D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 TEMATSKI SKLOP / THEMATIC SEC TION MIGRACIJE DELOVNE SILE V UKRAJINI IN NA OBMOČJU NEKDANJE SOVJETSKE ZVEZE L A B O R M I G R AT I O N I N U K R A I N E A N D T H E P O S T - S O V I E T S PAC E Z h a n n a B o l a t I ntroduc t ion: Labor M igrat ion in Uk raine and the Post-Soviet Space Te t i a n a M a r u s i a k , O k s a n a K hy m ov yc h , Vo l o d y my r H o b l y k , Va s y l P i g o s h , U l i a n a Ro s o l a M igrat ion Abroad as a Socia l Consequence of Transformations of the I nst i tute of Educat ion in Modern Uk raine A k m a n a t A b u ova , N u r l a n B a i g a by l ov, M u k h t a r A b d i ka k i m ov, S a l t a n a t A u b a k i r ova , G u l n a r A s s y l k h a n ova Socia l -Economic I ntegrat ion of K azak h M igrants in Turkey Z hu l d y z I m a s h e va Explor ing Ethnic Entrepreneurship: Family Business of Taj ik M igrants O l e g Ya r o s h e n ko, Vo l o d y my r H a ra s h c h u k , O l e n a M o s ka l e n ko, G a l i n a Ya kov l e va , Vi t a l i i Sv i t l yc h ny i A Comparat ive Analys is of Forced M igrants’ R ights Abroad and in Uk raine and Control O ver Their Obser vance Under Condit ions of Mar t ia l Law A i g e r i m Ad i l g a z i n ova , Lya i l ya B a l a ka ye va , M a ra G u b a i d u l l i n a M igrant Issues in Contemporar y Japan G u l s a ra Ka p p a s s ova , M e i ra m g u l A l t y b a s s a r ova , G a n i Ye l m u ra t ov, M a d i n a Ra k h i m b a e va , B o r i s Po l o m a r c h u k M igrat ion Processes in the Republ ic of K azak hstan: Regular i t ies, Problems, and Prospec ts ČL ANKI / ARTICLES Lo r e d a n a Pa n a r i t i A H istor ical Analys is of Lef t-Wing Trade Union Posit ions Regarding Bangladeshi Workers in Monfalcone ( I ta ly) and Bosnian Workers in S lovenia V l a d i m i r I ve t a , M a r i j e t a Ra j kov i ć I ve t a M igrat ions, C i t izenships, and the R ight and Choice to Play for a Nat ional Footbal l Team with a Focus on the Croat ian Nat ional Team M a r j e t a Vr b i n c, D o n n a M . T. C r. Fa r i n a , A l e n ka Vr b i n c Or is s lovar jev in pr i ročnikov za učenje angleščine s lovensk ih izsel jencev v ZDA v obdobju 1895–1919 Ro k S m r d e l j Communicat ion Relat ions on Twitter Dur ing the M igrant “Cr is is” in S lovenia Ka t j a Ko b o l t Postmigraci jsk a estet ik a : Avtof ikc i jsko narat ivno delovanje v pisanju Di jane M atković in v izualnem ust var janju Anne Ehrenstein 592 0 2 4 9 7 7 0 3 5 3 6 7 7 0 1 3 ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 59 2 0 2 4 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 1-3 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31 Glavni urednici / Editors-in-Chief Kristina Toplak, Marijanca Ajša Vižintin Odgovorna urednica / Editor-in-Charge Marina Lukšič Hacin Tehnični urednik / Technical Editor Tadej Turnšek Mednarodni uredniški odbor / International Editorial Board Synnove Bendixsen, Ulf Brunnbauer, Aleš Bučar Ručman, Martin Butler, Daniela l. Caglioti, Jasna Čapo, Donna Gabaccia, Jure Gombač, Ketil Fred Hansen, Damir Josipovič, Aleksej Kalc, Jernej Mlekuž, Claudia Morsut, Ikhlas Nouh Osman, Nils Olav Østrem, Lydia Potts, Maya Povrzanović Frykman, Francesco Della Puppa, Jaka Repič, Rudi Rizman, Matteo Sanfilippo, Annemarie Steidl, Urška Strle, Adam Walaszek, Rolf Wörsdörfer, Simona Zavratnik, Janja Žitnik Serafin Lektoriranje in korektura / Copyediting and proofreading Jana Renée Wilcoxen (angleški jezik / English) Tadej Turnšek (slovenski jezik / Slovenian) Oblikovanje / Design Anja Žabkar Prelom / Typesetting Inadvertising d. o. o. Založila / Published by ZRC SAZU, Založba ZRC Izdal / Issued by ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije / ZRC SAZU, Slovenian Migration Institute, Založba ZRC Tisk / Printed by Tisk Žnidarič, d. o. o. Naklada / Printum 150 Naslov uredništva / Editorial Office Address INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO IN MIGRACIJE ZRC SAZU p. p. 306, SI-1001 Ljubljana, Slovenija Tel.: +386 (0)1 4706 485; Fax +386 (0)1 4257 802 E-naslov: dd-th@zrc-sazu.si Spletna stran / Website: https://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/twohomelands Revija izhaja s pomočjo Javne agencije za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije in Urada Vlade Republike Slovenije za Slovence v zamejstvu in po svetu / Financial support: Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency and Government Office for Slovenians Abroad ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 4-6 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31 81 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 h t t p s : / / d o i . o r g / 1 0 . 3 9 8 6 / 2 0 2 4 . 1 . 0 6 I PhD student of history; Department of International Relations and World Economy, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty; aigerimadilgazinova@yandex.kz; ORCID https://orcid. org/0009-0001-1137-9381 II PhD in history; Department of the Far East, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty; Lyai- lyaBalakayeva34@outlook.com; ORCID https://orcid.org/0009-0005-7432-4299 III Full doctor in history; Department of International Relations and World Economy, Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty; mar_gubaidullina@hotmail.com; ORCID https://orcid. org/0000-0002-8723-2917 @language: sl, en @trans-language: sl, en @publisher-id: id @doi: 10.3986/2024.1.06 @article-type: 1.01 @article-category: S 180 @pages: 81–106 @history-received: 27. 1. 2023 @history-accepted: 3. 11. 2023 * * * Ž u r n a l m e t a * * * @issue: 2024 @volume: 59 @pub-year: 2024 @pub-date: 15. 2. 2024 * * * O p r e m a * * * @avtorji: Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina @running-header: Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan MIGRANT ISSUES IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN Aigerim Adilgazinova,I Lyailya Balakayeva,II Mara GubaidullinaIII COBISS: 1.01 ABSTRACT Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan Japan has an interesting and ambivalent policy toward the migration process; therefore, it is interesting to examine the migration position of a mono-ethnic state, which has also had a history of “closure” and exclusion from the outside world. The research objective is to examine the characteristics of immigration processes in contemporary Japanese society. The research methods used include narrative, comparative, analytical, and structural. As a result, it can be argued that the legislative framework is important in dealing with migrants, which in Japan is recognized as highly effective; in general, the mechanism formed by the Japanese government for dealing with the migrant population copes with all its tasks. In the course of the work, the main problems of adapting to life in Japan were identified, which are the focus of the governing authorities. KEYWORDS: workers, Asian labor market, social security and health insurance, economy, emigration IZVLEČEK Migrantski izzivi v sodobni Japonski Japonska ima zanimivo in ambivalentno politiko do procesa migracij, zato je zanimivo preučiti migracijski položaj te monoetnične države, ki ima tudi zgodovino »zaprtosti« in izključenosti iz zunanjega sveta. Cilj v prispevku predstavljene raziskave je preučiti značilnosti migracijskih procesov v sodobni japonski družbi. Avtorice so pri tem uporabile pripovedno, primerjalno, analitično in strukturno raziskovalno metodo. Kot kažejo rezultati, je pri obravnavi migrantov pomemben zakonodajni okvir, ki na Japonskem velja za zelo učinkovitega; mehanizem, ki ga je vzpostavila japonska vlada za obravnavo priseljencev, na splošno opravlja vse svoje naloge. Med njegovim delovanjem so bile opredeljene glavne težave pri prilagajanju na življenje na Japonskem, na katere se osredotočajo vladni organi. KLJUČNE BESEDE: delavci, azijski trg dela, socialna varnost in zdravstveno zavarovanje, gospodarstvo, emigracija 82 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina INTRODUCTION In the current context of open international dialogue and globalization worldwide, millions of people are moving across different state borders in search of better living conditions, so migration has become a global phenomenon. It has certain social, economic, and political implications for the entire world and, therefore, has an important place in international relations. The topic is particularly interesting in light of Japan’s active involvement in the global migration cycle, as the rising sun is currently quite an attractive territory for immigrants. Migration to Japan should be seen as a complex social and economic phenomenon. Currently, there