39DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
Miroslav StanojeviÊ*
SLOVENIAN TRADE UNIONS -
THE BIRTH OF LABOR ORGANIZATIONS
IN POST-COMMUNISM
ABSTRACT
This article examines changes that have occurred within organized labor over past
decade (1989-1999). The analysis shows that in Slovenian post-communism the theory
that crisis causes deunionization also holds up. Worker under severe pressure from
unemployment do in fact leave their trade unions. The post-communist peculiarity in
the process of deunionization was in the non-worker social groups leaving the unions
more intensively. In the last ten years the uneven reduction in union membership meant
a change in membership structure. At the end of the 1990s clearly defined labor organi-
zations appeared in Slovenia.
Key words: trade unions, trade union membership, unemployment, post-communism
In 1994 approximately 60% of the Slovenian workforce were members of trade
unions (Toπ, 1994; StanojeviÊ, Omerzu, 1994). Four years later, trade union member-
ship had fallen to just 42.8% of the active population (Toπ, 1998).1 In the past ten years,
trade unions in Slovenia have lost between 100 and 200 thousand members, represent-
ing great change.
In the first part of this article I shall describe changes that have occurred within
organized labor over the past decade (1989-1999). I shall attempt to describe the gen-
eral decline in trade union membership, the redistribution of members between trade
unions and the principle changes to membership structure in this period. I shall try to
establish whether the decline in membership is concentrated or fragmented - who are
leaving trade unions and who are remaining members.
In the second part of the article I shall present a detailed picture of Slovenian trade
union restructuring in the context of the great transitional restructuring of the labor
market over the last ten years. According to G. S. Bain and F. Elsheikh (1976), the key
factors contributing to a reduction in negotiating power of trade unions and their loss of
membership are economic recession in general and the resulting rise in unemployment
* Miro StojanoviÊ is Associate profesor in inustrial relations at the faculty of social sciences.
40 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
specifically (Poole, 1981: 130; Visser, 1994: 86-87). Because we in Slovenia are expe-
riencing unemployment due partly to extensive restructuring of the labor market and
partly to the effects of a deep recession in the first half of the last decade, I shall attempt
to verify this theory in the context of organized labor in Slovenia. At first glance, the
theory that a recession adversely affects trade union membership appears not to hold
water in Slovenia’s case as in the height of the crisis, trade union membership was
exceptionally high and it only started to decrease as economic recovery got underway.
Further study, however, would seem to indicate that the recession and pressure of un-
employment has been the important, but not exclusive reason for deunionization in
Slovenia. A complete analysis should provide an answer to the key question as to whether
trade unions in Slovenia are in decline or whether, in spite of losing members, they are
proliferating into relatively homogeneous interest organization. Are the changes that
have occurred a sign of a crisis that will lead to the disappearance of trade unions
altogether or are they, perhaps, merely manifestations of normalization, the forming of
“normal” labor interest representation in a market economy.
In spite of the fact that this article is not intended to be used in comparisons, I feel it
necessary in this introduction to mention the theory that “deindustrialization” is the key
reason for the decline of trade unions (Lash and Urry, 1987: 234; Hyman, 1994: 110-
111) at the end of the 20th century. This probably holds up for the developed west
where “deindustrialization” has occurred. In the most prosperous parts of the east, how-
ever, reindustrialization is underway. The same amount of deunionization in the two
different contexts have different meanings. In the west, the population traditionally
organized by trade unions has largely disappeared whereas in the east deunionization
has meant the same population losing the protection of trade unions. I shall not deal
here with the political and social consequences of deunionization in the context of
reindustrialization. Slovenia is part of the story of the east and, although the most ad-
vanced society in transition, from the perspective of the developed center, it still re-
mains on the periphery.
1. Changes to the Slovenian Trade Union Scene
Over the Period 1989 - 1999
1.1. Decline in trade union membership
Over the last ten years, trade union membership has continually fallen. The dynamics
of this trend are shown in Figure 1.
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
41DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
Figure 1
Level of trade union membership, 1989 - 1999 (in%)
Source: Toπ, N. et al: SJM 1989-1998
N=2040 (89), 2078 (91), 1049(92), 1044(93), 1037(94), 1016 (95), 1024(96), 2007(97), 1008(98).
Until approximately half way through the ten year transitional period, decline in
trade union membership was very gradual - about 2% p.a. Compared to 1989, member-
ship was about 10% less in 1994. (69% in 1989 compared to 58.6% in 1994).
