Arheološki vestnik (Arli. vest.) 49, 1998, str. 329-353
329
Dolnicarjev lapidarij
Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
Izvleček
Avtorica v članku objavlja s fotografijami trinajst rimskih kamnov z napisi in enega brez napisa, ki jih je dal Janez Gregor Dolničar (1655-1719) vzidati v tedaj novozgrajeno stolnico (1701-1706) in semenišče (1708-1713). Večinoma gre za rimske nagrobnike, najdene na Igu ali v Ljubljani (Emoni), od katerih sta dva prejkone ponarejena, eden je posvetilo Herku-lu, odlomek brez napisa pa je verjetno del oltarja.
Abstract
Thirteen Roman inscribed stone monuments (as well as one fragment short of an inscription), are immured in the Ljubljana cathedral (1701-1706) and seminary building (1708-1713). They are also referred to as the Thalnitscher Lapida-rium. These are primarily Roman tombstones discovered at Ig or Ljubljana (Emona), two of which are most probably counterfeit, while one is a dedication to Hercules. A small fragment lacking an inscription may have belonged to an altar.
Janez Gregor Dolničar (Dolnitscher, tudi Thalnitscher, 1655-1719, glej M. Smolik, Slovenski biografski leksikon, s.v. Thalnitscher; prim, idem, Enciklopedija Slovenije, s.v. Dolničar) je bil iz ugledne ljubljanske družine, sin sodnika in župana Janeza Krstnika in nečak utemeljitelja kranjske zgodovine Janeza Ludvika Schonlebna. Njegov brat Janez Anton Dolničar (1662-1714), ki je v Rimu doktoriral iz filozofije in teologije, je bil dekan ljubljanske stolne cerkve in generalni vikar, soustanovitelj in mecen prve javne (danes tako imenovane semeniške) knjižnice. Janez Gregor Dolničar je v Bologni dokončal študij in postal 1679 doktor obojega prava (cerkvenega in civilnega) ter delal v Ljubljani kot mestni notar. Bil je eden najznamenitejših članov in ustanoviteljev Akademije operozov (Academia operosorum, ki je bila v Ljubljani ustanovljena leta 1693), tudi član Akademije "dei Gelati"\ Bologni in član rimske Arkadije. Odločilno je prispeval k uresničevanju umetnostnih načrtov v Ljubljani in k barokizaciji rodnega mesta, živo pa sc jc zanimal tudi za njegovo arheološko preteklost. V prvem desetletju 18. stoletja je dal vzidati trinajst zanimivih emonskih in ižanskih napisov (dva sta ponarejena) v zunanje stene novozgrajene stolnice in semenišča in tako ustvaril prvi ljubljanski "lapidarij". V svoji Zgodovini ka-
tedrale (Historia Cathedralis Ecclesiae Labacen-sis, Labaci 1701), v kateri je te napise predstavil (str. 67-70), je zapisal (str. 67): Restat pro coroni-de Imius capitis, nt inseriptiones et monumenta, quae turn hie, turn in suburbiis ac vicinis locis ubi olim Romani incolae urbis suas habuere villas et prae-dia, me hortatore collecta ad excitandam veteris urbis Labacensis gloriam, neofabrice accessere annote-mus, initium sumamus ab illo, qui omnium primo in pariete Sacristiae Oratorium versus locatus est... ("Za krono tega poglavja preostaja, da zabeležimo napise in spomenike, ki so bili najdeni tako tukaj kot v predmestjih in sosednjih krajih, kjer so rimski prebivalci mesta nekoč imeli svoje pristave in posestva in ki so, zbrani na mojo pobudo nedolgo tega, doprinesli svoj delež k oživitvi slave starega ljubljanskega mesta. Začnimo pri tistem, ki je vzidan na začetku stene v zakristiji, nasproti oratoriju ...").
Strokovnjaki današnjega časa si prizadevajo, da bi zaradi škodljivih vplivov onesnaženega okolja in kislega dežja ter zmrzali lahko vzeli iz zidov vse, v zunanje fasade vzidane rimske kamne z napisi in reliefi, in jih, če bi bilo potrebno in mogoče, nadomestili z odlitki. Zanimivo pa je, da si je grof Franc pi. Hohenwart že leta 1832, potem ko je za ljubljanski muzej pridobil prostore v Liceju, pri-
zadeval, da bi tedanji škof Anton Alojz Wolf te kamnite spomenike prepustil muzeju, saj bi s tem preprečili njihovo propadanje, v muzejski zbirki pa bi bili zlahka dostopni tuji in domači strokovni javnosti. Arhiv Narodnega muzeja Slovenije hrani odgovor škofa Wolfa grofu Hohenwartu (1832/ 166-640), v katerem škof Hohenwartov predlog odklanja in se sklicuje na sklep, sprejet na seji stolnega kapitlja 17. avgusta 1832. Pismo zaključuje z besedami: "Endlich driickt es auch die Be-sorgniji aus, d a ji es aufdie Biirger Laibachs einen iiblen Eindruck machen komite, wenn der Dom-kirche ein so kostbarer Theil ihres aufterlichen Schmuckes benommen wtirde"..., iz česar jasno izhaja, da je cerkev pozneje gledala na te spomenike predvsem kot na arhitektonski okras. To gotovo ni bilo niti v duhu Dolničarjeve dobe niti v skladu z njegovo zamislijo, saj je dal spomenike, na katere je gledal kot na pomembno arheološko in zgodovinsko dediščino, nedvomno vzidati prav zato, da se ne bi zgubili in propadli (prim. M. Ša-šel Kos, Tlie Roman Inscriptions in the National Museum of Slovenia / Lapidarij Narodnega muzeja Slovenije [Situla 35], Ljubljana 1997, 40-44).
Dolničar je prepisal nekatere v njegovem času znane antične napise iz Emone in njene bližnje okolice; prepisi so v več rokopisih, ki se hranijo z vso Dolničarjevo rokopisno zapuščino v Seme-niški knjižnici v Ljubljani. Nekaj prepisov rimskih napisov je najti v dveh verzijah istega rokopisa z naslovom Antiquitates urbis Labacensis (Starine mesta Ljubljane), ki se med seboj malenkostno razlikujeta (Antiquitates urbis Labacensis ex di-versis authoribus, manuscriptis, et original, docu-mentis collectae, Lab. 1690 |prvi izvod] in 1693 [drugi izvod]). Oba izvoda sta bila sredi 19. stoletja nekaj časa zgubljena, ravno v letih, ko je Theo-dor Mommsen potoval po deželah avstroogrske monarhije in se nekajkrat mudil tudi na Kranjskem in v Ljubljani. Obrnil se je namreč na Henrika Costo s prošnjo, da bi mu skušal priskrbeti ta rokopis (Mommsenovo pismo Costi se hrani v rokopisnem oddelku Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice v Ljubljani), vendar neuspešno, saj Mommsen Antiquitates in podatkov iz njega v prvem zvezku CIL III ne citira (prim. str. 488). Konec stoletja je oba izvoda rokopisa natančno pregledal Anton pl. Premerstein (J.G. Thalnitschers Antiquitates Labacenses, Jh. Osterr. Arch. Inst. 5, 1902, Bbl. 7-32), tako daje mogel izdajatelj suplementnih zvezkov CIL III Otto Hirschfeld upoštevati manjkajoče podatke še pred dokončno redakcijo (glej str. 2328, 188). Premerstein je ugotovil, daje Dolničar nekaj izvirnih besedil napisov nekoliko priredil in nekaterim v želji, da bi povzdignil slavo
rodnega mesta, poljubno dodal imena visokih mu-nicipalnih upravnih in svečeniških funkcij (II viri, VI viri in flamines Emonenses), nekaj pa jih je celo ponaredil. Zanimivo je, da to ne velja za tiste napise, ki jih je Dolničar prepisal in jih hrani Narodni muzej Slovenije, pač pa drži za spomenike, vzidane v semenišču. Prvi je strokovno neoporečno objavil v stolnico in semenišče vzidane napise Theodor Mommsen v delu Corpus inscrip-tionum Latinanim, ki sije vse spomenike tudi osebno ogledal. Večina spomenikov nima natančnih naj-diščnih podatkov oz. jih sploh nima (podrobnosti glej k vsakemu napisu), ni pa dvoma, da izvirajo, kot piše Dolničar, z emonskega območja. Ni izključeno, da jih je največ z Ižanskega.
Napisi, vzidani v stolnici (zgrajeni v letih 1701-1706)
V južni zunanji steni stolnice je vzidanih šest rimskih kamnov z napisi: ena posvetilna plošča Herkulu in pet nagrobnikov, medtem ko je v severni steni vzidan le en rimski nagrobnik. Napisi so oštevilčeni od zahoda proti vzhodu, začenši pri posvetilu Herkulu.
1. Plošča s posvetilnim napisom iz sivega apnenca, gliničana po Miillnerju (tako tudi A. Ramovš, Gliničan od Emone do danes / The Glinica Limestone from Roman Times to Present [Geološki zbornik 9), Ljubljana 1990, 16-17).
Okvir, razen spodnjega profiliranega roba, je danes odbit (101,5 x 116 cm; višina črk: 6-4,5 cm).
Po podatkih pri Dolničarju v rokopisnih zapisih, ki se hranijo v Zagrebu, je bila najdena 13. septembra 1701 v Zgornji Šiški pri Ljubljani. V Antiquitates Labacenses v 1. izvodu, f. 42 (podobno v 2. izvodu, str. 39; 1, f. 45', št. 10) piše: Extra urbem in superiori Siscia (Ober-Schischka) in ae-de, seu coemeterio S. Margaritae. V 1. izvodu, f. 45', je pozneje dodano: in cathedrali ecclesia. V 1. izvodu, f. 53': 29. Aug. 1697... descripsi... eru-tus est in ecclesia S. Margaritae. Letnice odkritja se sicer ne ujemajo, pač pa je enotno navedeno najdišče, zato smemo sklepati, da je bilo posvetilo res odkrito v sekundarni legi v zgornješišen-ski cerkvi sv. Marjete (zdaj stara cerkvica v Kosezah). Prvotno najdišče ni znano.
Plošča je vzidana v južni steni stolnice, na njenem skrajnem zahodnem koncu.
CIL lil 3838 (+ p. 2328,188); AIJ 152.
Dolničar, v zagrebškem rokopisu (prim, tudi A. Miillner, Min. llist. Ver. Kr. 18. 1863, 77; P. Petruzzi, ib. 19, 1864, 73); Hisloria Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, 68; Anliiiuilates Labac., 1. izv., f. 42, 45', 53; 2. izv., str. 39; Maffei, M. V. 452
11: i ouj v vi 't vi i
iHBHMi
št. 4; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 št. 10; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 260; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1816, VI 19 n. 26, § 7; idem, Hormayr/lrcWv 1818,357 (iz njega: F. X. Richter, ib., 1829, 333). C. Ullepitsch, Min. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 št. 2 Tab. I 2. P. Kandler, L'Istria 1851, 147; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3822; Mill. Hist. Ver. Kr. 9, 1854, 56; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 161; Miillner, Emona, št. 123. Premerstein, Thalnilschers Antiquitates, 29 št. 37.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 12 št. 1
Herculi Aug(usto) sacr(um) L(ucius) Clodius C(ai) f(ilius) Vel(ina) Alp i nus,
C(aius) Clodius L(uci) f(ilius) Cla(udia) 5 Clemens
d(edicaverunt).
Prevod: Posvečeno vzvišenemu Herkulu. (Ploščo) sta posvetila Lucij Klodij Alpin, Gajev sin, vpisan v volilno okrožje Velino, in Gaj Klodij Klemens, Lucijev sin, vpisan v volilno okrožje Klavdijo.
Črke so lepe, uporaba apeksa (apex) v 2. in 4. v. nad O v imenu Clodius; v 5. v. nad prvim E v imenu Clemens; med besedami so ločilna znamenja.
Kult Herkula je v Emoni znan še z votivnega oltarja CIL III 3837 (+ p. 1734; 2328,26 in 2328,188), ki gaje dal postaviti Lucij Apulej Prokul. Po podatku pri Millesu in Pococku (Inscriptiones, 114) naj bi bil tudi ta kamen najden v Šiški (in Sisca, prope Laubach), kar pa se ne sklada s podatkom pri Dolničarju, ki piše, da je bilo posvetilo najdeno v portiku mestnega špitala pri cerkvici sv. Elizabete, na mestu, kjer zdaj stoji Kresija na Stritarjevi (prej Špitalski) ulici (Antiquitates, prvi izvod, f. 41': Duae extant de Hercule inscriptiones quas nec Lazius, nec Schoenleben nec Valvasorius reperit. Has vero fideliter descriptas hic subjungo. Imo (sic!) mporticu Nosocomii seu Hospitalis Lab. Vrb. Najdišče omenja tudi v drugem izvodu Antiquitates, str. 23: Templum Herculis extitit ibi lo-corum, ubi defacto cernitur Ecclesia S. Elisabetae, xenodohii Labacensii quod testatur inscriptio lap. ibidem erruta, et muro inposita). Oltar je bil ponovno najden leta 1897 med Miillnerjevimi izkopavanji temeljev kapele mestnega špitala (AlsBau-stein an den Fundamentmauern nachst der Capel-le im Ritrgerspital gefunden 1897, Miillner, Argo 5, str. 103, št. 1; k Mullnerjevim izkopavanjem
glej V. Stare, Kronika 39, 1991, 17-28). Milles oz. Pococke sta očitno pripisala najdišče v stolnico vzidanega Herkulovega posvetila Herkulovemu oltarju, ki ga je dal postaviti Apulej Prokul. Pri obeh gre za sekundarno najdišče, morda pa vendarle ni izključeno, da sta bili obe Herkulovi posvetili prvotno najdeni v Šiški. V tem primeru bi mogli domnevati, daje nekje zunaj emonskega obzidja v Šiški ali celo v Kosezah stalo Herkulu posvečeno svetišče.
