STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA
III 2000
ZNANSTVENORAZISKOVALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKI NARODOPISJE, LJUBLJANA, SLOVENIJA
UNIVERSITA DEGLI STUDI DI UDINE DIPARTIMENTO DI LINGUE E CIVILTA DELL' EUROPA CENTRO-
ORIENTALE
LJUBLJANA 2000
z n L^ŽBn z r c
Studia mythologica Slavica III © 2000, ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana
Uredniški odbor / Comitato di redazione:
Pietro U. Dini (Université degli Studi della Basilicata), Remo Faccani (Université degli Studi di Udine), Stefano Garzonio (Université degli Studi di Pisa), Elena Levkievskaja (Institut slavjanovedenija Rossijskoj Akademii Nauk, Moskva), Andrzej Litwornia (Université degli Studi di Udine), Vlado Nartnik (ZRC SAZU, Inšitut za slovenski jezik Frana Ramovša, Ljubljana), Andrej Pleterski (ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za arheologijo, Ljubljana), Giorgio Ziffer (Université degli Studi di Udine)
Urednika / Curatori Monika Kropej,
ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Gosposka 13, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija E-mail: monika@alpha.zrc-sazu.si Nikolai Mikhailov,
Université degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilté dell' Europa Centro-Orientale
Zanon 6, 33100 Udine
E-mail: nikolai.mikhailov@dlcec.uniud.it
Izdajata / Pubblicato da
Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko narodopisje, Ljubljana, Slovenija in / e
Université degli Studi di Udine, Dipartimento di Lingue e Civilté dell' Europa Centro-Orientale, Udine, Italia Oblikovanje in oprema / Impostazione grafica Milojka Žalik Huzjan Karte
Mateja Belak
Prevodi / Traduzioni
Nives Sulič-Dular, Tatjana Bajuk
Jezikovni pregled / Revisione linguistica
Alan McConnell-Duff
Tisk / Stampato da
Tiskarna Litterapicta, Ljubljana
Slika na zadnji strani ovitka: Gerovitstein iz cerkve sv. Petra v Wolgastu (Nemčija). Fotografia sul retro della copertina: Gerovitstein, la chiesa di San Pietro a Wolgast (Germania).
Tiskano s podporo Ministrstva za znanost in tehnologijo Republike Slovenije /
Stampato con il sostegno finanziario del Ministero della Scienza e Tecnologia della Repubblica di
Slovenia
Studia mythologica Slavica is included in the following databases:
Ulrich's International Periodicals Directory, R. R. Bowker, New Providence, N. J.
MLA Bibliography - Directory of Periodicals, New York, N. J.
Manuscripts should be submitted in printed form and on a computer disk (Word 6.0 or higher version) to the editors.
ISSN 1408-6271
Vsebina Indice
SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA - VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE MITOLOGIA SLAVA - FONTI E RICO STRUZIONI
Jirí Machácek, Andrej Pleterski: Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
(Tschechische Republik)....................................................................................................9
Hhkoc HaycH^Hc: flaxöor bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Ma^a^a h HeroBHTe pe^anHH co ^pyra
Cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^O^KflOpHH H3Ö0pH ........................................................................ 23
9pHCT HflyKoy , AraKcaH^p KapaöaHay, -Hro^Mrna flynbm,
3aÖKoycKi, Ba^epHH BiHaKypay: KynbTaBbia KaMHHi Be^apyci .................43
Hro^Mwa flynbm: KynbTaBbia ^p3BH y Be^apyci..............................................................57
Lorenzo Pompeo: Etnografia umanistica ne L'epistola sulla religione ed i sacrifici
degli antichi prussiani di Jan Sandecki Malecki (Meletius) ...................................... 63
Monika Kropej: The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition .........................................................75
László Kürti: The Way of the Táltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical
Specialist .......................................................................................................................... 89
Mirjam Mencej: Pastirji - čarovniki...................................................................................115
HBeTa ToflopoBa-nHproBa: CBerbT Ha ^eMOHHTe B ctobo H o6pa3..............................125
^ynno C. PHCTecKH: nocMpTHO opo bo Tp a^HUHHTe Ha öa^KaHCKHTe C^OBeHH .....133
Nijolè Laurinkienè: Transformations of the Lithuanian God Perkûnas........................149
SEMIOTIČNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE Roberto Dapit: Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano ... 161 MapHA 3aBbOTOBa: OTpaxeHHe HeKOTopHx 0C06eHH0CTeö nocTpoeHHH 3ar0B0pH0H KapTHHH MHpa b CTpyKTypHOH opraHH3anHH TeKCTa (Ha MaTepHme ^htobckhx
3aroBopoB).....................................................................................................................173
Francisco Vaz da Silva: Cinderella the Dragon Slayer.....................................................187
NEEVROPSKE VZPOREDNICE PARALLELI NON-INDOEUROPEI
Maja Milčinski: Obvladovanje notranje narave po Radža jogi.......................................207
RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD IN KRITIČNE OCENE SVILUPPO DEI METODI DI RICERCA E RECENSIONI
Nikolai Mikhailov: Una riflessione sugli ultimi sviluppi degli studi mitologici ............219
Hans-Dietrich Kahl: Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen
(8. - 10. Jh.)...................................................................................................................223
Roman Zaroff : Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review...............................239
SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE
MITOLOGIA SLAVA FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav (Tschechische Republik)
Jiri Machaček, Andrej Pleterski
This piece discusses the first stages of research, conducted with the aid of metric analysis, on the ancient Slavic site of Pohansko near the city of Breclav in the south-east region of the Czech Republic. This analysis includes two pagan sanctuaries, grave sites, an early medieval church, dwelling structures and defense ramparts. A unified system of orientation is determined, dependant on the calendar direction of the solstice rising and setting of the sun and moon. Furthermore, the module employed to define the cult enclosure, the configuration of buildings and the course of the defense ramparts was also established in this fashion.
Nach zweihundertfünfzig Jahren Forschung gehen heute auch die größten Skeptiker davon aus, dass eine der Linien von Stonehenge auf die Sommersonnenwende zugerichtet ist (Ruggles 1997, 226). Übereinstimmungen mit dem Sonnen- und Mondkalender erkennt man dort nur dann nicht, wenn man fest an den Zufall glaubt (vgl.: Marzahn, Holtorf 1998). Es ist nunmehr sogar möglich, erste Strukturvergleiche zwischen Stonehenge und der Umgebung anzustellen (Darvill 1997). Kalenderbestimmte Metrik war aber nicht nur in der Vorgeschichte von Bedeutung. Auf dem berühmten Kultburgwall des Hügels Temair (englisch Tara), wo noch im Frühmittelalter irischen Könige eingesetzt wurden (Bhreathnach - Newman 1995), sind astronomische Richtungen und metrische Beziehungen ebenfalls nachzuweisen (Pleterski 1997, 24 f). Der Gedanke von der Stadt, von der aus man astronomischen Linien beobachten konnte, war noch im mittelalterlichen Praha/Prag lebendig (Špurek 1990, 77 ff). Sollten diese Kenntnisse den alten Slawen unbekannt gewesen sein? Nein - denn sie wurden von ihnen genutzt. Linien, die im breiteren Bereich von Uherske Hradište verschiedene frühmittelalterlichen Kirchenbauten in Beziehung setzten, sind astronomisch von der Sonne und dem Mond bestimmt (Rajchl 1995). So liegt der Gedanken nahe, auch anderswo nach solchen Erscheinungen zu suchen.
Eine der wenigen Stellen, an denen glaubwürdige Belege über frühmittelalterliche Religionsvorstellungen der Slawen vorliegen, ist Pohansko bei Breclav und seine Umgebung. Hier lassen sich die Äußerungen des geistigen Lebens unserer Vorfahren sogar über eine längere Zeitspanne verfolgen.
Der Burgwall Pohansko liegt im südwestlichen Teil der Tschechischen Republik im Raum der großen Auwälder oberhalb des Zusammenflusses von Morava/March und Dyje/ Thaya. Vor allem der archäologische Forschung, die hier seit 1958 vom Institut für Archäologie und Museologie der Philosophischen Fakultät der Masaryk-Universität in Brno (F. Kalousek, B. Dostäl, J. Vignatiovä, J. Machäcek) betrieben wird, sind neue Erkenntnisse zu verdanken. Bis heute konnte in Pohansko eine Fläche von über 140.000
9
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
Quadratmeter untersucht und dokumentiert werden (Abb. 1). Die Grabungen erbrachten Funde aus unterschiedlichsten Zeitabschnitten, belegten aber insbesondere die kontinuierliche Besiedlung des Platzes vom Beginn der slawischen Ankunft (6. Jh.) bis zur ersten Hälfte des 10. Jahrhunderts.
Die frühslawische und altburgwallzeitliche Besiedlung (6. - 8. Jh.) konnte an zwei Stellen im nördlichen Teil des untersuchten Areals erfasst werden. Dabei handelt es sich offenbar um eine landwirtschaftliche Siedlung in Form eines Haufendorfes, zu dem ein Brandbestattungsplatz mit 55 untersuchten Gräbern etwa 300 m südlich des Dorfes gehörte.
Pohansko erlangte im 9. Jahrhundert seine größte Bedeutung, als dort auf 28 ha Fläche eine der größten Befestigungen Großmährens in Form einer ovalen Niederungsburg mit Kirche und Friedhof, handwerklichen Werkstätten und einer dicht besiedelten Vorburg entstand, die einer bedeutenden Persönlichkeit als Residenz diente. Die Besiedlung brach auch im 10. Jahrhundert nicht ab, als das großmährische Staatsgebilde mit seinen politischen und geistigen Strukturen zu existieren aufhörte. Für
Abb. 1. Breclav - Pohansko. Die wichtigen freigelegten Flächen im Innenraum des Burgwalles. 1 - Areal des Herrenhofes, 2 - der sog. Handwerkerareal, 3 - das sog. frühslawische Brandgräberfeld.
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Jifi Machäcek, Andrej Pleterski
uns ist die Tatsache von Bedeutung, dass hier neben der fortschreitenden Christianisierung Hinweise auf einen vorchristlichen Kult erhalten geblieben sind. Dieser erreichte im Verlauf der 1. Hälfte des 9.
Jahrhunderts seinen Höhepunkt, als es bereits einen Herrenhof und einen HolzLehmwall mit einer Steinverblendung an der Stirnseite gab. An die quadratische Palisadenbefestigung des Gehöftes schloss sich ein eigenes, rechteckig eingezäuntes Areal mit 17 x 21,5 m an. Die Höhe des Zaunes schätzt man auf bis zu 4 m. Im Innern fand man Pfostenlöcher und Gruben (Feuerstätten?) und möglicherweise die Überreste eines bislang nicht bestimmbaren Bauwerks (Dostäl 1992, 81, 84, obr. 4). Die meisten Spuren der älteren Bebauung wurden jedoch beim Bau einer Kirche zerstört, die sich ebenso wie die meisten umliegenden Gräber an der Längsachse der früheren Kultstätte orientierte (Dostäl 1975, 101 ff). Diese Achse ist auf den Sonnenaufgang am Tag der Sommersonnenwende (Abb. 2) ausgerichtet (Rajchl 2000). Aufgrund der Befunde muss man wohl davon ausgehen, dass der heidnische Kultbezirk mit der beginnenden Christianisierung seine
Abb. 2. Bfeclav - Pohansko. Die großmährische Kirche in der kultischen Umzäunung. SS - Orientierung in der Richtung der Sommersonnenwende.
1
1
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
Abb. 3. Breclav - Pohansko. Plan des heidnischen Kalendariums im Raum des ehemaligen frühslawischen Brandgräberfeldes. SS - Orientierung in der Richtung der Sommersonnenwende, WW - Orientierung in der Richtung der Wintersonnenwende, O/E Orientierung in der Richtung der Tagundnachtgleiche.
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Jiri Machacek, Andrej Pleterski
Funktion verlor und durch die kleine Kirche ersetzt wurde (Dostal 1975, 103 f; 1992, 81; Richter 1965, 203; Konecny 1980). Dass die entdeckten Pfostenlöcher zu einem älteren Holzkirchenbau gehören, ist nicht völlig auszuschliessen. In weiterer Folge ging auch die alte Kultpalisade unter, die vom jüngeren Narthex der Kirche und den Gräbern des größer werdenden Friedhofs überlagert wurde. (Dostal 1975, 103 f).
Der heidnische Kult blieb jedoch auch nach dem Untergang des alten Heiligtums in der Bevölkerung verankert. Als am Beginn des 10. Jahrhunderts das Großmährische Reich unterging, verlor auch die Kirche ihre sakrale Funktion. In ihrem Narthex fanden sich jetzt eine Feuerstelle und Reste von Siedlungsabfall (Dostal 1975, 101 ff; Merinsky 1986). Unweit der Kirche errichtete man nun erneut eine kleinere heidnische Kultstätte. Diese wurde teilweise von einer Palisade umfasst und bestand aus acht Pfählen, die eine starke Mittelsäule umgaben. Der Kultplatz besitzt einen Durchmesser von 2,5 bis 3,0 m und ist jünger als das bei seiner Errichtung gestörte großmährische Grab (Dostal 1968).
Eine ähnliche Anlage entdeckte man in Pohansko an jener Stelle, an der die altslawische Bevölkerung vor dem Bau der Burg ihre eingeäscherten Toten bestattete (Kalousek - Dostal - Vignatiova - Sik 1977 - 1978, 162). Nach hundert Jahren war also
h a z
G
292,5 - 297,5	302,5 - 307,5	312,5 - 317,5
297,5 - 302, 5	307,5 - 312, 5	317,5 - 322,5
Orientation
5
4
3
2
0
Str. Dev= 7,82 Mean = 305,8 N = 16,00
Abb. 4. Breclav - Pohansko. Histogram der Orientierung der Skelettgräber (ohne Hockergrab), die mit der Kultstätte im Bereich des ehemaligen frühslawischen Brandgräberfeldes zusammenhängen. Strichlinie - Orientierung zur Wintersonnenwende.
13
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
die ehrwürdige Stelle wieder zu einem Kultplatz geworden. Mit dem im Zentrum befindlichen Pfahlbau steht eine Gruppe einheitlich orientierter Skelette in Beziehung (Abb. 3), die in gestreckter Rückenlage und nahezu beigabenlos bestattet wurden (Dostäl 1982, 136). Die einzige Ausnahme bildet das in Bezug auf die übrigen Bestattungen genau entgegengesetzt orientierte Hockergrab eines Kindes. An einer gedachten Linie, welche die Mitte des Pfahlbaus und das ausgefallene Hockergrab verbindet, richten sich alle anderen Gräber aus. Sie zeigt mit einer kleinen Abweichung auf jenen Punkt, an dem die Sonne am Tag der Wintersonnenwende aufgeht. Die Verstorbenen aus dieser Gräbergruppe waren so bestattet worden, dass sie sowohl der wieder zunehmenden Sonne als auch dem Hockergrab entgegen blickten (Abb. 4)
Zieht man die Linie über die hervorgehobene Kinderbestattung und die Mitte des Kultplatzes hinaus weiter, trifft sie auf ein kultisches Pferdegrab, das im Verhältnis zu jenem des Kindes genau doppelt so nahe am Kultmittelpunkt liegt. In gleicher Entfernung wie das Kindergrab zur Mittelsäule fand man eine nach Osten, in Richtung der Tagundnachtgleiche orientierte leere Grabgrube - ein Kenotaph. Zieht man eine Linie von der Säule in Richtung Sonnenaufgang am Tag der Sommersonnenwende und verlängert diese nach Südwesten, stößt man erneut auf rituell niedergelegtes Pferdeskelett. Unweit davon liegen zwei in Richtung der Sommersonnenwende orientierte Gräber, die im Vergleich mit dem Kinderhockergrab in doppelter Entfernung zur Kultplatzmitte angelegt wurden.
Die aus einer Mittelsäule und acht umstehenden Pfählen gebildete Kultstätte findet auch anderenorts ihre Entsprechung. Ein derartiges, ebenfalls zentral angelegtes Heiligtum entdeckte man im Gebiet der Nowgoroder Slawen in Peryn. Hier fand sich ein kreisförmiger Graben mit acht Nischen für Opferfeuer, die wohl um ein Idol angelegt waren, von dem noch eine Grube inmitten des heiligen Bezirks erhalten geblieben ist (Slupecki 1994, 144 ff). Acht im Kreis angelegte Gruben wurden auf dem Burgwall Bogit in Galizien (10.-12. Jh.) ergraben, in deren Mitte wahrscheinlich das bekannte Zbrucer Idol stand (Rusanova - Timoscuk 1993, 32 ff). Ebenfalls aus acht um eine Mittelsäule kreisförmig angelegten Pfahlgruben bestand die Opferstätte der älteren Zarubincy Kultur auf dem Berg D'evic bei Tripolje (Dostäl 1975, 107).
Der Aufbau solcher Kultstätten hängt offensichtlich mit den Himmelsrichtungen und den Sonnenauf- und -untergängen am Tag der Winter- und Sommersonnenwende zusammen. Möglicherweise wurden dabei der Sonnenlauf und die wesentlichen Momenten des solaren Zyklus symbolisiert, die zu den bedeutungsvollsten Aspekten jeder Agrargemeinschaft gehören. Zu den Vorstellungen über den Sonnenkult würden auch die Pferdegräber passen (z.B. Zaroff 1999, 55), die sich auch in anderen Heiligtümern finden. In den heidnischen Kultbezirke von Mikulcice wurden Pferdeskelette ebenso gefunden, wie z.B. am kultischen Holzbau in Klästerisko (Klanica 1985, Abb.: 35, 39). Pferdeköpfe sind auch für den bekannten heidnischen Tempel von Groß Raden in Mecklenburg (Slupecki 1994, 95 ff) belegt. Dass Pferde im Kult slawischer Religionen eine besondere Rolle spielten, bestätigen Chronistenberichte, wie jener Herbords, der auf das Pferd des Gottes Triglav in Szczecin Bezug nimmt (Slupecki 1994, 72 ss). In Pohansko dürften die Tiere die Funktion eines symbolischen Orakels übernommen haben, das die Termine der Sonnenwenden über die untereinander in Beziehung stehenden Pferdegräber und Pfostenbauten vorausbestimmt haben könnte.
Der Sonnenkult war vor allem unter den Ostslawen verbreitet. Dies berichtet der Araber Al Masudi und bezeichnet die Slawen um die Mitte des 10. Jhs. als Sonnenanbeter,
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Jiri Machacek, Andrej Pleterski
die offene Heiligtümer zur Beobachtung des Himmelskörpers errichteten (Zaroff 1999, 53). Da Masudi aber selbst nie im Slawenland war, bleibt die Quelle unzuverlässig (Mansikka 1922, 335 f).
Die im großen Kultbezirk von Pohansko festgestellten Komponenten finden sich auch im altslawischen Gräberfeld von Dlesc bei Bodesce in Slowenien wieder, wo das Hockergrab eines Kindes und ein Kenotaph ebenfalls metrische Kultpunkte fixierten (Pleterski 1996, Slika/Abb. 12).
Das „Kalendarium" in Pohansko kann momentan noch nicht exakt datieren werden, es gehört aber in die Zeit des 8. bis. 10. Jahrhunderts. Zur Festlegung eines „terminus ad quem" dient möglicherweise die folgende Beobachtung. Fünf Meter östlich des Kultmittelpunktes konnte aus der Kulturschicht der einstigen Oberfläche ein ungewöhnlich großes, vollständig erhaltenes Vorratsgefäß aus der Gaphitton geborgen werden. Ganz Gefäße sind selten und könnten an diesem Platz mit rituellen Handlung in Verbindung gestanden haben. Die Graphittonware wird in Pohansko ans Ende des 9. Jahrhunderts und später datiert, womit ein Hinweis für die zeitliche Stellung der Kultanlage vorliegen würde.
Abb. 5. Bfeclav - Pohansko. Der mittlere Befestigungsteil. T - Tor, K - Kultstätte im Bereich des ehemaligen frühslawischen Brandgräberfeldes. Die Maße in Meter.
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Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
Das großmährische Pohansko wurde vermutlich als imitatio imperii errichtet und präsentiert sich als Nachahmung der karolingischen Pfalz mit allen Funktionselementen, zu denen die abgegrenzte Residenz des Herrschers mit der christlichen Kirche, Wohn- und Versammlungsgebäude, intensiv produzierende Handwerksbezirke und nicht zuletzt eine mächtige, das ganze Areal umgebenden Befestigung gehörten (Machäcek 2000). Die Errichtung des Burgwalls wurde aber nicht nur vom westlichen Vorbild und den natürlichen Voraussetzungen im Überschwemmungsgebiet der Thayaauen bestimmt, sondern auch von anderen wichtigen Prinzipien geprägt.
Die eingehende Analyse der Anlage zeigt, dass die großmährischen Baumeister zwei Grundelemente berücksichtigten. Eines war jene gedachte Linie, die das slawische Brandgräberfeld mit der Kirche verband, unter der die ältere Kultstätte freigelegt werden konnte. Das andere ist ein Modul, der sich an den Maßen und der Ausrichtung jener Umzäunung orientiert, in der die Kirche und ihr Vorgängerbau angelegt wurden. Am deutlichsten treten diese Prinzipien in der Fortifikation von Pohansko zutage. Der zwei Kilometer lange Wall besteht aus geraden Teilen und scharfen Brüchen und beschreibt nur
Abb. 6. Bfeclav - Pohansko. Herrenhof mit zwei Hauptphasen. Modul im Bereich der kultischen Umzäunung und im Innehof der älteren Phase.
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Jiri Machacek, Andrej Pleterski
im südlichen Teil, der leider während des Schlossbaus im 19. Jh. beschädigt wurde, einen nicht näher spezifizierten Bogen.
Der mittlere Befestigungsabschnitt besteht auf der westlichen und östlichen Seite aus zwei gleich langen, geraden und Richtung nno/ssw weisenden Segmenten. (Abb. 5). Sie sind zueinander und auch zu jener Linie parallel, die den Raum des Brandgräberfeldes mit der kultischen Umzäunung des Herrenhofes verbindet. Schließt man die gegenüberliegenden Stellen, an denen sich die parallelen Burgwallteile brechen (an einem dieser Brüche wurde im östlichen Teil des Burgwalles ein Tor untersucht), verläuft die südliche der beiden gleich langen und parallelen Abszissen (d.h. diejenige, die vom Tor herausläuft) durch das „Kalendarium" (Abb. 3).
Der nördliche Wallteil entspricht dem Modul, der wohl von der kultischen Umzäunung des Herrenhofes abzuleiten ist (Abb. 2). Er ist durch eine fast ideal viereckige Form mit fester Seitenrelation und durch die Ausrichtung der Längsachse zum Sonnenaufgang am Tage der Sommersonnenwende sowie jene der kürzeren Seite zum südlichsten Aufgang des Vollmondes im Jahreslauf gekennzeichnet.
Abb. 7. Bfeclav - Pohansko. Der nördliche Befestigungsteil mit dem kultischen Modul und dem Herrenhof. SS - Orientierung in der Richtung der Sommersonnenwende.
17
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
Dieser Modul wurde zunächst bei der Errichtung der älteren Phase des Herrenhofes verwendet, dessen Innenhof zu Versammlungszwecken diente, und in Form und Relation den Seiten der dreimal vergrößerten Kultumzäunung der Kirche entsprach. Nur die Orientierung des Innenhofes weicht um 5° von der Richtung der Kulteinfassung ab (Abb. 6). Das entspricht aber auch dem Unterschied der Extremen der Auf- und Untergänge von Sonne und Mond (Sprajc 1991, 27 f). Möglicherweise war der Innenhof nach der Bahn des Mondes orientiert.
Ein zweites Mal wurde dieser Modul beim Bewehrungsbau im nördlichen Teil des Burgwalles angewandt. Der Wall wird hier durch zwei gerade, im scharfen Winkel
Abb. 8. Breclav - Pohansko. Handwerkerareal mit hofartigen Strukturen und kultischen Modulen.
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Jiri Machacek, Andrej Pleterski
gebrochene Teile gebildet. Orientierung und Relation der beiden Wallsegmente entsprechen der Kulteinfassung und sind 18 Mal so groß wie diese (Abb. 7).
Der Modul, an dessen tieferen symbolischen Bedeutung nicht zu zweifeln ist, wurde auch bei der planmäßigen Innenbebauung des Burgwalles benutzt und kann in den Strukturen des Handwerksbezirks nachvollzogen werden, in dem die Siedlungsobjekte wohl durch Verkehrszonen in untereinander abgetrennte Höfe gegliedert waren. Anscheinend entspricht der Grundriss der Hofbebauung im nördlichen Teil des Handwerksbezirks in Form, Ausrichtung und Relation dem Modul der Kultumzäunung am Herrenhof (Abb. 8). Nach diesem orientieren sich auch die Siedlungsobjekte mit ihren Längsachsen. Im südlichen Teil verändert sich das Modell insoweit, als die hofartigen Struktur und die Siedlungsobjekte nunmehr nord-süd ausgerichtet sind. Es muss weiter
Abb. 9. Bfeclav - Pohansko. Großmährische Besiedlung im Bereich des ehemaligen frühslawischen Brandgräberfeldes mit hofartigen Strukturen und kultischen Modulen.
19
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
untersucht werden, ob dies ein Ergebnis bestimmter zeitlicher Entwicklungsänderungen ist, oder andere Ursachen dafür ins Treffen zu führen sind. Im Moment wird eine Detailchronologie der einzelnen Siedlungsphasen anhand des reichen Keramikmaterials erarbeitet. (Machäcek 1999). Die vorläufigen Analysen ergaben jedenfalls, dass man den von der Kultumzäunung abgeleitete Modul in Pohansko auch auf anderen untersuchten Flächen, beispielsweise im Raum des ehemaligen Brandgräberfeldes (Abb. 9) oder im südlichen Vorburgbereich, wo eine großmährische Siedlung auf einer Fläche von ca. 9 Hektar freigelegt wurde, nachweisen kann.
Schon vor Jahren hat Lubomir Konecny (1989, 18) die Hypothese vertreten, Pohansko sei einst ein geistiges Zentrum mit einer zentralen heidnischen Kultstätte für die umliegende Bevölkerung gewesen. Die angeführten Beobachtungen bestätigen den nachhaltigen Einfuss religiös-symbolischen Denkens auf die Urbanisation des Ortes. Unsere kurze Studie stellt einen kleinen Schritt zur Erforschung der reichhaltigen Symbolik des Pohansko dar. Zusammenfassend können wir festhalten, dass der beschriebene Platz offenbar über einen längeren Zeitraum (Wende 6./7.-10. Jh.) ein bedeutender altslawischer Kultort war und wesentliche Elemente eines kultisch geprägten Gedankensystems auf seine Urbanisation im 9. Jahrhundert einwirkten.
Literatur
BHREATHNACH, E. - NEWMAN, C. 1995, Tara. - Dublin.
DARVILL T. 1997, Ever Increasing Circles: The Sacred Geographies of Stonehenge and its Landscape. - [in:] Science and Stonehenge (Herausgeber: Barry Cunliffe and Colin Renfrew), Proceedings of the British Academy 92, Oxford, 167 - 202.
DOSTÄL, B. 1968, Slovanske kultovni misto na Pohansku u Breclavi? - Vlastivedny vestnik moravsky 20, 3 - 25.
DOSTÄL, B. 1975, Breclav - Pohansko IV. Velkomoravsky velmozsky dvorec. - Brno.
DOSTÄL, B. 1982, Drobnä pohrebiste a rozptylene hroby z Breclavi - Pohanska. - Sbornik praci filozoficke fakulty brnenske univerzity E 27, 136 - 201.
DOSTÄL, B. 1992, K rekonstrukci velkomoravskeho kostela na Pohansku. - Sbornik praci filozoficke fakulty brnenske univerzity E 37, 73 - 88.
KALOUSEK, F. - DOSTÄL, B. - VIGNATIOVÄ, J. - SIK, A. 1977 - 1978, Treti petileti archeologickeho vyzkumu Breclavi - Pohanska (1969 - 1973). Zäverecnä zpräva. -Sbornik praci filozoficke fakulty brnenske univerzity E 22 - 23, 155 - 175.
KLANICA, Z. 1985, Mikulcice - Klästerisko. - Pamätky archeologicke 76, 474 - 539.
KONECNY L. 1980, Poznämka ke kultovnerituälnimu vyznamu dvorce na Pohansku. -[In:] Slovane 6. - 10. stoleti. Sbornik referätü ze sympozia Breclav-Pohansko 1978, 131 - 141 (Bemerkungen zur kultisch-rituellen Bedeutung des Hofes von Pohansko).
KONECNY L. 1989, Poznämka k urbanismu staroslovanskych ustredi. - [in:] Pamätkovä pece a ochrana prirody, Brno, 8 - 21 (Zusammenfassung: Eine Bemerkung zum Urbanismus altslawischer Zentren).
* Für die Bestimmungen der astronomischen Orientierungen bedanken wir uns Herrn R. Rajchl, Observatorium Uhersky Brod.
20
Jiri Machacek, Andrej Pleterski
MACHÄCEK, J. 1999, Studie k velkomoravske keramice. Metody, analyzy a syntezy, modely. - Brno. (Dissertationarbeit, Manuskript)
MACHÄCEK, J. 2000, Pohansko bei Breclav - ein bedeutendes Zentrum Großmährens. -[in:] Sammelband aus der Konferenz „Großmähren zwischen Ost und West", Uherske Hradište - Stare Mesto 28.9. - 1.10. 1999. (im Druck)
MARZAHN I., HOLTORF C. 1998, Archäoastronomie in Stonehenge und der Charakter der Archäologie. - Archäologische Informationen 21/1, 109 - 129.
MANSIKKA, V. J. 1922, Die Religion der Ostslaven. I Quellen. - FF Communications 43, Vol. X, Helsinki.
MERiNSKX Z. 1986, Morava v 10. stoleti ve svetle archeologickych nälezü. - Pamätky archeologicke 87, 18 - 80.
PLETERSKI, A. 1996, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru pri Slovanih. - Zgodovinski časopis 50, 163 - 185 (Räumliche Strukturen einer dreiteiligen Ideologie bei den Slawen). Eine ältere Version des Aufsatzes wurde auf Englisch veröffentlicht: The trinity concept in the Slavonic ideological system and the Slavonic spatial measurement system. - Swiatowit 40, 1995, 113 - 143.
PLETERSKI A. 1997, Mitska stvarnost koroških knežjih kamnov. - Zbirka zgodovinskega časopisa 17, Ljubljana (Summary: Mythical Reality of the Carinthian Dukes' Stones). Deutsche Version: PLETERSKI, A. 1997, Die Kärntner Fürstensteine in der Struktur dreier Kultstätten. - [in:] Der Kärntner Fürstenstein im europäischen Vergleich (Herausgeber: Axel Huber), 43 - 119.
RAJCHL R. 1995, Astronomicke prvky v orientaci spojnic kostelu z predvelkomoravskeho a velkomoravskeho obdobi v oblasti Uherskeho Hradište. - Sloväcko 37, 129 - 138 (Resüme: Astronomische Elemente in der Orientierung von Verbindungslinien der großmährischen und vorgroßmährischen Kirchen im Gebiet Uherske Hradište. -Abstract: The Astronomical Elements in the Orientation of the Connecting Lines Leading from the Pre- Moravian Period to the Period of the Great Moravian Empire in the Region Uherske Hradište).
RAJCHL, R. 2000, Astronomicke prvky v orientaci pohrebište Breclav - Pohansko. -Archaeologia mediaevalis Moravica et Silesiana I. (im Druck)
RICHTER, V. 1965, Die Anfänge der großmährischen Architektur. - [in:] Magna Moravia. Praha, 121 - 360.
RUGGLES C. 1997, Astronomy and Stonehenge. - [in:] Science and Stonehenge (Herausgeber: Barry Cunliffe and Colin Renfrew), Proceedings of the British Academy 92, Oxford, 203 - 229.
RUSANOVA, I. P. - TIMOŠČUK B. A. 1993, Jazyčeskie svjatilišča drevnih Slavjan. -Moskva (Heiligtümer von Altslawen).
StUPECKI, L. P. 1994, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries. - Warsaw.
ŠPRAJC, I. 1991, Arheoastronomija. - Ljubljana.
SPÜREK M. 1990, Jehla v kupce sena. - Praha.
ZAROFF, R. 1999, Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Foreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition? - Studia mythologica Slavica 2, 47 - 76.
21
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav
Staroslovanske kultne strukture na Pohanskem pri Breclavu (Češka republika)
JiriMachaček, Andrej Pleterski
Gradišče Pohansko leži v močvirni dobravi blizu sotočja rek Morave in Dyje na jugovzhodu Češke republike. Veliko je 28 ha, okrog njega so razmeščena še obširna predgradja. Do danes so raziskali 140 000 m2 (Slika - Abb. 1), kar je površina, ki omogoča poglobljene strukturne raziskave. Na severu so bili najdeni naselbinski ostanki iz 6. do 8. st. (Slika 1:1,2), ki jim pripada tudi pokopališče z žganimi grobovi 300 m južneje (Slika 1: 3). Največji razcvet je najdišče doživelo v 9. st., ko je bilo tu gradišče z dvorom pomembnega moravskega mogočnika, s pokopališko cerkvijo, številne delavnice in gosto poseljena predgradja. Poleg sledov začetnega obdobja pokristjanjevanja so se ohranili tudi dokazi o obstoju poganskega kulta.
Ob severnem robu velmoškega dvora je stala pravokotna ograda, velika 17 X 21,5 m, v njej so bili ostanki najverjetneje kultne stavbe. Večinoma so bili uničeni pri gradnji cerkve, ki pa je ohranila usmeritev starejše ograde (Slika - Abb. 2). To je smer: vzhod kresnega sonca - zahod božičnega sonca. Po propadu države Moravanov na začetku 10. st., je bila cerkev profanizirana, v njeni bližini pa so postavili novo pogansko svetišče.
Skoraj povsem enako je bilo odkrito tudi južneje na prostoru nekdanjih žganih grobov. Z njim v povezavi je tudi manjše pokopališče okostnih grobov (Slika - Abb. 3). Ti ležijo ob črti, ki povezuje grob otroškega skrčenca s središčem svetišča. Črta je zelo blizu smeri vzhoda božičnega sonca in zahoda kresnega sonca (Slika - Abb. 4). V nadaljevanju na drugi strani svetišča seže črta do groba s konjskim okostjem. Skrčenec leži natančno enkrat bolj daleč od svetišča kot konj. Natančno vzhodno od svetišča je prazen grob, usmerjen po črti zahod-vzhod. Na smeri iz središča svetišča proti zahodu božičnega sonca - vzhodu kresnega sonca je jugozahodno drugi grob z okostjem konja. V njegovi bližini sta dva okostna grobova, ki gledata proti vzhodu kresnega sonca. Od središča svetišča sta oddaljena štirikrat dlje kot prvi konjski grob.
Kultne točke in smeri so narekovale tudi gradnjo okopa gradišča. Nekatere prvine je že mogoče pokazati. Črta med severno kultno ogrado in južnim svetiščem je tudi smer dveh vzporednih vzdolžnih stranic. Južna črta, ki ju povezuje, gre hkrati skozi vzhodna vrata gradišča in južno svetišče (Slika - Abb. 5).
Severna kultna ograda s svojo velikostjo in usmerjenostjo predstavlja modul, po katerem je narejen severni del okopa gradišča. Njegovo severozahodno stranico določata sončna solsticija, severovzhodno pa skrajni vzhod božičnega meseca in skrajni zahod kresnega meseca (Slika - Abb. 7).
Isti modul so uporabili tudi pri gradnji starejše palisade velmoškega dvora. Osnovni tloris je pri tem zamaknjen za 5°, kar kaže da je daljša stranica usmerjena po skrajnem vzhodu kresnega meseca in skrajnem zahodu božičnega meseca (Slika - Abb. 6.). Po osnovnem modulu so bili urejeni tudi manjši dvori v obrtniškem delu naselja, kjer je poleg tega zaslediti tudi usmeritev po straneh sveta (Slika - Abb. 8). Tudi na področju žganih grobov sta bila dvora urejena po osnovnem modulu (Slika - Abb. 9).
Čeprav so to šele prvi koraki v spoznavanje kultne metrike Pohanskega, pa se že sedaj najdišče kaže kot pomembno kultno središče Moravanov v času od 6./7. do 10. stoletja.
22
^a%6or BO xpoHHKaTa Ha Ma^a^a n HeroBHTe pe.iaunn co apyrn cpejHoeeKoeHn h (|)o.iKiopHn
H3BOpH
Hukoc Haycuduc
This article introduces new perspectives on the Slavic pagan god Dazbog (or Dajbog/ Dabog) on the basis of medieval historical sources, folk traditions, linguistic analyses and artistic depictions on archeological objects. Special attention is focused on remarks concerning Svarog and Dazbog in the Slavic translation of the "World Chronicle" (Hronografia) of Ioannes Malalas. Thus this article contributes to discussions concerning Svarog published by the same author in previous issues of this journal.
Bo npBHOT 6poj Ha OBa cnncaHHe, ny6jiHKyBaBMe CTarnja bo Koja npeae^OBMe HCTpaxyBaae Ha KapaKTepoT Ha 6oroT CBapor, 6a3HpaHO Bp3 HHTep^HCuHn^HHapHH corae^yBafta, co noce6eH aKqeHT Ha HeroBHTe ^hkobhh npeTCTaBH.1 Bo oBHe HCTpaxyBaaa BaxHo MecTo My nocBeTHBMe Ha HaBo^oT 3a CBapor (h 3a ^pyra 6oxecTBa) bo c^oBeHCKHoT npeBo^ Ha »XpoHHKaTa Ha cBeToT« o^ JoBaH Manana. HamHTe HCTpaxyBafta Ha oBaa TeMa npo^o^xHja h no ny6^HKyBafteTo Ha oBoj Tpy#. OBoj naT aKqeHTOT ro HacoiHBMe Ha ^yMHCTHiKHTe e^eMeHTH bo c^oBeHCKaTa naraHCKa pe^Hraja h Ha HHBHHTe pe^anHH co HpaHCKoTo ^yxoBHo ja^po h co HeroBHTe flonHoaHTHHKH H Cpe^HoBeKoBHH MaHH^eCTaUHH (MaHHXejCTBoTo H 6oryMH^CTBoTo).2 KaKo pe3y^TaT Ha oBHe HCTpaxyBafta ce nojaBHja h hobh corae^yBafta 3a KapaKTepoT Ha MoBeHCKHTe 6oroBH, HaBe^eHH bo npeBo^oT Ha Ma^a^HHaTa xpoHHKa. Bo Taa CMHc^a oco6eHo ce HCTaKHyBaaT HamHTe 3aKnyionH 3a ^ax6or koh bo 3HaiHTema Mepa ce pa3^HKyBaaT oHHe mTo nonaTHo rH HCKaxaBMe bo HaBe^eHaTa CTaTHja. Bo Taa CMHc^a ce pemHBMe, oBHe hobh corae^yBafta ^a rH ny6^HKyBaMe bo hctobo oBa cnncaHHe, KaKo ^ono^HyBaae Ha CTaTHjaTa o^ nperapommoT 6poj.
Bo HameTo npeTxo^Ho HCTpaxyBaaa, bo KoHTeKCT Ha nocTojHHTe Te3H h Ha concTBeHHTe corae^yBafta (npe^ ce cnope^ ^aKTHTe HaBe^eHH bo »XpoHHKaTa«) rH npe^oxHBMe c^e^HHTe ^yHKUHH h ^oMeHH Ha CBapor:
-	^p m.e. emdemen Ha zno6anHU c$epu (eceaena, noeemmeo)
-	PenpeseHm Ha MumoMMm c$ameHUom paH m.e. npemeH nepuod od ezsucmeH-uujama Ha eceneHama uau noeemmeomo
H. HaycHflHC, CAoeencKume nanmeonu so AuKoenuom meduym: Ceapos, Studia mythologica Slavica, 1, 1998, 75-92.
H. HaycHflHO, flyaAmmom so peAusuume na noneama na MaKedonuja, pe^epaT o^ HayiHHoT co6Hp »HcTopHjaTa Ha H^eHTe Ha noiBaTa Ha MaKe^oHHja«, CKonje (MAHY), 1999 (bo neiaT); N. Causidis, The Maniheic interpretation of the Roman Monuments of "Kavadarci Group", Macedonian Heritage, 11, Skopje, 1999, 3 - 77.
2
23
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Mañana h HeroBHTe penauHH co apyrH cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^ojikjiophh H3BopH
-	Podumea Ha Sozoeume
-	OcHuean u noKpoeumen Ha ceMejcmeomo
-	noKpoeumencmeo u dpyzu epcm co ozHom, Memanypzujama, coHuemo u ocoóeHo co Heóomo
-	KapaKmep Ha znaeeH - epxoeeH, na dypu u edrncmeeH (eo eucmmcm cMucm Ha sóopom) 6oz
-	KapaKmep Ha meopeu Ha eceneHama u Ha HeKou KúHKpemHu eneMeHmu u Kamezopuu (coHue, ozaH, Memaaypzuja, saKoH, ceMejcmeo)3
npH Toa, TprayBajkH on conpxHHaTa Ha HaBonoT bo »XpoHHKaTa«, ce onpenenHBMe 3a nocTojHHTe cTaBoBH cnopen koh:
-	CoHuemo-Uap e cuh Ha Ceapoz
-	flawóoz e ucmoeemeH co CoHuemo - U,ap, cuHom ceapozoe.
HamHTe hobh cornenyBaaa ce onHecyBaaT caMo Ha nocnenHHoT on HaBeneHHTe 3aKnynonn h cnopen hhb:
-	flawóoz e cuh Ha Ceapoz
-Ho, moj He e ucmoeemeH co meoHuMom CoHue -Uap, Koj e, oneeudHo uMe Ha dpyzuom ceapozoe cuH
^ononHyBaaaTa 3a KapaKTepoT Ha flax6or mro ra H3noxyBaMe bo oBaa cTaTHja, He caMo mTo He rH nonHpaaT h nopeMeTyBaaT norope npHKaxaHHTe ^yHKqHH Ha CBapor, TyKy o6paTHo - ymTe noBeke rH 3anBpcTyBaaT.
-	^a^Sor bo ejOBeHeKHOT npeBO^ Ha »XpoHHKaTa Ha cbctot« o^ JoBaH Manana
CnoBeHcKHoT npeBon Ha »XpoHHKaTa Ha cBeToT« on JoBaH Manana e enHo on peTKHTe cpenHoBeKoBHH KHHxeBHH nena bo koh, noKpaj HMH^aTa Ha naraHocnoBeHcKH 6oxecTBa ce HaBenyBa h hhbhhot KapaKTep h ^yhkuhh. Tokmy nopanH Toa, oboj' H3Bop nocTojaHo npenH3BHKyBa BHHMaHHe Kaj HcTpaxyBanHTe Ha cnoBeHcKaTa KynTypa h oco6eHo Ha HHBHaTa naraHcKa penHrHja h MHTonorHja. CTaHyBa 36op 3a nenoT bo koj' ce npe3eHTHpa MHTonorH3HpaHo hctophcko npenaHHe 3a Bnaneeaero Ha npeBHHoT 6or, HeroBHTe 3acnyrH 3a noBe^KHoT pon h nponecoT Ha npeHecyBaae Ha oBHe ^yHKUHH Ha npyro 6oxecTBo Koe HMa KapaKTep Ha HeroB HacnenHHK. CoBpeMeHHTe HcTpaxyBanH, cMeTaaT neKa nacycoT co naraHocnoBeHcKHTe 6oxecTBa npeTcTaByBa nononHHTenHa HHTepnonanHja (HacTaHaTa HajnonHa bo 12. BeK), hhj' aBTop npHnaran Ha jyxHo-cnoBeHcKHoT ja3HHKH apean. HcKaxaHH ce cTaBoBH neKa toj', MenHTepaHcKHTe aHTHHKH 6oxecTBa on tphkhot opHrHHan th npHnaronHn Ha cnoBeHcKaTa cpenHHa, 3aMeHyBajkH th co nHKoBHTe on naraHo-cnoBeHcKaTa MHTonorHja. TaKa, HajnpBo ce cnoMHyBa napcTByBaaeTo Ha CBapor (noHcToBeTeH co OeocT T.e. Xe^ecT) h HeroBHTe 3acnyrH 3a noBemTBoTo, a noToa ce HaBenyBa neKa no Hero napcTByBan CoHne - D,ap, chh cBaporoB onHocHo ^ax6or (noHcToBeTeH co AnonoH).4
3	H. HaycH^Hc, CAoeencKume nanmeonu ... 84 - 86.
4	fleTa^Ho 3a oBoj H3Bop: H. Lovmjanski, Religija Slovena, 1996 (cpncKoxpBaTCKH npeBo^ Ha opHrHHanoT: H. Lowmiañski, Religia Slowian i jej upadek - VI-XII v.), 71-75. 3a HamHTe npeTxo^HH corae,nyBaiia Ha oBoj H3Bop: H. HaycH^Hc, CAoeencKume nanmeonu ..., 82 H HaTaMy.
24
Hukoc Vaycuduc
EBe ra KjiyHHHTe ^ejiOBu Ha nacycoT oíi cjiOBeHCKHOT npeBOfl Ha xpoHHKaTa Ha JoBaH Maiaia (HnaTjeBCKa ieTonHC - 1114 ro^HHa):
"(...) noca qhcaphCTBOBdTM (...) no NeMh ®eocTa, i je i Gvapora (bo opHrHHaioT Ctoh: Govapora, ^vapora) Napekowa 6runhTaNe. (...) vi Bpema qhcapycTBa ero, cinadowa ci Neeece, i Naca kovaTi opjie, npeje bo Toro naAiqaMi i kameNiemy Bivaxuca. Tije ®eocTa zakoNi uctavi jeNaMi za ediNi mujt nocaraTi i xodiTi rovh»\H (...) i UcTavi ediNomu Muj» ediNu jeNu imhTi i jeNh za ediNi mujt nocaraTi; a\e Ai kito nepecTuniTy, da BiBypruTy i vi ne\y orNyNu. Gero pa,v,i npozivawa i GvaporiMy, i Biaji, i 6runhTaNe. H no cemy qhcapycTBova cmni ero, imeNhmh GiANtqe, eroje NapiCüTy Dajhbori ... GiANbqe qhcapy, cmni Gvaporovi, eje ecTh Dajtbori, bh mujt ciAhNi; (...) Ne xoTa oThqa cvoero zakoNa pacunaTi, Gvapoja.(...)"5
Oboj' nacyc npe^H3BHKai CKenca h HecoriacyBaaa Mery HCTpaxyBanHTe Ha cioBeHCKaTa peiHraja, KHHxeBHocT h iHHrBHCTHKa, HajMHory nopa^H HaBo^oT bo koj' 6oroT ,n,ax6or ce noHCToBeTyBa co coh^to. Hotthk 3a Toa He Moxea ^a 6H#aT ^pyraTe hctophckh H3BopH bo koh ce nojaByBa HMeTo Ha oboj' 6or, 3aToa mTo bo HHTy e^eH o^ hhb He ce eKcniHUHTHo HaBe^eHH no^aronH koh 6h ja ocnopHie BpcKaTa Ha oBa 6oxecTBo co HCKaxaHHoT enHTeT »CoHne - nap«. 06paTHo, cnope^ noe^HHH HCTpaxyBanH, bo HeKoH o^ hhb Taa BpcKa e hmothuhtho npHcyTHa.
1)	Bo »noBecTb BpeMeHHMx jeT« (980 r.), noKpaj ocTaHaTHTe h^oih, no^HraaTH bo KHeBCKHoT xpaM Ha Bia^HMHp, ce cnoMHyBa h HMeTo Ha ,D,ax6or, 6e3 HHKaKBH ^pyra enHTeTH hih HH^opMauHH. OaKToT mTo e^HHCTBeHo Mery Xopc h ,D,ax6or He ctoh cbp3hhkot »h«, HeKoH HCTpaxyBanH ro o6jacHyBaaT KaKo B3aeMHa peianuja Mery ^BaTa TeoHHMa (,n,ax6or KaKo enHTeT Ha Xopc), mTo os CBoja CTpaHa ce 3eMa KaKo noTBp^a Ha coiapHHoT KapaKTep Ha ,n,ax6or (,n,ax6or = Xopc; Xopc = coHne; flaxSor = coHne).6 Ce pa3ÓHpa, oTcycTBoTo Ha cbp3hhkot »h« Moxe ^a ce ^oixh h Ha ^pyra npHHHHH.
2)	ApryMeHTH 3a peianujaTa Mery ,n,ax6or h coh^to HMa h bo e^Ho ^onojHyBaae Ha »noBecTb BpeMeHHbix jeT« Ka^e ce HaBe^yBa ^eKa bo BpeMe Ha ,D,ax:6or, jyHapHoTo 6poeae Ha BpeMeTo 6hio 3aMeHeTo co coiapeH KaieH^ap.' Ho npHcycTBoTo Ha ,D,ax:6or bo oBoj HaBo^ 6h Moxeio ^a ce npoToiKyBa h Ha ^pyr HanHH, bo BpcKa co enoxama mTo oBoj 6or ja o3HanyBa (ToKMy bo KoHTeKCToT npHcyTeH h bo XpoHHKaTa Ha Maiaia), mTo He Mopa HyxHo ^a ro no^pa36Hpa h HeroBHoT coiapeH KapaKTep.
3)	Bo »Cjobo o nojKy HropeBe«, bo ^Ba HaBpaTH, PycHTe ce HaBe^yBaaT no^
enHTeToT ,D,ax6oroBH bhyuh (»norbi6ameTb xH3Hb ,n,ax6oxbfl BtHyKa«; »BtCTaia o6H^a
Bt CHiaxt ,D,axb6oxfl BtHyKa«) o^ mTo He MoxaT ce H3BienaT 3aKiynonH hh 3a, HHTy
8
npoTHB coiapHHoT KapaKTep Ha oBoj 6or.8 Bp3 ocHoBa Ha hhb, Moxe ^a ce 3aKiyHH ^eKa
5	^Tara h TOJiKyBa^a: V. J. Mansikka, Die Religion der Ostslaven, Helsinki, 1922., 66-68; B. B. HßaHOB, B. H. TonopoB, Ceapoz, bo: CuaBaHCKaa MH^ojiorHa (3HUHKnone^H^ecKHH cjiOBapb), MocKBa, 1995, 348, 349; E. A. PüöaKoB, fabiKecmeo dpeenux Cjaexn, MocKBa, 1981, 9, 10.
6	H. Lovmjanski, h.^., 93; B. B. HBaHoB, B. H. TonopoB, ffaxt6o¿, hh: CuaBaHCKaa MH^ojiorHa (3HiiHKJioneÄHqecKHH cnoBapb), MocKBa, 1995, 153; B. H. TonopoB, 06 upancKOM 3jemenme e pyccKoä dyxoenoü Kyjibmype, CuaBaHcKHH h öa^KaHcKHH ^ojibKiop (PeKoHcTpyxuHa ^peBHen cjiaBaHcKon ^yxoBHon KyjibTypu: hcto^hhkh h Mero^bi), MocKBa, 1989, 39.
7	E. A. PbiöaKoB, flsbinecmeo dpeeneü Pycu, MocKBa, 1987, 441, 442.
8	3a oBHe H3BopH h HeKoH hhbhh TojjKyBa^a: B. B. HBaHoB B. H. TonopoB, ffaxb6o¿ ..., 153, 154.
25
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Mañana h HeroBHTe penauHH co apyrH cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^ojikjiophh H3BopH
,D,ax6or hoch h o6enexje Ha 6or - npeAoK - poAoHananHHK T.e. noKpoBHTen Ha pycKHoT eTHoc. Ha oBa yKaxyBaaT h HeKoH Apyra ^kth:
-KaKo nocneAHna Ha BaKBHoT poAoHananHHHKH KapaKTep Ha oboj' 6or, MoxaT Aa ce CMeTaaT concTBeHHTe hmhbs oa thhot »,D,ax6oroBHH«, HaBeAeHH bo eAHa yKpaHHcKa rpaMoTa oa 14 BeK.
-Bo eAHa yKpaHHcKa HapoAHa necHa, ,D,ax6or e npeTcTaBeH KaKo noKpoBHTen Ha cBaAÖa, koj' Ha rarpejcoHne ro AoneKyBa KHe3oT - MnaAoxeHen.9
-Bo »Caobo o nonKy HropeBe«, BojaH e npeTcTaBeH KaKo BHyK Ha Benec, oa mTo, cMeTaMe, Moxe Aa cneAH AeKa Benec e npeAoK Ha BojaH h no poAoBcKo-eTHHHKa nHHHja a He caMo no nHHHja Ha noKpoBHTencTBo HaA My3HnapHTe h xpenrne.10 Co oBaa ^yHKOTja Ha npeAoK - poAoHananHHK ce HaMeTHyBa penanHjaTa »,D,ax6or - npeAoK; Benec - npeAoK; ,D,ax6or = Benec«. HMajkH ro npeABHA HecoMHeHHoT xtohckh KapaKTep Ha Benec, oBa cboJctbo ce ^aBopH3Hpa h Kaj HcTOHHocnoBeHcKHoT ,D,ax6or, co mTo Toj ce Ao6nHxyBa ao jyxHocnoBeHcKHoT ^aj6or Koj hoch jacHH xtohckh o6enexja. Moxe6H ToKMy Ha oBaa pena^ja ce AonxH otcyctboto Ha Benec bo KHeBcKHoT naHTeoH Ha BnaAHMHp, KaAe xtohckhot 6or Moxen Aa 6HAe 3acTaneH npeKy ,D,ax6or, bo ^yHK^ja Ha aHanoroH HnH enHTeT Ha Bonoc / Benec.
no3HaTH ce h ApyrH cpeAHoBeKoBHH HaBoAH 3a ,D,ax6or koh He npe3eHTHpaaT apryMeHTH 3a HeroBHoT KapaKTep h ^yHKUHH.11
,0,ax6or bo SamaHCKrne ^ojkjophh tpuhhhh
TnaBHaTa npHHHHa 3a kphthhkhot oahoc koh nacycoT oa cnoBeHcKHoT npeBoA Ha »XpoHHKaTa« AoaraaT oa 6anKaHcKHTe, noronHo cpncKHTe, ^onKnopHH TpaAHnHH, Bp3aHH 3a mhtckh nHKoBH co HMHBä cooABeTHH Ha ,D,ax6or. CTaHyBa 36op 3a ,D,a6or, flaj6or h ^a6a.
a) npHKa3HH 3a ^a6or o^ Ma^a
Bo eAHaTa oa oBHe npHKa3HH ce roBopH cneAHoTo:
"Bio Dabog Car na zemlji, a Gospod Bog na nebesima. Pa se pogode: grešne duše
ljudi da idu Dabogu, a pravedne duše Gospodu Bogu na nebesa. To je tako dugo trajalo,
dok se Gospodu Bogu ražali što Dabog mnogo preko mere duše proždire, pa stane misliti
kako bi silu Dabogovu ukrotio".
HaTaMy ce pacKaxyBa KaKo Ha BoroT My ce para chh, Koj oTHmon, Aa ro 6apa oa
fla6or oHa mTo My npHnarano KaKo HacneAcTBo oa TaTKo My.
fla6or "od teške jarosti zine da mu se jedna viličetina vukla po zemlji, a drugom u
nebo dodirao, ne bi li i sina Božjeg proždro. Ali mu sin Božji ne dade ni danuti, nego ga
udari kopljem u donju vilicu i uspravi koplje, te mu se i gornja vilica na koplje nabode. I
kako je onda sin Božji kopljem vilice razvalio, tako stoji i danas, i stajaše veki amin. A sve
grešne duše što ih je Dabog od pamtiveka proždro, pokuljaju iz usta i odu sa sinom 12
Gospoda Boga na nebesa".12
9 3a oBoj h nperxo^HHoT ^asr: B. B. HBaHoB, B. H. TonopoB, Ceapoe ... , 153,154.
103a H3BopoT h HeKoH TonKyBatt.a: B. A. PbiöaKoB, fls. dp. CaaenH, 431; B. B. HBaHoB B. H. TonopoB,
Hccdedoeanux e oßiacmu CAaeaHCKUx dpeemcmeu, MocKBa, 1974, 65,66.
11 V.J. Mansikka, h.a., 175, 178-179.
26
Hukoc Vaycuduc
6) npe^aHHja 3a »CpeSpeHHOT uap«
BTopaTa rpyna ^oikiophh TpaiHUHH ja coHHHyBaaT HeKoiKy cpncKH npeiaHHja, 3annmaHH oí pa3HH aBTopn bo pa3HO BpeMe koh ce oiHecyBaaT Ha »Cpe6peHHOT nap« npeTCTaBeH KaKo 3aoTHTHHK Ha pyiHHUHTe (bo crne ciynaH ce pa6oTH 3a pyiHHKoT KynajHa). npHKaxaH e KaKo amrponoMop^eH ihk nne neio Teio hih 6apeM riaBaTa ce oí cpe6po. Cpe6peHHoT nap, Ha pyiapm-e hm íaBa pyía bo H3o6niHe, ho Kora THe ce o6nieie h Hero co cHia ia ro H3BaiaT oí pyiHHKoT, Toj ra noBHKai 6iHXHHTe peKH bo pyiHHKoT h ra noTonni cHTe pyiapH. Ha BpcKaTa Mery oBoj h npeTxoiHHoT ihk yxaxyBa ^ktot oto, cnopei oBHe npeiaHHja, phiot bo Koj xHBeei oBoj nap ro Hoceio HMeTo flaj6or.13
b) TpnHHHH 3a ^a6a
TpeTaTa neiHHa ja co^HHyBaaT ^oiKiopHHTe TpaiHUHH Bp3aHH 3a ihkot ^a6a T.e.
fla6o, HajnecTO co enHTeToT Xpomh fla6a, Koj ce jaByBa bo ^yH^Hja Ha xhtokophchhk
14
3a raBoi, oihocho KaKo HMe 3a riaBHHoT raBoi.
r) ,0,pyra ocTaTOHH bo $ojkjopot
CoÓHpanHTe Ha 6aiKaHcKoTo HapoiHo TBopemTBo bo MHHaTHoT BeK ny6iHKyBaie HapoiHH necHH h ipyrH ycTHH ^opmh bo koh ce nojaByBa ihkot Ha »^axBor« h Ha »flaxHH Bor«.15 Be3 pa3iHKa Ha Toa oto HayKaTa H3pa3yBa coMHeBaaa bo HHBHaTa aBTeHTHHHocT, THe ce nojaByBaaT KaKo rpara h bo tokoh coBpeMeHH HaynHH ieia.16 Bo oBa HcTpaxyBaae He rH BKiynyBaMe He 3aToa oto a npHopH rH TpeTHpaMe KaKo HeaBTeHTHHHH, TyKy 6HiejkH cMeTaMe ieKa Ha Toa HyxHo Tpe6a ia My npeTxoiH cioxeHa nocTanKa 3a ioKaxyBaae Ha HHBHaTa npHnaiHocT Ha H3BopHaTa HapoiHa KyiTypa. Toj o6hi ke ro npe3eMeMe bo HaoHTe hihh HCTpaxyBaaa.
Bo npHKaxaHHTe tph rpynH Ha ^oikiophh npHMepH ce eBHieHTHH iBe KoMnoHeHTH:
12^TaT cnopefl: B. HajKaHOBHh, O cpncnom epxoemm Eeorpa,n, 1941, 93,94 (npiiKa3HaTa e H3B0pH0 o6jaBeHa bo: BHjja 2, 1866, 642). Abtopot HaBe^yBa ymre e^Ha cjiHHHa npHKa3Ha, co6paHa ofl hctoto Mecro h hcthot codHpai (o6jaBeHa bo BHjja 3, 1867, 655); Bo HeKoH 6ocaHCKH BapnjaHTa Ha oBaa npHKa3Ha, Ha MecroTo Ha fla6or ce nojaByBa Cb. ApxaHrejj, KaKo Hacjje^HHK Ha cTapHHcKHoT 6or Ha MpTBHTe (Š. Kulišic, Dabog i nebesni bog u svjetlu novijih istraživanja, Traditiones, 5-6 (1976-77), Ljubljana, 1979, 204; CpncKu mumoMMKupeHHUK, Eeorpafl, 1970, 101).
13noflaTo^ cnopefl B. HajKaHoBHh, (h.a, 95, 96), Ka^e mro e HaBe^eHa h H3BopHaTa jjHTepaTypa. 3a pejja^jaTa flaj6or - raBojj - MeTajjyprnja: Š. Kulišic, Dabog..., 204.
14 B. HajKaHoBHh, H.^., 96; CpncKH. mht. pe^HHK, 101; A. HoMa, ffpeeHue CAaenHCKue 6oxecmea y cep6oe, XHBaa cTapHHa, 1998 /1, MocKBa, 3.
15»JaxHH Eor« Kaj C. H. BepKoBHm, Beda CioeaHaxh, C. neTep6yprt, 1881; h »flax6or« Kaj M. C. MffijojeBHh, necme u oSunajuyKynHos Hapoda cpncKos - oSpedHe necme, Eeorpa^, 1869.
16 S. Petrovič, Mitologija kultura civilizacija, Beograd, 1995, 375-377.
27
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Mañana h HeroBHTe penauHH co apyrH cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^ojikjiophh H3BopH
-	JaceH nyanncTHHKH MHTonomKH KoHnenT bo koj' ce jaByBaaT ^hkobh CTaBeHH bo
no3Hnnja Ha onoHeHTH, TaKa mTo ymTe B. HajKaHoBHk h B. Jarnk, HHBHaTa npennomKa
17
ja BHnene bo npaHCKnoT nnn noKoHKpeTHo MaHHxejcKHoT nyanraaM.
-	Bo CHTe Tpn rpynn, flaj6or (T.e. fla6or h fla6o) HMa jacHH o6enexja Ha xtohckh mhtckh nHK co ^yHKqHH Ha noKpoBHTen Ha non3eMjeTO, Ha CMpTTa h Ha noKojHHnHTe h co o6enexje Ha 3no cymTecTBo. HajKaHoBHk 3aKnyHyBa neKa bo cpncKHTe HaponHH npHKa3HH h npenaHHja, flaj6or e »HajroneM npoTHBHHK Eoxj'h«, koj' h cnopen H3BecTyBanHTe »Eoxe npocTH, 6ho cnnaH Kao Tocnon Eor Ha He6ecHMa«.18
TepHTopnjaTa Ha Koja ce eBHneHTHpaHH TpannnnHTe 3a fla6or T.e. »Cpe6peHnoT nap« (flaj6or) e cpncKnoT nen Ha TeneHnero Ha CaBa h flyHaB. 3a pacnpocTpaHeTocTa Ha oBHe TpannnHH bo MHHaTHTe enoxn roBopn h totohhmot flay6oK, perncTpnpaH Ha TepHTopnjaTa Ha EanKa bo cpenHHoT BeK.19 TpannnHHTe 3a fla6a ce MHory nomnpoKo pacnpocTpaHeTH.
PejaHHH h corae^yBaaa
OBHe nBa KoMnneKca nonaTonn 3a flax6or rn nonennne HcTpaxyBanHTe bo Tpn rpynn:
a)	OHHe koh, cMeTajkn ro KaKo HajpeneBaHTeH HaBonoT on »XpoHHKaTa« Ha
20
Manana, h npyrHTe HaBeneHH H3BopH, flax6or ro cMeTaaT 3a conapeH 6or.
6) OHHe koh, oboj' HaBon ro oTc^pnaaT KaKo HeroneH, npn mTo rn cMeTaaT 3a aBTeHTHHHH h tohhh ^onKnopHHTe npHMepn, cnopen koh flax6or e xtohckh 6or 21
b)	OHHe koh He ce ctphktho onpeneneHH HHTy 3a enHa on nBeTe onnnn, npn mTo aKneHToT ro cTaaBaT Ha HeKon npyrn ^yHKnnn Ha flax6or (oco6eHo Ha KapaKTepoT »neyc naTop«) nnn npaBaT KoMnpoMHc Mery nBeTe Teopnn.22
PenanHHTe Mery npHKa3HHTe on ManBa h HaBonoT on »XpoHHKaTa« ce oneBHnHH. OcBeH HMeTo flax6or (T.e. flaj6or hhh fla6or), bo o6aTa cnynan ce jaByBa h HeroBHoT TaTKo (bo xpoHHKaTa CBapor, a bo npHKa3HHTe »rocnon Eor Ha He6oTo«),23 KaKo h ^yHKnHjaTa HacnenHHK, Koja mTo bo o6aTa cnynan ja hoch HeroBoT chh. Bo HaBeneHaTa npHKa3Ha Toa e 6e3HMeHHoT chh Ha Tocnon Eor (co o6enexja Ha jyHaK) koj' ce 6opn co fla6or, noneKa bo »XpoHHKaTa« - caMnoT flax6or (»CoHneTo nap, chhot cBaporoB
17	B HajKaHoBHh, H.n., 93 - 97; S. Petrovič, H.n., 375; noHoBH HcrpaxyBaK.a Ha oBHe npenaHHja h Ha flaj6or: A. HoMa, H.n., 3; fl. flparojnoBHh, B. CrojqeBcKa-AHTHh, Mumoiysomena ma cpednoeeKoenama KuprncKa nucmenocm, CKonje, 1990, 57-61.
18	B HajKaHoBHh, H.n., 93.
19A. HoMa, H.n., 3.
20Ha npHMep: E. A. Pbi6aKoB, M3. dpee. Caaenn, 432 - 434; E. A. Pbi6aKoB H3. dpee. Pycu, 430 - 442; H. Lovmjanski, H.n., 75, 90, 93; B. B. HBaHoB, B. H. TonopoB, flawb6oz ..., 153,154; B. H. TonopoB, 06 HpancKom ..., 38 - 43;
21 npe« ce: B. HajKaHoBHh, H.n., 93-97; A. HoMa, H.n., 3; Š. Kulišič, Stara slovenska religija u svjetlu novijih istraživanja, posebno balkanoloških, Sarajevo, 1979, 161-162; Š. Kulišič, Dabog ..., 203 - 209 (co aKneHT Ha nyHapHHoT KapaKTep Ha 6oroT).
22Ha npHMep: A. Tett^op, Mumoaoeun na caaennume, (npeBon Ha opnrHHanoT: A. Gieysztor, Mitología
Slowian), Co^Ha, 1986, 154-155; fl. flparojnoBHk h B. AHTHk, (H.n., 57-58).
233a BpcKHTe Mery CBapor h He6oTo: H. HaycHflHc, CaoeencKume nanemonu..., 79, 80, 86, 87.
28
Hukoc Vaycuduc
ojhocho ,D,ax6or«). KaKO mTO Beke peKOBMe, bo oboj' nocjejeH jeTaa ce Kpne 0CH0BHaTa pa3^HKa h ka^hhot npo6jeM.
Xtohckoto 3Haneae Ha flax6or ro H3Kaxaa hjh npH^araja He Maj 6poj HCTpaxyBann. Ho, bo TaKBOTO T0^KyBaae, THe He ro BKjonyBaaT HaBOjOT oj cjiOBeHCKHOT npeBOj Ha »XpoHHKaTa«, TyKy ro HrHopHpaaT h OTc^pjiaaT 6e3 oco6eHH KOMeHTapH, CMeTajkn ro KaKO norpemeH, HeaBTeHTHneH h KaKO jiHTepapHa KOMnmanHja hjh ^HKanja.24 HamHOT npHjOHec ro rjejaMe T0KMy bo npHCTanoT npeKy koj', bo »xT0HCKaTa Te3a 3a ,D,ax6or« 6h M0xej ja ce BKjonH h oboj' HaBOj.
CMeTaMe jeKa BaKBOTO noBp3yBaae Ha cpejHOBeKOBHHOT KHH^eBeH TeKCT h Ha ^ojKjopHHTe TpajHUHH M0xe ja ce ocTBapH npeKy npHMeHaTa Ha jyanHCTHHKH0T KOHnenT, 3a mTO KaKO noTTHK ceKaKO He M0xe ja hh nocjyxn nacyc0T oj »XpoHHKaTa«, bo koj' He ce bhjjhbh HHKaKBH jyanHCTHHKH ejeMeHTH, TyKy ManBaHCKHTe npHKa3HH 3a ,D,ax6or, bo koh THe ce coceM eBHjeHTHH .25 Oboj' KOHnenT BcymH0CT ro BOBejOBMe h ro npHMeHHBMe ymTe bo HamaTa npeTxojHa CTaTHja, npH HCTpaxyBaaeT0 Ha KapaKTepoT Ha CBapor bo »XpoHHKaTa«, Kaje KaKO MaTpHna ro yn0Tpe6HBMe mhtot 3a 3'pBaH. npH Toa pe^anHHTe ce noKaxaa He caMO Ha cojpxhhcko hhbo TyKy h Ha hhbo Ha TeoHHMHTe (CBapor - 3Bapor - 3BapyH - 3'pBaH).26 Ho, bo oboj' H3B0p HeMaBMe noTTHK, oboj' KOHnenT jOCjejHO h jOKpaj ja ro npHMeHHMe h Ha flax6or. Toa ro npaBHMe bo OBaa npHroja,
nOTTHKHaTH Oj HaBejeHHTe ^OjKflOpHH TpajHnHH.
Ja npeTCTaByBaMe HajnpBO HamaTa jyanHCTHHKa napajHrMa - mhtot 3a 3'pBaH: Bo HpaHCKHTe pejHrHCKH TpajHnHH, noHHyBajkn oj HajpaHHTe aBecTHjcKH xhmhh, na npeKy Ma3jaH3M0T h 30p0acTpH3M0T, ce jo maHHxej'ctboto h HeroBHTe cpejHO-BeKOBHH MaHH^ecTauHH ce npoBjeKyBa jhkot Ha 3'pBaH (3epBaH, 3ypBaH) koj' hoch o6ejexja Ha ancojiyreH h hckohckh rocnojap h TBopen Ha kocmocot, n0HCT0BeTeH co Hero, co He60T0 h co SecKOHenHOTO BpeMe. Cnopej MHTOBHTe, 3'pBaH nocaKaj ja My ce pojH chh (AxypaMa3ja / OpMa3j), ho nopajH Her0BH0T C0MHex bo noji3aTa oj oboj' hhh, bo Hero ke ce 3anHe, a 3aejH0 co OpMa3j ke ce nopojH h AxpHMaH - jhk co OjBpaTeH H3raej h ckjoh koh 3joto. AxpHMaH ke ce H3pojH npB, TaKa mTO ke ja pacKHHe yrpo6aTa Ha TaTKOTO, H3jeryBajkH jHpeKTHO oj Her0BH0T CTOMaK T.e. rpajHTe. nopajH Toa mTO e npBopojeH, 3'pBaH ke Mopa HeMy ja My ja OTCTanH BjacTa Haj CBeTOT, ho bo Tpaeae oj caMO 90 000 rojHHH, nocje mTO ke HacTanH BpeMeTO Ha OpMa3j. 27
HaBOjOT oj »XpoHHKaTa«, coraejaH bo KOHTeKCT Ha ^ojKnopHHTe h Ha OBaa HpaHCKa napajHrMa, noKaxyBa ejHa pa3JHKa - bo Hero ce HaBejeHH caMO jBa, a He tph jHKa. Ho, aKO ce H36pojaT HMH^aTa h enHTeTHTe, ke ce noKaxe jeKa, noKpaj TaTKOTO
24	Bo OBaa CMHCjja n0r0jjeM0 BHHMaHHe My o6paka A. HoMa (h.j., 3) Koj CMeTa jeKa pejia^jaTa Mery flax6or h coh^o, bo HaBOjOT oj »XpoHHKaTa« ce jojj^H Ha Her0B0T0 nocejHHmTBO Ha 0B0j kocmh^kh ejjeMeHT oj mro npoH3jjeryBa 3Haqett.eT0 Ha coh^o KaKO chm6oj Ha yHHBep3ajHaTa Bjjacr.
25	Ha 0B0j npnoj BcymH0CT cyrepHpaje HajKaHOBHk h JarHk, koh CMeraje jeKa npao6pa3e^T Ha OBHe npHKa3HH Tpe6a ja ce 6apa BepojaTHO bo HpaHCKHTe jyajjHCTHqKH CKacKH koh npeKy 6oryMHjjCKHTe TpajHUHH jocneajje Ha EajjKaHOT.
26H HayoHjHC, CdoeencKume nanemonu..., 80.
273a 0B0j mht: M. A. flaHjaMaeB, B. T HyK0HHH, Kyjjbrrypa h 3K0H0MHKa jpeBHero HpaHa, MooKBa, 1980, 66, 68; 3. A. TpaHTOBCKHH, 3epean, bo: Mh$h HapojOB MHpa, MocKBa, 1980; M. Brandt, Izvori zla, Zagreb, 1989, 414, 467. HpaHCKaTa Bep3Hja Ha 0B0j mht, Ha EajjKaHOT 6Hjja n03HaTa ymre bo aHTHKaTa - Ha npHMep, Kaj EyjeMHe oj Pojoc (4. BeK nHe), a npeKy $hjo3ocko - KHHxeBHHTe jejja e npeHecyBaHa ce jo cpejHHOT BeK - Ha npHMep Kaj flaMacKHOc bo 6. BeK. (M. Brandt, H.j., 467).
29
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Manana h HeroBHTe penauHH co flpyrH cpeflHoBeKoBHH h ^onKnopHH h3boph
T.e. CBapor, BcymHocT ce cnoMHaTn ymTe #Be iMiaa - CoHne - nap n flax6or. Hn ce hhhh ^eKa bo oboj' ^en os HaBo^oT ce noTKpa^Hana rpemKa, He^ocne^HocT nnn HaMepHa npenpaBKa, npH mTo ^omno ^o noncTOBeTyBaae Ha flaxfior h enHTeToT (cnope^ Hac nHKoT) CoHne - nap.
CMeTaMe ^eKa bo H3BopHaTa napa^nma, CBapor HMan ^Ba cHHa, ono3nnnoHn no KocMonomKaTa c^epa h eneMeHTHTe mTo ra 3acTanyBane:
-	flax6or KaKo 3acTanHHK Ha 3eMjaTa h 3noTo
-	CoHne-nap KaKo 3acTanHHK Ha coh^to (Moxe6n h cBexnnHaTa) h Ha no3HTn-BHHTe Hanena.
Bo npnnor Ha BpcKaTa »CoHne« KaKo chh Ha CBapor o^n h nocToeaero Ha cnoBeHcKnoT TeoHHM CBapoxHH (naTpoHHMcKa ^opMa o^ CBapor), koj' coBpeMeHaTa HayKa, Bp3 ocHoBa Ha ^pyrn cpe^HoBeKoBHn n ^onKnopHn H3Bopn, ro cTaBa bo penannja co cohesto n oraoT.
EBe KaKo cxeMaTcKH rarne^a oBaa penannja, o^hocho npe^noxeHaTa peKoHcTpyK-nnjaTa mTo os Hea cne^n:
floKonKy oBaa peKoHcTpyKqnja Ha MHTcKHTe nnKoBn o^ »XpoHHKaTa« ce npn^ara KaKo MoxHa, ce HaMeTHyBaaT HeKonKy npnnnHn koh Moxene ^a ^oBe^aT nopeMeTyBaae Ha hhbhhot H3BopeH KapaKTep n cTpyKTypa:
1.	flo cnoBeHcKnoT npeBe^yBan (T.e. npnpe^yBanoT) ^ocneana HeaBTeHTHHHa, ceKyH^apHa T.e. »omTeTeHa« Bep3nja Ha mhtot
2.	flo cnoBeHcKnoT npeBe^yBan (T.e. npnpe^yBanoT) ^ocneana npe^noxeHaTa (n3BopHa) Bep3nja Ha mhtot, ho toj' He ro HaBen bo aBTeHTHHHa ^opMa nopa^n Tpn moxhh npnHHHn:
-	3a ^a ja npnnaro^H Ha cTpyKTypaTa mTo ja npeBe^yBan nnn KynTypHnoT KoHTeKcT Ha Koj npnnaran
-	nopa^n Toa mTo He ja pa36pan bo h3bophhot KoHTeKcT
-	3aToa mTo He caKan nnn He cMeen ^a ja HaBe^e aBTeHTHHHo, nopa^n epeTHHKnoT ^yann3aM co^pxaH bo Hea
3. npeBeflyBanoT (T.e. npnpe^yBanoT) ro npeBen (T.e. ro HaBen) TeKcToT bo ^opMaTa mTo ja npe^naraMe, npn mTo rpemKaTa nnn HaMepHoTo npenpaBaae ce cnynnne bo no^onHexHHTe npenncn Ha ^enom
Kora h KaKo HaBe^eHaTa HpaHCKa npe^jomKa Moteja ^a ^ocnee bo ejOBeHeKaTa KyjTypa?
OBa npamaae e bo ^npeKTHa BpcKa co npamaaero 3a noTeKnoTo Ha ^yannc-THHKHTe pennrncKH o6enexja bo cnoBeHcKaTa KynTypa, Koe naK, o^ cBoja cTpaHa, KaKo HayneH npo6neM 3a^ ce6e HMa ^onra Tpa^nnnja. HMeHo, ymTe bo 19. n npBHTe ^eneHnn Ha 20. BeK, bo HayKaTa ce nojaBnne cepno3Hn HaynHn Teopnn bo koh ce aKqeHTnpano
28 3a o^HocHTe CBapor KaKo TaTKo - He6o - cBeTnHHa h CBapoxnq KaKo chh - coh^ - oraH: H. Haycn^Hc, CAoeencKume nanmeonu ..., 84; H. Lovmjanski, H.^., 75,76.
3pBaH
AxypaMa3^a / OpMa3^ : AxpHMaH
CBapor
CoHue-U,ap / CBapo^rn : fla^Sor
30
Hukoc Vaycuduc
BnnjaHHeTO Ha onnenHH hctohhh KynTypH h nonynanHH bo eTHoreHe3aTa Ha CnoBeHHTe
h bo KoHCTHTynpaaeTo Ha HHBHaTa KynTypa (KoHKpeTHo: ja3HK, penHraja h MHTonoraja).
Bnne o6pa3noxeHH h TeopHH 3a ynenoT Ha CKHTHTe, CapMaTHTe HnH BoonmTo Ha
HpaHoja3HHHHTe nonynanHH bo o^opMyBaaeTo Ha cnoBeHCKaTa naraHCKa penHraja h
MHTonoraja. Koh cpenHHaTa Ha BeKoT, npeBnanean HaneneH HeraTHBHe CTaB bo onHoc Ha
oBHe TeopHH, Koj nocne^HHBe neneHHH oneBHnHo ry6H 3nHB. PeaKTyenH3anHjaTa Ha
CTapHTe TeopHH ce 6a3Hpa Bp3 hobh h naneKy nocHnHH apryMeHTH koh ja noTBpnyBaaT
BaxHocTa Ha HaBeneHHTe hctohhh eTHo-KynTypHH KoMnoHeHTH. noBHKyBajkH ce Ha
HCTopHCKHTe H3BecTyBaaa h Ha apxeonomKHTe HaonH, aBTopHTe Ha oBHe HCTpaxyBaaa
HCTaKHyBaaT Te3H 3a BrpanyBaaeTo Ha HeKoH KoHKpeTHH (no noTeKno HecnoBeHCKH)
nonynanHH on cnoBeHCKoTo cocencTBo (CapMaTH, AnaHH h oco6epHo Ahth, na h Cp6H
h XpBaTH) bo cnoBeHCKHoT eTHo-KynTypeH KoMnneKC, npocneneHo, on enHa CTpaHa, co
npH^akaae Ha CnoBeHCKHoT ja3HK h HneHTHTeT, ho on npyra, co BnoxyBaae bo Hero Ha
CBojaTa MomHe 6oraTa h pa3BHeHa KynTypa (eneMeHTH Ha ja3HKoT, penarajaTa, a 29
MHTonorHjaTa hth.).
Moxe na ce 3aKnynH neKa, cnopen oBHe TeopHH, nyanHCTHHKHoT penHrHCKH
KoHnenT, na oTTyKa h KoHKpeTHo - ynoTpe6eHaTa nyanHCTHHKa MaTpana 3a 3'pBaH, bo
cnoBeHCKaTa (HnH KoHKpeTHo jyxHocnoBeHCKaTa) naraHCKa penHrHja ce Hamna KaKo
pe3ynTaT Ha opraHCKoTo npoTKajyBaae Ha penHrHCKHTe TpananHH on KoMnneKcoT Ha
HpaHoja3HHHHTe nonynanHHH co h3bophhot cnoBeHCKH cyncTpaT.
fla rH HaBeneMe cera no xpoHonomKH pen CHTe TeopeTKH moxhh ^a3H bo koh
30
Moreno na ce ocTBapH oBa BnHjaHHe:
1) BTopa nojOBHHa Ha II - noncroK Ha I mhj nHe. : PenanHja Ha HeKoj npen-cnoBeHCKH cyncTpaT co nyxoBHaTa KynTypa Ha onpeneHH npeTCTaBHHnH Ha HHno-HpaHCKHoT KoMnneKC31 (TpanHnHH CponHH Ha ABeCTHjCKHoT H BenHCKHoT MHTonomKo-penHrHjcKH CHCTeM), on Koja bo HCTopHCKaTa enoxa ke ce reHepapaaT HajeKnaTaHTHHTe
29OBaa TeopHja, noKpaj npjTHTe ja 3acTanyBane H. Hanepne h A. H. Co6oneBCKHy. 3a HHBHHTe TeopHH h 3a HCTopHjaTa Ha oBoj HayqeH npo6neM: B. B. CenoB, OnepKu no apxeojiozuu Črnem, MocKBa, 1994, 3 - 48. Bo oBaa rpyna cnara h Z. Vinski, (Uz problematiku starog Irana i Kavkaza s osvrtom na podrijetlo Anta i Bijelih Hrvata, Vjesnik arheološkog muzeja u Zagrebu, 3. serija - vol XXVI-XXVII, 1993-1994, Zagreb, 1994, 77 - 80); fleHee, oco6eHo ja aKneHTHpaaT B. A. Pbi6aKoB, (fc. dpee. Pycu, 8 - 72); B. B. CenoB (h. n.); A. HoMa (HeKu ciaeucmuHKu acneKmu cpncKe emnoieneie, 36opHHK MaTHne cpncKe 3a cnaBHCTHKy, 43, Beorpan, 1993, 120 - 122); A. Pleterski, (Model etnogeze Slovanov na osnovi nekaterih novejših raziskav, Zgodovinski časopis, 49, Ljubljana, 1995, 550, 551); H. HaycHflHC (flujaxponucKomo Komnapupane na peAuzucKume u emno-KyAmypnume npo^cu na noneama na MaKedonuja, Bo: PenHrHHTe H penHrHCKHTe acneKTH Ha MaTepHjanHaTa h nyxoBHaTa KynTypa Ha no^BaTa Ha Peny6nHKa MaKenoHHja, CKonje, 1996, 256 - 257). 3a HCTopHjaTa Ha oBHe HCTpaxyBatt.a bo c^epaTa Ha penHrajaTa: fl. M. flynKo, Hpancme eiemenmm e caaeancKom rnunecmee (ucmopuK u3ynenu.x), bo: ApxeonorHa enaBaHeKoro roro-BocToKa, BopoHex, 1991, 3 - 10; B. H. TonopoB, O6 upancKom ..., 23-60; on nocTapHTe nena: I. Pilar, O dualizmu u vjeri starih Slovjena, Zbornik za narodni život i običaje Južnih Slavena, Zagreb, 1931.
30HcTaTa Ta6ena 6h Moxena na ee onHeeyBa h Ha CBapor (enopenH H. HaycHflHC. Čdoeencmme nanmeonu ..., 88).
31 Moxe6H onpeneHH rpynanHH Ha CaKHTe T.e. CKHTHTe eo koh ee CTaBa bo penanHja reHe3aTa Ha ABecTaTa na h 3opoacrpH3MoT (B. H. A6aeB, ffea 3opoacmpmma e Hpane, BecTHHK npeBHeft HeTopHH, 1990 / 4, MocKBa, 203, 204). Co ornen Ha nononHexHaTa er3HCTeHnHja Ha oBoj cyncrpaT Ha TepHTopHjaTa Ha Koja ee ^opMHpane HflHHTe CnoBeHH, eTaHyBa BepojaTHo BnHjaHHeTo Ha oBa hcto janpo Bp3 HeKoj npencnoBeHCKH HnH npoToenoBeHCKH enoj.
31
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Manana h HeroBHTe penauHH co flpyrH cpeflHoBeKoBHH h ^onKnopHH h3boph
MaHH^ecTanHH Ha ^Mhcthhkhot penHracKH KoHnenT (Ma3naH3MoT h 3opoaCTpH3MoT).
2)	CpeflHHa - BTopa n0J0BHHa Ha I MH^eHHyM nHe: YnecTBo Ha penHrajaTa Ha ceBepo3ana^HaTa rpaHKa Ha HpaHoja3HHHHTe HaponH (ckhth, CapMaTH ...) bo o^opMyBaaeTo Ha nyxoBHaTa KynTypa Ha npen-cnoBeHcKHoT HnH npoTo-cnoBeHcKH cyncTpaT. He e HCKnyneHa MoxHocTa 3a KoHTaKTH h co HeKoH nHpeKTHH HnH H3BeneHH $opMH Ha Ma3^aH3MoT H 3opoacTpH3MoT.
3)	npBa n0J0BHHa Ha I MH^eHHyM H.e. (^o ro^eMHTe npece^SH):
Moxhh nHpeKTHH HnH nocpenHH KynTypHH BnHjaHHja on CacaHHncKa nepcHja bo Koja, bo BTopaTa nonoBHHa Ha 3. BeK ce npomHpHno MaHHxejcTBom npononxyBaae Ha nponecrne on npeTxonHaTa ^a3a, bo KoHTeKcT Ha HoBonojaBeHHTe nonynanHH on HpaHcKa HnH npyra erao-KynrypHa npoBeHHeHnnja (ynecTBo Ha HecnoBeHcKHTe nonyna-uhh - AnaHHTe h oco6eHo Ha AHTHTe, bo cnoBeHcKaTa eTHoreHe3a h KoHcTHTyHpaaeTo Ha cnoBeHcKaTa penHraja h MHTonorHja).
4)	V - VII BeK H.e. : He e HcKnyneHa MoxHocTa, CnoBeHHTe bo oBoj nepHon, (npen HnH bo TeKoT Ha npecen6HTe), bo cBojaTa cTapa TaTKoBHHa na noxHBeane npB KoHTaKT co MaHHxejcKaTa noKTpHHa HnH co HeKoja on Hea H3BeneHa BapHjaara (naBnHKHjaHcTBo, MacanHjaHcTBo ...) npeKy koh bo hhb ce Hamna HnH 6iraa caMo ocBexeHa MHTcKaTa cTpyKTypa THnHHHa 3a 3'pBaH.
5)	IX-XV BeK. H.e. BnHjaHHe Ha 6oryMHncTBoTo, npH^aTeHo h npaKTHKyBaHo Ha EanKaHoT on cTpaHa Ha JyxHHTe CnoBeHH. 32
npocnenyBaaeTo Ha KynTypHo-HcTopcKHTe h reo-nonHTHHKHTe KoHcTenanHH bo koh ce 3anHano h o^opMyBano naraHo-cnoBeHcKoTo nyxoBHo janpo, ynaTyBa Ha 3a-KnynoKoT neKa HHTy nyanH3MoT, na oTTyKa hh cnoMHaTaTa MHTonomKa MaTpHna, He Moxena bo Hero na ce Hajne KaKo nocnenHna Ha eneH enHHcTBeH HacTaH HnH HeKaKBo KoHKpeTHo BnHjaHHe, ocTBapeHo bo onpeneH hctophckh MoMeHT, TyKy KaKo nponyKT Ha 6pojHH, onHocHo nepMaHeHTHH, nponecH Ha TpaHcMHcHja Ha nyanHcTHHKHoT KonenT koh BcymHocT HMane KapaKTep Ha KoaraHyHpaH hctophckh nponec. 33 Bo KoHTeKcT Ha Toa 6h cneneno neKa h cnoBeHcKaTa BapHjaHTa Ha npacTapHoT nyanHcTHHKH mht on npeBonoT Ha »XpoHHKaTa« Ha Manana He e caMo nnon Ha nocerarnocTa Ha Hej3HHHoT cnoBeHcKH npeBenyBan onHocHo npHpenyBan, TyKy pe3ynTaT Ha opraHcKH npoTKajyBaaa Ha cnoBeHcKoTo h HpaHcKoTo nyxoBHo janpo koh Moxene na ce cnynyBaaT bo 6nno Koja HnH bo noBekeTo on ^a3are Ha npanoxeHaTa xpoHonomKa nHcTa.
