socialno delo letnik 58 april-junij 2019 številka 2 CLANKI/ARTICLES POLEMIKA ESEJ RECENZIJI ISSN 0352-7956 UDK 304+36 Karina Schlingensiepen-Trint - citizenship, democracy and social work-an exploration toward a direct link - 95 AnŽeJurČek- prispevek socialnega dela v zdravstveni dejavnosti v sloveniji-113 Ana Štambuk- widowhood and grieving in old age - 125 Tamara RapeZiberna, AlešZnidar, Janko Cafuta, Vito Flaker- reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo - kaj se pravzaprav dogaja? - 145 Klavdija Gorjup- moja izkušnja učenja socialnega dela - 155 Jus Skraban - Jasna Russo, Angela Sweeney (ur.) (2016) - SEARCHING FOR A ROSE GARDEN: CHALLENGING PSYCHIATRY; FOSTERING MAD STUDIES - 161 AnzeJurcek- Edouard Louis (2018) - THE END OF EDDY- 165 NAJAVA 7. kongres socialnega dela - humanizem in etika v socialnem delu - 169 s o letnik 58 - april-junij 2019 - št. 2 0 "Ö o "ö a E CD 25 ZT > CD N CD > W u o CO C =) O "O o C CD 'o o C/) CD M CD ■1—' CD ^ CD U— Izdajatelj Fakulteta za socialno delo Univerze v Ljubljani Vse pravice pridržane Glavna urednica Vera Grebene Odgovorni urednik Borut Petrovič Jesenovec Uredniški odbor Srečo Dragoš, Martina Kerec, Nina Mešl, Tamara Rape Žiberna, Irena Šumi, Mojca Urek, Darja Zaviršek Uredniški svet Gordana Bere, Lena Dominelli, Shirley Gabel Gaetano, Subhangi Herath, Duška Kneževič Hočevar, Roman Kuhar, Chu-Li Julie Liu, Rea Maglajlič, Jana Mali, Theano Kallinikaki, Dragan Petrovec, Paula Pinto, Francka Premzel, Shula Ramon, Liljana Rihter, Alessandro Siccora, Lea Šugman Bohinc, Mirjana Ule In memoriam Jo Campling Naslov Topniška 31, 1000 Ljubljana tel. (01) 2809 273, faks 2809270 socialno.delo@fsd.uni-lj.si Spletna stran https://www.revija-socialnodelo.si/ Tisk Nonparel, d. o. o., Medvode Naročnina (cena letnika) za pravne osebe € 55,00 za fizične osebe € 27,00 (študentje € 23,00) enojna številka € 13,50, dvojna številka € 27,00 Vključenost v podatkovne baze International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS) Sociological Abstracts EBSCO Soclndex with Full Text Na leto izidejo štiri številke. Subvencija: Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije Smernice, kako pripraviti in predložiti prispevek za objavo, se nahajajo na spletnih straneh revije. Publisher University of Ljubljana Faculty of Social Work All rights reserved Editor in chief Vera Grebene Senior Editor Borut Petrovič Jesenovec Editorial Board Srečo Dragoš, Martina Kerec, Nina Mešl, Tamara Rape Žibema, Irena Šumi, Mojca Urek, Darja Zaviršek Advisory Board Gordana Bere, Lena Dominelli, Shirley Gabel Gaetano, Subhangi Herath, Duška Kneževič Hočevar, Roman Kuhar, Chu-Li Julie Liu, Rea Maglajlič, Jana Mali, Theano Kallinikaki, Dragan Petrovec, Paula Pinto, Francka Premzel, Shula Ramon, Liljana Rihter, Alessandro Siccora, Lea Šugman Bohinc, Mirjana Ule In memoriam Jo Campling Address Topniška 31, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia phone (+386 1) 2809 273, fax 2809270 socialno. delo@fsd.uni-lj.si Web site https://www.revija-socialnodelo.si/en/ Four issues are issued per year. Subvention: Slovenian Research Agency Guidelines for authors are published on the Journal's web pages. SOCIALNO DELO, Vol. 58, Issue 2 (April-June 2019) SELECTED CONTENTS 95 Karina Schlingensiepen-Trint — Citizenship, democracy and social work 113 Anze Jurcek — Contribution of social work in health care services in Slovenia 125 Ana Stambuk —Widowhood and grieving in old age Original scientific article Received 15 March 2019, accepted 1 July 2019 Karina Schlingensiepen-Trint Citizenship, democracy and social work An exploration toward a direct link In democratic constitutional states there is a gap between social inequalities as a result of capitalist societies and the status of free and equal citizens guaranteed by the constitution. This paper argues that social work, by "mediating" between the individual and society, is not only confronted with this gap. It can be shown that there is a direct link between social work, democracy and citizenship. The following hypotheses are laid out. (1) Social rights are the necessary condition for realizing the status of a free and equal active citizen. Social rights are necessary in order to achieve democratic conditions. (2) Taking into account the fact that rights are meaningless if there are no social conditions available for the individual to realize them, this paper argues that social rights implemented and guaranteed by a welfare state are needed but not sufficient. (3) The author points out that social work is crucial for the individual to really make use of his or her status as an equal free citizen and therefore for realizing democratic conditions. The paper ends with some consequences that arise from this theoretical consideration. Keywords: social rights, welfare state, citizen, social policy, social conditions. Karina Schlingensiepen-Trint, PhD candidate, is a research assistant in Educational Science/Social Work Unit at the School of Human and Social Science, the University of Wuppertal, Germany. She focuses her research interest mainly on theoretical issues, especially concerning possible foundations and justifications of social work. Contact: schlingensiepen-trint@uni-wuppertal.de. Državljanstvo, demokracija in socialno delo - raziskovanje neposredne povezave V demokratičnih ustavnih državah obstaja vrzel med družbenimi neenakostmi, ki so posledica kapitalistične družbe, in statusom svobodnih in enakopravnih državljanov, ki ga zagotavlja ustava. Avtorica trdi, da se socialno delo s tem, ko "posreduje" med posameznikom in družbo, s to vrzeljo ne samo pasivno srečuje. Pokazati je mogoče, daje med socialnim delom, demokracijo in državljanstvom neposredna povezava. Predstavljene so tri hipoteze. (1) Socialne pravice so nujni pogoj za zagotovitev statusa svobodnega in enakopravnega aktivnega državljana. Socialne pravice so nujne, če hočemo zagotoviti demokratične razmere. (2) Ker pravice nimajo smisla, če ni družbenih razmer, v katerih bi jih posameznik lahko uresničeval, avtorica trdi, da so socialne pravice, ki jih uresničuje in jamči država blaginje, sicer potrebne, niso pa dovolj. (3) Avtorica opozori, da je socialno delo ključno, če hoče posameznikzares uveljavljati svoj status enakopravnega svobodnega državljana in če hočemo zagotoviti demokratične razmere. Na koncu članka je opisanih nekaj posledic takšnega teoretskega razmišljanja. Ključne besede: socialne pravice, država blaginje, državljan, socialna politika, družbene razmere. Doktorska kandidatka Karina Schlingensiepen-Trint je raziskovalka in asistentka na Enoti za edukacijsko znanost in socialno delo na Šoli za humanistiko in družbene vede na Univerzi v Wuppertalu v Nemčiji. Raziskovalno se ukvarja predvsem s teoretskimi vprašanji, zlasti s tistimi, ki g so povezana z utemeljitvami socialnega dela. Kontakt: schlingensiepen-trint@uni-wuppertal.de. 7 m CT! N < Lishman, J. (2009). The social worker. V M. Doel, & M. S. Shardlow (ur.), Educating professionals: practice learning in health and social care (str. 175-191). Farnham: Ashgate. Miloševič, V. (1989). Socialno delo. Ljubljana: Samozaložba. Miloševič Arnold, V., & Poštrak, M. (2003). Uvod v socialno delo. Ljubljana: Študentska založba. Ministrstvo za zdravje (2015). Resolucija o nacionalnem planu zdravstvenega varstva 20152025: skupaj za družbo zdravja. Pridobljeno 28. 3. 2019 s http://www.mz.gov.si/fileadmin/ mz.gov.si/pageuploads/PPT_13.6._Resolucija/ResNPZV.pdf. Mesec, B. (1998). Uvod v kvalitativno raziskovanje v socialnem delu. Ljubljana: VŠSD. Muhič, S. (2012). Socialno delo na dispanzerju za pedopsihiatrijo v zdravstvenem domu Maribor. Socialno delo, 51(1-3), str. 159-164. Nacionalni inštitut za javno zdravje (2018). Neenakost v zdravju v Sloveniji v času ekonomske krize. Pridobljeno 18. 3. 2019 s http://www.nijz.si/sites/www.nijz.si/files/publikacije-dato-teke/neenakosti_v_zdravju_2018.pdf. Pahor, M. (2014). Medpoklicno sodelovanje v zdravstvenih timih. V M. Pahor (ur.), Zavezniki za zdravje: medpoklicno sodelovanje v zdravstvenih timih. Ljubljana: Zdravstvena fakulteta. Pogačnik, M. (1984). Socialno delo v zdravstvu. Obzornik zdravstvene nege, 18(6), str. 379409. Rapoša Tajnšek, P. (1996). Profesionalna identiteta socialnih delavk in delavcev in ugled socialnega dela v javnosti. Socialno delo, 35(5), str. 445-457. Ristič Kovačič, S. (2012). Bolnišnično socialno delo na Kliničnem inštitutu za klinično nevro-fiziologijo. Socialno delo, 51(1-3), str. 135-142. Ruth B. J., & Marshall J. W. (2017). A history of social work in public health. American Journal of Public Health, 107(3), str. 236-242. Steketee, G., Ross, A. M., & Wachman, M. K. (2017). Health outcomes and costs of social work services: a systematic review. American Journal of Public Health, 107(S3), str. 256266. Stevanovič, J. (2012). Socialno delo v Univerzitetnem rehabilitacijskem inštitutu Republike Slovenije - Soča. Socialno delo, 51(1-3), str. 165-170. Stržinar, D. (2012). Socialno delo z mladostniki v psihiatrični obravnavi. Socialno delo, 51(1-3), str. 127-134. Svetovna zdravstvena organizacija (2008). Zmanjševanje razlik v času ene generacije. Pridobljeno 18. 3. 2019 s http://www.nijz.si/sites/www.nijz.si/files/uploaded/zmanjsevanje _razlik_v_casu_ene_generacije.pdf. Svetovna zdravstvena organizacija (2011). Neenakosti v zdravju v Sloveniji. Pridobljeno 18. 3. 2019 s http://www.nijz.si/sites/www.nijz.si/files/uploaded/neenakosti_v_zdravju_v_ sloveniji_who.pdf. Svetovna zdravstvena organizacija (2018). European Health Report. Pridobljeno 18. 3.2019 s http://www.euro.who.int/en/data-and-evidence/european-health-report/european-he-alth-report-2018. Šimenc, J., (2016). »Vsi smo obremenjeni, a zdaj pa še to«. Socialno delo, 55(1-2), str. 2737. Zafošnik, U. (2013). Sodelovanje med poklici v zdravstvu in socialnem delu: razširitev zdravstveno negovalnega tima na urgenci (magistrsko delo). Ljubljana: Fakulteta za socialno delo. Zimmerman, J., & Dabelko, H. I. (2007). Collaborative models of patient care. Social Work in Health Care, 44(4), str. 33-47. Review scientific article Received 25 February 2019, accepted 1 July 2019 Ana Štambuk Widowhood and grieving in old age Characteristics of widowhood in old age and different reactions to loss are investigated in the first part. In the second part, theoretical approaches to grief are examined. In the process of grieving, the complexity and individuality of each individual are important, and professionals working with the elderly and their family members should recognise the signs of grief and take into account all factors related to the grieving process. Although adaptation to the death of a spouse in old age is considered one of the natural stages of life, it is emphasised that the loss of a spouse is one of life's greatest stressors. The consequences ofwidowhood are discussed, as well as differences in adaptation between men and women, which must be understood if adequate assistance and support is to be provided. Finally, strategies for coping with loneliness as a consequence of widowhood are suggested. The conclusion underlines the importance of social support to all the elderly in bereavement (particularly to those who are severely ill, without family or on a low income and to men) as well as the need to create a social climate in which grieving persons are recognised and accepted in their new role, for which they need time to adapt. Key words: loss, social gerontology, social support, bereavement, loneliness, death. Ana Štambuk, PhD, is an associate professor from the Chair of the Department of Social Gerontology at the Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb. She teaches Social Gerontology at undergraduate level and Palliative Care and Social Work with Older People at postgraduate level. Contakt: astambuk@pravo.hr. Vdovstvo in žalovanje v starosti V prvem delu so predstavljeni značilnosti vdovstva in različni odzivi na izgubo v starosti, v drugem pa teoretski pristopi k žalosti. V procesu žalovanja sta pomembni kompleksnost in individualnost vsakega posameznika, strokovnjaki in družinski člani pa bi morali upoštevati dejavnike, povezane z žalovanjem. Čeprav velja prilagajanje na smrt zakonca v starosti za eno od naravnih faz življenja, je izguba zakonca eden največjih stresorjev v življenju. Avtorica obravnava posledice vdovstva in razlike v prilagajanju na izgubo med moškimi in ženskami; to je še posebej pomembno upoštevati pri zagotavljanju ustrezne pomoči in podpore. Predlaga tudi strategije za obvladovanje osamljenosti, kije posledica vdovstva. V sklepu je poudarjen pomen socialne podpore za vse stare ljudi v težavnih razmerah (zlasti za tiste, ki so hudo bolni, brez družine ali imajo majhne dohodke, in za moške). Treba je ustvariti družbeno ozračje, v katerem bodo žalujoči priznani in sprejeti v svoji novi vlogi, za katero potrebujejo čas, da se navadijo nanjo. Ključne besede: izguba, socialna gerontologija, socialna podpora, žalost, osamljenost, smrt. Dr. Ana Štambuk je izredna profesorica in predstojnica Katedre za socialno gerontologijo Študijskega centra za socialno delo na Pravni fakulteti Univerze v Zagrebu. Dodiplomskim študentom predava Socialno gerontologijo, podiplomskim pa Paliativno oskrbo in Socialno delo s starimi ljudmi. Kontakt: astambuk@pravo.hr. Introduction 3 eg The population of the world, including Europe, is rapidly ageing. Within the ~ European Union, the development of services for the elderly has become one of the principal objectives of all Member States. Eurostat data (2014) show a that the proportion of residents older than 65 years of age was then 18.2%. o Slightly earlier, in 2010, the percentage of women in the European Union in * the 65-79 age group stood at 55%, while almost 70% of the 80+ age group $ were women (Eurostat, 2010). From the above, we can conclude that women | are more likely to encounter the loss of their spouse and are more likely to ™ experience the process of grieving. But, for both women and men alike, the < loss of a spouse is a great, and for some even the greatest stressor of life (Beaver & Miller, 1992). Robert Havighurst (1968) lists several developmental tasks associated with old age (a developmental task is the most important achievement expected from a person in a particular life period): adjustment to the decline in body strength and health, adaptation to retirement and reduced income, adaptation to the death of a spouse, the establishment of a clear sense of belonging to one's own age group, fulfilling social and civic obligations and establishing satisfactory living conditions. It is thus, to some extent, expected of people in old age that they perform successfully the developmental task of adapting to the death of a spouse. However, it should be noted that, given the numerous changes within the family and society over the last few decades (Jedvaj, Stambuk & Rusac, 2014), greater care of the most vulnerable of the elderly is required, and among those in such need are surely persons who have lost their partner. We can define loss as an event that has prevented our constant access to a person who is significant to us, to whom we are devoted, loyal and emotionally bound so that, owing to separation, the feeling of a loss of security emerges and the process of mourning begins (Salajpal, 2008). Worden (2005) defines grief as a term that is applied to the process through which we pass as we adapt to the loss of a person, while loss is what a person seeks to adapt to. Although each of us is a unique being and passes through the grieving process in his or her own way, there are some general features and patterns of grief. Thus, many authors differentiate a normal, or usual, from difficult grief. In addition, there are some behaviour patterns, feelings and reactions to loss that are considered universal. According to Arambasic (2005), the grieving process is influenced by four factors: 1. Who died, or the strength of the emotional bond with the deceased; 2. How that person died, or the circumstances of death; 3. Personal factors related to the bereaved (age, gender, personality traits...); 4. External factors (grieving rituals, the size of the social network...). The grieving process is as more difficult and lasting according to the emotional strength of the relationship with the deceased or, in other words, the more we are devoted to the deceased person, the harder it will be to endure his or her loss. According to Bowlby (1977), the theory of affection explains attachment as stemming from the need for protection and security; it is developed early in life, is directed at several specific individuals and survives for the larger part of the life cycle. In addition to being devoted to our parents, brothers and sisters, we are most often devoted to our spouse. Therefore, the loss of a spouse (along with the loss of a child) is considered one of the strongest stressors in life (Holmes & Rahe, 1967). If we have been living with a partner for many years, it may seem that he or she complements our thoughts and feelings so that, when that person is lost to us, we feel we 127 have lost much of ourselves at the same time (Noel and Blair, 2012). The g loss of a spouse is specific and special because it is often accompanied by | numerous life changes such as loss of identity, loss of mutual friends and/or 0 d financial support. Likewise, the position of a widow or widower in society is n contingent to a significant extent on the rules and traditions of the local or g regional environment, so it can be accompanied by a change of social status | or even social exclusion. K The loss of a spouse in old age carries some specific consequences: a per- K son becomes aware of his or her own mortality, he or she may become lonely e and experience multiple losses. This is why social support is important at this period of life. There are differences between men and women with respect to the provision of support and its acceptance. Some authors argue that men are less willing to acknowledge the need for support and are less active in seeking it, while women receive more support from family and friends. Older mothers receive more practical, financial and emotional support from adult children than fathers (Suitor, Gilligan, Johnson and Pillemer, 2014). Arber (2004) indicates that men are more dependent on the spouse in the areas of support and engagement in general and can have difficulties in forming a new, lasting relationship. For many men, greater engagement is associated with the work they do, and they do not invest sufficiently in the construction of the social capital that will sustain them through old age, specifically through widowhood. The research conducted by Ha, Carr, Utz and Nesse (2006) has shown that widows give and receive more support, which can be explained by the traditional division of roles in the family - even in stressful moments they take care of the whole family, while widowers retreat and suppress grief. Widowhood Like divorce, widowhood involves the termination of a conjugal union, leading to a particular form of post-married life. Although it can be simply and unambiguously defined, it has a number of different aspects. Widowhood is the status of a person who has not remarried after the death of a spouse. Many authors (Cox, 1988; Ha, Carr, Utz and Nesse, 2006) recognise