1 t SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE MARRATTA STATE. written in persian By a MUNSHY, $Vho accompanied Col. Upton on his Embaffy to Poonabt translated by WILLIAM CHAMBER?, Esq.. ief Judge of the Supreme Court of Judicature at Fort William in Bengal. To ivhich is added, The VOYAGES and TRAVELS O p M. C^SAR FREDERICKS Into the EAST-INDIES and beyond the IND CALCUTTA PRINTED!.,, - _t LONDON reprinted for GEO. KEARSL! At No. 46, in Fleet-Street. 1787, Price TWO SHILLINGS. ADVERTISEMENT. 1 HESE two Productions are extracted from the Asiatic Miscellany, a periodical Work now printing at Calcutta, under the Patron-age of Sir William Jones, William Chambers Efq, and other refpeCtable Characters, re-fident in that part of the Globe. M. Frederick's Travels were firft printed at Venice in 1598, in the Italian Language, and tranflated into Englifh by Mr. Hickocke : the fidelity of the Author, and the fund of Entertainment which his Defcriptions afford the Reader, have long rendered it one of the fcarced Books in our Language, and therefore cannot be unacceptable at this Time, when Voyages and Travels are fought for beyond any former Period, Fi.eet-Strbet, January 2, 1787, C. JC. A short account OF THE MARRATTA STATE. The firft pcrfon that appear? to have fignalized himfelf at the head of this ffate was Seva, or Sevajee, the fon of Sambha, who was a defcendant of the Rajah Ranace of Oodeipoor. He maintained a long war with Aurengzebe, who having, with great difficulty, overcome him, and feized hi? perfon, carried him with him to Dehly, and there had him clofely confined; but Sevajee, by procuring the interceffion of one of the Begums, who was of the Oodeipoor family, found means, after fome time, to B have have the feverity of his confinement relaxed, and then, having watched his opportunity, made his efcape in the drefs of a SanafTee fakeer, and travelled undetected in a large company of that profeffion into the province of Bengal. His efcape being known, orders were iffued throughout all parts of the kingdom to apprehend him; and a nazer-bauz, or emiffary, having introduced himfelf into this body of fakeers with that view, actually difcovered Sevajee among them; but initead of keeping his own •counfel, called out, with an air of triumph, *' I am furc Sevajee is amongil you." E'er ■the Nazim of Bengal, however, could be apprized of the difcovery, and iffue the warrants for his arreft, Seva. took care to move off in the night, and reached the territories of the Decan in fafety. There by his vackeels, whom he flill contrived to maintain at the court of Tanah Shah, he made r 3 i made himfelf known to that prince, was fent for by him immediately, and loaded with civilities and compliments: this was in the day-time, and Sevajee retired to his lodging. But at night, when Tanah Shah •fent for him again, Sevajee returned him for anfwer, " That in all Hindoftan he " had feen three fpecial blockheads:— " if!, Aurcngzebe, that with fo much la-bour and pains had fecured his perfon, and could not keep him when he had him; 2dly, Tlie emiffary in Bengal who *' -difcovered him, and yet failed in appre-** hending him; and, 3clly, The Shah him-*' felf, into whofe prefence, Seva obferved, ft his own feet had carried him that morn-" ing, and yet he had not the fenfe to fete cure him -3 and now," continued he, *' think not that a bird that has flown out ** of the cage will be fo eafily caught again, (i or that I too am a fool to fill into the B z " {hare I 4 3 fnare you have laid for me," He fled from Heiderabad the fame moment, and made his way good to Sattarah, where ,he collected his fcattcred forces, prepared fumielf for war, and let on foot the fame diiturbanoes in the empire that had cofi Au<~. rengzebe fo much to fupprefs before. It is laid, that when he left Heiderabad, he had nothing of value about him but a ring, worth about two rupees and a half; and that having fold it, he continued to live upon the amount till he reached Sattarah, where he entered on the poffemon of a kingdom. Aurengzebe. was now obliged to march into the Decan a fecond timej and, after long wars and much ftratagcm^ he at length got Seva into his power again \ but Aurengzebe was then become old and infirm, and the Begum, who was the pa-tronefs of Sev.jee, interceded for him with fuch fuccefs, that flic not only procured hiiri J 5 ! him pardon for ail his pail offences, hut got him reinftated in his kingdom, with a firmaun to collect the chouth on the Decan, and otlier provinces over which he mould prevail. This finnaun of Aurengzebe the "Marrattas fay they are Hill poueffed of, and that the chouth allowed them in it is at thp rate of ten per cent, on the revenue. When Rajah Sevd died, his fon, Rajah Sahoo, fucceeded him in his kingdom, and enlarged it by considerable conqueits. The declining fbte of the empire during the reign of Mohammed Shah, gave him an opportunity of levying the chouth on fevcral provinces -9 and the extraordinary aggrandizement of his power has rendered his name famous to this day. When he grew old, he fummoned before him all his principal chiefs and generals, in order to afcertain their abilities and prowefs 5 for among his own relations 1 M relations he faw none that he thought worthy to fucceed him in the full exercife of that power which he poilelfed. Amidff. all thofe, therefore, that came before him on this oc-cafion, the perfon that appeared moil eminent in worth and dignity was Baujee Row, a Bramin, and native of the province of Gokun. On being qneftioned by Rajah Sahoo concerning the power and influence he pollened in the realm, Baujee Row* told him, that he had 25,000 horfc then actually ready for the the field, and could raife as many more in a very fhort fpace of time. Rajah Sahoo, therefore, felected him from among the reft, invefled him with the office and title of Paishwah, or Leader of * The writer fecms here to have miftaken die name of the fon for that of the father. The perfon here defcribed mull have been BifTonauth Balaujce, whofe cldeft fon was called Baujee Row, as indeed is mentioned by this writer hiinfclf in the fennel, * all C 7 5 all the Marratta Chiefs, and granted, him an allowance of ten per cent, on all the Marratta revenue, as well as ten per cent, on all the chouth that mould be collected, for his own private expences, befides what he was to receive for the pay of the troops, &c. in token of which elevation he girt him round with a golden fafh, and ordered all the Other generals to be obedient to his orders and authority. The Marrattas, then, conlider Rajah Sahoo as having been a fharer with the Emperor of Dehly in the whole kingdom of Hindoflan, and therefore of imperial dignity. The Paifhwah they conlider as a viceroy, or regent, with unlimited powers, and the minifters of the Paifhwah as the viziers, or prime minifter of other kingdoms, At [ 8 1 At prefent Ram Rajah is a prifoner at laree in the fort of Sattarah. He is defcen-ded from the brother of Rajah Sahoo, and the Marratta chiefs account him the proper matter of the Kifhgah, without which no Paifhwah can be appointed; and his name: is alfo inferted in the Paiihwah's feal. Baujke Row and Chcmnaujee Appah were the fons of Biffonauth*. ChemnaujcO Appah had one fon, whofe name was Sa-daihevah; but he has been- more commonly called Bhaw Sahab. He was killed in the battle with the Abdaulees, but his wife ftill lives: her name is Parabatty Baee, and flic has a great fhare in the politics of the Paifh-wah's court. * This is plainly the BiFonauth Baulaujec mentioned i» the above note, and confirms what is there obferved. Baujeb f 9 1 \^ BauJee Row had three fons, viz. Bair-4aujee Pundet, vulgarly called Nannah, Ra-gonauth Row, and Shamihair Behaudur % who was born of Muffammah Maftauny. Baulaujee Pundet had three fons: j3ifTwafs Row, the eldefl, was killed in the tattle with the Abdaulees ; the fecond was Maudheverow, who governed as Paifhwah for twelve years, and died. He was an excellent chief. The third was Nan-ay en Row, «tfho was afTaffinated by means of the intrigues of Ragonauth Row, and by the hands of Sheikh Yufuph Gardia, Somair Sing, &c. Mandheverow, the fon of Nar-rayen Row, a child of two years, is now on the Mufnud as Paifhwah. * He was alfo called Jannobah, C » Account I * 1 Account of the Affafjinatlon of Narraye?* Row, and the firft Rife of the Dijlwbancef between Ragonauth Row and his op* ponents. 3VT AUDii eve row, the elder brother of Narrayen Row, goverend as Paifhwah twelve years, and by his amiable conduct gave um-verfal fatisfaction to thofe under his authority. Even his uncle Ragonauth Row he took care to foothe and pacify, though at the fame time he kept him a kind of pri-foner at large in the caftle*. But Narrayen Row, who was then only nineteen years old, had no fooner been feated on the Muf-nud, than he ordered Ragonauth Row into * By the caftle he means the palace of the Paifhwah at Poortah. ftnft ilri6t confinement *, fpoke"of him privately in infulting and injurious terms, and ufed all means to mortify and humble him.— Ragonauth Row, no longer able to bear fuch treatment, concerted meafures with Somair Sing Jematdar and Yufuph Khan Gardie, men not of the Marratta nation, and who, had been raifed and patronifed by former Paiihwahs, As there had hitherto been no inflance of treafons or confpiracies in the Marratta ftate, the palace of the Paifhwah was not at all fecured, either by watchmen, guards, or any force. Somair Sing and Yufuph Khan, therefore, with their refpec-five corps, entered the caftle on pretence of * His confinement in Narrayen Row's time was, if any thing, more eafy, which indeed may be prefumed from his negotiations with the murderers of that prince ; for if it had been jlrift, in the fenfe here intended, fuch people could not have found means to concert thefc meafures with him, c 2 coming I 12 ] Iteming to demand their pay *, and fur-rounded the palace of Narrayen Row; after-which, entering the houfe, they came ,to the apartment where Ragonauth Row-f* and the young prince were together, and immediately prepared therrifelves to aflafiinate the latter. Narrayen Row, fieing ihejitua-lion he was w, threw himfelf in tears at the feet of his uncle, crying out, in the moft affecting manner, «' I feek no greatnefs; I " want no government: you are my father's " brother, and I your brother's fon; grant *' me but my life, and be yourfelf Paifh-. *' wah." Upon this Ragonauth Row apparently faid a great deal to forbid them; * On pretence of going to roll-calling. Somair Sing and Khereg Sing were two officers that had the charge of the palace itfelf, j- Ragonauth Row was in the palace, but in an apart* mcnt of his own j and Narrayen Row, on the alarm, ran $hither to him. but t 13 1 but they *, not crediting the fmcerity of his commands, proceeded to their work, and killed Narrayen Row. They afterwards befet Ragonauth Row for two days in the caftiV for the four Lacks of Rupees he had engaged to give them; but at length Mooroo-bah Pher Nevees -j*, a man of great diftinc-tion at Poonah, and the fon of the fecrctary of the civil department, paid them two Lacks in ready money, out of his own private purfe, and having fettled the mode of payment of the reft, delivered Ragonauth Row from this dilemma. There was then a general meeting of the Marratta chiefs, to appoint a fucceffor to Narrayen Row ; and * Tulanjee, a khklmatdar of Narrayen Row, was th® perfon that killed him, t Pher, or Phcd Nevees, is the Chief Secretary of ther Civil Department. The word Phed is a