OBHe hobh cornenyBaaa ro aKTynH3HpaaT h npamaaeTo nanH HaBeneHHoT mht 3a 3'pBaH Moxen na 6Hne npennomKa Ha hcthot nacyc h bo opHrHHanHoTo neno Ha Manana, 6e3 pa3nHKa mTo bo Hero ce BoBeneHH TeoHHMH on CTaporpnKaTa MHTonorHja. OBa no6HBa bo 3Haneae aKo ce 3eMe npenBHn Beke HaBeneHHoT $aKT (BHnH ^ycHoTa 27) neKa oBoj mht 6Hn no6po no3HaT bo MenHTepaHoT h Toa on npeTcraBHHEHTe Ha KnacHHHaTa xeneHcKa ^Hno3o^Hja, na ce no HHBHHTe BH3aHTHcKH cnen6eHHnH, npH
32 Bo nocnenHHBe nBe $a3H 6h Moxene na ce BKJionaT Te3HTe Ha JarHk h HajKaHoBHk 3a HpaHo-nyanHcTH^KaTa reHe3a Ha Ma^BaHcKHTe npHKa3HH h HHBHaTa pena^ja co 6oroMHncTBoTo. OBa Te3a ja nonnpxyBaaT h A. HoMa, (H.n.,3) h fl. flparojnoBHk h B. AHTHk, (H.n., 58,59); fleranHo 3a pena^HTe Mery cnoBeHcKoTo naraHcTBo h 6oryMHncTBoTo h 3a eBeHTyanHaTa reHe3a Ha oBa yqeae ymre bo npH^HoMopjero, npen nocenyBaaero Ha CnoBeHHTe Ha EanKaHoT: H. HaycHflHc, flyaimMom ... .
333a oBa Hemro noneTanHo: H. HaycHflHc, flyaju3Mom ...
32
HUKOC Vaycuduc
T. I
1.	He6eceH 6or (CBapor), MeTanHa nno^Ka, BenecTHHo, Tecanaja
2.	3'pBaH, fleTan ofl MeTanHa annaKanaja, HypncTaH, HpaH
mTO He Mano 3Haneae HMa ^aKTOT mTO h caMHOT Manana 6an no noTeKno Ofl Capaja -noflpanje coceM önacKy flo TaTKOBHHaTa Ha oboj' mht.34
CMeTaMe fleKa npaKaxaHHTe corneflyBaaa npaflOHecyBaaT 3a 3ayBpcTyBaaeTo Ha Te3aTa 3a xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha ^axöor bo »XpoHHKaTa« Ha Manana h nomapoKO bo jyxHocnoBeHcKHOT KynTypeH apean. Ho, co ornefl Ha Beke HaBefleHHTe H3Bopa h TonKyBaaa, 6h 6ano norpemHO, OBae 3aKnynoyH eflHocraBHO fla ce annanapaaT h Ha HcTOHHocnoBeHcKHTe TpaflHnHH mTO ce oflHecyBaaT Ha ^axöor, oahocho rnoöanHo Ha
34 3a JoBaH Manana h HeroBaTa »XpoHHKa«: H. Lovmjanski, H.fl., 71.
33
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Mañana h HeroBHTe penauHH co apyrH cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^ojikjiophh H3BopH
chot cnoBeHCKH eTHo-KynTypeH KoMnneKc. OTTyKa ce HaMeTHyBa enHo npamaae Koe mTo ro nocTaByBaMe KaKo HacnoB Ha cnenHoTo nornaBje.
momhh jh ce flBa ^a^Sora:
jyMH0CJ0BeHCKH - xtohckh h HCT0HH0CJ0BeHCKH - COjapeH?
OBaa HaBHCTHHa Heo6HHHa KoHCTaTannja e HMnnHnHTHo nnn eKcnnnnnTHo npHcyraa Kaj HeKonKy on noceramHHTe HcTpaxyBanH. noKpaj nBocMHcneHHTe cpenHo-BeKoBHH h3boph, bo npHnor noHeKane h onaT h HcTOHHocnoBeHcKHTe ^onKnopHH TpannnHH 3a ,D,ax6or (HaponHH necHH) bo koh HaMecTo co xtohckh o6enexja, oBoj nHK e noBp3aH co nHeBHHoT h ronHmHHoT nHKnyc Ha coh^to (co H3rpeBoT Ha coh^to h co 3aKnynyBaaeTo Ha 3HMaTa h oTKnynyBaaeTo Ha neToTo).35 Ho, nypH h oBHe, HaBHnyM eKcnnHUHTHH noKa3H 3a conapHHoT KapaKTpep Ha HcronHocnoBeHcKnoT ^ax6or MoxaT na ce cTaBaT non npamaae, aKo ce 3eMe npenBHn neKa nHeBHHoT h ronHmHHoT nHKnyc Ha cohečto (oco6eHo oTKnynyBaaeTo Ha nponeTTa) He MopaaT na ro BonaT conapHHTe TyKy h npyrH (BKnynHTenHo h xtohckh) 6oxecTBa.
HeKoH aBTopH cMeTaaT neKa nHxoToMHjaTa Ha conapHHoT KapaKTep Ha flax6or on
HcTonHocnoBeHcKHTe cpenHoBeKoBHH H3BopH h Ha xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha ,D,aj6or -,D,a6or - ^a6o on cpncKHTe ^onKnopHH TpanHnHH e npoH3Bon Ha cnenH^HHHHoT hctophckh pa3BHToK bo Koj HaBnerna cnoBeHcKaTa naraHcKa penHrHja no npecen6aTa T.e. pacnneHyBafteTo Ha HcTOHHHTe h JyxHHTe CnoBeHH. THe ro aKaeHTHpaaT h ynenoT Ha cTapo6anKaHcKHTe h Ha Manoa3HcKHTe TpanHnHH (nypH h Ha KoHKpeTHH 6oxecTBa co cnHHHo HMe) bo o^opMyBaaeTo Ha nHKoT Ha flaj6or - ,D,a6or - ,D,a6o.36 Bo oBoj cTapo6anKaHcKH cyncTpaT 6h Moxene na ce 6apaaT h eBemyanHHTe KoMnoHeHTH koh noBene no npeBarayBafte Ha xToHcKHTe o6enexja Ha oBoj mhtckh nHK.
Bp3 ocHoBa Ha eTHMonomKoTo TonKyBaae Ha TeoHHMoT ^ax6or, HcTpaxyBanHTe nomne no 3aKnynoKoT neKa enHo on cymTecTBeHHTe o6enexja Ha oBoj 6or 6Hna $yHK^jaTa neyc naTop. Ce cMeTa neKa oBoj cnoxeH TeoHHM hoch 3Haneae Ha »oHoj Koj naBa 6oraTCTBo, cpeka«, na nypH h KaKo cBoeBHneH npeBon Ha HpaHcKoTo 6ara bo
37
3Haneae Ha »oHoj Koj naBa T.e. pacnpenenyBa«. KaKo eneH on noKa3HTe bo npHnor Ha oBHe TonKyBaaa ce 3eMa ceHTeHnHjaTa »naj 6oxe« no3HaTa bo MHory cnoBeHcKH cpenHHH, Koja hoch KapaKTep Ha 3aKonHyBaae Ha BHmHTe cHnH (HeKoe HeonpeneneHo 6oxecTBo) HnH naK noBHKyBaae Ha KoHKpeTHoTo 6oxecTBo ,D,aj6or onHocHo H3BHKyBaae Ha HeroBoTo HMe.
npH^akaaeTo Ha oBaa nHxoToMHja, HHHUHpa ymTe enHo moxho pemeHHe Ha HenocnenHocTa Ha HaBonoT on cnoBeHcKHoT npeBon Ha MananHHaTa XpoHHKa. Cnopen Hero, npeTnocTaBeHaTa rpemKa HnH npenpaBKa bo npeBonoT Moxena na ce cny^H npH TpaHc^epoT Ha oBa neno on JyxHocnoBeHcKaTa bo HcronHocnoBeHcKa KHHxeBHa TpanHnHja. Ako ro npH^aTHMe ^ktot neKa bo HcTOHHocnoBeHcKHTe TpanHnHH ^ax6or HMan conapeH KapaKTep, norHHHo e na ce npeTnocTaBH neKa cBenyBaaeTo Ha TpHTe nyanHcTHHKH cTpyKTypHpaHH nHKa Ha nBa h enHMHHHpaaero Ha hhbhoto B3aeMHo
35B. H. TonopoB, 06upancKom ..., 39, 40.
36fl. flparojnoBHk, B. AHTHk, H.n., 57-61; A. HoMa, H.n., 3.
37A. HoMa, H.n., 3.
34
HUKOC Vaycuduc
onoHHpaae ro H3Be. pycKHOT npHpeflyBan Ha OBa fle.o. npH Toa, HecaKajkH (nopaflH Hepa3ÖHpaae Ha CTpyKTypaTa) h.h HaMepHO (3a fla ja npH.aroflH Ha MecHHTe MHTO.omKH TpaflHnHH) Toj ro e.HMHHHpa. xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha flax6or h ro noHCTOBeTH. CO CoHneTO - nap - flpyrHOT CBaporoB chh, HaBefleH bo TeKCTOT.
HoBHTe apryMeHTH h coraeflyBaaa n.acHpaHH bo OBaa CTaraja, cenaK He 0B03MH0xyBaaT 3aTBopaae Ha npoö.eMOT Ha flax6or - HeroBHOT KapaKTep h ^yHKnHHTe (0C06eH0 He Ha HCTOHHOc.OBeHCKHOT). Ho, CMeTaMe fleKa THe obo3mo-xyBaaT fle^HHHpaae Ha cymTecTBeHHTe KOMnoHeHTH koh OBoj npo6.eM ro yc.OByBaaT, KaKO h MOfle.Hpaae Ha HeKO.Ky HeroBH moxhh pemeHHja. fla rH cyMHpaMe.
Bo CpeflHOBeKOBHHTe TeKCTOBH H BO ^0.K.0pHHTe TpaflHnHH HMa HHflHnHH 3a nocToeae Ha flBa mhtckh .HKa T.e. flBe 6oxecTBa co c.hhho, a Moxe6H h hcto HMe, ho co pa3.HHeH KapaKTep h ^yhkuhh:
-bo jyxHOC.OBeHCKHTe noflpanja Toa e flajöor-flaöor-flaöo, co flOMHHaHTH xtohckh o6e.exja
-bo HCTOHHOc.OBeHCKHTe noflpanja Toa e flax6or, co (HaBHflyM) noTeHnHpaHH co.apHH o6e.exja
Koj e HCTopHCKHOT KOHTeKCT Ha OBaa eBeHTya.Ha flHxoTOMHja? fla.H eflHaTa Ofl OBHe BapHjaHTH Tpeöa fla ce TpeTHpa KaKO npHMapHa T.e. H3BopHa h bo oflHOc Ha Hea flpyraTa KaKO ceKyHflapHa T.e. H3BefleHa? KaKO pemeHHe ce HaMeTHyBaaT Hemny MOfle.H:
1.	H3BopeH e co.apHHOT KapaKTep Ha HCTOHHOc.OBeHCKHOT flax6or, Koj ce Bp3yBa 3a CTapaTa nocTojÖHHa Ha C.OBeHHTe, flOfleKa HeroBHOT xtohckh KapaKTep Kaj CpÖHTe (h nomHpoKO Kaj JyxHHTe C.OBeHH) ce jaBH. no c.OBeHCKHTe MHrpanHH Ha Ba.KaH0T, h Toa:
-	nofl B.HjaHHe Ha MecHHTe CTapo6a.KaHCKH TpaflHnHH bo koh 6h. npHcyTeH aHa.oreH xtohckh .hk, M0xe6H flypH h co c.hhho h.h hcto HMe
-	nofl B.HjaHHe Ha MaHHxejcK0-60ryMH.CKHTe TpaflHnHH h HeraTHBHHOT npeTCTaB-HHK Ha flya.HCTHHKH0T nap 60r0BH.
2.	H3B0peH e xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha jyxHOC.OBeHCKHOT flax6or, npH mTO CO.apHHOT KapaKTep Ha HCTOHHOC.OBeHCKHOT:
-	ce jaBH. KaKO ceKyHflapHa BapHjaHTa Ha HCTOHHoeBponcKHTe Ky.TypH0-
HCTOpHCKH KOHCTe.anHH
-	He Moxe fla ce flOKaxe 6HflejkH 3a Hero eKcn.HnHTH0 He roBopaT ^aKTHTe
3.	HHTy co.apHHOT hh xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha flax6or He ce npHMapHH. O6aTa ce
np0H3B0fl Ha HCTOpHCKHOT pa3BHT0K Ha TpaflHnHH Bp3aHH 3a KaTerOpHjaTa »npHMapHO
38
MamKO 60xecTB0« 3a Koe ce cymTecTBeHH c.eflHHTe o6e.exja:
-mHpoKO no.e Ha flejcTByBaae, 6a3HpaH0 Bp3 MamKHOT npHHnHn h npHMapHHTe MamKH 6H0.0mKH o6e.exja h ^yhkuhh (no.OBa M0k, flHHaMHKa, CH.a, eHeprHja ...)
-HecnenHa.H3HpaH0CTa T.e. HeflH^epeHnHpaHOCTa Ha flOMeHHTe Ha flejcTByBaae, BO CMHC.a Ha KOCMHHKHTe C^epH H e.eMeHTH (n.0flH0CT, XHBOT H HeMaTepHja.HH H eHepreTCKH ^aKTopH mTO rH yc.OByBaaT)
-	eflHa Ofl ocHOBHHTe c^epH h ^yHKnHH Ha OBa 60xecTB0 e 60racTB0T0 h H306H.HeT0 Ofl koh np0H3.eryBa h ^yHnHjaTa Ha fleyc flaTop - (6or flaBaTe.), Koja
383a OBoj THn 60xecTB0 bo cjiOBeHCKHTe naraHCKH TpaflHnHH: H. HayoHflHC, MHTCKHTe ..., 335-365, oco6eHo: 359-365, T. HXXXH.
35
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Manana h HeroBHTe pena^n co Äpyrn cpe^HoBeKoBHn h ^otktophh H3Bopn
10 11 12
T. II
I.	Zilah (Cluj); 2. Benecmro; 3. HoBropoa; 4. MeconoTaMnja; 5. Tiszavarkony; 6. MaTKa, CKonje; 7. MeconoTaMnja; 8. Banbalma-Czebe puszta; 9. Ckh6hhd;bi; 10. CeBepcKrä KypraH;
II.	Pohorelice; 12. Nagyszentmiklos.
nopain Toa ja HaoraMe bo oöeTe HeroBn eBemyanHn BapnjaHTnn, na oiryKa n KaKo
39
eTHMonomKa ocHoBa Ha 3aeflHHHKnoT TeoHHM flaxöor-flajöor-flaöor.
no fln^epeHnnjannjaTa Ha HcTOHHHTe n JyxHHTe CnoBeHn, oBa npnMapHo MamKo öoxecTBo, HaBnerno bo cnenn^HHHn pa3BojHn nponecn koh bo ^BeTe cpe^nHn
39A. HoMa, h.ä., 3; Š. Kulišic, Dabog ..., 205,206; Äpyrn eTHMonomKH pemeHnja: fl. flparojnoBHk, B. CrojqeBcKa-AHTHk, h.Ä., 59,60.
36
Hukoc Vaycuduc
ke aoBeaaT ao HeroBa cneiHjaaraaiHja bo aBa coceM pa3aHHHH aoMeHH (coaapeH h xtohckh) koh He ro HcKaynHae h npHMapHHoT (deus dator), Bp3aH 3a hhbhhot HeKorameH 3aeaHHHKH npoToTHn.
Mopa aa npH3HaeMe aeKa 3a pa3aHKa oa npeTxoaHoTo noraaBje, npamaaaTa oa oBa ocTaHyBaaT bo c^epaTa Ha xnnoTe3H oa koh bo MoMeHToB KaKo noBepojaTHa hh ce hhhh nocaeaHaTa.
^HKOBHH npeTCTaBH Ha ^a^Sor o^ cpe^HHOT BeK
Bo oBaa craTHja He ch nocTaBHBMe 3a iea aa rH npe3eHTHpaMe HamHTe HcTpaxyBa&a Ha aHKoBHHTe MaHH^ecraiH Ha ^ax6or bo apxeoaomKHTe HaoaH h BoonmTo bo eaeMeHTHTe Ha MaTepHjaaHaTa KyaTypa. Ho, KaKo HajaBa Ha oBHe corae-ayBaaa mTo ke 6HaaT HacKopo ny6aHKyBaHH, npHaoxyBaMe aBa npHMepH, koh BoeaHo HMaaT KapaKTep h Ha aonoaHyBaae Ha HaBeaeHHoT ayaaHcTHHKH oaHoc Mery CBapor h flax6or h Ha HamaTa Beke cnoMHaTa cTaTHja 3a CBapor. CoraeayBaaaTa 3a oboj' 6or bo Hea 6ea npocaeaeHH h Ha ^hkobho hhbo, npeKy npeTcTaBHTe npHcyTHH bo aBe rpynH paHocpeaHoBeKoBHH apxeoaomKH HaoaH - aenoTo Ha MeTaaHH nao^KH oa BeaecTHHo bo TecaaHja h paHocpeaHoBeKoBHHTe aBonaonec™ $H6yaH (bo aoceramHaTa aHTepaTypa no3HaTH KaKo »npcrecTH«).
Bo KoHTeKcT Ha npeaaoxeHHoT ayaaHcTHHKH KoHienT bo koj' ce cTpyKTypHpaaT
CBapor h ^ax6or, ce HaMeTHyBa npamaaeTo aaaH h bo oBHe HaoaH, noKpaj Beke
npHKaxaHHoT CBapor e 3acTaneH h HeroBHoT xtohckh onoHeHT ^ax6or. ^o oboj'
40
oaroBop BcymHocT Beke aojaoBMe bo HamHTe npeTxoaHH HcTpaxyBaaa, ho npH Toa, HeMajkH ro npeaBHa xtohckhot KapaKTep Ha ^ax6or, KaKo TeoHHMH Ha onoHemroT rH npeaaoxHBMe Beaec - Boaoc h D,pHo6or. Cera, nocae npHaoxeHHTe TyKa coraeayBaaa, koh hhb co roaeMa BepojaTHocT MoxeMe aa ro npHKay^HMe h ,D,ax6or.
a) MeTa^HH pejje^HH mo^kh o^ Teca^aja (T.I)
Koh cpeaHHaTa Ha oboj' BeK e ny6aHKyBaH 36HpeH Haoa Ha aBaeceTHHa MeTaaHH naonKH, npoHajaeHH Kaj ceaoTo BeaecTHHo bo TecaaHja, peaje^Ho o6aHKyBaHH bo BHa Ha amrponoMop^HH h 3oomop^hh $HrypH. ^aTHpaHH ce bo 7. BeK h noBp3aHH co caoBeHcKoTo naeMe BeaerH3HTH Koe mTo bo oboj' nepHoa ja HaceayBaao oBaa o6aacT Ha TpiHja. 3a oBaa npHroaa ce 3HanajHH aBe oa nao^KHTe - eaHaTa mTo ro npHKaxyBa bpxobhhot He6eceH 6or (cnopea HamHTe ToaKyBaaa CBapor) (T.I-1) h apyraTa - co HeroBHoT xtohckh, TepHoMopc^eH h nyaoBHmeH onoHeHT (Beaec, D,pHo6or, a cnopea coraeayBaaaTa npHKaxaHH bo oboj' Tpya Moxe6H h ^ax6or) (T.I-3).41
He6ecKnoT 6or HMa HeKoaKy o6eaexja, KaynHH h 3a Beke HaBeaeHHoT aHK Ha 3'pBaH (cnopeaH: T.I-1 co 2). npHKaxaH e KaKo aHaporHH, (co meMaTH3HpaHa ByaBa), HeroBoTo Top3o e noHcToBeTeHo co He6ecKHoT cBoa (c^aTeH KaKo »Kpyr Ha BpeMeTo«)
40H. HaycHaHc, npemcmaeume na cioeencKume 6ozoeu - ononenmu eo luKoenuom MeduyM, KyaTypeH xhbot, 1997 / 1, CKonje, 55 - 65.
41 HanoMHyBaMe aeKa aeTaaHH HcTpaxyBatt.a Ha oBaa rpyna npeaMeTH h oco6eHo Ha cnoMHaTHTe aBe nao^KH Beke ny6aHKyBaBMe, TaKa mro bo oBaa npHroaa caMo rH cyMHpaMe pe3yaTaTHTe. H. HaycHaHc, npemcmaeume ..., 55 - 65. Hcthot, CioeencKume nanmeonu ... . Bo oBHe TpyaoBH ce HaBeaeHH H H3BopHHTe ny6aHKaiHH Ha oBoj MaTepHjaa.
37
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Manana h HeroBHTe penauHH co flpyrH cpeflHoBeKoBHH h ^onKnopHH h3boph
7	8
T. III
1. .ypncTaH; 2. BenecTHHo, Tecannja; 3. ^yöoBan, BojBoflHHa; 4. Eena UpKBa, Bpman, BojBoflHHa; 5. Mana A3nja; 6. .ex (Lezhe), AnöaHHja; 7. Hea Arananoc, Tpnaja; 8. Mana A3nja (fleTm).
Ha Koj ce oflBHBa conapHHoT EHKnyc, npHKaxaH npeKy MynrannHEHpaHH comeBH ahckobh. Ha HeroBHTe rpaflH ctoh MenannoH, Koj cnopefl npnnoxeHaTa aHanoraja HajBepojaTHo ro Hnycrpnpan npeflBpeMeHoTo paraae Ha HeroBHoT chh - 3acranHHK Ha
38
HUKOC Vaycuduc
3eMHoTo T.e. HeraTHBHo Hane.o (aHajoroH Ha HpaHcKHOT AxpHMaH). Bo koh^kct Ha pe.aiHjaTa co ^yajHcTHHKHTe pejHracKH KOMnjeKcH, ocoöeHo e BaxHa cjHHHocTa Mery npeTcTaBaTa Ha oboj' 6or h HajcTapHTe jhkobhh npeTcTaBH Ha HpaHcKHoT 3'pBaH.
npeTcTaBaTa Ha onoHeHToT Ha HeöecHHOT 6or (T.I-3) cooTBeTcTByBa Ha onHcHTe Ha AxpHMaH (Te.o Ha jaB hjh Ha jpyro xhbotho, HOBenKa r.aBa co yxaceH raraeß ... ) ho h Ha oöe.exjaTa Ha c.OBeHcKHOT xtohckh 6or (Bo.oc I Be.ec) co 300-amrponoMop^eH raraeß, oöpacHaT co BjaKHa, MycTakH ... .42 HKOHorpa^cKaTa h KoMno3HiHcKaTa aHajH3a Ha ^HrypaTa oä oBaa njiOHKa, noKaxyBa ßeKa ce paöoTH 3a HKoHorpa^cKH THn HHe Tpaeifce ce cjießH oä ro.eMHTe MeconoTaMcKH ihbhjih3 aiiHH (T.II-4,7) npeKy amrHHKHTe cKHTcKO-capMaTcKH npoTOTHnoBH (T.II-10) ce äo paHHoT cpe^eH BeK, Kora oboj' jhk, hh3 öpojHH npHMepH ce jaByBa Ha HaKHTOT h TopeyTHKaTa Koja hm ce npHnHmyBa Ha C.OBeHHTe, Amwe h Ha ßpyrHTe nonyjiaiHH BKjiyneHH bo ro.eMHTe npece.öH (T.II-1,5,8,9,11,12). Cboh penepKycHH oboj' jhk ^oxHByBa h bo nojHHoT cpe^eH BeK, KaKo e.eMemr Ha ßeKopaTHBHaTa yMeTHocT (KaMeHa h ÄpBeHa njacTHKa, HaKHT h ßpyrH jyKcy3HH np0H3B0ßH oä MeTa.) (T.II-3,6), ho OHeBHÄHO 6e3 ßa ce 3a6opaBH HeroBHoT ocHoBeH xtohckh koh^kct.
6) ^BonjonecTH (thp. »npcTecra«) $HÖyjH (T.III)
CTaHyBa 3öop 3a cneiiHc^HHHa ^opMa Ha HaKHT Koja ce jaByBa bo BpeMeTo Ha ro.eMHTe npece.öH h Koja, cnopeß noBekeTo HcTpaxyBaHH hm ce npHnHmyBa Ha C.oBeHHTe h AHTHTe h e KapaKTepHcTHHHa 3a ro.eM ^e. oä TepHTopHjaTa mTo THe bo oboj' nepHOß ja HacejyBaje.43 Be3 pa3.HKa Ha THno.omKaTa hjh HKOHorpa^cKa BapHjaHTa, ceKoj' THn Ha oBHe ^HöyjiH e pacnjieHeT Ha ßBa ße.a oä koh eßHHOT ro npeTcTaByBa ropHHoT ^e. Ha Bce.eHaTa, co HeöecKHOT cboä, ßOßeKa ßpyraoT - Hej3HHHTe HHXHH npe^e.H, co 3eMjaTa h noß3eMjeTO. OBHe 3ohh, Ha ^HöynHTe ce 3acTaneHH npeKy pa3HoBH^HH jhkobhh mothbh co KapaKTep Ha chmöo.h (reoMeTpHcKH, 3oomop^hh, a ce jaByBaaT h cxeMaTH3HpaHH npeTcTaBH Ha öoroBHTe - 3acTanHHiH Ha ßaßeHaTa 3oHa). 3a Hac ce ocoöeHo b&khh oHHe THnoBH, Ha koh HeöoTO h 3eMjaTa ce 3acTaneHH npeKy ^HrypH Ha öoroBH koh no cBoHTe oöe.exja ce HaßOBp3yBaaT Ha norope oöpaöoTeHHTe onoHeHTH. Ha npHjoxeHHTe npHMepoiH jacHo ce raeßa HcTaTa K0Mn03HiHcKa cxeMa Ha HeöecKHoT öor Koja npeTcTaByBa cTHjH3HpaHa BapHjaHTa Ha MOße.OT 3acTaneH Ha njoHKaTa oä Be.ecTHHO (cnopeßH: T.III-2 co 3-6)). npHcycTBoTo Ha xtohckhot jhk -onoHeHT (Bo.oc - Be.ec, D,pHoöor hjh ^axöor?) Ha oBHe THnoBH e 3acTaneHo caMo npeKy HeroBaTa rpoTecKHa r.aBa Koja ce jaByBa bo amrponoMop^Ha h 300M0p^Ha BapHjaHTa (T.III-5-8). He cTaHyBa 3öop 3a HMnpoBH3aiHja, TyKy 3a npHMeHa Ha KoHKpeTeH HKoHorpa^cKH THn Koj e cneiH^HHeH ToKMy 3a xToHcKHTe öoxecTBa.44
423a oöejiexjaTa Ha naraHocjiGBeHcKHGT xtohckh öor (ocoöeHG 3a HeroBHoT H3meÄ): H. HaycH^Hc,
MHTcKHTe cjHKH ..., 382-394. H. HaycH^Hc, npemcmasume ..., 60,61, 64,65.
43 3a oBHe ^HöyjiH, hhbhhgt MarHcKG-pejHrHcKH KapaKTep, HKGHorpa^HjaTa h cHMöojHKaTa: H. HaycH^Hc, KaK H3ynaTb c^aBaHcKHe flByxn^acTHHMaTue	b fla^bHeflmeM, (pe^epayT gä VI Merympo^eH KOHrpec
3a cjGBeHcKa apxeojioraja, o^pxaH bg HoBropoÄ, 1996 r. (ceKiHja 3a ÄyxoBHa KyjTypa).
44AHajorHH Ha GBoj HKGHorpa^cKH THn: H. HaycH^Hc, npemcmasume ...,T.VIII; npHcycTBO Ha xtghckhgt öor Ha ÄpyrH thhgbh gä cnoMHaTHTe ^HöyjiH: T.VII.
39
flax6or bo xpoHHKaTa Ha Mañana h HeroBHTe penauHH co apyrH cpe^HOBeKOBHH h ^ojikjiophh H3BopH
Dazbog in Malalas' Chronicle and His Relations with Other Medieval and Folkloristic
Sources
Nikos Causidis
This paper was based on an interpolation in the Slavic translation of "The World Chronicle" by Ioannes Malalas which is thought to have originated in the area where South Slavic languages are spoken. This pseudohistoric tradition cites that after emperor Svarog's reign had terminated, his son Dazbog, the Emperor Sun, took over.
The article first explores the data on the solar character of Dazbog originating from other medieval sources. The reason for this critical evaluation of the connection between the Emperor Sun and Dazbog lies in the Balkans, especially in Serbian folklore traditions in which characters analogous to Dazbog clearly exhibit chtonic traditions (fairy tales about Dabog; traditions on the "Silver Emperor," that is Dajbog; traditions on the character of the "Hromi Daba", who equals the devil). The author also stresses his conclusions based on the above-mentioned traditions concerning the predomination of the chtonic character of the former South Slavic Dazbog. The existing scientific theories about the character of this deity may be summed up in the following three categories: those stressing his solar character, others which stress his chtonic character, and yet others which are undecided on the subject.
The discord between Dazbog's character in folkloric traditions and the one from Malalas' citation gives rise to the author's suspicion of the total authenticity of the World Chronicle. He therefore attempts a different interpretation and reconstruction, first analyzing an Iranian myth about Z'rvan (Zervan, Zurvan) as a dualistic paradigm for the citation in Malalas' Chronicle. According to this myth, Z'rvan (who is identical to the Creator, the universe, and endless time) wanted to create a son, his successor (Ormazd / Ahura Mazda). However, since he had doubts over the rationality of this act, he produced Ahriman, an incarnation of evil, who was born first and who rules the world at present. After 90,000 years Ahriman will be succeeded by Z'rvan's second son, Z'rvans true successor. Based on the relation between Malalas' citation and these fairytales the author defines the equation Dazbog = Emperor Sun as a mistake, or possibly an intentional rewrite, suggesting the following reconstruction of the original context between these characters:
-	Svarog ( = Z'rvan) - primogenitor;
-	Emperor Sun ( = Ormazd / Ahura Mazda) - one of the two sons of Svarog who is identical to Svarozic as an incarnation of the sun, fire, light, and good;
-	Dazbog ( = Ahriman) - the second son of Svarog, an incarnation of chtonic zones of the universe, of darkness and light.
The author then suggests several possible explanations for the change in the original dualistic structure of the characters in the Chronicle. While searching for a cultural/ historic context of this Iranian/Slavic mythological relation he draws attention to scientific theories about the influence of Iranians on Slavs during their ethnogenesis and the formation of cultural and mythical/religions traditions. Next he illustrates these cultural and chronological elements which possibly manifest such influences.
Basing his discussion on a number of arguments, he concludes that the South Slavic Dazbog exhibits a primarily chtonic character, but allows for a possibility that there might
40
Hukoc Vaycuduc
have been two Dazbogs: an Eastern Slavic, solar Dazbog, and the chtonic deity of South Slavs. Elaborating on the problem of the supremacy of either the chtonic or the solar characters, the author is in favor of the thesis according to which the common prototype for both could have been a variant of the "primary male deity." This deity exhibited the following characteristics:
-	polyfunctional deity, not specialized, with undefined spheres of patronage and activity;
-	accentuated functions connected with male sexual activity;
-	the "deus dator" character, preserved in the etymological root of the common teonym.
The author concludes his paper by citing preliminary conclusions about the presence of the chtonic god (thus also Dazbog) in medieval archaeological finds and in other elements of material culture. Here Dazbog appears as an opponent to the celestial god Svarog, also depicted on these objects. On one of the metal plates discovered in Velestino, Thessaly (T.I: 3), a chtonic god is depicted as a zoo-anthropomorphic being (analogies: T.II). Only his head is depicted on the so-called radiate-headed fibulae (T.III: 5-8). The head is placed under Svarog, in the part of the fibula depicting chtonic zones of the universe.
41
kv.ibTaBbm KaMHHi Eeiapyci
3pncm flnyKoy AanKcandp Kapa6anay, flwdMirn flyHbiu,
ddeapd 3auKoycKi, Banepuu BinaKypay
The article analyses cult stones on the territory of Belarus, among them such types as stones with footprints, stones for protection, officinal- and treasure-stones, petrified people and animals. The stones are known under the following names: the God's footprint, the Holy stone, Volas, Dazhdzboh (Rain-God), Kapavishcha (Sanctuary), Forefather, and others. Even today people make sacrifice (money, flowers, apples) to many of these stones.
Ha 6oibmaft Tapbrropbii Eeiapyci, Hannepm 3a yce Ha ae noyHanbi i y laHTpaibHan nacTUbi, mbipoKa pacnaycroflxaHbi BaiyHbi. Ix 3'ayieHHe TyT a6yMoyieHa Ma-nepHKOBHMi 3^efl3HHeHHHMi, i3HTpaM aKix 6biia OeHacKaHflHH. 3BHnaHHa naMep BaiyHoy He nepaBHmae 0,7 m, pafl3en cycTpaKaroiia ribi6bi fla 1—1,5 m i 3yciM 3paflKy — KaMjibiri fla 3—5 m i 6ojieii. CaMbi BaiiKi 3 3ap3ricTpaBaHbix y pacnySuiiibi BaiyHoy (BaiiKi KaMeHb) iaxbiib Kaia b. TopKi OyMiiiHcKara paeHa (T.1: 13). ^ro flayxbma 11 m. naMepH KaMaHey 3MSHmaroma 3 noyHanbi Ha noyfl3eHb Eeiapyci.
3'ayiaronbica aflMeTHan nacTKaft iaHflma^Ty, BaiyHbi 3flayHa yBanmii He ToibKi y MaTapbaibHyro, aie i flyxoyHyro KyibTypy 6eiapycKara Hapofla. y 3HanHaft cTyneHi KyibTaBba BaiyHbi 3Ba3aHbi 3 nepma6biTHbiMi BepaBaHHaMi: maHaBaHHeM a6'eKTay npbpoflb, aKia 6bimaM 6h Maroib 3BbimHaTypaibHbia aKacii (^eTbimbi3M), Bepan y Toe, mTo aco6Hbia KaMaHi 3'ayiaroma a6o paHen 6biii xbiBbiMi icToTaMi (aHiMi3M), a TaKcaMa no3HiMi paiirinHbiMi BepaBaHHaMi (KyibTaM npoflKay, a3bramiTBaM 3 aro mMaTiiKiMi aHTpanaMop^HbMi 6ocTBaMi, xpbiciiaHcTBaM).
3BecTKi a6 KyibTaBbix KaMaHax Eeiapyci cycrpaKaroma y nicbMoBbix Kpbrniiax nanbrnaroHbi 3 XVI ct. (XpoHiKa ^iToycKaa i XaMoniKaa, XpoHiKa Maiea CTpbHKoycKara, ^iToycKaa MeTpbiKa). TaK, nafl 1557 roflaM Kaia B.TapacaBa na6ii3y MiHcKa 3raflBaeiia HopTay KaMeHb [1, c. 22]. flaKyMeHTbi XVII ct. nacra Ha3biBaroib KaMaHi 3 BbicenaHbiMi Ha ix KpbixaMi y aKacii narparnnHbix 3HaKay [4]. y KaHibi XVII ct. pycKi naflapoxHiK n.A.TaicTon afl3Hanbiy KaMeHb 3 BbiaBan cTynHi naiaBeKa (cieflaBiK) y EapbicaycKiM Kacieie [12, c. 17]. y 1751 r. npbi pa3MexaBaHHi 3aMeib xbipoBiiKix 6a3biibaHay i MaeMacii b. fflbiflioBiibi (fflbiiaBMbi) apxiyHbia KpbiHiibi Ha3bBaroib Kanibi 3 KaMaHaMi, Ha aKix BbicenaHbi rep6bi yiaflaibHiKay MaeHTKay ExacToycKix ("cTpaMa") i 6a3biibaHay ("KaioHa") [14, c. 71]. y 1773 r. BbrnynaHHeM EapbicaBbix KaMaHey 3anMaiaca aKcneflbiibia aKaflaMiKa I.I.^anexiHa. y nanaTKy XIX ct. nomyKi KaMaHey 3 HaflnicaMi i 3HaKaMi Baiica na iHiibiaTbiBe rpa^a M.n.PyMaHiaBa. na aro xaflanmiTBy pacincKi ypafl npbrnay pamaHHe a6 3axaBaHHi MaHyMeHTaibHbix noMHiKay anirpa^ki — "EapbicaBbix KaMaHey" — y panbimnbi 3axoflHan ,D,3BiHbi [5, c. 90—91].
43
KynbTaBbia KaMflHi Benapyci
Aca5niBaa yBara Ha KynbTaBbia KaMaHi cTana aBapTaroa a capanaiHbi XIX ct. A5 ix mMaT nicani A.nnaTap, A.KipKop, ^.TbimKeB«, KXaBopcKÍ, n.fflnineycKi, M.KycmHcm, n.B.ffl3HH, A.^.BariaHoBin, O.B.naKpoycxi, E.P.PaMaHay, M.B.^oyHap-3anonbcKÍ i iHmbisi lacneiHHKÍ [2; 6, c. 92—93; 7; lO; ll; l3, c. 98—l07; 15; iT]. MwaT apTbiKynay, npncBenaHHx KynbTaBbiM BanyHaM, npyKaBanaca y raaeTax, aca5niBa "Mhhckhx ry5epHcKHx BenoMocTax". BaniKaa npana na BbiBynaHHi KynbTaBbix KaMaHëy 5bina paaropHyra lH5e.Ky.bTaM y 20-a ranbi XX ct. [9, c. 155—182]. y nacnaBaeHHbia ranbi aBecTKi a5 KynbTaBbix KaMaHax a5ipani apxeonari .n.B.AnaKceey, r.B.fflTbixay, n.^.no5anb. HeKaTopbia naHbia Tpanini y "35op noMHiKay ricTopbi i KynbTypbi Benapyci". 3apaa BbiBynaHHeM KynbTaBbix KaMaHëy aaÖMaroroa ayTapbi apTbiKyna [8].
Ha cëHHamHi ^eHb Ha Tapbrropbii Benapyci HaniHBaeroa 5onbm aa 300 KynbTaBbix BanyHoy, 5onbm aa 100 MecnaaHaxonxaHHay KaMeHHbix Kpbixoy i Kana 30 KaMeHHbix aabHHinKÍx inanay.
yce KynbTaBba KaMaHi MoxHa nanaaninb Ha flBa acHoyHbia thïïh: KynbTaBbia BanyHb i KynbTaBbia Bbipa5bi a BanyHoy. nepmbi a othx Tbinay cKnanaeroa a HacTynHbix nani Knacay: MariHHbia BanyHbi (^erambi), aHiMicTbmHbia BanyHbi (napaBapaTHi), aBicTbHHba BanyHbi (naenaBiKi), naicTbiHHbia BanyHbi (5araBiKi), KpbinTareHHbia BanyHbi (BanyHb a aMKaMi i BbieMKaMi i BanyHbi a ManroHKaMi, HannicaMi, aHaKaMi). KynbTaBbia Bbipa5bi a BanyHoy nanpaanaanaroroa Ha KynbTaBbia a5ynaBaHHi a BanyHoy, inanbi i KaMeHHbia Kpbixbi. yce raraa Knacbi y cBaro napry naena^a amna Ha Biflbi.
Taöjiua. Kjaci^iKauMH KymTaBbix KaMaHëy Benapyci
Tun	Knac	Bifl	npu5^Í3Haa
			KO^bKacub
	MarraHbia BanyHbi	A5apari	l0
	(^eTbimbi)	toh5íth	20
		CnenaBiKi	l00
		^ynan3eHHHa	l0
		CKap5HiKi	l0
	AHiMicTbmHbia BanyHb	AKaMaHenba nronai	20
	(napaBapaTHi)	AKaMaHenbia xbiBënbi	l0
		AKaMaHenba 5ynbiHKi i aaëpbi	l5
KynbTaBba BanyHbi	ABicTbmHbia BanyHb	A5araynëHbia nponrn	30
	(naenaBiKi)	MeMapbianbHbia BanyHbi	l0
	flaicTbmHbia BanyHbi	BanyHbi a iMëHaMi aabmH^Kix 5ocTBay	l0
	(5araBiKi)	AxBapHiKi	l5
		HopraBbi KaMaHi	30
		Boxbia (cBaTba) KaMaHi	l0
		BapbicaBbi KaMaHi	7
	KpbinTareHHbia BanyHbi	BanyHb a BbieMKaMi i aMKaMi	20
		BanyHb a ManroHKaMi, aHaKaMi, HannicaMi	l0
	KynbTaBba a5ynaBaHHi a	üaxaBanbHba a5ynaBaHHi	coTHi
	BanyHoy	Kanim^bi	ÄaecaTKi
		KynbTaBba 5ynbiHKi a BanyHo	ÄaecaTKi
KynbTaBbia Bbipa5bi a	Inanb (ctoäh)	Aco5Hbia ranoBb	l0
BanyHoy		Oirypbi	20
	KaMeHHbia Kpbixbi	MeMapbianbHbia (naMaTHbia)	l0
		A5apari	20
		HaflMarinbHba	coTHi
44
9pncm HnyKoy, AnaKcaHdp Kapa6anay, flmdMina ffynuu„ Sdeapd 3auKoycKi, Banepuu BiHaKypay
KyjbTaBbra BMyHbi (I Twn)
MariHHbra BaiyHM (^enimbi). ^a Knaca MariHHbix BanyHoy, a6o BanyHoy-^eTbimay, Hanexanb BanyHbi-a6ap3ri, BanyHbi-roH6iTbi, cnenaBiKi, nynan3eftHbia BanyHbi i CKap6HiKi.
BanyHu - ačapazi BanoMbi y BecKax MinbKaBiHbi (MinbKaHoBinbi) HaBarpyncKara (T.1: 56), KpbiHKi AcinoBinKara paeHay (T.1: 47) i y iHmbix MacniHax. y B.MinbKaBinbi MarinHaft cinaft Banonaronb nacTKi, an6iTbia an BanyHa. y KpHHKax MarinHbiMi ninbinica KaMHHi y ^opMe mymaK. y KpaBe CMaproHcKara paeHa (T.1: 30) y aKacni a6apoHH an xanepbi y 1871 r. Ha koxhhm 6axy BecK 6bino nacTayneHa na BanyHy-a6apary. 3 ix 3axaBayca TonbKi an3iH KaMeHb BHmHHČi Kana 1 m. Ha aro Tpox rpaHax BH6iTH macmKaHnoBbia Kpbixbi.
®oto 1: 3flBapa 3aHKoycKH — KaMeHb «KaSuna» Kam eecKU flaumea fludcKaia paeHa
BanyHu - zouSimu. na naBep'ax, nanaMararonb an po3Hbix xBapo6ay. flaxnxaBaa Bana 3 BanyHoy ninbinaca neKaBaft i BbiKapbicToyBanaca y MHorix BecKax. y aKacni neKay yxbiBayca mox, aKi pBani 3 KaMeHa i cymbini. An xBapo6 Banan Hi6HTa nanaMarana Bana 3 KaMeHa Kanpbinb Kana b. KaMaHoe Bap33iHcKara paeHa, 3 BanyHoy Kana BecaK CTapanBapan Ha Tpon3eHmHHHe, Kyn3iHaB«bi KanbinbcKara (T.1: 66), 3aciMaB«bi npyxaHcKara (T.1: 70), BoyKaymHbma MiepcKara paeHay (T.1: 7), r.n.AKna6pcrn (Pyna6enKa). y Pyna6ennbi Han KaMeHeM 6bina na6ynaBaHa Kannina, cnyxbinica Mane6HH, nron3i npHHocini axBapbi — neH, nanaTHo, Macna. An nixapanKi BbineHBay KaMeHb y B.KiBanbrna npyxaHcKara (T.1: 69) paeHa. ^3anefi, xbophx KoKnromaM, nanbiy KaMeHb y b. fflbinaB«bi npyxaHcKara paeHa. y b. nap^apbi nyxaBinKara paeHa (T.1. 43) KaMeHb BbineHBay napaniTbiKay, KynbraBHx i rnyxix. y BHrnan3e napamKa KaMeHb
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KynbTaBbia KaMflHi Benapyci
Kaja B.PaMeHiKi IyeycKara paeHa aanaMaray aa Bap'ayTBa. y HaBiyKaBrax KaMHHeyKara paeHa (T.1 : 73) Baaa ca cjaaKa janbija 6apaaayKi y jroa3eft i xHBej. XbiBej jaHbiji amH3 KaMeHb Kaja b. 3acHyaa3e BpacjaycKara paeHa (KOHefi) i KaMeHb Bojac y Kpbixoyybi Kaja MiHcKa (ycix xaTHix xbiBej).
KaMHHey - cnedaeiKoy Haj«Baeroa Kaja coTHi. 3BbraaftHa r3Ta HeBajiKia (aa 1,5—2 m) rjHÖH 3 KceHajiTaMi — yKjronsHHaMi iHmapoaHara panbrna y acHoyHafi Mace ropHafi MarMaTHHHafi napoaH. y rpyny cjeaaBiKoy yBaxoa3ayb aBa Biabi: aHTpanaMop^Hbia cjeaaBiKi-aa6iTKi Hari (Boxaa CTonKa, Cjea Xpbicra, Cjea Barapoa3mbi, Cjea Cbhtoh naHHH, Cjea CBaTora MiKajaa, Cjea HopTa, Cjea fl'aöja, Cjea BajaToyHH i iHm.), aa6iTKi aajoHi (aa3iH ca 3MeeBbix BajyHoy y CeHHeHcKiM paeHe, KaMeHb Ha 6epa3e Caxa, KaMeHb naa ajTapoM XbipoBiyKaH yapKBbi y CjoHiMcKiM paeHe) i 3aaMop^Hbia cjeaaBiKi — aa6iTKi KanHT yi jan xbiBej. ^a Hafi6ojbm cTapaxbiTHbix MoxHa aaHecyi KaMflHi naa Ha3Bafi Cjea BajaToyHH Ha 6epa3e CBicjanbi i Kaja b. 3a6exxa naa Biye6cKaM i naa Ha3Bafi Cjea .He6ea3i Kaja b. ^yxaBa MajapbmKara paeHa (T.1: 75). TaKia Ha3Bb 3axaBajica 3 a3bramyKix nacoy. Bojbmacyb xa cjeaaBiKoy aafimji aa Hac y xpbicyiaHcKafi iHT3pnp3Taybii.
Capoa cjeaaBiKoy ecyb KaMaHi ca cjaaaMi Cb. MiKajaa - BecKi KyyaymHbrna (T.1: 64) i Tpo3aBa KanbijbcKara paeHa (T.1: 65), Cb. Ahtohw - b. nja6aHayybi MacToycKara paeHa (T.1. 59). HeKaTopbia KaMaHi-cjeaaBiKi 3BH3Baroroa ca cjeaaM XpbicTa: BecKi Kya3iHaBiHbi KanbijbcKara (T.1: 66), KaaKa TjycKara, BoyKaym^brna MiepcKara paeHay (T.1: 7). MiHcKi cjeaaBiK, mTo Kajicbyi jaxay Ha TpaeyKafi rapbi, BaaoMbi naa Ha3Bafi Hara naTpa.
Capoa 3aaMopc^Hbix cjeaaBiKoy aBa 3BH3aHbi 3 KoHHMi (KoHb-KaMeHb Kaja b. 3acHyaa3e i b. KpacHaropKa BpacjaycKara paeHa (T.1: 2), KoHcKi KanbiT Ha KaMeHi Kaja b. nynejinb BapbicaycKara paeHa). Ecyb aa3iH KaMeHb ca cjeaaM 3afiya - b. HypbijaBa MiepcKara paeHa (T.1: 4), aa3iH ca cjeaaM 6biHKa (BajoxbrncKi paeH), aa3iH ca cjeaaM ajeHa (r.n. PaaamKoBWbi Majaa3enaHcKara paeHa). Ha BajyHe Kaja b. XypaBey AcinoBiyKara paeHa (T.1: 48) Maroyya cjaaKi narapox xHBej — Maa3Bea3a, BayKa, 3afiya i jiciybi. na naaaHHax, cjaaKi öbiyyaM 6h naKiHyji 3Bapbi y thh nacbi, Kaji KaMaHi 6biji MaKKiMi. Cjea ajeHa amns 3BH3Baroyb ca cjeaaM 3ajaTora ajeHa mnacya.
KaMaHi 3 Ha3BaMi Cjea HopTa (HopTay cjea, HopTay cTyneHb) BaaoMbia Kaja BecaK ByjaBimKi-^Ky6aHyH BpacjaycKara, TajbmaHbi AmMaHcKara (T.1: 31), CaHexbiw HaBarpyacKara paeHay (T.1: 57) i y iHmHx Mecyax. Kaja b. Pacajbmnbi3Ha IyeycKara paeHa (T.1: 32) KaMeHb 3aBeyya CjeaaM ,n,'a6ja-a6xopbi.
UydadseÜHUM eanyHU, aöoeanyHU - u,ydaeiKi, He Maroyb ^yHKybrä a6aparay a6o jeKaBHx KaMaHey, aje 3 iMi naaaHHi 3BH3Baroyb npHBiaH i iHmHa He3BbraaftHbia 3'hbh. TaKia BajyHb BaaoMb y BecKax Hayrapoab MiepcKara, KaMeHb y3a3eHcKara, MacyimHH, CTamajimKi i BaraaHaBa BpacjaycKara paeHay. HanpbiKjaa, MacyoBbia xHxapH anaBaaaroyb, mTo y b. CTamajimxi Kaja BajyHa nacaM 3'ayjHroyya tph BepmHiKi i nyxaroyb jroa3efi, a y B.BaraaHaBa Ha BajyHe 6bBae aroHb i 6anayb cTapyro 3 BHji3HHM MexaM.
A6 kümhhhx - cKapÖHimx y 6ojbmacyi BHnaaKay 3BHnafiHa raBopayb, mTo naa iMi 3aKanaHH cKap6bi. Hacyefi 3a yce r3Ta rpombi (BecKi nyneji^H BapHcaycKara, Macyimna BpacjaycKara paeHay), 3ojaTa (BecKi CTamajimKi BpacjaycKara, HypbrnaBa MiepcKara paeHay), 3ojaTa i cpa6pa (PacoHmnHHa), 3ojaTa i 36poa (b. ^phhhh
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SpHcm ÄnyKoy, ÂWKcaHdp KapaßaHay, ÄwdMua Hymu,, ddeapd 3aÜKoycKi, Baßepbtü BiHaKypay
nyxaBinKara paëHa), öpbiHKi a aojaTaM (b. MiKyjKi nacTaycxara paëHa), öaranne, HapaöaBaHae ^paHnyaaMi y 1812 roaae (b. BymaBwbi TjHÖonKara paëHa) i r.a.
Ahímíct^ihh^i» BajyH^i, aöo napaBaparai. Tara Kjac a^jrocTpoyBae pamTKi apxaiHHHx BepaBaHHAy y Toe, mTo BajyHbi, hk i HexaTopbiH iHmbiH npbipoflHbia aö'eKTbi (HanpHKnafl, apaBbi), a'ayjaronna a6o Marji paHeö 6binb xbiBbiMi icToTaMi. Capoa aBecTaK a6 BajyHax hk aKaMHHejbix icToTax, öy^biHKax i panax Bbmynaenna 6 croxaTay: aKaMHHej^iH aparaa paaaM a BajaMi aa npany Ha BajiK^aeHb, aKaMHHejbia Bacejji, aKaMHHej^iH Kpaynbi ni maynb aKaMHHejbia jroaai aa poaHbia npaBiHHacni, aKaMHHej^iH xbiBëjbi i aKaMHHejbiH öy^biHKi (nacneö paaaM a jroaabMi).
®OTO 2: 3aBapa 3aHKoycKH — Kajeub cnedaeiK Kann eëcKU Msüpu ÄudcKaia paëHa
Haööojbm pacnaycroaxaHbi naaaHHi a6 aKüMHHeÄUX - apamux paaaM a BajaMi aa npany Ha BajiK^aeHb. 3BbraaÖHa raBopanb a6 apaTHM i ^Byx Bajax: BëcKi Typbrnbi Maabipcxara, KpHHKa AcinoBinKara (T.1: 47), Tajayji flaaxnaycKara (T.1: 58), BbiKaBiHbi Bapaamcxara paëHay (T.1: 44). y HeKaTopbix naaaHHax amna ^irypye xoHKa apaTara, HKaa npbmecja HMy cHeaaHHe ni aöea, caöaxa, rapmKi i py^HiK.
na^aHHi npa amMHHemiH enceMi nepaKjjiKaronna a na^oÖHbiMi naaaHHHMi npa KypraHH, aae MarijbHbiH Hacbinbi — raTa naxaBaHHi yaaejbHiKay BacejjH, HKoe cycTpajaca a jmthm aMeeM, a6o Ha Mecnbi KypraHoy aflöbrnaca öofca naMix ^ByMa BHcejjHMi — a^Ho exaja a napKBH, a apyroe y napKBy i He xaneji cacTynanb a^Ho apyroMy aapory: BëcKi 36jhhh ^i^cKara (T.1: 55), flaapanbrn 3ejb6aHcKara paëHay.
Bojbmacnb naaaHHay npa aKaMHHejbix jroaaeö iaae amna aa nacoy xpncniHHiaanHi. TaTa, HanpbiKjafl, Cnën-KaMeHb — axaMHHejbi CnanaH, hkí y nepmbi aaeHb BajiKa^HH Bbiexay apanb (b. KpacHiKi floxmbinKara paëHa). TaBopanb, mTo
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KynbTaBbia KaMflHi Benapyci
Kajicbui KaMeHb öbiy a rajaBoH, pyKaMi i HaraMi. y Bajbrnrax i b. flaepayHOH CjOHiMcKara paëHa (T.1: 62) KaMaHi jraauua aKaMaHejHMi xaHHbrnaMi.
y b. iKaHbi Ha BapbicaymwHe (T.1: 29), arojHa a najaHHeM, öbiy jpaHHbi KHaab, jrojai npaxjaji aro, ëH axaMaHey i yBaHmoy y aaMjro. SacTajaca TOjbKi rajaBa. y b. ropKi HapBeHbcKara paëHa BajiKi KaMeHb jinbiuua aKaMaHejbiM BOjaTaM, a Kaja b. napaxap nyxaBiuKara paëHa jBa BajyHbi aBajica aKaMaHejHMi flaaM'aHaM i Map'aH.
S BajyHoy, y aKix nepaTBapbijica xbiBëjbi, BajOMH BoyK, TycaK, MajaBejab, Bhkí, KapoBa, Kot, a TaxcaMa SMeeBH i ByxbiHbia KaMaHi. najaHHi a6 Taxix KaMaHax MOXHa jinbiub caMHMi apxaiHHHMi. flaBOji pacnaycrojxaHa HaaBa 3Meey KaMeHb. Kaja B.Bipxay Hammuxara paëHa BajOMH SMeH-KpaBeu, y BajyHe naöjiay B.BajaHKÍmKÍ AcTpaBeuKara paëHa (T.1. 32/4) öbiuuaM 6h xbiy aMeH (umok) Bajb. Ha PacoHmwHe icHye HacTynHae najaHHe. D,mok jauey a aojaTaM i cpaöpaM ja rpamHÍKay. PanTaM Heöa pacxajojaca, umok ynay i nepaTBapbiyca y KaMeHb, a cxapöbi anHHyjica y aaMji naj KaMeHeM.
flaBOji pacnaycrojxaHH najaHHi npa amMmemiH eëcKi, asëpu, xpaMU. Tax, y PaxaHax Cjyuxara paëHa (T.1: 67) Ha Mecubi KaMaHëy HiöHra paHeH öbija Bëcxa. y najaHHi raBopbiuua, mTO jaajOK, axora He nycuiji nepaHanaBaub, ycro Bëcxy nepaTBapHy y KaMaHi, a jaaynbrny, mTO npbrnecja jaajKy xjeöa, aje He nacjyxajaca aro i arjaHyjaca, nepaBapHyy y aaarojro. KaMeHb naöjiay B.rajbiHKa Kaja japori a najpoci y BayxaBbcK (T.1: 61) jaxbiub HiöHra Ha Mecubi öbijora Boaepa. SrojHa a najaHHeM, TyT Hexaji npaaajxaja öaraTaa naHi a jmóímhm caöanxaM. ^Ha xaueja BbiKynaub caöa^Ky, aje toh yraniyca. naHi npaKjaja Boaepa, aHO yBaHmjo y aaMjro i Ha naBepxHi aaMecT Boaepa aacrayca TOjbKi KaMeHb. npa BajyH Kaja b. CrapajBapau Ha TpojaeHmwHe raBopbiub, mTO Ha aro Mecubi paHeH cTaay Kacuëj.
Capoj aHiMicTbiHHbix BajyHoy acoÖHa craaub KaMaHi-Kpayubi i mayubi. S ix ceM mbiji ajaeHHe, tph öoth, npbiwM capoj thx BajyHoy, mTO mbiji ajaeHHe, jBa KaMaHi HaaHBaroub CuanaHaMi, ajaiH HopTaBbiM, ajaiH — SMeeBbiM, a capoj KaMaHëy, mTO mbiji öoth, ajaiH aaBeuua Tomcíhhm. yce KaMaHi-Kpayubi jraauua axaMaHejbMi xaTaMi. najaHHi npa Taxia KaMaHi aMajb ajHOjbKaBbia. HanpbiKjaj, y Bhcokím rapajubi TajanbrncKara paëHa (T.1: 22) ja KaMeHa BenapaM npHHociji TKaHiHy i npaciji: "CuanaH, cmbiH MHe xynaH", a paHiuaH aTpHMjiBaji ajaeHHe. Ajhohhh yBenapH HeHxaa öaöa npHHecja cyKHO, naxjaja Ha KaMeHb i nanpacija: "CuanaH, cmHH MHe Hi Toe, Hi cëe". PaHiuaH aHa npbiHmja i yöan^ua, mTO ajaiH pyxay Ha Mecubi, a jpyri npHmHTH ja najojy. S thx nacoy KaMeHb nepacray mbnb. y b. CTapH narocT Miëpcxara paëHa (T.1. 119/4) pacxaaBaroub, mTO y KaMeHi öhjo axeHua, npaa axoe Kjaji TKaHiHy i raBapbiji, mTO nam^iub. Ha HacrynHbi jaeHb ajaeHHe öhjo raTOBa. KaMeHb Kaja b. BipxaBa (SMeey KaMeHb) yciM mbiy ajaeHHe öacnjaTHa, aje TOjbKi Hejbra öhjo aro aö othm npaciub, a Kaji nanpaciub, to ëH apoöiub HaajBapoT, napaxa TKaHiHy i BHKÍHe. KaMeHb hí a kím He paaMayjay. Sa npauy aMy npHHociji ecui i niub.
Aö KaMeHi Kaja BaöpyHcxa (T.1: 49) BajOMa najaHHe, naBOjje axora TyT öbiy Taxi KpaBeu, mTO Hejbra öhjo aro hí npaciub, hí naxaaBaub, aK mbiub. AjaiH paa npHHecja ja aro TKaHÍHy Ha mjroöHH yöop jaayHbma-HapayHiua i cTaja TjyManbiub, aK apaöiub. KpaBeu paaajaBayca i He nambiy ycaro naTpaöHara. Hapaymua aa raTa nepaTBapbija xaTy paaaM a KpayuoM y KaMeHb.
npa KaMeHb naöjiay b. BapoHÍHa CeHHeHcxara paëHa (T.1: 21) icHye HexajbKÍ najaHHay. HanpbiKjaj, arojHa a ajHHM a ix, KaMeHb joyra mbiy ajaeHHe, naxyjb ajHa öaöa He nanpacíja: "CmHH MHe hí Toe, hí cëe". KaMeHb ajaiH pyxay ymbiy y njano, a
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SpHcm ÄnyKoy, ÂWKcaHdp KapaßaHay, ÄwdMua Hymu,, Sdeapd 3aÜKoycKi, Baßepbtü BiHaKypay
npyri npbimbiy aaany. 3 thx nacoy KaMeHb i nepacTay maub. na npyroMy nanaHHro, Ha KaMeHi canaey nopT i mbiy anaeHHe.
ABiCTbiHHbM KyjbTaB^ia BajyH^i. rara Knac aö'anHoyBae HeanpauaBaHbia npbiponHbia BanyHbi, aKia Maroub nanbrneHHe na KynbTy nponKay. AnHbi a ix yBacaönaroub HenacpanHa nponKay, npyria aBaaBarouua a ricTapbiHHbiMi acoöaMi i nanaeaMi.
®oto 3: BÍHaKypaBa B. — ^opmay KaMeHb daSopcKi
Capon BanyHoy, aKia y eacaößamu^b a ôazayMëmix npodKay, MöXHa Bbinynbiub KaMaHi a HaaBaMi Crapbi, flaen, flaenay KaMeHb: B.XbinoMna TponaeHcKara paëHa (T.1: 53), r.MiHcK (T.1: 41). HanpbiKnan, y MiHcKy Ha Kanimw, aKoe npaicHaBana na nanaTKy XX ct., BanyH flaen aaöMay uaarpanbHae Mecua. ^My axBapaBani Mën, ManaKo, bího, anpaHani Ha aro ^apTyxi, aöBaaBani py^HiKaMi, cnaBiBani nanaTHoM. Haöniay an KaMeHa rapay cBamnaHHbi aroHb i poc BaniaHH nyö.
Bonbm BanoMa BanyHoy, aBaaaHHx a ricrapbraHbiMi acoöaMi i MecuaMi ricTapbiHHbix nanaeö. TaK, a HananeoHaM cyanHocaub KaMaHi Kana Boa. YKna i r.flpyi Ha BpacnaymHHHe (T.1: 3), Kana b. ^aHa Ha Miëpmnbme, a ca Cra^aHaM BaTopaeM — KaMaHi (KaMeHHbia Kpbixbi) Kana BëcaK Bítyhíhh floKmbiuKara i flayriHaBa BineöcKara paëHay. Ëcub KaMaHi A. MiuKeBwa, O. BarymaB«a, MapHHH MHimaK, Iaca^aTa KyHU3Bina. Kana KaMeHa-cnenaBiKa naöniay b. HnaöaHayubi MacroycKara paëHa HiÖHTa Maninaca KapaneBa BoHa i r.n.
HepanraaHbia HaaBH — raTa yxo naaHeömbia HacnaeHHi Ha öonbm paHHia. ,n,3ÍCTMHHbM Ba^yH^i (SaraBÍKÍ). 3HanHyro nacTKy raTara Knaca KynbTaBbix BanyHoy aaÖMaroub BanyHH, aKia aBaaaHH a aabramuEÍMi öocTBaMi. TaK, KaMeHb Kana b.
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KynbTaBbia KaMflHi Benapyci
KpaMaHen ^aroöcKara paëHa (T.1: 35) aaBenna flaxjaböoray KaMeHb (CBaTH KaMeHb), TpH KaMaHi Maronb HaaBy napyH (BëcKi nanajH TjHÖonKara, PacxojHa CeHHeHcKara paëHay (T.1: 20), Ha öepaae Boa. ^phbhth Kaja BpacjaBa). KaMaHi a HaaBaMi Bojac BajoMH y KpHixoynH MiHcKara paëHa (T.1: 39), Kaja b. Bojac Ha BpacjaymHHHe. KaMeHb BojaceHb arajBaenna Ha YmaHHHHe. flBa KaMaHi BajoMH naj HaaBaMi nacTyH (HapBeHbmHHHa i na japoae a Ceöexa y .HronHH). fla raTaö rpynH KaMaHëy MoxHa jajyHHnb i .HemH KaMeHb Kaja b. EjamoyKa HamHinKara paëHa.
3H.3umiu,KiMi axenpHiKüMi (mnimnaMi) 6hjí SBaaaHH BajyHH, aKia Maronb HaaBy Kanimna (b. Mocap YmanKara paëHa), AjTap (BëcKi ^HipoBinH CjoHiMcKara, McniöaBa BayKaBHcKara (T.1: 60), BepacHina CTojiHcKara (T.1: 52), Xbíhhbíhh flaaTjaycKara paëHay), a TaKcaMa KaMaHi, jae, na najaHHax, rapay HaaracHH aroHb (xyTap TynajbmHHSHa CMaproHcKara paëHa), a6o KaMaHi, naöjiay aKix ajÖHBajica ryjaHHi (Map'iHa TopKa nyxaBinKara, ^SHa MiëpcKara, Kaajoy Bepar BapaaiHcKara, TapojHa HapBeHbcKara paëHay). flaHHHeHHe ja öhjhx aaHHHinKix axBapHiKay, BeparojHa, Maronb i BajyHH, Ha aKix ajÖHBajica naKapaHHi cMepnro (BëcKi CyTKaBa CMaproHcKara, ^HipMyHH .HijcKara, BoyKaymHHHa MiëpcKara paëHay).
OHpoKa pacnaycrojxaHH y Bejapyci eanymi, hkíh, na nadaHmx, sexsaHbi s HopmaM aôo d'nômM. Y ajHociHax ja HopTaBHx BajyHoy MoxHa BHjyHHnb 5 croxaTay najaHHay. Haööojbm pacnaycrojxaHH najaHHi, y aKix hopt Hëc KaMeHb, aje npacnaBay neBeHb i hopt BHnycniy KaMeHb. 3BHHaÖHa KaMeHeM hopt xaney aaBajinb jSBepH xpaMa. TaKia najaHHi Marji ysHiKHynb y HacH cynpanbcTaaHHa aaHHHinTBa i xpHicniaHcraa. nepcaHax xa neyHa xyTHay aa ycë aaxaBayca amHa a jaxpHcniaHcKix Hacoy. fla Haööojbm paHHix a raTaö cepHi MoxHa ajHecni HapaHaHcKae najaHHe, naBojje aKora hopt öyjaBay rpaöjro i xaney ajyHHnb BëcKi, aKia aHaxojaijica Ha cynpanbjerjHix öeparax, aje npacnaBay neBeHb i hopt ÖHy BHMymaHH cKoHHHnb npany. 3 xpaMaM aBaaaHH najaHHi npa KaMaHi Kaja BëcaK PaTHHnH (Ooto 4) i KaMeHb BajoxHHcKara, Bajen TjHÖonKara, CTapH narocT MiëpcKara paëHay. nepmHia TpH najaHHi ajHojbKaBHa na croxaTax. 3rojHa a ímí, hopt Hëc KaMeHb, Kaö aaBajinb jaBepH xpaMa. Y najaHHi npa cTapanarocnKi KaMeHb raBopHnna, mTo jrojai yjaeHb sbosíjí KaMaHi Ha öyjayHinTBa napKBH, a hopt aa hoh nepaKijay ix Ha jpyri öepar. TajH KaMeHb KpaBen nepaTBapHyca y BojaTa i KojbKi KaMaHëy hopt nepaKiHe npaa paKy, to BojaT aMy Haaaj yjBaa öojbm. Aj raTara caöpajaca cTojbKi KaMaHëy, mTo xanija naöyjaBanb napKBy.
OMaT najaHHay icHye npa HopTaBH cjajKi (KaMaHi-cjejaBiKi), (HopTay cryneHb y TajbmaHax AmMaHcKara, flaepayHoô ^aroöcKara paëHay i iHm.). npa KaMeHb HopTay cjej Kaja b. ByjaBimKi-SKyöaHnH Kaxynb, mTo y KaMeHi xHy hopt i ajaeKaBayca a npaxojaaHHx MiMa jrojaeö. Y najaHHi npa KaMeHb Kaja b. PacajbmHHaHa IyeycKara paëHa ^irypye j'aöaj. Ëh naKiHyy Ha KaMeHi cjej, Kaji npapoK Ijja raay aro a saMji.
HacTa hopt BHcTynae y aKacni Kpayna ni mayna. AjjrocTpaBaHHeM aaHHHinKix cBaTay jaömji ja Hac najaHHi npa thh KaMaHi, Kaja aKix HiÖHTa aöipajica Hapni i TaHbHHji, a y noyHaH Hyjica nicK i rpyKaT. TaK, npa KaMeHb HopTaBH jyHKi Ha rpojseHmHHHe raBopHnna, mTo TaM y noyHaH aöipajica Hapni i KaTaji na aMKax KaMeHbHHKi. Y najaHHi npa KaMeHb Kaja B.Bajen TjHÖonKara paëHa hopt TaHbHHy i aj aro naTaK aacTajica jaipKi.
D,iKaBae najaHHe npa KaMeHb a ajTyjiHaö Kaja b. XyKayKa BijeöcKara paëHa. naKyjb hopt ÖHy MajajHM, to Maja jyMay npa cBaro racnajapKy, a naj cTapacnb híxto He aaxaney aro KapMinb i npHËmjoca aMy caMoMy ajaÖHBanb exy. 3paöiy ëH a KaMeHa
50
3pncm ÄnyKoy, ÂWKcaHdp Kapaßauay, ÄwdMua ffynuu,, Sdeapd 3aÜKoycKi, Baßepuü BinaKypay
xopHbi i naK^ay ix Ha bos. y papóse KOHb CTaMiycH i He Mor öo^bm nHraynb bos. Hopt nanay öinb kshh i toh CKiHyy KaMeHb y KaHaBy.
Ëcnb KaMHHi s HaseaM i Eomu aôo Ceamu KaMeHb (BëCKi flyÖHiKi .HroöaHCKara, KpaMHHen ^aroöCKara paëHay).
®oto 4: BinaKvpaBa B. — ^opmay KaMeHb pamuHcKi
fla 6bmbix HSbIHHinKix CBHTbIHb aflHOCHnna i mbipOKa BHflOMblH EapUcaeU KaMHHi
s HaflnicaMi XII ct. Bh^omh 7 noMHixay s tskoh HasBaö. ^hh Maronb xapaKTapHbiH bhhbh Kpbixa i Haflnicbi THny 'Tocnofli, noMOsi paöy CBoeMy Bopncy". nHnb TaKix KaMHHëy SHaxoflSHnna y pOTbimnbi 3axoflHHH ^sbíhh (aflsiH kmh no^anxa, tph kmh r.flsicHbi, aflsiH y r.n.flpyi) i flBa Ha BOflanaflse^e flHHnpa i 3axoflHHH ^sbíhh kmh BëCaK flsflxnaBa ApmaHCKara (T.1: 23) i Bhcokí rapaflsen CeHHeHCKara paëHay. AflsiH s BapbiCaBbix KaMHHëy (Cy^iöop Xpacr), mTO öby kmh flsicHbi, y KaHnbi MiHy^ara CTaroflflSH nepaßeflseHH y MacKBy i sapas SHaxoflsinna y Mysei-sanaBeflHixy "Ka^OMeHCKae". KaMeHb, mTO mxay kmh b. naflKacne^bnbi (T.1: 1), y 1981 r. nepaBeseHH fla Ca^iftcxara caöopa y no^anxy. flpyHCKi KaMeHb (T.1: 3) sapas noyHacnro naKpbiTbi BaflOH (Bycne p. flpyHKi npbi ynaflseHHi He y 3axoflHroro flsBiHy). Actsthíh BapHcaBH ksmhhí 6bmi SHimnaHH.
KpwnTareHHbia Ba^vHM — oTa aö'eKTH, hkíh naxynb mTO Hembra s ynayHeHacnro aflHecni fla HKora-HeöyflSb s BbimataasBaHbix K^acay. fla KpbinTareHHbix aflHeceHbi BänyHH S BHeMKaMi pOSHSH ^OpMbl, HMKaMi, HepaCmbl^paBSHblMi Ma^MHKaMi, SHaKaMi, HaflnicaMi.
Bayu s eueMKaMi i hmkümí sa^iKcaBaHbi y Bëcxax BoyKaymnbrna i BepTaymnbrna Miëpcxara (T.1: 7), MaxipaBa no^anxara (T.1: 10), na^amxi BayxaBHCKara (flseBa B^roflac), AcaBen ^roöaHCKara, Bornwa CM&raBinKara (T.1: 42), ^eöeflseBa
KynbTaBbifl KaMHHi Beiapyci
MananaenaHcKara (T.1: 33), Baiem r.biöomKara (T.1: 9), Bhiíhkí i KanTapyHH nacTaycKara paëHay (T.1: 14) i iHm. na^aHHi a6 ix caMbia paaHacTaftHbia. HacTKa TaKix aö'eKTay Moxa 6bimb aBaaaHa a KyibTaM npoflKay.
<I)oto 5: l?iii;ikvp;iß;i B. <I). — ?opmaeu ncopnu ömouejibCKin
Baßymi s ebicenamiMi Ha ix sazadmebmi MaßWHKaMi a^aHanaHH Ba yponbimnbi Manyiimw Ha Biiii, Kaia B.AibmaBa naöiiay Boa. CBip, BëcaK CTaÖKi ^aroöcKara (T.1: 36), nHeymHbiHa TopamKara (T.1: 25), MamnoHaBa nyxaBimKara (T.1: 46), .ffincK ,D,oKmbmKara (T.1: 18), BepaBaa Ciayrapa^cKara paëHay. y b. OaööaKi Ony^bmcKara paëHa (T.1: 54) 6biy KaMeHb a BbiaBaö raiaBbi naiaBeKa, raiaBbi KaHH, lyKa, cTpaibi i HeÖKi Ha^nic. naflaHHe raBopbimb, mTo oth noMHiK ycTaHoyieHbi y roHap nepaMori KHsas 9pflBi.a Hafl naiKaBoflmaM xaHa BaTbia fflaööaKaM y 1242 r.
Capofl KaMHHëy a HaflnicaMi miKaBacmb ysyiae KaMeHb, aHoöflaeHbi y 1977 r. npbi pacnbicTmbi nayflHëBaô cmaHbi y noiamKiM Ca^iftcKÍM caöopbi. Ha ím HeKaibKi Haflnicay poaHara nacy. Boibmacmb a ix — yiacHbia iMëHH [3, c. 7—12].
KyjbTaBbia Bbipaóbi 3 BajyHoy (II Tbin)
T3th ran Ky.bTaBHx KaMHHëy yKironae KyibTaBbia aöy^aBaHHi a BaiyHoy, iflaibi i
KaMeHHHH KpblXbl.
KyjbTaB^ia 3Ôy^aBaHHi 3 BajyHoy y cBaio napry naflaajiaromia Ha naxaBajibHbiH aöy^aBaHHi, Kanimw i KyibTaBbia öy^biHKi a BaiyHoy.
Ma naxaeaMHbix sôydaeaHHny aflHocamma rpyHTOBbia Mariibi nacoy anoxi öpoHabi i xaieaHara BeKy a KaMHHHMi, BbiKia^aeHbiMi y Bbiriaflae HeBHiiKix cKpbiHay, KaMeHHHH KypraHbi, KaMeHHbia Mariibi i HaflMariiii poaHbix nacoy. KaMeHHbia KypraHbi yaynaromb
52
3pncm HnyKoy, AnaKcaHdp Kapa6anay, MwdMiaa ffynuu,, Sdeapd 3auKoycKi, Baiepbtu BinaKypay
caöon aöynaBaHHi, naiKaM cKianaeHbia a KaMaHëy ni yaBenaeHbia a KaMaHëy i aaMii. 3BHHaÖHa BHmHHH TaKix KypraHoy 0,5—0,8 m. HambipaHbi hhh y BepxHiM i CapanHeM naHHMoHHi, capanHeM nanaHHi 3axonHara Byra. TaKia noMHiri naTyonna KaHnoM I — nanaTKaM II Tbicanaronnaay. BbiöpyKoym aöo arpanKi a KaMaHëy cycrpaKaronna i y aeMiaHbix KypraHax.
®oto 6: 3flBapa 3aHKoycKH — Kyjibmaeu KajeHb s HMKaMi kœjh eëcKU famosa IÄudcKaia paëHa
KaMeHHbia Marijibi BbiaHanaronna HaayHacnro KaMeHHbix BbiöpyKoBaK y anaiH ni flBa panbi Han MariiaMi i naTyonna X—XVII ctct. AcHoyHaa KoibKacnb KaMeHHHx MoriibHiKay aHaxonainna Ha Tapbrropbii TponaeHcKan Boöiacni. AnaiHKaBbia noMHiKi ëcnb y BpacnKan, BineöcKan i MrncKan aöiacnax i Ha naynHëBbiM ycxonae ^ítbh. y Haponae TaKia noMHiKi BanoMbi nan HaaBaMi TaTapcKia Mariibi, fflBencria Mariibi, naraHcKia Mariibi, BaapcKia Mariibi i iHm. HaaHen KaMeHHbia Mariibi nepaxonaanb y rpyHTOBbia Mariib a KaMaHaMi ToibKi y raiaBax i Harax, ni Mariibi a KaMeHHbiMi KpbixaMi. naaHenm^iH HanMariibHbia KaMeHHbia aöynaBaHHi npancTayieHbi TaKcaMa noMHiKaMi, apoöieHbMi a BaiyHoy y Bbirianae npay a aöcenaHbiMi raiiHKaMi, a TaKcaMa naxaBaibHbia cKienbi, cKianaeHbia a BaiyHoy, i BaiyHHbia araponxbi MoriiaK. ricTapbHHyo niKaBacnb yayiaronb TaKcaMa HanMariiii Ha crapbix aypancrnx i TaTapcKix MoriiKax. HeKaTopba TaTapcKia Mariibi Maronb amna aÖKianK a BaiyHoy.
Kanirnnu s cacrayieHbix BaiyHoy icHaBaii Kaia BëcaK D,ëTna ymanKara (T.l: 11) i BoyKaymHbiHa MiëpcKara paëHay (T.l: 7). HeKaTopbia KoMnieKcb BaiyHoy BbiKapbicToyBaiica y aKacni cTapaxbiTHbix acTpaHaMiHHbix aöcepBaTopbin. Hanöoibm BanoMb öeiapycm CmoyHxeHdw Ha öepaae .SHaBa Boaepa Kaia B.BiKynbHWbi y HoianKiM paëHe (T.l: 12), naöynaBaHbi a HeKaibKix BaiyHoy, aKia BbiKianaeHbi y ^opMe iirapbi "n". Koxhh 6ok ^irypbi Mey nayxbrnro Kaia 15 m i 6biy apbieHTaBaHbi Ha nayHonHbi
53
KynbTaBbia KaMAHi Eenapyci
3axan — Ha Mecya 3axony coHya y MOMaHT coHya3BapoTy. TaKaa na6ynoBa xyrnafi 3a yce npH3Hananaca nna cBHTKaBaHHH neTHara coHyacTaaHHH i 3'flynanacfl KanimnaM.
MaKyMma euxöyduHKa y seaayHo y anHocayya MHoria xpaMH, 3BaHiybi i Kanniybi.
I^ajw (ctoam). na apxeanariHHbix i nicbMoBHx KpbiHiyax BanoMa, mTo Bbipa6 MaHyMeHTanbHafi cKynbmypbi Ba YcxonHafi Eypone pacnaycronxaHbi y acHoyHbiM 3 III— IV na XII—XIII ctct. Bhhbh pa6inica y roHap naMepnbix npaBanbipoy. nacna npbiHflyya xpbicyiaHcTBa npaynaHbix inanay cnanbBani, a KaMeHHHx pa36iBani, cKinBani y paKi, a3epH, öanoTH. 3acTynHiKi crapofi Bepbi nacTa 3aKonBani cBaix KyMipay. 3 uaraM nacy yapKBa cTana öonbm yapniMa anHociyya na H3biHHiyTBa, i paHefi 3BeprHyTHx inanay nanani craBiyb Ha pocraHax, y Kanniyax 3aMecT xpbicyiaHcKix cbhthx a6o Ha MorinKax: BecKi YnbHHaBiHH CeHHeHcKara (T.1: 19), 3any33e Xa6iHKaycKara (T.1: 74), Ani3apaB«bi PanbiyKara (T.1: 50), EoriHa EpacnaycKara paeHay (T.1: 6). Capon inanay, 3Hofin3eHHx y Eenapyci (6onbm 3a 30), MoxHa BbinyHbiyb acoÖHun KüMemun zaaoeu (Kana 10), hkw ycTaynanica y npaynaHbia yi KaMeHHbia nacTaMeHTH - r.CnoHHM [18] (T.1: 63), B.AcrpaMenaBa EpacyKara paeHa (T.1: 72), r.OKnoy [16, c. 66] (T.1: 24), na yaH3HHro paK Cnynbi, Eapa3iHbi i npbinayi, D,ap flaBbin Ha HapBeHmnbme, i $izypu. Capon ^irypHHx inanay ecyb Bbipa3HbiH HanaBeKananoÖHbia (B.EoriHa EpacnaycKara paeHa) i y po3Hafi cTyneHi cTbini3aBaHbiH ^opMbi: B.3any33e Xa6iHKaycKara paeHa, ^enenb (T.1: 16), Hanni Kana EpacTa, BecKi roxHaBiHbi CnoHiMcKara, XoxaBa Manan3enaHcKara (T.1: 34), Ani3apaBiHbi PanbiyKara, flayriHaBa BineficKara (T.1: 27), EyybKi npyxaHcKara (T.1: 71) paeHay i iHm.
KaMeHHwa Kpbi^bi cTani 3'aynayya 3 pacnaycronxBaHHeM xpbicyiHHcTBa i y nepmbia nacbi cTaBinica Ha Mecyax 3HimnaHbix H3biHHiyKix Kanimnay, Kana BanaeMay y roHap xpbimnaHHfl, npbi öynaymyTBe xpaMay hk a6apari an Boparay i aninaMifi Ha pocTaHax yi na Kpaax BecaK i rapanoy. na3Hefi Kpbixbi nanani cTaBiyb Ha MorinKax. na npbi3HanaHHro Bbinynaroyya MeMapunabHun (naMnmHun) KaMeHHun Kpuwu - TypaycKia Kpbixbi, BecKi CoKapaBa EemaHKoBiyKara (T.1: 17), ^phcbath EpacnaycKara (T.1: 5), r.n. 3acnaynb MiHcKara (T.1: 37), Hennbi npyxaHcKara (T.1: 68) paeHay, aönpszi -r.MiHcK (T.1: 38, 40), BecKi nyneniHbi EapbicaycKara, rpa6ayybi Xa6iHKaycKara, nnica TnHÖoyKara paeHay i HadMaziabHun Kpuwu : BecKi Binbna XbiTKaBiyKara (T.1: 51), Orpaxa KipaycKara (T.1: 45), BhyHiHbi (T.1: 28) i Cna6ana floKmbiyKara, nepaBo3 i Ea6pyfimHHHa TnHÖoyKara (T.1: 15) paeHay.
TaKiM HHHaM, KynbTaBHH BanyHH mnpoKa pacnaycronxaHbi Ha TapHTopni Eenapyci. ^hh npancTayneHbi po3HHMi THnaMi, KnacaMi, BinaMi. BbrnynaHHe raTafi anMeTHafi rpynb noMHiKay na3Banae rnHÖefi 3pa3yMeyb aca6niBacyi KynbTypb i ricTapbiHHara MiHynara.
54
3pncm HnyKoy, AnaKcaHdp Kapa6anay, MwdMiaa ffynuu,, Sdeapd 3auKoycKi, Baiepbtu BinaKypay
Cnac jiTapaTypw
1.	BenapycKi apxiy. T. Ill: MeHCKia aKTH. MeHCK, 1930.
2.	BorflaHOBHH A.E. nepexmxH ^peBHero MHpoco3epnaHHH y 6enopycoB. TpoflHO, 1895.
3.	BynKHH B.A., PoxaecTBeHCKaa T.B. Ha^nncb Ha KaMHe H3 nononKoro Co^HHCKoro
co6opa // naMHTHHKH KynbTypbi: HoBHe otkphthh. Exero^HHK. 1982. 1984. C. 7-12.
4.	HcTopHKo-ropHflmecKHe MaTepnanbi. BHn. 22. 1891; Bbin. 25. 1894; BHn. 26. 1895.
5.	Ko3noB B.n. KonyM6bi pocchhckhx apeBHocreft. M., 1981.
6.	KycTHHcKHH M.O. Haarpo6HHH KaMeHb Ha^ naBmHMH b cpaxeHHH b 1568 ro^y,
HaftfleHHHH b ^ene^bcKoM ye3^e BHTe6cKoft ry6epHHH // ^peBHocm. T. IV. M., 1874.
7.	^ereHflb i na^aHHi. Mh., 1983.
8.	^ayKoy 9.A. MayKniBbH cBe^Ki MiHyymHbiHbi. Mh., 1992.
9.	ManemKa M. KaMeHb y BepaBaHHHx i na^aHHax 6enapycay // 3anicKi a^^eny
ryMaHiTapHbx HaByK. kh. 4: npanbi Ka^e^pb 3THarpa^ii. T. 1. MeHcK, 1928.
10.	noKpoBcKHft O.B. ApxeonoranecKaa KapTa BnneHcKoft ry6epHHH. BnnbHa, 1893.
11.	noKpoBcKHft O.B. ApxeonoranecKaa KapTa TpoflHeHcKoft ry6epHHH // Tpy^bi IX
ApxeonornnecKoro cbe3fla b BnnbHe. T. 1. M., 1895.
12.	nyTeBbe 3aMeTKH cronbHHKa n.A.ToncToro o MorHneBcKoft ry6epHHH b 1697—1699
rr. // C6ophhk craTeft "MorHneBcKHx ry6epHcKHx BenoMocTeft". Bbin. 1. 1898 h 1899. MornneB, 1900.
13.	Pacca^HH C.E. HeranaHHaa KHHra "(Eb^okhm PoMaHoBHH PoMaHoB). Apxeono-
rHnecKaa KapTa MorHneBcKoft ry6epHHH" // hctophh KHHra, khhxhoto nena h 6n6nHorpa^HH b BenopyccHH. Mh., 1986.
14.	ffla6nroK Banepbft. Oto Hi 3HaK, to ricTopbia // MacranTBa Benapyci. 1990. M 7.
15.	OeftH n.B. MaTepnanb ^na raynehhh 6brra h H3HKa pyccKoro HaceneHHH CeBepo-
3ana^Horo Kpaa. T. II. Cn6., 1893.
The Cult Stones in Belarus
I Ernst Liavkov j Aljaksandr Karabanav, Ljudmila Ducyc, Edvard Zajkovski, Valerij Vinakurav
Information about cult stones on the territory of Belarus can be found in the written sources dated as early as the sixteenth century. From the end of the 18th and especially by the turn of the 20th century the intellectuals paid attention to evidences of such kind.
Among the stones prominence is given to such types as: stones with footprints, stones for protection, officinal- and treasure-stones, petrified people and animals and others. The stones are known under the following names: God's footprint, the Holy stone, Volas, Dazhdzboh (Rain-God), Kapavishcha (Sanctuary), Forefather. The Stones-Tailors and Stones-Cobblers are characteristic of the territory of Belarus exclusively. According to the tradition, the Stones-Tailors sewed clothes, and the Stones-Cobblers made boots.
Even today people make sacrifice (money, flowers, apples) to many of the stones.
55
KynbTaBbia KaMflHi Benapyci
T.1: 1 - naflKacneibDb noianKy, 2 - KpacHaropKa BpaciaycKÍ, 3 - flpya BpaciaycKÍ, 4 - HypbiaBa MiëpcKi, 5 - ,n,pbicBSTbi BpaciaycKÍ, 6 - BoriHa BpaciaycKÍ, l - BoyxaymwHa MiëpcKi, 8 - CTapb narocT MiëpcKi, 9 - Baien TibiôoDxi, 10 - MaxipaBa noianxi, 11 - U,ëT^a ymanxi, 12 - BixyibHiw üoianKÍ, 13 - TopKÍ fflyMÍiÍHcKÍ, 14 - KanTapyHb nacTaycKÍ, 15 - BaôpyâmHbHa riböoDxi, 16 -.eneib, 1l - CoKapaBa BemaHKoBÍnKÍ, 18 - .incK ,D,oKmbiD;KÍ, 19 - yibAHaBÍw CeHHeHcKÍ, 20 -PacxoflHa CeHHeHcKÍ, 21 - BapoHÍHa CeHHeHcKÍ, 22 - Bbic. Taparen Taia^bmcKi, 23 - ^3flTiayxa ApmaHcKÍ, 24 - fflKioy, 25 - nHeymwHa ropanja, 26 - BaiaHximxi AcTpaBeuxi, 2l - ^ayrÍHaBa BiiencKÍ, 28 - Bnymw ^oKmbmxi, 29 - iKaHb BapbcaycKÍ, 30 - KpaBa CMaproHcKÍ, 31 - raibmaHbi AmMaHcKÍ, 32 - Pacaibmw3Ha IyeycKÍ, 33 - .e6efl3eBa Maiafl3enaHcKÍ, 34 - XoxaBa Maiafl3e^aHcKi, 35 - KpaMaHen .aroncKÍ, 36 - CTaHKÍ .aroncKÍ, 3l - 3aciayib Míhckí, 38 - Míhck, 39 - KpbixoyKa Míhckí, 40 - Míhck, 41 - Míhck, 42 - BoiMa CMaiaBÍnKÍ, 43 - napaxap nyxaBÍDxi, 44 - BbiKaBiw Bap33ÍHcKÍ, 45 - Grpaxa KípaycKi, 46 - MamromBa nyxaBÍDxi, 4l - KpbHKÍ AcinoBÍnKÍ, 48 - XypaBen AcinoBÍDRÍ, 49 - BaöpyäcK, 50 - ÁiÍ3apaBÍw PawnKÍ, 51 - Biib^a ^biTKaBÍnKÍ, 52 - Bepacrnna Ctoiíhckí, 53 - XbmoMia Tpofl3eHcKÍ, 54 - fflaäöaKi fflnyqbHcKÍ, 55
-	36iaHb .í^ckí, 56 - MíibKaBiw (MiibKaHoBÍw) HaBarpyacKÍ, 5l - CaHexbrnb HaBarpyacKÍ, 58
-	Taiayii ^3flTiaycKÍ, 59 - niaôaHayub MacToycKÍ, 60 - McniöaBa BayKaBbcKÍ, 61 - raibHKa BayKaBbcKÍ, 62 - ^3epayHoe Ciohímckí, 63 - Ciohhm, 64 - KynaymwHa KanbibcKi, 65 - Tpo3aBa KanbibcKÍ, 66 - Kyfl3ÍHaBÍw KanbibcKÍ, 6l - PaxaHb CiynKÍ, 68 - Henib npyxaHcKÍ, 69 -KÍBawrn npyxaHcKÍ, l0 - 3acÍMaBÍw npyxaHcKÍ, l1 - BynbKÍ npyxaHcKÍ, l2 - AcipaMe^aBa Bpacnxí, l3 - HaBiusaBiw KaMSHenKÍ, l4 - 3aiy33e XaóÍHKaycKÍ, l5 - .yKaBa Maiapbrnxi. (Uredništvo)
56
Ky.flbTaBbra jp3Bbi y Be^apyci
flwdMina ffynuu,

Trees represent a universal symbol in the mythological model of the world, a symbol that unites all spheres of the cosmos. Belorussians had a very extended tree cult, of which they tell legends even today. They were accustomed to offer gifts to the trees and to pray alongside them. They held oaks to be most sacred, particulary those that formed part of a sanctuary together with the spring and the cult stone. These oaks have conserved their names through to the present: Old Oak, Three-edge Oak, Perun's Oak, Deweitis, Sacred Oak, etc. Pine and linden trees were also greatly favored. There also exist legends concerning pear trees, poplar trees, birch trees and willow trees.
y 6enapycay KynbT .pay mbipoKa pacnaycro.xaHbi. MHoriM .paBaM naxnaHaroma amna i ceHHa. 3ro.Ha naBep'aM HeKaTopbia 3 ix Bano.aroib neKaBaft cinaft. Cbhthm .paBaM paHeft npbrnocini xne6 i conb, 3aropHyTbia y HbicTyro xanciiHKy. Ha raniHKi Bemani pynHixi. Cbhthm niHbmica HeKaTopbia 6opTHbia .paBbi. Pacnaycro.xaHbi 6bini naBep'i, mTo Kani .paBa py6aib, to 3 aro i.3e Kpoy, nyBaib cTorHbi, a Kani .paBa 3apbiniiib, to raTa npbiKMeTa Taro, mTo y iM nacaninaca nanaBenaa .yma, i Toft, xto py6iib .paBa, BbiMymae .ymy myKaib iHmbi npbiTynaK [HapHoBcKaa, 1818, c. 116—117; Eor.aHoBHH, 1895; HnKonbcKHft, 1929; 3eneHHH, 1933, c. 591—629].
