101
DOI: 10.4312/mz.58.1.101-121
UDK 783(560):284.35:17
Aleviness, Music, and Hospitality
Maja Bjelica
Science and Research Centre Koper
ABSTRACT
The paper examines urban Alevi traditional culture in Turkey as a possible example of an 
ethics of hospitality, drawing mainly from Alevi teachings and musical heritage. Through an 
examination of the lyrics of selected Alevi sacred songs the author presents various accounts 
of hospitality that are integral to Aleviness.
Keywords: Aleviness, Alevi Music, Hospitality, nefes, deyiş
IZVLEČEK
Članek proučuje urbano kulturo tradicije Alevijev v Turčiji kot primer možnosti etike gosto-
ljubja, pri čemer se naslanja predvsem na alevijske nauke in glasbeno dediščino. Z analizo 
besedil izbranih alevijskih mističnih pesmi avtorica predstavi različne primere gostoljubja, 
ki so vtkani v alevijstvo.
Ključne besede: alevijstvo, alevijska glasba, gostoljubje, nefes, deyiş
* This article was made possible through the financial support of the Slovenian Research Agency as 
part of the project Interreligious Dialogue: A Basis for Coexisting Diversity in the Light of Migration 
and the Refugee Crisis (ARRS research project J6-9393) and of the program Liminal Spaces: Areas 
of Cultural and Societal Cohabitation in the Age of Risk and Vulnerability (ARRS research program 
P6-0279). Moreover, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the anonymous reviewers who 
contributed to this article in terms of clarity, details, and consistency, and also to the co-editor of this 
volume, Irene Markoff, whose invaluable comments enabled the improvement of this paper.
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Researching Hospitality as Ethics
The present case example of the place of hospitality in Alevi expressive culture 
is part of a larger research project that aims to explore the ethics of hospitality; 
that is, an ethics that can be founded on aspects of hospitality, such as acceptance, 
welcoming, and guest-host relations, where guests can be strangers, foreigners, 
or others. This study is grounded in the fields of philosophy and anthropology 
as the starting base, but its overarching transdisciplinary orientation also draws 
from religious studies and ethnomusicology, which function as strong pillars, 
and other disciplines such as musicology and ethnography, for example. The 
theoretical focus was inspired by philosophers such as Jacques Derrida, and his 
aporetic notion of hospitality, being possible only as the impossible, on the one 
hand, and his understanding of hospitality as ethics per se, on the other. His 
thought directed the research towards openness, “being-with,” and saying “yes” 
to the unknown.1 The philosophic thought of Emmanuel Levinas also contri-
buted to the unfolding of the research with his approach to understanding the 
primacy of welcoming the other and one’s individual responsibility in every 
face-to-face encounter.2 Equally important are recent anthropological accounts 
acknowledging that hospitality historically has not been a focus of study and 
that ethnography, as a foundational part of anthropological methodology, is 
intrinsically linked to hospitality and experienced in every encounter during 
the fieldwork process (Candea and da Col 2012).
My choice to explore the Alevis of Turkey and their religious, musical, and 
cultural traditions as a case study for investigating the notion of an ethics of 
hospitality was inspired by my personal experience of being welcomed by the 
Alevi community in Istanbul while conducting research on Alevi musical her-
itage in the spring of 2009. Because the Alevis were so accommodating and 
welcoming in assisting me with my investigative goals, I decided to refocus my 
attention on the elements that expose Aleviness3 as a tradition that fosters the 
ethics of hospitality.
1 Derrida’s account of hospitality is presented in my article “Asylum as Hospitality: Relistening to 
Derrida” (Bjelica 2018a) to which I direct the reader if they are interested in Derrida’s understand-
ing of hospitality and its ethics. More detailed accounts can be found in his works such as Adieu 
to Emmanuel Levinas (Derrida 1999) or Of Hospitality (Derrida 2000) and others.
2 For Levinas’s account of hospitality and ethics, see especially Totality and Infinity (Levinas 1979) 
and Otherwise than Being (Levinas 1994).
3 The Turkish umbrella term for Alevi religion or tradition is Alevilik, which in English publications 
is often translated as “Alevism.” However, since the ending ‘-lik’ in the Turkish language indicates 
a relation to the core noun, the term will be translated here as “Aleviness.” Further, the term Alevi-
lik is inclusive of Alevi doctrines and ideologies of faith, cultural tradition, ethics, worldview, and 
way of life. Although the term Aleviness is not widely used, it can be found in some publications 
in the field of Alevi studies (Massicard 2016; Yocum 2005, 584). This research, being also ground-
ed in ethnographic fieldwork, allowed me to converse with individuals who consider themselves 
to be Alevis but do not necessarily accept Alevism as their faith. As Markussen (2010, 7) explains: 
“Considering oneself Alevi may include a sense of Aleviness that defines personal and collective 
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While investigating the tradition of the Turkish Alevis, especially during 
my fieldwork research,4 I had the opportunity to explore Alevi identity for-
mation and self-identification (Bjelica 2017, 2020b), the social and interper-
sonal aspects of Alevi music, Alevis’ espousal of social justice (Bjelica 2018b), 
their propensity to engage in interfaith dialogue, their ability to listen ethically 
(Bjelica 2020a), and the embodiment of the culture of breath in their rituals 
(Bjelica 2021), among others. In the present article I draw partly from these 
themes but center the analysis on Alevi hospitality as one of the pillars of Alevi 
ethics which is also ever-present in Alevi music and ritual practices. When 
referring to music in this paper I am using the concept holistically, as inclusive 
of traditionally sung poetry in the vernacular, usually accompanied by the long-
necked folk lute, called saz or bağlama, and sometimes with sacred movements, 
such as “turning” (semah dönmek).
Encountering Aleviness
The Alevis, the largest religious minority in Turkey, are recognized by the 
Turkish government only as a cultural group that with their heritage repre-
sents a specific part of “Turkishness.”5 The publicly recognized cultural as-
pect of Alevi heritage and way of life, however, is only part of the religious 
minority’s identity, which is rooted in oral tradition, and is not fixed or uni-
fied, as the political realm would indicate. The lack of a unified presence of 
elements of Aleviness today can be revealed in the pronounced diversity of 
identities in terms of one or several aspects of Alevilik, but it does not necessarily mean embracing 
Alevism as a system of beliefs and practices.” Rather than excluding the doctrines of Alevism, my 
research tries to investigate Aleviness as an experience of cohabitation, encounters, and hospitality.
