July 2018 / 12 LiVeS Journal LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/ Leto IX julij 2018 shtevilka 12 Izdajatelj revije Naslov REVIJA SRP i.a: http://ww e.m: urednishtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournal.eu Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija UREDNISHTVO Peter Amalietti Ivo Antich Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Rajko Shushtarshich 2 LIVES JOURNAL je slovenska revija, ki nadaljuje in na novem nivoju povzema projekt Revije SRP: gre za nadaljevanje posebne publikacijske prakse (v tisku in na spletu) kot radikalno naravnanega preizkusa mozhnosti neodvisne umetnishke, esejistichne, znanstvene refleksije v geohistorichnem kontekstu in oblik identitete v njem, ter gre za inovacijo zlasti v smislu vzporednega slovensko-angleshkega zapisa, ki se odpira sledovom slovenstva kjer koli po svetu. Usmeritev publikacije s svojo obliko in s pomenskimi razsezhnostmi nakazuje tudi ime: zachetni chrki obeh besed sta kratica za Ljubljano (LJ), v angleshki besedi LiVeS pa so simetrichni soglasniki zachetnice istih treh vodilnih pojmov kot v slovenski besedi SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit). ISSN 1855-8267 3 LiVeS Journal LiVeS Journal /Liberty, Verity, and Spirit/ Year IX July 2018 number 12 Publisher of review REVIJA SRP i.a: http://ww e.m: urednishtvo@revijasrp.si e.m: editors@livesjournal.eu Address Revija SRP, Prazhakova 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia EDITORS Peter Amalietti Ivo Antich Lev Detela Damir Globochnik Rajko Shushtarshich LIVES JOURNAL is a Slovenian review which continues on a new level and summarizes the project of Review SRP: a continuation of the special practice of publication (in print and online) as a radical examination of the possibilities of an independent-oriented art, essayistic, scientific reflection in geohistorical context and its forms of identity, and the innovation especially in the sense of parallel Slovenian-English writing, which is opened to the traces of Slovenian identity anywhere in the world. The orientation of publication is also suggested by the name with its form and dimensions of meaning: the initial letters of both words are an abbreviation for Ljubljana (LJ), and in English word LiVeS symmetrical consonants perform the initials of the same three leading concepts such as in Slovenian word SRP (Svoboda — Resnica — Pogum / Liberty — Verity — Spirit) ISSN 1855-8267 4 LiVeS Journal Vsebina Gustav Janush Ivo Antich Matjazh Jarc Lev Detela Rajko Shushtarshich Likovna priloga Damir Globochnik Fran Tratnik V besedo rojen Koreja (Dva triptiha) Samosprashevanje nekega zavednega Slovenca Vse mine, vse ostane Paralelna stvarnost Slikarstvo Frana Tratnika Likovna dela 6 12 18 32 40 66 80 Za zgodovinski spomin Anthony Ambrozic Gordijski vozel — razvozlan (Slovenetski napisi v antichni Anatoliji) Iz zgodovinskega spomina Damir Globochnik Zbornik Slovenska fotografija Branko Hribovshek Moviusova linija — kamena orodja in jezikovni tipi 90 110 124 5 LiVeS Journal Index Gustav Janush Into the word born 7 Ivo Antich Korea (Two triptychs) 13 Matjazh Jarc Reflections of a certain conscious Slovene 19 Lev Detela Everything passes, everything remains 33 Rajko Shushtarshich The parallel reality 41 Art supplement Damir Globochnik Fran Tratnik's painting 67 Fran Tratnik Artworks 81 For historical memory Anthony Ambrozic Gordian Knot Unbound (Slovenetic inscriptions in Ancient Anatolia) 91 From historical memory Damir Globochnik Branko Hribovshek The »Slovenska fotografija« miscellany Movius line — lithic tools and language types 111 125 6 LiVeS Journal Gustav Janush V BESEDO ROJEN VECHER Na mizo sem postavil shopek cvetlic, ki sem jih natrgal v soboto zvecher: Chakal sem, a ni bilo nikogar. Samo nedeljski mrak je zagrnil sobo in vzel s seboj she popoldanski vonj orumenelih cvetlic. Odprl sem okno in videl mnogo pohojenih listov. LJUBEZEN POGOJI SOVRASHTVO Moj oche zelo ljubi stare skrinje in stare kolovrate. Neguje jih in jih popravlja, brishe prah in jih polira. Najbolj pa sovrazhi moj oche hladilnike. 7 LiVeS Journal Gustav Janush INTO THE WORD BORN EVENING I placed a bouquet of flowers that I had picked Saturday evening on the table. I waited but no one came. Sunday's dusk enveloped the room and took the afternoon fragrance of the wilted flowers with it. I opened the window and saw crushed leaves. LOVE TURNING TO HATE Chests and spinning wheels are my father's most beloved possessions. He keeps them in condition and polishes them until they shine. But refrigerators, my father hates refrigerators like nothing else in the world. 8 LiVeS Journal PRVI SNEG Zjutraj je padel prvi sneg. Opoldne sem shel na sprehod. Ker je bilo zhe mrzlo, sem si oblekel plashch. Ljubim sneg, ker pokrije vso rjavo in chrno gnilobo pozne jeseni in preobleche vso naravo v belo in tiho pokrajino. Ljubim tudi mraz, saj umori vse tiste muhe, ki so me poleti grizle, ter preobleche drevesa in strehe v ledene oltarje. Skrbijo me samo rozhe na moji gredi. CHASOPIS V chasopisu je vse chrno na belo tiskano. Che hochesh kaj zvedeti o soncu, o travi, o cvetochem drevesu, morash priti v mojo vas in pogledati skoz okno in ne v chasopis, ker v chasopisu je vse chrno na belo tiskano. 9 LiVeS Journal THE FIRST SNOW Snow fell this morning, the first snow of the year. In the afternoon when I went out I had to wear an overcoat due to the cold. I love snow because it covers the black and brown mud of autumn and makes everything white and quiet. It kills the horseflies that sting me in summer and transforms trees and roofs to altars of ice. It's only my roses that worry me. NEWSPAPER Everything in the paper is black on white. But if it's the sun, grass or trees in the spring you want to know about, then put the paper aside, come to my village and look out the window since everything in the paper is black on white. Translated by Herbert Kuhner (with Feliks J. Bister, Peter Kersche) 10 LiVeS Journal V BESEDO SEM BIL ROJEN V ozvezdju rasti zdaj stanujem. Moje zdaj dneva polne ochi me varujejo pred skokom v she bolj temno globino. Slike popotnika nosim v srcu. Zapushchena vrzel me pa sili vedno bolj k vrnitvi, toda moje senchno oko, moje drugachno okno, pa ostane tako dolgo odprto, dokler veter ne menja svojega jezika. GUSTAV JANUSH (1939, Sela / Zell; Avstrija), pesnik, prevajalec in slikar na avstrijskem Koroshkem (velja za prvo ime poezije koroshkih Slovencev); nemshka gimnazija na Pleshivcu /Tanzenberg (sosholec Peter Handke pozneje prevajal njegove pesmi v nemshchino ter izjavil, da je Janush edini genij, ki ga pozna). Po maturi krajshi shtudij teologije, nato konchal pedagoshko akademijo v Celovcu, uchitelj (slovenshchina, risanje, fizika, kemija) na nemshko-slovensko dvojezichnih sholah. Nagrada »Petrarca« za poezijo (München 1984). Z navidezno preprostim »realistichnim« izrazom (lastna oznaka: »predmetna poezija«) prefinjeno, zastrto satirichno belezhi izostrena bivanjska obchutja v provincialnem okolju na meji dveh svetov / besed; znachilen naslov prve zbirke P(e)S(m)I (DZS, Ljubljana, 1978) konkretistichno nakazuje sovpad pojmov psi / pesmi [cf. pes; pesem] v slovenshchini. (op. ur. I. A.) 11 LiVeS Journal I WAS BORN INTO THE WORD In the constellation of growth, I am dwelling now. My eyes are full of the day protecting me now from a jump into even more dark deepness. I carry pictures of the wanderer in my heart. And the abandoned gap forces me more and more to the return, but my shady eye, my different window, it will stay so long open until the wind does change its language. Translated by Ivo Antich GUSTAV JANUSH (1939, Sela / Zell; Austria), a poet, translator and painter in Austrian Carinthia (the first name of the poetry of Carinthian Slovenians); German gymnasium on Pleshivec / Tanzenberg (classmate Peter Handke later translated his poems into German, and stated that Janush is the only genius known to him). After gymnasium, a short study of theology, but graduating at Pedagogical Academy in Klagenfurt became a teacher (of Slovenian, drawing, physics, chemistry) at German-Slovenian bilingual schools. »Petrarca« prize for poetry (München 1984). With a seemingly simple »realistic« expression (his own designation: »object poetry«), he concealingly satirically registers the sharpened existence feelings in a provincial environment at the border of two worlds / words; the characteristic title of his first collection of poems P(e)S(m)I (DZS, Ljubljana, 1978) indicates the concretistic coincidence of the notions of dogs / poems in Slovenian [cf. pes = dog; pesem = poem]. (note by ed. I. A.) 12 LiVeS Journal Ivo Antich KOREJA (Dva triptiha) ABATDON (Triptih) SEUL »Abatdon« je ime ladje, s katero plovesh po Rumenem morju. Kapitan se je nekoch pisal Seulich; ko je prishel iz korejske vojne, je skrajshal v Seul. Rekel je: »Zmeraj sanjam le tole: streha visoko nad zalivom, pushka prislonjena k licu, ki je moje; po mostichu stopam z ladje, krizh sledi tochki med ochmi; omahnem tiho, v gluhem snu ...« KOREJA »Seul, toujours! Don Abat, là-bas, l'abat! Chorée, Corée!« se dere papiga med razkrechenimi nogami no-chi. Kako trza, kako se zvija, kako shviga bich bolezni, zdravja palindrom. Kako trza, kako se zvija, kako shviga bich zdravja, bolezni palindrom, mojster korejskega boksa, moloh sna: v sonchnem krogu lobanja, ki si s pushko sluzhi kruh. 13 LiVeS Journal Ivo Antich KOREA (Two triptychs) ABATDON (Triptych) SE(O)UL »Abatdon« is the name of the ship on which you sail along the Yellow Sea. The captain's former surname was Seulich; when he came out of the Korean War, he shortened to Seul. He said: »Always I dream of this only: the roof high above the bay, the rifle leant to the face which is mine; by bridge I step down of the ship, the cross follows the point between two eyes; I collapse quietly, in a deaf dream ...« KOREA »Seul, toujours! Don Abat, là-bas, l'abat! Chorée, Corée!« cries the parrot between the straddled legs of the night. How it jerks, how it twists, how it shoots the whip of disease, the health palindrom. How it jerks, how it twists, how it shoots the whip of health, the disease palindrom, the master of Korean boxing, Moloch of dream: in the sun's circle a skull which using a rifle earns its daily bread. 14 LiVeS Journal LUES Zhgocha krogla muze te ljubi. Pod larvo sonca ni obraza, ni zvi-jach. Preproga shkorpijonov. Che te krogla ne podre, te izpije bela chrna vdova. Che te ne ubije ona, ti ubijesh njo. Mrka sluz vse vsrka. Blishchna luch vse bicha. Oster sik obraz ti zlomi, dih izpuli. Po rumenem morju gnoja techesh: med bichjem stekel trubadur. ZHEJA BOGOV (Triptih) LYSSA, LESK Teci, lisa. Skachi. Lezi. Razcheh- ni si um. Steptaj mozhgane v prah. Pre- chrtaj se. Ni te. S cunjo obraza tleskaj ob zid. Lizhi nozh. Pij znoj, scal- nico izpod sebe. Brez oddiha do izdiha, ta sinja klavnica, plazhe in palme, film, sanjsko pochas- no krozhenje udov, chrev in glav; sho- pi trave, ki jo gazi in seka misel, v soncu jekleno bleshchecha. TIGER IZ PAPIRJA Vsak se iz rane v mesu rodi, rana v zemlji seme vzame nazaj: strast in grob. Krog pasu si zadrgnesh vrv in se obesish na strop. Vrtish se, da ti ochi zlezejo iz lobanje. »Ku-ku!« rigne tigrica in sov-rashtvo je to, kar vaju zvezhe, chista mrzkost, edina ljubezen, ki ni hinavstvo. Ti si tiger, gol ra-chun, papir: bozhjastno trd, krut otrok. 15 LiVeS Journal LUES The ardent bullet of muse loves you. Under the larva of the sun there is not a face nor any tricks. Carpet of scorpions. If the bullet does not knock you down, the white black widow sucks you out. If she does not kill you, then you kill her. A dark slime absorbs all. A flashlight whips all. A sharp hiss breaks your face, pulls out your breath. Along the yellow sea of dung you run: a rabid troubadour in the rush. THIRST OF GODS (Triptych) LYSSA, GLOSS Run, you blur. Jump. Lie down. Cleave your own mind. Stamp down the brain into the dust. Cross off yourself. You exist not. With the rag of your face smack at the wall. Lick a knife. Drink a sweat, a piss from beneath of yourself. No breath to the last breath, that blue slaughterhouse, beaches and palm trees, film, dreamlike slow circulation of limbs, guts and heads; tufts of grass which is trampled and cut by the thought steely shining in the sun. TIGER OF PAPER Everyone of the wound in the flesh is born, a wound in the soil takes back the seed: passion and grave. Round your waist you tie a rope and hang yourself on the ceiling. You rotate so that your eyes creep out of your skull. »Cuckoo!« brays the tigress and hatred is what links you, pure aversion, the only love which is not hypocrisy. You are a tiger, a clear account, paper: hard as epileptic, cruel kid. 16 LiVeS Journal MUHOLOVEC Duh, lovec muh. Jutro podgan, vecher mushic. Do mozga so site jeche med shipami, trgajo tanka krilca s sebe, grabijo se za meso. Lezhijo, zlepljene z znojem, po parih ali celi grozdi, v cestnih lu-zhah, po hostah, njivah, dvoranah, trgovinah, pisarnah, vilah, avtih, rovih, davijo se, sopejo, hro-pejo pod spacheno masko sonca. Seul / angl. Seoul, izg. soul, cf. soul, sole / korejsko: Soul Tukpyolsi (deloma sozvochno s fr. toujours); etim. Seobeol »glavno mesto, locheno« / fr. Séoul; seul - sam; Corée - Koreja; chorée - vidov ples, vidovica / gr. lyssa, lisa -steklina / Koreja - izv. Koryo, Goryeo, etim. go-Guru (visok, obzidan); cf. slov. koren, lat. cor, fr. cor, angl. core. (Op. avt.) 17 LiVeS Journal FLYCATCHER Ghost, flyhunter. Morning of rats, evening of gnats. They are sated to the marrow with the jail among the windowpanes, they tear the thin wings from themselves grabbing their own flesh. They lie glued togehter by sweat in pairs or in whole clusters, in the road puddles, in forests, on fields, in halls, in stores, in offices, in villas, in cars, in shafts, they strangle each other, they gasp, they wheeze under the grimaced mask of the sun. Seul / Engl. Seoul, pron. soul, cf. soul, sole / Korean: Soul Tukpyolsi (pron. partly nearby to Fr. toujours); etym. Seobeol »capital city, separate« / Fr. Séoul; seul - sole, lone; Corée - Korea; chorée - St. Vitus's dance / Gr. lyssa - rabies / Korea - orig. Koryo, Goryeo, etym. go-Guru (high, walled); cf. Slovenian: koren, Lat. cor, Fr. cor, Engl. core. (Note by a.) Translated from Slovenian by author 18 LiVeS Journal Matjazp Jarc SAMOSPRASHEVANJE NEKEGA ZAVEDNEGA SLOVENCA Takole se je na zachetku tretjega tisochletja A. D. sprasheval in si odgovarjal neki zavedni Slovenec: »Prvo vprashanje je, zakaj sem ravno Slovenec, ne pa Madzhar, Makedonec ali Anglezh. Drugo je vprashanje, ali bi se lahko rodil afganistanski materi. In tretje — ali ne bi bilo bolje, che bi bil rojen v Tokiu, ne pa v Ljubljani. Osnovni odgovor na vsa tri je, da itak nisem imel izbire. Pred rojstvom nisem mogel vplivati ne na mamo ne na ocheta, naj nikar ne pochneta neumnosti in naj me za bozhjo voljo ne spochenjata. Pa tudi che bi lahko vplival, je vprashanje, ali bi nasprotoval njuni sladki igrici, iz katere sem se posledichno prikazal na tem svetu kot bolj ali manj zazhelen cmerajochi se stvorchek. Ampak saj niti starsha nista imela izbire; tudi che sta me nachrtvovala, nista mogla vedeti, koga ali kaj nachrtujeta. Nimam podatka, kje sta me spochela, a zagotovo ne v Londonu, Kabulu, Tokiu ... Rodil sem se vsekakor v Ljubljani, saj o tem obstajajo dokumenti. Zato bi bile zhe tedaj moje morebitne zhelje, da bi postal na primer Madzhar, povsem brezpredmetne. Tezhko pa bi zatrdil, da sta za to dejstvo izkljuchno odgovorna moja starsha, cheprav bi se lahko she pred mojim rojstvom raje preselila v Budimpeshto in se tam lepo asimilirala. Potem bi me zhe v vrtcu izoblikovali v Madzharchka, pamet in duha bi mi primerno izoblikoval tamkajshnji izobrazhevalni sistem, danes pa bi mogoche lahko sodeloval kot investitor v sistem hrvashkih bencinskih chrpalk ali pa celo v gradnjo dodatne zheleznishke infrastrukture v Sloveniji. Sploh se ne chudim, da zhe moji stari starshi niso emigrirali v Afganistan, kjer bi pripravili teren za moje rojstvo pod Mohamedovim blagoslovom. Che pa bi, bi se lahko danes s kalashnikovko v roki boril za osvoboditev makovih polj izpod imperialistichnega jarma, ali pa bi se po vztrajnem shtudiju zaposlil kot visok uradnik marionetne vlade v Kabulu. Mogoche bi se sicer raje preselil v Iran in se tam izpopolnjeval iz perzijskega pesnishtva, ampak saj je v bistvu vseeno: bil bi zaveden rodoljub. Kar pa sem itak tudi zdaj. Che bi se moji davni predniki morda naselili na Japonskem, bi bil moj oche chisto lahko samuraj ali pa kamikaze, jaz pa bi bil morebiti spochet v zadnjih dneh pred njegovo slavno smrtjo. Ovenchan z rodbinsko slavo, bi skupaj z drzhavo Japonsko vzgojil svoje potomce v duhu starodavne tradicije, izobrazili bi se v vrhunske inzhenirje in izumitelje najsodobnejshe tehnologije, izdelke in licence pa bi z visokimi dobichki prodajali tudi v najmanjshe evropske drzhave. Tako da je biti Slovenec hudo relativno, saj bi lahko samo zaradi nekaj spremenjenih okolishchin postal chisto nekaj drugega. 19 LiVeS Journal Matja%h Jarc REFLECTIONS OF A CERTAIN CONSCIOUS SLOVENE These are the questions and answers an unspecified conscious Slovene asked himself at the start of the third millennium A.D.: »So I ask, why do I happen to be Slovenian rather than Hungarian, Macedonian, or English; I also wonder, whether I could have been born to an Afghani mother; and finally, wouldn't it be better if I were born in Tokyo, rather than in Ljubljana. The simple answer to all three questions: I had no choice anyway. Before my birth I had no influence over my mother or father; I couldn't well tell them to stop their silliness and for God's sake not beget me. And even if I could influence matters, it remains unclear whether I would have opposed their sweet play, which resulted in my arrival on this Earth as a more or less desired weeping little creature. But, my parents had no choice either; even if they planned me, they had no way of knowing whom or what they were planning to make. I don't have exact information as to where I was made, but it was certainly not London, Kabul, Tokyo... I was certainly born in Ljubljana, as this is documented. By this time, any potential wish I might've harboured to be Hungarian was entirely pointless. It would be hard for me to argue, however, that the responsibility lay squarely with my parents, though prior to my birth, they could've, for example, opted to move to Budapest and assimilate there. Kindergarten would have moulded me into a Hungarian with my mind and spirit appropriately shaped by the local school system. Right now I could be among the investors in the Croatian fuelling station system or even additional railway infrastructure in Slovenia. I am not at all surprised that my grandparents hadn't emigrated to Afghanistan and set the terrain for my birth under Mohammed's blessing. But if they had, I could be fighting today, Kalashnikov in hand, to free the poppy fields from under the imperialist yoke or I might have gained employ, following strenuous studies, as an official of the puppet government in Kabul. Perhaps I would have rather moved to Iran and hone my skills in Persian poetry, but in the end, it matters not: I would be a conscious patriot, which, in any case, is what I am right now. Had my ancient ancestors settled in Japan, my father might well have been a samurai warrior or kamikaze pilot, and I might have been conceived in the final days before his illustrious passing. Crowned with family fame, I could have joined the state of Japan in raising my offspring in the spirit of ancient traditions; they would be educated to be top engineers and inventors of the latest technologies; perhaps their products and licenses would sell at top profits even in the smallest of European countries. Therefore, being Slovenian is severely relative, being that a mere few changed circumstances could have made me something completely different. 20 LiVeS Journal No, katere okolishchine bi she mogle vnaprej spremeniti mojo narodno zavest in pripadnost? Recimo, che grem po vrsti nazaj v preteklost in se ustavim samo tu in tam: Iztek druge svetovne vojne. Ljubljana bi pripadla Italiji, jaz pa bi se rodil kot italijanski drzhavljan, tako rekoch Italijan. Doma bi imeli pizzerijo, pozdravljali pa bi se s ciao in addio. Bogve, che se ne bi zaposlil pri vojashki mornarici in bi v tem chasu resheval potopljene begunce iz Sredozemskega morja, saj bi imela nasha drzhava brodovje, kot se shika, ne pa eno samo zastarelo rusko ladjo. Na bankovcih ne bi bilo Preshernove glave in Trst bi bil nash, moji potomci pa bi razumeli pridige s prizhnice, cheprav bi duhovniki pridigali v latinshchini. Celo Danteja bi bral v originalu, ne pa v prevodu krshchanskega socialista. Tako malo bi se spremenilo, pa bi bilo chisto drugache! Joj, kaj pa che bi Francozi obdrzhali Ilirske province! In jih she razshirili, pa nikoli vech izpustili iz rok! Potem danes na tem koncu Francije ne bi gospodaril samo Renault, ampak bi se mu pridruzhil vsaj she Peugeot, Gorenjci pa bi izdelovali najmodernejsha potnishka, tovorna in vojashka letala. Jaz bi se sicer (che bi bila moja mama temnopolta) rodil v Alzhiriji, ampak to bi bilo she vedno v moji rodni dezheli. In tam bi shiril frankofonsko kulturo, magari bi kot uchitelj filozofije poucheval temnopolte Francoze o nashem velikem mislecu Voltairu. Po svojih parishkih zvezah bi pritiskal na dezhelno vlado, naj vztrajno dushi tezhnje po kulturni avtonomiji slovenske manjshine, ki bi she vedno otepala z repom v okolici Chrnomlja, nad italijansko in hrvashko iredento v Istri pa bi tudi na podlagi mojih prizadevanj izvajala najstrozhje policijske ukrepe. Ali pa che bi Turki osvojili Dunaj in si ga pridrzhali vse do danes, moj praoche pa bi postal vezir v Ljubljanskem pashaluku! Kdo ali kaj bi bil zdaj jaz? Slovenec zagotovo ne in bilo bi mi ime Omar, ne pa Matjazh. Sam Alah bi se chudil, che me ne bi zaposlili kot mestnega rablja, specializiranega za sekanje rok skorumpiranim politikom in glav politichnim oporechnikom. Z malo sreche bi morda lahko celo vodil tiskovno agencijo nashe province in dolochal, kaj lahko in kaj morajo objavljati mediji, reguliral bi internet in gradil piramide iz lobanj slovansko ter venetsko mislechih intelektualcev. Moje zhene bi upravljale trgovinico s turshkim medom, sinovi pa bi bili visoki chastniki v sultanovih chetah in bi na zmagovitih pohodih skoraj po turistichno odkrivali lepote sveta. Mogoche bi se — po nekem chudnem nakljuchju — Rimski imperij ohranil vse do danes in bi bil jaz Emonec, najbrzh pretor ali pa trgovec z orozhjem. V prvem primeru bi bila Emona sredishche vesoljne pravichnosti, v drugem pa bi zaslovela po najcenejshi in hkrati najkvalitetnejshi ponudbi vseh vrst morilskih strojev in priprav, najkvaltetnejshe municije, bomb, raket in smrtonosnih plinov, desetkolesnikov in she boljshih reaktivcev, kot che bi vmes v imperij vdrli in si ga prisvojili Turki, Napoleon ali Italijani. Ja, tudi tako bi lahko bilo, che ne bi bilo tako, kot je. Bil bi vse kaj drugega kot zaveden Slovenec. Ampak hec je v tem, da se vse to ni zgodilo. 21 LiVeS Journal Well then, what other circumstance could have predetermined my national consciousness and belonging? For example, if I go back in time in order, stopping only here or there: In an alternative end of World War II Ljubljana would fall to Italy. I would've been born an Italian citizen, practically an Italian. We'd own a family pizzeria greeting each-other with ciao and addio. Lord knows, I might've been employed by the navy, currently saving drowning refugees in the Mediterranean, being that our country would have a worthwhile fleet, rather than a single out-dated Russian ship. The bank notes wouldn't portray Presheren's face, and Trieste would be ours. My descendants would be able to understand sermons, even if the priests gave them in Latin. I would even read Dante in the original rather than a Christian socialist's translation. Such a small change, yet all would be entirely different! Oh! What if the French had kept the Illyrian Provinces! And if they expanded them and never let them slip away! Then today, this part of France would not be ruled only by Renault but probably at least Peugeot as well. Gorenjska Slovenes would produce top-of-the-line passenger, freight, and military aircraft. Provided my mother were dark-skinned, I would've probably been born in Algeria, though still in my greater native land, to disseminate francophone culture there; if nothing else I would teach philosophy and our famed thinker Voltaire to French people of colour. I'd use my Parisian connections to pressure the department government to obstinately stifle Slovenian cultural autonomist tendencies, then kicking around in Chrnomelj, and enact the strictest police measures against Italian and Croatian irredentists in Istria, partly based on my endeavours. Or had the Turks occupied Vienna and held on to it to this day, an my grandfather became a Vizier in the Ljubljana Eyalet! Who or what would I be now? Certainly not a Slovene, and my name would be Omar, rather than Matjazh. Allah himself would be surprised if I weren't employed as town executioner specialised in chopping arms off corrupted politicians and beheading political dissidents. Given some luck, I could perhaps even head our province's press agency and decide what is allowed and what obligatory for the media to publish. I would regulate the Internet and erect pyramids made from skulls of Slavic- and Venetic minded intellectuals. My wives would run a small store selling Turkish delight, and my sons would be officers in the Sultan's troops enjoying the wonders of the world by way of near-tourist style victorious military campaigns. Perhaps, by some strange coincidence, the Roman Empire would've been preserved until today making me an Emonian; either praetor or an arms merchant. In the first instance, Emona would be the centre of universal justice and in the second its claim to fame would be its supply of cheapest and top-quality murder machines and devices, highest-grade munitions, bombs, rockets, and deadly gasses, ten-wheelers and even better jets than if the Turks, Napoleon or Italians had invaded in the meantime. Yes, it could've been thus if it weren't as it is. I'd be anything but a conscious Slovene, but the funny thing is, all this did not transpire. 22 LiVeS Journal Premagali smo Rimljane, premagali smo Turke, Francoze in Italijane pa she koga. Na vseh teh zmagah smo gradili zametke svoje narodne samozavesti, ponosa in zgodovinskega dostojanstva. Kdor se ne zaveda, da je to vech kot zmage kosharkashev, smucharjev in drugih shportnikov na svetovnih prvenstvih, ni zaveden Slovenec. Jaz se na primer tega zavedam, cheprav vem, da so v omenjenih primerih zmagale vojske, Slovenci pa vojske nismo imeli in je v bistvu she danes nimamo, cheprav jo imamo. Smo pa sodelovali v vseh teh vojnah kot vojshchaki, enkrat za bogove, drugich za Boga, tretjich za cesarja in tako dalje. Vedno pa za dom. In smo vsakich pregnali sovrage z nashega ozemlja, ki she zdaj ni chisto nashe, ampak je del nekega drugega teritorija, cheprav smo za svojim mejami in v lastni drzhavi zelo suvereni. Bolj kot kadarkoli, in zavedni, da je joj! Kljub temu pa vchasih ne vem, ali sem danes zhe ali she Slovenec. Che sodim samo po spermijih in jajchecih, ki so bili na delu v teh krajih v zadnjem tisochletju, ker se na genetiko spoznam she manj: tod so nasha dekleta osemenjevali mnogi, od Germanov in Frankov prek Romov do Americhanov in Rusov. Mnogi she prej, mnogi jih bodo she pozneje, ampak Slovenka je bila in bo ostala Slovenka, ona se ne da kar tako. Prishla je iz daljnih krajev, bila je nekaj posebnega. Skoraj nihche je ni razumel, ker je klepetala v slovenshchini, kar pochne she dandanes, le da v mnogo bolj prefinjeni obliki. In problem bi bil reshen, che bi bil tako preprosto reshljiv. Zhal pa ni, saj se she sama ne spomni vech, kdo ali kaj vse je zhe kdaj bila. Na zhalost tudi moj spomin sezhe komaj v prejshnje stoletje. So pa namesto mene na to temeljno vprashanje (kdo ali kaj vse sem kot Slovenec zhe bil) odgovorili mnogi znanstveniki. She danes odgovarjajo, pri chemer se komajda ponavljajo, saj vendar vsakich odkrijejo kaj novega. Baje bodo arheologi chez nekaj desetletij na dnu Tihega oceana odkrili nekaj predmetov, ki bodo prichali, da se je tam pred mnogo vech kot deset tisoch leti potopil splav (iz debel neznanega, a vodoodpornega drevja), na kakrshnih so se iz jugovzhodne Azije na amerishki kontinent preseljevali Praindijanci. Usnjena zanka, ki se je ohranila v brlogu nekega morskega psa, naj bi prichala, da so bezhali pred krutostjo domache druzhbe, ki je bila kanibalska in suzhnjelastnishka, torej izkorishchevalska in chisto drugachna, kot je nasha. V isti votlini bodo nashli kamnit predmet, podoben tomahavku, kot dokaz, da so bili ti predniki Indijancev inteligentni chlovechnjaki, ki so zhe razumeli koncept lastnine in lastninjenja, torej prisvajanja pa tudi ropanja. Tem ugotovitvam bo seveda marsikdo nasprotoval, saj naj bi po njegovo shlo za izrazite pacifiste, ki so se vendar le umikali iz krutega druzhbenega okolja, ker so bili sami neagresivni in so ubijali le za hrano. Vsekakor bo nastala teza, da so bili na amerishkem kontinentu domorodci oni, saj so se nanj shele priselili, cheprav za zdaj she ni indicev o prejshnjih prebivalcih, ki so se morali menda pred njimi umakniti na sever in se prilagoditi vechnemu mrazu. V brlogu drugega morskega psa pa bodo baje odkrili neko vrsto prapisave, vklesano v kamen; nekateri znanstveniki zhe preuchujejo hipotezo, da najdeni zapis pomeni hawgkh, kar je bil she mnogo pozneje znani pozdrav Komanchev in Apachev. 23 LiVeS Journal We defeated the Romans, the Turks, the French, the Italians and others. We built the base of our national consciousness, pride, and historic dignity on these victories. Those who aren't conscious of this counting for more than a world championship victory of some basketball team, skier, or other athletes are not conscious Slovenes. I, for example, am aware of this, even though I know that the victories in said cases were won by armies, and that Slovenes had and in fact still have no army. But we took part in all these wars as fighters, for the gods, for God, or for the Emperor, and the like; but always for our home. And at every turn, we drove the enemy from our realm, which is still not fully our own, but part of another territory, even if though we hold much sovereignty within the boundaries of our borders and in a country of our own; more than ever, conscious to a fault! Still, sometimes I am unsure whether I am now finally a Slovene or still one. Based solely on spermatozoa and ova at work in these parts in the last millennium, since I know even less about genetics: our women have been inseminated by many, including Germanic tribes and Franks, Romani Gypsies, Americans and Russians. Many others before and still others in times to come, but a Slovenian woman was and will ever remain Slovenian, she won't be easily supressed. She came from faraway places and was something special. Almost no one understood her, because she chatted in Slovenian, as she continues to do today in a much more refined manner. And so the problem would be solved were it so easily solvable. Alas, it is not; she herself also can't remember who or what she was. Unfortunately my memory also only reaches as far back as the previous century. But several scientists have answered this fundamental question in my stead (who or what I have been thus far as a Slovene). And they continue answering it, barely repeating themselves, being that they always discover something new. Allegedly, in a few decades' time archaeologists will uncover a few items at the bottom of the Pacific indicating a raft (built from trunks of an unknown water-resistant tree) that sunk there a lot more than a few tens of millennia ago, akin to those Proto-Indians used to migrate from southeast Asia to the American continent. Evidently according to a leather snare preserved in a shark's den, they were fleeing cruelty of their native society, which was cannibalistic and slave-owning, i.e. exploitative and entirely different from our own. In that same cave, a stone artefact will be found evocative of a tomahawk proving they were Indian ancestors, intelligent hominids who already grasped the concept of possession and ownership, and thus appropriation and plundering. These assertions will of course raise a clamour of disagreement, that they are marked pacifists simply escaping a cruel social environment, because they themselves weren't aggressive and only ever killed for food. In any case, a thesis will arise defining them as natives of the American continent, being that they only just migrated there, though there is currently no indication of previous inhabitants, who were purportedly forced to move northwards and adapt to eternal cold. In some other shark's den they will allegedly come across some kind of proto-script stone carving; some scientists are already studying the hypothesis that the inscription stands for hawgkh, a greeting known much later among the Komanchi and Apachi. 24 LiVeS Journal Na drugem koncu sveta, na severni obali Jadranskega morja, pa — prekrito s skalovjem — zhe dolgo chaka na odkritje z neznano snovjo prepojeno deblo lipe, ki bo brez dvoma zanetilo spor med Hrvati in nami, ali sodi k splavu, s katerim so priblizhno leta 12.313 pred nashim shtetjem v te kraje pripluli njihovi ali nashi predniki. Osebno sem mnenja, da so bili predniki moji, torej nashi, saj so lipe, iz katerih so naredili splav, simbol slovenstva, o chemer pricha zhe stara ljudska pesem Lipa zelenela je, da o Martinu Krpanu, ki je — sicer nekoliko pozneje — avstrijski cesarici pred nosom posekal slovensko lipo, ne govorim. Dokazov je torej nichkoliko in ni Slovenca, ki ga ne bi s tem pravochasno seznanili zhe v obdobju, ko she ni znal tako dobro razmishljati, torej v vrtcu in osnovni sholi. Vcheraj je amerishki filmski rezhiser Jim Jarmusch, ki se na slovenstvo sicer ne spozna, s svojo genialno filmsko govorico sporochil vsemu svetu, da chlovekova domishljija nima meja. To mi je dalo misliti. Kaj che bi posnel film o prednostih nacionalne drzhave, ki temelji na vsaj tako globoki tradiciji, kot je nasha? Sprasheval se bom, kdo je odgovoren za to, da slovenskemu vojaku ne zvishajo plache, cheprav je pripravljen dati zhivljenje za svobodo Afganistana. In zakaj se ustvarja v javnosti tako krivichno mishljenje, da je Sova manj vredna od Udbe, saj sta vendar obe kvalitetno in dovolj uchinkovito delujochi agenciji. Sprasheval bi se, kdo je kriv, da si premnogi mladi slovenski fantje ne zhelijo v boj, ampak raje doma brskajo po internetu. Zakaj nashi politiki ne pridejo do spoznanja, da bi drzhava z vojashkim plenom obogatela bolj kot z vishanjem davkov, tako kot so v blizhnji preteklosti obogatele mnoge druge drzhave, tako rekoch vsaka, ki kaj da nase? Zakaj slovenska politika raje krade svojemu narodu, ki jo ljubi, medtem ko se ji drugi narodi posmehujejo za hrbtom? Je res tako zelo tezhko izropati Evropsko centralno banko, iz katere se da potegniti bistveno vech kot iz nashe male bankice? Kdaj bomo Slovenci konchno zacheli voliti glede na ustrezne sposobnosti kandidatov, namesto da se ravnamo po tako imenovanih anketah javnega mnenja? Zakaj tako slabo peremo mozhgane nashim otrokom, da se jim she slovenshchina ne zdi vech zanimiva? Kaj pa che bo jutri prishel agresor? Bodo sploh vedeli, s kom se je treba spopasti in chemu? Takshna in she drugachna bodo moja vprashanja. A tudi che ne bom posnel tega filma, se bom sprasheval, zakaj in chemu sem ravno zaveden Slovenec. Razmishljal bom tudi v luchi dejstev, da so zavedni mnogi Nemci pa Francozi in Anglezhi, da ne nashtejem she Severnih Korejcev in Kitajcev. Che ne bo prav te dni shpanska kraljevina s policijo zadushila narodnostnih prizadevanj Kataloncev in bodo razglasili samostojnost, bo do polnega izraza prishla tudi njihova narodna zavest. Pa Albanci, kako so enotni in enako mislechi, kar izgorevajo za skupno stvar! Kajti ljudje smo dobro organizirani v skupine. Slovenci smo skupina, Hrvati so skupina, Srbi so skupina. Skupina ljudi je nekaj podobnega kot chreda, krdelo ali jata zhivali. Ko je vrabchek she majhen, se od mamice, atka, starejshih bratcev in sestric pa od strichkov in tetk nauchi odvisnosti in pripadnosti. To sta dve blizhnjici do uspehov: kako poleteti, kako ujeti chrvichka, kam se skriti, kako uiti, kaj sploh pocheti. 25 LiVeS Journal Across the world, on the northern Adriatic coast a rock-covered thick lime tree trunk soaked in an unknown substance has long awaited discovery. It will doubtless incite a dispute between Croatians and Slovenians whether the raft was sailed to our shores in 12,313 B.C. by their ancestors or ours. I personally believe these were my, i.e. our ancestors; after all, the lime tree used in building the raft is a symbol of Slovenity, as attested by our ancient folk song The Lime Tree Leaved Green; not to mention Martin Krpan, who — granted a tad later — chopped down a Slovenian lime tree in front of the Empress's very eyes. Proof therefore abounds, and no Slovene exists, who hadn't been apprised of this in time, before they were very good at thinking, that is in kindergarten and primary school. Yesterday, American film director Jim Jarmusch, though himself not versed in Slovenity, used his brilliant command of film language to communicate to the world that human imagination has no bounds. It made me think. What if I made a film about the advantages of the national state based on at least as far-reaching tradition as ours? I'd ask myself who is to blame that the Slovenian soldier's pay is not increased even though he is willing to give his life for the freedom of Afghanistan? And what is the point of creating the unjust public opinion that Sova holds less value than Udba? After all, both operate well and with sufficient efficiency. I'd ask whose fault it was that too many Slovenian boys aren't yearning to go to war, preferring to peruse the Internet at home? Why do our politicians fail to realize spoils of war would replenish our treasury far more than tax rises? In the not too distant past, many countries got rich this way, those that take themselves at all seriously, as it were. Why does Slovenian politics steal from its own nation, which loves it so, while ridiculed by other nations when its back is turned? Is it really so hard to steal from the European Central Bank, which could yield decidedly more than our little bank? When will we finally start voting according to candidates' relevant capabilities rather than so-called public opinion polls? Why do we do such a bad job brainwashing our children that they don't even find Slovene interesting anymore? What if the aggressor came tomorrow? Will they even know whom to fight and why? These are some of the questions I'd ask. But even if I don't make this film, I will ask myself why and to what end I am a conscious Slovene. I will also think in the light of the fact that many German, French and English people are conscious, not to mention North Koreans and the Chinese. If, as we speak the Spanish royal police will not stifle Catalonian national endeavours and they announce independence, their national consciousness will also be fully expressed. And Albanians, how unified and likeminded they are, they simply burn for the common good! Well, people are well organised into groups. Slovenes are a group, Croatians are a group, Serbs are a group. A group of people is not unlike a herd, pack, or flock of animals. When a sparrow is still very small, it learns dependence and belonging from its mommy and daddy, older brothers and sisters, and aunts and uncles; the two shortcuts to success; how to fly, how to catch a worm, where to hide, how to get away, and what to do at all. 26 LiVeS Journal Kolikor vem, ni vrabcev samotarjev, zakaj bi pa tudi bili, saj ni lazhjega, kot zvesto oponashati svoj rod in je zhelodchek vedno poln. Za razliko od chloveshkega naroda je jata vrabcev v prednosti, ker nima tako strogo zachrtanega teritorija, v katerem domuje, in lahko pred vechjimi ptichi hitro odfrchi drugam, grmov in kroshenj je za vse dovolj (in s sabo jim ni treba vlechi vse sorte navlake). Njeno sozhitje je dosti bolj preprosto od narodovega, saj za shchebetanje in sporazumevanje ni treba spisati slovnice in pravopisa. Poleg tega je vrabec kot posameznik inteligentnejshi od povprechnega chloveka: ko njegov kamerad s tal pohopsa drobtinico kruha, se ne bo shel pretepat zanjo, ampak bo pohopsal drugo. Tudi kot jata se vedejo bolj pametno od narodne skupnosti, saj ne napadajo drugih jat in so zato sami mnogo varnejshi pred prezgodnjim poginom. Jasno, da o vrabcih vechine stvari ne vem, saj nisem zoolog, kaj shele ornitolog. Vem pa, da imajo golobi pri raztresenih drobtinah prednost pred njimi, ker so vechji in opremljeni z boljshimi kljuni. Na odprtem terenu nastane podobna situacija, kot che bi se soochila slovenski in nemshki narod: slovenski bi se vedel po vrabchje. Razen che bi ga podprle vrane in pregnale golobe. In prav tu se skrivata jedro in smiselnost organiziranja ljudi v narode: v povezovanju z drugimi narodi si lahko zagotavljajo vechjo varnost in she druge prednosti. Zato smo Slovenci chlani vojashko-politichne zveze Nato in se pochutimo varne, ko nash zrachni prostor varuje madzharska, italijanska ali pa turshka aviacija. Nashe mamke sicer skrivaj molijo, da si ne bi italijansko poveljstvo spotoma premislilo in odvrglo bombo ali dve kar na Primorsko, toda na srecho je zaveznishtvo she vedno dovolj trdno, da se to ne zgodi. Seveda pa ga ni bilo preprosto skleniti: najprej so nam morali predniki na novo definirati in popisati lastni jezik, potem so nas morali nauchiti she jezikov nashih zaveznikov, zaradi shpijoniranja pa tudi jezike nashih potencialnih sovrazhnikov, potem smo si morali vzpostaviti drzhavo ter se iz naroda preobraziti v nacijo, sposoditi smo si morali dovolj zlata, si naostriti kljunchke z raketometi, helikopterji in drugo tovrstno ropotijo, zdaj pa smo, kar smo — zavedni Slovenci, ki tujega nochemo, svojega pa ne damo. Jati vrabcev bi se zmeshalo, saj jih v vseh teh zadevah dalech prekashamo. Ampak prejle sem zapisal — nash %rachni prostor.; s poudarkom na besedici nash. Chigav je pravzaprav? Vsakemu ptichu, ki zna vsaj malo leteti, je jasno, da je nebo njegovo. In ker mu je jasno zhe v jedru, se o tem sploh ne sprashuje in se ne bi sprasheval, tudi che bi se znal. Ko ga v zraku zgrabi kragulj, je pa itak zhe prepozno za teorijo. Toda naj ostanem pri zavednem Slovencu, torej pri sebi. Vse nebo nad prelepo Slovenijo je nashe in torej tudi moje. Jaz lahko z nashim potnim listom celo letim chez ocean, ki je po sredini tudi nekoliko nash. A ni to dober obchutek, leteti nad mednarodnimi vodami in vedeti, da si doma, saj jih she noben narod ni olastninil? Toda pozor, ta obchutek je varljiv! Letalo lahko treshchi in pristane na dnu oceana, kjer je sicer moj dom, vendar ni vech moj, ker mene vech ni. A kaj zato, saj sem umrl samo jaz, moj narod pa she zhivi, in to je pomembnejshe od mene. She moja dusha ve, kako bogata je moja dezhela, ki se razteza chez oceane in je solastnica neba, poleg tega je njen tudi proporcionalni del Vesolja. 27 LiVeS Journal There is, to my knowledge, no solitary sparrows, why would there be? What could be easier than loyally imitating one's kind, and so keep one's belly ever full? A flock of sparrows is always better off than human kind, because their territory is far less defined, which allows them to quickly whirr away when a larger bird appears; there are always bushes and treetops aplenty for everyone. (Also, they don't need to drag all sorts of clutter with them.) Their coexistence is a lot simpler than a nation's; their chirping and communication require no grammar or orthography. Also, individual sparrows are smarter than average people: when one of his comrades whisks a crumb off the floor, a sparrow won't fight for it, but go and find another one. Also the flock as a whole is smarter than national communities, because they don't attack other flocks, which also makes their own premature deaths less likely. Of course, I am mostly ignorant about sparrows; after all I am no zoologist let alone ornithologist. What I do know is that, where crumbs are concerned, pigeons have the upper hand, because they are bigger and fitted with better beaks. The situation in open terrain is akin to what would happen if Germans faced off against Slovenes: Slovenes would act like sparrows, unless they had the support of the crows, who would chase the pigeons away. This is the core and reason why people are organized into nations: building ties with other nations they can ensure greater safety and other benefits. This is why Slovenes can be members of the NATO military and political alliance and feel safe. Our air space is protected by Hungarian, Italian, or Turkish aviation. Our nanas may be secretly praying for Italian command not to change their minds and drop a bomb or two right on Primorska, but luckily the alliance remains firm enough to prevent this. Of course, the alliance wasn't easy to make: first our ancestors had to newly define and write up their language, then we had to be taught the languages of our allies for spying, as well as languages of our potential enemies; next we had to establish our country and transform from a people to a nation, we had to borrow enough, sharpen our beaks with rocket launchers, helicopters, and other clutter of this sort, and now we are what we are — conscious Slovenes who don't covet another's and don't give of our own. A flock of sparrows would go crazy, because in all these things we surpass them utterly. But I wrote our air space above, emphasizing the word our. Whose is it actually? Any bird worth their feathers knows that it owns the sky. And since it knows this at its core, it never questions it, nor wouldn't, even if it knew how. And when a goshawk gabs it mid-flight, it's too late for theorizing. But let us stay on the conscious Slovene, i.e. me. All the skies above beautiful Slovenia are ours and thereby also mine. My passport even allows me to traverse the ocean, which is a little ours across the middle too. Doesn't it feel good to fly over international waters knowing you're at home, since no nation has yet stated a claim over them? But beware, this is a false sense! The airplane could crash and sink to the bottom of the ocean, which may be my home, but no longer mine, because I'd be no more. But that's ok, it's only me that died while my nation lives on and this is larger than myself. Even my soul knows how rich my land is, which extends across oceans and co-owns the skies, in addition it also possesses a proportionate part of the Universe. 28 LiVeS Journal Slovenija sicer ni med tistimi drzhavami, ki se ga zhe uchijo okupirati, cheprav je polnopravna chlanica EU, a kar se ne da, se ne da. Oziroma — se she ne da, kajti chlovekova pamet je brezmejna. Che samo pomislim, koliko premozhenja bo pripadlo mojemu potomcu, che bo seveda ostal zaveden Slovenec, se kar raznezhim od zadovoljstva. Toda kaj che takrat ne bo vech zavednosti in slovenstva? Che se bo uresnichil chrni scenarij skrivnostnih zarotnikov (o katerih se zlasti med nezavednimi posamezniki kar dosti shpekulira), ki bodo evropske narode spet nashchuvali drugega proti drugemu? In bodo njihovi generali konchno pogruntali formulo, kako na tem koncu kljub posedovanju atomskega orozhja izpeljati eno kvalitetno vojno na konvencionalen nachin? Ne shalim se, saj so narodi zorganizirani tudi zato, da se jih lahko spre med sabo in se na ta nachin she najlazhje izpelje vojna, ki ni prevech kaotichna, kakrshna pa bi zagotovo bila, che bi bili med sabo sprti samo neuniformirani in nemobilizirani posamezniki. Che hochesh aktivno vstopiti v vojno, potrebujesh vojsko, to pa najlazhje izpeljesh, che imash drzhavo, slednjo si pa najlazhje vzpostavish, che imash narod. In kdo si ti, ki to storish? Zaveden narodnjak? Ne se bati, to je samo chrni scenarij, popisan s chrnimi chrkami, ki se jih na tako temni podlagi itak ne vidi. Kako naj bo torej uresnichen scenarij, ki se ga sploh ne da prebrati? Po ustnem izrochilu? Tradicionalno, tako kot do zdaj? Daj no! Nich vech ne bo tako, kot je bilo. Bodi zaveden, zaupaj svojemu narodu in njegovi matici, pa se bo zate vse dobro izteklo. Tik pred koncem she nekaj odvechnih besed o nashih nasprotnikih, nezavednih posameznikih. Ti se skoraj nichesar ne zavedajo. Niti tega, kako so vojne po eni strani koristne, zanimive in zabavne, zlasti za njihove kreatorje in generale. Prvich, brez vojne ni vojnega plena, ni povechanega drzhavnega teritorija, ni she vechje oblasti, uveljavljenih interesov, dolgorochnih profitov, ugleda in slave. Toda jaz sem zaveden ravno zato, da bi skupaj s sonarodnjaki poskusil kaj pametnega storiti proti temu. Drugich, brez vojne ni boja, brez boja ni krvi, brez krvi ni zmage, brez zmage ni poraza, brez poraza ni sovrashtva in zhelje po mashchevanju, brez tega ni kali za naslednjo vojno, chesar se zaveden posameznik seveda ne zaveda, cheprav morda kateri to sluti, a mu to nich ne pomaga. Navsezadnje se bo she zaljubil v modrooko lepotico, vnukinjo slovenske deklice, ki jo je spochel nemshki vojak med zadnjo okupacijo Maribora. In tretjich, brez vojn ni zgodovine, brez zgodovine ni narodov, brez narodov pa ni posameznika. No, s tem se pa nezaveden posameznik navadno ne strinja, a njegovo mnenje je pravzaprav brezpredmetno. Se pravi, brezpredmetno za nas, ki smo zavedni, on pach misli drugache in je to njegov problem. Naj ga reshuje sam, kakor ve in zna. Ko bo vojna, bo pach med prvimi na nashem seznamu, v mirnem chasu ga bomo zhe nekako zbrcali v kot, cheprav nam bo povzrochal tezhave. Po drugi strani pa bo vendarle poskrbel za vsaj malo vznemirjenja v relativno dolgochasnem obdobju premirja. 29 LiVeS Journal However, Slovenia is not one of those countries, that are taught to occupy it, even though we are a full member of the EU; but what can't be accomplished, can't be accomplished. Or in other words, can't be accomplished yet, because there are no bounds to man's cunning. If I only consider how much my descendant will own, if he remain a conscious Slovene of course, I get emotional in my contentment. But what if, by that point, national consciousness and Slovenity are no more? If the worst-case scenario of the mysterious plotters (who are quite speculated about, particularly among non-conscious Slovenes) who will pit European nations against each other again, comes true and their generals finally figure out a formula allowing them, in spite of having nuclear weapons, to hold another decent-quality conventional war in these parts? I am not joking, in part nations are assembled so they are more easily lead into disagreements with each other; this is the easiest way to ensure a war does not grow too chaotic, which is certainly what would happen if the disagreement was among non-uniformed and non-mobilised individuals. To actively enter into war, you need an army, this is easiest achieved if you have a country, and the latter is easiest established if you have a nation. And who is this 'you', who does this? A conscious national? Don't fear, this is just the worst-case scenario, written in black letters, indiscernible on such a dark background. How could a scenario be enacted, when it can't even be seen? By oral transmission? Through tradition, like now? Come on! Thing's will never be as they were. Be conscious, trust your nation and its base, and you will be fine in the end. Before concluding, I will add a few superfluous words about our adversaries, the non-conscious individuals. On the most part they are conscious of nothing. Not even how wars are in some ways beneficial, interesting, and fun, particularly for their initiators and generals. Firstly, without war, there are no spoils of war, there is no expansion of a country's territory, increase of power, fulfilled interests, long-term profits, repute, or glory. But I am conscious precisely in order to try, along with my co-nationals, to do something smart to prevent this. Secondly, without war there is no fighting, without fighting there is no blood, without blood there is no victory, without victory there is no defeat, without defeat there is no hatred or desire for retribution, without these there's no seed for the next war; a non-conscious individual is unaware of this; though he may sense it, it does him no good. When all is said and done, he may even fall in love with a blue-eyed beauty, the granddaughter of a Slovenian girl begotten by a German soldier during the last occupation of Maribor. And thirdly, without war there is no history, without history there are no nations, and without nations there is no individual. Well, this is something with which the non-conscious Slovene usually disagrees, but his opinion doesn't really matter; to us at any rate, who are nationally conscious. He thinks otherwise and that's his problem; let him solve it how he will. When the war comes, he'll be at the top of our list, in times of peace we'll kick him to some corner somehow, even though he make trouble for us. On the other hand, at least he'll supply some excitement in the relatively boring periods of armistice. 30 LiVeS Journal Chisto na koncu bom na kratko pokomentiral najnovejshe izsledke vrlih mislecev s tega podrochja. Slovenski narod je po njihovem mnenju spontana tvorba, ki je nastala s priselitvijo nashih prednikov v tukajshnje kraje. Kaj je bilo prej, zaradi lazhjega razumevanja zanemarimo. Od njihovega prihoda naprej so se zacheli zavedati, da bo moral vsak novi prishlek postati njihov zaveden pripadnik, ali pa bo ob glavo oziroma vsaj ob spolovilo (obliko sankcije znanost trenutno she raziskuje). Stoletja in stoletja so se razmnozhevali, dokler niso postali tako shtevilni in posledichno mochni, da so iz teh krajev zbezhale najbolj divje zveri in se raje preselile na druge kontinente. Zato v Sloveniji she danes ni levov, tigrov in drugih divjih machk, volkovi so skorajda vsi ukrocheni, medvedi pa se priklatijo le she po pomoti, a ne za dolgo. Zhe ob prihodu so vsi govorili lepo slovenshchino, ki je najstarejshi jezik na svetu. To nam pove, da so se od Praslovencev uchila govoriti in pisati tako rekoch vsa indoevropska ljudstva pa tudi plemena chrncev, ki so bili v predzgodovini (ko sonce she ni tako mochno sijalo) zagotovo she beli, saj so v bistvu potomci nezavednih Praslovencev. Dokaz za to je, da pol Afrike she danes gori v vojnah in podlega lakoti. Ko so se mnogo pozneje (priblizhno v petem in shestem stoletju A. D.) v soseshchini naseljevala (pod Triglav si niso upala) divja plemena, so bili Slovenci zhe civiliziran in pismen narod. Njegovi pripadniki so se ukvarjali predvsem z obrtjo, trgovino in umetnostjo, skoraj vsak deseti pa je bil filozof in sociolog, to pa je privedlo do naglega razcveta drzhavi podobne tvorbe, ki so jo vodili najsposobnejshi in najzavednejshi posamezniki. Imeli so dalech naokoli znano nepristransko sodstvo, zato v teh krajih she danes prevladujeta pravichnost in poshtenost. Dolgo sem potreboval, preden sem se tega zavedel. Bitka s samim seboj, ali bom pripadal sebi ali svojemu narodu, je bila neizprosna. Ponosen sem na svoje prednike in se zavedam, kakshno srecho sem imel z njimi. Shele zdaj, ko sem pregnal vse dvome, kako bi bilo, che bi bilo drugache, kot je, se zavedam svojega slovenstva v polnosti. Vse imam, kar si srce pozheli, zhelim si le she to, da bi tudi moja domovina uzakonila pravico do orozhja, kot jo imajo drzhavljani ZDA, pa bi lahko v vsakem trenutku branil nasho ozemeljsko celovitost in preganjal tujce, ki trmasto vstopajo v Slovenijo chez Kolpo in Dragonjo (tudi pod Alpami so si zhe zvrtali luknjo). Poleg tega moj sosed ni zaveden in bo slej ko prej prishel chas, ko bo treba obrachunati z njim in njemu podobnimi. Sem pa po drugi strani kadar koli pripravljen dati zhivljenje za ta narod, za slovenshchino in vsak kvadratni centimeter na obmejnih parcelah. Cheprav se kot posameznik zavedam svoje majhnosti in nepomembnosti, bom vedno vedel, da je moj narod velik.« Ja, takole se je na zachetku tretjega tisochletja A. D. samosprasheval in si odgovarjal neki zavedni Slovenec. Bog mu daj zdravja in bistre pameti! 31 LiVeS Journal In the very conclusion, I am going to quickly comment on the newest findings of distinguished thinkers in the field. In their opinion the Slovenian people is a spontaneous structure formed when our forefathers migrated to these parts. To facilitate our understanding, we'll disregard what was here before. Soon after their arrival they began to realize that each newcomer would either have to become a conscious part of their society or lose their head, or at least genitals (the precise form of the sanction is still under scientific investigation). They reproduced for several centuries until they became so numerous and consequentially powerful that even the wildest of beasts ran from these parts preferring to migrate to other continents. This is why there are no lions, tigers, or other wildcats in Slovenia today; most all wolves are domesticated, and bears only ever saunter around by mistake, but don't stay long. When they first arrived, they already spoke beautiful Slovene, which is the world's oldest language. This teaches us that virtually all Indo-European peoples learned speaking and writing from Proto-Slovenians, as did black tribes, who were certainly still white in prehistory (when the sunshine was not as intense). In fact, they were descendants of non-conscious Proto-Slovenians, which is attested by the fact that half of Africa is at war and starving to this very day. Much later (approximately in the 5th and 6th centuries A.D.), when wild tribes were settling in the vicinity (they dared not come near Triglav), Slovenians were already a civilised and literate people. They were predominately craftsmen, merchants, and artists, and almost every tenth person was a Philosopher or Sociologist, which brought about speedy blossoming of a country-like structure lead by the most apt and conscious individuals. Their impartial judiciary was known far and wide, which is why justice and honesty prevail in these parts to this very day. It took me a long time to become conscious of this. I fought a pitiless fight with myself as to whether I will be my own man, or my nation's. I am proud of my ancestors and conscious of how lucky I was to have had them. Only now, after I've dispersed all doubt as to how it would be if t weren't how it is, am I fully conscious of my Slovenity. I have everything my heart could desire, the one thing I still wish for is for my country to enact the right to arms, like the one possessed by the citizens of the USA, so I would be able to defend our territorial integrity at this precise moment and chase away foreigners, who stubbornly persist in entering our country across the Kolpa and Dragonja Rivers (they also drilled themselves a hole under the Alps). In addition, my neighbor isn't nationally conscious either, and sooner or later there will come a time, when he and his ilk will need to be dealt with. On the other hand, I'm ever-ready to give my life for this nation, for Slovene, and each square centimeter of our border plots. Though conscious of my smallness and insignificance as an individual, I will always know my nation is great.