439Arheološki vestnik 68, 2017, str. 439–458
Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
Predrimsko prebivalstvo Emone v luči rimskih napisov
Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
Izvleček
O prebivalcih, ki so živeli v Emoni pred prihodom Rimljanov, in o njihovih potomcih se ne ve veliko. Na Ižanskem je 
bilo najdenih okoli sto nagrobnih spomenikov, ki nam nudijo dober pregled nad osebnimi imeni staroselcev, iz Emone 
pa jih poznamo le malo, a vendar ne tako malo, kot so še nedavno domnevali. Dejansko pomeni število nagrobnikov z 
nerimskimi imeni 10,7 % vseh emonskih nagrobnih spomenikov z ugotovljivimi imeni; vsaj osem nagrobnikov s staro-
selskimi imeni je bilo nedvomno odkritih v Ljubljani. Emonski prostor in Ižansko sta bila v predrimskem obdobju vedno 
soodvisna in tesno povezana, te vezi so bile bolj ali manj nasilno prekinjene, šele ko so Rimljani v Emoni ustanovili 
rimsko kolonijo, kar je povzročilo, da je bila večina staroselcev odrinjena na rob družbe.
Nekaterim se je uspelo prilagoditi novim razmeram in se vključiti v rimsko družbo, npr. Buio in njegova žena Lasciontia 
ter Enno in njegova žena Cetetiu. Njihov višji družbeni položaj (premožnejše peregrino prebivalstvo) jim je omogočil, 
da so si lahko kupili družinski nagrobnik. Nekatere staroselske družine so dobile rimsko državljanstvo in spremenile 
svoja osebna imena v družinska po rimskem vzoru, npr. Vibunnii. Ta imena in družbene vezi njihovih nosilcev zanimivo 
osvetljujejo življenje v Emoni, preden je postala rimsko mesto, pojasnjujejo pa tudi različne možnosti povezovanja, ki je 
bilo neizogibno, ko so bili nekdanji prebivalci emonskega prostora prisiljeni živeti skupaj s kolonisti.
Ključne besede: rimska doba, colonia Iulia Emona, Ižansko, osebna imena, peregrino prebivalstvo
Abstract
Not much is known about the pre-Roman inhabitants of Emona and their descendants, therefore it is all the more 
important to collect all available evidence. Epigraphic documents from the Ig area are abundant, containing a large 
selection of indigenous personal names, which, in contrast, are rather scarce at colonia Iulia Emona, but not as scarce 
as has been assumed. The tombstones with indigenous names in actuality represent 10.7% of all Emonian grave monu-
ments with identifiable names. At least eight monuments with epichoric anthroponymy can be regarded as having been 
undoubtedly discovered at Ljubljana. The Emona–Ig areas were closely interdependent in the pre-Roman period and it 
was only with the foundation of a Roman colony at Emona that the earlier connections and identity of the pre-Roman 
inhabitants of Emona were forcibly disrupted, relegating the majority of them to a marginal existence.
However, there were some who managed to integrate themselves into the Roman society, earning enough money to 
erect a funeral monument for themselves and their families. This was the case of Buio and his wife Lasciontia, as well 
as of Enno and his wife Cetetiu. There were native families who were given citizenship, transforming their personal 
names into a gentilicium, as, for example, the Vibunnii. These names and social connections of their bearers shed a most 
interesting light on life in Emona before it became a Roman city, as well as on various means of integration, when the 
former inhabitants had to live side by side with the newcomers.
Keywords: Roman period, colonia Iulia Emona, Ig area, onomastics, peregrine inhabitants
440 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
A SHORT HISTORICAL 
AND GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE
Not much is known about the pre-Roman inhab-
itants of Emona and their descendants, therefore it 
is all the more important to collect all the available 
evidence. Epigraphic documents from the Ig area 
are abundant (about a hundred tombstones have 
been found to date), containing a large selection 
of indigenous personal names. These, in contrast, 
are rather scarce at Emona, but not as scarce as 
has generally been assumed. It is claimed in the 
basic survey article about Emona in the RE that 
“einheimische Elemente kommen fast nicht zum 
Ausdruck”.1 However, this impression can be 
modified, since in actuality the tombstones with 
indigenous names represent 10.7% of all grave 
monuments from Emona with identifiable names.2 
Classical sources do not offer any data concerning 
the indigenous population in the Emona basin, the 
only information referring to the nearby Naupor-
tus, which Strabo calls a Tauriscan village (7.5.2 
C 314). However, the Celtic Taurisci were in any 
case late-comers and probably had not arrived 
before the 3rd century BC; in this region, which 
was attached to Cisalpine Gaul and later to Italy in 
the Roman period (Regio X), there may not have 
been many present. Hence it can be assumed that 
in terms of ethnic identity, it was the pre-Tauriscan 
population that gave a more distinct stamp to the 
area. And indeed, this is well confirmed by the 
personal names from the Ig area.3 Already Jaroslav 
Šašel had suggested that Emona may have been a 
Venetic or Carnic village,4 and it in fact belonged, 
together with Nauportus and the Ig area, to the large 
northern Adriatic onomastic landscape, including 
the Venetic, Histrian, and Liburnian onomastic 
systems.5 The Nauportus-Emona basin and the Ig 
area represent the north-easternmost region within 
this area, which was at the same time located at 
the very border with Noricum and Pannonia and 
the Pannonian onomastic system.
Pre-Roman Emona developed at the confluence 
of the small Gradaščica and the Ljubljanica Rivers 
1  Šašel 1968, 566 (1992, 573).
2  A recently compiled catalogue of all Emonian 
tombstones containing entirely preserved and identifiable 
names contains 65, while 7 of these have indigenous names. 
Some secondary literature, referring to these inscriptions, 
is omitted on purpose.
3  Repanšek 2016.
4  Šašel 1968, 540 (1992, 559).
5  Katičić 1968; Katičić 1976, 179; 182–183; Repanšek 2016.
and it can be regarded as an ideal river port. The 
settlement was located mainly on the right bank 
of the Ljubljanica, well protected by Castle Hill 
and by the river, as well as by Golovec Hill. The 
late Bronze and early Iron Age settlement was 
located on the Castle Hill, but also extended to 
the foothills in the Prule area, where recent exca-
vations have revealed a carefully planned village 
with wooden houses and a street layout (10th to 
5th centuries BC).6 It was located both along the 
Amber Route, leading from the northern Adriatic 
through Emona, Celeia, and Poetovio further to 
Carnuntum, and then to the Baltic area, as well as 
along the so-called route of the Argonauts along 
the Ljubljanica, Sava, and Danube Rivers. The 
inhabitants buried their dead on the left bank of 
the river. In the late Iron Age, at least since the 
2nd century BC, the settlement extended on the 
slopes of Castle Hill, both towards the river bank 
and further in the direction of Acervo (Stari Trg 
near Višnja Gora), Neviodunum, and Siscia. This 
was an emporium along the navigable river and 
the inhabitants must have traded with nearby set-
tlements, as well as with more distant ones, and 
not least with the central Pannonian emporium at 
Segestica/Siscia, located at the confluence of the 
Kolpa/Kupa (Colapis) River and the Sava, which 
belonged to the Segestani.
During the early Principate, Emonians are attested 
at Savaria, in a dedication to the local goddess from 
Emona, Aecorna: Emonienses qui consistunt finibus 
Savar(iae) (Fig. 1).7 The slab was dated by András 
Mócsy to the first half of the 1st century AD, most 
likely to the period before Claudius’ reign, when 
Savaria was granted colonial status, since the new 
status of the town is not mentioned in the inscrip-
tion.8 As has been plausibly argued, the community 
from Emona most probably comprised craftsmen 
and merchants with their families.9 They had better 
opportunities to prosper in a town where ‘Romaniza-
tion’ and economic development had only recently 
begun, and Emona as an Augustan colony was an 
excellent starting point for such activities. Presum-
ably several Emonians of peregrine status may have 
also been among the immigrants.10 Indeed, a family 
6  Hvalec et al. 2009; Vojaković 2014.
7  RIU I, 135 = Šašel Kos 1999, 49 no. 6 = Tóth 2011, 
no. 202 = HD026749 = lupa 7971.
8  Mócsy 1959, 37; Balla et al. 1971, 23.
9  Saria 1935; Kovács 1998.
10  Likely also some members of Aquileian families, 
such as the Caesernii at Savaria, may have come from 
Emona, cf. Gregoratti 2013, 148.
441Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
from Emona has actually been documented in Sa-
varia: on a tombstone one Lucius, son of Maximus, 
and his wife Salonia Marcella are mentioned.11 It 
is interesting that the name Maximus/Maxima was 
most popular among the indigenous inhabitants 
from the Ig area, and is even attested among the 
less well documented native population of Emona,12 
while Lucius, although homonymous with the Latin 
praenomen,13 should undoubtedly be regarded as a 
personal name borne by the indigenous population, 
11  CIL III 4196 = RIU I, 57 = Balla et al. 1971, 104 no. 
107 = HD040092 = lupa 3080: (dom(o) Emon[a]). Nothing 
is missing from Lucius’ name, as noted erroneously in EDH. 
See also CIL III 10927 = RIU I, 60 = Balla et al. 1971, no. 
109 = HD040101, in which one Maximus Voltionis f(ilius) 
is mentioned, but his origo is broken off. Judging by the 
names, he could well have been from Emona.
12  CIL III 10774 = EDR155652; see below.
13  Katičić 1968, 84, who presumes that it is Celtic, 
although this is far from being conclusive.
since it occurs several times as such in the Ig area.14 
Lucius, son of Maximus, obviously belonged to the 
indigenous peregrine community of Emona, but was 
married to a woman with Roman citizenship. She 
bore the relatively rare gentilicium Salonia, which, 
however, is attested in northern Italy,15 from where 
the Salonii had most probably come. The advanced 
state of acculturation of the peregrine inhabitants was 
not least indicated by the fact that Lucius’ name was 
abbreviated in the manner of the Roman praenomen 
as L. Scarbantia (oppidum Iulia Scarbantia in Pliny, 
N. h. 3.146) and Savaria with their territories were 
under strong influence of the Norican kingdom 
and were among the earliest ‘Romanized’ areas of 
Pannonia, where veterans and other immigrants 
from northern Italy had already settled in the first 
half of the 1st century AD.16
TITUS CAESERNIUS DIPHILUS, 
ASSUPAE LIBERTUS
In the mid-1st century BC, when the Romans 
already controlled the Emona basin, the first Ro-
man settlers came to live at Emona, among them, 
as usual, many merchants and various artisans. 
Interestingly, the earliest person epigraphically 
documented on a tombstone from the late Re-
publican period (around 30 BC) is a sevir from 
Aquileia, Titus Caesernius Diphilus, freedman 
of Assupa, member of the board of six (perhaps 
priests or town magistrates). He had his tombstone 
erected during his lifetime, which means that he 
must have been a resident of Emona for a more 
or less extended period of time (Fig. 2).17 The 
Roman community in Emona soon grew into a 
significant settlement and emporium, which eventu-
ally became a Roman colony, colonia Iulia Emona, 
possibly already under Octavian in the years after 
the battle at Actium (31 BC),18 or during the reign 
of Augustus after the Pannonian war of Tiberius 
in 8 BC, but certainly not later than after the end 
of the bellum Batonianum in AD 9.19 At Emona, 
14  CIL III 3862 = AIJ 186 = EDR134951.
15  Nomenclator, s.v.; OPEL IV, 45; Alföldy 1969b, 117; 
it is twice attested at Aquileia.