4 The extensive part of the fieldwork research on Alevi hospitality was carried out in urban areas of 
Istanbul in the spring of 2015. More details about it will be presented further along in the article.
5 In the available literature and sources after the year 2000, it was observed that recent discussions of 
the Alevis were largely devoted to the political and social situation in Turkey − especially in connec-
tion with the fact that the Alevis are still not recognized by the Turkish government as a separate 
religious community in their own country. In spite of the process termed “Alevi revival” (an exten-
sive emergence of the Alevis in public and media, especially since the 1990s; a movement focusing 
on empowerment through networking, increased visibility and organizational activities) and the 
recognition of their existence and way of life, the Turkish government does not treat them as a sep-
arate religious community, but merely as an integral part of “Turkish nationality,” a part of Turkish 
cultural heritage (Dinçer 2000; Poyraz 2005; Tambar 2010). The Alevi identity-based claims were 
officially considered by the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi 
– AKP) with the initiative launched in 2007 and termed “Alevi opening” (Alevi açılımı), aiming “to 
reconcile the Turkish state and the marginalized segments of Turkish society” (Kose 2010, 5). The 
most serious engagement by the AKP happened in 2009 when seven workshops on Alevi issues 
were organized, unfortunately without significant consultation with Alevi groups; and, moreover, 
the workshops were still closely controlled by the government. These workshops contributed to a 
systematization of the Alevi demands, such as benefitting on an equal basis from state resources, 
equal citizenship rights, religious freedom, but unfortunately resulted in no major change of the 
political and social position of the Alevis in Turkey (Borovalı and Boyraz 2010).
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Alevi worship practices (ibadet) and the variety of adaptations of their rituals 
to the contemporary world that differ from regional practices (Bjelica 2017; 
Dressler 2013; Shankland 2003b). Ethnic diversity within the broader com-
munity does not impede the ability of Alevis to coexist as a community from 
the perspective of world view, philosophy, and the ethical standpoint that pro-
motes the equality between all human (and other) beings, who should coexist 
as brothers and sisters (Hanoğlu 2017; Issa 2017b). This was often expressed 
also by the religious guides (dedeler, pl., dede, sing.) who provided guidance 
(öğüt) during the Alevi rituals. One of the ritual leaders, dede Hünkâr Uğurlu, 
emphasized the importance of respect towards everyone with the exception 
of those who do harm: “I am respectful towards all humans. But until when 
do I feel respect? If you harm people… If you harm nature or animals, we 
will not feel respect for [you if you are] such a person”6 (Uğurlu 2015). Doing 
harm to any living being is not acceptable for the Alevi “path” (yol); therefore, 
it is not worthy of the respect that would otherwise be granted to all people, 
all living beings.7
It is difficult to construct a homogeneous account of the expressive culture 
of Turkish Alevis because of regional differences related to the culture’s oral 
transmission.8 The politicization of Alevi identity, which was unfolding and 
developing throughout the twentieth century, produced many different views 
and definitions of Alevis. Thus, it is difficult to define Aleviness exclusively as 
a unified belief system, despite the existence of core beliefs that are shared by 
all communities, be they urban or rural-based. As Alevi teachings, culture, and 
expressive practices have been passed down over time, changes have occurred. 
Alevi beliefs often turn out to be complex and multidimensional, requiring 
further attention to properly understand them. That is why only a few aspects 
of this issue will be presented in this paper, those that are important for the 
study of the ethics of hospitality present in Aleviness.
6 Translated by the author from the audio transcription of an introductory talk at an Alevi commu-
nal gathering (cem): “Bütün insanları saygı duyuyorum. Ama ne zamana kadar saygı duyuyorum? 
Eğer zarar veriyorsan insanlara... Doğaya, hayvanlara zarar veriyorsa, o insana saygı duymayacağız.”
7 The Alevi community is also supportive of environmental and animal ethics. After his claim about 
granting respect to all living beings, Hünkâr dede told the story of another dede who denied entry 
into a place of worship to a believer who kicked a dog lying at the entrance. The dede instructed 
him to return to the dog and apologize, as this is the only way believers are capable of true 
prayer and worship – if they show respect to all living beings, which requires love and compassion 
(Uğurlu 2015).
8 The differences are evident not only through the Alevi ritual praxis, but also in the different 
names of their communities, such as Bektashi, Çepni, Kızılbaş, Tahtacı, that in the 20th Century 
were unified under the term Alevi (Dressler 2013). One main differentiation regards ethnicity 
in that some Alevis are Turkish, others Kurdish. More about the Kurdish Alevis can be found in 
Martin van Bruinessen’s research (1996; Cetin et al. 2020). This topic exceeds the scope of this 
article, but I dedicated more attention to to it in my other writings (Bjelica 2017, 2018b, 2020).
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According to some definitions, which usually reflect political connotations, 
as was evident in the available literature, Alevism occurs in non-orthodox Is-
lamic religious communities which draw from Shi’i and Sufi Islamic beliefs. 
Alevism can even be seen as a belief system that predates Islam, supposedly 
having been formed in Anatolia and Mesopotamia before Islam’s appearance 
in the seventh century (Hanoğlu 2017, 13–14; Issa 2017b, 1). The connection 
with Islam comes from the worship of Imam ‘Ali,9 the Prophet Muhammed’s 
Family (Ehlibeyt) and the Twelve Imams (Oniki Imamlar) (Hanoğlu 2017, 17); 
this focus in worship is the foundation of Alevi practices, and therefore can-
not be overlooked. Some Alevis, nevertheless, deny affiliation with Shi’i Islam 
while still upholding the almightiness of Imam ‘Ali, as was the case with dede 
Hünkâr Uğurlu, the leader of the Esentepe Alevi community. During my field 
research, I attended his talk10 on the morality and righteousness of Alevi life, 
when he also emphasized that “we are neither Sunni nor Shi’i!” (Uğurlu 2015). 