widowhood as one of the typical, natural and expected - normative changes in the aging process. Some consider the adaptation to the death of the spouse as one of the most difficult developmental tasks of an elderly person who has been married (Roberto & Pearson Scott, 1986). For an individual, widowhood is a deeply traumatic emotional experience (Stokes, 1992) and an irreplaceable loss of the most intimate relationship, owing to the interruption of intimacy with the life partner (Utz, Reidy, Carr, Nesse and Wortman, 2004). That is why it ranks among life events that violate not only personal integrity but also social order (Kafetz, 2002). Therefore, widowhood is an embedded social category - a state encompassing social position, relationships and roles that involves a widow or widower, the family, close persons and the wider community. At the same time, in social terms, widowhood is a life transition; it is thus a developmental process that manifests as the transition to a new period of life with the adoption of new | roles. It lasts until the conclusion of a new conjugal union or the individual's death, and involves different ways of coping with, or adapting to, new life circumstances. Specific developmental dynamics of change in the status, roles and behaviour of an individual are a specific experience that is different for every widow and every widower. Therefore, uniqueness is an important dimension of widowhood. It is determined by the interaction of internal and external factors such as the circumstances surrounding a particular widowhood, the personality traits, gender, age, culture, size and structure of the family, the relevant social network, the context of loss, the ability to adapt and previous experience of doing so (Stokes, 1992). Reactions to loss of a spouse Loss causes different reactions. Arambasic (2005, p. 84) lists four groups of reactions: emotional, mental, physical and behavioural. The emotional reactions include: sadness, anger, feelings of guilt and self-recrimination, anxiety and fear, feelings of loneliness or abandonment, feelings of emptiness, helplessness, longing for the deceased, feelings of "freedom" and relief. The mental reactions are: shock and disbelief, confusion, the experience of losing control over life, thinking about the dead person, the experience of having a dead person next to us, difficulties with concentrating, remembering and reminiscence, intrusive thoughts and images of the deceased, concern, imagining the deceased, seeking to make sense of the loss and the meaning of life after the loss. The physical reactions include: "emptiness" in the stomach, tightness of the chest and throat, pressure and chest pain, sensitivity to sounds, breathing difficulties, muscular weakness, dry mouth, headache, dizziness, drowsiness, fatigue. The behavioural reactions include: sleeping difficulties, changes in appetite, withdrawal from people, dreams of the deceased, excessive activity, crying, going to places reminiscent of the deceased, obsessive care for things that belonged to the deceased and seeking justice, and to assign blame for death. Powerful emotional reactions can leave various consequences. It is interesting to explore how men respond to the loss of a wife. Silverman and Thomson (2018) conducted a qualitative study with 33 widowers aged 45 to 89 years, whose average age was 62. The work focused on emotions related to the loss of the wife, ways of coping with the loss and changes that had occurred in their lives. The characteristics of the initial reactions to the loss of the wife depended on several situational factors: the manner of death - whether it was a sudden loss or a prolonged illness that lasted for several months or years, the age of the children who remained and, perhaps, the most important factor - the quality and characteristics of the relationship with the deceased woman. All the widowers in the study experienced the loss of their wives to be a profound shock. They report experiencing the emotions of sadness, despair, anger, shock, fear and guilt. The combination of these emotions has led to a sense of loss of personal identity and to tense relationships with family and friends. After the initial difficult emotions, the widowers report that they 129 felt a need to establish control over their life and, in some cases, a relief that i suffering from a severe illness was terminated. Widowhood as an unexpected | but also strongly stressful event is more difficult to endure and for the person | concerned, especially for the widower, presents an emotional burden and d leads to a number of troubled emotions, changes of status and role in society, i loneliness, etc. (Britvic, 2010). As for the widows, they also experience many | negative emotions when losing their spouse. Of course, in some way it can be 5 assumed that, to women, the death of their spouse is as difficult event as to men, and even more so since women are more dependent on men in general. $ The most common emotions that appear in widows are sadness, longing for the past life as a couple, loneliness and a certain trepidation over life in the future (Vuletic and Stapic, 2013). Theoretical approaches to grief There are different definitions of grief, which more or less emphasise that it is a normal and necessary process through which people pass after the loss of someone or something that they have been emotionally attached to, that has occupied an important place in their lives. Since the grieving process is reflected in different areas and aspects of human life, many theories have been devised to explain this complex process from different points of view. Aram-basic (2005) lists two groups of theoretical models: traditional and contemporary. Traditional models emerged earlier and have a great influence on the area of loss and grief, and serve as the basis for, or origin of, modern models. These approaches are based on the phases through which the grieving person passes and tasks that need to be carried out during mourning. Modern models approach grief in a different way, taking into account the stages of grieving, internal and external factors, and the outcomes of grief. Although the object of this article is not to present the theories of grieving, it should be noted that there is still a considerable degree of prejudice present in relation to this process, so that many of those in mourning report to interviewers the following difficulties during the process of adapting: the lack of understanding of those around them, non-acceptance of their expression of negative feelings or of grieving as a process, which has no predetermined rules or conventions according to which a grieving person should behave. Grief is an individual process in which we, as individuals, learn to live under changed circumstances (without the person we loved). We change from day to day and that in spite of everything, we can develop our life and continue to live in a different way from before the moment of loss of a loved one. Consequently, it is important that we have the support and understanding of the social environment. One of the newer theories, which has questioned some of the basic assumptions of older ones (especially of traditional models, e.g. Kubller-Ross, 1969) is the theory of continuing bonds developed by Klass, Silverman and Nickman (1996). It emphasises that a healthy grieving process is based on the ability of those in mourning to maintain a lasting relationship with the deceased person. While earlier theories saw the purpose of grieving to lie in | the final termination of relationships, leaving them behind and creating new relationships, the authors of this theory consider that the purpose of grief is to find a way to maintain a relationship with the deceased person, one compatible with other existing relationships and new ones. Arambasic (2005, p. 234) asserts that the function of such theoretical approaches is to interpret the numerous and complex reactions to loss, helping to explain individual differences in the outcomes of grief and to shape strategies for providing assistance and support to those grieving. Therefore, it is necessary to mention the signs and forms of complicated mourning that indicate the need to provide professional help to the grieving person. Signs and forms of complicated grief The signs of complicated grief include: attacks of anxiety and fear, taking on symptoms of diseases from which the deceased suffered, reckless business ventures, apathy, self-destructive behaviour, agitated depression, excessive activity without sense of loss, etc. Unfortunately, for a large number of people, influenced by culture and family models of expressing emotion, talking about fears and sorrow due to loss is a taboo topic. Although most people pass through the grieving process, as a natural response to loss, without major problems in the functioning of the family or at the workplace, others need help and support of professionals because even for a long time after the loss (e.g. two years or more) the grieving process may not even have started or many have become "entangled" within difficulties. There are a number of factors that can complicate a grieving process: personality traits (e.g. tendency to depression), a personal history of losses (more severe losses occurring at the same time or incomplete grieving for earlier losses), the circumstances of the loss (unexpected, sudden death), and various social factors that do not allow individuals to express their grief and accept it. Burke and Neimeyer (2013) give the following risk factors: 1. low level of social support, 2. avoiding/anxious/insecure type of attachment, 3. discovering the corpse in cases of violent death or dissatisfaction with the manner of being informed about the death, 4. being a spouse or a parent of the deceased, 5. high level of marital dependence, and 6. high degree of neuroticism. Different authors state various types of complicated grief. According to William Worden (2005), we distinguish: chronic, delayed, excessive and covert grief. In chronic grief the person himself or herself and those in his or her social environment are aware that there is no progress in the grieving process. This grief is characterised by the inability to accept irreversible loss. Delayed grief can be present in people who normally have problems expressing emotions and occurs in the form of insufficiently pronounced sadness at the time of loss. An individual can also take responsibility for others who are grieving, so his or her own grief is suppressed for some time, while a previous experience of greater loss may impede the expression of current grief. Excessive grief is just the opposite of the above. The person is overwhelmed by intense sadness and can exhibit socially unacceptable behaviour that can i turn into depression, anxiety disorder or some form of social phobia. Covert | grief is characterised by avoidance and suppression, i.e. the person fails to d face loss in a direct way and develops replacement "symptoms" different d from emotional (e.g. symptoms of a disease that has been manifest in the i deceased person). | g n l d The specifics of losing a spouse in old age e Family law in Croatia defines marriage as the legally-regulated lifetime union of a woman and a man (Obiteljski zakon, 2003, art. 5). Pernar (2010) points out that every marriage "consists" of the wife's and husband's marriage expectations. According to tradition, women are considered the guardians of the relationship, which means that they are responsible for making communication between partners flow easily and for making relations intimate. For women, expressing intimate thoughts and feelings is a very important aspect of marriage, while, for men, the physical expression of intimacy and care is more important. Marriage in older age acquires some special features. The first change in marital relations is brought by retirement, because it means that the couple will spend a lot more time together than before. Couples in this period feel strong mutual intimacy, men become more dependent on women, less competitive and seek more companionship within the family (Pernar, 2010). The second big change comes about with the death of the spouse and the process of adaptation to it. Since one loss always involves more losses - along with the loss of a spouse we lose at the same time an intimate partner, a protector from afflictions, a friend, a trustworthy person, a person with whom we have shared responsibility for important decisions, a person who provides for our entertainment, material security, social status, a complete home and joint parent of our children (Arambasic, 2005). The loss of a spouse means therefore the loss we feel in many areas of life. In this period of life we pass through several stages (Pernar, 2010): 1. Stage of preparation - if we know the health problems of a spouse, we can "prepare" for his or her death, but this does not mean that we will not experience strong emotional pain after the loss of a spouse. 2. Stage of grief - follows the death of a partner, when it is essential to express emotions and thoughts, and help can be found in a supportive social environment. 3. Stage of adaptation - we find some other meaning in life and new values and attitudes appear. There will be more about grief in the following sections. Noel and Blair (2012) give the following multiple changes that occur along with the loss of a spouse: 1. Loss of identity - considering that we interpret life's ups and downs together with our partner, it often happens that along with the loss of a partner we also lose the foundations of our identity. We have to gradually build a new life in a period when we are both physically and emotionally exhausted; 132 2. Loss of mutual friends - mutual friends are often lost because they bring | back memories of the lost partner, so the widow(er) cannot bear to see them anymore; 3. Memories and images - many widowers or widows see the figure of their lost partner and feel her or his presence, which can help them recover. Although the grieving process for each individual is specific, Worden (2005) states that grieving in old age, as a result of the loss of a spouse, has some specific characteristics: 1. Mutual dependence - in each marriage there is mutual dependence, but if the marriage lasts for many years that dependence becomes very pronounced, which leads to a more difficult adjustment to the loss of the person with whom the greater part of life has been spent. 2. Multiple losses - as a person grows old, his or her friends and family members grow old as well, and this leads to the possibility that an individual experiences a high number of losses in a very short period of time, which can lead that person to feel such devastation that he or she does not grieve at all (the ability to grieve may be reduced). In addition, there is the possibility of the loss of work, of physical strength, the appearance of disability, the weakening of the senses, etc. 3. Awareness of your own mortality - experiencing the loss of your peers, friends, spouse, brothers and sisters can lead to the increased awareness of your own mortality, which can lead to existential anguish. 4. Loneliness - after the loss of their spouse, many elderly people live alone, which can lead to a strong sense of loneliness in the physical environment they once shared with their partner. 5. Adjustment of roles - after the loss of their partner, an individual must face new roles. This more often affects men, who, after they lose their wives, have to face household chores that, until that moment, they had never had to perform. Differences between men and women in adaptation to widowhood Differences in the adaptation to widowhood have not yet been sufficiently explored, so in the literature we find conflicting opinions about who it is who finds it more difficult to adapt to widowhood. Arambasic (2005) believes that the problem lies in the fact that men and women show how they feel after loss in different ways and then are "judged" on that basis with regard to who finds it easier or more difficult. Some research has shown that women adapt better to the widowhood because they have a better developed social network. Stroebe and Schut (1999) assert that women are more focused on loss and men on recovery. Women and men also differ according to the needs they want to address at the meetings of support groups after the loss. Women emphasise the need to share feelings with others while men need to know how others have been coping with a similar situation. Widowers show fewer contacts with friends and relatives 6 months after the death of their wife (Ha, Carr, Utz and Nesse, 2006). 