Zanimivo je, daje bil Lucij Klodij Alpin iz Ak-vileje, na kar kaže volilno okrožje (tribus) Veli-na, značilno za Akvilejce, medtem ko je njegov sin Gaj Klodij Klemens že vpisan v volilno okrožje, značilno za Emonce. Sklepamo lahko, da je to eden od najzgodnejših emonskih napisov, gotovo še iz prve polovice 1. stoletja po Kr. in kult Herkula v Emoni je tako nedvomno neposreden odraz Herkulovega kulta v Akvileji. Kult Herkula je bil med prvimi akvilejskimi kulti, izpričan v Akvileji še v republikanskem obdobju (glej M. Verzar-Bass, I primi culti della colonia latina di Aquileia, in: Preistoria eprotostoria dell'alto Adriatico [Antichita altoadr. 37], Udine 1991, 274). Domnevno je bil predvsem povezan z rejo govedi in drobnice, transhumanco in trgovino z živino, saj je forum pecuarium epigrafsko dokumentiran v Akvileji že v republikanskem obdobju (C/L V 8313 = CIL I2 2197 = ILS 5366 = ILLRP 487a = Imagines 208; G. Bandelli, Le iscrizioni repubblicane, in: I musei di Aquileia (Antichita Altoadr. 24], Udine 1984, 189,190; F. Fontana, 1 culti di Aquileia repubblicana. Aspetti della politica religiosa in Gallia Cisalpina tra il III e il II sec. a. C. [ Studi e Ricerc-he sulla Gallia Cisalpina 9], Roma 1997, 105-114).
J. Fitz je domneval, da je bilo v Emoni po vsej verjetnosti Herkulovo svetišče (Sanctuaires d'Her-cule en Pannonie, in: Hommages a Albert Grenier, II, 1962, 627), vendar se zdi v vsakem primeru verjetneje, daje svetišče stalo zunaj mesta. Her-kul je bil pogosto čaščen v rimskih provincah, in sicer z najrazličnejših vidikov, bodisi kot zmagovalec, ki so ga častili vojaki, zavetnik kamnoseš-tva (odkritelj zakopanih zakladov), zavetnik trgovcev pa tudi družin, bodisi kot junak podzemlja in bog, ki lahko ozdravlja (M. Jaczynowska, Le culte de l'Hercule romain au temps du Haut-empire, ANRW II 17, 2 [1981], 631-661, posebej 650-658).
2. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot tem-nosiv mikritni apnenec, prepreden z belimi kal-citnimi žilami. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: verjetno Staje.
Štela je arhitekturnega tipa, napisno polje obdajata dva gladka stebrička, nad arhitravom je polje s portretoma umrle žene in moža (143 x 64,5 cm; v. črk: 5-3,5 cm).
Najdišče: morda Emona. Milliner piše, daje bila najdena na Igu, vendar nima odločilnih dokazov. Podobnega mnenja je Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, prim. 31 št. 46), ki dokazuje, da so vsi kamni, za katere Dolničar ni posebej navedel, da so bili najdeni v Ljubljani, zelo verjetno iz ižanskega kota, saj v Zgodovini stolnice Dolničar izrecno omenja, da je dal v cerkev in semenišče vzidati spomenike iz Ljubljane in bližnjih krajev; pod "bližnji kraji" pa je razumel - tako izhaja iz njegovega rokopisa o napisih - predvsem Ig.
Kamen naj bi bil vzidan in monasterio S. Fran-cisci - tako Pococke -, vendar gre za napačen po-
datek, ker je bila v njegovem času stolnica že več desetletij dograjena. Linhart omenja, da je vzidan v stolnico (južna stena).
CIL III 3862; A1J 186.
Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 št. 19; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 422; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818 VII 10 n. 29 § 8 (iz njega F. X. Richter, Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). C. Ulepitsch, Milt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 št. 3, tab. I 3; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3828; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 št. 16; Mullner, Emona, št. 30; cf. str. 209-210; Dolničar napisa očitno ni prebral: Septimum monumen-tum duo capita exhibet, inscriptio vetustate corrosa ac tola pene atlrita ... (Historia Cathedralis eccl. Labac., 1701, str. 70).
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 12 št. 2.
Fronto Vib(i) f(ilius) vi (v) us fee (it) sib i et co(n)iugi Secund(ae) Maximi f(iliae) viv(a)e 5 o(bitae) an(norum) C et o(bitus) an(norum) C et
et Bugiae Sexti fi(liae) o(bitae) an(norum) LX et Fronto Luci 10 f(ilius) o(bitus) an(norum) LX et Lucius Fronto-
nis f(ilius) o(bitus) an(norum) LXX. L(ocus) m(onumenti) in f(ronte) p(edes) XV.
Prevod: Fronton, Vibov sin, je dal postaviti (nagrobnik) za življenja sebi in ženi Sekundi, Mak-simovi hčeri, za življenja. Umrla sta stara 100 let. In ... (?), in Bugiji, Sekstovi hčeri, ki je umrla stara 60 let, in Fronton, Lucijev sin, umrl star 60 let in Lucij, Frontonov sin, umrl star 70 let. Nagrobna parcela meri po širini 15 čevljev.
Med besedami so dosledno ločilna znamenja. V napisu je cela vrst ligatur: vsi AN in ET\ v. 4: MA\ v. 7: AE, SE (?); morda S(e)xti, toda prim, isto ligaturo v napisu št. 7. V. 9: NT\ v. 11: NT. V 5. vrstici je možen zamenjan vrstni red: najprej obitus in nato obitae. V. 6: ni gotovo, če je bil za ET predviden prostor za dodatno ime, ali gre le za kamnosekovo napako. V. 9: ligatura NT je slabovidna; morda je manjši T nepravilne oblike vrezan nad črki N in O, kar pa je lahko le poškodba na kamnu. Vodnik: v. 9: EPONO LVCII; v. 11: LVCIVS EPONO/NIS. Predzadnji dve vrstici sta zelo slabo vidni. Zadnja vrstica je z večjimi črkami vrezana na okvir pod napisnim poljem.
Imena so značilna za ižanski prostor: Fronto je sicer tudi latinsko ime (širokega čela), ni pa izključeno, da gre v tem primeru za obliko domačega imena, ker je zelo razširjeno tudi v Dalmaciji. Vibus je ime, ki je zelo značilno za območja nekdanjega Noriškega kraljestva (tudi ves
jugovzhodni alpski prostor). Bugia je verjetno keltsko ime (morda plavi cvet, plavooka), ime je poznano v sestavljenkah (npr. Adebugius). Za imena z Iga glej: Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die an-tiken Personennamen aus Ig, 15-45; in: Katičič, Die einheimisehe Namengebung, 61-120. Na napisu omenjeni rimski čevelj je bil dolg približno tretjino metra (pet pedes je znašalo en passus). Navajanje velikosti nagrobnih parcel je značilno za nagrobnike 1. stoletja po Kr. in dokazuje, da je bila imovina vaščanov pravno urejena, da je torej na Igu obstajal neke vrste matični in davčni urad. Antična vas Ig je administrativno pripadala Emoni.
3. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) kamnino opredeli kot siv lisast mikritni apnenec, prepreden z debelimi in drobnimi kalcitnimi žilami. Lias, sp. jura. Prove-nienca: Staje: tak apnenec je značilen tudi v apnenčevem bloku, na katerem je vklesan nagrobnik Pletorja in Mojote (t. i. "Stari dedec" v Stajah pri Igu).
Štela je arhitekturnega tipa (167,5 x 84 cm; v. črk: 7-5 cm), napisno polje je obdano z dvema gladkima stebričkoma, od katerega je ohranjen desni s kapitelom, okrašenim z listnatim okrasjem, levi je odbit. Nad napisnim poljem in arhi-travom, ki ga nosita stebrička, je zatrep z rozeto in listnatim motivom, v zaklinkih sta delfinčka in palmeti.
Natančen kraj najdišča je neznan, morda Emona. Po Miillnerju in Premersteinu (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, prim. 31 št. 46) naj bi bil nagrobnik najden na Igu, vendar za to ni odločilnih dokazov.
Vzidan je v južni steni stolnice.
CIL III 3860; AIJ 185.
Dolničar, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, str. 69-70; Maffei, M. V 453 št. 4; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114, 7; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 423; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818 VII 10 št. 29 § 9 (iz njega: F. X. Richter, Hor-mAyr Archiv 1829, 262). C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 št. 2, tab. Ill 2; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3831; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 št. 13). Mullner, Emona, št. 25.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13 št. 3.
Eninnae Vol-tregis f(iliae) Buiio Senni /f(ilius)] uxori suae eltj 5 sibi v(ivus) f(ecit) et Voltaronti Vol t regis f(iliae) sorori suae et sibi v(ivus) f(ecit).
t
Prevod: Enini, Voltregovi hčerki je dal postaviti (nagrobnik) za življenja Buio, Senijev sin, svoji soprogi in sebi. In Voltaronti, Voltregovi hčerki, njeni (t. j. ženini) sestri, je dal postaviti, in sebi za življenja.
Črke so močno izlizane. Med besedami so skoraj povsod ločilna znamenja. V. 1: Enninae, Vodnik. V. 3: tako Saria; morda bolje: Buiio Sen ni u/s/. Rufio Sennius, Vodnik. V. 6: drugi T je presegajoč, TR v lig. V. 7: črki F in S, ki sta podčrtani, danes nista več vidni. Po mnenju Sarie (AIJ) ime v 6. v. označuje naknadni pokop in bi moralo biti v no-minativu, Voltaro Voh regis f( ilius), ne v dativu. To mnenje je napačno, ker ime ni moško, temveč žensko. Pravilno bi se moralo besedilo glasiti ... et Voltaronti Voltregis f(iliae), sorori eius, ker se glede na filiacijo nanaša na ženino sestro: Eninna in Voltaro sta namreč obe Voltregovi hčerki. Zaimek suus je torej napačno rabljen namesto eius (prim.
V. Vaananen, Introduzione al latino volgare, Bologna 1982, 217). Sicer bi bila edina možna razlaga ta, da je bila Voltaro Buijeva polsestra. Slaba polovica napisnega polja je prazna.
Ime Voltaro je po vsej verjetnosti venetskega izvora (enako Voltrex, etimološko verjetno iz korena volt-\ želeti, hoteti) in se pojavlja tako v moški obliki (Voltaro, -onis), kot v ženski (Voltaro,-on-tis). Ime Eninna se pojavi le na Igu; je torej domače, verjetno starovenetskega izvora (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 24). Ime Buio je dokumentirano desetkrat (ib., 21-22) in je značilno za emonsko in ižansko območje. Morda je sorodno imenu Buctor (tudi značilno ižansko ime) kot njegova pomanjševalnica. Sennius (seno-, star) je keltsko ime, ki se pogosto pojavlja v Galiji.
4. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot tem-nosiv mikritni apnenec, prepreden z drobnimi kalcitnimi žilami, z drobnimi ostanki krinoidnih ploščic. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: verjetno Staje ali Podpeč.
Štela je arhitekturnega tipa, napisno polje obdajata gladka stebrička, ki nosita arhitrav, nad njim je zatrep z rozeto okrašeno s polkrogi, ki tvorijo črke S, v zaklinkih sta delfinčka, ob straneh okrasna vitica z listjem (144 x 70 cm; v. črk: 7-5,5 cm).
Najdišče: morda Emona. Po Miillnerju, Premer-steinu (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, prim. 31 št. 46) in Lochner-Hiittenbachu (Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig): Ig, kar se glede na to, kar sem navedla k št. 2, zdi dokaj verjetno. Pococke spomenik pomotoma locira na Vrhniko.
Vzidan v južni steni stolnice.
CIL III 3873 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 1%.
Dolničar, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, str. 69; Maffei, M. V, 452 št. 9; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 113, 3; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 422; V. Vodnik, Laibaclter Wochen-blalt 12, 1818 VII 10 št. 29 § 10 (iz njega: F. X. Richter, Hor-mayr Archiv 1829, 262). P. Kandler, L 'Istria 1851, 152 (pomotoma navaja, da je kamen v muzeju); prim. Steiner, Co-tlex. 3829; C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 št. 1, tab. I 1; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3. 1854. 152 št. 14. Mullner, Emona, št. 53.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13 št. 4.
Severinus
Valentis f(ilius) vi(v)us f(ecit) et parentibus Volenti et Qua rta (e) (!).
Prevod: Severin, Valensov sin, je dal postaviti (nagrobnik) za življenja (sebi in) staršem Valen-su in Kvarti.
Besede so ločene z znamenji. Ligature: v.2:VA-, v. 3: ET,NT; v. 4: VA, NT, ET, VA, RTA. V. 3: manjka beseda šibi, sebi, kar je bodisi kamnosekova napaka bodisi okorno izraženo besedilo naročnika. Več kot polovica napisnega polja je ostala prazna.
Imena so latinska, prebivalstvo, ki jih je nosilo, je domače, peregrino, brez državljanstva. Imena, izpeljana iz števnikov (Secundus, Tertius, Quar-tus), so bila med domačini zelo priljubljena; očitno gre za domač običaj poimenovanja.
5. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot tem-nosiv mikritni apnenec z belimi žilami, razpokan. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: Staje.
Napisno polje je v profiliranem okviru, nad njim je v zatrepu rozeta med cipresama, v zaklinkih sta delfinčka (143 x 65,5 cm; v. črk: 5-3 cm).
Najdišče: natančno ni znano, morda Emona. Miillner je zagovarjal mnenje (tako tudi Loch-ner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus
Ig, in Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, prim. 31 št. 46), da je bil nagrobnik najden na Igu, vendar brez odločilnih dokazov (glej k št. 2), po Sarii zelo verjetno napačno.
Kamen je vzidan v južni steni stolnice.
CIL III 3853 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 181.
Dolničar, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, str. 67,68 (tiskan izvod str. 27); Maffei,M. V, 452 št. 7; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114, 11; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 423; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblalt 12,1818 VII17 št. 30 § 11; idem, Hormayr Archiv 1818, 392 (iz njega: F. X. Richter, Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). P. Kandler, flstria 1851, 148; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3825; C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27 št. 3, tab. IV 3; F. X. Richter,Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 št. 15. Miillner, Emona, št. 22.
Selem, Les religions orientates, 198-199 št. 4, tab. xxxiv.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13-14 št. 5.
D (is) M(anibus) s(acrum) C(aius) Attius Secundus v(ivus) f(ecit) sibi et coViugi 5 sua(e) (!) et filio
Avito o(bito) an(norum) XV. Avita Sucessi (filia ?) o(bita) an(norum) LXX, Avitus Aiconi (filius) o(bitus) an(norum) LXXXV 10 et Ostila Tertioli f(ilia) o(bita) an(norum) LXV.