By contrast, some sources claim that some Alevis feel their religion to be the 
“true” Islam (Şener 2009, 19). In many cases, Alevis in Turkey identify them-
selves as separate from the majority Sunni population, as stated by anthro-
pologist David Shanklad (2003a, 20): “they maintain that belief in the Sunni 
God is based on fear, but that the Alevi base their faith in love, a love which is 
within all people and that can be found within them.” This statement contrasts 
the image of an authoritarian and patriarchal God in Sunni Islam with that of 
a loving and understanding God in Alevi belief, which can be reached through 
sincere faith and esoteric rituals.
The purpose of this article, therefore, is not to define Alevi religion or 
culture, but rather to provide insights into some aspects of the belief system 
that promote and solidify an ethics of hospitality. Despite great diversity in 
Alevi beliefs and rituals, Tözün Issa (2017a, 3), the editor of a recent publi-
cation dealing mainly with Alevis in the European diaspora, concluded that 
certain philosophical principles are shared by all Alevis. One principle, for 
example, that encourages hospitable encounters is the Alevi perception of 
humanity (insanlık) and humanitarianism as a pillar of their worldview. This 
central virtue is connected to the mystical “path” (yol) towards perfection 
that is accomplished through many stages in achieving ultimate union with 
the Divine and thus becoming the perfect or “complete” human (insan-ı 
kamil). The Alevis interpret the image of a perfect human experientially, 
as everyone is supposed to have control over their self-centered or selfish 
tendencies, to treat all people equally and to serve the needs and interests 
of others. This is another important aspect of the Alevi code of conduct, 
expressed in the simple maxim: “To be master of one’s own hand, tongue, 
9 Imam ‘Ali, fully named ‘Alī ibn Abī T. ālib, was the Prophet Muhammed’s nephew and son-in-law.
10 This talk, held at one of the community gatherings I attended, was an introduction to the ritual 
(cem).
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and loin.” (“Eline, diline, beline sahip olmak.”) With this ethical saying, the 
Alevis constantly remind themselves that they, themselves, have the power 
to refrain from theft, lies, and adultery. This includes avoiding any kind of vi-
olence, and therefore it is a call for ethical gestures in their daily lives and on 
the mystical path they set forth on. This path is accepted by every individual 
initiated into Alevi faith (Soileau 2019, 6), including the sacrifices it might 
require. Yet the pervasive Alevi epithet is “Yol birdir, sürek binbir!,” meaning 
“The path is one, the routes many!” (Hanoğlu 2017, 19), indicating a pos-
sibility for the individual to choose their own path in accordance with Alevi 
teachings. The inference here is that tolerance is required when one is faced 
with someone else’s path and accepting or not accepting it. This expression 
intersects with the belief that one should approach others as a soulmate or 
can (pron. jan), and as a reflection of unity with the Divine on earth, also 
referred to as Oneness of Being (vahdet-i vücut). The Alevi elders, during 
the communities’ regular gatherings, often talked about the Alevi path, most 
often acknowledging its difficulty and complexity, but at the same time they 
described it as the right one, as it is a path of goodness and cohabitation. 
One of the elders, Aşur Nergis dede, explained: “This path is the right path. 
This path is the path of love. This path is the path of sharing. This path is a 
path of beauty, the beauty of everything. […] Our path […] lessens the pain 
when it is shared and increases shared love”11 (Nergis 2015b). Here, a paral-
lel to Derrida’s thought can be established: the philosopher understands the 
binding aspect of religiosity as a gathering, which is primarily a gathering 
within oneself. Following Levinas, Derrida (1999, 28) understands gather-
ing in oneself as the first condition for a welcome and thus also a precondi-
tion for unfolding gathering in a religious community. Another fundamental 
principle in the Alevi code of behavior is the maxim “to look at seventy-two 
nations with the same gaze” (“Yetmiş iki millete bir gözle bakmak”),12 which 
illustrates Alevi aspirations to equality and non-discrimination; this there-
fore alludes to a possibility of a gathering also outside their original com-
munities (Kılıç 2015b).
These principles, encouraging ethical conduct, clearly promote tolerance 
and acceptance, not only among the members of Alevi communities, but also 
toward foreigners, strangers, and others. The Alevis are therefore open to wel-
coming the unknown and believe in a loving God that might be disguised 
in many forms. Thus, Aleviness allows for hospitable encounters to happen. 
It is possible that understanding Aleviness as a tradition of hospitality or 
11 Translated by the author from the audio transcription of a talk at an Alevi gathering (cem): “Bu 
yolu doğru bir yolu. Bu yol sevgi yolu. Bu yol paylaşım yolu. Bu yol güzellik yolu, güzelliğine her 
şey yolu. [...] Bizim yolumuz [...] acılar paylaştıkça azalır, sevgiler paylaştıkça çoğalır.”
12 As a diverse region, Anatolia is known as the land of the “seventy-two peoples” (Hanoğlu 2017, 
18).
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humanitarianism can be revealed through the combination of the afore-men-
tioned principles, and the discussion of Alevi music, culture, and rituals will 
contribute to further revealing this hypothesis.
Experiencing Hospitality among the Turkish Alevis
During my fieldwork in Istanbul, carried out mainly in the spring of 2015, I 
came to understand that hospitality is one of the main characteristics of Turk-
ish culture in general. Because of this longstanding traditional stance, Turks 
are deeply aware of the many needs of their guests. Interestingly, the Turkish 
words for hospitality, misafirperverlik and konukseverlik, are far less frequently 
used in colloquial language than the more common words in use to denote a 
guest, misafir and mihman, and greetings to welcome a guest, such as hoşgeldin 
or hoşgeldiniz (sing. and pl. forms for “welcome,” respectively). This unbalanced 
word usage coincides with the Turkish inclination or preference to experience 
hospitality, to welcome guests with concrete shared gestures, instead of wasting 
words on concepts or definitions of hospitality as a term, noun, or idea.
“In Turkey, hospitality is a national virtue” (Delaney 1991, xi). Such a state-
ment is a typical description of Turkey, and the Turks themselves also agree 
that they are a very hospitable nation. Nonetheless, the literature on hospitality 
in Turkey is meager, so there was no study found that could add perspective to 
the present inquiry. Another account to consider in researching hospitality is 
the effect of its tradition on the experience itself – the welcome, offered merely 
as a result of a custom might be experienced as less hospitable as the one of-
fered sincerely, out of affection and fondness towards another (human) being. 