16  As for example, Mócsy 1983–1984; see, on Savaria, 
Scherrer 2003; on both towns Kovács 2014, passim.
17  AIJ 176 = RINMS 3 = EDR073326; Zaccaria 1985, 
112 no. 45; cf. Zaccaria 2006, 453.
18  Šašel 1970, 123–124 (1992, 286–287); Šašel Kos 2003; 
Zaccaria 2010, 108–109; id. 2007, 137–139.
19  See most recently Šašel Kos 2012; Slapšak 2014.
Fig. 1: Dedication to Aecorna from Savaria.
Sl. 1: Posvetilo Ekorni iz Savarije.
(Courtesy of / z dovoljenjem Savaria Múzeum)
442 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
Diphilus’ master Assupa must have been a person 
of a certain status and reputation, and this could 
have been the reason why Diphilus did not style 
himself as T(iti) l(ibertus), which would normally 
be expected. This would also well explain why 
he, as a sevir in Aquileia and a former slave of 
Assupa, settled at Emona. He may have been look-
ing after his master’s interests in this important 
emporium on the eve of its becoming a colonia, or 
may even have been involved in the very process 
of its transformation.
The Caesernii are not only the epigraphically 
best attested family at Emona and its hinterland, 
but were also among the very earliest settlers in 
the Emona basin.20 They came to Emona from 
Aquileia; their economic significance is not least 
reflected in the large number of freedmen. Diphi-
lus himself was a freedman, which is known both 
from his own statement and through his Greek 
name, such as were often given to slaves of foreign 
origin bearing names difficult to pronounce. Most 
interesting, however, is the name of his patron, 
Assupa, a masculine name ending in –a; masculine 
names with this predominantly feminine ending 
are attested several times in Noricum.21 The name 
is a hapax and may be a northern Adriatic name. 
It may be suggested that his family might have 
originally been from Emona or from the Emona 
region.22 Consequently, Diphilus would have been, 
through his master, acquainted with the town and 
might have had connections among the native in-
20  Šašel 1960 (1992); Zaccaria 2006.
21  Betz 1956; see also Alföldy 1969a, 11–12; Assupa is 
listed under Pannonia in OPEL I, 81.
22  Thus already Saria (AIJ 176) and Untermann 1961, 
131 § 194; cf. Krahe 1929, 11; Katičić 1968, 104.
habitants. Although plausible, this is nonetheless 
just one possible scenario, since Assupa may have 
also been a descendant of a family belonging to an 
indigenous northern Italian community settled in 
Aquileia. Be that as it may, in both cases he would 
have had some connections with Emona.
Under Augustus, Emona became a Roman 
colony where colonists came to settle mainly from 
northern Italy, notably from Aquileia, but also from 
elsewhere; some may have been dispossessed own-
ers of estates in Italy, whose property was given to 
veterans at their discharge during the years after 
Actium. The colonists were mostly civilians, but 
some veterans also chose to settle in this north-
easternmost Italian town. What happened to the 
native population, who had been living at Emona 
before the arrival of the Roman colonists, is not at 
all clear, but it can be assumed that at least some 
of their land would have been confiscated.23
MONUMENTS WITH INDIGENOUS NAMES 
FOUND AT EMONA
Despite the first impression that extremely few 
inscribed monuments of the indigenous popula-
tion have come to light at Emona, and that several 
such had probably been brought to Ljubljana from 
the Ig area, a systematic analysis of all the Roman 
inscriptions of Emona has significantly modified 
this conclusion. Several tombstones with indigenous 
names from Ljubljana were undoubtedly found 
in their primary location, which means that they 
originated from Emona. Clearly the Emona–Ig areas 
were closely interdependent in the pre-Roman pe-
riod. It was only with the foundation of the Roman 
colony at Emona that the earlier connections and 
identity of the pre-Roman inhabitants of Emona 
were forcibly disrupted, relegating the majority of 
them to a marginal existence. Nonetheless, some 
individuals were wealthy enough to set up a funer-
ary monument for themselves and their family, thus 
preserving a memory of themselves for posterity.
Tombstones with epichoric names that were un-
doubtedly discovered in Ljubljana and not brought 
from elsewhere total seven; to these a votive altar 
should also be added. The first funerary monu-
ment was published by Petrus Apianus in 1534; 
most probably he had copied it from the slightly 
earlier manuscripts of Augustinus Tyfernus.24 The 
23  For various legal possibilities, see Gagliardi 2015.
24  Šašel Kos 2016.
Fig. 2: Tombstone for Titus Caesernius Diphilus.
Sl. 2: Nagrobnik Tita Cezernija Difila.
(Courtesy of / dovoljenje: Narodni muzej Slovenije, photo / 
foto T. Lauko)
443Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
tombstone was found, according to Apianus, in a 
ruined house near the church of sv. Nikolaj (St. 
Nicholas), now the cathedral (Laibaci in domo qu-
adam diruta e regione Ecclesiae Sancti Nicolai); it was 
republished by Wolfgang Lazius (Fig. 3).25 Johann 
Ludwig Schönleben noted that several inscriptions 
recorded by Lazius had been lost by his time, and 
as the first inscription he cited this tombstone: 
“Harum ergo prima fuit e regione Templi D. Nicolai, 
in domo quadam privata”.26 The inscription reads:
D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum). / Buio Vibi f(ilius) 
/ v(ivus) posuit sibi / et coniugi Lascio/5{a}nti(a)e 
Q(uinti?) Subloani f(iliae) / Ɵ(obitae) an(norum) 
XXXX et f(ilio?) Fibioni / Ɵ(obito) an(norum) VII 
[---] / [---?.
Translation: Sacred to the spirits of the departed. 
Buio, son of Vib(i)us, had (the monument) erected 
in his lifetime for himself and his wife Lasciontia, 
daughter of Quintus (?) Sublo (?), who died at the 
age of 40, and to the son (?) Fibio (?), who died 
at the age of 7 (or more?) ...
Buio, Buiio, or Buiius is one of the most popular 
indigenous names in the Ig area, attested almost 
exclusively in the Ig-Emona area, where it has been 
documented ten times on eight tombstones.27 Pos-
sibly one Ruii filia from a lost tombstone from Ig 
25  Apianus, Amantius 1534, 372, 1 = Lazius 1551, 
1195 = CIL III 3855 = EDR155648 = lupa 4200.
26  Schönleben 1681, 217 no. I; since some names are 
the same as on tombstones from the Ig area, Muratori 
and Müllner assumed, without any other arguments, that 
Ig was its provenance.
27  CIL III 10739 = EDR148360; CIL III 3860 = EDR135190; 
CIL III 3799 = EDR148216; CIL III 10740 = EDR148321; 
may be interpreted as Buii filia, since the name may 
have been inexactly transcribed in the 16th century 
copy of the manuscript of Augustinus Tyfernus.28 
The occurrence of Buio at Emona thus merely re-
confirms the great popularity of the name in the 
Ig area. The name Buio is a hypocoristic forma-
tion and for this reason it is a priori unreliable to 
assign it to any specific language, rather it may 
be claimed that the name is typically local and 
therefore ultimately of northern Adriatic origin.29 
Vibus and Vibius are names characteristic of the 
former Regnum Noricum,30 but also favoured in 
the Ig area.31 Lasciontia, which also occurs on a 
tombstone from Mengeš not far from Ljubljana 
as Lascontia,32 but is elsewhere unknown, can 
therefore be regarded as a name characteristic of 
the inhabitants of the pre-Roman Emona area. 
Possibly the original nominative would have been 
Lasc(i)onti, in a similar manner as the attested 
Voltaronti: a typical epichoric formation.33 The 
names Sublo (?), attested in the genitive as Sub-
loani (but perhaps it should be read as Sublo{a}
ni),34 and Fibio, if copied correctly, have not been 
attested elsewhere,35 hence nothing reliable can be 
said about their connections.
The second tombstone, lost as well, was discov-
ered in Ljubljana, according to Iacobus Valvasonius 
(f. 52), “In conventu Theutonicorum”, the modern 
cultural centre of Križanke located within Roman 
Emona, which formerly belonged to the Order of 
the Teutonic Knights (Fig. 4).36 It reads:
Ebon[icus or –ico ---?] / an(norum) LX / Velat[---]/
Maxuma /5 NO[...] parentib(us) / suis.
Translation: Ebon[icus or: to Ebonicus] ... 60 
years old ... Velat[-]? Maxuma ... to their (?) parents.
CIL III 3866 = EDR136395; CIL III 3826 = EDR148336; 
AIJ 140 = EDR148266; RINMS 82 = EDR134913.
28  Tyfernus, CVP 3528, fol. 71r = CIL III 3821 = 
EDR148423 = lupa 4186.
29  Lochner-Hüttenbach 1965, 21–22; Katičić 1968, 
72–73; Repanšek 2016, 324, 326.
30  Cf. Nomenclator and OPEL; Alföldy 1977, 257–258.
31  RINMS 85 = EDR134929; CIL III 3803 = EDR148391; 
CIL III 3818 = EDR148404; CIL III 3862 = EDR134951.
32  CIL III 3895 + p. 1736 = AIJ 216 = ILJug 326 = 
lupa 3724.
33  Repanšek 2016, 327; 329.
34  With a superflous A as in Lascio{a}nti(a)e: Repanšek 
2016, 330.
35  Listed in Katičić 1968, 98 and 82, and in OPEL II, 
140 (Fibio); IV, 97 (as Subloanus).
36  CIL III 10774 = EDR155652.
Fig. 3: Tombstone for Buio and Lasciontia (from Apianus, 
Amantius 1534, 372, 1).
Sl. 3: Nagrobnik za Buiona in Lasciontijo (iz: Apianus, 
Amantius 1534, 372, 1).
444 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
The name Velat[-], if correctly copied, cannot 
be restored on the basis of the available onomastic 
evidence,37 whereas the name Maximus/Maxima 
(also Maxuma), is a common Latin cognomen, 
which, as has already been noted, was most popu-
lar as a personal name in the Ig area. It may have 
been translated or adapted from the language 
spoken in the Emona region, a phenomenon also 
known elsewhere.38 Ebonicus is an indigenous 
name, which occurs on another two tombstones 
in the Ig area,39 clearly referring to the Ig-Emona 
indigenous population.
According to Apianus, the third tombstone, 
also lost like the previous two, was discovered in 
Ljubljana, in the cemetery of the so-called German 
residence (in coemeterio curiae cruciferorum), the 
present-day Križanke (Fig. 5).40 It reads:
Enno Secco/nis f(ilius) / vivus f(ecit) Cetetiuni / 
Rustici f(iliae) /5 Ɵ(obitae) an(norum) L / et fil(io) 
Valentioni / Ɵ(obito) an(norum) XXXV et Secu. / 
Secco Emon(i)s <Y>(filius) / Ɵ(obitus) an(norum) 
LI. Emon Y(filius ?) /10 Ɵ(obit.) / [---.
Translation: Enno, son of Secco, erected (the 
tombstone) in his lifetime for Cetetiu, daughter of 
Rusticus, who died at the age of 50 years. And for 
his son Valentio, who died at the age of 35 years, 
and Secu. Secco, son of Emo, who died at the age 
of 51 years. Emo, son, died ...
37  OPEL IV, 152.
38  As for example in Liburnia, Rider: Rendić-Miočević 
1989.
39  CIL III 3806 = 10732; 10741; see Lochner-Hüttenbach 
1965, 23; Katičić 1968, 76; Repanšek 2016, 324.
