86 June/Junij 2021 Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies Razprave in gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja UDC/UDK 323.15.342.4 (058) ISSN 0354-0286 (Print /Tiskana izdaja) ISSN 1854-5181 (On-line edition / Elektronska izdaja) Editor-in-Chief / Odgovorna urednica Sabina Zorcic (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija) Editorial Board / Uredniški odbor Romana Bešter (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Sara Brezigar (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Milan Bufon (Science and Research Centre, Slovenia / Znanstveno raziskovalno središ-ce, Slovenija), Sean Byrne (University of Manitoba, Canada /Univerza v Manitobi, Kanada), Jadranka Cacic-Kumpes (University of Zadar, Croatia / Univerza v Zadru, Hrvatska), Fernand de Varennes (University of Moncton, Canada / Univerza v Monctonu, Kanada), Rainer Hof­mann (University of Frankfurt, Germany / Univerza v Frankfurtu, Nemcija), Will Kymlicka (Queen’s University, Canada /Kanada) Avguštin Malle (Slovenian Scientific Institute, Austria / Slovenski znanstveni inštitut, Avstrija), Mojca Medvešek (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Joseph Marko (University of Graz, Austria; European Academy Bozen, Italy / Univerza v Gradcu, Avstrija; Evropska akademija v Bocnu, Italija), Francesco Palermo (University of Verona; European Academy Bozen, Italy / Univerza v Veroni; Evropska akademija v Bocnu, Italija), Srdja Pavlovic (University of Alberta, Canada / Univerza v Alberti, Kanada), Janez Pirc (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Tom Priestly (University of Alberta, Canada / Univerza Alberta, Kanada), Albert Reiterer (University of Vienna, Austria / Univerza na Dunaju, Avstrija) Barbara Riman, (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inšti-tut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Petra Roter (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia / Univerza v Ljubljani, Slovenija), Sherrill Stroschein (University College London, U.K. / Univerza v Londonu, V.B.), Patrick Thornberry (Keele University; Oxford University, U. K. / Univerza v Keeleju; Univerza v Oxfordu, V. B.), Boštjan Udovic (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia / Univerza v Ljubljani, Slovenija), Zaira Vidau (Slovene Research Institute, Italy / Slovenski raziskovalni inštitut, Italija ), Vladimir Wakounig (University of Klagenfurt, Austria / Univerza v Celovcu, Avstrija), Colin Williams (Cardiff University, U. K. / Univerza v Cardiffu, V. B), Daniel Wutti (University of Klagenfurt, Austria / Univerza v Celovcu, Avstrija), Jernej Zupancic (University of Ljubljana, Slovenia / Univerza v Ljubljani, Slovenija), Sabina Zorcic (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija), Mitja Žagar (Institute for Ethnic Studies, Slovenia / Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja, Slovenija). Technical editor / Tehnicna urednica Sonja Kurincic Mikuž, Antonija Todic Translations and proofreading / Prevajanje in lektoriranje Nina Barlic Published by / Založil in izdal © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja / Institute for Ethnic Studies, Erjavceva 26, SI-1000 Ljubljana Tel.: +386 (0)1 200 18 70, website: www.inv.si, e-mail: inv@inv.si Legal representative / Predstavnica Sonja Novak Lukanovic Co-financed by the Slovenian Research Agency / Revijo sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost RS. The published articles express authors’ viewpoints. / Objavljeni prispevki izražajo stališca avtorjev. Printed by / Tiskarna Demat d.o.o Number of copies printed / Naklada 200 Abstracting and indexing services / Vkljucitev v baze podatkov CSA Sociological Abstracts, CSA Worldwide Political Science Abstract, International Political Science Abstracts (IPSA), FRANCIS, Internationale Bibliographie der Zeitschriften (IBZ), International Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS), Scopus. Editorial correspondence and ordering information / Naslov uredništva in narocila Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja / Institute for Ethnic Studies, Erjavceva 26, SI-1000 Ljubljana e-mail: editortd@guest.arnes.si Website: https://rig-td.si The Journal was published as follows / Revijo smo izdajali: 1960 – 1986: Razprave in gradivo (Treatises and Documents) ISSN 0034-0251 1987 – 1989: Revija za narodnostna vprašanja – Razprave in gradivo ( Journal of Ethnic Studies – Treatises and Documents) ISSN 0353-2720 1990 – : Razprave in gradivo: Revija za narodnostna vprašanja (Treatises and Documents: Journal of Ethnic Studies) ISSN 0354-0286 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 Table of contents / Kazalo ARTiCLES / cLANKi 5 33 49 65 83 99 Jürgen Pirker Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? Daniel Wutti, Eva Hartmann, Nadja Danglmaier Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for Memory Work in Schools Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za spodbujanje kulture spomina pri delu v šolah Metod Šuligoj “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih medijih “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian News Media Ana Toroš Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem Marina Peric Kaselj, Maja Vizjak, Kristina Duvnjak Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population Migrations – The Case of Croatia Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega prebivalstva – primer Hrvaške Klaudia Szeidl, Antal Aubert The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian Landscape Houses Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih podeželskih hiš TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 85 / 2020, p. 5–32 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 Described as “the age of extremes” by historian Eric Hobsbawm, the 20th century was definedby heavily-contested borders and identities in Central Europe: politically, culturally, socially,and intellectually. With the end of World War I, communities found themselves in new na-tion-states, and the politics of assimilation and relations between minorities and their kin-states created tensions that continue to reverberate today. Using the Slovene minority inAustria as a case study, the article provides insight into two international projects that involvecivil society actors in the field of memory politics and young people and their attitudestowards history and minorities. In drawing lessons from these initiatives dealing withtroubled pasts to counteract current forms of exclusive identity politics, the article proposesthat effective minority protection depends on a conductive social environment that allowsfor the reflection of opposing narratives stemming from ethnic conflict and acknowledgesdiversity as enrichment. Keywords: memory politics, ethnic conflict, dialogue, Austria, Carinthia, plebiscite. 20. stoletje, ki ga je zgodovinar Eric Hobsbawm poimenoval “cas skrajnosti”, je zaznamovalosporno dolocanje mej in identitet v Srednji Evropi, tako v politicnem kot v kulturnem, družbenemin intelektualnem smislu. Ob koncu prve svetovne vojne so se posamezne skupnosti nenadomaznašle v novih nacionalnih državah, politika asimilacije ter odnosi med manjšinami in njihovimimaticnimi državami pa so ustvarili napetosti, ki jih je moc zaznati še danes. Na študiji primeraslovenske manjšine v Avstriji prispevek ponuja vpogled v dva mednarodna projekta, ki stavkljucevala akterje civilne družbe na podrocju politike spomina ter mlade in njihov odnos dozgodovine in manjšin. Na podlagi izkušenj, pridobljenih z omenjenima projektoma, ki se zobravnavo bolecih preteklosti skušata zoperstaviti aktualnim oblikam izkljucujoce identitetnepolitike, avtor ugotavlja, da je ucinkovita zašcita manjšin odvisna od tega, koliko družbeno okoljedopušca nasprotujoce si in iz etnicnih sporov izhajajoce diskurze ter v raznolikosti prepoznavaprednost. Kljucne besede: politika spomina, etnicni spor, dialog, Avstrija, avstrijska Koroška, plebiscit. Correspondence address: Jürgen Pirker, Institute for Public Law and Political Science, University of Graz, Universitätsstraße 15/D3, A-8010 Graz, Austria, e-mail: juergen.pirker@uni-graz.at. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 After the end of World War I, many new nation-states emerged across Centraland Eastern Europe. Numerous cultural and linguistic communities became mi­norities within these new states. The politics of minority assimilation and relati­ons between minorities and their kin-states caused tensions within and between the new national states, and these tensions can still be felt today. This articlethus deals with the interplay of memory politics, diversity management, and ap­proaches to dialogue for dealing with a troubled past. These instruments com­plement measures of minority protection by promoting the notion that “a cli­mate of tolerance and dialogue” is required for cultural diversity (which is often considered a dividing factor) in order to contribute to the enrichment of society,as it is proclaimed in the preamble of the Framework Convention for the Protec­tion of National Minorities of the Council of Europe. Drawing on this approach, the article explores the bilateral dimensions ofthe situation of the Slovene minority in Austria, as a case study. It builds on andbrings together the findings of several previous studies (Pirker 2020; 2018; Brou­sek & Pirker 2016; Pirker & Hofmeister 2015; Pirker 2013; 2012 a; 2012 b).From an Austrian perspective (for a recent juxtaposition of Austrian and Slove­ne positions see e.g., Brousek et al. (2020); for a comprehensive analysis of the history of the Slovene ethnic group since World War II from a Slovene perspec­tive, in German, see Klemencic, M. & Klemencic, V. (2010)), it provides insightinto two international projects with different foci: one involves civil society ac­tors in the field of memory politics, whereas the other focuses on young peopleand their attitudes towards history and minorities. These initiatives deal with the troubled past in the field of minority rights. They are based on a complementary approach to minority protection throughlaw and dialogue, since effective minority protection depends on a conductivesocial environment that, on the one hand, allows for a reflection of opposing nar­ratives stemming from ethnic conflict and, on the other, acknowledges diversityas enrichment. This is particularly the case in the Alps-Adriatic Region, an arealocated at the center of Europe that experienced all of the major conflicts and upheavals of the 20th century. Hence, the article provides lessons in overcomingdeep historical divisions for the European Union. Europe is inherently diverse: 190 minorities live within the European Union (Pan 2009). The respect for its cultural, ethnic, or linguistic diversity poses an RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 obligation (cf. Article 2 of the Treaty on the European Union or Article 22 ofthe European Charter of Fundamental Rights) as well as a challenge for the EU, as an ever closer union, especially in times of economic or migration crisis,when old patterns of ethnic or national exclusion are reinforced and borders areclosed again. Minority issues all over Europe indicate that old nationalism has not yet been overcome (Brousek & Pirker 2016; Brousek 2018), as, e.g., recently illustrated by the consequences of Brexit 100 years after the partition of Ireland.These issues emphasize the importance of dealing with mechanisms of othering and the dichotomy of them versus us that often use and misuse the past. Thesemechanisms should be tackled by initiating dialogue aimed at fostering mutualunderstanding through dealing with a troubled past. The Alps-Adriatic Region lies at the heart of Europe, at the crossroads be­tween Austria, Italy, Slovenia, Croatia, and Hungary (Brousek & Pirker 2016;Brousek 2018; Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 17); for the development of the term Alps-Adria and the former Alps-Adriatic Working Community see Valentin(2011b). From a historic perspective, this region suffered during all major Euro­pean conflicts in the 20th century, from the two World Wars to the Balkan Wars. It is characterized by its ethnic and linguistic diversity (Wintersteiner 2011; Bajc2011; Brousek & Pirker 2016; Brousek 2018). This region includes a foundingmember of the European Community (Italy, a member since 1957), a member since the fourth Enlargement of the European Union in 1995 (Austria), twomembers that acceded during the first Eastern Enlargement in 2004 (Slovenia,Hungary), and the most recent member that joined in 2013 (Croatia). Within this little Europe, Austria serves as an ideal focus point for studying the ques­tions of dialogue and dealing with a troubled past regarding minority rights.It has a tradition of minority protection dating back to the Habsburg Empire, which was a multicultural entity that developed its first instruments for the pro­tection and equality of ethnic groups. At the same time, the laws and institutionsin the Austrian Empire led to disputes over language rights during the rise of nationalism from the middle of the 19th century ( Judson 2016). After the fall ofthe Habsburg monarchy, these disputes culminated in the most aggressive formsof nationalism under the Nazi Regime. Subsequently, in the second half of the 20th century, Austria developed a promotive form of minority protection: the Constitution of Austria recognizes the country’s cultural diversity representedby its autochthonous minorities (Article 8 paragraph 2 of the Federal Constitu­tional Law) (Pirker 2020). The Austrian province of Carinthia is often regarded as a special case inAustrian contemporary history (Valentin 2009). This description relates to the ethnic conflict, which affected the history of this federal state (Land) for morethan 150 years, particularly during the “age of extremes” (Hobsbawm 1994).This conflict still forms the basis for public discussions about minority rights. In recent decades, these became particularly emotional. These ethnic disputes 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 revolved around symbols, such as bilingual municipal signs as markers of iden­tity, or even around mentioning the Slovene ethnic minority in the Constitu­tion of the Land Carinthia, as in a public debate in the spring of 2017. In theend, the ethnic group was mentioned and proclaimed to be protected pursuantto the Federal Constitution; however, an explicit reference to the German lan­guage as the official language (Landessprache) of the Land Carinthia was included(Adamovich 2018, 22–23; Pirker 2020). These disputes are highly charged withsymbolism. Within the Carinthian – as well as within the federal – constitution, the ethnic group and its language can be acknowledged as an integral part of theLand, while bilingual municipal signs represent a visible expression of bilingualheritage or evidence that this Land is home to the ethnic group; or, alternatively, to some these signs can even present a threat to concepts of German nationalidentity (Pirker 2012a; 2020; cf. Jordan 2012). A simplified mapping of the linguistic situation in Carinthia, including lan­guage censuses (despite all doubts about the soundness of the questions askedor the political pressure in the context of a census), reveals a tremendous assi­milation and recession of the use of the Slovene language as a language of inter­course in the 20th century: in 1911, 18.3 % of the population of Carinthia usedSlovene as a language of intercourse, while only 2.3 % did so in 2001 (Inzko1988, 37; Reiterer 2000; Pirker 2013, 113). On the other hand, the numbers of people learning the Slovene language in primary education has increased steadi­ly in past decades, reaching up to 40 % in the territory covered by bilingualschooling, while, on the other hand, the number of children with language skills acquired in the family is decreasing dramatically (Busch 2010, 139–140; Domej2000, 47–48; Reiterer 2000; Vavti 2009, 166; Pirker 2013; for an analysis of the motivation for and functions of learning Slovene see also Zorcic (2019)). The last factor points to a decline of the ethnic group. Increasing interest in the Slovenelanguage indicates that today, it is no longer an ethnic marker, though prejudicesand mechanisms of othering are still present within younger generations, even though they did not experience any of the violent phases of the conflict (Winter-steiner 1996; 2015; Vavti 2009; Pirker 2014; 2018, 34–38). The ethnic conflict can only be fully understood by analyzing its history in connection with the emergence of nationalism in the middle of the 19th century and based on language as the main feature distinguishing Germans and Slovenes(Hobsbawm 2005, 108–109, 114; Anderson 1996, 72–82). Events of the late 19th and 20th centuries set the basis for antagonistic paradigms and opposing nar­ratives and must, therefore, be considered at least briefly (for this outline withfurther references cf. Pirker 2018, 22–38), starting with the desire for Slovene as the official language and the language of education in 1848 and the disputesabout the bilingual school system in the second half of the 19th century. AfterWorld War I, the newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS State) claimed and occupied parts of the Southern Carinthian territory RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 where Slovene was spoken. This military action, which in Slovenia is commonlyreferred to as a struggle for the northern border, in the sense of establishing bor­ders along ethnic lines, caused a military response from the Carinthian side, theso-called Carinthian defence war (Abwehrkampf). After international interventi­on, a plebiscite was held in 1920 to end this conflict. As a result of this plebiscite, Carinthia remained within Austria. This was only possible because about 10,000Slovene-speaking people voted for remaining in Austria (see Valentin 1993;Fräss-Ehrfeld 2000). The Carinthian government had even promised to further protect theSlovenes’ ethnic identity within Austria. However, these promises were notkept after the plebiscite: policies of Germanization followed, culminating in the deportation of Carinthian Slovenes under the Nazi Regime. These incidentscaused resistance and attacks by partisans, followed by renewed territorial claims for southern parts of Carinthia by the Yugoslavian government after World War II. After Yugoslavia reduced its claims, specific minority rights for the Sloveneminority living in Carinthia and Styria as well as the Croat minority living inBurgenland were included in the Austrian State Treaty in 1955. The 1950s and 1980s were once again dominated by disputes about the bilingual school systemin Carinthia, while intensive conflicts surrounding bilingual municipal signs char­acterized the 1970s: after the federal government decided to set up 205 bilin­gual town signs in local villages and towns, these were violently removed by thepeople belonging to the majority. Bombings in the bilingual area further escalated the conflict, leading to ten­sions between Carinthia and Slovenia, though this issue was never fully internati­onalized opposite Austria by Yugoslavia. A new Federal Law on the Legal Statusof Ethnic Groups of 1976 and a decree of 1977 temporarily ended this conflict with a regulation stating that in Carinthia, bilingual municipal signs should beerected in areas with a bilingual population of around 25 %. In 2001, the Consti­tutional Court of Austria declared this regulation unconstitutional, considering the aim of the Austrian State Treaty to protect the ethnic group (Decision VfSlg16404/2001). This decision was exploited politically by various actors, amongwhich the Carinthian and Austrian right-wing parties were dominant, until a constitutional law regulated the issue in 2011 (for an overview of Carinthian con­temporary history and the ethnic conflict see, e.g., Valentin 2009; 2011a; Sup-pan 2004; Fräss-Ehrfeld 2000; Barker 1984; Inzko 1988; Haas & Stuhlpfarrer 1977; cf. for this illustration Pirker 2018, 22–33). In the ten years since this settlement, the climate has improved (Vouk 2016).This comes down to many factors: from a change in politics, which no longer instrumentalizes the conflict as in earlier phases, to a change in the population’sappreciation of the second language that was fostered by the disintegration ofYugoslavia and Slovenia’s accession to the European Union. The new climate was visible at Carinthia’s official and partly bilingual celebrations of the 100th 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 anniversary of the referendum on the 10th of October 2020, when – in pres­ence of the president of Slovenia – the Austrian president apologized officially in German and Slovene to members of the Slovene minority for past injuries and failures in the implementation of minority rights: “As Federal President, I would like to apologize to you, dear citizens of Slovene mother tongue, for the injustice suffered and for the failures in the implementation of constitutionally guaran­teed rights” (Address by Federal President 2020, 3). Against the background of the history of the ethnic conflict in Carinthia, this act held enormous symbolic significance and importance. It presented an official acknowledgement of the suffering of members of the ethnic group in the last century, but this did not happen without criticism from the opponents of such an apology (e.g., a press release by representatives of the right-wing FreedomParty Austria on 10 October (FPÖ, 2020) or of the bilingual elements of the celebration in general. On a practical level, numerous issues regarding the imple­mentation of minority rights remain to be addressed or improved (education, language protection and promotion, effective participation – see in detail Vouk 2016) and will constantly arise in the future as the protection of minorities and their languages has to be considered as a process that needs to be adapted to current requirements. This was also confirmed by the president in his speech, when he pointed out that “[m]inority policy must always be further developed” and “adapted to current living conditions and needs” (Address by Federal Pres­ident 2020, 3). The same is true for the persistent improvement of the conduc­tive atmosphere that is needed to effectively guarantee minority rights and their enactment. A sustainable process needs to permanently and further address the causes of the conflict and its dynamics; not only on the level of politics on spe­cific occasions, but also within the wider public, to overcome official, collective, and individual narratives that stem from the conflict and contribute to its per­petuation or the transfer of its pattern to new problems in everyday life, such as migration. German and Slovene arguments in the context of the conflict in Carinthia referto mutual historic grievances that are connected to specific fears: a typical Slo­vene position might place emphasis on promises broken by the Carinthian gov­ernment after the plebiscite or the oppression by the Nazi regime, and it wouldclaim minority rights guaranteed by the Austrian State Treaty. The Slovene side’smajor fears revolve around the deprivation of rights, assimilation, or even extinc­tion of the group. The arguments on the German side, on the other hand, relateto territorial claims after the two World Wars, emphasizing the status of the Ger­ RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 man language as the state language and the portrayal of the minority as alreadyprivileged, while a loss or division of their homeland are among their major fears (Kramer 2004, 208–209; Pirker 2012b; 2014; 2018, 308–309). A central pointof memory to address these fears in Carinthia is the annual commemorationof October 10th in remembrance of the Carinthian Plebiscite in 1920 (Valentin 1993; Valentin et al. 2002; Gstettner 2010). Over the course of the 20th century,the plebiscite was related to many narrative connotations – such as a pretendGerman victory, the right of self-determination, or even the common effort of minority and majority – in combination with an overall image of Carinthia as anarea that is distinct, strong, and capable of defending itself (cf. Rumpler 1998;Fräss-Ehrfeld 1998; Pirker 2020). Memory and the narratives of the past are connected to identity. Individuals integrate themselves into the official narratives of their community that strength­en their group identities and predict future actions (Assmann A. 1999; Assmann J. 1997; 1998; Halbwachs 1966). Groups tend to prefer common memories and exclude others (Halbwachs 1967), while there can be opposing narratives andeven dialectics of official and unofficial memories (Pirker 2012b; cf. Pirker 2020). Jan Assmann (1988) and Aleida Assmann (2006, 134–137) further dis­tinguish a “communicative” and “cultural” memory beneath a “functional” mem­ory – corresponding to the official memory of a group serving the main purpo­se of legitimization – and a “storage” memory. The communicative memory has ascope of about 80 to 100 years. Its contents are related to people who have them­selves experienced the incidents that are remembered collectively, and this me­mory can still be re-negotiated. Astrid Erll (2017) highlights the complexity ofthese differentiations by adding that some events may not be as old as 100 yearsbut are nevertheless used to create cultural perceptions and therefore must be considered part of cultural memory, while others may be quite old but are madeto be part of actual public debate and therefore belong to the communicativememory. Consequently, Erll introduces the distinction between “nearness” and “farness” of events in question (Erll 2017, 113). These concepts provide help­ful analytical tools to explain why, and under which circumstances, past events,such as the Plebiscite in 1920, which have reached the floating point of transition from communicative to a rather stabilized cultural space of memory, can againbecome part of a public debate renegotiating its commemorative functions forcollective identity, as is to be seen from the 2020 anniversary. It was the narrative of the minority, which is not dominant in the Carinthian context, that was ad­dressed by the Austrian president’s apology, while various speakers pointed to afuture respecting common cultural heritage. Besides these concepts, unconscious and encompassing forms of mem­ory and the passing of memories between generations have been considered byHarald Welzer (2001), who conceived the notion of “social” memory. Remem­brance of the past is always a present process, related to identity formation and 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 a future purpose (Assmann 1997; Schmidt 2006; cf. Pirker 2018). In situations of ethnic conflict, groups tend to narrow down their identity concepts and people may then primarily be perceived as members of an ethnic group, speaking a spe­cific language, or observing a specific religion (Volkan 1999a; cf. Heintel 1982). Commonalities are blanked out or overseen; e.g., that someone may have simi­lar concerns in their everyday life or even be burdened by past traumatic events or grief (Sen 2007), that some are “indifferent” ( Judson 2016) or in-between the majority and minority, since they question the fixed concepts of belonging and supposedly pose a threat to the group (Pirker 2018). Memory is thereby constantly negotiated, which leads to multiple, often contradicting narratives (Wintersteiner 2015). Despite criticism of the vagueness some of these con­cepts exhibit, they are helpful in understanding and analyzing memory conflicts in minority-majority situations. Within Carinthia, language has become the main contested element in the conflict. Historic arguments and narratives are often utilized in disputes about minority rights and thus also the identities of the groups and the (common) land. One step towards understanding these mechanisms can be to bring them to the surface by revealing and acknowledging the diversity and variety of family histories, narratives, and identities without forcing the individuals to give up their very own story, but rather by accepting that this story may only be one pos­sible and subjective perception among many others (Pirker 2014; Graf 2015). Concepts of identity and narratives are fluid, can be detected, analyzed, ques­tioned, seen in relation to each other and in their mutual conditionality and rel­ativity. Starting a dialogue can be one way to initiate this process (Kelman 1997) of contesting narratives in conflict. Conflict interventions have to integrate various dimensions of a conflict in order to bring its underlying dynamics to the surface instead of fostering conflict mech­anisms. As outlined by Friedrich Glasl (2011; 1980), conflicts develop froman initial fixing of positions to a common descent by total confrontation in the worst-case scenario. In the context of a minority-majority conflict, it is necessaryto consider the dynamics of ethnopolitics (cf. Mujkic & Hulsey 2010), socialdynamics and expectations, as well as institutional or systemic factors (Meyer 2011, 61–69). In a long-term perspective, Vamik Volkan (1999 b), in his “Tree­-Model”, proposes to first explore the roots of the conflict, including the percep­tions, fears and needs of conflict parties, before initiating a dialogue among the conflicting parties about their positions, and finally to invite them to developinitiatives and projects to intervene and change the conflict landscape. Within RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 this landscape, sustainable interventions should target, as Lederach (1999) and Lederach and Appleby (2010) argue, the levels of (1) political leaders, (2) peo­ple in a mid-level position, who can influence political leaders, but who are not official representatives, and (3) the “grassroots” level of civil society (Lederach 1999; Lederach & Appleby 2010, 35–38; see also Hamber 2015, 10–14; cf. Pir­ker 2018). An intervention must therefore consider the level on which it is carri­ed out and the fault lines between and within the groups, actors and generations. In a minority-majority context, there can be dialogue groups between the minority and majority as well as within the groups (Graf 2015). These groups are not monolithic, but often consist of various interest groups. This can be seen in the Slovene minority in Carinthia that has developed various cultural organi­zations, one political party, and three political organizations: the two major Na-rodni svet koroških Slovencev (NSKS) and Zveza slovenskih organizacij na Ko­roškem (ZSO), and the younger Skupnost koroških Slovencev in Slovenk (SKS) (for more see Wutti 2017). The focus of dialogue interventions is set on an in­ternal transformation of collective group identities in a way that allows groups to accept the other groups and their needs (Kelman 2010c; 1997; cf. Rothman 1997; 2012). Therefore, the basic needs of the conflict actors are to be identified in joint examinations to allow trust and empathy for the other’s perception (Graf 2015; Kelman 2010c). The ethnic conflict in Carinthia shaped collective and individual percep­tions, memories and narratives, or caused traumata that are passed on within generations. Ethnopolitical and civil society actors representing interest groups within the majority and minority have different agendas, thus passing on vari­ous, even opposing, narratives and presenting themselves as representatives of the groups. Deeper dimensions of the conflict are created through symbolic, epistemic or structural violence as a result of power relations, asymmetries be­tween the majority and minority, alliances of group actors with political decision makers, individual and collective identifications, traumata, as well as narratives and counter-narratives and their political use and misuse. The institutionalized power relations in public institutions can foster power relations and identifica­tions (Pirker 2018). These structural factors constitute the complex and mul­tilayered framework of dialogue initiatives. The following sections analyze two different interventions that have been carried out in the context of the Carinthi-an ethnic conflict: an initiative for creating a Peace Region Alps-Adria (Brousek 2018), which addresses civil society actors and people engaged in ethnopolitics, and a youth initiative that targets adolescents on the grassroots level, both within Carinthia and between Carinthia and Slovenia. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 In 2013, a dialogue was initiated concerning the troubled past between Austriaand Slovenia (Graf & Brousek 2014; Brousek 2018; Brousek & Pirker 2016;Pirker 2018, 338–343; Graf & Brousek 2020). In 2016, participants from Italy were also included in this conversation. The idea was to establish processes ofdialogue at an international level between actors from different states on an in-tra-national level within and between conflict parties by including extreme po­sitions and hardliners, and to influence the public through the dissemination ofthe results of this initiative (Graf & Brousek 2014; Brousek 2018; Pirker 2018).The initiative invited civil society actors that influence memory politics and the preservation of specific narratives in Austria and Slovenia (Brousek & Pirker2016; Pirker 2018; Graf & Brousek 2020). The participants were not engaged inofficial politics (track one), though they were active in ethnopolitics and some of them were in positions to inform or advise politicians regarding minority rightsor memory politics (track two). Participants were recruited from various age groups, with various ideological positions and professions, yet the percentageof males and academics remained high (Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 28; Graf &Brousek 2020). The main task of the process was to explore the historical roots of the con­flicts, their sociopsychological and political dynamics, as well as the perceptionsand needs of the conflict parties involved. Despite these tasks, the overall ambiti­on was directed towards the future development of inter-ethnic relations within the region by addressing the main questions of how to: deal with the complexconflict parameters within one’s own and the neighboring country; avoid theseconflict lines being instrumentalized by politics; and to create a peace region fo­cusing on future perspectives (Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 28; cf. Wintersteiner2012). Initiating a dialogue about new forms of dealing with opposing narrativesand developing common perspectives, policy advise, and common public events with the timely focus on the 100th Jubilee of the Carinthian Plebiscite were iden­tified as working tasks for the dialogue group (Graf & Brousek 2020, 61). This initiative, which was decisively shaped by the Herbert C. Kelman In­stitute, was based on a broad range of methodological approaches of interac­tive conflict resolution, building on the format of “Problem Solving Workshops”(Kelman 1972; 2010a; 2010b) and the methodology of Track II diplomacy (Fi­scher 2002; Ahlbrecht et al. 2009; Graf et al. 2006; Graf 2015; Brousek & Pirker 2016; Brousek 2018; Pirker 2018; Wintersteiner et al. 2020b; Graf & Brousek 2020). One of the underlying theoretical pillars beneath interactive conflict resolution (Brousek 2018, 97) was the concept of an open and inclusive publicdialogue that must be open for all parties interested in a plural context, and thatmust not be limited to specific topics; rather, it needs to be facilitated with regard RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 to the interest of the actors involved and structured with a clear distribution of roles among actors (Žagar 2020, 120–121; cf. Žagar 2008). The overall structu­re of the project led to the establishment of an international (plenary) dialoguegroup and various sub-groups. It included the positions of civil society coordina­tors from Carinthia and Slovenia, researchers, facilitators, a central coordinator, and participants (see in detail Graf & Brousek 2020, 60–61), mainly suggestedand invited by the civil society coordinators and facilitators. After the first phase of establishing confidential conversations (cf. Hoffmann 2011), the approach of interactive conflict transformation applied by the Her­bert C. Kelman Institute aimed at setting up a process from (1) the analysisof the current conflict through (2) a deeper analysis of the structural, socio-po­litical and cultural dimension of the conflict context to (3) a context-sensitiveconflict transformation (Schönbauer-Brousek et al. 2016; Graf 2015; 2010;Pirker 2018; Graf & Brousek 2020). Some of the topics and challenges ad­dressed by the international group were related to the overall heritage of violentconflicts in the countries involved, taboos in dealing with the specific past of eachcountry or group, relations between the states and groups, and the instrumenta­lization of these factors by politics (Graf & Brousek 2020, 64). Sub-groups focu­sed on specific issues and made up the core of the working phase of the project inthe sense of Volkan’s “trunk” of the tree (Graf & Brousek 2020, 67). The groups worked on youth initiatives, minority rights, World War II, integration issues, ormemory culture (Brousek & Pirker 2016; Pirker 2018; Graf & Brousek 2020).Their outcomes were discussed in the international plenary sessions. One first joint effort to communicate results and contribute to a public discourse was thepublication of a declaration of the international dialogue group. For this first declaration, dealing with the 100th anniversary of the beginning of World War I in 1914, the international dialogue group agreed on the preamblecited below. The aim of this preamble was to frame the underlying idea of dia­logue about a troubled past, which acknowledges contradictions and subjecti­vity in memory and suffering but tries to frame contradictions in the broadersense of a common history of violence without relativizing crime and suffering.The preamble states: “In memory of all victims who died because politics did not resolve conflicts peacefully. Dialogue as a way of recognizing diversity, histo­rical reconciliation and common future-oriented action” (Feldner et al. 2018, 31[translated to English from German]). Additionally, the working group outlined the vision of the project: One hundred years after the outbreak of World War I, we are witnessing a global crisis and deep upheavals, which seriously question the great project of European integration. This development relates not only to the emergence of new political and social conflicts – from the economic crisis and the conflicts over migration to the impotence of European diplomacy in the face of new armed conflicts (from the Ukraine to the Middle East) – but also to the return of stubborn “old European” 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 attitudes such as nationalism, chauvinism, fundamentalism, xenophobia, and other forms of intolerance and the lack of recognition of the other. […] The 20th century was a century of two horrendous World Wars, […] and it is by no means sufficient to concede that political peace prevails and there are good economic relations between the states and ethnically defined nations of Europe. We must overcome what has separated us for so long and sometimes made us enemies. Otherwise, there will be a risk that old enemies will re-emerge as in Ukraine and the Middle East this year or the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. […] The Alps-Adriatic region is still very much influenced by the consequences of these all-European historical conflicts. Therefore, history should be critically and self-critically reflected in the entire Alps-Adriatic region, beginning in Slovenia and in Austria, and especially in the borderland of Carinthia, with the desire to achieve a deeper recognition of the potentials of cultural differences in the region to achieve a more “objective” historical memory and to take the first steps towards reconciliation between minorities and majorities. […] In the 20th century, the Alps-Adriatic region became a battleground of different totalitarian ideologies, which have not yet disappeared from the collective memory of the peoples in this region. […] A prerequisite for the formation of a peace region Alps-Adria must – as one of the experiences of history – be the willingness to discuss on all sides, aiming for reconciliation. A cross-border dialogue cannot revive the historically neglected cultures of this region. However, it can try to use the memory of these neglected forms of living together to find new forms of regional, European, and global coexistence. Such a cross-border dialogue is the next step in establishing a transnational, multicultural, multilingual and economically prosperous peace region Alps-Adria – with the guiding principles of diversity, intercultural education, regional development and constructive conflict management (Feldner et al., 2018, 31–34 [translated to English from German]). A similar declaration was prepared by the working group in 2015, 70 years afterthe end of World War II, highlighting the strategy of overcoming historic collec­tive trauma through cross-border dialogue. This second declaration hints at the di­vergences in memory cultures in Austria and Slovenia that are related to differentinterpretations of World War II and at the ideologies of communism and fascismbetween and within the states which became visible in public commemorative events as every side sought to hide the dark sides of their own history (Feldneret al. 2018, 57–58; cf. Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 16). Yet, the declaration listsvarious political and civil societal achievements in international relations, even if an official systematic approach of reconciliation has not been developed on apolitical level (Feldner et al. 2018, 58–59; cf. Graf & Brousek 2020). Building on this premise, the declaration of the working group calls for the recognition of theother’s interpretation of the past as well as “the victims of the other side in theirvictim status” (Feldner et al. 2018, 59–60 [translated from German to English]), including shared grief and eventually conducting joint commemoration events(Feldner et al. 2018, 60). This acknowledgement is outlined as a first step in theprocess of initiating a dialogue that strives for empathy for the various experi­ences of violence suffered by different groups living in the Alps-Adriatic Region, while analyzing the power relations in the past and present that become visible RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 in manifold personal stories and facilitating a dialogue that respects the deeperhuman needs behind the visible strategies of the conflict parties involved (Feld­ner et al. 2018, 61). Joint commemorative events among participants of the working group werecarried out on the initiative of the consensus group (Konsensgruppe), a platform of the German civil society organizations Kärntner Heimatdienst (KHD) andPlattform Kärnten and two of the three political organizations of the Sloveneminority, the ZSO and SKS. This platform was initially created while jointly working on a draft solution for the place name sign issue in 2005 on behalf ofthe federal chancellor. In the first commemorative events, representatives ofthe German organizations and the Slovene minority (mainly the ZSO) remem­bered victims of the Nazi Regime as well as partisans on respective sites inCarinthia and Slovenia. This was continued after 2013 within the framework of the outlined cross-border dialogue initiative with participation of the civil socie­ty coordinators from both countries and in the spirit of the preamble of the firstdeclaration (cf. Feldner et al. 2018, 60; Graf & Brousek 2020). The 100th anniversary of the Carinthian Plebiscite in 2020 served as the occasion for the publication of a book including the statements of participants ofthe project and articles written by scholars (Brousek et al. 2020). The book con­tains chapters on Austria, Slovenia and Italy. It presents a reflection of a dialogue in which opposing narratives, such as interpretations of World War I, territorialclaims or atrocities in and after World War II, were addressed and confronted in a structured way that assumes a shared and interrelated space of memory be­tween the countries (Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 13, 21). Considering the overall ambition of the project, some of the articles were even published in form of acontroversy between opposing positions (Lausegger & Wintersteiner 2020). Parallel to this joint initiative, various participants of the dialogue group initiatedfurther projects with the collaboration of other members of the internationaldialogue group or outside the group that were dedicated to dealing with the past or forms of political education, e.g., the publication of an Alps-Adriatic Manifest(Wintersteiner et al. 2020a; cf. Graf 2020; Graf & Brousek 2020; Wintersteineret al. 2020b). As the editors of the joint 2020 publication outline, the prior task and out­come of the dialogue initiative was to identify models for addressing various(subjective) historic truths by people with often opposing perspectives, which requires the establishment of a consensus on dissensus (Wintersteiner et al.2020b, 29). This allows, as one of the facilitators argues, for a plural dialoguethat, contrary to reconciliation, addresses the past as well as current issues whilefocusing on alternative solutions (Žagar 2020, 123–124; cf. Žagar 2009). The in­ternational working group’s meetings, including intensive debates on opposingunderstandings of past events and the establishment of sub-groups, the two dec­larations dealing with the acknowledgement of these divergences and their use 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 as a resource for understanding the other group’s perspective and needs as basisfor a dialogical process, projects related to the dialogue, as well as the comple­mentary initiatives and the 2020 publication can all be regarded as achievementsof this process. Limitations and challenges also emerged in the process. Some of the topics addressed could not to be dealt with in the given time. This caused oppositionbetween participants seeking for more in-depth discussions, while others aimed at producing outcomes in the form of public declarations or events (Graf & Brou­sek 2020, 70). A compromise was found in working on the common declarati­ons parallel to continuing the debates related to controversial issues. Some of theparticipants refrained from the dialogue because of these kinds of proceedings (Graf & Brousek 2020, 71). Internal tensions between the in-depth dialogue andproducing public outcomes thus continued to influence the working process.Additionally, the roles of the facilitators and scientists were sometimes blurred (Graf & Brousek 2020, 74), as some engaged in debates with the participantsabout narratives from their own perspectives. Among the actors involved, a further tension became visible between re­conciliation and orientation towards the future (Nicolescou & Graf 2014; cf.Brousek & Pirker 2016; Pirker 2018). The dialogue process thus aimed at ena­bling empathy for experiences of violence that have been experienced by various groups in the 20th century and which still influence them as “victim and perpe­trators, but also as victim-perpetrators and perpetrator-victims” (Graf 2020, 105[translated to English from German]). Working on historic traumata and viola­tions of human rights by totalitarian regimes addresses, as one of the facilitatorsexplains, the experiences of war and violence, the transmission of trauma andpossibilities of a politics of reconciliation in the form of dialogue as a learning process (Graf 2020, 106) from a systemic macro as well as an individual perspec­tive, including the necessary reflection of the historic context and power asym­metry without legitimizing or the equation of unequal parameters or the reversal of perpetrator-victim relations but to allow for an context-related understandingof the ambivalent perspectives (Graf 2020, 110). In line with this approach, Marjan Sturm, one of the civil society coordina­tors of the international dialogue initiative and former head of the ZSO, provi­des an example for contesting narratives by arguing that in Carinthia, the narra­tive of Austria being the first victim of Nazi aggression and the Land being con­fronted with renewed territorial claims after World War II was accompanied bythe denial of early engagements in national socialist activities and the assigneddeportation of Carinthian Slovenes to the Nazi regime. On the other side, the resistance against this regime was, in Sturm’s assessment, used to emphasize theantifascist alliance, while the atrocities of the Nazi perpetrators provided legiti­mation for the movement in favor of the annexation to Yugoslavia and the killing of Carinthians after the end of the war (Sturm 2020, 364; cf. Wintersteiner et al. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 2020b, 24). Within the discussions of the working group, a Slovene perspectivecould emphasize, for example, the necessity to acknowledge the contribution of German-Carinthian actors to the assimilation of the minority. From a German­-Carinthian point of view, by contrast, the demand for the acknowledgement ofpartisan crimes, the detection of involvement in bomb attacks in the 1970s, or even the activities of Yugoslav intelligence on Carinthian territory, which havebecome a focus of recent historiographic and public interest (Wintersteiner etal. 2020b, 20; Pirker 2018), may be demanded. Notably, these are just examples, which are asymmetrical and not causally linked. As these narratives influenced the separation of the population along ethniclines, Sturm and others argue that a new form of dialogic remembrance should acknowledge one’s own suffering while providing space for the other’s sufferingin one’s own memory, and that it should comprise common historic knowledgeregarding complex and changing constellations of perpetrators and victims within a shared history of violence (Sturm 2020, 365; cf. Bauriedl 1998; Brou­sek 2006; Graf et al. 2014). This requires, in the retrospective evaluation of theeditors of the 2020 publication of the project, accepting contradictions in one’s position and perspective, establishing at least a basic consensus on why underspecific circumstances and times one group acted as perpetrator or became avictim, and accepting that there are manifold subjective interpretations of the past beneath established historic truth that motivate one’s behavior and per­ception in understanding other’s positions without agreement or legitimization(Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 25–26). This kind of reframing can be explained with concepts by Erll (2017, 132), who argues that opposing narratives may beinterrelated and interdependent, for example in specific and mono-causal vic­tim-perpetrator interpretations of a violent past. She suggests framing such con­stellations – without tapping into relativism – with regard to a common historyof violence and allowing memories and different interpretations of the past tobecome more agonistic than antagonistic by paying respect to the specific con­text of a conflict and at the same time trying to promote orientation towards amore transnational future. The overall question of how to confront a troubled past properly is related to this issue. In Carinthia, over the last century there have been numerous initia­tives fostering mutual understanding, yet some initiatives result in a dialoguebetween conflicting parties that forges trust and alliances with the partners in­volved and then creates a new differentiation between dialogue advocates anddialogue opponents (cf. Pirker 2018). This new separation often builds on con­flict lines within the groups and seemingly aspires to generate legitimacy for one specific way of dealing with the past. There is imminent danger of the dialoguebeing exploited for ethnopolitical reasons. Thus, a “dialogue about dialogue” isneeded in order to invite conflicting parties to discuss their perceptions, strategi­es, and possible complementary approaches to dealing with the past (Brousek & 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 Pirker 2016; Pirker 2018). In this sense, a particular challenge was caused by thefact that the initiative is in part a continuation of the mentioned consensus – and a dialogue processes between two organizations (KHD and ZSO), led by JosefFeldner and Marjan Sturm (Graf & Brousek 2020). These earlier processes havebeen the subject of public support as well as intensive criticism from both within and outside the groups involved (Pirker 2018, 246–279), e.g., by the conserva­tive NSKS. These earlier developments even caused the invited participants torefrain or withdraw from the international dialogue. It has thus been and conti­nues to be evaluated differently by supporters and opponents of the earlier initia­tives on both sides of the border, and it is therefore either framed as a continua­tion or as a different initiative. Finally, this points to the challenge of deciding which participants are to beselected. It depends on the analysis of the field of conflict as well as the willing­ness of the actors to engage. Thus, they should identify who is to represent, or even influence, which groups; they should also consider how to integrate hard­liner positions, which may otherwise hamper the process. This must be donewithout legitimizing extreme positions, but by reckoning and analyzing them as part of the conflict field and its dynamics. In connection with this, there is a riskthat extreme positions from the countries involved might strengthen the otherextreme positions (Wintersteiner et al. 2020b, 22), or cross-border alliances be­tween parties may foster internal conflicts within different interest groups withinthe majority of the minority (Brousek & Pirker 2016; Pirker 2018). The conflict itself, as a system, entails the risk of spilling to different levels or establishing new alliances if resources for conflict transformation are insuf­ficient. What is needed to tackle this is a transformation of (1) individual andfamily histories, (2) collective memory and politics, and (3) cultural and social structures and power relations. In dealing with the past, it is often necessary todeepen and broaden the process: to deepen it by allowing adequate time andspace for intensive reflection on emotions, individual stories, and perceptions; at the same time, the process may need to be broadened by raising its complexity(cf. Graf et al. 2010), that is, by including more issues and additional countriesand improving impact on the public sphere. This process should target society as a whole, as well as new conflict lines, such as those between old minorities and new ones, in order to acknowledge lessons for dealing with diversity (Brousek &Pirker 2016; Pirker 2018). The dialogue initiatives highlighted the necessity of conflict transformation in the field of memory politics and functioned as a learn­ing process for civil society (Graf & Brousek 2020). Continued and extendedon-site dialogues in villages and towns, facilitated by civil society organizations or municipalities, could provide possibilities to talk about individual stories andmake narratives visible on all levels – from politics to civil society. The interna­tional dialogue process targeted actors from civil society in expectation of a kind of spillover effect to official politics. This is important in influencing the social RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 parameters, the social and political climate, of a conflict situation, but it was not carried out systematically on all possible levels, which makes it difficult to assess its outcomes. The 100th anniversary of the Carinthian Plebiscite in 2020 and the 10th anniver­sary of the regulation of the municipal sign issue in 2021 provide(d) opportu­nities for increased public attention for initiatives reflecting the past on a broader and interactive scale, as was also one of the intentions of the official exhibit of the Land of Carinthia Carinthija 2020. It moved around the country and focused on the following topics: infrastructure/economic development/space, network-ing/neighbors/dialogue, and identity/memory culture in the past, present and future (Fritz 2020). The current period could be used for further refining and evaluating dialogue initiatives regarding these intentions. The 10th anniversary of the regulation of the municipal sign issue would be apt for taking stock and iden­tifying possibilities for further improvements to minority protection regimes in correspondence to the needs of the groups concerned, considering often-over­looked gender and intergenerational perspectives. Involving young people in working on past conflicts sets up a specific challenge for peace initiatives and dialogue processes. Between 2013 and 2015, a project named Carinthia and Slovenia: Separate Ways – Common Future aimed at raising awareness for the troubled past, principles of minority protection, and trans­national understanding in Europe among young people. By including nearly all grammar schools (secondary education) in Carinthia and Slovenia, more than 5,000 pupils aged 16 to 18 took part in a survey on their attitudes towards mi­norities, languages, neighboring countries, and the European Union, as well as the history and relations between Carinthia and Slovenia. In the second part of the project, 80 pupils explored their family history and attitudes among family members and friends towards the mentioned topics. In the end, they were invit­ed to discuss these topics in a three-day workshop dealing with the past, present and future of the region (Pirker 2014; 2015; Pirker & Hofmeister 2015; Dangl-maier et al. 2017). In their research on family histories and opinions among families and friends that allowed an emotionalization of the topic (cf. Danglmaier et al. 2017, 236– 237), some of the pupils found out that, in fact, they have manifold relations to the ethnic question in their family history of which they had not been previously aware. For others, it was their first chance to talk to members from the ethnic group or pupils from Slovenia. The joint discussion of various family histories and perceptions of the other group or country in the meeting opened the floor 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 for questioning one-dimensional narratives and learning about another’s per­spective. The project allowed direct contact and instructed the pupils to work on common tasks as they had to prepare for a joint discussion with experts from theareas of diplomacy, politics, and education at the end of the process (cf. Pirker2015). Members of the Slovene minority, with their language and intercultural competence, functioned thereby as a bridge between Austrian and Slovene par­ticipants. Building on the contact hypothesis (Allport 1954; Güttler 2003) andconcepts of dialogue, the project worked on the reflection of common history, narratives, and the transformation of perceptions towards an inclusive and multi­lingual region. Accordingly, participants within the project stated, e.g., that “com­monalities evolved primarily from family histories”, while others became aware of the influence of history and narratives on their own perceptions (Pirker 2014). Regarding minority protection, the outcomes of the quantitative surveyindicate that two thirds of pupils evaluate measures that (a) promote language education or (b) support cultural organizations of minorities in a positive way(Carinthia/Slovenia: (a) 65 %/72.7 %; (b) 61.5 %/60.2 %). This is specificallythe case for measures that may also offer advantages for the majority, such as learning the other language for economic reasons (Pirker 2014; Pirker & Hof­meister 2015). The project in its quantitative and qualitative dimensions indi­cated that language awareness, combined with an exploration of family histories and narratives beneath the history of the region, information about the purposeof minority protection, and personal contact to get involved with the another’sperspective, enables reflection on narratives and promotes a positive perception of minorities and bi- or multilingualism (Pirker 2014). To ensure sustainability,such initiatives of dealing with the past must become part of school curriculaand could be used for a joint analysis of the processes of memory and identity formation, starting with the individual historic consciousness of the pupils in­volved, based on family histories and value systems, as well as the perspectivesand perceptions of others, for which narratives in cross-border areas offer a spe­cific potential (Danglmaier 2020). Dealing with emotionally challenging issuessuch as World War II demands sufficient time but also a response to specific in­terests articulated by pupils, while allowing for some autonomy in the definition of the issues addressed (Albing 2017, 222). The initiative provided some additional lessons for complementary proces­ses of dialogue. Young people may serve as a bridge between different organiza­tions and generations, ideologies, or intra-familiar patterns. For example, one girlparticipating in the project began interviewing her parents based on the ques­tionnaire of the project. She found out that her father was in fact a member of the Slovene minority but had decided not to pass on the language to his children. Incases of intermarriage, the loss of the minority language and assimilation of onepartner was often a common consequence of the intense conflict context (Vavti 2009). When her father started talking about his Slovene origin, her mother RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 interrupted and did not wish to discuss this issue. The girl continued to workon these issues in school and her parents both read the book Angel of Oblivion (Engel des Vergessens), an autobiographical novel by Maja Haderlap about thesituation of the minority, its resistance against the Nazi regime, and its later treat­ment by official Austrian memory. In the end, the girl expressed her feeling of loss and her wish to learn the Slovene language. In the families of other particip­ants, grandparents who had experienced World War II began discussing theirexperiences with their grandchildren. Some of them had kept silent until then, though traumatic events may be passed on over generations even if they are notdiscussed. It is, thus, sometimes easier for people to talk with their grandchildrenthan with their children (Wutti 2015; cf. Wutti 2018, 20–25). Additionally, within workshops at the University, as neutral ground for conflicting parties totalk with students, young people within opposing groups showed readiness totalk with older people from the other side and to question fixed narratives. They were willing to detect commonalities through talking in a safe atmosphere. Secondly, there is a possibility of re-considering identities in contact by re­flecting on one’s own and another’s perspective. Within the workshop, one girl identified being Carinthian Slovene as one of her most important identifica­tions. She further reflected that in the context of the conflict she feels that she al­ways must fight for her rights as her group always had to seek the protection of lan­guage and the minority (Pirker 2014). As a result, she further argued in the talkswith other pupils, she cannot speak of herself as simply Carinthian in a broad­er regional sense, because she considers herself excluded rather than included by this term. In the end, the girl stated within a public discussion that she hadlearnt that there is no contradiction between being Carinthian, which was for herrelated to being German, and being Slovene. She had been able to integrate these identity layers and to learn that she could be both, without fear of losing eitherher Slovene or Carinthian identity. Such and many other personal anecdoteshelped participants to relate to or at least to understand the other’s perspective and the diversity of identity concepts. In fact, there are plenty of identifications in between minority and majoritywhich tend to be blended out in case of conflict (Brunner 1988). However, stud­ies indicate that in the minority and majority context, young people especiallytend to identify in a more global or cosmopolitan way, and some of them evenreject the notion of choosing between the groups, but prefer to express multiple identifications (Vavti 2009; 2012; 2013; cf. Zorcic 2019). Highlighting this pluralism can be helpful in relativizing fixed borders. The concepts on both sidesare not static but fluid, which can become visible through personal contact and exchange between minorities and majorities within and across state borders.Peace initiatives can, thus, involve also young people and reflect on their heritageof the past as well as use them as a resource in the context of reflecting memory and working towards a common future. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES J. PIRkER Memory Wars and Minority Rights: From Ethnic Conflict towards a Peace Region Alps-Adria? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 7. Memory Wars and Memory Cures The above considerations highlight a few principles regarding sustainable di­alogue about a troubled past: (1) First, in the case of cold (non-violent, past) conflict, one should raise awareness about the relevance of past incidents and their interpretation for peaceful living together and for managing diversity. Nar­ratives should be identified in this respect. (2) Within discussions, the other perspective needs to be acknowledged based on respect for different views and interpretations. One way of providing the necessary sensitive framework for such proceedings is outlined in the approaches of interactive conflict transfor­mation, the initiatives targeting young people and their engagement in research of the common past and the influence of history/ies on one’s own perspective and perception, as well as the approach of open and inclusive public dialogue. (3) A multi-level approach is thereby required for addressing actors on different levels with common actions, including different generations and taking account of pluralism within the groups concerned, on an international, national, and in-tra-group level. (4) It includes giving voice to manifold positions that are usually not heard in the context of conflict: young people, women, people that position themselves in between or within both of the groups, outsiders, or people who have lost or neglected their cultural heritage in the form of not passing on the minority language. An in-depth analysis of the history of the respective conflict and the interethnic relations, as emphasized by theoretical approaches of con­flict resolution, is a precondition for the identification of such positions that con­test major narratives in and between the groups involved. (5) Cross-border lines of conflict should be considered in this regard, as well as the institutionalization of memory, the strategies of political players, and the functions of legal instru­ments. (6) Overall, this calls for a multilayered approach to diversity recovery within the Alps-Adriatic Region that, in the end, might contribute to the devel­opment of context-sensitive interventions and legal instruments of minority protection that correspond to the needs of the groups involved and contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations. Without a doubt, research on minority issues and dialogue is a unique under­taking in that it should consider the specific preliminaries and context of the ma-jority-minority situation (historic development, political discussion, and actors) to produce appropriate explanations and impulses for conflict transformation. Law provides a specific way of conflict resolution that seeks to balance legitimate interests by assuaging emotions and conflict history/ies, whereas approaches in conflict management or resolution tend to ignore the regulative functions of law in conflicts. A complementary approach seeks to learn from history and open perspectives to foster mutual understanding, in addition to instruments of minority protection. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 J. PIRkER Spominske vojne in pravice manjšin: Od etnicnega konflikta do Mirovne regije Alpe-Jadran? DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.5-32 A complementary approach to conflict resolution regarding the long-lasting,highly symbolic and political municipal sign issue could have been based on the needs of the groups involved, e.g., by recognizing the minority’s longing for recog­nition or (symbolic) security, and the majority’s need for the homeland andtheir identity to remain uncontested; these are interwoven with various com­plex narratives and the wish for an acknowledgement of subjective individualand collective suffering in the past. Related to these needs were the opposingstrategies of ending the conflict once and for all or leaving at least the door open for further increasing the number of municipal signs to be erected in the future.Ending the conflict legally by regulating it on a constitutional level to hamperfurther revision could thus have been complemented by public support for in­-depth dialogues about the troubled past within the region and municipalitiesconcerned, while allowing a regulation that is open for further adjustment at alater date if requested by a substantive part of the population of the respective town. This simplified example hints at the necessity of designing legal solutionsthat at first contribute to a regulation of the conflict, as the municipal sign issuehas done. Looking back over the past ten years since this regulation, it has been statedfrom many sides, even its critics (e.g., Vouk 2016), that it has helped to calmthe debate, to hinder political instrumentalization of the topic, and it has con­tributed to an improvement of the situation of the Slovene language in publicdiscourse and the overall climate of inter-ethnic relations. As can be seen from the history of the conflict, this climate is important for the effective protection and implementation of minority rights. Taking the contested issue off the tablethrough compromise can, thus, be a first step towards calming the conflict. Yet,complementary formats of dialogue could further contribute to an improve­ment of interethnic relations. Legal regulations should be open to further adjust­ments considering this improvement, which might result in acknowledging theminority, its language, and culture, as well as shared diversity as an added value. Finally, broadening the perspective on a specific issue means not only dig­ging in history/ies through the common examination of narratives, powerstructures, and individual/collective needs, but also including current challenges of diversity raised, for example, on the level of European (dis-)integration or by migration into the dialogue about the narratives relating to the troubled pastand present of national identities. Mechanisms of othering tend to be the same, increasingly shifting from excluding old minorities to others from outside the state. Migrants are perceived as the others in terms of culture. Laws even insti­tutionalize their otherness, based on assumptions of their requirements and needs for integration. To positively use diversity as a resource and ensure that old patterns of conflict may not be reaffirmed by processes of migration, we need to rethink classical concepts of minority protection while facing challenges raised by globalization and migration. 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Diversity Management and Integration: From Ideas to Concepts. European Yearbook of Minority Issues 6 (2006/2007), 307–327. Žagar, M., 2009. Strategies for the Prevention, Management, and/or Resolution of (Ethnic)Crisis and Conflict: The Case of the Balkans. In D. Sandole, S. Byrne, I. Sandole-Staroste& J. Senehi (eds.) Handbook of Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Routledge, London, 456– 474. Žagar, M., 2020. Offener, inklusiver, öffentlicher Dialog: Ansatz, Instrument, Ideologie undZiel. In J. Brousek, D. Grafenauer, D. Wutti & W. Wintersteiner (eds.) Slovenija – Öster­reich: Befreiendes Erinnern – Osvobajajoce spominjanje: Dialoško obravnavanje zgodovine –Dialogische Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit. Drava, Klagenfurt/Celovec, 108–126. TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021, p. 33–48 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 Divergent narratives and memories face each other in a certain hierarchy. The dramatic eventsof the last century are interpreted differently in a democratic and pluralistic society, anddifferent societies hand down disparate hegemonial narratives and counter-narratives. Tworecent research projects in the field of memory studies in education have been conductedin the Austrian bilingual region of Kärnten/Koroška. Both projects focused on suspectedtransformations of memory culture towards more inclusive narratives in educationalwork. The following article introduces the methodology of these projects, along with newperspectives extracted from the assembled data – with a certain focus on ethnic aspects andthe question of minorities in memory culture. Perspectives on how these matters couldaddress and foster contemporary school lessons conclude the article. Keywords: memory culture, historical and political education, minorities, ethnicity, mem­ory of the others. Razlicne spominske pripovedi in spomini se soocajo v doloceni hierarhiji. Dramaticni dogodkizadnjega stoletja se v demokraticni in pluralisticni družbi razlicno razlagajo, razlicne družbepa podajajo razlicne hegemonisticne pripovedi in proti-pripovedi. V avstrijski dvojezicni regijiKärnten/Koroška sta bila nedavno izvedena dva raziskovalna projekta na temo kulture spominav okviru izobraževanja. Oba projekta sta se osredotocila na domnevno preoblikovanje obravnavekulture spomina v bolj vkljucujoc diskurz znotraj pedagoškega procesa. Pricujoci clanek opisujeomenjena projekta in nove perspektive, zasnovane na podlagi zbranih podatkov s poudarkom naetnicnih vidikih in vprašanju manjšin v kulturi spomina. V zakljucku clanek ponuja priporocilaza obravnavo omenjenih vprašanj v okviru sodobnega šolskega kurikuluma. Kljucne besede: kultura spomina, zgodovinsko-politicno izobraževanje, manjšine, etnicnost, spomin drugih. Correspondence address: Daniel Wutti, Institut für Mehrsprachigkeit und Transkulturelle Bildung / Inštitut za vecjezicnost in transkulturno izobraževanje, Pädagogische Hochschule Kärnten / Pedagoška visoka šola na Koroškem, Kaufmanngasse 8, A-9020 Klagenfurt/Celovec, Austria, e-mail: daniel.wutti@ ph-kaernten.ac.at; Eva Hartmann, Institut für Mehrsprachigkeit und Transkulturelle Bildung / Inštitut za vecjezicnost in transkulturno izobraževanje, Pädagogische Hochschule Kärnten / Pedagoška visoka šola na Koroškem, Kaufmanngasse 8, A-9020 Klagenfurt/Celovec, Austria, e-mail: eva.hartmann@ph-kaernten. ac.at; Nadja Danglmaier, Alpen-Adria-Universität Klagenfurt, IFEB – Institut für Erziehungswissenschaft und Bildungsforschung, Universitätsstraße 65–67, A-9020 Klagenfurt/Celovec, Austria, e-mail: nadja. danglmaier@aau.at. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 On 7 May 2015, the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, a new memo­rial was installed at the Burghof in Klagenfurt/Celovec. It was created by theartist Melitta Moschik and installed by the NGO Memorial Kärnten/Koroška.The memorial addresses the victims of National Socialism, who were interro­gated and tormented in the Burg (fortress) of Klagenfurt/Celovec, where theGerman GESTAPO had its regional headquarters. The circular background ofthe memorial is fully black, and in a brighter text one can read in German and Slovene the following words: In diesem Gebäude war in den Jahren 1938–1945 der Sitz der Geheimen Staatspolizei. Hier wurden Menschen aufgrund ihrer Weltanschauung, ihrer ethnischen Zugehörigkeit oder ihres Widerstands gegen die NS-Gewaltherrschaft gefoltert. Das Unrecht, das sie erlitten haben, sei uns Mahnung und Auftrag im gemeinsamen Ringen um Freiheit, Demokratie und Menschenrechte. V tej stavbi je bil v letih 1938–1945 sedež gestapa, kjer so mucili ljudi zaradi njihovega svetovnega nazora, narodne pripadnosti ali ker so se uprli nacisticnemu nasilju. Krivica, ki so jo doživeli, naj nam bo opomin in poslanstvo pri skupnem prizadevanju za svobodo, demokracijo in clovekove pravice. From 1938 to 1945, this building was the seat of the Gestapo. Here, people were tortured for their worldviews, ethnicity, or for resisting to Nazi tyranny. The injustice they experienced should serve as a reminder and a mandate in our common struggle for freedom, democracy, and human rights [translated to English]. Until 2015, no visible sign or mark reminded visitors of the former NationalSocialist purpose of the Burg. The belated installation of the memorial, like the memorial itself, can be seen as a symbol of Austria’s and Carinthia’s struggle with the burdening past of National Socialism. Even today, memorials for fallenWehrmacht soldiers are the most visible monuments related to WWII. Monu­ments and memorials for the victims of National Socialism can hardly be found – and have most likely been installed by NGO members on a voluntary basis,far from populated cities. While Germany took full accountability for its Natio­nal Socialist past, Austria managed to deny its active involvement until the late 1980s, when the victim thesis began to be questioned on a broader societal level.1 Until then, in official narratives, Austria was seen as the first victim of Nazi Germany, one that spinelessly had to participate in the felonies of NationalSocialism. This, certainly, never matched the historical facts.2 Subsequent to the(belated) declarations by Chancellor Vranitzky of moral responsibility for and complicity in National Socialism, which occurred in 1991 in front of Austria’s RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 national council and again in 1993 in Israel, and the creation of an Austrian fundfor victims of National Socialism, many victim groups3 that had previously been overlooked gained respect through modest compensation payments. In speaking of memory, we refer to an active process of reconstructing thepast, a process initiated, controlled and organized by political actors. Memory does not just exist; it is to be fought for (Gstettner 2012, 30). The choice of hi­storical events that are given special attention in a society, or those rememberedas a national or a regional holiday (figures that are named in schoolbooks, and whose names can be found on memorial plaques), is inevitably determined fromthe perspective of the group that holds the power of interpretation. This groupdetermines what history is and imposes its vision of the past through memorial sites, archives, museums, books, movies, education and popular culture. Certainhistorical events or persons are not as visible or remembered as others. In publicand private spheres, different narratives of the history of a country, a region or a nation clash with one another. The power of definition of history is not static;rather, it is disputed and challenged and is therefore fluid. What is commonlynamed a culture of memory is thus a dynamic field of negotiation and conflict. It is an unfinished process of debate on what a group should call (its) history (Uhl2010, 8). As established also by Nagy and Wintersteiner: Which groups are able to officially exhibit and celebrate their view of history depends on […] the place they occupy in the hierarchy of memories […]. The choice of interpretations and narratives that are put forward is always politically determined, and the result of a permanent negotiation process (Nagy & Wintersteiner 2015, 17). In pluralistic democratic societies, a certain heterogeneity of historical nar­ratives is considered to be normal (Uhl 2002, 225). Following that, CarinthianSlovenes are not just a minority from an ethical or national point of view, butthey have been part of (heterogeneous) memory communities with ineluctbly lesser power. As a result of the complex societal changes in the last century,Carinthian Slovenes passed down different narratives and alternative views onthe past, views which diverge considerably from those of the dominant German-speaking community in Carinthia. This specifically concerns the period ofNational Socialism. Many Carinthian Slovene individuals and families who hadbeen victims of National Socialism because of their cultural and political activi­ties defend memories that were diametrically opposed to the public memory of both Austria and Carinthia (Wutti 2015, 40). In Carinthia’s public memory, the so-called Abwehrkampf (defense struggle) is still the main marker of and identity forming element in hegemonic (German-Austrian) memory culture. In theAbwehrkampf, Carinthian armed formations resisted Yugoslav/Slovene troops,who strove for annexation of the southern parts of Carinthia, which for centuries were mainly Slovene inhabited.4 In a specific ideological amalgamation of heroism 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 and patriotism, the Abwehrkampf legitimized regional aspects of WWI and WWII and thus became the historical marker to be focused on, heroic, and bearingwitness to a self-determined (German-speaking) Carinthia. Remembering andcommemorating the Abwehrkampf – together with 10 October 1920, whenalmost 60 % of Carinthians opted for Austria in opposition to Yugoslavia in ademocratic referendum – are certainly more pleasant than commemorating thelosses in WWI and the guilt and actions of National Socialism. For example,there has been only one museum that addresses particularly the Partisans’ fightagainst National Socialism. Known as the Peršmanhof, this museum is remotelylocated, almost 1,000 meters above sea level and far from other cultural and po­litical centers. It can be seen as a metaphor for the manner in which the Slovenenarrative is handled. Since WWII, it has proven difficult for Carinthian Slovenesto make their version of history visible, as access to Carinthia’s cultural memorywas out of reach. Slovenes handed down their narratives in family memory andwithin their own community. Cultural memory is, following Assmann (2010, 13), strongly institution-alised: various formal institutional bodies make decisions about what is to be published in schoolbooks, exhibited in museums or printed in magazines.Committees of historians argue about the historical truth of a national group,whether in a majority or a minority situation. However, tendencies such as theabove-mentioned installation of a publicly visible memorial for victims ofNational Socialism in the Burg of Klagenfurt/Celovec, give evidence of a trans­formation of memory culture in Carinthia. Since 2010, several similar instal­lations have appeared all over the region. Several memory initiatives have beenincreasingly influencing the discourse towards a more inclusive – and bilingual –memory culture.5 Since 2015, research has been done on how this transforma­tion is influencing school education and how such transformations could beused to address contemporary teaching and schooling about the past – in pur­suance of learning for a democratic and inclusive future. Research was conductedin two particular scientific projects at the University of Klagenfurt and the Uni­versity College of Teacher Education in Carinthia. With the two research projects, Erinnerungsgemeinschaften in Kärnten/Koroška:Eine empirische Studie über gegenwärtige Auseinandersetzungen mit dem National-sozialismus in Schule und Gesellschaft (Memory Communities in Carinthia:An Empirical Study of the Current Confrontation with National Socialism inSchools and Society) at the Alpen-Adria University of Klagenfurt/Celovec (Danglmaier et al. 2017a) and Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spominske kulture na obmejnem obmocju (Cultures of Remembrance in the Border Area) RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 at the University College of Teacher Education (Wutti et al. 2020), essentialcornerstones were laid for the empirical documentation and recording of issues relating to the culture of remembrance at Carinthian schools. The work at the University of Klagenfurt/Celovec, which began in 2014and lasted until 2017, opened up a broad field of research. The focus was on the teaching of content on topics of commemoration and remembrance culture atschools in Carinthia. The following project at the University College of TeacherEducation builds on these previous research activities. The project duration extended over a period during which the federal state of Carinthia was preparingthe 100th anniversary of the 1920 Carinthian referendum as well as the associa­ted celebrations and commemorative events. This project was part of the state exhibition curated for this purpose under the title CarinthiJA 2020. Both research projects used a research design for data generation and col­lection, which included both qualitative and quantitative research instruments. The mixed methods approach has meanwhile developed into an independentparadigm in the field of empirical social research (Kelle 2014, 154). The scientific research project at the Alpen-Adria University of Klagenfurt con­sisted of an interdisciplinary research team at the interface between the fieldsof education, history, media and communication studies, and psychology. The empirical study focused on the question and analysis of the transmission of mem­ories and educational knowledge about the time of National Socialism to thegrandchildren of witnesses in schools and social areas. What differences arerecognizable in the memory work compared to the four decades before? Can conclusions and recommendations for future work in the field be derived from this? Using different methodological approaches to the research, attempts weremade to answer these questions during the individual project phases. a) Project part: Discourse analysis of the Kleine Zeitung from 1986 onwards At the beginning of the project, a database was created with relevant arti­cles on media coverage of topics related to the Carinthian culture of remem­brance in the daily newspaper Kleine Zeitung – the largest daily newspaper inCarinthia. By means of discourse analysis, categories and assumptions werefirst collected, and classifications were organized based on the interpretive analysis. Starting from the current research point of view, the newspapermaterial was interpreted in a reconstructive and constructive manner, and su­perficial units of meaning were summarized (Gitschtaler & Hudelist 2017, 38). As one of the central transformations of the discourse on remembrance and commemoration, the researchers were able to observe and analyze theincreasing coexistence and plurality of different narratives about and per­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 spectives on the past, based on reports in the Kleine Zeitung. The analysisshowed that the youth in Carinthia have been actively involved in shapingand co-determining the discourse of remembrance since 2000, e.g., as mem­bers of memorial associations and participants in memorial events (Gitsch-taler & Hudelist 2017, 51). b) Project part: Quantitative surveys for school principals and teaching staffIn the course of one phase of the project, a link to the online questionnaireson the subject of National Socialism and the Holocaust in classrooms wassent to all Carinthian schools at the primary level as well as secondary levels Iand II. One of the two questionnaires was addressed to the principals of Ca-rinthian schools, while a somewhat more extensive questionnaire was aimedat teachers in Carinthian secondary schools. The target group was primarily teachers who are required to discuss topics related to National Socialism andthe Holocaust in the federal curriculum (history, political education, religion,German and Slovene6) (Danglmaier et al. 2017b, 58). Principals from 98 schools in Carinthia participated in the online sur­vey. The survey sample included schools from both urban and rural areas.The aim of the survey for teachers at secondary level I and II was to find outwhat attitude they had towards dealing with the subject of National Social­ism in the classroom, which areas of the subject were mainly dealt withand which teaching methods and teaching materials were used to conveythese subjects. The response to this survey resulted in 223 fully completed questionnaires, with 39 people indicating that they did not address NationalSocialism and the Holocaust in class. A further eleven teachers taught in theelementary school sector, which, however, was not included in this study.For the data evaluation, 173 fully completed questionnaires were consid­ered. The authors of the study point out that it is presumably mainly teacherswho are interested in these topics who took part in the survey. The results must therefore be viewed and interpreted according to this initial situation(Wakounig 2017, 65). c) Project part: Qualitative interviews with teachers and studentsIn the course of the quantitative online survey of teachers, they were also in­vited to participate in individual, qualitative interviews. Twenty-one peopleresponded to the call and were then invited to single or double interviews(Danglmaier et al. 2017b, 60). By means of the snowball effect – also known as chain sampling – 22pupils were then invited to group interviews via their interviewed teachers.These pupils had participated in specific projects about National Socialismand the Holocaust in the past five years (Danglmaier et al. 2017b, 60). The case analysis was chosen as the method for both the individual in­terviews and the group discussions, while the problem-centered interview according to Witzel (1985) was used as the qualitative survey method forall interviews. As an evaluation method for the data obtained, the interview RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 transcripts were subjected to a qualitative content analysis (Mayring 2008).For this purpose, the material was inductively categorized by two indepen­dent coders. In a further step, a third person brought the categorizations to­gether (Danglmaier et al. 2017b, 61). Building on the results and findings of the extensive empirical study at the Al-pen-Adria University, the project Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spomin­ske kulture na obmejnem obmocju placed greater focus on the region as a borderarea. At the start of the project, the 100th anniversary of the referendum in Ca-rinthia was approaching. 10 October 1920 plays a prominent role in the Ca-rinthian culture of remembrance, as established at the beginning of this article. The results of the empirical study by the University of Klagenfurt/Celovec in 2015 showed that this day was being widely discussed and celebrated in schools – especially at the primary level (Wakounig 2017, 71). This thesis was confirmed and examined in more depth during the subsequent project in 2020 (Hartmann & Merva 2020). The research interest of the cross-border project was therefore focused onthe Carinthian state holiday: How is it celebrated in Carinthian elementary schools? Which topics have been foregrounded so far? Where do the teachersget their knowledge from? Furthermore, the research team looked across theborder. How is the Republic of Slovenia dealing with these historical events? Which topics of remembrance culture are foregrounded in lessons in Sloveneschools? In order to emphasize this cross-border character, teachers from Slovenia and Carinthia were brought together in the course of the project to exchangeideas about their own access to historical narratives at the border and to reflect on their teaching of the topic. In the following school year, they carried out school projects with their pupils on a sub-area of the broad topic of cultures of remem­brance in the border area, projects which were accompanied and evaluated bythe project team. The exchange of teaching practice, the content orientation of the lessons on memory culture on both sides of the border and project conceptsthen led to the development of cross-border, inclusive, innovative and multi-per­spective teaching concepts especially for the border area that are presented in the anthology to the project (Wutti et al. 2020). a) Project part: 10 October at Carinthia’s elementary schoolsIn the period between December 2019 and May 2020, an empirical survey was carried out whose research interest lay in the teaching content for cele­brations of the state holiday at Carinthian elementary schools. The data wascollected in two successive survey phases. With the help of a quantitative 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 online survey, a general picture of the mood of the target group questioned – the principals of elementary schools in Carinthia – could be recorded and sketched. In the subsequent nine qualitative interviews, aspects were discus­sed that could not be dealt with in such detail in the online survey. After theend of the survey, a response rate of around 60 % can be assumed, whichcertainly allows for the deduction and interpretation of a general mood onthe topic in Carinthian elementary schools (Hartmann & Merva 2020, 89). In the course of the online survey of the elementary school principals,an invitation to a personal interview was issued. About 25 principals fromnine out of ten political districts in Carinthia accepted this invitation. Onedirector from each district was contacted at random and then interviewed. These were case analyses, with a problem-centered interview according toWitzel (1985), supported by an interview guideline. In addition to those surveys, four teachers and elementary school prin­cipals who had actually submitted and carried out school projects in the co­urse of the CarinthiJA 2020 exhibition were also interviewed. The surveymethod used to analyze the submitted school projects was the expert inter­view, and the material was evaluated using qualitative content analysisaccording to Mayring (2008). b) Project part: Culture of remembrance in schools in Slovenia & Austria – some examplesTwo further sub-areas of the research activity in the course of the project Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spominske kulture na obmejnem obmocju dealt in more detail with the teaching of commemorative and remembran­ce culture in secondary schools. The target or research group for this purposewas defined somewhat more broadly, across national borders. Both Carinthianand Slovene teaching practices on these topics were examined. After a thorough literature search, the search or choice of interlocutorsin Slovenia was carried out by chain sampling. Eight expert interviews onhow schools deal with topics of remembrance culture in Slovenia were evalu­ated, compiled and structured into a database. From the interviews, essentialsub-areas were described in more detail, and analyzed particularly regardingtheir cross-border potential and design options. Some best-practice-exam­ples were then presented in the anthology to the project (Kelih 2020). In addition, interviews were held in Carinthia with teachers who had drawn attention to themselves with particularly outstanding school pro­jects on topics of remembrance culture, both currently and in the recentpast. These were mainly projects that were planned, prepared and carriedout over a lengthy period of time. From the research activity in the courseof both projects, it was possible to identify and record essential findings and recommendations for (project) teaching on topics and areas of the cultureof remembrance (Peko 2020, 129). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 The existence of regionally distinct communities of memory is reflected in schools. Both teachers and students have a historical identity and a historical conscious­ness that is based on family histories, media information and associated feelings, which shape value concepts and political attitudes. Cognitive content tends to remain secondary (Georgi 2003, 198). Schools can occupy a central space in the development of education for the nation. Common ideas develop on the basis of which a sense of national belonging emerges (Markova 2013, 56). Schools must be aware of this role, as it holds considerable potential and dangers at the same time. Until now, teaching about historical events has often remained mono-cultural and focused on nation-state identity formation. Changes in society make it necessary to initiate a change in perspective, to think more pluralistically, to allow for more controversy (Borries 2000, 135) and not to avoid, but to sti­mulate a confrontation with foreignness – Looking past your own nose, as we called it in our project Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spominske kulture na obmejnem obmocju. It showed how historical narratives on both sides of borders can have an inclusive rather than a divisive effect. One example would be the nu­merous visits of Slovene school classes, as well as individual pupils to Bad Eisen­kappel/Železna Kapla in Austria in 2019 and 2020 in order to prepare for school leaving examinations. In Slovenia, questions about Carinthian Slovene author Maja Haderlap’s novel Angel of Oblivion became part of these exams, which led to increased interest in the history of Carinthian Slovenes (Kelih 2020, 121). a) Why is memory culture addressed in school lessons? Our questionnaire, sent out to principals in Carinthia in the course of the first research project in 2014 (see section 2.1.b in this article), included both rural and urban areas and different types of schools. Ninety-three % of the principals stated that a central aspect of their idea for addressing National So­cialism and memory culture in school lessons was to achieve an understand­ing of and respect for diversity of people among the students. For 79 %, under­standing linguistic and cultural diversity was a key learning objective. Other objectives, focused more on factual knowledge about history and aware­ness of tradition, were given less importance. However, regional differences were also evident here: in the area of the minority school system in Carinthia as well as in the urban area of Klagenfurt/Celovec and Villach/Beljak, the understanding of linguistic and cultural diversity was given particular importance. In rural areas and outside the area of the minority school system, more attention was paid to tradition and awareness of the homeland (Wakou­nig 2017, 66). Similar findings and results emerged from the research project at the primary level in 2019 (see section 2.2.a in this article), which specifi­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 cally examined the content and topics that were taught in elementary schoolsaround the Carinthian referendum of 1920. In the surveys and interviews with principals, it became apparent that topics of diversity and bilingualismin Carinthia are increasingly being emphasized at schools in the area of theminority school system and in urban areas. At the same time, these school principals tend to reject traditional and homeland-related content (Hart­mann & Merva 2020, 97). This finding is both central and interesting,since it tells us about the priorities in learning content chosen by teachers. For example, we found that currently, just two of four planned elementaryschool projects for Carinthia’s celebration of the 100th anniversary of theplebiscite also dealt with the topic of bilingualism, and just one of these schools focused on the dispute about the resettlement of the CarinthianSlovenes during the Second World War (Hartmann & Merva 2020, 102).Teachers could have chosen instead to address generalised topics of huma­nity, democracy and tolerance, rather than raising the burdening and, to acertain extent unresolved, topics of the past. b) Who addresses memory culture in school lessons? Teachers design their lessons according to their own level of knowledge, in­terests and (family) experience. In the case of knowledge about the eventssurrounding National Socialism and the Carinthian referendum of 1920, our studies with both secondary school teachers in 2014 and elementaryschool principals in 2019 were able to demonstrate a strong correlation be­tween personal interests and the subjective perception of knowledge. Those teachers who are personally interested in the topic also feel well informedabout it – and are more likely to teach it. At this point, the family experien­ce is obvious; teachers with strong biographical ties to the topic of National Socialism (e.g., because their ancestors were victims) rated their interest inthe topic higher than others. This finding also corresponds with the fact thathigher levels of participation was recorded by schools from the bilingual school system in Carinthia (Wakounig 2017, 66). On the other hand, it emerged that neither teacher education nor teachertraining were central sources of knowledge among those being questioned. Personal sources of information were identified as the most important sour­ce of knowledge in both studies. Those who teach in bilingual schools feelthat they are generally better educated than others on the subject of National Socialism. This could be linked to the content of the lessons and the specialeducation of bilingual teachers, but it could also be interpreted as meaningthat these people are more likely to choose relevant content in their educa­tion because of personal interest (Danglmaier & Wakounig 2017a, 78). c) The pupil’s point of viewResults of the quantitative interviews with pupils in 2015 (see section 2.1.c in this article) showed that lessons where teachers brought in personal de­ RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 tails and addressed their own family involvement, as, for example, victimsof National Socialism, were appreciated (Danglmaier & Wakounig 2017b, 98). In the study, this was demonstrated by teachers who belonged to theSlovene ethnic group and who brought their family biography into the clas­sroom. Parallel to this, pupils who identify with the ethnic group of Carinthi-an Slovenes show stronger interest in history as well as a more intense per­sonal connection to history than others. The results of the interviews showthe danger of emotional apathy among pupils without family connections (Wutti & Abing 2017, 192). d) Teaching between the emotional and analytical approachesOne way to compensate for the lack of family connections is by regional ref­erences. This makes it possible to reduce the distance from historical eventsand to approach the topic on the basis of concrete biographies and familiarplaces, thus integrating an emotional component (Wutti & Abing 2017, 200). This represents a clear demand from the interviewed students, who spokeout against the teaching of purely factual knowledge (Abing 2017, 211).A study on dealing with National Socialism and the Holocaust at schools in Salzburg in 2017 yielded similar results to our study in 2014. Teach­ers and students decidedly demanded an emotional component in lessonsrelated to National Socialism; only factual knowledge would not be remem­bered in the long term (Kühberger & Neureiter 2017). The confrontationwith historical events should be designed neither to exclude feelings nor todeliberately evoke them. Astrid Messerschmidt warns that the core elements of National Socialism cannot be recognized if revulsion at the cruelty andunbounded violence determines the approach to the topic (Messerschmidt2015, 274). Educators should not expect students to empathize with the vic­tims, but to empathize with their situation, and to reflect on their position insociety. Minority/majority issues should be objectively addressed, as well ashegemony and power in society. e) Connections to currently relevant topicsThe goals that teachers set themselves in relation to learning about historicalevents are strongly influenced by connections to currently relevant topics and range from awareness of democracy, human rights education and sen­sitization for injustice, to prevention of right-wing extremism. In our inter­views with teachers at the secondary level I and II in 2014, they mentioned broad goals connected to these topics. One teacher stated that his goal was tocounteract young people’s indifference to and disenchantment with politics,to sensitize them to politics in general and to educate them to become ma­ture democrats (Wutti et al. 2017, 128). Another teacher put it even morebluntly. For her, it was about teaching students to deal with moral questionsconcerning humanity. Stimulating inquiry through questioning was often stated as a learning objective. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 The ambitious and noble goals of teachers in connection with learning aboutNational Socialism raise the risk of overloading the lessons and establishing a tense atmosphere (Kühner et al. 2008, 79). In this respect, teachers move in adifficult field of tension between their own high demands, progressive decon­textualisation of events and the extinction of contemporary witnesses. Nevertheless, historical-political educational work includes various pos­sibilities for identification, which result from the fact that historical narratives structure the confusing past (cf. Wrochem 2010, 59). Historical remembering conveys a sense of belonging, as Viola Georgi demonstrated in her studies ofyoung migrants dealing with National Socialism. Identification with the histor­ical narrative of the majority can create an experience of increased affiliation for people without family roots in the region, in particular migrant pupils. Thus,dealing with National Socialism as a field of negotiation for recognition and be­longing can result in fostered inclusion (Georgi 2003, 185). Considering the diffe­rences between pupils, one should be careful not to create new differences, e.g.,by making ethnic attributions. Multi-perspective approaches to historical topicsconsider the variety of pupil’s initial situations. Nora Sternfeld (2011) uses the term contact zone, in reference to the concept of Mary Louise Pratt and JamesClifford. In a contact zone, every individual can act and contribute, while remain­ing aware of asymmetry in power relations. Hierarchy is always considered but is not the only significant factor. Contact zones are social spaces where different po­sitions are negotiated – sometimes in conflict (Sternfeld 2011). The concept of contact zones can be applied to the culture of memory in regions where players with different degrees of power shape historical narratives. It can also be appliedto classrooms and can help teachers to deal sensitively with multi-perspectivity. In the study Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spominske kulture na obmej­nem obmocju, school principals described respect, togetherness and tolerance as their guiding ideas when addressing the plebiscite of 1920. Their goal, they said,was to focus on what is common across borders and to teach students to be open to others. However, as our research showed, in practical implementation in theclassroom, traditional forms of memory work predominated, which aimed atstrengthening awareness of the homeland and patriotism. The national traditio­nal viewpoint prevailed (Hartmann & Merva 2020, 103). This is precisely wherewe see great potential for establishing new forms of memory culture and moreinclusive historical narratives. Theory must be turned into practice. For this, one must look past the end of one’s nose, and old, traditional thought patterns mustreceive critical reflection. Schools from the minority school system in Carinthiatended to approach these challenges more openly, compared to schools in regions without a traditional ethnic minority presence. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Manjšinska in etnicna vprašanja ter njihov potencial za ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 Teachers who had a particular personal interest in memory work in schoolsalso exhibited more interest in thinking and working across the national border as well as including the perspectives of minorities – and those were often Carin-thian Slovene teachers with biographical ties to victims of National Socialism.Teachers in bilingual schools felt that they were generally better educated than others about National Socialism. Meanwhile, Carinthian Slovene pupils showedhigher interest and knowledge concerning topics of memory culture in compa­rison to their colleagues from non-minority areas. We also found that pupils applauded and appreciated lessons that included personal information from andengagement by teachers. This was demonstrated by teachers who belonged to theSlovene ethnic group and who brought their family biographies into the class­room. The presence of a vivid and visible minority seems to foster democraticeducation. The results of our studies show a clear requirement for future historical-polit­ical education for teachers. Teaching rigid dogmas and factual knowledge doesnot bring us closer to the ambitious and broadly defined goals. Rather, there isa need for forms of active participation in which teachers act as learning guides. Our task as teachers is to create a negotiating space with open learning processes,where dissent is allowed, if not encouraged (Sternfeld 2011). It can be of greatadvantage to address the constructive character of history, rather than teaching a single truth. There is no single true view on the past; instead, historical eventsare interpreted and evaluated in different ways. This can be of vast interest topupils, especially in border regions and concerning events and topics that are still controversial. In this way, the classroom becomes a space for discourse inwhich everyone finds a place with their own individual narratives of history, and controversy is encouraged. This enables us to achieve our ultimate goal of havingan impact on young people’s actions through our teaching and ultimately fostersdemocracy education. References Abing, K., 2017. Jugendliche als AkteurInnen des kulturellen Gedächtnisses. In N. Danglma­ier, A. Hudelist, S. Wakounig & D. Wutti (eds.) Erinnerungsgemeinschaften in Kärnten/Koroška: Eine empirische Studie über gegenwärtige Auseinandersetzung mit Nationalsoziali­smus in Schule und Gesellschaft. Mohorjeva/Hermagoras, Klagenfurt/Celovec, 205–224. Assmann, A., 2010. Erinnerungsräume. 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Erinnerungsgemein­schaften in Kärnten/Koroška: Eine empirische Studie über gegenwärtige Auseinandersetzungmit Nationalsozialismus in Schule und Gesellschaft. Mohorjeva/Hermagoras, Klagenfurt/ Celovec, 175–204. Wutti, D., Wakounig, S. & Danglmaier, N., 2017. Themen, Ausrichtung und Ziele gegenwär­tigen Unterrichts über Nationalsozialismus. In N. Danglmaier, A. Hudelist, S. Wakounig& D. Wutti (eds.) Erinnerungsgemeinschaften in Kärnten/Koroška: Eine empirische Studieüber gegenwärtige Auseinandersetzung mit Nationalsozialismus in Schule und Gesellschaft.Mohorjeva/Hermagoras, Klagenfurt/Celovec, 111–140. Wutti, D., Danglmaier, N. & Hartmann, E. (eds.), 2020. Erinnerungskulturen im Grenzraum – Spominske kulture na obmejnem obmocju. Mohorjeva/Hermagoras, Celovec/Klagenfurt,https://doi.org/10.48415/2020/isbn.978-3-7086-0955-3. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES D. WUTTI, E. HARTMANN, N. DANGlMAIER Minority Topics, Ethnic Questions and Their Potential for ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.33-48 Notes See also Knight (2017). 48 21 An interesting fact in this context is that the Moscow Declarations of 1943 demanded that Austriatake an active role in liberation from Hitler’s Germany, if the country sought to regain sovereigntywithin its borders from before 1938. This active role was mainly played by Carinthian SlovenePartisans – who in so doing, built the foundations for Austria’s consolidation after NationalSocialism. Certainly, it is one of the most contradictory specifics of the Austrian and Carinthianmemory discourse, that Carinthian Partisans have mainly been connoted negatively – i.e., solelyas communist fighters for Yugoslavia and thus traitors to Austria – in broader public spheres. 3 E.g., victims of euthanasia and forced sterilisation, slave laborers, homosexuals, and sociallymarginalised groups such as the homeless. Carinthian Slovenes who were deported in 1942 werenot counted as victims until the 12th amendment of the Victim Welfare Act (Opferfürsorgegesetz) in 1961 (Danglmaier & Koroschitz 2015, 403). As late as 2014, the first Austrian memorial fordeserters was errected in Vienna (Denkmal für die Verfolgten der NS-Militärjustiz). 4 In Slovenia’s narratives, these events are handed down as boj za severno mejo (struggle for the northern border). 5 E.g., the Organisations Erinnern Gailtal, Erinnern Rosegg / Rožek se spominja, Erinnern Villach,Kuland Verein für Kultur & Informationsvielfalt, Memorial Kärnten/Koroška and the MauthausenKomitee Kärnten/Koroška, who are oriented towards a more inclusive memory culture. 6 In accordance with the Minority Schools Act for Carinthia (Minderheiten-Schulgesetz fürKärnten 1959), Slovene is taught at eligible elementary, middle and high schools. TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021, p. 49–64 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 Glavni namen pricujoce raziskave je bil ugotoviti, koliko so verske vsebine na komemoraci­jah, ki jih lahko razumemo kot komponento utrjevanja nacionalne identitete ali kot del te­macnega turizma, predmet medijskega porocanja in o katerih lastnostih komemoracijporocajo hrvaški novicarski mediji. S pomocjo kvantitativne analize vsebine smo najprejkodirali vse arhivirane javno dostopne spletne clanke (f = 363) iz hrvaških novicarskihmedijev/casopisov. Za statisticno analizo so bile uporabljene križne tabele in binarna lo­gisticna regresija. Ugotovili smo, da porocanje o verskih obredih na komemoracijah niodvisno od medija (casopisa, casopisne hiše), torej medij ne vpliva na pogostost porocanja.Porocanje o vkljucenosti verskih obredov v komemoracije prav tako ni povezano s po­rocanjem o ostalih lastnostih teh prireditev. Medijske prakse torej ne izkorišcajo nekate­rih izhodišc, ki jih ponuja katoliška vera v povezavi s spominom, ampak so bolj skladne z ne­varnostmi, ki jih lahko dolocena vera predstavlja za multikulturna post-konfliktna obmocja. Kljucne besede: komemoracije, temacne prireditve, temacni turizem, religija, identiteta, novicarski mediji, Hrvaška. The main purpose of the present research was to determine the extent to which Croatian newsmedia report on religious content at commemorations and on other characteristics of commem­orative events. Commemorations can be understood either as a component aimed at consoli­dating national identity or as a component of dark tourism. Using quantitative content analysis, we first coded all archived and publicly available online articles (f = 363) from Croatian newsmedia/newspapers. For statistical analysis purposes, we used cross tabulations and binary logisticregression. We found that reporting on religious rituals at commemorations does not dependon the medium (newspaper, newspaper publisher) and that the medium does not influence thefrequency of reporting. Likewise, reporting on the inclusion of religious rituals in commemorationsis not related to reporting on other features of these events. Hence, on the one hand, media practicesdo not take full advantage of certain assumptions offered by the Catholic religion in relation tomemory and are, on the other hand, more in line with the threats that religion can pose in post-conflict multicultural settings. Keywords: commemoration, dark events, dark tourism, religion, identity, news media, Croatia. Correspondence address: Metod Šuligoj, Univerza na Primorskem, Fakulteta za turisticne študije – Turistica / University of Primorska, Faculty of Tourism Studies – Turistica, Obala 11a, 6320 Portorož/ Portorose, SI-Slovenia, e-mail: metod.suligoj@fts.upr.si. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. ŠUlIGOJ “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 Številni tragicni dogodki iz preteklosti ostanejo v kolektivnem spominu in so-oblikujejo identiteto nekega naroda (Halbwachs 1992; Misztal 2003; Prijatelj2014; Žanic 2019). Gre za metaforicno povezane kraje posebnega pomena za doloceno skupino/skupnost/narod, imenovane tudi “mesta spomina”, prostor­ske, materialne, narativne in nenarativne tocke, na katerih sloni spomin (As-smann 1992, citirano v Jerše 2017, 256; Nora 1989). S tem so povezane tudi komemoracije, ki temeljijo na procesih institucionalizacije spomina ( Jedlowski2002, 99). Te prireditve lahko razumemo tudi kot temacne spominske prire­ditve (Dolasinski et al. 2020; Frost & Laing 2013; Kennell et al. 2018; Šuligoj 2019), povezane s teorijo temacnega turizma (Dolasinski et al. 2020; Frost &Laing 2013; Kennell et al. 2018; Light 2017; Šuligoj 2019). V tem smislu se izraztemacne spominske prireditve nanaša na komemoracije, povezane s smrtjo, ka­tastrofami in trpljenjem, ki so hkrati tudi znacilnosti temacnega turizma (Frost& Laing 2013; Kennell et al. 2018; Šuligoj 2019). V pricujocem prispevku se naslanjamo na hrvaško domovinsko vojno, ki je del jugoslovanskega konflikta s konca 20. stoletja. Konflikt je pustil trajen pecatin še vedno mocno vpliva na narodno samobitnost. Odsev tega je opazen tudi vZakonu o praznikih, spominskih in dela prostih dnevih v Republiki Hrvaški (2020). Zakon med drugim formalizira rek Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno (sloven-sko: Za vedno živi, kdor umre pošteno), vzet iz borbene pesmi Frana Krste Fran-kopana iz 17. stoletja, zapisane v kajkavski ikavici. Verz je z leti prerasel v splošen simbol žrtev borbe Hrvatov za svobodo in lastno domovino. Cerkev ima tu po­membno, a ne povsem izkorišceno vlogo pri spravi in gojenju kulture dialoga(Baloban 2017). Seveda je vse to odsev prevladujocega katolicanstva, religiozno­sti in s tem družbene identitete prebivalcev Hrvaške (Nikodem 2011), ceprav jereligija za prebivalce po pomenu na petem mestu – za družino, prijatelji in znan­ci, prostim casom in službo (Baloban et al. 2019, 10). Nadalje Žanic (2019) na podlagi analize porocil verskih medijev (Glas Koncila) pokaže na povezavo medspominom in cerkvijo. Ta in tudi Balobanov (2017) clanek kažeta, da je cerkevangažirana pri ohranjanju spomina na domovinsko vojno, kar se kaže tudi privkljucevanju teh vsebin v verske medije (Žanic 2019). V dosedanjih raziskavahresnejše študije o vkljucevanju verskih vsebin v komemoracije v splošnih novi-carskih medijih nismo zasledili. Skladno z zapisanim je glavni namen pricujoce raziskave ugotoviti, koliko soverske vsebine na komemoracijah predmet medijskega porocanja in kakšen jevpliv novicarskih medijev. S pomocjo mešanega kvantitativnega raziskovalnega pristopa (analiza vsebine casopisnih clankov, križne tabele in binarne logistic­ne regresije) želimo ugotoviti, ali je medijsko porocanje o vkljucenosti verskihobredov v komemoracije povezano s porocanjem o ostalih lastnostih komemo­racij ter ali casopis (medijska hiša) vpliva na pogostost porocanja o vkljucenosti RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. ŠUlIGOJ “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 verskih obredov v komemoracije. To sta osrednji vprašanji te raziskave, katerihteoreticni temelji so predstavljeni v poglavjih, ki sledijo. 2. Komemoracije, temacni turizem in vera Ko komemoracije postanejo množicne prireditve, ki presegajo lokalne okvire,jih brez težav umešcamo v kontekst temacnih prireditev oz. temacnega turizma(Kennell et al. 2018; Rojek 1994). Kljub nekaterim kritikam koncepta temacne­ga turizma (cf. Ashworth & Isaac 2015; Jamal & Lelo 2010), kjer lahko izpostavi-mo tudi njegovo moralno spornost (Causevic & Lynch 2011; Seaton & Lennon2004), ga v splošnem vseeno lahko upoštevamo kot pomemben širši sodoben okvir, s pomocjo katerega lahko opredelimo obiskovanje komemoracij na Hr-vaškem. Te so vselej množicno obiskane – komemoracijo, povezano z obletnicopadca Vukovarja, novembra vsako leto obišce med 1.800 in 15.000 obiskovalcev(Žanic 2019, 132). Ob 25. obletnici se je skupaj s številnimi domacimi politikiprireditve udeležilo prek 100.000 obiskovalcev (Bradaric 2016). Med pomemb­nejšimi je tudi vsakoletna komemoracija avgusta v Kninu ( Jutarnji.hr 2019). Tovrstne prireditve vzpostavljajo ustrezne pogoje za prenos spomina med posa­mezniki in generacijami (Dunkley et al. 2011; Maros 2015; Prijatelj 2014, 264).Ti prenosi so podobni, primerljivi in pravzaprav del medgeneracijskega prenosa elementov identitete ter kulturnih, vedenjskih in drugih prepricanj (Zadel 2016,58, 332). Kraji spomina odpirajo prostor za raziskovanje prisotnosti svetega v sodob­nem življenju, kjer se je sveto v veliki meri preselilo izven cerkva v laicni pro-stor (Winter 2009). Raziskave s podrocja izrazito versko obarvanega temacnegaturizma, ki bi posegala na podrocje obiskovanja lokacij, povezanih na primer z muceniki v kršcanstvu ali drugih religijah, doslej nismo zasledili. Vsekakor pa tune moremo kar enostavno povezovati (še manj pa enaciti) temacnega in verske­ga turizma, ceprav imata oba vsaj eno zanimivo sticno tocko – romanje. Dun-kley et al. (2011) so med motivi za obiske nekdanjih bojišc prve svetovne vojnezasledili tudi spominsko romanje na nekdanja bojišca. Podobno sta Kavrecic(2017) in Dato (2014) politicno podprte obiske grobov in množicnih grobnic v Veliki vojni padlih vojakov v casu fašisticne Italije poimenovala sacro pellegri­naggio (sveto romanje). Povezovanje romarstva z vojno povezanim turizmom jeprecej pogosto, kar pomeni, da sta na ta nacin povezana razmeroma nov pojav/ raziskovalno podrocje (temacni turizem) ter precej starejši in uveljavljeni verskiin kulturni fenomen romanja (Collins-Kreiner 2016, 1–2). Tako Stone (2012)obiskovalce temacnih turisticnih krajev oznacuje kot romarje, njihove obiske pa kot romanja. Pri teh povezavah pa je kar nekaj kontroverznosti. Alderman(2002), Hyde in Harman (2011) ali Winter (2011) opozarjajo na dolocene te­žave pri razlikovanju med vernimi in posvetnimi romarji, turisti, ki obiskujejo temacne kraje, turisti, ki se zanimajo za dedišcino, ali nekaterimi drugimi vrstami 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. ŠUlIGOJ “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 turistov, ki išcejo mitsko in carobno. Alderman (2002) trdi, da se s tem konceptromanja širi in vedno pogosteje uporablja v širšem sekularnem kontekstu, ceprav na drugi strani Korstanje in George (2015) pravita, da se interesi romarjev iniskalcev temacnosti bistveno razlikujejo, kar pomeni, da teh dveh pojavov ni mo­goce povezati. Komemoracije privabljajo domace in tuje obiskovalce ne glede na poimeno­vanje (romarji, turisti, obiskovalci, udeleženci …). Niso pa izkljucno povezane stemacnim turizmom in tujci jih vedno ne razumejo v celoti (Kennell et al. 2018;Šuligoj 2016, 265). Razlicna razumevanja so se pokazala na primeru Hrvaške(Šuligoj 2016, 265), tradicionalnih prireditev v Istri (Kavrecic & Hrobat Virlo-get 2019), dneva ANZAC1 med Avstralci (Roppola et al. 2021) in spominskegaobmocja Auschwitz-Birkenau na Poljskem (Ward & Stessel 2012, 46). Številoakterjev, ki sodelujejo v procesu aktualizacije spominov, pa tudi dodatnih naci­nov prenosa spominov prek (novih) medijev raste. Zaradi tega se spomin sooca s pospešeno resnicnostjo, kjer akterji svoj spomin soocajo z novimi družbeni-mi situacijami in tehtajo pomembnost preteklosti za sedanjost in sedanjosti zapreteklost (Žanic et al. 2016, 265), ceprav bi pravzaprav morali biti usmerjeni v prihodnost (Petkovšek 2016). Skladno z namenom raziskave izpostavljamo posebno vlogo mesta Vukovarv hrvaški domovinski vojni – mesto je bilo razglašeno za mesto s posebno pie-teto (Zakon o proglašenju Vukovara mjestom posebnog domovinskog pijete­ta 2020). Kot simbol odpora proti agresiji se je oblikoval že konec 20. stoletja(Žanic et al. 2016). Ceprav v zakonu verska komponenta ni zajeta, pa slogani preteklih komemoracij nakazujejo tudi na to perspektivo: Beli križ pošilja opo­zorilo (2003), Zazvonite zvonovi vseh zvonikov (2004), Romanje za hrvaškosvobodo (2006), Vukovar – sveto ime (2012). To in vkljucevanje visokih cer­kvenih dostojanstvenikov in obreda v program vsakoletne komemoracije (Žanic2019, 132) kaže na povezanost (katoliške) vere in kolektivnega spomina in s temtudi identitete Hrvatov. Vsekakor je današnji nacin ohranjanja spomina na Vu­kovar rezultat vplivov politike, medijev, katoliške cerkve, veteranskih organizacijitd. in s tem obcutne metamorfoze te prireditve (Žanic et al. 2016). Pred koncem tega poglavja je treba med predhodno navedenimi vplivnimi dejavniki/deležniki osvetliti še politike (vidik medijev bo predstavljen v nasle­dnjem poglavju). Povezava komemoracij s tragicno preteklostjo, spominom inizobraževanjem, pa tudi s politizacijo in okrevanjem po konfliktu je jasna (Sather--Wagstaff 2011; Šuligoj 2016; Šuligoj & Jovanovic 2019). Spominski ali sveca­ni govori politikov krepijo “custveno razsežnost, vznemirjenost, neprijetnost,žalost, jezo, strah in gnus”, obenem pa povecujejo “pozornost, motivacijo in sklepanje o posledicah komemoracij za nacionalni kulturni model, ki je ena naj­pomembnejših funkcij spominskih obredov” (Pavlakovic & Perak 2017, 301).Udovic (2020) odpre novo dimenzijo, ko analizira spominsko versko prireditev (mašo za domovino), ki ji pripiše diplomatsko-politicno razsežnost. Prireditev RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. ŠUlIGOJ “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 namrec pritegne domace politicne in cerkvene elite in tudi predstavnike tujihdržav. Seveda pa je treba omeniti še druge vidike, kjer v povezavi s politiko po­gosto omenjamo zgodovinski revizionizem, mitologizacijo in/ali politizacijo terspravo (Miklavcic 2008). S tem se komemoracije lahko spremenijo v prireditvepoliticno-verskih ekspozejev versko-politicnih elit, ki izkorišcajo žrtve in njihove bližnje, in kjer spomin pravzaprav niti ni v ospredju in ne temelji na poznava­nju oz. dejstvih o preteklih tragicnih dogodkih (Tokaca 2013, 17). Kakorkoli,program komemoracij krepi simbolno kontinuiteto življenja žrtev, kar nekako odražajo tudi komemoracije same (Dimitrovski et al. 2017). Tota (2004) je šebolj konkretna in navaja pomembne elemente spominskih dogodkov v Bologni(Italija), na primer: spominska maša, pohod, minuta tišine, slovesnosti in govori pomembnih oseb, polaganje vencev, glasba in podobno. 3. Komemoracije in temacni turizem v medijih Temacni turizem ne zanima zgolj raziskovalcev, ampak je privlacna tema tudi zamedije (Mionel 2019, 423). Mediji predstavljajo aktualne dogodke razlicnim skupinam bralcev/gledalcev/poslušalcev (Kitch 2008) in vplivajo na priljublje­nost turisticnih destinacij (Volcic et al. 2014). V teh okvirih so mediji krajem stragicno preteklostjo in obiskovanjem teh krajev pripisali poseben status, status mita ali meta-mita (Seaton & Lennon 2004, 63). Tu lahko prepoznamo tudi po­vezavo med mediji in spominom oz. ohranjanjem spomina (Zierold 2008, 399)2 in turizmom. Dojemanje preteklosti se v družbi spreminja, kar je tudi posledica vpliva me-dijev (Nora 1989, 7). Poleg tega služi spomin kot prizma za pogled na medije/novinarstvo in je s tem postal zanimiva raziskovalna tema tudi v duhu spomin­skih študij (Zelizer 2008, 382, 383). Vendar je z vidika medijev raziskovanjetemacnega turizma manj pogosto kot raziskovanje v drugih kontekstih (Light2017, 293); verski vidik je tudi precej spregledan. Edy (1999) predlaga previ­dnost, saj se kljub velikemu pomenu novinarskega porocanja za zgodovinopisjein medijske študije zaradi preprostih/poenostavljenih in dramaticnih pripove­di porocanja ni vedno mogoce zanesti le na te vire. Tako so kljucna vprašanja sodobnega medijskega okolja (predvsem virtualnega) verodostojnost, njegovaoperacionalizacija in merjenje (Metzger et al. 2003). Raziskovanje prisotnosti spominskih praks in povezanega imidža v medijih na podrocju nekdanje Jugoslavije ni pozabljena, a vseeno ne razširjena razisko­valna tema. Redki primeri (cf. Wise 2011; Wise & Mulec 2014; Mihajlovic Tr-bovc 2014; Volcic et al. 2014; Šuligoj 2019; Žanic 2019) osvetljujejo razlicne vidike preteklosti, ki se odražajo v današnjih komemoracijah in obiskovanju kra­jev s tragicno preteklostjo. Zaradi tega so na tem podrocju še vedno praznine vpoznavanju oz. znanju o tej perspektivi, kar je z vidika velikega pomena medijsko ustvarjene družbene realnosti (Nišic & Plavšic 2014) zelo relevantna raziskoval­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. ŠUlIGOJ “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 na tema. Tu ne gre zanemariti niti nacionalne (Mihajlovic Trbovc 2014) in ideo­loške orientiranosti medijev (Malovic 2007; Vozab 2017) in s tem povezane po­gostosti, nacina in vsebine porocanja o tej družbeno obcutljivi temi. Raziskave o medijskem porocanju o komemoracijah v post-konfliktni in post-socialisticnidružbi, kot je Hrvaška, doslej nismo zasledili. Tu lahko izpostavimo še problem nacionalizma (Goulding & Domic 2009; Jovic 2012), ki pa je v letu 2020 postalmanj ociten problem komemoracij (Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs ofthe Republic of Croatia 2020). Zbiranje in obdelava podatkov je potekala fazno. Na osnovi analize medijev hr-vaškega Ministrstva za kulturo (Ministarstvo kulture i medija Republike Hrvat­ske) smo najprej naredili izbor dnevnih casopisov (splošni novicarski medij). Vsi izbrani casopisi (preglednica 1) ponujajo tiskane in brezplacne elektronskerazlicice – dnevni casopisi so najbolj iskana spletna vsebina na Hrvaškem (Kvaka – Ured za kreativnu analizu 2020). V naslednjem koraku smo naredili izbor clankov3 z naslednjimi kljucnimi hrvaškimi besedami: komemoracija domovinski rat (komemoracija domovinske vojne), godišnjica domovinski rat in obljetnica domovinski rat (obletnica domovin­ske vojne).4 V raziskavo so bili vkljuceni vsi arhivirani javno dostopni clanki. Zaanalizo je bilo tako pripravljenih 363 clankov, objavljenih od leta 2010 dalje. Ne-katere splošne znacilnosti izbranega sklopa clankov so podane v preglednici 1. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. ŠUlIGOJ “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 Leto objave 2010 6 1,7 2012 12 3,3 2011 13 3,6 2013 15 4,1 2015 22 6,1 2014 28 7,7 2017 29 8,0 2016 31 8,5 2018 36 9,9 2020 85 23,4 2019 86 23,7 Skupaj 363 100,0 Vir: avtorjeva analiza podatkov. V naslednji fazi je bila uporabljena kvantitativna analiza vsebine.5 Skladno s tem in na podlagi pregleda literature so bile predhodno definirane kode (spremen­ljivke) za analizo izbranih clankov (glej preglednico 2). Te spremenljivke pred­stavljajo lastnosti komemoracij in jih lahko umestimo v tri vsebinske sklope. Preglednica 2: Vsebinski sklopi dihotomnih spremenljivk za kodirno listo Vsebinski sklop Spremenljivke/kode Vir Obiskovalci Množicni obisk; mladi; srednjageneracija; starejši Roppola et al. (2021), Yankholmes inMcKercher (2015), Ward in Stessel (2012),Kavrecic in Hrobat Virloget (2019). Prisotnost politikov Lokalni; regionalni; državni; tuji politiki Pavlakovic in Perak (2017), Kennel et al.(2018), Udovic (2020). Program Slavnostni nagovor udeležencev; pola­ganje vencev/cvetja; kulturni program zglasbo, recitiranjem ipd.; verski obred Dimitrovski et al. (2017), Tota (2004). Vir: avtorjeva analiza podatkov. Pri kodiranju clankov, ki je bilo izvedeno oktobra 2020, smo upoštevali besediloin fotografije. Da bi bil postopek kodiranja cim bolj poenoten, ga je v celoti opra­vil en raziskovalec. Bryman (2012, 304) in Riffe et al. (2005, 145) predlagajo dvostopenjski pristop – raziskovalec najprej kodira besedilo in po dolocenemcasovnem intervalu to ponovi – cemur smo sledili tudi pri tej raziskavi. Ko smopo dvotedenskem premoru ponovno kodirali istih dvajset nakljucno izbranih clankov, smo med obema testiranjema zaznali zgolj manjša odstopanja (˜ 1 %spremenljivk). To je bil znak visoke ravni zanesljivosti. V nadaljevanju smo pre­verjali še veljavnost in možnost posploševanja. Analiza je vkljucevala vsa razpo­ložljiva porocila o relevantnih komemoracijah (reprezentativne prireditve), karob izbranem nacinu zbiranja in preverbe podatkov kaže na visoko zunanjo ve­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. ŠUlIGOJ “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 ljavnost in možnost posploševanja. Zunanjo veljavnost je mogoce ovrednotititudi z znanstveno ustreznostjo teme, ki je z multidisciplinarnega in interdiscipli­narnega vidika sistematicno opisana v prejšnjih poglavjih. V okviru empiricne analize smo preverjali, ali so komemoracije z verskimobredom povezane še s kakšnimi drugimi lastnostmi komemoracij iz pregledni­ce 2 in nato še s casopisom iz preglednice 1. Povezave smo preverjali s pomocjokrižnih tabel z robustnejšo Yatesovo korekcijo (x2 ) pri 2 x 2 tabelah ali s Fisher- yates jevim eksaktnim testom (Pfisher) pri ostalih tabelah; p = 0,05 kaže na statisticno znacilno povezanost spremenljivk. Izracunana Cramerjev ali Phi koeficient nampokažeta moc povezav. S temi izracuni smo iskali odgovor na naslednje razisko­valno vprašanje: RV1: Ali lahko na osnovi medijskih porocil trdimo, da je porocanje o vklju- cenosti verskih obredov v komemoracije povezano s porocanjem o ostalih la- stnostih teh prireditev? Nadalje je bila uporabljena binarna logisticna regresija6 za pridobitev raz­merja obetov (odds ratio) ob eni pojasnjevalni/neodvisni (predictor) in eni odvi­sni spremenljivki. S tem pristopom smo iskali odgovor na naslednje raziskovalno vprašanje: RV2: Ali casopis (medijska hiša) vpliva na pogostost porocanja o vkljuceno­sti verskih obredov v komemoracije? Najbolj brani hrvaški casopisi v svojih spletnih porocilih o komemoracijah nava­jajo tudi verske vsebine (obrede), a to v manj kot polovicnem deležu (41,3 %).Preglednica 3 prikazuje povezave med komemoracijami z verskimi obredi in drugimi lastnostmi teh komemoracij. Razvidna je statisticno znacilna poveza­nost pri štirih spremenljivkah; razlika med Pfisher in x2 je bila opazna in tudi yates upoštevana zgolj pri povezavi tuji politiki – verski obred. Ne glede na to pa Phi = 0,150 kaže na zanemarljivo povezanost med spremenljivkami. Nadalje, pregle­dnica 4 kaže, da prav tako ni povezave med casopisom in porocanjem o verskihobredih (Pfisher = 0,000; Cramer’s V = 0,297). Rezultati iz preglednice 4 ponujajo dobro podlago, da se v to problematikoše bolj poglobimo, kar nam omogoca binarna logisticna regresija. V analizo smovkljucili dve spremenljivki: casopis in porocanje o verskem obredu. Preglednica 5 prikazuje precej nizek delež pojasnjene variance (Negelkerke R2) v modelu. Kakorkoli, pomembnejša je ugotovitev, da casopis pomembno prispeva oz. vpliva na porocanje o verskem obredu na komemoraciji (p = 0,009). Posebej indika­tivno je razmerje obetov v zadnjem stolpcu tabele (Exp(ß) < 0), kjer izracunanavrednost kaže, da je 1,135-krat bolj verjetno, da casopis o verskem obredu nakomemoraciji ne bo porocal (glej matematicni zapis modela). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. ŠUlIGOJ “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 Preglednica 3: Križna tabela (povezava med porocanjem o verskem obredu in drugimi last- Spremenljivka Verski obred f Povezanost Da Ne Exact Sig. (2-sided) Phi Obiskovalci Masovni obisk 244 119 0,003* 0,157 Mladi 79 284 0,796 0,018 Srednja generacija 266 97 0,005* 0,151 Starejši 222 141 0,230 0,066 Prisotni politiki Lokalni politiki 175 188 0,915 0,008 Regionalni politiki 144 219 0,588 0,029 Državni politiki 201 162 0,238 0,067 Tuji politiki 11 352 0,030** 0,116 Program Slavnostni nagovor udeležencev 276 87 0,017* 0,130 Polaganje vencev/cvetja 316 47 0,000* 0,207 Kulturni program z glasbo, recitiranjem ipd. 32 331 0,189 0,075 Opomba: * statisticno znacilna povezanost; ** x2 = 0,058 (ni statisticni znacilne povezanosti). yates Vir: avtorjeva analiza podatkov. Casopis Verski obred Skupaj Razlika (Da-Ne) Da Ne Jutarnji list 29 46 75 –17 Vecernji list 15 56 71 –41 24 sata 14 23 37 –9 Novi list 4 5 9 –1 Slobodna Dalmacija 32 20 52 12 Glas Istre 35 22 57 13 Glas Slavonije 21 41 62 –20 Skupaj 150 213 363 –63 Exact Sig. (2-sided) 0,000 Cramer’s V 0,297 Vir: avtorjeva analiza podatkov. Glede na podatke iz preglednice 5 bi matematicni model zapisali na naslednjinacin: log (1– pp ) = 0,844 – 0,126 x casopis (1) ter pri tem dodatno izracunali še 1 = 1,135 (2) 0,881 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. ŠUlIGOJ “Whoever Dies Righteously, Lives Forever”: Religious Content of Commemorations in Croatian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 ß S.E. Wald df Sig. Exp(ß) Casopis –0,126 0,048 6,884 1 0,009 0,881 Constant 0,844 0,219 14,864 1 0,000 2,327 Negelkerke R2 0,026 Log-likelihood 485,259 Legenda: ß – B-koeficient; S.E. – standardna napaka; Exp(ß) – razmerje obetov. Vir: avtorjeva analiza podatkov. Najbolj brani hrvaški casopisi v svojih spletnih objavah o komemoracijah nava­jajo tudi verske vsebine (obrede), a smo to zasledili v manj kot polovicnem de­ležu. Mediji predstavljajo aktualne dogodke razlicnim skupinam bralcev (Kitch2008), pri cemer ne gre zanemariti, da mediji s tem vplivajo tudi na dojemanje preteklosti (Nora 1989, 7), ki pa je na Balkanu precej problematicna. Na tej tockine moremo spregledati niti vpliva ideološke orientiranosti medijev (Malovic 2007; Vozab 2017). Ce se naslonimo na Vozabin (2017, 6) prikaz o ideološkiorientaciji hrvaških medijev, bomo težko zasledili razlike pri porocanju o verskihobredih na komemoracijah med desno, levo ali sredinsko orientiranimi mediji. Naj kot zanimivost izpostavimo, da Vecernji list, ki velja za desno orientiranega,ne poroca vec od ostalih. V splošnem pa velja, da obstaja celo rahlo vecja ver­jetnost, da novicarski mediji o tem ne bodo porocali, kar nam na koncu dajeodgovor na RV2. S takim pristopom mediji ne spodbujajo zdravljenja bolecin preteklega nasilja ter preseganja ustaljenih in ozkih vzorcev razmišljanja in delo­vanja, kar nudita/omogocata tudi religija in spomin – glej razmišljanja Prijatelj(2014). Katoliška cerkev v tem smislu izpostavlja pomen odpušcanja, kesanja, spreobrnjenja in vzora, ki ga mora cerkev dajati ostalim pri t. i. ocišcenju spomina(Štrukelj 2018). Tudi Maros (2015) izpostavlja pomen odpušcanja, ki ne pome­ni pozabe, ampak kriticno uporabo spomina, ki odvraca od mašcevalnosti. To je še posebej pomembno, ko je spomin v službi prihodnosti (Petkovšek 2016). Tipogledi pridejo prek hrvaških novicarskih medijev do bralcev zgolj v omejenem obsegu, kar preseneca. To še posebej velja, ce upoštevamo, kako pomembna jeHrvatom katoliška vera/cerkev (Baloban et al. 2019; Nikodem 2011). Na osnovi medijskega porocanja ni mogoce enaciti spominskih praks v Vu­kovarju (Žanic 2019, 132; Žanic et al. 2016) z ostalimi v državi. Takšen pristop k porocanju ima v duhu casa in prostora lahko še eno ozadje, ki ga mediji (alidružba na splošno) v želji po umiritvi družbenih napetosti verjetno ne želijo pretirano izpostavljati. Prijatelj (2014, 260) namrec trdi, da je religija lahko tudipovod za nasprotovanje, grožnje, nasilje in vojne, a da je takšen pogled zelo ozekin poenostavljen. Morda res, a ko obravnavamo narode na balkanskem poloto­ku (avtorica tega ne spregleda), kjer imajo nasprotja tudi razlicno versko ozadje, bi bilo podcenjevanje tega vidika zelo napacno.7 To lahko podkrepimo z dvema RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. ŠUlIGOJ “Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno”: Versko obarvane komemoracije v hrvaških novicarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 primeroma, ki ju mediji niso spregledali. Med vojno konec 20. stoletja so edendrugemu namenoma napadali/rušili sakralne simbole in medverska nesoglasja se nadaljujejo tudi po vojni (Perica 2014), poznana pa so tudi današnja neso­glasja med hrvaškimi katoliki in srbskimi pravoslavci glede vloge zagrebškeganadškofa Stepinca v casu Neodvisne države Hrvaške (NDH) in s tem povezane kanonizacije (Grbic 2019). Identificirana dinamika porocanja ne nakazuje na izrazite (leve ali desne)svetovnonazorske poglede in vplive urednikov in novinarjev posameznih me-dijskih hiš na porocanje. To lahko trdimo tudi zato, ker porocanje o vkljucenostiverskih obredov v programe komemoracij ni povezano s porocanjem o ostalihlastnostih teh prireditev (RV1). Zatorej ne moremo trditi, da je pogostost po­rocanja o verskem obredu povezana s pogostostjo porocanja o obiskanosti (nasplošno ali pri posameznih starostnih skupinah), prisotnostjo politikov ali pro-gramom komemoracij. Glavni namen raziskave je bil ugotoviti, koliko so verske vsebine na komemo­racijah predmet medijskega porocanja in kakšen je vpliv novicarskih medijev.S pomocjo empiricne analize vsebine clankov iz heterogenega nabora casopi­sov smo dobili odgovore na dve raziskovalni vprašanji in na osnovi tega razvilitudi matematicni model. Ugotovili smo, kakšna je pravzaprav medijska podobateh prireditev in kakšen je vpliv na porocanje novicarskih medijev. To je skupek novih pogledov, ki doslej niso bili preucevani. Nov je tudi mešan kvantitativniraziskovalni pristop na podrocju, kjer sicer prevladujejo kvalitativne raziskave(Šuligoj & De Luca 2019). V raziskavi se terminološkim zagatam o spominu ali memoriji (cf. Juric Pahor 2007) namenoma nismo posvecali in enotno upora­bljali pojem spomin. S sloganom Navik on živi ki zgine pošteno smo želeli izpostaviti velik simbolni pomen, ki ga imajo z domovinsko vojno povezane komemoracije za Hrvate. Priinterpretaciji rezultatov se je treba zavedati, da ti predstavljajo medijsko ustvar­jeno družbeno realnost (Nišic & Plavšic 2014), ki lahko odstopa od percepcije obiskovalcev posameznih komemoracij. Ta raziskava s tem odpira prostor za na­daljnjo (interdisciplinarno) raziskovalno delo, kjer se lahko v obdelavo vkljuci ševec spremenljivk (lastnosti komemoracij) in uporabi druge statisticne metode, opravi poglobljene intervjuje ali organizira fokusne skupine z ustreznimi dele­žniki, med katerimi so tudi predstavniki katoliške cerkve in drugih verstev. Polegtega bi veljalo preucevati tudi spremembe pri organizaciji in programu ter reto­riki, ki se pojavlja na komemoracijah. Zametki sprememb v odnosu do srbskemanjšine in srbskih (ter drugih ne-hrvaških) žrtev, ki so bile opažene v letu 2020,nakazujejo na opazen preobrat, ki bi moral pritegniti tudi raziskovalce. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. 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DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.49-64 Opombe 1 Dan spomina na padle v Veliki vojni in ostalih oboroženih konfliktih; danes je to državni praznik64 v Avstraliji in na Novi Zelandiji. 2 Zanimiv je Hermanikov (2008) primer preucevanja identitete manjšin v povezavi s spominom(in tudi mediji) na Zahodnem Balkanu. 3 Izkljuceni: intervjuji, komentarji, kolumne, fotoreportaže, promocijski clanki ipd. 4 Hrvaški besedi godišnjica in obljetnica razumemo kot sopomenki (Anic 2003); obe sta pogostouporabljeni v medijih. Powell in Kennell (2016) ponudita še druge kljucne besede za iskanje naspletu, a niso vse relevantne za pricujoco raziskavo. 5 Vec o tem v Riffe et al. (2005) in Camprubí in Coromina (2016). 6 Vec o tem v Sperandei (2014). 7 Vec o tem v Beširevic (2010). TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021, p.65–81 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86jun21.65-81 The study focuses on the relationship between minority literature and collective trauma.Drawing on the theory of trauma, psychoanalysis, memory studies, and literary represen­tations of memory, we argue that the trauma resulting from the suppression of Sloveneidentity in Trieste during fascism is transmitted into literary discourse through twochannels. Firstly, through the normative model of remembering the trauma in question –namely through literary works that can be described as fictions of memory. Secondly, wepaid attention to the manifestations of trauma that (unconsciously) enter the narrativestructure, regardless of the time and events, which are not necessarily tied to the periodof fascism and to concrete events and places of memory. In this context, we illuminatedthe literary characters from the perspective of literary imagology (the I and the Other). Keywords: collective trauma, collective memory, minority literature, Trieste, literaryrepresentations. Clanek preucuje odnos med manjšinsko književnostjo in kolektivno travmo. Na podlagi teorije travme, psihoanalize, študij spomina in literarnih reprezentacij spomina avtorica ugotavlja, da seje travma, nastala zaradi zatiranja slovenske identitete v Trstu v casu fašizma, v literarni diskurzprenesla na dva nacina: skozi normativni model spomina na omenjeno travmo, natancneje skoziliterarna dela, ki jih lahko opišemo kot fikcije spomina, poleg tega pa se avtorica osredotoca še napojavnosti travme, ki (nezavedno) prodirajo v pripovedno strukturo ne glede na cas in dogodke,torej ne nujno povezane z obdobjem fašizma in konkretnimi dogodki in kraji spomina. V temkontekstu clanek osvetljuje literarne junake iz vidika literarne imagologije (Jaz in Drugi). Kljucne besede: kolektivna travma, kolektivni spomin, manjšinska književnost, Trst, literarne reprezentacije. Correspondence address: Ana Toroš, Univerza v Novi Gorici, Raziskovalni center za humanistiko / University of Nova Gorica, Research Centre for Humanities, Vipavska cesta 13, SI-5000 Nova Gorica, Slovenia, e-mail: ana.toros@ung.si. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 The aim of the present study is to demonstrate one of the possible ways of un­derstanding and studying Slovene Triestine literature, namely by incorporating findings from the field of trauma studies. First of all, we should clarify that today there are various approaches to the study of the relationship between literature and trauma, because this topic is treated differently by researchers from across the humanities and social sciences based on varied theoretical and methodolog­ical starting points. Trauma studies is an area that came to the fore in the early and mid-1990s. Cathy Caruth, one of the leading authors in the field, explains it as follows: “Trau­ma is a repeated suffering of the event, but it is also a continual leaving of its site” (Caruth 1995a, 10). Importantly, she explains, “trauma is not experienced as a mere repression or defense, but as a temporal delay that carries the individual be­yond the shock of the first moment” (Caruth 1995a, 10). Caruth further states, “For those who undergo trauma, it is not only the moment of the event, but of the passing out of it that is traumatic” (Caruth 1995a, 9).1 Trauma is thus characterised by a latency period (i.e., a period of time from the traumatic event and its repression to the reaction to it). When a traumatic event occurs, the victims are not fully conscious, so they seem to survive the event unscathed. Because this traumatic event “was only vaguely perceived at the place and time when it really happened, [it] may become apparent only later, after a certain latency period – in connection with another space and time” ( Juric Pahor 2011, 168). Moreover, the psychological trauma seems alien, as it cannot be incorporated into consciousness and memory. At the same time, there is an inability to forget, an inner need to talk about the events: “Perhaps the most striking feature of traumatic memory is the fact that it is not a simple memory. […] [W]hile the images of traumatic reenactment remain absolutely accurate and precise, they are largely inaccessible to conscious recall and control” (Caruth 1995b, 151). Caruth refers to “intrusive thoughts, nightmares, or flashbacks” as traumatic reenactment (Caruth 1995b, 152). And continues: “[W]hat returns in flashbacks is not simply an overwhelming experience that has been obstructed by a later repression or amnesia, but an event that is itself constituted, in part, by its lack of integration into consciousness” (Caruth 1995b, 152). In other words, “[An] event in trauma may be associated with its elision of its normal encod­ing in memory” (Caruth 1995b, 152). It is thus a paradoxical connection be­tween “the elision of memory” and “the precision of recall” or “the imposition as both image and amnesia” (Caruth 1995b, 153). The main characteristic of the traumatic event, then, is that it has never been “integrated into understanding. The trauma is the confrontation with an event that […] cannot be placed within the schemes of prior knowledge” (Caruth 1995b, 153). It cannot be integrated “into a completed story of the past” (Caruth 1995b, 153). Therefore, in the heal­ RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 ing process, trauma requires integration and witnessing: “[T]he transforma­tion of trauma into a narrative memory that allows the story to be verbalised andcommunicated […] may lose both the precision and the force that characterizestraumatic remembering […] may mean the capacity to simply forget” (Caruth1995b, 153–154). The use of trauma theory in literary texts has recently been addressed in, forexample, Reflections of Trauma and Selected Works by Postwar American andBritish Literature, which analyses the “most crucial traumatogenic stressors thataffect the lives of the novel’s characters” (Tseti 2011, 1). Thus, the focus is on lit­erary characters who have been shaped by a traumatic past, and how the traumahas been written into them is of interest. Zuzana Burakova examines, for exam­ple, the divided, damaged or disrupted identity of literary characters (Tseti 2011,2). Stanislav Kolar focuses on Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder – the reflection ofthe survival syndrome in literature (Tseti 2011, 2). A different approach is taken by Dalia Said Mostafa (2009), who focuses onthe literarisation of the traumas brought by the war in Lebanon (1975–1990) inLiterary Representations of Trauma, Memory, and Identity in the Novels of EliasKhoury and Rabi Jabir. She is interested in how the war has affected the tech­nique of writing itself and the narrative style of Lebanese novelists of differentgenerations. On the one hand, she observes narrative through metaphor, dreamimagery, hallucination, montage, fragmentary narration, and interruptions ofnarrative. On the other hand, she also observes the technique of reportage anddetective storytelling. Moreover, she registers the repetition of certain wordsand phrases (Mostafa 2009, 208–236). It is also important to highlight the point of view of Stef Craps and Gert Bue-lens, the authors of the introduction to Postcolonial Trauma Novels. The latter point out the inadequacy of a one-sided view, such as a purely Western view oftrauma, which can occur if we consider only (Western) theoretical works and traumatic events. For the analysis of postcolonial literary representations of trau­ma, we should be aware of alternative (different) concepts of trauma and theirinscriptions in literary texts, in addition to the dominant discourses on trauma(Craps & Buelens 2008, 1–11). In Slovenia, the relationship between trauma (as a consequence of eventsduring fascism and the First and Second World Wars) and Slovene literature hasbeen studied by, for example, Boris Paternu and Marija Juric Pahor. Marija JuricPahor researched war trauma in the context of Slovene and other literatures. She analysed literary works that deal with motifs and themes from war and war-re­lated events ( Juric Pahor 2019). Her article Timeless: The Trauma of Fascismand National Socialism in Light of the Need for “Latency” and Transgenerational Transmission is also worth mentioning. The essence of her contribution is the ob­servation that the trauma of fascism and National Socialism was a phenomenon that required a long latency period, and that, for the traumatised community, itgained the status of an indelible time that transcends ( Juric Pahor 2004, 40). 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 In the article Po sledeh jezikovnih travm v sodobni slovenski književnosti(Traces of Linguistic Traumas in Contemporary Slovene Literature), Boris Pa-ternu (2005) analysed the impact of language trauma on the writer, on literarylanguage, and on the content of literary works themselves. Thus, in the introduc­tion, he points out that over the centuries the Slovene language has had a crucial function in the constitution of the Slovene nation. “Language and everythingthat happened to it has always been, and to a large extent still is, an extremely sen­sitive area of Slovene personal and communal consciousness” (Paternu 2005, 65). He points out that the older generation of Slovene writers [s]till have a strong memory of the experience of linguistic genocide in their childhood and also later. These are writers and poets who went through the experience of being Slovenes under Italy and under Austria […]. Therefore, among so-called cross-border writers, language trauma is a very conspicuous and well-elaborated theme (Paternu 2005, 65). He observes the latter in two ways: through the content itself, which focuses on the traumatic events of the ban on the Slovene language, and through the choiceof language in which the works of these writers are written. In the context of Slovene writers from Trieste, he cites examples written by Boris Pahor and AlojzRebula. Boris Pahor’s story Metulj na obešalniku (Butterfly on a Coat Hook)(Pahor 1959a) describes the punishment of a Slovene girl who spoke Slovene in class during fascism, which led an Italian teacher to hang her from a coat hook.In the case of Alojz Rebula, he refers to an excerpt from Vrt bogov (Garden of the Gods): For example, that I pay attention to Slovene at all. That there is some kind of convulsive anger in between, I do not know for whom. Who knows, if not Benito Mussolini. Yes, he robbed me of a Slovene primary school, and I would like to take revenge on him, so I would enthusiastically use Slovene in all its flavours and colours (Rebula 1986). Many discussions of Slovene Triestine literature and trauma refer to Boris Pahor’sNecropolis. 2 The author’s alter ego, the narrator of a traumatic story who survivedthe tragedy of a concentration camp, carries trauma that brings him back to thescene of the crime after many years. Even writing about this experience can beunderstood as a process of coming to terms with trauma. In this respect, Ivan-ka Hergold concludes the accompanying study The Torment of Living and theRebellion of Unfree People in Boris Pahor’s Opus: The victim remained forever a victim […]. For Pahor (as a surviving victim), his ineffability appears, on the one hand, with the symbolism of the preservation and protection of the camp as a sacred place […]. On the other hand, the writing of the novel is only subordinate to this symbolic function (Hergold 1997, 228). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 Various research questions are posed in the corpus of literature and trauma re­search – questions that can be divided into the following four major thematic sections: – Descriptions of traumatic events in literature. – The impact of (linguistic) trauma on literary language. – Literary representation of trauma through specific writing techniques andnarrative style. – Observations of (traumatised) literary characters: what symptoms of post­-traumatic syndrome can be attributed to them? Our research perspective will consider all four research starting points, but it will be based on a broader perspective. We will focus on what happens at the level of literature belonging to a minority burdened with collective trauma. Are there certain common transgenerational features at the level of literature created under the influence of collective trauma? To this end, the specificity of literary discourse in relation to collective mem­ory and trauma must be considered. While studies of literary representations of individual memory have long been established, it is only recently that research has begun to examine literary representations of collective memory. The term “memory fictions” has become established for literary works “that represent pro­cesses of remembering” (Neumann 2008, 333). These are literary works produ­ced by a particular culture to answer the question: Who are we? Furthermore, they are often “imaginative (re)construction of the past in responses to current needs” (Neumann 2008, 334). Moreover, literary creation is not a closed system “but a part of the principal meaning-making process of a culture, interacting with other symbol systems” (Neumann 2008, 335). From this point of view, Slovene literary discourse in Trieste can also be un­derstood in the function of preserving the memory of the traumatic repression of Sloveneness in Trieste. At the same time, this minority literary discourse can offer “normative models” (Neumann 2008, 341) for the narration and interpre­tation of the minority’s own past. As Aleide Assmann puts it, “writing is not only a means of immortalisation; it is also an aid to memory” (Assmann 2011, 174). Literary discourse, then, can participate in the process of remembering trau­matic events. In this case, literary discourse incorporates already conscious and articulated traumatic events. In other words, the literalisation of trauma occurs after its transformation into narrative memory. It is characteristic of trauma it­self that it is not conscious and that it appears in flashes in different places and at different times. When we become aware of the trauma and articulate it, the process of its integration into narrative memory (Caruth 1995b, 153–154) and emotional processing begins. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 Since literary writing is a conscious act, it also follows that writing about trau­ma does not necessarily presuppose an author burdened with trauma. However, if the author is (was) burdened by the trauma he or she is writing about, he orshe has already transformed (at least to some degree made conscious) it intonarrative memory (and worked through it). Considering this, we can analyse literary texts from two starting points: – How is the transformed trauma (as narrative memory) reflected in literarydiscourse? Here we are interested in the normative (literary) model (Neu­mann 2008, 341) of remembering traumatic events. – Following the finding that the collective trauma of fascism triggered the“transgenerational transmission” of trauma ( Juric Pahor 2004, 40), we can hypothesise that the transgenerational transmission of trauma is also reflec­ted at the level of literary discourse.3 Is trauma, then, also integrated intoSlovene Triestine literary discourse in its original (unconscious, pre-narrative) form? Following this, are there certain elements in the literary structure thatthe authors did not intentionally (consciously) incorporate into their liter­ary works? 2. Slovene Triestine Literature Before focusing on the relation between Slovene Triestine literature and the trau­ma suffered by the Slovene community in the province of Trieste, we shouldprovide a clear definition of the concept of Slovene Triestine literature. In her article Periodizacija slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem (Periodization of SloveneLiterature in Trieste), Marija Pirjevec speaks of four phases of development:the pre-literary, related to religious needs and lasting until the 19th century; the literary phase of national awakening, covering the period 1848–1918; literaturein the true sense of the word begins with the Italian occupation in 1918, withthe more important authors of this period writing their works in exile; and the fourth phase of developed literature, written by authors in Trieste, begins withthe end of the Second World War (Pirjevec 2011, 353). In this study, we willconsider literary works from the third phase onwards. We can hypothesise for this literature that it often follows a certain literary model (e.g., normative model,cf. Neumann 2008, 341) that was established at the beginning of the 20th centuryas a consequence of the traumatic events concerning the Slovene community in Trieste. The name for this corpus of literature (i.e., Slovene Triestine literature) re­lates to the concept of letteratura triestina, i.e., literary works written from the second half of the 19th century by Italian-speaking authors from Trieste. Thetime of creation of this corpus of literary works coincides with the shaping of theItalian Triestine identity. This is also when the concept of triestinità (triestinity) is used, along with the concept of letteratura triestina (Triestine literature). The RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 concept of triestinità4 is discussed by Elke-Nicole Kappus in her article The Fu­ture for Trieste or a Reconstruction of History, in which she points out thatbefore the 19th century, [t]he nation of Trieste was not defined as a national entity in the contemporary sense, wherein a nation is characterised by cultural and ethnic homogeneity and, above all, by the idea of its members having a common origin and descent, but the Triestine nation was an economic community of interests. It was ready to integrate all who were for the common good (Kappus 1997, 172). In this sense, the triestinità was not an ethnic entity. It enabled the integration of the linguistic, religious, and cultural diversity of the city (Kappus 1997, 173).From the 19th century onwards, with the nationalization and ethnicization of culture (Kappus 1997, 176), triestinità (as Trieste italianissima, Kappus 1997, 176) began to assert itself in literary discourse. The concept of triestinità was actually shaped and strengthened preciselythrough Italian-language literature from the province of Trieste, and it was born out of a contrast with the rest of Italian culture and literature, i.e., the culture and literature from Italy’s central regions. While, on the one hand, the Italian­-speaking inhabitants of Trieste embraced Italian cultural traditions, on the other hand, they felt somehow special, owing to the fact that for a long period of timethey lived at the crossroads between the Germanic and the Slavic world, i.e.,under Austria-Hungary. It should be underlined that the concept of Triestine literature does not in­clude contemporary literary works from the province of Trieste, which are writ­ten in the Slovene language (nor does it include literary works from this region, which are written in other languages). Thus, the concept is limited to Italian­-language literary production. In the period known as Triestine irredentism, ithad a common narrative and conceptual framework (e.g., normative model, cf. Neumann 2008, 341), namely that of representing Trieste as a future Italiantown. Since, in terms of language and content, the meaning of letteratura triestina is fairly limited, the Slovene term tržaška literatura is by no means its equivalent. In fact, the Slovene term covers a much broader area and is much less circum­scribed. The Slovene term tržaška literatura actually includes literary works fromTrieste written in both Slovene and Italian. Moreover, it can also include literary works from the province of Trieste, which were written in other languages.Slovene literary historians felt the need to express the concept of tržaška literatura concisely in the Italian language and started adding the word Slovene to the Ital­ian term letteratura triestina, i.e., Slovene Triestine literature (Košuta 1997, 109).Owing to the widespread confusion surrounding the concepts of letteratura tri­estina and tržaška literatura, especially in Slovene-to-Italian translations, in the work Images of Trieste and of the Triestine Region in Slovene and Italian Poetry 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 in the First Half of the 20th Century , two new, distinct terms are used: “Slovene Triestine literature” (slovenska tržaška literatura in Slovene; letteratura triestina slovena in Italian) and “Italian Triestine literature” (italijanska tržaška literatura in Slovene; letteratura triestina in Italian) (Toroš 2011). The concept of Slovene Triestine literature is useful not only when distinc­tions must be made between Slovene and Italian literature in the province ofTrieste, but also when talking about Slovene Triestine literature in relation to theterm Slovene literature. Since the end of the First World War, and increasingly after the end of the Second World War, the term has also been used to make a distinction between Slovene literature from Slovenia and Slovene literature from the province of Trieste. In fact, since the end of the First World War – or, symbol­ically speaking, since the arson attack on the Narodni dom in Trieste5 – Slovene Triestine authors started using literature to raise awareness about the oppression of the Slovene people in the province of Trieste and by doing so a specific way of writing literature (e.g., narrative model, cf. Neumann 2008, 341) was establishedwithin the Slovene literature from Trieste, which was not characteristic of the rest of Slovene literature. In what follows, we will highlight some recurrent features within Slovene Trie­stine literature that can be understood in the context of the normative literarymodel of remembering traumatic events. Moreover, we will draw attention to some phenomena within Slovene Triestine literature that can be related to trau­ma in its original, pre-narrative form. For our analysis, we have selected literaryworks by authors belonging to different generations, which show how traumatic experience was passed on from the generation of writers who experienced thesuppression of the Slovene identity to the younger generations.6 If we examine Slovene Triestine literature in the 20th and 21st centuries, we find that its current themes are often based on events that occurred in the provinceof Trieste in the first half of the 20th century, which was a traumatic time for theSlovene Triestine community. As Aleida Assmann states, “there has been a strong alliance between memory and place. […] This topological orientationleads logically to architectural complexes as embodiments of memory” (As-smann 2011, 147). An excellent example is the novel Crni obroc (Black Ring) by Marij Cuk (b.Trieste, 1952), published in 2020, 100 years after the arson attack on the Naro­dni dom (1920), the event at the heart of the novel. In symbolic terms, the novel tells of the loss and violent destruction of Slovene culture in Trieste. The author RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 is Slovene and was born in Trieste in the post-war period. Although he did notwitness the arson firsthand, his descriptions of the event are similar to those in the short story Kres v pristanu (The Fire in the Port), published in 1959 by BorisPahor (b. Trieste, 1913), who saw the arson with his own eyes. In this way, theNarodni dom – or the arson of this Slovene cultural centre in Trieste – further consolidates itself as a literary symbol marking the beginning of the destructionof Slovene culture in the province of Trieste. 3.2 Literary Characters An important theme in Slovene Triestine literature is, therefore, the sense of belonging to the Slovene nation, i.e., the efforts to maintain and strengthen thepresence of the Slovene community in the province of Trieste. Consequently,literary characters could be defined on the basis of their attitude towards Slovene culture: positive, highly moral, and mostly Slovene-speaking characters (the I)strive to keep Slovene culture alive in the province of Trieste; their counterparts(the Other) are mostly Italian-speaking characters who despise the Slovene pop­ulation and culture. They are usually unpleasant, immoral, and physically unat­tractive. Such characters can be analysed with recourse to literary imagology,which examines the attitudes of members of a culture (the I) toward members of a foreign culture (the Other).7 For example, the analysis of the literary characters in the novel Zlata poro­ka ali Tržaški blues (The Golden Wedding or The Blues of Trieste) published in 2010 by Evelina Umek (b. 1939) has shown that the description of the novel’scharacters – residents of the city of Trieste – depends very much on their at­titude towards the Slovene community. The more the characters identify as Slovenes, the more positively they are portrayed (they have strong ethical values,they feel positive emotions, and they are physically attractive). The greater theirdistance from the Slovene community and culture – i.e., the more they try to hide their Slovene identity or even act against Slovene people – the more nega­tive their portrayal (they are violent, emotionally unstable, insecure, prone toalcohol abuse, and unattractive) (Stekar 2015). However, such characterization does not reflect the author’s purposeful/conscious choice (Stekar 2013). It canbe inferred that this was the author’s only pre-existing understanding of the situ­ation in Trieste. Such an arrangement of characters can be understood with the help of PavelFonda’s theory.8 Namely, the vulnerable group is characterized by a paranoid-schizoid position in which the object world is narrowed down to a hostile group and an idealized object (i.e., group of belonging). Based on the paranoid rule (ei­ther with us or against us), there is a threat of exclusion and projective identifica­tion that identifies or assimilates the representative of the native group, who does not conform to the native group, with the Other – the enemy (Fonda 2009). 