Therefore, while conducting research, a researcher should also keep in mind 
the need to take a step back, distance oneself in order to understand whether 
hospitable gestures are sincere and therefore might represent a possible foun-
dation for an ethics of hospitality. My research with Alevis in Istanbul revealed 
their hospitality to be genuine, multi-layered, and always applied at several lev-
els: their attention towards others included listening, considering each other’s 
and guests’ wishes, preparing space for visitors and newcomers, and accepting 
the beliefs of people who think differently.
Most of my fieldwork related to research on hospitality in Istanbul in 2015 
was conducted through involvement in some specific activities of two religio-
cultural associations, the Gaziosmanpaşa Hoca Ahmet Yesevi Cem Evi Inanç 
ve Kültür Derneği13 and the Hz. Ali Cem Evi Inanç ve Kültür Derneği (in the 
district of Esentepe). Members of these associations gather in what is referred 
13 In 2014, this Alevi cultural and religious association was formed in order to ensure its status as 
a legal entity and the basic means for financial and material activities (Nergis 2015a). As already 
mentioned, the Alevis are not recognized as a religious community, thus they can only obtain state 
funds as conservators of Turkish cultural heritage.
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to as a cemevi,14 meaning a space of assembly or worship where religious rituals, 
cemler (pl. of cem), occur. Members of both communities15 gather on Thursdays 
to participate in cemler where young people are encouraged to attend so that 
they can be introduced to and learn traditional Alevi religious practices. In 
addition to Thursday gatherings, the community organizes and participates in 
other events, particularly on special occasions that are celebrated to reminisce, 
preserve, and recreate their traditions.
These gatherings, cemler, are usually led by the hereditary spiritual guides of 
the community, the dedeler.16 The dede usually arrives ahead of the worshippers, 
who then greet him by bowing, indicating a kissing of his hand, or actually 
kissing his hand or kissing of the floor in front of him.17 Dedeler are usually 
descendants of the lineages (ocaklar, pl. of ocak)18 tracing back to the Twelve 
Shi’i Imams, which, according to their specific cosmologies, place them closer 
to God. Similarly, female elders are attributed great importance, but they are 
less apparent as leaders of cemler. The female descendant of the sacred lineages 
is referred to as ana or bacı and is respected by the communities as equally as 
the dede. In everyday life, however, the dede has the visible and leading role in 
the community.19 The characteristics of a wise and therefore respected dede are 
quite specific. He must have a modest character, use his words cautiously, be 
honest in relations with others, master his abilities, skillfully mediate between 
14 A cemevi (a literal translation would be “the house of cem,” or “the home of cem”), a house or space 
where the cem (religious ritual) takes place is very important for the modern social organization of 
the Alevis, since a cemevi is not only a place of ritual and worship, but also represents the center 
of the community (Hanoğlu 2017, 22). A cemevi can be any place comfortable and hospitable 
enough to host the complete Alevi community. For an in-depth account of cemler and cemeviler 
see Irene Markoff ’s (2018) article on Alevi-Bektashi ritual space.
15 The Ahmet Yesevi Alevi community, situated in the Gaziosmanpaşa district of Istanbul gathers 
in a single-room space located on the first floor of a commercial building. The Hz. Ali Alevi com-
munity from the Esentepe district meet in a simple ground-floor room in a residential apartment 
complex.
16 David Shankland (2003b, 104–111) offers an in-depth insight into the role of dedeler as part of his 
ethnographic research illustrating differences among regional Alevi communities.
17 These gestures of respect toward dedeler were common in most of the cemler. When the dede was 
late, worshippers stood up upon his arrival as a sign of respect.
18 In Turkish the word stands for “family,” but can also mean a fireplace, stove, household, family, 
meeting place, gathering, meeting, or center (Yaman 2011).
19 During “careful” conversations with some members of the community, I encountered rather am-
biguous reactions when facing questions about prevalent male visibility. Interlocutors explained 
that analar (pl. of ana) had taken leading roles in the past, and that women are now assuming the 
roles of musicians (zakirler, pl. of zakir) at the cemler. One of the opinions encountered was that 
women could certainly take the leading roles, but they do not want to (Kılıç 2015a). It was also 
interesting to hear an opinion during an informal dialogue that in the past, the role of spiritual 
leaders might have been taken over by men because women were preoccupied with caring for their 
families, which men were not capable of. I have touched upon the issue of gender equality in my 
recent paper about the Alevi culture of breath (Bjelica 2021), but it is still an important and subtle 
theme to be developed further.
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groups and individuals, master the Alevi rituals and interpret them ration-
ally, and, finally, be hospitable (Shankland 2003b, 104–105). An ethnographic 
study in Thrace among Alevi-related Bektashi communities20 (Sipos and Csáki 
2009) revealed examples of the hospitality of one Bektashi baba (elder, equiva-
lent to the Alevi dede); the researchers observe him
calmly put up a prisoner released that very day for the night in his own house, then take 
him to the bus terminal the next morning and buy him a ticket to home. He welcomes and 
puts up Christians as well, gives his last blanket to orphaned Roma children, gives a large 
sum in advance to Gypsy musicians and is certain that however long he has to wait, the 
musicians will come as they promised. He is exemplary in rejecting prejudice and truly 
respecting people. (Sipos and Csáki 2009, 37)
The dede or baba is a role model of ethical conduct which includes the essential 
characteristics of hospitality. This is related to Levinas’ understanding of eth-
ics as a primary welcome, essential responsibility for the other. In this sense, 
it is possible to explain the non-reciprocity of responsibility primarily from 
the point of view of Levinas’ ethics: in order for a subject to act ethically, they 
cannot count on responsibility, the ethics of others, but must take responsi-
bility upon themselves. Dedeler as role models take on such responsibilities 
themselves, which was evident in my experience participating in Alevi cemler. 
During field research, it was not possible to confine myself to observing only 
the gestures and dynamics of hospitality that the members of the community 
practiced with each other and with the external visitors. Rather, the most no-
table hospitality was that which they showed me − a young female researcher, 
ethnographer, and photographer from Europe whose interest in Alevi beliefs 
and culture would result in the dissemination of the results of her scholarly 
investigation through presentations at home and abroad. The participant ob-
servation research was made possible especially because the dedeler of both 
communities, Aşur Nergis and Hünkâr Uğurlu, welcomed me warmly to each 
cem I attended. Especially hospitable was Aşur dede, who showed a great de-
gree of interest in my research, and also in my personal beliefs, which he did 
not dispute, despite their difference from Alevi beliefs.21 He invited me to sit 
in privileged spaces and to take part in moments of the cem, even though I 
was not accustomed to the ritual process. While participating at the cemler, 
I was always welcomed by the leader (dede), the musician (zakir) or other 
representatives of the community. I would sit in places close to the dede, so I 
would be able to observe the event in more detail, which was very helpful, as I 
20 Despite some specific differences among these communities, the Alevis and Bektashis share many 
beliefs and customs (Markoff 2018; Soileau 2021, 115–117).
