5
A Curved Vitis or a Pair of Twisted Ropes?
The Iconography of Maritime Command on the Stele of Liccaeus, 
Apsorus
Katarina Šmid
Assist. Prof. Katarina Šmid, University of Primorska, Faculty of Humanities, Titov trg 5, 6000 Koper, 
katarina.smid@fhs.upr.si, ORCID-ID: 0000-0003-3736-7175
Izvleček
Zvita vitis ali par prepletenih vrvi? 
Ikonografija oblasti na morju na Likejevi steli iz Apsorja
1.01 Izvirni znanstveni članek
V članku je obravnavana nagrobna stela mornariškega centuriona Likeja, ki je bila najdena v naselju Osor (Apsorus) 
na otoku Cresu. Sodeč po napisu, je bilo zanjo izbrano javno mesto, kar priča o centurionovi pomembnosti za kraj. 
Likej je oblečen v tuniko in sagum, nenavaden pa je predmet, ki ga drži v roki. Največkrat je bil interpretiran kot vrv, 
zvezana v vozel, kakršnega so uporabljali za privez ladij. O videzu poveljniške palice (vitis), ki je bila prepoznavni znak 
tudi mornariških centurionov, je malo znanega. Prav upodobitve na ravenskih stelah zgodnjega cesarskega obdobja, na 
katerih je upodobljen nekakšen vozel, so spodbudile domnevo, da je bila vsaj v tej dobi vitis pri mornariških centurio-
nih upodobljena drugače. Glede na to, da na steli ni nobenega atributa, ki bi pokojnika povezoval z njegovim činom, 
bi lahko Likej v rokah držal prav vitis, ki bi z videzom obenem lahko namigovala na Likejeve pomorske sposobnosti.
Ključne besede: Apsorus, Likej, mornariški centurion, vitis, ravenska flota, stela, Dalmacija, julijsko-klavdijsko obdobje
Abstract
A Curved Vitis or a Pair of Twisted Ropes? 
The Iconography of Maritime Command on the Stele of Liccaeus, Apsorus
1.01 Original scientific article
The article examines the tombstone of the naval centurion Liccaeus, which was discovered in the village of Osor 
(Apsorus) on the island of Cres. According to the inscription, it appears that a public site was allocated for the 
monument, indicating the honorand’s significance to the local community. Liccaeus is depicted wearing a tunic and 
a sagum, but the most unusual feature is the object he holds in his hand. This object has often been interpreted as a 
rope tied into a knot, similar to those used for mooring ships. Little is known about the appearance of the command 
staff, vitis, that was a distinctive symbol of also naval centurions. However, depictions on Ravenna tombstones from 
the Early Imperial period which feature an object similar to knot suggest that, during this era, the vitis for naval 
centurions may have been represented differently. Given the absence of any attributes on the tombstone that would 
directly associate the deceased with his rank, it is possible that Liccaeus is holding a vitis, which, by its appearance, 
could also refer to his maritime skills.
Keywords: Apsorus, Liccaeus, naval centurion, vitis, Ravennate fleet, stele, Dalmatia, Julio-Claudian era 
ACTA HISTORIAE ARTIS SLOVENICA 30|1 · 2025, 5–17DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/ahas.30.1.01
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KATARINA ŠmID
The Roman municipium Apsorus, located in what is now the small port village of Osor (Italian 
Ossero) was of significant commercial and naval importance and had a trans-regional influence on 
the route to the Northern Adriatic.1 This importance was likely due to the Liburnians’ long-standing 
maritime tradition and the strategic positioning of the settlement.2 However, by the end of the 1st 
century BC, the typically gradual Romanization process of the islands Crexa/Crepsa and Apsorus had 
accelerated,3 which has been attributed to economic prosperity driven by the Liburnians’ maritime 
tradition4 further supported by the arrival of Italic settlers during the Julian dynasty.5
The role of Apsorus in the Early Imperial 
period is also indirectly highlighted by the lime-
stone grave stele of Liccaeus, a naval centurion6 
of liburna Lucusta (dimensions of the stele: 140 
x 44 x 17cm; Osor, Lošinjski muzej, Arheološka 
zbirka Osor, inv. no. 1869; figs. 1–2).7 The stele 
was discovered near the bay of Jas (Jaz) 8 in the 
southeastern part of Osor in 1905.9 It was found 
in a secondary context, having been repurposed as 
the lid of a funerary urn in a later Roman grave.10 
The majority of the limestone shaft stele 
is occupied by an inscription field. Above this 
field, there is a niche containing the bust of the 
deceased male. He is depicted beardless with a 
short haircut and dressed in a tunic and sagum. His 
right hand holds a circular object with interlaced 
1 Mohorovičić, “Prilog analizi razvoja historijske arhitekture,” 215–16; Wilkes, Dalmatia, 196; Faber, “Osor – 
Apsorus iz aspekta antičkog pomorstva,” 302–06; Zaninović, “Apsorus i Crexa,” 16–18 with the cited literature; 
Ćus-Rukonić, “Antički plovidbeni putevi,” 395–96; Blečić Kavur, Coherence of Perspective, 18–21; Ettinger Starčić 
and Ćus Rukonić, “Pregled povijesti arheoloških istraživanja,” 11–12; Draganits et al., “Geoarchaeological Eva-
luation,” 9–11; Cambi, Umjetnost antike u hrvatskim krajevima, 81–82. 