Haft6onbmaft namaHaft Ba yce nacbi y 6enapycay KapbicTayca .y6. MHoria naKnoHHba .y6bi 3Haxo.3aiia Kana Kpbmii, KynbTaBbix KaMaHey. 3axaBanica Ha3Bbi KynbTaBbx .y6oy — BonaT, AcinaK, CBara ,D,y6, ,D,o6pbi ,D,y6, TpoxrpaHHbi ,D,y6, nepyHoy ,D,y6, CTapbi ,D,y6, CayKiH ,D,y6 i iHm. Ha TaKia Ha3Bbi Hacnainica 6onbm no3Hia, 3Ba3aHbia 3 ricTap^iHHbMi aco6aMi — BiTayTay ,D,y6, HananeoHaycKi ,D,y6, A.aMa MiiKeBra. TaK, BiTayTay 3ra.Baeiia y .aKyMeHie 3a 1627 ro. Hena.aneK a. B.npy.3iHbi, aKaa 3apa3 Ha TapbiTopbii EemaHKoBiiKara paeHa [HcTopHKo-ropn.HHecKHe..., Bbin. 22, c. 459]. y EemaHKoB«ax amna i 3apa3 nro.3i naKa3Baroib .y6, na. aKiM Hi6brra ca.3ey HananeoH [3aftKoycKi, 1995, c. 199]. na.o6Hbia na.aHHi icHyroib i npa a.3iH 3 .y6oy npbi .apo3e 3 TnbiBoKara y OapKaymnbrny.
npa KynbT .y6a acKpaBa cBe.naib 3Haxo.Ki 1869 ro.a Ha TapbiTopbii 6bmora EapbicaycKara ye3.y. y nece, y .ynne BenbMi cTapora .y6a canaHe 3Haftmni .Ba a3bramiKix i.anbi. A.3iH i.an 6biy 3 cepa6pa, a .pyri 3 6poH3bi [TbimKeBrn, 1865, c. 136—137].
na. Ha3Baft BonaT poc Ha Kanimnbi y MiHcKy, aKoe npaicHaBana Ha 6epa3e CBicnanb .a nanaTKy XX cTaro..3a. Ha raniHKi .paBa Bemani py^Hixi, a xany.bi 3 .y6a ninbinica cBaTbiMi [.HayKoy, 1992, c. 43—53]. XyTnaft 3a yce a. a3biHHiiKara Kanimna 3acTayca i CBara ,D,y6 y ropa.3e nacTaBbi, Ha 6epa3e paKi Ma.3enKi. ^mna y Ha.ayHia nacbi .y6y Hacini MaHera.
57
KynbTaBbia ipaBbi y Bejiapyci
Kaia ropaia AiHMaHbi (Ha nay3MejEKbi 3 .HítboH) y iece amna y nanaTKy XX cTaroii3a naKiaHaiica iy6y nai Ha3BaH flaBaHiic, mTO y nepaKiai3e 3 lÍToycKañ mobh a3Hanae "Boxbimna" [Phkob, 1914, c. 15]. fla HaiayHara nacy naKioHHHM 6biy i iy6 Kaia B.D,apKaBÍma YmaiiKara paeHa. 3-nai iy6a BbiiiaKaia Kpbrniiia, aKaa TaKcaMa iinbiiaca cbhtoh. BaioH 3 Kpbrniibi ianbiii Bonbi, a y iynio iy6a Kiaii niaTy 3a ianaHHe. Y 1923 roi3e nbipBoHaapMeHibi cnaiiii iy6, aie iroi3i npaiaraaii xai3iib Ha raTa Mecía i cKiaiaii axBapbi Ha a6rapaibi neHb [OnpocHHe ihcth, cnpaBa N 71, c. 194].
na6ii3y BecKi AiaibKaBinbi Ha CioHiMmnbme bH^omm bHií3hh iy6 Kaia KypraHoy. Y KaHibi XIX cTaroii3a 6biio iBa iy6bi, a arana paHeñ ix 6biio naTbipbi. fly6bi iinbiiica 3anapaBaHHMi i na naBep'ax Kaii 3py6iib TaKi iy6, ii HaBaT y3aib 3 aro raiiHKi, aiapBaHbia BeTpaM, to a6aBa3KoBa 3iapbima aKoe-He6yi3b Hamnacie — 3ioxHe KoHb, KapoBa ii aBenKa. PacKa3Baii, mTo aiHoHnbi apaHiaTap rpa^a 3aBimH cnyciiy iBa iy6bi i ai raTara y aro 3ioxia yca xbiBeia. flBa iy6bi, aKia 3acraiica, iroi3i aKpaniaii cBaToH BaioH i ix híxto He nanay [floBHap-3anoibcKHH, 1893, c. 422].
Amna y 20-a raibi XX cTaroii3a Kaia b. flycaymnbrna KanbiibcKara paeHa raBapbiii npa 3Meey fly6. naBoiie naiaHHa Kaiicbii 3 3axaiy Ha Ycxoi iaiey 3MeH i cey Ha ipaBa. fly6 pa3aM ca 3MeeM cnaiiii i Ha raTbiM Mecibi yTBapbiyca KypraH [OnpocHHe ihcth, cnpaBa N 73, c. 266].
na 3BecTKax Kpaa3Hayiay Ha 6epa3e paKi Bepa3iHH (flHanpoycKañ) Kaia B.XyKaBei ecib CBaTH fly6. 3apa3 ai aro 3acTayca ToibKi neHb. Ha neHb naiaymnbia Hocaib axBapH. Kaii 3a6iBaroib iaca ii aieHa, to Hacyib capia xbiBeibi, a Kaii mymKy — to HeKaibKi nep'ay.
Y	b. Míkoikí Y3i3eHcKara paeHa na naiaHHax nai iy6aM iaxbiib 3aiaTH cKapó, aKi 3aKanaii $paHiy3bi. Mecía nai iy6aM iinbima axBapHHM. TyT cTaBiii ipayiaHbia Kpbixbi [Kicaiey, 1994, c. 133—134].
fflMaTiiKia 3BecTKi a6 naKiaHeHHi cacHe. A6 raTHM 3raiBaroib HaBaT nicbMoBHa kphhíih XVII—XVIII ctct. TaK, Ha noiannbrne y 1618 r. Ha3HBaeiia "MapHHa cacHa", aKaa y toh nac yxo 6biia y aKacii naMexHañ ai3HaKi [Akth, 1878, c. 7]. Y iaKyMeHie 1623 roia raBopbima, ito Kaia BiieócKa Ha rapai3imnH pacie "raiamoBa CacHa" [Hctophko..., 1891, c. 495]. Ha naiecci y 1867 roi3e y iece 3a^kcaBaHa i3Be cacHH, naMix aKiMi 3po6ieHa nepaKiai3iHa i Ha eH Bicey 3boh [3peMHnb, 1867, c. 95—117]. na6ii3y mHpoKaBaioMara Cien-KaMeHa, ito iaxbiib Kaia BbiTOKay paKi Biiii, pacie cacHa, aKyro 3aByib — KyiiHa. CacHa KyiiHa, na naiaHHax, iinbima xoHKañ KaMeHa CianaHa [^ayKoy, 1992, c. 137—139]. na 3BecTKax MacioBara HaceibHiiTBa cacHy, aKaa pacie Ha KypraHe Kaia B.Y3panna ribióoiKara paeHa 3aByib OpaHiy3cKañ cacHoñ i iinaib, ito nai eH 3aKanaHH cKapÓH.
Y	KaHibi XIX cTaroii3a 6biio 3anicaHa naiaHHe npa cacHy Kaia B.Grapbma Ha CiynnHHe. 3roiHa 3 naiaHHeM, aiHaMy ceiaHiHy, xBopaMy Ha Bonbi, npHcHiiaca, ito Ka6 B^nenHma, eH naBiHeH noóan 3 cacHoñ nacraBiib Kp^ix. HaiaBeK raTa 3pa6iy i HiÓHTa B^nenHyca. fla raTaH cacHH Haciii ieH i rpomH [floBHap-3anoibcKHH, 1893, c. 422].
npa cochh Kaia 3aMKy y r. ^iia icHye HacTynHae naiaHHe. Kaiicbii croibi npbHmii i3eBaib MaHaxay-^paHiHcKaHiay 3 MaTaH npanaBeiBaHHa xpHciiaHcTBa. AiHaK MacioBHa xbixapbi He xaiaii npHMaib HoByro paiiriro. Ahh 3a6iii MiciaHepay i KiHyii ix y aMy Ha cxiie rapH Kaia ^iicKara 3aMKa. noTHM Ha raTHM MeciH BHpacii
58
flwdjuwa ffynbiu,
j3Be cacHbi. ^a Taro nacy HacejbmyTBa ropaja 3pa6ijaca yxo KaTojiKaMi i He nanaja cocHay. Aje ajHoftw xTocbyi ajceK rajiHKy i 3 ae BbicTynija Kpoy. 3 Tae napn HixTO He ajBaxBayca y3Hayb caKepy Ha raTbia jpaBbi [.HereHjbi..., 1983, c. 343].
y MiHynbiM cTarojj3i naKjoHHaa cacHa 3a^iKcaBaHa naMix BëcKaMi MapBiHH i D,iMamKeBiHbi Ha ApmaHmnbme [MaKcHMoB, 1876, c. 135]. BajoMbi TaKcaMa ^aKT, mTo amna ja HajayHara nacy y ajTyjiHy ajHoft 3 Tpox cTapbix cocHay Kajia ôajioTa na6jii3y BëcKi fflapmyHH y HaBaKojji PajamKoBray Majaj3enaHcKara paëHa Kijaji rpombi. npa r3Ta Mecya icHye najaHHe, mTo TyT npaBajijaca yapKBa.
BajiKaft nanyjapHacyro y ôejapycay KapbicTajaca jina, aKaa 3Ba3Bajaca 3 xaHonbiM ôocTBaM. Kaja r.BpacjaBa amna i cëHHa MoxHa nanyyb najaHHe, naBojje aKora nacja naxapy MaHacTHpa Ha BHcne Bo3epa Hecnim 3axaBayca TojbKi a6pa3 Boxaft Mam. nacja Taro ëH nacTa aô'ayjayca Ha jine, mTo pacye Ha ajHbiM 3 acTpaBoy.
Kajicby mbipoKa 6biji BajoMbi tph "jeKaBbia" jinbi Kaja b. KanjaHybi Bapa3iHcKara paëHa. noôan 3 iMi HaBaT HajajxBajica ^acra i KipMambi. noTbiM aj yjapy MajaHKi ajHa 3 jin 3rapaja, aje j3Be acTaTHia npayaraaji janbmb jroj3eft HananaTKy XX ct. ^ja raTara xBopaMy Tpaôa 6bijo npaje3byi npa3 j3ipKy y jpaBe. nacja ëH naBiHeH 6biy pa3apBayb Ha ca6e Tyro nacTKy aj3eHHa, aKaa jaKpaHajaca ja xBopara Mecya. Pa3apBaHyro aj3exy naKijaji Kaja jpaBa i anpaHaji HoBy. Toft, xto najôipay cTapoe aj3eHHe, na^bmay xBapayb [Koctko, 1906, c. 56].
fflMaT najaHHay 3Ba3aHa i 3 iHmbiMi jpaBaMi — i rpymaft, aciHaft, 6apo3aft, Bapôoft i iHm. Kaji Ha BpacjaymHbrne Boxaa May 3'aBijaca Ha jine, to y XbipoBmax (CjoHiMcKi paëH) jinbmya, mTo y 1470 roj3e Ha rpymbi 3'aBijaca Barapoj3iya [MecTenKo, 1880, c. 424]. Tpyma, y aKyro 6biy nepaTBopaHH KoHb, ^irypye y najaHHi npa KyjbTaBbi KaMeHb 3 BbiôiTbiMi TpbiMa KpbixaMi Kaja b. 36jaHbi .HijcKara paëHa. PacKa3Baroyb, mTo y KaMeHb 6biji nepaTBopaHH jBa Bacejja. Ajho 3 ix HaKipoyBajaca y yapKBy, a jpyroe BapTajaca aj BaHya. 3a Toe, mTo anomHae, aKoe aTpbiMaja ÔjaracjayjeHHe, ycTynija japory nepmaMy, Majajbia i Kynap 6bmi nepaTBopaHbi y KaMeHb, a KoHb — y rpymy [noKpoBcKHft, 1893, c. 98].
nayHaa Mecya y BepaBaHHax ôejapycay 3aftMae aciHa. flja aôapoHbi aj Bej3bMbi, aKaa BbijoftBae y Kapoy MajaKo, KapbicTaroyya aciHaBbiMi rajiHKaMi. y cTapaxbiTHacm Ha aciHaBbix Boraimnax cnajbBaji KajjyHoy. AciHaBbi koj yôiBaji y cniHy ynbipa, Ka6 ëH He najHayca 3 rpoôa. 3Haxapbi aciHaBbiMi naja^KaMi janbiji 3y6bi, npbiKjajaroHbi ix ja 3y6oy i iHm. [HBaH Kynaja..., 1891, c. 150—192].
,n«bmya, mTo aj Ha3Bbi jpaBa "aciHa" aTpbiMaja Ha3By BëcKa AciHrapajoK Ha nacTaymnbHe. TyT 3axaBajaca cTapaxbiTHae rapaj3imna. y najaHHi npa aro raBopbmya, mTo naj nac mBejcKaft HaBajb TaM cTaaja BoftcKa. Pa3BejKa jaHecja, mTo mBejbi ijyyb aj BëcKi CapoKi, i Tajbi nanaji npaBiyb iMmy, a a6pa3 naBeciji Ha aciHe. Aje He nacneji cKoHHbyb iMmy, aK najbftmji mBejb. ^roj3i KiHyjica y ôoftKy, ajôiji mBejay i narHajica 3a iMi, a a6pa3 TaK i 3acTayca Ha aciHe. na3Heft Ha othm Mecybi naôyjaBaji naKpoycKyro yapKBy i 3Macyiji y ëft yyjaTBopHbi a6pa3 aKi cTay Ha3bBayya AciHrapajoyKiM a6pa3aM [^ereHjb, 1983, c. 248].
3 KyjbTaM 6apo3b 3Ba3aHa cBaTa CëMyxa (Tpoftya), aKoe aj3Hanaeyya nacja 3aBapmaHHa BecHaBbx npay. Bapo3KaMi ynpbiroxBaroyb noKyyb y xaye, cTaBayb ix Kaja BapoTay. HenajajëK aj Bo3epa fflaBiHa Ha nojanHbHe y XIX cTarojj3i MacyoBba xbxapb B^uynaji j3Be cBaTba 6apo3b [BapmnaycKi, 1990, c. 14].
59
KynbTaBbia npsBbi y Benapyci
TaKiM HbrnaM, caKpajibHHH np3BH 3aÖMajii 3HaHHae Mecna y nyxoyHaö KynbTypbi öenapycay. AnranocKi KynbTy npay 3axaBanica na Hamara nacy.
Cnic ^ÏTapaTypw
1.	AKTH BHneHcKoö Apxeorpa^HHecKoö KOMHCCHH. T. IX. BHnbHa, 1878.
2.	BapmnaycKÍ ^h. fflnaxnin 3aBanbHH a6o Benapycb y ^aHTacTbiHHbix anaBanaHHax.
MH., 1990.
3.	Bor^aHoBHH A.E. nepexHTKH npeBHero MHpoco3epnaHHH y öenopycoB. TponHo, 1895.
4.	^oBHap-3anonbcKHH M. 3aMeTKH no 3THorpa^HH öenopycoB // ^HBaa cTapHHa. Bbin.
III. 1893.
5.	3aÖKoycKi 9. Benapycbi Benani cBaix repoay // Cnan^brna. 1995. M 2. C. 193-200.
6.	3eneHHH ^.K. ToTeMHCTHnecKHH KynbT nepeBbeB y pyccKHx h öenopycoB // H3BecTHH
AH CCCP. OT.eneHHe oö^ecTBeHHbix HayK. 1933. M 8. C. 591-629.
7.	HBaH Kynana (b n. Yrnax CnynKoro ye3na Mhhckoh ryöepHHH) // 3THorpa$mecKoe
o6o3peHHe. 1891. M 4. C. 150-192.
8.	HcTopHKo-ropHnHnecKHe MaTepHanbi. Bbin. 21. BHTeöcK, 1891.
9.	HcTopHKo-ropHnHHecKHe MaTepHanbi. Bbin. 22. BHTeöcK, 1891.
10.	Kicanëy Y.M. nynaBmaMi HanHHMoHHa. Mh., 1994.
11.	Koctko B. D,eneÖHbie nepeBba b BenopyccHH // ^maa cTapHHa. Bbin. III. 1906.
12.	.ereHnbi i nanaHHi. Mh., 1983.
13.	.ayKoy 9.A. MayKniBbia cBenKi MiHyymHbiHbi. MH., 1992.
14.	MaKcHMoB C.B. OÖHTenb H xHTenb (OnepKH nonecba) // ^peBHaa H HoBaa POCCHH.
Cnö., 1876.
15.	MecTeHKo XnpoBHnH h ero nocTonpHMenaTenbHocTH // .HToBcKHe EnapxnanbHbie
BenoMocTH. 1880. M 49.
16.	HHKonbcKHH H.M. ^oxpHcTHaHcKHe BepoBaHHH H KynbTH nHenpoBcKHx cnaBHH. M.,
1929.
17.	OnpocHHe nHCTbi 1924 rona no MHHcKoMy h BopHcoBcKoMy ye3naM // Apxiy
ann3enay apxeanorii IHcTHTyTa ricTopbii HAH PB. CnpaBa M 71.
18.	OnpocHHe nHCTbi 1924 rona no CnynKoMy ye3ny // Apxiy ann3enay apxeanorii
IHcTHTyTa ricTopbii HAH PB. CnpaBa M 73.
19.	Hokpobckhh O.B. ApxeonorHHecKaa KapTa BHneHcKoö ryöepHHH. BHnbHa, 1893.
20.	Phkob n.C. PacKonKH b OmMHHcKoM ye3ne BnneHcKoô ryöepHHH. BHnbHa, 1914.
21.	TbmKeBHH K. O KypraHax b .HTBe h 3ananHoö PycH. BHnbHa, 1865.
22.	HepHoBcKaa MapHH. OcTaTKH cnaBHHcKoro öacHocnoBHa b BenopyccHH // BecTHHK
EBponbi. 1818. M 21-24. C. 116-117.
23.	9peMHHb HBaH. OnepKH öenopyccKoro nonecba // BecTHHK 3ananHoö Pocchh. Ton.
V. 1867. C. 95-117.
60
flmÖMwa ßynbiu,
Die Kultbäume in Weissrußland
Ducyc Ljudmila
Der Baum stellt in dem mythologischen Modelle der Welt ein Uniwersalsymbol dar, der alle Sphären des Kosmos vereint. Die Weissrussen hatten einen weit ausgedehnten Kult der Bäume. Noch heute werden diesbezügliche Sagen erzählt. Den Bäumen wurden die Öpfer gebracht, neben ihnen wurde gebetet. Die größte Verehrung wurde solchen Eichen gewidmet, die im Zusammenhang mit einer Quelle und einem Kultstein ein Heiligtum bildeten. Bis zu unserer Zeit blieben die Namen der Eichen — Alte Eiche, Dreikantige Eiche, Perunische Eiche, Deweitis, Heilige Eiche etc. — erhalten. In hohem Ansehen stehen auch die Kiefern (Haljaschowische Kiefer, Marynische Kiefer, Französische Kiefer, Kulina) und die Linden. Es gibt auch mit einem Birnbaum, einer Espe, einer Birke, einer Weide verbindende Sagen.
61
Etnografía umanistica ne L'epistola sulla religione ed i sacrifici degli antichi prussiani di Jan Sandecki Malecki (Meletius)
Lorenzo Pompeo
The author publishes a selection of excerpts from the work of Ionannes Meletius from the third decade of the sixteenth century. These excerpts address pagan customs concerning the harvest in the region comprising present-day Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Belarus and the Ukraine. They are followed by a description of a goat sacrifice that may be related to the spring fertility cult. Customs carried out on the day of St. George (23 April), when gifts were offered to Pergrubius, the god of plants and seeds, are also depicted. The funeral rituals are described in greatest detail, rituals that are considered to have been experienced first-hand by Meletius. They are recorded in the dialect spoken in the region between Poland and the Ukraine, Meletius' native land. These rituals prove that the Slavs believed in existence after death. There is a surprising accordance between the accounts recorded by Meletius and the reports of later ethnographic sources analyzing the same region.
L'epistola di Jan Sandecki Malecki (latinizzato Ionannes Meletius), rappresenta senza dubbio una delle fonti piü antiche e piü interessanti sul folklore, sulle credenze e sui riti pagani in tutta quella area geografica che comprende quei territori orientali della corona polacca, attualmente Lituania, Lettonia, Bielorussia e Ucraina. Anche se non tutti i dati riportati in questa opera sono degni di fede, in ogni caso essa appare un'importante testimonianza di un interesse di carattere "protoetnografico" nei confronti delle etnie comprese nella Rzeczpospolita polacco-lituana. Infatti una buona parte delle notizie riportate dall'autore risulta il frutto di una sua conoscenza personale.
Jan Malecki, noto nella versione latinizzata di Meletius, nacque a S^cz nel primo decennio del XVI secolo, in una zona di confine attualmente abitata dai Lemki, una delle comunita rutene piu occidentali. La sua era una modesta famiglia borghese. Non sappiamo se studio all'Universitá di Cracovia; di sicuro sappiamo che era in contatto con la vita culturale dell'allora capitale del Regno polacco. Fu protagonista del processo di affermazione della lingua polacca insieme alle figure di Biernat da Lublino, autore del primo libro stampato in polacco, Raj duszny, che usci nel 1513, e ad altri autori dei primi libri stampati in polacco (per lo piü apocrifi e letteratura popolare) come Jan da Koszyczek
0	Baltazar Opec. Lo stesso Malecki infatti, a partire dagli anni venti, fu membro dell'arte dei tipografi, lavorando prima nella tipografía di Ungler (dove era stato pubblicato il citato primo libro in polacco). Il suo nome comparve nel colofone dell'edizione di una versione di Baltazar Opec dello pseudo-Bonaventura, Zywot Pana Jezu Krysta del 1522, del quale Malecki fu redattore. Nel 1525 apri una propria tipografía ed un punto vendita dei suoi libri sulla Ulica Floriañska, a Cracovia, ma l'impresa non ebbe fortuna e dovette presto chiudere
1	battenti. Nel 1530 apri una tipografía presso la residenza estiva dell'arcivescovo Andrzej
63
Etnografía umanistica ne L'epistola sulla religione ed i sacrifici degli antichiprussiani di Jan Sandecki Malecki
Krzycki a Puitusk, ma qualche anno dopo l'arcivescovo verra eletto primate di Polonia e Meletius, passato alla confessione luterana, nel 1537 divenne pastore luterano a Elk, in Prussia. Ma alcune sue omelie non troppo conformi al credo luterano gli attirarono le ire del principe prussiano, il quale costrinse Malecki ad abbandonare la Prussia. Fu in questo periodo che scrisse alcune importanti opere sulle religioni e sulle credenze pagane, come la Epistola de sacrificiis et idolatria vetrum Borussorum, Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium, scritta in forma di epistola indirizzata all'umanista e rettore dell'universitá di Konigsberg Jerzy Sabino (Giorgius Sabinus) e pubblicata per la prima volta nell'opera di Horner Livoniae historia nel 1551. Questa epistola fu ristampata piü volte nel corso del XVI e XVII secolo. Jan £asicki la incluse nella sua De russorum, moscovitarum et Tartarorum religione, sacrificiis, nuptiarum, funerum ritu, del 1582; la cito piü volte nella stessa opera e nella successiva De diis Samagitarum pubblicata del 1615, pubblicata in quest'occasione insieme al trattato di un tale Michalon Lituano (Michalon Litwin) De moribus Tartarorum, Lituanorum et Moschorum (il manoscritto di quest'ultima opera viene fatto risalire al 1550). L'epistola di Meletius-Malecki fu ristampata nell'epitome Respublica Moscovia et urbes del 1630. L'opera in questione costituisce quindi una delle piü antiche e piü importanti fonti per quanto riguarda l'ethnos dei popoli che facevano parte della Rzeczpospolita. Non solo le numerose ristampe, ma anche le citazioni di quasi tutte le opere successive che hanno toccato lo stesso argomento, testimoniano l'importanza dell'epistola.
Nel 1584 Sebastian Fabian Klonowic, figura di una certa importanza nel parnaso del rinascimento polacco, giá notaio a Lublino, pubblica un'opera singolare: un poema in distici latini sull'Ucraina occidentale che si intitola Roxolania. La relazione di Klonowic sui riti funebri ucraini certamente tiene conto e conferma le notizie riportate da Meletius.
Solo due anni prima del poema del notaio di Lublino, era uscita l'opera di Jan £asicki De russorum, moscovitarum et Tartarorum religione, sacrificiis, nuptiarum, funerum ritu, mentre l'opera del Guagnino Sarmatiae europeae descriptio, era stata pubblicata pochi anni prima, nel 1578 a Cracovia. Dalle date di pubblicazione delle opere in questione, che coprono un periodo di sei anni che va dal 1578 al 1584, possiamo rilevare la manifestazione di un interesse di carattere etnografico relativo ai territori e alle popolazioni della Rzeczpospolita. In questo ambito l'epistola di Meletius costitui una delle fonti piü frequentemente citate. Nella Kronikapolska, Litewska, Zmódzka i wszystkiej Rusi di Maciej Stryjkowski, scritta in polacco e pubblicata a Cracovia nel 1582, il quarto capitolo, che si intitola O starodawnych ceremoniach, albo raczej szaleñstwach Ruskich, Polskich, Zmodzkich, litewskich, Liflandskich i Pruskich obywatelów baiwochwalców i róznosc ich bogów fatszywych, e dedicato proprio alle credenze e ai riti dei popoli della Rzeczpospolita; tra le fonti di questo capitolo sicuramente possiamo annoverare anche la menzionata epistola. Infatti alla pagina 149 del reprint del 1846 della Kronika... di Stryjkowski, in relazione ai riti funebri, troviamo le stesse formule che il Meletius riportava nella sua epistola.
A sua volta l'opera in questione puo essere ricollegata ad una precedente trattato, che forni agli umanisti occidentali le prime notizie su una vasta area geografica compresa tra la Rzeczpospolita e la Moscovia: il Trattato delle due Sarmatie di Mattia da Miechów, stampato a Cracovia nel 1517, venne tradotto nel 1561 in italiano con il titolo: Historia delle due sarmatie tradotta per il signor Annibale Maggi bresciano; questa edizione e stata ristampata l'anno successivo e nel 1584. Venne ristampato nell'opera di Ramusio Delle navigazioni et viaggi nel 1606 e, successivamente, una stampa a parte dell'opera risale al
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1634. Tutte le edizioni del trattato apparvero a Venezia. Nel capitolo Della Lituania e Samogizia vi sono interessanti notizie sui culti Lituani dei serpenti e del fuoco, sui riti funebri e su un santuario pagano posto su una collina nei pressi del fiume Neviasza. L'autore del trattato, Mattia da Miechów soggiorno più volte in Italia e fu a Roma in occasione dell'Anno santo del 1500 e per questo paragona spesso i fiumi e le città descritte nel suo trattato a quelle italiani. L'interesse verso i popoli dell'Europa orientale era nata proprio nell'ambiente umanistico italiano, cosi come testimonia anche lo spunto dell'epistola in questione, ovvero l'elegia di Jerzy Sabinus, che non ci è pervenuta, indirizzata a Pietro Bembo, che avrebbe trattato di argomenti analoghi a quelli dell'opera in questione (sappiamo che il Sabinus, durante il suo soggiorno italiano, entro in contatto con il Bembo). Alla stessa epoca dell'epistola in questione, ovvero alla metà del XVI secolo, risalgono le epistole di Stanis3aw Orzechowski (Stanislav Orichovs'kyj all'ucraina, per tutti meglio noto come Orichovius Ruthenus) agli umanisti italiani Paolo Ramusio (1549), e Francesco Comendoni ( 1564), nelle quali l'autore forniva notizie di prima mano sulla sua "gens" ("gente rutheni, natione poloni" era solito scrivere a proposito della sua origine).
Non tutte le notizie che riporta Meletius nella sua epistola risultano esatte. Nella lista delle divinità dell'Olimpo pagano degli antichi prussiani sono citati alcuni nomi che non hanno trovato riscontro. Il Bruckner, nel suo studio Mitologia slava (trad. it. pubblicato a Bologna nel 1923 dell'orig. Mitologia siowianska, Kraków 1918) ha dimostrato che non fu il Meletius ma la sua fonte la causa dell'errore, ovvero l'Agenda prussiana di Speratus e Polenz, del 1530, in cui è contenuto un "canone" degli dei prussiani pieno di sviste ed errori dovuti alla scarsa conoscenza da parte degli autori della lingua locale.
Le notizie riportate da Meletius sui riti (sacrifici, riti nuziali e riti funebri) sono considerate invece del tutto attendibili. Molte sono le corrispondenze tra alcuni aspetti del folclore slavo-orientale ed i riti descritti nell'epistola. Alcuni riti legati al ciclo delle stagioni e del raccolto sono descritti da Meletius quasi allo stesso modo di quanto riportano le fonti etnografiche ottocentesche, come ad esempio i riti legati alla mietitura, a proposito del quale egli scrive:
Similiter quando jam segetes sunt maturae, rustici in agris ad sacrificium congregantur, quod lingua Ruthenica Zazinek vocatur, id est initium messis. Hoc sacro peracto, unus ex multitudinis electus, messem auspicatur, manipulo demesso, quem domum adfert. Postridie omnes primo illius domestici, deinde caeteri quicumque volunt, messem faciunt. Facta autem messe, solenne sacrificium gratiarum actione conficiunt, quod Ruthenica lingua Ozinek, id est, consumatio messis dicitur.
"Similmente quando le messi sono mature, i contadini si riuniscono nei campi per un sacrificio, chiamato in lingua ruthenica Zazinek; cioè l'inizio delle messi. Completato questo rito sacro, uno scelto tra la folla, allontanatosi dal gruppo, comincia la messe, che poi porta a casa. Il giorno dopo tutti i familiari di quello, e poi tutti quelli che vogliono, raccolgono le messi. Fatto il raccolto, fanno un altro sacrificio per gratitudine, che in lingua "ruthena" chiamano Ozynek, cioé raccolta delle messi."
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Vladimir Propp, nel suo studio sulle Feste agrarie russe (trad. it. pubblicata nel 1978 a Bari dell'or. Russkie agrarnje prazdniki, Leningrad 1963) nel cap V, dedicato al culto delle piante, riporta a p. 125 notizie sullo stesso rito riportato da Meletius. "L'inizio della mietitura si chiamava zazinek o zazinki ed era accompagnato da alcuni riti festivi. Il primo covone non veniva portato nel pagliaio, ma lo si portava solennemente in casa. Esso non era molto grande e veniva messo all'angolo di ingresso oppure sotto le immagini sacre e veniva decorato con ghirlande fatte di filoni o di spighe. (..) Non soltanto la parte iniziale, ma anche la parte finale della mietitura era accompagnata da azioni rituali. Un piccolo fascio di spighe non veniva affatto mietuto. Questo fascio non mietuto viene chiamato ovunque "barba". (..) L'abitudine di intreccio della "barba" a volte si accompagnava ad un'altra abitudine e precisamente al solenne trasporto dell'ultimo covone in casa. A differenza del primo covone che si chiama zazinocnyj, l'ultimo si chiama dozinocnyj. I riti concernenti questi due covoni sostanzialmente coincidono. L'ultimo covone si chiama anche imeninnik, esso veniva decorato e con nastri, fiori e ghirlande e cantando veniva portato nella casa del padrone"
Altrettanto interessanti sono le relazioni tra il sacrificio del capro riportato dal Meletius ed il significato della figura del capro nel folclore slavo-orientale. Nell'epistola a proposito leggiamo:
His Daemonibus invocatis, quotquot adsunt in horreo, omnes simul extollunt caprum, sublimemque tenent, donec canatur hymnus, quo finito, rursus demittunt ac sistunt caprum in terram. Tum sacrificulus admonet populum, ut solenne hoc sacrificium a maioribus pie institutum, summa cum veneratione faciant, eiusque memoriam religiose ad posteros confervent. Hac concinuncula ad populum habita, ipse mactat victimam sanguinemque patina exceptum, dispergit.
"Invocati questi demoni, tutti quelli che sono giunti nel granaio tutti insieme sollevano il capro e lo tengono in alto fino a che viene cantato un inno, finito il quale di nuovo lo abbassano e lo lasciano. Allora il sacerdote dei sacrifici ammonisce il popolo affinché questo solenne sacrificio, istituito piamente dagli antenati, facciano con somma venerazione, affinché la memoria di quello conservino religiosamente per i posteri. Fatto questo ammonimento presso il popolo, lo stesso sacerdote uccide la vittima e sparge il sangue che era raccolto in un piatto."
Sempre Propp, nel citato studio sulle feste agrarie russe, nel capitolo VII sulle feste e sui divertimenti, a proposito del travestimento natalizio e del corteo, scrive a p. 197: "La gente si mascherava da animali e a volte trascinava dietro di sé degli animali. Tra questi animali quello che richiama la nostra attenzione è la capra. (..) La capra è una delle maschere più arcaiche. La capra come maschera si trova più spesso in Ucraina e Bielorussia che nella Grande Russia. (..) Il corteo con la capra a volte accompagnava la processione dei Koljadanti. (..) Comincia la rappresentazione. Mentre gli altri cantano, la capra si muove. (..) La canzone dice che vogliono battere la capra. Alle parole Oj udaril kozynku uno della folla colpisce la capra tra le corna e rimane in terra fino a quando i cantanti non sono arrivati alle parole della canzone Zdorova ustala (vedi a proposito anche di Karskij, Belorusy, ocerki slovesnosti belorusskogoplemeni, Mosca 1916)."
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Questo corteo, che sembra essere proprio una parodia del sacrificio narrato nell'epistola del Meletius, era accompagnato dal seguente canto: "Gde koza chodit/ Tam žyto rodit,/gde koza chvostom,/ tam žyto kustom/ tam gde koza nogoju/ tam žyto kopoju/gde koza rogom/ tam žyto stogom}"
Altre fonti di carattere etnografico, come anche il testo di un intermezzo del capro di Chr. Jaščuržinskij, Roždestvenskaja intermedia (koza); pubblicato su "Kievskaja starina" nell'ottobre del 1898, cosi come il testo di una koljadka ucraina raccolta da Kostomarov nella provincia di Èernihiv che fa: "De koza chodyt', tam žyto rodyt'./ De ne buvaje, tam vyljahaje./ De koza tup tup,/ Tam žyto sim kup;/ De koza rogom, tam žyto stogom", mentre una ulteriore variante della stessa koljadka è stata raccolta da Stec'kyj in Volinia. L'abbondanza delle fonti a proposito di questa koljadka testimonia la diffusione di questo tema in Ucraina ed il valore che aveva la capra in relazione alla fecondità della terra, che doveva essere alle origini dell'intermezzo in questione.
L'interessante articolo di Radoslav Katičic Hoditi - roditi. Spuren der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus pubblicato sulla rivista "Wienerslawistisches Jahrbuch"nel n. 33 del 1987, riporta numerose varianti della citata Koljadka slavo-orientale relative all'area slavo-meridionale. In queste varianti al posto della capra, della koza, appare talvolta la figura di Jarylo/Jarila, ovvero Jurij/Egorij, ovvero S. Giorgio, mentre al posto della segala, žyto, più spesso in area meridionale appare il campo, polje, mentre il nesso hoditi-roditi è l'elemento che si conserva invariato. Queste varianti ci offrono quindi preziose indicazioni, innanzitutto relative ad un antico nesso tra il motivo della Koljadka e la festa di S. Giorgio e la capra, che poteva essere in ipotesi essa stessa in origine sacrificata per propiziare il raccolto, oppure poteva "rappresentare" quelle greggi portate al pascolo per la prima volta, secondo una antica tradizione ancora viva nelle campagne di quell'area geografica tra Russia, Polonia e Ucraina.
Le notizie che ci fornisce il Meletius sui sacrifici pagani nel giorno di S. Giorgio, ovvero il 23 aprile, ci offrono preziose informazioni che possiamo mettere in relazione con i canti ed i riti che tra gli slavi orientali erano eseguiti in occasione di questa festa e in onore di questo santo. Meletius scrive:
Die Georgii sacrificium facere solent Pergrubio, qui florum plantarum, omniumque germinum Deus creditur. Huic Pergrubio sacrificant hoc modo. Sacrificulus, quem Vurchayten appellant, tenet dextra obbam cerevisiae pienam, invocatoque daemonii nomine, decantat illius laude: Tu (inquit) abigis hyemem, tu reducis amoenitatem veris: per te et horti virent per te memora et silvae frondent. Hac cantilena finita, dentibus apprehendens obbam, ebibit cerevisiam nulla adhibita manu:
1 Šein, Materialy dlja izučenija byta i jazyka russkogo naselenija severo-zapadnogo kraja, t. I, parte 1, p. 41, Sankt Petersburg 1887. Una variante dello stesso testo è riportato nel volume di Mychajlo Voznjak Počatok ukrajins'koji komediji, Leopoli 1919, alle pp. 8-9. Questa volta viene citata la località in cui è stato trascritto il testo: il villaggio di Kološivka nella provincia di Černihiv e la relativa fonte: Trudy Etnografičesko- statističeskoj Ekspedicij v zapadno-russkij Kraj, opera in cinque volumi a cura di P. Chubinskij (1872-1878); nel terzo tomo, pubblicato a S. Pietroburgo nel 1872, alle pp. 265-266, all'interno dell'articolo: Narodnyj dnevnik, izdannyjpod nabljudeniem djejstv. N. I. Kostomarova. Nella nota al testo nell'edizione a cura di Voznjak vengono riportati i dati bibliografici di una variante della Volinia, pubblicato nel I tomo della medesima raccolta di materiali da cui era tratta la variante riportata dall'autore, questa volta a cura di Stec'kyj, alle pp. 268-269.
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ipsamque obbam ita mordicus epotam retro supra caput jacit. quae cum ab terra sublata, iterumque impleta est, omnes quotquot adsunt ex ea bibunt ordine, atque in laudem Pergrubrij hymnum canunt. Postea epulantur tota die, et choreas ducunt.
"Il giorno di S. Giorgio di solito fanno un sacrificio a Pergrubrio che è ritenuto il dio dei fiori delle piante e di tutti i semi. A questo Pergrubrio fanno sacrifici in questo modo. Il celebrante, che è chiamato Vurchayten, tiene l'obba piena di birra con la destra, ed invocato il nome del demonio, canta la lode di quello e dice: Tu che allontani l'inverno e che riporti l'amenità della primavera, per te sia i giardini fioriscono ed i boschi e le selve verdeggiano. Finita questa cantilena, afferrando l'obba con i denti, si beve la birra senza usare le mani. E cosi mordendo l'obba bevuta la mette dietro la testa, che, essendo stata sollevata da terra, viene di nuovo riempita e tutti quanti si avvicinano e bevono in ordine da quella ed in lode di Pergrubrio cantano l'inno. Dopo banchettano tutto il giorno e conducono delle danze."
Le notizie riferite da Meletius appaiono le più attendibili e le più chiare, soprattutto se messe in relazione a quelle riferite da altre fonti tra la seconda metà del XVI e i primi del XVII secolo. Infatti l'aspetto paganeggiante dei riti della festa di S. Giorgio non sfuggi nemmeno a Ivan Vyšenskyj. Il celebre polemista ucraino della fine del XVI secolo condanno recisamente quei riti, che bollo come diabolici.2 Siegmund Herbestain invece, nei suoi Commentari della moscovia etparimente della Russia (Venetia 1550) riporta una singolare e curiosa credenza relativa alla festa in questione: "Dicono alcuni che a gli uomini di Lucomorye non so che cosa mirabile, et incredibile, et quello che ha più della fabula che di verosimile, sole intervenire che quelli, che quelli, per ciascuno anno cioé alli XXVII del mese di novembrio, nel qual giorno appresso delli Rutheni, e la festa di S. Giorge, moiano, et che poi nella seguente primavera alli XXIII di aprile alla similitudine di ranocchie di nuovo resusciteno" (p. 50b).
Oltre tre secoli più tardi in un'opera fondamentale come il The Golden Bough di James George Frazer vengono riportati alcuni riti celebrati in occasione di questa festa in Ucraina: "In Ucraina il giorno di S. Giorgio (23 aprile) il prete coi suoi paramenti, seguito dagli accoliti, va ai campi del villaggio, dove il raccolto comincia a mostrare le prime foglioline verdi e lo benedice. Dopo di che i giovani sposi si mettono a giacere in coppie sul seminato, e si rotolano parecchie volte sopra di esso, credendo che questo promuoverà la crescita delle messi.3" Lo stesso Frazer aggiunge in seguito che in alcune parti della Russia era lo stesso prete ad essere fatto rotolare per i campi, riportando una formula rituale con cui i partecipanti rispondono alle eventuali proteste del prete: "Piccolo padre, tu non ci vuoi bene sul serio: non vuoi farci avere grano, sebbene vuoi vivere sul nostro grano". Sorprendenti sono quindi le analogie tra il rito descritto da Meletius e quello descritto da Frazer, dove la funzione del prete ricorda in maniera cosi evidente quella del Vurchayten del citato passo dell'epistola.
2	A proposito scrisse: "Na Georgija mučenika praznik diavol'skij na pole izšedšich samanje ofjeru tancami i skokami činiti - razorjete; gnjevaet bo sja na zemlju vašu Goergij mučenik, što njemaeš christianina pravoslavnogo, ktoryj by rugan'e toe diavol'skoe očistiti i izgnat mogl". Ivan Vyšenskyj, Sočinenija, p. 44. Vedi anche l'articolo di Ihor Myc'ko Do problemy stanovlennja populjarnych chrystyjanskyj kultiv v Ukrajini pubblicato in "Medievalia Ucrainica"tom V, 1998, pp. 30-33.
3	James George Frazer, Il ramo d'oro. Studio sulla magia e la religione, Edizioni Euroclub Italia, 1995, p. 169.
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Andrej Sinjavskij, nel suo recente studio Ivan lo scemo. Paganesimo, magia e religione delpopolo russo; (pubblicato a Napoli nel 1993, tit. or.: Ivan Durak, Paris 1990) riporta la notizia tratta dalla monografía di Maksimov Necistaja, nevedomaja i krestnaja sila a pagina 447 riguardo ad un canto tradizionale per "chiamare" il santo con un canto propiziatorio.4 Infatti San Egor o San Egorij era considerato il protettore dell'agricoltura ed il canto propiziatorio è di buon auspicio per il prossimo raccolto. In questo giorno il bestiame veni-va portato al pascolo la prima volta, anche perché la rugiada in questo giorno sembrava essere di buon auspicio. Infatti vi era la tradizione di aspergere il bestiame con acqua bene-detta prima di mandarlo al pascolo. Propp, nella citata monografía, riporta una notizia di una tradizione legata a questa festa che ha tratta dallo studio di Kalinskij Cerkovno-narodnyj mesjaceslov na Rusi apparso nella pubblicazione "Zapiski Russkogo geograficeskogo obscestva po otdeleniju etnografii", vol. VII, apparso a San Pietroburgo nel 1913. Secondo questa fonte, in questo giorno si tramandava la tradizione di cuocere i Kozuli, un dolce che nel nome ricorda la capra, e di intrecciare le ghirlande del semik. In entrambi i casi le tradizioni legate a questa festività sembrano essere legate ad un'offerta cerimoniale pagana per propiziare il raccolto.
Ma le informazioni più interessanti contenute nell'epistola di Meletius riguardano i riti funebri, che l'autore descrive in maniera molto precisa, basandosi probabilmente su una sua esperienza personale. Egli descrisse i riti funebri ai quali doveva avere assistito, come testimoniano le frasi rituali che riporta nell'epistola, proprio nella sua regione di origine, ovvero l'attuale zona di confine tra Ucraina occidentale e Polonia, come si puo evincere dalla lingua, che l'autore definisce "ruthenica" delle parole che egli riporta. Anche se Maciej Stryjkowski, nella sua citata opera, colloca i riti funebri descritti dal Meletius al confine tra Prussia e Samogizia (attuale Lituania), l'indicazione della lingua, che lo stesso Meletius chiama "Ruthenica" e le descrizioni del medesimo rito fatte da Sebastian Fabian Klonowic nel suo poema Roxolania ci offrono valide indicazioni riguardo ad una collocazione geografica dei riti in questione più meridionale, più o meno in quella zona di confine tra Ucraina occidentale e Polonia orientale; tuttavia non possiamo escludere che anche più a settentrione, al confine tra Prussia e Lituania, si svolgessero analoghi riti. Ma ecco quanto riporta a proposito Meletius:
In funeribus hic servatur ritus. A rusticanis, defunctorum cadavera vestibus et calceis induuntur et erecta locantur super sellam, cui assidentes illorum propinqui, perpotant ac helluantur, epota cerevisia, sit lamentatio funebris quae lingua ruthenica sic sonat: Ha le le, le le, y procz ty mene umarl ? i za ti nie miel szto yesty albo pity ? Y procz ti umarl ? Ha le le, le le i za ti nie miel krasnoie mlodzice ? Iprocz ty umarl ? (..) Hoc modo lamentantes enumerant ordine omnia externa illius bona, cuius mortem deplorant: neimpe liberos, oves, boves, equos, anseres, gallinas, etc. Ad quae singula respondentes, occinunt hanc naenia, cur ergo mortuus es, qui haec habebas ? Post lamentatione dantur cadaveri munuscula, nempe mulieri sila cum acu: viro linteolum, idque eius collo implicatur. Cum,
4 Maksimov, Necistaja, nevedomaja i krestnaja sila, Sankt-Petersburg 1903, p. 447.
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ad sepulturam effertur cadaver, plerique in equis funus prosequuntur, et currum obequitant quo cadaver vehitur: eductisquae gladiis, verberant auras vociferantes Gegeite, begaite pekelle. Qui funus mortuo faciunt, nummos projiciunt in sepulchrum, tanquam viatico mortuum prosequentes. Collocant quoque panem, et legenam cerevisia plenam ad caput cadaveris in sepulchrum illati, ne anima vel sitiat vel esuriat. Uxor mane et vesperi, oriente at occidente sole, super extincti conjugis sepulchrum sedens vel jacens, lamentatur diebus triginta. Cognati vero ineunt convivia die tertio, sexto, nono et quadragesimo, a funere. Ad quae convivia animam defuncti invitant, precantes ante januam. In his convivijs, quibus mortuo parentant, tacite assident mensae tanquam muti, nec utuntur cultris. Ad mensam vero ministrant duae mulieres, quae hospitibus cibum apponunt, nullo etiam cultello utentes. Singuli de uno quoque ferculo aliquid sub mensam jaciunt, quo animam pasci credunt, eisque potum effundunt. Si quid forte deciderit de mensa in terram, id non tollunt, sed desertis (ut ipsi loquuntur) animibus reliquunt manducandum, quae nullos habent vel cognatos vel amicos viventes, a quibus excipiantur convivio. Peracto prandio, sacrificulus surgir de mensa, ac scopis domum purgat; animasque mortuorum cum pulvere ejicit, tanquam pulices, atque his precatur verbis, ut ex domo recedant: Ieli, pili duszyce, nu vven, vven. Post haec incipiunt convivae inter se colloqui et certare poculis. Mulieres viris praebibunt et viri vicissim mulieribus, seque mutuo osculantur."
"Nei funerali si osserva questo rito: i cadaveri dei defunti, vestiti dai contadini e messi sulla sella, vengono condotti, per i quali i parenti di quelli bevono e si danno alla baldoria e, bevuta la birra, c'è il lamento funebre che in lingua "ruthenica" suona cosi: Ha le le, le le, y procz ty mene umarl ? i za ti nie miel szto yesty albo pity ? Y procz ti umarl ? Ha le le, le le i za ti nie miel krasnoie mlodzice ? I procz ty umarl ? In questo modo i lamentanti enumerano in ordine tutti i beni di quello del quale la morte piangono. Appunto i figli, gli uccelli, i buoi i cavalli. Rispondendo alle singole cose cantano questa nenia: "perché dunque sei morto, tu che possedevi queste cose."
Dopo il lamento le mani del cadavere vengono baciate, e alla moglie viene dato ago e filo; un lenzuolo viene avvolto intorno al collo dell'uomo. Quando il cadavere è portato alla sepoltura, molti seguono il corteo funebre a cavallo e cavalcano intorno al carro nel quale è condotto il cadavere e tirate fuori le spade, lanciano colpi in aria urlando: "Gegeite, begaite pekelle "5 Coloro che fanno il funerale al morto, gettano monete nella tomba come per congedare il morto con un viatico. Mettono anche pane ed una bottiglia di birra al capo del morto messo nel sepolcro, affinché l'anima non abbia sete e non abbia fame.
5 Le stesse parole sono citate dallo Stryjkowski nella sua Kronika polska, Litewska, ímódzka i wszystkiej Rusi, Cracovia 1582 (reprint del 1846), p. 149.
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La moglie di mattina e di sera all'alba e al tramonto sedendo o giacendo distesa sopra la tomba del coniuge estinto, si lamenta per trenta giorni. I parenti cominciano i banchetti il terzo, il sesto ed il quarantesimo giorno dal funerale, ai quali convivi invitano l'anima del defunto, invitandolo davanti alla porta. In questi convivi fanno un'offerta al morto e siedono come muti alla mensa né usano coltelli. Alla mensa provvedono due donne che portano il cibo agli ospiti, senza usare nessun coltello. Alcuni gettano sotto la mensa qualcosa da un piatto, con la quale credono di nutrire l'anima e versano anche da bere. Se per caso qualcosa cadesse dalla tavola in terra non lo prendono, ma lo lasciano da mangiare (come loro stessi dicono) alle anime rimaste, che non hanno né cognati né amici viventi, i quali sono esclusi dal convivio. Finito il pranzo, il sacerdote si alza dalla mensa e ripulisce con la scopa quello che è rimasto e manda via le anime dei morti con la polvere, come le pulci e con queste parole impreca affinché si allontanino dalla casa: "Ieli, pili duszyce, nu vven, vven."Dopo di ció i banchettanti cominciano a gareggiare con le coppe e le donne bevono in onore degli uomini e gli uomini delle donne e si baciano reciprocamente."
Questa testimonianza risulta la parte più interessante dell'epistola in questione. Innanzitutto, le formule rituali forniscono una preziosa testimonianza che ci permette di collocare il rito funebre con precisione. La descrizione di questo rito funebre fu poi ripresa da £asicki nella sua citata opera, con le citazioni delle formule rituali che Meletius aveva riportato. Un'altra opera di grande interesse in relazione all'etnografia ucraina come Roxolania di S. F. Klonowic, tra le altre interessantissime notizie in relazione agli usi e costumi dell'Ucraina occidentale, riporta nei versi 1709-1806, una dettagliata descrizione dei riti funebri che corrisponde in buona parte con le notizie riportate da Meletius.6 Le notizie sui "banchetti funebri" degli slavi orientali erano talmente diffuse in Europa, che Giovanni Botero, nelle sue Relationi universali ( 1591-1596), scrive a proposito, collocando tuttavia questo rito nella Moscovia: "Fanno honor grande ai sepolcri con molte candele, e lumi; e il sacerdote va a torno a essi sepolcri con incenso, e con diverse oratione e gli asperge d'una composizione di mele, acqua e grano e poi ne mangia parte egli, parte i circostanti. I parenti del morto ancora apparecchiano diverse vivande sul sepolcro delle quali pigliano la metà per sé, distribuendo l'altra ai poveri e ai ministri.
La stessa tradizione dei banchetti funebri era già stata in precedenza descritta nell'opera dello scrittore arabo di origine persiana Ibn Rusta (o Ibn Rosteh) nel suo Kitab al-A 'laq an-nafisa ovvero il "libro delle gemme preziose", opera che viene fatta risalire dagli studiosi all'inizio del X secolo. In questa opera l'autore, a proposito dei banchetti funebri, scrive: "Un anno dopo i funerali riempiono venti vasi di miele, talora più, talaltra meno, e li portano su questa collina dove riposa il defunto e dove la famiglia del morto si raduna, mangia e beve e poi si separa.8"
Quanto scrive Frans Vyncke nel suo saggio La religione degli slavi, apparso nella Storia delle religioni diretta da Henry-Charles Puech (tit. or. Historie des Religions,
6	Vedi l'articolo di Lorenzo Pompeo, Wqtki humanistyczne i etnograficzne w Roxolanii Sebastiana F. Klonowica, su "Warszawskie zeszyty ukrainoznawcze", n. 6-7, 1998.
7	Giovanni Botero, Relationi universali, Venezia 1669, p. 431.
8	La traduzione è tratta da: Francis Conte, Gli slavi, Einaudi, Torino 1991, p. 139. Vedi anche di Laran e Saussay, La Russie ancienne, Paris 1975, p. 23, oppure: Tadeusz Lewicki, Zródia arabskie do dziejów slowiañszczyzny, t. II, cz. II, Zakl. nar. Im. Ossoliñskich, Warszawa 1977.
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Gallimard, Paris 1970-1976) si attaglia in maniera sorprendente alla descrizione dei riti funebri fatta dal Meletius: "Gli slavi credevano in un'esistenza dopo la morte, nonostante quanto asserisce Thietmar, secondo il quale "cum morte temporali omnia putant finiri" (I, 14). Thietmar allude, in questi termini, alla resurrezione cristiana, che era effettivamente sconosciuta agli slavi. Essi consideravano la vita dell'oltretomba come una specie di risvolto negativo di questo mondo.
Si credeva che i morti vivessero nelle stesse condizioni dei vivi. Per questo si depositavano presso i cadaveri o presso l'urna del cibo e gli oggetti più svariati di cui il morto potesse avere bisogno nella sua esistenza futura. Si che il defunto si separasse malvolentieri dal suo clan e che cercasse di tirarsi dietro qualcuno che l'accompagnasse nel suo solitario viaggio.
La rappresentazione che si aveva dell'anima era assolutamente calcata sul modello corporeo; si trattava di una sorta di una sorta di cadavere vivente, più o meno legato alla spoglia mortale. Il rituale della sepoltura comportava parecchie misure volte ad impedire un ritorno improvviso dell'anima.
Si constata, infine, un'ansia perpetua di restare in rapporto stretto con i defunti. Nei giorni di commemorazione, i parenti compiono svariati riti sulle tombe e recano del cibo. Si riteneva infatti che i defunti esercitassero un'influenza sulla fertilità dei campi.
Dunque, la morte era innanzitutto considerata un'assenza di vita e i defunti restavano fondamentalmente ancorati al clan dei vivi.9"
Nel complesso l'epistola di Meletius rappresenta un documento di grande rilevanza sia per quanto riguarda le preziose informazioni di carattere etnografico sia in quanto documento della manifestazione di un primo interesse verso i fenomeni culturali che appartengono alla tradizione orale, ovvero di quell'interesse verso usi, costumi, credenze e riti dei popoli, che solo nel corso dei primi decenni dell'800 emergerá con il nuovo clima culturale legato al movimento romantico europeo. La corrispondenza tra le notizie riportate dal Meletius e le fonti etnografiche successive relative ad un'area che comprende Bielorussia, Ucraina, Russia sono sorprendenti (mentre un discorso a sé meriterebbe la Lituania). Tali corrispondenze indicano la necessitá di uno studio comparativo delle fonti etnografiche che superi i confini nazionali dei singoli paesi compresi nell'area geografica in questione.
Humanistična etnografija v Pismu o verovanjih in žrtvovanjih starih Prusov Jana Sandeckega
Maleckega (Meletius)
Lorenzo Pompeo
Pismo Jana Sandeckega Maleckega (z latinskim imenom Ioannes Meletius) je nedvomno eden najstarejših in najzanimivejših virov o folklori, verovanjih in poganskih obredih, ki so bili v rabi na območju, ki zaobjema vzhodne teritorije tedanjega poljskega kraljestva (Rzeczpospolite). To so današnja ozemlja Litve, Latvije, Belorusije in Ukrajine. Čeprav podatki, ki jih vsebuje delo Maleckega, niso vsi zanesljivi, pa vendar lahko rečemo, da je pismo pomembno pričevanje o zanimanju "protoetnografskega značaja" za etnične
9 Frans Vyncke, La religione degli slavi, in "Storia delle religioni" diretta da Henry-Charles Puech, Laterza, 1976 Bari , vol. I,1, pp. 729.
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skupine, ki so živele znotraj meja poljsko-litovske Rzeczpospolite. Vesti, ki jih navaja avtor, so namreč v veliki meri sad njegovih osebnih opažanj.
Jan Malecki, bolj znan pod latiniziranim imenom Meletius, se je rodil v S^czu v prvem desetletju 16. stoletja v skromni meščanski družini. Ne vemo, ali je študiral na univerzi v Krakovu, gotovo pa je, da je bil v stiku s kulturnim življenjem tedanje prestolnice Poljskega kraljestva. Skupaj z Biernatom iz Lublina in drugimi avtorji tiskanih knjig je imel odločilno vlogo v procesu uveljavljanja poljskega jezika. Osebno se je spoznal na tiskarsko delo. Leta 1525 je celo odprl svojo tiskarno v Krakovu, ki pa jo je moral kmalu zapreti. Leta 1530 je odprl tiskarno v poletni rezidenci nadškofa Andrzeja Krzyckega, a tudi ta načrt mu je spodletel, ker je bil nadškof imenovan za poljskega primasa. Meletius, ki se je malo kasneje spreobrnil v luteransko vero, je 1537 postal pastor v Elku, v Prusiji. Vendar je moral zaradi spora s pruskim knezom kmalu zapustiti tudi Prusijo. Prav v to obdobje spadajo nekatera njegova pomembnejša dela o poganskih verovanjih, kot je n. pr. Epistola de sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum, Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium, napisana v obliki pisma humanistu in rektorju univerze v Kaliningradu (Konigsbergu) Jerzyju Sabinu (Georgius Sabinus) To je bilo v času 16. in 17. stoletja večkrat objavljeno. Gre torej za enega najstarejših in najzanimivejših virov o običajih narodov v Rzeczpospoliti, iz katerega so zajemala skoraj vsa kasnejša dela, ki so se dotaknila podobnih vprašanj. Kot ugleden primer naj navedemo Roxolanio, zelo nenavadno delo uglednega predstavnika poljske renesanse, Sebastiana Fabiana Klonowica, ki se v svojem poročanju o ukrajinskih pogrebnih obredih nedvomno sklicuje na vesti, ki jih navaja Meletius, in jih hkrati tudi potrjuje. Zanimanje za taka vprašanja izpričujejo številne publikacije, ki so se zvrstile v naslednjih letih.
Podatki, ki jih Meletius navaja v svojem pismu, niso vsi pravilni. V seznamu božanstev poganskega Olimpa starih Prusov se pojavljajo imena, ki niso našla nobene potrditve. V svoji razpravi Mitologia slowianska (Kraków 1918) je Bruckner dokazal, da so napake izhajale že iz Meletiusovih virov.
Vesti, ki se nanašajo na obrede (žrtvovanja, poročni ali pogrebni obredi) so po mnenju strokovnjakov povsem zanesljive, saj se v veliki meri ujemajo z marsikaterimi prvinami vzhodnoslovanske folklore. Nekatere obrede v zvezi z letnimi časi in letino Meletius opisuje skoraj na enak način, kot jih opisujejo etnografski viri iz 19. stoletja. Takšen je n.pr. tisti v zvezi z žetvijo. Opis Maleckega se v glavnem ujema s tem, kar o istih obredih navaja Vladimir Propp v svoji razpravi Russkie agrarnyeprazdniki (Leningrad 1963).
Zelo zanimive so tudi povezave med žrtvovanjem kozla, ki ga navaja Meletius, in pomenom kozla v celotni vzhodnoslovanski folklori. Meletius poroča, da tisti, ki se udeležujejo obreda, dvignejo kozla, in ga tako držijo, dokler ne odpojejo himne, potem ga spustijo dol. Svečenik izreče posebno svarilo, zatem sam ubije žrtev, njeno kri pa polije na tla.
V zgoraj omenjenem delu Russkie agrarnye prazdniki Propp poroča o tem, kako so se ljudje oblačili v maske, ki so predstavljale živali. Največ pozornosti po njegovem zasluži koza. Ta naj bi bila tudi ena nastarejših mask, ki je bila najbolj pogosto v rabi v Ukrajini in Belorusiji ter tudi v Rusiji. Sprevod koljadantov, to je kolednikov, je pogosto spremljala koza, ki so jo med petjem večkrat udarili med rogove ob kriku oj udaril kozynku.
Tak sprevod, ki se dejansko zdi posnemanje daritvenega obreda, ki ga omenja Meletius, je spremljala naslednja pesem: "Gde koza chodit / Tam žyto rodit, / gde koza chvostom, / tam žyto kustom / tam gde koza nogoju / tam žyto kopoju / gde koza rogom / tam žyto stogom". Dejstvo, da je v Ukrajini znanih več inačic te pesmi, dokazuje, da je bila ta
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tema zelo razširjena, in da je bila koza v kmečkem pojmovanju tesno povezana z rodovitnostjo zemlje.
Zanimivi članek Radoslava Katičica Hoditi - roditi. Spuren der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, objavljen v reviji "Wiener slawisches Jahrbuch" (št. 22/ 1987) navaja številne inačice omenjene vzhodnoslovanske koljadke tudi pri južnih Slovanih. V teh različicah pa se namesto koze včasih pojavi lik Jarila/Jarile, oz. Jurija/ Egorija, to je Svetega Jurija, medtem ko je besedo žyto, to je rž, nadomestilo polje. Povezava hoditi-roditi pa je ostala nespremenjena. Te variante nam nudijo dragocene podatke o stari povezavi med koljadko, jurjevanjem in kozo.
Meletius podrobno poroča o poganskih obredih, ki se dogajajo na praznik Sv. Jurija, 23. aprila. Njegove vesti o daritvah bogu Pergrubriju, bogu rastlin in vseh semen, so zelo jasne in zanesljive. Ujemajo se s tistim, kar je James George Frazer tri stoletja kasneje zapisal v svojem glavnem delu The Golden Bough o obredih, ki jih ukrajinski kmetje obhajajo na Jurjevo. Vlogo, ki je v Meletiusovem času pripadala poganskemu svečeniku, t.i. Vurchaytenu, je sedaj prevzel krščanski duhovnik.
Najbolj zanimive vesti v Meletiusovi Epistoli pa se nanašajo na pogrebne obrede, ki jih avtor opisuje zelo podrobno, in ob katerih vzbuja vtis, kot da jih je osebno doživel. To dokazujejo obredni izreki, ki jih navaja v svojem delu. Zapisani so namreč prav v narečju, ki so ga govorili v krajih, iz katerih je bil sam doma, to je ob današnji meji med Ukrajino in Poljsko. Sam avtor pripominja, da je jezik besed, ki jih navaja, lingua ruthenica. Še en namig, ki opozarja na omenjeno geografsko lokacijo, izvira iz zgoraj navedene pesnitve Roxolania. Njen avtor Klonowic opisuje zelo podobne obrede, ki naj bi jih opravljali prav tako ob današnji meji med Ukrajino in Poljsko. Ne moremo pa izključiti, da bi bilo podobno obredje v rabi tudi bolj severno, na meji med Prusijo in Litvo.
V zvezi s pogrebnim obredom Meletius navaja natančne besede tožbe, ki jo izgovorijo pogrebci: "Ha le le, le le, y procz ty mene umarl? I za ti nie miel szto yasty albo pity? Y procz ti umarl? Ha le le, le le i za ti nie miel krasnoie mlodzice? I procz ty umarl?' Vdova mora žalovati trideset dni. Sorodniki pa priredijo sedmine, in sicer na tretji, šesti ter štirideseti dan po pogrebu. Na sedmine povabijo dušo umrlega in mu simbolično vržejo na tla nekaj od svojih jedi in pijač.
Podobne vesti nahajamo tudi pri drugih avtorjih: poleg že omenjenega Klonowica, tudi pri arabskem pisatelju perzijskega porekla Ibn Rusti (Ibn Rosteh). Vsa ta pričevanja dajejo misliti - kot piše Frans Vyncke v svoji razpravi Historie des Religions (Gallimard, Paris, 1979-1976) - da so Slovani že verovali v življenje po smrti, za razliko od tega, kar v zvezi s tem piše Thietmar, po besedah katerega: "cum morte temporali omnia putant finiri" (I, 14). Seveda ne gre za krščansko vero v vstajenje od mrtvih, marveč enostavno za neke vrste nadaljevanje zemeljskega življenja. Verjeli so namreč, da so mrtvi imeli podobno življenje kot živi.
Epistola Maleckega je v glavnem zelo pomemben dokument, in to bodisi zaradi dragocenih vesti etnografskega značaja, bodisi zaradi dejstva, da izpričuje zgodnje zanimanje za kulturne pojave, ki pripadaj ustnemu izročilu. Gre za zanimanje, ki je popolnoma oživelo šele v prvih desetletjih 19. stoletja v okviru novega vzdušja, ki ga je ustvarilo evropsko romantično gibanje. Ujemanje vesti, ki jih navaja Meletius, s poročanjem kasnejših etnografskih virov o istem območju, namreč ozemlju, ki obsega Belorusijo, Ukrajino in Rusijo, je presenetljivo. To nas opozarja na potrebo po primerjalnem preučevanju etnografskih virov, ki bi presegalo meje posameznih držav na tem območju.
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The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
Monika Kropej
The tenth male (desetnik) or female child (desetnica), but also the ninth, the twelfth or the thirteenth child, have been preserved in the folk heritage of the Slavic, the Irish and the Baltic nations. The folk tradition of other nations contains several similarities in the stories abouth the seventh child of the same sex. Such a child is supposed to be a deity, a demonic creature, or a wizard. Researchers of folk epic and narrative tradition have discovered that Zeleni Jurij and Marjetica were marked as the tenth children as well. Zeleni Jurij is a deity which, according to folklore, brings renewal and fertility in spring, while his sister Marjetica is dedicated to the female counterpart of this deity. In folk songs the tenth son and the tenth daughter are either the tithe destined to the deities Perun and Mokoš, or else represent the two deities themselves.
With the exception of Ireland, the motif of the tenth child remained fairly unnoticed elsewhere in Europe. In our territory, however, it evoked interest already in the 19th century. Josip Pajek1 wrote the following: If a mother bears ten sons in a row, with no daughter in between, the tenth brother is of no sane mind, and runs away from home. Even if he had been served hand on foot elsewhere, he would have been compelled to continue roaming. Should a person fail to give alms to a tenth brother this would be considered a mortal sin. I remember well that such a tenth brother used to visit our house, bending his fingers in a funny manner. The index fingers of both hands would bend the middle finger on each hand backwards, on both hands at the same time. He never walked slowly, always ran. Such a tenth brother, called "Juzek," that is Jožek, still roams in Slovenske Gorice and Mursko polje. If addressed as a swine shepherd, he promptly answers: "How could I tend swine? Don't you see that I am a priest?
The tenth son is thus compelled to roam the world, refusing to settle down even if he were waited on by everybody. He thinks of himself as a priest or an ordained person. Pajek also published a folk song about Margetica, the tenth daughter2:
Oj leži leži njivica,	There is a field
Z drobno pšenico obsejana.	Sown with tiny wheat.
Na njivi žanje deset ženjic,	There were ten reapers in the field.
Deset ženjic, deset sestric.	Ten reapers, ten sisters,
Črtice iz duševnega žitka štaj. Slovencev, Ljubljana 1884, 17-18.
Ibidem: J. Caf, 1844; see also: K. Štrekelj, Slovenske narodne pesmi I, Ljubljana 1895, no. 310-315.
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Ednajsta je mati poleg b'la,	The eleventh was their mother.
Da je Marija mimo šla,	Maria passed by,
Ino jim je Boga dajala:	Greeting them in God's name:
"Hvaljen bodi Jezus Kristus!	"Praised be our Lord Jesus Christ
No njegovo ime!"	And his name!"
Nijedna joj ni odlonala,	Not even one responded
Ko naj mlajša čer Margetica.	But Margetica, the youngest.
"Amen, amen do vekoma!"	"Amen, amen for ever and ever!"
Marija je segla v svoj svileni žep,	Maria put her hand in her silken pocket,
Vzela je svoj perstanj zlat.	Taking out her golden ring.
"Tu imaš, tu imaš, Marjetica!	"Here you are, Margetica!
Ti boš z meno rajžala."	You shall roam with me."
Mati pravi, govori:	The mother speaks:
"Naj gre, naj gre, na'starša či;	"Let the oldest daughter go
Ona je že bolj pri pameti."	For she is wiser yet."
Marija pravi govori:	But Maria speaks:
"Kaj je le desetega,	"Everything that is the tenth
Vse mora v desetino iti."	to the tithe must go."
Potli je šla mati kruha peč.	The mother baked some bread,
Noter je dejala prstanj zlat.	Putting the golden ring inside.
Okol na okol ga je oblamala,	She broke off pieces on all sides,
Na sredi Margetici hranila.	Saving the middle one for Margetica.
"Tu 'maš, tu 'maš, Margetica,	"Here you are, Margetica,
Ko boš od mene rajžala."	For when you leave from me."
"Jaz ne bom jedla, pila več,	"I shall not eat or drink no more,
Pod našo streho spala več;	Or sleep beneath our roof;
Tudi ne bote vedeli moje smrti,	You will not hear about by death,
Jaz pa pri vaši stala bom!" (3)	But I'll be there for yours!"
The tenth daughter, who is the only one among the harvesters who greeted Maria, is therefore the only one who notices and recognizes her. Maria therefore presents her with a golden ring which symbolizes the allegiance to the giver of the ring. It is obvious that the tenth sister is destined to be with Maria, or at least closely connected with her. Who is the mythological creature that has been replaced by Maria doubtlessly remains a question without an answer. So far; the answer can only be a matter of conjecture.
In his material Pajek thus listed all the key factors in the phenomenon of the tenth
child:
1.	Regardless of the sex, each tenth child represents the tithe and has to leave home.
2.	The tenth child is connected with the sacred.
3.	The tenth child is clairvoyant.
4.	The tenth child is compelled to roam the world.
5.	One must present such a person with a donation and give him or her a warm welcome, otherwise one commits mortal sin and is punished by thunder, lightening, or death.
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Monika Kropej
Songs about the tenth daughter often contain a continuation, such as in the variant by Jožef Rudež from Dolenjsko, written before 1819 (Slovenske ljudske pesmi I, Ljubljana 1970, 51/2):
Maksim Gaspari, desetnica (the tenth sister), from: Fran Milčinski, Pravljica, Ljubljana 1970.
V enim borštu jo (desetnico) noč zatne.
Pod ta prvo dervo je peršla:
"Nocoj bom le-t na irpergah."
Dervo ji tako govori:
"Pejdi spod mene, desetnica!
Nocoj bo tako trejskalo,
kader bo prvič trejščilo.
bo precej v me trejščilo."
Pod ta drugo dervo peršla:
"Nocoj bom le-t na irpergah."
Dervo ji tako govori:
In the woods she (the tenth daughter) is
surprised by night. She comes to the first tree: "I will be your guest tonight." But the tree answers: "Leave my crown, tenth daughter! There will be a storm tonight And the first lightning to strike will strike my trunk!" She comes to the second tree: "I will be your guest tonight." But the tree answers:
77
The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
"Pojdi spod mene, desetnica! Nocoj bo tako trejskalo, kader bo drugič trejščilo, bo precej u me trejščilo." Pod tretje dervo peršla: "Nocoj bom le-t na irpergah." Dervo ji tako govori "Le zaspi, desetnica, saj se nič hudga ne boj!" Čez sedem let nazaj peršla v le-ta velki, bejli grad: "Kaj vas prosim, žlahtna gospa! Imejte me na irpergah!" "Jaz te ne morem irpergovat, jaz bom gostila svojih devet hčeri. Le pejdi v božje ime, jaz te ne morem irpergovat." "Imejte me, imejte me, mati moja, de bom gledala, kako je gostili boste." "Le pejdi v božje ime, jez te ne morem irpergovat." "Bog vas obvari, mati moja! Bog vas obvari, devet sestri! Bog te obvari, bejli grad! "Saj sim jez srota vejdila, raztrgana, zavržena!" "Nazaj, nazaj, Marjetica!" "Jaz ne grem nikdar več nazaj!" Mati dol pade, omedli, per ti priči dušo pusti.
"Leave my crown, tenth daughter!
There will be a storm tonight
And the second lightning
to strike will strike my trunk!"
She comes to the third tree:
"I will be your guest tonight."
And the tree answers:
Go to sleep, tenth daughter,
And fear no evil tonight!"
After seven years
She returns to
The large, white castle:
"I ask of you, milady,
to be your guest tonight!"
"I cannot let you stay,
I shall dine my nine daughters.
Off you go in God's name,
I cannot let you stay!"
"Oh please, please have me, mother dear,
So I can see them dine."
"Off you go in God's name,
I cannot let you stay!"
"May God protect you, mother dear,
May God protect you, my nine sisters!
May God protect you, oh castle white!
Outcast am I,
an orphan poor in tattered clothes!" "Return, return, Marjetica!" "I shall never return again!" The mother falls down in a deadly faint, Drawing her last breath at once.
The tenth son - desetnik and the tenth daughter - desetnica are even contained in the dictionary by Maks Pleteršnik which was published a year later, in 1864. In the entry brat (brother) the dictionary mentions the tenth brother, listing a citation from the book Deseti brat3 (The Tenth Brother) by Josip Jurčič. Jurčič aptly managed to capture the very essence of this figure: We have not been hearing about the tenth brother for a long while! Yet in the olden times it could happen that a tenth son was born to a mother, endowed with wondrous properties and abilities, ousted by the will of God, roaming the wide world from door to door, predicting good fortune, disclosing treasures, singing songs and telling tales like none before him.
3 Ljubljana 1864.
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Monika Kropej
It is interesting that Pletersnik mentions that desetnica, the tenth sister, can also denote one of the Fates. In Gorenjsko the desetnica was actually called rojenica (one of the Fates) and the desetnik rojenjak. Despite her gift of prophecy and clairvoyance it is somewhat questionable to identify the tenth daughter with the mythological Fate (Rojenica); howewer, the connection between them - not an identification with Fate -cannot be ruled out completely.
In 1930 Jakob Kelemina summarized his quotations taking in regard Pajek and the collection of folk songs which were published by Karel Strekelj4. In a note, Kelemina even cites Pletersnik's desetnica - rojenica, saying: The Tenth Brother or Sister are the characters offairy-tales; our story is a truncated fairy-tale. According to this fairy-tale style, in the second part of the story the girl should reach a place where she would find redemption and happiness!5
If we include in our analysis the Irish narrative tradition, it can be said that Kelemina was right; Irish fairy-tales of this kind usually end in marriage: There was a king who saw a wild duck with 12 ducklings. He approaches the lake. The duck chases one of the ducklings away. The druid says that the 12th should be given to Deachme. The king gets scared because he himself has 12 sons, and chases the 12th away. At the same time, the Greek king sends away his 12th daughter. The young ones meet and get married6 In one of the Slovene fairy-tales a young musician meets the twelfth daughter and marries her'. But this happy end - at least in this Slovene, artificially concluded story - is an addition, or a fairy-tale derivation of a legend.
France Marolt, who published the song about the tenth daughter in the journal Kocevski zbornik, was of the opinion that this character was formed in the late Middle ages
o
in the vicinity of the castles in Gorenjsko.0
In his study "Germanische Mythen in der epischen Volksdichtung der Slowenen"9 Leopold Kretzenbacher concludes that the tenth child represents kind of a "ver sacrum" who must leave the native village and look for his or her niche in life elsewhere.
Ivan Grafenauer tried to explain the phenomenon of the tenth daughter by noting the characteristics of the patriarchal family which did not grant its female descendants the same status as it did its male children. He limited his treatise to the phenomenon of the tenth female child, eliminating the tenth brother as a much later occurrence. It is because of this that Grafenauer's explanation is partial and questionable. In Narodopisje Slovencev 210 he
says: The greatest misfortune for a patriarchal family is to have no children; it is almost
4	K. Štrekelj, Slovenske narodne pesmi I, Ljubljana 1898, No. 310-315; Slovenske ljudske pesmi (SLP) I, Ljubljana 1970, No 51.
5	J. Kelemina, Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva, Celje 1930, No. 239, in the note.
6	William Larminiene, West Irish Folk-Tales and Romances, London 1893; the new edition: 1972, p. 196-210.
7	Ivan Albreht, Vilinske gosli pa še druge koroške pravljice, Ljubljana 1931, p. 3-19.
8	F. Marolt, Kočevski zbornik 1939.
9	Leopold Kretzenbacher, Germanische mythen in der epischen Volksdichtung der Slowenen, Graz 1941, p. 99101.
10	Ljubljana 1952, p. 34. I. Grafenauer mentions the tenth child also in the collection "Peli so jih mati moja" (ed. by S. Šali), Ljubljana 1943, p. 152.
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The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
equally disastrous to have only daughters. The tenth daughter, the first one after the sacred number of nine, has to leave home to appease the gods. If there is no-one else, the ninth daughter goes to war in order to replace her ageing father (Deklica vojak maščuje bratovo smrt / Girl Soldier revenges her Brother's Death - SLP I, No. 7; Deklica vojak na preskušnji / Girl Soldier Put toTrial (SLP I, No. 8).11
When the German translation of Irish fairy-tales was published in 1956 (Diarmuid
mit dem roten Bart, Eisenach & Kassel 1956), Niko Kuret was the first to draw attention
to the Irish heritage about the tenth child. Kuret concludes that these similarities can be
explained only by oral or literary connection. He explains the name Deachma(dh) as an
ordinal number: the tenth; as a noun it denotes a tithe. Kuret continues: If we talk about
Daechma, however, to whom should be sacrificed a tithe, this denotes a person, probably a 12
(female) deity.
In 1958, when P. Schlosser published a tale about the tenth daughter titled "Das zehnte Kind" Milko Matičetov mentioned the tenth daughter from Pohorje: In an over half-a-century-old note from Fram made by Caf (Štrekelj I, 314), the previously mysterious end can now be easily explained. In it the tenth daughter predicts to her mother: "You shall not see my death, but I will be standing by you when you die!" In the new variant from Radvanje, from 1910, this is possible since "they say that the youngest of the ten sisters is death." In other words: the tenth sister is no ordinary victim of death, but in the hereafter even helps "the white lady." It is this mysterious creature (and not "Maia" as in Caf s two notes from Fram, Štrekelj I, 314 and 315) who, during her travelling around this world, hands a ring to the tenth daughter as a
13
recognizable sign for when she comes to take her.
Dušan Ludvik, who like Kuret connects the phenomenon of the tenth child in our heritage with the Irish narrative tradition, explains the Irish notion of daechma, daechmadh as an ordinal number deriving from the Old Irish deich- (Old Cymric dec), meaning "ten"; as a feminine noun it corresponds to the Slovene word "desetina" (tithe). The explanation of the notion "daechma", "daechmadh" as wandering around the world, in fact being in exile, already seems to be the final phase in the development of this notion's meaning. Dušan Ludvik strongly emphasizes the moment of offering the tithe, stressing the fact that a long time ago the tithe consisted of humans. This is further corraborated by the fact that Leinster, a county in Ireland, gave one third of its children to St. Patrick; there is even a hill named Daechmadhe, which is explained by D. Ludvik as "the tithe hill." He interprets the connection between the Irish and the Slovene traditions about the tithe as the influence of Irish missionaries in the territory of present-day Slovenia. In Irish folk tradition the human tithe was linked with St. Patrick and the Leinster county. This county was the home of Columban, an Irish missionary who towards the end of the 6th century preached the Christian doctrine in Burgundy, and after 610 among the Alemanni living around Lake
11 Nine sons also appear in the song "Krvno maščevanje" (Blood Feud, SLP I, No. 9) in which the ninth son
takes revenge for the death of his brothers and his father.
12Glasnik ISN 1, Ljubljana 1956, No. 2, p. 14.
13M. Matičetov & M. Boškovic-Stulli, Dobra zbirka slovenskih pripovedk iz leta 1910 slabo izdana 1956: Bachern-Sagen, in: Slovenski etnogtraf 11, Ljubljana 1958, 187-196, p. 189.
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Monika Kropej
Constance in present-day Germany. Gal (Gallus), one of his disciples, who stayed on among the Alemanns after Columban's departure, was likewise Irish.
In his study Erich Seemann drew attention to ballads from the Kocevje region which sang about the tenth daughter. He tried to place these songs within a given historic and cultural context, concluding that the phenomenon of the tenth child could have a counterpart in European tradition about the seventh child of the same sex who, according to folk beliefs, was a demonic creature, an incubus, a werewolf, a soothsayer or a healer.14
Comparing folk songs about the tenth daughter (Deseta hci, SLPI, 298) and St. Matthew (Rojenice in svetnik, SLP I, 288, 289), both of whom go into the world because of the destiny which had been foretold, Vlado Nartnik emphasizes the connection between the tenth daughter and the epic tradition on hunters. He concludes that St. Matthew's destiny was predicted by the three Fates which were successors of the tenth daughter, the white lady, and the grandmother.15 Nartnik also compares a ballad about the tenth brother, based on a folk tale from Dobrepolje in Dolenjsko, written by Anton Hribar16, with a folk song about
17
St. Bartholomew. Both heroes roam the world and at the end punish inhospitality by fire. In the song, for example, the tenth brother saves his nephew from the flames.
18
In my book, Pravljica in stvarnost (Folktale and Reality)18 the phenomenon of the tenth child was placed in the chapter titled "Prerokbe Rojenic in Desetnikov" (Prophecies of the Fates and Tenth Brothers); prophecy or fatal destiny is namely one of the essential characteristics of this character in Slovene folk tradition.
Irish researchers, who saw the etymological development of the name of the deity to which the tenth brother was fated in the word fate, had a similar explanation. As early as 1890 Jeremiah Curtin writes: Diachbha, "divinity", or the working of a power outside of us in shaping the careers of men, fate. Diachbha; "divinity", "fate"19 Later on they emphasized the etymological origin of the word in the expression of "tithe". William Larminie, for instance, writes in his note to the story "The King who had twelve sons" the following: The Djachwi, I am not sure that this word is anything more than daechmhadh, a tithe, which has been turned into a person, the meaning being forgotten. After the briefly told Andromeda episode, the story takes a quite novel turn. Its resemblance in structure as is the case with some of the other stories, to many a modern novel is very apparent. (W. Larminie, West Irish Folk Tales and Romances, 1893, 196-201, reprint: 1972).
Sean O' Suille^bhain summarizes the contents of these stories.- A king, seeing a duck drive away the twelfth of her young ones, banishes his twelfth son for the "deachu". The youth
14	Erich Seemann, "Die zehnte Tochter". Eine studie zu einer Gottscheer Ballade, in: Humanioria. Essays on Literature, Folklore, Bibliography, New York 1960, p. 102-114.
15	V. Nartnik, Od desete hčere do Kralja Matjaža, in: Slava 2, Ljubljana 1990/1991, p. 123-128.
16	Slovenske balade in romance, Celovec 1912, p. 92.
17	V. Nartnik, Od lika desetega brata do lika hlapca Jerneja, in: Zbornik Slavističnega društva Slovenije, Vrhnika 1996, p. 86-93.
18	Ljubljana 1995.
19J. Curtin, Myths and Folk-Lore of Ireland, Boston 1890, p. 243.
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The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
sets off in quest of a girl (An Eala Bhán, An Lacha Dhearg, Bas Bharra Ghealetc.) about whom he has heard or dreamed, is aided by his three uncles whom he visits in turn, andfinally reaches her dwelling only to find that she has mysteriously disappeared. After many adventures he finally marries her, having proved superior in a contest. (Mac Rían Daechaoin).
With regard to this name Dr. Angela Bourke from University College in Dublin
made the following comment: Storytellers are often unable to explain the meaning of
Deachaoin, other than to say it is something to which sacrifice must be made. It seems, however,
2 1
to be a form of the word "daechú ", tithe.
According to Irish sources the tenth, the twelfth or the thirteenth child of the same sex belonged to the deity named Deachaoin, perhaps the deity of birth and death, the goddess of fate. The fact that in Gorenjsko the tenth brother is called rojenjak and the tenth daughter rojenica (one of the Fates) seems to stress this connection as well.
The notions in European tradition that the seventh child of the same sex could heal certain sicknesses were especially alive during certain periods, for instance during Ember Days, on Good Friday, on Thursdays. In France such miraculous healers were called "marcou," after St. Marcolf who was able to cure scrofula, and were said to wear a sign of the lily on one part of their bodies. In Sweden such a person was called "tordagsdoktor",
escpecially if born on a Thursday. Danes believed that the seventh brother, if born on July
22
7 at seven o'clock, was wiser than Solomon.22
The question which arises in connection with the above is this: did the traditions about the tenth child succeed the myth? and does it represent an allegorically described offering of a child who is destined to be ordained? a human sacrifice, a refugee which a society has banished into exile, which usually denoted death?
According to the material mentioned above, people believed that the ninth, tenth, twelfth, thirteenth, but also the seventh child of the same sex was either a deity, a demonic creature, a clairvoyant or a wizard, yet simultaneously also a victim - a tithe destined for a certain deity. As an ordained person the tenth child is the one who sacrifices everything to attain the wisdom of a model initiate. In Slavic, especially Slovene, folksongs, the tenth
23
daughter (the tenth brother appears only in one recent song23) has to roam the world. In certain variants she is fetched by the white lady, Maria or a fairy, or, in the case of a Serbian song, a fairy on horseback (Vuk Karadzic, Srpske narodne pjesme I, Beograd 932, No. 732) - in short, a mythological creature who decides upon birth and death. Slovene narratives contain the tenth sister who denotes death.
20	Seán O Súilleabháin. Handbook of Irish Folklore, Detroit: Singing Tree Press 1942, reprint 1970.
21	In a letter dated April 9, 1999. I would like to thank Dr. A. Bourke for the material in Irish tradition.
22	See also: Erich Seemann, "Die Zehnte Tochter". Eine Studie zu einer Gottscheer Ballade, in: Humanioria. Essays in Literature, Folklore, Bibliography, New York 1960, p. 102-114; Leopold Kretzenbacher, Germanische mythen in der epischen Volksdichtung der Slowenen, Graz 1941, p. 99-101.
23	Recorded by V. Vodusek in Jastroblje, Tuhinjska dolina, March 25, 1957, GNI; No. 20675, tape 15-1, 50. The song, originally a ballad - written by A. Hribar and published in: Slovenske balade in romance, Celovec 1912, no. 92 - became a folk song.
82
Monika Kropej
The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
The tenth brother or sister were called rojenjak or rojenica in Gorenjsko, the tenth or the twelfth brother was named kresnik in Primorsko24. The twelfth student of the black magic school, who at the end of schooling remains without his copy of the book - the teacher throws only eleven books among his students - leaves to roam the world and to
25
"chase the dragons".25 His destiny is thus similar to the destiny of Kresnik or Jurij. Of later origin are probably the tales in which the tenth child appears only in the role of a clairvoyant or a soothsayer, a human with supernatural powers who can also advise people in distress, which was usually expected of a priest. It is therefore understandable that the tenth brother in Pajek's note calls himself "mesnik" (a priest). Since the tenth children were roaming the world, people compared them to travelling bards with a great talent for storytelling and singing.
