta stára církow anu jsa mrtwa, rüdi wûsnë, na ë rakla da: "Ojmë, ko čë prït!" - na ë rakla da - "Man spe' tèt do w satmtéëreh anu man tè' dolu da wstánite wsè, ka ni mëo prït wsè, wsak ta-h svëj Mše bránet sve jüde!".
Si tratta di un sogno premonitore verificatosi la notte prima del terremoto del 6 maggio 1976. L'informatrice ha sottolineato che infatti a Oseacco le perdite umane sono state minime.
9.	"Ti mrtvi ni so ma bránile / I defunti mi hanno difesa"
Una donna sogna che sta scendendo a piedi da Coritis ed è seguita da un gruppo di persone che la vogliono uccidere. Fra queste e la donna ci sono dei parenti defunti che la vogliono difendere. A un tratto la donna per mettersi in salvo si alza in volo (Kf-AO, 30.1.1999).
Pa a si snûwala wos Črno pëM, pero si prháala s Korïta dolo anu a si bíla ta-prít, trïji mrtve so bíli ta-za mlu anu ta-zát so bíli ti nore, ka ni so tëli ma jet anu da ni mëo ma wbwèt. Alora a si došla nu májo bo nùtër, si počala lastèt. Ma káko lëpo t'ë latlo! Anu si jin bwížalá. Ma viš t'ë lëpo mi latlo! Ti mrtvi ni nïso naháale prajtèt tih norih ta-zát, so bránile anu dópo a si wlatla.
b. I defunti riferiscono o annunciano eventi futuri, ritornano a salutare
10.	"T'ë to ka mi dála ma máte / Ecco ció che mi ha dato mia madre"
Una donna di Coritis ha due figli ma entrambi muoiono in guerra. Uno di essi lascia a casa un anello da alpino e dei calzini azzurri. La madre offre questi oggetti del figlio a un parente giovane. Il figlio morto appare in sogno alla narratrice - con l'anello al dito e i calzini azzurri ai piedi - dicendole che è quanto sua madre gli ha dato. Bisogna dare durante la vita perché cio che si offre lo si ritrova nell'aldilà (Kf-AO, 5.10.1998).
Si pur ti právila da káku jsa žana ta-gorë na Korïtë, ka n'ë mëla dwa sïno tu-w wére anu t'ë ji wmworlo obadwá anu ë mëw prstan ta alpínske ka bi' püsti' ta-par Mše anu na lípa celeste h^ča anu a si ga vïdala (...), jsï so bíli tu-w jti dworë, jsa žana, anu hodïli sa grët rüdi na no lïndico jtu-wnë, anu si ga vïdala wûsnë. Alore jsa žana n'ë dáala jštës numu nipote, numu kužmu, numu simču, numu sïno, n'ë mu dála prstan anu n'ë mu dála pa h^ča.
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Anu a si vidala bíla wüsne jsaga, ka mew jime da M., e sídow tu-wne na štigleh, e mew jsa kalcíne ta-na nogah anu prstan ta-na roke. Alora e rekow da: "T'e to ka mi dála ma máte." Videš ka to bo došlo! E mew kalcína ta-na nogah, na tij no azzurro, anu prstan ta-na roke (...). Ci ti daš kej pri' núku wmrit, ti ci met ta-krej na ta, anu ci ti na daš, ti nimaš nikár, ti na boš mew nikár. Sa ma dat, sa nima glédat da ne dat, sa ma dat, ka ko ti boš na ta, ti ce nalest wse. Viš, ti moreš dat tamo ka ti ce, tej ti si raeš, tej ti maš two gláwo, twoj pensír.
11.	"Si vidala wüsne mo mátor / Mia madre mi e apparsa in sogno"
Una donna é in attesa di un figlio e le appare in sogno la madre defunta: si trova in chiesa davanti all'altare maggiore, é vestita molto bene e attorno alla testa ha tre farfalle bianche. Le annuncia che avra una bambina e che dovraportare lo stesso nome della nonna. Il colore bianco delle farfalle viene interpretato come buon auspicio (Kf-AO, 7.11.1997).
Á si o vidala wüsne mo mátor, ko si mela me' a ^šo A. del cinquantadue ganárja, dvíste nu sedan dnuw ganárjapo, ta-do w crkve n'e klicala ta-prád ti valiki gowtárjan anu e mela oblacaná ta kotula ka ni so uzále prit, na lípa črna kotula, da' facolet ta-na gláve n'e mela lepo wézan na dolu anu n'e mela tri prapalica ta-na gláve ma, viš da káka dna, le-na táka: dno le-zde, dno le-zde anu dno ta-na gláve. Na e rakla da: "T'e na hci, maš ji race' jime da A.!" Koj jtáko n'e rakla: "T'e na hci." N'e klicala ta-prad gowtárjan, n'e rakla: "T'e na hci, maš ji race' jime da A.!" Anu n'e mela jse prapalica ta-na gláve, bíla tej snih, bíla, šiša, bíla, bíla to pride race' jošt. Ce ti snüwaš črno t'e slábo, t'e noro, ti maš kej slábaga tu-w hiše, ma bílo t'e jošt, go go.
12.	"Si bíla snüwalá mígá dedá / Ho sognato mio nonno"
Una donna di Uccea sogna il nonno che le annuncia il ritorno del marito dalla guerra sano e salvo. Siamo alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale e dopo alcuni giorni la donna riceve la notizia che il marito si trova allospedale di Udine, da dove viene poco dopo dimesso e ritorna cosí per sempre a casa (Uf-AO, 2.11.1997).
Il testo e giá stato pubblicato in DAPIT 1997, pp. 60-62.
13.	"T'e ásno, tasta won h hiše! / E' sereno, ritornate a casa!"
Una famiglia resiana é in parte sfollata dopo il terremoto del 1976 in un'altra regione italiana e, nella casa ospitante, la madre sentendo ogni notte scricchiolare il como ne ha paura. Una notte sogna la madre defunta la quale le ricorda che non si tratta del como ma che é lei stessa. Le chiede di ritornare a casa perché non riesce piu a proteggere tutti i suoi cari, dal momento che sono sparsi in vari luoghi. Dice inoltre che t' e ásno é chiaro' e tutto é pacifico (Kf-AO, 7.11.1997).
Il testo e giá stato pubblicato in DAPIT 1997, pp. 58-60.
14.	"Beč ti na moreš ga skret / I soldi non si possono occultare"
Una vedova trova del denaro, nascosto dal marito defunto, in una stufa non in funzione. Nonostante abbia controllatopiu volte la stufa, non vi ha mai trovato niente. Un giorno qualcosa la spinge ad andarvi a prendere deipezzetti di legno (lüc) e vi trova i soldi in un vaso di vetro che si rovescia quando apre il portello. I soldi rappresentano la tentazione e non si possono nascondere. Chi li occulta é costretto a rimanere in quel luogo fino a quando una persona non venga a prendere quei soldi. Cid accade tuttavia solo quando il defunto decide di indicare a un vivo il momento adatto perprenderli (Kf-A, 7.10.1996).
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Dópo tri mísca ka bi' jsi spohèrt ta-zuna jto - ë biw tu-w baráke, tu ka samo stále ko biw teremot - anu dópo un ë wmr anu jsi spohèrt somo gále ún zuna ta-prad dan bokš anu pokrïli z da' nájlon pa, ano staw jto, kan mëSën ga gat, ko si wžë mëla - anu si šla nùtër stu čas vižitat a jsi Spohèrt, ma nï bílo nikár anu, pur din, jsi din pojutrëh si šla ta-h okno anu t'ë tèj mi raklo da: "Tacè wo zuna, tacè won Spohèrt jtu-w kasèle ta-zdola ë luč ta brïnawa, ti ci më' za wnit ogonj!" - viš ti wse pradíwa diškors, në, to ti na račë jošt. Si šla won, bi' din, ko si rivála ogát jto kasèlo, jto zdolá, ka bi' da' valïki špohèrt, ë sa obrátew le-dan táke mugúw, ti ka mëo za zagát z gomo ta-zorá, ë sa obrátew na së. Ma kë ë biw prit, ko si hodïla nùtër, ka ni ga bílo? T'ë mëw prït minot, óra nu minot anu ë mëw racèt da kë to ë. Si šla nùtër, epo, bi' dan milijún nu puw ta-nûtrë w mugúlo. Si vigála won, si šla pokázat: "Kë si nalëzla?" Ma prït minot perché beč t'ë tantacjún, beč ti na moreš ga skrèt, ka tu ka ni skrïo béča, jtu ni stojïo fin ka dan an na prïdë jih vigát, pero an ma ti kwázat ta mrtve da ti maš tè' ga punj, ši në ti jih na na^žaš (...). Perché beč ë tentacjún, ni mëo wrátet, ni na morao, ka béčave to so od govèrna, ni mëo girat.
Appare in quest'unità il tabù di nascondere il denaro, fatto che diventerebbe causa di danna-zione o perlomeno di pena per l'anima che è costretta a chiedere l'intervento umano per essere salvata. Tale motivo appare in diverse unità di questa raccolta. Vari racconti in MAILLY conferma-no la credenza che lo spirito rimanga o ritorni sul luogo del peccato: "Il crocevia del maledetto", p. 120-121, n. 72; "L'infanticida", p. 121, n. 73; "Il commerciante ucciso", pp. 122-123, n. 76; "Il rapi-tore di fanciulle", p. 123, n. 78; "La figlia scellerata", p. 124, n. 79.
15.	"Máte n'ë sa ji nasmëjnula / La madre defunta che sorride"
Dopo il parto in ospedale la madre ritorna a casa, ma senza il bambino. In una fotografía sul comodino la nonna defunta le sorride e in quel momento il bambino muore (Kf, 2.11.1996).
Alora ë bila dna, ka ti na račën, n'ë bíla dna ka n'ë mëla to máje, naga sinïco, anu máti ë bila wmwrla; pero jsa n'ë mëla taga májaga, nú z M. ni so bile. Anu ni so nï ji dáli taga májaga za nastèt ta-h h'iše, ko n'ë vilëzla tópadáw ona, ni so ga naháale jto, ka da ni mëo ga kontrolat ščë nu májo nu vïdët. N'ë šla ta-h Mše ona anu ko n'ë ogála cánibo, n'ë mëla mátor ta-na comodino anu n'ë sa ji nasmëjnula, máte, ma n'ë bíla mwrla. Nu ko n'ë sa nasmëjnula, jtadèj n'ë ji nasla taga májaga, n'ë pršla së hiši ka bi' zdrow ta máje, jošt, anu pur ti din, n'ë sa nasmëjnula anu jtadèj ë wmr ta máje ko n'ë sa nasmëjnula, ano bi' zdrow.
16.	"Mï sumo jzdë na tin svëtu / I defunti sono in questo mondo"
Una donna di Uccea sogna il padre defunto e gli chiede notizie sull'aldilà. Il padre rispon-de che i defunti sono in questo mondo accanto ai vivi, ma questi non li vedono (Uf-O, 22.3.1998).
Tadèj ko ë wmwâr dët tu-w Kurïtëh, náju dët, na vin če dópo (...) tu-w tïmpih áliboj subitopraticamente, ma máti ga bila snuwalâ anu onâ n'ë vëdala da ë wmwâr: "Ojmë," - n'ë raklâ - "ocâ," - n'ë raklâ da - "stë paršow?" - Da: "Go." - "Cujtë," - n'ë raklâ - "ocâ, káko to ë ta-na ti drugin svëtu?" Alora un ë mëw questa espressione: "Ho, boga štupet!" - ë mëw questa espressione - "Kiri ta drugi svit? Mï sumo jzdë na tin svëtu jzdë, koj ka vï vi nâs na vïditë, ma mï smo rudi ta-par wâs!"
17.	"Talïku čas ka tï ti ma ocës, dâ si rüdi tu-w udë / Mi ritrovo immerso nelle tue lacrime"
Una donnapiange continuamente un familiare defunto che le appare in sogno dicendo che, quando leipiange, si trova immerso nell'acqua a causa delle lacrime versateper lui (Uf-O, 22.3.1998).
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Be poslüsej! Na žana - na vin ce e biw ji mwar s'in, áleboj ce biw ji mwar muž - jsa žana ta-nú w Uči, ma na vin da ko za dna t'e bila, ne, anu n'e rüdi okala, na rüdi okala, rüdi okala, rüdi okala, na rüdi iliment gore pu njamú anu e bila ga snüwala da: "Tal'iku čas ka t'i ti ma očeš, da da si rüdi tu-w ude, da si rüdi tu-w ude, da wsa ta súwza ka t'i ti si prolila, da da si rüdi tu-w ude, da ce e súwza, da si tu-w ude!" Si bila čMa jtáko právit da, ma na vin da ko za dna t'e bíla, sa na rikordán jnjan.
Il motivo del defunto che si manifesta chiedendo di far cessare il pianto dei vivi e molto diffuso. Nei racconti generalmente si tratta di un figlio morto che comunica con un genitore, la madre, e lo esorta a smettere poiché il pianto arreca dolore all'anima (CANTARUTTI 1986, pp. 180-181, n. 91/I e 91/II; RPF VI, p. 201; apparizione in sogno in MAILLY, p. 56, n. 2, sui paralleli friulani sloveni e croati d'Istria cfr. nota a p. 177), oppure il figlio appare in sogno al genitore o viene intravisto nella processione delle anime defunte la notte dei morti all'ultimo posto perché non riesce a procedere a causa della veste inzuppata di lacrime (D'ORLANDI, p. 39-40; CANTARUTTI 1960, p. 88, fonte ripresa in CIMITAN, p. 126, n. 597; AQUILEIA, pp. 196-197, n. 183) o perché deve trasportare un cjaldír, in friulano 'secchio', pieno di lacrime (CANTARUTTI [1985], p. 425, Fagagna) o semplicemente a causa del pianto e della mancata rassegnazione dei vivi (AQUILEIA, pp. 183-184 n. 169, Chiopris, p. 186 n. 170, Campolongo al Torre). Secondo D'ORLANDI, p. 40, sarebbe concesso vedere queste processioni alle madri, e non ad altri, e i luoghi dove passa il corteo delle anime sono i crocicchi. A Sauris in RPF XVII, pp. 77-78, troviamo il racconto del padre dannato che appare su un cavallo al figlio prete minacciandolo di morte se non smette di pregare per lui. Il prete in seguito muore. Le preghiere per un dannato aumentano i tormenti e sono di refrigerio solo per le anime del purgatorio. Il motivo del pianto per un defunto intrecciato con il motivo di riportare in vita la moglie (cfr. unitá n. 2) e presente inoltre in RPF XVII, pp. 99-100, n. 36, e p. 150, nota 36. Simile appare il motivo rivelato dalla nostra unitá succes-siva: l'eccessivo invocare un defunto, ossia la mancata rassegnazione di fronte alla morte.
18.	"Na e rüdi klicala nji múžá / Invocava continuamente il marito defunto"
Una vedova di Uccea invoca continuamente il marito morto in guerra. Una notte la donna si mette in cammino per Pradielis e sente come se qualcuno le tenesse la gerla. Cid accade fino a quando suona l'avemaria del mattino. In seguito la donna si ammala di esauri-mento. Pare che il marito le abbia chiesto di essere lasciato in pace (Uf, 22.3.1998).
Jta na bo bíla rüdi klicala nji muža, ka n'e zübila múža tu-w wére, ta-w Rušije. Alora na e mela jte' damúw, na e mela prit dolu w Ter (...), n'e se špartila tu-w nuce (ben, si sa, prima del giorno logicamente). Ko na e dušla prit núku prit gore pod Starmac, to o jélo za kórbo nu to o daržalu dúdu tu ka t'e glongnulo avemarijo (...); da si bila na carica ko d a si čMa romonet; ona n'e bila jéla dan esaurimento ka t'e bila na rič. Anu tu ma bi bi bilo pa ji rakló kej, perd da na vin, viš, ka si bila otrok, na moran, da na vin ci bi' ji rekuw nji muž da na ga nahej opáš (...).
19.	"Te dvi kompánje ka t'e bílo se obacálo / La promessa fra due compagne"
Due compagne si promettono a vicenda che la prima a morire ritornera a raccontare all'altra cosa ce nell'altro mondo. Una muore e comepromesso ritorna ma dice che saranno loro due le prime e le ultime persone a farsi una simile promessa, perché per ritornare ha dovuto passare attraverso l'inferno, sopra fuoco, coltelli e serpenti (Kf, 11.2.1994).
Tej ta dvi kompánji ka t'e bilo si obacálo, t'e bilo fes dvi kompánji ka t'e si telo dobro. Alora t'e si raklo da ta ka mije prit, na ma pri' racet da káko to e ta-na ti drügin sveto, ne. Alora ta ka e mwila ta piwa, n'e mela prit racet ti drügej da káko to e ta-na ti drügin sveto. Perd n'e rakla da: "Bódiwa midvi ta dvi pive anu ta dvi zádnje, ka sowa si
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obacála za prit racét da káko to e jtan, ka" - n'e rakla da - "skúza paklá, skúza ognjá, skúza sp'ica, skúza nožica, sarpinta!" - za prit ji racét da káko to e jtan, za prit na se.
Il motivo della promessa fra due persone di riferire sull'aldilá é molto antico e diffuso sia in area resiana che altrove. Risulta attestato in De vita sua del monaco Guiberto di Nogent (ca. 1055 - ca. 1125) che riporta un sogno piuttosto complesso della madre dove é presente anche questo motivo: due amiche intime che hanno vissuto insieme si promettono che la prima a morire sarebbe apparsa all'altra per informarla della sua sorte nell'aldilá. Una delle due donne vede l'ombra dell'al-tra che viene trascinata da due demoni neri (cfr. SCHMITT, p. 69). In area friulana cfr. RPF VII, p. 108, "Le doe amighe" (Zona di Budoia), racconto in cui due amiche si promettono di rendersi visita dopo la morte; RPF XV, pp. 105-107, "Ze che i toce a di chel che 'l ul savé ze che 'l é dopo muarz" (Cormons 1908), dove marito e moglie giurano vicendevolmente di tornare dopo la morte; AQUILEIA, p. 208, n. 194, "Un muart che 'l torna" (Fiumicello): marito e moglie stringono il patto e il marito dopo la morte appare alla moglie ma puo solamente dirle che se fará bene troverá bene e se fará male troverá male; cfr. inoltre "Il pat di di ce che 'l é di lá", Chiopris, pp. 210-211, n. 196, dove la narrazione contiene tutti gli elementi riscontrati nel racconto resiano: due amici stringono il patto e quello che muore ritorna e dice all'altro di non fare promesse poiché ha faticato enormemente per ritornare: é dovuto passare attraverso la cruna di un ago.
c. I defunti chiedono quanto loro manca nell'aldilá
20.	"Bogajime za miša / Offerte per le messe di suffragio"
Un giovane vede in sogno la zia in condizioni di miseria e lo comunica alla madre. Vanno al santuario di Sant' Antonio di Gemona a fare una offerta per le messe di suffragio (Kf O, 5.10.1998).
T'e bílo tadéj ka naš P. e biw ta-do w O. anu vidow wüsne mo konjádo - somo meli dan bokš le-sen - ta ka e mworla ta-w B. anu pršow indavant ta-h hiše, e pršow se mi racét. E rekow: "Máma, si vidow tato M. anu na e rakla da na e tu-w bokš anu na rüdi stoji tu-wn bokš ka da na nima fés nikár, da na nima fés nikár," - e r ekow - "máma, grémo ún Santatúnih nu cémo ji dat za miša!" Pero e rekow da bogajime an dáa rüde ta-prad wsá, da to prajdé ta-prad wsá anu ni mao wsé.
Il motivo della richiesta di aiuto da parte delle anime purganti in forma di preghiere o suffra-gi (messe) é molto diffuso. Esistono dei riscontri in ambito friulano: CANTARUTTI [ 1985], p. 426; RPF XVII, pp. 89-91, n. 31, e p. 146, nota 27; AQUILEIA, p. 212, n. 198 (Bagnaria Arsa), pp. 213-214, n. 199 (Joannis), pp. 214-215, n. 200 (Bicinicco); RPF XIII, p. 362, n. CCXLIX. Semplice invocazione di aiuto: RPF XIII, p. 77, n. L.
21.	"Zdelej mi race' miša / Messe di suffragio"
Un giovane di Oseacco deve partire in guerra e vicino alla chiesa del paese vede una donna che poi scompare. La stessa notte sogna la madre defunta. Gli dice che con i soldi guadagnati da lui stesso lavorando, prima di partire deve far celebrare per lei delle messe di suffragio. Gli annuncia infine che ritornera vivo dalla guerra (Kf-O, 18.10.1996).
E bi' dan ta-gore w vasé ka e mew té' sowdát anu máte e bila mwíla anu un, a na vin da ke ma tét, do pr crkvé, anu vidi jsa žana ka na e šla na gore anu dópo n'e mu sa zübila jsa žana. Pero dópo ko e šow spat e snüwow, da t'e bila njaga máte anu un e mew té' sowdát: "Pero" - na e rakla - "pri' núku té' sowdát, ti maš té' widinjá' béca anu ti maš mi zdelat racét jtaliku miš, ma ti maš té' na delo, maš té' ga widinjá' béca anu zdelej mi racé' miša anu" -n'e rakla - "ti ce tét tu-w wéro, pero ti ce prit na názet, ti ce spet prit!" - na mu rakla.
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Lo stesso motivo risulta attestato in un racconto (ambientato a Oseacco e raccolto da Milko Matičetov presso un'altra informatrice) pubblicato in DAPIT 1998a, pp. 208-209.
22.	"Máncalá kurúná / Mancava la corona del rosario"
A Uccea una donna sta portando il latte e vede il fantasma di una defunta che la segue. Ad un certo punto questa le passa davanti. L'altra si fa coraggio e le chiede cosa le manchi. Allora risponde che le manca la corona del rosario e le chiede di avvisare la sorella affinché gliela faccia avere. La donna in seguito si sente molto male. Alla sorella della defunta viene tuttavia raccontato il fatto e le viene rammentato che la corona si trova in casa sotto una scodella. La sorella afferma di aver guardato sotto tutte le scodelle e di non aver trovato niente. Cerca nuovamente e sotto una scodella si trova infatti la corona. La stessa donna ha visto anche altri fantasmi, fra cui quello di un ragazzo defunto sul monte Chila (Uf, 29.1.1998).
Eh nu so nu so, nu pa ta mârtva, nu so ga vïdale, eh orpo (...). T'ë bflâ dnâ ka n'ë gála n'ë propi ga vïdalâ, da t'ë rômunilu tu-w njèh. T'ë bíla dnâ, ka n'ë gála da ë bíla parnaslá mlíku - so bíli ta-na ti Tófih, eh, dâ si bíla, si bíla wžë jzdë ko nu so právile - parnaslá mlíku anu gorë zis... po póte ë parslâ dân tânt gorë, ë nalëzla no žano ka n'ë bíla mwârlâ. Anu ë vïdala da na gre ta-za nju anu slâ anu n'ë parslâ dân tânt gorë, t'ë bilo za prît gorë na ta Tófa, na won. Ko n'ë parslâjtu ka ë bi' il sentiero za jtèt won z brih, ë praslâ ta-prit, n'ë mëla jïmë da P., ka n'ë bíla wmwârlâ, n'ë praslâ ta-prit jsa ta mârtwâ anu dópu bwižala buj na won di corsa jsa ta M. - na ë scalë žïwâ - anu ë vïdala da na gre spet ta-zát nu ë parslâ dan tânt, prit líku prït won ka so hïsa, n'ë ji praslâ ta-prít, ta-prad njú. Tadèj n'ë mëla korágu ji racèt da: "Kogá ti mánčâ?" Na ë raklâ da: "Račè mëj sastrë, da na mi dèj kurúnu!" Anu tadèj n'ë se zübila ta mârtwa. An n'ë státó káre káre slábu dópu M. (...), eh orpu, bi' mážuw jti gorë pa ëru jtadèj, eh si eh, n'ë stála slábu káre. Edopo bo bi' ji daw káko benedicijún, dâ na vin, dópo n'ë dála di qua, ma n'ë bíla káre slábo; n'ë sla vïdë' pa ma máte, n'ë bíla slâ o vïdët. Anu dópo ka n'ë parslá a sé, tadèj na ë raklâ, da kogá t'ë sa owdëlalu (...). Alore ko n'ë parslá a sé, tadèj n'ë raklâ mátare da kogá na ë ji raklâ. Tadèj n'ë sla tâ-h sastrë, tâ-h jsëj, ka n'ë mëla jïmë da G., na ë raklâ, da: "G. to ë jtáku nu jtáku, da n'ë raklâ M. da ë vïdalâ P. anu na ë raklâ, da ti mâs ji dât kurúnu, ka da na ë ta-gorë pod no sálicu." Ta drüga ë raklâ da: "Si obrátila wsa sálica, da ni ntóár." Slâ tâ, obrátila sálica, tèj ti mas tèt ún s pulïcu jtu, ë sla gorë pod sálicu, ë bíla kurúna ta-gorë. Eh si si, ma ščë n'ë vïdala pa ščë jèh, pa naga sïnu n'ë vïdalâ nu pa no drügu hcï na ë vïdalâ, si s i, tá ta hcï ë vïdala káre račL Pa naga sïnu, ka ë bi' mwâr, ë bíla ga vïdala; ë slâ po tráwu ún po Kïle, ë bíla vïdalâ ta-gorë na Kïle.
23.	"Ni so zábili ji ga' korúno / Hanno dimenticato la corona del rosario"
Una donna defunta ritorna a chiedere la corona del rosario che i famigliari hanno dimenticato di metterle nella bara. Ilprete consiglia di fare un buco presso la sepoltura e di mettercela (Kf 7.10.1996).
Anu dópo ë bíla ščë dna, na žana ta-gorë, pa jtô to bo bílo gorë z Rézijo, kë ba mësë, gô, jzdë dôlo? Alora da jsa žana n'ë wmwíla anu ni so zábili ji ga' korúno - perché ti nïmas zábit gat korúna, gô, mas gat! - so zábili j ga' korúno anu básta n'ë rüdi prháala anu da: 'Kej i máróa anu da kèj ji máróa, da kóbej máróa, da kóbej máróa?' E alora fin ka dna na ë rakla da bo máróala korúna, ka da korúna ë ta-pr hïse anu ni nïso ji ga gále. E alora ëro ë rëkow da: "Jnjan mata tè' dô na grop anu mata zworta' no ámo anu mata gat korúno n^ër!" Ni so gáli korúno, na nï vèč prsla: máróalo jtô, máróala korúna.
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24.	"Na žana ka n'ë jïskala críwja / Una donna ritorna a cercare le scarpe"
Nella casa dei vicini muore una donna anziana e il giorno stesso i familiari sentono dei passi in casa e odono pure accendere e spegnere la luce, come se qualcuno stesse cercando qualcosa. La figlia della defunta riferisce ciô alla narratrice che le consiglia di mettere nella bara le più belle scarpe che aveva in vita la defunta e anche delle ciabatte perché pure nell'aldilà le anime camminano. La narratrice racconta inoltre un fatto simile successo alla propria famiglia (Kf 7.10.1996).
Be t'ë tej jzdë, në dalëc, ka na racën da kë, ka to nï pa mue tïmpa në, t'ë frešk. Bèh, máte ë mrla pojutrëh ôku na na pe' or, në, anu ko t'ë bílo pôpudnë, heï sa gála spat gorë po divano anu n'ë čula da hôde, na hôde ta-po hïse - anu to nï mue tïmpa viš jsô - n'ë hodïla tapo hïse anu jïskala nu ta druga spála, ma n'ë čula! Anu dópo, drugo nue, so spála ta mája tu-w ni eánibe anu ta druga ë bíla lïbër ka ë spála jsa bába, ta mája so wstála pojutrëh, ta mája..., valïka, ôsanest, dëvatnest lit pa vèe, anu ni so wstála, ni so raklè mátare da: "Máma, samô čule bábo wso nue hodèt tu-w eánibe, n'ë jïskala, n'ë jïskala, n'ë jïskala anu samô čuli fin wnáea' luč nu luč spe' gwasnuwat nu n'ë jïskala. Alora a si šla gorë anu n'ë mi rakla, tu ka to ë, si šla ta-h jsëj anu n'ë mi rakla, n'ë rakla da: "Viš bèj, da ë hodïla ma máte ta-po Mše, n'ë mwrla dáve anu pôpudnë n' ë wžë hodïla ta-po Mše jzdë, n'ë j ïskala kèj, n'ë j ïskala!" Be si rakla: "Čuj, si j gála čriwja?" N'ë rakla da në. Anu si rakla da: "Pa mï samô pogále dnoga, ka to t'ë ni bi' naš ma inšoma ë bi' rudi ta-pr nan anu ë pršow nan raeèt da samô zábile mu ga' no rič, da koj an eë?" Ë gaw: "Stë mi zábili ga' glomïk, në da nïstë tëli mi ga gat, stë mi zábili ga' glomïk." (...) Alora ë mëla jti ta kupi' glomïk anu dat numu bôgamu da to pranasëj ta-prad njaga: ë nï vèe pršow da mu mánea glomïk, t'ë mu došlo. Alora jsëj si rakla da: "Dëj te niliwča čriwja ka n'ë mëla anu dëj pa ta škateta ka n'ë pulila ta-po Mše." Alore n'ë wzéla wsë jtô. Si rakla da: "Ti maš tè' gorë pri' núku j zadiô bank anu lëpo dëj nùtër." Ma na nï čula vèe dópo. Ko to jin mánea, ni p^aô viš. Jzdë, vï na uzáta obot ti mrtvih, ma sa ga obuwa ta mrtva ka ni hôdiô, gô, ti maš ga obot, ni hôdiô ti mrtve tu-w noeè, ni na stojïô anu ni na môraô hodè' bus, ni mëô bè' obute anu sa ma jin gat tô ka to bô jin pMá, tô ka ni so rudi pulile.
I motivi legati al ritorno di un'anima a causa della mancanza di oggetti umani si collega alle usanze funebri di cui si è parlato nell'introduzione.
25.	"Samo bíli zábili gat glomïk / Abbiamo dimenticato di mettere il pettine"
I parenti hanno dimenticato di mettere il pettine nella bara di un uomo che in vita aveva l'abitudine di pettinarsi spesso. Questo appare in sogno a una parente e le fa notare questa dimenticanza. In famiglia si decide allora di regalare un pettine a una persona bisognosa e in seguito il defunto non appare più in sogno. Si ritiene sia necessario fare il segno della croce sopra le cose offerte, altrimenti non tutte le anime approfittano del dono, ma solo una (Kf-AO, 7.11.1997).
Samô bíli zábili gat glomïk B. mï, ka samô ga vïdale wusnë ka ë rëkow: "Në da nïsta tëli mi gat," - un ë rëkow - "ma sta zábile, mata mi gat glomïk!" Ka un râdë sa časow. A. ^ša, bè, ë ji pršow wusnë njëj. Alora ë rëkow da, ë rëkow tu-w nju: "A., në da ti nïsi tëla mi gat, ti si zábila mi ga' glomïk!" Alora a si rakla da sa ma wzet jsi glomïk anu dat numu bôgamu, šinkat, narédi' kriš, sa ma narédi' rudi kriš (...), ši në to na valá nikár, ei ti na narediš križa, maš narédi' rudi kriš da 'Buh pranasïtë ta-prád wsa duša!', në kôj ta-prad dno, ši në koj dna ma, te druge në, ta druga ga glédaô (...). Samô dále, dópo ni nïsamô vïdale vèe jïskat, da ë pršow wusnë, nikár.
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d. I defunti chiedono di saldare i conti in sospeso, di riparare le promesse mancate e le ingiustizie commesse durante la vita
26. "Dan muž ë biw skrèw rowbo / L'uomo che ha occultato dei valori"
Un uomo di Coritis piuttosto agiato, ma senza eredi, appare in sogno a una giovane donna. Le dice che riapparirà ancora e dopo la terza volta lei dovrà recarsi nel luogo da lui designato a prendere quanto ha nascosto (forse dei soldi oppure oro). L'uomo pero non è più riapparso in sogno. L'anima di coloro che nascondono soldi è destinata alla dannazione e rimane in eterno in quel luogo se qualcuno non l'aiuta a discolparsi. Un tempo i soldi e ipochi preziosi, che la gente di Resia possedeva, venivano talvolta sotterratiper evitare che venissero rubati, per esempio durante le guerre (Kf-O, 5.10.1998).
Alore jsi muš t'ë biw dan ta-na Korïtë, bi' ožënján pero a nïmëw otrúk anu rüdi po štiri kráva tu-w hlivë anu rüdi njïw rat za kopát nu za mët anu nïmëw kíramu dá' ëst anu ë rüdi dëlow, rüdi dëlow anu, báštá, dópo jsi šlovëk ë mwr anu ë dëlow rüdi ta-nú pr Bile prit. Ta-nú pr Bile ta-strán wodá ë dán tof anu jtu gorë stran ë bi' ptancún, ka so prháala drwa ta-gorë w Áme dolo, anu dópo jsi šlovëk ë mwr anu ko ë mwr ë prš ow wüsM ni mtëdëj anu jsa ta mládá n'ë raklá da: "Zakó bèj mlë ti máš prît mi právet, da á mán tèt punj to ki si zakopow jta-nûtrë, rači pa tvëj njëce da na pidè!" - "Ah," - ë rëkow - "në mëj njëce, ma tï, á cu ti prï' wüsM dárdu ta trëtnji vijáč, ko bon pršow ta trëtnji v^č, ti máš tèt, ti maš tèt punj." Ma á má ščë prït jsi trëtnji vijáč, á nï vèc pršow ano nï vèc rëkow nikár, t'ë ostálo jto. Tad èj sa na vi. Alora ë rëkow da: "Si skrèw tu ka si gaw" - ë rëkow - "tu ka si zakopow jso rowbo, á si gaw no valïkë ža^jzo žalizM, sanjáw da kë to ë." Anu jsi muš á má bi bi' skrèw o beča o áwár. Alora un ë skrèw zato ka bila wérá anu dópo á nï dorivow vèc vigát, t'ë ostálo jto. Tadèj jsi šlovëk, či kiri bo mogow mu pomágát, alore an cë bèt diskolpán, an cë bè' liberán, či bo kire za mu pomágát anu ši në an má sta' jto, zato ka beč to nï na práwa rič, beč to ë od govèrM, án má girát, nišči na morë ga skrèt, ka tu k'an skrïjë, jto ma stat pa ta mrtve fin ka ma racèt dnamo da: "Tastá punj jto nu jto anu ko ni bóta vigále, á ču bi' liberán, ču bi' ša^n!" O beča o áwár bi' zakopow, perché, ko maš nastèt krompir nu bob'tóa nùtër!? (...) Magari nu májo ni so mële pa ta áwrava orláa ni so mële, pa či t'ë bilo no májo to ë jin dišplažálo, da nasè ta Niške, alora ni so zakopále, o prstana ka ni so pülile w wére prit. Prit to ni bilo, pero ko ni so sa žarifli, ni so mële na lipa široka prstana anu rinčina ta lipa, pa ta niška sjórta (...) túdi won e alora ni so sa báale, ni so gále nú w kèj, ni so diwali rüde nú w dán pinját rámave anu pokrïwale anu ni so zakopáwale. Mïšliš da nï rowba gorë na Korïto zakopáno? Divi muč ë rowba, viš, da divi muč ga ë, ka nišči na vï kë da to ë!
In questo racconto si evidenziano motivi quali il tabù di occultare il denaro, attestato anche in ambito friulano ad Ara di Tricesimo nel racconto "Chei ch'e sapuliscin i bês" in RPF VIII, pp. 145-146: due ricchi fratelli muoiono ma non si trova traccia del loro denaro. Un giorno appare a un uomo uno scheletro che chiede di cercare i soldi, altrimenti i due fratelli saranno dannati. Un'altra volta appare una serpe con in bocca la chiave del tesoro nascosto: chi seppellisce il denaro, si danna. Accanto a questo appare il particolare della richiesta da parte di un'anima in pena a un vivo di intervenire per salvarla ottenendo in cambio un notevole compenso in denaro o fortuna in generale. Solitamente al vivo si chiede una grande prova di coraggio (cfr. anche D'ORLANDI, p. 40) che nella maggior parte dei casi risulta insuperabile, per esempio recarsi da soli in un luogo ad una determinata ora della notte oppure in un luogo dove nessuno vuole andare a causa della presenza di spiriti (cfr. "Al spirt in glesia", RPF II, pp. 128-131), affrontare animali come serpenti giganteschi (motivo diffuso a Resia e attestato anche in MAILLY, p. 124-125, n. 80), rivolgere la parola a fantasmi. Quest'ultimo aspetto appare in MAILLY, pp. 121-122, n. 74, dove il vivo riesce a parlare
1
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a tre fantasmi liberando l'anima in pena. Il motivo di saldare i conti in sospeso è attestato anche in CICERI 1992, p. 296: una donna muore di parto lasciando un piccolo debito e trova pace solo quando puo dire ai vivi di restituire dôs mizinas, ossia due misure di farina.
27.	"Bécave ta-nú w pojstrjo / Il cuscino pieno di soldi"
Una donna riempie un cuscino di soldi e chiede che alla sua morte venga messo nella bara. Dopo la sepoltura appare in sogno chiedendo che venganopresi i soldi dalla bara. Vanno a scavare ma trovano la salma rivoltata con la schiena all'insù e non possono prendere i soldi (Kf-O, 2.11.1996).
Ábi dna ta-gorë, ka n'ë bíla narédila pôjstër anu n'ë bíla gála béca nú w pôjstër anu na ë rakla da jti pôjstër ni mëô ji gat ko na mwijë, e so ji gáli jti, ni so bíli bécave ta-nûtrë. Anu dópo n'ë prháala wûsnë, da ni mëô tè' vïdët anu vigá' won ka t'ë tantacjún, në. Ni so šle onè vïdët, pero n'ë bíla na tribûsë, në vèc na hrtë, bíla sa obrátila, n'ë ëdla béca ta-nú w pôjstrje, ma ni nïso moglè ji vigát. Du ma vigát? Kucë maš tè' vigát?
28.	"Sa nïma mwèj obacat nu në dat! / La promessa è un debito"
Una donna promette di offrire del burro per la chiesa ma muore prima di fare il dono. Appare allora in sogno alla narratrice affinché comunichi alla figlia di offrire alla chiesa un chilo di burro (Kf-AO, 30.1.1999).
Pur ti din, da si bíla... bíla dna ta-gorë w planïne. Alora jsa zdë n'ë rakla da ko to bo za ségro, na ë obacála mast za nastè' dô w církow, ma ona jse máste na ni mwèj bíla ga nasla, n'ë kôj obacála. Anu dópo ka n'ë wmíla si o vïdala a wûsnë. N'ë rakla da: "Racè mëj hcarë, da na mëj nastè' dan kûô máste za církow ta-na Korïtë!" - ka ona bíla si obacála ma na ni bíla mwaj ga dála - "Racï je da na nasè dan kûô máste." Si bíla o snüwala a, gô. Anu n'ë rakla jtáko (...). Sa nïma mwèj obacat nu në dat! Ti maš obacat, ma ti maš pa dat!
L'inadempimento di un voto o di una promessa provoca la pena per l'anima. Si confrontino i casi seguenti: il voto inadempiuto induce l'anima in pena a ritornare manifestandosi attraverso strepiti, oppure, un'anima del purgatorio, per mezzo di un bambino, fa conoscere il suo desiderio di liberazione a causa di un voto non adempiuto (rispettivamente in RPF XVII, pp. 87-88, n. 28, nota 28, p. 146, e p. 88, n. 29, nota 29, pp. 146-147); nel racconto "El moroso morto" (Marostica - VI) una fidanzata promette al suo innamorato, ormai in fin di vita, che non si sposerà venderá con altri e che avrebbe venduto la dote per poter celebrare messe di suffragio per la sua anima. Non mantiene queste promesse pero sente degli strepiti e mentre sporge il dito fuori dalla finestra, le viene strappato. Dopo questo fatto non sente più alcuno strepito ma diventa calva dalla paura (MILANI, p. 379).
29.	"Mata wrátet jitalïku nu jitalïku sëna! / Dovete rendere il fieno!"
Nella planina Hlívac di Oseacco, una donna, per abbreviare il cammino, calpesta il prato dei vicini invece dipercorrere ilsentiero. Dopo la morte appare in sogno aipropri familia-ri e chiede loro di rendere alla famiglia da lei danneggiata una certa quantità di fieno (Kf-O, 7.11.1997).
Anu dópo jštës na drûga ta-gorë na Hlíwce, ka jsô mi právila fès ^ša tata. Alora a man tarènj jzdë, në, tï ti maš le-jtan anu mmaš prajèt së z môj tarènj, ti maš tèt le-ta-dô zdolá ka ë pot nu wsë. Šikome t'ë bílo káre dôlu jsa, ta ka ë bíla jtan, n'ë narédila pot së s tarènj anu dópo n'ë mwíla anu na jin pršla wûsnë. Na ë rakla da: "Mata wrátet jitalïku nu jitalïku sëna jtëj famèje, ka a si narédila pot së s tarènj anu onè ni nïso moglè vèc sëc, tu ka a si paštála, mata ji wrátet jitalïku sëna!" (...) N'ë pršla wûsnë ti Mšnen judín: o hcarë o sïno, na vin, tën tu-w Mše, inšoma n'ë pršla wûsnë (...).
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30.	"Kráduw di zïw anu mwâr: ë mëw wrátet / Deve restituire da morto quanto ha rubato da vivo"
Uno stagnino ambulante di Resia si reca in Slovenia, vicino a Tolmino. Di notte sente la voce di un uomo che da vivo ha spostato il confine dellaproprietà e che ora deve rendere quanto ha sottratto. La voce chiede dove deve porre il segno del confine e l'uomo risponde di metterlo dove si trovava prima. In questo modo l'anima è stata liberata dalle pene (Um, 21.9.1996).
Alore ë biw dân tu-w Usuânëh, ti ke so hodïli: klánfarje, ni su mële ta krôsma ún z hárbát, na bo bíla tazëla cinquanta chili (...). Alore del cinquantadüe dâ si dëluw ta-w Jugozlávije prit núku dô w Tumïn, di front Matajürjá le-tako tu-w guzdë, alora jsi klánfár zis krôsmu, invëce narédit gïr, dan valïki gïr ë mëw narédet za prît ún pajïs, ni su ga znále ta-po pajïzu, ni so hodïli scalë, du bej vi kalïku lit, ni su bíle tódí-tá ka ni so hodïle klánfát nu komadáwát nu brüzet. Alora ë jew nu putïcu won ziz tarènj, la scorciatoia won z dân tarènj anu biw tu-w nucè d ët. Alora ko ë dosow dân tânt won, si capisce bi' trûdân, pocèw, pa pëjs, pocèw, da ë cow da to ë zapïlu da: "Kan man ga gat?" Cow, múcuw, bi' si mïslew, da ë rüdi kíri ator, dópo da t'ë spet zapïlu, da: "Kan ga dëj mírniku!" Mírnek po búske t'ë mërâ, kunfïn, tej ti právis tï ziz rüpu. Dan ë zapwèw, da: "Dëj ga tu ka ti si ga wzew mirnikâ!" Jsi dëd a bo biw rüdi krádow, kráduw di zïw, mwâr anu ë mëw wrátet, alora jsi dët bi' ga diskolpow. Tad èj ë práviw tu-w pajïzu, da káko se mu sucëdinalu.
Riguardo al tabù di mutare i confini della proprietà cfr. anche l'unità n. 65 nonché D'ORLANDI, p. 44.
31.	"Tu-w Canïno nï mësta za pïknut no jïglo / Sul Canin non c'è più posto"
Lo spirito di una donna defunta ritorna sempre nellapropria casa. Devono scongiurarla sul Canin, ma si rifiuta poiché su quel monte non vi è più posto nemmeno per infilzare uno spillo, tante sono le anime scongiurate (Kf, 30.1.1999).
(...) Dna nú s dula le-túdi nùtër. Alora n'ë bíla rüdi ta-pr hïse, n'ë prháala ^zët (...), n'ë bíla rüdi ta-pr hïse anu da ni mëô skongurat. Alore ni so raklè da ni céo o skongurat taw Canèn. N'ë rakla da: "Në, kôj në ta-w Canèn, ka nï mësta za pïknut no jïglo, talïko ka ë ti skonguránih tu-w Canïno!".
La tradizione secondo la quale le anime dannate vengono confínate sulle vette dei monti e in particolare sul Canin è diffusa anche nell'area slovena del Torre ("Su klenúwale te slábe dúse orè w Canín, súwse te slábe dúse su be orè w Cenínu wklénjane", Pia Lovo ta-za Wárhan/Villanova delle Grotte) e in vari punti del Friuli come dalle seguenti testimonianze. In PERCOTO, pp. 25-33, il racconto "L'ucelut di Mont Chianine" parla dell'anima dannata di una fidanzata infedele che scon-ta il suo peccato fra le nevi del Canin. VIDONI raccoglie alle pagine 12-18 "Le leggende del monte Canin", in particolare sulla presenza di demoni e dannati sul Canin alle pp. 14-18: "La bolgia infernale", "Tregenda mattutina", "Il tesoro nascosto", "Il diavolo a casera Canin". MAILLY ripor-ta due racconti "Le pene dei dannati", tratti da Ostermann, a p. 126, n. 82/I e 82/II, nota p. 219220, e uno da C. Percoto a p. 113, n. 62, nota p. 213, con il titolo "L'uccellino del Monte Canin" già citato. In AQUILEIA, p. 177, n. 163, si racconta di due donne cattive che, dopo la morte, vengono relegate sul Canin, dove stanno i dannati (Cervignano del Friuli), mentre alle pp. 144-146, n. 134: "... Dopo il Concilio di Trento, i dannati e gli spiriti maligni vennero mandati sul monte Canin. Là dovevano sfogarsi sulle pietre, legati con grosse catene, nelle caverne che si trovano lassù...". Si confronti ancora quanto viene riportato da OSTERMANN, p. 97: "Sulle vette nevose vengono confinati, dopo morti, gli usurai, i truffatori e gli spergiuri, dannati a lavorare continuamente, cosi nelle rigidissime notti invernali come sotto gli afosi solleoni d'agosto, per demolire i torrioni che sorgono sopra le nevi eterne. 'Non v'ha monte in Friuli (...) che più del Canino dar potesse origine a tali credenze'. (...) E' credenza generale che sull'altipiano del Canin lavorino nella notte i danna-
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ti, e chi stia in ascolto sente le loro grida, i colpi di piccone e lo squassar delle catene, a cui s'accompagna il muggito del vento che infuria."
32.	"To gre dö po pote na valïka nöga / Passi pesanti giù in strada"
Una donna a Resia durante la notte sente un rumore di passi che dalla strada salgono sul terrazzino e sentepoi grattare tre volte sugli scuri della camera. La donna dice di sapere di chi si tratta e dal momento che lei si trova sul suo, si rivolge allo spirito con uno scongiuro, ossia mandandolo nel luogo destinatogli da Dio. In questo modo l'anima viene liberata dalle pene, altrimenti sarebbe destinata a vagare spaventando i vivi, perché, avendo commesso del male, non trova posto in nessun luogo (Kf-A, 5.10.1998).
Alora jstës t'ë bilo tu-w Rézije, ë dän par hïs anu so bila scë na famèa tu-w dworë perd jta famèâ ni so bili slè damüw, nï bi' nišči, anu ä si mëla to mâjo ta-pr mlë anu sowa slä spat, bo bila dësa' or žvëčarä, ma dësa' or satèmbarja ë wžë kârë nöce. Ä Cûën da to gre dö po pote na valïka nöga, tej rèjnikagâ Kiläcä, na valïka valïka nöga, anu dölo nu wün na lïndico anu t'ë šlo ta-w škrnja anu tu-w šKrjeh t'ë pograbâlo trïkrât dölu nu won anu ä si wromonïlâ, ä si raklä da: "Ta znän da čij ti se," - ä si raklä da - "jzdë si ta-na min anu tï tacè tu ka Buh ta gaw!" Anu ë šow anu pa ni pršow vèc na nâzët, nïsi pa mwaj vèc cülä. Vïdeš, prälä momènt, orä, ka ä si wromon'üä anu dopo ti disko^š no parsüno jtâko (...). Zakoj? Ni mëšëö dëtët liwcë, niMš dëla' slâbo judin: alora un nïmëw mësta tu-w ninin krâjo jsa parsünä, ni tu-w paklë ni tu-w paramë ni tu-w ninin krâjo ë mëw bèt, gö, jzdë, jtâko. Alora ci dän diskolpâ, an gre dopo jošt tu ka ti račëš; ä si raklä da an pidè tu ka Buh ga gaw anu jto bo bi' šow, perché ši në ni so rüdi atör, tadèj to rüdi gre nu štrâše, eco, ka ni n'imaö kän tèt, viš. Ni so bili j^tës pa tu-w ni planïne anu j^tës gö, t'ë bilo tu-w nocè, t'ë owbdëlalo j^tës jtâko tu-w oknö, tej t'ë mi owdëlalo mlë tu-w škrnja anu t'ë bilo rüdi jta parsüna jto.
33.	"Suwdadje ta-na Karnïce / Soldati a Sella Carnizza"
A Sella Carnizza sono accampati dei soldatipresso la chiesetta di Sant'Anna dove sono nascoste delle munizioni. Il nemico le fa esplodere e i soldati accampati periscono. E' per questo che le anime di questi soldati, in quel luogo, si vendicano finché non saranno discolpate (Uf, 2.11.1997).
Alora möj dët, jzdë par h'iše dâ si mëla ščë ž:ivag§ dëda jtadèj, ka ë mwâr dët dopo po mâtare, alora dâ jzdë par hiši si prâvila, në. Alora möj dët ë prâvew, ë rëkuw da: "PošMšita ma!", ë rëkuw da dal mila e otocentu (...) sessanta, ka ë bilâ wérâ ziz..., pocïj, ko za ni štat dân... Juguž^viju? Koj vin dâ! Inšoma ë bila wérâ dal mileotocento - vï ka laâta böj lïbrina bota pa vëdale, ma dâ, certo dâ nïsi š^ (...) - sotto otocento bi' sa ^šinuw, gö gö, ka an bo bi' vëduw, bo bi' čow prâvet në, ë bilâ wérâ, an di, ta-gorë w ti valâde ka ë, ta-s konku, ka ë na valâda jta-gorë nütre s carkvâ, kûntrâ dö h nân, jti krèj na to hüdo roku, në na to döbro roku, na to hüdu, ka ë ta valâda ka hödiö pa naréat griglio ko to ë Sântâ Änâ jtodi dölu, jtu, kâko sa mu di, ni su bili bwïle un regimentu difanteria, ciw regimènt fanterïja, ka ni su bile ga škoprile - tu bo bili ti Lâške, ni bo bwïle ta Niška, na vin dâ, ni su bili škoprili da ni mëö municjün tu-w carkvè, ti Lâške, ma ti Büške su mële municjün, në ti Lâške, ti Büške ni su bili šte jta-gorë, su sa bili inkampâle tu-w to valâdo jtu ka biw un poç, inšoma ni bilo ne gozdâ ne nicâr, ni su sa bili inkampâli jtu anu ni su mële municjün tu-w carkvè, tëj ta-na Karnïce, anu ni su mëli wârdiju. Ni su bili ti Lâške wbwïli wârdiju anu tadèj ni su bili wnili cirkuw. Alora jte, wsa jte bümba ka ni su mële tu-w carkvè, wsa municijün ka ë škopijâla, t'ë bilo bwïlu jse ka ni su bile di notte tempo, ka ni su bile jtu pu tindâh. Mlë bi' mi rëkuw möj
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det jtáku. Tadej e rekuw ka za jtö tadej ta-gore to rüdi dilaö vandétu, e rekuw, sin ka sa na diskolpäö.
B. Altre manifestazioni attribuite a spiriti e fantasmi
a. Udibili relative a persone, animali, dannati, diavolo
34.	"Stópa ta-w carkve / Si odono passi nella chiesa di Carnizza"
Padre e figlio di Uccea, ritornando indietro dalla Val Resia, si fermano sotto la loggia della chiesa di Sant'Anna di Carnizza perché fa gia buio. Sentono dei passi nella chiesa ma dentro non ce nessuno. Allora si rimettono in cammino ma la civetta si mette a cantare. Il padre prega il figlio di non rispondere perché crede che quel canto sia un cattivo segno premonitore (Um-A, 11.6.1994).
Alore si biw da nu möj oca, sowa parslá damúw, tékoj sa gre po spézu, anu t'e bílu ta-ziz zimu, bílu snega na quaranta cinquanta centimetri snega, ma e bi' tart. Anu prit na názet, certamente snih e se zmoljow; kö sowa parslá gore na Karnicu ni bílu póte tej k'e jnjan, e bíla pot ta-dö zis Silimúnava. Alora sowa parslá jtu h Madonici, e bíla nuc anu sowa sla sédnut ta-pot küwo - ta-pot... káku sa di - anu möj oca e sow ta-h túranu, pöcuw höwkat (...), da vidi ci an gre kíre kwíntra. Alore si cuw ta-w carkve 'klik-klak, klik-klak': stópa! Alora sowa raklá da mawa ogát dúre: nicár. Sow spe' názet, sow gore na gowtár. Tana gowtárju e sow spet dölu. Alora si sow glédat skúza oknö: nicár. "Oca!" - "Kogá e?" -"Pite se!" Alore si rekow: "Kogá e?" Si ga jew za no róko, da ma videt narédi' contat, ti ka cüe anu taga ka na cüe (...), e cuw, e zadanow ta-na poprógu kórbo anu e sow dö s ta garnjása jtúdi dö po tumu plánu ka kumoj ka si sow za njin anu náju e zajéla kuwicica. "Ta prösin T., ne rispundat!" - ka e veduw da da si rispundáwow kuwicican - "Ne rispundat, ka tö ni to práve!" Ma e sow! Anu kö sowa parslá dölu, dö w Loh, ka dtaö dö w Loh, tej ka sa ma jti núter za jte' woh Hlíwu, ka somo stále ta-par Hlíwu - e biw scale ziw rejni det. Alora kö sowá rivála prajte' wödu, kuwicica zawrjuvela, ka nánce (...) tö ka n'e zawrjuvela kuwicica, ma t'e sparelu wse. E rekuw möj det, e rekuw da: "(...) Buh ka t'e sa riválo!" Anu sow jto ka somo meli dan furnás, kühali cuwcinu, e sa wzráti' dölu anu e rekuw: "Jnjan man pocet."
35.	"Strásanje ta-na Kále anu ta-na Puluzíh / Strepiti nella malghe Kal e Pulög"
Nella malga Kal di Uccea la notte si sentivano strepiti: pareva che nella stalla le catene delle mucche cadessero a terra come se qualcuno le avesse slegate e volesse rubarle; nella casera pareva che qualcuno facesse il formaggio. Andavano a vedere ma tutto era a posto. Anche nella malga ta-na Puluzíh, sempre a Uccea, accadeva lo stesso e quando si sentivano questi strepitiperfino il cane andava a nascondersi dietro il focolare. Qui sentivano anche dei passiallesterno oppure ilbattere deglizoccolidi un cavallo. Uscivano a controllare cosa stava accadendo ma tutto era normale (Um, Uf-A, 21.9.1996).
Ta-wne na Kále - ke sawá si právila prit - ka ni su meli kráva jta-wne, ni su cüli tu-w nuce spuscüwa' kráva, ni su bíla wézana kráva s ketine, ko ti odvézes, spáda ketina. Ni so cüli spadüwat dölo ketina anu ni su wstáale videt, da kogá a e, da kíre ni céö krádet, ni céö nastet kej. Nu pa ta-ziz málgu, ko ni so meli ser nu mast ano to-táke: t'e rüdi kluntinálu, t'e rüdi mísalu, ta kotlá, ta bánda, ni su wstáale, ni bílo nicár.
Pa ta-na Puluzíh, Plan di Mangis, pa jta-wne t'e spuscüwalu ketina anu da nu ma sastra sowa wstáale videt, kráva so lazála. T'e spuscüwalu, t'e rükalu práscje anu ni bílu nicár. Sowa
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wstáale: niente. T'e hodilu ta-züna, ni bílu nicár, a pas e bwízow gore za ognisce. S'e cülu kunjá hodet: ni bílu nicár, kunjá pudkova, kunja hudet. Sle ún-züna, ni bílu nicár.
La percezione di attivitá (di solito casearie) svolte nelle malghe da spiriti risulta attestata anche in CIMITAN p. 123, n. 578-580 (in due casi: dannazione per aver imbrogliato nella vendita del latte), e in RPF XVII, pp. 78-80, n. 21, nota p. 144; pp. 84-85, n. 26; le unitá n. 23-25 parlano invece della fuga di chi intende pernottare in una malga perché disturbato o minacciato da spiriti. In ambito veneto cfr. MILANI, p. 371, "Il malgaro" (Segustino - TV).
36.	"To stráse ta-na Kále / Strepiti nella malga Kal"
Nella malga Kal di Uccea sentivano strepiti e rumori dipassi sul tetto durante la notte (Uf).
Il testo e stato pubblicato in DAPIT 1998a, p. 201.
37.	"Parsow dán Buwcán / Il viandante di Plezzo"
In una casa di Uccea, un tempo, si sentivano strepiti, pareva che di notte le mucche nella stalla muggissero e che le loro catene si staccassero. Quando pero andavano a vedere nella stalla, le mucche giacevano pacifiche. Anche alle persone succedeva che durante il sonno le coperte venissero tolte dal letto ma la gente vi era ormai abituata. Un giorno in quella casa si presenta un uomo di Plezzo/Bovec che chiede di essere ospitato. Gli viene offerto un giaciglio per una notte nel fienile con l'avvertimento che si odono strepiti e accadono fatti strani. Il viandante accetta e dalla quella notte non épiu successo niente di simile in quella casa (Um, 20.9.1996).
T'e ostrásilu másimo tu-w Zagráde ta-par nas jtu-w hisu, tu ka man da, na düecento anni fa, mettiamo un'ipotesi, eh, ti nisi moguw spat. E biw koj hliw, ma ta-zorá t'e bílu senu, nu su spáli jüde, ni su spáli tu-w sene, tej ni su spáli prit tu-w sene, anu (...) so bíla láta migu daska, láta tej tu-w (...). Dorante la note so rúkala kráva ta-dole, t'e odwazüwalu, t'e howkalu. Ti si sow dolu, kráva so lazála. Ti ni ti delalu nicár tabe. Dopo koj so spále, ka ni so spále ta-na hlíve, t'e pa riskriwalu, t'e tézalu kúcina, ne da t'e howkalu, t'e koj riskriwalu kúcina nu...: strepidapo t'e delalu, ne. Alora (...) oramai so vedale jti ka so stáli jtu, da kogá e, kogá ni, t'e tékoj bese nicár. Nisu meli stráha ma pa da ni su vedale kogá a e, di májaga gore ti si veduw, kogá e bílu. Alore e bi' parsow dan Buwcan, dan z Búskaga. Alora e bárow za spat míga deda, anzi míga bazawúna deda, da ci an ma za spat, da káku nu tadej bi' rekuw, da go, un an ma za spat ta-na hlíveperó t'e ovizálu sámu: "Durante la notte na stüj sa báat ka to díla strépida, tu rúce o kráva to díla, káko sa di." - (...) e mislew da to ni rísan, t'e koj delalu strépida. "Ah, da ce t'e koj jto, to ni nicár." - "Bon." Drügu nuc, ka un durante il gorno sa wzew nu sow, drügu nuc, ko e parsow, ga ni bílu strépiduw vec: ni kráva rúkala, ni ka t'e kluntinálu níne, níne... pa tézalu kúcin ne vec. Ud jtadej ni nicár vic. Ma koj t'e biw ti zde, vis ti? Tu ma bi biw o Buh o ka t'e biw un divotu za diskolpat ta jüde ka su bíli culpevole.
Un motivo molto simile a quello del viandante che chiede alloggio in una casa dove si odono degli strepiti e attestato anche a Illegio ed e riportato in JOB, p. 546. Qui si racconta che una donna chiede alloggio in una casa dove sente una voce che pone la domanda 'chi veglierá questo morto?'; la donna allora risponde assumendosi questo compito. L'indomani gli strepiti si calmano e viene trovata la bara piena di soldi. In una variante viene trovato il morto d'oro. La nostra unitá successi-va rappresenta una variante di Coritis.
38.	"Gospoden e gaw spat brüzarja tu-w stalo / Il padrone mette a dormire l'arrotino nella stalla"
Un arrotino di Resia (il fratello di chi narra) va in Slovenia e chiede alloggio presso la famiglia di un contadino benestante. Questo gli risponde che nessun viandante é mai riuscito
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a dormiré nella sua fattoria. Larrotino decide di fermarsi ugualmente e va a dormiré nella stalla. Di notte sente dei rumori come se qualcuno mungesse le vacche, trasportasse il letame o muoves-se la paglia. Allora l'uomo si arrabbia perché non riesce a dormire, afferra la forca e inizia a battere sulla paglia finché spezza l'arnese. Da quella notte non è piu accaduto niente e la fami-glia gli è in seguito molto riconoscenteperché è riuscito a liberare il dannato (Kf 7.10.1998).
Alora ë bi' möj brätär, ka ë mwr, anu ë bi' šow ta Bùskë pa un brüzet, në, anu jsa famèâ t'ë bíla na bogáta famèâ, ni so mëli kàrë bèštej': kráva, wolá, konjá, k0kuše, wsë. Bogáte! Alora un bárow za spät: "He, he" - gospodèn ë rëkow - "kë be män te ga' spat, ka tï ka prïdaô jzdë spat, nidän na môrë spät." - ë r ëkow tu-w njagä. "Bè," - ë rëkow - "kë bej män te' jlskät, dëjta ma j^tës!" Ë ga gaw tu-w štálo. Ko t'ë bílo öku na na dänest tu-w nocè, në, t'ë pôcalo dáät ëst kräwän, t'ë pöcalo mlëst kráva, t'ë pöcalo kïdät, t'ë pöcalo slät slámo anu t'ë prháalo po slámo, tu ka ë bi' un z vïwmwe, tu ka ë bi' un. Alora un s'ë ribijow, wzew na drüga v'flä, në, nu ë talïku lüpow jsö, an vë talïku lüpow, to nï mu bwižalo, ma ë rëkow da ë talïko lüpow ma ë talïko lüpow, ka ë rëkow da bi' zlomèw pa v'ilä, fárca di lüpät, ka to bílo ga ribiálo da na môrë spät anu viš tï, da ko ë gaw. Drügi din un wstow, ni so ga bárale anu un ë rëkow da ko ë owbdëlow. Anu báštä, onè ni nïso vëdale pa da ko ni mëô mu da' në, da káko un ë owbdëlow gô, da pomlátew ščë nu... gô. Alora ë šow, ko ë pršow spet, pa jtadèj ni nïso vëdale da kô ni mëô mu dät. Od jtagä tïmpä ka dópo un bi' zmlátew rat, ka bi' zlomèw v'flä, to ni dëlalo vèc, eco, ë biw diskolpow, ma ši në nidän ni môguw spät tu-w jtëj štále, nišči. Ci ë rëkow, da t'ë prháalo po slámo ôku njagä, tadèj njagä t'ë ga ribiálo, wstow nu pôcuw lüpät za grábje, z vïwmwe, ë rëkow da ë lüpow fin ka ë zlomèw vflä, eco, videš.
39.	"To zabïwa ž^bja ta-dö pr crkvè / Qualcuno pianta chiodi vicino alla chiesa"
Un uomo rimane da solo a Coritis dopo il terremoto del 1976 perché non ha altro luogo dove possa abitare. Due parenti vengono in visita ma il pomeriggio, quando se ne vanno, l'uomo sentepiantare dei chiodipresso la chiesa. Crede ci sia ancora qualcuno, pero non vede anima viva. Poi sente cadere dellepietre su un prato ma non vede niente. Sono dei segnaliper spaventarlo e indurlo ad abbandonare il luogo (Kf, 30.1.1999).
Alora so bila dve mi kužma, ka ni so stála ta-dô w vasè ko bi' pršow potrés anu ni so šla gorë na Korïto, bè, ni so šla w planïno, ni so šte vïdë' da káko to ë. Anu, bènk, ni so stála väs din ta-gorë nu ôku na na trï ni so sa špartfla anu ta-gorë ë biw sam môj brâtër, staw jto. Alora ni so tëla tè' j racèt 'pidè pa tï!', pero kë mëšë tèt, ë staw ta-gorë. Alora ni so šla. Ko ni so šla, ka ni so bila apèna nú z BrMnico, ë čow da to zabïwa žrebja ta-dô pr crkvè, ta-dô na Br^žnice. Alora ë rëkow, da jnjän gre vïdët: "Bo pršow B., čun mët kompanïjo." Eh, ko ë došow dôlo, ë vïdow, glédow: ni bílo nina düša. E alora ë šow spet gorë hiši, ko ë došow gorë Mše, ka ë došow tu-w dwôr, so prlácala pënce tu-wnë na ti Mëji nùtër, so spadüwala pënce ma nï ih vïduw, ni bilo nikár, ë čow kôj, da ni spadüwaö. Alora jsô t'ë tëlo da an pidi wkrèj, ka da ma sta' sam ta-gorë. Ë bi' kire ka inšoma, ni nïso tële da an stujï ta-gorë sam. Alora ë staw rüdi sam un ta-gorë, ma, t'ë ga št^šilo, ma kárje ščë. Jsô t'ë racanô.
40.	"T'ë bíla na slába óra / Era una brutta ora"
Rientrando a casa verso la mezzanotte da una veglia funebre a Uccea, tre persone sento-no scuotere dei fusti di ferro vicino al punto dove stanno passando. Si spaventano perché in quel luogo a quellora nonpuoproprio esserci nessuno (Uf-A, 29.1.1998).
Sa na vi da kogá ë bilu, su bila na cèrt óra, somô mëli prajtè' jti krèj anu verso le undici, undici e mezza, mezzanotte. Jtadèj sumô bili šte račèt rožárju ka bila mwârlâ dnâ, na
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hcarïcâ. E racèt rožárju quando era mezzanotte (...) anu sumô šli dô Mše nu t'ë bíla na slába óra, somo šte, somo č&e, da so bandúne, ke ni dilaô ziz bandúne tâ-stran nâs a mezzanotte, du ë dëluw z bandúne a mezzanotte? Somo bili trïji nâs: máte nu dwa brátra nu dâ si bilâ. Môj brátar ë kuj praškočèw ta-strán, šow bô ta-prít.
41.	"Hudïc anu dan donáne / Il diavolo e il dannato"
Il diavolo con l'aiuto di un dannato cerca di catturare un uomo di Uccea che si trova sul monte Chila di ritorno da Prato. Il diavolo comanda al dannato di afferrarlo ma non è possi-bileperché in mano tiene la corona del rosario, è battezzato e aipiediporta i ramponi che sono a forma di croce. Allora si vede un fuoco che va attraverso il bosco (Kf 30.1. 1999).
E alora t'ë biw dan Ujár anu jsi Ujár ë sa špartèw pujutrëh nápret ta-nú w Uči, pero so bíla na dwa métrina snëga, pa trï bo bíla. Na won ë pršow won po Krnïce anu së na Rávanco po špézo anu na ntaër ë dow gorë po Súbice nu won s Čino pënc anu won po Hliwce anu ko ë došow won w Kïlo ga jéla núc anu ga jéla nuc anu tadi t'ë pôčalo ga št^šet. Alora dan bi' ta-pr njamo anu ta drügi ë biw dô s ta gôst, hôwkow, ë gaw da: "Jimï ga za róka!" - "Në, ka an ma korúno!" - "Jimï ga za gláwo!" - "Në, ka an ma krst!" - "Jimï ga za nôga!" - "Në, ka an ma grïfa!" Anu tadèj t'ë rüdi šlo w ognj è dô s ta gozdá. T'ë bi' ta non, t'ë biw ta non. Alora un bi' lïbër anu tadèj si šow spet počáso počáso nu šow nú w Učj0 (...). Ta non, hudïc! Eh, hudïc, ko bèj? Ka dópo t'ë šlo w ognjè dópo dô s ta gozdá (...). So bíla dwa glása (...), bo biw káki amïk, káki kompanj njaga, viš tï, káki donáne, káki donáne ka ë mëw ôku njaga, perché hudïc ë dan, ma ti pur viš ka un tantá, ci mëw kákaga donánaga za njïn šcë, eh, kak donáne gô, në dmgë. Alore hudïc bo bi' hôwkow rtdi-dôlo, da ko ma dëlat anu ti ka biw donan an mëšë owdëla' jtô dëlo ma nï môgow, perché ta drüge ë mëw wsë.
42.	"Ë prasow sowdát ziz mülu / E' passato un soldato con il mulo"
Dei boscaioli di Uccea che dormono in una baracca presso Plezzo sentono di notte il rumore provocato dagli zoccoli di un mulo. L'animale, urtando con il carico la baracca che è stata costruita troppo vicino alla mulattiera, la fa tremare e sveglia tutti (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ë biw môj ocâ ta-gorë w Lávedniku, ta-gorë w Slátniku, tu-w Slátniku, rüdi ta-pod Itáliju jtadèj, man racèt, kwažüwa Tálija, ta-gorë w, a Plezzu, ta-gorë w Buwcè, ni su dëlale ta-wnë w Slátniku, ta-wnë na ni gorë, t'ë m ëlo jïmë Slátnek won z na áma, won ziz nu gôru. Anu gospodèn, con ti racèt pa kiri to ë, ka ë biw j^tës ziz Viróúna, V. ë mëw jïmë (...). Alore ni su bili nárdile, ë bílu káre tih Ucjárskeh - ka cu pa ti racèt da kíre, te ka vin, ma môrân pa mtóat jštës, ti jh ne znaš - alora so bili nárdile baráku ta-na ni wünce, ë bíla muletjérâ, le-ta-wnë su bili valïki combattimenti dal quindice. Alora môj ocâ anu H., eco fès ocâ T. ta-nútre, ka právew jsi O. T'ë spálu wkwop tu-w lódarju, nï bílo brand jtadèj, ti viš sámâ, t'ë spálu wkwop: ë bíla l'una dopo mezzanotte, t'ë čftu ta-nútre won, da gre na mütó, potkôwa won - so bíla muletjèra padrânâ, pëjce, t'ë klontinálu (...), na bèštja ko na gre. Alora môj ocâ ë múcnow z nin tëhtân taga drazagâ, da ci an čüë. Ë rëkuw da: "Mtóe, ke da čüân!" Ma ë bílu šcë jèh, ma ti ni nïso č&e, ma únadvá t'ë čMo apènâ. Alora ko n'ë parëlâ woh baráke, ni su bíli nárdile mása ta-na wünce pot anu dópu bíla na kaškáda nútor, ka ni bílo mëstâ bôj líko jtalïku za sa wgnât. Ko n'ë praš^ won mütó, n'ë jéla z brëmanân tu-w cantún ud baráka, da t'ë stréslu wso baráko: wsè su se zbüdile z pëjzân, bèn bâšt anu kása, ka na bo bíla mëla, tô ka... n'ë mëlâ jte' indavânt anu jtadèj na ë praš^ anu ni so č&i šcë dân tânt won da to cowkliná nu na gre. Tadèj ni so (...) da: "Sta čMe? Da jnjân ë prašow won sowdát, ziz mülu, da jnjân ë šow won!" Jsô mi právew môj ocâ.
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In questa unità traspare il tabù di erigere abitazioni o altre costruzioni più provvisorie su un sentiero. Tale motivo appare più nettamente nell'unità successiva e viene reso esplicito da un'informatrice nel racconto n. 72.
43.	"Sowdat ë bi' walew baraku / Un soldato che demolisce la baracca"
Una baita per boscaioli è stata in parte costruita sulla mulattiera. Una notte un soldato defunto passa con il mulo e demolisce la baracca perché ostacola il passaggio (Uf-A).
Il testo è gia stato pubblicato in DAPIT 1998a, p. 214.
Compagnie di soldati
44.	"Kompanïjâ sowdâdow / Una compagnia di soldati"
A Berdo disopra (Coritis) un uomo la domenica udiva sempre un'intera compagnia di soldati chepregavano il rosario mentre camminavano (Kf, 21.9.1996 - 5.10.1998).
Bènk, si mu prâvila pa njamo, ta-gorë w nâsi Brdë viš, ta-gorë w nâsi Brdë tu ka ë staw M. N., alore rüdi mi prâvew M. jsi, ko ë prhâow w nadëo, ka ë prhâow s krâwmwe ta-dö w ti Gozdë Lâškin na gorë, ë rüdi čow cëlo kompanïjo sowdâdow ta-zdolâ raeèt rožârjo ka ni so šte, nu t'ë bilo ta-gorë w ni gozdïeo, mi somö mëli prajtèt za tèt po wödo: si talïko sa bâala, si talïko sa bâala ka ma oblïwalo, ka jto ni mëô bili wtasâne sowdâdje. Ä si talïko téško hodïla jti krèj. Ma ä si tëla zmrznot ko si doš^ jto, nïsi nânee tëla hodèt jti krèj, ni so bili w tâse sowdâdje, w tâse ni so bile, ka divi mue jh ë wmwrlo tüdi gorë, büžace.
M. di Venčonk t'ë biw ma, t'ë bilo ôpuwdnë mica tu-w noeè, ôpuwdnë ko ë prhâuw w nadëa, ka ë hodèw gnat ka ë prhâuw. Ah, ë gaw, ta-nûtrë, ta-po Majè tä, ta-za Wodo tä, ta-pot Kot tä: cëla kompanïja sowdâdow, ë rëkow da ni so šte nu raklè rožârjo, büžace, ka divi mue jih ë ostâlo ta-gorë. To mi prjâ da so mëli prima linia jtûdi-gorë, tu-w Canïno (...). Ë čow čow, ë čow fès bröca, criwja, da ni gréô ta-s prot, fès čow gö, anu raklè rožârjo, eh gö, büžace.
Le cinque unità di questa sezione rivelano racconti e particolari diversi ma potrebbero forse rappresentare un adattamento dei motivi inerenti all'Esercito furioso o Caccia selvaggia. Tutte le unità rispecchiano comunque la presenza di anime di soldati penitenti, che passano come in pro-cessione oppure come soldati a cavallo, mentre alcune la percezione di un folto gruppo di persone che passa su un sentiero e di una voce che chiede alla donna li seduta di lasciare libero il passaggio.
45.	"Libero passaggio!"
Una donna di Uccea si trova nei pressi del monte Chila e per riposare si siede stendendo le gambe sul sentiero. Sente passare per quel sentiero un folto gruppo di persone e qualcuno dice 'liberopassaggio!'(Um, 21.9.1996).
Mi ë prâvilâ K., ta stârâ, ë bila šla won na Pardûlinë, ta-na Kïlu won na Pardûlinë n'ë bila šla po trâwu. Alora n'ë wbrâlâ anu n'ë parëlâ dö na muletjéro, ka parhâa pur muletjérâ (...), na gre düdu dö h Poču nu tadèj nü po Hliwce nu bon. Alora n'ë pocïlâ jtu nu n'ë sa gâla spat, n'ë pocïla nu n'ë sa natégnula le-tâko nöga ta-zis pot - jsö n'ë prâvila, ni so prâvili ti stâri, K. da kâku t'ë bilu - alora da n'ë č&a da to gre ninkèj da t'ë raklü da: 'Libero passago' anu potégnula köj nöga nâzët anu da n'ë čülâ, na ni vïdala nieâr, ma n'ë č^a da to prahââ, ma da t'ë prahâalu kârë tïmpa, na vin da kogâ.
46.	"Libero passaggio!"
Una donna di Uccea si trova di notte nei pressi del monte Chila e per riposare si siede stendendo le gambe sul sentiero. Sente a lungo il rumore dei chiodi agli scarponi dei soldati e
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dei ferri agli zoccoli dei muli chepassano per quel sentiero. Una voce dice 'libero passaggio' (Uf, 22.31998).
Poslüsitä, da si bíla cülä právet právica gore pod Zormí nása máte. N'e bíla šla A. P. na damúw anu da n'e parélá ún s Kilu, da ko na e paršla won na Bísko K'ilu (...), da bíla nuc (...) ta-na Bíski Kile anu da n'e sédnula dö zdolá anu da n'e gála nöga ta-zis pot anu da n'e cülä suwdáda, prit ko ni so mele bröca anu da n'e cüla müla, ka nu so mela potköva ta-zdolá anu da t'e rakló da 'libero passaggio!'. Anu da ko t'e paršl0 gore h njej, da ona na e mela, ritirála nöga anu da n'e cákala káre timpa prajtet ta suwdáda jtu anu dópo tadej ko ni so šle, tadej ni so wstávile, tadej n'e šla ta-wne na Bíski Kili. E právila jtáku ^ša máte ta-gore pod Zormí.
47.	"Kavalarijá ta-na Kile / Soldati a cavallo sul monte Chila"
Una donna di Uccea si trova sul monte Chila e si sta riposando seduta sul muro di una trincea. Distende le gambe e sente passare una compagnia di soldati a cavallo. Una voce le comanda di lasciare libero il passaggio (Uf, 7.10.1998).
Mentre nur mi právila A. P., ta stára A.P., da ona n'e bíla došla won na Kilu, da na vin ce ziz Rézja won, álb0 ziz Učje won za jtet tu-w Rézijo, n'e bíla pučila ta-na ni míru od na trincea, ma n'e bíla pa, káku sa di, zdúgila nöga. N'e č^a prit na jüde, tej nu kavalariju, anu dan e zaporkow anu e rekuw, da na diliberej pot, t'e bílo, inšoma, za prajtet, n'e bíla natégnula nöga.
48.	"Kavalarijá dö po Maje / Soldati a cavallo a Tanamea"
Madre e figlio, ancora bambino, partono da Uccea e, diretti a Pradielis, si trovano prima ancora dell'alba a Tanamea. La madre tiene in mano un lumino che cadendo si spegne. In quel momento sentonopassare un'intera compagnia di soldati a cavallo. Idue si spostanoper lasciarpassare la cavalleria. Questi soldati a cavallo sarebbero stati uccisi in tempo di guerra e le loro anime sono rimaste in quel luogo (Uf, 2.11.1997).
Alora dópu ka da, dópu ka si se öm^ila šce, da si právila mímu múžu, si rakla da káku mle to mi se sucedinalu jtadej anu da káku da si sa báala. E rekuw da: "PošMšej," - e rekuw da - "jta-döle da ma máte sowa bíla šle dölu po Maje, prit núku din...", sumo mele jti pri' núku din, ce ne nisi doháwuw andata e ritorno. Alora t'e bílu prit núku din. Alora sumo mele lumina, tékoj ni so mele tóátóu ún z Rezijo, ta luminčica ka ni maö, ta luminčica, anu smo mele tadej ta-nútre le-no táke ta-nú w kúftéicu anu tadej so díwali núter öe anu puvír anu smo unámjale z jtin. Alore ku un nu njagá máte t'e bílu šlu dö po Maje, jštes jti a Pradielis, t'e melo jtet pri' núku din anu ko t'e parélú jta-dö ka si právila da, e rekuw da - du ba vi káku, ci bi küwnula kan álM káko ji se owdelalo insoma - ji e spáduw lumin ún z rukú anu ji vilatla kúfica, wgwásnula anu na ni bíla kopac nalest a škür jtáku, n'e wnámjala fulminánte, na ni bíla kopác ga nalest. Tu-w jtin e rekuw, da e čuw jtet dö s Palüda, tej ka t'e šlo dölu po gráve, e čuw jte' kavaleriju. Alora da njagá máte - viš ka nima bi biw valek pa un ne - ko njagá máte e ga jéla za róku anu n'e sa wgnüla ún stran póte, dívi kaliku čas t'e č^o, ma na ni tela mu racet, anu t'e sa wgnülu ún stran póte, anu ko e prašlá jta kavalerija, ka na e prašlá dö prad njima, ka na e šla dret, alora n'e spe' wníla fluminánte anu t'e nalezlu kúficu anu t'e wnílu. Dópu ka e paršow din, ka t'e bílu wže a Pradielis, e rekuw: "Cüjti máte," - (ka su ji gále da máte prit, ne máma tékuj jnjan) e rekuw da - "čujte, kan su bíli šle ti kunjöve?" - "Eh," - na e rakla da - '^žac, dívi ke ni su bíli ti böge kunjöve!" Na ni maj raklá koj za ni kunjöve, to su bíli kavalarija, ni bo bi bíle ga bwile ta-döle, salacor bil kak trucu, tempo di guerra anu ni su ostále anu t'e sa č^u.
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b. Visioni e apparizioni di figure umane (visioni in stato di veglia)
49. "Suwdát tu-w trincée / Il soldato nella trincea"
Una donna di Uccea si ritrova da sola in uno stavolo in montagna fra Uccea e Žaga. Appare in una trincea un soldato che lavora continuamente con il badile in mano. Il soldato le mostra sempre la schiena. Una donna di Žaga chiede allora consiglio al prete di Srpenica. Questi le spiega che se il soldato si mostra di fronte bisogna chiamare ancora una persona per prendere coraggio e chiedergli cosa desidera, mentre se mostra la schiena deve lasciarlo in pace perché non rispondera. Dice tuttavia di non preoccuparsi perché é innocuo. Ogni notte dal suono dell'avemaria della sera fino ai rintocchi del mattino il fantasma riappare (Uf, 2.11.1997).
(...) T'e bila me mátara sastra, alora n'e bila káre am'ik zis Buwcáne, bé, n'e bila rüdi túdi dolu pékjat, povera, ko na ni mela kéj, n'e mela hodé' pékjat, na e mela otroká jtáku, ma na ni bila oženjana, n'e se omužila dópo ka na e mela wsa otroká gore. Alora n'e d elala, e bila paršla se na Búškica, ce na ba tela ji delat ta-na Fúmu, ce na ba tela ji delat senu, na ce ji parnastét gore špézu, ka da múžá na ma tu-w tópadále, búwnaga, anu ta-na 2áge na na more püstet živina anu utrúk, da ce na ba mela jtet jto, ka da na ce ji dat wse ščin, ser nu mast nu skütu nu jto-táke. Alore e mela bizünja pa ma tata, ne, anu da na bo spála jtan, k'e bi' hliw, ni su mele no štálicu, ma no májicu, taliku za stat ta-zorá, ka tadéj ni su meli narédit kopu, peró su bila trincéa pa jto fuoriper fuori jtúdi won, so trincéa. Alora pa ma tata n' e mela máju dno ti májeh, ma na vin da kiru, tu bo bi bila E., na vin da, dal trentanove... Alora n'e rakla da: "Viš koj," - n'e rakla da - "viš koj," - n'e rakla - "glédi mi to máju, na e šcale mája, ka" - na e rakla da - "da hodin na delu, ko ti na moreš jti na delu tu ka (...)". An ni hodé' na delu un, ka e biw tisico. Na se wzéla anu šla. Anu bilo žvečara anu si snitila ogonj anu t'e mela si narédit to za est ka e ji parnasla gore Búškicá, na e rakla, da e stála polédnot tu-w trincéo (...) dur trincéa ta, ne muc daleč, nánca cento metri ne, e biw dan suwdát ún trincée, e nabašüwuw materjál ta-na lopátu, ma e biw z hartan tu-w nju, ne ž vištu, ma t'e bi' dan suwdát, monagoteh, cénce güpa, koj srákicu anu bragésa, anu e rüde deluw, rüdi njagá delu. Certu pa ona e sa báala, šce sáma, jtu e izolánu, ni bilo nina düša tu-w ninin kréju, ni bo bili ti drüzi jtódi won, su bili šce hliwúw, ma kaliku dalec? He! Ben bon. Drügi din, ka e paršla Búškica gore ke n'e ji parnaslá spet wsákaga nu máju gore za est, na e raklá da: "Ma ža^ bogawa," - na e raklá da - "ce bo jso-táke delaw in continuo..." - na e raklá da na bo stála sáma, na e rakla, da to pasáwa jtáku nu jtáku. "Orpu," - na e rakla - "Dio buono" - na e rakla - "to ba telo mi dišplažát, mášima maš dujtét gore w Ucjó, tu ti ce no óro prajtét anu drügi din spet dolu nu káku maš pragnat?" - "He," - na e rakla da - "pa jzde sáma." - na e rakla da - "Ma," - na e rakla - "ci tu bo melu bét za, be go, za ga diskolpat taga cloveka bon anu ce ne!" - na e rakla. "Ben," - na e rakla da - "(...) gren do na Zágu," - na e rakla da - "gren do na Sarpanicu," - na e raklá - "grin bárat era, da ci more ga diskolpat za ga na videt." Bon e šla (...). Alora e šla anu drügi din n'e paršla gore. Alora n'e rakla da: "Káku ste kumbinála?" Na e rakla: "PušKšej," - na e rakla da - "tu ka an dila, da kiri kréj a e obrácan, a e ziž vištu áleboj an e s hartan?" Da e rekuw eru ta-dole, da na nahéj, ka da ji na dila nicár, da na na stuj sa preokupáwat. Ci a e ziž vištu, da na si wzomé šce dnoga za korágu, za met korágu anu da na ga báraj da kogá an ce; piró ci an e zis hartan ne, ka na na stuj ga bárat, ka da a ji na rišpundáwá. Pero da na na stuj sa prokupáwat, ka da na ji na dila nicár. "Eh," - n'e raklá - "t'e na basida racét: to mi na dila nicár!" - na e rakla - "Tu ni to za mi na dela' nicár," - na e rakla da - "t'e jto ka to mla mi naréa priši^n mle sta' sáma!" Alora da na vi káku, ka tadéj na ni mela, da na e rakla da žvecara, da na zadiwij dúre, pero da na nahéj rüdi ogonj,
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da na rüdi ticej ka n'e mela därwä, da na rüdi ticej za met ogonj, za met unpo'dipiu coragiu. N'e stäla köj tri dni n'e sla, n'e rakla, da ni tela sta' vec. Notteper notte: ko e zwonila vimarija, dopo ka n'e zwonila avemarija därdu pujütrih, ko e zwonila avemarija, celo nuc därdu pujütrih, ko e zwonila avemarija ta zde w Ucji, ka to s'e cülu, ka s'e cülu zwöne, alora an e mäncuw, e ga ni bilu vec, anu zvecara dopo ka e zwonila avemarija e spet...
50. "Dan mus oblacen suwdät / L'uomo vestito da soldato"
Degli ucceani lavorano in montagna e una ragazza, che all'alba trasporta da sola l'ac-quaper gli operai, vede camminare davanti a se un uomo vestito da soldato. In quella zona ci sono trincee e si trovano anche ossa umane. Chiama l'uomo credendo sia uno della compa-gnia ma non le risponde e continua a camminare senza girarsi. Una volta raggiunti gli altri le viene riferito che non si tratta della persona che lei immaginava e quindipensa di aver visto un fantasma. Da allora nessuno vuole piu rimanere per ultimo da solo (Uf-A, 2.11.1997).
Pa sumö delali le a Plezzo mi, tu-wne a Slätnek, ka sumö bile, a Plezzo won n'e na göra, sa stuji tre ore za vilest won. Alore sumö bila zanä, zanä: da si bila quindici anni, figürati, ka to ni wcera, a si mela quindici ani, ka tu-wne, ko e mew bet un brutto tempo alora t'e zvizgalo, t'e zvizgalo di notte, zvecara, sotto sera t'e wpilu, t'e zvizgalu, condipiu da si bila pa ga vidala naga suwdäda. Eh si, pero da nisi si nakwärginala, da e una persona morta, per niente. T'e bilu ka sumö mele vilest won na no göro, tekoj jzde un na Bargin, za delat, anu sumö wstäle pujütreh alle tre, vis alle tre pujütreh, cara mia, altri che nuc, anu sumö meli noset wödu za wsa, smö bila dodici di noi, smö meli no dimigänicu di venti litri. Alora ta ka e mela naste' wödu, alora jta e cäkala din ta-nu par baräke anu ta drüga so sla ta-prit, tadej ka n'e dusla n'e dusla, wsäki din e wstäla dna, smö meli a türno a türno. Un giorno t'e ma tocinalo pa mla za naste' won wödu. Onä so sla pojütreh nu ko bila älba, si si nalila wödu ka smö meli mläku anu tadej si zadanüla nu si sla. Pero jtodi won ka sumö meli jtet, t'e bilu wse punciko trincej, tu ka su sa bili del quindici nu won nu won nu won -perd sumö naläzale pa gläva, smo naläzale köste tu-w trincea per dir la verita, pur da na bo tazilu tamu ka romonin ka, Dio, ni nisu bili gäwge pa one,poveri. Alora ko da si parsla un tänt won tekoj od jzde le-ta-won, won ka e mulitjera, ne, ka si pucila, da si vidala naga muza prad mlu, ma si ga vidala tu-w härbät, e sow prad mlu tekoj jzde un na dwör, e sow prad mlu. Ma sikome e biw oblacen suwdät, möj kunjät e biw rüdi oblacen suwdät, rüdi to suwdäske ko e biw ta-na delej, anu si kapew da t'e wun, ma mica pinsät - cosa vuoi, quindici ane, cosa vuoi da pinsej tadej, da kogä to e. Maj pinsa' da da, ko bi' din nu wse, e sow prad mlu anu e si komadäw bragesa le-jtäku, tekoj da an bese sow na swöj bizonj, si komadäw, biw munagöteh, köj sräkicu nu bragesa, wse tö suwdäske (...), e biwprecis tekuj möj kunjät. Si sce zawpila za njin, si rakla: "Ti ba ma na cäkuw!?" Ma e rüdi sow indavant, pird t'e bilu za jtet won anu tadej t'e bilu za jtet le-jtäku ta-za dan drügi brih na nuter nu mäju na nutor za dujtet u h njen. Alore (...) da e wstow ta-zät, da si sow na swöj bizonj, ma t'e bilo mäsa pözde za jte' na swöj bizonj, da one ni na besaö wze dusle gore wze kadä won na delu. A ni mi daw rispösta, ni ka sa obrätew ni nicär, alora a si sla dret da, ne. Ko da si parsla woh kompanije, da si bärala jtu dno, be gö, ti näse, so bila wsa ta näsa, si rakla: "Du ba bi' ostow nas ta-zat?" Na e rakla da: "Nisci, zakoj?" A si raklä da, bi' mew jime da M. möj kunjät, ma jtadej nismö bili sce kunjäde dacordu di no, si mela petnist lit da, si rakla da: "Ni biw ostow M. taza nas?" - "Gö, ko" - na e rakla - "M. e sow mäjo di sama!" - na e rakla da (...) - "Ko si vidala?" - "Ma," - si rakla - "nicär!" - "Da to na möri bet!" - n'e rakla. "Be," - si rakla da - "e sow dan prad mlu, tekoj M." - si rakla - "oblacen suwdät" - si rakla - "an bo bi' sow na swöj
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bizonj anu" - si raklâ - "si obláciw bragésa..." - "Kë?" - n'ë raklâ - "Ma da kë?" - "Bè," - si raklâ - "le-sa-dö^ w ti trincéâh." (...) Nïsu tële stat vèc po dno ta-zát, ni su sa báala,pero dâ nïsi sa báala, Dio, pur nïsi mu owbdëlala pur nicár.
51. "Ta-pot pótju ë síduw dân suwdát / Il soldato seduto"
Tre persone di Uccea si trovano sulla strada di ritorno da Pradielis dove hanno venduto dei vitelli. Fra esse cè anche una giovane che vede, non lontano dal sentiero, un soldato seduto, come stesse riposando, con la testa china fra le mani senza lasciar intravedere il viso. Un attimo più tardi la ragazza guarda di nuovo in quel punto ma non vede più il soldato. Si spaventa e quella notte non riesce a prendere sonno. Fa parte della compagnia anche il nonno a cui riferisce di averprovato molta paura. Questi risponde facendole capire che sa tutto e che questo le servirá da lezione. Al nonno erano già successi fatti del genere e se usciva di notte, portava sempre con sé il cane, animale chepercepisce talipresenze (Uf-A, 2.11.1997).
Anu pa nur le-sa-dö^ za jtèt. Pero jtadèj, tadèj si mëla una tema, ma në jtadèj ka dâ nïsi vëdala, da kogá to sa tratá. T'ë bílo in primavera, alore sumö mëli wbwèt no talá, alore mï smö nosïli a Pradielis prodât, ka za prït di Tarcento gorë z wöze, jtadèj certo póti ni bílo, scüsimi, eh, si mëlâ un sedici, dicisete ani. Alore möj dët ë wbwèw talá tu-wnë w planïne anu ë nabásuw wos kórbu, su mëli, díwale na prílica, le-táko won, dölo nu won, anu tadèj ni so nabásale ziz nogáme won, da to ti nasë böj visokö, da tö ti líwci nasè. Anu sumö mëli nastè' a Pradielis, sumö mëli prodâ' taléta anu tadèj sumö mëli küpit tö ka sumö mëli ëst. Alore so parëlè tï zis Tarcéta, kontratále, su dále j^tës tö ka su tële unè, d'acordu, anu bi' ščë da' sïn ta-par Mmâ, ka ë mëw pa un talá sam, un ë mëw dvi lëte vèc núku dâ, un ë mëw sui diciotu, dicinove ani. Alore parëlè nu prödale taléta nu wzéle röwbu, migi nu stat jtu: nabásale, se wzéle nu šte. Eh, ko mï sumö došte ún na Mëu (...) tunel jnjân, jtu-wnë ë bíla na barâkâ, ë stála na žaM, ka n'ë dëlala Kgâ, ka ni so wžë dëlale gorë po Majè, ni so naréale wžë cëstu. Alore ë rëkuw tu-w jso žano, ë rëkuw da: "Ti maš nan sküha' jit ka sumö lácne!" - ë rëkuw möj dët. "Gö, gö," - n'ë raklâ -"bè, zakój da në!?" Šla tâ nu n'ë gála gorë nu n'ë sMhalâ jit, n'ë mëla špotert, ë skühala nân jit nu nan dála sër nu sumö ëdle. Eh, certo, ë bíla nuc anu nïsumo parëlè pu mulitjére, sumö bíle parëlè po binárihu, ka ni su bíli nárdile wžë binárih, ka su wudïli dârwâ. Alore ë raklâ, ë rëkuw möj dët tu-w nju, ë rëkuw da: "Ti si nan dála ëst, ma jnjân mëšëš nas gála pa spat!" -"Pö," - na raklá - "man pa za wâs ga' spat!" Ko si vëdala dâ, da kë ma nas gat spat anu jti nâzët! Prit núku mëšëmö parëlè ún na Mëu, në, sikome ka t'ë bílu il mese di aprile, ë biw šca^ marakë kak blakèc snëgâ anu (...) su pocïwale, ka su parháale gorë zis Palüda, ka sumö parháale ta-dö^ gorë po Plánu, su bíla pucuwálca, sa ználu tej su pucïwale. Alora möj dët ë biw ta-prít nu dâ si bíla tu-w sríde anu jsi sïn ë biw ta-za mlu, básan eh, d'acordu, (...) bi stála polédnut gorë, jtu ka sumö mëli pocèt, ta-pot pótju ë bi' dan garnjaš šcaK ot snëgâ, ë síduw dân suwdát, síduw monagötëh, klabük ë mëw ta-na ni kulëne anu ë si dârâuw gláwu le-jtáku. Tadí si si pomïslilâ ka su bíle alpine tâ-gorë w Buwcè, pa ti Mše, në, si mïslila: 'le, poveru, bo bi bi' tmdân, ë šow fès ta-pot pot pucèt'. Ë pocïwuw anu, pur din, ma a nïsi ga vïdala tu-w vištu, köj ka ë dârâuw pargnüto gláwu, ka si dârâuw jtáku gláwu. Ko somo parëlè gorë na (...) nïsi moglá glédat suwdáda, a si glédala dö na pot dópu, d'acordi di no, ko mëšëmö parëlè gorë ka mï somo pocïle, ga ni bílu suwdádâ tu-w nínin krèju. Si raklâ tu-w míga dëda, si raklâ: "Kan bi' šow ta suwdát?" Alora ë rëkuw un da: "Kë si ga vïdalâ suwdáda tï?" - "Bè," - si raklâ - "lejt-jtu pot pótju na ti garnj^šu." - ščë pokázala z rokó - "lejt-jtu pot pótju na ti garnj^šu." Jtadèj sùncë ë š^ za göru ta-z urhá. Alora a ni bi' daw rišpöšta dët, nï mi daw rišpöšta, un ë wžë vëduw zatö ka un ë cuw ščë cas, ka ë hodèw di notte tempo, ka t'ë mu propi bránilu pa
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pâsu i primi anni dopo della guerra, t'ë mu bránilu ko ë biw tékoj po Majè, ka si wudèw pâsa za njïn. Ko pâs ë sa obrátew, ka ë šow ta-prit, ka ë sa obrátew Mzët k'ë šow ta-za njïn, ë pa vëduw, da njân an vïdi kèj pâs, ka pâs vïde. A nï mi daw rišpôšta. Dópo ka somô mëli jtèt, ka somô bíli parëlè ún na Mëu, ka smo bíli ëdle nu wsë, ka sumô mëli jtèt, ë nas paála spat jtu dô stran ka so ta hiša, ka su ta brájda, ka jnjân ë ta seguvijâ, ni su bíli nárdili won za sa pùzët, jtu ë bûâ na hïšâ, prit su bíla štála, su bíla hlíwje. Jta-dôlë ë nas paála, ë bílu sënu, t'ë bílu tu-w vïlažej, bílu gôrku, inšome jta-dôlu: tüta la note dâ nïsi wsanulâ, tüta na note dâ nïsi bíla wsanulâ! (...) Zajtô ka t'ë mi parjálo rude to odíwa dúre, rudi da gre kèj nútor. Inšoma si sa báala, bíla na rič, nïsi bíla kopác wsanot. Drngi din pojutrëh si raklâ: "Cë bèt la prima e la ultima volta!" Certo, sa nï mëlo luče, sa nï mëlo lampadín jtadèj, ti si mëw šcugni sta' tu t'ë zajéla nue anu nue ë bûâ anu dô po binárihu jtèt: negozi jt è' dô w duw anu šeë básane, nïsamo muglè dojtè' dô w hïše, ma ei bëšemô šlè drët čénča čákat da nan skuhej, ma môj dët ë rádë jíduw, tadèj tëšë tèt čènča ëst? Alora si raklâ drugi din, si raklâ: "Dët, to eë bi' la prima e la ultima volta ka vï (...) wstávi' dô na Majè za spât!" - "Zakój bèj?" - "Zatô ka dâ cïstu nuč dâ si sa báala, t'ë bíla na rič, t'ë mi parjálu rudi tu udíwa dúre." Ë rëkuw, da: "Ti ee sa nauče', da káko se právi da kë ë suwdát!"
52.	"Dân valïki valïki dët / Un uomo grande grande"
A Uccea madre e figlio piccolo vanno una sera in cantina a prendere le patate. Il bambino vede un grande uomo vicino a un albero. La madre per evitare dipassare H vicino decide di entrare prima nella stalla. Quando ne escono l'uomo non cè più. La madre sa che si tratta di fantasmi, ma non vuole rivelarlo al figlio per non intimorirlo (Um-A, 20.9.1996).
Nur somô bíli tu-w Zagráde, (...) tadèj da mamô jtè dôlu po krampír, dô w eánibicu (...) nu somô rudi (...) dworë njèh dô ziš štig^, dópu dô w hliw, dô s hlíwa so bíla na druga štfg^ ka somo mëli dojtèt dô w eánibicu tu ka sumô mëli mlíku nu krampír nu wsë .^o^kë. Infra questo tempo somô bíli tu ka ë vi^žaw won gnuj, somô tunkali gnuj skúza ámu w kop, ë bíla na valïka hruška le-nâ tákâ anu n'ë mëla dwa (...) za hruška ko^č. Alora na ë raklá da: "Man jti dô po krampír, da pidè, kompanjè ma!" - ma máte. Eh, ee t'ë máte t'ë máte, anzi. Kô somô parëlè dô w štig^ ta-prád dúre dô w ta štfglaca jtu, ta pârva (...) tu-w štálo, dâ si vïdow naga dëdâ ta-dô par hruške, ka dâ si sa dârâuw rude za mátur, si bi' máje, alore si vïdow jsagâ dëdâ anu máte tadèj na ë evitála, ka n'ë vïdala, n'ë evitála, n'ë šla tu-w hliw; dâ si rëkuw: "Ka bej rétë, máte?" - somô gále da 'vï' mátare, genitôrjan - "Da kë bej rétë, máte?" - "Ah, man tè' vïdët (...) kráva." Šla tâ nu na vïde kalïku tïmpâ na mâ stat za, káku sa di, anu ogála dúre (...) koj nu májo lïstja (...) nu vilëzla won, zagála dúre anu. Ko sowa š^ dô ta druga štig^ za jte' dô jsëj hruške, eh, ni bílu dëda vèe, ë bi šow. Anu somo wzéli ta druga štíglacâ, somo šte won w eánibicu, wzéla krampiír nu šla won. Ko sowa parëlè won, tadèj n'ë raklâ da: "Kôj si vïduw T. ta-dôlu pud tïmplinân," - somo gále - "ta-dô pud tïmplinân?" Alore si rëkuw: "Dan valïki, valïki dët tu-wnë w ko^č ut črišnja!" - ma t'ë bílu pasa düe metri za jtèt ún ko^č. "Ah, da si ga vïduw pa tï?" - "Gô, si ga vïduw. Bè, kan ë šow?" - "Ah, da bo vëduw un." Ka tadèj na nï tëla raeèt, da to so bíli špmtave, za sa na šMšet.
La storia contenuta nell'unità successiva si riferisce alle stesse due persone di questo raccon-to ma viene narrata da una loro parente. Le unità presentano infatti situazioni simili.
53.	"Dân valïki valïki dët / Un uomo grande grande"
A Uccea un ragazzo sente che la madre sta parlando ma non vede nessun interlocutore. Le chiede allora con chi stiaparlando. La donna glielo spiega e dice che se lo desiderapotrà vedere di persona di cosa si tratta. Una volta càpita allora che la madre inizi a parlare e
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prenda per mano il figlio che in questo modo vede un uomo di dimensioni fuori dal normale. Si spaventa e non vuole più saperne. Le persone che possiedono determinate proprietà vedo-no le cose normalmente, mentre gli altri che stanno accanto a queste le vedono alterate (Uf, 7.10.1998).
Möj ocâ ë mi právew, da un nur ë biw ji rëkuw, bi' báruw njagâ mátor, da zis kírin na rumunï. Alora onâ n'ë raklâ da s kírimi na rumunï anu da la prossima volta ci an cë, onâ na cë mu pokázât. Alora t'ë bílu nur ka t'ë bílu ta-dö^ put, ta-gorë w Zagráde, t'ë bílu ta-dö prat cánibicu, ka dâ vin, sa rikordán benissimo da káko t'e bílu náret. Alora n'ë se wstávitó, n'ë pöca^ romonèt anu n'ë ga jélâ za róku: il contatto ka onâ n'ë nárditó, ë vïduw pa un, köj ka un ë rëkuw da un, da ë biw se talïku wšt^šew nu bi' se talïku wšt^šew che da quella volta nï tëw vèc assolutamente, perché un bi' vïdew naga valïkaga valïkagâ dëdâ. Perché, alora jtu funcjoná, ka ci dâ rumunïn, a vïdin nu parsúnu normál, mentre dân drüge, ka nïma le stesse - káku sa di - proprietà za vïdët, an vïde le cose molto alterate.