Marratta word Signifying a Derbar, or Cutchery, the place where all the bufrtefs of the civil department is tranfa&ed; and Nevew h a Fenian word fignifying Secretary, & 6s there was; no one left of the family of jBaulajee Row, except Ragonauth Row, they found themfelves under a necemty, without, farther confideration, of placing him upon the Mufnud. Some time after this he anembled all his forces, and marched to make war on the Navaub Nizam Aly Khan. Sakharam Bauboo and Baulaujee Pundet took leave of him on the march, and returned to the city of Poonah to carry on the affairs of government, while the other chiefs accompanied F^agonauth Row on his expedition. At the expiration of eight months, Gangaw Bauee, the widow of Narrayen Row, who was pregnant at the time of her hufband's death, was delivered of a fon. Upon this event*, * The writer is here miftaken in the order of events. Gangaw Bauee was not delivered till after the revolution, though, being in the third month of her pregnancy, they fecured her, and took Ram Rajah out of his confinement at Sattarah, to ferve as a ftate-engine, till her delivery ihouhj afford them another. Sakharam- f '5 I Sakharam Bauboo (who had formerly ferved Ragonauth Row as his dewan, and is a fubtle old politician), Baulajee Pher Nevees, and others, amounting in all to twelve of the principal men in the government, con-fulted together; and having taken her and her child, Maudheverow, into the fort of Poorendher, which is nine cofs * diflant from Poonah, with a fufficient flock of ne-ceflaries, they- there fecured themfelves. The fortrefs of Poorendher is feated on a rock two miles high, and is exceedingly ftrong. The names of thefe twelve chiefs, who are famous for the appellation of the Twelve Brothers, are as follow: 1, Sakharam Bauboo, 2. Baulaujee Pundet, vujg, Naaih Ph$* J^evees. * It is eleven, cofs diftant from Poonah*' 3. Mooroa* t 16 J 3. Mooroobah Pher Nevees, firft coufiri to Baulaujee Pundet. 4. Trimbec Mamah, called fo becaufe he was mamoo, or uncle, by the mother's 'Tide, of Bhaw Sahab, alias Sadadievah Row, alias Sudabah. 5. Saubaujee Bhon&lah, fon of Ragho-jee Bhonfalah. 6. Meer Moolah Khan *, dewan to the Navaub Nizam Aly Khan. 7. Harree Pundet Phadkiah (from Phad-*fcay, a family name). 8. Vauman Row, the brother of Gopawl Row. yi Malhar Row Raftah, of the cafi of the Shroffs-f- he was uncle of Narrayen Row 0 by the mother's fide. * Called alfo Rukkun ud Dowlah. t Thk is a miftake: he is aBramin. 10. Bhowr* t '7 3 ■10., Bhown Row Prittee Nidhee, chief pridhaun, or vizier. 11. Nauroo Appah, the Soubahdar of the City of Poonah and its dependencies. 12. Nauroo Eaubjee*, who has the fuperintcndence of all the forts. These chiefs, after confulting together, agreed in opinion, that Ragonauth Row, in the murder of his nephew, had been guilty of fuch an aft of treachery as had not its equal in all the Marratta hiflory; and that as there was a fon of Narrayen Row furviv-ing he alone had the proper title to the Paim- * He has the fuperintcndence of three or four forts.— The Marrattas have hundreds of forts in their pofieflion, which were never placed under the inipe&ion of one officer. He is alfo called Niiroo Pundet. . ♦f Here the writer has been mifinformcd; for this fon was not born when tfeey plotted the revolution. They confult-D id Paifhwahfhip. This point once fettled, they wrote letters to the chiefs that had accompanied Ragonauth Row on his expedition 5 and this meafure had fuch an effect:, that moft of them withdrew from him by degrees, a part retiring to their own governments, and the reft joining the ftandard of the fon of Narrayen Row. Ragonauth Row, on- feeing the ruin that hung over him, ceafed from his hoftilities * agaihft Nizam Aly Khan, and betook himfelf ^to Tukkojee Holker, Mahadajee Sendheeah, and the other chiefs who refide at their j-a-geers in Udgein, and the neighbouring dif- cd the aftrologers, and were afiured by them that Gangaw Bauec would have a fon; and their dependence on that pro-mife was fo firm, that they proceeded as they would have done if a fon had actually been born. * The fact is that he had already made peace with the Nizam, and was within five days march of the Carnatic when the news of the revolution reached his camp. tridts. [ >9 J tricfts^ His fortune, however, had now forfaken him, and they refufed him their, affifhince, alleging that though they profef-fed an abfolute fuhjedtion to the authority of the Paifhwah, yet as his family was now immerfed in feuds and dinenfions, they would by no means interfere by lending their aid to either party, but would fit neuter till the quarrel mould be decided, and would then pay homage to him who lhould be fixed on the Mufnud of the Paimwahfhip. The country of Udgein lies to the north-eafl of Poonah, at the difiance of an hundred and thirty kerray cofs *. Ragonauth Row, unable to prevail, returned from thence, had an engagement * A kerray cofs is equal to two of the common meafure. with with Trlmhcc Row Mamah *, in which the latter was flain, and then went to Surat, where he folicited fuccours from the £ng-lifh. The gentlemen there being under the orders of the Governor and Council of Bombay, confulted them on the occafion, and they both determined to affifl Ragonauth Row with three battalions of fepoys and a train of artillery. At that time the Marratta chiefs that were on the fide of Ragonauth Row were, Manaujee Phankerah-f-, Go, venderow Kayekvaur (the brother of Fateh Sing Kayekvaur, who was with the other party), and fome other chiefs of inferior * The writer mlrtakes the order of the events: Rngo* nauth Row hrft conquered Trimbec, and then proceeded tQ. Udgein His name is Manajee Saindheeah; but they give K\nx the l,itle of Phankerah, which is equivalent to Fearnought; in Engliih. - I note, I 21 ] note. Thofe of the other fide were, Harree Pundet Phadkiah, Balwant Appah *, &c. with their quotas, making in all a body of about 25,000 horle. Both armies met on the north fide the Narbadah, within thirty cofs of Surat, and had a fevere engagement; but the lofs on both fides was about equal. When, however, letters of prohibition were received from the Governor-General and Council of Bengal, both parties ceafed from hofcilities, and remained inactive.— And now that Colonel John Upton has concluded a peace with the miniilers of Maudheverow, the Fon of the deceafed Narrayen Row, the gentlemen of Bombay have remanded their troops from fuccouring Ragonauth Row j but Ragonauth Row, on the other hand, rcfufes to trull himfelf * His name is Kriihna Row. His father's name was EaJwant, in in the Marratta countries, as he thinks hi£ life would be in danger if he lhould do fo. He wifhes rather to go to Calcutta, or Ba-nares j and in his lafl letter to the Colonel he fays he will go to Europe. Varticulars relative to Ragonauth Row* R agonauth Row (who is commonly called Raghobah) is a chieftain of great eminence, and the only furviver of note in the family of Baujee Row. He formerly fig— nalized himfelf by veiy confiderable military achievements; for it was he that wrcfted the half of Guzerat from the hand of Dau-maujee Kayekvaur, and that afforded fuch important affiftance to the Navaub Gauzy ud Dcen Khan in the war with the Jauts, in ,in the, time-of Ahmed Shah. -It was he, too, that marched at the head of 100,000 .horfe againft the fon of the Abdaulee Shaw, drove him from Lahore, and planted the , Marratta ftandards as far as the more of the , Attock. The Abdaulee Shaw was then engaged in a war on the fide of Khorafan; but the year following he entered Hindoftan with a large army to chaflife the Marrattas, at a time when the Navaub Gauzy ud Deen Khan was in the country of the Jauts, and under their protection. On receiving news of this event, the Paifhwah, Baulaujee Pundet, told his fon*, Ragonauth Row, that he expected he would take upon him the charge of this expedition alfo againft the Abdaulees; to which Ragonauth Row replied, that he was not averfe to it if he would grant him a • « His brother," it lhould, be. fupply [ H 1 (apply of twenty Lack * of Rupees for the" pay of his troops. But his coufm Sada-ihevah being prefent, obferved that the Mar-rattas were a privileged people; that where-ever they went the country and its revenue might be confidered as their own; and then a iked Ragonauth Row what grounds lie had for fo extraordinary a demand ? To this Ragonauth replied by making him an offer of the commiffion, which Sadafhevah Row accepted; and having taken the command of an army of 90,000 ■ horfe, he moved With this force againfl Salaubet Jeng, the brother of the prefent Navaub" Nizam Aly Khan. But that Prince having been reduced to great: • ilrai ts fince the death of the late Navaub Nafir Jeng, had but a fmall body of horfe to oppofe to them; and having been furrounded by the Marrattas on all fides, * Others fay " Sixty Lack." f n J lie Was obliged to give up to them, the fortfi of Burhaunpoor and Affair, with a country of nxty-five Lack of Rupees per annum, befides confiderable fums of ready money* Thus enriched, Sadafhevah Row took his Way towards Hindoftan *; and on his arrival in the neighbourhood of Dehly, laid claim -j- to the empire and the throne: but his pride was offenfive to the Mofl High, by whofe providence it happened that he was, in a fhort time, hemmed in between two formidable armies, that of the Abdaulee Shaw attacking him in front, and that of the Navaub Shujaa ud Dowlah and the Rohillas falling at the fame time upon his rear. Here enfued that famous battle, of which thofe who were eye-witneffes report * Meaning from the Decan to Hindoftan proper. Sec. Rice grows in the Kokun Province -f*, and is alfo brought from the Soobah of KhandahTe; it is fold for ten or twelve Seer for a Rupee, * Thefe are different kinds of pulfe. f The Kokun rice is like that commonly ufed in Bengal, and is indeed generally fold at 12 or 13 Seer for a Rupee; but the KhandaifTe rice, called in Hindoflan y pattny chawvel, which is the only fpecies brought from that province, is generally ufed by the higher ranks of people, and is feldom at a lower price than 6 or 7 Seer per Rupee. It is a long and fmall grained rice, like that ufed for pi-lows- by Muffulmans of high rank on the Coromandel ;$oaiL and t 3' J mid wheat flour, alfo, bears the fame price. Grain is in general very dear, and there is but little trade in other commodities. Silk is brought hither from Bengal. Of linen manufactures there is abundance; but they are not to be compared with thofe of Bengal. Pearls are here a great article of merchandize; they are brought from Mocho arid Juddah. The fruits of the country are grapes, pomegranates, water-melons, mangoes, and pears. Of manufactures, here are only fome of white cloth, chintz, Burhaunpoor turbants, &c.; but Europe goods, fuch as broad cloths, &c. and filk, opium, and Bengal cloths, are imported hither from Bombay, and difperfed on all fides as far as Dehly, Excellent Excellent horfes * are to be had here in great abundance, but the market price is high. In every province, and in every place dependent on the Marrattas, there are fla-bles and herds -f* of horfes; and, in moil places there are herds the property of the Paifhwah. The principal men alfo have * The horfes moft efteemed by the Marrattas are thofe bred on the banks of the river Bheema, which runs into the Krifhtna, about thirty cofs weft of Bidder, in the province of Bhaulky. They are of a middling fize and ilrong, but arc, at the fame time, a very handfome breed, generally of a dark bay with black legs, and are called, from the place which produces them, Bheemertedy horfes. Some of ihem beat a price as high as 5000 Rupees upon the market. Mares are commonly the deareft. \ Thefe herds are called, in the Marratta language, jhundy, and are COmpofcd of the horfes of fevcral indivi-tfunls, who fend them to feed on the open plains as long as they have no immediate occafion for them. But thofe that are the property of the Paifhwah are called, as well as the flaces where they are kept, Paugah. all herds of horfes on their refpedlive Ja-. geers, and inlift horfemen, who ferve on them in time of war, of whom the bodies of horfe called Bargeer are compofed. Accompanied by thefe the chiefs offer theif fervices to government and each of them, has from a thoufand to two thoufand horfes of his own. In a word, flout men and good horfes are the chief boafl of this country: befides thefe it has little to fhoW but rocky hills and flony ground. The foil, indeed, in fome places, is black, which creates an excemve quantity of mud in the rainy feafon, and the roads at that time are rendered alfo in mofl parts impaffable by the torrents that come down from the hills. The city of Poonah has nothing extraor-dinary to recommend it: it is about three or four cofs in circuit; but there are no gardens to be feen here like thofe of Bengal or F Benares; r 34 ] Banares *, and the houfes of the principal people are like the houfes of Mahaujins.