Prevod: Posvečeno božanskim Manom. Gaj Atij Sekund je dal napraviti (nagrobnik) za življenja sebi in svoji ženi in sinu Avitu, ki je umrl star 15 let. Avita, Sucesova hči, umrla pri 70 letih. Avitus, Aikonijev sin, umrl star 85 let in Ostila, Ter-ciolova hči, umrla stara 65 let.
Črke so pravilne, med besedami so ločilna znamenja. V. 4: pomotoma coiiugi. V besedilu je več ligatur: vsi ET in AN. V. 3: ND. V. 7: Successi: Saria pomotoma; drugi I nekoliko presegajoč. V. 10: Ostilia: Saria, ki predpostavlja LI v ligaturi. Črke zadnjih treh vrstic so mnogo manj pravilne, čeprav bi bilo le za zadnji dve vrstici možno predvidevati, da sta bili dodani naknadno.
Možje imel rimsko državljanstvo, medtem ko so druge osebe, omenjene na nagrobniku, peregrine, tako tudi njegov sin Avitus (ime je značilno za območja nekdanjega Noriškega kraljestva, in tudi sicer za keltske dežele), ki ga je imel z domačinko Avito, Sucesovo hčerjo. V kakšnem sorodstvu, bodisi medsebojnem bodisi do omenjene družine sta ostali dve osebi, ni jasno. Ime Aicon(i)us, znano le s tega napisa, je, glede na paralele, keltsko (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 16), medtem ko je ime Ostila (severnojadransko) venetsko. Za ne-
popolno stopnjo romanizacije in slabo pismenost je značilno, daje prebivalstvo navajalo za starost števila, deljiva s pet, torej zgolj približno starost. Selem vidi v nagrobniku simboliko, ki naj bi na njem omenjene osebe povezovala s kultom Kibe-le in Atisa, te vezi naj bi po njegovem mnenju dokazovalo že moževo gentilno iwnzAttius, ki naj bi bilo izpeljano iz imena božanskega Atisa. Avi-tus naj bi bilo po Selemu ime, značilno za priseljence z vzhoda. Dalje vidi povezavo s kultom v dveh majhnih cipresah v zatrepu, kajti bor oz. cipresa sta igrala v Kibelinem kultu pomembno vlogo. Dejansko pa je Attius gentilno ime, ki je italsko
in zelo razširjeno po celi Italiji, zunaj nje pa predvsem v keltskih provincah, medtem ko je Avitus na jugovzhodnoalpskem prostoru predvsem ime, značilno za domače keltsko prebivalstvo v Nori-ku in keltskem delu Italije in Panonije. Simbolika bora in ciprese je raznolika, tudi povezana s predstavami o onostranstvu; drevesca se neredko pojavijo na nagrobnikih, glej npr. nagrobni napis na semenišču (AIJ 197: Severus Sacciari) in napis iz Strahomerja (Mullner, Emona, št. 77), zato jih nikakor ne gre nujno povezovati s kultom Kibele in Atisa. Selemova razlaga se mi zdi v tem primeru neprepričljiva.
6. Nagrobna plošča iz podpeškega apnenca.
Je popolnoma preprosta, brez vsakega okrasja, napisno polje ni uokvirjeno, z napisom je izpolnjena le polovica polja (124 x 50 cm; višina črk: 6,5-4,5 cm).
Najdišče: Emona (Pococke pomotoma navaja kot najdišče Vrhniko; Mullner kamen locira na Ig). Dolničar v 1. izvodu Antiquitates (str. 39) piše, da je bila najdena v predmestju pred hišo Kni-dasch: in suburbio ante domum Knidasch; v 2. izvodu, f. 53: hunc lapidem a Melzer dono accepi 23. Apr. 1698. Oba podatka se ne izključujeta.
Spomenik je bil najprej shranjen na Dolničar-jevem vrtu v ljubljanskem predmestju (f. 53), nato pa vzidan v južno steno stolnice, na njenem skrajnem vzhodnem delu.
CIL III 3845 (+ p. 2328,188) = ILS 2264.
Dolničar, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, 67; idem, Antiquitates, 1. izv., f. 45; 52'; 53; 2. izv., str. 39. Maf-fei, M. V. 452 št. 8; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114, 4; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 343; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818 VII 17 n. 30, § 12; idem, pri: Hormayr Archiv 1818, 395 (iz njega: F. X. Richter, ib., 1829, 244); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 št. 3, na tab. Ill 3; P. Kandler, Esplorazioni št. 6, 6; idem, L'Istria 1851, 148; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3823; F. X. Richter,ArchivLnadesgesch. Krain 2-3,1854,146. Miillner, Emona, št. 12 (prim. str. 209-210). Prim. Premerstein, Thal-nitschers Antiquitates, 30 št. 42.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14 št. 6.
L(ucius) Oclatius Tar-quiniensis vet(eranus) leg(ionis) XV h (ic) s(itus) e(st). T(itus) Calventius 5 T (iti) f( ilius) vet(eranus) leg (ion is) VIII et OcTatia L(ucii) l(iberta) Expectata de suo posuerunt.
Prevod: Tukaj leži Lucij Oklacij Tarkvinijec, veteran 15. legije. Tit Kalvencij, Titov sin, veteran 8. legije in Oklacija Ekspektata, Lucijeva osvobo-jenka, sta postavila (nagrobnik) na svoje stroške.
Črke so pravilne, med besedami so ločilna znamenja. Črke T so podaljšane v vrsticah: 1, 5, 6 in 7. V. 6: na kamnu je pomotoma vklesano Ociatia. V. 8: zadnji dve črki NT sta v ligaturi.
Lucij Oklacij je prišel v Emono, kot kaže njegov kognomen, ki je pravzaprav le geografska opre-del itev (tako Dessau, ILS) — njegov kolega iz 8. legije kognomena še nima — po vsej verjetnosti iz etruščanske Tarkvinije, čeprav načeloma tretja imena (cognomina), izpeljana iz geografskih poj-
mov, ne kažejo na poreklo osebe (glej H. Solin, Zur Tragfahigkeit der Onomastik in der Proso-pographie, v: Prosopographie unci Sozialgeschich-te, 1993, 1-33). V Emoni so bili Oklaciji verjetno ena najuglednejših družin in člani municipalne aristokracije, kar dokazuje nagrobnik iz Lesc, na katerem je omenjen M. O(clatius) Avitus, d(ecu-rio) c(oloniae) E(monae) (A/7218: dopolnitve kratic niso popolnoma zanesljive). Po njegovem kogno-menu Avitus, kije posebej značilen za keltska območja, bi mogli sklepati, da so bili Oklaciji prej-kone s porokami povezani z domačimi družinami. Za veterane in njihove družine je načeloma značilno, da so se vključili v domačo aristokracijo in opravljali mestne funkcije kot člani ordo de-curionum, čeprav za veterana s tega nagrobnika to ni navedeno.
Datacija: prva polovica 1. stoletja po Kr., ali celo sam začetek stoletja, na kar kažeta dejstvi, da Tit Kalvencij nima kognomena in da 15. legija nima pridevka Apollinaris ter formula h(ic) s(itus) e(st).
7. Nagrobna plošča iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot precej temnosiv mikritni apnenec z drobnimi kalcit-nimi žilicami. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: Staje-
Je preproste oblike, napisno polje je v profili-ranem okviru (100 x 61,5 cm; v. črk: 6-3 cm).
Nahajališče: morda iz Emone. Miillner in Pre-merstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, 31 št. 47) domnevata (brez odločilnih dokazov), da naj bi izvirala z Iga (prim. Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 20, 1865, 73), kar bi bilo glede na podatke, ki so navedeni k št. 2, dokaj verjetno.
Vzidana je v severni steni stolnice.
CIL III 3877 (+ p. 1734).
Dolničar, Hisloria Catliedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, p. 69; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 št. 12; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 423; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 17 n. 30, § 13; idem, v: Hormayr Archiv, 1818, 396 (iz njega F. X. Richter, ib., 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 44 št. 2 na tab. V 2; P. Kandler, L'Istria, 1851, 152; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3832; F. X. Richter,ArchivLandesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 12. Miillner, Emona, št. 66 (prim. p. 209-210); idem, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 18, 1863, 77.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14 št. 7.
Voltaronti Urbani f(ilia) viva fecit sibi et Rus-tico Secconis f(ilio) 5 coiugi suo o (bito) an (norum) LXXXX et Maxuma (!) o (bita) an (norum) XXV
Prevod:Voltaro (?) Urbanova hči je dala napraviti (nagrobnik) za življenja sebi in Rustiku, Sekonovemu sinu, svojemu možu, kije umrl star 90 let, in Maksuma, umrla stara 25 let.
Med besedami so ločilna znamenja. Ligature: v. 1: LT; v. 2: AN; v. 3: IT, BI, ET; v. 4: TI, SE, NI (F je pisan v profilaciji roba); v. 6: AN, ET; v. 7: M A, MA, AN. V. 1: Voltaront(a), Kopriva; Volta-rontia navaja ime Mullner. V. 7: ime Maxuma bi bilo lahko v dativu: et Maxuma(e) o(bitae) etc., vendar lahko nominativ razložimo s tem, da je besedilo zelo okorno. Pomen je v enem ali drugem primeru nekoliko različen. Če je ime v no-minativu, kar je zaradi predhodnega et okorno, pomeni, da je Maxuma (očitno član družine, ki je imel pravico do pokopa in navedbe imena na družinskem nagrobniku) umrla pozneje, in je dal nekdo naknadno na nagrobnik pripisati njeno ime. Če predvidevamo dativ: Maxima(e) o(bitae) to pomeni, da ji je dala nagrobnik postaviti Voltaro. Sorodstvena vez ni navedena; v slednjem primeru bi pričakovali, da je Maxuma hči obeh navedenih oseb.
K imenu Voltaro glej napis št. 3. V prvi v. bi pričakovali nominativno obliko Voltaro. Imena Ur-banus, Rusticus in Maximus/Maxima so bila med domačini emonskega in ižanskega območja zelo priljubljena. Secco je keltsko ime, verjetno izpeljano iz korena sego-: zmaga (prim, tudi *segh-\ moč, sila), Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Per-sonennamen aus Ig, 35. Starost je tudi tu navedena v okroglih številkah.
Napisi, vzidani v semenišču (zgrajenem v letih 1708-1713)
V semenišču so kamni z napisi vzidani le v južni zunanji steni. To so štirje rimski nagrobniki, dva na skrajnem vzhodnem delu stene pa sta ponarejena.
8. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot tem-nosiv mikritni apnenec z drobnimi kalcitnimi žilicami in drobnimi ostanki iglokožcev. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: Staje.
Je arhitekturnega tipa, spodaj odlomljena, napisno polje obdajata gladka stebrička z listnatim kapitelom, nad preklado je zatrep s krogom namesto rozete na sredi, v zaklinkih sta upodobljena delfinčka (129 x 70 cm; v. črk: 6-4 cm).
Najdišče ni natančno znano, vendar, kot je zabeležil Dolničar v enem svojih rokopisov, po vsej verjetnosti Strahomer, glej spodaj.
Vzidana je v južni steni semenišča, na njenem skrajnem zahodnem koncu.
CIL III 3866 (+ p. 1734 in 2328,188); AIJ 192.
Dolničar, Inscriptiones f. 1': "In Strahomar"; exemplum interpolation postea deletum est et adiectum in margine: "Labaci seminario episcopali" (prim. CIL III p. 2328,188). Maffei, M. V., 453 št. 2; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 St. 15; Linhart, Geschichle 1. 424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VIII 14 n. 34, § 15 (iz njega F. X. Richter, Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27 št. 1, na tab. IV 1; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3824; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 12. Mullner, Emona, št. 38 (prim. p. 209-210).
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15-16 št. 12.
Oppalo
Firmi f(ilius) o(bitus) an(norum) L et co(n)i(ux) Re-gae (!) Buionis 5 f(ilia) viva
et fi(lius) Secundus
o(bitus) an(norum) L Vet Severa
Antoni fi(lia) o(bita) an(norum) L.
Prevod: Opalon, Firmov sin, umrl pri petdesetih letih in žena Rega, Buionova hči, za življenja,
in sin Sekund, umrl star 55 let in Severa, Anto-nijeva hči, umrla stara 50 let.
Črke so pravilne, med besedami so ločilna znamenja. Ligature: v. 3: AN; v. 4: NI; v. 6: ET, SE; v. 7: AN, ET; v. 8: AN. V. 5: F. VIVAE, Vodnik in Siauve. V. 7: med L in Kje gotovo ločilno znamenjem, kar je nenavadno (razlaga v(ivus) se ne zdi umestna).
K imenu Buio glej napis št. 3. Rega je dokumentirana dvakrat na Igu ali v Emoni (najdišče ni natančno znano, glej še sledeči napis). Po Hol-derju (Alt-celtischer Sprachschatz II, 1105) je to tudi ime boginje v Porenju. Ime je bodisi keltsko bodisi severnojadransko/venetsko (Lochner-Huttenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 33). Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19; 27 št. 34) dokazuje (in po mnenju J. Šašla dokaže), da gre za napis iz ižanskega kota. Dolničar je 4. v. prepisal napačno (Clau. Buion.), po 7. pa je interpoliral: Anio flam. I d.d. Prepis in razlaga sta naknadno prečrtana in dodana je pripomba,
ki je zgoraj navedena (prim, tudi Premerstein, ib., 31 št. 46).
9. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. A. Ramovš (v rokopisu) opredeli kamnino kot tem-nosiv beložilnat mikritni apnenec. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: Staje.
Zgoraj je odlomljena, napisno polje je v profi-liranem okviru, nad njim je na levi strani ostanek zatrepa s cipreso (manjkata po vsej verjetnosti ro-zeta in desna cipresa, tako Šašel v neobjavljeni kartoteki, vendar ostanki bolj kažejo na to, da manjkata še dve cipresi) in zaklinka z majhnim delčkom delfinčka (112 x 62 cm; v. črk: 4,5-2,5 cm).
Natančno najdišče ni znano: Emona ali Ig. Miillner in Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, prim. 31 št. 46) domnevata, da kamen izvira iz ižanskega kota.
Vzidan je v južni zunanji steni semenišča.