54.	"Si vïdalâ míga téstâ ta-dö s tarínja I Il suocero defunto appare sul prato"
Una donna vede in stato di veglia il suocero defunto sul prato (Uf-A, 7.10.1998).
Nur invessit a si bíla dö s cámpa, ka si dëlalâ, eco, jtagâ vijáčâ dâ si bíla vïdala míga téstâ,perchéspesso e volentieri t'ë mi parjálu da nïsi mèj sámâ, nïsi mèj sámâ, nïsi mèj sámâ: a si sa obrátilâ anu si ga vïdalâ míga téstâ ta-dö w cámpo, ta-dö s tarínja.
55.	"Na žanâ ka na gre na dölu po póti / Una donna che cammina per la strada"
Una sera una donna dopo aver munto le vacche lava il secchio e lapezza in un ruscello. Allora vede passare sulla strada la zia, ancora viva, che cammina tenendo la testa girata. Parendole un fatto strano va a casa e chiede se la zia fosse per caso passata di li, nessuno pero l'ha vista (Uf-A, 22.3.1998).
PošKšej njân, man ti právit šcë dno njân. Alore sumö bíli gorë par Támoru mï, anu ta-gorë par Támoru dâ, žvëčarâ si š^ dölu w duw mwèt bándu anu bülu, ka si cídila mlíku, në, anu si wmwèt nöga, nu ko si parëlâ dö w (...) si mwïla nöga nu si mwïla bándo nu si navijála gláwu tej gorë po póte, në; dâ si vïdalâ no žano ka na gre na dölu po póti zis kórbu anu dârâala nu máju na krèj gláwu. "Bèn kíra ma bèt jta?" - si mïslilâ. Si spet dópu navijála gláwu, ma bö dópu ni bílu nicár. Ko si parélá gorë h Mše, gorë h ^šen, si raklâ da: "Ë bíla tatá Vergínija praš^ jti krèj?" Da: "Në." Dâ si raklâ da: "Gö, vëdita da tatá Vergínija si dâ o vïdalâ, ta-dö w (...) ka si si mïwala nöga, da si navijála gláwu gorë po póte anu tadèj da onâ n'ë praš^ gorë po póte ka n'ë mëla kórbu, ka n'ë dâ^ala rüdi no májico na krèj gláwu." - sa riko^š tï tatá Varginija, ka ë dârâala nu májicu na krèj gláwu? Ni so raklè da në. Jtáko ta-gorë par Támoru se mi sucëdinalu bílu mlë.
56.	"Ta žara ka ni dáa^ mwèj nikár / La donna che non ha mai offerto niente"
Quanto si dà in questo mondo, lo si ritrova nell'aldilà. Una donna che in vita non ha voluto mai offrire niente è stata vista, dopo la morte, vagare con il sacco in mano a chiedere la carità (Kf, 5.10.1998).
Ci ti daš kèj jnjän, kar ti si žïw, tamo ka ti ce nu tö ka ti ce, ti nalážäš wsë ta-krèj na tä, ci ti daš, ti ce më' kèj na tä, ci ti na däš nikár, ti mmaš nikár. Ti racën, M. žaM ka ni dáató mwèj nikár, mwèj nikár, mwèj nikár, pa ta mrzla wodá në, ko n'ë wmworlä ni so o vïdale, ka na ë š^ prosèt. N'ë mëla wrëcë tu-w péste nu š^ prosèt. Ti mörëš dät tö ka ti ce, ka ko si na tä, ti mäš ta-krèj na tä.
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57.	"Štiri máskira ni so plésala / Quattro maschere che ballavano"
A Uccea in una notte d'inverno al chiaro di luna, un uomo, mentre si reca al ballo, vede che sulla neve stanno ballando quattro ragazze con il costume di carnevale. Si avvicina per afferrarne una ma scompaiono (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ah, jtân ka t'ë plésalo, (...) bi' dân dët k'ë mëw jïmë da T., ë wmwâr ka ë mëw novantadüe anni, dâ ga znan, no, novant'anne, ë staw ta-nútre pod must ta-nútre w Uči, ta-zdolá ka so ta Ima. Alora, ma bi' süh muš, ma to biw dân dët! (...). Alora da ë šow tâ pa un dópu pu cene plésat, le-jti tu-w ka ma D. baráku, e jtü t'ë plésalu, ta-wnë ka ë sariwnek par latarïje, ta-wnë par latarïje, ka dilamo fještu za Santantúneh, tân k'ë sariwnek, baârc ditë vï (...). T'ë bilu ta-zïme, ë bi' snih, anu lëpo grëlâ Mnâ; ë paršow ta-par Mše së, da ma jtè' tâ, jtu-par sariwniku ta-wnë zorá ë koj tarènj, bè, ta-wnë štiri máškera so plésala - viš kogá t'ë máškerâ, ni so sa naréala s timi tráki, ta Mëre - štire ni so plésala jta-wnë anu un jnjân, da ma jtè' won, viš mlat, woh hčaran, so máškera. Eh, ë rëkow da ko ë došow won, da ma jet dno, da su šparela wsa štire, wsa štire da su šparela. Go, jso, jso ni so právili anu dâ ču... ni so pa mi pokázale, da kë ni su plésala. (...) Ta-na snëgo ni so plésala.
58.	"So bila dvi máskere ka t'ë plesalo / Due maschere che ballavano"
Due uomini di Uccea escono di notte al chiaro di luna e camminano sulla neve ghiaccia-ta suonando la citira (violino) e il bas (viloncello). Vedono due maschere che ballano. Si spaventano e scappano. Uno dei due addirittura abbandona sulposto il violoncello e vi ritorna a prenderlo il giorno seguente (Um, 21.9.1996).
Anu ti maš bára' le-tan T. ta-w M., nji wûjâ. T'ë bilo un anu dân drüge. Alora t'ë bilu šlu tu-w n^è, jtáku mládu t'ë bilu, ma në mládu utrucè. Ta drügi citirow s cïtiru, G. ë mëw jïmë (...), ta-wnë w Zagráde, da to ma jtè' gorë po ti Bârdë, gorë par Vargiličo, ta-wnë na ti Bârdë, ka staw pa Marcël Simún Wurdiján (...). Alore prit núku prït (...) ta-gorë ë dân gost, ka gost ë fès ta-nad latarïjo won, ta-nat carkvjó won, jta-wnë zorá. Jštës bi' snih, ma bi' srinj, anu grëla lûnâ. Se špartilu tu-w Zagrâdë par njëj anu t'ë šlu gorë citirálu... Ko to došW ta-gorë, so bila dvi máškere, ka t'ë plésalo. T'ë sa bilu wšt^šilu: tï s cïtiru bi' nësuw cïtiru, t'ë sa obrátilu Mzët. Te drüge, T. ë biw pústew, spústiw bâs, búnkalicu anu šow do po srinju nu drügi din t'ë šlu vïdët, da kë an ë. Jso t'ë právilu. Anu ti jtân a morë račèt, ka ë ščaK žïw. Tadèj, če t'ë zlâgalu únadwá, ^ën pa dâ. Ninkinúr ni so vïdale.
59.	"Na cârna bábá / Una donna in nero"
Un uomo di Uccea vede sempre una donna vestita di nero camminare davanti a sé quando la sera va a trovare la fidanzata. Lo accompagna sia all'andata che al ritorno. L'uomo racconta il fatto alprete il quale lo rassicura che non la vedràpiù (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ë biw E., mi sastrá A. muš (...), alora ë parháuw w vâs tu-w Bôrcë ta-h nân, ta-h ti stári carkvè jtu A. - jso ë nan právew vèč čas ún po Tamže tu-w guzdâh. Alora ë parháuw tu-w n^è jtân së, si capisce, oku le nove, le dieci, e bon, ë rëkuw da ko ë parháuw tu par latarïje, ke dilamo fjëstu jtu tâ, da bila rüdi na bábâ ta-prit prad njïn, wézanâ, na čârna bába, n'ë mëla na bila h^ča anu wézana na dolu, tej ta stára bába ka so sa wažüwala prit, anu un šow za o dujtèt ma onâ n'ë bila rüde boj indavânt anu da ë šow nu da niente da fare, nï biw kopác ga dujtèt, dúdu ta-h carkvè, jtân da ni bilu vèč, špare^, woh A., woh mi sestrë. Bè, t'ë stálu jtu nu t'ë stálu nu ë gléduw un won na óra, da muč so or, bo bila dnâ, na bo bila puwnoče, ma oná na bo bila čákala da an čë jtèt, bè ë vëduw: "Bè, da E., da tacè, da lé, muč so or, man tèt pa dâ spat!" PošKšej, ni tëw nawádet, mtóuw nu šow. Ko ë došow ntaër nú
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h cerkvè n'ë bíla ta-prít, spet ga kompanjála ta-h h'iše, na dwákrat trïkrat jtáku, dópo bi' ji rëkuw nur, ka bi' sa wšt^šew, bi' ji rëkuw, da un an na gre, da an cë cákat din jzdë, cë sta' sam nu da tacè spat ke da un an na gre. Ë ji nawádew da káku. Tadèj ë rëkuw, da ë bi' rëkuw don V., da káku tu ë, ëru, mu kuntow fât. Tadèj ë rëkuw ëru da: "Tacè anu da hodè, ka da ti boš vïduw da ti na boš vïduw vèc!" Anu dópu ni bílu vèc, ë rëkuw da ni bi' ga vïduw vèc. Jsô ë nan právew un, môj kunját ë právew.
60.	"Dân dët ka hode ta-prít / Un uomo che cammina davanti"
Icani sentono lapresenza degli spiriti e i vecchiportavano sempre con sé il cane quando andavano da qualcheparte. Un uomo (ilpadre del narratore) la mattinapresto sulla strada da Ucceaper Sella Carnizza, vicino a Máli Kuk, vede davanti a sé un uomo che sta camminando. Cerca di raggiungerloperfare la strada in compagnia, ma vede che l'uomo si allontana sempre di più ad una velocità troppo elevata per un essere umano. Cerca ancora di raggiungerlo ma non lo vedepiù (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ta p ârvi ka vïde ë pâs. Ti stári ni su wudïli pâsa ko ni su hudïli kân (...). Pâs tu-w nucè, ko ti hôde nú mi nogáme, jtadèj an vïde, almanco so gále ti stáre; mlë to ni maj mi kapitálu. Ma ti stári ni su právile, ku pâs an hôdi nú mi nugáme, da an vïde anu t'ë pâs ka vïde; ni su gále ti stáre, da an vïdi prit líkuj dân drûge. Môj ocâ, nur, bi' šow damúw, ún Rézijo anu ta-gorë na Cârcu, tu-w Ucjí gorë, za prït gorë pod Máli Kuk. Ë šow pujûtrëh apènâ nápret zwMâ, pôpowdnë ce ni so mëli tèt ščë damúw nu bi' snih nu to^kë (...), so hudïli zwúda za dojtèt nápre' won, ka tu-w kumûnë, su bíli pa ti drüzji tu-w kumüne, ma mï sumô bíli dalëc (...), trïste nu šëjst kilometruw ta-nú w Ucí ún Rézijo nu prït ^zët. Alore ë vïduw ^gâ dëdâ ta-prít, ta-gorë na ni wûnce, da sa zavèw ta-za wüncu. Alore ë (...) pâs za ga dujtèt, za mët kumpanïju. Ë došow jta-gorë, t'ë bílu drët, ë glédow (...): to na môrë bèt, k'ë wžë došow gorë za to drûgo kûrvo. Ë šow, ë rëkow - jsô ë pravèw môj ocâ anu ë nï lâguw, jsô posso credere - ë šow un, ma šow, ma dëda dópu nï bílu vèc.
61.	"D ân uštir ka ë kráduw dúdu rat / L'oste imbroglione"
Un oste che durante la vita ha sempre imbrogliato muore e subito dopo il funerale lo trovano in piedi sulla botte del vino in cantina. Chiamano un prete ma l'oste dice che questo prete ha la camicia più nera di lui. Chiamano allora un prete più giovane di Moggio a cui l'oste chiede di essere scongiurato sul Canin perché sul monte Amariana ci sono già talmente tanti dannati che non si puo nemmeno infilzare uno spillo. Viene infine scongiurato sul Canin (Um, 21.9.1996).
Alora bi' dân ta-wnë w Rézije, ni su právile ka biw mwâr. Alora ni su mële ga škongurat ka bi' paršow ^zët, anze, jnjân cu ti racèt da kë, poš^šej, tu-wnë par M. ë biw mwâr, ë mëw ušteriju, a ma bi bi' krádew dúdu rat, ál^j dúbej vi da káku, alora ni su nárdile funerál anu ni su šte. Nárdile funerál, ni su parëlè ^zët dôlu fra i parente dô w ušteriju wsi le-táko. Alore dân, sïn ál^j hcï, ni su šte dô w kantïnu, da ni céô popèt dan litru vïnâ in compania: bi' ta-na karatélu ko^ški ta-s karatèl, nu ni nïsu moglè vigát ún vïna. Si cûla pa tï? Alora ni su šte won: "Bè, da kë mâ vïnu?" - "Da ë ta-dôlë, ta-s karatèw ko^ške!" Jïska' ërâ. Paršow dôlu ëru, šow dô w kantïnu, da (...) škongurat; ë rëkuw ti ta-na karatélu, ë rëkuw da: "Tï ti na vaMš, da tï ti maš te' wkrèj, ka da ti maš bô cârnu srákicu tï líku dâ!" -tu-w ërâ, (...) dobrô ëru ma niente da fare, tadèj ë staw ta-na karatélu. Tadèj da ni su šte dô w Múžâc, pu nága mtëdagâ da ë paršow gorë. Tadèj da mu ë rëkuw, da: "Gô, da tï gô, pero da gorë w Marjánu da ti mmaš ma gnât, ka da jta-gorë jih ë, ka da nï mëstâ za wpïknut na
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jígla, da zani ma ta-w Canen!" (...) Tadej da e biw ga skongurow ta-w Canen. Tadej dópu t'e sa bílu kalmálu.
Il motivo del sacerdote indegno che ha la camicia piü sporca dell'anima dannata viene sotto-lineato anche da D'ORLANDI, p. 41, e fra dannato e sacerdote si verificherebbe spesso una lotta serrata: "Non ho paura di te perché sei peggio di me. - Io sono ancora nel mondo e posso ancora salvarmi, mentre tu non ti puoi piü salvare" (Valle). Si confronti pure il racconto veneto "Il malgaro" (Segustino - TV) riportato in MILANI, p. 371: un malgaro dopo la morte ritorna a fare lo stesso lavoro di quando era vivo, ossia a mezzanotte viene a fare il formaggio e poi sparisce. Il prete si reca alla malga per scongiurarlo ma viene respinto dal malgaro che dice: "Ti tu pol 'ndar via tu, perché tu ha la camisa pi sporca de mi". Allora va alla malga un altro prete e riesce a mandarlo via per sempre. A questo proposito cfr. anche RPF XVII, p. 142, n. 16, in cui si sottolinea il fatto che l'esorcista per avere successo deve essere senza colpe, infatti se il dannato riesce a rimproverargli anche il minimo peccato, l'esorcismo fallisce. L'intervento del sacerdote esorcista e quindi frequen-temente documentato in questo genere di racconti. Secondo la credenza popolare inoltre questi sacerdoti devono possedere un carisma e solamente taluni avrebbero il potere di esorcizzare. In CANTARUTTI [ 1985], pp. 424-425 e 432, la credenza popolare viene messa in connessione con il fatto che la Chiesa da questa facoltá "soltanto ai sacerdoti distinti per pietá e prudenza, mediante un'espressa licenza...". L'unitá successiva rappresenta una variante di Coritis.
62.	"Dan ustír ka e mísow wodo nú w vino / L'oste che mescola il vino con l'acqua"
Un oste di Resia per tutta la vita ha mescolato il vino con l'acqua e quando muore, al funerale, sembra che la sua bara sia vuota. Dopo la sepoltura i parenti ritornano a casa e ritrovano infatti il fantasma delloste su una botte in cantina: la sua anima é dannata e l'unico mezzo per liberarsene é di scongiurarla (Kf, 30.1.1999).
T'e biw dan tu-w Rézije nu e d eluw ustír wso njaga vito, ma, e mísow wodo nú w vino, wodo nú w vino anu ko e wmr, ni so meli nastet do w satmicerih ma ni so cüli da to na tazi, da ni nikár, bi' koj bank. Ko ni so prsle ta-h hise, eh, dan tu-w fameji e bi' sow do w kantino da ma te' po no májo vina za pet, bo bi' mew da' pet ti ka so ga nasle, vi' a da koj. Ko ni so dosle dolo e biw ta-na karatélo. Bi' donan pa jti. Eh, ko ni so nárdile, ni bo bíli meli ga skongurat, ti mas koj skongurat, koj mas delat? Ko ti vidis da t'e jto, an gre koj na jti krej, si ne ti ga mas rüdi jto. Eh, n'e stára jsa, n'e stára prastareta, dívi muc cantanárjow lit na ma, ni so si právili dan tumu drügamo. Alora mísow vino nú w wodo nu un bi' sa donow. Tantacjún gála rüdi da sce nu da sce.
63.	"Dan sinec ka e krádow / Il ragazzino indotto a rubare"
Una donna induce il figlio a rubare degli oggetti per cucire dal cestino di lavoro di una vicina. Il bambino muore e la madre vede le mani del bambino che spuntano dalla tomba. Il prete le consiglia di percuoterle con una bacchetta finché non si ritirino e cosí accade (Kf, 7.10.1996).
Alore n'e bíla na zana - na vin a, da tu-w kíri vase, insoma, gore s to Rézijo to bo bílo - anu n'e mela jsaga sinico, sedan, osan lit, pa vec, anu e hodew, bo bi' hodew ta-h káki zane, ka n'e mela dan platencec anu n'e mela ta-nútre to za siwat. Alora jsi sinec e parnesuw ta hise, pri' e prnesuw skárja. "Ah," - na e rakla - "tu ke so bíla skárja, e bi' pa vinjarúw." Alora sow, e prnesuw pa vinjarúw. "Ah, si prnesow pa vinjarúw? Alora e bíla pa net." Anu e sow anu prnesuw pa net. Anu t'e stálo ka jsi sinec e mwr anu ko e mwr jsi sinec, ko n'e hodila ta-na grob o mu püli' róza o kej, e mew rüdi rókica won, anu dej nas dej zütra, n'e bíla stof videt jtáko anu n'e sla ta-h ero ano n'e rakla, da káko to e. "Ah," - e rekow ero - "ti
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si sámä gáwgë, ti si slábo ga ücilä, ti si slábo ga ücilä! Injän ä ti dan le-jso bakético anu ti maš tèt ta-na grob anu ti maš rüdi š^pa' jta rókica jto, dárdo ka ni spet sa ritirá0." Anu n'ë rüdi šlépalä, dárdo ka dópo rókica ni so bila sa ritirála, ih ni bilo vèc.
Nel racconto "Il crocifisso sanguinante" riportato da MAILLY, p. 122, n. 75, nota pp. 217218, si manifesta il motivo di chi lancia una pietra su un crocifisso e viene inghiottito dalla terra. Solo la mano destra rimane protesa e, sebbene intervenga il prete per salvarlo, scompare pure questa.
c.	Trasmigrazioni
64.	"Nïmata wbwèt káče! I Non uccidete le serpi!"
Non si devono uccidere le serpi (i carboni), perché sono le anime dei defunti (Uf-A, 29.1.1998).
Mï ko smö vïdale no valïku kácu nu nïsu tële za wbwèt. Ma máte na nï tëla da ma wbwèt, da ko so bila ta valïka káca, nu so gále ka so ta dušfca. "Nïmata wbwèt káce, ka to so ta duš'fca!" (...) Ta valïka cârna su bila, cârna.
La credenza relativa alla trasmigrazione di anime in animali (farfalle, serpi e altro) è ampia-mente attestata anche in territorio friulano (cfr. D'ORLANDI, p. 42, CICERI 1992, p. 46O e segg.) e veneto, nonché a Sauris. Si intravede nella serpe, frl. magne, un'anima penitente oppure semplice-mente l'anima di un defunto (CANTARUTTI [ 1985], p. 422, Fagagna; RPF XVII, p. 151, n. 38 e nota 38, pp. 1O2-1O3). Anche casi di dannazione rivelano la trasmigrazione in serpe cfr. CANTARUTTI 196O, p. 93: l'anima dannata di una donna appare come magne; cfr. inoltre MILANI, p. 381, Marostica. A proposito della serpe, magne, cfr. anche JOB, pp. 548-55O, e in particolare il testo in cui si riscontra il divieto di uccidere la serpe, presente anche nella nostra testimonianza di Uccea: "Me agne a copave liparas, ma nus diseve: - No sta copâ las magnas ch'a podint jessi un vecjo di chei passâz.", p. 548 (mia zia uccideva le vipere, ma ci diceva: non uccidere le serpi che possono essere un vecchio di quelli defunti). Su questo tema in ambito resiano cfr. ancora DAPIT 1998b.
65.	"Ta žába ta-pod rüpo I Il rospo nel campo"
Una donna di Coritis zappa sulla striscia d'erba che segna il confine fra due campi appropriandosi di terra altrui. Dopo la sua morte vedono sempre in quel punto un rospo, ma è lei stessa. I vecchi dicevano che sul confine bisogna piuttosto tenersi più indietro che appro-priarsi di terra altrui (Kf 21.9.1996).
Ë bila ta-gorë na Korïtë dnä ka ä o znan, alora so bila dvi njïve tu-w krèj anu tu-w krájo ni so rüdi naréale no valïko rüpo za mëro anu jsa bába, wsáki vijäc ka n'ë š^ kopät, n'ë rüdi kopáté pa rüpo, n'ë rüdi kopála pa rüpo fin che onä rivátó rüpo anu dópo, ko na ë mwrlä, ë spet bila rüpa jto anu bila žába ta-nú pod rüpo, jsa valïka žába, ka t'ë bila onä: ë spet prälä rüpa anu onä n'ë bila ta-nú pod rüpo. Ta žába t'ë bila onä. Perché n'ë kopátó..., ti stári so gáli da ta-na ni mëre, ti mäš püstet, ma në wzet, rejše sta' bö Mzët.
d.	Visioni di fuochi fatui (vëdowci), luci o candele accese
66.	"Vëdowci I I fuochi che volano"
Un uomo di Coritis decide una sera di andare a prendere un fucile in un luogo dove erano state abbandonate delle armi alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale. Dopo averlo preso lo nasconde sotto un grande tufo dove sarebbe ritornato a recuperarlo di notte. Quando vi ritorna vede pero che gli vengono incontro dei fuochi volanti, i vëdowci, che sono degli spiriti
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pericolosi. Si dice inoltre che sotto il tufo ci sia una candela accesa e un paiolo ma quando l'uomo vi giunge non vede niente. Riesce allora a vincere la paura, prende il fucile e ritorna a casa. In seguito si sente molto male e non vuole più saperne del fucile (Km-A, 15.8.1995).
Il testo è gia stato pubblicato in DAPIT 1997, pp. 55-58. La credenza dei fuochi fatui risulta estremamente diffusa anche in Friuli. OSTERMANN, p. 61, riporta: "Fûc voladi (fuoco fatuo). Sono le anime dei morti che girano per fare intendere che hanno bisogno di preghiere. Il fûc voladi insegue chi lo vede, e ne cagiona la morte. Esso cerca talvolta di entrare nelle case...". Si confronti-no inoltre le attestazioni in RPF II, pp. 294-295, n. LXXVI; RPF VI, p. 199; RPF VII, p. 131; RPF VIII, p. 62; RPF IX, p. 264, n. CVI; RPF X, p. 235, n. LXXII; RPF XII, n. 30; RPF XIII, p. 61, n. XXXIV, p. 71, n. XLIV; RPF XIV, p. 118, n. LVVVI, p. 226, n. CXXXVI, p. 239, n. CXLV, p. 264, n. CLXIII; MAILLY, p. 59, n. 8, nota p. 181. Cfr. anche le testimonianze in AQUILEIA, dove nei racconti dal n. 135 al n. 143 i fuochi fatui sono considerati anime del purgatorio che devono purgare i peccati; in altri casi invece hanno bisogno di preghiere o suffragi: pp. 148-149, n. 137-138, p. 150, n. 140, p. 151, n. 143. I fuochi fatui se cadono sulla biancheria stesa fuori di notte la macchiano o la rovinano, oppure bruciano la pelle a chi la indossa e provocano malattie (cfr. anche OSTERMANN, p. 61). L'unità successiva appartiene alla stessa tradizione secondo cui sotto il tufo sarebbe occultato un tesoro.
67.	"Svíca ta-pod Tôfân / La candela sotto il Tufo"
Nei pressi di Coritis sotto un grande tufo vedevano sempre una candela accesa. Qualcuno vi ha sotterrato qualcosa, ma solo chi ne è degno viene chiamato a svolgere il difficile compito di dissotterrare quanto è stato occultato. Di solito la persona viene chiamata nelle ore peggiori, ta slába óra (Kf, 5.10.1998).
Ta-nú pot Tôfân ni so vïdale rüdi, ë rüdi lüc jta-nûtrë, pa ä si cüla šišä, da ni so právili, ë bíla rüdi na lüc jta-nú pot Tôfân, pero ti mäš bi' dènj, ti mäš bi' dènj za tèt punj, ma öpownöce, ti ba mëw tè' tï? Nènce ba bílo pa na valïka kása bécow! (...) Svtöä ë büä (...). Ä tu-w nocè nïsi š^ maj túdi nùtër (...). Pa jtu ni so zakopále kèj, viš, t'ë bíla strihä, t'ë bi' dan tof, ni so zakopále kèj, to ë jto. Ma tï ti mäš bèt dènj, ti mäš bè' dènj, ni mëô ti racèt tabë, da tací punj, alora ti ci nalëst. Ma ni ta šéaö mása no slábo ôro: puwnöce, no ôro, te nipjëjs óra. Bè, du an cë jtè' nùtër. Ti ka ë zakopow, da jti vidëj! (...) Ma viš da ko ba tëlo prït öko tabá anu èrët to cë da ti maš be' sam, ma kucë, ti na m0reš paät kompanïja, be alora? Kë män tèt, nánce tu-w wüsM na ba š^ ún pot Tófa, hèj stojïô jto!
68.	"Ë spádow oropláno tu-wnë w Canïno / L'aereo precipitato sul Canin"
Durante la seconda guerra mondiale un aereo americano precipita sul monte Canin causando la morte di tutti ipasseggeri. Dalla planina Klen vedevano sempre una luce e udiva-no strepiti, rumori provocati da lamiere (Kf, 5.10.1998).
(...) Ko samö došte gorë, da ë spádow oropláno tu-wnë w Canïno. Ni so hodïli wún Canèn, so bíli tï ta-na Korïtë s kôrbe won, le-na táka hrtá amerikánave, le-na táka hrtá ta-na kórbe wézano, pokrïte s plahüte, ka ni so mëli nagát ún nat kórbo za prnastèt tu-wnë w Canïno nùtër, e gö, anu dópo jto, ko t'ë bílo tu-w vflažej, da mamö jti won vïdët (...) ma, ko ni so gnáli gorë w Klèn ta-gorë ka stojï A., nji ocä ë rüdi vïdow won, ë bíla rüdi na lüc tu-wnë, rüdi lüc jtu-wnë jtu-wnë, ni so cüli pa klontonät bánda jtu-wnë od oroplárn nu wsë .^o^kë, t'ë rüdi šMšilo tu-wnë, ka ma bi' bílo šlo káre judí jto, sa bwïle. Anu dópo t'ë bílo, vi' ä, öko máä jtáko, šte won da mamö pa mï jtè' vïdët. Slè, šte, šte, eh, t'ë dobrö rozonálo pa jtadèj (...). Ma ni so cüle rüdi šMšet tu-wnë, viš, anu rüdi no lüc tu-wnë, rüdi lüc bíla tu-wnë ka bílo šlo káre judí jto (...).
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e. Percezione di rumori o spostamento di cose e persone, non assimilabili all'azione umana
69.	"T'ë zdëlalu rumör ta-nûtrë w carkvè / Strepiti nella chiesa di Carnizza"
In un giorno di maltempo due donne di Uccea vanno a riscuotere la pensione a Resia. Al ritorno si fermano a mangiare qualcosa accanto alla chiesa di Sant'Anna di Carnizza. Sento-no dei rumori dentro la chiesa come se i candelabri sull'altare cadessero. Stando fuoriguarda-no dalla finestra ma in un primo momento non vedono niente. Subito dopo vedono all'interno una cosa che sembra una vecchia moneta da cinque lire rotolare sul pavimento della chiesa. Spaventate riprendono immediatamente il cammino per Uccea (Uf-A, 2.11.1997).
Viš kogá, ta-gorë na Karnïci, jta-gorë t'ë ma wšpigálu, eh si, ta-na Karnïci w ti carkvè (...). Dâ si mëla dicioto ani, alore ma máti ë tézala pizijún od míga ocá anu sumö moglè jti pö pa dan drüge, báštâ narédi' fírmu - ma máti ë mwëla sa fermât, naréat fírmu. Come una delica somo mëli, ma somo mëli hodè' pö ún Rézijo anu suwa bíla dâ anu jsa máte M. (...), n'ë mëla jïmë da R., anu somo hodïle špës ún Rézijo, be gö, po pizijún midví, dâ anu onâ. Bè, suwa hodïle pojutrëh, alle tre, alle quattru, alle cinque, na ^zët praháale a mezzogiornu, parháale ala una, alle due: nïsi č&a mèj nína reče. Njendín su bíli temporálave, ë šow snih, eh, t'ë lïlu, ma nïsi č&a mèj ta-gorë na Karnïci w carkvè. Ko somo parëlè na won, somo sa wstávile jtu, sumö si snëdle kak panín, ko somo parëlè na ntaër sumö sa wstávili spet, sa wstávile jtu: nïsi čMa mèj nicár, mèj nína reče. Una volta sumö bíli šte j^tës jtáku, dâ nu onâ. Slè da mamö jti won po pizijúne njèh anu ë talïku šow snih ko sowa šte na won, ë talïku šow snih, ë talïku šow snih ka t'ë bílu na rič anu, bè, midví, lumïne sowa mëli e jtè' di notte, su bíla., sa špartèt jzdë verso le quattro di mattina. Alle quattro di mattina il mese di dicem-bre, di ginnaio, cara mia, altri che note! Sowa bíli šte ko ë zwonïla vimarïja, sowa bíli a Gniva, imaginarti! Anu sowa bíli nalëzli ščë no žano po póte, sámu, ka n'ë šla j^tës pa onâ za nji očo won w Rézijo e na ^zët msamö parëlè wkwop, sowa parëlè sáme, dâ nu onâ. Anu ko sowá parëlè jtu, sowa sa wstávile, come il solito, dnâ sédnula na tâ anu dnâ sídala na së nu swa si vigále wsáka swöj kroh, kogá bèj mëšëš si vigát?! Dan frégul krüha sühagâ, altro niente. Apene che sowá sa gáli jist, t'ë zdëlalu rumör ta-nútre w carkvè che tu non avrai una idea. Žvèlt öbidví ta-na okína vïdët kogá ë: ni bílu nína reče. Bè, sowa mtóile, sowa gále da to bo kak kuštnš, viš ta (...), sédnale spet, spet sa gáli jist: so wdárili candalírje tu-wnë dölu na guwtár, da si kapèw da s'ë wsë zlomïlu. Žvèlt wstávili spet, wsáka ta-na swö oknö glédât: tuttu un silenziu. Candalírje su bíle gorë anu nína reče jta-nútre. Alora sowá sa spopalédnule: "Ma," - n'ë raklâ onâ tu-w mla, na ë raklâ da - "ma káku t'ë ta rič jzdë?" Fra questo moment ka sowa raklè da káku t'ë ta rič jzdë, ë sa skukurúknula na rič dö po zamjè, tékoj ti navijá dân di cinque lira, ka an gre anu tadèj an sa wstáve. Tèj dân beč, gö, di cinque lira prit, ka su bíli tï di cinque lira. Ah (...), swa zadanüli koj wsáka swo kórbu nu sa wzéle nu šte, ka bi' jti krèj, ë bíla mulitjéra, ka sumö hodïli jti krèj. Anu talïku čas ka sowá sa wstávili, nïsmo cüli ni prit ni dópu vèc, koj jtadèj.
70.	"Ni so sa báale ún par Madone / Paura presso la chiesa di Sella Carnizza"
Vicino alla chiesa di Sant'Anna e nella zona circostante di Sella Carnizza la gente di Uccea aveva delle visioni e sentiva degli strepiti. Avevapaura dipassare in quel luogo e chi era costretto vipassavapossibilmente accompagnato (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ta krèj tódi won ni su rüdi vïdale anu t'ë rüdi dëlalo kèj, ún par Madone ni su sa báale ún par Madone anu pa gorë na Karnïce: ni su vïdali rüdi jüde nu t'ë rüdi dëlalu šušrn
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anu ni bilu nicár, ma pa čiz din ka nu su sa báale, ko ni su hudïle ti ^še tu-w Uči, ni so râdë hudïle kadâ, ti ka mëw tèt pa ta-na Súbicu ni nïsu šte narédi' gorë po Karnïce anu vâs gir, ni su šte won pu Kïle anu tadèj nú po Hliwce anu na Súbicu aliböj nú na Kurïto nu tadèj pa, tadèj magari dö w Réziju, wsèj owdëla' kèj dö w kumün, ben, anu parëlè gorë po Karnïce, ni su gále da ni su sa báale anu pa po dwa trïji njèh so hodïle, da ni so sa báale. Tadèj t'ë rüdi rozonálu nu pa ta-gorë na Karnïci w carkvè, ni so gáli rat čas, ni so parháali z Rézja ta-zïmë, tu-w snëgu nu so sa wstávile ka ni bilo cësta jtadèj, so parháale dölu za Ispïcu, dö pu muletjére anu dö w Učjo, ni so sa wstávile jto pod küwu par carkvè, da t'ë klontinálu ka da ta-nútre da t'ë dëlalu, da ni su se köj pöbrale anu via (...), ni su gále da n'ë bilâ târdâ. Ni su gále da bi' rëkuw da' ëru, da ba në vëdali tï tu-w Uči da ko na taž'i Karnïcâ, da nidân na ba hodèw jti krèj. An nï tëw racèt vèc liku jtáku ma bi' rëkuw jtáku. Pero gorë po Karnïce t'ë bila târda, kapïjma.
71.	"T'ë tézalo bránda ta-po cánibe / Le brande che vagano per lo stanzone"
Tre donne di Resia vanno a raccogliere castagne a Sedilis di Tarcento e la sera vanno a dormire in uno stanzonepieno di brande dove non cè illuminazione. Sentono allora vagare le brande per la stanza attorno a loro e, spaventate, si mettono tutte e tre in un letto. Questo si protrae per tutta la notte. Probabilmente in quella stanza sono state uccise molte persone (Kf-A, 7.10.1998).
Anu pur ti din ta-dö w, káko to ma jïmë jto (...) Sedilis, alora ë bi dän pecoraio ka p^äw gorë na Korïto anu jsi pecoraio ë rëkow da an vë zis Sedilis, pastir gö, prháow kupüwä' öwca. Anu bè, t'ë bilo tu-w jasanè, ortbrjä: "Bè" - ë rëkow da - "prïdita po kostánja dölo!"- ka un mä na lipa lóta, an cë näs naháat pobrät. Bè, mï, wsë dan bot, samö, gö, sa jéli nu sa šporfili: ä anu S. M. anu ma kunj^dä: prëlè, ga nalëzli dëdä. Ë bi' nas gaw spat nú w no valïko valïko cánibo, nú w no valïko valïko Mšo anu so bile wse pútóiko brant öko no ökow anu èrët nï bilo Mče. Sa gále mï tu-w wsáko kovico dnä, ma tu-w nocè t'ë pöčalo št^šet, t'ë tézalo bránda ta-po cánibe anu bèn, da ko mamö dëlat? L^e ni bilo, tadèj a na vin da kucë samö bila sa správila wsa wkwop, spála wsa trï ta-nú w ni bránde. Ma ti mëšëš čot da ci t'ë dëlalo, ka divi muc ni so wbwïli judi tu-w jti cánibi, divi muc ni so jh obësili, divi muc ni so wbïli partigánow, ha! Ko ti viš da ko to dila, zakOj mäš tè' ga gat nútër jüde, ka. gö! Bránda so hodïla öko nu ökow, te ka so bila šcë. Alora mï, ka samö spále tu-w wsáki kovici dnä, ha, samö mële sa správit wkwop, ka samö sa báale, bè, káko mäš spat tu-w ni bránde le-no tákë? Trï na küpo somö bile sa gála, he, ma t'ë dëlalo wso nuc, viš, wso nuc. Bè, ko mëšëmö spät, bè, ko mëšëmö spät, ko samö poš^šale da ko to dilä, ma intanto samö bila wsèj sa správila wkwop.
72.	"Tu-w nocè so sa odíwala dúre / Di notte la porta si apriva da sola"
In una casa di Uccea ad una certa ora della notte la porta della camera sempre si apre. La camera è stata costruita sul sentiero e si dice che non è bene costruire case dove passa un sentiero, perché di H, forse, passano di notte le anime dei morti (Uf, 7.10.1998).
Ta-nú par Zormi, ta-nú par Drikacaveh sa di, dimö mï da ta-nu par Drikacaveh, tu ka si sa ^šina^ dâ, tu-w Mše od miga dëdâ, jtu no čèrt ora tu-w nocè so sa odiwala dúre ud cániba, za jtö ka jtu möj dët ë bi' náredew cánibu ta-na pote, ë bila na pot anu sa di, da sa na nareaö mèj Mš tu ka praháa na pot, jtu praháató na putïcâ libö na pot, na putïcâ, anu probabilmente so praháala ta düša tu-w nocè anu tu-w jti cánibi jtu, nu čèrt ora so sa odiwala dúre, pero nu nïso mèj dëlale nicár, so sa odiwala köj dúre.
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73.	"Pëjce so spadüwale / Pietre che cadono"
Una mattina, prima dell'avemaria, un uomo di Uccea (il marito della narratrice) sta camminando per la strada e sente cadere delle pietre fra gli alberi e sulla strada ma non ne vede nessuna. L'uomo, che prima era scettico, ora crede all'esistenza degli spiriti (Uf, 22.3.1998).
Pa möj muž a nï sa vërwuw, da to št^še, ma to bílu ga wst^šilu ta-gorë na Lótu, gö, ka ë šow damúw pujütrih nápret nápret prit núku vimarïjo - ka ni dijö ka ni čüaö prit núku vimarïjo, po vimarïji në - an nï sa vërwuw anu ë šow damúw ta-gorë na Lótu Kilácaven, ë paršow ta-nútre, ë bíla pot jtúdi nútor, pëjce so spadüwale po hrastâh anu so spádle dö na pot, ma jih ni bílu ta-na póte. An nï sa vërwuw, ma dópo sa vërwuw dópo tadèj.
74.	"Ni so bíli šte kârstet nu hčaricu / Dopo il battesimo di una bambina"
Tre persone di Uccea, dopo aver battezzato una bambina a Resia, stanno ritornando a casa a piedi. Cè molta neve e fa buio. Sono costretti allora a fermarsi in uno stavolo. Quando vanno per uscire, quello che trasporta il bambino nella gerla cade sulla neve, come se qualcuno lo avesse afferrato e gettato a terra, e non riesce a proseguire il cammino. Gli altri due vanno allora a chiamare in aiuto altre persone e a prendere qualcosa per far luce. In questo modo tutti riescono a raggiungere Uccea (Um, 21.9.1996).
Ë bi' T. tu-w Máli Kúwce (...), bi' B., G. B. anu ë bi' möj woj T. tu-w ti Rávancih, kunját mi mátara. Ni su bíli šte kârstet anu, nu hčaricu, nu kužmu ka na ë le-ta-dö^ (...) ožënjanâ ka n'ë dal ventiquattru. Bi' snih, trïje su šte, ë bílo káre snëga. Ni su šte damúw, ni so kârstile to máju, ni so parëlè nâzët, ga jéla nuc. Ko ni su parëlè, prit líkuj dö za Ispïcu, ë dân hliw gorë stran - ka mâ jnjân L. hliw ta-za Ispïcu F. - gorë zorá ún stran póte, da ni čéö sa ritirât nu máju jta-won. Su bíli pa trüdne, ë bílo naga snëgâ le-jzdë, ta mája tu-w kórbe, ni so mu pülile mlíku tu-w ni butïlje, ni bílu tèrmusuw tej njân, tu-w ni butïlje závitu tu-w káki blakâh ka da to bóde görku. Bè, da ko ni su vilëzle hliw, ti ka ë mëw to máju, da t'ë ga jélo, da t'ë ga navijálu nú ziz snih anu da ni möguw jti indavânt; ta dwa dmgâ to ë ju naháalo, to ni dëlalu nicár: "Be, da T., da köj &Mš?" (...) Koj to ma dëlât? Ni so stále jtu káre tïmpâ tu-w hUvë, da to cë sa kalmât, ni so vëdale ti stári da to ë kèj, da ko to ë: niente da fare. Ta dwa drüga t'ë raklú da: "Stüj jzdë tï anu da midwá gréwa dö h Mše anu da jta-döK da céwâ vijét, čémö wzet ščë klragâ anu céwa nastèt pa Mč."- ka nu nïsu mëli Mče. Ni so parslè gorë ščë z ni trïji njèh, ni so mi raklè pa da kíri, ma na vin: dët, möj woj ë biw ta-gorë w hUvë par ti máji, ni su parëlè gorë anu ni su zadanüle anu ni su šte anu ni bílu nicár vèc dópu. (...) Ko bílu vèc kompanïja to bo bílu ga püstilu tadèj, na vin.
C. Premonizioni e segnali negativi
a. Attraverso manifestazioni oniriche
75.	"Snûwât da ni lëpu stojïjô / Sognare che qualcuno sta bene"
Se si sogna che in una famiglia tutti sono ben vestiti oppure ballano e stanno bene, queste persone saranno colpite da sventura, sono destinate a morire. Una donna di Uccea sogna che in una casa ci sono molti fiori e una persona tiene delle patate in mano. Poco tempo dopo in quella casa muore qualcuno (Uf, 22.3.1998).
Pero sanjále, E., poš^šej! Ko ti snüwâš kèj pa, tu-w ni Mše, da ti vidiš lëpu obManè, da ni p^aö, da ni lëpo stojüjö, jtï mmaö fartüna ka mârjeö. Ta-nútre G., n'ë raklâ (...) prit núko ë wmâr G., snüwató fès káre káre káre roš, da ni bûâ kopâc nánce ogát dur në, ta-nú par G., anu krampír ka ë bi' šow krampír un tadèj ta-w kantïnu, onâ ë nosïla krampír ka n'ë mëla
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Roberto Dapit
wsjat, n'e mela tr'i krampír tu-w péste V., da dwa n'e stoknula nú w zemjo anu da dan da ni bíla kopac stoknut, da su bíli wze gnále ta-h ti drúzin krampír. Tadej e jstes stoknula ta pa jti. Muc t'impa tadej e zivew, ka e mwar G., ka bi sla tu-w kant'ino po krampír za sküha' njúka.
76.	"Snüwát církuw ta-nú w Ucí / Sognare la chiesa di Uccea"
Quando una donna di Uccea sogna la chiesa vecchia delpaese allora muore qualcuno del posto (Uf, 22.3.1998).
Mi e právila ta-nútre gotra A. (...). Na e rakla, ko ona na snüwa ta-nú w Ucí tu-w ti stári carkve, da na (...) ce wmrit kíre (...). Ta-nú w Ucjí tu-w ti stári carkve, ko n'e snüwala tu-wn carkve, da káko to e anu da n'e bíla tu-w carkve, tadej da n'e védala da ce wmrit kíri teh ta-nú w Ucí.
b. Attraverso rumori
77.	"Ta bajúw jtu e pocuw karcet / Il baule che scricchiola"
A Uccea un vecchio baule, costruito da un antenato, quando scricchiola, annuncia la morte di qualcuno del paese. Una volta madre e figlio si trovano in cucina e il baule si mette a scricchiolare. Il figlio si guarda intorno ma non vede nessuno. La madre allora dice che qualcuno é morto (Um-A, 20.9.1996).
Koj ko e mew za wmrit kíre, sumo meli dan bajúw (...), t'i ka ni meo pukrow kugulát anu bajúwcic jtu ne, anu somo meli múku ta-nútre (...), ma sa sadnüwalu pa gore na ta bajúw jtu, ni bílu skánjuw (...) anu sumo meli ta-par míru blizu spolérta jsi bajúw, ka sa sadnüwalu, t'i ka nimeo za kan sédnut. Alora kada, ke bi' kíri za wmrit, jsi bajúw e karcew, e deluw: krrr, krr, krr, tékuj dan e ta-na bajúlu sadi. Alora sa vedalu, da un giorno, due, e martvac, ci ne tu-w ti hise, jindeper tutta la frazione, ne, pa jinde, ti dálo avvisu, da e dan martvac in corso (...). Ta bajúw jtu e mew moj ded bazawún bi' náradew. Alora jsi bajúw bi' ustow pa tadej ka t'e delalu strépida, ka e biw jtu, dan stári bajúw. Álibo vis ti, ci t'e bílu rüdi un segno di antenati, ti ka náredew ta bajúw forc jti e trazmétinow tu-w bajúw da e dan martvac in corso za prit ta-h njen. Go pa da si cuw propi da, (.) si bi' ta-par spolértu, ma máte e bíla tékolé jtu an ta bajúw jtu e pocuw karcet; da si polédnuw, ni bílu nínaga. Ma máte n'e rakla, da: "Eh, e kak martvac."
78.	"E poknulá lástrá ta-na spolértu / Rumore dalla stufa"
Il rumore scaturito dalla lastra di una stufa a legna rappresentaper una donna di Uccea un presagio di morte. Qualche minuto dopo arriva la notizia della morte di una parente (Uf-A, 22.3.1998).
Beh, non é di recente, dallotantacinque, ko e wmwarla nása M. ta-za Slátinu, ta mláda, sowa bíla da nu moj muz jtu, sowa stáli sa-dole zdolá, perché somo meli náso tato, sowa stáli sa-dole zdolá, sowa wstála pojütreh, e poknula lástra ta-na spolértu, si raklá da: "G. cé qui la novitál" Ma t'e ma oblilu, ostála (.) anu pa un veramente; eco, neanche due minuti dopo e mi talafonála C., da e wmwarla nása kuzina (.).
D. Identificazione di spiriti con eventi atmosferici
79.	"So sa gnüle ti donáne / Si muovono i dannati"
Il maltempo era generato dagli spiriti e per questo era necessario scongiurarli (Uf, 22.3.1998).
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Ko bi' káre slâp tèmp, alore ni so gále da so, so sa gnüle ti donáne, šprnte, alore ni so gále da: Buh wâs žanM ta-w Canèn, tu ka nï nína düša za dëlat vèc slábo!
80. "Vïhâr I Un vento dannoso"
Bisogna tenere la bocca chiusa altrimenti questo vento puà entrare attraverso la bocca nella persona perché si tratta di una manifestazione degli spiriti (Kf-A, 13.11.1994).
Si bíla vïdala ä jzdë nur, somö mëli njïwo jzdë, š^eje - ma ti na boš sa vërwow - ma le-ta-dö zdolá, ä si eüla da to šumf: "Ko hudïc a ë?" - si gála ä - "Ko hudïc a ë?" Trï líha sírka t'ë jélo nu ë šow dän vihär gorë z njïwo, ma köj jse trï líha, vltër, míšow nu šow nu šow; ë pršow le-jto, ë šow rtdi-tä anu dópo t'ë šlo wsë le-no-tákë, t'ë šlo lé-túdi gorë: lïstjë, brüšča, wsë šl0 túdi gorë. Ti stáre so gále da t'ë v"här, vïhär, anu ko sa vïdi jtö, viš, ko ti vidiš da to göni le-táko, viš, lïstjë, ka to hödi öko tabá, ka to mlëe öku nu öku, ni so gále da sa ma zagát grlo, ka to so špmtave nu ba tëlo wlëst nú w tabá. Vihär, dan vftër nöri jtö, to stëbë t'ë jtö.
Determinati eventi atmosferici come vento, mulinelli d'aria, grandine, fulmini e tempesta vengono attribuiti a spiriti e a dannati. Tale ruolo tuttavia viene assunto a volte da esseri demoniaci come streghe; cfr. il racconto resiano in DAPIT 1998a, p. 210, dove tre streghe vogliono portare la grandine a Oseacco ma sono costrette a ritornare indietro a causa del suono della campana piccola. A proposito dei dannati che portano la tempesta si è occupata in ambito friulano Lea D'Orlandi in uno studio intitolato Usi popolari Friulani. Maltempo, Ce fastu?, V-VI (1948-49), Udine, p. 133 e segg. Anche CICERI 1992, p. 317, nota 176, riferisce in ambito friulano: "A Forni si riteneva che sul Pian delle streghe (m. 2128) convenissero i dannati a 'battere tempesta'. Tutte le malignità dell'aria e del sottosuolo (terremoti) si riteneva fossero causate dalla congrega di diavoli, streghe, dannati che si scatenavano in forme turbinose, quando moriva un dannato..." (Treppo Carnico). Ancora in ambito friulano si crede che i fulmini e la grandine siano mandati dagli spiriti maligni. Si diceva che il fulmine o la folgore contenesse gli spiriti maligni, cfr. AQUILEIA, p. 140, n. 128, p. 143, n. 130; a p. 144, n. 133, si registra invece la credenza che nei mulinelli d'aria che si formano prima del temporale sia nascosto uno spirito. In Veneto (Domegge di Cadore, BL), nel racconto "I ricchi dannati" si legge che durante i grandi temporali uscivano i dannati relegati sulle montagne per aver fatto del male ai poveri; uscivano con l'ombrello (MILANI, p. 372). A Sauris invece i cambiamenti di atmosfera possono rivelare se l'anima è salva o dannata; se l'anima è dannata diventa simile ai demoni e in RPF XVII, p. 141, nota 16, oppure a p. 74, n. 17, troviamo un dannato che provoca il maltempo con tuoni e fulmini; si abbatte cosi una catastrofica tempesta e alluvione.
Bibliografia
APPI E. e R. - 1969, Racconti popolari friulani. II (Cordenons I), Udine, Società Filologica friulana. [= RPF II]
-	1971, Racconti popolari friulani. VI (Cordenons II), Udine, SFF. [= RPF VI]
-	1972, Racconti popolari friulani. IX (Aviano), Udine, SFF. [= RPF IX]
APPI E. e R., SANSON U. - 1971, Racconti popolari friulani. VII (Budoia), Udine, SFF. [= RPF VII]
-	1972, Racconti popolari friulani. X (Polcenigo), Udine, SFF. [= RPF X]
-	1973, Racconti popolari friulani. XII (Mezzomonte), Udine, SFF. [= RPF XII]
APPI E. e R., CESSELLI A. - 1975, Racconti popolari friulani. XIII (Azzano X), Udine, SFF. [= RPF XIII]
APPI E. e R., PARONI-BERTOIA R. - 1978, Racconti popolari friulani (Montereale Valcellina), Udine, SFF. [= RPF XIV]
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ARIES P. - 1980, L'uomo e la morte dal Medioevo a oggi, Mondadori. CANTARUTTI N. - 1960, Morti, dannati, tesori, Ce fastu?, XXXVI, Udine, pp. 85-97.
-	[1985], Memorie narrate, in: Fagagna. Uomini e terre (C. G. Mor, a cura di), Udine, pp. 409-
433.
-	1986, Oh, ce gran biela vintura!... Narrativa di tradizione orale tra Meduna e Mujé.
Presentazione di Gian Paolo Gri, Udine, Centro Studi regionali. CICERI (NICOLOSO) A. - 1969, Racconti popolari friulani. V (Cercivento), Udine, SFF. [= RPF V]
-	1971, Racconti popolari friulani. VIII (Ara di Tricesimo), Udine, SFF. [= RPF VIII]
-	1992, Tradizioni popolari in Friuli, Reana del Rojale (Udine), Chiandetti. CIMITAN L. - 1988, Repertorio della narrativa di tradizione orale della Carnia, Udine,
Società Filologica Friulana (Racconti popolari Friulani XVI). DAPIT R. - 1995, Aspetti di cultura resiana nei normi di luogo. 1. Area di Korïto / Coritis e Solbica / Stolvizza, Gemona del Friuli.
-	1997, Tri sodobne rezijanske pripovedi, in: Trinkov koledar za leto 1998, Čedad - Špeter,
Kulturno društvo Ivan Trinko - Zadruga Lipa, pp. 53-62.
-	1998a, Aspetti di cultura resiana nei nomi di luogo. 2. Area di Osoanë / Oseacco e Učja /
Uccea, Gemona del Friuli.
-	1998b, Verovanje in mitično-simbolične predstave o živalih v Reziji, in: Jadranski koledar,
Trst, Devin - ZTT, pp. 47-53. DE MATTEIS S. e NIOLA M. - 1993, Antropologia delle anime in pena, Lecce, Argo. D'ORLANDI L. - 1953, Un po' di "aldilà" popolare. Credenze e leggende in Friuli, Ce
fastu?, XXIX, Udine, pp. 38-47. GINZBURG C. - 1989, Storia notturna. Una decifrazione del sabba, Torino, Einaudi. JOB D. - 1998, "Oh, ce biel lusoôr di lune plene, il muart e 'l vîf a van insieme!". Riti di morte a Illegio: usi, credenze, leggende, in: Tumieç (G. Ferigo e L. Zanier, a cura di), Udine, SFF, pp. 531-557. LE GOFF J. - 1996, La nascita del Purgatorio, Torino, Einaudi.
MAILLY (von) A. - 1993, Leggende del Friuli e delle Alpi Giulie pubblicate con la collaborazione di J. Bolte. Edizione a cura di Milko Matičetov, Gorizia, Editrice Goriziana.
MILANI M. - 1994, Streghe, morti ed esseri fantastici nel Veneto, Padova, Esedra. Miti, fiabe e leggende del Friuli storico. 1. Tiaris di Acuilee / Terre di Aquileia (de Pelca M.,
Puntin M., Del Piccolo L., a cura di) - 1997, Udine, Chiandetti. [= AQUILEIA] OSTERMANN V. - 1940, La vita in Friuli. Usi - costumi - credenze popolari, Udine. SCHMITT J.-C. - 1995, Spiriti e fantasmi nella società Medievale, Bari, Laterza. SCHNEIDER F. - 1993, Memorie di racconti che oggidi si chiamano leggende e superstizioni (Sauris / Zahre). Edizione del manoscritto a cura di Domenico Isabella, Udine, SFF (Racconti popolari friulani XVII). [= RPF XVII] VIDONI R. - 1933, Leggende delle Alpi Giulie, Udine, SFF.
VOVELLE M. - 1993, La morte e l'Occidente. Dal 1300 ai giorni nostri, Roma-Bari, Laterza. ZORZUT D. - 1982, I racconti del popolo friulano, Udine, SFF. [= RPF XV]
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Manifestazioni dell'aldila attraverso le testimonianze dei resiani
Prikazovanje onstranstva skozi pričevanje Rezijanov
Roberto Dapit
Mnoga pričevanja dokazujejo, da je verovanje v onstranstvo v Reziji še živ pojav. Uvodna raziskava te študije predstavlja gradivo, ki je porazdeljeno v več tematskih sklopov. Raziskani so glavni motivi in vsebine tovrstnih sodobnih pripovedi. To so predvsem ljudske predstave o trpljenju duš v vicah, ki jih je mogoče primerjati s podobnimi predstavami na furlanskem etničnem ozemlju in tudi drugod. Zanimiva je opozicija motivov, ki po eni strani predstavljajo odnos med živimi in njihovimi rajnimi, po drugi pa govore o najrazličnejših oblikah anonimnih strahov. Osebne pripovedovalčeve izkušnje nam predstavljajo pripovedi avtobiografskega značaja, v katerih je stik z rajnimi vzpostavljen prek sanjskih vezi ali previdov v budnem stanju. Bogato gradivo, ki obsega 80 enot, je zapisano v rezijanskem narečju.
144
O TOjOpuax, pyca^Kax h nponnx Haeax
(MepTBeUM-^eMOHM H "HeHHCTMe" nOKOHHHKH B BeceHHeM Ka.ieHjape c.iaBHHCknx HapOjOB)
TambHHa A. AeanxuHa
The authoress researched the so-called impure deceased - spirits of the dead, fairies, and the churchyard - within the spring ritual calendar of Slavic nations.
,D,aa TpaflnnHOHHOH Kyabrypbi caaBaH aKTyaabHo pa3AeaeHHe Bcex yMepmnx Ha ABe KaTeropHH: c oAHoft ctopohh, sto npeAKH-noKpoBHTeaH (co6cTBeHHO manes), a c Apyroft — noKoiHHKi, yMepmne "HenpaBHabHo": HeecTecTBeHHoft hjh npexAeBpeMeHHoft cMepTbro, paHbme noaoxeHHoro cpoKa, b "naoxoe" h "onacHoe" BpeMa, yMepmne BHe cBoero AoMa h noTOMy ocTaBmneca 6e3 "npaBHAbHoro" norpe6eHHa h noMHHoBeHHa (yMepmne "bo MpaKe"); Te, c KeM nocae cMepTH npoH3omaH KaKHe-Hn6yflb HenpHaTHocTH, HanpHMep, nepe3 noKoftHHKa nepecKonnao xHBoTHoe (ycaoBHMca Ha3HBaTb hx "HenHcTbiMH" noKoftHHKaMH).
9th ABe KaTeropHH yMepmHx (npeAKH h "HenHcTbie" noKoftHHKH) pa3AHnaroTca, cpeAH nponero, h xapaKTepoM nocBa^eHHbix hm nocMepTHbx nepeMoHHft. KaK H3BecTHo, "HenHcTHe" noKoftHHKH aHmeHH nepKoBHoro noMHHoBeHHa (hx He oTneBaroT b uepKBH, no hhm He 3BoHaT b KoaoKoaa) hx o6hhho xopoHaT BHe KaaA&H^a HaH Ha ero nepH^epHH (3a orpaAoft, c Kparo, b yray); hx He noMHHaroT bo BpeMa TpaAHUHoHHbix KaaeHAapHbx noMHHoBeHHft, peryaapHo coBepmaeMHx b nepKBH1. HaKoHen, xopomo H3BecTHo, hto HMeHHo "HeHHCTbie" noKoftHHKH aBAaMTca TeM "pe3epBoM", H3 KoToporo B 3HaHHTeabHoft cTeneHH ^opMHpyeTca MHoroaHKHft paA caaBaHcKHx AeMoHoB.
C Apyroft ctopohh, cpeAH caMoft HenHcToft chah ecTb KaTeropHH AeMoHoB, KoTopbie oTaHnaroTca ot 6oabmHHcTBa ApyrHx no KpaftHeft Mepe TeM, hto BpeMa hx npe6biBaHHa Ha 3eMae orpaHHnero oahhm KaaeHAapHbiM nepHoAoM, cBa3aHHHM, KaK npaBHao, c KaKHM-HH6yAb npa3AHHKoM hah nowraeMbiM AHeM. TaKoBH ceBepHopyccKHe myaHKyHH h roxHocaaBaHcKHe KapaKoHAxoabi, noaBaaro^Heca Ha cBaTKax, pycaaKH h Ap. (Ha3oBeM hx KaaeHAapHHMH AeMoHaMH).
KaK HaM npeAcTaBaaeTca, rAe-To Ha "nepeceneHHH" AByx sthx KaTeropHft — "HenHcTbx" noKoftHHKoB h KaaeHAapHbx AeMoHoB — h bo3hhkah TaKHe caaBaHcKHe nepcoHaxH, KaK ToAopnbi, pycaaKH h, bo3moxho, "HaBH" (bo BcaKoM caynae b hx BocTOHHocaaBaHcKHx HnocTacax). B npeAaaraeMbix HHxe 3aMeTKax mh no3BoaHM ce6e b KanecTBe rHnoTe3H BbcKa3aTb HeKoTopbe coo6paxeHHa o cooTHomeHHH MH^oaorHnecKHx h KaaeHAapHbx cocTaBaaro^Hx sthx nepcoHaxeft.
1 EflHHcTBeHHbiM HOKAKweHHeM aBaaeTca noMHHaabHaa cayx6a b MaconycTHyro cy66oTy, Koraa HcnoaHaeTca KaHoH Oeaopa CTyAHTa, b kotopom nepe^HcaaroTca Bce yMepmHe, a c oco6oft T^aTeabHocTbro Te, kto yMep "HenpaBHAbHoft" cMepTbro.
145
O To^op^x, pycamax h npo^Hx HaBHx
CB. To^op H TO^OPUH
no Haönro^eHHHM P. nonoBa, Ha ceBepe BonrapHH cb. To^op npe^cTaBm^cn noKOHHHKOM, nepeBonno^eHHbiM nocne CMepTH B Bo^KonaKa H KapaKoH^xona (eKapaKomen hhh oeaMnupnen hokoühuk). Oh no^B^^cn no HonaM H3 Morra b TeneHHe Bcen To^opoboh (1-h Heuern BernKoro nocTa) Heuern, Kamo manacbM om epoöu^a, h
KapTa 1: noMHHKH no «He^HcTbiM» noKoöHHKaM b tpoh^hh nepHo^ y boctohhhx cnaBAH
öpo^m no ceny b oö^HKe KapaKoH^xona hhh Bo^KonaKa ^o nepBbix neTyxoB, a 3aTeM BHoBb yxo^H^ b Morray. Oh	BepxoM Ha öenoM KoHe h Mor 3aTonTaTb BcHKoro,
Koro BcTpeTH^ 6bi Ha nyTH; cMepTb oxH^ana h Tex, Koro oh Mor y^apHTb pyKon hhh na^Kon [nonoB 1991, 88-89]. CTo^b xe onacHbiM chht&hch Tydyp y öonrap b BaHaTe [TenÖH3oBH 1963, 244]. O xToHH^ecKoM, noTycTopoHHeM npoHcxoxieHHH cb. To^opa cBH^eTe^bcTByeT to, hto oh 6bm HeBH^HM nenoBeKa: b oKp. BapHbi paccKa3biBa^H, KaK o^Hax^bi Ha To^opoboh Helene xeH^HHa, BonpeKH cTpoxanmHM 3anpeTaM, paccTe^H^a Ha 3eme o^ex^y cyrnKH h HeoxH^aHHo yc^birnana y ceön Ha^ yxoM ronoc: "npHÖepH rH h^h Teö ^e npHÖepa". 3to 6bm cb. To^op [To^opoBa 1990, 212].
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Tambana A. AzanKUHa
BecbMa onpeaeaeHHaa cBa3b c noKoñHHKaMH npocaexHBaeTca b noBepbax h pnryaaax, oraoca^Hxca k ToaopnaM — HeBHaHMbiM xpoMHM koh^m HaH BcaaHHKaM (b o6aHKe aroaeñ, ho c xBocTaMH), KoTopbie 6exaaH no 3eMae Ha ToaopoBoñ Heaeae HaH nocae Hee; ohh, KaK h cb. Toaop y 6oarap, HanaaaaH Ha npHno3aHHBmHxca nyTHHKoB h HaKa3biBMH aroaeñ, HapymHBmHx onpeaeaeHHbie 6brroBbie h xo3añcTBeHHbie 3anpeTH, KoTopbie caeaoBaao co6aroaaTb b sto BpeMa (ceB.-BocT. Cep6HH, cep6. EaHaT, BoeBoaHHa). BaamcKoe HaceaeHHe ceBepo-BocronHoñ Cep6HH (xHTeaH ^xepaana, HeroTHHcKoñ KpaHHH h ap.) BHaeao b Toaopnax — 6eabix KoHax, npeaBoaHTeabcTByeMbix BeaHKHM ToaopoM h noaBaaro^Hxca bo btophhk Ha ToaopoBoñ Heaeae, aymH yMepmHx [3eneBHh 1993, 262] HaH HenHcrax ayxoB [KocthR 1968-1969, 380].
CpeaH xToHHnecKHx npH3HaKoB, npHcy^Hx "ToaopnaM", HccaeaoBaTeaH Bceraa o6pa^aaH BHHMaHHe Ha hx xpoMoTy, 6eaHñ nBeT KoHeñ h naa^eñ, b KoTopHe 6biaH 3aBepHyTH BcaaHHKH, nepra o6opoTHHnecTBa (KoHb-BcaaHHK), a TaKxe Ha xopomo H3BecTHyro cBa3b KoHa c xroHHHecKHM HanaaoM h norpe6aabHHM KoMnaeKcoM [3eneBHh 1981]. ^o6aBHM k 3ToMy e^e HeKoTopbie aeTaaH. BecbMa BHpa3HTeabHo yKa3aHHe Ha to, hto kohh cb. Toaopa BHcKaKHBaaH npaMo "H3-noa 3eMaH" [Ba6oBHh 1963, 205, CpeM]. KpoMe Toro, Toaopnbi 6e3ycaoBHo npHHaaaexaT TeMHoTe h MpaKy, h cBeT aaa hhx HeBHHocHM h onaceH. nosTOMy b TeneHHe Bceñ ToaopoBoñ HeaeaH aroaH cTpeMHaHcb BepHyrbca aoMoñ 3acBeTao, hto6h c HacTynaeHHeM TeMHoTH He BcTpeTHTbca c ToaopnaMH [MHayTHHoBHh 1971, 148, BaHar], He xraH orHeñ hh b aoMe, hh cHapyxn (ceBepo-BocTOHHaa Cep6na, rynyabi), a TaKxe paHo aoxHaHcb cnaTb h no3aHo BcTaBaaH, hto6h Ha hhx He HanaaH ToaopoBH kohh (BoeBoaHHa). EcaH 6h Toaopnbi 3aMeTHaH cBeT b oKHax, ohh 6h pa3&HaH oKHa KonbrraMH h 3aTonTaaH aoMonaaneB [bochr 1996, 221, BoeBoaHHa].
H aaa cb. Toaopa, h aaa "ToaopneB" BaxHeñmHM noKa3aTeaeM hx npHHaaaex-hocth k MepTBenaM-aeMoHaM oKa3biBaeTca BpeMeHHocTb hx npe6biBaHHa b "3tom" MHpe (co BTopHHKa nepBoñ HeaeaH nocTa ao BTopHHKa BTopoñ, c neTBepra no cpeay h ap.) — nepTa, 6oaee xapaKTepHaa aaa noKoñHHKoB, nepHoaHnecKn HaBe^aro^Hx stot mhp, neM aaa aeMoHHnecKnx nepcoHaxeñ KaK TaKoBHx. 3aMeTHM, hto hmh cep6cKnx aeMoHoB TaKxe npeacraBaaeT co6oñ npoH3BoaHoe ot cooTBeTCTByro^ero xpoHoHHMa (ToaopoBa Heaeaa, ToaopoBa cy66oTa — ToaopnH).
TaKHM o6pa3oM, b Toaopnax h cb. Toaope coneTaroTca nepra, yKa3brnaro^He, Bo-nepBbx, Ha hx npoHcxoxaeHHe H3 "HenHcrax" noKoñHHKoB, h, bo-btophx, Ha orpaHHHeHHbñ KaaeHaapHbiñ nepHoa hx npe6biBaHHa Ha 3eMae.
CBa3b cb. Toaopa h ToaopneB c noKoñHHKaMH noaTBepxaaroT noMHHaabHbie pHTyaab ToaopoBoñ HeaeaH. B ceBepHbix o6aacrax BoarapHH 1-a Heaeaa BeaHKoro nocTa 6biaa oaHoñ H3 raaBHbix aaT paHHeBeceHHHx 3aaymeK (Hapaay c MaconycTHoñ cy66oToñ). y 6oarap b ^o6pyaxe npeaKoB noMHHaaH b naTHHny (mydopoecmma dymHUu,a), a y 6oarapcKHx nepeceaeHneB b MoaaaBHH — b cy66oTy. y pyMbiH, rae nepBaa Heaeaa BeaHKoro nocTa cBa3biBaaacb c npe6biBaHHeM Ha 3eMae noayKoHeñ-noayaroaeñ, Ha3bBaeMbx Sín-Toadere, b cy66oTy b Kanecrae noMaHbi pa3aaBaaH xae6 h Boay h hx xe oTHocHaH Ha Kaaa6H^e [Ka6aKoBa 1989, 330].
Boaee Toro, 1-a Heaeaa BeaHKoro nocTa b HeKoTopbix perHoHax Ha BocToKe BaaKaH npeaHa3Hanaaacb aaa noMHHoBeHHa oco6bix KaTeropHñ yMepmHx. B Beaorpaa^HmKo (ceB.-3an. BoarapHa) ToaopoBa cy66oTa c^HTaaacb aHeM, Koraa BcnoMHHaaH o Tex, kto yMep b TeneHHe npomeamero roaa [nonoB 1991, 94], t. e. Tex, kto (KaK h "HenHcTbie" noKoñHHKH) He 3aBepmHa nepexoaa Ha "tot cBeT" h He npHcoeaHHHaca noKa k coHMy
147
O To^op^x, pycaiKax h npoHHx HaBax
npeaKoB. TaK xe b BaHaTe h CpeMe b ToaopoBy cyööoTy h naTHHny totobhih koihbo h pa3HocrnH ero HMeHHo b Te aoMa, rae b TeHeHHe roaa kto-to yMep. 3aecb xe totobhih xieönH, aHaiorHHHHe noMHHaibHHM: npoc^opKH h KoiaHH b ^opMe KpecTa [Bocah 1996, 219, 221]. XareiH 3aenapa (ceB.-BocT. Cepöaa) öhih yöexaeHH b tom, hto eciH noKoÖHHK yMep bo MpaKe ("öe3 cBeHH"), h no 3toh npHHHHe coxpaHaiacb onacHocTb ero nocMepTHoro "npeBpa^eHHa", to cnacTH yMepmero ot noaoÖHoö ynacTH moxho MHoro^eTHHM nocToM b ToaopoBy cyööoTy, cHHTaBmyroca 3aecb npa3aHHKoM MepTBHx [3eneBHh 1978, 385]. B H^ob^hbckom Kpae MaTepH, y kotophx b ceMbe öhih yMepmHe aeTH (TaKxe npHHHciaeMHe k "HeHHcTHM" noKoÖHHKaM), coöiroaaiH b naMaTb o hhx cnenHa^bHHe 3anpeTH, b Hacraocm, b TeHeHHe Bceö ToaopoBoö HeaeiH ohh He mam, HToÖH He npoflHpaBHTb HriaMH BHaoiÖieHHHe aHHbKH ("KpaTyHKH"), H3 kotophx hx yMepmae aeTH naiH Boay Ha "tom cBeTe" [TpeöeHapoBa 1989, 63].
HenocpeacTBeHHaa cBa3b noMHHaibHHx pmyaioB ToaopoBoö HeaeiH h noBepaö o Toaoprox h cb. Toaope öoiee Bcero 3aMeTHa b tom, hto HacTb noMHHaibHHx öiroa, npHroTOBiaeMbix k 3aaymHHne, cnenaaibHo "npeaHa3HaHaiacb" ToaopnaM, a nparoTo-BieHHbie xieönbi b (^opMe noaKoB (hih c otthckom noaKoBH cBepxy) HMeiH 3HaHeHHeM yMH^ocTHBHTe^bHoro aapa ToaopoBHM koh^m [Bocah 1996, 219-220]. noMHHaibHbie HepTH ierKo oÖHapyxHTb h b kohhhx copeBHoBaHHax, KoTopHe b BoirapHH h CepÖHH ycTpaHBa^H b ToaopoBy cyööoTy: HanpHMep, Ha ceBepo-BocToKe BoirapHH nepea HaHaioM phctmh^ ero yHacTHHKH oö,be3xaiH KiaaÖH^e, htoöh noHTHTb yMepmax [ToaopoBa 1990, 213, BapHa; floöpyaxa, 323].
C 1-ö Heaeieö BeiHKoro nocTa (a ToHHee c "TpHMep'oM" 'TpexaHeBHHM nocToM b HaHaie BeiHKoro nocTa') cBa3aHH h apyrae npeacTaBieHHa, Kacaro^Heca "nioxoö" cMepTH. y öoirap, cepöoB h MaKeaoHneB HeioBeK, He aoxHBmaö ao koh^ "TpHMep'a", chhtmca "HeHHcTHM" tokoöhhkom h Be^HKHM rpemHHKoM, Ha hto yKa3HBaroT ocoöeHHocTH ero norpeöeHHa. yMepmero bo BpeMa "TpHMep'a" xopohhih He Ha K^aaÖH^e, a b oö^eceibcKoö MycopHoö KyHe, HaBo3Hoö aMe hih b KpaöHeM ciyHae c Kparo K^aaÖH^a [ByKoMaHoBHh 1925, 345; ToaopoBa 1990, 212, BapHa], t. e. nocTynaiH c HHM KaK c caMoyÖHHneö; TaKoro noKoÖHHKa He bhochih b nepKoBb, h cba^hhhk He oTneBai ero, a h3 aoMa ero bhhochih He Hepe3 aBepb, a Hepe3 npoioM b cTeHe [CTpaHaxa, 294, 296]. "nioxaa" cMepTb npHBoaaia k nocMepTHHM npeBpa^eHHaM yMepmero b aeMoHa. CoriacHo noBepbaM, H3BecTHHM TaM xe, b CTpaHaxe, HeioBeK, yMepmaö bo BpeMa "TpHMep'a", cTaHoBHica "cyxHM ToaopoM", HaBoaa^HM yxac Ha iroaeö b TeHeHHe ToaopoBoö HeaeiH (cyomo Todopne e yMpnno npes TpuMepomo) hih Mor npeBpaTHTbca b BaMnapa [TpeöeHapoBa 1989, 64; CTpaHaxa, 327].
CraTb nocie cMepTH KapaKoHaxoioM Moria TaKxe jiroaa, 3aHaTHe, poxaeHHHe h yMepmae Ha ToaopoBoö HeaeiH [BM, 165]; bot noHeMy komktokc noMHHaibHHx pHTyaioB, hm nocBa^eHHHx, öhi ao KpaÖHocTH peayaapoBaH: b HacTHocTH, b naMaTb o hhx, KaK h oö yMepmax bo BpeMa "TpHMep'a", pa3aaBaiH He koihbo hih noMHHaibHHe xneÖEH, a ToibKo cHpoe xhto [CöHy 1900, kh. 16-17, h. 2, c. 21, Thphobo].
HaKoHen, nocieaHee, Ha hto xoTeiocb öh yKa3aTb: b paHHeBeceHHeM boctohho-öaiKaHcKoM KaieHaape ToaopoBa Heaeia cHHTaiacb oaHoö h3 caM^ix HeöiaronpaaTHHx: c Heö cBa3aHo Haaöoibmee hhcio HeraTHBHo oKpameHHHx xpohohhmob, oTHoca^Hxca KaK k oTaeibHHM ee aHaM ("xpoMHe", "KpHBHe, "cyxae", "öe3yMHHe" h np.), TaK h k caMoö Heaeie (amarnn, cmpamHa, Mpvma); k Heö xe npaypoHeHa Macca 3anpeToB, HecoöiroaeHHe kotophx onacHo aia HeioBeKa.
148
Tambana A. AzanKUHa
C yneTOM Bcero CKa3aHHoro mh pemaeMca npennonoxnTb, hto b OTnenbHbix BOCTOHHOÓanKaHCKHx pernoHax (ceBepo-BocToK Cep6nn, ceBepHaa Bonrapna, Bepoarao, CrpaHnxa) TonopoBa Henena OKa3anacb BpeMeHeM, Korna Ha 3eMne noaBnanncb cb. Tonop n Tonopub, Bonno^aBmne Bce HeraTHBHoe, 3aKnroneHHoe b 3tom onacHOM n He6naronpnaTHOM BpeMeHH. BMecTe c TeM, cBoe nponcxoxneHne 3th KaneHnapHbie neMOHH, cyna no BceMy, Benn ot "HeHncTbix" noKonHHKOB2, a o6braan TonopoBon Henenn cTann cBoeo6pa3HHMn noMHHKaMH no hhm h, OTnacTn, no HenaBHO yMepmnM.
Mh npennonaraeM, TaKHM o6pa3OM, hto b cnaBaHcKOM KaneHnape "HenncTbiM" noKonHHKaM, TaK xe KaK h npenKaM, 6binn "OTBeneHb" orpaHnneHHbie nepnonb, Korna ohh noaBnanncb b "3tom" MHpe, a b naMaTb o hhx ycTpanBanncb cBoeo6pa3Hbie noMHHKH h co6nronanncb MHoronncneHHbie 6biTOBbie h xo3ancTBeHHbie 3anpeTbi.
BaxHO non^epKHyTb, hto nna noMHHOBeHna "HenncTbix" noKonHHKOB "OTBeneHb" HMeHHO Te nHH h Henenn xpHcTHaHcKoro KaneHnapa, Korna nepKOBb He coBepmaeT o^nnnanbHoro noMHHOBeHHa yconmnx. B caMon HaponHon Tpannnnn nHH noMHHOBeHHa "HeHncTbix" noKonHHKOB h npenKOB TaKxe, KaK npaBnno, He coBnanaroT npyr c npyroM. TaK, Ha 1-n cenMnne BennKoro nocTa, Korna b "3tot" mhp npnxonaT Tonopnb h cb. Tonop, B npaBocnaBHon nepKBH naHnxnnb b xpaMe He coBepmaroTca Boo6^e, a noMHHOBeHHe npoHcxonHT paHbme, b MaconycTHyro cy66oTy, nnn no3xe — b cy66oTb 2-n, 3-n h 4-n cenMnn nocTa. B HaponHon KynbType noMHHOBeHHe npenKOB paHHen BecHon coBepmaeTca nn6o no KaHOHy npaBocnaBHon nepKBH (t. e. b MaconycTHyro cy66oTy nnn Ha 2-n Henene BennKoro nocTa), nn6o xe b MacneHHHHyro cy66oTy, onHaKO HHKorna — Ha 1-n (TonopoBon) Henene BennKoro nocTa.
Pyca^HH h pyca^KH
K roxHocnaBaHcKHM noBepbaM o "Tonopnax" h cb. Tonope KaK "HenncTbix" noKonHHKax, noMHHOBeHnro kotophx, KaK mh cnnTaeM, nocBa^eHa b 3HanHTenbHon Mepe TonopoBa Henena, 6onee Bcero 6nn3Kn BocroHHocnaBaHcKne npencTaBneHna o pycanKax n, OTnacra, roxHocnaBaHcKnx pycannax. OTHocnrenbHO nepBbx moxho cwraTb noKa3aHHHMH no KpanHen Mepe Tpn Be^n. nepBoe: pycanKn (neBymKH, yMepmne no 6paKa, yTonneHHnnb, neTH, yMepmne no Kpe^eHna, n HeK. np.) npnHannexaT k nncny "HenncTbx" noKonHHKOB. BTopoe: BpeMa nx npe6biBaHna Ha 3eMne orpaHnnero, KaK npaBnno, TponnKon (pycanbHon) Henenen, a caMO nx Mn^onornnecKoe HMa (pycanKU) ecTb b H3BecTHon cTeneHH npon3BonHoe ot cooTBeTCTByro^ero xpoHOHHMa (naT. rusalia n np., xoTa 6h h nepe3 roxHocnaBaHcKoe n Boo6^e 6anKaHcKoe nocpencTBo). H, HaKOHen, TpeTbe: b TeneHne 3Toñ Henenn nronn oco6hm o6pa3OM noMHHaroT pycanoK, b tom nncne co6nronaa 3anpeTb (cm. pa6oTbi K. 3eneHHHa n .H. H. BnHorpanoBon).
B nonb3y 3Toro TpeTbero Te3nca roBopnT npexne Bcero to, hto b TponnKyro (pycanbHyro) Henenro noMHHKH ycTpanBann HMeHHO b Tex noMax, rne 6binn "cboh pycanKn" (yMepmne MononbMn neBymKn nnn neTH, BbiKnnbimn y xeH^HH, yTonneHHHKn n non.): hm ocTaBnann eny, Bbmocnnn bo nBop onexny n nonoTHO, npnnepxanBanncb HeKOTopbx orpaHHHeHnn, cBnneTenbcTBOBaBmnx o npncyTcTBnn b noMe nym, n t. n. [3eneHHH 1995, 234-237; BnHorpanoBa 1986, 102, 107 n np.]. Homhhkh no pycanKaM
2 Ha 3Toro hh b KoeM cnyqae He cnenyeT, ito mh nbTaeMca cBecTH cb. Tonopa h TonopueB HcKnroqHTenbHO k "He^HcTbiM" ^OKOñHHKaM. Hx o6pa3b — cBoero pona "cnnaB" MH^onorHqecKnx xapaKTepHcTHK h cBoncTB pa3Hbx nepcoHaxen, cpenH kotophx cnenyeT npexne Bcero Ha3BaTb cb. Tonopa KaK noKpoBHTena nomanen h BcanHHKOB, "^paKHncKoro BcanHHKa", repMaHcKoro BoTaHa HnH ^HKoro oxoTHHKa h mh. np.
149
O xoflop^x, pycanKax h npoHHx HaBax
npoHcxoflHnH HnH B KaHyH PycMbHoö HeflenH, HnH name b TeneHHe ee caM0H, a ocoöeHHo HHTeHcHBHo — b HeTBepr, Ha3HBaeMHH PycaAKrnoû nacKOû, PycaAKuHbiM BenuKodHeM, KpueuM HnH CyxuM nemeepzoM.
Bot xapaKTepHoe onHcaHHe TaKoro noMHHoBeHHa: "[B PycanbHyro Heflenro] 6a6bi nofl xaToro BHBemHBaroT copoHKy, roÖKy, ^apTyK h HaMHTKy... CHHTaroT, hto yxe Kaxflaa fl0HKa [pycanKa] flo cBoeH MaTepH npHfleT, h oHa yxe Bo3bMeT Bce sto h ofleHeTca. A KoTopaa yxe MaTb He noBecHT, to Ta pycanKa yxe xoflHT Hefl0B0nbHaa h nnaHeT" [nA, BpecTcKaa o6n.]3.
Hto KacaeTca roxHocnaBaHcKHx h B0cT0HH0ÖanKaHcKHx pycanHH, to xoTa hx npHHacTHocTb K n0K0HHHKaM (b Tom HHcne "HeHHCTblM") H K n0MHHanbH0My nHKny He cTonb oneBHflHa, TeM He MeHee Ha oTflenbHbie ^aKTbi Bce xe ctoht oöpaTHTb BHHMaHHe. CornacHo oxfleatHHM cBHfleTenbcTBaM c ceBepo-BocToKa BonrapHH,pycarnu (pycarnÛKu h np.) — xeHcKHe fleM0HHHecKHe cymecTBa, npoHcxoflamHe h3 Monoflbix xeHmHH h fleBymeK, noBecHBmHxca HnH yMepmHx bo BpeMa p0fl0B [BM, 301], HnH xe sto npocro flymH yMepmHx, K0T0pbie noaBnaroTca b TeneHHe pycanbH0H HeflenH BÖnH3H cTaporo KnaflÖHma [BeHoBcKa-CtÖKoBa 1991, 6]. KanaHnaM H3BecTHo npeflcTaBneHHe o tom, hto KaxflHH HenoBeK, yMepmHH bo BpeMa pycanbH0H HeflenH, 6bin cKnoHeH k nepeBonnomeHHro h nocne cMepTH Mor npeBpaTHTbca b BaMnHpa [KanaHnH, 193]. y MonflaBaH b BeHflepax btophhk nocne Tp0HnK0H HeflenH Ha3HBanca CôyneMya mu nempenepepycamnop: b 3tot fleHb xeHmHHbi ycTpaHBanH rynaHHa h npoBoxanH pycanoK b MorHny [KaöaKoBa 1989, 348]. y raray3oB MonflaBHH (nepeceneHneB h3 ceBepHHx paH0H0B BonrapHH) b pycanbcKyro cpefly xeHmHHH mm Ha KnaflÖHme h oTTyfla "bboah^h" b ceno pycanoK (pycanuadpu zemupepnd 'pycanoK BBoflaT'), a b noHeflenbHHK no 3aBepmeHHH pycanbH0H HeflenH "npoBoxanH" hx oöpaTHo [CopoHaHy 1995, 65].
TaKHM 0Öpa30M HeTpyflHo 3aMeTHTb, hto no cBoeMy MH^0n0rHHecK0My cTaTycy pycanKH, pycanHH h T0fl0pnbi HMeroT Mexfly coöoh onpefleneHHoe cxoflcTBo, nexamee b oönacTH hx npoHcxoxneHHa (h3 "HeHHcTHx" tokohhhkob) h nocBameHHHx hm tomhhok, KoTopHe b cBoro oHepeflb npHypoHeHH He k oömHM noMHHanbHHM flHaM, a coBceM k flpyrHM flaTaM4.
ToBopa o Toflopnax, mh ynoMaHynH o tom, hto flna MH^onorHH ToflopoBoH HeflenH aKTyanbHH He TonbKo noaBneHHe T0fl0pneB, ho h b nenoM TeMa "nnoxoH" cMepTH (HanpHMep, "HeHHcTHMH" n0K0HHHKaMH cTaHoBHnHcb nroflH, yMepmHe bo BpeMa "TpHMepa" HnH b TeHeHHe ToflopoBoH HeflenH). TpoHnKHH nepHofl, KaK H3BecTHo, TaKxe 6bin cBa3aH c "HeHHcTHMH" n0K0HHHKaMH Booöme h c pycanKaMH, b HacTHocTH5.
Hpexfle Bcero, BcnoMHHM xoTa öh o CeMHKe (HeTBepre nepefl TpoHneö) — pyccKoM flHe noMHHoBeHHa "HeHHcTHx" tokohhhkob, k KoTopoMy eme b XXVII b. 6bino npHypoHeHo norpeöeHHe norHÖmHx, Ka3HeHHHx nHÖo yMepmHx ot ronofla h 6one3Heö, b cKyflenbHH-nax, HnH yöorHx floMax. CBefleHHa o pa3H006pa3Hbix ^opMax noMHHoBeHHa "HeHHcTHx" tokohhhkob b CeMHK HMeroTca h3 öonbmHHcTBa ceBepHo- h nearpanbHopyccKHx
3	3flecb h flanee xeKcxH h3 HoneccKoro apxHBa npHBoflaxca b nepeBofle Ha pyccKHH a3HK.
4	Ha cBa3b xoflop^B h pycanoK yKa3HBarox h HeKoxopbie flononHHxenbHbie ^aKXbi. y pyMHH b BaHaxe HpenonoBeHHe HaxHflecaxHHUbi HocHno Ha3BaHHe Todorusale: cHHxanocb, hxo b 3xo BpeMa npoHcxoflHna BcxpeHa h ceKcyanbHHe KoHxaKXH xeHcKHx MH^onorHHecKHx nepcoHaxeË pycanHH h MyxcKHx — K0Hen cb. Oeflopa; a pacxeHHe, Koxopoe pycanHH flapHnH cbohm H36paHHHKaM, Ha3HBanocb Todoruiia [Ka6aK0Ba 1989a, 161].
5	flaHHbie o n0MHH0BeHHH "HeHHcxbx" n0K0HHHK0B b xpoH^KHH nepHofl y bocxohhhx cnaBaH o6o6meHH HaMH Ha Kapxe 1.
150
Tambana A. AzanKUHa
o6iacTen [cm.: 3eieHHH 1995, 129-134; Ha 3anafle h ocoöeHHo Ha rore Pocchh CeMHK H3BecTeH Maio, hto jîbho roBopHT B noib3y ero ceBepHo-pyccKoro npoHcxoxfleHHa]. Ha YKpaHHe h b BeiopyccHH o "HenHcTbix" noKoÖHHKax BcnoMHHaiH na^e Ha TpoHnKon (pycaibHoö) Hefleie (b PycaibHbiö neTBepr), jihöo HecKoibKo paHbme — b HpenoioBeHHe naTH^ecaTHHnH hah Ha Bo3HeceHHe.
B 3THorpa^HHecKHx onHcaHHax, oraoca^Hxca k TpoHnKoMy nepHofly, cpeflH "HeHHcTHx" tokoöhhkob HaH6oiee nacTo ^HrypHpyroT flBe KaTeropHH yMepmHx: yTon^eHHHKH h fleTH. TaK, Ha ceBepo-BocToKe Pocchh (Batckhh Kpaö) cwranocb, hto CeMHK ycraHoBieH HMeHHo b naMaTb o6 yTonieHHHKax [BOHK, 130]; Ha CMoieH^HHe b CeMHK ot irofleö Tpe6oBaiocb co6irofleHHe 3anpeToB, cBa3aHHbix c Bofloö: Heib3a 6hio hh MHTb, HH cTHpaTb, HH noiocKaTb, HHane b ceMbe HenpeMeHHo KTo-HH6yflb 6h yroHyi [PAM]. Ha CyM^HHe yronieHHHKoB noMHHaiH Ha 6-ö Hefleie nocie nacxH (BepoaTHo, b Bo3HeceHHe): "B mecTb Hefleib anno KHflaroT Ha Bofly, xoTb h He cBaToe. MoxeT, H3 poflHbix mohx KTo-HH6yflb r^e-HH6yflb yronHica, TaK oh xfleT 3to anno. Torfla xoflaT Ha Kiafl6H^e BenepoM, HaneKyT aHn, Bo3bMyT bo^kh, caflyT Ha KaKyro-HH6yflb MorHiy, Ha cBexyro, h noMHHaroT" [nA]. B yKpaHHcKoM h 6eiopyccKoM Hoiecbe b fleHb npeno.oBeHHa naTHflecaTHHnbi iroflH He KynaiHcb, hto6h b ceMbe hhkto He yroHyi; He pa6oTa.H, hto6h He nonacTb b 6ypro Ha Bofle h hto6h loflKa He nepeBepHyiacb bo BpeMa ph6hoh iobih. HHKorfla He KynaiHcb b PycaibHbiö neTBepr: c^HTaiocb, hto b 3tot fleHb pycaiKa KynaeT cbohx fleTeö-"pycaieHaT" h HenpeMeHHo yTa^HT c co6oö b Bofly Koro-HH6yflb h3 jirofleö [HA]. B HeKoTopbix perHoHax Hoiecba yronieHHHKaM 6biia nocBa^eHa Bca PycaibHaa Hefleia. TaK, b PoBeHcKoö o6i. YKpaHHH, "Korfla y Koro ecTb yTonieHHHK [b ceMbe], to Ha PycaibHHny He mbroT h He cTHparoT Bcro Hefleiro — flia yTonieHHHKa. ByflTo 6h HHane b pofly KTo-HH6yflb e^e yTonHTca" [ToicTaa 1995, 261].
3HaHHTeibHo pexe noMHHoBeHHe "HenHcTbix" (yTonieHHHKoB, noBecHBmHxca, HeKpe^eHHx h MepTBopoxfleHHbix fleTen) npoHcxoflHio BMecTe c noMHHoBeHHeM npeflKoB. 9to Morio HMeTb MecTo b cy66oTy HaKaHyHe TpoHnbi, Korfla npaBociaBHaa nepKoBb noMHHaeT yMepmHx [Toicraa 1986, 103; 3eieHHH 1995, 134, 334], a TaKxe b flpyrHe flHH. HanpHMep, y cep6oB b BaHaTe b neTBepr nepefl TpoHneö coBepmaiocb mrneawe eode sa ceem Mpmee: cTapbie xeH^HHbi miH Ha peKy h jihih Bofly flia coiHna, Mecana, yflaBieHHHKoB h noBemeHHbix, a TaKxe b naMaTb o Bcex cbohx npeflKax [Bocöh 1996, 321].
Hto KacaeTca fleTen, yMepmHx flo Kpe^eHHa, to Ha YKpaHHe h b BeiopyccHH noMHHKH no HHM ycTpaHBaiHcb hx MaTepaMH b PycaibHbiö (tpohukhö) neTBepr. Ha^e Bcero MaTepH npHriamaiH HecKoibKHx MaioieTHHx fleTeö h yro^aiH hx Kamen, KaHyHoM h flpyroö noMHHaibHoö nH^eö [MHiopafloBHH 1991, 207, HoiTaBcKaa ry6.]. B flpyrHx ciynaax MaTepH He ToibKo yro^aiH fleTeö, ho h cnenHaibHo noKynaiH k 3ToMy flHro KpecTHKH h pa3flaBaiH hx fleTaM. CnHTaiocb, hto TaKHM o6pa3oM ohh MoryT oKpecTHTb cbohx yMepmHx fleTeö h BBecTH hx b napcTBo Boxne [XapbKoBcKHÖ c6ophhk, 296]. B 3an. MaKefloHHH (CTpymKo) noMHHoBeHHe yMepmHx fleTeö npoHcxoflHio eflHHcTBeHHHÖ pa3 b rofly — b ^yxoBcKyro cy66oTy, Korfla xeH^HHH pa3flaBaiH riHHaHHe cocyflbi flia BoflH "3a MaiH flena", a 3aTeM noiHBaiH hx Moraibi Bofloö [^eiHHHKoioBa 1960, 168]. B CKoncKoö KoTiHHe MaTepH, HMero^He yMepmHx MiafleHneB, flaBaiH fleTaM b ^yxoB fleHb yKpameHHHe uBeTaMH cocyflH c Bofloö [OHiHnoBöh 1939,402].
CBoeo6pa3Hoö ^opmoö noMHHoBeHHa yMepmHx fleTeö (MaioieTHHx, ho He o6a3aTeibHo HeKpe^eH^ix) aBiaeTca 3anpeT ecTb aroflH h flpyrHe ce3oHHbie nioflH flo
151
O xoflop^x, pycanKax h npoHHx HaBax
Bo3HeceHHa, TpoHnbi, nepBoro nHa neTpoBa nocTa, BHnoBa nHa, neTHero HBaroBa nHa, neipoBa nHa. MaTepH, y kotophx yMHpanH neTH, He enH ce3oHHbie nnonbi no onHoro h3 3thx nHeft, a b caM npa3nHHK pa3naBanH nepemHro, BHmHro, aönoKH h npyrHe nnonbi no coceflflM h poncTBeHHHKaM b naM^Tb o cbohx neiax (BocT.-cnaB., rox-cnaB., BocT.-non., BocT.-cnoBan., KapnaT.). Cwranocb, hto TeM caMbiM MaTb KaK 6h "nae ïx cboím nrraM" [ffleöKoBcKHH 1860, 37, nononbe]. B BoeBonHHe, npexne neM nonpoöoBaib ce3oHHbie nnonb MaiepH Ha Bo3HeceHHe othocoth hx Ha Moranbi cbohx yMepmHx neieH [BocHh 1996, 316].
TaKHM oöpa3oM, noMHMo o^HnHanbHoro noMHHoBeHHa yMepmHx, coBepmaeMoro npaBocnaBHoö nepKoBbro b cyööoiy HaKaHyHe naTHnecaTHHnbi, b HaponHoH TpanHnHH boctohhhx h, oTHacTH, roxHbix cnaB^H HMenHcb cnenHanbHbie nHH (Bo3HeceHHe, CeMHK, npenonoBeHHe naTHnecaTHHnbi, PycanbHHH neTBepr), Korna nronH (oöhhho poncTBeHHHKH) ycrpaHBanH cBoeoöpa3Hbie noMHHKH no "HenHcTbiM" noKoHHHKaM, npHHannexaBmHM k hx ceMbaM. Ha 3HanHTenbHoö TeppHTopHH, 3aceneHHoH boctohhhmh cnaB^HaMH, rnaBHbiM oömktom noMHHoBeHHa (Bbipaxaro^eroca b yro^eHHH, onapHBaHHH onexnoH h nonoiHoM, a TaKxe MHoronHcneHHbix 3anpeiax) öbinH pycanKH — "HeHHCTbie" tokohhhkh, Koiopbie nocne cBoeH npexneBpeMeHHoö cMepTH npeBpaTHnHcb b KaneHnapHbix neMoHoB. TaM xe, rne noBepba o pycanKax He nonyHHnH ocoöoro pa3BHTHa (PoccHa, ceBep BenopyccHH h np.), b tpohukhh nepHon nronH noMHHanH yionneHHHKoB, HeKpe^eHbix MnaneHneB h npyrHx yMepmHx HeeciecTBeHHon cMepibro. B Haponroö TpanHnHH oKKa3HoHanbHoe noMHHoBeHHe "HeHHcTHx" tokohhhkob b onHH H3 Ha3BaHHbix Bbime nHeö cocy^ecTBoBano c MaccoBMM noMHHoBeHHeM Bcero coHMa npenKoB b ^yxoBcKyro cyööoiy HaKaHyHe TpoHnbi.
HaBH
Bonee cnoxHoH oKa3HBaeTca crnyanHa c roxHocnaBaHcKHMH, yKpaHHcKo-KapnaicKHMH h yKpaHHcKHMH nepcoHaxaMH, ycnoBHo oötenHHaeMHMH non HMeHeM HaBHH. HanoMHHM, hto 3an.-öonr. Haeu, menuu, Haeüeme, memKu h np., MaKen. Haeu, Haejauu h np., BocT.-cepö. Haeu, HaeKe, Haeoju, Maeu, Maee h np., cnoBeH. (mTHpHH.) navje, mavje, movje oöo3HanaroT neMoHHnecKHe cy^ecTBa, b Koiopbie nocne cMepTH npeBpaTHnHcb nymH HeKpe^eHbix MnaneHneB, MepTBopoxneHHbix neieH (HHorna — nymH xeH^HH, yMepmHx b ponax). MxHocnaBaHcKHe "HaBH" na^e Bcero HMeroT ophhtomop^hhh oönHK (nTeHnbi, nbinnaia, öonbmHe nepHbie nTHnbi h np.), BbinaroT cBoe npHcyicTBHe xapaKTepHbiM nHcKoM HnH cbhctom, BenyT ceöa arpeccHBHo no oTHomeHHro k nronaM; rnaBHaa hx 3noKo3HeHHaa ^yHKnHa — HananaTb Ha cBoro MaTb h Ha poxeHHn, MynHTb hx b TeneHHe 40 nHeH nocne ponoB, BHcacHBaTb y hhx MonoKo, nHmaTb cHa, HacbinaTb öone3HH, nymHTb neieH, BHnHBaTb KpoBb y HoBopoxneHHbix h hx Maiepeö; HananaTb Ha naciyxoB h KoHroxoB no HonaM, BHnHBaTb MonoKo y oBen h KopoB h t. n. B oTnHHHe ot pycanoK h TonopneB cBeneHHH o ce3oHHocTH hx npeöbiBaHHa b "3tom" MHpe HeMHoro: BpeMeHeM hx noaBneHHa HHorna Ha3HBaroT BnaroBe^eHHe, nacxanbHyro Henenro h Bo3HeceHHe 6.
nepcoHaxH co cxonHHMH Ha3BaHHaMH (cp. mem, HayKU, MaeKu, MayKU, MaÜKu h non.) H3BecTHbi h b yKpaHHcKHx Kapnaiax, a TaKxe cnopanHnecKH — b npyrHx perHoHax YKpaHHb. 3a sthmh HMeHaMH 3aKpenneHo nBa ochobhhx nepcoHaxa — b neicKoM h xshckom oönHHbax.
6 9th cBo^Hoe onHcaHHe roxHocnaBaHcKHx "HaBHH" ocHoBaHo Ha Kopnyce hcto^hhkob, KoTopbie mh He pacKpbiBaeM 3a HeHMeHHeM MecTa (nonpoöHHH oö3op hcto^hhkob cm.: OHnHnoBHh 1968).
152
Tambnna A. AsanKuna
r^ynbčKHe hhbkh o6o3HanaroT ^ymH HeKpe^eHbix Mna^eH^B, MepTBopox£eHHbix ^eTeft, a TaK^e ^eTeft, y6HTbix cbohmh MaTepHMH Hen0Cpe^CTBeHH0 nočne po^eHHn; HaBKH onacHbi nenoBeKa, t. k. Hana^aroT Ha ^eTeft h ^čh^hh, cocyT y hhx KpoBb, ^ymaT ^čh^hh [THaTroK 1912, 191; Ohh^k 1909, 59, to y rox. cnaBHH]. y~KpaHHCKHe MaBKH — HeKpe^eHbie Mna^eH^i HnH ^čth, yBopoBaHHbie BCKope nočne po^eHHH ^bHBonoM; ohh ^HByT b necax, a Ha nacxy co6HparoTčH Ha KpecTHbiH xo^ k ^pkbh h
npočHT ce6e KpecTa [Lud, 1907/13, 123; noKyTbe]. B oTnHHHe ot ro^HocnaBHHCKHx HaBHH h ry^nbčKHx hhbok y yKpaHHCKHx MaBoK "BaMnHpčKHe" $yH^HH He Bbipa^eHbi [TpHHHeHKo 2, s.v. MaeKu; My6HHCKHH 1872, 206, 207].
KpoMe Toro, b YKpaHHCKHx KapnaTax h Ha YKpaHHe tčmh HMeHaMH MoryT o6o3HanaTbčH ^čhckhč nepcoHa^H (pe^e — nepcoHa^H 3ooMop^Horo o6nHKa, HanpHMep, b BH^e KomeK 7), no cbohm $yH^HHM h BHemHeMy BH^y npH6nH^aro^HxcH KaK k BočToHHocnaBHHčKHM h KapnaTCKHM pycanKaM, TaK h k 6onrapčKHM pycanHHM 8.
7	Koma^HH "hmh^x" yKpaHHCKHx hhbok o6tHCHneTCH, bčpohtho, hhcto h3hkobhm ^aKTopoM, cp. yKp. wymmb 'M^yKaTb'.
8	Bo bchkom cny^ae hmčhho TaKan CHTya^n cno^Hnacb Ha r^ynb^HHe, r^e "hhbkh" b3hih Ha ce6n $yH^HH h pycanoK, h "HaBeft"; bmčctč c tčm, y 6ohkob h neMKoB "hhbkh" npaKTH^ecKH He 6binH h3bčcthh.
153
O To^op^x, pycankax h npo^nx HaBax
Ohh noHBnaroTCH na^e Bcero Ha Tpon^oñ Henene nnn b neTpoB nocT; TaHnyroT n BHTanTHBaroT TpaBy (rynynbi); npnrnamaroT k ce6e Ha nrpn^e OBnapa, kotophh nrpaeT nna hhx Ha conenke (rannnnfl); ohh o6nraroT b Bone n MoryT 3aTa^HTb Tyna nenoBeka, pemnBmeroca b 3to BpeMa kynaTbca (ByKoBHHa); xon^T no necaM (ryqynbi, HepHH-roB^HHa); HacbinaroT 3acyxy, bhxph, 6one3HH (ryqynbi) h np.