« Yes, these are the questions and answers an unspecified conscious Slovene asked himself at the start of the third millennium A.D. God give him health and a sensible mind. Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc 32 LiVeS Journal Lev Detela VSE MINE, VSE OSTANE Zakljuchni epilog tridelnega romana o atentatu v Sarajevu junija 1914, prvi svetovni vojni in propadu avstro-ogrske monarhije. Nemshki izvirnik je ob hetoshnji stoletnici konca prve svetovne vojne pripravljen za tisk, avtor pa vzporedno sestavlja tudi slovensko inachico istega dela. Gleej tudi prvo slovensko predobjavo »1914 / Morda je bilo popolnoma drugache«, Revija SRP, februar 2015, shtevilka 121/122. (op. avt.) Chas mine. Spet pride zima. Pride jesen. Mogoche je marec. Ali pa junij in potem pride september. Vse odteche, vse mine. Leta minejo. So minila. In spet je poletje ali pa zima. In vse je nenadoma shtirikrat drazhje kot takrat v malem nizhjeavstrijskem kraju, kjer je Helena pouchevala na glavni sholi. Zdaj je sodelavka na nekem znanstvenem inshtitutu v Berlinu. She vedno raziskuje dogodke v prvi svetovni vojni, toda zdaj neortodoksno, svobodno, z novimi pristopi. V ospredju so usode malih ljudi. Njeni mladi asistenti skushajo vse staro postaviti na glavo. Avstrijski cesar Franc Jozhef ob vsem tem ni vech posebno pomemben. Nekdanja dunajska univerzitetna asistentka je utrujena, toda tudi precej bolj modra kot nekoch. Noche se vech izpostavljati za vsako ceno. Nenadoma, po tolikih letih in desetletjih s skoraj nepregledno mnozhico konferenc in simpozijev ter zasukov na levo ali na desno, ji je postalo jasno, da zgodovina ni ne bela in ne chrna. Zgodovina je namrech posebno trd oreh. Nekateri zgodovinarji so zato ugotovili, da ne obstoji le ena zgodovina, temvech da obstaja vech zgodovin iz razlichnih zornih kotov, kar nas pouchi, da moramo zgodovinske dogodke razchlenjevati in ocenjevati na vechsmeren nachin. Zato bi bilo potrebno razlomiti obichajno vrednotenje po vzorcih »storilec — zhrtev« oziroma »prijatelj — sovrazhnik«. Vsekakor je velikokrat zelo tezhko ali celo nemogoche razvozlati ozadja dolochenih dejanj in dogodkov. Marsikaj ostane zakrito v temi. Obstaja mnozhica zanimivih analiz in zakljuchkov o tem ali onem dogajanju, toda ob vseh teh ne vedno dobronamernih raziskovalnih naporih pogresha Helena dokonchno zakljuchno obrazlozhitev, ki bi lahko obveljala. Kaj bi se zgodilo, che prestolonaslednika Franca Ferdinanda leta 1914 ne bi ustrelili v Sarajevu? Ali che ostareli avstrijski cesar ne bi dovolil vojashkega kaznovanja Srbije? 33 LiVeS Journal Lev Detela EVERYTHING PASSES, EVERYTHING REMAINS The final epilogue of the three-part novel on the June 1914 Sarajevo assassination, World War I, and the demise of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The German original is ready for print at the occasion of this year's centennial of the end of World War I; simultaneously, the author is preparing a Slovenian edition. See also the first Slovenian preliminary publication »1914 / Morda je bilo popolnoma drugache«, Revija SRP, februar 2015, shtevilka 121/122. (author's note) Time passes. Winter returns. Autumn comes. It may be March. Or June, and then it's September again. Everything flows by, everything passes. Years go by. Went by. And here is summer again, or winter. And everything is suddenly four times dearer than it once was in the small Lower Austrian town, where Helena once taught at the main school. Now she works at some scientific institute in Berlin. She still studies the events of World War I, but now her approaches are unorthodox, free, and new. She focuses on the fates of the little people. Her young assistants are trying to turn everything old upside down. With all this, the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph is no longer particularly important. The former Viennese academic assistant is tired though also much wiser than before. She no longer covets exposure at any cost. Suddenly, after so many years and decades, an almost ungraspable multitude of conferences and symposia, and bends to the left and right, it has become clear to her that history is neither white nor black. History, in fact, is a particularly hard nut to crack. This led some historians to conclude that there exists no single history, but rather that there are several histories of several points of view. This teaches us that historic events must be analysed and evaluated multi-dimensionally. For this reason, one would need to break the habit of applying binary valuation patterns such as 'perpetrator-victim' or 'friend-enemy'. At any rate, it is often very difficult or even impossible to unravel what prompted individual actions and events. Much remains shrouded in darkness. There exists a multitude of interesting analyses and conclusions about this or that event but all her strenuous research leaves Helena yearning for a single final and ultimate explanation that would stand. What would happen if Archduke Franz Ferdinand weren't shot in Sarajevo in 1914? Or had the aged Austrian emperor not allowed military retribution against Serbia? 34 LiVeS Journal Kako se lahko motimo. Kljub mrachnim sploshnim obchutkom negotovega konca in morebitnega propada v zadnjem letu vojne v avstro-ogrski monarhiji prichakujejo zmago in mir. Po italijanskem letalskem bombnem napadu na bozhichni dan leta 1917 na furlanski Vittorio Veneto, ki so ga v zadnji ofenzivi zavzele avstrijske vojashke sile, habsburshki generali chrepinje na razbitih oknih mestnih stavb razlagajo kot srechna znamenja, ki napovedujejo skorajshnjo zmago slavne cesarske vojske. In zares. Rusija je sredi omotice boljshevishke revolucije vojashko na koncu, Romunija premagana, Srbija in Chrna gora porazheni in zasedeni, dve tretjini Albanije pod nadzorom avstro-ogrskih vojashkih enot, Italijani pahnjeni dalech nazaj na italijansko ozemlje. Zadnji avstrijski cesar Karel I. zhe sanja o poljski kroni. Ah, kako se lahko motimo! Kljub shtevilnim zmagam zavlada v habsburshki drzhavi zaradi slabe oskrbe s prehrano lakota. Ljudje so izchrpani. Pojavijo se nemiri in delavske stavke. Vedno vechje shtevilo zajetih vojnih ujetnikov povzrocha nerazpolozhenje med prebivalstvom. Ljudem se zdi, da jim ujeti tujci odjedajo zadnje koshchke hrane, zato so vedno bolj nezazheleni. Novembra 1918 postane na hitro vse drugache. Ogrska od 1. novembra ni vech v drzhavni zvezi z avstrijskim delom drzhave. V Berlinu oklichejo republiko in dan za tem, 12. novembra 1918, proklamirajo na Dunaju republiko Nemshka Avstrija. Vendar skoraj petnajst milijonov mrtvih in vech kot enaindvajset milijonov ranjenih v prvi svetovni vojni she ni dovolj. Zhe je posejano seme za skorajshnjo novo she hujsho svetovno vojno. Chloveshtvo je slepo in gluho in se nichesar ne nauchi iz zgodovinskega dogajanja. Velika je Zemlja, zares je Zemlja zelo velika. Toda je tudi nadvse majhna. Helena ve, da je zdaj, mnogo desetletij po drugi svetovni vojni vse drugache. Multimilijonarji so si vsepovsod utrdili oblast. Demokrati, ki so baje v zahodnem svetu na oblasti, so odvisni od njihovih odlochitev in zahtev. Milijarderji imajo vedno in povsod prvo in zadnjo besedo. Niso jim vech dovolj shtiri vile ob jezeru, trije gradovi v hribih in dve jahti v Monte Carlu. Nove ceste, ki vodijo do velikanskih nakupovalnih centrov na robu zabetoniranih mest, dolgochasna satelitska stanovanjska naselja, pred katerimi se gosti in zastaja vedno vechji promet, se brez posluha za okolico razrashchajo v pokrajino. Zaprashene industrijske stavbe in betonska skladishcha velikih mednarodnih podjetij so vsepovsod zastrupila, zacementirala, popachila in unichila prvotno naravno okolje. Tudi vlaki in zheleznishke postaje so drugachne kot nekoch. Kolodvorske palache v glavnih mestih nekdanje monarhije so razrushile bombe v drugi svetovni vojni oziroma so jih podrli v naslednjih gospodarsko uspeshnih desetletjih, ker niso vech »prometno — tehnichno« ustrezale novim zahtevam chasa. Zamenjali so jih z ogromnimi sterilnimi stavbami z obshirno trgovinsko in gostilnishko ponudbo. 35 LiVeS Journal How wrong we can be! In spite of a general gloomy sense of an unsure conclusion and potential ruin in the final year of the War, Austro-Hungary expects victory and peace. After the Italian air raid on the Friulian Vittorio Veneto on Christmas Day in 1917, which had just been occupied by Austrian forces in the last campaign, Habsburg generals interpret broken glass from the town buildings' windows as lucky omens, foretelling their famed Imperial army's imminent victory. And so it is that Russia in the fog of the Bolshevik revolution faces military ruin, Romania is beaten, Serbia and Montenegro defeated and occupied, two thirds of Albania controlled by Austro-Hungarian troops, and Italians pushed back, deep into Italian territory. Karel I, the last Austrian emperor, is already fantasizing about the Polish crown. Ah, how wrong we can be! Even with all its numerous victories, the Habsburg state faces hunger brought on by its failing food supply. People are exhausted. Unrest and workers' strikes arise. An ever-growing number of captured war prisoners generates public discontent; people feel that the captured foreigners are taking their last bites of food, making the prisoners increasingly less welcome. In November 1918, it all quickly changes. After 1 November, Hungary no longer stands in state alliance with Austria. A Republic is announced in Berlin and the next day, 12 November 1918, the Republic of German-Austria is proclaimed in Vienna. Yet, nearly fifteen million dead and more that twenty-one million wounded in World War I still did not suffice. A seed is already sown for an imminent new and worse World War. Humanity is blind and deaf, able to learn nothing from history. The Earth is large, truly the Earth is really large. But it's also infinites imally small. Helena knows that now, many decades after World War I everything is different. Multimillionaires everywhere secured their power. Their decisions and demands steer Democrats, who are allegedly in power in the West. Billionaires have the first and last say at every turn. They are no longer sated with their four Villas on the lake, three castles in the hills, and two Yachts in Monte Carlo. New roads leading to vast shopping centres at the edges of concrete towns and boring satellite housing estates facing ever thicker and slower traffic are spreading into the countryside with no regard for their surroundings. Dusty industrial buildings and concrete warehouses belonging to large international companies have everywhere poisoned, paved, skewed, and destroyed the primordial natural environment. Trains and railway stations are also no longer what they once were. The former monarchy's railway palaces were either demolished by World War II bombs or torn down in subsequent economically successful decades because they no longer suited the new traffic and technical demands of the times. They were replaced by massive sterile structures providing a vast array of retail and nourishment services. 36 LiVeS Journal Stari cesar vsega tega ne bi mogel razumeti. Bil bi popolnoma zmeden in presenechen zaradi teh razsipnih ocharljivosti novih chasov, che bi po vech kot sto letih she vedno zhivel med nami. Ali pa tudi ne. Znano je sicer, da kot chlovek stare shole in predindustrijske aristokratske vzgoje ni posebno zaupal izumom njegovega obdobja. Vendar je skushal kljub dvomom o koristnosti novih mozhnosti in naprav dopushchati in celo omogochati uveljavljanje teh novih dosezhkov v tehniki, znanosti in kulturi. Trudil se je, da bi razumel, chesar do svoje smrti ni mogel razumeti. Spet je april. In nato pride poletje ali zima. Helena srecha na svojih potovanjih na razlichna znanstvena posvetovanja vedno znova znance iz starih chasov, toda ti so se med tem zelo spremenili. She bolj egoistichni so kot prej, ali pa popolnoma na koncu, strti, sivi zaradi razlichnih tegob, napihnjeni od samozadostnega nicha v samem sebi, ali pa so do onemoglosti zavistni do vseh, ki imajo uspeh. In je spet avgust z zharecho svetlobo in senchnatim hladom, ki se vedno znova kot vsi meseci leta povrne k nam v zhivljenje, ker se v naravi stalno vse ponovi in je vseeno vedno znova drugachno. Polja in zrak so zastrupljeni, neprerachunljivo podnebje neizprosno tolche in udarja chez obshirne predele, unichuje zhetve in upanja. Tudi na inshtitutih in v seminarjih razpravljajo o spremembah, vendar jim je pretezhko, da bi na dogajanje odlochilno vplivali in poskushali stanje izboljshati. Cheprav je ochitno vse drugache, menijo na koncu vsi, da se pravzaprav ni nich bistveno spremenilo. Ljudje na berlinskem inshtitutu se pravzaprav sploh vech ne zanimajo za tematiko, ki je pred dvajsetimi leti she bila pomembna. Tudi v kulturni politiki in na znanstvenem podrochju govorijo samo she o rachunih, stopnjevanju efektivnosti, ugodni prodaji znanstvenih dosezhkov in uspeshnem in financhno donosnem povezovanju v spletnih mrezhah. Strokovnjaki, ki so pristojni za stopnjevanje pozitivne in financhno uspeshne poti v prihodnost, so zelo glasni in zhivahni, vendar obchujejo le v ozkem krogu sami med sabo in sploh ne slishijo in ne poslushajo tistega, kar je drugim pomembno za prezhivetje in bistveno za bodochi razvoj. Helena je z nekaterimi redkimi somishljeniki kljub temu preprichana, da preteklo z vsemi zhe skoraj popolnoma pozabljenimi nekdanjimi dejavniki kljub shtevilnim napakam in spodrsljajem she vedno zhivi. Vchasih, v kakem odrochnem mestnem predelu, se za zanemarjenimi stanovanjskimi bloki nenadoma pojavijo stari in nekdanji kot nenavadne figure, ki Heleni niso znane samo iz zgodovinskih knjig. Zgodi se, da se pojavijo popolnoma neprichakovano v najbolj neprimernem trenutku kar sredi ulice. Vchasih so to samo spomeniki znamenitih osebnosti ali spominske ploshche, napisi na pokopalishkih nagrobnikih ali pa zhe skoraj popolnoma nechitljiva obledela imena v starih zaprashenih knjigah v zadnjih kotih knjizhnic. Vendar so kljub vsemu tu, z njihovimi popolnoma osebnimi usodami sredi velike zgodovine sveta, Historije. 37 LiVeS Journal The old emperor couldn't have understood all this. He would have been utterly perplexed and astounded by all these lavish charms of the new era were he still among us after more than a hundred years. Or perhaps he would not. It is known that this old-fashioned man of pre-industrial aristocratic rearing was not particularly trusting of the inventions of his time. However, with all his doubts concerning the benefits of these new possibilities and contraptions, he did his best to allow and even enable these new technical, scientific, and cultural achievements to take root. He made an effort to understand that, which he could not comprehend until the day he died. It is April again. And next comes summer or winter. On her travels to varied scientific conferences, Helena repeatedly encounters old acquaintances, but they have changed in the meantime. They are either even more egotistical than before, completely at their wit's end, broken, grey with a variety of hardships, bloated with the self-adulating nothingness inside them, or utterly envious of all who have been successful. And here comes August again, with its ardent light and shadowy cool, ever returning to our lives like all the months of the year, because everything in nature repeats and is yet ever different. The fields and the air are poisoned, incalculable climate mercilessly strikes and batters vast areas, destroying harvests and hopes. This issue also gets discussed at institutes and seminars, but it is deemed too difficult to have a deciding effect and improve the situation. Even though everything is obviously different in the end everyone is of the opinion that there has been no substantial change. People at the Berlin Institute have actually lost interest in topics that were deemed important twenty years ago. Even when it comes to cultural policy and science, all there is talk about are receipts, increasing efficiency, favourable sales of scientific achievements, and successful financially viable linking via Internet networks. Experts who have been put in charge of paving a positive and financially successful path to the future are very loud and vivacious, but they only ever converse in small circles amongst themselves. They don't hear or listen to what is important for the survival of others and crucial for future progress. Still, Helena and a few likeminded people remain convinced that the past lives on along with all its nearly forgotten former factors and in spite of the many mistakes and blunders. At times, old buildings emerge from behind neglected apartment buildings in some remote part of town like unusual figures known to Helena not only from history books. It occurs that they appear entirely unexpectedly at the most inopportune moments, right there in the middle of the street, sometimes monuments to notable individuals or memorial plaques, inscriptions on tombstones, or almost illegible faded names in old dusty books in the farthest reaches of libraries. Yet they are here, with their wholly personal fates in the midst of the great recorded past of the world, Histories in their own right. 38 LiVeS Journal V nekem posebnem trenutku prekorachimo skrivnostno mejo bivanja in je spet vse kot na dlani pred nami. Pravzaprav ni prav nich izginilo v pozabo. She vedno stoji nekje v razpokah sveta sto let za usodnimi dogodki, ki so vrgli stari svet iz techajev, majhna skromna hishica z nizko streho, v kateri je zhivel ubozhen shtudent s temnimi mislimi. Njegov strel iz revolverja je spremenil popolnoma vse. Nebo se je napolnilo s svincem, cheprav je tam dalech na Dunaju she vedno v vrochem junijskem soncu zmagoslavno blestel zlati orel na obeliskih pri vhodnih vratih cesarskega dvorca Schonbrunn. V letovishchu Bad Ischl se je ob istem chasu sprehajal v chudovito urejenem parku ostareli cesar na svojem obichajnem poletnem oddihu. Chebele so veselo brenchale pred na stezhaj odprtimi okni. Bilo je krasno poletje z zhivahno svetlikajochimi se sonchnimi vzhodi in zahodi. Helena spet stoji v parku pred spomenikom starega cesarja. Njegovi obrisi so v vechernem polmraku vedno bolj chudno zabrisani. Zdi se, da tu ni primeren prostor za spomenik. Cesar zre iz kamna s stoletnim zhalostnim pogledom, popolnoma tiho in skoraj nevidno se priklanja pred vranami in vrabci v travi pod svojimi nogami, njegove ochi so prazne in votle. Zatopljen v spomine stoji sam in zapushchen v somraku. Tiho je in hladno, ker z neba nalahno rosi utrujeni dezh. 39 LiVeS Journal In some special moment, we traverse the mysterious boundary of existence and everything reappears before us clear as day. In truth, nothing really sunk into oblivion. Somewhere in the cracks of the world, a hundred years after the fated events that unhinged the old world still stands a small modest house with low ceilings, where a poor student once lived with his dark thoughts. A shot from his revolver changed absolutely everything. The skies filled with lead, even as the hot June sun brightly illuminated the victorious eagle on the obelisks by the entrance to the Schonbrunn Imperial Court. At the same time, the aged emperor strolled through the beautifully cultivated park at the Bad Ischl resort, during his regular summer retreat. Bees merrily buzzed outside the wide-open windows. It was a marvellous summer with vividly resplendent sunrises and sunsets. Helena once again finds herself standing in front of the monument to the old emperor. His outline grows ever stranger, blurring in the evening dusk. The setting seems wrong for a monument. The emperor gazes from atop his stone with a hundred year-old stare of sadness, in complete silence almost imperceptibly bowing to crows and sparrows on the grass at his feet. His eyes are empty and hollow. He stands lost in contemplation of times past, alone and abandoned in the twilight. It is quiet and cold, because tired rain is gently falling from the sky. Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc 40 LiVeS Journal Rajko Shushtarshich PARALELNA STVARNOST PARALELNA STVARNOST Kandidati na reshetu, Slovenika v mukah Odlomki iz zhaloigre Oldtajmer ali Oldtimer Slovinia Vesela barka Slovenika (RTV scenarija, prirejenega za Revijo SRP, ali tudi Igra Revije SRP), in sicer: 5. Nanizanka: Kandidati na reshetu Slovenika v mukah; Shusova teorija predvidevanja iger: PARALELNA IGRA ADMINISTRATIVNI ALI ZAPISNISHKI STVARNOSTI (P.S.I.; P.S.II.) /Opomba avtorja: Slovenika nasede (na Debelem rtichu prvich in na Rtu Savudrija drugich); nanizanka je ohranjena samo delno, Shus jo je podobno kot predhodni predelal v drugachno izrazno sredstvo — samo na videz resnejshe besedenje, ki ga je potem objavil v mrzki reviji SRP z istim naslovom in she dodatnim podnaslovom Mogochi pogled na tezhave pri izvolitvi in o samodrshtvu kljuchnih oficirjev na Sloveniki (s tresocho roko je she dodal moto oz. njen propagandni apel: »Shusova razprava ni sprava!« Zhe med samim pisanjem razprave in she bolj kasneje se je izkazalo, da je ta zgodba tipichna in zelo pomembna tako za Sloveniko kot Slonovovenijo. A to je bila neskonchna zgodba, taka, ki je ni mogoche spodobno konchati. Kandidatov je bilo namrech neshteto. Komaj so se eni usedli, zhe so jih spodmikali drugi in she sami sebe so onemogochali, kar se je le dalo. Tudi boj za Petkovo krmilo v svetli prihodnosti je neprestano tlel, da bi se kdaj pa kdaj razvnel do vidnosti, a nikoli do jasne razvidnosti. Lahko si mislite, kako tezhko je bilo takrat dostojno prezhiveti (biti dostojen) na Sloveniki, pluti pokonchno po slonovovenskih morjih. To bodo lahko presodili le zanamci. Muke Slovenike pa so se vechale iz dneva v noch. Postajale so mora. V drugem dejanju prvi oficir Loby, lushki kapitan Stopanski in nekateri nadzorniki (posebej zavzeto univ. prof Zweifelgeist in nekdanji mornar Killstor) pregledajo dokumente in porochila o plovbi in zahtevajo, da se preveri mozhnost havarije Slovenike in natanchno locirajo izvori umazane vode. Kapitan zavrne vsakrshno vmeshavanje v njegove pristojnosti. On poveljuje in on odgovarja za varnost plovbe in potnikov. Zhe rahlo opiti vrzhejo kronista chez palubo, ta se ujame za vlechno vrv, reshilni pas na njej in ponovno spleza na barko. Kaj takega se mu ni primerilo prvich. Na stari barki Partizanki, predhodnici Slovenike, so ga, ko jim je bilo dovolj, ravno tako vrgli chez krov. 41 LiVeS Journal Rajko Shushtarshich PARALLEL REALITY PARALLEL REALITY Candidates on the Chopping Block, Slovenika in Torment Excerpts from the tragedy that could be translated as 'Oldtimer or Oldrhymer Slovinia the Happy Barge Slovenika' (A National Radio and TV script adapted for the Revija SRP journal, A.K.A. Revija Srp's Play), Series 5: Candidates on the Chopping Block Slovenika in Torment; Shus' Game Prediction Theory: A PLAY PARALLEL TO THE ADMINISTRATIVE OR TRANSCRIPT REALITY (P.S.I.; P.S.II.) / Author's note: Slovenika runs aground (first at Debeli rtich and again at Cape Savudria); the series is only partially preserved. Not unlike his predecessors, Shus reworked it as a different means of expression — only seemingly wording it more seriously — and published it in the abhorred SRP journal with the same title, adding the subtitle 'A Possible View of the Issues concerning Electing and Autocracy of Key Officers at Slovenika (with a trembling hand he then added the motto or propaganda plea: »Shus' Dissertation is not Reconciliation!« Already in the course of writing his dissertation, and even more so later, it turned out that the story was typical, very important for both Slovenika and Slonewvenia [author's coinages]. But it was a never-ending story the likes of which can never have a decent conclusion. This was because there were countless candidates. As soon as the first batch took their seats, the second were already pulling them from under their behinds while handicapping themselves as best they could. The embers of the fight over Petko's helm for a bright future were constantly aglow, reignited every now and then, but never to full discernibility. You can imagine how hard it was to make a decent living (live decently) on Slovenika sailing the Slonewvenian seas being upright. Only our successors will be able to judge. Day in and night out, the torments of Slovenika grew greater. They were turning into a nightmare. In the second act, first officer Loby, harbormaster Stopanski, and a few overseers (particularly zealously Univ. Prof. Zweifelgeist and former seaman Killstor) review documents and reports on the sea voyage demanding that the potential for shipwreck be assessed and the sources of polluted water precisely determined. The captain snubs any interference with his jurisdiction. He is the one in charge, responsible for safe passage and the safety of his passengers. By now, everyone is slightly inebriated, they throw the chronicler overboard, where he grabs on to the towing cable and manages to re-board the vessel. This was not his first rodeo. During his previous post on the Partizanka — Slovenika's predecessor, the crew had also become fed up with him and tossed him overboard. 42 LiVeS Journal Plaval je 6 ur in tri minute, ko ga je zgolj zaradi tega, da bi ne bilo nepotrebnega shkandalchka, na namig kabineta samega predsednika Kuchanosha in soproge Stephy potegnila na suho stara obalna strazha in ga neslavno vrnila poshiljatelju. Le zahvaljujoch tej njegovi srechi v nesrechi, boste lahko slishali in videli, kako se je v tej zgodbi res resnichno zgodilo, kar je naravnost neverjetno ali je vsaj neverjetno to, da se je to tako, skoraj enako, dogajalo po vsej prenovljeni dezhelici Slonovoveniji. Ko Komorni zbor RTVS poje razmeram na barki neprimerno, Petko ukazhe: »Uredite mi to!« Drugi oficir Jose Argentinski, ki mu TV music s Korn-POPa (country, jazz, rock-and-roll, ragtime, ali she kaj najmodernejshega) sploh ni zoprn, ukazhe: »She komornike chez palubo!« Argentinski se avtoritativno zravna (kot bi bil sam pravi argentinski polkovnik) in zavpije za njimi: »Prijetno kopanje! In zapojte si kako domacho! Pobrali vas bomo, ko vas bomo potrebovali.« Malo iz usmiljenja, bolj pa zaradi strahu kot posledice rahle streznitve, ko so mu pljuski morja poshkropili obraz, she ukazhe: »Spustite jim byboat, ... z ribolovnim priborom.« (Slednje je dodal naknadno, po krajshem premisleku). Nevihta je sedaj zhe blizu, zloveshcha tishina pred njim pa je ravno prava za radostno proslavljanje, pitje brez mere. In pozornost je seveda povsem popustila. Kronist Shus sporochi oficirju Lobyju svojo novo ugotovitev, ne le da je odkril tri luknje, ampak, da je ena deska ob gredlju trhla in nazhrta od chrvov. Kapitanu raportira v povsem nepravem trenutku, ravno ko je shlatal eno od hostes (bil je zhe krepko opit, pa she vznesen povrhu). Kapitan Petko (se hitro zbere in zrecitira enega svojih vznesenih spichev): »Slovenika plove po predlozhenem nachrtu, po vsebini je ta dorechen in usklajen do popolnosti. Treba je dolochiti, dorechi (se popravi) nachrt za flikanje lukenj, kar pa bo mogoche shele, ko bodo znani vsi podatki o shkodi in odgovor zavarovalnice Dreikopf.« Loby (skusha pripomniti): »O mozhni havariji ...« Kapitan Petko (preslishi, utisha poskus izrechene pripombe, zhe vzneseno nadaljuje): »Jonni Davos (s psom Arturjem) je dal soglasje za povishanje stroshkov za zamashitev ene nenarochene luknje, z namenom, da se zmanjsha razkorak med 'inflacijo' in ceno Slovenike. In ne zaradi mashenja lukenj! Kot je bilo to objavljeno v dnevnem tisku! Ni se pa she izrekel o garanciji za najem posojil. V vsakem primeru bo Slovenika lahko luknje zamashila le v daljshem chasovnem obdobju. Z njegovimi lojerji techejo tudi pogovori o dolgorochnejshi opredelitvi nachina financiranja plovbe Slovenike iz prorachuna Slonovovenije. BB ustanavlja novo neodvisno druzhbo SLON-STAT oz. SRAT-SLON. Denarja bo dovolj za vse ladjevje in Nas. Prav tako intenzivno techejo pogovori v zvezi s projektom transatlantske plovbe Slovenike in novo satelitsko navigacijsko opremo. S tem bomo bistveno pripomogli k odpravi tezhav pri potovanjih v Benetke in Monfalcone in na Kanarske otoke. Predvsem pa bo bistveno pripomoglo k promociji Slonovovenije v svetu, za kar mora Slovenika pridobiti njuno soglasje« (je pribil Petko za zakljuchek svojega nastopa). 43 LiVeS Journal He swam for 6 hours and three minutes before getting pulled ashore and ingloriously returned to sender by the old coastguard at the instigation of the Cabinet of President Kuchanosh himself and his wife Stephy. It is only thanks to this happy accident that you will be able to hear and see how this tale truly and actually unfolded; what is simply unbelievable or at least incredible is that almost the exact same process was ocurring across the renewed little land of Slonewvenia. When the RTVS Chamber Choir's song is unbefitting the circumstances on the Barge, Petko commands: »Fix this for me!« Second officer Jose of Argentina, who doesn't dislike TV music from Korn-POP (country, jazz, rock&roll, ragtime, or something completely modern) commands: »Have the choir walk the plank too!« Jose stands up straight authoritatively (as though he were a true Argentinian colonel) and yells after them: »Have a nice swim! And sing yourselves a local tune, we'll fish you out when we need you.« Partly out of pity and mostly out of fear, following a slight sobering splash of sea-water on his face, he adds: »Lower a dingy, ... with some fishing gear.« (He added the latter after short consideration). The storm is now imminent, the eerie silence preceding it is just right for happy celebrations and excessive drinking. All attention has lapsed. Chronicler Shus informs Officer Loby of his latest findings; not only has he uncovered three holes, but also found that one of the boards by the keel was rotten and worm-ridden. He reports this to the captain at the most inopportune moment, just as he was feeling up one of the hostesses (he was severely inebriated not to mention excited). Captain Petko (gatheris his thoughts, quickly recites one of his animated speeches): »Slovenika sails in accordance with a predetermined plan, worked out and coordinated to perfection. A plan needs to be made — worked out (he corrects himself) to plug the holes, which will only be possible after we have collected all the data on the damage along with a reply from the Dreikopf insurance company.« Captain Petko (ignoring and silencing any attempted comment is already excitedly carrying on): »Jonni Davos (and his dog Artur) gave his consent to raise the funds for the plugging of one non-commissioned hole, with the intent to reduce the gap between 'inflation' and the price of Slovenika — and not to plug holes, as the daily press reported! He has not yet, however, stated his opinion as to the guarantee for the loans. In any case, Slovenika will only be able to plug the holes over a period of time. His lawyers are also being consulted about a more long-term mode of financing Slovenika's sea voyage from Slonewvenia's budget. BB is founding a new independent company SLON-STAT, or SHIT-SLON. There will be enough money for the whole fleet and for Us. Just as intense are the discussions concerning the project of Slovenika's transatlantic voyage and its new satellite navigation equipment. This will aid considerably in eliminating problems concerning trips to Venice, Montfalcone and the Canary Islands. But most importantly, it will help in Slonewvenia's promotion abroad, for which Slovenika needs to get their consensus (Petko hammered his performance home).« 44 LiVeS Journal (Opomba Shusa: V resnici pa Slovenika ni zapustila obal in teritorialnega morja slonovovenskega. Vedno se ji je kaj hudega primerilo, che ne drugo, pa incident z obalno strazho Bertolusconeja ali Tita Brionskega II.) Pristopil je novi kapitanov pomochnik za ekonomske zadeve Slovenike, gospod Jegorij Kandunski (znani ekonom Kandinski ali tudi Kandunski), in pojasnil: »Funkcijo ekonoma in pomochnika kapitana za poslovne zadeve Slovenike sem sprejel po temeljitem premisleku in upam, da bom z Lushko kapitanijo (najvishjim nadzornim odborom) dobro sodeloval.« (Opomba Shusa: Imel je bogate izkushnje s havarijami, she nedavno, za prihodnost pa je nanje malo pozabil. Vendar jih ni zamolchal, slonovenetsko morje je bilo premajhno, da bi se ne izvedelo vse, kar je kdo hotel. Zato je o njih s ponosom pisal sam, po svoje seveda.) Obvezno se je ob takih prilikah oglasil tudi drugi oficir Jose Argentinski: »Manjshe korekcije v lepotnem izgledu Slovenike v podpalubju in drugje ne bodo vplivale na njen temeljni nachrt plovbe. V nachrtu so uposhtevani tudi obiski pomembnih osebnosti z verskega, shportnega ter celo kulturnega pa tudi glasbenega podrochja. Predvidena je tudi skupna svechana plovba Slovenike z manjshima sestrskima barkama Capodistriana in Marburg an Drau in vsemi byboati.« (Manjkal je le hitri choln TM 59, ki so ga nedavno iz chiste velikodushnosti podarili Pop-kornovemu ladjevju.) Kapitan je v pijanosti zhe odstavil prvega prvega (Lobya). Seveda ne bi bilo prevech nenavadno, che bi ga ob takih navalih vznesenosti zamenjal s sebi lojalnim Virnikom. Tu se torej ni dalo narediti, ukreniti nich pametnega vech. Hochesh nochesh je Loby pritrdil: »Po nekaj letih je Slovenika preshla na nov sistem nachrtovanja plovbe, ki onemogocha kakrshnokoli preseganje financhnih okvirov. V naslednjem letu bomo sklepali posebne pogodbe tudi za medsebojno urejenje odnosov, mornarjem bomo zagotovili sredstva za njihove plache, ti pa bodo dali vse od sebe. Veliko si lahko obetamo tudi od zunanjih tesarjev, cheprav za razpis del niso zagotovljeni vsi pravno formalni pogoji. Zato bi bilo dobro vsaj v drugem letu dorechi sistem javnih razpisov in ga uskladiti z zunanjimi tesarskimi podjetji.« Shus (je zopet mrmraje, samemu sebi, pripomnil): »Morda bodo she luknje zamashili, che bodo utegnili, seveda. Mornarji Slovenike so bili namrech znani po svojem neumornem posedanju po lushkih bufetih, pizzerijah in Mc Donaldih.)« Telegramsko sta podprla nespremenjeni plovni nachrt z naglasheno lojalnostjo in nedvoumno solidarnostjo Kapitanu Petku in pa predvsem predvideni skupni plovbi Slovenike z manjshima sestskima barkama Capodistriano in rechno plovilo Marburg an Drau. Kapitan Antonio Rocco in pokrajinski nadzornik Sobot an Drau, Hungari beyboat, Janos Obran. 45 LiVeS Journal (Shus's note: In reality, Slovenika never left Slonewvenian shores and territorial waters. Something bad befell it at every turn, if nothing else, an incident with Bertoluscone's or Tito of Brioni's coastguards.) The new captain's aid in Slovenika's economic matters, Mr Jegorij Kandunski (noted economist Kandinski a.k.a. Kandunski) stepped forward to clarify: »I accepted the function of economist and captain's aid in Slovenika's business matters after thorough consideration and I hope to collaborate well with the Harbour Master's office (the topmost supervisory committee).« (Shus's note: He had ample and recent experience with shipwrecks, but has forgotten about it for the future. He however didn't withhold it; the Slonewvenian sea was too small to keep anything from anyone who wanted to know. This is why he proudly wrote about his experience, in his own words — of course.) Under such circumstances, it was obligatory for Second Officer Jose Argentinski to also have his turn: »Minute corrections of the visual appeal of Slovenika's hold and elsewhere will have no impact on its fundamental itinerary. The plan also accounts for visits of notable persons from the worlds of religion, sports, and even culture including music. It also anticipates a joint voyage of Slovenika with its sister-vessels Capodistriana and Marburg an Drau along with all dingies.« (Only fast boat TM 59 was missing; it had recently been gifted to Pop-korn's fleet out of sheer generosity.) In his drunken stupor, the captain had already deposed First Officer Loby. Of course it would not be in any way unusual if he were to replace him with his loyal follower Virnik. So there was nothing more they could do. Like it or not, Loby confirmed: »After a few years, Slovenika changed to a new type of navigation planning, such that does not allow for financial overextension. In the coming year we will be entering new contracts including those governing mutual relationships; the means for sailors' salaries will be guaranteed and they will then put their best foot forward. We can also expect a lot from external carpenters, though not all formal conditions have been met to hold a public tender. This is why it would be good to define a system of public calls at least in the next year and adjust it to external carpentry companies.« Shus (again mumbling to himself, commented): »Perhaps they will also plug the holes, if they get around to it of course.« (As it was Slovenika's seamen were known to enjoy endlessly sitting about port cafes, pizzerias and McDonalds). In their telegrams to Captain Petek, Captain Antonio Rocco and provincial overseer of the Sobot an Drau Janos Obran supported the unaltered voyage itinerary with emphasised loyalty and unquestionable solidarity, and also particularly supported the envisaged common voyage of Slovenika with its smaller sister-vessels Capodistriana and river boat Marburg an Drau. 46 LiVeS Journal Manj vzpodbuden je bil telegram, ki ga je poslala predsednica nadzornega pododbora izpostave Lushke kapitanije Gretchen Teacher, chesh: »Nadzorni pododbor izpostave se je seznanil z nachrtom plovbe za leto 1996 in ga she ni potrdil. Shele osnutek nachrta bo obravnaval na naslednji seji njihovega odbora, ko bo pripravljen tudi predlog za zamashitev vseh odkritih lukenj Slovenike in bo njihov izvor in vzrok natanchno lociran.« Telegramsko debato je konchal sam predsednik nadzornega odbora Lushke Kapitanije Vojteh Stopanski, rekoch: »Vsebinski del plovnega nachrta obeta pestro, konkurenchno, slonovovensko promocijo, ki me navdaja s ponosom, in jaz upam, da se predvsem oba prva oficirja Slovenike zavedata tezhav, ki jih bo prineslo leto 1996. Stop.« V sporochilu za Lushko kapitanijo in ostale nadzornike v odborih izpostav namrech ni bilo niti omembe o mozhnosti nasedbe, kaj shele o nevarnosti havarije Slovenike. Izrecno in nachelno pa je Kapitan Petko prepovedal kakrshnokoli porochanje o izvorih vdorov morske vode v Sloveniko. Poudaril je: »To je zadeva poveljevanja Sloveniki! Torej se nikogar ne tiche! Ne Lushke ne Sejma! Ne Stopanskega ne njegovih odbornikov, ne Kavla ne Havla, ne Hit-meshetarjev!« Opomba avtorja: Nashlo se je she nekaj Shusovih opomb: O zakonih in njihovi (ne)uporabi: Zakon o sploshni plovbi po Slonovovenskem morju (oz. zalivu) in posebni Zakon o plovbi Slovenike v domachem morju in zamorstvu sta bila res zapletena, da ne rechem tu in tam chudno nedorechena, kot da bi bila pisana zato, da bosta pomagala delati gosto, nepregledno meglo na slonovenetskem morju. Mnenje Zastopstva mornarjev iz prvega zakona je premenilo v soglasje v drugem, kar so na Sloveniki razumeli kot pravico do samopostavitve oz. samoumevnega samodrshtva kljuchnih, to je najodgovornejshih, najpomembnejshih oficirjev Slovenike. Shusova opomba ob odstopu namestnice Glory, t.j. ob chudezhni samopostavitvi oz. samodrshtvu Ambrozinija: »Njen sestop je bil po njeni izjavi nachelen, ni vech zdrzhala v igri« (je pripomnil Shus). Vendar Shusu je bilo zhal, da je odstopila, vsaj v nekaj recheh sta imela pododobna mnenja, she najbolj o chudni oz. chudezhni razlagi omenjenih zakonov med najvishjimi poveljnishkim oficirji na Sloveniki. O scenskih razsezhnostih oldtimerja in slonovenskega morja oz. zaliva: Glavna slabost oldtimerja Slovenika je bila ta, da je imel preshtevilno posadko, posebej oficirski zbor je bil kar se da razvejen in imel je vech vzdrzhevalcev, kot bi bilo to treba, ko pa je odhajal na posebno posebej pomembno misijo, je imel gostov, druzhinskih prijateljev, znancev, sorodnikov toliko, da se je paluba shibila, v podpalubju se jih je trlo. Ko je bil privezan na pomolu, pa je od njega zhivelo kar lepo shtevilo kafejchkov, pizzerij in Mc Donaldov. Po drugi strani pa je bilo vsem znano, da je bilo ravno tako prevech Slonovencev, kaka polovica je bila prevech drugi polovici, natanchneje recheno, peshchici. 47 LiVeS Journal The telegram sent by the chairperson of the Port Authority branch's supervisory subcommittee Gretchen Teacher was less encouraging, stating: »The Supervisory Subcommittee of the branch reviewed the sea-voyage itinerary for 1996 and has not yet confirmed it. The committee will not discuss the draft of the plan until its next session following the drawing up of a proposal detailing the mode of repairing the holes as well as their origin and cause.« The telegram debate was concluded by the chairman of the Port Authority's Supervisory Committee Vojtek Stopanski himself, saying: »The content of the sea-voyage itinerary promises varied, competitive Slonewvenian promotion, filling me with pride and I hope that both first officers in particular are conscious of the issues, which 1996 will bring. Stop.« The message to the Port Authority and other branch committee supervisors never mentioned the prospect of Slovenika's running aground, let alone shipwreck. Captain Petko directly and principally forbade any and all reporting of the sources of water incursions into Slovenika's bow. He emphasised: »This is a matter of Slovenika's command and is as such nobody's business, not the Port's Authority nor the Fair's! Neither is it Stopanski's, his committee members', Kavel's or Havel', nor is it the business of the Hit-peddlers!« Author's note: A few additional Shus's notes have been found: On law's and their (lack of) use: The Law on Slovenika's General Seafaring in Slonewvenian waters (Bay) and the Special Law on Slovenika's Seafaring in its native Sea and Foreign Waters were truly complex if not in places curiously undefined; as though they were written with a view to help produce a thick, murky un-transparent fog on the Slonewvenian Sea. The Sailors' Representation's opinion from the first law was altered to 'consensus' in the second, which was understood on Slovenika as the right to self-appoint or self-evident autocracy of key, i.e. the most responsible and important officers. Shus's note accompanying the resignation of deputy Glory, i.e. the miraculous self-appointment or autocracy of Ambrozini: »According to her statement, she stepped down as a matter of principle, she could no longer endure the game.« (Shus added). However, Shus was sorry to see her go; they were of a similar mind in a few things at least, particularly the peculiar or miraculous interpretations of the afore mentioned laws among the highest ranking officers of the Slonewvenian Sea or Bay: the main downfall of the Slovenika oldtimer was the copiousness of its crew; commanding officers were particularly branched out and included more maintenance workers than necessary. When departing for an especially special important mission so many guests, family friends, acquaintances, and relatives turned up that the deck was bursting at the seams and the bow overflowed. When it docked it supported a number of cafes, pizzerias, and McDonald's restaurants. On the other hand, it was common knowledge that there were also too many Slonewvenians; about half seemed superfluous to the other half — i.e. to a handful. 48 LiVeS Journal Neprestano so se naganjali ven iz iger sistema. Razbezhali so se po svetovnih morjih, pa tudi gusarji so jih pridno snubili na svoje galeje. Opomba avtorja 2.: Najpomembnejshi opombi pa sta se zopet nanashali na barbo Petka (bili sta podchrtani), potem pa se je nashel she neki sestavek, ochitno predelan iz gradiva Igre sistema oz. Sistemske nanizanke: Nujni mashili v dialogih so priljubljeni apeli Kapitana Petka: »Jaz sem optimist.« In drugo: »Se popolnoma strinjam z vami.« Ambrozini (je k njima obvezno dodal svoje): »To ste dobro povedali, Kapitan.« (Vendar se nikoli ne more vzdrzhati. Zhe dva koraka naprej strupeno pripomne svojemu pribochniku Prostozidarichu (Freimauerju): »Le na papirju in v svoji glavi seveda, ker Slovenika, to sem jaz, Ambrozini! Sem prvi oficir za zvezo z botri in njihovimi pribochniki, moja naloga je, da povem, kdo je kdo, jaz jih naredim, da so, kar so, ali da niso nich!« Kapitan Petko pa je z naklonjenostjo gledal na samodrshtvo nizhjih oficirjev in z doprohotnostjo dopustil, da so izobesili njemu najbolj priljubljen Homerjev apel: Eden naj vlada, eden naj bo kralj! Shus je gojil tiho zheljo, da bi neke nochi na Petkov stenchas kradoma napisal grafit: Svodbodne plovbe niso marali, prostovoljno so hoteli suzhenjstvo — galjotsko plovbo! Shusove opombe in pripombe o personalni legetimiteti in sploshni teoriji uzurpacije oblasti pa so bile posebej izpostavljene. Seveda zgolj v propagandne namene: Personalna legitimiteta in nelegitimnost mochi in sploshna teorija uzurpacije vladavine mochi ali Kako se opravichuje uzurpacija oblasti Shus je bil vseeno neizmerno hvalezhen Kapitanu Petku in njemu blizhjim, ker so mu z zglednostjo igranja vlog omogochili, da je v mrzki Reviji SRP seveda (le kje bi she lahko?!) natanchneje formuliral teorijo (razlage oz. opravichila) uzurpacije vladavine (mochi). Naj jo na kratko povzamem: Tu je potrebno le malo poguma, da se lahko soochimo s pojasnitvijo upravichenosti oz. utemeljenosti oblasti, natanchneje recheno, z legitimiteto sistema v Slonovoveniji (vidni tudi na Oldtimerju Slovenika). Tega, poguma namrech, pa bralcem SRP-a nedvomno ne zmanjka. To je odgovor na odgovor na eno samo vprashanje: Od kod izvira moch, oblast, kaj jo opravichuje? (Uposhteval oz. nevtraliziral je tudi skrajno relativistichni, che ne cinichni odgovor: Kakor za koga. In uposhteval je dejstvo, da modalnosti odgovorov na isto osnovno vprashanje ne variirajo z modo ne z znachajem konkretne osebe.) Mogochi odgovori so bili taki, kot so jih (od)govorili nastopa(jo)chi (nekaj pomembnejshih med njimi): 49 LiVeS Journal They kept chasing each other out of the games of the system. They scattered across the seven seas, and were also diligently lured to their galleys by pirates. Author's note 2: The most important notes again pertained to Skipper Petko (were underscored); there was also a composition that was obviously reworked from materials from the Game of the System or System TV Series: Captain Petko's favoured entreaties »I am an optimist.« And »I completely agree with you« appear as compulsory fillers in the dialogues. Ambrozini (had to add his own to the above): »Well said, Captain.« (Though he can never help himself. Only a couple of steps later he already comments venomously to his aid Prostozidarevich (Freemason-Freimauer): »Of course only on paper and in his head, because Slovenika — is me, Ambrosini! I am the first liaising officer with the godfathers and their aides; it is my responsibility to say who is who; I make and brake them; without me they are nothing!« Captain Petko regarded the autocracy of the officers below him favourably and benevolently allowed them to put up his favourite Homer's quote: »Let there be one ruler, one king!« Shus cultivated a quiet desire to one night stealthily write the following graffiti on Petko's wall board: »They did not like free sea-fearing, they wanted voluntary slavery — galley servitude!« Shus's notes and comments concerning personnel legitimacy and the general theory of usurping power were particularly exposed. Of course this was in service of propaganda: Personnel Legitimacy and Illegitimacy of Power and the General Theory of Usurping the Rule of Power or How to Excuse the Usurping of Power Shus was, nevertheless, immeasurably grateful to Captain Petko and those close to him for their exemplary playing of roles, which enabled him to more precisely formulate his theory (of the explanation or excuse) on the usurping of power in the hated SRP journal (where else could he have). Allow me to quickly summarize: It takes but little courage to be able to face the clarification of the justification for or fundament of power — or, to put it more precisely — the legitimacy of the system in Slonewvenia (as perceivable also aboard the Slovenika Oldtimer). Such courage is certainly in no short supply among the readers of SRP. It is the answer to a single question: Where does strength, power, stem from, what excuses it? (He also considered or neutralised the extremely relativist if not cynical reply: It depends on who is asking. He acknowledged that the modality of answers to the same basic question does not vary according to fashion or individual personality.) Possible answers were stated by the show(-offs) performers (a few of the more important among them follow below): 50 LiVeS Journal Kapitan Petko: Oblast izvira, je podeljena, zaupana od Boga (karizma malika, enega in edinega). Mishika: Oblast izvira, je zaupana od ljudstva (z volitvami.) (Kratko pojasnilo: bila je namrech zelo popularna oz. priljubljena, tako rekoch vnaprej izvoljena.) Ambrozini: Oblast izvira iz mochi neposredno (je samoutemeljena, z uzurpacijo pridobljena, s samodrshtvom ohranjana — Machiavellijeva utemeljitev mochi.) (b.p.) Krefalt: Oblast izvira iz lastnishtva (je kupljena ali (pod)kupljena, podprta je z nepotizmom) (k.p.: Moch kapitala, denarja, kasiranja provizij, ipd., je o.k. (legitimna), che je pravilno nalozhena: v public relation, v marketing svoje osebnosti in njegovih blizhnjih.) Debelinko Piki: Moch izvira iz pretkanosti in priznanja Njih (iluminatov, najtajnejshih lozh.) (k.p.: Tu gre bolj za skrivno moch kot vidno oblast, a lahko je celo mochnejsha od oblasti lokalnega boga.) Pchko: Moch izvira iz tajnosti, pridrzhevanja in zadrzhevanja ter doziranega posredovanja kljuchnih informacij. (k.p.: Tu shele je kljuch tajne, a tudi zavratne mochi.) Drugi prvi oficir Andreas Jose (Argentinski): Iz slepe pokorshchine in junashke drzhe (nadrejenemu hierarhu). (k.p.:generalu oz. generalnemu v njegovem primeru.) Snosni (ali Nesnosni) in Skrusheny: Moch izvira iz diskretnega sharma kultURelite. (Zato sta jo tudi najslabshe odnesla oz.sta jo najtezhe plasirala.) Shusova opomba: To pa ne pomeni, da svojih utemeljitev mochi niso vchasih malo pokombinirali. Karte so si med igro vchasih izmenjali. Shusova pripomba: Zgledovali pa so se po Shelingu t.j. svojem uchitelju, prvem diktatorju Lushke, in svojem predsedniku Kuchanoshu. Vedno in predvsem pa po Titu Brionskem, prvem in edinem in edinstvenem. (Katerega najvechji ljubitelj in poznavalec je bil Kapitan Petko. Od tod Pretkova prednost pred drugimi.) Moch, ki izvira oz. bi bila upravichevana s svobodo duha zatiranih, pa se jim je zdela skrajno staromodna. Shusa je sedaj she bolj muchilo she samokritichno vprashanje, ki si ga je v tej igri vechkrat zastavil: »Kakshna pa je moja utemeljitev mochi? Je dovolj svojska, svobodna? Je sploh naravna tezhnja to? Neumnost! (Si je dejal.) Nepotrebno vprashanje, saj je sploh nimam (ne mochi ne oblasti). No, malo je zhe imam, mochi (se je popravil), a ta moch ni praktichna, je vsaki vladavini skrajno odvratna. 51 LiVeS Journal Captain Petko: Power stems from and is granted and entrusted by God (charisma of an idol — of the one and only). Mishika: Power stems from and is entrusted by people (through election). (Short clarification: She was very popular or well-liked, so-to-say elected in advance.) Ambrozini: Power stems from strength directly (self-established, achieved through usurping, maintained through autocracy — Machiavellian argumentation of power.) (no comment — no problem) Krefalt: Power stems from ownership (paid for or paid off, supported through nepotism) (short comment: The power of capital, money, charging provisions et sim. is ok (legitimate), if it is invested correctly: in public relations, in the marketing of one's own personality and of those closest to one.) Fatty Piki: Power stems from cunning and the recognition of Them (illuminati, the most secret lodges.) (Comment: This is more a case of secret strength than visible power, but can surpass even the power of a local god.) Pchko: Power stems from secrecy, from retaining, keeping and controlling the release of key information. (Comment: This is the true key to hidden, but also insidious strength.) Second First Officer Andreas Jose (of Argentina): From blind obedience and heroic stance (towards the hierarchically superior). (Comment: general, or in his case general director.) Sirs Bearable (or Unbearable) and Contrite: Power stems from the discreet charm of the cultURelite. (This is why they got the worst end of the stick or found it the hardest to place it.) Shus's note: This does not mean they didn't occasionally combine their definitions a little bit. Sometimes they exchanged hands during their card-game. Shus's note: They followed the example of their teacher, first dictator Lushka and their president Kuchanosh, but always and primarily that of Tito Brionski the first and only and unparalleled. (His greatest admirer and the biggest authority on him was Captain Petko. Hence Petko's advantage over the others.) The concept of power that stems from, or which would be justified in the freedom of the spirit of the oppressed seemed to them extremely dated. Shus was now even more tortured by the self-critical question, which he posed to himself on numerous occasions: »What is my definition of power? Is it distinctive and free enough? Is this really a natural drive at all? Nonsense! (He said to himself.) An unnecessary question; I have none (neither strength nor power). Well I have some — strength (he corrected himself), but this is not a practical strength; it is extremely revolting to any rule. 52 LiVeS Journal A vsaj po tem je razpoznavna. Ni ji do oblasti oz. se ji neprestano zoperstavlja. Che je to moch, potem ta izvira zgolj in samo iz upornega duha.« (Pa saj jo je Shus zhe opisal v Traktatu o svobodi in podobno oz. bolje so to storili vsi njegovi sogovorniki zunaj chasa, she posebej Etienne de La Boetie, Henri Bergson, po svoje tudi Arhimed, Lao Ce in najljubshe: Janez evangelist.) »Ko nekdo nekoga prav grdo zastruplja, ponizhuje, prodaja in pri tem trdi, da ga osvobaja, je to odvratno. A ko na stotine, tisoche njih sami drve v suzhenjstvo, koprne po besedi vodnikov, ki jih pravkar osvobojene vodijo nazaj, v suzhenjstvo drugo. Pa saj vas niso prodali, saj ste sami tako zheleli. Ne tu ni mogoche dosechi nichesar, she s pravim odmerkom Etienneovega zdravila ne. Vsa sredstva preprichevanja imajo Oni v rokah. Tako osvobajanje je namrech natanko po okusu 'osvobojenih', okrasheno je. Etienne de La Boetie she doda: Ni gnusnejshe rechi, ki gnusna je tako, da se ji she jezik upira dati ime, kot je prostovoljno suzhenjstvo«. »Ko nekdo nekoga prav grdo zastruplja, zasuzhnjuje in pri tem trdi, da ga osvobaja, je vedno mogoche dosechi, in she dolgo bo tako, zelo dober protiuchinek s pravim odmerkom Etienneovega zdravila iz njegovega eseja O prostovoljnem suzhenjstvu. Tako osvobajanje namrech nikakor ni po okusu osvobojenih, tudi che je okrasheno ne.« Tako pravi Etienne de La Boetie in she doda: »Resnici na ljubo, neplodno je razpravljanje o tem, ali je svoboda naravna. Zhe zato ne, ker nihche ne more biti v suzhenjstvu, ne da bi se mu s silo nad njim delalo neko zlo. In nichesar ni, kar bi bilo tako nasprotno svetu, ki mu vlada narava, ki je umna, kot je nepravichnost, krivica sama.« Vendar pa na Sloveniki in Slonovovenskem tudi to ne pomaga vech. Torej, nam ni pomochi (je grenko pripomnil Shus): Opomba avtorja: Za konec oz. za namechek so se nashle she neke nerazumljive zabelezhke o botrih, ki so bile v Shusovi igri avtocenzurirane. Naj jih vseeno navedem: Zabelezhke o botrih — Jonni Davos s psom Arturjem: »Hochem zgodbo o uspehu, ne o eksces(ih)... Volitve so za vole, bom premier v Slonoveniji, pa che se svet podre ... 'Kupish enga al pa dva', to res ni taka rech.« Besnel je, ker so mu zavlachevali lastninjenje, to je vrnitev prashichev h koritu, tolazhil se je le s tem, da so zavlekli tudi socialne nemire bednih in obubozhanih. Revshchine resnichno ni maral, skoraj gnusila se mu je. (Opomba avtorja: Shus je njegov pohod predvidel v Razzharjenem zharishchu, Reviji SRP 19/20.) Sam predsednik Kuchanosh je s tezhavo krotil svoje kujone, ki so mu neumorno delali sive lase in shkandale po tekochem traku (od Elana do Safttija, od orozharske afere v Marbruku an Drau, do trgovanja z Izraeliti, pa do chasopisne vojne oz. vojne za chasopise in she mnogo vmes). 53 LiVeS Journal But, at least this feature makes it identifiable. It has no desire for power; it constantly stands against it. If this is strength, it stems from nothing but a rebellious spirit.« (Well, Shus had already described it in his Treatise on Freedom; it was done similarly or better by all his collocutors outside of time, particularly Etienne de La Boetie, Henri Bergsonin, also in his own way Archimedes, Lao Zi and Shus's favourite — John the Evangelist.) »When someone is wickedly poisoning another, demeaning and selling them while declaring to be liberating them, this is abhorrent. But when hundreds and thousands rush voluntarily into slavery yearning for the words of their guides leading the barely freed men back into slavery, it is another thing altogether. You weren't sold; it is of your own volition. No, nothing can be achieved here, not even using the appropriate dose of Etienne's medicine. It is They who hold all the means of persuasion. Such liberation is in fact to the exact tastes of »the liberated« — adorned. Etienne de La Boetie further adds: »There is nothing more repugnant than voluntary slavery, a concept so abhorrent that language has no name for it.