40  Apianus, Amantius 1534, 371, 4; CIL III 3861 = 
10758 = EDR155653 = lupa 4201.
The names Enno and Em(m)o are hypocoristic 
formations; they and related names, such as Enna 
and Ennia, are specific for the Ig-Emona area.41 The 
name Secco figures in several funerary inscriptions 
from the Ig area; it has been identified as Celtic 
and explained as a Celtic short name.42 However, 
as a hypocoristic name it should be regarded first 
of all an epichoric name, popular in the Ig-Emona 
area.43 Cetetiu, a feminine name ending in –u, has 
not been attested elsewhere; feminine names ending 
in –u in the Ig area also include Tetiu and Cot(t)
iu.44 Valentio is a Latin cognomen, as is Rusticus, 
popular particularly in Hispania and northern Italy, 
but also in Pannonia;45 interestingly, it was also 
one of the preferred personal names among the 
inhabitants of the Ig-Emona area and its environs.46
The fourth tombstone, also lost, was discovered 
in 1695 in Ljubljana, when the chapel of sv. Mihael 
41  Katičić 1968, 76–78; Repanšek 2016, 324.
42  CIL III 3810; 3877; 3871 = AIJ 195; Lochner-Hüttenbach 
1965, 34–35; Katičić 1968, 96–97; Matasović 2003, 13.
43  Repanšek 2016, 323; 324; 334; 335.
44  CIL III 3814; Cotiu: Ragolič 2016. Feminine Ig 
area names in –u: Stifter 2012, 257–258; for Cetetiu he 
suggested the reading et Tetiuni, which is not plausible, 
see Repanšek 2016, 324; 326.
45  Nomenclator, s.v.; OPEL IV, 37.
46  Unpublished corpus of the Roman inscriptions from 
Emona and its territory.
Fig. 4: Tombstone of Ebonicus (from CIL III 10774).
Sl. 4: Ebonikov nagrobnik (iz: CIL III 10774).
Fig. 5: Tombstone for Enno, Cetetiu, and their family (from 
Apianus, Amantius 1534, 372, 4).
Sl. 5: Nagrobnik za Enona in Cetetiu ter njuno družino 
(iz: Apianus, Amantius 1534, 372, 4).
445Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
(St. Michael) was pulled down. The chapel was a 
round ossuary south of the church of sv. Peter (St. 
Peter), and Ioannes Gregorius Thalnitscher saw it 
later in the cemetery of this church.47 The inscrip-
tion has been copied very unreliably, recording the 
Latin masculine name Vitalis and the feminine 
names Voltia and Voltaronti (or Voltarontis). The 
latter two are characteristic of the indigenous 
anthroponymy of the Ig-Emona area, particularly 
Voltaronti, which represents a specific case of 
indigenous morphology, probably preserving the 
nominative singular of ancient Indo-European 
feminine long i-stems. Like Devontia (originally, 
as it seems, Devonti) on the next tombstone, and 
Lasc(i)ontia (Lasc(i)onti) mentioned above, some 
female names in the Ig-Emona area seem to have 
been formed in *-ontī from the underlying masculine 
stems in -on-, which would represent a typically 
local pattern. The vernacular morphology of these 
female names could easily be integrated into the 
standard Latin paradigm of –iā stems.48
The fifth tombstone was also discovered at 
Križanke, where Schönleben saw it in the church 
of St. Mary of the Order of the Teutonic Knights, 
near the altar, used as a kneeling bench; eventually 
it was built into the wall of the inner courtyard of 
their residence (Fig. 6).49 The stele can be dated 
to the 1st century AD and reads:
C(aio) Iulio C(ai) l(iberto) / Quadrato / et 
Vibunni/ae Uss[...] f(iliae) /5 Devontiae / uxori 
vivae / Urb[anus?] f ̣(ilius?) / Firmus Ị[...] N / v(ivi?) 
f(ecerunt?).
Translation: To Gaius Iulius Quadratus, freedman 
of Gaius, and to Vibunnia Devontia, daughter of 
Uss[-], his wife, in her lifetime. Urbanus (?), their 
son (?). Firmus ... (had the tombstone) made in 
their (?) lifetime.
The name Vibunnius is attested only five times,50 
and – with one exception from Salla in Panno-
47  Thalnitscher, Antiquitates Labacenses, 1st ed., addition 
a1 39; 2nd ed., addition a2 45’ no. 9; f. 53 no. 6; CIL III 
3876 + p. 2328,189: VITALIS BEA/TVLONS SIBI / ET 
VOLTARO/TIA. ET F. EI / 5VOLTIA F. VOL/TARONTIAE 
/ CONIVGI. For the ossuary see Zadnikar 1982, 478–479.
48  Repanšek 2016, 325; 326–327.
49  Schönleben 1681, 227 no. I; CIL III 3863 = 10759 = 
AIJ 189 = EDR155588 = lupa 3704.
50  OPEL IV, 166; also in RINMS 27 and AIJ 189; 
cf. TRHR (Suppl.) 59 = HD037843 = lupa 4564 from 
Zalaszentgyörgy (near Roman Salla), Upper Pannonia. 
Fig. 6: Tombstone for Gaius Iulius Quadratus and his wife 
Vibunnia Devontia.
Sl. 6: Nagrobnik za Gaja Julija Kvadrata in njegovo ženo 
Vibunijo Devontijo.
(Archives / Arhiv Inštituta za arheologijo ZRC SAZU)
446 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
nia – only in the Emona area and may hence be 
regarded as characteristic of the Emona region. 
In all earlier editions of this tombstone, the name 
has incorrectly been read as Vibunnae, but the 
second N and I are clearly in ligature,51 hence the 
reading should be Vibunniae. This is much more 
plausible also from the onomastic point of view, 
since a gentilicium would rather be expected in this 
place. The name is a pseudo gentilicium derived 
from the indigenous personal name Vibunn(i)us. 
The name Vibunnus must be an epichoric per-
sonal name characteristic of the Emona area,52 
likely belonging to the Ig onomastic sphere. The 
name starting in Uss[-] cannot be reconstructed 
and should not be regarded as Celtic.53 Both are 
linked to the epichoric feminine name Devonti(a), 
elsewhere not attested, and regarded by Wolfgang 
Meid as Celtic.54 However, this explanation has 
recently been rejected by David Stifter and most 
notably by Luka Repanšek.55 The name Urb[-] could 
This person (Vibunnius Valerius) could have been from 
the Emona region.
51  It should additionally be noted that perhaps a small, 
half-size I is carved next to the second N at the very end 
of the line.
52  Meid 2005, 307; cf. 194 and 244.
53  Repanšek 2016, 331, despite Meid 2005, 244 and 
307; Ussus is attested once in Gallia Belgica, Ussius twice 
in northern Italy and once in Hispania and Gallia Belgica: 
OPEL IV, 188.
54  Meid 2005, 307.
55  Stifter 2012, 252; Repanšek 2016, 327; 334; 336.
plausibly be supplemented as Urbanus, since it is 
attested three times in the Ig area.56
The sixth tombstone was discovered in 1893, in 
the house of the furniture maker Karl Krimmer, 
Maria Theresa St. no. 4 (present-day Gosposvet-
ska), directly adjacent to the Roman cemetery 
(Fig. 7).57 It reads:
---?] / Vibunniaes / Matrones / in agro p(edes) 
LS (!) / in fronte /5 p(edes) XXVIII.
Translation: (...? the tombstone) of Vibunnia 
Matrona. (The grave plot measures) 50 (possibly 55 
or 50 and a half ?) feet in length, 28 feet in width.
Matrona bears the same (pseudo)gentilicium 
Vibunnia as Devontia in the previous inscription. 
Matrona is also attested several times in the region, 
while in general it is a rare name.58 Greek case 
endings, such as the genitive in this case, seem to 
be typical of the early inscriptions, the tombstone 
may have been from the 1st century AD. The fam-
ily of the Vibunnii clearly belonged to the class of 
‘Romanized’ well-to-do natives, who had Roman 
citizenship and were well integrated in the life of 
the Roman colony.
The gentilicium Vibunnius also appears on the 
altar dedicated to Victoria (Fig. 8),59 which was 
found in Ljubljana in 1911, during the excavations 
at Mirje, conducted by Walter Schmid in the so-
called goldsmith’s house (house IV), leaning against 
the wall in room 8, at a depth of 50 cm, together 
with three other altars (RINMS 17, 26, and 28). 
They were all missing the upper parts and were 
very likely collected to be used as construction 
material, perhaps to fortify the town walls in the 
late Roman period. The dedication reads:
[Vict]ori/[ae] Aug(ustae) sa(nctae) / [s]acrum / 
Sex(tus) Vibun/5nius Avitus / ex vot(o).
Translation: Sacred to holy Victoria Augusta. 
Sextus Vibunnius Avitus (had the altar erected) 
in accordance with his vow.
56  CIL III 3877 = EDR135195: Voltaronti Urbani f(ilia) 
and twice in CIL III 13402 = EDR152812: Sabina Urbani 
f(ilia) and Voltilius Urbanus.
57  CIL III 14354,16 = RINMS 60 = lupa 1158 = EDR129092.
58  Kajanto 1965, 18; 21; 80; 305; OPEL III, 66 (in 
Pannonia it is attested seven times, elsewhere sporadically); 
Mócsy 1959, 203 (2/56), suggested that it was not a name.
59  RINMS 27 = AIJ 163 = EDR129027.
Fig. 7: Tombstone of Vibunnia Matrona.
Sl. 7: Nagrobnik Vibunije Matrone.
(Courtesy of / dovoljenje: Narodni muzej Slovenije, photo / 
foto T. Lauko)
447Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
The cognomen of the dedicator, Avitus, was 
popular among the epichoric population both in 
the neighbouring Noricum and Pannonia,60 and 
is in consonance with his gentilicium, formed 
from an indigenous name. He was likely one of 
the descendants of the indigenous community 
that had been living at Emona before the arrival 
of the Romans.
The last is a tombstone, which was discovered, 
according to Johann Ludwig Schönleben, around 
1635 at Ljubljana, near the church of sv. Krištof 
(St. Christopher), when the town authorities had 
public guest lodgings built in this suburb (Fig. 9).61 
The circumstances of its discovery, as described 
by Schönleben, are most interesting, suggesting 
that the monument may have been found in situ, 
unless, however, it had covered a late Roman 
grave. Underneath this tombstone, a stone lined 
grave was found, with a few remains of bones, 
two rounded golden bracelets, and a small golden 
chain. Schönleben added that the monument had 
60  OPEL I, 97; Alföldy 1977, 257–258.
61  Schönleben 1681, 216 no. VII = CIL III 3872 = 
EDR155656 = lupa 4204.
Fig. 8: Altar dedicated to Victoria.
Sl. 8: Oltar posvečen Viktoriji.
(Courtesy of / dovoljenje: Narodni muzej Slovenije, photo / 
foto T. Lauko)
been built into the outside wall of the church 
of St. Christopher overlooking the public street, 
but was already missing at least since the time of 
Alfons Müllner.
Secundae / Epponis f(iliae). / G(aius) Vedius 
Rufus / [vivus?] fecit / 5 [sibi et?] uxori / et Sabino 
<f>(ilio). / In front(e) p(edes) XII / in agro p(edes) 
XVII.
Translation: To Secunda, daughter of Eppo. 
Gaius Vedius Rufus (had the tombstone) made in 
his lifetime for himself (?) and for his wife and 
his son Sabinus. (Dimensions of the grave plot): 
12 feet in width, 17 feet in length.