TaKHM o6pa3oM, yKpaHHcKo-KapnaTCKne h yKpaHHcKHe nepcoHaxn THna "MaBoK" h "habok" oÓHapyxnBaroT nepra, ponHa^ne nx KaK c roxHocnaBAHcKHMH "HaBaMn", TaK n c roxHocnaBHHcKHMn "pycannaMn", "pycannñkaMH" n non. B nro6oM cnynae HecoMHeHHo, hto yKpanHcKo-KapnaTcKne n yKpanHcKne "habkh" npnHannexaT k "HenncTbiM" nokoñHHkaM, npeBpaTHBmnMca (KaK Tonopnbi n pycanKn) b KaneHnapHbix neMoHoB. OnHaKo b oramne ot TonopneB n pycanok, cooTBeTCTByro^ne yKpanHcKne n KapnaTo-yKpanHcKne TepMHHH, o6o3Hanaro^ne 3thx neMoHoB, He 3aBncaT ot xpoHoHHMa (cp. Bbime: "pycanKn" ot "pycannñ", "Tonopnbi" ot cb. Tonopa n TonopoBoñ Henenn), a cKopee caMn ABn^roTca hctohhhkom ^opMnpoBaHna onpeneneHHoñ rpynnH KaneHnapHHx TepMHHoB.
Cyna no pe3ynbTaTaM npennpnHHToro HaMn KapTorpa^npoBaHna, o6nacTb pacnpocTpaHeHHH cooTBeTCTByro^nx Ha3BaHnñ MH^onornnecKnx nepcoHaxeñ (naeu, hhPku, MaeKu n np.) HenocpencTBeHHo conpnKacaeTca c o6nacTbro pacnpocTpaHeHna xpohohhmob HaecKuü (HaMCKuü) nemeepz, HaecKuü BeauKdeHb, Haecma. nacKa 9. Ha ykpanHe n b Benopyccnn stot xpohohhm othochtch nHorna k CTpacTHoMy neTBepry, a na^e — k neTBepry nacxanbHoñ Henenn n o6o3HanaeT noMHHanbHbiñ neHb, korna nronn coBepmaroT xapakTepHHe noMHHanbHbie neñcTBna Ha Mornnax (y6nparoT, hhctht, ocTaBnaroT TaM eny, yro^aroT hh^hx h t. n.) 10. OnHako BHoBb o6pa^aeT Ha ce6a BHHMaHne tot ^akT, hto b npaBocnaBHoñ nepkBn Ha CTpacTHoñ n CBeTnoñ cenMnnax noMHHanbHbie cnyx6bi b xpaMe He coBepmaroTca. Hhhmh cnoBaMH, mh He b nepBHñ pa3 y6exnaeMca b npncyTcTBnn b HaponHoñ Tpannnnn noMHHanbHoro nHa, npoTHBopena^ero KaHoHy npaBocnaBHoñ nepkBH n cBH3aHHoro c TeMoñ "HeHncTbix" nokoñHHkoB, xoth b naHHoM cnynae 3Ta cBH3b He cTonb oneBnnHa, kak y TonopneB n pycanok, n nMeeT ckopee "3THMonorHHecknñ" xapakTep. Benb, kak mh nonaraeM, Ha3BaHHH KapnaTo-ykpanHcKnx n ykpanHcKnx "habok" h "MaBoK" nocnyxnnn ocHoBoñ nna xpohohhmob Tnna HaecKuü BernKÓeHb, nonTBepxneHneM neMy cnyxnT apeanbHoe cooTHomeHne xpoHoHHMa n HMeHn MH^onoraneckoro nepcoHaxa.
IoBopa o Tonopnax n pycankax, mh npnBonnnn npnMepbi Toro, hto h Ha TonopoBoñ Henene, n b TponnKnñ nepnon cy^ecTBoBann nHH, korna noMHHann 3thx MepTBenoB-neMoHoB, a TaKxe Boo6^e — Bcex "HeHncTbix" nokoñHHkoB. He cran b 3tom cMbicne HcKnroneHneM n nacxanbHbiñ nepnon. B nHH n Henenn, npenmecTByro^ne nacxe n cnenyro^ne 3a Heñ, coBepmaroTca cnenn^HnecKne pnryanbi noMHHoBeHna "HenncTHx" nnn HenaBHo yMepmnx nokoñHHkoB. Kak n b npyrnx cnynaax, ohh He coBnanaroT hh c o^nnnanbHHMH nepkoBHbiMH noMHHoBeHnaMH, hh, kak npaBnno, c HaponHbiMH KaneHnapHHMH noMHHkaMH, nocBa^eHHbiMH npenkaM.
9	CooTHomeHHe Ha3BaHHñ neMoHH^ecKHx nepcoHaxeñ THna "HaBH", "MaBKn" h xpoHoHHMa cm. Ha kapTe 1.
10	Ha HekoTopbix conpenenbHbix TeppHTopnax Benopyccnn h YkpaHHH nacxanbHbiñ qeTBepr Mor HaabiBaTbca Mepmebix BeAUKdeHb, yjuepwux nacxa, TaMmbtx dyw nacxa H non., B Pocchh (cm. kapTy 2) TepMHH "HaBHñ" H3penka BcTpeqaeTca b cocTaBe cnoxHoro xpoHoHHMa Haebu npoeodu, o6o3Haiaro^eroca noHenenbHHK HnH BTopHHk Oomhhoh Henenn.
154
Tambana A. AzanKuna
CpeflH BOCTOHHOCTaBAHCKHx naCxaAbHbix pHTyaAOB, CBa3aHHbix C nOMHHOBeHHeM "HeHHCTbix" nOKOHHHKOB, HaHÖOAee 3aMeTHO OÖHKHOBeHHe "yrO^aTb" Hx OCTaTKaMH nacxaAbHOH nnqn nO npOmeCTBHH npa3flHHKa (b cpefly hah neTBepr nacxaAbHOH HefleAH). TaK, HanpHMep, Ha IoMeAb^HHe b Tex ceMbax, rfle 6ha yTonAeHHHK, nocAe naCxH Ha BOfly nycKaAH kocth nacxaAbHoro nOpOCeHKa [nA]; Ha rore Pocchh, "hto6h nOMHHyTb yTOnneHHHKOB", Ha BOfly cnycKaAH nacxaAbHyro CKaTepTb h CKopAyny ot KpameHHx nacxaAbHbix aHy, a "hto6h noMaHyTb yflaBAeHHHKOB" — noflBemHBaAH k noTOAKy kocth nopoceHKa [3aHO3HHa 1991, 76, KypcKaa o6a.]. AHMorHHHO y pyMHH h MOAflaBaH ocTaTKH nacxaAbHbix Tpane3 npeflHa3HanaAHCb yÖHTHM, yTonAeHHHKaM, BHce^bHHKaM, a TaKxe "ÖAaxHHaM" h "paxMaHaM" [KaöaKOBa 1989a, 162]11. y KanaHyeB 3a Hefle^ro flo .a3apeBOH cyööora xeH^HHbi pa3flaBaAH xneöybi b naMaTb o "HOBa flyma", t. e. o noKOÖHHKax, yMepmHx b TeneHHe nocAeflHHx 40 flHeH, npH tom, hto ocHOBHbie BeceHHHe 3aflymKH flAa npeflKOB ycTpaHBaAH y KanaHyeB b caMy .a3apeBy cyööoTy. B Tex xe MecTax b nacxaAbHyro cyööoTy xeH^HHbi, b HbHx ceMbax 6hah HeflaBHO yMepmHe, pa3flaBMH b naMaTb o hhx npoc^opKH h KpameHbie aHya [KanaHyH, 215, 223].
H3peflKa noMHHOBeHHe "HenHCTbix" h HeflaBHO yMepmHx nOKOHHHKOB Momo npoHcxoflHTb HenocpeflCTBeHHO no neTBepraM Ha CxpacTHOH h nacxaAbHOH HefleAax (t. e. no neTBepraM, KOTopbie MorAH Ha3biBaTbca HaecKUMu). Ha TpoflHeH^HHe b CxpacTHOH neTBepr Ha KAaflÖH^ax ycTpaHBaAH noMHHKH Ha CBexHx (nocAeflHero rofla) MorHAax [ffleÖH 1890, 616-618]. TpoflHeHCKHH oöbinaö HaxoflHT cooTBeTCTBHe b öeAopyccKOM flHaAeKTHOM CAOBe Hayui, oöo3Hanaro^eM HeflaBHO yMepmHx, b naMaTb o KOTopnx b BHAeHCKOH ryö. OTMenaAca HaycKi eaaiKdseHb h coBepmaAHCb noMHHaAbHbie
pHTyaAH [nnr, 166].
HaKOHey, yeAHH pafl ^aKTOB yKa3HBaeT Ha to, hto CxpacTHOH h nacxaAbHHH neTBeprH nocBa^aAHCb He BceM "HenHCTbiM" hah HeflaBHO yMepmHM noKOHHHKaM, a HMeHHO "MaBKaM" h "HaBKaM" — HeKpe^eHHM MAafleHyaM h MepTBopoxfleHHbiM fleTaM. HanpHMep, Ha roro-3anafle BpaH^HHbi, ecAH b flOMe 6ha peöeHOK, yMepmHH HeKpe^eHHM, to b naMaTb o HeM b CxpacTHOH neTBepr ycTpaHBaAH oöefl [nA]. B XapbKOBCKOH ryö., a TaKxe b flpyrHx MecTax, neTBepr nacxaAbHOH HefleAH Ha3HBaAca MaecKUû hah MaenuH eemiKdem (t. e. 6ha npoH3BOflHHM HenocpeflCTBeHHO ot yKp. MaeKa). MaeKU 'flymH yMepmHx HeKpe^eHbiMH fleTeH' BHxoflHAH b sto BpeMa h3 BOflH h ocTaBaAHCb Ha 3eMAe flo HpenoAOBeHHa hah flo TpoHyH [3eAeHHH 1995, 165-166]. B MaenuH eeAUKdem Koe-rfle ycTpaHBaAH ceMeHHbie noMHHKH no yMepmHM fleTaM. HanpHMep, Ha BHTeö^HHe b nacxaAbHHH neTBepr, Ha3HBaeMHH HaecKe CKpucéme [BocKpeceHHe], "HyxHO 6hao CBapHTb CTOAbKO öeAHx aHy, CKOAbKO b ceMbe 6hao yMepmHx fleTeH, h cbecTb hx Ha otkphtom MecTe, noKaTaB npeflBapHTeAbHO no TpaBe, HTOÖH HeBHHHbie fleTH c BHCOTH Heöa BHfleAH h ÖAarocAOBAaAH noMHa^yro hx ceMbro" [HHKH^OpOBCKHH 1897, 244].
TaKHM oöpa3OM, y boctohhhx CAaBaH b OKOAonacxaAbHHH nepHOfl 6hah flHH, npeflHa3HaneHHHe flAa noMHHOBeHHa "HenHCTbix" nOKOHHHKOB (npexfle Bcero HeKpe^eHHx MAafleHyeB), a TaKxe HeflaBHO yMepmHx. Ha^e flpyrHx flAa SToro BHÖHpaAH HeTBeprH Ha CxpacTHOH h nacxaAbHOH HefleAax. Ha3BaHHe sthx flHeH (HaecKUû eernKdern h nofl.), 3THMOAorHHecKH Bocxofla^ee k flp.-pyc. h y.-CAaB. Haeb, Haebe [OacMep; BEP,
11 BepoaxHO, 3xo oötacHaexca H3BecxHOH y^epÖHOcxbro ocxaxKOB, b CBa3H c qeM hx moxho paccMaxpHBaxb KaK CBoero pofla "aHXHnH^y".
155
O To^opnax, pycaiKax h nponHX HaBax
s. v. Haeu], KaK HaM KaxeTca, 6oiee HenocpeflcraeHHo cBa3aHo co ciaBaHcKHMH Ha3Ba-hhhmh fleM0H0B-MepTBen0B THna "h^bkh", "MaBKH", Ha hto yKa3HBaeT conpHKocHoBeHHe o6iacTeñ pacnpocrpaHeHHa o6enx rpynn TepMHHOB b BocroHHociaBaHcKoM flHaieKTHoM npocTpaHcTBe12 (xoTa Heib3a HcKirowrb h bo3moxhocth He3aBHcHMoro pa3BHTHa o6ohx 3HaneHHH — 'HMa MH^oioranecKoro nepcoHaxa' h 'xpohohhm').
B KOHTeKcTe cKa3aHHoro B03HHKaeT co6ia3H HecKoibKo HHane, neM 3to fleiaeTca o6hhho, B3riaHyTb Ha H3Becraoe MecTO H3 "noBecra BpeMeHHHx ieT" (nofl 1092 r.) o nponcmecTBHH b noionKe, kotophh noflBeprca HoraoMy HanafleHHro "HaBHH", H36nBaro^Hx xHTeieH h ocTaBiaro^Hx Ha hx Teiax cMepToHocHHe a3Bbi:
"npe^HBHo 6HcTb nroflo noioTbcKe b MenTe: 6HBame b ho^h TyrbH, cTaHame no yiHnH, aKo neioBenH pH^ro^e 6ecH. A^e kto Bbiie3ame hc xopomhhh, xoTa BHfleTH, a6be ya3BeH 6yflame HeBHflHMo ot 6ecoB a3Boro, h c Toro yMHpaxy, h He cMaxy H3ia3HTH hc xopoM. noceMb xe Hanama b flHe aBiaTHca Ha kohhx, h He 6e hx BHfleTH caMex, ho KoHb hx BHfleTH KonbiTa; h TaKo ya3Biaxy iroflH noioTbcKbia h ero o6iacTb. TeMb h neioBenH riaroiaxy: aKo HaBbe 6broTb noionaHbi" [npeflHBHoe nyflo aBHiocb b noionKe b HaBax^eHHH: Hombro cToai TonoT, hto-to ctoh&io Ha yiHne, phckmh 6ecbi, KaK jiroflH. Ecih kto BbixoflHi H3 floMa, hto6h nocMoTpeTb, ToTnac HeBHflHMo ya3BiaeM 6biBai 6ecaMH a3Boro h oTToro yMHpai, h hhkto He ocMeiHBaica BbixoflHTb H3 floMa. 3aTeM HanaiH h flHeM aBiaTbca Ha KoHax, a He 6biio hx bhaho caMHx, ho bhjhh 6hih kotoh hx Konbrra; h ya3BiaiH TaK ohh irofleH b noionKe h b ero o6iacra. noToMy iroflH h roBopHiH, hto 3to MepTBenbi 6broT noionaH] [nB.H, 91]13.
XoTeiocb 6bi o6paTHTb BHHMaHHe Ha to, hto b flaHHoM ieTonHcHoM KoHTeKcTe Haebe cKopee o3HanaeT 'HonHbie fleMoHbí, HexeiH 'MepTBenb KaK o6hhho nepeBoflaT yKa3aHHbiH ^pameHT H3 nB.H. B noib3y 3Toro npeflnoioxeHHa roBopaT KaK MHHHMyM flBa o6cToaTeibcTBa. Bo-nepBHx, eciH cpaBHHTb npHBefleHHbiH KoHTeKcT c flpyrHMH, rfle ynoTpe6iaeTca ciobo Haeb, Haebe b flpeBHepyccKHx TeKcTax XII-XVI bb., HanpHMep, "aKo H HaBb H3 rpo6a", "H3 HaBHH BbcKpbce", "HaBbMb MbBb TBopaTb", "npHxoflHIH K HaMb HaBba MHTca" [CPfl XI-XVII X, 45], to cTaHoBHTca 3aMeTHa pa3HHna 3HaneHHH. Bo Bcex flpyrHx ciynaax HaexM He npHnHcbiBaeTca KaKHx-iH6o 3ioKo3HeHHbix fleñcTBHH (ohh BeflyT ce6a KaK o6bmHbie npeflKH), b to BpeMa KaK b coo6^hhh o npoHcmecTBHH b noionKe penb HfleT o HecBoñcTBeHHoM flia npeflKoB HanafleHHH HaBHH Ha irofleñ ("HaBbe 6broTb noionaHH"). Bo-btophx, b caMoM jieTonHcHoM KoHTeKcTe Hanaflaro^He ("HaBH") flBaxflbi Ha3HBaroTca "6ecaMH" ("aKo neioBenH pH^ro^e 6ecH", "ya3BeH 6yaame HeBHflHMo ot 6ecoB a3Boro"), hto TaKxe coBepmeHHo HexapaKTepHo flia BocnpHaTHa npeflKoB KaK TaKoBHx. B coBoKynHocTH c flaHHHMH coBpeMeHHHx roXHo- H BocTOHHociaBaHcKHx flHaieKToB (rfle Haeu, mym, Maem h nofl. o6o3HanaroT MH^oioranecKHx nepcoHaxeñ, o6hhho flocTaTo^Ho arpeccHBHHx) 3to flaeT noBofl, hto6h npeflnoioxHTb flia flp.-pyc. Haeb, Haebe HaiHHHe nepH^epHHHoro (hih oKKa3HoHaibHoro) 3HaneHHa '?HenHcTHH, ?onacHbiH noKoHHHK', pa3BHTHeM KoToporo, xoTa 6bi oTnacTH, aBiaroTca coBpeMeHHHe Ha3BaHHa MH^oiorHnecKHx nepcoHaxeñ THna "HaBeñ", "HaBoK" h "MaBoK".
12	O cBa3H ciob Haeuü, HaecKuü c üacxoñ h nacxaibHoH TeMaTHKoH yKaaHBaeT h xapaKTepHoe yKpaHHcKoe noBepbe: eciH pa6oTaTb Ha nacxaibHoH Hefleie, y qeioBeKa (b KanecTBe HaKaaaHHa) BHpacTeT TaK HaabiBaeMaa "HaBcKaa KocTo^Ka" (xapaKTepHHH HapocT Ha Hore).
13	O cxoflcTBe 3Toro MecTa H3 "üoBecTH BpeMeHHHx ieT" h roxHociaBaHcKHx noBepHH o Toflopnax yxe ynoMHHaiocb b cnenHaibHMx pa6oTax [cm.: 3eieBHh 1981; Toictoh 1990].
156
Tambana A. AzanKUHa
no^MTOxHM BbimecKa3aHHoe.
"HeHHcTbie" noKoÖHHKH, TaK xe KaK h npeaKH, noaBiaroTca b "3tom" MHpe b onpeaeieHHbie KaieHaapHbie nepHoaH h aHH. B HeKoTopHx ciaBaHcKHx TpaaHUHax "HeHHcTHM" noKoÖHHKaM npHnHcHBaeTca cnocoÔHocTb k nocMepTHoMy npeBpa^eHHro b aeMoHoB, ôiaroaapa neMy MH^oiorrnecKHe cHcTeMH 3thx TpaaHUHÖ nonoiHaroTca Ka^eHflapHHMH aeMoHaMH-MepTBeuaMH. ,D,ia hx MH^oiorrnecKoft xapaKTepHcTHKH 3HaHHMH TaKHe acneKTH oôpa3a, KaK MHoxecTBeHHocTb, nopoö HepacnieHHMaa (meu, Maeu, pyca^e, pycarnu, modopu,u Hap.); H3ÔeraHHe cBeTa h noaBieHHe b HonHoe BpeMa (ToaopuH, HaBH); TeHaeHUHa k ycToöHHBoö 3oo-, ophhto- hah 3HaoMop^Hocra (a He coôcTBeHHo k oöopoTHHnecTBy), cp. pycaiHH-öaöonKH, HaBH-nTeHUH, ToaopuH-KoHH, HaBKH-KomKH, H HeK. ap.
HaôiroaaeTca nocieaoBaTeibHbiö napaiieiH3M b Ha3BaHHax 3thx ce3oHHHx aeMoHoB-MepTBeuoB h xpohohhmob, o6o3Hanaro^Hx nepHoaH hx noaBieHHa (ToaopoBa Heaeia — Toaopubi; Pycaie, PycaibHaa Heaeia — pycaiKH, pycaiHH; a TaKxe, bo3moxho, HaBH — HaBcKHö aeHb).
^hh h nepHoaH, oTBeaeHHHe aia "HeHHCTbix" tokohhhkob, xapaKTeprayroTca, Bo-nepBHx, Hcxoaa^eö ot hhx "ce3oHHoö" onacHocTbro aia jiroaeö (ToaopuH h pycaiHH npHHocaT iroaaM ôoie3HH, H3ienHTb KoTopHe moxho iHmb ToibKo nepe3 roa, b aeHb, Koraa ohh cHoBa noaBaTca Ha 3eMie); bo-btophx, coôiroaeHHeM 3anpeToB (npecieayro^Hx ueib H3ÔexaTb koh^kob c noKoöHHKaMH, He HaBpeaHTb hm, He cnpoBouHpoBaTb hx Ha aeöcTBHa, yrpoxaro^He xh3hh h 3aopoBbro neioBeKa); B-TpeTbHx, npHMeHeHHeM anoTponeHnecKHx Mep; B-neTBeprax, aeöcTBHaMH noMHHaibHoro xapaKTepa (yro^eHHeM h oaapHBaHHeM tokohhhkob, orpaHmeHHaMH b eae), bo3moxho, KoMneHcHpyro^HMH "HenHCTbiM" noKoÖHHKaM HeaocraTOK nocMepTHoro noMHHoBeHHa.
nocBa^eHHHe "HenHcTbiM" noKoÖHHKaM noMHHaibHbie aHH oTMenaroTca b Tpex ochobhhx uHKiax BeceHHero KaieHaapa — paHHeö BecHoö, b nacxaibHHÖ h tpohukhö nepHoaH.
^hh h nepHoaH, KoTopHe nocBa^eHH cBoeoôpa3HoMy noMHHoBeHHro "HenHcTbix" tokohhhkob, oöhhho npHxoaaTca Ha to BpeMa, Koraa npaBociaBHaa uepKoBb no TeM HiH HHHM npHHHHaM Booö^e He coBepmaeT noMHHaibHHx ciyxô; 3th aHH h nepHoaH, KaK npaBHio, He coBnaaaroT h c ycTaHoBieHHHMH b HapoaHoö TpaaHUHH oö^hmh aHaMH noMHHoBeHHa npeaKoB.
OnHcaHHHe 3aecb oöbraaH cieayeT paccMaTpHBaTb He cToibKo KaK ycToöHHByro TpaaHUHro noMHHoBeHHa "HenHcTbix" tokohhhkob, cKoibKo KaK apxaHnecKyro KyibTypHyro TeHaeHUHro, HMero^yro pa3Hyro aHHaMHKy b oTaeibHHx perHoHax Slavia Orthodoxa.
^HTepaTypa
BaöoBHh 1963 — r. Eaôoeuh. OpoiHK: HcropHja, xhbot h oÖHnajH jeaHor CpeMcKor ceia
II CE36, 1963, Ka. 76. BeHoBcKa-CtÖKoBa 1991 — M. EeHoecm-CvÖKoea. 3a pycaiKHTe b ÖmrapcKHa ^oiKiop I
I BtirapcKH ^oiKiop, 1991, M 1, c. 3-14. BEP — BtirapcKH eTHMoiormeH pe^HHK. Co^Ha, 1971-, T. 1-. BM — BtirapcKa MHToiorHa. EHUHKioneaHneH pe^HHK. Co^Ha, 1995. BochR 1996 — M. Eocuh. ToaHmHH oÖHnajH Cpôa y BojBoaHHH. Hobh Caa, 1996.
157
O xoflop^x, pycanKax h npoHHx HaBax
BHHorpaaoBa 1986 — ff. H. Bmozpadoea. MH^onoranecKHH acneKT noneccKon pycanbHon TpaflHnHH II CnaBÄHcKHH H ÖMKaHcKHH ^OnbKnOp. M., 1986, c. 88-133.
ByKOMaHOBHh 1925 — B. ByKoMameuh. YcKpmaH noKnaaH h "TpHMep" ok. Bhtom I I BeHan. Beorpaa, 1925, M 11.
BOHK — BÄTCKHH ^onbKnop. HapoaHbrä KaneHaapb. KoTenbHHH, 1995.
THaTMK 1912 — B. rHamwK. 3HaaoöH ao yKpaïHcbKoï aeMOHonoriï II ETHorpa^inHHH 3ÖipHHK. ^bBÍB, 1912, T. 33-34.
TpeöeHapoBa 1989 — Ca. rpeôempoea. 3aroBe3HH — ToaopoBaeH KaTO npexoaeH nepHoa b HapoaHHA KaneHaap II Hctophhhh npernea. Co^hä, 1989, t. 45, M 1, c. 55-71.
TpHHHeHKO — E. ff. rpuHueHKo. CnoBapb yKpaHHcKoro Ä3biKa. KHeB, 1907-1909, t. 1-4.
flenHHHKonoBa 1960 — 3. ffeAuHuKoAoea. OöHHaH cBp3aHH co noeaHHH npa3HHnH h HeaenHH aHH BO PaaoBHm II TnacHHK ETHonomKHOT My3ej bo CKon^e. CKon^e, 1960, Ka. 1, c. 135-176.
floöpyaxa — floöpyaxa. Co^hä, 1974.
3aHO3HHa 1991 — ff. O. 3aHosuHa. TepMHHonorHÄ KaneHaapHbix oöpaaoB roaHHHoro nHKna b 3THonHHrBHcTHnecKOM ocBe^eHHH. flHc. ... KaHa. ^Hnon. HayK. Open, 1991.
3eneHHH 1995 — ff. K. 3eAeHuH. OnepKH pyccKon MH^onorHH. M., 1995.
3eneBHh 1978 — Ca. 3meeuh. CaMpTHH oöHHajH y OKonHHH 3ajenapa II TEMB, 1978, Ka. 42, c. 383-398.
3eneBHh 1981 — Ca. 3meeuh. MmxKa ÖHha cpncKHx npeaaaa. Beorpaa, 1981.
3eneBHh 1993 — Ca. 3eneeuh. BepoBaaa h3 TpaaHnHje craHOBHHmTBa npHoöanHHx Hacera floaer flyHaBa II TEMB, 1993, Ka. 57.
KaöaKOBa 1989 — r. H. KaôaKoea. TepMHHonorHÄ BocroHHopoMaHcKon KaneHaapHon oöpaaHocTH b conocTaBneHHH co cnaBÄHcKOÖ. flHc... KaHa. ^Hnon. HayK. M., 1989.
KaöaKOBa 1989a — r. H. KaôaKoea. MaTepHanbi ana pyMbracKOÖ aeMOHonorHH II MaTepHanbi k VI MexayHapoaoMy KOHrpeccy no H3yneHHro cTpaH roro-BocTOHHOÖ EBponbi. npoöneMH KynbTypbi. M., 1989, c. 133-150.
KanaHnH — KanaHnH: Bht h KynTypa Ha cTapoTO ötnrapcKO HaceneHHe b CeBepoH3TOHHa BtnrapHÄ. ETHorpa^cKH h e3HKOBH npoyHBaHHÄ. co^hä, 1985.
Kocrah 1968-1969 — n. Kocmuh. ToaHmaH oÖHHajH y HeroTHHcKoj KpajHHH II TEMB, 1968I69, Ka. 31I32, c. 363-396.
MHnopaaoBHH 1991 — B. n. Mmopadoem. ^HTbe-ÖHTbe nyöeHcKoro KpecTbÄHHHa II YKpaïHni: HapoaHi BipyBaHHÄ, noBip'a, aeMOHonoria. Khïb, 1991, c. 170-341.
MHnyTHHOBHh 1971 — B. MuAymuHoeuh. OöpeaHa nenHBa y BojBoaHHH II TnacHHK eTHorpa^cKor HHcTHTyTa, 1967I1968, Ka. 16I18. Beorpaa, 1971, c. 125-159.
Hhkh^opobckhh 1897 — H. M. Hum$opoecmû. npocroHapoaHbie npHMera h noBepbÄ, cyeBepHbe oöpaabi h oöbinaH, nereHaapHHe cKa3aHHÄ o nHnax h MecTax. BHTeöcK, 1897.
OHH^yK 1909 — A. OHuwyK. MaTepianH ao ryuynbcKoï aeMOHonoriï II MaTepianH ao yKpaïHcbKO-pycbKoï eTHonoriï. .HbBiB, 1909, t. 11, h. 2, c. 1-139.
nA — noneccKHH apxHB HHcTHTyTa cnaBÄHOBeaeHHÄ h öanKaHHcTHKH PAH.
HB.H — HoBecTb BpeMeHHHx neT I Hoar. TeKcTa, nepeBoa, cTaTbH h komm. fl. C. ^HxaneBa. CHö., 1996.
HonoB 1991 — P. nonoe. CBeTnH önH3HanH b ötnrapcKHÄ HapoaeH KaneHaap. Co^hä, 1991.
158
Tambana A. AzanKUHa
nnr — naxaBaHHi. naMÍHKÍ. ra.am3HHÍ. Míhck, 1986.
PAM — PoccHHCKaa aKa.eMHa My3HKH. Oo.bK.opHbrn apxHB KaÖHHeTa Hapo.Hoö
My3HKH.
CoponaHy 1995 — E. C. CoponnHy. TepMHHo.orHa 6o.rapcKoö Ka.eH.apHoö o6pa.HocTH B cpaBHeHHH c raray3CKoö (Ha MaTepHa.e 6o.rapcKHx h raray3CKHx roBopoB BeccapaÖHH). ^hc. KaH.. $H.o.. HayK. M., 1995. PyKonHCb. CP£ XI-XVII — C.oBapb pyccKoro a3HKa XI-XVII bb. M., 1975-, bhh. 1-. CTpaHflxa — CTpaHflxa. MaTepHa.Ha h .yxoBHa Ky.Typa. Co^Ha, 1996. Te.ÖH3oBH 1963 — K. Teaôusoe, M. BeKoea-Teaôusoea. Tpa.HnHoHeH 6ht h Ky.Typa Ha
öaHaTCKHTe 6t.rapH // C6HY, 1963, kh. 51. To.opoBa 1990 — fl. Todopoea. Tpa.H^oHHH npo.eTHH h .eTHH npa3HHnH h o6HHaH b npoBa.HHCKHA CtpT // H3BecTHa Ha Hapo.HHa My3eö — BapHa. BapHa, 1990, kh. 26 (41), c. 208-221. To.CTaa 1986 — C. M. Toncman. no.eccKHË Hapo.Hbm Ka.eH.apb. MaTepHa.H k 3THo.Ha.eKTHoMy c.oBapro. ^ — H // C.aBaHCKoe h 6a.KaHCKoe a3HKo3HaHHe. M., 1986, c. 98-131.
To.CTaa 1995 — C. M. Toncman. no.eccKHË Hapo.Hbm Ka.eH.apb. MaTepHa.H k 3THo.Ha.eKTHoMy c.oBapro. P — ^ // C.aBaHCKoe h 6a.KaHCKoe a3HKo3HaHHe. M., 1995, c. 251-317.
To.ctoh 1990 — H. H. Toncmoû. ro^Hoc.aBaHCKHe Todopuua/ TodopoedeH. O6pa., ero
CTpyKTypa h reorpa^Ha // Ba.KaHCKHe HTeHHa. 1. M., 1990, c. 101-109. OacMep — M. <PacMep. 3THMo.orHnecKHH c.oBapb pyccKoro a3HKa. M., 1964-1973, t. 14.
OH.HnoBHh 1939 — M. <Pmunoeuh. O6HHajH h BepoBaaa y CKoncKoj Kot.hhh // CE36,
1939, Ka. 54, c. 277-566. OH.HnoBHh 1968 — M. &umnoeuh. HaBH ko. 6a.KaHCKHx C.oBeHa // .HecKoBanKH
36opHHK. ^ecKoBan, 1968, M 8. XapbKoBCKHË c6opHHK. .ÏÏHTepaTypHo-HayHHoe npH.oxeHHe k "XapbKoBCKoMy
Ka.eH.apro". XapbKoB, 1894, BHn. 8, c. 1-384. Hy6HHCKHË 1972 — n. n. ¥yôuHcKUû. Tpy.bi araorpa^HnecKo-CTaTHCTHnecKon
3Kcne.HUHH b 3ana.Ho-pyccKHH Kpaö. Cn6., 1872, t. 1. ffleÖKoBCKHH 1860 — K. ŒeûKoecKuû. Bht no.o.aH. KHeB, 1860, t. 1, BHn. 2. ffleÖH 1890 — n. B. ŒeûH. MaTepHa.H ..a xapaKTepHCTHKH 6HTa h a3HKa pyccKoro Hace.eHHa CeBepo-3ana.Horo Kpaa. Cn6., 1890, t. 1, h. 2.
159
O T0fl0p^x, pycamax h npo^HX HaBax
O todorcih, rusalkah in drugih prikaznih (Mrliči-demoni in "nečisti" pokojniki v pomladnem koledarju slovanskih narodov)
Tatjana A. Agapkina
"Nečisti" pokojniki se podobno kakor predniki pojavljajo na "tem" svetu v določenih koledarskih dobah in ob določenih dnevih. V nasprotju s predniki se ravno "nečistim" pokojnikom pripisuje sposobnost posmrtnega spreminjanja v demone, ki koledarsko zapolnjujejo lokalne slovanske mitološke sisteme. Opazen je dosledni paralelizem imen teh koledarskih demonov-mrličev s krononimi, zaznamujočimi dobe njihove pojavitve (Todorjev, prvi postni teden - todorci; Rusale, rusalski teden - rusalke, rusalije; morda pa tudi navski dan - navi).
Dobe, določene za obisk "nečistih" pokojnikov, zaznamujejo med drugim dejanja zadušnega značaja (pogostitve in obdarovanja pokojnikov, vzdržnost pri jedi), ki najbrž nadomeščajo pomanjkanje posmrtnih molitev. "Nečistim" pokojnikom posvečeni zadušni dnevi se obhajajo v treh osnovnih ciklih pomladnega koledarja - zgodaj spomladi, v velikonočni in binkoštni dobi. Ti dnevi in dobe padejo navadno v čas, ko pravoslavna cerkev iz teh ali onih vzrokov sploh ne opravlja zadušnic; praviloma se tudi ne pokrivajo z izročilno ustaljenimi splošnimi dnevi molitev za prednike.
160
The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
Zmago Smitek
In the Slovene folk tradition descriptions of the "world axis " in the form of the world mountain and the cosmic tree were preserved. This vertical axis linked the spheres of the underworld, the earth and the sky, representing the communicational channel among them. The world of people, deities, demons and souls of the deceased was installed in such "coordinate system". Christianity gave the vertical axis another meaning, while the concept of human "earthly world" preserved a large number of its old traits.
People's notions of distant landscapes may be named "the space of wishes", since the hopes and fears of many generations have been projected into it. We should, however, distinguish between visions of existing geographical locations - which we denote as "profano-utopian" (e.g. countries "at the back of beyond") - and entirely imaginary "cult-utopian" landscapes (e.g. paradise, the Heavenly Jerusalem). The motifs of both these spaces are similar in many ways1. The important difference between the two is, however, that the "profano-utopian" world extended only in two dimensions, length and width (in accordance with the onetime idea of the world as a plain), while the "cult-utopian" was three-dimensional, as it comprised, apart from the "earthly" sphere, also the celestial and the underworld ones. All the three spheres were linked together by the vertical "axis mundi" in the shape of a cosmic mountain or a tree. The existence of such "tripartite, trimorph, triad, trilogistic, triperiodic divisions of the world" has been proved - apart from the Indo-European folklore tradition - by archaeological finds originating from the pre-Slavic and Slavic periods in the Slovene territory2. Christianity took over the basic scheme, but added different accents. In the Slovene folk ballad "The Saint and the Devil ", St.Ulrich has to solve three (the most difficult) riddles:
" Ta prva vgnalca je le-ta: Kje je pa narviši svet?" "Tist je pa narviši svet, kjer Jezus je na križ razpet." "Ta druga vgnalca je le-ta: Kje je pa narširi svet?" "Tist je pa narširi svet,
1	Bodo Gätz, Weltalter, goldene Zeit und sinnverwandte Vorstellungen, Spudasmata 16 (1967), p. 174.
2	Andrej Valič, Triglav : arheološki problem in vprašanja njegovih predstav, Kranj 1997, pp. 18-22.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
kjer sonce zjutraj gori gre, zvečer pa za božjo gnado gre." "Ta tretja vgnalca je le-ta: Kolk je od nebes do dna pekla?" "Papežova žena dobro ve, ona je že doli bla, ker jo je Bog pahnil dol z nebes, letela je do dna pekla."
"The first riddle goes like this:
Where is the highest world?"
"There is the highest world
Where Christ is crucified."
"The second riddle goes like this:
Where is the widest world?"
"There is the widest world
Where the sun rises in the morning
And sets after God's glory in the evening."
"The third riddle goes like this:
How far is Heaven from Hell?"
"The Pope's wife knows that well,
She has been down in Hell,
As God threw her from the sky,
To Hell's bottom she had to fly."3
The Underworld
"The Underworld" could be reached through deep subterranean abysses or caves; according to some Slovene tales, a visitor could be led there by a deceased person, through his/ her grave. The world beneath us was supposed to be similar to ours, or even more beautiful. There "the sun shone, trees were green and a brook murmured through a silent valley."4 Or "there, the sun shines just as it shines here in the springtime. The landscape is even lovelier than here. I've seen beautiful green meadows there, willows grow along a river that flows in a smooth, winding riverbed. It is just like a small heaven. Handsome young mowers were mowing. When they noticed me, they gave me a scythe and asked me to cut some three swathes..."5. The world of the dead, adapted to our environment, indicates the human wish that the dead might find "beyond" a suitable home, and would not be coming back. Enigmatic is the role of mowers; perhaps it is not superfluous to hint that "mowers" are also present in the constellation of Orion, not only in Slovenia, but also in the vast territory stretching from Finland to the Alpine part of Italy6. Even more significant in this description is the mention of water, as according to Slovene notions the world of the dead was situated beyond the waters. The transcedental meadow
3	Slovenske ljudske pesmi, Vol.1, Ljubljana 1970, p. 193 (no. 37/3); further on: SLP.
4	Pavle Rožnik, Lepa Mankica in druge prekmurske pravljice, Pomurska založba 1978, p.124 (Zlato mesto).
5	Josip Jurčič (J. Zavojšček), Spomini na deda (Jama, po kteri se pride na drugi svet), Novice 1863, p. 331; Kelemina, p. 313 (228.I) - with minor changes of the text.
6	Milko Matičetov, Zvezdna imena in izročila o zvezdah med Slovenci, Zbornik za zgodovino naravoslovja in tehnike 2 (1974), p. 67.
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also appears as a sheep pasture. This idea indicates the stockbreeders' mentality, and can already be found in Rig veda , where Yama's way, the way of mortals, is named "the pasture" or gavyuti (10.14.2). InAvesta, the cognate word gaoyaoiti denoted Mithra's "vast pastures". In the Slovene tradition, sheep represent the souls of the deceased; their situation is either good or bad, depending on their behaviour during their lifetime: they are well-fed or emaciated, depending upon their former generosity or avarice7. The idea of good or bad payment for past actions finds a more detailed presentation in the Carinthian tale of "bewitched souls": in the world of the dead, a flock of thin and fat sheep can be seen, together with reapers and mowers who struggle with the labourss of Sisyphus, and two duelling rams butting each other8.
The motif of two combatting rams (goats, rock goats, etc.) is linked in folk tales with the protection of a sacred place (subterranean cave, tree of life, source of living water, crossroads...)9. As we will see, the path to the Holy of holies is full of obstacles, and one of them can be the passage between two duelling animals. This reminds one of the Greek Scylla and Charybdis, two menacing cliffs, or two lions guarding the bridge leading to the world beyond. The folk tradition of duelling rams is spread mostly in Carinthia, partly in Tyrol, and in some places of Upper Austria and the surroundings of Salzburg10. Plastic art depictions show that this is a very ancient motif, reaching all the way back to Stone Age Europe (the relief in Roc de Sers, France), while two horned beasts beside the tree of life appear in Sumerian art before the 3rd millennium B.C. Since for Christians the tree of life represented Christ or his cross, the two rams -guardians of the tree - became ruling attributes of the Christian God.
The two animals therefore mark the line between the profane and the sacral. Only those who are worthy and skilful enough manage to get through. This idea of the borderline is contained in the Slovene popular belief that the butting rams are the souls of two peasants who, during their lifetime, fought over the borders dividing their properties. In the Slovene Carinthian tale the interpretation of this motif is more didactic and moralizing; in this case, the underworld is the very scene of posthumous award or punishment: "In the middle of the fourth river there was a small island on which two skinny rams were butting each other with such force that sparks flashed around them. Their horns were broken, blood was pouring from their heads, they were running short of breath, but still they kept butting against each other with ever increasing force... These butting rams were two peasants who had spent their entire lives litigating for an old apple-tree, thus losing their land so that their children were left without any dowry, and had to earn their bread as bailiffs and maids to their neighbours"11. In the quoted text, biblical symbolism might be found: according to Daniel's vision of "the final times", the fight between a ram and a goat (rock goat?) represents the war between Persia and Syria. In this case also, the meaning of the vision is explained by the companion - archangel Gabriel (Dan 8.3-8; 8.20).
The ethical element of posthumous existence (interdependence of sin, guilt, and penitence) came into value rather late, probably only with Christianity. In Slovene folk
7	Josip Šašel - Franc Ramovš, Narodno blago iz Roža, Arhiv za zgodovino in narodopisje 2, Maribor 1936-37, pp. 14-15 (Na hünam svet); France Kotnik, Storije II. Koroške narodne pripovedke in pravljice, Celovec 1958, pp. 22-25 (Dana beseda).
8	Vinko Möderndorfer, Koroške narodne pripovedke, Celje 1946, pp. 120-122 (Zaklete duše); 123-125 (Trpljenje na onem svetu).
9	Helmut Fielhauer, Das Motiv der kämpfenden Böcke, Festschrift für Otto Höfler, Bd. 1, Wien 1968, pp. 69106.
10	Fielhauer, p. 71.
11	Möderndorfer, pp. 120-122.
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songs about a fiddler in front of hell's gate, which are a continuation of the antique tradition of Orpheus, there is a description of the hero's saving his mother from hell. In some variants, however, his mother is angry with him: she had a good time in hell, she poured wine and was in possession of the keys, while her time at home would be spent in poverty. In these cases, "hell" ("pekel") is not yet equated with a place of penitence and torments12. Its name does indeed originate from the ancient Slavic word for "pitch", but it already contains the Christian notion of damned souls being tortured in hot, molten pitch13. In the same way, the old names of subterranean demons, Vrag, Črt, Bes, do not indicate the moral inferiority of their bearers, as is later the case with Hudič, Hudir, Hudobec, Hudi duh, Zlodej, Zlomek (all variants of the devil)14. The Christian Old Testament knows only one devil by the name of Satan, while the New Testament describes a larger number of devils who are subordinate to their leader. All this had a detailed explanation in patristic literature, but the image of the devil as we know him today was only created in the late Middle Ages. From the 12th century on, he has horns, a tail, and claws, and from the 15 th century, horse hoofs (before that, he had the feet of a bird of prey)15. Contrary to "hell" is "heaven" ("raj"): it is not clear whether it originates from the ancient Slavic word for the water current which divided the real world from the world beyond, or from the Indo-European and ancient Slavic word for wealth, property, place of joy16.
Christian influence can be recognized in two of Slovene descriptions of the paradise landscape, which does not appear to be much different from the underworld: the Lamb of God , with a halo around its head, leads the shepherd across the water over a roughly hewn wooden footbridge, and then along a narrow, overgrown, thorny path towards the sky17. Or the hero becomes the shepherd of sheep pasturing in a silken, silver or golden meadow. Behind it, there flows a wide river crossed by a weak, rotting footbridge. Sheep cross the water, the shepherd was supposed to wait for them on his side of the river, but is helped across by the Lamb, and thus reaches the meadow with a little chapel. There the sheep turn into angels, eat wafer bread and drink consecrated water18. In the upper two cases, the guide is again a being from the world beyond. The crossing of the water indicates that "despite the typically Christian idea of the other world as being heaven, some relic of older notions is still preserved..."19.
Early Christian theology described earthly heaven as a garden where souls of all the dead, or only of the redeemed ones, await eternal bliss20. This is an old idea: the Greek poet
12	SLP 1, p. 258, No.48/2, p. 268, No. 48/13-14; Alenka Goljevšček, Kult mrtvih v slovenski ljudski pesmi, Traditiones 7-9 (1978-80), p. 163.
13	Marko Snoj, Slovenski etimološki slovar, Ljubljana 1997, p. 434 (entry Pekel/ Hell).
14	Leopold Kretzenbacher, Germanische Mythen in der epischen Volksdichtung der Slowenen. Ein Beitrag zu einer Kulturgestaltung im deutschen Grenzraum, Das Joanneum, Schriften des südostdeutschen Institutes Graz, No. 3, Graz 1941, p. 22.
15	Lutz Röhrich, Teufelsmärchen und Teufelssagen, v : Max Lüthi, Lutz Röhrich und Georg Fohrer, Sagen und ihre Deutung, Evangelisches Forum, Heft 5, Evangelische Akademie Tutzing, Göttingen 1965, p. 30.
16	Snoj, p. 521 (enrty Raj/Heaven).
17	Jože Tomažič, Pohorske pravljice, Celje 1990, pp. 79-84 (Pastirčkova nebesa).
18	(Julij) Kontler and Kompoljski (Anton Hren), Narodne pravljice iz Prekmurja, Vol. 1, Maribor 1923, pp. 100108 (Mali jagnjec).
19	Mirjana Mencej, Pomen vode v predstavah starih Slovanov o posmrtnem življenju in šegah ob smrti, Magistrska naloga, Filozofska fakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Ljubljana 1996, p. 52.
20	Reinhold R.Grimm, Paradisus coelestis, Paradisus terrestris. Zur Auslegungsgeschichte des Paradieses im Abendland bis um 1200, Medium aevum, Philologische Studien, Bd. 33, München 1977, p. 17.
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Pindar (5th century B.C.) already described paradise as a meadow covered with flowers and fruit trees, crisscrossed with brooks, a place where spring reigns eternally. According to Plutarch (1st - 2nd century) and Lucian (2nd century),the heavenly Elysium is a meadow on the Islands of the Blessed. These islands were supposed to be situated at the extreme western border of the world, near the pillars of Hercules; according to Hesiodus they were supposed to be found on the banks of the river Oceanus in the country of the Hyperboreans or (later still) on the northern shore of the Black Sea. Pliny the Elder (Naturalis historia 4.27.93) mentions the island/islands as "insula Achillea, eadem Leuce et Macaron apellata". The parallel to the Greek "white island" Leuce was the Indian island Svetadvipa which, all white and shiny, lay to the north of the Milky Sea (Mahabharata 12.322-335). Its inhabitants shone like the moon, required no food, and spread a pleasant perfume all around them21. The white colour, therefore, represented the world beyond in the noble sense.
In Greece, the idea of Elysium located in the underworld was also widespread (Plato). Apart from the Elysian fields, which were meant for the chosen, the world of the dead also comprised the plain of Asphodel. Other details were added by the Roman poet Virgil (1st century B.C.) in his description of Aeneas' visit to the world beyond: a neutral area for the souls of children, suicides and the falsely sentenced, plains of mourning for victims of love and for soldiers killed in battles. Hades was separated from our world by the rivers Styx (river of hate) and Acheron (river of suffering), both affluents of the Oceanus. Other rivers there were the Cocyttus (river of mourning), the Phlegethon (river of fire), and the Lethe (river of oblivion). The gates to Hades were guarded by Cerberus, a dog with several heads, while Charon the boatman took souls across the Styx or Acheron for a coin. The world of the dead was under the earth for the Romans as well, and generally in accordance with Greek notions, but it distinguished between Elysium as the dwelling of the dead, and the Islands of the Blessed as a profano-utopian locality22.
After the notions of the Slovene ancestors, willow trees grew along the subterranean river which separated the world of the living from the world of the dead. Upon them, souls of unbaptized children rested in the shape of black birds. A youngster from the Carinthian tale about the "world beyond" tried to cross this river. The powerful current made him fall, and he barely managed to cling to a tree. He thus shook the tree, and some of the birds fell into the water and flew happily away23. By sprinkling such birds with water, he baptized them and so redeemed them24. This tale reveals the idea of the infinite power of the subterranean river, already described in the Odyssey (11.173-178):
Child, how could you cross alive into this gloom at the world's end? - No sight for living eyes, great currents run between, desolate waters, the Ocean first, where no man goes a journey without ship's timber under him25.
21	V. Pisani, Von fabelhaften Glücksländern, Studia Indologica, Festschrift fur Willibald Kirfel, Hrsg. von Otto Spies, Bonner orientalistische Studien, N.S., Bd. 3, Bonn 1955, pp. 243-253.
22	Gatz, pp. 180-181, 187.
23	Šašel - Ramovš, op. cit.; Kotnik, op. cit.
24	Jožef Pajek, p. 108 ( Sv. Jurij ob Ščavnici ); Kelemina, pp. 140-141 (No. 89.I.,IV.,V).
25	Homer, The Odyssey, translated by Robert Fitzgerald, Everyman's Library, Vol. 94, London 1992, p. 190.
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In the motif of birds, falling from the tree into the water, we encounter the syncretism of two traditions: the older, certainly pre-Christian about birds (human souls), and the later, Christian, about the baptizing of souls in the river on the border of the world beyond. The first motif can be compared to the Irish poem Imram Mailduin , describing a distant island where birds - souls of the deceased - sit on the branches of trees26. In one of the letters by St. Boniface, a monk's vision is described: a burning brook or fountain appeared before his eyes; souls of the wretched, embodied in black birds, kept sitting on its edge and falling back into it27. Ephraim of Syria (4th century) wrote about baptism in the river on the border of the Underworld ; he named one of the two bridges or crossings over the river of the dead, as "the bridge of suffering"; it was dedicated to the baptizing of all who crossed it28.
In the Slovene lands, the souls of unbaptized children used to be called "navje", "mavje", "movje" or "morje" (sea) (the latter probably bearing in mind the crossing of the World Sea). In Eastern Slovenia, it was believed that they fly around at night in the shape of large black birds, cawing and looking for help. Whoever grabs such a bird and takes it to be baptized, saves its soul; the black bird then changes into a white pigeon29. Belief in birds/ children's souls was also widespread in Serbia30. Willow trees, upon which souls of the dead were supposed to sit, were a kind of connection with the world beyond, one of the reasons being that they grew along river banks. Apart from this, the willow is an evergreen tree, which was considered to be eternal already among the Hittites31. Germanic peoples used to plant willow trees in graveyards, willow rods had a special meaning in Slavic and Slovene magical ceremonies and at celebrations of St. George's Day32. It is therefore not surprising that the willow appears in early Christian literature as a symbol of the Son of God33.
As mentioned before, onetime Slovene searchers of the path towards the world beyond had an unreliable narrow footbridge at their disposal; it is, however, difficult to classify as to whether it belonged to the old pagan tradition, or to the more recent Christian one. It is only certain that the idea of a bridge leading to the world beyond the grave was not known in Europe before the end of the 6th century; at least not among the Greeks and the Romans, who believed that passengers were carried across the river by Charon. From the end of the 6th and up to the 13th century, nearly all European testimonies about the bridge were based upon visionary experiences of individuals, who as a rule were (already) Christians. Despite this fact, we should allow for the possibility of the origin of these notions in the autochthonous pre-Christian tradition, primarily in the Irish case34. Another possibility includes Iranian influences (possibly through the Byzantine Constantinople), where the idea of such a bridge was perfected35. The bridge Chinvat in Iranian
26	Franz Kampers, Mittelalterliche Sagen vom Paradiese und vom Holze des Kreuzes Christi, Goerres Gesellschaft, Erste Vereinsschrift, Koeln 1897, p. 81.
27	Idem, p. 61.
28	Peter Dinzelbacher, Die Jenseitsbrücke im Mittelalter, Dissertationen der Universität Wien 104, Wien 1973, p. 131.
29	M. Valjavec, Glasnik 1866, p. 228; Pajek, p. 107; Kelemina, pp. 140-141 (No. 89.I,III.-VII).
30	Milenko S. Filipovic, Die Navi bei den Balkan-Slaven, in : Das heidnische und christliche Slaventum, Acta 2. Congressus internationalis historiae Slavicae Salisburgo-Ratisbonensis 1967, Annales instituti Slavici 5 (1969), pp. 105-113.
31	Ancient Near Eastern Texts, James B. Pritchard (ed.), Princeton University Press 1955, p. 348.
32	Mirjam Mencej, Vrba - posrednik izmedju ovog i onog sveta, Kodovi slovenskih kultura 1996, no. 1, pp. 31-35.
33	E. O. James, The Tree of Life. Studies in the History of Religions 11 (Supplement to Numen), Leiden 1966, p. 162.
34	Dinzelbacher, pp. 11, 14.
35	Idem, p. 25.
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tradition linked the emptiness between the earth and the world beyond (Yasna 46.10-11; 51.13). Its characteristic was that it spread wider when good souls crossed it, but narrowed when sinners did, so that they fell headlong into hell (Bundahishn 30). It was guarded by dogs. According to some variants, the judgement took place before the crossing of the bridge (Vendidad 19.29). Earlier Persian texts mention that a soul was all alone on the bridge, and could be blown off into the precipice by a strong wind.
After the old-Indian Vedic interpretation, souls of the deceased travelled, according to their merits, either to the dark underground world along the path of Pitryana (Rig veda 7.104.3.11) or to the heavenly world of gods along the path of Devayana. Sinners had to cross a river and a sea, where many were drowned (Kausitaki Upanishad ). A bridge led across the water (Rig veda 9.41.2), which was in later Indian texts described, after the Persian model, as similar to a sword or razor blade36. A golden bridge, crossing the gap between heaven (the mountain Meru) and the earthly world is described in Mahabharata. A ladder or a bridge are also mentioned in other Indian texts (Yajur veda, Kathakam 28.4; Maitrayani Samhita 4.8.3; Taittiriya Samhita 6.5.3.3, 7.5.8.5; Shatapatha Brahmana 13.2.10.1).
The bridge to the world beyond was also known in the Jewish and Islamic traditions, but they had no visible influence upon Europe. The north-Germanic mythology also contained a description of a bridge crossing the border river to the land of the deceased, although it only appeared sporadically: it was a wide, gold-encrusted bridge Gjallarbru, mentioned in Snorri Sturlusson's Edda (Gylfaginning 48). This suffices to allow for the conclusion that the notion of a bridge also existed among some other Indo-European peoples. In Slovene fairy tales descriptions can be found of a hero who, on his way to the Glass Mountain, is embroiled in a combat with demons on the bridge leading across the river towards the mansion37. In other cases, the bridge is "made as a trap"38, or two lions are tied in front of the castle as a reminder of the onetime bridge39. In view of the international character of these tales, it is of course possible that the motif of the bridge was brought to Slovene territory from elsewhere. The fact is that in Bela krajina, as late as the beginning of the 20th century, the custom was preserved of placing a coin under a deceased person's tongue (which in the antique tradition was meant as payment for the crossing of the river), so as to prevent the dead from rising from their grave and hurting the living40.
Just as Christian allegories linked the bridge, leading from death to eternal life, with Christ (Ephraim of Syria)41 or with the cross, they also created the figure of the devil lurking beneath the bridge. In some European legends, the devil appears in the role of the builder of the bridge in order to gain human souls42. In the Slovene lands, the bridge was
36	Geo Widengren, Life after Death. Eschatological Ideas in Indian and Iranian Religion, The Expository Times, Vol. 76, no. 12 (Sept. 1965), p. 364.
37	Od kuzle rojen sin, zapis Gašperja Križnika, Motnik, okoli 1860, Inštitut za slo- vensko narodopisje pri Znanstvenoraziskovalnem centru Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti (further ISN, ZRC SAZU), Štrekljeva zapuščina 3/76; M. Kropej, 201 s.
38	Od glaževnate gore. Zapisal Gašper Križnik, pripovedoval Janez Brvar, ISN, ZRC SAZU, Štrekljeva zapuščina 3/35.
39	Karel Krajcar, Slovenske pravljice iz Porabja, Budimpešta - Murska Sobota 1990, p. 94 (Trgovčev sin in njegova mati).
40	Ivan Šašelj, Bisernice iz belokranjskega narodnega zaklada, Vol. I., Ljubljana 1906, pp. 215-216; Kelemina, p. 148 (No. 97.V).
41	Edmund Beck, O.S.B., Ephraems Reden über den Glauben, Studia Anselmiana, fasc. 33, Romae 1953, p. 29.
42	Dinzelbacher, p. 172.
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also regarded as the devil's work, "as the skilful building of a bridge across a torrent is a demon's art, similar to mysterious witchcraft...In the Primorska (Coastal) region of Slovenia, there is the well-known legend of the Čedad/Cividale bridge which was built without any pillars by the 'black master'... Popular belief furthermore says that bridges are the refuge of various ghosts of whom one must beware. Beneath a bridge, there is the dwelling of a water sprite, the fairy tale image of the onetime mythical deity... Ghosts lurk under a bridge and on a bridge, frightening and stopping travellers, haunting them and often appearing in the image of light awaiting redemption, or as a reminder of a treasure hidden on the bridge. A bridge is the dwelling of witches. If a bewitched witch stands beneath a bridge when a godchild is carried across it , she is saved, but after 14 years the godchild will become a witch or a wizard. To all bridges crossed by funeral processions, or members of weddings with newlyweds, people ascribe special magic power... At some places, on Good Friday they ladle out water beneath a bridge which during that year was crossed by a funeral procession carrying the dead body; that water is supposed to have healing power"43.
The Sky/Heaven
The rainbow and the Milky Way were regarded as a kind of bridge leading souls towards heaven. In the classical antique period, the rainbow in the function of a bridge to heaven was not yet known, with the exception of only two literary mentions (in Virgil's Aeneid and Ovid's Metamorphoses). The rainbow and the Milky Way are more distinctly mentioned as paths along which souls travel to Walhalla in the Germanic Edda. The New Testament (Apocalypse 4.3) contains the eschatological myth of Christ, seated on a rainbow44. Hence the Slovene expression for a rainbow as "God's Throne"45. On such a throne Christ is supposed to be sitting on Judgement Day46. Where a rainbow reaches the ground, a miraculous "rainbow root" grows47. The Milky Way was known to the Slovenes as "God's Way" or "Eternal Way", probably in connection with the belief about the souls' journey to God48. Fairy tales of Germanic peoples also mention a "leather bridge", which elder German mythologists (Panzer, Rochholz) regarded as the bridge of the Gods, while others (e.g. Mannhardt) explained it as a myth of fog and clouds49. It is to the latter that the Carinthian tradition probably refers, about the water sprite bearing water from the Uršlja gora to the Pohorje along a bridge made of fog50.
The idea of a bridge was closely intertwined with the idea of a ladder leading into the sky. Like the bridge, such a ladder plays, in certain cases, the role of a selective trial for deserving and sinful souls. Europe adopted such suggestions from the Orient: the ladder
43	Boris Orel, Mitos o mostu, in : France Marolt, Slovenske narodoslovne študije, Vol. 2, Tri obredja iz Bele krajine, Ljubljana 1936, p. 82; J. Majciger, Voda in njene moči v domišljiji štajerskih Slovencev, Kres 1883, p. 502, 601; cf. also: France Kotnik, Storije I. Koroške narodne pripovedke in pravljice, Mohorjeva knjižnica 3, Prevalje 1924, pp.32-34 (no. 31, Zlodejev most), 34 (no. 32, Skala na polju pri Globasnici), 34-36 (no. 33, Še ena o zlodejevem mostu).
44	Dinzelbacher, p. 106.
45	Milko Matičetov, Folklorne drobtine iz Svetja (Svetine), Traditiones 13 (1984), p. 156.
46	Janko Barle, Prinosi slovenskim nazivima bilja, Zbornik za narodni život i običaje južnih Slavena 31 (1937), No. 1, pp. 241-242.
47	Kelemina, p. 319 (No. 232.I-II).
48	Matičetov 1974, pp. 60, 65.
49	Orel, p. 83.
50	France Kotnik, Storije I., Koroške narodne pripovedke in pravljice, Mohorjeva knjižnica 3, Prevalje 1924, p. 4 (No.5).
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as a link between the real world and the world beyond was already known in ancient Egypt, India, in Mithraic mysteries, in the Jewish cabala, and thus by inertia also in Islam and Christianity51. The first book of Moses describes how Jacob the shepherd, asleep in the desert at Harran, near the present-day Urfa, dreamed about a ladder reaching all the way from the earth to the sky, and angels climbing up and down the ladder. Above them God stood, and foretold that Jacob would have numerous descendants (Genesis 28.11-16). The first Christian hagiographic work, dedicated to this topic, was written in the first half of the 7th century at Sinai by a monk named John, nicknamed Klimakos ("John of the Ladder"). He divided the ladder into three stages, following the three-part scheme of ascetic improvement devised by Evagrios Pontikos in the 4th century. The thirty rungs of the ladder were explained as the thirty years which Christ spent before he started teaching, so the ladder represented his spiritual progress. Later, other numeric combinations and explanations appeared, e.g. the fifteen- stage ladder, as so many were supposed to be the steps leading to the temple of Solomon.
In European art, this iconographic motif is known from the 12th century. In an image from the famous codex Hortus deliciarum by the nun Herrad from Landsberg in Alsace (about 1200), a dragon (devil) is depicted at the bottom of the ladder, while its upper part rises towards God. Persons climbing up the ladder are defended by protecting angels from attacks of winged devils, but despite this many a climber is precipitated into the depths52. Jacob's ladder gained an important position in East European sacral art; the old Russian tradition (and through it also the Lithuanian and Latvian) knew small models of ladders as grave goods which were intended to help a soul on its way into heaven53.
In the Slovene folk tradition, an interesting variant of Jacob's ladder, "equipped" with knife and sword blades, can be traced. The tale of the Carthaginian saint Perpetua, who was the first to have a vision of such a ladder, was taken over from Tertullian by Jacobus de Voragine and incorporated in his work Legenda Aurea. His collection of legends of saints was created during the part of the 13th century which was marked by the Mongolian invasions of Europe.
Knowing these circumstances and taking into account the medieval art expression, as e.g. the one in Hortus deliciarum, we may explain some enigmatic details in the Slovene folk tradition.
In the tales of dogheads, these were supposed to force Christians to jump from pulpits upon knives, or to throw themselves into fountains edged with sharp blades, or they would lower harrows upon them from heights54. All these variants are based upon one and the same image: the metaphoric re-modelling of Jacob's ladder; the closest is the one with the pulpit, with its steps and its religious symbolism. The fountain, too, is vertical, just as the ladder, and at the bottom of both there is the devil's dwelling, that is Hell. The
51	Dinzelbacher, pp. 141, 144.
52	Leopold Kretzenbacher, Bilder und Legenden. Erwandertes und erlebtes Bilder-Denken und Bild-Erzählen zwischen Byzanz und dem Abendlande, Buchreihe: Aus Forschung und Kunst, Bd. 13, Klagenfurt-Bonn 1971, pp. 16-42; idem, Die "Himmelsleiter" zur Sozialismus-Sonne, v: L. Kretzenbacher, Volkskunde im Mehrvölkerraum. Beiträge zur Kenntnis Südosteuropas und des nahen Orients, Bd. 41, München 1989, pp. 329-349.
53	Kretzenbacher 1971, p. 33; V.J. Mansikka, Die Religion der Ostslaven, FFC 43, Helsinki, 1922, p. 295; O. Loorits, Eine altrussische Tradition bei den Liven und Letten, Commentationes Balticae 4/5 (1958), No. 5, p. 37.
54	Kelemina, p. 334 (No. 241).
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harrow, with its shape and "teeth", is a fairly good illustration of a ladder equipped with knives. There is also a fourth allegory: a wooden trough, which of course does not lack knives, and was used by the doghead for drinking human blood55. Although the martyrdom of the Christian saint Perpetua took place centuries before Mongolian invasions, her vision of a ladder was in later popular memory linked to dogheads, similar to devils (in this case the Mongols), to their tortured Christian victims, to ladder-like symbols and knives, and to the precipitations of many souls into hell. In the extremely dense popular presentation of this dramatic situation there was no room for the moral which was elsewhere apparent in depictions of Jacob's ladder: that the fall of Everyman is brought about by his own sinful nature and his weak faith. The purpose of a legend as a literary creation was to instruct and to strengthen religious faith; its nucleus was usually a miracle, which happened in only one case: a man who, captured by a doghead, prayed to the Virgin Mary, was saved at night from the "harrow" and from prison by a White Lady56.
According to the ancient Greek popular belief, the "Islands of the Blessed" were bright stars in the "Heavenly Ocean"57. The human soul thus found its resting place in the sky in the form of a shiny star, or it settled on one of the stars58. In his work Somnium Scipionis, the Roman writer and statesman Cicero placed in the sky only people of noble origin and heroic bearing.
Such attitudes were also characteristic for the old Germanic peoples and the Indians (Rig veda 10.14.8). According to the Slovene popular belief "each man has his own star in the sky from his birth; when this star falls, the man dies"59. Such a star is lighted at a child's birth by an angel, and extinguished after his/her death60. When a star falls, one of the souls moves from purgatory to heaven61. In the Tolminska region people believed that at that moment "heaven opens", and it is possible to die a happy death. That is why they often carried the dying to a window where they could see the (night) sky62.
Connected with this was the conviction that one must not count stars, much less point one's finger at them: "if a person pointed at his life star, he would chase it away; it would drop from the sky immediately, and he would have to die"63. The soul of an unbaptized child could appear in the sky in the shape of a comet, "Brezglavec" ("The Headless One")64. To the ancient Slovenes (and not only them), comets were the foretellers of great misfortunes: plague, war, famine prices, hunger, etc.65.
55	Kelemina, p. 250 (No. 186).
56	Kelemina, p. 334 (No. 241).
57	Plutarch, cit. after: Robert Eisler, Orphisch - dionysische Mysterien-Gedanken in der christlicher Antike, Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg 2 (1922-23), 2. Teil, Leipzig - Berlin 1925, no. 125.
58	Julius Stenzel, Über Platos Lehre von der Seele, Festschrift zur Jahrhundertfeier der Universität Breslau, Breslau 1911, no. 85-91.
59	Šašel - Ramovš, p. 65.
60	Pavle Zablatnik, Od zibelke do groba. Ljudska verovanja, šege in navade na Koroškem, Mohorjeva založba, Celovec 1990, p. 37.
61	D. Martelanc (D.M.Obalovič), Vraže v tržaški okolici, Ljubljanski Zvon 1891, p. 177.
62	Odgovori na nekoja vprašanja družtva za jugoslovensko povestnico od Tomaša Ruttara, Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku, Vol. 3, Zagreb 1854, p. 313 (No. 8).
63	Zablatnik, p. 37.
64	Kelemina, pp. 143-144 (No. 93).
65	Odgovori na vprašanja družtva na jugoslavensko povestnico od Stepana Kociančica, Arkiv za povjestnicu jugoslavensku, Vol. 3, Zagreb 1854, p. 284 (No. 22).
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The Earth
The notion of a difficult and impassable way into transcendence was to a certain degree connected with the belief that it is only possible to get to the world beyond by crossing high and unhospitable mountain slopes. The way to the country of the dead was supposed to lead through the landscape where mountain ridges were intertwined with rivers, seas or lakes: "He who travels to the world beyond has to cross many waters, as they separate this world from that one"66. A soul arrives to the Virgin Mary in heaven across "rocky mountains, deep waters"67 or "across a high mountain, a green meadow; across a deep water, through hell's gates"68. An old Carinthian prayer from the Zilja valley wishes that the deceased may have a (favourable) wind at sea.69 With continental peoples, a substitute for the sea was a wood (with Slavic peoples, there appears the trinity of 'mountain - wood - field').
In the Slovene folk tradition, a "Sea of Blood" is mentioned as a kind of margin of the world. Thus, for example, Vidovin caught the bird that had stolen three grains from his field only above "the Sea of Blood"70. Similarly, Zeleni Jurij every year arrived from "behind a green wood, behind a sea of blood"71. This mysterious name is hard to explain in any other way than that it is the Red Sea, which in the biblical exegesis played an important role because of its having been crossed by the Jews during their migration from Egypt. Egypt was, according to the gnostic belief and Jewish speculations, a symbol of the decadent material world. Leaving it was, in the symbolic sense, equal to the departure of a soul from its body72. The Crossing of the Red Sea ("Sea of Blood?") is also a parable of the Christian baptism which ensures access to eternal life, thus representing the line of separation between the human world and the world beyond.
Among the Slovene notions about the worlds, a "Rotten Sea" can be found in a similar role, a parallel of which can also be traced back to early Christianity. The Carinthian Kralj Matjaž (King Matthias) was swamped by the soil somewhere beneath the "Rotten Sea" for having defied God73. A Syrian legend about the journeys of Alexander the Great from the beginning of the 6th century describes our earthly world as being divided into segments by twelve bright seas which are navigable, while its farthest edge is an uncrossable "putrescent" ocean, the water of which is similar to liquid manure, and which is separated from the other seas by a narrow piece of land. This ocean bars the access to heaven, which in principle lies in the middle of the world, but to the east from us, between the sky and earth, encircled by a foggy cloud (the idea of a mountain!)74. Aethicus also maintained that sailing to heaven was prevented by terrible heat in the East Ocean, while the land passage
66	Vinko Möderndorfer, Verovanja, uvere in običaji Slovencev, Vol. 5, Celje 1946, p. 268.
67	Vilko Novak, Slovenske ljudske molitve, Ljubljana 1983, p. 239 (No. 181).
68	SNP, Vol. 1, p. 422 (No. 391).
69	Zmaga Kumer, Od Dolan do Šmohora. Iz življenja Ziljanov po pripovedovanju domačinov, Celje 1981, p. 105.
70	Šašelj, p. 215.
71	SNP, Vol. 3, pp. 139-139 (No. 4993).
72	Hans Jonas, The Gnostic Religion. The Message of the Alien God and the Beginnings of Christianity, Beacon Hill - Boston 1958, pp. 98, 118.
73	Šašel - Ramovš, pp. 10-11 (Prerokvanje ud vojšče); Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenske pripovedke o kralju Matjažu, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za filološke in literarne vede, Dela 4, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje 1, Ljubljana 1951, p. 186.
74	Kampers,p.44; Theodor Nöldeke, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans, Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philol.-hist. Classe, Bd. 38 (1890), pp. 27-33.
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was closed by ranges of high mountains75. The name of "Rotten Sea" leads to the conclusion that Slovene ancestors were acquainted with such a geographical model of the world which was identical to the Ptolemaic one. The ring-shaped sea, encompassing the world's land, acquired the more realistic contours of the Indian Ocean only on the maps by Antonino de Virgo in 1415; in Europe, the new concept of the world was generally accepted only at the end of the 15th century76.
A mountain or an island (since every continent is, according to this scheme, a kind of island, and every island just a mountain rising from the sea) can be found in different Christian legends: a mountain in the legend of Prester John, and an island/islands in the descriptions of journeys of the Irish saints Brendan and Barinthus.
The early Christian art used to illustrate heaven as separated from the earth by a sharp fractured line which symbolized the impassable mountains77. This archetype, which does not exclude a more extensive geography with seas/woods as a border line, can be found in a note by Janez Trdina describing the Bela krajina region Cvetnik (Flower Garden):
"Somewhere high upon the Gorjanci, there rise black cliffs. Among them lies Cvetnik, a little garden full of the most beautiful and sweet-scented flowers. These cliffs are hard to find, and even more difficult to cross in order to enter this wonderful garden... Anyone who chanced to enter this garden was so infinitely charmed and enchanted by its beauty and fragrance that he forgot about food and drink, about sleep and also about his return, and he died there without feeling any pain for the lack of sleep or for starvation. Blessed was the one who...by luck or chance obtained a blossom of these noble flowers!"78.
The idea of the garden of Eden in the midst of an inaccessible mountain wilderness is also present in the Gorenjsko-Tolminsko region tradition about Zlatorog (Goldhorn). In both cases flowers with miraculous power grow in this garden. The flower garden was the dwelling of the deceased: in ancient Athens, the day of the dead was called "Flower Day"; it was the same in Rome (dies rosae, rosaria, rosalia).
The natural obstacle preventing access to Heaven could be different still. In the tale from the Vipavsko region about the "three pounds of devil's wool", the hero reaches the gates of hell across the water and across the desert79; somebody else finds a spring of "water of life" in wonderland, in a hot desert where the sun rises80. That the idea behind this description is also an ancient one can be proved by the work by Pliny the Elder, Naturalis historia, according to which paradise is separated from the rest of the world by a desert and a sea. According to Plato's Republic (4th century B.C.) the dry, hot plain without any vegetation which lies on the border with the world beyond is called "the Plain of Oblivion". According to Plato, a soul only reaches the river after it has crossed the desert. The river is called Lethe, "the River of Oblivion" , because it washes away memories and annihilates the past for those who drink from it81. Such a brook of oblivion is also men-
75	Grimm, p. 103.
76	Jacques le Goff, Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago -London 1982, p. 190.
77	Josef Strzygowski, Das indogermanische Ahnenerbe des deutschen Volkes und die Kunstgeschichte der Zukunft, Wien 1941, pp. 66-67.
78	Janez Trdina, Cvetnik, Ljubljanski Zvon 1882, p. 38; Kelemina, pp. 308-310 (No. 226).
79	Tri funte hudičeve volne, zapisal A. Pegan na Vipavskem leta 1868, ISN, ZRC SAZU, Štrekljeva zapuščina, Narodno blago, Vol. 5., p. 139 s.; Vol. 6., p. 145 sq.
80	Majciger, p. 604.
81	Bruce Lincoln, Waters of Memory, Waters of Forgetfulness, Fabula 23 (1982), No. 1-2, pp. 20-21.
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tioned in a Greek inscription on a golden plate from Petelia, Southern Italy, probably dating back to the 3rd or 4th century B.C. This plate was among the grave goods dedicated to a deceased member of some Orphic-Pythagorean fraternity. The inscription admonishes the traveller not to drink the water of oblivion immediately after his entry to Hades, but instead request the cool and clear water from the " Spring of Remembrance" a little further on82. It is interesting that a similar instruction can be found in the recorded lamentation for a dead mother from the Bela krajina village Drašiči:
"... Oh mother, sweet mother, where are you going away from me a long way without return,
from the black mountain to the flat field, where three wells you will find. Do not drink from the first well, its water gives you a headache. Do not drink from the second well, its water gives you a heartache. Do not drink from the third well, its water is the water without return..."*3.
In the Bela krajina example, therefore, the three wells are also situated somewhere on the border of the world of the dead, where the landscape passes from "black mountain to flat field". One should not drink from any of them, just as one should not drink from Plato's River of Oblivion or from the brook of Petelia. A travelling soul can only do so later on, when it has reached another spring, probably the one beneath the roots of the Tree of Paradise84. After being re-born into the human world, such a soul will remember its previous life85.
The same pattern from Bela krajina includes another warning which a soul should take into account on its way: it must not stop with any of the three groups (in which it also recognizes its children and acquaintances) which invite it to join in their dance. This prohibition indicates the negative Christian attitude towards dance, which at the turn of the 3rd century Joannes Chrysostomus expressed in his saying: "Where there is dancing, there is the devil". This association has survived until more recent times, and is preserved in a very widespread folklore motif of a devil or water sprite dancing away with a girl towards hell or a river pool86.
How closely dancing was connected with the idea of travelling to the world beyond will later on be seen in other cases, e.g. in the fairy tale of Cinderella. Let us here mention the existence of ritual dances in the Slovene territory. Such dances were linked regionally to Dolenjska and Štajerska, and were at some places preserved up to the beginning of the Second World War. They were performed at the July and August evening pilgrimages that took place in the meadows beside cemeteries and churches, mostly the ones dedicated to the Virgin Mary. A procession of singing pilgrims, dancing in couples, was moving in spirals , winding and unwinding, creating a kind of snail-like form, in the way their leader chose to lead them87. At the end of the 19th century an eyewitness, Janez Volčič, described
82	Idem, p. 22.
83	SNP, Vol. 3, pp. 611-612 (No. 6346).
84	See comparisons with Scandinavian mythology (Lincoln, p. 26 sq.).
85	Mircea Eliade, Die Mythologie des Erinnerns und des Vergessens, Antaios 5 (1963),No. 1, pp. 34-35.
86	Lutz Röhrich, Teufelsmärchen und Teufelssagen, in: Max Lüthi, Lutz Röhrich and Georg Fohrer (ed.), Sagen und ihre Deutung, Evangelisches Forum, Heft 5, Evangelische Akademie Tutzing, Göttingen 1965, p. 35. Some Slovene examples are mentioned in Majciger, pp. 457, 504.
87	Mirko Ramovš, Romarski vrtec, Traditiones 4 (1975), pp. 47-78.
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such a procession at Žalostna gora near Mokronog: "A stranger beholds something special in the evening preceding this (pilgrimage) Sunday, when dusk is approaching. A long procession moves down from the church. Every pilgrim holds a burning candle in his hand, men are bare-headed, girls have wreaths upon their heads. Thus they move towards the vicarage and the meadow beneath the mountain. Acquaintances from the same village gather together, and each group sings various pious songs, moving forward in many turns, as their head leads them. In the dusk and the quiet of the night it is truly an attractive sight and sound. They say that they are dancing the "little garden" (vrtec igrajo)88. The fact that combinations of serpentine windings and spirals already appear in pre-historic rock engravings leads to some conclusions about the age of this ritual. This was the origin of a spiral labyrinth which had several, mutually intertwined meanings. It was no coincidence that the "vrtec" (little garden) took place in the evening, since the labyrinth was usually connected with the underworld and darkness, with funerals, but also with fertility. In the above description, the important information is that the ceremony took place "in the meadow beneath the mountain", near the church in the role of the archetypal "World Axis" . The centre of the labyrinth represented the "sacred" or "the highest", a mysterious place where life and death were linked, as were light and darkness, the male and the female principle. Circling around the labyrinth was comparable to dancing, climbing a holy mountain, ascending to the sky, or descending to the underworld. The tale of prince Artulja (Attila ?) from the surroundings of Stična thus mentions that funeral barrows had small round gardens ("vrtiči") around them. In the surrounding meadows an old ritual dance called "ovrtenica" was danced89. Usually the spiral in the direction of the sun's motion (to the right, as in Slovene examples) signified the road upwards, while the contrary direction signified the road to the underworld. Such circling could also have defensive (apotropeic) purposes, since the labyrinth could serve as a trap for any enemy intruder. For those who knew the path, tha labyrinth was the way to initiation or deliverance90. In any case, the "dancing around the little garden" (igranje vrtca) had a powerful psychological effect: according to testimonies, some participants experienced ecstasy while doing it. Boris Orel wrote that "in this romantic night procession, which in its basic figures reminds one of the Metlika ritual "kolo" dance (in a ring), ... the last remnants are preserved of the old-Slavic ritual dance which was once danced around pagan shrines or upon graves of the dead"91. Mirko Ramovš basically agrees with him when he ascertains that the "vrtec" was "a unique example of collective dancing, which may have its roots in an ancient, nowadays unknown religious ritual to which Christianity gave a new meaning"92.
According to the conviction, shared by many ethnic groups in Europe and elsewhere, death signified a journey to a faraway land; not in the allegoric, but in the literal, geographical sense. As we have already seen in the example of the shepherd whom a lamb guides along the path to heaven, this path was narrow, barely visible and almost impassable. That is why village women in the surroundings of Trst/Trieste told the mother of a
88	Janez Volčič, Življenje preblažene Device in Matere Marije 3, Božja Pota 5, Žalostna gora pri Mokronogu, Celovec 1887, p. 214.
89	Josip Jurčič, Zbrani spisi, Vol. 1., pp. 98-99; Kelemina, p. 337 (No. 243.IV).
90	Lima de Freitas, Labyrinth, in: The Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade (ed.), Vol. 8, New York - London 1987, pp. 411-419.
91	Boris Orel, Slovenska božja pot in izvori njene ljudske umetnosti, Umetnost 7 (1942/43), No. 4-6, p. 80.
92	Ramovš 1975, p. 73.
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deceased child to put its shoes on his feet, so it would not hurt him on stones and thorns93. On the other side of the Slovene territory, in Bela krajina, it was believed that Zeleni Jurij ("the Green George") came from the world beyond:
Po grdemu putu, po debelem grudju. Voda mi je do ramenca, blato mi je do kolenca, opanci su vutli, blato ide nutri...
Across bad road,
across thick stones.
Water reaching to my shoulders,
mud reaching to my knees,
my open shoes
full of mud...94
Some Slovene fairy-tale variants, however, know of quicker and easier ways to perform such a journey: thus the hero flies from the underworld to our world on a birch broom, given him by a witch95, or is carried across the sea by a dragon or a bird96. Those who must nevertheless take the road on the ground - that is, all those who have no supernatural abilities - are helped across the fatal river by a "soul" for which it is obviously an act of penitence97. Even when there is a boatman, he only transfers passengers under constraint ("is bewitched"), and wishes to get rid of his work as soon as possible98. Or an ordinary boatman is ordered, in the middle of the night, by a stranger to cross the river; he finds out that his passengers are a flock of rats or mice, led by the devil99. This is also the background of a well-known tale of the devil's tending fleas and transferring them across the river Kolpa, or of his leading animals (souls of the dead) to his underwater kingdom100. A mouse or an ant, crawling through a rift in the ground, remind us of the shamanistic tradition about the entry into the subterranean world beyond, therefore it is no coincidence that the mouse was a symbol of the deceased's soul as early as the pre-Christian cult of Apollo, as well as later on under the patronage of the Christian saint St. Gertrude101. The devil therefore was the guide of souls across the river to the world beyond.
93	D. Martelanc (D.M. Obalovič), Vraže v tržaški okolici, Ljubljanski Zvon 1891, p. 175; similar in German tradition: Hans Siuts, Jenseitsmotive im deutschen Volksmärchen, Teutonia, Arbeiten zur germanischem Philologie, No. 19, Leipzig 1911, p. 237 sq.
94	SNP, Vol. 3, pp. 138-139 (No. 4993). On the presentation of the long and thorny road to the world beyond with Germanic and some other peoples see: Julius von Negelein, Die Reise der Seele ins Jenseits, Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 11 (1901), pp. 150-151.
95	Rožnik, p. 142 (Zlato mesto).
96	Krajcar, pp. 79-82 (Hruška na kraljevem dvorišču).
97	Alojzij Bolhar, Peklenski boter in druge slovenske pravljice, Celovec 1972, pp. 52-57 (O vražji volni).
98	Krajcar, pp. 50-55 (Kralj, ki se mu eno oko joče, drugo pa smeji); Od fogel Fyneza, rokopisno gradivo/ manuscript Gašperja Križnika, Arhiv Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, pp. 207-214; Od glaževnate gore, rokopisno gradivo/manuscript Gašperja Križnika, Št. Ožbolt 1877, ISN, ZRC SAZU, Štrekljeva zapuščina I/20.
99	Šašel - Ramovš, p. 29 (No. 30); compare also Šašelj, p. 224 (Hudič - polhar).
100Valvasor, Book 3, p. 437; Kelemina, p. 82 (No. 28.I.), pp. 83-85 (No. 29.I-V).
101Kropej, p. 158.
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The World Axis
The central axis of the universe was represented by the world mountain or the cosmic tree. This is an archetypal idea, present in myths and fairy tales of numerous ethnic groups. Eurasian traditions often call it the crystal, diamond, golden, silver, glittering or marble mountain. It is supposed to rise from the earthly sphere high up towards the sky with its steep, smooth slopes. That is why it is believed to be inaccessible for man. The name "glass mountain" (in Slovene "steklena gora" or "glaževnata gora" - from the German word for glass) appeared comparatively late, and replaced the older "crystal mountain"102. Mountain-crystal ("thunderstone") could be found in places where lightning, the typical weapon of the god Thunderer, had struck the ground.
In view of this association, the "crystal mountain" was the dwelling of the gods. There are a number of similar examples: the Germanic mythology knows crystal plains, Glaesivellir, where the judge of the dead, King Gudmund, reigned. In front of the hall of the dead, the Walhalla, a crystal wood grew. In Celtic tradition, a glass bridge appears, while fairy-tales of different European nations describe a glass city, a glass tower or castle, and a glass tomb (compare Sleeping Beauty)103. Somewhere in the North Sea a crystal island was supposed to lie, named Glesia or Glesaria, known also as "royal island" (Basileia) or "apple island" (Abalus), which is close to the Celtic islands of the blessed, Avalon. Lithuanian folk poems mention the mountain of silver, copper, crystal or ice; the expressions using metals are supposedly of a later date104.
Owing to different notions about the abode of the dead (either under the ground or in the "Land of the Blessed" upon a mountain/island), the descriptions of the Glass Mountain differ, too: its master may dwell in a palace on the top of the mountain, his castle may be hidden in a cave inside the mountain or beneath it. The cave is the heart of the mountain, the symbol of what the mountain represents, just as the heart cavity symbolizes the essence of man105. In Sanskrit the word guha means a cave, but also a heart. It has a microcosmic as well as a macrocosmic meaning. The heart is the seat of a person's soul, while a mountain cave is a spiritual centre accessible to earthly man. A diagram of the heart is an inverted triangle, and the same form symbolizes a cave, while a triangle with its top turned upwards symbolizes a mountain or a pyramid. The two forms are therefore contrary, but also complementary; they are two manifestations of the same principle106.
Since the subterranean cave is a symbol of the Sacred or the Absolute, it is often full of treasures. In the mountain cave, a lake was also imagined. The connection between mountain and water is visible in the inter-relatedness of the Indo-European word roots *gwor, "gora" (mountain) and *gwer, "goltati", "žrelo", "grlo" (gulp, throat)107. Mountains regarded as hollow and full of water were the Boč, Sv.Jošt, and Konjiška gora108. In such
102O. Huth, Der Glasberg, Symbolon, Jahrbuch fur Symbolforschung, Vol. 2 (1955), p. 15; compare also VJ.Propp, Historijski korijeni bajke, Sarajevo 1990, pp. 426-427.
103Huth, pp. 27-28.
104Haralds Biezais, Der steinerne Himmel, Annales Academiae Regiae Scientiarum Upsaliensis 1960, No. 4, pp. 9-10, 13.
105Vlado Dekleva, Commentay to the book René Guénon, Kralj sveta (King of the World), Ljubljana 1991, p. 122.
106René Guénon, Le coeur et la caverne, Études traditionelles, Décembre 1937, no. 216, pp. 430-435.
107Etimologiceskij slovaf slavjanskih jazykov. Praslavjanskij leksiceskij fond, vyp. 7, Moskva 1980, pp. 30-31.
108Majciger, p. 603; Kelemina, pp. 241-242 (no. 173); the same also Paul Schlosser, Bachern Sagen. Volksüberlieferungen aus der alten Untersteiermark, Veröffentlichungen des Österreichischen Museums für Volkskunde, Vol. 9, Wien 1956, p. 31 (Der See im Berg).
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subterranean lakes, a water sprite was supposed to dwell in a glass palace. The spring in the middle of his castle was "the source of all the rivers of the world"109. This is in complete accordance with the image of the paradise at the top of the world mountain, with the spring that waters all the sides of the world. One of the Slovene fairy-tales describes how the hero saves all his brothers who had been turned into stones with the help of a magic egg which he steals from a duck swimming in the lake in the Glass Mountain110. In this case, the egg has the same revitalizing power as the "water of life", which in other variants springs from the top of the mountain111. And more than that: with its shell and its liquid contents, it symbolizes the centre of the world, omphalos. It is a symbol of the original unity, but also of life potential.
The idea of a cosmic egg is old and appears in the Egyptian and Indian cosmogonic myths. Chinese and Oceanian traditions relate the birth of the first man to the mythical egg. The Easter egg is a symbol of Christ's Resurrection from the grave112. As the cosmic egg was, according to some explanations, the first firm centre of the universe (like a grain of sand from the original ocean or the world mountain), inside it - as inside the mountain - infinite supplies of original waters were hidden. Elsewhere, we have dealt with the Slovene tale of the egg laid by "god's cockerel" on waste and rocky ground. Its contents watered the earth and created the earthly paradise. When prankish people broke the egg, so much water spilled out of it that it reached the highest peaks. Only one man was saved from the deluge113.
In the Slovene folk tales there was a better known flood which was caused by the water from the inside of the mountain114. According to popular belief, the cause of such floods was the dragon dwelling in the mountain cave which had gnawed its way into the open115. The dragon, a symbol of chaos, water, and the underground world, could - in the Slovene popular imagination - be hatched from an egg laid by a cock or a black hen: "When a cock - white, black or mottled - is seven years old, it lays an egg which is unlike other eggs. It is namely hard, and creeps by itself into the ground. When it is ready, a dragon or devil is hatched ..."116. A cock's egg, either as a symbol of prosperity or a prophecy of a flood catastrophe, indicates a certain relation to "god's cockerel", the falcon from the top of the world tree, the "duck" from the subterranean lake, and the "golden bird" from the Glass Mountain. The golden bird can bring the golden key to the gates of paradise from the bottom of the paradise lake inside the world mountain. But the human who obtains it is prevented from looking into the world beyond by lightning and thunder sent upon him by divine powers117. Davorin Trstenjak concluded, under the influence of A. Kuhn, that the "golden bird" (like the "white ladies" and fairies) represents the "goddess of fertile rain"
109Majciger, pp. 502, 559.
110Od dvanajst bratov in sester. Zapisal Lovre Sajovic na Vranskem, Rokopisno gradivo/manuscript G. Križnik, Arhiv Akad. nauk etc., pp. 192-197; Gašper Križnik, O dvanajstih bratih in sestrah, Ljubljanski Zvon 1891, p. 298.
111 About the mountain-top lake or spring see Kelemina, p. 293 (No. 214.I); 295 (214.II).
112Venetia Newall, Egg, in : The Encyclopedia of Religion, Mircea Eliade (ed.), pp. 36-37.
113Janez Trdina, Vesoljni potop, Neven 7 (1858), p. 61; Kelemina, pp. 282-284 (No. 207). Compare also Simon
Rutar, Slovenske pripovedi o jezerih, Ljubljanski Zvon 1881, p. 684.
114Kelemina, p. 315 (No. 230.I,II).
115Ivan Grafenauer, Zmaj iz petelinjega jajca, Razprave SAZU 2 (1956), pp. 314-322.
116Kelemina, p. 242 (No. 174).
117 Davorin Trstenjak, Mythologične starice: 6. O reci utvi, Slovenski glasnik 9 (1863), p.56.
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and of "moist-bearing fog"118. Ivan Grafenauer attempted to prove that "god's cockerel" was essentially "the totemistic falcon which was in agricultural communities replaced by a cock"119. To the Slovene tale about the cock's egg as a source of prosperity, he found a parallel in the myth of the African tribe Massai, where the god Ngai kills a dragon in order to feed its blood to the desert and make it fertile120. As a kind of egg embryo of life, patiently awaiting the right moment, other mythological and fairy-tale figures appear, sleeping in the hollow insides of the mountains.
Various north-European traditions about dwellings of the dead inside hills and mountains have been published by K. Straubergs, and they are connected with an old and very wide-spread belief that the dead sleep or live inside their grave barrows121. The old deities of vegetation (Zeleni Jurij, Freyr, Zalmoxis...) used to lie down in a grave every year, to be reborn after the winter period was over. Plutarch (De defectu oraculorum XVIII) describes an island off Britain, apparently in the land of the dead, where the god Chronos is kept, asleep among the accompanying gods. Similar components are to be found in the Christianized story about the seven sleeping youths of Ephesus. Following these patterns, tales about the posthumous life and rebirth of Charlemagne were probably also created122. The legend of King Arthur, who after his death was supposed to live in the hollow Mount Etna, is merely one of the variations of the same theme. It was first written down in 1211 by Gervaise of Tilbury in his Otia imperialia. It relates to the period around 1190. The legend probably arrived in Sicily with the Normans; it is also to be found in different parts of Great Britain, most frequently in Wales. One of these stories narrates about the cave Craig-y-Dinas in Glamorganshire: in it, a crowned leader is asleep with a group of soldiers. It is Arthur, waiting for the bell hung in the cave to start ringing. When it does, he and his army will come out of the cave. In northern England, Arthur is asleep beneath his castle together with his servants, waiting for someone to blow the horn lying on the table, and to cut the ribbon with his sword of stone. A visitor did that once, and Arthur woke up, but when the visitor sheathed the sword the king fell asleep again. Similar tales were known among the Irish; the Serbs had stories about kraljevič Marko (Prince Marko); the Czech about King Vaclav; the Swiss about the founders of the Swiss federation and about Grütli; the Portuguese about King Sebastian. German tales describe how Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa sleeps at a stone table in the hollow mountain of Kyffhäuser. His beard has wound around the table twice; when it winds around it for the third time, he will wake up. He will hang his shield upon a dry tree which will grow green again, and better times will follow. When a shepherd once visited him, Friedrich asked him if black birds were still flying around the mountain. After receiving an affirmative answer he responded that in that case he would have to sleep for another hundred years123. We mention the German tradition in more detail because it is close to the Slovene tales of the sleeping kralj Matjaž (King Matthias). Just as Friedrich or the ruler Otto dream in Kyffhäuser, or Charlemagne and Charles V in Unterberg, or Charlemagne or Odin in Odenberg, the Slovene kralj Matjaž
118See note cited above.
119Grafenauer 1956, p. 329.
120Idem, p. 330.
121Karlis Straubergs, Zur Jenseitstopographie, Arv 13 (1957), pp. 57-58, 80-81; Elisabeth Hartmann, Der
Ahnenberg, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 34 (1937), pp. 201-217.
122Franz Kampers, Kaiserprophetieen und Kaisersagen im Mittelalter, Historische Abhandlungen, No. 8,
München 1895, pp. 78-79.
123E.K. Chambers, Arthur of Britain, London 1966, pp. 222-226.
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Zmago Šmitek
dwells in the rocky insides of the Peca, Čaven, Budinska gora, Dobrač, Krim, Homec, Donačka gora...124. That all these mountains also have a cosmologic character is proved by the variants describing Matjaž's cave "under Sveta gora (Holy Mountain)" or "under Deveta gora (Ninth/Fairy Mountain)"125.
Here, for example, is the description of Matjaž's subterranean dwelling from the surroundings of Podsreda: "A student wished to enter Matjažs cave. He found a guard in the woods and told him of his wish. The guard complied with his request. The mountain opened in front of them. The student saw many sleeping soldiers. Kralj Matjaž was asleep leaning on a stone table, around which his beard had wound three times. 'When it has wound around the table seven times, ' the soldier said, 'a hero will arrive who will unsheathe Matjažs sword.' The student gave the sword a tentative pull and the entire army began to wake up. But the sword fell back into the sheath, and the army went back to sleep126.
Related to the tradition of the sleeping ruler, there are also the Sibylline prophecies about a great ruler who was to appear at the end of the world; in an apocalyptic combat he would conquer the evil and begin the "golden age". Messianic expectations of this kind were widely spread in Europe at the time of the crusades, and were strengthened in the 16th century, when they became linked to heretical movements (for instance with the sect of flagellants, also known in Slovenia). The "mystical anarchism" and "revolutionary millenarianism" at that time manifested itself in peasant risings127. It is therefore not surprising that the Slovene kralj Matjaž also fights for "the old faith and the (old) rights"128.
The common core of fairy-tales about the Glass Mountain is the description of a brave man's journey to its top, in order to obtain - either for himself or for others - something precious ("water of life", wise advice, etc.). The hero must conquer numerous obstacles: "climb the mountains, cross the marshes, swim the rivers and struggle through the woods and bushes"119, and finally outwit the almighty master of the mountain (in our cases the Vedomec /jack-o'-lantern/ or the devil). His rewards are fame, riches, and the beautiful princess. For the successful mastering of all the difficult tasks, the help of his human or animal friends, possessing supernatural abilities, is decisive. They make it possible for him to change into different animal figures. The ability of such changes is characteristic for the Lord of the Mountain, the Vedomec, who, according to the Slovene popular belief, "can change into various animals"130 with the purpose of "learning about more hidden things and knowing everything"131.
124Grafenauer 1951, pp. 190, 193, 203, 219, 225, 232; E. Kukovčeva, Zgodovina domačega kraja, Popotnik 44
(1923), p. 168.
125Grafenauer 1951, pp. 188, 226.
126J. Lekše in S. Terčak, Nekaj ljudskih bajk in pripovedk iz okolice Podsrede, Kotnikov zbornik, Celje 1956, p. 142 (No. 7a); Milko Matičetov, Kralj Matjaž v luči novegaslovenskega gradiva in novih raziskavanj, Razprave SAZU 4 (1958), p. 112 (No. 52).
127Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millenium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the
Middle Ages, London 1970.
128Grafenauer 1951, p. 85.
129Rožnik, p. 100 (Lepa Mankica).
130Maks Pleteršnik, Slovensko-nemški slovar, Drugi del, Ljubljana 1895, p. 754 (entry Vedomec).
131Marija Stanonik - Niko Jež, Nekaj folklornih zapiskov iz zapuščine Emila Korytka v NUK, Traditiones 14 (1985), p. 113.
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According to the Slovene fairy-tales, the Glass Mountain can be reached
-	through three kingdoms: in the first one, an apple-tree grows with golden fruits; in the second, the fountain of the water of life stands; and in the third one, all inhabitants have been turned into stones132,
-	across the Red Sea, driven by a boatman133,
-	across the great lake which the hero swims in the form of a sheatfish. In order to reach the top of the smooth and high mountain, he transformes into a bird, and then finds his way into the palace in the shape of a mouse134.
The mythological mountains of the Indians, the Meru or Sumeru, and of the Iranians, Hara Berezaiti (Av. Haraiti, mid. Pers. Harburz, new Pers. Alburz), reached high up to dizzy heights, to the spheres of the stars (Venus), the Moon and the Sun. The mountain Berezaiti grew, by the will of God, for eight hundred years (other mountains only eighteen years): two hundred years to the star sphere, as many to the Moon sphere, as many again to the Sun sphere, and a further two hundred years to the highest sky (Gr. Bundahishn 12.1.3-6). In the Indian tradition, the mountain Vindhya wanted to outgrow the highest mountain Meru and to lure towards itself the Sun, the Moon and the stars (Mahabharata 3.103.4; Skanda Purana 4.1-5, 6.33; Vamana Purana 18.21-27; Bhagavata Purana 6.3.35; AgniPurana 206; MatsyaPurana 61; Brahmanda Purana 3.56.53; DeviBhagavatam 10.3-6, etc.). It had already grown so high that it obstructed the course of the Sun, so at the request of the deities, the sage Agastya intervened. He asked the mountain to diminish so he could cross it to the southern side, and so it was. He then told the mountain to remain that way until he returned from his pilgrimage. It is possible that this well known episode comprises the historic memory of the Aryan migrations southwards, to the interior of Dravidian India. A similar story is known in Slovenia's Bohinj: "Once upon a time, each mountain had its own ghost and dragon. Fighting between themselves, they demolished the fertile land around the mountains by throwing rocks and sand upon it, which can still be seen all over Bohinj. In that prehistoric time, a mountain behind Bohinj lake desired to outgrow the Triglav. Its ghost was blowing it up, its dragon was pushing blocks of rocks upwards, the mountain was growing and it became as high as the Triglav. But God did not allow it. The earth shook, the mountain burst and fell apart. On the southern side of the Bogatin you can see the punished mountain.. To this day it is called the Podrta gora (Fallen Mountain)"135.
According to the ancient Greek myth about Apollo and the Muses, the mountain Helicon also grew high up into the sky until, by Poseidon's order, the winged horse Pegasus lowered it by a stroke of its hoof, and created on its top a spring of water (Hippocrene). This motif is also known in the Macedonian, Serbian, and Montenegrin folklore, but differs considerably in details from the Slovene variant136.
The tripartite character of the world mountain is contained also in the descriptions in Avesta, where Amasha Spanta reaches paradise in three steps. The Indians know the
132Pravljica o ptiču Vedomcu, zapisal M. Šnuderl, Rimske toplice in Sv. Marjeta 1913, ISN, ZRC SAZU, Štrekljeva
zapuščina II/72. About enchanted petrified city see also Moderndorfer, p. 166 (Zdano mesto).
133Od fogel Fyneza..., pp. 207-214.
134Od glaževnate gvore, manuscript of G. Križnik, Arhiv Akad. nauk, found of B. de Courtenay, transcription,
ISN, ZRC SAZU, pp. 15-20.
135Janez Mencinger, Zbrano delo, Vol. 3, p. 77; Marija Cvetek, Janez Mencinger in bohinjsko ljudsko
pripovedništvo,Glasnik Slovenskega etnološkega društva 36 (1996), No. 1, p. 17.
136Aleksandar Loma, Dva slovenska naziva za crnu topolu i Apolon kao božanski oganj, Kodovi slovenskih kultura 1 (1996), pp. 24-25.
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famous three steps of Vishnu by which he ascended across the star and Moon sphere to the vicinity of the Sun, the highest paradise, where the source of immortality, the fountain of honey is to be found (Rig veda 1.154.5; Aitareya Brahmana 6.15.10). This was in accordance with the idea about the existence of three paradises, two of which belong to Savitri (Vivasvat, Surya), and the third to Yama (Rig veda 1.35.6). That was why, according to the Indian belief, the souls of the honourable dead were settled upon the stars, the Moon and the Sun137. Slovene fairy tales explain this tripartite character either by describing the mountain as being "three hours high and wide"138, or by telling about the hero's riding upon it through the countries of the wind, the Moon and the Sun139, and most often by the colours and characteristics of three metals - copper, silver and gold. Thus a flock of sheep crosses a silk, silver and golden meadow before reaching the border river and the paradise beyond it140.
In the well-known and widely spread tale of Cinderella, the heroine sets out to attend a dance in the castle hall by way of a staircase on which she later loses her golden slipper. The staircase has an important symbolic role, as originally it connected three ballrooms situated one above another, thus establishing the tripartite structure of the world mountain. The walk up or down the staircase therefore represented the ascent to the world beyond or the descent to the world of men. In the fairy-tales about "Shoes worn out by dancing" (Zertanzte Schuhen), the night dancer travels into the world below across the copper (also diamond), silver and golden garden, covered with trees141. According to a Russian tale, the heroine finds "a sea of fire" behind these three gardens142. A youngster from a Prekmurje region fairy-tale encounters a wide burning river in the world beyond143. That in this case also a sea is involved is revealed by the information that, on the other side of the river, the "overseas kingdom" begins. Virgil's Aeneas found a river of fire on his way to Hades (Aeneid, Book 6). Something similar (a judgement in a river of melted metal) is described in Persian Pahlavian texts (Bundahishn 30.20), and the sea of fire is known in Indian cosmology as the utmost border of the world. It is typical that Cinderella receives the clothes to wear at the dance (the sun, moon and star dress) from her dead mother, therefore from the land of the dead144, and in Grimm's German variant even from the tree on her mother's grave. It is less known, however, that there also exist male variants of the story of Cinderella which are no less wide-spread, and are probably still older (the first one was written down in Egypt in the second millennium B.C.). Their central motif is riding, and earlier still, flying or climbing up the world mountain145. The hero in these tales is the youngest brother who is regarded as a bit slow-witted, but is given instructions for his actions by the deceased, while he guards his grave at night. Riding a copper, silver and golden horse, wearing the same clothes and equipped with arms of the same metals, he wins at a competition and gains the princess' hand in marriage146. Not only his contact with the deceased, but also the proximity of death - which threatens him frequently - always bring him new awards147.