is no single theory of migration. For example, migration can be analyzed based on such clas- sical theories as Ravenstein’s (1885) theory, Lee’s (1966) “push-pull factors” model, Dunkan’s (1940) “Theory and Consequences of Mobility of Farm Population,” and Zelinsky’s (1971) concept of migration transition. Ravenstein (1885), in his theory, formulated such fundamental laws of migration that correspond to the present situ- ation in Japan: • the population is distributed among the territories; • the regions differ mainly in their economic characteristics; • most migrants move short distances; • migration takes place in stages; • each migration “flow” corresponds to the opposite “flow”; • migrants travel long distances to large industrial and commercial centers; • urban residents are less mobile than rural residents; • women are more mobile than men in internal migration, and men are more mobile than women in long-distance migration; • large cities develop mainly through migration; • the volume of migration increases with the development of industry, trade, and transport; • the main causes of migration are economic. According to the “push-pull factors” model by Lee (1966), different migration factors operate in each territory: retention, pull factors, and push factors. Determining arriv- als and departures, with some factors affecting most people and some affecting only certain individuals. Lee (1966) was among the first to describe the factors influenc- ing migration processes. Push factors can be economic, social-political, and natural circumstances. Economic factors are unemployment, low wages, high taxes, unsta- ble labor market; social and political factors are poverty, discrimination, infringement of rights, restrictions on freedom of speech and religion, and war (Tomashevski & Yaroshenko, 2020). The factors that attract migrants are usually high economic development, high wages, security, and the opportunity to get a job (Shebanina et al., 2022). Applying Lee’s (1966) migration theory to the Japanese situation, pull 83 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan factors such as a stable economic situation on the domestic and foreign markets, security, and labor market demand work to a greater extent. Dunkan (1940), in his book “Theory and Consequences of Mobility of Farm Population,” presented a theory of mobility of the agricultural population. His theory combines microscopic and macroscopic active forces in the migration process. According to him, whatever effects change in structural factors cause in a country, the same effects are caused by migration. Thus, migration is a functional alternative to social change for many structural goals. Generally, migration is influenced by the following factors: economic and technical reasons, social reasons, personal reasons, natural reasons, and other reasons (Kerimkulov et al., 2015). Zelinsky’s (1971) concept of migration transition formed five stages of the migra- tion transition process. The first stage was called primitive traditional society. It was accompanied by migration at a minimal rate for a change of habitat or a change in everyday conditions (land use, trade, military affairs, or religious rituals). The second stage was the early mobile society. It was accompanied by mass migrations from rural to urban areas, settlement of undeveloped land, emigration to available coun- tries, and small immigration of skilled workers from other countries. The third stage was the later mobile society. A weakened but continuing process of movement from villages to cities, a decline in emigration. The fourth stage is the developed soci- ety, in which the mobility of citizens declines, and migration from city to city has taken over. Large numbers of low-skilled workers immigrate from less economically developed countries, a significant jump in international migration. The final fifth stage is an overdeveloped society in which migration is decreasing. This migration is restricted by strict government control. Therefore, a historical evolution in the devel- opment of population movement can be traced. All five stages of this theory can be traced in Japan’s migration history (Davis & Ikeno, 2008). The research aim is to examine the characteristics of immigration processes in contemporary Japanese society. The research objectives are to reveal the govern- ment’s policy in regulating migration processes and consider the process of adaptation and integration of immigrants in Japanese society, that is, the social aspect and the labor market. MATERIALS AND METHODS The research methods used include narrative, comparative, analytical, and struc- tural. The narrative method involves presenting a coherent story or chronological sequence of events. In the context of immigration policies in Japan, this method was used to outline the historical evolution of these policies. It helps understand how Japan’s immigration approach has transformed, highlighting key turning points, policy shifts, and the factors that prompted these changes. For immigra- tion policies in Japan, the analytical method was used to dissect various aspects 84 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina of the policies, such as economic impacts, social integration, legal frameworks, and public attitudes. In the context of immigration policies, the structural method was used to analyze the institutional framework for formulating and implement- ing policies in Japan. It can delve into the roles of government agencies, legislative bodies, advisory boards, and international collaborations that shape immigration policies. Overall, the synergy of narrative, comparative, analytical, and structural methods provides a holistic perspective on immigration policies in Japan, enabling researchers to unravel the topic’s complexities and offer valuable insights for policy considerations and future studies. In the course of the work, such documents were used, such as migration legis- lation of Japan and Kazakhstan; statistics from the database of the Immigration Services Agency of Japan (2022; 2023); materials of the Census of Japan 2020; Japanese Ministry of Justice (2023) survey among foreigners on discrimination experienced; Pew Research Center survey (Stokes & Devlin, 2018), survey of the Japanese news agency Jiji Press (2019). The works of Russian scholars devoted to migration processes in Japan by Shevtsova (2009), Vasilieva (2010), Pavlyatenko (2008), Markaryan (2012), Matrusova (2016), Molodyakova (2002), Streltsova (2018), Avetisyan (2016), Karpova & Karpov (2019) were also used. English language contributions include the “Labour Situation in Japan and Its Analysis: General Overview 2015/2016” (The Japan Institute, 2016), “Foreign Workers in Bubble and Post-bubble Economy in Japan” (Mori, 1999), “Bucking a Global Trend, Japan Seeks More Immigrants. Ambivalently” (Rich, 2018), “J. League and media must show red card to racism” (Arudouj, 2014), “Japan racism survey reveals one in three foreigners experience discrimination” (Hurst, 2017), “Kurdish case becomes rallying cry for Japan protest against police” (Saito, 2020), etc. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Historical Context of Japanese Emigration Migration processes are not new to Japan; they occurred even in ancient times. For example, there is evidence that there was massive migration from the Korean penin- sula to the Japanese archipelago during the Yayoi period (third century BC–third century AD), with the number of migrants reaching about 1.2 million people (with a total population of about 6 million people at the end of the 8th century) (Zhukov, 1998). Immigrants from the mainland became the agents of Chinese polity, writing, and other cultural manifestations in the Japanese world. In addition to the Chinese and Koreans, the first Europeans arrived in Japan in the second half of the sixteenth century, resulting in the “Christian Age,” characterized by widespread Christianity in the country. In 1600, the first Dutch arrived in Japan, and the Japanese subsequently developed strong commercial and cultural ties with the Dutch. From 1639 to 1853, 85 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan Japan had a policy of isolation during which any contact with the outside world was restricted. However, the isolation was not absolute, as the Japanese had trade contacts with the Dutch through the port of Nagasaki and had relations with the Koreans and the Ryukyu Islands (Vorobyov, 1980; Vasilieva, 2010). The forcible opening of the country to the outside world in 1853 opened the borders to the