« »When someone vilely poisons another, enslaving them while declaring they are liberating them, it is always and will long remain possible to achieve a decent counter-effect with a good dose of Etienne's medicine from his essay 'The Discourse of Voluntary Servitude'. Such liberation is most certainly not to the taste of the liberated, not even if adorned.« So says Etienne de La Boetie adding: »To be honest, it is fruitless to discuss whether freedom is natural, if for no other reason, because no one can be enslaved without some evil being inflicted onto them by force. And no thing exists that would be so adverse to the world ruled by wise nature, than injustice — unfairness itself.« But Slovenika and Slonewvenia are beyond even such saving. So we are beyond help (added Shus sourly): Author's note: In conclusion and addition some strange unintelligible notes turned up about godfathers; these were auto-censored in Shus's play; I quote them anyway: Notes on Godfathers — Jonni Davos with his dog Artur: »I want a story of success, not excess. Election is for oxen; I'll be the prime minister of Slonewvenia if the world collapses. 'You buy one or two people', it's really no big thing.« He raged because they were dragging their feet on privatisation, i.e. return of the pigs to the trough; his only solace was that this also delayed social unrest of the destitute and impoverished. He truly disliked poverty; he was almost repulsed by it. (Auth. note: Shus foresaw his march in Razzgarjeno zharishche, Revija SRP 19/20.) President Kuchanosh himself had a hard time restraining his scoundrels, who continuously made trouble for him and caused one scandal after the other (from Elan to Saftti, from the weapons' affair in Marburk an Drau to trading with the Israelites, to the Newspaper War — or war for newspaper, and much more). 54 LiVeS Journal She najbolj ga je skrbelo, ker she ni bilo dolocheno, komu bodo konchno dodelili krivdo za umor simpatichnega ljudskega predsednika (s tudi simpatichno opico) Kremplbergarj a. Sive lase mu je delal Janez Dolinski, ki si je zabil v glavo, da bo nekoch sam predsednik. Vendar vse se je srechno konchalo. Kuchanosh je najavil svojo ponovno kandidaturo za predsednika Slonovovenije, pridobitve Njih so bile v nevarnosti. (Opomba avtorja: Shus je to z gotovostjo napovedal in objavil napoved v Reviji SRP 19/20. Pa ne s pomochjo zlatih prinashalcev, ampak na osnovi sploshne vrednotne teorije samodrshtva (personalne legitimitete) in teorije paralelnih sistemov.) — Janezu Dolinskemu (tudi Mirandolski) tudi ni kazalo najbolje, kazalo je, da zopet ne bo vech dolgo viceadmiral in she specialno brigado Maris so mu vzeli in she tajno sluzhbo povrh so hoteli. Che je tako, potem je to vojna zvezd, ki pa se je sprevrgla v malo ponesrechen sindikalni spopoad (botrov) najsvobodnejshih in najneodvisnejshih sindikatov Slonovovenije. Malo pa she v neizprosen petelinji boj med prenovljenimi Sokoli in obnovljenimi Orli. Shusova opomba: In she med Mladoveneti in Staroveneti in istochasno she Staroslovani in Slowlandslovani. (Imena so se namrech kar naprej spreminjala, le zgodba ne.) Sam predsednik pa je bil pretrd oreh zanj. Bil je tako simpatichen, da so se she tercialke hodile zhupnikom spovedovat za grehe, da si niso mogle pomagati in so ob vsaki prilozhnosti (to je volitvah) volile zanj, cheprav so jim jasno rekli, da ne. Tu se torej za chasa njegovega udejstvovanja ni dalo dosti narediti. — Wauchar Polihitski se je malo potuhnil v senco Davoshkega. Od znotraj je kanil storiti najvech. Za to je bil resnichno specialist. In chakati je znal na pravo prilozhnost. V tvegane igre na izlochanje favoritov se javno ni spushchal, vsaj dokler mu ni bil jasno razviden izid iger. Tajna porochila je imel she vedno pod kontrolo in dobrshen del »zlatih prinashalcev«. Cheprav je vechino spiskov in pesnitev tajnih prinashalcev pustil pokuriti, pa nihche ni vedel, kaj je za koga prihranil za vsak primer. — Joseph Kavel je vodil Sejem najbolje, kot je znal v chasu Titojugend ferajna, pa mnogi nikakor niso bili zadovoljni z njim. Hermana Regalnika (grof Celjski im.) pa je le zamenjal in to ni bil majhen dosezhek. Vseeno ga je skrbelo, da nekega dne ne vstane od mrtvih pravi grof Celjski, ki bi mu za shalo spodrezal frak. Mislil je na vse ali nich in dalech, dalech naprej: Kakor Havel tko tud Kavel. — Za samo izvedbo igre pa je morda najpomembneje to, da si botri sploh niso bili tako v laseh, kot je bilo to videti od zunaj. Med sabo so se lepo razumeli, pogovorili in dogovorili, kar je bilo res treba. Med njimi so veljala posebna pravila igre, za katera se natanko (she) ne ve. Ve se le, da so bila to pravila igre botrov srednjega dometa in ne prevelike mochi v podsekciji Mediterraneo. 55 LiVeS Journal He was most worried that it was still undecided who will finally be assigned blame for the murder of the agreeable people's president (and his agreeable ape) Kremplbergar. Janez Dolinski, who got it into his head that he would himself be president one day, also vexed him. But it all turned out well. Kuchanosh announced his candidacy to be re-elected as Slonewvenia's president and Their acquisitions were at risk. (Auth. Note: Shus predicted this with certainty and published his prediction in Revija SRP 19/20. He arrived at it not with the help of golden retrievers, but based on the general evaluative theory of autocracy (personal legitimacy) and theory of parallel systems.) — Janez Dolinski (a.k.a. Mirandolski) was also not in for anything good; again, he appeared to be on the verge of losing his vice-admiral's stripes along with his special Maris brigade as well as the secret service. If this is the case, these are star wars, which have transformed into a misguided syndicated clash (of godfathers) of the most liberating and independent unions of Slonewvenia and also in small part into a ruthless cockfight between the renewed Sokoli and renovated Orli. Shus's note: as well as between the Young Veneti and Old Veneti and simultaneously Old Slavs and Slowland Slavs. (The names kept changing, but the story remained the same.) However, the president proved too tough a nut for him to crack. He was so lovable that even the most devoted religious ladies would confess to their priests that they could not help voting for him any chance (election) they got, even though the priests clearly told them not to. And so, not much could be done while he was actively participating. — Wauchar Polihitski ducked behind Davoshki for a bit. He planned to do the most from within; this was truly his specialty. He knew how to wait for the right opportunity. He never publically engaged in risky games of eliminating favourites, at least not until he knew what the outcome would be. He still had control of secret reports and a good part of the golden »retrievers«. Even though he allowed the most part of the lists and poems by secret retrievers to be burned, no one knew to what and about whom he held onto just in case. — Joseph Kavel headed the fair to the best of his ability, but in times of the Titoyugend Verein many were utterly dissatisfied with him. He did replace Herman Regalnik (Count of Celje) and this was no small feat. Still, he worried that one day the real Count of Celje might rise from the dead, he would easily undercut his frock; all or nothing — he thought far, far ahead: Like Havel so Kavel. — Perhaps the most important part of putting the play on was that the godfathers were really not as at each other's throats as it appeared. They got along nicely and when it was truly necessary, they discussed matters and came to agreements. They played each other following special rules, which are not as yet widely known. It is known, however, that these rules were followed by mid-range godfathers with not too much power in the Mediterraneo section. 56 LiVeS Journal Opomba avtorja: Shusovo predvidevanje iger, na katero je bil tako ponosen, sploh ni nobena umetnost, to lahko stori vsakdo, ki se vsaj malo spozna na teorijo iger sistema in institucionalnih vlog. Zhelezni scenarij institucij je namrech povsod enak. Posamezni nastopajochi sicer imajo mozhnost kadarkoli obrniti krmilo barke, a jo le redko uporabijo. Zato je v rezhijskem postopku mogoche mehanizem institucij, njeno zapisnishko stvarnost prikazati s poljubnimi, aktualnimi dialogi iz sej glavnih odborov, vlad, svetov, sejmov itn. pomembnih in mogochnih institucij sistemov in sistemchkov. Iz stvarnosti v stvarnost oz. iz nekonstruirane realnosti so si postopki in poteze glavnih igralcev presenetljivo podobni. Sicer ta igra, she manj pa nadaljevanka brez konca, sploh ne bi bila napisana in potem je kronist (pisar) sploh ne bi mogel zapisati. Dialoge je torej mogoche poljubno razporediti ali zamenjati in seveda skrajshati. Le v tej prirebi za Revijo SRP pa so stvari take, kot si jih je zamislil. Nikdar pa si jih ni avtor sam izmislil. Le dogodki so tu in tam malenkost chasovno zamaknjeni in strnjeni. Za glasbeno spremljavo zaslishanja Kapitana Petka na seji glavnega nadzornega odbora Lushke pa je avtor igre vseeno izbral W.A. Mozarta. Potem pa se je Shus she malo posvetil pogovoru izven chasa, se posvetoval s sogovorniki izven chasa, kaj mu je storiti in, kot zhe recheno, napisal esej Na strehi sveta (Obisk dolincev na strahi sveta). Previdno je izpustil Kuchanoshev vzpon na kitajski zid oz. njegov sprehod po zidu chasa nazaj. Tolazhil se je z izgovorom, da ga bo literatiziral kdaj drugich, a zagotovo. Za konec je Shus raje she enkrat preveril zahvalnost spielverderberjev in she posebej svojo lastno nehvalezhnost. She najbolj, tako se mu je zdelo, je o njej govoril v zakljuchku prve nanizanke, vendar jo je moral rahlo dopolniti oz. preseliti v administrativno stvarnost. Tu je le na kratko povzel: 4. Razmislek o mochi (Etienne de La Boetie: Le discours de la servitude volontaire): Narodi sami dopushchajo to, delajo tako, da so ukrocheni, ker bi zhe samo z zavrnitvijo sluzhenja bili osvobojeni. Narod sam sebe podjarmlja, isti narod, ki mu je mogoche, da izbiral bi: med podanishtvom in svobodo. Chisto na koncu je le zavzdihnil in si zapel staro mornarsko pesem: Koprnel je po svobodi mornar in bratje njegovi in sestre njegove ... Ostalo besedilo je zhal zhe pozabil, in sprasheval se je, kako je mogoche tako hitro pozabiti tako lepo pesem? 57 LiVeS Journal Auth. note: Shus's capacity to predict outcomes, of which he was so proud, is no special skill; It is attainable by anyone, who is at least slightly familiar with game theory of the system and institutional roles. The iron scenario of institutions is the same everywhere. Individual performers may have the option to steer the boat into a different direction at any time, but they rarely do so. It is possible to direct the episodes to portray the transcript reality using select relevant dialogues from the sessions of the main committees, governments, councils, fairs and similar important and mighty institutions of systems big or small. Reality to reality or non-constructed reality, procedures and moves made by the main actors are surprisingly similar. Were this not the case, the play, let alone the endless series could never get written and the chronicler (scribe) would be unable to record it. And so, dialogues can be freely arranged, replaced, and of course shortened. This adaptation for SRP is the only one following the author's intent, with which he in no way came up with on his own. The events are sometimes slightly chronologically rearranged and condensed. Still, the author chose to set Captain Petko's hearing at the main supervisory committee's session of Harbour Command to music by W.A. Mozart. Next, Shus turned his attention to discussion outside time, consulting wise men about what to do before, as stated above, writing the essay Atop the Roof Covering of the World (The Visit of Dolinci-Lowlanders's cowering of the world). He carefully omitted Kuchanosh's ascent of the Wall of China and his walk backward across the wall of time. He reassured himself that he would absolutely make it more literary, just at another time. In his conclusion Shus opted to double check the gratitude to the spoilers of the game, particularly his own lack of gratitude. He felt, he spoke of it most in the conclusion of the first series; though he had to slightly tweak it — or move it into the administrative reality. Here, he only made a quick summary: 4. Deliberations on Power (Etienne de La Boetie: Le discours de la servitude volontaire): Nations themselves allow and by their actions effect subjugation merely refusing to serve would achieve their self-determination. A nation suppresses itself the very nation that could well be able to choose between living freely or in servitude. At the very end he merely sighed and sang an old sea shanty: For freedom yearned the sailor, and his brothers and his sisters ... Unfortunately the rest of the lyrics escaped him; he wondered how it was possible to forget such a beautiful song so quickly. 58 LiVeS Journal Opomba avtorja: Kratek povzetek iz omenjenih predelanih epizod je zopet v prilogi Namechek, kjer je tudi nekaj dajshih, a skrajno chudnih sestavkov: Prevech che-jev, ker-ov in ali-jev; Kandidati na reshetu, medij v mukah; Razzparjeno Zharishche; Odmevi preteklosti; Na strehi sveta. Shus jih je sproti objavljal v mrzki reviji SRP. Shusove zmote v 4. premisleku o mochi, pa si lahko, kdor zpeli, ogleda v Traktatu ali pa v Namecheku. (Che pa koga she zanima kaj vech o slednjih, tj., o botrih naj se raje ove, ali bolje, ovadi, da je nevaren.) P.S. (paralelna stvarnost): Chetrti razmislek o mochi: Moch sama po sebi, Demokracija mochi (Razmislek ob volilni kampanji 92 v novi drzpavi Sloveniji) je Shus pisal na glasbeno predlogo Maurica Ravela: Bolero. Tega, ne vem zakaj, avtorji ponavadi ne povedo, dasi mnogi delajo tako. P.P.S. (para-paralelna stvarnost): She moj nasvet: »Varujte pa se tistih, ki pishejo ob glasbi Richarda Wagnerja: Götterdämmerung, pa Die Walküre.« PARALELNA IGRA ADMINISTRATIVNI ALI ZAPISNISHKI PARASTVARNOSTI Paralelna stvarnost je Shusu pomenila vse: vse bistveno, tisto, chesar nikakor ni mogoche izpustiti, zamolchati, ne da bi s tem zmalichili resnico v navadni stvarnosti. Nasprotno pa je pesniku Zagorchniku to isto pomenila pesnishka »ne-drzhava« (che je le mogoche lirska). S tem je igra opisana po bistvu in v celoti. To, kar sledi, oz. kar naj bi sledilo v nadaljnjih igrah sistema (oz. njegovih nanizankah) in nagajanju spielverderjev, je samo mogocha variacija na temo, ena od njenih mogochih uprizoritev, posebej prirejena za bralce Revije SRP. Ker le njim bo igra domacha, lahko razumljiva. Vendar ne podcenjujmo tudi drugih poznavalcev institucij oz. paralelne zapisnishke nestvarnosti. Pa tudi nje same ne. Marsikaj skriva, skrivno shifrira v svojski govor, nagovor, novogovor oz. Novorek. A marsikaj tudi razkrije pove. Paralelna stvarnost, ki stvarni igrivo sledi, jo razkriva, je samo v pomoch dramaturshkim teamom za lazhjo razchlenitev in uprizoritev oz. neuprizoritev kochljivih prigod nastopachev. V morebitni izvedbi bi bilo seveda nujno dialoge temeljito skrchiti, oklestiti. Avtor sam tega she ni zmogel, srce mu ni dalo. To lahko stori shele potem, ko se mu igra dokonchno upre, ko jo dobro prespi. A takrat mu navadno zmanjka volje in veselja she se ubati z njo. Sicer pa sta zanj v igri paralelne stvarnosti le dva igralca. Eden je individuum svobodne volje in drugi igralec je igra usode. Igra je v tem, da se posameznik neprestano poigrava s svojo svobodo, vechinoma na rachun svoje slave; se svobodi odreka, vchasih izmika v korist (determinizma) vloge. Zato pa se obchasno z njim grdo poigra usoda. V njej, paralelni stvarnosti namrech, se (bistveni) dogodki dogajajo sochasno. 59 LiVeS Journal Author's note: A short recapitulation of the said episodes has again been included in the Add-on supplement, which also includes a few longer, though extremely strange compositions: Too many Ifs, Becauses and Whethers; Candidates on the Chopping Block, Media in Torment; Scorching Core; Echoes of the Past; On the Roof Covering the World. Shus published these in passing in the hated SRP journal. Shus's blunders in the 4th Deliberation on Power are available to all interested in the Tractate or Add-on. (And if anyone wants to know more about them, i.e. godfathers, they should know, or rather make it known to authorities that they are dangerous.) P. S. (Parallel Reality): The fourth deliberation on power: Shus wrote Power in Itself, Democracy of Power (Thoughts during the 1992 election campaign in the new Country of Slovenia) to the background music of Maurice Ravel's Bolero. Usually authors, for reasons unbeknown to me, don't give this information, though many have this habit. P.P.S. (para-parallel reality): My advice: »Beware of those who write to Richard Wagner's Götterdämmerung and Die Walküre.« A PLAY PARALLEL TO THE ADMINISTRATIVE OR TRANSCRIPT PARAREALITY The parallel reality meant everything to Shus: everything essential; that, which cannot be left out or kept unsaid without distorting the truth of the regular reality. On the contrary, this is exactly what the poet Zagorichnik described as a poetic »non-state« (if at all possible, lyrical). This describes the play in its essence and entirety. What follows, or what aught to follow in subsequent plays (or series) of the system and actions of those who spoil the game, is merely a possible variation on a theme, one of its possible enactments adapted specifically for the readers of the SRPSh journal. This is because only they will find this play familiar and easily comprehensible. But let us not underestimate other experts in institutions or in parallel transcript non-reality - nor it itself; it hides much, secretly encoding it in a speech, address, new-speech or Newspeak of its own. But it also divulges and says a lot. Parallel reality, which playfully follows actual reality and reveals it, is merely a utility aiding dramaturgic teams to more easily break down and enact or not enact the risqué experiences of the show-offs. For it potential performance, it would of course be necessary to fundamentally condense and trim the dialogues. The author was unable to do as much; his heart did not allow for it. He can only do this after the he has thoroughly had it with the play, having slept on it sufficiently. However at this point, he usually runs out of the will and enthusiasm to work on it further. As he sees it, there are only two actors in the game of the parallel reality play. One is an individual with free will and the other a twist of fate. The game is about each individual constantly playing with their destiny, predominately at the expense of their fame; they forsake their freedom, at times avoid it to the benefit of (the determinism of) their role. This is why fate sometimes plays a wicked game with them. Within it, i.e. parallel reality, (essential) events occur simultaneously. 60 LiVeS Journal Le po neki napaki transcendence, v neki chudni zanki chasa lahko posameznik (individuum) vidi. Che se dovolj poglobi, poduhovi ali dovolj vzhivi vanjo, vidi, kaj se bo v navadni stvarnosti zgodilo, ker se je v paralelni stvarnosti zhe zgodilo oziroma se pravkar dogaja. Ochitek, da so v igri zhenske vloge zapostavljene, premalo usodne, je povrshen. Saj je usoda, tudi ko je pojmovana kot politika, zhenskega spola. Vchasih so stari mornarji verjeli, da zhenska na barki prinasha gotovo nesrecho, da je usodna. Imeli so dovolj razlogov za tako preprichanje. Ljubosumnost mochnih samcev (posebej satirov) je pogosto vodila v tezhke spore in boje med njimi. Vchasih pa, v legendah seveda, je povzrochila cele vojne. Dandanes gotovo ni vech tako, dasiravno se nekateri romantiki she vedno oklepajo le te razlage. Shusova teorija videnja oz. predvidevanja iger Preden preidem k povsem drugi stvarnosti, moram vsaj z nekaj besedami opisati Shusovo teorijo in prakso predvidevanja. Moram she rechi, da je shtel za zelo pomembno, da se je ne mesha s teorijo (o) jasnovidnosti ali kakrshnimkoli prerokovanjem. Slednje je imel (kar je she dandanes dokaj nenavadno) za eno od najvechjih sredstev Njihovih manipulacij. Pravi nekako takole: da so si Oni uzurpirali razlago nejasnosti in nedorechenosti v napovedih chlovekove in chloveshke prihodnosti, she posebeje kastatrof(e). Vzemimo za primer najbolj znane manipulacije z Nostradamusovimi prerokbami. Pogosto jih uporabljajo, to je zlorabljajo za najrazlichnejshe namene, za plasiranje svojih scenarijev. Mas Mediji so jim (po)sredniki. Z velikansko uchinkovitostjo manipulirajo in so tudi sami manipulirani. Ko sejejo praznovernost mnozhicam, zhanjejo oz. sluzhijo mastne denarce. Najpomembneje za Njih pa je, da shirijo svoj vpliv in moch. Bistvo Njihove manipulacije je v tem, da omenjene nejasnosti v prerokbah priredijo, posodobijo in vkljuchijo v svoje scenarije vodenja sveta. She pogosteje pa jim sluzhijo za opravichilo za njihove najvechje spodrsljaje — pomote v velikem scenariju svetovne zgodovine. Da, vchasih se grdo zmotijo, to je napachno predvidijo tok dogodkov in zgodovina in posamezni njeni nastopachi oz. vodniki povzroche strahovita razdejanja, mnogo vechja, kot so jih Oni predvideli. Enak postopek uporabljajo manjshi regionalni, lokalni in institucijski mogochnichki na oblasti, z manjsho, a she vedno preveliko mochjo, in pa seveda njihove oprode (poltronci) sive eminence. Za najvechjo slabost te teorije je Shus shtel njeno pristranost in Njihovo enostranost, namrech, da jih zanima le zhivljenje velikih ljudi, znamenitih osebnosti, ki so tako postale she bolj velike in znamenite, kot jim to v resnici gre. Che se sedaj vrnemo k Shusovi teoriji predvidevanja, je zanjo mogoche rechi, da je mnogo manj atraktivna od pravkar opisane. Trdi, da posamezniki ravnajo vechinoma (nekako priblizhno v devedesetih delezhih svojega vedenja) po determinizmu svoje (socialne — institucionalne) vloge. 61 LiVeS Journal Only through error of transcendence in some strange time-loop can an individual see. If they contemplate it, immerse themselves spiritually enough or imagine it strongly enough, they can foretell what will happen in reality, because it already took place in the parallel reality, or it is doing so in that moment. Any reproach that female roles are neglected in the play, not fatal enough, is superficial. Fate, even when perceived as politics, is female in nature. Formerly, seaman believed that having a female on board would bring certain doom, that »she« is fatal. They had enough reasons to hold such a belief. The jealousy of the strong males, particularly satires, often brought about severe disputes and fights among them — sometimes, in legend of course, entire wars. Today, things are certainly different even though some romantics still hold on to this explanation. Shus's Theory of Seeing or Foreseeing Games Before passing to an entirely different reality, I need to spend at least a few words describing Shus's theory and practice of foreseeing. I must also say, he deemed it very important that it not be mixed up with any theory of clairvoyance or any sort of psychic activity. He believed the latter to be one of Their greatest means of manipulation (which is still quite an unusual position today). He says something along the lines of: They usurped the explanations of the ambiguous and unspecified in the prediction of Man's and mankind's future, particularly catastrophes. Let us take, for example, the most notable manipulations with the predictions of Nostradamus. They frequently use, i.e. abuse these with a variety of intentions, to put their scenarios in place. The mass media serve as their intermediaries. They manipulate with tremendous efficiency and are themselves manipulated. Sowing superstition among the crowds, they reap substantial financial gains. What They find most important is the spreading of influence and power; the aim of their manipulation is to arrange and update forecasts and include them in Their world-ruling schemes. Still more often they use said predictions to excuse Their greatest blunders — errors in the great scenario of world history. Yes, sometimes they make grave mistakes wrongly predicting the course of events; then history along with its individual braggart actors or spearheads causes great destruction, much greater than They had anticipated. The same principles are used by smaller regional, local, and institutional notables in power, wielding less though still too much authority and of course by their squires (sycophants) grey eminences. In Shus's opinion this theory's greatest weakness was its bias and partiality towards Their interest, which are reserved for the lives of the greats — the noted personalities, who as a result became much greater and more notable than they would actually deserve. If we now turn to Shus's theory of prediction it becomes evident that it is much less attractive than the method I just described. It posits that individuals (in approximately nine tenths of their conduct) act in accordance with the determinism of their (social — institutional) role. 62 LiVeS Journal To je, preprosteje recheno, tako, kot se od njih prichakuje. Zato Shus zelo skrbno preuchuje Vrednotne sisteme institucij. To je nekaj, kar je nad pravili igranja vlog, zakoni. Nekoliko kunshtneje recheno, zanimajo ga vrednote institucij sistema, ki utemeljujejo zakone in druga pravila ali norme ravnanja, obnashanja. Preostale poteze vlechejo individuumi (to je kakih deset delezhev svojega ali svojskega ravnanja) po svojih nagnenjih oz. karakternih potezah. Kadar se Shus zmoti v predvidevanju ravnanja posameznika ali skupine, se navadno ne zmoti zaradi nepoznavanja njihovih znachajev, she manj posebej ne-znachajev nastopachev. Ti imajo namrech neverjetno podobne vzgibe ravnanja, razlikujejo se po nachinu izvedbe dejanja, ampak to je she vedno v okviru prichakovanega ravnanja in je v skladu z njihovo vlogo, ki jo igrajo. Zmoti se, ko individuumi zazhive spontano, ko ravnajo v skladu s svojo svobodno voljo. Problematichni so torej manjshi deli (oz. redkejshi vzgibi) chlovekovega spontanega in zato nepredvidljivega (oz. nerazumljivega) ravnanja. Ti so aktualni pri redkih posameznikih in she pri njih ne prav pogosto.. »She dobro (se rad poshali), da ta svoj najvechji dar redki njih tako redko uporabijo.« Dobro je seveda za tiste, ki zhele predvideti, kar se da natanchno, kaj se z njimi dogaja, in she bolj za tiste, ki jih uravnavajo, upogibajo, zasuzhnjujejo, skratka tiste, ki jim vladajo. V resnici pa je Shus zelo cenil svobodno voljo, resnichno jo je shtel za najlepsho dobrino chloveka, ki jo ta, zhal, zelo reko uporabi. Profesor Zveifelgeist ga je drazhil, da je to svojo teorijo pobral po teoriji kvantne mehanike, pa ne bo tako. Ta Shusova teorija ni njegova, stara je zhe vech kot 2000 let. Nasprotno pa je najbolj sovrazhil zakon mnozhice — drhali, njen linch in brezumne pogrome, morije brezglavih vojska. Bolj od te pa le she njihove zvodnike, hujskache. Odlochno je zavrachal poenostavitev, chesh da je vsa resnica vse, kar mu pride na misel, ali pa vse tisto, v kar dregne z nosom, kot je to pochel Molierov Mizantrop. Vse je po bistvu vse, le alegorija jo priblizhno zaobjame. Eksemplifikacija je le zaradi konkretizacije abstraktnega in je strogo prebrana, premishljeno izbrana, ker ni bolj abstraknih rechi, kot so vrednotni sistemi, in nasprotno, ni bolj konkretnih, otipljivih stvaritev, kot so njihovi nosilci, kreatorji: konkretni ljudje z imeni in priimki. Vchasih je svojo teorijo javno preverjal. To je lahko storil le tako, da je potek prihodnjih dogodkov objavil, ko se mu je ravno ponudila prilozhnost. V takem primeru je posebej pazil, da je opisano dogajanje kar se da malo literarno garniral. Ob neki priliki je devet mesecev prej, preden se je zgodil, opisal svoj izgon iz Slovenke (predhodnice Slovenike). Da bi bil she bolj preprichljiv, je v Biltenu APS (Bilten sluzhbe za agitacijo in propagando Slovenke), knjizhici z naslovom (RoR) Raziskava o raziskovanju, opisal tudi nachin, kako se bo to zgodilo in zakaj se bo zgodilo. Za posebno posrecheno je shtel predvidevanje, da v chasu tega mukotrpnega devetmesechnega objavljanja tega ne bo nihche prebral, pa cheprav bodo odgovorni imeli RoR ves chas pred nosom. 63 LiVeS Journal Put simpler, they act the way they are expected to act. This is why Shus paid careful attention to the study of institutions' Value Systems. These are more than just rules governing the playing of parts, laws. To phrase it with a bit more complexity — he studied system's values upon which laws and other rules or norms of conduct or behaviour are based. The other individual's choice of moves (approximately one tenth of their particular conduct) is due their leanings or character traits. When Shus erred in predicting an individual's or group's actions, it was usually not due to his poor understanding of the braggarts' character, or and especially, lack thereof. The motivations of their actions are actually incredibly similar; they differ in the mode of execution, but remain within the limits of expected behaviour and in line with their roles. He erred when individuals began to live spontaneously and act in accordance with their own free will. The problem was therefore the smaller parts (rarer inclinations) of spontaneous and therefore unpredictable (or incomprehensible) behaviour. These only occur in rare individuals and even then not very frequently. »It's a good thing...« he liked to jest — »that so few so rarely make use of this precious gift.« It is, of course, good for those who would predict what is befalling them as precisely as possible; it is even better for those operating, bending, and enslaving them — i.e., ruling them. But in reality, Shus held free will in great esteem; he truly believed it to be man's best quality, which unfortunately gets used so very rarely. Professor Zweifelgeist would tease him that his theory was derived from the theory of quantum mechanics, but this was not the case. Shus did not come up with the theory, which is over 2000 years old. On the contrary, he most hated the rule of the masses — mob rule, lynching, and mindless pogroms, massacres by mindless armies. And he hated their pimps, their provocateurs even more. He firmly rejected the simplification that the whole truth is everything, which occurs to him, or everything, which he comes across, as adhered to by Moliere's Misanthrope. Everything is in its essence everything — only approximately framable through allegory. Just due to the concretization of the abstract is the exemplification carefully selected, because there is nothing more abstract than value systems and nothing more concrete and tangible than their holders and creators: concrete people with names and surnames. At times, he would publically test his theory. He could only do so by publishing future events when given the chance. In these cases, he took special care to portray events with as little added literary garnish as possible. On one occasion, he described his expulsion from Slovenka (Slovenika's predecessor) nine months before it happened. To make it even more convincing, he also included how and why it will happen in the APS Bulletin (The Bulletin of the Service for the Agitation and Propaganda of Slovenka) — a booklet entitled (RoR) Research of Researching. He thought it a particularly opportune prediction that no one would read this during this dreary nine-month period, even though the RoR would be right under the noses of those responsible the whole time. 64 LiVeS Journal To ni bilo malo tvegano dejanje, ker kaj lahko bi se zgodilo, da bi kdo Njih le uporabil svojo voljo in zadevo prebral. Potem bi vsekakor storili drugache. V tem primeru ne zaradi svoje svobodne volje, ampak zaradi tega, da se ne bi osmeshili. In to she danes pishe tako, ker metode spreminjanja stvarnosti in zgodovine za nazaj, tako kot je to opisal Georges Orwell, Oni she niso dognali oz. dovolj dobro osvojili. »Saj to ni res, ne more biti!« je rekel Shus in se chehljal z levo roko po bradi, se chudil, da je to mogoche, ko je kaj posebno dobro predvidel. Svoje teorije Shus seveda ni drzhal zase. Tajnosti nasploh ni maral in jo je ob prvi prilozhnosti, ko je bilo mogoche, izdal v nekakshnem prirochniku Traktat o svobodni volji individuuma in oz Proti diktatu determini%ma vloge in vrednotnih sistemov institucij. V tem prirochniku je razodel skoraj vse svoje recepte o predvidljivosti predvidljivega. Kot recheno, sta zanj v glavni igri le dva igralca, eden je individuum svobodne volje in drugi igralec je igra usode. In igra je v tem, da se posameznik neprestano poigrava s svojo svobodo na rachun slave in (dodajmo) mochi (oblasti), se ji odreka v korist (determinizma) vloge. Tu se zachno igre paralelnih (ne)stvarnosti nizhjega reda. Med posameznika in usodo se namrech vrinejo Oni, ki se izdajajo za usodo, pa to niso! Vechinoma nastopajo impersonalno, kot zbor ali imaginarno iz ozadja, kot »usodna politika« (ali politika, ki se kazhe kot usoda). Zato se nujno pojavijo protiigralci spielverderberji, ki zhele maskirano oziroma lazhno usodo na vsak nachin razkrinkati. Oni pa seveda zhele spielverderberje na vsak nachin ukiniti. Tudi ta paralelna igra, v variaciji poimenovana tudi Paralelna igra (administrativne ali zapisnishke parastvarnosti), je lahko dokaj dramatichna. Vendar je primernejsha za nadaljevanko ali nanizanko kot za uprizoritev igre. Takoj bom pojasnil, zakaj. Njena najvechja slabost je v tem, da nima pravega konca, she zachetek je lahko poljuben, poljubno se lahko razvleche za nazaj. Teoretichno je torej neskonchna. Kljub temu ali pa ravno zato je ta nova zvrst iger eden najvechjih izumov kultpropagande. Z njo je uspela obsesti in pasivizirati zasvojence, njene obchudovalce, tako zelo, kot she nobena vrsta iger doslej. V Ljubljani, marca 1996 65 LiVeS Journal This was no small risk; all manner of things could have happened if one of Them would just use their free will and read the thing. They would certainly have acted differently; in this case not due to the freedom of their will, but so as to not make fools of themselves. And what was written remains, because They do not yet understand or sufficiently grasp the methods of altering reality and history, as described by George Orwell. »This is not true; it can't be!« said Shus and scratched his beard with his left hand, in bewilderment when he predicted something particularly well. Shus of course did not keep his theory to himself. He generally disliked secrecy and published it at the first opportunity in form of a sort of manual Then on the Freedom of the Individual and/ or Against the Dictate of the Determinism of the Role and Institutional Value Systems. This manual contained almost all his recipes regarding the predictability of the predictable. As stated, according to him there are only two main players in the game — the individual with free will and the game of fate. The game is played by the individual, who constantly plays with his freedom at the expense of fame and (let us add) power (authority), and gives it up to the benefit of (the determinism of) the role. This is where the games of parallel (non-)realities of the lower order begin, as They insert Themselves between the individual and fate, proclaiming Themselves to be fate, which they are not! Mostly, They act impersonally as an assembly or imaginarily from the background, as »fated policy« (or policy presenting as fate). And so opposing players and game-spoiling individuals necessarily appear, who wish to unmask the masked or false fate at any cost. And They, of course, want to terminate the game-spoilers at any cost in turn. This parallel game, also known in a variant as the Parallel Play (of Administrative or Transcript Para-reality) can be quite dramatic. However, it is more suitable to series format than play format. To explain why this is the case: the Parallel Play's greatest weakness is that it can have no real end, even its beginning can be set arbitrarily and arbitrarily stretched backwards. It is therefore theoretically endless. In spite of this, or perhaps because of it, this new genre of play is one of cultural propaganda's greatest inventions; it managed to obsess and pacify addicts, who admire it to an extent unparalleled by any previous play. In Ljubljana, March 1996. Translated from Slovenian by Jaka Jarc 66 LiVeS Journal Damir Globochnik SLIKARSTVO FRANA TRATNIKA Fran Tratnik je bil virtuozen risar in eden prvih domachih modernih likovnih umetnikov, ki so risbo pojmovali kot samostojno umetnino. Z risbami vechjih formatov, s katerimi je na zachetku preteklega stoletja sodeloval na skupinskih razstavah, je napovedal ekspresionistichno obdobje v slovenski umetnosti. Velja za vmesni chlen med prvo generacijo likovne moderne (impresionisti) in mlajshimi ekspresionisti. Tratnikovo kvalitetno slikarstvo je ostajalo v senci risbe; celo v katalogu retorspektivne razstave in v monografiji, izdanima ob umetnikovi sedemdesetletnici, je njegovemu slikarstvu namenjeno sorazmerno malo pozornosti, cheprav je slikal v prav vseh ustvarjalnih obdobjih. Kot je po shtevilu pravzaprav sorazmerno skromen opus Tratnikovih risb, tudi njegovo slikarstvo danes zastopa samo nekaj deset slik. Obchasna odkritja doslej neznanih Tratnikovih slik in zapisi o nekoch razstavljenih slikah, ki pa jih danes ne poznamo vech, vodijo k misli, da je Tratnikovo slikarstvo poznano samo v fragmentarni obliki in da doslej she ni bilo natanchneje obdelano. Fran Tratnik je Kristini Brenkovi zaupal tudi anekdoto, ki je manj znana od tiste pogosto navajane o njegovi satirichni risbi na sholsko tablo, s katero je na svoj likovni talent opozoril uchitelja. Tratnik navaja Brenkovi, da mu je oche iz Celja prinesel shkatlico oljnih barv in chopichev. Slepo pestunjo Mico je dechek vprashal, katerega svetnika naj naslika na skoraj meter visoko platno. Mica je prosila, naj upodobi njeno zavetnico Marijo na oblakih. Mizar je napravil okvir. Pohvale sosedov in domachih so Tratnika spodbudile, da se je odpravil v zhupnishche v Rechico s proshnjo, naj zhupnik sliko obesi v oltar. Zhupnik mu je izrochil dvajsetico, svetoval, naj bo priden, slika pa ne more priti v oltar. »Zashibile so se mi noge, pobral sem ovojni papir na tleh, stisnil sliko pod pazduho, dvajsetico sem pa pozabil na mizi. Tam je ostala. Ves nemiren sem se vrachal s sliko chezprode Savinje domov in ko je bil zhe mrak, sem shel z njo spat na kozolec. Drugo jutro sem nesel 'Marijo' v podruzhno cerkev Kokarje, zabil sem klin in jo obesil na steno ob glavnem oltarju. Tam visi she danes v spomin na moje bolestno mladostno razocharanje.« 1 Tratnik je bil sprva delezhen skromne izobrazbe pri podobarju Gosarju v Celju. Leta 1898 je odshel v Prago z namenom, da se vpishe na likovno akademijo. Za sprejem v akademijo je bil premlad. Ostal je v Pragi in se poskusil sam izpopolnjevati na likovnem podrochju z risanjem razlichnih motivov in s prebiranjem knjig o slikarstvu. Naslednje leto je na podlagi predlozhenih risb lahko opravljal sprejemni izpit. Kljub nezadostni predhodni izobrazbi je osemnajstletni Tratnik postal redni shtudent prashke akademije.2 67 LiVeS Journal Damir Globochnik FRAN TRATNIK'S PAINTING Fran Tratnik was a painting virtuoso and one of the first Slovenian fine artists to perceive drawing as artwork in its own right. His large-format drawings, which he entered in group exhibitions at the start of the previous century, prefigure the expressionist period in Slovenian art. He is considered the link between the first generation of modern artists (impressionists) and early expressionists. Tratnik's high quality painting remained overshadowed by his drawing; even the catalogue of the retrospective exhibition and the monograph issued at the occasion of the artist's seventieth birthday pay comparably little attention to his painting, though he painted throughout all his creative periods. Tratnik's body of drawings is relatively small like his painting, which is presently represented in mere tens of paintings. Occasional discoveries of Tratnik's previously unknown paintings and writings mentioning formerly displayed paintings not all of which remain known today, lead us to believe that we only know fragments of Tratnik's painting and that his opus has thus far not been sufficiently examined. Fran Tratnik entrusted Kristina Brenkova with an anecdote, less well known than the more often cited story about his satirical drawing on the school blackboard, which first apprised his teacher of his talents. Tratnik explains how his father brought him a box of oil paints and brushes from Celje. The boy asked his blind nanny Mica, which saint he should paint on the almost meter-high canvas. Mica asked him to depict her patron saint Mary in the clouds. A carpenter built him a frame. The praise of neighbours and family encouraged Tratnik to go to the presbytery in Rechica and ask the parish priest to hang the painting on the altar. The priest gave him a twenty-coin, told him to be a good boy, but replied that the painting could not be hung on the altar. »I went weak at the legs, picked the wrapping paper from the floor, clutched the painting under my arm forgetting the twenty on the desk. It stayed there. Restless, I returned home with my painting across the Savinja River gravel, painting under my arm. When it got dark I went to sleep in the hayrack with it. The following morning I took 'Mary' to the affiliate church Kokarje, I drove a spike into the wall by the main altar and hung it there. There it hangs to this day — a reminder of my youthful disappointment..« 1 Tratnik received modest early instruction from artist Gosar in Celje. In 1898, he went to Prague to enrol in the academy of fine arts. He was too young to be accepted. He stayed in Prague perfecting his skills on his own, drawing various motifs and reading books on painting. The following year, upon presenting his drawings, he was allowed to take the entrance exam. At 18, in spite of insufficient previous education, he became a regular student at the academy in Prague.2 68 LiVeS Journal Tratnikovi akademijski uchitelji so bili vechinoma slikarji. Na prashki akademiji je en semester slikal pri prof. Bohumiru Roubaliku in en semester modeliral pri prof. Emanuelu Halmanu, nato se je vpisal na specialko pri prof. Václavu Brozhíku. Specialke, ki je trajala pet let, mu ni uspelo dokonchati, saj ga domachi niso mogli podpirati v zadostni meri. Oche mu je med pochitnicami predlagal, naj ostane doma in se prezhivlja s cerkvenim slikarstvom. S podporo celjskega advokata Jozheta Serneca se je leta 1902 lahko vpisal na akademijo na Dunaju, po izgubi Serncheve podpore pa je leta 1903 nadaljeval shtudij na akademiji v Münchnu. V prvem semestru je bil v razredu religioznega slikarja Karla Marra, nato se je prepisal na specialko prof. Angela Janka. V Münchnu se je spoprijateljil s slikarjema Walterjem Trierjem in A. Eberlom.3 Navezal je stike z Antonom Azhbetom, ki mu je pomagal s financhno podporo,4 in najbrzh je vsaj obchasno obiskoval Azhbetovo slikarsko sholo.5 Leta 1905 je oljno sliko »Pogorelci« (1905) razstavil v münchenskem Kunstvereinu. Slika, ki je prikazovala pogorishche Tratnikove rojstne vasi, je naletela na ugoden odmev in mu pridobila nekaj odkupov umetnostnih trgovin. Tratnik se je avgusta 1905 (tj. samo nekaj dni po smrti Antona Azhbeta) nastanil v ljubljanskem hotelu Ilirija in Ljubljanchanom ponujal izdelavo portretov ter je bil za nizko ceno pripravljen prevzeti tudi druga slikarska narochila. Slovenski narod, ki je Tratnika priporochal bralcem, navaja, da je v zadnjem chasu obiskoval Azhbetovo sholo v Münchnu.6 Tratnik se je jeseni 1905 vrnil v Prago. Obiskoval je slikarsko specialko pri prof. Hanushu Schwaigerju (1854—1912), ki je postal Tratnikov najljubshi akademijski uchitelj in kmalu tudi prijatelj. Tratnik je sicer menil, da Schwaiger in drugi uchitelji v njegovem delu niso zapustili trajnejshih sledov. Umetnishki sloves si je pridobil z objavami karikatur v cheshkih in nemshkih listih. Med prvimi objavljenimi Tratnikovimi karikaturami so bile tiste, ki jih je narisal za satirichni list Osa, ki je izhajal v Ljubljani v letih 1905 in 1906. Tratnik je v tem chasu nameraval z Vladimirjem Levstikom odpotovati v Pariz, a mu je to preprechilo pomanjkanje denarja. Z delom honorarja za edino znano sliko, nastalo med bivanjem v Ljubljani (portret Valvasorja, 1906),7 ki mu je ostal po poplachilu dolgov, si je lahko kupil vozovnico do Münchna.8 Navedba revije Slovan, da je bil Tratnik leta 1908 v Parizu, dopushcha mozhnost vsaj kratkega bivanja v tej umetnishki prestolnici.9 Tratnik se je leta 1909 vrnil v Prago. Druzhil se je s slikarjem Antoninom Slavichkom (1870—1910) in prof. Schwaigerjem. Njegove slike sta odkupovali umetnishki trgovini Tópich in Lukezh. Leta 1909 je postal chlan cheshkega Mánesa. Na razstavi Mánesa v Hagebundu na Dunaju leta 1911 je sodeloval z risbo »Slepci«. Neue Freie Presse je tedaj primerjala Tratnika z Goyo.10 Vojeslav Mole omenja sorodnosti med Tratnikom in cheshkim slikarjem Karlom Myslbekom.11 69 LiVeS Journal At the academy, Tratnik was mostly taught by painters. He spent a semester painting under Prof. Bohumir Roubalik and another semester sculpting under Prof. Vaclav Brozhik. He did not succeed in finishing the five-year specialist programme because his family was unable to lend him sufficient financial support. During the holidays his father suggested Tratnik stay home and make a living painting for churches. In 1902, the support of Celje based lawyer Jozhe Sernec enabled him to enrol at the academy in Vienna; after losing this funding he continued his studies in 1903 at the academy in Munich. In his first semester he took Karl Marr's religious painting class, transferring to specialist classes under Prof. Angel Jancek in the second semester. During his time in Munich, he coined a friendship with painters Walter Trier and A. Eberl.3 He also became acquainted with Anton Azhbe, who lent him financial support4 and possibly at least occasionally visited Azhbe's painting school.5 In 1905, he exhibited his oil painting »The Burnt« (1905) at the Munich Kunstwerein. The painting depicted burnt remains of Tratnik's native village and received a positive response resulting in a few orders from art dealers. In August of 1905 (i.e. mere days after the death of Anton Azhbe), Tratnik took up residence at Hotel Ilirija in Ljubljana, offering to paint portraits of Ljubljana's townspeople; he was also willing to take other painting orders at a modest price. Slovenski narod recommended his services at the time, stating that he recently frequented Azhbe's school in Munich.6 In fall of 1905, Tratnik returned to Prague. He took specialist painting classes with Prof. Hanus Schwaiger (1854—1912), who became Tratnik's favourite academic teacher and soon after also became his friend. Tratnik believed, however, that Schwaiger and his other teachers left no lasting impact on his work. He gained artistic repute through publishing caricatures in Czech and German papers. The caricatures he drew for the satirical paper Osa [Wasp], issued in Ljubljana between 1905 and 1906, were among the first he published. At the time, Tratnik intended to travel to Paris with Vladimir Levstik but could not afford to. He got paid for the only known painting he'd produced while residing in Ljubljana (Valvasor's portrait, 1906).8 With part of the fee left over after he'd paid his debts, he was able to purchase a ticket to Munich A reference in the Slovan journal, stating Tratnik was in Paris in 1908 allows for the possibility of at least a short sojourn in this artistic metropolis. In 1909 Tratnik returned to Prague. He socialized with painter Antonin Slavichek (1870—1910) and Prof. Swaiger. His paintings were sold by the Topich and Lukezh art dealers. In 1909 he became a member of the Czech Manes. He took part in the 1911 Manes' exhibition in Hagenbund, Vienna with the painting titled »The Blind«. At the time the Neue Freie Presse compared Tratnik to Goya.10 Vojeslav Mole notes similarities between Tratnik and the Czech painter Karl Myslbek.11 70 LiVeS Journal Tratnik je z izjemo omenjenega obiska Ljubljane zhivel v tujini; v Pragi je prezhivel sedem, v Münchnu pet let. Tratnikov likovni izraz se je formiral brez kakrshnihkoli povezav s slovenskim okoljem. Okrog 250 Tratnikovih del je ostalo na Cheshkem,12 mnoga v Nemchiji. Vech Tratnikovih del, nastalih na Gorishkem, je bilo unichenih med prvo svetovno vojno. Fran Tratnik je bil v prvem desetletju 20. stoletja slovenski publiki do neke mere znan po zaslugi objavljenih risb v revijah Slovan (»Zima v zimi«, 1902/1903, sht. 2, »Judezheva zadnja pot«, 1902/1903, sht. 5, »Na dvorishchu charovnice«, 1905, sht. 9, »Po berachevi sezoni«, 1908, sht. 4, »Malopridni sin«, 1908, sht. 5) in Dom in svet (»Lenora«, 1906, sht. 7, »Samotni potnik«, 1906, sht. 11). Sodeloval je tudi na Jugoslovanski umetnishki razstavi, ki je bila 1904 v Beogradu (razstavil je pejsazh »Vas Kokarje«). Veljal je za najboljshega domachega risarja. Njegove risbe naj bi poleg slik impresionistov izstopale na III. slovenski umetnishki razstavi leta 1909, na kateri je razstavil tudi risbo »Slepci na soncu«. »Troje ljudi z ugaslimi ochmi i%te%a obrabe v pramen zharke solnchne luchi, muko na licu, neuteshjivo hrepenenje v sleherni chrti telesa. Ta prizor se nam predstavlja v interpretaciji virtuozne Tratnikove poteze z mochno, skoraj monumentalno tragiko. /.../ V grafichnem delu razstave ni videti nichesar, kar bi se dvigalo do kolichkaj enake vishine." 13 Risba »Slepci« je simbolichna vizija skupine treh oseb, ki hrepenijo po svetlobi. Obrazi so bolestni in trpechi, ochi brez zenic. Telesi obeh mozh, narisani kot bi bili zdruzheni v eno deblo, ponazarjata njuno skupno usodo. Zhenska ima vdano sklonjeno telo. Stanko Vurnik je »Slepce« opredelil za »najmonumentalnejsho umetnino slovenske moderne«,14 Josipa Regalija so zaradi Tratnikove precizne risarske tehnike in mehkih prehodov med telesnimi oblikami spominjali na kiparstvo Rodinove shole.15 Tratnikov motiv »hrepenenja po svetlobi«,16 simbolichno vsebinsko izraznost in njegovo pozornost za socialno problematiko so vechkrat primerjali s prozo Ivana Cankarja. Tratnik ni bil samo simbolist. Z zgodnjimi deli je postal predhodnik slovenskih ekspresionistov oziroma prvi ekspresionist (mdr. risbi »Zlochin« (1905) in »Iz norishnice« (1907)). Tratnikove risbe so razkrivale socialno bedo. Risbi »Zhrtve« (naslov tudi »Iz senc zhivljenja«, 1912) in »Glad« (1913) bi lahko vzdrzhali primerjavo z risbami Käthe Kollwitz, ki je upodabljale zhivotarjenje berlinskih proletarcev. Ekspresivni poudarki so bili prisotni tudi na Tratnikovih karikaturah v cheshkih satirichnih listih (npr. v Koprivy, 1908/1909). Pri karikaturah je pogosto posegal po ostri, kot z nozhem potegnjeni chrti, in upodabljal groteskne figure. 71 LiVeS Journal With the exception of his afore mentioned stay in Ljubljana, Tratnik lived abroad; he spent seven years in Prague, and five years in Munich. His artistic expression was shaped outside any connection to Slovenian environment. About 250 of his works remained in Czech,12 many stayed in Germany. Several works, which he created in the Gorishko region were destroyed during World War I. In the first decade of the twentieth century, the Slovenian public was somewhat aware of Fran Tratnik by virtue of drawings he published in the Slovan journal (»Winter in Winter«, 1902/1903, no. 2, »Judas's Final Journey«, 1902/1903, no. 5, »In the Courtyard of the Witch«, 1905, no. 9, »After the Beggar's Season«, 1908, no. 4, »The No-Good Son«, 1908, no. 5) and in Dom in svet (»Lenore«, 1906, no. 7, »The Lone Traveller«, 1906, no. 11). He also took part in the 1904 Yugoslav art exhibition in Belgrade (he exhibited the landscape »The Village of Kokarje«). He was deemed the best Slovenian drawing artist. Next to paintings by impressionists, his drawings professedly stood out at the third Slovenian art exhibition in 1909, where he also showed his painting »The Blind in the Sun«. Three people with extinguished eyes extending their faces into a ray of glaring sunlight, suffering and inextiguishable longing reflected in every line on their bodies. This is the scene captured with near monumental tragedy in the interpretation of Tratnik's skilful strokes. /.../ The graphics section of the exhibition features nothing on even remotely such a high level.«1 The drawing of the blind is a symbolic vision of a group of three yearning for light. Their faces are sickly and suffering, their eyes have no pupils. Bodies of the two men drawn as though melded into a single trunk represent their shared fates. The body of the woman is bent in acquiescence. Stanko Vurnik defined »The Blind« as »the most monumental artwork of Slovenian Modern Art«;14 Tratnik's precise drawing technique and soft transitions between body shapes reminded Josip Regalij of sculpting of the Rodin school.15 Tratnik's motif of »yearning for the light«16 along with his symbolic expression of content and attention to social issues have often been compared to the prose of Ivan Cankar. Tratnik was more than a symbolist. His early works make him a precursor to Slovenian expressionists, or in fact the first Slovenian expressionist (represented among others in »Crime« (1905) and »From the Madhouse« (1907)). Tratnik's drawings revealed social misery. The drawings »Victims« (also titled »From the Shadows of Life«, 1912) and »Famine« (1913) could compare to the drawings of Käthe Kollwitz, who depicted the abject existence of the Berlin proletariat. Expressionist emphasis can also be detected in Tratnik's caricatures published in Czech satirical papers (for example Koprivy, 1908/1909). In his caricatures he often used sharp strokes, as though drawn by a knife, and drew grotesque figures. 72 LiVeS Journal Tratnikova risba ima mochno naglasheno humanistichno komponento. Izbor motivov (berachi, cigani, delavci) izprichuje globoko naklonjenost do ljudi, ki so bili potisnjeni na rob druzhbe. Tratnik, ki je bil izjemno pishoch, je v enem od »aforizmov o umetnosti« zapisal: »Umetnik, ki hoche spoznati pravo lepoto, mora globlje v zhivljenje, v bolechino in bolest, kamor ga naj vodi ljubezen in sochutje; zakaj tam je ognjishche, kjer se chisti dusha chlovekova, ne vpovrshnem zhivljenju, v blagru in uzhivanju.« 17 Janku Kralju pa je zaupal: »Trpkost usode me je vedla globoko v zhivljenje, kjer sem greshil in molil; trpljenje mije bilo zhe sladkost; vse pa je spajalo srce v svojem zrcalu in vzhigalo v dushi bolest. In kot bi utrl solzo z ochesa, sem vchasih z okorno roko majhnega znanja naznachil v risbi utrinek iz tezhkega zhivjenja ...« 18 Tratnikova odlochitev za preselitev v Bilje pri Gorici je bila povezana z njegovim bolehanjem za jetiko in z narochilom, da v Gorici naslika portret Mihaela Voshnjaka. Njegovo najpomembnejshe delo v gorishkem obdobju je risba »Delo na polju« (1914). Tratnik je figure treh kmetic zasnoval posamichno, na risbi pa jih je povezal v organsko, nerazdeljivo celoto. Telesa figur se upogibajo pod tezho dela in sledijo valovanju zhitnega polja. Kot apoteoza poljedelskega dela je zasnovana tudi risba »Sejalec« (1915). Izidor Cankar je v Slovanu objavil Tratnikove pripravljalne risbe za posamezne figure »Dela na polju« in tudi druge risbe, v komentarju pa omenja Tratnikove pokrajine. »Tratnik je brez dvoma nash najboljshi risar, in ko bi se ne omejeval zgolj na grafiko, bi bil najizrazitejsha osebnost nashega sodobnega slikarstva, slikar-vodnik. Njegovo umetnishko tezhenje je obenem tako, da bi ne pritegnil k sebi le mlajshega slikarskega narashchaja, temuch bi zhivo zainteresiral tudi obchinstvo in ga spravil s tezhnjami sedanje umetnosti, kar se mnogim drugim ni posrechilo. Njegovo delo je lepo in 'lepo'.« 19 Tudi na XII. umetnishki razstavi leta 1916 je bil Izidor Cankar pozoren na Tratnikovo slikarstvo. »Zanimivo je opazhati, kakshna notranja edinostje med Tratnikom-risarjem, kakrshnega smo doslej poznali, in Tratnikom-pokrajinarjem, kakrshnega se nam kazhe v razstavljeni oljnati sliki. Tehnika je druga, motiv razlichen in vendarje duh isti: duh formalne snazhnosti, jasnosti, umerjenosti in kot osnovno vsebinsko obchutje tiha zhalost, resignacija.« 20 Manj zanesljiva je navedba Slovenskega naroda ob Tratnikovi petdesetletnici, ki pa opozarja na dejstvo, da je Tratnik od leta 1912 slikal tudi pokrajinske in vedutne motive. »Doma je napravil mnogo sijajnih pokrajin, ki se vse odlikujejo po gbbokem chutu in originalnih barvnih harmonijah. Na nekaterih je presherno vesel, na drugih pa zopet globoko elegichen in celo melanholichen.« 21 73 LiVeS Journal Tratnik's drawings display a manifestly emphasised humanist component. His selection of motifs (beggars, gypsies, workers) demonstrates a deep affinity for people pushed to the brink of society. In one of his »aphorisms about art« Tratnik, who was a prolific writer, noted: »The artist who wishes to recognise true beauty, must delve deeper into life, into pain and suffering, where he must be lead by love and compassion; for therein lay the hearth where the human soul is purified, not in superficial life of leisure and enjoyment.«11 He confided the following in Janko Kralj: »The bitterness of destiny lead me deep into life, where I sinned and prayed; suffering was already sweet to me; and all of this was fused by my heart in its mirror igniting suffering in my soul. And as though wiping a tear from my eye, I would now and then, with blundering hand of little skill, trace in a drawing a glimpse from a hard life...«18 Tratnik's decision to move to Bilje near Gorizia was tied to his tuberculosis and an order to paint Mihael Voshnjak's portrait in Gprizia. The most important piece from his Gorizia region period is the painting »Work in the Field« (1914). He devised figures of three farming women individually and tied them together in the painting to form a single indivisible organic whole. Their bodies bent under the weight of their toil follow the undulation of the wheat field. Another work devised as an apotheosis of farm work was his drawing »The Sower« (1915). Izidor Cankar published Tratnik's studies for individual figures of the »Work in the Field« as well as other drawings in Slovan. He also comments on Tratnik's landscapes. »'Tratnik is doubtless our finest drawing artist and should he not limit himself to graphics alone, he would be the most prominent personality of our modern painting, a painter-leader. At the same time, his artistic propensities are such that he would not only attract to himself a younger artistic following, but also rouse vivid interest in the audience reconciling it with the direction of present-day art, a task at which many others have failed. His work is both beautiful and 'beautiful'.