Secunda was of a peregrine status, her father’s 
name indicating that she had belonged to the in-
digenous community living at Emona. Eppo is well 
attested in the Ig area and belonged to the native 
Ig population;62 a Celtic identity for this short 
name has been explicitly rejected as ultimately 
inconclusive by David Stifter and Luka Repanšek.63 
However, Secunda’s husband was a Roman citizen, 
bearing tria nomina, and may have been one of the 
colonists from Italy or their early descendants. His 
62  RINMS 82, 88; ILJug 299.
63  Stifter 2012, 252–253; Repanšek 2016, 324; 334–335; 
337. Regarded by Katičić 1968, 79–80, as Celtic, but see 
Lochner-Hüttenbach 1965, 24–25 and Meid 2005, 195 and 
270, allowing for the name not to necessarily be Celtic.
Fig. 9: Tombstone for Secunda, her husband Gaius Vedius 
Rufus, and their son Sabinus (from Schönleben 1681, 227 
no. VII).
Sl. 9: Nagrobnik za Sekundo, njenega moža Gaja Vedija Rufa 
in njunega sina Sabina (iz: Schönleben 1681, 227 št. VII).
448 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
gentilicium is attested in Italy, notably in Aquileia,64 
but also in the East and in the Danube provinces,65 
which means that it spread with colonization. The 
tombstone could date back to the 1st century and 
may be regarded as an important testimony to an 
early symbiosis between the native population and 
the newcomers from Italy.
Two praetorian soldiers from Emona are docu-
mented on the laterculi from Rome that could well 
be descendants of a pre-Roman community of 
Emona: Lucius Vibienus Ianuarius from AD 144,66 
and Publius Aurelius Annamatus from AD 209.67 
The gentilicium Vibienus may have been derived 
from the indigenous name Vibus (or Vibius), which, 
as has been noted above, is characteristic both 
of the former Regnum Noricum, and specifically 
also of the Ig area. Ianuarius’ family name ends 
in –ienus, such as Tettienus; this name is closely 
linked to Emona, since a merchant Lucius Tettienus 
Vitalis was born in Aquileia and brought up in 
Emona.68 Otherwise gentilicia, ending in –ienus, 
are relatively rare. Aurelius Annamatus bears a 
cognomen, which is clearly Celtic and is amply at-
tested in Pannonia;69 it must have enjoyed a certain 
popularity even among the indigenous, non-Celtic 
population, since it is attested as Adnomatus at 
Ig, adapted to the local language.70 Aurelius An-
namatus perhaps belonged to a descendant of the 
peregrine population of Emona.
TOMBSTONES 
WITH UNCERTAIN PROVENANCE
It should be recalled that the provenance of 
the monuments, which were built into the walls 
of the Ljubljana cathedral and seminary build-
ing by order of Ioannes Gregorius Thalnitscher 
(1655–1719), is not certain. Thalnitscher claimed 
that these monuments were either from Emona 
or from nearby villages, and only for three did he 
64  Inscr. Aquil. 648; 1049; 2531.
65  Alföldy 1969b, 134; OPEL IV, 150.
66  CIL VI 32520 (= 2379), col. III v. 39 = Dobó 1975, 
58b = EDR126679; Šašel 1968, 548 (1992, 564).
67  CIL VI 32640 col. I v. 15 = EDR134201; Šašel 1968, 
549 (1992, 565); for both also see Visočnik 2015, 307, 
nos. 13 and 19.
68  CIL V 7047 + 7127 = EDR113494 with bibliography.
69  Meid 2005, 160.
70  CIL III 3819 (+ p. 1047) = 10736 = CLIC p. 222, 
PAN 014 = EDR148415; Stifter 2012, 250–251; Repanšek 
2016, 324; 334; 338; 342.
note the provenance: one was from Strahomer, a 
small village in the Ig area, while two were found 
in two suburbs of Ljubljana.
As he himself wrote, “it remains for us to record 
the inscriptions and monuments that were found 
here, as well as in the suburbs and the neighbouring 
sites where the Roman inhabitants once had their 
villas and estates. These have been gathered upon 
my own recent initiative to contribute towards a 
celebration of the glory of the ancient town of 
Ljubljana.”71
Due to typical Ig personal names in most of these 
inscriptions (altogether 13, two are counterfeit), it 
has usually been assumed, most notably by Theodor 
Mommsen and Anton von Premerstein, that they 
were mainly from the Ig area.72 According to Pre-
merstein, merely CIL III 3845 and 3838 (his numbers 
42 and 37),73 were discovered in Ljubljana, while 
all others must have been from the Ig area.74 The 
first monument is the tombstone of Lucius Oclatius 
Tarquiniensis, a veteran of the 15th legion, found in 
the suburbs in front of the Knidasch house, which 
cannot be precisely located. The second of the two 
cited genuine inscriptions is a dedication to Hercules 
by two Clodii, father and son, from Zgornja Šiška 
in Ljubljana; Šiška was a suburb in Thalnitscher’s 
times. Since both monuments were found in the 
suburbs and neither in the Ljubljana of his time 
(... inscriptiones et monumenta, quae tum hic, tum 
in suburbiis ...), it should not be excluded that at 
least one of the remaining ones would have come 
to light in Emona. But since their provenance is 
not certain, it is better not to include them among 
the tombstones from Emona.
It can thus be concluded that at least eight monu-
ments with indigenous names can be regarded as 
having been undoubtedly discovered in Ljubljana 
and not brought from elsewhere. This percentage 
is actually higher than had been believed by the 
scholars of past generations, which means that the 
epichoric population of Emona did leave sufficient 
evidence in the colonia Iulia Emona. These docu-
71  Thalnitscher 1701, 67 (Restat pro coronide huius 
capitis, ut inscriptiones et monumenta, quae tum hic, tum 
in suburbiis ac vicinis locis ubi olim Romani incolae urbis 
suas habuere villas et praedia, me hortatore collecta ad 
excitandam veteris urbis Labacensis gloriam ...). See also 
Dolničar (Lavrič) 2003, 262.
72  In CIL III, under their respective numbers; Premerstein 
1902.
73  Disregarding the two non-genuine inscriptions, his 
nos. 9 and 8.
74  Premerstein 1902, 19.
449Emona and its pre-Roman population: epigraphic evidence
ments allow us to examine the descendants of the 
pre-Roman inhabitants more closely. There were 
some who managed to integrate themselves into 
Roman society, and whose wealth allowed them 
to erect a funeral monument for themselves and 
their families. There were families of peregrine 
status, earning enough money to survive decently. 
This was the case of Buio, son of Vib(i)us, and his 
wife Lasciontia, daughter of Sublo (?), as well as of 
Enno, son of Secco, and his wife Cetetiu, daughter 
of Rusticus. Several indigenous women must have 
married Roman citizens, such as Secunda, daughter 
of Eppo, who married Gaius Vedius Rufus. There 
must undoubtedly also have been cases of indig-
enous men marrying Roman women, as could be 
inferred from the above mentioned tombstone 
of Lucius Maximi filius from Emona, who had 
erected a tombstone at Savaria for his wife Salonia 
Marcella.75 Freedmen had ex-indigenous women 
for wives, such as Gaius Iulius Quadratus, whose 
consort was Vibunnia Devontia. There were in-
dividuals belonging to native families, who were 
given citizenship for their merits, transforming a 
characteristic name in their family (a patronymic) 
into a gentilicium, as, for example, the Vibunnii. 
These names and the social connections of their 
bearers shed a most interesting light on life in 
Emona before its transformation into a Roman city. 
They bear witness to various means of integration 
that were necessary when the former inhabitants 
had to live side by side with the newcomers.
75  Mixed marriages were also common, e.g., in Aquileia, 
see Chiabà 2014, and are to be expected in every community.
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Heft I: Noricum und Pannonia Superior, Zagreb 1938.
CIL = Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum.
CLIC = M. E. Raybould, P. Sims-Williams, A Corpus of 
Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire Containing Celtic 
Personal Names, Aberystwyth 2007.
CVP = Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus.
EDR = Epigraphic Database Roma.
HD = Epigraphic Database Heidelberg.
ILJug = A. et J. Šašel, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Jugoslavia 
inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt 
(Situla 5), Ljubljana 1963; iidem, Inscriptiones Latinae 
quae in Jugoslavia inter annos MCMLX et MCMLXX 
repertae et editae sunt (Situla 19), 1978; iidem, Inscrip-
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MCMXL repertae et editae sunt (Situla 25), 1986.
Inscr. Aquil. = J. B. Brusin, Inscriptiones Aquileiae, I–III, 
Udine 1991–1993.
lupa = F. und O. Harl, www.ubi-erat-lupa.org (Bilddaten-
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Nomenclator = A. Mócsy et al., Nomenclator (Dissertationes 
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(Soldiers from Roman autonomous towns in Slovenia, 
active in other parts of the Roman Empire). – In / V: 
J. Istenič, B. Laharnar, J. Horvat (eds. / ur.), Evidence 
of the Roman Army in Slovenia / Sledovi rimske vojske 
na Slovenskem, Katalogi in monografije 41, 305–315.
VOJAKOVIĆ, P. 2014, Predrimska Emona v luči novih 
arheoloških odkritij / Pre-Roman Emona in the Light of 
New Archaeological Discoveries. - In / V: M. Ferle (ed. 
/ ur.), Emona. Mesto v imperiju / A city of the Empire, 
65–76, Ljubljana.
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porti tra Aquileia e l‘Illirico in età imperiale romana. 
– In / V: Aquileia, la Dalmazia e l’Illirico, Antichità 
Altoadriatiche 26/1, 85–127.
ZACCARIA, C. 2006, Palatina tribus. Cavalieri e senatori 
di origine libertina certa o probabile ad Aquileia. I. – 
I  Caesernii. – In / V: M. Faraguna, V. Vedaldi Iasbez 
(eds. / ur.), Δύνασθαι διδάσκειν. Studi in onore di Filippo 
Càssola per il suo ottantesimo compleano, Fonti e studi 
per la storia della Venezia Giulia. Studi 11, 439–455.
ZACCARIA, C. 2007, Tra Natisone e Isonzo. Aspetti 
amministrativi in età romana. – In / V: M. Chiabà, P. 
Maggi, C. Magrini (eds. / ur.), Le Valli del Natisone e 
dell’Isonzo tra Centroeuropa e Adriatico, Studi e Ricerche 
sulla Gallia Cisalpina 20, 129–144.
ZACCARIA, C. 2010, Tribù e confini dei territori delle 
città dell’Italia nordorientale. – In / V: M. Silvestrini 
(ed. / ur.), Le tribù romane. Atti della XVIe Rencontre 
sur l’épigraphie (Bari 8-10 ottobre 2009), 103–112, Bari.
ZADNIKAR, M. 1982, Romanika v Sloveniji. – Ljubljana.