2 Tassaux, “Sur quelques rapports entre l’Istrie et la Liburnie,” 141, 145–48; Matijašić, “Le isole di Cherso e Lussino,” 
259.
3 Indirect evidence of Romanization is also provided by contemporary construction activities, which include the 
fortification of walls, the establishment of street grids, the implementation of canalization and the development 
of plumbing systems; cf. Faber, “Osor – Apsorus iz aspekta antičkog pomorstva,” 298–99.
4 Tassaux, “Sur quelques rapports entre l’Istrie et la Liburnie,” 141, 145–48; Matijašić, “Le isole di Cherso e Lussino,” 
259 ; Čače, “South Liburnia,” 67.
5 Faber, “Osor – Apsorus iz aspekta antičkog pomorstva,” 298–99. The Italic settlers, however, never outnumbered 
the native inhabitants; cf. Wilkes, Dalmatia, 197.
6 About the role of naval centurions within the Roman navy, see Casson, Ships and Seamanship, 312–13.
7 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru”; Kurilić, “Roman Naval Bases at the Eastern Adriatic”; 
Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus”; “Porträtstele des Liccaeus.”
8 Petris and Kubitschek, “Grabstein eines römischen Flottensoldaten in Ossero,” 294–96. Because of the uncritical 
citation of Piero Sticotti (“Nuova rassegna di epigrafi romane,” 89), who erroneously identified Punta Križa (Ital. 
Punta Croce), a village near Osor, as the place where the stele was found, this spot was frequently annotated as 
the location of the find instead; cf. Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 112–15).
9 In the database Ubi erat Lupa it is stated that the stele was found in 1903; cf. “Porträtstele des Liccaeus.” 
10 Petris and Kubitschek, “Grabstein eines römischen Flottensoldaten in Ossero,” 294.
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A CURVED VITIS OR A PAIR OF TWISTED ROPES?
1.–2. The grave stele of Liccaeus, Osor, Lošinjski muzej, Arheološka zbirka Osor, inv. no. 1869 (© Lošinjski muzej)
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KATARINA ŠmID
loops pressed against his chest. The bust is emphasized by a semicircular moulded arch, with a half-
palmette adorning each of the outer cornices.
According to the epitaph, the stele was erected in honour of Liccaeus, who served as centurion 
of the liburna, named Lucusta:11
Liccaeus Vei f(ilius) / >(centurio) de liburna / Lucusta / testamento / fieri iussit arbit(ratu) / Dabali 
Triti / heredis. / A(mico) mer(enti) an(norum) XXX. / Loc(o) publ(ice) dat(o).12
Liccaeus was likely a member of the Fleet of Ravenna (Classis Praetoria Ravennatium), as the 
other Early Imperial naval forces, Classis Praetoria Misenatium, primarily recruited from the East 
(Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor).13 Furthermore, it is plausible that a detachment of the Fleet of Ravenna 
was stationed just in Apsorus.14 The indication that a public place was designated by the local com-
munity (loco publice dato) for his funerary monument suggests that Liccaeus commanded the crew 
stationed there and enjoyed a high status, being recognized as a distinguished individual among 
the inhabitants of Apsorus.15
Generally, recruitment into naval forces favoured provincials, mainly peregrini, over citizens and 
was especially promoted in the provinces with a well-established seafaring tradition. Consequently, 
numerous sailors were recruited from the territories of Liburni and Delmatae.16 According to pre-
served military diplomas, recruited peregrini were granted Roman citizenship upon their dismissal.17
Nothing definitive can be stated about the origin of the deceased.18 Liccaeus retained his native 
name and filiation (Liccaeus Vei) and had not yet acquired the full name of a Roman citizen.19 Based 
on his age and the absence of a nomen gentile, it is inferred that he died during his service.20 Both 
names on the cenotaph, Liccaeus and Tritus, were common in the northern Adriatic area, whereas 
the name Dabalus, Liccaeus’ successor, has been documented only once: on the tombstone of a sailor 
11 Lucusta most likely refers to a crustacean, a type of lobster, rather than a grasshopper, as it is far more plausible 
to name a ship after a sea animal than an insect; cf. Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 120–21.