Japanese and led to mass emigration to foreign countries. A large number of foreigners, in particular Europeans, were immigrating to Japan, and internal migration was also increasing due to the onset of urbanization. Before the World War I, Japan was a major labor supplier abroad. Emigration was economi- cally motivated: the country was undergoing rapid industrialization, and the poorest people in the countryside were moving in large numbers to the cities or, having failed to find work there, to other countries that were open for the first time (Bozorgmehr & Díaz, 2022). The number was as high as 10,000 a year. Coming from the countryside, they sought refuge where they could get land. As long as they were welcomed in the United States of America (USA) and Canada, the Japanese settled in those countries and later in Latin American countries, especially Brazil, where they formed a large diaspora. In the city of Sao Paulo, for example, it even- tually reached 1 million people. After World War I, emigration from Japan to these countries declined considerably and, in the 1930s, was redirected to Sakhalin, Manchuria, and other territories closer to Japan and taken from other countries at this time (Markaryan, 2012; Matrusova, 2016). During the occupation period, Japan ceased to have colonized regions from which the Japanese returned. During this period, migration was taken under strict control, and the first bodies and laws to regulate migration processes were formed. After the period of occupation, Japan was on the road to regaining the status of a world power. This period (from 1951 to 1971) saw the completion of the resto- ration of the national economy and finding its place in the international arena. As Japan entered a scientific and technological race and began to apply its innova- tions in production, companies began to experience labor shortages. In order to solve this problem, the government began to actively pursue urbanization, and, as a consequence, the level of internal migration increased (one-third of the peasantry moved to the cities). Also, during this period, Japan has been locating its produc- tion facilities in the Asia-Pacific region, establishing economic and political ties with them and exchanging human resources between countries, which has contributed to increased migration processes. After the structural adjustment of the Japanese economy following the energy crisis during 1973–1974. The country began to expe- rience labor shortages, and there was a need for immigrants. In 1981, Japan acceded to the United Nations Convention on the Status of Refugees. The conditions for entry into the country are made easier for professionals, but at the same time, the entry of unskilled workers is restricted. 86 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina Evolution of Immigration Policies The policy of attracting highly qualified specialists has prevailed since the 1990s and up to the present day. The Japanese Migration Service grants foreigners 28 resi- dence statuses in Japan, sixteen allowing them to perform permitted work activities (Shevtsova, 2009). The Japanese government’s strategy for the immigration move- ment has three directions. The first is recruiting students and trainees; this type of immigration was conceived as an element of transferring new technologies to developing countries. The second is for the descendants of Japanese emigrants: the Japanese government grants them some facilitated entry into the country and employment. The third direction is used by irregular migrants, who enter on tourist visas and then stay to work—they are being actively dealt with, fined, and deported (Streltsova, 2018). Japan’s population has remained ethnically homogeneous for quite a long time: the number of foreigners in the territory has not exceeded 1%. However, due to changing economic and social conditions (demographic crisis, labor shortages, and globalization processes), the government has had to modernize its migration legislation and allow more foreigners into the country. At the moment, the ethnic and racial composition of the country is as follows: Japanese—98.5%, Kore- ans—0.5%, Chinese—0.4%, and others—0.6%. There are currently 2,951,365 officially registered immigrants in Japan. Detailed statistics can be seen below in Table 1. Asia Europe Africa North America 2,449,373 79,066 17,710 75,953 Country Total* Country Total * Country Total* Country Total* Afghanistan 3,482 Albania 102 Algeria 252 Antigua and Barbuda 9 Armenia 59 Andorra 3 Angola 87 Bahamas 22 Azerbaijan 156 Austria 684 Benin 137 Barbados 38 Bahrain 45 Belarus 380 Botswana 78 Belize 9 Bangladesh 17,757 Belgium 996 Burkina Faso 163 Canada 10,949 Bhutan 514 Bosnia and Herzegovina 58 Burundi 35 Costa Rica 233 Brunei 64 Bulgaria 502 Cameroon 1,127 Cuba 341 Cambodia 16,898 Croatia 161 Cape Verde 14 Dominica 17 China 801,357 Cyprus 53 Central African Republic 26 Domin- ican Republic 972 87 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan East Timor 36 Czech Republic 459 Chad 4 El Salvador 156 Georgia 81 Denmark 630 Comoros 3 Grenada 5 India 40,798 Estonia 165 Côte d’Ivoire 205 Guatemala 178 Indonesia 67,051 Finland 716 Demo- cratic Repu-blic of the Congo 564 Haiti 43 Iran 4,289 France 14,046 Djibouti 30 Honduras 161 Iraq 255 Germany 7,263 Egypt 2,315 Jamaica 992 Israel 702 Greece 406 Equatorial Guinea 5 Mexico 298 Jordan 246 Hungary 774 Eritrea 52 Nicaragua 101 Kazakhstan 524 Iceland 50 Ethiopia 506 Panama 91 Kuwait 89 Ireland 1,285 Gabon 58 Republic of Trini- dad and Tobago 188 Kyrgyzstan 631 Italy 4,695 Gambia 102 Saint Lucia 8 Laos 2,973 Latvia 137 Ghana 261 St Vincent 6 Lebanon 183 Liechten- stein 10 Guinea 502 St. Kitts and Nevis 12 Malaysia 10,996 Lithuania 342 Guin- ea-Bissau 12 USA 61,124 Maldives 60 Luxem- bourg 63 Kenya 835 South America Maldives 60 Malta 29 Lesotho 31 274463 Mongolia 13,601 Moldova 181 Liberia 68 Country Total* Myanmar 3,506 Monaco 2 Libya 95 Argentina 3,105 Nepal 97,966 Montenegro 10 Madagas- car 163 Bolivia 6,118 North Korea 436,791 Netherlands 1,458 Malawi 139 Brazil 211,495 Oman 50 Northern Macedonia 51 Mali 217 Chile 1 Pakistan 19,156 Norway 496 Mauritania 32 Colombia 2,545 88 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina Palestine 85 Poland 1,598 Mauritius 161 Ecuador 251 Philippines 292,649 Portugal 655 Morocco 710 Guyana 22 Qatar 71 Republic of Kosovo 21 Mozam- bique 143 Paraguay 2,176 Saudi Arabia 723 Romania 2,404 Namibia 40 Peru 48,613 Singapore 3,168 Russia 10,427 Niger 28 Suriname 7 South Korea 27,695 San Marino 1 Nigeria 3,439 Uruguay 130 Sri Lanka 29,517 Serbia 274 Republic of Congo 49 Venezuela 611 Syria 951 Serbia and Montenegro 4 Republic of South Sudan 39 Oceania Taiwan 60,449 Slovakia 321 Rwanda 103 15,415 Tajikistan 230 Slovenia 115 Senegal 1,039 Country Total* Thailand 54,999 Spain 3,722 Sierra Leone 65 Australia 11,018 Turkey 7,058 Sweden 1,695 Somalia 27 Fiji 317 Turkmeni- stan 64 Switzerland 1,226 South Africa 1,133 Kiribati 8 United Arab Emirates 148 Ukraine 2,075 Sudan 364 Marshall 35 Uzbekistan 3,686 United Kingdom 18,317 Swaziland 7 Micronesia 66 Vietnam 427,367 Vatican City 4 Tunisia 806 Nauru 6 Yemen 137 Uganda 942 New Zealand 3,548 Stateless Zambia 240 Palau 45 666 Zimbabwe 257 Papua New Guinea 64 Samoa 79 Solomon 39 Tonga 186 Tuvalu 4 Vanuatu 14 Note: * Total number of registered immigrants Table 1: Registered immigrants in Japan (source: Immigration Services Agency of Japan, 2022). 