«19 Izidor Cankar also paid attention to Tratnik's painting at the twelfth art exhibition in 1916, »It is interesting to observe, the level of internal accord between Tratnik the drawing artist we knew thus far and Tratnik the landscape painter, which is manifest in the exhibited oil painting. The technique is unalike, the motif dissimilar, but the spirit remains the same: a spirit of formal cleanliness, clarity, constraint and the fundamental essential sense of quiet sorrow and resignation.«20 The quote in Slovenski narod at the occasion of his fiftieth birthday is less reliable; it draws attention to the fact that since 1912 Tratnik also painted landscape and townscape motifs. »He painted many resplendent landscapes at home, all of which are exemplary in their emotional profoundness and innovative harmony of colour. Some delightfully merry, others deeply elegiac and even melancholy.«21 74 LiVeS Journal Tratnik je leta 1916 pripravil shest risb za ciklus Begunci, ki ga je izdala Umetnishka propaganda v Ljubljani. Risbe, ki jih spremljajo verzi Alojza Gradnika, prikazujejo matere z otroki in starce, ki so s Primorske pribezhali v Ljubljano. Podobno kot motivike slepote se je tudi motiva beguncev kasneje lotil she nekajkrat. Fran Tratnik naj bi se z oljnim slikarstvom zachel intenzivneje ukvarjati v chasu svojega tretjega bivanja v Pragi. Najprej ga je pritegnil cheshki impresionist Antonin Slavichek.22 Po prvi svetovni vojni je poleg risb zachel redno razstavljati tudi oljne kompozicije. Na XVII. umetnostni razstavi maja 1920 v Jakopichevem paviljonu je bil na ogled celoten razpon Tratnikovega likovnega delovanja, od risb »Kovach« (1908), »Berachi« (1920) idr. do najnovejshih slikarskih del (»Suzana«, »Starec«, »Mira«). France Stele je Tratnika oznachil za »slikarja v chrnobelem nachinu — grafika«, pri slikarski tehniki pa je opozoril na sorodnosti z Rihardom Jakopichem.23 Tratnikova impresionistichna slikarska tehnika, s katero je dematerializiral telesnost »Rdechelaske«, je spominjala na Riharda Jakopicha. Z istimi sredstvi je lahko poustvaril barvno dinamiko ali obchutje barvne patine (»Glava starca«). Na XIX. umetnostni razstavi v Jakopichevem paviljonu leta 1921 je razstavil sedem slik (»Slepa«, »Uchenca«, »Mati in otrok«, »Inspiracija«, »Pianissimo«, avtoportret, portret). »S svojo pastozno tehniko, slonecho samo na barvi brez direktnih risarskih pomochkov ustvari Tratnik pester barven milje, s katerim dvigne svoje modele iz realne okolice v fantastichni svet barvnih prikazni. Najdaje gre v ti smeri njegov lastni portret.« 24 Izstopala je kompozicija »Slepa«, ki ima avtobiografski znachaj. Tratnikova pestunja Mica je bila slepa od rojstva. »Slepa Micaje skrbno bdela nad nami, ker vidji je nadomeshchal razviti instinkt slutnje, sluha in tipa.« 25 Tratnik je na tej kompoziciji z barvnimi lisami ponazoril dozhivetje barve in svetlobe. Slepa zhenska svetlobe ne vidi, a jo obchuti in hrepeni po njej. »Slepa, ki tipa v svoji okolici, sluti luch po barvnih reakcijah ochesne mrezhice, ki jih imamo, che zapremo oko in gledamo proti solncu in luchi; Tratnik jih je prenesel na okolico Slepe in s tem dal slutiti gledalcu to, kar se dogaja v ochesu revice, ki tipljeproti svetlobi.« 26 Tratnik je pogosto spreminjal slikarsko tehniko. Razplastenje barve in njeno povezovanje je na primer pri »Slepi« drugachno kot na istega leta naslikani kompoziciji »Preroka«. Kasneje se je na Tratnikovih slikah iz prepleta barvnega tkiva izlushchila linija, ki omejuje naslikani figuralni motiv in njegove temeljne sestavine. Upodabljanje polnoplastichnih figur, modeliranje z barvo in stilizacija telesnosti postavljajo Tratnikovo slikarstvo v tridesetih letih 20. stoletja v blizhino nove stvarnosti. Tratnikova slika »Poprsje« je bila kot edina reprodukcija objavljena na naslovnici kataloga skupinske razstave slovenskih umetnikov septembra 1933, slika »Zlatolaska« (1936) pa na naslovnici prve shtevilke revije Umetnost. Slednja slika je bila tedaj v lasti dr. Izidorja Cankarja. Tratnik je naslikal vech podobnih »Rdechelask« oziroma »Zlatolask« z bujnim, napol golim poprsjem. 75 LiVeS Journal In 1916, Tratnik made six drawings for his Refugees cycle published by Umetnishka propaganda Ljubljana. Drawings accompanied with Alojz Gradnik's verse show mothers with children and old men from the Gorizia region, which took refuge in Ljubljana. Like the blindness motif, he would also revisit the refugees motif. Fran Tratnik is believed to have undertaken painting more intensely his third time living in Prague, initially drawn in by the Czech impressionist Antonin Slavichek.22 After World War II, he began regularly exhibiting his oil compositions in addition to his drawings. The May 1920 17th art exhibit in Jakopich's Pavilion also included the entire range of Tratnik's artistic opus, from drawings such as »Blacksmith« (1908), »Beggars« (1920) et.al. to newer paintings (»Suzana«, »Old Man«, »Mira«). France Stele designated Tratnik »painter in the black&white vein — graphics« and drew attention to similarities between his painting technique and Rihard Jakopich.23 Tratnik's impressionist painting technique dematerialising the physicality of the »Redhead« was reminiscent of Rihard Jakopich. Using the same means, he could emphasise colour dynamics or a sense of patina (»Old Man's Head«). The 1921 19th art exhibit in Jakopich's Pavillion included seven of his paintings (»Blind Woman«, »Students«, »Mother and Child«, »Inspiration«, »Pianissimo«, self portrait, portrait). »Employing impasto, relying solely on paint, no painting implements, Tratnik creates a diverse milieu of colours elevating his models from a realistic environment into a fantastic world of coloured apparitions. The furthest in this direction is his selfportrait.«24 The composition »Blind Woman« stood out for its autobiographical nature. Tratnik's nanny Mica was blind from birth. »Blind Mica carefully watched over us, for her sight was supplanted with a developed instinct, hearing, and sense of touch.«25 In this composition, Tratnik depicted the experience of light and shadow using colour blots. The blind woman does not see light, but senses it and yearns for it. »Blind, feeling her way through her surroundings, she intuits light with the reactions of her retina to colours, such as we experience closing our eyes and turning towards the sun and light; Tratnik transferred them to the environment of the Blind Woman, allowing the spectator to intuit what is going on in the eye of the poor woman feeling her way towards the light.«26 Tratnik often alternated between techniques. He separated colour layers and assembled them differently in »Blind Woman« than in the composition »Prophet« painted the same year. Later a line emerges from the weave of his colour tissue that bounds the painted figure motif and its essential ingredients. His positioning of rounded three-dimensional figures, modelling with paint, and stylising the physicality of the flesh bring Tratnik's painting in the 1930s close to new materialism. Tratnik's »Bosom« was the only reproduction featured on the cover of the catalogue of the 1933 joint exhibit of Slovenian artists, while his »Blonde« (1936) appeared on the cover of the first issue of Umetnost magazine. At the time, the painting was in the possession of Dr Izidor Cankar. Tratnik painted several similar »Redheads« or »Blondes« with ample half-bare bosoms. 76 LiVeS Journal Zgovoren primer potrditve domneve o shtevilnih izgubljenih Tratnikovih slikah je skupina slik, s katerimi je sodeloval na Prvi razstavi celjskih likovnih umetnikov maja 1938 v mali dvorani Uniona v Celju. Recenzent razstave omenja slike »Sedecha zhena«, »Marija«, »Odpochitek«, »Katarina Celjska«, »kipredstavlja lepotni tip Tratnikovih 'Rdechelask'«, »Mati z otrokom na polju«. Tratnik je razstavil tudi risbe (shtudije za kompoziciji za osnovno sholo na Bezhigradu, »Livarna«).27 Tratnika je zanimala tudi monumentalna figuralna kompozicija. Veliko kompozicijo »Slepci« (naslov tudi »Hrepenenje«) je naslikal po narochilu bana dr. Marka Natlachena za Dom slepih v Kochevju.28 Socialnih motivov ni slikal v barvi, zanje je bila edino primerna temachna ubranost risbe z grafitom in ogljem. Lotil pa se je slikanja velikih prizorov kmechkega dela. Sliki »Pomlad« in »Poletje« (320 x 220 cm) je leta 1936 narochila ljubljanska obchina za novo bezhigrajsko osnovno sholo.29 Leta 1939 je Tratnik na natechaju za slikarski okras banovinske palache v Ljubljani za osnutke »Beg pred Turki«, »Kmechki upor« ter za alegoriji suzhnosti in pravice prejel tretjo odkupno nagrado.30 Pripravljal je tudi shtudiji za veliki kompoziciji »Splavarstvo« in »Hmeljarstvo«, ki naj bi ju naslikal za dvorano Mestne hranilnice v Celju.3i 77 LiVeS Journal A telling example confirming our assumption that many Tratnik's paintings have been lost, is a group of paintings that appeared at the first exhibition of Celje artists in May 1938 in the small hall of the Celje Union. A reviewer of said exhibition mentions »The Sitting Woman«, »Mary«, »Repose«, Catherine of Celje«, »which represents the feminine beauty ideal of Tratnik's "Redheads'«, »Mother and Child in the Field«. Tratnik also displayed drawings (studies for »Foundry«, his composition for the primary school in Bezhigrad).27 Tratnik was also interested in monumental figural artistic composition. He painted his large »The Blind« composition to the order of Ban [Governor] Dr Marko Natlachen, for the home for the blind in Kochevje.28 He never painted social motifs in colour, these corresponded with the dark harmony of graphite and charcoal drawing. He did, however, undertake painting grand scenes of farming work. His »Spring« and »Summer« (320 x 220 cm) were ordered by the Ljubljana municipality for the new Bezhigrad primary school. 29 In 1939, Tratnik won third place in a procuring competition for the painting adornment of the Gubernatorial Palace in Ljubljana with his studies for »Running from the Turks«, »Peasant Uprising«, and his allegories for slavery and justice.30 He was also preparing studies for the grand compositions »Timber Rafting« and »Hop Growing«, which he was purportedly painting for the hall of the Town Savings Bank in Celje.31 Translated from Slovenian by: Jaka Jarc 78 LiVeS Journal Opombe: 1 Po: Kristina Brenkova, »Pri Franu Tratniku«, Nash rod, 1941/1942, sht. 2, str. 34. 2 Po: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Moderna galerija v Ljubljani, 1952, str. 9. 3 Po: Zoran Krzhishnik, prav tam, str. 10. 4 Po: Zoran Krzhishnik, besedilo v katalogu Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Moderna galerija v Ljubljani 1951, str. 8. 5 Po: Ludvik Kuba, »Zasushena paleta«, Umetnost, 1937/1938, sht. 1/2, str. 14. 6 Po: »Ugodna prilika«, Slovenski narod, 1905, sht. 182. 7 »Valvazorjev portret«, Slovenski narod, 1906, sht. 243. 8 Po: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Moderna galerija v Ljubljani 1951, str. 10—11. - Chasovna umestitev nekaterih dogodkov v Tratnikovem zhivljenju in opredelitev njegovega likovnega razvoja sta v vechini besedil, likovnih kritik in drugih chlankov obchasno sporni. 9 Po: »Nashe slike«, Slovan, 1908, sht. 4 in 5. — Tratnik je konec leta 1922 obiskal tudi Firence (po: Janko Kralj, »Interview«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1923, sht. 1, str. 26). 10 Po: Umberto Urbani, »Slikar Fran Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1941, sht. 206. 11 Vojeslav Mole, »Cheshka in poljska umetnost na Dunaju«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1912, sht. 1, str. 22. 12 Po: Umberto Urbani, »Slikar Fran Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1941, sht. 206. 13 Vladimir Levstik, »Prva umetnishka razstava v paviljonu R. Jakopicha«, Ljubjanski zvon, 1909, sht. 9, str. 527. 14 Po: »Slikar France Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1931, sht. 127. — Stanko Vurnik (1898—1932) je pripravljal shtudijo za zbornik, ki naj bi izshel ob petdesetletnici Frana Tratnika (po: -o. (Bozhidar Borko), »Petdesetletnica slikarja Frana Tratnika«, Jutro, 1931, sht. 131). 15 Josip Regali, »Prva razstava v Jakopichevem umetnishkem paviljonu: Slovenski umetniki«, Dom in svet, 1909, sht. 8, str. 375. 16 Tematiko slepote so obravnavali tudi drugi slovenski umetniki: Ivan Napotnik, Bozhidar Jakac, Tone Kralj, Rihard Jakopich. 17 Fran Tratnik, »Aforizmi o umetnosti«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, sht. 9/10, str. 680. 18 Po: Janko Kralj, »Interview«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1923, sht. 1, str. 27. 19 Izidor Cankar, »Tratnikove risbe«, Dom in svet, 1914, sht. 9/10, str. 339. 20 Izidor Cankar, »XII. umetnishka razstava«, Dom in svet, 1916, sht. 7/8, str. 217. 21 »Fran Tratnik pri Abrahamu«, Slovenski narod, 1931, sht. 127. 22 Po: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Moderna galerija v Ljubljani 1951, str. 15. 23 Frst. (France Stele), »XVII. umetnostna razstava«, Dom in svet, 1920, sht. 7/8, str. 199. 24 France Stele, »XIX. umetnostna razstava v Jakopichevem paviljonu«, Dom in svet, 1921, sht. 7/9, str. 172. 25 Po: Kristina Brenkova, »Pri Franu Tratniku«, Nash rod, 1941/1942, sht. 2, str. 33. 26 France Stele, »XIX. umetnostna razstava v Jakopichevem paviljonu«, Dom in svet, 1921, sht. 7/9, str. 172. 27 Po: Fran Shijanec, »Razstava celjskih likovnih umetnikov«, Obzorja, 1938, sht. 7/8, str. 252. 28 Po: Stane Mikuzh, »'Slepci' Frana Tratnika«, Slovenec, 1939, sht. 283. 29 »Pomlad«: osrednja figura vrtnarja, ki privezuje pravkar cepljeno mlado drevo, za njim sejalec, ki stopa po zorani njivi, na levi sklonjena kmetica z motiko in jerbasom krompirja, otrok, ki se igra z rozho, v ozadju vasica, chreda ovac in Kamnishke planine, na katere pada jutranje sonce. / »Poletje«: zhanjica si je z desnico obrisala znojno chelo, v desnici drzhi srp, v levici snop zhita, levo zadaj kosec kleplje koso, desno mlada mati doji otroka, pred njo jerbas s sadezhi in prtom, v ozadju zhitno polje, Shmarna gora in Karavanke s Storzhichem, ki zharijo v vecherni zarji (po: Marijan Marolt, »Tratnikova 'Pomlad' in 'Poletje' v ljudski sholi za Bezhigradom«, Slovenec, 1937, sht. 211; Davorin Ravljen, »Dve veliki umetnini Frana Tratnika«, Jutro, 1937, sht. 213). — Slovenec je objavil dvoje detajlov obeh kompozicij, revija Umetnost (1977, sht. 1) pa shtudijo za sejalca na »Pomladi«. 30 Po: Rajko Lozhar, »Zgodovina Slovencev in nasha upodabljajocha umetnost«, Kronika slovenskih mest, 1939, str. 29. 31 Po: Marijan Marolt, »Tratnikova petdesetletnica«, Nova doba, 1931, sht. 47. 79 LiVeS Journal Notes: 1 In: Kristina Brenkova, »Pri Franu Tratniku«, Nash rod, 1941/1942, 2, p. 34. 2 In: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana, 1952, p. 9. 3 In: Zoran Krzhishnik, ibid., p. 10. 4 In: Zoran Krzhishnik, text in the catalogue Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Modern Gallery in Ljubljana, 1951, p. 8. 5 In: Ludvik Kuba, »Zasushena paleta«, Umetnost, 1937/1938, 1/2, p. 14. 6 In: »Ugodna prilika« Slovenski narod, 1905, 182. 7 »Valvazorjev portret«, Slovenski narod, 1906, 243. 8 In: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana, 1951, pp. 10—11. — Chronological order of certain events in Tratnik's life and determining his artistic development in most texts, artistic reviews, and other articles are at times disputable. 9 In: »Nashe slike«, Slovan, 1908, 4 in 5. — At the close of 1922, Tratnik also visited Florence (in: Janko Kralj, »Interview«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1923, 1, p. 26). 10 In: Umberto Urbani, »Slikar Fran Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1941, 206. 11 Vojeslav Mole, »Cheshka in poljska umetnost na Dunaju«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1912, 1, p. 22. 12 In: Umberto Urbani, »Slikar Fran Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1941, 206. 13 Vladimir Levstik, »Prva umetnishka razstava v paviljonu R. Jakopicha«, Ljubjanski zvon, 1909, 9, p. 527. 14 In: »Slikar France Tratnik«, Slovenec, 1931, 127. — Stanko Vurnik (1898—1932) was preparing a study for a miscellany that was to be issued at Fran Tratnik's fiftieth birthday. (in: -o. (Bozhidar Borko), »Petdesetletnica slikarja Frana Tratnika«, Jutro, 1931, 131). 15 Josip Regali, »Prva razstava v Jakopichevem umetnishkem paviljonu: Slovenski umetniki«, Dom in svet, 1909, 8, p. 375. 16 Other artists also undertook the blindness theme: Ivan Napotnik, Bozhidar Jakac, Tone Kralj, Rihard Jakopich. 17 Fran Tratnik, »Aforizmi o umetnosti«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1918, 9/10, p. 680. 18 In: Janko Kralj, »Interview«, Ljubljanski zvon, 1923, 1, p. 27. 19 Izidor Cankar, »Tratnikove risbe«, Dom in svet, 1914, 9/10, p. 339. 20 Izidor Cankar, »XII. umetnishka razstava«, Dom in svet, 1916, 7/8, p. 217. 21 »Fran Tratnik pri Abrahamu«, Slovenski narod, 1931, 127. 22 In: Zoran Krzhishnik, Fran Tratnik, Retrospektivna umetnostna razstava, Modern Gallery in Ljubljana, 1951, p. 15. 23 Frst. (France Stele), »XVII. umetnostna razstava«, Dom in svet, 1920, 7/8, p. 199. 24 France Stele, »XIX. umetnostna razstava v Jakopichevem paviljonu«, Dom in svet, 1921, 7/9, p. 172. 25 In: Kristina Brenkova, »Pri Franu Tratniku«, Nash rod, 1941/1942, 2, p. 33. 26 France Stele, »XIX. umetnostna razstava v Jakopichevem paviljonu«, Dom in svet, 1921, 7/9, p. 172. 27 In: Fran Shijanec, »Razstava celjskih likovnih umetnikov«, Obzorja, 1938, 7/8, p. 252. 28 In: Stane Mikuzh, »'Slepci' Frana Tratnika«, Slovenec, 1939, 283. 29 »Pomlad« [»Spring«]: central figure - gardener fastening a just grafted sapling, sower behind him walking a ploughed field, left - bent woman farmer with hoe and basket of potatoes, child playing with flower, background: village, herd of sheep, Kamnik mountains illuminated by morning sun. / »Poletje« [»Summer«]: Woman harvester wipes her sweaty brow with her right hand holding a sickle, a sheaf of wheat in her left. Back left - mower sharpens scythe, right -young mother nurses her child a wicker basket with fruit and a tablecloth before her, Background: wheat field, Shmarna gora and Karawanken range with Storzhich bathing in evening sunshine. (in: Marijan Marolt, »Tratnikova 'Pomlad' in 'Poletje' v ljudski sholi za Bezhigradom«, Slovenec, 1937, 211; Davorin Ravljen, »Dve veliki umetnini Frana Tratnika«, Jutro, 1937, 213). — Slovenec published two details from both compositions, and Umentost (1977, 1) a study for the sower of »Pomlad«. 30 In: Rajko Lozhar, »Zgodovina Slovencev in nasha upodabljajocha umetnost«, Kronika slovenskih mest, 1939, p. 29. 31 In: Marijan Marolt, »Tratnikova petdesetletnica«, Nova doba, 1931, 47. 80 LiVeS Journal Fran Tratnik LIKOVNA DELA / REPRODUKCIJE/ 1 »Slepci«, 1911 (1909 ?), grafit na papirju, 83 x 64 cm (Moderna galerija v Ljubljani) 2 »Glava starca«, okrog 1916, olje, platno, 58,5 x 43,5 cm (Umetnostna galerija Maribor) 3 »Rdechelaska«, 1919, olje, platno, 82 x 67,5 cm (Moderna galerija v Ljubljani) 4 »Uchenca«, 1921, olje, platno, 76 x 61,5 cm 5 »Slepa«, 1921. olje, platno, 111,5 x 82,5 cm (Moderna galerija v Ljubljani) 6 »Suzana« (morda okrog 1920), olje, platno, 79 x 59 cm (Umetnostna galerija Maribor) 7 »Vedezhevalka«, 1935, olje, platno, 96,5 x 57 cm 8 »Begunci II«, 1916—1917, grafit na papirju, 119 x 105 cm (Muzej novejshe zgodovine Slovenije) Naslovnica: 9 »Delo na polju«, 1914, grafit na papirju, 84 x 69,5 cm (Moderna galerija v Ljubljani) Avtorji fotografij: Dejan Habicht, Matija Pavlovec in Lado Mlekuzh (MG), Igor Leskoshek in Damjan Shvarc (UGM), Sasho Kovachich (MNZS) Fran Tratnik Rojen je bil 11. junija 1881 v kmechki druzhini v Potoku ob Dreti (Gornji Grad). V letih 18961897 se je uchil pri podobarju Iv. N. Gosarju v Celju. Slikarstvo je shtudiral v Pragi (18991901, specialka pri prof. Vaclavu Brozhiku), na Dunaju (1902-1903, specialka prof. Aloisa Deluga), v Münchnu (1903-1905, prof. Karl Marr, specialka pri prof. Angelu Jancku) in zopet v Pragi (1905-1907, prof. Hanush Schwaiger). Do leta 1909 je zhivel v Münchnu, nato do leta 1912 v Pragi. Leta 1912 se je preselil v Bilje pri Gorici. Od leta 1914 je prebival v Ljubljani. Do leta 1921 je bil svobodni umetnik, nato je postal konsulent pri Pokrajinski vladi Slovenije in restavrator v Narodnem muzeju (1926-1947). Retrospektivno razstavo mu je leta 1951 priredila Moderna galerija v Ljubljani. Za zhivljenjsko delo je leta 1955 prejel Preshernovo nagrado. Umrl je 10. aprila 1957 v Ljubljani. 81 LiVeS Journal sl.4 sl.2 83 LiVeS Journal sl.4 84 LiVeS Journal sl.4 sl.5 sl.6 sl.7 sl.8 89 LiVeS Journal Fran Tratnik ARTWORKS / REPRODUCTIONS/ 1 »Slepci« [»The Blind«], 1911 (1909 ?), graphite on paper, 83 x 64 cm (Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana) 2 »Glava starca« [»Old Man's Head«], circa 1916, oil on canvas, 58,5 x 43,5 cm (Maribor Art Gallery) 3 »Rdechelaska« [»Redhead«], 1919, oil on canvas, 82 x 67,5 cm (Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana) 4 »Uchenca« [»Students«], 1921, oil on canvas, 76 x 61,5 cm 5 »Slepa« [»Blind Woman«], 1921. oil on canvas, 111,5 x 82,5 cm (Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana) 6 »Suzana« (possibly circa 1920), oil on canvas, 79 x 59 cm (Maribor Art Gallery) 7 »Vedezhevalka« [»Fortuneteller«], 1935, oil on canvas, 96,5 x 57 cm 8 »Begunci II« [»Refugees II«], 1916—1917, graphite on paper, 119 x 105 cm (Slovenian National Museum of Contemporary History) Cover: 9 »Delo na polju« [»Work in the Field«], 1914, graphite on paper, 84 x 69,5 cm (Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana) Photographs by: Dejan Habicht, Matija Pavlovec in Lado Mlekuzh (MG), Igor Leskoshek in Damjan Shvarc (UGM), Sasho Kovachich (MNZS) Fran Tratnik He was born on 11 June 1881 into a farming family in Potok ob Dreti (Gornji Grad). From 1896 until 1897 he was educated by artist Iv. N. Gosar in Celje. He studied painting in Prague (1899-1901, specialist studies with Prof. Vaclav Brozhik), in Vienna (1902-1903, specialist studies with Prof. Alois Delug), Munich (1903-1905, Prof. Karl Marr, specialist studies with Prof. Angel Jancek), and again in Prague (1905-1907, Prof. Hanush Schwaiger). Until 1909 he lived in Munich, then in Prague until 1912 at which point he moved to Bilje near Gorizia. From 1914 he lived in Ljubljana. He was a freelance artist until 1921 when he became a consultant for the Provincial Government of Slovenia and a conservation-restoration specialist at the Slovenian National Museum (1926-1947). Museum of Modern Art Ljubljana held his retrospective exhibit in 1951. In 1955 he received the Presheren Award. He died on 10 April 1957 in Ljubljana. 90 LiVeS Journal Anthony Ambrozic GORDIJSKI VOZEL - RAZVOZLAN (Slovenetski napisi v antichni Anatoliji) I Starofrigijski napisi — Zgodovinski uvod Konchnega razpleta hetitske zgodovine v Anatoliji ni preprosto obnoviti. Edino, kar se zdi nesporno, je, da so po propadu svojega imperija Hetiti zapustili svojo domovino na Anatolski planoti in odshli v Sirijo. Na izpraznjeno ozemlje so se priselila shtevilna ljudstva, med katerimi pa je bilo najvech Frigijcev. Vendar pa se zdi, da ti zgodnji frigijski priseljenci niso imeli strogega centralnega vodstva. Gorske verige ob obrezhju Chrnega morja in severnega Sredozemlja preprechujejo promet chez planoto s severa na jug, vendar pa je lazhje prehodna pot z vzhoda na zahod, in je zato sluzhila kot kopenski most med Evropo in Azijo. Prishleci so naleteli na tako izoblikovano ozemlje, na katerem so se lahko pojavili shtevilni majhni vladarji. Med 12. in 10. stoletjem pr. n. sht. je prishlo do postopne zdruzhitve Frigijcev v zahodni in osrednji Anatoliji. Na zahodu pa se je na egejskem obrezhju pojavilo vech novih grshkih mestnih drzhavic. Po grshkem izrochilu sodi ta frigijska selitev v chas trojanskih vojn (zgodnje 12. stoletje pr. n. sht.). Grki so tudi verjeli, da so Frigijci najprej prishli iz Makedonije in Trakije. Ne dolgo za tem, v 8. stoletju, so jih Asirci, ki so tedaj zacheli s svojo prevlado na Blizhnjem vzhodu, imenovali Mushki. V 9. stoletju pr. n. sht. so Frigijci zhe imeli svoje kraljestvo z dvema sredishchema — Gordijem in Midasovim mestom. Na svojem vrhuncu v 9. in 8. stoletju pr. n. sht. je njihovo kraljestvo obsegalo celotno Anatolsko planoto zahodno od reke Halis (zdaj Kizilirmak) pa vse do grshkih priobalnih mestnih drzhavic in njegovo ozemlje je v geografskem pogledu mogoche imeti za politichnega dedicha razpadlega hetitskega imperija. Izkopavanja v Gordiju in Midasovem mestu potrjujejo resnichnost grshkih legend o velikem bogastvu frigijskih vladarjev, she zlasti kralja Midasa. Ta izkopavanja prichajo tudi o visoki stopnji dovrshenosti gradbenih in trdnjavskih tehnik. Enako velja tudi za njihovo kovinarstvo, slonokoshchene rezbarije in lesoreshtvo. Starodavni zapisi prav tako hvalijo visoko kakovost frigij skih tkanin. Vendar pa je Frigija prenehala biti glavna politichna sila na zachetku 7. stoletja pr. n. sht. Vzrok so bili Kimerijci, ki so tedaj pometli po vsej Anatoliji.1 91 LiVeS Journal Anthony Ambrose GORDIAN KNOT UNBOUND (Slovenetic inscriptions in Ancient Anatolia) I Old Phrygian Inscriptions - Historical Introduction The final denouement of Hitite history in Anatolia is difficult to reconstruct. What appears to be certain is that, with the fall of their empire, the Hitites were swept out of their homeland on the Anatolian plateau in Syria. In the mass movement of peoples into the area that ensued, the predominant group was that of the Phryghians. However, it appears that these early Phryghian migrants were not organized into a strong central combination. Mountain ranges along the Black Sea coast and along the northern Mediterranean inhibit north-south traffic. Accordingly, the plateau afforded easier east-west passage and served as a land bridge between Europe and Asia. The geography the newcomers found lent itself to the formation of a number of small potentates. By degrees, however, what evolved between the 12th and the 10th centuries BC was a gradual Phryghian consolidation of most western and central Anatolia. To the west, a number of Greek city-states established themselves on the Aegean coast. Greek tradition has it that the Phryghian migration dates to the era of the Trojan war (the early 12th century). The Greeks were also convinced that the Phryghians had come from Macedonia and Thrace. Later, by the middle of the 8th century, the Assyrians, who were then becoming a power in the Near East, called them Mushki. By the 9th century, the Phryghians had formed an organized kingdom with its centers at Gordium and Midas City. Occupying the Anatolian plateau west of the Halys (now Kizilirmak) River right up to the Greek coastal city-states, this kingdom in its heyday in the 9th and 8th centuries could in geographical term be called the political heir to the disintegrated Hitite Empire. Excavations at Gordium and Midas City attest to the credibility of the Greek legends about the great wealth of the Phryghian rulers, especially that of King Midas. These excavations also attest to the high level of perfection in construction and fortification techniques. The same is true of their metal work, ivory carving, and woodcutting. Ancient writings also laud the excellence of Phryghian textiles. However, the early 7th century brought an end to the existence of Phryghian as a major political power. The culprit was the Cimmerian sweep through Anatolja.1 92 LiVeS Journal Izkopavanja v Gordiju jasno pokazhejo, da je do njihovega unichujochega vpada prishlo okoli leta 690 pr. n. sht. Na oslabljeno frigijsko ozemlje so nato pridrli Lidijci, temu sta sledili dve stoletji pod perzijsko nadoblastjo. Vendar pa je za nashe namene pomembno, da kljub lidijski prevladi (od poznega 7. stoletja do srede 6. stoletja) in poznejshi perzijski vladavini vse do druge polovice 4. stoletja pr. n. sht. ni niti eden frigijski kamniti napis, ki so ga nashli v Frigiji, vseboval nobene sledi lidijskega ali perzijskega jezika.2 Zatorej lahko zanesljivo sklepamo, da je bil frigijski jezik neprekinjeno v uporabi brez tujih pridatkov.3 Leta 334-333 pr. n. sht. so Makedonci pod vodstvom Aleksandra Velikega iztrgali Anatolijo izpod Perzijcev. Po ljudskem izrochilu je Aleksander tedaj v Gordiju presekal gordijski vozel s svojim mechem. Vendar pa niti tako drastichne reshitve politichnih tezhav niso preprechile, da njegov imperij ne bi bil kratkotrajen. Po Aleksandrovi zgodnji smrti so namrech prepiri med njegovimi nasledniki ta imperij razkosali she pred letom 300 pr. n. sht. Frigija je postala satrapija Selevkidov.4 II Napisi Grshka vladavina je bila smrtonosna za frigijski jezik. Iz tega chasa se je ohranilo okrog sto novofrigijskih napisov. Novofrigijski jezik je uporabljal uveljavljene grshke chrke, poln grshkih primesi, ter zdaj le she redko jezik celotnega napisa. Ponavadi je bil napis v grshkem jeziku, v novofrigijskem jeziku je bila le dodana formula proshnje.5 Zaradi velike in dolgotrajne izpostavljenosti grshkemu jeziku se je novofrigijshchina tako zelo razlikovala od svojega starofrigijskega temelja, da ju sploh ni mogoche ustrezno primerjati. Zato bi bilo v najboljshem primeru zelo negotovo, che bi jo uporabili za nekakshnega katalizatorja pri svoji metodologiji. Prvotno stanje jezikovne ohranjenosti starofrigijskega jezika pa nam prav nasprotno ponuja obilo parametrov za primerjavo njegovih besednih korenov in pomenov z narechnimi in knjizhnimi besedami danashnje slovenshchine. Starofrigijski napisi so se ohranili dobesedno »vklesani v kamen«. Napisi imajo she danes povsem tako obliko kot tedaj, ko so jih vklesali, che zanemarimo vremenske in fizichne poshkodbe. Nikoli jih nihche ni spreminjal, izkrivljal ali preurejal, kar se je sicer v mnogih primerih dogajalo s shtevilnimi knjizhnimi besedili med njihovimi prepisi in ponovnimi prepisi le-teh. Starofrigijski jezik se nam je ohranil na maloshtevilnih she celih kamnitih zapisih v pisavi, katere mnoge chrke spominjajo na tiste, ki jih najdemo v pelazgijski, etrushchanski in venetski abecedi. Cheprav si starofrigijski jezik vechino chrk sicer deli z grshchino, ima tudi pol ducata chrk, ki jih grshka abeceda ne pozna. Zato se zdi, da obe abecedi svojo pisavo chrpata iz istega skupnega vira, pri tem pa je vsaka prilagodila znake zahtevam njihovih fonetichnih potreb. 93 LiVeS Journal Excavations at Gordium clearly point to the destructive Cimmerian incursion around 690 BC. The resulting power vacuum brought a Lydian incursion followed by a two-century long Persian control. However, what is significant for our purposes is that despite the Ldian domination (from the late 7th to the mid-6th century) and the subsequent Persian rule to the latter half of the 4th century, not a single Phryghian stone inscription has been found in Phryghia containing a trace of Lydian or Persian.2 Accordingly, we can safely conclude that the Phryghian language continued to be used without introduction of foreign accretions.3 In 334-333 BC, the Macedonians under Alexander the Great wrested Anatolia from the Persians. By popular account, it was at Gordium that Alexander cut the Gordian knot through with his sword. However, even such drastic solutions to political problems could not prevent his empire to be short-lived. With his early death, quarrels among his successors brought about its fragmentation even before 300 BC. Phrygia became a Seleucid satrapy.4 II The Inscriptions Greek governance was the death knell of the Phryghian language. What remains from the period that followed are some 100 Neo-Phryghian inscriptions. Written in standard Greek characters, the Neo-Phryghian, already substantially adulterated by Greeks, was now seldom used as a language of the entire inscription. Generally, the inscription was in Greek, with only a supplicatory formula added to it in Neo-Phryghian.5 Because of its substantial and protracted exposure to the Greek language, the Neo-Phryghian had separated from its Old-Phryghian base to a degree that offers no valuable points of comparison. The pristine state of linguistic preservation of the Old Phryghian, on the other hand, proffers ample parameters of comparison to word roots and meaning of the dialectal and literary Slovenian language of today. The Old Phryghian comes to us, literally, »cast in stone« and from a small number of non-fragmented rock inscriptions in a script which in several characters resembles those found also in the Pelasgic, Etruscan, and Venetic alphabets. Even though the Old Phryghian and Greek alphabets share most of the letters, the old Phryghian contains half-a-dozen letter symbols not used by the Greek alphabet. It would appear, therefore, that the two alphabets drew their writing from a common source, each adapting relevant symbols to the dictates of their phonetic needs. 94 LiVeS Journal Datiranje starofrigijskih napisov ni natanchno in ocene za vsak posamezen napis se lahko razhajajo tudi za stoletje. Vendar lahko za vechino rechemo, da se to epigrafsko pisanje zachne v drugi polovici 8. stoletja pr. n. sht., posebno pogosto je v 7., 6. in prvi polovici 5. stoletja, ter se ohrani vse do makedonske zasedbe, po kateri izgine.6 Cheprav je vechina napisov zaradi erozije in poshkodb sicer tezhko berljiva, kar preprechuje natanchno transkripcijo, je manjshe shtevilo dobro ohranjeno. Slednje v tej knjigi skusham razvozlati. Sicer so za primerjavo uporabni tudi delno unicheni napisi, cheprav z veliko previdnostjo. Seveda se moramo pri tem vselej zavedati njihove okrnjenosti. Ta shtudija se bo v glavnem osredotochila na napise, ki so vsaj v vechjem delu celoviti in katerih transkripcija ni dvomljiva. (...) III Logistichne ovire (...) Pomembna znachilnost, ki nas bo nenehno spremljala, je izpostavljena chrka E, ki oznachuje zvok JE in ki se bo vedno znova pojavljala na zachetku besed. Angleshkemu YE ustreza slovansko JE. Podobno kot slovenetski jezik v Galiji je tudi starofrigijski jezik s chrko E vselej ponazarjal vrednost zvoka JE. V pomoch bralcu glede slovanskega glasovja bo tukaj povsod J pred E. V skladu s tem je mogoche zelo pogosti napis EDAES prebrati kot JE DA JES(T) — »naj bo tako, morda je tako, naj se zgodi tako.« Cheprav se zdi starofrigijski jezik malce zgodnejshi vzorec v okviru stare zgodnje slovenshchine kakor pa slovenetski v Galiji, imata veliko skupnih besed. V nadaljevanju bom bralca opomnil na tiste ustrezne slovenetske odlomke, v katerih se pojavijo iste skupne besede. Chetudi je starofrigijski jezik v shtevilnih primerih vzporeden slovenetskemu jeziku v Galiji, pa je starofrigijski videti nekako bolj narechen in manj kot knjizhna slovenshchina ter she veliko manj kot kajkavska in chakavska hrvashchina. Srbo-hrvashke besede kot IA, SVI, VRATOY, XTO (SHTO), NAMAY, KOY, GOY, GOT, BIRA, JAKO, TILO, MICA, PEROCO, MI, TIECI MI in I, ki smo jih srechali v Galiji, se v starofrigijskih napisih namrech ne pojavijo. V vechini primerov je celo srbo-hrvashki veznik I zamenjal slovenski veznik IN. Zato bo tukaj metodologija primerjanja besed in pomenov med starofrigijskim jezikom iz napisov in slovenshchino, narechno ali knjizhno. Cheprav bo glavni poudarek primerjave na knjizhni slovenski rabi, pa imata v vechini primerov knjizhna in narechna beseda enako obliko. (...) 95 LiVeS Journal The dating for the Old-Phryghian inscriptions is not precise and estimates for any specific passage may vary up to a century. However for the most part, it can be said that these epigraphic writings commence in the second half of the 8th century, are particularly manifested in the 7th, 6th, and the first half of the 5th centuries, and survive up to the Macedonian conquest in the 3rd century.6 Even though a good number of inscriptions suffer from weathering and damage, and, as a result, exact transcription for them is tenuous, a small number are in a good state of preservation. It is the latter that this work will endeavor to decipher. With all due caution, passages which are partly obliterated may serve as points of comparison. However, their handicaps should always be kept in mind. In the main, this study will focus on inscriptions which are, for the large part, complete and whose inscriptions are not in question. (...) III Logistical Handicaps A significant feature that will accompany us throughout is the bare E. Denoting a YE-sound (YE as in yellow) it will recur at the beginning of words time and again. The Slavic conversion for YE is JE. The Old Phryghian, as did Slavenetic of Gaul, invariably considered the bare E as adequate to represent the YE-sound value. To assist the reader acquainted with Slavic phonology, a J will precede the bare E in all such cases. Accordingly, the often encountered EDAES will read as JE DA JES(T). »so be it, may it be so, may it happen that.« Even though the language of the Old Phryghian appears to be of a somewhat earlier cast in the Old Early Slavic mold than the Slavenetic of Gaul, there are many words they have in common. As we go along, the reader will be alerted to the relevant Slavenetic passages in which such shared words appear. Although in many instances parallel to the Slavenetic of Gaul, the Old Phryghian emerges somewhat more dialectally and less literarily Slovenian and much less Kajkavian and Chakavian Croatian, or Serbo-Croatian words like IA, SVI, VRATOY, XTO (STO), NAMAY, KOY, GOY, GOT, BIRA, JAKO, TILO, MICA, PEROCO, MI, TIECI MI, and I which were encountered in Gaul do not recur in the Old Phryghian of the inscriptions. IN most instances, even the Serbo-Croatian I — »and« is replaced by the Slovenian IN. »and«. As a result, the methodology of the word and meaning comparison herein shall be between the Old Phryghian of the inscriptions and the Slovenian, either dialectal or literary. (...) 96 LiVeS Journal IV Napis Dd-102 M Hi i o T/A1 <1 5 Ta napis z desne na levo se nahaja na srebrni pivski chashi, kjer kot trak obdaja sredishche njenega dna (sedaj razstavni predmet sht. AD 2386 v Muzeju umetnosti in zgodovine v Zhenevi). Transkripcija: ^ surgastoy inas Razdelitev: SURG GASTOY IN NAS Slovenski dobesedni prevod: SRK GOSTOV IN NAS Angl. prevod: »Slurp (i. e. toast) of guests and us.« / »Pozhirek (na zdravje) gostom in nam!« / V zhelji, da bi bilo sporochilo kar najbolj gospodarno in kratko, so Frigijci pri tem napisu na dveh mestih za dve razlichni besedi uporabili eno samo chrko. Chrka G tukaj nastopa tako v besedi SURG kot v GASTOY, chrka N pa tako v IN kot v NAS. Kakor Sloveneti v Galiji so tudi Stari Frigijci namrech nadvse varchno uporabljali chrke. In ker tedaj she ni bilo v veljavi ustaljenih fonoloshkih ali slovnichnih pravil, so pach morali izvirno improvizirati, kakor so najbolje mogli. In ker bomo v nadaljnjih odlomkih pogosto naleteli na tak pojav, pri katerem ena chrka nastopa v dveh besedah, bomo to poimenovali »ukinitev dveh enako zvenechih zaporednih chrk«. Zaradi onomatopoetskega posnemanja zvoka »srkanja« v SURG (G>K SKR — slovensko — »srk, srebljaj, majhen pozhirek«), te besede ne bomo vkljuchili v nasho metodologijo primerjave besed in pomenov. Primerjava besed in pomenov: Starofrigijsko Pomen Knjizhna slovenshchina GASTOY (akanje) »gostov« GOSTOV IN »in« IN NAS »nas« NAS 97 LiVeS Journal IV Inscription Dd-102 A right to left inscription on a silver drinking cup on which it, in a band, surrounds the inner center bottom (now no. AD 2386 at the Art and History Museum in Geneva). Transcription: ^ surgastoy inas Division: SURG GASTOY IN NAS Sin. Lit. Translation: SRK GOSTOV IN NAS Eng. Translation: »Slurp (i.e. toast) of guest and us.« In their main concern to get the message across as economically and tersely as possible, the Phrygians here, in two instances, use a single letter to serve two different words. The G serves both SURG nd GASTOY, and the N both IN and NAS. As with the Slaveneti, in Gaul, the objective was to communicate in as thriftly a manner as possible. Further, since they had no established phonological or grammatical guidelines to go by, they had to originate and improvise as best they could. Since we will frequently encounter the phenomenon of a single letter serving two different words in the passages that follow, we will henceforth refer to it as the »consecutive same-sound letter reduction.« The onomatopoetic imitation of the »slurping« sound that SURG (G > K SRK — Sln. »slurp, sip«) makes precludes it from being included in the methodology of the word and meaning comparison. Word and Meaning Comparison: Original Phrase Meaning Lit. Sln. GASTOY (akn.) IN NAS »of guests« GOSTOV »and« IN »us« NAS Meaning »of guests« »and« »us« 98 LiVeS Journal General Geography of Old Phrygian Inscriptions Site Locations Sploshna geografija Stare Frigije Napisi - mesta najdishch 99 LiVeS Journal Old Phrygian Alphabet from W Sites Stara frigijska abeceda s spletnih strani W Left-to-right Texts Right-to-left Texts od leve proti desni od desne proti levi 1 A A fi A jQ A A A R 2 S 3 r 1 4 A A A 7\ (\ 5 MMFf 3 3 6 F i 7 I i 8 K K > 3 9 r 1 10 JK^ l^í pi fvj II r r 12 o o O 13 r r 14 p š 15 ^ ÍÍUIÍ * 1 * 16 T r 17 K -i r10 18 -T -T H t^/ 19 sp 1*08/09/10 T io 20 \j/01b 21 Cp 08 22 23 24 ?0B L'alphabet des siles If- 100 LiVeS Journal V Napis W-010 Ta napis izvira iz tako imenovanega »spomenika Arejastis«, ki se nahaja v borovem gozdu, miljo severno od izkopanin Midasovega mesta; njegova vodoravna vrstica poteka z desne na levo, druga navpichna pa od spodaj navzgor. Spomenik stoji na pobochju vzpetine nad cesto iz kraja Yazilikaya do Kucuk Yazilikaya. Transkripcija: ^ ataniyen : kuryaneyon : ta | negertoy Razdelitev: ATA NI YEN KURYA NEY ON TA NEGER TOY Vodich izgovorjave in postavljanja lochil: ATA, NI JENKURJA NEJ ON TA NEGER TOJ! Dobesedni slovenski knjizhni prevod: OCHE, NITI EDEN NAJ NE KURI TO NEHANJE TVOJE! Bolj sproshcheni slovenski prevod: OCHE, NAJ NIKDO NE ZAZHIGA TEGA TVOJEGA TRUPLA! Angl. prevod: »Father, let no one burn this corpse of yours!« Pri tem napisu izstopa znak za chrko Y, ki zvochno ustreza slovenski chrki J. Beseda ATA, narechno za »oche«, ne sodi v komparativno metodologijo, ne le zato, ker izhaja iz zgodnjih gibov otroshkih ustnic, temvech tudi zato, ker to besedo v podobnih oblikah uporabljajo shtevilni jeziki, med katerimi sicer ni nobene genetske povezave, na primer turshki in madzharski, che omenim le dva. 101 LiVeS Journal V Inscription W-010 —i _i •Aii ATiMmmittiWA The inscription is from the so-called »Monument of Areyast(is),« located in a pine forest a mile north of the »City-of-Midas« excavations, the horizontal line running right-to-left and the vertical second line from bottom-up. The monument is on the side of the high ground which overlooks the route from Yazilikaya to Kücuk Yazilikaya. Transcription ataniyen / kurjaneyon / ta /negertoy Division ATA NI YEN KURYA NEY ON TA NEGER TOY Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation: ATA, NI JENKURJA NEJ ON TA NEGER TOJ! Strained Lit. Sln. Translation: OČE, NITI EDEN NAJ NE KURI TO NEHANJE TVOJE ! Sln. Looser Rendition: OČE, NAJ NIHČE NE SEŽGA TEGA TVOJEGA TRUPLA! Eng. Translation: »Father, let no one burn this corpse of yours!« A notable feature of the inscription is the use of the symbol for the letter Y, which corresponds to the sound value of the Sln. J. ATA, colloquial for »father«, does not qualify for inclusion into the comparative methodology, not only because its origins are in the early lip movement of children, but also because comparable form are used by a variety of languages having no genetic affinity, such as Turkish and Hungarian, just to name two. 102 LiVeS Journal Primerjava besed in pomenov: Starofrigijsko Pomen Ni »ne, ni« YEN KURYA NEY ON TA NEGER TOY »en« »kuri« »naj« »on« »ta« »truplo« »tvoj, tvoje« Knjizhna slovenshchina NI, NITI EDEN (knjizhno) EN, JEN (narechno) KURI NAJ (knjizhno) NEJ (narechno) ON TA (G>H) NEHANJE TVOJ (knjizhno) TOJ (narechno) VI Napis G-136 TA^iirArUrif' Ta napis so nashli med izkopavanji v Gordiju in najbrzh izvira zhe iz 6. stoletja pr. n. sht. Narejen je na kipcu sokola iz alabastra, ki ima na vrezanem ovratniku en ovoj iz kamna in drugega iz brona. Odkrit je bil leta 1963 v brezhini iz perzijskega obdobja in ga zdaj hrani Arheoloshki muzej v Ankari. Transkripcija: ^ tadoy : iman | bagun Razdelitev: TADOY IMA N d BAGUN Vodich izgovorjave in postavitve lochil: TADOJ MA Nd BAGUN! Dobesedni slovenski prevod: Angl. prevod: Primerjava besed in pomenov: Starofrigijsko Pomen TADOY tedaj IMA ima N BAGUN »naj« »bog on/i« TEDAJ NAJ (GA/JO) IMA BOG! »Then, let god have (him/her)!« Knjizhna slovenshchina tedaj, torej IMA NAJ (knjizhno) N d (narechno) ONI (knjizhno) BOG UN (narechno) BOG 103 LiVeS Journal Word and Meaning Comparison: Original Phrase Meaning Lit. Sln. Meaning NI »no, not« NI, NITI »no, not« YEN »one« EDEN (lit.) »one« EN, JEN (dial.) KURYA »burns« KURI »burns, makes fire« NEY »let, may, NAJ (lit.) »let, may, let it, may it« let it, may it« NEJ (dial.) ON »he« ON »he« TA »this« TA »this« NGER »corpse« (G>H) NEHANJE »end, cessation, finish« TOY »your, yours« TVOJ (lit.) »your, TOJ (dial.) yours« VI Inscription G-136 TANofirAr-^flT' From possibly as early as the 6th century BC. This inscription is from the excavations at Gordium. It appears on a small alabaster falcon, whose sculpted collar has a fold of rock and one of bronze. Found in 1963 in an embankment structure from the Persian era, it is now in the Museum of Archeology Ankara. Transcription: ^ tadoy / iman / bagun Division: TADOY IMA N BAGUN Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation: TADOJ IMA N d BAGUN! SIN. Lit. Translation: TEDAJ NAJ (GA/JO) IMA BOG! Eng. Translation: »Then, let god have (him/her)!« Word and Meaning Comparison: Original Phrase Meaning Lit. Sln. Meaning TADOY IMA N BAGUN »then« TEDAJ »then« »has« IMA »has« »let, may, NAJ (lit »let, may, let it, may it« Let it, may it« N d (dial.) »god« BOG »god« 104 LiVeS Journal VII Napis G-144 Gornji napis se nahaja na dnu chrnega, glaziranega bazena iz gline, ki verjetno izvira iz 5. stoletja pr. n. sht. Zdaj ga hrani Arheoloshki muzej v Ankari. Transkripcija: estatoiavun Razdelitev: E STAT OIAV VUN Vodich izgovorjave in postavitve lochil: JE STAT OJAV VUN Slovenski narechni prevod: IMA OSTAT OJAV V d! Dobesedni slovenski knjizhni prevod: NAJ OSTANE NEPLODNOST ZUNAJ ! Opozarjam na »ukinitev dveh enakih zaporednih chrk« pri chrki V. Starofrizijshchina tukaj uporabi JE (3. os. edn. glagola BITI) kot pomozhni glagol v besedni zvezi, v kakrshni bi danashnja slovenska narechna raba sicer uporabila frazo, ki temelji na IMETI (DA). Temu je analogna francoska raba glagolov ETRE — »biti« in AVOIR — »imeti« kot pomozhnikov za razlichne glagole. Primerjava besed in pomenov: Starofrigijsko Pomen Knjizhna slovenshchina E »je« JE STAT »stoj« OSTATI (knjizhno) STATI (narechno) OJAV »jalov« JALOVOST, JALOV (knjizhno) JAVOV (narechno) VUN »ven« VEN (knjizhno) VcN (narechno) 105 LiVeS Journal VII Inscription G-144 The above inscription appears on the bottom of a black earthenware, glazed basin, and is attributed to the 5th century BC. It is now at the Museum of Archeology in Ankara. Transcription ^ estatoiavun Strained Sln. Lit. Trnslation : NAJ OSTANE NEPLODNOST ZUNAJ ! Eng. Translation: »Infertility, stay out!« Please, note the consecutive same-sound letter reduction in the letter E. The Original Phrase here uses the JE (3rd prs. sing. of BITI — »to be«) as auxiliary in a situation where today's Slovenian dialectical usage would call for one based on IMETI (DA) - »to have (to).« The French use of ETRE - »to be« and AVOIR -»to have« as auxiliaries for different verbs is analogous. Word and Meaning Comparison: Original Phrase Meaning Lit. Sln. Meaning E »is« JE »is« Division E STAT OIAV VUN Pronunciational Guide and Punctuation: JE OSTAT OJAV VdN! STAT »stay« OSTATI (lit.) »stay« STAT (dial.) OJAV VUN »infertility« JALOVOST (lit.) »sterility, infertility, infertile« »out« VEN (lit.) »out« VcN (dial.) 106 LiVeS Journal VIII Napis G-116 Ta napis je bil odkrit leta 1958 pri izkopavanjih v Gordiju na zemljishchu stavbe iz perzijskega obdobja in se nahaja na velikem oranzhnem vrchu iz gline. Transkripcija ^ benagonos Tukaj srechamo pojav betatizma v BEN, ki zato posledichno postane VEN; v knjizhni slovenshchini pomeni — »ven«. Dve chrki OS, ki ju bomo znova srechevali v shtevilnih naslednjih napisih, ostajata nespremenjeni ne glede na slovnishki chas, glagolski nachin ali osebo v danem odlomku, v katerem se pojavita. Pomen pa lahko sega od »ostani, preostani« do »naj, dovoli«. US — »dvig« sledi istemu vzorcu. Ta oblika spominja na vechnamenski glagolnik v aoristu, ki izrazha stanje ali dejanje brez vseh drugih pomenov ali omejitev. Razdelitev: BEN AGON OS Narechno slovensko: VdN OGdN OSTAN! Slovenski dobesedni prevod: ZUNAJ, OGENJ, OSTANI! Angl. prevod: »Stay out, fire!« Treba je opomniti, da ta napis izvira iz perzijskega obdobja. Tedaj se nihche, ki ga skrbi za blagor pokojnika, ne ubada vech z gozdnimi duhovi in kachami prejshnjega obdobja, temvech raje z ognjem. Zdi se, kot bi neugasljivi ognji zoroastrovskega pekla zhe postali neskaljena vedrina frigijske dushe. Primerjava besed in pomenov: Starofrigijsko Pomen Knjizhna slovenshchina BEN »ven« VEN AGON »ogenj« OGENJ OS »ostani« OSTANI 107 LiVeS Journal VIII Inscription G-116 Found in 1958 in the grounds of a building from the Persian period, the inscription from the excavations at Gordium appears on a large orange earthenware jar. Transcription ^ benagonos We meet the phenomenon of betatism in BEN, which,as a result, becomes VEN — Lit. Sln. — »out« OS, which will be encountered again in several inscriptions that follow, remained unaltered regardless of tense, mood, or voice called for in the relevant passage in which it appears. Its meaning may range from »stay, remain« to »let, allow.« US — »ruse« also follows this pattern. The form resembles an all-purpose aorist-cum-gerund, expressing a state or action without further implication or limitation. Division: BEN AGON OS Dial. Sln.: VdN OG 3N OSTAN! Sln. Lit. Translation: ZUNAJ, OGENJ ; OSTANI ! Eng. Translation: »Stay out, fire !« One should note that the inscription hails from the Persian period. The concern for the welfare of the departed is no longer with the forest devils and serpents of an earlier period, but rather with fire. The unquenchable fires of the Zoroastrian hell seem already to have been unthawing the serenity of Phrygian soul. Word and Meaning Comparison: Original Phrase Meaning Lit. Sln. Meaning BEN »out« VEN »out« AGON »fire« OGENJ »fire« OS »stay« OSTANI »stay« (...) 108 LiVeS Journal Sklep (povzetek) Minevanje stoletij ni bilo obzirno do izdelkov frigijskih kamnosekov v starodavni Anatoliji. Komaj po eden vrezan napis za vsako minulo stoletje se je neokrnjen ohranil do nashega chasa, kljub temu pa nam jih je ostalo dovolj, okrog shtiriindvajset, da lahko zachutimo te ljudi, ki so obdelovali starodavna polja, postavljali utrjena mesta in se schasoma povezali v kraljestvo. Iz njihovih ohranjenih napisov lahko sklepamo o etiki njihove kulture in duhovnosti, ki jih je vodila. Predvsem pa so nam ti v kamen vklesani odlomki ohranili neizkrivljeno podobo stare zgodnje slovenshchine, kakrshno so govorili pred 3.200 leti na Anatolski planoti. (...) Kar pa zadeva rabo slovenskega jezika kot katalizatorja pri njihovem deshifriranju, dr. Charles Bryant-Abraham ugotovlja, da »resnichno mora slovenski jezik kot edino prezhivelo narechje venetshchine, ki je obenem tudi najbolj konzervativno, odslej zavzeti svoje zgodovinsko mesto. (...) Obenem bo velika vrednost skrajno konservativnih slovenskih narechij za razlago teh napisov tako okrepila ugled slovenskega jezikoslovja, da bodo lahko ta alpska narechja skupno zacheli vrednotiti 'kot mater slovanskih jezikov'.« Opombe 1. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica (Vol. 1, 1973-74 ed.), 819-20. 2. Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, Corpus des Inscriptions Paleo-Phrygiennes: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations (Paris, 1984). 3. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica. (Vol. 1, 1973-74 ed.), 823. 4. Ibid, 824. 5. Johannes Friedrich, Extinct Languages (Philosophical Library, 1957; Bames & Noble Books, 1993), 147 6. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica. (Vol. IV, 1973-74 ed.), 700. (Tukaj so predstavljena le izbrana poglavja in odlomki iz knjige, z avtorjevim dovoljenjem. -Op. prev.) Iz knjige: Anthony Ambrozic, Gordian Knot Unbound; Cythera Press, Toronto, 2002 Izbor in prevod Peter Amalietti ANTHONY AMBROZIC, kanadski odvetnik (brat kanadskega kardinala Alojzija Ambrozica), turnirski shahist in raziskovalec zgodovine Slovencev / Venetov; avtor vech knjig na to temo: Adieu To Brittany: A Transciption Of Venetic Passages And Toponyms (1999); Journey Back to the Garumna (2000); Gordian Knot Unbound (2002), slednja tudi v srbskem prevodu 2004. (Op. ur.) 109 LiVeS Journal Conclusion The march of centuries has not been kind to the toil of the Phrygian stonemasons of ancient Anatolia. Barely one sculpted inscription for each elapsed century has survived undamaged into our time. Yet, there are enough (some twenty four) to give us a sense of the people who cultivated the ancient land, who built the fortified towns, and over time organized themselves into an empire. They are enough to give us insight into the ethos of their culture and the spirituality which guided it. Above all, cast in stone, the passages give us an unadulterated imprint of the Old Early Slavic spoken on the Anatolian plateau 3,200 years ago. (...) Regarding the use of Slovene language as the catalyst in decipherment, Dr. Bryant-Abraham, states that »indeed, Slovenian must henceforth take its place as the only surviving dialect of Venetic, and a most conservative at that ... The high value of the ultra-conservative Slovenian dialects in the decipherment of these inscriptions has the potential of so enhancing the appreciation of Slovenian linguistics that those Alpine dialects may yet come to be collectively hailed as the 'mother of all Slavic languages'. Notes 1. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica (Vol. 1, 1973-74 ed.), 819-20. 2. Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, Corpus des Inscriptions Paleo-Phrygiennes: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations (Paris, 1984). 3. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica. (Vol. 1, 1973-74 ed.), 823. 4. Ibid, 824. 5. Johannes Friedrich, Extinct Languages (Philosophical Library, 1957; Bames & Noble Books, 1993), 147 6. Helen Hemingway-Benton, The New Encyclopoedia Britannica. (Vol. IV, 1973-74 ed.), 700. *Here are presented only chosen chapters and passages from this book and with the author's approval. From the book: Anthony Ambrozic, Gordian knot unbound, Canada 2002 Selection and translation: Peter Amalietti ANTHONY AMBROZIC, Canadian attorney (brother of Canada's cardinal Aloysius Ambrozic), tournament chess player and explorer of the history of Slovenian / Venetian people; the author of several books on that theme: Adieu To Brittany: A Transciption Of Venetic Passages And Toponyms (1999); Journey Back to the Garumna (2000); Gordian Knot Unbound (2002), the latter translated into Serbian in 2004. (Ed. n.) 110 LiVeS Journal Damir Globochnik ZBORNIK SLOVENSKA FOTOGRAFIJA Fotoklub Ljubljana (ustanovljen leta 1931) je leta 1935 izdal zbornik Slovenska fotografija s 60 celostranskimi (chrnobelimi) fotografijami, ki jih je prispevalo 33 fotografov. K sodelovanju so bili novembra 1934 povabljeni najbolj vidni amaterski in poklicni fotografi. Fotografi so sami izbrali fotografije, ki so jih predlozhili za objavo v zborniku. Klisheji in tisk so bili delo Jugoslovanske tiskarne. Med pogoji za sodelovanje v zborniku je bil tudi ta, da vsak avtor krije stroshke za objavo klisheja (reprodukcije v avtotipiji). V zborniku so nameravali objaviti tudi seznam vseh delujochih umetnishkih in poklicnih fotografov in fotografskih organizacij.1 Tisk zbornika je pokril Fotoklub Ljubljana. Uvodno besedo je napisal Karlo Kocjanchich. Slikovni del sta uredila Peter Kocjanchich in Lujo Michieli. Zbornik je oblikoval Peter Kocjanchich. Vezan je v sivo platno. Reprodukcije so natisnjene na kvalitetnem papirju. Seznam reprodukcij vsebuje podrobne tehnichne podatke (fotoaparat, objektiv, filter, papir). V prednarochilu je bila cena zbornika 80 dinarjev (redna cena 120 dinarjev). Fotoklub Ljubljana je prednarochnike za prvi slovenski fotografski zbornik zbiral tudi s pomochjo posebnega prospekta z besedilom v shtirih jezikih.2 Besedila v zborniku so bila v slovenskem izvirniku ter v angleshkem, nemshkem in francoskem prevodu. Dr. Janko Branc je v zborniku objavil prispevek o prvem domachem fotografu in fotografskem izumitelju Janezu Puharju. Po zaslugi tega prispevka naj bi na Puharja postali pozorni tuji znanstveniki.3 Vendar Branchev chlanek ni bil opremljen z reprodukcijami Puharjevih fotografij. Recenzent Slovenca je poudaril, da je Fotoklub Ljubljana prichakoval, da bosta reprezentativni zbornik slovenske fotografije z objavo oglasov podprla fotografska industrija oziroma njena zastopstva, to pa se ni zgodilo. »Inozemskim fotografskim tovarnam, ki imajo pri nas svoja zastopstva, a ne chutijo potrebe, da bi podpirale jugoslovansko fotografsko umetnost, bo pa treba enkrat prav odlochno povedati: che imate umevanje za trgovsko eksploatacijo Jugoslavije, imejte umevanje tudi za njene kulturne potrebe, ali pa vam ni mesta pri nas!