451
Predrimsko prebivalstvo Emone v luči rimskih napisov
KRATEK ZGODOVINSKI ORIS
O prebivalcih, ki so živeli v Emoni pred prihodom 
Rimljanov, in o njihovih potomcih se ne ve veliko, 
zato je toliko bolj pomembno, da izvrednotimo 
čim več razpoložljivega gradiva. Na Ižanskem je 
bilo najdenih okoli sto rimskodobnih nagrobnih 
spomenikov, ki nam nudijo dober pregled nad 
osebnimi imeni domačega prebivalstva, iz Emone pa 
jih, nasprotno, poznamo le malo, a vendar ne tako 
malo, kot so še nedavno domnevali. V ključnem 
članku o Emoni, v katerem je zbrana vsa do tedaj 
znana evidenca za zgodovino mesta, je zapisano, 
da “einheimische Elemente kommen fast nicht zum 
Ausdruck” .1 Dejansko pa pomeni število nagrob-
nikov z nerimskimi imeni 10,7 % vseh emonskih 
nagrobnih spomenikov z ugotovljivimi imeni.2 V 
antičnih literarnih virih ni nobenega podatka, ki 
bi se nanašal na staroselsko prebivalstvo v emonski 
kotlini, Strabon le za bližnji Nauportus omenja, da 
je bil vas keltskih Tavriskov (7, 5, 2 C 314). Vendar 
pa so Tavriski razmeroma pozno poselili ta prostor, 
ki je v rimskem obdobju sprva pripadal Cisalpin-
ski Galiji, pozneje pa Italiji (Deseti regiji). Kot se 
zdi, niso prišli pred 3. stoletjem pr. Kr., in po vsej 
verjetnosti jih ni bilo veliko. Sklepamo lahko, da 
niso bili Kelti tisti, ki bi dali emonskemu prostoru 
etnični pečat; kot namreč kažejo osebna imena na 
ižanskih nagrobnikih, je predkeltsko prebivalstvo 
očitno ohranilo svojo etnično identiteto.3 Že Jaroslav 
Šašel je domneval, da je bila predrimska Emona 
venetsko ali karnijsko naselje;4 dejansko sodi skupaj 
z Navportom in Igom v veliko severnojadransko 
jezikovno območje, ki vključuje imensko gradivo 
venetskega prostora, Histrije (Istre) in Liburnije.5 
Prostor Navporta, Emone in Ižanskega predstavlja 
najbolj severovzhodno območje tega sklopa, ki 
meji na Norik in Panonijo in na obširen panonski 
onomastični sistem.
1  Šašel 1968, 566 (1992, 573).
2  Vseh emonskih nagrobnikov z ohranjenimi imeni in 
takšnimi, ki jih je mogoče rekonstruirati, je 65, od tega jih 
je 7, na katerih so domača imena. Sekundarna literatura 
ni nujno citirana k vsakemu napisu.
3  Repanšek 2016.
4  Šašel 1968, 540 (1992, 559).
5  Katičić 1968; Katičić 1976, 179; 182–183; Repanšek 2016.
Predrimska Emona je zrasla ob izlivu manjše 
reke Gradaščice v plovno Ljubljanico in je bila od 
nekdaj idealno rečno pristanišče. Naselje je nastalo 
predvsem na desnem bregu Ljubljanice, kjer sta ga 
poleg reke dobro varovala tako grajski hrib (Grad), 
ki se je vzdigoval nad njim, kot bližnji Golovec. 
Sledovi naselbine, ki je nastala v pozni bronasti 
dobi in živela v zgodnji železni dobi, so bili odkriti 
na Gradu, razprostirala pa se je tudi ob vznožju 
hriba in vse do območja Prul, kjer so nedavna 
izkopavanja odkrila skrbno načrtovano vas z lese-
nimi hišami, povezanimi s cestami (10.–5. stoletje 
pr. Kr.).6 Postavljena je bila ob jantarjevi poti, ki je 
povezovala severnojadranske naselbine čez Emono, 
Celejo in Poetoviono s Karnuntom in območjem 
Baltika, hkrati pa tudi ob prastari argonavtski poti, 
ki je po Ljubljanici, Savi in Donavi ta prostor pove-
zovala s Črnim morjem. Prebivalci so svoje mrtve 
pokopavali na levem bregu reke. V pozni železni 
dobi se je naselbina, ki je dokumentirana vsaj od 2. 
stoletja pr. Kr. dalje, na eni strani razprostirala po 
pobočju grajskega hriba vse do nabrežja, na drugi 
pa v smeri proti Acervu (Stari trg pri Višnji Gori); 
pot je nato vodila naprej proti Neviodunu in Sisciji. 
Nič manj kot Nauportus je bila tudi Emona po vsej 
verjetnosti emporij ob plovni reki, kamor so prihajali 
trgovci od drugod, prebivalci pa so trgovali tako z 
bližnjimi naselbinami kot tudi z bolj oddaljenimi, 
ne nazadnje s pomembnim panonskim emporijem 
v Segesti(ki)/Sisciji, ki je zrasel ob sotočju Kolpe 
(Colapis) in Save in je pripadal Segestanom.
V času zgodnjega principata so Emonci doku-
mentirani v Savariji, in sicer na posvetilu emonski 
boginji Ekorni: Emonienses qui consistunt finibus 
Savar(iae) (sl. 1).7 András Mócsy je posvetilno 
ploščo datiral v prvo polovico 1. stoletja po Kr., 
zelo verjetno še v čas pred vladavino cesarja Klav-
dija, pod katerim je Savarija dobila status rimske 
kolonije, kajti novi mestni status na napisu še ni 
omenjen.8 Pripadniki emonske skupnosti so bili 
zelo verjetno predvsem razni obrtniki in trgovci 
s svojimi družinami.9 V mestu, kjer sta se proces 
6  Hvalec et al. 2009; Vojaković 2014.
7  RIU I, 135 = Šašel Kos 1999, 49 št. 6 = Tóth 2011, 
no. 202 = HD026749 = lupa 7971.
8  Mócsy 1959, 37; Balla et al. 1971, 23.
9  Saria 1931; Kovács 1998.
452 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
romanizacije v recipročnem in najširšem pomenu 
tega pojma ter ekonomski razvoj šele nedavno 
začela, so imeli prebivalci ne preveč oddaljene 
avgustejske kolonije Emone odlične možnosti za 
razmah svojih dejavnosti. Domnevno je bilo med 
emonskimi imigranti tudi nekaj takih, ki so imeli 
status peregrina.10 Tej domnevi v prid namreč govori 
dejstvo, da sta na enem od nagrobnikov Emoncev 
iz Savarije omenjena Maksimov sin Lucij (L(ucius) 
Maximi f.) in njegova žena Salonija Marcela (Salonia 
Marcella).11 Zanimivo je namreč, da je bilo ime 
Maximus/Maxima eno najbolj priljubljenih med 
staroselci na Ižanskem, izpričano pa je tudi med 
slabše poznanimi imeni predrimskega prebivalstva 
iz Emone.12 Imena Lucius ne smemo šteti za latin-
ski praenomen (in torej za del rimske troimenske 
formule),13 čeprav se glasita enako. Lucij je med 
imeni domačega prebivalstva emonske kotline 
nedvomno osebno ime, ki se nekajkrat pojavi na 
Ižanskem.14 Maksimov sin Lucij je očitno pripadal 
domorodni emonski skupnosti peregrinega statusa, 
njegova žena pa je imela rimsko državljanstvo. 
Njeno družinsko ime Salonia je razmeroma red-
ko, vendar je dokumentirano v severni Italiji, od 
koder so Salonii zelo verjetno prišli v Emono.15 
Kako naglo je napredovala akulturacija peregrinega 
prebivalstva Emone, nam ne nazadnje osvetljuje 
dejstvo, da je Lucijevo ime na posvetilu okrajšano 
kot L., enako kot rimsko prvo ime (praenomen). 
Skarbantija (pri Pliniju omenjena kot oppidum Iulia 
Scarbantia: N. h. 3, 146) in Savarija ter njun teritorij 
so bili pod močnim vplivom Noriškega kraljestva 
in med prvimi romaniziranimi območji v Panoniji, 
kamor so se veterani in drugi imigranti iz severne 
Italije naselili že v prvi polovici 1. stoletja po Kr.16
10  Iz Emone pa so bili verjetno tudi člani nekaterih 
akvilejskih družin, kot npr. Caesernii v Savariji, prim. 
Gregoratti 2013, 148.
11  CIL III 4196 = RIU I, 57 = Balla et al. 1971, 104 št. 
107 = HD040092 = lupa 3080: (dom(o) Emon(a)). Lucijevo 
ime ni odlomljeno, kot je napačno navedeno v EDH. Glej 
tudi CIL III 10927 = RIU I, 60 = Balla et al. 1971, št. 109 = 
HD040101, kjer je omenjen Maximus Voltionis f(ilius), žal 
pa je kamen na mestu omembe njegovega porekla (origo) 
odlomljen. Glede na imena smemo sklepati, da je bil zelo 
verjetno iz Emone.
12  CIL III 10774 = EDR155652; glej spodaj.
13  Katičić 1968, 84, ki meni, da je keltsko, čeprav za 
svoje mnenje ne navaja odločilnih jezikovnih argumentov.
14  CIL III 3862 = AIJ 186 = EDR134951.
15  Nomenclator, s.v.; OPEL IV, 45; Alföldy 1969b, 117; 
ime je dvakrat dokumentirano v Akvileji.
16  Kot npr. Mócsy 1983–1984; za Savarijo glej Scherrer 
2003; za obe mesti Kovács 2014, passim.
ASUPOV OSVOBOJENEC 
TIT CEZERNIJ DIFIL
Sredi 1. stoletja pr. Kr., ko so Rimljani že vzposta-
vili kontrolo nad emonskim prostorom, so v Emono 
začeli prihajati prvi doseljenci, med katerimi je bilo 
pričakovati, da bo veliko trgovcev in raznih obrtni-
kov. Zato je tem bolj zanimivo, da je prva oseba, 
ki je v Emoni epigrafsko dokazana na nagrobniku 
iz poznorepublikanskega obdobja (ok. 30 pr. Kr.), 
sevir, član združenja šestih, morda svečenikov ali 
mestnih magistratov iz Akvileje, Asupov osvoboje-
nec Titus Caesernius Diphilus. Nagrobnik si je dal 
postaviti za življenja, kar pomeni, da je v Emoni 
prebival bolj ali manj daljše časovno razdobje (sl. 
2).17 Skupnost Rimljanov v Emoni je kmalu zrasla 
v pomembno naselbino in emporij, ki sta končno 
postala rimska kolonija (colonia Iulia Emona), 
morda že pod Oktavijanom (Avgustom) v letih po 
bitki pri Akciju (31 pr. Kr.)18 ali pa v avgustejskem 
času po končani Tiberijevi panonski vojni leta 8 pr. 
Kr., nikakor pa ne pozneje kot po koncu velikega 
panonsko-dalmatinskega upora (bellum Batonianum) 
leta 9 po Kr.19 V Emoni je Difilov gospodar Assupa 
zelo verjetno veljal za ugledno osebnost, kar ne 
nazadnje izhaja iz dejstva, da se Difil ni označil kot 
T(iti) l(ibertus), kar bi bilo praviloma pričakovati, 
temveč kot Assupae l(ibertus). To bi hkrati lahko tudi 
pojasnilo, zakaj se je kot akvilejski sevir in nekdanji 
Asupov suženj naselil v Emoni. Ni izključeno, da je 
v tem pomembnem emporiju, ki je bil na tem, da 
postane rimska kolonija, skrbel za interese svojega 
gospodarja, morda pa je bil celo udeležen v pro-
cesu upravno-administrativnih sprememb, ki jih je 
zahtevala sprememba statusa naselbine.