133 However, the adaptation of women to widowhood depends on the nature of g the husband's death. If death occurred after a long and severe illness, women | go through a period of anticipation, which later facilitates the adaptation to g d widowhood. The adjustment is more difficult if death occurs abruptly. The n quality of adaptation also depends on the relationship that existed between g partners. If a woman was dependent and passive, she remains completely lost | after her husband's death, while independent women become accustomed to K a new state more rapidly, according to Poredos (2001). He claims that men K find it more difficult to adapt to the conditions of solitary life because they e suppress sadness and retreat into themselves, while women more easily accept single life because they have been taking and performing different social roles throughout their lives. In addition, they are "allowed" to be sad and to weep. However, women often encounter financial problems after the death of their spouse (Angel, Jimenez and Angel, 2007). Poredos (2001) also refers to the financial problems of widowed women who had a slightly lower level of education than their husbands and were mostly housewives, so that their financial status after the husband's death becomes considerably worse. In the course of their lives, widowers have had higher incomes than their wives and retain the same financial resources. According to Umberson, Wortman and Kessler (1992), the differences in adaptation to widowhood are associated with differences in marital role; men and women experience marriage in a different way and therefore their experience of the loss of a spouse is also different. The primary benefit for married women (according to traditional approaches) is financial certainty, so by losing their husbands they face loss of financial security. Men, on the other hand, by entering into marriage, increase their social network and have someone who helps them with their household chores. For them, therefore, losing a wife means a narrowing of their social network and having to navigate their household chores. Bennett, Smith and Hughes (2005), by contrast, found differences to lie in the expression of feelings after the death of a spouse: men are more depressed and express negative emotions, while women express more anger. In addition, men use physical activity to expel negative emotions associated with loss, while women are more inclined to do so through conversation. Differences in adaptation between men and women can also be seen through the willingness to receive support from, or give support to, other family members. Widows have been shown to receive more support from children than married women, while male widowers receive the same amount of support as married men (Kalmijn, 2007). As far as women are concerned, they look for more help concerning financial and legal issues because they often lack experience in dealing with these things (this is often a part of the role of a husband). On the other hand, they are better at providing emotional and instrumental support because they are accustomed to take care of other family members in moments of stress. In general, widows receive and give more help than widowers (Ha, Carr, Utz and Nesse, 2006). However, the level of education affects the willingness to receive or give support. Women with a higher degree of education are less dependent on children in terms of | finances, just as better educated men are more prepared to provide children with emotional support. The quality of marital relations is likewise a very significant factor in adjusting to the death of a spouse. Widowers and widows who had a high degree of conflict in their marital relations (Parkes and Weiss, 1983) showed relatively low discomfort and high social participation six weeks after the death of their partners. In a repeat study, 13 months after the death of the partner, the same respondents claimed a significantly lower level of conflict in marriage compared with their first statements (which is not a rare occurrence, as the deceased is described often in better terms than she or he usually was). After 24-48 months, the same respondents showed a high degree of anxiety, guilt and depression in comparison with respondents with fewer conflicts in marriage. The investigation of Carr, House, Kesser, Nesse, Sonnega and Wortman (2000) showed that more anxiety is expressed by those spouses who were more dependent in marriage in comparison with those who were more independent. The level of longing for the deceased was lower in people whose relationships were characterised by conflict in relation to those who had a high degree of marital intimacy and dependence on the spouse. Also, women who received instrumental support (various types of help that others may provide) from their husbands showed a higher level of longing for the deceased. We can conclude that in adapting to widowhood there are some differences between men and women, but given that the loss of a spouse is an extremely difficult, emotional experience, we cannot talk about who adapts better but just of the different parameters that affect adaptation in women and men. Nevertheless, it is certainly important to observe, in an individual approach, what a person can do on his or her own in reorganising his or her life, and how she or he can be helped and supported by family members, friends and neighbours during the process of adaptation. Consequences of widowhood The consequences of widowhood are numerous and complex and regularly include a number of negative, personal and social changes. For each person they mean a unique combination of loss and difficulties whose impact on living can continue long after the death of a partner, and often for life. In general, evidence suggests that widows or widowers have reduced morale and lower spirits after losing their partner. However, some authors point out that confronting widowhood is hardest during the first six months after the death of a partner. The reasons for this are emotional suffering due to loss, difficulty in adopting to new roles and skills and the perception of support received being less than anticipated (Besser and Priel, 2007). Over time (an average of eighteen months after the loss) most widows and widowers come to a successful recovery and adaptation to a new lifestyle. Often, widowers and widows feel sad, but nonetheless perform their daily duties and find satisfaction in them. Most authors agree that widowhood in 135 the social context primarily causes the loss of an important relationship and i support, with changes in social position, roles and patterns of social partici- | pation. There is an unwanted disharmony between the relationships that a | person has and the relationships that she or he would like to have (Dykstra, d van Tilburg and de Jong Gierveld, 2005). His or her limitation or decline often i leads to an underlying loneliness - emotional (experience of abandonment) or | social (experience of social exclusion). Changing the social network can cause 5 a considerable degree of social disintegration, including that of social identity. Specifically, for many married people, being married and part of a couple $ constitutes a central part of their identity. Once the partner is dead, society regards the survivor as widowed or single. But the widower still sees him or herself as a husband or wife and remains connected to the deceased. They need some time to reconstruct a new identity (Klass, Silverman and Nickman, 1996). From a personal perspective, widowhood for most elderly people means far more than the emotional loss of a wife or a husband. It usually means a profound change in life that has not been freely chosen or desired, the loss of everyday intimacy and interaction, the loss of the future they have jointly planned, proximity to the end of life or loss of the meaning of life. Widows or widowers often feel themselves to be in seclusion (Bondevik and Skogstad, 1998), with deteriorating health, especially depression, and the risk of early death (Manzoli, Villari, Pirone and Boccia, 2007), sometimes accompanied by difficulty in grieving. However, individual experiences show that widowhood can be preceded by very different circumstances, which, if unpleasant, promote the alleviation of stress and the heaviness of loss: low level of emotional closeness, poor marital quality, violence in the marital relationship or disease affecting the partner and requiring long-term care with great psychological and physical effort on the carer's part (Cicak, 2010). Strategies for coping with loneliness in widowhood Loneliness is an integral part of life for every human being. All people, regardless of gender, age, race, religion, marital or socio-economic status, at some point in their lives experience loneliness. In the last two decades, many authors have started to focus more intensively on the issue of loneliness. This has resulted, among other things, in a variety of answers to the question: "What, in fact, is loneliness?" The existing definitions of loneliness can be classified in 3 groups (Klarin, 2003). The first group approaches loneliness as a deficit in social relations, the second regards loneliness as a subjective experience that is occasionally inherent in people, and the last group characterises loneliness as a painful and unpleasant experience. Other authors warn that, owing to its personal and subjective nature, loneliness is very difficult to define precisely. Klarin (2003) defines loneliness as "a subjective, unpleasant emotional state arising from unfulfilled needs for intimacy, belonging and love." Concepts of loneliness, solitude and living alone are often considered synonyms. Although these are three different concepts, they are linked and are the dimensions of loneliness (Graneheim and Lundman, 2009). First of all, we must differentiate loneliness from being alone. People can be alone | without feeling lonely. Loneliness implies a subjective sense of loneliness and separation from others. Being alone means spending time alone, and living alone means having a single household. These concepts do not have to be associated with the experience of loneliness. Similarly, a person experiencing loneliness can be alone, live alone or live with others (Graneheim and Lundman, 2009). Loneliness does not have to be understood negatively. It is usually described as a significant developmental experience in the process of self-knowledge. It is possible to distinguish between two types of loneliness: social and emotional. Emotional loneliness arises as a consequence of lack of intimacy, romantic connection, or as a consequence of an unmet need for emotional intimacy and intimacy in relationship with others, often accompanied by anxiety, unrest and a feeling of emptiness. Social loneliness, on the other hand, arises as a result of a lack of meaningful friendships or community and as a consequence of one's own perceived inability to integrate socially, i.e. insufficient social inclusion in social networks. It is accompanied by boredom and a sense of social marginality (Soric, Lackovic-Grgin and Penezic, 2001). How a person will experience loneliness depends on different correlative factors. However, age is a variable that is, for good reason, most often perceived as significant in relation to loneliness. As people grow old and move towards retirement age, they experience different types of loss. Age-related loss includes not only the loss of physical, cognitive and functional abilities, but also the loss of friends and family members. In addition, ageing can prevent or complicate the acquisition and maintenance of new social relations. Any of these types of loss or barriers can contribute to a feeling of loneliness among the elderly. It can be said that most of the research on the relationship between age and loneliness was triggered by a stereotype that prevails in everyday life, which is that older people are more alone than the young. The results of such research show that the percentage of people experiencing loneliness increases after the age of 75 years (Wagner & Burholt, 2004). Although inherent to all people, as claimed at the very beginning of this article, loneliness, by nature a subjective experience that varies from person to person, appears as a result of numerous causes and has various consequences (Rokach, 2001). Brajkovic (2010) gives the death of spouses, siblings and friends, sickness, retirement, disability, income reduction and greater dependence as risk factors for various negative life changes, including the experience of loneliness. Reduction in the number of friendships, loss of a role in life and reduced activity of an individual in various areas of life, chosen willingly or imposed by the circumstances, can all initiate social isolation and loneliness for an elderly person. Loneliness is associated with the lack of happiness, self-esteem and general satisfaction with life, which often leads to the development of a number of bodily illnesses that can have tragic consequences for the elderly (Brajkovic, 2010). Widowhood is associated with a higher level of loneliness, as it is a loss for which it is difficult to compensate. Bennett and Victor (2012) conducted research 137 to determine what loneliness means to people who are widowed. The survey i was conducted on 125 widowers and widows aged 55 to 98 years. Almost half | of the respondents spontaneously described themselves as lonely. More than | half of respondents (61%), described loneliness in terms of the absence of their d spouse ("I've been feeling the absence..."). One third of respondents (34%) con- i nected loneliness with a certain time and place: at night, at the weekend and at | home ("I am lonely at night...", "Time during the night is the worst time", "Satur- 5 days and Sundays are a bit dead for me"), and 4% of respondents described the emotional impact of loneliness ("I've never been so alone in my life... It broke $ my heart"). Thus, the results showed that people who are widowed relate the feeling of loneliness to the concept of emotional loneliness, which is the result of the loss of significant social and emotional connection. From everyday experience, but also professional literature, it is evident that persons who are lonely for whatever reason strive to overcome this unpleasant state by using different coping strategies. Confronting is usually defined as a "cognitive or behavioural action which seeks to overcome, reduce or tolerate between the person and his or her environment" (Lackovic--Grgin, 2008, p. 139). Many researchers have tried to describe and classify the diversity of ways of coping with loneliness. However, the classification of Rokach (2001) can be considered the most relevant, because she investigated the group of old people. According to Rokach, there are six basic types of coping with loneliness: acceptance and reflection, religion and faith, social support network, increased activity, self-development and understanding and distancing or denial. The first factor, acceptance and reflection, refers to the possibility for people to be directed towards their inner selves and to become aware of their fears, desires and needs. It enables a person, by accepting his or her own feelings of loneliness, to make the process of cognitively reconfiguring the situation easier by discovering and updating his or her own capabilities. For a person to accept loss, it is necessary that he or she should confront it, which includes: becoming aware of emotions that arise and are associated with loss and sharing the experience of loss with someone (family members, friends), sometimes with experts. Another factor is interpreted as religion and faith. Through affiliation with religious groups and through the practice of prayer, a solitary person can feel strength, inner peace, and a sense of communion and belonging, which can also be a good way to overcome the feeling of loneliness. Mhaske's work (2014) deals with the role of spirituality and religion after the loss of a spouse and indicates the connection between religion and facing difficult life situations. The results indicate that older widowers show more frequent participation in religious practice after they have experienced the loss of their wife, interpreted by Mhaske to be the result of poor support from family and friends, which is therefore replaced by the support of religion. Other researchers, among other things, found that although men in some respect turn more often to religion, widows also use religious practice, spiritual beliefs and behaviour in order to adapt to the loss of their spouse. One study shows ^ that individuals who process their grief through their spiritual beliefs pass I through grief more completely and faster than those who do not have such beliefs (Walsh, King, Jones, Tookman and Blizard, 2002). The third factor is the social support network, which refers to the re-establishment of the social network, connecting with other people and use of their support in solving the issue of loneliness or other difficulties in life. Despite the widespread belief that widowhood, compared to other life events, is the most stressful experience (Holmes and Rahe, 1967), most studies agree that only 15-30% of the widowed experience clinically significant depression in the years following the death of the spouse (Stroebe, Stroebe and Hanson, 1993; Zisook and Schuchter, 1991; Wortman and Silver, 1989). In addition to the initial strong emotional reactions, an interesting aspect of losing a partner is coping with the loss after the passage of a certain period of time, i.e. overcoming the situation of losing a partner. Bharathi, Sridevi and Kumar (2015) have questioned sexual differences in loneliness, depression and participation in social networks following the loss of a spouse. The survey included 30 widows and 30 widowers from rural and urban areas of Hyderabad (India) and the results of the survey showed that men experienced greater loneliness than women in the period from 6 to 24 months after a severe loss, and also, that they more often encountered difficulties in achieving social interactions and seeking assistance from others. However, the passage of time establishes certain coping mechanisms with the newly-established situation. Coping strategies enable the establishment of control over your life, i.e. overcoming the difficult situation in which a person is put. As activities that helped them cope with loss and the changes caused by the wife's death, the widowers cited a wide range of activities and relationships. In fact, the support by family and friends plays a great role in this respect, as does the support given by the groups on the internet where widowers gather. One group of the widowers questioned said they received great help from professionals and counselling. This research indicates the need to recognise and accept individual ways of coping with loss, noting that the family represents the greatest support provider, but the support groups in which people share the same or similar experiences are also important. Many studies point to reconfiguration of the existing social networks and the establishment of new close relationships as the most effective way of coping with loneliness. Although in widowhood general social support is expected within the family, and many older people receive it, some still feel the need to make new marriages to alleviate the feeling of losing a spouse and provide themselves with continued support in grief. Hauksdottir, Valdimarsdottir, Fürst and Steineck (2013) conducted a quantitative research study with widowers and concluded that, after the loss of their wives, husbands are exposed to greater psychological and physical morbidity and that for some their distress meets the criteria of depressive disorders, while some widowers even suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder in the year of the loss of their wife. They also found that widowers who, after 4 or 5 years of widowhood, are not in a new relationship, often report 139 that they feel anxious and/or depressed, have difficulty in finding meaning in i life, have sleeping disorders and often report psychological problems. Enter- | ing a relationship or marriage after the loss of a wife increases the survival | rate of grieving widowers, and the results show that, where social support d from friends is relatively weak, the new relationship is an important source i of social support. Furthermore, the authors claim that widowers benefit | more from re-connection or new marriage than women, and are more often 5 prepared for and more interested in re-connection. 