« 4 Podporo zborniku z objavo oglasov so odrekla zlasti zagrebshka zastopstva tovarn s fotografskimi potrebshchinami.5 V zborniku so vendarle bili objavljeni oglasi dunajskega urednishtva fotografskega mesechnika Galerija, Drogerije Kanc s podruzhnicama v Ljubljani in Zagrebu, firme Müller & Wetzig iz Dresdna, ki je prodajala povechevalnike, fotografske firme Mimosa A. G. iz Dresdna, novosadskega zastopstva Bart i Drug za prodajo maloslikovne kamere Exakta in filmov Hauff, 111 LiVeS Journal Damir Globochnik THE »SLOVENSKA FOTOGRAFIJA« MISCELLANY In 1935, Fotoklub Ljubljana (founded in 1931) published the miscellany Slovenska fotografija (i. e. Slovenian photography) containing 60 full-page black and white photographs contributed by 33 photographers. In November 1934, the most visible amateur and professional photographers were invited to participate. They chose which photographs they would enter for publication in the miscellany. Yugoslavia Printing Press was in charge of clichés and print. One of the conditions for participation, was that each author cover the expenses of their own cliché (autotype carbon reproduction). The miscellany was also meant to include a list of all active artistic and professional photographers and photography organisations.1 Fotoklub Ljubljana covered printing costs. Karlo Kocjanchich wrote the introduction. Peter Kocjanchich and Lujo Michieli were visual editors. Peter Kocjanchich was in charge of designing the miscellany. It is bound in grey canvas. Reproductions are printed on high-quality paper. Its list of reproductions includes detailed technical information (camera, lens, filter, paper). Price in pre-order was 80 dinars (regular price — 120 dinars). Fotoklub Ljubljana also gathered orders for the first Slovenian photography miscellany using a special prospectus containing texts in four languages.2 The texts in the miscellany were in the Slovenian original and in the English, German and French translations. Dr Janko Branc's contribution to the miscellany examined the first Slovenian photographer and photography inventor Janez Puhar. Purportedly, it was this contribution that brought Puhar to the attention of foreign scientists.3 However, Branch's article did not include reproductions of any Puhar's photographs. A reviewer in Slovenec emphasised that Fotoklub Ljubljana expected that the representative miscellany of Slovenian photography would be co-funded by selling adspace to the photography industry or its agencies, which did not occur. »International photography factories with agencies here that don't feel the need to support Yugoslav photographic art must be told one day with due vehemence: if you grasp economical exploitation ofYugoslavia than heed its cultural needs, or else you have no place here!«4 It was primarily Zagreb-based representatives of factories of photography goods that refused to buy ad space thus supporting the miscellany.5 Nevertheless, the miscellany ran ads for the Viennese editorial office of the Gallery photography monthly, the Kanc cosmetics shop with subsidiaries in Ljubljana and Zagreb, the Müller & Wetzig enlarger dealer from Dresden, the Mimosa photography firm from Dresden, Bart i Drug from Novi Sad - suppliers of the 35 mm Exakta camera and 112 LiVeS Journal firme Franke & Heidecke iz Braunschweiga, ki je prodajala zrcalne kamere Rolleiflex ali Rolleicord, firme Ernst Leitz GMbH iz Wetzlarja z Leica kamerami, tovarne Otto Perutz iz Munchna, ki je v tem chasu ponujala Perutzov Perpantic-film ali Rectepan-film (za pokrajinske posnetke), Peromnia-film (za portretne posnetke in posnetke v interierih) in Persenso-film (za shportne posnetke), ter Cirila Bohma iz Ljubljane. O zborniku, ki naj bi »uvrstil slovensko umetnishko fotografijo definitivno med najbolj uposhtevane nacionalne fotografije«, so pisale tuje fotografske revije. Tudi nekaj narochil za zbornik je prishlo iz tujine (neki amerishki klub je narochil 30 izvodov za svoje chlane, obchudovalec iz Holandije 13 izvodov za prijatelje). Fotoklub Ljubljana je za zbornik prejel vrsto pohval, mdr. iz beograjske dvorne pisarne.6 V nemshki izdaji revije Die Galerie je nemshki fotografski kritik H. Peters objavil recenzijo zbornika. Slovenskim bralcem je Petersovo oceno predstavil chasnik Jutro: »Che izdajatelj v uvodni besedi oznachuje tipichno slovensko osnovno ra%pob%henje kot lirichno, nas bo zavoljo mnogolichnosti obravnavanih motivov morda presenetilo. Toda po natanchnejshem ogledu tu reproduciranih slik bomo s preprichanjem pritrdili. Hvalezhnost za to knjigo slik nam daje upati na nadaljnje objave slovenskih avtorjev, kajti njih dela v mednarodni umetnishki fotografiji ne bi radi vechpogreshali.« 7 V zborniku Slovenska fotografija lahko mdr. preberemo, da si je Fotoklub Ljubljana zadal nalogo povezati vse resne amaterje in poklicne fotografe v organizacijo, ki naj sluzhi »razvoju slovenske umetnishke fotografije in njenemu priznanju v domachem in v tujem svetu«; prirejal bo razstave, interna in javna predavanja, strokovne teoretichne in praktichne vechere, vechere umetnostne fotografske kritike, skupne izlete in druzhabne vechere, posredoval za svoje chlane pri nabavi cenejshega fotografskega materiala in pri udelezhbi na tujih razstavah. Chlanom sta na razpolago dobro opremljena temnica in strokovna pomoch. Minimalni program fotokluba je vsako drugo leto prirediti eno mednarodno razstavo in izdati zbornik slovenske fotografije.8 V zborniku je bil objavljen izvlechek klubskih pravil, ki so poudarjala, da imajo redni in pripravni chlani enake pravice (uporaba klubske opreme, prisostvovanje na klubskih vecherih, udelezhba pri nagradnih tekmovanjih, nabava fotografskih potrebshchin), oboji imajo aktivno in pasivno volilno pravico na obchnih zborih, omejeno je samo shtevilo pripravnih chlanov v odboru. Pripravni chlan postane redni chlan, ko predlozhi odboru najmanj pet tehnichno in umetnishko zadovoljivih fotografij ali sodeluje s svojo fotografijo na klubski razstavi. Chlani morajo predlozhiti vsako leto pet fotografij za interno drushtveno razstavo.9 V zborniku so z reprodukcijami zastopani: Srechko Grom, Lojze Pengal, Fran Krashovec, Ljubo Vidmajer, Adolf Vizjak, Ivo Gogala, Peter Kocjanchich, Zlatica Gogala, Slavko Smolej, Lujo Michieli, Marjan Pfeifer, Ivo Kozhelj, Fran Shkodlar, 113 LiVeS Journal Hauff film, Francke & Heidecke from Braunschweig suppliers of Rolleiflex or Rolleicord reflex cameras, Ernst Leitz GMbH suppliers of Leica cameras, the Otto Perutz factory from Munich who were at the time selling Perutz's Perpantic-film or Rectepan-film (for landscape photography), Peromnia-film (for portrait photography and interiors) and Perseon-film (for sports photography), and Ciril Böhm from Ljubljana. The miscellany, which purportedly »placed Slovenian artistic photography among the most relevant photographic nations«, was mentioned in foreign photography journals. There were also a few foreign orders for the miscellany (an American club ordered 30 copies for its members, an admirer from Holland — 13 copies for his friends). Fotoklub Ljubljana received numerous commendations for its miscellany, among others also from the office of the royal court.6 In the German edition of the Die Galerie journal H. Peters, a German photography critic reviewed the miscellany. Slovenian readers could read about his article in the Slovenian paper Jutro: »Due to the variety of selected motifs we may be surprised to see the author designate general typical Slovenian mood as lyrical. However, upon closer examination of the reproduced photographs, we shall eagerly concur. Gratitude expressed for this book of photographs lends us hope for future publication of Slovenian authors, for we would like to no longer be missing out on their contribution to international artistic photography.«7 Inter alia, Slovenska fotografja miscellany reports that Fotoklub Ljubljana assumed the task of uniting all serious amateur and professional photographers in a single organization, which would serve »progress of Slovenian artistic photography and its recognition at home and abroad«, organize exhibitions, internal and public lectures, expert theoretical and practical evenings, evenings of art photography evaluation, excursions and social gatherings, intervene on behalf of its members for lower-priced photography materials and admittance at foreign exhibitions. Members had access to a well-equipped darkroom and expert assistance. Once every two years the photo club's programme was obligated to organise a minimum of one international exhibition and publish a miscellany of Slovenian photography.8 The miscellany included an excerpt from the club's rules, emphasising that regular and trainee members held equal rights (usage of club's equipment, attendance of club evenings and competitions, purchase of photographic requisites), both had the right of passive and active suffrage at general meetings. Only the number of trainees allowed to sit on the committee was limited. Trainees were made regular members after having submitted at least five technically and artistically satisfactory photographs or featured at least one photograph at a club's exhibition. Members were obligated to submit at least five photographs annually for the society's internal exhibition.9 Reproductions of photographs in the miscellany represent: Srechko Grom, Lojze Pengal, Fran Krashovec, Ljubo Vidmajer, Adolf Vizjak, Ivo Gogala, Peter Kocjanchich, Zlatica Gogala, Slavko Smolej, Lujo Michieli, Marjan Pfeifer, Ivo Kozhelj, Fran Shkodlar, 114 LiVeS Journal Ciril Böhm, Janko Skerlep, Ivo Frelih, Maks Gliha, Josip Pogachnik, Ante Kornich, Viktor Vodishek, Karlo Kocjanchich, Janko Ravnik, Josip Schleimer, Karel Pechenko, Lojze Erjavec, Danilo Dougan, Ivan Bonach, Franc Ferjan, Janko Branc, Karel Bolaffio, Franc Bazelj, Albert Starzhik (sprva chlan FKL, po preselitvi v Zagreb chlan FK Zagreb) in Otokar Hrazdira (hrvashki fotograf). S po dvema fotografijama so v zborniku sodelovali Branc, Frelih, Karlo Kocjanchich, Pechenko, Pfeifer, Pogachnik, Schlemier, Vidmajer in Vizjak, s tremi fotografijami pa Gliha, Grom, Krashovec, Peter Kocjanchich, Kornich, Michieli, Pengal, Ravnik in Skerlep.10 V izboru fotografij naj bi se odrazhale prevladujoche usmeritve v slovenski fotografiji, za katero je bil — po mnenju pisca uvodnika in tajnika kuba Karla Kocjanchicha — znachilen »neki umik s hrupnih bojishch she nedavno prevladujochih gesel popolne 'nove stvarnosti', fotografskega ekspresionizma in futurizma, v zatishje starejshega — kakor temu pravijo — 'preizkushenega', 'romantichnega', 'impresionistichnega' gledanja na stvari«. »Niti mozhje, ki so nashe duhove nekaj chasa na domachih razstavah vznemirjali z modernistichnimi poskusi, ne prisegajo vech brezpogojno na to rech.« Kocjanchich je opozoril na pogosto rabo mehkoriscev in plemenitih tiskov ter na prevlado pokrajinske motivike. Slovenska fotografija se je ozrla v prvo chetrtino stoletja, »ko je s svojim tedanjim prvoboriteljem Avgustom Bertholdom in njegovo sholo izrazhala idiliko slovenske vasi, mogochnost nashih gora, nevsiljivo barvitost starega zhivjenja«. Povratek v preteklost pa je mogoch samo do neke meje, kajti vojna in socialni pretresi povojnega chasa so bili prehudi in so vplivali tudi na umetnost. »Pravilneje bi bilo torej oznachiti polozhaj danashnje slovenske fotografije kot povratek k staremu, ki pa se oplaja ter razshirja s pogledi in nachini sodobnega chloveka. Na tej tochki si ustvarja slovenska fotografija, ki je kolebala nekoliko let nekritichno med prejshnjim in sedanjim, svojo novo narodno vsebino, ki se ji shola mednarodne sorodnosti pozna na zunaj nemara najbolj v veselju do primitivistichne razdelitve svetlih in temnih ploskev, v gojenju poenostavljene chrte, v zavrachanju preoblozhenega motiva. V to smer gre na sploshno menda razvoj vse umetnosti. Osnovno razpolozhenje pa je izrazito slovensko lirichno. Ta lirizem je rajshi veder, krepak, ali celo mrachen nego sentimentalno mehkoben, kar tudi ni v bistvu slovenske dushevnosti. Mislimo, da so vse te prvine sodobne slovenske fotograf je prav dobro vidne v tu objavljenih delih nekaterih njenih predstavnikov.« 11 Karlo Kocjanchich je opozoril tudi na razliko med neorganiziranimi fotografi in chlani Fotokluba Ljubljana. Pri prvih naj bi bilo prisotno posnemanje zastarelih tujih vzorcev, medtem ko ljubljanski fotoklub nezadrzhno napreduje proti velikemu cilju, to je »ustvaritvi nove slovenske nacionalne fotografije na osnovi slovenske dushevnosti«. »Nje slog in njena vsebina sta danes v delih te skupine zhe dognana, she eno, dve leti napredovanja v to smer, she nekaj poglobitve v svojstvenost nashe zemlje in njenega zhivljenja, she nekaj jasnosti za posameznike, she nekaj tehnichne dovrshenosti: in slovenska fotografija bo stala pred svetom tako, kakor stoji danes kakshnajaponska, madzharska, shpanska ali katera koli druga, ki uzhiva sloves, daje zrasla popolnoma iz svojega ljudstva inje zato nekaj posebnega.« 12 115 LiVeS Journal Ciril Böhm, Janko Skerlep, Ivo Frelih, Maks Gliha, Josip Pogachnik, Ante Kornich, Viktor Vodishek, Karlo Kocjanchich, Janko Ravnik, Josip Schleimer, Karel Pechenko, Lojze Erjavec, Danilo Dougan, Ivan Bonach, Franc Ferjan, Janko Branc, Karel Bolaffio, Franc Bazelj, Albert Starzhik (primarily a member of the FKL, after moving to Zagreb a member of the FK Zagreb) and Otokar Hrazdira (Croatian photographer). Branc, Frelih, Karlo Kocjanchich, Pechenko, Pfeifer, Pogachnik, Schlemier, Vidmajer and Vizjak were represented in the miscellany with two photographs each, and Gliha, Grom, Krashovec, Peter Kocjanchich, Kornich, Michieli, Pengal, Ravnik and Skerlep with three each.10 The selection of photographs aimed to reflect the predominant trends of Slovenian photography. According to the club's secretary and author of the editorial Karl Kocjanchich their common characteristic was »a sort of retreat from the tumultuous battlegrounds of the — until recently prevailing — slogans for the perfect 'new materialism, photographic expressionism and futurism, into the calm harbour of an older — as they say — 'seasoned', 'romantic', 'impressionist' view of the world..« »Even men who once stirred our spirits at local exhibitions with their attempts at modernism no longer swear by it.« Kocjanchich pointed out frequent use of diffusers and steel engraving and a predominance of landscape motifs. Slovenian photography looked to the first quarter of the century »when its champion Avgust Berthold and his followers conveyed the idyllic setting of the Slovenian village, the might of Slovenian mountains, the unobtrusive vibrancy of the old life.« A return to the past was only possible to a degree, as war and postwar social upheaval were too disruptive and also affected art. »It would therefore be more fitting to designate the position of today's Slovenian photography as a return to the old, which is expanded by drawing from the views and practices of modern man. This is where Slovenian photography, which for a few years uncritically waivered between the past and the present, is building its new national content; its foreign influence is perhaps most evident in its fervour for primitivist separation of bright and dark surfaces, cultivation of a simplified line, rejection of the overladen motif. It is said all art is evolving in this direction. The general mood is manifestly Slovenian lyrical. This lyricism is sooner cheerful, firm, or even dark than sentimentally soft, which is not the core of Slovenian spirit. We think all these elements of contemporary Slovenian photography are very clearly evident in the works of some of its representatives published here.«11 Karlo Kocjanchich also pointed out the difference between non organized photographers and members of Fotoklub Ljubljana. The former purportedly exhibited a tendency to copy out-dated foreign examples while the Ljubljana Fotoklub was relentlessly advancing towards its greater objective, i.e. »creating the new Slovenian national photography established on Slovenian spirit.« »Today the works of this group exhibit an established style and content; a year or two offurther progress in this vein, a bit more focus on the local characteristics of our land and life, a bit more clarity for individuals, a bit more technical precision — and Slovenian photography will stand before the world, side by side with the likes of Japanese, Hungarian, Spanish or any other photography 12 renownedfor emerging entirely from its people, which makes itsomething entirely singular..« 116 LiVeS Journal Pristopi, ki jih povezujemo z novo stvarnostjo v fotografiji (usmeritev v objektivnost, predmetnost, precizno podajanje stvarnosti, fotografiranje iz nenavadne perspektive, med motivi portret, akt, tihozhitje), so bili prisotni samo pri posameznih chlanih Fotokluba Ljubljana. V zborniku Slovenska fotografija bi omenjene opredelitve lahko veljale za »Oranzhe« Luja Michielija in »Roso na pajchevini« Janka Skerlepa. Znachilnosti novostvarnostne fotografije so bile prisotne tudi v fotografskih opusih Frana Krashovca, Karla Kocjanchicha, Jozheta Kovachicha in Marjana Pfeiferja. Izbor fotografij v zborniku naj bi potrjeval, da so se slovenski fotografi namenoma oprli na starejshe, piktorialistichne vzore. Prevladovalo naj bi lirichno razpolozhenje. V zgoraj citiranem uvodniku ga je Karlo Kocjanchich zachutil tudi v minimalistichnih motivih (mdr. A. Starzhik, »Tishina«) Med objavljenimi krajinskimi motivi prevladuje »impresionistichno« lovljenje svetlobnih in atmosferskih uchinkov (M. Gliha, »Po razorani cesti«, P. Kocjanchich, »Pred nevihto«, A. Kornich, »Kavarna«, L. Michieli, »Most«, K. Pechenko, »V zgodnjem jutru«, M. Pfeifer, »Jutro ob Savi«, J. Schleimer, »Kozolec«). Planinska motivika, ki je do nedavnega prevladovala med tiskanimi objavami v revijah, je redka (L. Erjavec, »Jutro v planinah«, J. Ravnik, »Pomlad v gorah«, S. Grom, »Nad meglo«). Najbolj znan krajinski posnetek je prispeval Peter Kocjanchich: »Bele poljane« (naslov tudi »Ajda v cvetju«, »Prebujenje«) je ena izmed fotografij, za katere je bil na razstavi v Zagrebu nagrajen s srebrno plaketo. Na tej razstavi je bil s srebrno plaketo nagrajen tudi Marjan Pfeifer za fotografijo »Jutro ob Savi« (naslov tudi »Zmaga sonca«).13 Med vechjimi motivnimi sklopi so tudi portret (M. Gliha, »Dalmatinski pastir«, K. Kocjanchich, »Portret brez ochi«, F. Krashovec, »Slikar R. Jakopich«, L. Pengal, »Alma«, J. Pogachnik, »Molitev«, J. Ravnik, »Portret«, S. Smolej, »Lastni portret«) in fotografije otrok (F. Bazelj, »Igra ob morju«, Z. Gogala, »Mali ribich«, L. Pengal, »Majnik« in »Pomlad«, L. Vidmajer, »Ciganski otrok«, A. Vizjak, »Na hoduljah« — Vizjak je zastopan tudi z otroshkim aktom). Nekateri fotografi so se odlochili za prikupne zhivalske motive (I. Bonach, »Razocharanje«, F. Ferjan, »Kuzhki«). Redkejshi so prizori dela (P. Kocjanchich, »Asfalt«, J. Branc, »Gramoz«), tihozhitje in primeri shportne fotografije (V. Vodishek, »Metalec krogle«). Zgornji rakurz so uporabili O. Hrazdira, A. Kornich in A. Vizjak, M. Pfeifer je fotografijo »Chez brv« posnel iz spodnjega rakurza. Tudi kritika fotografom, ki so jih zanimali sodobnejshi pristopi do fotografskega medija, ni bila v pomoch. Dr. France Stele ugotavlja, da na fotografijah v zborniku svetlobno in atmosfersko razpolozhenje motivike prevladuje nad stvarnostjo. Izjemi sta samo dve: »Pomlad« Otokarja Hrazdira, ki z dvignjenim ochishchem odpira nove mozhnosti fotografskega izraza, in »Bedni ljudje« Frana (Franca, Chora) Shkodlarja, »kjer je uchinkovito, na ruski fotografski in filmski realizem spominjajoche zajeta vsakdanja, nekoliko socialno podchrtana resnichnost«. 117 LiVeS Journal Only a few individual members of Fotoklub Ljubljana utilised such approaches as we associate with new materialism in photography (a leaning towards objectivity, materialism, the precise conveying of reality, use of unusual perspectives, motifs such as portraits, nudes, still lifes). In the miscellany Slovenska Fotografja these approaches are present in »Oranges« by Luj Michieli and »Dew on a Spider Web« by Janko Skerlep. Characteristics of the new materialist photography also emerge in the photography opuses of Fran Krashovec, Karel Kocjanchich, Jozhe Kovachich, and Marjan Pfeifer. The selection of photographs in the miscellany ostensibly confirmed that Slovenian photographers purposefully leaned on older pictorialist paragons. Supposedly, the lyrical mood prevailed. In his editorial cited above, Karlo Kocjanchich also saw this in minimalist motifs (such as A. Starzhik, »Silence«). The most prevalent among the published landscape motifs was the 'impressioniststyle' of capturing light and atmospheric effects (M. Gliha, »On the Ploughed Road«, P. Kocjanchich, »Before the Storm«, A. Kornich, »Café«, L. Michieli, »The Bridge«, K. Pechenko, »In the Early Morning«, M. Pfeifer, »Morning by Sava River«, J. Schleimer, »The Hayrack«). Alpine motifs, which until recently prevailed among printed publications in magazines, are rare (L. Erjavec, »Morning in the Mountains«, J. Ravnik »Spring in the Mountains«, S. Grom, »Above the Fog«). Peter Kocjanchich supplied the most well known landscape »White Fields« which received a silver plaque at an exhibition in Zagreb (as did »Buckwheat in Bloom«, »Awakening«). At the same exhibition a silver plaque was also awarded Marjan Pfeifer for his photograph »Morning by Sava River« (also »The Victory of the Sun«).13 The broader categories include portraits (M. Gliha, »Dalmatian Shepherd«, K. Kocjanchich, »Portrait With no Eyes«, F. Krashovec »Painter R. Jakopich«, L. Pengal, »Alma«, J. Pogachnik, »Prayer«, J. Ravnik, »Portrait«, S. Smolej, »Self-portrait«), and photographs of children (F. Bazelj, »Playing by the Sea Z. Gogala, »Little Fisher Boy«, L. Pengal, »Maypole« and »Spring«, L. Vidmajer, »Gypsy Child, A. Vizjak, »On Stilts« — Vizjak was also represented with a child's nude). Some photographers opted for endearing animal motifs (I. Bonach, »Disapointment«, F. Ferjan, »Puppies«). Scenes depicting work were less frequent (P. Kocjanchich, »Asphalt«, J. Branc »Gravel««), as were still lifes and examples of sports photography (V. Vodishek, »Shot Putter«). Shots from a higher level were utilised by O. Hrazdira, A. Kornich, and A. Vizjak, M. Pfeifer shot the »Across the Footbridge« photographs from a lower level. Also photographers interested in more modern approaches to the photography medium didn't find criticism helpful. Dr. France Stele maintains that the majority of the photographs in the miscellany opted for light and atmospheric moods in their motifs over realism. There are only two exceptions: »Spring« by Otokar Hradzir, who raised eye level, opening new possibilities of photographic expression, and »Wretched People« by Fran (Franc Chorota) Shkodlar, »efficiently capturing the slightly societally emphasised everyday reality using a Russian realist approach to photography andfilm«. 118 LiVeS Journal »Z novorealistichnimi sredstvi oborozhena« fotografija bi se morala bolj posvetiti sodobnemu zhivljenju in »romantiki nashih selishch« (naselij), je menil France Stele. »Doslej ustvarja nasha fotografija predvsem osebne priche zanimanja posameznih fotografov,prichakovalipa bi od njih dokumentov za bodochnost.« 14 Tudi kritik Slovenskega naroda je menil, da mora biti fotografska umetnost povezana z zhivljenjem, zato so fotografije s socialnimi motivi primernejshe kot lirichne fotografije, na katerih so osrednji motiv le oblaki, drevesa in pokrajine. Fotografije tihozhitij in predmetov so zanimive, vendar v njih ni zhivljenja in posebnosti; dokazujejo tehnichno zmogljivost fotografije. »Treba je pa pokazati tudi idejno vishino. Zato nas veseli, da so v zborniku zastopana tudi dela, ki prichajo, da zhivjenje ni lirika, temvech tudi epika in pogosto tudi — tragedija.« 15 V letu 1936 sta izbor fotografij iz zbornika Slovenska fotografija objavila osrednje glasilo nemshke amaterske zveze na Cheshkoslovashkem Das Lichtbild in najvechja fotografska revija v Nemchiji Photografische Rundschau (april 1936, sht. 8, str. 140-141).16 Drugi reprezentativni zbornik slovenske fotografije naj bi predvidoma izshel leta 1937. Fotoklub Ljubljana je fotografom zhe v prvem zborniku predlagal, naj fotografije predlozhijo v presojo stalni klubski zhiriji; v poshtev lahko pridejo samo fotografije, ki she niso bile objavljene v tisku.7 Tega zbornika pa klubu ni uspelo izdati, vendar je bil katalog Druge mednarodne fotografske razstave, ki jo je leta 1938 v Ljubljani organiziral Fotoklub Ljubljana, zasnovan tudi kot »drugi zbornik slovenske fotografije«, zato so bile v njem objavljene samo fotografije slovenskih fotografov (20 reprodukcij).18 Zbornik Slovenska fotografija so ob drugi mednarodni razstavi ponatisnili v broshirani izdaji, ki se po vsebini ni razlikovala od vezane izdaje; tudi to so obiskovalci razstave in kupci kataloga lahko dobili po znizhani ceni.19 119 LiVeS Journal According to France Stele photography equipped with »the new-realist devices aught to concentrate more on modern life and »the romance of our homesteads« (settlements). »Presently our photography generates predominantly personal stories interesting to individualphotographers, while we would expectfrom them above all documents for the future.«14 A critic at Slovenski narod was also of the opinion that the art of photography must be tied to life, which is why social motifs are more appropriate than lyrical photographs, which take as their central subjects clouds, trees, and landscapes. Photographed still lifes and objects are interesting but they lack life and distinctiveness; they demonstrate the level of technical capacity of photography. »More profound ideas must be displayed. This is why we are delighted that the miscellany also exhibits works attesting that life is notjust lyrical but also epic, and often also tragic.«15 In 1936 the selection of photographs from the Slovenska fotografija miscellany were also published by the leading bulletin of the German amateur association in Czechoslovakia Das Lichtbild as well as the largest German photography journal Photographische Rundschau (April 1936, no. 8, pp. 140-141).16 A second representative miscellany of Slovenian photography was to be published in 1937. Already in its first miscellany Fotoklub Ljubljana suggested to its members that they submit their photographs for review by the permanent jury of the club; only previously unpublished photograph would be considered.17 The club did not succeed in publishing this miscellany, instead the catalogue of the Second International Photography Exhibit, organised by the club in 1938 in Ljubljana, was devised to double as »the second miscellany of Slovenian photography«; this is why it featured exclusively photographs by Slovenian photographers (twenty reproductions).18 The Slovenska fotografija miscellany was reprinted in softcover for the second international exhibit. It was identical in content to the first edition. The visitors of the exhibit and catalogue buyers were able to purchase it at a discount.19 120 LiVeS Journal Opombe: 1 Po: »Slovenska fotografija v posebnem zborniku«, Jutro, 1934, sht. 295. 2 Po: »Slovenska fotografija«, Jutro, 1935, sht. 103. 3 Po: »Ljubljanski fotoklub je zboroval«, Slovenec, 1936, sht. 14. 4 Po: »Zbornik slov. fotografije«, Slovenec, 1935, sht. 112. — FKL je pomagal chlanom pri nabavi cenejshega fotografskega materiala (popust pri nekaterih trgovcih s fotografskimi potrebshchinami). Zastopstva tovarn Agfa, Gevaert, Kodak, Kraft & Steudel, Mimosa, Perutz, Satrap in Zeiss Ikon so v Jutru, Slovenskem narodu in Slovencu objavila obvestilo, da ne dovolijo popustov na ceno svojih izdelkov. Klub je na to obvestilo odgovoril s pozivom, naj chlani izdelke omenjenih tvrdk bojkotirajo in fotografske potrebshchine nabavljajo skupno prek kluba. Decembra 1931 je klub objavil izjavo, da bo uporabljal samo fotografski material naklonjenih tvrdk, in je sklical sestanek vseh fotoamaterjev (chlanov in nechlanov kluba) za organiziranje akcije proti fotografskim zastopstvom (po: Karlo Kocjanchich, »30. 11./1. 12. 1931«, Dnevnik Fotokluba Ljubljana; »Izjava«, Jutro, 1931, sht. 280; »Fotoamaterje ...«, Jutro, 1931, sht. 280). 5 Po: K. K. (=Karlo Kocjanchich), »'Fotoamater', junijska shtevilka«, Zhivjenje in svet, 1935, sht. 1, str. 25. 6 Po: »Sloves nashe fotografije gre po svetu«, Jutro, 1936, sht. 13. 7 »Nasha fotografija pred sodbo sveta«, Jutro, 1935, sht. 286. 8 Po: »Fotoklub Ljubljana si je nadel nalogo«, Slovenska fotografija, Ljubljana 1935, str. XXVI. 9 Prav tam. - Prvi predsednik kluba je postal Srechko Grom, podpredsednik Stanko Ribnikar, tajnik Karlo Kocjanchich, blagajnik Cveto Shvigelj, odborniki Janko Ravnik, Egon Planinshek in Viktor Vodishek, namestnika Janko Skerlep in Lojze Pengal. Chlani razsodishcha so bili Fran Krashovec, Karlo Sketelj in inzh. Gustav Ogrin, preglednika Tone Ogrin in Ante Gaber. Vechina prisotnih na ustanovnem obchnem zboru oktobra 1931 je bila proti razlikovanju med rednimi in pripravnimi chlani. Zato je bil novembra 1931 sklican izredni obchni zbor, na katerem so na predlog odbora sistirali sklep ustanovnega obchnega zbora o pravici do glasovanja, ki jo je imelo zgolj redno chlanstvo (po: »Izredni obchni zbor Fotokluba«, Slovenski narod, 1931, sht. 257). Skoraj polovica odbornikov in predsednik kluba Srechko Grom, ki so zagovarjali mnenje, da bi moral biti klub namenjen sorazmerno omejenemu krogu prominentnih fotoamaterjev, so odstopili. Na izrednem obchnem zboru 26. januarja 1932 je bil izvoljen nov odbor: predsednik Lojze Pengal, podpredsednik Karlo Sketelj, tajnik Karlo Kocjanchich, blagajnik Cveto Shvigelj, odborniki Viktor Vodishek, Peter Kocjanchich in Janko Vertin, namestnika Zlata Gogala in prof. Avgust Ivanchich, preglednika Maks Kajfezh in Tone Kunstelj, chlani razsodishcha Ante Gaber, Gustav Ogrin in Ivo Gogala (po: »Izredni obchni zbor ljubljanskega Fotokluba«, Slovenski narod, 1932, sht. 22). 10 Februarja 1935 je FKL dobil nov odbor: predsednik Srechko Grom, podpredsednik prof. Janko Branc, odborniki Ciril Böhm, Ivan Habich, prof. Janko Ravnik, Janko Skerlep in Lojze Pengal, njihova namestnika Karlo Kocjanchich, inzh. Lujo Michieli, preglednika Karel Bolaffio in Shtefan Ormozh, chlani razsodishcha in zhirije Ante Gaber, Ivo Gogala in Peter Kocjanchich (po: »Nashi fotoamaterji so zborovali«, Slovenski narod, 1935, sht. 39). 11 Karlo Kocjanchich, Uvodno besedilo, Slovenska fotografija, Ljubljana, 1935, str. V. 12 Po: K. K. (= Karlo Kocjanchich), »Prva vseslovanska razstava umetnishke fotografije v Zagrebu«, Jutro, 1935, sht. 274. 13 Po: »Krasne fotografije«, Slovenski narod, 1934, sht. 250; »Chasten uspeh nashih fotoamaterjev«, Jutro, 1935, sht. 278. - Kocjanchicheve »Bele poljane« so objavljene na naslovnici kataloga 150 let fotografije na Slovenskem 1919—1945, Ljubljana 1990. 14 France Stele, »Slovenska fotografija«, Dom in svet, 1936, sht. 5/6, str. 339. 15 Po: »Zbornik slovenske fotografije«, Slovenski narod, 1935, sht. 264. 121 LiVeS Journal Notes: 1 In: »Slovenska fotografija v posebnem zborniku«, Jutro, 1934, 295. 2 In: »Slovenska fotografija«, Jutro, 1935, 103. 3 In: »Ljubljanski fotoklub je zboroval«, Slovenec, 1936, 14. 4 In: »Zbornik slov. fotografije«, Slovenec, 1935, 112. — FKL helped members get lower prices for photography materials (discount with certain photography neccessities dealers). Representatives of Agfa, Gevaert, Kodak, Kraft & Steudel, Mimosa, Perutz, Satrap, and Zeiss Ikon published a notice in Jutro, Slovenski narod and Slovenec stating that they allow no discounts on their products. The club responded to this notice by calling on its members to boycott products by the said companies and rather purchase their gear together through the club. In December 1931, the club published a notice that it would only use photography materials of sympathetic companies; a meeting of all photo-amateurs (members and non-members of the club) was called with a view to organizing an action against photography representatives (in: Karlo Kocjanchich, »30. 11./1. 12. 1931«» The journal of Fotoklub Ljubljana; »Statement«, Jutro, 1931, 280; »Fotoamaterje ...«, Jutro, 1931, 280). 5 In: K. K. (=Karlo Kocjanchich), »'Fotoamater', the June edition«, Zhivjenje in svet, 1935, 1, p. 25. 6 In: »Sloves nashe fotografije gre po svetu«, Jutro, 1936, 13. 7 »Nasha fotografija pred sodbo sveta«, Jutro, 1935, 286. 8 In: »Fotoklub Ljubljana si je nadel nalogo«, Slovenskafotografija, Ljubljana 1935, p. XXVI. 9 Ibid. — Srechko Grom became the club's first chairman, Stanko Ribnikar vice-chairman, Karlo Kocjanchich was secretary, Cveto Shvigelj treasurer, committee members were Janko Ravnik, Egon Planinshek, and Viktor Vodishek, deputies Janko Skerlep and Lojze Pengal. Arbitration members were Fran Krashovec, Karlo Sketelj and Engr. Gustav Ogrin, auditors Tone Ogrin and Ante Gaber. Most of the first general assembly of October 1931 opposed differentiating between regular and apprentice members. To this end a special general assembly was called. At the committee's behest the founding assembly's resolution was delayed, which provisioned that only regular members held suffrage. (in: »Izredni obchni zbor Fotokluba«, Slovenski narod, 1931, 257). This resulted in nearly half the committee members including Chairman Srechko Grom stepping down, insisting that the club should be devoted to a fairly limited circle of prominent amateur photographers. At the special assembly, 26 January 1932, a new committee was elected: chairman Lojze Pengal, vice-chairman Karlo Skatelj, secretary Karlo Kocjanchich, treasurer Cveto Shvigelj, committee members Viktor Vodishek, Peter Kocjanchich, and Janko Vertin, deputies Zlata Gogala and Prof. Avgust Ivanchich, auditors Maks Kajfezh and Tone Kunstelj, arbitration members Ante Gaber, Gustav Ogrin, and Ivo Gogala (in: »Izredni obchni zbor ljubljanskega Fotokluba«, Slovenski narod, 1932, 22). 10 In February 1935, FKL elected a new committee: chairman Srechko Grom, vice-chairman prof. Janko Branc, committee members Ciril Böhm, Ivan Habich, Prof. Janko Ravnik, Janko Skerlep and Lojze Pengal, their deputies Karlo Kocjanchich, Engr. Lujo Michieli, auditors Karel Bolaffio and Shtefan Ormozh, arbitration and jury members Ante Gaber, Ivo Gogala, and Peter Kocjanchich (in: »Nashi fotoamaterji so zborovali«, Slovenski narod, 1935, 39). 11 Karlo Kocjanchich, Introduction, Slovenskafotografija, Ljubljana, 1935, p. V. 12 In: K. K. (=Karlo Kocjanchich), » Prva vseslovanska razstava umetnishke fotografije v Zagrebu«, Jutro, 1935, 274. 13 In: »Krasne fotografije«, Slovenski narod, 1934, 250; »Chasten uspeh nashih fotoamaterjev«, Jutro, 1935, 278. — Kocjanchich's »White Fields« are published on the cover of the catalogue 150 let fotografije na Slovenskem 1919—1945, Ljubljana 1990. 14 France Stele, »Slovenska fotografija«, Dom in svet, 1936, 5/6, p. 339. 15 In: »Zbornik slovenske fotografije«, Slovenski narod, 1935, 264. 122 LiVeS Journal 16 Po: »Obisk Druge mednarodne razstave umetnishke fotografije«, Jutro, 1936, sht. 110. 17 Po: »Prihodnji zbornik slovenske fotografije ...«, Slovenskafotografija, Ljubljana, 1935, str. XXIV 18 Po: »Sploshna razstava fotografije in filma«, Ponedejski Slovenec, 1938, sht. 35. 19 Po: »Obisk Druge mednarodne razstave umetnishke fotografije«, Jutro, 1936, sht. 110. — Nekateri chlani FKL so s fotografijami sodelovali tudi v zbornikih z naslovom Iz nashihgora, ki jih je v letih 1935, 1938 in 1940 izdalo Slovensko planinsko drushtvo (izbori fotografij iz Planinskega vestnika). Zbirka Iz nashih gora iz leta 1935 je vsebovala skoraj 50 fotografij (V. Cizelj, F. Krashovec, J. Ravnik, J. Skerlep, C. Shvigel). Fran Krashovec je junija 1935 pripravil zbornik fotografij Slovenska zemlja v podobah (Druzhba sv. Mohorja v Celju) z izborom 150 fotografij, ki jih v letih 1927 do 1935 objavljal v reviji Mladika. V letu 1935 je izshla najmanj she ena fotografska publikacija. V albumu Nashi kraji v sliki, ki ga je izdala Tiskovna zadruga v Ljubljani, je bilo objavljenih 87 fotografij v bakrotisku (mdr. F. Krashovec, J. Ravnik, E. Planinshek). Srechko Grom, Marjetice. 123 LiVeS Journal 16 In: »Obisk Druge mednarodne razstave umetnishke fotografije«, Jutro, 1936, 110. 17 In: »Prihodnji zbornik slovenske fotografije ...«, Slovenskafotografija, Ljubljana, 1935, p. XXIV 18 In: »Sploshna razstava fotografije in filma«, Ponedejski Slovenec, 1938, 35. 19 In: »Obisk Druge mednarodne razstave umetnishke fotografije«, Jutro, 1936, 110. — Some members of the FKL also published their photographs in miscellanies Iz nashih gora [From our Mountains], issued between 1938 and 1940 by the Slovenian Alpine Society (selection of photographs from the Planinski vestnik). Iz nashih gora 1935 comprised nearly 50 photographs (V. Cizelj, F. Krashovec, J. Ravnik, J. Skerlep, C. Shvigel). In June 1935, Fran Krashovec prepared a miscellany of photographs Slovenska zemlja v podobah [Slovenian Lands in Images] (Druzhba Sv. Mohorja, Celje), of 150 photographs, published between 1927 and 1935 in the Mladika journal. In 1935, at least one other photo publication was issued. The Nashi kraji v sliki album, published by Tiskovna zadruga Ljubljana, contained 87 photographs in copper plate print (among others F. Krashovec, J. Ravnik, E. Planinshek). Josip Schleimer, Kozolec. 124 LiVeS Journal Branko J. Hribovshek MOVIUSOVA LINIJA - KAMENA ORODJA IN JEZIKOVNI TIPI Moviusovo linijo, tj. razporeditev tipov kamenega orodja in jezikovnih tipov, pojasnjujemo z nachinom lova, z velikostjo lovske skupine, kakor tudi z vrsto divjadi, ki je bila na razpolago prachloveku. Uvod Vech kot pol stoletja trajata razprava in nesoglasje o t. i. Moviusovi liniji, geografski lochnici med nahajalishchi raznih tipov kamenega orodja in njihovega razvoja, poimenovanega kot razlichice kamenih iznajdb ali kamene proizvodnje. Mnozhica del o kamenem orodju, o lovcih in zbiralcih, o chlovekovem razvoju, o prachlovekovih umskih sposobnostih, o razvoju kulture in razvoju jezika z neredkimi nasprotujochimi si ugotovitvami kazhe, da so potrebna na tem podrochju nadaljnja interdisciplinarna raziskovanja. Prichujochi chlanek je zaradi tega navidezno nekako omejen, ker je njegov namen pojasniti Moviusovo linijo z »lovskega stalishcha«. Za to bomo uporabili vechinoma sploshne podatke o arheoloshkih najdbah. Omenili bomo le najbolj potrebne posameznosti. Kamena orodja in ostanki zhivalskih kosti so vechinoma edine in bogate arheoloshke najdbe o preteklem delovanju prachloveka. Arheoloshki ostanki prachloveka samega — deli okostja in kosti — pa so pravzaprav zelo redki. Kako razlagati njihovo medsebojno odvisnost — katero orodje, katera njegova oblika in sprememba je nastala zaradi krajevnih pogojev, katere spremembe orodja kazhejo na chlovekov razvoj, na evolucijo in obratno? Odgovori na ta vprashanja so najbolj pomembni za vsak sklep o chlovekovem razvoju na osnovi kamenega orodja ter s tem tudi za obrazlozhitev Moviusove linije. O kamenem orodju in razvoju prachloveka Razlichnih teorij o prachlovekovih sposobnostih, zmozhnostih, dushevnem in kulturnem razvoju itd. na osnovi oblike kamenega orodja in njihove kamnoseshke izdelave — bolj ali manj medsebojno nasprotujoche1 — ne bomo nashtevali, ker ne sodijo k namenu tega spisa. O eksperimentalnih raziskavah kamenega orodja glej.2 O kritiki in ugovorih — zlasti glede kamene rochne sekire — v zvezi z arheoloshkimi raziskavami, domnevami in razlagami gl.3 V okviru nashe razprave se bomo ukvarjali le z osnovnimi in najstarejshimi kamenimi orodji. Po njihovi obliki jih delimo v tri osnovne tipe: sekache, rochne sekire in luske ali rezila. Razporejeni4 so kot nachini (Modes) izdelav ali tehnologij. 125 LiVeS Journal Branko J. Hribovshek MOVIUS LINE - LITHIC TOOLS AND LANGUAGE TYPES The Movius line, i. e. the division of the stone tools and the emerging of the language types, is interpreted in the terms of the hominin hunting techniques, hunter group sizes and the prey availability. Introduction There is more than a half century long lasting discussion and controversy on the line of the geographic distribution of the lithic tools types — the Movius line — and their development, denominated as various lithic innovations or lithic industries. A vast amount of literature on lithic tools, the hunter-gatherers and the human evolution, the hominin mental capabilities, the culture and the language development with not seldom controversial conclusions is available, and shows that a further interdisciplinary research on these subjects is mandatory. This article is therefore somewhat limited in its aim to interpret the Movius line from the »hunters standpoint«. The general archaeological artefact data will be mostly used. For our further discussion only the most necessary details will be mentioned. The lithic tools and the animal bone rests are mostly sole and abundant archaeological artefacts of the past hominin actions. The humanoid artefacts — the skeleton and bone parts — are very sparse. There is close relationship between them — which tool, tool shape and their change is due to the adaptation on local environmental constraints, which is due to the hominin evolution? The answers on these questions are most important for any conclusions on human evolution based on lithic tools, and therefore also for the interpretation of the Movius line. On lithic tools and hominin evolution Proposed were various theories on the hominin abilities, capabilities, possibilities, mental and cultural evolution etc. from, on and of the lithic tool shapes and the knapping techniques — sometimes more or less controversial,1 which to list is out of the scope of this article. On the experimental research on the lithic tools related issues see.2 On the critics and objections — especially on issues concerning hand axes — on archaeological research, assertions and interpretations see.3 In the scope of this discussion only the oldest common lithic tools will be considered. They are due to their shape and use assigned to three basic types: the choppers, hand axes and flakes or blades. They are classified4 as the modes of different industries or technologies. 126 LiVeS Journal Sekachi so najstarejshi — priblizhno 2,6 milijonov let star nachin, imenovan Mode 1 oldowanske tehnologije.5 Sledi ji z 1,76 milijonov let Mode 2 ali acheulijska tehnologija,6 zatem s 300.000 leti Mode 3 ali mousterijska-Levallois tehnologija izdelave kamenih jeder.7 Za acheulijsko tehnologijo kamenih orodij je znachilna rochna sekira, acheulijski »dvojni obraz« — kot ploska kaplja oblikovan kamen z bolj ali manj izdelanimi simetrichnimi stranmi (obrazi) — in kasnejshe levalloisko jedro, kamena luska z ostrimi robovi, na eni strani ploska, na drugi pa izbocheno klesana. Te tipe orodij je prachlovek izdeloval nekako do pred 200 do 100 tisoch let. Njim so sledila shtevilna obdelana rezila — luske, imenovana mikrolitichna tehnologija ali orodja Mode 4 in Mode 5.8 Dejansko so kamena orodja v uporabi vse do danashnjih dni, ker so njihove izvedbe kot skrbno izdelane rochne sekire, opremljene z rochaji, v vsakdanji uporabi pri domachinih na Novi Gvineji — mogoche le she kot turistichni spominki. Toda sodech po porochilih, »moderni« chlovek ni uporabljal acheulijskega orodja. R. Foley in M. M. Lahr sta v svojih raziskavah9 ugotovila, da je med razvojem chloveka in tehnoloshkimi nachini mochna, vendar ne neposredna zveza. Nachini (Modes) so zelo stabilni in obstajajo razlichno dolgo na posameznih podrochjih. Spreminjajo se v chasu trajanja dolochene vrste prachloveka (sl. 1). Zato naj bi bil nastop nove tehnologije demografski proces, ki se pojavi najprej v majhnih skupnostih in se nato zaradi svojih prednosti razshiri po celotnem kontinentu. Z nashega stalishcha orodij razlichnih tehnologij ne moremo primerjati, ker se njihove najbolj znachilne lastnosti bistveno razlikujejo; zaradi tega so to razlichni nachini ali pravzaprav razjichna orodja za razlichno uporabo, cheprav vsaj deloma kazhe, da naj bi bil med njimi sorazmerno dolg in neprekinjen prehod, so verjetno narejena za nenehno, toda pochasi spreminjajocho se uporabo. Tisochletna prisotnost orodja istega tipa pricha, da je bilo to orodje najbolj prilagojeno svojemu namenu.10 Izdelovali so ga namensko in zavestno. Iz vsega tega sledi, da sta tip in izdelava orodja pretezhno manj odvisna od razvoja prachlovekovih dushevnih zmozhnosti. To pricha tudi o zelo postopnem in pochasnem razvojnem napredku. Morda so koraki, vidni v sploshnem razvoju, kot je npr. iznajdba Mode 1 sekashke tehnologije, ki je korak od napredne chloveshke opice k prachloveku,11 le navidezno izjemni. Prachlovek je namrech takrat postal mesojedec — mrhovinar in lovec. Nova prehrana je tedaj pospeshila njegov razvoj v sorazmerno kratkem chasu. Bolj shtevilchno potomstvo je utrdilo prednostne genetske spremembe in se tako popolnoma lochilo od chloveshkih opic. Enako je verjetno bilo tudi pri ostalih spremembah tehnoloshkih nachinov. LiVeS Journal 127 The choppers are the eldest — the ~2.6 million years old Mode 1 Oldowan technology.5 In its succession is the 1.76 million years old Mode 2 Acheulian technology6 with later — the 300 thousand years old Mode 3 Mousterian, Levallois core development technology.7 Characteristic for Acheulian lithic tools is the hand axe, the Acheulian biface — as a flat drop shaped stone with both more or less elaborate symmetric sides — the faces — and the later Levallois core, a sharp edge stone flake, on one side flat, on the other side convex knapped stone. These tools types of various qualities were produced by hominins till some 200-100 thousand years ago, later mostly superseded by a plethora of worked out blades, flakes, a micro lithic technology — Mode 4 and Mode 5 tools.8 But the stone tools are actually used till the present time, as their »derivatives« and further development of the hand axe with an added grip can be found in the daily use by the natives of New Guinea — nowadays perhaps just as the touristic souvenir. But, according to literature, the modern man allegedly did not use Acheulian tools. R. Foley and M. M. Lahr have in their study9 found that there is a strong but not entirely straightforward relationship between human phylogeny and technological modes. The modes are deeply stable; they persist much longer in some places than others. The technologies seem to change during the course of a human lineage's existence (Fig. 1). Therefore is the first appearance of a new technology a demographic process usually emerging in the small populations and the adaptive advantage leads to a geographical range expansion of the continental proportions. In my view are the tools of different modes in-commensurable, they can not be compared as their most significant properties substantially differ — therefore are they different modes — and therefore are they actually different tools for the different usage. Even, as it partially seems to be a relatively long and continuous transition between them, are they made for a probably continually changing use. The long, eons presence of the same tool mode confirms, that the tool was most adapted for the aimed usage,10 produced with the indisputable intention, and so actually mostly independent from the evolution of the hominin mental capabilities. It suggests a very gradual and relatively slow evolutionary progress. The exceptions were probably the significant evolutionary steps on the overall evolution stage — as with the Mode 1 chopper technologies invention, from advanced hominides to hominines,11 as the Homo became the »meat eater« — the scavenger and the hunter. Due to the new food sources their evolution accelerated in a relatively short time and their line separated significantly from advanced apes. The same pattern was very probably repeated at the further changes of modes. 128 LiVeS Journal Zlasti che uposhtevamo, da so razlichne vrste prachloveka, ki naj bi obstajale v skladu z modernimi antropoloshkimi raziskavami, le kratki in delni prebliski pogleda na trenutne dele razvoja prachlovekovega rodu v velikih, veke trajajochih chasovnih presledkih, je potomstvo ochitno neprekinjeno vse do »modernega« chloveka. Navidezni evolucijski »manjkajochi chleni — missing links« ali pa »evolucijski skoki« neke stare prachlovekove vrste v neko novo, posebej v tisto, ki se nanasha na »modernega« chloveka, so pravzaprav fazni prehodi disipativnih struktur. Vech o tem pozneje. Prachloveku pravzaprav za vsakdanjo uporabo ni bilo na sploshno nich drugega na razpolago razen kamenega orodja. Mozhno je, da so bila orodja — zlasti kamena rochna sekira — vechkrat na novo izumljena. Spremembo tipa orodja so najverjetneje pogojevale spremembe znachilnosti okolja,11 ki so vodile k spremembi prehrane ali pa do dodatnih izvorov hrane. Z nashega stalishcha je to nova potreba za novo uporabo in namen, ki je prvotno, v povratni zvezi ali povratnem delovanju, povzrochila kot posledico napredovanje chlovekovih sposobnosti. Te prednosti so omogochile vechje shtevilo potomcev, nadaljnji razvoj telesnih in dushevnih lastnosti ter druzhbeni napredek z medsebojnimi odnosi in kulturo. Moviusova linija Spomnimo, preden nadaljujemo, da je kamena rochna sekira edini ohranjeni predmet, ki ga je prachlovek popolnoma izdeloval v celotnem poteku svojega razvoja vse do modernega chloveka — izdeloval ga je vech kot 1,5 milijona let. Je edinstven predmet, ki so ga ljudje izdelovali v tako dolgi dobi, mogoche edini sploh v celotni preteklosti kakor tudi prihodnosti chlovekove vrste. Rochna sekira je v stotisochletjih edini — razen kamnoseshkih ostankov — jasno razpoznavni ostanek chlovekovega delovanja. Nashli so jo v tisochih primerkih, a redkokdaj v preglednih najdbah, da bi jih lahko jasno razchlenili, obrazlozhili in preuchili. Skoraj nemogoche je dolochiti v posamezni zbirki, kaj je iz iste dobe, kaj je izdelal kateri kamnosek in za kakshen namen. Zaradi tega je raziskovanje chlovekovega razvoja, ki je predvsem slonelo na rochni sekiri, dalo v glavnem enostranske in pristranske ugotovitve. Podobno velja tudi za Moviusovo linijo. Moviusova linija (amer. arheolog Hallam Movius, 1907 - 1987) je razmejitev, ki lochuje geografska podrochja z najdishchi kamenega orodja, kjer so nashli rochne sekire, in podrochja, kjer jih niso nashli ali pa so bile zelo redke, skoraj popolnoma odsotne (sl. 2). Najdishcha acheulijskih orodij so razshirjena po Afriki in zahodni Evraziji z Indijo, ni jih pa v vzhodni Aziji in severni Evraziji.12,13 Posebej velja poudariti, da so najdishcha kamenega orodja na Moviusovi liniji konchne, vendar ne edine priche chloveshkega razvoja skozi vsa obdobja. Te priche so arheoloshki ostanki vsega chloveshkega rodu ne glede na katero koli posamezno prachlovekovo vrsto (hominin species). LiVeS Journal 129 Keeping in mind, that the various Homo species identified, may be just the short and incomplete glimpses of the small parts of the human lineage, separated by the vast time intervals, is the lineage obviously continuous to the modern man. The apparent evolutionary »missing links« or »jumps« — of various hominin species, especially that relating to human »modernity« — may be interpreted as a phase transitions of a dissipative structure, here especially of the brain as the dissipative structure — the subject to be touched later. Further, there was generally no accessible practical alternative to stone tools for the given use. It is even possible that the tool — especially the hand axe — could have been reinvented multiple times. The tool mode change was introduced very probably under the environmental constraints11 due to a food change or an acquisition of the additional new food sources. Or in our view, as a new need for a new usage, as a primary cause and in a feedback, led to the progress of the hominin abilities. This new advantages have boosted the population size, the further evolution of anatomy and mental capabilities, the social development, the behaviour and the culture. The Movius line Before we proceed, let us remember, that the hand axe is the only preserved object entirely produced by hominins in their whole time of evolution to the modern Homo — produced more than 1.5 million years long. It is the unique object produced by hominins over so a vast time interval, perhaps in the whole past and future of the species. The hand axe is for hundreds of thousands of years practically the only, save the knapping rests, clearly identifiable artefact of hominin actions. It is found in thousands of exemplars, very seldom in the discernible funds, which could be clearly interpreted and analysed. It is mostly impossible to determine what belongs to the same age, what produced the same knapper and for which purpose. Therefore the research of the hominin evolution heavily relied on the hand axe, giving probably to much one sided and biased conclusions. The same is valid also for the Movius line... The Movius line (US archaeologist Hallam Movius, 1907 — 1987) is a demarcation separating the geographical areas of lithic tool sites on which the hand axes were found from the sites where almost no hand axes were found (Fig. 2). The foundings of Acheulian tools are widespread in Africa and western Eurasia with India, but not in eastern Asia and north Eurasia.12, 13 It has to be emphasized, that the Movius line, the founds of lithic tools, are the ultimate, but not unique witnesses of the whole human evolution through all the ages regardless of any hominin species. 130 LiVeS Journal Na podrochjih, bogatih z najdishchi rochnih sekir, so nashli veliko takih, ki so bile skrbno, natanchno simetrichno obdelane. Na drugih podrochjih, che so sekire sploh bile tam, pa je bila njih obdelava groba in nenatanchna. Po Moviusovem odkritju so nashli nova nahajalishcha kamenega orodja, tipe orodij pa so nanovo bolj tochno razporedili in poimenovali. Temu primerno so tudi nekoliko priredili Moviusovo linijo in oznachili nova najdishcha.14, 15 Najvazhnejshe pa je ugotovil kasneje Mario Alinei,16 in sicer, da podrochja z najdishchi razlichnih tipov kamenega orodja ustrezajo geografskim podrochjem, kjer govorijo tri osnovne tipe jezikov — izolacijske, fleksijske (ali fuzijske) ter aglutinacijske : ... bistra sinteza interdiscplinarnih argumentov, ki jo lahko priredimo v korist teorije o zachetkih jezika pri najstarejshih praljudeh s tezhishchem na odnosu med izdelavo orodij, druzhbenim obnashanjem, jezikom in razvojem zhivchevja ... ... da razporeditev podrochij treh najstarejshih tipov kamenega orodja natanko ustreza razporeditvi podrochij treh svetovnih tipov jezika, torej izolacijskega, inflekcijskega (ali fuzijskega) in aglutinativnega, in da verjetno trije najstarejshi tipi kamenega orodja ravno tako ustrezajo trem glavnim slovnichnim tipom z vidika razvoja spoznanja, se pravi v duhu Gibsonovega stalishcha, che vzporejamo stopnjo spoznanja s stopnjo zapletenosti izdelovanja orodja, dobimo vpogled v stopnjo spoznavne sposobnosti, ki je na voljo za jezikovno kakor tudi za drugo delovanje ... Trije najstarejshi tipi kamenega orodja, ki jih omenja Alinei, so rochna sekira, luske/rezila in sekachi (sl. 2). To oznako bomo obdrzhali v tej razpravi. Za bolj natanchno oznako poimenovanja z tehnoloshkimi nachini gl.16 Alinei je, kot je razvidno iz gornje navedbe, primerjal in postavil v medsebojno razmerje tudi (kamnoseshke) tehnike izdelovanja orodja s tipi jezikov. Vzrok tega razmerja je, kot bomo kasneje pojasnili, isti tako za tipe orodij kakor tudi za tipe jezikov. Ti podatki in dosedanje razlage so privedli do novega, bistveno pomembnega pogleda na problematiko nastanka jezika v luchi dejstva, da razporeditev tipov kamenega orodja ustreza razporeditvi danes obstojechih (modernih) tipov jezikov. Prachlovekovih vrst tako ni potrebno posebej nashtevati, ker je z Alineijevim odkritjem neposredno vkljuchen celoten chloveshki rod, skozi vsa obdobja evolucije do modernega chloveka. V skladu s tem moramo bolj ali manj neprekinjen chlovekov razvoj, ki sicer ne izkljuchuje posameznih razlik, omiljenih s kakshnimi »bottleneck« pojavi, sprejeti kot dejstvo. To seveda ne izkljuchuje kulturne izmenjave in krizhanj morebitnih starih prebivalcev na omejenih podrochjih s cromagnonskim prachlovekom. D. Hodgson in drugi17 so podali pregled del o oblikah razvoja mozhganskih sposobnosti v zvezi z izdelavo kamenega orodja, zlasti rochnih sekir in tochnosti njihove simetrichne obdelave, kot problem, s katerim se je potrebno ukvarjati, preden se posvetimo razlagi Moviusove linije: LiVeS Journal 131 In the geographical areas abundant with the hand axes founds, many of the axes were symmetrically precise and elaborately worked out. The axes were crude and roughly worked out, if found at all in other areas. From the time of the discovery by H. Movius various new sites of lithic tools were found, the types of tools were refined and redefined. Accordingly was the Movius line somewhat corrected and additional geographic areas of funds marked (14> 15). The most important is discovery made by M. Alinei,16 who found out that the geographic areas with the sites of the different types of lithic tools funds correspond to the geographic areas of the three basic language types — isolating, flexing (or fusional) and the agglutinative : ... a lucid synthesis of the interdisciplinary arguments that can be marshaled in ^ favor of the theory of the beginning of language with the earliest hominids, focusing on the relationship between tool making, social behavior, language and neural development... ... that the areal distribution of the three earliest types of lithic tools corresponds exactly with the areal distribution of the three world types of language, namely isolating, inflecting (or fusional) and agglutinative; and that the three types of lithic innovations seemed to correspond to the three major lexical types also from a cognitive developmental point of view, in the spirit of Gibson's view that "the level of cognitive complexity applied to making tools may provide insights to the levels of cognitive capacity available for linguistic and otherfunctions""... The three earliest types of lithic tools, to which M. Alinei refers, are hand axes, flakes/blades and choppers (Fig. 2). We keep this designation in our discussion. For the corresponding more detailed classification in terms of modes, see.16 M. Alinei, as obvious also from quote, compared and related also the tool making techniques — the stone knapping techniques — to the language types. The cause of this relationship is the same — it will be later shown — as also for the tool and language types. These data and the already proposed interpretations gave a new dimension to the problematics of language emergence with the fact that the tool type distribution corresponds to the distribution of the currently extant (modern) language types. To name explicitly the hominins in question went obsolete, as with the M. Alinei's discovery, the whole human lineage through the whole eons of human evolution to the modern man got so directly and completely involved. According to this argument, the more or less continuous human development must be accepted as a fact, not excluding some regional variations reduced trough possible bottleneck situations. This naturally does not exclude the cultural exchange and the interbreeding of the possible old local populations with the Cro-Magnon man. D. Hodgson et al.17 review and discusses various publications on proposed connection of the brain function evolution and the making of lithic tools, especially hand axes and the precision of their symmetry as a problem to cope with prior to the explanation of the Movius line: 132 LiVeS Journal ... da acheulijska orodja razkrivajo tezhnjo, ki %achenja z nekoliko povrshno simetrijo ter vodi k bolj dolochenim pravilnostim. Najnovejshe raziskave delovanja mozhganov lahko pomagajo pojasniti, zakaj se je razvilo takshno zaporedje ... ... ki ima svoj vishek v gornjem mozhganskem rezhnju. Ta del mozhganov se je povecheval od Homo habilisa prek Homo erectusa do sodobnega chloveka; v tem smislu so sklepi ochitni. Zgornji mozhganski rezhenj je posebno zhivahen, ko izkushen kamnosek izdeluje orodje. Z rastjo tega rezhnja od Homo habilisa do sodobnega chloveka lahko pojasnimo, zakaj shimpanzi sorazmerno okorno uporabjajo orodija ... Posledica teh za raziskave razvoja zgodnjega prachloveka verjetno smiselnih ugotovitev je, da njih prenos na modernega chloveka, zlasti glede na ideje o multiregionalnem razvoju ali nenadni razvojnih skokih, privede do prav neverjetnih razprav in razlag. Celo v najbolj resnih znanstvenih objavah je ostala kot najbolj verjeten vzrok za odsotnost rochnih sekir v danih geografskih podrochjih — nizka stopnja spoznavne sposobnosti domachinov; to vkljuchuje tudi danashnje ljudi na teh podrochjih. Nekateri krogi arheologov so ochitno na sploshno sprejeli odsotnost rochnih sekir kot »kulturno zaostalost«. To je v neposredni zvezi s pojmovanji o »primitivnih primerkih« chloveka, seveda tudi modernega; gre za rasizem, pogojen z evrocentrichno domishljavostjo. Izdelave rochnih sekir so se nauchili z druzhabnim uchenjem in zaradi tega so rochne sekire kulturni predmeti, oblika acheulijskih rochnih sekir je najmanj delno genetichno pogojena... 