137Güntert, pp. 402-403.
138U glaževnat gvor, manuscript of G. Križnik, Vransko 1876, ISN, ZRC SAZU, ŠZ 2/14 and 3/72.
139Krajcar, pp. 92-111 (Lepa Mankica).
140Kontler and Kompoljski, pp. 100-108 (Mali jagnjec).
141 Huth, pp. 19-20.
142August von Löwis of Menar, Russische Volksmärchen, Jena 1927, p. 212.
143Rožnik, p. 156 (Ognjena roža).
144Slovene examples: Kropej, No. 8 and 29 (written down by A. Pegan from Ročinj and R. Poznik from the
surroundings of Kropa in 1868).
145Huth, p. 21.
146Krajcar, pp. 36-45 (Lepi Miklavž); idem, pp. 74-77 (Trije kmečki sinovi); Rožnik, pp.74-91 (Pepelko).
147Max Lüthi, So leben sie noch heute. Betrachtungen zum Volksmärchen, Göttingen1969, pp. 70-84.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
In 12 th century Western Christianity, the prevailing image of heaven was of its being situated on top of a high mountain. This mountain has a silver lower part and a golden upper part. Around the garden of paradise and all its abundance rises a high, smooth wall, decorated with jewels and glittering more brightly than the snow148. The ancient idea of the world mountain thus lived further on in Christian disguise. In the Stična manuscript from the second half of the 12th century a conjuration against toothache can be found which mentions St.Peter's sitting upon a marble rock149. A golden mountain is present in Slovene conjurations against snakebite: " I chase poison from you in the name of God and St. George; I chase poison from you in the name of God and St. Margaret; I chase poison from you in the name of God and St. Basso/Šenpas. There is a golden mountain, and on this mountain the Virgin Mary herself and all the Holy Trinity. And there is a heavy rock and this harmful worm." Or: "There stands a golden mountain, behind the mountain a golden table, behind the table St. Paul/Šenpav is asleep". Comparable to this is the conjuration from Kolomonov žegen (Kolomon's blessing) (probably of Carinthian origin):
Tam stoji ena zlata gora, na tej gori stoji en zlat stol, na tem stolu sedi sveti Šempas in zlati meč v rokah drži...150
On the golden mountain, there is a golden chair on which St.Basso is sitting, holding a golden sword.
Another example:
Bog daj lek in prelek, preljuba devica Marija ino sveti Šenpas! on stoji na silnej gori, silnej gori, silnej skali...151
God, give us medicine, sweet Virgin Mary and St. Basso!
He stands upon a mighty mountain, upon a mighty rock...
Upon the mountain stands a golden church, in it are three chairs152, and this is the Christian substitute for the onetime trees, or for the tree with a table and chairs, meant for the world ruler and his guests.
Characteristic is the Slovene fondness for erecting churches on hilltops and slopes, often high above settlements. Some of them originate from the pre-Romanesque period. Apart from other things, the names of their saintly patrons testify to their age. From our point of view, two of them are especially interesting, Vid and Tomaž (Guy and Thomas). Franc Bezlaj, as Jan Peisker before him, drew attention to the fact that St.Vid's churches in
148Grimm, p. 109.
149Balduin Saria, Srednjeveški zagovor iz Stične in njegove paralele, Etnolog 10-11(1937-39), pp. 245, 247.
150Colemone Shegen..., Joža Glonar (ed.), Ljubljana 1920, chapter 53; a number of similar examples given by Vinko Moderndorfer, Ljudska medicina pri Slovencih, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za filološke in literarne vede, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Gradivo za narodopisje Slovencev 1, Ljubljana 1964, pp. 288-295, 297. See also: Milko Matičetov, Zagovarjanje pri dveh slovenskih književnikih, Slovenski etnograf 3-4 (1951), pp. 335, 341.
151Fran Erjavec, Iz potne torbe, Letopis Slovenske Matice 1882/83, pp. 337-339. Compare also: Anton Mrkun, Ljudska medicina v dobrepoljski dolini, Etnolog 10-11 (1937-39), p. 5; J. Lokar, Nekaj zagovorov iz borovniške okolice, Etnolog 15 (1942), p. 96.
152Moderndorfer 1964, p. 289.
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Slovenia and Austria are often connected with toponyms Pekel/Hoelle (Hell), Hudičev jarek/Teufelsgraben (Devil's Ditch), Devin skok/Jungfernsprung (Maiden's Jump), Himmelsreich, etc.153. Besides the Mother of God, important old patron saints also include sv. Jurij (St. George), Peter, Mihael, Lovrenc, Marjeta (Margaret), and some others. Many of these hilltop churches were undoubtedly built on pre-Christian (Slavic or indigenous) cult sites. According to legends they were built by "ajdi" (giants). Let us mention only a few important locations: Svete gore above Bizeljsko, Stare svete gore near Podsreda, Sveti Primož above Kamnik, Sveta gora near Litija and a mountain of the same name near Gorica, Stara gora/Castelmonte on the border with Friuli, Štalenski vrh/Magdalensberg and Šenturška gora or Šenturhov vrh/Ulrichberg in Carinthia... St. Joseph's church at Dolenji Logatec was built above a water spring near a Roman burial place. In the opinion of some experts this is an inheritance of the indigenous, Mediterranean-influenced tradition154. For others this was the proof of a "deeply rooted worship of the Sun deity on mountain tops, which survived in the habit of building shrines in the Christian period"155. Patron saints of churches upon some mountain tops were supposed to be linked to the cult of the Sun and fire, as were the bonfires and the throwing of burning pieces of wood - šajbe - on certain occasions. The offering of wheat, which is a component of the Carinthian "leteče procesije"/ running processions, was explained as a remnant of the belief that souls of the deceased dwell in the mountains156.
Apart from a mountain, a tree could also represent the centre of the universe and the world axis. The answer to a Carinthian riddle about the centre of the world was: "In Ljubljana, there grows a lime tree which is hollow within, and there is the centre of the world"151. Over the trunk of such a tree one could climb from the earthly sphere into the sky, or descend into the underworld. In one of the Slovene fairy tales, the hero "climbs upon a high fir tree which has branches all the way to the ground. When he reaches the middle of the tree, he finds an eagle's nest, looks into it and finds (in it) a beautiful large city'158. If we may believe Trdina's literary variant, the trunk is "without any branches to the very top, with only seven resting places. These resting places are so wide apart that you cannot see from one to another..." Therefore the hero brings along seven axes and seven pairs of shoes159. Elsewhere, the tree is described as "miraculously high..., such as the world had never seen, nor would ever see. It rose towards the sky like smoke from the burning soil. Only the trunk could be seen, but no leaves or branches. If you looked up into this tree in search of its branches, you could see the sun, but not the branches"160. A shepherd, to whom an eagle brought food up to the heights, undertook the climbing of this tree. After seven years he reached the first
153Franc Bezlaj, Slovensko *inj, *vynj in sorodno. Onomastica jugoslavica 6 (1976), pp. 66-67. The Slavic origin of toponymes of this kind was disputed by Hans Pirchegger, stating that folk tradition was in connection with them better preserved in the Austrian than the Slovene surroundings (Hans Pirchegger, Der Jungfernsprung, Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 7 (1936), pp. 112-119); this statement, however, requires further checking.
154Emilijan Cevc, Das Problem der Kontinuität im Kult und in der bildenden Kunst in Slowenien, Alpes orientales 5 (1969), pp. 106-109.
155Josip Mal, Pripombe k slovenskemu bajeslovju, Slovenski etnograf 5 (1952), p. 255.
156Josip Šašel, Leteče procesije ob Gosposvetskem polju, Slovenski etnograf 5 (1952), pp.148-149.
157Möderndorfer 1946, pp. 260-261 (Skrb).
158Gašper Križnik, O zakletih bratih in o izdanih gospodičnah, Ljubljanski Zvon 1891, p. 559.
159Janez Trdina, Zbrano delo, Vol. 4, Ljubljana 1952, pp. 119-145 (Pripovedka od zlate hruške).
160Möderndorfer 1946, p. 152 (Na drevesu brez imena).
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branch, and when he reached the top of the tree, he found himself standing on firm ground, and the tree was gone. All around him there spread a large plain without a tree or a hill. In this landscape he found a castle, and was employed as a farmhand. The further course of the story shows similarities with what has been said and written about the Glass Mountain, proving that the world tree and the world mountain are merely two materialized forms of the same idea. This is confirmed by the Slovene tradition stating that a youth climbed a high tree, the top of which could not be seen, by using "iron claws" which he fastened to his feet161. This solution is very close to the ideas of the old Baltic peoples, who as late as the 13th and 14th centuries used to put bear paws and lynx claws into graves of their dead, or burnt them with the dead, so that they could climb the smooth walls of the Glass Mountain to reach their paradise162. Fairy tales about the climbing of the world tree originate, according to Vilmos Dioszegi, from the Hungarian shamanistic rituals163. In the opinion of Linda Degh, it was the Hungarians who brought to Europe, and above all to their neighbours, the Uralo-Altaic conception of the world tree, which in the demythologized form appears as a fairy tale. This conclusion is considered to be based upon the analysis of 70 Hungarian and foreign fairy tales about the world tree (AaTh 468)164. Our comment: the world tree undoubtedly holds an important position in Eurasian shamanism. However, with regard to our knowledge about shamanistic elements and the meaning of the tree among Indo-Europeans - from Indians, Iranians and Greeks to Romans, Germanic peoples and Slavs - we cannot agree with the exclusively Hungarian origin of these notions.
The traditions of other Slavic peoples phantasize that the top of the tree shines with jewels (as does in other variants the top of the mountain!), or that among the branches there is a "frightful" high mountain165. On the dry or on the golden branch of the world tree a city lies (originally a garden). A bride strolls round the city, to the wedding of whom arrives a vegetation deity after a long and difficult journey from across the sea (from the land of the dead)166. R. Katičic reconstructed, from fragments of old Slavic ritual folklore which were preserved in folk tradition, an image of such a world tree: by its roots, a dragon or snake is supposed to lie near a water source, a bird is imagined to nest in its top (a nightingale, eagle or falcon), in the middle of the trunk, bees are dwelling, linking the sphere of earth to the sphere of heaven/sky. The bird on top of the tree is supposed to be the bride's father. The treetop is decorated with golden fringes, golden cones and golden apples which fall upon the ground167. The throwing or rolling of golden apples from the world tree signifies the introductory pre-phase of the matrimony between the godly groom and bride. Such apples also imply fertility guaranteed by the celestial wedding: if they fall
161Andrej Gabršček, Narodne pripovedke v Soških planinah, V Gorici 1910, pp. 365-366 (Čudno drevo).
162W. Caland, Die vorchristlichen baltischen Totengebräuche, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 17 (1914), p. 487.
163Vilmos Diöszegi, Die Überreste des Schamanismus in der ungarischen Volkskultur, Acta ethnographica 7 (1958), Vol. 1-2, pp. 112-115. This hypothesis was tackled critically also by Maja Boškovic-Stulli, Drvo nasred svijeta. Jedna narodna bajka iz Vukove ostavštine, Vukov zbornik, Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Posebna izdanja, Book 400, Beograd 1966, p. 670.
164Linda Degh, Über den ungarischen Märchenschatz, Europa et Hungaria, Congressus Ethnographicus in
Hungaria, (eds. Ortutay and Bodrogi), Akademiai Kiadö, Budapest 1965, pp. 279-289.
165Boškovic-Stulli, pp. 681-682.
166Vitomir Belaj, Der mythologische Hintergrund eines kroatischen Hochzeitsbrauches, Wiener Slavistisches
Jahrbuch 41 (1995), pp. 43-50.
167Radoslav Katičic, Weiteres zur Rekonstruktion der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch 35 (1989), pp. 77-97.
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upon a field, they bring good crops168. At this stage, the magical part of the tradition was formed which cultivated ideas about the tree of life and fertility.
With these notions a considerable number of customs were linked which we cannot deal with here in more detail; let us merely mention a few from Slovenia and from the near neighbourhood. In the Vinica parish, a boy dressed as Zeleni Jurij carried a golden apple on top of a rod decorated with flowers and ribbons169. In Carinthia the shaking of trees to arouse higher fertility at Midsummer Eve celebrations had the same roots170. In Bela krajina a suitor received a red ("golden") apple from his girl as a sign of her consent to marry him.171 Such an apple was also set at the top of the flag which accompanied the bride to her wedding. A few feathers of cock or peacock were stuck into the apple to symbolize a bird in a treetop172. In place of "golden apples" the elder also presented the newlyweds with gilded nuts which were to bring them happiness in marriage173. About 1830, in Črnomelj they still carried in St.George's procession a tree decorated with greenery, flower wreaths and gaily coloured pieces of cloth. It is significant that, according to popular belief, the tree and the anthropomorphic figure of Zeleni Jurij were identical; they were the one and only two-form deity174. Zeleni Jurij rode to Adlešiči and Vinica on a white horse, carrying a birch tree across his shoulder175. In Porabje (the Raba region), too, on St. George's day a young, green birch tree was planted176. In Laško, Zeleni Jurij, clad in greenery, held a young fir tree in one hand, and a horn made of willow bark in the other177. A dry branch of the (world) tree appears in Croatian poems in the "kaj" dialect: a cuckoo is heard from it (the bride), and at the time of nuptial ceremonies a green bell is hung upon such a branch in the vicinity of the home farm178. Like all other deities of growth, Zeleni Jurij must die in order to (be able to) be reborn. Nowadays only his green mantle, made of branches, is thrown into the water. After the ceremony, his phytomorphic figure (a young tree) is "stripped of its leaves, its branches are broken, leaves crushed, and the tree destroyed by
girls"179.
The central part of the Pomurje "Georgian" ritual ceremony was the duel between Zeleni Jurij or Vesnik, clad in ivy or flowers, and Rabolj, clad in straw or fur180. Jurij, as the representative of spring, always triumphed over his adversary who embodied winter. A
168Idem, Weitere baltische Ausblicke zur Rekonstruktion der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch 39 (1993), p. 36. About the tree in the religion and magic of the Slavs see also: Ljubinko Radenkovic, Simbolika sveta u narodnoj magiji južnih Slovena, Balkanološki institut SANU, Posebna izdanja, Book 67, Niš 1996, pp. 72-73.
169France Marolt, Slovenske narodoslovne študije. Drugi zvezek : Tri obredja iz Bele krajine, Ljubljana 1936, p. 9.
170Pavle Zablatnik, Čar letnih časov v ljudskih šegah na Koroškem, Celovec 1984, p. 192.
171Janko Barle, Ženitovanjski običaji Belih Kranjcev, Letopis Slovenske matice 1889, p. 70.
172Valvasor, Book VI, p. 302.
173Davorin Trstenjak, Mythologične starice : 5. O orehu, Slovenski glasnik 9 (1863), p. 55.
174Joh. Kapelle, Das Frühlingsfest in Tschernembl, Carniolia 1839, No. 1.
175Niko Kuret, Praznično leto Slovencev I, Ljubljana 1989, p. 260.
176Idem, p. 255.
177Idem, p. 266.
178Belaj, pp. 43-50. See also the treatise by the same author: Mladenkin vijenac na suhoj grani. Mitska pozadina jednoga svadbenog običaja u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj, Studia Ethnologica Croatica 4 (1992), pp. 81-91.
179Niko Kuret, K Meulijevi teoriji o maskah, Opuscula selecta, Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti, Razred za filološke in literarne vede, Dela 43, Ljubljana 1997, p. 49.
180Kuret 1989, p. 254.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
similar ceremony was known in Carinthian Rožek181. The "lavfarji" custom of Cerkno also illustrates the combat between winter and spring, but it belongs to the group of vegetational rituals which are common in the wider Alpine territory: Shrovetide (originally a Wild man, clad in moss) holds in his hands a felled fir tree which, after Shrovetide is destroyed, and is taken by his adversary, "Ta mršlanast" (clad in ivy). Similar folk plays, featuring the Wild man (winter) and his bride (spring), were known in Switzerland and in the Tyrol182.
In the Slovene territory, the Slavic Zeleni Jurij became blended with similar indigenous vegetational cults : for example, the worship of the fertility goddess Cybele, which in the Roman empire became officially accepted in 204 B.C., her cult having been preserved at least until the end of the 4th century A.D. The traces of the Cybele cult are still to be found in archaeological sites on the present Slovene territory: consacrational inscriptions, statues and reliefs in urban settlements such as Emona, Celeia, Poetovio, and also in some rural places.
It is important that the originally Asia Minor - and later on Greek and Roman - cult of Cybele, "the Great Mother of Gods", was linked to the symbol of a tree, beneath which her unfaithful lover Attis died. On Cybele's request, Zeus turned Attis' dead body into a pine tree, later resuscitated him and reunited him with his mediatrix. In the ritual procession, which took place in March, there participated attenders koribanti and kureti, who used to strike their swords against their shields, making a loud noise. With this noise and their ecstatic dance they were chasing winter away. The central event of these March celebrations was on March 22, when a pine tree was felled and taken decorated to Cybele's sanctuary, while women chanted elegies for the dead Attis. Three days later, Attis' rebirth was celebrated. Archaeologist Slavko Ciglenečki was the first to draw attention to the similarity between the Slovene kurenti/koranti and the Greek-Roman kureti/koribanti, between the traditional Prekmurje ceremony of "borovo gostüvanje" and the pine/fir tree of Attis' procession, and even between names and attires of participants of the "borovo gostüvanje" and Cybele's priests183. With his function of chasing enemy demons and awakening the sleeping natural forces, the Korant/Kurent takes his place in the gallery of similar figures known throughout Europe, while at the same time preserving a tie with antiquity and with the indigenous cultural heritage184.
According to some fairy tale interpretations, golden apples grew upon a tree at the top of the world mountain. The Slovene tradition mentions them as Kresnik's property, which a chthonian demon is unsuccessfully trying to steal185. Similar motifs are to be found elsewhere in Europe. Such apples have lured - owing to their miraculous characteristics - the mythological Heracles into the garden of Hesperides, and have later on become a destination of the bold journeys of various fairy tale heroes: "Behind a wood, there is a large castle; beautiful apples grow there. Send him to bring you those apples, you will eat them and become completely cured"1186. In Slovene fairy tales187 and folk songs, a pear tree with golden fruits frequently appears instead of an apple tree:
181 Kuret 1989, p. 261.
182Niko Kuret, Ein Wildemann-Spiel in Slowenien, Alpes orientales 1 (1956), pp. 127-134.
183Slavko Ciglenečki, Nekoč so bili spremljevalci boginje Kibele, danes preganjajo zimo kot pustne maske, Delo 25.2.1998, p. 10.
184Niko Kuret, Domači in tuji delež v obrednih obhodih Slovencev, Traditiones 20 (1991), pp. 74-75.
185Kelemina, pp. 36-37 (No. 1.IV.).
186Krajcar, p. 94 (Trgovčev sin in njegova mati).
187Od glaževnate gore, G. Križnik's manuscript (Od treh bratov), Strekelj's collection II., ISN, ZRC SAZU, ŠZ 3/35.
186
Zmago Šmitek
Izraslo je runjka 'ruška na sred sela širokega.
A fine pear tree grew
in the middle of a wide village.
Beneath it are fine chairs,
beneath it are fine guests,
fine guests, God, Mary,
St. Peter, holder of the keys...
Pod njom su mi lipi stoli, pod njom su mi lipi gosti, lipi gosti Bog, Marija,
Sveti Petar, ključar božji...
188
It is important that this Bela krajina song was sung at Midsummer time, which additionally confirms its cosmological symbolism. The "wide village" represented the paradise plain with the settlement and the ruler's palace, the same as we have already encountered in the fairy tales about climbing the world tree. The pear treetop also has a sense of its own in this context: the biblical Genesis (2.9-10) records that the garden of Eden was flourishing with different kinds of fruit trees. Among them were the tree of life and the tree of knowledge of good and evil. Fruits of the Tree of Life brought immortality to those who ate them. The source at the roots of the tree of paradise filled four rivers which flowed to all the sides of the world. They represented the four gospels and the four limbs of the cross. The landscape is therefore well known from different sources. In our song only the "chairs" around the tree where the celestial guests are gathered are less usual. From some other variants we may conclude that Christ and his companions did not only sit in these chairs, but that they sat in the shade at the common table. Was it a round table, which would give it a zodiacal character? The enigmatic character of these verses led Vlado Nartnik to write a hypothesis according to which the tree, reaching from hell to heaven, was "the tree-like Milky Way, with the constellation of the Chair high upon the pole"189. The contents of this and similar songs would therefore illustrate the night sky and the lunar calendar cycle190. In the opinion of some other researchers, however, the circle of celestial beings sitting around the table represents a magical frame encompassing the "sacred" and dividing it from the external, the "profane". It has the same defence function as making rounds, running or dancing in circles191. In the centre of such a circle was the place of the divine manifestation. As the ceremony of encircling (opasanje/opasilo) was well known in the Slovene lands, we may assume that our paradise table had the shape of a ring, with the trunk of the holy tree in the middle.
In the Christian tradition, the mysteries of salvation and of Christ's cross were often presented metaphorically as the paradise tree of life. The latter frequently has cosmic dimensions: according to a 3rd century text it was supposed to grow from the Calvary to infinite heights, encompassing the whole world with its branches. From the spring at its roots all peoples were supposed to drink, and then ascend to heaven by its branches192. Thus they would regain their lost paradise. In the Hebrew mythology, the tree of life and the tree of knowledge were originally identical, represented by a vine. This symbolism has even older roots in the Sumerian and Egyptian culture. The vine had a central role in the Greek Dionysian cults, also known in ancient Rome193. That is why the Christian tree of
188Ivan Saselj, Bisernice iz belokranjskega narodnega zaklada, Vol.1, Ljubljana 1906, pp. 192-193.
189Vlado Nartnik, Sest ljudskih legend ob eni romanci, Slava 3 (1988), No. 1, pp. 65-66.
190Idem, pp. 66-67.
191Hedwig von Beit, Symbolik des Märchens, Bern 1952, pp. 182-183.
192Pseudo-Cyprian, Carmen de Pascha vel de Ligno Vitae, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticum Latinorum 3, pp.
305-308; James 1966, pp. 161-162.
193Eisler, pp. 147-149; 325-327.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
life was also depicted as a vine. In a Slovene myth a man saved himself from the Flood by climbing a vine which grew upon a high hill, its top touching the sky194.
The Slovene tradition does not only describe climbing up the world tree, but also descending by rope through a hollow oak trunk to the underworld195. Danger always lurked from such a passage towards the world beyond. This explains why various mythological creatures hide in old hollow tree trunks. With all the knowledge that we already have about the willow tree as a mediator between the human world and the chthonic/demonic world beyond, the Slovene superstition that "the devil grins from a willow tree" becomes more understandable196. In one of his treatises, F. Bezlaj mentioned his own youthful experience that "we were strictly forbidden to approach, or cut rods for whistles from an old hollow willow tree by the bank of the river..."197. Entry to such a shaft was not permitted to everyone, as the entrance was - in the fairy tale language - closed with an iron door and nine locks198.
Descriptions of the world tree with the source of water of life at its roots, and the deity in the shape of a bird at its top, are so similar in different traditions of European, Iranian and North Indian ethnic groups that we can undoubtedly characterize them as part of the ancient Indo-European patrimony. Iranian mythology knows two trees of paradise, growing at the top of the Elbrus. The first one is the tree of immortality, the white Haoma, situated at the source of Ardwisura and having healing and rejuvenating characteristics, the second one is the tree on which the bird Shinamru is seated, and the seeds of which fall upon the ground (Bundahishn 27.4). The source of all world rivers is supposed to be on the mountain Hukairja...
In more remote parts of the Slovene territory remnants of pagan beliefs lingered long after the formal Christianization, among which was undoubtedly the cult of trees and water springs. In the first half of the 13th century, the population of Bela krajina was "tied up in the errors of blindness, and in some ways imitated pagan rites"199. Similar circumstances can be understood from the document (from 1236) mentioning "improvement...of the Slovene population" in the territory to the East from Ptuj200. For the neighbourhood of Gornji grad it was in 1237 believed that "many people die there owing to the lack of divine service without the holy confirmation, and on the whole the inhabitants of those parts suffer great damage where their souls are concerned; it is therefore feared that they might soon succumb to errors from which it would be difficult to save them"201. It is thus easy to understand that as late as 1300 a certain Vid from Bresternica, at the foot of the Pohorje, worshipped a tree202. In 1331 a Franciscan, Franciscus de Clugia (Francesco di Ch(i)oggia) in his "solemn sermon" in Cedad/Cividale invited the faithful to help suppress the popular worship of a tree near Kobarid, from beneath which a brook was springing. Volunteers, among whom the canon of Aquileia Ulrico Boiani, pulled the tree out and filled the spring
194Kelemina, p. 285 (No. 208).
195Krajcar, p.29 (Vojak in kraljična).
'"Davorin Trstenjak, Mythologične drobtine. O verbi, Slovenski glasnik 1862, p. 175.
197Bezlaj 1976, p. 64.
198Rožnik, p. 122 (Zlato mesto).
199Franc Kos, Gradivo za zgodovino Slovencev v srednjem veku, ed. Milko Kos, Vol. 5, V Ljubljani 1928, p. 242
(No.486).
200Idem, p.306 (No.647).
201Idem, p.316 (No.668).
202Bogo Grafenauer, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda, Vol. 2, Ljubljana 1965, p. 210.
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up with stones203. In the middle of the 19th century a number of pilgrimages to the "holy" fir tree near Vitanje took place, which were finally prohibited by the Church. At some places in Carinthia a conviction was preserved long into more recent times that it is better to pray beneath a green tree than to go to church204. The setting up of maypoles ("mlaji") was merely another presentation of the same idea. In Carniola this custom was described by Valvasor at the end of the 17th century. Especially interesting is his testimony on the setting up of maypoles beside mountain abysses, which was supposed to have an exorcismal effect, but which essentially resumed the prehistoric mythical scene with the mountain, the tree, the water and the underworld.
Some healing sources were "Christianized" by building churches or chapels in their vicinity. People went on pilgrimages to such places in order to cure different diseases, and water from these sources was given to the dying as a restorative. On the slopes of Svete gore above the Sotla, where five churches and chapels stand, a holy brook "Božja noga" (God's foot) was supposed to flow over the wounded feet of the Crucified, and have healing powers205. Other sources with a similar reputation were to be found in Kotelj near Turjak, in Pečarovci, near Bakonci (whereto they used to go on St. Vid's day), near Kuzma, near Svibno, Lesno brdo, Mala Nedelja (where christenings supposedly once took place), and at Sv. Lucija na Doleh206.
The Scandinavian mythical tree Yggdrasil touched the sky with its top : its three roots reached to the underworld of the dead, the dwelling of giants, where the spring of wisdom rose, and to the kingdom of the gods where, at the foot of the tree, by the "well of fate", gods used to gather for their daily consultation (Voluspa 19; G. Grimnismal 31). The three Fates, Nornas, decided on people's fates at the same place. In the treetop lived an eagle, a falcon, and a squirrel, beneath it deer and snakes, and in the underworld a dragon: according to present-day explanations, these were supposed to symbolise (in the same order) the spheres of air and ether, clouds (hail), winds, and vulcanic forces207. Honey dew dripped from its branches. The Saxon Irminsul, "the great pillar", was originally probably only a trunk of such a holy tree which gradually acquired the meaning of the world axis. The cult of pillars in the old India and the emergence of stylitism in Byzantine Christianity had their origins in the trunk of the holy tree; in these cases wood was substituted by a more lasting stone form208.
The cult of the tree was also brought to Northern India by Indo-European immigrants. Holy places were originally dedicated to the spirits of nature and fertility, yaksa, which they imagined in a feminine form, as "brides" of the tree and its protectors. The eternal tree (ashvattha) upon which all the worlds rest is also mentioned in Indian religious texts, and is identified with the Brahman, the lasting foundation of all existence
203Ivo Juvančič, Križarska vojska proti Kobaridcem 1331, Zgodovinski časopis 38 (1984), No. 1-2, pp. 49-55; Franc Rupnik, Kraj in župnija Kobarid od začetka drugega tisočletja do leta 1848, Kobarid, Kobariški muzej 1997, pp. 33-35; P.S. Leicht, Tracce di paganesimo fra gli Slavi dell' Isonzo nel secolo XIV, in: Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 1 (1925), pp. 247-250.
204Mal, p. 253.
205Emilijan Cevc, p. 107.
206France Kotnik, Iz ljudske medicine, Narodopisje Slovencev, Vol. 2, Ljubljana 1952, p. 128.
207James 1966, pp. 160-161.
208John C. Irwin, Origins of Form and Structure in Monumental Art, in: Symbols in Art and Religion. The Indian and the Comparative Perspectives, ed. by K. Werner, Durham indological series No. 2, London -Glenn Dale 1990, pp. 56-57.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
(Katha Upanishad 6.1), or with the cosmic soul, Purusha (Shvetashvatara Upanishad 3.8.9). The Brahman is also compared to a forest, and the tree to the source and support of the universe (TaittiriyaBrahmana 2.8.9.6). "The Lord of the primeval forest" is the tree vanaspati with its thousand branches; earth and heaven were created from its wood (Rig veda 10.81.4; 7.33.9). The world tree was supposed to grow in paradise or in the third - the highest -heavenly sphere (Rig veda 10.135.1; Atharva veda 5.4.3) by a lake and a golden celestial palace (Chandogya Upanishad 8.5.3). According to Kaushitaki Upanishad (1.3; 1.5) a spring of the "water of life" is found by such a tree. On the tree two birds nest feeding on its honey; one of them (the one connected to the Highest) may also enjoy the sweet fruits from the top of the tree (Rig veda 1.164.20-22). In Bhagavadgita (15.1-3), the world tree is described, the characteristic of which is that it grows with its treetop downwards, and has roots in the sphere of paradise :
With roots aloft and branches below, The eternal peepal tree, they say -Whose leaves are the (Vedic) hymns, Who knows it, he knows the Veda.209
Such an upside-down world tree - also mentioned in Rig veda 1.24.7 and Katha Upanishad 3.2.1; 6.1 - became the symbol of material and sensual world, the samsara. Its treetop reaches into the human world, since its shoots - Vedas - and their rituals are the result of human activities. The tree's branches encircle our world also because there is a place within the samsara that belongs to man: the branches above him are the spheres of the lower gods (devas), while those below him symbolize the lower living beings.210 According to some explanations, the God of Fire, Agni, in the shape of a horse, dwells within the tree (Taittiriya Brahmana 3.8.12.2). Some commentators derive the name ashvattha from ashva - stha, "tree beneath which horses stand". Horses pull the sun cart, thus keeping the universe moving; in this way the world, too, symbolized by the tree, is constantly changing (211). This "earth" tree is subject to time, but also immortal, since it is perpetually reborn: it is either the karma or merely an illusionary reflection of the true and eternal "spiritual" tree. Those who understand this must - with the power of wisdom or non-attachment - cut down the "earth" tree and become acquainted with its real form in the world beyond212. This act enables one to withdraw from the material world and its laws.
The honey dew from the world tree represents, according to Buddhistic interpretations, a sinful profane temptation which leads man directly into hell. After the Buddhist text Lalitavistara (1st century) honey was supposed to drip from a beehive in the treetop. This idea was brought from the Orient to ancient Greeks and Romans, and hence to Western culture. In his text on Barlaam and Ioasaph the Syrian Christian St. John Damascene (Joannes Damascenus, 8th century) described a tree dripping honey juice, with a white
209The Bhagavad giÔta>, Translated and interpreted by Franklin Edgerton, Second ed., New York 1964, p. 73.
210The Bhagavadgita, An English Translation and Commentary by W.Douglas P. Hill, Second ed., Oxford
University Press 1953, p. 185.
211V.S. Agrawala, Vedic Lectures, Banaras Hindu University 1963, pp. 104-105.
212Bhagavad-gita kakva jeste, A.C.Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, The Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, Vaduz 1982, pp. 628-629; Srimad Bhagavadgita Rahasya or Karma-Yoga-Sastra, by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, tr. by. Bhalchandra Sitaram Sukthankar, Vol. 2, Poona 1936, pp. 1139-1140.
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Zmago Šmitek
and a black mouse gnawing at its roots, and a dragon and snakes. Similar stereotypes are to be found in the collection of "a thousand and one nights" Kalila and Dimna , in the Gesta Romanorum and the Legenda Aurea213. In all these cases the tree that appears is growing upwards. The "upside-down" world tree is known in the Iranian, Jewish, Near Eastern sources, the Eastern Christian legends, and even in Dante's Paradiso, (18.29-30) where he describes an evergreen tree receiving food from above, that is from God. Dante may have found the example for his poetic figure in the Bible (the rootedness of man in love/Christ, Eph. 3.17), or in the "tree of happiness" which, according to the tradition of Islamic mysticism, grew in paradise. The image of such a tree was also known to medieval Christian mystics. In the Elucidarium of French provenance, from the second half of the 15th century, a comparison between a tree and a man is to be found. According to it, a human body is a "tree turned upside down": the body is the trunk, the hair represents roots, and the arms and legs are branches, which means that we must strive to reach the sky for the love of God214. After another European interpretation from the 15th century, a tree grows downwards from a single root (God the Father), while in its lower part it has innumerable roots (saints, apostles). It has nine branches (nine heavens), upon which birds (the souls of the righteous) are seated215. The fact that the "upside-down" tree is an old Euro-Asian idea which does not belong merely to "high" cultures is confirmed by the example of the Udegeian shamans who, in their rituals, used a model of a tree with six roots jutting upwards. Such trees, which had a human face cut into their trunks, used to stand in the vicinity of shamans' dwellings. The idea of such a tree was not unknown in Finnish folk songs and Russian conjurations216. Niko Kuret, who was the first in Slovenia to identify the motif of a stylized world tree (or "Tree of Life"), saw its origin in the Iranian Sassanid tradition. In our folk art, however, the primary variant is very reduced and stylized; it has taken over the shape of a palmette and a "heraldic lily". Perhaps this was also due to the influence of Oriental decorative fabrics. It is only preserved because of its ornamental attractiveness, while having undergone all kinds of modifications217.
In the Prekmurje region, as a traditional decoration of Easter eggs archaic stylized images were preserved of such a tree with three roots, growing from ground to heaven and from heaven to ground in such a manner that the two treetops intertwine218. This symbol, with its triple roots and the position of its treetop, implies the triple scheme of the universe and man's central position within it. The tree draws strength from the sky and from the underground simultaneously, in other words, it is nourished from spiritual as well as material sources. In the European environment, the presence of such views that are close to the Indian ones - although they do not reach the same degree of sensibility - may be proved by the text from the Orphic plate from Petelia, which we have already mentioned, and by Plato's Timaeus (90A), which both emphasize the dual, physical/earthly and spiritual/heavenly nature of man219. It is also possible that the Prekmurje "dual" tree of life is merely a decorative motif without any mythological contents, which arrived rather late in Slovenian lands.
213Karl Spiess, Die zweifache Herkunft des Lebensbaummotives in der europäischen Volkskunst, in : Drei Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Überlieferungsgebundenen Kunst, Veröffentlichungen des österreichischen Museums für Volkskunde 7, Wien 1955, p. 122.
214Ung tres singulier et profitable livre appellé Le Lucidaire, Texte et étude par J. Nachbin, Paris 1938, p. XXVII.
215R. Thurneysen, Der mystische Baum, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 14 (1923), pp. 16-17.
216Eugen Kagarow, Der umgekehrte Schamanenbaum, Archiv für Religions- wissenschaft 27 (1929), pp. 183-185.
217Niko Kuret, Reménke, remenice, in : Etnografija Pomurja, Vol. 1, Vlasta Koren (ed.), Murska Sobota 1967, p. 166.
218Kuret 1967, pp. 163, 166-168.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
Around the holy tree on the holy mountain a wood grew: anyone who dared to fell any of its trees would be punished by God. This is the theme of a one-hundred-year-old written record from the surroundings of Ormož: kralj Matjaž (King Matthias) once ordered his soldiers to cut down forests in Styria because terrible wild beasts were living in them. They thus "arrived to Sveta gora (Holy Mountain) in order to fell its woods as well. Beneath the mountain was a brook, surrounded by dense woods. The soldiers stopped there, but none of them dared to cut down a single tree. Kralj Matjaž asked them: 'Why don't you cut down these trees?' They answered: 'There are fairies on this mountain, and woe to those who dare cut a single tree.' The king laughed at this, seized an axe from a soldier's hands and walked over to the brook. A beautiful, slender alder tree grew there. The king slashed at it with his axe. He wanted to swing back the axe and strike again, but could not. A terrible thunder was heard from the mountain, and a voice cried: 'Woe to you, kralj Matjaž!' At that same moment, Sveta gora encompassed the king and all his soldiers. It did not kill them, just made a cave above them, and in that cave they are now all asleep, kralj Matjaž and his army"220.
The object representing the central point or the world axis was actually or symbolically separated from the rest of the world. A Slovene example of this can be found in the Primorska (Coastal) region opasilo (encircling): the setting of lit candles around the church on the parish saint's day, which is a cult action of "enclosing"221.
This custom was once also known in other Slovene regions, as is proved by folk songs from the Zilja/Gail valley (Carinthia) and from Styria, telling about churches 'belted' by "a yellow candle" or "a golden belt". According to the Gorenjska (Upper Carniola) tradition, the church of St. Tomaž (Thomas) at Rateče was surrounded by a "strong, blessed chain" to protect it against the Turks. Usually, though, only St. Lenart's (Leonard's) churches were 'belted' by chains, St. Lenart being the saviour of prisoners222. Recollections of encircling churches by ropes at the time of parish holidays reach back to the end of the 18th century or the beginning of the 19th century223. Ritual encircling of churches and other cult sites was known in the wider Mediterranean territory, and has its sources in the periods before Christianity and Islam began to spread: in the Hellenistic period the "hub of the universe", omphalos, was depicted as bound by chains or knotted ribbons; the same applied to the cult of holy trees. Later on pillars in temples were also 'wrapped' in ribbons or chains: such an example is the stonecutter's decoration of capitals in the Renaissance portal of the Minorite monastery in Piran224. On important holidays people were belted by a rope, too, in order to become tightly connected with the "holy": that is why it is still said nowadays that people go to "bind" (vezati) someone when they go to congratulate him on his name day225. A ring is a diminished "belt"; in the Slovene tradition it is always an object of magical power and protection.
219This comparison was made already by S. Radhakrishnan in his commentary to Bhagavadgita (London, George
Allen & Unwin Ltd. 1958), p. 326.
220Jos. Freuensfeld, Narodno blago s Štajerskega II., Pravljice o kralji Matjaži, Kres 4 (1884), p. 141.
221Sergij Vilfan, Vprašanje "opasila", Slovenski etnograf 9 (1956), pp. 253-260.
222Niko Kuret, Praznično leto Slovencev, Vol. 2, Ljubljana 1989, pp. 106-107.
223Leopold Kretzenbacher, Kettenkirchen in Bayern und in Österreich, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Abhandlungen, Neue Folge, Heft 76, München 1973, pp. 40-42.
224Idem, pp. 89-90.
225Janez Bilc, Šege, navade in narodne pripovedke Slovencov v bistriški okolici na Notranjskem, Novice 1857, no. 61, p.247.
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The worlds beyond our earthly world may only be reached in a special state: apart from death, also in one's sleep, through meditation or ecstasy. These are all circumstances in which man's perception of space and time becomes relative, and everyday criteria lose their meaning226. If in the "normal" world the three-dimensional space is linked to the triad structure of time (the past, the present, the future), and if this triple division of space/time is taken into consideration in e.g. ritual conjurations, in fairy tales time is abstracted or ignored, unless it is necessary for the sequence of narration. After a short visit to the world beyond the hero returns home to find that decades, even centuries have gone by. Since the fairy tale event is timeless, it can be repeated. Thus episodes may follow each other with minor variations, and such a series may, in the symbolical sense, spread on till eternity. Fairy tales therefore persevere in their descriptions of unchangeable worlds; that is why the indestructible sceneries of stone, crystal, or metal among which their tales unwind are so popular.
From the above text it may be concluded that part of our old ideas about the structure of the world and the world beyond is based upon the Indo-European and ancient Slavic patrimony, and part upon the antique and old-Christian poetical and apocalyptic tradition. In Christianity the vertical cosmic model obtained a new and different meaning, but the horizontal one did not change much, preserving many of its old traits. The proof of this are fairy tale motifs which have kept alive the traditions about giants, dwarfs, and other mythological beings from man's surroundings right up to the present day227.
226Von Beit, p. 36.
227Kirsten Hastrup, Cosmology and Society in Medieval Iceland, Ethnologia Scandinavica 1981, p. 69.
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The Image of the Real World and the World Beyond in the Slovene Folk Tradition
Podoba sveta in onstranstva v slovenskem ljudskem izročilu
Zmago Šmitek
Slovenske ljudske predstave o ustroju stvarstva so temeljile na modelu treh horizontalnih sfer, neba, zemlje in podzemlja, ki jih je povezovala vertikalna svetovna os . Arhaični slovenski svet je bil strukturiran okoli te osi po nekakšnem koordinatnem sistemu, podobno kot je po C. G. Jungu in M. Eliadeju veljalo tudi za druge kulture v Evropi in zunaj nje. Človeški svet je obsegal le del zemeljske plošče, njeno obrobje pa so naseljevala ljudstva, ki so bila le na pol človeška, podobna živalim ali deformirana. Nadzemska in podzemska sfera sta pripadali bogovom, demonom in dušam umrlih.
Slovensko ljudsko izročilo je bivališče umrlih umeščalo na visoko goro, na nebo (v zvezdno sfero), ali v podzemlje. Tem predstavam je mogoče najti vzporednice bodisi med Slovani, pa tudi v antični grško-rimski kulturi in v zgodnjem krščanstvu. Kot je razvidno iz slovenskih pravljic, ljudskih pesmi in molitev, magičnih zagovorov ipd., je človeška duša romala v svoje zadnje bivališče po brezpotju prek visokih gor&, gozdov ali puščav ter vmesnih jezer ali morij ("Gnilo morje", "Krvavo morje"). V nekaterih primerih je svet mrtvih in živih ločevala podzemska reka, obrasla z vrbami. Na njihovih vejah so sedele črne ptice -duše nekrščenih otrok. Pogostokrat pa je bila pokrajina onstranstva tudi travnik z ovcami ali kosci (povezava z ozvezdjem Oriona?) in s parom rogatih živali, ki sta se nenehno zaletavali ena v drugo. Tja je prek reke vodila ozka majava brv, ali pa most, ki je deloval kot past in prek katerega so dosegli drugi breg le izbranci. Nekakšen most v onstranstvo je bila tudi lestev, vodeča v nebo (svetopisemska Jakobova leastev, opremljena z noži iz legende o sveti Perpetui). Ta je v slovenskem ljudskem pripovedništvu povezana s pričakovanjem konca sveta in z vpadi Mongolov v Evropo v 13. stoletju. Na "planjavi pozabljenja" so bili trije vodnjaki, iz katerih pa duša pokojnika ni smela piti (glej paralelo z orfično-pitagorejsko doktrino, npr. z napisom iz Petelie). Ni se smela pridružiti tudi krogu plesalcev, čeprav so bili med njimi bližnji sorodniki in prijatelji.
V slovenskem ljudskem izročilu je svetovna os (axis mundi) predstavljena v obliki gorskega vrha, votline v gori in kozmičnega drevesa. Iz teh opisov lahko razberemo nekare univerzalne vzorce pa tudi lokalne posebnosti. V tem kontekstu nastopajo arhetipi steklene (kristalne) gore, jezera v njeni notranjosti in bivališča spečega kralja Matjaža v gorski votlini. V slovenskih pravljicah je pogost motiv (znan širom Evrope in zunaj nje) o potovanju pogumnega človeka prek jezera ali prek morja ali prek treh kraljestev (treh sfer stvarstva) na gorski vrh in o njegovem srečanju z gospodarjem svetovne gore. Temu je soroden motiv plezanja po svetovnem drevesu v nebo ali spuščanja po njegovem votlem deblu v podzemlje. Ideja o svetovnem drevesu je prepoznavna tudi v nekdanjem slovenskem čaščenju dreves o čemer govore zgodovinski viri, ter v ljudskih šegah, kjer so "zlata jabolka" tega drevesa simbol plodnosti. Posamezne ljudske šege so povezane s fitomorfnim likom Zelenega Jurija, nekatere pa spominjajo na antične obrede čaščenja Kibele in Atisa. Star je tudi običaj postavljanja mlajev in cerkvic na vrhovih hribov. Svetovno drevo je (tako kot svetovna gora) segalo v sfere zvezd, lune in sonca, ki jih v pravljicah pogosto simbolizirajo kovine baker, srebro in zlato. Stilizirano svetovno drevo nastopa v slovenski ljudski umetnosti kot krasilni element. Posebnost pa je upodobitev drevesa, ki raste hkrati iz zemlje in iz neba tako, da se njuni krošnji stikata; najdemo jo na velikonočnih pirhih v Prekmurju. Vrh svetovne gore je bil mnogim evrazijskim ljudstvom rajsko bivališče bogov in tistih izbranih pokojnikov,
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ki so jih bogovi poklicali k sebi. Po drugih variantah je rajsko mesto ležalo na eni od vej svetovnega drevesa (tudi v slovenskih pravljicah). Kjer je bilo to mogoče, so ob slovenskih primerih omenjene paralele v indoevropskem izročilu: grškem, rimskem, germanskem, slovanskem, iranskem in indijskem. S prihodom krščanstva je dobila vertikalna kozmična os nov in drugačen pomen, horizontalni "zemeljski svet" pa se je sorazmerno malo spremenil in je obdržal veliko starih potez.
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Mitična oseba Šent v slovenskem izročilu
Mirjam Mencej
The authoress endeavours to discover whether Sent, the mythical person written about by Davorin Terstenjak, is but a product of Trstenjak's imagination, or maby a record of genuine belief.
Iz slovenskega izročila, zapisanega na južnem Pohorju, poznamo verovanje o neki osebi, ki se imenuje Šent. Davorin Trstenjak, ki je to verovanje zapisal, piše takole:
Šent je hud duh." (Zlodej in Div sta se prepirala zaradi mlinarja.) "Ker se pa oba nista mogla zediniti, pride Šent z brega. V roki je imel sekiro, in na eni nogi je plantal ali šentoval, zato se veli Šent. Vzdigne ostro sekiro in reče: Moj je, jaz ga bom sodil. Še dandanašnji se veli mlin: Zlodjev mlin; rečica pa: Divina, in breg: Šentovec, kraj pa, kjer so se za mlinarja pipali, se veli: Pipanje.
O Šentu pripovedujejo, da naj bolj škoduje na sveti večer. Tiho prišentuje k hramu in odpelje svoje služabnike. Ti morajo prek velike vode plavati, potle pa je v volke spremeni. Dvanajstere noči po Božiču se torej velé volčje noči, ker tako dolgo ima Šent svojo oblast. Polski koledniki nosijo mertvega volka o božiču, kakor Linde piše. Na Štirskem pa se vodja kolednikov veli Volčko." (Trstenjak, 1859: 50).
To je, vsaj kolikor je meni znano, na Slovenskem edini zapis o Šentu, osebe s takim imenom pa niti pri drugih slovanskih narodih ne najdemo. Ali gre torej za osamljeno lokalno verovanje ali morda za plod prebujne domišljije D. Trstenjaka? Trstenjak namreč po splošnem prepričanju še vedno velja za nezanesljivega avtorja, čeprav se je že nekajkrat izkazalo, da ni povsem tako.
Preden pa bi se v svojih sodbah prenaglili, skušajmo izločiti glavne karakteristike oziroma podatke o tej osebi:
-	šepa;
-	ima sekiro;
-	njegova oblast traja od božiča pa do konca dvanajsterih (volčjih) noči;
-	njegovi služabniki morajo plavati prek vode, nato jih spremeni v volkove.
Prva informacija, ki smo jo dobili o Šentu iz Trstenjakovih zapiskov, namreč da spreminja v volkove, postane posebej zanimiva v luči primerjalnega slovanskega gradiva. Slovanska slovstvena folklora namreč pozna obilico legend in povedk o neki osebi, ki ukazuje, gospodari volkovom - jim določa hrano oziroma zapira ali odpira gobce, včasih pa (v legendah) tudi spreminja ljudi v volkove. V strokovni literaturi se je za to osebo
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Mitična oseba Šent v slovenskem izročilu
uveljavil termin "Volčji pastir" (s takim imenom jo najdemo tudi v nekaterih verovanjih in legendah). V vlogi volčjega pastirja lahko nastopajo gozdni duhovi (Leši, Polisun - pri vzhodnih Slovanih), (beli) volkovi ali kot interpretatio christiana različni svetniki (sv. Jurij, Sava, Mrata / Martin, Nikolaj, Peter in Pavel ter mnogi drugi). Na volčjega pastirja se ljudje obračajo tudi v želji, da bi jim obranil živino pred volkovi (saj so ti v njegovi oblasti), kar postane zlasti aktualno na dan prvega odgona živine na pašo na jurjevo ali ponekod na dan zadnje paše na prostem na martinovo / mihelovo. Pod takim ali drugačnim imenom poznajo volčjega pastirja vse veje Slovanov, čeprav pri zahodnih Slovanih zgolj Poljaki. Poznajo pa ga tudi drugi neslovanski narodi v Evropi: v Romuniji in Gagauzi v Moldaviji na primer praznujejo celo posebne praznike, povezane z njim (tako kot tudi v Srbiji, Makedoniji, Bolgariji ter deloma v Bosni in Hercegovini), v Avstriji, Nemčiji in Švici se nanj obračajo v zagovorih, ki naj bi pripomogli, da bi zaprl gobce volkovom, v Franciji in med finskimi narodi, kjer pravtako poznajo o tej osebi celo legendo in pregovore itd.
Za slovansko izročilo so posebej zanimive povedke / legende o volčjih pastirjih, ki jih najdemo pri vseh južnih in zahodnih Slovanih. Obstaja neki tip legende, ki jo poznamo skoraj dobesedno enako na vsem tem ozemlju. Vsebina te legende je približno taka: Neki človek z drevesa opazuje volčjega pastirja pri delitvi hrane volkovom. Ko ta razdeli že vso hrano, se od nekod prikaže še šepavi / hromi volk. Ker zanj zmanjka hrane, mu volčji pastir dodeli za hrano človeka na drevesu, v nekaterih, manj pogostih različicah pa ga spremeni v volka ali volčjega pastirja.
Iz teh legend se zdi, da gre pri volčjem pastirju in šepavem / hromem volku za dve različni osebi. Toda na podlagi analize verovanj, legend, povedk itd. lahko pridemo do ugotovitve, ki jo je sicer zagovarjal že V. Čajkanovic leta 1924 (prim. Čajkanovic, Sveti Sava i vuci, 1994: 32-36), in sicer, da je zadnji, šepavi volk pravzaprav volčji pastir sam. Po komparaciji z drugimi verovanji pa lahko odkrijemo celo, da je volčji pastir pravzaprav prvotno Veles, bog smrti, Ljut' zver, ki je očitno nastopal prvenstveno v podobi starega šepavega volka (tudi medveda) oziroma šepavega starca v volčji podobi.1 Naj navedemo nekaj primerov, ki dokazujejo to enačitev:
Poglejmo si najprej volčje praznike v Bolgariji - v vaseh Tvrdnica, Novozagorsko, Šipka, Medlen, Kotlensko, Željava, Sofijsko, Lopjan in Tetevensko pravijo, da se "volčji prazniki končajo na volčjo bogorodico; ta dan se imenuje kuculan" (Marinov, 1994: 696700). Ker pa po siceršnjem verovanju volčja bogorodica ukazuje volkovom, se pravi, da nastopa v funkciji volčjega pastirja, kuculan pa pomeni šepavi volk (zadnji dan volčjih praznikov tudi praznujejo na čast šepavemu volku), bi lahko po tem verovanju domnevali, da je volčji pastir (v tem primeru volčja bogorodica) pravzaprav hromi oziroma šepavi volk.
Podobno bi lahko domnevali tudi na podlagi ljudske pripovedi iz Bosne, ki govori o človeku, ki je sekal drva v gozdu. Tedaj pa so ga obstopili volkovi, na čelu katerih je bil največji hromi volk, ki je vprašal človeka, če slavi sv. Mrata (Antonic, Zupanc, 1988: 165166). Hromi volk se torej tu pojavlja na čelu volkov - ponovno v funkciji volčjega pastirja.
To dejstvo je razvidno tudi iz nekaterih legend, čeprav ga legende zamegljujejo, saj v večini nastopata tako volčji pastir kot hromi (šepavi ipd.) volk, ki sta na videz dve različni osebi. Pa vendar! V legendi iz Svrljiga pride do zanimive podvojitve, ki bi lahko kazala na prekrščansko in hkrati krščansko plast v isti zgodbi: najprej šepavi volk skliče volkove in
1 Na tem mestu je nemogoče natančneje predstaviti potek analize in sintezo, ki pa bo podrobno prikazana v doktorski disertaciji z naslovom Mitična oseba "Volčji pastir pri slovanskih narodih", Mirjam Mencej, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Ljubljana 1999
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šele, ko so vsi zbrani, pride nadangel Mihael na konju, ki začne nato volkovom deliti hrano ter temu šepavemu volku dodeli za hrano človeka (Vasiljevic, 1894: 40). Tudi povedka iz varaždinske okolice pripoveduje najprej o šepavem volku, ki sklicuje volkove tako, da "šakum po zubih brunka i tuli", zatem pa se ta na nejasen način spremeni v šepastega človeka -volčjega pastirja (Valjavec, 1890: 98, št. 9). Tudi tu razpade volčji pastir na dve osebi: na šepastega volka, ki skliče volkove, in šepastega človeka, ki jim deli hrano. Pri tem je njuna istovetnost še poudarjena s šepavostjo. Šepavost volčjega svetnika je implicitno ohranjena tudi v legendi iz Starega Vlaha, ki omenja, da je imel sv. Sava, volčji pastir, berglo (Miličevic, 1894: 180, št. 66). Hromost je ohrajena tudi v verovanjih, povezanih z Lešijem in sv. Nikolajem, se pravi z osebama, ki se v legendah in verovanjih prav tako pojavljata kot volčja pastirja. V Ukrajini poznajo dražljivko: "Mikolaj - hrom, ubil te bo grom!" (Uspenski, 1982: 90-94). Bolgarska legenda pa omenja šepavost sv. Jurija, ki pri Slovanih prav tako zelo pogosto oziroma celo najpogosteje nastopa kot volčji pastir (Antik, 1971: 80-81).
Izkazalo se je torej, da je po ljudskem verovanju volčji pastir šepal, poleg tega pa je v nekaterih različicah legend človeka spremenil v volka. Enako lastnost in funkcijo kaže tudi Šent v južnopohorskem verovanju.
Po drugi strani pa nikjer pri Slovanih ne zasledimo plavanja prek vode, ki bi bilo povezano z volčjim pastirjem ali samim dejanjem spreminjanja v volka. Toda če smo pokazali, da gre za vsaj indoevropski motiv, lahko pogledamo, ali najdemo paralele pri drugih narodih.
Štirje antični grški viri omenjajo obred spreminjanja v volka v Arkadiji:
PLATON, Politeia (Država), 565 D:
(...) o obredih v Arkadiji v čast likajskega Zevsa pripovedujejo, (... da) se tisti, ki je od človeškega drobovja, nasekljanega med drobovje ostalih daritvenih živali, gotovo spremeni v volka.
PAVZANIAS, Periegesis (Opis Grčije), VI, 8,2:
Kar o rokoborcu z imenom Demarh, po rodu izArkadije iz mesta Parazija, govorijo razni širokoustneži, ne verjamem ničesar razen tega, da je zmagal na olimpijskih igrah. Pravijo, da se je ob žrtvovanju v čast likajskega Zevsa spremenil iz človeka v volka, in da se je po desetih letih zopet spremenil nazaj v človeka.
VIII, 2, 3:
Likaon je k žrtveniku likajskega Zevsaprivedel otroka, ga žrtvoval, njegovo kri razlilpo žrtveniku, sam pa se je, tako pravijo, takoj spremenil v volka.
VIII, 2, 6:
Pravijo, da se je med žrtvovanjem v čast likajskega Zevsa, tako kot Likaon, kasneje vedno kdo spremenil v volka, a ne za vse življenje. Če se je v volčji podobi vzdržal človeškega mesa, se je po desetih letih iz volka spremenil v človeka, če pa je človeško meso okusil, je za vedno ostal zver.
PLINIJ STAREJŠI, Naturalis historia (Naravoslovje), VIII, 81, 82:
Evantes, ki zaseda med grškimi pisci ugledno mesto, poroča o navadah prebivalcev Arkadije. Nekoga iz rodu Antos, ki je bil izbran po žrebu, so odpeljali do bližnjega jezera, kjer je na hrastu pustil svoja oblačila in jezero preplaval. Nato je odšel v neobljudene kraje, kjer se je
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spremenil v volka. Devet let se je v čredi družil z ostalimi svoje vrste in če se v tem času ni dotaknil človeka, se je vrnil do istega jezera, ga preplaval in zopet dobil človeško podobo, po zunanjosti pa je bil devet let starejši. Evantes celo dodaja, da je dobil nazaj isto obleko.
(...)
Podobno pripoveduje Apolas, avtor dela "Zmagovalci na olimpijskih igrah", daje Demajnet iz Arkadije med žrtvovanjem, ki ga v Arkadiji opravljajo v čast likajskega Zevsa, kjer še vedno darujejo človeške žrtve, pokusil drobovje žrtvovanega dečka in se spremenil v volka. Po desetih letih je človeško podobo dobil nazaj, se izuril za rokoborca in se kot zmagovalec vrnil iz olimpijskih iger.
AVGUŠTIN, De civitate dei (O božji državi), XYIII, 17:
...Varo navaja še druge nič manj neverjetne stvari o zloglasni čarovniciKirki, kije Odisejeve tovariše spremenila v zveri, in o prebivalcih Arkadije. Tisti, ki so bili izbrani po žrebu, so preplavali neko jezero, se spremenili v volkove in živeli v neobljudenih okoliških krajih z drugimi volkovi. Če med tem časom niso jedli človeškega mesa, so po devetih letih preplavali isto jezero in zopet dobili človeško podobo. Po imenu je omenjen celo neki Demajnet, ki se je spremenil v volka, potem ko je pri žrtvovanju v čast boga Likaona, kije v navadi med prebivalci Arkadije, jedel od žrtvovanega dečka. Po desetih letih je dobil svojo podobo nazaj, se izuril za rokoborca in zmagal na olimpijskih igrah. 2
Pastir po zapisu Plinija Starejšega obesi svoja oblačila na hrast. V tipičnih slovanskih legendah o volčjem pastirju je človek praktično vedno opazoval svetnika pri delitvi hrane volkovom (se pravi v času - trenutku, preden je nastopila obredna smrt ali spreobrnitev v volka) z drevesa - to drevo je bilo v največ primerih prav hrast. Časovno se ta čas v strukturi mita popolnoma ujema s časom v grškem obredu. Iz slovanskega izročila vemo, da je hrast Perunovo, Gromovnikovo drevo. Hrast hkrati igra pomembno vlogo v mitičnem sporu Peruna in Velesa, je "zgoraj", tako kot se grški obredi izvajajo na gori Lykaion, posvečeni Zeusu (= Gromovniku !) Likaonu (tj. Volčjemu; po drugi interpretaciji bi ta njegov epitet pomenil svetlobo, kar bi ga povezovalo s solarnim božanstvom). Drevo v obeh izročilih (pa tudi gora) brez dvoma kaže na sakralnost mesta, kjer se odvijata mit oziroma obred, predstavlja mesto, kjer leži os sveta, ki zagotavlja svetost obreda. Hkrati pa hrast kot gromovnikovo drevo še poudarja stik med dvema svetovoma, med katerima se kot meja kaže voda oziroma prehod iz enega na drugega kot plavanje prek vode.
Plavanje prek vode in nato spreobrnitev v volka, ki smo ju našli v Trstenjakovem poročilu o Šentu, je skorajda natančna replika poročila o arkadijskem obredu, obredu, ki pa očitno prav tako kaže paralele z dogajanjem, ki ga poznamo iz legend o volčjem pastirju.
Posebnost Šenta, ki ostaja nepojasnjena, pa se kaže v rekvizitu, ki ga ima Šent -sekiri. V drugem slovanskem izročilu o volčjem pastirju sekire nismo našli. Omenja jo edinole bolgarska ljudska pesem o Juriju, ki, kot je znano, pri Slovanih najpogosteje nastopa kot krščanska interpretacija volčjega pastirja:
"Moumo cmado ne e cumo,
ceemu repzu nanped evpeu,
na paMo My u Koean mynop..." (Nojko čoban i sveti Georgi, B'lgarsko narodno tvorčestvo, 1962: 166).
2 Prevedla Jera Ivanc.
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Toda na Slovenskem, natančneje na Gorenjskem, najdemo še eno poročilo o šepastem
možu:
"Po Gorenjskem je divja jaga velika tropa psov, ki venomer teko. Za njimi jo pa ubira šepast mož, držeč sekiro v roki. On ravna psom in jim ukazuje, kam morajo teči in koga raztrgati. Kdor se pa psom ubrani, ga šepavec poseka s sekiro (...)."(Kelemina, 1997: 91; št. II.)
V tem zapisu je torej vodja psov prav tako neki šepasti mož. Šepa tudi Šent, šepavost pa je, kot smo že omenili, tudi lastnost volčjega pastirja3. V tem zapisu šepast mož ukazuje psom in jim določa, koga morajo raztrgati. Toda v slovanskem, pa tudi na primer finskem izročilu pse pogosto enačijo z volkovi volčjega pastirja - volkove imenujejo pse sv. Save, sv. Jurija (se pravi svetnikov, ki nastopajo v vlogi volčjih pastirjev). Tako lahko prepoznamo v tem zapisu tudi funkcijo volčjega pastirja - da ukazuje volkovom (tu psom) oziroma jim določa, kaj naj jedo. Sekira, ki jo tudi v tem verovanju pripisujejo šepavcu, potrjuje in dokazuje verodostojnost prvega, Trstenjakovega poročila, čeprav se ne sklada s siceršnjimi rekviziti volčjega pastirja, znanimi iz drugega slovanskega gradiva - očitno je tu prišlo do prepletanja z drugimi verovanji oziroma do postopne transformacije osnovnega verovanja. Kljub temu dovolj drugih podatkov omogoča domnevo, da v obeh osebah vidimo sled volčjega pastirja.
Nepojasnjen ostaja le še stavek, ki ga podaja Trstenjak na koncu svojega poročila o Šentu, ki govori o Volčku kot vodji kolednikov na Štajerskem, in pa tisti, ki govori o tem, da ima Šent največjo moč v dvanajsterih nočeh po božiču.
Toda če upoštevamo nekatere podatke iz slovanskega gradiva, lahko ugotovimo, da ljudje v svojem verovanju pogosto enačijo volkove s koledniki:
Pri Belorusih je prepoved omenjanja volka povezana s prazniki: da bi volk ne jedel ovac, ga v grodnenskem okraju med božičnimi prazniki imenujejo kolednik, v kobrinskem okraju pa isto pravilo velja, da "ne bi snedel prašička". V Vitebsku ga tako imenujejo na prvi božični dan, da bi volk ne škodil ob svojem času. Če vitebski Belorus pomotoma zamenja volčje zavijanje za glas kolednikov in reče o volkovih: "To, verjetno, pojejo koledniki", mu bodo volkovi poleti odnesli vso živino (Zelenin, 1930: 36). Zdi se, da po tem verovanju lahko sklepamo, da so koledniki ob svojem prihodu posnemali volčje zavijanje, se pravi oponašali in predstavljali volkove. Drugo vitebsko verovanje se glasi: če se na dan Kristovega rojstva kamne imenuje golobe in se omenja volkove z imenom koledniki, bodo volkovi začeli gristi kamenje in se bo tako z njimi obračunalo (Zelenin, 1930: 36). Na Poljskem najdemo verovanje, da se čarovniki dvakrat na leto spremene v volkove: na koljado in na ivanjsko noč (Afanas'ev, III.: 528). Toda na severu, v Litvi, so v času božične sezone hodile povorke volkov ali vučarov, na čelu katerih je bil hromi deček (Kulišic, 1970: 17)! Zdi se, da je iz tega običaja razvidna tudi neposredna povezava s šepavim / hromim volčjim pastirjem oziroma Šentom in šepavim možem iz pohorskega in gorenjskega izročila.
Če upoštevamo, da so bili koledniki (ki so prvotno hodili v novoletnem času) pravzaprav Velesovi predstavniki (prim. Belaj, 1998: 139, 168) in so, kot smo pokazali, nastopali v podobi volkov, Veles, volčji pastir, pa je bil njihov vodja, lahko besedo Volčko razumemo kot ime za volčjega pastirja. Ker koledniki hodijo okoli novega leta (Belaj, 1998:
3 V slovanskem verovanju je šepavost sicer pogosto indikator zlih bitij, demonov, hudičev ipd.
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Mitična oseba Šent v slovenskem izročilu
136), nekdanje novoletno obredje pa se je v glavnem preneslo na božič (a tudi na veliko noč in pust - prim. Belaj, 1998: 121-122), postane tudi jasno, zakaj ima Šent največjo moč prav v dvanajsterih nočeh po božiču, ko pravzaprav pride do prelomnice v času.
Na podlagi primerjalnega slovanskega in drugega indoevropskega gradiva lahko torej ugotovimo, da lahko Šentu (tako kot tudi šepavemu možu iz gorenjskega verovanja) najdemo paralele v slovanskem oziroma indoevropskem verovanju, zato lahko domnevamo, da si Trstenjak podatkov o tej mitični osebi ni preprosto izmislil, temveč da gre dejansko za enega redkih sledov volčjega pastirja tudi v Sloveniji.
Dodatek
Ko je bil članek že v tisku, sem odkrila knjigo iz katere bi Trstenjak vendarle lahko črpal, namreč delo Casparja Peucerja Commentarius depraecipuis generibus divinationum iz l. 1560, v kateri omenja podrobnosti o latvijskih volkodlakih: med drugim prevzemajo podobo volka v času dvanajsterih noči med božičem in sv. tremi kralji, k čemur jih spodbudi prihod šepavega otroka; goni jih visok mož, oborožen z železnim bičem, proti obalam ogromne reke, ki pa jo prekoračijo po suhem, kajti ta mož vodo razdeli s šibo... (navedeno po: Ginzburg, 1989: 134).
Literatura
AFANAS'EV, A. H., 1994 (1869): Poetičeskie vozzrenija Slavjan naprirodu, Moskva.
ANTIK, Vera, 1971: Sveti Gorgi i narodnata tradicija, Narodno stvaralaštvo, Folklor 37 in 38, Beograd, str. 78-83.
ANTONIC Dragomir - ZUPANC Miodrag, 1988: Srpski narodni kalendar, Beograd 1988.
BELAJ Vitomir, 1998: Hod krozgodinu, Zagreb.
B'LGARSKO NARODNO TVORČESTVO 1962.
ČAJKANOVIC Veselin, 1994: O vrhovnom bogu u staroj srpskoj religiji, Beograd.
GINZBURG Carlo, 1989: Storia notturna, Una decifrazione del sabba, Torino.
KELEMINA Jakob, 1997 (1930): Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva z mitološkim uvodom, Bilje.
KULIŠIC Špiro, 1970: Iz stare srpske religije, Novogodišnji običaji, Beograd 1970.
MARINOV Dimiter, 1994 (1914): Narodna vjara i religiozni narodni običai, Sofija.
MILIČEVIC M. D., 1894: Život Srba seljaka, Srpski etnografski zbornik I., U Beogradu.
TRSTENJAK Davorin, 1859: Mythologične drobtine, O Šentu, Glasnik slovenski, Lepoznansko -podučen list, IV. Zvezek, Celovec, str. 50.
USPENSKI B. A., 1982: Filologičeskie razyskanija v oblasti slavjanskih drevnostej (Relikti jazyčestva v vostočnoslavjanskom kul'te Nikolaja Mirlikijskogo), Moskva.
VALJAVEC Matija, 1885: Vučji pastir (Varaždin), Narodne pripovedke, št. 41, Kres, Leposloven in znanstven list, Leto V., Snopič 1, V Celovci, str. 92.
VASILJEVIC A., 1894: Iz narodnog verovanja i verovanja u Svrljigu, Bosanska vila, broj 2, god. IX., Sarajevo, str. 24-26; broj 3, god. IX, str. 40.
ZELENIN D. K., 1930: Tabu slovu narodov vostočnoj Evropy i severnoj Azii, Zbornik muzeja antropologii i etnografii t. IX, Leningrad, str. 1-167.
202
Mirjam Mencej
The Mythical Being "Šent" in Slovene Folk Tradition
Mirjam Mencej
The authoress first analyzes the main elements of the recorded belief in Šent, and, according to its function, compares this mythical being to another one known among the Slavs, but also elswhere in Europe - the wolf-shepherd, also named the wolf -master. She further compares the element of swimming across the water, found in this belief, with antique sources whose structure corresponds to the ritual connected with the wolf-shepherd. The authoress then reaffirms the authenticity of Švent in Slovene folk beliefs with the record of the lame man from Gorenjsko.
203
SEMIOTIČNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA
INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE
Eine Slawische une Baltische Erdgottheit
Rainer Eckert
On the basis of tradition and extent sources the author reconstructs the characteristics and the development of an East Slavic and Baltic earth deity.
I. Zur Bezeichnung der Erdgottheit im Ostslawischen
Für das Ostslawische (Russische, Ukrainische und Weißrussische) läßt sich mit Sicherheit eine alte Bezeichnung der Erdgöttin im Phrasem *matb syra zemja ermitteln.
1.	Russ. mat' syra zemlja:
(1) Raztupis', rastvoris'/Mat'-syra zemlja,/Prekratis', prekratis', /Zizn'-toska moja... (Polezaev „U menja-l' molodca") (RMR, 1912,735; RMR, 1994, II,172; SSRLJ, VI, Sp.715) ,Mache Platz, löse dich auf (zergehe) / feuchte-Mutter-Erde,/ Nimm ein Ende, nimm ein Ende / Mein trauriges Leben...'.
M.I.Michel'son versieht die Wendung mit der Charakteristik inoskazatel'noe 'sinnbildlich' und deutet die Sequenz Raztupis', mat'-syra-zemlja mit russ. szal'sja, voz'mi menja 'erbarme dich, nimm mich auf', was sich natürlich nur auf die Verbalform bezieht, keineswegs aber auf das Nominalphrasem, dem die vorliegende Untersuchung gilt.
Ein zweiter Beleg aus dem SSRLJ, a.a.O., stammt aus Grigorovics „Proselocnye dorogi": (2) Kalina slyl vo vsem okolotke za samogo umnogo celoveka, no vmeste s tem i samogo gor'kogopjanicu, kakogo tol'ko nosila mat'-syra zemlja na svoejpoverchnosti ,Kalina war in der ganzen Umgegend als der klügste Mensch bekannt, aber gleichzeitig auch als der größte Säufer, den die (feuchte) Mutter Erde auf ihrer Oberfläche trug'.
2.	Ukr,folkl.
(3)	Syraja zemlja, - ty z maty moja1 'Feuchte Erde, du bist doch meine Mutter'.
3.	Weißruss. maci syra zjamlja:
(4)	Materno rugacca grech, ty mat' syru zemlju rugaes, patamu sta mat' syra zemlja nas derzyt', mater'Gaspodnja ü zemlju uezzae,pravalivaecca at etajrugani, krepka skorbiu ee balsye, sto rugaem ee - topcem2.
Die russische (und wie man bereits ersehen konnte - ostslawische) phraseologische Bezeichnung der Erdgöttin hat bereits A.A.Potebnja3 sehr richtig analysiert: Syra zemlja
1	Narodnye južnorusskie pesni. Izdanie Amvrosija Metlinskogo, Kiev 1854 - nach B.D. Grinčenko. Slovar' ukrainskogo jazyka, II, Kiev 1908,149.
2	Polesskij archiv, Gomel'skaja oblast', Vetkovskij rajon, derevnja Prisno, 1982 g. - nach Uspenskij RMAREF, 216.
3	A.A.Potebnja. O nekotorych symvolach v slavjanskoj narodnoj poezii, Char'kov 1860, 99.
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značit tučnaja, žirnaja, obil'naja; no zemlja-mat' ...a potomu syra možet značit': oplodotvo-rennaja doždem, kak ženčšina semenem. 'Syra zemlja bedeutet fette, feiste, reiche (Erde -R.E.); aber die Mutter Erde ... mit syra gebraucht, kann bedeuten: geschwängerte durch Regen wie eine Frau durch den (männlichen - R.E.) Samen.' Die Bezeichnung der ostslawischen Erdgöttin *matb syra zemja enthält somit Hinweise darauf, daß sie das Attribut der Feuchtigkeit (syra 'feuchte') aufweist, das in engen Beziehungen zum Sexuellen steht: Es handelt sich um sehr alte mythologische Vorstellungen von der Erde als Muttergottheit, die von der Vatergottheit Himmel geschwängert wird (durch Samenflüssigkeit, Regen, Schnee). Man vgl. dazu die folgende Sequenz aus einer russischen Beschwörungsformel:
(5)	Ty nebo otec, ty zemlja mat' (RMAREF,217) ,Du Himmel bist der Vater, du Erde bist die Mutter'.
Vjač. Vs.Ivanov und V.N.Toporov gehen in ihrer Arbeit über die semiotischen Systeme des Slawischen4 sowohl auf die semiotische Opposition "oben": "unten", die sich in der Opposition "Himmel": "Erde" fortsetzt, ein, als auch auf die Verbindung der Erdgottheit *matb syra zemja mit der altrussischen Göttin Mokošb, die eindeutige Beziehungen zur Feuchtigkeit (Mok-ošb: mok-ryj 'feucht') und zur Sexualität aufweist. Sie führen in diesem Zusammenhang noch russ. moča 'Harn' (man vgl. noch aruss. moča 'regnerisches Wetter'; ksl. moča 'Sumpf; Harn'; sloven. moča 'Nässe; Harn; Regenwetter' angesichts der weiter unten angeführten Fakten über den die Erde schwängernden Regen) sowie ursl. *syn, syra 'feucht,naß' und aisl. surr 'sauer', saurr 'männlicher Samen' und heth. šehur 'Harn' an.
B.A.Uspenskij (RMAREF,213 ff.) hat in seiner sprachhistorischen Untersuchung zu den russischen Mutterflüchen (mat) eine Reihe von Belegen aus den Apokryphentexten angeführt, in denen diese Flüche als schwerste Versündigungen gegenüber drei Müttern (der eigenen,leiblichen Mutter; der Mutter Gottes und der feuchten Mutter Erde) anzusehen sind:
(6)	(Gospod'govorit) ...skol'est' tjažek sejgrech, što japrostit'ego ne mogu, potomu čto ne odnu rodnuju mat'ponosiš', -ponosiš' ty mat' rodnuju, mat'Bogorodicu, mat'syru zemlu (P.Bessonov. Kaleki perechožie. Sbornik stichov i issledovanie, I-IV, Moskva 1861-1864,IV,96, Nr.571 - nach RMAREF) '(Der Herr sagt),...diese Sünde ist so schwer, daß ich sie nicht verzeihen kann, denn du beleidigst nicht nur die eigene Mutter, du beleidigst die eigene Mutter, die Mutter Gottes, die feuchte Mutter Erde'.
Uspenskij verbindet auch den Kult der feuchten-Mutter-Erde mit dem Kult der Gegnerin des Donnergottes, d.h. mit der Göttin Mokoš, wodurch es später nach der Verbreitung des Christentums zu einer eigenartigen Assoziierung der Mutter Gottes mit der *matb syra zemja und zu einer Identifizierung der Mutter Gottes (bogorodica) mit der Paraskeva Pjatnica (die als "Mütterchen der Erde und der Gewässer" aufgefaßt wird, was sie natürlich mit der *matb syra zemja gemeinsam hat) kommt. Uspenskijs Zurückführung des russischen Mutterfluches auf heidnische religiöse Vorstellungen beleuchtet gleichzeitig die Figur der ostslawischen Erdmuttergottheit *matb syra zemja und erklärt m.E. eine Reihe von Sentenzen aus V.Dal's Sprichwörterlexikon und aus Uspenskijs Untersuchung, nämlich jene, in denen Mädchen am Feiertag Mariae Schutz (l.Oktober) um einen Freier bitten:
(7)	Batjuška Pokrov, zemelečku pokroj snežkom, a menja molodu ženiškom (nach Uspenskij, RMAREF, 217) 'Väterchen Pokrov, bedecke die (liebe) Erde mit Schnee, aber mich junge mit einem Freier';
4 Vjač.Vs.Ivanov, V.N.Toporov, Slavjanskie jazykovye modelirujuščie semiotičeskie sistemy (drevnij period), Moskva 1965, 19, Anmerkung 98.
Rainer Eckert
(8)	...Matuška Pjatnica-Paraskeva! Pokroj menja poskoree! (RMAREF, 270) 'Mütterchen Pjatnica-Paraskeva, bedecke mich ganz schnell';
(9)	...Pjatnica Paraskoveja! Prišli ženicha poskoree! Batjuška Pokrov! Moju golovu pokroj! (RMAREF, 271) 'Pjatnica Paraskoveja! Schicke mir ganz schnell einen Freier! Väterchen Pokrov! Bedecke meinen Kopf!'
Diese Beispiele helfen die verkürzte Variante, die V.Dal' (Posl.,895) anführt, zu deuten:
(10)	Batjuška pokrov, pokroj syru zemlju i menja molodu 'Väterchen Pokrov, bedecke die feuchte (Mutter) Erde und mich junge (Frau)'.
Wie die Erde mit Feuchtigkeit (Regen, Schnee) bedeckt und dadurch geschwängert (fruchtbar) wird, so erbitten die Mädchen einen Freier, d.h. einen Mann, der sie schwanger macht. Reminiszenzen an diese alten mythologischen Vorstellungen enthält auch ein russisches Rätsel, als dessen Lösung der Regen auftritt:
(11)	Šel dolgovjaz, v syru zemlju uvjaz/dožd'/ (Dal' Posl, 952) 'Es ging ein baumlanger (Kerl) - in der feuchten Erde blieb er stecken / Der Regen /.
Ein bestimmter Zusammenhang mit den Äußerungen Uspenskijs über die schwere Beleidigung der feuchten-Mutter-Erde durch die Mutterflüche besteht m.E. zu einer Reihe von russischen und weißrussischen Sprichwörtern und Prädikativphrasemen sowie Phraseotextemen5 , in denen jemand so sündhaft und niederträchtig ist, daß ihn die Mutter Erde nicht (er)tragen kann:
(12)	Etogo grecha i zemlja ne neset. Kak ego, grešnika, mat' syra zemlja nosit! (Dal' Posl,229) 'Diese Sünde kann selbst die Erde nicht ertragen. Wie kann ihn nur, den Sünder, die feuchte-Mutter-Erde tragen!';
(13)	weißruss. jak zjamel'ka nosic' kago /über einen niederträchtigen, schädlichen Menschen/ 'wie ist es nur möglich, seine Existenz zuzulassen' (FSMTJK,217) 'wie kann jemanden nur die liebe Erde tragen!';
(14)	weißruss. našto zjamlja nosic' kago /eine Aussage, die Abscheu, Widerwillen, äußerste Unzufriedenheit mit jemandem zum Ausdruck bringt/ (FSMTJK,219) 'wozu nur trägt jemanden die Erde';
(15)	weißruss. njachaj zjamlja ne nosic' kago (ebenda) ,möge die Erde jemanden nicht tragen', d.h. vom Inhaltlichen her ist es schon eine Verwünschung, ein Fluch, aber mit einer freien Valenzstelle, was für Prädikativphraseme charakteristisch ist;
(16)	weißruss. Kab cjabe zjamlja syraja! /grob, beleidigend/(FSMTJK,219) ,Daß dich die feuchte Erde (holen möge)!, d.h.'Daß dich der Teufel hole!' Es handelt sich hier um eine böse Verwünschung gegenüber einem Menschen, den man haßt. Es ist nicht zufällig, daß in derartigen Verwünschungen, die als Phraseotexteme auftreten, die Bezeichnungen für mythologische Wesen (in unserem Falle zjamlja syraja) eine Rolle spielen.
Zu den Beispielen unter (12) (13) (14) (15) hat auch der unter (2) oben angeführte Beleg Beziehungen.
Eine Gruppe von Beispielen belegt, daß die Erdgottheit, die alles Leben hervorbringt und wieder zu sich nimmt, den Tod bringt:
(17)	weißruss. njachaj lepej syraja zjamlja vočy zacalue kamu (FSMTJK,219) ,es soll (möge) jemand sterben', wörtlich: 'Möge jemandem lieber die feuchte Erde die Augen küssen';
5 Zu den beiden zuletztgenannten Kategorien vgl. R.Eckert, K.Günther. Die Phraseologie der russischen Sprache, Langenscheidt - Verlag Enzyklopädie, Leipzig - Berlin -München - Wien - Zürich - New York 1992, 42 ff. und 80 ff.
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(18)	weißruss. njachaj zjamlja aprane kago /wenn Wut und Empörung über jemanden zum Ausdruck gebracht wird und man ihm den Tod wünscht/(ebenda), wörtlich: 'möge die Erde jemanden bekleiden (bedecken)'. Mit dem Beispiel unter (17) läßt sich in gewisser Hinsicht folgender Beleg aus der Sprichwörtersammlung von Dal' (Posl, 484) vergleichen, doch hier küßt der Mensch die feuchte-Mutter-Erde, was ihm wahrscheinlich wieder Kräfte verleiht, auf ihr zu gehen:
(19)	Upal, tak celuj mat'syru zemlju, da stanovis'na nogi! 'Bist du gefallen, so küsse die feuchte-Mutter-Erde und steh' wieder auf!'
Anklänge an die oben erwähnte Funktion der Erdmutter als Hervorbringerin (Gebärerin) und als die große Gottheit zu der alles zurückkehrt und die mit dem Tode in Verbindung steht, finden sich in folgenden Beispielen:
(20)	Ne rodi mat'syra zemlja (t.e. ne daj bog) (Dal' Posl,146,472), wörtlich 'Gebäre nicht feuchte-Mutter-Erde', aber bereits idiomatisch: 'Gebe Gott,daß etwas nicht geschehe!'
(21)	Urodila mat', cto i zemlja ne primat (Dal' Posl, 386, 722) '(Einen solchen) hat die Mutter hervorgebracht (erzeugt), daß selbst die Erde (ihn) nicht aufnimmt';
(22)	Urodila mama, cto ne prinimaet i jama (Dal',ebenda) (Einen solchen, eine solche) brachte Mama zur Welt, daß ihn selbst die Grube nicht aufnimmt';
(23)	Mat' syra zemlja ego ne prinimaet (t.e. takoj zlodej) (Dal', Posl, 219) 'Die feuchte-Mutter-Erde nimmt ihn nicht auf (d.h. er ist solch ein schlimmer Bösewicht)';
(24)	weißruss.pajsci u syruju zjamlju (FSMTJK, 218) 'sterben', wörtlich: 'in die feuchte Erde gehen';
(25)	weißruss. Ljazac u syroj zjamli (FSMTJK,217) 'begraben sein; tot sein', wörtlich: 'in der feuchten Erde liegen'.
Alle diese mythologischen Implikationen, die mit dem ostslaw. *matb syra zemja verbunden sind, weisen auf ein hohes, m.E. urslawisches Alter, dieser phraseologischen Bezeichnung der Erdmuttergottheit hin.
II.Die hybride Kalkierung der Bezeichnung der slawischen Erdgöttin durch das Litauische
Slaw. *matb syra zemja stellt die Ausgangsstruktur für die litauische hybride Übersetzungsentlehnung (Kalkierung) siera zeme dar. Die Struktur und Bedeutung des ostslawischen Phrasems werden übernommen (mit Ausnahme der Komponente matb), wobei die Komponente ostsl. syra unmittelbar ins Litauische als siera übernommen wird, während für ostsl. zemlja aus ursl. *zemjä die genetische Entsprechung lit. zeme gesetzt wird. Die Richtung des Entlehnungsprozesses ist durch die Direktentlehnung von lit. siera aus sl. syrä völlig eindeutig, d.h. vom Ostslawischen ins Litauische. Es kommt nämlich noch hinzu, daß nur in Wendungen mit zeme lit. siera die Bedeutung 'feucht, naß' hat, sonst ist es mit 'grau' zu übersetzen; denn es ist aus slaw. sen (vgl. russ. seryj 'grau' etc.) entlehnt. Schon in der sogenannten Postille des Morkünas aus dem Jahre 1600 wird dtsch. in grauen Kleidern mit altlit. fiero Je drapano Je wiedergegeben. Zahlreiche folkloristische Entsprechungen sind bemerkenswert: russ.folkl. seryj kon' : lit.folkl. sieras zirgas 'graues Roß'; russ. seraja utka: lit.folkl. siera antele (neben antele pilköji).6 Nur in der Wendung
6 Vgl. R.Ekkert. Fol'kloristika, semiotika i etimologija, in: Voprosy istoriceskoj leksikologii i leksikografii vostocno-slavjanskich jazykov. K 80-letiju clena-korrespondenta AN SSSR S.G. Barchudarova, Moskva 1974, 114 - 120.
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siera zeme geht siera auf ostsl. syra in mat'syra zemlja zurück. Auf diese hybride Kalkierung hat bereits E.Fraenkel (LEW,783) aufmerksam gemacht. Leider wird in der litauischen Lexikographie diese Tatsache ignoriert und lit. sieras, -a wird ausschließlich die Bedeutung 'grau' zugeschrieben, vgl. LKZ, XII, 529 und LKPZ, 338.
Für den Gebrauch der litauischen Wendung siera zeme sind folgende Tatsachen von Bedeutung:
1)	Es kommt ausschließlich in der Folklore vor und bezeichnet gewöhnlich den Ort, wo jemand (in der Regel die Eltern oder Geschwister) begraben liegt. Hier zeigt sich die oben erwähnte Funktion der Erdgöttin, die die Toten zu sich nimmt:
(26)	Po siera zeme guli jis (A.Juskevic. Litovskij slovar', St.Peterburg 1897) 'Unter der feuchten Erde liegt er', d.h. er ist tot;
(27)	Mano teveliai sieroj zemelej (aus der handschriftlichen Sammlung litauischer Folklore des Litauischen Akademie-Instituts für Literatur und Folklore) 'Meine Eltern sind in der feuchten Erde', d.h. sie sind schon gestorben;
(28)	Vai zeme, zeme, zeme sieroji, atemei tevq ir motinelf! (Ozkabalic dainos. Surinko d-ras J.Basanavicius, Shenandoah, Pennsylvania 1902, Nr.340) ,Oh Erde, Erde, Erde feuchte, du hast genommen Vater und Mütterchen', d.h. Vater und Mutter sind verstorben;
(29)	Isjojbernuzis i karuzf / Kad mano mylimas zuvo,/Puoliau antzemes, antsierosios,/ Ir emiau gailiai raudoti./...Oi zeme, juodoji zemele, /Atemei mano mylimq,/...Poimk ir manf, naslaitf (Lietuvic tautosaka, II, Dainos, raudos, Vilnius 1964, 156, Nr.117) 'Der liebe Bursche ist weggeritten in den Krieg.../ Als mein Geliebter umkam,/ Fiel ich auf die Erde, auf die feuchte, /und begann bitter zu wehklagen./...Oh Erde, liebe schwarze Erde,/ Du nahmst meinen Geliebten weg,/ Nimm auch mich das Waisenmädchen,...' In diesem zuletzt erwähnten litauischen Volkslied kommen gleich zwei Wendungen mit festen Epitheta vor: zeme sieroji und zeme juodoji, wovon erstere die uns bekannte aus dem Slawischen kalkierte darstellt, während die letztgenannte die typisch ostbaltische darstellt, vgl. lit. folkl.
(30)	Juoda zemele mano motinele (JD 274) 'Schwarze liebe Erde (du bist) mein Mütterchen' und den lettischen stehenden Vergleich melns k? zeme 'pechschwarz', wörtlich: 'schwarz wie die Erde'.
Schließlich gehört hierher noch das litauische Phrasem po sierJja zemyna palosti 'sterben':
(31)	Dar jaunas b'damaspalindopo sierqj zemyna (LKZ, II, 529) 'Als er noch jung war, starb er', wörtlich: 'Noch jung seiend kroch er in die feuchte Erde'.
2)	Es wird verwendet, wenn vom Fallen der Blätter und Zweige auf die Erde die Rede ist (diese sterben oder besser verfaulen auf der feuchten Erde):
(32)	Oi, aukstai lekia/Klevelio lapeliai. / Nors aukstai lekia,/Bet zemai nupuola,/Bet zemai nupuola,/ Ant sieros zemeles,/Ant sieros zemeles. ..(Lietuvic tautosaka, I, Vilnius 1962, 65) 'Oh, hoch fliegen / die Blätter des Ahorns./ Obwohl sie hoch fliegen,/ Fallen (sie) tief herab,/ Fallen (sie) tief herab,/ Auf die feuchte Erde,/ Auf die feuchte Erde...';
(33)	Uzlinks liepos sakuzeles,/Uzgrius siera zemuzele...(JD,II, 255, 627) 'Die Lindenzweige werden sich in die Höhe biegen,/ die liebe feuchte Erde'wird zerfallen'.
3)	Die Wendung siera zeme kommt noch in dem stehenden Vergleich (Komparativphrasem) lyg siera zeme prarijo 'wie von der feuchten Erde verschluckt' vor:
7 Einen ähnlichen Beleg führt P.Dunduliene (Lietuviu etnologija, 2. leidimas, 217) an : Kaip tave šventa žeme nešioja! 'Wie trägt dich nur die heilige Erde!'
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(34)	Isjojo berneliai, ir lyg siera zeme juos prarijo (LKZ, XII, 529; LKPZ, 338) 'Die lieben Burschen ritten aus und verschwanden', wörtlich: 'waren wie von der feuchten Erde verschluckt'.
4) Die Wendung sieraja zemyna läßt sich noch in einer Verwünschungsformel feststellen:
(35)	Kad tau apartpo siercj(a) zemyna! (Kad tupastiptum!) (LKZ, I, 2. leidimas, 314) 'Daß du krepieren mögest! Wörtlich: 'Daß (man) dich unter die feuchte Erde pflügen möge!'
In mindestens zwei Fällen beobachtet man sehr weitreichende Übereinstimmungen zwischen dem Gebrauch der Wendungen im Litauischen und im Russischen bzw. Weißrussischen, wobei den sprachlichen Entsprechungen solche im benachbarten semiotischen System der Folklore zur Seite stehen:
(36)	Kad tau sieroj zemynyka nenesiotu! (LKZ, XII, 529). Es liegt hier eine Verwünschung, Verfluchung vor, etwa mit der Bedeutung: 'Daß dich der Teufel hole!' ,Daß du umkommen mögest!'. Wörtlich heißt es: 'Daß dich die feuchte Erde nicht tragen möge!'.7 Das litauische Phraseotextem entspricht in vielem den weiter oben zitierten Beispielen unter (12) (13) (14) (15) und gewissermaßen auch (16);
(37)	Jis ujamas tyli kap siera zemyna (LKPZ, 338) 'Er wird verfolgt still wie die feuchte Erde' hat eine ziemlich genaue Entsprechung in folgendem russischen Sprichwort:
(38)	Mat' syra zemlja govorit' nel'zja (Dal' Posl, 202, 413, 837), das etwa folgendermaßen wiedergegeben werden kann: 'In Gegenwart der feuchten-Mutter-Erde spricht man nicht', d.h. man verhält sich still. Hier wird unter Umständen etwas von der großen Verehrung, die die Erdgottheit genoß, wiedergespiegelt: In ihrer Gegenwart haben die Menschen in Schweigen zu verharren.
III. Bezeichnungen der Erdgöttin im Litauischen und zu einigen weiteren Namen für mythologische Wesen mit der Wurzel zem-
Das Litauische hat nicht nur die ostbaltische Bezeichnung der Erdgottheit in der Sprache der Folklore kalkiert (s. Abschnitt II), sondern es besitzt gleichzeitig autochtho-ne Benennungen für die Erdgöttin und einige weitere mythologische Wesen, die die Wurzel zem- enthalten.
1. Lit. zemyna nebst Varianten und Ableitungen
Lit. zemyna ist die Bezeichnung für die alte Erd- und Erntegöttin der Litauer. Bereits im Katechismus des Dauksa aus dem Jahre 1595 findet die zemyna Erwähnung:
(38)	Altlit. Szitie.../ kurie garbina vgni/zemina (Akk Sg - R.E.) / giwates zalczius/ perkuna... (Mikalojaus Dauksos 1595 metu Katechizmas, Vilnius 1995, 76;19-21) ',Diese...die das Feuer, die Erdgöttin, Schlangen, Nattern, den Donner...verehren...'.
Auch in Daniel Kleins Litauischer Grammatik aus dem Jahre 1653 findet sich unter den Nomina propria weiblichen Geschlechts der Name der Erdgöttin:
(39)	Altlit. 3emyne (nach der heutigen Schreibung: Zemyne) - Dea terrae, Ceres (Pirmoji lietuvic kalbos grammatika 1653 metai, Vilnius 1957, 157, 655). Es handelt sich hier um die vielleicht ältere Form; denn Z. Zinkevicius8 erblickt in zemyna eine ihrer Herkunft nach adjektivische Form, die als Attribut zum Wort für Göttin (deive) gebraucht wurde. Er setzt also die Wortfügung *zemyna deive, also 'Erd-Göttin' voraus. Für die bei
8 Z.Zinkevicius. Lietuvic kalbos istorija, II: Iki pirmj rastc, Vilnius 1987, 90.
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Klein fixierte Form könnte unseres Erachtens ein reguläres feminines zemyne als Entsprechung zur maskulinen Form zemynis angenommen werden. Die bereits lexikalisierte Wortfügung wurde univerbiert, ein Prozeß der besonders bei zusammengesetzten Benennungen häufig anzutreffen ist. Später treten zemyne und zemyna als variative Bildungen auf.
Ausführlich behandelt A.Greimas die Göttin Zemyna in seiner Monographie über die Götter und Menschen.9 Seiner Meinung nach ist es Perkünas, der Donnergott, der die Erdgöttin Zemyna befruchtet. Unter Bezug auf Praetorius zählt er sie zu den "Haus-Göttern". Gleichzeitig grenzt er Zemyna und Austeja, die Bienengöttin, die beide die Fruchtbarkeit fördern, von Laima, der "Göttin der Geburt", die auch das Schicksal bestimmt, ab. Er ist der Ansicht, daß Zemyna eine Erdgöttin darstellt, während Austeja eine "Luft-Gottheit" ist. Zemyna begünstigt den Wuchs der Pflanzen und Blumen, während die Bienen, die Austeja zur Schirmherrin haben, die Blumen und Blüten besuchen und den Nektar von ihnen einsammeln.
Marija Gimbutiene10 zählt Zemyna, neben Laima und Ragana, zu den drei Hauptgöttinnen des matriarchalischen Alteuropa. Die Erdgöttin Zemyna ist nach ihren Ausführungen für das Wachstum der Pflanzen und die Ernte zuständig und wird von Perkünas befruchtet.
Verschiedene Fruchtbarkeitsriten werden zu Ehren von Zemyna veranstaltet: Praetorius berichtet vom Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts, daß die Bauern an bestimmten Festtagen Bier als Opfer auf die Erde schütteten. (Man vgl. damit den Ausdruck zemberinis alus 'das Zemberysbier; zum Feste des Zemberys gebrautes Bier'- LDW, IV, 2738. Zu Zemberys s. weiter unten). In späterer Zeit opferte man beim Ziehen der ersten Ackerfurche ein Stück Brot. In früheren Jahrhunderten wurde bei Beginn der Aussaat eine Sau oder ein Hühnchen der Zemyna geopfert.11
Nach Nesselmann wurde beim Biertrinken folgende Formel gesprochen:
(40)	Zemynele, ziedekle,pakylekmuse ranke därbus (LDW,IV,2739) 'Blütenbringende Erdgöttin, segne unser Hände Werk!'
In Mazeikiai wurde 1866 folgendes Gebet aufgezeichnet, das deutlich den Fruchtbarkeitsglauben an Zemyna zum Ausdruck bringt:
(41)	Zemynele, mus kavok,/Dirvas müseperzegnok,/Perzegnok dirvas, laukus,/Klonius, lankas ir slaitus (Nach P. Dunduliene. Lietuvic etnologija, 2-asis leidimas, Vilnius 1991, 218) 'Liebe Zemyna, verbirg uns,/ Unsere Äcker segne,/ Segne die Äcker, die Felder,/ Die Niederungen, Wiesen und die Hänge'.
Auch beim Beerenpflücken wurde Zemyna um eine recht große Ernte gebeten. Wenn man in den Wald trat, warf man die erste Beere auf die Erde und sagte:
(42)	Zemynele, Zemynele, as tau duodu uogytel?, duok man visq kas?! (ibidem) 'Liebe Zemyna, liebe Zemyna, ich gebe dir eine liebe Beere, gib du mir einen ganzen Korb (voller Beeren)'.12
9	lgirdas J.Greimas. Of Gods and Men. Studies in Lithuanian Mythology, Bloomington and Indianapolis 1992, 33, 74, 105, 118, 160-161, 165, 188.
10	Marija Gimbutiene. Baltai priesistoriniais laikais, Vilnius 1985,151 ff.
11	Siehe Mary Kilbourne Matossian. Vestiges of the Cult of the Mother Goddess in Baltic Folklore, in: Baltic Literature and Linguistics, Columbus Ohio 1973,121.
12	Auch dem Waldgeist konnte die erste Beere geopfert werden, vgl. Pirma vuogele miskineliu, pirmas grybelis samaneliu, kadpo giriq nevadzioty, kelio nepastotu (LKZ,VIII,288) ,Die erste Beere dem lieben Waldgeist, das erste Pilzchen dem lieben, wilden Bienchen (Hummelchen; Erd-, Moosbienchen), damit (sie uns) im Walde nicht in die Irre führen, den Weg uns nicht versperren', vgl. R.Eckert. Zu den baltischen und slawischen Bezeichnungen des Waldgeistes, in: Journal of Baltic Studies, vol.XXIII, number 1, Spring 1992, 3.
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Schließlich erstreckt sich der Fruchtbarkeitsglauben im Zusammenhang mit Zemyna nicht nur auf die vegetative Sphäre (Getreide, Blumen und Blüten, Beeren), sondern auch auf den Menschen selbst. Man vgl. folgendes Gebet des Vaters, wenn er zum ersten Male das Neugeborene in den Armen hält und ein Getränk auf die Erde schüttet (Trankopfer) und dabei spricht:
(43)	Zemynele buk linksmai! Zydek müsc rugiais, kvieciais, buk maloninga küdikiui! (P. Dunduliene. Pagonybe Lietuvoje. Moteriskos dievybes, Vilnius 1989, 51) 'Liebe Zemyna sei fröhlich! Mache, daß (unser) Roggen und Weizen blühen, sei unserem Säugling gnädig!' Zemynpele ist die Deminutivform von Zemyna. Weitere Varianten von Zemyna (außer dem bereits erwähnten altlit. Zemyne) sind Zemina, Zemina und Zemynia, vgl. DLW, IV, 2739-2740.
Aufschlußreich ist ferner meiner Meinung nach, daß bereits im Zusammenhang mit lit. sierä zeme auch schon die Formen sieroji zemyna und sieroji zemynyka vorkamen.Vgl. weiter oben die Beispiele unter (36) und (37). Diese Fakten erhärten den Zusammenhang der Abschnitte II und III der vorliegenden Untersuchung. Es ist auch bemerkenswert, daß im Abschnitt II (wo es um sierä zeme geht) die Beziehungen der Erdgöttin zum Tode vorherrschend sind, während für Zemyna vor allem ihre die Fruchtbarkeit fördernde Funktion hervortritt.
Ein weiterer Name für die Erdgöttin im Litauischen ist Zempati, -cios fem. 'die Erdgöttin'(LDW, 2740 nach Nesselmann), das eine Komposition aus der Wurzel zem- mit dem Wort für Herrin lit. pati darstellt. Daneben existiert die männliche Entsprechung lit. Zemepatis,-cio und Zempatis,-cio. Mit letzterem werde ich mich ausführlicher im nächsten Abschnitt beschäftigen.
2. Zu einigen weiteren litauischen mythologischen Namen mit zem-
Hierher ist zuerst auf Grund seiner frühen Belegung altlitauisches Zemepatis mask. - ein religiöses Wesen des litauischen Altertums zu stellen. Vgl.
(44)	Altlit. Ssemepatis ir lauka fargus pame Jkiet (Dominykas Urbas. Martyno Mazvydo raste zodynas, Vilnius 1966, 437). Es handelt sich um eine Stelle aus dem gereimten litauischen Vorwort des M. Mazvydas zu seinem Katechismus des Jahres 1547, dem ersten litauischen Buch. Die Stelle lautet in ihrer vollständigeren Fassung nach der modernen Schreibung wie folgend:
(45)	Kankus Zemepatis ir laukasargus pameskiet / Visas velnuvas deives apleiskiet (Martynas Mazvydas. Katekizmas ir kiti rastai, Vilnius 1993, 55 /Catechismvs 9, 9/) 'Die Kobolde, Erdgötter und Wiesengötter verwerfet / Von allen Teufelswerken, Göttinnen laßt ab'.
Auch in der Postille des Bretke (Bretkünas) aus dem Jahre 1591 (II,101) ist dieses Zemepatis festgehalten:
(46)	Pameskigi, miela Lietuva, melstisi kaukus, aitvarq, zem pacius alba kitas deives (nach LKZ, I, 2-asis leidimas, 46) 'Gib auf, liebes Litauen, die Kobolde, den Hausgeist, die Erdgötter oder die anderen Göttinnen'.
Als erstes ist festzustellen, daß Zemepatis,-cio die männliche Entsprechung zu der bereits erwähnten weiblichen Form Zemepati,-cios 'Erdgöttin' ist. Bei A. Kurschat (LDW, IV, 2740) ist die Form ohne Bindevokal bezeugt: Zempatis,-cio 'der Erdgott'. A. Greimas (op.cit., 43) hat Zemepatis als 'Herr der Erde' dem Lauksargis 'Behüter der Felder' gegenübergestellt. An anderer Stelle definiert Greimas ihn als Bruder der Erdgöttin Zemyna und Behüter der Haustierherden. Dunduliene (Lietuvie etnologija, 218) läßt auch die
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Möglichkeit zu, daß Zemepatis der Mann der Zemyna sei, der die Höfe, Häuser und Bauerwirtschaften behütet. Der Meinung von Greimas (op.cit., 105), daß auf Grund der Nachrichten von Strykowski und Praetorius Zemepatis und Zemyna zu den "Hausgöttern" gehören, ist sicher beizupflichten. Man vgl. in diesem Zusammenhang auch die eben zitierten Aufzählungen verschiedener altlitauischer Gottheiten bei Mazvydas und besonders bei Bretkünas, in denen vorwiegend "Hausgötter" genannt werden. Die gute Bezeugung des Zemepatis in den altlitauischen Denkmälern des 16. Jahrhunderts läßt diesen Götternamen als ziemlich gesichert erscheinen. Zu den Zemepaciai sind wohl auch die bei Strykowski erwähnten Zemininkai zu rechnen.