5 In support of this claim, the research of Indrian (2013) has shown that $ more than 60% of widowers had a desire to marry again, while only 20% of widows expressed the same desire. In the survey by Osmani, Matlabi and Rezaei (2018), 48 widows and widowers participated. The results showed that the desire to re-enter into marriage or a romantic relationship depends on a number of factors, mostly concerned with the opinion of the neighbours and the wider social environment. Older widows (over 60 years of age) stated that the re-entry into a romantic relationship or marriage made no sense considering their age. They said that they were unable to fulfil all aspects of a new relationship or marriage because of their age. In connection with this, some widows said that re-entry into the marriage state is immoral, and that no woman could allow herself such a thing. This statement of opinion confirms the finding that widows still feel affection and devotion to their late husband and, moreover, some of the widows questioned had promised their deceased spouse not to take another partner after his death. Regarding family and children, widows more often than widowers state that they feel ashamed and uneasy discussing with their children the possibility of a new relationship or marriage. Some widows believed that such an act would adversely affect their children, i.e. would represent a family disgrace (Osmani, Matlabi and Rezaei, 2018). In a survey conducted in Finland (Pettay, Rotkirch, Courtiol, Jokela and Lummaa, 2013), the results indicated that widowers tend to form a new conjugal union more often than widows. In some circumstances, the family can have a negative impact on a widow or widower and exert strong social pressure. This happens if there is no relationship of affection in the family, due to an earlier conflict and misunderstanding, a feeling of debt and obligation for the aid provided by the family, or an expectation that the widow or widower behaves as the family desires. A more pronounced situation of hostility or lack of support in the family relationship associated with widow/ widower remarriage often occurs because the offspring of the first marriage do not want the parent to remarry as this puts the family property in question (Cicak, 2010). The fourth factor is interpreted as increased activity, and refers to an active search for everyday responsibilities as well as other group activities that increase one's social contacts. This factor is explained by Rokach (2001) as a reaction to the fact that loneliness is often perceived as a paralysing helplessness. An effective way of coping with such immobilisation is to increase activity, which increases the feeling of personal control and overcomes any accompanying sadness and depression. Increased activity can be an indication 1 of an escape from confronting the strong emotions that accompany mourning. ™ It is certainly necessary to distinguish between healthy and moderate activity < as a way of coping with loss compared with pathological, unreasonable and exaggerated activity as a sign of complicated, disguised or delayed grief. The fifth factor is called self-development and understanding, and refers to participation in various organised seminars and courses, but also to trusting one's own feelings and attempting to understand one's own thoughts by keeping a diary, which is a good way to achieve personal development and an understanding of one's own problems. After losing their spouse, regardless of the severity of the event, many elderly people find peace and tranquillity through the writing of their autobiography or a review of their life while continuing life in new circumstances. The loss is a challenge for them to test their own abilities and to provide a testimony for their children and grandchildren on how to bear and accept loss. Finally, the sixth factor is called distancing and denial and is often associated with dependence on alcohol, drugs, as well as other deviant behaviour. People differ in their willingness to recognise or acknowledge loneliness. Fear of stigmatisation can lead them to deny their loneliness through various forms of destructive and deviant behaviour. In much of the Western world, despite its variety, it is still more acceptable to talk about all kinds of physical illnesses and to undergo treatment for such illnesses for years, while the problems of psychological health or those of spiritual nature are very much neglected and unrecognised. Although we witness numerous deaths where "signs of warning" of a psychological or spiritual nature have not been recognised or not taken seriously, it seems that accepting grief as an individual process for which we need time and help, is delayed to a later time in the future. According to Acharyya (2012), the psychological condition of older people is not good. There is a growing likelihood of depression, and the suicide rate among these of this age group is greater than ever, consistent with the decline in their physical and psychological health. Official statistics identify older people as a high risk group for committing suicide. Miller (2001) gives the attempted suicide rate among the elderly as from 2 to 4 attempts for each successful suicide. However, the rate of suicide committed is itself 50% higher than in the overall population. Thus, older people have a higher suicide rate than any other age group and tend to be more decisive and expeditious (Acharyya, 2012). Some authors suggest that the suicide rate is on the rise in people who grieve in comparison with other population groups (Agerbo, 2005; Erlagsen, Jeune, Bille-Brahe and Vaupel, 2004). Depression is the most commonly diagnosed mental health problem in elderly individuals who have attempted suicide. However, there are obstacles to the detection of depression in old age. Compared with young people, the elderly rarely exhibit symptoms of depression and are prone to denial of sadness, anxiety and depression. For this very reason, symptoms of depression in old age remain unrecognised and untreated for a longer time. 141 In conclusion we can say that widowhood and loneliness have consequences that can lead to serious health problems. Loneliness is one of the W three main factors that lead to depression, and the prevalence of depressive 0 symptoms with age rises (Kennedy, 1996). Also, depression is considered an n important cause of suicide and suicide attempts among the elderly. r e < n Conclusion l Losing a spouse is considered one of the greatest stressors in life. It is parti- e cularly difficult in old age because of the strong interconnectedness between partners, and loneliness sometimes follows such a loss. In social terms, widowhood is a developmental process that takes place as a transition to a new period of life and a new role. Widowhood is more often the status of females because wives are usually younger than husbands, live longer and rarely make a new marriage. In the literature we find opposing opinions on who better adapts to widowhood - men or women. Some authors claim that widows receive and give more help than widowers, but on the other hand, more educated men also provide more support to their family than the uneducated. Also, men are more likely to make new marriages than women. The consequences of widowhood are numerous, and most often they are reflected in physical and psychological ill health, reduced incomes (especially for women), loneliness, greater mortality and suicidal growth (especially in men). The strategies of coping with loneliness in widowhood are presented: acceptance and reflection, religion and faith, social support network, increased activity, self-development and understanding, distancing or denial. We can conclude that older people use all these strategies, sometimes combining several of them at the same time, and that the majority accomplish their life task of grieving successfully. However, it should be emphasised that social support network is extremely important during the first six months of mourning, but also later, while the elderly, a group vulnerable because of the frequent occurrence of loss and multimorbidity, can be extremely sensitive in coping with a new loss. Special attention should be paid to widowers without a developed social network, with poor health status and low income, who require provision of psychological support as well as help with housekeeping. Professional help should always be provided (to both men and women) when sudden and/or violent death is involved. It is necessary to educate not only professionals working with the elderly about the signs and forms of complicated grief, but also family members and the wider community in order to ensure that they seek the timely intervention of professional assistance. It is equally important to work on the removal of taboos surrounding death and grief, and on the creation of a social environment (family and community) that will accept the consequences of loss and the necessary recovery time as an important life experience, specific to each individual, just as every life is unique and unrepeatable. is Sources _o != Acharyya, A. (2012). Depression, loneliness and insecurity feeling among the elderly female, living in old age homes of Agartala. Indian Journal of Gerontology, 26(4), pp. 524-536. < Agerbo, E. (2005). Midlife suicide risk, partner's psychiatric illness, spouse and child bereavement by suicide or other modes of death: a gender specific study. Journal of Epidemiological and Community Health, 59, pp. 407-412. Angel, J. L., Jimenez, M. A. & Angel, R. J. (2007). The economic consequences of widowhood for older minority women. The Gerontologist, 47(2), pp. 224-234. Arambašič, L. (2005). Gubitak, tugovanje, podrška. Jastrebarsko: Naklada Slap. Arber, S. (2004). Gender, merital status, and aging: linking material, health and social resources. Journal of Aging Studies, 18(1), pp. 91-108. Beaver, M. L. & Miller, D. A. (1992). Clinical social work practice with the elderly. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company. Bennett, K. M., Smith, P. T, & Hughes, G. M. (2005). Coping, depressive feelings and gender differences in late life widowhood. Aging & Mental Health, 9(4), pp. 348-353. Bennett, K. M. & Victor, C. (2012). 'He wasn't in that chair': what loneliness means to widowed older people. International Journal of Aging and Later Life, 7(1), pp. 35-52. Besser, A. & Priel. B. (2007). Perceived social support, malevolent maternal representations, and older adults' depressed mood. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 26(6), pp. 728-750. Bharathi, P., Sridevi, G. & Kumar, K. B. (2015). Gender difference and age factor in loneliness, depression and social network effects of widowhood. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, 5(11), pp. 179-186. Bowlby, J. (1977). The making and breaking of affectional bonds, I and II. British Journal of Psychiatry, 130, pp. 201-210, 421-431. Bondevik, M. & Skogstad, A. (1998). The oldest old, ADL, social network, and loneliness. Western Journal of Nursing Research, 20(3), pp. 325-343. Brajkovič, L. (2010). Pokazatelji zadovoljstva životom u trečoj životnoj dobi (disertacija). Zagreb: Medicinski fakultet. Britvič, D. (2010). Obitelj i stres. Medicina Fluminensis, 46(3), pp. 267-272. Burke, L. A. & Neimeyer, R. A. (2013). Prospective risk factors for complicated grief: a review of the empirical literature. In M. Stroebe, H. Schut, P. Boelen, & J. Bout (eds.), Complicated grief: scientific foundations for health care professionals (pp. 145-161). Washington, D. C.: American Psychological Association. Carr, D., House, J. S., Kessler, R. C., Nesse, R. M., Sonnega, J. & Wortman, C. (2000). Marital quality and psychological adjustment to widowhood among older adults: a longitudinal analysis. Journal of Gerontology: Social Science, 55B(4), pp. 197-207. Cicak, M. (2010). Obitelj i udovištvo. Ljetopis socijalnog rada, 17(1), pp. 109-127. Cox, H. G. (1988). Later life, the realities of aging. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs. Despot Lučanin, J. (2003). Iskustvo starenja - doprinos teorijistarenja. Zagreb: Naklada Slap. Dykstra, P. A., van Tilburg, T. G. & de Jong Gierveld, J. (2005). Changes in older adult loneliness: results from a seven-year longitudinal study. Research on Aging, 27(6), pp. 725-747. Erlangsen, A., Jeune, B., Bille-Brahe, U. & Vaupel, J. W. (2004). Loss of partner and suicide risks among oldest old: a population-based register study. Age and Ageing, 33, pp. 378-83. Eurostat (2010). Population by sex, citizenship and current activity status. Retrieved on 3. 12. 2018 from http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat. Eurostat (2014). Proportion of population aged 65 and over. Retrieved on 3. 12. 2018 from http:// ec.europa.eu/eurostat. Graneheim, H. & Lundman, B. (2009). Experiences of loneliness among the very old: The Umea 85+ project. Aging and Mentral Health, 14(4), pp. 433-438. 143 Ha, J., Carr, D., Utz, R. L. & Nesse, R. (2006). Older adults' perceptions of intergenerational support after widowhood. How do men and women differ? Journal of Family Issues, 27(1), pp. 3-30. ° Hauksdóttir, A., Valdimarsdóttir, U., Fürst, C. J. & Steineck, G. (2013). Long-term mental health of § men who lose a wife to cancer - a population-based follow-up. Psycho-Oncology, 22(2), pp. a 352-361. ^ g Havighurst, R. J. (1968). Personality and patterns of aging. The Gerontologist, 8(1), pp. 20-23. Holmes, J. H. & Rahe, R. H. (1967). The social readjustment scale. Journal of Psychosomatic Re- i search, 11, pp. 213-228. § Indriana, Y. (2013). Remarriage in elderly: a qualitative research. Journal of Modern Education a Review, 3, pp. 870-880. e Jedvaj, S., Štambuk, A. & Rusac, S. (2014). Demografsko starenje stanovništva i skrb za starije osobe u Hrvatskoj. Socijalne teme, 1(1), pp. 135-154. Kafetz, K. (2002). What happens when elderly people die? Journal of The Royal Society, 95(11), pp. 536-538. Kalmjin, M. (2007). Gender differences in the effects of divorce, widowhood, and remarriage on intergenerational support: does marriage protect fathers? Social Forces, 85(3), pp. 10791104. Kennedy, G. J. (1996). The epidemiology of late life depression. In G. J. Kennedy (ed.), Suicide and depression in late life: critical issues in treatment, research and public policy (pp. 23-37). New York: John Wiley and Sons. Klarin, M. (2003). Osjecaj usamljenosti i socijalno ponašanje djece školske dobi u kontekstu socijalne interakcije. Ljetopis Studijskog centra socijalnog rada, 9(2), pp. 249-258 Klass, D., Silverman, P. & Nickman, S. L. (eds.) (1996). Continuing bonds: new understandings of grief. Washington D. C.: Taylor & Francis. Kübller-Ross, E. (1969). On death and dying. New York: The Macmillan Company. Lackovic-Grgin, K. (2008). Usamljenost: fenomenologija, teorije i istraživanja. Zagreb: Naklada slap. Manzoli, L., Villari, G., Pirone, G. M. & Boccia, A. (2007). Marital status and mortality in the elderly: a systematic review and meta-analysis. Social Science & Medicine, 64(1), pp. 77-94. Miller, J., Segal, D., & Coolidge, F. (2001). A comparison of suicidal thinking and reasons for living among younger and older adults. Death Studies, 25, pp. 357-365. Mhaske, R. S. (2014). Spiritual involvement and beliefs: mental health of widows and widowers. SCMS Journal of Indian Management, 11(2), pp. 29. Noel, B. & Blair, P. D. (2012). Kako preboljetigubitak voljene osobe. Zagreb: V.B.Z. d.o.o. Obiteljski zakon (2003). NN 116/03. Osmani, N., Matlabi, H. & Rezaei, M. (2018). Barriers to remarriage among older people: viewpoints of widows and widowers. Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 59(1), pp. 51-68. Parkes, C. M. & Weiss, R. S. (1983). Recovery from bereavement. New York: Basic Books. Pernar, M. (2010). Psihološke odrednice braka. Medicina fluminensis, 46(3), pp. 248-254. Pettay, J. E., Rotkirch, A., Courtiol, A., Jokela, M. & Lummaa, V. (2013). Effects of remarriage after widowhood on long-term fitness in a monogamous historical human population. Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology, 68(1), pp. 135-143. Poredoš, D. (2001). Prilagodba na samački život kod osoba starije životne dobi. Ljetopis socijalnog rada, 8(1), pp. 7-34. Roberto, K. A. & Pearson Scott, J. (1986). Confronting widowhood: the influence of informal supports. American Behavioral Scientist, 29(4), pp. 497-511. Rokach, A. (2001). Surviving and coping with loneliness. The Journal of Psychology, 124(1), pp. 39-54. Salajpal, T. (2008). Ranjeni životi. Zagreb: Alinea. iš Silverman, P. R. & Thomson, S. (2018). When men grieve: widowers' stories of coping with their 1 wives' deaths. OMEGA-Journal of Death and Dying, 77(2), pp. 133-153. TO Sorič, I., Lackovič-Grgin, K. & Penezič, Z. (2001). Suočavanje s usamljenošču: značenje iskustva < i uzroka usamljenosti. Radovi Filozofskog fakulteta u Zadru, Razdio filozofije, psihologije, so- ciologije ipedagogije, 39(16), pp. 17-33. Stokes, G. (1992). On being old: the psychology of later life. London: The Falmer Press. Stroebe, M., Stroebe, W. & Hansson, R. O. (eds.) (1993). Handbook of bereavement: theory, research and intervention. New York: Cambridge University Press. Stroebe, M. S. & Schut, H. (1999). The dual process model of coping with bereavement: rationale and description. Death Studies, 23, pp. 197-224. Suitor, J. J., Gilligan, M., Johnson, K. & Pillemer, K. (2014). How widowhood shapes adult children's responses to mothers' preferences for care. The Journal of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences, 69B(1), pp. 95-102. Umberson, D., Wortman, C. M. & Kessler, R. C. (1992). Widowhood and depression: explaining long-term gender differences in vulnerability. Journal of Health and Social Behaviour, 33(1), pp. 10-24. Utz, R. L., Reidy, E. B., Carr, D., Nesse, R. & Wortman, C. (2004). The daily consequences of widowhood: the role of gender and intergenerational transfers on subsequent housework performance. Journal of Family Issues, 25(5), p. 683. Vuletič, G. & Stapič, M. (2013). Kvaliteta života i doživljaj usamljenosti kod osoba starije životne dobi. Klinička psihologija, 6(1-2), pp. 45-61 Walsh, K., King, M., Jones, L., Tookman, A. & Blizard, R. (2002). Spiritual beliefs may affect outcome of bereavement: prospective study. The British Medical Journal, 324, p. 1551. Wenger, G. C. & Burholt, V. (2004). Changes in levels of social isolation and loneliness among older people on rural area: a twenty-year longitudinal study. Canadian Journal on Aging, 23(2), pp. 115-127. Worden, J. W. (2005). Savjetovanje i terapija u tugovanju. Jastrebarsko: Naklada Slap. Wortman, C. B. & Silver, R. C. (1989). The myths of coping with loss. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 57, pp. 349-357. Zisook, S. & Shuchter, S. R. (1991). Early psychological reaction to the stress of widowhood. Psychiatry, 54, pp. 320-332. Polemika Prejeto 2. julija 2019, sprejeto 4. julija 2019 Tamara Rape Žiberna, Aleš Žnidar, Janko Cafuta, Vito Flaker Reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo -kaj se pravzaprav dogaja? Osvetliti želimo dogajanje, povezano s skupščino o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo, ki se je oblikovala kot odgovor na opažene posledice dogajanja v centrih za socialno delo. Opažamo škodljive vplive uvedenih sprememb na možnosti za strokovno socialno delo v centrih za socialno delo. Posebna spodbuda za skupščino pa je bila izvedba organizacijskega dela reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo konec leta 2018. Pred izvedbo organizacijskega dela reorganizacije Iz raziskav v zadnjem desetletju (glej npr. Bezenšek Lalic, 2009; Rape Žiberna, 2010; Domiter Protner, 2014; Sitar Suric, 2016) izhaja, da so razmere na centrih za socialno delo za kakovostno socialno delo nevzdržne, predvsem z vidika kadrovske podhranjenosti in preobremenjenosti strokovnih delavk in delavcev. Na podlagi ponavljajočih se razprav na kongresih socialnega dela, pogovorov o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo, prispevkov v medijih in neformalnih strokovnih razpravah lahko trdimo, da so centri za socialno delo postali precej administrativno in pravno usmerjeni. Čeprav zaposlujejo v večini socialne delavce in delavke (čeprav se delež teh zmanjšuje), se stroka socialnega dela na centrih za socialno delo izgublja pod pritiski administrativnih in upravnih postopkov in birokracije (Sitar Suric, 2016). Vse to veča prepad med stroko socialnega dela in delom na centrih za socialno delo, socialne delavke in delavci pa pogosto ne morejo delati, kar je njihovo delo - soustvarjati, vzpostavljati delovne odnose, krepiti moč uporabnikov in vzpostavljati projekte pomoči (Sitar Suric, 2016). Udeleženke in udeleženci 6. kongresa socialnega dela (Rihter in Šugman Bohinc, 2016) so poudarili potrebo po tem, da se intenzivneje vključijo v načr- 3 tovanje in izvedbo reorganizacije. Predlagali so, da je treba opredeliti namen in 3 cilje reorganizacije in pri tem upoštevati perspektivo zaposlenih in uporabnikov. ¿i Smiselno bi bilo natančneje raziskati in analizirati obstoječe primere dobre ~ prakse organiziranosti dela na centrih za socialno delo. Če se bodo uvajali novi ° načini organizacije dela, jih je treba pilotno preizkusiti. Za strokovno socialno 00 delo in kompetentne delavce potrebujemo več kadra in redno, vseživljenjsko usposabljanje. Treba je začeti pogovore o delitvi nalog med različnimi profili z | idejo ključnega delavca kot odgovornega za izvirni delovni projekt sodelovanja. g Zmanjšati je treba birokratizacijo in povečati možnost za sodobno strokovno .