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 In our specific case, we are facing the author’s (unconscious) arrangementof literary characters according to their preference for the idea of Sloveneness. The latter points to the author’s trauma, which arose due to the suppression ofSlovene identity. That in the given case one can speak of the emergence of a collective trauma within literary discourse that is passed on to the next generation can be demon­strated by the narrative Identiteta crne maše (The Identity of the Black Mass)published in 2013 by Igor Pison (b. 1982). The narrative, whose very title fore­grounds the question of identity, opens up in grotesque scenes the traumatic memory of the suppression of the Slovene language for the Slovene communityin Trieste. The memory of the ban on the use of the Slovene language during church services is particularly emphasised.9 Slovene characters who move awayfrom a Slovene identity and closer to an Italian identity are also negatively dis­played. The Other are Italian-speaking characters, represented by the chief and government officials, highlighted in black. The narrative clearly indicates that thestory is set in the countryside of Trieste, among representatives of the minority(Pison 2013, 161). Thus, the second part of the narrative begins with the sub­title: Šef udari ponovno in nepricakovano zacne maševati po italijansko (The chiefstrikes again and unexpectedly the mass begins in Italian) (Pison 2013, 168). Asa result, those present at the black mass begin to speak out on the issue: “Povsem neupraviceno je maševati le v italijanskem jeziku!” zatuli Andrej. […] Celo strežnik Matej, ki je lep del obreda sam vodil šov, napade šefa, saj so se Slovani dalj casa ukvarjali z magijo, medtem ko so se Latinci kmalu predali “alla ciarlataneria cattolica”. […] “Italijani niso sleparji”, odvrne slovenski prvak, ki že leta sodeluje z italijansko desnico. […] “Noi avevamo Dante, Leonardo, Leopardi, e voi?” doda še drugi. Ivo, profesor zgodovine na višji šoli, skuša miriti navzoce ter razloži, da je povsem upraviceno zahtevati dvojezicno crnomašo. […] A dobri volji navkljub se je šef zoperstavil vsem spravnim pobudam. […] Šef se je razburil: “No, siamo estranei a qualunque etichetta razzista, sciovinista o fascista.” […] “Tega ne smemo v templju!” je histericno vzkliknila šefova žena, gospa Majda, Slovenka, ki se že nekaj let sramuje, da se je rodila Slovenka (Pison 2013, 168–172, original text). “It is completely unjustified to preach only in Italian!” shouted Andrej. […] Even the servant Matej, who conducted a good part of the ceremony, attacks the chief, saying that the Slavs practiced magic for a long time, while the Latins soon capitulated alla ciarlataneria Cattolica. […] “Italians are not fraudsters”, says the Slovene president of a political party, who for years has collaborated with the Italian right-wing party. […] “Noi avevamo Dante, Leonardo, Leopardi, e voi?” adds another. Ivo, a history professor at the high school, tries to reassure the audience, explaining that the demand for a bilingual black mass is entirely justified. […] Despite his good will, the chief opposed all reconciliation initiatives. […] “Noi siamo estranei a qualunque etichetta razzista, sciovinista o fascista.” […] “We must not do this in the temple!” cried the chief’s wife hysterically, Mrs. Majda, a Slovene who has been ashamed for some years that she was born a Slovene (Pison 2013, 168–172, translation). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 It should not be overlooked that Franz appears in the story as “one of the fewmembers of the Italian majority who learned Slovene” (Pison 2013, 173). His name (Franz, not Francesco) associates him with the Germanic world. In fact, asthe narrative progresses, the narrator himself associates Franz with the Habsburgframe, which could be linked to the memory of the cultural development of the Slovenes in Habsburg Trieste. Indeed, Franz mentions “the famous Habsburglaw” (Pison 2013, 173). The narrative ends with concerned questions about the possibilities of pro­tecting Slovene identity in Trieste. The verb must is emphasized: We must consider how the story of Black Mass will continue. We must fight for the Slovene elite mass. […] We must work secretly, perhaps to call someone from Slovenia (Pison 2013, 174). 3.3 Šcavi Another common feature of Slovene Triestine literature is the frequent repeti­tion of the racist swear word šcavi. As Cathy Caruth explains: “To be traumatized is precisely to be possessed by an image or event” (Caruth 1995a, 4). In Slovene Triestine literature, this word is usually associated with an event, with a representation of the confrontation between the I and the Other who ut­ters this word, thereby denigrating Slovene culture. As Fonda explains, wordssuch as the word šcavi cause pain through alluding to an already introjectedpainful experience (Fonda 2009). Namely, the victim (the I) involved carries the conviction that he or she is inferior to the Other and actually identifies as šcavi. In this regard, Fonda points out that a member of a minority unconsciously introjects several images of the majority’s national identity. As a result, he findstwo stereotypes about his own national identity: how the minority sees itself andhow the majority sees the minority (Fonda 2009). The literary scenes of confrontation between the I and the despicable Othercan occur at different times and thus are not necessarily tied to the period offascism. The latter speaks in favour of the thesis that we are dealing with trauma. Moreover, they seem to intrude unintentionally into the narrative structure. From the perspective of literary imagology, the use of this swear word to cha­racterise the Other creates a meta-image (Leerssen 2016) that reflects how the Isees itself in the eyes of the Other. For a better understanding, let us look at another example from the novelThe Golden Wedding or The Blues of Trieste by Evelina Umek. In this case, the Other is represented by the character of Fiore, the descendant of Italian-speak­ing Istrian refugees who have fled to Trieste. It can be assumed that the roleassigned to him by the author (unconsciously) is to reactivate the traumatic 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 experience (the cultural humiliation experienced by Slovenes in Trieste, datingback to the first half of the 20th century). The narrative climax of the novel is a golden wedding anniversary celebration within the Slovene Triestine family.The celebration is disrupted by a drunken Fiore, who is married to a Slovenewoman and is actually the son-in-law of the celebrating couple. Fiore addresses the Slovene guests at the party with the following words: “Tomorrow – no, onMonday – I will see my lawyer and file for divorce. I have had enough of all ofyou, damned Sciavi!” (Umek 2010, 130). The next recurring element within Slovene Triestine literature that can be linkedto collective trauma is the dysfunctional love relationship between representa­tives of the native (Slovene) and the foreign (Italian) culture.10 It is already hinted at in the quoted scene from Eveline Umek’s novel The Golden Wedding or theTrieste Blues, wherein Fiore announces his divorce from his Slovene wife. As can be seen in the novel, this aspect of Slovene-Italian relations also appears in different time frames. For these representations, we can also hypothesize that they are created froma paranoid-schizoid position, where everything negative is projected outwards, onto the Other (Fonda 2009). As a result, any relationship with the Other is alsoinconceivable. Let us analyse a novel by a younger writer, Vilma Puric (b. 1966), Burjin cas (The Time of Bora), published in 2009. This novel, set during the Second WorldWar, tells the love story of a Slovene woman named Brina and an Italian man named Pino. The Slovene community does not approve of this love, and in theend, Brina also has to admit that she made a mistake. Indeed, when she is caughtand imprisoned by the authorities for her anti-fascist activities, Pino leaves her. Despite her love affair with Pino, Brina remains a positive character: she realis-es that she made a mistake (in starting a relationship with Pino) and activelyparticipates in the liberation front of the Slovene nation. Had she not acted asshe did, she would probably have been portrayed in a negative light. This is the case of Fani, the anti-heroine in the novel Parnik trobi nji (A Steamboat Blows to Her) by Boris Pahor (published 1964). Fani has a relationship with a fascist andshe is portrayed as vulgar, adulterous, and rude to her mother. In the novel, she is eventually punished for her behaviour: she is run over by a train while drunk. Finally, let us consider an example of the literalization of the suppression of(Slovene) identity, which is at the core of the novel Frizerka (The Hairdresser) by Evelina Umek (2005). We will observe the main literary character, Romana, RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 who rejects her Slovene identity. Such literary characters are presented in otheranalysed stories only dimly, in black and white, i.e., with negative character traits. In the given novel, the author delves into the psyche of the (anti) heroine from amixed Slovene-Italian family throughout the novel. Romana represses her childhood memories of her Slovene-speaking grand­mother, who taught her to pray in Slovene, and generally all painful memoriesrelated to her Slovene roots. To understand Romana as a representation of a traumatized person, the fact that components of both cultures accumulate in a child from a mixed marria­ge may be helpful (Fonda 2009). Interethnic tensions and group traumas reinforcethe child’s paranoid-schizoid position. As a result, the individual (Romana) is forced to identify herself with only one group. This is associated with a highdegree of coercion over certain parts of herself (Fonda 2009). At this level, falseethnic identities are created that prevent an individual from freely expressing different parts of their self (Fonda 2009). This oppression and its consequences are very well portrayed in the novelitself, for Romana’s life lacks the joy of life, the will to live. Her whole life is per­meated by an agonising grey, there is an absence of feeling, a suppression of herown emotions, a lack of contact with herself, her own feelings, an escape fromher own feelings. Her inner emptiness contrasts with her friend Ivana, who is described as“smiling” and “cheerful”, which clearly expresses her Slovene origin. Thus, whenRomana asks Ivana if she knows Slovene, she answers: “Of course, I am Slovene” (Umek 2005, 90). The author’s portrayal of Romana might be associated with a non-domesticinternal stranger (Fonda 2009). As Fonda points out, it is unusual when we dis­cover in ourselves parts of the negative, despised, repressed identity of the Other.All of it forces its way to the surface and requires a constant expenditure of ener­gy to maintain repression or division. Thus, a repressed, unconscious image of the doppelganger, that is the Other, is formed. To consolidate the repression,additional defence mechanisms are necessary, such as reactionary formationexpressed in the excessive assertion of a pure group identity (Fonda 2009). In this case, Romana might be a literary image of the author’s unconscious, repres­sed, or detached identity. As we have shown, these analysed works within Slovene Triestine literature have specific features, which can be better understood from the perspective of(transgenerational) collective trauma. In this regard, we have highlighted somerecurring transgenerational elements within the Slovene literature of Trieste. Drawing on the theory of trauma, psychoanalysis, memory studies, and liter­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 ary representations of memory, we argued that the trauma of the suppression ofSlovene identity in Trieste during fascism is transmitted into literary discourse through two channels. First, through the normative (literary) model of the trau­ma in question, namely through literary works that can be described as fictions of(collective) memory. Secondly, we paid attention to the manifestations of trau­ma that most likely enter the narrative structure unconsciously, regardless of thetime frame, which is not necessarily tied to the period of (pre-) fascism and to concrete events and places of memory (e.g., the burning of the Narodni dom). In this context, we examined literary characters from the perspective of literaryimagology. 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Mladika, Trst, 159–175. Pizzi, K., 2005. “Quale triestinità?”: glasovi in odmevi iz italijanskega Trsta / “Quale triestini­tà?”: Voices and Echoes from Italian Trieste. In J. Vrecko, B. A. Novak & D. Pavlic (eds.)Kosovelova poetika / Kosovel’s poetics. Special issue of Primerjalna književnost (28), 103– 114, 239–249. Pizzi, K., 2007. Trieste: italianità, triestinità e male di frontiera. Gedit, Bologna. Pizzi, K., 2013. Literature between Slovenia and Italy: A Case of Missed Transculturalism?. Pri­merjalna književnost 36 (1), 145–155. Pregelj, B. & Kozak, K. J. (eds.), 2011. (Po)etika slovenstva: družbeni in literarni opus Borisa Pahorja. Univerza na Primorskem, Znanstveno-raziskovalno središce, Univerzitetna založba Annales, Koper. Puric, V., 2009. Burjin cas. Mladika, Trst, 79–83. Rebula, A., 1986. Vrt bogov: koloradski dnevnik. Slovenska matica, Ljubljana. Stekar, D., 2013. Sestavljene identitete Slovencev in Italijanov v romanu Zlata poroka ali Tržaški blues Eveline Umek. Magistrska naloga. Univerza v Novi Gorici. Stekar, D., 2015. Sestavljene narodne identitete v romanu Eveline Umek Zlata poroka aliTržaški blues. Jezik in slovstvo 60 (2), 17–25. Toroš, A., 2011. Podoba Trsta in Tržaškega v slovenski in italijanski poeziji prve polovice 20. stoletja. Univerza v Novi Gorici. Toroš, A., 2014. Triestinità and Tržaškost: Common Points and Differences. Slovene studies 36 (1), 39–54. Toroš, A., 2020. Literary Manifestations of Traumatic Collective Memory and Postmemory:The Case of Istrian Triestine and Slovenian Triestine Literature. In V. Mikolic (ed.) Lan­guage and Culture in the Intercultural World. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne, 387–401. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES A. TOROŠ Minority Literature and Collective Trauma: The Case of Slovene Triestine Literature DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 Tseti, A., 2011. Stanislav Kolar, Zuzana Burakova and Katarina Sandorova, Reflections of Trauma in Selected Works of Postwar American and British Literature. European Journal of American Studies (Reviews 2011-1), https://journals.openedition.org/ejas/9150 (acces­ 80 sed 29 May 2021). Umek, E., 2005. Frizerka. Mladika, Trst. Umek, E., 2010. Zlata poroka ali Tržaški blues. Mladika, Trst. Wutti, D., 2013. Transgeneracijski prenosi v družinah koroških Slovencev. Treatises and Docu­ments, Journal of Ethnic Studies 70, 45–54. Notes 1 In this context, it is worth mentioning Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), which wasofficially recognized by the American Psychiatric Association in the 1980s, as “a response toan event ‘outside the range of usual human experience’ ” (Caruth 1995a, 3). The latter causessymptoms formerly called “shell shock”, “combat stress”, “delayed stress syndrome”, “traumatic neurosis” (Caruth 1995a, 3). Some dissociative disorders also belong in this group (Caruth1995a, 3). 2 See, e.g., Pirjevec and Tuta Ban (1993), Pregelj and Kozak (2011). Traumas, related to Slovenewriters from Trieste, are also touched upon in the works of Miran Košuta and Tatjana Rojc. 3 The term transgenerational transmission of trauma is generally used to refer to transmission thatspans up to four generations, after that we refer to it as traumatic collective memory. In additionto certain patterns of transgenerational transmission of trauma, silence and identification arethe main mechanisms of trauma transmission from one generation to another. Although thetraumatic past is not spoken about, it is expressed through gestures, hints, repeated interruptionsof conversations. In identifications, subjects identify with the life history of objects (Wutti 2013). 4 On Italian Triestine literature and the concept of triestinità, see also Ara and Magris (1997), Pizzi (2005; 2007; 2013). On the difference between the terms triestinità and tržaškost in the context of literature, see Toroš (2014). For more on trauma and the Triestine region, see Ballinger (2003).The author examines identity and memory in Trieste and Istria in relation to their traumaticpast. The discussion by M. Juric Pahor (2014) is worth considering, in which the author tries tounderstand Slovene Triestine literature through Homi K. Bhabha’s concepts, which, despite thetraumatic past, make it possible to create closeness in dialog: cultural hybridity, the Third Spaceand translation. 5 The Narodni dom was the main Slovene cultural centre in Trieste. It was burned down in an arson attack in 1920. For more information on the Narodni dom, see Kafol and Mermolja (2020). 6 We have selected a sample of literary works that illustrate the emergence of trauma and thenormative (literary) model of remembering the traumatic experience in Slovene Triestineliterature from the first half of the 20th century onwards. A more extensive study would, of course,point to other features and deviations, which is beyond the purpose of the present study. 7 For additional information on imagology, see Pageaux (2010) and Leerssen (2016). The theory of psychiatrist Pavel Fonda is particularly suitable for our research, because it is appliedto the territory of Trieste. He uses the concept of positions developed by Melanie Klein (1952,cited in Fonda 2009) and extends it to group psychic action. In this context, he explains thatthere are three categories of mental positions of an individual or group. In a dangerous situation,the group retreats into a paranoid-schizoid position because it is better suited to solidify thegroup, to determine a common enemy, to reinforce positive emotions regarding one’s group,and to externalize negative ones. Trauma victims are also in a paranoid-schizoid position.Characteristically, everything experienced is separated into good and bad, with everything bad RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 A.TOROŠ Manjšinska književnost in kolektivna travma: Primer slovenske književnosti na Tržaškem DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.65-81 projected outward. In Trieste, throughout the 20th century, a group paranoid-schizoid mood prevailed: pure Slovenes and italianissimi Italians (Fonda 2009, 101–134). In this context, Fondagives an example of contrasting representations of Triestine landscape (with different focus)in Slovene and Italian non-fiction books. Slovene works emphasise the Slovene element of81 landscape, while Italian works do not mention it (Fonda 2009). A similar duality is evident at thelevel of literature (fiction), for example, in the analysis of Slovene and Italian poetry in Trieste andits surroundings in the first half of the 20th century (Toroš 2011). 9 On the importance of the clergy in preserving the Slovene language, see, for example Klinec(1979). 10 See also Toroš (2020). The author acknowledge financial support by the Slovenian Research Agency for the researchprogramme Historical interpretations of the 20th century (P6-0347). TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021, p.83–97 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 Migrations are a worldwide phenomenon occurring for centuries and an ongoing topicamong numerous researchers. As such, global migrations have an impact on the labour market and the economy, Croatia being no exception. A dynamic history of migrationsresulted in Croatia being labelled as a traditional emigration country. With the globalfinancial crisis in 2008, an increasing number of active-labour population is migratingfrom Croatia to, mainly, developed European countries. After Croatia’s accession tothe European Union in 2013, a new market and new opportunities opened up for jobseekers. In a time when more and more individuals are emigrating and a continuousneed for active labour population is emerging, the question of the scale of migrations israised. The article investigates how wages and unemployment influenced migrations inCroatia between 2007 and 2016. The data was tested using a multiple regression modeland additionally confirmed by the MAPE. The obtained results confirm the significanceof the model and its parameters. Keywords: labour market, unemployment, wages, multiple regression, MAPE. Migracije so svetovni fenomen. Prisotne so že vec stoletij in zato predmet številnih raziskav. Svetovnemigracije vplivajo na trg delovne sile in gospodarstvo, cemur smo prica tudi na Hrvaškem. Zaradidinamicne migracijske zgodovine se Hrvaške drži sloves tradicionalne države izseljevanja. Takose tudi vse od svetovne financne krize leta 2008 dalje vse vec delovno aktivnega prebivalstva selis Hrvaške zlasti v razvite evropske države. Vstop Hrvaške v Evropsko unijo leta 2013 je odprlnov trg in nove priložnosti za iskalce zaposlitve. V casu, ko državo zapušca še vec posameznikovin vse bolj narašca potreba po delovno aktivnem prebivalstvu, se zastavlja tudi vprašanje obsegamigracij. Clanek preucuje vpliv plac in brezposelnosti na migracije na Hrvaškem med letoma2007 in 2016. Podatke smo preverili s pomocjo modela veckratne regresije in naknadno potrdiliz MAPE. Pridobljeni rezultati potrjujejo pomen modela in njegovih parametrov. Kljucne besede: trg delovne sile, brezposelnost, place, veckratna regresija, povprecna absolutna odstotna napaka (MAPE). Correspondence address: Marina Peric Kaselj, Institut za migracije i narodnosti / Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies, Trg Stjepana Radica 3, HR-10000 Zagreb, Croatia, e-mail: marina.peric@imin.hr; Maja Vizjak, Rektorat Sveucilišta u Zagrebu / Rectorate of the University of Zagreb, Trg Republike Hrvatske 14, HR-10000 Zagreb, Croatia, e-mail: vizjakm@unizg.hr; Kristina Duvnjak, Fakultet za hotel-ski i turisticki menadžment / Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, Primorska 46, HR-51410 Opatija, Croatia, e-mail: kri.duvnjak@gmail.com. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 The destabilization of Croatian demographics started in the 1960s with eco­nomic migration mainly caused by uncontrolled deagrarization leading to a reduc­tion of employment in agriculture, deruralization as a result of emigration from rural areas, and, finally, accelerated urbanization causing overpopulation of lar­ger cities (Akrap 1998), e.g. Zagreb. According to Podgorelec et al. (2019), Cro­atia has traditionally been a country of considerable emigration, which is proven by its demographic picture that reflects migration trends. Such dynamic histo­ry contributed to a long-term negative migration balance which consequentlylabelled Croatia as a traditional emigration country. Moreover, as Živic et al. (2005) emphasize, migrations are a highly important determinant of Croatia’spopulation development. This is certainly not an issue faced by Croatia alone,but rather a global, transnational issue. In the era of globalization, migration trends are intensifying as, on the one hand, the demand for labour on the inte­grated world economy market is growing, while on the other hand demo­graphic projections show that migration is and will remain a crucial factor of development of a globalized world (Skupnjak-Kapic 2008). Milardovic (2008)emphasized that the demographic and economic dimensions of globalizationare complementary, and although the focus in social sciences is not on demo­graphics, they are interesting in the context of observing global trends of world population movement and migration. The free movement of people in the glob­al labour market is one of the goals of universal liberalization and of the inter­national organizations present on the global market today. This was confirmedby a survey conducted by GCIM (2005) showing that approximately a half ofall international migrants are economically active workers. Open borders are an essential determinant of growth and development due to the mobility of goodsand services as well as population and capital, as seen in the case of developedcountries. With Croatia’s accession to the European Union in 2013, access to the European market increased the mobility of both capital and workforce.The article investigates the scope, spatial distribution and demographic structureof the Croatian migration contingent and presents the long-term negative effect on socio-economic and, especially, demographic development. Negative demo­graphic projections triggered by an aging population, declining birth rates as wellas economic, social, health and political factors, which continue to this day, have long been a point of interest and concern for experts and the scientific public asfoundations of a society and its economy. There are numerous reasons why onewould migrate in search for a better life, among which wages and low living stan­dards (Mlikota & Prelas Kovacevic 2013), organization and governance of thestate, the futility and demise of the state, society and nation, corruption, crimeand nepotism in the country ( Juric 2017), religious intolerance and nationalism, absence of positive changes in the country ( Jeric 2019), unfavourable economic RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 conditions, a decline in the overall employment rate and living standards, poorentrepreneurial climate, long waiting employment opportunities, and the in­ability to find permanent employment in one’s profession (Župaric-Iljic 2016).The above resulted in the emigration of a concerning number of young peoplewithout whom the development processes and the prospects of a prosperous country are impossible. This negative demographic trend leaves many destabiliz­ing consequences for Croatia’s basic systems: healthcare, pension, work, finan­cial and educational (Balija 2019). Therefore, the article studies the migrations of the active labour population since the beginning of the global economic crisisto determine the scope and the drivers of migration from Croatia. This period isselected for analysis as the consequences of migrations are mostly visible during this time. 2. Explorative Analysis of the Croatian Labour Market Voluntary or involuntary migration, promotion of labour mobility, formal edu­cation and lifelong learning programmes, as well as knowledge-based work and intellectual capital are a crucial prerequisite of competitiveness and readiness forchange within the economic system (Vasilj & Ereš 2018). These factors are partof a contemporary labour market review, which requires abandoning the tradi­tional form of organization and transitioning to a learning organization (Aze­movic & Azemovic 2018). The actual migration reality is convincing evidencethat this phenomenon cannot be accepted as a simple mechanical one, but as a complex dynamic process of narrow interaction between socio-political, eco­nomic and demographic factors, which only confirms that they reflect on thelevel of development of the said factors (Lajic 2002; Bogunovic 2006; Nejašmic & Mišetic 2004). Researchers and the general public have never been more in­terested in labour market issues as they are today, given the political and econo­mic developments before and especially after the 2008/2009 global economic crisis, when unemployment in some countries almost reached the percentageof the first major global crisis in the 1920s (Radman Peša 2015). The economiccrisis, which only recently ended in Croatia, has prolonged and dramatically affected the unemployment trend in Croatia (Puljiz 2001) and strengthened thedesire to leave Croatia. The increasing unemployment rate in Croatia, which isalso the main driver of active labour population migrations, is a consequence of the mismatch between the supply and demand of employment with regard tooccupation, education and skills of employees and the requirements of employers(Obadic 2008). Furthermore, there is the question regarding the actual number of unemployed population or emigrants as stated by Obadic (2008). Namely,the survey unemployment rate is considerably lower than registered, suggestingthat a number of officially unemployed people are working in the unofficial sec­tor of the economy. Regardless of the speculations, the data used in this paper 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 are taken from the official statistics bureau, the Croatian Bureau of Statistics. Methodological problems are conditioned primarily by the lack of a systematicstatic base – the Population Register. Data on emigration of the population from Croatia can be obtained on the basis of the census and the annual report of theCentral Bureau of Statistics on Migration. However, censuses only indicate datarelated to the last relocation and not on previous migrations (Klempic Bogadi & Lajic 2014). The annual reports of the Central Bureau of Statistics on Migrationare based on statistics kept by the Department for Administrative Affairs, but aremethodologically questionable especially when it comes to external migration because the emigrating population generally does not deregister their residencein Croatia. According to the Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2017a), First Releaseof the Migration of Population of the Republic of Croatia, the number of emi­grants from Croatia abroad is increasing, and in the last few years this process presents a sharp upward trend as seen in Chart 1 below. Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2017a). Numbers of emigrants from Croatia have peaked in 2016, as seen in Chart 1,from 29,651 in 2015 to 36,436 in 2016 although intensive emigration of the population began already in 2013. The main reason for migrating is the inability to find a job in Croatia which is suitable for one’s education, skill or experiencelevel. The majority of the population migrating are young people or families withchildren in a search for a better life, as shown further in Chart 2. However, as mentioned earlier, other reasons are increasingly highlighted. Data show that 57.6 % (Croatian Bureau of Statistics 2016) of people aged25–49 were unemployed in 2016, which is a very high rate of young unem­ployed people and the numbers are increasing (60.3 % in 2017, according to theStatistical Yearbook of Croatia (Croatian Bureau of Statistics 2017c)). Youngpeople seem to be the most affected by the global crisis. Back then, they were in a transitional period, lacking professional experience and sometimes adequateknowledge and education, which made them a vulnerable employment group RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 (Obadic 2011). To minimise costs in such times, employers reduce the numberof jobs and increase the number of low-income workers thus making employ­ment unstable, which discourages young people from finding employment(Obadic 2017). This corresponds to Chart 2 where the peak of the migratingpopulation is between 25 and 39 years, approximately, with the age group 25–29having the total highest number of migrations (T = 5.263) equally distributedbetween male (M = 2.751) and female (F = 2.512). The labour active group thatis most represented in emigration is the one trying to be active in the labour mar­ket but, unfortunately, with less success, as employers in Croatia are mostly look­ing for experienced workers, thus leaving the young people who have just grad­uated without many opportunities. To present the magnitude of the researchissue, the following table shows population projections related to migrations. Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2017a). Population 2011 2017 2011/2017 Total 4,284,889 4,125,700 –3.72 % Under 15 years 652,428 594,300 –8.91 % 15–64 years 2,629,652 2,468,000 –6.15 % 65 years and above 661,333 825,400 24.81 % Source: Elaboration modified by authors based on the Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2018). The demographic trend shown in Table 1 demonstrates a strong negative trendin the age group under 15 (–8.91 %) followed by the 15–64 group (–6.15 %).The positive trend in the group 65 and above shows that Croatia is an ageing nation. This shows that, without young population, there will be a decline inemployment rates associated with an increase of unemployment and growingeconomic inactivity, an increase in early retirement and the number of social be­nefits for the disabled and veterans, a growing share of informal economy andan increasing effect of discouraged workers (Obadic 2017), which puts in ques­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 tion the prosperity of the country. Negative or positive effects of emigrationfrom Croatia are best reflected in the national economy and are visible imme­diately and without a time lag. Emigrations are reflected in reduced spendingand a decrease in total employment, as well as a decrease in budget revenues andexpenditures due to the decline in the number of taxpayers and budget users ( Juric 2017). As the majority of emigrants is in the labour active group, the rev­enue side of the budget will suffer the most (Akrap et al. 2017). Akrap et al.