26	97
Radoslav Katicic , and afterwards also Vitomir Belaj , included the character of
the tenth child as well as the ninth brother in the Slavic and Baltic heritage in his research
on Slavic fertility rituals, or the pre-Slavic myth about the duel between the thunder god
and the dragon. Both have ascertained that this motif appeared in the Slavic as well as the
Baltic tradition. A Russian ballad, for instance, speaks about the incestuous relation
between a sister and her ninth brother. The brother leaves home to roam around, meets a
girl and invites her to join him on horseback. After their union they find out that they are 28
brother and sister. A similar fate awaits Jagoda in a Croatian song: Jagoda has nine brothers and Radojica, the tenth, the unborn brother. She marries him, and on their
2Q
wedding day rain starts to pour and thunder sounds. In another Croatian song, Mare - a girl with nine brothers who are hunters and goldsmiths - meets Ivo on horseback. Ivo is the
30
tenth brother who has returned home, and Mare is his sister.
There are interesting similarities between these songs and the Irish poem about
31
Owen Burke, also called Eoghan Burcach. In one of its variants, Owen Burke is a shepheard who finds a wild girl living in the woods. He manages to civilize her, and with her family's permission marries her. It turns out that the girl is the daughter of his employer who had been banished from her home, in order to comply with the custom of sacrificing a child from a large family to Deoch Bhui (deachu, deachaoin). After a time her family regret their permission for this wedding, and the girl's brothers kill Owen Burke. The contents of this Irish poem seems to be repeated, in a slightly different form, in a Latvian daina. This Latvian short song mentions brothers who after the wedding ascertain that the
24 Stepan Kocijančič, Arkiv III, Zagreb 1854, p. 281, published by: I. Navratil, Slovenske narodne vraže in prazne vere, in: Letopis Matice slovenske, Ljubljana 1887, p. 106. Ivo Grahovec - Riječanin, Slovan 9 / 1911, p. 300301.
25J. Kelemina, Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva, Celje 1930 (after M. Valjavec).
26Weiteres zur Rekonstruktion der Texte eines urslawischen Fruchtbarkeitsritus, in: Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch, Bd. 35, Wien 1989, p. 57-97.
27Hod kroz godinu, Zagreb 1998.
28P. V. Šejn, Velikoruss v svoih pesnjah, obrjadah, običajih, verovanjah, skazkah, legendah i.t.p., I, Sankt-Peterburg 1898, p. 551, no. 1824.
29Hrvatske narodne pjesme 6, Zagreb 1914, p. 45-46, no 20.
30Olinko Delorko, Narodne lirske pjesme, Pet stolječa hrvatske književnosti 23, Zagreb 1963, p. 188, no. 211.
31 Lorcan O Muireadhaigh, Amhrain Chuige Uladh (The songs of Ulster), Dublin 1927 (reprint 1977).
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Monika Kropej
groom is not suitable for their sister and kill him. Baltic songs also speak about the nine sons of Perkun:
Perkons, sivi očka, devetero sinov ima.
Vsak njegov sinček svojo obrt dobro zna:
Eden bije, drugi grmi,
tretji bele bliske meče,
četrti pa iz goste megle
spušča dež.
Gray daddy Perkons Has nine sons.
Each of them knows his trade well: One strikes, another thunders, The third casts white lightning, The fourth draws rain From thick fog.32
Their tenth brother is given as a tithe, so he leaves to roam the world. Upon his return
an incestous relation takes place. Another daina sings that Mesec (the moon) leads
Sončica (female sun) into the first spring. The next daina reveals that the moon walks by
himself, and falls in love with Zarjica (dawn). Because of his infidelity to Sončica, Perkun
33
becomes angry and chops the moon with his sword.33 Perkun's children therefore appear as celestial bodies in this song.
According to this material Perun, the highest Slavic and Baltic deity, appears to have ten or nine sons and a daughter. An incestual relationship, considered divine and sacred, ensues between the daughter and the tenth or the ninth son. R. Katičic and V. Belaj have established that the character of the tenth brother has not been imported from Ireland; Slavic traditions, Baltic and Irish parallells, as well as the broader European tradition, all testify to the Indo-European origin, and great age of the myth about the tenth brother who leaves home to roam the world, returns to his father's (Perun's) home, and marries his sister. The motif of the tenth brother who leaves to roam the world and the motif of sacred marriage (hierogamy) are thus closely connected in the myth, that is between divine protagonists. The tenth brother, Jurij, is a son of Perun, he marries his sister, and this hierogamy enables another cycle of renewal. In Perun's (Jurij's) myth the same story - as later in a shortened and profanized folk heritage - takes place in the realm of the gods.
The tenth daughter is destined to belong to the deity which is connected to destiny, and takes care of birth and death, thus Hecate, Diana and Artemis in Antiquity, or the Slavic gods Mokoš and Pehtra.34 Their character is ambivalent: on the one hand they
32Letviešu tautasdziesmas I-III, Riga 1955-1957.
33Z. Biezais, Die himmlische Gotterfamilie der alten Letten, Upsala 1972
34See: Niko Kuret, Sredozimka pri Slovencih, in: Opuscula selecta. Poglavja iz ljudske kulture, in: Dela SAZU 43, Ljubljana 1997, p. 66-79.
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The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
represent terrible chaotic forces, ragings accompanied by wild beasts and monsters, energies which have to be brought to order; on the other hand, they look after fertility, and the renewal of nature. The tradition of the tenth daughter partly reminds us of the Greek myth about Iphigenia who was destined for the goddess Artemis. In order to take revenge upon Agamemnon for his insults, Artemis demanded Iphigenia's death, but replaced her with a hind when Iphigenia was already placed on the altar, and took her to Tauris as her priestess.
Let us mention certain digressions between the male and the female characters of the tenth child. R. Katicic and V. Belaj see in the mythical creature of Zeleni Jurij the tenth brother who, as the tenth child, had to roam the world. One of essential characteristics of kresnik as well as Zeleni Jurij is the fact that he travels around the world.
In my research on the horse as an attribute of a deity - who is born at Christmas, travels around the world as Zeleni Jurij, gets married as kresnik, and concludes his life as a white horse or the goldenhorn - I came to the conclusion that all these characters are personifications of the same deity - of Perun, or of his incarnation on Earth.35 This deity, the so-called son of god, was marked by the image of the horse and was - according to R. Katicic and V. Belaj who tried to prove this on the basis of folk song heritage - the tenth brother. Like the horse, the tenth brother personified a sacrifice or an offering. Since this sacrifice is also incorporated into the fertility or the cosmological cult, the tenth brother -Jurij - left home to roam the world; Marjetica, who was abducted by the dragon, was equally destined to live in exclusion. And yet the songs which mention the sacred marriage do not mention a fight with the monster; this fight is mentioned only in Irish fairy-tales (see above) in which this heritage is connected with the myth of Andromeda and Perseus in certain variants. The tenth brother in reality personifies the tithe, an offering; in a symbolical manner also in the cosmological myth or in the fertility ritual. According to these folk songs about the tenth brother, Zeleni Jurij, a child of Perun, who roams the world and in a field meets his sister - who, in some variants, is also the tenth child - are a fragment of a cosmological myth or song sung at a certain time of the year in order to invoke fertility in nature. There is therefore a close connection between both couples, between Perun and Mokos, and Jurij and Marjetica. The tenth brother and the tenth sister in folk songs are the tithe sacrificed to both deities, or else they themselves personify the deities.
86
35M. Kropej, The Horse as a Cosmological Creature in Slovene Mythopoeic Heritage, in: Studia mythologica Slavica 1, Ljubljana & Pisa 1998, p. 153-167.
Monika Kropej
Desetništvo v ljudskem izročilu
Monika Kropej
Deseti, deveti, dvanajsti, trinajsti pa tudi sedmi otrok istega spola naj bi bil po ljudskem izročilu bodisi božanstvo, demonsko bitje, jasnovidec ali vrač, hkrati pa tudi žrtev, desetina, namenjena nekemu boštvu. V slovanskih ljudskih pesmih morata desetnica oz. desetnik po svetu. Po desetnico pride v nekaterih variantah bela žena, Marija ali vila, v srbski pesmi vila na konju, in ko se čez mnogo let vrne v rodno vas, je nihče ne prepozna, nočejo je sprejeti v hišo, posledica tega pa je nesreča: smrt matere ali nevihta s požarom. Usoda desetega otroka, namenjenega božanstvu, ki odloča o rojstvu in o smrti, je, da tava po gozdu in po tujih krajih. V slovenskem pripovednem izročilu s Pohorja deseto sestro imenujejo kar smrt. Na Gorenjskem so ji dali ime rojenica, desetmu bratu pa rojenjak. Dvanajstega brata so imeli na Primorskem za kresnika. Dvanajsti dijak črne šole gre po svetu "pozoje preganjat", njegova usoda je torej sorodna Kresnikovi oz. Jurijevi. Poznejšega izvora so verjetno pripovedi, kjer nastopa desetnik ali desetnica le v vlogi jasnovidca in vedeževalca, človeka, ki ima nadnaravne sposobnosti. Zaradi popotništva so jih ljudje imeli tudi za potujoče barde in rapsode.
Desetnik in desetnica (tudi deveti, dvanajsti, trinajsti otrok) sta se do danes ohranila v ljudskem izročilu Slovanov, Baltov in Ircev. Pri drugih ljudstvih opazimo nekaj podobnosti z izročilom o sedmem otroku istega spola. Tak otrok naj bi bil bodisi božanstvo, demonsko bitje ali vrač.
Desetnici je usojeno, da pripada boštvu, ki je povezano z usodo in skrbi za rojstvo in smrt, torej za ciklično obnovo. Te lastnosti so imela božanstva, povezana s kultom rodovitnosti, kot so bile v antiki Hekate, Diana, Artemida, keltska De Ane, slovanska Mokoš, Pehtra ipd. Izročilo o desetnici spominja na grški mit o Ifigeniji ki je bila namenjena boginji Artemidi. Artemida je namreč zahtevala njeno smrt, da bi se maščevala zaradi Agamemnonove žalitve, vendar jo je na žrtveniku zamenjala s košuto in jo odpeljala za svojo svečenico na Tavrido.
Raziskave ljudskega bajeslovnega pesemskega in pripovednega izročila so nadalje pokazale, da je kot desetnik zaznamovan tudi Zeleni Jurij, boštvo, ki naj bi prineslo pomladno obnovo in rodovitnost, kot desetnica nastopa tudi njegova sestra Marjetica, posvečena ženskemu boštvu rodovitnosti in smrti. Lik desetnika in desetnice, kakor tudi devetega brata v slovanskem in baltskem izročilu ima, kot sta ugotovila Radoslav Katičic in po njem tudi Vitomir Belaj, pomembno vlogo v praslovanskem rodovitnostnem ritualu oz. praslovanskem mitu o dvoboju med bogom gromovnikom in zmajem. Deseti brat gre v desetino, ko se vrne, pride do incestne zveze. Deseti oz. deveti brat in njegova sestra skleneta poroko, ki je veljala za božansko, sveto. Po tem gradivu sodeč, naj bi imelo najvišje slovansko in baltsko božanstvo - Perun deset oz. devet sinov.
V rodovitnostni kult oz. kozmološki mit je žrtev vključena, desetnik - Jurij odide v svet, Marjetici pa, ki jo ugrabi zmaj, je prav tako usojeno, da živi v ekskluziji. Vendar v pesmih, kjer se pojavlja sveta poroka, ni omenjen boj s pošastjo. Tega omenjajo le irske variante, kjer se tovrstno izročilo v nekaterih primerih navezuje na mit o Andromedi in Perzeju. Desetnik v resnici pooseblja desetino, dar, in to na simboličen način tudi v kozmološkem mitu oz. rodovitnostnem ritualu. Ljudske pesmi o desetem sinu, Perunovem otroku - Juriju, ki "juri" po svetu in sreča na polju svojo sestro, ki je po nekaterih variantah
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The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition
tudi deseta po vrsti - bi potemtakem bile odlomek kozmološkega mita oz. pesnitve, ki se je pela ob določenem času, da bi priklicali obnovo narave. Med paroma Perun in Mokoš ter Jurij in Marjetica obstaja torej tesna povezava. Desetnik in desetnica sta v ljudskih pesmih desetina, namenjena božanstvoma, oz. poosebljata božanstvi sami. Sčasoma se je spomin na desetnika in desetnico ohranil le še kot desetina oz. davek, dar.
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The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical
Specialist
László Kürti
For a long time, Hungarian scholars debated the origin and structure of Hungarian folk religion and folk beliefs. This article considers the relevance of shamanism to Hungarian folk belief, especially the complex surrounding the táltos. This Hungarian magical practitioner reveals connections both with historical magical specialists and with recent ethnographical materials. There are, however, important questions that must be answered: for example, how does the táltos figure in Hungarian religion, magic, and folkloric practices appear? What are the specific connections with neighbouring South Slavic, Romanian and western magical practices? And, finally, how does the táltos belief relate to linguistic, symbolic and bodily expression in Hungarian traditional culture? This article attempts to answer some of these questions by focusing on body symbolism, the mythical horse symbolism, and possible altered states of consciousness phenomena.
Introduction
Since 1996, the Hungarians have celebrated the 1,100 years of the conquest of their hoemland and the foundation of the Hungarian kingdom. Naturally, enormous intellectual energies have been expended on researching and reinterpreting Hungarian prehistoric culture. In this, religion has played a central role. Despite the large number of published materials, however, there is still no agreement as to what constituted Hungarian tribal religion of that period. Scholars still debate whether Hungarian tribes possessed a single shamanistic religion or, alternately, a synchretic religious complex that included Christianity, Islam, Tengrism and Judaism. How these debates have developed, what went on and what was left out, should be re-evaluated with the hope of providing additional food for thought for future comparative research.
In 1921, heated debates ensued between the "Europeanizers" and the "Asian gravity" (referred to also as the "Turanian hypothesis") schools in Hungarian ethnography. The former asserted a predominantly European cultural heritage, the latter argued that the Hungarian language and peasant culture has preserved remnants of an ancient Asian heritage. At that time, Gyorgy Király, a historian of literature, expressed his doubts concerning the origin of the Hungarian shaman (táltos) and whether such specialists should even be considered direct descendants of Asiatic shamans (1921: 46-53). Géza Róheim, a prominent Hungarian ethnographer and (later) a psychoanalyst, summarized his beliefs about folk religion in his classic "Hungarian Folk Beliefs and Folk Traditions", with a fact-of-the-matter statement: "All in all, we can state without exaggeration that Hungarian folk belief is Slavic folk belief' (1925:335).
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The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
This statement provided food for thought to Hungarian ethnographers and folklorists, who have been intent on proving Roheim either wholly wrong or wholly right. For example, many folklorists have agreed with the aforementioned statement by Roheim critically dismissing the Asiatic and Finno-Ugric shamanistic heritage ((Voigt 1976, Jung 1981, Korompay 1989). At the same time, Dioszegi (1958, 1962, 1983), Hoppal (1984, 1989, 1992), and Goodman (1980) have argued for the Asiatic (Finno-Ugric and ancient Turkic) heritage, while arguing against the specific statement of Roheim and his followers. In retrospect, it now seems ironic that both groups have missed Roheim's previous statement in the same book. Roheim wrote: "If we were to analyze Hungarian folk religion we will recognize that, while the Finno-Ugric stratum is not present in it, the Turkish-Tatar is present only in shamanism and, much more removed, in animism" (1925:334). While analyzing the interrelationships between Hungarian medieval history and mythology and its Siberian parallels, Roheim also detailed this specific connection (1984:171-228). Thus, based on passages taken out of their context, the rivalry between two Hungarian schools of thought was cemented.
Definitions notwithstanding, shamans, witches, prophets, and sorcerers are religious specialists whose powers enable them to cross standard boundaries while challenging established values.1 It is beyond the scope of this paper to rekindle arguments for or against the shamanistic theory of Hungarian religious pre-history (Kurti 1994). Rather, I wish to emphasize those elements in Hungarian folklore that could be related to a historically produced belief system fusing with (perhaps predating) Balkan, Slavic, Germanic and Christian elements.2 Just as in the nineteenth century occultism and spiritualism owe their existence to the "momentous legacy of mesmerism, physiognomy and the other fringe sciences" (Porter 1999: 254), so, too, can we realize important connections between early medieval witchcraft and shamanistic practices (Pocs 1996, 1998).
In order to discuss this connection, I espouse the view introduced by Max Weber that religious or magical behavior should not be set apart from the range of everyday purposive conduct.3 With this in mind, I aim to explain those activities that are fundamentally interconnected with present and historic mentalities. Aside from traditional accounts on shamanism, recent cross-cultural analyses call attention to the fact that many heretofore unnoticed aspects of dances, games, songs, movements, gestures, and body postures may be related to the craft of shamanizing (Goodman 1988; Mastromattei 1989; Zhornitskaya 1978). These, then, need to be placed in the context of religious practices with regard to the Hungarian material presented here.
1	For an earlier collection of classic anthropological and cross-cultural treatment on shamanistic research, see the articles in Lessa and Vogt (1965).
2	It was the Hungarian folklorists Janos Janko (1900) and Gyula Sebestyen (1900) who proposed first the direct link between the taltos belief and Asiatic shamanism. Detailed knowledge of shamanism was introduced into Hungarian scholarly pursuit by Aladar Ban (1908), based largely on the 1892 materials of the Russian scholar V. M. Mihailovsky. For the development of interest in shamanism by the pioneers of Hungarian ethnography, see Kosa (1989).
3	Max Weber continues that this is particularly so "(because)... even the ends of religious and magical acts are predominantly economic" (1965:1). As far as the economic argument is concerned it may be well the case for the early history of shamanism since the profession itself was overwhelmingly connected to large-scale, transhumant herding and a militarization of tribal confederations.
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Hungarian Shamanism: History vs. Ethnography
Whatever similarities or differences there may be between Hungarian archaic beliefs and Asiatic shamanism, in Hungarian culture, I argue, there have only been religious beliefs concerning many specialists of supernatural powers. Their names are quite telling: nezo or lato (seer), javas (medicine man or woman), boszorkany (witch), tudos (wise-man), garaboncias (wandering magician), and taltoses (or tatus or tatos).4 For better or worse, the last figure has been identified as one of the most archaic religious specialist. He or she is born with distinguishing marks, such as superfluous bones and hair. While most witches are females, taltoses are generally males, and are able to turn into a stallion or bull in order to fight with others for health, fortune, and good weather (Kalmany 1917; Szucs 1951, 1975; Roheim 1984). Thus, he or she must be born as a shaman, a profession only given by calling, as is evidenced in legends, tales and even in some following folksongs.5
An additional specialty of this hero with supernatural powers is the ability to find hidden treasures, an aspect common in European magical practices. Today, however, the traits of such belief are rare and mostly found in linguistic and etymological analyses, folkloric tales, legends and practices of magical kind (Bihari 1980; Buky 1989; Klaniczay 1983; Kriza 1989, Szucs 1975).6 In particular, the taltos in Hungarian popular fairy-tales is also a horse -- first a ragged, sick-looking one, later transforming into a miraculous steed by eating burning embers (Bano 1988:66-67; Erdesz 1988:98-100; and Kriza 1989:97-103). In popular legends, however, the taltos is a man who can become transformed into stallions or bulls. The connection between the taltoses and "miraculous coachmen" (tudos kocsis) and their horses - many with extraterrestrial qualities - needs to be further researched in order to reach to those hidden elements which may give us more clues as to the relationship between the magic horse and the earlier magical belief system.' However, it may be true that shamanistic elements survived in the profession of working with horses such as herding and especially among coachmen who preserved a secret knowledge of talking to and commanding their steed (Ferenczi 1984).8
Most difficult to decipher from ethnohistory, however, is the art of shamanizing. As we know from the pioneering ethnographic works on shamanism (M. Eliade, M. Czaplicka, V. Dioszegi, U. Harva), the classic Eurasian and some American Indian shamanistic performances were accompanied by singing, dancing, drumming and an
4	According to the TESZ (1976:832), the word tatos is Finno-Ugric connected to Khanty and Mansy concepts of "magic" and "powerfulness." Different (Turco-Tatar) interpretations for this origin, however, have recently been offered by others.
5	This song is a curious one, in light of what has been said about the special calling of the taltos:
6	The first English language treatments on Hungarian "shamanism" and taltos beliefs are Roheim (1951); Dioszegi (1958); Balazs (1963) and Fazekas (1967).
7	Matolcsy's analysis (1976:191-223) of an archeological burial site reveals the possible connection between the Hungarian taltos and his horse; see also Gunda (1963) and Laszlo (1945).
8	There are other names, such as tudos ("prophet," "the knowledgeable one"), javas ("diviner"), and nezo ("seer") which have also been collected in Hungary.
Eb-anyatol lettel, Kokenyfan termettel, Tatos Luca-napjan, Ejfelben termettel!
Of a bitch-mother, Born on a blue-berry tree, On the day of shaman's Lucia, You were born at midnight!
(Domotor 1974:157).
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amalgam of complex underlying political and religious symbolism.9 In Hungarian
prehistory, taltoses most probably performed with small hand-held drums. By the time we
are provided with the first descriptions about the activities of shamans and witches in the
written witch-trials of the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries the drumming aspects were
already obsolete.10 One possible explanation for this is the church's ideology in forcing the
taltoses and other religious mediators out of their jobs. We can only guess their fate as many
wandered aimlessly (this is in fact a consistent topos in Hungarian fairy tales!); others were
simply abandoned by their community or were killed. Many faced overt hostility and had
simply given up their profession.11
It needs to be mentioned here that Hungarian shamanism during the period between
the Conquest of the Carpathian Basin and the late Middle Ages (800-1000 AD), cannot be
viewed simply as the only and in fact a major religious ideology of the time. On the
contrary, it had to be an alternative form of religion and popular belief system that existed
side-by-side with other religions such as Islamic, Zoroastrian, Christian, and Hebrew
religions. However, rather than claiming the vanishing of this culture, we should pay
attention to the many elements of their religious worldview and practices which were
elevated and fused into the more profane folkloric and linguistic aspects of everyday
popular culture (Buky 1989; Paizs 1977; Vargyas 1977). Such cases abound in other parts
of the world where traditional practitioners met a similar fate, as major world religions won
over local customs and beliefs subsuming or eliminating them completely while, at the
12
same time, resulting in new religious belief systems.12
However, there seems to be a major problem in connecting Asian shamanism, Hungarian prehistoric religion, the taltos folk belief and the description of the miraculous taltos in folktales (cf. for example, Kriza 1964). Elements associated with the practice of the taltos are randomly selected; others are simply not fully explained. For instance, in Hungarian scholarship it has been long established that the magical use of the drum (dob)
13
was lost quite early.13 Drums, especially the military kind, had continued to exist in a semi-magical fashion. While we do know some uses of drums by witches from witch trials, other uses of the drum are scant. In one early source, "The Hungarian Mars, or the Memory of
9 Studies on drums are numerous; see for example Stromback (1956) and the studies in Dioszegi (1968) and Dioszegi and Hoppal (1978).
10Dummerth attempts to connect shamanism to the period of Conquest - with shamanistic theory and ritual totemism of the dynasty of Arpad - to prove the sacredness of kingship for the first kings of the Arpad dynasty; see Dummerth (1977:86-88).
11 For the complexity of tribal prehistory and religious cultural intermingling see Kristo (1985) and Szegfu (1985). Recent discussions concerning Hungarian folklore scholarship and ancient history are found in Kelemen (1978) and Voigt (1977).
12Perhaps the best illustration for this comes from Evans-Pritchard's classic study on Azande witchcraft (1976). Before colonial rule, witchcraft accusation was at a final stage, decided by a princely, or provincial, court by using the poison oracle. This judicial practice was followed by compensations and fees. Once the colonial judicial system was established, based on the British Common Law, recognition of the reality of witchcraft and acceptance of poison oracles by the princes' court became meaningless, since those involved could simply go to the colonial administration for filing charges. See also Balzer's analyses of Siberian shamanism and its connection with Christianity, as well as the influence of communism on native religious practices (1983, 1987, 1994); Davidson's discussion of the incorporation of ancient beliefs and folklore into Christianity in Northern Europe (1993); and Samuel's study on the amalgam of strands of Indian Buddhism and the indigeneous spirit cults of Tibet (1993).
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the Dangerous Event that Occurred on the Field of Mohacs" (Magyar Mars avagy Mohacs Mezejen Tortent VeszedelmekEmlekezete, Becs 1663), the author Laszlo Listi mentions the captain of the Hungarian forces, Pal Kinizsi with a reference to his magic drum:
The battle drum, named bull, is not only a curious example, but also an extremely important source for the continuation of magical drumming and the belief in superstition connected to animal transformation. The term "bulls" still exists for musical instruments: they are the so-called "jug-drums" (jugs with horsehair) and used in children's magical games. From classic works on shamanism we are informed that drums often take over the qualities of the shaman's spirit helpers and animals. This source also suggests that special drums may have had ritualistic functions and, thus, were held in high esteem.
It deserves mention in this context that the only musical instrument in today's Hungarian peasant culture resembling that of the drum - both in its function and in sound -- is the utogardon (hit-bass). This instrument is used by Hungarians, the csangos of the Gyimes region of Transylvania in Romania (Dincser 1943; Pavai 1993). Whether the violin and the hit-bass orchestra is any indication for the survival of the Hungarian magical practice or not must be further researched.
Throughout the centuries, as the drum was slowly eliminated, its magical role was extended to the sieve (szita or the rosta), a switch, no doubt, facilitated by the utility of the same utensil for witchcraft, fortune telling, fertility and ritualistic practices widespread in Europe.Both names of these kitchen utensils are of Slavic origin (TESZ 1967:448, 766), an indication of the large-scale agriculture and flour production adopted by the Hungarians after their settlements in the Carpathian Basin.Since such utensils were increasingly common in agricultural households, and since they were utilized in relation to bread, their function was elevated beyond the ordinary.In their forms, as well as in material and manufacture, however, the szita and the rosta are similar to the drum.14 This morphological
13 The Hungarian noun dob (drum) is phonetically identical with the verb dob (to throw), though the Hungarian Etymological Lexicon argues that there is no connection between the two (TESZ 1967:650). However, in more archaic usage the verb also meant to give, to place, or even to give birth (literally "to drum up" something). In a collection of a western Hungarian speech dialect, the following expression has been recorded: "Ne add e a lovadat, dob am meg ecs csikot neked" - which may be easily rendered as follows: "Don't sell your horse, she will throw/give/(drum up?) you another foal" (Abraham 1991:54). It would make sense to argue that there is a meaning-extension connection between the noun and the verb. For the magical usage of the drum is to invoke, to cast a spell, tell fortune, asking for plenty and luck. The act of drumming, and thus the instrument used, then, is to try to influence the powers to receive something back in exchange hence the possibility of connected sound, wishing and meaning. For a semantic and content analysis of the verb dob, see Kelemen (1985).
Kinisi Pal dobja, neveztetek bika
The drum of Pal Kinisi, is referred to as bull
Midon torok hallotta;	As the Turks heard it;
Hunyadi zaszlojat,	Similar to the flag,
s barcsak karnetajat,	and the trumpet of Hunyadi,
Ellenseg sajditotta,	When the enemy saw and heard,
Csak futasra indult,	Could only run,
s tobbe meg se fordult,	Never turning back,
Mindenet hatra hagyta.	But leaving everything behind. (Quoted in Komaromy 1891:356).
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The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
analogy, as well as the connection with flour (the symbol of fertility and plenty, as well as the basic source of carbohydrate for Europeans), could have facilitated its elevation into magical and ritual practices. Fortune telling and sorcery are connected to specific moves known as the "turning-of-the-sieve" in European witchcraft (Sebald 1984). This magical maneuver had been quite standard in European culture, an aspect that should caution anyone from arriving at an easy conclusion concerning the utensil's archaic history. The Hungarian ethnographer, Bela Gunda, for example, argues that the "origin of the knowledge of sieve-turning and sieve-throwing is in Western Europe" (1989:27).
However, while it may be evident that "sieve-turning" is more "European" than Asiatic (See Dioszegi and Tarkany Szucs 1984:373), there is an etymological connection here with dancing which may direct this analysis beyond the simple culture-contact or cultural borrowing hypothesis. For in Hungarian "turning of the sieve" is expressed as rostaforgatas, rostavetes, or szitalas. The native concepts of forgatas and vetes relate to "turning" and "throwing" respectively. The former is a constant in native Hungarian dance terminology - for example, forgatos, forgos, and fordulos all expressing "turning" and "whirling" motions. The latter verb, vetes -- more familiar to contemporary Hungarian readers with reference to vetni i.e. "to sow" (seeds) -- connotes "casting" as in the side-to-side movement of the women in front of their partner in couples' dances such as those of vetellos and atvetos.15 It must be stressed here that all of these terms are of Finno-Ugric origin, a language family to which Hungarian, and other Siberian tribal languages (most closely the Khanty and Mansy) are all related. This is also the case with most of the words used in dance terminology describing movements, styles, rhythm, and body parts used. 16
The Horse
Since it is reasonably well established and accepted by Hungarian scholars that the sieve-szita is a symbolic representation of the drum, we need to establish the connection between the szita and the horse, as well as with dancing. The horse was an important riding and draught animal of the Hungarians, from their prehistory well into the post-Conquest
17
period (since 896 AD).1' In folklore and ethnography, however, the horse has been
14	In an ethnohistorical document of the mid-nineteenth century, the rosta appears to be a special type of hand-held drum with metal cymbals attached to it. This was used by a Gypsy band and may be an extremely rare instance (Pavai 1993:76-77).
15	Etymological and symbolic analyses of dance terminology are yet to be made. Similar scholarly pursuits have been central to other areas such as material culture, symbolism and clothing (Nagy 1983).
16	Few scholars have ventured into investigating the archaic nature of dance language. In fact, there were only two pioneers: Marian Prikkel Rethei (1924) and Gyorgy Martin (1984). Their analyses, while useful and wide ranging, do not do justice to the richness and historical debt of the material in question since their arguments center around the origin of certain dance names and dance music since the sixteenth century. Studies of Hungarian dance language, especially its relation to Uralic-Altaic and (possibly) paleo-Siberian languages - for example, in similar veins to the analyses of Pusztay (1990) and Hajdu (1977) - are yet to be made.
17	See the argument by Istvan Zichy (1923:25) concerning the Finno-Ugric origin of the horse and horse-keeping vocabulary of ancient Hungarians; and for a recent summary, Bartha (1988:98-107), Matolcsy (1982), Tokei (1983), and U.Kohalmi (1972). There are the myths of thefeher lo (the white steed) which was a symbolic gift of exchange between the Hungarian chiefs and the hosts at the time of the Conquest. The "mare's milk bath" of heroes in fairy tales (see, Bano 1988:67; Kristo 1980:203; Nagy 1988:159) are still largely unexplored themes in Hungarian folk beliefs.
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polarized somewhat between the idealistic and the more mundane forms of representations. Drumming has been used among the Hungarians in Moldavia, especially with regard to the magical practice of tying and untying (Dioszegi 1957: 128-154). However, the tying-untying practice was common in medieval witchcraft as well and cannot be solely connected to shamanism alone. Géza Roheim, who tried to explain the phenomenon of shamanism based on psychoanalytic principles, argued that the shaman/ tâltos had a spirit helper in the form of the horse (1925:10-11). Solymossy connected the tâltos to the horse on the one hand, and the shaman's drum to the szita on the other (Solymossy 1943:355-356). According to a collection of superstitions, among the csângos of Moldavia, the practice of fortunetelling with a sieve and acorns is called "bobolâs" and the sieve is called simply "dob" (drum);
"Te dob, mond meg az igazat, ke vaj eszverontalak, vaj ezek elszertûlnek!" "I ask you drum for the truth; if not, I will either break you into pieces, or these grains must be scattered everywhere" (Fazekas and Székely 1990:41; cf also Roheim 1984:179).
Nevertheless, it was Géza Roheim and, following him, Vilmos Dioszegi who, to my knowledge, first made the connection between the drum-sieve-horse complex (Roheim 1984:178-180, 196-197; Dioszegi 1983:69-73). More recent analyses of fairy-tales offer ample evidence for the existence of the Hungarian tâltos and his spirit helper, one of which could have been the horse, hence its name in popular consciousness as tâltoslo (see Kovâcs 1984:24).18
The connection between the sieve-drum and the horse is provided by additional information overlooked by these illustrious figures.Without exception this kitchen utensil for sifting flour is made out of wire. However, finer and more special sieves had been made earlier with strong horse-hair.19 This material connection and, with it the movement of circling or circularity, is further reinforced in the following folksong as well:
Azért, hogy a szita, rosta kerek, -Én vagyok a hires magyar gyerek. Ha kantâros lovon jârok, Akkor szeretnek a lânyok. (Quoted in Viski 1935:43).
The sieve and sifter are both round, I am the real famous Hungarian lad, When I ride on my bridled horse, Girls fall in love with me.
Love magic and horseback riding form an essential part of the "drumming-sifting" magic as is evidenced in this song. In Szatmar county, a folk riddle proposes the same connection: "I have a horse which neighs at every window;" what is it?, the drum (Visky 1934:368) 20
Interesting as well is the way in which Hungarians describe the movements of both sifting with the sieve and body-slapping during dance. For when using the szita, the corresponding verb is not only "shaking" (or, in Hungarian, razzak) but "hitting",
18	Analyses about animals, especially the horse, their role and symbolism, are yet to be made. For earlier attempts see Gunda (1963), Hajdu (1992), Kalman (1938) and Luko (1965); more recently see Bendek and Csonka (1999).
19	That this is a culturally specific and significant example may be seen in the fact that in other cultures different materials are used to make sieves. For example, among the nomadic, transhumant pastoralist Basseri of South Persia, large sieves are made of "perforated sheets of guts" (Barth 1961:92).
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The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
"beating", and "slapping" (in Hungarian these terms are:pofozzak, verik). In a proverb from Kibed (Transylvania, Romania), it is the women who literally "dance" with the sieve - an obvious connection between gender and the act of fortune telling as well as dancing: Erdon vagjak, falun szarasszak,	Made/cut in the woods/forest,
s az asszonyok tancot jarnak mellette Dried in the village,
And women dance with it. What is it? The sieve (My translation, quoted in Raduly 1990:183).21 But the verb verni is not only descriptive of dance and sieve-beating but also included in the economic and productive activity. This idiom is also to be found with relation to the first driving out the animals to the pasture at springtime described as "kihajtas" (a term analyzed indepth later) or "kiveres" (Luby 1938:11).
In popular parlance it is also evidenced that the taltos cannot stay put; he or she must be constantly on the move, an element constant in folktales as well. They are in an eternal quest to regenerate their power. The taltoses do not get along with people and, especially, their colleagues; in other words they are "incompatible" or "quarrelsome", osszeferhetetlenek (Kalmany 1917). They are born fighters; they defend their territory; they punish those mistreating them; and, which is essential to their quest, they must prove their worth to their community as well as to their fellow professionals at regular intervals. Taltoses sometimes fight in defending their own herds, sometimes to ward off strange colleagues; at other times, to preserve their reputation or save their settlement from foreign
23
intruders.23 In historical documents they are also described as fighting vehemently against witches. This is a curious point which may shed some light on the fact that taltoses and witches had to negotiate their place in society, a fact that could help the accelerated of fusion of elements between the two religious beliefs (Klaniczay 1983:128-129; Pocs 1989).
20The various movements of the szitálás may be understood better if we mention that in Hungarian it is explained also with the specific "jobbra-balm" (right-left) and more general "ide-oda" (here-there) expressions. Today, these two verbal utterances are much more commonly utilized in everyday parlance. In one dance - call, the szitálás appears as a analogy to riszál, "swaying of the hips: Ha úgy tudnál szitálni, Mint a farod riszálni, Tobbet érnél anyádnál, Annál a vén kofánál. (See Olosz 1982:202).
21 The szita also appears in the following dance call: Keresztúri szitakéreg, Ne futkározz, mint a féreg. (See Olosz 1982:213).
Although it seems quite unrelated at first, the opening line is followed by a description of the "running around" aimlessly, or without meaning, an obvious reference to the circularity of the rim of the sieve. At the same time, insects may also damage wood - like termites or carpenter ants - which may be related to the first line's hint at the danger to the wooden rim of the sieve. Thus, it is evident that even in seemingly unconnected stanza rhymes there could be deeper associations, allusions, and meaning extensions of various kinds.
22Aside from these, verni - to beat, to hit, to strike - also has other connotations with dancing and music. In Moldavian Hungarian communities, dances held inside were rationalized as the "house's floor will be stamped/ beat down" - "megverni a fodjét (Hankóczi 1988:317). Also the playing-style of the musical instrument the koboz (folk lute) is described as verni (Hankóczi 1988:321)..
23For a comparative study on fighting in folk literature see Lengyel (1986-87),
96
Only if you could sift, As you sway your hips, You could be worth more, Than your elderly mother.
The rim of the sieve from Keresztur, Don't run around like an insect.
Laszlo Kurti
Both the taltoses, and their equine alterego, are described in folktales and beliefs as fighting viciously, wrestling, biting and hitting one another - in Hungarian they are vivnak, viaskodnak, marakodnak, megkuzdenek, birkoznak, vagdalkoznak (Dioszegi 1983:108-122). The most vivid descriptions are bloody-fights of taltoses transformed into bulls and studs, but never into mares or cows (Roheim 1984:192). It needs to be stressed that etymologically these terms belong to the most archaic (i.e. Finno-Ugric) vocabulary of the Hungarian language. The fighting motif has been suggested as being as the single-most important element in the Hungarian taltos belief originating in the Siberian-Altaic or proto-Turkic shamanic culture, an area separating the Hungarian tradition from the neighboring Slavic and Romanian parallels (Roheim 1984:203-210) 24
The fighting may point to the altered states of consciousness so well-known in magical practices all over Eurasia. There are, however, no ethnographic data to prove that Hungarian shamans achieved their extasy-like state. This fact is easily discernable in North America, Siberia and the Far East. In Hungary, there are, nevertheless, certain beliefs that may serve as a clue to connect present-day terminology with the ritualistic movements of the taltoses. In classic historical and ethnographic documents the taltos survives only by drinking "milk" or milk products, a habit clearly of symbolic significance identifying the
religious specialists and, at the same time, separating them from the behavior of ordinary
25
persons.
Similarly, in contemporary oral accounts, the taltos is described as someone who
"talks a lot," "who yells or even speaks loudly," as well as a person who is always "hungry,"
"eats fast and large amounts of food." These descriptions oppose accepted human conduct
and norms (Ferenczi 1980-81:316-317). There are even data that may indicate a closer
interrelationship between ritualistic movements and dance-like behavior.
As we have seen before, taltoses are "quarrelsome" and must be on the "move" at all
times. But it is not only wandering from village to village, from settlement to settlement,
which sets them apart from commoners, but also their eccentric bodily movements which
have been interpreted as "strange," or out of the ordinary. In one description, for instance,
the taltos Ferenc Csuba "rolls his eyes in a strange (amazing?) manner" (Szucs 1942:11726
124). Dioszegi reports an oral account from Zsellye (historic Moson county) that connects horses and taltoses in motion-related etymology:
A good running horse was called taltos. A horse which was fast was referred to by the people of Szeremle as "we have a horse, like a taltos, he doesn't look to the sky or earth, just goes everywhere (or against anything)" (my translation). (A Moson megyei Zsellyen a jol futo lora mondtak: olyan mint a taltos. A nagyon "soreny" lora azt monjdak Szeremlen:
24 In fact, Roheim suggests that the fighting motif may be one of the few elements appropriated from the Hungarian belief system by neighboring Slavic populations (1984:192).
25A curious aspect of the taltos and witch-beliefs is the consumption of milk and milk products. This connection is explored in one children's rhyme about animals, in which the "bull" is asking for milk: Bolon bika, nagyapo.	Crying bull, grandpa,
Adsz-e tejet nagyanyo?	Will you give me milk, grandma?
Nem adhatok, mert nem jo	I cannot for it's no good anymore,
Belehullott a pondro.	For worms have gotten in it.
(Kiss 1891:17).
26Eyes are, of course, also connected to witches and belief in the evil eye. For a classic psychoanalytic treatment on the evil eye see Roheim (1952).
97
The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
"olyan a mi lovunk mint a taltos, nem nez se eget, se foldet, az men mindennek" (Dioszegi 1983:73).
Similarly, such eccentric movement also appears in a study of folk beliefs in a single village, Karancskeszi, northern Hungary, in which the taltos is described by one local as follows:
...Van a faluban egy asszony... az annyira megy es annak jar a keze, jar a laba, jar neki az, feje, jar neki mindenye, az ugy megyen az uton. Es o is megkapja sokat, hogy mondjak neki: Ollan vagy mint a taltos... Mert nem ugy megy mint egy szelid oregasszony, hanem ugy megy mint egy taltos. (Fejos 1985:57).
...There is a woman in our village...she moves so much; her hands and legs move constantly; even her head moves; every part of her body moves, that's how she walks on the street. Many times they tell her: "You are like a taltos." For she does not walk like a
27
quiet old woman, but she moves/walks like a taltos. (My translation, Fejos 1985:57).
Powerful and charismatic, taltoses do not possess the same kinesthetic qualities as ordinary people do; their gaze, gait and bodily movements distinguish them from the everyday and the usual. Such is indeed the case with taltoses who are empowered to search for treasures hidden underground. Although looking for hidden treasure is a general theme in Europe (among others Sorb, Polish, German, Finn, Sami, Estonian and Welsh treasure stories are known), Hungarian beliefs are connected to the special power of the taltoses. No matter how powerful, however, the taltos cannot simply take the treasure out of the ground: he/she could only "stomp it out/up" (dobbanthatja fel). As Lajos Kalmany noted earlier in this century, in one oral account from the Great Plains: "the taltos made one-hundred steps west from the well and, stopping for a moment, he made a single "stomp" (egygyet dobbantott) and said: this is where the money is" (1917:267). Kalmany also recorded another case from Szentes where, according to locals, the "tatos" slept for three days, then waking up he drank milk and then: a labaval dobbantott, aztan eltunt. A szomszedunk mindjart tudta, hogy ott penz van, ki is asta; azota gazda ember (He stomped with his foot, then he disappeared. Our neighbor knew immediately that the money was there; he dug it up and became a rich man. (My translation, Kalmany 1917:266). In another case, the taltos, known by his stage-name as Pista Penzaso (Steve the Treasure-Digger), always said that people should dig where "he will stomp" and then the treasure will be revealed to the uninitiated (Fuvessy 1992:312-313).
This special "stomping" (dobbantas) has connections only in Hungarian folkdances, where variations of special "stomping" movements (tombol, dobog, dubog) and others referred to above) have been preserved into the twentieth century. Aside from regional dance variants which are named "stomping," there are similar movements: for instance, in Kek village in Szabolcs county, where dancers "stomped" (dobbantottak) at key moments in the song (Nyarady 1941:283). Ritual stomping may also be found in the Transylvanian shepherds dance as an organic part of the mid-winter nativity play, the betlehemezes (Olsvaine 1991:470-471). But we may continue this line of reasoning further by arguing
27It should be noted that the verb jar has multiple meanings in Hungarian. Among other things, it may mean "to walk," "to go," "to pass," "to work," or "to move;" moreover, one special meaning it has is "to dance" (MNYTESZ 1976:260-262). Needless to say, it is one of the archaic words in the Hungarian language. In fact, Hungarians do not "dance" when they dance, they are described by the infinitive jarni. One special Hungarian dance is also called "jartatos."
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Laszlo Kurti
that the connection between these words and concepts and the behavior of the horse is
20
even more striking when it is realized that horses are also known to dobog and tombol. Both of these words, translated either as "stamping" or "stomping," or thus "dancing,"
2Q
could thus be related to "drumming."29 Good riders have the skill to make their horse dance as it is evidenced in a "hussar farewell", a folklorized poetry in which the discharged cavalryman thanks his horse while saying goodbye: Shine your spurs and boots,
30
With which you taught your horse how to dance.30
Hungarian folk beliefs and folk tales also suggest the same ritualistic movement. Heroes of folktales and their magic steed also dance with distinctive actions described as "dobbant" or "toppant." In a wonderful fairy-tale from Transylvania, the heroic Miklos Kus fights an old hag in order to find his sweetheart. He rides on his talking magic (taltos) horse, a pattern common in fairy-tales in many cultures. However, in the Hungarian version, before each magic flight, the horse "skips" and "stomps" a number of times and, only by
31
so doing, are the horse and rider able to be airborne (Olosz 1972). At one point they perform a "hajdutanc," a soldier-dance known between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries:
Once landed under the window of the king, (the hero) performed such a haiduk-
dance that the he broke the windows with the pieces of stones kicked up from the
32
courtyard; even the king had a hard time surviving (Olosz 1972:58-59).
Horses are also described as tombolnak in Margit Luby's wonderful little study about superstitions in Szatmar county, north-east of Hungary:
Csatlos Joska felbiztatta Szanto Bertit, az meg el vette a fekete palcat, megzorgette az ajtofelfakat. Tomboltak ra a lovak, oltek vona megfele egymast.
28That this connection is not so far fetched may be seen in cross-cultural examples, where dancing and horse-back riding are inextricably linked activities. Frederik Barth reports that among the Basseri tribe of Southern Persia, during the wedding day, women dance to their own singing and men entertain themselves with horse-racing and stick-duel dancing. When the groom's family takes the bride to the specially erected nuptial tent "Dancing women and galloping men accompany and circle the procession" (Barth 1961:140-141).
29Witches also use drums, a point of contention concerning the drumming aspect in Hungarian folk religion. For
example, Eva Pocs (1989:165) argues for a possible Balkanic origin.
30The poem, written in the style of a self-educated villager, reads: Sarkantyus csizmajat szepen kipuczoja Ugy tundoklik rajta aczel sarkantyuja Melyel o a lovat tanczolni tanitya (Asztalos 1992:63).
31	Actually, the stomping and the jumping occur three times but differently on every occasion: first as "egyet szokom, kettot dobbantok" ("one jump two stomps" p. 53), then "kettot toppantott, egyet szokotf ("two stomps, one jump" p. 54), and finally "Egyet dobbintott, egy felet ugrott" ("one stomp, one half-jump" p. 55).
While I do not intend to go into a detailed content and semiotic analysis of this fairy-tale, I find it revealing that as the power of the hero is increases, (his transformation from copper and silver to gold), the number of stomps and the jumps decreases.
32	In Hungarian:
Az ablak alatt olyan hajdutancot jaratott a loval, hogy a flaszterdarabokkal a kiraly szobajanak az ablakait mind berugatta, s a kiralyt is szintes de szinte agyonverte (Olosz 1972:58-59).
99
The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
(Jozsef Csatlos egged Berti Szanto on, so the latter picked up his black stick and started to hit the door-posts. The horses went wild and began to stomp, almost killing one another (Luby 1983:70).
A further support for the connection between the stomping movements and the realm of the magical relates to the thunder and wind, both of them described with a language-specific term as tombol. With this we arrive at an important correlation between the magical specialist and the wind, an area which has been mentioned by others earlier in this century. In a folk riddle we are asked to identify the wind-as-shaman as follows:
Egy gyors roptu taltos,	One fast flying shaman,
Gyorsan repul, szalldos.	Flying with speed, airborne,
Senki fel nem tartja,	Nobody is able to stop it,
Eljut mindenhova.	It could be everywhere.
(Quoted in Enyedi 1988:80, my translation).
33
Thunder and whirlwind are, of course, related to all forms of the supernatural.33 In the taltos belief, however, the whirlwind is said to be caused by angry taltoses and their lesser counterparts (i.e. the garaboncias, who ride the whirl-wind on their own steed, the dragon). The native term for whirlwind is "forgoszel," a descriptive term relating to "turning" and "whirling" -- and thus dancing, as we saw earlier with reference to the sieve. This special turning motion may also reveal a connection that further proves the interrelationship of specific movement qualities and shamanism. The whirl-wind in Hungary is known either as szepasszony szele (Beautiful woman's or Fairies' wind) or tatos-szel (shaman's wind) (Kertesz 1985:73). People with strokes are told to be caught (actually "slapped") by the "beautiful woman's whirl-wind," which is also known as the "dance of the Beautiful Women".
Body Symbolism and Meaning
One aspect related to the magical powers of witches, sorcerers and shamans has to do with bodily symbolism. As explained earlier, the taltos is born with distinguishing marks: such as six fingers, double-rows of teeth, and abundant bodily hair or sorte ("bristle"). It should be mentioned that the horse's mane is called soreny (a variant of sorte), which is another etymological/symbolic connection between the human and the supernatural worlds.34 Naturally, witches, too, are born with extra body parts such as a small tail, huge breasts, long hair, ugly nose or rows of teeth. Both religious specialists are described in ethnohistorical documents as having bushy eyebrow, a mark of power enabling the specialist to cast an evil eye (Roheim 1952).
That hands, fingers, eyes and other 'extra' body parts, are also endowed with special meanings is easily verified from cross-cultural examples (Polhemus 1978). As cross-
33It is worth mentioning that, in the European witch-beliefs, female witches perform a "circle" dance during Sabbath. In 1741, during a trial the accused witch admitted to be at the Szent Gellert mountain where dancing took place where, she says, "We danced like a whirl-wind" (Szendrey 1986:160).
34While there is an unusual similarity between the words "soreny" (meaning "mane") and that of "sereny" (soreny in different dialect), meaning "fast," the former is from "hair" (szor), and the latter is from "speedy rotation" (MNYTESZ (1976:520-525).
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cultural investigations inform us, bodily noise - such as whistling - is an important element
35
of shamanistic rites and magical performances.35 Among the Huichol, Pomo and the Pima Indians we are told that curing shamanistic practices are referred to as "sucking" or
36
"blowing" hence the name "sucking doctor" applied to them at times (Kippler 1988).
Spirit possession is one related aspect of such shamanistic performance (Lewis 1988).
Many of the North West Coast Indian tribes also rely on whistles to enter trance or receive
ghosts and spirits who arrive by whistling (Suttles 1990:309, 330); and performed
"sucking" and "spitting" during shamanic cures (Suttles 1990:309, 330, 372, 565). Even
among the Khantys, blowing has been a part of curing ceremonies, as the shaman after
catching the soul of the sick person would "blow the soul into the right ear of the patient"
(Balzer 1987:1087). Krohn also reports (1908: 153) that the Cheremis shaman cures by
37
blowing and spitting into a glass of vodka which he later throws behind his back.3'
A host of Slavic witches and supernatural beings are also known to be powerful
"blowers" with capabilities of creating a storm (Pocs 1989:124-126). In Hungarian folk
medicine, blowing has existed: as for example "blowing away" various sicknesses such as
evil eye, pulled tendon or growths (Kandra 1897:349; Pocs 1986:39, 49-50, 56). I cannot
at this point offer more than just a hypothesis that whistling (and blowing) in both
Eurasian shamanic and European magical performances had an important meaning both
38
as a communicative device and, perhaps, as a folk medicinal practice.38 Dance and Altered States of Consciousness
The notions of soul (lelek) and wind (szel) are present in both dancing as well as
taltos beliefs. As I have argued in an earlier publication, there are dancing rituals in which
elements of fertility symbols may be found, in an article based on my fieldwork among
39
Hungarians in Transylvania, Romania (Kurti 1987). Yet, there are even more, isolated instances where distant traditions were preserved in twentieth-century peasant customs. In traditional peasant society, young, unmarried girls danced a particular dance form known
35In many American Indian cultures, whistling indicates the arrival and reception of spirits (Du Bois 1935).
36Among the Patwin and the Miwok tribes of California the expression koja-pe is a "sucking-shaman," and koj-pa is "to suck for a diseased object" (Gifford 1955; Kroeber 1932). The opposite of blowing is, of course, spitting - or in tribal medical practices even vomiting - which is also present in many folk medicine and superstitions. For example, it is reported for many California Indian tribes such as the Tolowa and Shasta:
In working a cure the shaman went into a trance and danced violently until she vomited up an object (often a lizard, produced by sleight of hand) that was said to be the "pain." Sometimes the "pain" was sucked out of the patient (Gould 1978:134).
Recent analyses suggest that meditative breathing techniques - which are of course structured exercises of inhaling and exhaling air - known in vernacular as "blowing" and "sucking", such as in tantrism, yoga and Zen (Mastromattei 1989:228), also change one's mental state (Doore 1988:218-219).
37 Among the Cheremis (Mari), one special medicine man - or shaman - is known as suvedese and blessing is "suvedeme;" both words are from the same root, suvalam, to spit; see Sebeok (1975:312). One Hungarian term for the long shepherd's flute is szultu or suvolt, which may have its distant relative in the Cheremiss sijaltos (Sarosi 1979:234). This connection, which reaches back hundreds of years into Finno-Ugric prehistory, should be further analyzed.
38Outside Eurasia, among the Azande for example, the following aphorism exists: "The blower of water does not die," an obvious reference to the extreme power of witches (Evans-Pritchard 1976: 44). Spittle and "blowing breath" are also part of the Lugbara religious system, especially with regard to sacrifice and purification of the cult of the dead (Middleton 1987:102-104).
The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
as karikázó or karéj (literally "circling," "encircling," "round"), a dance of two or three different tempi accompanied acapella (Martin 1979). In formal analyses, men's circle dances have been connected to the eighteenth century military recruiting institution, and the "maiden's round," to Lent when orchestral music was forbidden by the church (Pesovár 1978:30). While these rigid historical explanations are somewhat simplistic and lack adequate verification, there are more persuasive "hidden" elements that might reveal further information about the past and the underlying connotation of this kind of dancing. For instance, according to the people of Szoreg, witches gather during night at Whitsuntide and: "karikába táncolnak, aki abba a karikába belehág, az ojan bajt kap, amelikbül nem lehet kigyógyitani" (they dance in a circle which will cause incurable sickness to those who happen to step inside of it) (Szendrey 1986:162; also Pócs 1983:146-148).40
This -- as well as the turning the sieve and the whirl-wind - indicates that the women's round dance may be endowed with magical meanings beyond the ordinary. Therefore such kinetic shapes may be endowed with non-human characteristics. Circularity and turning (whirling) are, of course, shapes and forms of a spatial enclosure with specific symbolic meanings existing in many tribal as well as organized state religions (i.e., the mandala in the Far East and the labyrinth in the Mediterranean and the Middle East). In fact, the drums of shamans, with their iconic paintings, are miniature representations of the worlds envisioned and visualized by their owners (Diószegi 1962a, 1963).
As with the magical stomping before, I wish to argue that the horse-connection here, too, is also present. As we saw earlier, in Hungarian parlance horses not only "dance" and "fight" -- activities fused into one another -- but are described with specific turning and circular movements when it is said that they "kereken megy" (translates as "it goes nicely on a circle," or "it turns according to command").41 In one beautiful fairy-tale the heroine (!) uses a special shamanic-horse with seven legs to travel the worlds in a fragments of a second. Interestingly the horse and the rider must makes seven pirouettes, in water in order to be successful:
She noticed the silver lake with the whirling water. After jumping in it with her horse, they turned seven times. Pulling on the bridle they jumped out and in less than a second they were back home in front of their hut. (My translation Voigt 1989:32). According to Szücs, the táltos Ferenc Csuba said that the hidden treasure may be found where: hét nagy csodor táncol és kerengel, biztosan a kincset azon helyen megtalálják (You will find the treasure where seven stallion dance and whirl; 1944:155).
This special underlying connotation is further revealed when analyzing one particular females' circle dance, which might be even more telling of an archaic religious
39In this article I have argued, against the assertion of Tekla Dômôtôr, that the ritual " henderikâzâs" (couples embracing while rolling down the hill, an obvious fertility movement) may be much more archaic than was previously believed (1987:391).
40Witches were also described by the Lutheran minister, Péter Bornemissza, as dancing wildly or as tombolok, a word used for the tâltoses as seen above. This is an excellent example to show how shamanistic characteristics may be transferred to witchcraft practices (see Trôcsànyi 1958:240). This is further supported by the fact that witches are also dubôgnek (stomping) to scare people (Fehér 1937:223).
41 The phrase kereken megy (goes on a circle) refers to an even galloping-gait. My understanding of this is that there is full control of the horse by the rider, keeping the horse on an even tempo, with the front and the hind legs rounded, almost forming a circle.
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world-view and possible shamanistic practice. In the northern Hungarian village of Nagyrede, there is a basic women's round: the dancers hold their hands behind each other's backs, singing acapella while the circle rotates in a slower and a faster part, both clockwise and counter-clockwise.42 This dance, however, is not only referred to as "round" or "circling" but called by the curious term szedules (Lugossy 1952:59; Martin 1979:165). This can be rendered into English best as "dizzying" or "fainting." The speedy rotation of the circle - no doubt -- makes many of the women dancers quite dizzy, an aspect of dancing present in regular couple dances as well, where turning and rotating is an essential element of the dance.43 This dancing-form of "dizziness," however, may be related to other aspects of Hungarian beliefs, though the text of the song does not reveal its underlying connotation. In fact, the words szedul and szel (wind) are etymologically from the same root, relating the act of fainting to turning (MNYTESZ 1967:692).44
As we saw above, the practice of finger-snapping already connected Hungarian dancing to the notions of "whistling" and maybe "blowing," themselves related to the concepts of "air" and "breath." Thus, with the "dizzying dance" we are provided with additional information that one could faint when one simply "loses one's soul." There are similar beliefs in Khanty society mentioned earlier, for fainting and death are said to be the result of losing one's "breath soul", or lil, a term of common Finno-Ugric origin (Balzer 1987:1087; Buky 1989:130; Schmidt 1990:182; Vertes 1990:115-116; cf. also Stora 1971:186-188).45 Of course, such a trance-like state is also present in witchcraft (Pocs 1996, 1998), and in saintly cults (Kurti 1998). While the practice itself may be connected to both European trancing and Eurasian shamanistic heritage, through the Hungarian language the connection to the latter is readily evident. The ritualistic round dance with trancing connotation, however, is a very rare example that may be connected to diverse magico-religious practices of the past.
The rotation of the circle, the speed, and the folk etymology suggests that in this case we may be dealing with a historical remnant of a trance-inducing practice of ritualistic and magical (shamanistic) origin.46The fact that this dance is connected to women - in fact
42 Sometimes the slower and the faster parts possess different names: more specifically, the latter may be described as "whirling," "running," and "jumping" etc (sergés, sùrgés, futô, ugrô).
43For an earlier description see Lugossy's account (1952:59); for a more thorough treatment, see Martin (1979). Although both Lugossy and Martin list a single song, one may wonder whether there were any others earlier which could have provided more information concerning the dance, its meaning and relationship to ritualistic behavior.
44According to the MNYTESZ (1967:692): "A 'forog' - 'szédul' jelentésfejl dés természetes" (the connection between the verbs 'turns' and 'faints' is obvious). If this is so, then we might equally argue that the connection between the circle dance (the "dizzying") and shamanism is equally self-explanatory.
45It may be of historical interest to note that Géza Rôheim did not find these in Hungarian texts, for he notes that there is no evidence for trancing (1984:192). He did not live to see, of course, the ideas developed by Vilmos Diôszegi about the révùlés and "sleeping" which proves the existence of mediatory trance-like state.
46One could cite the tradition of the Mehlevi order of dervishes, also known as the "whirling dervishes," who by constantly rotating counter-clockwise achieve the desired state of communion with God (Allah).
The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
maidens - may not be simply just a coincidence. On the contrary, it even could provide a clue that female shamans (or taltoses in our case) utilized, or preserved, a "dizzying" form of dancing to achieve a state of ecstasy.47
While the "dizzying" dance is certainly a rare example in Hungarian culture, this is by no means the only element to prove the connection between turning and fainting in specific, or between shamanic heritage and contemporary culture in general. There is also a children's game, "Who stole the ax," which helps to understand the connection more
48
fully.48 In this form of childhood fantasy, there is an appointed "judge" trying to ascertain from suspects who stole the "ax".49 The children form a circle and, upon questioning, all try to do their best to deny the act of stealing. At the "judge's" command all begin to whirl feverishly, turning and turning until someone becomes dizzy and falls to the ground; obviously, this proves the case: he/she is the thief (Kepes, 1976:43).50
One of the reasons why the "dizzying dance" and the "ax game" are important is that they provide an alternative explanation to a dominant theory supporting the use of hallucinogens. In shamanic scholarship it is accepted that Hungarian taltoses achieved trance states by utilizing hallucinogenic substances: in specific, fly agaric, or bolondgomba (Amanita muscaria L.) in Hungarian, a powerful and toxic mushroom used intermittently in various regions of Siberia as well (Hoppal 1984:432; 1992:171; Roheim 1984: Serov 1988:248; Solymossy 1991:110).51 In fact, the earlier mentioned practice of drinking milk by Hungarian taltoses is interpreted as the search for a detoxicant to counteract the impact of mushroom poisoning (Czigany 1980:216). However, in her in-depth analysis Anna-Leena Siikala, the Finnish ethnographer, firmly states that: "The use of hallucinogens and
47 We are informed by Piers Vitebsky that among the Sora of North India, the shamans (kuran) visit the world of the dead linked by a huge tree on which the female shaman must clamber. It is not an easy feat; on the contrary, it is a "impossible-balancing path" for there are "dizzying precipices" on the way down which leads to the "murky-sun country, cock-crow-light country" (Vitebsky 1993:18-19). This could be the type of 'dizzying' experience - the ecstatic travel in the netherworld - which achieves the desired altered state of the shaman (see also, Balazs 1963:57-83 and Schmidt 1990:189). In tribal India, fainting was achieved through the use of swings (Jones 1968:335-336). Swings and swinging rhymes were also important in childrens' game in Hungary. In one such song, the last line ends: Hajts ki diofa tetejibe - Drive/fly up to the top of the walnut tree. This is a closing formula which could again be analyzed in relation to trancing (Kriza, Orban, Benedek, Sebesi 1882:256; see also the swinging rhymes, many with multiple meanings, in Kiss 1891). Let us recall that the original Greek word for this is ekstatis, which literally refers to leaving one's self, or stepping out of one's regular, normal senses or consciousness.
48Thorough analysis of children's games are yet to be made by Hungarian scholars using available cross-cultural data and sound analytic techniques; for earlier standard treatments see Lajos (1968) and Gyula Hajdu (1971). Geza Roheim was, of course, a scholar who was willing to look at children's games as possible repositories of archaic and historic meanings and symbols (1984).
49In European folklore, including witchcraft, the magical uses of the ax are well known. In the ethnographies of Siberian and Finno-Ugric peoples, evidence is plenty for the use of the ax. For instance, in religious and burial rituals (Stora 1971:177-183), curing, and taking an oath; even an ax-dance dance is described; see Vertes (1990:162, 256) and Felfoldi (1987:299) both of whom rely on the ethnohistorical study of Munkacsi Bernat. This is not to suggest an immediate link between the Hungarian material and its distant relatives. Yet the parallels are striking, especially in light of the fact that the "ax game" is not for the balta or szekerce, other words for ax in Hungarian, borrowed from Slavic, but for the fejsze which is the archaic Finno-Ugric word for it! In Hungarian culture there are some "unusual" presences of the ax: its use in witchcraft, for example, is well-known (i.e. in relation to whirl-winds); and in the Rabakoz region of western Hungary where the dough for the perec (cake) is kneaded together by two men with axes! There are evidences for the use of the ax in dance among Hungarians and Gypsies in northern Hungary, dances of skill that I have seen on films.
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other such intoxicants is not, however, a vital element of trance technique in any part of Siberia" (1992:340). Agreeing with Siikala, I argue that the claim for a hallucinogenic practice of Hungarian táltos is not supported. Moreover, the role of the milk, as a dexoticant, is wholly unsubstantiated. For one, there is no ethnographic evidence that Amanita muscaria L. was ever used in Hungary. Drinking of milk, is a general practice in European witchcraft.
While the use of hallucinogens in native folk religions has received profuse attention,
52
the non-drug induced trance states have been neglected.52 It is reported by Balzer that the use of hallucinogenic drugs (mushroom, herbs) among the Khantys may be only reserved for a few special occasions, and at other times music, singing and dancing serve to achieve an altered state of consciousness (1983:61, 71). As the doctor-turned-anthropologist, Wolfgang Jilek argues:
The capacity of attaining altered states of consciousness is a universal property of the human central nervous system as evidenced by the ubiquitous occurrence of trance phenomena through time and space. However, the prevalence of these phenomena appears to be a function of socio-cultural variables (1988:24). Similarly, cross-cultural examples also warn us that in many cultures shamans are not necessarily trained to use hallucinogens to alter their state of mind.53 For, as Nanda describes:
Through dance, an individual and a group can feel the qualitative shift in the normal pattern of mental functioning through a disturbed sense of time, a loss of control, perceptual distortion, a feeling of rejuvenation, a change in body image, or hypersuggestibility (1987:354).
50The original game was collected and described in Kriza, Orban, Benedek and Sebesi (1882:254). In this collection there is another game which has the "dizzying" aspect as well ("Egy kis kertet keritek..."). In the classic collection of children's games and dances of Aron Kiss, there are two more versions of the "ax game", both of which end with someone falling to the ground - the moment of losing one's innocence (1891:486).
51 Interestingly, Vilmos Dioszegi does not argue for the "mushroom-theory" of shamanistic trance induction with reference to the Hungarian material. On the contrary, he argues for the "sleep-dream" (revules) connection, resulting from a special breathing technique (Dioszegi 1983:107-108).
52The classic works on shamanism all promoted this image: cf. Eliade (1964). Following this, many prominent scholars - M. Harner, P. Furst, W. La Barre, J. Fernandez, and R.G. Wasson - also addressed the issue by further supporting this theory. In introductory anthropology textbooks it is still a practice to introduce shamanism though drug use as a specific feature of achieving altered states of consciousness: see, for example, the recent comparative reader by Lehmann and Myers (1993).
53Backman and Hultkrantz report that, while among the Lapps drinking lye and aquavit (bitterish alcohol substance), as well as the use of mushroom, were recorded, most of the shamanistic trance journeys were self-transference, i.e. singing, dancing and psychic stress (1978:93, 107). In southwest China, among the Jingpo people, "the midui (shaman) usually falls into trance several times during the annual sacrificial rite with the help of intoxicating wormwood and ginger" (Kun 1988:126). Kun also reports that more than two thousand years ago, the historic shamanic seance was accompanied with much wine-drinking (Kun 1988:128).
The Way of the Taltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
Thus, it is evident that by turning around one's axis until losing balance or control dizziness and fainting may be induced.54 This technique had been part of the art of Hungarian taltoses as well as other magical specialists. The "dizzying" dance -- the manifold uses of the ker root certainly gives credence to this - may just have preserved for us one of the most archaic and natural forms to achieve altered states of consciousness.55
Conclusions
In this paper I have discussed certain selected "archaic elements" in order to connect some seemingly disparate threads of Hungarian folk culture and religious beliefs in relation to a magical and shamanistic world-view. Many of the terms, such as "archaic", "past", "magical", shamanism, and "folk culture", are, by their very nature, problematic for the scholar working in the 1990s, and have been rightfully scrutinized recently (Fabian 1991; Ginzburgh 1989; Roseberry 1989). The notion of what constitute, or what has constituted shamanistic religion in the past, has been arguably both redefined and refined, since cross-cultural and cross-disciplinary investigations facilitate a more flexible understanding of such practices (Balzer 1994; Humphrey 1994). This, too, has been my aim with music, verbal and non-verbal expressions as well as dancing as meaning-producing activities (Kurti 1989; Ness 1992; Novack 1990; Williams 1979).
In line with these concerns, a magico-religious world-view has here been used rather broadly to denote a culture that may have been rather than was a part of Eurasian culture. It should not, however, be implied that this analysis subscribes to the idea that, during the course of la longue durée of Hungarian prehistory, an overarching shamanistic belief system engendered all these elements described. No known society has been strictly shamanistic at any given time, and not all groups in society adhered to shamanism. In fact, sociologists, anthropologists and historians of religions have described a world in which cultures of religions, whether Islamic, Buddhist and Christian, or small-scale Lamaist, Zoroastrian or animistic, were in a state of flux constantly borrowing from and fusing with one another (Samuel 1993). As it has been presented above, such has been the case with this European material, in which elements of an earlier belief system was impregnated with ideas, symbols and visions of later, dominant Christian and various ethnic magical beliefs. In fact, we must search for those elements following the suggestions of scholars such as
54By turning, the physiological changes in the human body remain constants: increasing body temperature and heart beat, sweating, production of adrenalin, blood pressure fluctuation, and the various pressures on the cardiovascular system. It is not clear, however, how long one can stand the rotation before fainting - it is, nevertheless, my hypothesis that this too can vary. It may be enhanced by cultural training, or may be different for men and women; and, finally, age may be a decisive factor as well. For example, Jilek while analyzing the North West Coast Indian "Spirit Dance," describes twelve conditions observed during trance dancing which are present, and which influence one's somato-psychological state of being (1988:46-48).
55In an interesting ethnohistorical document Dezsö Malonyay described the circle dance of Hungarian women at the turn of the century with a great deal of romanticism as well as insight:
The circle is closed, the fast rhythmic Hungarian song is heard, eyes are glittering, faces are red, waists are swinging rapidly, skirts are flying, and the circle is progressing faster and faster, the fairy-wheel is rotating speedily...
A kör összezärödik, hangzik a gyorsütemü magyar nöta, kigyüladnak a szemek, kipirul az arc, a derek hevesen rezdülnek, repülnek a rokolyak, s forog a kör, gyorsan, gyorsabban, mind sebe-sebben forog a tünderkarej...(Quoted in Martin 1979:85).
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Andras Rona-Tas and Gyula Laszlo. They argue that shamanism was too simple and narrow itself to be the (only?) religion for the Hungarian tribal federation of the 9-10th centuries. For such complex ideational and material experience - in which the twentieth century data were superimposed on historical experiences while everyday practices were placed side-by-side with other coeval events - an inter-disciplinary analytical approach is needed. Only such a framework may account for the complexity of the historical, etymological, and ethnographic material (cf. for example, Klaniczay 1990, Klaniczay and Pocs 1991, Pocs 1996, 1998).
In conclusion, I have argued that the seemingly unconnected and marginal elements in Hungarian peasant culture -- the taltos belief, the sieve, the horse, and dance behavior -may be understood differently if seen from an interdisciplinary analysis guided by interpretive concerns. I have maintained that scholarly analyses must be a critical reevaluation of earlier texts in order to reveal those specific elements that may provide a better understanding of the interrelated aspects of religion, magic, witchcraft and shamanism with movement, rituals, speech, myth, and magic. Since many of the described activities and folkloric texts speak of a culture which had already become considerably transformed, one possible way to ascertain their message is by a thorough cross-disciplinary investigation of language, thought, and action, which could be meaningful and explainable from within the culture's own perspective.
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1996, "A magyar samanizmus a kora ujkori forrâsokban," In Pocs, É. - Voigt, V. eds., Ösök, taltosok, szentek. Budapest: MTA Néprajzkutatôintézet, 77-120. 1998, "Transz és lâtomâs Europa népi kulturâiban," In Pocs É. Ed., Eksztazis, alom, latomas, Budapest: Balassi, 15-55. Pocs Éva ed., 1986, Szem meglatott, sziv megvert. Budapest: Helikon. Polhemus, Ted ed., 1978, Social Aspects of the Human Body. New York: Penguin.
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Porter, Roy, 1999, "Witchcraft and magic in enlightenment, romantic and liberal thought," In B. Ankarloo and S. Clark eds., Witchcraft and magic in Europe, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 193-254. Pusztay, Jânos, 1990, Nyelvek bolcs jénél. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiado. Râduly, Gâbor, 1990, Hold elejti, nap felkapja. Bukarest:Kriterion. Réthei, Prikkel Mâriân, 1924, A magyarsag tancai. Budapest: Atheneum. Roheim, Géza, 1925, Magyar néphit és népszokasok. Budapest: Athenaeum.
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Pota taltosov: Kritično ovrednotenje posvečenca v religijo in magijo
Laszlo Kurti
Čeprav so že veliko pisali o tem, kaj sestavlja prazgodovinsko kulturo na Madžarskem in še posebej plemensko verovanje, se mnenja znanstvenikov razlikujejo. Še vedno potekajo razprave o tem, ali so madžarska plemena poznala samo šamanizem ali pa so imela kompleksno sinkretično religijo, ki je združevala elemente krščanstva, islama, tengrizma in judovstva. Da bi prispevali dodatne misli za bodoče primerjalne raziskave, bi bilo potrebno ponovno ovrednotiti, kako so se razprave o tem problemu razvijale, kaj se je dogajalo in kaj se je opustilo. V začetku 20. stoletja so potekale burne razprave med dvema madžarskima etnografskima šolama; prva je zagovarjala "evropsko" teorijo, ki poudarja predvsem evropsko kulturno poreklo, druga, ki jo imenujemo tudi "turanska hipoteza," pa je bila mnenja, da madžarski jezik in kmečka kultura vsebujeta ostaline starega azijskega izročila.
Kakršnekoli že te definicije so, ostaja dejstvo, da so šamani, čarovnice, preroki in čarodeji verski izvedenci, ki jim moči omogočajo, da med izzivanjem obstoječih vrednot prekoračijo standardne meje. Obseg tega prispevka nam ne omogoča, da bi preučili razloge za ali proti šamanistični teoriji religije v prazgodovinski dobi na Madžarskem. Namesto tega želi avtor osvetliti tiste elemente madžarske folklore, ki jih lahko povezujemo z zgodovinsko pogojenimi sistemi verovanj, ki so se stopila z balkanskimi, slovanskimi, germanskimi in krščanskimi elementi (ali pa so bila morda še starejša od njih). Prav tako kot sta okultizem in spiritualizem 19. stoletja izhajala na primer iz, mesmerizma,
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The Way of the Tâltos: A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist
fiziognomike in drugih mejnih znanosti, je očitna pomembna povezava med čarovništvom zgodnjega srednjega veka in med šamanskimi praksami.
Ne glede na podobnosti ali razlike med madžarskimi arhaičnimi verovanji in azijskim šamanizmom je avtor mnenja, da v madžarski kulturi obstajajo le tista verovanja, ki se nanašajo na mnoge posvečence z nadnaravnimi močmi. Njihova imena, ki so tudi zelo povedna, so nezo ali lato (videc), javas (zdravilec ali zdravilka), boszorkany (čarovnica, čarovnik), tudos (modrec), garaboncias (črnošolec), in taltos, tudi tatus ali tatos (taltos). Taltosa so spoznali za enega najbolj arhaičnih izvedencev za religijo. Lahko je moški ali ženska, rojen s posebnimi znamenji, kot so odvečne kosti ali dlake. Medtem ko je večina čarodejnih bitij ženskega spola, so taltosi v glavnem moški, in se lahko spremenijo v žrebca ali v bika in se z drugimi bojujejo za zdravje, bogastvo ali lepo vreme. Taltos mora tako biti rojen kot šaman, biti mora poklican za to, kar je razvidno iz legend, povedk in celo nekaterih ljudskih pesmi.
Dodatna sposobnost tega junaka z nadnaravnimi močmi je, da lahko najde skrite zaklade, kar je v evropskih magičnih praksah pogosto. Danes pa so značilnosti takega verovanja redke in jih največkrat lahko najdemo v lingvističnih in etimoloških analizah, folklornih pripovedih, legendah in magičnih dejanjih.
Na tem mestu je potrebno povedati, da v obdobju med zavzetjem Karpatske nižine in poznim srednjim vekom (800-1000 n. š.) madžarski šamanizem ni bila edina in najpomembnejša religija. Nasprotno, to je bila alternativna oblika religije in ljudskih verovanj, ki je obstajala ob ostalih religijah, kot so islam, zoroastrstvo, krščanstvo, judovstvo. Namesto da trdimo, da je ta oblika verovanja izginila, bi morali pozornost obrniti k številnim sestavinam šamanističnega svetovnega nazora, kakor tudi k praksam, ki so se stopile z bolj profanimi folklornimi in lingvističnimi oblikami vsakdanje ljudske kulture. Taki primeri so pogosti tudi v drugih delih sveta, kjer so tradicionalne verske prakse doživele podobno usodo, ko so se lokalni običaji in verovanja popolnoma utopili v velikih svetovnih religijah, obenem pa so se iz tega procesa rodili novi verski sistemi. Vendar pa je povezovanje azijskega šamanizma, madžarske religije v pradavnini, ljudskega verovanja v taltose in opisov taltosov-čarovnikov v ljudskih povedkah izredno problematično. Elementi, ki jih povezujejo z dejanji taltosov, so bili izbrani na slepo; drugi spet niso bili dovolj pojasnjeni. Pričujoči članek poizkuša to popraviti tako, da skuša izslediti madžarske taltose v madžarskem ljudskem verovanju in v magiji s pomočjo odkrivanja tistih prvin, ki bi jih bilo mogoče povezati s šamanizmom: pesem, ples in padanje v trans.
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Pastirji - čarovniki
Mirjam Mencej

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The article discusses the supernatural powers which - according to the beliefs of numerous peoples - certain shepherds possess. For this reason people made distinctions between those shepherds who possessed this knowledge and those who did not. According to the author, shepherds' knowledge of magic referred primarily to their power over wild animals, particularly over wolves.
Sodeč po mnogih verovanjih, predstavah in povedkah so pastirji nekoč veljali za "posebne" ljudi. Pri mnogih ljudstvih so veljali za neke vrste čarovnike, ljudi z nadnaravnimi močmi, ki so sposobni občevati z onim svetom, bitji z drugega sveta ipd. Verovanja po vsej Evropi pa tudi pri Slovanih kažejo, da so pastirjem pripisovali posebne, magične, čarovne sposobnosti, tj. sposobnosti, ki so posledica povezanosti z onim svetom.
Vzhodnoslovanski kmetje so tako verjeli v "nejasno in skrivnostno moč, s pomočjo katere pastir vpliva na živino in jo rešuje pred nesrečami in nezgodami" (Maksimov, 1989: 117). Podobna verovanja so poznali tudi v Evropi. Gunda in Domotor poročata, da imajo po madžarskem ljudskem verovanju pastirji nadnaravno moč (Gunda, 1970: 291; Domotor, 1982: 143). Ljudje verjamejo, da ob pastirjih, ki so sposobni čaranja, živina uspeva, se ne izgublja in ne pase na prepovedanih mestih. Včasih jo varuje pastirjeva palica ali njegov pes, medtem ko je sam pastir v gostilni (Domotor, 1982: 145). Po avstrijskih U ljudskih verovanjih so pastirji veljali za "ljudi, ki znajo zdraviti, na te stare zdravilne praktike pa so včasih gledali kot na čarovniške. Pripisovali so jim posebne moči in so jih ^ označevali kot sposobne čaranja ter jih zato zapletli celo v kazenske procese..." (Grabner, O 1968: 50-51). Prav tako so bili na nemških tleh pastirji v starih časih znani po svojih -J nadnaravnih umetnijah (Rantasalo, 1953: 7). Magične sposobnosti so pripisovali pastirjem © tudi na finskem naselitvenem območju: iz različnih poročil zlasti z vzhodnih delov finskega naselitvenega območja je mogoče razbrati, da so pastirji v starih časih veljali za mogočne čarovnike (Rantasalo, 1953: 4). V Franciji (v Berryju in nekaterih drugih območjih) so na ^ začetku 17. stoletja živeli pastirji, ki so izvajali magične obrede, s katerimi so obvarovali živino pred volkovi - v Ardenih je mož, ki je poznal tovrstne obrede, živel še pred nekaj več kot sto leti (Sebillot, 1968: 32).
Toda zdi se, da vsi pastirji le niso imeli takih magičnih sposobnosti. Na Poljskem so se na primer, po pripovedovanju starke z Ostrowa Baranowskich, tisti pastirji, ki so znali Q molitev proti volkovom, s svojo živino varno vrnili s pašnikov, tistim pa, ki te molitve niso p znali, je volk raztrgal oziroma zaklal živino (Kotula, 1976: 52). V Rusiji so ljudje natančno h razlikovali med tistimi, ki so imeli "znanje", in tistimi, ki ga niso imeli. Ščepanska, ki je m preučevala vlogo pastirja v obrednih dejanjih v severnoruskih vaseh v 19. stoletju in v
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začetku 20. stoletja, ugotavlja, da so s poklicem pastirja povezana skrivna znanja. Do "vedočega pastirja", to je tistega, ki je poznal pastirski zagovor in dejanja oziroma je posedoval predmet z magično varovalno močjo (ti. "obhod", "otpusk", "spusk", "privod", "privada", "zapas" - prim. Ščepanska, 1986: 165; Maksimov, 1989: 118), so se ljudje iz strahu pred njegovo magično močjo in v znak priznanja njegove vrednosti kot specialista vedli s poudarjenim spoštovanjem. Poleg tega je bil deležen še vrste ugodnosti, seveda le dokler je paša potekala brez večjih izgub. Kadar pa je v čredi prišlo do večjih izgub, je lahko njegovo "znanje" zelo kmalu začelo veljati za nevaren znak čarovništva. Pri najemu pastirja so se kmetje pozanimali, če pastir pozna pastirski zagovor. Če ga je, so mu zaupali čredo, celo če je bil invalid. Ponekod "nevedočega" (to je takega, ki tega znanja ni imel) pastirja sploh niso najeli. "Vedočega" niso nikoli nagnali pred rokom, celo če so bili z njim nezadovoljni: bali so se maščevanja njegovih zaščitnikov. "Nevedočega" pa so včasih nagnali sredi leta, ne da bi mu plačali. Vedoči je dobil tudi višjo plačo, dodatne nagrade, živel je na domu najemnika, tam dobil tudi obleko, bil je preskrbljen na starost. Na prihod vedočega so se pripravljali kot na praznik: pripravili so mu svežo posteljo itd., medtem ko so prihod nevedočega pastirja doživljali kot breme, skrb. V vasi je bil deležen velikega spoštovanja, medtem ko je bil pastir brez magičnega znanja človek na socialnem dnu. Pastirski obredi so namreč učinkovali, delovali samo, če jih je izvajal pastir, "ki ve", obvlada magične veščine. "Znanje" pa ni pomenilo le poznavanja pravil izvršitve obreda, kajti vse to je neredko opazovala cela vas - pastir je poznal tudi smisel ritualnih predmetov, gibanja, besed, in prav ta smisel je veljal za skrivnega (Ščepanska, 1990: 18-24; prim. tudi Guljajeva, 1986: 175). Zgodba iz arhangelskega okraja v Rusiji potrjuje, da je to znanje veljalo za skrivno: ko pastir dovoli miličniku, da zaigra na njegovo piščal, "v kateri je bil otpusk", tj. znanje, ga gozdni duh Lešji kaznuje tako, da mu odtrga glavo (Rejli, 1989: 189, št. 3).
Tudi v Prusiji, med Nemci na Poljskem, je bilo "znanje" zelo pomembno: obredno dejanje ob prvem odgonu živine je navadno izvršil pastir, na njegovo mesto pa je lahko stopila tudi njegova žena ali katerakoli "vedoča" oseba. Posebno vedenje ali nadnaravne moči so bile predpogoj za uspešnost magičnega ravnanja (Riemann, 1974: 134-135).
Kako pa je pastir prišel do tega znanja? Maksimov, Guljajeva (1986: 178-188), Ščepanska govorijo o znanju (ti. spusku, otpusku, obhodu...), ki ga imajo vedoči pastirji, tudi Riemann govori o "znanju", "vedoči" osebi. Pri tem znanju ne gre za izkušnje pri pastirjevanju, ampak za znanje, ki ga človek dobi, prejme, ki ga torej ima ali ne. To znanje se je včasih prenašalo - najpogosteje je ne več dejavni ruski pastir to znanje na koncu svojega življenja prodal drugim pastirjem (Ščepanska, 1990: 16) ali pa so ga pastirji dobili od čarovnikov in zdravilcev (Guljajeva, 1986: 178).
Ruska beseda "spusk" ali tudi "otpusk", s katero so pogosto označevali to znanje, ima isti koren kot glagol spuskat', otpuskat' v pomenu "spuščati, pošiljati, izpuščati, odpuščati". Pomen te besede nakazuje neko znanje, v katerem je vsebovano več kot le posedovanje in razumevanje smisla navodil za obredna dejanja in zagovore ob prvi paši. Glede na mnoge pripovedi o tem, da znajo pastirji "spuščati, pošiljati" volkove nad ovce (a jih hkrati tudi pregnati in jim zapreti gobce), bi morda lahko domnevali, da je glavni element njihovega "znanja" v resnici znanje "spuščanja volkov" oziroma oblast, moč, ki jo imajo pastirji nad volkovi in drugimi zvermi.
Na taka verovanja o sposobnostih pastirjev, da imajo moč nad volkovi in drugimi divjimi zvermi, lahko naletimo zelo pogosto. Tako so po koroškem prepričanju pastirji1 očitno znali pošiljati volkove nad čredo (Moderndorfer, 1934: 26-27) - in prav to znanje je
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veljalo za skrivno. Kot pravi stari pastir mlajšemu kolegu (po pripovedi informatorja Ivana Jelena iz Mežice Möderndorferju): "Greh je natančno povedati, kako se more poslati volk nazaj, še večji greh pa bi bilo povedati, kako se volk pošlje. Tega ti tudi vedeti ni treba, kajti razen mene ve to sedaj samo še en pastir, ki bo kmalu umrl." (Möderndorfer, 1934: 26).
Luka Liebnik iz Mežice je pripovedoval o tem celo zgodbo:
"Pastir Ožbolt v Globasnici je bil v hudi jezi s tovarišem Šlepetinovim Jakobom. Da bi se maščeval nad njim, mu je poslal volka nad čredo. Volk ni bil posebno nevaren, ker je bil napravljen iz papirja, bolj nevarni so namreč oni, ki so napravljeni iz cunj. Toda ta volk ni mogel napraviti Ožboltovi čredi škode, ker je pritekel k nji baš ob dvanajsti uri. Preden je ura odbila dvanajst, je še mislil hlastniti po ovci, a že je bilo prepozno in ni mogel več zapreti gobca, z odprtim gobcem pa ni mogel strgati niti jagnjeta. Jakob je znal volka poslati nazaj in je to tudi napravil. Prelomil je brezovo metlo in jo nanovo zavezal in volk je tekel nazaj nad Ožboltovo čredo in pomoril dvanajst ovac." (Möderndorfer, 1934: 27; prim. tudi Möderndorfer, Ovce so zadelali, 1957: 111-112)
Podobno bi lahko domnevali tudi iz pripovedi, zapisane na Javorju. Tam je menda "nekoč živel pastir, ki je vsako jutro gnal svojo čredo v planino in se do večera ni zmenil za njo ter delal ves dan coklje. Tedaj je bilo še mnogo volkov, a niti ene ovce mu niso zveri raztrgale. Nekdaj je videl neki drugi pastir, kako so prišli trije volkovi med čredo, počenili sredi črede, vihali nosove, a se niso dotaknili prav nobene ovce. Pastir, ki je to videl, je potem pripovedoval, kako velik čarovnik da je pastir, ki coklje dela..." (Möderndorfer, 1934: 26). V nadaljevanju pripovedovalec sicer dodaja še svoje mnenje, namreč da v resnici ni bil noben čarovnik in razlaga magični postopek, s katerim je "zadelal ovce".
Znana je tudi finska pripoved o tem, kako je nekoč v Ingermanlandu na zadnji pašni dan jeseni izginila žival. Ko so jo šli iskat, sta bila ob njej dva volkova, ki pa ji nista storila nič hudega. Pastir je pojasnil, da si volkovi, dokler on živine še ni nehal varovati, tej niso upali nič storiti, ampak so čakali, da jim da dovoljenje (Rantasalo, 1953: 4). Pripoved estonskega ljudstva kaže, da so bile tudi tam znane nadnaravne sposobnosti pastirjev: ko je živina na paši legla k počitku, je isto storil tudi pastir. Takrat je prišel med živino volk, sedel tam, toda ni ji storil nič hudega. To je videl hlapec, ki je tedaj hodil po gozdu, in je okaral pastirja, češ da je spal, medtem ko se je med živino potikal volk. Tedaj je volk planil in pograbil psa tega hlapca. Ker ga je s tem še bolj razjezil, je hlapec zagrozil, da bo pastirja odpustil, vendar je grožnjo umaknil, ko mu je ta obljubil, da mu bo vrnil psa. V resnici je po treh dneh pes pritekel domov (Rantasalo, 1953: 6-7).
Na avstrijskem Štajerskem je nekega človeka iz Lassinga leta 1651 sosed obtožil, da je sposoben ukrotiti divje živali in da se sam lahko spremeni vanje. Ta je med mučenjem tudi res priznal, da pozna izrek, s pomočjo katerega ukroti živali:
"St. Peter mit dem heyligen Himmelsschliessl versperr dem Holzhundt (Wolf) unde dem wilden Braitschedl (Bär), Zant (Zähne) und Trampen (Füsse) und dem Lux Zant und Schlund." (Ilwof, 1897: 247)
Sveti Peter s svetim nebeškim ključem, zapri gozdnemu psu (volku) in divjemu medvedu zobe in noge in risu zobe in žrelo.
1 Po ruskem in huculskem verovanju lahko pošiljajo volkove nad ovce oziroma hišo tudi čarovniki in čarovnice (ti. kolduni, vedme) (Gura, 1997: 129).