Eine völlig isolierte Stellung nimmt der bei Kurschat (LDW, IV, 2738 und 2739) verzeichnete litauische Göttername Zembarys, Zemberys,-erio ein, der von ihm wie folgend charakterisiert wird: Name eines litauischen heidnischen Erdgottes, eigentlich 'der Erdbestreuer'. Der zweite Teil der Zusammensetzung hängt wohl mit lit. barstyti 'streuen, schütten' zusammen. Schließlich führt er noch einen Zemeliukas - ein altlitauischer Gott und ein nach ihm benannter Monat - an. Man vgl. damit lett. volkssprachliches velu menesis 'Monat November' (nach einer Mitteilung von Frau Dr. B Spielhaus, Berlin, der ich auch für die Überprüfung des lettischen Materials meinen Dank zum Ausdruck bringen möchte). Bei dem erstgenannten litauischen Wort bezieht sich Kurschat auf G.H.F.Nesselmann (Wörterbuch der litauischen Sprache, Königsberg 1851), bei zemeliukas auf M. Miezinis (Lietuviskai-latviskai-lenkiskai-rusiskas zodynas, Tilsit 1894).
IV. Zu einer Bezeichnung der Erdgottheit im Lettischen
M.Gimbutas stellt ziemlich apodiktisch fest, daß die Erde die Große Mutter (Zemyna, Zeme) darstellt, die Letten Zemes mäte 'Erd-Mutter' nennen (op.cit,151). Etwas spezifischer äußert sich Mary Killbourne Matossian (op.cit.,122), wenn sie zemes mäte als lettische Parallele zu lit. Zemyna ansieht, die den Menschen das Leben gibt und gleichzeitig mit dem Tode in Verbindung steht. Auch sie soll (unter Bezug auf Arbeiten von H. Biezais) den Feldern Fruchtbarkeit verleihen und die alten Letten haben ihr Trankopfer dargebracht.
Nach dem Wörterbuch von K. Mühlenbach - J. Endzelin (ME, II, 588) ist die zemes mäte die Göttin der Erde, des Todes. Sie ist m.E. eine der vielen Mutter-Gottheiten, die in den lettischen Volksliedern anzutreffen sind, also eher ein mythologisches Wesen niedrigeren und nicht des höchsten Ranges. Nach Ausweis des Index der Substantive der Lettischen Volksliedersammlung von K. Barons13 ist die Anzahl der Belege für die zusammengesetzte Benennung zemes mäte nicht sehr groß. Ich kann daraus nur vier Lieder anführen sowie eine Liedvariante. Ein weiteres Lied, das zemes mäte enthält und keine Aufnahme im Index fand, ist bei ME,a.a.O. verzeichnet, nämlich das folgende:
(47) Gana lüdzu zemes mäti/Rokä maku turedam(i)s:/Dosu simtu dälerisu,/Atlaid manu augumiiu (BW, LD, I, 210; Nr. 1120, 2) 'Zwar bitte ich die Erdmutter / In der Hand den Geldbeutel haltend: (sagt eine männliche Person - R.E.)/ Ich werde 100 Taler geben / Laß meine Gestalt' (d.h. wenn du mich am Leben läßt).
Es folgen die entsprechenden lettischen Dainas, die ich nach dem Index ermittelt
habe:
13 Krisjana Barona "Latvju dainu" substantivu räditäjs, Riga 1994, 402.
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(48)	Süpo mani, mämulim / Neba mani daudz süposi;/ Süpos mani zemes mäte / Apaks zala veleniw (BW, LD, III/3, 892; Nr. 27406) 'Mütterchen wiege (schaukle) mich / Wenn du mich nicht viel schaukelst;/ Wird mich die Erdmutter schaukeln (wiegen) / Unter dem grünen Rasenstück' (d.h. im Grabe).
(49)	Vai, lüdzama zemes mäte,/Dod man kapa atsledziiu,/Lai es varu kapu slegt/ Prieks täs vecäs mämulltes (BW, LD, 111/3,910; Nr.27519) 'Ach, du zu bittende Erdmutter / Gib mir den Schlüssel des Grabes / Daß ich das Grab schließen kann / Für das alte Mütterchen.'
Zu diesem Lied gibt es noch eine Variante, deren erste Zeile folgenden Wortlaut hat:
Zemes mäte, zemes mäte 'Erdmutter, Erdmutter'. Dazu sind noch folgende Varianten der ersten Zeile bezeugt: Vai, lüdzama velu mäte 'Ach, ich bitte dich, Mutter der Geister der Verstorbenen, Mutter des Todes'; Vai, lüdzama kapa mäte 'Ach, ich bitte dich, Mutter des Grabes' sowie Kapa mäte, kapa mäte 'Mutter des Grabes, Mutter des Grabes'.
(50)	Zemes mäte, zemes mäte / Dod man kapa atsledziiu / Man jaiet kapa slegt / Istajam bäliiam (BW, LD, 111/3,910; Nr.27519 Var.) 'Erdmutter, Erdmutter / Gib mir den Schlüssel des Grabes / Ich muß gehen das Grab zu schließen / Den leiblichen Brüdern.'
(51)	Ar Dieviiu, mämulite,/Labvakar, zemes mäte!/Labvakar, zemes mäte,/ Vai b_s laba dusesana? (Ibidem; Nr. 27520) 'Lebwohl (Adieu), Mütterchen,/ Guten Abend, Erdmutter!/ Guten Abend, Erdmutter,/ Wird es ein gutes Ruhen sein ?' Gemeint ist hier wohl das Ruhen im Tode, im Grabe.
(52)	ArDieviiu, tevs, mämiia,/Labvakar, zemes mäte,/ Labvakar, zemes mäte,/Glabä manu augumiiu! (Ibidem; Nr. 27521) 'Lebwohl, Vater, Mütterchen,/ Guten Abend, Erdmutter,/ Guten Abend, Erdmutter,/ Behüte meine liebe Gestalt' (d.h. rette mein Leben, bewahre mich vor dem Tode).
Wie bereits z.T. zu ersehen war und ich aus weiteren lettischen Volksliedern erfahren konnte, tritt der Name der Erdmutter (zemes mäte) in verschiedenen Liedvarianten und verwandten Liedern in Abwechsel mit den Namen für folgende Mutter-Gottheiten auf: velu mäte 'Mutter der Geister der Verstorbenen' (im ME, II, 587: 'Göttin der verstorbenen Seelen, des Todes'); kapa resp. kapu mäte 'Mutter der Grabes resp. der Gräber' (ME, a.a.O: 'Göttin der Gräber'); smilsu mäte 'Mutter des Sandes' (ME, II, 588: 'Göttin des Todes') und näves mäte 'Mutter des Todes'. Die Vielfalt der Mutter-Gottheiten, die mit dem Tode in Zusammenhang stehen, erklärt sich wohl einerseits aus der großen Bedeutung des Totenkultes. Andrerseits ist auch mit einer späteren, sekundären Ausweitung dieses Bezeichnungstyps für alte lettische mythologische Wesen in der Sprache der Folklore zu rechnen. Typisch für das lett. folkl. zemes mäte 'Erdmutter' ist jedenfalls der ausschließliche Gebrauch in Kontexten, die Tod und Bestattung (in der Erde) zum Gegenstand haben.
In gewisser Weise läßt sich hierher wohl auch lett. zemlikas 'die Gaben, die man den verstorbenen Seelen hinlegt' (ME, IV, 711-712) stellen, das mit einigen altlettischen Wörtern wie zemlikas 'Allerseelentag' (Mancelius, Lettus); zemlika 'ein heidnischer Opfertag' (Lange. Lettisch-deutsches Lexikon von 1773) und zemlikas menesis (Mancelius) 'November; Geistermonat' korrespondiert. Es handelt sich um ein Kompositum mit der Wurzel zem- und der Wurzel lik- aus likt 'stellen, legen, setzen', d.h. hier sind wohl Opfergaben gemeint, die auf die Erde geleget, gestellt wurden.
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V. Einige Schlußfolgerungen
1.	Im Slawischen, genauer Ostslawischen mit einem wohl ins Urslawische reichenAlter, läßt sich eine alte Erdgöttin ausmachen, die Beziehungen zum heidnischen
Fruchtbarkeitskult und zu den Totenriten aufwies. Ihr Name ist in der phraseologischen Bezeichnung *matb syra zemja 'feuchte-Mutter-Erde' erhalten, wobei charakteristisch ist, daß sich in der Bezeichnung das sehr wichtige Attribut der Mutter- und Erdgottheit, nämlich ihre Beziehung zur Feuchtigkeit, die die Grundlage ihrer Fruchtbarkeit ist, erhalten hat.
2.	Diese slawische Erd- und Fruchtbarkeitsgöttin weist gleichzeitig starke Bezüge zum Tode auf: die Erde als Ort, in den die Toten wieder aufgenommen werden.
3.	Die ostslawische Bezeichnung der erwähnten Erdgöttin wurde vom Litauischen als siera zemé kalkiert. Diese hybride Übersetzungsentlehnung durch die litauische Sprache der Folklore zeigt einen vorwiegenden Gebrauch im Zusammenhang mit dem Tode und dem Begraben des Menschen in der Erde. Es standen nicht nur die sprachlichen Systeme in enger Beziehung, sondern auch die semiotischen Systeme der Folklore, was durch weitreichende Entsprechungen bewiesen werden konnte: 1) Die "(feuchte-) MutterErde" kann einen großen Sünder nicht ertragen 2) Eine Reminiszenz an die tiefe Verehrung der Erdgöttin ist das Schweigen in ihrer Gegenwart.
4.	Im Litauischen existieren daneben autochthone Bezeichnungen für eine alte Erdgöttin: Zemyna (und Varianten), die wohl auf die zusammengesetzte Benennung *zemyné (resp. zemyna) deiv" zurückgeht. Daneben kommt ein eher peripher und später entstandenes Zemépati,-cios fem. 'Herrin Erde' vor. Es ist auffallend, daß mit Zemyna in erster Linie ein Fruchtbarkeitsglauben verbunden war, der den vegetativen wie den menschlichen Bereich umfaßte. Mit lit. Zemépatis,-cio mask. 'Erdgott; Gott der Herden, Höfe und Bauernwirtschaften' tritt ein männliches Pendant zu Zemépati,-cios auf, das m.E. auf Grund einer Reihe von Tatsachen (engerer, spezifischer Funktionsbereich) wohl jünger ist, als die sicher weit ins Indogermanische zurückreichende Erdgöttin.
5.	Das Lettische hat in der Sprache der Volkslieder die ebenfalls zusammengesetzte Bezeichnung zemes mate Erd-Mutter'; Göttin der Erde, des Todes' bewahrt, die zu einer Reihe weiterer Muttergottheiten aus der Sphäre des Todes und Begrabenwerdens (velu mate; kapa / kapu mate; smilsu mate und naves mate) in variativen Beziehungen steht.
6.	Es ist überraschend, daß im Slawischen und im Baltischen die Namen für die Erdgöttin (Mutter Erde) in Form von zusammengesetzten Benennungen rekonstruiert werden können. Sie wurden teilweise phraseologisiert, was das Ergebnis einer längeren Entwicklung war, oder sie wurden der Univerbierung unterworfen wie im Falle von lit. Zemyne aus *zemyné deive. Die Benennungen haben im Slawischen und im Lettischen die Komponente "Mutter" bewahrt, während das Slawische und ein Teil des Litauischen (durch die hybride Übersetzungsentlehnung) die Komponente "feucht" (slaw. syrá, lit.folkl. siera) erhalten haben.
7.	Die Untersuchung unterstreicht ein übriges Mal, welch große Bedeutung für die Erforschung der Mythologie die sprachlichen Befunde haben. Gleichzeitig wird die Relevanz der historischen Phraseologie in diesem Zusammenhang besonders deutlich.
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Eine Slawische une Baltische Erdgottheit
Abgekürzte Literatur
Dal' Posl = V. Dal', Poslovicy russkogo naroda. Sbornik, Moskva 1957.
FSMTJK = Frazeolagičny sloünik movy tvoraü J.Kolasa. Pad red. A.S.Aksamitava, Minsk 1993.
JD = Li tuviškos däjnos uzrašytos par Antän^ Juškevič§, I-III, Kazane 1880 - 1882.
LKŽ XII = Lietuvic kalbos žodynas, t.XII, Vilnius 1981.
LKPŽ = Lietuvic kalbos palyginimc žodynas. Sudar K.B. Vosylyt , Vinius 1985.
RMAREF = B.A.Uspenskij. Religiozno-mifologičeskij aspekt russkoj ekspressivnoj frazeologii (Semantika russkogo mata v istoričeskom osvesčenii) in: Semiotics and the History of Culture. In Honor of Jurij Lotman. Studies in Russian, Slavica Publishers, Inc., Columbus 1988, 197-302.
RMR 1912 = M. I. Michel'son, Russkaja mysl' i reč. Svoe i čužoe. Opyt russkoj frazeologii. Sbornik obraznych slov i inoskazanij, S.Peterburg 1912.
RMR 1994 = M. I. Michelson, Russkaja mysl' i reč I -II, Moskva 1994.
SSRLJ = Slovar' sovremennogo russkogo literaturnogo jazyka, I - XVII, Moskva - Leningrad 1950 - 1965.
Slovanska in baltska boginja zemlje
Rainer Eckert
Predstavljene so razne definicije in lokalne hipostaze prvotnega baltoslovanskega božanstva zemlje (rusko: mat'syra zemlja, skoraj analogno tudi v ukrajinščini in beloruščini). Avtor razlaga pomen atributa "syra(ja)" kot "vlažna" ali tudi "plodna", "debela". Ni izključeno, da je "mat'syra zemlja" apelativ staroslovanskega božanstva Mokoš (prim. dela Ivanova in Toporova). Poleg tega predstavlja ta lik tudi arhetipsko podobo Zemlje v smislu univerzalne matere. V nadaljevanju analizira avtor baltske vzporednice temu boštvu, nato pa še litovske in letonske vire ter mitska bitja, ki imajo v imenu koren zem- / z§m-.
218
O KOCMOrOHHHeCKOH OCHOBe MOTHBa "3Mefl H ^eBM" B CBH3H C MOTHBOM "CTpaHCTBHfl B nO^3eMHOe uapCTBO" (Ha MaTepHa^e pyCCKHx CKa3OK)
Muxaun Ee3nun
Thr article deals with the cosmogonic archetype of the motifs about the dragon and the maid, and the journey into the nether world.
CTpaHCTByro^HH b noncKax xeHbi repon BCTpenaeT Ha aopore TpexroaoBoro 3Mea, kotophh noKa3HBaeT eMy MecTo, rae oh cmoxst aocraTb ce6e HeBecTy. repon oTBaaHBaeT KaMeHb, 3Men onycKaeT ero Ha peMHax b aHpy, roBopa: "th TaM noñaemb h aoñaemb ao Tpex napcTB, a b KaxaoM napcrae yBHaHmb no aeBHne" (128)1.
^BaeHHe 3Mea b poaH noMo^HHKa repoa, a He ero npoTHBHHKa npeacTaBaaeT oTKaoHeHHe ot o6biHHoñ cxeMH. Boaee Toro, Bce o6HTaTeaH noa3eMHoñ cTpaHH, t. e. cy^ecTBa xTOHHnecKHe no onpeaeaeHHro, noMoraroT reporo: cTapHK yKa3HBaeT eMy nyTb k aaHHHoMy MyxHHHe, KoTopHñ HanpaBaaeT ero k 6a6e-are, a Ta aaeT reporo opaa-nrany, BHHoca^ero ero b BepxHHñ MHp.
B apyrHx BapHaHTax cTpaHcTBHa no noa3eMHoMy i^apcray 6a6a-ara, KaK npaBHao, BHcTynaeT b KanecTBe aHTaroHHcra repoa. EaBa BHaa repoa, tph aeBHnbi, cHaa^He bo aBopne, coo6^aroT eMy: "Hama MaTb — 6a6a-ara; oHa Te6a checr!" (141). npHMenaTeabHa HenoaBHXHocTb aeBHn: ohh cHaaT, Koraa k hhm npHxoaHT repoñ. noaHoTy 3HaneHHa 3to o6cToaTeabcTBo o6peTaeT b xTOHnnecKoM KoHTeKcTe, b kotopom npoHcxoaHT Bcrpena repoa c aonepbMH xo3añKH noa3eMHoñ cTpaHH.
XroHHnecKHe cy^ecTBa xapaKTeproyroTca HaH noaHoñ HenoaBHXHocrbro HaH cBepxno-aBHXHocTbro. Ba6a-ara HaH cnHT Ha ne^Ke HaH aeTaeT b cTyne. napaaoKcaabHocTb cnoco6a nepeaBHxeHHH nyaoBH^a yKa3HBaeT Ha Haaro3opHocTb ero aBHxeHHa. Moxho 6biao 6h cKa3aTb, hto caMa no ce6e nyaoBH^HocTb aeaaeT aBHxeHHe b npHHnHne HeBo3MoxHbiM. B caMoM o6^eM BHae moxho onpeaeaHTb nyaoBH^HocTb KaK npoTHBoecTecTBeHHoe coeaHHeHHe-cnenaeHHe pa3aHHHbix no cBoeñ ^yhkuhh ^opM (KpHabeB — co 3MeHHHM TyaoBH^eM) HaH HenoMepHoe yMHoxeeHHe oaHoñ h Toñ xe ^opMH (cto roaoB, cto pyK).
CooTBeTcTBeHHo, pa3aeaeHHe cMemaHHoñ nyaoBH^Hoñ ^opMH Ha oTaeabHHe ^opMH no poay hx b naaHe KocMoroHHnecKoM aoaxHo HMeTb cbohm pe3yabTaToM o6pa3oBaHHe MHpoBoñ MHoxecTBeHHocTH. B pa3aHHHbix TpaaHnHax KocMoroHHneKnñ nponecc onHcHBaeTca KaK pacnaeHeHHe cBepxTeaa, H3 nacreñ KoToporo co3aaroTca KocMHnecKHe o6teKTH2. HyaoBH^Hoe Teao, TaKHM o6pa3oM, MoxeT paccMaTpHBaTbca KaK MoMeHT b KocMoroHHnecKoM aBHxeHHH ot eaHHcTBa k MHoxecTBeHHocTH.
1	3aecb h aaaee yKa3HBaeTca HoMep cKa3KH no: A. H. A^aHacbeB, PyccKue Hapodnue cküsku, t. 1-3, M. 1957.
2	Cp. pacqaeHeHHe qyaoBH^Hoñ npapoaHTeabHH^i 6oroB THaMaT b aKKaacKoñ KocMoroHmecKoñ no3Me dHyMa 3auw; üypymH — b BeaHñcKoñ MH^oaorHH; HMHpa — b cKaHaHHaBcKoñ. B nocaeaHeM cayqae
219
O KOCMoroHH^ecKOH 0CH0Be MOTHBa "3Mea h ^eBbi" b CBS3H c MOTHBOM "cTpaHCTBHa b no^3eMHoe ^pCTBO"
B 3toh CBoeñ "nyflOBH^HOH" CTa^HH KoeMoroHHHecKoe flBHxeHne 6n0KHpyeTca h pa36noKnpyeTca npH nocpencTBe pacnneHeHHfl-xepTBonpHHomeHHfl MHpoBoro nenoBeKa (b pm-yanbHO-HneanbHOM BapHaHTe) HnH npH nocpencTBe y6HñcTBa-pa3py6aHHa 3Mea. CaMO no ce6e y6HncTB0 3Mea He íranaeTca nocTaTOHHbiM: repon OTpy6aeT nynoBHmy ronoBbi, 6pocaeT hx b Bony (125, 136), 3aKanbiBaeT b 3eMnro (131) HnH cxHraeT ronoBbi h TynoBH^e 3Mea, a nenen pa3BeHBaeT no HHcTOMy nonro (575).
KocMoroHHnecKaa ocHOBa y6HncTBa 3Mea 0c06eHH0 OTneraHBO npoaBnaeTca b cKa3Ke 135. CocToaHHe MHpa no y6HncTBa 3Mea: "B tom napcrae, rne xhb HBaH, He 6bino flHa, a Bce HOHb; eTa 3pa6HB 3Men". nocne y6HncTBa 3Mea: "y6HnH Taro 3Mea, B3anH 3MéeBy ranaBy, h, npHmÓBmH k aro xaTe, jjhh pa3naMHnH ranaBy — h cTaB 6enbin cBeT na Bc^My napcTBy".
repon He onycKaeTca 3necb b non3eMHoe napcrao, ho c caMoro Hanana b HeM HaxoflHTca. OTcyTcTBHe cBeTa b pa3nnHHbix MH^onornnecKHx TpanHnHflx xapaKTepH3yeT noKocMoroHHHecKoe cocToaHHe. C00TBeTcTBeHH0, aBneHHe cBeTa o6o3HanaeT OTKpbrrne HnH B030ÓH0BneHHe 6noKHpoBaHHoro KocMoroHHnecKoro nponecca3. napanoKcanbHocTb "cHTyanHH 3Mea" coctoht b nepexonHocTH "^opMbi 3Mea", K0T0paa 0nH0BpeMeHH0 no^roTaBnHBaeT KocMoroHHnecKHñ nponecc stricto sensu h npenaTCTByeT eMy. B cKa3Kax OTpaxeH rnaBHHM 06pa30M 3tot "oTpHnaTenbHO-npenflTcTByro^Hñ" acneKT 3Mea, h b 3HanHTenbH0 MeHbmeñ cTeneHH — nonoxHTenbHbiñ, KocMoroHHnecKHñ b mHp0K0M cMbicne 3Toro cnoBa.
B HaH6onee abhoh ^opMe KocMoroHHnecKHñ apxeTHn peanrayeTca b cKa3Kax o Tpex no^3eMHHx napcTBax: "repoH OTnpaBnaroTca Ha noHcKH Tpex Hcne3HyBmHx i^apeBeH [...] OflHH H3 repoeB no BepeBKe cnycKaeTca non 3eMnro h nocnenoBaTenbHO HaxonHT tph napcTBa (HnH tph noMa) — MenHoe, cepe6paH0e, 30n0T0e; b KaxnoM H3 kotophx repoa BcTpenaeT neBHna, npenynpexnaro^aa ero 06 onacHocTH, Hcxona^eñ ot 3Mea [...] npHneTaeT nepBbin, n0T0M btopoh h, HaKOHen, TpeTHn 3Men; b pe3ynbTaTe 6opb6bi c hhmh Kaxnbrn pa3 no6exnaeT repon, cnacaro^HH napeBeH; co6Hpaacb nonHaTbca c hhmh Ha 3eMnro, repon cBopanrnaeT Kaxnoe H3 Tpex napcra b anno (MenHoe, cepe6paH0e, 30n0T0e), naHHoe eMy Kaxnoñ H3 Tpex neBHn; ocTaBmHeca Ha noBepxHocTH 3eMnH cnyTHHKH repoa BbrracKHBaroT Ha BepeBKe Bcex Tpex napeBeH, ho KOBapHO o6pHBaroT ee, Korna no Hen ne3eT repon; b pe3ynbTaTe cTpaHcTBHH no n0n3eMH0My napcTBy repon HaxonHT 6onbmoe nepeBO (o6hhho ny6), cnacaeT nTeHnoB, cHna^Hx Ha BeTBax nepeBa, 3a hto MaTb nTeHnoB (na^e Bcero open) bhhocht repoa H3 non3eMHoro napcTBa Ha 3eMnro, rne oh nocnenoBaTenbHO 6pocaeT Kaxnoe H3 Tpex aHn, pa3B0pa^HBaro^Hxca b cooTBeTcTByro^ee napcTBo; 3aBepmeHHeM cKa3KH o6hhho aBnaeTca 6paK repoa h napeBHH 3onoToro napcraa"4.
paC^aeHeHHe npoHCxo^HT "ecTecTBeHHbiM" O6pa3OM: cbiHOBba EOpa 6pocaroT HMHpa b MHpoByro 6e3^Hy h oh CaM co6oñ paC^aeHaeTCa (MAadwan 3dda, nepeBO^ O. A. Cmhphhukoh, M. 1970, C. 18).
3	Cp. noCae^CTBHa y6HHCTBa EoroM TpoMa Hh^poh 3Mea BpHTpu: "Kor^a y6HT BpHTpa, BCe CTpaHbi CBeTa OCBo6o^HaHCb ot MpaKa. üo^ya npHaTHHH BeTep, h BO3pa^OBa^HCb BCe Cy^eCTBa" (MEx V 10, 3239; ^HT. no: Maxa6xapaTa. KHHra naTaa. Y^bHoranapBa h^h KHHra o CTpaHCTBHH, nepeBO^ C CaHCKpHTa h KOMMeHTapHH B. H. KaabaHOBa, H. 1976). Co6paHHe KOCMoroHH^eCKHX mh^ob pa3aH^HHX Tpa^HUHH cm. b: R. Pettazzoni, Miti e leggende. In principio. Miti delle origini, Torino 1990.
4	B. H. TonopoB, K peKOHCTpyKUHH MH$a o mhpobom a^e (Ha MaTepHaae pyccKHX CKa3OK), b: "Tpy^H no 3HaKOBbM CHCTeMaM - 3", TapTy 1967, c. 83. 3^ecb pe3roMHpyroTca CKa3KH THna 301 no: A. Aarne, S. Thompson, The Types of the Folk-Tale, Helsinki 1961. B npHM. 8 yKa3biBaroTca CKa3KH, cooTBeTCTByro^He croxeTy 301 c BKaroqeHHeM MOTHBa aH^a.
220
Muxaun Ee3nun
.exa^aa b 0CH0Be sToro croxeTa KOCMoroHHnecKaa cmyanHa onpeieiaeTca cieiyro^HM o6pa3oM: "tph anna HaxoiaTca b napcTBe 3Mea h, bhihmo, npHHaiiexaT HMeHHo eMy; napeBHbi iaroT reporo no añny iHmb nocie Toro (h npHToM o6hhho cpa3y xe), KaK repon y6rnaeT 3Mea. He HcKironeHa — npHMeHHTeibHo k apxeTHny — TaKaa HHTepnpeTanHa, b cooTBeTcTBHH c kotopoh 3Men KaK oiHneTBopeHHe noi3eMHoro napcTBa h, cieioBaTeibHo, nepBo3iaHHoro xaoranecKoro Hanaia, noKa oh xhb, He iaeT pa3BepHyTbca noTeHnHaibHo cy^ecTByro^HM sieMeHTaM 6yiy^ero KocMoca, Haxoia^HMca io BpeMeHH b cBepHyToM BHie b añne, noioÓHo 3apoibimy [...] CTaHoBieHHe KocMoca (xH3Hb) H3 anna, co6cTBeHHo, h o3Hanaio 6h b TaKoM ciynae KoHen xaoca (cMepTb) hih ero orpaHHneHHe h H3oianHro. [...] OKa3biBaeTca, hto repon npHo6peTaeT b TpHiecaToM napcTBe anna h TeM caMHM cTaHoBHTca ieMHyproM KocMHnecKoro 3iaHHa"5.
CKa3Ka, b kotopoh TpexroioBbin 3Men yKa3HBaeT reporo nyTb b noi3eMHoe napcrao, a oÓHTaro^He b HeM xTOHHnecKHe cy^ecTBa noMoraroT eMy bhhth h3 Hero (128), o6pa^aeT Ha ce6a BHHMaHHe b nepByro onepeib oTcyTcTBHeM aHTaroHH3Ma Mexiy repoeM h 3MeeM. Boiee Toro, 3Men coTpyiHHnaeT c repoeM, noiBoiHT ero k npeieiaM noi3eMHoro napcraa, a 3aTeM Hcne3aeT h o HeM 6oibme He ynoMHHaeTca. BHanaie repon npHxoiHT k ieBHne MeiHoro napcTBa h npocHT ee bhhth 3a Hero 3aMyx. OHa oTKa3bBaeTca, nocbiiaa ero k ieBHne cepe6paHoro napcraa, KoTopaa, b cBoro onepeib, HanpaBiaeT repoa k ieBHne 3oioToro napcraa, KoTopaa iaeT reporo coriacHe bhhth 3a Hero 3aMyx. 3aTeM ohh HiyT b cepe6paHoe h MeiHoe napcTBa, 3a6Hpaa c co6on cooTBeTcTByro^Hx ieBHn. H ToibKo nocie Toro, KaK repon co6pai Bcex Tpex ieBHn, oh HieT c hhmh k Bbixoiy H3 noi3eMHon cTpaHbi.
^nno 3iecb oTcyTcTByeT. BMecTo Hero ieBHnbi, oTcbiiaa repoa oiHa k ipyron, iaroT eMy noonepeiHo cepe6paHbiñ nepcreHb, 3oiotoh nepcTeHb h 3oiotoh Kiy6oK. C cepe6paHHM nepcTHeM repon HieT ot ieBHnbi MeiHoro napcraa k ieBHne cepe6paHoro; c 3oiothm — ot ieBHnbi cepe6paHoro napcraa k ieBHne 3oioToro. 3oiotoh Kiy6oK o6o3HanaeT o6paTHoe iBHxeHHe repoa BMecTe c ieBHnen 3oioToro napcraa b cepe6paHoe h MeiHoe ropcraa. Moxho npeinoioxHTb, hto nepcTHH no3BoiaroT reporo nepenTH H3 oiHoro ropcraa b ipyroe, a Kiy6oK — cBa3aTb sth napcraa b oiho h Bbrnecra sto eiHHoe napcTBo b BepxHHH MHp, rie oho Morio 6h pa3BepHyTbca.
B cKa3Ke o Tpex 6paTbax orapaBiaro^Hxca Ha noHcKH noxH^eHHbix 3MeeM KopoieBeH (140), repoH 3ae3xaroT b ipeMynHñ iec, ocTaHaBiHBaroTca b nycTon H36ymKe, rie ohh BcTynaroT b 6opb6y c ee xo3aHHoM — cTapHHKoM c hototok, KoToporo no6exiaeT MiaimHñ 6paT. 3mhhmo, hto repon He y6rnaeT cBoero aHTaroHHcTa, a npHBa3HBaeT ero 3a 6opoiy k iy6oBoMy cToi6y. CrapHnoK y6eraeT, ocTaBiaa 3a co6on KpoBaBbin ciei, kotophh BeieT 6paTbeB k ¿nyóoKOMy npoeany. OnycKaacb b Hero no BepeBKe, repon oKa3HBaeTca Ha tom cBeTe, rie HaxoiHT noxH^eHHbix KopoieBeH cooTBeTcTBeHHo b MeiHoM, cepe6paHoM h 3oiotom iBopnax. Tepon ocBo6oxaeT KopoieBeH, y6HBaa TpexriaBoro, mecTHriaBoro h iBeHamaTHriaBoro 3Mea. Kaxiaa KopoieBHa cBopa^HBaeT cBoe ropcrao b aHHKo, oiHaKo hh oiHa He oTiaeT ero reporo, a KiaieT cBoe aHHKo ce6e b KapMaH. CTapmHe 6paTba noiHHMaroT Miaimero 6paTa BMecTe c KopoieBHaMH, KoTopbe pa3Bopa^HBaroT b hhctom noie Kaxiaa cBoe aHHKo cooTBeTcTBeHHo b MeiHoe, cepe6paHoe h 3oioToe napcraa.
5 B. H. TonopoB, KpeKoncmpyKU,uu Mu$a o MupoeoM aüu,e (na Mamepuane pyccKux CKasoK), uht., c. 96-97.
221
O KocMoroHHqecKoñ ocHoBe mothbe "3Mea h neBbi" b cbssh c mothbom "cTpaHcTBHa b non3eMHoe ^pcTBo"
B 3tom BapnaHTe npncyTcTByeT aHTaroHH3M Mexny repoeM n 3MeeM, ho oTcyTcTByeT Mexny repoeM n ero noMo^HHkaMH (6paTbaMn). Bopb6a c xTOHnnecKHM cy^ecTBoM pa3BopanHBaeTca b nByx nnaHax — b BepxHeM Mnpe (co crapHHkoM c HoroTok) n b HnxHeM (co 3MeaMn). BepxHnñ Mnp 3necb HMeeT Bce ocHoBHHe nepra HnxHero: repon cHanana npoe3xaroT no mnpokoñ nycTHHHoñ cTenn, a noToM 3ae3xaroT b npeMynnñ nec, b kotopom HaxonaT H36ymky. TaKHM o6pa3oM, noennHok co crapHHkoM n co 3MeeM nponcxonnT, cTporo roBopa, He Ha pa3Hbix mhpobhx ypoBHax (BepxHeM n HnxHeM), a Ha pa3Hbix ypoBHax HnxHero Mnpa. 9to nocnenHee o6croaTenbcTBo no3BonaeT cnenaTb 3aKnroneHne, hto crapHHoK c HoroTok ecTb alter ego 3Mea, ^yHKqna KoToporo coctoht b 3aBneneHnn repoa b 3MenHoe napcrao. Moxho 6bino 6h cka3aTb, hto, BcTynaa b npoTHBo6opcTBo noonepenHo c TpeMa 6paTbaMH, cTapnnok ncnHTHBaeT nx, Bbi6npaa Han6onee npnronHoro nna 6opb6bi co 3MeeM, nopory b napcTBo KoToporo oh yKa3HBaeT eMy cBoeñ KpoBbro. Be3 noMo^n 3Mea b pa3nHHHbix ero Bonno^eHHax repoñ He Tonbko He Hamen 6h nopory b non3eMHyro cTpaHy, ho h He cMor 6h hh 3Mea no6ennTb, hh KoponeBeH no6biTb.
3HanHMbi cnoBa KoponeBHH nocne Toro, kak oHa naeT reporo ncnnTb cnnbHoñ Bonb: "Ceñnac, — roBopnT, — Moñ 3Meñ npnneTHT!", hto moxho HHTepnpeTnpoBaTb kak yka3aHne Ha cy6cTaHnnoHanbHoe ennHcTBo 3Mea n neBH. Cy^ecTBeHHbi b 3tom oTHomeHHH o6cToaTenbcTBa noxn^eHna KoponeBeH. Ohh xHByT b non3eMHbix nanaTax. Moxho npennonoxHTb, hto KoponeBHH xnByT b hhx H3HananbHo. Korna ohh BbixonaT Ha "6enHñ cBeT", Bnpyr nonHHMaeTca 6yñHHñ Bnxpb n yHocnT nx "Bbicoko-naneko — HeBenoMo kyna". B neñcTBHTenbHocTH (no3BonnM ce6e cnenaTb 3to yTBepxneHne) KoponeBHH He yHocaTca hh naneko, hh bhcoko, a Bo3Bpa^aroTca b non3eMHoe napcrao, b koTopoe ohh o6paTHo BTarnBaroTca b cnny 3HTponnHeckoñ TeHneHnnn.
O xTOHHHeckoñ (nnn 3MenHoñ) npnpone neBnn, kotophx BcrpenaeT repoñ b non3eMHoM napcTBe, cBnneTenbcTByroT b nepByro onepenb poncTBeHHHe oTHomeHna nocnenHnx c nynoBH^eM. B cka3kax 141-142 neBnnbi — nonepn 6a6H-arn, xo3añkn non3eMHoñ cTpaHH. O 3MenHoñ npnpone 6a6H-arn HMeroTca npaMHe yka3aHna: oHa — MaTb 3Mea, KoToporo y6nBaeT repoñ (136); 3Meñ xHBeT b H36ymke Ha kypnHoñ Hoxke (135). B cka3ke 132 neBnnbi — cecTpH xTOHHneckoro Hopkn-3Bepa. B cka3ke 128 o nponcxoxneHHH neBnn Hnnero He coo6^aeTca, onHako aBneHne TpexrnaBoro 3Mea b kanecTBe "cBaTa" no3BonaeT cnenaTb npennonoxeHne, hto ohh - nonepn 3Mea, hto KocBeHHo nonTBepxnaeTca npyroñ cka3koñ (136), b KoTopoñ 3Meñ cnpamnBaeT repoa: "3aneM th npnexan? CBaTaTb mohx cecTep ann nonepeñ?".
B oTHomeHHH noxH^eHHbix 3MeeM neBnn TaKxe moxho npennonoxHTb o 3MenHoM nponcxoxneHHH nocnenHnx. noxn^eHHaa 3MeeM KoponeBHa naeT reporo "cnnbHoñ Bonbi", nocne nero repoñ c nerkocTbro oTpy6aeT 3Mero Bce Tpn ronoBH (140). B npyroñ cka3ke 3aKnroneHHaa 3MeeM b ropy napeBHa roBopnT reporo: "MeHa yHec 3Meñ o nBeHannaTn ronoBax; xnBeT oh Ha 6aTromkHHoM o3epe; b tom 3Mee cyHnyK TanTca, a b cyHnyke — 3aan, b 3añne — yTka, b yTke — annko, b annke — ceMenko; konn th y6bemb ero na nocTaHemb 3to ceMenko, b Té nopH moxho xpycTanbHyro ropy H3BecTH n MeHa H36aBHTb" (162), t. e. napeBHa 3HaeT coKpoeeHHyrn maÜHy 3Men.
Cnenya o6pa3uy cka3KH o Ko^ee BeccMepTHoM (156), moxho npennonoxHTb, hto 3Meñ caM paccka3HBaeT napeBHe o cBoeñ cMepTH. ^yMaeTca, hto npn^HHa 3necb HHaa: neBnnbi 3HaroT TañHy b cnny cBoero KpoBHoro poncTBa c nynoBH^eM. B cka3ke 270 neBnna paccka3HBaeT reporo. "nonro6nn MeHa Ko^eñ BeccMepTHbiñ, yHec ot oTna, ot Marepn, xoTen B3aTb 3a ce6a 3aMyx, na a Han hhm HacMeanaca; bot oh o3no6nnca n o6oporan MeHa nroToñ
222
Muxaun Ee3nun
3Meero". Co3naeTca BnenarneHHe, hto 3Ta hctophi paccKa3HBaeTca c TeM, hto6h HanpaBHTb 6ecEenbHo 6poflamero repoa Ha coBepmeHHe onpeneneHHoro nena: repon nonxeH nonpocHTb b Harpany 3a H36aBneHHe EapeBHbi Bonme6Hbiñ 6ohohok, pa3BopanHBaromHñca bo nBopeE.
OneBHflHo cxo^ctbo 3toh cKa3KM co cKa3KaMH o pa3BopanHBaromHxca H3 Jinn Tpex EapcTBax. OnHaKo pa3BopanmaHHe nBopEa 3necb He aBnaeTca caMoEenbro: c noMombro 6onoHKa repon no6biBaeT Men-caMopy6, kotophm y6rnaeT cTapHKa, c kotophm TonbKo hto oÓMeHanca 6ohohkom Ha Men, no6exnaeT BpaxecKoe bohcko, nocne nero xeHHTca Ha EapeBHe. 9to nocnenHee o6cToaTenbcTBo no3BonaeT cnenaTb npennonoxeHHe, hto o6pa3 3Men, b kotopom aBnaeTca reporo EapeBHa, ecTb ee hcthhhhh o6pa3, ot KoToporo oHa ocBo6oxnaeTca b pe3ynbTaTe pana onepaEHH, ocymecTBnaeMbix no ee npHKa3y repoeM: oh nonxeH HocHTb 3Mero Ha mee ceMb neT, HcKaTb onoBiHHoe EapcTBo h npoxHTb TaM eme ceMb neT. ^anbHenmne nencTBHa repoa (no6biBaHHa 6onoHKa h Mena-caMopy6a) nonxHH 6binH, KaK moxho npennoxHTb, oKoHnanbHo npepe3aTb cbi3h EapeBHbi c ee 3MeHHon ochoboh, nocne nero oHa cTaHoBHTca ronHon nna 3aMyxecTBa.
^eMHyprnnecKoe KanecTBo repoa no3BonaeT roBopHTb o npncyTcTBHH b cKa3Kax o Tpex EapcTBax MoTHBa cBameHHoro 6paKa (íepó^ yá|io<^)6. CoenHHaa mothbh "anna" h "cBameHHoro 6paKa", moxho cnenaTb cnenyromee npennonoxeHHe: pa3BopanmaHHe EapcTB KaK aKTyanraaEHa noTeHEHanbHo cymecTByromHx sneMeHToB 6ynymero KocMoca npoHcxonHT b pe3ynbTaTe cBameHHoro 6paKa repoa h BbiBeneHHon H3 EapcTBa 3Mea neBHEH. 9to nocnenHee o6croaTenbcTBo oco6eHHo cymecTBeHHo: xeHcKoe Hanano, nonoÓHo BceM npyrHM 3neMeHTaM 6ynymero KocMoca, HaxonHTca b 3Mee, t. e. aBnaeTca onHHM H3 ero conepxaHHH HnH acneKToB.
TnaBHon 3ananen repoa-neMHypra, ot pemeHHa kotopoh 3aBHcHT pa3BopanmaHHe KocMoroHHnecKoro npoEecca, TaKHM o6pa3oM, coctoht b HaxoxneHHH h BHneneHHH H3 H3HananbHon 3MeHHon cMemaHHocTH xeHcKoro Havana, BonnomaeMoro oxHnaromeñ cBoero H36aBHTena neBon. BbineneHHe 3Toro Havana nenaeTca bo3moxhhm, Korna 3Men, b onpeneneHHHH MoMeHT cBoen KocMoroHHnecKon 3BonroEHH, pa3nBaHBaeTca. OnHaKo 3tot npoEecc, pe3ynbraTOM KoToporo nonxHa 6bina cTaTb KocMocHcTeMa, 6noKHpyeTca h KocMoroHHnecKoe nBHxeHHe nonynaeT npyroe HanpaBneHHe.
CornacHo KocMoroHHH naaKoB (MxHoe BopHeo), b Hanane BpeMeH "BcaKaa Bemb 6bina norpyxeHa b rpoManHyro nacTb BonHoro 3Mea, cBepHyToro KonbEaMH"7. KocMoroHHHecKHH npoEecc stricto sensu HanHHaeTca b tot MoMeHT, Korna nBe ropH nonHHMaroTca KBepxy h cTanKHBaroTca Mexny co6oñ, b pe3ynbTaTe nero H3 rop ocBo6oxnaroTca pa3nHHHbie KocMHnecKHe oG^kth (o6naKa, He6o, ropH, nyHa, conHEe). BonHHH 3Men cHMBonH3HpyeT 3necb noKocMoroHHnecKoe enHHcTBo. ^BneHHe nByx rop moxho HHTepnpeTHpoBaTb KaK Bo3HHKHoBeHHe nepBon onno3HEHH, "pacKanHBaromen" nepBoÓHTHoe "3MeHHoe enHHcTBo", KoTopoe TpaHc^opMHpyeTca nepe3 pan noTpaceHHH b opraHH3oBaHHHH kocmoc.
KocMoroHHHecKH npoEecc pa3Bopa^HBaeTca b nByx nnaHax: KocMoroHHnecKoM h TeoroHHnecKoM. 3Men TpaHc^opMHpyeTca b BepxoBHoro Bora-neMHypra8, b pe3ynbTaTe
6	O KOCMoroHH^ecKOM co^epxaHHH CBA^eHHoro 6paKa cm.: T. A. HeBHHTOH, CBa^eHHHH 6paK, b: Mh$h Hapo^oB MHpa, t. 2, M. 1987, cc. 422-423.
7	R. Pettazzoni, Miti e leggende. In principio. Miti delle origini, 35, Torino 1990, p. 128.
8	CoraacHo KoMMeHTaropy, 3Mefl "ecTb o6pa3 nepBo6brmoro oKeaHa, h b cbom oqepe^b MH^HqecKHH npao6pa3 BenHKoro 6ora-TBop^a MaxaTanbi" (R. Pettazzoni, Cit. nota 2, p. 128). nepBo6biTHbm oKeaH ecTb cpe^a, b KoTopoH 3Mefl 3apoxflaeTcfl h H3HaianbHo npe6HBaeT. B 3tom cMHcne 3Mefl ecTb "o6pa3" KaK nepBaa nepcoHH-
223
O KOCMoroHH^ecKOH ocHOBe MoxHBa "aMea h ^eBbi" b GBaaH g mothbom "cxpaHGXBHa b no^aeMHoe ^pcxBo"
nero KOCMoroHHHecKHH nponecc nepecTaeT ÖHTb cepHeH cnGHTaHHbix "cGTpaceHHH" h "pac^enjeHHË" nepBOÖbiTHoro e^HHCTBa, a pa^GM nGCjeflGBaTejbHbix fleöcTBHH, aaBepmaro^Hxca coa^aHHeM aeMjH, t. e. TBep^GH gchgbh nocpe^H nepBGÖHTHGrG OKeaHa. OflHGBpeMeHHG paaBopanHBaeTca aMeHHoe Tejo, b peayjbTaTe nero HaHanajbHaa "cBepHyTaa" CTpyKTypa TpaHc(opMHpyeTca b "paaBepHyTyro", CHMBGjHaHpyeMyro flepeBOM9.
B peayjbTaTe paapymeHHa ^epeBa xh3hh ^ByMa nTHuaMH-HGCGporaMH10 Ha paajHHHHx 3jeMeHTOB flepeBa GÖpaayroTca Mope, peKH, poflOHanajbHHKH njeMeHHbix rpynn h jG^Ka, b kgtgpgh noMe^aroTca MyxHHHa h xeH^HHa, npoHcme^mHe TeM hjh hhmm GÖpaaGM GT ^epeBa. 9tg nocje^Hee oöcToaTejbCTBO aacjyxHBaeT gcgögto BHHMaHHa, nGCKGJbKy pacKpMBaeT TaÖHbie npHHHHbi paapymeHHa nTHuaMH-HGCGporaMH flepeBa. no bh^hmgcth nTHnbi-HGCGpora, caMKa h caMen, ÖGpaTca apyr c apyroM aa GÖja^aHHe njo^aMH ^epeBa. B fleöcTBHTejbHGCTH ghh ÖGpaTca c ^epeBOM. HTHnbi-HGCGporH npeflCTaBjaroT ^Ba acneKTa BepxGBHoro Bora-^eMHypra MaxaTajH11 — xeHCKHH h MyxcKGH. CoGTBeTCTBeHHG, rjaBHGH nejbro paapymeHHa ^epeBa agjxhg öhjg ÖHTb BbiflejeHHe Ha "aMeHHGrG e^HHCTBa", npHHaBmero b peayjbTaTe pa^a TpaHCT^GpMauHH (opMy flepeBa, xeH^HHbi h MyxHHHbi. H fleöcTBHTejbHO, caMKa nTHna-HGCGpor agjöht kjmbgm yajGBaTGCTH ^epeBa, Ha kgtgphx BH^ejaeTca xeH^HHa12.
Cy^ecTBeHHG npoHcxox^eHHe xeH^HHbi Henocpe^CTBeHHO gt ^epeBa. MyxHHHa pox^aeTca Ha KjeHKoro Öejoro Mxa, BbinjroHyTGrG caMKGH nTHnbi-HGCGpora13, t. e. gt
nTHUH, GnjGflGTBGpeHHGH MxGM. Cy^eCTBeHHG TaKXe GTGXfleCTBjeHHe pGXfleHHGH GT flepeBa xeH^HHbi c nranen-HOCoporoM caMKGH h bg^hhm aMeeM14. XeH^HHa njHBeT no nepBGÖHTHGMy OKeaHy b xejTGH jo^Ke, MyxHHHa — b nepHOH. B KaKGH-TG MOMeHT jGflKH CTajKHBaroTca, nocje nero MyxHHHa aaMenaeT npHcyTCTBHe xeHqHHH h GÖpa^aeTca k HeH c npe^joxeHHeM coe^HHHTbca c hhm. XeH^HHa corjamaeTca, hg CTaBHT ycjGBHa, KGTGpHe MyxHHHe npeflCTaBjaroTca HeHcnojHHMHMH: gh ^GjxeH HaHTH aeMjro b ôecKGHenHGM GKeaHe h BoaBecTH Ha HeH ^Bopen.
(HKauHa ôeajmHOH gxhxhh b (opMe KOHKpexHoro cy^ecTBa. B xeKGxe ^eMHypr Maxaxaja, BGxynaro^HH b GBa^eHHHH 6paK g Bbime^meH Ha nepBo6biXHbix boä 6orHHeË: flxaxoH, onpe^ejaeTca KaK Boähhh 3Mefl (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 130).
9	flepeBO xh3hh aBjaeTca b peayjbxaxe xpaHG(opMauHH manKH BepxoBHoro Bora-^eMHypra Maxaxajbi (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 130); ^epeBO "npoHapacxaex" nocpe^H nepBo6biXHoro OKeaHa, qxo, ^yMaexca, Moxex GjyxHXb KOCBeHHMM yKaaaHHeM Ha ero "aMeHHoe" npoHGxox^eHHe.
10	R. Pettazzoni, Cit., pn. 131-132.
11	O Maxaxaje roBopHTca KaK o nxH^e-HOGopore, rocno^HHe aojoxoH ropH (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., pn. 128-129). locnoxoH GaMKH nxH^H-HOGopora HaaHBaexca HyxHp CejOHr HaHrHX, cecxpa MaxaxajH, npe^GxaBjaro^aa xeHGKHH acneKX BepxoBHoro Bora-^eMHypra.
12	R. Pettazzoni, Cit., pn. 131-132.
13	Ibid., p. 132.
14	Myx^HHa o6pa^aeTca k njbray^eË g hhm b jjo^Ke xeH^HHe g npefljoxeHHeM Goe^HHHXbGa g hhm. "hth^-HOGopor yjbÔHyjacb, aaxeM Ha MrHOBeHHe npHaa^yMajacb. Ta, Koxopaa 6bja xaKxe GaMKOH BO^Horo aMea, yjbiÔHyjacb h cpaay xe, He ^ojro ÄYMaa, oxBexHja: "Hxo KacaeTca MeHa, a He HMero HH^ero npoxHB XBoero npe^joxeHHa, o 6pax: 6ojee xoro, a GorjacHa, mh noxeHHMca h Goe^HHHMGa ^pyr g ^pyroM...." (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 132). flonojHHxejbHHM yKaaaHHeM Ha "aMeHHoe" cbohctbo KaK ^epeBa, xaK h npoHaome^meH ox Hero xeH^HHH Moxex cjyxHTb oôpaaoBaBmaaca b peayjbxaxe xpaHG(opMauHH noqeK xejxaa jio^Ka, b KOxopoH noMe^aeTca xeH^HHa. CorjaGHO KOMMeHxapHro, "pe^b H^ex o "aojoxoH jio^Ke" (Banama Bulau) hjh "jo^Ke aMee"", GHMBOjHaHpyro^eË "BO^Horo aMea Maxaxajy" (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 131, nota 1; ccbijKa Ha: H. Schörer, Die Gottesidee der Ngadju Dajak in Süd-Borneo, Leida 1946, pp. 76-83).
224
Muxauß EesßUH
B pe3yibTaTe CTOiKHOBeHHa Mexfly flByMa ropaMH BO3HHKaroT o6iaKa, He6o, jiyHa, coiHne15. OflHaKO nocKOibKy HeT 3eMiH, t. e. TBepflOÖ MaTepHaibHOÖ onopb, penb MoxeT HflTH TOibKO o noTeHnHaibHHx 3ieMeHTax, KOTopbie aKTyaiH3HpyroTca KaK peaibHbie KOCMHHecKHe o6teKTH nocie C03flaHHa 3eMiH-onopbi nocpeflH nepBo6biTHoro OKeaHa. 3mhhmo, HTO C03flaHHe 3eMiH paccMaTpHBaeTca BepxoBHHM BoroM-fleMHyproM MaxaTaioö KaK orpaHHneHHe 6ecK0HenH0r0. BHfla MyxnHHy h xeH^HHy, oh 3aflaeTca BonpocoM: "KaK bo3moxho, hto6h 6epera MHpa npoTaHyiHCb HacTOibKO, hto6h orpaHHHHTb hhcthö OKeaH? H KaK OHH MoriH 6h npoTaHyTbca TaK, hto6h 06pa30BaTb mHpoKoe no6epexbe?"16. BMecTe c rpbi3yHOM 3eMiH h OpraHHHHTeieM He6a MaxaTaia C03flaeT 3eMiro. Bbimeflmaa h3 MopcKon 6e3flHH 6orHHa flxaTa CTpoHT h3 ceMH nacTeö xeiToro flepeBa17, co6paHHHx BMecTe MaxaTaioö, flOM, nocie nero xeH^HHa coeflHHaeTca c MyxHHHOÖ. BepxoBHHÖ Bor-fleMHypr MaxaTaia BMecTe co cbohmh noMO^HHKaMH, rpbi3yHOM 3eMiH h 6orHHeö flxaTOÖ co3flaeT, TaKHM 06pa30M, 0CH0By-paMKy flia flaibHeömeö fleMypranecKon fleaTeibHOCTH. Hepe3 coeflHHeHHe MyxHHHbi h XeH^HHbi ocy^ecTBiaeTca nepeBOfl noTeHnHaibHbix 3ieMeHT0B b peaibHbie 3eMHHe o6i>eKTH.
B KOCMoroHHH 3aKOHOB MaHy CaMOcy^HÖ, "BO3HaMepHBmHCb npoH3BecTH h3 CBoero Teia pa3iHHHbie cy^ecTBa, oh BHanaie coTBopHi BOflH h b hhx HcnycTHi CBoe ceMa. Oho CTaio 30.0thm aönoM, no 6iecKy paBHHM coiHny; b HeM oh caM poflHica [KaK] BpaxMa, npapoflHTeib Bcero MHpa" (I, 8-9)18. Cy^ecTBeHHo, hto pa3iHHHbie cy^ecTBa, a TaKxe KoCMHnecKHe o6teKTH co3flaroTca He HenocpeflCTBeHHo h3 Teia CaMOcy^ero, a npH nocpeflHHnecTBe flpyroro fleMHypra, BpaxMH: "Oh, 6oxecTBeHHHÖ, npoxHB b TOM aöne neibiö rofl, caM xe CHioö CBoe mhcih pa3fleiHi 3to anno HaflBoe; h H3 Tex flByx noiOBHHOK oh co3flai He6o h 3eMiro, Mexfly hhmh aTMOC^epy (vyoman), BoceMb cTpaH cBeTa h BenHoe MecTonpe6biBaHHe BOfl" (I, 12-13).
"Pa3fleiHB CBoe Teio, oh (BpaxMa. — M. E.) crai nocpeflCTBOM [oflHon] noiOBHHbi MyxHHHOÖ, [flpyroö] noiOBHHH — xeH^HHOÖ; ot Hee tot BiaflHKa npoH3Bei BHpaflxa. Ho 3HaÖTe, fl0CT0öHeömHe h3 flBaxflbi poxfleHHbix, hto a, KOToporo C03flai caM MyxHHHa BHpaflx, HcnoiHHB noKaaHHe, TBopen Bcero 3Toro [MHpa]. H a, xeiaa npoH3BecTH cy^ecTBa, coBepmHB BecbMa TpyflHHÖ flia HcnoiHeHHa acKeTHnecKHÖ noflBHr (tapas), C03flai CHanaia BiaflHK cy^ecTB — flecaTb BeiHKHx pHmH" (I, 32—34). 9th nocieflHHe co3flaroT 6oroB, pa3iHHHbie KiaccH cBepx'becTecTBeHHbix cy^ecTB (I, 35-37), a TaKxe MOiHHH, TyHH, He6ecHHe CBeTHia, xhbothhx, nTHn, ph6 h irofleö. TBopeHHe, ocy^ecTBiaeMoe flecaTbro 6oraMH-fleMHypraMH, KaK 6h HaKiaflHBaeTca Ha TBopeHHe BpaxMH, o KOTopoM roBopHTca, HTO "oh co3flai Bce cy^ecTBa" (I, 16). 9to npoTHBope^He ecTecTBeHHHM 06pa30M pa3pemaeTca, eciH paccMaTpHBaTb fleMHypra BpaxMy KaK C03flaTeia HfleaibHbix (hih noTeHnHaibHbix) cy^HOCTen, a pHmen — KaK Maibix fleMHyproB, co3flaro^Hx Ha ocHOBaHHH 3thx cy^HOCTeö Be^Hbin KOCMOC h 3anoiHaro^Hx ero xhbhmh cy^ecTBaMH. 3mhhmo, hto nepexofl ot HfleaibHoro TBopeHHa BpaxMH k peaibHOMy TBopeHHro flecaTH pHmen HMeeT b KanecTBe CBoero npeflBapHTeibHoro yciOBHa pa3fleieHHe 6ora-fleMHypra Ha flBe noiOBHHH — MyxcKyro h xeHCKyro.
15	R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 129.
16	Ibid., p. 133.
17	Beibie no^KH flepeBa xh3hh npeBpa^aroTca b ioflKy H3 xeiToro flepeBa bangkirai (R. Pettazzoni, Cit., p. 131). EcTecTBeHHo npeflnoioxHTb, tto xeiToe flepeBo, H3 KOToporo cTpoHTca flBope^ h flepeBo bangkirai aBiaroTca 3ieMeHTaMH paspymeHHoro nTHuaMH-HocoporaMH flepeBa xh3hh.
18	d^ht. b nepeBOfle C. fl. 9ibMaH0Bma no: 3aKOHH MaHy, M. 1992.
225
O KOCMoroHH^ecKOH 0CH0Be MOTHBa "3Mea h aeBbi" b CBS3H c mothbom "cTpaHCTBHa B non3eMHoe ^pCTBO"
CornacHO op^rnecKoft kocmotohhh, "Bona Öbina [...] b Hakane, h MaTepHa, H3 ynnoTHeHHa KOTopoft oöpa3OBanacb 3eMna, nonaraa nepBbiMH sth nBa Havana, Bony h 3eMnro. 9Ta [3eMna] no npHpone pacnanaro^aaca, Ta [Bona] xe CKpennaro^aa h conepxa^aa sTy [3eMnro]. K sthm nByM [HananaM] noöaBnaeTca npyroe, o KOTopoM He roBopHTCa. [To OÖCToaTenbCTBO, hto] o HeM [npyroM Hanane] He roBopHTCa, yKa3brnaeT Ha ero HeBbipa3HMyro npHpony. TpeTbe Hanano, [cnenyro^ee] nocne sthx nByx, ot hhx [nporaomno], t. e. ot Bonbi h 3eMnH; h sto — 3Meft, HMeBmHft CBepxy ronoBbi öbiKa h nbBa, a Mexny hhmh nHno 6ora; Ha nnenax y Hero TaKxe öbinH Kpbinba, h oh 3BanCa HeCTapero^ee BpeMa [...] 3Meft nopoxnaeT TpoftHoe noTOMCTBo: BnaxHbift 3^Hp, öecnpenenbHbift XaoC h TpeTbHM, CBepx sthx, TyMaHHbift 9pe6 [...] b hhx oh poxnaeT aftno [...] b HeM nHana npHpon, MyxCKaa h xeHCKaa, a TaKxe MHOxeCTBO CeMaH BCaKoro pona noCpenH [...] CBepx Toro öecTenecHbift 6or, 3onoTHe Kpbinba Ha nnenax HMero^Hft, no CTopoHaM — öbrabH ronoBH, a CBepxy — ronoBy yxaCHoro 3Mea"19.
OneBHnHO CxonCTBO öecrenecHoro 6ora CO 3MeeM, hto no3BonaeT roBopHTb o poxnaro^eMCa H3 aftna neMHypre KaK o6 alter ego 3Mea-XpoHOCa. Cy^ecTBeHHO npHCyTCTBHe b aftne KaK MyxcKoft, TaK h xeHCKoft npHponbi. CnenyeT npennonoxHTb, HTO aKTyanH3anHa CeMaH ocy^ecTBnaeTca npH noCpenCTBe sthx nByx npHHnHnoB. noCnenHee OÖCToaTenbCTBO no3BonaeT naTb KOCMoroHHnecKoe oöoCHOBaHHe CoenHHeHeHHro mothbob "aftna" h "cBa^eHHoro öpaKa" b CKa3Kax o CTpaHCTBHH no non3eMHOMy napcTBy. ^ñno MOxeT OTCyTCTBOBaTb; HeH3MeHHoft, onHaKO, OCTaeTCa apxeranmecKaa CxeMa: repoft BCTpenaeT b non3eMHOM napcrae neBHn, nonHHMaeT hx b BepxHHft mhp, 3aTeM CaM BHxonHT h xeHHTCa Ha onHoft H3 neBHn. Pa3BopanHBaHHe aHn b onHOM cnynae (140) npenCTaBnaeTCa HHKaK He CBa3aHHbiM C 3aKnroneHHeM paCCKa3a; b npyroM (130) — OHO CnyxHT nna BHnonHeHHa yCnoBHft, KOTopbie CTaBHT napeBHa nna xeHHTbÖH Ha Heft. Moxho CnenaTb npennonoxeHHe, hto pa3BopanrnaHHe aftna h aKTyanH3anHa conepxa^Hxca b HeM noTeHnHanbHbix sneMeHTOB eCTb CnenCTBHe ÖpaKa repoa C napeBHoft non3eMHoro napcraa. CooTBeTCTBeHHO, rnaBHoft neMHypranecKoft 3ananeft repoa CTaHOBHTCa H3BneneHHe H3 3MeHHoft CMemaHHOCTH, xapaKTeprayro^eft non3eMHoe napcrao, xeHCKoro Havana h CoenHHeHHa C hhm, noCne nero npoHCxonHT pa3BopanHBaHHe "aftna" b Be^Hbift npocrpaHCTBeHHbift kocmoc.
9to "H3BneneHHe" ocy^ecTBnaeTca b OnHOM cnynae b pe3ynbTaTe OTpyöaHHa 3MeHHHx ronoB, b npyroM — Önaronapa npocTOMy nepeMe^eHHro neBHn (128). 9tot nocnenHHft BapHaHT npenCTaBnaeTCa HaHÖonee HHTepecHHM, nocKonbKy oöxonHTca Öe3 9$$eKmnux cu,en. Hepe3 pan nepenBHxeHHft repoa ot onHoft neBHnbi k npyroft h oöpaTHoro nBHxeHHa BMecTe c neBHnaMH ("fflnH na mnH, h nomnH no cepeöpaHoro napcTBa — TyT B3anH c coöoft neBHny; onaTb mnH na mnH, h nomnH no MenHoro napcTBa — h TyT B3anH neBHny, h Bce nomnH no nbipbi, H3 KOTopoft HanoÖHO Bbine3aTb") npoHCxonHT OTneneHHe neBHn ot hx 3MeHHoft ochobh. B stom OTneneHHH-BbineneHHH H3 H3HananbHoft nynoBH^Hoft CMemaHHOCTH reHepaTHBHO-xeHCKoro Hanana coctoht ocHOBHoe neMHyprHnecKoe neftCTBHe repoa.
CaMOcy^Hft, poxnaro^Hft neMHypra b aftne (3ükohu Many I, 9), BbinenaeT H3 caMoro ceöa sneMeHT, sBonronna KOToporo b orpaHHneHHOM npocTpaHCTBe aftna HMeeT CBOHM pe3ynbTaTOM nepexon ot HneanbHoro (HnH apxeranmecKoro) enHHCTBa aftna k peanbHOft MHpOBOft MHOXeCTBeHHOCTH. ^ftno, TaKHM OÖpa3OM, MOXHO paCCMaTpHBaTb
19 Kern, 54. Damasc. De princ. 123 bis (I 317, 15 Rue.).
226
Muxaun Ee3nun
KaK cpe^Hee 3BeH0 Mexfly ^OKOCMoroHnnecKHM c^hhctbom n KOCMoroHnnecKon MHOxecTBeHHOCTbro. B anne n3HanMbH0e eflnHCTBO, b cmy CBoen 0Tr0p0xeHH0CTn ot 6ecK0HenH0H "3MenH0n MaccH", craHOBnrca hhhm no 0TH0meHnro k 3T0n eflnHon "Macce", npeTepneBaa BHyTpeHHroro fln^^epeHnnannro, OflHaKO Ha caMOM 3.neMeHTapH0M ypoBHe. H n03T0My "anno-eflnHCTBo" Hyx^aeTca b pacKMHBaHnn-pa3B0paHnBaHnn.
Pa3B0pannBaa n3 anna napcTBO (ran flBopen), CKa30HHbin repon-fleMnypr fln^^epeHnnpyeT CBepHyTHe b anne coflepxaHna, K0T0pbie, OflHaKO, b no^Hon Mepe MoryT pacKpHTbca n pea^raoBaTbca KaK 0praHn30BaHHbin kocmoc TO^bKO npn ynacrnn n coTpy^HnnecTBe xeHCKoro Hana^a, Bbi^e^eHHoro n3 xaoTnnecKon "3MenH0n Maccn". CKa3Kn 0 CTpaHCTBnn no n0fl3eMH0My napcTBy n 6opb6e co 3MeeM onncHBaroT, KaK HaM KaxeTca, apxeTnnnnecKyro cnTyannro CBepHyTOCTn 3aKnroneHHHx b anne coflepxaHnn. B aencTBHTe^bHOCTn (n03B0^nM ce6e c^e^aTb 3to yTBepx^eHne) repon-fleMnypr CTpaHCTByeT He no n0fl3eMH0My Mnpy ran yTpo6e xTOHnnecKoro nyflOBn^a20, a no anny b noncKax fleBH, K0T0pyro oh Bbi^e^aeT n3 xaoTnnecKon "MaccH" BHyTpn anna.
9to "BH^e^eHne" CTaHOBnTca bo3moxhhm b crny Toro, hto "Macca" nepecTMa 6HTb cn^omHon n b Hen o6o3Hann^acb, nycTb flaxe Ha caMOM 3^eMeHTapH0M ypoBHe, onpe^e^eHHaa flnBepreHnna. B CKa3Ke 162 repon 0Ka3HBaeTca b napcTBe, KOTopoe "6o^bme neM Hano^OBnHy BTaHy^o b xpycTa^bHyro ropy", b KOTopon 3aKnroneHa noxn^eHHaa 3MeeM napeBHa. Tepon ^o^xeH y6nTb 3Mea, hto6h flo6biTb h3 ero HyTpa "ceMenKo", c n0M0^bro KOToporo oh CMoxeT "xpycrajbHyro ropy n3BecTn", t. e. ot CMepTn 3Mea 3aBncnT CMepTb ropH21.
C KOCMoroHnnecKon tohkh 3peHna "n3BefleHne" ropH paBH03Ha^H0 pacKa^HBaHnro n3HanMbHoro xo^Ma (n^n anna) c ne^bro ocBo6ox^eHna co^epxa^nxca b HeM 3^eMeHT0B KOCMOca22. "BTarnBaHne" b ropy napcTBa moxho paccMaTpnBaTb KaK c^e^CTBne 3HTponnnecKon TeHfleHnnn k 06paTH0My CMHKaHnro pa3fle^nBmnxca 3^eMeHT0B. B 3T0M KOCMOrOHHHeCKOM KOHTeKCTe CTaHOBHTCa nOHaTHOn CBa3b "n3BeaeHna ropH" c "n36aB^eHneM napeBHH". D,apeBHa noxn^aeTca 3MeeM n 3aK^ronaeTca b ropy, t. e. HenTpa^rayeTca xeHCKoe "pa3^e^nTe^bH0e" Hanaro, noc^e nero CHnMaeTca noc^e^Hee npenaTCTBne ana 0K0HHaTe^bH0r0 CMHKaHna b rope pa3fle^eHHbix b npe^mecTByro^eM K0CM0r0HnHecK0M nponecce 3^eMeHT0B23. Moxho TaKxe npe^no^oxnTb, hto no npnnnHe Heno^Hon OT^e^eHHOCTn ot CBoen "3MenH0n ochobh" napeBHa nepnoflnnecKn "norao^aeTca" 3MeeM-ropon.
no^Hoe OT^e^eHne napeBHH ot ee "3MenH0n ochobh" aB^aeTca TeMon CKa3Kn 575. 3Men 3flecb — He noxnTnTe^b napeBHH, a ee ™6obhhk. ^encTBna repoa n ero
20	Cp., HanpHMep, CTpaHCTBHe hhahhckoto My^pe^ MapKaH^eH no yTpo6e nnaBaro^ero no nepB06biTH0My OKeaHy Ha Konb^x 3Mea BHmHy. 9tot yrpo6Hbin MHp BbiBO^HTca bo BHemHee np0CTpaHCTB0 c n0M0^bro n0T0ca, BbipacTaro^ero H3 nyna BHmHy (H. Zimmer, Miti e simboli dell'India, Milano 1993, pp. 34-56).
21	O 3Mee KaK 06 o^hom oco6om acneKTe H3HaianbHoro xonMa HnH KaK o CHne conpoTHBneHHa 3Toro xonMa cm.: O. E. Kennep, Ocnoeononazam^aa KOHU,enu,ua eeduucKou penuzuu, e: E. fl. Keunep, Tpydu no eeduucKou Mu^onozuu, M. 1986, C. 3).
22	Cp.: "Oh [HH^pa] y6HBaeT ^paKOHa, h H3 xonMa, BCKpbiToro ero CHnon, BbipbiBaeTca xH3Hb b ^Byx (^opMax - bo^h h orHa" (O. E. Kennep, Uum., c. 3)).
23	O pa3^enHTenbH0n (yHKUHH xeHCKoro Havana CBH^eTenbCTByeT cne^yro^aa yrp03a 6orHHH HmTap: OTKporo a BpaTa npeHcno^Hen, / no^HHMy a MepTBHx, ito6 xhbhx noxpanH, / CTaHeT MeHbme Tor^a xhbhx, qeM MepTBHx (9noc o THnbraMeme, VI, 98-100), nepeBO^ H. M. flbaKOHOBa, M. 1961, c. 42), t. e. ot xeHCKoro 6oxecTBa 3aBHCHT coxpaHeHHe (yH^aMeHTanbHon onno3HUHH Mex^y ^ByMa MHpaMH.
227
O KOCMOrOHH^eCKOH OCHOBe MOXHBa "3Mea H fleBbl" B CBa3H C MOTHBOM "cXpaHCXBHa B nofl3eMHoe yapCXBO"
noMO^HHKa HMeeroT CBoeö yeAbro OTflaAeHHe yapeBHH ot 3Mea: repoö öbeT yapeBHy naAKOH, a ero noMO^HHK öbeTca co 3MeeM, cxHraeT 3MeHHoe TyAOBH^e c OTpyÖAeHHHMH roAOBaMH h pa3BeHBaeT neneA no HHCTOMy noAro. TeAO 3Mea — "KaMeHHoe" ("3Meö-ropa"), hto n03B0AaeT paccMaTpHBaTb cxnraHHe h pa3ÖpacHBaHHe nenAa KaK pa3fleAeHHe SAeMeHTOB, CBepHyTHx b TeAe 3Mea. OroHb cxHraeT CBa3H Mexfly sAeMeHTaMH, nocAe nero 3TH sAeMeHTH pacxoflaTca ("pa3BeHBaroTca") h opraHH3yroTca fleMHyproM KaK CHCTeMa KOCMHHeCKHx OÖteKTOB.
3HaHHMO, HTO "Tpyflbl" nOMO^HHKa He OKaHHHBaroTCa yÖHHCTBOM 3Mea-AroöoBHHKa h cxHraHHeM ero TeAa: noMO^HHK pa3pyöaeT yapeBHy HaflBoe, h h3 ee HpeBa BHnoA3aroT BcaKHe raflbi, KOTopHe croparoT Ha 3apaHee npHroTOBAeHHOM KOCTpe. 3aTeM noMO^HHK coeflHHaeT pa3pyÖAeHHoe Ha HacTH TeAO yapeBHH, BcnpHCKHBaeT ero xhboh BOflOö, h yapeBHa oxHBaeT, cfleAaBmHCb "cTOAb xe KpoTKoro, CKOAbKO npexfle öbrna 3Aoro", t. e. npoHcxoflHT OKOHHaTeAbHoe OHH^eHHe xeHCKoro sAeMeHTa, BHfleAeHHoro repoeM h3 oö^eö "3MeHHOH Maccb", nocAe Hero stot sAeMeHT TpaHC^opMHpyeTca b "KpoTKoe" xeHCKoe cy^ecTBO, cnocoÖHoe poxflaTb flpyrHe cy^ecTBa h TaKHM 06pa30M coynacTBOBaTb b fleMHyprHHecKOM npoyecce.
B BHcmeH CTeneHH 3HaHHMa b stoh CKa3Ke poAb noMO^HHKa. Oh paccKa3HBaeT o ceöe: "S Ha3HBarocb HBamKa öeAaa pyöamKa, BeAHKHH epeTHK; MaTb npoKAaAa MeHa, BeAeAa CfleAaTb rpoö h, n0A0XHB Tyfla, 3aKpHTb HarAyxo KpHmKoro h HaÖHTb xeAe3HHe oöpyHH, a noTOM öpocHAa MeHa b Mope. ^Ba rofla nAaBaA a no Mopro, hhkto MeHa He B3aA; oflHH TH cxaAHAca. Bbro HeAOM 3a Moe H3ÖaBAeHHe h öyfly Teöe BepHHM CAyroro". B KOHye paccKa3a, nocAe Toro, KaK HBamKa pa3pyÖHA h oxhbha yapeBHy, oh CTaHOBHTca HeBHflHMHM. Moxho CKa3aTb, HTO repoö ocBo6oxflaeT flyx MepTBoro nocpeflCTBOM BHHeceHHa ero rpoöa h3 3h6koh xnaÖH BOfl Ha TBepflyro 0CH0By 3eMAH.
B OTHomeHHH noMO^HHKa HBamKH moxho 6hao 6h 3aflaTb tot xe Bonpoc, hto h b OTHomeHHH fleBHy nofl3eMHoH CTpaHH: OTKyfla oh 3HaeT o AroöoBHHx 0TH0meHHax yapeBHH co 3MeeM h o ee HanoAHeHHOCTH BcaKHMH raflaMH? Ecah paccMaTpHBaTb nAaBaro^HH no nepBOÖHTHHM BOflaM ("Mopro") rpoö KaK aöyo, a aöyo — KaK yapcTBO, BepoaTHHM CTaHOBHTca npeflnoAoxeHHe, hto "MepTBey" HBamKa ecTb Bce3Haro^HH flyx SToro 3MeHHoro yapcTBa-aöya, Kyfla npHxoflHT repoö, xeAaa xeHHTbca Ha KopoAeBHe Tpyfle. H stot flyx HanpaBAaeT repoa k HeBeflOMOö flAa Hero yeAH. H fleöcTBHTeAbHO, BHcaxHBaacb Ha 3eMAro h 3apHBaa noflo6paHHbiö b Mope rpoö, Cma-yapeBHH HfleT "Kyfla rAa3a raaflaT, OflHH-OflHHemeHeK", t. e. oh HfleT coBepmeHHO öecyeAbHO. D,eAb eMy 3aflaeT flpyroö. HBamKa roBopHT reporo: "Ecah xeAaemb xeHHTbca, to a 3Haro npeKpacHyro KopoAeBHy Tpyfly". Moxho CKa3aTb, hto HBamKa oöoAb^aeT repoa, BCAeflCTBHe Hero ero flBHxeHHa CTaHOBaTca yeAeHanpaBAeHHHMH, xoTa CMHCAa fleöcTBHH CBoero "noMO^HHKa" repoö He noHHMaeT, hto 3acTaBAaeT 3aflaTbca BonpocoM, kto 3flecb KOMy noMoraeT. OcHOBHyro "paöoTy" HcnoAHaeT HBamKa: oh OTpyöaeT r0A0By 3Mero, a CHAa-yapeBHH b sto BpeMa öbeT naAKOö KopoAeBHy, npenaTCTBya eö, KaK moxho npeflnoAoxHTb, npHflTH 3Mero Ha noMO^b.
BoAee yMecTHO b flaHHOM CAyHae 6hao 6h roBopHTb o yeAax noMO^HHKa, kotophx repoö noMoraeT eMy flOÖHTbca. KaKHe sto yeAH? XeHHTb repoa, t. e. BHfleAHTb h3 xaoTHHecKOö "3MeHHOö Maccb" xeHCKoe h MyxcKoe HaHaAa, npH nocpeflCTBe kotophx ocy^ecTBHAca 6h nepexofl ot 3aKpHToro aöya k OTKpHTOMy KOCMOcy. B tot MOMeHT, Korfla "noMO^HHK" flOCTHraeT CBoeö yeAH, oh HCHe3aeT, nocKOAbKy HCHe3aeT Heöe3pa3AHHHaa "3MeHHaa Macca", MepTBHM flyxoM KOTopoö oh aBAaAca. B stot caMbiö
228
Muxaun Ee3nun
MOMeHT HacTynaeT HCTHHHoe H36aBieHHe HBamKH-MepTBena KaK íyxa 3aKpbiTOCTH, XaOTHHeCKOH TeCHOTH, AOKOCMOrOHHHeCKOH CMepTH24 .
B op^rnecKofi KOCMOrOHHH (Kern 54) 3Mefi npeíCTaBieH KaK KOHenHbifi nyHKT nponecca yniOTHeHHa nepBo6biTHbix boa h o6pa3OBaHHa Teia, t. e. 3Mefi eCTb Teio par excellence, b pe3yibTaTe pacnieHeHHa KOToporo b nocieiyro^eM KOCMoroHHnecKOM nponecce co3íaeTca CHCTeMa npoCTpaHCTBeHHO opraHH3OBaHHbix kocmh^ckhx o6teKTOB. AHaiorHHHoñ CxeMe cieiyroT HHiHficKHe kocmotohhh: b YnaHHmaíax lOKOCMoroHHneCKoe 6oxecrao BHanaie Bonio^aeTca, a 3aTeM pa3íeiaeTca, co3íaBaa h3 nacTefi CBoero Teia KOCMHnecKHe o6teKTH25; CaMOcy^Hfi BHanaie poxiaeTca KaK Teio, h3 aieMeHTOB KOToporo b coeiHHeHHH c 3ieMeHTaMH afina 6or-íeMHypr BpaxMa co3íaeT BCe cy^ecTBa (3aKOHH MaHy I, 16).
"3MeHHaa" ^opMa Teia yKa3HBaeT, KaK KaxeTca, Ha cBepTHBaHHe kocmotohh-neCKoro nponecca, KOTopbifi h3 noíroTOBHTeibHOfi CTaíHH Hapa^HBaHHa Teia íoixeH 6hi 6bi nepefiTH b nponecc pacnieHeHHa Teia h opraHH3anHH BbiieieHHbix aieMeHTOB b KOCMOCHCTeMy. "Teio" CTaHOBmxa HenpoHHnaeMbiM, "ropofi", c kotopoh íeMHypr-repofi BCTynaeT b 6opb6y. TepoHnecKaa MH^oiorHa HMeeT CBoefi apxeTHnmecKofi ochoboh 3tot KpHTHHecKHH MOMeHT KOCMoroHHHecKoro nponecca.
Hepe3 "afino" ocy^ecTBiaeTca nepexoí ot oiHoro KOCMoroHHnecKoro ypoBHa k ípyroMy. flo Toro, KaK bhhth h3 afina BpaxMa, npoxHi b HeM neibifi roí (PaKOHbi MaHy I, 12)26. EcTecTBeHHO npeínoioxHTb, hto Ha npoTaxeHHH aToro roía b afine HMeiH MecTO nponeccbi, pe3yibTaTOM kotophx 6hio poxíeHHe 6ora-íeMHypra, a TaKxe o6pa3OBaHHe aieMeHTOB, KOTopbie nocie pacKaiHBaHHa afina cTaHOBaTca MaTepnaiOM 6yíy^ero MHpa. 06 aTOM TafiHOM nponecce b MH^e HHnero He roBopmxa, h noaTOMy
Mbl íOiXHbl o6paTHTbCH K ípyrHM HCTOHHHKaM, KOTOpHMH, nO HameMy MHeHHM, aBiaMTCa CKa3KH27.
Tepofi nepeHOCHT afino H3 HHXHero MHpa b BepxHHfi, h aTO ero íeficTBHe no3BOiaeT cieiaTb cieiyro^ee npeínoioxeHHe: afino npeíCTaBiaeT CBoero poía "Kancyiy", KOTopaa ciyxHT íia nepeHeceHHa coiepxaHHfi HHXHero MHpa b BepxHHfi. H nocKOibKy HHXHHI MHp B OnpeieieHHOM OTHOmeHHH TOXíeCTBeH TpeM napCTBaM, KOTOpHe B HeM HaxoíHT repofi, to onycKaHHe repoa b noí3eMHoe napcTBO MOxeT paccMaTpHBaTbca KaK onycKaHHe b afino. H b caMOM íeie, HHXHHfi MHp no onpeieieHHro ecTb CBepHyTHfi b ce6e, t. e. CBoero poía afino.
24	06pa3 MaTepH, npoKTHHaro^eñ HBamKy h 3aKrroqaro^eñ ero b "rpo6", MOxeT, íyMaeTca, 6biTb BO3BeíeH k qyiOBH^HOH nepBOMaTepH (THna aKKaiCKofi THaMaT b 3nyMa sáum), Beiy^eñ 6opb6y c 6oraMH-íeMHypraMH, KOTopbie, c ee to^kh 3peHHa, loixHbi Ka3aTbca "epeTHKaMH", nocKOibKy HMeroT cBoefi neabro HapymeHHe H3HaqaibHoro íOKOcMoroHHqecKoro noKoa-eíHHCTBa h co3íaHHe MHOxecTBeHHoro KOcMOca.
25	Cp.: "Oh pa3íeaHaca Ha TpH qacTH: TpeTb — coiHne, TpeTb — BeTep. Oh xe — h íHxaHHe, pa3íeieHHoe Ha TpH lacra. Boctok — ero roiOBa, Ta h ípyraa cTopoHH — nepeíHHe KOHe^HOOTH, 3anaí — xboct, Ta h ípyraa cTopoHH — 6eípa, ror h ceBep — 6oKa; He6o ero cnHHa, BO3íyx — 6proxo, 3Ta [3eMia] — rpyíb" (BpYn I, 2, 3; nHT. b nepeB. A. CbpKHHa no: BpHxaiapaHbaKa YnaHHmaía, M. 1991).
26	Pe^b HíeT o "roíe BpaxMH", paBHOM 3 110 400 000 000 qeiOBeqecKHx ieT (3aKOHH MaHy, npHM. I, 72, c. 271).
27	nocie pa6oTH B. H. TonopoBa KpeKoncmpyKU,uu Mu$a o MupoeoM aüu,e (na Mamepuaae pyccKux CKasoK.) He ocTaeTca 6oiee HHKaKHx coMHeHHfi b KOcMoroHH^ecKoñ ocHOBe cKa3KH Boo6^e. B BHcmefi cTeneHH MHoro3Ha^HTeibHO 3aKrroqeHHe cTaTbH: "H caMoe yíHBHTeibHoe b tom, ito, KaKofi 6h íthhhoh hh 6Hia nenb nepexoíOB, OHa Bce-TaKH npHBeieT Hac ot 3OiOToro aH^Ka Kypo^KH-pa6H k yMO3pHTeTbHeHmeH BceieHHofi BpaxMH" (c.99).
229
O KOCMoroHHqecKoñ 0CH0Be MOTHBa "3Mea n aeBbi" b CBS3H c mothbom "cTpaHCTBna b no^3eMHoe napCTBo"
C onycKaHneM b noa3eMHoe napcTBo-anno CBa3aH, KaK HaM KaxeTca, mothb "KocMoroHnnecKoro HbipaHna"28. ,Daa Hamen TeMH Han6oabmnn HHTepec npeacTaBaaeT BapnaHT, b kotopom co aHa nepBoÓHTHoro oKeaHa Bbmocnrca ropCTb 3eMan, pacmnpaacb Ha noBepxHoCTH ao pa3MepoB 3eMan b ee aKTyaabHoM Bnae29. TaKHM o6pa3oM, H3 ray6nHbi H3HanaabHoro BoaHoro xaoCa ao6biBaeTca noTeHnnaabHbin aaeMem; kotophh noaoÓHo CBepHyTbiM b anno napcTBaM, pa3BopaqnBaeTca b 3eMaro. 9to pa3BopannBaHne-aKTyaan3anna nponcxoanT Ha noBepxHocTH oKeaHa (b MH^e) nan b BepxHeM Mnpe (b CKa3Ke), hto npeacTaBaaeTca b Bbicmen CTeneHH napaaoKcaabHHM, nocKoabKy b CoCToaHHH aoKoCMoroHHHeCKoñ CBepHyToCTH He MoxeT Cy^eCTBoBaTb hh Bepxa, HH HH3a. B TaKoM cayqae, b KaKoM CMbiCae CaeayeT noHHMaTb "noBepxHoCTb" HaH "noa3eMHoe napcTBo"? H hto aoaxHo o3HanaTb CBopannBaHne napCTBa b anno, Koraa repon HaxoaHTCa b noTeHnnaabHoM (CBepHyToM) MHpe?
D,apcTBa, KoTopne HaxoaHT repon b noa3eMHoM MHpe, cy^ecTByroT ao CBopaqnBa-HHa b anno, KoTopoe o6pa3yeTCa b pe3yabTaTe CBopannBaHna napcTB. TaKHM o6pa3oM, napCTBa npeTepneBaroT aBa nponecca — coKpa^eHna h paCmHpeHHa, noCae qero ohh ^HKCHpyroTCa b tph KocMnqecKne o6aaCTH. CaeaoBaTeabHo, ochobhoh aeMnyprnnecKon 3aaanen, aoaxHo aBaaTbCa, Bo-nepBbix, CBopannBaHne noa3eMHHx napcTB b anno, bo-btophx, BHHeCeHHe anna b BepxHnn MHp, B-TpeTbHx, pa3BopannBaHne anna b aKTyaabHbin MHp, rae TpH napCTBa cooTBeTCTByroT TpeM KocMnqecKnM o6aaCTaM.
9toh CBoen aeMnyprnnecKon 3aaaqn repon He MoxeT HCnoaHHTb 6e3 noMo^n aeBnn. noaTOMy repon BHanaae ocBo6oxaaeT aeBnn ot CKoBaHHoCTH b xTOHnnecKon "MaCCe", nepcoHH^nnnpyeMon 6a6on-aron ("MaTepbro" aeBnn) HaH 3MeeM ("noxnTH-TeaeM" HaH "aro6oBHHKoM" aeBnn), noCae qero (no3BoaHM Ce6e CaeaaTb 3to yTBepxaeHHe) napCTBa eCTeCTBeHHHM o6pa3oM CBopaqnBaroTca b anna. Caeayro^en 3aaanen CTaHoBHTCa BHHeCeHHe anna Ha noBepxHoCTb 3eMaH. BHanaae noaHMaroTca aeBnnbi, hto moxho HHTepnpeTHpoBaTb KaK HeBo3MoxHocTb KaK CBopaqnBaHna, TaK h pa3Bopa^HBaHHa anna 6e3 ynacraa aeBnn. B CKa3Ke 130 repon pa3BopanrnaeT napCTBa CaM, ho aeaaeT oh 3to, BbinoaHaa yCaoBHa aeBHn. B paBHon CTeneHH, napCTBa He MoryT hh CBepHyTbCa, hh pa3BepHyTbCa 6e3 yqacTna repoa.
^eMnyprnnecKoe coTpyaHnqecTBo xeHCKoro h MyxcKoro Hanaaa CoCTaBaaeT oCHoBHoe CoaepxaHHe npeaCTaBaeHHa o CBa^eHHoM 6paKe, pe3yabTaToM KoToporo CTaHoBHTCa CoTBopeHHe aKTyaabHon KocMocncreMbi. B anoHCKoM KocMoroHnnecKoM MH^e Ha3aHaKn, 6or MyxcKoro Hanaaa, n Ha3aHaMn, 6ornHa xeHCKoro Hanaaa, BMeCTe Co3aaroT 3eMaro30. 3HanHMbi CaoBa, o6pa^eHHbie Ha3aHaKn k Ha3aHaMn b noa3eMHon CTpaHe: "O CeCTpa Moa Bo3aro6aeHHaa, CoTBopeHne CTpaHbi, hto mh c To6on TBopnan, He 3aBepmeHo, n noceMy noBeaeBaro Te6e BopoTHTbca o6paTHo!" (Koa3HKH, I, 3).
B oTannne ot CKa3onHoro repoa, aencTBna KoToporo 6ecco3HaTeabHbi (t. e. He HMeroT HHKaKon BHyTpeHHen mothbhpobkh) nan HanpaBaaroTca apyrnM, Mn^HHecKnn
28	AHaan3 mh^ob o KocMoroHnqecKoM HHpaHnn cm. b: M. Eliade, Il Diavolo e il buon Dio, in: M. Eliade, Da Zalmoxis a Gengis-Khan, Roma 1975, pp. 72-117. O CBa3H HHpaHna c aeMnyprnqecKon ^yHKnnen cm.: B. H. TonopoB, Marginalia k 3aMeTKe o Ha3BaHnn 6o6pa (*NER-), b: O6pa3 Mnpa b caoBe n pnTyaae. EaaKaHCKne qTeHna - 1, M. 1992, cc. 112-124; B. H. TonopoB, EaaTnncKne aaHHbie o 6o6pe b Mn^oaornqecKon nepcneKTHBe (onHT peKoHCTpyKnnn), b: Senov s baltc kult'ra. Dangaus ir zem s simboliai, Vilnius 1995, pl. 81P157.
29	Cp. o xoaMe, pacKoaoToM HHapon: "XoaM Tenepb yxe He naaBaeT. Oh o6peTaeT onopy [...] n HaqnHaeT pacTH bo Bce CTopoHH, noKa He aocTnraeT pa3MepoB 3eMan" (O. E. Kennep, Dht., c. 30).
30	Koa3HKH, I, 2; nHT. no: ffneenaa seesda. BocmonHbtü anbMauax. BbtnycK emopoü, M. 1974.
230
Muxaun E83ÄUH
öor-.eMHypr oTnpaB.aeTca b no.3eMHyro CTpaHy 3a öorHHeö-cecTpoö c no.HbiM C03HaHneM ne.H CBoero CTpaHCTBHa. O.HaKo apxeTHnmecKaa cxeMa ocTaeTca e.HHon: htoöh pa3BepHyTb napcTBo-aäno b Be^Hbrä kocmoc, öor-.eMHypr .o.xeH HanTH ceöe b no.3eMHoö cTpaHe xeHy-cecTpy, t. e. CBoe xeHCKoe alter ego. 9to xeHCKoe Hanaro MoxeT ÖHTb onacHbiM. H.3aHaKH, Hapymaa 3anpeT, bxo.ht b no.3eMHbrä .Bopen h bh.ht: "Ha Te.e ero Bo3.roö.eHHoö mnne.H-KonomH.HCb ra.bi no.3ynHe" (Ko.3hkh, I, 3), 3a hto ero npec.e.yroT Be.bMbi npecno.Hen, noc.aHHbie öorHHeö H.3aHaMH. B CKa3Ke 575 noMo^HHK npe.ynpex.aeT repoa, htoöh oh He TBopn. c napeBHoö oöbiHHyro .roöoBb. Cmhcj 3Toro 3anpeTa Bno.He BbiacHaeTca, Kor.a noMoqHHK Ha.Boe pa3pyöaeT Kopo.eBHy h h3 ee npeBa Bbino.3aroT 3Men.
B .pyrnx CKa3Kax xeHbi 3MeeB, xe.aa oTOMCTHTb reporo 3a yöHHCTBo cbohx Myxen, i3MHmiaMT ..a Hero ".oBymKH": aö.oHro nocpe.H .oporn, oTBe.aB n.o.oB kotopoh, oh .o.xeH .onHyTb; namy Ha Bo.e, npmpoHyBmHCb k kotopoh, oh .o.xeH yToHyTb; 3o.oTyro KpoBaTKy, Ha KoTopyro "kto .axeT — orHeM cropHT" (135-137). TepoH oöopanHBaeTca b MymKy h.h b BopoöymKa, npn.eTaeT He3aMeneHHbiM b .om k 3MeeBbiM xeHaM h no.c.ymnBaeT hx pa3roBopbi. BcenpoHHKaro^nä h Bce3Haro^HË repon 3.ecb caM ceöe noMo^HHK. 9to noc.e.Hee oöcToaTe.bCTBo no3Bo.aeT c.e.aTb npe.no.oxeHHe, hto pa3.e.eHHe Ha repoa h noMo^HHKa aB.aeTca btophhhhm no oTHomeHnro k apxeTHnnnecKoMy e.HHCTBy repoa-.eMHypra. B op^nnecKon kocmotohhh h3 aöna pox.aeTca öecTe.ecHbin öor-.eMHypr c 3o.othmh Kpbi.baMH Ha n.enax (Kern 54, hto, Ha.o .yMaTb, no3Bo.aeT eMy öbiTb BcenpncyTCTByro^HM h ö.aro.apa 3ToMy CBoeMy "BcenpncyTCTBHro" KoHTpo.npoBaTb KocMoroHHnecKHH nponecc — öbiTb Bcero ycTponTe.eM.
Hy.ecHbie cnocoöHocTH repoa CBa3aHbi c ero HeoöbiHHbiM pox.eHHeM: Bypa-öorarapb pox.aeTca ot KopoBbi, BbinHBmeö noMoeB ot 3.aTOKpbi.oH ^yKH (136); HBaH Bhkobhh 3anaT kopoboh ot noMoeB 3.aToneporo epma (137); HBaH nona.oB .BeHa.naTb .eT .exHT b 3o.e Ha ne^Ke (135), hto moxho HHTepnpeTHpoBaTb KaK .o.roe npeöbiBaHHe repoa bo npeBe MaTepn-3eM.H. HeoöbiHHocTb pox.eHHa h CBa3aHHHe c hhmh ny.ecHbie KanecTBa MoryT, b CBoro onepe.b, c.yxHTb .ono.HHTe.bHbiM yKa3aHHeM Ha .eMHyprn-necKoe KanecTBo repoa.
"Sñno" cooTBeTCTByeT onpe.e.eHHoMy MoMeHTy KocMoroHHnecKoro nponecca. Cor.acHo op^HKaM (Kern 54), KocMoroHHnecKHÖ nponecc HMeeT cbohm aöco.roTHbiM Hana.oM Bo.y (uSwp) h MaTepnro (uAr|), H3 yn.oTHeHHa kotopoh oöpa3yeTca 3eM.a (yz). Bo.a h 3eM.a nopox.aroT 3Mea, kotophh b CBoro onepe.b nopox.aeT anno, co.epxa^ee b ceöe MyxcKoe h xeHCKoe Hana.a, MHoxecTBo ceMaH BcaKoro po.a h KpbmaToro öora-.eMHypra. 9tot nponecc moxho npe.CTaBHTb KaK cepnro yn.oTHeHHH, BC.e.CTBHe kotophx nponcxo.HT .H^^epeHnnpoBaHHe H3Hana.bHoö bo.hoh cyöcTaHUHH: BC.e.CTBHe yn.oTHeHHa bo.h oöpa3yeTca MaTepna, BC.e.CTBHe yn.oTHeHHa MaTepHH oöpa3yeTca 3eM.a, BC.e.CTBHe yn.oTHeHHa 3eM.H oöpa3yeTca 3MeH, BC.e.CTBHe yn.oTHeHHa 3Mea oöpa3yeTca anno.
B 3tom nyHKTe 3aBepmaeTca KocMoroHHnecKHÖ nponecc lato sensu: MaTepna .ocTHraeT CBoeH HaHBHcmeö n.oTHocTH, CHMBo.H3HpyeMoö hüu,om, a TaKxe du$$epeHU,uau,uu cbohx 3.eMeHToB (MHoxecTBo ceMaH BcaKoro po.a b KanecTBe co.epxHMoro aöna). KocMoroHHnecKHH nponecc stricto sensu, cooTBeTCTBeHHo, .o.xeH öh. öh cocToaTb b noc.e.oBaTe.bHoM pa3BopanHBaHHH aöna h .eMHyprHnecKoö opraHH3anHH co.epxa^nxca b HeM 3.eMeHToB. 9TOMy pa3Bopa^HBaHnro, o.HaKo,
231
O K0CM0r0HHqecK0H 0CH0Be MOTHBa "3Mea h neBbi" b CBS3H c mothbom "cTpaHCTBHa b no^3eMHoe ^pCTBO"
npenaTCTByeT CTpamHaa Cnna CnenneHHa, CHMB0nH3np0BaHHaa 3MeeM, h n03T0My Tpe6yeTCa 0C060e reporneCKoe neftCTBHe, npenCTaBnaeMoe b MH^onoran KaK 6opb6a C nyaoBH^eM, y6nHCTB0-"paCKanHBaHHe" KOToporo 0CB060xnaeT CKOBaHHHe b "aftne-rope"
BOflH XH3HH.
B 3T0H nOCneflOBaTenbHOCTH TpH n0fl3eMHHX napCTBa flOaXHH COOTBeTCTBOBaTb C0CT0aHHro 6noKupoeanHocmu KOCMoroHHneCKoro nponeCCa b tot MOMeHT, Kor^a aneMemH b aftne noCTHrnn MaKCHManbHoft flH^^epeHnnanHH h aoixhh 6binH 6h pa30HTHCb H 06pa30BaTb Be^HO-npOCTpaHCTBeHHHH KOCMOC. OflHaKO OHH npononxaroT OCTaBaTbCa CuenneHHHMH, b Cnny nero nonoxeHne nenaeTCa b BHCmeft CTeneHH KpnTHHeCKHM, noCKonbKy npononxaeTCa nponeCC CxaTHa, kotophh Ha CBoeM npenene Mor 6h npnBeCTH k CaM0np03B0nbH0My B3pHBy aftna31. C nenbro npeononeHHa stoh "3MeHH0ft" CnnH ConpoTHBneHna 6or-repoft onyCKaeTCa b no^eMHoe napCTBO-aftno, OTpySaeT 3Mero BCe ero MHoroCneHHHe ronoBH nnn nepeMe^aeTCa BMeCTe C neBHnaMH ot 0flH0r0 napCTBa k npyroMy, noCne nero napCTBa npno6peTaroT Heo6xoflHMyro n0flBHXH0CTb nna pa3B0panHBaHHa b ^opMe np0CTpaHCTBeHH0-0praHH30BaHH0r0 KOCMOCa.
On the Cosmological Basis of the Myth about "The Dragon and the Maid" in Connection with the Motif of the Journey into the Underworld Empire. Based on Russian Fairytales
Michael Yevzlin
The article analyzes the cosmogonic context of the journey of a mythical hero into the nether world. Special attention is given to those versions of this myth in which the dragon is not an antagonist, but helps the hero; this enables the definition of a certain archetype pertaining to the connection between the hero, the maid, and the dragon.
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31 9Ta B03M0xH0CTb, KaK KaxeTCa, OTpaxeHa b a^pHKaHCKOM MH$e, C0rnaCH0 K0T0p0My "MHp 6bin C03^aH B3pHB0M 3Be3flH-aft^, BHyTpH KOTOpOrO 6bM TpOHHOH 3Meft" (B. H. T0n0p0B, KpeKOHCmpyKU,UU Mu$a o MupoeoM auu,e [Ha Mamepuaae pyccKUx CKasoK], uht., c. 97).
Il gomitolo nel folklore: linee per una tipología. Una fiaba russa e l'antico racconto di Teseo nel labirinto
cretese
Alberto Borghini
The subject of the research is the ball of thread discussed mainly from its symbolic point of view, which links it with the dimension of the hellish, death/murder and witchchraft.
In un racconto piemontese, proveniente dalla Valchiusella (e più esattamente da Rueglio), ci troviamo di fronte allo 'sconcertante' caso di un gomitolo di filo che si srotola dirigendosi verso qualcuno che nella notte si sta allontanando dalla stalla (luogo abituale di ritrovo serale, un tempo, per i ragazzi): subito dopo, un urlo - dall'esterno - e un coltello piantato nella schiena del ragazzo che aveva appena smascherato una strega e se ne stava andando, al buio.
Il gomitolo in questione è per l'appunto correlato con una "masca" (strega): ne costituisce un attributo, nel senso di oggetto d'uso che in qualche modo la caratterizza (la "masca" è la giovane fidanzata del ragazzo intenta a filare nella stalla, di sera, in compagnia di altri giovani), e ne costituisce una 'rappresentazione' (è il modo - uno dei modi - di manifestarsi) della "masca" medesima, la quale sembra peraltro dotata della facoltà di "apparire in un luogo" e di essere al contempo "presente a tutti gli effetti in un altro". Ecco, ad ogni buon conto, il testo del racconto, quale si è potuto ascoltare in data recente:
"Un giorno un ragazzo di Rueglio ando con il suo sacco di noci al torchio più vicino. Verso sera tornando a casa si fermo e si sedette su un masso per riposarsi un poco. Volgendo le spalle al sentiero vide sul piano antistante un fuoco. Incuriosito si avvicino e si nascose dietro ad un cespuglio. Vide tante giovani ragazze ballare intorno al falo e passarsi l'una con l'altra un fantoccio.1 Osservo meglio e stupito scorse, tra queste donne, la sua fidanzata. Tento di chiamarla ma la fanciulla sembrava non sentirlo. Riprese l'olio e corse fino a casa dove racconto cio che aveva visto ai suoi familiari. I genitori increduli gli dissero che sicuramente si era sbagliao ma che poteva accertarsi di persona raggiungendo gli amici nella stalla per constatare se la ragazza fosse presente. E cosi fece. Si reco nella stalla e la vide seduta in mezzo agli altri, ma non si avvicino a lei come era solito fare, si sedette alcuni minuti in un angolo e poi si alzo dicendo: "Io me ne vado perché, qualcuno qui dentro fa due facce". Gli altri ragazzi raccontarono, in seguito, di aver visto un gomitolo srotolarsi e dirigersi verso la porta e subito dopo udire un urlo. Usciti dalla stalla trovarono il corpo del ragazzo con un pugnale conficcato nella schiena.
1 Il tema del fantoccio ricorre non di rado nei racconti di stregoneria. Allo stesso modo è frequente il rapporto fra le streghe e il noce: qui è il ragazzo che porta un sacco di noci e si imbatte nell'incontro serale delle streghe attorno al falo.
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Il gomitolo nel folklore: linee per una tipología. Una fiaba russa e l'antico racconto di Teseo nel labirinto cretese
Quella volta scoppio il finimondo ma non i risolse nulla.
Chi era costei? Lui aveva raccontato di averia vista sul piano ma lei come avrebbe potuto partecipare a quel rito se era stata nella stalla tutta la sera?