12 “Liccaeus, son of Veius, centurion of the liburna Lucusta, had by his will ordered (his tombstone to be erected) 
according to the decision of his heir Dabalus, son of Tritus. To his deserving friend who lived 30 years. The place 
of erection was awarded officially.” Transcribed and translated after Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion 
Liccaeus,” 116, who cites some alterations in the older literature (117) and brings an in-depth epigraphic analysis 
(117–121). Cf. ILJug, 2956; Domić Kunić, “Classis praetoria,” 109, no. 38.
13 Domić Kunić, “Classis praetoria,” 98.
14 Domić Kunić, “Classis praetoria,” 96; Zaninović, “Apsorus i Crexa,” 19; Ćus-Rukonić, “Antički plovidbeni 
putevi,” 398; Kurilić, “Roman Naval Bases at the Eastern Adriatic”, 117; Cambi, Umjetnost antike u hrvatskim 
krajevima, 92.
15 Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 119.
16 Domić Kunić, “Classis praetoria,” 98–99; Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 118–19. 
17 D’Amato, Imperial Roman Naval Forces, 13. Reddé, “Navy,” 679. It should be emphasized that even as late as the 
3rd century, higher-ranking navarchs and trierarchs could still hold peregrine status; cf. Šašel Kos, “A Note on 
the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 117.
18 The disputes about his origin are summarised by Marjeta Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 
117–20).
19 In addition, some other naval centurions, Liccaeus Verzonis filius and Plator Veneti filius, retained their native 
names, although Plator received Roman citizenship after the end of his service – honesta missio; cf. Domić Kunić, 
“Classis praetoria,” 99–100.
20 Emperor Claudius granted legal privileges and Roman citizenship to those who had served in the fleet for at least 
26 years, extending these privileges to the families of the beneficiaries as well; see Saddington, “Classes,” 212.
9
A CURVED VITIS OR A PAIR OF TWISTED ROPES?
from the liburna Margarita found at Puteoli (Ann Arbor, Kelsey Museum, inv. no. 2985).21 The name 
Veius has not been attested elsewhere.22 In the scholarly literature to date, the deceased centurio has 
been identified as Liburnian,23 perhaps a native of Apsorus,24 Pannonian,25 or lately as Delmata.26 
The most distinctive detail of Liccaeus’ portrait is the round object held against his chest. Stefan 
Petris interpreted the object as a wreath,27 while Piero Sticotti understood it as a rope twisted into a 
ring – an interpretation that closely aligns with what contemporary sailors would refer to as a gassa 
piombata (a weighted bowline).28 Sticotti emphasized that this object not only highlights the sea or 
navigation, but also symbolizes command and serves as a an instrument for the corporal punishment 
(laqueus?) akin to the vitis, a vine cane staff used also for the corporal punishment of subordinates29 
and above all a symbol of military centurions. 30 By way of comparison, he notes a stele of Vesclevesis 
Petronius31 from Alvona in Liburnia (Narodni muzej Labin; dating to the 2nd half of the 2nd century; 
fig. 3),32 where the deceased is depicted weighing anchor (in procinto di levar l’ancora).33 However, he 
acknowledged a limitation in his conclusions, noting the absence of evidence in Greek and Roman 
sources, and suggested that this hypothesis requires further development through comparisons with 
naval imagery in the visual arts, such as on Trajan’s Column.34
The rope to which the anchor is attached extends along the right side of the inscription field and 
appears to be an attribute of Vesclevesis Petronius. There is no indication that the deceased was a 
naval centurion, as it would certainly have been mentioned in the epitaph. The rope held in his left 
hand is not interlaced into rings but instead runs freely to the lower edge of the epitaph, making it 
an unsuitable point of comparison. It is likely that Vesclevesis Petronius was a member of a ship’s 
crew, with the anchor serving as a symbol of his profession, a motif also observed on other funerary 
monuments of sailors.35
21 Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 117. [---]us Dabalif(ilius) / [--- ]o de lib(urna) Margarita / 
[sibi et] Q(uinto) Valerio Apro et Valeriae / [---]ae contubernali suae et [liberti]s libertabusque suis / [---posteri]
sque omnibus testament(o) / [---]; transcribed after “Inscription from Puteoli.”