—-Few of them have any extent either of building or of ground, and fewer ftill are adorned with courts, parterres, rivulets, or fountains. The inhabitants are, neverthe-lefs, moft of them wealthy, and merchants, and the beil part of the offices and employments are held by Brahmans. * There are, it feems, a few gardens to the eaft and ta the fouth of Poonah. Among the latter, that of Mooroo-phernevees is the bcft ; but even that has few or none of the ornaments here mentioned, On the north and weft of the city runs a fmall river called the Moolamootha, but it is full of rocks, and not navigable. Narrayen Row began to build a bridge over this river, which was intended to be open during the rains, aud fhut during the hot months, in order to preferve the water for the ufe of the town ; but he was killed before it was finiflied, and it has not fince been carried on. This idea was fuggefted by a dreadful feafon of drought, which happened under his reign, during which a cudgerec pot of water was at one time fold in Poonah for half a Rupee. This exceflive fcarcity, however, did not contiuue above ten or fifteen days. As As to beauty and complexion, the people of this country refemble thofe of Punjaub*; few are to be feen of a very dark colour. The women of all ranks, both rich and poor, go unveiled; and thofe of diftinction go in palankeens without curtains. The wives of foldiers ride about on horfeback. Curtain-felling -f- is very common in this country. Nany Brahmans J fell their own daugh- * From other accounts it ihouki appear, that the people of Punjaub are of a very different feature and make from the Marrattas; and that there are more people of a dark colour among the latter than would be undcritood from this defcription of them. t By this he means prostitution, X A Marratta Brahman to whom this was read difcover^ ed great indignation at this aflertion, and denied that they ever fell their own daughters, or bring up girls for fale, though he acknowledged it was not unufual among the inferior caftg, F 2 ters tcrs and girls that they have brought up, for a great price. Other calls*, befides Brahmans, bring up fowls in their houfes, and eat the eggs; but the Brahmans eat neither flefli nor fifti. Cows are not allowed to be killed in any of the countries dependent on the Marrattas, Mufliilmans are here but few in number, and the influence of Iflam. at a low ebb.—— But idolatry flourifhes, and here are idol temples in abundance, * The fact is, that not only the Brahmans abftain from fifh and flefh, but all the different divifions of the Vies, of Banian call, are equally abftemious, while the Chettri and S udder indulge in both. i 37 } Of the Customs and Manners of the Marrattas. Some of the Marratta curtains appeared excellent to me. One was, the good understanding and union that has in general fub-fifted among their chiefs, in fo much that no inffcuice of treachery had ever occured among them till Ragonauth Row made himfelf infamous on that account. Another was, the attention and refpect paid by the Paifhwah, and all the great men, to people of the military profeffion; fo that in the public derbar the Paifhwah is ufed to receive the compliments of every fingle jam-matdar of horfe, himfelf Handing till nine o'clock in the morning, and embracing them t 38 1 them by turns *. At taking leave, alfo, he gives them beetle ftanding: and whoever comes to wait upon him, whether men of rank or otherwife, he receives -j- their falams, or embraces them Handing. * According to the prefent cuflom diflinclions are made in this matter, which were not formerly obferved ; for the Paiftiwahs ufed to embrace all that came without difcrimi-nation, till advantage was taken of this cuflom by Bapujcc Naik, who having a grudge at Sadofhevah Bhow (commonly called Bhow Saheb), at the time that he held the office of fail minifler to the fourth Paifhwah Br.laujee Row, (called alfo Nanah Saheb), attempted to flab him with his cuttar. when he went to embrace him. From that time a regulation has taken place, according to which none but people of dilKncYion, and they unarmed, are permitted to embrace the Paifhwah, or others of his family. f This* it lhould fecm, is too generally expreffed ; but the cuftom did, and does flill fubfifl on one particular oc-cafion, to v/it, on the day on which the army marches on any expedition, the Paifhwah then Hands at the door of his tent, and, after delivering the golden ftandard to the Ge-aieral who has been appointed to the command, receives in that poflure the compliments of all the troops of every rank and denomination. Another I 39 .] Another ordinance current among them is, that if an eminent chieftain, who commands even an hundred thoufand horfe, be fent into fome other country with his forces, and happens there to be guilty of fome offence, in confequence of which he receives a fummons from the Paifhwah, far from thinking of refiftance, he inftantly obeys, and repairs to the prefence in perfon with all expedition. The Paifhwah then pardons him if the offence be fmall; if otherwife, he is imprifoned for fome months, or kept in a flate of difgrace, till it is thought proper to admit him again to favour. A third is, that if an eminent chief goes upon an expedition which mbjects him to great expences, fuch as his own jageer is not fufficient to fupply, and he is obliged on that account to run in debt to the Mohajins, though the fum fhould amount to even ten or [ 4° 1 or twelve Lack, it is all freely allowed him; and though the government have demands upon him to the amount of Lacks of Rupees, yet if, in fuch circum fiances, he pleads the infufficiency of his means to dif-cifchargc thofe arrears, he is excufed without hesitation, nor has he any thing to apprehend from being called to account by the Dewan, the Khanfaman, or other ft/ate officers. The chiefs are all their own maf-ters, and expend * what funis they pleafe; fo that a general fatisfaction prevails among * This mult be underftood with fome limitation. They do, indeed, lavifh often great fums when on fervice, and that not merely on the foldiery, but on feafts given to Brahmans, prcfents to fingers, dancers, &c.; and on their return thefe fums are generally allowed them under the head of dherrci::, or charitable difburfemenis. But they are fo far from being without any check in their expcnces, that the officer named the Karkun* is fent with each chieftain ex-prefsly for that purpofe. them, r $ i "■to "V^nBr fI ^rft trWi'frjc.Icjtn^' ^rl) ot "r ^ them, and they are always ready at a call with their quota of troops, and march with alacrity upon whatever fervice they are ordered to undertake. At prefent Sak-haram Baboo caufes great difcontents among the chiefs, by canvaffing their accounts, and making demands on the Jageerdars, in a manner very different from the ufage of former Paifhwahs; hence numbers are difaffec-^ ted, and time mull; difcover what it is that Providence defigns to bring about by that means. ..... ... .•. . , — ...... - Another cuftom is, that when one of their chiefs that held employments, or ja-geers, &c. dies, his fon, though of inferior abilities, or an infant, fucceeds * immediately * This is alfo liable to fome exceptions; for, though &feat attention is paid to the claims of reprefentatives of £rsat families, when thofe reprefentatives a/e thsmfelves 6 m«» diately to the employment, the bufinefs of which is conducted by deputy till he becomes of age, and the monthly ftipend, or jageer, &c. is given to his family and relations. Nor are the effects of deceafed per-fons ever feized and appropriated by government, in the manner that has been pra&ifed under the Emperors of Hindo&an. To the fouth-wefl of Poonah, at the dif-tance of fifty cofs, is the fort of Sattarah. Bombay is about fifty cofs diftant due weft. men of merit and ability, yet when it happens otherwife, the jageers and employments are at length ufually taken from them, and given to perfons from whom the Hate has better expectations. Surat f 43 ] Surat and Guzerat are to the north-well about 130 cofs diftant. Aurungabad Hands eafl of Poonah about feventy cofs. Bombay, Salfet, BalTeen, &c. Hand on the more of the fait fea towards the weft. And the country of Kokun, which belongs to the Marrattas, lies fouth-weft of Poonah. KoKUN is a fine country, and produces rice and fuch things in abundance, with which it fupplies Poonah. The Paifhwah and the other chiefs are mofbly Kokun Brahmans. This province is called a Soobah. The Brahmans of Poonah may be divided into two forts; the Defy Brahmans, who are G 2 thofe t 44 J thofe of Aurunq;abad and thofe parts: the other, thofe of Kokunr To the fouth and ealf are alfo many countries under the government of the Marrattas, extending from the parts adjacent to Poonah \o the boundaries of the Carnatic *, and Ramefer * The Carnatic mult by no means be understood here in the confined fenfe in which the Englilh receive it. The country governed by Mohammed Aly Khan is only a part of the Carnatic properly fo called, and mould always bo. termed the Carnatic Pauyecn Ghaut, i. e. " that Carnatic * * which is below the paftes.'