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Iz tega zapisa sicer ne izvemo, ali je bil človek, ki je povedal ta izrek, pastir. Vendar pa so take blagoslove, ki jih Grabnerjeva imenuje "martinovi blagoslovi" (prim. Grabner, 1968), saj so jih pogosto izrekali na zadnji dan paše na martinovo, izgovarjali prav pastirji, ki so tedaj (a tudi ob nekaterih drugih zimskih praznikih) hodili po hišah in izrekali ta blagoslov.
V vasi Waltersdorf so našli celo zapis iz leta 1597, ki je pastirjem določal, da je njihova dolžnost med drugim tudi zagovoriti volkove (Grabner, 1968: 31).
Podobne blagoslove, s katerimi so pastirji "zaklepali gobce volkovom in drugim divjim zverem" (zlasti na dan prvega odgona živine na pašo), so poznali tudi vsi vzhodni Slovani, pa tudi Poljaki in Bolgari. Kot primer si oglejmo beloruskega in poljskega:
"Cenmuü Wpuü-Mzopuü, hhpacnycKaü ceouxb ncoeb - xopmoeb. M ceom CKOu,uny sazo-eapym, 3acu,epazaw, KoMdsbdseMV, ownombueMb samdam, 3HJi±3HbiMb muxoMb sazopadwym, 3HJi±3HbiMu 3aMKäMu sy6u, MHnu uMb saMUKam, Ha cuhh Mopa soiomuH Kimnu saKudam. %Kb cb curnzo Mopa Kimnoeb hh docmaub, maKb Moe ckouuhku ncaMb - xopmaMb hh y3HUb (...)" (vendorska okolica, mogiljovski okraj) (Romanov, 1891: 47, at. 173).
Sveti Jurij-Jagorij, ne razpusti svojih psov - hrtov. Jaz svojo živino zagovarjam, s kladami založim, z železno ograjo zagradim, z železnimi klučavnicami jim zobe, gobce zaprem, v sinje morje zlate ključe vržem. Tako kot s sinjega morja ni mogoče dobiti ključev, tako moje živine psi - hrti ne bodo dobili.
"(...) Swi^ty Mikolaju, wez kluczyki z raju, Pozamykaj wscieklego psa, wilka lesnego! Aby ni mial mocy do cielatek, do bydlatek -Krwie chlapac, skory drapac, Kosci po lesie roznosic(...)"
(Kotula, 1976: 69, prim. tudi s. 265, 309, 311, 373, 387, 440-441, 486).
Sveti Nikolaj, vzemi ključke od raja, Pozapri steklega psa, volka gozdnega! Da bi ne imel moči do teličkov, do živinice -Krvi lokati, kože praskati Kosti po gozdu raznašati (...)
Tako lahko razumemo, zakaj "vedočega" ruskega pastirja, tudi če mu volk poje veliko živali, nikoli ne naženejo pred iztekom pašnega leta (v nasprotju z nevedočimi!). Pastir bi iz maščevanja namreč lahko spustil volkove nad črede. V takih primerih pa ga navadno obtožijo sodelovanja z gozdnim duhom Lešjim. Skorajda povsod v severnoruskih vaseh so namreč verjeli, da za "močjo", "znanjem", stoji podpora nadnaravnega bitja. To je bilo lahko, kot pravi Ščepanska, bitje "božanskega" porekla (sv. Jurij, ponekod sv. Vasilij, sv. Vlasij, sv. Nikolaj.), lahko pa predstavnik nečiste sile (gozdni duh Lešji...). Pravili so, da je prav v tem znanju "Lešji", "čarovništvo". "Lešji", "moč", "znanje" so bili termini, ki so označevali poseben status pastirja. Tako so opredeljevali to, v čemer so videli razliko med pastirjem in drugimi, njegove posebne sposobnosti, hkrati s tem pa tudi svoj poseben odnos do njega. Do človeka, ki je povezan z Lešjim, se je bilo potrebno ustrezno obnašati
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(Ščepanska, 1990: 20). Guljajeva navaja pripoved, ki govori o tem, kako pastir potem, ko dobi znanje, opolnoči odide v gozd, sede na štor, se upre z nogami vanj in zakriči: Delavci, pridite! Tedaj priteče dvanajst hudičkov z rdečimi lasmi in rdečimi pasovi in se z njim pogajajo za plačilo. Guljajeva tudi piše, da ljudje verjamejo, da "vedoči" pastir lahko sam govori z gospodarjem gozda (Guljajeva, 1986: 178-179). Maksimov pa je zapisal, da so znanje ("spusk") po prepričanju ljudi pastirji dobili od Lešjega, gozdnega duha (Maksimov, leto neznano, del 18: 5).
Tudi iz mnogih ruskih povedk je mogoče zaslediti, da pastirju pomaga pasti živino prav gozdni duh Lešji (Civjan, 1995: 336-367), enako govorijo tudi zapisana verovanja (Maksimov, 1989: 117). V severnoruskih vaseh so bili prepričani, da vsi "vedoči" pastirji občujejo z Lešjim in mu z darovi (kravami, ovcami, mlekom ali substituti) pred prvim odgonom živine plačujejo za pomoč pri paši živine. Če je pastir pasel s pomočjo palice, so bili prepričani, da na njej sedi Lešji ipd. (Ščepanska, 1990: 20-24). Pastir, ki je izvedel obhod, je bil po tradicionalnem mnenju povezan z nečisto silo, Lešjim (Ščepanska, 1986: 166). Pastirji, ki "se poznajo z Lešjim", po ljudskem verovanju sploh ne pasejo živine, pač pa jim jo pase on (Afanasjev, 1994: 711). Tako je menda neki pastir spustil na pašnik udomačenega zajca, prepričan, da je to spremenjen Lešji - pomočnik. Ko ga je neka starka vprašala, zakaj ne gre za kravami, ji je odgovoril: "Zamepase zajec (tj. Lešji)!" (Ščepanska, 1986: 169). Toda pri dogovoru z Lešjim se je bilo potrebno strogo držati predpisov, sicer je bil Lešji neusmiljen: pastirja, ki mu Lešji celo leto pase krave, ta oslepi, ko naredi le korak dlje od meje, ki mu jo je postavil (Rejli, 1989: 190, št. 4), drugega pastirja, ki mu je na pisk piščali vedno prignal živino skupaj, je pretepel do smrti, ko je ta nekoč zapiskal na to piščal v mestu (Rejli, 1989: 191, št. 6) itd.
Tudi mnoge finske pripovedi o pastirjih razkrivajo prepričanje, da zares dober pastir pase s pomočjo bajnega bitja - gozdnega duha (Rantasalo, 1953: 4). Finske pripovedi govorijo o sposobnosti pastirjev, da s pomočjo skrivnostnih duhov varujejo svojo živino; ta tip pripovedi najdemo pod številko D 284 (Jauhiainen, 1998: 143). O pastirjih južnonemških alpskih predgorij pripovedujejo tamkajšnje ljudske pripovedke, da so po odgonu živine na planine spomladi skrb za svojo živino zaupali divjemu možu. Temu so na določen kamen nosili hrano, saj ni prihajal v zavetišče, in verjeli so, da prav zato živalim nikoli ni bila storjena nobena škoda (Rantasalo, 1953: 7).
Prav tako so v Vienan-Kareliji verjeli, da lahko pastir prepove medvedom, da bi se dotaknili živali, ne da bi bil on sam pri tem prisoten. Od tam izvirajo številne pripovedi o pastirju, ki so mu služili skrivnostni gozdni duhovi: vse, kar je bilo pastirju potrebno storiti, je bilo, da je svojo čredo gnal v gozd in jo zvečer od tam spet prignal nazaj. Za drugega pastirja, ki je imel ogromno čredo, so ljudje verjeli, da mu pomagajo "gozdni možje" in ni mu bilo treba storiti drugega, kot da je živino pripeljal na konec vaške poti, kjer je odvrgel vso svojo pastirsko opremo. Ko se je zvečer vrnil na isto mesto in trikrat zapihal v svoj rog, so se tam pojavili gonjači živine in tedaj se je moral, ne da bi se ozrl, napotiti domov, živina pa mu je pri tem sledila. Le na večer zadnjega pašnega dne je moral sam oditi po živino v gozd in zbrati tudi vse svoje priprave, ki jih je tam pustil. Če bi se tedaj, ko je živina zapuščala gozd, ozrl, bi "duhovi", ki so zganjali živino skupaj, izginili, živina pa bi podivjala in stekla nazaj v gozd. Ena žival pa se je vsako poletje v gozdu izgubila in menili so, "da ta mora izginiti, ker je bila do neke mere že vnaprej obljubljena". V vzhodni Kareliji se tudi spominjajo pastirjev, ki so znali sami priklicati gozdnega duha, da bi varoval njihovo čredo (Rantasalo, 1953: 5).
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Zahodnofinska pripoved govori o pastirju, ki je ves dan ležal na griču in je pustil, da so njegovi nevidni pomočniki skrbeli za odgon živine v gozd in za prigon domov. Ko je potem kmet, sit lenobe svojega pastirja, tega odpustil in sam gnal krave v gozd, je takoj prišel volk in eno raztrgal. Tudi na švedsko govorečem območju Pohjanmaa poznajo tak dogovor med pastirjem in gozdnim duhom. Če se pastir pravilno obnaša, mu gozdni duh pomaga in žene zvečer krave domov (Rantasalo, 1953: 6).
Na podlagi mnogih povedk in zapisov o verovanjih lahko torej domnevamo, da pastirjevo znanje paše, ki se seveda v bistveni meri nanaša na obrambo živine pred nevarnostmi, tj. volkovi in drugimi zvermi - po prepričanju ljudi - prihaja pravzaprav od bajnih bitij, se pravi z območja onstranstva oz. preddverja tega sveta (ti. tujega sveta), s katerim pastir občuje. Vsi ti gozdni duhovi so povezani z onim svetom, ruski gozdni duh pa naj bi bil po hipotezi Uspenskega celo ena od manifestacij slovanskega boga onega sveta Velesa / Volosa (prim. Uspenski, 1982: 86-87). Tudi po finskem verovanju so duhovi gozda (ki naj bi pastirjem pomagali pri paši) sodili v podzemski svet mrtvih (Rantasalo, 1945: 50).
Prav tako se v mnogih slovenskih povedkah jasno kaže motiv povezanosti pastirja z nekim drugim svetom, v katerem živijo mnoga bajna bitja, ki pastirju pogosto pomagajo, včasih pa so zanj tudi nevarna. Veliko pogosteje kot drugi ljudje naletijo na vile, škrate, divje žene, nečiste mrtvece, žal žene, povodne može in druga bajna bitja prav pastirji. Vprašanje, ali se z njimi srečuje tako pogosto prav pastir morda zato, ker z živino odhaja od doma, na območja, kjer taka bajna bitja navadno živijo (gozd, travnik), ali zato, ker naj bi imel nadnaravne sposobnosti, ali so mu začeli pripisovati sposobnost občevanja z nekim drugim, neznanim svetom prav zaradi tega, ker je odhajal na območja, kjer živi največ takih bitij, ali pa lahko morda najdemo še drug razlog, je pravzaprav irelevantno. Dejstvo je, da je vendarle najpogosteje prav pastir tisti, ki srečuje ta bitja. Tako npr. v mnogih slovenskih povedkah srečuje vile oz. njihove otroke (Vile v Gozdniku, Divja jaga 1994: 11-12; Vilin klobčič, Tomažič, 1990: 20-23; Vile in kmetove krave, Tomažič, 1990: 28-30; Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 156, št. 128; 209, št. 192/ IV.). Te mu v zahvalo za dobro dejanje včasih podarijo živino (Divja jaga, Pastirček, 1994: 10-11), moč - kot na primer Petru Klepcu in bikcu Markcu (Divja jaga, Peter Klepec, 1994: 33-35; Slovenske narodne pripovedke, O bikcu Markcu, 1981: 32-46), zlato (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 242-243; št. 218) itd. Včasih imajo stike tudi s škrati (Divja jaga, Škratek, 1994: 25; Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 143, št. 115/V.; 144, št. 116/II.; 151, št. 122/II., 152, št. 124/I.), ki celo pasejo namesto njih (Divja jaga, Škrat na Solčavski planini, 1994: 24-25); z rojenicami, ki molzejo mleko pastirjevih krav, jih ljubijo in jim tudi najbolj zaupajo - ko so se začele ljudem izogibati, jim le še pastir lahko nosi hrano (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 162, št. 135; 169, št. 139, 140); žal ženami, ki pastirjem blagoslavljajo črede, skrbijo za to, da ima živina veliko mleka, včasih pa pastirje tudi lovijo in jih zapirajo, da bi se "grele pri njih" (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 170, št. 141; 170-171, št. 142; 172, št. 144); belimi ženami, ki učijo pastirje spoznavati zdravilna zelišča in skrbijo za dobro travo za pašo (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 68, št. 22); pa tudi s Pehtro, "kraljico belih žen", ki v zahvalo za lan pastiricam blagoslavlja črede (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 93-94, št. 57), z gorskimi deklicami, ki so pomagale pastirjem in katerih bivališče so očitno poznali le pastirji, a so ga nato izdali ljudem (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 237, št. 214/II.) ter z divjimi/črnimi ženami, ki jim kradejo živali, a jih, ko jih pojedo, vrnejo spet žive in zdrave (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 160, št. 132).
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Pastir srečuje tudi druge mitične oziroma pravljične ali čarovne osebe - povodnega moža (Vodovnik ugrabi pastiričko, Tomažič, 1990: 31-42; Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 188189, št. 159; 190-191, št. 162; 191-192, št. 164; 192, št. 165); krivopete, ki pastirje ugrabljajo (Kelemina, 1997 (1930), 174, št. 145/III.); movje - duše nekrščenih otrok, ki jih lahko pastirji rešijo (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 121, št. 89/V.); Čateža - pol človeka pol kozla ("samega peklenskega hudiča"), ki pastirje obdaruje z jagodami, malinami in šibami (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 145-146, št. 118/I., II.); velikana (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 197, št. 172; 200, št. 179; Velikan Volvel, Tomažič, 1990: 92-102); zmaja, ki davi pastirje in črede (Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 199-200, št. 178/II.); čarovničino hči (Divja jaga, Pastirček in čarovnikova hči, 1994: 93-98; Slovenske narodne pripovedke, 1981: 138-145) itd. Pastir ima tudi nadnaravne sposobnosti: moč, da reši prekletstva zaklete sestre (Začarana kača, Tomažič, 1990: 181-184), sposobnost, da razdeli vodo pred seboj in hodi po suhem, medtem ko se morajo drugi peljati s čolnom (Od pastirja, Kropej, 1995: 236, št. 81). Tudi pripovedi pastirjev z Velike planine govorijo o mnogih stikih pastirjev z bajnimi bitji: divjimi možmi, babami čarovnicami, belimi deklicami, škrati... (prim. Cevc, 1972: 55-60).
V	slovenskih povedkah ima pastir tudi neposreden stik z drugim svetom: v povedki Na drevesu brez imena se pastir izkaže za edinega, ki je splezal na to drevo in prišel na drugi svet (Divja jaga, Na drevesu brez imena, 1994: 99-106). V povedki Čudno drevo pa šele pastirjevi pripomočki omogočijo "gospodu iz tujih krajev", da spleza na tako drevo (Slovenske narodne pripovedke, 1981: 66-71).
Pastirjev stik z drugim svetom (tu očitno s krščansko obarvanimi nebesi) se kaže tudi v povedki iz Beltinec, kjer se pastir sreča s starim gospodom, ki mu naroči, naj pase njegove ovce, hkrati pa mu izroči škatlico, ki naj jo napolni s tem, kar bodo ovce jedle in pile. Ko pridejo ovce na travnik, ki leži prek potoka (voda se tu očitno kaže kot meja med svetovoma), se spremene v angele, starec pa v Boga (Moderndorfer, 1946: 100-108).
T. Civjanova, ki je raziskovala vlogo pastirja v ruski povedki, prav tako ugotavlja, da se v njej pogosto kaže zveza pastirja z drugim svetom. Pot pastirja večkrat vodi na drugi svet in s tem potrjuje sakralno zaznamovanost tako poti kot potnika; njegovo pojavljanje na območju gozda neredko kaže na oddaljenost, konec, mejo med tem in onim svetom. To gibanje se kaže v ruskih povedkah tudi kot pogoj za pridobitev informacij, zlasti od živali in nadnaravnih bitij, ki jih nato preda ljudem. Pastir je tako pogosto tisti, ki ve več kot drugi, ki ve tisto, česar drugi ne vedo, ki nastopa v vlogi informatorja, kar kaže na njegovo zvezo s sfero magije (Civjan, 1995: 336-367).
Ta pomoč nadnaravnih bitij pastirju pa se morda razkriva tudi v uporabi nekaterih rekvizitov, ki jih pri paši uporabljajo pastirji.
V	Rusiji na primer verjamejo, da na pastirjevi palici2, če pastir pase s palico, sedi Lešji in mu pomaga pasti (Ščepanska, 1990: 20). Tudi v slovenski povedki sem zasledila podatek, da pastirjem šibe podarja Čatež - "pol človek pol kozel - sam peklenski hudič' (prim. Kelemina, 1997 (1930): 146, št. 118/II). Zdi se, da lahko isto predstavo zaslutimo iz madžarskih in pruskih verovanj: po verovanju Madžarov pastirjeva palica sama čuva živino, medtem ko je ta v gostilni. Tudi v vzhodni Prusiji so pripovedovali o pastirjih, ki so svojo čredo pustili samo, potem ko so zapičili palico v tla sredi črede (Rantasalo, 1953: 7). V francoskih zagovorih pa se pastirji obračajo na sv. Genovefo Pariško s prošnjami, da bi
2 Tu bi lahko našli paralele s čarovniško palico, v kateri naj bi bil sedež duha prednika (prim. Kropej, 1999).
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jim podarila svojo pastirsko palico, zaradi katere se noben volk ne bi upal približati čredi (Eberman, 1914: 145).
Ponekod je ta predmet rog. Kadar je pastir v Vienan-Kareliji zapihal na svoj rog, so verjeli, da mu "gonjači živine" sami zberejo živino skupaj, on pa lahko odide domov (pri tem se ni smel obrniti) in živina mu bo sledila do doma. Tudi v Rusiji so verjeli, da je, če je imel pastir glasbeni inštrument, Lešji pomagal pasti pastirju oziroma je deloval prav prek tega inštrumenta (Finčenko, 1992: 88; Ščepanska, 1990: 20).
V severnoruskih vaseh je bila po mnenju kmetov celo v pokanju biča, če je bilo pastirjevo glavno sredstvo bič, zaklenjena magična moč (Ščepanska, 1990: 20). Toda bič so pripisovali tudi gozdnemu duhu Lešjemu: v smolenski guberniji se na primer izogibajo srečati v gozdu Lešjega in njegov bič, za katerega sledove imajo brazde na vrhovih gob in trav, ki so jih pustili polži (Dobrovol'ski, 1908: 9).
Včasih se zdi, da ti predmeti že s svojo obliko kažejo dodatno zvezo z onstranstvom oziroma bitji, ki so predstavniki drugega sveta. Tako so na primer hudiča - predstavnika onega sveta par exellence, v nekaterih slovanskih jezikih imenovali "Krivi", pomen besede "kriv" pa se je v slovanskih jezikih po mnenju Tolstojeve nanašal na nečisti čas in nečiste moči (Tolstaja, 1998: 220). Mnogi rekviziti, ki jih uporabljajo pastirji, so namreč dobesedno krivi: palica, ki jo uporablja pastir, je - sodeč po mnogih likovnih in pesniških upodobitvah - kriva. Tako poje Gregorčič v, sedaj že ljudski, pesmi Veseli pastir: "Zakrivljeno palico v roki...". Na severu Rusije je pastir uporabljal palico okrogle ali rahlo ukrivljene oblike, včasih pa tako z ukrivljenim ročajem, podobnim kljuki (Finčenko, 1992: 78). Enako je s pihalnimi instrumenti: rog je inštrument, ki je zakrivljene oblike (na koncu se razširi, ukrivi). Prav tako se bič ob uporabi (pokanju, udarjanju z njim) ukrivlja. Znano je namreč, da ljudje krivim predmetom, kot so na primer kljuka, grebljica, kriva palica, pogosto pripisujejo mitični pomen (Tolstaja, 1998: 226).
Če sklenemo, lahko po zbranem gradivu torej vidimo, da je pastirjevo "znanje" (katerega najpomembnejši vidik je bil, kot se zdi, prav pastirjeva oblast, moč nad volkovi in divjimi zvermi oziroma njegova sposobnost zapirati gobce volkovom in drugim zverem ali jih tudi pošiljati nad živino), prihajalo pravzaprav z onega sveta, od oz. prek bitij, ki so pripadala drugemu svetu. Včasih so ta bitja celo sama pasla živino namesto pastirja in jo varovala pred volkovi, včasih je pastir pasel z njihovo pomočjo - v nekaterih primerih se je njihova moč, kot se zdi, kazala tudi v izbiri rekvizita, s katerim je pastir pasel. Vprašanje, kako oziroma na kakšen način je pastir prišel do svojih moči, ostaja sicer še odprto - v tem članku se v to ne bom spuščala3. Naj na tem mestu le opozorim na to, da obstajajo indici, na podlagi katerih lahko domnevamo (vendar pa ne moremo dlje od spekulacij, saj trdnih dokazov za to seveda ni mogoče več najti), da so pastirji nekoč poznali neke iniciacijske rituale, ki so bili povezani z začetkom pastirskega letnega ciklusa in z izročilom o volčjem pastirju, ki je s pomočjo teh ritualov prejel "znanje paše".
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3 Več o tem sem pisala v svoji doktorski nalogi o volčjem pastirju - prim. Mencej, 1999.
Mirjam Mencej
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XXIV., Berlin, str. 134-162 FINČENKO, OHHHEHKO A. E., 1992: nacTymecKHe 0py^HH Tpy^a, Ms Kyßbmypnozo
nacaedua napodoe Bocmonnoü Eeponu, Sankt Peterburg, str. 78-91 GRABNER Elfriede, 1968: Martinisegen und Martinigerte in Österreich, Ein Betrag zur Hirtenvolkskunde des Südostalpenraumes, Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten aus dem Burgenland, Heft 39 (Kulturwissenschaften, Heft 14), Eisenstadt GUGITZ Gustav 1950: Das Jahr und seine Feste im Volsksbrauch Österreichs, Studien zur Volkskunde II., Wien
GULJAEVA, LY.TSEBA H. n., 1986: nacTymecKaa 06paßH0CTb Ha p. name (Tpa^Huna
h C0BpeMeHH0CTb), PyccKuü Ceeep, Leningrad, str. 172-180 GUNDA Béla 1970: Magical Watching of the Flock in the Great Hungarian Plain, Folklore
Vol. 81, London, str. 286-291 GURA, A. B., 1997: CnMB0^HKa xhb0thhx b c^aBHHCK0H Hap0^H0H Tpa^nuHH, Moskva ILWOF Franz, 1879: Hexenwesen und Aberglauben in Steiermark, Ehedem und jetzt,
Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde VII., Berlin, str. 244-254 JAUHIAINEN Marjatta, 1998: The Type and Motif Index of Finnish Belief Legends and
Memorates, FF Communications 267, Helsinki KELEMINA Jakob, 1998 (1930): Bajke in pripovedke slovenskega ljudstva z mitološkim uvodom, Bilje
KOTULA Franciszek 1976: Znakiprzesztosci, Warszawa KROPEJ Monika, 1995: Pravljica in stvarnost, Ljubljana
KROPEJ Monika, 1999: Magic as Reflected in Folk Tradition and the Popular Healing Today, referat, predstavljen na konferenci Demons, Witches, Spirits, Popular Mythology and Christian Demonology, Budimpešta 7.-9. oktober 1999 MAKSIMOV, MAKCHMOB C. B., leto neznano: Coôpanie conuneniü, T0Mt 17, KpecTHaa crna. - Pa3CKa3bi H3t ncTOpin CTap006paflHecTBa, T0Mt 18, HenncTaa craa. - HeBčfl0Maa cma, S. - Peterburg MAKSIMOV, MAKCHMOB Cepreö, 1989: Henucmaa, HeeedoMaa u Kpecmnaa cuaa, Moskva
MENCEJ Mirjam, 1999: Mitološka oseba "volčji pastir" pri Slovanih, Doktorska naloga,
Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo, Filozofska fakulteta, Ljubljana MÖDERNDORFER Vinko, 1934: Narodno blago koroških Slovencev, Maribor MÖDERNDORFER Vinko, 1946: Koroške narodne pripovedke, Ljubljana
123
Pastirji - čarovniki
MÖDERNDORFER Vinko, 1957: Koroške pripovedke, Ljubljana
RANTASALO, A.V. 1945: Der Weidegang im Volksaberglauben der Finnen I., FF
Communications No. 134, Helsinki, str. 1-129 RANTASALO, A.V. 1953: Der Weidegang im Volksaberglauben der Finnen III., FF
Communications No. 143, Helsinki, str. 1-245 REJLI, PEH.H M. B., 1989: EbrnrnKH h noBepba 06 "oTnycKe" nacTyxa (no MaTepnanaM
apxaHrenbCKOH o6nacra), PyccKuü $oibKiop XXV., Leningrad, str. 187-192 RIEMANN Erhard, 1974: Der Viehaustrieb im ost- und westpreußischen Mahlzeiten- und Speisensystem, Jahrbuch für Ostdeutsche Volkskunde, Band 17, Marburg - Lahn, str. 108-139
ROMANOV, POMAHOBt E. P., 1891: EiiopyccKiü cöopnuKb, 3azoeopu, anoKpu$u u
dyxoenue cmuxu, Vitebsk SCHMIDT, Leopold, 1955: Die Martinisegen der burgenländischen Hirten, Burgen-
ländische Heimatblätter, 17. Jg., Heft I., Eisenstadt, str. 11-33 SEBILLOT, Paul-Yves, 1968: Le Folklore de France, La faune et la flaure, III. del, Paris SLO VENSKE NARODNE PRIPOVEDKE (urednik Alojzij Bolhar), 1981 ŠČEPANSKA, ffl,EnAHCKA3 T.E., 1990: He3eMne^enen B 3eMnenennecK0H ^epeBHe: O6panoBoe noBe^eHne (ceBepHopyccKaa 30Ha, XIX-Hanano XX.b.), EmnoKyib-mypnue mpaduuuu pyccKozo ceibcKozo naceienm XIX. - nanaia XX.e., I., Moskva, str. 5-81
TOLSTAJA, TO.CTA3 CBeraaHa MnxafinoBHa, 1998: KynbTypHaa ceMaHTHKa cnaB.
*kriv, Cioeo u Kyibmypa, Tom II., MocKBa, str. 215-229 TOMAŽIČ Jože, 1990: Pohorske bajke, Celje
USPENSKIJ, yCnEHCKHH E. A., 1982: 0rnoiozmecme pasucKanun e očiacmu ciaenncKux dpeenocmeü (PeiuKmu xsbrnecmea e eocmomocmeHHcKDM Kyibme HuKoian MupiumücKozo, Moskva
Shepherds - Sorcerers
Mirjam Mencej
In this article the author discusses the magic and supernatural powers which people have attributed to shepherds. It is evident from certain accounts that not all shepherds had these powers, but that people made strong distinctions between those shepherds who did possess "knowledge" and those who did not. It seems that this knowledge is related primarily to power of the shepherds over wild animals, particularly over wolves. For example, shepherds were capable of letting wolves loose among livestock or of protecting livestock from wolves. According to beliefs and literary folklore, shepherds were considered to have the ability to communicate with the other world and with mythological creatures, representatives of the other world; it also seems that shepherds' power over wolves stems from these representatives of the other world or from shepherds' contact with the other world.
124
Cbctbt Ha aeMOHHTe b c.iobo h oopas
Heema Todopoea-nupeoea
The author analyzes the historical changes of human notions and perceptions about demonic creatures from ancient times till the present days. The world of demons has always been "densly populated", although one sort of its "inhabitants" could be replaced with another or could be described in another way by different generations in different historical periods. It is stressed that people believe in demons even today, although "modern" demons can have a quite different appearance and different kinds of activities, especially in big cities.
(H Ka3Bame My Hcyc: H3ie3 ot HOBeKa, #ymo HeHHCTa.) H nocie Hcyc ro nonHTa: KaK th e HMeTO? A toh My Ka3a: .HereoH mh e HMeTO; sa^omo CMe MHosrna.
Mapxo 5: 8, 9
CBeTbT Ha ^eMOHHTe BHHarH e 6hi npeHaceieH, MaKap He bh^^t h xapaKTepbT Ha HeroBHTe "xHTeiH" ce e npoMeHai b HcTopHHecKOTO BpeMe Ha HOBenecTBOTO. HaKora noBeneTO ot tax ca 6hih 6oroBe, ho pa^KO ca 6hih Bb3npHeMaHH caMO b no3HTHBeH cmhcm. npeacraBaTa 3a npoTHBopeHHBaTa hm ^BOHHcraeHa npHpo^a e MOTHBHpaia HOBemKaTa aKTHBHocT e^HOBpeMeHHO b #Be nocoKH - H3pa3H noHHT h 6iaro^apHocT 3a OKa3aHaTa n0M0^ h ^a npe^na3H Hepa3yMHHTe ot 3i0Bpe^HH bihahhs.
C^e^ ycTaHOBaBaHeTO h pa3npocTpaHeHHeT0 Ha MOHOTeHcTHHHHTe peiHrHH, b nHcMeHHTe HHTepnpeTanHH Ha CBe^eHHTe KHHrH Tpatao ce 3aKpenocraBa mactoto Ha ^eMOHHTe. He3aBHcHM0 OT TeXHHA np0H3X0fl, Cb^HOcT H ^yHKUHH, Te ce B'b3npHeMaT KaTO aHTaroHHcTH Ha Bora, ^okoikoto ce cBbp3BaT caMO c ^ABOia h HeroBHTe 6e3KpaftHH npeBbnib^eHHH. HMeHHO 3aT0Ba Te ce onpe^eiaT KaTO "HH3mH" h BeHe H3pa3aBaHeT0 Ha noHHT e He caMO HeHyxHO, ho h epeTHHHO. HaiHHHeTO Ha ^eMOHHTe He ce ocnopBa, ho 0TH0meHHeT0 KbM tax b o^HnHaiHaTa 60r0ci0BcKa iHTepaTypa e e^H03HaHH0 - nie^Hpa ce 3a npe^na3BaHe ot taxhoto BiHAHHe Bbpxy HOBeKa h ce KOMeHTHpaT pa3iHHHH HaHHHH 3a np0r0HBaHeT0 hm. ^0Ka3aTeicTBaTa 3a taxhoto cb^ecTByBaHe ce H3BexqaT ot caMHa 6H6ieftcKH TeKcT (cpB. MapKO 7: 24-30; 9: 17-29), a BiHAHHeTO hm Bbpxy xopaTa ce TbpcH b HexeiaTeiHHTe npoMeHH, kohto ce Ha6iro^aBaT y KOHKpeTHH hh^hbh^h. Te3H npoMeHH 3acaraT KaKTO ^H3HHecK0T0 hm cbcTOAHHe (npH^o6HBaHe Ha cBpbxecTecTBeHH chih, enHienTHHHH npHna^bnH, 3aMbriaBaHe Ha cb3HaHHeT0, HeHyBcTBHTeiHocT KbM 6oiKa h t.h.), TaKa h MeHTaiHH npoMeHH, KbM kohto ce OTHacaT riacoiaiHATa, cBpbxecTBecTBeHOTO 3HaHHe,
125
CBeTtT Ha fleMOHHTe b cjigbg h o6pa3
ncHXHnecKa moi (BKiroHHTeiHO TeienaTHA h achobh^ctbo). nocie^HHTe ce CbnpoBOxnaT ctc CTpax ot Hcyc h SoroxyiCTBeHH npoABH. H36aBieHHeT0 ot tax e BT3M0XH0 CaMO "b HMeTO Ha Hcyc".
TBtpne pa3iHHHa ot KaHOHHHHaTa xpHCTHAHCKa HHTepnpeTannfl e ^oiKiopHaTa npe^CTaBa 3a ^eMOHHTe h CTOTBeTCTByBaiHTe h ycTHH HHTepnpeTanHH Ha ramaTa ctihoct h h3abh. B tax ^eMOHHTe npoflTixaBaT npHCTCTByBaT ctc CTapaTa ch ^BOHHCTBeHa npHpo^a, Giaro^apeHHe Ha koato yHacTByBaT b pa3iHHeH THn B3aHM00TH0meHHH c xopaTa. Te3H B3aHM00TH0meHHA ce pea.H3HpaT b np0CTpaHCTB0T0 h BpeMeTO Ha pmyana h no cnenH^HHHHTe 3a Hero HopMaTHBHH npe^nHcaHHA 3a HOBemKOTO noBe^eHHe. Btb ^oikiophha KOHnemyaieH MO^ei ce 3ana3Ba x0pH30HTa.HaTa ^ByflA.6a Ha CBeTa, npH K0eT0 Bor, xpHCTHAHCKHTe CBeTnH h bchhkh ^eMOHHHHH CTieCTBa XHBeAT "TaM, OTBTfl". BepTHKaiHaTa xpHCTHAHCKa KOCMOIOrHA ce Hac.arBa BTpxy HeA, ho He a npoMeHA CTieCTBeHO, ^oko.koto "PaAT=rope" h "A^tT=fl0.y" ce ocmhciat KaTO chhohhmh Ha "oha cbat=otbt#".
npH TaKa npen.eTeHHTe 3aBapeHH h npH#o6HTH ot xphcthahctboto npe^CTaBH 3a CTpyKTypaTa Ha CBeTa h "xnTeiHTe" Ha "^pyrHA cbat" He e bmmoxho ^a ce o6oco6h CTpora nepapxnA Ha "oTBT^HHTe xHTeiH". Eto 3aio e MHoro Tpy^HO ^a ce onpe^eiH "HH3mH" IH ca "HH3mHTe" ^eMOHH HIH He B CMHaHHeTO, KOeTO rH e H3BHKa.0 Ha XHBOT h e ^a.0 KOHKpeTHHTe hm o6pa3H. A io ce OTHacA ^o ACHOBH^CKHTe, Te.enaTHHHH h np. Cn0C06H0CTH Ha HAKOH xopa, KaKTO H #0 He06HKH0BeHHTe HM .eHHTe.CKH BT3M0XH0CTH, to Te He caMO He He ca pe3y.TaT ot BiHAHHeTO Ha 3ih ^yxoBe BTpxy HOBemKaTa ncnxHKa, ho "#ap 6oxh", ktm kohto bchhkh 0CTaHaiH TpA0Ba ^a ce OTHacAT c He06x0^HM0T0 yBaxeHHe.
To.AMaTa xH3HeycT0HHHB0CT Ha ^eMOHHHHHTe nepcoHaxH e e^Ha ot npHHHHHTe 3a flt.roro^HmHaTa 6op6a Ha 60r0Ci0BHTe c T.Hap. "cyeBepHA h npeflpa3CT^TnH", 0C06eH0 c.e^ H3iH3aHeT0 Ha TexHHTe "cnHCTnH"1 b Kpaa Ha XV h HaHaiOTO Ha XVI BeK. Ta3H 6op6a ce bo^h no pa3iHHeH HaHHH npH KaTOiHnHTe h npaBOCiaBHHTe xphcthahh, pa3.HHeH e tohhhat xapaKTep h b pa3iHHHHTe CTpaHH, ho ta HHKora He 3aBTpmBa. ^eMOHHTe npoflTixaBaT ch "xmeAT" h #Hec b OTpe^eHHTe hm ot HOBemKaTa mhcti h HyBCTBO MecTa, ^a yHacTByBaT b onpefleiflHeTO Ha HOBemKaTa CT#6a hih ce HaMecBaT b HeA no e^HH hih #pyr HaHHH. ^Hec o6aHe Te MoraT HMaT CTBTpmeHO
pa3.HHeH 06lHK H npOABH, flOKOIKOTO BTpxy TAxHOTO ^OpMHpaHe BIHAAT H HAKOH OT
cbBpeMeHHHTe HayHHH, Teoco^CKn hih OKyiTHH npe^CTaBH 3a CBeTa okoio Hac. H3pa3HTe, kohto onHCBaT TAxHaTa ctihoct flHec, ca pe3y.TaT He caMO ot pa3BHTHeT0 Ha n03HTHBHCTHHHHTe MaTepHaiHCTHHHH H^eH 3a 3a06HKaifliaTa HH C0nHa.Ha H npHpo^Ha cpe^a C.e^ BTopaTa noiOBHHa Ha XIX BeK, ho h ot btophhhoto BnHCBaHe Ha Te3H H^eH b .orHKaTa Ha CT3jiaBainHTe ce ^Hec (cjie^ BTopaTa noiOBHHa Ha XX BeK) Mex^HHHH #HcnHn.HHH ot THna Ha ncHxoTpoHHKaTa, napancHxo.orHATa h no^.
H TaKa, n0CTeneHH0 ce OHepTaBa ochobhhat npo6ieM, kohto Me 3aHHMaBa b TOBa H3.0XeHHe - KaKBH ca KOHKpeTHHTe H3MepeHHa Ha OTHOmeHHeTO npHeMCTBeHOCT/pa3BHTHe
1 HMaM npe^ bh^ H3.H3aHeT0 Ha 3HaMeHHTHTe OTHeTH Ha "Mar^e6yprcKHTe neHTypHaTopH" ("Centuriatores Magdeburgi), 0Tpa3eHaTa b "HyKa Ha BeiHnHTe" ("Malleus Maleficarum, 1487 ro^.) 6op6a npoTHB MarbOCHHHeCTBOTO BTB BCHHKHTe My ^OpMH H OrpOMHOTO KOJIHHeCTBO "fleMOHOJIOrHHHa JIHTepaTypa", ny6jiHKyBaHa b KpaA Ha XV h HaHajiOTO Ha XVI BeK. Bhx ncwpo6eH aHanH3 Ha T03H THn JIHTepaTypa y flx. KoKKbApa. Hctcpha ^ojibKjjopHCTHKH b EBpcne, M., 1960, 60-92.
126
Heema Todopoea-nupzoea
B npe^CTaBHTe 3a ^eMOHHTe ot BpeMeTO, KoraTO ^onKnoptT e lOMHHHpa^a KynrypHa cHcTeMa io iHec.
PemeHHeTO Ha tosh npoöneM cecbitpxa b OTroBopa Ha BtnpocH KaTo: KaKBa nacT ot cTapHTe HieH ce sanasBaT, KaKBa nacT ot tax ce TpaHc^opMHpaT, sa ia ce aianTHpaT b npoMeHeHHH KynrypeH KOHTeKcT h KaKBa nacT e pesynraT ot HOBHTe npeicTaBH sa cBeTa h HeroBOTO ycTpoöcTBO. TesH BtnpocH MoraT ia ce saiaiaT k^m pasnHHHH leMO-HHHHH nepcoHaxH, ho as ^e ce orpaHma caMO Btpxy eiHH THn ot tax - caMOiHBH, caMO-BHnH, BHnH - kohto e locTaT^HHO mHpoKO pasnpocTpaHeH cpei bchhkh mxhh cnaBAHH.
Bhx HcKana ia sanoHHa c eiHH npHMep (KOHKpeTHO onHcaHHe Ha ABneHHe h HeroBHTe bmmoxhh oöactohha), sa la onepTaa nocoKHTe Ha no-HaTarbmHHTe pasctxieHHH b paöoTaTa.
HeoTiaBHa (npes m. mhh, 1995 roi.) b cnHcaHHe "6 nyno"2, KoeTO HsnHsa b Benrpai, ce noMecTBa eiHa cHHMKa h ce saiaBa Btnpoca: KaKBO e TOBa? 3a TOBa KaKBO ce Brassa Ha cHHMKaTa HMaMe pasKasa Ha MnnaH .HasapeBrih: "nojaBy caM npHMeTHO cacBHM cnynajHO. OTHmao caM y BohaaK ia HcTepaM OBne h, npocTO ce sanaaHO, BHieBmH HeoÖHnaH npcTeH oi TaMHO seneHe TpaBe Kpaj jeiHor cTaöna m^HBe noxerane. CTaöno je cTapo oko 30 roiHHa, a npcTeH SHaTHO Behe TpaBe Hero Ha ipyrHM MecTHMa h 6oje Kao ia je oí nnacTHKe, mHpoK je 20 caHTHMeTapa. HrnaB npcTeH HMa npe^HHK oko HeTHpH MeTpa. Oho mTO Me je HajBHme sanyiHno y HHTaBOM cnynajy je to mTO je npcTeH noTnyHO npaBHnHor KpyxHor oönHKa, Kao ia je mecTapoM HcnHcaH Ha seM^HmTy. 3any5eH, Hcnpmao caM o TOMe yKyhaHHMa, a oiMax noTOM nosBao h cyceie ia BHie OBy HeoÖHHHy nojaBy. Y6pso ce y mom BohaaKy Hcnoi Kyhe OKynHno locTa nocMaTpana, a HajcTapHjH Medy BHMa peKome KaKO HHKaia HHcy BHienH HHmTa cnHHHO."3 TOBa c^ÖHTHe cTaBa b c. .HyxHHne, KpaH KparyjeBan.
PasnonaraMe h c iBe bmmoxhh oöactohha Ha HaönroiaBaHOTO ABneHHe.
Cnopei ntpBOTO ot tax, TOBa 6es cbMHeHHe e "bhjhho kojo" (cnopei ôtnrapcKHHT BapHaHT Ha HasBaHHeTO "caMOiHBcKO xopH^e" HnH "caMOiHBcKO HrpH^e"). OÖAcHeHHeTO e laieHO ot HSBecTHHA nyxHHHKH AcHOBHien Boroje BopdeBHh: "To je, BaH cBaKe cyMae, BHnHHO Kono. Ja to Hajöo^e SHaM, jep caM ce TemKO pasöoneo 1965. roiHHe, caMO iBe cTOTHHe MeTapa la^e oí MecTa Ha KojeM cy ce caia nojaBHnH HeoÖHHHH KpyroBH Ha seMjtHmTy. Taia caM jeiBa npexHBeo, anH h cxBaTHO ia Mory
4
onasHTH HemTO mTO ipyrH ayiH He Mory.
Cnopei BTopoTO ot tax, TOBa e "oracaK TajaHCTBeHe CBeMHpcKe jeTejHue", sa^OTO TOBa e mhcto, K^ieTO ca cnHpanH KocMHnecKH KopaÖH, npeHaca^H HSBtHseMHH cb^ecTBa Ha Öopia ch. OÖAcHeHHeTO e laieHO ot BojHcnaB MnnaiHHOBHh - HSBecTeH ÖHoeHeproTepaneBT ot KparyjeBan: "Ja caM h paHHje tbpiho ia cy nnaHHHe PTaa, PyiHHK, a HapoHHTO OKonHHa KparyjeBna, MecTa Ha KojHMa cy KocMHHKa spaneaa Hajjane HspaxeHa. MHcnHM ia to OBa nojaBa y ^yxHHnaMa Hajöo^e noTBpdyje, jep ce OBO ceno HeKaKO h HanasH Ha penanHjH KparyjeBan-PyiHHK. HemTO cthhho loradano ce npe HeKonHKO roiHHa Ha nnaHHHH PTaa, Kaia ce Ha OBy nnaHHHy cnycTHO kocmhhkh 6poi c BaHseMa^nHMa."5
2	T. HasapeBHh. BarneMaa^H y fflyMaflHjH. - "6 qyno", 1995, 6p. 10, 34-35.
3	naK TaM, c.34
4	naK TaM
5	naK TaM.
127
CBeTtT Ha fleMOHHTe b cjigbg h o6pa3
CtBceM OHeBH^HO e, ne ^BeTe o6acHeHHa 3a Ha6jro^aBaHOTO aBieHHe HMaT pa3.HHeH npoH3xofl (Hacie^eHOTO ^ojkjopho 3HaHHe 3a BHjHTe h cbBpeMeHHaTa HH^opMaiHa 3a H.HO [UFO], pa3npocTpaHaBaHa ot bchhkh MacMe^HH h ot cneiHaiH-3HpaHaTa b Ta3H TeMaTHKa iHTepaTypa) h ce nopax^aT b pa3iHHeH coiHaieH KOHTeKCT -ceiCKH (3a ntpBOTO o6acHeHHe)H rpa^CKH (3a BTopoTO o6acHeHHe). Te o6ane ctiecTBy-BaT e^HOBpeMeHHO b ctBpeMeHHaTa KyiTypa h ca aBHO A0Ka3aTeiCTB0 3a TOBa KaK HOBHTe npe^CTaBH ctxHTeiCTByBaT ctc CTapHTe, AOKaTO HMa coiHaiHa n0Tpe6H0CT ot Tax.
npHBe^eHHaT npHMep n0Ka3Ba e^Ha Bt3M0XH0CT 3a He3aBHCHMH e^Ha ot ^pyra HHTepnpeTaiHH Ha e^HO h ctio aBieHHe, nopo^eHH BtB ^o.KjopeH h He^o.KjopeH KyiTypeH KOHTeKCT. CtiecTByBaT o6ane h bmmoxhocth, npH kohto ctBpeMeHHOTO TMKyBaHe 3ana3Ba HacT ot ^ojkjophoto, KaTO ro BH^0H3MeHa no onpe^eieH HaHHH. noHaKora ce 3ana3Ba Ha3BaHHeT0 Ha aBieHHeTO, KaTO My ce npH^aBa ^pyr cmhcm, a ^pyr ntT ce npoMeHa Ha3BaHHeT0, ho ce 3ana3BaT HaKOH ot CTapHTe My xapaKTepHCTHKH. Ha3BaHHaTa Ha caMO^HBHTe h BHiHTe Haö-HecTO ce 3ana3BaT, ho b HaKOH npoaBH Ha ctBpeMeHHHTe noiTtpraöcTH lecHO MOxeM ^a pa3n03HaeM erapna naKOCTHHK KapaKOH^xyna, a b Te3H Ha HaKOH BH^OBe 3om6h - ctOTBeTHHTe BapHaHTH Ha BaMnHpa. He Tpa6Ba ^a 3a6paBHMe h Bt3M0xH0CTTa 3a KOHTaMHHaiHH b caMOTO Ha3BaHHe -cpaBHH HanpHMep, "eHeprHeH BaMnHp".
Ha bchhkh ^oiKiopHCTH e H3BecTH0 onHcaHHeTO Ha HamHTe 6a6H ot ceio 3a CaMOflHBHTe H CaMOBHJHTe, 3a HaHHHHTe, nO KOHTO Te BIH3aT B KOHTaKT C xopaTa. B Haö-o6iiHa 6tjirapcKH HHBapHaHT Ha TOBa onHcaHHe, caMO^HBHTe ca KpacHBH ^eBoiiKH, o6.eneHH b ßtira 6e.H pokih ctc ce^eMiBeTHH noacH. KocHTe hm ca ^MrH h ce HOcaT pa3nieTeHH. Te xHBeaT Haö-HecTO Kpaö bo^hh h3tohhhih (Kja^eHiH, peKH h t.h.)6, b CKaiH, HaKpaa Ha ropaTa hjih b caMOTHO AtpBO (Haö-HecTO opex), KoeTO ce HaMHpa b ropaTa hjh HaKt^e h3 .HBa^HTe Kpaö ce.OTO. XopaTa He MoraT ^a rH BH^aT h 3aT0Ba HecTO H3BtpmBaT nperpemeHHa cnpaMO Tax - pa3BaiaT hm x0p0T0 hjh hm pa36yTBaT Tpane3HTe, HacTtnBaT rH hjh hm 6yTaT iroiKa c 6e6e, T.e. pa3rHeBaBaT rH h noiynaBaT ctOTBeTHOTO HaKa3aHHe 3a TOBa - "caMO^HBCKaTa 6oiecT" ("cTtnKaHo", "BtHKamHo", "caMO^HBCKO Hara3eH0", "Hara3yiie", "BeTpHiia" h np.). B 6aaHHaTa 3a Ta3H 6ojiecT HecTO ce cnoMeHaBaT Bt3M0xHHTe "rpexoBe"7 KtM caMO^HBHTe h ce H3M0.Ba ot caMO^HBHTe npomKa Ha HOBemKOTO HeBexecTBO (HOBeKtT He 3Hae, He Te ca TaM) h HectBtpmeHCTBO (HOBeKtT He MOxe ^a rH bh^h). Te MoraT caMH ^a noHCKaT cpeia c HOBeKa h b pe3y.TaT Ha TOBa pa3no.araMe h c mhoto6pohhh pa3Ka3H 3a cpeiH ctc caMO^HBH Kpaö caMOTHH koih6h, nycTH ntTHia, BO^eHHiH h t.h. Haö-HecTO cpeiaTa CTaBa HOieM, HOBeKtT npHCtCTByBa Ha "caMO^HBCKO xopo" hih "caMO^HBCKa CBaT6a" h ce ct6yx^a no ntpBH neTiH HaKt^e ^aieH ot CBoa aom. H TyK HMa ^Ba BapHaHTa - hjh HOBeKtT e^BaM ce e OTtpBai ot y^aBaHe, na^aHe b ^ti60Ka nponacT h ^pyra HeiacTHa,
6	E. MHieBa. HeBH^HMH hgihh rocTH. C., 1994, 15-17. ToBa ^aBa GCHGBaHHe Ha aBTGpa ^a onpe^ejiH CaMGÄHBHTe KaTG "BGÄHH ÄeMGHH", HG B MH0r06p0HHH TepeHHH MaTepHaiH, KOHTO ce CtxpaHaBaT B ApxHBa Ha HHCTHTyra 3a ^gjikigp npH EAH HaMHpaMe h onncaHHa Ha TaxHOTO MecTGxHBeeHe, KGeTG He rH CBtp3Ba HenpeMeHHG c bgähh h3tghhhuh.
7	"CaMO^HBH, caMGBHiH/ Kt^e CTe oähjih,/ KaKBG ere npaBHJiH?/ Kt^e 6exTe?/ Ha Gpo jih 6exTe,/ Ha CBaT6a jih 6exTe,/ Ha KptiieHe jih 6exTe?/ KaKBG bh cropH HBaH?/ flajiH bh TaHeii npeKHHa?/ flajiH bh HeBecTa 6yTHa?/ flajiH bh ^ere H3 KGmqe H3^tpjiH?/ flaiH bh Ha Tpane3a oäh hg BtHKa?/ OnpGCTere My..." - OTKtc GT cjiGBecHHa TeKCT Ha 6aeHe hpgthb "BeTpHia", 3anHcaHG ot TMHrpa HBaHGBa Mia^eHGBa, po^. 1917 ro^, G6p.IV kj, 3eMeflejiHe; 3anHcaH0 b c. fltJirH ^ei, OKp. MHxaHJiGBrpa^CKH (ÄHec g6ji. MoHTaHa) npe3 1982
rGfl. GT H. To^opoBa.
128
Heema Todopoea-nupzoea
HaH e noaynna HAKaKBa aap6a (flCHOBH^CKa HaH aenm-eacKa). CaMoaHBHTe ce Baro6BaT
o
noHHKora b OBnapH h MoraT aa CTaHaT TexHH HeBecTH.
M^eHTHHeH e caynaaT c bhjhtc b cp^6cKHTe h xtpBaTCKH (^oaxaopHH BapHaHTH Ha
to3h aeMoHHneH nepcoHax. Eto eaHo KoHKpeTHo onHcaHHe Ha cpe^a c tax h
npoH3TeKaHTe ot Hea nocaeacTBHa 3a noBeKa: "TeK mTo je npomaa noHoh Kaa cmo
cTHraH y BHHorpaa. Ha caMoM yaa3y, noa jeaHHM opaxoM, Ha MecenHHH npHMeTHM KaKo
ce HemTo Kpehe y Kpyr. noMHcaHM aa je HeKa xHBoTHaa. EpaTy PaaHmH HHmTa He
npHnaM, aaH npHMehyjeM aa oh HHmTa oa Tora He BHaH. Kaaa cmo ce npHMHpnaH,
npHMeTHM aa oko apBeTa Hrpa Koao npeaennx aeBojaKa. ftHxoBe xa^HHe npecHjaBaae
cy ce Kao cpe6po, a HajMaada h Hajaenma oa anx Maxaaa mh je pyKoM h no3HBaaa aa hm
ce npHapyxHM y Koay. npoTp^ao caM ohh h ynHTao 6paTa aa aH h oh hcto to BHaH, aaH
oh ce HacMejao h peKao KaKo ja to cBe H3MHimmM. npHaeraH cmo Ha HMnpoBH3oBaHe
KpeBeTe y BHHorpaacKoj KoaH0H, aaH noa ythckom BHdeHor npraopa MeHH caH HHje
aoaa3Ho Ha ohh. CTaaHo cy y Moje aena^Ke MHcaH aoaa3Hae npeaene aeBojKe Ha
MecenHHH. CyTpaaaH caM ce TemKo pa36oaeo. flyro caM ae6aeo H3Medy xHBoTa h cmpth,
• ,,9
a Kaaa caM ce oa Tora onopaBHo, omoneao je MHoro Tora aa mh ce npHKa3yje.
A cera aa BHaHM KaK ce onHcBaT Te3H aeMoHHHHH ct^ecTBa ot cbBpeMeHHHTe eKcTpaceHcH h xopaTa, kohto cnoaeaaT TexHHTe BmraeaH 3a cBeTa oKoao Hac.
B cnHcaHHe Stella (Tajanstveni svijet na graniti znanosti), KoeTo H3aH3a b 3arpe6, MoxeM aa nponeTeM caeaHoTo onHcaHHe:
"Vile su aktivan dio prirodnog svijeta čiji glavni zadatak predstavlja apsorbiranje životne energije, chija ili prane od Sunca te njeno rasporedivanje fizičkome svijetu oko nas. U njihove dužnosti i konkretnije zadatke spada i bavljenje strukturom i bojama cvijeca te briga oko biljnog korijena kao i potpomaganje razvitka minerala, povrca i životinjskog carstva.
Prema svojoj prirodi i "prebivalištu" smatraju se stanovnicima astralne razine što znači da su u principu nevidljive za ljudsko oko te da mogu poprimiti oblik po želji, iako se drže odredenih obljubljenih oblika.
Usprkos tome što je grada njihova tijela toliko delikatna i nježna mogu se, u situacijama kada žele biti opažene materijalizirati što se dešava kada se pulsirajuca sfera žive svjetlosti s jarkom jezgrom koja čini njihovo normalno stanje, kondenzira.
Pri materijalizaciji svoga lika koriste kolektivnu svijest te podržavaju odredene oblike koji im odgovaraju u prirodi."10
^o ce oTHaca ao oTHomeHHeTo Ha BHaHTe k^m xopaTa, to b noBenero caynaH ce cMATa, ne Te H36arBaT KoHTaKTHTe c xopa, 3a^oTo noBemKoTo noBeaeHHe h xeaaHHa necro ca arpecHBHH h o6pa3yBaT acTpaaHH noTonH, kohto hm npenaT. Ot apyra cTpaHa, o6ane, hakoh BHaH HMaT xeaaHHe aa noMaraT Ha xopaTa h aa ce cnpHATeaaBaT c oTaeaHH HHaHBHaH - Haft-HecTo c oHe3H ot tax, kohto HcKaT hcthhckh aa pa36epaT apyrHTe xopa h H3pa3ABaT ao6pH nyBCTBa. BHaHTe MoraT aa aeMoHcTpHpaT cBoeTo npHCbCTBHe, KaTo npeHacaT pa3HH He^a oTaaaene HaH aa ynacTByBaT b cnHpHTHnecKH ceaHcH, KaTo aaBaT ottoboph c yaapH no MacaTa.11
8	E. MHneBa. UHt. cm., c. 16; bhx h npHaoxeHHa TeKcr "OBiap h caMoaHBa" Ha c. 46-47.
9	T. Ha3apeBHh...c.34
10N. Horvat, S. Erega. Tko su vile. - "Stella (Tajanstveni svijet na granici znanosti)", 1995, br. 17, 42-43.
11 naK TaM, c. 42.
129
CBeTtT Ha fleMOHHTe b cjigbg h o6pa3
BtnpoctT 3a caMOTO cb^ecTByBaHe Ha BHiHTe ce nocTaBA no cie.HHA HaHHH:
"Napokon, ako smo okruženi nevidljivim radio valovima i zračenjima zašto onda ne bismo
bili okruženi nekom vrstom nevidljivih stvorenja koja egzistiraju na sasvim različit način
12
od nas, naročito ako se mnogi ljudi kunu u njihovo postojanje.
B onHcaHHHTa Ha BtirapcKHTe eKCTpaceHCH caMO.HBHTe othobo npHCbCTByBaT c
.BOHHCTBeHaTa ch npHpo.a, ho ta pa.ko ce o6cbx.a ot e.HH h ct^H HOBeK. MHeHHATa
3a tax ca pa3.eieHH b .BeTe pa3iHHHH ^hhocthh nocoKH h TOBa OKa3Ba BiHAHHe Btpxy
KOHKpeTHHA o6pa3 Ha caMO.HBHTe, kohto ce H3rpax.a b TexHHTe pa3Ka3H 3a tax.
Cnope. e.HH eKCTpaceHCH, caM0.HBHTe ca "HH3mH acTpaiHH Teia, kohto ce
noflBHBaT Ha hakoh xopa, kohto ca no.aTjiHBH Ha TaKHBa BH3yajiHH KOHTaKTH. KoraTO
HOBeK ce 6oh ot tax, Te ce noABABaT no-HecTo; aKO He ce 6oh - Te He My ce noABABaT. Te
ce noHBHBaT TaM, Kb.ero HMa CTpax... ToBa (bchhkh Te3H ct^ecTBa - H.T.) ca
pa3HOBH.HOCTH Ha aCTpaiHHTe Teia. Pa3H0BH.H0CTH. npOCTO Hañ-pa3.HHHH BH.OBe. Te
ce no..aBaT Ha onpe.eieHa MaTepHairaanHA npH onpe.eieHH yciOBHA noflxo^A^H 3a
tax - CTpax, .enpecHA, ctMHeHHA, bchhkh HeraTHBHH CTpaHH Ha HOBemKHA xapaKTep. H
KoraTO e.HH HOBeK e yA3BHM, b cmhcm no.aTiHB Ha TaKbB KOHTaKT, MOxe h .a rH bh.h.
Ho He bchhkh MoraT .a rH bh.at. Hakoh MoraT .a rH HyaT, .pyrH MoraT .a rH
noHyBCTByBaT, TpeTH MoraT .a rH cbHyBaT. Btnpoc Ha KOHneHTpanHA npH BceKH HOBeK
e .a noiyHH HAKaKBa BH3yaiHa hih ciyxoBa npe.CTaBa 3a tax. Hih npOCTO KaTO mhcm
.a MHHe, hih npOCTO KaTO no.tx .a rH yceTH. Hañ-pa3iHHHH BH.OBe HMa h Te ce
npoABABaT no pa3iHHeH HaHHH b 3aBHCHMOCT ot HOBeKa. BceKH rH Bt3npHeMa cnope.
CBOATa COČCTBeHa MHCbJI H KOHIjeHTpaUHA Ha MHCbJITa. npH B'b3npHeMaHeTO Ha Te3H
eHeprHH, BceKH e HH.HBH.yaneH. He BceKH MOxe .a bh.h e.Ha caMO.HBa, ho HMa
TaKHBa, kohto MoraT .a a bh.at. He BceKH MOxe .a ce cčitCKa c HeA, ho HMa h TaKHBa,
kohto MoraT .a a .OKOCHaT. He BceKH MOxe .a a Hye, ho HMa h TaKHBa, kohto MoraT .a
HyAT riaca h. KaKBO no-KOHKpeTHO Bh HHTepecyBa 3a caMO.HBHTe? ,D,aiH ca peaieH
^aKT? ^a, peaieH $aKT ca. flpyrH BtnpocH HMaTe .h?"13
Cnope. .pyrH eKCTpaceHCH caMO.HBHTe ca "Btnit^eHHe Ha hakoa ot
noHH3mHTe eHeprHH, kohto ca nočirao .o Hac. Koikoto h .a ca HH3mH, Te Bce naK ca
noBHcmH ot Hac, 3a^OTO ca b acTpaia. Te ca H3npaTeHH npH Hac ot HaH-BHcmaTa
eHeprHA, ot HamHA Bor, 3a^OTO ca ce HaMHpaT no-6jiH3O h no-6tp3O MoraT .a .OH.aT
npH Hac; H3npaTeHH ca .a hh noMaraT .a pa3BHeM HamHTe .yxoBHH 3a.ox6H h .a ce
»14
yc'bB'bpmeHCTBaMe, 3a .a npeMHHeM 3ae.HO C tax Ha no-BHcme eHeprHHHO hhbo.
npHBe.eHHTe npHMepH-onHcaHHA acho noKa3BaT, He pa3BHTHeTO Ha npe.CTaBHTe 3a TO3H THn .eMOHHHHH Cb^eCTBa ce OCb^eCTBa nO. CbBMeCTHOTO BIHAHHe Ha HAKOIKO ^aKTopa. KaTO Hac.e.eHH ot ^oiKiopa pa3no3HaBaMe He caMO Ha3BaHHeTO, ho h aM6HBa.eHTHaTa hm c^^hoct, MaKap He noc.e.HaTa ce ocmhcia no hob HaHHH. Te ce
12 naK TaM, c. 43
13HHTepBro c eKCTpaceHca pooh^ XpHCTOBa MHTeBa, po.. 1959 ro.. b rp. _3m6ojj, o6p. BHome, CTpoHTejieH HHxHHep, 3an. npe3 1993 ro. ot H. To.opoBa. CBe.eHHATa ca .a.eHH no BpeMe Ha ceaHC, b kohto eKCTpaceHCKT-KOHraKTbop pa3roBapA c "BHcmHTe eHeprHH" h OTroBopHTe Ha MOHTe BtnpooH nojjyHaBaM .HpeKTHO ot "tax". B ojjyHaA e BaxHO ot^o h CBe.eHHeTO, He oie. ope^a c "acTpajiHHTe Teia" "Te" otBeTBaT HOBeKa .a oe H3Ktne Be.Hara, 3a .a He npoHHKHe "jiomaTa eHeprHA" ffbJi60K0 h .a He o6tpKa noHXHHeoKOTO My h $H3HHeoK0 ctcroAHHe. 3anaieHa oBe^ b CTaATa Ha KOHTaKTa npe.na3Ba ot no.o6HH HexejiaHH ope^H.
14HHTepBro o eKOTpaoeHoa XpHCTO HBaHOB TeoprHeB, po.. 1946 ro.. b rp. co^ha, o6p. HKOHOMHHecKH TexHHKyM, 0HeTOBO.HTejj, 3an. npe3 1995 ro. ot H. To.opoBa.
130
Heema Todopoea-nupzoea
onncBaT KaTO enHOBpeMeHHo oTSaraa^H xopaTa h rbpce^H KOHTaKT c tax, KaTO acTpa^HH Tena, kohto ce MaTepHanH3HpaT caMO npen H3nanHanHTe b HeraTHBHH eMOnHOHanHO-ncHXHHecKH ctcTOHHHH xOpa h KaTO eHeprHH, H3npaTeHH ot Eoi\ 3a na hh nonnoMoraaT no ntTH Ha nyxoBHOTO ycbBtpmecTByBaHe. Bepoarao non BnnaHHe Ha KaHOHHHHaTa xpHcTHHHcKa HHTepnpeTanna ce e yTBtpnHn "HH3mHa" hm cTaTyc b nepapxHHTa Ha "eHeprHHTe" h "acTpanHHTe" Tena, 3a^OTo nopH b no3HTHBHaTa hm xapaKTepHcTHKa npHCbCTByBa onpeneneHHeTO "HH3mH eHeprHH". CtBtpmeHO hobo h ctBpeMeHHO no 3ByneHe e onHcaHHeTO Ha BtHmHHH hm bh#. "EHeprHHHaTa" c^^hoct Ha caMo^HBHTe h BHnHTe ce pa36pHpa b KOHTeKcTa Ha rarpaxna^Ha ce b nocnenHo BpeMe KOHnenTyaneH Monen Ha xopaTa cBtp3aHH c napaHopManHHTe HBneHHH h b norHKaTa Ha HeroBaTa noHHTHHHa napanHma.15
B 3aKnroneHHe 6hx HcKana na Kaxa, ne Ha6nroneHHHTa Btpxy TpaHc^opManHHTe Ha to3h THn HOBemKH npencTaBH b KOHTeKcTa Ha npoMeHH^aTa ce conHOKymypHa cpena HMa cmhcm 3a aneKBaTHOTO npencTaBHHe Ha KynTypHHTe peanHH b thxhoto rtBKaBO nHHaMHHHO 0HTHe.
15 3a KOHuenTyanHHH Monen Ha ctBpeMeHHHTe eKOTpaceHOH h MexaHH3MHTe, no kohto ce o^opMH HeroBaTa BtTpemHa cMHcnoBa norHKa bhx y H. ToflopoBa. napaHopManHHTe HBneHHH b nepHona Ha npexon (no MaTepHanH, noKyMeHTHpaHH npe3 nocnenHHTe HHKonKo ronHHH b EtnrapHH h MrocnaBHa) - B: npexontT b EtnrapHH npe3 nornena Ha couHanHHTe HayKH, AKaneMH^Ho H3naTencTBo "npo(£. MapHH Aphhob", co^hh, 1997, 141-161
CBeTtT Ha fleMOHHTe b cjigbg h o6pa3
The World of Demons in Stories and Images
Iveta Todorova - Pirgova
In this paper are analyzed some historical changes of human notions and perceptions about demonic creatures from the ancient times till the present days. These notions are considered as related to an analytical dichotomy inherited / assumed in both the rural and the urban context. The world of demons has always been "densly populated" although one sort of its "inhabitants" could be replaced with another or could be described in another way by the different generations in different historical periods. In the very beginning, many of the "present" demons were Gods, but were very rarely perceived only in a positive sense. The idea of their ambivalent nature has motivated human activities in two directions: a) a person (or a community) had to express respect and gratitude for assistance rendered; b) a person (or a community) had to protect "unwise people" from harmful influences. After the establishment of the monotheistic religions with Holy books, the establishment of the monotheistic religions with their Holy books, the "place" of demons was strictly fixed. Regardless of their origin, essence and functions, demons were considered as God's antagonists, as associated with Devil and his assistants. So to express respect toward demons is not only unnecessary but also heretical. People just had to be preserved from demonic temptations of the "evil". Folkloric concepts and interpretations connected with demons are rather different from the canonical religious ones. Religious images and ideas are accepted and adapted in folklore, but they are transformed in a central way. In folklore texts demons continue to exist with their ambivalent nature. This nature provokes a certain type of demons / people relationship realized first of all in ritual practices. Demons "live" even today in their specific places and participate in determining (or changing) a human life, although "modern" demons can have a quite different appearance and different kinds of activities, especially in big cities. Their contemporary descriptions can be impacted by some scientific, theosophical or individual understanding of some "strange" religious doctrines. Explanations of demonic existence could be influenced also by some "new scientific descriptions", as for instance, para-psychology psychotronics, etc. So, some of the old images of the demons are perceived but some of them are modified in order to be adapted to a contemporary socio-cultural situation. The authoress endeavours to observe and analyze such a process using as an example one of the most popular demons among the South Slavs, the so-called vila (samovila, samodiva) documented from the last century in the last few years, among the people with so-called extraordinary abilities, the authoress makes conclusions on the specific transformations of the ideas and images of vila, samovila as reflected in folk stories about these demonic creatures. The way of speaking about them is also changed in order to be understandable in a new cultural environment. The examples which are used in the paper are drawn from Bulgaria, Serbia and Croatia and they are given in the respective languages, without translation.
132
nOCMpTHO OpO BO TpH^HUHHTC Ha Ôa^KaHCKHTe
C^OBeHH
rtymo C. PucmecKU
The author researches the act of ritual dancing - oro - and singing in the posthumous ritual complex, which presents one of the most important ritual and magic activities in order to destroy or neutralize the effects of death, and at the same time, to protect the living members of the social community, as a whole.
CjoxeHOCTa h KOMnjeKCHOCTa Ha nocMpTHaTa oôpejHa aKTHBHOCT Ha jyfeTo He e yCJOBeHa CaMO Oj npHpOjHHTe, ÔHOjOmKH HHHHTejH, TyKy H Oj HHBHHTe OHTOjOmKH npeTCTaBH 3a HCnpakaaeTo Ha "oHoj CBeT", CorjaCHo Ha CBeTorjejOT h npaBHjaTa Ha OÔpejHHOT KOMnjeKC. Bo OCHOBa, noKpaj jpyrHTe yCJOBH, yCnemHOTO oôpejHO jejyBaae 6h 3Hanejo yCnemHO ajanrapaae h BKjonyBaae Ha noKOjHHOT bo aMÔHemw
Ha "TOj CBeT".
ToKMy 3apajH Toa, CJOxeHOCTa Ha OÔpejHHOT KOMjeKC He hh jo3BOjyBa bo paMKHBe Ha TpyjOB ja rH pa3rjejyBaMe OjjejHO CHTe HeroBH CerMeHTH, ho HeroBaTa, naK, KOMnjeKCHOCT hh HajoxyBa, OÔpejHHOT CerMeHT "nOCMpTHO opo" ja He ro H3jBojyBaMe oj KOHTeKCTOT Ha KOMnjeMeHTapHOTo aHajH3Hpaae.
CTaHyBa 3Ôop 3a t.h. "nOCMpTHO opo" - pmyajHO Hrpaae Ha opo OKOjy noKOj'HHKOT, HeroBHOT ojap hjh naK, Hrpaae bo nepHOjOT Ha 3ajymHHnH noCBeTeHH Ha yMpeHHTe.
1. OaKTOrpa^CKH MaTepajaj
npH H3HeCyBaaeTo Ha MaTepHjajHTe mTo Ce OjHeCyBaaT Ha HCTpaxyBaHHOT npoôjeM, noTnojHO ke rH jeCKpHÔHpaMe nojaronHTe mTO jOCera He Ce oôjaBeHH, a Ce OjHeCyBaaT Ha HapojHaTa TpajHnHja Ha MaKejOHnm-e, jojeKa naK oôjaBeHHTe ke rH CnoMeHyBaMe bo rpajeaeTO Ha jeCKpHnnHHTe.
a) MaKe^OHHja
Bo TeKOT Ha TepeHCKHTe HCTpaxyBaaa bo flojHa npeCna, bo 1992 rojHHa, npH oÔHjHTe 3a peKOHCTpyKUHja Ha OÔpejHHOT KOMnjeKC noBp3aH co oôpejHTe OKOjy yMpeHHOT ja oTKpHBMe ^opMaTa Ha Hrpaae Ha pHTyajHO opo.1
1 TepeHCKH HCTpaxyBa^a, 1992 rojHHa, flojHa npeCna. HCTpaxyBaje ^ynio C. PHCTeCKH, HejejKOB. nojaTOUHTe rH oTKpHBMe bo C. flojHo flyneHH, C. ApBaTH, C. ^yôojHo. HH^opMaTopH: BaCH^Ka MaKapoCKa, 1906, C. fl. flyneHH, h MeHKa AjeôaKOCKa, 1933, C. ^yôojHo. MaTepHjajH fl-4/1992, K-1/1992.
133
nocMpTHo opo bo TpaAHUHHTe Ha 6aiKaHcKHTe CiOBeHH
OTKaKo noKojHHoT ke ÖHAei noAHraai 3a 3aKon, ce paciypai OAapoT h Ha hctoto MecTo TpH BAoBHnH oa ceioTo 3aHrpyBaie opo. Opoto ro Hrpaie bo oöparaa HacoKa oa BooÖHnaeHoTo, "HaonaKy", neejkH (H3roBapajkH) rH 3ÖopoBHTe, TpH naTH:
"... ke 3aHrpaM, ke 3aneaM, opo Ha cpaMoTa , AO Tya fla e iomoTO.."
HIH
"... HrpaMe neeMe, opo Ha cpaMoTa,
2
fla He ce chih iomoTO.
npH TepeHcKHTe HcipaxyBaaa Ha Hhcthtytot 3a cTapocioBeHcKa KyiTypa oa npHien bo perHoHHTe MapHoBo, fleMHpxHcapcKO h KpymeBcKo oTKpHBMe MaiepHjaiH mTo ce oAHecyBaaT Ha oboj' npoöieM. Bo MapHoBo 3a6eiexaBMe KaxyBaae Ha oneBHAen Ha oöpeAHoTo Hrpaae bo c. flyae.
"... TpH 6a6H, Ha n. T., Kora h yMpe AeTeTo, 3aHrpaa OKOiy yMpeHoTo AeTe. BaKa, Ha AecHo. Ke oAajaT TaKa, h eAHa necHa ke Beiai:
AoTeKia BoAa cTyAeHa oa BHcoKaTa niaHHHa...
ABa TpH naTH a peKoa, a He H3riac Aa a neaT. Toa ro BHAy, 3aHrpaa OKOiy Hero, h ro KpeHaa AeTeTo. Taa ABe MamKH HMame, h ABeTe h yMpea.3
Bo MapHoBo, hcto TaKa, Ao3HaBMe AeKa cTapHTe ro npHKaxyBaie cieAHHoT npHMep:
"...CTaHaia, ch Bp3aia 6eia Kpna, ce noAÔpaAHia h 3aHrpaia. 3aHrpaia, h peKia: "Ce ke npexaia, eBe 6eia Kpna cy ch Bp3aia, ce ke npexaia, h chhobh h kepKH. AMa MHory h H3yMpeie, h npeBpiHio Beke. 3aBpieia ABa TpH naTa, ko mo HrpaaT Ha opoTo. 3ap Hrpaia oa ySaBO? Ta oa mo h 6hio xai 3a Aenaia.4
Bo fleMHXHcapcKO ro 3a6eiexaBMe cieAHHoT noAaToK:
"... TpH xeHH Tpeôaio ko ke ro KpeHa HoeKO (yMpeHHo), TaMaH ke 3aMHHa, xeHHTe ke 3aHrpaaT h ke 3anaiaT TeMjaH. Opo MamKo - 3a paMo, ke 3aBpTeie TpH naTH, Ha AecHo.5
2	noTBpaa Ha AoöneHHTe noflaionH bo TeKoT Ha TepeHcKHTe HcipaxyBaaa bo 1992 roÄ., za hcthot TepeH, npoHajfloB bo 3anHcoT oä 1953 roÄ. Ha B. TpaMaTHHKOBcKH "OÔH^aH 3a paraae, cMpT, fyproBfleH h HBaHfleH bo ^y6ojHO - floiHa npecna", Koj KaKo ciynein rH 3anHmai bo cBojaia ceMHHapcKa pa6oTa. PaKonHcoT ce qyBa bo Apxhbot Ha MAHY, bo Oohäot Ha npo^. EpaHHciaB PycHk, K-XVHH, AE- 205/1-16, cTp.9.
3	TepeHcKH HcTpaxyBaaa Ha Hhcthtytot za cTapocioBeHcKa KyiTypa - npHien, H3BeAeHH bo 1994 roAHHa. HcTpaxyBaie Ä-p T. BpaxHHOBcKH,. B. KapaxoyKH H C. PHciecKH. HH^opMaiop: TpajaHKa PHcTecKa, poÄeHa c. nemraHH, 1922 roÄ. xHBee bo c. flyae - MapHOBO. KaceTa IV, CTpaHa E.
4	Hcto, HH^opMaTop: TiaMHocKa flocia, poÄeHa 1917, ceio nomHmia, MapHOBO. KaceTa IV, cipaHa A.
134
fèymo C. PucmecKu
Bo ceiOTO ^BaH saöeiexaBMe KaxyBaae:
"...CHTe fleia h yMpeie, h nocieflHOTO yMpeio. Ko yMpeio, MajKa My cTaHaia nopanaia cbhpkh, fleTeTO ymre He saKonaHo, h ce BaTHia Hanpefl Ha opoTo. TanaHHTe Tponaj, Ta Hrpaj, cHTe nyflH ce. Ko ch oimia flOMa fleTeTO ceTo 6huo KpBojniHHTe. 3HanH nyKHai raoiOT. Hrpaia opo sa paMO."6
Bo KpymeBcKHTe ceia, Ha MajKaTa Kora h yMHpaie noBeke fleia Beieia: "Ke My
7
cmana Ha zaono Ha zna" h ke Hrpa Ha rpoöoT, BeiejkH "eonKom da me jadu". Bo ceiOTO
nycTa PeKa, npH enHfleMHjaTa Ha nyMa HsyMpeie MHory iyre na saToa:
"... PeKie, raoiOT ke ro öpKaMe co Hrpaae. H saHrpaie. MajKH My, cecTpa My, 6a6H
My. Hrpaie opo Ha ieBO. 3a fla HeMa nojke fla yMHpaT. Peeie - Taxeie. H Taxeie h Hrpaie »8
fla ro nyKHaT raoiOT.
Bo eTHorpa^cKHTe MaTepHjaiH npH Apxhbot Ha Hhctht^ot sa ioiKiop "MapKO CeneHKoB" - CKonje, npoHajfloBMe noflaToK ofl npHiencKO - Bhtoickoto noie, bo koj' e saöeiexaH oÖHnajoT, aKo npBoTo fleTe Ha MajKaTa yMpe, Taa fla He npHcycTByBa Ha saKonoT, a aKo h yMpeie HeKOiKy no pefl, npH HsieryBaaeTO bo flBopoT MajKaTa Tpeöaio
9
fla saHrpa opo HaonaKy, sa fla He h yMHpaaT h flpyrHTe.
npH "pefloBHa" cmpt Ha cTap noBeK, no ÖHOiomKHTe saKoHH Ha npHpoflaTa, sa yMpeHHoT He ce xaiH ", dypu eo Kpaummama Ha Ezejcm MaKedoHuja ce eecenene Koza Ke yMpen noeeK eo ceojama dnaôom cmapocm. "10
Bo KHHraTa Ha MaKefloHcKHoT nHcaTei neTpe M. AHflpeeBcKH, "nHpej", cpekaBaMe eflHa MomHe noTpecHa cieHa. 3apaflH enHfleMHjaTa Ha nyMa, oTKaKo Ha BeiHKa (npoTaroHHcTOT bo flpaMaTa) ó yMHpaaT HeKOiKy fleia, noyneHa ofl cHaa ó yaa, bo coriacHocT co TpaflHiiHjaTa, HsHrpyBa oöpeflHO opo OKOiy rpoönH&aTa Ha cBoHTe nonHHaTH fleia co uei fla rH samTHTH xHBHTe.11
6) CjOBeHHja
Bo HcTopHcKHTe HsBopH mTo ce oflHecyBaaT Ha CiOBeHHja, bo 1338 h 1339 roflHHa
ce cnoMeHyBaaT saöpaHHTe Ha CBeTHoT CHHofl h naTpHjapxoT BepTpaHfl, bo Koj hcthot
12
ce saseMa sa ofliynHO saöpaHyBaae Ha HrpaaeTO Ha xaiHH opa OKOiy MpTBHTe.
5	Hcto, HH^opMaTop: Koie MHpnecKH, pofleH 1915 rofl. c. CanoTHHua, xHBee bg c. npHÔHiiH -fleMHpxHcapcKG. KaceTa VI, CTpaHa B.
6	Hcto, HH^opMaTop: AHGHHMeH, c. XBaH, fleMHpxHcapcKG, KaceTa V, crpaHa B.
7	Hcto, HH^opMaTop: CTojHa KoiecKa, pofleHa 1905, c. nycTa PeKa. KaceTa II , cTpaHa B.
8	Hcto, HH^opMarapH: JopflaHKa neTpecKa, pofleHa 1920, c. TopHG ^HBjaiH, h BeaaHKa fHHocKa, pofleHa 1921 rofl. bg hctgtg ceio. KaceTa VII, crpaHa A.
9	ApxHB Ha HO "MapKG CeneHKGB"-CKonje, K-1, cb.2 - O6HnaH GKOiy yMHpanKa bg npHiencKG - Bhtgickg noie. 3anHmaia MapHja XayH-neiGBa.
10	ApxHB Ha HO "MapKG ^neHKGB" - CKone, - "Xhbgthh GÔHnaH, cBafl6eHH o6iinaii h GÔHnaH GKOiy yMHpanKa - c. nieMH.a - flpaMcKO, ErejcKa MaKeflGHHja," 1953 roflHHa. Chhmhi Jochí Jgchígbckh, K-1, cb.16, cTp.1.
11	n. M. AHflpeeBcKH, - "nHpej", Hama KHHra, CKonje 1986, crp.82. no iHnHHTe KGHTaKrH co aBTopor, äo6hb norBpfla fleKa rH hckgphcthi KaxyBaüaTa Ha HeroBaTa 6a6a h TeTKH Gfl npefleiHTe Ha fleMHp XHcap, 3a Hrpa^eTG Ha BaKBG oöpeflHo opo Kora HacTaHyBaio MacoBHG yMHpa^e Ha iyreTG.
135
n0CMpTH0 opo BO TpajHnHHTe Ha 6ajIKaHCKHTe CjIOBeHH
P. XopBaTHH HaBe^yBa ejHa npHKa3Ha 3a KHe30T ApTy^H, bo Koja ce cnoMeHyBaaT xa^HHTe HrpH h "MpTOBenKHOT TaHen" - "ovrtenico".
"... V starih časih ... je ob gomilah, ki leže take in so sedaj prerasle s hrasti, imela gospoda vrtnice; napravljala jih je pa zato tako okrogle, da je plesala po travniku okoli njih starinski ples, ovrtenico"13
Bo MeranKa Ha "velikonočni" noHeje^HHK MemTaHHTe ne^a hok, noj 0TB0peH0 He6o nrpa^e "MeraHmKo opo", Koe 3aejHo co jpyrHTe HrpH "TypH", "KypjH 6oj", "po6neBnn", npeTCTaByBaaT ocTaToK oj CTapHTe "xmhh" o6pejHH HrpH. HrpaaeTo Ha oBa opo e MHory cthhho co aeaeHoBoTo bo BhX h Cp6nja.14
3a cthhhh HrpH nnmyBa h 3. KyMep.15 npH jaBaaeTo Ha 3ajymHHnH 3a yMpeHHTe, nee^e Becem necHH, Hrpare h ce meryBMe. 3a CTap noBeK noce6Ho ro 3a^pxyBa^e jo6poto pacno^oxeHHe.16
b) XpBaTCKa
nocTojaT eTHorpa^CKH nojaTonH bo koh ce cnoMeHyBaaT o6HnaHTe npH nyBaae Ha yMpeHHTe. NokTa HajnecTo ja noMHHyBMe bo pa3roBop, meryBaae, "na jypH h
17
Hrpaae' - bo oKo^HHaTa Ha CaMo6op.
Bo o6^acTa KacTaBmTHHa, npH norpe6 Ha HexeHeT M^aj noBeK, opraHH3Hpa^e
18
"nHp", Kaje nHe^e h Hrpa^e (tancaju).
3a HrpaaeTo Ha xmho opo, opo HaonaKy, "HaonocyH", nHmyBa h M. CtoJkobhk • 19
bo cBojaTa CTyjHja. r) CpSaja
no3HaTHoT eTHo^or, npoynyBaH Ha cpncKaTa HapojHa pemraja h MHTo^orHja,
C^o6o^aH 3eneBHk, 3a6e^exa^ jeKa o6pejHoTo Hrpaae nocBeTeHo Ha MpTBHTe 6hto
no3HaTo bo cHTe KpaHmTa Ha Cp6Hja, ho no mhhhot h HaMeHaTa ce pa3^HKyBa^o bo
HcroHHHTe oj oHa bo 3ana^HHTe KpaeBH Ha Cp6Hja. Bo HCTonHHTe KpaHmTa He nocToe^e
HeKoH noce6HH HrpH, jojeKa, naK, bo 3anajHHTe, nocroe^e HrpH co noce6Ha o6pejHa
20
npHpoja 3a TaKBa npHroja.
12Radoslav Hrvatin, - O slovenskem ljudskem plesu, vo Slovenski etnograf, Letnik III-IV, Ljubljana 1951, str. 277.
13Hcto, crp.283.
14Hcto, crp.284.
15 Zmaga Kumer, Fekonja, . - Primer prevrstitve mrliške pesmi v pripovedko, vo SE, Letnik XVI-XVII/1963-1964,
Ljubljana 1964, str. 116-117.
16B. Orel, - Slovenski ljudski običaji. Narodopisje Slovencev I, Ljubljana, 1944, str. 308.
17	Milan Lang, - Samobor: Smrt, ZbNŽOJS, JAZU, knj. XVIII, sv. 1, Zagreb 1913, str. 129,130.
18	Ivo Jadras, Kastavština. Grada o narodnom životu i običaji u Kastavškom govoru, vo ZbNŽOJS, JAZU, knj. 39, Zagreb 1954, str. 101.
19M. Stojkovič, - "Oposun", "naoposun" i trokratno "naoposuno okretanje", vo Zbornik za narodni život i
običaje Južnih Slavena, JAZU, knj. XXVII, sv. 1, Zagreb, 1929, str. 36,38.
20C. 3eqeBHh, - CpncKe HapojHe Hrpe. nopeKio h pa3Boj, ByK KapayHh, Eraorpa^CKH My3ej, Beorpaj 1983, cTp. 95
136
fèymo C. PucmecKU
Cnopes XpoHHKaTa Ha rpo^oT fopre BpaHKoBHk, JoBaH PajHk bo cBojaTa HcTopHja21 cihkobhto 3anHmai KaKo bo 1485 rosHHa ce ciaBeia noÖesaTa Has TypiHTe bo Epsea. CesejkH Has TeiaTa Ha MpTBHTe HenpHjaTeiH, nHeie h ce Beceieie, HrpajkH opo "BoHHcTeBeHo", neejkH pa3HH jyHaHKH necHH.
Bo nospanjero Ha Jasap , bo c. Py&aHH, npH HcnHBaaeTO Ha HamaTa co bhho bo secHaTa paKa, ynecHHiiHTe Ha norpeÖoT co leBaTa ce sp^aT eseH so spyr, HHHejkH HenpeKHHaTo opo (koio).22
MomHe ce HHTepecHH nocMpTHHTe opa mTo ce HrpaaT bo HcroHHa CpÖHja bo ^eHoBHTe nocBeTeHH Ha MpTBHTe. Kaj BiacHTe h CpÖHTe bo ceBepo - hctohhhot sei Ha CpÖHja 3a BeiH noKiasH ce opraHH3Hpa oÖHHajoT "npHÖer" 3a ynoKojyBaae Ha symHTe Ha yMpeHHTe. Bo BaiaKoa bo TeKoT Ha npBHTe mecT toshhh 3a yMpeHHTe ce saBaaT
"noMaHH" (3a^ymHHiH) npH mTo cBHpaHHTe cBHpaT, a oKoiy 3anaieHHTe orHoBH ce
23
HrpaaT opa.
C. MHiocaBaeBHk 3a6eiexai seKa bo XoMoae Ha norpeö ÖiHcKHTe Ha yMpeHHoT
ce KHTaT, a aKo norpeÖoT e bo Heseia huh npa3HHK, Kora Ha HrpHmTeTo ce Hrpa, oÖHHaj
e, TaKa HaKHTeHH, sa H3HrpaaT opo. npH Bpakaaero os opoTo, BieryBajkH bo sbopot Ha
24
noKojHHoT HcneBaaT HeKoja necHa.
Bo PecaBa HaBenep naieie roieMH orHoBH, HapeneHH "npHÖer", oKoiy koh
' •	25
Hrpaaie no leia Hok, jaseie h nHeie bo HecT Ha yMpeHHTe.
ETHorpa^HTe h eTHoio3HTe bo CpÖHja 3a6eiexaie seKa ospeseH bhs Ha
nocMpTHo opo ce Hrpa h bo TeKoT Ha npa3HHiHTe nocBeTeHH Ha npesiHTe h symHTe Ha
yMpeHHTe. Ha CnacoBseH, Kora MemTaHHTe bo KnyKoneBai ciaBaT ciaBa, HrpaaT "koio
3a symy". Bo 1967 rosHHa Ha CnacoBseH ce Hrpaio opo HaMeHeTo Ha MoMHe mTo
3arHHaio bo cooöpakajHa Hecpeka. Bo TeKoT Ha ceicKaTa ciaBa, ceMejcTBoro Ha
noKojHHoT hm niaka Ha cBHpanm-e sa cBHpaT opo. OpoTo ce Hrpa oKoiy Tpne3aTa co
3anaieHH cBekH h jaseaa, a opoTo ro bosh HeKoj öih3ok posHHHa Ha yMpeHHoT. Bo
TeKoT Ha HrpaaeTo Ha Konje ce hoch Bp3aH öei öapjaK, ciHKa Ha yMpeHHoT, oriesaio;
HrpanKaTa so oHoj mTo ro bosh opoTo ja hoch ciHKaTa Ha noKojHHoT, npH mTo BepyBaaT
seKa h Toj hm ce npHspyxnu bo HrpaiteTo. BaKBoTo "kojio 3a syma" He cMee sa ce
npeKHHyBa, a ce H3BesyBa caMo noniasHe. 26
CTeBaH Manaj bo cpesHHaTa Ha MHHaTHoT BeK, bo D,pHopenKHoT oKpyr, bo ceBepo
- HcTOHHa CpÖHja, Mery CpÖHTe h PoMaHiHTe, npHcycrayBan Ha norpeöyBaae Ha Mias
HoBeK. "OTKaKo rpoÖoT ce 3acHna, TaTKoTo Ha noKojHHKoT ja oÖsapH seBojKaTa co napH,
koh 3aesHo co MoMHH^aTa ce baraja bo opo h so HeKase Hrpaa TaKa".27
"XaiHo koio" Hrpaie h CpÖHTe bo TopHa PecaBa h Toa Ha seHoT Ha
norpeÖyBaaeTo Ha MoMHe huh seBojKa. HrpaHHTe ÖHie roioriaBH, bo paieTe co cBekH.