22 Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 117–18; Kurilić, “Liburnski antroponimi,” 125–26, n. 24.
23 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 152.
24 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 152.
25 Kurilić, Pučanstvo Liburnije, 181–82, 449; Kurilić, “Roman Naval Bases at the Eastern Adriatic,” 119.
26 Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 116, n. 28. 
27 Petris and Kubitschek, “Grabstein eines römischen Flottensoldaten in Ossero,” 294.
28 Sticotti, “Nuova rassegna di epigrafi romane,” 89–90.
29 Cf. Tac. Ann. 1.23.
30 The vitis is primary attribute signifying the status of a centurion, though the specifics of their overall equipment, 
which undoubtedly evolved over time, remain unknown. Cf. Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 155, 165). On vitis: 
Speidel, “Dressed for the Occasion,” 238–39, n. 19; Ward, “Centurions,” 26–30; Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 
165–68.
31 Transcription after “Epitaph from Albona”: Vesclevesi / Petronio / Triti f(ilio) is in / provincia d(e)/f(unctus) e(st) 
iturus. Géza Alföldy (“Zu einer römischen Inschrift aus Alvona,” 75) differently read it as: Vesclevesi / Petronio 
/ Triti f(ilio). Is in / provincia d(efunctus). / Fe(cit) I(ulius) Turus.
32 CIL III, 1, 3058; Sticotti, “Nuova rassegna di epigrafi romane,” 89, n. 4; Alföldy, “Zu einer römischen Inschrift 
aus Alvona,” 75–76.
33 CIL III, 1, 3058 (homo stans funem tenens et ancoram, quasi in eo situ ut hanc tollat); Sticotti, “Nuova rassegna 
di epigrafi romane,” 89, n. 4. 
34 Sticotti, “Nuova rassegna di epigrafi romane,” 89–90.
35 Cf. Zimmer, Römische Berufsdarstellungen, 43.
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KATARINA ŠmID
Sticotti’s interpretation of the object on Liccaeus’ stele garnered wide acceptance and was further 
developed by subsequent scholars.36 Nenad Cambi emphasized that the sailor’s knot represents a 
distinctive feature of the deceased on the Roman funerary monument, symbolizing his profession,37 
while Ana and Jaroslav Šašel in their description of the stele noticed that Liccaeus holds the anchor 
rope in his hands.38
36 E.g. Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 153; Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion 
Liccaeus,” 115–16.
37 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 153.
38 ILJug, 2956.
3. Stele of Vesclevesis Petronius, Narodni muzej Labin (© Narodni muzej Labin)
11
A CURVED VITIS OR A PAIR OF TWISTED ROPES?
Liccaeus is depicted wearing a tunic and a sagum. Regrettably, primary sources offer no specific 
information on the attire of the Roman navy members, so conclusions must be drawn from depic-
tions on monuments, with funerary steles being particularly significant. A considerable number of 
steles featuring busts of deceased fleet members have been preserved in the Ravenna region, dating 
from the Augustan era to the 1st century AD. However, their garments do not exhibit any distinc-
tive iconographic features,39 suggesting that the dress and equipment likely resemble those of the 
Roman army.40
There is no evidence in written sources either to support the idea that the rope tied into a kind 
of knot served as a symbol for naval centurions. As is displayed on the stele of the naval centurion 
C. Aemilius Severus (Ravenna, Museo Arcivescovile, Lapidario)41 that dates from the late 2nd century 
to the early 3rd century,42 the vitis was evidently a symbol of authority for both military and naval 
centurions at least from that period.