Cezerniji niso le epigrafsko najbolje dokumen-
tirana družina v Emoni in njenem zaledju, njeni 
člani so bili tudi med najzgodnejšimi naseljenci v 
emonski kotlini.20 V Emono so prišli iz Akvileje, 
na njihovo gospodarsko moč kaže ne nazadnje tudi 
veliko število osvobojencev. Difil je bil osvoboje-
nec, kar sam omenja na nagrobniku, spričuje pa 
ga tudi njegovo grško ime; sužnjem tujega porekla 
so namreč pogosto dajali grška imena, zlasti v 
primerih, ko so bila njihova prvotna imena težko 
izgovorljiva. Posebej zanimivo je ime njegovega 
17  AIJ 176 = RINMS 3 = EDR073326; Zaccaria 1985, 
112 št. 45; prim. Zaccaria 2006, 453.
18  Šašel 1970, 123–124 (1992, 286–287); Šašel Kos 2003; 
Zaccaria 2010, 108–109; id. 2007, 137–139.
19  Glej nazadnje Šašel Kos 2012; Slapšak 2014.
20  Šašel 1960 (1992); Zaccaria 2006.
453Predrimsko prebivalstvo Emone v luči rimskih napisov
gospodarja, Assupa, moško ime s končnico na -a; 
moška imena s končnico, ki je običajna za ženska 
imena, se nekajkrat pojavijo v Noriku.21 Ime je ha-
pax, znano le z Difilovega nagrobnika, in je morda 
severnojadranskega izvora; ni tudi izključeno, da 
je njegova družina izvirala iz Emone ali s širšega 
emonskega prostora.22 V tem primeru bi Difil s 
posredovanjem svojega gospodarja lahko že pred 
prihodom navezal stike s posamezniki med staro-
selskim prebivalstvom in se seznanil z razmerami 
v mestu. Čeprav je takšen scenarij verjeten, je 
le eden od možnih, saj bi Asupa lahko pripadal 
tudi potomcem avtohtone skupnosti, naseljene v 
Akvileji. Kakorkoli že, v vsakem primeru je imel 
s prebivalci Emone verjetno predhodne stike.
Pod Avgustom je Emona postala rimska ko-
lonija, kamor so se kolonisti priselili predvsem 
iz severne Italije, zlasti iz Akvileje, pa tudi od 
drugod. Nekateri so bili verjetno razlaščeni last-
niki posestev v Italiji, ki so jih oblasti dodelile 
veteranom; te je moral v letih po bitki pri Akciju 
Oktavijan (Avgust) v velikem številu odpustiti iz 
vojske, saj je bila večina že predolgo pod orožjem. 
Kolonisti so bili predvsem civilisti, nekaj pa je bilo 
tudi veteranov, ki so si za svoj novi dom izbrali 
najbolj severovzhodno italsko mesto. Kaj se je 
zgodilo s staroselskim prebivalstvom, ki je živelo 
v Emoni pred prihodom rimskih kolonistov, ni 
jasno, gotovo pa je rimska država zasegla vsaj del 
njihove zemlje.23
V EMONI NAJDENI KAMNITI SPOMENIKI 
Z AVTOHTONIMI IMENI
Čeprav je veljalo prepričanje, da je bilo v Emo-
ni najdeno minimalno število spomenikov, ki so 
jih postavili potomci staroselskega prebivalstva, 
in da so nekaj od teh skoraj gotovo prinesli v 
Ljubljano z Ižanskega, je sistematična analiza 
vseh rimskih napisov iz Emone pokazala, da to 
mnenje ni upravičeno. Več v Ljubljani odkritih 
nagrobnikov s staroselskimi imeni je bilo tudi 
dejansko najdenih v mestu, kar pomeni, da so iz-
virali iz Emone. Prostor Emone in Ižansko sta bila 
v pred rimskem času soodvisna in tesno povezana, 
21  Betz 1956; glej tudi Alföldy 1969a, 11–12; ime Assupa 
je v OPEL I, 81 navedeno pod Panonijo.
22  Tako že Saria (AIJ 176) in Untermann 1961, 131 § 
194; prim. Krahe 1929, 11; Katičić 1968, 104.
23  Kakšne so bile v zvezi s tem različne pravne možnosti, 
glej pri Gagliardi 2015.
do nasilne prekinitve je prišlo šele z ustanovitvijo 
rimske kolonije v Emoni, ki je povzročila velike 
spremembe v življenju predrimskega emonskega 
prebivalstva, saj se je večina nedvomno znašla na 
robu preživetja. Kljub vsemu pa so bili nekateri 
posamezniki dovolj premožni, da so sebi in svoji 
družini lahko postavili nagrobni spomenik in tako 
bodočim generacijam ohranili spomin nase in na 
svoje avtohtono poreklo.
Nagrobnikov s staroselskimi imeni, ki so bili 
odkriti v Ljubljani in nedvomno niso bili prine-
seni od drugod, je sedem, tem pa je treba dodati 
še en zaobljubni oltar. Prvi nagrobnik je leta 1534 
objavil Petrus Apianus; zelo verjetno ga je prevzel 
iz malo zgodnejšega rokopisa Avguština Tyferna.24 
Pri Apianu piše, da je bil nagrobnik najden v ruše-
vinah hiše blizu cerkve sv. Nikolaja, ki je današnja 
stolnica (Laibaci in domo quadam diruta e regione 
Ecclesiae Sancti Nicolai); ponovno ga je objavil 
Wolfgang Lazius (sl. 3).25 Janez Ludvik Schönleben 
omenja, da veliko napisov, objavljenih v Lazijevem 
epigrafskem korpusu, ni bilo več mogoče najti, in 
kot prvi zgubljen napis navaja prav tega: “Harum 
ergo prima fuit e regione Templi D. Nicolai, in domo 
quadam privata”.26 Napis se glasi:
D(is) M(anibus) s(acrum). / Buio Vibi f(ilius) / 
v(ivus) posuit sibi / et coniugi Lascio/5{a}nti(a)e 
Q(uinti?) Subloani f(iliae) / Ɵ(obitae) an(norum) 
XXXX et f(ilio?) Fibioni / Ɵ(obito) an(norum) VII 
[---] / [---?.
Prevod: Posvečeno božanskim Manom. Vibov 
(ali Vibijev) sin Buio je dal postaviti (nagrobnik) 
za življenja sebi in svoji ženi Lasciontiji, hčerki 
Kvinta (?) Sublona (?), ki je umrla stara 40 let, in 
sinu (?) Fibionu (?), ki je umrl star 7 let (ali več?) ...
Buio, Buiio ali Buiius je eno najbolj priljubljenih 
staroselskih imen na Ižanskem, dokumentirano je 
skoraj izključno na prostoru Ižanskega in Emone, 
in sicer desetkrat na osmih nagrobnikih.27 Morda 
24  Šašel Kos 2016.
25  Apianus, Amantius 1534, 372, 1; Lazius 1551, 1195; 
CIL III 3855 = EDR155648 = lupa 4200.
26  Schönleben 1681, 217 št. I; ker so nekatera imena 
enaka kot na nagrobnikih z Ižanskega, sta Muratori 
in Müllner brez dodatnih argumentov domnevala, da 
nagrobnik izvira z Iga.
27  CIL III 10739 = EDR148360; CIL III 3860 = EDR135190; 
CIL III 3799 = EDR148216; CIL III 10740 = EDR148321; 
CIL III 3866 = EDR136395; CIL III 3826 = EDR148336; 
AIJ 140 = EDR148266; RINMS 82 = EDR134913.
454 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
bi lahko interpretirali tudi patronimik ženske, Ruii 
filia, na zgubljenem nagrobniku z Iga kot Buii filia, 
saj je domneva, da bi utegnilo biti ime pri Avgušti-
nu Tyfernu napačno prepisano, upravičena.28 Ime 
Buio v Emoni dopolnjuje in potrjuje njegovo veliko 
priljubljenost na Ižanskem. Buio je hipokoristična 
oblika imena in je zato a priori ne moremo z goto-
vostjo pripisati nobenemu od tedaj znanih jezikov, 
temveč lahko trdimo, da je ime izrazito lokalno in 
torej severnojadranskega porekla.29 Vibus in Vibius 
sta imeni, značilni za nekdanje Noriško kraljestvo,30 
vendar sta bili priljubljeni tudi na Ižanskem.31 
Ime Lasciontia, ki je znano v zelo podobni obliki 
Lascontia še z nagrobnika iz Mengša nedaleč od 
Ljubljane,32 medtem ko drugje ni dokumentirano, 
lahko opredelimo kot ime, značilno za predrimsko 
prebivalstvo Emone in njene širše okolice. Izvirni 
imenovalnik se je morda glasil Lasc(i)onti, podob-
no kot izpričan nominativ staroselskega ženskega 
imena Voltaronti, ki je bil nedavno razložen kot 
značilna tvorba lokalnega jezika.33 Imeni Sublo 
(?), ki je v rodilniku zapisano kot Subloani (A je 
morda odveč in bi moralo biti pravilno prebrano 
kot Sublo{a}ni),34 in Fibio, če sta bili pravilno 
prepisani, drugje nista poznani,35 zato o njunih 
povezavah ni mogoče reči nič konkretnega.
Tudi drugi nagrobnik je zgubljen, bil pa je 
prav tako nedvomno odkrit v Ljubljani, in sicer, 
kot piše Iacobus Valvasonius (f. 52), “In conventu 
Theutonicorum” , torej na prostoru kulturnega 
centra Križank, ki so stale na območju Emone in 
so do druge svetovne vojne pripadale Nemškemu 
viteškemu redu (sl. 4).36 Napis se glasi:
Ebon[icus or –ico ---?] / an(norum) LX / Velat[---]/
Maxuma /5 NO[...] parentib(us) / suis.
28  Tyfernus, CVP 3528, fol. 71r = CIL III 3821 = 
EDR148423 = lupa 4186.
29  Lochner-Hüttenbach 1965, 21–22; Katičić 1968, 
72–73; Repanšek 2016, 324, 326.
30  Prim. Nomenclator in OPEL; Alföldy 1977, 257–258.
31  RINMS 85 = EDR134929; CIL III 3803 = EDR148391; 
CIL III 3818 = EDR148404; CIL III 3862 = EDR134951.
32  CIL III 3895 + p. 1736 = AIJ 216 = ILJug 326 = 
lupa 3724.
33  Repanšek 2016, 327, 329.
34  Z odvečnim A, podobno kot v Lascio{a}nti(a)e: 
Repanšek 2016, 330.
35  Navedeni pri Katičiću 1968, 98 in 82; glej tudi OPEL 
II, 140 (Fibio); IV, 97 (as Subloanus).
36  CIL III 10774.
Prevod: Ebon[ik ali: Eboniku] ... star 60 let ... 
Velat[-]? Maksuma ... svojim staršem.
Imena Velat[-], če je bilo pravilno prepisano, 
na osnovi razpoložljivega onomastičnega gradiva 
ne moremo dopolniti,37 medtem ko je bilo ime 
Maximus/ Maxima (tudi Maxuma) tako v moški 
kot ženski obliki običajen in zelo pogost latinski 
kognomen (cognomen), na Ižanskem pa, kot že 
omenjeno, med najbolj priljubljenimi latinskimi 
osebnimi imeni. Morda je bilo prevedeno ali 
prilagojeno iz jezika, ki se je govoril na območju 
Emone, kar je pojav, ki je znan tudi drugje.38 
Ebonicus je staroselsko ime, ki se pojavi tudi na 
dveh drugih nagrobnikih z Ižanskega,39 značilno je 
torej za avtohtono ižansko-emonsko prebivalstvo.