89 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan Regarding gender composition, there are slightly more women: 1,425,043 men and 1,460,861 women. Regarding age composition, men outnumber women in the more working age range (from 20 to 35 years old). However, the quantitative differ- ence favors women from 0 to 19 years old and from 36 to 80 years old. Foreigners’ three main residence statuses are permanent residence—780,000, vocational train- ing—370,000, and study abroad—340,000. Of the total number of foreigners, 1.46 million are foreign workers. The top three in terms of residence status are 500,000 based on their status (permanent residence, marriage, etc.), 340,000 unqualified (study abroad, etc.), and 310,000 in technical apprenticeship (Immigration Services Agency of Japan, 2022). To facilitate the compilation of statistics on external migra- tion, foreigners fill in an 18-question questionnaire that includes name, sex, date and place of birth, nationality, status, occupation, passport number, date of issue, period of residence, place of residence, place of occupation, info on family members and relatives. Migrants have been drawn to countries with a high standard of living, including Japan. A high standard of living implies a developed economy and medi- cine, a high level of education, science, salaries, and other factors (Komilova, 2021). The policy of isolation from other countries, which was in force from 1641 to 1853, determined the attitude of the state structures toward immigration, and thanks to that policy, the culture and traditions of Japan were preserved. In this context, study- ing the experience of Japanese migration control authorities is useful for better understanding and improving national legislation (Kuzmin & Yurkovskiy, 2016; Karpova & Karpov, 2019). After the forcible opening of the country by the Western powers and the decla- ration of the Meiji Restoration, the Japanese government faced the rather important task of forming bodies that would represent the executive, administrative, legis- lative, and judicial powers. Hence, in 1871, the Japanese Ministry of Justice was formed, and immigration authorities began to be established. D. MacArthur tried to change Japan’s legal system to democratize its society; his efforts and endeavors were successful. As a result, the Constitution of Japan was adopted in 1947, and it is still relevant today. In 1950, an immigration agency was established under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; in 1951, an “Immigration Control Order” was enacted, and in 1952, the Foreigners’ Registration Act was adopted and came into force. At that time, the foreign national policy focused on the permanent ethnic Koreans and Chinese “Zainichi” residing in Japan. In the mid-1960s, industry began to conscript and admit unskilled workers because of labor shortages. However, under the First Basic Employment Measures Plan (1967), foreign workers were not allowed into the country, making these unskilled workers’ presence in the country illegal. This prin- ciple was maintained in the Second (1973) and Third Basic Employment Measures Plan (1976). In the late 1970s, the number of refugees from Indochina, foreign women from Southeast Asia, second- and third-generation Japanese displaced to China during World War II, and Europeans and North Americans coming to Japan for business increased. When the yen appreciated markedly after the “Plaza” Agreement 90 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina was signed in 1985, Japanese companies expanded overseas, mainly into Southeast Asia, and one of the consequences of this was the emergence of the problem of “industrial displacement” in Japan. Around the same time, there was an increase in the number of nikkeijin immigrants (emigrants from Japan and their descendants) from South America and foreign workers from Asian countries who came to Japan in search of work (Matrusova, 2016). The Sixth Basic Employment Measures Plan (1988) divided foreign workers into “professional and technical workers” and “unskilled workers”. The policy adopted for these two categories was to facilitate the immigration of professional and technical workers and, as far as possible, to accept unskilled workers in a limited and careful manner. Under this policy, the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act was revised in 1989. Shifting Immigration Policies in the 1990s to Present The changes came into force in 1990, when a new residence status, “trainee,” was introduced for foreigners. In response to the Second Report of the Third Special Advisory Council for the Enforcement of Administrative Reform in 1993, the “Foreign Worker Vocational Training System” was established, and the residence status system under which foreigners were allowed to live in Japan was further developed. As Japan’s economy became mired in deflation following the bubble’s collapse in the late 1990s, Japanese manufacturers continued to shift their production opera- tions to other countries. Overseas, the Chinese economy gained prominence, and international competition intensified. During this period, an increasing number of nikkeijin and other foreign nationals took non-permanent jobs. Partly because of the relaxation of requirements for permanent residence permits in 1998, foreign workers who had initially come to Japan as temporary “guest workers” increasingly began to stay for long periods (The Japan Institute, 2016). As more foreign nation- als settled permanently, the number of young foreigners also increased. With this, the problems of foreign workers took on a new character, now including not only employment and work but also domestic and other social problems (Chernobay et al., 2022). The Anti-Employment Act was amended in 2007 to oblige the government to take action. For example, the Government was required to promote the employment of foreign nationals in specialized technical fields, to take measures to promote the proper management of the employment of foreign workers and the re-employment of those who quit their jobs, to take measures to prevent the illegal employment of foreign workers and to improve employers’ management of the employment of foreigners (Decree of the Ministry of Justice, 1990). The simultaneous global reces- sion of the autumn of 2008 also left a deep mark on the employment of foreign workers. Unemployed foreign nationals visited “Hello Work” centers (employment service centers) in search of work, but very few were able to find work. Some foreign 91 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan nationals not enrolled in social security or unemployment insurance found them- selves unprotected by social protection programs and were stranded. In 2009, the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act was amended, and “technical apprenticeship” was established as a new residence status. The Act was amended again in July 2012, along with other legislation. This repealed the Aliens’ Registration Act and introduced a new residence management system. Meanwhile, with the expansion of overseas businesses and international trans- actions, attracting and securing global human resources has become an urgent task for corporate interests. The number of companies hiring foreign students and recruiting foreign staff has gradually increased. Since May 2012, highly skilled foreign professionals have enjoyed preferential immigration treatment based on a point system as part of a government campaign to encourage the admission of such personnel. In 2014, the Japan Renaissance Strategy was announced. It included the recruitment of talented foreign skilled labor, the use of foreign labor in construc- tion and shipbuilding, the adjustment of technical training and skill development programs for foreign trainees, the admission of foreign employees to manufacturing companies, support for the employment of foreign students in the medical field, and, in particular, home care for the sick and elderly. The strategy calls for caution to avoid confusion between the foreign recruitment policy and the immigration policy (Abe, 2013). In 2012, Japan underwent a revival program to increase the annual number of tourists to twenty million. Certain measures were taken to achieve the goal, in partic- ular, to make it easier to obtain a visa or to abolish the visa regime altogether. One example of implementing this process is that 19,690,000 tourists came to Japan. Compared to 2014, the number of tourists exceeded by almost six million. This beats a new challenge for the state as part of increasing the number of workers in the migration department. The Migration Service has added 162 employees to its ranks in order to carry out the work of controlling arrivals to the country. Most people arriving in Japan from different countries fly into the country’s biggest airports. The number of migration officers has increased at airports such as Narita, Haneda, Chubu, Kansai, and Naha. Migration relations were established by the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act (Decree of the Cabinet of Ministers, 1951). This Act aimed to control the exit and entry into the country. In order to realize this objective, it was neces- sary to maintain a balance between deporting migrants and accepting people of other nationalities coming into the country. Entry into Japan can be refused to aliens on fourteen grounds specified in the Act. An entry permit may be granted before or after entry. An entering foreigner intending to work must certify that he or she meets the conditions for working residence status included in the lists annexed to the Act. The Act established residence statuses for foreigners, defining permissible activities for each. Over time, a growing influx