Military personnel depicted on funerary monuments typically display insignia that denote their 
rank, particularly those of higher status.43 It appears highly improbable that the vitis, a distinctive 
and significant emblem of a centurion’s rank and authority, would be excluded from the visual 
representation. Liccaeus or his heir may have chosen to replace it with a symbol associated with the 
longstanding maritime tradition of his homeland and his naval service. In this context, the curved 
rope should be interpreted in a similar way to objects symbolizing certain professions or crafts on 
funerary monuments.44 This substitution of attributes could also suggest that Liccaeus felt a stronger 
allegiance to his personal heritage than to Roman supremacy and military hierarchy.
Nonetheless, given the prominent role of the vitis in the portraiture of centurions and its near-
universal depiction on preserved funerary monuments of these officers,45 it is highly unlikely that 
Liccaeus, who was awarded a grave in loco publico, would be represented without it. Although the 
staff is typically depicted as straight and smooth, there are instances where it is shown as slightly 
curved and gnarled.46
Judging by some Early Imperial steles of naval centurions from Ravenna, in all probability at 
least during the Early Imperial period the vitis used by naval centurions differed from that used by 
39 Cf. Bollini, Antichità classiarie, 88.
40 Cf. Bollini, Antichità classiarie, 86; Casson, Ships and Seamanship, 313, n. 60.
41 CIL XI, 340; Starr, Roman Imperial Navy, 59–60; Bollini, Antichità classiarie, fig. 23; Franzoni, Habitus atque 
habitudo militis, 64–65, no. 44.
42 Franzoni, Habitus atque habitudo militis, 64–65, no. 44.
43 Cf. Speidel, “Dressed for the Occasion,” 238. In the provinces of Achaia and Macedonia, several funerary mo-
numents depict soldiers who did not attain the rank of centurion, yet are portrayed holding a staff resembling 
the vitis. The precise function or symbolism of this object remains unclear; it may even represent a weapon; cf. 
Šašel Kos, “A Latin Epitaph of a Roman Legionary,” 23–24. However, it is more plausible that these figures are 
in fact depicted holding a fustis – a knotted, club-like instrument similar in appearance to the vitis, commonly 
used for crowd control. On stone reliefs, the object is typically shown being gripped from above, in contrast to 
the vitis, which is held in a more formal and dignified manner (cf. Speidel, “Fustis,” 138–44). 
44 Cf. Zanker, “Grabreliefs römischer Freigelassener,” 300; Zimmer, Römische Berufsdarstellungen, 13–16.
45 Ward, “Centurions,” 27–28. It is absent on only two Severan tombstones, one from Castra Regina (Regensburg, 
Historisches Museum, inv. no. 6; “Grabrelief der Familie”) and another from Lobor (Zagreb, Arheološki muzej, 
inv. no. 360; “Porträtstele des Marcus”). Cf. also Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 165–66.
46 Padova, Museo Civico agli Emeritani; Este, Museo Nazionale Atestino inv. no. 1378; Colchester, Colchester and 
Essex Museum, inv. no. 24604 (cf. Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 167).
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KATARINA ŠmID
military centurions.47 This is suggested by the representations of two naval centurions from Ravenna, 
both dating to Julio-Claudian period:48 C. Anarius Felix (Ravenna, Museo Nazionale di Ravenna, 
inv. no. 10017; fig. 4)49 and M. Creperius Primus (Ravenna, chiesa Santa Giustina).50 On both steles, 
the vitis depicted beneath the epitaph is curved resembling a large knot. Although Graeme A. Ward 
proposed that it might represent a coiled vine branch, “perhaps suggesting the living branch on 
which the tool was based,”51 I argue that, given the vitis’ significance as a prominent status symbol 
and the fact that both Anarius Felix and Creperius Primus held the rank of naval centurions, it is 
more plausible that, at least during the Early Imperial period, this element of military equipment 
exhibited distinct variation. Thus, it is more than plausible that Liccaeus holds a vitis curved into 
rings, similar to ropes, used into maritime affairs or to anchor the ship. Nevertheless, the military 
equipment on the funerary monuments of centurions could exhibit some unrealistic iconographic 
elements52 and by holding a commanding vitis that closely resembles a rope, twisted into a ring, this 
attribute would simultaneously highlight his seafaring capabilities.