18 Ni jasno, zakaj naj bi natanko obdelana rochna sekira (morda kot izid tekmovanja med moshkimi lovci) povechala prilozhnosti »prafantom« osvajati »pradeklishka« srca, torej naj bi bile sekire izid nekega genetskega vzroka in nagonske potrebe za izdelavo orodja. Toda lep kozhuh je zagotovo uchinkoval — kakor uchinkuje tudi danes ... She manj pa je razumljivo, da bi druzhabni uk vodil le h kulturnim predmetom. Izjavo, da praljudje severovzhodne Evrazije niso bili sposobni dobre, natanchno simetrichne izdelave predmetov, lahko takoj zavrnemo zhe s pogledom na stare stenske risbe iz jame Kapova na Uralu, razstavljene v Tretjakovski galeriji v Moskvi, ter na zhenske kipce, imenovane »Venere«;19 vse to je bilo najdeno severno od Moviusove linije, in cheprav ni iz najstarejshih dob, dokazuje popolnoma razvite umske sposobnosti teh praljudi, ki pa jih v zadevnih razpravah zamolchujejo. Pregled in povzetek »ne dushevnih« razlag za izvor Moviusove linije (gl.20): • izguba tehnichnega znanja, • druge surovine brez kamna, vazhnost lusk, • ovire za selitve in za shirjenje kulture, • zaradi naravnih danosti le delno uporabne dostopne kamene surovine. Drugi povzetki o najdishchih z razlichnimi razlagami, omejenimi na raziskave na Daljnem vzhodu (gl.21) : LiVeS Journal 133 ...that Acheulean tools reveal a trend beginning with an imprecise kind of symmetry and leading to more defined regularities. Recent findings on how the brain functions can help to clarify why this sequence evolved... ... to culminate in the superior parietal lobe. As this area is deemed to have undergone enlargement from Homo habilis through H. erectus to modern humans... the implications are obvious in the present context. The superior parietal lobe has been shown to be particularly active when an experienced stone knapperfashions a tool.... Its enlargementfrom H. habilis to modern humans helps to explain the relative ineptness of chimps in manipulating tools. As a consequence of this — for the research on the evolution of the early hominins probably the reasonable results — extrapolated to the modern humans, especially related to the ideas of the multiregional human evolution or sudden evolutionary jumps — shows the review to what a bizarre explanations the discussions led. Even in some of the most serious scientific journals was left as the most probable cause for the absence of the hand axes in the given geographic regions, the low level cognitive capacity of the native hominins. In the consequence this also includes modern humans in the corresponding geographic areas. The absence of the hand axes as the »cultural retardation« seems to be widely accepted in the certain archaeological circles. It is directly connected to the notion of the »primitive« forms of humans, even the modern ones — what is racism, based on the »white man« hubris. The production of hand axe was acquired by social learning and that hand axes are therefore cultural objects, the form of Acheulean hand axes was at least partly under genetic control ...18 It is not clear, why would the more precise hand axe — perhaps a result of the competition in making between male hunters — promote »paleoboys« conquest of »paleogirls« hearts, even be a result of some genetic predisposition and instinctive need for tool making. But a nice fur did! Also nowadays! Even less is understandable that the social learning should lead sole to cultural objects. The claim of inability of north-eastern Eurasian hominins to produce a highly elaborate and perfectly symmetric objects is refuted just with a glance on the old cave paintings from the Urals — Kapova cave exhibited in Tretyakov gallery in Moscow and various female figurines named »Venuses«,19 all from above the Movius line — which clearly show already fully developed brain functions and skills in that early men — but are fully ignored in the given context. A summary overview of »no mental« explanations for the possible origin of Movius line is given in:20 • Loss of technical knowledge, • Alternative non-lithic raw material and importance of flakes, • Barriers for migration and cultural diffusion, • The limitations placed by the nature of the available lithic material The further summary of founds, their various interpretations, focused on the research in the far east are described in:21 134 LiVeS Journal Severnokitajska paleolitiska vrsta zbega zaradi svoje sorazmerne tehnoloshke preprostosti, kricheche je razlichna od vrst iz Mongolije, Sibirije in skrajno zahodne Evrazije. Razmejitev med Severno Kitajsko in zahodno Evrazijo, ki jo tradicionalno imenujemo Moviusova linija, je prestala leta temeljitega preverjanja, njena razlaga pa je ostala nekako nejasna. ... Zato je neprimerno zadevne ugotovitve raziskav uporabiti za kateri koli obstajajochi vzorec izvora in razselitve anatomsko modernih ljudi (to je za "out of Africa" ali pa za "regional continuity") ... Slednje se zdi zavajajoche, zlasti che uposhtevamo, da so umrle verjetno izpostavljali ujedam — tak nachin »pokopa« obstaja she danes ponekod na omenjenih podrochjih; s tem je pojasnjena odsotnost pogrebnih ostankov, torej je trditev, da ni zveze staroselcev z modernim chlovekom (gl.21 str. 242), verjetno napachna. Te razprave o izvoru Moviusove linije so razcepile znanstveno skupnost : nasprotnike rasizma imenujejo »egalitarians« in tukaj navajam primer egalitarijanskih misli, ki so sicer upravichene, toda omogochajo le delno ali pa enostransko razlago (gl 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29) Namen tega spisa je pokazati in razlozhiti, da geografska razporeditev kamenega orodja kot Moviusova linija ter njena razdelitev treh tipov kamenega orodja in njihove izdelave v skladu z vechjimi jezikovnimi tipi ni v nikakrshnem razmerju ali odvisnosti od stopnje spoznavanja in dushevnih sposobnosti praljudi in pravzaprav tudi modernih ljudi na razlichnih geografskih podrochjih; che pa zhe je kakshna zveza, kazhe ravno nasprotno od danashnjih trditev. Nasho razpravo bomo omejili na omenjene tri tipe jezikov. Lov, nachini lova in kamena orodja Chloveshka vrsta se je razvijala v Afriki, dokler ni pred 1,8 milijoni let Homo erectus zakorakal naprej v ostali svet. Homo erectus je bil prvi hominin (prachlovek kot prednik modernega chloveka), kije imel osnovno obliko chloveshkega telesa: dvoje dolgih nog za hojo, kratke roke z spretnimi prsti in ploshchat obraz z vechjimi mozjhgani ...30 In zelo verjetno je imel tudi dovolj razvite glasovne in slushne organe, ki so omogochili govor. Ta telesni ustroj se je razvil zaradi prachlovekovega prilagajanja na zhivljenjske okolishchine. Te so oblikovale tudi prachlovekovo obnashanje, ki je v povratni zvezi vplivalo na razvoj telesa, mozhganskih in ostalih sposobnosti. Sodelovanje med praljudmi, zhivljenje v skupnosti je bilo bistveno kot osnovna oblikovalna sila za razvoj posameznika kakor tudi druzhbe. LiVeS Journal 135 The North Chinese Paleolithic sequence is perplexing in its relative technological simplicity, strikingly differentfrom the known sequences in Mongolia, Siberia and ultimately western Eurasia. The division between North China and western Eurasia, traditionally labeled the Movius Line ...has withstood years of scrutiny. The explanation for this phenomenon, however, remains elusive. ...It is therefore...inappropriate to attach the research findings presented here to any existing models for the origin and spread of anatomically modem humans (i.e., "out of Africa" or "regional continuity")... The last quote is probably misleading if we take in account, that the bodies of the dead were disposed to be consumed by vultures — the »burial« practiced even nowadays in the part of these regions, then is the absence of the human burial remains explained and the assertion,21 p242, that there is no connection of the old inhabitants to the modern man, very probably erroneous. The discussion on the origin of Movius line split the scientific community — calling the opponents to the racism the egalitarians...the examples of the corresponding egalitarian ideas, which are reasonable, but only a partial or a single view explanation. 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 The scope of this work is to demonstrate, that the geographic distribution of the lithic tools — the Movius line and the two correspondences — as stated above, the three types of lithic tools and the tool making corresponding both to the three major lexical types, the world types of languages — do not have any relationship to the level of the cognitive complexity or capacity of the later hominins — actually the modern man in different geographic regions, and if any, then just the opposite to the current interpretation. The discussion will be limited to just these three named lexical types. The hunting, hunting techniques and lithic tools The human lineage evolved in Africa until ~1.8 million years ago when Homo erectus strode forth into the rest of the world. H. erectus was the first hominin to have the basic modern body plan: long legs for bipedalism, short arms with dexterous fingers and a flattened face with a bigger brain... 30 and very probably sufficiently developed vocal and auditory organs, enabling the speech. Above-mentioned body plan evolved clearly as an adaptation to the environmental conditions. These were forming also the hominin behavior, which in return feedback promoted the further evolution of body, brain and other capabilities. The cooperation between the hominins had the essential role as the fundamental shaping force of the individual as well as the social evolution. 136 LiVeS Journal V teh predzgodovinskih chasih so bili praljudje vsakovrstni mrhovinarji, lovci in zbiralci. Lov in zbiranje sta bila nujna in osnovna dejavnost vech kot milijon let. Prachlovek se je prilagodil takemu nachinu zhivljenja, ki je skoraj popolnoma usmerjal njegov razvoj. Pri tem je razvil ustrezne oblike lova, orozhja in orodja. Vse to je nedvomno pustilo sledi v nashem telesnem ustroju, v nashem nekdanjem in sedanjem obnashanju, v kulturi in druzhbi, v jezikih ter seveda tudi v arheoloshkih ostankih. Prichujocha razprava z razlago torej sloni predvsem na razvoju prachloveka kot lovca in zbiralca. V nasprotju z vechino obichajnih razlag o kamenem orodju (vsaj glede rochne sekire, ki jo ima veliko antropologov in arheologov predvsem za verjetni kulturni predmet) obravnavamo vsa kamena orodja izkljuchno le kot uporabne predmete, ki so jih praljudje izdelovali namensko zgolj za praktichno uporabo in vsakdanje potrebe.31 Prvi lovci in zbiralci, ki so »odkrili« meso kot hrano (mesojedci, mrhovinarji, lovci) so bili praljudje vrst Homo ergaster pred 1,9 milijoni let in Homo erectus pred 1,91,6 milijoni let. V posameznih primerih so nashli sledi prehrane z zhivalmi: beljakovine malih zhivali (termitov) in tudi velikih (truplo povodnega konja), v chlovekovi anatomiji pa dokaze za povechano prostornino mozhganov.11 To je bila doba sekachev tehnologije Mode 1. Sekache so izdelovali tako, da so obklesali prodni kamen le po eni strani; s tem so dobili tudi grobe luske in rezila. Groba, preprosta izdelava pricha, da so jih izdelovali za vsako prilozhnost posebej. To je bilo najbolj prikladno in najhitreje. Po uporabi so tako sekache kakor tudi rezila zavrgli. Sekachi so bili bolj mesarska kot lovska orodja, ker so bili praljudje te dobe verjetno predvsem mrhovinarji, bolj redko lovci. Najbrzh so zhe uporabljali tudi preprosta orozhja: kij, palico ali sulico, morda fracho. Domnevajo, 11 da je bil prvi lovec velike divjadi chlovek vrste neandertalec. Sicer pa so po sploshnem mnenju zachetki namensko organiziranega lova arheoloshko neznani. Tezhko je sprejeti ta medsebojno nasprotna mnenja kot verjetna dejstva. Z organiziranim lovom je bila skupina lovcev zmozhna loviti tudi velike zhivali. Kot pri danashnjih zhivalskih plenilcih, ki lovijo v skupinah — levi, volkovi, hijene, shimpanzi, kiti itd. — je bil lov praljudi podobno bolj ali manj organiziran, zato nimamo razloga za podcenjevanje bistveno »manj razvitih« prednikov. Osebno sem opazoval pavijane, kako so organizirali krajo v restavraciji v afrishki savani: ena skupina je preusmerila pozornost osebja na drugo stran prostora, druga pa je chakala skrita ter je uporabila primeren trenutek za krajo in rop na drugi strani. Pravzaprav je bil to precej visoko organiziran podvig; torej je visoka organizacija dejavnosti mozhna zhe pri opicah. LiVeS Journal 137 In these prehistoric times were the hominins of every provenience scavengers, hunters and gatherers. The hunting and the gathering were the imperative occupations to survive through more than million of years. The accommodation and adaptation to these occupations essentially determined hominin evolution. The corresponding hunting techniques, weapons and tools were adapted and developed. These all, with no doubt, left the trace in our body plan, in our past and present behaviour, in our culture and society, in our languages as well as in the archaeological artefacts. Our discussion and interpretations relies heavily on the hunter-gatherer context of the hominin evolution. Contrary to the most and usual interpretations of the lithic tools — at least some of them as the hand axe, considered to be probably mainly cultural objects — we consider all lithic tools as exclusively utilitarian objects, produced solely with the aim for a concrete daily usage, for daily needs.31 The first hunter-gatherers, also the scavengers, emerged with the »invention« of meat eating of pre-modern Homo : Homo ergaster 1.9 million years, Homo erectus 1.91.6 million years. Case studies show direct evidence for the animal-based foods: small animal protein (termites), large animal protein from hippo carcass, and the anatomy evidence shows the increased brain size.11 This is the age of the choppers, the Mode 1 technology. Choppers were made by knapping on one side some crude blades or flakes from the mostly river gravel stones. They were made just for the given occasion as the simplest and fastest solution. This shows the raw starting material and the simple making. The choppers as the blades were discarded after the use. Their makers were probably mostly scavengers and relatively seldom hunters. Actually were the choppers less hunting as the butchering tools. Very probably used early Homo already also other simple weapons — the club, stick or spear, probably even a sling. Further, it is supposed that the first big game hunters were allegedly Neanderthals. According to the general opinion remain the origins of deliberate organized hunting archaeologically unknown.11 For us, it is hardly to accept these both — actually contradictory opinions — as possible facts. With the organized hunting was a group of hunters capable to hunt the big game if available. In comparison to the present day predators, which hunt in groups — as lions, wolves, hyenas, chimpanzees, whales etc. — they hunt always more or less organized, and there is no reason to underestimate our, even substantially »less evolved« predecessors. As far as concerns the group organization, I also observed the baboons as they orchestrated the fake theft on one side of the lodge to engage and divert the attention of the personnel, while the other baboon group, hidden and waiting, used the proper moment for the theft and the robbery on the other side. Actually, quite a high level of organization theft already by apes ... 138 LiVeS Journal Nachini lova — prezha, zalezovanje, zasledovanje, pogon, osamitev plena, napad nanj in uboj — so v osnovi enaki za vse vrste lovcev, tako za chloveshke kot za zhivalske plenilce. Kot je razvidno iz primerov ostalin, je bila za chloveshki lov znachilna uporaba orozhja ter bolj nachrtno uposhtevanje lastnosti pokrajine, kot so napajalishcha, soteske, prepadi in druge pasti; te so vezale lovce, da so bivali in lovili na temu primernih krajih. Tako so se lovci manj selili, kljub temu pa so imeli dovolj hrane; posledichno so sekache bolj skrbno obdelovali, tako da je njih oblika postajala vse blizhja obliki rochnih sekir tehnologije Mode 2. Pravzaprav to niti ni bil velik premik v tehnologiji izdelave, a je vodilo do optimalne in standardizirane oblike. Prachlovek se je razvil v »poklicnega« lovca. Po drugih porochilih, med njimi o nekaterih nedvomno ugotovljenih primerih, so uporabniki sekir prenashali tako sekire kot meso iz ulova le na kratke razdalje (pribl. do 3 km.32), redko bolj dalech.33 Na mestih, kjer so sekire izdelovali, so jih tudi kopichili;33 podobno she na raznih drugih strateshkih polozhajih kot del »strukturirane uporabe« pokrajine. Nekatere od teh polozhajev arheologi oznachujejo kot »ritualne«, ker so tam praljudje odvrgli ali zavrgli sekire iz nam domnevno neznanega razloga. Obichajno je to bilo na mestih, kjer so ulovili velike zhivali in jih pojedli. Kakor sekir tako tudi gradiva za njih izdelavo niso prenashali v vechjem obsegu.21 Glede kamene sekire sta dve glavni nesoglasji: za nekatere arheologe je njena izdelava preprost postopek, po drugih pa zahteva razmeroma spretno delo. Za ene je sekira le mesarsko in mnogostransko rochno orodje, za druge pa tudi orozhje za metanje, torej izstrelek. Dejstvo je, da je sekira najbolj optimalen izdelek, ki se ga lahko naredi s kamnoseshko tehniko; to velja tako za izdelovalca kot za uporabnika ter za samo uporabo.10 Sekiro so uporabljali v velikanskem chasovnem obdobju; to je dokaz res optimalnega izdelka bolj ali manj primerne oblike in velikosti ter dopushcha mozhnost, kot smo zhe omenili, da so jo celo nekajkrat nanovo izumili.34 Standardna oblika in kamnoseshka spretnost dokazujeta, da rochna sekira ni bila kulturni predmet. Za lovce in zbiralce je bila potroshnishki predmet, ki so ga naredili in kopichili na strateshkih tochkah za kasnejsho uporabo, po njej pa so ga naposled zavrgli. Postopki in standardizacija kazhejo, da so pretezhno lovili isto divjad na ustaljeni nachin, verjetno na istem kraju. Razlike, odkrite v »palimpsestnih« nakopichenjih, so bolj ali manj ostanki iz drugih dob in druge divjadi, v spremenjenem okolju na istem kraju. Te navade v obnashanju in prezhivljanju so verjetno pripeljale do »standardizacije« gradnje bivalishch. Pravzaprav so le redke jame, ki so bile dostopne prachloveku in v katerih so se ohranili arheoloshki ostanki, ustrezne za oznako »jamski chlovek«. Veliko je »misticizma«, kar zadeva zhe omenjeno trditev.35 da so praljudje iz neznanega razloga od chasa do chasa zavrgli »ritualne« sekire. Z lovskega vidika je to jasno iz povsem praktichnih razlogov: pri odhodu na drugo lovishche so pustili na starem kraju vse, kar bi jih obremenjevalo; vrh tega pa je shlo tudi za zdravstveno-higienske izkushnje, saj so s krvjo in z razpadajochimi mesnimi ostanki umazane sekire, polne zajedalcev, postajale strupene. LiVeS Journal 139 Especially the hunting techniques — to prey, stalk, pursue, chase, isolate, attack and kill — are in principle the same for all — hominin and animal predators. As the case studies show — the human touch in hunting was the use of weapons, more sophisticated use of landscape properties — watering sites, gorges, precipices — and traps. These necessarily bound the hunters to hunt and to stay on the convenient locations, getting to be less mobile, but having enough food. In the consequence the choppers started to be more elaborate, taking more and more the form of a hand axe, the Mode 2 technology. There was actually not a great shift in the technology of making, but in the optimised and standardized form. The Homo evolved to the »full time« hunter. In other studies, reporting among them some clearly identified cases, was the use of hand axes and the meat transport over relatively short distances (ca 3 km.),32 seldom longer.33 There was the accumulation of hand axes on the production sites,33 and on various other strategic sites as a part of the »structured« use of a landscape. Some sites were declared as the »ritual« discards sites of the hand axes, usually the sites of multiple big game kills and the meat consume. Hand axes were used mostly locally,21 and also the raw material for their production. There are two main controversies on the hand axe — for some archaeologists is the making of the hand axe a simple procedure, for others a relatively skilful work, for some archaeologists is the hand axe just the butchers and a very versatile hand tool, for others also a projectile weapon. The fact is, that the hand axe represents the most optimal product, which could be made by the stone knapping technique for its maker, user and use, as demonstrated in.10 In the immense time interval of its use, was the hand axe as the optimum product — more or less always of the comparable shape and size — as already said, perhaps multiple times reinvented.34 Also the standardization of the shape and the knapping techniques routine negate any probable notion of the hand axe as the cultural object. From the standpoint of the hunter-gatherers was the hand axe actually the consumable product — made and used mostly locally, deposited (named the »accumulation«) on strategic sites for later use, and at last discarded, as mentioned above. I argue, that these routines and the standardization witness the preference of the prey of the same type and the routinely persistent hunting technique on the same site, if possible. The differences, found in the »palimpsest« assemblages, are more or less due to the artefacts from other times, other prey, and changed landscape on the more or less same site. To the standardized shelter constructions lead very probably this routine. The caves, if available, in which the archaeological artefacts were able to be preserved and found, lead to our designation as the cave men — just the predominant bias in our notions. There is a lot of »mystic« on the so-called »ritual« discard of the hand axes in the literature.35 For hunters is the discard clear for just simple practical reasons: on the move to other hunting grounds abandoning the unnecessary burden, the sanitary discard of the with blood and decomposing meat rests smeared axe, which regularly proved to get to be poisonous, full of parasites. 140 LiVeS Journal Da so uporabljali sekiro ne le kot mesarsko orodje, marvech tudi kot orozhje za streljanje s fracho, kazhe primer opisa (gl.35) odkritja nekoliko manjshih sekir, razmetanih na kraju poboja divjadi srednje velikosti, vechjih sekir pa na krajih poboja velike divjadi. Frache so razmeroma preprosto orozhje, zagotovo izumljeno zelo zgodaj, toda ker so jih izdelovali iz organskih surovin, ni ostala za njimi nikakrshna sled med arheoloshkimi ostanki. V delu pod op.36 najdemo pregled dveh nasprotnih teorij o pojavu modernega chloveka: teorija o zamenjavi, ko naj bi moderni chlovek nenadoma nadomestil prejshnje »razlichice« prachloveka pred pribl. 200 tisoch leti ter teorija o kontinuiteti ali neprekinjenem razvoju skozi pribl. dva milijona let. Zraven sodi tudi nesoglasje med nasho bioloshko evolucijo in evolucijo obnashanja, imenovano »sapient paradoks«. Modernost kot »moderno obnashanje« je nastopila pred pribl. 300-250 tisoch leti, selitev iz Afrike pred pribl. 65-40 tisoch leti, popolno »moderno vedenje« chloveka v evropskem gornjem paleolitiku pa se je pojavilo shele po koncu omenjenih 40 tisoch let. Levalloisova tehnologija prirejenega jedra Mode 3 se je pojavila s prvo chlovekovo »modernostjo«. Znana je bila zhe neandertalcu, neredko je pripisana tudi tehniki sekir, ker so jim prirejena jedra podobna. Toda s tehnichnega vidika so prirejena jedra bistvena novost, saj so le na sploshno podobna sekiram, sicer pa so pravzaprav luske — so ravna na eni in ostro izbochena na nasprotni strani, ostri robovi so klesani z luskinjenjem, preden so jih s konchnim kamnoseshkim udarcem odstranili od matice.7 Jedra so manj groba, tanjsha kot acheulijska sekira. Cheprav gre she vedno za »rokodelstvo«, je ta tehnika podobna nekakshni serijski proizvodnji — vech oblikovnih razlichic istega orodja je bilo namenjenih za razlichno uporabo. To zahteva vech vaje in spretnosti, zato so morda za celotno skupnost delali le »profesionalci«. Organizirana skupina lovcev je lazhje ulovila bogatejshi in hitrejshi plen, kot pa so bili travojedi na pashi. Z bogatim ulovom so lahko naredili zaloge mesa, chrede pa so bile najboljshi izvor hrane. Izbirali so celo zhivali za ulov — v opisanem primeru le odrasle samce severnih jelenov, kot je razvidno iz koshchenih ostankov na kraju ulova 37 (pred pribl. 380-220 tisoch leti). Pravzaprav to pricha o nachrtni skrbi za izvor hrane, zlasti za chrede severnih jelenov, cheprav so lovili tudi konje in nekatere druge vechje zhivali. Zelo hiter plen je zahteval uporabo sulic in lokov, da so lahko ubijali iz daljave in da so lahko orozhja tudi vechkrat uporabili. Sekire kot izstrelki s fracho so bile prepochasne in s prekratkim dosegom. Ulov srednje velike divjadi so verjetno prenesli k bivalishchem, kjer so ga razkosali. Sicer pa so bili predvsem nomadi. Levalloisova jedra in luske, che so jih imeli, so bila prva »domacha hishna« orodja. LiVeS Journal 141 The use of the hand axe, not only as predominantly a butcher tool, but as a sling projectile, suggests the case study,35 stating that the hand axes of slightly smaller size were found scattered on the sites of the single kill of the medium game, and the bigger ones on the sites of the multiple kills of the big game. The slings are relatively simple weapons, and almost inevitable very early invented, but made from organic material they left no trace as an archaeological artefact. In36 the authors reviewed the two competitive models of the modern Homo emergence — the replacement model (sudden emergence of the modern man replacing the previous »versions« at ca 200 thousand years) versus the continuity model (from ca 2 million years), and the disparity between our biological and behavioural evolution named »sapient paradox«. The modernity as »modern behavior« emerged ca 300-250 thousand years ago, out of Africa dispersal 65-40 thousand years ago, but the complete repertoire of »modern behaviour« in European Upper Palaeolithic after ca 40 thousand years. The Mode 3 Levallois technique7 — the prepared core technique — emerged roughly with the first homo »modernity«, but found in Neanderthal use as well, and is not seldom »attached« to the hand axe technique, due to the similar shape of the prepared core. But, it is from the technical standpoint a substantial change — the cores are just similar in general, substantially flakes — they are flat on one side, on the opposite sharp bulged, the sharp edges are knapped by flaking prior to final knapping strike removal of the core from the matrix stone.7 The cores are somewhat less coarse, slimmer, than the Acheulian hand axe. Even if it was still »manufacture«, the technique has a touch of the »serial« production — a variety of forms was produced with this techniques also for various, other than hand axe uses, applications. The technique demands somehow more skill and routine, it was perhaps used only by the »professionals« to make the tools for the whole clan. With the hunt specialization — an organized group could more easily hunt the more abundant, but highly mobile prey, as were the herds of grazers. The catch enabled also the accumulation of meat, and the herds were actually the best food provisions. Even the selection of the animals to catch — preferably the adult reindeer males — is obvious from the bone artefacts on the kill sites in the case study37 — already some 380 to 220 thousand years (dating disputed) ago — that witness the planed care of food source — in spite of the fact that the wild horses and some other bigger animals were hunted additionally. The high prey mobility made necessary the use of spears and bows to kill from a distance, as well to enable they recovery for a multiple use. The hand axes were to heavy as the »ammunition« and the slings had to short a range. The medium size catch was probably transported to the »dwelling« site and then butchered. The Levallois cores and blades, if present, were needed just as the butcher tools at »home«. 142 LiVeS Journal Izbira plena in skrb za chredo sta bili uvod v udomachevanje zhivali ter v zhivinorejo. Verjetno je prachlovek zhe tedaj imel kakshno udomacheno zhival za prehrano v sili ali pa le kot ljubljenca. Menim, da pojav Levalloisove tehnologije10 pricha o tej veliki spremembi pri pridobivanju hrane. Lov so vse bolj nachrtovali, kopja in loki so postali obichajno orozhje. Kot recheno, se znamenja mozhnega udomachevanja zhivali prilozhnostno pojavijo zhe pri Homo helmei, popolnoma pa seveda shele vech tisoch let kasneje. Dostop do vechje kolichine hrane je omogochil rast prebivalstva in obenem nadaljnji razvoj telesa, dushevnosti in druzhbe. »Sapient paradoks« je bil morda posledica nekega poznejshega zastoja (t. i. bottleneck) kot dogodka velikega pogina, ki je bil verjetno eden od razlogov za selitev iz Afrike. Na novih podrochjih bivanja je povzrochil vrnitev k starim manj uchinkovitim lovskim nachinom. Zato je bil za te novopriseljene ljudi zachetek udomachevanja zhivali neizogiben, saj je to dalo vechje mozhnosti za prezhivetje Homo sapiensa kot pastirja glede na Homo neandertalensisa, ki je ostal »samo lovec«. S pojavom tehnologije Mode 4 in Mode 5, povezane s Homo sapiensom in »modernim obnashanjem«, so bila tezhka kamena orodja vechinoma opushchena; zamenjali so jih lazhji kamniti, leseni, koshcheni in rozhevinasti izdelki v obliki sestavljenih orodij. Posebej so med njimi orozhja — sulice, kopja, loki in pushchice itd. Vse bolj razvita zhivinoreja je omogochila poseliti podrochja, kjer je bil lovski plen tezhje dostopen, zlasti po iztrebljenju izjemno velikih zhivali. Mode 4 in Mode 5 kazheta na vechinoma »domacho« uporabo kamenih orodij, ki so jih nanovno dodelali, obdelali in priredili, ponekod so jih celo »kalili« s toplotno obdelavo38 Tehnologija Mode 1 pravzaprav ni bila nikdar popolnoma opushchena, che so bile surovine zanjo dostopne. Bila je zelo primerna za hitro in neposredno izdelavo na mestu, verjetno pri vseh praljudeh — sekachi in groba rezila, vse uporabno za vsako prilozhnost, che kaj drugega ni bilo pri roki, zlasti na dolgih lovskih pohodih. V trdih chasih, v sovrazhnem okolju, ko je bil ulov redek in tudi lovcev malo, so bili praljudje prisiljeni uporabljati najenostavnejsha sredstva za prezhivetje — in med temi so gotovo bili sekachi in groba rezila. Ta kratek, nepodroben in skop opis ugotovitev iz raziskav nekaterih posameznih primerov, ki naj bi bili jasno razchlenjeni in obrazlozheni, je le podlaga za opis mozhnih lovskih nachinov in obnashanja. Zmeraj so lovili nekoliko drugache, edinstveno skozi vsa obdobja chlovekovega razvoja, a mozhno je sestaviti sploshni seznam deloma ustaljenih in razumljivih lovskih nachinov, odvisnih od shtevila lovcev, od lovishcha, velikosti plena in uporabljenega orozhja, in sicer na podlagi arheoloshkih najdb, zhivljenja danashnjih domorodcev in mnenj antropologov: • Shtevilo lovcev (ocene po obchutku): - posameznik, par ali pa zelo majhna skupina ; - majhna skupina (pribl. ocena — pribl. okoli 6) ; - vechja skupina (pribl. ocena — vech kot 10) ; LiVeS Journal 143 The selection of the prey and the care for the herd were predecessors of the animal domestication and husbandry. Probably the Homo already possessed some domesticated animals, herded for the reserve provision or possibly just as pets. I argue, that the emergence of the Levallois techniques10 points to this major change in the food acquisition. The hunt was getting more specialized, the spears and the bows the common weapons. The signs of the possible animal domestication emerged, maybe already occasionally pursued by H. helmei, but fully emerging many millennia later. The new and more abundant food supply lead to the population growth and the further hominin body, mental and social evolution. The »sapient paradox« may be the consequence of an earlier »bottle neck« event, which was probably one of the reasons for migration »out of Africa« and which caused the probable return to old less efficient hunting techniques. Therefore was the new start of an animal domestication in newly populated regions almost inevitable — and that was probably also the reason for the better survival chances of the H. sapiens, as an apprentice »shepherd«, than they were for the H. neanderthalensis, »solely a hunter«. For this division were initially the causes probable just the geographic constraints. With the emergence of the Mode 4 and the Mode 5 technology, connected to H. sapiens with the »modern behaviour«, were the heavy stone tools more and more replaced with the light stone, wood, bone and antler products in combined or composite tools. Among them were especially the weapons — spears, javelins, bows and arrows etc. The more and more evolved animal husbandry and the more efficient hunt enabled the population expansion in the regions with less abundant game after the extinction of the big game animals. The Mode 4 and the Mode 5 technology show also the predominantly »home« use of the lithic tools; they were even reshaped and re-adapted after the use, even hardened with the heat treatment.38 But the Mode 1 technology was actually never abandoned — as it was useful as a very fast and immediate, tool making on the spot, probably by all hominins — the choppers and the crude blades, occasionally used if alternative solutions were not at hand. This happened surely casually on the long hunting expeditions. In the hard times, in hostile environments, when the catch and the population were reduced, the hominins surely used and were forced to use the most simple, readily available means to survive — among them was surely the use of choppers and crude blades. This short, crude, meagre and one sided case studies are just a hint for the presumed hominin hunting actions, hunting techniques and behaviours, many thousand times performed, always different and unique, over the eons of hominin evolution. In the following a generalized description of the assumed, partly established and reasonable hunting habits as hunting techniques, environments, prey sizes and the weapons used, are listed — from the archaeological founds, present day natives and the anthropological research: • Number of hunters (estimates as considered reasonable): - A couple or an individual, - Small group (approximate estimate ~ around half dozen), - Large group (approximate estimate ~ dozen and more), 144 LiVeS Journal • Velikost plena (divjadi): - mala divjad — ptice, zajci, bobri, razno glodavci, ribe itd.; - srednja divjad — (pribl. v velikosti chl. telesa) antilope, srnjad, prashichi, ovce, koze itd.; - velika divjad — govedo, mamut, jelen, konj, medved, nosorog itd., • Lovska orodja: - kot orozhja: sekira, palica za met, kij, sulica, kopje, fracha, bola, lok in pushchice, pihalnik, sestavljena sekira iz lesa, kosti in kamna, tako tudi kij, sulica in kopje. Orodja za predelavo mesa: - sekira, sekach, luska, rezilo, kij, ogenj, razbeljen kamen, palica za zhar. • Lovsko delovanje: - prezha in opazovanje, zalezovanje, zasledovanje, pogon, osamitev, past, zaseda, napad, uboj, razkosanje in prenos. • Okolje: - gozd ali dzhungla, savana, stepa, tundra, mochvirje, voda itd. Danashnja lovska plemena so nas pouchila o lovskih navadah, zlasti afrishki domorodci Khoisan ter avstralski, kalimantanski in novogvinejski domorodci, indijanska plemena v dzhunglah Juzhne Amerike — seveda uposhtevajoch, da so se nekateri od njih zhe »pokvarili« z modernimi orodji, kot so nozhi in machete, in da so mogoche zhe dolgo tudi poljedelci. Skoraj vsi pa pogosto uporabljajo pasti, loke, pihalnike, bumerange itd. Lov je danes povsod omejen. V dzhunglah ni velikih zhivali, pa tudi v savanah ni vech na voljo za lov srednje in velike divjadi. Lovci iz stare in nove kamene dobe, pa tudi kasnejshi, morda pa ne »shportni« — vsi so odhajali na lov le z najbolj potrebnimi lovskimi orodji, potrebnimi za izbrano divjad in v danih okolishchinah. V nadaljevanju bomo opisali le »poenostavljene in prechishchene«, nekako idealizirane primere najbolj znachilnih lovskih nachinov ter uporabljenih orozhij in orodij tako v njihovem medsebojnem odnosu kot tudi vplivu. 1. Posameznik ali zelo majhna skupina je zmogla loviti le malo divjad. Morali so biti neslishni, premikali so se hitro in previdno, prezhali so in zalezovali pred neposrednim napadom, vechinoma iz blizhine. Ob zori chlovekovega razvoja so lovili z roko in kijem, metali kamenje in palice, tisochletja pozneje so lovili z lokom in pushchicami, s pihalniki, v gozdovih in dzhunglah, z lahkim orozhjem za metanje, kot so frache, kopja, bumerangi, morda tudi tezhja bola v travnati pokrajini, savani, v polpushchavi ali v tundri. Ni dvoma, da ne bi bili sposobni izdelovati obdelanih kamenih orodij v skladu s sploshnim razvojem kot nasledniki ali chlani vechje skupine. Vendar pa so jih tezhka kamena orodja bolj ovirala, kot pa jim pomagala pri lovu, zato so ulov najvechkrat pojedli na mestu. LiVeS Journal 145 • Size of prey: - Small game — birds, rabbits, beaver and var. rodents, fish etc., - Medium game — approx. to the human body size — roe, antelope, hog, sheep, goat etc., - Big game — bovine, mammoth, deer, horse, rhinoceros etc., • Hunting tools: Weapons: - Hand axe, throwing stick, club, lance, spear, sling, bola, bow and arrows, blow pipe, composite bone-stone-wood axe, club, lance, spear, Meat processing tools: - Hand axe, chopper, flake, club, fire, glowed stone, grill stick, • Hunting actions: - Prey or lurk, stalk, pursuit, chase, isolate, trap, ambush, attack, kill, dismember, transport, • Environment: - Jungle or forest, savannas, steppe, tundra, marsh, water... The modern hunters provided also some hunting information, especially the African Khoisan, the Australian Aborigines, the Kalimantan and New Guinea natives as the Indian tribes in the jungles of South America, naturally taking in account that some of them became already »spoiled« by modern tools, and have been also a long ago already farmers with knives and machetes. They use mostly traps, bows, blowpipes, and boomerangs — there is no big game in jungle or no more big game in savanna to be hunted, available. The hunters — especially Palaeolithic, Neolithic, the later ones, save the »sportsman«, they went to hunt only with the necessary hunting tools, with the tools and weapons which they did really need and had for the given prey and circumstances. In the following we shall discuss just the »simplified, purified and schematised« and somewhat »idealized« cases, which emphasize just the most characteristic properties of the corresponding common hunting techniques and their relationships or influences on the tools used. 1. A very small group of hunters or an individual — they were capable to hunt just the small game. They had to be noiseless, mostly silent and cautiously moving, preying and stalking. They hunted by hand and cub, throwing stones and sticks in the dawn of the hominin evolution. Then, after the eons, they hunted with bow and arrows, blowpipes in forests or dense jungles and possible light throw weapons as slings, spears, boomerangs, maybe also with as heavy device as a bola, in grasslands, in savannas, semi deserts or tundra. There is scarcely a reason, that they would not have been able to produce the elaborate stone tools according to the general development in the corresponding times, especially as they were mostly the rest of a larger group. But the heavy stone tools more impeded them as helped in the hunt. The hunters had to be very swift and mobile and the whole family often had to move following the prey. The catch was mostly consumed on the spot. 146 LiVeS Journal Spolna delitev dela je bila vechinoma nekoristna, le zachasna ob porodih in v zgodnjem otroshtvu. Sekache in grobe luske so naredili na mestu, da bi razrezali in ochistili ulov, nato pa so jih zavrgli, da bi shli neobremenjeni naprej. To so bili chasi tehnologije Mode 1. Ta nachin lova so prilozhnostno uporabljale majhne skupine lovcev celo v okoljih, kjer je bilo dovolj vsakrshne divjadi, obvezno pa so ga morale uporabljati razlichno velike skupine lovcev na podrochjih z malo divjadjo, kot velja vse do modernega chloveka. Poudariti je treba, da so ti naprednejshi praljudje zhiveli v neprijaznih okolishchinah, bili so sposobni prezhiveti v tezhkih chasih in negostoljubnem okolju. Poseljevali so kontinente, razvojno napredovali in se mnozhili v vsakrshnem okolju. Ni razloga, da bi dvomili o njihovi »vishini dushevne sposobnosti spoznavanja«, ki je bilo verjetno vechje kot pri ostalih povprechnih praljudeh v istih chasih. 2. Manjsha skupina lovcev, chlanov manjshega shtevila prebivalcev, je zhe zmogla loviti srednjo divjad — najvech zelo hitre chrede travojedov. Lovci so se premikali tiho in hitro, ko so zalezovali in sledili. Sekire so bile pri takem lovu manj uporabne. Morali so jih predalech prenashati in so jih po metanju tudi tezhje nashli. Razprsheni lovci so lov morali usklajevati, vsak lovec je imel svojo nalogo — zalezovanje, pogon in zaseda. Zato so uporabljali lahko opremo, vechinoma loke, verjetno v manjshi meri kopja in sulice, za katere je bila potrebna vechja blizhina plena. Zhe prvi napad je moral biti uspeshen, zadetek v polno na prvi met. Iz afrishke savane je znano, da so lovci she v moderni dobi tekli in zasledovali ranjene antilope celo po nekaj dni, preden so lahko konchno dosegli svoj ulov. Taki lovci niso imeli chasa in potrpljenja, da bi izdelovali obdelana kamena orodja. Glede na potrebo so vechinoma in verjetno v hitri izvedbi na mestu naredili sekache in grobe luske (v glavnem tehnologija Mode 1), da bi razkosali zhivali za prenos do druzhin. Pojavila se je spolna delitev dela, najverjetneje zaradi odsotnosti na velikih razdaljah, ki so jih moshki morali premagati pri lovu. »Atavistichni« ostanek moshkega lovca in zhenske nabiralke39 - je she danes prisoten v patriarhalnih druzhbah v spolni delitvi dela, v izbiri poklicev ter tudi v opazno razlichni sposobnosti orientacije v naravi. Danes se to zelo zanikuje, z vzgojo naj bi te delitve premagali, toda v davnini in morda tudi she kasneje je to bil najboljshi nachin za uspeshno prezhivetje — povechana skrb za matere in otroke, ki so ostali zashchiteni »doma« pri vsakdanjem manj nevarnem zbiranju hrane, kar je gotovo reshilo veliko druzhin v primeru lovskih neuspehov in dolgih moshkih odsotnosti. Zhenske, ki so ostajale »doma«, so tudi bistveno in morda edinstveno prispevale k chloveshkemu kulturnemu razvoju in jezikovnemu bogastvu. Tako je stalen in bogat vir hrane pospeshil osebni in druzhbeni razvoj, rast prebivalstva in genetsko stabilnost. LiVeS Journal 147 A gender labour division was almost contra productive and if happened, then just temporary at the childbirths and in the early infancy. The choppers and crude flakes were made on the spot to dismember and clean the catch, and were then usually disposed to move on unburdened. These were the times of the Mode 1 technology, used occasionally by small groups of hunters even in the game rich environments, but persistently by any group of hunters in the small game regions through the whole time of the evolution to the modern homo. It has to be mentioned, that these hominins, or these people in general, they were the survivors of the hostile circumstances, they were capable to survive in the hard times and hard environments. They were the people, which spread over the continents, prospered and multiplied even in the extreme hostile environments. There is no reason to doubt in their »cognitive capacity, complexity or development«, which were possibly even superior to the average hominins in their time. 2. A smaller group of hunters, mostly the members of the smaller population, was capable to hunt also the medium game, mostly the very mobile herds of the grazers. They had to be also noiseless, silent and very mobile while stalking, pursuing and attacking. The hand axes were mostly useless on this type of hunt. They had to be transported on the long distances and were after the use hardly recoverable. The scattered hunters have to coordinate their actions; every of the hunters had his proper task — stalking, chasing and ambush. The lightweight equipment was necessary — bow and arrows, less probably the spears, as for their use a smaller distance to the prey was necessary. The first attack should have been successful, the hit on the first throw or blow. It is known from the African bush, that the hunters, in just past modern times, followed running the wounded antelope a couple of days till they were able to collect finally their catch. These hunters also did not waste time and work to produce an elaborate stone tool. If needed, it was mostly and very probably just a relatively quick improvisation on the spot — choppers and crude flakes — just mostly the Mode1 technology. They needed them to dismember the animals to be transported to their family. The gender labor division emerged very probably due to the greater distances and absences to be prevailed by males in hunt. The »atavistic« residuum — the male hunter and the female gatherer39 — is even nowadays present in the patriarchal societies, in gender labour division, gender preferences in jobs type, as in the noticeable gender difference in the landscape orientation ability. Nowadays heavy criticized, but tried to be abolished by education, the gender labour division emerged as the best survival strategy at that and probable also some later times — the enhanced child care staying sheltered »at home« and the daily less dangerous gathering of the food supply, which saved many families in the case of the hunt misadventures and long male hunt excursion absences. The »at home« stayed females with offspring contributed essentially and probably almost sole to the hominin cultural evolution and language richness. The persistent and abundant food supply enhanced the individual and the social development, the population growth and the genetic stability. 148 LiVeS Journal Kamena orodja so uporabljali vechinoma »doma«. Tako so postajala vedno bolj izdelana, grobi sekachi so preshli v sekire, za vsakdanjo uporabo so izdelali vrsto rezil in lusk — to je bila zhe razvijajocha se tehnologija Mode 2. Sekire in rezila so verjetno izdelovali moshki, domnevno so jih zhenske dokonchno obdelale glede na namenu. Ta orodja so lahko tudi chistili in jih vechkrat uporabili. 3. Vechja skupina lovcev je lahko lovila veliko divjad, zlasti v pasti — ozke doline, soteske, jame, prepade itd. Pri tem so uporabljali tezhka orodja (sekire), plen so pobijali z tezhkimi sulicami, kiji in kamenjem. Lovili so vzdolzh stalnih zhivalskih poti, v travnati pokrajini, z raztresenim drevjem in grmovjem, v savanah in tudi v tundri. Naredili so zasedo, sledil je pogon v past s hrupom in krichanjem. Lov velike chredne divjadi je bil nevaren — bogat ulov je bil redek, odvisen od primernega kraja. Verjetno so se osredotochili na bolj osamljene zhivali na pashi ter jih obkolili. Lovci niso morali biti hitri, dovolj je bilo prezhati ob zhivalskih poteh v blizhini pasti. Meso so pojedli nekje v blizhini, vechinoma poleg svezhih vod, kjer so imeli vsaj zachasna bivalishcha. Taka skupina lovcev se je lahko zbrala le v druzhbah z vechjim prebivalstvom, ki se je zaradi svoje velikosti manj selilo in je bolj nachrtno izrabljalo svoje podrochje.35 Verjetno so imeli zhe popolno spolno delitev dela, ki je omogochala boljsho skrb za potomstvo in je pospeshevala kulturni razvoj. Schasoma se je pojavila she nadaljnja delitev dela; pri tem je najbolj pomemben zachetek pastirstva in zhivinoreje, ki sta zmanjshala potrebo po lovu ter pospeshila prilagajanje kamenega orodja za razlichno »domacho« uporabo. To je bil chas nastopa Levalloisove tehnologije. Verjetno so so se zdaj zhe posamezniki ukvarjali predvsem z orodjem in lovsko opremo, ker so to izdelovali bolje od povprechnih chlanov plemena. Boljsha izdelava je bila morda tudi nekak dokaz veljave in je izdelek dobil kultni nadih, kot je to obichajno v velikih druzhbah. Mogoche je bil zaradi tega celo prevech obdelan, kot pa je bilo ponavadi potrebno.40 Skrbno izdelane in izbrushene kamene sekire so bile ne le vechkratno uporabna orodja, temvech tudi primeren izstrelek iz roke ali iz frache. Njihove aerodinamichne in po vodi drseche oblike so omogochale natanchen in usmerjen zadetek, ki je povzrochil uchinkovit udarec in rez. Tezhko je shteti vsako obliko orodja kot neprichakovano novo iznajdbo. Bistvene so bile izkushnje iz dolgih obdobij z natanchnim opazovanjem lastnosti in uporabnosti orodja. Znachilen primer je bumerang. Na sploshno sta obilna divjad in uspeshen lov z dobro prehrano spodbujala rast prebivalstva, s tem pa tudi nastajanje vechjih skupin lovcev. Te so lovile bolj uchinkovito, zlasti velike zhivali, to pa je povratno vplivalo na vechanje prebivalstva, na vse boljsho izdelavo orodij ter seveda tudi, kot je bilo zhe omenjeno, na nadaljnji telesni, umski in druzhbeni razvoj. LiVeS Journal 149 The stone tools, if needed, were mostly used »at home«. They were becoming more and more elaborate; the crude choppers to hand axes, and a variety of blades and flakes for daily use — already an evolving Mode 2 technology. After the use were, due to the sanitary reasons, discarded. The hand axes and blades were very probably produced mostly as raw products by males, and then occasionally also fine finished by females — these axes and blades could be cleaned and therefore repeatedly used. 3. A larger group of hunters was capable to hunt the big game. The animals were ambushed and then chased in traps — narrow valleys, gorges, pits, precipices etc. The hunters used certainly heavy tools as hand axes to dismember the catch killed mostly with heavy spears, cubs and stones. They hunted along the known animal paths, in grass landscapes with scattered trees and bushes and in savanna. The great herds were dangerous — a big kill was seldom and if, then due to the convenient terrain. They very probably isolated single animals, or focused on the lone grazers and so concentrated the efforts to enable the success. The group did not need to be very mobile, it was sufficient to be posted and hidden relatively near the animal paths and traps. The meat was consumed somewhere in the neighbourhood, mostly near the fresh water supplies, where they may have had at least temporary rest places. Such group was possible to gather only in the societies with larger population. These societies were due to their size less mobile and more organized in the use of the occupied territory.35 A full gender labour division was possibly already extant, providing better child care and also promoting the cultural evolution. With the time further labour divisions emerged. The most important would be the already mentioned, very probable emergence of herding and animal husbandry, maybe just the keeping of pet animals, which reduced the need to hunt. It caused the further development and refinement of the stone tools for various tasks for the »home« use. This was the time of the emergent Levalloisian technology. Probably existed among them also the individuals specialized to produce the tools and hunting equipment of better quality as the average tribesmen. This tool making was probably with the time also an object of some prestige, the product getting the cultural touch as it is common in larger societies, hence even more elaborately done as necessary. These points were also quoted as the reason for differences in the quality of tools.40 I argue, from the hunter's point of view, the carefully shaped and ground axes, the bifacial, were not just reusable tools, but also superb projectiles, thrown with the hand or from the sling. Their aerodynamic and surf properties enabled a precise and oriented hit to deliver the most efficient cut blow. It is hard to ascribe each tool variation as a sudden new invention. The aeons long experience and a precise scrutiny of the tool behaviour played the major role. Just compare the boomerang! Generally, the abundant game, the successful catch and so sufficient nourishment led to population growth, to the groups with more numerous hunters. They could hunt more efficiently and were waging to hunt the bigger animals, what caused even greater population size — also less mobile — and the use of more elaborate tools...and so on... 150 LiVeS Journal Tako je ochitna medsebojna odvisnost med lovskimi orodji, lovskimi nachini, vrstami in obiljem divjadi ter shtevilom lovcev. S tem postane razdelitev nahajalishch raznih tipov kamenega orodja v skladu z Moviusovo linija jasno razumljiva, nich vech »zagonetna«: velika in srednja divjad se je nahajala v savanah in gozdovih, srednja in mala divjad v stepah in v dzhunglah, mala divjad pa je bila vechinska v obchasnih pushchavah, v tundri, v mochvirjih in na vodah. Moviusova linija je torej v bistvu lochnica med podrochji, bogatimi z veliko in srednjo divjadjo, ter podrochji z malo in redko divjadjo. Na slednjih so lovci imeli tezhavno vsakdanjost. Morali so biti bolj iznajdljivi, hitri in uchinkoviti, da bi prezhiveli. Razlagati njihove sposobnosti z istimi, danes priljubljenimi tezami o dushevnih sposobnostih vodi k ravno nasprotnim sklepom: morali so imeti bolj razvito zlasti sposobnost spoznavanja kakor pa uporabniki sekir, ki so bili v svojih vechjih skupinah bolje zashchiteni ter so imeli bolj »razkoshno« vsakdanjost na podrochjih, bogatih z divjadjo. Lovci male divjadi niso uporabljali sekir, ker niso zapravljali truda in chasa za nekaj manj uporabnega. Nasprotno jim danes nekatere razlage zaradi pomanjkanja zlasti sekir vishje kakovosti pripisujejo le omejene psihichne sposobnosti. Tako tudi arheoloshke najdbe — shtevilne skrbno izdelane dvostranske sekire, redke grobo izdelane sekire oziroma redka nahajalishcha rezilnega orodja — podpirajo sklepe o odlochilnih »lovskih skupinah in vrsti divjadi«. Moviusova linija torej dokazuje prav nasprotno, kot pa trdijo danes prevladujochi pogledi. Lov, nachini lova, lastnosti shirjenja zvoka in tipi jezikov Glas ali zvok nashega govorjenega jezika je nash vsakdanji, najbolj uporabljan nachin sporazumevanja. Zvok je tudi najbolj razshirjen nachin sporazumevanja, pravzaprav izmenjave »obvestil«, med vishje razvitimi ter drugimi zelo razlichnimi zhivimi bitji. Drugachni nachini »obveshchanja«, kot so vonj, telesni gibi ali pa bioluminiscenca, so bolj omejeni na posamezne vrste zhivih bitij. Zvochnega oglashanja so sposobni vsi sesalci. Zvok tvorijo s pomochjo vdihanega in izdihanega zraka pravzaprav na celotni poti le-tega skozi telo. Pri chloveku gre predvsem za sapnik, grlo, glasnice, ustna votlina, jezik, zobje in ustnice. Uposhtevati moramo dve strani zvochnega sporazumevanja: zvoke, ki jih tvorimo, in zvoke, ki jih zaznamo ali slishimo. Lochevanje med zaznanim in slishanim zvokom je nekako nejasno ali dvoumno, vendar nam tukaj rabi kot razlikovanje med zvoki, ki jih le zaznamo (na sploshno : opazmo), in na zvoke, ki jih v nadaljnjem razchlenimo, pojasnimo in v skladu s tem delujemo (to so slishani zvoki). LiVeS Journal 151 Thus a correspondence or a connection between the hunting tool type, their number, the hunting technique, the prey type, the prey abundance and the number of hunters is obvious. The tool assignment to the geographic areas, according to the Movius line, is thus clearly explained from the hunters perspective and thus less elusive: the big and medium game was on disposal in savannah and forests, the medium and small game in steppes and jungles, the small game prevailed only in temporary deserts, in tundra, marshes and on waters. The Movius line is thus the demarcation between the regions abundant with big and medium game and the regions with smaller and scarcer game. Especially the hunters in these hostile regions had a harder way of life. They had to be more inventive, mobile and efficient to survive. Interpreting their capabilities with the same presently given and promoted mental capacity arguments, implies that they should have possessed higher cognitive capabilities than the hand axe users, shielded in groups, with more »leisure life« in the game abundant regions. It is just the opposite to the present interpretations, which granted them, due to the absence of hand axes or the seemingly superior axe quality from our perspective, only limited cognitive capabilities. They actually used just the necessary tools and did not waste the time and energy to work out unnecessary and unpractical objects for their daily occupation. Also the number of archaeological founds — very numerous bifacial elaborate axes, the rare crude axes and ... the relatively rare funds of only cutting tools support the »hunter group and prey type« arguments. The tool types and Movius line, as demonstrated, prove just the opposite as till now supposed and promoted. The hunting, hunting techniques, acoustics and language types The sound of the spoken language is our daily, the most used means of communication. The sound is also the most common means of communication among the higher developed living beings and is used by very different species — save probably the scent, body gestures or bioluminescence, which are all preferably species limited. As far as concerns the sounds, all mammals, so also by us, produce them in the mouth with the breathed air, at least almost... and all of them are capable to hear all sounds by them produced. Two aspects are therefore here to be considered: the sounds generated and the sounds perceived and among them the sounds heard.. The distinction between the sounds perceived and the sounds heard is somewhat ambiguous, but we understand it as a difference between the sounds just registered — perceived — and the sounds, which are further analysed, interpreted and reacted upon — the sounds heard. 