* In the name Carnatic, Handing fingly, is to be comprehended all the countries lying fouth of Merch and Bidder, which compofed the ancient kingdom of Viziapoor. In fail: the name of Carnatic Tauyeen Ghaut appears to have been given to Mohammed Aly Khan's country by the Moors; for the Marrattas allow that appellation to a very fmall part of it, and denominate {he whole Soobah of ArcotDravid-des, while the Malabars, natives of the country, call it Soromandelam, from whence, our Coromandel, What [ 4J ] Ramefer (which is a place of worfhip of the Hindoos, as famous as that of Kafy, at 300 cofs diftance from Poonah), and Panalah, a jageer of the Bhonfalahs, and to the boundary of Nellor, &c. the country of Heider Naig. To the eafl and north are fituated the Ser~ kar of Afair, Burhaunpoor, and the Soobah of KhandairTe, at the diftance of eighty cofs from Poonah, And to the north and well are the half of the country of Guzerat, the Pergunnah of Broancb, &c. which are in the poileilion of the Marratta Paifhwah, What he fays here with refpecl to the extent of the Mar-fatta dominions fouthward, applies only to the pofleflion fhey once had of the country of Tanjore, and the tribute fhey collected from the Tondemans. Besides Besides all thefe countries, the Pergunnah of Bhelfa, the Soobah of Endour*, the Soobah of Udgein, the Pergunnah of Seronje, the Soobah of Kalpy -f*, were all made over to the Marrattas in jageer, by Gauzy ud Deen Khaun, in confideration of the fupport and amflance afforded him by the Marratta forces, and they ftill remain in their pofTeffion. The above Mahals are included in the jageers of Tukkojce Holker and Sendheeah; that is to fay, there are about 50,000 or 60,000 horfe appointed on the fide of Hindoflan, which thefe two chiefs pay out of the produce of thefe coun- * Imdour is a Pergunnah. f Kalpy is not a Soobah, but a Pergunnah. To thefe muit be added the Pergunnah of Dhar; the fort of which*., bearing the fame name, is very famous for its flrength, and is faid to have been built by the celebrated Rajoh Bhoj, who made it his capital. It is fituated at the diftance of about twenty-four Eengal cofs from the city of Udgein. tries, I 47 1 tries, and tranfmit the balance to the Paiih-wah. The actual revenue derived from all the countries dependent on the Marrattas is about twelve Crore, from which when we deduct the jageers, and the expence of the troops ffationed on the fide of Hindoflan proper, there will remain about five Crore at the difpofal of the Paifhwah; and out of this he has to pay all thofe troops who receive their allowances in ready money, and to defray the charges of the forts, which are, large and fmall, in number about feven hundred : fo that there is never a balance of fo much as one Crore of Rupees in ready money remaining in the treafury of the Paifhwah *. The * This, itfeems, is true at prefent; but Maudheverow, it is faidj had two Crore of Rupees in his treafurery at the time The full number of the troops is about two hundred thoufand horfe and foot; but, including the garrifons of the forts and other places, we may reckon it four hundred thoufand. The Marrattas are always at war with Ileider Naig, or the Navaub Nizam Aly Khan, or others. Their country is never in perfect tranquillity, and hence it is exceeding defolate and wafte. They are at prefent at peace with the Navaub Nizam Aly Khan Behauder, but their country is in much confuflion on account of their difcontents with Ragonauth Row; advantage of which has been taken time of his death, moft of which fell afterwards into the hands of Ragonauth Row, and was diflipated by him on his • acceffionto the government, and his expedition towards the Carnatic, by t 49 ] "fey the Zemindars of the hills on every fide, and by Heider Naig. On the fide of Hindoflan the Gofayn Rajah Himmut Behauder, and the Rajah of Gohud, &c. have feized the Soobah of Kalpy *, &c. and the Serkar of Gualier-f; and Heider Naig has alfo pofiefied himfelf of fome of their countries on his fide but as foon as they can promife themfelves fecuriry with refpecl: to Ragcf-nauth Row, their armies will iilue forth on every fide. * It ought to be written ** the Pergunnah of Kalpy. " Rajah Himmut Behauder did indeed take Kilpy, in the time ind under the orders of Shujaa ud Dowlah, hut nyju foon driven out of it again by the Marratta for :cs, under the command of Vitthel Sivadco, Nauroo Sunder, Govind Pundet, &c. f The Rajah of Gohud get poffeffion of the open country, and a few mud forts in the Serkar of Gualicr, but wa» never able to get pofleflion of the fort of that name, till the Knglifli took it from him. IT VOYAGES t 50 3 VOYAGES and TRAVELS, &c. C/ESar predericke to the reader* I HAVING (gentle Reader) for the fpace of eighteen years continually coafted and travelled all the Eaft Indies, and other countries beyond the Indies, wherein I have had both good and ill fuccefs in my travels: and having feen and underftood many things worthy the noting, and to be known to all the world, the which were never as yet written of any: I thought it good (feeing the Almighty had given me grace, after fo long perils in paffing fuch a long voyage to re* turn into my own country, and the noble city of Venice), I fay, I thought it good, • as I si } as briefly as I could, to write and fet forth this voyage made by me, with the marvellous things I had feen in my travels in the Indies, The mighty princes that govern thofe countries, their religion and faith that they have, the rites and cuftoms which they ufe and live by, of the divers fuccefs that happened unto me, and how many of thefe countries are abounding with fpices, drugs and jewels, giving alfo profitable advertife-ments to all thofe that have a defire to make fuch a voyage. And becaufe that the whole world may more commodioufly rejoice at this my travel, I have caufed it to be printed in this order: and now I prefent jt unto you (gentle and loving Readers), to whom for the varieties of things herein contained, I hope that it fhall be with great delight received. And thus God of hi& goodnefs keep you. h 2 4 [ 5* 1 A VOYAGE to the EAST INDIES, and beyond the INDIES, &c. In the year of our Lord God, 1563, I Caefar Fredericke being in Venice, and very defirous to fee the eait. parts of the world, fhipped myfelf in a fhip called the Gradarge of Venice, with certain merchandife, governed by m. Jacomo Vetica, which was bound to Cyprus, with his fhip, with whom I went: and when we were arrived in Cyprus, I left that fhip, and went in a leflcr to Tripoly in Syria, where I flayed a while. Afterward I took my journey to Aleppo, and there I acquainted myfelf with merchants of Armenia, and the Moors, that were merchants, and conforted to go with them to Ormus, and we departed from Aleppo, t 53 I Aleppo, and in two days journey and a half We came to a city called Bir. Of the City called Bir. Bir is a fmall city very fcarce of all manner of victuals, and near unto the walls of the city runneth the river of Euphrates. In this city the merchants divide themfelves into companies, according to their merchan-dife that they have, and either buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon down the river Euphrates, with charge of a mailer and mariners to conduct the boat in the voyage : thefe boats are in a banner flat-bottomed, yet they are very ftrong: and for all that they are fo ftrong they will ferve but for one voyage. They ai*e made according to the fhallownefs of the rivu", becaufe that the river is in many pWes full of great ftones, which greatly hinder hinder and trouble thofe that go down the river. Thefe boats ferve but for one voyage down the river unto a village called Feluchia, becaufe it is impomble to bring them up the river again. At Feluchia the merchants pull their boats in pieces, or elfe fell them for a very fmall price, for that at Bir they cofl the merchants forty or fifty chequins a piece, and they fell them at Feluchia for feven or eight chequins a piece, becaufe that when the merchants return from Babylon back again, if they have merchandife or goods that oweth cuflom, then they make their return in forty days through the wildernefs, palTing that way with a great deal leffer charges than the Other way, And if they have not merchandife that oweth cuflom, then they go by the way of Moful, where it cofleth them great charges both the Carovan and company. From Bir, where the merchants embarfe I ss 1 embark themfelves to Feluchia, over again ft: Babylon, if the river have good ftore of water, they mall make their voyage in fifteen or eighteen days down the river, and if the water be low, and it hath not rained, then it is much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty days journey down, becaufe that when the barks ftrike on the Hones that be in the river, then they muft unload them, which is great trouble, and then load them again when they have mended them: therefore it is not neceffary, neither do the merchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat fplit and be loft with flriking on the fhoal, they may have another ready to take in their goods Until fuch time as they have mended the broken boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to defend her in the night from the multitude of Arabians that will come down there to rob vou 4 I 5* 1 . you in the rivers every night, when yen! make fall your boat to the banklide, you mull: keep good watch againft the Arabians which are thieves in number like to ants, yet when they come to rob, they will not kill, but fleal and run away. Barquebuzes' are very good weapons againft them, for that they fland greatly in fear of the mot* And as you pafs the river Euphrates, from Bir to Feluchia there are certain places which you muff pafs by, where you pay cuflom certain medines upon a bale, which cuflom is belonging to the fon of Aborife, King of the Arabians and of the Defert, who hath certain cities and villages on the river Euphrates4 Feluchia and BabyloK; Feluchia is a village where they that come from Bir do embark themfelves, and unload Unload their goods, and it is diflant front Babylon a days journey and an half by land: Babylon is no great city, but it is very populous, and of great trade of ftrangers, becaufe it is a great thoroughfare for Perfia, Turkia, and Arabia: and very oftentimes there go out from thence caravans into divers countries -y and the city is very copious of victuals, which come out of Armenia, down the river of Tygris, on certain zatta-res or rafFes made of blown hides or ikins called vitry. This river Tygris doth warn the walls of the city. Thefe rafFes are bound fafl together, arid then they lay boards on the aforefaid blown fkins, and On the boards they load the commodities, and fo come they to Babylon, where they unload them; and being unloaden, they let out the wind out of the fkins, and load them on camels to make another voyage. This city of Babvlon is fituate in the kingdom l of of Perna, but now governed by tbc Turks t On the other fide of the river towards Arabia, over againft the city, there is a fair-place, or town, and in it a fair (bazar ro) for merchants, with very many lodgings, where the greateft part of the merchants, ftrangers. which come to Babylon, do lie with their merchandife. The palling over Tygris from Babylon to this borough is by a long bridge made of boats chained together with great chains: provided, that when the river waxetll great with the abundance of rain that fidleth, then they open the bridge in the middle^ where the one half of the bridge falleth to the walls of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this borough, on the other fide of the river: and as long as the bridge is open, they pafs the river in fmall boats with great danger, becaufe of the fmallnefs of the boats and the overloading of them, that with theftercenefs of the ftreatt* r 59 j ftream they be overthrown, or elie the flream doth carry them away, fo. that by this means many people are loll and drowned : this thing by proof I have ir;any times, feen, Of the Tower of Babylon, The tower of Nimrod or Babel is lituato on that fide of Tygris that Arabia is, and in a very great plain, diflant from Babylon feven or eight miles: which tower is ruinated on every fide, and with the falling of it there is made a great mountain: fo that it hath no form at all; yet there is a great-part of it Handing, which is compaffed and almoil covered with the aforefaid fallings: this tower was builded and made of four fquare bricks, which bricks were made of earth, and dried in the fun in manner and form following: firll they laid a lay of bricks, then a mat made of canes, fquare I 3 as as the bricks, and inftead of lime, they daubed it with earth thefe mats of canes are at this time fo ftrong, that it is a thing wonderful to behold, being of fuch great antiquity: I have gone round about it, and have not found any place where there hath been any door or entrance: it may be in my judgement in circuit about a mile, and rather lefs than more. This tower, in effect, is contrary to all other things which are feen afar off, for they feem but fmall, and the more near a man cometh to them the bigger they be; but this tower afar off feemeth a very great thing, and the nearer you come to it the lefTer.