Liccaeus’ funerary monument is a shaft stele with a semi-circular niche (Schaftstele mit eingerück-
ten Bogen) classified by Hermann Pflug as type IIb.53 Specifically, Liccaeus’ stele represents a rather 
rare subtype having an indented arch, which has been attested in Northern Italy, particularly in 
Aquileia.54 Shaft steles in Northern Italy (regiones Italiae VIII-XI) developed and were to an extent 
adapted from Hellenistic steles. The Greek East was well-connected to these regions through the 
ports along the Adriatic coastline and, as indicated by some of the names on the steles, this type 
was chosen especially, though not exclusively, by individuals of Eastern Mediterranean origin.55
During the Julio-Claudian period, this form of the stele was still rare in Dalmatia and was 
likely produced under the influence of steles from Northern Italy.56 It was probably made in Apsorus, 
as evidenced by the findings indicating that several skilled high-quality stonecutters capable of 
47 Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 168. In comparison, the vitis held by M. Aemilius Severus on the aforementioned 
Severan stele is depicted as straight.
48 Although Creperius Primus is not explicitly mentioned as a centurion, this rank is suggested by the location of 
the finding, its dating and the presence of the vitis.
49 Franzoni, Habitus atque habitudo militis, 60–61, no. 39; Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 167–68, 170, no. 11.
50 Franzoni, Habitus atque habitudo militis, 61–62, no. 40; Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 167–68, 170, no. 18. 
51 Ward, “Centurions”, 28, 276.
52 Cf. Stockinger, “Dressed to Drill,” 160–65. One unrealistic element is the helmet with a transverse crest, as seen 
on the stele of M. Petronius Classicus from Poetovio (Ptuj, Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj-Ormož, inv. no. RL 825) and 
on the stele of T. Calidius Severus from Carnuntum (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. no. III 365); see 
“Grabstele des Marcus Petronius;” “Grabstele des Titus Calidius.” It is likely that the helmet is depicted using a 
combination of different perspectives, as its actual existence has not been confirmed (cf. Stockinger, “Dressed 
to Drill,” 160).
53 Pflug, Römische Porträtstelen in Oberitalien, 35–36.
54 Pflug, Römische Porträtstelen in Oberitalien, 36, n. 221, with cited examples. The presence of Aquileians in the 
territory of Dalmatia is concentrated especially in the coastal towns (Iader, Salona, Issa, Aenona) since the 1st 
century AD. Although it is challenging to differentiate Aquileians from other Italic inhabitants, the significant 
number of imported stamped bricks and tiles of Aquileian origin attest to the well-established contact between 
these regions; cf. Zaccaria, “Testimonianze epigrafiche dei rapporti tra Aquileia e l’Illirico,” 105.
55 Pflug, Römische Porträtstelen in Oberitalien, 36.
56 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 154.
13
A CURVED VITIS OR A PAIR OF TWISTED ROPES?
4. Stele of C. Anarius Felix, Ravenna, Museo Nazionale, inv. no. 10017  
(© su concessione del Ministero della Cultura – Musei Nazionali di Ravenna)
14
KATARINA ŠmID
carving a monument based on a given template were stationed in that town.57 Furthermore, the use 
of cheaper limestone, rather than higher-quality marble, more suitable for a person of higher rank, 
supports the notion that it was a local product rather than an import. A material analysis has not, 
to my knowledge, been conducted yet.
The dating of the stele was proposed based on epigraphic analysis and hairstyle. The epitaph suggests 
a mid-first century AD date,58 while the short haircut led Nenad Cambi to propose a dating to the 1st 
half of the 1st century.59 Considering that the most elaborate stone sculptures from Apsorus date to the 1st 
half of the 1st century,60 it seems plausible that the settlement reached one of its peaks during this period.
Nevertheless, Liccaeus’ tombstone also reflects the significant status of Apsorus during the 
Early Imperial period. In addition, it indicates that during this time, the vitis, a prominent symbol 
of centurions, could be curved resembling a knot in the case of naval centurions, as seen also on 
the aforementioned steles from Ravenna. The interlaced rings on Liccaeus’ stele, rather than a 
single one, likely at the same time allude to his maritime skills. It seems improbable that a man of 
his rank would forgo such an important status symbol and be portrayed to posterity with a simple 
sailor’s rope, just like an ordinary sailor, as there is no other visual detail that signifies his status or 
distinguishes his image from that of common crew members.