152 LiVeS Journal Skoraj vsa zhiva bitja so sposobna obchutiti zvochne tresljaje in v skladu z njimi delovati. Vsa bolj razvita zhiva bitja so sposobna dolochiti smer, iz katere zvok prihaja, dolochiti njegov izvor v tonskem razponu na frekvenchnem podrochju. To je pogojeno z razdaljo med ushesi in s hitrostjo shirjenja zvoka v zraku ali v vodi. Zhivchni sistem zabelezhi fazni premik zvochnih valov med »levim« in »desnim« ushesom in iz tega »izrachuna« smer. Da bi to bilo mozhno, je potrebno, da zvok nekaj chasa traja. Faznega premika kratkega zvochnega izbruha ni mogoche jasno dolochiti, pa tudi ne smeri, iz katere je prishel. Zvok mora imeti tudi zadostno jakost, da bi ga lahko zaznali. Vsako uho je zmozhno razlikovati in razchleniti zvok razlichnih frekvenc v dolochenem frekvenchnem in jakostnem obmochju, shume in zvoke razchleni na posamezne tone in vzorce. To so osnove sluha. Vse razlike veljajo za frekvenchna podrochja raznih zhivalskih vrst pri tvorbi zvokov, pri njih zaznavanju in slishanju. Zvoki, ki jih bitja tvorijo, ustrezajo zvokom, ki jih lahko zaznajo; pri tem zaznajo precej vechji razpon tonov, kot pa jih lahko tvorijo. Oboje, sposobnost oglashati se in sposobnost zaznati in slishati sta izid evolucijskega prilagajanja na zhivljenjske okolishchine, posebej na lastnosti vrste kot plenilca ali plena. Pri tem so bistvene lastnosti shirjenja zvoka, kot jih opisuje fizika zvoka — akustika (sl. 3). Zvok nizhjih tonov se shiri manj usmerjeno, bolj dalech, se manj odbija in »gre okrog vogalov« (difrakcija ali uklon), zvok vishjih tonov pa se bolj dushi z oddaljenostjo, se manj shiri, je bolj usmerjen, se manj uklanja in bolj odbija. Seveda so vse sposobnosti sluha — zaznati, slishati in razchleniti zvok, obchutek za vishino tona, razlikovanje tonov, frekvenchna in jakostna obmochja, zvochno zasenchevanje itd. — odvisne od ustroja ushesa in njegove fiziologije, kot to opisuje biofizika.41 Bogastvo in razlichnost oglashanja pri tvorbi zvoka kot govora je medsebojno delovanje govornih organov — ustne votline, nosa, jezika itd. — ter nadzorovanja zrachnega toka iz prsi. Vse to ima razvojni smisel in posledice. Govorni in slushni organi so bistveno oblikovali govor in jezik v jezikovnem smislu, organe pa so v povratni zvezi oblikovale potrebe njihove uporabe. Kot zhe recheno, je prichujocha razprava zasnovana na dejstvu, da so bili praljudje lovci in zbiralci skoraj v celotnem poteku evolucije do modernega chloveka. Zaradi tega so lovske potrebe, poleg morda manj pomembnih razlogov, bistveno vplivale tudi na razvoj zaznavanja in tvorbe zvoka, na sluh in na govor, na pojav jezika, jezikovnega bogastva in njegove raznolikosti. Namerno oglashanje, pravzaprav zhe govor, ki so ga uporabljali za sporazumevanje, je bil eden od osnovnih pogojev za uspeshen lov. Lovci na malo divjad so morali neopazno najti svoj plen, ga skrito zalezovati in slediti, v lovski druzhbi pa so kljub temu morali uskladiti svoje delovanje. Za sporazumevanje na kratkih razdaljah so ponavadi uporabljali visok nezvenech glas, shibke jakosti in kratkega trajanja, vechinoma shepet — torej zvok, ki ga plen ni mogel opredeliti in ugotoviti njegov izvor. Taki glasovi so podobni obichajnemu in sluchajnemu naravnemu hrupu in shumu, kot je pokanje lesa, brenchanje zhuzhelk, razni tleski, cmok pri padcih, cvrchanje ptic; pojavljal se je zhe »click language« (klik, tlesk, cmok) ali za nasho razpravo — jezik klikov. LiVeS Journal 153 Almost all living beings are capable to register the sound vibrations, or to perceive and to react on sound. All more evolved species have the capability to discern the direction of the sound source and to locate it in an interval of frequencies — in a range of tones. These frequencies are defined by the distance between the ears and the sound velocity in the air or in the water. The phase shift of the sound waves between the »left« and the »right« ear is registered by the nervous system and from it is then the direction »calculated«. To register the phase shift certain duration of sound is necessary. In a short burst the phase shift cannot be clearly resolved, and thus the direction of the sound source may not be properly resolved. The sound has to have also the sufficient intensity to be perceived. The ear is capable to discern and resolve the sounds of different frequencies in a certain frequency and intensity range, the noise or sounds can be analysed and the particular tones and patterns picked up. These are the general basics of the hearing. All the differences are in the frequency ranges of various species in the sounds generated, perceived and heard. The sounds generated are naturally compatible with the species hearing capabilities. Both — hearing capabilities and the sounds generated are the result of the evolutionary adaptation of species on the living and-or hunting environment as well on the properties of the prey or the predator. Essential is the physics of the sound spreading (Fig. 3) — the lower tones spread less directional, over longer distances, reflect less and they »go around« the corners (diffraction), the higher tones are more damped with the distance, spread less, are more directional, less »go around« and they more readily reflect. Naturally, the hearing capabilities — the sound perception and analysis — the pitch sensitivity, the tone resolution, the frequency and the intensity ranges, the sound screening etc., all the properties interdependent through the ear structure and physiology as described by anatomy and biophysics.41 The same describe also the capability of the sounds generated variety — the speech — the functional interplay of the mouth cavity, the nose, the tongue, the tonsils as also the control of the air stream by the chest — and all have their evolutionary sense and consequences. These capabilities shaped essentially the speech and the language in linguistic sense and were shaped in feedback by the needs of their use. As already stated above were the hominins hunters and gatherers practically through the whole time span of their evolution to the modern man — hundreds of thousands of years. Therefore hunting necessities, among maybe less important reasons, influenced essentially also the evolution of the sound perception, hearing and speech, the emergence of language and its development — its richness and variations. The sound, already the speech, used as the means of communication in the course of hunt, was essential one of the basic conditions for a successful hunt. The small game hunters had to locate the prey undiscovered, they had to stalk and to pursue it undiscovered, even if they had to coordinate their actions with the fellow hunters. They used for communication, usually over short distances, the high pitch, low intensity — whisper — and very short duration sounds, the source of which the prey could not properly interpret and locate. The sounds were similar to usual naturally occasional noises, as the wood cracking, buzz, plosive sounds, fall bumps, the bird's and insect's chirps ... — it was actually the emerging click language. 154 LiVeS Journal Praljudje so najprej postali lovci male divjadi, v majhnih skupinah, in so pri tem »izumili« jezik klikov kot najbolj primeren za tak nachin lova. Jezik klikov je postal bistvena prednost pri lovu na malo divjad; to je bil osnovni razlog, da se je ohranil vse do danashnjih dni, posebno v polpushchavskem, skalnem in dzhungelskem okolju. Ljudje, ki govorijo jezik klikov, so vedno zhiveli v zelo trdih pogojih na negostoljubnih podrochjih. Jezik klikov govorita na primer afrishki plemeni Ju | 'hoansi in Hadzabe; gre za glasovno zelo podobna jezika klikov jezikovne druzhine Khoisan, kljub njihovi medsebojni genetichni oddaljenosti. O tem menijo jezikoslovci:43 ... Globoka genetichna razlika med klik-govorechimi ljudmi Afrike in vse shtevilnejsha jezikovna prichevanja napeljujejo na misel, da so klikasti soglasniki nastali zgodaj v zgodovini modernih ljudi. Mozhni sta najmanj dve pojasnili. Kliki so morda obstajali vech deset tisoch let neodvisno pri vechini prebivalstva kot neopredeljena znachilnost. Po drugi strani so zadržali klike, ker so koristni pri lovu v dolochenih okoljih ... ... Sistemi klikov lahko vplivajo na lovski uspeh. Med zalezovanjem plena Ju I 'hoansipreidejo na utishano shepetajoche sporazumevanje. Govor je brezglasu in se sestoji skoraj popolnoma iz klikov... ... Drznem si domnevati, da so kliki starejshi od sto tisoch let, toda nochem skochiti predalech ... Naj le omenim — v toku evolucije gre verjetno za zelo gladek prehod od sporazumevanja med zhivalmi do chlovekovegajezika. Tu je profesor M. Ruhlen po mojem mnenju prevech previden; jeziki klikov so najstarejshi tip jezika, stari niso le vech sto tisoch let, temvech so she starejshi, mogoche celo milijon ali vech let. Za moje pojmovanje je polozhaj khojsanske druzhine pri klasifikaciji svetovnih jezikov najvazhnejshi nereshen problem v jezikovni razporeditvi.44 Vech o tem gl.45 Glasovi ps, pst, ts, tc, sss, mm, mhm itd. — v razlichni vishini, z razlichnimi spremembami v dolzhini, spushchanju ali vzdigovanju ipd. — so pravzaprav vsakdanje besede, ki sodijo v jezik klikov. Vsakdo jih razume, ne glede na svoj materinski jezik. Njihovega pomena se ni treba uchiti, torej so njihovi pomeni v vseh oblikah izraza zhe genetsko pogojeni. Nekatere razumemo zhe v zgodnjem otroshtvu, nekatere razumejo tudi razne zhivali. To so pravzaprav prvi zachetki jezika in dokazujejo njegovo visoko starost ter tudi, da je jezik nelochljivo povezan z dolochenim informacijskim sistemom. Vrh tega, kot meni profesor Ruhlen, jezik klikov, cheprav so ga dolgo imeli za zelo primitivnega, po svojem izraznem bogastvu v nichemer ne zaostaja za katerim koli modernim »razvitim« jezikom. Na podrochjih bogate in raznovrstne divjadi so praljudje prilagodili jezik klikov novim okolishchinam. Bogatemu lovu sta sledili rast prebivalstva in shtevilnost lovcev, kar je omogochilo lov vechje in bolj raznolike divjadi. Temu so, kot recheno, prilagodili nachin lova in izdelave lovskega orodja. Znachilnosti pokrajine so vplivale na nachin sporazumevanja in na njegove spremembe. LiVeS Journal 155 The hominins started as the small game hunters, in the small groups, and so »invented« the click language as the most appropriate means to hunt the small game. The use of the click language was an essential advantage for them and it did not depend even later much on the hunter group size. The game on disposal — the small game — was the basic constraint for its persistence through eons. The people, the speakers of click language lived always under the hard conditions in a very harsh environments. Here is the best example of Ju | 'hoansi and Hadzabe people, which have very similar click languages — the Khoisan family of languages — in spite of their genetic distance, the meaning and the explanation given by the linguists:43 ...The deep genetic divergence among click-speaking peoples of Africa and mounting linguistic evidence suggest that click consonants date to early in the history of modern humans. At least two explanations remain viable. Clicks may have persisted for tens of thousands of years, independently in multiple populations, as a neutral trait. Alternatively, clicks may have been retained, because they confer an advantage during hunting in certain environments... ... Click systems may impact hunting success. During stalking of prey, Ju | 'hoansi revert to a hushed whisper-like communication. Speech is devoiced and consists almost entirely of clicks... ...I dare to suppose, that clicks are elder than hundred thousands of years, but let me notjump to far ahead... Just to mention — we have probably a very smooth transition from animal communication to hominid language in the course of evolution. Here is professor M. Ruhlen perhaps even to cautious on the subject of click languages as the oldest type of language — more than hundred thousand of years, perhaps a million or more. To my mind, the position of the Khoisan family in the classification of the world's languages is the most important unresolved problem in linguistic taxonomy.44 More on the subject in44 and45 From everyday life — the voices ps, pst, ts, tc, sss..., mm, mhm etc. — in various heights, in various changes of length, in lowering or rising etc. — are actually words belonging to the click language. We understand them all, regardless of our mother tongue, be it any. Their meaning we newer learned — therefore is their meaning in all expression forms already genetically conditioned. Some are understandable already in the early infancy, some are clear even to animals. These are actually the first emergence of language and they prove its high age as well that the language is inseparable from an information system. Professor Ruhlen confirms that the click languages — even that they were long time considered as primitive — have the whole richness of expression, comparable to any modern »developed« language. In the regions of abundant and various game the hominin adapted to other conditions. To an abundant catch followed the population growth and so the number of hunters, what enabled them to hunt bigger and different game. The hunting technique and the type of hunting tools changed, as well the landscape and the environment constraints. Accordingly was changed and adapted the art of the respective vocal communication. 156 LiVeS Journal Shtevilnejshe prebivalstvo je povzrochilo razvojno bogastvo (v jezikoslovnem smislu) jezika zaradi bolj zahtevnega sporazumevanja med posamezniki v vsakdanjem zhivljenju. To je bil verjetno predvsem zhenski prispevek k jezikovni pestrosti, ker je zachetek jezika zasluga obeh spolov, saj sta oba sodelovala zhe pri zachetkih lova. Moshki so lovili sami le v chasu, ko so bili otroci she zelo majhni. Z bogatejshim ulovom so zhenske verjetno kmalu opustile sodelovanje pri lovu in se zbirale v svoje vechje zdruzhbe. Delitev dela po spolih je bistveno vplivala na pogovorni jezik z znachilnostmi, nepotrebnimi za lov (za ostale razlage gl.46). — Jezik klikov praprebivalcev, ki so stalno zhiveli na podrochjih z malo divjadjo, pa se je verjetno spremenil ali prilagodil ob novih pogojih, ko so ljudje odkrili nove izvore hrane brez lova — predvsem s poljedelstvom. Pri tem se je jezik klikov, brez spremembe nachina lova v rodovitnem okolju, najverjetneje neposredno spreminjal v izolacijski tip jezika. — Pri lovu na srednjo divjad, zlasti na hitre chrede travojedov, ter pri pashi pa se je moralo spremeniti tudi sporazumevanje med lovci ali pastirji. Glasovi so morali biti jasno slishni na vechjih razdaljah v odprti pokrajini ter biti tudi prilagojeni telesno bolj napornemu lovu ali pa pastirkemu delu s chredo. Tako so kliki zaradi vechjih razdalj postali bolj zvochni in bolj raznoliki, izraziti so morali bolj zapletena obvestila, zato so se zhe zlivali v besede, in to v smislu znachilnosti aglutinacijskih jezikov, ki jih govorijo vechinoma nomadska pastirska ljudstva. Zaradi takega nachina zhivljenja je tudi mozhno, da se je kakshen fleksijski jezik spremenil v aglutinacijskega. — Pri lovu na veliko divjad, v gozdovih in savanah, so se morali lovci med hrupno gonjo sporazumevati zelo glasno v primerni razdalji, ko so gnali divjad v pasti. Glasovi so morali biti slishni kljub grmovju in drevju, ki dushita zvoke, ter seveda kljub hrupu in krichanju. V takih pogojih so najbolj slishni nizki toni, ki lazhje prodirajo skozi ovire in se na njih uklanjajo. Pri tem se lovci med seboj niso mogli videti, zato so glasovi za sporazumevanje poleg nizkih tonov morali biti she ustrezno oblikovani, da so jih lahko razlikovali od ostalega hrupa, ko so se v pogonu razprshili med grmovjem in drevjem. Tako so glasovne zveze z njih oblikovanjem vodile do sprememb jezika klikov v jezik fleksijskega tipa, ki ga je sporazumevanje brez lovskih potreb v vechji druzhbi she dodatno bogatilo. Sporazumevanje v vechjih zhenskih skupinah je verjetno obogatilo jezik z lastnostmi, ki niso bile potrebne za lov. Medsebojna odvisnost razlichnih dejavnikov — vrsta in obilje divjadi, primerno rastlinsko podrochje, kameno orodje, shtevilo lovcev v skupini, akustika v sporazumevanju, spremembe gostote prebivalstva v razmerju do nastajajochih jezikovnih tipov — je shematsko in idealizirano prikazana na si. 4. Dejansko so se vse te odvisnosti prepletale, ostala pa je komaj zaznavna glavna sled. LiVeS Journal 157 More numerous populations caused the enrichment and the development (in linguistic sense) of the language due to the necessity of more elaborate communication between individuals also in daily life. This phase is very probably a generally female contribution to the language complexity, as the starting phase has to be attributed to both genders, cooperating in small groups. The sole male hunting was only in the periods of the early child infancy. With the number of hunters and the abundant catch, the females very probably soon abandoned the cooperation in hunting and stayed in larger society, where the communication enriched the language with the properties not necessarily essential for hunt. Another interpretation in 46 — If the game on disposal was still only the small game, but a new »hunt less« sources of food were acquired — notably with farming, then these hominid groups retained and further adapted the click language — to the characteristics of the isolation type of language. They started to live in fertile environments. — If the game on disposal started to be medium game, preferably the herds of highly mobile grazers, the click language gradually had to be changed to be heard and precisely understood over greater distances in an open landscape, but had to be adapted to the more physically exhausting hunt or herding — to find and locate, to stalk, to pursuit over the greater distances and then to attack coordinated. The »clicks« changed to be more voiced and the more differentiated notions started to be expressed as the words composed of these changed clicks — in the last consequence to the characteristics of the agglutination languages. The speakers of these languages are mostly nomadic cattle breeding people. It is even possible that due to the named constraints a possibly already extant flexing language got along with the change to this hunting technique the agglutination characteristics. — If the game on disposal and the environment corresponded to the big game, then the clicks had to be vocally expanded and varied to enable the effective coordination in the given environment. The big game hunters chased scattered the game after the ambush over the relatively shorter distances loudly in the trap. The lower tone sounds were to be used to be heard over the forest or partly with tree and bush overgrown area. The sounds were more elaborate and varied to be distinguished, to enable the more precise understanding between hunters, which were more spread over the terrain. Therefore the sound variations and combinations led — in the last consequence — to the characteristics of the flexing languages, the changes very probably enhanced with the population growth. Again the female communication in larger societies probably enriched the language with the properties not necessarily essential for hunt. The interdependence — the correspondence of the game type and abundance, the corresponding vegetation region, the lithic tools, the number of hunters, the acoustics of communication and the population dynamics to the emerging language types — is schematically and idealized depicted in Fig. 4. Factually all these interdependencies mixed, but there remained scarcely discernible main trace. 158 LiVeS Journal Nadaljnje jezikovne spremembe — jezikovni razvoj v jezikoslovnem smislu — so posledica nastajajoche zhivinoreje in kasneje poljedelstva. Lovski pogoji so postali postranski in jezik je zachel odrazhati nov nachin zhivljenja. Glasovne spremembe — tonalizacija, vokalizacija, poudarki itd. — so nastale zaradi mnogih vplivov, kot so otroshki govor, onomatopoija, izgovor, izraz, okolje itd. Nazoren je primer vpliva pokrajine na ljudske pesmi; ljudje, ki zhivijo v gorskem svetu, imajo jasne, tonsko in ritmichno enostavne pesmi s kratkimi zakljuchki, ljudje iz ravninskih predelov pa tonsko bogate, veliko oktav obsegajoche pesmi bolj pochasnega ritma, z dolgimi in pochasnimi pripevi, vse to zaradi razlichnega odmeva v razlichnih pokrajinah.47 Te spremembe in prilagoditve so pravzaprav zhe kulturni dosezhki, toda kljub temu so imeli mochno vlogo pri evolucijskih merilih izbora, ker so izid in izraz mochnega vpliva chustvovanja. Cromagnonski chlovek je verjetno govoril predvsem v jeziku, she podobnemu jeziku klikov. Ta trditev je v skladu s hipotezo »out of Africa« ter s tesnim genetskim sorodstvom vsega svetovnega prebivalstva, z izjemo podsaharskega, obenem s t. i. nostratichno teorijo o svetovni jezikovni druzhini. Temu nasprotnih pogledov ne bomo nashtevali. Moviusova linija najdishch in tipi jezikov kazhejo, da so geografsko najbolj oddaljeni — po merilih poti »out of Africa » — jeziki izolativnega tipa, ki so v skladu z nasho razlago najblizhji jezikom klikov. Verjetno so cromagnonski ljudje prvotno zhiveli v postopoma vse bolj suhem in vse bolj negostoljubnem okolju severne Afrike, zato so bili prilagojeni na tezhavne okolishchine ter so tako tudi imeli voljo, razlog in sposobnost za selitev. Verjetno tudi niso bili zelo shtevilni, kar podpira »bottle neck« razlago. Bili so zelo gibljivi in hitri lovci na male zhivali in so preshli velike razdalje, tako so naposled poselili vse kontinente. Morali so biti zelo iznajdljivi, zhe z visoko razvitimi dushevnimi sposobnostmi, ker so bili zmozhni teh selitev — v primeri z ljudmi, ki so zhiveli na podrochju z blagim podnebjem in bogato divjadjo. Razlagati medsebojno odvisnost tipov kamenega orodja in jezikovnih tipov z dushevnimi sposobnostmi od zgodnjih ljudi do modernega chloveka je deloma napaka zaradi pomanjkanja interdisciplinarnega raziskovanja. Dejstva so povsem v nasprotju s sploshno sprejetimi razlagami — tako orodja kot tudi tipi jezikov pomenijo nadvse primerno sredstvo za uspeshno prezhivljanje v okolishchinah, v katerih so zhiveli praljudje in kasneje njihovi nasledniki, to pa zaradi zelo razvitih dushevnih sposobnosti. Po mojem mnenju so genetichna in jezikovna dejstva vech kot dovolj za podporo razvoju chloveka na prvotno enem samem podrochju, kar ne izkljuchuje vplivov in prilagoditev z drugih podrochij. Vzrok za tak razvoj, kot bomo na kratko osvetlili kasneje, so isti osnovni naravni zakoni, ki pogojujejo razvoj v vseh primerih. Tudi podobne in prepletene lastnosti v razvoju jezikov v tehnichnem smislu, nakazane z navidezno poljubno tvorbo besed, niso zadosten razlog za podporo trditvam o razvoju na vech podrochjih. LiVeS Journal 159 Next major language changes — in linguistic sense the development — are the consequences of the emerging animal breeding and later of the farming. The hunting techniques constraints became marginal and the predominant new way of life was reflected in the language used. The language vocal changes — the tonalisation, vocalization, accentuation etc. — are due to the multiplicity of the influences — baby talk, onomatopoeia, pronunciation, articulation, environment etc. The illustrative example is the influence of the landscape on the folk songs — the people living in the mountainous regions have clear, simple tonal and rhythmic songs with sharp endings, the people living in the plains more tonally rich, over multiple octave extending, slow rhythmic songs with slow and long refrains — allegedly due to the echo properties47 of landscape. This changes and adaptations are actually already a cultural achievement, but they may have had a strong role in the evolutionary selection criteria, as they are the result and the expression of a strong emotional influence. The Cro-Magnon man was very probable a click language speaker. Taking in account the »out of Africa« hypothesis and the obviously close genetic kinship of the non-sub Saharan world population as well as the world language families — the nostratic hypothesis and the language origins — in spite of the controversies of their validity — are in accordance with this assertion. The Movius line and the language types show that the most geographically distant, measuring on the »out of Africa« way, are the isolating type languages, which are of the type the nearest to the click languages. The Cro-Magnon people lived in a gradually more and more dry and harsh north African environment, they were so adapted to hard circumstances and had a motivation to migrate, capable to survive in the most types of extreme environments encountered. They were not numerous — what gave the arguments for a bottleneck hypothesis. They were highly mobile small game hunters and so the people capable to migrate great distances to populate at last all the continents. They were very inventive with high mental abilities to be able to accomplish these migrations — compared to the people living in the »soft« climatic, game rich, environments. To interpret the types of stone tools, as the types of languages with the mental abilities or capabilities of the early, of the later hominins and of the modern homo is mostly due to the absence of an interdisciplinary research. The fact is just opposite to the currently promoted meanings — the tools as the language types show the perfect and very sound survival techniques for the given environment of the old hominins as well their later human successors due to very evolved mental capabilities. In my opinion is the genetic and language evidence overwhelmingly sufficient to support predominantly the single region human development, but does not exclude the multiregional influences and adaptations. The reasons, as it will be discussed later, are the same basic natural laws, directing the development in all cases. But also the analogous and convergent language complexity development in technical sense, but indicated by seemingly arbitrary glottogenesis, is not sufficient to support the multi regional development. 160 LiVeS Journal Zveza lovskih navad z jezikovnimi tipi je dodatna podpora prvotnemu razvoju na enem podrochju, kasnejsha jezikoslovna raznolikost jezikov pa se je kasneje razvila na drugih podrochjih. O tem vech z drugega vidika gl.48 Jezik klikov kot najstarejshi tip jezika po svoji vlogi in pomembnosti za vsakdanje prezhivetje prachloveshkih lovcev kazhe, da tudi besede niso nastajale poljubno, temvech so jih sprva tvorili z glasovi, ki so verjetno tochno oznachevali svoj pomen. Njihove kasnejshe spremembe zaradi zgoraj zhe omenjenih vplivov so dale vtis poljubno izbranih glasov. Te spremembe so nastajale tudi zaradi bioloshke spremenljivosti govora in govornikov (o tem vech v nadaljevanju). Prav tako tudi kasnejsha tvorba besed verjetno ni bila tako poljubna, kot na sploshno menijo jezikoslovci. O podobnih mnenjih iz drugih raziskav vech gl.49 inD:\livesjournal.eu\library\lives 12\brahrl2\movius 12.doc - [50]#[50]50 Razlogi za spore glede prvotnega chlovekovega razvoja na enem ali na vech podrochjih so she vedno prisotni; podobno tudi glede poljubne tvorbe besed. Pojav jezika, raznolikost jezikov in tvorba besed - pogled z nejezikoslovnega vidika Jezik se je v chlovekovem razvoju pojavil kot strateshko sredstvo za prezhivetje. Ta sklep iz zgoraj povedanega je najbolj vazhna posledica Alineijevega odkritja16 To pomeni, da je bil jezik sprva uporaben izum prachloveshkih lovcev, pozneje v teku razvoja pa je postal kulturni dosezhek. Sposobnost jezikovnega sporazumevanja imamo za edinstveno in znachilno chloveshko lastnost. To je nedvomno dejstvo, che uposhtevamo govorjeni in pisani jezik v jezikoslovnem smislu. V nadaljevanju te razprave se bomo posvetili naravnemu, govorjenemu jeziku. Tudi o tem, kakor tudi o sorodnih vprashanjih, obstajajo shtevilne strokovne raziskave, katerih kratek pregled gl.51,52,53 Njihovi avtorji v svojih ugotovotvah velikokrat niso enotni. Ne zhelim zagovarjati ne ocenjevati nobene strani, ker se nimam za dovolj kompetentnega za tako nalogo. Moj namen je le podati nekaj pogledov z nejezikoslovnega vidika v skladu z ugotovitvami o razlogih za Moviusovo linijo. Kolikor so nekatere zadevne ugotovitve zhe znane, se opravichujem njihovim avtorjem, ki so jih morda zhe objavili, jaz pa teh objav, ki mi niso znane, ne omenjam. Jezik se je pojavil in nato postajal vse bolj zapleten, ni pa se razvijal, ker so se razvile le chlovekove sposobnosti in zmozhnosti govora in sluha.54 To seveda vkljuchuje tudi chlovekove dushevne ali umske sposobnosti za spoznavanje in uchenj. Te so medsebojno odvisne in so se sochasno razvile — kot vzrok in posledica v povratni zvezi med sploshnim razvojem chlovekove anatomije. Dotaknili se bomo tudi jezikovne raznolikosti, bogastva jezikov in besedne tvorbe v jezikoslovnem smislu. LiVeS Journal 161 The connection of the hunting techniques with the language types supports additionally predominantly the single region human development and only the later multiregional language diversification or language evolution in the linguistic sense. From other viewpoint see more in48 on this problematic. The click language as the oldest type of language, its role and importance for the survival in the everyday life of the old hominin hunters, strongly suggest, that the words were not of an arbitrary origin, but that they were originally composed with sounds probably exactly characterizing their meaning. Their change, due to the above listed causes, led to their later sound »arbitrariness«, naturally also supported by the biologic variability of the speakers — that will be later discussed. This proves, that the primary word generation is not so arbitrary as generally supposed, very probably also not the later word generation, the similar conclusions from other research in 49 50 So here remain always reasons for the dispute on the single or a multiregional human development, and on the arbitrariness of the glottogenesis ... The emergence of language, language diversity and glottogenesis - a non linguistic view The language emerged as a part of the survival strategy in the hominin evolution. This conclusion from the above discussion is the most important consequence of the M. Alinei's discovery.16 This means that the human language was foremost an utilitarian innovation, due to the hominines as hunters, which in the course of evolution altered and rendered to the cultural achievement. The ability to communicate with a language is treated as the solely human trait. This is surely a fact considering a spoken and written language in linguistic sense. The following discussion will be limited to this human natural spoken language. There is a vast amount of research and publications on this subject by the specialists (see for example 51>52>53)in the related fields, which do not seldom contradict each other. My aim is not to take part on any side, not on any judgment and in any of these discussions, as I am not competent to do so. The aim is just to express some notions on the subject. A non-linguist according to the above-presented argumentation on the Movius line sees it. It is very probable that some facts are already known and I apologise to their authors not to cite them due to my restricted knowledge. The arguments will be given to illustrate why the language emerged and became more and more complex, but it did not evolve — and that just the human physical abilities and capabilities of speech, to speak and to listen, evolved.54 This implies also the mental and the cognitive human capabilities. They are mutually dependent and they evolved simultaneously, as the cause and the consequence — in the feed back of the general evolution of the human anatomy. Some arguments will be given also for the diversity of the human languages, the diversity and the glottogenesis in the linguistic sense. 162 LiVeS Journal S tehnichnega vidika ni razlike, ni ostre meje med sposobnostjo izmenjave signalov in sposobnostjo sporazumevanja z jezikom v jezikoslovnem smislu. Razlika nastaja postopno, jezik se pojavi iz izmenjave signalov z narashchajocho kolichino in raznolikostjo obvestil, informacij ali podatkov, ki jih je treba prenesti. Tako je razvoj jezika, vzeto v strogo jezikoslovnem smislu, znachilna chlovekova lastnost le kot konchna posledica predvsem kulturnega razvoja. Ta sklep je utemeljen na dejstvu, da je v chlovekovem razvoju sposobnost prenosa velike kolichine zhivljenjsko pomembnih informacij z govorom nadomestila prvotni skopi in pochasni nasledstveni ali genetichni prenos izkushenj z uchenjem iz opazovanja in oponashanja od starshev na potomce in med chlani skupnosti. Tako je pojav jezika izjemno povechal mozhnosti prezhivetja tako posameznika kot skupnosti. Pospeshil je razvoj chlovekove anatomije, dushevnih sposobnosti in chloveshke druzhbe..55 Chlovekova sposobnost govora je pogojena z glasovnimi organi, ki omogochajo natanchno in usmerjeno tvorbo zvoka ali glasu. Sluh kot zaznavanje zvoka na sploshno in zvoka, ki so ga oblikovali glasovni organi kot govor, je sposobnost in zmozhnost razlikovati tone, njihovo vishino in jakost, spremembo in trajanje, »barvo« in sestavo. Obe skupini organov — slushnih in govornih — sta kot del chlovekove anatomije »tehnichno-fizikalna raven komunikacijskega sistema«. Zvoki ali glasovi so signali, che so organizirani. Podvrzheni so pochasnim spremembam, so raznoliki, komunikacijski sistem jih tvori in sprejema v skladu z lastnostmi organiziranega skupka njihovih fizikalnih lastnosti. V posameznem signalu je na sploshno kodiran najmanjshi mozhni del informacije (njena enota), osnovni del podatka. Urejena, organizirana kombinacija signalov, vchasih tudi signal sam, je simbol; zvochni simboli na ravni komunikacijskega sistema so pravzaprav zhe besede. Simbol je zato zhe nosilec kompleksne informacije. Naslednja raven »komunikacijskega sistema« je kodiranje in dekodiranje zvochnih signalov. V tehnichnem smislu je dekodiranje pretvorba zvochnih signalov v skupine organiziranih sosledij zhivchnih impulzov v slushnih organih (ushesih), kodiranje pa je obraten postopek v govornih organih, ki iz skupine organiziranih sosledij zhivchnih impulzov naredi »sistem« zvochnih signalov. Te skupine sosledij zhivchnih impulzov so seveda tudi nosilec informacije, ki je ravno tako kodirana v njihovih fizikalnih lastnostih — v frekvenci, v frekvenchni spremembi, v trajanju in shtevilu impulzov. Ta raven je tehnichno »posredovanje in sprejemanje podatkov« celotnega »komunikacijskega sistema«. Signal, ki je fizikalni objekt ali dogodek, lahko tudi oboje, je s tehnichnega vidika bolj ali manj kompleksen. Imeti mora lastnosti, s katerimi ga lahko edinstveno dolochimo, enopomensko tvorimo, enopomensko shranimo in enopomensko dosezhemo iz »shrambe«. Z vsako organizirano skupino signalov — simbolov — je tako mozhno tvoriti kombinacijo neke nove organizirane skupine signalov ali simbolov, ki jo lahko dalje spreminjamo ali poshiljamo. Tako ene kombinacije skupin sosledij zhivchnih impulzov organizirano, v skladu z dolochenimi pravili, prehajajo v druge kombinacije istih skupin. Te so na tej ravni simboli, ki enopomensko nakazujejo dolocheno informacijo. LiVeS Journal 163 From the technical point of view, there is no difference, no sharp demarcation, between the ability of signal exchange and the ability of a communication with the language in the linguistic sense. The difference is gradual; the language is emerging from the signal exchange just with the increasing ability of the amount and complexity of information — the data — to be conveyed. So is the emerging language — the evolution of a language in the sole linguistic sense — a human trait and only in the last consequence predominantly a cultural achievement. This conjecture is based on the fact, that in the human evolution the ability to convey the huge amount of vital survival information from the parents to offspring and between the grown up members by the language, replaced the scarce and slow hereditary information transfer — the genetic transfer of experience, as well as the scarce and slow learning from the imitation on various occasions. Thus the emerging language vastly increased the individual survival chances as well as that of the whole group and accelerated the evolution of the human anatomy, the human mental capabilities and the human society.55 The vocal tract and the precisely controlled sound production enable the human ability of speech and the capability to speak. For the hearing — to analyze the sound in general and the sound produced by vocal tract in special — the speech — is the ability and the capability to discern the tones on the frequency, the pitch and intensity, their change and duration, their »color« and composition enabled by the ears. These both systems are as the parts of human anatomy technically the »physical level of communication equipment«. These sounds, if organized, are symbols. They are prone to change slowly, but are variable, and in them is coded or represented with their physical properties the information in general. The ordered or organized combination of signals, some times the signal sole, is a symbol — and so are symbols on the level of the communication system already words. In this way is a symbol a bearer of a more complex information. The next level is the coding of signals in these sound symbols and the decoding of signals from these sound symbols. These signals are technically the series of the organized trains of nerve pulses, discernible from their complexity and sequence produced in auditory organs — the reverse, the coding of the organized nerve pulses trains in the system of the sound signals produced in vocal tract. The series of the nerve pulses trains are the information bearer in the nerve system. The information is encoded in their physical properties — frequency, frequency change, pulse number and duration. This level is technically the »data emission« and the »data acquisition system« of the »communication equipment«. A signal, as just a physical object or event, or both, is more or less complex from the technical point of view. It has to possess the ability to be uniquely identified, uniquely created, uniquely stored, and uniquely reproduced with retrieval from storage. Any organized set of signals — symbols — can then be combined to build a new organized signal set — new symbols — to be further processed or transmitted. 164 LiVeS Journal Ta raven »komunikacijskega sistema« je »sistem predelave informacij«. Vsi ti »sistemi« so izid razvojnega prilagajanja »primitivnih«, toda zhe obstojechih »informacijskih« (tj. zhivchnih) sistemov zgodnjih primatov. Pravzaprav so to imela zhe vsa bitja v chloveshkem razvojnem deblu, vsi predniki modernega chloveka. Nekaj za nasho razpravo prirejenih (prim. pod56) definicij jeika: Jezik je vsak sistem formaliziranih simbolov, znakov, glasov, gibov ali podobnega, ki jih uporabljamo ali smo jih tvorili kot sredstva za posredovanje in izmenjavo informacij. Informacija je tisto, iz chesar lahko dobimo (izlochimo) podatke ali znanje. Odnos med podatki je logichen in pomeni znanje. Na sploshno je logichno to, kar ima smisel. V skladu s temi dolochnicami se nadaljuje tale razprava. Najprej je treba pojasniti pojme — logiko in to, kar je logichno — za nasho uporabo; izhodishche so osnovni aksiomi fizike — prostor, chas, energija, delci, polja. Iz teh fizikalnih osnov in njihovega medsebojnega delovanja v sploshnem smislu je zgrajeno celotno vesolje. Za nas je to »resnichen« svet, kot ga obchutimo in pojmujemo; je del nashega dushevnega vesolja. Ta pojmovanja so nasha informacija o »resnichnem« svetu, kot naj bi dejansko obstajal. Osnovna medsebojna delovanja fizikalnih dejstev kvalitativno in kvantitativno pojasnjujejo in oznachujejo naravni zakoni, ki so ochitno sploshno veljavni. Naravni zakoni so torej izraz naravne logike kot organizirane skupine pravil medsebojnega delovanja, ustroja in kombinacije osnovnih logichnih pravil v naravi in iz narave. Posledice vseh naravnih dogajanj so nacheloma logichne. Ta osnovna pravila logike so sploshno veljavna; v nashem pojmovanju jih simbolichno nakazujejo logichne operacije DA, NE, IN, IN NE, ALI, ALI NE, ki jih uporabljamo pri najenostavnejshih informacijskih enotah v vzrochnih odnosih. Posledica tega je, da imajo signali kot fizikalni objekti ali procesi v svoji organizirani skupini naravne logichne odnose. Zato lahko predstavljajo skupine informacijskih enot, simbole kot informacije, ter omogochajo predelavo zhe obstojechih informacij s tvorbo novih informacij po dolochenih logichnih pravilih. Organizirana skupina signalov je sistem formaliziranih simbolov v skladu z zgoraj navedeno definicijo. Tukaj vechkrat rabljeno besedo organizirano kazhe nekoliko pojasniti: skupina je organizirana, che so njeni chlani po pomenu, prostorsko in chasovno razporejeni po dolochenih pravilih. V makroskopski fiziki, v fiziki sveta, ki ga zaznavamo z nashimi chutili, obstajata dve vrsti struktur — ravnovesne in disipativne.57 Ravnovesne strukture so na primer kristalne strukture, ki so prisotne povsod v trdni snovi; so praktichno vechne, ostanejo nespremenjene pri stalnih zunanjih pogojih. Disipativne strukture pa se pojavljajo pri neravnotezhju v fizikalnih sistemih, skozi katere se z dolocheno jakostjo pretakata energija in materija. Ti tokovi nastanejo zaradi zunanjih vplivov, zaradi neravnotezhja v okolici in v sistemu samem, zaradi prostorskih in chasovnih razlik v jakosti fizikalnih kolichin. LiVeS Journal 165 This level is the »information processing system«. The »communication equipment« with the »data emission and acquisition system« is not a part of it, but is subordinated to it. These all systems are the result of the evolutionary adaptation of the »primitive«, less capable but already existent »information systems« of the early primates, actually already present also in almost all higher evolved predecessor beings of the modern Homo. Let us in the following consider these definitions (adapted from56): The language is any system of formalized symbols, signs, sounds, gestures, or the like used or conceived as a means of communicating and exchanging information. The information is that from which data and knowledge can be derived. The relationship between the data is logical and they represent the knowledge. Generally is logical that what makes sense. To resolve these notions — the logic and in consequence the logical for our use, let us start from the basic axioms of physics — space, time, energy, particles and fields. From this physical quantities and their interactions (in general sense) is composed the whole universe. For us is the »real« world, as we sense it and have notions of it, a part of our mental universe. These notions are our information on the real world — whatever it really is. The fundamental interactions and the fundamental relationships of physical quantities are quantitatively and qualitatively defined as the natural laws. These are obviously generally valid. To be short — these natural laws are the expression of the natural logic as an organized set of rules, a combination of the basic rules of logic in and from the nature. All consequences of natural processes are therefore in principle logical. These basic rules of logic are universal — the symbolic representations of our notions on them are YES, NO, AND, NAND, OR and NOR applicable to the simplest information entities in causal relationships. The consequence is, that in the organized set of signals, the signals, as the physical objects or processes, have the natural logic relationships. Therefore are such sets able to represent the sets of information entities and they enable the information processing — to create a new information from already known one according to the defined rules. The organized set of signals is a system of formalized symbols according to the definitions above. The meaning of the word »organized« in the discussion above has to be more specified and connected with the biology in general, the brain and the nerve signals in particular. In this case is a set organized, if its members are, according to their value, regularly distributed in space and time following a set of rules.. In the macroscopic physics, the physics of the with our senses registered world, exist two types of structures — the equilibrium structures and the dissipative structures.57 The equilibrium structures are for example crystal structures and molecules, they are practically eternal, they persist without any change in the constant environmental conditions. The dissipative structures are the structures, which emerge in the physical systems at the certain flow of energy and matter through the system. 166 LiVeS Journal Strukture so zelo spremenljive in izginejo ob nezadostnem, prevelikem ali pa konchanem toku energije in materije — odvisno od lastnosti in tipa vsake posamezne strukture. Pojavijo se kot pravilna prostorska in chasovna razporeditev materije in energijsko-snovnih tokov v prostorsko omejenih sistemih. To razporeditev oznachujemo kot organizirano, ker je izid samoorganizacije58 v sistemu zaradi zadevnih tokov v njem, skozenj in iz njega. Fizika te samoorganizacije presega okvir prichujoche razprave; lahko je zelo zapletena, cheprav dobro razumljiva. Osnovni pogoj za disipativno strukturo v sistemu je tudi njegova sestava. Sestavljen mora biti iz velikega shtevila podobnih enot — delcev, celic, molekul, bitij itd., ki jih v medsebojnem delovanju lahko jasno razlikujemo. Disipativne strukture lahko rastejo, postajajo bolj zapletene, se razmnozhujejo in tvorijo nadaljnje disipativne strukture iz istovrstnih podrejenih struktur. Na ta nachin so se sposobne razvijati iz enostavnih v bolj zapletene strukture. Tudi razvojni proces kot urejena, organizirana sprememba v chasu je del nadrejene disipativne strukture. Prehodi iz ene v drugo disipativno strukturo so analogni faznim prehodom ravnotezhnih struktur. Nastopijo obenem s kritichno spremembo tokov (ali ob njej) in zunanjih pogojev. Pri najenostavnejshih strukturah gre za temperaturo, pritisk, volumen, kemijsko sestavo itd. Ti prehodi lahko potekajo hitro in v dolochenem omejenem prostoru. Najbolj zapletene, najbolj »razvite« disipativne strukture so zhiva bitja in njihove druzhbe, zato so se sposobne razvijati, rasti, se mnozhiti59 in tudi umirati; so najbolj pogoste disipativne strukture na nashem planetu. Osnovna razlika med zhivimi in nezhivimi disipativnimi strukturami je prenos shranjenega spomina (genetichne kode) zhivih struktur na njihovo evolucijsko pot — na strukture naslednice, na potomce. Ta genetichna koda je prenesena in zapisana v ustroj ravnotezhne strukture — v makromolekule RNK in DNK. Te so tudi spremenljive, lahko rastejo in se mnozhijo organizirano v dolochenih pogojih znotraj disipativnih struktur. Najprej so nastale v nezhivih disipativnih strukturah, v prebiotskih kemichnih reakcijah. Chlovekova bioloshka in druzhbena evolucija je potemtakem tudi disipativna struktura. Pravzaprav je razvoj vseh vrst zhivih bitij, celotne biosfere — disipativna struktura, nastala iz zaporednih prostorsko povezanih in vzajemno vkljuchenih disipativnih struktur. V druzhbenem razvoju pa nastopijo she dodatne razvojne sile, kot so to interesi, ideje, socialno-politichne skupine in gibanja. LiVeS Journal 167 These structures are very changeable and they disappear at insufficient, to strong or ceased flow of energy and matter — dependent on the properties and type of each individual structure. They appear as the regularly distributed matter and the flows of energy and matter in the spatially discernible systems, where they may regularly change in time. This distribution is organized; it is the result of the self-organization58 in the system by the flows of energy and matter in, through and out of the system. The physics of this sef-organization is out of scope for our discussion, may be very complex, but is well understood. The basic conditions for the dissipative structure in a physical system is its composition of the »huge« number of the individually discernible parts which interact — atoms, molecules, living cells, living beings etc., and the system should not be in equilibrium as the differences — the clines of the intensity of the physical quantities in and in the system surroundings — give rise to the flows of energy and matter in, through and out of the system. The dissipative structures are prone to grow, to become more complex, to multiply and to build further dissipative structures from the subordinate dissipative structures. In this way are they able to evolve from less to more complex structures. The evolution process sole — a regulated change in time — is also a part of the over ordinate dissipative structure. The transitions from one to another structure complexity are in principle analogue to the phase transitions of the equilibrium structures. They occur simultaneously with and at the certain »critical« change of the flows and/or external conditions — temperature, pressure, volume, chemical composition...etc. These transitions are relatively short timed and spatially well discernible. The most complex dissipative structures are the living organisms and their societies. Hence is their ability to evolve, to grow and to multiply.59 They are the most common and most frequent dissipative structures on the planet. The substantial difference of the living to the nonliving dissipative structures is the transfer of the stored memory of their evolutionary path characteristics and their structure as the consequence — the genetic code — to their offspring structures. It is interesting to note that the genetic code — the information on the dissipative structure itself — is transferred to and coded in the structure of an equilibrium structure — the macromolecules of RNA and DNA. They are prone to be changed, to grow and to multiply organized in the certain dissipative structure environments. These macromolecules were firstly synthesized in the non-living dissipative structures in pre biotic chemical reactions. The human biologic and social evolution is also the evolution of dissipative structures. Actually is the evolution of all and of any single species in particular, as well as the whole biosphere itself a dissipative structure, composed from the consecutive spatially nested and timely consecutive dissipative structures. In the social evolution emerge as the additional driving forces the interests, the ideas, social and political groups and movements. 168 LiVeS Journal Razvoj ene chlovekove vrste v drugo, zlasti che se je prehod zgodil v razmeroma kratkem chasu, lahko razlagamo kot fazni prehod disipativne strukture. S tem je tudi odpravljena skrivnost »missing linka« — manjkajochega chlena chlovekove vrste, ki naj bi bil zhe pravi moderni chlovek. Tudi veliko chasovno razliko v pojavu »modernosti« chlovekovega obnashanja kljub isti ravni bioloshkega razvoja, pri chemer je »modernost« v Afriki dalech starejsha kot v Evropi, lahko razlagamo kot fazni prehod druzhbene disipativne strukture. Ti fazni prehodi so ochitno pogojeni z lastnostmi okolja kakor tudi z genetskimi spremembami. Te so se verjetno ustalile in shirile shele ob zadovoljivih zhivljenjskih pogojih skupnosti. Tako spet pridemo do teorij razvoja glede na eno samo podrochje ali na vech podrochjih — in nobena ne more biti popolnoma izkljuchena. Jezikovne podobnosti, ki kazhejo na eno samo podrochje, in naravni zakoni, ki vplivajo in posegajo na vech podrochjih, pomenijo razvoj, ki je analogen in se steka v podoben izid; to bi pojasnjevalo tudi jezikovne podobnosti. Takshno je pravzaprav zhivljenje z vidika fizike; razmerje do biologije je razvidno — organizmi in njihovi deli ali organi so medsebojno povezane in vkljuchene disipativne strukture vse do celic in njihovih funkcionalnih delov, organelov. Tako so tudi mozhgani, in pravzaprav vsak, tudi zhivalski zhivchni sistem — disipativna struktura. Chloveshki mozhgani so najbolj zapletena disipativna struktura,60 kar jih poznamo. Seveda je zaradi tega tudi njihovo delovanje najbolj zapleteno in organizirano z nashega vidika pojmovanja. Kako mozhgani predelujejo, shranjujejo in odchitavajo informacije, she zdalech ni dovolj raziskano in pojasnjeno, she posebno to velja za zavest in voljo. Misel je nasha zavestna mozhganska dejavnost, je dinamichna in organizirana skupina nashih pojmov o »realnem« svetu kot rezultat mozhganske predelave informacij. Vsaka misel je izid delovanja neke skupine trenutno povezanih in medsebojno delujochih zhivchnih celic. To medsebojno delovanje je izmenjava organiziranih sosledij zhivchnih impulzov. Vsaka zhivchna celica se tako lahko neposredno povezhe z tisochi drugih zhivchnih celic. Desetine milijard zhivchnih celic lahko tvorijo gugol gugolov shtevila kombiniranih povezav zhivchnih celic, te kombinacije pa so simboli kodiranih misli, pojmov itd. Sosledja zhivchnih impulzov, ki so zaradi svojih fizikalnih lastnosti sposobna prenashati kodirano informacijo, so po naravi logichna in njihov medsebojni odnos je logichen. Tako lahko rabijo za simbolichno predelavo informacije. Zavestna dejavnost mozhganov — misel — je predelava pojmov in njihovih odnosov v skladu s pravili logike. Tudi nasha razprava potrjuje, da je ta predelava na sploshno v soglasju s hipotezo o miselnem jeziku.61 Kazhe tudi, da so pravila logichne predelave pravzaprav prirojena univerzalna gramatika — recheno po Chomskem. Ta univerzalna gramatika je izraz naravne logike v chloveshkih mozhganih; je pravzaprav osnovna lastnost, bolj ali manj zapletena, odvisno od ravni zapletenosti posameznega zhivchnega sistema. Razvidno je tudi dejstvo, da ta lastnost ni le znachilnost chloveka. LiVeS Journal 169 The evolution of the one hominin species to the another hominin species, especially if it happened in a relatively short time, may be interpreted as a dissipative structure phase transition — thus demystifying »the missing links«. Also the vast time difference in the emergence of the »modernity« in human behaviour in spite of the same level of the biologic evolution may be interpreted as the phase transition in the social group as the dissipative structure. These phase transitions are obviously the consequences as well as the environmental constraints and the genetic mutations. The later were probably »fixed« and they successfully »spread« when the suitable environmental conditions were met. Relating again to the single or multiregional development theories — neither is excluded in spite of the language similarities, which favour the single region, but other sides the natural laws enable also the multiregional, analogous and convergent development, explaining also the language similarities... It is the view of life from the viewpoint of physics — the correspondences to the biology are clear and obvious — the organisms as their parts, the organs, are the nested dissipative structures all down to the cells and their organelles. The dissipative structure is naturally also the human brain as well as any animal brain or any nerve system. The human brain is actually the most complex dissipative structure60 known. Therefore is its activity also the most complex and highly organised in our views and notions. How the information is processed, stored and retrieved in brain is not yet clear enough — also not the resulting consciousness and the will. The thought is our conscious brain activity and is the dynamical and organized set of our notions of the »real« world, the result of the brain information processing. Each thought is represented by the organized set of the momentarily interconnected and communicating brain cells. This communication is the exchange of the organized trains of the nerve pulses. Each cell is capable to be connected directly to the thousands of the other nerve cells. Tenths of billions of the nerve cells is so capable to build a googol of googols number of connection combinations; each connection being a symbol of our coded thoughts, notions etc. These trains of nerve pulses are capable to transfer the coded information due to their physical properties; they are logical according to their nature and their mutual relations are logical. Therefore they are used for the symbolic information processing. . The conscious brain activity — the thought — is the processing of the notions and their relations according to the logical rules. From the discussion above it is obvious, that this processing is generally in agreement with the language of thought hypothesis.61 Further, it implies, that the logic processing rules are actually the innate Chomsky's universal grammar. This universal grammar is thus the expression of the natural logic in hominin brain. This is the basic property, more or less complex, dependent on the level of complexity of every nerve system. As it is obvious, and it is the fact, that this property is not solely a human trait. 