¡S socialno delo. Centri za socialno delo naj se spet bolj povežejo s skupnostjo, 8 s okrepiti je treba možnosti za skupnostno, terensko socialno delo, ki bo bolj ¡z ustrezno zadovoljilo potrebe ljudi v skupnosti. V sodelovanju z Ministrstvom za delo, družino, socialne zadeve in enake možnosti (v nadaljevanju tudi MDDSZ) s je treba prenesti pobudo za reorganizacijo na centrih za socialno delo, organi-5 zirati je treba priložnosti za dialoge o dilemah, virih, predlogih in pričakovanjih | - zaposlenih, uporabnikov in drugih predstavnikov skupnosti in organizacij, s katerimi sodelujejo centri za socialno delo - tako bo omogočeno samoorgani-1 ziranje akterjev od spodaj navzgor. (Rihter in Šugman Bohinc, 2016.) Mešl in Kodele (2016) sta definirali vlogo ministrstva v praksi in teoriji socialnega dela v institucionalnem kontekstu. Po njunem so socialne delavke J in delavci, ki vsak dan sodelujejo z ljudmi, ki potrebujejo podporo in pomoč, in Fakulteta za socialno delo ključni sogovorniki s predstavniki MDDSZ, da f bi skupaj v dialogu sodelovali pri oblikovanju vključujoče socialne politike. £ Prispevek ministrstva Mešl in Kodele (2016) vidita v ustvarjanju odprtega " dialoga, v katerem se bodo slišali in upoštevali glasovi vseh udeleženih. Opazni so poskusi države, da bi čim bolj poenotila (z reorganizacijo, katalogom ipd.) delo centrov za socialno delo po celotni Sloveniji, vendar se zdi, da ti poskusi ne upoštevajo obstoja različnih osnovnih pogojev, ki omogočajo različno kakovost življenja uporabnikom na različnih območjih Slovenije (glej npr. Novak in Nagode, 2004; Hlebec, 2004; Nagode in Dremelj, 2004; Černigoj Sadar, 2004; Šeruga Bednar, 2010). Zamisel o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo se je sicer porodila že vsaj leta 2001 (Valenčič, 2001) in od takrat je zasedalo več delovnih teles, ki so se ukvarjali s tem, kakšno reorganizacijo centri za socialno delo potrebujejo. Ni pa bila v zadnjem desetletju opravljena raziskava, ki bi se ukvarjala z ugotavljanjem tega, kaj naj bi se pravzaprav reorganiziralo in kako. Cilji reorganizacije Kot izhaja s spletne strani MDDSZ (2018), na ministrstvu ugotavljajo, da »[z]a primerno obravnavo vse zahtevnejših potreb potrebujemo sodoben, strokoven in učinkovit sistem socialnega varstva [...].« Reorganizacija se ministrstvu zdi potrebna za odpravo slabosti in pomanjkljivosti trenutne ureditve. V okviru reorganizacije ministrstvo navaja tri spremembe: socialno aktivacijo (z začetkom leta 2017), novo organizacijsko strukturo (v veljavi od 1. 10. 2018) in uvedbo informativnega izračuna (še neizvedeno). Z novo organizacijsko strukturo ministrstvo želi »[...] poenotili delovanje centrov za socialno delo in poenostavili upravne postopke [...]« in obljublja rešitve, ki prinašajo predvsem koristi uporabnikom storitev centrov za socialno delo po Sloveniji (MDDSZ, 2018). Reorganizacija poteka pod sloganom »Na teren, bližje k ljudem« in ima (kolikor lahko razberemo) tri splošne cilje: • izboljšati skrb za dolgotrajno brezposelne s socialno aktivacijo, • izboljšati storitve za uporabnike z novo organizacijsko strukturo, • poenostaviti postopke z informativnim izračunom in poskrbeti, da bodo preglednejši. Kar zadeva socialno aktivacijo (projektno aktivnost, ki jo sofinancirata Re- 147 publika Slovenija in Evropska unija iz sredstev Evropskega socialnega sklada za e obdobje od 1.1. 2017 do 31. 12. 2022), je bilo oblikovanih 16 regijskih mobilnih a enot (s koordinatorji). Kot izhaja s spletne strani MDDSZ (2019), se izvajajo a kratki, vmesni in pa dolgi programi, predvidena pa je tudi evalvacija ukrepov. I c e o Potek organizacijskega dela reorganizacije ' o V preglednici 1 kronološko povzemamo dogajanje, povezano z reorganizacijo l centrov za socialno delo v zadnjih treh letih, s katerim smo seznanjeni avtorji. V Društvu socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije so 20. junija 2018 v izjavi I za javnost zapisali, da je reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo v fazi, ko bi j moralo biti že več jasnega. Zavedali so se odgovornosti, ki se nalaga centrom in stroki. | a a Preglednica 1: Povzetek dogajanja, povezanega s centri za socialno delo v zadnjih treh letih, s poudarkom na organizacijskem delu reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo. Obdobje Akter(ji) Dejavnost Ugotovitve, učinki, rezultati 13. 10. 2016 Zaposlene na centrih za socialno delo, Fakulteta za socialno delo, Društvo socialnih delavk in delavcev, drugi predstavniki stroke 6. kongres socialnega dela, okrogla miza: Reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo Ocena, da reorganizacija ni dovolj domišljena in še ni dovolj pripravljena, da bi jo lahko izvedli. 4. 4. 2017 Fakulteta za socialno delo, Socialna zbornica Slovenije, Skupnost centrov za socialno delo, Inštitut Republike Slovenije za socialno varstvo, Društvo socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije Mnenje usmerjevalne skupine o procesu reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo Ob nenehni širitvi nalog in kompetenc se centri za socialno delo kadrovsko niso širili, zato so delavke in delavci zaradi preobremenjenosti nove naloge opravljali v oteženih razmerah. Zato takšno delo vpliva na povečevanje stisk ljudi in na birokratizacijo dela. To je za lokalne skupnosti lahko nevarno. Ocenjujejo, da je reorganizacija nujna, menijo, da vprašanje pravne subjektivitete ni prednostno vprašanje te reorganizacije. Po njihovem mnenju bi morala reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo omogočati bolj poglobljeno strokovno delo in podporo skupnosti, da lahko razvije čim več svojih potencialov in moči. Za takšno delo je treba imeti čas, ki bo zagotavljal vpetost v lokalno skupnost. Poudarjajo, da je reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo nujna predvsem zaradi možnosti za poglobljeno strokovno delo. K temu lahko pripomorejo tudi organizacijske spremembe, ki preložijo administrativno in upravno delo na večje enote, manjše pa razbremenijo tega dela. V tem delu se jim zdi zdajšnji načrt reorganizacije sprejemljiv in smiseln. 5. 6. 2018 Zaposlene na centrih za socialno delo, Fakulteta za socialno delo, Socialna zbornica Slovenije, Inštitut RS za socialno varstvo, sindikati ... Posvet o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo (na pobudo zaposlenih na CSD Maribor) na Fakulteti za socialno delo Opozorilo, da reorganizacija ni dovolj domišljena in pripravljena, problematiziranje dojemanja podpisov predstavnikov pomembnih strokovnih organizacij na dokumentu Mnenje usmerjevalne skupine o procesu reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo kot soglasij oz. podpore načrtovanim aktivnostim v sklopu reorganizacije. 148 Obdobje Akter(ji) Dejavnost Ugotovitve, učinki, rezultati 1. 10. 2018 MDDSZ Organizacijska reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo, imenovani v. d. direktorjev 16-ih centrov za socialno delo, podpisi novih pogodb z zaposlenimi na centrih za socialno delo V organizacijski del reorganizacije so šli centri za socialno delo slabo pripravljeni, brez potrebnih informacij in različnih oblik podpore. Delavci so se bali, kaj se bo zgodilo z njihovimi pogodbami, vodje brez zadostnih finančnih in materialnih sredstev za izvedbo potrebnih ukrepov, strokovni sveti in sveti zavodov več mesecev niso (bili) vzpostavljeni (Cafuta, 2019). Okt.-dec. 2019 MDDSZ Odpoved informativnega izračuna Zaradi težav (nezmožnosti izvedbe) MDDSZ (začasno?) odpove ključni element organizacijskega dela reorganizacije, ki naj bi omogočil razbremenitev kadra, da bi lahko zaposleni več in bolje delali z uporabniki. 20. 12. 2018 Sindikat Napovedana opozorilna enourna stavka Sindikata centrov za socialno delo SINCE07 za 9. 1. 2019 Sindikati opozarjajo na kritične razmere (veliko fluktuacijo in preobremenjenost zaposlenih na centrih za socialno delo). 27. 12. 2018 Sindikat Odpovedana opozorilna stavka Sindikata SINCE07 Sindikat se v pogajanjih z MDDSZ dogovori za dodatne kadrovske okrepitve za centre za socialno delo. Sklenjen je dogovor, da bodo leta 2019 na centrih za socialno delo zaposlili 73 novih sodelavcev in da bosta po petmesečnem obdobju, v katerem se bodo predstavniki ministrstva in sindikata vsak mesec dobivali in ocenjevali aktivne ukrepe, v strateškem dokumentu določena razvoj in delo centrov, tudi kadrovski načrt (Delo, 2019). 1. 2. 2019 - jesen 2019 MDDSZ Uvajanje informacijskega sistema Krpan na centrih za socialno delo, vsak teden ena enota Poleg obstoječih sistemov (SBP, ISCSD2) se centru za socialno delo dodaja dodatni sistem dokumentiranja, čeprav ni kompatibilen z obstoječimi, pripomore pa k večji centralizaciji in birokratizaciji delovanja centra za socialno delo. Ne omogoča več in kakovostnejšega dela z uporabniki. Januar 2019 Direktorica centra za socialno delo Okrožnica na določenem centru za socialno delo (na enotah tega) o prepovedi javnega nastopanja zaposlenih brez predhodne odobritve (v. d.) direktorice Glej npr. Cafuta (2019). Pomlad 2019 MDDSZ Veljati začnejo nove določbe družinskega zakonika Strokovne delavke iz centra za socialno delo poročajo, da na spremembe niso bile dovolj dobro pripravljene. 5. 4. 2019 Zaposleni na Centru za socialno delo Po-savje, Enota Krško Dopis enote Krško (CSD Posavje) je bil poslan vsem pomembnim akterjem, povezanim z delovanjem centrov za socialno delo, v njem so predstavili dileme, povezane z reorganizacijo centrov za socialno delo, in vse prosili za aktivno vključitev Izražanje zaskrbljenosti ob aktualnem dogajanju na področju socialnega varstva (tako zaradi zaposlenih v centrih za socialno delo kot tudi uporabnikov centrov in stroke socialnega dela). Mnenje, da smer reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo ni prava, opažanje nazadovanja stroke, ukvarjanje predvsem s tehničnimi vprašanji in pozabljanje na uporabnike, zaposlene, vsebino strokovnega dela, potrebe po izobraževanju zaposlenih, nujno potrebnih supervizijah idr. Dopisu so priložili tudi izjavi za javnost Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije z dne 20. 6. 2018 ter 26. 11. 2018 in izjavo Iniciativne skupine udeleženk in udeležencev skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo. Opozorili so, da odgovorov na zastavljena vprašanja v vsem času reorga- o? nizacije niso dobili. Sporočila, ki so prihajala z MDDSZ, so bila splošna in niso n odgovarjala na relevantna vprašanja, ki jih je postavljala stroka. Navedli so, da C se z izzivi, ki so se nakopičili v zadnjih desetih letih, ne morejo in ne želijo več spoprijemati sami. Omenili so občutke neslišanosti. Ker na MDDSZ (po njihovih | opažanjih) pripisujejo zahteve društva in zaposlenih na centrih za socialno delo pomanjkanju informacij, so javno sporočili, da jih ni strah, da imajo razpoložljive ? informacije, da za nadaljnje strokovno delo potrebujejo izpolnitev danih obljub in da socialno delo v skladu z doktrino stroke pod takšnimi pogoji ni več možno. d Dodali so, da se zavedajo svoje odgovornosti do uporabnikov, ki jim ne zmorejo več zagotavljati vse potrebne podpore in pomoči. Poudarili so, da zahtevajo le j zagotovitev razmer za delo v skladu s Katalogom del in nalog (2008) in podpisanim zagotovilom takratne ministrice po postopnem dodatnem zaposlovanju zaradi že takrat ugotovljenega kadrovskega primanjkljaja. a Tudi v času krize (zaradi nje so morali varčevati in zmanjšati zaposlovanje) d so se na centrih za socialno delo spopadali z izzivi, kot so pogoste spremembe zakonodaje, uvajanje novih informacijskih sistemov, širitve pristojnosti centrov. Za nakopičene stiske ni bilo posluha, posledica tega pa je precejšnja odsotnost z dela zaradi bolezni - dolgotrajne bolniške zaradi izčrpanosti, hujših bolezni in izgorelosti opazijo že pri mlajših delavkah in delavcih, če jim jih sploh še uspe pridobiti medse. Obljubam odhajajočih ministric ne verjamejo več, zato zahtevajo spoštovanje stroke socialnega dela, ki ga z maksimalnimi vložki in napori opravljajo. Reorganizacija, kot jim je predstavljena, za stroko ne pomeni pomoči in nalaga še dodatno delo, s katerim se razbremenjuje strokovno službo MDDSZ (Društvo socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije, 2018). Ukrepi, ki smo jim priče v zadnjih mesecih, še posebej pa poročanja zaposlenih na centrih za socialno delo, so bili podlaga tako za skupščino, ki je potekala konec februarja 2019, kot tudi za druge dogodke. Oblikovanje skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Skupščina se je oblikovala kot odziv na zaznane probleme v praksi socialnega dela, predvsem na centrih za socialno delo. Problem konceptualno izhaja tako iz protislovij socialnega dela kot tudi iz vloge centrov za socialno delo in problemov pravkar izpeljanega organizacijskega dela reorganizacije (več o njih v Cafuta, 2019). Vabilo na skupščino je bilo takšno: Kam pelje reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo?! Vabilo na skupščino V stroki socialnega dela pa tudi na centrih za socialno delo obstaja širok konsenz, da je treba strokovno delo na centrih poglobiti in izboljšati. Prav tako obstaja soglasje o tem, da dolgoletni pobudi reorganizacije centrov, ki se je pravkar začela uresničevati, manjkajo prav ti elementi poglabljanja, plemenitenja strokovnosti, omogočanja delavcem centrov, da uporabijo svoje znanje in da ustvarjajo novo. 150 s Namesto, da bi se spraševali, kakšen organizacijski okvir potrebuje kvali- | tetno socialno delo na centrih za socialno delo, se moramo zdaj boriti, da s socialno delo sploh obstane, in se po kafkovsko spraševati, kaj je sploh namen > »reorganizacije«. | Z reorganizacijo centrov za socialno delo smo namreč le dobili regijske cen- tre za socialno delo - za zdaj le direktorje direktorjev - kot njihove enote pa J! zares še naprej delujejo stari centri za socialno delo. | Vabilo je bilo posredovano po mrežah sodelujočih (elektronski pošti, Face» booku, ustno ipd.). Vabilu se je odzvalo 52 udeležencev (okrog 40 študentov, osem delavcev s centra za socialno delo, štirje učitelji Fakultete za socialno s delo in nekaj delavcev iz drugih organizacij.) Skupščina je potekala po načelih _o demokracije direktne akcije. f Format skupščine in načela pogovarjanja so omogočila, da udeleženci £ govorijo predvsem v svojem imenu (in ne kot predstavniki organizacije) in | izrazijo svoje skrbi, poročajo o svojih izkušnjah, opažanjih in tudi oblikujejo predloge. Skupščina je potekala 28. februarja 2019 dve uri, dogodek smo udeleženci posneli (avdio in video) in transkribirali.1 Na koncu skupščine se je oblikovala skupina, ki je bila pripravljena nadaljevati delo. Skupina se je po skupščini še večkrat sestala. Oblikovala je tudi spletno skupino. Pomemben dogodek, ki ga je sprožila skupščina, je bil tematski sestanek na Fakulteti za socialno delo z večjo udeležbo (dvanajst) njenih delavcev, ki je potekal 25. marca 2019. Kot rezultat tega je nastala izjava za javnost, Fakulteta za socialno delo pa je pozneje podpisala tudi spletno peticijo (o poteku reorganizacije). Izjava iz CSD Posavje, enota Krško Dne 5. aprila 2019 so zaposleni na Centru za socialno delo Posavje, Enota Krško, poslali vsem pomembnim akterjem, povezanim z delovanjem centrov za socialno delo, dopis. V njem so vse seznanili s svojimi dilemami v zvezi z reorganizacijo in vse prosili za aktivno vključitev. V dopisu so zaposleni in zaposlene napisali, da so zaskrbljeni ob aktualnem dogajanju na področju socialnega varstva in da menijo, da se morajo oglasiti zaradi njih samih, njihovih uporabnikov in stroke. Napisali so, da z žalostjo opazujejo, v katero smer gre reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo, da opažajo nazadovanje stroke, da se ukvarjajo predvsem s tehničnimi vprašanji, kot sta uvajanje informacijskega sistema Krpan in zaposlovanje novih administrativnih delavcev, in da se pozablja na uporabnike, zaposlene, vsebino strokovnega dela, potrebo po izobraževanju, nujno potrebnih supervizijah ipd. Dopisu so priložili tudi izjavi za javnost Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije z dne 20. 6. 2018 in 26. 11. 2018 ter izjavo Iniciativne skupine udeleženk in udeležencev skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo.2 Zapis je na voljo na spletni strani: https://reorganizacijacentrovzasocialnodelo.blogspot.com. https://www.pravapeticija.com/izjava_o_poteku_reorganizacije_centrov_za_socialno_delo 151 V dopisu so napisali, da pričakujejo dodatne zaposlitve na centru za e socialno delo, ohranitev zdajšnjega delovnega časa, redna izobraževanja in a supervizijo, utemeljitev pozitivnih učinkov reorganizacije, upoštevanje njiho- | vih predlogov, strokovnih mnenj in možnost soodločanja o spremembah njihovega dela, podporo nadrejenih, večjo stopnjo zaupanja v njihovo strokovno S presojo in samostojnost pri delu, upoštevanje specifičnosti socialnega dela in odgovore MDDSZ, Skupnosti centrov za socialno delo Slovenije, Socialne 0 zbornice Slovenije. l Dopis in podporo dopisu je podpisalo 15 enot centrov za socialno delo in d dva centra za socialno delo. Skupaj se je podpisalo 312 zaposlenih na centrih za socialno delo. Dopis so podprli tudi v Sindikatu zdravstva in socialnega j varstva Slovenije, Društvu socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije in naša Inici- ¡s ativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev Skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov v za socialno delo. -S a d o Druge dejavnosti v okviru skupščine o reorganizaciji ? Maja (9. 5. 2019) smo udeleženci in udeleženke skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo na enak način kot prvič povabili vse pomembne akterje, povezane z delovanjem centrov za socialno delo, in na Fakulteti za socialno delo je potekala okrogla miza. Udeležilo se je je 32 oseb (zdajšnji in nekdanji zaposleni, zaposlene na centru za socialno delo ali na Fakulteti za socialno delo, generalni sekretar Socialne zbornice Slovenije, predsednik Sindikata centrov za socialno delo SINCE07, predstavnica Sindikata zdravstva in socialnega varstva Slovenije, člani Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije, študentke in študenti Fakultete za socialno delo in zaposlena s Fakultete za družbene vede). Na okrogli mizi smo nadaljevali sodelovanje in delovanje za izboljšanje delovanja centrov za socialno delo, pogovarjali smo se o aktualnih izzivih in se dogovorili, da bomo junija 2019 izvedli delavnico, na kateri se bomo pogovarjali o konkretnih predlogih za izboljšanje delovanja centrov za socialno delo. Junija (4. 