CIL III 3874 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 197.
Linhart, Geschichte 1,424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VIII 14 n. 34, § 16 (iz njega F. X. Richter, Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27
št. 2, na tab. IV 2; P. Kandler, L 'Istria 1851, 152; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3826; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 10. Mullner, Emona, 54.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15 št. 11.
Severo Sacciari (filio) o(bito)
et Pusill(a)e uxori ei(us) o(bitae)
filia f(e)cerunt (!).
Prevod: Severu Sakciarjevem (sinu), umrlemu, in Puzili, njegovi umrli soprogi je dala postaviti (nagrobnik) hčerka [ali pa: so otroci dali postaviti].
Napis je zelo rustikalen, ločilna znamenja so le v prvi vrstici. Z napisom je izpolnjena le zgornja tretjina napisnega polja. Ligatura: v. 1: SE. V. 2: Pusilie, napačno Mullner. V. 3: na kamnu je izklesano: ETIIA, kar Mommsen bere kot filia. Črke E, P ter I, L, F, T se komaj kaj razlikujejo. Glede na to, da je glagol v pluralu, bi pričakovali filii.
Ime Sacciar(i?)us je keltsko, etimologija še ni zadovoljivo pojasnjena (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 34). Pusillus je pogosto ime v severni Italiji in Panoniji, sicer je redko (Nomenclator). Morda je povezano z besedopuer in je označevalo majhnega otroka; priljubljenost imena na severnojadranskem območju je mogoče razložiti s podobnostjo nekemu keltskemu imenu (Lochner-Hiittenbach, op. cit., 32).
10. Nagrobna štela iz podpeškega apnenca. Po A. Ramovšu (v rokopisu) je kamnina precej tem-nosiv mikritni beložilnat apnenec z zelo drobnimi ostanki ehionodermov. Lias, sp. jura. Prove-nienca: Staje.
Nad napisnim poljem, ki je preprosto poglobljeno, je profiliran zatrep s krogom na sredini, v katerem je izklesan kvadrat, v zaklinkih sta del-finčka (131 x 55 cm; v. črk: 6-3,5 cm). Štela se za 7 cm proti vrhu zoži (48 cm).
Najdišče ni natančno znano: Emona ali Ig. Pococke kamen napačno locira na Vrhniko. Mullner in Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19; 31 št. 46) domnevata, da gre za napis iz ižanskega kota (glej tudi k št. 2).
Vzidan je v južni steni semenišča.
CIL III 3871 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 195.
Maffei, M. V., 453 št. 3; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 št. 5; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochen-blatl 12, 1818, VIII 14 n. 34, § 17 (iz njega F. X. Richter, Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Milt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 št. 1, na tab. Ill 1; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3830; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 9. Mullner, Emona, št. 51.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15 št. 10. Secconi Nam-
monis (filio) an(norum) L o(bito) et Reg(a)e Terti f(iliae) o(bitae) an(norum) XL et Rusti-5 co Secconis f(ilio)
o(bito) an(norum) XX et Manuni avi(a)e an(norum) C. Quin-tus et Enignus v(ivi) p(osuerunt).
Prevod: Sekonu, Namonovemu sinu, umrlemu pri petdesetih letih in Regi, Tercijevi hčeri, umrli stari 40 let in Rustiku Sekonovemu sinu, umrlemu pri dvajsetih letih in babici Manuni, stari sto let. Kvint in Enignus sta za življenja dala postaviti (nagrobnik).
Črke so pravilne, med besedami so ločilna znamenja. Ligature: v. 1: NI, AM; v. 2: NI; L je presegajoč; v. 3: ET, TE; v. 4: AN, ET, TI; v. 5: NI; v. 6: ET, MA, NI; v. 8: ET, NI. Vodnik čita Benignus.
Domači imeni Secco in Rega sta znani z že obravnavanih napisov. Nammo: gre za keltsko ime, katerega etimologija še ni zadovoljivo pojasnjena (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 29-30). Manu je keltsko ime s končnico na -u, ki je tipična za noriški prostor (M. Falkner, Die norischen Personennamen auf -u und ihre kul-turgeschichtliche Bedeutung, in: Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft [Arbeiten aus dem Institut fiir allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Graz, ed. W. Brandenstein, Heft 1], 1948, 39-54). Enignus: ime je keltsko, čeprav morda ve-netsko obarvano (Lochner-Htittenbach, op. cit., 24).
11. Fragment nagrobne plošče iz podpeškega apnenca. Po A. Ramovšu (v rokopisu) je kamnina temnosiv beložilnat mikritni apnenec z drobnimi ostanki ehinodermov, precej razpokan. Lias, sp. jura. Provenienca: Staje.
Viden je del zatrepa in delfin v zaklinku (58 x 27 cm; višina črk: 3,5-3 cm).
Verjetno izvira iz Emone, čeprav ga Miillner locira na Ig.
Vzidan je v južni steni semenišča.
CIL III 3879; ILJug 1088.
Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 31 št. 47) opozarja, da fragmenta Dolničar zaradi nepomembnosti ne omenja. Linhart, Geschichte 1, 424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt, 1818, VIII 14 n. 34 § 18 (iz njega F. X. Richter, v: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 261; idem. Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 8). Miillner, Emona, št. 46 (prim. str. 209,210).
J. Šašel, Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960-1961, 202, fot.
/D(is)/ M(anibus) [—/rnae
/—/d(ierum) XXVIII
V 3. v. je pred številko ločilno znamenje.
12.	Majhen odlomek svetlosivega apnenca, morda zgornji del oltarja (26 x 35 cm). Na odlomku ni vidnih sledov črk.
13.	Nagrobna plošča z nedvomno ponarejenim napisom iz sivega apnenca.
Napisna ploskev je gladka, nagrobnik nima nobenega okrasja (90 x 72; v. črk: 8,5-5,5 cm).
Domnevno jo je dal izklesati Dolničar kot nagrobnik svoji ženi, čeprav v Antiquitates navaja enako najdišče kot za sledeči napis, ki je prav ta-

ko ponarejen. V 1. izvodu, f. 46' piše: in horto N. Perne civis Labacensis in suburbio fragmentum erutum anno 1688... [sledi prepis L. Snip. Claud.]. Est et alia [CIL III 197*] ibidem detecta, quae sic sonat ... sledi napis Have ...
Vzidana je v južni steni semenišča.
CIL III 197*.
Dolničar, Antiquitates, 1. izv., 46'; Maffei, M. V. 452 št. 10; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 270; V. Vodnik, Laibaclier IVo-chenblatt 12, 1818, n. 34 (iz njega F. X. Richter, v: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 261); C. Ullepitsch,Milt. Hist. Ver. Kr., 1848, 19, na tab.; P. Kandler, L'Istria 1851, 152; prim. Steiner, Codex, 3834; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 št. 7; P. Petruzzi, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 19, 1864, 75, ki meni, da je bil napis najden v Loki pri Igu); F. Pichler, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Si. 1871, 117.
A. Mullner, Eine falsche "romische" Inschrift in Laibach, Argo 1, 1892, 38-39; V. Steska, Have have Natesia!, Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 8, 1898, 106-108; Mullner, Die falsche Inschrift der Natesia in Laibach, Argo 6, 1898, 173-176; Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 21 št. 9. I. Lunjak, Die Grabinschrift der Natesia, Glasnik Muzejskega društva za Slovenijo 10, 1929, 17-21; J. Šašel, Epigraphica, Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960/1961, 196-199 št. 13.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14-15 št. 9.
Have, have Natesia et vale aeternom 5 TI G CONS P C.
Mommsen poudarja predvsem neepigrafsko vsebino napisa, dalje slabo izklesane črke in dejstvo, da besede niso ločene s pikami, temveč z razmaki, kar v rimski epigrafiki v smislu ločilnih znamenj ne obstaja, razmaki med besedami se uporabljajo le za lepšo in pravilnejšo razporeditev napisa po napisni površini, t. i. impaginatio. Dejansko presenečajo črke, ki niso običajne v rimski epigrafiki naših krajev, tako npr. presegajoči črki H, lunarni E in črka M, katere notranja kraka ne segata do dna vrstice, kar dokončno izpričuje, da gre za ponaredek. Niti ni običajna formula slovesa na začetku, niti oblika aeternom, niti kratice v zadnjih dveh vrsticah (Šašel dopolnjuje in Kopriva povzema: Ti. C(—) con(iugi) s(uae) p(onen-dum) c(uravit), kar pa ni prepričljivo).
Mullner zadnji dve vrstici razloži kot Tflialnitsc-her) I(oannes) G(regorius) con(iugi) s(uae)p(onen-dum) c(uravit). Ime Natesia oz. Natesi razloži z zamenjavo črk priimka Dolničarjeve žene Marije Viktorije Saneti (s katero seje poročil 1684 in ki mu je umrla 1699; sam je umrl 1719). Če črke v imenu NATESI oštevilčimo od 1 do 6, dobimo v imenu SANETI številčno zaporedje črk 5, 2, 1, 4, 3, 6. Miillner je s tem želel poudariti, da gre za
preprost anagram. Steska, ki je zagovarjal pristnost napisa, je kot glavni dokaz navedel dejstvo, da Dolničar v Antiquitates daje natančne najdišč-ne podatke za oba spomenika (glej še št. 13), in da je bil torej spomenik najden 11 let pred smrtjo njegove žene. Če seveda domnevamo, daje Dolničar napis res dal ponarediti in da je res v njem "prikril" ime svoje žene, je jasno, da tega ne bi razglašal, temveč bi si pomagal z navedbo zavajajočih podatkov, tako najdiščnih kot časovnih. Mullner tudi opozarja, da v davčni knjigi za Ljubljano in njena predmestja za leto 1688 ni omenjen noben N. Perne, ki ga Dolničar navaja kot lastnika vrta, na katerem naj bi bil kamen izkopan. N. Perneta dejansko ni; Šašel (op. cit. 196,197) sicer Dolničarjev podatek razrešuje: in horto (per-sonae) n(omine) Perne, kar pa ni verjetno. Pač pa Šašel opozarja, da je v Mestni davčni knjigi za leto 1688, ki jo hrani Mestni arhiv v Ljubljani (Cod. XVII/72, fol. 17'), omenjena oseba Georg Perne. Ta naj bi stanoval v letih 1680 in 1696 v hiši Am Platz, ki po Fabjančiču (Knjiga hiš, tipkopis III/ 647) ustreza poslopju na današnjem Cankarjevem nabrežju št. 7. Kot je ugotovil Šašel, naj bi bili člani te družine dokumentirani tudi pred tem. Menim, da nič ne spremeni na stvari, če je N. Perne dejansko obstajal ali ne. Bolj verjetno bi se mi celo zdelo, da bi Dolničar, če je napis dal ponaredili, navedel kot najdišče vrt osebe, ki je tedaj
v Ljubljani dejansko živela, saj bi to, da je podatek o najdišču fiktiven, vzbudilo sum in postalo bi očitno, da napis ni pristen.
Vsebino napisa, ki je izrazito literarna, elegi-čna, je želel osvetliti Lunjak (op. cit.), ki je zbral nekaj mest iz latinske literature s podobno formulacijo. Zanimivo je, da se je do vsebine njegovega članka redakcija [J. Mai] distancirala in pripomnila, da bi prav primeri iz literature mogli navdihniti morebitnega ponarejevalca. Lunjak navaja Katulovo elegijo, posvečeno umrlemu bratu (c. 101): in perpetuum, frater, ave atque vale. Dalje Enejeve besede, s katerimi se poslavlja od Pa-lasa: salve aeternum mihi, maxime Palla, aeternumque vale. Ime Natesia izvaja iz imena rečice Natiso pri Akvileji, in domneva, da gre za ženo iz okolice Akvileje. Mestom iz literature dodaja še nagrobni epigram iz Cirte z besedilom, ki je enak Ver-gilijevemu verzu, le da je ime Pallas zamenjano s frater in maxime z osebnim imenom (Buecheler, CLE 2033). Epigrafske paralele dopolnjuje Šašel in navaja še napis CIL III 7868 iz Dacije (nagrobnik, nedvomno pristen, katerega prva polovica je sestavljena v običajnem epigrafskem slogu, druga pa poetično obarvana in se končuje: havepuella multum atqu(e) in aev(u)m vale), CIL V 1939 in 75*(glej spodaj) iz Konkordije ter X 2752 iz mesta Puteoli.
Šašel dalje navaja kot dodatni tehtni dokaz za pristnost napisa Nateziji dejstvo, da je nagrobnik Dolničarjeve žene poznan: omenja ga P. v. Radics (Blatter aus Krain 7, 1863, 191) skupaj z drugimi podatki iz Dolničarjevega življenja. Ime njegove žene je bilo zapisano v več različicah: Sanetti, Sa-nethi, Zanethi. K temu bi dodala, da obstoj pravega nagrobnika za Dolničarjevo ženo v nobenem primeru ni v nesoglasju s ponaredkom na semenišču, bodisi da gre na napisu na semenišču za anagram njenega imena (kar je vsekakor vprašljivo), bodisi da ne. Napis Nateziji je zgolj igra, in tudi če bi Dolničar v njem želel prikriti ime svoje žene, nikakor ne bi mogel dopustiti, da bi se to vedelo, saj sicer kamna ne bi mogel dati vzidati v zgradbo semenišča. Poleg tega ni nujno, da je nagrobnik dal ponarediti Dolničar, čeprav je to glede na najdiščne podatke, ki jih je sam zapisal v Antiquitates, zelo verjetno.
Bodisi daje Miillnerjeva razlaga o anagramu dekliškega priimka Dolničarjeve žene pravilna (česar ni mogoče dokončno dokazati) ali ne (vsekakor si zlahka predstavljamo, da bi se Dolničar ukvarjal z anagrami in raznimi besednimi igrami), je že Mommsen opozoril, da obstaja v Portogruaru (pri antični Konkordiji) ponarejen napis, po katerem je Dolničar po vsej verjetnosti dobil nav-
dih (21. junija 1679 je namreč v Bologni promo-viral za doktorja obojnega prava in je brez dvoma nekajkrat potoval po severni Italiji). Napis se glasi:
HAVE	HAVE
HEROTION ET VALE ETERNOM FILIAE.