21 J. PaHHt - Hcropna pa3Hbix ciaBeHcKHXt Hapo^oBt 10, ri. 3,BHeHa 1794, cTp. 265
22MHiaH Je^THh, Ja^ap. Cmpt h caxpaHa, TEM : Ja^ap - ByKoB 3aBHHaj, Öp. 27, Beorpaß 1964, cTp. 438.
23Mhi. Jai. MHiomeBHh. - HeKH oÖHHajH h npasHoBepnie y ceiy BauaKo^y, bo TEM XXXII, Beorpaß 1937, cTp. 204
24C. MHiocaBmeBHh, - CpncKH Hapo^HH oÖHHajH H3 cpe3a OMojtcKor, CE3Ö, T. 19, Beorpaß 1913, crp. 251.
25CTaHoje MHjaToBHh, - OÖHHajH y PecaBH, TEM III, Beorpas 30-31.
26CioÖoÄaH, 3jqjBHh, - Hrpe Hamer nocMpTHor pirryaia, bo Pafl KoHrpeca CYOJ y Hobom Bhhoäojjckom, 3arpeÖ 1964, crp. 378.
27CreBaH Manaj, - ^pHopjT^KH OKpyr, - TiacHHK CpncKor yqeHor flpyinrBa, Kh.73, Beorpaji 1892, cTp.151, 158.
137
n0CMpTH0 opo BO TpajHnHHTe Ha 6ajIKaHCKHTe CjIOBeHH
Bor^aBHO Hrpaie xeHH, a BO^anoT Ha opoto ceKoram 6hi Max. BaKBO opo Hrpaie h Ha
20
ce^CKaTa ciaBa bo necT Ha 6ihckhot yMpeH.
Bo CyMpaKoBei, C. npBaHoBHk 3a6eiexai jeKa o6pejHoTo y6HBaae Ha cTapiHTe
ce Bpmeio co CTaBaae Ha rpoMaja oj iecKoBH rpaHKH Bp3 hhb, npH mTo ce Hrpaio opo
29
Bp3 hhb ce jojeKa jaBaie 3HaiH Ha xhbot.
O6pe#HoTo nrpaae Ha tocmpthoto opo, 3a6eiexaHo e h bo HapojHHTe necHH bo Cp6nja, HajnecTo KaKo "koio HaonaKo" hih "koio x&iobhto".30
a) BocHa h XepueroBHHa
H 3a TepHTopnjaTa Ha BocHa h XepieroBHHa nocTojaT nojaToiH 3a nocroe^eTo Ha o6pejHo Hrpaae oKoiy yMpeH. OBaa nojaBa ja 3a6eiexaie eTHoio3HTe bo BhX, a JeieHa ,D,onyfa 3anHma^a ejeH npHMep oj KpemeBo, KaKo bo KaToiHHKa cpejHHa, bo tokoh yraeflHH KykH, jeBojKHTe 6h 3anrpa^e opo npej KykaTa Ha yMpeHHoT bo MoMeHToT Kora iyfeTo loafaie Ha norpe6. Hrpaie ^aTeHH 3a paie bo 3aTBopeHo opo, caMo jeBojKH, TynKajkH cKopo bo Mecro, noieKa, TpHnaTH, jBH^ejkH ce bo jecHo. O6ieneHH 6nne bo joirH 6ejiH KomyjiH 6e3 Be3, onacaHH co ipBeH KoHei. flojeKa Hrpajie, neejie necHa. fleBojKHTe noBTopHo Hrpaie, joHeKyBajkH rH iyfeTo oj norpe6, neejkn: "Ebo Hamnx yKonHHKa..."31
Bo noneTOKoT Ha BTopaTa noioBHHa Ha XVII BeK MHory ce Taxeio no yMpeHHTe bo CapaeBo. OnHcoT Ha $paHiycKHoT ieTonHcei Poullet, yKaxyBa jeKa Kaj EBpeHTe 3a6ejie;;Kaji KaKo noKpaj My3HKaTa Ha yMpeH, THe HrpaaT. "Co jepeite h Hrpaite ce BpakaaT joMa" - nHmyBa Poullet.32
J.O. HBaHHmeBHk, BaKa onHmaji ejeH norpe6 bo XepieroBHHa, Ha noneTOKoT Ha oBa cToieTHe:
"3a ceKoj neKop (npBaTa xeHa mTo Taxn) ce HaBeflHyBame h
HcnpaBame... apyraTa neKopeme Ha hcthot Ha^HH, caMo Kora
npBaTa npn TaxeaeTo ce HcnpaBame, apyraTa ce »33
HaBeflHyBame...
"X&iochh Koia" ce Hrpaie Ha co6HpHTe bo TopHa XepieroBHHa Kora pojHHHHTe Ha no^HHaTHoT noBeK, ojhocho xeHHTe h ^eBojKHTe 6h 3aHrpaie opo Ta^ejkH 3a y6HeHHoT, ocyflyBajkH ro y6HeioT.34
Bo noBeke KpaHmTa Ha BhX 6hio no3HaTo HrpaaeTo Ha "jejeHoBo koio" "... oj My^Hy Hrpy, kojio jejeHoBo... ... My^Hy Hrpy, koio jejeHoBo..."
28CraHoje MHjaToBHh, - O6majH y PecaBH, TEM III, Beorpaj 1929,cTp. 30
29C. npBaHoBHh, - HanoT. O6maj y6ajan.a cTapaia - bo Thmo^kh 3anHcH, 3ajeiap 1964, cTp, 19
30BoxHjap neTpaHoBHh, - CpncKe HapojHe necMe III, Beorpaj 1969, cTp. 403
31 JeieHa flonyda. - HapojHe Hrpe y Be3H ca cmpth . - npiiMjepii H3 BocHe h XepiieroBHHe, bo Paj XXI
KoHrpeca CYOJ y Hobom Bhhojojickom, 3arpe6 1964, cTp. 363.
32BjeKociaB JeuaBiih, - flojKHBJtajii OpaHiiy3a Poullet-a Ha nyry Kpo3 fly6poBHHK h BocHy (rojHHe 1658),
T3M y BhX y CapajeBo, Kft. XXX, cb, 1, CapajeBo 1908, cTp. 57
33Drago Vidovic, - Pretstave kola na steccima i njihovo značenje, vo GZM BiH u Sarajevu, Arheologija, NS, sv.
IX, Sarajevo 1954, str. 277,278.
34Toma Bratic, St. Delic - Narodne igre sjela i zbora u Gornjoj Hercegovini, GZM XXVII BiH u Sarajevu, Sarajevo 1905, str. 56
138
fèymo C. PucmecKU
Koe n3rnena CKopo KaKO nonyKpyxHa noBopKa. OTKaKO opoBonenoT ke ro cocraBn opoto, co nrpanoT no ce6e rn KpeBaaT paneTe rope, Bonejkn ro opoTo non naKoT mTo ro conHHyBaaT co paneTe, ce noneKa He ce 3anneTe. OpoBonenoT noBTopHo ja nee necHaTa:
"... Oj ! Jobo, Jobo, 3anneTH Kono 3anneTH Jobo, Kono aeaeHoBo.."
noBTopHo opoBonenoT ro 3anneTyBa opoto KaKo 3Mnja. TaKa co pen, ce noneKa He ce 3anneTe n nocnenHnoT nrpan. PoToa cnenn nrpa 3a pacnneTyBaae Ha opoTo.
Bo cnncoKoT mTo aBTopnTe T. EpaTnk n C. ,D,ennk ro naBaaT bo crynnjaTa "HaponHH nrpn on noceno n 36op", HarnacyBaaT neKa Ha3nBoT "aeaeHoBo" nnpeKTHo ce
36
onHecyBa Ha eneHoT bo TpannnnoHanHaTa TepMnHonornja Ha HnBHnoT Kpaj.
MoTnB Ha nrpa co npoBneKyBaae Hn3 naKoT on paneTe Ha opoBonenoT n BTopnoT
nrpan, nMa n nrpaTa "nneTn Kono" (3anneT Kono, 3anneT, cnTaH TaHan) Kane nrpannTe ce
37
npoBneKyBaT no noTnonHoTo 3anneTyBaae Ha opoTo.
Bo TopHa XepneroBnHa Han KanaTa Ha 3arnHaTnoT BojHnK, oxanocreHnTe xeHn
38
nrpane opo, penejkn n Taxejkn.
Bo ^pe^Hnna, 3ananHa XepneroBnHa, Mery MycnnMaHcKoTo HaceneHne npn
naBaaeTo Ha "MeBnyn", npn mTo ce co6npane no cto n noBeke nyre, ce nrpano opo.39
Na TepnTopnjaTa Ha EnX MomHe ce nHTepecHn 6pojHnTe npeTcTaBn Ha
Hanrpo6HnTe cnoMeHnnn on cpenHnoT BeK - cTekqnTe.40 Bo HajroneM 6poj on HnB,
npnKaxaHn ce npeTcTaBn Ha xeHcKH, MemaHn n MamKn opa, npn mTo, bo HeKon cnynan
opoBonenoT ce Haora Ha necHaTa cTpaHa. 3a KynTHoTo 3Haneae Ha opoto noce6Ho
roBopn npeTcTaBaTa Ha crekunTe on Tonnnna, Kaj XpacHo bo XepneroBnHa. Bo opoTo
paMHoMepHo ce nopeneHn Maxn n xeHn, a opoBonenoT ce Haora Ha necHaTa cTpaHa n 41
jaBa Ha eneH.
Na eneH cTekaK on HeKyK npeTcTaBeHn ce Tpn xeHn KaKo nrpaaT opo.42 Bo EocHa 3a6enexeHn ce nrpaaa bo xanocT "HaonaKo", "HaonanKe", "HaonocyH", cnpoTnBHo on Boo6nnaeHaTa HacoKa npn nrpaaem43 HrpaaeTo Ha BaKBo opo HaonaKy, ocTaBnnn Tparn bo HaponHnTe yMoTBop6n bo BocHa.44
35 Sl. Zečevic, - Ljeljenovo kolo, - HaponHo cTBapanamTBo - Folklor, sv. 9-10, Januar-april, Beograd 1964, str. 702 - 710.
36Hcto, crp. 149, 150.
37J. Dopuda - pregled glavnih tripova narodnih igara u BiH, vo GZM, Etnologija, N.S., Sv. XXXIV/1979, Sarajevo 1980, str. 47, 48.
38R. Kajmakovic, - Običaji prilikom smrti kod Srba i Hrvata u Istočnoj Hercegovini, vo GZM BiH u Sarajevu, Etnologija, N.S., Sv. XXIII, Sarajevo 1968, str. 12.
39R. Kajmakovic, - Narodni običaji stanovništva Drežnice, vo GZM BiH u Sarajevu, Etnologija, NS, Sv. 37, Sarajevo 1982, str. 26
40Šefik, Bešlagic, - Stecci - kultura i umetnost, Sarajevo 1982,str.324 J. Chalet, - Bogumili i simbolika stecaka, Naše Starine, br. X, Sarajevo 1965, 87.
41 Drago Vidovic, - Predstave kola na steccima i njihovo značenje, vo GZM BiH u Sarajevu, Arheologija, NS, Sv. IX, Sarajevo 1954, str. 278
42Hcto, crp.278.
43J. Dopupa - Pregled glavnih tipova narodnih igara u BiH, vo GZM, Etnologija, N.S., Sv. XXXIV/1979, Sarajevo 1980, str. 47.
139
n0CMpTH0 opo BO TpajHnHHTe Ha 6ajIKaHCKHTe CjIOBeHH
r) U,pHa Topa
ByK Kapaynk 3a6eaexaa, bo TaxaHKHTe mTO My th HcnpaTHa ByK BpneBHk, KaKO
TaxanKHTe CTojaT bo Kpyr oKoay yMpeHH0T, a npBaTa TaxaHKa ja HapeKyBaaT
45
opoBoaei , a TaxeaeT0 ro cnopeayBa co neeae bo opo.
BaKBOTO, naK, Taxeae Haa yMpeHHoT Kaj iphotopckoto naeMe KyHH h Kaj ceBepHHTe Aa6aHiH - MapKo Mhmhob ro HapeKyBa "ipHo Koao".46
3a BeceaoTo oaHecyBafte h Hrpaae Ha opo Kaj U,pHoropiHTe- nHmyBa h neTap neTpoBHk.47
Bo ro^HHHTe Ha BTopaTa CBeTCKa BojHa, HaiHoHaaHCTHHKaTa rapaa h HeTHHiHTe oa TpaxoBo y6rne neT htohobh Ha MecHHoT KoMmer Ha Kn Ha Xepier-HoBH. OTKaKo th y6Hae, Ha na3apoT npea caaT KyaaTa, noBeae nperpHaTH opo, co paieTe
48
HcnpenaeTeHH, oKoay o6aeKaTa Ha y6HeHHTe.
BaaroaapeHHe Ha oTCTaneHHTe noaaToiH Ha npo^. a-p f. neTpoBHk, ao3HaBaMe aeKa bo noapanjero Ha flHHapa, cnpeMa EoKa KoTopcKa, HenocpeaHo no II CBeTCKa BojHa ce Hrpaao noce6Ho, t.h. "MpTBaHKo Koao" bo caynaj Kora yMpea nocaeaHHoT MamKH HaeH Ha ^aMHaHjaTa, na orHHmTeTo/KykaTa "ce racHe". OpoTo ce Hrpaao oKoay orHHmTeTo, 3anoHHyBaae Ha aecHo na ce CBpTyBaae bo o6paTHa HacoKa - Ha aeBo. Po H3HrpyBaaeTo Ha opoto KykaTa ce 3aTBopaaa, a Ha Hea ocTaHyBaa aa bhch caMo ipH 6apjaK. KykaTa 6ma yracHaTa...49
e) ByrapHja
H bo ByrapHja norpe6yBafteTo Ha MpTBHTe, oHHraeaHo 6Hao noBp3aHo co Hrpaae Ha opo, mTo aHpeKTHo BaHjaeao Bp3 MeaoaHKaTa, TeMnoTo h mhhhot Ha HcnoaHy-BaaeTo Ha TaxaHKHTe necHH.
npH norpe6yBafteTo Ha npBoTo, (bo tokoh BapHjaHTH h Ha npeTnocaeaHoTo) aeTe, MajKaTa BeaHam no norpe6oT, HaH naK npH npBaTa moxhoct, 3aHrpyBaaa opo.50
HcTpaxyBaaaTa Ha noBeke 6yrapcKH eTHoao3H noKaxyBaaT aeKa npoaeTHHTe o6peaH bo roaeMa Mepa HocaT norpe6eH h nocMpTeH 6eaer. CenaK HajBHcoKa ToHKa, TaKBaTa o6peaHocT nocTHrHyBa bo BeaHraeHCKHTe o6HHaH.
Bo EyrapHja 6Ha MHory HecT npHMepoT, no norpe6yBafteTo Ha Maaa HoBeK, 6aHCKHTe aa nopanaaT necHa 3a Hero, mTo ke ce HcnoaHH Ha BeaHraeHCKoTo opo. Na HrpaaHmTeTo ce 36HpaT CHTe, noce6Ho aoafa MajKaTa Ha noHHHaTHoT, MoMHTe neaHKH
44J. Dopupa, - Narodne igre u vezi sa smrti.- Primjeri iz Bosne i Hercegovine, Rad XI Kongresa SUFJ u Novom
Vinodolskom, Zagreb 1964, str. 361.
45ByK Ct. KapayHh, - Xhbot h o6HHajH Hapoaa cpncKora, M.C., Beorpaa, 1957, crp. 146.
46M.MH^aHoB, - Xhbot h o6HHajH Ap6aHaca, - CpncKH nHC^, Beorpaa, 6.r., 122.
47n.X. neTpoBHh, - Mothbh Ha 6ocaHcKH - xepieroBaHKHM CTeh^Ma. no HcnHTHBan.HMa fl-p EeH^, bo
36opHHK Mara^ CpncKe, cb. 101, Beorpaa 1955, CTp. 5-6.
48 CnpeMa coonmreHHeTo Ha MapHja CpHHk - apxHBHCTa bo Apxhbot Ha Xep^r-HoBH, aaaeHH Ha npo^. a-p
fypfH^ neTpoBHh. Ce 3a6aaroaapyBaM Ha npo^. a-p f. neTpoBHh za oTCTaneHHTe MaTepnjaaH.
49no«aTouHTe mh th oTCTanH npo^. a-p f. neTpoBHh. CoonmTHa a-p Baaao fflok, npo^ecop Ha
YHHBep3HTeToT bo noaropHia.
50TaaHHa Ho3aHoBa, - Oco6eHocTH Ha o6peanre npH norpe6eHHero Ha aeiia y rojKHHTe caaBaHH b Kpaa Ha XIX h HanaaoTo Ha XX BeK, EtarapcKa eraorpa^Ha, EAH, Toa. XIV, Kh. 1, Co^Ha 1989, CTp.27.
140
fèymo C. PucmecKU
ce ^akaaT Ha OPOTO, ja neaT necHaTa h HrpaaT bo necr Ha yMpeHHOT. BjHcKHTe cjymaaT, rne^aaT h njanaT.51
A. npHMOBcKH 3a BejHrÄeHcKHTe noMeHH oöpe^H nHmyBa ÄeKa ce HrpaaT bo necT Ha yMpeHHTe. BjHcKHTe ja njakaaT My3HKaTa Äa 3acBHpH e^HO "TaxHo" opo. floÄeKa
Tpae pa3ÄaBaaeTO, OPOTO He 3anHpa, a e öaBHO, co 2/4 TaKT. BjHcKHTe ro HrpaaT 3a Äa
52
My ce Haj^e Ha yMpeHHOT .
fl. MapHHOB nHmyBa ÄeKa rojeMHTe Mer^aHcKH opa Ha Be^Hr^eH ce HrpaaT bo
53
necT Ha yMpeHHTe, a no cbojot KapaKTep ce xajHH h mohotohh.
.Ha3apKHTe neaT h HrpaaT BjeryBajkH bo rpoÖHmTaTa, noceÖHO OHaMy Ka^e oto hmmo npecHH ropoöoBH. Po 3aBpmeHOTO neeae no rpoöoBHTe, naK ce ^akaje Ha opo, 3aBpTyBa]e tph naTH h H3jeryBaje oä rpoÖHmTaTa.54
npH HcnojHyBaaeTO Ha oöpe^HTe TepMaH h "Cyxa Pyca" ce Bpmejo norpeöyBaae Ha KyK]a hjh najaMHÄa h hcto KaKO npH norpeö, ce Hrpajo opo. necHHTe oto rH neeje ce OPOBO^HH, a HrpajkH, chmöojhhho, ja "TanKaje najaMH^aTa Äa He pacre".55
Bo jHTepaTypaTa ro cpekaBaMe noÄaTOKOT ÄeKa 3HMcKHTe opa ce noöp3H, a BejHr^eHcKHTe "oÄeHH" - H3rpa^eHH no öaBHHOT oä, noBTopyBaH 6e36poj naTH.56 Bo He^ejaTa, no BejHrÄeH, HapeneHa e cBeraa, npa3Ha, ce Hrpajo ".aßHHO opo". Bo OBa opo, cjHHHO Ha ae^eHOBOTO bo BhX h CpÖHja, MOMHTe ro 3anoHHyBaje OPOTO, ÄPxejkH, npHToa, npBHTe ÄBe, Kpna bo paueTe HaÄ jaHeuoT oä AeBojKH oto ce npoBjeKyBaj noÄ
jaKOT. HcTpaxyBanHTe npeTnocTaByBaaT ÄeKa OBaa oöpeÄHa Hrpa, opo, HMa ÄHpeKTHa
57
BpcKa co nocMpTHHTe oöpeÄH.5' Cnope^öeHa aHMH3a
HanpeÄ rH H3HecoBMe ocHOBHHTe n0ÄaT0UH 3a noTBpÄyBaae Ha nocroeaeTO Ha "nocMpTHO opo" bo oöpeÄHTe Ha öajKaHcKHTe CjOBeHH no MaTepHjajHTe oto HaM hh Öea HajÄocTanHH h no3HaTH.
3apaÄH npofljaöoHyBaae Ha no3HaBaaaTa h aHajH3Hpaae Ha noÄarouHTe, HHHHMe ÄeKa cnopeÄÖeHHOT MaTepHjaj ke e HeonxoÄeH noHaTaMy. Oä eÄHa cTpaHa, 3apaÄH corjeÄyBaae Ha eTHO - KyjTypHOTO, npocTopHOTO h xpohojookoto nocToeae Ha OBaa oöpeÄHa $opMa, a oä ÄPyra cTpaHa, 3apaÄH npeno3HaBaae Ha cneuH^HKHTe bo oöpeÄHHOT KOMnjeKc, h OTKpHBaae Ha HacoKHTe no koh ce ÄBHxeje h npeHecyBaje KyjTypHHTe KapaKTepHcTHKH bo BpeMeTO h npocTopoT.
51 Kay^MaH, H. - HaKGH g6^h qepTH MexÄy HapGÄHaTa neceH Ha 6tjirapHTe h H3TGqHHTe cjaBaHH, Coi^Ha 1982, cTp.11-14
.roÔGMHp Mhkgb, - BtjjrapcKH bö^hkäghckh G6peÄeH (^gjikjigp, h3ä. BAH, Co^Ha, 1990, cTp. 76, 95.
52HHKGjjaft Kay^MaH, fl. Kay^MaH, - norpe6ajjHH h ÄPyrH GroiaKHBaHHa b BtjirapHa H3ä. BAH, Co^Ha 1988, cTp. 237.
fl. Kay^MaH, - norpeôajiHH h noMeHHH ejjeMeHTH bib BejjHKÄeHcKHTe necHH, BtjirapcKH ^gjikjigp, Tgä. VIII, KH. 2, BAH, Co^Ha 1982, cTp. 11-14.
53fl. MapHHOB, - XHBa cTapHHa, Kh. 3, H. 9, Pyce 1882, cTp. 356-365.
54Hgch$ Mgpg3, - Kim Btnpoca Ha Ha3BaHHeTG Ha npa3HHKa .a3apyBaHe, bg BuirapcKH ^gjikjigp, Kh. 3,
BAH, Co^Ha 1994, cTp. 64.
55H. Kay^MaH, fl. Kay^MaH, - norpeôajiHH h ÄPyrH GroiaKHBaHHa ....crp. 241
56A. HjHeBa, - HapoÄHH TaHUH GÄ CpeÄHGropHeTG, Co^Ha 1978, cTp. 14.
57ETHGrpa^Ha Ha BtjirapHa, Tgm III. flyxGBHa KyjTypa, BAH, Co^Ha 1985, crp. 121.
141
üocmptho opo bo TpaflHUHHTe Ha 6aAKaHcKHTe CAoBeHH
Bo HHflHja, cnopefl H3BopHTe bo BeflHTe, nocToeA oö^naj xeHHTe Hafl yMpeHHoT fla
58
TaxaT co pacnAeTeHH koch, yflHpajKH ce bo rpaflHTe h HrpajkH oKoAy yMpeHHoT. MecToTo Ha cnaflyBaaero Ha noKojHHnHTe 6hao HapeneHo "HrpaAHmTe Ha fflHBa pa3ypHyBanoT". PocMpTHHTe HrpH bo HHflHja Hajnecro TpaeAe neAa hoK.
ETHorpa^cKHTe MaTepHjaAH 3a HHflHja, noKaxyBaaT fleKa bo MycAHMaHcKHoT XHHflyKym, xeHHTe HrpaaT - "neKopeHo opo" oKoAy yMpeHHoT.59 "...Ham npH3tiB öoraM oKa3aAca yfla^HbiM ceroflHa. mh ymAH HaBcTpe^y nAacKe h cMexy, npoHoca flaAtme (cbok) floAryro xH3Hb. 3Ty nperpafly a ycTarnBAHBaro flAa xhbhx. üycTt xe cpeflH hhx hhkto flpyron He flofifleT flo stoh neAH. ^a xHByT ohh cothk oôhabhmx oceHefi. ^a 3aKporoT cMepTt (stoh) ropofi.60
Bo flpeBHHoT xeTcKH oöpefl 'ToAeMo coöpaHHe" nocBeTeHo Ha "napoT-öor", KyATHa
cBeneHocT bo AHafloAHja, cnopefl KAHHonHcHHTe TaÖAHHKH ofl XVII - XII BeK np.H.e.,
oKoAy napoT, napHnaTa h cecTpaTa Ha öoroT (npopo^HnaTa) co xpTBeHHTe cafloBH,
AyreTo oKoAy hhb HrpaAe pHTyaAeH TaHen (opo). Najnecro oBHe TaHnH ce cnpoBeflyBaAe
npH pHTyaAHHTe nponecHH bo koh ynecTByBaAe napoT h napHnaTa.
HrpanHTe, Hajnecro HrpaAe npefl ÖoroT, efleH HacnpoTH flpyr, hah ^aTeHH 3a
paneTe oöpa3yBajkn 3aTBopeHo opo. Oöhhho HrpaAe HaflecHo, na HaAeBo h ce
HaBeflHyBaAe co paneTe Hanpefl. Bo oBHe pHTyaAH nocBeTeHH Ha xeTcKHTe öoxecTBa,
BooHAHBa e KoMnoHeHTaTa Ha oflHecyBaae koh xToHcKHTe chah.61
H Kaj ErHnkaHHTe norpeÖHHTe HrpH rH H3BeflyBaAe xeHH bo noBopKa Ha rpoöoT,
oÖAeneHH bo floArH oflexflH h rpaHHH^a bo paneTe. HrpaaeTo 3anonHyBaAo co AecHo h
öaBHo TeMno, 3a6p3yBajkH ce nocTeneHo, 3a Ha KpajoT fla npeMHHe bo HHTeH3HBHa Hrpa
co KpeHaTH pane, noTKpeneHa co pa3HH HHcTpyMeHTH (mTo bo HajroAeMa MepKa
co3flaBaaT caMo öyKa-yflHpaAKH) 3apaflH npoTepyBaae Ha 3AHTe flyxoBH ofl 62
noKojHHKoT.62
PocMpTHHTe HrpH Kaj XeAeHHTe ÖHAe BaxHa KoMnoHeHTa bo norpeÖHHoT
nepeMoHHjaA. Ofl pa3AHHHHTe HrpH mTo rH opraHH3HpaAe, HHe ro H3flBojyBaMe
HrpaaeTo Ha opo oKoAy yMpeHHoT, Koe MoxeAo fla ÖHfle oTBopeHo hah 3aTBopeHo, co
nofloArH neKopH bo noneraaTa HacoKa, a nocHTHH npH BpakaaeTo Ha Ha3afl. HrpaAe
neTHpH KpynHH neKopH Ha Hanpefl (HaflecHo) bo Kpyr, a flBa chthh npH BpakaaeTO Ha
Ha3afl (HaAeBo). Hah naK, mecT Hanpefl h tph Ha3afl. PaneTe bo norpeÖHoTo opo rH
flpxeAe cKpcTeHH 3afl rpöoBHTe. HajnecTo HrpaAe fleBojKH, a opoBoflenoT öhao MoMne,
63
Koj HrpajkH ce nymTaA h BpTeA oKoAy ceöe. neejkH rH norpeÖHHTe necHH XeAeHHTe,
oahocho HHBHHTe xeHH, ce yflHpaAe bo rpaflHTe h rH KHHeAe KocHTe ofl ceöe, HrpajkH,
64
npHToa, eKCTaTHHKH TaHnH.
58Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, 1923, crp. 523
59M. Mara3HHoBHh, HcTopHja Hrpe, üpocBeTa Beorpafl , cTp. 523
60PHrBefla, X,14; X,16; X,18., cTp. 198 - 204.
61B. r. Apfl3HM6a. - PHTyaAH h mh$u flpeBHeft AHaToAHH, H3fl. HayKa, AH CCCP, MocKBa 1982, cTp. 75,76.
62Hcto, crp.15.
63 M. Mara3HHoBHh, - HcTopHja Hrpe... cTp. 41-42.
142
fèymo C. PucmecKU
Ha e.Ha o. khocockmtc ^pecKH, bo npe.eH njiaH npHKaxaHH ce 14 xchh KaKO nrpaaT opo, HajeBo, co paueTe Hanpe^.65 npeTnocTaByBaMe .eKa opoto HMa xtohckh KapaKTep h e nocBeTeHo Ha MpTBHTe.
Bo ^aKoHnja h MeceHHja, ApTeMH^HHHoT KyjT 6hj CBp3aj 3a opeBoT (xtohckh KapaKTep - ocHoBHa xpaHa mTo hm ce npnHecyBa Ha MpTBHTe). Bo jereH^aTa 3a ApTe-MMja, ^eBojKHTe "KapHjaTH^H" (rpnKH KapnoH-opeB), nrpaje opo oKojy ApTeMH^HHaTa CBemTeHHHKa npeTBopeHa bo opeoBo apbo. (3a ApTeMH^a ce 3Hae ^eKa bo noneTHnoT nepno^ 6nja 6oxHua Ha CMpTTa h no^eMHHoT CBeT.)66
Ahthhkhot HCTopnnap Xepo^oT, bo CBojaTa HcTopnja, nHmyBa ^eKa TpaKHjuHTe
67
HMaaT o6Hnaj ^a nrpaaT oKojy yMpeHHoT.
Xepo^oToBHoT onnc Ha norpe6yBaaeTO Kaj TpaKHjuHTe, Ha X. BejKoBa, flejyBa, HHcnnpaTHBHo 3a npeTnocTaBH ^eKa e^HaTa o^ ^BeTe xeHH co ^ojra 6ejn xhtohh, npHKaxaHH bo Ka3aHjamKaTa rpo6HHua, nrpaaT nocMpTHo opo, "KojaM6pHCMoc", neejkn ja necHaTa, "KojaM6poc". Taa necHa ce neeja bo npH^pyx6a Ha ^jejTa, 6H^ejkH 3a TpaKHjuHTe CHTe TaHun noTeKHyBaaT "o^ xtohckhot, no^eMeH CBeT Ha My3HKaTa".68 Bo ^HeBHHKoT Ha eKcne^HunjaTa "MecaM6pHja - XeMyc" Ha Hhcthttot 3a TpaKo^ornja npn EAH, bo 1977 ro^HHa no^ paKoBo^CTBo Ha A. Ooj, npn oTKpHBaaeTo Ha HeKpono^a o^ V BeK np.H.e. 3a6ejexaHo e bo Hej3HHa 6jH3HHa e^Ho KyjTHo MecTo, Ha Koe cnope^ KaxyBaaaTa Ha MecHoTo HacejeHne, ceKoj neToK, o6oxaBaTejHTe Ha coHneBHoT KynT o^eje bo "noceTa Ha coHueTo". CeKoj o^ hhb ja 6aKHyBaj 3eMjaTa, npn mTo CHTe nrpaje opo "6e3 My3HKa" bo Kpyr oKojy KynnHftaTa BapocaHH oKpyraH KaMeaa. norpe6yBaaeTO noToa ro Bpme.e Mo.na.HBo h 6e3 CBemTeHHK.69
Bo onncoT Ha ^hohhcobhot Ky.T, EBpnnn. bo CBoHTe "EaKXH", caTHpHTe h MeHa^HTe rn npHKaxyBa o6.eneHH bo e.eHCKH koxh (xtohckh KapaKTep) KaKo nrpaaT opa bo TeKoT Ha HokTa.
"^hohhc. ... YBeaox oB^je ko.o, cayx6y ceSn CBya, ... TpH apyx6e Taaa cna3HM, xeHCKa Ko.a TpH,
70
xoRy .h ko.o hoRho ja..."
Beke bo VI BeK, cpekaBaMe no.aToun, .eKa Ha Chho.ot bo AyKcep, hm 6hjo
3a6paHeTo Ha xpHCTHjaHHTe .a ja npa3HyBaaT HoBa To.HHa h .pyrHTe npa3HHun bo koh,
71
noce6Ho ce KpHTHKyBa pacKajameHoTo CKoKaae Ha xeHHTe no rpo6oBHTe .71
64	S. Zečevic, - Homerov ep i naše narodne igre, - bo Hapo^Ho CTBapajiamrBo - Folklor, Sv. 7, jul Beograd 1963, CTp. 49.
65	fl. X. ToMncoH, - HcojjejioBaHHa no hctophh ^peBHerpeneoKoro o6iiecTBa. floHCTopHiecKHH sreftcKHH MHp, H3^. HHocTpaHHoft jiHTepaTypbi, MooKBa 1958, CTp. 483, 487.
66B. HajKaHoBHh, - Mht h pejiHrnja y Cp6a. H3a6paHe CTy^Hje, Beorpa^ 1973, CTp. 192
67Xepo^oT, - Hcropnja, Kh. 2, MaTHua CpncKa, Hobh Ca^ 1980, CTp. 8
68A. Ooj, - Cjiobo h ^ejia b flpeBHa TpaKHa, Yne6HH neTHBa, Yhhb. H3^. "Cb. KjHMeHT OxpHflCKH", Co^Ha, 1993, CTp. 58.
69A. Ooji, - TpaKHCKHa ^hohhc - 3arpen, Kh. 1, Yhhb. H3^. "Cb. KiiHMeHT OxpHflCKH", Co^Ha, 1991, CTp. 54.
70Euripid, Drami I-II, Zagreb 1919-1920, str. 147,175
71 H. H. BejeuKaa, - _fl3binecKaa CHMBojHKa cjaBaHCKHX apxannecKHX pHTyajoB, H3^. HayKa, MocKBa 1978, CTp, 146.
143
n0CMpTH0 opo BO TpajHnHHTe Ha 6ajIKaHCKHTe CjIOBeHH
3a CjOBeHHTe, cTapHTe xpoHHnapn h jeTonHcnH, 3anHmaje jeKa opraHH3HpaaT
72
SoraTH oSpejH npH norpe6yBaaeT0 / cnajyBaaeT0 Ha noKojHHnHTe.
3a norpeSHHTe oSpejH Ha CjoBeHHTe, KocMa npamKH bo 1092 rojHHa noKpaj
jpyr0T0 nnmyBa jeKa "Se3SoxHHTe HrpH" th HcnojHyBaaT Kpaj CBOHTe mptbh, h
» 73
TaHnyBaaT co MacKH, joBHKyBajKH th ceHKHTe- jymHTe Ha yMpeHHTe .
Bo onHeoT mTO napoT HBaH BacH^eBHH bo 1551 rojHHa ro nojHej jo upkobhhot
co6op, nHmyBaj jeKa bo "jyxoBCKHTe ca6oTH no cejaTa, h MaxHTe h xeHHTe, Ha
rpo6oBHTe njanaT h HrpaaT "SecoBcKH htph", nonHyBaaT ja CKoKaaT h HrpaaT h neaT
HeKaKBH "caTaHCKH necHH". H bo jeHoBHTe okojy BejHrjeH npaBeje pa3JHHHH
"SecoTHH", a "Ha BejHKH neTBproK najaT cjaMa h th cjaBaT MpTBHTe"74
75
nHpyBaae co HrpH okojy yMpeHHoT HMaje h YKpaHHnHTe. Bo 3anajHHTe jejoBH Ha YKpaHHa (rynyjimrHHa, nojojte) ce opraHH3Hpaje HrpH h 3a6aBH "npH
76
MepnH , CMHCjyBajKn Hajpa3jHHHH komhhhh cneHH.
no3HaTHoT nemKH eTHorpa( HeHeK 3h6pt (Čenek Zibrt), coonmTyBa MHory
hctophckh cnoMeHH 3a "Becej6HTe, HrpHTe h TaHnHTe" npH norpeSyBafteTo Ha MpTBHTe,
KaKo h npH noMeHHTe 3a hhb. CnoMHyBa, h toj', "raBojCKH necHH" ito HapojoT th neej
77
HoKe Haj yMpeHHTe, HrpajKH pa3HH HrpH.
Bo CTyjHjaTa Ha A.3. Po3eH(Hjj, 3a CTapHTe norpe6HH o6pejH Ha BaHyHTe (bo topho - BajamxaHCKaTa aBToHoMHa o6jacT Ha SHBmaTa TayHKHCTaHCKa CCP), bo jeHemHaTa o6jacT Kyja6 h bo jojHHaTa Ja3ryjeM (^3ryjeM), 3aSejexaj jeKa jo CKopo SHje H3BejyBaHH "TpaypHH" (xajHH) TaHnH oKojy yMpeHHoT.
3apajH rojeMaTa cjhhhoct Ha o6pejHoTo Hrpaae bo oBHe o6jacTH, co nocMpTHoTo Hrpaae bo ^ojHa npecna bo MaKejoHHja, HHe Ke ro H3HeceMe bo nejocT: "B jojHHe ^3ryjeMa, CB»3aHHon caMbiMH TecHbiMH y3aMH c BaHjxeM, em;e coBceM HejaBHo, b Hame BpeMa, cym;ecTBoBajH TpaypHbie TaHnbi bjobbi yMepm;ero, HcnojHaBmaeca c neHHeM TpaypHbix py6on noj aKKoMnaHeMeHT My3biKajbHbix HHcTpy-MeHToB b Te^eHae Tpex jHen. B ^3ryjeMe h PymaHe MaTb, onjaKHBaa peSeHKa, HcnojHaja TpaypHbm TaHen h py6on tojlko b nepByro hohb h conpoBoxjaja ero jo Morajbi, TaK xe KaK h BjoBa Tejo cBoeBo yMepmero Myxa. ... Ecjh caMbin TaHen Ha BaHjxe Sojtme He HcnojHaeTca, to oStman onjaKHBaHHa b necHax (py6on) bjoboh hjh MaTeptro coxpaHaeTca h cemac. OjHaKo tojbko Ha BepxHeM BaHjxe xeHm;HHe —njaKajbmHnbi, b tom HHcje h BjoBa, h MaTb noxopoHHon nponeccHH jo Kjaj6nm;a."78
72T. BopdeBHh. - CpncKe HapojHe Hrpe, CE36, IX, Beorpaj 1907, cTp. 27, 31.
73AjeKcaHjtp TeH^op, - MHTojorHa Ha CjaBaHHTe, BurapcKH xyjoxHHK, Co(Ha 1986, cTp. 239.
74 B. A. Pbi6aKoB, - _fl3bmecTBo jpeBHeft PycH, AH CCCP, H3j. HayKa, MocKBa 1987, cTp. 115.
75H. H. BejenKaa, _H3biiecKaa cHMBojHKa cjaBaHcKHx apxaimecKiix pmyajoB, H3j. HayKa, MocKBa 1978, cTp. 146.
76 B. E. TyceB, - Ot oSpaja k HapojHoMy TeaTpy. 3BojronHa cBaToiHbix Hrp b noKoftHHKa, bo OojbKjop h
3THorpa(Ha. OSpajbi h oSpajoBbiH (ojkjop, AH CCCP, H3j. HayKa, HeHHHrpaj 1974,. cTp. 51
77Zibrt, Čenek, - Jak se kdy v Čehach tancovalo, - Praha 1960, str. 24, 25.
78 A. 3. Po3eH(Hjj. - ToBopaft ho3" - jpeBHHH norpe6ajbHHH o6paj Ha BaHjxe (Taj^HKHcraHcKaa CCP) h TpaypHHe py6oH, bo OojbKjop h 3THorpa(^Ha. OSpajbi h o6pajoBbiH ^ojkjop, AH CCCP, H3j. HayKa, HeHHHrpaj 1974, cTp. 254,255.
144
fèymo C. PucmecKU
HrpaaeTo, co CHrypHocT Beke e noTBpaeHo, e HacTapaTa ho h HajTpajHaTa Kya-TypHa Bpe^HocT mTo aykeTo ja HMaaT. Kpy^HoTo nrpaae bo opo ce H3BeayBaao Ha aBa HaHHHa: co npocTo oaeae (neKopeae) h co caoxeHH ^opmh Ha Hrpa.
Oa H3HeceHHTe noaaToun ce 3a6eaexyBa aeKa bo HCTpaxyBaaaTa oönanTe 3a THnoaorH3aunja Ha nocMpTHHTe HrpH (TaHun), önae HaconeHH koh oTKpnBaae Ha oöpe^HHTe ^opMH Ha opaTa. HcTpaxyBannTe, KopncTejkn rH eTHoeKcnanKaTHBHHTe oöjacHyBaaa Ha oöpeaHoTo Hrpaae, THnoaorraaunjaTa ja Bpmeae no HeKoaKy KpHTepHyMH. Bo Taa HacoKa yrapanae aeKa HajnecTo ce H3BeayBa bo Kpyr, 3aTBopeHo, a ro HrpaaT npeTexHo xeHH. TeKCToT Ha necHHTe mTo ce neaT aoaeKa ce Hrpa e xaaeH, a MeaoanKaTa h pHTMHKaTa Ha opoto ce TaxHH oahocho öaBHH. Oto ce oaHecyBa ao oTKpHBaaeTo Ha ceMaHTHKaTa Ha oöpeaHoTo opo, HajnecTo oöjacHyBaae e aeKa KapaKTepoT hm e MarHCKH h HMa 3a uea npeaaxyBaae h öpKaae Ha 3aoTo. Bo CMHcaa Ha yTBpayBaae Ha reHe3aTa Ha oBaa pmyaaHa ^opMa, ncTpaxyBannTe 3a6eaexaae oapeaeHH yHHBep3aaHocTH bo naejaTa Ha HrpaaeTo, a bo CTpyKTyaTa, c^hhhocth Ha yHHBep3aaHocT Ha hhbo Ha HHaoeBponcKaTa oöpeaHocT h caoj.
MHTojomKo - MaracKH KapaKTep Ha opoTo
Paraae Ha SoroBHTe hh3 Hrpa
Bo oönanTe 3a ncTpa^yBaae Ha reHe3aTa Ha oöpeaHoTo Hrpaae oKoay noKojHHKoT BeaHam ce BoonyBaaT ^opMHTe Ha HajcTapHTe mhtcko I MHToaomKH, MarHCKH h peanrncKH caoeBH mTo ocTaHaae KaKo npexnBeaHnun bo eraorpa^CKHTe MaTepHjaaH mTo rH npnKaxaBMe.
HajcTapHTe CBeaomTBa 3a HrpaTa, roBopaT 3a Hea, KaKo 3a mhtckh h MarncKH H3Bop Ha xhbotot. Bo ocHoBaTa Ha MHToaomKaTa KoMnoHeHTa Ha xhbotot, CTaBeHa e HrpaTa:
"BoroBHTe CToea bo npaMopeTo (npaMaTepnjaTa). Ce ^arnja 3a paue h 3aHrpaa ToaKy öypHo opo, mTo KanKH oa npaB HaceKaae ce TpKaaaa, na oa hhb HacTaHa CBeToT. BoameÖHoTo aejcTBo Ha HrpaTa bo opo (KpyxHoTo aBnxeae), oa npaMaTepnjaTa ro co3aaae|poan n coHueTo - n3BopoT Ha xhbotot Ha 3eMjaTa".79
80
H bo TpaKHCKaTa oöpeaHa skthbhoct, öoroT ce para h yMnpa hh3 nrpaaeTo Ha opo...
XnBoTHaTa MarncKa cnaa Ha nrpaTa HHKopnopnpaHa e bo oöpeanTe Ha "öaxa-
HaTKHTe" bo ^hohh3obhot KyaT npn mTo bo HokHHTe 3aHocHH nrpaaa, ro pacTprHyBaae
naoaoT Ha öoroT Ha napnnaa, 3a BeaHam noToa, hh3 nrpa "aa ro co3aaaaT|poaaT 81
MaaanoT öor .
79M. Mara3HHoBnh, - HcTopnja nrpe... GTp. 21
80A. Ooa, - TpaKHGKnaT ^hohhg. 3arpen, Kh. 1, YHHBepGHT. H3a "Cb. KanMeHT Oxpn^GKn", Co^na 1991, cTp. 217.
81B. Bypnh, - noGTaHaK n pa3Boj Hapoaae KanxeBHocrn, HOHHT, Beorpaa 1956, GTp. 117,118.
145
noCMpTHO opo BG TpaflHUHHTe Ha 6a]KaHGKHTe C.GBeHH
AHTponojoraja Ha TaHeuoT/opoTO
reHepajHO, h HHe rH npH^akaMe npe.HMHHapHHTe THnoflorH3auHH mTO floeera ee npeflnoxeHH, eo flono.HHTe.Ha cnenHjaflraaqHja npH KaTeropraaqHjaTa no KpHTepHyMHTe: ^opMa, CTpyKTypa, ceMHOfloraja Ha oöpeflOT, ^yHKnHja.
npeTx0flH0, Beke H3Hee0BMe fleKa bo CBojaTa ocHOBa pHTyaflHOTO Hrpaae Ha opo HMa oöpefleH KapaKTep.
A)	HaeoKaTa Ha HrpaaeTo:
-Ha .eBO, HaonaKy, "HaonocyH", MpTOBenKa; -Ha flecHO, 3a floöpo, Ha floöpo;
B)	H3BeflyBanH:
-XeHH (BflOBHUH); -fleBojKH;
-fleBojKH h MOMHHfta (MemaHo).
B) MecTO Ha Hrpaae:
-Ha MecTOTO Kafle .exe. yMpeHHOT, -Ha rpoöoT h bo rpoÖHmTaTa,
-BO flBOpOT
r) BpeMe Ha Hrpaae:
-npefl norpeöoT; -no norpeöoT;
-bo npa3HHnHTe h 3aflymHHnHTe, HaMeHeTH Ha MpTBHTe.
fl) HanHHH Ha H3BeflyBaae: -Hrpa bo Kpyr; -co TanKaae/ra3eae; -co BpTeae.
f ) KopeoflomKH KapaKTepHCTHKH Ha opoTo: -öaBHO ( 2/4 TaKT) -KpyxHO
-HajnecTO 3aTB0peH0,
-opo BO BHfl Ha "3MHja" H "mOCt" (aeaeHOBO, n.eTH KO.O, TypH). CTpyKTypa Ha ceMHOJomKHTe KOMnOHeHTH Ha opoto
Ofl npeTx0flH0T0 fleKOflHpaae Ha oöpeflHaTa ^opMa, bo pHTyaflHOTO Hrpaae Moxe fla ee 3a6e.exaT HeK0.Ky OHTOflomKH KOMnOHeHTH eo oflpefleHO ceMHOflomKO onpefleflyBaae.
-	ynecHHnH,
-	Hrpa - bo Kpyr
-	eo TanKaae / ra3eae,
-	BpTeae
146
Mymo C. PucmecKü
TaHenoT - opoto npeTCTaByBa 3HaK, a ABHxeaaTa - roBop, mTO hobckot th H3HecyBa oa Aia6onHHHTe Ha HecBecHoTo hih TpaAHUHoHaiHom
Bo Taa cMHcia HrpaaeTo Ha pmyaiHo opo nocBeTeHo Ha yMpeHHTe ro CHMÖo^H3Hpa "ra3eaeTo Ha AeMoHHTe mTo lexaT noA Ho3eTe". (3aToa necTo ce npaKTHKyBa^o Hrpaae co TanKaae co Ho3eTe, cKopo bo MecTo).
TaHuyBaaeTo, naK, bo Kpyr ro o3HanyBa pafaaeTo, pacTeaeTo, yHHmTyBaaeTo h noBTopHoTo co3AaBaae, a co Toa h 3aTBopaae Ha yHHBep3aiHHoT KpyxeH uHKiyc -
go
KocMocToT.
noneTOK 6e3 Kpaj
xhbot
noneTOK h Kpaj
cMpT
E^eMeHTHTe Ha HHAoeBponcKHTe eKCTaTHHKH HrpH bo koh KpyxHoTo Hrpaae co 3a6p3yBanKo TeMno ocTaHaie 3anyBaHH bo o6peAHoro nocMpTHo opo.
CeMHo^omKaTa aHairaa Ha ynecTBoro Ha BAoBHUHTe npH HrpaaeTo Ha opoto yKaxyBa Ha "npaBHoT" H36op Ha o6pe^HaTa 3aeAHHua, 3amTo BAoBHuaTa, BcymHocT, npeTcTaByBa noTnoiH o6pe^eH o6pa3eu 3a ycnemHo ocTBapyBaae Ha 6apaaaTa Ha 3ae^HHuaTa. Oa eAHa cTpaHa, BAoBHuaTa e pmyaiHo HHcTa (He th npaBH "eBHHHTe rpeBoBH") h e 6iHcKa co MpTBHTe (cMprra Ha m&xot ja cTaBa bo noioxöa Ha nocpeAHHK co yMpeHHTe), a oa Apyra cTpaHa, 3apaAH HanpeA H3HeceHoTo, Taa e 3amTHTeHa co
84
cMpTTa, ho HcToBpeMeHo h onacHa. CeMHoAomKH Ha6^yAyBaHo, MaprHHaAHaTa
noioxöa Ha BAoBHuaTa bo TpaAHUHoHaiHaTa cpeAHHa, npHAoHecAa Taa Aa 6HAe
85
rAaBHHoT aKTep bo tocmpthoto opo.
AHaAH3HpaHHoT MaTepHjai th noKaxyBa ocHoBHHTe HacoKH Ha o6peAHoTo Hrpaae:
I.	Opo - "Aa My ce HajAe Ha yMpeHHoT Ha Toj cBeT";
II.	"fla My ce uanHe Ha BpaToT Ha faoAoT";
III.	"Oa H3racHaToTo xapne HeKa nAaMHe oraH - HeKa ce poah xhbot".
pafaae > cmpt > HrPA > (eKCTaranKa) >pafaae MarHCKa = y h h b e p 3 y m =
HecTo naTH, aHTponoAo3HTe oTKpHBaaT couHoiomKa KoHoTauHja Ha o6peAHTe. noA npHTHcoK Ha npaBHAaTa, nponHcHTe Ha onmTecTBeHaTa 3aeAHHua, MaKap mTo HcTHTe ce ^opMHpaHH noA BAHjaHHe Ha MarHcKHTe npeTcTaBH 3a HemTaTa, öiHcKHTe Ha
82H. HaymHjHc, - MHTcKHTe cihkh Ha JyxHHTe Cjiobchh, MHcia, CKonje 1994, cTp. 141. 83J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, - Riječnik Simbola, mitovi, sni, običaji, likove, brojevi, Nakladni Zavod, Zagreb 1983, s.v. ples, str. 513..
84BacHi, TapHH3oB, - MtpTBHaT h xHBHTe, EurapcKH ^ouKiop, Kh. 2, EAH, Co^Ha 1994, cTp. 20 - 22. 85Meri, Daglas, - Čisto i opasno. Analiza pojmova prljavštine i tabua, PLATO, Beograd 1993, str. 137.
n0CMpTH0 opo BO TpajHnHHTe Ha 6ajIKaHCKHTe CjIOBeHH
yMpeHHOT, HajnecTO MajKaTa huh xeHHTe - b^obhuh, ce ycuoBeHH, MopaaT th 3amTHTaT ocTaHaTHTe 6ihckh h ^pyraTe HieHoBH Ha 3ae^HHuaTa, co Toa mTO ke 3aHrpaaT opo h ke to npeuaxaT 3ioto, ke h ce cnpoTHBCTaBaT Ha CMpTTa.
Bo toj' KoHTeKCT, xeHaTa / MajKa = po^HjiKa (oHaa mTo hoch xhbot) e MaracKH HajcniHa, HajMokHa bo ^eiyBafteTo npoTHB cMpTTa.
xeHa / poflHjKa (^aTej Ha mhbot) = 3amTHTHHK Ha 3aeflHHuaTa
Bo BaKBHTe ciynaH xeHaTa / xhbot, e ochobhhot Me^HjaTop Mery 3arpo3eHaTa onmTecTBeHa 3ae^HHua h ôoiecTa / cMpTTa (xeHaTa Hrpa opo 3a ^a to 3amTHTH ceuoTo o^ nyMaTa).
BepojaTHo, MoxeMe ^a KaxeMe ^eKa oôpe^HoTo nocMpTHo HTpaae co^pxn ToueM 6poj Ha yHHBep3aiHocTH (bo amponouomKa cMHcua) nopo^eHH bo onmTaTa ^H3Houoraja h onmTHTe noBeKoBH mhtobh. CenaK, coceMa jacHo MoxaT ce cue^aT onmTo HH^oeBponcKHTe oôpe^Ho - MHTouomKH KapaKTephcthkh koh uexaT bo h ocHoBaTa Ha MaKe^oHcKaTa Hapo^Ha oôpe^HocT.
Posthumous Ritual Dance - Oro - in the Traditions of Balkan Slavs
Ljupco S. Risteski
The act of ritual dancing - oro - and singing in the posthumous ritual complex presents one of the most important ritual and magic activities in order to destroy or neutralize the effects of death, and at the same time, to protect the living members of the social community, as a whole.
This kind of ritual activity has been based on the traditional system of communication through symbols, in which the fact of life has to be set against the death. In that sense, the ritual-magic forms of posthumous dance (oro) and song present very powerful symbolical means. In these rituals, the mother of the dead child or the widow have most often been ritual actors. By including them in these rituals, the community shows very clear, selecting them as the ritual actors, makes the real choice, because they satisfy the ritual patterns for the successful realizing the magic aims. In these cases, the women as the ritual actors have been put in a function of basic mediators between the imperiled social community and the causal of the destruction of the structure.
148
Transformations of the Lithuanian God Perkunas
Nijole Laurinkiene
oo

In the article, later substitutions for the god Perkunas are analysed. Most frequently appear the names of the prophet Eliah (Alijosius) and St. George (Jurgis) as the Christian replacements diffused from the Lithuanian region, which borders on Belarus where converting to Christianity began earlier.
With the fall of the old culture a great many traditions indicated the god of thunder as undergoing a complete transformation into new characters, mostly those of modern religion. Lithuanian mythology also gives evidence of similar processes. The article aims at an analysis of further equivalents of Perkunas, which reflect the mentioned process, as well as an attempt to delineate the possible reasons for these substitutes obtained by the god of thunder and their prevalence in Lithuania.
The most common substitutes of Perkunas are the prophet Elijah (Elijosius, Alijosius) and St George (Jurgis). These Christian characters as equivalents to the god of thunder are also known among eastern Slavs. Therefore, a logical question follows on the nature of such a peculiar concurrence, which will receive due attention in the article.
Lithuanian folklore often observes Elijah mentioned together with Enoch (both, as the Bible suggests, having been so close to God that they were brought to dwell in heaven when still alive). Legends about Elijah and Enoch feature them being related to the motifs of old religion and those of Christianity (LPK 3459). From the latter, associations of the mentioned characters with the god of thunder can be obviously defined: when Elijah or Enoch rides in the heaven, it thunders and lightning is flashing:
Seniai, labai seniai, kada dar Adomo ir Ievos nebuve, Dievas sutvere Alijosic ir Anoka. Jie niekuomet nemirs Dievas juos isodines i ugnini vezima, kuris buvo pilnas ugnies (zaibo). Juodu isede i vezima ir vazineje dangumi. Tada, kada jie vaziuoja, zmones sako, kad griaudzia. Ziema ir rudeni Alijosius ir Anokas ilsisi ir taiso ratus, kurie bevazinejantper vasara sudilo. Vadeles taip pat raudonos ir ugnines. Kada juodu vaziuoja, tai Alijosius laiko vadeles, o Anokaspilia is rate zaiba. Rubai nedegami raudoni, ilgi. Seimos neturi. Abudu per visa laika bus nevede. Gyvulic turi tik arklius, o avic, karvic neturi.
Griaudziant reikia melstis, kad Alijosiui ir Anokui itikti. Norint nuo jc apsisaugoti, reikia deginti ugnis. Kada negriaudziama, sakoma, kad Alijosius ir Anokas miega arba taiso savo vezima (LTR 739/1/; Once upon a time, long before Adam and Eve, God created Alijosius and Anokas, who would never die. It is said that seated by God in a fire cart full of flames (lightning), they ride in the skies. When they do this, people say - it thunders. In winter and autumn they rest or fix their cart, which due to their summer activity requires repairing. The reins are also red and flamy. On riding, Alijosius holds the reins, while
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Transformations of the Lithuanian god Perkunas
Anokas pours the lightning out of the cart. Their clothes are fire proof - red and long. They are single and will have no families. They have neither sheep nor cows, but only horses).
When it thunders, in order to please Alijosius and Anokas, one should pray. To escape their anger, fire should be burnt. When the skies are silent, it is said that Alijosius and Anokas are having a rest or are fixing their cart).
Concise folk beliefs also reflect Elijah's function of thunder and lightning adopted from PerkUnas: Perkuna vaizdavosi vaziuojanti Alijosicpopadangz (LTR 940/2/; Alijosius, riding in the skies, was imagined as Perkunas). Zaibas yra sv. Alijosiaus pliaukstelejimas botagu (LTR 1580/816/; A lightning bolt is a whip crack performed by St Alijosius). Perkunas - tai Alijosius vaziuoja per akmenis (LTR 832/671/; Perkunas is Alijosius riding along a stone drive). Perkunui griaudziant sako: "Dievulis uzpyk^s barasi" 0 kiti sako, kad tai Elijosius su savo ratais vaziuoja per dangc (LMD 1 613/45/; When Perkunas thunders, some people say that God, being angry, is scolding. The others claim that it is Elijosius who rides in his cart in the skies).
Another function of Elijah gained from Perkunas is his fight with Velnias (the devil), a mythic being of the underworld. Lithuanian legends tell that riding in the skies, Alijosius strikes matches and looks for Velnias hiding somewhere. He shoots an arrow (LMD 1 474/ 539/). Or it is said that when it thunders, Alijosius rides a cart pulled by a pair of horses and hunts devils (velnius; LTR 4480/86/).
The prophet Ilya of Slav narrative folklore, who is in accord with Elijah, is also closely related to thunder, while the devil is regarded as his main enemy. V. Ivanov and V. Toporov, having investigated Ilya as one of Perun's transformations, evidently exemplify their concept. Byelorussian beliefs relate thunder with an archangel Michael or St Ilya hunting devils, hiding in a cottage, under a tree or somewhere else (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 165). Ilya, who is said to express himself in thunder, fights and hunts devils with Perun's arrows (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 165). Even Russian bylinas witness the struggle of Ilya with the destructive creature, where he is depicted as a fighter with Solovej, the robber (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 216). An epic hero of bylinas Ilya is supposed to be a character of the same type as a prophet Ilya, a substitute of Perun. There are also Lithuanian folk tales about a hero depicted similarly to Ilya in the epic works of eastern Slavs: born armless and legless, he starts walking only when grown-up, travels the world and, on meeting a dragon or Solovej, the robber, slays them (AT 300; LTR 1191/627/; 2812/116/; 3235/155/). Only in one variant of the subject type does the hero carry the name of Alijosius, in the others he is called Jonas (LTR 2441/409/), Pilypas (LTR 2838/82a/) or simply a farmhand (LTR 2442/440/). It is clear that although the hero is called differently, he is identical to Ilya, the epic hero of eastern Slav epic works.
The eastern part of Lithuania still preserves beliefs which reflect Elijah being closely related to rain. If rain falls on Elijah Day (July 20), it is regarded as a significant sign. It meant torrential rain for the next 12 or 14 days (Vysniauskaite 1993, p. 102). The Russians explain the sign similarly. It is said that Ilya Day is followed by rain (Kerbelyte, Novikov 1993, p. 9). The link with rain is a peculiarity of the biblical Elijah. As the Old Testament recounts, when God smites the earth with drought, Elijah performs a certain ritual on Mount Carmel (places a calf on the altar, pours some water on it, and burns the sacrifice), which puts an end to the drought. Above Mount Carmel the sky lowered and a heavy rain began to fall (The Bible 1973, 3 Book of Kings 17, 18, 19, 21). Thus, in the Bible Elijah is
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Nijole Laurinkiene
one of the heroes predestining the emergence of rain, while pre-Christian religion regarded the god of thunder to be the rescuer from drought.
Another distinct analogy between the biblical Elijah and the Lithuanian god of thunder is that the former, similarly to the ruler of thunder, is described riding in the skies in a fire cart drawn by harnessed fire horses (The Bible 1973, 4th Book of Kings 2 1, 1 1). Perkunas quite often possesses some fire attributes, e.g. goes in a fire cart (LTR 832/18/), rides a fire horse (Buracas 1934, p. 474), holds a fire sword (LTR 832/5/, /10/), wears a flamy robe (LTR 832/29/) or he is all of flames (LTR 758/1, 2/). This significant similarity between the god of thunder and Elijah could possibly encourage their identification. It should also be of interest that Lithuanian legends make frequent mention of religious pictures which feature Elijah's link with fire. The features reflected in these pictures condition a possible statement that Elijah or Perkunas are, without any doubt, the characters portrayed in them: Buvo paveikslas: Alijosius su baltais arkliais vaziuoja ir pjautuvu debesis skiria. Ir is po ratic lakia ugnys. Matai, o dabar isaiskino, kad tinai griaustinis, visai kas kita (LTR 3715/54/; There was a picture - Alijosius goes with white horses and parts clouds with the help of a sickle. The cart wheels strike flames. You see, they now claim that it is the thunder there, which is quite a different thing). - Alijosius vaziuoja... Dar buvo irpaveikslas, kap, gal matet paveiksla svento Alijosiaus? - tai atsake pasakotojas, paklausus, ka seniau zmonespasakojo apie Perkuna (LTR 4152/19/; - Alijosius rides... There even was a picture of him, perhaps, you've seen a picture of St Alijosius? -these were the words uttered by an informant when asked what people used to tell about Perkunas). It is quite natural to associate the old god of thunder with the hero riding in the fire cart in the skies.
A close link between the Lithuanian Elijah and the Slav Ilya has been noted: their common features, similar functions. Therefore, the logical question arises whether the folklore of neighbouring Slavs might not have influenced the prevalence of this character in Lithuania. The location of records of legends and beliefs about Elijah signify that the majority of them were recorded in the eastern part of Lithuania, in the contact zone with the Byelorussians. The folklore about Elijah is concentrated in the area of Svencionys, Zarasai and Rokiskis. Solitary variants were recorded in some other regions of Lithuania, in the northern, western, middle and southern parts of the country (though eight variants were recorded in Raseiniai region, in Samogitia, most of them being from one folklore collection compiled by schoolchildren, presented as answers to the questionnaire). Such a proliferation of the legends about Elijah suggests the idea that they may probably have reached us from the eastern Slav territory bordering with Lithuania. A prophet Ilya, Elijah's analogue as was mentioned before - a common character of the folklore of the eastern Slavs - could have made a certain impact on the world outlook of the Lithuanian country folk by penetrating into it. It was in the Slavonic rather than the Baltic area that Christianity and its written sources (the latter being the original provenance of the expansion of the prophet Elijah) had achieved an earlier dominion. Spreading from the Roman empire throughout western and eastern Europe as early as the 10th century, Christianity reached the Russians, the neighbours of Lithuania. However, only at the turn of the 15 th century did it find acceptance in Lithuania. Consequently, having formerly adopted himself to the traditional culture of the eastern Slavs, the prophet Elijah must have probably, through folk beliefs, found his way to Lithuania. On the other hand, the Catholic
151
Transformations of the Lithuanian god Perkunas
Church could also have fostered a further expansion of the character in Lithuanian folklore. Both the biblical story of Elijah and the church art, depicting his celestial journey in the fire cart drawn by fire horses, had substantively augmented the noted association.
As mentioned before, Perkunas is also linked with St George (Jurgis). In beliefs they are sometimes simply identified: Griaustinio trenksmas kyla del rate dundejimo, kuris susidaro Perkunui vazinejantpo dange. Vaikams sako, kad vazinejas sventas Jurgispo dange (LTR 832/ 146/; Thunderclap is caused by the noise of the wheels made by Perkunas' drive in the skies. Children are told that St Jurgis is riding in the sky). Perkunas yra sv. Jurgio vazinejimas po dange, kibirkstys is po rate - zaibas (LTR 1144/1/; Thunder is the result of the drive of St Jurgis in his cart, while lightning is the product of the sparking from under the cart wheels). In the context of such beliefs, St George's link with fire and flint producing sparks when struck with steel seems to be absolutely logical: Sv. Jurgis jojo, irpo arklio kojomis zybtelejo ugnis. Zmones rado titnaga (LTR 3874/6/; St Jurgis rode, flashes of fire appeared from under the horse-shoes. People found a piece of flint afterwards). When Perkunas rides in the sky, flames also emerge from under the horse-shoes or cart wheels (LTR 284/713/; 832/98/; 2567/228/).
St George is very popular in Lithuania. He was proclaimed the second (following St Casimir) guardian of Lithuania. Roadside poles with wooden statuettes of St George are very common. Folk art features St George on horseback, slaying a dragon. Such an image of St George, the fighter with the destructive creature, could have served as one of the reasons for identifying him with Perkunas.
Another condition which might have also had some influence on St George's and Perkunas' affiliation was the fact that St George's Feast Day usually coincided with the first spring thunder, which always implied a specific occasion, as it was supposed to signify the beginning of spring: Kai pirma karta isgirsta griaudziant, sako, kad dabar busias tikrasis pavasaris. Mat Perkunas pavasari laikomas kaipo pavasario pranasas ir gamtos atgaivintojas (LTR 832/413/; When one hears the first spring thunder it means that a true spring is approaching. The spring thunder is regarded as a prophet of spring and the reviver of nature). With the first thunder the period of a new year cycle usually started both in people's life and in farm activities. Farm work was never started before the first thunder, neither was the pasture of cattle (Buracas 1934, p. 474). It was believed that during winter the dark period of the year - the powers malevolent to man foregathered inside the earth. It was thought to be dangerous even to touch such filthy earth or its objects until the first stroke of thunder: it was prohibited to sit on the ground, stone, walk bare-foot, burn fire, bathe in a river or lake (LTR 757/79/; 828/334/; 1032/85/). The first spring thunder forced malevolent powers, the hiding devil (Velnias), first of all, to leave these objects. Thus the first spring thunder functioned as a reviver and purifier of nature and man. In its general sense, this happening was similar to a symbolic repetition of primal cosmogony at the turn of the year as an act of the world recreation.
St George's Feast Day, as well as the first thunder, meant the beginning of spring and an opening of the farming season. Beliefs indicate the fact that cattle pasturing always started on St George's Day (Balys 1986, p. 573; Buracas 1993, p. 238). This feast was regarded as the New Year of the farmers. It used to be the time for making contracts on land lease, hiring of new farm-hands and dismissing the last ones. It is said that on that day the roads used to be full of carts loaded with belongings of those people who, having not a patch of their own land, worked for hire and thus had to change their lodgings almost
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seasonally (Buracas 1993, p.172, 239). Lithuanian folk beliefs evidently reveal the link between St George's Feast Day's and a new farming season.
It was supposed that both Perkunas and St George prepared the soil for the flourishing of a new life. As folk beliefs claim, the first thunder shakes, and moves the earth, which consequently encourages the growth of grass and fosters a plant life in general (LTR 761/5/; 763/50/; 1032/124/; Buracas 1934, p. 474). St George performs a similar function. St George's Feast songs portray him as unlocking and warming the earth to let out grass and dew:
(LTR 2920/58/; Good evening, JurjaL Take the keys..., unlock the earth.... free the grass..., silken grass, honey dew, - the grass for horses, the dew for calves.)
Jurja, geras vakaras,	Jurja, islaidz zalati,
Jurja, geras vakaras!	Jurja, islaidz zalati.
Jurja, paimk raktus, Jurja, paimk raktus,
Jurja, zalati silkini, Jurja, rasati meduote, -
Jurja, atrakin zemi, Jurja, atrakin zemi,
Zalala bus dèl arklalie, Rasala - dèl versalie.
Jurgi, sildai zemi, Jurgi, gildai zemi,
I ta darzi auga, Ir ta darzi auga,
Jurgi, pateidz rasu, Jurgi, pateidz rasu,
Tuinu aptuinyta, Tuinu aptuinyta,
Jurgi, pateidz zali,. Jurgi, pateidz zali.
Undeniu apteista, Undeniu apteista,
Jurgi, nezenytas, Jurgi, nezenytas,
Rutam apsadzinta, Rutam apsadzinta.
Jurgi, apsizenyk, Jurgi, apsizenyk!
Tuinc palauzysiu, Tuinc palauzysiu,
- Nèra pa man ' merge, Undeni isteisiu, Nèra pa man ' merge,	Undeni isteisiu,
Ciktai viena raze, Ciktai viena raze.
Rutetes israusiu, Rutetes israusiu.
Razi sau paimsiu, Razi sau paimsiu.
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Transformations of the Lithuanian god Perkunas
(LTR 1924/14/; Jurgis, you warm the earth..., (you) free dew.... (you) free grass..., not yet married.... Jurgis, get married! - There's no girl to marry, only one rose... But it also grows in a flowerbed, fenced and flooded with water, planted all around with rues... I'll break the fence, let the water pour out, root the rues out ..., and pluck the rose for myself).
Some songs mention that he not only unlocks the earth but also opens the skies for the rain to fall:
Tu Jurgeli, tu mielasai gi, Atrakinkie dangc gi tu Ir pajudinkie kmorela, Kad palytc siltas lietus, Kad pazaliuotc gi Mela Irpriestc mus jauteliai.
(LTR 2929/78/; ref. also to LTR 2919/75, 77/; You, dear Jurgelis, unlock the skies, stir the clouds for the warm rain to fall, green grass to come on, for our cattle to feed on well.)
As beliefs and different prayers witness, Perkunas held dominion over rain (David 1812, p. 89-90, Mannhardt 1936; p. 247, 458). Thus in this aspect, George, opening the sky for the rain to fall, fulfills the function of Perkunas. The songs which address Jurij as the opener of the skies and the earth are traced in a wide area of eastern and western Slavs (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 194-196).
A mythical character with even a longer history than that of St George's, who was also closely linked with Perkunas and whose feast also noted spring, was Pergrubrius. As stated by J. Lasicius and J. Malecius, Pergrubrius' feast used to be celebrated on St George's Day (Lasickis 1969, p. 28; Mannhardt 1936, p. 204). "The book of Suduviai" pictures one of the first spring feasts, called the sacrificing of Pergrubrius. It was feasted "earlier than farmers started ploughing the soil" (Mannhardt 1936, p. 247). The ritual of the sacrifice was performed with all people gathered at some farm house. Beer of a special sort was made for the occasion. One of the members of the ceremony would address the "mighty and all-powerful" god Pergrubrius (Pargrubrius), him who drives away winter, fosters crops and chokes weeds. Afterwards Perkunas' (Parkuns) name would be mentioned. The latter would be asked for an early rain, to get rid of Pikulas (Peckollum) and his subjects. In the later course of the ritual, they were addressed as separate gods. This means they were not identified but regarded as gods close to each other.
V. Ivanov and V. Toporov consider that Pergrubrius might be regarded as an epithet of a spring deity of the same type as the Slav Jarila. According to these authors, a theonym Pergrubrius has originated from the words grublas, grublus, grubus, the semantics of which is related to the notion of unevenness, roughness, coarseness (Toporov 1.982, p. 302). These very features are also traced in Jarila, the god of spring and fertility, that of sexuality being revealed especially distinctly (his feast was usually held on 27 April). V. Ivanov and V. Toporov associate Jarila with the Slav St Jurij - Georgij. Besides, they claim Jarila's identification with Perun because of some common traits. The Slav god of thunder also possesses the function of fertility, but Jarila's image underlines it as essential (Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 180). During Jarila's feast a song about Jarila, wandering the world and providing life to fields and people, was sung:
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Bananueca flpuno na ycemy ceemy. nonw Mumo padsue, flrndpaM dseuu nnadsue.
A zdse m Jon nazow, TaM Mumo Kanow, A zdse Me jon nu supne, Tam Konac saubeuue...
(Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 181; Jarila was wandering the world, fertilizing the rye harvest, the offspring of people... In the place he had set his foot a ryeshock appeared, where he had glanced, ears of crops blossomed.)
Ceamu Wpuu no nonaM xodsuy Ma Mumo padsuy. rde zopa, maM Muma Kona, rde nyMoK, maM cena cmoMoK, rde donunKa, maM Muma cKupda.
(Ivanov, Toporov 1974, p. 187; St Jurij walked through the fields fertilizing the rye harvest: on a hill he placed a ryeshock, on a meadow - a haystack, on a valley - a ryerick.)
No Lithuanian songs of the same subject matter have been recorded, either about George or Pergrubrius. St George and St George's Feast was closely linked with fertility, but this feature is reflected only in rites and different customs. The custom of walking a naked George during the feast is recorded in Lithuania. Jurgis Banaitis from Paskalviai of Klaipeda region gives evidence of the fact that a child, born on St George's Day and called Jurgis or Juras, would normally receive a special honour on this day. In some homes such a child would be treated to sweet stuff, undressed, and after the sunset walked naked round the village (Balys 1993, p. 172). St George's Feast generally had the custom of walking round the crop fields, in an attempt to increase their harvest (Balys 1986, p. 134). In the vicinity of Leipalingis, on walking round the fields, several eggs and a roll of bread were normally taken along. Prayers were said in all four corners of the field (cf. rites to Perkunas, performed in the four corners of a house or a field). Having returned home, the performers of the rite would eat the bread and the eggs (Balys 1986 2138, p. 134). In the neighbourhood of Alsedziai the fields were walked round, carrying a flitch of bacon (Balys 1986 2136, p. 134). The Gerveciai people on St George's Day used to bake two loaves of bread with five eggs inside every loaf, and afterwards carried them around the fields even twelve times. One loaf would be buried in the soil, the other one - eaten (LMD 1 474/ 1043). A majority of places in Lithuania witness that egg shells were painted on St George's Day, as it was normally practiced at Easter. With the aim of fostering fertility, different rites were performed with these eggs: they were not only carried round the crop fields, but also the cattle driven to the pasture for the first time had to pass a threshold with a couple of eggs planted beneath it (Balys 1993, p. 175). For better livestock reproduction, a housewife would give painted and white eggs to herdsboys (Buracas 1993, p. 236). A rite that women would chant sitting on the fences surrounding ryefields, recorded in the vicinity of Adutiskis, could also be related to the encouragement of fertility. Men would express their disapproval by saying: "Don't chant or it might get cold!" When women started chanting, men or lads would be given whips and sent to punish and disperse them. Such St George's Feast chants would normally continue for even twelve days (Balys 1993, p. 164). Therefore, George - similar to the Slav Jurij and Jarila - functioned as an incentive to
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Transformations of the Lithuanian god Perkunas
fertility. The only difference is that his function finds a much wider reflection in rites. Except for folk beliefs, no other narrative texts on the topic have been recorded.
In summary, it could be stated that St George, similar to the prophet Elijah, both by their nature being directly related to Christianity, in the later course of the establishment of the official religion became part of folk beliefs, in which they preserved the obvious impact of the earlier religion. St George was endowed with the features of pre-Christian mythical beings in the folklore of both Lithuanian and eastern Slav people: the god of thunder (Lithuanian Perkunas, Slav Perun) and the deity (Lithuanian Pergrubrius, Slav Jarila), related to fertility and spring. Quite likely, the process of St George's adjustment in the folk world outlook of - varying yet interacting - traditions must have taken a similar trend; however, this character must have probably reached Lithuanian folk beliefs with the help of the Slavs rather than due to the advent of Christianity. This idea finds proof in oral texts and in the proliferation of certain rites pertinent to St George. For instance, the ritual of women's chanting during St George's Feast sitting on the fence at the ryefield is more common to eastern Lithuania. Oral works, relating to St George's Feast Day, happen to be songs of specific content (eight types and thirty six variants of them have been recorded; Miseviciene 1972, p. 291) with evident concentration in the eastern and southeastern parts of Lithuania, those bordering with Byelorussia (i.e. in Svencionys region, especially in Adutiskis, in Salcininkai region (Dieveniskes). Several variants were also recorded in Marcinkonys and Merkine of Varena region, as well as in Gerveciai of Astravas region, Breslavas, Pastoviai, Varenavas territory, now belonging to Byelorussia. Some of these variants were recorded from Lithuanian informants in the Byelorussian language (LTR 3164/572/; 4417/ lll/; 4477/1281/; 4495/16/). Such prevalence of St George's Feast songs, as well as their common nature, indicates them to be a result of long-lasting contacts between the Balts and the Slavs. An ethnologer A. Vysniauskaite claims the name of George to have come to Lithuania, from the eastern part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, long before the official baptism of the state (Vysniauskaite 1993, p. 72). It is certainly quite a reliable statement, not only in terms of the name of George but also with reference to St George's image, which was fitted to the folk world outlook. Similarly, Elijah could also have reached us from the eastern part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This territory, which in the 13th century embraced some of the Byelorussian area, and in the 14th century expanded to the major part of the Ukrainian and Russian lands, could have provided favourable milieux for the processes of the blending of both nations and religions. With the establishment of Christianity in Lithuania in 1387, the diffusion processes of old and modern religions became much more intensified. Therefore, the images of the prophet Elijah and St George in Lithuanian folklore could be regarded as vivid examples of the syncretism of different religions and conjoint national traditions.
Bibliography
Balys 1986 - J. Balys, Lietuvic zemdirbystes paprociai ir tikejimai. - Lietuvic tautosakos
lobynas, 10, Silver Spring, Md, 1986. Balys 1993 - J. Balys, Lietuvic kalendorines sventes, Vilnius, 1993. Biblija 1973 - Eu6auh: Khuzu cenwennozo nucanun Bemxozo u Hoeozo 3aeema, Bproce^b, 1973.
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Buracas 1934 - B. Buracas, Perkünas: Burtai irpietarai. -Naujoji Romuva, 1934, Nr. 180-1.
Buracas 1993 - B. Buracas, Lietuvos kaimopaprociai, Vilnius, 1993.
David 1812 - L. David, Preussische Chronik, hrsg. von E. Hennig, Königsberg 1812, Bd. 1.
Ivanov, Toporov 1974 - B.B. HßaHOB, B. H. TonopoB, Hcaiedoeanm e oömcmu oiaenHCKUx dpeemcmeü, MocKBa, 1974.
Kerbelyte, Novikov 1993 - E. Kep6einTe, M. Hobhkob, PyccKUü HapodHuü KaieHdapb u ezo iumoecKue cooMeemcmem, BmbHroc, 1993.
Lasickis 1969 - J. Lasickis, Apie Zemaicic, kitc Sarmatc bei netikrc krikscionic dievus, Vilnius, 1969.
Mannhardt 1936 - W. Mannhardt, Letto-Preussische Götterlehre, Magazin der LettischLiterarischen Ges., Riga, 1936.
Miseviciene 1972 - V. Miseviciene, Darbo dainos. Kalendorinic apeigc dainos, Vilnius, 1972.
Toporov 1982 - B. H. TonopoB, %pum. - Mu^oiozmecmü cioeapb, MocKBa, 1991, t. 2
Vysniauskaite 1993 - A. Vysniauskaite, Müsc metai ir sventes, Kaunas, 1993
Abbreviations
AT - The Types of the Folklore: A Classification and Bibliography. Antti Aarne's Verzeichnis der Marchentypen (FFC No. 3). Translated and enlarged by Stith Thompson. - FF Communications, Helsinki 1961, Nr. 184.
LMD - Lietuvic literatures ir tautosakos institute Lietuvic mokslo draugijos tautosakiniai fondai [Manuscript of the Lithuanian Scientific Society at the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore; reference of manuscript].
LPK - J. Balys, Lietuvic pasakojamosios tautosakos motyvc katalogas [The motif catalogue of Lithuanian narrative folklore]. - Tautosakos darbai, Kaunas 1936, 2.
LTR - Lietuvic literatures ir tautosakos instituto Lietuvic tautosakos rankrastynas [Manuscript of Lithuanian Folklore in the Institute of Lithuanian Literature and Folklore; reference of manuscript].
Transformationen litauischen Perkünas
Nijole Laurinkiene
In dem Artikel werden spätere Substituten litauischen Donnergottes Perkünas analysiert. Charakteristische Ersätze Perkünas sind christliche Personen der Prophet Elias (Alijosius) und hl. Georg (Jurgis). Der Prophet Elias und hl. Georg stimmen mit Perkunas funktionell überein. Die Sagen, Glauben über Elias und Georg sind am meisten im Ostlitauen, im Teritorium, wo Litauen mit Belorußland grenzt, verbreitet. Die Idee identifizieren Perkünas mit christlichen Personen ist von Nachbarn Ostslaven gekommen, wo das Christentum früher eingeführt wurde und der Prozess der Diffusion der Religionen schon begonnen war.
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SEMIOTIČNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROČILA
INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPOLARE
Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.

Roberto Dapit
This paper focuses on a Resian tale; its principal motif is a soul conjured into a snake, coiled around a tree. The snake is forced to wait for her deliverer who will rise from the cradle. Along with some minor believes about the afterworld life the wide-spread mythological motif under investigation is the central element of this folk tale which is compared with other Slovenian folk traditions and with the Legend of the Cross, as painted by the italian artist Piero della Francesca.
Il "Salvatore nella culla" è il motivo principale individuato in un racconto resiano raccolto a San Giorgio di Resia1. Secondo l'indice internazionale2 tale motivo rivela la salvazione di un morto vagante o di un'anima in pena condizionata dalla crescita di un albero con cui deve essere costruita una culla, solitamente destinata a un bambino che più tardi avrà la vocazione al sacerdozio; alla celebrazione della prima messa questo sacerdote salverà l'anima in pena. La salvazione viene tuttavia rinviata a un momento futuro e molto agogniato dall'anima costretta ad attendere. Nel caso resiano l'anima in pena appare come un'enorme e terrificante serpe che si mostra alla persona designata, una ragazza, a cui chiede di prenderle le chiavi dalla coda3. La ragazza tuttavia non riesce a vincere la paura e riceve una maledizione. Di conseguenza l'anima potrà essere salvata soltanto da colui che, una volta cresciuto, avrà dormito nella culla costruita con le assi ottenute dal legno dell'albero a cui la serpe è attorcigliata. Il motivo è assai noto e diffuso ma alcuni aspetti, in particolare nel racconto resiano, meritano un'attenzione speciale: in primo luogo i contenuti e l'essenza narrativa nonché comunicativa che contestualizza il racconto nell'ambiente resiano con personaggi, secondo la narratrice, realmente esistiti; inoltre, da un punto di vista comparativo, le strette relazioni con altre espressioni della tradizione orale slovena e con la leggenda cristiana medievale del Sacro Legno, che in veste iconografica vediamo raffigurata magistralmente da Piero della Francesca negli affreschi
1	E' stato narrato da Maria Di Lenardo Rozalina (nata nel 1906) a Bila/SanGiorgio di Resia (Italia) la sera del 13.12.1962 e registrato da Milko Maticetov, che ringrazio per aver messo cortesemente a disposizione questo racconto.
2	Cfr. l'indice di Thompson II al numero D791.1.3 'The deliverer in the cradle'; nonché EdM, IV, 214: "Der Erlöser in der Wiege".
3	Cfr. anche in Thmpson II e III i motivi E.423.5. 'Revenant as snake (serpent)' e F.401.3.8. 'Spirits in form of snake'. Secondo Kropej (1995, p. 137), che dedica un capitolo agli incantesimi, nella narrativa popolare slovena il motivo della principessa trasformata in serpe sarebbe piuttosto diffuso, in particolare nei racconti. Afferma tuttavia che l'essenza originaria di questo aspetto mitico si conserverebbe con maggiore integrità nelle favole. Anche in ambito friulano è documentata la trasmigrazione di anime in serpe o altri animali; si osservino a questo proposito gli accenni in Dapit 1999, p. 136.
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Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.
della chiesa di San Francesco a Arezzo. Prima di iniziare la discussione relativa agli aspetti appena menzionati, è opportuno venire a conoscenza nei dettagli del contenuto narrativo, leggendo la sintesi del racconto4:
Molto tempo indietro, una giovane chiamata Veronica, mentre sta falciando l'erba nella zona di Korito, vede in un bosco fitto una serpe, attorciliata attorno a un abete, con la testa grossa come quella di un vitello. La ragazza impaurita fugge e ritorna a casa. La notte stessa sogna una donna che le dice di non temere quella serpe perché si tratta di un'anima purgante che non le farà alcun male. Aggiunge infine che quella serpe è lei stessa e la prega di recarsi di nuovo in quel luogo la sera successiva alle undici, anche accompagnata da qualcuno, perché la ragazza è la persona prescelta, 'degna' di liberarla dalle pene a cui è condannata. Il giorno dopo racconta il sogno alla madre ma non ha il coraggio di andare sul posto come richiestole dall'anima. Va a coricarsi e sogna nuovamante la donna che le chiede di alzarsi e di recarsi sul posto dove ha visto la serpe. La consiglia di portare con sè qualcuno perché le dimensioni della serpe saranno raddoppiate. Sulla testa avrà inoltre le corna sulle quali si troveranno delle chiavi che la ragazza dovrà prendere con un bastone. Le verrà quindi suggerito cosa dire. La ragazza si sveglia, racconta il sogno alla madre e decidono di partire. Arrivano sul posto ma la ragazza è terrorizzata a causa delle dimensioni spropositate dell'animale che pero la madre non puo vedere. Ritornano a casa e vanno a dormire. Appena addormentata la ragazza sogna nuovamente la donna che adesso sarà condannata a rimanere in quel luogo fino a quando quell'abete non verrà tagliato e con le assi non verrà costruita una culla; dovrà quindi nascere un bambino che vi verrà cullato e quando sarà cresciuto potrà liberarla dalle pene. L'anima, promettendo la fortuna, chiede quindi alla ragazza di prendere un bastone più lungo e di riprovare. Ritornano sul luogo dove si trova la serpe ma la ragazza non riesce a vincere la paura e scappano. L'anima maledice allora per tre volte la ragazza preannunciando la sua sfortuna. In seguito questa cade dal fienile e si spezza la schiena. Un giorno, mentre si trova al pascolo, tre uomini scendono dal monte Canin. Sono degli spiriti, dei dannati, vestiti con pantaloni bianchi e berrette rosse. La percuotono e la fanno cadere sulle pietre dove viene ritrovata in fin di vita. Dopo inutili cure viene condotta dai frati del monastero di S. Antonio a Gemona e in seguito si riprende ma rimane tutta la vita disgraziata.
Il motivo centrale del Salvatore nella culla viene qui inserito in una cornice narrativa ricca di elementi della vita reale e con una precisa ambientazione nel territorio della Val Resia (alpeggio Rûscë, borgo Coritis/Korïto, monte Canin/Canen) e in quello limitrofo (monastero di Sant'Antonio di Gemona)5. Ascoltando questo racconto, si nota che l'inserimento dei fatti nell'ambiente resiano offre alla narrazione, sebbene caratterizzata da forti accenti fantastici, una struttura piena, conferendole un'intensa efficacia comunicativa. Menzionando una persona realmente vissuta, che porta i segni (la gobba) di un'esperienza devastante con l'aldilà, nonché le attività della stessa svolte in luoghi a tutti noti, il racconto acquista una determinata potenzialità dettata sicuramente da precise funzioni (ezilologica, educativa, di intrattenimento?), caratteristiche intrinseche della narrazione. Simili rappresentazioni di esseri mitici inseriti in un contesto reale e noto sono frequenti nei
4	Quanti invece desiderano leggere il racconto integrale in resiano, troveranno il testo in appendice a questo contributo.
5	Si registra infatti con una certa frequenza nelle testimonianze sull'aldilà, ma non solo, l'atteggiamento di collocare la narrazione in contesti noti anche nei casi in cui i motivi sono di tipo universale come quello qui trattato. E' noto quanto nella tradizione popolare sia presente il mondo dell'aldilà e la comunità resiana dimostra di aver conservato ancora oggi in modo molto spiccato questo complesso di credenze che tuttavia vengono trasmesse spesso come esperienze personali di relazione con l'altro mondo, piu precisamente con le anime dei morti (cfr. Dapit 1999).
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Roberto Dapit
racconti e fanno parte tutt'oggi dell'immaginario popolare, rispecchiando credenze ancora molto radicate nell'ambiente resiano6. Altri elementi - che spesso si manifestano nei racconti sulle anime in pena - sono individuabili nell'unitá: il saldo legame tra vivi e morti, la comunicazione onirica e la ricerca di una soluzione a problemi talvolta molto gravi, causati dai contatti con l'aldilá, presso sacerdoti esorcisti. Qui viene scelto il monastero dei francescani di Gemona, meta di pellegrinaggio per molti resiani, i cui frati sono considerati, nella narrativa popolare resiana, dotati di particolari capacitó nelle pratiche di esorcismo o "scongiuro" delle anime dannate. La maledizione ripetuta tre volte dall'anima-serpe causa gravi sventure alla ragazza. Tra i fatti che illustrano le disgrazie a cui va incontro la persona, l'elemento piü interessante e certamente la comparsa di tre esseri che vengono descritti come uomini, vestiti di bianco con un berretto rosso, che scendono dal monte Canin. Non puo che trattarsi di esseri demoniaci visto che il Canin e considerato, non solo a Resia ma anche in diversi punti dell'area friulana, uno dei luoghi dove vengono confinati i dannati'. La descrizione del loro abbigliamento inoltre confermerebbe cio, in quanto il bianco e anche il colore simbolicamente legato alla morte e agli spiriti; il berretto rosso inoltre ricorda l'immagine dei folletti, molto presente nelle vicine valli del Torre dove uno degli esseri mitici piü diffusi e chiamato Škarifič, un folletto con il berretto rosso che rapisce i bambini.