Tako kot prva dva je tudi tretji nagrobnik zgu-
bljen, iz objave pri Apianu izhaja, da je bil odkrit v 
Ljubljani, na pokopališču tako imenovane nemške 
rezidence (in coemeterio curiae cruciferorum), torej 
na območju današnjih Križank (sl. 5).40 Napis se 
glasi:
Enno Secco/nis f(ilius) / vivus f(ecit) Cetetiuni / 
Rustici f(iliae) /5 Ɵ(obitae) an(norum) L / et fil(io) 
Valentioni / Ɵ(obito) an(norum) XXXV et Secu. / 
Secco Emon(i)s <Y>(filius) / Ɵ(obitus) an(norum) 
LI. Emon Y(filius ?) /10 Ɵ(obit.) / [---.
Prevod: Sekonov sin Eno je dal napraviti (na-
grobnik) za življenja Rustikovi hčerki Cetetiu, ki 
je umrla stara 50 let. In sinu Valentionu, ki je umrl 
star 35 let, in Seku. Emov sin Seko, ki je umrl star 
51 let. Emo, sin, je umrl ...
Imeni Enno in Em(m)o sta kratki tvorbi (hipoko-
ristika); ti dve in podobna imena kot npr. Enna in 
Ennia, so značilna za ižansko-emonsko območje.41 
Ime Secco se nekajkrat pojavi na nagrobnih napisih 
z Ižanskega; opredeljeno je bilo kot keltsko in kot 
kratko ime (hipokoristik).42 Prav zaradi tega ga 
lahko razložimo predvsem kot staroselsko ime, 
priljubljeno na ižansko-emonskem območju.43 
37  OPEL IV, 152.
38  Kot npr. v Liburniji, Rider: Rendić-Miočević 1989.
39  CIL III 3806 = 10732; 10741; glej Lochner-Hüttenbach 
1965, 23; Katičić 1968, 76; Repanšek 2016, 324.
40  Apianus, Amantius 1534, 371, 4; CIL III 3861 = 
10758 = lupa 4201.
41  Katičić 1968, 76–78; Repanšek 2016, 324.
42  CIL III 3810; 3877; 3871 = AIJ 195; Lochner-Hüttenbach 
1965, 34–35; Katičić 1968, 96–97; Matasović 2003, 13.
43  Repanšek 2016, 323, 324, 334, 335.
455Predrimsko prebivalstvo Emone v luči rimskih napisov
Cetetiu je žensko ime, ki se končuje na –u, in 
drugod ni izpričano, ženska imena na –u pa so 
sicer na Igu že znana: Tetiu in Cot(t)iu (ali morda 
Otiu).44 Valentio je latinski kognomen, tako tudi 
Rusticus, ki je bil priljubljen predvsem v Hispaniji 
in severni Italiji,45 in je bil eno od najbolj pogostih 
osebnih imen med prebivalci ižansko-emonskega 
območja in bližnje okolice.46
Četrti nagrobnik, tudi zgubljen, je bil odkrit leta 
1695 v Ljubljani, ko so podrli kapelo sv. Mihaela. 
Ta kapela je bila okrogla kostnica, ki je stala južno 
od cerkve sv. Petra; kamen je Janez Gregor Dolničar 
pozneje videl na pokopališču te cerkve.47 Napis je 
bil prepisan zelo nezanesljivo, omenjajo se latin-
sko moško ime Vitalis in ženski imeni Voltia in 
Voltaronti (ali Voltarontis). Zadnji dve sta značilni 
za avtohtona imena ižansko-emonskega območja, 
posebej Voltaronti; ta predstavlja svojevrsten pri-
mer oblikoslovja domačega jezika, ki je verjetno 
ohranil imenovalnik ednine starih indoevropskih 
ženskih dolgih i-jevskih korenov. Podobno kot 
ime Devontia na naslednjem nagrobniku, ki se je 
izvorno verjetno glasilo Devonti, in prej omenjeno 
ime Lasc(i)ontia (Lasc(i)onti), so bila nekatera 
ženska imena na ižansko-emonskem območju zelo 
verjetno tvorjena na *-ontī, in sicer na osnovi mo-
ških debel na -on-, kar predstavlja izrazito lokalni 
vzorec. Domače oblikoslovje teh ženskih imen se 
je nato zlahka prilagodilo običajnemu latinskemu 
vzorcu imen, ki so se končevala na -iā.48
Tudi peti nagrobni spomenik je bil najden v 
Križankah, kjer ga je Schönleben videl v Marijini 
cerkvi Nemškega viteškega reda, blizu oltarja; 
služil je kot klečalnik, pozneje pa je bil vzidan v 
zid notranjega dvorišča njihove rezidence (sl. 6).49 
Nagrobno ploščo časovno lahko umestimo v 1. 
stoletje po Kr., napis na njej pa se glasi:
44  CIL III 3814; Cotiu: Ragolič 2016. Za ženska ižanska 
imena na –u glej Stifter 2012, 257–258; za Cetetiu je 
predlagal čitanje et Tetiuni, kar pa ni ne upravičeno ne 
smiselno, glej Repanšek 2016, 324; 326.
45  Nomenclator, s.v.
46  Neobjavljen korpus rimskih napisov iz Emone in 
njenega upravnega območja.
47  Thalnitscher, Antiquitates Labacenses, 1. izd., dodatek a1 
39; 2. izd., dodatek a2 45’ št. 9; f. 53 št. 6; CIL III 3876 + 
p. 2328,189: VITALIS BEA/TVLONS SIBI / ET VOLTARO/
TIA. ET F. EI / 5VOLTIA F. VOL/TARONTIAE / CONIVGI. 
Za kostnico glej Zadnikar 1982, 478–479.
48  Repanšek 2016, 325, 326–327.
49  Schönleben 1681, 227 št. I; CIL III 3863 = 10759 = 
AIJ 189 = EDR155588 = lupa 3704.
C(aio) Iulio C(ai) l(iberto) / Quadrato / et Vi-
bunni/ae Uss[...] f(iliae) /5 Devontiae / uxori vivae 
/ Urb[anus?] f ̣(ilius?) / Firmus Ị[...] N / v(ivi?) 
f(ecerunt?).
Prevod: Gaju Juliju Kvadratu, Gajevemu osvo-
bojencu, in njegovi ženi Vibuniji Devontiji, hčerki 
Uss[-], za življenja. Njun sin Urban (?), Firmus ... 
(je dal/so dali?) napraviti (nagrobnik) za življenja.
Ime Vibunnius je dokumentirano le petkrat50 
in z izjemo enega napisa iz Sale (Salla) v Panoniji 
zgolj na območju Emone, zato ga lahko po pravici 
prištevamo med imena, značilna za emonski pro-
stor. V vseh dosedanjih objavah tega nagrobnika 
je bilo ime nepravilno prebrano kot Vibunnae, 
vendar sta drugi N in I nedvomno v ligaturi,51 torej 
je pravilno branje imena Vibunnia. Ta oblika pa 
je verjetnejša tudi z vidika onomastike, saj bi na 
tem mestu v vsakem primeru pričakovali družin-
sko ime, gentilicij. Vibunnius je psevdogentilicij, 
tvorjen iz avtohtonega osebnega imena Vibunn(i)
us. Ime Vibunnus je očitno epihorsko osebno ime, 
značilno za emonsko območje;52 zato je mogoče 
z gotovostjo trditi, da je pripadalo ižanskemu 
imenskemu sklopu. Ime, ki se začenja na Uss[-], 
ni mogoče dopolniti, ni pa metodološko pravilno, 
da bi ga opredelili kot keltsko.53 Obe imeni se v 
napisu pojavita v povezavi z ženskim imenom 
Devonti(a), ki drugod ni izpričano in ki ga je Wolf-
gang Meid razložil kot keltsko,54 vendar je njegovo 
razlago ovrgel že David Stifter in nedavno tudi 
Luka Repanšek.55 Ime Urb[-] lahko najverjetneje 
dopolnimo kot Urbanus, na Ižanskem je namreč 
kar trikrat dokumentirano.56
Šesti nagrobnik je bil odkrit leta 1893 v hiši 
mizarja Karla Krimmerja na cesti Marije Terezije 
50  OPEL IV, 166; tudi RINMS 27 in AIJ 189; prim. TRHR 
(Suppl.) 59 = HD037843 = lupa 4564 iz Zalaszentgyörgy (pri 
antičnem mestu Salla), Zgornja Panonija. Ni izključeno, da 
je bila oseba (Vibunnius Valerius) z emonskega območja.
51  Dodatno lahko opazimo, da je poleg drugega N na 
samem koncu vrstice verjetno vklesan majhen polovičen I.
52  Meid 2005, 307; cf. 194 in 244.
53  Repanšek 2016, 331, kljub Meidu 2005, 244 in 307; 
Ussus je dokumentiran enkrat v Galiji Belgiki, Ussius pa 
dvakrat v severni Italiji in enkrat v Hispaniji in Galiji 
Belgiki: OPEL IV, 188.
54  Meid 2005, 307.
55  Stifter 2012, 252; Repanšek 2016, 327, 334, 336.
56  CIL III 3877 = EDR135195: Voltaronti Urbani f(ilia) 
in dvakrat v CIL III 13402 = EDR152812: Sabina Urbani 
f(ilia) in Voltilius Urbanus).
456 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
št. 4 (današnja Gosposvetska ulica), neposredno 
nasproti rimske nekropole (sl. 7).57 Napis se glasi:
---?] / Vibunniaes / Matrones. / In agro p(edes) 
LS (!) / in fronte /5 p(edes) XXVIII.
Prevod: (... ? nagrobnik) Vibunije Matrone. 
(Grobna parcela meri) 50 (morda tudi 55 ali 50 
in pol?) čevljev v dolžino in 28 čevljev v širino.
Matrona ima enak psevdogentilicij kot De-
vontija iz prejšnjega napisa. Ime Matrona je tudi 
nekajkrat dokumentirano na širšem emonskem 
območju, čeprav je načeloma redko.58 Grške konč-
nice sklonov, kot v tem primeru v rodilniku, so 
načeloma značilne za zgodnje napise; nagrobnik 
je morda iz 1. stoletja po Kr. Družina Vibunijev je 
očitno pripadala sloju romaniziranih premožnih 
staroselcev, ki so imeli rimsko državljanstvo in 
niso v nobenem pogledu izstopali iz družbenega 
konteksta življenja v rimski koloniji.
Družinsko ime Vibunnius se pojavi tudi na 
zaobljubnem oltarju, posvečenem boginji zmage 
Viktoriji (sl. 8),59 odkritem v Ljubljani leta 1911, 
med izkopavanji na Mirju, ki jih je vodil Walter 
Schmid. Najden je bil na globini 50 cm v tako 
imenovani zlatarjevi hiši (hiša IV) v sobi 8, kjer je 
bil prislonjen na zid skupaj s tremi drugimi oltarji 
(RINMS 17, 26 in 28). Vsem so manjkali zgornji 
deli in zdi se zelo verjetno, da so bili pripravljeni 
kot gradbeni material za ponovno uporabo, morda 
za dodatno utrditev mestnega obzidja v poznorim-
skem obdobju. Posvetilo se glasi:
[Vict]ori/[ae] Aug(ustae) sa(nctae) / [s]acrum. 
/ Sex(tus) Vibun/5nius Avitus / ex vot(o).
Prevod: Posvečeno sveti Viktoriji Avgusti. Sekst 
Vibunij Avit (je dal postaviti oltar) po zaobljubi.