The second half of the ten year period saw a drop in trade union membership from
58.6% in 1994 to  42.8% in 1998. In one year alone (1994-1995), unions lost 10% of
their membership - equal to the entire loss of the previous five years. After 1995, the
trend slowed again to a steady decline of 2% p.a.
The general picture of decline in trade union membership requires a closer look at
the starting point, middle and end of the cycle. Comparing data from these three points,
I shall attempt to find a. the redistribution of members among trade unions and b. the
changes in trade union membership structure in the whole ten year period. All data is
derived from public opinion surveys (Toπ, 1989-1998)  combined with data from re-
search carried out in 1994 (StanojeviÊ & Omerzu, 1994).
1.2. Redistribution of membership among trade unions -
concentration and/or fragmentation?
What do the two researches (Toπ, 1994 and StanojeviÊ, Omerzu, 1994) tell us?
What were the principle characteristics of the trade union scene in the middle of the last
decade?
In 1994, the trade union scene was dominated by the “old reformed” trade union,
ZSSS, who represented 50% of trade union members who identified with the confedera-
tion and 20% of its membership identifying with their industrial sector organizations.
The second largest union was PERGAM with 12.5% of trade union members. At
that time it was close to the third largest union, the only large opposition union, KNSS,
with 10.8% of members.
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
69 58,6
48,8 42,8
1989                      1991       1992       1993       1994        1995       1996       1997       1998       1999
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
42 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
The fourth largest union, K-90, was very small in comparison to the three largest
unions.
In 1994, the remaining 10-15% of trade union members weakly identified with the
union movement. Membership was out of habit and apparently did not perceive the
important organizations as serving their interest.
Figure 2
Redistribution of membership among trade unions in Slovenia 1992-1998.
Source: Toπ, N. et al: SJM 1992, 1994, 1995 & 1998; StanojeviÊ & Omerzu 1994.
From the combined results of the two researches, we can form quite a clear picture
of the distribution of membership between trade unions in 1994. Comparing this pic-
ture to data from the public opinion surveys collected at the beginning of the 1990s,
that from 1995 and at the end of the ten year period, a main features of membership
redistribution between trade unions over the last decade can be identified.
Throughout the ten year period, ZSSS maintained its dominant position on the
Slovenian trade union scene with between 50% and 70% of the unionized population. It
was highest at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s with 70% of membership,
approached 50% in the middle of the ten year period and climbed back to 60% at the end.
Among other trade unions, the most important in the first half of 1990s were
PERGAM and KNSS. Membership of KNSS gradually declined whilst that of PERGAM
was stable. Both covered 20% of the unionized population. Data from 1998 shows that
t was these two unions that lost most members after 1995. In 1998, PERGAM, KNSS
and K-90 had approximately the same share of union membership. Each covered 3 to
4% of the unionized population meaning their joint membership declined from 20% to
about 10% of total union membership.
Characteristic of the 1990s was the growth of industrial unions within organized
labor. Their appearance was recorded by the research in 1994 (StanojeviÊ & Omerzu).
Up until then, most of these unions were formally within ZSSS. In 1995, Toπ identified
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
1992                       1994                       1995                      1998
UNKNOWN
OTHER
K-90
KNSS
PERGAM
BRANCHES
ZSSS
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
43DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
a growth in the membership share of “other unions” with almost one third of union
members opting for industrial unions. Some of these unions remained formally under
ZSSS, some became autonomous. Compared with the leading trade unions (ZSSS,
PERGAM, KNSS, K-90), these new industrial unions lost far few members over the
ten year period studied and their share of all members rose.
A fourth important characteristic was the tendency for people not knowing what
union they belonged to disappear (from 10% to 3%). This reflected the stronger identi-
fication of the remaining memberships with their organizations.
To summarize: within the trend of declining membership over the ten year period
studied, when there was a reduction in membership of almost 40%, the old reformed
ZSSS preserved its leading position, with more than 50% of all union members through-
out the 10 years. The biggest losers were PERGAM and KNSS. Their strong position at
the beginning of the 1990s was eroded by the growth of industrial unions. These were the
only “winners” of the past decade as, not only did their share of total union membership
rise, but they also did not lose their own membership. None of the new unions grew to be
as large as PERGAM or KNSS (covering not more than 3-4% membership) but together
these smaller unions account for almost 40% of total trade union membership. Two phe-
nomena were identified on the Slovenian union scene - the concentration of membership
in ZSSS on the one hand and the fragmentation into industrial unions on the other.