Nell'ambito della tradizione orale slovena sono state osservate due particolari espressioni che riflettono il motivo comune della serpe come risultato della metamorfosi di un essere umano che attende il salvatore: i canti leggendari appartenenti al motivo "Dekle reši v kačo ukletega kraljica" e il ciclo di racconti attorno al castello Mali grad, a Kamnik, raccolti in uno scritto intitolato "Veronika z Malega gradu". Dal gruppo di canti riporto il seguente testo9, annotato da Stanko Vraz prima del 1839, affinché si possa effettuare un immediato confronto:
1.	Lepa Vida proso plela,	5.	Drugo jutro plela proso,
	jako rano pred zorjami.		stepeno je najšla roso:
2.	Lepa Vida plela proso,	6.	»Da bi, Bog daj, mojo bilo,
	stepeno je najšla roso:		kaj nicoj je tod hodilo,
3.	»Da bi, Bog daj, mojo bilo,	7.	kaj nicoj je tod hodilo,
	kaj nicoj je tod hodilo,		rano roso je strosilo!«
4.	kaj nicoj je tod hodilo,	8.	Tretjo jutro proso plela,
	rano roso je strosilo!«		tam je najšla velko kačo.
6	II racconto è stato narrato da un'abile novellatrice, Maria Paletti Rozalina, che ha dato a Milko Matičetov innumerevoli unità del proprio repertorio. Tali racconti vengono solitamente narrati in forma molto piu sintetica, ma, è opportuno ripeterlo, questo caso dimostra, oltre all'abilità narrativa, un particolare atteggiamento: chi narra rende le proprie parole del tutto convincenti; allo stesso tempo questo tipo di racconti potrebbe rivelare la persistenza di determinate credenze del narratore rispetto ai contenuti. Spesso accade infatti che il limite fra credenza e scetticismo puo essere difficilmente individuato presso gli informatori.
7	Cfr. Dapit 1999, pp. 120-121, dove vengono riportate alcune testimonianze su questa credenza.
8	I canti sono raccolti nel primo volume di SLP, pp. 150-153; cinque sono i canti appartenenti al tipo classificato al n. 27 e provengono dalla Slovenia orientale (Prekmurje, Štajerska); i racconti sono invece stati pubblicati da E. Cevc, cfr. il titolo riportato nella bibliografia.
9	SLP I, 27.,1.
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Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.
9.	Kača mela devet repov,	16. na vsakšem repi devet ključov.
10.	»Ne straši se, lepa Vida!	17. Saj sem jaz ne huda kača,
11.	al jaz sem ti mladi kraljič,	18. ki kraljuje v belem gradi.
12.	Ti boš šla po gladkoj stezi,	19. Jaz pam šla po gostem grmji.
13.	Tam bova se mija zišla,	20. na polji per belem gradi.
14.	Tam vtrgaj tri drobne šibe,	21. ki bodo tri leta stare.«
15.	Da ga vujdre s prvoj šiboj, on postane od glave človek.
La comunanza di elementi fra questo canto e il racconto resiano e sorprendente: il salvatore e impersonificato nel canto come nel racconto resiano da una giovane contadina a cui la serpe dice di non spaventarsi (perché si tratta solamente di trasmigrazione da persona/anima ad animale); altri elementi comuni sono la fortuna promessa; il sentiero nel bosco fitto; le chiavi sulla coda e i diversi bastoni per prenderle (nel canto questi elementi hanno numeri definiti: tre bastoni, nove code e nove chiavi). La differenza piü evidente risiede invece nell'esito della narrazione: lieto fine nel canto dove la serpe ritorna nuovamente essere umano/principe e la Lepa Vida diventa principessa, drammatico nel racconto resiano, dove l'anima e destinata ad attendere ancora a lungo il salvatore e la ragazza dovrá portare i segni della disgrazia per tutta la vita. Questo doppio esito del motivo e diffuso anche in altri aspetti della tradizione narrativa popolare slovena in base ai generi: positivo nelle favole e negativo nei racconti10. Il finale drammatico infatti si evidenzia nuovamente nei racconti del ciclo Veronika z Malega gradu, dove per esempio nella variante n. 4 appare il motivo della metamorfosi da essere umano a serpe, condannato in quello stato finché dall'albero, ancora da seminare, non verrá costruita la culla del salvatore. Anche in questo caso si propone la lettura della sintesi:
Nel castello di Kamnik, chiamato Mali grad, viveva una signora che aveva una sola figlia. Quando per costruire la chiesa parrocchiale si recano al castello per chiedere la carita, la madre si rifiuta di dare un'offerta perché vuole che sua figlia possa stare seduta sopra i denari. Dio trasforma allora la figlia in serpe che si siede sulle botti piene di denaro e sprofonda nella terra: potra salvare la ragazza soltanto chi si presentera con tre bastoni di nocciolo colpendola tre volte. Allora si trasformera in una bella e ricca ragazza che andra in sposa al salvatore. Mostratasi a un giovane, lo avverte che al primo colpo diventera terrificante, al secondo credera di essere divorato, mentre al terzo riacquistera sembianze umane. Il giovane la colpisce due volte ma alla terza fugge. La serpe dice che sarebbero stati entrambi fortunati se l'avesse colpita per la terza volta. Ora, prima di essere salvata, un uccello dovra portare un seme di abete sulla Križna gora, dal seme dovra crescere un albero da cui si otterranno delle assi con le quali sara costruita una culla e il giovane che vi sara stato cullato potra salvarla. Affinché non esca dalle rocce a molestare la gente, devono confinarla per un certo numero di anni, tanto che ora non la si vede affatto.
10Cfr. anche Kropej 1995, pp. 137-138.
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Da ga vujdre z drugoj šiboj, on je do pojasa človek. Te ga vujdre s tretjoj šiboj, on postane do pet človek. »Vzemi, vzemi meni z repa, z mojega repa devet ključov, No odkleni bele gradi, no poberi srebro zlato! Če sem bila grozna kača, pa sem ti zdaj mladi gospon, ki kraljuje v devet gradih z lepoj Vidoj nestrašlivoj.«
Roberto Dapit
Le corrispondenze sono anche in questo caso molto significative, se consideriamo, oltre a cio, anche il fatto che in altri racconti del ciclo di Kamnik il nome del personaggio è proprio Veronika. Nel canto invece il nome della giovane è Lepa Vida, che riflette un mito assai diffuso nel mondo sloveno e che si manifesta in particolare nei canti narrativi11. Nei due racconti (di Resia e Kamnik) il contatto fra l'anima e l'essere umano si risolve con esito assolutamente negativo: l'anima è costretta a scontare la pena ancora per un lungo e indeterminato periodo; la persona perde l'occasione di ottenere una grande ricchezza o addirittura riceve una grave maledizione. La differenza, sebbene non sostanziale, sta fra le due tradizioni nella ragione della metamorfosi. Nel racconto di Kamnik l'uomo diventa animale a causa della punizione di Dio; nel racconto resiano la causa della dannazione dell'anima in forma di serpe non viene resa esplicita e nemmeno appaiono riferimenti a concezioni religiose; qui probabilmente alcuni aspetti della struttura simbolica originaria hanno perduto il significato oppure, per vari motivi, sono stati adattati.
L'ultimo aspetto che si intende trattare in questo scritto è, come già accennato, la tradizione leggendaria del Sacro Legno, alla quale il motivo del Salvatore nella culla è geneticamente legato. La leggenda del Sacro Legno viene suddivisa in tre momenti. Di
Figura 1
Cfr. Nartnik 1995, p. 92, che propone un'interpretazione mitologica dei personaggi presentí del canto "Lepa Vida je proso plela", SLP 27., 2. Riguardo a questo canto cfr. pure Ovsec 1998, p. 272 e sgg.
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Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.
maggiore pertinenza con il motivo del salvatore, come lo possiamo osservare nel racconto
resiano, e il primo, ossia quello che riflette la storia che tratta i temi dalla morte di Adamo
alla costruzione della Croce di Cristo, ossia del Salvatore. Viene presentata qui una
12
ricostruzione del motivo comune o prototipica:
Adamo giace in punto di morte e chiede al figlio Seth di recarsi in Paradiso per prendere l'olio della misericordia. Seth ottiene in Paradiso tre semi (rami) dall'Albero della Vita (Albero della conoscenza) da porre sotto la lingua di Adamo. Seth ritorna a casa e Adamo muore. Dopo la sua morte crescono dalla sua bocca tre rami (un albero). Il legno viene utilizzato da Abramo, Mose e altri come bastone. Mose pianta questo bastone ai piedi del monte Sinai. David scopre il legno e lo porta a Gerusalemme, dove durante la notte cresce in una cisterna. Salomone cerca di utilizzare il tronco nella costruzione del tempio ma e inutile poiché le sue misure sono inadeguate. Il tronco viene allora posto come ponticello sul Kidron e viene identificato dalla regina di Saba (da una sibilla) come il legno della Croce di Cristo. Per rispetto la regina di Saba attraversa l'acqua senza passare sul ponticello e perde cosi il segno che portava in seguito a un atto peccaminoso. Il tronco viene gettato (sotterrato) in una vasca (cisterna) per l'acqua, dove accadono dei fatti miracolosi. Nel periodo di Cristo l'acqua si asciuga e con legno viene costruita la croce del Salvatore.
Per concludere propongo la visione di alcuni momenti della leggenda del Sacro Legno come raffigura-ti da Piero della Francesca, ricordando quanto l'impatto visivo dell'arte figurativa sia determinante nella forma-zione dell'immaginario po-polare e quindi di riflesso anche nelle relative espres-sioni, fra cui la narrativa. Negli affreschi di Piero del-la Francesca la pianta che cresce dalla bocca di Adamo e il grande albero che si trova in mezzo alla tavola n. 1 chiamata "La Morte di Adamo", dove si puo scorgere che il figlio Seth pianta nella bocca del padre un ramoscello dell'Al-bero della Vita (particolare nella figura 2). Il Sacro Le-gno viene esplicitamente dipinto in varie tavole e lo
Figura 2
12EdM, VIII, 398.
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Roberto Dapit
vediamo nella figura n. 3 dove la regina di Saba si inginocchia per adorarlo e nella figura n. 4 dove il Sacro Legno viene fatto rimuovere da Salomone e in seguito sotterrato.
Testo dialettale
Na mála hcirica na ji právila ta-na Rüsce ta-pod ni gímon, ki ni so ta-lete, ki ni so grá-bili senu, ne. Na ji právila da káku, ki jsa na bíla wze stára, da káku to ji se séginalu, ki na bíla wsa dizgracjána, na mela góbo, ne. Anu mo máti o bárala, da zakój baj da táku dizgracjána, da ci to je malatja ki je pargnála jtáku. Tadíj na ji se gála právit, ne, da te bíla na hcirica, wonä, anu dä ni so meli planino ta-gore na Kurite (ni vin, ci vi víte, da ke e Kurito, víte?). Aldre, dä din den insdma da na slä, da na ma jtat wbrät tráwo - dímo da zet mi - anu na je slä po ni póti - tadíj, víte, göst bi fíto, tadí te bílu góstu, ne taj jnjän ka so pusíkani gozdöwji
-	da na je se wsträsila, ko na vidala no táko béstijo, no káco, no káco, ki te bílu fuori, fuori limiti te bílu! Anu dä jsa hcirica, ko na vidala da, káka na káca to je, dä na mela no gláwo, na mela no gláwo taj, po da taj no tale, na mela no gláwo, na je wbízala - ano na je bíla wöku ne smreke zavita - na je wbízala ko na vidala. Aldre na paslä ta jisi anu na raklä mátari, dä: "Máti jtáku nu jtáku, ja ni gren vic jte krej, köj za no táko ric, ki ja si vidala!" Aldre ko te bílu ta-w nice, na slä spat anu na je snüwala no zano. Jsa zanä na je ji raklä ta-w sne, dä: "Veronika," (na mela jime Veronika) "Veronika" - na raklä - "zakó bej si se bála," - na raklä
-	"te káce? Ti ni mese se bat nikár," - na ji raklä ta-w sne - "ki na ti ni dílase nikár ta káca."
-	na raklä - "Ja te lepu prösin," - na raklä, na di - "zütra zvecara," - na di - "koj to bo alle undici, prit pulnocó, ja te lepu prösin," - na raklä - "pridi," - na raklä - "tü na tö mestu, ki ti si vidala to káco, ki tö si jä," - na raklä - "ki ja man plántat. To je na düsa ta káca, to ni, to ni na káca," - na raklä - "to na düsa anu ta düsa tö si jä," - na raklä - "anu Buk an me kondanjäl jtü." - na raklä; anu na raklä -"Ti si ti dénj za me salvät" - na raklä - "anu te lepu prösin," -na raklä - "pridi zütra zvecara alle undici prit pulnocó, anu ci ti se bujis," - na raklä - "parpijí pa kompaníjo, parpijí pa two máter, ki ja ti ni dílan nikár." Anu hcirica na se pribüdila za stráhon, ne, anu se spet spö-munila na to béstijo: to ji délalu fin ni vin kace, na e zbüdila pa máter, ki to je spálu wküp, anu na ji právila mátari, da káku na je snüwala. Ano insdma zütra den pujütre, to melo vas den jtö, to bílu köj rüdi jte diskdrs da, ma na gäla, da: "Máti, ja ni gren vic jte krej, ni gren pa ciz den jte krej ja ne vic, ki se bu-
Figura 3
167
Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.
jïn." Ko to bílu zvëcara, na rakla nji máti da: "Bèn, da mas tôt?" - "Ah në, në, máti," - na rakla - "ni gren ja, ni gren ja, ah në, në, në!" Ko to bílu zvëcara na sla spet spat, na spe' ji pasla jsa zana wsnë, në, anu na spe' ji rakla, da: "Wstáni Varonika!" - na ë rakla - "anu prïdi tï ta-na tô mëstu ki ti si me vïdala." - na rakla anu parpijí [...]. Na se bála, në, pa ciz den, da na ni gre vie jti póti, jte krèj. Anu dópo na sla spat, ona nu nji máti, anu na spet pasla jsa zana tu-w snë anu na ji rakla, da: "Wstáni bèj Varonika, ki," - na di - "ja si te cákala pa snúkej anu ti nïsi pasla!" - na di - "Ci ti se bujïs," - na di - "parpijí two mátër kompanïjo" - na rakla, anu na rakla - "Koj ti prïdës ta-na tô mëstu, ki ti si me vïdala, ja ni eon bat kôj na táka, ki ti si me vïdala, ja eon bat pridoplajána, bôj na vlïka anu" - na di - "ja eon mët rôge ta-na glávi,"
-	anu na di - "tï, wzamo din dúlgi ráklin" - na rakla - "anu s ti ráklinon mas mi rizgát te kjüce, ki ja bon mëla ta-na rôga anu tadíj," - na rakla - "ja eon ti rieot, da ko ti mas rieot," - na rakla
-	"ti si tï, ki ti mas me deliberat" - na rakla. Anu na rakla, na di - "Wstáni nu ni stu' se bát, nikár!" Anu to héirïco, dópo na sla, to spe' o pribüdilu, në, na rakla: "Máti, na spet mi pasla wsnë" - na rakla; na rakla: "Ko máwa zdélat," - na rakla - "máwa jtot?" Na rakla máti: "Wstáni, ki eéwa jtot." - na rakla. Bèn to wstálu anu to jë se wzélu anu to nï naslô ráklina, vftë, to bílu zábilu, to slô jtáku. Anu kôj to jë paslô ta-na mëstu, insôma wzë da lontano të bíla na ric spro-pozitána, ki na nï mëla kurága jta' dônge, na jë se mása bála. Du bèj vi, káko dnô to bílu se nárdi-lu! Anu ta heirïca na jë zawrjuvëla anu na rakla, da: "Máti, bíziwa, bíziwa, bíziwa!" - ma máti na nï vïdala nikár. Na rakla, da
-	"Bíziwa máti, bíziwa ki ja, ja nïman kurága ja!" Anu to spet wbízalu názët anu básta, to slô spet spat ta-na liw. Anu ko to wsanülu, na spe' pasla wsnë, na rakla, da: "Le, Varonika, zakó bèj ti si se bála, zakó bèj si na táka?" - na rakla; na rakla
-	"Ti mësë bi bíla" - na rakla - "wzéla din dúlgi rák-lin," - na rakla, anu na di -"mi rizgála te kjüce, ki ja man ta-na rôga anu ni stu' se bat," - na rakla - "ki ja ti
Figura 4
168
Roberto Dapit
ni dílan vis nikár, nikár" - na rakla - "anu te lepu prosin," - na rakla - "pridi, ki ci ti ni boš tela ti" - na rakla - "me šalvat" - na rakla - "ja si búžica!" - na rakla; na rakla, na di - "Si vidala to smreko, ki ja si woku nu wokul," - na rakla, na di - "ta smreka ma se ^šinat din utručoc"
-	na rakla - "anu na ma se spilit prit ta smreka anu" - na rakla da - "mao se zrezat doske anu ma se ndšinat te utručoc anu ma se narédit ta zibíla anu an ma se wzíbit te utručoc anu an ma wrast anu an ma pri' no etát za muret me deliberat, me šalvat, ci ne" - na rakla da - "ja man stat rüdi jtü anu jnjan" - na rakla - "ti si ti" - na rakla - "ti si ti, ki ti ba mela me šalvat"
-	na rakla - "anu ci ti me šalvániš, ti ni ci bi' vic boga" - na rakla - "jse na tin svetu," - anu na rakla - "ti ci met no furtüno, ko powsót te kréj, ki ti boš šla, ti ci bi' furtunána wso two vito!"
-	na rakla. Anu bášta jsa hcirica na rakla, da: "Máti, ja si spet jo vidala to žano tu-w sne, na spe' mi pašla! Nu ne da ne me prosi, kace, ma kace" - na rakla - "ja, ja man spet jtot, ja" -na rakla - "ki, viste pur vidala vi, ki niste vidala, da káko dno to je!" - na rakla. Bášta, na rakla: "Cüj Varonika, céwa spe' jtst!" - na rakla. Tadíj to bílu la terza volta jto, per la terza volta to je šlo. Na rakla: "Céwa spe' jto', provéjwa" - na rakla - "ko na táku sili jsa düša." Anu to wstálu (ne, to ni bílu šlo spat to zádnjo nuc), to šlo prit pulnocó anu to wzélu din dúlgi, dúlgi ráklin. Anu bo ta na je šla, bo... insóma to o tézalu názet, na ni, na ni mela kurá-ga za dujtot ta, no táke, ki to bílu. Anu na gala, da: "Nu, nu, nu, nu awá bo nu málu ta!" -nu nji máti na ni vidala nikár nu na fin jo tézala - "Nu Mžiwa máti," - na gala - "Wžiwa, Mžiwa máti, wojme ja sabot, vi ki vi ni vidite, da káko dno to je! Ne, ne, ne, ne, ne niman kurága ja," - na gala - "ni moren ja, si ni cüjen jas!" Anu hcirica na je spe' wWžala ne. Alóre te braw, ne, na jo primwaladila trikrat. Na rakla: "Primwaladina ti bódi" - na rakla, da - "ti anu wsa twa ganaracjún" - anu na rakla, na di - "mwéjfurtüne ti nimaš met anu ti maš bot dizgracjána wso vito!" - na ji rakla - "Te kréj, ki ti boš wudila, te kréj ti maš bot diígraójána!" Anu infine na ni mogla wodélat nikár, to mažalu jtot spe' názet. Alóre te stálu, jsa hci na bo bíla mela skore ne, vin ja, ne dieciassette, dieciotto anni, ni so meli jišo le-te sen, ta-na Patoce, tu ki je M., jtü ni so meli jišo. Alóre ni so meli pa kráve anu na nagála no kórbo sena, da na ma nisto' wün na solár, víte, wün na liw, dímo mi. Anu jsa hci na nasla jso senu wün na liw, ko na pašla wün na to zádnje štiglu, taj da ba bílu dno o drüknulu, na je wdárila ziz wso kórbo dre' do w dwor anu na je si zlumila vos jíbat le-ti-zde, na bíla wsa polomjana. Bášta, dópo te stálu, na bíla ta-gore w planini (...ne, ja zbaljáwan ja! Jso to je bo názet). Pri' ki na se zlumila wod líwa dolu, ni so bíli ta-gore w planini, anu to je bílu no nedejo anu na šla, da na ma jto' gnat ne kuzlicace ün s Canon, da na ma jto' te kréj wün za Mamüšon, viš, jte kréj. Anu na wzéla pa kórbico, da na ce jin wbrat nu málu víjaca, nu málu tráve, ne. Na šla. Koj na pašla wün din patok, da na vidi, da gréjo triji dedavi s Canina nútur anu ni so pašlo wsi triji nútur njej. Anu ni so jo jéli za láse nu ni so jo tiliku lüpali, ni so tiliku jo šmikali woku ti picí, nu na ta nu na se. Anu insóma ni so jo püstili, ki ni ki na romunila, ni ki na vidala, ni ki na cüla ni nikár. Anu, si sa, pašla nuc anu na ni pašla anu nji máti anu nji waca ni so šli ta-na zwun anu so gnüli jüdi, da ni mao jti o jiskat, da na ni pašla. Ni so pašlo wün te patok, na bíla jtü dištimna. Alóre niša ni vedel nikár, ni so mažali jo jet, jo zadinüt anu ni so jo parnislo nútu jiši. Anu ta-par jiši insóma, ni ka na mu romunila ni nikár, ni so ji dižali svíco koj, da za wmrit. Anu te stálu, na ni mogla ni wmrit ni živit, na bíla kárje timpa in agonia. Anu parájal mídi, anu pa mídi gal, da: "Ko béj man ji dat?!" An ni vedel pa, da ko an ma ji dat, ne. An bo bil ji dal káko midižino, ma ni valálu nikar. Alóre ni vin, da du je jin gal nútur w gláwo, je rekal, da: "Cüjta, to ni po dobrin, da wzamíjta to hcirico anu nisita jo dolu w Gumin. Parnisita o dárdu tü ki je cesta anu déjta o ün na no barélico anu pijíta o do w Gumin, do frátinan anu zdélajta ji da' no benedicjún!" Alóre ni so wowdélali jtáku. Ni so o parnislo dár-
169
Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano.
du tü ki ni so mugló, do na Súlbico, anu jtü ni so o nagáli wün na no barelico anu ni so o pajáli dre do w Gum'in. Ta-do w Gumine ni so jo nisló ta frátinan anu ni so rikló, da ni ji jo pozegnajte, da ni ji dejte no binidicjún. Apene ki ni so o pozégnuli na wagála woci, jsa hciri-ca. Ko na wagála woci, insóma, na vidala anu je ji jel ta' pa sintiment, ne. Alóre ni so rikló frátinavi, da: "Bon segno." Ni so spe' ji dáli pa taj no zígnano wodo, da ni jo zignúwajte nu bro vin ja, ko ni so rikló gore po nimu líbrinu anu ni so jo parpajáli gore. Anu ko ni so o parpajáli gore ni so o gáli spe' w kówo, na jéla právit anu na pa cüla. Alóre na jin právila, da káku te bílu: da so pasló triji múzji wod róbuw nútur ta-w Canine. Anu, da káku ni so bíli ublicinó, da ni so meli ne bíle bragése, te siroke, anu, da - ni so taj vi, ki mate jzde jnjan te rangáne bragése - ano, da ni so meli no carnjele ta-na noga ano sce no prisíkane jtáku ta-na warse. Anu, da ni so meli ne carnjele baréte anu, da káku ni so bíli, básta, srákice, da ni so bíle zbufáne jzde, te bíle, anu, da ni so o jéli anu jo tézali za láse nu jo lüpali woku ti picí, tü ki to [...] prit. Alóre tadíj, da insóma ni so teli ricót, da to so bíli spiritavi, ti donáni, ne. Ma vas wona právila, mi mátari na právila. Dópo tadíj taj wan din, ta-s toga líwa dolu na je spádla anu dópo spe' wün z ni lejtrow anu infine na rüdi spadüwala anu na rüdi se lumila, wso nji vito na bíla dizgracjána. Dárdu wmrit na bíla rüdi, rüdi, rüdi dizgracjána. Bíla ji vile-zla fin góba ta-zat, na mela no vliko góbo, go. Anu tadíj na tela ricót, da jsa düsa, ki to bíla, da na ji dála moladicjún, ki na o vizála prit, da ci na bo kopac za o salvat, da na ce ji dat no vliko furtüno. Na tese ba' furtunána anu erst káke béce na tese ji..., du bej vi, ko na mese ji dat, ne. Anu jtáku na ni jo mogla deliberat. Insóma wso nji vito na bíla dizgracjána. Jnjan na rivána.
Bibliografía
Dapit R., Manifestazioni dell'aldilá attraverso le testimonianze dei resiani, Studia mythologica slavica, Ljubljana-Udine, II (1999), pp. 99-144.
Cevc E., Veronika z Malega gradu, IV. Kamniški zbornik, 1958, pp. 111-145.
Enzyklopädie des Märchens. Handwörterbuch zur historischen und vergleichenden Erzählforschung. I-, Berlin-New York, 1977-. (= EdM)
Kropej M., Pravljica in stvarnost. Odsev stvarnosti v slovenskih ljudskih pravljicah in povedkah ob primerih iz Štrekljeve zapuščine, Ljubljana, 1995.
Nartnik V., K razmejevanju legend od nelegend pri slovenskih ljudskih pesmih, in Razvoj slovenske etnologije od Štreklja in Murka do sodobnih etnoloških prizadevanj, Ljubljana, 1995, pp. 91-93.
Ovsec D. J., Fair Vida. The Everlasting Importance of the Psychological Aspect of the Slovene Ballad. Interdisciplinarian Ethnological Interpretation, Studia mythologica slavica, I (1998), Ljubljana-Pisa, pp. 265-277.
Slovenske ljudske pesmi. 1. Pripovedne pesmi, Ljubljana, 1970. (=SLP)
Thompson S., Motif-Index of Folk-Literature. I-VI, Copenhagen, 1955-58.
170
Roberto Dapit
Motiv rešitelja v zibelki v rezijanski pripovedi
Roberto Dapit
Avtor predstavlja rezijansko pripoved, ki vsebuje motiv duše zaklete v podobo kače, zavite okoli drevesa in prisiljene čakati vse dotlej, dokler jo rešitelj v zibelki ne osvobodi tega stanja. Poudarja tudi dejstvo, da je, poleg drugih manjših prvin iz onstranstva, ta, sicer zelo razširjen mitološki motiv, osrednji element obravravane ljudske pripovedi. Sledi primerjava med rezijansko pripovedjo in nekaterimi drugimi izrazi slovenskega ljudskega izročila in ciklusom slik italijanskega umetnika Piero della Francesca, ki predstavljajo Križevo legendo, sorodno motivu rešitelja v zibelki.
171
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STUDIA MYTHOLOGICA SLAVICA III
2 0 0 0
1 7 3
1 8 6
OTpaxeHHe HeKOTOpbix GGGÖeHHGGTeH nGGTpaeHHH 3arGBGpHGH KapTHHb MHpa ..
npH3HaK MOXeT ÖblTb MHHHMMbHO y]0BHMbiM C nepBOrO B3r]Hfla, HO flOCTaTOHHHM fl]H oö,eflHHeHHH 3.eMeHT0B B oflHH K.acc. BenoMHHM, KaK peöeHOK B nponeeee no3HaHHH MHpa HaHHHaeT Ha3HBaTb oahhm h TeM xe c.obom pa3HHe oö,eKTbi, oö,eflHHeHHbie Bcero OflHHM npH3HaK0M, HanpHMep, Bee npeflMeTH, oraHHaroiHeea np0fl0]r0BaT0H ^opMOH H.H Bee, hto flBHxeTCH H.H H3flaeT noxoxHH 3ByK. Tot xe npHHnHn no.oxeH B OCHOBy npH nOCTpOeHHH pOflOBOH CHCTeMH B H3HKax npHMHTHBHHx HapOflOB (HanpHMep, pofl Kpyrabix npeflMeTOB h T.n.). BHmeyKa3aHH0e CTpeM.eHHe k K0HKpeTH3auHH OTMenaeTCH h y fleTeö: peöeHOK He cpa3y yhhtch aöcTpaKTHHM HaHMeHOBaHHHM, b Hana.e KaxflOMy HOBOMy npeflMeTy oh CTapaeTCH n0fl0ÖpaTb CBoe o6o3HaHeHHe. To xe Mbi OTMenaeM h b 3ar0B0pax - flnHHHbie enHCKH pa3H00Öpa3Hbix Ha3BaHHH 6o]e3Heö h.h npHpoflHHx oöteKTOB e ne.bro MaKCHMa.bH0H fleTMraanHH h K0HKpeTH3aUHH npeflMeTOB H]H HB.eHHH, HTOÖbl ynOMHHyTb Kaxflyro pa3H0BHflH0CTb.
TaKHM 0Öpa30M, moxho BHfle^HTb HeKOTopbie yHHBepea.bHHe npHHnHnbi nocTpoeHHH 3ar0B0pHHx TeKCTOB, 06yc]0B]eHHHe MexaHH3MaMH nepBOÖHTHoro, MarHHecKoro h He.OBeHecKoro MHmieHHH Booöie. 9th 3aK0H0MepH0CTH HeTpyflHO npoe.eflHTb Ha ypoBHe pa3BepTHBaHHH eroxeTa, oflHaKO He MeHee HHTepecHO hx npoHB.eHHe Ha ypoBHe CTpyKTypHOH opraHH3anHH TeKCTa: b CHHTaKCHce, Mop^o.orHH, C]0B006pa30BaHHH H ^OHeTHKe.
HTaK, ochobhoh npHH^nHmbHOH 0C0ÖeHH0CTbro 3aroBopHoro TeKCTa HB]HeTCH, KaK yxe OTMenarocb, CTpeM.eHHe k B0CC03flaHHro eflHHCTBa MHpa, k ne.ocTHOH h 3aMKHyT0H CTpyKType. 9toh ne.H c.nyxaT BceB03M0xHbie noBTopbi, KaK Ha ypoBHe CBepx^pa30B0r0 eflHHCTBa, TaK h b npefle.ax OTfle^bHOH CHHTarMH h.h OTfle.bHOH .eKceMH.
HacTO noBTopH pea.H3yroTCH b BHfle napHHx CHHTaKCHHecKHx kohctpykuhh, C03flaroiHx 3^^eKT 3aBepmeHH0CTH. B OflHOM npefl]0xeHHH MoxeT noBTopaTbca rpaMMaTHHecKoe o^opM^eHHe npeflHKaTa, HanpHMep, h.h OflHHaKOBbie ^opMynb e pa3HbM cmhc]0bhm Hano.HeHHeM: Šventa Apolonija dantc neturéjo, jai per kančias visi subiréjo. Per jos kancias dzidziausias, per josios ašeras švenciausias, Dzievo leidzimu, mano lie-pimu tegul šitoj drusketé, Apolonijos vardu uzkatbéta, N dantc skousmc numarina. Amen. Amen. Amen. 'CBHTaa Ano.OHHH 3yÖ0B He HMe.a, y Hee H3-3a MyK Bee BbiCbina]HCb. Hepe3 ee orpoMHbe MyKH, Hepe3 ee CBHTbie c..e3H, e n03B0.eHHH Bora, no MoeMy noBe.eHHro nycTb 3Ta eo.b, HMeHeM Ano.OHHH 3ar0B0peHHaa, npeKpaTHT öo.b 3yÖ0B' (Krévé-Mick-evičius, p. 506, NXII); Saulé saulé, ménuo ménesiu, zemé žeme, upé upe! Nueik tu, gyvate, skradu žeme! 'Co^Hne eo^Hne, Meean MeeaneM, 3eM]H 3eM]eö, peKa peKOö! HflH th, 3Mea, CKB03b 3eM.ro!' (LT, p. 895, N 9283). K napHOCTH CTpeMHTca h HOMHHauHH, oöpa3yroiHe HHorfla C]0B000pa30BaTe]bHbie HHHOBauHH: Čiužu čiužute, šlamu šlamute: kam pasmaugei mano dukteri irpadéjaipo akmeniu kaip suri?... (LT, p. 896, N 9289).
noBTopH OflHoro h Toro xe npeflHKaTa MoryT C]yxHTb r.aBHOH ocbro CTpyKTypH 3ar0B0p0B, HanpHMep: Ažužadu nuo kirmélés baltam arkliui. Nekenčia tavçssaulé, nekenčia tavçs ménuo, nekenčia tavçs žvaigždts, nekenčia tavçs dangus, nekenčia tavçs pati, nekenčia tavçs vyras, nekenčia tavçs vaikai, nekenčia tavçs visa pamilija, ir aš tavçs nekenčiu. Amen, amen, amen. '3ar0BapHBaro ot HepBH öe.oro kohh. HeHaBHflHT Teöa eo.Hne, HeHaBHflHT Teöa Meean, HeHaBHflHT Teöa 3Be3flH, HeHaBHflHT Teöa Heöo, HeHaBHflHT Teöa xeHa, HeHaBHflHT TeÖH Myx, HeHaBHflHT TeÖH fleTH, HeHaBHflHT TeÖH BCH CeMbH, H a Teöa
HeHaBHxy. AMHHb, aMHHb, aMHHb.' (Mansikka, p. 77, N 59); Aukseli, sidabreli, eik namulio gulti. Saulé eina, ménas eina, niekam blédos nedaro, - eik namulio gulcie, eik namulio gulcie,
174
Mapu.% 3aebnnoea
eik namulio gulcie. Amen, amen, amen. '*30i0TymKa, *cepe6pymKa, h^h ^omoh cnaTb. CoiHne H^eT, Mecan H^eT, HHKOMy Bpe^a He npHHHHaroT, - h^h #omoh cnaTb, h^h #omoh cnaTb, h^h flOMOH cnaTb.' (Mansikka, p. 79, N 66); Švinta Marija, pristok Plauké ilgauodegé par mares Svinta Marija neméga Juodas plaukas neméga Mano vardas neméga 'CBaTaa Mapna, npnByflb, njibuia #jiHHH0XB0cTaa no Mopio CBaTaa Mapna He cnHT HepHbiii boioc He cnHT Moe HMa He cnHT' (LTR 3863). Biaro^apa noBTopy npe^HKaTa očteKTbi b 3thx npHMepax ciobho "npnBO^aTca k OflHOMy 3HaMeHaTeiro", opraHH3yroT HeKyro ynopafloneHHyro napa^nray, hto n03B0iaeT s^^eKTHBHee npoTHBocToaTb xaocy Ha ^pyroM noiroce. n0-BH#HM0My, TaKHM 06pa30M moxho h npoTHBonoioxHbrn nepcoHax npnBecTH b cooTBeTcTBHe co Bceo6^HM paBHOBecneM.
fleñcTBeHHocTb noBTopoB MOxeT ycniHBaTbca TaKxe hx KOinnecTBOM, BHme yxe roBopn^ocb o napHocTH, 0flHaK0 He Bcer^a 3HannM0 HMeHHO hhcio 2. npaKTHnecKH Bce 3ar0B0pH Tpe6yeTca noBTopaTb 3 hih 3x9 pa3. O^HaKO b nepeHHcieHHax npeo6ia^aroT neTHHe nncia: Ak tu, gyvate, gyvate, nekask keltuvos nei žmogaus. Nepriims tav^s dievas, ne-priims tav^s saulé, nepriims tav^s ménuo, nepriims tav^s zvaigzdés. Neprisiglausi tu nei ant sa-manc, neipo samanom, nei ant krümo, neipo krümu. Tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate, tu gyvate 'Ax th, 3Mea, 3Mea, He Kycan hh xhbothhx, hh neiOBeKa. He npHMeT Te6a Bor, He npHMeT Te6a coiHne, He npHMeT Te6a Mecan, He npHMyT Te6a 3Be3^bi. He cnpanembca th hh Ha Mxy, hh no# mxom, hh Ha KycTe, hh nofl KycTOM. Th 3Mea... (9 pa3).' (LTR 3858 (442)). nepe^ HaMH cie^yro^aa cxeMa noBTopoB: 2 - 2 - 4 - 4 (2x2) - 9. no-BH^HMOMy, 3to o6tacHaeTca TeM, hto neTHoe hhcio oco3HaeTca KaK 3aK0HneHHaa, 3aMKHyraa cTpyKTypa, oho 3^^eKTHBH0, Kor^a Tpe6yeTca onncaTb cTaTHHHyro ^aHHocTb, 3a^H^eHHyro ot np0HHKH0BeHHa. Tor^a KaK HeneTHoe hhcio (b ^aHHOM ciynae - 9) Bcer^a HanpaBieHHO, cHMB0iH3npyeT ^HHaMHKy, y^ap, nepexofl Ha cie^yro^HH 3Tan. noflo6HbiH npHMep mh bh^hm b e^e o^hom 3ar0B0pe ot 3Men: Urvine, negadink imonic! Tegul tavo galybz atima keturi véjai: šiaurinis, pietinis, vakarinis ir rytinis. Tegul tavo galybz atima Mozés lazda (su kuria iš akmenspadaré vandeni). Kaip išdžiovino jura, tegul tavo galybz atima. Saulé tegul tave nešviečia, ménuo tegul tave nešviečia. Tegul iškeikia tave dangus, iškeikia iemé, iškeikia tave vanduo, iškeikia ugnis, tegul iškeikia tave visi šventieji ir Švenčiausia Motina 'ne^epHaa, He nopTb iro^eñ! nycTb TBoro cniy OTHHMyT nerape BeTpa: ceBepHbiñ, mxhhi, 3ana#HbiH h boctohhhh. nycTb TBOio cnjiy OTHHMeT najiKa Moncea (kotopoh H3 KaMHa c^ejiaji BO^y). KaK BbicyinHji Mope, nycTb tbom cniy OTHHMeT. CoiHne nycTb Te6e He cBeTHT, Mecan nycTb Te6e He cBeTHT. nycTb npoKiaHeT Te6a He6o, npoKiaHeT 3eMia, npoKiaHeT Te6a BO^a, npoKiaHeT oroHb, nycTb npoKiaHyT Te6a Bce cBaTHe h npecBaTaa Mapna.' (Elisonas. Ropliai, p. 102, N XLVII). CxeMa TaKOBa: 1 - 4 - 3 (OTHHMeT) - 2 - 5 +1. Ha stom npHMepe bh^ho, hto naccHBHHx očmktob (BeTpbi, coiHne, Mecan) neTHoe hhcio, 0flHaK0 aKTHBHHx ^eñcTBHH (OTHHMeT, npoKiaHeT) - HeneTHoe. O6teKTH npnpo^H b ^aHHOM ciynae KaK 6h o6pa3yroT MaranecKHH Kpyr, a ^eñcTBHe - bhxoa 3a npe^eibi Kpyra,
BTOpxeHHe HiH H3taTHe.
noBTopH h aHaiorHHHHe KOHcTpyKnHH MoryT KacaTbca He TOibKO o^Horo h Toro xe npe^HKaTa, napaiieiH3M MOxeT c03^aBaTbca h noBTopeHHeM pa3HHx npe^HKaTOB b o^hoh ^opMe, HanpHMep, b npocTOM npome^meM BpeMeHH, KaK b ^aHHOM 3ar0B0pe: Ponas Jézus ir šv. Petras éjo per ialias ganyklas. Ten sutiko ialti. Gyvaté guléjo, Pono Dievo angelas kalbéjo, motina Švenčiausia Marija prisieké, kol nuodai išejo. Vardan Dievo ir t. t. Tocno^b Hncyc h cb. neTp uh nepe3 3eieHbie nacT0H^a. TaM BcTpeTHiH yxa. 3Mea
175
OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix 0C06eHH0CTett nocTpoeHHa 3aroBopHott KapTHHbi MHpa ..
rexajia, aHreji Eocno^a Eora roBoprni, MaTb npecBATaa MapHH npHcarajia, noKa a^bi BHm^n' (Balys, p.58, N 393); mh noBTopeHHeM 0^H0THnHbix KoHcTpyKUHH c npe^HKaT0M b npe3eHce: Griaudzia griausmas, zaibai zaibuoja, krenta rüdys, zaidai byra, di-evo zodzio niekas negalpergalét. Nereikia nieko bijot - nei akie kokie, nei kokiepadéje - nei pilke, nei juode, nei mélyne, nei rude TpeMHT rpoM, mo^hhh cBepKaroT, na^aeT pxaBHHHa, nenn CHnHTCH, 6oxbe mobo hhkto He MoxeT npeo^oreTb. He Ha^o HHnero 6oflTbca - hh KaKHx-T0 raa3, hh KaKHx-T0 ^er - hh cepHx, hh nepHbix, hh chhhx, hh KapHx' (Mansikka, p. 103, N 181). B noc^e^HeM 3aroBope noMHMo nepenHcreHHH BaxHo TaKxe noBTopeHHe ochob: 'rpoM' h 'rpeMHT' (griaudzia griausmas); 'mo^hhh' h 'cBepKaroT (zaibai zaibuoja) 06pa30BaHH ot o^Horo kophh.
Cpe^H MHoroHHC^eHHHX TaBTo^orHHeCKHX noBTopeHHH, TaKHX, KaK napHHe coneTaHHA o^HHaKoBbix h^h pa3^HHHbix ^opM croBa: Saule sukas-sukas, atsako zemé su-kas-sukas, atsako ménuo sukas-sukas dunti suka-suka. 'Comue BepTHTca-BepTHTcfl, 0TKa3biBaeTCH, 3eMra BepTHTcH-BepTHTca, 0TKa3biBaeTca, Mecau BepTHTCH-BepTHTCH, 3y6 HapbiBaeT-HapbiBaeT (=BepTHT)' (LTR 3641(429)); Suku suku, ratu ratu.... 'Kpyny-Kpyny, KpyroM-KpyroM...' (Balys, p. 72, N 478); Saule saulé, ménuo ménesiu, zemé zeme, upé upe!... 'Comue corHue, Mecau MecaueM, 3eMra 3eM^eñ, peKa peKoñ!' (LT, p. 895, N 9283); BCTpenaroTCA h coneTaHHA c pa3HbiMH cy^^HKcaMH, a TaKxe pa3H006pa3HHe CT0B006pa30BaTe^bHbie HHHoBauHH: Liga, ligela, korva karvala... 'Eore3Hb, 6ore3HromKa, KopoBa KopoBymKa...' (Elisonas. Gyvaté, N6, p. 169); Zeme, zemela. 3eMra 3eM^Hua' (Mansikka, p. 81, N 79); Ciuzu ciuzute, slamu slamute... 'OerecTe-merecTe^Ka, mypma-mypma^Ka...' (LT, p. 896, N 9289). B nocre^HeM npHMepe Ha3BaHHH 3MeH 06pa30BaHH ot cooTBeTcTByro^Hx raarorob c noMo^bro yMeHbmHTerbHo-racKaTerbHoro cy^^HKca -ut-, HB^aro^eroca b ^htobckhx 3aroBopax ojhhm h3 caMHx npo^yKTHBHbix, kotophh o6pa3yeT cy^ecTBHTe^bHbie He TorbKo ot raarorob, ho h ot cy^ecTBHTe^bHbix h npmaraTerbHbix: Zibuté, lakstuté, salduté, meduté... 'ErecTKa (ot zibéti '6recTeTb', zibus '6^ecTH^HH'), co^oBymKa, *c^a^ymKa (ot saldus 'c^a^KHH', *Me^ymKa (ot medus 'Me^')' (LTR 4813(10)); Semuté, geruté, marguté... '*nenerymKa (ot semas 'nene^bHbrn'), *^o6pymKa (ot geras 'xopomHH, ^o6pbm'), necTpymKa (ot margas necTpbm')' (Elisonas. Ropliai, p. 96, N VIII); Auksute sidabrute... '*3oroTymKa (ot auksas '3oroTo'), *cepe6pymKa (ot sidabras 'cepe6po')' (LT, N9265, p. 892); Spinduté, sauliuté... '*CBepKymKa (ot spindéti 'cBepKaTb', spindus 'cBepKaro^Hñ'), co^HHmKo' (LTR 5497 (241)). noBTopeHHe o^Horo cy^^HKca, o^opMraro^ero pa3Hbie ochobh, TaKxe HB^HeTca c^e^cTBHeM ynoMflHyroro npHeMa - noBTopeHHe oflHoTHnHoro Ha6opa ^0HeM
co3^aeT ^ono^HHTe^bHyro HHTb, o6teflHHaromyro noBecTBoBaHHe, co3^aeT KaK 6h
naparae^bHbie ^ono^HHTerbHbie cmhcth.
B noflo6Hoñ po^H nacro BbicTynaroT h ^pyrHe yMeHbmHTe^bHo-racKaTe^bHbie cy^^HKcb -al-, -el-/-él, -ul-, HanpHMep: Sauliula, ménaséli, sviesyja ausrela, grazyja svenciau-sia Panela, atimk man site sopuli. 'Co^HbimKo, MecauoneK, cBexnaa 3opbKa, npeKpacHaa npecBHTaa fleBa, 3a6epH y MeHH 3Ty 6oW (Stukenaité-Decikiené, p. 125, N 9); Cystas vandenélis, Cystas akmenélis, Kad mano büt cystas künelis. 'Hhctbh Bo^HHKa, hhcthh KaMemeK, hto6 Moe 6bmo HHCToe Terbue' (LKAG 1320); Ajo Paneie Svenciausia per lon-kelius, pataiké kojali in akmenéli, numusé mazepirsteli, aptaské akmenéli kroujaliu... 'Ora npecBHTaa fleBa no ryxrnKaM, nonara hoxkoh Ha KaMemeK, ymH6ra MareHbKHH najibHHK, o6pH3rajia KaMemeK KpoBymKoñ' (Krevé-Mickevicius, p. 504, NI); Éda riemuo, riemenélis, Kaip vilkas avelz Kaip ozka zolelz Kaip zuvis zuvelz. 'Ect MeHH H3xora,
176
Mapu.% 3aebnnoea
H3xorymKa, KaK bojik OBenicy, KaK K03a TpaBKy, KaK pbi6a pbi6Ky' (LTR 5678 (296)). TaKoe uacKaTeubHoe o6pa^eHHe k 6oue3HH, komhho, cTaBHT yeubro 3a^o6pHTb ee, yroBopHTb oTCTynHTb, CMarnHTb ee ^eHCTBHe. Bo3moxho, TaKoe H3o6paxeHHe o6teKToB b "yMeHbmeHHoM" BH^e TaKxe ^ouxho no aHauorHH yMeHbmHTb npoaBueHHH 6oue3HH. HHTepecHo, hto pa^oM c uacKoBbiM o6pa^eHHeM k 6oue3HH MoryT npHcyTCTBoBaTb h pyraTe^bCTBa: Eda mane rémenelis, penkie mete piemenelis, ésk padla süda ne mane. 'Ect MeHH H3xorymKa, naTHueTHHH nacTymoK, emb, na^ua, r..., He Mera' (LTR 5074 (101)).
KpoMe CBoeñ npaMoñ ^yHKqHH, npHBe^eHHbie cy^^HKCbi e^e h o6pa3yroT pn^My, oco6hm o6pa3oM opraHH3ya h ynopafloHHBaa TeKCT. OTMeneHHbie o^HHa-kobhmh cy^^HKcaMH cuoBa aBuaroTca KuroneBbiMH, croxeroo6pa3yro^HMH, npHBue-KaroT k ce6e BHHMaHHe. HacTo b toh xe pouH BbicTynaroT o^HHaKoBbie ruaroubi c pa3HHMH npe^HKcaMH, HanpHMep: Viene issizadu, Kite prisizadu... 'O^hhx oT3HBaro, upyrax npH3HBaro' (LTR 3863 (88)); Vienaspadyvija, trys atadyvija... 'O^hh 3aBH^yeT, tph *oTBH^yroT' (Mansikka, p. 104, N 183); Viena asaba izzengia, tegul tris inzengia... 'O^Ha oco6a BbiCTynaeT, nycTb tph BCTynaroT' (LTR 6166 (109)). npe^HKCbi, o^opMuaro^He ruaroubi b npHBe^eHHbix npHMepax, HrparoT pemaro^yro poub b 3thx 3aroBopax -HMeHHo Ha npoTHBonoCTaBUeHHH 3HaneHHH 3THX npe^HKCoB CTpoHTCH CMHCU (is- 'H3'/ pri- 'npn'; pa- 'no'/at(a)- 'ot'; is- *H3'/in- 'b'). ruaroubHbie npe^HKCbi MoryT noBTopaTbca c pa3HHMH ocHoBaMH b o^hom 3aroBope, o6pa3ya uHHHro ^onouHHTeubHoro 3HaneHHa, KoTopaa HrpaeT o6,beflHHaromyro poub, HanpHMep: ...kad Dzievas duote, sitie atabuli treji devyneri mazgeliai pertraukte sopuli ir permainyte kad nesopéte. '... hto6 Eor ^au, sth o6paTHHe TpH^eBHTb y3uoB nepepBauH 6oub h nepeMeHHUH, hto6h He 6oueuo' (Mansikka, p. 102, N 176); Saldzyja bitela, sviesyja zvaigzdela, atprasau, atmeldziu as tavi, atmaldau, juodo plauko, juodo plaukelio nekliudzyk. 'Cua^Kaa nneuKa, CBexnaa 3Be3^onKa, ynpamHBaro, yMauHBaro a Te6a, yMouaro, neproro Bouoca, nepHoro BouocKa He Tporañ' (Mansikka, p. 76, N 55).
Te xe TeH^eHUHH npocuexHBaroTca h Ha ^oHeranecKoM ypoBHe: 3aMeneHo, hto bo Bcex 3aroBopax 3aKUHHaTeubHoro THna Hcnoub3yeTca o^hh npHHyHn - noBTopeHHe onpe^eueHHHx 3ByKoB huh coneTaHHH 3ByKoB b pa3Hoñ nocue^oBaTeubHocTH - na^e npaMoM h o6paTHoM nopa^Ke. no^o6HHH npHHyHn Hcnoub3yroT h nouHo3HanHbie 3aroBopH, co^epxa^He aHarpaMMH h Hrpy cuob. HanpHMep: Pele, pele, te tau liepa, duok man kaula. 'Mbimb, Mbimb, bot Te6e uHna, ^añ MHe KocTb' (ot 3y6Hoñ 6ouh) (Balys, p. 67, N 445) - noBTopaeTca coneTaHHe pel b o6paTHoM nopa^Ke - lep; Nugaruoi' tu, negare, akivaron. 'HcnapHCb th, He nap, b Tonb' (ot uHmaa) (Cicénas, p. 23, N 298) -noBToparoTca 3ByKH n - g - r, n - g - r, k - r - n, to ecTb #Ba pa3a b o^hom nopa^Ke, noTOM -b o6paTHoM; Grauz gryzie, da grauz geriau Tpbi3H rpbi3b, ^a rpbi3H uynme' (ot 6ojih b cycTaBax - rpH3H) (Mansikka, p. 96, N 148) - nocue^oBaTeubHocTb 3ByKoB: g - r - z, g - r -z, g - r - z, g - r. B nepBHx #Byx cuynaax Bbi^eueHHbie 3ByKH o6pa3yroT 3aMKHyTHñ Kpyr, b nocue^HeM - npH noBTopeHHH Hcne3aeT o^hh 3ByK. TaKoñ xe npHeM nocTeneHHoro Hcne3HoBeHHH, CTHpaHHH onpe^eueHHHx 3ByKoB Hcnoub3yeT 3aroBop ot rp^ixn: Tu Grizus, as krizius, tu bégsi, as kysiu, kai kysiu, nukesiu. Am, am, am. 'Th Tpnxyc, a KpecT, th 6y^emb 6exaTb, a 6y#y KycaTb, KaK yKymy, oTKymy. Am, aM, aM.' (Mansikka, p. 95, N 132) - nocue^oBaTeubHocTb 3ByKoB: g - r - z - s, k- r - z - s, g - s, k - s, k - s, k - s. 3ByKono^paxaHHe, H3o6paxaro^ee ^eñcTBHe KycaHHH, ycHUHBaeT BnenaTueHHe. no^o6Hoe 3ByKono^paxaHHe, nepeceKaro^eeca c Ha3BaHHeM 6oue3HH, Hcnoub3yeTca b upyroM 3aroBope ot rp^ixH: Kremc, kremc, kremtu, kremtu.// Kremc kremc kad iskrimstum.
177
OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix 0C06eHH0CTett nocTpoeHHa 3aroBopHott KapTHHbi MHpa ..
// Riš, riš, risu, // Ris, riš, kad išrištum 'XpyM, xpyM, rpH3y, rpbi3y, rpbi3H, rpbi3H, hto6 BHrpH3, Baxn, Baxi, BHxy, Bhxh, bhxh, hto6 3aBH3ai' (Mansikka, p. 94, N 137). noBTopjiro^Hecji b 3tom 3aroBope 3ByKH - k, r, s, š - HanoMHHaroT Ha3BaHHe 6oie3HH -gryžius.
B 0^H0M 3aroBope ot yKyca 3MeH Hcnoib3yeTca tot xe npHeM noBTopa 3ByK0B b ci0Bax c pa3HHM 3HaneHHeM: Kaip šita žalioji varle skusta, taip šita juoda karve kusta; kaip ši žalioji varle neskusta, taip ši juoda karve nekusta... 'KaK 3Ta 3eieHaa iarymKa o^H^eHa, TaK 3Ta nepHaa KopoBa yKymeHa; KaK 3Ta 3eieHaa iarymKa HenH^eHa, TaK 3Ta nepHaa KopoBa He yKymeHa' (Balys, p.57, N 386).	locTHraeTca nyTeM ynoio6ieHHa
^opMH 'yKymeHa' ^opMe 'o^H^eHa' (iHTepaTypHaa ^opMa kasti 'KycaTb', to ecTb ^oHeMa 3aMeHaeTCfl Ha [u]). TaKHe 3ByK0Bbie npHeMbi ciyxaT e^e h co3#aHHro pn^MH, hto ycHiHBaeT 3^^eKT 3aroBopa, TaK KaK pn^M0BaHHaa CTpyKTypa o6iaiaeT 3aK0HHeHH0CTbro H M0H0iHTH0CTbM, CTHX0TB0pHa» ^0pMa 3a^H^aeT TeKCT 0T npeo6pa30BaHHH, cnoco6cTByeT ero coxpaHeHHro KaK moxho ^oibme b hch3mchhom BH^e.
Bepojmro, c nejibio yciciHTb leiiCTBHe, b o6biHHbiii 3aroBopHbiii TeKCT HHor^a BCTaBiHMTCH pH^MoBaHHbie napH - 3aKiHHaTeibHHe ^opMyibi, Ha nepBbift B3raai, 6eccMHMeHHHe, HanpHMep: Šurum-burum-bum, Pradink viena[paskui kita ir 1.1.] 'OypyM-6ypyM-6yM, crHHb o^Ha [n0T0M ipyraa h t.a.]' (ot 60p0«aB0K) (LTR 4239 (244)); Sakal makal, deg deg! 'CaKaji MaKaji, ropH ropH!' (ot 60p0iaB0K) (Balys, p. 66, N 435); Jusu varda aš žinau // Ir ne vienos nebijau // Sangi, rangi, nedaryk man nieko. 'Bame hmh h 3Haro, h hh oihoh He 6orocb, CaHrH, paHrH, He ^eiaft MHe HHnero' (ot 3MeH) (LTR 4102 (176)). B nocie^HeM npHMepe He ciynaHH0 Hapaiy c 3aKiHHaTeibH0H ^opMynoH ynoMH-HaroTca HMeHa 3MeH: 3HaTb hmh, to ecTb Ha6op 3ByK0B, K0iHpyro^HH cy^HocTb, TaK xe Ba^Ho, KaK h ^oHeTHHecKHH Kiron b BH^e 3aKiHHaHHH. 9to noiTBepxiaeTcfl aHaiorHHHbMH npHMepaMH: Jus esat trejos devynerios, vardus aš juse žinau: ašjuse nebijau, Cange Ange, nedaryk(ite) nieko. 'Bac cy^ecTByeT TpH^eBHTb, HMeHa a BamH 3Haro: a Bac He 6orocb, D,aHre AHre, He leiam-e HHnero' (Balys, p. 57, N 389); A,š juse nebijau, jus esate trys devynerios, vardus juse ir Cenge žinau Bac He 6orocb, Bac cy^ecTByeT TpH^eBHTb, HMeHa BamH h D,eHre a 3Haro' (Balys, p. 56, N 379).
3aroBopbi 3aKiHHaTeibHoro THna He Bcer^a nocTpoeHbi ToibKo Ha ^0HeTHnecK0M npHHnHne - ohh nacTo coctoht h h3 n0iH03HanHbix ciob, o6pa3yro^nx iaK0HHHHbiH, otphbhcthh TeKcT. TaKoe Tpe6oBaHHe cHMyibTaHHocTH, 6hctpoth h cTpeMHTeibHocTH pa3BopaHHBaro^eroca leftcTBHa oTBenaeT neiH 3aroBopa - npoH3BecTH HanpaBieHHbiH h cHibHbH y^ap no HaMeneHH0My o6i>eKry.
KaK Heib3a iynme 3toh neiH cooTBeTcTByroT KpaTKHe TeKCTbi, kotophmh H3o6HiyeT iHT0BcKaa 3aroBopHaa Tpa^H^a. MHorHe n0iH03HanHbie TeKCTbi b cHiy cBoeft 0c060H cHHTaKcHHecK0H K0HcTpyKqHH cTaH0BHTca n0X0XHMH Ha 3aKiHHaTeibHbe $opMyibi, HanpHMep: Džiovinto vejo, pernykščio sniego, šic mete ledo, ru-pužes kraujo '3acymeHHoro BeTpa, npomioro^Hero cHera, ib^a 3Toro ro^a, kpobh xa6b' (LTR 4035 (15)); Kirmeles nuo bambeles, kirmeles nuo bambeles. 'HepBH ot nynKa, nepBH ot nynKa' (Mansikka, p. 102, N 174); Dangus Jezau, saule Jezau, žeme Jezau, rasa Jezau. Amen Jezau Kristau 'He6o HHcyce, coiHne HHcyce, 3eMia HHcyce, poca HHcyce. AMHHb HHcyce XpHcTe' (Mansikka, p. 82, N 82). Phi cy^ecTBHTeibHbx co3^aeT 3KcnpeccHro h cnpeccoBaHHocTb, o^HaKo b noio6Hbix K0HcTpyKUHax MoryT 6bTb Hcn0ib30BaHb TaKxe riaroib hih npHiaraTeibHbe, HanpHMep: Pjuvispjuvi sveikina, trinu trinu - sutrinu, trasu trasu - sutrasu '^Hen xHena npHBeTcTByeT, Tpy, Tpy - cTHparo, Tpacy, Tpacy - coTpacaro'
178
Mapu.% 3aebnnoea
(Balys, p.79, N 506); Marga, juoda ar melyna, čižanina!Raudonamarge, žalamarge, čižanina! Raudonoji, šemoji, žaloji, čižanina! 'necTpaa, nepHaa hih cmHaa, HHxaHHHa! KpacHO-necTpaa, 6yponecTpaa, HHxaHHHa! KpacHaa, neneibHaa, 6ypaa, HHxaHHHa!' (ot 3Mem) (Mansikka, p. 73, N 41); Žemes žemybe dangaus aukštybe ir kirmelicpiktybe. Padek Dieve ir visišventi. 'HraocTb 3eMim, BbicoTa He6a h 3io6a nepBeft. noMorm, Boxe, h Bce cBarae' (ot 3Men) (LTR 3393 (131)). 3iHMHHaiHa riaroia, KaK oTMenaeTca b cTaTbe T.A. MmxaftioBoft (MmxaftioBa, 135), npeflocTaBiaeT ciymaTeiro Bo3MoxHocTb flBoaKoro noHHMaHHH TeKcTa. Moxho ^o6aBHTb, hto e^e h co3flaeT 3^^eKT flHHaMHHHocTH, He^apoM MHorne 3aroBopH npom3HocaTca cKoporoBopKoft (b KoMMeHTapmax oTMenaeTca - "npom3HocHTb Ha o^hom flbixaHHH, He nepeBoflHTb flbixaHHe"). Bo3moxho, H3-3a 3Toro noaBiaroTca He3aKoHneHHbie cmHTaKcmnecKHe KoHcTpyKimm, noxoxme Ha o6pHBKH ^pa3, HanpnMep: Sustok, gyvate, Pana Marija eina, vyresne, kaip žalčio galva. 'Croft, 3Mea, ^eBa Mapma HfleT, cTapme, neM roioBa yxa' (Balys, p.57, N388); Šaltaudege geležineuodege salta uodiagia ka išlaidei išsavispasimk kuograičiausei unsavi geluoni atleisk tinima šytam (gyvuliui) be man nera česo ner kada kvapu tau šaunu 'XoioflHoxBocTaa xeie3HoxBocTaa xoioflHbift xboct hto BbinycTHia h3 ce6a Bo3bMH KaK moxho 6HcTpee b ce6a xaio oTnycTH onyxoib 3ToMy (xmoTHoMy) TaK KaK y MeHa HeT BpeMeHH HeKorfla flyxoM Te6a ySmaro' (LTR 4035(2)); Žeme žemi miškas mišku visiem valna giventi tik iška-dos nedarik. Jai nori iškada darit išeik iš čia '3eMia 3eMiro lec iecoM BceM moxho xmrb ToibKo 3ia He fleiaft. Ecim xonemb 3io fleiaTb BbiftflH ororofla' (LTR 4035 (3)). nocieflHme 3aroBopH npeflcTaBieHbi TaK, KaK 6bHH 3a^HKcmpoBaHbi b mcroHHHKe. OTcyTcTBme 3HaKoB npenmHaHma, floixHo 6HTb, oTpaxaeT oTcyTcTBme HHToHaimm h cKopocTb, c KoTopoft 3aroBopH npoH3HocHimcb.
noflo6Haa HeflocKa3aHHocTb, oTpbiBmcTocTb npoaBiaeTca h b TeKcTax c Kaxy^eftca Ha nepBbift B3riafl 3aKomeHHoft cTpyKTypoft, HanpmMep: Vardan Dievo Tevo ir t.t. Kasprie to žmogaus, akmenio, šunies ar medžio primušo. 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1. Saule, žeme, dangus, žvaigždes. Dieve Teve ir Dvasia Šventa, padek man ta žmogcpagelbet ir duok skausmus nuo jo atimti. Mano Jezus ejo i jura, i savo laiva. Jis turejo tris rožes rankoje: liga imete i jura, sveikata paturejo rankoje pas mane. Marija, Morta, padekit man ta žmogc pagelbeti ir skausmus nuo jo atimti. Amen 'Bo HMa Bora OTia h T.fl. Kto k 3ToMy neioBeKy, KaMHio, co6aKe hjih flepeBy npmSmica. 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1. CoiHiie, 3eMjia, He6o, 3Be3flbi. Bor OTei h ^yx CBaToft, noMorm MHe 3Toro neioBeKa cnacTm h flaft 6oim y Hero oTHaTb. Moft Hmcyc meji Ha Mope, Ha cBoft Kopa6jib. y Hero 6buio Tpm po3bi b pyKe: 6oie3Hb 6pocmi b Mope, 3flopoBbe flepxai b pyKe y MeHa. Mapma, MopTa, noMormTe MHe 3Toro neioBeKa cnacTm h 6oim y Hero oTHaTb. AMHHb' (Balys, p. 81, N 524). Ecim 6h He noBTopaimcb ^opMyibi npocb6bi b neTBeproM h ceflbMoM npeflioxeHmax, moxho 6bmo 6bi noflyMaTb, hto 3th ^pa3bi HmneM He cBa3aHH. BpocaeTca b ria3a KoHTpacT Mexfly KpaTKHMH, 3aKiHHaTeibHHMH no ^opMe o6pa^eHmaMH k npmpoflHHM o6teKTaM h BnoiHe pa3BepHyTHe ^pa3bi c o6pa^eHmaMH k 6oxecTBeHHHM nepcoHaxaM. Cp. e^e oflHH 3aroBop: Saule ant dangaus, akmuo ant maric Šventas Jonas skausmo negalipernešti. Ejo Jezus per lauka, rado tris rožes. Viena pražydo, antra suvyto, trečia išnyko. Išnyk, išnyk ir tu, skausmas, ir švento Jono 'CoiHie Ha He6e, KaMeHb Ha Mope. CBaToft HoaHH 6oim He MoxeT nepeHecTH. fflei Hmcyc nepe3 noie, Hamei Tpm po3H. OflHa 3aiBeia, flpyraa 3aBaia, TpeTba nponaia. nponaflH, nponaflH h th, 6oib, h cBaToro HoaHHa' (LTR 4609 (90)). Co3flaeTca BnenaraeHme, hto pa3Hbie nacra TeKcTa co3flaBaimcb b pa3Hoe BpeMa min TeKcT 6bii no3flHee nepefleiaH.
179
OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix 0C06eHH0CTett nocTpoeHHa 3aroBopHott KapTHHbi MHpa ..
KaK yxe oTMenaiocb, ocHoBHyro cMbicioByro Harpy3Ky b ihtobckhx 3aroBopax HecyT cy^ecTBHTe^bHHe, ohh xe o6pa3yroT croxeTHyro iHHHro. TaKaa 0C06eHH0CTb npH^aeT ihtobckhm 3aroBopaM craTHHHocTb, BpeMeHHaa CTpyKTypa b hhx BHpaxeHa cia6o. Co3flaeTca BnenaxneHHe, hto BpeMa KaK KaTeropHa He HMeeT 3HaneHHa. OcH0BHbie onncbiBaeMbie co6hthh npoHcxojiaT b Hacroa^eM, ho, KaK npaBirno, 3T0 Hacroa^ee onncHBaeT HeKoTopyro aócoirorayro ^aHHocTb, a He ^eñcTBHe, npoHc-xo^a^ee ceñnac, HanpHMep: ...kai vilkas zalic mésc ryja i neasiryja, i ja gerkléj kaulas nek-liüva, kad tep ite pac itas krislas tava aky nekliüty. '...KaK boik CBexee Maco rioTaeT h He HaraoTaeTca, h b ero ropie KocTb He 3acTpeBaeT, hto6 TaK xe 3Ta copHHKa b tboh ria3 He nona^aia' (TD, p. 181, N 458); Zaltys Jievai duria gyli is savo snapo, Jézus mina su ko-jom. Amen. 'Yx EBe BTbiKaeT xajio H3 CBoero KiroBa, Hncyc MHeT HoraMH' (Balys, p.58, N 396); Gyvate kerta, Jézus kalba, Sventa Marija siekia, sventi angelai stovi. '3Mea xaiHT, Hncyc roBopHT, CBHTaa Mapna cie^HT, CBHTHe aHreibi ctoht' (Balys, p.58, N 395).
OpneHTHpoBaHHocTb Ha Hacroa^HH M0MeHT oTpaxaeT ocHoBHyro 3a#any 3aroBopa - npoH3BecTH ^eiicTBHe cjiobom. 9toh neiH cjiyxaT npex^e Bcero rjiaroibi-nep^opMaTHBH, kotophmh o6o3HanaroTca caMbie pa3H006pa3HHe ^eñcTBHa: KpoMe riaroioB roBopeHHa (kalbu 'roBopro', azuzadu, uzkalbu '3aroBapHBaro', atmaldau 'oTMaiHBaro', prasau 'npomy', liepiu 'Beiro', insakau 'npHKa3biBaro', saukiu '30By', uzkeikiu '3aKiHHaio' h T.n.) MHoro h riaroioB aKTHBHoro fleiteTBHa (siunciu 'nocbuiaro', varou 'roHro', rakinu '3anHparo', sulaikau '3a^epxHBaro', nugenu BbiroHaro', istraukiu 'BbiHHMaro'), a TaKxe riaroioB nyBcTB h 3HaHHa (zinau '3Haro', nekenciu 'HeHaBHxy', no-riu 'xony'). HanpHMep: Kap sitc raiksteli mazgiou mazgeliais, taip mazgau risu tavy, NN kraujas, as tau insakou, is k'no nebék, sautés nemacyk, sviesai nesirodzyk. Svento Petro raktu tavi rakinu, Dzievo vardu tavi uzkeikiu, sustok. 'KaK stot mHypoK Baxy y3iaMH, TaK Baxy 3aBa3biBaro Te6a, KpoBb NN, a Te6e npHKa3HBaro, H3 Teia He 6erH, coiHna He BHib, cBeTy He noKa3biBañca. KironoM cBaToro neTpa Te6a 3anHparo, HMeHeM Bora Te6a 3aKiHHaro, ocraHoBHcb' (Krévé-Mickevicius, p. 504, NIV); ...Per Panelés svenciausios skousmc liepiu tau - sustok, is gyslc NN nevarvék. 'Hepe3 6oih npecBaToñ ,D,eBbi Beiro Te6e - ocraHoBHcb, H3 xhi NN He TeKH' (Krévé-Mickevicius, p. 504, N I); A,s visc vardus zinau, né vienos ne-bijau: ar juodoji, ar margoji, ar variné trejos devynerios 'R Bcex HMeHa 3Haro, hh oihoh He 6orocb: nepHaa ih, necTpaa ih, MeiHaa ih, TpHieBaTb' (Balys, p. 56, N 382). TaKHM 06pa30M 3aroBop He onHcbiBaeT, a peairayeT leñcTBHe, pa3Bopa^HBaa ero b Hacroa^HH MoMeHT Boieñ 3aroBapHBaro^ero.
ynpaBieHHa ieñcTBHaMH ipyrax nepcoHaxeñ ciyxHT HMnepaTHB, oiHaKo Ty xe ^yHKqHro Hacro BbinoiHaeT h ^opMa 6yiy^ero BpeMeHH, HMero^ero oTnacra 3HaneHHe noBeieHHa: ...tu neblisi, tu nebkasi, né man pikto nabdarysi... 'th 6oibme He Bbiie3emb, th 6oibme He yKycHmb, MHe 3ia 6oibme He npHHHHHmb' (LT, N9269, p. 892); ...Pono Dievo angelas sia liga perplés, Perk'nas nuspirs. Isdils, kaip delcios Ménuo, sudzius, kaip liekno svendré... 'AHrei Eocno^a Bora 3Ty 6oie3Hb nopBeT, nepKyHac 0TT0iKHeT. CoTpeTca KaK cTapHH Mecan, 3acoxHeT, KaK ctpohhhh tpocthhk' (Balys, p. 81, N 526); ...Taip ir sis [cia reikia sakyti "votis" arba "skaudulys"] neaugs, nekils, netins ir nedidés... 'TaK h 3Ta (onyxoib hih HapbiB) He 6y^eT pacTH, He 6y^eT onyxaTb h He 6y^eT yBeiHHHBaTbca' (Balys, p. 73, N 482). TaKaa yBepeHHocTb b 6y^y^eM aBiaeTca xapaKTepHoñ nepToñ ihtobckhx 3aroBopoB. 9thm o6tacHaeTca, n0-BH^HM0My, h cpaBHHTeibHo He6oibmoe Koimecrao ^opM b yci0BH0M h cociaraTeibHoM HaKI0HeHHH.
180
Mapu.% 3aebnnoea
D,eiH co3iaHHH e^HHOH, cnpecc0BaHH0H, 3aKOHneHHOH CTpyKTypH ciyxHT TaKxe Hcn0ib30BaHHe npHHacTHH, noiynpHHacTHH h leenpHHacTHH. HanpHMep, iia o6o3HaneHHH coBepmeHHoro leñcTBHa: Kaip šita žalioji varlé skusta, taip šita juoda karvé küsta; kaip ši žalioji varlé nekusta, taip ši juoda karvé neküsta; 'KaK 3Ta 3eieHaa iarymKa o^H^eHa, TaK 3Ta HepHaa KopoBa yKymeHa; KaK 3Ta 3eieHaa iarymKa He oHH^eHa, TaK 3Ta HepHaa KopoBa He yKymeHa' (Balys, p.57, N 386); Ejo Panelé Švenčiausia, nešc vaikeli ant ranke: bégdama užejo ant akmenelio ir susimmé savo piršteli... 'fflia npecBaTaa fleBa, Hecia pe6eHKa Ha pyKax: 6exaBmH HacrynHia Ha KaMemeK h ymH6ia naibHHK...' (Balys, p. 79, N 510); Ejo karta Jézus per ežera ir turéjo tris rožes; beeidamas dvi pameté, tai pastebéjes meté ir trečia sakydamas: "pražQk ir tu!" TOei oiHaxibi Hncyc Hepe3 o3epo h Hec TpH po3H; H^a flBe noTepai, sto 3aMeTHB, 6pocHi h TpeTbro roBopa: "crHHb h th!'" (Miškinis, p. 467, N 59). B nocie^HeM npHMepe npe^craBieHa cioxHaa KoMÓHHauHa leñcTBHH: ^ByM riaroiaM no^HHHeHbi TpH nprnacraa, hto co3#aeT BnenaxneHHe cHMyibTaHHocTH, He6oibmoñ npo^oixHTeibHocTH leñcTBHa no BpeMeHH. B to BpeMa KaK nocie^oBaTeibHoe noBecTBoBaHHe: "mei..., Hec..., noTepai..., 3aMeTHi..., 6pocni..., cKa3ai...", cocTofl^ee H3 oflHoranHbix ^opM riaroioB (KaK sto nacro 6HBaeT b no^oÓHoM xaHpe), 3HaHHTeibHo pacTaHyio 6h leñcTBHe. KpoMe Toro, Hcnoib3oBaHHe npHHacTHH, H3MeHaro^Hxca no po^aM h na^exaM, aKqeHTHpyeT BHHMaHHe Ha cooTBeTcTByro^Hx hm nepcoHaxax, a He Ha leñcTBHax, kotoph sth nepcoHaxH Bbinoi-HaroT, HanpHMep: Eidamas Jézus per pieva rado raudona žydinčia rož^. Panaikink man ta rože, kaip ta rože, kuripievoj nuskinta. '6yKB.: H^y^HH Hepe3 iyr HHcyc Hamei KpacHyro nBeTymyro po3y. YHHHToxb MHe Ty po3y, KoTopaa Ha iyry copBaHa' (LTR 4169 (143)) (cp. "*HHcyc mei no iyry, Hamei po3y, KoTopaa nBeia. Yhhhtoxí Ty po3y, KoTopyro copBaiH Ha iyry" - BHHMaHHe nepexironaeTca Ha fleñcTBHa). npH Hcnoib3oBaHHH cTpa^aTeibHHx npHHacTHH npome^mero BpeMeHH HepeieBaHTHoH oKa3bBaeTca HH^opManHa, Heo6xoiHMaa ma cooTBeTCTByro^ero riaroia, to ecTb areHc, cnoco6 ^eñcTBHa, HHcTpyMeHT, BpeMa. (Cp. "iarymKa He HH^eHa" h "iarymKy He hhcthih..."). HanpHMep: ...Ojei neišimsite [gyvatés geluonies], tai büsite basliais badžiotos, taukais mozo-tos ir biz'nais kotavotos... 'A eciH He BbmeTe [3MeH xaia], to 6y^eTe KoiaMH koioth, xhpom Ma3aHbi h nieTbMH 6hth' (LT, p. 896, N 9291); Prieš mirti Danielius buvo imestas i duobe, nes taip noréjo blogi žmonés, kad Danielius b'tc sudraskytas... 'nepei cMepTbro flaHHHi 6bii 6pomeH b aMy, TaK KaK TaK xoTeiH nioxHe iro^H, hto6h flaHHHi 6bii pacTep3aH' (Balys, p.60, N 404).
He3HaHHMocTb 3thx BaieHTHocTeH riaroia BbipaxaeTca b ihtobckhx 3aroBopax h b pacnpocTpaHeHHocTH oTriaroibHbix cy^ecTBHTeibHbix. HanpHMep: ...Dzievo leidzimu, mano liepimu, švento Jono patarimu tegulpasiima sopuli dancis, kur mano rankoje, iš to dancio, kur Ndésnoje... '...no npHKa3y Bora, no MoeMy BeieHHro, no coBeTy cBaToro HoaHHa nycTb Bo3bMeT 6oib 3y5, kotophh b MoeH pyKe, H3 Toro 3y6a, kotophh b flecHe N' (Krévé-Micke-vičius, p. 506, X); Kaip bitelé be kraujo, taip visas sutvérimas be praliejimo to kraujo. 'KaK nneiKa 6e3 kpobh, TaK Bca TBapb 6e3 npoiHTHa kpobh' (Balys, p.80, N 514); Marija vaikščioja po žalic laukc ir rinka žalius kvietkus nuo kraujo bégimo, dél rone gijima 'MapHa xo^ht no 3eieHoMy noiro h coČHpaeT 3eieHHe uBeTbi ot KpoBoTeHeHHa, ma 3axHBieHHa paH' (LTR 3205 (194)). npH Hcnoib3oBaHHH oTriaroibHbix cy^ecTBHTeibHbix fleñcTBHe, BbipaxeHHoe HMH, cTaHoBHTca aTpH6yroM nepcoHaxa, ero HHcTpyMeHToM, noiHocTbro eMy no^HHHeHo, KaK rpaMMaTHHecKH, TaK h ceMaHTHHecKH. fleñcTBHe cnpeccoBHBaeTca bo BpeMeHH, cTaHoBHTca a6coiroTHoñ laHHocTbro h coGcreeHHocTbro iHna, ot KoToporo hcxo^ht.
181
OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix 0C06eHH0CTett nocTpoeHHa 3aroBopHott KapTHHbi MHpa ..
nojoÖHaa a6cojroTH3anHH KacaeTca TaKxe npH3HaK0B h KanecTB, hto BbipaxaeTca c noMombro cymecTBHTejbHbix, 06pa30BaHHbix ot npHjaraTejbHbix. HanpnMep: Miezi, miezi, eik, is kur atejes! Tau dailumas, man svarumas! '^HMeHb, AHMeHb, hjh, oTKyja npHmej! Te6e KpacoTa, MHe HHCT0Ta!' (LTR 4511 (362)); Dangaus gerybe, zemes blogybe. Paim' is dangaus gerybe, duo' zemes blogybe velnian. ',D,o6po He6a, 3Jio 3Cmjh. Bo3bMH c He6a jo6po, jafi 3J0 3Cmjh nepTy' (Cicenas, p. 28, N 385); Nuo Dievo piktybe, nuo zmonic biaurybe, atskak, atskak, atskak.(= atstok) 'Ot Bora 3Jo6a, ot jrojefi Mep30CTb, oTCTaHb, oTCTaHb, oTCTaHb' (LTR 3641 (518)). B nojoÖHbix cjynaax npH3HaK, b npoTHBonojoxHocTb raarojy npn cy6cTamHBanHH, nojynaeT aBT0H0MH0CTb, He3aBHCHM0CTb ot cymecTBHTejbHoro, hto o6jernaeT MaHHnyjanHH c hhm. KaK bhjho h3 npnBejeHHHx npHMepoB, jra jocTHxeHHA pe3yjbTaTa moxho oGofiracb h 6e3 noepejeTBa raaro^a, jocTaToHHo Ha3BaTb 3tot npH3HaK h yKa3aTb xe^aeMoro Bjajejbna (cm. nepBHH npHMep).
nojoÖHHH 3^^eKT cB0paHHBaHHfl jeHCTBHfl moxho Ha6jrojaTb h Ha ypoBHe CT0B006pa30BaHHA - b Hcnojb3yromnxcH b 3aroBopHbix TeKcTax raarojbHbix npe^HKcax - 3T0 npexje Bcero uz-, su-, nu-, is-, pa-, at-, KaK npaBrno, HMeromHe 3HaneHHe 3aK0HneHH0r0 jeficTBHH, oTjajeHHH, h3^hthh. npHHeM MHorHe npHcTaB0HHHe raarojbi 06pa30BaHH HcKyccTBeHHo - b jHTepaTypH0M A3biKe hx He cymecTByeT, hto eme 6ojbme nojnepKHBaeT 3HaneHHe npHcTaB0K b paccMaTpHBaeMbix TeKcTax.
Eme ojhh npojyKTHBHHH cy^^HKc, Hcn0Jb3yeMHH jjfl 06pa30BaHHH HHHoBauHH - -yb-. C noMombro 3Toro cy^^HKca npoHcxojHT npeBpameHHe npH3HaKa, BbipaxeHHoro npmaraTejbHbiM, b a6cTpaKTHoe cymecTBHTejbHoe. Hapajy c cyme-cTByromHMH 06pa30BaHHHMH ot npHjaraTejbHHx: piktybe '3Jio', blogybe '3Jio', bjaurybe 'Mep3ocTb', gerybe 'jo6po', galybe 'MorymecTBo, Momb', sviesybe 'cBeT, cBexnocTb', nera-mybe '6ecnoKoficTBo', aukstybe 'BbicoTa', b 3aroBopax noaBjaroTca no aHajorHH zemybe 'HH3ocTb' (jht. zemumas) hjh '*3eMjHHocTb', dangybe '*He6ecHocTb', baltybe '6ejiH3Ha' (jht. baltumas), margybe 'necrpoTa' (jht. margumas). Bepoarao, npmHHa Bbiöopa HMeHHo 3Toro cy^^HKca 3aKjroHaeTcH He TojbKo b 06pa30BaHHH no aH&rorHH, ho h b tom, hto cy^^HKc -yb- HMeeT 3HaneHHe 6ojee a6cTpaKTHoe, neM cymecTByromHfi jra: o6o3HaneHHH 3thx cjob b jHTepaTypH0M A3biKe -um-. AöcTpaKTHocTb Heo6xojHMa jra: co3jaHHH aBT0H0MH0cTH, caMocToHTejbHocTH jaHHoro npH3HaKa, KaK yxe oTMena^ocb BHme. fljiH jocTHxeHHH o6paTHHx nejiefi Hcnojib3yeTcH KaK pa3 cy^^HKc -um-: Kaule, kaule, gyvas kaule! Ataduo mana grazumc, pasim sava lauzimy. 'KocTb, KocTb, xHBafl KocTb! OTjafi Moro KpacoTy, 3a6epH cBoro j0M0Ty' (TD, p. 181, N 460). B 3tom npHMepe nojnepKHBaeTca npHHajjexHocTb 3Toro npH3HaKa 3aroBapHBaromeMy - grazumas He MoxeT cymecTB0BaTb aBT0H0MH0 b oTjHHHe ot grazybe, o6o3Hanaromero a6co^roTHoe noHHTHe KpacoTH.
Pe3yjbTaT0M cTpeMjeHHH k cHMyjbTaHHocTH h cnpeccoBaHHocra hb^hmtch eme h rHÖpHjHHe cjoBa - HoMHHauHH, 06pa30BaHHHe ot jByx npnjaraTejbHHx hjh npnjara-TejbHoro+cymecTBHTejbHoe, HanpHMep: ilgauodege '*jjHHHoxBocTKa', saltuodege '*xojojHoxBocTKa', gelezinuodege '*xe^e3HoxBocTKa', raudonamarge '*KpacHonecTpyxa', zalamarge '*6yponecTpyxa' (o6pameHHH k 3Mee), a TaKxe npnjaraTejbHoe, o6o3Hanaromee npH3HaK kpobh - ugniavystas, c^oxeHHoe h3 jByx cjob: ugnis 'oroHb' h vysta 'pa3MH0xaeTCfl, pa3B0jHTca'.
HTaK, mh bhjhm, hto nejbM 3aroBopa HBjHeTca npHBejeHHe b nopajoK 06teKT0B MHpo3jaHHH nepe3 co3jaHHe 3aK0HneHH0H cnpeccoBaHHofi cTpyKTypb, noxoxefi Ha
182
Mapu.% 3aebnnoea
CKaTyro b komok npyxHHy, r0T0Byro k yaapy, h np0H3BeaeHHe caMoro 3Toro yaapa (c n0M0^bro HanpaBaeHHoro aeñcTBHH. H, HaKOHeu, 3aBepmaro^HM 3Tan0M 3aroBopHoro aeñcTBHH ABaaeTCH B03Bpa^eHHe b HcxoaHyro TOHKy b apyroM KanecTBe: to ecTb HaHeceHHHH yaap aoaxeH npHHecTH pe3yabTaT h B0ccTaH0BHTb paBHOBecne b cncTeMe. H b cTpyKType TeKcTa npoflBaaeTcfl uHKaHHHocTb ycTpoñcTBa, Bceo6^aa cBH3aHH0cTb 06teKT0B, acconnaTHBHocTb.
AcconnaTHBHocTb, HBaHro^aacH npHHUHnHaabHOH oco6eHHocTbro neaoBenecKoro MbimaeHHH B006^e, npoflBaaeTcfl b TeKcTax 3ar0B0p0B Ha Bcex ypoBHax, 6yab to cbh3h no npoTHBonoaoxHHM, cxoxhm Han cMexHHM npH3HaKaM. HanpHMep: cBH3b no npH3HaKy npoTHBonoaoxHocra:
Zemés zemybe, Dangaus dangybe, Gyvatéspiktybe, Ataduok müsc gérybi, Imksavopik-tybi '*3eMaaH0cTb 3eMaH, *He6ecH0cTb He6a, 3ao6a 3MeH, OTaañ Hamy ao6poTy, B03bMH cboki 3ao6y' (LTR 3863 (131)); no cHHOHOMHHHOMy npH3HaKy:
Éda mane kartelis, kai vilkas avi, kai katépele, kai suva mésc. 'Ect MeHH H3xora, KaK BoaK OBuy, KaK KomKa MHmb, KaK co6aKa maco' (Balys, p. 69, N 445); no npH3HaKy cMexHocra
Dievo sünus kléti kirto aukso gegne statydamas. As uzdésiu vario vartus, kad ten lasai netekétc. Amen 'Eoxhh chh aM6ap Bbipy6aa 30a0THe cTponnaa ctpoh. R nocTaBaro MeaHbe BopoTa, hto6h TaM KanaH He TeKaH. AMHHb' (Balys, p.80, N 518); Ugniavystas kraujas, paparcio ziedas. Aprimo upé. Tegul sitas kraujas nustos tekét. 'Pa3BHBaro^aacH orHeM KpoBb, uBeTOK nanopoTHHKa. YcnoKonaacb peKa. nycTb 3Ta KpoBb nepecTaHeT Tenb' (Mansikka, p. 69, N 22); no 3ByK0B0My cxoacTBy:
Ciuzu ciuzute, slamu slamute: kam pasmaugei mano dukteri ir padéjai po akmeniu kaip suri?... '*ffleaecTe-meaecTeaKa, *mypma-mypmaaKa: 3aneM 3aaymnaa Moro aoHb h noaoxnaa noa KaMeHb KaK cbip?...' (LT, p. 896, N 9289); Tu Grizus, as krizius, tu bégsi, as kcsiu, kai kcsiu, nukesiu. Amt, amt, amt 'Tbi TpiE«yc, a KpecT (kpiekioc), Tbi 6yaemb 6exaTb, a 6yay KycaTb, KaK yKymy, OTKymy. Am, aM, aM.' (Mansikka, p. 95, N 132).
TaKaa accouHaTHBHaa B3aHMocBH3aHHocTb 06teKT0B, rae aocTaTOHHO oaHoro npH3HaKa, hto6h cBH3aTb aaaeKHe apyr ot apyra o6teKTH, He MOxeT He npHBoaHTb k aaorH3My h a6cypaH0cTH. HaHHHaa ot cTpaHHocTeñ b pa3BHTHH croxeTa ao oco6eHHocTeñ pacnoaoxeHHH 06teKT0B b npocrpaHcTBe. HanpHMep: Ak as esmu ne marios, ne mariose stoviu, stoviu upéj, unt tos upés stalas, unt to stalo balta skotertis, unt tos baltos skoterties trys torelkos stovi, unt te trijc tarelkc trys peiliai su bulavom stovi, uz to stalo sédi Ponas Jézusis Kristusis. NN (Jonukas) nezinomas jima peili su bulavu, pjauna macice, unt sitos minutos pribuvo Panelé Svinciausia su silkiniu siülu; siülas trukite, macica paskavokite po sitam cesui, po sitai minutei, zaria rytiné ir vakariné 'R He Ha Mope, He Ha Mope cToro, cToro Ha peKe, Ha toh peKe cToa, Ha tom cToae 6eaaa cKaTepTb, Ha toh 6eaon cKaTepTH TpH TapeaKH ctoht, Ha Tex Tpex TapeaKax tph HOxa c 6yaaBaMH ctoht, 3a TeM cToaoM cHaHT rocnoab HHcyc Xphctoc. NN HeH3BecTHbiH 6epeT hox c 6yaaB0H, pexeT MaTHuy, b 3Ty MHHyTy npH6biaa npecBHTaa ^eBa c meaKOBOH hhtkoh; HHTKa nopBHcb, MaTHua, Ha MecTO cTaHOBHcb b 3tot Hac, b 3Ty MHHyTy, 3apa yrpeHHHH h Beneprnia' (Mansikka, p.99, N 160); Sédziu ant baltc maric, siuvu balta karüna, kad sitoji rona taip pabaltc, kaip toji karüna 'Cnxy Ha 6ea0M Mope, mbro 6eayro KopoHy, hto6h 3Ta paHa TaK no6eaeaa, KaK Ta KopoHa' (Balys, p.79, N 512); Zema zemynela, unpirkelés upelé, un tos upeles aniolas
183
OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix GCG6eHHGCTeH HGCTpoeHHa 3arGBGpHGH KaprHHH MHpa ..