14. Nagrobnik iz sivega apnenca, skoraj gotovo ponarejen.
Kamen je nepravilno odlomljen, brez vsakega okrasja, napis ni uokvirjen (75,5 x 89 cm, v. črk: 7-5 cm). Na gladki napisni ploskvi je šest plitvih skledičastih poglobitev, ki se jim je kamnosek v prvi vrstici ognil, kot ugotavlja Šašel, vendar se mi ne zdi logično, da bi kamnosek za nagrobnik uporabil namenoma poškodovan oz. za kaj drugega namenjen kamen; že to dejstvo bi prej potrjevalo misel, da gre za ponaredek.
Ce je res, da je Dolničar dal ponarediti napis za Natezijo, obstaja precejšnja verjetnost, da je dal ponarediti tudi ta nagrobnik, vzidan skupaj z Natezijinim, za katerega navaja enake najdiščne podatke, glej k št. 13.
Vzidan je v južni steni semenišča, na njenem skrajnem vzhodnem koncu.
CIL III 14354,15 (Hirschfeld je dopuščal možnost, da bi šlo za pristni napis, le napačno prepisan). Prim. str. 2328,189, kjer je napis označen kot ponaredek (prim. p. 2328,188, kjer je omenjeno, da bi ga utegnil dati izklesati Dolnilčar).
Dolničar, Antiquitates, 1. izv., 46' (... glej pri Netesiji ... hoc est Lelius Sulpitius Clattdianus fecit sibi et libertis poste-risque eorum); idem, Historia eccles. cath. Labac., Labaci 1882, 74 št. 5 (in seminario antequam in aedem ingredimur).
Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 20 št. 8 dokaže, daje napis ponarejen. J. Šašel, Epigraphica,Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960/1961, 195,196 št. 12, skuša dokazati, da je pristen.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, str. 14 št. 8.
L SVLPCLAVD FEC SIBI ET LL PQ E
Dolničar napis razrešuje: Lelius Sulpitius Clau-dianus fecit sibi et libertis posterisque eorum, kar je deloma tudi napačno, saj npr. L. kot okrajšava za praenomen (in v tem primeru gre nedvomno za kratico prvega imena) lahko pomeni zgolj Lucius. Premerstein opozarja, daje bilo ime Lelius Dolničarju všeč, in gaje uporabil tudi pri svojih drugih interpolacijah. Šašel, ki zadnji vrstici dopolnjuje kot: fec(it) sibi et / l(ibertis) l(ibertabus) p(osteris)q(ue) e(orum), zagovarja mnenje (vendar brez odločilnih argumentov), da gre za pri-
sten rimski napis in ga datira v drugo polovico 1. stoletja po Kr.
Zahvala
Zahvaljujem se Rachel Novšak za prevod besedila v angleščino in Tomažu Lauku za odlične fotografije, ter Ani Lavrič in Blažu Resmanu za umetnostnozgodovinska pojasnila.
Kratice in okrajšano citirana literatura
AIJ V. Hoffiller, B. Saria, Antike Inschriften aus Jugoslavia!,
Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior, Zagreb 1938. C11. Corpus inseriplionum Latinarum. ILS Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, ed. H. Dessau, Berlin 1892-1916.
Mill. Hist. Ver. Kr. Miltheilungen des Historischen Vereins fiir Krain.
KATIČIČ, R., D ie einheimisehe Namengebung von Ig, Go-dišnjak 6, Centar za balkanološka ispitivanja 4, 1968, 61-120.
KOPRIVA, S., Ljubljana skozi čas. Ob latinskih in slovenskih napisih in zapisih (Ljubljana through the Time]. Ljubljana 1989.
LINHART, A., Versuch einer Geschichte von Krain und den ubrigen Landern der siidlichen Slaven Oesterreichs, 1, Lai-bach 1788. (glej tudi slov. prevod: Poskus zgodovine Kranjske in ostalih dežel južnih Slovanov Avstrije, 1-2, Ljubljana 1981; komentar: B. Grafenauer, J. Sašel, E Zvvitter).
LOCHNER HUTTENBACH, E, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig bei Ljubljana, v: Arheološke študije II / Varia archaeologica II (Situla 8), Ljubljana 1965, 15-45.
MAFFEIUS, Se., Museum Veronense, hoc est antiquarian inseriplionum atquc anaglyphorum collectio cui Taurinensis adiungilur et Vindobonensis, Veronae 1749.
POCOCKE, R., Inscriptiones antiquae Graecae et Latinae, Lon-dini 1752. V tej monografiji: I. Milles, R. Pococke, Inseriplionum antiquarum liber alter, 1752.
SELEM. I'. Les religions orientates dans la 1'annonie romaine: panic en Yougoslavie (EPRO 85), Leiden 1980.
STEINER, (J.), Codex inseriplionum Romanarum Danubii el Rheni, I, II, Seligenstadt 1851, III, ib. 1854, IV, Gross-Steinheim 1862 (Inscriptiones Raetiae primae, Raetiae se-cundae. Norici. Pannoniae prj/nae) V, Darmstadt 1864 (Inscriptiones Germaniae primae. Germaniae secundae. Raetiae primae, Raetiae secundae. Norici, Pannoniae primae).
The Thalnitscher Lapidarium
Translation
Ioannes Gregorius Thalnitscher (Janez Gregor Dolničar), also Dolnitscher (1655-1719, see M. Smolnik, Slovenski biografski leksikon, j.v. Thalnitscher; cf. Idem, Enciklopedija Slovenije, s.v. Dolničar) was of a distinguished Ljubljana family. He was the son of a judge, the mayor Janez Krstnik, and the nephew of the founder of Carniolan history, Johann Ludwig (Janez Ludvik) Schonleben. His brother Ioannes Antonius Thalnitscher (Janez Anton Dolničar [Dolnitscher], 1662-1714), who studied in Rome and acquired a doctorate in Philosophy and Theology, was the dean of the Ljubljana cathedral, the general vicar, co-founder and patron of the first public library (today it is referred to as the Seminary Library). Ioannes Gregorius Thalnitscher, a Doctor of Laws, completed his studies in Bologna in 1679 and worked in Ljubljana as a notary public. One of the most illustrious members and founders of the Academia operosorum (founded in Ljubljana in 1693), he was also a member of the Acadamy "dei Gelati" of Bologna and a member of the Roman Arcadia. He played a decisive role in the realization of the artistic plans in Ljubljana and in materializing the baroque style in his birth town, while he also spirited a vigorous interest in its archaeological heritage. During the first decade of the 18"' century he ordered thirteen interesting inscriptions from Emona and Ig (two are counterfeit) to be immured in the outer walls of the newly built cathedral and seminary, thus creating the first "lapidarium" in Ljubljana. In his History of the Cathedral (Historia Catliedralis Ecclesiae Labacensis, Labaci 1701), in which he published these inscriptions (pp. 67-70), he wrote (p. 67): Restat pro coronide huius capitis, lit inscriptiones et monumenta, quae turn hie, turn in suburbiis ac vicinis locis ubi olim Romani incolae urbis suas habuere villas et praedia, me hortatorc collecta ad excitandam veteris urbis Labacensis gloriam, neofabrice accessere annotemus, initium sumamus ab illo, qui omnium primo in pariete Sacristiae Oratorium versus locatus est... ("To crown the chapter, it remains for us to record the inscriptions and monuments that were found here, as well as in the suburbs and the neighbouring sites where the Roman inhabitants once had their villas and estates. These have been gathered upon my own recent initiative to contribute towards a celebration of the glory of the ancient town of Ljubljana. We begin with the stone that is immured in the first part of the wall of the sacristy, opposite the oratory ...").
Present day experts endeavor to remove all the immured Roman stones with inscriptions and reliefs from the outer walls to preserve them from the harmful influences of the polluted environment, acid rain and congealment, and to replace them with casts, if necessary and if possible. Count Franz Hohenwart had appealed as early as 1832, after procuring rooms in the building of the Lycaeum for the Museum in Ljubljana, to the then bishop Anton Aloys Wolf for permission to let the museum have the stone monuments. Thus they would no longer be exposed to decay while at the same time, as part of the museum collection, they would be easily accessible to foreign and domestic professional circles. The response of Bishop Wolf to Count Hohenwart is preserved in the archives of the National Museum of Slovenia (1832/ 166-640), in which the former rejects the proposition of Count Hohenwart on the basis of the decree made by the chapter of the cathedral at the session of August 17, 1832. The letter concludes with the following words: "Endlicli driickt es auch die Besorgnifi aus, dafS es auf die Burger Laibachs einen iiblen Eindruck machen konnte, wenn der Domkirche ein so kostbarer Theil ihres aufierlichen Schmuckes benommen wiirdc". It is clearly evident from the letter that the church essentially perceived
these monuments as architectural ornamentation. Surely this was not in the spirit of Thalnitscher's era nor in accordance with his intentions. After all, the motive inspiring the immurement of the monuments, which he deemed to be significant archaeological and historical heritage, was precisely that they would not be lost or fall to decay (cf. M. Šašel Kos, The Roman Inscriptions in the National Museum of Slovenia / Lapidarij Narodnega Muzeja Slovenije [Situla 35], Ljubljana 1997, 40-44).
Thalnitscher made copies of a few of the Roman inscriptions that were known of in his time from Emona and the nearby vicinity; the transcriptions are scattered in various manuscripts, which are preserved with the rest of his manuscript legacy in the Seminary Library in Ljubljana. A few transcriptions of Roman inscriptions can be found in two versions of the same manuscript with the tit\£ Antiquitates urbis Labacensis (Starine mesta Ljubljana)-, the two versions slightly differ from each other (Antiquitates urbis Labacensis ex diversis authoribus, manuscriptis, et original, documentis collectae, Lab. 1690 [first edition] and 1693 [second edition]). Both editions were temporarily lost in the middle of the 19th century, during the years when Theodor Mommsen was travelling through the countries of the Austrohungarian monarchy. He also stayed several times in Carniola as well as in Ljubljana. Initially in Ljubljana and later from Germany, he appealed to Henrik Costa with the request that he acquire the manuscript for him (Mommsen's letter to Costa is preserved in the manuscript division at the National and University Library in Ljubljana). Unfortunately, he was unsuccessful; Mommsen does not cite Antiquitates and the information within it in his first volume of CIL III (cf. p. 488). Anton von Premerstein attentively examined both editions of the manuscript at the end of the century (J.G. Thalnitschers Antiquitates Labacensis, Jh. Osterr. Arch. Inst. 5, 1902, Bbl. 7-32), such that the editor of the supplementary volumes of CIL III, Otto Hirschfeld, could take into account the missing information prior to the final redaction (see p. 2328,188). Premerstein established that Thalnitscher had somewhat modified some of the original wording in the inscriptions. In a few, where he evidently wanted to exalt the fame of his town of birth, he added the names of high-standing municipal administrative and priestly functionaries (II viri, VI viri and flamines Emonenses). He even counterfeited a few. It is interesting that this does not apply to those inscriptions which were transcribed by Thalnitscher and are preserved in the National Museum of Slovenia, but rather it applies to those monuments that were immured in the Seminary Library. Theodor Mommsen, who personally inspected all the monuments, was the first to publish the inscriptions immured in the cathedral and the seminary according to the highest current epigraphic standards in his monumental Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum. The majority of monuments do not possess accurate information concerning their provenience, some lack information altogether (for more details, check each inscription). Nonetheless, there is no doubt that the inscriptions originate, as Thalnitscher wrote, from the Emona basin, and il is not to be precluded that the majority are from the Ig region.
Inscriptions immured in the cathedral (built between the years 1701-1706)
Six Roman stones with inscriptions are immured in the southern outer wall of the cathedral, of which one slab is
dedicated to Hercules and five are funerary monuments, while only one Roman gravestone is immured in the northern wall. The inscriptions are numbered from the west towards the east, beginning with the one dedicated to Hercules.
1. A grey limestone slab with an honorific inscription, according to Mullner made of Glince limestone (thus also A. Ramovš, Gliničan od Emone do danes / The Glinica Limestone from Roman Times to Present [Geološki zbornik 9], Ljubljana 1990, 16-17).
The frame around the inscription field has been broken off, all except for the lower profiled edge (101.5 x 116 cm; height of the letters: 6-4.5 cm).
According to the notes in Thalnitscher's manuscripts preserved in Zagreb, the gravestone was found on the 13th of September, 1701, in upper Šiška near Ljubljana. In the first edition of Antiquitates Labacenses, f. 42 (similarily in the second edition, p. 39; f. 45' no. 10), it is written: Extra urbem in superiori Siscia (Ober-Schischka) in aede, sen coemeterio S. Margaritae. Subsequently, it was added in the first edition, f. 45': in cathedrali ecclesia. However, on another page in the first edition (f. 53') the noted date is different: 29. Aug. 1697... descripsi ... erutus est in ecclesia S. Margaritae. While the dates cited for its discovery do not correspond with each other, the site is referred to consistently. Thus we can presume that the inscription was in fact discovered in a secondary position in the upper Šiška church of Sv. Marjeta (St Margaret; this church may almost certainly be identified with the old church at Koseze, Ljubljana, which is a part of the upper Šiška area). The original site is not known.
The slab is immured in the southern wall of the cathedral at its westernmost end.
CIL III 3838 (+ p. 2328,188); AIJ 152.
Thalnitscher, in the Zagreb manuscript (cf. also Mullner, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 18, 1863, 77; Petruzzi, ib. 19, 1864, 73); Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, 68; Antiquitates Labac. 1st ed., f. 42, 45', 53; 2nd ed„ p. 39; Maffei, M. V. 452, 4; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 10; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 260; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VI 19 no. 26, § 7; Idem, in: Hormayr Archiv 1818, 357 (whence: F. X. Richter, ib., 1829,333). C. Ullepitsch, Milt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 no. 2 PI. I 2. P. Kandler, LTstria 1815, 147; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3822; Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 9, 1854, 56; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 161; Mullner, Emona, no. 123.
Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 29 no. 37.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 12 no. 1.
Herculi Aug(usto) sacr(um)
L(ucius) Clodius C(ai) f(ilius) Vel(ina)
Alpinus,
C(aitts) Clodius L(uci) J'(ilius) Cla(udia) 5 Clemens
d(edicaverunt).
Translation: Sacred to Hercules Augustus. (The slab) was dedicated by Lucius Clodius Alpinus, son of Gaius, of the voting tribe of Velina, and Gaius Clodius Clemens, son of Lucius, of the voting tribe of Claudia.