Uno dei poteri delle masche consisteva, infatti, nell'apparire in un luogo ma di essere presente a tutti gli effetti in un altro".2
Una 'storia' relativa ad un gomitolo dalle valenze negative, o persino demoniache, si e riscontrata in Toscana, nella zona di Falciano (prov. di Arezzo):
"(...) uno che aveva trovato un gomitolo, e se l'era messo in tasca, mentre che camminava gli pesava sempre di piü, mano mano che si avvicinava alla Croce, e lo butto via".3
2	L'informatore è Arcisio Corzetto, detto Arci. Testimonianza raccolta trascritta in data 23.1.1997 da Maddalena Bracco nell'ambito di un lavoro di tesi sul folklore della Valchiusella, da me diretto (Fac. di Architettura -Politecnico di Torino, a.a. 1996-97).
In un altro racconto della Valchiusella (Brosso), è lo srotolarsi di un fuso che appare correlato con la manifestazione (e la 'scoperta') del demoniaco. In quest'ultimo caso, pero, tra il ragazzo e la ragazza i 'ruoli' risultano in certo qual modo invertiti: poiché, il ragazzo altri non è che il diavolo, mentre stavolta è la ragazza, a cui il fuso sfugge (e cosí si srotola), che 'scopre' appunto il diavolo sotto l'aspetto del "bel giovanotto" giunto quando era da poco scoccata la mezzanotte. Lo 'scenario' è sempre il medesimo: quello della stalla dove le ragazze si riuniscono, quando fa buio, per filare. L'informatore è Angelo Rossi, di 75 anni: "Una volta le ragazze si radunavano nelle stalle per filare. Una notte, era da poco scoccata la mezzanotte, arrivo un bel giovanotto. Questi busso e chiese cortesemente alle fanciulle di poter entrare, le ragazze lo fecero accomodare. Ma dato che si era fatto tardi cominciarono ad andar via una ad una, fino a che nella stalla rimasero solo in due: il giovanotto e una ragazza. Ad un certo punto anche quest'ultima si congedo e alzandosi il fuso si srotolo. Il ragazzo si chino per raccoglierlo e perse il cappello. In quel momento la ragazza vide che sul capo del giovane spuntavano due corna: era il diavolo . Terrorizzata scappo via. Da quella volta le ragazze rincasavano tutte prima della mezzanotte" (testimonianza raccolta e trascritta da Maddalena Bracco; corsivo suo). Siamo qui di fronte a una serie di tratti tipici di un tal genere di racconti. E si noti che portare il cappello sembra a sua volta essere una caratteristica del demonio; nell'ambito dell'antica mitologia germanica Odino-Wuotan presenta questo tratto (cfr. Renauld-Krantz, Structures de la mythologie nordique, Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose 1972, p. 36). Una sequenza analoga al racconto di Brosso ricorre in una testimonianza proveniente dalla Lomellina (Valle): "Negli anni passati andavano tutti nella stalla e tutte avevano il fidanzato; c'era una povera ragazza che si chiamava Marietta, di fidanzati non ne aveva e si disperava. Una sera va là un bel giovane, si siede vicino a lei e comincia a farle la corte. / A lei cade un gomitolo di lana, guarda per terra per raccoglierlo, vede che quel giovane ha i piedi d'oca. S'è presa una paura! (...)" (M. A. Arrigoni e M. Savini, Animali, bambini, diavoli e buffoni. Raccolta di fiabe lomelline della tradizione orale con testi in italiano e in dialetto, Vigevano, Diakronia 1994, n. 15, Il diavolo pretendente, in part. p. 141). Si veda anche, più in basso, nota 25.
In altri racconti folklorici (anche della Valchiusella) il fuso è connesso con manifestazioni 'negative': a questo proposito - e circa il rapporto intercorrente tra fuso (lavoro al telaio più in gen.), da una parte, e dimensione lunare, dall'altra parte - rinvio alle indicazioni da me fornite in un lavoro dal titolo La Bella addormentata. Un contributo dal folklore piemontese, di prossima pubblicazione.
3	B. Toschi, Folklore dalla provincia di Arezzo (Falciano), in "Lares", XXX, III-IV, 1964, p. 189. Una strana e misteriosa apparizione femminile in rapporto a una matassa di seta "sempre più intrigata" nelle mani di due donne che cercano di aggomitolarla è il motivo che si riscontra in questa testimonianza sentita anni orsono in Maremma (Santa Fiora 22.2.1997, informatrice Daiana Matteini): "Quale, quella della seta? / Che un giorno due donne cercavano di aggomitolà una matassa di seta. A 'n certo punto, quasi dal nulla, appare una... una donna e si mette a guardarle senza di niente. E all'improvviso, strigano da 'na parte e si rintriga dall'altra: non riuscivano a spiegassi come poteva succede' questo. Questa donna continua a guardarlle, senza parlà, e la matassa diventa sempre più intrigata. / Queste donne si trovano proprio perse. / A 'n certo punto, dice due parole e risco... rivà via da dove era venuta, dal nulla" (Fiabe e Storie della Maremma nel fondo narrativo di tradizione orale "Roberto Ferretti", a cura di G. Pizzetti, prefazione di P. Clemente, Grosseto, Archivio delle Tradizioni Popolari della Maremma Grossetana 1997, p. 490, n. 453 Le donne che filavano la seta e la fata; con riferimento alla tesi di laurea di R. Ferretti).
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Alberto Borghini
Lo schéma narrativo è quello - per l'appunto - dell' 'oggetto o animale demoniaco' che, scambiato per un oggetto o animale normale, e raccolto da un ignaro passante, si fa nel procedere del percorso sempre più pesante. Avviene che l'uomo che l'ha preso su di sè si stia avvicinando a un luogo segnato di sacralità; ed è nelle vicinanze del luogo sacro che l'oggetto o animale supera il limite della sopportabilità, e manifesta la sua natura demoniaca.4 Nel caso sopra riportato, il gomitolo viene 'semplicemente' gettato via.
Seguendo la medesima linea isotopica, si potrà segnalare come in Veneto sia un orco a presentarsi sotto forma di un gomitolo di filo che si incontra per strada e che gioca degli scherzi alle donne che lo raccolgono: "Una volta c'era l'orco!
Le donne, camminando per la strada, trovavano talvolta un gomitolo di filo, buono per fare le calze. Un tempo le donne erano appassionate a fare la calza e cosi lo raccoglievano e se lo ficcavano in seno.
Dopo un po', questo gomitolo partiva come un cavallo, una giraffa, diventava una bestia e gridava:
"Ohoooooo. Ti ho visto le tette, ti ho visto le tette". cosi era l'orco: strano, terribile e dispettoso".5
E c'è da osservare che anche in questo caso il gomitolo è dotato di una sua inattesa e 'sorprendente' dinamica: è in tal modo che si scopre il suo 'essere altro'. Si tratta qui 'soltanto' di un essere dispettoso: ma tale caratterizzazione, nel folklore, riguarda spesso gli esseri dalle valenze negative e/o demoniache.
In una fiaba abruzzese, raccolta a Villa Santa Maria, il singolare 'eroe' che, dotatosi degli opportuni 'mezzi magici', riesce a sposare la figlia del re e a diventare re, "a dispetto del re" nonché, della stessa principessa, altri non è se non un gomitolo partorito da una donna. Vediamo l'inizio, e poi la fine del racconto in questione:
"C'era una volta una donna che non riusciva ad avere figli e invocava S. Antonio perché, gliene mandasse almeno uno, dicendo: "Fosse pure un gomitolo!". Divenne incinta e partori proprio un gomitolo che entrava in una scarpa. Il gomitolo crebbe con gli anni e un bel giorno disse: "Mamma, mamma, fammi un bel vestito perché, voglio cercarmi una moglie". "Ma che", rispose la mamma. "Ma sei impazzito? Chi vuoi che ti pigli? Hai dimenticato che sei un gomitolo?" Ed egli: "Fammelo il vestito, fammelo perché, devo prendere in sposa la figlia del re, e devo farmi re a dispetto del re". Cosi la mamma gli fece finalmente il vestito, e quegli si mise in viaggio, ripetendo alla mamma: "Vado a farmi re a dispetto del re!".
Cammina, cammina, ecco che incontra una faina. "Dove vai, compare Gomitolo?" "Vado a farmi re a dispetto del re!" E la faina: "Mi porteresti con te?" "E tu riesci a
Da segnalare che in Garfagnana (Prov. di Lucca), e precisamente nel Comune di Molazzana (Brucciano), il "Buffardello", una specie di folletto dispettoso, assimilato per lo piu a un vento vorticoso che scompiglia fieno e foglie, e che talora addirittura solleva le persone, alle volte identificato col divolo stesso, viene nche 'rappresentato' alla stregua di un "batuffolo grigio" (cfr. O. Guidi, Magia e Folletti in Garfagnana, Lucca, Pacini Fazzi 1988, in part. p. 36; si consulti l'intero capitolo, pp. 21-42).
4	Per tutta una serie di casi si veda il mio lavoro dal titolo Il diavolo di S. Anna (Forno di Massa). Varianti di un racconto popolare, in "Le Apuane", XVI, 32, 1996.
5	D. Coltro, Leggende e racconti popolari del Veneto, Roma, Newton Compton 1982, Lorco-gomitolo, p 81; il riferimento e a M. C. Crepaldi, Favole e Narratori: testi e problemi di tradizione orale nel Basso Polesine, tesi di laurea (relatore G. Scabia), vol. II, p. 314.
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camminare con me?" "Eccome, se ci riesco! Faccio tante miglia all'ora!". Si misero in viaggio e arrivarono in cima a una collina, dove il Gomitolo subito riusci a rotolarsi giù, mentre la faina resto indietro. Il Gomitolo si volto e disse: "Quattro in gola, quattro in gola, fammi entrare la faina in gola".
E questa faina gli entro in gola.
Cammina, cammina, incontro la volpe. "Dove vai, compare Gomitolo?" "Vado a farmi re a dispetto del re!" "Mi porteresti con te?" "Tu non sei abbastanza veloce." "Ma si, che lo sono!". E si misero in viaggio giungendo sopra un'altra collinetta, dalla quale il Gomitolo subito si rotolo giù, lasciando la volpe indietro. Il Gomitolo disse: "Quattro in gola, quattro in gola, fammi entrare la volpe in gola".
E anche la volpe gli entro in gola.
Si rimise sulla strada e incontro il lupo, che gli chiese: "Compare Gomitolo, dove vai?" "Vado a farmi re a dispetto del re!" "Mi porteresti con te?" "Ma tu non ci riesci." "Ma si che ci riesco!".
E se ne andarono. Arrivati in cima ad un colle, il Gomitolo lesto si rotolo e il lupo resto li. Si volto il Gomitolo e disse:
"Quattro in gola, quattro in gola, fammi entrare il lupo in gola".
E il lupo gli entro in gola.
Cammina, cammina, si imbatté, in un fiume, che gli disse: "Compare Gomitolo, dove vai?" "Vado a farmi re a dispetto del re!" "Vuoi portarmi con te?" "E andiamo!". "Giunsero in cima ad un colle e il Gomitolo rapidamente si rotolo, mentre il fiume vi rimase. Il Gomitolo disse:
"Quattro in gola, quattro in gola, fammi entrare il fiume in gola".
E cosi furono quattro.
Cammina, cammina, arrivo al palazzo del re, entro nell'orto e si nascose in una pianta di insalata cappuccina, da dove comincio a gridare: "Voglio farmi re a dispetto del re! Voglio farmi re a dispetto del re!". Il re si affaccio alla finestra (...)".6
Anche in questo caso, il gomitolo (l'eroe Gomitolo) si caratterizza per la velocità nella corsa: vince i suoi stessi 'adiuvanti'; e, in conseguenza della sua vittoria nella 'gara di corsa' - vittoria che ottiene rotolandosi appunto giù da un colle - li ingoia magicamente. Si
6 I. Bellotta, Leggende e racconti dell'Abruzzo e Molise, Roma, Newton Compton, La donna chepartori un gomitolo, pp. 195-98 (in part. pp. 195-96); il riferimento è a G. Finamore, Tradizioni popolari abruzzesi, vol. I, 1, 2, Novelle, Lanciano 1882-85, rist. a cura di E. Giancristofaro col titolo di Novelle popolari abruzzesi, Lanciano 1979-81, vol. I, pp. 222 sgg.
Ci troviamo qui, fra l'altro, di fronte ad una variante del tema - di portata assai generale - relativo all' 'insanabile contrasto' che spesso sia nel mito che nella fiaba intercorre (con modalità differenti o molto differenti) fra suocero regale (etc.) da un lato e pretendente alla mano della principessa (nonché, al regno), dall'altro lato: contrasto che non di rado si fa estremo e comporta l'eliminazione dell'uno o dell'altro 'termine' della stessa 'relazione di contrasto' (che diventa cosi, in certo qual modo, una 'relazione di alternativa', o 'alternativa relazionale' che dir si voglia); non di rado comporta altresi la 'sostituzione' dell'un termine nel posto dell'altro, o viceversa. Sulla successione al regno si veda il classico lavoro di J. G. Frazer, Il ramo doro, trad. it. Torino, Boringhieri 1965. Mi permetto di rinviare inoltre alla esemplificazione e alle considerazioni da me svolte in un lavoro dal titolo Gambroktonos o mnesteroktonos: uccisione seriale, verginità e incesto in alcuni racconti mitici dell'antica Grecia, in "Il reo e il folle", 3-4, 1997.
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tratta dunque di un eroe inghiottitore e - come vedremo - di un eroe uccisore; e che non esita a ricorrere alle minacce anche nei confronti della principessa. Siamo di fronte, insomma, ad un eroe che per molti versi avvicina alla dimensione che nella fiaba e occupata dall'orco, piü in generale dall'antagonista. Questa, comunque la conclusione:
"(...) Gomitolo torno nell'orto e si nascose in un piede di lattuga. Comincio a gridare di nuovo: "Voglio farmi re a dispetto del re!". Il re si affaccio alla finestra e prese ad urlare: "Ma costui non vuole finirla! Bisogna ammazzarlo!". Ordino che si accendesse il forno e che vi si gettasse Gomitolo, ma appena Gomitolo fu in mezzo alle fiamme, subito disse: "Quattro in gola, quattro in gola, fammi uscire il fiume di gola", e il fiume usci e spense il forno e comincio a trascinare dietro tutti i soldati, l'intera corte, il re e la regina, e resto viva soltanto la principessa. Gomitolo le disse: "Tu mi sposi o ti faccio trascinare dal fiume". E quella: "No!" "E allora ti faccio trascinare." Allora la fanciulla acconsenti e lo prese per sposo, e cosi Gomitolo divenne re a dispetto del re".7 Una costellazione di tratti riassumibili come 'connessione del gomitolo con una strega', 'pesantezza negativa' (quasi che il gomitolo fosse di pietra), 'rapporto (in questo caso di opposizione-contrasto) fra il gomitolo stesso e il concepimento di un figlio', si riscontrano benché, diversamente organizzati e coordinati in un interessante racconto sentito a Forno di Massa (Alpi Apuane). Qui la donna di cui si tratta potrá per l'appunto restare incinta solo quando, dopo la morte della vecchia strega, anche il male allo stomaco causato dal gomitolo 'di pietra' era cessato. Ecco il testo quale si puo leggere nella raccolta di C. Gabrielli Rosi:8
"Molti anni fa a Forno viveva una donna che era considerata una "strega". La gente diceva che dava il "malocchio" ai bambini, che portava scalogna alle persone che incontrava e che era capace di far seccare gli alberi toccandoli con le mani.9
Quando suo figlio si sposo, la mamma della sposina mise bene in guardia la figlia, raccomandandole di non guardare mai negli occhi la suocera e di starle vicina il meno possibile. Ma la ragazza non credeva a certe cose, e, per far piacere al marito, ando a vivere nella casa con i suoceri.
La sposina sentiva spesso lo sguardo della suocera fisso su di lei: le prime volte non dette importanza a cio, poi comincio ad avvertire delle sensazioni di freddo ed a sentirsi impacciata nei movimenti. Un giorno, mentre aiutava la suocera a dipanare la lana10, la matassa le cadde in terra per due volte. La suocera le tiro con rabbia il gomitolo sullo stomaco, pronunciando delle parole incomprensibili. alla ragazza sembró che quel gomitolo fosse di pietra tanto le fece male!... La sposina avrebbe tanto desiderato un figlio, ma passarono mesi ed anni senza che il suo desiderio si avverasse. La poverina aveva sempre un gran male allo stomaco e non aveva mai appetito...
7	Bellotta, Leggende e racconti... , cit., p. 198.
8	Leggende e luoghi della paura tra Liguria e Toscana, vol. II, Massa Carrara e provincia, Pisa, Pacini 1993, n. CXXXVII La sposa stregata, pp. 123-4.
9	A proposito di siffatte tematiche nella zona di Forno (e altrove) si veda il mio lavoro dal titolo Folklore del circondario apuano (par. 3 Trasmissione della smania), in corso di stampa sull' "Annuario della Biblioteca Civica Stefano Giampaoli di Massa", 1997.
10	A sua volta la lana puo rivestirsi di valenze negative. A questo proposito - anche per la zona di Forno - rinvio al mio lavoro Morfologica e sintassi dell'avvenimento immaginario (Hor. Sat. I 8, 30 sgg.): spunti sul valore negativo della lana, in Aufidus", VI, 18, 1992, pp. 7 sgg. (esempio fornese alle pp. 39-40).
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Quando la suocera mori, la sposa aveva già 45 anni e ormai si era rassegnata a non poter avere figli. Ma, stranamente, dopo la morte della vecchia il male allo stomaco le scomparve, ella sembro rifiorire e ben presto si accorse d'essere incinta. Quando le nacque una bella bambina, la gente disse che, finalmente, l'incantesimo malefico si era spezzato".
Stando a certe tradizioni folkloriche francesi un filo che si incontra casualmente per terra vicino a una fontana puo nascondere una fata, che vi si trova 'imprigionata' e come in pericolo:
"C'est dans le voisinage des sources que, suivant la tradition de la région pyrénéenne, certaines fées doivent parfois accomplir une sorte de pénitence, et il serait malaisé, de deviner leur présence, si l'on n'était averti par les récits de la veillée de l'enveloppe qui les cache aux regards. Les filles du Lavedan croient encore que si elles aperçoivent près de la fontaine un fil gisant à terre, elles doivent le ramasser, l'enrouler vite: le fil s'allonge et forme sous leurs doigts un peloton merveilleux d'où sort une fée qui, ravie qu'on l'ait soustraite à cette incommode prison, fait à sa libératrice quelque beau présent ou lui prete sa baguette magique. Mais la personne qui a negligé, de ramasser le fil et de secourir par cet acte la dame en péril peut s'attendre à un malheur prochain".11
In questo caso il filo è la prigione della fata; se viene raccolto e raggomitolato, la fata puo 'uscire' dal gomitolo stesso e liberarsi.
Altre volte (folklore tedesco) è la peste che, nella sua 'materializzazione' o 'personificazione', puo - fra le altre forme - assumere, avvicinandosi, l'aspetto di un gomitolo di filo (Fadenknaeuel)}2
In una fiaba della raccolta Afanasjev13, un "gomitolino" è l'oggetto magico che, gettato avanti e fatto rotolare, farà da guida al principe Ivan nel buio di un bosco, in una fase iniziale del suo 'complesso' viaggio alla ricerca di Campestre Bianco, della cui impresa ha sentito parlare; questi è in effetti da molti anni impegnato in una lotta senza tregua -letteralmente parlando - contro la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro ("E Campestre Bianco allora, che combatte contro la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro da trent'anni, senza mai scendere da cavallo, senza mai riposarsi?").14 Il principe Ivan vuol dunque conoscere Campestre Bianco e provarne la forza, misurarsi con lui:
11	P. Sébillot, Le Folk-lore de France, rist. Paris, Maisonneuve et Larose 1968, vol. II, p. 199.
12	Cfr. Sartori, in E. Hoffmann-Krayer e H. Baechtold-Staeubli, Handwoerterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, Berlin u. Leipzig, De Gruyter 1934-35, vol. VI, s. v. Pest , col. 1505 (6).
Nel quadro delle rappresentazioni popolari siciliane concernenti la malattia si dice per es. che i "vermi padroneggiano i bambini; quando non c'è più alcun rimedio, si riuniscono nella gola formando come un gomitolo di lana, che dapprima è piccolo e poi ingrossa perché, i vermi cosa fanno: si riproducono continuamente, ingrossano e il bambino puo morire. Non si deve dire "vermi", perché, più si nominano più aumentano. Si dice cose cattive, cosaccie cattive. Fanno la cova e allora i bambini muoiono perché, i vermi si stringono tutti dentro la gola e se lo mangiano il bambino" (in E. Guggino, Un pezzo di terra di cielo, Palermo, Sellerio 1986, p. 32; al lavoro della Guggino rinvio più in generale per l'articolata e pregevole analisi della problematica in oggetto). D'altronde, "a guisa di ciambella o di gomitolo" i vermi possono comparire quando si trovano in stato di equilibrio, e non si determinano percio patologie: allora, "Un evento casuale li mette in agitazione; si rompe la sacca, si scioglie il gomitolo, si disfa la ciambella e "i vermi si raggruppanu nta vucca o stomacu", salgono alla gola, cominciano a moltiplicarsi e dunque a eccedere il numero previsto per il loro status normale, conducono anche alla morte, in genere, per soffocamento" (Guggino, Un pezzo di terra di cielo, cit., p. 33).
13	A. N. Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, trad. it. Torino, Einaudi 1979, Il principe Ivan e Campestre Bianco, pp. 207 sgg.
14	Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., p. 208. Sulla figura della baba-jaga (sui suoi rapporti con la stregoneria e la magia nonché, con l'al di là) si veda, in generale, N. V. Novikov, in K. Ranke, Enzyklopaedie des Märchens, Berlin - New York, De Gruyter 1977, vol. I, s. v. Baba-Jaga. Cfr. inoltre il classico lavoro di V. Ja. Propp, Le radici storiche dei racconti di magia, trad. it. Roma, Newton Compton 1977, per es. pp. 73 sgg. (Il piede scheletrico).
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"(...) chiamo tutti i ministri e senatori: - Miei signori ministri e senatori! Ho pensato di andarmene in paesi stranieri, a conoscere Campestre Bianco. Vi prego di mantenere l'ordine e la giustizia, di risolvere ogni questione econdo verità -. Poi saluto le sorelle, monto a cavallo e si mise in cammino.
Lunga o corta la strada, arrivo in un bosco oscuro; guarda; c'è un'isba, e nell'isba vive un vecchio. Il principe Ivan s'avicino a lui: - Salute nonnino! - Salute, principe russo! qual buon vento ti porta? - Cerco Campestre Bianco, non sai per caso dov'è? - Io non lo so, ma aspetta un poco; chiamo i miei servi fedeli e chiedo a loro -. Usci sulla scaletta, soffio in una tromba d'argento, e d'improvviso gli uccelli cominciarono a volare verso di lui, da tutte le parti. Ne volarono tanti che ci si vdeva appna, ricoprivano il cielo d'una nube nera. Il vecchio grido con voce profonda, con fischio sonoro: - Servi miei fedeli, uccelli svolazzanti! avete visto nulla, avete sentito nulla di Campestre Bianco? - No, vedere non abbiamo visto, sentire non abbiamo sentito! - Be', principe Ivan! - dice il vecchio, - va' ora dal mio fratello maggiore; puo darsi che lui te lo dica. To', prendi questo gomitolino, e gettalo avanti a te; dove il gomitolo rotolerà, tu guida il cavallo -. Il principe Ivan salto in groppa al suo buon cavallo, fece rotolare il gomitolo e gli ando dietro; e il bosco si faceva sempre più buio e più buio.
Arriva a una casetta, s'avvicina alla porta; nella casetta c'è un vecchio, bianco come un cigno. - Salute nonnino! - Salute principe russo! dov'è diretta la tua strada? - Cerco Campestre Bianco; non sai dove sia? (...)".15
E' quindi una lupa zoppa che conduce il principe Ivan da Campestre Bianco. I due dormono l'uno vicino all'altro. C'è poi la sfida in cui il principe Ivan batte Campestre Bianco sbalzandolo giù da cavallo, ma risparmiandogli la vita. Dopodiché, diventano amici, e il principe Ivan diventa l' 'adiuvante' di Campestre Bianco nella sua interminabile guerra contro la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro; guerra la cui causa consiste nel fatto che Campestre Bianco vuol sposare la bellissima figlia della baba-jaga gamba-d'oro. L'impresa che accomuna la coppia di eroi è un'impresa nel mondo sotterraneo, alla conquista di una 'sposa sotterranea', evidentemente:16 "(... ) Il principe Ivan lo (Campestre Bianco) prese per le braccia, lo rialzo da terra, lo bacio sulla bocca e lo chiamo suo fratello minore: - Fratello, ho inteso dire che combatti da trent'anni con la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro; perch, questa guerra fra voi? - Ella ha una
15	Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., pp. 208-9; corsivo mio.
16	La 'storia fiabesca' dell'amicizia fra il principe Ivan e Campestre Bianco ricorda quella mitica intercorsa, nei racconti dell'antica Grecia, fra Teseo e Piritoo: "La storia dell'amicizia fra Teseo e Piritoo non si volse (...) in Tessaglia, ma nel territorio dell'Attica, meno che quando i due abbandonarono la regione per le loro imprese comuni. Gli abitanti dell'Attica, precisamente del demo Peritede, onoravano Piritoo come loro proprio Eroe. Non c'è alcuna tradizione sicura, che ci dica come egli arrivasse colà, prima di conoscere Teseo. Il nome ci dice che egli potrebbe essere stato un "vagabondo". La fama della forza e del coraggio di Teseo era arrivata fino a lui e lo incitava a metterlo alla prova. Un armento di Teseo pascolava presso Maratona. Piritoo arrivo e lo fece fuggire. Teseo afferrè le armi e inseguí il ldro. Quando questi se ne accorse, si fermo e si volse per affrontarlo. I due si guardarono con ammirazion - osservando l'uno la bellezza e il coraggio dell'altro - e si trattennero dal combattere. Piritoo fu il primo a tendere la mano e prego Teseo di essere suo giudice per la razzia dell'armento: egli avrebbe pagato la penalità che l'altro gli avrebbe imposto. L'altro gli condono la multa e gli offerse amicizia e alleanza. A Colono essi confermarono il patto col giuramento" ( C. Kerényi, Gli dei e gli eroi della Grecia, trad. it. Milano, Il Saggiatore 1972, parte II, Gli eroi, p. 232). In entrambi i casi, poi, alla sfida e alla conseguente amicizia che si instaura fra la coppia di eroi tiene dietro un viaggio nel mondo infero alla conquista di una sposa sotterranea (la stessa Persefone nei racconti greci) per uno dei due (Piritoo): "(...) Teseo dovette (...) a sua volta seguire Piritoo in un viaggio molto più pericoloso per rapire anche per lui una figlia di Zeus. (...) Il viaggio portava nell'aldilà (...). I due avventurosi volevano prendere la regina degli Inferi, dalla sua camera da letto, che divideva col re degli Inferi, e portarla via. essi entrarono dalla porta dell'Inferno che si trovava presso il Tenaro" (Kerényi, Gli dei e gli eroi... , cit., parte II, p. 233).
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bellissima figlia, voglio conquistármela e sposarla. - Be', - disse il principe, - chi vuol essere amico deve aiutare nella disgrazia! Andiamo a combattere insieme. Salirono a cavallo, andarono in campo aperto; la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro aveva preparato un esercito smisurato. Come i fulgidi falchi calano su uno stuolo di colombi, cosi i nostri potenti campioni s'avventano tra le forze nemiche! per quanti ne uccidono con la spada, altrettanti ne abbattono coi cavalli; ne massacrarono e pestarono intere migliaia. La baba-jaga prende la fuga, il principe Ivan l'insegue. Stava già per raggiungerla, quand'essa, d'un tratto, scese in un fosso profondo, sollevo una lastra di ferro e scomparve sotto terra. Il principe Ivan e Campestre Bianco comperarono una quantità di buoi, li abbatterono, li spellarono, e le pelli le tagliarono a strisce; con le strisce intrecciarono una correggia, ma cosi lunga che un capo era qui, l'altro toccava l'altro mondo.17 Dice il principe a Campestre Bianco: -Presto, calami nel precipizio, e non tirar via la corda, ma aspetta qui, quando io l'agitero, allora tirami su! - Campestre Bianco lo calo nel precipizio, fino a toccare il fondo. Il princpe Ivan si guardo attorno, poi parti alla ricerca della baba-jaga.
Cammina e cammina, vede dei sarti seduti dietro un'inferriata: - Cosa fate? - Ecco cosa facciamo: stiamo qui seduti a cucire soldati per la baba-jaga gamba-d'oro. - E come li cucite? - Come? cio che pungi con l'ago, bada! diventa un cosacco con la spada ; ognun d'essi ha un cavallone, ne puoi fare uno squadrone di combattere mai stanco contro il tuo Campestre Bianco. - Eh, fratelli! fate presto voi! ma il vostro non è un lvoro solido; mettetevi in fila un momento, che v'insegno come si fa a cucire più forte -. Subito tutti si misero in fila; e il principe Ivan con un solo colpo di spada fece saltar la testa a tutti. Uccise i sarti e ando oltre. (...)".18
Insomma, i cosacchi dell'esercito della baba-jaga provengono dal mondo di sotto: e, quel che più specificatamente interessa nel quadro del presente lavoro, provengono dall'attività di cucitura di questi sarti sotterranei.19 Torniamo cosi alla tematica del filo dalle valenze negative: correlato con la dimensione infernale e della stregoneria. Sulla medesima linea -isotopicamente parlando - si situa, forse, anche la corda fatta con strisce di pelle di bue.20
A prescindere dalle differenze nell'organizzazione e in certe 'risoluzioni' narrative (differenze sulla quali non val qui la pena di insistere), delle somiglianze sembrano in effetti sussistere tra il racconto russo e il mito greco, per quel che concerne talune tematiche di fondo e le loro interconnessioni.
Sarà altresi utile rilevare che, se nella fiaba russa il principe Ivan e Campestre Bianco si procureranno una quantiutà di buoi allo scopo di costruire con la loro pelle tagliata a strisce una corda grazie alla quale Ivan potrà scendere nel mondo sotterraneo, nel mito greco l'amicizio fra Teseo e Piritoo insorge in occasione della razzia di un armento di Teseo da parte di Piritoo. Cfr. anche nota 17.
17	Non di rado il significante "bue" sembra rivestirsi nel folklore di connotazioni infernali (o qualcosa del genere). Cosi, per es., anche nell'ambito della mitologia antica: ho avuto io stesso occasione di trattarne, secondo una certa prospettiva in un lavoro dal titolo Espansioni narrative e metonimie di un significante: Hekate tauropolos, in "Annali della Fac. di Lettere e Filosofia dell'Univ. di Bari", XXX, 1987, pp. 115 sgg. . A proposito di Apollo che pascola in Tessaglia i buoi di Admeto, su Ecate come Admetou kore (nonché, sul "ramo d'oro"), rinvio alle ipotesi interpretative da me formulate in Strutture religiose dell'antichit...: un contributo al "ramo d'oro " (Verg. Aen. VI136 sgg.), in A.A.V.V., Miscellanea fra linguistica e letteratura, a cura di A. Loprieno, Perugia, Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane 1988, pp. 45 sgg. .
18	Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., pp. 210-11; corsivo mio.
19	Nel seguito della sua impresa nel mondo sotterraneo il principe Ivan incontra dei calzolai, anch'essi intenti a preparare soldati per la baba-jaga, contro Campestre Bianco: "della lesina a ogni colpo, è un soldato armato e pronto; ognun d'essi ha un cavallone, ne puoi fare uno squadrone di combattere mai stanco contro il tuo Campestre Bianco" (Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., p. 211). Ed anche a questi, con uno stratagemma, Ivan taglia la testa.
20	Cfr. nota 17.
240
Alberto Borghini
Veniamo infine al mondo antico. L'impressione è che nell'ambito della medesima tematica possa in qualche modo rientrare anche il racconto di Teseo e dell'uccisione del Minotauro nel labirinto cretese. Anche in questo caso il gomitolo di filo riveste un ruolo centrale in un'impresa che si connota come avventura nel mondo infernale - nel labirinto come percorso infernale - del giovane eroe ateniese.21
Cosi, al proposito, Frazer:22
"La più esauriente descrizione dello stratagemma con cui l'innamorata Arianna soccorse Teseo è offerta dagli scoliasti a Omero e da Eustazio. Da loro apprendiamo che si trattava di un gomitolo di filo, che Arianna aveva chiesto a Dedalo per l'amato. Teseo doveva attaccare l'estremità del filo all'architrave della porta, entrando nel labirinto, tenendo in mano il gomitolo svolgere la matassa a mano a mano che si addentrava sempre più in profondità, finché, non vesse trovato il Minotauro nel più remoto recesso; poi doveva afferrare il mostro per i capelli e sacrificarlo a Poseidone; infine dovva ripercorrere i suoi passi riavvolgendo il filo dietro di s, lungo la via da cui era venuto".23
Delle somiglianze tematiche sono riconoscibili, sia rispetto al racconto piemontese da cui abbiamo preso le mosse, sia rispetto alla fiaba russa della raccolta Afanasjev.
Cosi, per es., nel racconto piemontese si trattava in sostanza di un gomitolo di filo che si svolge in direzione del ragazzo e, di conseguenza, il ragazzo veniva nel buio della notte colpito di sorpresa con una pugnalata. In termini almeno per certi versi corrispondenti, anche nel mito greco ad un gomitolo di filo che si srotola - quello appunto di Teseo nell'oscurità sotterranea degli intrichi del labirinto24 - fa seguito l'uccisione di un essere (il Minotauro) sorpreso nel sonno (Schol. Od. 11, 322 ...auton katheudonta) dall'eroe ateniese.
Ed in entrambi i casi interviene, sebbene in posizione sintagmaticamente e narratologicamente diversa, ma pur sempre con una funzione eminentemente attiva (come 'detentrice' del gomitolo di filo, direi), una fanciulla-fidanzata: la fidanzata-strega del ragazzo che viene ucciso, nel racconto piemontese; Arianna, sorella del Minotauro stesso, e donatrice del gomitolo di filo all'eroe ateniese di cui si era innamorata, e che le aveva promesso di condurla con sè come sposa, nel racconto greco.
Se torniamo a considerare brevemente la fiaba russa non possono sfuggirci - credo -talune concordanze tematiche col mito greco25: La discesa nel mondo sotterraneo del
21	Cfr. per es. il mio lavoro dal titolo Espansioni narrative e metonimie di un significante..., cit. . Si veda più in basso nota 24.
22	Nel suo commento ad Apollod. Epit. I 9. Si veda Apollodoro, Biblioteca. Con il commenta di James G. Frazer. Edizione italiana a cura di Giulio Guidorizzi, Milano, Adelphi 1995, pp. 393-94 (nota 9).
23	Cfr. Schol. Od. 11, 322: "Aphikomenou de autou erotikos pros auton diatetheisa he tou Minoos thygater Ariadne didosin agathida mitou labousa para Daidalou tou tektonos, kai didaskei auton, epeidan eiselthei, ten archen tes agathidos ekdesai peri ton zygon tes ano thyras kai anelissonta ienai mechris an aphiketai eis ton mychon, kai ean auton katheudonta marpsei, kratesanta ton trichon tes kephales toi Poseidoni thysai kai apienai opiso anelissonta ten agathida". Si veda inoltre Eustath. ad Hom. Od. 11, 320; etc.
24	Eustazio (ad Hom. Od. 11, 320) definisce il labirinto "spelaion ekeino hypogeon Kretikon polyelikton". E poco oltre, a proposito di Teseo che entra nel labirinto col gomitolo di filo si legge: "eph'hoi eiselthonta to spelaion ekdesai tou tes thyras zygou" etc.
25	Sulle probabili valenze lunari (e 'sotterranee') di Arianna - il cui nome è stato fra l'altro avvicinato a quello della madre Pasifae - si veda Stoll, in W. H. Roscher,Ausfuehrliches Lexikon dergriechischen undroemischen Mythologie, rist. Hildesheim - New York, Olms 1978, vol. I.1, s. v. Ariadne (con bibliografia). Scrive inoltre Kerènyi (Gli dei e gli eroi..., cit., parte II, p 226): "Ella divenne famosa soltanto col nome di ari-hagne che nella lingua greca dei Cretesi significava "pura al sommo grado", veniva chiamata peo colà anche Aridela "molto luminosa". Con questi due nomi era stata originariamente una grande dea: pura come dea sotterranea, chiara come dea celeste".
241
Il gomitolo nel folklore: linee per una tipología. Una fiaba russa e l'antico racconto di Teseo nel labirinto cretese
principe Ivan tramite una corda, che definirei cósmica e infernale insieme, fatta in questo caso con strisce di pelle di bue; l'uccisione della baba-jaga gamba-d'oro, a cui il principe Ivan taglia la testa avendola colta nel sonno grazie alle indicazioni della bellissima figlia della stessa baba-jaga; la conquista di una fidanzata (una fidanzata 'sotterranea') in questo caso per l'amico.26
Se dunque, nel mito greco, Arianna tradi il proprio fratello per amore dell'eroe ateniese (Hyg. Fab. XLII ...adeo utfratremproderet); nella fiaba russa la figlia della baba-jaga insegna al principe Ivan come trovare e sorprendere la madre essendo rimasta colpita dalla bellezza dell'eroe:27
"Cammino molto, cammino poco, ecco che arrivo a una grande, splendida città; e in quella città sorgevano gli appartamenti reali, e negli appartamenti c'era na ragazza d'una bellezza indescrivibile. Dalla finestra ella vide il prode giovanotto, le piacquero i suoi riccioli neri, i suoi occhi di falco, le sopracciglia vellutate, l'andatura da eroe; lo fece chiamare e gli chiese da dove e perché, era venuto. Lui disse che cercava la baba-jaga dalla gamba d'oro. -Ah, principe Ivan! io sono sua figlia; ella dorme adesso un sonno profondissimo, s'è stesa a dormire per dodici giorni -. L'accompagno fuori della città e gli mostro la strada. Il principe Ivan ando dalla baba-jaga gamba-d'oro, la colpi con la spada e le taglio la testa. (...)".
D'altronde, se il principe Ivan conduce la fanciulla 'sotterranea' nel mondo di sopra come fidanzata dell'amico Campestre Bianco; da parte sua Teseo abbandonerà, o dovrà comunque rinunciare ad Arianna, che diviene sposa del dio dalle valenze infernali Dioniso28 (Hyg. Fab. XLIII 1 ...in insula Dia dormientem reliquit; quam Liber amans inde sibi in coniugium abduxit).29
Il labirinto vale a sua volta come percorso sotterraneo: cfr. più in alto (e nota 24).
Tornando ad Arianna, ecco quel che ancora ci dice Kerényi (Gli dei e gli eroi..., cit., vol. II, p. 227): "Essa stava filando - cosi la rappresenta un disegno molto antico - quando il giovane, pregandola e vezzeggiandola, tese una mano verso di lei. Fu certamente un atto di astuzia da parte di lei il consegnargli il fuso col filo. O si trattava di un gomitolo già attorto, come si vede in un antico dipinto vascolare?".
Per il possibile gioco di intercambiabilità tra "gomitolo" e "fuso", nell'ambito del folklore italiano (più precisamente piemontese) di epoca attuale, si consideri, più in alto, nota 2.
26	Il principe Ivan condusse la bella figlia della baba-jaga da Campestre Bianco che la prese con sè come fidanzata. Ivan parti poi alla conquista della propria sposa - "una bellezza mai vista" - nel reame del serpente: sposa che ottenne uccidendo lo zar-serpente e liberando la fanciulla dalla schiavitù del serpente (Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., pp. 211 sg.). Si tratta di uno schema folklorico-narrativo assai usuale.
Si puo notare, ai margini, che, cosi come il principe Ivan è nella sfida risultato superiore a Campestre Bianco, analogamente (e simmetricamente) la fanciulla che diventerrà sposa di Ivan risulta superiore in bellezza alla fidanzata di Campestre Bianco e a chiunque altra. Si tratta di un giuoco di rapporti tipico delle fiabe e dei racconti di folklore in genere.
27	Afanasjev, Antiche fiabe russe, cit., p. 211.
28	Per le valenze infernali di Dioniso - identificato con Ades stesso - cfr. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II 30 (Eraclito). Se in seguito all'impresa 'sotterranea' del labirinto Teseo si è procurato una sposa come Arianna che poi 'cede' o 'dovrà cedere' a qualcun altro (Dioniso: uno sposo a sua volta infernale), nell'impresa agli Inferi assieme a Piritoo l'eroe ateniese - come abbiamo detto - è impegnato nel (vano e assurdo) tentativo di rapire per (e con) l'amico una sposa infernale e sotterranea: la sposa, anzi, infernale e sotterranea per eccellenza, Persefone (si veda, più in alto, nota 16).
Queste due 'storie' relative a Teseo hanno, evidentemente, qualcosa in comune. E' un argomento che meriterebbe di essere ulteriormente approfondito, anche nel suo confronto con le tematiche in atto nella fiaba russa considerata.
29	Tornando al folklore italiano segnalo che gomitoli magici intervengono quale 'mezzo' che protegge la fanciulla (e il principe) dall'inseguimento della strega in alcuni tipi fiabeschi: cfr. S. Lo Nigro, Racconti popolari siciliani. Classificazione e bibliografia, Firenze, Olschki 1957, 310 L'orto proibito, pp. 28 sg., e 313 A La fanciulla promessa all'orca, pp. 32 sgg. . (Più in generale per questi tipi fiabeschi si veda A. Aarne - S. Thompson, The Types of the
242
Alberto Borghini
Klobčič v folklori: smernice za tipologijo. Ruska pravljica in antična pripoved o Tezeju v
labirintu na Kreti
Alberto Borghini
V članku skuša avtor prepoznati nekatere smernice vzorčnega procesa, kjer naj bi se pojavljal klobčič kot simbol in kot pomensko področje, ki se prilagaja različnim folklornim izrazom. Pripovedni dinamizmi drug za drugim vodijo k povezavi z "jedrom pomenske zgostitve" predvsem v smislu peklenskega, smrti/umora in čarovništva.
Folktale. A Classification and Bibliography, Helsinki, Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia 1961, FFC 184, 310 e 313 A). Un gomitolo di lana, quale 'supporto' per una prova che il diavolo non riuscirà a superare, ricorre in un racconto di Levanto (prov. La Spezia): "(...) Allorchè il diavolo fu tornato, la madre (della fanciulla sposa del diavolo, cioè) gli consegno un batuffolo di lana nera e gli disse d andare nel canale per lavarla e farla diventare bianca. Aggiunse che, se non fosse riuscito nella prova, non gli avrebbe restituito sua figlia. Il diavolo ando nel canale, ma quella lana non diventava bianca. Alla fine, preso da un accesso d'ira, scaglio la lana contro un sasso e disse: "Le donne ne sanno una più del diavolo". E se ne ando via, in cerca di altre vittime" (Gabrielli Rosi, Leggende e luoghi..., cit., vol. I, La Spezia, Pisa, Pacini 1991, n. C, Il gomitolo di lana nera, in part. p. 135). Il gomitolo (etc.) assume, insomma, anche efficacia positiva; si vedano inoltre i racconti riportati, più in alto, alla nota 2.
Si veda infine Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, Bloomington and London, Indiana University Press 1975, D1184 "Magic thread"; D1184.1 "Magic ball of thread"; D1313.1 "Magic ball indicates road. Rolls ahead" (D1313.1.1); D1610.28 "Speaking ball of thread".
243
06 OJHOM B03M0%H0M BOCTOMHOC.iaBHHCKOM "npoTopHTya^e" (Ha MaTepna^e 3arOBOpHOii
Tpa^HUHH)
Cepeeu remadueem W^undun
On the basis of East Slavic invocations the author reconstructs Slavic mythology.
BocTOHHOCTaBAHCKHe 3aroBopbi b cHny CBoero ray60K0 apxaHHHoro npoHcxoxneHHa h mnpoTH conepxa^eftca b hhx HH^opMauHH 3aHHMaroT onHo h3 ueHTpanbHbix MecT b BocTonHocnaBaHCKoft ^onbKnopHoft MonenH MHpa. no cBoeft 3HaHHMocTH nna peKoHcTpyKqHH BocroHHocnaBaHcKoft h o6^ecnaBaHcKoft MH^onorrnecKoft cncTeMH 3aroBopH MoryT 6biTb conocTaBneHbi c TaKHMH npHHUHnHanbHbiMH nna sthx TpanHUHft xaHpaMH, KaK anHHecKoe npenaHHe, 6binHHa h Bonme6Haa cKa3Ka. PaHee yxe oTMenanocb, hto BocTOHHocnaBflHcKaa 3aroBopHaa TpanHUHa - KaK h cnaBaHcKHft ^onbKnop b uenoM - 6nH3Ka TpanHUHH HHnoeBponeftcKoft (KoHKpeTHo nna 3aroBopoB cm., HanpHMep: [EnH3apeHKoBa, TonopoB 1987], [TonopoB 1969, 1993]); npH stom BocToHHocnaBaHcKHe 3aroBopH o6HapyxHBaroT aBHbie cTpyKTypHHe, ceMaHTHHecKHe h neKcHHecKHe napannenH c uenbiM panoM BenHftcKHx 3aKnHHaHHft. 9to o6croaTenbcTBo no3BonaeT npennonoxHTb Bo3MoxHocTb nocnenoBaTenbHoft ceMaHTHHecKoft peKoHcTpyKUHH: cHanana - BoccTaHoBHB conepxaTenbHyro cTpyKTypy BocToHHocnaBaHcKHx 3aroBopoB nocpencTBoM conocTaBneHHa hx c BenHftcKoft TpanHUHeft h cooTBeTCTByro^HMH KoMnoHeHTaMH HHnoeBponeftcKoft nepcneKTHBH, a 3aTeM - BoccTaHoBHB Ha aToft ocHoBe yTpaneHHbie 3BeHba BocToHHocnaBaHcKoft MH^onorHHecKoft cHcTeMH. BTopoft aTan peKoHcTpyKUHH b nepByro onepenb KacaeTca mh^ob TBopeHHa, oTcyTCTByro^Hx b cnaBaHcKoft TpanHUHH: HMeHHo 3aroBopH, o6nanaro^He Ha6opoM THnonoranecKHx npH3HaKoB KocMoroHHHecKHx onHcaHHft, b HcxonHoft HnH nepeocMHcneHHoft ^opMe coxpaHaroT HH^opMauHro o npouecce coTBopeHHa MHpa (KoHKpeTHo nna pyccKoft TpanHUHH o6 stom cm.: [fflHHnHH 1989]).
Oco6oro BHHMaHHa 3acnyxHBaeT o6HapyxHBaro^aaca b BocToHHocnaBaHcKHx 3aroBopax cHcTeMa ceMaHTHHecKHx napanneneft c HHnoeBponeftcKHM pHTyanoM "nepBonenoBeKa", cHMBonH3HpoBaBmHM TBopeHHe HnH peKpeauHro KocMoca h perynapHo BocnpoH3BonHBmHMca b rnaBHHx pHTyanax ronoBoro uHKna (cm., HanpHMep: [TonopoB 1979; 1983: 242-245 cn.; 1988]). BaxHeftmHM hctohhhkom nna peKoHcTpyKUHH cMHcnoBoft h MoTHBauHoHHoft cooTHeceHHocTH BocToHHocnaBaHcKoro 3aroBopHoro yHHBepcyMa c HHnoeBponeftcKoft pmyanbHo-MH^onorHHecKoft TpanHUHeft aBnaeTca mothb (p a c) c e h eh h a, KoTopbift, npH Bcex npeTepneBaeMHx hm b xpoHonorHHecKoft nepcneKTHBe
ceMaHTHHecKHx TpaHc^opMauHax, ocTaeTca HaH6onee nocToBepHHM MaTepHanoM nna
aHanH3a rny6HHHHx ochob 3aroBopHoft TpanHUHH h MoxeT paccMaTpHBaTbca KaK onHa H3 KoHKpeTHHx peanraauHft cHTyauHH pa3tenHHeHHa xepTBeHHoro Tena, npennona-
245
06 o.hom bo3moxhom BOCTOHHOcaaBaHCKOM "npoTopHTya.e" (Ha MarepHaae aaroBopHoñ Tpa.HUHH)
raeMoñ ..a crpyKTypHO-ceMaHTHHecKoro HHBapnaHTa HH.oeBponeñcKoro prnya.a "nepBOHe.OBeKa" (cp.: [Ohh.hh 1993; 1996]).
B no.Hoñ ^opMe mothb (pac)ceneHHa npe.no.araeT Ha.HHHe npHHHHbi, o6teKTa, cy6teKTa h aTpn6yTa cooTBeTCTByro^Hx .eñcTBHH; npn stom Bce ohh HcK.roHHTe.bH0 mnpoKO BapbnpyroTca, hto moxbt c.yxHTb KOCBeHHHM yKa3aHHeM ec.H He Ha hcxo.hhh xapaKTep caMoro MOTHBa, to Ha ero npaMyro reHeTHHecKyro 3aBHCHMOCTb ot HeKoero co.epxaTe.bHoro a.pa, b toh h.h hhoh creneHH ynacTByro^ero b ^opMHpoBaHHH h ^yHKanoHHpoBaHHH Bceñ 3ar0B0pH0ñ Tpa.nnnn h o6yc.aB.HBaro^ero crpyKTypHO-ceMaHTHnecKoe e.HHcTB0 Tex cmhc.obhx cxeM, KOTOpbie penpe3eHTHpyroT KOHKpeTHHe pea.H3anHH stoto MOTHBa. MoMeHT (pac-/0T-)ceneHHa Hepe.KO BO3HHKaeT b npaMoñ cBa3H c onpe.e.eHHbiMH 06pa.0BbiMH .eñcTBHaMH, HanpaB^eHHHMH, KaK h caM 3ar0B0pHbiñ TeKCT, Ha flocTHxeHne "Me.HUHHcK0-aHaT0MHHecK0r0" pe3y.bTaTa; cm. THnHHHyro cmyaüHro: 3naxapb oSeodum Mecmo, ¿de 6omhoü nyecmeyem Konombé, SpycKOM u Kpecmum amo Mecmo cmonoeuM howom, ¿oeopa u Kpecmacb mpuwdu: CeKy, omceKarn, py6nm, nepepySam, ceKy, py6nm Konombé ocmpbM howukom. KaK SpycoK ucnesaem om yKnady, om 6ynamy, om wenesa, maK ucnesHu u uscoxhu, poduMoe Konombe, e 6enoü Kocmu, e népmM Mace, e SenoM menbue [BP3 88]. 3HaHHM0cTb penpe3eHTHpyeMbix sthm mothbom KOHKpeTHbix pHTya.bHbix fleñcTBHH no.TBepx.aeTca h npn o6pa^eHHH k Me.nnHHcKOH cocTaB^aro^eñ 06pa.0B0ñ npaKTHKH - BaxHeñmHM hctohhhkom b .aHHOM c.ynae moxst cTaTb o6pa. h 3 . e h e h h a y t h h a (6o.e3HH cnHHH) - cm. ero Han6o.ee no.Hbie onncaHHa, 3a^HKcnp0BaHHbie b ApxaHre.bcKoñ ry6epHHH c HHTepBa.0M 6o.ee HeM b cto .eT: «6o.bHoñ cnHHoñ .o.xeH .eHb hhu Hepe3 nopor, h Kor.a oh TaK jiaxeT, .eKapKa-cTapyxa K.a.eT Ha cnHHy ero .HcTOBaTHK-BeHHK h y.apaeT no HeMy ocrpneM Tonopa. noc.e Kax.oro y.apa TonopoM no BeHHKy 6o.bHoñ .o.xbh cnpamHBaTb: hto cenemb? Ythh ceKy, OTBenaeT .eKapKa. CeKH Kpenne, roBopHT 6o.bHoñ. 9to noBTopaeTca .0 Tpex pa3» [E^HMeHKO 1877: 210], - h: Vmo6u cnuHa He 6onena, "py6am ymuH". Ecnu KonbHyno Ha ynuue, mo Hado nenb nepes nopo¿ c ynuubbi Ha eepaHdy, a ecnu e doMy, mo c Mocma e doM. Ha cnuHy Knadym eeHuK u no HeMyne¿oHbKoydapnrnm monopoM. Tom, ko¿o "py6am", cnpamueaem: - VépySurnb? - YmuH. - Py6u e¿o ¿opasdo, nmo6u eeK He 6bno. - H mpu pasa Hado cKasamb [TPM 481]. BbicoKaa nacTOTHOCTb .aHHoro o6pa.a h ero K0HcraHTH0r0 .eKcnnecKoro c0np0B0x.eHHa (cp.: [To.ctoh 1993: 96-97]), KaK h BbicoKaa $yHKnH0Ha.bHaa "3aKpbiT0cTb", He .onycKaro^aa Hcn0.b30BaHHa ero tohhhx cooTBeTcTBHñ b hhhx cHTyannax, MOxeT c.yxHTb KocBeHHHM yKa3aHHeM Ha cBoeo6pa3HHH stmohhhh xapaKTep 3Toro o6pa.a, aaro^HH 0cH0BaHHa BH.eTb b HeM npaMHe OTro.ocKH npoTopHTya.bHHx h np0T03ar0B0pHHx cxeM. 9to no.TBepx.aeTca h mHpoToñ pacnpocTpaHeHHa .aHHoro cnoco6a .eneHHa yTHHa - k npHBe.eHHHM apxaHre.bcKHM npHMepaM (cp.: [A^OHbeBa, OBHHHHHKOBa 1993: 98, 123]), cm. c.yHan ^HKcannn npaKTHHecKH no.HocTbro TOxaecTBeHHbix .pyr .pyry 06pa.0B h hx Bep6a.bHoro o^o-pM.eHHa b HoBropoflcKoñ ([Coko.obh 1915: 529-530]), Bo.oro.cKon ([MañKOB 1869: 39]; [mycTHKOB 1902: 203]; [3e.eHHH 1914: 203]), Koctpomckoh ([3e.eHHH 1915: 648]), Pa3aHcK0ñ ([3e.eHHH 1916: 1164]), CapaTOBcKOH ([Mhhx 1890: 55]), BopoHexcKoñ ([Ce.HBaHOB 1886: 96]), HpKyTCKoñ ([BnH0rpa.0B 1915: 396-397]) h EHHceñcKOH ([CaBe.beB 1990: 19]) ry6epHHax Pocchh, b EpaHcKoñ h EoMe.bcKoñ ry6epHHax Ee.opyccHH (cm.: [BHH0rpa.0Ba, To.cTaa 1993: 18]) h .p.
KpoMe caM0cT0aTe.bH0ñ 3HaHHM0cTH .aHHoro o6pa.a ..a peKOHCTpyKqHH ero 6o.ee apxaHHHoro yHHBepca.bHoro np0T0THna, o6pa^eHHe k ero BapnaHTaM n03B0.aeT
246
Cepzeü feHHadueeun M.undun
npocieiHTb o6^He ^opMbi o6paíOBOfi TpaHC^opManHH b TpaíHnHH, BbiaBiaro^He riaBHHe cnoco6bi BHíOH3MeHeHHa pHTyaibHbix íeficTBHfi h bxoih^hx b hx cocTaB peneBbix ^opMyi. C oiHofi ctopohh, OKa3biBaeTca bo3moxhhm pa3pymeHHe ieKCHnecKoro o6paMieHHa, BCieiCTBHe KOToporo HCKaxaeTCa MOTHBanHOHHaa ocHOBa TeKCTa, - cp. onHcaHHe BeiHKopyccKoro o6paía, ceMaHTHnecKH 6iH3Koro no CBoefi ^yHKnHOHaibHOfi opHeHTHpoBaHHOCTH npHBeieHHbiM ciynaaM: rnadym 6onbnozo na nopoz ü36u u jieseueM monopa mpozarnm 6onbnoe Mecmo. Bo epeMn jenenun 6omhoü cnpamueaem: «nmo cenéMb?» 3naxapb omeenaem: - «dpoeoceKy». Eomhoü zoeopum: - «ceKu, ceKu, 6e3 o6mimku, nmo6u ne 6um ompbiMKu» [CeiHBaHOB 1886: 96]; cp.: [Mhhx 1890: 55]; [BHHorpaíOB 1915: 396-397]; [3eieHHH 1916: 164] h íp. C ípyrofi ctopohh, npoHcxoia-HHe b nponecce 6biTOBaHHa o6paía H3MeHeHHa MoryT 3aTparHBaTb aKnHOHaibHO-npeíMeTHoe OKpyxeHHe coBepmaeMbix íeficTBHa - cm. ciynafi 3aTymeBbiBaHHa onepanHH ceneHHa, "MeTOHHMHnecKH" npeíCTaBieHHofi b 6eiopyccKOM o6paíe o6pa3OM ^enoK, CTpyxeK: npuiioMome e cnune 6oibnoMy nado co6pamb e <..> cmapuüiianomb caMuxMarnix "mpecoK" u3-nod monopa, 3ameM nenb na nopoze xamu. Cmapman e ceMbe Kiadem mozda nanomb c mpecKaMu maK Me na nopoze, zoeopn: «Ymun cnKy, ymun cnKy, npuzoeapueaw: no KocmnM nexodu, Kocmeü nejiomu,pa6u 6oweü necyrnu» [PoMaHOB 1891: 80]. OíHOBpeMeHHO c aTHM, conocTaBieHHe HHBapHaHTHofi ^opMbi o6paía ceneHHa yTHHa c HapoiHofi MeiHnHHCKofi TpaíHnHefi b neiOM no3BOiaeT o6HapyxHTb ^aKTbi, laro^He ocHOBaHHa íia npeínoioxeHHa o6 hcxoihom xapaKTepe caMoro o6paía h OTCToa^ero ot Hero bo BpeMeHHofi nepcneKTHBe pHTyaibHoro npeneieHTa, Hcnoib3yeMbix b KanecTBe CBoeo6pa3Horo aTaiOHa: cm. 3a^HKCHpoBaHHbifi b BoioroiCKOM Kpae o6paí 3aceKaHHa "ieTynero orHa", nocTpoeHHbifi no TOMy xe CTpyKTypHO-ceMaHTHnecKOMy npHHnHny, hto h ceneHHe yTHHa, - c iHaioroM iHna, coBepmaro^ero MaranecKHe leficTBHa, h CTopoHHero Ha6iroíaTeia (npH tom, hto TaKoro poía opraHH3anHa o6paía OíHOBpeMeHHO MOxeT OTCbliaTb H K pHTyaibHblM BOnpOCHO-OTBeTHbM KOHCTpyKnHaM, H K rHnOTeTHHeCKOMy pHTyaiy nocBa^eHHa, nepeia^H MaranecKoro 3HaHHa, - TeM 6oiee, hto MHorHe o6paibi TaKoro Kiacca - KaK h iaHHbifi BapHaHT - coiepxaT onpeieieHHbie BO3pacTHbie orpaHHneHHa, pacnpocTpaHaro^Heca Ha HcnoiHHTeiefi h ynacTHHKOB-Ha6iroíaTeiefi: KaK npaBHio, aTO ioixhh 6biTb caMbie MiaimHe h / híh CTapmHe HieHbi ceMbH): Odun dpyzozo dojwen cnpocumb: «nmo npucemernb?» Omeem: «jemynuü ozonb 3aceKaw»: - «CeKu 6oünee, nmo6u eeK ezo ne 6um» [fflycTHKOB 1902: 203]; cp. íBa noiHOCTbro HieHTHHHbix apxaHreibCKHx 3aroBopa-o6paía Tofi xe ^yHKnHOHaibHofi opHeHTanHH: [AiOHbeBa, OBHHHHHKOBa 1993: 124]. B aTOM xe KOHTeKCTe, 6e3yciOBHO, cieiyeT paccMaTpHBaTb h ípyrae ciynaH noaBieHHa o6paíOB h 3aroBopHbix TeKCTOB tohho c TaKofi xe ^opMaibHofi opraHH3anHefi, ho HMero^Hx HHyro MeiHnHHCKyro HanpaBieHHOCTb, - HanpHMep, CH6HpcKHfi o6paí ieneHHa íeTCKofi rpbixH: «.eKapKa 6epeT pe6eHKa h «ieiaTb bhi, 6yíTO rpb3eT pe6eHKa». MaTb cnpamHBaeT: - Koro rpbi3emb? - Tpbixy. - 3arpbi3afi, mTo6 BeK-noBeKH He 6biio»» [BHHorpaíOB 1915: 391], - hih HHxeropoiCKHfi BapHaHT OKypHBaHHa kopob: «6a6a b nepenoK KiaieT ropaje yriH h iaiOHy, o6hoch ero BOKpyr kopobh c MOiHTBoro <... > Croaba» c ípyroro 6oKa kopobh cnpamHBaeT: neBO, 6a6a, KypHmb? - YpoKH. - KypH ropaxe!»» [MaMaKHH 1892: 148]. BcTpenaro^aaca h b aTHx o6paíax, h b cnoco6e ieneHHa yTHHa, h b ero npeínoiaraeMOM apxamecKOM "npoTOTHne" npocb6a o6 ycHieHHH npoH3BOiHMbix íeficTBHfi no3BOiaeT BKironHTb b iaHHbifi THnoiorHHecKHfi paí laibHeBOCTOHHbifi 3aroBop, coiepxa^Hfi aHaiorHHHoe Tpe6oBaHHe, ho yxe BHe aBHoro o6paiOBoro ieficTBHa (oTneTiHBO 3aMe^aeMoro BBOiHOfi ieK-
247
O6 oähom B03M0XH0M B0GX0qH0GjaBaHGK0M "npoxopnxyaae" (Ha MaxepHaje 3ar0B0pH0H xpa^nunn)
cmecKon (opMyjon, aBHG pacna^aro^enca Ha penjHKH pa3Hbix ynacTHHKGB): Em apenKy, eM a penKy, eM podUMy zpumy. Ew zopasHe, wmo6u eeeK no eeKU He 6bno Uë y pa6a Eowua [A3afl0BcKHH 1914: 12]; cp.: [Tgjctgh 1993: 96]. .HerKO npocjexHBaro^aaca bg Bcex npHBe^eHHHx Moaejax onpeaejeHHaa CMbicjOBaa "flH((y3Ha" oópaaoBoro aeHCTBHa h 3arGBGpHGrG TeKcTa npeacTaBjaeTca flOCTaTOHHbiM ocHOBaHHeM aja npeanojoxeHHa g HajHHHH Mexay hhmh HeKGToporo (yHKqHGHajbHoro H30M0p(H3Ma, "paBHOBecHa", htg, OflHOBpeMeHHO, h oötacHaeT MHoroHHCjeHHbie cjynaH B3aHM03aMeHaeM0cTH MaranecKHx flencTBHH h cjOBecHHx (opMyj, h cBHoeTejbcTByeT o cy^ecTBOBaHHH TaKon aKqHOHajbHOH ochobh 3aroBopHHx TeKcTOB, KOTopaa, BepoaTHO, Ha onpeaejeHHOM 3Tane (yHKUHGHHpoBaHHa MH(ojorHHecKGH Tpa^HnHH CTaja nocTeneHHG BHTecHaTbca, 3aMe^aTbca 6ojee npamaTHHHbiMH, MOTHBHpoBaHHHMH (opMaMH, Hcn0jb30BaBmHMH apxaHHecKHË pHTyajbHbin npene^eHT TOJbKO b KanecTBe ocraTonHoro ceMaHTHnecKoro KapKaca aja Kax^oro KOHKpeTHoro cjynaa, Tpeöyro^ero B0cnp0H3BefleHHa, noBTopeHHa apxeTHnHnecKoro pmyana b ero nojHOM hjh coKpa^eHHOM BapHaHTe.
OcOÖeHHG OTHeTJHBO BXGpHHHHH, 3aMe^aro^HH xapaKTep CjGBeCHbix KOHcTpyKUHH, H3o6paxaro^Hx KOHKpeTHHe pmyajbHG-MarHHecKHe onepanHH, npoaBjaeTca npH oöpa^eHHH k HeMHoroHHCjeHHbiM cjynaaM OTHOCHTejbHO nojHon (HKcauHH h oöpaflOBbix flencTBHH, h 3aKjHHaTejbHHx (opMyj, Hcnojb3yro^Hx OTflejbHHe cTpyKTypHbe KOMnoHemb aaHHOH THnojoranecKOH cxeMbi, KaK, HanpHMep, b ceBepHopyccKGM oöpa^e rajeneHHa aeTCKoro Hcnyra, 3a(HKCHp0BaHH0M b BaTcKOM Kpae; cm.: (Ea6ywKa MonanoM Mepana Ha nopoze HUmKoû pe6ëHKa.) - ¥ezo mu denaewb? -CnycKawpëe, ucnyz, nepenonox, 12podUMuee <...>. (3pasa cnycKaem u zoeopum amo. nomoM ceasueaem Monano u nonynaemca Kpyz. nomoM amom Kpyz npodeeaem c zonoeu Ha pe6ëHKa onamb.) - ¥mo denaewb?- CHUMarnpëe, ucnyz... (Hecëdanbwe noemopaem. nomoM Ha nopoze py6um mono-poM.) - ¥ezo denaewb?-Py6nrnpëe, nepenonox... (Honamb noemopaem. nomoM uspy6neHHoeMonano wzna Ha wecmKe.) - ¥mo wwëwb?-Mzy... (HecëcHoea zoeopum. no 3 pasa ecë <...>.) [BO3 382]. ^aHHHË TeKcT npeacTaBjaeT HCKjroHHTejbHbiñ HHTepec no nejOMy paay (aKTopoB. Bo-nepBbix, oh aBHG aeMGHCTpHpyeT nojHyro TOxaecTBeHHOCTb, H30(yHKUH0H&jbH0cTb BepöajbHOH h aKUHOH&jbHOH cocTaBjaro^Hx 3aroBopa h ero CGnpGBGXfleHHa. Bg-btophx, oh b 3KcnjHUHTH0H (opMe BbipaxaeT mothb ceneHHa, OTpyöaHHa 6oje3Heö, KoppejHpyro^HË c H^eeö BG3poxaeHHa, MeTa(opHnecKH npeacTaBjeHHon b nepBon nacra oöpa^a 06pa30M Kpyra, KOTopbin npoaeBaeTca Ha peöeHKa 1. B-TpeTbHx, oÖHapyxHBaro^eeca b TeKcTe CTpeMjeHHe k nGJHGMy, BceGxBaTHGMy yHHHTOxeHHro 6oje3HH, He ocTaBjaro^ee bg3mgxhgcth aja ee noBTopeHHa, "peKpeanHH",
1 Cp. mHpoKO 3a(HKGHpoBaHHyro b cjaBaHCKOH xpa^nunn npaKXHKy "nepepox^eHna" 6ojbHoro hjh cja6oro pe6eHKa, BKiïKwaro^yro b ce6a, b qacxHOcxn, o6pa^ npoxacKHBaHHa ero qepe3 pa3BHjKy ^epeBa hjh GKB03H0e oxBepcxHe b HeM; cm., HanpHMep, b yKpaHHCKOH xpaanunn: «XHjoro h cja6oro pe6eHKa npo^eBarox xpnx^H qepe3 pac^enjeHHHË MOjHHen fly6» [rpHH^eHKO 1895: 31]; cp. KaK 6ojee "nparMaxn^Hyro" h, cje^OBaxejbHO, 6ojee BHpoxfleHHyro (opMy pyccKHË o6pa^ H3jeqeHHa pe6eHKa ox rp^ixH: «Kor^a Mja^eHeu 6ojeH rp^ixen, xo <...> oxe^ h Maxb Hecyx ero b jec, oxHGKHBarox ^Ba pa^OM pacxy^nx mojoähx ^y6Ka h cxaHOBaTca ^pyr npoxHB apyra, xpH pa3a nepe^arox pe6eHKa o^hh ^pyroMy b nporaj Mex^y hhmh <...>. 9tox cnoco6 jjeqeHHa Ha3HBaexca MecxaMH omnoc h ynoxpe6jaexca b pa3HHx aexcKHx 6oje3Hax» [Mhhx 1890: 54]; k pacmHpeHHro KOHKpexHbx ghogo6ob b GjaBaHGKon xpa^HUHH B006^e cp.: [Tojcxaa 1992: 56] h ^p.; npHMeHHxejbHO ko B3pocjbiM gm., HanpHMep, gxoähhh o6pa^, 6brroBaBmHË b nomexoHCKOM ye3^e; cm.: [flepyHOB 1889: 118]; cp. xaKxe: [3ejeHHH 1991: 286]. Ha3HBaa b 3xom XHnojornqecKOM pa^y nponycKaHHe 6ojbHoro qepe3 xoMyx, GKB03H0e aynjo, jjecxHHuy h x.n. h nponycKaHHe jjoma^en qepe3 3eMjaH0H xyHHejb, B.A.ycneHCKHH 3aMeqaex, qxo noÄo6Horo po^a ^encxBHa CHMB0jH3Hpyrox noBXopHoe pox^eHne h CBa3aHHoe c 3xhm 00H0BjeHHe opraHH3Ma; cm.: [ycneHGKHH 1982: 132]; xaM xe - no^poÓHaa 6n6jHorpa(Ha Bonpoca. - Hro6onHXH0
248
Cepzeü feHHadueeun M.undun
ConoCTaBHMo C aHaiorHHHHMH noÖyaHTeibHHMH npHHHHaMH H aeÖCTBHaMH, npHcyTCTByro^HMH b apyrax THnax BOCTOHHOCiaBaHCKHx 3aroBopoB, b nacTHOCTH, b TeKCTax ot 3Meö h iHxopaaoK, HT0 BHCTynaeT aonoiHHTeibHHM noaTBepxaeHHeM, c 0aH0H CT0p0HH, CMbICiOBOrO eaHHCTBa 3ar0B0pH0H TpaaHnHH H, C apyroö CT0p0HH, oö^hocth cToa^Hx 3a Hero b ueiOM h, cieaoBaTeibHO, 3a KaxaoH h3 K0HKpeTHHx ^yHKUHOHaibHbix rpynn, pHTyaibHo-MH^oiorHnecKHx npeacTaBieHHH o MHpe. B-neTBepTHx, CHTyauHa oTceneHHH öoie3HH, npaKTHnecKH noiHOCTbro ToxaecTBeHHaa aHaiorHHHoö onepauHH, coBepmaeMoH npa ieneHHH yTHHa, n03B0iaeT npeanoioxHTb, HT0 h oöpaa H3ÖaBieHHa ot yTHHa Ha paHHeH CTaaHH ^yHKUH0HHp0BaHHa Mor npeacTaBiaTb coöoh Öoiee pa3BepHyToe aeHcTBHe, coKpaTHBmeeca b npouecce ÖHToBaHHa T0ibK0 ao ueHTpaibHoro ero K0Mn0HeHTa, hto ciyxHT aonoiHHTeibHbiM aoKa3aTeibCTB0M bhcokoh CTeneHH 3HanHM0CTH onepauHH OTceneHHa, orbeaHHeHHH aia MarHHecKoro C03HaHHa. Pa3yMeeTca, npa conocTaBieHHH sthx oöpaaoB b KanecTBe HcxoaHoro HiH c0BepmeHH0 oöocoöieHHoro moxho cHHTaTb Öoiee iaKOHHHHbrä oöpaa H3ieneHHH ot yTHHa; b TaK0M ciynae npHMeHHTeibHO k nepB0My oöpaay (H3ieneHHH öeccoHHUbi) penb b paBHOH CTeneHH MoxeT hsth KaK oö ycHieHHH CTaHaapTHHx, yHHBepcaibHbix aeöcTBHH (oTceneHHa, oTpyöaHHa) nocpeacTB0M BBeaeHHa aonoiHHTeibHHx ceMaHTHnecKHx 3BeHbeB (cnycKaHHa, CHHMaHHa h cxaraHHa), TaK h o noiHOH caM0CT0aTeibH0CTH 3Toro oöpaaa h HeB03M0xH0CTH ero conocTaBieHHa c oöpaaoM ieneHHa yTHHa. B iroöoM ciynae, cpaBHeHHe aHaiH3HpyeMoro TeKCTa c ^yHKnH0HaibH0 poacTBeHHHMH eMy 3aroBopaMH n03B0iaeT aoBOibHO acH0 npocieaHTb npoHcxoaa^He b TpaaauHH CTpyKTypHO-ceMaHTHHecKHe TpaHC^opMauHH hcxoshoh MoaeiH. TaK, b rpaHHuax Toro xe BaTCKoro apeaia oÖHapyxHBaroTca oöpaab coaepxa^He TOibKO oaHH aKUHOHaibHblH K0Mn0HeHT H3 paCCMaTpHBaeM0r0 paaa aeHCTBHH -cnycKaHHe (cm.: (Ecßu ucnyzamm MaßeHbKuxpeÔHm, zoeopHm cßoea, saMepueamm. Hanum-mm c zoßoeyrnKu. HumonKy eosbMu u cHanaßa sdecb, om meMenKa <depma HumKy eepmuKaßbHo, onycKaH edoßb noseomrnum k mmmM. - Co6.>) - <...> MepHmh, MepHmpa6a öornbezo ucnyzu, nepenoßoxu [B03 385]), pa3pyöaHHe (cm.: (Ecßu nepenoßox Haeeßu Ha pe6ëHKa, eosbMu Mom npHwu, py6u ezo Ha nopoze u zoeopu:) - Py6ßm-nepepy6am rnopox, nepenoßox, ypoK [B03 386]) h cxaraHHe (cm. oöpaaoByro peKOMeHaauaro: Ecßupe6ëHoK ucnywaßcH, Hado esHmb KydeßbKy, nmo6 dßuHoü c pe6ëHKa, u epode nßecmu eë e dpyzym cmopoHy, e o6pamHym, a nomoM cwenb [B03 384])2. HaKOHeu, b aaHH0M cmhciobom paay Heib3a He y^HTbiBaTb h aKUHOHaibHO öih3khh nparoBop ot anMeHa, npeacTaBiaro^HH COÖOH, BepoaTHo, 0CTaT0K 3aKiHHaTeibH0H CiOBeCHOH ^opMyiH, 3KBHBaieHTH0H coöcTBeHHo 0Öpaa0B0My aeöcTBHro, ho BHe ero "MeTaTeKCTyaibHoro" onacaHHa: MnMeHb, HHMeHb, Ha me6e Kymrnb; nmo xonernb, mo Kynurnb; Kynu ce6e monopoK, py6u ce6H nonepëK! [BP3 84]; cp. CMOieHCKHH: XnMem, HHMeHb! eom ma6e Kymrn, rnmo xonurn, mo u Kynurn; Kynu ca6e manapoK, chku cH6e nympëK! [C9C 199], - h, ocoöeHHo, Ka3aHCKHH BapHaHTbi:
^HrypHpyro^ee b CapaT0BCK0H ryöepHHH HMeHGBaHHe oöpaaa "gthgcgm", KGTGpoe He MGxeT He Bbi3BaTb accGUHauHH c mHpoKG pacnpocTpaHeHHOH npaKTHKGH GCTaBieHHa aeTeH b iecy, b qacTHocTH, 3aperHCT-pHpGBaHHGH H BGimeÖHGH CKa3KGH, - CG BCeMH BG3HHKaro^HMH B 3TGH CBa3H HHHUHaUHGHHHMH
napaiieiaMH, - cm.: [nponn 1986: 82-85].
2 nepBbie aBa cnocoöa KaK 3KBHBaieHTHHe apyr Äpyry BapnaHTH BCTpenaroTca h b yKpaHHCKGH TpaaHUHH, npH^eM TaK xe b paMKax o^Horo apeaia - cm. cBHaeTeibCTBO o tom, ^tg nepenoiox «ie^HTca npHceKaHHeM TonopoM y nopora xaTbi aBeHaauaTH naioneK H3 BeHHKa. Ot "nepenoioxa" xe h "3aBHpqyroT". fleiaeTca 3tg TaKHM oöpa3GM. npHriameHHHH 3Haxapb H3MepaeT HHTKoro aiHHy öoibHoro ÄHTara» h t.ä. [KoBaieHKO, MaHxypa 1891: 171].
249
O6 OflHOM BG3MGxHGM BGCTGHHGCiaBaHCKGM "npGTGpHTyaie" (Ha MaTepHaie 3arGBGpHGÖ TpaflHUHH)
MHMeHb, MHMeHb, Ha me KyKUw - nezo xonewb Kynuwb; Kynu ceôe monopuK, cpyôu ceôe zoßoeKy, no caMyrnMaKoeKy! [ApmHHOB 1889: 11]; KaK nocreneHHyro TpaHc(opManHro "aflpecaTa" cm. BaTCKHÖ: nene-HHMeHb, Ha me6e Kyrnrn! ^ezo xonernb, mozo u Kynurnb. Kynu ceôe monopoK, ucceKU ceÔH edoßb u nonepëK [B03 432], - h 3a6aÖKaibCKHÖ BapHaHTbi: Ha me6e nenenrneHb KyKurn, <...> 6epu monopoK, ceKU nonepëK [CaBeibeB 1990: 18].
BHHMaHHa 3aciyxHBaeT h npHcyTCTByro^HÖ bo MHorHx BapHaHTax npHBefleHHHx 06pafl0B o6pa3 e e h u k a, Hen MH(oiorHHecKHÖ CMHCioo6pa3yro^HÖ noTeHnHai flaieKO BHxoflHT 3a npefleiH c(epH ero co6cTBeHHO 6biT0B0r0 ynoTpe6ieHHa 3. Cy^ecTBeHHbiM npH3HaKOM 3Toro npeflMeTa MoxeT CHHTaTbca xapaKTeprayro^aa ero "06paTHM0CTb": BeHHK b paBHon CTeneHH MoxeT BHCTynaTb b (yHKqHH KaK o6teKTa, TaK h cy6teKTa (pac)ceneHHa; c npHBefleHHHMH npHMepaMH cp. 6eiopyccKHÖ o6pafl ot fleTCKoro HOHHoro KpHKa: Ysnmb us zoßbm mpu npymu u nod KypocadHeM KawHbiM npymoM mpupasa dsHueHKa ceKaHyub, - conpoBoxflaro^HÖca MarHHecKon (opMyioö: OmceKam KpuKcu-rnaKcu [PoMaHOB 1891: 151]. HafleieHHe b flaHHOM KOHTeKcre BeHHKa "aKTHBHHM" HanaiOM
npeflCTaBiaeTca hih no3flHeömeö HHBepcHeö (aBiaro^eöca oflHHM h3 npHMepoB toö rio6aibHon 06paTHM0CTH, KOTopaa xapaKTepH3yeT Bce ypoBHH MarHHecKon npaKTHKH h npoaBiaeTca, b HacTHOCTH, b cn0C06H0CTH oflHHx h Tex xe npeflMeTOB BHCTynaTb b KaHecTBe 06teKT0B h cy6teKTOB pHTyaibHbix flencTBHÖ), hih 3KCTpanoianHeö h3 flpyroö c(epH 06pafl0B0Ö fleaTeibHOCTH (HanpHMep, CBa3aHHOÖ c 06pa30M 6aHH); flyMaeTca, hto Ha nepBOHaHaibHOÖ CTaflHH CBoero ynoTpe6ieHHa 3tot o6pa3 e^e flOixeH 6hi coxpaHaTb pmyaibHbie KOHHOTauHH 4. HeaBHHM noflTBepxfleHHeM 3Toro MoxeT ciyxHTb 3a(HKCHpoBaHHHÖ b BpaHCKon ry6epHHH ciynaö pacceKaHHa h pa36pacHBaHHa Hacren BeHHKa, npaMO nepeKiHKaro^HÖca c aHaiorHHHHMH fleöcTBHaMH b pmyaie npHHeceHHa
3	O6 HcnGib3GBaHHH MeTiH HiH BeHHKa b HGflG6Hbix o6paflax h jieHe6HGn MarHH BGo6^e cm.: [BHHorpaflOBa, Toicraa 1993: 16-18].
4	OTHacTH flGKa3aTeibCTBGM coxpaHeHHa o6pa3GM BeHHKa oTflaieHHbix cieflGB pHTyaibHG-MarHHecKGrG npGHcxoxfleHHa MGxeT aBiaTbca 3anpeT Ha y6opKy h BHMeTaHHe Mycopa b flGMe b npa3flHHHHbie flHH, 3aperHCTpHpGBaHHHÖ Ha Bceö TeppHTopHH pacceieHHa bgctghhhx ciaBaH; xapaKTepH3ya cHCTeMy npa3flHHHHHx 3anpeTGB, C.M.TGicraa BHfleiaeT TpH HaH6oiee g6^hx (opMbi: pa6oTH, cBa3aHHHe c mHTbeM H TKaHeCTBGM, pa60TH C GCTpHMH (pexy^HMH, KGiro^HMH H py6a^HMH) GpyflHaMH H pa6GTH, CBa3aHHbie C 3eMieö (cm.: [Toicraa 1984: 181]). Mgxhg 3aMeTHTb, htg Bce 3th fleöcTBHa b 6Gibmeö hih MeHbmeö CTeneHH G6HapyxHBaroT cGGTHGCHMGCTb c pHTyaibHGÖ nporpaMMGÖ: GCTpHe GpyflHa - KaK aBHbie 3KBHBaieHTbi aTpH6yTGB pHTyaibHoro xepTBGnpHHGmeHHa, 3eMia - KaK, b KGHeHHGM cHeTe, nGcieflHHH "aflpecar" pHTyaibHoro aKTa (TeM 6oiee, htg npaKTHHecKH iro6bie ceibCKGxG3aöCTBeHHHe pa6oTH npeflnoiararoT Hcn0ib30BaHHe gctphx GpyflHÖ), a TKaHecTBG - KaK CBoero pofla "3KBHBaieHT", yHHBepcaibHaa MH(GiGrHHecKaa MeTa(opa cGTBGpeHHa MHpa (cp. TaKxe poib hhth b yxe npHBefleHHHx o6paflax H3ieHeHHa GT fleTCKoro KpHKa, BG Bcex HHflGeBpGneöcKHx 3aroBopax Ha GCTaHGBKy KpGBGTeHeHHa h flp.), TGxe cBa3aHHaa c GCTpHMH arpH6yTaMH. TaKHM o6pa3GM, KaxeTca BepoaTHHM npeflnoioxeHHe g tgm, htg npnypGHeHHbie k npa3flHHKaM 3anpeTH (aBHG riy6oKG a3HHecKoro npGHcxoxfleHHa) pacnpocTpaHaroTca Ha Te o6teKTbi h npeflMeTH, KGTGpbie b 3th flHH "HanoiHaroTca" gcg6hm pmyaibHbiM 3HaHeHHeM, cMHci KGTGporG noiHGCTbro yTpaHeH TpaflH^eö, hg naMaTb g kgtgpgm MexaHHHecKH coxpaHeHa b Tpe6oBaHHH co6irofleHHa Mep npeflGCTGpGxHGCTH GT ciyHaÖHGÖ flecaKpaIH3a^HH 3thx npeflMeTGB; g TaKoro pofla ceMHGTHHecKGÖ nepeG^eHKe Bernsen cm., HanpHMep: [CBemHHKOBa, l^HBbaH 1979: 165-171]; [Baö6ypHH 1989] h flp. Be3yciGBHaa Heo6xGflHMGCTb flonoiHeHHa npefliGxeHHGÖ C.M.Tgictgö THnoiornH 3anpeTGB 3anpeT0M Ha y6opKy flGMa KaK pa3 H nG3BGiaeT rOBGpHTb G n0fl06H0Ö GUeHGHHGÖ H (yHKUHGHaibHGÖ aM6HBaieHTHGCTH BeHHKa, BepoaTHO, coxpaHaro^eö pyflHMeHTapHHe cieflH yHacTHa ero npoTGTHna b peKGHCTpynpyeMGM BOcTOHHOciaBaHCKOM "npGTGpHTyaie". OnpefleieHHyro HH(opMauHro b 3tgm GTHomeHHH MGryT npeflGCTaBHTb nacxaibHHe o6paflbi, mnpoKG ynGTpe6iaBmHeca b BeiopyccHH h Ha YKpaHHe h BKiroHaBmHe MOMeHT ceHeHHa BeTBaMH GCBa^eHHGÖ Bep6b, cGnpGBGxflaBmnöca pHTyaibHHM flHaioroM h cBGeG6pa3HGÖ "nepeaflpeca^eö" cGBepmaeMHx flencTBHÖ; cm.: «KaK TOibKO npHflyT agmgö H3 uepKBH, Bep6oö xie^yT flpyr flpyra: «He a 6tro, Bep6a 6te. _HKaa? CBaTaa. 3a THxfleHb - BeiHKfleHb. Byflb 3flopGB Ha yBecb rofl»»
250
Cepzeü feHHadueeun M.undun
b xepTBy "nepBoneaoBeKa"; cm.: «Ecan pe6eHOK aoaro He HanHHaa xoaHTb, <...> Kaaan pe6eHKy Mexay HoxeK BeHHK, 3aTeM pacceKaan ero h pacKHabiBaaH npyTba» [Bhho-rpaaoBa, ToacTaa 1993: 17]. C "KpeaTHBHbiMH" bo3moxhocthmh o6pa3a BeHHKa coraacyeTca h ero ynacTHe b aro6oBHbix 3aroBopax (HepeaKo b conoaoxeHHH c o6pa3oM nopora) ; cm. pyccKHñ "npHBopoTHbiñ" o6paa, rae Hcnoab3oBaHHe BeHHKa cayxHT e^e o^hhm aoKa3aTeabCTBoM H3oMop^H3Ma Bep6aabHoñ h aKqnoHaabHoH Hacreñ o6paaoBoro KoMnaeKca: H3 ceemeea eeHUKa SepemcH npymoK. npymoK KiadémcH Ha nopoze deepu, e Komopym eoüdém mom, diH Kozo HasHaneHa npucyxa. KaK momKo oh nepewazHém nepes npym, mo nociedHuü y6uparnm e maKoe Mecmo, ¿de ezo HUKmo He moz 6u eudemb. nomoM 6epym npym u Kiadym e mapKo HamonieHHoü 6arn Ha noioK, npuzoeapueaH: «KaK coxHem amom npym, nycKaü coxHem noMHe(umh)pa66owuü (umh)» [.oceB 1925: 22]; aHaaorHHHoe - b: [.oceB 1925: 23]; [HC A, 14]. HaKoHen, b CBa3H c o6pa3oM BeHHKa h ero pmyaabHbiM opeoaoM Heo6xoflHMo oTMeTHTb caynañ ^HKcannn ero H3Becraoñ ^yHKnHoHaabHoñ Tox^ecTBeHHocTH KaMHro KaK o6paaoBoMy aaTapro: noüdy h, pa6a 6owbn (umh) e napHyrn 6aHW, noMbiAwcb, nonapmcb. Buüdy h, pa6a 6owbH (umh) u3 napHoü 6aHU, ecmaHy Ha wéiKoeuü eeHUK u noMonwcb u noKopmcb mpéM eempaM, mpéM euxopHM [Co6oaeBa 1926: 28], - b ch6hpckom aro6oBHoM 3aroBope; cp. apxaHreabCKHe BapnaHTbi: noümu e 6aHW, nocie napeHbH, cmamb Ha mom eeHUK, KomopbiM napuiucb, u zoeopumb: «Buüdy h us napHoü 6aüHu, cmaHy ceouM 6erniM 6yMawHbiM meioM Ha weiKoe eeHUK <...>» [HC A, 17], - h 6oaee noKa3aTeabHoe b paccMaTpHBaeMoñ nepcneKTHBe coeaHHeHne cmyanHH CToaHHa Ha BeHHKe c aHaToMHnecKoñ o6pa3HocTbro: CmaHy h Miada Ha weiKoe eeHUK 6eiuM meioM, 6eioü zpydbw, népHUMU 6poeHMU, hchumu onaMU, pemueuM cepdueM [HC A, 21] 5. HaKoHen, 3^ecb xe MoxeT 6HTb oTMeneHa oco6aa poab BeHHKa b o6paaax, CBa3aHHbix c 6aHeñ, 6aHHHKaMH h aomobhmh; cp., HanpnMep, ch6hpckhh o6paaoBbiñ KoMMeHTapnñ k HcnoaHeHHro 3aroBopa ot npHTKH, "6aHHoñ noraHn": Yumaewb Ha eeHUK e 6aHe, nmo6u He npuiunia KaKaH 6oib. niecHéwb Ha eeHUK eodu Had KaMeHKoü u zoeopuwb [BnHorpaaoB 1915: 397].
TaKHM o6pa3oM, aHaaH3 onpeaeaeHHoñ o6paaoBoñ napaanrMbi, cocroa^eñ H3 Ha6opa ^yHKqnoHaabHo, aKqnoHaabHo h Bep6aabHo 6aH3KHx BapnaHToB, aaeT HeKoTopbie ocHoBaHHa aaa peKoHCTpyKnnn ecan He o6^e3aroBopHoro pHTyaabHo-3aKaHHaTeabHoro npoToTeKCTa, to HeKoero CTepeoTHna, nocayxHBmero ochoboh aaa ^opMHpoBaHHa neaoro Kaacca poacTBeHHbix (h, caeaoBaTeabHo, reHeranecKH 3aBHCHMHx) o6paaoB h /
[MaaHHKa 1902: 248-249], - c abhoh "HoBoroaHeñ" opneHTauHeH, conocTaBHMoñ c npHypoqeHHooTbro raaBHoro apxanqecKoro pmyaaa k HoBoMy roay; cp. apyroH HHTepecHbiñ eay^añ oToxaecTBaeHHa - c npocTpaHCTBeHHbiMH o6teKTaMH: Bep6a (me, He h ómm, sa muxdeHb BenuKdeHb. Eydb eernKüü, hk eep6a, a sdopoeuü, hk eoda, a 6a¿amuü, hk seMAH [Homhc 1864: 8]; TaM xe - BapHaHT c anaaorHqecKHM CTpoeHHeM. B 3tom xe paay MoryT paccMaTpHBaTbca h HCKnroqHTenbHO ynoTpe6HTeabHHe eayqaH xopomo H3BecTHoro HcnoabaoBaHHa BeTBeñ npH nepBoM BeceHHeM BHroHe CKoTa b noae. - KpoMe Toro, Heo6xoaHMo HMeTb b BHay to odoToaTeabCTBo, ^to b o6pa^e BeHHKa b "peaaHCTHqeoKoH" $opMe coaepxHTca ^HTpaabHaa aaa paccMaTpHBaeMoro THna pHTyaaoB Haea KOM6HHa^HH npeaeabHoñ apo6HocTH h eaHHCTBa. - 3aecb xe cm. oTHoca^eeca k Mockobckoh ry6epHHH CBHaeTeabCTBo npeaeabHoro MarH^ecKoro noTeH^Haaa BeHHKa, CTaHoBa^eroca ero "KoMnpeccHpoBaHHbiM" 3KBHBaaeHToM: xua HeaH Ko^dyH. Oh yMep, a KoAdoecmeo ceoe nepedaA, KaK ymupm, ceoeuy cuHy "Ha eeHUKe". nodosean cuHa, nonpocuA eeHUK, noMenmw nmomo Ha He¿o u nepeKUHyji sa ¿üAoey. nomoM emy camomy wmomo zoeopun... Oh menepb Kondoecmeo-mo u 3Haem [EaeoHCKaa 1925: 225], - npn tom, KoHe^Ho, ito b poan o6teKTa HaroBapHBaHHa h nepe6pacbmaHHa qepe3 naeqo Moran BHCTynaTb caMbie pa3HHe npeaMeTH.
5 O noao6HoM Hcnoab3oBaHHH BeHHKa b o6paaax "npncymHBaHHa" h ero bo3moxhhx ^yHKanoHaabHo-ceMaHTH^ecKHx TpaHC$opMa^Hax cm.: [üo3HaHCKHH 1917: 209-211].
251
O6 onHOM bo3moxhom BocToqHocnaBaHcKOM "npoTopmyane" (Ha MaTepnane 3aroBopHon TpanHUHH)
nnn TeKcTOB. HecMOTpa Ha xecTKyro ^yHKqnoHanbHO-nparMaTHnecKyro mothbhpo-BaHHocTb Bcex o6pa3yro^nx HHBapnaHTHyro ^opMy naHHoro o6pana 3neMeHTOB, Kaxnbn H3 hhx c nocTaTOHHO BbcoKon cTeneHbro nocTOBepHocTn MoxeT 6brb BO3BeneH k HeKoeMy pnTyanbHOMy npenenemy; bo BcaKOM cnynae, Bce ohh npaMO nnn onocpenoBaHHO penpe3eHTnpyroT pa3nnHHbie acneKTb rnaBHoro ronoBoro pnTyana. U e a b 3Toro pnTya-nbHoro nencTBna - HOBaa (n, b npenenbHOM BapnaHTe, "oKOHnaTenbHaa") no6ena Han xaocoM, BTopraro^HMca nnn noTeHnnanbHO cnocoÓHbiM BToprayTbca b perynapHoe cy^ecTBOBaHne, npencTaBneHa ^HHanbHon ^pa3on o6pana, npn3BaHHon 3aKpennTb OTHyxneHne, OTcyTcTBne 6one3HH (peanbHon nnn rpo3a^en) b HeKoen 6ecKOHeHHon BpeMeHHon nepcneKTHBe, to ecTb cnpoennpoBaTb Ha ypoBeHb MHKpoMnpa - noMa, ceMbn, HHnnBnnyyMa - to KocMnnecKoe paBHOBecne, KOTopoe nonxHO 6brb BoccTaHOBneHO b rnaBHOM ronoBOM pnTyane. npencTaBneHO b BocTOHHocnaBaHcKOM o6pane n pnTyanbHoe e p e m a, aBnaro^ee co6on KBHHracceHnnro npomenmero n Hacroa^ero: xaoTHnecKoe npomnoe MaHn^ecrnpoBaHO "xaoTnnecKHM" HacToa^HM ynacTHHKOB, a 6narononynHoe "HOBoe", KocMnnecKoe BpeMa - Ton xpoHonornHecKon nepcneKTHBon "onn^eHHoro" cy^ecTBOBaHHa, Ha KOTopyro opneHTnpoBaHb coBepmaeMbie nencTBHa6. CooTBeTcTBeHHO, n tot noKyc, k KOTopoMy perynapHO npnyponnBaeTca ncnonHeHne o6pana, He MoxeT He acconnnpoBaTbca c m e c m o m pnTyana: nopor, ^Hrypnpyro^Hn npaKTnnecKn b 6onbmnHcTBe BapnaHTOB, - Han6onee neTKaa, npocTpaHcTBeHHO BbpaxaeMaa rpaHnna cBoero n nyxoro MnpoB, n, cnenoBaTenbHO, rpaHnna noBcenHeBHoro n 3KcTpeManbHoro, npo^aHnnecKoro n caKpanbHoro, onacHoro n rapaHTnpoBaHHoro n T.n.7 BepoaTHO, o6pa3 nopora MoxeT HHTepnpeTnpoBaTbca n KaK ^opMa ceMaHTnnecKoro BO3Bpa^eHna k xpoHonornnecKOMy acneKTy OTpaxeHna cnenoB "nepBopnTyana" - BpeMa, k KOTopoMy oh perynapHO npnyponnBanca, - 3TO Toxe nopor, rpaHnna, npnneM onHOBpeMeHHO n BpeMeHHaa, n npocTpaHcTBeHHaa. Bonee OTneranBa BO3MoxHaa cBa3b boctohho-cnaBaHcKoro o6pana c HHnoeBponencKHM pnTyanoM Ha ypoBHe d e ü c m e u a: aKqnoHanbHoe ToxnecTBO nByx TnnoB pnTyanbHoro noBeneHna He MoxeT He Bb3BaTb npennonoxeHna o6 o6^hocth, no KpanHen Mepe, cToa^nx 3a hhmh npencTaBneHnn. npn 3tom ^nrypnpyro^ee b BocTOHHocnaBaHcKOM o6pane nnno, BbicTynaro^ee KaK cBoero pona "HocnTenb" o6teKTa 3aroBopa (6one3Hn), BnonHe conocTaBHM c w ep m e o ü (nnn
6	BnonHe BepoaTHO, ito onHa H3 peanH3a^ft paccMaTpHBaeMoro HHBapnaHTa conepxnT h KOMnpeccnpoBaHHbift o6pa3 MH^onornqecKoro n p o c m p a h c m e a - cm. apxaHrenbcKHft BapnaHT H3neqeHHa neTyqero orHa: «BonbHoro pe6eHKa caxaroT k neiHOMy cTOJi6y, 6epyT KpeMeHb h Kpecano. flanee nponcxonHT TaKon nnanor ponHTenen 6onbHoro pe6eHKa h 3Haxapa: «Hto ceKemb?» - «OroHb neTyqHn» - «CeKH xopomeHbKO, qTo6b y pa6a 6oxbero (HMa) BeK He 6biBano» [3aroBopb 1980: 172], - rne o6pa3 ne^Horo cTon6a He MoxeT He acco^npoBaTbca c nro6biM ceMaHTHqecKHM TpaHc^opMOM MHpoBoro npeBa (h, cnenoBaTenbHO, ero penpe3eHTa^aMH b pHTyane), - to ecTb Bcero MaKpoKocMa, a npnypoqeHHocTb k 3TOMy o6pa3y 6onbHoro pe6eHKa, bo3moxho, nonycTHMO paccMaTpHBaTb KaK nonHocTbro pa3pymeHHbn pe^neKc cononoxeHHa MHpoBoro npeBa (b $opMe ero pmyanbHbix 3KBHBaneHTOB) h, c onHon cTopoHb, xepTBeHHoro Tena, a c npyron cTopoHb - ^Hrypbi nepBoqenoBeKa.
7	O nopore b MH^onorn^ecKoft TpanHUHH Boo6^e cm., HanpHMep: [BoraTbpeB 1929: 251, 270]; [HBaHOB, TonopoB 1965: 168-170]; [TonopoB 1983: 263 cn.]; KOHKpeTHO nna BocToqHocnaBaHcKoro apeana cp.: [Ban6ypHH 1983: 136-140]. 3necb xe cnenyeT y^HTbiBaTb to oco6oe MecTO, KOTopoe OTBonHTca b pyccKnx 3aroBopax H3o6paxeHHro pa3nH^Horo pona MHKporpaHHU Mexny noMOM h BHemHHM npocTpaHcTBOM nBepen, ceHen h BopoT, xoTa o6pa3 nopora, KaK npaBnno, b TaKnx KOHcTpyKanax He 3KcnnHUHpoBaH. HaKOHe^ Henb3a He BKnro^HTb b 3TOT pan noBonbHO ynoTpe6HTenbHbe cnyqan pacnonoxeHHa non noporoM ocTpbx npenMeTOB, BbmonHaro^Hx oxpaHHTenbHbe ^yhkuhh; cm., HanpHMep, BonoroncKnn cnoco6: «non nopor b H36e <...> BnenbBaroT cTapyro ceHOKocHyro Kocy, KOTopyro <...> Kaxnbn Bxona^nn b H36y 3aneBaeT Hororo: OHa npenoxpaHaeT xo3aHHa ot 3noyMHmneHHbx nronen h <...> 6one3Hen» [3eneHHH 1914: 259].
252
Cepzeü feHHadueeun M.undun
xepTBeHHHM TanoM) pmyana (npH tom, hto 3Ta önraocTb ycHnHBaeTca o6a3aTenbHoft r0pH30HTa.bH0ö opHeHTHpoBaHHoeTbro, no.KpennaeMOÖ CTonb xe o6a3aTenbHoft npnyponeHHOCTbro k HH3y). B to xe BpeMa, Bcrpenaro^eeca pa3rpaHHneHHe ynacTHHK0B o6pa^a no npH3HaKy crapmHft-MnaflmHft (c perynapHbiM npeo6naaaHHeM nepBoro H3 hhx b KanecTBe oxnHHHTenbHoft nepTbi HcnonHHTena 06pafl0Bbix AeftcTBHft) oÖHapyxmaeT cneflbi oTflaneHHoro cxo^craa c (^Hrypoft w p e u a, BbinonHaro^ero cooTBeTcrayromHe pmyanbHbie npone^ypH, 06a3aTenbH0 conpoBox^aro^Heca d u a a o z o m, hto, b cBoro onepe^b, nepeKnHKaeTca c ycToftHHBbiM ynoTpe6neHHeM b B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcK0M o6pa^e BonpocHo-oTBeTH^rx KoHcTpyKUHH8. KpoMe 3Toro, o6a3aTenbHHÖ Ana o6pa^a HnH 3aMe^aro^ero ero 3aroBopHoro TeKcTa Tonop (h H30^yHKnH0HanbHbift eMy BeHHK) MoxeT 0AH0BpeMeHH0 paccMaTpHBaTbca h KaK cBoero po^a xpenecKHft a m p u 6y m, h KaK coGcTBeHHo op y d u e coBepmeHHa pHTyana, - bo BcaK0M cnynae, ecnH He KaK npaMoe reHeranecKoe cne^cTBHe, to KaK THnonornnecKaa napannenb.
B pe3ynbTaTe 0Ka3HBaeTca, hto Bce rnaBHbie cocTaBnaro^He HH^oeBponeftcKoro "nepBopHTyana", onpe^enaro^He h MaHH^ecrapyro^He ero caKpanbHbift, H^eono-rHnecKHH, nepcoHonorHnecKHH, aKqH0HanbHbift, npeflMeTHbift h ^opManbHbift ypoBHH, b BHfle BepoaTHHx ceMaHTHnecKHx pe^neKcoB o6HapyxHBaroTca b BocTonHocnaBaHcKoft 3aroBopHoft Tpa^HnHH, npHMeHHTenbHo k kotopoh noaBnaeTca B03M0XH0cTb roBopHTb o HanHHHH HeKoero Bep6anbH0-aKqH0HanbH0r0 HHBapHaHTa, BÖHparo^ero b ce6a Bce sth cMbicnoBbie napannenH h peanrayro^eroca KaK b oTHocHTenbHo nonHbix, TaK h b coKpa^eHHbix ^opMax. TaKoro po^a HHBapHaHT, pa3yMeeTca, He MoxeT c^HTaTbca npaMbiM oTpaxeHHeM rnaBHoro rofloBoro pHTyana; 6onee npaBflonoflo6HbiM npe^cTaBnaeTca tot ^aKT, hto penpe3eHTHpyro^He ero KoHcrpyKqHH aBnaroT co6oft cyMMy ceMaHTHnecKHx cne^0B Tex npoMexyTOHHbix 06pafl0Bbix ^opM, kotoph B03HHKanH b Tpa^HnHH no Mepe TpaHc^opManHH npoTopmyana, o6pa3ya H0BHe KoMÖHHauHH H3 3neMeHT0B, oraoca^Hxca k pa3HHM cTa^naM 3Toft TpaHc^opManHH. npHMeHHTenbHo xe k o6pafly raneneHHa yTHHa h ^yHKqH0HanbH0 h CTpyKTypHo-ceMaHTHHecKH 6nH3KHM eMy Mo^enaM b TaK0M ocBe^eHHH, oneBH^Ho, yMecTHee roBopHTb o HaHÖonbmeft cTeneHH npHcnoco6neHHocTH k caMocoxpaHeHHro b nponecce 6biT0BaHHa, hto onaTbTaKH MoxeT cnyxHTb KocBeHHHM noflTBepxaeHHeM ero onocpe^oBaHHoft 3aBHcHMocTH ot apxaHnecKoro npoTopHTyana c ero bhcokhm $opmo- h cMbicnoo6pa3yro^HM noTeHnHanoM.