1.3. Changes in membership structure
According to Toπ (SJM surveys), 81.7% of those in 1989 declaring themselves as
white collar workers were trade union members. The level of unionization among blue
collar workers was 72.7%. After nine years unionization of both categories declined
significantly (48.6% white collar workers ad 54% blue collar workers).
Data on job positions show a clearer picture of union membership structure.
The  public opinion surveys divided job positions into four categories, three man-
agement (higher management, middle management and supervisory) and one non-man-
agement.
Table 1
Union membership by job position (in %)
Position 1989 1992 1994 1995 1998
higher management 77.0 19.7 4.4 17.1 10.8
middle management 84.6 56.0 64.9 54.2 37.0
supervisory - 65.0 58.3 68.6 50.8
non-management 74.1 67.1 69.5 59.1 53.0
Source: Toπ, N. et al: SJM 1989, 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1998
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
44 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
In 1989 all, of course, were in trade unions. Figures from 1992 show that trade
unions were not for higher management as their membership fell from 77% to 19.7%.
In 1998 only 10.8% remained union members. Middle management also quit the un-
ions in large numbers (from 84.6% in 1989 to 37% in 1998). The smallest decline in
union membership was observed among non-management and supervisors. More than
50% in both cases remained members of trade unions. Trade unions changed from
being indistinct associations of administrators and administrated, management and non-
management to associations for subordinates.
The picture of changes in union membership structure is further clarified by changes
observed in education structure. The public opinion surveys identified four educational
categories - primary school, vocational school, high school and university. At the be-
ginning of the ten year period unionization among employees with all levels of educa-
tion was high but even higher among those most qualified. Between 1989 and 1992 this
relationship changed significantly with 50 to 60% membership among the more edu-
cated and 60 to 70% among those with less formal education. This relationship held
through to 1994.
Table 2
Unionisation among four educational categories (in %)
Education 1989 1992 1994 1995 1998
primary school 72.7 68.4 66.9 68.3 51.9
vocational school 70.6 63.2 67.5 58.6 51.0
high school 76.5 58.9 58.1 47.4 27.8
university 81.3 53.6 60.5 46.6 42.1
Source: Toπ, N. et al: SJM 1989, 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1998
In 1998 51.9% of employees with primary school education were union members,
51% with vocational school, 27.8% with high school and 42.0% with university educa-
tion. Compared to data from 1989, trade unions lost most members from employees
with high school and university education. Although those with less education also left
the trade unions, their numbers when compared to those with higher education were
large enough to mean they came to dominate the trade union scene at the end of the ten
year period.2
We can conclude, therefore, that trade unions are losing members from all catego-
ries of education but less from the less educated. This has led to a significant change in
trade union membership structure.
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
45DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
Table 3
Educational structure of Slovenian union membership in 1989, 1992 and 1998
Education 1989 1992 1998
primary school 21.3 24.3 29.8
vocational school 28.8 31.3 40.8
high school 31.6 29.6 22.5
University 18.3 14.8 6.8
Source: Toπ, N. et al: SJM 1989, 1992, 1998; Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia,
Results of Surveys 1996 (Remarks: changes in union structure is approximation only as data is
derived from data on the educational structure of employees for 1995 and the level of union
membership by category in 1989, 1992 and 1998).
In 1989 the educational structure of trade unions faithfully followed that among em-
ployees. In 1992 a trend was noticed of growth in the share of less educated members.
Then their share was 55.6%. In 1998 those members with primary or vocational
school education prevailed - 70.6% of all union members. The  unions attracted mostly
less educated members.
Data presented to now suggest that trade unions in Slovenia have become labor
organizations. A closer look at trade union membership by salary scales shows that
trade unions consist of only certain categories of workers. The worse paid, marginalized
workers are leaving. In 1992 trade union membership was highest among employees
with the lowest pay (66%) whereas by the end of the ten year period the worse paid
were worse unionized (29.1%) - compared to other better paid categories.3
In presenting changes to trade union membership structure, it is necessary to men-
tion two more distinctive characteristics. Over the last ten years trade union member-
ship has grown younger with those over 60 leaving and those younger than 30 have not
been leaving any faster than members of middle age. The other peculiarity is the high
level of unionization of women employees. In 1989 the levels of unionization among
men and women were approximately the same (73.6% men and 75.8% women). In the
first half of the ten year period more men left the unions than women (20% of male
union members). In the second half of the  decade more  women left. At the end of the
ten year period studied, union membership stood at 44.3% men and 50.2% women.