The letters are regularly shaped, an apex is used in the 2nd and 4th lines above the O in the name Clodi; in the 5th line above the first E in the name Clemens; punctuation marks are between the words.
The cult of Hercules is known in Emona already from the votive altar CIL III 3837 (+ p. 1734; 2328,26 and 2328,188), erected by L. Appuleius Proculus. According to Milles and Pococke (Inscriptiones, 114), this slab would have also been found in Šiška (in Siscia prope Laubach). This does not, however,
correspond with the information given by Thalnitscher that the votive altar was discovered in the portico of the town hospital (mestni špital) near the church of Sv. Elizabeta (St Elizabeth), at the site of the present-day district office (Kresija) on Stritarjeva (formerly Špitalska) St. (Antiquitates, first edition, f. 41': Duae extant de Hercule inscriptiones quas nec Lazius, nec Schoenleben nec Valvasorius reperit. Has vero fideliter descriptas hie subjungo. Imo (sic!) in porlicu Nosocomii sen Hospitalis Lab. Urb. The site is also mentioned in the second edition of Antiquitates, p. 23: Templum Herculis extilit ibi locorum, ubi defacto cernitur Ecclesia S. Elisabetae, xenodohii Labacensii quod testatur inscriptio lap. ibidem errula, el muro inposita). The altar was found again in 1897 during Milliner's excavations of the foundations of the chapel of the town hospital (Als Baustein an den Fundamentmauern ndclist der Capelle im Biirgerspitalgefunden 1897, Mullner, Argo 5, p. 103 no. 1; on the subject of Milliner's excavations see V. Stare, Kronika 39, 1991, 17-28). Milles and Pococke evidently ascribed the site of the inscription dedicated to Hercules and immured in the wall of the cathedral, to Hercules's altar, erected by Apuleius Proculus. In each instance the site was secondary. Perhaps it is not to be entirely excluded that both dedications to Hercules were originally found in Šiška. Under the circumstances, it could then be presumed that a temple dedicated to Hercules stood somewhere outside of the walls of Emona, in Šiška or even Koseze.
It is interesting to observe that L. Clodius Alpinus was from Aquilea, as is indicated by the voting tribe Velina, characteristic for Aquileians. Oil the other hand, his son was already registered in the voting tribe Claudia, characteristic of Emonians. It can be concluded that this slab is one of the earliest inscriptions from Emona, certainly from the period of the first half of the 1st century A.D., and that the cult of Hercules in Emona may be considered a direct reflection of the cult of Hercules in Aquileia. The cult of Hercules was one of the first cults in Aquileia, affirmed in the city already in the Republican era (see M. Verzar-Bass, I primi culti della colonia latina di Aquileia, in: Preistoria eprolostoria dell'allo Adrialico [Antichita Altoadr. 37], Udine 1991,274). Supposedly it was largely associated with the breeding of cattle, sheep, goats and pigs, transhumance and livestock trade, since the forum pecuarium is documented epigraphically in Aquileia already for the Republican era (CIL V 8313 = CIL I2 2197 = ILS 5366 = ILLRP 487a = Imagines 208; G. Bandelli, Le iscrizioni repubblicane, in: ImuseidiAquileia [Antichita Altoadr. 24], Udine, 1984, 189,190; F. Fontana, I culti di Aquileia repubblicana. Aspetti della politico religiosa in Gallia Cisalpina tra il III e il IIsec. a. C. [Studi e Ricerche sulla Gallia Cisalpina 9), Roma 1997, 105-114).
J. Fitz presumed that a temple for Hercules stood in Emona (Sanctuaires d'Hercule en Pannonie, in: Hommages a Albert Grenier, II, 1962, 627); it may be added, however, that it seems more conceivable that the temple stood outside the town. Hercules was often worshipped in Roman provinces under various aspects. Sometimes he was honoured as a victor, worshipped by soldiers, at other times as the patron of stone-cutting (the discoveror of buried treasures), the patron of merchants and traders, and also families, sometimes even as the hero of the underworld or a god that can heal (M. Jaczynow-ska, Le culte de I'Hercule romain au temps du I laul-empire, ANRW II 17, 2 [1981], 631-661, especially 650-658).
2. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with white calcite veins. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: probably Staje.
The tombstone is of the architectural type, the panel lor the inscription is bordered on both sides by smooth columns, above the architrave is a panel with a portrait of the deceased
husband and wife (143 x 64.5 cm; height of the letters: 5-3.5 cm).
Site: perhaps Emona. Miillner writes that it was discovered at Ig despite the lack of tangible evidence. Premerstein is of a similar opinion (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, cf. 31 no. 46); he hypothesized that all the stones that Thalnitscher did not specifically declare as being found in Ljubljana, are most likely from the Ig area. Thalnitscher explicitly mentioned in his History of the Cathedral that he had monuments from Ljubljana and the nearby vicinity immured in the walls of the cathedral and the seminary. By the term "nearby vicinity", he meant - as is implied in his manuscript on the inscriptions - Ig in particular.
The slab was supposedly immured in monasterio S. Franeisci - according to Pococke - however this information is inaccurate as the cathedral, in his time, was already standing for several decades. Linhart mentions that it is built in the southern wall of the cathedral.
CIL III 3862-AIJ 186.
Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 19; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 422; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 10 no. 29 § 8 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). C. Ulepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 no. 3, PI. I 3; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3828; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesclt. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 no. 16; Miillner, Emona, no. 30; cf. pp. 209-210; Thalnitscher apparently did not read the inscription: Septimum momumentum duo capita exhibet, inscriptio vetustate corrosa ac tota pene attrita ... (Historia Cathedralis eccl. Labac., 1701, p. 70).
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 12 no. 2.
Fronto Vib(i) f(ilius) vifvjus fec(it) sibi et co(n)iugi Secund(ae) Maximi f(iliae) viv(a)e 5 o(bitae) an(norum) C et o(bitus) an(norum) C et
et Bugiae Sexti fi(liae) o(bitae) an(norum) LX et Fronto Luci 10 f(ilius) o(bitus) an(norum) LX et Lucius Fronto-
nis f(ilius) o(bitus) an(norum) LXX. L(ocus) m(onumenti) in f(ronte) p(edes) XV.
Translation: Fronto, the son of Vibus, had (the gravestone) erected, while still alive, for himself and for his wife Sccunda, the daughter of Maximus. They died at the age of 100. And ... (?), and Bugia, the daughter of Sextus, who died at the age of 60, and Fronto, the son of Lucius, who died at the age of 60, and Lucius, the son of Fronto, who died at the age of 70. The grave plot measures 15 feet wide.
Punctuation marks are consistently inscribed between the words. There are a series of ligatures in the inscription: all the/IN and £7"; line 4: MA;line 7: AE, SE (?); perhaps S(e)xti, but see the tombstone no. 7 for the same ligature. Line 9: NT; line 11: NT. The order may be altered in line 5: first obi t us and then obitae. Line 6: it is uncertain whether the ET was anticipated for an additional name or whether it is merely a mistake of the stonecutter. Line 9: the ligature NT is hardly visible; a small irregular T seems to be superscribed between N and O, but this could well be due to the damaged stone. Vodnik: line 9: EPONO LVCII; line 11: LVCIVS EPONO/ N1S. Lines 11 and 12 are hardly visible. The last line is inscribed with larger letters below the inscribed field, in the margin.
The names are characteristic of the Ig area: Fronto is also a Latin name (of a wide forehead), nevertheless, it could
aiso be a form of a native name since it was widely spread throughout Dalmatia. Vibus is a name that is particularly characteristic in the area of the former Norican kingdom (and the entire southeastern Alpine region as well). Bugia is probably a Celtic name (possibly blue blossom, blue eyed), commonly used in compound form (e.g.Adebugius). Concerning names from the Ig area, see in general: Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 15-45; and: Katičič, Die einheimische Namengebung, 61-120. The Roman foot mentioned in the inscription was approximately one third of a meter long (five pedes measure one passus). Specifying the size of the grave plot is characteristic for gravestones of the 1st century A.D. It demonstrates that possessions of the villagers were legally regulated, that some form of registrar's or tax office existed in the Ig area. The Roman village of Ig was under the administrative jurisdiction of Emona.
3. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as grey, spotty micritic limestone, covered with thick and minute calcite veins. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje. This type of limestone is also characteristic of the limestone rock upon which the Plaetor and Moiota gravestone is inscribed (the so-called Stari dedec, "the old man" in Staje near Ig).
The funerary stele is of the architectural type (167.5 x 84 cm; height of the letters: 7-5 cm). The panel for the inscription is bordered on both sides by smooth columns, of which the right one is preserved with a capital, decorated with a foliate ornamentation, and the left one has been broken off. Above the inscription panel and the architrave supported by the columns is a gable containing a rosette and a foliate motif. The spandrels each have a dolphin and palmettes.
The precise location of the site is not known, possibly it is Emona. The gravestone would have been found at Ig, according to Miillner and Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, cf. 31 no. 46), however there is no decisive evidence to support their claim.
It is immured in the southern wall of the cathedral.
CIL III 3860; AIJ 185.
Thalnitscher, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, pp. 69-70; Maffei, M. V. p. 453 no. 4; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 7; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 423; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 10 no. 29 § 9 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 no. 2, PI. Ill 2; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3831; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 no. 13). Miillner, Emona, no. 25.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13 no. 3.
Eninnae Vol-tregis f(iliae) Buiio Senni /f(ilius)/ uxori suae el 11 5 sibi v(ivus) f(ecit) et Voltaronti Voltre-gis ft iliac) sorori suae et sibi v(ivus) f(ecit).
Translation: Buio, the son of Senn(i)us, had (the gravestone) erected, while still alive, for his wife Eninna, the daughter of Voltrex, and for himself. And for Voltaro, the daughter of Voltrex, her (i.e. his wife's?) sister and himself, while still alive.
The letters are very corroded. Punctuation marks are between almost all the words. Line 1: Enniae, Vodnik. Line 3: thus Saria; perhaps better: Buiio Senni u/s/. Rufio Sennius, Vodnik. Line 6: the second T is elongated, TR is in ligature. Line 7: F and S, which are underlined, are no longer visible. According
to Saria (AIJ), the name in line 6 refers to a subsequent burial and should thus be in the nominative case, Voltaro Voltregis f(ilius), as opposed to the dative. This inference is false as the name is feminine rather than masculine. Correctly, the wording should follow ... et Voltaronti Voltregis f(iliae), sorori eius (i.e., suus is erroneously used instead of eius, cf. V. Vaananen, Introduzione al latino volgare, Bologna 1982, 217), considering that the filiation refers to the sister of the husband: Eninna and Voltaro are both the daughters of Voltrex. Otherwise, the only other explanation would be that Voltaro was the half-sister of Buio. Almost half of the framed field remained uninscribed.
The name Voltaro is most likely of Venetic origin (similarly also Voltrex, etymologically presumably from the root volt-: to wish, to want, to desire). It occurs in the masculine form (Voltaro, -onis), as well as in the feminine (Voltaro, -ontis). The name Eninna occurs solely at Ig; thus it is native, seemingly of paleo-Venetic origin (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 24). The name Buio has been documented ten times (ib., 21-22) and is characteristic of the Emona and Ig areas. It may be affiliated with the name Buctor (also characteristic at Ig), as a possible diminutive. Sennius (seno-, old) is a Celtic name that often occurs in Gallia.
4. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with minute calcite veins in addition to tiny remnants of crinoid plates. Lower Jurassic -Liassic. Provenience: probably Staje or Podpeč.
The stele is of the architectural type, the panel for the inscription is bordered by two smooth columns which support the architrave. Above the architrave is a gable with a rosette that is ornamented with half circles that form the letter S. Dolphins are depicted in the spandrels, and an ornamentive tendril of leaves at the sides (144 x 70 cm; height of the letters: 7-5.5 cm).
Site: possibly Emona. According to Miillner, Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, cf. 31 no. 46), and Lochner-Hiittenbach (Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig): Ig, which seems likely considering what was stated above under no. 2. Pococke erroneously ascribed the monument to Vrhnika.
It is immured in the southern wall of the cathedral.
CIL III 3873 (+ p. 1734); >1/7 196.
Thalnitscher, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, p. 69; Maffei, M. V, p. 452 no. 9; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 113 no. 3; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 422; V. Vodnik, Laibaclier Wochenblatt 12,1818, VII 10 no. 29 § 10 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). P. Kandler, L'Istria 1851, 152 (he mistakenly mentioned that the stone was in the museum); cf. Steiner, Codex, 3829; C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1846, 27 no. 1, PI. I 1; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 no. 14. Mullner, Emona, no. 53.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13 no. 4.
Severinus
Valenlis f(ilius) vi(v)us f(ecit) el parentibus Volenti et Quarta(e) (!).
Translation: Severinus, the son of Valens, erected (the gravestone), while still alive, for (himself and) his parents Valens and Ouarta.
Punctuation marks are between the words. Ligatures: line 2: VA; line 3: ET, NT; line 4: VA, NT, ET, VA, RTA. Line 3: the word sibi, to himself, is missing. This may be by fault of the stonecutter, or possibly just the awkward phrasing of the consignee. More than half of the framed field remained uninscribed.
The names are Latin. Inhabitants with such names were local, of peregrine status, without citizenship. Names that were derivations of numerals (Secundus, Terlius, Quartus)v/ere very popular among the local population. Apparently, this must be related to some epichoric custom of name-giving.
5. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with white veins; it is cracked. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
The inscription field has a moulded frame. Above it is a gable with a rosette between cypress trees. Dolphins are depicted in the spandrels (143 x 65.5 cm; height of the letters: 5-3 cm).
Site: not precisely known, possibly Emona. Mullner was convinced (likewise also Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, and Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, cf. 31 no. 46) that it was found at Ig. However there is no decisive evidence to support this opinion (see no. 2); according to Saria, it is very likely inaccurate.
The stone is immured in the southern wall of the cathedral.
CIL III 3853 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 181.
Thalnitscher, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, pp. 67,68 (printed version, p. 27); Maffei, M. V, p. 452 no. 7; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 11; Linhart, Gescliichte 1,423; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 17 no. 30 § 11; Idem, in: Hormayr Archiv 1818, 392 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv 1829, 262). P. Kandler L'Istria 1851, 148; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3825; C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27 no. 3, PI. IV 3; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 152 no. 15. Mullner, Emona, no. 22.