6. 2019) sta dva člana Iniciativne skupine udeleženk in udeležencev skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo sodelovala tudi na 2. redni seji Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije. Na seji je bilo dogovorjeno skupno sodelovanje predstavnic in predstavnikov društva in Iniciativne skupine na okrogli mizi na 7. kongresu socialnega dela jeseni 2019. V juniju (18. 6. 2019) je nato potekala na Fakulteti za socialno delo še delavnica o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo. Udeležilo se je je 13 oseb - zdajšnji in nekdanji zaposleni, zaposlene na centrih za socialno delo in na Fakulteti za socialno delo, socialni inšpektor, predsednik sindikata centrov za socialno delo SINCE07 in študenta Fakultete za socialno delo. Na delavnici smo zbirali konkretne predloge (na mikro-, mezo- in makroravni) za izboljšanje delovanja centrov za socialno delo. Oblikovali smo tudi tri delovne skupine: skupino za t. i. socialne klube, skupino za informacijski sistem Krpan in skupino za poenostavitev obrazca (ki se uporablja na centrih za socialno delo). V preglednici 2 kronološko na kratko povzemamo dogajanje. 152 Preglednica 2: Dogodki, povezani s skupščino o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo. Čas Akterji Dogodek Ugotovitve, učinki, rezultati 28. 2. 2019 Različne skupine (zaposleni in nekdanji zaposleni na centrih za socialno delo, Fakulteta za socialno delo, študenti Fakultete za socialno delo, predstavniki medijev ipd.) Skupščina o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Enotnost opažanj različnih deležnikov - reorganizacija dela centrov za socialno delo ne poteka ustrezno, za zdaj povzroča le negativne učinke tako za zaposlene na centru za socialno delo in uporabnike kot tudi zmanjšuje možnosti za izvajanje strokovnega socialnega dela. Februar, marec 2019 Skupščina o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Oblikovanje iniciativne skupine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo. O dogajanju na centrih za socialno delo je zelo malo znanega, treba je omogočiti več razvidnosti (kaj se pravzaprav dogaja), ponuditi različne možnosti poročanja o dogajanju in glede na to, da ni predvideno nikakršno spremljanje in evalvacija izvajanja ukrepov, izvajati civilni monitoring. 14. 3. 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Blog o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Spletne objave prispevkov, povezanih z reorganizacijo centrov za socialno delo. Blog je na voljo na spletni strani https://reorganizacijacentrovzasoci-alnodelo.blogspot.com/ 25. 3. 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Sestanek na Fakulteti za socialno delo Predstavitev opažanj, povezanih s potekom reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo zaposlenim na Fakulteti za socialno delo. 11. 4. 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Peticija - izjava o poteku reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo Spletna peticija je na voljo na spletni strani https:// www.pravapeticija.com/izjava_o_poteku_reorga-nizacije_centrov_za_socialno_delo. Peticijo je (do 25. 6. 2019) podpisalo 163 oseb, tudi Fakulteta za socialno delo. Marec - maj 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Prijava prispevkov in okrogle mize o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Na 7. kongres socialnega dela, ki bo potekal od 16. do 18. oktobra 2019 v Moravskih Toplicah, smo prijavili več posameznih prispevkov, ki osvetljujejo dogajanje in učinke reorganizacije centrov za socialno delo, in okroglo mizo o tej temi. 9. 5. 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Okrogla miza o reorganizaciji na Fakulteti za socialno delo Načrtovali smo zbiranje predlogov, kako naprej, vendar so imeli udeleženci (nekateri so se nam pridružili prvič) veliko informacij, kaj se dogaja v praksi, kaj zaznavajo, zato smo se dogovorili za novo srečanje v juniju, ko bomo izvedli delavnico o tem, kako naprej, kakšne centre za socialno delo si želimo oz. jih potrebujemo. Dogovor o delavnici o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo. 4. 6. 2019 Predstavnika iniciativne skupine udeleženk in udeležencev skupščine o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Udeležba na 2. redni seji Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije Sprejet dogovor, da bodo predstavnice, predstavniki društva in predstavnice, predstavniki Iniciativne skupine skupaj sodelovali na okrogli mizi na 7. kongresu socialnega dela oktobra 2019. 18. 6. 2019 Iniciativna skupina udeleženk in udeležencev o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Delavnica o reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo Pridružijo se novi strokovnjaki (z različnih področij), ki so pripravljeni sodelovati pri krepitvi vloge socialnega dela. Zanimivi rezultati brainstorminga o predlogih za nadaljnje dejavnosti na mikro-, mezo- in makroravni, med drugim tudi oblikovanje treh delovnih skupin. Kako naprej? o Ta hip (začetek julija 2019) se zdi, da je ključni pozitivni prispevek do zdaj izvedenih ukrepov reorganizacije le v mobilizaciji in poenotenju stroke (praktikov, i študentov socialnega dela, Fakultete za socialno delo), da izvedeni ukrepi (v sklopu reorganizacije) ne pripomorejo niti k zagotavljanju razmer za (kako- | vostno) socialno delo niti k doseganju ciljev same reorganizacije - nasprotno. a Namesto približevanja strokovnih delavk in delavcev uporabnikom vzpostavlja s vse večjo razdaljo, centralizacijo in nadzor. K temu po našem mnenju poleg | drugih sprememb v sedmih mesecih (organizacijski del reorganizacije - ok- e tober 2018, uveljavitev družinskega zakonika - april 2019) veliko pripomore ° tudi uvajanje dokumentnega sistema Krpan, saj je po eni strani nekompatibi- £ len z drugimi, že obstoječimi sistemi (socialna baza podatkov, ISCSD), ki jih -T ne nadomešča, po drugi strani pa za samo strokovno socialno delo (glede na < začetne ocene) povsem nepotreben in jemlje strokovnim delavkam še zadnje a minute, ki so jih (morda) ponekod še imele za socialno delo z uporabniki. o Zelo nas skrbi: • neodzivanje pomembnih akterjev (kot sta MDDSZ in Skupnost centrov za socialno delo) na dogajanje, ki smo mu priče, na vsa opozorila (in podpise), • da ni predvidena nobena oblika spremljanja (monitoringa) ali evalvacije izvedenih ukrepov (in posledic)3, • da se (več kot pol leta po izvedenem organizacijskem delu reorganizacije) po naših informacijah (vsaj s stroko) pogovori o vsebinski reorganizaciji centrov za socialno delo (ki naj bi sledila) še niso niti začeli. Medtem pa zaposlene in zaposleni na centrih za socialno delo izgorevajo in zapuščajo delovna mesta (ki jih je vse težje tudi zapolniti), kaj to pomeni za uporabnike centrov za socialno delo, pa si sploh ne upamo razmišljati. Vidimo pa priložnosti za korake v ustreznejšo smer, predvsem v že omenjenem poenotenju in mobilizaciji stroke. Tudi na kongresu socialnega dela oktobra 2019 bomo različni akterji (upamo, da tudi MDDSZ in Skupnost centrov za socialno delo) lahko zaupali opažanja in skupaj načrtovali nadaljnje korake. Viri Bezenšek Lalic, O. (2009). Odzivanje socialnih delavk in delavcev na nasilje v družini. Ljubljana: Društvo SOS telefon za ženske in otroke - žrtve nasilja. Cafuta, J. (2019). Centri za socialno delo po reorganizaciji. Socialno delo, 58(1), str. 79-86. Černigoj Sadar, N. (2004). Delovanje neformalnih socialnih omrežij pri zadovoljevanju potreb družin. V M. Novak, N. Černihoj Sadar, S. Dragoš, P. Dremelj, A. Ferligoj, V. Hlebec, T. Kogovšek, & M. Nagode, Omrežja socialne opore prebivalstva Slovenije (str. 133-142). Ljubljana: Inštitut Republike Slovenije za socialno varstvo. Delo (2019). Napovedana opozorilna stavka v centrih za socialno delo preklicana. Pridobljeno 27. 6. 2019 s https://www.delo.si/novice/slovenija/napovedana-opozoril-na-stavka-v-centrih-za-socialno-delo-preklicana-133724.html. Domiter Protner, K. (2014). Zloraba otrok v družini. Ljubljana: Zavod Republike Slovenije za šolstvo. Izjema so ukrepi, povezani s socialno aktivacijo, saj je zanje (kot izhaja s spletne strani MDDSZ, 2019) predvidena evalvacija. Društvo socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije (2018). Novinarska konferenca. Pridobljeno 6. » 8. 2018 s https://dsdds.splet.arnes.si. UL s Hlebec, V. (2004). Socialna omrežja starostnikov. V M. Novak, N. Černigoj Sadar, S. Dragoš, P. > Dremelj, A. Ferligoj, V. Hlebec, T. Kogovšek, & M. Nagode, Omrežja socialne opore prebival- ■s stva Slovenije (str. 111-120). Ljubljana: Inštitut Republike Slovenije za socialno varstvo. Katalog del in nalog (2008). Katalog javnih pooblastil, nalog po zakonu in storitev, ki jih izvajajo c centrizasocialnodelo. Pridobljeno 3.7. 2019s https://www.scsd.si/katalogi/katalog-jav- -7 nih-pooblastil. MDDSZ (2018). Reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo. Pridobljeno 7. 12. 2018 s http://www. mddsz.gov.si/si/delovna_podrocja/sociala/reorganizacija_centrov_za_socialno_delo. ju < MDDSZ (2019). Programi socialne aktivacije. Pridobljeno 2. 7. 2019 s http://www.mddsz.gov.si/ £ si/delovna_podrocja/sociala/programi_socialne_aktivacije. njegovo telo takšne odnose zavrača. Kot sam pravi, ga telo večkrat »izda«, saj U telo izrazi užitek in privlačnost do moških teles, prej kot je to možen izraziti k in si priznati sam Eddy. R V zadnjem delu knjige avtor opiše dva poskusa pobega, o katerem ves čas s fantazira. Bralec prepozna, da pobeg pomeni ne le pobeg od njegove družine a ali sovrstnikov, temveč predvsem pobeg iz okolja, v katerem Eddy, tak kot je, ne more preživeti. Pobeg je zanj tako pobeg od neizogibne usode, ki jo v celotnem romanu predstavi z zgodovino svoje družine in s primeri iz okolice. Roman se konča s 15-letnim Eddyjem, ki se mu z udejstvovanjem v dramski igri in s podporo mentoric uspe vpisati na umetniško gimnazijo in iti v internat v večjem mestu. Eddy oz. Edouard pozneje študira sociologijo na univerzi v Parizu, spremeni svoje ime iz Eddy Bellegueule v Edouard Louis, postane urednik filozofske revije in napiše tri avtobiografske knjige. S spremembo imena tako tudi simbolno prekine s svojim otroštvom in zgodovino, ki je vezana na njegovo rojstno ime. Morda podatek, da odrasel Eddy študira sociologijo in postane eden od mlajših francoskih filozofov z levice, bralcu pojasni, zakaj je v romanu izjemno osebna zgodba zapisana kot analiza in kritika družbe. Pogosto se namreč zdi, da avtor zgodbo piše kot zunanji opazovalec, ki je prišel v skupnost od zunaj in jo kot tujec zgolj opazuje. Eddy, ki je v knjigi deležen tako telesnega kot psihičnega nasilja ter zlorabe, povzročiteljev v večini ne obsoja. Vidi jih hkrati kot povzročitelje nasilja in žrtve sistema, zato jih ne obtožuje. Opisano nasilje, mizoginija, zasvojenosti, rasizem so predstavljeni kot posledica ekonomske prikrajšanosti in nevednosti, ki se na francoskem podeželju, daleč od metropole in politike, prenaša iz generacije v generacijo, iz začaranega kroga revščine pa se lahko (redko) reši zgolj posameznik. Roman je zanimiv za področje socialnega dela, saj s svojimi temami ponuja vpogled v zgodbe posameznika, družine in skupnosti, v zgodbe, ki imajo v leposlovju le redko osrednje mesto. Protagonisti zgodbe so prihajali ali pa bi lahko prihajali v stik s socialnim delom in menim, da je vpogled v kontekstu-aliziran, a hkrati distanciran zapis odraslega Edouarda zanimiva izkušnja za bralca. Pri tem delu izstopa tudi izvrstno predstavljena intersekcionalnost tem, ki prežemajo roman. Teme nasilja, rasizma, revščine, mizoginije, s katerimi se socialno delo tako ali drugače ukvarja, so tako predstavljene v osebni zgodbi odraščajočega Eddyja in nobena od njih ni ločena od druge. Avtor je po tem delu napisal še dve avtobiografski deli. Zgodovina nasilja (History of violence, 2016) opisuje posilstvo in poskus umora, ki ga doživi avtor, ter spopadanje s posledicami nasilja. Kdo je ubil mojega očeta (Who killed my father, 2018) pa je huda kritika odnosa francoske politike do delavskega razreda. Ker je predstavljen roman umeščen v širši družbeni kontekst, gre tudi za kritiko dolgoletnih neučinkovitih politik, ki pripomorejo k reprodukciji revščine. Delavskemu razredu sta odvzeta glas in s tem moč, posledica tega pa sta tudi visoka podpora ruralnega prebivalstva skrajnim desničarjem (npr. Marine Le Pen) in vzpon gibanja rumenih jopičev. Avtor o aktualnem 168 družbenopolitičnem dogajanju piše tudi v številnih svetovnih medijih in v članke vnaša tudi osebno zgodbo svoje družine. V prihodnje si lahko bralci obetamo še več zgodb mladega avtorja, vrednih pozornosti socialnega dela. Anže Jurček NAJAVA 7. KONGRES SOCIALNEGA DELA HUMANIZEM IN ETIKA V SOCIALNEM DELU (16.-18. oktober 2019, Terme Vivat, Moravske Toplice) Fakulteta za socialno delo Univerze v Ljubljani v sodelovanju z Društvom socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije vabi na sedmi kongres socialnega dela z mednarodno udeležbo. Kongres nadaljuje tradicijo skupinske analize družbenih problemov, pri kateri so udeleženi akademska sfera, strokovnjakinje in strokovnjaki iz socialnega varstva in njegovi načrtovalke in načrtovalci, študentke in študentje, uporabnice in uporabniki. Živimo v času, ki od nas zahteva odločilen premislek o prihodnosti humanizma v organiziranih človeških skupnostih ter o socialnih vprašanjih v lokalni, regijski in globalni perspektivi. Tematikam revščine, socialne izključenosti in raznovrstnim oblikam nasilja se pridružujejo vse bolj žgoči problemi: uničevanje okolja, globalne migracije, prekarizacija, nove oblike razčlovečenja in povečevanje socialnih razlik, vojna žarišča in politični konflikti, medijski napadi na socialne službe, ki zmanjšujejo zaupanje v socialno državo, in instrumentalizacija stroke socialnega dela v imenu oblasti. Ti procesi zadevajo vse nas, najbolj pa uporabnice in uporabnike socialnovarstvenih storitev. Kaj pomenita humanizem in etika v socialnih službah in kako zagotoviti dobro obravnavo? Kako razvijati zeleno socialno delo in okrepiti avtonomijo socialnega dela? Kongres bo priložnost za poglobitev teoretskih in strokovnih znanj, za mednarodno izmenjavo, predstavitve raziskav in samorefleksije o socialno-delovnih procesih, strokovno in prijateljsko povezovanje in krepitev skupnosti socialnih delavk in delavcev ter drugih poklicev v socialnem varstvu. Častna pokrovitelja konference sta Romani Union - Zveza Romov Slovenije in Akademsko romsko društvo. Programsko izvršni odbor sestavljajo za Fakulteto za socialno delo: dr. Sonja Bezjak, dr. Milko Poštrak, dr. Liljana Rihter, dr. Irena Šumi, dr. Darja Zaviršek (predsednica) in dr. Jelka Zorn. Za Socialno zbornico Slovenije: Vilko Kolbl. Za Skupnost centrov za socialno delo: Darja Korva. Za Društvo socialnih delavk in delavcev Slovenije: Danica Hrovatič. Za Skupnost socialnih zavodov Slovenije: Mateja Škrinjar. Za Ministrstvo za delo, družino, socialne zadeve in enake možnosti: Sonja Robnik in Janja Romih. Za Inštitut RS za socialno varstvo: Jasmina Rosič. NOSILNE TEME KONGRESA Socialno delo in država / socialno delo kot država: etični razmisleki Je socialno delo le podaljšana roka države ali stroka s svojo lastno avtonomijo? Kako izpolnjujemo naloge in cilje Resolucije o nacionalnem programu socialnega varstva 2013-2020? Kako 170 se razvija služba koordinacije osebne asistence v socialnih službah? Kaj so novi izzivi v socialnem delu danes? Kaj prinaša in je že prinesla reorganizacija centrov za socialno delo? Kaj so etične dileme, s katerimi se srečujejo socialne delavke na centrih za socialno delo, v nevladnih organizacijah, v zasebnih organizacijah? Kaj socialne delavke in drugi strokovnjaki, ki delajo v praksi, pričakujejo od države, da bo strokovno delo humano in etično? Kje so ovire humanizmu in etiki? Kaj je moje strokovno delo in kako ga opravljam - samorefleksija? Študije primerov mojega dela. Kaj se dogaja z družinami, otroki, revnimi, brezdomci, osebami s težavami z duševnim zdravjem, hendikepiranimi, mladimi, brezposelnim, starejšimi, zaporniki, uporabniki nedovoljenih drog, ženskami, ki doživljajo nasilje, otroki, ki so spolno zlorabljeni, Rominjami in Romi? Refleksija o socialnovarstvenih institucijah in etičnem ravnanju v instituciji. Predstavitve raziskovalnih poročil, letnih poročil zavodov, evalvacij, poročil projektov in sodelovanj. Socialno delo v medijih Socialno delo je predmet napadov medijev, posameznikov in skupin. Kako se to kaže v socialnem delu? Kaj je predmet napadov in kakšni so odzivi socialnega dela? Kako lahko kritični glasovi krepijo socialno delo in kako so destruktivni? Kako ravnati? Kako uporabljati medije za predstavitev svojega dela? Kako pisati o socialnem delu? So socialne delavke dovolj javno artikulirane? Kako okrepiti njihov glas? Kaj se lahko naučimo iz medijskih pisanj o socialnem delu? Študije primerov, samorefleksija, pregled medijskih člankov. Kako sodelovati z novinarji, da se okrepi etično pisanje o socialnem delu v medijih? Globalni izzivi: zeleno socialno delo; socialno delo in politični konflikti; globalne migracije v luči humanizma Socialno delo se ves čas spreminja. V Sloveniji se vse pogosteje ukvarja z begunci, migranti, otroki brez spremstva, skrbništvom za otroke brez spremstva, humanitarno pomočjo, prosto-voljstvom. Kje so ovire humanizma na tem področju? Katere so etične dileme? Kaj je osebna etika? Kako se socialno delo vključuje v okoljevarstvene probleme, boj za Muro, proti nevarni industriji, za vodo, proti škodljivi hrani? Ali je socialno delo politično? Se socialne delavke povezujejo med seboj; se priključijo okoljevarstvenim shodom za humanizacijo življenja? Kaj so njihove izkušnje? Kako socialne delavke razmišljajo o prihodnosti svojih otrok? Se je zaradi globalnih izzivov, vojn, migracij, ekoloških katastrof spremenilo socialno delo v Sloveniji? Kako vplivajo globalne spremembe na socialno delo? Študije primerov, novi uporabniki, samorefleksija, moja osebna etika; etika organizacije, v kateri delam; analiza primerov; kaj vem iz literature, ki jo berem? Se v superviziji pogovarjamo o etičnih dilemah, kako mi koristijo supervizija, intervizija, metasupervizija? Ali delujem meddisciplinarno, medsektorsko in transdisciplinar-no? Primeri, študije, raziskovanje na tem področju: kako živijo migranti, otroci brez spremstva; zaposleni in nezaposleni, ljudje brez stanovanja, ljudje v okoljih, ki je ekološko onesnaženo? Etične dileme na tem področju? Revščina, prekarizacija in socialno izključevanje v Sloveniji: etična ravnanja in humanistični odnos Eden od glavnih razlogov za nastanek socialnega dela v 19. in na začetku 20. stoletja je bila revščina ljudi: posameznikov, družin in skupnosti. V Sloveniji se četrtina prebivalstva srečuje z občasno, trajno, situacijsko revščino. Socialne delavke in delavci se vsak dan srečujejo z revnimi ljudmi. Kaj so njihove izkušnje, ko gre za otroke, mlade, odrasle moške in ženske, starejše in stare? Kakšne so izkušnje s svojci revnih odraslih in z mladimi revnih staršev? Katere so etične dileme, etični razmisleki? Kako je z najrazličnejšimi socialnimi transferji; ali blažijo revščino ali jo prikrivajo? Kako je s prekarizacijo različnih skupin ljudi na trgu dela, hendikepiranih, Romov, migrantov, žensk, moških in mladih? Kakšna