Changes in the Slovenian trade union scene have three basic characteristics.
First, there was a very gradual decline in trade union membership in the first years
of transition and the increasing level of deunionization in the second half of the ten year
period, after 1994.
Second, there was a trend towards concentration and fragmentation. More than half
the membership is concentrated in the reformed ZSSS union and the other half among
numerous other unions, mostly industrial unions.
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
46 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
Third, from organizations unselectively representing all “working people”, trade
unions in Slovenia have definitely changed into organizations representing workers. In
the last ten years managers and the well educated and higher paid employees have left
along with the least paid, marginalized groups of workers.
2. The Crisis and Deunionization
2.1. Who has been under the greatest pressure?
Between 1988 and 1992, Slovenia had a negative growth in BDP. The lowest point
was reached in 1991. This data reflected the severe economic crisis experienced by
Slovenia at the end of the 1980’s and beginning of the 1990s. Many workers were made
redundant during this period and many more forced to take early retirement. In 1993
the negative trend changed and growth has been between 3 and 5% ever since.
Figure 3
BDP growth levels (in%)
Sources: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia; Bilten Banke Slovenije
(August 1996); ZMAR (Autumn report 1998).
The working population declined during the first five years of transition. Certain
studies indicate the reduction between 1991 and 1993 to have been 12% (Trbanc, 1994:
64). At the end of this period which coincided with the first minimal positive growth
since 1988, unemployment, according to ILO standards, reached 9.1% (IgnjatoviÊ, 1995:
130; Pirher, 1994: 51) which has not changed significantly since.
6
4
2
0
-2
-4
-6
-8
-10
-12
1988       1989        1990       1991       1992            1993  1994       1995       1996        1997       1998
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
47DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
Table 4
Unemployment rate 1992-1998 (in%)
1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997            1998*
Registered 13.3 15.4 14.2 14.5 14.4 14.8 14.3
ILO standards 8.3 9.1 9.1 7.4 7.3 7.4 7.7
* estimate
Sources: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia; ZMAR estimates.
What kind of pressure did unemployment have on different groups of employees
over the last ten years?
I shall attempt to explain the pressures of unemployment on different categories of
employees by comparing statistical data on the share of key groups within the structure
of employees and in the structure of those being made redundant. Where the share of
certain groups in the structure of those made redundant is greater than their share in the
structure of employees, these groups experienced the greatest above average pressure
from unemployment and vice a versa.
I shall use the  occupational and educational structure of employees from 1995 as a
basis from which I shall derive the shift in the structure of those made redundant in
1992, 1994, 1995 and 1997. This data I shall compare with changes in the structure of
trade union membership presented in the first part of the article.
According to data from the Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia (results of
a 1996 survey), the most important  occupational groups among those employed was4
“plant and machine operators” (21.1%), “technicians” (18.1%), “craft and related trades
workers” (14.7%), “clerks” (12.4%), “services and sales” (11.8%) and “professionals”
(10.3%). The classical manual worker group “machine operators” is the strongest in
Slovenia (21.1%). In combination with the group “elementary occupations” - non-skilled
workers (6.4%) the share of what we understand as classical labor is a strong 27.5%.5
A comparison of the  occupational structure of employees with the  occupational
structure of the population in 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1997 who lost their jobs shows the
following:
(i) The most important category within classical labor, the  occupational group “ma-
chine operators” was not under severe pressure in 1992 as there structure in those
made redundant was the same as that in those employed. From 1994 pressure on the
group grew and in 1997 their share among those made redundant was 11.6% higher
than their share in those employed.
(ii) If data on “machine operators” is added to with data on “elementary occupations”
the position of the whole working population is seen to have worsened signifi-
cantly. Unskilled workers were, among all groups, especially at the beginning and
end of the period, under most pressure as their share among those made redundant
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
48 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
was twice as high in 1992 than their share in the structure of those employed and
one times higher in 1997.
(iii) Among  occupational groups that had a greater than 10% share in the structure of
those employed in 1995, people were affected as were those in the group “craft and
related trades workers”. At the end of the period, pressure on the group was at its
greatest as in 1997 their share among those made redundant was 100% greater than
their share in the structure of those employed.