The author acknowledges the financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency for the 
Osor beyond the myth (Weave N6-0292). The author expresses her gratitude to Martina Blečić Kavur from the 
University of Primorska, Marko Gašić from Narodni muzej Labin and to the Museo Nazionale di Ravenna for 
providing the images and the permissions for publication, as well to anonymous peer reviewers for their helpful 
suggestions. The data underlying this article will be shared on reasonable request by the corresponding author.
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58 ILJug, 2956; Šašel Kos, “A Note on the Naval Centurion Liccaeus,” 117.
59 Cambi, “Stela pomorskog centuriona Likeja u Osoru,” 154.
60 Cf. n. 57.
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A CURVED VITIS OR A PAIR OF TWISTED ROPES?
Zvita vitis ali par prepletenih vrvi? 
Ikonografija oblasti na morju na Likejevi steli iz Apsorja
Povzetek
Antični Apsorus je bil pomembno trgovsko in pomorsko središče, o čemer posredno priča tudi stela 
mornariškega centuriona Likeja, Vejevega sina, ki je bila najdena v tem kraju. Likej je najverjetneje 
pripadal ravenski floti, od katere je bil morda en del stacioniran prav v Apsorju. Kakor je omenjeno 
na epitafu, je bil za postavitev nagrobnega spomenika izbran javni prostor, kar priča o pomembnosti 
pokojnika, ki je očitno preminil v času vojaške službe.
Pokojnik je oblečen v tuniko in sagum, v roki pa drži zvit predmet z dvema zankama, ki je bil 
največkrat razložen kot vozel, s katerimi so privezovali ladje, in bi lahko simboliziral poveljniško vlogo 
podobno, kot jo vitis predstavlja pri centurionih. Žal so pisni viri o opremi mornariških centurionov 
zelo skopi in v njih ni niti enkrat omenjeno, da bi v nekakšen vozel zvezana vrv nadomeščala vitis. 
Poglavitni vir so tako likovne upodobitve. Kakor kaže stela Gaja Emilija Severa, datirana med pozno 
2. in zgodnje 3. stoletje, je bila vsaj od tega obdobja dalje poveljniška palica (vitis) tudi prepoznavni 
znak mornariških centurionov.
Vendarle je na moč nenavadno, da na Likejevi steli ne bi bilo niti enega atributa, ki bi nakazoval 
njegov čin v vojaški hierarhiji; nenazadnje vitis manjka na le dveh nagrobnikih centurionov, ki sta 
oba datirana v seversko dobo. Pozornost velja usmeriti na ravenski steli mornariških centurionov iz 
julijsko-klavdijske dobe, na katerih je pod epitafom vitis, ki je zvita tako, da spominja na vozel. Ob 
tej primerjavi se zdi povsem verjetno, da tudi Likej v desnici drži vitis. Drugačno obliko, kot jo ima 
vitis na obeh ravenskih stelah, je mogoče pojasniti s tem, da je prav vojaška oprema centurionov 
na nagrobnih spomenikih večkrat kazala nekaj nerealističnih ikonografskih elementov, poveljniška 
palica, ki spominja na mornarski vozel, pa bi tako obenem še poudarila pomorske veščine pokojnika.
Po Pflugovi tipologiji se Likejeva stela uvršča v tip IIb, natančno ta podtip z vrisanim lokom pa 
jo približa severnoitalski produkciji. Bržkone je bila izdelana prav v Apsorju, saj je – kakor kažejo 
kakovostne najdbe, od katerih velja izpostaviti ostanke cesarske skupine julijsko-klavdijske dinastije 
– v tem obdobju tam delovalo nekaj veščih kamnosekov, lokalni proizvodnji v prid pa govori tudi 
uporaba apnenca.
Datacija stele je bila predlagana tako glede na epigrafsko analizo (sredina 1. stoletja po Kr.) kakor 
glede na Likejevo pričesko (1. polovica 1. stoletja po Kr.), prav v 1. polovico 1. stoletja pa sega tudi 
večina najkakovostnejših klesarskih izdelkov iz Apsorja in očitno je naselbina v tem obdobju dosegla 
enega svojih vrhuncev.