so raziskovalna poročila na tem področju; kaj je razmislek humanizma in katere so etične dileme? Kaj pomeni humanistični odnos in kakšno je etično ravnanje? Kako je s stanovanji, dobrodelnostjo, institucionalizacijo zaradi revščine, podporo revnim in osebam, ki prihajajo iz institucij? Kako med seboj sodelujejo zavodi za zaposlovanje in centri za socialno delo; zaposlitveni centri, invalidska podjetja? Kaj prinaša Zakon o socialnem vključevanju; kako transformirati varstveno-delovne centre; kako zagotoviti podporno in zaščitno zaposlovanje? Kako uresničujemo Konvencijo o pravicah oseb z ovirami, Konvencijo o pravicah otrok, Istanbulsko konvencijo in podobne dokumente, ki so jih sprejeli Združeni narodi in evropske institucije? Socialno delo in ekstremizmi v luči mednarodnih etičnih standardov socialnega dela Socialno delo se ukvarja s posamezniki, družinami in skupinami; opraviti ima tudi s posamezniki, ki so pripadniki ekstremističnih skupin, kot so nasilna združenja, skrajno nacionalistične skupine, religiozne fundamentalistične skupine, in s posamezniki, ki delujejo sami. Včasih so žrtve ekstremističnih skupin in posameznikov tudi socialne delavke in strokovne delavke, ki so blizu socialnemu delu. Mnoge socialne delavke imajo izkušnjo z nasiljem uporabnikov. Kaj so vzroki nasilnih ekstremizmov, kako se manifestirajo in kako se nanje odzvati? S katerimi etičnimi dilemami se srečujejo socialne delavke in druge strokovne delavke, ki se srečujejo z ekstremizmi? Kako ravnajo? Kako si pomagajo z globalnimi etičnimi standardi socialnega dela in globalnimi standardi izobraževanja za socialno delo? Mednarodne primerjave praks socialnega dela Socialno delo v Sloveniji je vpeto v globalne procese, pa naj gre za probleme družinskega življenja, trgovine z ljudmi, načrtovanja življenja v skupnosti, dezinstitucionaliacijo in načrtovanje podpore v obliki osebne asistence, dejavno zavzemanje za ukinitev škodljivih socialnih norm, ustavitev vseh oblik nasilja, pa naj jih motivira tradicija ali osebna izbira, za psihosocialno podporo za otroke, področja posvojitev, rejništva, dolgotrajne oskrbe za stare in bolne. Socialno-delovne prakse, ki jih primerjamo, so tudi na področju uporabe umetniških izrazov za reševanje stisk, uporabe glasbe, slikanja, petja in telesne izraznosti v socialnem delu. Socialnodelovne prakse primerjamo na področju grajenih ovir, prostorskih načrtovanj, standardov kakovosti, evalvacij in različnih praks, programov, socialnih služb in institucij. Uporabljamo primerjalno raziskovanje, fotografijo, opise, zgodbe oseb. V socialnem delu imamo skupine za samopomoč, prostovoljce, samoiniciativne skupine in kolektive, ki se med seboj združujejo zaradi določenih problemov in interesov. Imamo jih v vladnih, nevladnih in zasebnih socialnovarstvenih organizacijah. Socialno delo povsod po svetu pozna procese, kot so zagovorništvo, podpora, pomoč, krepitev odpornosti, samodeterminacija, avtonomija, neodvisno življenje. Kakšne so razlike med takšnimi procesi v Sloveniji in v tujini? Katere so etične dileme, ki se ob tem pojavljajo? Raziskovanje v socialnem delu Za kakovostno delo v praksi potrebujemo raziskovanje prakse socialnega dela in raziskovanje socialnega, človeškega fenomena. To je lahko široko, nacionalno ali osredotočeno na posamezno socialno službo, področje dela, določen socialni problem. V Sloveniji obstajajo nacionalne kvantitativne statistike določenih problemov v socialnem delu (družinska problematika, nasilje nad ženskami, nasilje nad otroki, spolne zlorabe, trgovina z ljudmi, problemi, ki jih imajo hendikepirani, osebe s težavami z duševnim zdravjem, Romi in Rominje v romskih naseljih in zunaj njih, izbrisani, migranti, begunci, odvisniki, kronično bolni, otroci s posebnimi potrebami in težko dosegljive osebe, ki potrebujejo podporo, ljudje z nizko izobrazbo, brez znanja večinskega jezika, osebe, k so nasilne, odvisne, žrtve). Obstajajo tudi kvalitativne študije, ki temeljijo na akcijskem raziskovanju, študijah primerov, etnografskem raziskovanju, opazovanjem z udeležbo, različnih oblikah parti-cipativnega raziskovanja, uporabniškem raziskovanju, evalvacijah ipd. Socialnemu delu koristijo raziskovalni izsledki z različnih strokovnih področij in iz različnih disciplin: zdravstva in javnega zdravja, sociologije, psihologije, antropologije, šolstva in šolskega polja, babištva in fizioterapije, medicine, psihiatrije in psihoterapije, urbanizma in načrtovanja urbanih prostorov, ekologije in trajnostnega načrtovanja, upravnih ved, zgodovine in filozofije, politične znanosti, komunikolo-gije, študij spolov, hendikepa, etničnosti, pravnih znanosti in umetnosti itd. V predstavitvah raziskovalnih izsledkov, ki so pomembni za razumevanje socialnega dela in blaginje, nas zanimajo tudi vidiki humanizma in etičnih dilem. Kaj pričakujemo od novih sodnih izvedenk za področje socialnega dela za prakso socialnega dela? Kako okrepiti raziskovanje v socialnem delu? Kaj se najpogosteje raziskuje in kaj ni predmet raziskovanja? Kako koristno uporabiti raziskovalne izsledke; ali raziskovalne ugotovite vplivajo na spreminjanje prakse in načrtovanja socialnega dela? https://www.fsd.uni-lj.si/raziskovalno_in_razvojno_delo/kongres/uvodnik/ Seventh National Congress of Social Work HuMANiSM AND ETHICS IN SoCiAL WoRK (16-18 October 2019, Terme Vivat, Moravske Toplice, Slovenia) The Faculty of Social Work, University of Ljubljana, and the Slovenian Association of Social Workers invite to the 7th national Congress of Social Work with international participation. International symposia will take place on 17 October. The congress continues the tradition of individual and group analyses of social problems undertaken by academics, professionals in social care, social welfare providers, students, and service users. The times we live in call for decisive thinking about the future of humanism in organised human communities, and about social problems in local, regional and global perspectives. Environment devastation, global migrations, precarisation, new forms of dehumanisation, and towering social inequalities, coupled with armed conflicts, political disputes, increasingly aggravate the themes of poverty, social exclusion and various forms of violence. Also increasing are media attacks on the institution of social work that seek to cast doubts on the welfare state, and attempts to instrumentalise social work as a means of power. All these developments concern us all, but most notably the users of social work services. What do humanism and ethics stand for in the social services, and how do we assure good treatment of all social work service users? How can we develop green social work and strengthen the autonomy of social work? The national conference is an opportunity to deepen our theoretical and practical knowledge, to facilitate international exchange, to forge professional and personal ties in order to strengthen the international community of social workers and social service workforce. Honorary sponsors of the conference are Romani Union of Slovenia and the Roma Academic Society. Programme executive board consists of: for the Faculty of Social Work, University of Ljubljana: prof. Sonja Bezjak, prof. Milko Poštrak, prof. Liljana Rihter, prof. Irena Šumi, prof. Darja Zaviršek (president) and prof. Jelka Zorn. For the Social Chamber of Slovenia: Vilko Kolbl. For the Association of Centres for Social Work of Slovenia: Darja Korva. For the Society of Social Workers of Slovenia: Danica Hrovatič. For the Union of Social Institutions of Slovenia: Mateja Škrinjar. For the Ministry of Labour, Family, Social Affairs and Equal Opportunities of Slovenia: Sonja Robnik and Janja Romih. For the Social Protection Institute of the Republic of Slovenia: Jasmina Rosič. Central themes of the congress: • Social work and the state vs. social work as state: questions of ethics • Social work and the media • Global challenges: green social work, social work and political conflict, global migrations in the light of humanism • Poverty, precarisation and social exclusion in Slovenia: towards an ethical and humanist stance • Social work and extremism in the light of international standards of ethics in social work • Social work practice: international comparisons • Research in social work https://www.fsd.uni-lj.si/en/research_and_development/congress-of-sw/introduction/ PLENARNE GoVoRKE iN GoVoRCi / PLENARY SPEAKERS ANA M. SOBOČAN Etične dileme in izzivi humanizma v socialnem delu danes Etično v socialnem delu je povezano z vrednotami, nalogami in cilji tega poklica, ki temelji na povezovanju znanstvenih načel in normativnih sodb. Realnost in praksa socialnega dela sta pogosto v neskladju z njegovo - v kodeksih etike, v globalni definiciji socialnega dela in izjavi o etičnih načelih socialnega dela zapisano - etično podstatjo, ki si prizadeva za uveljavljanje družbene pravičnosti, in njegovo humanistično usmeritvijo k enakosti vseh ljudi. Analiza delovanja in odločanja socialnih delavk in njihovih etičnih dilem (poleg slovenskih so dostopne npr. raziskave iz Italije, Nizozemske, Združenega kraljestva, Nemčije) razkriva pogoste konflikte med željo pomagati ter administrativnimi in organizacijskimi ovirami. Tudi v Sloveniji zaznavamo negativen vpliv neoliberalnih politik in praks novega menedžerializma na prizadevanja za delovanje v največjo korist uporabnikov in uporabnic in v smeri pozitivnih družbenih sprememb. Kot kaže raziskava v Sloveniji (podobno pa tudi raziskave drugje, npr. v Romuniji), odločanje socialnih delavk v praksi poteka v kontekstu nejasne, celo nasprotujoče si zakonodaje, birokratizacije, finančnih omejitev in tehnologij nadzora, pa tudi pričakovanj v zvezi z njihovo osebno požrtvovalnostjo in moralnimi vrednotami, za katere naj bi si prizadevale kljub obremenjenosti, omejenemu času za delo z uporabnicami in uporabniki ter politični in medijski izpostavljenosti. Kako je mogoče v takšnih kontekstih upoštevati etična načela in humanistične usmeritve socialnega dela? Je socialno delo sploh lahko poklic, v katerem imajo osrednje mesto človekove pravice in humanizem? Dr. Ana M. Sobočan je docentka na Fakulteti za socialno delo. Leta 2018 in 2019 je opravljala podoktorsko raziskavo na Univerzi v Edinburgu na Škotskem. Del doktorske raziskave je opravila na Univerzi v Severni Ka-rolini v ZDA (UNC Chapel Hill), tam je gostovala kot Ful-brightova štipendistka (prva v Sloveniji za področje socialnega dela). Za svoje doktorsko delo »Etika v socialnem delu« je leta 2013 prejela srebrni znak ZRC SAZU. Najbolj jo zanimajo etika v socialnem delu, poklicna identiteta socialnega dela, praksa socialnega dela, raziskovalna etika, predava pa tudi na področjih spola, starševstva, hendikepa in vključevanja. Trenutno je vključena v mednarodno sodelovanje na področju raziskovanja etike, poklicne identitete v socialnem delu in etične prakse. Bila je podpredsednica Evropske zveze za raziskovanje v socialnem delu (ESWRA), je tajnica Vzhodnoevropske mreže šol za socialno delo (EEsrASSW) in vodi sekcijo za socialno delo pri Slovenskem sociološkem društvu. Ethical dilemmas and chalenges of humanism in social work today The reality and praxis of social work are often in conflict with its ethical basis - recorded in ethical codes, Global Definition of Social Work, Global Social Work Statement of Ethical Principles - aiming at pursuing social justice and its humanist orientation towards equality of all people. The analyses of processes of conduct and decision-making of social workers and their ethical dilemmas (shown in research in Slovenia, as well as elsewhere, like in Italy, Netherlands, United Kingdom, Germany) uncovers the frequency of conflicts between the desire to help and administrative and organizational barriers. In Slovenia we have been aware of the negative impact of the neoliberal politics and new managerialism practices on the aims to work toward the best interests of service users and in supporting positive change in societies. As research in Slovenia (similarly to research elsewhere, for example in Romania) shows, the decision-making of social workers in practice takes place, on one side, in a context of confusing, even conflicting legislation, bureaucratization, financial restrictions and technologies of control, and on the other side, in the context of expectations regarding their personal sacrifices and moral values, which should be followed regardless of work overloads, limited time with service users and political and media exposure and vulnerability. How is it possible to follow ethical principles and humanist orientations of social work in such contexts? Can social work at all be a profession, where human rights and humanism hold a central position? Ana M. Sobocan is an assistant professor at the University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Work. In 2018 and 2019, she has been conducting her postdoctoral research at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland. One part of her doctoral research was conducted at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA, where she spent a year as a Fulbright grantee (as the first Slovenian grantee in the field of social work). Her doctoral thesis Ethics in Social Work was awarded by the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts for excellency in social sciences doctoral research in 2013. She is most interested in ethics in social work, social work professional identity and practice, as well as research ethics, but has researched and taught in fields of gender, parenthood, inclusion and disability. She has served as the vice-president of the ESWRA and is the secretary of the East-European sub-regional Association of Schools of Social Work and the chair of the social work section at the Slovenian Sociological Association. Socialno delo in socialno varstvo v Sloveniji danes: sta še socialni ali samo še delo? Država s svojimi interesi prevečkrat posega na področje, kjer nima ne znanja ne zadostnih izkušenj iz prakse. Predlogi, ki jih praksa sporoča državi, so spregledani. Tako se za socialno delo pomembni zakoni sprejemajo na načine, ki ne prinašajo dobrih rezultatov niti za razvoj stroke, niti za zaposlene v socialnem varstvu, niti za uporabnike. Množica hkratnih radikalnih sprememb, ki jih je bilo socialno delo v zadnjega pol leta deležno ob hkratnih nedorečenih in neurejenih osnovnih razmerah za delo bo imela dolgoročne posledice. Socialne delavke in delavci za uporabnika nimamo več časa, ker se izgubljamo v zapisovanju in vodenju evidenc, ki so namenjene kontroli in samoupravičevanju pred različnimi oblikami nadzora. Razveseljujoče je, da se ljudem ponujajo boljše možnosti za podporo; a dobili smo nove naloge, ne pa tudi dodatnih zaposlenih, ki bi jih izvajali. Socialno delo v Sloveniji še nikoli ni bilo v takšni situaciji. Socialne delavke in delavci so vedno opravili naloženo delo, tudi če je to pomenilo, da so šli prek meja, tako osebnih kot določenih na delovnem mestu, ker so se zavedali, da je na drugi strani nekdo, ki je k njim prišel po nujno pomoč. Posledice reorganizacije se kažejo v odpovedih zaposlenih in dolgotrajnih bolniških odsotnostih. Vedno manj socialnih delavk in delavcev si želi delati na centrih za socialno delo. Francka Premzel, univ. dipl. socialna delavka in višja svetovalka, je skoraj štiri desetletja zaposlena na centru za socialno delo na različnih delovnih področjih. Zadnjih dvajset let je delala na področju nasilja v družini, kot svetovalka v Varni hiši in kot regijska koordinatorica za pomoč ob nasilju v družini. Leta 1999 je bila prejemnica nagrade za izstopajoče kakovostno delo v skupini strokovnih delavk Varne hiše Maribor; leta 2009 je bila soprejemnica nagrade za pripravo protokolov za delo ob družinskem nasilju. Nagrajena je bila tudi s srebrnim znakom Slovenske policije. Klavdija Gorjup, univ. dipl. socialna delavka, je samostojna svetovalka na Centru za socialno delo Celje, enota Laško. Zaposlena je na področju varstva otrok in družine. Osredotoča se na področje razvez in razpadov zunajzakonskih zvez. Predvsem jo zanimajo otroci in njihovo doživljanje družinske situacije. Je tudi družinska mediatorka. Eva Šinkovec, univ. dipl. socialna delavka, je samostojna svetovalka na Centru za socialno delo Ljubljana, enota Grosuplje. V osmih letih je spoznala več različnih delovnih področjih, trenutno dela na področjih skrbništva za otroke in starševskega varstva. Je članica izvršnega odbora Društva socialnih delavk in delavcev, kjer si prizadeva za boljšo povezanost socialnih delavk in delavcev ter za povečanje ugleda stroke. Izobražuje se za psihoterapevtko realitetne terapije. Social work and social services in Slovenia today: are they still social or just work? The state has often been interfering in areas whereby it lacks knowledge and practical experience. The suggestions to the state made by social workers are ignored. Thus, legal norms that are important for social work are passed despite failing to produce results for the advancement of the profession, the employed in social care, and for the service users. During the 2018 and 2019, an abundance of radical changes were imposed on social work, while the basic conditions of work remain poorly defined: there will be consequences for years to come. Social workers no longer have time for the service users as they are beleaguered with notes-taking and bureaucracy for the various agencies that control the work. It is welcome that the new provisions aim at the betterment of support for the users; however, there are novel tasks without new employees to carry them out. Social work in Slovenia has never before found itself in such a situation. Social workers strove to fulfil their duties even above and beyond the personal as well as professional limits, well aware that their users are in dire need. The consequences of reorganisation of social work are already showing: many social workers gave notice, or are on prolonged sick leave, while many do not wish to get employed in the statutory centres of social work. Francka Premzel, BA, social worker and senior counsellor has been employed in a centre for social work for nearly four decades in various areas of professional engagement. For the past twenty years, she has worked in the area of family violence, as a counsellor in a safe house, and as a regional coordinator for family violence relief. In 1999, she received the high quality of work award in the Maribor Safe House; in 2009, she was awarded for the preparation of the protocols regarding family violence relief. She was also awarded the Silver Plaquette of the Slovenian Police. Klavdija Gorjup, B.A., social worker, works as a counsellor at the Centre of social work Celje, in the Laško unit. She works in the area of child protection and family. Her speciality is divorce and dissolution of extramarital unions whereby the protection of children and their understanding of the family situation is her primary work area. She also works as a family mediator. Eva Šinkovec, B.A., social worker, is a counsellor at the Centre of social work Ljubljana, in the Grosuplje unit. During her eight years of employment, she has worked in various areas, and is currently engaged in child custody and parental care. She is a member of the Executive Board of the national Association of social workers where she strives for better cooperation among the members, and for the promotion of social standing of the profession. She is studying to become a psychotherapist of the reality therapy. 