(2017) emphasize an additional issue of the state budget structure itself, as most budget revenues come from the taxation of spending and a considerable part ofbudget expenditures is allocated for pensions. This will put even more pressureon the pension system in Croatia, with the already extremely unfavourable ratio of active insureds and pensioners 1.17:1 (Croatian Bureau of Statistics 2017b).In his study Šterc (2016) highlights that if the current state continues, Croatiawill have a ratio of three inactive per one active insured, which is not sustainable in the long run. Croatia is economically and population-wise a less developed country and,thus, more exposed to migration processes. By joining the EU which advocates labour mobility, its position further weakened (Mesic 2014). Even before theglobal crisis, Croatia faced numerous historical, political and economic circum­stances that made it one of the countries with the most significant and long­-lasting emigration. As Cizmic et al. (2005) state, in some periods more than athird of the Croatian population was outside their homeland. Emigration beganin the 1960s, mostly to Germany. In 1972, nearly half a million migrants in Ger­many were workers from the former SFRY, and although official German statis­tics are not accurate as countries of the former SFRY were labelled as Yugoslaviauntil their independence, is seems that most of them were Croats motivated by political and economic factors (Cizmic et al. 2005). The positive and continuingmigration trend is also confirmed by the data provided by the Croatian Bureauof Statistics and presented in the chart below. Out of the total number of emigrants (36,436) from Croatia in 2016, themajority (56.08 %) migrated to Germany. The reason mainly lies in the already established Croatian migrant networks in Germany, which resulted in numerous mediations between family, relatives and others, which indeed plays a major rolein emigration ( Juric 2017). Upon EU accession in 2013, the last major waveof emigrations ( Jeric 2019) to EU countries, primarily to Germany, began and peaked in 2015, as presented in Chart 1. Following Germany is Bosnia and Herze­govina with 8.02 %. This can be explained with the high percentage of emi­gration from BiH in the post-war period and their subsequent return to their homeland (Pejanovic 2006). Other top ten countries are Austria (5.94 %), Ireland (5.26 %), Serbia (4.60 %), Italy (2.53 %), Slovenia (1.93 %), Switzerland (1.91 %),Sweden (1.87 %) and the United Kingdom (1.40 %). A further research should investigate whether these countries are chosen for their geographic position or RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 for migration networks that have been created in the past. Countries and theirmain destinations shown further on in brackets (not presented in Chart 3, such as Asia (China), Africa, North and Central America (Canada and USA), SouthAmerica, Oceania (Australia) and New Zealand, as well as unknown destina­tions) represent 8.12 % of the total migration. Migrations had a positive trend even after 2015, up until 2018 when total migration started to decrease. Thelabour mobility provided by the EU greatly contributed to Croatia’s negativedemographic trend, destabilizing healthcare, pension, work, financial and edu­cational systems. Chart 3: International migration from Croatia, by country of destination, 2016 Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2017a). Another issue is the internal migrations from specific parts of Croatia, whichpresent an asymmetric and specific development. This increases the challengesfacing Croatia as every new empty space encourages new migrations (Balija 2019), both internal and external, continues the negative demographic trend,and decreases overall development. An example thereof is Continental Croa­tia, more precisely Slavonia. As this part is not as developed as Adriatic Croatia or Zagreb, the majority of the population migrates to more developed parts ofCroatia or abroad, mainly to Ireland. Data presented by Rajkovic and Horvatin(2017) show that in 2016 the largest negative migration balance was related to the Osijek-Baranja county (–3,634 persons), followed by the Vukovar-Srijem(–2,763 persons) and Brod-Posavina (–2,208 persons) counties that recordedthe highest numbers of emigrants, as presented in Chart 4. Demographic re­course can mainly be explained with continuous unfavourable processes thatstarted before the Homeland War and resulted with pronounced spatial homo­geneity of depopulation (Živic 2016). The following chart shows the number of unemployed population (no. UNE) and the number of emigrants (no. M) in allCroatian counties. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2017a). Although the Split-Dalmatia county has the highest number of the unemployed,as seen in Chart 4, the leaders in terms of the number of migrants are the city ofZagreb and the Osijek-Baranja county. The largest share of total unemployment is seen in the counties with the highest concentrations of population and thelargest cities – Split-Dalmatia county, Zagreb, and Osijek-Baranja county (Botric2009, 85–86). Namely, after Croatia’s EU accession, the emigration of mostly the young labour active population intensified. The following table shows migra­tions by educational level. Source: Eurostat 2018. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 Table 2 shows the total number of emigrants by education and confirms whathas been stated above – that higher educated people are migrating. In such re­gard, it is necessary to draw attention to the transition from the education sys­ 91 tem to the labour market and to the ways to reduce the mismatch between theneeds of the two, and investigate whether a high level of education is the answer to unemployment in Croatia (Obadic 2017). Some studies show that certaintarget groups in the labour market, such as non-economic migrants, young peo­ple, women and less educated workers, in most cases, have difficulties in finding employment, as opposed to the basic age group of men aged 25 to 54 (Oba­dic & Smolic 2007). Emigration from Croatia is twice as significant as reportedby the Central Bureau of Statistics, as some researchers have highlighted (Živic 2016). Oracic (2008) argues that although there is no reliable and accurate dataon the educational structure of emigrants, it seems that a relatively large numberof highly educated young people left Croatia, half of them between the ages of 15 and 34, in search of higher salaries, better working conditions, and trainingopportunities. According to OECD (2018) data, 76,000 Croats immigrated tothe developed countries of the world in 2016, although the statistics from the CBS and the Ministry of the Interior of the Republic of Croatia (2016) showthat 36,400 people checked out of Croatia that same year. The majority migratedto Germany, which in 2016 registered 62,100 immigrants with Croatian citizen­ship. The OECD (2018) claims that 29,000 people emigrated annually between2006 and 2015, while in 2015 and 2016 the number of immigrants moving todeveloped countries rose to 77,000 per year. Croatia is among the four EU coun­tries with the largest drop in unemployment rate in 2018 according to Eurostat,but statistically this drop is the result of a decrease in overall active labour popu­lation rather than a direct consequence of positive economic trends. 3. Data and Methodology Oracic (2008) states, as is also the case in this paper, that the relative position in thelabour market is usually indicated by the unemployment rate and wages. Regard­ing this assertion and the assumption that the main reason for migration are low wages and high unemployment, while on the other hand there is a high demandfor labour active population, the paper investigates the extent to which averagemonthly net wages and the number of the unemployed affect the emigration of the population using multiple regression analysis. The main hypotheses are as follows: H0 = The number of emigrants from Croatia does not depend on average monthly net earningsand the number of unemployed persons in Croatia. H1 = The number of emigrants from Croatia depends on the average monthly net wages and thenumber of unemployed in Croatia. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 The research is based on annual data for Croatia in 2007–2016 collected from the Migration of the Population of the Republic of Croatia report (Croatian Bu­reau of Statistics 2017a) and the Statistical Yearbook of Croatia obtained fromthe Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2018). Data from Chart 1 are tested with amultiple regression model: Y= ß + ß X + u(1) i 01ii Where: Y = dependent variable X = independent variable U = random variable I = i number of observations ß and ß= parameters of the model (ß intercept constant and ßslope coefficient) 01 01 According to the equation (1), the dependent variable is the number of migra­tions (M) and the independent variables are the number of the unemployed (UNE) and average net wages (W) for the period 2007–2017. Output resultsare presented as follows: Variable Coefficient Std. Error t-Statistic Prob. C UNE W –263177.1 –0.101350 56.72374 24878.52 –10.57848 0.020847 –4.861616 4.662942 12.16480 0.0000 0.0028 0.0000 R-squared Adjusted R-squared S.E. of regression Sum squared resid Log likelihood F-statistic Prob(F-statistic) 0.9622620.9496832217.81229512129–80.2843476.496120.000054     Mean dependent var     S.D. dependent var     Akaike info criterion     Schwarz criterion     Hannan-Quinn criter.     Durbin-Watson stat 17230.11 9887.070 18.50763 18.57337 18.36576 2.561423 R2 adj. = 0.9497 RSS = 29512129 X2 Auto (1) = 0.262 X2 Norm = 0.599 X2 White (5) = 0.705 VIF = 1.05 M = –263177.1 + 56.72374 W – 0.10135 UNE (2) RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 Where: M = Number of migrated populations W = Average net wages in Croatia 93 UNE = Total number of unemployed in Croatia RSS = Sum Squared Residuals X2 Auto = Breusch-Godfrey test for autocorrelation X2 Norm = Jarque-Bera test for normality of residuals X2 White = White test for heteroscedasticity Output results presented in Table 3 are obtained with EViews 9 software usingdata from Chart 1. Output results and equation (2) confirm the significance ofthe model as well as parameters. Furthermore, diagnostic statistics shows that the coefficients of variables are significant at 5 % level. For serial correlationpresence, we used the Breusch-Godfrey test and obtained the critical value of 0.262, whereby the null hypothesis of second order correlation is accepted. Thehypothesis of normally distributed residuals for the selected model can be accep­ted as Jarque-Berra statistic is 0.5999 and thus smaller than the critical value ofX2 (2) = 5.99. Finally, the White test is used to test the presence of heterosce­dasticity and confirms the null hypothesis of no heteroscedasticity with 0.499. To further confirm the tested model, mean absolute percentage errors (MAPE) are also tested according to equation (3). (3) Where: Y = actual value of observations Y ^ = forecasting value of observations T = total number of observations T = time period According to Baggio and Klobas (2011), when analysing models, MAPEs inthe high-reliability rank or <10 % would be ideal, while models in the 11–20 % and 21–50 % range are classified as good or satisfactory. Models whose averagevalues are greater than 50 % should not be further analysed, i.e. should not beaccepted as significant. MAPEs for the model in equation (2) are shown below. The model in Table 3 was additionally confirmed with the obtained MAPE at 10.44 %, which shows they are borderline in high-reliability rank, as mention­ed above. This further confirms the significance of the model. 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Quantitative Analysis of Active Labour Population ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.ju21.83-97 Equation (2) shows that even if the wages increase, the labour-active populationwill still migrate from Croatia. The hypothesis set in this paper about migrationof the labour-active population depending on the average monthly net wages and the number of unemployed is confirmed by the multiple regression model.Furthermore, empirical results show that the tested model presents relatively good predictability performance in terms of MAPE. This proves that even if theaverage net wages increase and total unemployment decreases, the labour activepopulation will continue to migrate. Although the model shows significance, it raises the question of what are the true motives of labour active population migra­tion, considering that wage – as shown by the obtained results – obviously is not. Equation (2) shows that although the average net wages will increase by 56.72in the coming period and unemployment will decrease by 0.10, the past period (2006) shows a decrease in wages. This past period, dominated by low wagesand high unemployment, can be considered as a driver of intense active-labour population migrations and the global crisis that followed in the same period. Forfurther research, it is necessary to analyse the level of education and jobs in orderto obtain a more complete result for active labour population migrations. The limitation of this research is the low number of observations (n =10), which canbe explained with the specific time period that was taken for analysis. In addi­tion, the hypothesis is confirmed by the assumptions of the classical linear regression model. In addition, the significance of the model itself was confirmed by MAPE, which resulted in high reliability. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 M. PERIc kASElJ, M. VIZJAk, k. DUVNJAk Kvantitativna analiza migracij delovno aktivnega ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.83-97 This research, explorative in nature, aims to identify the reason for emigrationfrom Croatia in the period of the global crisis between 2007 and 2017, whichmainly influenced this process in recent history. Being an aging country and in decline of active labour population – as presented by the above data – is facing anoverall demographic challenge mainly in the labour market. The contribution ofthis research is to determine the effects of migration of the active labour popula­tion over a specific period – the global crisis and EU accession – and find out bymeans of a multiple regression model what drives individuals to emigrate. Thedynamic migration history of Croatia plays an important role in defining active labour population as explained by numerous socio-economic factors. The mainissue that emerged in this research is that the emigration of young and highly­-educated population increased after EU accession, which additionally influenc­ed changes in the decreased activity rate of the labour market. In a dynamic en­vironment such as the labour market, this is not surprising. This leads us to theconclusion that additional measures should be introduced to encourage labour active population to remain in Croatia and even return. If wages are not a keyfactor for leaving or staying, then the measures should be oriented towards thesocial aspect of an individual who is eager for growth and development and for an opportunity for additional education and the acquisition of good practice, asoffered abroad. In addition, Croatia lacks existential security and stability. With the decrease in active labour population, increasing difficulties regarding thestate budget and the financing of a growing number of pensions can be expected. Akrap, A., 1998. Saldo migracija Republike Hrvatske i županija 1971.–1981. i 1981.–1991. za ukupno stanovništvo i stanovništvo u zemlji. In I. Lajic (ed.) Migracije u Hrvatskoj – regio­ nalni pristup. Institut za migracije i narodnosti, Zagreb, 11–68. Akrap, A., Strmota, M. & Ivanda, K., 2017. Iseljavanje iz Hrvatske od pocetka 21. stoljeca:uzroci i posljedice. In M. Sopta, V. Lemic, M. Korade, I. Rogic & M. Peric Kaselj (eds.)Hrvatska izvan domovine II. 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Union Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Zagreb. TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021, p.99–120 DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 The stages of Hungarian cultural life can be seen in landscape houses, which hold anddemonstrate the local community’s appreciation of ancient times and the culture ofthe local ethnicities in a museum-like environment. The uniqueness of the Hungarianlandscape house network is noted in the fact that in 2002 they were nominated on thetentative list of UNESCO World Heritage sites. In the lifecycle of the landscape houses,there has been a change in paradigm, owing to which the museum function has lostits central role. Our research focuses on a survey of the efficiency of the cooperationbetween landscape houses and minority educational institutions. In the framework of such cooperation, the present state of the landscape houses and their programme supplyhave been mapped. In terms of feedback, students participating in minority educationwere asked about their opinion on and their experiences surrounding landscape houses. Keywords: cultural tourism, Hungarian landscape house network, landscape house utilisation model, minority education, function expansion. Pomemben element madžarskega kulturnega življenja so tradicionalne podeželske hiše, ki vmuzejskem okolju ohranjajo in prikazujejo zgodovinske vrednote lokalne skupnosti in kulturotamkajšnjih narodnosti. O edinstvenosti madžarske mreže podeželskih hiš prica dejstvo, da sobile slednje leta 2002 uvršcene na poskusni seznam Unescove svetovne dedišcine. Vendar pa senjihov namen scasoma spreminja in tako njihova muzejska funkcija ni vec v ospredju. Prispevektemelji na raziskavi o ucinkovitosti sodelovanja med podeželskimi hišami in manjšinskimiizobraževalnimi ustanovami. V okviru tega sodelovanja sta bila opredeljena trenutno stanjepodeželskih hiš in njihova programska ponudba. Z namenom pridobitve povratnih informacijglede možne uporabe podeželskih hiš smo preucili mnenja in izkušnje v manjšinsko šolstvovkljucenih ucencev. Kljucne besede: kulturni turizem, mreža tradicionalnih madžarskih podeželskih hiš, model uporabe podeželskih hiš, manjšinsko šolstvo, širitev ponudbe. Correspondence address: Klaudia Szeidl, University of Pécs, Faculty of Sciences, Doctoral School of Earth Sciences, Ifjúság str. 6, H-7624 Pécs, Hungary, e-mail: szeidl.klau@gmail.com; Antal Aubert, University of Pécs, Faculty Faculty of Sciences, Institute of Geography and Earth Sciences, Department of Tourism, Ifjúság str. 6, H-7624 Pécs, Hungary, e-mail: aubert@ttk.pte.hu. ISSN 0354-0286 Print/ISSN 1854-5181 Online © Inštitut za narodnostna vprašanja (Ljubljana), http://www.inv.si 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 One of the central elements of the international tourism market is cultural tourism, established on the values of a local society in which, owing to its com­plexity, unique attractions came into view. Landscape houses attract visitors in a museum-like system mainly with static exhibitions, but with the appearance of new trends, the base function of the property as a museum was slowly but surely overshadowed. Parallel to this, the needs and the demand have been trans­formed as well, and previous travel habits have been altered. Tourists favour visit­ing spectacles that are peculiar and offer uncommon visitor experiences. The main aim of the present study is, besides designing the lifecycle of land­scape houses, to suggest utilisation opportunities for cultural institutes. As a result of preliminary surveys, we have detected that the lifecycle of landscape houses is facing a change, since with their basic museum function falling into the background, it became necessary to rethink the opportunities provided by them. One of the downsides of landscape houses is their static exhibitions. The cre­ation of a community space strongly bonded to a certain ethnic group will assure the future of the institution. One of the pillars of the function expansion is to combine the houses with minority education as an authentic location for sub­jects on folklore and other thematic days. Adequately arranged museum pedagogy workshops and the work of the trained staff are essential elements for this. The results of the survey within the framework of the research serve as feedback on the students’ opinions, experiences, and levels of satisfaction surrounding land­scape houses. Due to the multifaceted approach to the topic, a variety of data collection meth­ods have been used. The survey was structured around 4 subunits. First, we framed the theoretical background of the Hungarian landscape houses through a secondary source analysis, based on the studies of Hungarian geographers, historians, and political scientists dealing with the ethnic background and their spatial allocation of Hungary, and the studies of ethnographers researching the ethnic values and the history of the landscape house network. In the next step, as a summary of the field surveys and the interviews with the leaders of the related organisations, we received accurate information on the present state, pro-gramme supply, difficulties, and future plans for the landscape houses. Finally, during a two-step questionnaire survey, we gained further knowledge from the managers of the landscape houses about the institutions, and we also mapped the opinion and experiences of the students on the landscape houses included in minority education. As a result of the interviews carried out with 56 landscape RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 house managers, we created a landscape house utilisation model that includes those secondary functions, which contribute to the enhancement of their tourism functions and to the maintenance of visitor interest. The presentation 101 of the programmes and the museum pedagogy workshops helped us to compile the questions for the survey. A country’s cultural engagement is significantly influenced by the attractions as­sociated with the nationalities living in the region. The word ethnic, derived from the word ethnos, meaning folk, comprises the historically evolved community of people who share common and relatively stable cultural features and are aware of their unity and their distinctness from other similar communities (Bromlej 1976). The notion of nation, which refers to a historically common origin, is am­biguous in Europe, with the result that the notion of nationality is also different in Western and Eastern Europe. While in Western countries it means belonging on the basis of citizenship, in Hungary it is understood as a national minority. In other words, [t]he group of people living in the certain country but not belonging to the majority, hence living in minority, which is interconnected and disassociated primarily by the language, culture, common historical past and the behavioural peculiarities and psychological characteristics from other ethnic groups and nations (Kósa 1980, cited in Tóth 2002, 188). In Hungary, ethnic groups are defined by law as follows: According to the Act CLXXIX of 2011 on the Rights of Nationalities, all ethnic groups resident in Hungary for at least one century are nationalities which are in numerical minority amongst the population of the State, are distinguished from the rest of the population by their own language, culture and traditions and manifest a sense of cohesion that is aimed at the preservation of these and at the expression and protection of the interests of their historically established communities (Act on the Rights of Nationalities 2011). Under this Act, there are 13 granted national minorities in Hungary: Bulgarian,Greek, Croatian, Polish, German, Armenian, Roma/Gypsy, Romanian, Ruthe-nian, Serbian, Slovak, Slovenian, and Ukrainian, as well as Hungarian for the Roma and Armenian national minorities (Act on the Rights of Nationalities2011, Section 22). 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 The ethnic structure of Hungary changed at the end of the 17th century, after the 102 Turkish occupation. In order to terminate the spatial inequalities, based on the serious loss of population, and also to revive the economy, an internal migration process had begun. From the northern and eastern mountains, thousands of Slo­vakians, Ruthenians and Romanians migrated to the unpopulated areas (Szabó 1941). Nevertheless, this arbitrary process did not bring the expected results, so the Imperial Court commanded organised settling (Szita 1996). The 1722– 1723 Hungarian national assembly commanded the settling of the unpopulated areas with German settlers (Tilkovszky 1997). Within the framework of the set­tling, which was organised in 3 waves, tens of thousands of German-speaking residents arrived first in the villages of Banat, Backa and South Transdanubia. The most successful settling was initiated by Empress Maria Theresa (1740– 1780) between 1763 and 1773, during which 40,000 Germans were settled in South Hungary (Bellér 1981; Manherz 1998). By the end of the 18th century, the total population of the Carpathian Basin increased from the earlier 4.3 mil­lion to 9.9 million, of which 3.1 million were Hungarians and 6.8 million were non-Hungarians, resulting from the settling of the German, Serbian, Romanian, Ruthenian and other ethnic groups (Wellmann 1989; Kovács 1920; Szabó 1941; Kocsis 1996). As an effect of these measures, a basic asymmetry in the ratio be­tween the Hungarians and the nationalities were eventuated, and through the state-organised settling, these closed ethnic settlement blocks were created (e.g., the area populated by the Germans named Schwäbische Türkei in the South Transdanubian area of the country), where certain nationalities could preserve their traditions, identity, and culture in a rather homogeneous environment (Kocsis 1996; Manherz 1998). Concerning the nationalities in Hungary, the 19th century was an era of assim­ilation and Hungarianisation. The occupation of the Hungarian ethnic space and the spread of the Hungarian nation and language were also aided by the government’s decree supporting conscious Hungarianisation, wherein Hungar­ian became the official language and the rights of nationalities were tightened in the 1868 law (Kocsis 1996; Manherz 1998). The assimilation primarily affected the urban population, owing to which in the 1910 census 77.5 % of the country’s urban population considered themselves Hungarians (Kocsis 1996). The Treaty of Trianon of 4 July 1920 made radical changes to the history of the Hungarian nationalities. Two thirds of the area of Hungary was annexed to the neighbour­ing countries, which, apart from the loss of several millions of Hungarians, af­fected the minorities as well. The redrawing of the national border severed many Slovenian, Croatian, and German settlement groups. With these processes, the ratio of the non-Hungarian population decreased to 7.1 % (Kocsis 1996). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 After the World War II, due to the compulsive migrations and state organisedethnic and agrarian and socially aimed settlings, millions changed their placesof residence (Kocsis 1996). The sanctions on these nationalities concerned the 103 population in several waves. Those of German nationality suffered forced depor­tation in the greatest measure, which was called málenkij robot, namely forcedlabour. The next negative demographic wave was caused by the 0060th com­mand in the Soviet zone on the deportation of the German population based oncollective guilt. Between 1945 and 1948, nearly 220,000 Germans were depor­ted. The settling in of the Szeklers from Bukovina and the Slovakian Hungarianstook place parallel to the expelling of the Germans. During the Czechoslovaki­an-Hungarian population exchange, around 73,000 Hungarian Slovakians weredeported to Czechoslovakia (Kocsis 1996). These migration processes and theirnegative impacts on the identity of the nationalities led to the disintegration ofethnic areas. It led to the majority of the intellectuals leaving and to a drasticdecrease in consciousness of nationality. In the area of present-day Hungary, be­tween 1941 and 1949, the number of members of specific nationalities decreasedfrom 660 thousand to 129 thousand (Kocsis 1996). The period after the worldwar, the deportation, the confiscation of property, the forced settling, and theoutlawry to this day still have an impact on the lives of the Hungarian nationa­lities, especially on the Germans (Frank et al. 1998). The second half of the 20th century saw the beginning of a revival and strengthening of national identity. The 1990s brought a new turning point in the life of the people of these na­tionalities, but unlike the past, the new measures supported the ethnic groups.Based on different ethnic values and traditions it became possible to form cultur­al organisations, followed by the appearance of ethnic language and culture inpublic education. In the years after the 1989–1990 change of regime, nationalitybecame a central issue. Based on the 1993 Hungarian nationality law, the firstminority local governments were formed in 1994, first on a local and then ona national level (Amending Act on Public Education 1997). With this step, thegovernment emphasized the importance of the preservation and the transmis­sion of ethnic values. As an impact of the measures supporting nationalities, thenumber of civilian organisations started to grow by the millennium, and withthe establishment of countless dance groups, choirs, orchestras, etc., the mainte­nance and transmission of ethnic culture has been assured for future generations. Currently, the major nationalities in Hungary are the Germans, the Croati­ans, and the Roma. Romanians, Serbians and Slovakians are also present in highnumbers. The members of the other ethnic groups are present in minimal num­bers only, sporadically in a few settlements. In Hungary, ethnic affiliation is requested within the framework of the census­es every decade. In Tables 1 and 2, the distribution of minority nationalities 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 in Hungary is presented between 1941 and 2011. The political measures after World War II drastically redrew the ethnic composition of the country. Because of the forced relocations and changes in population, the number of people of 104 other nationalities in the country decreased by hundreds of thousands. Those of German nationality were the most affected by the events in 1940, owing to which the number of Germans decreased by more than 90 % by 1949 in Hun­gary. Since the basis for the 1945–1948 deportation was the data from the 1941 census, the remaining German population did not dare to declare their ethnic affiliation, since they were afraid of the further sanctions. A further large de­crease can be seen in those of Slovakian nationality as well, which was caused by the intergovernmental Hungarian-Slovakian exchange of population. With the subsidence of the political conflicts, as a result of the laws on the rights of the nationalities, from the 1960s, a strengthening of the identity of the national­ities came into prominence again, which later, during the years of the change of regime, became one of the central issues. Table 1: The distribution of the Hungarian nationalities between 1941 and 1980 1941 1949 1960 1980 Accordingto nationality According tomother tongue Accordingto nationality According tomother tongue Accordingto nationality According tomother tongue Accordingto nationality According tomother tongue Croatian 4,177 37,885 4,106 20,423 14,710 33,014 13,895 20,484 German 302,198 475,491 2,617 22,455 8,640 50,765 11,310 31,231 Roma 27,033 18,640 37,598 21,387 56,121 25,633 6,404 27,915 Romanian 7,565 14,142 8,500 14,713 12,326 15,787 8,874 10,141 Serbian 3,629 5,442 4,190 5,158 3,888 4,583 2,805 3,426 Slovakian 16,677 75,877 7,808 25,988 14,340 30,690 9,101 16,054 Slovenian no data 4,816 no data 4,473 no data no data 1,731 3,142 Source: Hungarian Central Statistical Office (2011). From the early 1990s, community life and civil society organisations linked to nationalities became possible, and the first national minority local governments were elected in 1994, providing an organisational background for national mi­norities. After the turn of the millennium, tradition-preserving associations and clubs were formed one after the other. As a result of the free exercise of national­ity rights and the provision of a legal and organisational framework, public con­fidence seems to be reviving, which has significantly increased the acceptance of a person’s nationality. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 1990 2001 2011 According tonationality According tomother tongue According tonationality According tomother tongue According tonationality According tomother tongue Bulgarian no data 1,370 1,358 1,299 3,556 2,899 Greek no data 1,640 2,509 1,921 3,916 1,872 Croatian 13,570 17,577 15,597 14,326 23,561 13,716 Polish no data 3,788 2,962 2,580 5,730 3,049 German 30,824 37,511 62,105 33,774 131,951 38,248 Armenian no data 37 620 294 3,293 444 Roma 142,683 48,072 189,984 48,438 308,957 54,339 Romanian 10,740 8,730 7,995 8,482 26,345 13,886 Ruthenian no data no data 1,098 1,113 3,323 999 Serbian 2,905 2,953 3,816 3,388 7,210 3,708 Slovakian 10,459 12,745 17,693 11,817 29,647 9,888 Slovenian 1,930 2,627 3,025 3,180 2,385 1,723 Ukrainian no data 674 5,070 4,885 5,633 3,384 105 Source: Hungarian Central Statistical Office (2011). In Hungary, in the system of museum institutions, the landscape house appearsas a separate group, which is inspired to preserve the cultural historical values of the local population and to demonstrate it to visitors. Other institutional sys­tems that are similar to landscape houses, which were nominated for the tenta­tive list of world heritage, functioning as Hungarian remembrance locations, can be found primarily in Europe in Germany (Heimatmuseum or Heimatstube) and in Ireland, Scotland and Wales in the form of heritage centres. In defining a landscape house, the museum as a space for the presentation of cultural goods is an indispensable notion, since the landscape house is a specialform of museum institution in the Hungarian cultural scene. According to theinternational definition by the International Council of Museums (ICOM), 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 [a] museum is a non-profit, permanent institution in the service of society and its development, open to the public, which acquires, conserves, researches, communicates and exhibits the tangible and intangible heritage of humanity and its environment for 106 the purposes of education, study and enjoyment (ICOM 2004, 7). According to Hungarian judicial regulations, a museum is a public service andmuseum institution, which is composed of scientifically catalogued collectionsof cultural goods. These goods have a scientific and educational purpose, they also aid in heritage protection and knowledge presentation, and besides its col­lection, a museum preserves, catalogues, restores, scientifically elaborates, pub­lishes, exhibits, and mediates in any other ways to promote lifelong learning and sustainable development. A museum also has the necessary material and physical resources and qualified human resources (Act on Historical Institutions 1997;Amending Act on historical Institutions 2012). According to Bodnár et al. (2017), historical buildings preserve memoriesof the past, and through their central allocation, play an accentuated role in themuseums’ tourist attraction along with the themes of the exhibitions and the related interactivity. According to the Hungarian Act on Historical Institutions (1997, Par. 3 ofArt. 