*— My judgement and reafon of this is, that becaufe the tower is fet in a very great plainf and nothing more about it to make any ihew faving the ruins of it which it hath, made round about it, and for this refpect defcrying t 61 ] defcrying it afar off, that piece of the tower which yet ftandeth, with the mountain that is made of the fubftance that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater fhew than you fliaH find coming near to it. Babylon and Basora, From Babylon I departed to Bafora, flapping myfelf in one of the barks that ufc to go in the river Tygris from Babylon to Bafora, and from Bafora to Babylon; which barks are made after the manner of fitjh or galliotsy with a fperon and a covered poop: they have no pump in them becaufe of the great abundance of pitch which they have to pitch them withall: which pitch they have in abundance two days journey from Babylon. Near unto the river Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, near unto which city there is a great plain full of pitch, very marvellous to behold, and a thing almoff. incredible, credible, that out of a hole in the earth, which continually throweth out pitch into the air with continual fmoke, the pitch ia thrown with fuch force, that being hot it falleth like as it were fprinkled over all the plain, in fuch abundance that the plain is always fall of pitch: the Moors and the Arabians of that place fay, that the hole is the mouth of hell j and, in truth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: by this pitch the whole people have gruU benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call Daneck and Samn. When the river Tygris is well replenished with water, you may pals from Babylon to Bafora in eight or nine days, and fometimes more and fome-. times lefs: we were half fo much more, which is fourteen or fifteen days, becaufe the waters were low: they may fail day and night, and there are fome places in this way where you pay fo many medines on a bale; bale: if the waters be low, it is eighteen days journey. Basor a. BasoR a is a city of the Arabians, which of old time was governed by thofe Arabians called Zizarij, but now it is governed by the Great Turk, where he kecpeth an army to his great charges. The Arabians called Zizarij have the poffemon of a great country, and cannot be overcome by the Turks, becaufe that the fea hath divided their country into an ifland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the fea, and for that caufe the Turks cannot bring an army againft them, neither by fea nor by land; and another reafon is, tjie inhabitants of that ifland are very ftrong and warlike men. A day's journey before you come to Bafora, you mall have a little caftle or br fort, which Is fet on that point of the land where the rivers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together, and the caftle is called Cornd; at this point, the two rivers make a monftrous great river that runneth into the fea, which is called the Gulf of Perfia, which is towards the fouth : Bafora is diftant from the fea fifeteen miles, and it is a city of great trade of fpices and drugs which come from Ormus. Alfo there is a fbre of corn, rice, and dates, which die country doth yield. I fhipped myfelf in Bafora to go for Ormus, and fo we failed through the Perfian fea fix hundred miles, which is the diftance from Bafora to Ormus, and we failed in fmall fhips made of boards, bound together with fmall cords or ropes, and inftead of caulking they lay between every board certain ftraw which they have, ;md fo they few board and board together, with the ftraw between* where there come th [ 6j j meth through much water, and they are very dangerous. Departing from Bafora we paffed 200 miles with the fea on our right hand, along the Gulf, until at length we arrived at an ifland called Carichij, from whence we failed to Ormus in fight of the Perfian ihore on the left fide, and on the right fide towards Arabia we difcovered infinite iflands. Ormus, Ormus is an ifland in circuit five and twenty or thirty miles, and it is the barren-eft and moft dry land in all the world, becaufe that in it there is nothing to be had but falt-water and wood; all other things neceflary for man's life are brought out of Perfia twelve miles off, and out of other iflands near thereunto adjoining, in fuch abundance and quantity, that the city is K always I 66 } always replenished with all manner of ftore: there is Handing near unto the water lide a very fair caftle, in which the Captain of the King of Portugal is always refident with a good band of Portugals, and before this caftle is a very fair profpect: in the city dwell the married men, foldiers and merchants of every nation, amongft whom there are Moors and Gentiles. In this city there is a very great trade for all forts of fpices, drugs, filk, cloth of filk, brocades, and divers other forts of merchandife come out of Perfia: and amongft all other trades of merchandife the trade of horfes is very great here, which they carry into the Indies, This ifland hath a Moor king of the race of Perftans, who is created and made kino; by the Captain of the Caftle, in the name of the King of Portugal. At the creation of this king I was there, and faw the ceremonies that they ufe in it, which are as followeth % followeth. The old king being dead, the Captain of the Portugals chufeth another of the blood royal, and maketh this election in the caftle with great ceremonies, and when he is elected, the Captain fweareth him to be true and faithful to the King of Portugal, as his Lord and Governor, and then he giveth the fcepter regal. After this, with great feafting and pomp, and with great company, he is brought into the royal palace in the city. This king keepeth a good train, and hath fufjicient revenues to maintain himfelf without troubling of any, becaufe the Captain of the Caftle doth maintain and defend his right, and when that the Captain and he ride together, he is honoured as a king; yet he cannot ride abroad with his train without the con fen t of the Captain firft had : it behoveth him to do this, and it is neceifary becaufe of the great trade that is in the city. K 2 Their. Their proper language is the Perfian tongue. There I shipped myfelf to go for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a fhip that had four-fcore horfes in her. This is to advertife thofe merchants that go from Ormus tq Goa, to fhip themfelves in thofe fhips that carry horfes, becaufe every fhip that carry twenty horfes or upwards is privileged, that all the merchandife whatfoever they carry mail pay no cuflom y whereas the mips that carry no horfes are bound to pay eight percent, of all the goods they bring, Goa, Diu, and Cambaia. Goa is the principal city that the Por-tugals have in the Indies, where is refident the Viceroy with his court and minifters of the King of Portugal. From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred fourfcore and ten miles diftance, in which paffage the firft city that 7°H [ «9 1 you come to in the Indies is called Diu, and is iituated in a little ifland in the kingdom of Cambaia, which is the greatefl flrength that the Portugals have in all the Indies; yet a fmall city, but of great trade, becaufe there they load very many great mips for the flraights of Mecca and Ormus with merchandife, and thefe fhips belong to the Moors and Chriftians, but the Moors cannot trade, neither fail into thofe feas, without the licence of the Viceroy of the King of Portugal, otherwife they are taken, and make good prizes. The merchandife that they load thefe fhips with all cometh from Cambaietta, a port in the kingdom of Cambaia, which they bring from thence in fmall barks, becaufe there can no great fhips come thither, by reafon of the fhallownefs pf the water thereabouts, and thefe fhoals are an hundred or fourfcore miles about in a jfraight or gulf, which they call Macareo, which [ 7° ] which is as much as to fay, a race of a tide, becaufe the waters there run out of that place without meafurej fo that there is no place like to it, unlefs it be in the kingdom of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with more force, than thefe do. The principal city in Cambaia is called Ainadauar; it is a day's journey and a half from Cambaietta; it is a very great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made, and builded with fair houfes and large ftreets, with a fair-place in it with many fhips, and in ihew like to Cairo, but not fo great; alfo Cambaietta is fituate on the fea tide, and is a very fair city. The time that I was there, the city was in great calamity and fcarcenefs, fo that I have feen the men of the country that were Gentiles take their children, their fons, and their daughters, and have delired the Portugals to [ ft 1 to buy them, and I have feen them fold fbf eight or ten larines a piece, which may he of our money X. S, or XIII. IV. d. For all this, if I had not feen it, I could not have believed that there lhould be fuch a trade at Cambaietta as there is : for in the time of every new moon and every full moon, the fmall barks (innumerable) come in and out, for at thofe times of the moon the tides and waters are higher than at other times they be. Thefe barks are laden with all forts of fpices, with filk of China, with fandals, with elephants teeth, velvets of Vercini, great quantity of pannina, which cometh from Mecca ; chickinos, which, be pieces of gold worth feven fhillings a piece fterling, with money, and with divers forts of other merchandife. Alfo thefe barks lade out, as it were, an infinite quantity of cloth made of bumbafl of all forts, as white flamped and painted, with great quantity tity of indigo, dried ginger, and conferved myrabolans dry and candied, borafo in parte, great ftore of fugar, great quantity of cotton, abundance of opium, affafcetida, puchio, with many other forts of drugs; turbants made in Dlu, great ftones like to cornelians, granats, agates, diafpry, cal-cidonij, hematift., and fome kind of natural diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man is bound to keep it, but they that will; but all the Portugal merchants keep it, which is this: there are in this city certain brokers, who are Gentiles and of great authority, and have every one of them fifteen or twenty fervants, and the merchants that ufe that •country have their brokers, with which they be ferved: and they that have not been there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what broker they fhall be ferved. Nov/ every fifteen days (as above above faid) that the fleet of fmall fhips entereth into the port, the brokers come to the water fide, and thefe merchants, as foon as they are come on land, do give the car-gafon of all their goods to that