of foreigners has come to work in Japan. This was facilitated by changes in the economic situation in Japan’s domestic 92 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina and foreign markets. It became necessary to update the 1951 Law to regulate modi- fied labor immigration. Role and Structure of the Japanese Immigration Authority Thus, in 1990, a new Immigration Control Law (Cabinet Order No. 319, 1990) was drafted, which changed the conditions of the employment system for foreign work- ers. It was mainly aimed at facilitating entry, tightening measures against illegal labor activities of foreigners, and setting certain requirements for foreign workers. The law also defined a clear structure, duties, and rights of the migration author- ity—the Immigration Bureau of the Ministry of Justice. The task of the Immigration Bureau is to prevent terrorist acts and attempts to enter the territory of the state ille- gally. The Immigration Bureau of Japan is a department of the Ministry of Justice. Its task is to regulate the movement of migrants within the limits of the law. It consists of several divisions headed by a director general. One of the aims of the immigra- tion office is to regulate the movement of foreigners. The office consists of seven divisions with their own aims and tasks. The first division has the task of regulating the bureau’s work, including the remaining divisions. The second division aims to assist refugees and to assign them their status. The third keeps statistics on foreign- ers and deals with their registration. The fourth exists to combat illegal immigrants. The fifth monitors migrants’ orders. The sixth division deals with litigation and legal proceedings against foreign nationals who break the law. The last division helps find accommodation and employment and deals with education. In addition to the main section, the immigration authority has regional bureaus and immigrant advice centers. All of the offices are located in the individual regions. The staff at the Bureau for Immigration have a great deal of work to do with foreign nationals (The Japan Institute, 2016). According to information from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s International Migration Database (OECD.Stat, 2017), Japan ranked fourth in terms of growth in the number of foreign residents in 2015 and 2016. The government is seeking to increase this type of migration even further by creating a new visa status for workers, for which a cabinet commission has been set up. Prime Minister Abe Shinzo spoke of the need to create a system to accommodate different workers from other countries who can start work immediately (Abe, 2013). Many local governments are working to integrate foreign residents into Japanese society. For example, the city of Akitakata in Hiroshima Prefecture has been actively working to attract foreigners since 2010. Mayor H. Kazuyoshi commented: “The way for munic- ipalities such as ours that are suffering from depopulation to survive is to attract the attention of people around the world. Now is not the time to say, ‘I can’t live with foreigners.’ We need to learn how to create a successful multicultural commu- nity” (Serisawa, 2018). According to the influential New York Times, the measure is a remarkable turnaround for Japan, which has surprised the world. The country, which 93 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan once embraced big restrictions on immigration, is now reluctantly moving in the other direction and beckoning foreigners into the country (Rich, 2018). The Japanese government is looking for other ways to attract foreigners, such as studying. For example, over the past ten years, the government has adopted a plan to attract about three hundred thousand foreign students, but the plan has been exceeded (Nebashi, 2017; Stokes & Devlin, 2018). What are the reasons? Initially, the question was only about the image of Japan, i.e., “to make Japan a more open coun- try, to promote cultural exchange by creating an environment that would attract foreign tourists.” The first setback to the plan came when the government allowed students to work part-time. By law, people with a student visa can work up to twen- ty-eight hours a week, and during holidays, they can work up to forty hours a week, which is very different from the world’s norms for part-time work. For example, in the United States or Canada, people with a student visa cannot have a job at all (Palmer & Drbohlav, 2022). Therefore, the Japanese government expects students to become part of the workforce while studying here, as the country is experiencing an acute labor shortage due to a shrinking population. More than 90% of foreign students are employed in some kind of job while studying in Japan. Still, Japan is gradually making it easier for migrant workers to enter (BBC News Japan, 2018). In December 2018, the upper house of parliament passed amendments to the law concerning migration policy. Thanks to the new visa system, hundreds of thousands of migrants were able to come to Japan, where there are very few foreigners, in 2019. The easing applies primarily to areas with a particular shortage of workers: construc- tion, agriculture, and care for the sick and the elderly (BBC News Japan, 2018). Hence, the Japanese government is trying to attract as many immigrants to the country as possible, as their employment is directly linked to the Japanese economy. Recent Trends and Challenges in Immigration Forming a strategic direction for social security is important in building a modern welfare state because infrastructure development often determines the standard of living and quality of life (Molodyakova, 2002; Abdulkabatova, 2010). Therefore, social welfare becomes a key topic when considering any aspect of society. Immi- gration is a key issue on Japan’s political and economic agenda, so it is important to define the place of immigrants in the country’s social infrastructure. Social welfare systems in Japan consist of insurance and social assistance programs that maximize the prevention of risks and threats to a citizen’s life. Social assistance programs are particularly important for the realization of people’s right to a “full and dignified life,” at least as a basis and to be a “last resort” for social security (UNDP Kazakhstan, 2004). The current social infrastructure system was not designed to respond to prob- lems such as low birth rates and an aging population. In addition, an unexpected situation has emerged—the rapid growth of foreign workers and settlers—requir- ing an urgent response. Toshiaki (2020), in his work “Social Integration of Japanese 94 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina Immigrants,” held a dialogue with experts on immigrant and refugee issues, in which experts explained the economic disadvantage of attracting foreigners to the coun- try. An important reason for this was the social security of immigrants. According to the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (United Nations Conference, 1951), ratified by Japan in 1951, social security is, in principle, indiscriminate both inside and outside the country. In other words, “both Japanese and foreigners are treated equally,” and there are no restrictions on the use of social support depending on nationality (Davis & Ikeno, 2008). The essence of the problem is that social security is based on long-term partici- pation. That is, the state allocates various resources to support a population that will contribute to the country’s development in the long run. For example, to medical care, services on which the average Japanese spends between 20 and 30 million yen per lifetime. The whole social security mechanism only works by investing a large sum of money. Therefore, if foreign workers and settlers come to Japan for a short period, the burden of staying may exceed the benefit of their work, negatively affecting the maintenance of the social system. What is needed now is a fair and rational system that facilitates its maintenance, which will work for both Japanese and foreigners (Kohei, 2019). Foreigners working in Japan can be divided into two types: those employed in Japan (locally hired foreigners) and those arriving from foreign companies (expats). In the case of locally employed foreigners, they are covered by social and health insurance, social pensions, and employment insurance, except for some workers (working for a certain period). When such a foreign worker is hired or, conversely, dismissed, the place of business must inform the “Hello Work” centers of the foreign worker’s name