EcnH np0T0Me^HnHHcK0e Hanano oÖHapyxHBaro^Hxca b M0THBe (pac)ceneHHa AeöcTBHH oneBH^Ho, to hx KocMoroHHHecKaa, K0cM006pa3yro^aa ocHoBa yKa3HBaeTca b TeKcTax KpaftHe pe^Ko; caMH aeftcTBHa, o^HaKo, MoryT H3o6paxaTbca c aocTaTOHHoft nonHoToö, KaK, HanpHMep, b BenHKopyccKoM oxoTHHHbeM o6epere c aBHoft "cnanHanbHoft" npHpo^oö, co^epxa^eM KoMÖHHauHro, Bo-nepBHx, mothbob ceneHHa caKpanbHoro nepco-Haxa h KocMoca Boo6^e (hto MoxeT paccMaTpHBaTbca KaK nocne^yro^ee nepeHeceHHe npHHHHHo-cneacTBeHHHx cBa3eft c xepTBeHHoro Tena Ha yHHBepcyM, c hhm oToxflecTBnaeMHft), bo-btophx, BHnycKaHHa xhbothhx, B-TpeTbHx, o6pa3a nerapex ctopoh cBeTa, 3a^aro^Hx ocHoBHHe Koop^HHaTbi BceneHHoft, h, B-neTBepTbix, Ha6opa ochobhhx 3neMeHT0B npocrpaHCTBeHHoro Ko^a 3aroBopHoft Mo^enH MHpa; cm.: nod <...>
8 npH 3tom Henbaa He oTMeTHTb to oöcToaTenbcTBo, ^to h .aHHbe coÄepxaTenbHbe 3neMeHTbi MoryT 6bTb conocTaBneHb c oöpasoM nopora, rpaHHUb: "aHaToMH^ecKoft" - npH oTceqeHHH, oT^yx^eHMH 6one3HH ot Tena qenoBeKa h "3K3HcTeHUHanbHo"-xpoHonorH^ecKoft - npH paarpaHnqeHnn no npnaHaKy cTapmnn / Mna^rnnft.
253
06 oaHoM bü3moxhom BocToqHocaaBaHcKOM "npoTopHTyaae" (Ha MarepHaae 3aroBopHoñ TpaaHUHH)
KunapucoM cudum caMaMambnpeceamaaEozopoduua. flepwum Ona <...> mpu npyma <...>. Ydapm h nepeuM npymoM no mpbiM necaM, ydapw h dpyzuM npymoM no MxaM, no SonomaM: cupue neca cwamammcH, Mxu-Sonoma cKoneSnmmcH; pasSewamcH Senue seepu zopnocmanu Ha ece Ha nemupe cmoponu! <...> Ydapm h mpembUM npymoM Senazo Mywa MypSuna! Aü, mu, Sen Myw MypSuno, caM mu Sen u KúHb nod moSoü Sen; saeswaü u sanynaü co ecex nemupex cmopoH, co cmoKa u sanada, u c nema u c cueepa: udume co ecex nemupex cmopoH Senue seepu zopnocmanu; KaK udem connue u MecHU, u nacmue MenKue seesdu u ecH nyHa nodHeSecHaH [BP3 298]9. BepoaTHO, k HHcay ocTaTOHHbix ^opM MoryT 6HTb oTHeceHH Bce peaaraanHH MoTHBa pacceneHHa, He Haxoaa^He b TeKcTe KaKoñ-aH6o yaoBaeTBopH-TeabHoñ nparnaTHnecKoñ MoTHBHpoBaHHocTH, ho npH 3tom aBHO coaepxa^He b ce6e caeaH conyTcTBoBaBmHx hm (HaH hmh 3aMe^eHHbix) pHTyaabHHx onepanHñ Haa xepTBeHHHM TeaoM.
9 B aaHHoM KoHTeKcTe oco6eHHo BaxHo to o6cToaTeabcTBo, tto HMa nepcoHaxa - Xyp6Hao - B.H.TonopoB npeaaaraeT paccMaTpHBaTb KaK TpaHc^opMa^ro HMeHH .flpHabi (cm.: [TonopoB 1993: 94-95]; cp.: [HBaHOB, TonopoB 1965: 177]), b BocToqHocaaBaHcKOM MH^oaorH^ecKOM naHTeoHe oaH^TBoparo^eM co6oñ naoaopoaHe h onocpeaoBaHHO cooTHoca^HMca c jiro6oBHbiMH 3aroBopaMH, - npH tüm, tto nepexHTKH Kyabia _HpHaH coxpaHHaHcb b mHpoKO pacnpocTpaHeHHOM o6paae ero noxopoH, bü mhotom cxoaHOM c o6paaoM noxopoH Küctpümh; cm., HanpHMep: [CHerHpeB 1839: 51-61]; [Tepe^eHKO 1848: 99-104]; [A^aHacbeB 1865: 439-457]; [E^HMeHKO 1869]; [3a6bMHH 1880: 80-83]; [3eaeHHH 1995: 269-271] h ap.; oco6eHHo cp.: [HBaHOB, Tono-poB 1965: 121-125 ca.; 1974: 180-193, 212-213 ca.]. OTaeabHbie KOHKpeTHbie $opMbi TaKHx o6paaoB (cp., HanpHMep: [ffleñH 1900: 367-370]) aBHo HanoMHHaroT xepTBonpHHomeHHe 3eMae hjh BoaHOMy hctü^hhky, Ha ^tü yxe o6pa^aaocb BHHMaHHe paHee - cm. MHeHHe fl.K.3eaeHHHa ü6 o6paae noxopoH .flpHabi: «6bTb MoxeT, 3tü MarH^ecKoe BH3HBaHHe ycHaeHHOH HpoH3BoaHTeabHocTH 3eMaH, b KOTopyro xopoHHTca MyxcKoe onaoaoTBoparo^ee Haiaao?» [3eaeHHH 1995: 270]. - B aaHHOM KOHTeKcTe MoxeT paccMaTpHBaTbca h BcTpeiaro^Hñca b yKpaHHcKOH necHe apyroñ nepcoHax - XypHaa, paHee conocTaBaeHHbiH c .flpHaoH H.CyM^BbiM, b qacTHocTH, npeaaoxHBmHM paccMaTpHBaTb npoHcxoxaeHHe XypHabi üt oco6oro BHaa xae6HOH hh^h - xypa; üh xe yKa3aa caaBaHcKHe "napaaaeaH" k 3TOMy 6aroay, b nepByro o^epeab, noabcKHe, cooTHeca hx c (^HrypHpyro^HM b o6paaoBbix necHax naHOM XypoBcKHM (Zurowski), KOToporo npeaaoxHa paccMaTpHBaTb KaK oaHueTBopeHHe 3Toro 6aroaa h xae6HOH hh^h boo6^; cm.: [CyM^B 1885]. KpoMe 3Toro, aBTop conocTaBHa $HHaa yKpaHHcKOH necHH (KydaMypuno uwoe, Tydu HHMenuK siüwoe, A KyduKcenH uwna, Tydu nwenmrn siüwna [CyM^B 1885: 417]) c oaHHM H3 ycToñqHBbix neceHHbix npHeMOB noxeaaHHa ypoxaa, b kotophx aHaaorH^Hbie onHcaHHa npHypoqeHbi k _HpHae, cBaTüMy üeTpy hjh CnacHTearo; cm.: [CyM^B 1885: 425]. BaH3Kyro 6eaopyccKyro necHro b cBa3H c ^Hrypoñ _Hphjh UHTHpyeT fl.K.3eaeHHH: A zdsewjou nazom, TaM xumo Kanom, A zdsexjon hu supne, TaM Konacsaubeuue, - co cchjküh Ha n.^peBaaHcKoro (cm.: [flpeBaaHcKHH 1846: 21]) h 3aMeqaHHeM o tüm, ^tü «b tü^hücth coo6^eHHH flpeBaaHcKoro müxhü coMHeBaTbca» [3eaeHHH 1995: 270], - oaHaKo aocTüBepHocTb 3Toro TeKcTa noaTBepxaaeTca KaK 6oaee no3aHHMH, TaK h THHoaorHqecKH 6oaee mHpoKHMH aaHHHMH; cm.: [HBaHüB, Tühüpüb 1974: 181, 187-190, 212]. HaKüHe^, H.CyM^B npeaaaraeT paccMaTpHBaTb b KaqecTBe no3aHeHmero 3aMecTHTeaa XypHaH 6HaHHHoro HypHay naeHKOBH^a - üt: hüjhhh, xopomo 3aKBameHHHH xyp [CyM^üB 1885: 428]. Heab3a He 3aMeTHTb, ^tü npH aro6oM ToaKüBaHHH o6pa3 Xyp6HaH üKa3HBaeTca onocpeaoBaHHo cüüthüchm c Haeeñ naoaüpüaHa, ^tü Bü3Bpa^aeT k o6^eMy KocMüü6pa3yro^eMy opeoay UHTHpyeMoro 3aroBopa. E^e cy^ecTBeHHee tüt $aKT, ^tü npHMeHHTeabHü k caaBaHcKHM o6paaaM, cBa3aHHHM c ^HrypaMH .flpHabi, reoprHa (EropHa,MpHa) h HabH müxhü roBopHTb «ü cjüxhüm HanaacTOBaHHH h nepenaeTeHHH HecKoabKHx xpHcTHaHcKHx h a3bmecKHx KyabTOB, npHypoqeHHHx k oaHOMy h TOMy xe KaaeHaapHOMy ^HKay» [HBaHOB, TonopoB 1974: 184], - npH^eM cBHaeTeabcTBOM HcKaroiHTeabHOH apeBHocTH 3thx KyabTOB MoxeT, b qacTHocTH, BHcTynaTb onpeaeaeHHaa 6aH3ocTb _Hphjh o6pa3y _HpoBHTa; cm.: [HBaHOB, TonopoB 1965: 121 ca.; 1974: 184185].
254
Cepzeû feHHadueeuH ffluHduH
nnHHHTbie coKpameHHH
BP3 - [MaÔKOB 1869: 417-580], un^poft o6o3HaneH nopa^KOBbiH HOMep TeKCTa.
B03 - [Batckhh ^onbKnop 1994], un^poft o6o3HaneH nopa^KOBbiH HOMep TeKCTa.
3AC - [PoMaHOB 1891], pnMCKon un^poft o6o3HaneH HOMep pa3^ena, apaôcKon - HOMep TeKCTa BHyTpn Hero
HC - [E^HMeHKO 1878: 139-222], ôyKBoft o6o3HaneH pa3^en côopHnKa, un^poft -nopaflKOBHÔ HOMep TeKCTa BHyTpn Hero.
C3C - [floôpoBonbCKHH 1891: 166-215], un^poft o6o3HaneHa CTpaHnua.
TPM - [AflOHbeBa, OBnnHHnKOBa 1993], un^poft o6o3HaneH nopa^KOBbiH HOMep TeKCTa.
^HTepaTypa
AflOHbeBa, OBHnHHnKOBa 1993 - TpaduuuoHHan pyccKan Mazun e sanucxx KOHU,a XX eeKa. CaHKT-neTepôypr 1993.
A3anoBCKnô 1914 - A3anoBCKHÔ M. 3aroBopH aMypcKnx Ka3aKOB. "Mueancmapma". 1914. Bbin. III-IV.
ApmnHOB 1889 - ApmnHOB B.H. O Hapo^HOM neneHnn b Ka3aHCKOM ye3^e. "H3eecmun HMn. 06wecmea jw6umejeû ecmecmeosHaHux, aHmponoiozuu u 9mmzpa$uu npu MocKoecKOM yHueepcumeme». T. LXI. «Tpydbi 9mHozpa$mecKozo omdeia". Kh. IX. C6ophuk ceedeHuu dm usyneHux 6uma KpecmbHHcKozo HaceieHux Poccuu. Bun. I (06uuHoe npaeo, o6pndu, eepoeaHm u np.). 1889.
A^aHacbeB 1865 - A^aHacbeB A. noammecrne eosspeHux cmenH Ha npupody: Onum cpaeHumeibHozo usyneHux cmeHHcmx npedaHuu u eepoeaHuu e cexsu c Mu$mecKuMu cmsaHuxMu dpyzux podcmeemux Hapodoe. T. I. MocKBa 1865 (penpnHT: MocKBa 1994).
BanôypnH 1983 - BaftôypnH A.K. Muiuwe e o6pndax u npedcmaeneHmx eocmomux cmem. ^eHnHrpan 1983.
BaftôypnH 1989 - BaftôypnH A.K. CeMnoTHHecKne acneKTbi ^yHKunoHnpoBaHna Be^eft. 9mmzpa$mecKoe usyneHueSHaKoeux cpedcme Kyjibmypu. ^eHnHrpan 1989.
BaftôypnH 1993 - BaftôypnH A. H3 TecTa - nonaHnuy, n3 neBKH - Mono^nuy. 3aMeTKn k onncaHnro onepaunoHHoro nnaHa oôpana. Mu$oiozmecKue npedcmaeieHm e HapodHoM meopnecmee. MocKBa 1993.
BoraTbipeB 1929 - BoraTHpeB n.r. MarnnecKne neftCTBna, oôpaflbi n BepoBaHna 3aKapnaTbA (=Actes magiques, rites et croyances en Russie Subcarpatique. Paris 1929). BoraTHpeB n.r. Bonpocu meopuu Hapodmzo ucKyccmea. MocKBa 1971.
BnHorpanoB 1915 - BnHorpanoB r. CaMOBpaneBaHne n CKOToneneHne y pyccKoro CTapoxnnoro HaceneHna Cnônpn (MaTepnanbi no Hapo^Hoft Me^nunHe n BeTepnHapnn). BocTOHHaa Cnônpb, TynyHOBCKaa BonocTb, HnxHeynnHCKHÔ ye3fl, HpKyTCKaa ryôepHna. "Muean cmapuHa". 1915. Bbin. IV.
BnHorpanoBa, ToncTaa 1993 - BnHorpanoBa .H.H., ToncTaa C.M. CnMBonnnecKnft a3hk Be^eô: BeHnK (MeTna) b cnaBaHCKnx oôpanax n BepoBaHnax. CuMeoimecmû mshk mpaduuuoHHou Kyibmypu: EajKaHcKue nmeHun-II. MocKBa 1993.
Batckhh ^onbKnop 1994 - Bnmcmû $ojbKiop: 3azoeopme ucKyccmeo. KoTenbHnn, 1994.
rpnHneHKO 1895 - rpnHneHKO B.^. 3mHozpa$mecKue Mamepuaiu, co6paHHue e VepHuzoecKoû u cocedHux c Hem zy6epHmx. Bun. I. PaccKasu, npedaHm, nocioeuuu, sazadKu u np. HepHnroB 1895.
255
O6 O^HOM B0aM0xH0M BOGXoqHOGjaBaHGKOM "npoxopHxyaae" (Ha MaxepHaje aaroBopHOH xpa^HUHH)
flepyHGB 1889 - flepyHOB C.^. Ha pyccKOH Hapo^HOH KOCMoroHHH. "Hseecmrn HMn. O6w,ecmea Awôumeneû ecmecmeosHaHux, aHmponoiozuu u 9mHozpa$uu npu MocKoecKoM yHueepcumeme". T. LXI. "Tpydu 9mHozpa$mecKozo omdeia". Kh. IX. C6ophuk ceedeHuû öah usyneHux 6uma KpecmbHHcKozo HaceieHux Poccuu. Bun. I (O6biHHoe npaeo, o6pndu, eepoeaHm u np.). 1889.
^GÖpGBGjbCKHH 1891 - ^GöpGBGjbCKHH B.H. CMGjeHCKHH 3TH0rpa(HHeCKHH CÖOpHHK H. I. "3anucKu HMn. PyccKozo zeozpa$unecKozo o6w,ecmea no omdeieHuw 9mHozpa$uu". T. XX. CaHKT-HeTepöypr 1891.
flpeBjaHCKHH 1846 - ^peBjaHCKHH H. BejopyccKHe Hapo^Hbie npe^aHHa. "MypHai MuHucmepcmea HapodHozo npocenw^eHun". 1846. HpHÖaBjeHHa. Kh. 1.
EjeoHCKaa 1925 - EjeoHCKaa E.H. 3anHCH oöbraaeB h oöpaaoB Mgckgbckgh ryöepHHH MoxaHcKoro yea^a. EjeoHCKaa E.H. CKasKa, sazoeop u Koidoecmeo e Poccuu. MGCKBa 1994.
EjHaapeHKGBa, TonopoB 1987 - EjHaapeHKOBa T.^., TonopoB B.H. K CTpyKType AB X.2: onHT TOjKOBaHHa b CBeTe Be^HHCKOH aHTponojorHH. Äumepamypa u Kyjibmypa dpeeHeû u cpedrneeKoeoû Hhöuu. MocKBa 1987.
E(HMeHKG 1869 - E(HMeHK0 H.C. O -SpHje, aabraecKOM öoxecTBe pyccKHx cjaBaH. "3anucKu HMn. PyccKozo zeozpa^mecKozo o6w,ecmea no omdeieHuw 9mHozpa$uu". T. II. CaHKT-HeTepöypr 1869.
E(HMeHK0 1877 - E(HMeHK0 H.C. MaTepHajH no 3THorpa(HH pyccKoro HacejeHHa ApxaHrejbCKGH ryöepHHH. H. 1. OnHcaHHe BHemHero h BHyTpeHHero ÖHTa. "Hseecmux HMn. O6w,ecmea Aw6umejeû ecmecmeosHaHux, aHmponoiozuu u 9mHozpa$uu npu MocKoecKoM yHueepcumeme". T. XXX. "Tpydu 9mHozpa$mecKozo omdeia". Kh. 5. Bun. 1. 1877.
E(HMeHK0 1878 - E(HMeHK0 H.C. MarepHajbi no 3THorpa(HH pyccKoro HacejeHHa ApxaHrejbCKGH ryöepHHH. H. 2. Hapo^Haa cjOBecHOCTb. "HseecmuxHMn. O6w,ecmea Aw6umejeû ecmecmeosHaHux, aHmponoiozuu u 9mHozpa$uu npu MocKoecKoM yHueepcumeme". T. XXX. "Tpydu 9mHozpa$mecKozo omdeia". Kh. 5. Bun. 2. 1878.
3aöbijHH 1880 - 3aöbijHH M. PyccKuû Hapod, ezo o6unau, o6pndu, npedaHm, cyeeepm u no93u.n. MocKBa 1880 (penpHHT: MocKBa 1990).
3aroBopH 1980 - 3aroBopbi HHHexcKoro p-Ha ApxaHrejbCKOH oöj.. O6pndoean no93m nurnwbH: Mamepuaiu $ojbKiopHux 9Kcneduuuû MFY e numwcKuû paûoH ApxaHzeibcKoû o6iacmu (1970-1972 zz.). MocKBa 1980.
3ejeHHH 1914-1916 - 3ejeHHH ^.K. OnucaHue pyKonuceû Ynemzo apxuea PyccKozo zeozpa^mecKozo o6w,ecmea. Bbin. I. HeTporpa^ 1914. Bbin. II. HeTporpa^ 1915. Bbin. III. HeTporpafl 1916.
3ejeHHH 1991 - 3ejeHHH ^.K. BocmomocjaenHcmn 9mHozpa$un. MocKBa 1991.
3ejeHHH 1995 - 3ejeHHH ^.K. H36paHHue mpydu. Onepm pyccKoû Mu$oiozuu: yMepmue HeecmecmeeHHoû cMepmbw upycaiKu. MocKBa 1995.
HBaHOB, TonopoB 1965 - HBaHOB Ban.Bc., TonopoB B.H. CiaemcKue H3uKoeue Modeiupyww,ue ceMuommecKue cucmeMu (ffpeeHeûrnuû nepuod). MocKBa 1965.
HBaHOB, TonopoB 1974 - HBaHOB Ban.Bc., TonopoB B.H. HcciedoeaHua e o6iacmu cjaemcmx dpeeHocmeû: ÄeKcmecKue u tftpa3eojozmecKue eonpocu peKoHcmpyKuuu meKcmoe. MocKBa 1974.
KoBajeHKO, MaHxypa 1891 - KoBajeHKO E., MaHxypa H. K Hapo^HOH Me^HUHHe MajopyccoB. "3mHozpa$mecKoe o6o3peHue". 1891. M 4.
256
Cepzeü reHHadueeun Huhöuh
.OCeB 1925 - .OCeB .. 3aFOBopH Hapo^Hbie, 3anHCaHHHe b KyHFypCKon OKpyFe. "KyHzypcKo-KpacHoy$uMcmü Kpaü". 1925. M 2.
MaÖKOB 1869 - ManKOB .. BenHKopyCCKHe 3aKHHHaHHa. "3anucKu HMn. PyccKozo zeozpa$mecKozo o6w,ecmea no omde/ieHuw 9mHozpa$uu". T. II. CaHKT-neTepöypF 1869.
ManHHKa 1902 - C6ophuk Mamepuaioe no MaiopyccKoMy $omKiopy (VepHuzoecmx, BoiuHcKan, noimaecma. u HeKomopue dpyzue zy6epHuu). Co6pai A.H.MaiuHKa (Kmhöku, w,edpoem, sazadKu, nocioeuuu, sazoeopu, mpodHan MeduuuHa, npuMemu, paccmsu u cKasKu). HepHHFOB 1902.
MaMaKHH 1892 - MaMaKHH H. 3aFOBOp ot nHxopa^KH, nHxoMaHKon h KyMoxon b npOCTOHapOflbH Ha3HBaeMon. KaK OKypHBarox HOBOTenbHHx kopob. "Mueaa cmapuHa". 1892. BHn. III.
Mhhx 1890 - Mhhx A.H. HapodHue o6unau, o6pndu, cyeeepm u npedpaccydKu KpecmbHH CapamoecKoü zy6epHuu. CaHKT-neTepöypF 1890.
HoMHC 1864 - ykpaiHcKi npuKasKu, npuciievx u maKe mrne. 36uphuku O.B.MapKoeuna u dpyzux. Cnopydue M.Homuc. CaHKT-neTepöypF 1864.
no3HaHCKHH 1917 - no3HaHCKHH H. 3azoeopu: Onum uccnedoeaHm npoucxowdeHm u paseumm sazoeopHux $opMyi nexpoFpan 1917 (penpHHx: MoCKBa 1995).
nponn 1986 - nponn B.^. Hcmopmecme kophu eoime6Hoü cKasKu. .eHHHFpan 1986.
PoMaHOB 1891 - PoMaHOB E.P. Eeiopyccmü c6ophuk. Bun. V. 3azoeopu, anoKpu$u u dyxoeHue cmuxu. BHxeÖCK, 1891.
CaBenbeB 1990 - Äene6Hue "Hazoeopu" npuaHzapcKozo Kpan us co6paHm AA.Caeeibeea. CoCx. B...KnayC. MoCKBa 1990.
CBemHHKOBa, D,HBb^H 1979 - CBemHHKOBa T.H., D,HBb^H T.B. K ^yHKqnaM noCy^H b BOCTOHHopoMaHCKOM ^onbKnope. dmHmecKan ucmopm eocmonHux poMaHuee: flpeemcmb u cpedHue eeKa. MoCKBa 1979.
CenHBaHOB 1886 - CenHBaHOB A.H. 3THOFpa^HHeCKne onepKH BopoHexCKon FyöepHHH. Bopomwcmü m6uieÜHuü c6ophuk:B naMnmb 300-nemm z. BopoHewa. T. 2. BopoHex 1886.
CHeFHpeB 1839 - CHeFHpeB H. PyccKue npocmoHapodHue npasdHurn u cyeeepHue o6pndu. BHn. IV. MoCKBa 1839.
CoKonoBH 1915 - CoKonoBH B. h M. CKasKu u necHu EeiosepcKozo Kpan. CaHKT-neTepöypF 1915.
CyMnoB 1885 - CyMnoB H.O. OnHT oö^aCHeHna ManopyCCKon neCHH o XypHne. "Kueecmn cmapuHa". 1885. T. XII. Hronb.
Tepe^eHKO 1848 - Tepe^eHKO A. Eum pyccKozo Hapoda. Y. V npocmoHapodHue o6pndu. CaHKT-neTepöypF 1848.
TonCTaa 1984 - TonCTaa C.M. noneCCKHn Hapo^Hbin KaneH^apb. MaTepHanH k 3THOflHaneKTHOMy CnoBapro (A-r). CiaemcKoe u 6aiKaHcKoe xsuKosHaHue: Msuk e smHoKyibmypHoM acneKme. MoCKBa 1984.
TonCTaa 1992 - TonCTaa C.M. MaFHa npoTHB CMepTH. EamaHcme nmeHm-2: CuMnosuyM no cmpyKmype meKcma: Tesucu u Mamepuaiu. MoCKBa 1992.
TonCTon 1993 - TonCTon H.H. E^e pa3 o CnaBaHCKOM pm-yanbHOM ^HanoFe. CiaemcKoe u 6aiKaHcKoexsuKosHaHue: CmpyKmypaMaiux tftoMKiopHux meKcmoe. MoCKBa 1993.
TonopoB 1969 - TonopoB B.H. K peKOHCTpyKUHH HH^oeBponenCKOFO pmyana h pmyanbHO-no3THHeCKnx ^opMyn (Ha MaTepHane 3aFOBopoB). "TpydunosmKoebrncucmeMaM". BHn. IV. 1969.
257
06 o^hom bo3moxhom BOCTO^HOcnaBaHCKOM "npoTopmyane" (Ha MarepHane aaroBopHofl Tpa^HUHH)
TonopoB 1979 - TonopoB B.H. 0 ^Byx THnax npeBHeHHflHHCKHx TeKCTOB, TpaKTyromnx OTHomeHHa EenocTHOCTH-pacnneHeHHOCTH h cnaceHHa. nepedneasuamcKuu c6ophuk. Bun. 3: Hcmopm u (moaozuh cmpaH dpeenezo BocmoKa. MocKBa 1979.
TonopoB 1983 - TonopoB B.H. np0CTpaHCTB0 h TeKCT. TeKcm: ceMaHmum u cmpyKmypa. MocKBa 1983.
TonopoB 1988 - TonopoB B.H. 06 o^hom naTHHCKOM 3aroBope (Tabella defixionis in Plotium). K peKOHCTpyKEHH apxaHHHoro pHTyanbHoro "aHaTOMHnecKoro" npoTeKCTa. dmHO/imzeucmum meKcma. CeMuomuKa Manux (opM (onbKiopa: Tesucu u npedeapumeMHueMamepuanu k cuMnosuyMy. H. I. MocKBa 1988.
TonopoB 1993 - TonopoB B.H. 06 HHfloeBponeHCKoft 3ar0B0pH0H TpaflHEHH (ra6paHHbie rnaBbi). HccnedoeaHun e o6nacmu 6ajm0CiaenHCK0u dyxoemu Kyiibmypu: 3azoeop. MocKBa 1993.
YcneHCKHH 1982 - YcneHCKHH B.A. &uiojozmecKuepasucKaHun e o6nacmu cnaemcKux dpeeHOcmeu. MocKBa 1982.
ffleftH 1900 - BeiuKopycc e ceoux necmx, o6pndax, o6unanx, eepoeaHunx, CKasKax, jiezeHdax u m.n.: Mamepuanu, co6paHHue u npueedeHHue e nopndoK n.B.^euHOM. T. 1. CaHKT-neTep6ypr 1900.
Ohhahh 1989 - Ohhahh C.r. Mh$ o coTBopeHHH MHpa h pyccKHe 3aroBopbi. "Hseecmm Arndmuu HayKMameCCP". 1989. N 10.
ohhahh 1993 - ohhahh C.r. 0 bo3moxhom npncyTCTBHH pe^neKcoB apxannecKoro pHTyana b pyccKHx 3aroBopax. "CiaemoeedeHue". 1993. N 3.
ohhahh 1996 - ohhahh C.r. CeMaHTHnecKaa TpaHc^opMaEHa apxarnecKOH pmyanbHOH npaKTHKH b B0cT0HH0cnaBaHcKHx 3aroBopax. KoHuenm deuweHm e nsuKe u Kyibmype. MocKBa 1996.
fflycTHKOB 1902 - fflycTHKOB A.A. npocTOHapo^Hoe neneHHe 6one3Heft b Ka^HHKOBcKOM ye3^e. "Muean cmaprna". 1902. Bbin. II.
On the Possible East Slavic "Protoritual". Based on the Tradition of Invocation
Sergej Gennadievic Sindin
On the basis of Russian invocations the author reconstructs different phases of East Slavic mythology. His basic premise is that the Slavic invocative tradition reflects the most important elements of the Indo-European mythological tradition. In the course of his research he recapitulates the findings of V. V. Ivanov and V. N. Toporov.
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RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD METODI DI RICERCA
napa^nma npasjHiika b Tpy^ax B.fl. nponna h
M.M. BaxTHHa
3pwe6em KaMan
The authoress compares two monographs "Russian Agrarian Feasts"(1963) by V. Propp, and "Rabelais and his World" (1965) by M. Bakhtin. Both books deal from different angles with analysis of the carnival held after the winter solstice, celebrating life and the awakening of nature.
ConocTaBaeHHe M0H0rpa^HH B.R. nponna "PyccKHe arpapHbie npa3aHHKH" h M0H0rpa^HH M.M. EaxTHHa "TBopnecTBO OpaHcya Pa6ae h HapoaHaa KyabTypa Cpe^HeBeKOBba h PeHeccaHca» HHTepecHo aaa Hac bo MHorHx oTHomeHHax. Pa6oTa Haa hhmh npoxoaHaa napaaaeabHo b 30-e roaH, a 3ano3aaBmee H3aaHHe ocy^ecTBHaocb mmb b 60-e roaH b nepHoa TaK Ha3HBaeMoft "oTTeneaH".
Pa6oTa EaxTHHa cKaaaHBaaacb b pycae ^Haoco^cKoft acTeTHKH ^eHoMeHoao-rHnecKoro HanpaBaeHHa b Pocchh. nponn npoaoaxaa THnoaormecKoe h HcTopmecKoe H3yneHHe cKa3KH h apyrHx ^oabKaopHbix ^opM, poxaeHHbix pa3HHMH ypoBHaMH HapoaHoro co3HaHHa h k H3yneHHro KpecTbaHcKHx npa3aHHKoB mea nocTeneHHo, ho nocaeaoBaTeabHo. npony^eHHaa b KHHre "Mop^oaorHa cKa3KH" - no coBeTy aHTepaTypHoro peaaKTopa B.M.XnpMyHcKoro - nocaeaHaa raaBa 6biaa aonoaHeHa h 3a^H^eHa yneHbiM b 1939 roay, ho ony6aHKoBaHa aHmb nocae bohhh ("HcTopHnecKHe kophh Boame6Hoft cKa3KH"). BonpocaMH MH^a pHTyaaa h pa3aHHHbiMH ^opMaMH Bep6aabHoro ^oabKaopa nponn npoaoaxaa 3aHHMaTbca b 30-e roaH h ony6aHKoBaa neabft paa pa6oT: "PHTyaabHbift cMex b ^oabKaope. no noBoay cKa3KH o HecMeaHe." (1939), "MyxcKoft aoM b pyccKoft cKa3Ke"(1939), "Mothb nyaecHoro poxaeHHa"(1941), "9aHn b cBeTe ^oabKaopa" (1944) h apyrHe.
KHHra M.M. EaxTHHa o TBopnecrae Pa6ae 6biaa roToBa k nenaTH yxe b 1940 roay, ho yBHaeaa cBeT ToabKo Ha neTBepTb BeKa no3xe b 1965 roay. OHa noay^Haa mHpoKyro H3BecTHocTb oco6eHHo cpeaH aHTepaTypoBeaoB.
KHHra B.R. nponna "PyccKHe arpapHbie npa3aHHKH" 6biaa H3aaHa Ha aBa roaa paHbme b 1963 roay b yHHBepcHTeTcKoM H3aaTeabcTBe .HTy Bcero b oaHoft Tbicane 3K3eMnaapoB, ho cTaaa HacToabHoft KHHroft MHorHx noKoaeHHft pyccKHx ^oabKaopHcToB. B "^HeBHHKe cTapocTH 1962" yneHbift nacre nHcaa o He6aaronoaynHH b HayKe, o naaeHHH ypoBHa HaynHoft xh3hh. "HopMaabHaa xH3Hb yneroro - He ot caa6ocTH apyrHx, a ot aocTHxeHHft. R aoaxeH 3HaTb, hto aocTHraH apyrHe, h caM BcTaTb b hx paa. HHane noaynaeTca HenpoayKTHBHaa xH3Hb." (1995, 310) IoTOBacb k cnopy c KaoaoM .eBH - Ctpoccom, oh 3aMenaeT, hto "pa6oTaTb a He Mory cToabKo, KaK ohh, He Mory 6bTb Ha ypoBHe Toro, hto 3HaroT b EBpone h AMepHKe, noToMy hto 6H6aHoTeKH He
261
HapaflHrMa npaaflHHKa b xpyflax B.S. Hponna h M.M. BaxxHHa
MoryT CHaöflHTb Hac TeM, hto HaflO." (1995, 309) 3a fleHb flo stoh 3anHCH oh paccKa3HBaeT 06 oöcyxfleHHH TpyflOB A.H. BeceAOBCKoro b HHCTHTyTe PyccKoH AHTepaTypH h CHHTaeT H3AHmHHM cnopHTb "o B3rAaflax" yHeHoro. "KaK npo(eccHOHm" oh BHCKa3aAca o CBoeM HecorAacHH c BeceAOBCKHM OTHOCHTeAbHO "npoHcxoxfleHHa anoca, o KOMeflHax h npoHeM", ho - 3anHcaA Hponn - "S noflHHMaro Ha ^ht "HosTHKy croxeTOB". (1995, 309)
OöcyxfleHHe MHp0B033peHHa aBTopa, Bcerfla KOHHaBmeeca ero "pa3rp0M0M", xopomo öhao H3BecTHO Hponny, HaHHHaa c ot3hbob Ha ero nepByro KHHry « Mop(oAoraa CKa3KH» b 1928 rofly. B "öopböe" npoTHB (opMaAHCTOB npHHaA yHacTHe h BaxTHH, coBMecTHO c H. MeflBefleBHM H3flaBmHH b 1928 rofly KHHry "OopMaAbHbiö MeTOfl b AHTepaTypoBefleHHH", oflHOCTopoHHe paccMaTpHBaBmyro HOBoe HanpaBAeHHe b AHTepa-TypoBefleHHH, oÖHOBHBmee (HAOAorHro, 060CH0BaBmee nosTHKy "coflepxaTeAbHoH (opMoro" (KaMaH 1971, 317 - 334). Bbimeflmaa c BbrnyxfleHHbiM nepepHBOM MOHorpa-(Ha "HcTopHHecKHe kophh BOAmeÖHOH CKa3KH" - no CAOBaM yHeHHKa Hponna B.H. HyTHAOBa - "paflOCTH aBTopy He npHHecAa... HoaBAeHHe ee npHmAOCb Ha HaHaAO OHe-peflHOö KaMnaHHH 3aBHHHHBaHHa HfleoAorHHecKHx raeK h oroATeAoH 6opb6H npoTHB «BAHaHHa 6ypxya3HOH HfleoAorHH"...,n,Aa pacnpaBH H3ÖHpaAHCb HMeHa KpynHbie, TpyflH HeopflHHapHHe, KOHyenyHH apKHe.B ocoöyro BHHy Hponny CTaBHAOCb, hto ero BAeKAO He k ^oöpoAroöoBy, HepHbimeBCKOMy h TopbKOMy, a k "HfleaAHCxaM - no3HTHBHCTaM" Op33epy, .eBH - BproAro h flpyrHM h k TaK Ha3HBaeMOö (hhckoH mKOAe." (1995, 353)
H TOAbKO b 1965 rofly nocAe noaBAeHHa Ha HTaAbaHCKOM h aHrAHHCKOM a3HKax "M0p(0A0rHH CKa3KH" yHeHHH nOAyHHHA peflKyro BO3MOxHOCTb CBOÖOflHO BHCKa3aTbCa. B flHeBHHKe oh 3anHcaA: «HoAyHeHO pa3pemeHHe Ha HaneHaTaHHe Moero npeflHCAOBHa k HTaAbaHCKOMy nepeBOfly "Mop(oAorHH"...S noHeMy - to OHeHb CHacTAHB h pafl.» (1995, 309)
Hponn COCpeflOTOHHA BHHMaHHe Ha BHflBHHyTOM .eBH - CTpOCCOM OÖBHHeHHH ero b ^opMajH3Me, b OTcyTCTBHH HCTopHHecKoro B3rAafla Ha aBAeHHa (oAbKAopa. Oh OTBeTHA, hto onHcaHHe h H3yHeHHe pafla (aKTOB h hx CBa3eö nepepacTaeT b "pacKpHTHe aBAeHHa, (eHOMeHa, a pacKpHTHe TaKoro (eHOMeHa oÖAaflaeT yxe He TOAbKO HacTHHM HHTepecoM, ho pacnoAaraeT h (haoco(ckhm oöoö^eHHeM." (Hponn 1976, 133 - 134). B KHHre 6hah anHrpa^H h3 paöoTH TëTe o Mop(oAorHH pacTeHHH, ho ohh noHeMy -to 6hah npony^eHH aHrAHHCKHM nepeBOflHHKOM, xoTa aoaxhh 6hah, no 3aMHCAy aBTopa, nocAyxHTb HeKHM oöoö^eHHeM. CKa3Ka HCCAeflOBaAacb Hepe3 K0Mn03HyHro, a He Hepe3 croxeT, HeM h noflHepKHBaAOCb OTAHHHe (yHKyHH ot MOTHBa, kotophh o6hhho H3yHaAca b CKa3Ke (oAbKAopHCTaMH. HyTb k H3yHeHHro OTfleAbHHx croxeTOB, k HCTopH-HecKOö CBa3H croxeTOB CTaHeT "noHaTHHM h oöocHOBaHHHM, ecAH öyfleT H3yHeHa K0Mn03HyH0HHaa CHCTeMa, k KOTopoö croxeTH npHHaflAexaT. H3yHeHHe eflHHOö flAa BOAmeÖHbix CKa3OK K0Mn03HyHH He OTKpHBaeT pa3H006pa3Ha croxeTOB, b kotophx sTa K0Mn03HyHa ocy^ecTBAaeTca, ho caMa K0Mn03HyHa flaAeKO He "öecnpeflMeTHaa aöcTpaKyHa", He "vision formaliste", KaK ee Ha3BaA Knofl .eBH - CTpocc. (Hponn 1976, 138)
Pa3AHHaa K0Mn03HyHro h croxeT, yHeHHH HcxoflHA h3 cnopoB h onHxa 10 - 20 -x roflOB o pa3AHHHH (aöyAH h croxeTa. HcTopHHecKHe kophh BOAmeÖHOH CKa3KH npoaBAaroTca b ee "caohctom CTpoeHHH", ee "nepeMeHHHe BeAHHHHH" HMeroT pa3AHHHoe npoHcxoxfleHHe. (Hponn 1976, 148) CKa3Ka OTAHHaeTca ot MH(a, kotophh h b (opMe noBecTBOBaHHa HMeeT caKpaAbHHö xapaKTep. HpH aHaAH3e KOHKpeTHHx npoÖAeM CKa3KH h MH(a, Hponn ocoöoe BHHMaHHe yfleAaeT pacxoxeMy oÖBHHeHHro b (opMaAH3Me. "KaK
262
9pxe6em Kaman
yxe yKa3biBanocb, ^opManHcTHHecKHM npHHaTo Ha3HBaTb H3yHeHHe ^opMbi b OTpbiBe ot conepxaHHa. ,D,onxeH npH3HaTbca, hto a He noHHMaro, hto sto O3HanaeT, He 3Haro, KaK sto peanbHo noHaTb, npHnoxHTb k MaTepHany. MoxeT 6HTb, a 6h sto noHan, ecnH 6h 3Han, rne b xynoxecTBeHHoM npoH3BeneHHH HcKaTb ^opMy h rne conepxaHHe." (146) Oh cHHTaeT, hto H3yHaeMaa hm Monenb KoMno3HnHH BonmeČHon cKa3KH MoxeT neHb b ocHoBy cTpyKTypHoro onncaHHa cTaÓHnbHbix h nepeMeHHHx BenHHHH xynoxecTBeHHoro npoH3BHfleHHa, coBMecTHo cocTaBnaro^Hx ero nonBHXHyro napanHrny, hto - b cbom oHepe^b - no^Bo^HT Hac k "HcTopHHecKoMy croxeTocnoxeHHro". (nponn 1995, 346)
B oTBeTe K. .HeBH - CTpoccy oh BbinenaeT nBe cboh pačora, BaxHbie c tohkh 3peHHa o6cyxnaeMbix npočneM h He 3HaKoMHe onnoHeHTy. B npHMbiKaro^eñ k "Mop^onorHH cKa3KH" cTaTbe "TpaHc^opManHa BonmeÓHbix cKa3oK" (1928) oh paccMaTpHBan H3MeHeHHe cKa3oHHHx mothbob h snraonoB, cBa3aHHHx He TonbKo c penyKnHeñ, KoHTaMHHauHeñ, ho h c Hcxona^HMH H3 HMMaHeHTHon cKa3oHHon cTpyKTypH oTKnoHeHHaMH, BapHaHTaMH. npočneMa HMMaHeHTHon ^opMbi, cBa3aHHon c BHyTpeHHeñ npaBnon xynoxecTBeHHoro npoH3BeneHHa, Bcerna cToana b u;eHTpe BHHMaHHa nponna. ".HHTepaTypa cHnbHa TeM, hto BH3HBaeT ocTpoe HyBcTBo cHacTba...B stom Bce neno, He b tom HTO, a b tom KAK. A cHacTbe o6naropaxHBaeT, h b stom 3HaHeHHe nHTepaTypbi, KoTopaa nenaeT Hac cHacxnHBbiMH h TeM nonHMaeT Hac", 3anHcan oh b ^HeBHHKe 1967 roña. (1995, 326)
BTopaa pačoTa, Ha KoTopyro ccbinaeTca nponn - cTaTba "3nHn b cBeTe ^onbKnopa" (1944). OHa HaHHHaeTca "MeTononorHHecKHMH npennocbinKaMH", rne craBHTca 3anaHa:
c o^hok ctopohh, "HaHTH B HcTopHH Te npHHHHH, KoTopbie Bbi3BanH K XH3HH caMblH ^onbKnop h oT^enbHHe croxeTbi". C npyron xe ctopohh, neno o6ctoht cnoxHee nocKonbKy "b ^onbKnope mh BcTpeHaeMca c MoTHBaMH h croxeTaMH, KoTopbie aBHo HenocpencTBeHHo He BocxonaT hh k KaKon HcTopHHecKon neñcTBHTenbHocTH". (nponn 1976, 258) hhhmh cnoBaMH, b (^onbKnope, KaK h b nročoM xynoxecTBeHHoM npoH3BeneHHH HHbe, scTeTHHecKHe 3aKoHbi noBecTBoBaHHa.
B stok cTaTbe yHeHbin paccMoTpen mothb HHnecTa h oTneyÓHñcHBa, kotophk co3nan oTnHHaro^Heca npyr ot npyra HappaTHBHbie croxeTHbie KoHcrpyKUHH b cKa3Ke, b xpHcTHaHcKHx nereHnax h b nHTepaTypHon o6pa6oTKe Co^oKna, b ero TparenHax o6 9nHne.
OnHpaacb Ha MaTepHan rpeHecKHx, pyMbrncKHx, pyccKHx, 6enopyccKHx, a^pH-KaHcKHx cKa3oK, mh^ob aMepHKaHcKHx HHnenneB, oh paccMoTpen mothb npopoHecTBa o6 HHnecTe h Hamen, hto oh noHTH He BcTpeHaeTca b cKa3Kax, hto oh - 6onee no3nHee o6pa3oBaHHe. HcropHHecKyro ocHoBy mothbob o6 HHnecTe oh yBHnen b cMe^eHHH, b y6HHcTBe cTaporo Boxna ( Kopona) MononHM, onHcaHHoM Ops3epoM b "3onoToñ BeTBH". CMe^eHHe cTaporo Kopona MononHM, a HMeHHo - MyxeM noHepH Hamno oTpaxeHHe h b cKa3Kax. TaM Mononon repon 6narononyHHo nonyHan b xeHbi noHb Kopona h "nonnapcTBa" b npHnaHy, xoTa sto - no MHeHHro nponna - nonxHo noHHMaTbca KaK "aBneHHe MbicnHTenbHoro ^onbKnopHoro nopanKa". (nponn 1976, 271)
Mothb oTneyÓHHCTBa aBnaeTca yxe TpaHc^opManHeñ Bbime onHcaHHoro MoTHBa h "npencTaBnaeT co6oñ MbicnHTenbHoe oTpaxeHHe npoTHBopeHHa Mexny nByMa ^opMaMH HacnenoBaHHa BnacTH: HacnenoBaHHa BnacTH MyxeM noHepH h HacnenoBaHHa chhom nocne oTna". (nponn 1967, 271)
B TparenHH o6 9nHne b cBeTe cKa3oHHon HappanHH nponn nonpoČHo paccMoTpen TaKHe croxeTHHe enHHHUbi, KaK npopoHecTBo o6 HHnecTe, oTcbinKy pečeHKa Ha cMepTb,
263
napa^HrMa npaa^HHKa b Tpyaax B._H. nponna h M.M. BaxTHHa
ero BoenHTaHHe, oönHK paanHHHbix BoenHTaTenen, CToa^Hx aa o6paaoM KopMHnHnH b TparenHH Co^oxna, enocoö nonyneHHa CBeneHHn o ponHTenax (kotophxmh 9nHn CHHTaeT cbohx BoenHTaTenen), mothb e^HHKca h ero aaranoK. Oh nonnepKHyn "e0^0Kn0BCKyro reHHanbHyro, hhcto TparHHecKyro K0HnennHro eroxeTa". (285) PacKpbiTHe TaÖHH o tom, hto oh HanneHbim, b TparenHH M0THBHpyeTca onbaHeHHeM BHnaBmero TanHy, b CKaaKe xe oöhhho - a^^eKT0M. PaayaHaBaHHe npaBnbi, npencKaaaHHa noHHMaeTca repoeM TparenHH KaK npomnoe, ot K0Toporo oh h öexHT. TaKon enoxHon mothbhpobkh yxona repoa b ^onbKnope HeT, b CKaaKe - sto CTaÖHnbHbin aneMeHT.
B oöpaae e^HHKca - no MHeHHro nponna - aecHMHnHpoBanHCb "napeBHa, aanaro^aa aaranKy HnH aanany, h aMea, Tpeöyro^aa ce6e nenoBenecKon xepTBbi". (289) OTneyÖHÖCTBo, TaKHM o6paaoM, HneT ot napeyÖHncTBa, ho b TparenHH oho He repoHHHo, a 6eeeoaHaTenbH0 h enynaÖHo. Co^okh nonycTHn b TparenHH nBe cnyHanHocTH onHy aa npyron: ononeHHe e^HHKca h yÖHncTBo 0Tna 9nHnoM, "eaMH no ee6e hh c HeM He CBaaaHHbe", BcnencTBHe Hero "Becb eroxeT npHo6peTaeT xapaKTep Hero - to p0K0B0r0" (291). B paaoönaneHHH TanHbi Co^oka npHMeHHn reHHanbHbin npHeM nocTeneHHoro ee pacKpHTHa: CHanana nepen apHTenaMH, aaTeM nepen 9nHnoM h n0T0M nepen HoKacTon, rne Be^ecTBeHHbie noKaaaTenbCTBa, CTonb BaxHHe b ^onbKnope, HrparoT BTopocTeneHHyro ponb. "Bea Tparenna nocTpoeHa Ha paaBepTHBaHHH onHoro M0MeHTa 3nHHecKon TpanHnHH - M0MeHTa paao6naneHHa_TparenHa coctoht b oeoaHaHHH". (294) CneHa npo^aHHa 9nHna "MoxeT öbTb, caMaa noTpaearo^aa bo Been TparenHH, ecTb M0MeHT poxneHHa b HeM HenoBeKa, ecTb M0MeHT poxneHHa HenoBeKa b eBponencKon HCTopHH. HMeHHo anecb mh HaxonHM KnroH k T0My, hto eroxeT 6bin BoenpHHaT xpHCTHaHCTB0M h CTan xpHCTHaHCKon nereHnon. CroxeT npHo6peTaeT H0Byro HCTopHHecKyro caKpanbHocTb h npHo6peTaeT ee yxe b rpenHH. OTcrona btophhhhö ano^eoa 3nHna... - norno^eHHe CTpananbna aeMnen h ero oöoxecTBneHHe". (nponn 1976,298)
B M0H0rpa^HH "PyecKHe arpapHHe npaanHHKH" b oTnHHHe ot mhoíhx HcenenoBaTenen, HaynaBmHx oöhhho pHTyanb onpeneneHHoro THna hah nHKna, B.H. nponn paecM0Tpen cneHapHn npaanHHK0B nenoro rona. CpenH MHoroo6paaHHx KpecTbaHCKHx npaanHHK0B, hx "repoeB" h ynacTHHK0B oh eyMen yBHneTb exoncTBo h n0BT0pH0CTb ^yHKnHË h TeM cäMHM B0CC0anaTb cnoxHyro eeMaHTHKy npaanHHKa, BHaBHTb ero napnHrMy, a TaKxe ee BapHaHTH. nponn paaHCKan ee b pHTyanbHbix Tpaneaax, npaanHHHHbix oöbraaax, ranaHHax, conpoBoxnaBmHx ConenbHHK, b necHax, Hrpax h paaBneneHHax MononexH, b oöbHaax h noBeneHHH paanHHHbix BoapacTHbx rpynn. BaaB BpeMeHHyro K0HCTaHTy ot aHMHero conHneBopoTa no oeeHHero paBHoneHCTBHa, oeo6eHHo HaoÖHnyro^yro npaanHHHHHMH eoöbTHaMH, T^aTenbHo npoaHanHaHpoBaB CHMBonHKy pHTyanoB, oh yBHnen, hto oöpanb nocBa^eHbi onHneTBoparo^eMy npaanHHK aHTp0n0M0p^H0My ey^ecTBy: KyKne Ha coaomh, TpaBH, nBeT0B hah yKpameHH0My nepeBny, a TaKxe yKpameHHon nBeTaMH h aeneHbro neBymKe. B rnyÖHHe MHoroHHcneHHbx npaanHHK0B oh paecM0Tpen pnxyan npHHeeeHHa b xepTBy, yÖHncTBa, pacTepaaHHa hah eoxxeHHa 3Toro CHMBonHHecKoro ey^ecTBa hah T0nbK0 HMHTanHro ero CMepTH e noenenyro^HM BoapoxneHHeM ero b anaKax h pacTHTenbHocTH.
HMHTanHa M0THBa CMepTH, ero penHKTH, CBoeo6paaHoe "npeHHe xHB0Ta h CMepTH" aaMeTHH b npoBonax MaeneHHnb, b oöpanax n0MHH0BeHHa ponHTenen Ha noene-naexanbHon Henene, b MHoroHHcneHHbix neBHHbHx oöpanax e öepeaKon b PyeanbHyro
264
dpxeßem Kaman
He.e.ro, b o6braaax 3axHraHHa "xHBoro" "HOBoro" orHa h b Ky.bTe .epeBbeB Ha HBaHa Kyna.y (e^e coxpaHHBmHxca y yKpaHHneB) h bo MHorax .pyrax c.ynaax, oTMeneHHbix yneHHM.
B.S. nponn npHB.eK k rayneHHro ^o.bK.op h pHTya.H, öbiTyro^ne h.h e^e He.aBHo ÖHToBaBmHe b ceBepHbix, neHTpa.bHbix h roxHbix o6.acrax Pocchh, oTMeTHB cpe.H hhx HcKoHHbie h 3aHMcTBoBaHHbe y coce.HHx Hapo.oB, b nacraocra y ^hhho -yropcKHx, a TaKxe 6o.ee no3.HHe h.h nepeocMbic.eHHbie ^opMbi pmya.oB. OcTaBHB b cTopoHe Bonpoc o tom, noneMy npa3.HHHHbie nepcoHaxH HMeroT pa3.HHHbrn o6.hk h HMeHa, oh ocTaHoBH.ca Ha aKcHo.oranecKoM MoMeHTe 3thx o6pa.oB, cBa3aHHbix c npo.yaHpyro^eö Mareen, po.cTBeHHbix apxamecKHM o6braaaM Hapo.oB EBponH. TaK cB^ToHHaa Tpane3a co.epxHT pmya. noMHHoBeHHa npe.KoB, hm xe nocBa^eHbi co.oMeHHbie koctph Ha paccBeTe bo .Bope o6braaö "rpeTb noKoöHHKoB", oTMeneHHbiH ,D,.K. 3e.eHHHHM (1909). CBaTOHHaa Hrpa b "yMpyHa" Ha nocH.e.Kax Mo.o.exH Ha Cbatkh - o6braaö 6o.ee no3.HHÖ, xoTa Kax.aa .eTa.b KocTroMa "noKoÖHHKa" cBa3aHa c MH^o.orHnecKHMH noBepHaMH, ho 3to yxe Hrpa, h "yMpyH" o.eT h no.noacaH, KaK 3to xapaKTepHo ..a xhbhx. H 3.ecb, h b "nepeKoBKe" cTapbix Ha mo.o.hx, b KocTroMax paxeHbix apKo BHpaxeH ceKcya.bHbiH xapaKTep.
B.S. nponn TeM caMHM cMor BHecTH cy^ecTBeHHbie nonpaBKH b pa3Mbim.eHHa fl.r. Op33epa o eBponeöcKoM KapHaBa.e, o6 yMHparo^eM h BocKpecaro^eM 6oxecTBe, Kor.a "yMepmHÖ .yx pacTHTe.bHocTH BH3HBaeT cKop6b h nonTeHHe" b ynacTHHKax pHTyana. Ho "c .pyroö ctopohh ero HeHaBH.aT h 6oaTca, ero cMepTH pa.yroTca". (Op33ep 1928, 33) KaxeTca, nponn cMor oTBeTHTb h Ha He.oyMeHHbiö Bonpoc Op33epa. B ToMe o6 yMHparo^HM 6oxecTBe b cBa3H c noBe.eHHeH rpynnbi Mo.o.exH npH noxopoHax co.oMeHHoö KyK.H oh nHcan: "Tonna nonepeMeHHo Bece.a, nnaneT h noeT necHH...Ho hto moxho cKa3aTb o tom Bece.be, c kotophm nacro BHHocHTca H3o6paxeHHe, o na.Kax h KaMHax, kotophmh oho no6HBaeTca, o HacMemKax h pyraTe.bcTBax, kotophmh oho noHocHTca." (Op33ep 1920, 250, 264)
nponn oTMeTH., hto b pyccKHx arpapHHx npa3.HHKax "6orH yMHpa.H He caMH co6oö, hx y6HBa.H...B pyccKHx o6pa.ax HHKaKoro npa3.HoBaHHa BocKpeceHba HeT. npa3.HHK coctoht He b BocKpeceHHH, a b yMep^B.eHHH^BoxecTBo BocKpecaeT He bo n.oTH, oho BocKpecaeT b pacTHTe.bHocTH...PyccKHH o6pa. no cBoeö H.eo.orHH h no cbohm ^opMaM apxaHHHee, neM BocTOHHbie h aHTHHHbie KynbTbi", xoTa "b pyccKHx arpapHHx pmyanax KaKaa - to cBa3b Mex.y npe.craB.eHHeM o BocKpeceHHH H3 MepTBHx h o npoH3pacTaHHH 3.aKoB ecTb", ho 3to "cMyTHbe h HecKo.bKo Heonpe.e.eHHbe npe.cTaB.eHHa". (nponn 1963, 92, 95, 97)
B MoHorpa^HH "PyccKHe arpapHbie npa3.HHKH" h b npe.mecrBoBaBmeH eö cTaTbe "PHTyanbHbH cMex b ^o.bK.ope" yneHbiö oTMeTH. oco6hö xapaKTep cMexa, conpo-Box.aBmero pHTya.bHoe ywep^B.eHHe. "Ha pyccKoM MarepHa.e mh He HMeeM n.ana Ha noxopoHax h cMexa npH BocKpeceHHH, mh HMeeM hx cMemeHHe: o.hh HMHTHpyroT n.an, .pyrae o.HoBpeMeHHo cKanyr h cMeroTca. CMex HMeeT ne.bro o6ecnenHTb y6HBaeMoMy cy^ecTBy HoByro xH3Hb h HoBoe Bon.o^eHHe... Cro.a xe moxho oTHecTH h .pyrHe H3BecTHHe H3 3THorpa^HH ^aKTH cMexa npH noxopoHax, BHe3anHHÖ nepexo. ot n.ana k cMexy Ha Pa.yHHny, cMex Ha MorH.ax b npa3.HHK Bceo6^ero BocKpeceHba. BocKpeceHbe npHpo.H h BocKpeceHHe 6oxecTBa o3HanaeT, hto MepTBHe He yMep.H" (nponn 1963,103). TaKHM o6pa3oM oh cMor pacKpHTb aM6HBa.eHTHyro npHpo.y apxaHnecKoro KapHaBa.bHoro cMexa. C.e.yeT oTMeTHTb, hto b cbohx MHoronHc.eHH^ix pa6oTax o cKa3Ke, a TaKxe b KHHre
265
napa^HrMa npaa^HHKa b Tpyaax B._H. nponna h M.M. BaxTHHa
"npo6neMH K0MH3Ma h cMexa" (1963) yneHbiH onHcan npHpoay h HCTopnro komhtockhx $opM.
B CTpyKType npa3aHHKa nponn noa^epKHyn cBa3b c npomnbiM h oaHoBpeMeHHo c sthm ycTpeMneHHocTb b 6yay^ee, cnoxHyro BpeMeHHyro napaaHrMy npa3aHHKa. OHa He Bceraa nonHocTbro h aBcraeHHo BbipaxeHa b KaxaoM cnynae b paccMoTpeHHHx b KHHre o6paaax, o6braaax, ^onbKnope. OaHaKo BoccTaHoBneHHaa yneHbiM nonHaa napaaHraa npa3aHHKa noMorna yBHaeTb apeBHroro ocHoBy arpapHoñ penHrHH h MarHH boctohhhx cnaBaH Ha ee paHHeñ, e^e ao6oxecKoñ cTaaHH. MoHorpa^Ha noaTBepaHna npaBHnbHocTb cncTeMHoro raynehha aBneHHH KynbTypbi, HanaToro e^e b "Mop^onorHH cKa3KH". HeMHoronncneHHHe sK3eMnnapbi stoh KHHrH aanH mo^hhi HMnynbc k H3yneHHro TpaaHnHoHHoH KynbTypH, coaeñcTBoBanH noaBneHHro MHorHx HccneaoBaHHH o MH^ax, pmyanax h ^onbKnope : KHHrH E.M. MeneTHHcKoro o6 apxeTHnax, repoax snoca h cKa3KH, A.K. Bañ6ypHHa o nepexoaHbix o6paaax b TpaaHnHoHHoH KynbType, B.H. EpeMHHoñ o ceMeñHHx o6paaax h MHorHx apyrHx HccneaoBaHHH.
Tpyabi B.^. nponna xapaKTepHbi ana TaK Ha3biBaeMoñ pyccKoñ ^opManbHoñ mKonH, ana MeToaa HccneaoBaHHa coaepxaTenbHoñ ^opMbi, ee HcTopHnecKoñ o6ycnoBneHHocTH h yHHKanbHocTH, HcKnronaro^eñ Bce HHbie ^opMbi, a TaKxe h Bce Heo^opMneHHoe.
*
Pa3pa6oTKa ^Hnoco^cKoñ npo6neMaTHKH cMexa b KHHre M.M. BaxTHHa "TBopnecTBo OpaHcya Pa6ne h HapoaHaa KynbTypa CpeaHeBeKoBba h PeHeccaHca", H3yneHHe cBa3H poMaHa Pa6ne c HapoaHoñ KynbTypoñ npa3aHHKoB h Becenba Bbi3BanH 6onbmoñ HHTepec. BaxTHH nHcan: "CMex HMeeT 6onbmoe MHpocoaepxaTenbHoe 3HaneHHe, sto oaHa H3 cy^ecTBeHHeñmHx ^opM npaBabi o MHpe, sto oco6aa yHHBepcanbHaa TonKa 3peHHa Ha MHp, BHaa^aa MHp no - HHoMy, ho He MeHee, ecnH He 6onee cy^ecraeHHo, neM cepbe3HocTb" (BaxTHH 1990, 78). 9to 3Bynano no - HoBoMy HMeHHo noToMy, hto noa^epKHBanacb ponb cMexa b HapoaHoñ KynbType, xoTa sTa npo6neMa HHTepecoBana MHorHx yneHbix c apeBHHx BpeMeH. MoHorpa^Ha BaxTHHa b Pocchh h Ha 3anaae raynanacb b KoHTeKcTe apyrHx TpyaoB yneroro, 3aTparHBaBmHx TeopeTHnecKHe npo6neMbi scTeTHKH h norpaHHHHbie c Hero o6nacra ryMaHHTapHHx HayK: sthkh, ncHxonorHH, KynbTyponorHH. npH eaHHoaymHoM npH3HaHHH 3HanHTenbHocTH pa3pa6aTHBaeMHx yneHbiM npo6neM, MopanbHoñ ctohkocth M.M. BaxTHHa Ha ero TpyaHoM xH3HeHHoM nyTH, cnopb o ero HaynHoM HacneaHH He yTHxaroT ao chx nop.
B roÓHneñHoM 1995 roay xypHanbi ony6nHKoBanH paa craTeñ h MaTepHanH nocBa^eHHHx eMy KoH^epeHnHñ. H.H. OpHaMaH b xypHaae Bonpocbi ^Hnoco^HH ("KapHaBan b oaHHo^Ky") npocnexHBaeT cnoxHbie h npoTHBope^HBbie noBopoTH TBopnecKoñ MHcnH yneroro. Oh nHmeT: Koraa HHTaTenb b 6yay^eM cmoxbt nponecTb MHoroToMHHK TpyaoB BaxTHHa, "oh 6yaeT nopaxeH xoaoM aBHxeHHa aBTopcKoñ MHcnH: b KaxaoM nocneayro^eM ToMe no cy^ecTBy oTBepraeTca KaK HaeñHbiñ na^oc, TaK h npeaMeT HccneaoBaHHa npeabiay^ero". (Bonpocbi ^Hnoco^HH 1994\12, 80) B pa6oTax 20 - x roaoB "Abtop h repoñ", "npo6neMbi TBopnecTBa ^ocToeBcKoro" MeToaonorHnecKHe ycTaHoBKH BaxTHHa "oramaroTca HeKoTopoñ aBoñcTBeHHocTbro: c oaHoñ ctopohh, oh opHeHTHpyeTca Ha KnaccHnecKyro TpaaHnHro ^Hnoco^cKoro KoHcTpyHpoBaHHa Ha ocHoBe 6a3HcHbix cy6teKTHo - oGteKTHbix oraomeHHñ b KoopaHHaTax "a - ana ce6a - apyroñ". C apyroñ ctopohh, b Kanecrae KoHKpeTHoñ
266
dpxeßem Kaman
MeTO.o.orHH oh Hcno.b3yeT "^eHOMeHO.orHHecKoe onHcaHHe ueHHOCTHoro C03HaHHa ee6a eaMoro h C03HaHHa MHoro .pyroro". (BaxTHH 1979, 163)
^HMor poMaHHHx repoeB, npoTHBonocTaB.eHHe "a" h "th", KOTopne oh chhtm xaHpoBon npHHafl.exH0CTbro poMaHa, b KHHre o Pa6.e CMeHH.HCb "po.obhm Hapo.HHM Te.OM", He pacH.eHaeMHM Ha HH.HBH.ya.bH0CTH. (BaxTHH 1990, 35) B 3tom Mor.o CKa3aTbca h ycTapeBmee poMaHTHHecKoe noHaTHe o ko^tokthbhocth h 6e3HMaHH0CTH Hapo.Horo TBopHecTBa, .0B0.bH0 e^ë paenpocTpaHeHHoe b 30-e ro.H, Kor.a OTB.e-HeHHoe noHaTHe o Hapo.e B006^e mhpho yxHBa.0Cb e K.aee0B0H .oktphhoh.
npo6.eMaTHHHHM 0Ka3a.0Cb h noHaTHe KapHaBa.a, CToa^ee b neHTpe MOHorpa^HH o poMaHe Pa6.e h Ky.bType cpe.HeBeKOBba h peHeceaHca. Ccbmaacb Ha onHcaHHe pHMCKoro KapHaBa.a b "HTa.baHCKHx nyTemecTBHax" rëTe, yneHHH He .aeT ero onHcaHHa, He onpe.e.aeT CTpyKTypH npa3.HHKa. Oh 6epeT jumb OT.e.bHHe HepTH KapHaBa.a h H^eT hx OTpaxeHHa b poMaHe 'Tapramroa h HaHTarproa.b". 9to, b nepByro OHepe.b, HepTH aM6HBa.eHTH0CTH b pmya.e npa3.HHKa, xoTa aM6HBa.eHTH0CTb noHaTHH xapaKTepH3yeT He T0.bK0 KapHaBa., a n0.H0CTbro MH^o.orHHecKoe Mbim.eHHe. BaxTHH He npocTO BH.e.aeT KapHaBa. b pa.y .pyrax npa3.HHK0B, a CKopee OTpHBaeT ot .pyrHx npa3.HHK0B, 06pa.0B, o6HHaeB, eonpoBox.aBmHx xH3Hb He.OBeKa Tpa.HUHOHHOH Ky.bTypH ot pox.eHHa .o eaMon CMepTH. BaxTHH chhtm, hto "MHorHe Hapo.HO - npa3.HHHHHe ^opMH..., nepe.aB KapHaBa.y pa. cbohx HepT, npHTOM b 6o.bmHHCTBe e.ynaeB HaH6o.ee ey^ecTBeHHbix, npo.o.xa.H B.aHHTb napa..e.bH0 KapHaBa.y xa.Koe h o6e.HeHHoe ey^ecTBOBaHHe". (BaxTHH 1990, 243) H KapHaBa., OTpHBaacb ot CBoen nHTaTe.bHOH epe.H, HaHHHaeT npHo6peTaTb OTB.eneHHHe, a BCKope h yTonHHecKHe HepTH. KapHaBa.bH0My CMexy npH.aeTca o.hoctopohhhh h .axe nparMaTHHecKHH xapaKTep. no MHeHHro aBTopa, oh HanpaB.eH npoTHB 0^HUHa.bH0H ^eo.&tfbHOH h uepKOBHOH npaB.H. Pa.ocTHHH CMex BHCTynaeT b MOHorpa^HH BaxTHHa .Hmb KaK no6ex.eHHHH CTpax, "b ^opMe yp0..HB0 - CMemHoro, b ^opMe BHBepHyTHx HaH3HaHKy CHMBO.OB B.aCTH H HaCH.Ha, B KOMHHeCKHx o6pa3ax CMepTH, B Beee.Hx pacTep3aHHax". (105) O.HaKO b KapHaBa.bH0M npa3.HecTBe 06H0B.eHHa xh3hh "Beee.He pacTep3aHHa" CBa3aHH e TparHHecKOH CTopoHon npa3.HHKa, e xepTBOH. Be.b .axe b onHcaHHH pHMCKoro KapHaBa.a y rëTe OTMeneHa onacHOCTb, npHcyTCTBHe CMepTH, B03M0xH0CTb He.OBeHeCKOH CMepTH.
B 1965 ro.y noe.e BHxo.a b CBeT MOHorpa^HH o Pa6.e b peneH3HH Ha Hee A.^. rypeBHH nHca., hto npH Been H0BH3He b ocBe^eHHH Ky.bTypHO - HCTopHHecKon po.H CMexa b anoxy epe.HHx BeKOB, epa3y B03HHKaroT "HeKOTopHe BonpocH, eoMHeHHa h .axe B03paxeHHa" (rypeBHH 1966, 208). "HepBoe eoMHeHHe: Hto TaKoe Hapo., kotophh 6h. HOCHTe.eM CMexoBon Ky.bTypH". Be.b "eaMa Hapo.Haa Ky.bTypa He 6H.a TO.bKO CMexoBon", OHa eo.epxa.a "He T0.bK0 KapHaBa.bHHH xoxot, ho h r.y6oKyro pe.H-rH03H0CTb_". Hto KaeaeTca onno3HnHH o^H^MbHon .orMe, to "OHa BHpaxa.acb b nepByro OHepe.b b 60r0C.0BCK0H epecH, no.Hae BecbMa .a.eK0H ot CMexa h xH3Hepa.0CTH0CTH OpaHnHCKa AecH3CKoro" (rypeBHH 1966, 208 - 209). rypeBHH BHpa3H. eoMHeHHe h b Tom, hto TeMa "po.OBoro Te.a" b KapHaBa.e 0Tpa3H.a "xHBoe omy^eHHe Hapo.OM CBoero K0..eKTHBH0r0 Hapo.Horo 6eecMepTHa" (BaxTHH 1965, 551), Be.b b KapHaBa.e npHHHMa.H yHacTHe Bee, a He T0.bK0 HH3mHe c.oh o6^ecTBa...CaM KapHaBa. KaxeTca HaM BOBce He .HmeHHHM H3BecTH0H HopMaTHBHOCTH h, ee.H yro.HO, HrpoBOH pHTya.bH0CTH. HoBe.eHHe yHacTHHKOB KapHaBa.a, BepHO, 6h.o MaKCHMa.bH0 CB060.H0 ot 06H.eHH0H CKOBaHHOCTH, ho h xo. npa3.HecTBa h ynoTpe6.aeMHe TO.bKO
267
napa^HrMa npaa^HHKa b Tpyaax B._H. nponna h M.M. BaxTHHa
bo BpeMa Hero BHpaxeHHa h xecTH, MacKH h nocTynKH h "nao^aaHaa HoMHHauHa" 6^iaH aaHH ero ynacTHHKaM TpaaHnHeft... CMexoBoe Hanaao HapoaHoft KyabTypH aexaao Ha ypoBHe MHpoo^y^eHHa, o6^ecTBeHHoft ncHxoaorHH, Toraa KaK o^HnHaabHaa KyabTypa ^HKcHpoBaaa o6^ecTBeHHHe HaeH, HaeoaorHro, MHpoBo33peHHe. OcraeTca HeacHHM, b neM kophh aMSHBaaeHTHocra HapoaHoft KyabTypH? "OnaceHHe" peneroeHTa, hto "pe3yabTaTH npe3BHnaftHo naoaoTBopHoro Tpyaa EaxTHHa" 6yayT "TpaKToBaTbca oaHocTopoHHe", (rypeBHn 1966, 209 - 211) k coxaaeHHro, noaTBepaHaHcb cnoaHa.
A.R. TypeBEH KocHyaca npo6aeMH cpeaHeBeKoBoro rpoTecKa b cnenHaabHoft pa6oTe 1975 roaa, nocBa^eHHoft naMarH M.M. EaxTHHa. B MoHorpa^HH "npo6aeMbi cpeaHeBeKoBoft HapoaHoft KyabTypH" oh nHcaa, hto EaxTHH npHaaa HapoaHoMy noHHMaHHro He xapaKTepHHft aaa Hero "napaMerp... HcropHnecKoro HapoaHoro co3HaHHa... HapoaHoe npa3aHecTBo ecTb nepepHB b HopMaabHoM TeneHHH BpeMeHH, BHpaxaro^Hft cBoeo6pa3HHft phtm ero, ho 3to - 3apy6KH Ha Koaece H3BenHoft noBTopaeMocTH, tohkh Kpyra, a He MoMeHTH, npHaaro^He xoay BpeMeHH HcTopHnecKyro cTpyKTypy (TypeBHn 1982, 169 -170). B cBoeft HoBoft pa6oTe "CpeaHeBeKoBHft MHp. KyabTypa 6e3MoaBcTByro^ero 6oabmHHcTBa" oh KocHyaca h Bonpoca BaHaHHa ycTHoft HapoaHoft KyabTypH Ha nHcbMeHHyro nepKoBHyro KyabTypy h oTMeTHa, hto "MaccoByro ncHxoaorHro HaceaeHHa 3anaaHoft EBponH b XVI h XVII BeKax xapaKTepH3oBaaa BHcoKaa Bo36yaHMocTb -cnyTHHna xpoHHnecKoro HeaoeaaHHa 6oabmHHcTBa HaceaeHHa, 6eccHaHe nepea cTHxHftHHMH cHaaMH npHpoaH, .Hecnoco6HocTb oTaHnaTb ecTecTBeHHoe ot cBepxtecTecTBeHHoro", hto "cnoco6cTBoBaao yMHoxeHHro cyeBepHft, cayxoB h HeKoHTpoaHpyeM^ix naHHK". noaTOMy KapTHHa, pHcyeMaa coBpeMeHHHMH HcTopHorpa-$aMH, "cy^ecTBeHHo oTaHnaeTca ot Toft, b KoTopoft - coraacHo EaxTHHy -KoHcrpyKTHBHHM aaeMeHToM 6Ha KapHaBaabHHft xH3HeyTBepxaaro^Hft cMex.B o6cTaHoBKe peaHrao3HHx BoftH h conHaabHHx koh^hktob, npecaeaoBaHHa BeabM h epeTHKoB aaa cMexoBoft KyabTypH, BHpBaBmeftca - no EaxTHHy - Ha ypoBeHb "6oabmoft aHTepaTypH" b poMaHe Pa6ae, bo BTopoft noaoBHHe XVI h nepBoft noaoBHHe XVII BeKoB ocTaBaaocb HeMHoro MecTa". (rypeBHn 1990, 325)
O6 oaHocTopoHHecTH npo6aeMH KapHaBaaa b MoHorpa^HH EaxTHHa nHcaa aMepHKaHcKHft yneHHft - KoMnapaTHBHcT M.A. EepHcTeftH. Cboh 3aMenaHHa o "hh3kom repoe" y EaxTHHa oh HanHHaeT c noHaTHa "KapHaBaaraanHH", BBeaeHHoft EaxTHHHM, npHaaraBmHM nepTH KapHaBaaa k apyrHM aBaeHHaM KyabTypH, hto - no MHeHHro EepHcTeftHa - BeaeT "k Kpaxy HepapxHft h pa3aHHHft". B aHaarae EaxTHHHM poMaHa Pa6ae "penb HaeT cKopee He o aoMKe o^HnHaabHHx HepapxHft h ycTapeBmHx cyxaeHHft, a o6 oTKaoHeHHH BHroaHoft tohkh 3peHHa, c KoTopoft neHHocTb MoxeT 6HTb Bce-TaKH yTBepxaeHa (EepHcTeftH 1985, 99 - 100) . "Hto yaHBHTeabHo, 3aMenaeT EepHcTeftH, b aHTepaTypHoft TpaaHnHH aHaaoroB caTypHaaHft, HanHHaa c hx KaaccnnecKHx hctokob h aoaroe BpeMa nocae peHeccaHca, 3to to, KaK peaKo cMex ("npa3aHHnHHft, yHHBepcaabHHft h aM0HBaaeHTHHft" - no EaxTHHy) BH3HBaeT coMHeHHe y npHcyTCTByro^Hx b ctoco6hocth hx cyxaeHHft h oneHoK" (106). EepHcTeftH cnHTaeT Heneaecoo6pa3HHM npHMeHeHHe noHaTHa "KapHaBaaraanHH" h k poMaHy Pa6ae, oh nHmeT, hto "aro6oBb EaxTHHa k Pa6ae h k ToMy, hto oh paccMaTpHBaeT KaK ocBo6oxaaromyro aHepraro caTypHaaHft, co BpeMeHeM ocaenHaH ero. Beab HoBeaaH Pa6ae MaHH^ecrapoBaHHo He MHMeTHHHH" (117).
HccaeaoBaTeabHHna HaynHoro Hacaeana EaxTHHa H. EoHenKaa oTMenaeT, hto y nponHTaBmero KHHry o Pa6ae "He Bo3HHKao hh eaHHoft nepTonKH OpaHcya Pa6ae...Bo BcaKoM caynae ot Pa6ae... ocTaeTca oaHa ^aMHaHa, oaHa nycTaa o6oaonKa, HanoaHeHHe
268
dpxeßem Kaman
xe 3toh oöononKH - cMexoBaa KynbTypa cpeAHeBeKoBba h peHeccaHca" (BoHenKaa 1985, 85 - 86). B Apyron cTaTbe oHa oTMenaeT, hto "BaxTHH paccbinaeT poMaH Paöne Ha aneMeHTH, AeTanH h HccneAyeT hx cmhcjh "b KapHaBanbHbix AencTBax". HHTepecHo, hto Ha 3tom HccneAoBaHHe h 3aKaHHHBaeTca, 3neMeHTbi He coöHparoTca b nenoKynHocTb, "cMbicn" poMaHa oToxAecTBnaeTca co "cmhc^om" KapHaBana" (BoHenKaa 1995, 22).
B aHanH3e poMaHa Paöne BaxTHH KaK öyATo ynycTHn h3 BHAy ero "cepbe3HHe ctopohh, ^Hnoco^cKHe HAeH, cKpHTHe noA nHHHHoö cKoMopombHx bhxoaok", o neM nHcan A.H. BecenoBcKHH, BHAeBmHn b HeM « AymeBHyro ÖHorpa^Hro Paöne, HAeanbHyro ÖHorpa^Hro BeceHHen nopbi $paHny3cKoro Bo3poxneHHa, HpaBCTBeHHyro ÖHorpa^Hro nenoro nepHoAa Bo3poxAeHHa" (BecenoBcKHH 1939, 402, 463).
BeHrepcKHn HccneAoBaTenb TBopnecTBa Paöne 3.H. BanoMH non^epKHBaeT npexAe Bcero to, hto aBTop poMaHa o TapraHTroa h naHTarpro3ne öbin "npeBocxoAHHM noBecTBoBaTeneM", "3HnHKnoneAHnecKH oöpa3oBaHHbiM nenoBeKoM PeHeccaHca", KoToporo HHTepecoBano Bce: ynpaBneHHe rocyAapcTBoM, nonHTHKa, reorpa^mecKHe HccneAoBaHHa, KonoHHanbHHe 3KcneAHnHH, HpaBcTBeHHHe AHneMMH h penHrao3Hbie AHcnyTbi...Ero nonoxHTenbHbie ^Hrypbi, c oahoh ctopohh, MyApbie ryMaHHcTH, c Apyron ctopohh, nonHoKpoBHHe HapoAHHe oöpa3H, a oTpHnaTenbHbie - öonee npocTOBaTbi". Monroe BpeMa HccneAoBaTenH h nyönHKa 3aMenanH b npoH3BeAeHHH BenHKoro nHcaTena TonbKo roMop HnH ocMeaHHe. "Paöne h BnpaBAy cMeeTca, KorAa cepAHTca, cMeeTca, KorAa paAyeTca, Ana Hero xapaKTepHb h nbro^aaca nepe3 Kpan x3HepaAocTHocTb, HrpHBoe Becenbe h nnyTOBCTBo, h Aaxe o3opctbo" (BanoMH 1965, 216).
E.M. MeneTHHcKHn 3aMeTHn, hto BaxTHH « HecKonbKo paöne3HpyeT cpeAHeBeKoBoe HapoAHoe MHpoBo33peHHe, b kotopom h KapHaBanbHbin "uHKnH3M" h 3cxaTonorHHecKHH "onTHMH3M" Ha caMoM Aene coneTaeTca co cTpaxoM cMepTH, c yHHHToxaro^eö caTypHa-nbHon HacMemKon, HaTypanH3MoM KaK TaKoBbiM. He cnynaÖHo Bce 3th KapHaBanbHbie nepeBopaHHBaHHa ycTaHoBneHHon HepapxHH öbinH cTporo orpaHHneHbi bo BpeMeHH" (MeneTHHcKHn 1986, 218). "yHHBepcanbHbin komh3m", o kotopom roBopHn BaxTHH, "BHnaHHBaHHe HH3MeHHbix hhcthhktob, BcaKoro poAa "rpa3HHx" noApoöHocreö, cBa3aH-hhx c xaAHocTbro, 3pothkoh h t. a. npoTHBocToHT nepBoöbrraoMy cnHpmyanH3My, nonyHHBmeMy b nacraocra pa3BHTHe b maMaHH3Me. Oh cpoahh toh "KapHaBanbHocTH", KoTopaa npoaBHnacb b 3neMeHTax caMonapoAHH, HMeBmHxca h b pHTyanax aBCTpanHËneB, h b phmckhx caTypHannax, b cpeAHeBeKoBbix "npa3AHHKax AypaKoB", onpoKHAbiBaro^nx HepapxHHecKHË nopaAoK, b myToBcKoM BocnpoH3BeAeHHH ^pkobhoh cnyxöbi h t. a." (MeneTHHcKHn 1986, 23). OAHaKo, no MHeHHro MeneTHHcKoro, KapHaBanbHbin cMex, co3Aaro^HË öyATo öh poMaH Paöne ("Ero npoH3BeAeHHe - 3to nenaa 3HnHKnoneAHa HapoAHon KynbTypb" BaxTHH 1990, 67) He npHnoxHM k poMaHy CepBaHTeca, k KoTopoMy "He npHMeHHMH Te3HcH o tom, hto MaTepHanbHo - TenecHaa cTHxHa BHcTynaeT b KanecTBe Hanana cyryöo nonoxHTenbHoro, hto "BcaKHH yAap no cTapoMy MHpy noMoraeT poxAeHHro HoBoro" (BaxTHH 1990, 228).
M.M. BaxTHH npoAonxan paöoTaTb HaA npoöneMon cMexa h b "^ononHeHHax h H3MeHeHHax k "Paöne" oh HcKan npoaBneHHa KapHaBanbHoro cMexa y Torona, b cönHxeHHH TparHHecKoro h KoMHnecKoro b poMaHax ^ocToeBcKoro, b TpareAHax ffleKcnHpa, b npo3BH^ax, b öpaHH h t.a. Ho HenonHocTbro BoccraHoBneHHaa yneHbiM napaAHrMa npa3AHHKa, aöcTparHpoBaHHe oahoh ctopohh KapHaBanbHoro cMexa npHBeno ero k oahoctopohhhm BHBoAaM oTHocHTenbHo AanbHenmen cyAböbi cMexoBbix ^opM, b kotophx oh yBHAen TonbKo nnmb "peAyKnHro", oöeAHeHHe cMexa. TeM caMHM yMananHcb h Aaxe
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napaflHrMa npaa^HHKa b xpyaax B.H. nponna h M.M. BaxxHHa
Tepaan CMbica ocoöaa ceMaHTHKa, acTeTnnecKHe KanecTBa n bo3moxhocth BbipaxeHHa pa3pocmenca yxe b Hamn aHH CMexoBon naampbi : roMopa, caTnpbi, hpohhh, capKa3Ma, pa3aBHHyBmnx noaroca CMemHoro n CTpamHoro b apxannecK0M rpoTecKe. (KaMaH 19SS, 1996)
KpanHe HHTepecHH 3aMenaHna Kapna 9MepcoH - nepeBoannnbi n nccaeaoBa-TeabHnnH TpyaoB BaxTHHa. KHnra o Paöae CTaaa 6ecTceaaepoM b aHra0a3binH0M Mnpe h "060CH0Baaa HHTepec k HeMy KaK neBny Teaa n TeaecHocTn", nT0 K0HenH0 HMeao 0TH0meHne "k npe3MepH0My n 60ae3HeHH0My HHTepecy k BonpocaM noaa b Hamn aHH", k npoöaeMe rpoTecKa n apoTHKH (K. 9MepecoH 1996, 76 - 77). Co BpeMeHeM, nnmeT K. 9MepcoH ee "Hanaao pa3apaxaTb...noHaTne KapHaBaaa", np0THB0CT0a^ee pyccKon Tpaannnn "ayxoBHoro xpncTnaHCKoro anaaora". (78) KapHaBaa - b noHHMaHnn Kapna 9MepcoH - 3acTaBaaa 3aayMaTbca: c KeM Bea anaaor caM aBTop. ByHTapcKHe mothbh KapHaBaaa, noaxBaneHHbie M. KpncTeBon, cnrpaan CBoro poab b coöbrrnax bo OpaHnnn b 67 - 68 roay, a b Pocchh npoaBnan ce6a KaK "aBe yxacaro^ne pyccKne KpanHocTn: yTonna n aHapxna" (K. 9MepcoH 1996, 73).
KaK MH BnanM, oneHKa naen n TpyaoB yneHoro ocTaeTca cnopHa, a KpnTnnecKaa anTepaTypa o HeM yxe TpyaHo o6o3pnMa. Ecan npnHaTb bo BHHMaHne ee 0CH0BHbie TeHaeHnnn, to 3to npexae Bcero Bonpoc o ^naoco^CKHx 0CH0Bax Tpyaa BaxTHHa. OaHaKo coraacna HeT n 3aecb, n pa3Hbie nccaeaoBaTean 0TH0caT yneHoro k pa3HHM ^naoco^CKHM HanpaBaeHnaM Hanaaa XX BeKa, n Hanöoaee HHTepecHH Te paöoTbi, b kotophx TpyaH M.M. BaxTHHa paccMaTpnBaroTca b K0HTeKCTe anoxn, b conocTaBaeHnn c TpyaaMH ero C0BpeMeHHHK0B.
OaHH H3 H3BecTHHx aHTepaTypoBeaoB Hamnx aHen C. BonapoB, MHoro caeaaBmnn aaa H3aaHna n H3yneHna TpyaoB BaxTHHa, CKa3aa: "Ho mKoaH BaxTHHa b Teopnn anTepaTypH HeT". H, aoaxHo öbiTb, htoöh CMarnnTb 3tot ^aKT, aoöaBna: "BepoaTHo, mKoaH b HameM aeae oöpa3yroTca B0Kpyr öoaee neTKoro n K0HKpeTH0r0 Kpyra naen nonpo^e", b poae "TaKoro oTKpbiTna" KaK "MaTepnaa n npneM", KaK HanaeHHbin Karon, npocTaa oTMbinKa k TanHe xyaoxecTBa" (BonapoB 1995, 214 - 215). C 3thm MHeHneM TpyaHo coraacHTbca, 0C06eHH0 c pacxoxHM onpeaeaeHneM TpyaoB TaK Ha3biBaeMbix "pyccKHx ^opMaancTOB" (KaMaH 1971). Ho c0BepmeHH0 cnpaBeaanBo 3aKaroneHne C. BonapoBa o tom, nT0 BaxTHH "oTKpbia a0B0abH0 oömnpHbin MaTepnK... npoöaeM, KaK H0BHe 3eMan Ha KapTe ryMaHHTapHon HayKn" (BonapoB 1995, 215).
TBopnecKoe Hacaeane yneHoro CBnaeTeabCTByeT o ero HeycTaHHbix noncKax b oöaacTH ^naoco^CKon acTeTHKH, CMeaoM xoae Mbican b hobom, nacTo npoTHBono-a0XH0M HanpaBaeHHH, ocTaBaaro^HM otkphthmh nyTH apyrnM nccaeaoBaTeaaM, a TaKxe - h He3aBepmeHHHe K0Hnennnn. BaxTHH ynna yray6aeHH0My nponTeHnro anTepaTypHoro TeKCTa, n0CTaH0BKe Ha ero 0CH0BaHnn acTeTHnecKnx npoöaeM. B aaHH0M caynae aHaan3npyeMHn b Hamen CTaTbe 0aH0CT0p0HHnn noaxoa yneHoro k npoöaeMe npa3aHHKa yBaeK MHornx aoBepnnBbix "yneHHK0B" CBoen KBa3n-np0CT0T0n n nocayxna 0TMHnK0n b pacKpbiTHH "aroöbx" BonpocoB XH3HH, KyabTypH, anTepaTypH. Oö 3Ton onacHocTH e^e 30 aeT T0My Ha3aa npeaynpexaaa A.H. TypeBnn. Bonpoc o "KapHaBaaH3annn" npeacTaBaaeTca H.n. OpnaMaHy "3anyTaHHHM" (OpnaMaH 1994, 87). B HeK0T0pHx nccaeaoBaHnax mh moxbm BCTpeTHTb TaKne yTBepxaeHna, öyaTo öh BaxTHH "ocBoöoana npoöaeMy KapHaBaaa ot MeTa^H3nnecKon 0KpameHH0CTn" n noKa3HBaa ncTopnro KapHaBaabHoro co3HaHna "b xaHpax öyaHnnHon naeoaornn" (.H. Cnaapa 1989, 85). Ho y BaxTHHa "KapHaBaabHoe C03HaHne" He TepaeT CBoero
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npa3flHHHHoro xapaKTepa. H xoTa 3BynaHHe caKpanbHocTH b HeM h npnraymeHO, yneHbift HHrne He CHnxaeT noHaTHa KapHaBana no "KapHaBanbHo - 6ynHHHHbix ^opM", "KapHaBanbHHx ^opM 6yflHHHHoft xh3hh", hto oTKpHBaeT nopory yxe 6e36pexHoft "KapHaBanH3aEHH" (H. Cnnapn 1989, 38, 65). nono6Hoe c6nHxeHHe nro6oro aBneHHa xh3hh h KynbTypH c npa3flHHKoM BeceHHero o6HoBneHHa "pemaeT" Bonpoc jnmb Ha cnoBax, Benb apnbraeK "KapHaBanH3aEHH" nenaeT H3nimHHM KaKoft 6h to hh 6bino aHanH3.
B BeHrpHH, KaK h noBcrony npo6neMbi acTeTHKH, TeopHH poMaHa b Tpynax BaxTHHa H3ynaroTca MHorHMH. B 1976 rony Bbimen nepeBon KHHrH "9cTeTHKa cnoBecHoro TBopnecTBa", b 1982 rony - MoHorpa^HH o Pa6ne. O cnopHoM h 6eccnopHoM b Tpynax yneHoro nHcan nepeBon^HK h HccnenoBaTenb ero pa6oT Ha6a KeHEen, a Taxxe flbrona KHpaft, Apnan KoBan, Hoxe^ Tannap h npyrHe. O3HaKoMneHHe h rayneHHe TpynoB BaxTHHa npononxaeTca.
npHMenaHHa
ABepHHEeB C.C.: M. BaxTHH - peTpocneKTHBa h nepcneKTHBa. "^pyx6a HaponoB" 1994\12.
AneKcaHnpoBa P.H.: 9THnecKoe h acTeTrnecKoe b TBopnecTBe M.M. BaxTHHa.// Bonpocbi
OHnoco^HH" 1994\12. BaxTHH M.M.: TBopnecrao OpaHcya Pa6ne h HaponHaa KynbTypa CpenHeBeKoBba h
PeHeccaHca. MocKBa 1965 (1990). BaxTHH M.M.: ,D,ononHeHHa h H3MeHeHHa k "Pa6ne"// "Bonpocbi ^Hnoco^HH" 1992/1 BaxTHH M.M.: 9cTeTHKa cnoBecHoro TBopnecraa. MocKBa 1986. BaxTHH M.M.: npo6neMbi noaTHKH ^ocroeBcKoro. MocKBa 1963. BoHeEKaa H.K.: npo6neMa aBTopcTBa b Tpynax BaxTHHa. Studia Slavica Hung. 1985, t. 31.
BoHeEKaa H.K.: M. BaxTHH h HneH repMeHeBTHKH. Studia Slavica Hung. 1995, t.40, 1 - 4. BonapoB C.: Co6HTHe 6hthh. O MHxaHne MHxaftnoBHne BaxTHHe. "Hobhh mhp" 1995/11. BonapoB C.: "BonpocaM nrnepaTypbi 40 neT", Hobhh mhp 1995/11. BecenoBcKHft A.H. : Pa6ne h ero poMaH.// H36paHHbie cTaTbH. HeHHHrpan 1939. TacnapoB M.: M.M. BaxTHH b pyccKoft KynbType XX BeKa.// BTopHHHbie MonenHpyro^He
cHcTeMH. TapTy, 1979. TypeBHH A.^.: CMex b HaponHoft KynbType CpenHeBeKoBba. "BonpocH nHTeparypbi" 1966/4. TypeBHH A.^.: K hctophh rpoTecKa. "Bepx" h "hh3" b cpenHeBeKoBoft naTHHcKoft
nHTepaType.// H3BecTHa A.H. CCCP. CepHa nHTepaTypH h a3HKa. 1975/4. TypeBHH A.^.: npo6neMH cpenHeBeKoBoft HaponHoft KynbTypbi. MocKBa 1981. TypeBHH A.^.: CpenHeBeKoBbift MHp. KynbTypa 6e3MonBcTByromero 6onbmHHcTBa. MocKBa 1990.
3eneHHH fl.K.: HaponHbift o6binaft rpeTb noKoftHHKoB. C6ophhk Hctophko -
OHnonorHnecKoro oGmecraa. XapbKoB. 1909. KaMaH 9.: Ponb roMopa b ^Hnoco^cKoft cHcTeMe poMaHa BynraKoBa "MacTep h
MaprapHTa". Studia Slavica Hung. 1988/ 1 - 4. KaMaH 9.: npo6neMa nHTepaTypHoro aHanraa b paHHHx pa6oTax B. 9ftxeH6ayMa h ro. TbHaHoBa. Studia Slavica Hung. 1971/ 1 - 2.
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MeaBeaeB n.H.: OopMmbHbrä mctoa b ottepatypobeflehhh. MocKBa 1993.
Me^eTHHCKHH E.M.: BBe^eHHe b HCTopmecKyro noaTHKy anoca h poMaHa. MocKBa 1986.
nponn B.^.: Oo^bKrop h fleöcTBHTe^bHocTb. MocKBa, 1976.
nponn B.^.: PyccKHe arpapHHe npa3^HHKH. H3fl. H r Y, ^eHHHrpaa 1963.
nponn B.£.: ^HeBHHKH. 1962 - 196. Russian Studies 1995/3.
nyraroB B.H.: Ot cKa3KH k anocy. no CTpaHHnaM TBopnecKoö ÖHorpa^HH B.^. nponna.
Russian Studies 1995/3. Opa3ep fl.r.: 3o^oTaa BeTBb. BbinycK 1 - 4, MocKBa 1928. OpnflMaH H.H.: KapHaBm b o^HHonKy. Bonpocbi ^htoco^hh, 1994/12. ffiraö^ep P.: Oöoö^aro^aa acTeTHKa xaHpa : BaxTHH, .Skoöcoh, BeHb^MHH. "Bonpocbi
^HTepaTypn" 1997/ MapT - anpe^b. 9MepcoH K.: Cro^eTHe BaxTHHa b aHraoœbiHHoM MHpe. r^a3aMH nepeBo^HHKa.
"Bonpocb ^HTepaTypn" 1996/ Man - HMHb. Bajomi Läzär Endre: Utöszö. Fracois Rabelais : Gargantua es Pantagruelle. t. 2 Budapest 1962.
Bernstein M. A.: When the Carneval turns bitter. Bakhtin. Essays and Dialogues on his
Work. Chicagou and London 1985. Fraser G.: The golden bough. Part 111 . The dying God. 3-th Edition. London 1920. Kämän E.: Die Poesie des Humors in den Zaubermärchen.// Folk Narrative and World View. Vortrage des 10-es Kongresses der Internationalen Gesellschaft für Volkserzahlungsforschung ISFNR. Teil 1. Frankfurt am Mein 1992. Lévi - Strauss C.: La structure et la forme. Réflexions sur un ouvrage de Vladimir Propp.
Cahiers de l'Institut de science économique appliquée Serie 7, 1960 mars. Koväcs Ä.: A regényelmélet mödszertanähoz. Bahtyin - Lukäcs - Poszpelov. Filolögiai közlöny 1977 - 23.
Köncöl C.: A nyelv eldologiasodäsa. Mihail Bahtyin irodalomelmélete. Nagyviläg 1975 8 Sadaiosi I.: Ivanov - Pumpjanskij - Bachtin.// Tenth International Congres of Slavists Sofia 1988. Japanese Association of Slavists. College of Arts and Science University of Tokio.
Szilärd L.: Karnevalizacija - manipeja.// Pojmovnik ruske avangarde. Prvi svezak. Zagreb 1984.
Szilärd L.: / A karnevalelmélet V. Ivänovtöl M. Bahtynig. Budapest 1989.
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The Paradigm of the Feast in the Work of V. Propp and M. Bakhtin
Erzsebet Kaman
This study deals with a comparison of two monographs: "Russian Agrarian Feasts" (1963) by Propp, and " Rabelais and his World" (1965) by M. Bakhtin.
Both books deal from different angles with analysis of the carnival held after the winter solstice, celebrating life and the awakening of nature. Both books were written in the thirties but were not published until the sixties.
Vladimir Propp's historical typological investigation of archaic culture, folklore, and the tale was made within the frame of what was known as the "Russian formalist school". He focused his attention on determining the structure of the "substantive form" (tale, epic). This determination excluded all other artistic formulations as well as phenomena not formulated aesthetically.
Using the method he elaborated in "The Morphology of the Folktale ", Propp surveyed the multitude of Russian feasts, and in "Russian Agrarian Feasts" he examined the behaviour of the leading figures (symbols) and participants of feasts throughout the year and found functional coincidences. In the light of rites, customs and folklore, he classified the main elements alluding to the archaic Eastern Slav religion.
The study also deals with Propp's methodological conclusions, his observations challenging the views of J.G.Frazer on the victim and archaic comedy, and his debate with C. Levi - Strauss.
Mikhail Bakhtin's work was carried out in the context of phenomenologically inspired Russian philosophical criticism. His monograph on Francois Rabelais' novel and its links with popular culture made an innovative study of the tradition of the carnival in the Middle Ages and at the time of the French Renaissance. However Bakhtin's carnival theory is being increasingly criticised as a one-side interpretation of the carnival which neglected the sacral character of the feasts and its catharsis, and culminated in the notion of carnivalization.
Bakhtin linked carnivalization with the ambivalence of carnival and carnival humour, and applied it to the artistic and literary phenomena of different ages. The study cites the observations of E. Meletinsky, A. Gurevich, M.A. Bernstein, Carl Emerson and other researchers evaluating the work of Bakhtin and criticising his carnival theory.
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Mythical Pictures of the South Slavs1
Nikos Causidis
The author writes about the so-called "mythical pictures", a new source for the research of Slavic mythology, which were created in order to express people's religious notions. The article is centered on four of the most common groups of mythical pictures which, due to their archetypal characteristics have survived to the present: paintings of the human body, those representing the female principle, solar mythical pictures, and the paintings of the male principle.
The pagan religion and mythology of the Slavs has been systematically researched for over two hundred years. The results of the research turned out especially promising in the second half of the 20th century when the researchers began using modern interdisciplinary methods. Thus not only history, linguistics and ethnology but also many other sciences were given the opportunity to contribute to the enlightenment of the original Slavic religion. However, it has to be said that even today in spite of the strong academic interest and the enormous corpus of the research papers, the study of the pagan religion and mythology of the South Slavs has not given results as positive as those in the corresponding research of the East and West Slavic cultures2.
There are four fundamental reasons for the above-mentioned:
1.	The sources dating from the Middle Ages, on which the research of the regions settled by the West and East Slavs is based, do mention the South Slavs, however, they almost as a rule never reveal any facts connected with their religion, religious rituals, or deities worshipped by them3.
2.	Even during the Middle Ages the West and the East Slavs mostly continued living on their original territory, which is the reason why the "Slavic features" can be more easily traced in their material culture. As for the South Slavs, they were a migratory people: they
This article is a brief summary of our book MHTCKHTe c^hkh Ha JyxHHTe CnoBeHH, published in Skopje, Macedonia (by Misla), in 1994 (574 pages of text and 110 tables with a catalogue of more than one thousand illustrations), and was presented at the lecture held at the history seminar organised by ZRC SAZU (the Scientific Research Centre of the Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts) and conducted in Ljubljana at SAZU in May 1995.
For basic bibliography see: S. Kulisic, Stara Slovenska religija u svijetlu novih istrazivanja, posebno balkanoloskih, Sarajevo 1979; H. Eowmianski, Religia Slowian i jej upadek (w. VI-XII), Warszawa 1979; E. A. Pbi6aKOB, .flabraecTBo ^peBHHX CnaBaH, MocKBa, 1981; E. A. Pbi6aKOB, .flabraecTBo ^peBHefl PycH, MocKBa, 1987; H. HaycH^HC, MHTCKHTe c^hkh Ha JyxHHTe CnoBeHH, CKonje, 1994.
A part of these rare sources is incorporated into our research (H. HaycH^HC, MHTCKHTe...). Some of the phenomena in the South Slavic pagan religion may be also hidden in some heresy religious systems (Bogumil religion...) which are more often recorded in the Middle Ages sources referring to territories settled by the South Slavs.
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left their original territory and, in their migration period, made many contacts with various other peoples and their cultures. During the great migration period they most certainly lost many ethnic elements of their material culture in exchange for gaining new ones, which are today, in the Balkans, still very hard to define.
3.	The image of the South Slavic religious culture is even less clear also because of the fact that their material culture - as well as the culture of other Slavic peoples - consists mostly of artefacts made of organic materials. Such a character of the material culture, intertwined into the traditional Slavic village, was preserved until the 20th century. Thus modern researchers (particularly archaeologists) cannot gain a more general insight into the material culture of the South Slavs during the Middle Ages, and consequently they are hampered in their research into the ancient religious and mythological structures of the South Slavs.
4.	Because of this "blank " the historic connection of various remnants of the ancient religious beliefs still preserved in the South Slavic folklore is not feasible even though the tradition of the South Slavs is rich in those elements. Maybe this is the reason why until now the attempts at researching the South Slavic pagan religion have been focused mainly on the folklore, especially on the oral tradition and preserved rituals. The historic dimensions of those two elements are not sought in the original territories settled by the South Slavs, i. e. the Balkans, but - by the use of comparative methods - in the tradition of the Western and the Eastern Slavs.
Because of this the research of the South Slavic religion and mythology is non-autonomous and completely dependent on the results of the research made on territories settled by other Slavic peoples. A particular feature, which - even though it may have existed in the South Slavic tradition - cannot be traced or recorded by use of such methods unless it was already present in some of the regions settled by other Slavic peoples. But what if the very feature has not yet been discovered by the research made in other territories? And what about the specific features of the South Slavic religion and mythology that were not necessarily present in the religious or mythological systems of other Slavic peoples? Does this mean they are never to be discovered or understood just because no analogy can be drawn between the religious and mythological systems of the South Slavs and the other Slavic peoples?
In such a hopeless situation, there arises the urgent need for using a relatively new and autonomous research method. By using such a method the research results would no longer be based on comparative studies; the latter would only be used as a means by which the results would be verified.
The methodology of our research is based on the material culture of the South Slavs from their arrival in the Balkans to the 20th century. It comprises the artefacts discovered by archeological research, the elements of the architectural and art objects (often bearing some formal Christian qualities) dating from the Middle Ages, and finally, the artefacts belonging to the South Slavic folklore. It should be pointed out that most of these material artefacts are seen as being part of the mythical and religious structures mostly because of their form, i.e. their visual image. Since the method is based on the material culture, or more precisely on the visual medium, it is necessary that it includes a special mechanism by which the researchers can discover and interpret the character and meaning of a particular picture.