Posvetiteljev kognomen Avitus je bil priljubljen 
med domorodnim prebivalstvom tako v sosednjem 
Noriku kot v Panoniji,60 kar se ujema z njegovim 
družinskim imenom, izpeljanim iz staroselskega 
osebnega imena. Zelo verjetno je pripadal po-
tomcem prebivalstva, ki je v Emoni živelo pred 
prihodom Rimljanov.
57  CIL III 14354,16 = RINMS 60 = lupa 1158 = EDR129092.
58  Kajanto 1965, 18, 21, 80, 305; Mócsy 1959, 203 
(2/56), je menil, da naj ne bi šlo za ime.
59  RINMS 27 = AIJ 163 = EDR129027.
60  OPEL I, 97; Alföldy 1977, 257–258.
Zadnji je nagrobnik, ki je bil po podatku Jane-
za Ludvika Schönlebna odkrit okoli leta 1635 v 
Ljubljani, blizu cerkve sv. Krištofa, ko so mestne 
oblasti v tem predmestju dale zgraditi hišo za 
potujoče goste (sl. 9).61 Okoliščine odkritja, ki jih 
Schönleben natančno opisuje, so zelo zanimive, 
in sklepali bi lahko, da je bil spomenik najden in 
situ, razen če ni služil kot pokrov poznorimskega 
groba oz. sarkofaga. Pod nagrobnikom je bil namreč 
najden kamnit grob z nekaj ostanki kosti, dvema 
okroglima zapestnicama in majhno zlato verižico. 
Schönleben je še dodal, da je bil spomenik vzidan 
v zunanjo steno cerkve sv. Krištofa, ki je gledala na 
javno cesto, a je že vsaj v času Alfonsa Müllnerja 
veljal za zgubljenega.
Secundae / Epponis f(iliae). / G(aius) Vedius 
Rufus / [vivus?] fecit / 5 [sibi et?] uxori / et Sabino 
<f>(ilio). / In front(e) p(edes) XII / in agro p(edes) 
XVII.
Prevod: Eponovi hčerki Sekundi. Gaj Vedij Ruf 
je dal za življenja napraviti (nagrobnik) zase (?) in 
za svojo ženo in sina Sabina. (Mere grobne parcele 
znašajo) v širino 12 čevljev in v dolžino 17 čevljev.
Sekunda je imela status meščanke brez drža-
vljanstva (to so bili tako imenovani peregrini 
prebivalci), ime njenega očeta pa kaže, da je 
pripadala skupnosti emonskih staroselcev. Eppo 
je dobro dokumentiran na Ižanskem in je pripa-
dal potomcem ižansko-emonskega predrimskega 
prebivalstva;62 njegovega kratkega imena ni mo-
goče zanesljivo opredeliti kot keltsko, kar sta kot 
neutemeljeno zavrnila tako David Stifter kot Luka 
Repanšek.63 Zanimivo pa je, da je bil Sekundin 
mož rimski državljan, ki je imel tri imena (tria 
nomina), in je bil morda eden prvih kolonistov 
iz Italije oz. njihov neposredni potomec. Njegovo 
rodovno ime je dokumentirano v Italiji in tudi v 
Akvileji,64 s kolonizacijo pa se je širilo na vzhod in 
v obdonavske province.65 Nagrobnik je iz 1. stoletja 
po Kr. in zanimivo osvetljuje zgodnje sožitje med 
staroselskim prebivalstvom in priseljenci iz Italije.
61  Schönleben 1681, 216, no. VII = CIL III 3872 = 
EDR155656 = lupa 4204.
62  RINMS 82, 88; ILJug 299.
63  Stifter 2012, 252–253; Repanšek 2016, 324, 334–335, 
337. Katičić 1968, 79–80, je ime imel za keltsko, toda glej 
Lochner-Hüttenbach 1965, 24–25 ter Meid 2005, 195 in 
270, ki menita, da ime ni nujno keltsko.
64  Inscr. Aquil. 648; 1049; 2531.
65  Alföldy 1969b, 134; OPEL IV, 150.
457Predrimsko prebivalstvo Emone v luči rimskih napisov
Na seznamih pretorijancev v Rimu (laterculi) 
sta dokumentirana dva pretorijanca iz Emone, ki 
bi lahko veljala za potomca predrimske emonske 
skupnosti: Lucius Vibienus Ianuarius iz leta 144 
po Kr.,66 in Publius Aurelius Annamatus iz leta 
209.67 Januarijev gentilicij je verjetno izpeljan iz 
domačega osebnega imena Vibus (ali Vibius), ki 
je, kot že omenjeno, značilen za nekdanje Noriško 
kraljestvo in posebej tudi za Ižansko. Januarijevo 
gentilno ime se končuje na -ienus, kar je razme-
roma redko. Z Emono so bili npr. povezani Teti-
eni: trgovec Lucius Tettienus Vitalis je bil rojen v 
Akvileji, odraščal pa je v Emoni.68 Publij Avrelij 
Anamat ima kognomen, ki je nedvomno keltski 
in dobro dokumentiran v Panoniji;69 zanimivo je, 
da ga v obliki Adnomatus, bolj ustrezni lokalne-
mu jeziku, najdemo tudi na Igu.70 Annamatus je 
zelo verjetno pripadal potomcem staroselskega 
prebivalstva Emone.
NAGROBNIKI NEGOTOVE PROVENIENCE
Provenienca rimskih spomenikov, ki so bili po 
naročilu Janeza Gregorja Dolničarja (1655–1719) 
vzidani v stene ljubljanske stolnice in semenišča, 
ni povsem jasna, kajti Dolničar piše, da so bili 
spomeniki bodisi iz Emone bodisi iz bližnjih vasi. 
Le za enega z Ižanskega je zabeležil natančno naj-
dišče, namreč vasico Strahomer, za dva pa najdišči 
iz ljubljanskih predmestij. Kot je sam zapisal: “Za 
krono tega poglavja preostaja, da zabeležimo napise 
in spomenike, ki so bili najdeni tako tukaj kot v 
predmestjih in sosednjih krajih, kjer so rimski 
prebivalci mesta nekoč imeli svoje pristave in 
posestva, in ki so, zbrani na mojo pobudo nedolgo 
tega, doprinesli svoj delež k oživitvi slave starega 
ljubljanskega mesta”.71
66  CIL VI 32520 (= 2379), col. III v. 39 = Dobó 1975, 
58b = EDR126679; Šašel 1968, 548 (1992, 564).
67  CIL VI 32640 col. I v. 15 = EDR134201; Šašel 1968, 
549 (1992, 565); za oba glej tudi Visočnik 2015, 307, št. 
13 in 19.
68  CIL V 7047 + 7127 = EDR113494, z bibliografijo.
69  Meid 2005, 160.
70  CIL III 3819 (+ p. 1047) = 10736 = CLIC str. 222, 
PAN 014 = EDR148415; Repanšek 2016, 324; 334; 338; 342.
71  Thalnitscher 1701, 67 (Restat pro coronide huius 
capitis, ut inscriptiones et monumenta, quae tum hic, tum 
in suburbiis ac vicinis locis ubi olim Romani incolae urbis 
suas habuere villas et praedia, me hortatore collecta ad 
excitandam veteris urbis Labacensis gloriam ...). Glej tudi 
Dolničar (Lavrič) 2003, 262.
Zaradi značilnih ižanskih osebnih imen v ve-
čini teh napisov (vseh je 13, dva sta ponarejena) 
je veljalo mnenje, ki sta ga zagovarjala predvsem 
Theodor Mommsen in Anton von Premerstein, 
da večina spomenikov izvira z Ižanskega.72 Po 
Premersteinovem prepričanju sta bila v Ljubljani 
odkrita le CIL III 3845 in 3838 (njegovi številki 42 
in 37),73 vsi ostali naj bi bili prineseni z Ižanske-
ga.74 Prvi od teh dveh spomenikov je nagrobnik 
veterana 15. legije Lucija Oklatija Tarkvinčana (L. 
Oclatius Tarquiniensis), najden v predmestju teda-
nje Ljubljane pred hišo Knidasch, ki je ni mogoče 
natančno locirati. Drugi pa je posvetilo Herkulu iz 
Zgornje Šiške v Ljubljani (v Dolničarjevih časih še 
predmestje), ki sta ga dala postaviti dva Klodija, 
oče in sin. Glede na to, da sta bila oba spomenika 
najdena v predmestjih in ne v tedanji Ljubljani (... 
inscriptiones et monumenta, quae tum hic, tum in 
suburbiis ...), se zdi zelo verjetno, da je bil vsaj 
eden od preostalih odkrit v Ljubljani. Toda ker za 
večino ni jasno, od kod točno izvirajo, jih nisem 
vključila med emonske.
Iz analize emonskih napisov izhaja, da vsaj osem 
spomenikov z domačimi imeni ni bilo prinesenih 
od drugod, temveč so bili nedvomno najdeni v 
Ljubljani. Ta delež je dejansko večji, kot so mislili 
raziskovalci preteklih generacij, kar pomeni, da je 
staroselsko prebivalstvo Emone vendarle zapustilo 
dovolj občutno sled v rimski koloniji Emoni; ti 
napisi nam omogočajo, da jih lahko bolj natančno 
preučimo. Nekaterim je uspelo, da so se prebili v 
višje sloje rimske družbe, njihovo bogastvo pa jim 
je omogočilo, da so si lahko postavili družinski 
nagrobni spomenik. Nekatere družine peregrine-
ga statusa so bile dovolj premožne, da so lahko 
dostojno živele. Takšna sta bila primera Buiona 
in njegove žene Lasciontije ter Enona in njegove 
žene Cetetiu. Nekatere domačinke so se poročile 
z rimskimi državljani, tako npr. Eponova hčerka 
Sekunda, ki se je omožila z Gajem Vedijem Rufom. 
Nedvomno so bili tudi primeri, ko so se staroselci 
poročili z Rimljankami, kot je mogoče sklepati s prej 
omenjenega nagrobnika Maksimovega sina Lucija 
iz Emone, ki je dal v Savariji postaviti nagrobni 
spomenik za ženo Salonijo Marcelo.75 Osvobojenci 
72  Glej CIL III, k ustreznim številkam napisov; Premerstein 
1902.
73  Ne oziraje se na oba potvorjena napisa, njegovi št. 
9 in 8.
74  Premerstein 1902, 19.
75  Mešani zakoni niso bili nič neobičajnega tudi npr. 
v Akvileji, glej Chiabà 2014, in jih lahko pričakujemo v 
vsakem mestu.
458 Marjeta ŠAŠEL KOS
so imeli za žene pripadnice nekdanje skupnosti 
emonskih staroselcev, ki pa so, kot se zdi glede 
na psevdorodovno ime, že imele državljanstvo. 
Tak je bil primer Gaja Julija Kvadrata in njegove 
žene Vibunije Devontije. Nekateri posamezniki 
med staroselci, ki so se hoteli in znali prilagoditi 
novim razmeram, so za zasluge dobili rimsko 
državljanstvo, za gentilicij pa so uporabili ime oz. 
patronimik, značilen za njihovo družino, kot npr. 
ravno Vibuniji. Ta imena in socialne vezi njihovih 
nosilcev na zanimiv način osvetljujejo življenje v 
Emoni, preden se je spremenila v rimsko mesto, 
predvsem pa pričajo o različnih načinih prilagajanja 
domačega prebivalstva novim razmeram, ki je bilo 
nujno za sožitje z rimskimi kolonisti.
Marjeta Šašel Kos
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU
Inštitut za arheologijo
Novi trg 2
SI-1000 Ljubljana
mkos@zrc-sazu.si