and residence status. In the case of expats, they provide labor to a Japanese business establishment and receive compensation from it. Alternatively, the insurer will make an exhaustive judgment based on the application status of the rules of the respective business establishment. The Social Insurance Office considers that if the Japanese commercial establishment pays the main wage, there is a signif- icant consumer dependency, and it determines that social insurance is compulsory. If the Japanese office only provides accommodation and the basic salary is not paid, it can be decided that the person does not need social insurance. The judgment criteria differ according to the conditions of employment. Foreigners who work for a short period (usually five years or less) may be exempt from receiving social insur- ance in Japan according to the social security agreements with each country. Another social security problem has been the present situation regarding foreigners’ use of health insurance. At the moment, about 10% of health insurance card holders are foreigners (Immigration Services Agency of Japan, 2023). Attention must be drawn to the full-scale growth of foreign workers due to the revision of the Immigration Control and Asylum Act. The problems can be divided into several types depending on whether the insurance user is a person, family, or third party and whether the place of use is local (foreign) or home. The first case is a medical 95 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan examination at home by dependent relatives. This is because the union health insur- ance has insured dependent relatives up to the third degree. In this case, difficulties arise because the kinship cannot always be confirmed, which could be abused. The second case is when dependent relatives come to Japan for a medical examina- tion in Japan. This is the case when a person becomes a dependent relative after an illness or enters the country for medical treatment; you register with the public health insurance system and undergo a medical examination. A concrete example can be given for a better understanding of the situation. A Chinese woman in her sixties, supporting herself and her retired husband, was diagnosed with colorectal cancer in China. She found out that there was a cheap way to get advanced treat- ment in Japan, so she came to Japan. Her daughter, who was married to a Japanese man, lived in Japan. The Chinese woman came to Japan, where her Japanese son-in- law became her guardian, and she joined the National Health Insurance Scheme. Her total medical expenses, including surgery, would have been more than 2 million yen, yet she paid about 200,000 yen (Toshiaki, 2020). The third case occurs when a person enters Japan to undergo a medical exam- ination to join the National Health Insurance Scheme, pretending that the purpose of visiting Japan is to study abroad. According to media reports, the National Centre for Global Health and Medicine, which receives about twenty thousand foreigners a year, conducted a fact-finding study two years ago. As a result, 140 foreign patients were suspected of illegally obtaining a health insurance card. It was pointed out that there were cases of people entering Japan to study who were hospitalized immediately after joining the National Health Insurance Scheme, as well as cases of many foreigners having the same address on their health insurance cards. Accord- ing to a 2018 fact-finding survey conducted by the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare, there were 1,597 cases of expensive medical examinations worth 800,000 yen within six months of joining the National Health Insurance Scheme. Several cases of disguised visits to Japan were confirmed. Fourthly, unauthorized use of the health insurance card by a third party (using another person’s health insurance). Sometimes, advertisements from people asking to borrow a health insurance card can be found on social media. There is even a Chinese website advertising the use of Japanese medicine, 30% of which is paid for out of pocket. There are also concerns about the illegal receipt of a lump-sum birth grant, which is a subsidy for the birth of a child. The national health insurance scheme provides 420,000 yen for a child, which also applies to foreigners. Some foreign pregnant women receive a visa to stay in Japan for more than three months. This way, they can join the public health insurance system and receive a lump sum payment for childbirth and childcare. In 2016, the lump sum payment for childbirth and child- care in the Tokyo-Arakawa special district was 304 cases (127 million yen), of which 168 were Japanese women and 136 foreign women. Of the foreign women, forty- nine gave birth abroad (one in the United States, one in Thailand, two in Australia, seven in Vietnam, and thirty-one in China). The main purpose of the lump-sum birth 96 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina and maternity allowance is to counteract the decline in fertility. This measure only pays off if a child born in Japan stays and grows up in Japan. In 2017, the number of people covered by the National Health Insurance was 2,945 million. Of these, 990,000 were foreigners, or 3.4% of the total, over 10% in urban areas. The propor- tion of foreigners by age is 4.3% from 0 to 19 years, 11.8% from 20 to 39 years (this is the main age group of foreign workers), 2.8% from 40 to 64 years, and 0.4% from 65 years. The number of foreign residents will increase in the future, with the total number exceeding 10% (Kohei, 2019). Social Security and Health Insurance Issues The increase in the proportion of foreigners in the public health insurance system will be influenced by the increase in permanent foreign residents and the govern- ment’s recommendation on medical tourism. Japan encourages the correct use of medical care, but there is a possibility that the number of illegal cases described above will increase. Measures are being taken to eliminate the violation of the law. For example, since 2016, attaching a “certificate of overseas travel” and a “consent form to request the contents of treatment” to applications for medical expenses abroad has become mandatory. When a health insurance association examines an insured person, he or she must now present a certificate of transfer. Additional identification measures must also be taken. For example, at the moment, insurance cards do not have a photo of the holder’s face, which makes them easy to forge and misuse. Further, social workers and medical interpreters should be sent to hospitals. A full examination of the medical condition and circumstances is directly linked to preventing fraud. With regard to consultation with the above-mentioned third-degree dependent relatives, the requirements for their residence in Japan will be changed. In other words, relatives living abroad are excluded from being possi- ble wards. It is difficult to confirm the blood relationship and the actual situation of dependents in the foreigner’s country of residence, and the requirements are stricter due to the possibility of unauthorized use (Toshiaki, 2020). When it comes to education, foreigners have the exact same rights and condi- tions as Japanese. Public education in primary and secondary schools is free for all, while high school and higher education are subject to a fee. The only costs for school are the purchase of school uniforms and stationery, but you will be required to pay some costs for lunches, school supplies, uniforms, and contributions to the Parents’ Board of Trustees. International students in Japan have the same rights as local students. To enroll a child in school, the parent must register his or her address with the local municipality. Once he or she does so, the child will be assigned to a specific school. The child must meet the following requirements: the appropriate age for the school year in which they are enrolled; an enrolment form; references from the previous school; and a residence permit. Some private international and interna- tional schools also accept both Japanese and foreigners. It can be concluded that 97 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan in the field of social security, the Japanese government tries to maintain a balance between the population and provide foreign residents with the same social security conditions as Japanese citizens. However, because social security for Japanese citi- zens only benefits the government in the long term, it is not profitable to provide it for foreign residents, who mostly come for relatively