21 During an informal conversation before a cem I attended, Aşur dede asked me if I believe in the 
existence of God. I responded that I was not really sure about it, and he replied that we all have 
our own path, including me, referring to the yol, path of affection that all Alevis embrace.
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was able to record with audio and video, and also photograph everything that 
was happening around me. Moreover, I was regularly approached by several 
members of the community, asking me if I needed anything, inviting me to sit 
closer, offering me additional pillows to sit more comfortably – it seemed that 
they all cared about me feeling at ease among them, despite my being a stran-
ger. Such gestures acclaiming the guest are not rare in a cem. Irene Markoff 
(2018, 101), when describing a cem she attended, refers to “a nefes sung in my 
honor as the guest (mihman) who had come from afar to honor the saint and 
the community.”
Cem is an event that can be interpreted as a welcoming place, where guests 
and others are welcomed and accepted. Music plays a central role by creating 
an environment that provides a hospitable space for Alevi community mem-
bers and their guests. 
Cem: A Musical Welcome
The basic name of the Alevi ritual is cem, which denominates a gathering, 
integration, even a group or a community. This is the fundamental spiritual 
religious practice of the Alevis; that is, a regular gathering during which males 
and females engage through the form of spiritual events in communal worship. 
Moreover, in the urban context of a big city such as Istanbul, these gatherings 
are an opportunity for members of Alevi communities to socialize and get 
to know each other,22 thus establishing mutual relations that enable them to 
enjoy everyday coexistence. “Most of the Alevi rituals are communal because 
the rituals mainly aim to foster unity and love within the society” (Hanoğlu 
2017, 21). During these rituals, they become acquainted with their faith and 
with the history of their traditions. At the same time, these rituals present a 
fundamental starting point for the formation of Alevi ethics. Namely, this is 
the framework for the teachings about compassion, fraternity, tolerance, and 
other virtues and moral guidelines that the Alevis are encouraged to develop 
and adopt. Cemler represent the central space for the establishment of inter-
subjective and social ties, and thus the fundamental and potential source of en-
abling mutual hospitality. At the same time, the rituals offer an opportunity for 
the members of the community to examine any potential resentments between 
individuals or to discipline any potentially harmful or violent acts (düşkünlük). 
The entire community can learn in this way and aim towards an appropriate 
application of Alevi ethics. When researching the changes in performing a cem 
in the urban environment, Fahriye Dinçer (2000, 34) noticed the following 
22 I am indebted to the anonymous reviewer who pointed out that rituals in urban and rural contexts 
can differ greatly due to the fact that in the rural context the communities are smaller and more 
connected or unified, while in urban contexts the members might be living far away from each 
other and therefore the cem provides an additional opportunity to spend time together, as was 
evident in my experience, when observing the culture of the two Alevi communities in Istanbul.
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Maja Bjelica: Aleviness, Music, and Hospitality
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important aspect: “The cems could be conceived as the public gathering of the 
Alevi masses who have not been able to express themselves and their identi-
ties within the framework of the prevailing social order, and have come to live 
outside that order.”
In reflecting on the cem it is possible to say that music plays a central role 
in the establishment of a community space of coexistence, hospitable mutual 
acceptance of the faithful, and the spreading of wisdom and established guide-
lines and rules (erkan) regarding behavior and relationships in everyday life. 
Although the cem is led by the dede, the significance of the zakir, the instru-
mentalist and singer at the cem, also referred to as aşık23 or ozan, is of great 
importance. I noticed that the participants of the cem accorded him the same 
respect they did to the dede (cf. also Dinçer 2000, 37–38). This is important 
to note because the zakir, in cooperation with the dede, creates a specific at-
mosphere in the cem with his selection24 of music and lyrics that convey par-
ticular religious stories about Alevi saints or other specific messages about the 
Alevi yol. The zakir contributes significantly to the creation of a suitable mood 
for the cem by selecting a repertoire of which the lyrics or melodies are well 
known to the members, thus making the group more receptive to the music. 
Because of this, the participants are able to somehow join in performing the 
pre-established sacred songs, accompanying the zakir with their own, more 
open interpretations and individual feelings.
Music, as the central activity of the Alevi ritual, is the basic vehicle for 
spreading and reinforcing beliefs and wisdom for everyday community life. 
More specifically, the mystical poetry of dervish lodge poets and sometimes 
more contemporary Alevi minstrels is sung to the accompaniment of the sa-
cred plucked folk lute, the bağlama or saz, performed by the zakir. The instru-
ment has been referred to by some Alevis as the telli Kuran (stringed Koran), as 
it replaces scriptural sources found in other faiths.25 It is through music that the 
Alevis welcome and express acceptance of the participants in the cem. Through 
23 The term aşık refers to the wandering bards of Anatolia who traditionally performed folk music in 
the rural context. Through their sung poetry they spread messages of humanity, love, hospitality, 
brotherhood, and similar themes, as will be emphasized further in this study. The term aşık means 
“the lover” or, more appropriately, “the one who is in love.” The importance of the bards for Alevi 
culture can be appreciated, for example, from the Alevi saying “Kuran’ın özü, aşığın sözü,” which 
means “the essence of the Koran is the word of the aşık.” This also coincides with the Alevi belief 
that wisdom is not “hidden in the Book,” but mainly in people themselves and in their everyday 
stories (Neyzi 2002, 102).
24 The performed repertoire usually corresponds to the specific segment of the ritual, so the choice 
is far from being random, but the zakir’s selection of the music nonetheless influences the sound-
scape of the ritual space.