Table 5
Educational structure of employees (1995) and the share of different educational
categories among those made redundant in 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1997 (in%)
Education Share of employed Made redundant
(1995) 1992 1994 1995 1997
Without primary school (1) N=536
4.7 9.4 8.1 4.3 -
Primary school (2) N=2286
20.1 24.3 24.2 25.0 28.6
Shortened curriculum (3) N=391
3.4 4.5 4.8 5.7 8.2
Vocational school (4) N=3184
27.9 33.7 33.1 37.1 53.1
high school (5) N=3229
28.3 24.8 27.4 24.3 10.2
University (6) N=1769
15.4 3.5 2.4 3.6 -
Total 100 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Source: LFS (Labor Force Surveys) 1993,1995,1996, 1998, Statistical Office of the Republic of
Slovenia,  Ljubljana
According to Labor Force Survey from 1995, the most important three groups in
the educational structure of those employed were employees with primary school edu-
cation (20.1%), with vocational education (27.9%) and with high school education
(28.3%). A fourth group comprising all with university education accounted for 15.4%
of employees. This compared well with the categories from the public opinion surveys
providing data for the unionization of these categories presented earlier in the article.
Comparison of educational structure of the employed with that of the population
losing jobs in 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1997 due to redundancies shows the following:
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
49DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
(i) Between the four large groups, the strongest pressure was experienced over the
whole ten year period by those employees with vocational school education as their
share among those made redundant was constantly higher than their share of those
employed. There was a 5 to 6% difference in 1992 and 1994, 9% difference in 1995
and 25.2% difference (or 100% higher) in 1997.
(ii) A constant but less severe pressure was felt by those with primary school education
- a 4-5% positive difference in between their share of those employed and their
share of those made redundant to 1995 and a good 8% difference in 1997.
(iii) To 1995 the group not completing primary school were under severe pressure. In
1992 their share among those made redundant was 100% greater than their share of
those employed (9.4% difference). This was reduced to 4.3% difference in 1995.
This group experienced most pressure at the beginning of the ten year period, which
disappeared at its end.
(iv) The pressure on those with a shortened curriculum actually increased. It had about
the same share among employed as those not completing primary school and in
1997 experienced the kind of pressure this group did at the beginning of the ten year
period.
(v) Compared to the above mentioned groups, those with high school education suf-
fered less pressure in 1995 and practically none in 1997. Until 1995 their share
among those made redundant was approximately the same or just a little under their
share of those employed. In 1992 they had a 24.8% share among those made redun-
dant, 1994 27.4% and 1995 24.3%. Pressure on this group declined dramatically in
1997. There were now only 10.2% of those made redundant in this group.
(vi) Among those most educated, redundancies were very few and practically no pres-
sure due to unemployment was felt.
To conclude: Among the large groups, the most severe pressure from unemploy-
ment was experienced by the classical labor groups (the lowest educated, “machine
operators” and “unskilled workers”). Among the largest groups in educational struc-
ture, the worst pressure was felt by those employees with two or three years vocational
schooling. Among the four largest groups, pressure on this group increased greatest to
1997. To 1995 those with high school education experienced some pressure but this
disappeared in the second half of the ten year period. The most educated did not suffer
pressure from unemployment.
2.2. Pressure from unemployment and deunionization:
who remained in the unions?
What does what has been identified as “pressure” say about the nature of the
deunionization we have witnessed over the last ten years?
1. Among classical labor (groups of employees with primary schooling and vocational
schooling) not only was their great pressure due to unemployment but union mem-
bership decreased between 1989 and 1998 by 20.8 and 19.6%.
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
50 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
2. At the same time, among groups suffering the least pressure, unionization radically
decreased. Trade union membership of employees with high school education suf-
fered a 48.7% decrease and of those with university education, 39%.
3. We found that within the labor unions, most membership was lost from the worst
paid groups of employees who probably were the least educated, unskilled workers.
This marginal group suffered the worse from pressure of unemployment.
A very rough comparison between identified pressure due to unemployment and
changes in the levels of trade union membership over the ten year period studied, shows
that in Slovenia unions lost most members from groups under least pressure from un-
employment on the one hand and those who were under the worst pressure from unem-
ployment on the other. The link between less pressure from unemployment and
deunionization is most evident from the category of employees with high school educa-
tion. In the period when those in this group were under pressure from unemployment
they remained unionized and when the pressure of unemployment disappeared they
started leaving the unions.
In short, over the last ten years unions lost most members from the non-worker
(better educated, middle and higher management groups) where there was no pressure
from unemployment and marginal workers who were under extreme pressure. The core
labor groups (those with vocational schooling, machine operators) who were under
severe pressure from unemployment remained union members.