short periods. Therefore, measures are now being taken to solve this problem. The parliament is developing special social security and insurance schemes for foreigners to give full assurance and security during their stay in Japan. Migrants in Japan’s Labor Market: Addressing Workforce Challenges and Immigration Reforms Migrants in the labor market. Today, almost 3 million migrants live in Japan out of a population of 126 million. That is three times more than in 1990. As Japan grap- ples with a rapidly aging population and a shrinking domestic workforce, it aims to increase that number further. In April 2019, Tokyo introduced historic immigration reform, expanding visa programs to allow more than 345,000 new workers to immi- grate to Japan over the next five years. Low-skilled workers will be able to reside in Japan for five years, while foreign workers with special skills will be allowed to stay indefinitely with their families, suggesting that many of these workers may stay permanently. Japan’s foreign labor problem became an important labor market issue in the 1980s. This was because the Japanese economy was very active at the time, economic indicators were growing, and Japan invested heavily in foreign capital. As a result, the Japanese market was open to foreign companies, and the immigra- tion of foreign workers increased. Finding work abroad was a serious problem. Thus, illegal immigration attracted the government’s attention (Matrusova, 2016). The immigration policy at the time allowed only a temporary presence of foreigners. At the same time, the use of illegal labor was spreading actively, also for long periods. Most illegal immigrants were from South and Southeast Asia and worked in small businesses and industries. This rapid spread of illegal immigrant labor was facilitated by rather lenient legislation and also an acute shortage of labor previously not filled by the local population (construction, industry) (Makhazhanova et al., 2022). To remedy the situation, the Japanese government hired experts to analyze the impact of the internationalization of the Japanese economy on the labor market and to predict its possible consequences. As a result of the studies, several projects were proposed to the government, including new entry conditions for immigrants, changing the provisions on immigrant status, and modifying the registration proce- dure for foreigners entering the country. As a result, a new immigration law was passed in 1990, which changed the immigration rules for foreign workers. According to the new law, the conditions of stay for foreigners were eased, and their rights were extended to facilitate the arrival of highly skilled professionals. A new residence status, teijusha, was introduced, which implied long-term residence. Secondly, the 98 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina prohibition of immigration aimed at labor activity without a special status to work (illegal immigration) was reiterated. The law increased penalties and sanctions for violating the law and broadened the concepts of criminal offenses. Not only ille- gal labor immigrants but also employers, recruitment agencies, and intermediaries have now been criminalized. The third addition to the Act established certain condi- tions that all labor immigrants must meet. The file management system was greatly simplified. All this simplified the migration process for foreign workers. The last addition restructured the education (or further training) system for foreign work- ers. In September 1990, the law was changed to allow Japanese employers to train foreigners in industrial enterprises. If a foreigner took up employment under such conditions, he or she was awarded a special “apprentice” status and the right to reside in Japan for two years (Siu & Koo, 2021). As a result, in the late 1990s, Japan’s migration policy began to adjust in response to the new conditions of a globalized Japanese economy. Furthermore, contrary to a history of political “bending” and limiting the entry of unskilled workers, the Japanese region opened its labor market, partly due to recent legislation. Access to the labor market was opened primarily by the descendants of Japanese (exclud- ing refugees and those exported from Korea and China) who emigrated (nikkeijin) to the Latin American region in the early twentieth century, which attracted many immigrants from the same countries. According to renowned Japanese scholars, the special status of the nikkeijin has put them in a more favorable position in the labor market than other categories of foreign workers. In the 1990s, the nikkeijin practically disappeared from the smallest enterprises and displaced, at least partially, illegals from other countries from medium-sized enterprises. Overall, the labor market, particularly its foreign part, has increasingly attracted Japanese entrepreneurs with its prospects. Although major changes were made in the entry and exit conditions for foreign workers residing in Japan, many serious problems arose in this area in the second half of the twentieth century. This primarily concerned unskilled foreign workers (Mori, 1999). Studies conducted before the Immigration Control Act was passed have shown that for Japan to attract and utilize the talents of a highly skilled foreign workforce, this very foreign workforce needs to be trained in Japan itself. The practice of train- ing foreigners for work already existed before mass immigration began back in the 1960s. At that time, however, the prerogative of Japanese multinational corporations prepared a foreign contingent of their personnel in Japan for subsequent work in foreign branches (Dzhulai, 2023). Studies conducted before the Act came into force show that Japan needs to train these foreign workers in Japan in order to attract more foreign workers with high qualifications. The practice of vocational training for foreigners existed long before mass migration began in the 1960s. However, back then, Japanese multinational corporations were the only ones to perform this tech- nique of training foreign workers to prepare employees to work in the company’s overseas subsidiaries (Pavlyatenko, 2008; Avetisyan, 2016). 99 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan Multinational corporations have set themselves a set of goals, and two of them are now a priority. The first is relocating large offshore production facilities, mainly to Southeast Asia, exacerbating the problem of foreign companies and Japan coor- dinating their scientific research production units. Another is the promotion of qualification of company employees in Japan to take advantage of the latest tech- nologies that have not yet been used in foreign production processes. The practice of training and qualification in Japan was on the rise because obtaining the necessary knowledge locally was impossible. However, how multinational companies solve this problem does not compare with the Japanese government’s plan to attract highly skilled workers through immigration. Moreover, there is now a tendency for highly skilled foreigners to arrive (Komilova et al., 2020). Small companies are in great need of them and take them on as workers. The situation in this area and the lack of means of production, labor force, and resources to improve the situation for them encour- age such immigration in the first place (Kerimkhulle et al., 2022). Japan’s current labor market situation is inextricably linked to the status of foreign residents. Employment-related residency statuses include diplomat, official, professor, artist, religious worker, journalist, business manager, lawyer/accountant, medical worker, researcher, instructor, engineer, humanities specialist, artist, skilled worker, technical trainee, cultural worker, short-term visitor to the country, student, trainee, etc. Of these statuses, those ranging from “diplomat” to “technical trainee” allow for gainful activities. In addition, foreign nationals granted residence status for “certain activities” may engage in commercial activities outside their status, but only if allowed to engage in these specific activities. Foreigners with one of the statuses ranging from cultural activity to dependent may not engage in profit-making activities. However, they may engage in certain profit-making activities if allowed to do so in certain areas outside their residence status. Residence statuses arising from a person’s personal situation include permanent resident, spouse or child of a Japanese citizen, spouse or child of a permanent resident, and long-term resident. Holders of these status categories may engage in any type of employment activity, regardless of whether it is unskilled or highly skilled. CONCLUSIONS The migration policy of any state should ensure a high level of protection of the national economy, address employment problems within the country by regulating the number of foreign labor force, and rationally use the migrant workers arriving in the country in the economic and political interests of the importing country. It is worth noting that Japan, in its state policy, has been able to take quite effective measures to regulate migration. The migration concept has a number of strengths and merits and has proven to be effective. The stability of the labor market, high employment rates, and low unemployment rates are indicators of its effectiveness. 