broker that they will have to do their bufmefs for them, with the marks of all the fardles and packs they have: and the merchant having taken on land all his furniture for his houfe, becaufe it is needful that the merchants that trade to the Indies carry provifion of houfehold with them, becaufe that in every place where they come they muff have a. new houfe, the broker that hath received his cargafon, commandeth his fervants to carry the merchants furniture for his houfe home, and load it oh Corns cart, and carry it into the city, where the brokers have divers empty houfes, meet for the lodp^ ing of merchants, furnifhed only with bed--ftead, tables, chairs, and empty jarrs for L water: water: then the broker faith to the mer-» chant, *t Go and repofe yourfelf, and take tf your reft in the city/' The broker tar-rieth at the water fide with the cargafon, and caufeth all his goods to be difcharged out of the fhip, and payeth the cuflom, and caufeth it to be brought into the houfe where the merchant lieth, the merchant not knowing any thing thereof, neither cuflom nor charges. Thefe goods being brought to this pafs into the houfe of the merchant, the broker demandeth of the merchant if he hath any dciirc to fell his goods or merchandife, at the prices that fuch wares are worth at that prefent time; and if he hath a defire to fell his goods prefently, then at that inflant the broker felleth them away. After this the broker faith to the merchant, you have fo much of every fort of merchandife neat and clear of every charge, and fo much ready money. And And if the merchant will employ his money in other commodities, then the broker telle th him that fuch and fuch commodities will coll fo much, put aboard without any manner of charges. The merchant understanding the efFedt:, maketh his account; and if he think to buy or fell at the prices current, he giveth order to take his merchandife away: and if he hath commodity for 20,000 duckets, all mail be bartered or fold away in fifteen days without any care or trouble : and when as the merchant think-* eth that he cannot fell his goods at the price current, he may tarry as. long as he will, but they cannot be fold by any man but by that broker that hath taken them on land and paid the cuftom and perchance tarrying fometimes for fale of their commodity they make good profit, and fome-r times.lofs: but thofe merchandife that come not ordinarily every fifteen days, in tarrying L z for for the fale of them there is great profit.—-The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu, to lade the Ships that go from thence for the {freights of Mecca and Ormus, and fome go to Chaul and Goa: and thefe Ships be very well appointed, or elfe are guarded with the armada of the Portugals, for there are many corfairs or pirates which go cour-fing along that coafl, robbing and fpoilingj and for fear of thefe thieves there is no fafe failing in thofe feas, but with Ships very well appointed and armed, or elfe with the. fleet of the Portugals, as is aforefaid. ■ In fine, the kingdom of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and traffick v/ith all men, although hitherto it hath been in the hands of tyrants, becaufe that at feventy-five years of age the true king being at the affault of Diu, was there flain; whofe name was Sultan Badu. At that time four pr five captains of the army divide^ the, f 77 1 the kingdom amongft themfelves, and every one of them mewed in his country what tyranny he could : but twelve years ago the Great Mogol, a Moor king of Agra and pelly, forty days journey within the land of Amadauar, became the governor of all the kingdom of Cambaia without any refiftance* becaufe he being of great power and force, deviling which way to enter the land with his people, there was not any man that would make him any reliftance; although they were tyrants and a beaftly people, they were foon brought to obedience. During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta, I few very marvellous things; there were an' infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called many, or bracelets of elephants teeth, of divers colours, for the women of the GentUes, which have their arms full decked with them. And in this occupation there are fpent every year many thousands of crowns: t 78 3 crowns: the reafon whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatfoever of their kindred, then, in fign and token of mourning and forrow, they break all their bracelets from their arms, and prefently they go and buy new again, becaufe that they had rather be without their meat than without their bracelets. Daman, Basan, and Tana. Having pa{Ted Diu, I came to the fc~ cond city that the Portugals have, called Daman, fituate in the territory of Cambaia, diftant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles: it is no town of merchandife, fave rice and corn \ and hath many villages under it, where, in time of peace, the Portugals take their pleafure, but in time of war the enemies have their fpoil of them in fuch wife that the Portugals have little benefit fit by tbcm. Next unto Daman you mall have Bafan, which is a filthy place in re-fpect of Daman : in this place is rice, corn, and timber to make (hips and galleys. And at a fmall diftance beyond Bafan is a little ifland called Tana, a place very populous with Portugals, Moors and Gentiles: thefe have nothing but rice; there are many makers of armefin, and weavers of girdles of wool and bumbaft, black and red, like to Moockaries, Of the Cities cf Chaul, and of the Palmer Tree. Beyond this ifland you fhall find Chaul In the firm land; and there are two cities, one of the Portugals and the other of the Moors: that city wMch the Portugals have J a is fituate lower than the other, and govern-eth the mouth of the harbour, and is very ftrongly t ^ ) Strongly Walled: and as it were a mile and ■an half diftant from this is the city of the Moors, governed by the King Zamalluccc In the time of war there cannot any great fhip come to the city of the Moors, becaufe the Portugals with their ordnance will link them, for that they muff, per force pafs by the cafllcs of the Portugals: both the cities are ports of the fea, and are great cities, and have unto them great traffick and trade of merchandife, of all forts of fpices, drugs, fdk, cloth of filk, fandals, marfine, verfine, porcelane of China, velvets and fcarlets that come from Portugal and from Mecca, with many other forts of merchandife. There come every year from Cochin and from Cananor ten or fifteen great mips laden with great nuts cured, and. with Sugar made of the felf-fame nuts called -Giaeran: the tree whereon thefe nuts do prow is cal- o hd the Palmer tree; and throughout all the ihe Indies, and efpecially from this place fo Goa, there is great abundance of them, and it is like the date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnefs than this tree is, neither do men reap fo much benefit of any other tree than they do of this; there is not any part of it but ferveth for fome ufe, .and none of it is worthy to be burnt.~-With the timber of this tree they make fhips, without the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaves thereof they make fails, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kind of nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make fugar and placetto, which wine they gather in the fpring of the year: out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquor like unto water, in that time of the year they put a vflel under every tree, and every evening and morning they take it away full, and M thea f li } then distilling it with fire, it makes a very Strong liquor; and then they put it into buts, with a quantity of zibibbo, white or black, and in a Short time it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the nuts great Store of oil: of the tree they make a great quantity of boards and quarters for buildings. Of the bark of this tree they make cables, ropes and other furniture for fhips, and, as they fay, thefe ropes be better than they that are made of hemp. They make of the boughs bedfteads, after the Indian fafhion, and fcauafches, for merchandife. The leaves they cut very fmall, and weave them, and fo make fails of them for all manner of Shipping, or elfe very fine mats. And then the firft rind of the nut they Stamp, and make thereof perfect ockam to caulk fhips great and fmall; and of the hard bark thereof they make fpoons and other veflels for meat, in fuch wife that there I &3 I there is no part thereof thrown away, or call to the fire. When thefe nuts be green, they are full of an excellent fweet water to drink ; and if a man be thirfty, with the liquor of one of the nuts he may fatisfy himfelf; and as this nut ripeneth, the liquor thereof turneth all to kernel. There goeth out of Chaul for Mallacca, for the Indies, for Macco, for Portugal, for the coaft of Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandife, that come out of the kingdom of Cambaia, as c-Ipth of bumbait white painted, printed, great quantity of indigo* opium, cotton, filk of every fort, great ftore of jorafo in pafte; great ftore of faetida, great ftore of iron, corn, and other merchandife. The Moor king Zamallucco is of great power, is one that at need may command, and hath in his,Gamp, two hundred thoufand, men of war, and bath great, ftore M 2 of i 84 > of artillery, fome of them made in pieces, which for their greatnefs cannot be carried to and fro: yet although they be made in pieces, they are fo commodious that they work with them marvellous well, whofe mot is of ftone, and there hath been of that mot fent unto the kings of Portugal for the rarenefs of the thing. The city wher the king Zamallucco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul, feven or eight days journey, which city is called Abneger, Threefcore and ten miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an haven of the King Zamallucco: from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty mni , Goa. Goa is the principal city that the Portugals have in the Indies, wherein the Viceroy with his royal court is refident, and is an an ifland which may be in circuit five and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is reafonable big, and for a city of the Indies it is reafonable fair, but the ifland is far .more fair; for it is, as it were, full of goodly gardens, replenished with divers trees, and with the palmer trees as is aforefaid. This city is of great traffic!: for aii forts of merchandife which they trade with in all thofe parts : and the fleet which cometh every year from Portugal, which are five or fix great (hips that come directly for Goa, arrive there ordinarily the fixth or tenth of September, and there they remain forty or fifty days, and from thence they go to Cochin, where they lade for Portugal, and oftentimes they lade one fhip at Goa and the other at Cochin, for Portugal. Cochin is diftant from Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is fituate in the kingdom of Dialcan, a king of the Moors,. Moors, whofe chief city is up in the country eight days journey, and is called Bifa-poor : this king is of great power, for when I was In Goa, in the year of our Lord 1570, this king came to give aflault to Goa, being encamped near unto it by a river fide, with an army of two hundred thoufand men of war, and he lay at this iiege fourteen months, in which time there was peace concluded; and, as report went amongft his people, there was great calamity and mortality