Selem, Les religions orientates, 198-199 no. 4, PI. xxxiv.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 13-14 no. 5.
D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum) C(aius) Attius Secundus v(ivus) f(ecit) sibi et co rii' iugi 5 sua(e) (!) et filio
Avito o(bito) an(norum) XV. Avita Sucessi (filia?) o(bita) an(norum) LXX, Avitus Aiconi (filius) o(bilus) an(norum) LXXXV 10 et Osli la Terlioli f(ilia) o(bita) an(norum) LXV.
Tanslation: Sacred to the divine Spirits of the departed. Gaius Attius Secundus had (the gravestone) erected, while still alive, for himself and his wife and son, Avitus, who died at the age of 15. Avita, the daughter of Sueessus, died at the age of 70. Avitus, the son of Aiconius, died at the age of 85, and Ostila, the daughter of Tertiolus, died at the age of 65.
The letters are regular, punctuation marks are placed consistently between the words. Line 4: erroneously coiiugi. There are a series of ligatures in the inscription: all the AN and ET. Line 3: ND. Line 7: Successi: Saria inadvertently; the second I is somewhat elongated. Line 10: Ostilia: Saria presumes LI in ligature. Letters of the last three lines are less regular than the rest of the inscription; however, only the last two lines could have been added at a later date.
The husband possessed Roman citizenship while the remaining individuals mentioned in the inscription were of peregrine status; thus also his son Avitus (the name is characteristic for the area of the former Norican kingdom, as well as for Celtic regions in general), who was born from his marriage with a local inhabitant Avita, the daughter of Sueessus. The relationship of the other two individuals, either to the
mentioned family or between themselves, is uncertain. The name Aicon(i)us, which is attested solely in this inscription is, according to several analogies, Celtic (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 16); while the name Ostila is Venetic (northern-Adriatic). The incomplete level of Romanization and the poor level of literacy are implicated by the fact that the ages were referred to by rounded numbers divisible by five, or in other words, just approximately. Selem saw a certain symbolism in the inscription which would associate the individuals mentioned with the cult of Cybele and Attis. According to him, the husband's gentilicium^H/Hi' would have presumably been a derivative of the divine name Attis. Selem also regarded the name Avitus as characteristic of immigrants from the East. Furthermore, he also hypothesized that two small cypress trees in the gable of the tombstone would have denoted a connection with the cult of Cybele, since it is known that pine-trees, or cypress-trees, played an important role in the cult. Actually, the gentilicium Attius is of Italic origins. It is widely diffused throughout all Italy, as well as beyond the boundaries of Italy, particularly in Celtic-provinces. Likewise, the name Avitus is characteristic of the local Celtic population in Noricum and in the Celtic regions of Italy and Pannonia. The symbolism of pine and cypress-trees varies: these trees are often depicted on gravestones and are somehow related to conceptions concerning the afterlife. The funerary inscription immured in the seminary building (A I J 197: Severus Saeeiari) and the inscription from Strahomer (Miillner, Emona, no. 77) are good examples of their funerary symbolism. Thus they cannot necessarily be associated with the cult of Cybele and Attis. Selem's explanation does not seem convincing in this case.
6. A gravestone made of limestone from Podpeč.
It is entirely plain, without the slightest trace of ornamentation. The inscribed panel is without a frame and the inscription covers only half of the field (124 x 50 cm; height of the letters: 6.5-4.5 cm).
Site: Emona (Pococke erroneously cited Vrhnika as the findspot, while Miillner located the stone at Ig). Thalnitscher writes in the first edition of Antiquitates (p. 39) that it was found in the suburbs, in front of the Knidasch house: in suburbio ante domum Knidasch', in the second edition, f. 53: hunc lapidem a Melzer dono accept 23. Apr. 1698. The statements do not exclude each other.
The monument was initially preserved in Thalnitscher's garden in the suburbs of Ljubljana (f. 53), later it was immured in the southern wall of the cathedral at its eastern end.
CIL III 3845 (+ p. 2328,188) = ILS 2264.
Thalnitscher, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac., 1701, 67; Idem, Antiquitates, 1st edition, f. 45, 52', 53; 2nd edition, p. 39. Maffei, M. V, p. 452 no. 8; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 4; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 343; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 17 no. 30 § 12; Idem, in: Hormayr Archiv 1818, 395 (whence: F. X. Richter, ib., 1829, 244); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 no. 3, on PI. Ill 3; P. Kandler Esplorazioni no. 6, 6; Idem, L'lstria 1851, 148; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3823; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 146. Miillner, Emona, no. 12 (cf. pp. 209-210). Cf. Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 30 no. 42.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14 no. 6.
L(ucius) Oclatius Tar-quiniensis vet(eranus) leg(ionis) XV lt(ic) s(itus) e(st). T(itus) Calventius 5 T (iti) f(ilius) vet(eranus) leg(ionis) VIII et OcTatia L(ucii) l(iberta) Expectata de suo posuerunt.
Tanslation: Lucius Oclatius Tarquiniensis, a veteran of the 15th legion, lies here. Titus Calventius, the son of Titus, a veteran of the 8th legion, and Oclatia Expectata, manumitted by Lucius, erected (this gravestone) with their own funds.
The letters are regular, punctuation marks are between the words. The T letters are elongated in lines: 1, 5, 6, and 7. Line 6: in the stone erroneously inscribed Ociatia. Line 8: the last two letters NT are in ligature.
L. Oclatius came to Emona probably from Etruscan Tarquinia, as is indicated by his cognomen, which is really only a geographic determination (thus Dessau, ILS) - his colleague has no cognomen yet. However, cognomina derived from geographic terms do not necessarily reveal an individual's origin (see H. Solin, Zur Tragfahigkeit der Onomastik in der Prosopographie, in: Prosopographie und Sozialgeschichte, 1993,
1-33).	The Oclat ii family, whose member belonged to the municipal aristocracy, must have been one of the most distinguished families in Emona, as could be inferred from the gravestone found at Lesce near Bled in which M. O(clatius) Avitus, d(ecurio) c(oloniae) E(monae) is mentioned (,47/218: supplements of the abbreviations are not entirely certain). Considering the cognomen Avitus, which is particularly characteristic of Celtic regions, it may be postulated that the Oclatii family was associated with local families through marriage. Customarily, veterans and their families established themselves in the local aristocracy and carried out public functions within the ordo decurionum\ however, none are mentioned for the veterans on this gravestone.
Date: the first half of the 1st century A.D., or even the beginning of the century. This is indicated by three facts: T. Calventius has no cognomen, the 15th legion lacks the epithet Apollinaris, the formula h(ic) s(itus) e(st) is characteristic of early tombstones.
7. A gravestone made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as very dark grey micritic limestone, covered with minute calcite veins. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
The form of the stele is simple, the inscription panel has a moulded frame (100 x 61.5 cm; height of the letters: 6-3 cm).
Site: possibly from Emona. Miillner and Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, 31 no. 47) hypothesized that it originated from Ig, which is feasible, despite the lack of evidence (cf. Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 20, 1865, 73). See additionally the information cited under no. 2.
The tombstone is immured in the southern wall of the cathedral.
CIL III 3877 (+ p. 1734).
Thalnitscher, Historia Cathedralis ecclesiae Labac. 1701, p. 69; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 12; Linhart, Geschichte I, 423; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VII 17 no. 30 § 13; Idem, in: Hormayr Archiv, 1818, 396 (whence: F. X. Richter, ib., 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 44 no. 2 on PI. V 2; P. Kandler, L'lstria 1851, 152; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3823; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain
2-3,	1854, 151 no. 12. Miillner, Emona, no. 66 (cf. pp. 209-210); Idem, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 18, 1863, 77.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14 no. 7.
Voltaronti Urbani f(ilia) viva fecit sibi et Rus-tico Secconis f(ilio) 5 coittgi suo o (bito) an(norum) LXXXX et Maxuma (!) o(bita) an(norttm) XXV
Translation: Voltaro (?), the daughter of Urbanus, erected (the gravestone), while still alive, for herself and for Rusticus, the son of Secco, her husband, who died at the age of 90, and for Maxuma, who died at the age of 25.
Punctuation marks are between the words. Ligatures: line 1: LT; line 2: AN; line 3: IT, BI, ET; line 4: TI, SE, NI (F is inscribed into the moulded edge); line 6: AN, ET; line 7: MA, AN. Line 1: Voltaront(a), Kopriva; Mullner refers to the name Voltarontia. Line 7: the name Maxuma could be in the dative case: et Maxuma(e) o(bitae) etc., however the nominative case can be explained by the fact that the wording is very clumsy. The meaning slightly differs in either of the two cases. If the name is in the nominative, which seems rather awkward due to the preceding et, then Maxuma (evidently a member of the family who had the right to burial and the right to inscribe the name on the family tombstone) died later and someone subsequently inscribed her name on the gravestone. If the dative case is presumed: Maxima(e) o(bitae), it would mean that Voltaro erected the gravestone for her as well. The relation between the two is not noted; in the latter case, Maxuma would most likely be the daughter of the two individuals mentioned.
For an explanation of the name Voltaro, see supra, the commentary under no. 3. The nominative case of the name Voltaro would be expected in the first line. The names Urbanus, Rusticus and Maximus/Maxima were rather popular among the local population of the Emona and Ig regions. Secco is a Celtic name, probably derived from the root sego-: victory, to win (cf. also *segh-: strength, power), Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 35. In each of these cases, the age seems to be cited in approximate numbers.
Inscriptions immured in the seminary (built between the years 1708-1713)
Stone monuments with inscriptions are immured solely in the southern, outer wall of the seminary building: four Roman gravestones and a further two, which are counterfeit, on the far eastern end of the wall.
8. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with minute calcite veins and minute remains of echinoderms. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
The stele is of the architectural type; it is broken off at the bottom. The inscription field is bordered by two smooth columns with foliate capitals. Above the architrave is a gable, ornamented with a circle in the middle instead of a rosette. Dolphins are depicted in the spandrels (129 x 70 cm; height of the letters: 6-4 cm).
Its precise provenience is not certain, however, as noted by Thalnitscher in one of his manuscripts, it is most likely from Strahomer (see below).
The gravestone is immured in the southern wall of the seminary, at its far western end.
CIL III 3866 (+ p. 2328,188); AIJ 192.
Thalnitscher, Inscriptiones f. 1': "In Strahomar"; exemplum interpolatum postea deletum est et adiectum in margine: "l.abaci seminario episcopali" (cf. CIL 111 p. 2328,188). Maffei, M. V, p. 453 no. 2; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 15; Linhart, Geschichle 1, 424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VIII 14 no. 34 § 15 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr/lrc/i/V, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27 no. I on PI. IV 1; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3824; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 no. 12. Mullner, Emona, no. 38 (cf. pp. 209-210).
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15-16 no. 12.
Oppalo
Firmi f(ilius) o(bitus) an(noram) L et co(n)i(ux) Re-gae (!) Buionis 5 f(ilia ) viva
et fi(lius) Secundus
o(bitus) an(norum) L V et Severa
Antoni fi(lia) o(bita) an(norum) L.
Tanslation: Oppalo, the son of Firmus, who died at the age of 50 and his wife Rega, the daughter of Buio, while still alive, and son Secundus, who died at the age of 55, and Severa, the daughter of Antonius, who died at the age of 50.
The letters are regular, with punctuation marks between the words. Ligatures: line 3: AN; line 4: NI; line 6: ET. SE; line 7: AN, ET; line 8: AN. Line 5: F. VIVAE, Vodnik and Siauve. Line 7: a punctuation mark between the L and the V is certain, which is rather unusual since the explanation of v(ivus) does not seem plausible.
The name Buio is explained in the commentary under no. 3. Rega has been documented twice at Ig or Emona (the site is not precisely known, see the following inscription). According to Holder (All-celtischer Sprachschatz II, 1105) this is also the name of a goddess in the Rhineland. The name may be Celtic or of northern Adriatic /Venetic origin (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 33). Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, 27 no. 34) argued (according to J. Šašel, very convincingly) that the inscription is from the Ig area. Thalnitscher erroneously transcribed line 4 (Clau. Buion.), while after line 7, he interpolated: Anio flam. / d.d. The transcription and explanation were subsequently crossed off and the annotation cited above was added (cf. also Premerstein, ib., 31 no. 46).
9. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with white veins. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
The stele is broken off at the top. The inscription field has a moulded frame. Above it and on the left side are the remains of the gable with a cypress-tree (according to Šašel |in his unpublished card-files], the right cypress and a rosette are missing; nonetheless, the remains indicate that actually two cypress-trees are missing) and a spandrel with a small section of a dolphin (112 x 62 cm; height of the letters: 4.5-2.5 cm).
The precise provenience of the stele is not certain: Emona or Ig. Mullner and Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19, cf. 31 no. 46) presume that the stone originates from the Ig area.
It is immured in the southern wall of the seminary.
CIL III 3874 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 197.
Linhart, Geschichle 1,424; V. Vodnik, Laibacher Wochenblatt 12,1818, VIII14 no. 34 S 16 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Miti. Hisl. Ver. Kr. 1847, 27 no. 2 on PI. IV 2; P. Kandler, L'Istria 1851, 152; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3826; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 no. 10. Mullner, Emona, no. 54.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15 no. 11.
Severn Sacciari (filio) o(bito) et Pusill(a)e uxori ei(us) o(bitae) filia f(e)cerunt (!).
Translation: (The gravestone) was erected for Severus, (the son of) Sacciar(i)us, deceased, and for Pusilla, his deceased wife, by their daughter (or: by their children].
The inscription is very rustic, punctuation marks are only in the first line. The inscription covers merely the upper third of the inscribed panel. Ligatures: line 1: SE. Line 2: Pusilie, Miillner erroneously. Line 3: the letters ETIIA are inscribed in the stone which were read by Mommsen as filia. The letters E, P, and /, F, T can barely be differentiated. Considering that the verb is in the plural,/;/// would seem reasonable.
The name Sacciar(i?)us is Celtic, although its etymology is uncertain (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 34). While Pusillus is a common name in northern Italy and Pannonia, it is quite rare elsewhere (Nomenelator). Perhaps it is associated with the word puer and denotes a small child; the popularity of the name in the northern Adriatic region could perhaps be explained by its similarity to some Celtic name (Lochner-Hiittenbach, op. cit., 32).