100 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 2 0 2 4 • 5 9Aigerim Adilgazinova, Lyailya Balakayeva, Mara Gubaidullina To summarize all the main conclusions of the paper, it can be argued that the legislative framework is important in dealing with migrants, which in Japan is recognized as highly effective; in general, the mechanism formed by the Japanese government for dealing with the migrant population copes with all its tasks. In the course of the work, the main problems of adapting to life in Japan were identified, which are the focus of the governing authorities. Despite Japan’s measures, it is clear that the biggest dilemma for Japan remains the question of the need for immi- grants, as opinions on the matter are sharply divided: the political elite sees no need to change their position on the issue, and representatives of the business commu- nity want to attract more and more migrants. Labor shortages are particularly acute in the healthcare, agriculture, construction, and information technology sectors. To address this, Japan has been looking to attract foreign workers to fill these gaps. Many experts argue that Japan will have to open the door to new immigrants due to the aging demographic situation, labor shortages, and other factors. For now, Japan is not ready to completely rethink its immigration policy and offer a way out of a state in which there is a progressive and accelerating process of population aging and, as a consequence, a decreasing proportion of working-age people and slower economic growth. In conclusion, Japan’s immigration policies have evolved significantly over the years, driven by economic needs, demographic shifts, and changing global dynam- ics. While the country has moved toward a more open stance on immigration, it continues to balance preserving its cultural identity with the practical realities of labor shortages and demographic challenges. The ongoing discussions and adjust- ments to immigration policies will play a crucial role in shaping Japan’s future as a diverse and dynamic society. The scientific value of studying migrant issues in contemporary Japan extends across numerous disciplines, offering insights into demographic shifts, labor markets, social dynamics, cultural interactions, policy effectiveness, and more. This research informs policy decisions and contributes to broader academic understanding and global discussions on migration and diversity. The future of immigration and social security in Japan presents a complex set of challenges and opportunities. As the country grapples with an aging population, low birth rates, and labor shortages, immigration will likely play a crucial role in shaping its social and economic landscape. Public Perception and Attitudes could be the perspective area for further research on this topic. Attitudes toward immigrants can shape policy decisions and societal dynamics. Research on public perception, stereotypes, and xenophobia can inform efforts to promote inclusivity and combat negative biases. 101 2 0 2 4 • 5 9 Migrant Issues in Contemporary Japan REFERENCES Abdulkabatova, L. G. (2010). Social infrastructure: the role and importance in the development of the region. Issues of Structuring the Economy, 2, 584–586. Abe, S. (2013). Japan is back. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. https://www.mofa. go.jp/announce/pm/abe/us_20130222en.html Arudouj, D. (2014, April 15). J. 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Med najpomembnejše spremembe v imigracijski politiki sodita uvedba statusa stalnega prebivališča za pripravnike leta 1990 ter razširitev programov za pridobitev vizumov leta 2019, ki omogočata prihod več tujim delavcem. Avtorice analizirajo vlogo in strukturo japonskega urada za priseljevanje pri regula- ciji migracijskih procesov. Izpostavljajo učinkovitost japonskega zakonodajnega okvira pri upravljanju migrantov. Urad za priseljevanje je odgovoren za nadzor vstopanja v državo in izstopanja iz nje ter določa merila za upravičenost do različnih rezidenčnih statusov, vezanih na zaposlitev. Na Japonskem je trenutno po uradnih podatkih več kot 2,9 milijona priseljencev, kar kaže na trend naraščanja števila migrantov. V nadaljevanju avtorice predstavijo izzive, povezane z vključevanjem migrantov v družbo in na trg dela. Slednji vključujejo plačevanje socialnih prispevkov, goljufije na področju zdravstvenega zavarovanja ter neustrezno upravljanje tujih delavcev s strani delodajalcev. Japonska želi zaradi pomanjkanja delovne sile v sektorjih, kot sta zdravstvo in gradbeništvo, privabiti več priseljencev, vendar pa ta cilj še vedno usklajuje s ciljem ohranjanja kulturne identitete. Eden od predlogov je vzpostavitev posebnih sistemov socialne varnosti za tujce. Japonski mehanizem za upravljanje priseljevanja je v splošnem učinkovit, kljub temu pa se še vedno pojavljajo določene težave pri prilagajanju in vključevanju priseljencev. Avtorice v prispevku ugotavljajo, da se bo morala Japonska glede na demografske in gospodarske razmere v državi verjetno še naprej odpirati priseljen- cem, čeprav je mnenje javnosti do nadaljnjega priseljevanja še vedno neenotno. D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 TEMATSKI SKLOP / THEMATIC SEC TION MIGRACIJE DELOVNE SILE V UKRAJINI IN NA OBMOČJU NEKDANJE SOVJETSKE ZVEZE L A B O R M I G R AT I O N I N U K R A I N E A N D T H E P O S T - S O V I E T S PAC E Z h a n n a B o l a t I ntroduc t ion: Labor M igrat ion in Uk raine and the Post-Soviet Space Te t i a n a M a r u s i a k , O k s a n a K hy m ov yc h , Vo l o d y my r H o b l y k , Va s y l P i g o s h , U l i a n a Ro s o l a M igrat ion Abroad as a Socia l Consequence of Transformations of the I nst i tute of Educat ion in Modern Uk raine A k m a n a t A b u ova , N u r l a n B a i g a by l ov, M u k h t a r A b d i ka k i m ov, S a l t a n a t A u b a k i r ova , G u l n a r A s s y l k h a n ova Socia l -Economic I ntegrat ion of K azak h M igrants in Turkey Z hu l d y z I m a s h e va Explor ing Ethnic Entrepreneurship: Family Business of Taj ik M igrants O l e g Ya r o s h e n ko, Vo l o d y my r H a ra s h c hu k , O l e n a M o s ka l e n ko, G a l i n a Ya kov l e va , Vi t a l i i Sv i t l yc h ny i A Comparat ive Analys is of Forced M igrants’ R ights Abroad and in Uk raine and Control O ver Their Obser vance Under Condit ions of Mar t ia l Law A i g e r i m Ad i l g a z i n ova , Lya i l ya B a l a ka ye va , M a ra G u b a i d u l l i n a M igrant Issues in Contemporar y Japan G u l s a ra Ka p p a s s ova , M e i ra m g u l A l t y b a s s a r ova , G a n i Ye l mu ra t ov, M a d i n a Ra k h i m b a e va , B o r i s Po l o m a r c hu k M igrat ion Processes in the Republ ic of K azak hstan: Regular i t ies, Problems, and Prospec ts ČL ANKI / ARTICLES Lo r e d a n a Pa n a r i t i A H istor ical Analys is of Lef t-Wing Trade Union Posit ions Regarding Bangladeshi Workers in Monfalcone ( I ta ly) and Bosnian Workers in S lovenia V l a d i m i r I ve t a , M a r i j e t a Ra j kov i ć I ve t a M igrat ions, C i t izenships, and the R ight and Choice to Play for a Nat ional Footbal l Team with a Focus on the Croat ian Nat ional Team M a r j e t a Vr b i n c, D o n n a M . T. C r. Fa r i n a , A l e n ka Vr b i n c Or is s lovar jev in pr i ročnikov za učenje angleščine s lovensk ih izsel jencev v ZDA v obdobju 1895–1919 Ro k S m r d e l j Communicat ion Relat ions on Twitter Dur ing the M igrant “Cr is is” in S lovenia Ka t j a Ko b o l t Postmigraci jsk a estet ik a : Avtof ikc i jsko narat ivno delovanje v pisanju Di jane Matković in v izualnem ust var janju Anne Ehrenstein 592 0 2 4 9 7 7 0 3 5 3 6 7 7 0 1 3 ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 59 2 0 2 4 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 1-3 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31