25 This instrument symbolically represents Imam ‘Ali. The neck of the bağlama can also represent 
Imam ‘Ali’s sword, Zülfikar, while the twelve frets, appearing in some versions of the instrument, 
represent the twelve Imams (Ayışıt Onatça 2007, 56). The bağlama is also a central symbol for the 
oral tradition of the whole Alevi population (Hanoğlu 2017, 25, n41).
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evidence of the lyrics of their songs, which reinforce ideas of love, affection, 
friendship, solidarity, and humanity, it is possible to say that Alevi music cre-
ates an environment of integrated hospitality.
For centuries in Anatolia, sung poetry, mostly preserved in oral tradition, 
has been authored and performed by well-known or anonymous travelling 
Anatolian bards known as aşıklar (pl. of aşık).26 In their mystical songs, called 
deyiş or nefes (Alevi or Bektashi terms, respectively), they not only refer to el-
ements of Islamic mysticism, Alevi belief system and morals, but also convey 
messages about friendship, peace, affection, tolerance, hospitality, love, des-
tiny. Some songs may also take the form of advice or satire (Duygulu 1997, 
61ff ).27 These themes provide a deeper understanding of the beliefs and life-
style of Alevis. That multiple themes appear in the sung poetry of the cem 
confirms that Alevis put great emphasis on the meaning of life while they 
live it, teaching goodness, fairness, and solidarity. The expression of compas-
sion, fraternity, philanthropy, and affection in the Alevi songs has a great 
influence on the lives of community members. The presence of these mes-
sages in their mystical songs, messages of almost universal value and ethical 
significance, enable the ability to reach a wider range of listeners and believ-
ers, spreading beyond Alevi communities. In addition, most of these songs 
“contain clearly understandable, generally valid advice. They are gladly sung 
irrespective of the occasions, e.g., grannies sing them to their grandchildren 
and thus they are passed down from one generation to the other” (Sipos and 
Csáki 2009, 60).
An insight into the anthology of the Bektashi nefesler (pl. of nefes), pre-
sented as part of a 1990s ethnographic study in the region of the Turkish 
province of Thrace by János Sipos and Éva Csáki (2009, 109–610), revealed 
that some nefesler speak directly about hospitality. Their lyrics emphasize its 
importance and highlight the privileged position of the guest in every Alevi 
community. The following nefes, Yine mihman geldi (A Guest Has Arrived Again) 
explicitly welcomes guests, who are always accepted by the Alevi hosts with 
pleasure and delight, as brothers and sisters:
A guest has arrived, my heart’s rejoicing.
Ref.: Guests, you’re welcome,
 Brethren, you’re welcome!
26 The aşıklar of Anatolia are followers of Alevism or Sunni Islam, but they all recite epics as well as 
perform their own sung poetry accompanied by the bağlama.
27 Based on the analysis of the content of the representative lyrics of the songs, Duygulu (1997, 
61–152) classified the songs into three groups. The first covers the compositions with religious, 
mystical or philosophical content, the second includes didactic and lyrical songs, while the third 
comprises songs with diverse or mixed content. In the further definition of the second group, there 
are six themes, one of which is hospitality.
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No guest comes to a sad home, 
He may shout and scream, his misery will never end,
He’s invited all over, but won’t go anywhere. Ref.
The guest even opens the inner door,
The guest is the rose of the master,
God’s guest, my saint, Ali. Ref.
Be gracious, come to see us again,
Not only the big or the small, but all of us,
Food doesn’t matter, let our eyes laugh. Ref.
(Sipos and Csáki 2009, 522)28
After a direct welcome to the guests in the chorus, the verses of the nefes wel-
coming the mihman above all divulge the conditions that would foster their 
coming. For a guest to visit the house, the latter must be bright; that is, happy, 
positively oriented, and must represent the good-natured environment that 
will welcome the guests. The guests, regardless of their need to be hosted, and 
no matter how much any house or any host would desire the visit, will not pay 
a visit if the circumstances do not enable hospitality to emerge. Furthermore, 
in the third verse the song indicates that the guest is the one who has locked 
the door to the interior (“Misafirdir iç kapının kilidi”); that is, the interior of 
the Alevi spiritual path (yol) developed and cultivated by the members of the 
community. Since the guest has locked the door, only the guest can unlock 
it. Alevi hosts see the guest as a rose − someone valuable and beautiful but at 
the same time fragile and in need of care. In mentioning the divine guest, Ali 
himself, the nefes presents the possibility that each guest could be God, and 
because of this potential, according to Alevi belief, the guest always represents 
something divine, a presence of God.29 The song ends with an invitation for 
a gracious visit by all members of the community, irrespective of their mutual 
differences, since it is important they make each other happy no matter what 
and how much they can share.
It seems that the lyrics of the song Yine mihman geldi (A Guest Has Ar-
rived Again) suggest some sort of turning point in the perception of hospital-
ity, which is usually conditioned by the nature or appropriateness of the guest: 
28 This is the translation provided by the authors of the research upon the following original text in 
Turkish language: “Yine mihman geldi, gönlüm şaz oldu. / Refr. Mihmanlar siz bize hoşca geldi-
niz, / Kardaşlar siz bize sefa geldiniz. // Kara olan eve misafir gelmez, / Bağırsa, cağırsa eksiği bit-
mez. / Her yere cağrılır bir yere gitmez. Refr. // Misafirdir iç kapının kilidi, / Misafirdir, sahibinin 
gülüdür / Tanrı misafiri pirim Ali’dir. Refr. // Kerem hümmet eyle gene gel bize, / Büyük kücük 
deme cümlemiz bile, / Yavan yahşi deme yüzümüz güle. Refr.”
29 Again, I am indebted to the anonymous reviewer who pointed out that this is due to the Alevi 
belief in the Oneness of Being (vahdet-i vücut), as promoted by Ibn Arabi and alluding to the 
unity of the human being with God.
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Alevi hosts would always unconditionally accept their guests, but in order to 
be able to do this, they must meet certain conditions − the hosts are those who 
must have a sufficiently pure heart, possess enough goodness, a sufficiently 
open soul to be visited by the guests. This brings us to Derrida’s aporetic un-
derstanding of hospitality: if conditioned by laws or restrictions, hospitality 
cannot be “true” hospitality, i.e., one that could justify the ethics of human ac-
tion. Ethics of hospitality could be based solely on an absolute, unconditional 
hospitality represented by the everlasting “yes” to everyone at every meeting. 