170 LiVeS Journal Informacija je v mozhganih podana na najnizhji ravni s kombinacijo zhivchnih celic, ki so povezane z sinapsami in medsebojno delujejo z izmenjavo sosledij zhivchnih impulzov. Tako je kodiranje iste ali identichne informacijske enote od mozhganov do mozhganov razlichno zaradi bioloshke raznolikosti; je tako rekoch »privatno« ali »osebno« — zato edinstveno za vsakega chlana iste vrste. Spreminja se tudi z razvojem mozhganov in z novodobljenimi informacijami ter sploh z miselno dejavnostjo. Posledica tega je, da imajo posamezni mozhgani za miselni jezik tudi »osebno kodirano« slovnico, ki pa je verjetno podobna za vse chlane iste vrste chloveshkega rodu. Tako je tudi razvidno, da ta »osebna« slovnica pomeni posameznikovo lastno razlichico univerzalne gramatike kot sploshna pravila logike, veljavna za vsak zhivchni sistem. Za hitro delovanje, za hiter odziv ali misel, da bi se izognilo predelovanju celotne informacije in pojmovanj, povezanih z dano mislijo, je potrebno predelovati le osnovo — izbrani del pojmov in odnosov, o katerih teche misel; ta izbrani del postane simbol ustreznega pojma kot informacijska enota, ki vsebuje le informacijo, potrebno za trenutno dejavno predelavo podatka, kje in kako dosechi drugo, s tem povezano informacijo. Ta simbol she vedno edinstveno oznachuje ustrezni pojem. Pridobimo ga z uchenjem in lahko povezuje zaznavanja o »realnem« svetu z zhe pridobljenimi pojmi in odnosi. Fizikalno je to osnovna skupina signalov, ki nakazuje dani pojem in njegove odnose, nujne za predelavo in za shranjevanje. Ta skupina signalov je tudi »osebna« ne le zaradi raznolikosti zhivchnega tkiva, marvech she zaradi bioloshke raznolikosti »sistema za pridobivanje podatkov«, drugachnega pri vsakem posamezniku. Kako je potem jezik — v jezikoslovnem smislu — povezan z jezikom misli, ali pa na sploshno z delovanjem mozhganov? Potrebno je, da v skupnosti zavestno z uchenjem nadomestimo »osebne« simbole z »javnimi« simboli ter »osebno« slovnico z »javno« slovnico — to so »skupni javni« simboli in »skupna javna« slovnica, ki omogochajo izmenjavo informacij med posamezniki, tako da jo vsak chlan skupnosti lahko razume. Signali pa ostanejo »osebni«, cheprav se tudi ustrezno spreminjajo. Zmanjshani deli pojmov, ki so v bistvu enostavnejshi pojmi, nakazani s »skupnimi javnimi« simboli, so morfemi, besede itd., sestavljeni iz signalov. S pomochjo »skupne javne« sintakse, pravopisa in »skupne javne« slovnice lahko chlani dolochene skupnosti izrazhajo in izmenjujejo bolj zapletene, a razumljive podatke, ker v chisto jezikoslovnem smislu uporabljajo naravni jezik. Uchni prehod iz »osebnega« v »javno« je dejansko sklenjen zhe pri otrocih — ti pridobivajo informacije, ki so zhe povezane in nakazane s skupnimi javnimi simboli in s skupno slovnico. LiVeS Journal 171 The information in the brain is represented on the lowest level with the combination of with their synapses connected and with trains of nerve pulses communicating nerve cells. Therefore is the coding of the same or identical information entity from one brain to another brain different due to the biologic variability — it is »private« or »personal« — therefore also individual even for every member of the same species. This coding changes also with the brain development and the newly acquired information, as well as with the thought processes. In the consequence possess every brain for the language of thought a »private coded« grammar, but similar for the members of the same hominin species. It is also obvious, that this »private« grammar represents the individual expression of the universal grammar — universal logic rules — for each individual nerve system. To accelerate the action, the reaction or the thought, to avoid the processing of the whole to the given thought related information context, is necessary to process just the fundamentals — a reduced part of a notion and its relationships in focus — the reduced part becoming and being so the symbol of the corresponding notion — the information entity. It contains just the information due for the current active processing and the information where and how to access the further related information. It still uniquely identifies the corresponding notion. This symbol is acquired trough experience learning and may connect the »real« world perceptions with the already acquired notions and relationships. It is physically the basic set of signals representing the notion and the relations to be processed and/or memorized. It is also »private« as well as due to the biologic variability of the nerve tissue as also to the biologic variability of the »data acquisition system« from individual to individual. How is a language — in linguistic sense — then connected with the language of thought, or generally with the brain activity? It is necessary that the conscious learning process replace in the social group the »private« symbols with »public« symbols and the »public« grammar — they are the »common public« symbols and the »common public« grammar, that enable the information exchange between the individuals as each individual in the given social group may understand them. The signals remain »private« even if they correspondingly change. These reduced parts of the notions, actually also simple notions, represented by »common public« symbols, are morphemes, words etc. composed from sound signals. Through the »common public« syntax, actually the »common public« grammar is possible to the members of the given social group to express and to exchange understandable more complex information between the individuals using in purely linguistic sense a natural language. The learning process from the »private« to »public« is actually short circuited in children — they are acquiring the information already connected and represented with the common public symbols and grammar 172 LiVeS Journal Razvidno je, da je bogastvo chloveshkih jezikov v osnovi nastalo zaradi bioloshke raznolikosti zhivchnih sistemov in razlichnih vplivov okolja, ki so zahtevali razlichne strategije za prezhivetje verjetno vsake prachloveshke skupine, druzhine ali rodu. Narodni jeziki v jezikoslovnem smislu so »javni« simboli in »javna« slovnica, ki so dejansko »osebni ali privatni« simboli in »osebna ali privatna« slovnica chloveshkih druzhb ali skupin, imenovanih narodi. O drugachnem stalishchu gl.62 Uchna pot iz »osebnega« v »javno« mora biti pogojena z lastnostmi, skupnimi za oba pojma. O tem gl.63,64 Ochitno so to lastnosti — na sploshno recheno — predmetov, ki naj bi bili imenovani, in fizike zvoka, akustike. To je razlog, da tvorba besed ali glottogeneza ne more biti poljubna (gl.48); lahko se spreminja zaradi chlovekove bioloshke raznolikosti v anatomiji in dushevni zmozhnosti osebnih zanimanj, nikakor pa ne z vidika sploshne ocene o dushevni vech— ali manjvrednosti. Jezik klikov kot prvobiten pojav, z vsemi spremembami in razlichicami, je nastal v skladu s fiziko shirjenja zvoka in s pogoji pri oblikah lova. Tudi danes imamo besede, katerih pomen je jasno povezan z glasom, videzom ali s katero drugo chutno lastnostjo poimenovanega predmeta ali pojma. Tvorba besed je le navidezno poljubna, ker se zvoki spreminjajo zaradi raznolikosti anatomije govornih in slushnih organov, obenem z vplivi okolja, druzhbenih srechanj in medsebojnega delovanja posameznikov. Glavne jezikovne spremembe so nastale ob nastopu zhivinoreje in z iznajdbo poljedelstva, kasneje pa she z zachetki politichega sistema, trgovine in industrializacije. Vsi ti zhivljenjski nachini so premaknili vazhnost jezika od lova k razlichnim ravnem druzhbenega zhivljenja, kjer je jezik postal predvsem kulturni dosezhek. Povzetek in zakljuchek Moviusovo linijo kot geografsko razdelitev sedanjih (modernih) jezikovnih tipov ob ustrezni geografski razdelitvi treh tipov kamenega orodja — sekachev, sekir, lusk ali rezil — smo razlozhili z vidika lovskih nachinov z uposhtevnjem shtevila lovcev, tipa dostopne divjadi in sploshnih zhivljenjskih pogojev v danem okolju. Lov in nabiranje plodov sta bila nedvomno edina prachlovekova dejavnost za prezhivetje skozi stotine tisochletij. Pri takem nachinu prezhivljanja je imela bistven vpliv prachlovekova sposobnost prilagajanja. V povratni razvojni zvezi, v skladu s pogoji okolja, so praljudje razvijali in prilagajali lovske nachine, orozhja in orodja. Vsa kamena orodja so bila predvsem uporabni predmeti, ki so jih izdelovali za vsakdanjo uporabo, zlasti za lov in predelavo mesa. LiVeS Journal 173 It is obvious, that the plethora of the human languages is basically due to the biologic variability of the nerve systems and the different environmental constraints, demanding the various survival strategies of the different hominin groups. The national languages in linguistic sense are the »public« symbols and the »public« grammar being actually the »private« symbols and »private« grammar of the various human groups or societies identified as the nations. See62 for other viewpoint. The learning process from the »private« to »public« has to be enabled with some properties which should have to be common for both notion expressions. On the related problematics see63,64 These are obviously the properties of — generally speaking — the objects to be named and the physics of sound. This implies that the glottogenesis cannot be arbitrary48 — it may be just variable due to the general human biologic variability — the biologic variability of the anatomy and the mental capacities as the various subject affinities with no general valuation of any intellectual super— or inferiority. The click language, its variation and change as the primary emerging language was formed according to the properties of the physics of the sound spreading and the constraints of the hunting techniques. Even nowadays exist the words, which show a meaning clearly vocally, optically or otherwise sensually related to the object named. The glottogenesis is only apparently arbitrary as the sounds change due to the variable anatomy of the vocal tract, the environmental constraints and the social interactions. The major language changes emerged with the emerging animal husbandry and the invention of farming, later the emerging political structures, the trade and the industrialization. These all ways of life shifted the importance of language from the hunting to the subsequently various levels of social life, where the language became predominantly the cultural achievement. Summary and Conclusion The Movius line, the geographic distribution of the currently extant (modern) language types corresponding to the geographic distribution of the three earliest types of lithic tools — choppers, hand axes and flakes/blades were interpreted in the terms of the hominin hunting techniques, the number of hunters and the prey availability. The hunting and the gathering were the sole occupations to survive through hundreds of thousands of years. The accommodation and adaptation to these occupations essentially determined hominin evolution. In the evolutionary feedback, according to the environmental constraints, the corresponding hunting techniques, weapons and tools were adapted and developed. All lithic tools were predominantly utilitarian objects, produced solely with the aim for a concrete daily usage, for daily needs — especially for hunting and butchering. 174 LiVeS Journal Tako je razdelitev orodja v skladu z Moviusovo linijo jasno razvidna z lovskega vidika: veliko in srednjo divjad so lovili v savanah in gozdovih, malo divjad v stepah in dzhunglah, zgolj malo divjad pa v delnih pushchavah, v tundrah in na vodah. Zato je Moviusova linija tudi lochnica med podrochji, bogatimi z veliko in s srednjo divjadjo, ter podrochji z malo in redko divjadjo. Sekira je bila mesarsko orodje, ubijalsko orozhje pa pri metanju ali kot izstrelek iz frache. Uporabljali so jo pri lovu vechje skupine lovcev na veliko in srednjo divjad, obichajno pri pogonu v past. Ti lovci se niso pogosto selili, ostajali so na krajih, primernih za lov, sekir niso dalech prenashali, izdelovali so jih vechinoma na mestu. Vsi lovci, tako posameznik kot manjsha ali vechja skupina, so morali biti zelo premichni in hitri na podrochjih z malo in redko divjadjo. Pri tem sekira ni bila najbolj primerna, bila je celo v breme, zato dostikrat le za enkratno uporabo. Enako velja tudi za malo skupino lovcev in za posameznika; ti so tudi na podrochjih z veliko divjadjo zmogli loviti le malo divjad. Najprimerneje je bilo po potrebi na hitro in na mestu izdelati sekache in rezila. Uporabniki in izdelovalci sekir so zhiveli bolj zashchiteni v vechjih skupinah in bolj »razkoshno« na podrochjih, bogatih z divjadjo, kot pa chlani malih skupin na bolj negostoljubnih podrochjih z redko divjadjo. Razlage izdelave kamenega orodja, ki se sklicujejo na dushevne sposobnosti (vishja zmozhnost spoznavanja pri uporabnikih sekir kot pri ostalih), pravzaprav dokazujejo ravno nasprotno. Praljudje, zhivechi v negostoljubnem okolju z redko divjadjo, niso zapravljali mochi in chasa za izdelavo orodij, ki jih niso nujno potrebovali, morali pa so biti bolj iznajdljivi in uchinkoviti pri lovu in v vsakdanjem zhivljenju. V bistvu so prav ti imeli vishje dushevne sposobnosti spoznavanja, kot pa uporabniki kamenih rochnih sekir; prav to, ne pa nasprotno, dokazuje Moviusova linija. Glas, zvok, pravzaprav zhe govor, ki so ga uporabljali lovci za usklajevanje dela in sporazumevanje med lovom, je bil eden od osnovnih pogojev za uspeshen lov. Tako je bil tudi jezik predvsem uporabna iznajdba prachloveka kot lovca. Jezik se je spreminjal, bogatil in je postal kulturni dosezhek v chlovekovi evoluciji nasploh, posebej pa v evoluciji chlovekovih sposobnosti govoriti in slishati, zvok razchleniti in tvoriti, da bi shranil, spominsko obnovil in predelal informacijo, posredovano v skupnosti. Uporaba jezika je izjemno povechala mozhnosti prezhivetja tako posameznika kakor tudi skupine lovcev. Bistveno je vplivala na nadaljnji chlovekov razvoj. Ta ugotovitev je najvazhnejshi razvid dejstva, ki ga je odkril M. Alinei, da namrech geografska razdelitev jezikovnih tipov ustreza geografski razdelitvi treh najstarejshih tipov kamenega orodja po Moviusovi liniji. Pri tem so pomembne lastnosti zvoka in njegovega shirjenja. Zvok nizkih tonov se shiri manj usmerjeno in gre »okrog ogla« (difrakcija ali uklon), se shiri na vechje razdalje in se manj odbija na ovirah, zvok vishjih tonov pa se hitreje udushi z razdaljo, se manj shiri, je bolj usmerjen in se lazhje odbija. LiVeS Journal 175 The tool assignment to the geographic areas, according to the Movius line, may thus be clearly explained from the hunter's perspective: the big and medium game was on disposal in savannah and forests, the medium and small game in steppes and jungles, the small game prevailed only in temporary deserts, in tundra, marshes and on waters. The Movius line is thus the demarcation between the regions abundant with big and medium game and the regions with smaller and scarcer game. The hand axe was used as a butcher tool, a killing weapon as a throw or a sling projectile for the big and medium game usually chased and trapped by a larger group of hunters. Therefore they seldom moved on and stayed preferably on for the hunt suitable terrain and landscape. The hand axes in this cases did not need to be transported over long distances and could be used multiple times. All hunters, a small, a large group or an individual in the regions with smaller and scarcer game had to be more mobile to survive. The hand axe was for them not a practical tool to be transported with only for a very possible single use. The same is valid for a small group of hunters or an individual hunter in the big game regions. It was suitable for them to elaborate on the spot choppers and blades. Interpreting their capabilities with the same, presently in the literature given and promoted mental capacity arguments, actually implies that they should have possessed higher cognitive capabilities than the hand axe users, shielded in larger groups, with more »leisure life« in the game abundant regions. This is just the opposite to the present interpretations, which granted them, due to the absence of hand axes or the seemingly lesser axe quality from our perspective, only limited cognitive capabilities. They actually used just the necessary tools and did not waste the time and energy to work out unnecessary and for their daily life unpractical objects. This proves that they had actually the higher cognitive capability than the hand axe users ... this proves the Movius line and not the contrary! The emerging language vastly increased the individual survival chances as well as that of the whole group and accelerated the evolution of the human anatomy, the human mental capabilities and the human society. Thus the language emerged as a part of the survival strategy in the hominin evolution. As already stated, the accommodation and adaptation to the hunting essentially determined hominin evolution and so the emergence of a language was one the main results. This conclusion is the most important consequence of the M. Alinei's discovery, the fact that the geographic distribution of the currently extant (modern) language types corresponds to the geographic distribution of the three earliest types of lithic tools — the Movius line — both due to the hunting techniques of the hominins. Among the constraints which essentially shaped this evolution were the properties of sound and its spreading. The lower tones spread less directional, spread over longer distances, reflect less and they »go around« the corners (diffraction), the higher tones are more damped with the distance, spread less, are more directional, and they more readily reflect. 176 LiVeS Journal Lovci na malo divjad so morali ostati skriti v prezhi in pri zasledovanju, zato so sporazumevanje in delovanje uskladili tako, da je bilo nezaznavno za divjad. Tako so uporabljali, obichajno na kratke razdalje, visok kratek glas slabe jakosti, katerega smer zhivali niso mogle pravilno dolochiti in pojmovati. To je bil zachetek jezika klikov. Mala skupina lovcev je zmogla loviti le malo divjad v kateremkoli okolju. Obichajno pa so zhiveli (in ponekod she zhivijo) v precej negostoljubnih okoljih, vsaj za nashe pojmovanje. Kasneje, z bogatejshim ulovom, z rastjo prebivalstva in z novimi viri hrane, se je jezik klikov postopoma spremenil v jezik z lastnostmi izolacijskega tipa. Lovci na srednjo divjad, ki je bila predvsem v chredah okretnih in hitrih travojedov, so morali jezik klikov prilagoditi novim pogojem — morali so se slishati razprsheni na vechje razdalje, pri telesno bolj napornem lovu, ki je moral biti uspeshen zhe v prvem napadu. Tako je jezik klikov postal bolj zvochen, da bi bil bolj dalech slishen, izmenjati so si morali vse vech vse bolj natanchnih strateshkih podatkov, prishlo je do sestavljanja in oblikovanja ozvochenih »klikov«, kar je vodilo k jezikom z aglutinacijskimi lastnostmi. Zhivinoreja in pastirstvo sta she pospeshila te spremembe, saj jezike tega tipa govorijo vechinoma nomadski pastirski narodi. Pri lovu na veliko divjad so lovci z velikim hrupom in krichanjem gnali zhivali chez relativno kratke razdalje v pasti. Tak je bil lov na gozdnatem ali le delno z drevesi in grmovjem porashchenem podrochju, kjer je bil slishen pretezhno mochan glas nizkih tonov. Ta je moral biti precej raznolik in spremenljiv za natanchno sporazumevanje med krichechimi in razprshenimi lovci. Tako so glasovne spremembe ob novi sestavi vodile k fleksijskim jezikom. Na ta nachin se je jezik klikov, morda tudi s kakshnimi vmesnimi oblikami zaradi medsebojnega sporazumevanja vechjega shtevila prebivalstva v razlichnih okoljih, pospesheno spreminjal v jezike razvojno novejshih tipov. Tipi kamenega orodja in njihova povezanost z jezikovnimi tipi — lov je skupni vzrok za oboje — dokazujejo, da zadevne razlike in povezave ne moremo pojasnjevati z umsko sposobnostjo in zmozhnostjo tedanjih in sedanjih ljudi. She posebno ne v tem tisochletnem razvoju chloveka. Razseljevanje, naravne katastrofe, razlichna divjad, spremembe okolice in lovskih nachinov, druzhbeni razvoj, zhivinoreja in poljedelstvo so privedli do nadaljnjih jezikovnih razlichic. LiVeS Journal 177 The small game hunters had to locate the prey undiscovered, they had to stalk and to pursue it undiscovered, even if they had to coordinate their actions with the fellow hunters. They used for communication, usually over short distances, the high pitch, low intensity and very short duration sounds, the source of which the prey could not properly interpret and locate — so emerged the click language. They lived, as also our contemporary click language speakers live, in a very, for our notions, dire and hostile environments. But the small group of hunters was mostly bound and capable only to hunt the small game in any environment. The more abundant catch, or new food sources not related to hunt, causing the population growth, the further social and communication evolution, modified the click language probably directly to the isolation type of language. If the game on disposal started to be medium game, preferably the herds of highly mobile grazers, gradually the click language changed to be heard and precisely understood over greater distances in an open landscape. But it had to be adapted to the more physically exhausting hunt — to find and locate the prey, to stalk it, to pursuit it over the greater distances, to attack it coordinated and be successful at first strike. The »clicks« changed to voiced to be heard and the more strategic notions had to be expressed as the combination of voiced clicks — the words — in the last consequence the agglutination language emerged. The animal husbandry and the herding accelerated this change. It is even possible that an already extant flexing language got along with the change to this hunting technique or to the herding the agglutination characteristics. The speakers of languages of this type are mostly nomadic shepherd nations. The lower tone and extended sounds were to be used to be heard in the forest, or, partially over with tree and bush overgrown area. The big game hunters chased loudly and yelling the game in the ambush or trap over the relatively short distances. The sounds had to be therefore more elaborate and varied to be distinguished for the precise coordination. The sound variations and combinations led, as well as the social life in larger groups in the last consequence to the flexing languages. In this manner the click languages, probably over some intermediate forms, especially due to the needs of the generally common understanding in the more numerous populations in various environments, transformed preferentially in the other types of languages. As a matter of fact, the stone tool types and their correspondence to the language types prove that the different ability or capability to produce the stone tool of a given type and quality do not correspond to the allegedly different intellectual capabilities of the native language speakers. The population dispersal, the bottleneck situations, the game and the hunting technique changes, the social evolution, the environment, the animal husbandry and the farming shaped the further varieties of language characteristics. 178 LiVeS Journal Selitev »out of Africa« je trajala nekaj tisoch let, kot lahko sklepamo iz nezanesljivosti in spremenljivosti datiranja, pa tudi iz razlichnih selitvenih poti. Dejstvo je, da se izolacijski in aglutinacijski tipi jezikov nahajajo na najbolj oddaljenih podrochjih, ki so jih te poti dosegle. To kazhe, da so vsaj najbolj zgodnji selilci verjetno govorili jezik, soroden jeziku klikov. Jezikovna raznolikost je bila neizogibna, saj so se razne skupine selile v razlichnih chasih in po razlichnih poteh. Kljub temu so bile te skupine, kot je sploshno znano, genetichno zelo sorodne, ker so jih sestavljali nasledniki redkih potomcev ljudi, ki so bili prezhiveli neki »bottle neck« dogodek — neko veliko katastrofo. Ta jih je verjetno zadela med selitvijo iz jugovzhodne Afrike na podrochja severno od Sahare. Zaradi sprememb okolja, lovskih nachinov in shtevila lovcev v skupinah se je jezikovna raznolikost seveda pojavila zhe v Afriki. Zelo verjeten je skupni izvor razvitejshih jezikov iz sorodnih jezikov klikov, kar naj bi bilo razvidno iz razporeditve v t. i. nostratichne prajezike, ki bi bili zhe seme danashnjih jezikovnih tipov in skupin sorodnih jezikov (npr. indoevropski jeziki), izoblikovanih shele v novi domovini. Jezikovne spremembe — jezikovni razvoj v jezikoslovnem smislu — so zelo pochasne pri malih skupinah, se pa pospeshijo z rastjo prebivalstva. Tu so verjetno razlogi, da so selilci iz Afrike, ki so govorili zelo sorodne jezike, dolgo zadrzhali oblike in lastnosti jezikov klikov. Vechje spremembe so nastopile razmeroma pozno, che to primerjamo s celotno evolucijo chloveka kot tudi s chasovno blizhjo, a vseeno oddaljeno selitvijo iz Afrike. Te spremembe so bile pogojene z razvojem zhivinoreje in poljedelstva, ki sta bistveno vplivala na rast prebivalstva. S tehnichnega vidika ni razlike ali jasne lochnice med sposobnostjo izmenjevati signale in sposobnostjo sporazumevati se z jezikom v jezikoslovnem smislu. To je jasno razvidno tudi z bioloshkega, razvojnega — evolucijskega vidika. Razvoj chlovekovih sposobnosti govora in sluha, zapomniti in se spomniti, predelati in ustvarjati informacije, jih posredovati in sprejemati — vse to je bil tudi potek v povratni zvezi z nastajanjem jezika. Deli anatomije, ki omogochajo uporabo jezika kot sistem predelave podatkov, informacije, so izid razvojnega prilagajanja zhe obstojechih »primitivnih« sistemov predelave podatkov pri zgodnjih primatih, pravzaprav zhivchnih sistemov pri vseh chlovekovih prednikih. Vsak zhivchni sistem je v bistvu zhe sistem za predelavo podatkov. Z vidika fizike so to disipativne strukture — sistemi z visoko organizirano in spremenljivo razdelitvijo materije v prostoru in chasu zaradi tokov energije in materije v sistemu, skozenj in iz njega. So izid samoorganizacije v sistemu. Disipativne strukture se vedejo v skladu z naravnimi zakoni, ki so izraz naravne logike. Tako so disipativne strukture v svojem razvoju, obstoju in delovanju logichne po naravi. LiVeS Journal 179 The migration »out of Africa« lasted several thousands of years as it can be concluded from the uncertainty and variability of the corresponding dating and the various routes taken. The fact is that the isolating and agglutinating types of languages are geographically distributed on the most distant locations reached on these routes. Therefore at least the earliest migrants were very probably the speakers of languages closely related to the click languages. The language variability was inevitable due to the relatively great time intervals and different routs between the migrations of various groups. These groups were, as well known, genetically closely related, the descendants of the survivals of some bottleneck event in Africa. Very probably it was an event on the migration from the southeast Africa to the regions north of the emerging Sahara. According to the environmental constraints, necessities of various hunting techniques, hunter group sizes, this variability emerged naturally already in Africa. The common origin of languages from the (closely related) click language(s) should have been then evident from the grouping in nostratic protolanguages, which beard the seeds for the recent language type divisions, obviously already in the extant groups of the related languages — as for example IE languages etc., which formed later in the new homeland. The language change — the language evolution in linguistic sense — is very slow in the small groups, but accelerated with the population growth. This is probably the reason, that the »out of Africa« migrants, the speakers of closely related languages, retained the properties of click languages for a long time period and that the major changes emerged relatively late — compared to the eons of the whole evolution past of the Homo, and as well as to the apparent proximity, but actual remoteness of the »out of Africa« events — especially due to the development of animal husbandry and farming, which contributed substantially to the population growth. From the technical point of view, there is no difference, no sharp demarcation, between the ability of signal exchange and the ability of a communication with the language in the linguistic sense. This is clear also from the biological, the evolutionary standpoint. The evolution of the hominin capabilities to speak, to analyse the sound — to store, to retrieve, to process the information and to convey it, was a feedback process of the emerging language. The parts of anatomy, which enable to use the language, are the »information processing system«, the »communication equipment« with the »data emission and acquisition system«. These all systems are the result of the evolutionary adaptation of the »primitive«, less capable already extant »information processing systems« of the early primates, actually already present also in almost all higher evolved predecessor beings of the modern homo. They are from the physical standpoint dissipative structures - systems with the highly organized and variable material structures supported and caused by the organized flows of energy and matter. They are the result of the selforganization in system. These biologic »information processing systems«, as the dissipative structures, behave according to the natural laws and are therefore essentially logical in their nature. 180 LiVeS Journal Zato je vsak »zdrav« zhivchni sistem sposoben logichno predelovati podatke. Zgolj njegova zapletenost in obsezhnost omejujeta zapletenost in kolichino predelanih informacij. Pojav jezika je dejansko naravna posledica zmogljivosti vsakega sistema za predelavo podatkov. Jezik se ni razvil. Predelava podatkov — t. i. univerzalna gramatika (Chomsky) —je prirojena, ker je posledica naravne logike, naravnih zakonov. Misel kot informacija, ki jo mozhgani »predelujejo«, je kombinacija simbolov, ki so sami kombinacije signalov. Ti signali na najnizhji ravni predstavljajo kombinacije vrst zhivchnih impulzov, ki si jih v dolochenem chasu izmenjujejo celice ustrezne skupine, povezane s sinapsami. Bioloshka raznolikost povzrocha, da je ista ali identichna informacija, pravzaprav enota informacije, razlichno kodirana v kombinacijah vrst zhivchnih impulzov v mozhganih vsakega posameznika, tudi pri posameznikih iste bioloshke vrste. To kodiranje je »privatno« za posamezne mozhgane in potrjuje hipotezo o jeziku misli. Je »privatna ali osebna« slovnica in osebni izraz univerzalne gramatike — in univerzalnih logichnih pravil — v vsakem zhivchnem sistemu. Tej »osebnosti« moramo she pripisati bioloshko raznolikost »sistema za sprejem in posredovanje podatkov« — tj. govornih in slushnih organov — od posameznika do posameznika. Velja poudariti, da pri tem ni nikakrshnega rasizma; gre le za bioloshke raznolikosti, kot so znane pri razlikovanju soseda od soseda, prijatelja od neznanca, brata od brata ipd. V druzhbi postopek zavestnega uchenja »privatne« simbole zamenja z »javnimi« simboli in »javno« slovnico — tako nastanejo »skupni javni« simboli in »skupna javna« slovnica, ki omogochajo izmenjavo informacij med posamezniki, da jo lahko razumejo vsi chlani skupnosti. Razvidno je, da vso pestrost chlovekovih jezikov dolocha bioloshka raznolikost chlovekove anatomije, njenega razvoja v razlichnih pogojih okolja, ki so zahtevali razlichne zhivljenjske strategije chloveshkih skupnosti. Narodni jeziki v jezikoslovnem smislu so »privatni« simboli in »privatna« slovnica razlichnih chloveshkih druzhb, ki jih imenujemo narodi. Jezik klikov kot prvobitni jezik, skupaj z njegovimi kasnejshimi spremembami in razlichicami, je nastajal v skladu s fiziko shirjenja zvoka pri pogojih jasno dolochenih lovskih nachinov. To pogojuje tudi pravila za prvobitno tvorbo besed — glotogenezo. Verjetne raznolikosti pri besedah posameznikov je ravno tako povzrochila bioloshka raznolikost med posamezniki in skupinami, toda tvorba besed ni bila poljubna niti niso bile besede poljubno izbrane. Celo danes imamo besede, katerih pomen je po zvenu, podobi ali po kakem drugem obchutku povezan predmetom, katerega nakazujejo. Kasnejshi vplivi — anatomski, okoljski, druzhbeni, vechkrat v razlichnem zaporedju ipd. — so povzrochili, da je bila tvorba besed navidezno poljubna, neodvisna od predmetov ali pojmov, ki so oznacheni z njimi. Izslediti vse te spremembe pri jezikih in besedah, ugotoviti prvobitni jezik in prvobitno besedo je velikanska naloga, moda celo nemogocha, ali pa bo dala priblizhne ugotovitve le za redke primere. LiVeS Journal 181 They were so predestined to handle and to process the information. Only their complexity and size are the limiting factor to the complexity and to the amount of the nformation data processed. Therefore is the emergence of language a fact, a natural consequence of the capabilities of any information processing systems. The language did not evolve, but the capabilities, the anatomy to use it, did. Therefore is the data processing — the Chomsky's universal grammar — innate, as it is the natural logic of the data processing. The thought, the current active information processed in the brain, is represented by combination of symbols, which are combinations of signals — and they are represented on the lowest level with the combination of the nerve impulse trains. These are transmitted over with their synapses connected and so communicating nerve cells. Therefore is the coding of the same or identical information entityfrom one brain to another brain different due to the biologic variability — it is »private« to any individual brain — therefore also individual for every member of the same species and confirms the language of thought hypothesis. The »private« grammar represents the individual expression of the universal grammar — and the universal logic rules — for each individual nerve system. To this individuality or »privatization« contributes also the biologic variability of the »data acquisition system« from one individual to another individual. It has to be emphasized that this fact is not to be misused for any form of racism — the biologic differences meant are the differences as we know them when we discern one neighbour from the other, friend from alien, brother from brother and sister from sister ... The conscious learning process replaces in the social group the »private« with »public« symbols and the »public« grammar. These are then the »common public« symbols and the »common public« grammar, that enable the information exchange between the individuals, as each individual in the given social group may understand them. It is obvious, that the plethora of the human languages is basically due to the biologic variability of the human anatomy, its evolution, and the different environmental constraints, demanding the various survival strategies of the hominin groups in various environments. The national languages in linguistic sense are the »public« symbols and the »public« grammar being actually the »private« symbols and »private« grammar of the various human groups or societies identified as the nations. The click language, as the primary emerging language, its later variations and changes were formed according to the properties of the physics of the sound spreading and the constraints of well defined hunting techniques. This imposed also the rules on the primary glottogenesis. The probable primary variability of words was shaped due to the biologic variability between individuals and between the social groups, but the words were not arbitrary chosen or build. Even nowadays exist words, which show a meaning, clearly vocally, optically or otherwise sensually, related to the object named. The glottogenesis is only apparently arbitrary as the sounds change due to the variable anatomy of the vocal tract, the environmental constraints and the social interactions — the sequence of changes in the last consequence leading to the seemingly arbitrary, from the nature of the objects named seemingly independently, generated words. To trace these changes, to retrieve the primary word is a formidable task and probably possible only for a small number of words with a credible certainty. 182 LiVeS Journal Slike / Drawings SI. 1 Nastop in opustitev uporabe tehnoloshkih nachinov v primeri z %achasno dolochenim drevesom chlovekove evolucije in ustrezno geografsko razporeditvijo najdishch. S shtevilkami so oznacheni nachini (Modes), dolocheni z obliko in kamnoseshko tehnologijo (zgoraj). Obdobja uporabe treh prvih nachinov (Mode 1, Mode 2 in Mode 3) ponazarjajo linije pri vrhu diagrama (neodvisno od geografske razporeditve). Prirejeno po gl. 9 The appearance and the disappearance of technological modes compared to the currently proposed human evolution tree with the corresponding geographic distribution. The numbers correspond to the modes classified by the shape and knapping technology (above). The approximate time intervals of the use of the first 3 modes are given with the lines on the top of diagram and are not to be related to the right geographic distribution axis. Adaptedfrom 9 1 LiVeS Journal 183 Sl. 2 / Fig. 2 Razporeditev treh kamenih orodij ustreza zemljepisni razporeditvi treh svetovnih jezikovnih tipov: izolacijskega IS s sekachi, fleksibilnega fuzijskega, spregajochega) FU z obojestranskimi sekirami in aglutinacijskega AG z luskami ali rezili. Izolacijski jeziki so simbolichno oznacheni s chrnimi tochkami kot zasenchenapodrochja: v Afriki nahajalishcha sekir izven podrochja afroazijskih FUjezikov, v Aziji sekachi in rezila v podrochju AG jezikov. Sedanji indoevropski FU jeziki segajo v Evropi prek Moviusove linije na severu. Zelo shematsko in simbolichno prirejeno po gl. 16 The distribution of the three lithic tools corresponds with the areal distribution of the three world types of language, namely isolating IS with choppers, inflecting (orfusional) FU with bifacial hand axes and agglutinative AG with flakes or blades. Isolating languages are symbolically depicted with black dots, the brushed areas: in Africa the funds of hand axes outside the region of Afro Asiatic FU languages, in Asia choppers and blades in the region of AG languages. The present Indo-European FU languages reach in Europe over the Movius line to the north. Adaptedfrom16, highly schematic and symbolic. Tridimenzionalno dolochevanje smeri izvora zvoka: pushchice kazhejo smer shirjenja zvoka. Poslushalca A in B ne moreta razlochiti smeri — za A je zvochni izbruh, ki ga lahko tvorijo razni toni, prekratek, da bi ga lahko razchlenil (chasovna razlochnost pri chloveku pribl. 2ms), za B paje valovna dolzhina prevelika (L1 >> 4 m), zato je zaradi uklona ne more uchinkovito fazno razlochiti. Poslushalca C in D sta sposobna dolochiti smer - C dolocha s pomochjo fazne razlike med ushesi (pri chloveku najbolj uchinkovito od pribl. 100Hz do 1,5 kHz, L2 pribl. od 0,2 do 3,5 m), D dolocha pri visokih frekvencah, krajshih valovnih dolzhinah (L3 << 0,2 m), predvsem z razliko jakosti zvoka med ushesi. Zvochna senca je le nakazana, ker mochno upada z razdaljo in valovno dolzhino zaradi uklona. Shematsko, ni sorazmerno. Prirejeno po gl. 41 in 42 Three-dimensional allocation of the sound source direction: The arrows show the direction of the spreading sound. The listeners A and B are not capable to resolve the direction — for A is the sound pulse, which may consist of the various tones (noise burst) to short to be resolved (time resolution in humans ~ 2ms), forB is the wavelength (L1 >> 4 m) to long to be efficiently phase analysed (diffraction) or to be heard. The listeners C and D are capable to resolve the direction — the C resolves by phase difference of the incoming wave between the ears (in humans the most efficient from ~100Hz to 1.5 kHz, L2 from ~0.2 to 3.5 m), the D by higher frequencies, shorter wavelengths (L3 << 0.2 m), more as the sound intensity difference between ears. The sound shadow is just illustrated, and it diminishes strongly with the distance and wavelength due to the diffraction. Schematic, not to scale. Adaptedfrom 41 and 42 Sl. 3 / Fig. 3 184 LiVeS Journal SI. 4 Shematsko, poenostavljeno in idealizirano prikazana medsebojna odvisnost vrste divjadi, nachina lova, rastlinskega podrochja (nakazano z ustreznimipovrshinami) - tropsko, zmerno in arktichno, tipa kamenega orodja, shtevila lovcev v skupini, akustike zvochnega sporazumevanja pri lovu - nizki toni slishni na velikih razdaljah, dobro razlochevanje smeri pri daljshem trajanju zvoka, visoki toni slishni na kratkih razdaljah in slabo razlochevanje smeri zlasti pri kratkem trajanju zvoka, sprememba jezika klikov v druge tipe jezikov zaradi spremembe nachina lova, pojava zhivinoreje, poljedelstva, rasti in shirjenjaprebivalstva ter »bottle neck« delovanja (osamitev ob izumiranju)pri upadanju. Fig. 4 The schematic interdependence of the game type, vegetation region, stone tool types, hunter group size, the acoustics of vocal communication in hunt - low tones perceived over long ranges with high direction resolution at sufficient sound duration, high tones perceived mostly over short ranges with low direction resolution at short sound duration, the change of the click language type in other types due to the changes in the hunting technique, animal domestication and farming with the population dynamics — dispersal at growth, bottle neck effect at shrinking. Highly simplified and schematic, not to scale. LiVeS Journal 185 References and Literature 1 Kooyman, B. (2010), Lithic technology: Measures of production, use and curation. Geoarchaeology, 25: 666—667. 2 Moore MW, Perston Y (2016), Experimental Insights into the Cognitive Significance of Early Stone Tools. PLoS ONE 11(7): e0158803. Doi:10.1371. 3 I. Davidson, The finished artifact fallacy: Acheulian handaxes and language origins, ResearchGate 2002, publication 256384778. 4 Clark JGD. 1968. World prehistory: a new outline, 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 5 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oldowan 6 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acheulian 7 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Levallois_technique 8 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stone-tool 9 Robert Foley, Marta Mirazon Lahr, On Stony Ground: Lithic Technology, Human Evolution, and the Emergence of Culture, Evolutionary Anthropology 12:109 12(2003), D0I10.1002/evan.10108, Wiley InterScience 10 P. Jeffrey Brantingham* and Steven L. Kuhn, Constraints on Levallois Core Technology: A Mathematical Model, Journal of Archaeological Science (2001) 28, 747—761. 11 Jennie Robinson: The first huner-gatherers, The Oxford handbook of the archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers, Editors Vicki Cummings, Peter Jordan, Marek Zvelebil, Oxford University Press 2014,p. 177. 12 Helmut De Terra, Hallam L. Movius in Early M a n in the Far East. W. W. Howells, ed., Studies in Physical Anthropology; No. 1, American Association of Physical Anthropologists, Detroit, 1919. 13 Hallam L. Movius, The Lower Palaeolithic Cultures of Southern and Eastern Asia., Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Vol. 38, Pt. 4, Philadelphia, 1949. 14 Ancient Asian Tools Crossed the Line. March 3 SCIENCE. 2000. 15 Adam Brumm and Mark Moore, Biface Distributions and the Movius Line: A Southeast Asian Perspective, Australian Archaeology, June 2012, Volume: 74. 16 Mario Alinei, Geolinguistic and Other Lines of Evidence for the Correlation between Lithic and Linguistic Development, Europaea 3 (1997), pp. 15-38. 17 Hodgson Derek, John McNabb, More on Acheulian tools, Current Anthropology Vol 46 No 4 (August/October 2005, 647-650). 18 Raymond Corbey, Adam Jagich, Krist Vaesen, Mark Collard, The Acheulean Handaxe: More Like a Bird's Song Than a Beatles' Tune? Evolutionary Anthropology 25:6—19 (2016). 19 Kapova Cave - Paleolithic, donsmaps.com/kapova.hmtl 20 Fumiko Ikawa-Smith, Movius Line, January 2014, ResearchGate, publication 303268413. 21 Brantingham, Paul Jeffrey, Astride the Movius Line: Late Pleistocene lithic technological variability in Northeast Asia, The University of Arizona., p 242. 22 Wei Wang, Stephen J. Lycett, Noreen von Cramon-Taubadel, Jennie J. H. Jin, Christopher J. Bae, Comparison of Handaxes from Bose Basin (China) and the Western Acheulean Indicates Convergence of Form, Not Cognitive Differences , PLoS ONE, Vol. 7, No. 4 (e35804). (19 April 2012), pp. 1-7. 23 Stephen J. Lycett, Christopher J. Bae, The Movius Line controversy: the state of the debate, World Archaeology 12/2010; 42(4). 24 Stephen J. Lycett, Why is there a lack of Mode 3 Levallois technologies in East Asia? A phylogenetic test of the Movius-Schick hypothesis, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Vol. 26, No. 4. (December 2007), pp. 541-575. 186 LiVeS Journal 25 The Movius Line represents the crossing of a demographic threshold, May 29, 2010, replicatedtypo.wordpress.com 26 Human Prehistory, December 5, 2014 , Movius Line explained? humanprehistory.wordpress.com. 27 Stephen J. Lycett, Noreen von Cramon-Taubadel, Acheulean variability and hominin dispersals: a model-bound approach, Journal of Archaeological Science, Vol. 35, No. 3., pp. 553-562. 28 Stephen J. Lycett, John A. Gowlett, On questions surrounding the Acheulean 'tradition', World Archaeology, Vol. 40, No. 3. (2008), pp. 295-315. 29 Stephen J. Lycett, Christopher J. Norton, A demographic model for Palaeolithic technological evolution: The case of East Asia and the Movius Line, Quaternary International, Vol. 211, No. 1-2. (01 January 2010), pp. 55-65. 30 Adam Benton ,The Movius line ,Culture and Technology, Nov 30, 2012. 31 C. Gamble S. Gaudzinski: Bones nad powerful individuals, in M Porr Gamble The Hominid Individual in Context, Routledge 2005, New York, NY. 32 AS Field : Transformations in dividuality, M Porr Gamble The Hominid Individual in Context, Routledge 2005, New York, NY. 33 Michael D Petraglia,Ceri Shipton, K Paddayya, Life and mind in the Acheulian, A case study from India, M Porr Gamble The Hominid Individual in Context, Routledge 2005, New York, NY. 34 Stephen J. Lycett, Are Victoria West cores "proto-Levallois"? A phylogenetic assessment, Journal of Human Evolution 56 (2009) 175-191. 35 M Pape M Roberts : observations on the relationship between the Paleolithic individuals and artefacts scatters at the Middle Pleistocene site of Boxgrove. UK, M Porr Gamble The Hominid Individual in Context, Routledge 2005, New York, NY. 36 Kevin L. Kuykendal, Isabelle s. Heyerdahl-King: Modern human origins in Africa, A review of the fossil, archaeological and genetic perspectives on early homo sapiens, The Oxford handbook of the archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers, Editors Vicki Cummings, Peter Jordan, Marek Zvelebil, Oxford University Press 2014, p. 217. 37 D Mania U Mania: The natural and socio-cultural environment of Homo erectus at Bilzingsleben, Germany: Travertine, interglaciation Elster-Saale, M Porr Gamble The Hominid Individual in Context, Routledge 2005, New York, NY. 38 Domanski M, Webb J.A., Effect of Heat treatment on Siliceous Rocks Used in Prehistoric Lithic Technology, Journal of Archeological Science 1992, 19, 601-614. 39 Kathleen Sterling, Man the Hunter, Woman the Gatherer? The Impact of Gender Studies on Hunter-Gatherer Research, The Oxford handbook of the archaeology and anthropology of hunter-gatherers, Editors Vicki Cummings, Peter Jordan, Marek Zvelebil, Oxford University Press 2014. 40 The Movius Line represents the crossing of a demographic threshold May 29, 2010, replicatedtypo.wordpress.com 41 E. Zwicker, Schallrezeption am Beispiel höherer Säugetiere und des Menschen p. 577 in Biophysik, Herausg. W.Hoppe, W. Lohmann, H. Markl, H. Ziegler 42 Steven Errede, Human Perception of Sound, P406P0M_Lect5.pdf 43 Alec Knight, Peter A. Underhill, Holly M. Mortensen, Lev A. Zhivotovsky, Alice A. Lin, Brenna M. Henn, Dorothy Louis, Merritt Ruhlen, and Joanna L. Mountain, African Y Chromosome and mtDNA Divergence Provides Insight into the History of Click Languages. 44 Khoisan Language Family By Irene Thompson, Jon Phillips, aboutworldlanguages.com/Khoisan-Language-Family. 45 Merritt Ruhlen, Khoisan Etymologies, merrittruhlen.com/Khoisan.pdf LiVeS Journal 187 46 Mother tongue comes from your prehistoric father, September 17, 2011, University of Cambridge. 47 prof. R. Senecic (private communication). 48 Merritt Ruhlen, Multinational Evolution or »Out of Africa«?: The Lingustic Evidence Simposium on Prehistoric Mongoloid Dispersals, University of Tokyo, November 16, 1992ed. by Takeru Akazawa and Em"oke J. E. Szathmary, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 52-65. Language families. 49 Languages less arbitrary than long assumed. More textured view of vocabulary structure, in which arbitrariness is complemented by 'iconicity' and 'systematicity'October 1, 2015 MaxPlanck-Gesellschaft, sciencedaily.com 50 Weak evidence for word-order universals: Language not as 'innate' as thought? April 14, 2011 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, sciencedaily.com 51 David Ludden, The Psychology of Language, SAGE Publications, Inc., 2016. 52 Morten H. Christiansen, Simon Kirby, Language Evolution, Oxford Univ. Press, 2003. 53 Tore Janson, The History of Languages, An Introduction, Oxford Univ. Press, 2012. 54 Language Driven By Culture, Not Biology, January 19, 2009 University College London, sciencedaily.com 55 Natural Selection As We Speak, March 4, 2005 Max Planck Society, sciencedaily.com 56 Wikipedia, Merriam Webster. 57 P. Glansdorff, I. Prigogine, Thermodynamic theory of Structure, Stability and Fluctuations, John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 1971. 58 I. Prigogine, G.Nicolis, Biological order, structure and instabilities, Quarterly Reviews of Biophysics, 4, 2/3, 1971, 107-148, Self-Organization in Nonequilibrium Systems: From Dissipative Structures to Order through Fluctuations, Advances in Chemical Physics Series, 1975. 59 H. Haken, Synergetics, an Introduction: Nonequilibrium Phase Transitions and Self-Organization in Physics, Chemistry and Biology, Springer-Verlag, 1983. 60 I.Tsuda, Y. Yamaguti, H. Watanabe, Self-Organization with Constraints—A Mathematical Model for Functional Differentiation, Entropy 26 Feb. 2016. 60a Hermann Haken, Juval Portugali, Information and Self-Organization, Entropy 31 December 2016. 61 en. Wikipedia.org/wiki/language_of_thought_hypothesis 62 Weak evidence for word-order universals: Language not as 'innate' as thought? April 14, 2011, Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, sciencedaily.com 63 Road to language learning is iconic, November 13, 2012,Association for Psychological Science, medicalxpress.com news 64 Finding iconicity in spoken languages, Iconicity plays key role in word learning, similar to what is found in signed languages, September 9, 2015,University of Miami, phys.org news V slovenskem delu besedila je za angl. hand ax(e) uporabljeno le sekira, dobesedni prevod rochna sekira bi bil za slov. jezik nenavaden; v SSKJ le: enorochna / dvorochna / kopitasta sekira; za slednjo razlaga: arheol. kopitasta sekira (chevljarskemu) kopitu podobna neprevrtana sekira iz kamna. Temu bi ustrezal tudi arheol. izraz pestnjak. (op. ur. I. A.) 188 LiVeS Journal 188 Svojskost LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP Vodilo LiVeS Journala — Revije SRP so tri vrednotne orientacije individua, tega ne nepomembnega drobca v sistemu institucij. Te vrednote so: Svoboda, Resnica, Pogum. Pomembne so, vsaka od njih posebej, pomembno je prezhemanje teh vrednot. Tak namen ima tudi urednishtvo Revije SRP, ki izhaja v posodobljenem prvotnem slovenskem chrkopisu bohorichici, katere utemeljitev predstavlja Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica. LiVeS Journal 189 Individuality of the LiVeS Journal Guidelines of the LiVeS Journal are the three values of the orientation of the individuum, that irrelevant shred in the system of institutions. These values are: Liberty (freedom), Verity (truth), and Spirit (courage) Each of them is important in its separate way, the infusion of these values is important. This is also the intention of the LiVeS Journal editorial board, which is published in an updated version of Bohorichica - the primary Slovenian alphabet, the argumentation behind which is presented in Zbornik 2001 Bohorichica. 190 LiVeS Journal 190 Sama ustvarjalnost in avtonomija, njuna utemeljenost v raziskovanju, nachelno in sploshno nista vprashljivi, nihche, skoraj nihche ne bo nasprotoval takim usmeritvam. Problem se pojavlja shele na konkretnem nivoju, kot tak je nerazviden in skrit ali zhe prikrit in s tem tezhko reshljiv. Problem ukinjanja ustvarjalnosti (in avtonomije) se kazhe v shtevilnih, a na videz nepomembnih malenkostih. Lahko jih ne vidimo ali pa se moramo spustiti na nivo konkretnosti, to je na nivo ukvarjanja z malenkostmi in postati malenkostni. Institucija brez spomina je kakor podjetje brez knjigovodstva, mochni in mogochni v njej pochno, kar jih je volja, ker vse, kar pochno, utone v pozabljivi zavesti chasa. a ne gre za chas, ampak za dejstva zavesti, kjer chasa ni, je samo trajanje, obche vrednote so neposredna dejstva zavesti, vsakomur dojemljive, preverljive, nihche jih chloveku ne more ne dati ne vzeti, ne sistem ne institucija ne propaganda, tudi kulturna ne, samo che to sam hoche, jih bo nashel le v sebi, sebstvu svojem. LiVeS Journal 191 Creativity and autonomy themselves, their justification in research, are in principle and generally not questionable, no one, or next to no one will oppose such an orientation. It is not until concrete action is undertaken that the problem will occur, and it is therefore unevident and hidden or even already concealed and thus difficult to solve. The problem of abolishing creativity (and autonomy) presents itself in numerous, but seemingly irrelevant details. We can either leave them undetected or drop down to the tangible level, in other words — become preoccupied with trifles — and grow petty. An institution with no memory is like a company without accounting, its strong and its mighty do what they please, because all they do is doomed to drown in the forgetful awareness of time. but it is not a matter of time, but a matter of the facts of awareness, where time does not exist, there is only length, general values are direct facts of awareness, understandable to all, verifiable, no one can bestow them or take them away, neither system, nor institutions nor propaganda — not even a cultural one, only if one so desires, will one find them only within oneself, in one's own self. 192 LiVeS Journal 192 »Torej vsako bitje, ki obchuti svojo eksistenco, obchuti zlochin pokorjenosti in tezhi k svobodi; che se she zhivali, ki so udomachene za sluzhenje chloveku, lahko podrede shele potem, ko jim zatro nasprotno zheljo, kakshna nesrecha je to lahko za chloveka, ki je edini resnichno rojen zato, da zhivi svobodno. Napravila ga je nenaravnega do te mere, da je izgubil praspomin na svoje prvobitno stanje, in na zheljo, da ga ponovno ozhivi ... Vedno pa se najdejo eni, srechnejshi od drugih, ti, ki so rojeni pod srechno zvezdo, ki obchutijo tezho jarma in ne morejo vzdrzhati, da bi ga ne stresli, ti, ki se nikoli ne navadijo na jarem ... Ko bi bila svoboda povsem izgubljena, Zunaj tega sveta, bi jo ti ljudje ozhivili v svoji predstavi, obchutili bi jo v svojem duhu in jo she vedno uzhivali. Suzhenjstvo nikakor ni po njihovem okusu, celo ko je to okrasheno, ne! ...« Ftienne de La Boetie LiVeS Journal 193 »So every being that feels its existence, feels the crime of submission and strives for freedom; if even animals that are tamed to serve man, do not submit until their opposing desires are crushed, what misfortune can this be for man, who alone is truly born, to live freely. It made him so unnatural, that he forgot the memory of his primeval state, and the desire to again revive it ... But you always find some who are happier than others, the ones who are born under a lucky star, who feel the weight of the yoke and cannot stop themselves, from shaking it off, the ones who never grow accustomed to the yoke ... If liberty were to be completely lost, out of this world, then these people would revive it in their imaginations, they would feel it in their spirit and continue to enjoy it. Servitude is by no means to their taste, not even if it is adorned! ...« E,tienne de La Boetie 194 LiVeS Journal 194 OPOMBA UREDNISHTVA LiVeS Journal (in Revija SRP): http:/ / www.livesjournal.eu (http://www.revijasrp.si) Internetna uporaba Revije SRP je brez omejitev; enako velja za LiVeS Journal., ki mu je z vzporedno dvojezichnostjo namenjena shirsha dostopnost, tudi za izseljenske korenine. Predvideno je, da bodo med novimi sodelavci tudi prevajalci, ki bodo postopoma dodajali prevode iz Revije SRP v »globalnem jeziku« (za globalni zgodovinski spomin), danes v angleshkem (britanskem ali amerishkem). Izvirnik vsakega teksta je avtorski unikat, prevodov pa je lahko vech, zato bo v internetni izdaji LJ kak prevod lahko tudi dodan k predhodnemu ali pa ga bo nadomestil. EDITORIAL NOTE LiVeS Journal (and Revija SRP): http://www.livesjournal.eu (http:/ / www.revijasrp.si) Internet use of Revija SRP is without limits; the same is valid for LiVeS Journal, for which the wider accessibility is intended by the means of two parallel languages, even to the roots of diasporas. It is expected that the new translators among the contributors gradually will add new translations of the texts from Revija SRP in the »global language« (for the global historical memory), today in English (British or American). Every original text is unique as a fact of authorship, but translations may be several, so in the Internet edition of LJ new translations also could be added to the preliminary ones, or those could be replaced.