The central notions of this methodology are "mythical picture", "mythical belief and "mythical or myth-creating consciousness". The mythical picture is a product of spe-
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cific principles applied to the operation of the consciousness of Man, as a member of any of the archaic (particularly non-civilised) cultures4. Our methodological approach, and the image of mythical consciousness in general, also comprise the notions of analytical psychology (the subconsciousness, and conditionally also the collective unconsciousness), and hence they serve as important components in understanding the archaic cultures5.
What can be described as a mythical picture?
A mythical picture is the basic - and often the only - form of earlier man's plastic expression, and it is the product of specific features of his consciousness. The creation of mythical pictures was inspired by his/her existential needs. Such pictures are not the realisation of a pre-formed idea, but instead they are ideations which take shape in the process of their material creation, in which the subconsciousness plays an important role. From the point of view of the person executing the picture, it is created "all by itself. The mythical picture, being an iconographic and symbolical entity, is not the product of a single creator, but rather the result of the creative process of several generations. It is characterised by gradual transformation, i.e. evolution taking place over many generations, centuries, even several epochs.Taking into consideration all these elements and the role that archaic culture had in forming the personality of the individual, one can say that the mythical picture is a result of the "collective mind", the "collective consciousness" of a given culture. The fundamental motive for its creation in not by nature artistic or aesthetic, but rather magical and religious.
In a real archaic culture the mythical picture does not represent somebody or something, it is de facto what (according to our interpretation) it represents. From this point of view the creation of a mythical picture can be understood as the intention of the archaic person to make real, i.e. to materialise what the picture symbolically represents. In the prehistoric civilisations the mythical picture performed the function which was at a later time assigned to letters: it articulated the images and ideas, their cultivation, and embedding in the consciousness of the individuals and their enviroment.
Mythical pictures are transformed in accordance with their function in a given culture and with the changes of the mythical images in relation to what the given mythical picture presents6. The transformation is most frequently a gradual, almost invisible process: every culture, i.e. generation cherishes particular mental images of a particular phenomenon (e. g. the form of the universe, the functioning of a particular natural or cultural process, the character of a particular deity...), which exists in the consciousness, i.e. the subconsciousness of each and every member of a given generation. When making a mythical picture (wood carving, embroidery, metal molding) the creator consciously and subconsciously strives to achieve the goal of finding a particular mental picture, to recognise
4	This comprises also the perception of the world in general, organisation of relevant impressions and creation.
5	The notions "mythical consciousness" and "mythical belief' comprise all the meanings assigned to them by German philosopher E. Kasirer (E. Kasirer, Filozofija simboličkih oblika - drugi deo: Mitsko mišljenje, Novi Sad 1995, especially 36, 37, 47-52, 58-61, 65, 76, 77 (on particular characteristics of the mythical consciousness). On psychological notions compare: C. G. Jung, Dinamika nesvesnog, Beograd 1978. For a more detailed insight into our understanding of the term "mythical picture" see: h. haychflhc, Mhtckhtc..., 51-67
6	For a more detailed insight see: h. haychflhc, Mhtckhtc..., 58-61; N. Čausidis, The Magic and Aesthetic Functions of Mythical Images in the South Slav Traditional Culture. In: The Magical and Aesthetic in the Folklore or Balkan Slavs, Belgrade 1994, 5-20.
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it in the picture he inherited as a prototype, and to transfer it into the new picture he is creating, based on this prototype. Thus the visual form and the meaning of mythical pictures are changed.
It is important to emphasise that the fundamental medium in which mythical pictures were formed, consisted of the non permanent (and at the same time most frequently used) techniques that make use of mostly organic materials (drawings, colouring, embroidery, carving and modelling of skin, textile, wood, wax, dough, nonbaked clay...). The discovery of this fact has been made on the basis of extremely few ancient objects still preserved, and numerous replicas of the original objects made in more durable materials (baked clay, stone, metals).
Mythical pictures should be treated as one of the forms in which mythical belief is captured. They should be seen in connection with other mythical manifestations (the oral myth and myths intertwined into rituals) to whose meaning contribute, and vice versa. Thus, although in concrete cases the pictures can be assigned the primary role in relation to other media, in principle the primary role is actually assigned only to nonmaterialised beliefs, i.e. to mental pictures.
Mythical pictures are still produced long after their original or subsequent meaning has been forgotten; nevertheless, the images and beliefs in its magical powers or its sacral character are preserved. If those no longer exist, the picture enters the process of demythification: it assumes the role of a decorative element, i.e. it becomes an ornament devoid of its mythological and symbolical meanings.
If we set out from the standpoint that the meaning of the symbols (the fundamental "building elements" of a mythical picture) is based on the qualities and functions of the real elements which served as the reference for a symbolical meaning, there is a possibility that the meaning of a particular mythical picture belonging to an ancient or far away culture can be grasped even in the absence of the appropriate context, i.e. the key to the communication with the particular mythical picture and even the culture to which it be-longs7. Precisely this viewpoint gave us the right to begin the exploration of the pagan religion and mythology of the Slavs (in this particular case especially the South Slavs) setting out from their visual images bearing a certain mythological and religious character.
Our research has been divided into four global complexes which are deeply connected with research into the character and the genesis of the mythical picture. This structure is based on the principal relationship that determines all phenomena of a mythical and religious character. What we are dealing with is the relationship between Man and cosmos, the intention of the archaic cultures to reveal their reciprocal identity (on the level of form, organisation or function), and the will to understand and interpret one element of the pair by use of the other.
7 When speaking of archaic cultures, the categories "actual features" or "actual functions" do not refer as much to objective reality as they refer to the specific way in which a concrete detail, i.e. a component of this reality is interpreted in a given culture.
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I. PICTURES OF THE HUMAN FIGURE
T. I: 1. anthropomorfisation of cosmos 2. relief, Laussel (Palaeolithic) 3. idol, Zbruc 4. idol, Olsztyn 5. lucky charm, Kirov 6. fresco, Skopje 7. graffito, Provadijska Reka 8. embroidery, Russia 9. gravestone, Dalmatia 10. graffito, Austria (Iron Age) 11. metal tablet, Tesalia 12. fibula, Vojvodina 13. gravestone, Herzegovina 14. gravestone, Dalmatia.
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The human figure in mythical pictures is there to evoke the symbolical meaning which it reflects and which is based on the actual biological and cultural functions of Man as well as the functions projected onto him/her by a particular culture. A specific meaning can be traced in every element of the human figure, its particular pose, and other symbols to which it is related in the picture.
In the Slavic culture a picture of a woman with her hand placed around the area of her breast or stomach can be found, even though there are only traces of it to be seen (on tombstones and cult objects). Originally these two poses were to point to the function of the two organs (feeding and giving birth),and thereby to allude to the corresponding functions of nature. Thus these figures revealed the character or the domain of the mythical beings they represented. These notions lead us to the oldest, prehistoric epochs in which the processes of transformation (especially stylisation) of mythical images can be observed. It is of particular importance that throughout the various epochs the process of the identification of a human figure (especially a female one) - its parts and their functions with the corresponding functions and elements of the universe - can be best understood (see: T. I: 1)8:
-	the Earth as the lower zone of the macrocosm and its power of giving birth, is identified with the analogous female organs and their functions, also set in lower half of her body
-	the identity between the sky and celestial waters as the upper zone of the macrocosm and their function to feed what the Earth will give birth to, and the female breast and the milk of a woman (also set in the upper half of a female body and intended to feed what has been born).
The purpose of leaving the framework of the Slavic culture is to penetrate, from the standpoint of the primordial, the meaning of the several of the subsequent enigmatic mythical pictures present in the Slavic culture.
The human figure (originally a female one) holding a riton (one of the early types of pots) in her hand represents the product of the transformation of the oldest pictures of wet nurses in which the riton is seen as a symbolical substitute for the female breast and bears the meaning of the source of food, plenty and well-being in general. In the Middle Ages such images, which are almost completely identical to the oldest prehistoric ones (e. g. the relief from Laussel), could be found in a Slavic cult statuette - the idol of Zbruc. In the new context of war and heroism the above-mentioned meaning could also be traced in male figures set in the same pose (the god Svantovit in Arkona; numerous cult images from Central and Eastern Europe, and seemingly, also a late Christian example found in the vicinity of Skopje - (T. I: 2-6)9.
Beside its real biological functions, the human figure represents figures with a cosmic character in order to point out the mysterious forces of creation that initiate and control the cyclical processes in nature. In mythical pictures this is manifested by use of centrally located human figures with sun disks placed in their hands or around them. The disks symbolise various phases of the solar cycle or, at the more abstract level, the seasonal changes or procreative cycle. In this context the hands of the human figure are given the
8	It should be pointed out that the illustrations have been furnished only with basic information. For more detailed data, including bibliography see: H. HaycHaHc, Mhtckhtc..., 487-526.
9	For more details see: H. HaycHaHc, Mhtckhtc..., 94-100; H. HaycHaHc, Kthtopckhot nopTpeT Ha Kpaa MapKO co phtoh bo paKaTa h HeroBHTe moxhh naraHocoBeHcKH npeaaomKH, HayqeH co6hp no noBoa 600-roflHmHHHara oa cMprra Ha KpaaoT MapKO, CKonje-npHaen.
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meaning of forces which initiate those cycles, while the human figure itself (that is the image of a deity it represents) remains a subject who controls these forces and takes care of the cyclical nature of the processes. Such pictures were found on the graffiti from the Middle Ages, on jewellery, and on tombstones from the late Middle Ages; they were also part of the folk ornaments of South Slavic or general Slavic character (T. I: 7-14).
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In the South Slavic as well as many others cultures, symmetrical compositions consisting of one central anthropomorphic figure accompanied by two zoomorphic figures are particularly frequent. Our symbolic analysis has led us to the following global meaning of these compositions. Two animals (whether they be horses, stags or birds) symbolise the dualistic forces, i.e. tendencies present in the universe: the positive and the negative, progressive and regressive forces, the one that initiates growth and giving birth, and the other one responsible for fading away, dying. Between the two animals there is a human figure holding them in its arms or holding their bridle. This figure represents a calming factor, the one to "hold them in its arms", restrain them, to control what they symbolise: the dualistic (more precisely bipolar) tendencies of the universe (T. II)10.
These are very important mythical pictures, which clearly interrelated with man's ancient, subconscious and archetypical needs existing as permanent entities through time, adopting various different forms. We have tried to show their principal variations and the line of their transformations on T. II. We believe the primary pictures to be the ones on which there are three figures set apart one from another (1, 2). In the next phase there is already a relationship formed among them, i.e. the human figure starts taming the animals: holding them in its hands (12), bridling them (6) or riding them (7). The latter example reflects yet another phenomenon: two animals are united into a unique being. This fact could represent the notion of a unique character, i.e. the causal relation of bipolar cosmic tendencies. In the next phase the process of fusion follows - three figures are united into a unique composite zoo-anthropomorphic figure: two animals transform into the central, i.e. the human figure's arms (13) or legs (8, 9, 10). This process too could be interpreted as a product of the changes occurring in the perception of the harmony of the world, which no longer exists because of the forces of chaos (animals) and order (Man). The illusory forces of chaos are in fact merely parts, tendencies of the sole subject which is able to bring harmony to cosmos -represented in the picture in the form of a human figure. In this context, in this figure, the weighing-scales can be perceived as the symbol of balance, harmony and order within the universe (14): the human torso with its head represent the vertical axis of the world and the vertical axis of the scales while the extremities (especially arms) represent the bipolar tendencies of the cosmos, and the two side-pans of the scales at the same time.
Influenced by other mythical pictures, this notion enters new phases of transformation, the product of which reflects some other meanings which are more or less consistent with the ones we were talking about so far. It is a picture of a deity sailing a zoomorphic boat (3, 9): the deity set in the pose of a woman who has just given birth, with her legs ending in the form of a zoomorphic heads (4, 10); the figure shaped in a circle, i.e. a wheel (5, 11) - the wheel is formed either by two zoomorphic beings or the figure's zoomorphicised legs (in both cases those symbolise two tendencies of cyclical phenomena). The concrete images which belong to most of the above-mentioned types are found on the embroided linen, in traditional architecture, parts of the household utensils, jewellery and cult requisites of the South Slavs and also other Slavic peoples.11
10	According to our belief the zoomorphic pair - beside its general meaning - have expressed also concrete meanings which have been in relation with the general meaning. Thus migratory birds could be seen as a symbol of nature's fecundity (the arrival of spring of summer), horses and deer - progression and regression of the sun, and snakes - the presence of water.
11	H. HaycHflHC, MHTCKHTC..., T. XXIII - XXVII.
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II. PICTURES REPRESENTING THE FEMALE PRINCIPLE
Members of all archaic cultures, and therefore also the one we are researching, were existentially interested to understand how things in nature came to being - the universe itself, various cosmic elements and cycles, plants, animals and, last but not least, Man. The only way to explain their creation ex nihilo was by use of analogy with the fertile women and the act of giving birth in the literal sense of the word. Precisely because of this in all mythical forms, therefore in mythical pictures as well, woman - because of her procreative function - is given the central position - according to the frequency of occurrence as well as the number of symbolical and iconographical types. Since this is a theme which is universal and applicable to all mankind, regardless of period or geographical region, a prevailing number of the South Slavic mythical pictures representing this theme can be traced back to times immemorial, at least in Europe, the Mediterranean and Asia.
T. III: 1. variants of the posture of the mythical woman who has given birth 2. metal tablet, Tesalia 3. fibula, Cigirin 4. embroidery, Macedonia 5. fibula, Macedonia.
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2
3
4
5
6
7
8
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13
SKY
12
14
EARTH
T. V: 1. embroidery, Russia 2. embroidery, Croatia 3. embroidery, Russia 4. embroidery, Bulgaria 5. gravestone, Herzegovina 6. decoration, Kosovo 7. votive offering, northern Croatia 8. pendant, Ohrid 9. gravestone, Dalmatia 10. gravestone, Herzegovina 11. gravestone, Montenegro 12. metal tablet, Tesalia 13. decoration, Vojvodina 14. begetting of fire understood as coitus between heaven and earth.
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4
7
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The act of giving birth is rather complex for visual representation, therefore in mythical pictures it is described indirectly and stylised in several ways: as a pregnant woman or as a woman touching her reproductive organs (the stomach area and genitals, which in most cases are shown enlarged or open) or pointing to them, thus alluding to their function and to the act which it about to happen. In concrete cases, giving birth is shown by use of a more or less realistic image of a woman at the very moment of giving birth. The meaning is focused on her posture (there are several variants of the two basic elements: the legs spread apart and the position of her arms), and the stylised baby coming out of her womb12. We tried to make a typology of principal variants of the above-mentioned stylised poses that are particularly common on the Slavic ornaments (T. III: 1). The third way of showing the act of giving birth in a picture is by describing the act post festum. The baby is placed outside its mother: beside her or in her arms (as is the case of the metal tablet from Tesalia - T. III: 2)13.
Like all other mythological representations, the images of giving birth do not end within the limits of reality; reality is only where they begin. The concrete meanings of giving birth are characterised by several elements: the outer appearances and the attributes of the woman who has just given birth and the newborn baby, and the surroundings in which the act has taken place.
Beside the anthropomorphic form, the woman who has just given birth can adopt another three forms: she can be identified with a frog, a plant or a house (T. IV: A, B, C). This is not a mere coincidence, since in real life all three elements are related with fecundity and giving birth, i.e. creation. Frogs are creatures living under earth and in the water, and they are assigned the function of a symbol and the representative of those two functions, incarnated into the form of a mythical woman who has just given birth (e.g. a votive word for barren women: T. V: 7). In terms of plant motives, a deity in the form of a woman who has just given birth is most frequently identified with a tree (especially a fecund one). The result of the process is a "woman-tree" or more general a "woman-plant", the entity still most perstistent in the symbolical pictures (T. IV: B). The product of the relation between a woman and a house is a "womanhouse" image representing the factors that are the source of happiness and well-being of a family (T. IV: C; examples: T. V: 1, 2). In close relation to the latter form there is a variant of a woman who has already given birth, in which she is described as giving birth inside a house. In this case the goal of the symbolisation is probably transferred to the essence - the space that the house encloses (examples: T. V: 3, 4). - We can follow the Slavic examples of such mythical pictures even back to the neolithic period14.
As mentioned above, those mythical images also form a relation with symmetrical pictures - the symbols of cosmic dynamics. There are some specific variants of the basic meanings: a picture of a woman who is just giving birth with a pair of animals at her side (the reflection of the image of giving birth, i.e. the creation as a result of the reconciliation of dualistic forces) - the animals are presented as being part of the woman -; there is also another symbolical form of a woman who has just given birth with her legs spread and ending in the form of an animal head (T. IV: E, F; examples: T. III: 3, 4, 5), and a woman who has just given birth forming a circle which symbolises giving birth as being part of a cycle, or the creation of a cycle itself (T. IV: D; T. V: 8).
12	It should be pointed out that the primordial woman was giving birth most often in a sitting position.
13	On this and other tables from Tesalia see: H. HaycHflMc, naraHO-oaoBeHCKn KyrrHH npeflMera Ofl Tecaraja, I, II, ToflHmeH 36ophhk Ha ^Haoao^cKnoT ^aKyrreT, 19(45), 20(46), CKonje, 1992, 1993, 141-166, 159-178.
14	See: H. HaycwMc, MHTCKHTe..., T.: XXXI, XXXIV, XXXVII, XLVII, XLIX.
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In any of the above-mentioned forms of mythical pictures, a specific meaning is assigned to the object to which the woman is giving birth. Each of these objects reflects a specific sphere of the universe, the creation and perpetuation of which is of close interest to Man.
Giving birth to floral elements (most frequently represented by a generalised picture of a plant) can reflect a wish that the fields may be rich in crops; on the other hand it can also reflect the beginning of a new growing cycle or any of the four seasons, and holidays: for example spring or the beginning of a new year (examples: T. V: 5, 6). Giving birth to animals - except in the literal sense (increasing the herd) - can also be a sign of general prosperity15.
The active cosmic elements which the mythical woman is giving birth to (various symbols of the sun and fire represented as geometric, floral or anthropomorphic solar disks and rosettas) should be understood as symbols of the diurnal or annual solar cycles (T. V: 11, 12). A mythical picture of giving birth to fire has not yet been identified; however, there are facts pointing to its existence, even though if just in the form of a mental picture. This is confirmed by the South Slavic rituals of making the so-called "living fire" in the ancient way, by rubbing two sticks together - one made of hard and the other one of soft wood. Many elements of these rituals bear a distinct sexual character (two wooden sticks have the names related to the male and female sex; there are also evident sexual allusions as to the participants in those rituals: there is always a pair of them, mostly of the opposite sex, who are naked when performing the ritual and have to refrain from sexual activities beforehand...). The cosmological aspect of this mythical image of creating or literally giving birth to fire (the act being the consequence of coitus between heaven and earth) reflects the form, i.e. the character of more modern tools for making fire: flintstone as the "heavenly stone" under the patronage of male deities, and tinder as an element originating in earth. The latter (in the Slavic culture, as well as the cultures of other peoples) has been shaped in two variant forms: as a rhombus and as a narrow ellipse with corner poles (= vulva) or two sharp sides, which in our oppinon is related to the stylised image of the mythical woman who has given birth (see: T. V: 14)16.
The mythical woman who has already given birth is also represented as giving birth to yet another, usually smaller woman. We believe the latter symbolises her successor, who is to replace her mother when she no longer has the procreative power. By multiplication of this pair an ornament is formed (most frequently a vertical one) consisting of two successive acts of giving birth: this symbolises the permanent quality and the continuity of the creative processes within the universe. The ornament can be found in the embroideries, wooden furniture decorations, in architecture, metal products, etc. (examples: T. V: 9, 10, 13)17.
15	In Slavic languages too, words for domestic animals had connotation of material goods, arrival, richness and plenty.
16	Understandably the shape of tinder was adapted to its function, i.e. the need to hold it firmly in one's hand.
17	For majority of the described types of mythical pictures parallells have been found in the Slavic mythical folklore, rituals, and religious beliefs, recorded in the 19th and 20th centuries and by means of historic sources also in the Middle Ages (H. HaycH^HC, Mhtckhtc..., chapter: "Cthkh Ha xecKHOT npHH^n").
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III. THE SOLAR MYTHICAL PICTURES
The Sun is the centre of the world of archaic cultures and no other cosmic element (with a possible exception of water) holds such an important role in the existence of the earlier men. This is the very reason for their frequent presence in all forms of manifestation of the mythical. This is the case also in their projections pertaining to the plastic arts in the traditional culture of the Slavs.
T. VI: personalisation and the dynamics of the sun as presented in mythical pictures.
The Sun is a complex element accompanied by a series of accompanying manifestations, emanations and levels of existence and different activities. The archaic men connected each of them (on the basis of real and metaphysical relations) with one of their existential needs or spheres of interest. These functions of the sun are manifested by specific mythical images, through the media of speech and vision.
The shape of the sun evokes several mythical images which are universal, i.e. they are not only part of the Slavic culture. They can be divided into geometrical images (crosslike forms, and circular forms), floral images (rosetta-shape forms), zoomorphic images (heads of lions, horses, deer: the head is identified with the disk and the golden horns or the man with sunrays). We would especially like to emphasise the anthropomorphic image of the sun represented in the form of a human head (with golden hair and beard...) which is intended - apart from its form - to suggest the personality of the sun, indicating to it as
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being a personal entity, i.e. a personality. This mythical picture is then transformed into a complete anthropomorphic figure, i.e. a mythical figure or deity, representing the sun. Its basic feature is once again the head - golden and bright, with light or golden hair (T. VI: 1, 2, 3, 4; examples: T. VII: 1, 2, 3, 6). One of the basic characteristics of the sun is its
NsUi^
10


n

12
T. VII: 1. graffito, Pliska 2. lucky charm, Preslav 3. gravestone, Montenegro 4. graffito, Pliska 5. lucky charm, Varna 6. metal tablet, Tesalia 7. gravestone, Herzegovina 8. graffito, Preslav 9. graffito, Macedonia 10. embroidery, Russia 11. fibula, Bled 12. metal tablet, Tesalia.
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dynamics, which is the reason why it has to find its place in mythical pictures. In the visual medium this has been done in various ways.
In any of the above-mentioned symbolical images the forms of the sun were represented as being multiplied, with the aim of presenting particular phases within a cycle. As mentioned before, the solar disk or its multiplied images are put into the hands of anthropomorphic mythical figures in order - amongst other reasons - to evoke their dynamics (T. I: 710). Most frequently the dynamics of the sun was presented by the method of identifying it with one of the animals which are characterised by motion (T. VI: 1, 2, 5, 6). Usually this is a horse, a deer or any of the birds. The identification can be complete (the body of the animal represents the sun) or partial (through fantasy images of half-sun, half-animal, i.e. the "sun-bird" or the "sun with wings"...) The identification is made by the sun (represented in any of the known forms) set upon the body or the shoulders of the animals or tied to them. One of the striking variants is that in which the solar disk is represented in the form of a human head set upon the shoulders of a galloping horse (T. VI: 6; examples: T. VII: 4, 5). The union of anthropomorphic symbols of the shape of the sun, and zoomorphic symbols of dynamics produces a mythical picture of a solar figure riding a four-legged animal (or a bird, although this image is not very common in the Balkans) or flying on it. This picture represents the beginning of the archetypical mythical picture of a Slavic solar horseman (T. VI: 7-10).
In the Balkans there is one variant which is emphasized: this is an early and not entirely anthropomorhicized (i.e. non-naturalised) variant of this mythical picture in which the head of the horseman has no elements of a human face but has the form of a solar disk with a cross or rosetta or a radial aureole (examples: T. VII: 7-10). There are also some completely anthropomorphicized examples, although these are less common (T. VII: 11, 12).
In the regions settled by the Slavs the images of the sun rendered more dynamic by means of any transportation device - the products of early human culture (a carriage, boat or sleigh) - are not among the most impressive ones. Likewise, the symbolical images of the sunrays - identified by means of a spear or lightning - are also not emphasised, except in cases when they are attributes of figures with a solar character.
Let us mention once more the symmetrical zoo-anthropomorhphic compositions among which there are also those with an especially emphasised solar aspect. The latter is represented through a central (usually female) figure and lateral horse-riding figures, encircled by solar symbols (rosettas, disks, swastikas).18
IV. PICTURES CONVEYING THE MALE PRINCIPLE
As is the case with the female figures, the basis on which the entire symbolical structure of the male mythical figures, i.e. deities, is formed remains once again the basic biological function of Man (in this case understandably the male), and all the other activities through which this biological function is expressed. While the figure of a woman in the oldest female deities is intended to represent, above all, the creation of all life, its sustenance, and the creation of all material, the figure of a male is mainly to represent the non-material manifestation of the energies within the universe. While the female figures
18 At the end of the chapter "ConapHH mhtch c^hkh" we have tried to connect the results of our research with the names of the Slavic solar deities from the Middle Ages historic sources (Dazbog, Svarozic, Hors...) and with relevant folk traditions, i.e. rituals, mythical tradition and epic poems (H. HaycH^HC, Mhtckhtc..., 309-331).
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relate mainly to material categories, the male figures relate mainly to non-material and non-fathomable reasons for the existence of the former. Aside from biological functions there are also cultural functions, which are part of the symbolical system. The latter are mostly represented as being superstructural to the former (see: T. VIII).
The male genitals are one of the first and most simple symbols of man's procreative power. In the Slavic culture they are represented in the form of cult objects in their life size. They were used for ritual and magic purposes (example: T. IX: 4). However, the cult objects represented in the form of an anthropomorphic phallus (the penis has the elements of an anthropomorhic face) are even more common within the Slavic culture (T. VIII: 1, 2, 5; examples: T. IX: 1, 2). While the phallus is present on the cult object to reflect the tendencies of the mythical consciousness, to fix the category of "procreativeness" to the object (the body organ) which is characterised by it, the anthropomorphicized phallus reflects the tendencies to present the subject which carries out this function.
The anthropomorphicized phallus can be found on the cult objects used as requisites with a ritual-magic character; it may also serve as an iconographic basis of small house idols as well as monumental idols placed in shrines (example: T. IX: 3).
The last type of mythical picture is a half-phase of the process of complete anthropomorphisation of the male principle, i.e. the image of the anthropomorphic figure (a male deity of any other category of mythical figures) - the medium of procreative power (T. VIII: 2, 5, 6). The basic symbolical element reflecting his procreational function remains a phallus which is in most cases represented as oversized or in erection.
The most interesting example reflecting this mythical image are the cult figurines of the mythical figure German. In Bulgaria, Serbia and Romania (where he is known as Kalojan) these figurines are made by women using clay or other organic materials (wood, straw, textiles). In honour of this mythical figure (most commonly he is naked and the emphasis is on his phallus) a burial is arranged. It consists of the procession, mourning and actual burial (the figurine may also be thrown into water); all this is done with the purpose of controlling the natural waters (T. IX: 5, 6).
In mythical images the male principle represents various spheres of nature or culture, which leads to more or less specialised deities or pantheons (T. VIII: 7, 8, 9, 10). The male mythical figure with floral motives growing out of his body is a reflection of the mythical notion of the male factor within the vegetation cycles in nature. This image may be understood in yet another way. The death of a male figure may be - within the concept of a "sacrificed deity" - a condition for the beginning of a new vegetation cycle. Such mythical pictures are found on the tombstones, jewellery, and ornaments in the Christian shrines (from the Middle Ages), and in manuscripts (examples: T. IX: 10, 11). These objects may reflect various domains of influence of the above-mentioned former deity: patronage in terms of the agricultural sphere, reinforcement of the procreative power of the human body, participating in the destiny of the deceased in his life after death. This type of mythical picture has its zoomorphic variant with plants growing out of animals (of various kinds) (examples: T. IX: 7, 8). It is thought that in this may have been a way of representing the Slavic mythical figure Simargl - a dog with earthly and heavenly attributes (with the tail of a snake or fish, and wings), and later his anthropomorphicized variant, most probably Pereplut.
This symbolical concept is to be found intertwined in the basis of one of the images of the Slavic underworld deity (maybe Veles, Crnobog...?) who is represented only by a
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a
y o
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T. VIII: mythical pictures conveying the male principle - their structure, variants, transformation.
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T. IX: 1. ceramic phallus, Bitola 2. wooden phallus, Staraya Rusa 3. stone idol, Tesalia 4. stone phallus, Bulgaria 5. clay figurine, Bulgaria 6. clay figurine, Bulgaria 7. metal tablet, Tesalia 8. wood carving, Ohrid 9. stone relief, Serbia 10. stone relief, Serbia 11. bracelet, Ryazan 12. lucky charm, Preslav 13. fibula, the Balkans (Constantinople?) 14. fibula, the Balkans (Constantinople?).
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head (mostly wearing moustaches and having zoomorphic qualities) out of which various plants are growing (examples: T. IX: 9, 12). The traces of the other mythical picture - in which the underworld deity (in this case called Triglav, Trojan...) is presented as having three heads - can be found in the case of the idol of Zbruc as well as the Slavic fibulae from the Balkan region (T. IX: 13, 14).
The mythical consciousness projects the male principle not only onto the underworld-vegetation sphere, but also onto the dynamic and energy processes mostly connected with the sky, which in addition to the sun also include thunder and lightning, and daylight. Each of these is presented by specific symbols, mythical pictures, mythical figures, and deities.
Thunder and lightning are presented by two categories of symbols: the symbols in the first category emphasise its beating and resonant actions (the corresponding symbols are axes, heavy sticks, hammers) and its fire-light nature (the corresponding symbols are lightning, spears, and fire presented in the form of flintstones). The connection between thunder and the various symbols that contain the number six is particularly interesting (T. X: 4): there is a six-leaf rosetta in a circle (A), a wheel with six crossbars (B), bees and their hexagonal honeycomb, and finally the blossom of Iris Germanica in the geometrical shape of which there are two pairs of three-blossom leaves set against each other. In the horizontal projection there are two equilateral triangulars merged into a hexagram (C, D); in vertical projection there are two triple forms (E, F). An analogy can be drawn with the ancient Roman and Greek graphic symbols of thunder (the two-sided "trident" of Zeus, i.e. Jupiter, and the analogous Hindu symbols of thunder - "vajra").
The figure of the thunderman was shown with one of the abovementioned symbols in his hand. According to historical sources, in the Eastern Slavic culture, the thunderman Perun held a stick, a spear, lightning or a flintstone in his raised hand. We have found evidence of several objects of a cult character in the Balkans on which there are pictures of male figures with an axe or similar tool (a hammer, a spiked club) in his raised hand (examples: T. X: 5, 6).
Through everyday experience, transformed and perfected over several generations, the archaic consciousness came to understand the primary character of light and its importance for the existence of Man and the universe in general. Thus in context of light the supreme Slavic deity was formed, a patron of the sky and daily light, a creator of the world and Man, and the master of other deities. In mythical pictures the light, as an exceptionally abstract notion (which cannot be captured by means of the plastic arts), is symbolically represented by the eyes or - more generally - by the human face (which is assigned the meaning of "looking" - the role of the organ of perception and the consciousness). This can be concluded on the basis of the images of the supreme Slavic deities of whom we have learned from historical sources (Svantevit in Arkona...), as well as from the archaeological finds. In all of these cases there is one symbolical concept present which is not specific to the Slavic culture: the central tower (represented in the form of a pillar, stick, or phallus) with several (most often four) human heads, i.e. faces on top of it; with the heads looking in different directions. We believe that this mythical picture reflects the supreme deity with the light shining towards all the cardinal points (T. VIII: 2, 11; examples: T. X: 1, 3). We are also familiar with the two dimensional variants, with the cross as the basis and with figures on each of its sides (example: T. X: 2).
A Slovene folk story confirms the existence of this mythical image in the oral tradition and thus reveals its cosmogonic character. As the story goes, in the beginning there
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D
T. X: 1. stone idol, Dalmatia 2. metal cross, Dalmatia 3. article made of animal horn, Preslav 4. symbols of thunder and lightning 5. a decorative motive on a ring, Serbia 6. metal tablet, Tesalia.
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was nothing but God who had been sleeping and dreaming from time immemorial. When he woke up he began to create the world through his vision. After the first look he created the earth, after the second the sun, then the moon and afterward the stars...19
In the more evolved phase of this mythical image each of the faces of the supreme deity is transformed into complete figures which represent individual deities - the members of the pantheon (T. VII: 12). Because of these individual deities the anthropomorphic image of the supreme deity begins to be lost. The latter is now represented by the principal tower of an idol (the best example is the idol from Zbruc). This mythical picture gives immediate relevance to several questions which, hitherto, Slavic pagan religion has been considered incapable of answering, and these issues are: henotheism, monotheism (at least in the potential sense), and non-corporal representation of the Supreme Deity.
Mitske podobe Južnih Slovanov
Nikos Čausidis
Prispevek je izšel tudi v slovenščini: Nikos Čausidis, Mitske slike južnih Slovanov. -Historični seminar II (uredila Oto Luthar & Vojislav Likar), Ljubljana 1997, 25 - 48.
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19 Then he set on a journey to see what he had created through his vision. After travelling a while he got tired, and a sweatdrop from his forehead fell onto the ground: from this sweatdrop Man was created (J. Kelemina, Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva, Celje 1930, 291).
NEEVROPSKE VZPOREDNICE PARALLELI NON-INDOEUROPEI
XT'	•• v • j • j • v	i	••
Kami in sintoisticna ko/mogonija
Maja Milčinski
The paper discusses the notion of kami, which reflects the basic Japanese way of considering nature, the land, deities and the people. The Japanese cosmogonic myths and the cosmic harmony of myriads of kami are presented as a contrast to the one absolute God in the monotheistic religions.
Šintoizem, Shinto (pot božanstev, bogov) je ime, ki so ga dali stari, prvotni, domači religiji Japonske, da bi ga razlikovali od kasnejših verovanj, ki so prodrla v deželo (npr. budizem, konfucianizem). Šintoizem je naravnan na čaščenje "kami-jev" (svetih sil, božanstev), ki jih povezujejo z določenimi kraji in naravnimi objekti, tudi z določenimi skupnostmi, plemeni, posamezniki. Kamije ponavadi častijo v svetiščih, kjer se njihova duhovna prisotnost razodeva s specifičnimi simboli, npr. značilnimi šintoističnimi oboki, nekakšnimi vrati, imenovanimi "torii", ki označujejo prehod v svetišče ali posvečen prostor ali "gohei-ji", papirnatimi praporčki, zastavicami, ki naj bi privlačevale božanstva, uporabljajo pa jih tudi pri obredih očiščevanja. Častilci prihajajo v svetišča, kjer izvajajo često samotno molitev, ki jo začenjajo z dvakratnim ploskom dlani. Javna čaščenja pa opravljajo duhovniki, ki izvajajo tudi obrede očiščevanja, opravljajo darovanja in berejo molitve. Še danes veliko prebivalcev Japonske po rojstvu prinese novorojenega otroka v šintoistično svetišče, da ga tam posvetijo "kami-ju", ki ga ta družina časti. V šintoistično svetišče prihajajo tudi ob Novem letu in drugih praznikih. Posamezna svetišča gojijo tudi različne tradicije praznovanj oz. javnih priložnosti, ki vključujejo udeležbo ljudstva pri plesu, procesijah, kresovih. Še danes je vsa Japonska prepredena s svetišči in kapelicami, ki častijo kamije, božanstva v njihovih najrazličnejših oblikah, od lokalnih različic, gora, dreves, slapov, riževih polj, pa vse do sil, ki naj bi delovale v širšem, celo nacionalnem obsegu. V zgodnjih obdobjih japonske zgodovine je zvezo z božanstvi s svojimi šamanskimi sposobnosmi vzdrževala duhovnica klana. Ta zgodnja oblika šintoizma pa se je v 6.stol.n.št. spremenila pod vplivi budizma, konfucijanstva in daoizma, kot tudi drugih kulturnih dosežkov, ki so v tistem času začeli pritekati iz takrat razvitejše Kitajske na Japonsko.
Za Japonsko je značilna interakcija treh glavnih verstev: šintoizma, budizma in konfucianizem, ki se jim je kasneje pridružilo še krščanstvo. To je često privedlo do združevanja obredja starejše religije, torej šintoizma, z uvoženimi sistemi. V času obdobja Meiji (1868-1912) postane šintoizem državna religija Japonske, toda ob koncu vojne, leta 1945. izgubi to svojo posebno vlogo, s čimer je cesar izgubil svojo vlogo direktnega zastopnika svetega na zemlji, čeprav ima še posebne funkcije pri očiščevalnih obredih in obredih sajenja riža. Tako po drugi svetovni vojni postane šintoizem spet samo ena izmed
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religij Japonske, ne več glavna, čeprav še vedno velja za osnovno, najstarejšo japonsko religijo. Tako je treba še danes v šintoizmu prepoznavati vsaj dva nivoja. Po eni strani gre tu za praktike, verovanja, ritual, ki je neločljivo povezan z lokalno, vaško organizacijo Japonske, po drugi strani pa za religijo, ki je močno vezana na japonski cesarski sistem in oblast. To vprašanje odnosa šintoizma do japonske vladarske hiše je zelo zapleteno, kar se je najbolj odražalo med drugo svetovno vojno. Pomembno pa je poznati tudi ta element šintoizma, namreč utrditev le-tega kot nacionalne religije, ki je (in jo delno še) uživala državno podporo. Japonski cesarji so namreč trdili, da je njihov prednik legendarni cesar Jimmu, ki so mu pripisovali ustanovitev japonske države leta 660. pr.n.št. Pripoved sega nazaj v preprost mit stvarjenja, v katerem sta se božanska brat in sestra Izanagi in Izanami spustila na zemljo in ustvarila japonsko otočje in vrsto božanstev. Izanami je umrla potem, ko je rodila boga ognja, Izanagi pa ji je sledil v svet mrtvih, vendar ga je od tam odgnalo gnijoče stanje njenega telesa. Potem, ko se je očistil v reki, se je rodila vrsta božanstev, med katerimi sta bili Amaterasu - Boginja Sonca in Susa-no-oo - Bog Neurja najpomembnejši. Ti dve božanstvi pa sta ustvarili tretjo generacijo bogov. Po eni plati je bila Boginja Sonca tako užaljena zaradi surovega vedenja svojega soproga-brata, ki je pokončal njena riževa polja in se celo podelal v njeno palačo, da se je umaknila v neko votlino. Ni se želela več prikazati in je pogreznila ves svet v temo. Na srečo so si druga božanstva izmislila zabavo - razuzdan ples in jo uspela izvabiti ven. Susa-no-oo je bil potem izgnan v Izumo, kjer je po tej sicer problematični verziji politične kozmogonije, postal prednik vladarjev, ki so bili v nenehnem sporu z verigo vladarjev, ki so izšli od Boginje Sonca same. Ninigi - vnuk Boginje Sonca - se je naselil na severu otoka Kyushu in je prinesel s seboj troje posvečenih znamenj cesarske oblasti: zrcalo (simbol sonca), veliki meč, ki ga je bil Susa-no-oo odkril v telesu velikanske osmeroglave kače, in dragulj magatama. Ninigijev vnuk pa se je uspešno prebil v Yamato, kjer je kot cesar Jimmu osnoval cesarsko linijo. Njegovi nasledniki so končno premagali vladarje iz Izuma in privedli še druge dele Japonske pod njihovo oblast, pustili pa so jim častiti veliko svetišče v Izumu.
Izraz "Shinto" naj bi po sodobnih interpretacijah pomenil pot kamijev (kami no michi). Ta oznaka se prvič pojavi v zgodovinskem delu kroniki Nihon shoki, kjer z njo opisujejo božanstva svetišča. Šele v dvanajstem stoletju začnejo s tem pojmom označevati religijsko doktrino. Beseda, ki je v japonščini zapisana v dveh znakih: "shin" (kami), ki pomeni božanstvo in "to" pot, označuje tudi eno osnovnih naravnanosti japonskega šintoizma, uravnavanje življenja, oz. življenje v skladu s kami-ji določenega področja. O naravi kami-jev so bile v različnih obdobjih japonske zgodovine sicer pisane razprave, ki so zagovarjale včasih zelo različne teorije1, vendar še vedno lahko trdimo, da se Japonci glede na pomen pojma "kami" z njim na teoretskem nivoju, v smislu izoblikovanja različnih doktrin, niso kaj dosti ukvarjali. Osrednje verovanje v šintoizmu pa velja kamijem, v katerih vidi ljudstvo univerzum in prek katerih univerzum nastaja in se vzdržuje. Kamije verniki spoznavajo preko molitve in obredne dejavnosti, ki gradi na priznavanju, potrjevanju odvisnosti človeških bitij od teh božanskih sil in s tem, da s priprošnjo dobivajo ljudje od njih pomoč in ohranjujejo svojo srečo.
1 Prim. Daniel C. Holtom, The Meaning of Kami. Monumenta Nipponica III, (no. 1, 1940): 1-27, (no. 2, 1940): 32-53, (no. 2, 1941): 25-68.
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Za japonsko razumevanje narave kamijev so pomembni klasični teksti Kojiki2 in Nihon shoki3. Iz tega mitičnega "obdobja božanstev" sta za našo temo pomembni dve legendi. Prva, ki opisuje že omenjeni sveti par Izanagi-No-Mikoto in Izanami-No-Mikoto, ki sta obšla osrednji steber nebes in s tem ustvarila otoke Japonske, morje, drevesa, veter in poljane. Stvaritev se je dogodila v obliki božanstev, ki varujejo in poosebljajo vse pojave. V tej legendi so seveda prisotni elementi kozmogonije, pričevanje o oblikovanju področja Yamato. Druga legenda se najverjetneje nanaša na vulkanski izbruh, ob katerem so nastale nove gore, področja kopnega in morja in govori o opeklinah in smrti Izanami ob rojstvu zadnjega otroka - božanstva ognja. Izanagi naj bi iz jeze ubil božanstvo ognja.
Miti, ki opisujejo izvor kamijev, začenjajo s prvobitnim kaosom in spontanim nastankom skupine kamijev.4
"V času nastanka neba in zemlje, so se na Visokem Nebu pojavili Gospodar osrednjega neba, Božanstvo vrhovne moči porajanja in Božanska moč porajanja. Ti trije kamiji so se pojavili v oblikah posameznih kamijev, ki pa so bile nevidne.
Pozneje, ko je bil svet še mlad in podoben oljnemu madežu, ki plava kot kakšna meduza, so iz njega vzniknili poganjki, podobni trstičju, iz katerega sta nato vzniknili božanstvi Vzvišenega moškega trsa in Večno pokončnega nebeškega. Tudi ti dve božanstvi sta vzniknili v obliki posameznih kamijev, ki pa sta bili nevidni. Teh petero božanstev predstavlja pet Posameznih nebeških božanstev. Potem sta se pojavili še božanstvo Zemeljskega večno pokončnega in božanstvo Polja obilnih oblakov. Tudi ti dve božanstvi sta se pojavili v obliki posameznih kamijev, ki pa sta bili nevidni. Zatem so še nastala božanstva (kamiji) Glinenega moškega in ženskega, Post-moškega in -ženskega, Moškega velikih vrat in Ženskega velikih vrat, Božanstvo celotne zemeljske površine in njegova družica, Božanstvo strašnega, in Izanagi in njegova družica Izanami. Slednji predstavljajo sedmo generacijo obdobja kamijev. Kamiji so se porajali sami od sebe iz tega prvinskega svetega kaosa. Zadnji par Izanagi in Izanami sta s tem ko sta ustvarila zemljo in začetke vsega stvarstva, postala nosilca svetega življenja. Vse, kar sta porodila, se imenuje kami -reke, morja, veter, drevesa, gore, ravnine, ogenj. In pozneje je iz njunih solza, krvi in očiščevalne vode nastalo še mnogo drugih kamijev. Vzpostavljena je distinkcija med kamiji Visokega neba in kamiji Zemlje, ki jih sestavlja množica kamijev, ki prebivajo v vseh obličjih narave na zemlji in jih ponavadi povezujejo z določenimi geografskimi točkami. Med kamiji neba in kamiji zemlje obstaja neka določena povezava. Ne da bi racionalno popolnoma razumeli naravo kamijev, Japonci čutijo neko intuitivno povezanost s kamiji kot centri eksistence.
Kamiji izzivajo strahospoštovanje, oboževanje lepega in dobrega. Čeprav ne jasno definirani kot religijski pojem, označujejo rast, rodnost, produktivnost, različne naravne pojave in objekte, kot so: veter, grom, sonce, gore, reke, drevesa, slapovi, različne živali, predniki, predvsem predniki cesarske družine, ker gre v šintoizmu tudi za dokaj problematično interpretacijo zgodovine kot obrambe čaščenja japonskega cesarskega
2	Kojiki je najstarejša ohranjena knjiga v japonščini iz 712. leta n. št. V tem obsežnem delu je povzeto ustno izročilo zgodovinskih dogajanj iz prejšnjih stoletij, miti, legende in cesarske genealogije, na osnovi katerih so dokazovali cesarjev izvor pri mitoloških bogovih.
3	Najstarejša uradna zgodovina Japonske, Japonska kronika, ki opisuje dogodke, ki segajo v mitsko preteklost do vladanja cesarice Jito (vladala od 686 do 697). 1. julija 720 naj bi bilo delo končano.
4	H. Byron Earhart, Religion in Japanese Experience, Sources and Interpretations (Encino and Belmont, California: Dickenson Publishing Co.Inc., 1974), 14-18.
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sistema. Vključujejo lahko tudi zaščitnike določenih lokacij (božanstva in duhove zemlje) in poklicov, duhove narodnih junakov in celo šibke in uboge, npr. tiste, ki so preminuli v tragični smrti.
Šintoistična kozmogonija je zanimiva predvsem kot kontrast. Čeprav bi bilo mogoče v animističnih dimenzijah kamijev najti podobnosti ali osnovo za morebitne komparacije z predkrščanskimi verovanji pri nas, pa nam tu ne služi toliko v komparativne namene. Zanima nas kot primer religije, ki ne priznava vrhovnega Boga, Stvarnika, transcendentnih bogov ali večnih načel. Kamiji so imanentni silam in pojavom sveta. Kozmogonija, kot jo opisuje zgornji citat iz dela Kojiki, ne priznava nekih bitij, ki bi eksistirala že od nekdaj, ustvarjala svet in upravljala z njim. Kamiji so notranja moč narave, sveti sok sveta samega, ki podarijo in podpirajo življenje, rast in kreativnost. Seveda pa obstajajo tudi negativni in destruktivni kamiji, ki prinašajo nezgode in maščevanja, pa jih ljudje kljub temu častijo, saj prav tako pomenijo manifestacijo življenjske moči, čeprav njenega destruktivnega vidika, ki pa prav tako zasluži čaščenje in spoštovanje. Kamiji naj bi preko šamanov častilcem sporočali pomembna vedenja, spoznanja, včasih tudi svoje želje.
Med različnimi kamiji je na Japonskem zelo cenjeno ljudsko božanstvo gora Yama no kami, vse do današnjih dni zaščitnik lovcev, gozdarjev, pa tudi divjih živali, saj ga mora lovec prositi za svoj plen. Strogo božanstvo odkloni plen nepobožnim lovcem ali kaznuje -včasih z boleznijo ali celo s smrtjo - gozdarje, če kršijo nenapisana pravila gozdov. Božanstva naj bi prebivala pod nekaterimi drevesi, ki se jih nikdar ne sme požagati, pa tudi sicer veljajo ob sekanju dreves predpisani rituali in darovanja. Ker naj bi bilo to božanstvo tudi ohranjevalec in ustvarjalec gozdov, jih tudi zasaja in bdi nad njihovim razvojem in rastjo.5
Za razliko od tradicionalnega znanstvenega ali teološkega razumevanja nastanka ali stvarjenja univerzuma iz Kaosa in vzdrževanja posameznih elementov v določeni celoti oz. skupnosti, šintoizem goji prepričanje, da množica kamijev deluje v popolnem sozvočju; nikdar ločeni od kozmosa ustvarjajo v kozmični harmoniji vse življenje, rast, srečo, kreativnost, kot tudi trpljenje in uničenje.
Šintoistična kozmogonija ne da slike o nastanku sveta, pač pa prikaže način nastanka kamijev, ki s svojo voljo in dejavnostmi usmerjajo delovanje vsega na svetu. Nastanek vidnega sveta povezujejo s tem, ko dobita Izanagi in Izanami nalogo utrditve dežele in stvarjenja otoka Onogoro:6
"Tedaj so nebeška božanstva enoglasno ukazala Izanagi-No-Mikoto in Izanami-No-Mikoto:
'Dopolnita in utrdita uhajajočo zemljo!'
Dali so jima z dragulji okrašeni meč in jima zaupali to poslanstvo.
Nato sta božanstvi stali na Nebeškem plavajočem mostu. Nagnali sta meč k tlem in pomešali z njim morje z nekim prasketajočim glasom; ko sta pa meč spet dvignila, je morska voda s konice meča odtekla in postala otok. To je bil otok Onogoro."
Izanagi in Izanami sta se združila in zaplodila svoje prve potomce:7
"Sestopila sta z nebes na ta otok, postavila nebeški steber in prostorno palačo.
5	Prim. Neumann Nelly, "Yama no Kami-die japanische Berggottheit", Folklore Studies, XXII (1963), 133-366.
6	H. Byron Earhart, Religion in Japanese Experience, Sources and Interpretations (Encino and Belmont, California: Dickenson Publishing Co. Inc., 1974) 14-18.
7	Ibid.
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Ta čas je (Izanagi-No-Mikoto) vprašal soprogo Izanami-No-Mikoto rekoč:
'Kako je izoblikovano tvoje telo?'
Odgovorila je rekoč:
'Moje telo je sicer izoblikovano, kot naj bi bilo, ima pa neko mesto, ki je nezadostno izoblikovano.'
Potem je Izanagi-No-Mikoto dejal:
'Moje telo je sicer izoblikovano, kot naj bi bilo, ima pa mesto, ki ga je preveč. Zato bi rad to mesto na mojem telesu, ki ga je preveč, vložil na tisto mesto tvojega telesa, ki je pomanjkljivo izoblikovano in tako rodil zemljo. Kaj meniš o tem?'
Izanami-No-Mikoto je odgovorila, rekoč:
'To bi bilo dobro.'
Potem je Izanagi-No-Mikoto dejal:
'Potem pa pojdiva midva, ti in jaz, okrog tegale nebeškega stebra in se združiva v zakonskem odnosu.'
Izanami-No-Mikoto je privolila in dejala:
'Ti pojdi okoli z desne, jaz pa bom šla okoli z leve in se srečala s teboj.'
Ko sta se glede tega sporazumela in obšla steber, je prva dejala Izanami-No-Mikoto:
'Ana-ni-yasi, kako dober fant!'
Na to je Izanagi-No-Mikoto dejal:
'Ana-ni-yasi, kako dobro dekle!'
Ko sta vsak svoje izrekla, je Izanagi-No-Mikoto dejal soprogi:
'Ni primerno, da ženska prva spregovori.'
Vendar - začela sta zarod in rodila otroka - pijavko. Položila sta otroka v čolniček spleten iz trstja ter ga spustila po vodi.
Potem sta ustvarila otok Apa. Tudi tega nista sprejela kot svojega otroka."
Mit o nastanku sveta se nadaljuje, tako, da postane celoten svet prepojen z esenco kamijev. Postane torej kozmos nasičen s kamiji, saj so kamiji imanentni vsemu svetu. Ni neke narave, ki bi bila ločena od sveta svetega. Svet postopoma prehaja iz kaosa v urejenost, iz konflikta v harmonijo in enotnost, ko kamiji preplavijo celoten svet in ga uredijo v miroljubno sozvočje, ki mu vladajo svete sile - kamiji. Vse organsko in anorgansko živi povezano v tej sveti harmoniji, enotnosti ljudi, živali, gora, rek, gozdov. Celoten univerzum je sveta skupnost živih bitij, realnost, ki je ni potrebno preseči. Ta vidni svet, edini dostopen ljudem, je inherentno dober, čist in lep. Ker ljudje prejmejo svoje življenje od kamijev, tudi posedujejo esenco kamijev, so torej v svoji osnovi čisti in bi naj s svojimi dejanji prispevali k razvijanju sveta, ki temelji na sveti moči kamijev.
Kot kamiji, imajo tudi ljudje napake in doživljajo neuspehe, ki so del bivanjskega projekta. Tudi Izanagi in Izanami nista uspela v njunem prvem poskusu, da bi zagotovila potomstvo. Neuspeh in smrt sta del porajanja življenja; nobenega upanja in iluzij o življenju po smrti ne dopušča. To je tako značilno šintoistično realistično pojmovanje življenja in eksistence. Kot potomci nebeških kamijev smo ljudje polni slabosti in neuvidevnosti do drugih, nepopolni in omejeni smo, pa zaradi vsega tega vendarle ne slabi po naravi. Od tod potreba po obrednem očiščevanju dimenzij fizičnega in duševnega, tako pomembnem v šintoističnem ritualu, saj vodi k boljšemu in polnejšemu življenju.
303
Kami in šintoistična kozmogonija
Kami and Shintoist Cosmogony
Maja Milcinski
The paper discusses the notion of kami, which reflects the basic Japanese way of considering nature, the land, deities and the people. Although some similarities between the two could be drawn, no attempts have been made in this paper at a comparative analysis between the Shintoist and ancient Slavic worldview. Rather, the Japanese cosmogonic myths and the cosmic harmony of myriads of kami are presented as a contrast to the one absolute God in the monotheistic religions.
304
MITOLOGIJA IN KNJIŽEVNOST MITOLOGIA E LETTERATURA
^eTeae aeMOHa y c^obchckom	h
KKH%eBHOCTHMa 19. BeKa
ffejan AjdanuH
The author analyses the characteristics of the flight of demons in the folklore and 19th century literature of the Eastern and Southern Slavs.
■eTeae neMoHa npoH3Hia3H H3 nynecHHx moRh HenyncKor 6nha na ce, HacynpoT nyncKoj cnopocTH h Be3aHOCTH 3a 3eMnHHy noBpmHHy, 6p3O h jiaKO Kpehy Kpo3 He6ecKH npocTop h caBianaBajy BpeMe. y npencTaBH ieTeaa HenyncKHx 6nha ce He onoHama aHTponoMop^Ho KpeTaae, oho je y HaponHHM npencTaBaMa HaiHK ieTeay nrana h HHceKaTa, ieTeay He6ecKHx Teia (Hnp. oraeHH MeTeopH), hih BpeMeHcKHx Henorona (bhxoph). y ^oikiophhm TeKcToBHMa jieT neMoHa Moxe na ce aHaiH3Hpa ca THnoiomKor hih reHeTHHKor cTaHoBHmTa, y npencTaBaMa o KoHKpeTHoM neMoHy h aeroBoM MecTy npeMa npyrHM neMoHHMa yHyTap ioKaiHe, HanHoHaiHe hih cBecioBeHcKe TpanHnHje, npeMa BepoBaaHMa h pmyaiHHM 3HaneaHMa, HaneiHMa xaHpoBcKor o6iHKoBaaa. CTanHjaiHocT BepoBaaa o neMoHHMa, ciojeBHTocT h HecTa6HiH3oBaHHx aHxoBHx oniHKa y 3anHcHMa eraorpa^a h ^oiKiopHcra onpaxaBa ce h y pa3iHHHTHM mhtckhm Be3aMa aHxoBor ieTa ca npHponHHM h nyncKHM nora^aaHMa. HaK h jenaH hcth neMoH y 3anHcHMa pa3iHHHTe cTapocTH Moxe na jieTH Ha pa3iHHHTe HanHHe, a KaTKana pa3iHHHTH neMoHH Mory na ieTe Ha cimaH hih hcth HanHH. 3aTo je y obom npHiory nperien THnoBa ieTeaa HenHcrax cTBopeaa pa3neneH TaKo na ce Hajnpe yKa3yje Ha ieT BHia (caMonHBa) h 3MajeBa, a noToM Ha nojaBe ieTa y KojHMa ce jaBnajy pa3iHHHTH neMoHH: He6ecKe Henorone, nyme noKojHHx, cKynoBH neMoHa. TaKaB npHcTyn y nearap naxae cTaBna nBa Haneia: Hajnpe neMoHcKe aKTepe, a noToM ^yHKUHoHaiHo pa3MaTpaae KojHM ce y npyrH niaH nocTaBna aKTHBHocT nojenHHa^HHx neMoHa. HeT neMoHa y Be3H ca HenoronaMa, nymaMa noKojHHx h neMoHcKHM cKynoBHMa, 36or cioxeHocTH h KoHTaMHHauHja ^oikiophhx npencTaBa 3axTeBaio 6h noce6Ha pa3MaTpaaa ycMepeHa Ha peKoHcTpyKnHjy npBo6HTHHx npencTaBa. Hoie noy3naHHjH 3aKnynnH o pa3Bojy mhtckhx npencTaBa o ieTy neMoHa nonpa3yMeBaiH 6h MoryhHocT na ce pa3rpaHHne cTanHjyMH h ciojeBH mhtckhx npencTaBa, na ce yone HanHHH ^HKnHoHairaanHje y ^oiKiopHHM XaHpoBHMa.
y HcnHTHBaaHMa KaaxeBHHx TeKcToBa ca mothbom ieTa neMoHa naxaa Moxe 6hth ycMepeHa h Ha onHoce npey3eTor MHTcKor h KaaxeBHor 3Haneaa, HHTepTeKcTyaiHe Be3e caMHx KaHxeBHHx neia, acneKTe ^aaracTHKe h np.
BHHE H3 BepoBaaa h yMoTBopHHa 6aiKaHcKHx CioBeHa 6Hie cy npenMeT MHToiomKHx pa3MaTpaaa TpHMa, XaHyma, A^aHacjeBa h npyrHx y 19. BeKy. OHe cy Kao
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HeTeae ^eMOHa y enoBeHeKOM ^onKnopy h KftHxeBHOCTHMa 19. BeKa
6iha BHxopHe npipofle noBe3aHe ea enoBeHeKiM Tpomobhhkom, HaeneflHiKoM HHfloeBponeKor Bora Myaa (A^aHaejeB, 3: 152-154). npeMa eTiMonomKiM peKOHCTpyKynjaMa MomiHCKor Bine ey flo6ine iMe ofl *viti, vihr (Dukova 1983). OHeBaje CMaTpa fla ey Bine npBo6iTHo 6ine fleMoHi Henorofla. nnoTHiKoBa je leniTyjyhi enoBeHeKy oeHoBy *viti yKa3ana i Ha fleMoHeKe aeneKTe KpeTaaa Bina (nnoTHiKoBa 1996). CaMo iMe Bina o6naKiaa, o6nanuu,a, oTKpiBa aixoBo He6eeKo nopeKno. Bine i eaMoBine ee y npeflaaiMa npefleTaB^ajy Kao BeTap (BpaxHHoBeKi, 2-4). y öananaMa o bothhom rpa^eay rpafla ofl KoeTijy, y HeKHM BapijaHTaMa ee Kao pa3opHa eTixnja HaBofli BeTap. HBaHiHKa TeoprieBa je, naK, yonina rpaHrnaH eTaTye 6iha Koja eaMofliBe (Bine) yrpa^yjy y eBoj rpafl - eTapm, HeBeeTe, fleua, HenpomeHe, HeBemaHe fleBojKe (TeoprieBa 1993: 156).
fleMHronori3amja niKa Bina 6ina je tokom BeKoBa yeMepeHa Ha pa3rpaflay npBo6iTHix npefleTaBa, i Ha ryö^eae xHBoTiaeKix upTa (eMpafl, KoniTa), o6enexja npipoflHix eTixija (Bixop, BeTap). KaKo ey ee nojanaBane fleBoja^Ke upTe Bina, oHe ey flo6ijane i eneMeHT Koji ix pa3niKyje ofl ayfli - "Kpina i oKpi^a". Kpina i oKpi^a i y HapoflHoj KynTypi ryöe 3Haneae, fleMiTonori3yjy ee i npeTBapajy y o6iHHe npeflMeTe ea nyfleeHiM MohiMa - Komyny ini KonaH. y neeMaMa i npeflaaiMa o Bini n.y6oBui, Bina oflneTi ofl Myxa i3 Kona Kafla Ha npeBapy flo6ije tohobo Kpina. y KaixeBHiM npeo6paxajiMa BiniHa Moh Moxe 6hth eanyBaHa y bothhom Beny, Koji, iaKo eBefleH Ha peanaH npeflMeT, eaflpxi MiTeKy any3iBHoeT. Bina flonehe i oflnehe ofl eBor ay6aBHiKa i y KpaTKHM MiTonomKHM öanaflaMa o 3aHeMapeHoj xeHi.
Bine ee BeoMa neeTo jaB^ajy y noeTeKiM i flpaMeKiM TeKeToBiMa epneKor poMaHTi3Ma, Kao aneropijeKi npefleTaB^eHe 3amTiTHiue HauioHanHe noe3ije, 3amTiTHiye Hapofla ini Kao jty6aBHiye. Heo6iHHa je KaHxeBHo-HeTopijeKa niaeHiua fla y paHopoMaHTinapeKHM KaixeBHiM TeKeToBiMa Bine nojaB^yjy y ^yHKqijaMa Koje ee He epehy y ^onKnopHiM TeKeToBiMa, a fla ee flouHije aixoBa ^onKnopHa fliMeH3ija nojanaBa.
y noe3iji epneKix poMaaranapa Bine ey neeTo Ha3iBaHe no nnaHiHaMa -ABanKHaa, KoeMajKa, OpymKoropKa. Bine neTe i flo 3Be3fla - HohHo He6o Kao fleMoHeKo flo6a je npeo6paxeHo y eBeTnoeHe ua^eBe, 3Be3fle Koje oninaBajy neeHimTBo. fterom y aneropijeKoj neeMi U,pHoropau 3apoö^eH o^ BHie npiKa3yje jyHaKa KaKo neTi Ha na6yfly ea uBeTHiM BeHueM i3a Bine Koja ra Bofli Ka HoBheHy fla 6i My y nehiHi noKa3ana enaBHy epneKy leTopijy. y Kpyry naraHeKe MiTonorije Bine eaKya^ajy Myae i rpoMoBe (3Maj, noHeapH). HamoHanHo-poflo^yßiBe Bine i3 neeMe JoBaHa JoBaHoBiha neTe i noMaxy epneKiM paaeHiuiMa. CnoxeHo npenniTaae HapoflHix npefleTaBa ea hobhm noeTeKHM enojeBiMa KaTKafla floBofli flo noTnyHor npe3Haneaa ^onKnopHix H3BopHiKa. TaKo ee y 3MajeBoj neeMi o Bini AHfloeini, Kojoj y upKBi paeTy Kpina, enajajy naraHeKe i xpimhaHeKe npefleTaBe.
Bapipaae nnaToHoBeKix npefleTaBa o neTy flo Bimix BpeflHoeTi oenaaa ee Ha ^onKnopHe npefleTaBe Bina Kao n.y6aBHiua. y Cy6oTiheBoM eneBy HBa^CKa Hoft, Bina 3aÄy6^eHa y noBeKa pa3aneTa je i3Me^y eBor i aeroBor eBeTa. OHa ee nae enymTa Ka 3eM^H, a nae je epue Byne y o6naKe. y BeniKoM 6pojy nipeKHx jtyöaBHix neeaMa epneKHx poMaHTHnapa Hana3e ee i oHe y KojiMa ee onieyje BiniH neT (KoeTih, 3Maj, OannaHiH, Cy6oTih, BopojeBih). nofle^eroeT npoeTopa Ha ropai i floai eBeT, Kao eBeToBe Hixe i Bime er3ieTeHuije y MoTiBy neTa Bina-flpare pa3Bija ee i Kpo3 iflejy y3Homeaa noBeKa y Bime npoeTope.
308
ffejan Ajdanuh
.hk BHae ce cnaja h ca jyHaKOM cpncKe enHKe y KaHxeBHHM TpaHc^opManHjaMa mhtckhx npeacTaBa o Pe^H KpHaaTHnH/KpHaaTHhhy. y MrnyTHHOBHheBOM aeay Pa3HOBHflje BBTe^TBa, BHaa Pe^H aaje KpHaa aa 6h cnacao MapKa h Muoma H3 Mopa. fleenH3annja HcTopHje y3 aHpH3anHjy enHKe h aeHHx jyHaKa HaraameHa je poMaHTHnapcKa npTa y noe3HjH yjeaHaeHe oMaaaHHe cpncKe. y TeKcTy .a3e KocTHha He^o bh^hho, cpncKa BHaa aeTH Hohy h naHBa no Mopy cHoBa Mecmy ¿de neua Kywnux CHoea, Ha deop Äasapee. necHHK aeTa^HMa KoHKpeTHo onHcyje to "npraeM^eae": Cmpecna je Kpuna, pacnycmuna Kocy. Buna odnehe Ha ronem nnaHuHy, Ha H>y donehy Henpujame^CKe xypuje, euna odnehe ca nposopa rpanaHuue Kad yzneda Munarn Tonnuuy u ceoje nedo. Tokom 6oja euna KpunuMa cunHo saMaxHe: ffa cunHo nnaHyme ma nnaoeuma Kpuna, u paseeje mypcKu jad no cpncKuM jyHauuMa. y caoxeHoM aaeropHjcKoM TKaay ay6aB h ay6oMopa BHae h aeHe KhepH ynaeTeHa je y HCTopnjcKe aay3Hje Ha nopa3 cpncKe BojcKe Ha KocoBy.
BHaa Kao 3amTHTHHna noe3Hje, HacaeaHHna My3a, TaKo^e ce jaB^a Kao 6Hhe Koje aeTH. y necMH noöpn J. J. .a3a Kocmh npenanhy ce chm6o^h noeTcKe HHcnHpanHje H3 aHTHHKe MHToaorHje (KpHaaTH Koa nera3) ca eaeMeHTHMa poMaHTHnapcKe HHTepnpeTanHje ae^oaKaopraoBaHHx BHaa. KocTHheBa necMa Me^y 3Be3^aMa npeacraB^a aeT necHHKa ca BHaoM Koja ra BoaH no Bace^eHH ca 3Be3aaMa noe3Hje. necHHK oTKpHBa aa je npmaa^Ha aeBojKa aeroBa MajKa, BHaa ra npeno3Ha Kao cHHa: a u3 6enux u3 paMeHa / noHuKome 6ena Kpuna: / mo je 6una - Moja euna.
BHaa ra noHece Kao nBeT y npocTope Bace^eHe h aeTH no cBeMHpy, no eTHpy. MoaH^HKanHja ^oaKaopHe npeacTaBe o BHaaMa ocao6a^a ce npocTopHHx rpaHHna cBeTa KojH je no3HaT HapoaHoM noBeKy h mHpH ce y kocmhhkh npocTop. y 3MajeBoj necMH KaKaB je ^aHac ^aH, noBoaoM npeHoca BpaHKoBHx KocTHjy BHae HHHe npHpoay aenmoM h cjajHHjoM: Had ¿naeoM HaM nehy nemoM HeeudoeHuM.
AaeropraanHja h cHM6oaH3anHja BHaa y cpncKoM poMaHTH3My HMa h KacHHje oapa3e y noe3HjH Ha npeaoMy BeKoBa, a y Maaoj MepH cpehe ce h y 6yrapcKoj h xpBaTcKoj KaHxeBHocTH.
3A^yB^EHH 3MAJ oTHMa aeBojKy - aeTH (MHaaaHHoBnH 13, 14, 527) y 36HpnH HaHeBa 3Mej ropeHHH Kao TeMeH o6aaK oaHocH aeBojKy Beay (HaHeB, 277), CTojaHy (279), flparaHy (320). npeacTaBe o 3a^y6^eHoM 3Majy cpehy ce h y HapoaHHM npeaaaHMa (neHymaHcKH 1971: 291; P. PaaeHKoBHh, 3). fleTe po^eHo ca KpHaHMa y MaKeaoHcKoM npeaaay nocTaHe 3Maj KojH Kaaa nopacTe oTHMa aeBojKy (npeaaHHja h aereHaH: 242).
y 6ajKaMa h npeaaaHMa 3MajeBH oTHMajy aeBojKe. 3Maj rpa6H aeBojKy h y npeaaaHMa (BpaxHHoBcKH, 20). y npHnoBenH H3 ByKoBe 36HpKe Hap^aK hh Ha Heöy hh Ha 3eM^H 3Maj oaHocH aeBojKy. Kad je cejemnocm nocmana, eudu oh a mo donemu Kpunam noejeK, cmpamaH, ca mpu ¿naee, a u3 jedrn My je ¿naeu eaeujeK nnaMeH sa nnaMeHoM ydapao. Oh cnemu y ¿pad, nonaHe uapeey Khep u odHeceje co6om (HajKaHoBHh, 14). nojaBa 3Maja Moxe ce aa Be3yje 3a BeTap HaH BaTpy (sMaj od mecm ¿naea, a cee us meea eampa cun^e HajKaHoBHh 16-38). 0 3MajeBHMa oTMHnapHMa y ^oaKaopy h BepoBaaHMa 6aaKaHcKHx CaoBeHa nHcaaH cy 3eneBHh (1981: 68-72), TeopraeBa (1993), BHHorpaaoBa (1996a: 212-214)
3Maj, xaaa h aaMja Hajnemhe ce 3aMHm^ajy h npeacraBaajy Kao orpoMHe 3MHje ca KpHaHMa. TpoTecKHo Memaae pa3aHHHTHx xHBoTHaa cpehe ce y HeKHM npeacTaBaMa aaMje ca ncehoM raaBoM (aaMja KynKa/KynKeTHHa). KpHaaTH KoaH TaKo^e HMajy
309
HeTeae aeMoHa y ca0BeHCK0M ^oaKaopy h KftHxeBHOCTHMa 19. BeKa
aeMOHCKe oaaHKe. HeT 3Maja KOHCTpacTHpa ca ayacKHM orpaHHneHHM MohHMa caBaaaaBaaa npocTopa. Ha npHMepy cpncKe enHKe o^Hraearo je npepacTaae jeaHor MHToaomKor 6nha y jyHa^KH aHK (MHaomeBHh-Eop^eBHh 1971: 88). y cpncKoj necMH Uapuua Munuua u 3Maj od Jacmpenua onncyje ce 6aeaHao napnne Kojy 3Maj Ha KyaH Äy6n, aoK My 3Maj aecnoT-ByK He oacene raaBy (Kapaynh, 2, 42). TyManehH caojeBe y 0B0j necMH, cMaTpa aa ce y aoj npenaHhhy eaeMeHTH HeKe HaMa Heno3HaTe npKBeHe noBecra, caHHHe noBecTH o neTpy h OeBpoHHjn - o neMy cy nHcaaH jom A^aHacjeB h EycaaeB ca eaeMeHTHMa HapoaHHx BepoBaaa o 3Majy ayöaBHHKy.
y pHTyaaHoM TyManeay mothb oTMHne aeBojKe npoH3Haa3H H3 HHHnHjannjcKor
oaBajaaa Koje o3HanaBa npHBpeMeHy cmpt aeBojKe (npon 1990: 373 Ha.; CrojaHoBHh 1996: 99).
HEEECKE HEnOEOflE H flEMOHH fleMoHH3anHja kocmhhkhx h MeTepeoaomKHx Henoroaa npeacTaB^a ce Kao aejcTBo oTeaoTBopeHHx HaH HeBHaa>HBHx 6Hha aeMoHcKe npHpoae.
naa MeTeopa Hapoa TyManH Kao nojaBy oraeHor 3Maja. y CpncKoM pjenHHKy ByK KapayHh nnme: 3a 3Maja naK Mucnu ce da je Kao ozweeum jynaK, od Koeza y nehewy ozaw odcKahe u ceujemnu (KapayHh 1852: *aaa). y Ka3HBaay H3 HcTOHHe Cp6Hje Kaaa y HohH yraeaajy H3HeHaaaH cjaj "KaKo 3ana^eHo noBecMo" 6a6a aeBojnH noKpHBa raaBy aa He raeaa. nocne mu eenu: Eme, moj je 3Mej, aKo Hecu 3Hana caz cu eudena KaKo nemu u KaKo ce cuja. (P. PaaeHKoBHh, 2). H yKpajHHnH Bepyjy aa 3Maj y aeTy ocTaB^a HcKpe h cjaj (yKpajHHnH: 426).
y pycKoj npHHH o TajHoj ay6aBH BepoBaae o MeTeopy Kao 3Majy KopHcTe jyHanH aa 6h npHKpHaH cBojy 3a6paaeHy ayöaB. H y Toto^hhom KoMaay Hapa HaBoaH ce HapoaHa npeacTaBa o 3Majy KojH y oray naaa c He6a. MeaoaHja 3Maj H3 36HpKe yKpajHHCKe Me^o^Hje 3anonHae cyrecTHBHHM o6pahaaeM rpynH: noznedajme! TaMo/Hern ce Kpehe Ka HaMa. CBeTaH o6jeKT KojH ce ca 6aecKoM h penoM cnymTa y3 TpecaK onHcaH je Kao naa MeTeopa, mTo je necHHK o6jacHHo y 6eaemKaMa y3 necMy, a TeK noToM ce ca3Haje HapoaHo o6jamaeae To je 3Maj, 6eda!/ Oh je nenomaH.
Aaa (xaaa) H3a3HBa noMpaneae CyHna (3eneBHh 1981: 65; EeoprHeBa 1993: 121; naoTHHKoBa 1997: 6). y xomo^ckom cpe3y, npH noMpaneay Mecena Bepyjy aa aae ca aBe raaBe h mecT npcrajy jeay Mecen, HaH aa cy nere Ha Meceny TparoBH yjeaa aaa. (MHaocaB^eBHh 1914: 397-398, 401).
BpeMeHcKe Henoroae y HapoaHHM BepoBaaHMa ce aoxHB^aBajy Kao 6op6a pa3opHor aeMoHa ca aeMoHoM 3amTHTHHKoM. ApeaaHo HcnHTHBaae HMeHoBaaa aeMoHa KojH Boae oayjHe o6aaKe H3Beaa je Ha 6aaKaHcKocaoBeHcKoj rpa^H AHa naoTaHKoBa, yKa3yjyhH Ha aHxoBe pa3aHHHTe Ha3HBe 3amTHTHHKa aoKaaHHx yceBa: 3ayxan (HepneroBHHa, npHMopje), 3Maj, BeTpoBaaK (3anaaHa Cp6Hja), o6aanap (CpeM), BpHMeaaK (HHKa) (naoTHHKoBa 1998).
Ca aaMjoM ce 6ope h KonHae (CToHaoB 1925, 236, 251) h cBenH. He cMe ce y3HeMHpaBaTH Teao noBeKa o6aapeHor MohHMa aa ce cynpoTcTaBH oayjHHM o6aanHMa, jep oh Hehe MohH aa ce BpaTH y cBoje Teao. CBeTH HaHja nyro rpoMoBHMa Ha aay y CKoncKoj D,proj ropH (At. neTpoBHh CE3 54, 1939: 408, 502). y MaKeaoHcKoM npeaaay 3MajeBH HaH 3MajeBH h aaMje ce cyKo6^aBajy oko 6epHheTa (npeaaHHja h aereHaH: 224). O 6op6H 3MajeBa h aaMjH (npeaaHHja h aereHaH: 224, 239; Bp^hhobckh, 16, 17, 23, 24). y 6yrapcKHM ^oaKopHHM TeKcToBHMa xaaa (C6Hy 9:126; 30:63) h aaMja (C6Hy 4,
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ffejaH Ajdanuh
112-3; 12: 160; 30:66) ce Be3yjy 3a Fpan h HeBpeMe. npeMa BepoBaaHMa h3 AneKCHHanKOF noMopaB^a neTao ce öopH ca FpanHOM anoM (ÄHxoHHjeBHh 1971: 196).
y HaponHHM BepoBaftHMa h ^onKnopHHM TeKCTOBHMa ane ce Be3yjy 3a npHe, FpanHe oönaKe h pa3opHe BeTpoBe, anH cy npencTaB^eHe y pa3nHwraM oönHnHMa: Kao 3MHja, öaöa. y onHcy h3 ReB^enHjcKe Ka3e naMja ce onHcyje Kao je3epcKO ÖHhe c eeiumM ne^ycmuMa, eeiuKuM sy6uMa u jesuKoM, c KpuiuMa, c nemupu Hoze u dyzanKuM penoM (TaHOBHh 1927: 311). Ce^anH h3 .eBna Bepyjy: Ana-je Kao HeKa eenuKa u zpy6asMujypma ca eeiuKuM KpunuMa. OHa npedeodu zpado6umHe o6naKe u onyjHe eempoee. OHa 6opaeu y eenuKoj eodu, omKyda u usnehe (MHjaTOBHh 1909: 449). y necMH h3 npHnena o MopcKoj naMjH Koja FyTa MapKOBO neTe, y jenHOM CTHxy HeMaH ce Ha3HBa eemepHa naMja (fflanKapeB, 1: 93). y öajKaMa ce nenHMHHHO npeoönHKyje HeöecKa npHpona 3MajeBa h jyHaKa koj'h hx noöehyjy. y HeKHM HaponHHM npenaaHMa h necMaMa CBenH ce öope ca naMjaMa h 3MajeBHMa - CBeTH HnHja (ca naMjoM, MonoB 1996: 27), CBeTH Rophe (Jypaj) ca axnajoM HnH 3MajeM.
y D,pHoj ropH Bepyjy na cy 3nyxanH 3amTHTHHUH on HeBpeMeHa h onyja (Pobhhckh 1994: 353-356). KaHxeBHe oöpane MOTHBa cyKOöa HeöecKHx neMOHa HHcy necTe. y nprnH CHMe MaTaBy^a 3^yxan, ^paHnycKOM o^HnHpy y ocTaBUH, npaTHnan h npHnoBenan noTaHKO oöjamaaBa HaponHa BepoBaaa o 3nyxanHMa, MopH, na öh noTOM öho h CBenoK KaKO MHhyH, 3nyxan MnanHh, otfohh HeBpeMe on cbof cena. rpnaheB oönanap ca^HaeH je Ha OCHOBH FOFO^eBCKOF noHFpaBaaa peanHHM h (^aaracTHKOM ca eneMeHTHMa xyMopa. y npHHH y tocthohhhh ko^ no^y3Be3^e Ha HMemaH maHTaBor Topöapa neMOH HaTepa maHTaBOF Topöapa na npoFyTa heBan, na öh ce nocne TOFa ocBecTHO oceTHBmH Kan^Hne Ha 3ajenHHHKOM nyTy Kpo3 oönaKe. OHeoömeHH neTa^H y3nH3aaa h npexHBMBaaa Topöapa najy TpnHheBOM npHnoBenaay xHBonHCHOCT. Oönanap ce Topöapy yKa3yje y CBenaHoj onopH h nyHoj MohH h noKa3yje My BenHH Fpan h BenHH CHeF. Kao y npHHH H3ry6^eHo ühcmo h3 3öHpKe Benepn y ceoueTy Kpaj ^HKaaKe, Ham npHnoBenan Ha Kpajy npHHe "oBepaBa" hcthhhtoct Ka3aHOF ynyhHBaaeM Ha xeHy Koja he noTBpnHTH nyna.
nopen 3MajeBa, ana, naMjH, 3nyxana, BeTpeaaKa, oönaKe Bone h FpaöaHnHjamH (KapayHh 1852: *Bp3HHO Kono), TaTomH (BnajHh-nonoBHh 1996). y .oöopy Bepyjy na: UonepHuue neme y Maznu no spaKy; Mozy ce ceaKojaKo npeo6pasumu; zpade myny u eurne ux ce dozoeapa, KaMo he je nocnamu (KoTapcKH 3HX 23:49). Ha BanKaHy je 3a Bemrane y Behoj MepH HeFO 3a HCTOHHOcnoBeHCKe eedMu KapaKTepHCTHHHa Be3a ca npHponHHM CTHxnjaMa (CnaB. npeBHOCTH 1996: 368).
y MaTaBy^eBoj npHHH HeBp^HHo 3^ohhhctbo HeypaBHOTexeHH nHjaHan Faha oönaKe MHcnehH na y aHMa BHnH BemTHne.
JYMA ^EMOHA. flymy neMOHa Moxe na npencTaB^a HeKa Maaa nraua h^h HHceKT. y öajKaMa jyHaK Ha npeBapy ca3Haje Fne je caKpHBeHa CHaFa HnH xhbot 3Maja h yöHja je. .enrap H3nehe h3 Tena BaMnHpa KOFa yöHjajy (npHnoBeTKa MHnoBaHa DrnmHha noc^e ^eBe^eceT ro^HHa), Kao h h3 BemTHne Koja cnaBa (RopheBHh 1953: 6, 7, 20, 27Hn, 43, 47). y BepoBaaHMa ce HaFnamaBa Hyxna yHHmTaBaaa neMOHCKe nyme, jep HOBeKy npeTH onacHOCT aKO He yHHmTH neMOHa y noTnyHOCTH.
^eMOHH y ^y^CKoM oönmjy npencTaB^ajy Jtyne poheHe Ha HeKH HeyoömajeH HanHH (y Komy^HnH, y3 MajnHHy cmpt), HMajy öeneF KojH yKa3yje Ha aHxoBe He^yncKe ocoöHHe HnH npencTaB^ajy oxHB^eHe noKojHHKe. AarponoMop^He onnHKe neMOHa KojH MOFy na neTe necTO npaTH pa3nBajaae Tena h nyme.
3ll
Hexerae aeMOHa y GiGBeHGKGM (oiKiopy h KH.HxeBH0CTHMa I9. BeKa
RaBO ce npeacTaB^a Kao ÖHhe Koje leTH y HeKOiHKHM (oikiophhm TeKCTOBHMa - y npHHaMa o ^aBOiy h aeroBOM yneHHKy ^aBO ce npeTBapa h y nrane. BemTHne ce npeTBapajy y jenepuuy (lenTHpa) hih K0K0mKy (Pobhhckh 1994: 349). ByK KapayHh y PjeHHHKy öeiexH: Bjemmuua ce soee wena Koja (no npunoeujemKaMa HapodHuM) uMa y ce6u HeKaKae fyaeoicm dyx, Koju y cHy us we usufye u cmeopu ce y jenupa, y kokom uiu hypKy, na jiemu no KyhaMa u jede jbyde, a oco6umo Many djeuy (KapayHh 1852: *Bjemrana). ^a 6h ce OTKpHia BemTHna Ba^a H3BecTH nponHcaHe paaae h H3roBopHTH MarHjcKe peHH. HajKaHOBHh CMaTpa aa cy CTapHHCKa h ayTeHTHHHa caMO aBa oöiHKa y KojHMa ce BemTHne jaB^ajy - lenTHp h nTHna (HajKaHOBHh 1994, 5: 217). BaMnHp ce npeTBapa y lenTHpa (HajKaHOBHh 1994, 5: 205). KaKO 6h ce yHHmTHO BaMnHp Mopa ce yÖHTH h lenTHp KojH H3ieTH H3 aeroBHx ycTa. Mopa ce npeTBapa y lenTHpa hih KOKom (Mopa ce eyuapa no Hohu y eudy pasHux wueomuwa, nonajeume y eudy jenmupoea, Rop^eBHh 1953: 224).
Ha CKynOBE ^EMOHA leTe BemTHne h ^aBOiH. Bemrane jyxHHx h hctohhhx CiOBeHa (eedbMa) leTe Ha CBoje cacTaHKe Kaaa ce HaMaxy Mamhy. CaMO y iyxhhkhm npeaaaHMa, Kao Koa 3anaaHoeBponcKHx Hapoaa, CKynoBH BemTHna ce oaBHjajy Ha BainyprHHy Hoh. no^anH, HecH h CiOBanH cy BepoBaiH aa ce OHe CKyn^ajy Ha Cb. JaHy HiH Cb. .Hy^jy. npeMa 3anHcy KoTapcKor Uonepnuue dpwe cjedHuuy Ha Beium nemaK Hohy. Cmoi uMajy Ha cMpeKu, Ka je npes eepxyHua (KoTapcKH 3HR 23: 50). Bemrane Koa CiOBeHa HaMa3aBmH ce H3iehy Kpo3 oyaK h CKyn^ajy ce Ha apBehy - xpacTy, KpymKH, jeiH TonoiH, 6pe3H, Ha pacKpcHHyaMa, y cpncKHM BepoBaaHMa - Ha noMemHoM h MjedenoM (öaKapHOM) ryMHy (CiaB. apeBHOCTH 1996: 300; HajKaHOBHh: 218-9). y xBaiHcaay Toöoxae Bemraye y HjeromeBOM Topckom BHjeHuy cnoMHay ce CKynoBH Ha MjedernM zyMHy. y cnHcy PoBHHCKor o D,pHoj IopH HaBoaH ce aa ce BemTHye CKyn^ajy Ha MjeaeHOM ryBHy H3Me^y HeBecHaa h rayKor: CKyn^ajyhu ce maMo, oHe ce nenuM naMawy, u mo um noMawe da Mozy jemjemu. Äemehu, oHe uszoeapajy: Hu o dpeo, hu o KaMeH; ucnod mpHa, ucnod dpane, nez y noae nod opax na Mjedeno zyeno (Pobhhckh 1994: 349). MHieHKO OHiHnoBHh y TeKCTy "BaKapHO hih MjeaeHO ryMHo" oöjamaaBa KaKO cy 3apaBHH Ha KojHMa cy Ton^eHe pyae ocTaie y CBecTH Hapoaa Be3aHe 3a aeMOHe, naK h Kaaa je H3ry6^eHa Be3a h Kaaa HH(opMaTopH HHcy yMeiH aa oöjacHe 3Haneae peHH Meden (OHiHnoBHh 1959). Koia HexoTHHHO HaMa3aHa BemTHHjoM Mamhy oaieTe Ha Bpx KpymKe (HajKaHOBHh, 180; Ba^aBey: 245?; KoTapcKH 3HR 23:49). Bemraye Mory aa leTe h Ha BpaTHiy.
y CpncKOM pjenHHKy ce H3BemTaBa KaKO ce y XpBaTCKoj npHnoBeaa aa ce OHe CKyn^ajy Ha KieKy BHme OryiHHa (KapayHh 1852: *BjemTHya). y npHHH h3 pyKonHCHe 3ÖHpKe CHMeoHa RypHha Bemraya ciyry Maxe CBojoM Mamhy, npeTBapa y Koaa h Ha aeMy jame na KieK, uiu na Beie6um, mu na njerneeuuy (HajKaHOBHh, 181). BemTHye Mory aa leTe y aycyH oa jajeTa, mTO ce TyMaHH yTHyajeM ca 3anaaa. y k&h3h YroBop c ^aB.iOM BiaaHMHp Bajep je H3Heo hh3 aoKyMeHaTa o nporoHHMa BemTHya, y KojHMa ce Kao rpecH ocy^eHHx xeHa HaBoae h onTyxöe h npH3Haaa KaKO cy ce BemTHye leTeie Ha cacTaHaK Ha niaHHHaMa MeaBeaHHyH h KieKy, KaKO hx je Bpar bo3ho y kohh'h (BomKOBHh-CTyiH 1991: 126).
CaöaT hih maöam Kao caöopHmTe aeMOHa noTHHe h3 3anaaHHx HHKBH3HUHjcKHx h aHTHceMHTCKHx KpyroBa. KoHpaa h3 Mapöypra h3 13. BeKa CBojHM nporoHHMa ynecHHKa ^aBOiCKHx CKynoBa nocTaBHO je ocHOBe hhkbh3htopckhm nporoHHMa. y pacnpaBaMa 14. h 15. BeKa y n0TnyH0CTH ce (opMHpajy npeacTaBe o ieTy xeHa-BemTHya Ha caöaT.
312
ffejan Ajdanuh
HajcnaBHHje aeno y KojHMa cy onncaHe paaae Ha obhm cycpeTHMa 6nno je Malleus maleficarum. npeacTaBe o cKynoBHMa BemTHna pamnpnne cy ce y Hapoay h ao6nne CBoje nyHKe (^opMe. Koa cnoBeHcKHx Hapoaa koj'h cy ncnoBeaann KaTonHnaHcTBo nocToje Hapo^Ha BepoBaaa h Mano6pojHH ^onKnopHH 3anncn o ca6aTy. Ha HcToKy ce ca6aT y ^onKnopy peTKo jaBaa - TaKo aa cBaKH npHMep Tpe6a Hcnm-am y cBerny MHcTH^HKannja nan yranaja ca 3anaaa. MHora aena cy Moraa yrauaTH Ha nojaBy ca6aTa y KanxeBHocTHMa npaBocaaBHHx Hapoaa. y pycKHM HapoaHHM BepoBaaHMa Bemrane neTe Ha .ncy ropy Kpaj KHjeBa.
Koa caoBeHcKHx Hapoaa koj'h cy ncnoBeaann KaTonHnaHCTBo nocToje HapoaHa BepoBaaa h Mano6pojHH ^onKnopHH 3anHcH o ca6aTy. Ha HcToKy ca6aT ce y ^onKnopy peTKo jaBaa - TaKo aa cBaKH npHMep Tpe6a HcnHTaTH y cBeTny MHcTH^HKannja HnH yTHnaja ca 3anaaa. MHora aena cy Moraa yTHuaTH Ha nojaBy ca6aTa y KanxeBHocTHMa npaBocnaBHHx Hapoaa, ann Me^y KojHMa h nprna .yaBHra TnKa o cKynoBHMa BemTHna. Thkob Ca6aT Bemrana HpoHHKa H3 1459 HHcnnpncaHa je npnnoM H3 12 rnaBe BapaHToBe Histoire des Dues de Bourgogne (MnnHep: 163).
yKpajHHnn Bepyjy aa BemTHne, HaMa3aBmn ce, neTe Ha Mernn, Ha nonaTH, nan BHnaMa Ha ma6am Ha Hncy ropy Kpaj KHjeBa npea BenHKe npa3HHKe (yKpajHHnn: 116, 434, 442-443). H3pa3HTe aHTHxpnmhaHcKe npTe i^pHoMarnjcKor H3pyrHBaaa cBeTHaaMa - HKoHaMa, XpncTy, cBeaone o jaKoM oTnopy jeaHe nncMeHe KynType Kynrypn npKBeHe nHcMeHocTH.
Kaaa ce y kbhxcbhhm aenHMa npHKa3yje neT noBeKa ca BemranoM nan ^aBonoM onnc neTa o6hhho npaTH onncHBaae noBeKoBor aoxHBaaja Tor neTa - aHBaeae, ny^eae nan cTpax. Comob y npnnn KajeBCKe Bemraue ca6aT BHan o^HMa Ko3aKa Kojn Kao Myx oaneTH 3a cBojoM xeHoM Ha Hncy Topy aa BHan Kyaa oHa Hecraje. y npnnn OpecTa CoMoBa He onncyje ce caM neT, Beh oana3aK BemTHne H3 Kyhe nocne 3ByKoBa KHme h rpoMa H3 Ka3aHa: Ha Kpajy sanyno ce us weza nucKaeuM u ornmpuM zmcom HanuK Ha uuk wenesa Koje ce Hepmjamnezo no mouuny, mpu nymapen "nemu, nemu, nemu!". Tad ceKampycja wypHo Hamp^ana HeKaKeoM Marnhy u odnemena y duMmaK. Kaaa ce HapeaHor Mecena Oeaop oany^H aa KpeHe 3a aoM, Comob aeTaaHo onncyje npoMeHe y H3rneay h aoxHBaajy Ko3aKa aoK H3Boan npHH o6pea, ann je nocne rnaca H3 Ka3aHa h Tpaaaa MacTH KpaTaK onnc y KoMe HeaocTaje onnc neTa: h oajeaHoM ra je HeKaKBa HeBHaaHBa cnna o6yxBaTHna h 6annna y aHMaaK. Taj 6p3H noKpeT o6y3eo My je ayx h oay3eo cBecT. Kaaa ce npo6yano, BHaeo je ce6e noa oTBopeHHM He6oM, Ha Hncoj ropn, H3a KHjeBa. Ha caMoM Bpxy rope 6nno je rnaTKo MecTo, npHo Kao yraa, h rono, Kao rnaBa cTapor aeae 6e3 Koce. Kannap H3 npnne OpecTa CoMoBa npme o S^ary ce nnamn aa HHje 3aHohno y Kyhn BemTHna h aa Hehe TpaxHTH aeroBy kpb h MacT aa oaneTH Ha ca6aT). Ca6aT ce jaBaa h y ,D,eaBHroBoj HoftH 24. jyHa, HapHMa KHpnna Tonoae.
Hncy ropy cnoMHae flaa y npnnn BemTHua (BeatMa), a cKyn Ha Hncoj ropn npHKa3yje MapKeBHH y Menoanjn BemTHua. BemTHne Koje neTe npeacTaBHnn cy ^KyKoBcKH y Ba^aflH y Kojoj ce onHcyje KaKO je je^Ha CTapHua jaxa^a Ha uphom Koay, nymKHH y noeMH Pyc^aH h ^jy^MH^a (HanHa), KaTeaHH y napoanjcKoM oa3HBy Ha nymKHHoBy HanHy y KaeraaHUH MHiymH, fteKpacoB y noeMH BaSa Jara.
y HeKHM ToroaeBHM npmaMa mothb neTa ce noapa3yMeBa (H3ry6^eHo nHCMo, 3anapaHo MecTo), aoK je y HeKHM neT h onncaH. Hajpa3BHjeHHjH ToroaeBH onncn neTa KoBana BaKyne h aeMoHa Hana3e ce y HoftH yo^H Bo^Hfta rae KoBan BaKyna neTH Ha ^aBony, h y BHjy rae Ha Xomh BpyTy neTH BemTHna. Toroa Hajnpe onncyje npoMeHe y
313
HeTeae neMoHa y cnoBeHOKoM ^onKnopy h KH.HxeBHocTHMa 19. BeKa
ncHxonomKoM noxHBaajy jyHaKa - BaKyna ce, 3ay3naBmH kpctom ^aBona, HcnoHeTKa ynnamHo jep ce Ha 3eMaH BHme HHje Morno HHmra na pacno3Ha. nHcan HaroBemTaBa na ce jyHaK yčp3o oxpa6pHo cboj'om moRh Han ftaBonoM. Toroa yonmTe He onHcyje BaKynHH noxHBaaj Hyneca nopen koj'hx npona3e, caMo hx Ha6paja: Hapo6aaK y Ka3aHy, 3Be3ne Koje Hrpajy xMypKe, poj nyxoBa, ^aBo koj'h ce Hrpa oko Mecena, MeTna Koja caMa neTH, če3 BemTHne. Cpemanu cy ycnym jom mhozo ceaKojaKoz onoma. Yum 6u neKo yznedao Koeana, na KpamKo 6u ce saycmaeaao, na 6u onem nacmaeaao ceojum nymem. A Koean je nemeo u nemeo. CMemHH cnojeBH neMoHcKor, KocMHHKor h npH3eMHor npencTaBaajy yxypčaH HnH 3aHrpaH cBeT če3 3no6e. RaBo Kon Mecena HaK cKHna h Kany BaKynH. D,eo neT je nocne npBor HcKymeaa HoBHHe noTHH^eH caMo nonacKy no napHne. neTep6ypr y KojH cneTe, Ha KoBaHa ocraBaa MHoro jaHH yTHcaK neMoHcKHx npHnHKa.
^eT XoMe BpyTa noHH^e He npeTepaHo 3acTpameHHM 3aKayHKoM "$Hno3o^a" na ra jame BemTHna. OnHc neTa y Bnjy 3acHheH je noxHBaajHMa h nyHHM h npoTHBypeHHHM oceha^HMa - "HenpHjarao h cnaTKo", "^aBoncxn onojHa MHnHHa", "HeKa cTpamHa MyHHa Hacnana". Tokom neTa nona3H no očpTa nonoxaja nocne Xomhhhx MonHTBHna. Hajsad 6psunom mywe uckohu ucnod cmapuue u eemmo ysjaxa na wena nefya. Cmapuua cumnum ynecmanum Kopauuma nojypu maKo 6pso da je jaxan jedea cmusao da dume. 3eMaa ce nod wumjedea nasupana u noped moza mmojemeceu npunuwojacno ceemneo. Mada paena, noaa cy ycned 6psune nped wum usznedana neKaKo samazaena u nejacna. O HeoHeKHBaHHM cnHKaMa npocTopa, MoTHBHMa KojH ce y tom cnojy He jaBaajy hh y ^onxnopy, hh y K&HxeBHocTH .HoTMaH nHme: Bume od moza, Tozoa je yeeo Momue odpawaeawa (compawenuja) 6es o6supa na mo, mmo ce nod $uno3o$oM nuje nanasuna eoda, eeh cmena noKpueena mpaeoM. Tume je 6una yKunyma u zpanuua npocmopa na dowem Kpajy eepmuKanne oce. MaKcumannoj npocmopnoj pacKoeanocmu odzoeapa u maKcumanna noKpemaueocm. Ona ce uspawaea y nodupmaeawy 6psune (.HoTMaH 1968: 96).
Kana KBHTKHHa K0H0T0ncKa Bemraua JaBnoxa nona3H no OneHe na 6h je ay6aBHHM MarHjaMa Be3ana 3a naHa coTHHKa, Kaxe joj na je nomna H3 KHjeBa 3a BpeMe y KoMe oČHHaH HoBeK He Moxe cthRh, mTo H3a3HBa neBojHHHy Hy^eae (178). KacHHje, BemTHna nonehe no OneHe ca cothhkom na 6h To6oxe H3Bpmnna ay6aBHe Maraje h Bpaha ce neTehH y KoHoTon.
y CTopoxeHKoBoj npHHH 3a.ty6.teHH ^aB0 (1861) y Kojoj nena, 3anopoxan, xohe na BemTHny, neBojKy Koja My ce nonana oTprae on ftaBona: Bemmuua je cena na Memny, Knumnyna znaeom dedu, eucoKo ce duzna zope, nopaenana ca seesduuama u nonemena y ceojy Kyhy. y komhhhom nnjanory ^aBona h 3anopomna y KoMe ce HoBeK HcnpBa 3aHynH KaKo Mory na cTHrHy 3a neT naHa no cBeTe rope, a Kana My ^aBo onBpaTH na oh paHyHa no ^hxobom, 3anopomKoM, cyjeTHH 3anopoxan Kaxe na 6h oh cTHrao h 3a jenaH naH. Kana npeBapH ^aBona h npHMopa ra na My 6yne ko&, hhko My He Bepyje Kyna cBe cTHxe.
Pa3BHjeHa npencTaBa HečecKor cBeTa y nyxy ToroaeBe hobh yo^H Bo^nfia noKa3yje ce y npHHH ^aHHneBcKor ftaBO Ha BenepHHHH. H3 HcTe ToroaeBe npHHe ^aHHneBcxn je y3eo h mothb BemTHne ay6oMopHe Ha ^aBona. JyHaK JaBTyx Hajnpe neTH Ha ^aBony, a noToM 3ajamH h BemTHny h nona3H HaK no xapeMa y kphmckom napcTBy. BpahajyhH ce HaTpar, BemTHna My očjam&aBa npeKo KojHx MecTa Hanneñy, a Kana 3aneBajy npBH neTnH, ohh nanHy TaHHo Kon Kyhe y Kojoj ce 3aBpmaBa npocnaBa Ha Kojoj je JaBTyx Tpečano na ce BecenH Te hoRh.
ABeTH neTe h H3HeHana ce nojaBayjy y CrepHjHHoj TparenHjH MHiom 06hjh&.
y Kjyxea6eKepoBoj npaMH HBaH TproBa^KH chh, Mnana BemTHna roBopH cTapoj:
314
ffejan Ajdanuh
A MOMda no cnoSodnoM ea3dyxy jem, nod see3duu,OM jacHOM myMapamu u Kpywumu, Xeamamu y jemy cyMwueu 3aHoc, TpeHymHe cio6ode do njaHa ce Hanumu...
Heo6nHHa CBecT o npHBpeMeHOCTH jaB^a ce y pe^HMa cyMwueu 3aHoc, thm npe HyflHHjn mTO hx He H3roBapa CTapa, Beh Mnana BemTHna. HeT ce nojaB^yje Kao cHM6on cno6one, TpeHyTHe, Koja caMo H3a3HBa nnjaHCTBo cno6onoM Koja ce He Moxe nocTHhH.
HcnHTHBaae neTa neMoHa yKa3ano je Ha HeKonHKo onmrax npo6neMa 3Haneaa oBor MoTHBa y ^onKnopHoM H3BopHHKy, anH h Ha nHTa&a onHoca ^onKnopa h k&h^bbhocth. OcMoTpeHo H3 nepcneKTHBe HannoHanHHx k&h^bbhocth h HHTep TeKcTyanHHx Be3a Moryhe je noTBpnHTH 3aK^ynaK o nnonoTBopHocm roro^eBcKHx MoTHBa 3a pycKy, anH h npyre cnoBeHcKe k&hx£bhocth (Ajnanrih 1998). HaKo je npernen k&hx£bhhx npencraBa neTa neMoHa orpaHHneH caMo Ha K&HxeBHocT 19. BeKa, h nopen ocna&aaa Ha Ma&H 6poj mhtckhx 6Hha (yrnaBHoM Bemrana, laBo, y cpncKoj k&h^bbhocth BHne) o^mnenHa je pa3HoBpcHocT y cTaBy nHcana npeMa MoTHBy nynecHor KpeTaaa. HjeroBo aKTHBHpaae nonpa3yMeBa ^aHTacTHHHo BH^eae peanHor cBeTa, anH cy ncHxonomKH h HapaTHBHH MonenH 3HanajHo npomHpHnH rpaHHne ^onKnopHHx H3BopHHKa.
fl h t e p a t y p a
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316
ffejan Ajdanuh
Das Fliegen von Demonen in der slawischen Volksüberlieferung und Literatur des 19.
Jahrhunderts
Dejan Ajdačic
Autor weist auf unmenschliche und übermenschliche Grundzüge im Dämonenfliegen im Folklore und in der slawischen Literatur des 19. Jahrhunderts hin. Man betrachtet das Feenfliegen, auch das Fliegen der verliebten Drachen, der Dämonen der Himmelsgewitter, der Totenseelen und Erscheinen der Dämonen an den Hexenversammlungen und man weist auf den Zusammenhang zwischen den Folklormodells und den literarischen Texten hin.
In der Studie sind die literarischen Texten der ostslawischen und südslawischen Autoren erwähnt: Petar Petrovič Njegoš, Jovan Jovanovič Zmaj, Laza Kostič, Jovan Subotič, Sima Milutinovic Sarajlija, Jovan Grčič, Milovan Glišič, Jovan Popovič Sterija, Kiril Topolja, Nikolaj Gogolj, Orest Somov, Anton Deljvig, Vladimir Dalj, Nikolaj Markevič, Aleksandar Puškin, Pavel Katenjin, Nikolaj Njekrasov, Grigorij Kvitka, Oleksa Storoženko, Grigorij Danilevski, Wilhelm Kuchelbäcker.
317