48), the traditional landscape house is an exhibition place of public utility, which is, by the permission of the minister, eligible to exhibit cultural goods, ar­chitectural sites, and buildings or a group of buildings together with their acces­sories and equipment. Furthermore, traditional landscape houses are open-air folklore collections which, together with locally collected and reserved objects,present a certain settlement’s or landscape’s traditional material culture – the fur­nished indoor spaces of the buildings that are important from the point of view of folk architecture (possibly qualified as folk monuments), sometimes work­shops, farming buildings, or simple industrial establishments (Bereczki 2009, 1).Based on this, in the case of traditional landscape houses, the exhibition is not only established inside of the building, but the building itself is a part of the ex­hibition. The objective of the exhibition place is to present the folk culture of thelocal community and preserve and present the material and intellectual values for younger generations of locals and for visiting tourists (Füzes 1997, 312). In the case of landscape houses, besides the exhibited objects, the division ofthe land, the allocation of the buildings, and the division of the dwelling build­ing all reflect the peculiar lifestyle and traditions of the given nationality. Oneof the largest nationalities to live in Hungary is the German nationality, so wecompared the characteristics of Hungarian landscape houses with the descrip­tion of Swabian landscape houses. The living space of German families is welldemonstrated by the bent parcelled farmhouse described by Mendöl (1963),which at the same time also refers to the ethnic agricultural activity. A typical Swabian peasant house has a whitewashed gable wall facing the street, with two RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 street windows with coloured (yellow, brown, or green) shutters. The long sideof the building faces the courtyard, where one used to enter through the street door, but these doors have now lost their former function through renovations 107 and alterations. Behind the ornate door, there is a long and spacious corridor, theporch. Upon entering the house, one first encounters the kitchen, where most of the family life took place, and from here the doors open in two directions. Thestreet room was used to receive and entertain strangers, this was the so calledclean room. The living room and bedroom open from the other side of the kitchen. Behind them, we find the chamber and sometimes the summer kitchen, then the horse stable and the cow and oxen stable. The pig and poultry hutchesare situated across the courtyard from the house, and beside them one finds the corn-crib (Mendöl 1963). The living spaces of the different nationalities differfrom those of the Germans mostly in colour and decoration, and in the absenceof agricultural activity, the farm building would have been replaced with work­shops for industrial activities. The undulating life curve of tourist attractions was first conceptualised and map­ped by Butler (1980), who found that tourist attractions follow a similar life course, regardless of their theme, wherein the difference can be primarily demon­strated through the length of time of a certain lifecycle period. In the case oflandscape houses, one can easily define the designated periods (Chart 1). Source: Own editing. 108 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 I. Discovery The formation of the institutional system of landscape houses dates back several decades. The idea of establishing such institutions was sparked by the village lifestyles related to nationalities, their spiritual traditions, and the strength­ening of folk art and a sense of identity in the second half of the 20th century. II. Involvement The extension of the 1949 Act on the Protection of Monuments to include ethnographic values and the creation of the network of county museums in 1962created a professional framework that greatly facilitated the creation and profes­sional development of landscape houses. III. Development The catalyst for the establishment of the network of landscape houses wasthe decision of the Council of Ministers in 1974, which provided significant fi­nancial support for the establishment of landscape houses, village museums, andopen-air museums for the presentation of locally-preserved folk monuments(Bereczki 2009, 2). The first wave of landscape house establishment took place between 1974 and 1984, during which nearly 200 landscape houses openedtheir doors. With regard to the spatial allocation, the Great Plains Region and the South Transdanubian Region, populated by Croatian and German nationalities,can be highlighted. IV. Consolidation By 1985, the first wave of country house foundations had come to an end and a period of intense consolidation had begun. The presence of the membersof the network of country houses became part of public consciousness and acultural base was established. V. Stagnation In the mid-1990s, the life curve of the country houses entered a phase ofstagnation, a period which caused considerable damage to the network of al­most 300 establishments. As a consequence of the reorganisation, the county museum network ceased operation, thus the connection with professional mon­itoring organisations, together with the support from the management of thelandscape houses, also came to an end. VI. Decline The ownership was reorganised as a consequence of political changes. Themajority of the museums were then run by local governments. The lack of finan­cial sources and the professional integration, together with the negligence thatfollowed the change in ownership, resulted in an atrophy of the landscape housenetwork. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 VII. Rejuvenation At the turn of the millennium, as a result of the appearance of various ten­der opportunities and the strengthening of identity, new tendencies appeared in 109 regard to the landscape houses. Since an interest in local values became promi­nent, the preservation and transmission of peculiar cultural values gained more and more attention. A combination of factors led to a second wave of landscapehouse creation in the first decade of the 2000s, with more than 50 landscapehouses being granted operating licences. In this boom, besides the assurance of financial sources from tenders, the reorganisation of ownership relations alsohad a positive influence on this process. The operation of most of the landscapehouses was transferred from the municipal governments to the national minori­ty governments and NGOs, thus strengthening the role of the country houses inpreserving national identity. Hungarian Landscape houses are at a crossroads. In order to ensure the sur­vival of the institutions, to preserve the values of the nationalities, and to presentthem to visitors, it is becoming increasingly important to rethink and reorganisethe services and programmes offered by landscape houses. Both for the mem­bers of the nationality and for the demand of tourism it is necessary to provideexperiences and to the acquire new things. For this reason, it is foreseeable thatin the future, successful institutions and attractions will be open to today’s de­mands and trends, and that they will be integrated into the tourist supply. 4.3 The Role of Landscape Houses in Tourism One of the pillars in the realm of cultural attractions in Hungary is the presenta­tion of folk customs, traditions, and heritage values related to the nationalities that reside in the country. Landscape houses, and the collection of material andspiritual goods, can also be interpreted as a form of roots tourism in Hungary(Falk & Dierking 2013). Identity and seeking one’s roots play a decisive role in the motivation of those enquiring about landscape houses, and further on,they also embody a return to memory, the revival of memories of times gone by,which is why we can define landscape houses as a kind of memory site. While the last few years have seen an increase in the demand for ancestral prints inHungary, owing to the impact of international trends, the main motivation ofthe demand has changed drastically. The demand for cultural goods among con­sumers has increased, with a focus on acquiring new knowledge and learning inan interactive way, i.e., the search for experience. In order to satisfy the needs of experience-oriented demand it becomes necessary to rethink and reform the elements of the cultural attractions and toassure opportunities for gaining experiences. As a consequence of this focuschange, emphasis has been moved from the exhibited objects to the visitors, since an object cannot necessarily maintain long-term interest (Simpson 1996). 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 According to the new museum pedagogy ideology, the exhibition plays a crucialrole, since it is not the exhibited object, but rather its context and its interpre­tation, in other words the museum experience, that is the most important (Ross 110 2004). Therefore, one of the success factors in present day museums lies in their investment into objects with content (Walsh 1992). In the process of knowledgetransfer, interpretation becomes more interesting for the visitors than the objectitself. As discussed by Smith (2003, 78), it is not a question of whether an objectis visually interesting or not, but whether it could generate any interest. In theHungarian museum institution system, landscape houses represent a peculiargroup, since, in the case of the exhibited objects presenting the local minorityheritage values, interpretation became particularly important. With the loss ofthe elderly generation, there is a shrinking pool of people with relevant know­ledge about the function of the exhibited objects in everyday life and how theyare used. In Hungary, landscape houses alone have difficulty competing withother tourist attractions, but the new supply elements, appearing as a result ofthe paradigm shift in recent years, has led to a significant reduction in the negati­ve view of museums as being boring and dusty. According to Hooper-Greenhill(2000), the market role of museums is determined by the needs of a relatively narrow social group, which is particularly true in the case of Hungarian landscape houses. For this reason, landscape houses with a basic museum function should beequipped with new, additional functions that attract the interest of tourists andprovide visitors with an unforgettable experience beyond the mostly-static exhi­bitions and interiors (Szeidl & Aubert 2018, 462). Based on joint research with the Central Directorate of Hungarian Land­ scape Houses, those secondary functions have been collected, and they can serve as an alternative in expanding the functions of ethnic landscape houses. Figure 1: The landscape house utilisation model Source: Szeidl and Aubert (2019, 57). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 Based on the target demand, the landscape utilisation model in Figure 1 canbe divided into two groups. On the one hand, to the tourism functions, which contribute to enhancing tourism competitiveness, and on the other hand, to the 111 social functions, which serve to enhance the ethnic identity of the local popu­lation. In other words, they serve as a civilian community space in the cultural framework of the specific settlement. The educational activities in the museum, which are based on the basic muse-ological function, serve to strengthen the tourism potential, since in the present knowledge-based society, museums working as informal venues for lifelonglearning have become more important among attractions. Edutainment, i.e.,learning in an entertaining way, is a fundamental task of the postmodern museum, which is also a role expected by the visitors (Falk & Dierking 2000). Thethematic programmes that are attached to various special days and holidays (e.g.,carnival, Easter, harvest, Christmas) can be defined as stabilisers in terms of the tourism supply. During certain programmes (e.g., craft activities, craft demon­strations, food preparation), visitors become users of the exhibited objects, andthe resulting co-creation further enhances the experience and the satisfaction of the visitors (Simpson 1996). It is important to note, however, that it is not advis­able to put the expectations of the guests before the exhibition, as this can causethe objects to lose their value and significance (Smith 2003). For this reason, programmes and related technical equipment should be designed to be closelylinked to the objects preserved in the landscape house. The exhibition space, as a novel utilization of the location of the traditional landscape house, both enriches the role of tourist and civilian community space.The events organised in an authentic environment on the one hand strengthenthe tourism potential of landscape houses, and on the other hand, besides the cultural satisfaction of the visitors, they contribute to strengthening the ethnicidentity of the local population. A common example is the creation of a sepa­rate activity space inside the landscape house, while an outdoor or covered (tent, barn) event space in the courtyard allows for the organisation of events for smaller or larger groups. Although, due to their capacity, the event spaces in landscapehouses are not adequate for the organisation of larger regional or national events, the smaller events still serve as a platform for the local and neighbouring civilianorganisations, local producers, and guest caterers. These locations can be usednot only for a larger audience, but they also serve as extra space for rehearsals (dance groups, bands, choirs), organising handcraft workshops and literatureclasses, thus further strengthening the community-shaping functions of land­scape houses. In addition to this, the documents included in the exhibition, or in several places the specially-created document library, serve as a starting pointfor ethnographers and historians, thus laying the foundations for the preservationof the historical and folkloric values of the local community for future generations (Szeidl & Aubert 2019, 57). 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 The rough historical events of the 19th and 20th centuries significantly influencedthe education of Hungarian ethnic groups in their mother tongues. First, theNationality Act of 1868 restricted the rights of national minorities, and a few years later, the Act of 1879 made the teaching of Hungarian language and litera­ture compulsory in non-Hungarian schools (Szenyéri 2008). By tightening thelaw, the government aided in triggering the process of spontaneous assimilation. Nationalities who wished to belong to the middle class that ran the state werequickly Hungarianised. To speak and feel Hungarian was to be a member ofthe gentry (Manherz 1998). In the first part of the 20th century, and until 1945, minority education was present in Hungary in 3 forms. Type A included insti­tutions where education was provided in the group’s mother tongue and in thenational language. In these schools, all subjects – except Hungarian language and literature – could be taught in the mother tongue of the given nationality, inaccordance with the laws of the time. In type B schools, the language of instruc­tion was distributed proportionally, so that half of the subjects were taught in the national language and half in Hungarian. The language of instruction in TypeC schools was Hungarian, and the other national language was taught only as asubject (Bindorffer 2011, 54). In the period after World War II, the legislative background changed con­tinuously; in the beginning, type B schools were abolished, then the status ofethnic language schools was changed. Fearing political sanctions, the those of nationalities other than Hungarian were afraid to claim their ethnic affiliationand identity, and this decrease in the number of ethnic students resulted in thetermination or contraction of institutions. After the Second World War, there was no German-language education in the country until the mid-1950s, whenthose of German nationality, who were declared war criminals, were deprived ofeducation in their mother tongue, and German-language classes were not even begun, citing the expulsion. After the sentence was lifted, their citizenship rightswere restored, and German education could resume. Initially, German education took the form of C-type schools (Kállai 2011, 13). It was primarily the Romanian, Slovakian, and Southern Slavic schools thatbecame victims of the 1961 regionalisation of schools, and so they merged into the Hungarian schools. In the 1962/1963 school year, the total number of pri­mary schools teaching minority national languages was 318 (139 German, 12Romanian, 54 Serbian-Croatian, 106 Slovakian, 7 Slovenian), in which therewere 25,800 students (11,219 German, 290 Romanian, 3,876 Serbian-Croatian, 9,902 Slovakian, 513 Slovenian). On the contrary, the number of ethnic bilin­ RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 gual schools decreased to 26 (2 German, 10 Romanian, 8 Serbian-Croatian, 6Slovakian), and ethnic language education was only assured for 2,504 students (Kállai 2011, 10). One of the turning points in minority education was the 1985 113 law, which provided the chance for a step-by-step restitution of ethnic languageeducation, and among the principles of the law, the issue of minority education received great emphasis. The law soon made a difference, and by the autumn of1989, more than 58,000 pupils were receiving national minority education inHungary (Föglein 2004, 9, cited in Kállai 2011, 10). After the change of regime, the government provided opportunities forminorities to exercise their national minority rights, for the strengthening ofidentity, for the establishment of civil society organisations for the preservation of cultural assets and, last but not least, the first national minority local govern­ments were elected in 1994. The freedom of national culture reinvigorated thepopulation’s exercise of nationality, and they began building a network of nation­ality organisations. This positive change not only gave a green light to culturallife, but also brought to the fore the possibility of national education. The Gov­ernmental regulation in the national curriculum (Transitional Rules of Public Educational Act 1995) assured the realisation of minority education in severalforms. The currently applicable Decree on the Issuance of the Guidelines for thePre-School Instruction and School Education of National and Ethnic Minori­ties of the Ministry for Culture and Education (2013) states that because of thedifferent languages and specific cultural characteristics of the national and ethnicminorities living in Hungary and the diversity of nationalities, national minority education can be organised in the following five forms: a) Native language education: In native language education, with the excep­tion of Hungarian language and literature, education and instructional work take place in the minority language. The pedagogical programme includesa teaching schedule for the native language and literature subjects and forethnography. b) Bi-lingual minority education: Bi-lingual minority education contributes tothe achievement of minority education goals by providing a deeper under­standing of the language and by using the language as a language of instruc­tion. This form allows the school to use the language in real-life situations,and ensures the development of balanced bi-lingual knowledge. The peda­gogical programme includes a teaching schedule for the native language and literature subjects and for ethnography. Within the framework of bi-lingual education, at least three of the sub­jects specified in the pedagogical programme (with the exception of native language and literature) must be taught in the minority language and mustamount to at least 50 % of the total weekly class hours. Bi-lingual educationmay be extended to include all subjects under the condition that the lan­guage of instruction be the minority language for at least 50 % of the total 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 weekly class hours. Regulations on language preparation grades must also beapplied in this form of bi-lingual minority education. c) Language training minority education: Language training minority educa­ 114 tion contributes to the achievement of minority education goals by teachingthe language and subjects on literature and minority ethnography.Language training minority education can be conducted in two forms: – Traditional language training education, in which the language of in­struction is Hungarian; instruction of the minority language and litera­ture shall be conducted within class hours starting from the 1st grade.Instruction of the minority language and literature shall amount to atleast 4 hours of the mandatory weekly class hours, and five hours a weekfor German language training schools. With the exception of Germanlanguage training schools, the mandatory weekly hours dedicated toinstruction of the minority language and literature may be distributedbetween various grades or between weeks in a particular grade, underthe condition that the number of obligatory hours is no less than 3 hoursper week in any grade. – Extended language training minority education, the goal of which is toprepare for bi-lingual forms or native language forms of minority educa­tion. Study of the minority language and literature is conducted at thesame time as instruction in the minority language. The minority lan­guage and literature shall be taught for at least 5 hours per week. Studyof at least three subjects in the minority language must be made possible.Instruction of the minority language and literature and the classes heldin the minority language account for at least 35 % of the weekly classhours. The extended language training form may commence in 1st grade and be concluded by 8th grade. d) Academic improvement education for the Roma minority: Academic im­provement education for the Roma minority ensures familiarization withRoma cultural values and the teaching of information on the history, lit­erature, arts, music, dance culture, and traditions of the Roma minority.Instruction in Romani is a non-obligatory element of this programme, butdepending on the needs of the parents, it ensures instruction of the form ofRoma language spoken by the parents. This form of education facilitates theacademic success of Romani pupils in school and reduces any disadvantageswhich may be present. It ensures instruction on the situation, rights, organi­zations, and institutions of the Roma minority. Using pedagogical tools, itfacilitates the integration of the Roma minority, without any expectation ofassimilation. Inter-cultural education: Inter-cultural education can be organized by schools implementing any of the forms listed under Paragraphs a) – d) of Title1 “forms of minority education” (hereinafter referred to as “minority educa­tion” for the purpose of this Title) for those pupils who are not taking part in RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 minority education in the school in question. The goal of inter-cultural educa­tion is to teach both pupils not participating in minority education andpupils participating in minority education about the culture of the particu­ 115 lar minority within the framework of non-obligatory class hours (Decree onthe Issuance of the Guidelines for the Pre-School Instruction and School Education of National and Ethnic Minorities of the Ministry for Culture andEducation 2013). Since the middle of the 2000s, a few national minority local governments haveestablished and operated educational institutions or have taken over the mainte­nance and operation of national minority educational institutions. At that time,the largest minority education centres were established in, e.g., Budapest, Baja,Pécs. A number of national minority local governments have joined the operationof educational and training institutions in the last 10 years. Along with a changein those providing maintenance, the form of financing of institutions has alsochanged; the maintenance costs of an institution previously financed by the stateare now borne by the national minority local government. This change in struc­ture impacted the number of classroom and leisure time workshops related tothe presentation of ethnic peculiarities, and these were enhanced significantly.Infrastructural developments also took place in several institutions. At the startof the 2019/2020 school year, 138 training and educational institutions – ofthose 56 were nursery schools, 73 were elementary schools, 8 were grammarschools and 1 was a technical college – were maintained by national minoritylocal governments. In the 2019/2020 school year, 17,500 students took part inminority education, of whom 11,859 were enrolled in elementary schools, 1,935in grammar schools, and 35 in technical colleges (Hungarian Central Statistical Office, 2020). 5.2 The Landscape House as an Educational Space In addition to teaching one’s mother tongue and literature, national minorityeducation places great emphasis on the specific culture and traditions of the na­tionalities concerned. In minority schools, pupils can learn in detail about themain characteristics of their nationality through the subject of ethnography.The concept of ethno-ethnicity as a subject means knowledge that a national­ity group considers to be valid for itself and that functions as the group’s self­-knowledge, thus helping it to define itself and to experience its difference fromothers (Kállai 2011, 55). This subject is built around the following topics: development of oral andwritten skills in one’s national language, familiarization with and participation in historical traditions, mother tongue culture, music, arts, folk poetry, customsand traditions, getting to know the life, culture and history of the mother coun­ 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 try and, through understanding the values of different cultures, educating for tol­erance and the acceptance of diversity (Kállai 2011, 55). Thanks to a number of national and mother country funding sources, students involved in national edu­ 116 cation are active participants in project days with various themes. The particularsyllabus in minority schools allows for extra-institutional education as well. On these project days, students visit locations that are closely related to the historyand particular culture of the specific nationality. Landscape houses as cultural in­stitutions are excellent locations for familiarizing the students with the values of these nationalities. The permanent and periodic exhibitions in landscape housesgreatly promote the creation and strengthening of the pride of the nationality.During the museum pedagogy workshops, students can familiarize themselves with the functions of the various personal articles, the various agricultural tools,and the related labour processes. The time spent in the landscape house and theworkshops plays an important role in the process of building a community. As a result of the present study, we received feedback from students partici­pating in nationality education on how useful it is for them to visit the nationality’slandscape house and to participate in educational sessions at the museum. A total of 418 students from 9 minority schools took part in the survey. Owing tothe Covid-19 pandemic, the questionnaire was completed in spring 2020 andthe survey was conducted online in class, under teacher supervision. In the sur­vey, we asked about the experiences, satisfaction, and opinions of students fromGerman, Slovakian, Serbian, Croatian, and Slovenian minority schools. Eighty-four % of respondents had been to a landscape house, and most of them (79 %) had visited a landscape house with their classmates during a schoolprogramme. Several students had also visited institutions presenting nationalvalues in the company of their families and group mates (band, dance, choir). Chart 2 shows the factors that students liked most during their time at the land­scape house. All of the nationalities considered the playful activities, the craftactivities, and cooking together to be the most enjoyable activities. This was followed by the traditional costume fitting and traditional activities, which areranked in order of popularity. For those of German nationality, dancing, singingand playing music together stand out. Of the thematic events, the harvest was highlighted by respondents, and was particularly popular among the Germanethnic group. The least number of responses related to the Easter traditions andthe Advent period, which might be because these events are not available in the programme of all landscape houses. The students participating in the survey rated their experience in the land­scape house by rating the strength of predefined indicators. Based on the re­sponses received, we can conclude that landscape houses are interesting andexciting places where students can have playful and educational experiences.Respondents partially or strongly disagreed with the statement that landscape houses are boring and uneventful (Table 3). RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 Source: Own empirical data. interesting exciting boring edifying playful eventless realistic School 1 School 2 School 3 School 4 School 5 School 6 School 7 School 8 School 9 4.34 4.01 2.97 3.41 3.88 2.81 3.67 Source: Own empirical data. At the end of the survey, students assessed the accuracy of the predeterminedstatements based on their own opinions and experiences. The results shown inChart 3 indicate that the students like learning in landscape houses, where they can gain useful knowledge. Seventy-one % of the respondents would like to visitlandscape houses more often and take part in more thematic programmes andactivities as much as possible. The willingness of getting to know the values of other nationalities is no longer as tangible. The answers provided by the students 86 / 2021 TREATISES AND DOCUMENTS JOURNAL OF ETHNIC STUDIES k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT The Role of Minority Education in the Expansion of the Functions of Hungarian ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 are proportionately divided between the negative, neutral, and positive respons­es. Respondents agree that the authentic environment provided by landscape houses makes it easier for students to learn and that the knowledge they acquirehere greatly helps them to learn the mother tongue of their nationality. a) It is better to learn in a landscape house than at school/at home. b) I would like to take school trips to a landscape house more often. c) I would like to take part in more workshops at a landscape house. d) I would like to get to know landscape houses of other nationalities as well. e) I can learn more easily in the classroom/at home than in a landscape house. f) The knowledge acquired in the landscape house helps in language learning. Source: Own empirical data. The network of landscape houses is unique in Hungarian cultural life, and it con­tributes to the preservation of the population’s national identity and the cultiva­tion of traditions. Deriving from the multi-ethnic composition of Hungary, thepreservation and maintenance of landscape houses is of key importance in the life of the national minorities, since they play a key role in the demonstration andtransmission of the minority culture, assuring the memories of the past remainfor future generations. Since the turn of the millennium, new trends in cultural offerings have been emerging, with the result that the museum function, under­stood as the basic function of landscape houses, is slowly being pushed into thebackground. At the same time, there is a parallel need to create and introduce new elements that continue to be attractive and have a positive impact on thegrowth of visitor numbers. The landscape house model includes a number ofelements and options that can be used to ensure that landscape houses remain at the centre of the national community. RAZPRAVE IN GRADIVO REVIJA ZA NARODNOSTNA VPRAŠANJA 86 / 2021 k. SZEIDl, A. AUbERT Vloga manjšinskega šolstva pri širjenju programa tradicionalnih madžarskih ... DOI: 10.36144/RiG86.jun21.99-120 The channelling of landscape houses into minority education and thestrengthening of pre-existing cooperation can establish a stabilisation and an increase in the number of visitors and can also provide a chance for enhancing 119 the programme supply in landscape houses. The effectiveness of museum peda­gogy workshops, configured for various age groups, is proven by the survey con­ducted during this study, which showed that students participating in nationalityeducation prefer to visit landscape houses and participate in various thematicactivities, where they can learn about the values and traditions of the minority nationalities, their everyday objects, and enrich their knowledge of their nationallanguage in an authentic environment. References Act on Historical Institutions. 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