which 11) red amongft them in the time of winter, and alfo killed very many elephants. Then, in the year of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa to Bezeneger, the chief city of the kingdom of Narfinga, eight days journey from Goa within the land, in the company of two other merchants, which carried with them three hundred Arabian horfes to that king, becaufe the horfes of that country are o£'a /mall ftature, and they pay well for the Arabian Arabian horfes : and it is requifite that the merchants fell them well, for that they ftand them in great charges to bring them out of Perfia to Ormus, and from Ormus to Goa, where the fhip that bringeth twenty horfes and upwards payeth no cuflom, neither fhip nor goods whatfoever; whereas if they bring no horfes, they pay eight per cent, of all their goods: and at the going out of Goa the horfes pay cuflom two and forty pagodas for every horfe, which pagoda may be of flerling money fix fhillings eight pence, they be pieces of gold of that value. So that the Arabian horfes are of great value in thofe-countries, as 300, 400, 500 duckets a horfe, and to 1000 duckets a horfe. Bezeneger. The city of Bezeneger was facked in the year 1505, by four kings of the-Moors, why who were of great power and might: the names of thefe four kings "were thefe foU lowing, the firft was called Dialcan, the Second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet thefe four kings were not able to overcome this city and the king of Bezeneger but by treafon. This king of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had amongft all other of his captains two which were notable, and they were Moors: and thefe two captains had either of them in. charge threefcorc and ten or fourfcore thoufand men. Thefe two captains being of one religion with the four kings which were Moors, wrought means, with them to betray their own king into their hands. The king of Bezeneger efteemed not the force of the four kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wedge battle with them in the fields: and when the armies were joined, the battle lafted but a while, not the fpace of of four hours, becaufe the two traitorous captains, in the chiefeft of the fight, with their companies turned their faces againft their king, and made fuch diforder in hi* army, that as aftcniihed they fet themfelves to flight. Thirty years was this kingdom governed by three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightful king in prifon, it was their ufe every year once tor fhew him to the people, and they at their pleafures ruled as they lifted. Thefe brethren were three captains belonging to the father of the kmg they kept in prifon, which when he died left Ins fon very young* and then they took the government to themfelves ; The ehiefeft of thefe three was called Ramaragio, and fat on the royal throne and was called the king ; the fecond was called Temiragio, and he took the government on him; the third was called Bengotre, and he was captain-general of the army, Thefe N three t 4° ] three brethren were in this battle, in which the chiefeft and the laft were never heard of quick nor dead. Only Temiragio fled in the battle, having loft one of his eyes: when the news came to the city of the overthrow of the battle, the wives and children cf thefe three tyrants, with their lawful king (kept prifoner) fled away, fpoiled as they were, and the four kings of the Moors entered the city Bezeneger with great triumph* and there they remained fix months fearch-ing under houfes and in all places for money and others things that were hidden, and then they departed to their own kingdoms, becaufe they were not able to maintain fuch a kingdom as that was, fo far diftant from their own country. When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to th« - city, and then began- for to repopulate itt and [ 9' ) and fent word to Goa to the merchants, if they had any horfes, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this caufe the aforefaid two merchants that I went in company withal, carried thofe horfes that they had to Bezeneger. Alfo this tyrant made an order or law, that if any merchant had any of the horfes that were taken in the aforefaid battle or war, although they were of his own mark, that he would give as much for them as they would $ and befide he gave general lafe conduct to all that mould bring them.—-When by thefe means he faw that there were great ftore of horfes brought thither unto him, he gave trie merchants fair words /Until fuch time as he faw they could bring no more. Then he Hcenfed the merchants to depart, without giving them any thing for their horfes, which when the poor, men N z to faw they were defperate, and as it were mad with forrow and grief. I rested in Bezeneger feven months, although in one month I might have dif-charged all my bufinefs; for it was necef-fary to reft there until the ways were clear of thieves, which at that time ranged up and down. And in the time I refted there, I faw many ftrange and beaftly deeds done by the Gentiles. Firft, when there is any noble man or woman dead, they burn their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife muft burn herfelf alive for the love of her hufband, and with the body of her huf-band j fo that when any man dieth, his wife will take a month's leave, two or three, or as fhe will, to burn herfelf in and that day being come wherein fhe ought to be burnt, that morning me goeth out of her houfe very early, either on horfeback or an elephant elephant, or elfe is bore by eight men on a fmall Stage: in one of thefe orders fhe goeth, being apparelled like to a bride, car.. ried round about the city, with her hair down about her Shoulders, garnished with jewels and flowers, according to the effate of the party, and they go with as great joy as brides do in Venice to their nuptials: She carrieth in her left hand a looking-glafs, and in her right hand an arrow, and fingeth through the city as fhe pafTeth, and faith, that flie go to fleep with her dear fpoufe and hulband. , She is accompanied with her kindred and friends until it be one or two pf the clock in the afternoon, then they go out of the city, and going along the river's fide called Nigonden, which runneth under the walls of the city, until they come unto a place where they ufe to make this burning of women, being widows; there is prepared in this place a great fquare cave, with with a little pinnacle hard by it, four or five iteps up: the forefaid cave is full of dried wood. The woman being come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to fee the thing, then they .make ready a great banquet, and fhe that fhall be burnt eateth with as great joy and gladftefs as though it were her wedding-day j and the feafh being ended, then they go to dancing and finging a certain time, according as fhe will. After this, the woman of her own accord commandeth them to make the fire in the fquare cave where the dry wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certify her thereof, then prefently fhe leaveth the feaft, and taketh the neareft kinfman of her hufband by the hand, and they both go together to the bank of the aforefaid river, where fhe putteth off all her jewels and all her clothes, and giveth Ahem to her parents or kinsfolk, and covering t 95 J ing herfelf with a cloth, becaufe file will not be feen of the people being naked, (he throweth herfelf into the river, laying, O wretches, wafh away your hns. Coming out of the water, fhe rolleth herfelf into a yellow cloth of fourteen braces long: and again fhe takcth her hufband's kinfman by the hand, and they go both together up to the pinnacle of the fquare cave wherein the fire is made. When fhe is on the pinnacle^ fhe talketh and reafoneth with the people, recommending unto them her children and kindred. Before the pinnacle they life to fet a mat, becaufe they fhall not fee the iiercenefs of the fire, yet there are many that will have them plucked away, fhewing therein an heart not fearful, and that they are not afraid of that fight. When this filly woman hath reafoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another women that taketh a pot with oil, and fprin- kleth t 96 I kleth it over her head, and with the fame fhe anointethall her body, and afterwards throw-eth the pot into the furnace, and both the woman and the pot go together into the fire'; and prefently the people that are round about the the furnace throw after her into the cave great pieces of wood, fo by this means, with the fire, and with the blows that fhe hath with the wood thrown after her, fhe is quickly dead; and after this there o-roweth fuch forrow, and fuch lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping, in fuch wife that a man could fcarce bear the hearing of it. I have feen many burnt in this manner, becaufe my houfe, was near to the gate where they go out to the place of burning : and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all his flaves with whom he hath had carnal copulation, burn themfelves together with him. Alfo, in this kingdom I have i have feen amongft the bafe fort of people this ufe and order, that the man being dead, lie is carried to the place where they will make his fepulchre, and fetting him as it were upright, then cometh his wife before him on her knees, calling her arms about his neck, with embracing and claiming him until fuch time as the mafons have .made a wall round about them, and when the wall is as high as their necks, there cometh a man behind the woman and ftran-gleth her: then when fhe is dead, the workmen finifh the wall over their heads, and fo they lie buried both together. Be-fides thefe, there are an infinite number of beaflly qualities amongfl them, of which i have no defire to write. i was defirous to know the caufe why thefe women would fo wilfully burn themfelves againft nature and law, and it was told me that this law was of an ancient time, to make provifion o againft againft the (laughters which women made of their hufbands. For in thofe days before this law was made, the women, for every little difpleafure that their hufband had done unto them, would prefently poifon their hufbands, and take other men; and now by reafon of this law, they are more faithful unto their hufbands, and count their lives as dear as their own, becaufe that after his death her own followeth prefently. In the year of our Lord God 1567, for the ill fuccefs that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their city was facked by the four kings, the king with his court went to dwell in a caftle, eight days journey up in the land from Bezeneger, called Penegondc, Alfo, fix days journey from Bezeneger, the place where they get diamonds: I was not there, but it was told me that it is a great place- place, compared with a wall, and that they fell the earth within the wall for fo much a fquadron, and the limits are fet how deep or hollow they fhall dig. Thofe diamonds that are of a certain iize, and bigger than that fize, are all for the king; it is many years ago fince they got any there, for the troubles that have been in that kingdom. The firft caufe of this trouble was, becaufe the fon of this Temiragio had put to death the lawful king which he had in prifon, for which caufe the barons and noblemen, in that kingdom would not acknowledge him to be their king, and by this means there are many kings, and great diyifion in that kingdom, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether deffroyed, yet the houfes Hand .ftill, but empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but tygers and other wild beafts. The circuit of this city is four and twenty miles about, and within 0 2 the the walls are certain mountains. The houfes Hand walled with earth, and plain, all faving the three places of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodas, which are idol houfes; thefe are made with lime and fine marble. I have feen many kings courts, and yet I have feen none in greatnefs like this of Bezeneger, I fay, for the order of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports. Firft when you go into the palace where the king did lodge, there are five great ports or gates 5 then within thefe there are four lef-fer gates, which are kept with porters.