175 SHULAMIT RAMON Zahtevno spoprijemanje s političnim konfliktom v socialnem delu danes in v bližnji prihodnosti Spoprijemanje s posledicami političnega konflikta v socialnem delu nikoli ni bilo prijetno, saj pogosto negativno vpliva tako na uporabnice in uporabnike kot tudi na socialne delavke in delavce in zahteva moralno stališče, ki v družbah, v katerih delamo, raziskujemo in usposabljamo prihodnje socialne delavke in delavce, velikokrat presega nacionalnega. Danes je stvar še toliko aktu-alnejša zaradi političnega premika v desno v številnih evropskih in neevropskih državah, zaradi številnih srditih oboroženih konfliktov in zaradi rekordnega števila pregnanih ljudi in migrantov, ki so morali zapustiti dom zaradi politične in ekonomske krize. Mnoge socialne delavke in delavci so se znašli v prvi vrsti na fronti proti takšnim nacionalnim in mednarodnim dogajanjem, ki nas silijo, da se spoprijemamo s temi okoliščinami in v njih improviziramo. Čutimo pa tudi posledice teh dogajanj na naše delo in zasebno življenje. Zato se moramo vprašati, kako bi se morali odzivati na različnih ravneh naše kariere, tako v praktičnem socialnem delu kot tudi v raziskovanju in poučevanju. Delati bi morali tisti, kar od nas zahtevajo naše poklicne vrednote, vendar pa so te v družbah, v katerih živimo in delamo, zelo verjetno vprašljive. Še več: tisto, kar bi lahko delali, onemogočajo še politiki s svojim razmišljanjem, kaj je v največjem nacionalnem interesu, to pa je v zadnjem času pogosto v nasprotju s cilji in vrednotami socialnega dela. Zato je razmislek o tem, kako se je mogoče odzvati na te nespodbudne okoliščine, pa da bi bilo še v skladu z našimi vrednotami, vedno bolj nujen. Profesorica Shula Ramon je po izobrazbi socialna delavka in klinična psihologinja. Raziskovala in objavljala je o ključnih temah na področjih duševnega zdravja in socialnega dela tako na Univerzi v Hertfordshiru kot v mednarodnem prostoru. Trenutno se ukvarja s kritično analizo politik na področju duševnega zdravja v Združenem kraljestvu in drugod v Evropi, z udeležbo uporabnic in uporabnikov v raziskovanju, z novim pomenom okrevanja in organizacijskimi spremembami, z nasiljem v družini in duševnim zdravjem, s skupnim odločanjem pri predpisovanju zdravil v psihiatričnih ustanovah. Med temami socialnega dela jo zanimata sodelovanje uporabnic in uporabnikov v izobraževanju in raziskovanju ter vpliv političnega konflikta na socialno delo. The challenge of attending to political conflict in social work today and in the near future Attending to the impact of political conflict in social work has never been a comfortable task, given its frequently all too negative impact on clients and social workers alike, and necessitating taking a moral stance often beyond the national stand of the society in which we are practising, doing research, or training social workers to be. This is even more pertinent today, given the move to the political right of a number of European and non-European countries, the number of active armed conflicts in full flare these days, and the unprecedented level of international displacement and migration caused by political and economic crisis. Many social workers are finding themselves in the forefront of the national and international response to the challenge this context forces us to face and invent, as well as its impact on our work and private lives. Hence the need to ask what should be our response at the different layers of our professional existence, be it practice, research and/or education. What we should be doing needs to be dictated by our professional values, which are likely to be compromised by the values of the specific society in which we live and work. Furthermore, what we could be doing in practice is even more compromised by our politicians and by what they perceive to be the best national interest, currently all too often in conflict with social work aims and values. Thus the need to attempt to respond as to what is possible in response to this bleak situation, yet in line with our values, has become even more urgent. Professor Shula Ramon is a social worker and clinical psychologist by her professional background. She has researched and published extensively on key themes in mental health and social work, at the University of Hertfordshire and internationally. Current mental health themes include critical analysis of mental health policies in the UK and Europe, service users' involvement in research, the new meaning of recovery and related organisational change, domestic violence and mental health, shared decision making in the management of psychiatric medication. Current social work themes include service users' involvement in education and research, as well as the impact of political conflict on social work. 176 ANA RADULESCU Socialne delavke in delavci kot pobudniki socialnih inovacij, trajnostnih sprememb in vključujoče rasti za vse ljudi Ljudje pogosto postanejo socialne delavke in delavci zaradi želje, da bi trajno in konstruktivno vplivali na življenje ljudi. Želimo si biti prvi v socialnih inovacijah, omogočati trajnostne spremembe in si prizadevati za inkluzivno rast. Vsakodnevna praksa potrjuje, da socialne delavke delajo na presečišču med zakonodajo, politiko in prakso. Uvajajo spremembe in morajo sprejemati hitre odločitve, ki neposredno vplivajo na življenje ljudi. Toda, kakšen pomen in moč imajo te besede v svetu, v katerem večina ljudi ne ve dobro, kaj socialna delavka sploh počne? Socialne delavke zagovorniško delo opravljamo bolje od drugih profesionalk in profesionalcev; zelo razločno vidimo vplive zakonodaje na vsakdanje življenje ljudi. Empirično lahko pokažemo, kako konkretno politične odločitev vplivajo na življenje ljudi. Kot socialne delavke delujemo v prvih bojnih vrstah in smo hkrati zadnji branik, ko gre za obrambo socialnih pravic ljudi. V zadnjih letih smo socialne delavke v Evropi spremenile svojo javno podobo in način spreminjanja zakonodaje in socialne politike. Začele smo delovati znotraj političnih sistemov, ki sprejemajo odločitve in vplivajo na življenje ljudi in skupnosti. Razvile in prilagodile smo spretnosti, ki so potrebne za zagovorništvo naših uporabnikov v zakonodaji. Toda, ali to zadostuje za resnično uspešnost in učinkovitost pri zagovarjanju politik? S kakšnimi ovirami se srečujemo in kakšna zavezništva potrebujemo, da bomo lahko soustvarjale pozitivne in trajnostne spremembe? Dr. Ana Radulescu je predsednica Mednarodne zveze socialnih delavk in delavcev v evropski regiji (IFSW Europe) in izredna profesorica na Univerzi v Bukarešti, na Fakulteti za sociologijo in socialno delo. Dela tudi kot izvršna direktorica Centra za usposabljanje in evalvacijo v socialnem delu v Romuniji (CFCECAS), tam pripravljajo in uvajajo strateške in inovativne projekte, da bi službe za pomoč skupnosti lahko resnično spremenile življenje ljudi. Delala je kot svetovalka za socialno politiko na ministrstvu za socialne zadeve in še vedno lobira pri odločevalcih, ki sprejemajo zakonodajo, ki vpliva na življenje ljudi v skupnostih, npr. pri vprašanjih zmanjševanja odpadkov, posvojitvah, lajšanju revščine in povečevanju socialne vključenosti. Kot svetovalka dela pri Evropski komisiji na področjih, kjer se prekrivajo zakonodaja, politika in praksa socialnega dela. S profesionalci z različnih področij se angažira pri zagotavljanju podpore ranljivim ljudem v tveganih situacijah: s socialnimi delavci, policijo, gasilci, zdravniki in vojaškimi zdravniki. Social workers leading social innovation, sustainable change and inclusive growth for all people Becoming a social worker often begins with the aspiration to engage in influencing people's lives in a meaningful and lasting way. We all strive to lead social innovation, facilitate sustainable change and work for promoting inclusive growth. Everyday practice confirms that social workers act at the junction between legislation, policy and practice. They are agents of change and have to make decisions in real time with a direct impact on human lives. However, what meaning and power do these words have in a reality in which much of the population has a limited view of what a social worker is and what a social worker does? Social workers do advocacy work better than other professions; we see the effects of legislation in everyday lives of people. We can show the tangible impact of political decisions and bring empirical evidence of how people's life is affected. As social workers, we operate on the frontlines and we are often the last line of defense of people's social rights. Over the last years, social workers in Europe made a shift in public attitude and the way they are engaged in changing the legislation and social policy. We started to work within political systems that make decisions with impact on the life of people and communities. We already shaped and tailored the skills needed to advocate for our clients in the legislature. However, is this enough to be truly successful and effective in policy advocacy? What are the obstacles and what kind of alliances we need to have in order to create positive and sustainable changes? Ana Radulescu, PhD, is the President of International Federation of Social Workers European Region (IFSW Europe) and Associate Professor at Bucharest University, Faculty of Sociology and Social Work. She works as Executive Director of the Center for Training and Assessment in Social Work in Romania (CFCECAS), creating and implementing strategic and innovative projects to help community services to make a real difference in people's lives. Ana worked as an advisor on social welfare policy and practice for ministries of social affairs and she plays a key role in lobbying and working with decision makers for laws and regulations with impact on the life of people and communities, such as waste reduction, adoption, reducing poverty and promoting social inclusion. Currently she works on developing skills and knowledge for social workers in the areas of emergency intervention and support for internally displaced people. With the professionals from various fields, she shapes the way the support is provided for people in vulnerable and risk situations by interdisciplinary teams, such as social workers, police, firefighters, doctors or military doctors. HUBERT HOLLMULLER Ill A imperium Europaeum - socialno delo na robu evropske unije Socialno delo mora poznati zgodovino, tudi o afriški celini in njeni zgodovini, ki jo povezuje z Evropo. Poznati moramo zgodovino kolonializma, izkoriščanja virov in globalno dinamiko bojevanja in gospodarstva. Socialno delo pa mora poznati tudi politiko: poznati moramo Združene narode, Evropsko unijo in njune institucije, da bi razumeli njihovo vlogo pri podaljševanju političnih konfliktov. Vedeti moramo, kako se sprejemajo odločitve v teh institucijah in kako nacionalne politike vplivajo na realnost begunske skupnosti Zahodnih Saharcev v begunskih taboriščih na jugozahodu Alžirije. Socialno delo pa potrebuje tudi medkulturne spretnosti in sposobnost za povezovanje. Poznati moramo evropocentričnost naših sodobnih družb, temeljne značilnosti arabskega sveta ter njegove politične in duhovne koncepte. Podpora ljudem Zahodne Sahare pomeni ozaveščanje javnosti o dogajanju, organiziranje sodelovanja in virov za vsakodnevno življenje v begunskih taboriščih. Socialno delo se mora zavzemati za socialno pravičnost in solidarnost. Socialno delo danes nima niti ustreznega mandata niti jasnega stališča v tem dogajanju kakor tudi ne temeljnega razumevanja pravičnosti in solidarnosti, ki temeljita na človekovih pravicah. Solidarnost tako pomeni tudi deljenje virov institucij socialnega dela in članov znanstvene skupnosti. Kako je mogoče udejanjati vsa ta načela socialnega dela na primeru Zahodne Afrike in pri delu z begunci? Dr. Hubert Höllmüller je profesor na Šoli za socialno delo na Univerzi uporabnih znanosti Koroške in predavatelj na Technische Hochschule Köln. Njegovo področje je delo z otroki v povezavi s filozofijo znanosti. Je mednarodni koordinator na šoli za socialno delo, supervizor v Avstrijskem združenju za supervizijo (ÖVS). Trenutno se ukvarja z raziskovanjem programov oskrbe za otroke in mladostnike na avstrijskem Koroškem, Štajerskem in v Zgornji Avstriji, vrtcev, otroške in mladinske psihiatrije in politiko drog. Prav tako se ukvarja z raziskovanjem konflikta v Zahodni Sahari. imperium Europaeum - social work in the backyard of the european union Social work needs historical knowledge, including the knowledge about the African continent and the history that links it with Europe. We need to know about the history of colonialism, the exploitation of resources and the global dynamics of warfare und economics. In addition, social work needs political knowledge about the United Nations, the European Union and its institutions to understand the role of these institutions in prolonging the conflicts. We need to know how decisions are made and how national policies influence the reality of the refugee society of the Saharawi in their camps in the southwest of Algeria. Furthermore, social work needs intercultural and networking skills; we need to know about the Eurocentric attitudes of our modern societies, about the basics of the Arabic world and its political and spiritual concepts. Social work needs to support the people of Western Sahara by advocating for their rights and organizing co-operation and resources for everyday life in the refugee camps. This also means that social work strives for justice and solidarity. Without a profound understanding of justice and solidarity based on the human rights, social work will have neither the appropriate mandate nor a clear position on the issue. Solidarity thus also means sharing of resources of social work institutions and members of the scientific community. How do all of the social work skills described above apply to social work in Western Sahara, and to the work with refugees? Hubert Höllmüller, PhD., is professor at the Carinthi-an University of Applied Sciences, School of Social Work. He lectures at the Technische Hochschule Köln. His focus is on child and youth care in connection to philosophy of science. He is also the international coordinator at a school of social work, and supervisor at the Austrian association of supervision (ÖVS). He is currently researching child and youth care in Carinthia, Styria and Upper Austria, kindergartens, child and youth psychiatry and drug policy. He is also working on the Western Sahara conflict. Strukturno nasilje Profesijo socialnega dela ogrožajo štirje glavni dejavniki (štirje »jezdeci apokalipse«): deprofesionalizacija, birokratizacija, marginalizacija (v dvojnem pomenu: slabitve družbenega vpliva kot tudi oženja področja dela zgolj na marginalizirane kategorije), četrta nevarnost pa je strukturno nasilje v pomenu procesov in struktur, ki sestavljajo družbeno okolje naše profesije. V zvezi s prvim dejavnikom lahko tveganje reduciramo sami, tu je odgovorna samo naša profesija, na drugi in tretji dejavnik lahko vplivamo delno, četrti dejavnik pa je zunaj našega vpliva, nanj lahko kot profesija le opozarjamo, protestiramo in agitiramo. Najprej pa ga moramo poznati. Strukturno nasilje se v Sloveniji zaostruje predvsem na šestih dimenzijah (ki jih bom v predstavitvi empirično ilustriral), in sicer: 1. povečevanje družbenih neenakosti 2. blokada družbene mobilnosti 3. sovpadanje socialne stratifikacije z etnično (priseljenci druge generacije + begunci) 4. nestrpnost od zgoraj (t. i. Jagov sindrom) 5. nestrpnost od spodaj (avtoritarni sindrom) 6. napačen tip sektorske regulacije. Trije sklepi: (a) v Sloveniji se trendi na vseh šestih področjih zaostrujejo v negativno smer; (b) v političnih in ekonomskih elitah ni konsenza, da je s tem kaj narobe; (c) z nadaljevanjem takšnih trendov bodo največjo ceno plačale uporabnice in uporabniki socialnega dela kot tudi celotna profesija. Dr. Srečo Dragoš je sociolog in socialni delavec, predavatelj na Fakulteti za socialno delo Univerze v Ljubljani. Raziskovalno se ukvarja predvsem s področji splošne sociologije (in sociologije religije), s socialno politiko, družbenimi neenakostmi in s socialnim delom. V zadnjih letih je v znanstvenih člankih obravnaval vsebine: socialni kapital, multikulturnostne politike, odnos do beguncev, razmerje med socialnimi, družinskimi in rodnostnimi politikami, empatija, dejavniki ra-dikalizma in nestrpnosti, neoliberalizem (v zvezi z ameriškimi "sanjami"), socialna razdalja, socialna gibanja, politika izobraževanja, sovražni govor, islamofobija, profesionalna (meta)etika, staranje in socialne mreže, zgodovina revščine in lakote na Slovenskem. Je avtor in soavtor devetih znanstvenih monografij ter zbornika (v tisku) o univerzalnem temeljnem dohodku. Structural violence The profession of social work is threatened by four main factors, the four »riders of the apocalypse«: de--professionalization; bureaucratisation; marginalisation both in terms of the weakening of the social influence and the narrowing down of the scope of work to marginalised categories of the population; and structural violence in the sense of the processes and structures that comprise the immediate social environment of the profession. The first factor is reducible by our own actions, therefore the responsibility is solely on the profession itself. The second and the third factors can be partially addressed by the profession, while the fourth is entirely outside of our influence; all we can do is to caution, protest and agitate against it. But first and foremost, we need to understand it. Structural violence against the profession of social work is steeping up in Slovenia in six dimensions that will be presented and empirically illustrated: 1. the rise of social inequalities 2. the blockade of social mobility 3. the coinciding of social and ethnic stratification (second generation immigrants + refugees) 4. intolerance from above (the Iago syndrome) 5. intolerance from below (the authoritarian syndrome) 6. the wrong type of sector regulation. Three conclusions will be argued: (a) in Slovenia, all three trends are producing increased negativity; (b) the political and economic elites fail to realise that there is anything wrong with these trends; (c) with the trends continuing, the users of social work are to pay the steepest price, and with them, the entire profession. Srečo Dragoš, PhD, a sociologist and social worker, is an assistant professor at the Faculty of Social Work, University of Ljubljana. His research concentrates on general sociology and sociology of religion, social policies, social inequalities and social work. In recent years, he had published on social capital; multicultural policies; attitudes towards immigrants; the relations between the social, familial and reproductive policies; empathy; causes of radicalisms and intolerance; neoli-beralism and the »American dream«; social distances; social movements; education policies; hate speech; is-lamophobia; the professional (meta)ethics; ageing and social networks; the history of poverty and famine in Slovenia. He authored or co-authored nine scientific monographs and an edited volume on Universal basic income (in print).