This kind of hospitality, however, is virtually impossible, as the danger of un-
conditional acceptance of the enemy is always implicit (Derrida 2000).
This unconditional law of hospitality, if such a thing is thinkable, would 
then be a law without imperative, without order and without duty. A law with-
out law, in short. For if I practice hospitality “out of duty” (and not only “in 
conforming with duty”), this hospitality of paying up is no longer an absolute 
hospitality, it is no longer graciously offered beyond debt and economy, offered 
to the other, a hospitality invented for the singularity of the new arrival, of the 
unexpected visitor (Derrida 2000b, 81, 83). It is possible to conclude that Alevi 
paradigmatic hospitality is enabled precisely by the desire for the host to take 
care of the other as a part of the journey to achieve the ideal of a “complete 
human” (insan-ı kamil).
Furthermore, the lyrics of the various collected nefesler for the purposes of 
the study of Sipos and Csáki (2009, 480, 529, 538, 572, 600, 602, 604) illustrate 
that the people who visit and are always welcome know the mystery of God’s 
righteousness – they are arriving at the love fair, as a message written in light; 
that guests open wide sacred spaces, purify and fill with joy the hosts’ home, 
while the hosts sacrifice their own souls; that guests are holy people to whom 
one should show that they are good hosts, and that one should accept anyone 
as a brother or a sister; that there any instances of conceit disappear when 
guests arrive and that winter turns into spring; that guests illuminate homes; 
that the company of the guests and attention towards them is interpreted as 
pleasure and love. One particular nefes explicitly states that the believers are 
also very grateful for any hospitality offered to them by a particular community, 
since they are recognized as equal, and able to worship and pray freely (Sipos 
and Csáki 2009, 528). Similarly, the lyrics of some nefesler state that the mem-
bers of a community are “all one soul” and as such are “guests in this house,” 
where the house is thought to be the entire (God’s) world (Sipos and Csáki 
2009, 553–555).
The foregoing interpretation of the selected nefesler’s lyrics offers evidence 
that the Alevis do not see meeting a guest, an unknown foreigner, as a danger, 
but rather as a chance to approach the divine, following the principle of insan-ı 
kamil (“complete human”). Through regular prayer, the Alevis thus establish a 
relationship with infinity, with the unknown, to which they constantly turn, 
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Maja Bjelica: Aleviness, Music, and Hospitality
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despite the uncertainty of the latter. Thus, it can be said that when meeting a 
stranger, an unknown newcomer, they do not look on them as a danger, but 
above all as an opportunity to become divine – namely, it is divine to love 
a stranger. It is in this respect that the foundations of Alevi hospitality can 
be discerned also in terms of Derrida’s unconditional hospitality and Levinas’ 
responsible welcome to the other. It is precisely in this regard that the founda-
tions of Alevi hospitality can be identified. Aleviness does not consider hospi-
tality only in terms of being part of Alevi philosophy about living in unity, the 
acceptance of other, or general mutual affection; rather, the believers address 
hospitality directly, sometimes as the central theme expressed in the lyrics of 
sung poetry as well.
What is encouraging for identifying hospitality and hospitable intersubjec-
tive relationships is that they are not merely present in Alevi poetry, but also 
reflected in musical forms and elements integral to the cem. These too provide 
a lens to understand different ways of establishing hospitable intersubjective 
spaces, spaces, where members of the Alevi communities can meet as its equal 
subjects, as canlar (souls) in sharing.
Among the Alevi musical genres, one is called karşılama, which in Turk-
ish translates as a meeting, reception, and greeting. This term also refers to a 
secular folk dance where the dancers face one another30 when performing. It is 
performed when welcoming or receiving guests and particularly when a new 
resident is admitted to a new home, usually a bride (Sipos and Csáki 2009, 
620). This gesture of individuals facing one another reminds one of Levinas’ 
ethics, where encountering “the face of the other” is always accompanied by 
acceptance and welcome. A special musical form and sacred movement form 
carried out in the cem is semah,31 which includes turning or moving in circu-
lar formation along with musical accompaniment and singing (Ayışıt Onatça 
2007, 47–55). The initial of the three parts of the semah, characteristically its 
slow section, is called ağırlama, a term which can be interpreted as a welcome, 
since this is the moment when participants in the sacred movement meet at the 
center (meydan) and start turning or circling together (Ayışıt Onatça 2007, 70).
Alevi faith emphasizes the importance of mutual hospitality not only in 
its beliefs, but also in its music, passing this message on to the community for 
daily life. Spreading messages through music has the potential to influence the 
formation of relationships and views of any community. Alevi music calls for 
affection, friendship, love, solidarity, and humanity, and enables the feelings of 
welcoming acceptance.
30 The word karşı means facing something or being across from.
31 Due to the spirituality and sanctity of this movement, which would be described as a dance by 
any external observer, the Alevis avoid using such a description, since the semah is anything but an 
ordinary social dance, which is why a common description of this custom is “turning,” or sacred 
movement, referred to as ibadet.
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Aleviness as a Possible Ethics of Hospitality
Through my observations and participation in two Alevi community associa-
tions, I determined that hospitality was deeply embedded in Alevi behavior, 
mutual relations, and, simply, their whole beings. Alevis themselves, however, 
do not conceptualize a discrete notion of hospitality, thus it is difficult to de-
termine why it is so pervasive. Nonetheless, the observed aspects of welcoming 
gestures along with the principle of acceptance (rızalık) have been shown to 
be firmly embedded in the beliefs and practices of Alevi communities, and 
strongly influence their social order. These elements offer a fitting basis for the 
establishment of gestures of hospitality. The described religious, philosophical, 
and social circumstances seem to foster and encourage the development of 
ethical gestures, called upon by philosophers as Levinas and Derrida, such as 
responsibility, welcoming, affirmation, and acceptance. Derrida’s exposure of 
the religious as a relationship without a relationship – the believer does not 
know the being they believe in, and therefore they cannot define their relation-
ship – adds to the possibility for Alevis to establish a relationship with for-
eigners, strangers, without certainty. Any relationship with God is uncertain, a 
non-relationship (Derrida 1999, 29).