3. Conclusions
From theories of G.S Bain and F. Elsheikh, 1976, crisis and pressure from unem-
ployment affects the decline of union membership. At first glance, changes in trade
union membership in Slovenia over the ten year period studied would seem to go against
this theory as union membership in Slovenia was highest during the time of worst crisis
and quickly declined as economic growth picked up.
What is behind this apparent shift from the theory?
1. We can say that the key cause of the unusual dynamics and the intensity of
deunionization is hidden in the nature of unions under socialism. Under the previ-
ous system, unions in Slovenia at the start of the period studied were indistinct
associations of all social categories. To be strictly accurate, they were not (yet)
trade unions. The source of the post-socialist peculiarity in the process of
deunionization was in the non-worker social groups leaving the unions. This is the
real basic characteristic of the process of ten years deunionization in Slovenia: for-
mal deunionization in which unions lost categories of labor who, due to their posi-
tions in the social division of labor, no longer identified with trade unions.
2. If when we consider the mass deunionization in post-socialism, we discount the
non-worker groups that are normally weakly unionized in market economies or use
other forms of looking after their interests, then the ten year trend of deunionization
Miroslav StanojeviÊ
51DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
better fits the theory. This clearer picture shows that in post-socialism the theory
that crisis causes deunionization also holds up. Workers under severe pressure from
unemployment do in fact leave their trade unions. The above identified post-social-
ist peculiarity meant that those  not under any pressure from unemployment left the
unions more intensively. In the last ten years the uneven reduction in union mem-
bership meant a change in membership structure. Indistinct associations of different
social groups, gradually changed into groups of organized labor.
3. It was noticed that in the second half of the ten year period studied sectors of organ-
ized labor began to appear that manifested in the described fragmentation of a part of
the union scene. Types of organization appeared that included employees from certain
traditional industries and also those representing so-called white collar workers.
The identified three-tier transformation of unions reflects the wider transition proc-
ess (and these probably are also determinants). Formal deunionization is a manifesta-
tion of leaving socialism. As transition is not just leaving socialism but also the inclu-
sion of processes that could not be included in the context of a non-market economy,
formal deunionization hides the unionization of classical labor - an expansion of the
process of delayed modernization. And, finally, the unionization of certain new social
categories manifested in partial fragmentation of the union scene that contains ele-
ments of post-industrialization or post-modernism.
Within the three-tier process, the most impressive factor is the hidden unionization
in post-socialism. Socialism set up elements of modernism that in the post-socialism
market economy are maturing into modern structures. In the last ten years work in
Slovenia has been reorganized according to interests. At the end of the 1990s there are
labor organizations whose membership and infrastructure overcomes all previous forms
of representation of workers interest in Slovenia. Such strong clearly defined labor
organizations have never existed in the history of Slovenia.
Acknowlegements: I am grateful to colleagues from the Slovenian Public Opinion Pool Centre
(CJMMK) for their help in preparing data for tables and figures, especialy to Æiva Filej and
Rebeka Falle.
NOTES
1. Comparisons show the result as not being so bad. From the perspective of the numbers of
unions in the west, its quite an achievement and for some an incredible high level of union-
ization. Some comparable societies in the east are at approximately the same level (the Czech
Republic) or they are confronted with essentially greater union membership decline (Hun-
gary and Poland). In spite of this perspective suggesting that nothing unusual is happening
within Slovenian union scene as deunionization is a general post-modern trend although
unions in Slovenia have lost 40% of their members  since the start of the transition process.
2. In this category an about-face occurred. In 1989 every fourth member of the group was not in
a union.
Slovenian trade unions - The birth of labor organizations in post-communism
52 DR, Vol. XVI (2000) 32-33
3. At the end of the ten  year period more than half of moderately paid employees are trade
union members.  After 1994 union membership within the two best paid groups never ex-
ceeded 50%.
4. The Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia allocates employees into ten  occupational
groups: 1. Legislators and managers; 2. Professionals; 3. Technicians; 4. Clerks; 5. Services
and sales workers; 6. Agricultural and fishery workers; 7. Craft and related trades workers; 8.
Plant and machine operators; 9. Elementary occupations and 10. Armed forces.
5. In comparison to the European average, the share in structures of the two largest groups are
larger. The share of technicians is comparable to the share of employees in Germany but
nowhere in Europe are there so many machine operators (average is 9.9%).
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ZMAR, Autumn report 1998
Miroslav StanojeviÊ