10. A funerary stele made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as very dark grey micritic limestone, covered with white veins and minute remains of echinoderms. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
Above the inscription panel, which is simply concave, is a moulded gable with a circle in the middle out of which a square is carved. Dolphins are depicted in the spandrels (131 x 55 cm; height of the letters: 6-3.5 cm). The stele narrows by 7 cm towards the top (48 cm).
The precise provenience of the tombstone is not certain: Emona or Ig. Pococke erroneously locates it at Vrhnika. Miillner and Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 19; 31 no. 46) presumed that it originated from the Ig area (see also above, under no. 2).
The gravestone is immured in the southern wall of the seminary.
CIL III 3871 (+ p. 1734); AIJ 195.
Maffei, M. V, p. 453 no. 3; Pococke, Inscriptiones, 114 no. 5; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 424; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VIII 14 no. 34 § 17 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 262); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 1847, 16 no. 1 on PI. Ill 1; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3830; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854,151 no. 9. Miillner, Emona, no. 51.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 15 no. 10. Secconi Nam-
monis (filio) an(norum) L o(bito) et Reg(a)e Terti f(iliae) o(bitae) an(norum) XL el Rusti-5 co Secconi s f(il i o)
o(bito) an(norum) XX el Mamini avi(a)e an(norum) C. Quin-tus et Enignus v(ivi) p(osuerunt).
Translation: For Secco, the son of Nammo, who died at the age of 50, and Rega, the daughter of Tertius, died at the age of 40, and Rusticus, the son of Secco, died at the age of 20, and Manuna, grandmother, died at the age of 100. Quintus and Enignus erected (the gravestone) while still alive.
The letters are regular, with punctuation marks between the words. Ligatures: line l -.NI.AM-, line 2: Nl; the L is elongated; line 3: ET, TE; line 4: AN, ET, TP, line 5: NI; line 6: ET, MA, Nl; line 8: ET, NL Vodnik read Benignus.
The epichoric names Secco and Rega are known from the inscriptions that have already been discussed. Nammo is a Celtic name that etymologically still lacks an acceptable explanation (Lochner-Hiittenbach, Die antiken Personennamen aus Ig, 29-30). Manu is a Celtic name, with an -u ending, characteristic of the Noriean regions (M. Falkner, Die norischen Personennamen auf-M und ihre kulturgeschichtliche Bedeutung,
in: Friihgeschichte und Sprachwissenschaft [Arbeiten aus dem Institut fiir allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, Graz, ed. W. Brandenstein, Heft 1], 1948, 39-54). Enignus: the name is Celtic, although perhaps with a touch of Venetic influence (Lochner-Hiittenbach, op. cit., 24).
11. A fragment of a gravestone made of limestone from Podpeč. A. Ramovš (in the manuscript) defined the stone as dark grey micritic limestone, covered with white veins and minute remains of echinoderms. It is quite cracked. Lower Jurassic - Liassic. Provenience: Staje.
A section of the gable and a dolphin in the spandrel are visible (58 x 27 cm; height of the letters: 3.5-3 cm).
The tombstone was probably found at Emona, although Miillner locates it at Ig.
It is immured in the southern wall of the seminary.
CIL III 3879; ILJug 1088.
Premerstein (Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 31 no. 47) noted that Thalnitscher had not mentioned the fragment due to its insignificance. Linhart, Geschichte 1,424; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12,1818, VIII14 no. 34 § 18 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 261; Idem. Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 no. 8). Miillner, Emona, no. 46 (cf. pp. 209,210).
J. Šašel, Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960-1961, 202.
/D(is) / M(anibus) /---/rnae
I- - -/d(ierum) XXVIII
A punctuation mark is in front of the number in line 3.
12.	A small grey limestone fragment, perhaps the upper part of an altar (26 x 35 cm). No traces of letters are preserved on the existant fragment.
13.	A gravestone with an inscription on grey limestone; almost certainly counterfeit.
The inscription panel is flat, the gravestone is not ornamented (90 x 72; height of the letters: 8.5-5.5 cm)
Thalnitscher perhaps had this gravestone inscribed for his wife, although the same site is cited in Antiquitates for the following inscription which is also counterfeit. In the first edition, f. 46', he writes: in horto N. Perne civis Labacensis in suburbio fragmentum erutum anno 1688... (the transcription of L. Sulp. Claud, follows]. Est et alia (CIL III 197*] ibidem detecta, quae sic sonat ... the inscription Have follows ...
The gravestone is immured in the southern wall of the seminary.
CIL III 197*.
Thalnitscher, Antiquitates, 1st edition, 46'; Maffei, M. V p. 452 no. 10; Linhart, Geschichte 1, 270; V. Vodnik, Laibaeher Wochenblatt 12, 1818, VIII 14 no. 34 (whence: F. X. Richter, in: Hormayr Archiv, 1829, 261); C. Ullepitsch, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr., 1848, 19 on PI.; P. Kandler, L'lstria 1851,152; cf. Steiner, Codex, 3834; F. X. Richter, Archiv Landesgesch. Krain 2-3, 1854, 151 no. 7.; P. Petruzzi, Mitt. Hist. Ver. Kr. 19, 1864, 75 (who believed that the inscription had been found at Loka near Ig); F. Pichler, Mitt. Hist. Ver. St. 1871, 117.
A. Miillner, Eine falsche "romische" Inschrift in Laibach, Argo 1, 1892, 38-39; V. Steska, Have have Natesia!, Izvestja Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko 8, 1898, 106-108; Miillner, Die falsche Inschrift der Natesia in Laibach, Argo 6, 1898, 173-176; Premerstein, Thalnitschers Antiquitates, 21 no. 9. L Lunjak, Die Grabinschrift der Natesia, Glasnik Muzejskega društva za Slovenijo 10, 1929, 17-21; J. Šašel, Epigraphica, Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960-1961, 196-199 no. 13.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14-15 no. 9.
Have, have Natesia et vale aeternom 5 TI G CONS PC.
Mommsen emphasized the non-epigraphic content of the inscription, and furthermore, the poorly inscribed letters and the fact that the words are not punctuated with dots, but rather with spaces. The technique of using spaces to punctuate words and abbreviations on the inscriptions is not applied in Roman epigraphy. Spaces between words are used solely for the purpose of beautifying the arrangement of the words and letters in the inscription field, i.e. impaginatio. The letters, which are rather unusual for Roman epigraphy in our region, are surprising: the elongated letters H, the crescent E and the letter M, whose inner two hastae do not reach to the bottom of the line, thus ultimately substantiating that it is counterfeit. Neither is the introductory honorific formula customary, nor the form of aeternom, nor the abbreviations in the last two lines (Sasel's supplements were accepted by
Kopriva: Ti. C(---) con(iugi) s(uae) p(onendum) c(uravit),
which, however, is not convincing).
Mullner reads the last two lines as T(halnitscher) I(oannes) G(regorius) con(iugi) s(uae) p(onendum) c(uravit). He deciphers the name Natesia or Natesi by exchanging the letters in the surname of Thalnitscher's wife, Maria Victoria Saneti, whom he married in 1684 (she died in 1699, while he died in 1719). If the letters in the name NATESI are numbered from 1 to 6, the name SANETI would render the number sequence 5, 2, 1, 4, 3, 6. Mullner wanted to emphasize that it is just a simple anagram. Steska, who advocated that the inscription was authentic, based his argument upon the fact that Thalnitscher cited precise information concerning the provenience of each monument (see also no. 13) in Antiquitates, and that the monument would have been found 11 years prior to the death of his wife. In the instance that Thalnitscher really did counterfeit the inscription and "disguise" his wife's name within, obviously he would avoid announcing it publicly and would rather present misguiding information concerning where and when it was discovered. Mullner also observed that the tax book for Ljubljana and its suburbs for the year 1688 does not mention any N. Perne, whom Thalnitscher refers to as the owner of the garden in which the gravestone was excavated. In fact, there is no N. Perne, although Šašel (op. cit. 196,197) interpreted Thalnitscher's account as: in horto (personae) n(omine) Perne, which is unlikely. However, Šašel noted that the Municipal tax book for 1688, preserved in the Municipal archives in Ljubljana (Cod. XVII/72, fol. 17'), does refer to one Georg Perne. Between the years 1680 and 1696, he supposedly lived in the Am Platz house, which Fabjančič (Book of houses [Knjiga hiš), typescript III/647) identified as the present-day building at Cankarjevo nabrežje no. 7. Šašel ascertained that members of this family were documented already prior to this. Whether N. Perne really existed or not is in my opinion insignificant for the argument. It even seems more plausible that Thalnitscher, in the instance that he did counterfeit the inscription, would cite the findspot as the garden of an individual who actually lived in Ljubljana at the time. A fictive location would surely arouse suspicion and substantiate the falsification of the inscription.
Lunjak (op. cit.), who endeavoured to elucidate the inscription in terms of its literary and elegiac content, assembled some passages with similar formulas from Latin literature. It is interesting that the redaction |J. Mai] sustained a rather objective approach to the arguments of his article, commenting that precisely the examples from the literature could inspire the eventual counterfeiter. Lunjak cited Catullus'
elegy dedicated to his deceased brother (c. 101): in perpetuum, frater, ave atque vale. Furthermore, Aeneas as he bids farewell to Pallas: salve aeternum milti, maxime Palla, aeternumque vale. In his opinion the name Natesia would have derived from the river Natiso near Aquileia and he further concluded that the wife must have been from the vicinity of Aquileia. He added the funerary epigram from Cirta to the examples quoted from literature. The text is the same as Vergil's verses only that the name Pallas is replaced with frater and maxime with a personal name (Buechler, CLE 2033). Šašel completed the epigraphic analogies and additionally cited the inscriptions CIL III 7868 from Dacia (a gravestone, unquestionably genuine, of which the first half is composed in the regular epigraphic style and the second half has a poetic twist and concludes: have puella multum atqu(e) in aev(u)m vale), CIL V 1939 and 75* (see below) from Concordia, as well as X 2752 from Puteoli.
Šašel further mentioned, as additional evidence justifying the authenticity of the inscription for Natesia, the fact that the gravestone for the wife of Thalnitscher is already known: P. von Radics (Blatter aus Krain 7, 1863, 191) refers to it along with other information concerning the life of Thalnitscher. His wife's name has been recorded in a variety of forms: Sanetti, Sanethi, Zanethi. However, the existence of an actual gravestone for Thalnitscher's wife under no circumstances raises any discrepancies concerning the counterfeit gravestone in the wall of the seminary, whether the inscription is an anagram for her name (which is questionable) or not. The inscription for Natesia could be considered a baroque period scholarly invention; even if Thalnitscher did in fact wish to disguise his wife's name in it, he certainly could not afford to publicize this as, consequently, he would not have been able to have it immured in the wall of the seminary. Furthermore, it is not entirely certain that Thalnitscher is responsible for the counterfeit gravestone, although it is very likely, considering the information about its provenience that he himself recorded in Antiquitates.
Independent of whether Milliner's explanation of an anagram of the name of Thalnitscher's wife is legitimate (which cannot be established beyond a doubt) or not (it is certainly easy to imagine that Thalnitscher made use of anagrams and various word games), Mommsen drew attention to a counterfeit inscription in Portogruaro (near Roman Concordia). Thalnitscher was presumably inspired by this inscription (he was promoted to a Doctor of Laws in Bologna on the 21st of June, 1679, and travelled through northern Italy on a few occassions). The inscription reads:
HAVE	HAVE
HEROTION ET VALE ETERNOM F1LIAE.
14. A gravestone made of grey limestone, almost certainly counterfeit.
The stone is broken off irregularly. It lacks any ornamentation and the inscription has no frame (75.5 x 89 cm; height of the letters: 7-5 cm). Six shallow dish-like impressions span the smooth surface of the inscription field. According to Šašel, the stone-cutter avoided them in the first line; however, it could be claimed that he would not have made use of a stone that had previously been damaged, or of a stone prepared for a different purpose, for a gravestone. Already this fact in itself would rather demonstrate that the gravestone is counterfeit.
Assuming that Thalnitscher did indeed counterfeit the inscription for Natesia, it would not be unlikely that he was also responsible for falsifying this gravestone. It is immured
next to that of Natesia. Likewise, the same information concerning its provenience is mentioned for it (see no. 13).
It is immured in the southern wall of the seminary at the far eastern end.
CIL III 14354,15 (Hirschfeld allowed for the possibility that the inscription is authentic, only erroneously transcribed). Cf. p. 2328,189, where the inscription is marked as counterfeit (see also p. 2328,188, where it is mentioned that Thalnitscher might have had it inscribed).
Thalnitscher, Antiquitates, 1st ed., 46' (... see under Natesia ... hoc est Lelius Sulpitius Claudianus fecit sibi et libertis posterisque eorum ); Idem, Historia eccles. cath. Labac., Labaci 1882, 74 no. 5 (in seminario antequam in aedem ingredimur).
Premerstein, Thalnitscher Antiquitates, 20 no. 8 demonstrated that the gravestone is counterfeit. J. Šašel, Epigraphica, Arh. vest. 11-12, 1960-1961, 195,196 no. 12, attempted to illustrate its authenticity.
Kopriva, Ljubljana, 14 no. 8.
L SVLPCLAVD FEC SIBI ET LL PQ E
Thalnitscher supplemented the inscription as: Lelius Sulpitius Claudianus fecit sibi et libertis posterisque eorum. This is partly erroneous since the L. used as an abbreviation for apraenomen (which in this instance is clearly used as such) can only signify Lucius. Premerstein noted that the name Lelius appealed to Thalnitscher and that he also used it in his other interpolations. Šašel supplemented the final line as: fec(it) sibi et / l(bertis) l(ibertabus)p(osteris)q(ue) e(orum). He claimed (although without decisive evidence) that it is a genuine Roman inscription and he dated it to the second half of the 1st century A.D.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Rachel Novšak for the English translation and Tomaž Lauko for the excellent photographs, as well as Ana Lavrič and Blaž Resman for kindly explaining some problems concerning Thalnitscher.
Marjeta Šašel Kos Inštitut za arheologijo Znanstvenoraziskovalnega centra SAZU Gosposka 13 SI-1000 Ljubljana