What would faith or devotion be when directed toward a God who would not be able to 
abandon me? Of whom I would be absolutely certain, assured of his concern? A God who 
could not but give to me or give himself to me? Who could not not choose me? (Derrida 
1999, 104)
With their sympathy and attention to others, and due to tolerance and accept-
ance, Alevis are examples of hospitable hosts, and thus embody the paradigm 
of hospitality (misafirperverlik). Derrida (1999, 103), following Levinas, pre-
sents God as the one who loves the stranger, even without reciprocity. Greet-
ing is intended for infinity, even if the existence of a god is not necessary. It is 
a desire of God for a stranger, an unknown, a desire beyond being; a greeting 
calling from the desire for love for a stranger.
An analysis of the hospitality-related theme appearing in the lyrics of se-
lected traditional Alevi songs demonstrated the importance that Alevis attrib-
ute to the welcoming of guests, who are believed to deserve hospitality almost 
unconditionally. Alevi poetry and its accompanying music as an oral tradition 
also passes down messages of welcome and acceptance. At the same time, it 
represents a medium, and space, for the expression of both an individual and a 
collective Alevi specificity, without fear of being rejected because of difference 
or otherness.
The aim of this paper was not to formulate a definitive analysis explicating 
Aleviness as a paradigm for an ethics of hospitality. Its purpose was rather to 
acknowledge that hospitality, as demonstrated in various welcoming rituals 
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117
of Alevi communities, is implicitly embedded in Alevi everyday worship 
praxis, and may indeed represent one of the community’s most emblematic 
features.
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POVZETEK
Alevijstvo, glasba in gostoljubje
Članek predstavlja del obširnejše raziskave o etiki gostoljubja, ki jo je avtorica izvajala v času 
svojega doktorskega študija, in se osredotoča na študijski primer gostoljubja turških alevij-
skih skupnosti, ki jih je proučevala v Istanbulu. Izsledki proučevanja temeljijo na avtoričinem 
osebnem izkustvu, njenem etnografskem terenskem delu in obsežnih raziskavah literature s 
področja alevijskih študij ter pričajo o strpnosti in odprtosti alevijskih skupnosti do drugosti, 
drugačnosti, tujosti, do neznanega. Opisani pristop do raznolikosti se kaže skozi gostoljubne 
prakse, ki jih pripadnice in pripadniki alevijskih skupnosti izkazujejo njim znanim in nez-
nanim gostom in gostjam. Slednjim aleviji in alevijke namenjajo posebno pozornost in jim 
nudijo brezpogojno pomoč.
Prispevek zagovarja hipotezo, da so turške alevijske skupnosti zaradi svojih religijskih 
in sekularnih prepričanj, svetovnega nazora in etičnih gest paradigmatski primer snovanja 
etike gostoljubja, o kateri so pisali pripadniki kontinentalne filozofije, kot sta na primer 
Emanuel Levinas in Jacques Derrida. Vtkanost gostoljubja v alevijsko življenjsko prakso 
avtorica predstavi tako na osnovi izsledkov svojega terenskega dela – opazovanja z udeležbo 
v istanbulskih alevijskih skupnostih –, kot tudi s preučevanjem vloge glasbe v alevijskem 
ritualu, imenovanem cem. Posebna pozornost je pri tem namenjena analizi besedil izbranih 
alevijskih mističnih pesmi, imenovanih deyiş oziroma nefes, kjer se omenjajo gostoljubje, odnos 
do gostov ter njihov pomen za alevijske skupnosti.
Alevijska glasba predstavlja jedro alevijskega obredja. Skozi stoletja se je prenašala ustno 
in je predstavljala sredstvo ohranjanja alevijske kulture in religije ter njihove identitete. Glas-
bena izvajalska praksa vključuje mistične in sakralne uglasbene pesmi anatolijskih potujočih 
pevcev, imenovanih aşık, ki so tovrstno glasbo izvajali predvsem na ruralnem področju Anato-
lije. Peta besedila običajno spremlja izvajanje na turško ljudsko dolgovrato lutnjo, imenovano 
saz oziroma bağlama. Na alevijskih obredih se ob glasbi redno pojavlja tudi telesno gibanje, 
sakralni gibi v obliki vrtenja in kroženja, imenovani semah.
Uvid v značilnosti alevijske glasbe ter predvsem v njena besedila ponuja možnost razu-
mevanja alevijske težnje po miroljubnem in empatičnem sobivanju z drugimi religijami kot 
osrednji del alevijske tradicije, utemeljene na človekoljubju. Študijski primer alevijske etike 
gostoljubja, predstavljen v tem prispevku na osnovi uvida v alevijsko glasbeno tradicijo, pa 
predoči možnost razumevanja alevijskih skupnosti kot vzora za vzpostavljanje etike gostoljubja.
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Maja Bjelica: Aleviness, Music, and Hospitality
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
MAJA BJELICA (maja.bjelica@zrs-kp.si) is a Research Associate at the Institute for Philo-
sophical Studies at the Science and Research Centre Koper, Slovenia. Her interest in the field 
of Turkish Alevi studies formed during her research concerning Alevi music in Istanbul in 
2009. She later focused on aspects of Alevi ethics and hospitality that she presented as a case 
study in her doctoral dissertation, “A Philosophical-Anthropological Study of the Possibilities 
of the Ethics of Hospitality: Breath, Silence, and Listening in Spaces of Intersubjectivity,” 
which draws from the disciplines of philosophy and anthropology. Her research interests 
include ethics of hospitality, applied ethnomusicology, ethics of listening, community music, 
intercultural philosophy, and transdisciplinarity.
O AVTORICI
MAJA BJELICA (maja.bjelica@zrs-kp.si) je znanstvena sodelavka na Inštitutu za filozofske 
študije Znanstveno-raziskovalnega središča Koper. Njeno zanimanje za proučevanje turškega 
alevijstva se je razvilo tekom njene raziskave o alevijski glasbi v Istanbulu, leta 2009. Kas-
neje je pozornost preusmerila v alevijsko etiko in gostoljubje, ki ju je kot študijski primer 
vključila v svojo doktorsko disertacijo s področij antropologije in filozofije, z naslovom “Fi-
lozofsko-antropološka študija možnosti etike gostoljubja: dih, tišina in poslušanje v prostorih 
intersubjektivnosti.” Njeno znanstveno-raziskovalno zanimanje zajema etiko gostoljubja, 
aplikativno etnomuzikologijo, etiko poslušanja, skupnostno glasbo ter transdisciplinarnost.
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