— Without the firft gate there is a little porch, where there is a captain with five and twenty foldiers, that keepeth watch and watch night and day; and within that another with the like guard, where through they come to a very fair court, and at the end of that court there is another porch as the firft, with the like guard, and within that another court, [ ioi ] court. And in this wife are the fii-fl five gates guarded and kept with captains and ibldiers: and then the lener gates within are kept with a guard of porters: whicli gates Hand open greatefl part of the night, becaufe the cuflom of the Gentiles is to do their buiinefs and make their feafls in the night, rather than by day. The city is very fafe from thieves, for the Portugal merchants fleep in the flreets or under porches for the great heat which is there, and yet they never had any harm in the night. At the end of two months, I determined to go for Goa, in the company of two other Portugal merchants, which were making ready to depart, with two palanquins or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with eight falchines, which are men hired to carry palanquins, eight for a palanquin, four at a time, they carry them as we ufed to carry barrows. And I bought me [ 102 1 me two bullocks, one of them to ride oiijj and the other to carry my victuals and provisions 5 for in that country they ride on bullocks with pannels, as we term them, girts, and bridles, and they have a good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa, in fummer, it is eight days journey, but we went in the midfl of winter, in the month of July, and were fifteen days coming to Ancola on the fea colt, fo in eight days I had loft my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals was weak, and could not go, and the other when I came unto a river where there was a little bridge to pafs over, I put my bullock to fwimming, and in the midfl of the river there was a little ifland, unto the which my bullock went, and finding pafture there he remained ftill, and in no wife we could come to him, and fo per force I was forced to leave him; and at that time there was much rain, and i was £ *°3 ^ was forced to go feven days a foot with great pains: and by great chance I met with falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our journey, for that every day we were taken prifoners, by reafon of the great dhTention in that kingdom: and every morning at our departure we muft pay refcat four or five pagies a man. And another trouble we had as bad as this, that when we came into a new governor's country, as every day we did, although they were all tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet every one of them fiamped a feveral coin of copper, fo that the money that we took this day would not ferve the next: at length, by the help of God, we came fafe to Ancola, which is a country of the queen of Gargopam, tributary to the king of Bezeneger. The merchandife that went every year from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian horfe*, horfes, velvets, damafks, and fattins, annefirt of Portugal, and pieces of chian, faffron, and fcarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turkey, for their commodities, jewels, and pagodis, which be ducats of gold: the apparel that they ufe in Bezeneger is velvet, fattin, damalk, fcarlet, or white bumbaft cloth, according to the eftate of the perfon, with long hats on their heads, called colae, made of velvet, fattin, damalk, or fcarlet, girding themfelves, inftead of girdles, with ibme fine white bumbaft cloth : they have breeches after the order of the Turks: they wear on their feet plain high things called of them afpergh, and at their ears they have hanging great plenty of gold. Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ahcola, one of my companions that had nothing to lofe, took a guide and went to Goa, whither they go in four [ i°5 ] four days, the other Portugal not being dif-pofed to go, tarried in Ancola for that winter. The winter, in thofe parts of the In.* dies, beginncth the fifteenth of May, and lafteth unto the end of October: and as we were in Ancola, there came another merchant of horfes in a palankeen, and two1 Portugal foldiers, which came from Zeilan, and two carriers of letters, which were Chriifians, born in the Indies, all thefe concerted to go to Goa together: and I determined to go with thorn, and caufed a palankeen to be made for me, very poorly, of canes: and in one of them canes I hid privately all the jewels I had, and, according to the order, I took eight falchines to carry me : and one day about eleven of the clock we fet forward in our journey, and about two of the clock in the afternoon, as we pafTed a mountain which divideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little P behind behind my company, was afTaulted by eight thieves, four of them had fwords and targets, and the other four had bows and arrows. When the falchines that carried me understood the noife of the affault, they let the palankeen and me fall to the ground, and run away and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped about me: prefently the thieves were on my neck and rifelling me; they Stripped me Stark naked, and I feigned myfelf fick, becaufe I would not leave the palankeen; and I had made me a little bed of my clothes, the thieves fought it very narrowly and fubtily, and found two purfes that I had, well bound up together, wherein I had put my copper money, which I had changed for four pagodies in Ancola. The thieves thinking it had been fo many ducats of gold, fearched no further : then they threw all my clothes in a bum and hied them away and as God would have it, [ I07 ] at their departure there fell from them an handkerchief, and when I faw it, I rofe from my palankeen, or couch, and took it up and wrapped it together within my palankeen. Then thefe my falchines were of fo good condition, that they returned to fcek me; whereas I thought I ihould not have found fo much goodnefs in them, becaufe they were paid their money afore-hand, as is the ufe. I had thought to have feen them no more. Before their coming I was determined to pluck the cane, wherein my jewels wCre hidden, out of my couch, and to have made me a walking ftaff, to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I mould have gone thither on foot; but by the faithfulnefs of my falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and fo in four days they carried me to Goa; in which time I made hard £ire, for the thieves left me neither money, gold, nor filver, and that which I did eat P 2 waa itvas given me of my men for God's fake: and after, at my coming to Goa, I paid them for every thing royally that I had of them. From Goa i departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles j and between thefe two cities are many holds of the Portugals, as Onor, Mangalor, Barzelor, and Cananor. The hold or fort that you mall have from Goa, to Cochin, that belongeth to the Portugals, is called Onor, which is in the kingdom of the Queen of Battacela, which is tributary tp the king of Bezeneger: there is no trade there, but only a charge with the captain and company he keepeth there, And paff-ing this place, you mall come to another fmall cattle of the Portugals, called Mangalor, and there is very fmall trade, but only for a little rice: and from thence you go to a little fort, called Barzelor; there they have good ftore of rice, which is carried to Goa; [ *°9 1 Goa: and from thence you mall go to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebum mot diftant from the chiefeft city that the king of Cananor hath in his kingdom, being a king of the Gentiles : and he and his are very naughty and malicious people, always having delight to be in war with the Portugals ; and when they are in peace, it is for their intereft to let their merchandife pals. There goeth out of this kingdom of Ca-r nanor all th cardamomum, great ftore oi\ pepper, ginger, honey, mips laden with great nuts, great quantity of archa, which is a fruit of the highnefs of nutmegs, which fruit they eat in all thofe parts of India, and beyond the Indies, with the leaf of an herb which they call bettell, the which is like unto our ivy leaf, but a little lefs, and thinner: they eat it made in plaifters with the lime made of oyfter-ihells, and through the Indies they fpend great quantity of money [ m ] money in this compofition, and it is ufed daily, which thing I would not have believed if I had not feen it. The cuitomers get great profit by thefe herbs, for that they have cuftom for them. When this people eat and chew this in their mouths, it maketh their {pictie to be red like unto blood, and they fay that it maketh a man to have a veiy good ltomach, and a fweet breath; but fure, in my judgement, they eat it rather to fulfil their filthy lulls, and of a knavery, for this herb is moifl and hot, and maketh a very ftrong cxpullion. From Ca^ nanor you go to Cranganor, which is a-nother fmall fort of the Portugals, in the land of the king of Cranganor, which is another king of the Gentiles, and a country of fmall importance, and of an hundred and twenty miles ; full of thieves, being under the king of Calicut, a king alfo of the Gentiles, and a great enemy to the Portugals, t m ] gals, which when he is always In war, he aj .1 his country is the neft and refting for ftranger-thieves, and thofe be called Moors of Carpo£fc becaufe they wear on their heads long red hats, and thieves part the fpoils that they take on the fea with the king of Calicut, for he giveth leave unto all that will go a rowing, liberally to go, in fuch wife that all along that coaft there is fuch a number of thieves, that there is no failing in thofe fcas but with great fhips and very well armed, or elfe they muff go in company with the army of the Portugals.— From Cranganor to Cochin is fifteen miles. To be continued. KEARSLEY has juft publifhed, in Two Pocket Volumes, Price 6s. fewed, or 7s, bound, ornamented with the Head of Captain COOK, and a Chart containing the Track of the Ships, An [ 112 J An ABRIDGEMENT of Captain COOK's Three VOYAGES round die WORLD. The Firft from 1768 to 1771, the Second from 1772 to 1775, and the Third and Laft, from 1776 to 1780. also, CAPTAIN FURNEAUX's Narrative during his Separation in the Second Voyage. The Whole contains an Account of every in-tereftihg Tranfaction, and an accurate Pefcription of all the New Difcoveries, with "he Cuftoms and Manners of the Inhabitants. To which is added, Captain COOK's LIFE, written by Captain KING. *,* Thofe who have the Care of Youth of cither Sex, cannot put a more entertaining Work, during the Hours of Relaxation from Study 4 into their Hands Each Volume may be had feparate, Price js. fewed, or 3s. 6d. bound.