švintasai. Amen, Amen, Amen '3eMia 3eMiHia, Ha H36e peHKa, Ha toh peHKe aHrei CBaToH. AMHHb, AMHHb, AMHHb' (Stukenaité-Decikiené, p. 124, N4). Heo6biHHbi TaKxe CBoHcTBa h ^eöcTBHa npe^MeTOB h nepcoHaxeö: KpoBb paciBeTaeT orHeM, KaMeHb 3aTaai AbixaHHe, y coiHia ecTb mojoko, y boah - Hora. HanpHMep: Sauléspienas, akmenio kraujas, saulés aptemimas, kraujo nustojimas 'Moioko coiHia, KpoBb KaMHa, 3aTMeHHe co.Hia, ocTaHOBKa kpobh' (Mansikka, p. 69, N 21).
TaKHM 06pa30M mm hphxoahm k TOMy, hto onacbiBaeMbiñ b 3ar0B0pax Map aBiaeTca b KaKOH-TO CTeneHH amrHnoAOM MHpy peaibHOMy, b toh ^opMe iorHHecKHx CBa3eH, b KOTopoH mm ero BOcnpHHHMaeM. 9tot Map OTpaxaeT CKopee Heoco3HaHHHe, He.orHHecKHe npoieccbi, npoHcxoAaiae b HameM n0AC03HaHHH, BepoaTHO, sthm o6tacHaeTca h cxoactbo HeKOTopbix CTpyKTyp c MexaHH3MaMH accoiaaiHH - BeAb accoiaaiHH OTpaxaroT cKpHTHe, Heoco3HaBaeMHe npoieccbi MbimieHaa. BepoaTHO, BBH^y 3Toro onHCHBaeMHH b 3ar0B0pax BOcnpHHHMaeTca HaMH KaK Map Hao6opoT, aHTHMHp. He^apoM b 3ar0B0pax Hcno.b3yeTca 6o.bmoe KO.HHecTBO CTpyKTyp c OTpaiaHHeM, 6y^b to OTpaiaHHe npeAHKaTa, CBoHcTBa, aTpa6yTa hjh aKTaHTa, HanpHMep: Paukštis be pieno, akmuo be sparnc, vanduo be kraujo. 'ÜTHiia 6e3 MOJiOKa, KaMeHb 6e3 KpbiibeB, BOAa 6e3 kpobh' (Mansikka, p. 81, N 75); Ne ašplaku, prakeiktas garas plaka, per amžic amžius. Amen. 'He a ceKy, npoKnsiTbiH Ayx ceHeT, bo BeKH BeKOB. AMHHb' (LTR 5561(79)); Ne labas rytas, ne labas vakaras. 'He Ao6poe yTpo, He ao6phh BeHep' (Balys, p. 65, N 432). 9tot xe npaeM ocyiecTBjaeTca b 3ar0B0pax, "3aK0^Hp0BaHHHx" nepecTaB.eHHeM c.oroB, HanpHMep: Te, va, gi, da, jo, da, ru, du, var, nia, vel, skie, ku, nie, na, ma, Jonas [= Gyvate, juoda, ruda! vardu velnio - nekaskit mano Jono!] '= 3Mea, HepHaa, KopaHHeBaa! HMeHeM HepTa - He KycaHTe Moero HoHaca!' (Mansikka, p. 77, N 58); Eik, ši, sis, ta, keik, pra, šli' žas, iš, gaus, žmo, nes, jau, šei, ter, su, ji, tar, da, ni, ve, gy, ne, ja, rei, da, pa, les, de, di, nas, ra, šv., ja, ri, Ma, ir, si, vi, ji, tie, šven, kit, dé, pa, te, lé, ga, per, sios, to, pi, sios, dva, bus, dar. [= Išeik, prakeiktasis šliužas, iš žmogaus, nes jau suteršei ji, dabar gyveni jame, padarei dideles ronas. Šv. Marija, visi švetieji, padékitpergalétipiktosios dvasios darbus] '= Bhhah, hpokjhthh ciH3eHb, h3 HeiOBeKa, n0T0My hto th 3araAHi ero, Tenepb xHBemb b HeM, CAeia. 6o.bmae paHbi. Cb. Mapaa, Bce CBaTbie, noMorHTe npeoAOieTb Aeia 3ioro Ayxa' (Mansikka, p. 76, N 53). HmrepecHO, hto b nepBOM npHBe^eHHOM 3ar0B0pe e^HHCTBeHHbiM HenepeBepHyTHM cjobom aBiaeTca HMa 6oibHoro - Jonas, a bo btopom - ciH3eHb (šliužas). HMeHHO sth ciOBa aBiaroTca KaxAHH b CBoeM TeKCTe ^0Kyc0M, BOKpyr KOToporo co6apaeTca Bca HH^opMaiaa, bo3moxho, n03T0My oh AOJixeH 6biTb Ha3BaH 6e3 HCKaxeHHH, - sto Ta HacTb peajibHoro MHpa, KOTopaa AOixHa 6biTb HeTKO SKcniHiapoBaHa. noAo6HbiM 06pa30M 3aK0AHp0BaHHbiH TeKCT HanoMHHaeT 3aKiHHaHHa Tana a6paKa^a6pH, h n0T0My MOxeT CHHTaTbca CHibHHM opyxaeM (HenoHaTHoe Bcer^a BH3HBaeT CTpax).
Bo3moxho, He Bce Hcno.b3yeMHe b ihtobckhx 3ar0B0pax npaeMH HamiH OTpaxeHHe b sthx 3aMeTKax, HHTepecHO 6hio 6h AeTaibHee hx HCcieAOBaTb h cpaBHHTb c ApyrHMH Tpa^HiHHMH. KaKHe-TO npHHiHHH opraHH3aiHH 3aroBopHoro TeKCTa, Tpa^HiHOHHHe Aia ciaBaHCKHx TpaAHiHH, HanpHMep, b ihtobckhx 3ar0B0pax He Hcno.b3yroTca, KaKHe-TO, Hao6opoT, npacyia HMeHHO jhtobckhm, ho He BCTpeHaroTca b ciaBaHckhx hih Apyrax, a HeKOTopHe, bo3moxho, aBiaroTca yHHBepcaibHHMH. ^HTOBCKHe AaHHHe b 3T0H CBa3H npeACTaBiaroTca leHHHMH b cany npe^noiaraeMOH apxaHHHOCTH IHTOBCKOrO ^OlbKJOpa, TO eCTb TO, HTO B CiaBaHCKHx Tpa^HIHHx TpaHC^OpMHpOBaiOCb, B03M0XH0, HOnaB HOA B.HaHHe xpHCTHaHCTBa, HAH no KaKHM-
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ihöo ApyrHM npHHHHaM, b ihtobckom ^oibKiope ocTaeTca b AocTaTOHHofi cTeneHH HeH3MeHHHM. H 3to KacaeTca npexAe Bcero cTpyKTypbi TeKcTa - KpaTKocTb ^opMbi, 3aKiHHaTeibHHH xapaKTep 3aroBopoB h oco6aa poib HMeHH b rpaMMaTHnecKHx KoHcTpyKUHax, cKopee Bcero, ciyxaT AoKa3aTeibcTBoM hx apxaHHHoro npoHcxoxAeHHa.
CnHCOK coKpameHMH
.HeBH-Grpoc - Meeu-Cmpocc K. nepBo6biTHoe MbimieHHe. MocKBa, 1994 MHxafiioBa - Muxaünoea T. A. K "rpaMMaTHKe" 3aroBopa (o cioBecHofi MarHH b ApeBHeHpiaHAcKofi noaranecKofi TpaAHUHH) // Bonpocb H3HKo3HaHHH, M 2, 1997
MHM - Mh^h HapoAoB MHpa. 9HUHKioneAHH. MocKBa, 1997
Balys - Balys J. Liaudies magija ir medicina. Bloomington, Indiana, 1951
Cicenas - Cicenas J. Vilniaus tautosaka. Daugeliškiniai burtai, Vilnius, 1934
Elisonas Gyvate - Elisonas J. Pantine gyvate (Vipera berus) // Kosmos, 1930, N 6
Elisonas. Ropliai - Elisonas J. Müsc krašto ropliai lietuvic folkloro šviesoje // Müsc
tautosaka. Kaunas, III t., 1931 Kreve-Mickevičius - Kreve-Mickevičius V. Kerai. // Tauta ir žodis, IV, 1926 LKAG - Liaudies kürybos archyvo garsojrašai (Lietuvos liaudies kultüros centras) LT - Lietuvic tautosaka. V t., (Smulkioji tautosaka, žaidimai ir šokiai), Vilnius, 1968 LTR - Lietuvic tautosakos rankraštynas (Lietuvic literatüros ir tautosakos institutas) Mansikka - Mansikka V. Litauische Zauberspruche. Helsinki, 1929 Miškinis - Miškinis J. Trys šimtai dzükc burtc ir prietarc // Tauta ir žodis, IV, Kaunas, 1926 Stukenaite-Decikiene - Stukenaite-Decikiene Pr. Užkalbejimai Švenčionic apskrity. //
Gimtasai kraštas, 1941 - VIII m. 1-2(28-29nr.) TD - Vilniaus krašto lietuvic tautosaka // Tautosakos darbai, t.IV, Kaunas,1938 m.
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OTpaxeHHe HeK0T0pbix 0C06eHH0CTett nocTpoeHHa 3aroBopHott KapTHHbi MHpa ..
Reflections on the Distinctive Structure of Oral World Images in the Structural Organization of Discourse (Based on Lithuanian Invocations)
Marija Zavjalova
Invocations have much in common with the distinctiveness of primeval magic and human thought, particularly as concerns the desire to restore the world as integral and conclusive in form. Repetition, both at the level of groups of sentences as well as in the framework of individual syntagms or words, serves this above-mentioned tendency. Quantitatively speaking, an even number of repetitions of roots such as "grom grmi" as well as of diminutive or augmentative suffixes, describes a static reality, while an odd number of repetitions refers to a dynamic passing to the next level corroborated by a prompt omission of the verb. Phonetic repetition may also occur forwards and backwards in terms of anagrams and word play. As far as the employment of word order is concerned, the static state of the noun is similar to the present tense of performative verbs. In the case of verb forms, one observes a distinctive domination of the imperative and future tenses over the conditional tense. The varied use of participles, gerunds, and verbal nouns serves to maintain of a unified and definitive structure. Compared to Slavic invocations, Lithuanian interviews are less burdened by more recent transmutations.
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75
Cinderella the Dragon Slayer
Francisco Vaz da Silva
This paper aims to show that such apparently disparate themes as "Cinderella" and "The Dragon Slayer" convey nevertheless a unitary semantic constellation. The main methodological contention is that symbolical analysis calls for the abandoning of classificatory assumptions. On theoretical grounds, the present discussion attempts to develop Vladimir Propp s unheeded insight that all fairy tales derive from a single source.
One Irish version of the "Dragon Slayer" theme presents a prince driven from home and working as a cowherd, who thrice secretly sheds his rags and fights a dragon while dressed in glorious apparel, then reverts to his humble position. As the hero flees after his third deed, the rescued princess gets hold of one of his boots. A proclamation is issued whereby he who this boot will fit is to have the princess in marriage. All the bridegrooms-to-be try it on, to no avail, until only the cowherd is left. The boot fits him, and marriage is celebrated (Curtin 1890, 157-74).
This version — representative of what Kurt Ranke described as the Irish shoe redaction of the Northern Cycle of AaTh 300 (Thompson 1977, 30) — looks like a male version of the Cinderella/Catskin pattern (AaTh 510). Note, furthermore, that the lost shoe incident is not restricted to Ireland; similarities with the Cinderella cycle are not restricted to the shoe; nor are the overall similarities between the Dragon Slayer and Cinderella confined to the field of AaTh 300-303. For example, tale types 314, 502, and 532 all describe the adventures of a boy expelled from home, thereafter disguised in rags as a gardener, who thrice sheds his tatters and fights dragons (or equivalent foes), then reverts each time to his humble position until some token — such as a wounded thigh amounting to the same effect as having only one shoe: that of being lame — permits him to bring forth his golden hair and magnificent apparel (see Thompson 1977, 59-61). In this cycle of tales, widespread in Europe, such precise details as the hero's appearances in shining blond hair, his successive gowns with the colors of the sun, moon and stars, his hiding under animal skins while working as a herdsman, gardener or kitchen hand, and the fact of being recognized by a mark relating to the lower members, all contribute to the impression that — somehow — the Dragon Slayer is a male Cinderella.
This is the revised and expanded version of a paper read at the spring 1999 Lecture Series at the Folklore Archives, University of California at Berkeley. My stay at UC Berkeley was made possible by the kind invitation of Candace Slater and the Department of Spanish and Portuguese, a six-months sabbatical leave granted by my home institution in Lisbon, and a Fulbright scholarship. To all persons and institutions involved, I acknowledge my gratitude. Special thanks are due to Alan Dundes for constant support and constructive criticism.
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This equation (or parts of it) has been common knowledge for some time now. In The Legend of Perseus, Sidney Hartland reported a sandal being fitted onto a dragon-slayer's foot, the owner of which he matter-of-factly referred to as a "masculine Cinderella" (Hartland 1894, 61). Likewise, in a study on "Cendrillon masculin", Emmanuel Cosquin mentioned as such a Slavic releaser of the sun and moon (Cosquin 1922, 494-97) who is a dragon slayer (cf. Ralston 1873, 66-70). For his part, in an article on Cinderella, William Ralston stated, "the tales of 'Goldenlocks' and of 'Cinderella-Catskin' are evidently twin forms of the same narrative, brother and sister developments of the same historical or mythological germ" (Ralston 1982, 48-49). Yet, efforts at explaining this widespread blend of the cherished paradigms of the active hero and the long-suffering heroine have been wanting.
In what follows I will take for granted that any explanation resorting to the notion of "contamination" cannot really explain much. Since the sheer extent of the "contamination" would have to qualify as "epidemic," a fact which would in itself demand an explanation; thus, the problem would be merely dislodged. Moreover, the very notion of contamination stems from a typological project built upon inconsistent theoretical premises. We all know how strongly Stith Thompson affirmed that "for a systematic classification of folk-narrative a clear differentiation between type and motif is necessary," and also how he asserted that "a clear-cut difference between type and motif' distinguishes Antti Aarne's original index from all other lists (Thompson 1977, 415, 417). Nevertheless, Thompson acknowledged that a type "may consist of only one motif', while the "great majority" of motifs "may serve as true tale types" (415-16) - which of course reveals the absence of any clear-cut difference. Indeed, Thompson recognized that in Aarne's groundwork, whenever types and motifs were not coincident in the first place, "theoretical consistency has made way for practical convenience" (417-18).
Dundes thus rightly points out that in the overall system purportedly raised on theoretical distinctions between motifs and types, "to a large extent the motif and tale type systems are overlapping ... the categories of motifs are ... overlapping ... tale types are also overlapping" (1997,197). However, while this author strongly states, "tradition and convenience are hardly sufficient reasons for scholars to perpetuate an acknowledged error," he grants that there is "a definite place" for "a practical index such as Thompson's" (1962, 99, 101, 103-04). In other words, Dundes holds that "the fundamental theoretical issue was never really resolved" and that "the overlapping difficulties ... aside, ... the fact remains that the motif and tale type indices . remain indispensable for the identification of traditional folk narratives," which "is a necessary prerequisite for interpretation" (1997, 200). This one question remains, though: how could one base sound "interpretations" on inadequate "identifications"?
If, as I propose, the very notion of "contamination" stems from a projection of the classification's inconsistency onto its very object (one unwarranted result of the unresolved theoretical issue Dundes speaks about), then to use it would amount to disposing of a problem by reiterating the contours of the classification which that very problem challenges. Alternatively, I shall attempt to explain the large-scale connections between the "Dragon Slayer" and the "Cinderella" themes beyond the empirical level at which so-called "contaminations" are postulated. Specifically, in what follows I shall delineate a model of the "Dragon Slayer" theme from mostly Iberian data, in which empirical resemblances to "Cinderella" are hardly to be found. Then - still taking Iberian data as a starting point, but
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increasingly making use of other regional traditions — I shall sketch a model of the core theme of the European "Cinderella cycle." From the results obtained, I hope to show that the "Cinderella" and the "Dragon Slayer" cycles reflect, from complementary perspectives, a common semantic field: i.e., the Dragon Slayer as "Cinderella" is but one half of an overall picture that comprises Cinderella as a "Dragon Slayer."
Iberian Dragon Slayers
In Iberian tradition the most straightforward form of dragon-slayer tales is characterized by an only child (or a boy with a sister) who kills a multiple-headed serpent and consequently marries a princess. Then, one step ahead in plot complexity, one finds tales marked by two twins born from a fish, one of which — the serpent slayer proper — gets killed, after his marriage, by a witch at the Tower of the Ill Hour (or Castle of No Return) and is resuscitated by his twin brother. This is exactly how things should be, according to both AaTh 300 and AaTh 303. However, many versions present three twins born from a fish, and most of these texts omit the serpent episode while featuring only the Castle of No Return motif (Espinosa 1947, 3: 15-16). Furthermore, the fact that the single boy's mother or sister may betray him generates new developments (16-21).
From the fact that one single boy defeats one dragon, or one of two twins slays a multiple-headed serpent and the other defeats a witch, one could infer that the snake is to the witch as one twin is to the other. Since, indeed, several variants simply replace the serpent episode by the Castle of No Return incident, there is a definite equivalence between the dragon and the witch struggles. However, the dragon fight - in and by itself -requires just one boy, whereas the witch fight by itself always takes triplets (the first two falling at the hands of the crone). Therefore, one would expect to find at some level an equivalence between "three" and "one" as far as the number of brothers is concerned, and — if this be so — to see the number three associated, somehow, with the fight against the dragon.
The two problems are connected. "Three" is akin to "one" in the sense that it expresses a notion of complex unity. Thus the Holy Trinity is one threefold entity, three brothers or sisters are a unit of brethren, etc. As Dundes expresses it, in such cases of "the triune or the three-in-one ... the three subdivisions are not separate and independent; instead they are part of a whole" (1980, 137). In other words, the congenital triplets convey the notion of — to use Heinrich Zimmer's suggestive expression — "the identity-in-essence of the separate-in-form" (1993, 284). Now this equivalence of three to one requires that the notion of "one" be composite; which takes us directly to the dragon slayer. Georges Dumézil has successfully isolated within the Indo-European domain a Dragon Slayer theme in which "the third kills the triple" (1985, 27-29). This is of course in strict conformity with Axel Olrik's observation to the effect that "achtergewicht combined with the Law of Three is the principal characteristic of folk narrative — it is an epic law" (1965, 136-37). The simplest statement of this would be: "In fairy tales, the third of three brothers kills a multiple monster endowed with three heads." However, one may also find a single hero acting as a triple persona as he kills a foe with only one head (or with a threefold increasing number of heads) in a three-staged battle. Thus, a triple single hero is equivalent to a single series of triplets, just as a single three-headed dragon may replace a series of three foes.
If indeed both the slayer and his victim are triple, this should imply some form of identity between them. Actually, it is a well-known secret that the dragon slayer and his
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victim are essentially one. Calvert Watkins, working on Indo-European formulas conveying the "Dragon Slayer" theme, notes "the near-identities of the names ... of the hero and attributes ... of the dragon" (1995, 314), and thus the "reciprocal, reversible, or bidirectional thematic relation" between the adversaries (325; cf. 373, 382, 386-88, 398-99) within a global theme of death overcome (316-17, 325-26, 346, 351-54, 390-96). Likewise, Jane Harrison notes of the Greek Cadmos that he "who is a snake-slayer is also himself a snake," and she remarks that Jason is figured "being born anew" from the dragon's jaws -with the implication that "the dragon's slayer is of the dragon's seed" (1963, 434-35; cf. 1992, 495). Quite independently, Ananda Coomaraswamy notes that the Dragon Slayer -related to his victim "by filiation or younger brotherhood, and alter ego rather than another principle" - was "born to supplant the Father," as indeed "he takes possession of the firstborn dragon's treasure and powers and becomes what he was" (1943, 6,8). The identity of the seven-headed serpent and its killer, and the underlying cyclic conception of rebirth, is also well known in Japanese tradition (Ouwehand 1977; Mauclaire 1982). In the same vein, in European fairy tales the identity of the begetting sea-creature and the slain sea-monster is clear — thus the childless woman may explicitly get pregnant from eating the heart of a sea dragon (Basile 1932, 1: 85-91), and the soulless son of the queen of fishes needs not fear the sea-serpent (Cosquin 1978, 2: no. 37). The plain fact that the King of Fishes begot him, who is fated to defeat the Sea Dragon, is then one way of suggesting that — as Vladimir Propp (1983, 363, cf. 290-91) put it — "he who was born from the dragon will kill the dragon."
A consideration of the equivalence between "one" and "three", therefore, leads to the conclusion that both the slayer and the victim are complex entities, and furthermore to the idea that the two are but different aspects of one single entity. Thus, the principle of polar opposition appears within that of multiple unity, that is "two" appears within the realm of "three." To understand this it is necessary to bear in mind that "three" is a number of perfection which — being odd — allows for renewal. Hence, the third of three siblings tends to be opposed in binary terms to the other two; he/she alone being able to tap the hidden forces called upon to operate renovation. Such tension within unity is then expressed as a relationship between two polarized elements, which are often reduced to two brothers (as in most Iberian variants that incorporate the fight both against the dragon and the witch). One might thus say that while the number three emphasizes the unity of a series, the number two stresses its underlying tension. At any rate, the overall theme of triplets born from a single fish - being opposed in binary terms and yet declared to be exactly alike -suggests that Olrik's "laws" of Three, of Contrast, and of Twins are inseparable facets of a deeper principle of dynamic unity underlying a landscape of complex entities.
After seeing that one boy thrice attempting to kill a multiple-headed serpent, and three boys once fighting a one-headed witch, perform equivalent acts (which admit of virtually infinite intermediary variations), let me now concentrate on the complex plots that cumulate in both fights. Earlier on, I proposed that the witch is to the serpent as one twin is to the other. Now we know that the twins are both alike and different. Note that the first brother as "dragon slayer" gets killed by the witch, then is resuscitated by the second brother as "witch slayer", and finally proceeds to kill his saviour, then to revive him by the same powers that had revived himself. The twins share for sure the essence of the dragon whence they originate, and concurrently they conquer death; but while the first gains a wife and crown as he slays the dragon, the last acquires the defeated witch's unfathomable
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riches and power of resurrection. Consequently, the serpent and the witch appear themselves as complementary aspects of one entity which on the one hand, surrenders marriage and sovereignty and on the other hand riches from the underground and new life through death.
The "Medusa witch" - as Hartland (1894, 20, 26) appropriately called the old woman - indeed presents unmistakable ophidian traits. In most Portuguese variants her realm is the "Tower of the Ill-Hour" — which expresses the same "death" notion as the Spanish Castle of No Return — located in the middle of the sea (see below), described as "very tall" (Vasconcelos 1963, no. 280) and generally endowed with a deep pit. In other words, the witch's realm encompasses the aerial, terrestrial, and underground/underwater spheres that are the overall space of the dragon: an aquatic serpent endowed with both legs and wings. It is thus understandable that, in a French version, the hag's castle should also appear cyclically as a dragon's cavern (Sébillot 1983a, 133). Alternatively, in Iberian versions, the place where the princess is rescued from the seven-headed serpent may be a palace of no return, just as the old woman's abode is a Castle of No Return (Sánchez Pérez 1942, no. 98; Espinosa 1946, no. 139). Furthermore, one single phrase: "Forward, my lion!" is used against both the serpent and the old crone (Vasconcelos 1963, no. 279). Indeed one version explicitly states that "the fiery dragon" is the son of the "hellish old woman" in the castle (Caballero 1878, 11-19). Or else, the old woman is really a giant (Soromenho and Soromenho 1984, no. 227) — a much suffering old man, according to one variant — whose life principle lies within a serpent, or in the sea (Coelho 1985, no. 16; Espinosa 1987, no. 66). The underlying ophidian connotation of the "exceedingly old thing" (Soromenho and Soromenho 1984, no. 230) — one instance, really, of the Portuguese adage "as old as the serpent" (Vasconcelos 1986, 179) — is moreover a stable element in European traditions. For example, a French variant presents a seven-headed witch (Cosquin 1978, no. 5b), an Italian version shows her as a golden-horned snake (Hartland 1894, 41), and a German text describes the defeated witch's agent of resurrection as the fat of a slain snake (Hunt 1968, 1: 420; cf. Caballero 1878, 11-19).
Furthermore, the essential identity between the old hag and the serpent is clear in the idea that the former is the sister, mother, or wife of the slain dragon(s) (Afanas'ev 1980, 463-475; Caballero 1878, 11-19; Hartland 1894, 33; Ralston 1873, 66-70), or even the hero's stepmother, having the same nature — that of a troll, which in Scandinavia consistently replaces the dragon — as the hero's foe (Christiansen 1964, no. 72). Now this connection of the witch to the "dark" side of a mother directly points back to the initial situation in which an old fisherman cannot produce either fishes or progeny. After the king of fishes offers the fisherman all the catch he may care to get, the old man rests happy with this kind of bounty — abundance of "small fish" but, still, no children. However, his wife demands "to eat a fish big enough to provide 'steaks'" (Cardigos 1996, 60), thus incorporates the king of fishes, and gets pregnant. Note that when the wife does not explicitly demand to eat the fish, the king of fishes himself asks to be given to her (Espinosa 1987, no. 68). Within the symbolic framework of "small fish becoming a metaphor for inadequate potency" (Cardigos 1996, 61), and desire for big fish standing for a resolve to have children (a still current slang word for "penis" in Portuguese, picha, directly stems from Lat. pisce, "fish"), the fisherman's wife functions therefore as a sea king's consort. In other words, her predetermined link to the king of fishes foreshadows that between the witch and the dragon.
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The mother and the witch appear, then, as two images of one entity controlling the death and rebirth of both the king of fishes and its son, just as the fish and the serpent/ dragon emerge as a single being that dies to be reborn through its son. The sacrifice of the fish and the birth of its sons through the woman have, of course, a sexual innuendo; so does the death and rebirth of the boys at the hands of the witch. Indeed, in Portuguese tradition the crone states, prior to the fight with the first boy, that she enjoys "going thus in a boat [barco] with young gents," and moreover she invites the second boy to a fight by saying: "let us go in the little boat [barquinha]!" (Soromenho and Soromenho , no. 229). These words express, of course, the aquatic situation of the tower, also evident in Scandinavian variants (Hartland 1894, 33-34; Holbek 1987, 558-59). An underlying double entendre is, however, brought to light by another version in which the old woman professes to have sworn not to let anyone into the tower without "a few fights," and then invites the first boy to "go onto some abarcas [with her]" (Oliveira n.d., 1: 113). This noun — which contains the word barcas, "boats," found in the previous variants — refers to the verb abarcar, "to embrace," and indeed the net result of such abarcas over the years is "hundreds of people drowned by the old woman in her iron arms" (114).
In short, the female counterpart to the dragon - connoting the boys' own mother or being elsewhere described as a stepmother - lures boys into deadly embraces with an erotic connotation in a watery setting from which they will be reborn. Now, the amorous undertone of the fight with the old woman leads to the observation that the tower may be inhabited by a "very beautiful lady" (Ampudia 1925, no. 15), or — as one version explicates
—	by the hag and her daughter, who does the fighting jobs (Pedroso 1988, 332). One version links the death of the witch to the disenchantment of three maidens dwelling in the tower, whom the three brothers take for wives after having previously married (without consummation) one single wife on their way to the tower (Pedroso 1984, 124). That this suggests an identity between the first wife and the three princesses, as well as the unity of these as a rejuvenation of the witch, is borne out by a third version that clearly — if tacitly
—	assimilates the first brother's wife to a young witch, and their very marriage to the subsequent fight with the "exceedingly old thing" at the tower (Soromenho and Soromenho 1984, no. 230). Indeed, it is usually within the time-span of the "Tobias Nights," taken as potentially lethal for bridegrooms who would engage in amorous action (see Gennep 1980, 555-56; Frazer 1918, 1: 499, 518-20; Pedroso 1988, 81-82; Saintyves 1934, 278-82; Westermarck 1922, 3: 558-565; 1934, 46-50), that the hero notices the tower, goes and dies there; as if the deadly fight were part of the wedding consummation itself.
In this light, one may measure the importance of Aurelio Espinosa's observation that the death on the wedding night is sometimes operated by a "traitor sister or mother" placing in the boy's bed "a pin, or the teeth of the slain dragon or sorcerer" (Espinosa 1947, 3: 16, 19). A mother infatuated with the dragon (such is the cause of her felony) takes us back, of course, to the boys' mother demanding the king of fishes for herself. Moreover, her role in killing the dragon-slayer confirms her identity to the witch as female counterparts to the dragon. In the same sense, the lethal sister and the young wife — younger versions of, respectively, the mother and the witch — are then equivalent.
Let me unravel one implication of this. I previously noted that the dragon's female counterpart can be a lover, a mother, and a sister to him. Furthermore, the fact that the old witch connotes a murderous mother, sister, and wife to the dragon slayer reveals a similar pattern in the next generation. Therefore, the witch as mother and sister/wife to both the
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dragon and his son — whose identity is hence confirmed — synthesizes three generations (cf. Zimmer 1993, 82-84). This expresses of course an underlying incest theme, the general logic of which Sophocles masterfully laid out. In Oedipus Rex, this author pointedly states that Oedipus shed in his father's blood his own blood, and then repeated the same act by infusing his mother with receding male seed — his father's and his own, as one — that brought to light fathers, brothers, and sons; brides, wives, and mothers (1400-408). In other words, having killed his father, Oedipus replaced him in the "furrows" of the double mother-field of both himself and his children (1256-57), and by "plowing" the very place where he was "sown" (1496-499) became one with his father (1209-12) and a brother to his own children (1481-82). Thus, the wife who conceived of the seed responsible for her husband's death was fated to monstrously breed double — husband by husband, children by her child (1245-250).
In short, Sophocles equates parricide and incest in an overall picture of three confused generations. According to this logic, slaying the dragon — being tantamount to killing one's own father — entails incest and the resulting conflation of generations; which is precisely what the preceding analysis shows. Now, in the tales the notion of "incest" expresses the idea of two unisexual lines self-rejuvenating, along with the notion of an underlying identity between those lines. The dragon slayer supersedes a "father" through battle, as his bride replaces a "mother" through marriage. Moreover, the fight with "marriage" connotation — which replaces an old serpent by a young bride, while operating the death and resurrection of the dragon slayer — synthesizes both trends. Indeed, this amorous fight expresses the equivalence — as noted long ago by Coomaraswamy (1945) — between the kissing of a "Loathly Bride" and the slaying of a dragon as two means of freeing a bride from her ophidian condition. One may then define the fight in the Tower of the Ill Hour, or Castle of No Return, as the overcoming of death by both the dragon-slayer, standing for the dragon, and his bride prolonging the witch. It is, in other words, the rejuvenation of both the male and the female aspects of the dragon as they reunite in the guise of youths who disenchant each other through marriage. Now the "incest" aspect of this marriage supposes the view that all dramatis personae are discrete units. Granted, however, their essential unity, one may speak instead of an essential androgyny underlying all aspects of a complex, ophidian entity that self-rejuvenates through a process of death and resurrection, on the model of a serpent's cast of skin.
It may be fruitful, at this point, to consider the "Cinderella" cycle.
Cinderella the bird/serpent
It is characteristic of Iberian tradition that the persecuted heroine is sent out with the cattle to the hills in impossible conditions. On the grazing grounds, a cow - variously associated to the deceased mother - feeds her and completes the girl's spinning tasks. As the stepmother decides to have the cow killed, the animal instructs the girl to wash its entrails in a brook, and then follow whatever comes out of them. Thus the girl is led into the aquatic dwelling of three fairies who grant her shining attributes (the half-sister will get dark correlates) and is thereafter put under hide, covered with cinders, etc., by her stepmother, who calls her "Earthen-Cat." From here, the "Cinderella" story stricto sensu unfolds.
Note how the motherly cow, put to death by the stepmother, leads the girl to the fairies. The underlying equivalence between the dead mother, the aquatic fairies, and the
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linking cow is indeed a stable feature of European tradition. In order to briefly grasp its meaning, I will turn to well-known examples. Note that the aquatic setting of Iberian fairies is akin to Mother Holle's underwater realm in the Grimms' collection (Grimm no. 24). Moreover, the fact that those fairies often appear in the guise of birds (Pedroso no. 18, 37) is parallel to the appearance of Aschenputtel's dead mother in the same guise (Grimm no. 21). This is significant, since the Grimms describe the girl who first visits Mother Holle as the "Cinderella of the house" (Hunt 1968, 133), and indeed this girl gets her golden hue from Mother Holle after spending a snowy winter underground, just as Aschenputtel proper receives her clothes from a tree she planted on her mother's tomb after the thaw. In both instances, the means for the heroine's marriage then come from the underground/ underwater realm of the dead; either from her mother, or from Holle.
The equivalence between the dead mother and the underwater fairies implies the interchangeability between permanence under cinders and a sojourn in the netherworld. Indeed, in cultural contexts where only the dead mother's bones happen to be buried (as in the Balkans), they are so indifferently under ashes, in earthenware, or underground (Angelopoulou 1989, 72-73). The Grimms' collection presents this same equivalence in the context of a wider homology between the images of the heroine: replacing her wooden clogs by golden shoes after discarding the dust and dirt that covered her (No. 21); turning golden upon leaving Mother Holle's underworld (No. 24); in full splendour after removing the soot and fur cloak that concealed her (No. 65); in a dazzling array after leaving a dark iron stove (No. 89); shining forth after removing the skin that veiled her (No. 179). Emergence from cinders, soot, animal or human skins is thus akin to coming to light from a dark realm, the nature of which is made clear by the fact that the skin covering the heroine is often that of a recently dead woman (see Cox 1893, no. 141, 147, 155, 215, 281; cf. Cosquin 1922, 5-6; Goldberg 1997, 33-38; Hartland 1886, 317).
In view of this, it is worth noting that Mother Holle is said to have such large teeth that the "good" girl gets frightened upon first seeing her. In a British version, the same character is described as a green lady whom both girls (peeping through a keyhole) see dancing with a bogey - that is to say a spectre-and the food offered in this house takes those who would eat it to the graveyard (Briggs 1991, 286-89). Furthermore, the joint consideration of the British green lady and of the big-toothed German fairy living in an underground, aquatic realm suggests an ophidian entity, which indeed stands clearly revealed in the case of Arie, a French cognate of Holle (Gennep 1987, 3019-23; Grimm 1882, 412; Sebillot 1983a, 280-82; cf. Christinger 1965, 129).
Now, in the "Cinderella" cycle, the continuity between the dead mother and Cinderella is an unvarying feature; thus, the father often wishes to marry his daughter because she is the very image of the deceased wife. From this perspective, the heroine who sheds a dead woman's skin since she is disenchanted appears as a rejuvenated mother. More generally, the dead mother reappearing at her prime through her daughter's shedding of a skin takes us back to the notion of the self-rejuvenation of an ophidian entity. Reconsider, in this perspective, the Grimms' version (Grimm no. 21). Here the dying mother tells her child that she will watch her from up above, then is buried down below. A tree growing on the grave, from the boughs of which a bird helps the heroine, synthesizes this polarity. As Marija Gimbutas remarked, a tree and a vertically winded serpent are interchangeable symbols connoting "a column of life rising from caves and tombs," since "the life force of the snake is linked to that of the dead . ... Thus the snake symbolizes the
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continuity of life between the generations" (1989, 136-37). In the Grimms' version, a tree linking avian entities - the dead mother as pigeons; her daughter as "goose," commanding "all the birds beneath the sky" and betraying her identity as she hides in the pigeon house — symbolizes, I suggest, such ophidian-like continuity.
This mother/daughter axis therefore mirrors the father/son axis behind the "Dragon Slayer" theme. This is still overly simplistic, however, since the "Dragon Slayer" theme comprises a female axis of rejuvenation — as well as a male one — within an androgynous whole. Can one find a parallel to this within the "Cinderella" cycle? While, in many Iberian variants, the mistreated heroine is sent out to graze a cow representing her helping mother, in a group of Portuguese versions the heroine is sent out to graze a bull belonging to her father (Soromenho and Soromenho 1986, no. 645-649; Oliveira n.d., 2: 31-33). This animal fights against a triple foe — connoting the many-headed dragon — in gardens of copper, silver and gold, then it is killed and skinned by the heroine with a knife belonging to the defeated enemy. Its skin is buried (along with three flowers taken from the dragons' gardens) under a stone whence appear the dresses for the three balls in which the heroine seduces the prince, who is finally none other than the bull, disenchanted (Oliveira , 2: 3133).
The "Dragon Slayer" theme thus crops up within the "Cinderella" cycle when a male link between the heroine's father and her husband replaces the female thread connecting the heroine to her mother. Furthermore, the parallelism between the female connection and the male link suggests that this should be read in terms of father/son continuity with ophidian overtones. In one French variant, the heroine hides from her wooing father within a golden bull; then the ill neighbouring prince craves for precisely such a bull, in which the princess's father consequently sends him the live resemblance of his own departed wife (Cosquin 1978, no. 28). According to a Greek version of this plot, the father grants the heroine to a dragon in whose mansion she delivers a wounded prince. Then she hides in a golden box until the dragon allows her hiding place (and herself within) to be sent to the prince's palace (Cox 1893, 366-67). Put together, these two versions disclose an underlying continuity between the old man and the young one who replaces the former in marrying the juvenile avatar of the deceased wife (cf. Tatar 1987, 152). They also suggest (cf. Holbek 1987, 425-26) an identity between the father and the dragon as inappropriate suitors who (despite themselves) give away the object of their wooing to a lawful husband.
But then, the prince who slays dragons as a blue bull emanating from the princess's father should also partake of the dragon's essence. Indeed, his bull shape is to be related to the Russian Dragon Slayer who appears as a young "bull" begotten in a cow by a "pike with golden wings" (Afanas'ev 1980, 234-49) standing for the king of the sea, i.e. the aquatic dragon (Parsons 1923, 1: no. 88A; Afanas'ev 1980, 79-85), which an Irish version correlatively describes as a winged fish (Glassie 1985, 267-69). We are thus back to the idea that the dragon slayer and its victim are but one. Hence, Cinderella's prince appears as an implicit dragon slayer, in accordance with the idea that to disenchant an ophidian bride and to slay the enchanting dragon are equivalent acts. A close proximity between the princess (rescued from the dragon equivalent to a father wooer) and her wooer (emanating from a dragon father) comes then to the fore. It thus becomes apparent that there is no discontinuity between the dragon father and the serpent mother, the bull and the cow, or the bridegroom and the bride figuring opposite aspects of a complex entity rejuvenated, from an ophidian or horned condition, into human shape. The "Cinderella" cycle
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comprises, therefore, a male as well as a female axis of rejuvenation in overall ophidian and incestuous - androgynous, to be more exact - overtones. Is Cinderella, then, a serpent killer?
Cinderella the dragon slayer
There is a troubling dimension to the heroine that is reminiscent of the young witch at the Castle of No Return. In a Spanish variant (Espinosa 1946, no. 112), Cinderella goes to the ball through the chimney. This is not a neutral detail, since fairies would generally enter and exit houses through chimneys (Grimm 1882, 413) — and so would night-witches. An Irish version presents a heroine who inherits of the powers of a witch, and whose dead mother appears to her in the shape of a cat (Yeats 1890, 194-210). This is significant, as in two French versions the heroine gives birth to a black cat (Luzel 1996, 3: 95-99, 101-20) which fights the witch helper of his mother's stepmother — assimilated to a snake — by water, wind, and fire (101-20). Of course, this heroine with a cat mother and a cat son is herself the Hearth-Cat in the Balkans, Italy, the Iberian peninsula, and — as Anna Rooth suggests — probably beyond (Rooth 1951, 113-14).
Now add to the close connection of cats and serpents in folklore (Sebillot 1983a, 78, 307; 1984, 106) the fact that the Greek name for Earth-Cat is really a compound of "ashes" and "pudenda" with a connotation of "whore" (Rooth 1951, 112; Belmont 1989, 24-25), which is also clearly attested in Italy (Perco 1989, 41, 45). Nicole Belmont reads in these specifications a fiery sexual latency — which is likely enough — and connects this to an underlying incest theme (1989, 20-26). Indeed, the whole unsettling connotation directly relates to the fact that the heroine is responsible for her mother's death (Rooth 1951, 62, 214). The nexus of this conception is made apparent by a Spanish version in which a childless wife entreats Saint Anthony to give her a white, black, and red daughter, then dies in childbirth after extorting from her husband the promise to remarry, but someone just like herself (Espinosa 1946, no.110). The daughter appears then as a manifestation of the mother, who must therefore die. The two inevitable consequences — encompassing the whole "Cinderella" cycle — are that the father will attempt to marry the revamped version of his wife, or else will marry another woman whose jealousy towards her reincarnate rival knows no bounds. The ominous sexual latency of the heroine refers, then, to a virtual incest as logically derived from the theme of mother/daughter continuity.
In keeping with the fact that the mother must retreat to shadows as the daughter comes to light, an underlying matricidal theme comes to the fore whenever mother enters the stage. Thus, in and around the Italian and Balkan peninsulas — but also in Ireland (Yeats 1890, 194-210) — the mother is explicitly murdered. While, it is true, the two elder sisters are often blamed for the matricidal act itself (Angelopoulou 1989, 71-75; Rooth 1951, 62, 214-16; Xanthakou 1988, 9-13), by other accounts the heroine plainly kills her mother (Giacomo-Marsellesi 1989, 97-99, 123-27). Let us take a closer look at different versions of this matricide that coexist in the Balkan regions.
One variation has it that, as a number of girls stand spinning around a deep rift in the ground, a white-bearded old man warns them that whosoever drops her spindle into the chasm will be the cause of her own mother's transformation into a cow. The most beautiful girl drops her spindle, and as she returns home, her mother is indeed a cow (Wratislaw 1889, no. 37). Another variant presents a girl who eats cotton all the time. Despite the fact that people in the village warn her that she will thus cause her mother's transformation, she
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keeps on eating cotton; mother becomes a cow (Xanthakou 1988, 9-11). Then the story unfolds in a form close to that known in the Iberian peninsula: father remarries, the girl is allotted impossible spinning tasks as she is sent to tend the cattle, the mother/cow chews the raw material and presents it finely spun. As the stepmother discovers this, she arranges for the cow to be killed. The heroine refuses to eat any of the animal's meat, but collects, buries, and (in Greece) incinerates the bones for forty days. Later on, Cinderella gets from the buried bones marvellous dresses that lead her into marriage (see also Cox 1893, no. 31, 54).
Other versions replace the stepmother by two elder sisters. By these accounts, a poor widowed mother and her three daughters spin every night in order to make a wretched living. The eldest daughter proposes that they kill, turn into a cow, and then eat the next one to break her thread (other versions say: drop her spindle). Mother does it twice, but the elder sisters in turn forgive her. The third time, however, they turn her into a cow, which the youngest daughter visits every day in the fields. Then the elder ones kill the cow (Xanthakou 1988, 11-13). A variant has it that the daughters collectively spare the mother twice for having carried them in the womb and having suckled them from her breast, but then — as the thread breaks a third time — the two elder sisters kill and eat their mother (Paton 1901, no. 19). However, in no case will the younger sister touch her mother's meat. Instead, she collects the bones, puts them in the earth, incinerates them for forty days, and finds there the marvellous dresses that will take her into marriage (see also Cox 1893, no. 17, 50, 53, 124).
While in the first set of variants the only daughter is clearly responsible for her mother's transformation and subsequent death, in the second set the elder sisters propose the lethal game and kill the old woman. Note, however, that they slay the mother — spared in turn by the two elder sisters — in the third daughter's turn to forgive her. One daughter, or three sisters in contrasted ways, are then responsible for the mother's transformation and death. Once more, we see the workings of the triune/dual concept. Moreover, three sister spinners as one entity that allots/cuts destiny — a well-known figure throughout Europe under different names (Grimm 1882, 405-16) — spell out the works of Fate as embodied, in Greece, by the Moirai: three sisters who respectively spin, allot, and cut the thread of destiny (Xanthakou 1988, 21). In modern Greece, as John Lawson points out, the association of the Fates with spinning operations is still vivid in popular phrases that compare "life to a thread. 'His thread is cut' or 'is finished' ... is a popular euphemism for 'he is dead'" (1964, 124).
In pagan times the power of the Fates was considered stronger than that of the mightiest gods (Lawson 1964, 122, 130; Kerenyi 1998, 32, 41; cf. Davidson 1975, 184), and throughout the ages those sisters, collectively called the "Spinners" (Klothes), have spun the days of human life. Appropriately, the "eldest of them is called Klotho. The second is called Lachesis, 'the Apportioner,' the third Atropos, 'the Inevitable,'" since — inevitably — the one day is that of death. This is why Fate, when represented by a single Moira, is pointedly qualified as "'strong,' 'hard to endure' and 'destroying,'" and Moro is one word for Death (Kerenyi 1998, 32-33). Therefore, both Klotho and Atropos stand — so their names tell us — for the overall spinning unit that brings about the inevitable, and thus they tend to overlap: Atropos — the youngest — being also said to be "the smallest in stature but the oldest and most powerful" (Kerenyi 1998, 33; cf. Grimm 1882, 409, 414). Furthermore, in a detailed description, Plato interlocks the single and triune images in a
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picture of two generations, as he depicts the three Moirai as Daughters of Necessity on whose knees the spindle turns while the daughters sing destiny (The Republic, 617).
This is interesting because, in the fairy tale variants, to drop the spindle amounts (for mother) to breaking the thread of destiny. Furthermore, this becomes lethal in connection with the third spinner, that is when Necessity and the Inevitable meet: then "she had to be killed" (Paton 1901, 200, my emphasis). In the fairy tale, understood in the light of the perennial image of Fates, elder sisters carrying out the "part" of the third (identified to an "elder" sister) thus bring about the Inevitable Necessity that links a displaced mother and a replacing daughter. In other words, the Greek variants convey through the image of Fate the destined continuity between a mother and a daughter in terms of a common thread. In one set of variants, mother's life is indeed cut as she breaks her thread in the third spinner's assigned turn to cut the thread of life. In the other set of variants, one daughter who drops her spindle or eats cotton performs the very acts that later lead her mother into acting as a cow spindle from which unfolds her daughter's destiny (cf. Xanthakou 1988, 58), then into the underworld from which the woven garments accomplish that destiny through marriage. Overall, identical acts therefore define a daughter's spinning of mother's death and a mother's spinning of her daughter's life, since a common thread — cut for the mother — is spun out for the daughter, then "knotted" into marriage, whereby a girl becomes a mother.
Now, the expression "spinning sisters" accurately describes both the old Fates and later fairies (Saintyves 1923, 14), whose name fata is indeed unambiguously bound up with fatum (Grimm 1882, 417). For instance, in modern Portuguese, fada designates both Fate in the impersonal sense and the Fairies — usually appearing in trios — who bestow fate (Vasconcelos 1980, 289-91; cf. Sébillot 1983a, 278). Thus, after the Iberian avatar of Cinderella washes the slain cow's entrails and follows something "falling down the water" she meets three fairies (fadas), who fate (fadam) her to have three beautiful attributes (Pedroso 1984, no. 18). By other accounts, the dying mother herself bestows such three marvellous qualities on her daughter, hence made to resemble her (Espinosa 1946, no. 111, 113; Pedroso 1984, no. 23). Since Iberian fairies dwelling underwater are then homologous to the dead mother and correspond to Mother Holle within her well (see above), we are back to the previous discussion on bird-fairies as serpents. Indeed, Jacob Grimm — who notices the similarity between "the weaving of the norns and the spindle of fays" — goes on to note, "their appearing suddenly, their hunting of wells and springs accord with the notions of antiquity about Frau Holda, Berhta and the like goddesses" (1882, 416). Among these he places Arie (412 n. 1), the goose-footed fairy who turns into a winged serpent — a "fairy-serpent" (Christinger 1965, 120) — called vouivre, that is a dragon (Sébillot 1983a, 280-81; 1983b, 43-44, 135-36).
The identification of Cinderella and her mother with the Moirai is, then, one specific instance of their general assimilation to fat®, fairies. Consequently, the underlying images of a renewed thread of destiny and of a cast serpent skin are equivalent ways of expressing the constant notion of mother/daughter continuity. In this perspective it is surely significant that — as Claude Gaignebet perceptively remarked — traditional Greek distaffs, made of a curved horn ending in carved snake heads, very precisely yield the image of a serpent covered with wool; that is, a horned serpent (Gaignebet and Florentin 1974, 7879). Furthermore, the dresses transmitted from the dead mother's imperishable bones to the young daughter sometimes represent the same cosmic layers (sky, earth, and sea — Cox 1893, 245; Xanthakou 1988, 12-13) embraced by the Tower of the Ill Hour, where a
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conversion - through death - of an old woman into a young bride is likewise operated. For, overall, the image of a broken thread spun anew into marriage is indeed equivalent to that of an old skin shed before marriage.
It remains to note that the underlying image of a horned serpent, or dragon, reminds us that a spindle dropped into the underground causes mother to be buried as a horned animal. A similar chthonic connotation is moreover conveyed, in Scottish versions, through the idea that the slain helping animal — a horned grey sheep, or yet a little black lamb that appears as the heroine is made to watch a hole — "came alive again, but she was lame" (Campbell 1890, 1: 301; Blind 1889, 25-26). Horns (like lameness) represent a principle of balane between different realms (cf. Gaignebet and Florentin 1974, 135-36, 158-61; Ginzburg 1991, 226-49), and have from times immemorial been associated with snake symbolism (Gimbutas 1982, 64-65, 91-101; 1989, 75-79, 131-34, 265-75, etc.; Harrison 1992, 431-32, 495). Thus the killing and transformation of Cinderella's mother into a cow to be slain, then into a young bride (arising, as it were, from the cow's/mother's remains) is but one instance of an overall symbolism of self-rejuvenation linked to the horned snake.
Conclusion
One may then say that conspicuous evidence for the Dragon slayer as "Cinderella" fits with the hidden reality of Cinderella as "Dragon slayer." As the identity of both themes reveals a complex symbolic system, one lesson to be drawn is, perhaps, that semantic harmonies which wither in separation thrive whenever replaced in the overall workings of a chorus of themes ceaselessly responding to one another. Indeed, it is as Propp proposed to consider all fairy tales derive from a single source that he acknowledged "certain abstract representations" and glimpsed at the possibility of interpreting tales (1968, 89-90). Furthermore, as this author proposed that the "entire store of fairy tales ought to be examined as a chain of variants" he asserted that, by unfolding "the picture of transformations," one would be satisfied that all tales could be deduced from the "Dragon Slayer" theme (1968, 114).
The present paper concurs with this "very bold assertion" (loc. cit.). More precisely, it suggests that the cyclic unfoldment of discontinuous entities from undivided (ophidian) sources and back again into primordial unity, identified throughout the foregoing analysis, is to be taken as a basic symbolic pattern of the immense (but coiling) chain of European fairy tales. The broad outlines of a complex worldview (see Erdesz 1984; Dundes, 1995), largely based on metaphysical assumptions, thus emerge as one relinquishes the practice of splitting fairy tales into as many parts as necessary to render them meaningless.
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Pepelko - Ubijalec zmaja
Francisco Vaz da Silva
Članek obravnava zelo znani pravljici "Ubijalca zmaja" (Aath 300) in "Pepelko" (Aath 510). Avtor je s poglobljeno raziskavo ugotovil, da junak, ki ubije zmaja, pogosto kaže jasne Pepelkine poteze in je nekakšna moška verzija Pepelke, torej Pepelko. Vendar je bilo potrebno razložiti povezavo obeh ustaljenih paradigem: aktivnega junaka in trpeče junakinje. Ko pričujoča razprava poskuša razrešiti ta problem, izhaja iz predpostavke, da razlage, ki se zatekajo k stališču kontaminacije, v resnici ne morejo veliko razložiti in da mora biti velika paleta sorodnosti motivike med "Ubijalcem zmaja" in "Pepelko" pojasnjena zunaj empiričnega nivoja, na katerem gradijo tako imenovane "analize kontaminacije".
Zato je avtor izdelal alternativno metodologijo. Najprej je bil izveden poizkus izdelave modela iberske verzije "Ubijalca zmaja", temelječe na iberskem gradivu, pri katerem pa empirične podobnosti s "Pepelko" očitno manjkajo. Potem je bil, še vedno izhajajoč iz iberskih podatkov, hkrati pa v veliki meri upoštevajoč tradicijo drugih regij, izdelan model osrednje teme "Pepelkinega ciklusa" v vseevropskem merilu. Primerjava obeh modelov je pokazala, da "Pepelkin ciklus" in "ciklus Ubijalca zmaja" z vidika komplementarnosti reflektirata skupno semantično polje, in da je z drugimi besedami tako "Ubijalec zmaja" kot "Pepelka" le ena polovica celotne slike, ki predstavlja "Pepelko" v vlogi "Ubijalca zmaja".
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Cinderella the Dragon Slayer
Ko si avtor prizadeva odkriti identiteto obeh tem, se mu razkrije kompleksni simbolični sistem in njegova analiza, kot se zdi, potrjuje Proppovo "zelo pogumno izjavo", da, če odvijemo "sliko transformacij" pravljic, ki so nanizane v verigi variant, s presenečenjem ugotovimo, da bi bile lahko vse pravljice izpeljane iz skupne teme "Ubijalca zmaja". Natančneje torej: v članku je izpostavljeno, da moramo ciklično ločevanje prekinjenih enot od osnovnega vira nazaj v prvobitno jedro jemati za temeljni simbolični vzorec ogromne verige evropskih pravljic. Široki obrisi kompleksnega pogleda na svet pridejo na dan z ublažitvijo klasifikacijskih predpostavk in z opuščanjem razdelitve pravljic na toliko delov, kot je potrebno, da jih naredimo brez pomena.
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NEEVROPSKE VZPOREDNICE PARALLELI NON-INDOEUROPEI
Obvladovanje notranje narave po Radža jogi
Maja Milčinski
Based on the sources on which the Slovenian translation of Raja Yoga has been done, this paper presents one of the methods of conquering one's inner nature, namely Raja Yoga or "the royal yoga". Although almost all of the schools of Indian philosophy and religion are related to yoga, this paper is focused on the classical yoga, as presented in Patanjali's Yoga sutras and in Swami Vivekananda's (1862-1902) commentaries to them.
Prej ali slej človek prepozna življenje, v katero je bil vržen, v njegovi stvarnosti. V drami Alberta Camusa1 se pri - zaradi smrti sestre in ljubice Drusille - do kraja potrtem in zbeganem Kaliguli (Gaius Caesar, rimski cesar, 12 - 41 n. št.) to doživetje izkristalizira v naslednje spoznanje: "Tale smrt - prisežem Ti - je nepomembna; je pa znamenje resnice /.../, povsem preproste, docela jasne, pa malo abotne resnice, ki jo mukoma odkriješ pa težko prenašaš /.../: ljudje umirajo in niso srečni." To spoznanje je bilo (po Camusu) za Kaligulo šok, ki ga ni mogel preboleti, od tod njegovo trinoško in blazno vedenje, neobvladana samopašnost, samovoljne usmrtitve in hlepenje, da bi ga častili po božje. 41. leta našega štetja, po štirih letih vladanja, so ga umorili.
To je en, skrajni, vzorec, kako človek sprejema življenje (v tem primeru ga ne sprejema), kakršno mu je bilo odmerjeno. V današnji vsakdanjosti vidimo - v dosti blažjih oblikah, da vklenjenih v svojo sebičnost, sanjajočih o svoji neminljivosti, živi okoli nas veliko ljudi, ki jih potem usoda goni skozi trpljenje in stiske, pač ker nimajo posluha za lastne napake, ki to trpljenje soustvarjajo.
Drugi, povsem drugačen in tudi skrajen vzorec, je lahko primer Siddhatthe Gotame, ki je bil rojen v plemiški rodbini klana Sakya v Kapilavastu, mestu v današnjem Nepalu. Oče Suddhodana je bil poglavar Sakyjev, mati Mayadevi je umrla sedem dni po Siddhatthovem rojstvu in je za otroka od takrat skrbela materina sestra. Očetu je bilo ob sinovem rojstvu prerokovano, da bosta Siddhatthi v življenju odprti dve poti: ali bo "zavojevalec sveta", cakravartin, ali pa bo postal "prebujeni", Buddha, kar je pomenilo trdo meniško življenje, in mu bodo to drugo življenjsko smer nakazala štiri znamenja. Oče, vojaške kaste, je sina določil za svojega naslednika in ga je po vsej sili želel obvarovati druge, meniške, smeri. Na svojem bogatem posestvu je sinu ustvaril kar najvabljivejše razmere in mu ni omogočil, da bi se seznanil s krutimi vidiki človeške vsakdanjosti zunaj meja posestva. Siddhartha se je šestnajstleten poročil. Z voznikovo pomočjo mu je le uspelo kdaj priti v okoliški svet. In razodela so se mu tista štiri napovedana znamenja: srečal je starca, videl bolnika in mrtveca, končno je spoznal še meniha, ki je Siddhattho
1 Albert Camus: Caligula, Schauspiel in vier Akten. Dramen, Rowohlt Verlag, Hamburg i960, 22-23.
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lahko poučil. Ko je dopolnil 29 let, je po rojstvu sina Rahula zapustil dom in družino in se podal v divjino; našel si je učitelje, podvrgel se je askezi in meditaciji in v 35. letu dosegel "prebujenje" - bodhi. V tem času se je ob njem že zbrala skupina učencev. Tu se je začela njegova, Buddhova, pot in zrasla v mogočno versko gibanje, ki pokriva danes velik del Azije in vse bolj pronica tudi v preostali svet. 2
Na začetku te druge lestvice, z Buddho na vrhu, so tisti neredki ljudje, ki znajo življenje sprejemati in se znajo tudi kritično ozreti vase. Delo na odstranjevanju zunanjih ovir ženeta nuja po lastnem duševnem očiščevanju in ob tem gojenje empatije, sposobnosti vživetja v stiske drugih. Boris Leonidovič Pasternak (1890-1960), ruski pisatelj in pesnik, nobelovec, je imel tako življenjsko vodilo: "Spoznali smo, da smo samo gostje na tem svetu, da smo le popotniki med dvema postajama: rojstvom in smrtjo. V tem kratkem času, ki ga živimo na zemlji, si moramo razjasniti svoj odnos do bivanja, svoj prostor v vesolju. Drugače je življenje nesmiselno /.../. To pa pomeni prebujenje našega duševnega življenja, prebujanje religije, vendar ne kot cerkvene dogme, ampak kot notranjega doživljanja življenja /.../. Sicer se pa človek rodi za življenje, ne pa zato, da bi se na življenje pripravljal. Je pa življenje sšmo, ta fenomen življenja, dar življenja - vse tako presunljivo resno!" 3
Življenje živeti, ne da bi se navezali nanj, saj bi si s tem sami pripravljali trpljenje, to je modrost obvladovanja notranje narave, katere nas med drugim uči knjiga Radža joga. Značilno je, da prihaja iz Azije, in sicer iz Indije. Evropa, ki je dolgo zviška gledala na tako imenovani "Vzhod" in njegove filozofije, vse bolj ceni valove duhovnosti z azijskega kontinenta, kot da je danes nastala v tukajšnjem, evropskem svetu suša navdihov, ki se nanašajo na človekovo bivanje.
Marki Pierre Simon De Laplace (1749-1827), francoski astronom in matematik, ki je bil prepričan o veljavnosti načela vzročnosti, tj. da enaki vzroki ustvarjajo enake učinke, ter načel stalnosti in možnosti objektivizacije, bi danes, ko buri duhove najbolj nadarjenih teoretikov fizike t.i. kvantna teorija, moral ugotoviti, da so se ti trije stebri klasične fizike sesuli. Homo scientificus, človek materialistične moderne, se je znašel v globoki krizi smiselnosti.4 V tem ozračju se je 1999. leta v Innsbrucku zbrala majhna, a zanimiva skupina mislecev z dveh navidez povsem različnih področij: teoretske fizike novega časa in visoke filozofije, ki so se srečali - za koga mogoče nepričakovano - na področju duhovnosti, tiste, ki si ne pomišlja načenjati najobčutljivejših vprašanj človekovega bivanja. To študijsko skupino so sestavljali: njegova svetost Dalai Lama, duhovni voditelj Tibetancev in Nobelov nagrajenec za mir; Geshe Thubten Jinpa, tibetanski filozof in raziskovalec religij; B. Alan Wallace iz ZDA, fizik z desetletno meniško budistično izkušnjo s Kalifornijske univerze; Anton Zeilinger, profesor fizike na Univerzi v Innsbrucku, gostitelj skupine, znan po odkritju fenomena "kvantne teleportacije" pri fotonih, presenetljive ugotovitve, da se stanje enega svetlobnega delca simultano prenese na poljubno oddaljenega drugega, in Arthur Zajonc, profesor fizike na Amherst Collegeu v ZDA, specializiranem za študij kvantne fizike.5 Domnevamo lahko, da bi bil Swami Vivekananda dragocen član omenjene skupine znanstvenikov, če ne bi bil že od 1902. leta mrtev.
2	Lexikon der östlichen Weisheitslehren. (S. Schuhmacher, G. Woerner, Red.) Otto Wilhelm, Barth Verlag, 1994, 51-53.
3	Olga Ivinska: Leta s Pasternakom, Mladinska knjiga, Ljubljana, 1983, 176.
4	Hanne Tügel: Wer erklärt uns die Welt? Geo I.1999, 128-155.
5	Geo I/1999, 130-155.
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Maja Milčinski
Ker je v tisku slovenski prevod knjige Radža joga,6 si velja ogledati del pomembnih prevodov in komentarjev k Ptanjalijevim Sutram o jogi, na katerih temelji delo Swâmîja Vivekänande Radža joga.
The Yoga - System of Patanjali, or the Ancient Hindu Doctrine of Concentration of Mind. (Embracing the Mnemonic Rules, Called Yoga-Sütras of Patanjali, the Comment, Called Yoga-Bhashya, Attributed to Veda-Vyäsa and the Explanation, Called Tattva -Vâiçaradï, of Vächaspati - Miçra). Translated from the original Sanskrit by James Haughton W o o d s, Cambridge, Mass., The Harvard University Press, 1927, 381 strani.
Swami Vivekänanda: Räja-Yoga, ou la Conquête de la Nature Interieure. (Traduit de l'anglais par Jean Herbert), Paris, Maisonneuve, 1937, 285 strani.
Geraldine C o s t e r: Yoga und Tiefenpsychologie, ein Vergleich. München Planegg, Otto-Wilhelm-Barth, 1954, 225 strani.
J.W. H a u e r: Der Yoga. Ein indischer Weg zum Selbst. Stuttgart, W. Kohlhammer, 1958, 485 strani.
Rammurti S. M i s h r a: Yoga Sutras: The Textbook of Yoga Psychology. New York, Anchor Books, 1973, 538 strani.
Rishi Patanjali: Yoga Sutre. Pripremio Rade S i b i l a, Zagreb, samozal., 1980, 167
strani.
Trevor L e g g e t t: The Complete Commentary by Sankara on the Yoga-Sutra-s. A Full Translation of the Newly Discovered Text. London and New York, Kegan Paul International, 1990, 418 strani.
Sures Chandra B a n e r j i: Studies in Origin and Development of Yoga. From Vedic Times in India and Abroad, with Texts and Translations of Patanjala Yogasutra and Hathayoga - Pradipika. Calcutta, 1995, Punthi Pustak, 533 strani.
B. K. S. I y e n g a r: Light on Yoga Sutras of Patanjali. Thorsons, Hammersmith, London, 1996, 337 strani.
Patanjdali (Patanjali): Izreke o jogi. Predgovor, komentari i prevod sa sanskrtskog jezika Zoran Zec. Beograd, Beogradski izdavačko-grafički zavod, 1977.
Swami Vivekänanda: Vedanta Philosophy. Montana, Kessinger Publishing Company, (1899).
Swami Vivekänanda: Raja Yoga. Calcutta, Advaita Ashrama, 1994.
6 Swami Vivekänanda, Radža joga. Mladinska knjiga 2000.
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Sledi kratek prikaz del, ki jih predstavljamo izključno, v kolikor se navezujejo na našo temo, brez ozira na druge (npr. jezikoslovne, zgodovinske ipd.) odlike:
WOODS
Avtor te obsežne in temeljite študije, ki je izšla 1927. leta, se naslanja v glavnem na dvoje starih komentarjev. Eden je Bhäsya ("razgovor, razlaga") znamenitega in pogosto citiranega učenjaka Vyase. Zoper njega ima Hauer (Der Yoga. Ein indischer Weg zum Selbst, Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, 1958, str. 265-6) določene kritične pripombe, npr. da je filozofiji joge podtaknil tudi kako tezo iz šole sämkhya; dvomi tudi, ali je o Vyasi mogoče govoriti kot joginu, ki je sam doživel najgloblje jogijske izkušnje. Če umestimo končno priredbo Suter o jogi v 4. stoletje, lahko sklepamo, da je bila Vyasova Basya napisana pred koncem 5. ali na začetku 6. stoletja. Kot oseba je Vyasa skoraj neznan. Njegov priimek pomeni "zbiralec, urejevalec" in so ga uporabljali tudi mnogi zbiralci sanskrtskih del.
Drugi komentar, iz katerega črpa Woods, pa je Tattva-Vaicaradi avtorja Vacaspatija Misre, ki je živel v 9. stoletju. Hauer temu komentatorju priznava sicer izredno poznavanje jogijske tradicije, čeprav tudi on ni bil jogin v pravem pomenu besede, saj je poudarjal le filozofsko plat joge. Pri tem pa je - kot Vyasa - tako pomešal oba nauka, sämkhyo in jogo, da različnosti njunih metod in metafizičnih religioznih stališč danes ni mogoče dojeti. Gotovo bi pa poznavalec joge s poglabljanjem v te dolge in zapletene komentarje lahko odkril marsikako fineso v pojmovanju ene ali druge sutre Patanjalijevega besedila.
COSTER
Delo je nemški prevod knjige angleške psihoterapevtke in vsebuje tudi prevod Patanjalijevih Suter o jogi. Komentar posameznih suter je skromen. Sicer pa postavlja avtorica nauke Patanjalijeve joge ob analitske metode evropske psihoterapije. Patanjalijev tekst je bil v njeni knjigi (1953) prvič predstavljen nemški publiki. Costerjeva meni, da je "joga metoda vadbe in obvladovanja misli in čustev in nudi praktična navodila za razvijanje in širjenje zavesti". Po E. Costerjevi "se v jogi in globinski psihologiji povezujeta stari in novi miselni fond in te povezave lahko pomenijo novo dobo človeštva /.../."
O avtorici potem ni bilo nič slišati. Kasnejši indijski avtorji menijo, da joga ni terapevtska metoda, pač pa je namenjena telesno in duševno zdravim ljudem.
Mislimo, da to delo ne more biti izhodišče uvajanja v jogo kot filozofijo in prakso samospoznavanja in samoobvladanja. Najbrž pa tudi ni strokovno zanesljiv vir teoretskega proučevanja joge.
HAUER
Gre za zahtevno, temeljito in obsežno znanstveno delo, v katero je nekdanji profesor in vodja indološke katedre v Marburgu J.W. Hauer vložil desetletja napornega študija številnih klasičnih indijskih filozofskih del in religiozne prakse še iz vedskega obdobja, tj. od 3. - 2. tisočletja pred našim štetjem naprej. že tedaj se pojavlja pojem joge, katerega etimološki izvor je v sanskrtskem korenu yuj, sorodnem z latinskim jugum, nemškim Joch in še očitneje z našim igo, kar pomeni jarem, ki se natakne vlečni živali, ko jo vprežejo v težavno delo. Joga je v bistvu napor, ki zahteva zbranost, koncentracijo, kar samo po sebi pomeni hkrati odpoved manj pomembnemu. Gre tudi za dolgotrajno zadolžitev, se pravi, da zahteva vztrajnost za dosego nečesa, kar v bistvu ni intelektualna pridobitev ali predmet, ampak z besedami težko opredeljivo doživetje, v katerem človek preseže samega sebe, čas
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in prostor - samädhi. Hauer nato z zgodovinsko natančnostjo sledi pojmu skozi številne vire, od Ved in Upanišad, skozi budizem in jainizem, preko znanega epa Mahäbhärata (5. st. pred n.š. - 2. st. n.š.) do toliko citirane Bhagavadgite, ki opredeljuje načine spoznanja po poteh vednosti (jnäna yoga), ljubezni do božjega (bhakti yoga), nesebičnega delovanja (karma yoga) in meditacije (räja yoga). Avtor končno pristane pri Patanjalijevih Sutrah o jogi, ki jih podaja v transkripciji sanskrskega teksta in v nemškem prevodu, ki mu dodaja še 7 strani pripomb oz. komentarja. Tu zablesti Hauer v prvi vrsti kot jezikoslovec. Za nas so Patanjalijeve Sutre zanimive v prvi vrsti kot metoda, od njih pričakujemo praktičnih navodil. Hauer pa zasleduje čim zvestejši prevod suter v nemščino, in ker gre pogosto za številne pojme, ki sta jih v stoletjih in tisočletjih ustvarila bogata indijska duhovna kot tudi psihološka kultura, zmanjka prevajalcem teh besedil ustreznih domačih izrazov. Zato vestni prevajalec, ki si ne dovoli, da bi uporabil originalni izraz, ustvari novo besedo, neologizem, ki ne odseva pravilno pojma, izraženega v sanskrtu, in tudi Nemcu nič ne pove. Rešitev bi bila, da prevajalec sproščeno uporablja originalne termine, da pa tekst opremi s slovarjem kolikor mogoče ustreznih definicij v domačem jeziku. (Primera neologizmov: Einfaltung za samädhi, Für-sich-sein oz. Blossheit za kaivalya). To se pravi, da jezikoslovec, teoretik, ne more obiti tega zelo cenjenega dela; kdor pa zasleduje temeljni smoter joge - osvoboditev oz. razsvetljenje, se bo raje naslonil na besedilo kakega indijskega avtorja, ki je to doživel.
MISHRA
Rammurti S. Mishra, dr. med., je endokrinolog, nevrokirurg in psihiater. Po diplomi na medicinski fakulteti v Indiji se je zaposlil na medicinski fakulteti in v bolnišnici v Padarju, kjer je bil kasneje imenovan za predstojnika internega in kirurškega oddelka.
Kmalu je odšel za leto dni v London na izpopolnjevanje. V Združenih državah je nato proučeval ameriške znanstvene metode in sam raziskoval na svojih specifičnih področjih v okviru podiplomskega študija v bolnišnici Bellevue newyorške univerze, v bolnišnici Bird S. Colerja, v Metropolitanski bolnišnici in v bolnišnici za duševne bolezni Rhode Island. Študiral je tudi na univerzi McGill v Montrealu v Kanadi, in bil zaposlen v bolnišnici za veterane kraljice Mary, na oddelku za nevrologijo in psihiatrijo.
Mishra se je rodil v Indiji, staršem, ki so poznali jogo, in bil vzgojen v skladu s tradicijami brahmanske družine. Njegova prva učiteljica joge je bila mati, ki mu je že od otroštva posredovala vrednote in navade, ki so izoblikovale njegovo vednost in razvojni stil. Kot mladostnika so ga usmerjali drugi učitelji. Stremel je k višjemu znanju in to ga je spodbujalo k različnim potovanjem po Indiji in kasneje izven njenih meja.
V	nizu učiteljev in izkušenj se je srečal tudi s svetovno znanim filozofom, dr. S. S. Radakrishnanom, poznejšim predsednikom Indije. Med drugimi učitelji so najbolj razsvetljeni povsem preobrazili njegovo življenje v smeri duhovne zavesti, in sicer: Šri Purušottam-Tirtha, predstojnik Siddh-yoga ašrama v Benaresu; Param Sant Sadguva Baba Savan Sing, vodja Radha Swami Sahanga (družbe) v Bombayu, in Bhagaron Bodhisattva (Baba Bhagavandas), ki je takrat živel v Bombayu.
V	hiši Mishrovih je bil pogovorni jezik sanskrt. Prebiranje, recitiranje in memoriranje sanskrtskih verzov in spisov je bil nepogrešljiv del njegovega družinskega življenja. Kasneje, po končanem univerzitetnem študiju, je bila Rammurtiju S. Mishru podeljena diploma magistra vzhodnih jezikov.
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S takšno enkratno kombinacijo študija in praktičnih življenjskih izkušenj je dr. Mishra ustvaril svoje življenjsko delo: Učbenik jogijske psihologije je nov prevod in sveža interpretacija Patanjalijevih Suter o jogi.
SIBILA
Zanimivo delo zagrebškega strokovnjaka, ki je napisal že več del o azijskih filozofijah in religijah (Elementi hinduizma, Tao Te Čing, Ji Čing) in vse izdal v samozaložbi. Knjiga Patanjali: Yoga-Sutre je izšla 1980. leta in povezuje Patanjalijevo delo z nauki sodobnega učitelja "transcendentalne meditacije" Maharishija Mahesha Yogija. Prvi del Sibilove knjige posreduje osnove joge in jih povezuje s sodobnimi izkušnjami. Drugi del prinaša prevod Suter o jogi v transkribiranem sanskrtu in v srbohrvaščini. Sledijo še slovar sanskrtskih pojmov in zaključne misli.
LEGGETT
Avtor označuje to besedilo kot "zgodovinsko najdbo". Gre za doslej neznan Samkarov (Samkara, 788-820) komentar k Patanjalijevim Sutram o jogi, zapisan okoli leta 700 n.št.
Tekst je tako urejen:
Osnovno besedilo, Patanjalijeve Sutre o jogi (okoli leta 300 n.št.), je predstavljeno v razprtem tisku.
Pod razlago sutre je - večinoma kratek - komentar z oznako Vyasa, kar je lahko skupno ime za mnoge stare avtorje in zbiratelje, tu pa pomeni konkretno osebo (540-650) in nosi datum z okoli leta 600; pisan je v ležečem tisku.
Vsakemu razdelku komentarja Vy?sa sledi še novoodkriti Samkarov podkomentar.
Naj tu citiramo še Leggettovo oznako joge, kot je pojmovana v vsem njegovem delu (str. 2-3).
"Vadba joge kot tehnike meditacije po strogih pravilih morale in obvladovanja nagonskih impulzov, na splošno tudi z določenim religioznim ozadjem, ima v Indiji že dolgo zgodovino. Njen cilj je sprostitev vseh omejitev, vključno s smrtjo. To pa naj se ne doseže s fizično, telesno in mentalno nesmrtnostjo, ampak z osvoboditvijo resničnega sebstva vseh varljivih poistovetenj z omenjenimi omejitvami. Potem stoji pred nami purusa v svoji pravi naravi, čista zavest brez gibanj, namreč misli: to je osvoboditev. Med razvojem filozofije jogijske šole je ta osvoboditev dobila ime kaivalya ali transcendentalna samost.
Takšen ideal osvoboditve iz miselne kletke na splošno ni privlačen, kajti ljudje povezujejo svobodo z nečim, kot je slavje in zmagovita dogajanja duha. Najgloblja tradicija, kakršna se ohranja danes v Indiji, ima izreden občutek za povezanost celote telo-duh. Kdor sledi jogijski poti, gleda na človeka in tudi na tiste, ki stremijo za nadnaravnimi radostmi v nekakih nebesih, kot na jetnike, ki si preprosto želijo več oblasti in prostora v ječi ali mogoče boljšo ječo, niso pa spregledali, da so zaporniki. Takšni so kot otroci v jetniškem taborišču, ki se ne čutijo konfinirane, utesnjene. Če so preskrbljeni s hrano in naklonjenostjo in niso ustrahovani, jim želje ne sežejo preko neposrednih okoliščin. Mesta, kjer so, ne želijo zapustiti: je njihov dom. Ko pa odrastejo, le začutijo potrebo, da bi odšli od tod."
Še to: doživetje brezskrbne praznine, ki je večini ljudi še najbližja predstava o absolutni zavesti, ni nič privlačnega. Mnogi jogijski učenci na začetku razmišljajo o
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nadnaravnih sposobnostih in vednostih, ki so opisane s ponavljajočimi se podrobnostmi v tretjem delu teh Suter o jogi (z opozorilom, da so izvor neizbežnega trpljenja). Te sposobnosti v besedilu niso predstavljene, da bi vabile ljudi, naj jih izvajajo, ampak ker se nekatere od njih lahko spontano pojavijo pri komer koli, ki vadi meditacijo o resničnem sebstvu. Če učenec ni bil opozorjen, da se mu kaj takega lahko zgodi, da so te sposobnosti omejene in omejujoče in da povzročajo za dolgo obdobje pogubno vznemirjenje, ki ga lahko vrže nazaj v vrtinec jalovih poželenj, se lahko zgodi, da je na svoji poti zaustavljen za dolga leta ali kar do smrti.
Še to je pomembno, da v svojem komentarju o peterih sutrah o Bogu (I, 23-28), Šamkara v tem delu zamaje celotno naravnanost vadbe za dosego enovitosti z Bogom. Navaja Gito, verz XI. 55:
"Kdor zame dela, me časti, najvišji vidi v meni cilj, z vsem, kar živi, prijazen je, na nič navezan, k meni gre."
(Bhagavadgita, Gospodova pesem, prevedla Vlasta Pacheiner, Mladinska knjiga, 1970, str. 72)
V Giti gre za to identifikacijo s Stvarnikom - Gospodom, kar je tu na dolgo opisano v zvezi s petimi Sutrami o jogi. Se pa popolnoma razlikuje od transcendentalne samosti (kaivalya) uradne joge (ki ji sicer Šamkara kot komentator izreka zvestobo).
BANERJI
Knjiga je izšla 1995. leta v Kalkuti na 514 straneh; mogoče je kvantitativno preveč ambiciozna, da bi se mogla kosati z nekaterimi prej predstavljenimi deli, ki so tematsko bolj omejena, zato pa duhovno bolj poglobljena in primernejša kot učni pripomoček za iskreno iščočega, samostojnega intelektualca evropsko-ameriškega kulturnega prostora. Avtor, dr. Sures Chandra Banerji (r. 1917. leta), je upokojen profesor sanskrta in dobitnik Rabindrove spominske nagrade za leti 1963-64. Posvetil se je indologiji in je član več uglednih domačih ustanov in društev. Doslej je objavil več kot petdeset del z različnih področij indologije. V tej knjigi podaja poleg celotnih Patanjalijevih Suter o jogi tudi hata jogo (hatha yoga) - pradipiko in vrsto zelo različno usmerjenih krajših poglavij. Delo daje vtis, da začetnik na jogijski poti v njem ne bo našel trdnih smernic.
IYENGAR
Je eno od del, ki so napisana z ozirom na povprečne intelektualne sposobnosti duhovno odprtega evropskega razumnika. Iyengar je avtor niza knjig o jogi, s poudarkom na veji hata joga, katere poglavitni cilj je telesno zdravje. Naravnana je na različne telesne položaje in očiščevalne tehnike. Če se v evropsko-ameriškem svetu govori o jogi, je to v bistvu hata joga. Avtor je ponosen na to, da je bil eden njegovih učencev tudi slavni violinist in dirigent sir Yehudi Menuhin. Vendar Iyengar ni eden številnih modnih gurujev, ki v evropsko-ameriškem svetu ponujajo "jogo" zaradi finančnih koristi; njegova dela, še posebej pričujoče, razodevajo avtorjevo široko filozofsko razgledanost in globoko duhovno naravnanost v smeri tradicionalne joge, ki jo označuje takole:
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"Joga je umetnost, je znanost in filozofija, zadeva človekovo življenje na sleherni ravni - telesni, duševni in duhovni. Je praktična metoda, ki stremi za tem, da naredi človekovo življenje smotrno, koristno in plemenito."
Zelo odprto in samokritično, z mislijo na mnoge iskreno iščoče osebe evropsko-ameriškega kulturnega kroga, zapiše še naslednje:
"Težko se je učiti iz knjig, so pa te naš edini pripomoček na tej poti, dokler se ne srečamo z redkostjo - resničnim učiteljem ali mojstrom. Upoštevajoč svoje omejitve in sorazmerno majhne sposobnosti raziskovanja finih nians vsake posamezne sutre, sem se vendarle lotil te naloge, da bi pomagal svojim tovarišem praktikantom, da bi jih s tem praktičnim vodičem podprl pri iskanju notranje identitete." (XIX-XX).
Po krajšem filozofskem in praktično usmerjenem uvodu predstavi avtor celotni sklop Patanjalijevih Suter o jogi tako, da vsako sutro poda v sanskrtskem izvirniku in nato v transkripciji v latinici. Sledi slovarček posameznih sanskrtskih izrazov, potem dobesedni prevod besedila sutre in še malo daljši prosti prevod. Avtorjev komentar je daljši in dostopen šolanemu, zainteresiranemu laiku. Dodanih je še nekaj shem, dovolj obširen, čeprav zgoščen glosar in kazalo. V tej obliki je knjiga zares "dragocen pripomoček za študente indijske filozofije in praktikante joge".
Vivekanandove knjige na lahko dostopen način podajajo poglavitne oblike stare indijske modrosti, joge, kot džnana jogo (jnana yoga) - spiritualno modrost, intelektualno-logično spoznavanje božjega; karma jogo (karma yoga) - modrost duhovnega samoosvobajanja prek delovanja brez vsakega sebičnega razloga; bakti jogo (bhakti yoga); radža jogo (rajayoga) - "kraljevsko jogo"; Vivekananda slednjo podaja kot enega izmed že kar številnih komentarjev klasičnega dela Patanjalijevih Suter o jogi, ki bo zajet tudi v slovenskem prevodu.'
Patanjali je živel v 2. st. pred našim štetjem. Je ustanovitelj filozofije tiste joge, ki temelji na šoli samkhya. Ta joga je ena od šestih darsan (indijskih šol). Patanjali jo definira kot metodično prizadevanje, da bi z obvladovanjem različnih elementov človeške narave, telesne in psihične, dosegli popolnost. Človek bi moral obvladati fizično telo, aktivno voljo in mišljenje z zaznavanjem. Patanjali vztraja pri določenih vajah, katerih smisel je osvoboditi človekovo telo njegove nemirnosti in nečistosti. Če se z vajami okrepita vitalnost ter mladostnost in se podaljša življenje, je to koristno za uresničenje duhovne svobode. Nadaljnje vaje se uporabljajo, da se mišljenje očisti in umiri. Patanjaliju ni nič do metafizične teorije, ampak mu gre le za to, da se z disciplinirano dejavnostjo začrta praktična pot k odrešenju in osvobojenju. S tem namenom je ustvaril svoje Sutre o jogi.
Patanjalijev učni sistem sestoji iz naslednjih osmih stopenj:
1. Yama. 2. Niyama. Ti dve zajemata etične in moralne vaje, ki so prvi pogoj. 3. Asana, telesna drža. Telo si mora najti položaj, v katerem koncentracija ni motena. 4. Pranayama, dihalne vaje, kajti dihanje ima močan vpliv na mišljenje in razpoloženje. (Iz tretje in četrte stopnje je izšla znana hata joga). 5. Pratyahara, odtegnitev čutov od čutnih objektov, da misel ne bi uhajala v neustrezne smeri. 6. Dharana, koncentracija, sposobnost zadrževati pozornost na enem objektu, ne da bi se misel oddaljila in ušla nadzoru. 7. Dhyana (tudi: meditacija). Na tej stopnji naj mišljenje ne projicira več lastnih predstav kot objektov meditacije, ampak naj se zlije z njim. 8. Samadhi, imenovan tudi turiya, nadzavestno stanje,
7 Povzeto po: Lexikon der östlichen Weisheitslehren, Otto Wiehelm Barth Verlag, 1994, 437-438.
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v katerem dualnost in pojavni svet ne obstajata več. Ta joga je danes na splošno znana kot radža joga (rajayoga). Patanjali je poleg svoje učne poti zapustil številne zapiske z napotki v zvezi s težavami in ovirami pri meditaciji ter navodila, kako jih premagovati.
The Conquering of Inner Nature according to Raja Yoga
Maja Milcinski
This paper presents one of the methods of conquering one's inner nature, namely Raja Yoga or "the royal yoga", which has been often described as the most important of yogic paths. Although almost all of the schools of Indian philosophy and religion are related to yoga, this paper is focused on the classical yoga, as presented in Patanjali's Yoga sutras and in Swâmî Vivekananda's (1862-1902) commentaries to them. Based on the sources on which the Slovenian translation of Raja Yoga has been done, this paper also presents some aberrations between translations of these texts.
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RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD IN KRITIČNE OCENE
SVILUPPO DEI METODI DI RICERCA E RECENSIONI
Una riflessione sugli ultimi sviluppi degli studi
mitologici
Nikolai Mikhailov
The author analyses the progress of mythological research methods in the last few years. From the theoretical point of view it is important to distinguish between the general, archetypal discussion of mythological on the one hand, and between the concrete researches on the other. From the practical point of view, the value of the concrete studies, which refer to the mythological material, is important. The article deals with two books of general mythological value: Z. Smitek, Kristalna gora, Ljubljana 1998 and M. Yevzlin, El jardín de los monstruos, Biblioteca Nueva, Madrid 1999.
Abbiamo scritto più volte sulla specificità degli studi mitologici, e cioè sul fatto che la terminologia stessa non è esatta (mitologia come un "corpus" di dati riguardanti il paganesimo; mitologia come disciplina scientifica ecc.), sul fatto che oggigiorno dobbiamo analizzare e valutare le fonti "mitologiche" medievali non dal punto di vista della loro "autenticità" e "veracità", bensi dal punto di vista del loro concreto valore storico e filologico.
All'interno di questo contesto ci siamo permessi di parlare della "mitologia slovena", benché molti studiosi sloveni (a cominciare da Milko Maticetov) fossero contrari a questa definizione. Comunque eravamo sicuri di avere il diritto di parlare del paganesimo ovvero culto religioso non cristiano perché queste cose esistevano davvero. E' vero che non sappiamo precisamente come e in che modo esistevano, ma è chiaro che la religione pagana si è diffusa anche tra gli Sloveni che pur essendo stati cristianizzati molto presto (la testimonianza più valida di questo fatto è rappresentata dai Brizinshi spomeniki) hanno conosciuto un certo tipo di paganesimo.
Questa nostra introduzione assai concreta è destinata soprattutto a sviluppare una tesi teorica generale.
La mitologia va divisa in due parti: quella teorica e quella pratica (va letto etnologica, o, se vogliamo, folcloristica). La prima parte sovracitata riguarda la visione archetipica del paganesimo precristiano. La seconda parte riguarda alcune ricerche concrete. Per essere più espliciti, chiariamo brevemente questo concetto. Ci sono delle ricerche di carattere puramente teorico (che comunque usano sempre il materiale concreto raccolto "sul terreno") - ci riferiamo ai lavori di Eliade, Dumézil, Toporov, Ivanov, Smitek, Yevzlin, A. Pleterski ed al.; ci sono altri lavori etnologici, molto più concreti, cosa che non toglie assolutamente il loro valore scientifico (Maticetov, Dapit, Kropej, S. Tolstaja, Levkievskaja ecc.).
Questa lunga prefazione dovrebbe - secondo il nostro parere - servire sia alla distinzione della letteratura mitologica mirata alla ricostruzione archetipica da quella che
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Una riflessione sugli ultimi sviluppi degli studi mitologici
si occupa di cose più concrete, sia alla comprensione del valore dei lavori "na terenu". Contemporáneamente non possiamo non far notare il fatto che la slavistica "occidentale" ha lasciato senza attenzione gl'importanti lavori sulla cultura degli Slavi meridionali (Risteski, Causidis, Radenkovic).
Qui segnaliamo la pubblicazione di due libri molto importanti che riguardano la percezione mitosemiotica delle antiche credenze pagane. Si tratta del libro di Zmago Smitek, Kristalna gora, Ljubljana 1998 e del libro di Michael Yevzlin, El jardín de los monstruos, Madrid, Biblioteca Nueva 1999.
Abbiamo deciso di esaminare questi due libri insieme - uno è scritto in sloveno, l'altro in spagnolo - proprio perché rappresentano l'indirizzo molto prospettivo e producente negli studi mitologici. Si tratta della visione panoramica di ció, che chiamiamo "mitologia". Entrambi gli autori hanno capito che ogni "mitologia" si basava sugli elementi archetipici. Il termine "archetipo" non va interpretato strettamente nel senso "jungiano", ma più che altro come uno schema di determinati elementi che (lo schema) poteva esser riempito o completato in modo diverso (cfr. alcune teorie di Toporov). Tutti e due i libri dei due studiosi sovranominati rappresentano una specie di raccolta delle loro articoli precedenti e, in seguito, rielaborati.
Z. Smitek, professore ordinario dell'Università di Lubiana, ha pubblicato il libro Kristalna gora, nel quale ha raccolto gli articoli che rispecchiano le sue teorie mitologiche. Ci sembra molto importante che nel sudeto libro si tratti di diverse mitologie: quella indo-iranica, quella "non-indoeuropea", quella slovena. Smitek è con ogni probabilità uno dei primi (se non il primo) studioso sloveno che ha effettuato uno studio del genere, cosa che va senza dubbio apprezzata.
M. Yevzlin, che sta attualmente a Madrid, rappresenta il tipo di studioso che potremmo definire come un "self made man"". Ha fatto tutta la sua carriera scientifica senza alcun appoggio di "persone importanti". Ha creato le proprie teorie da solo, ha imparato da solo le lingue classiche, ha elaborato la propria teoria mitlogica che si riferisce proprio alla "teoria di archetipi". Grazie a queste sue fatiche è entrato oggi nel mondo scientifico come un ricercatore valido, originale, che a volte supera altri colleghi ed "eventuali maestri" che egli non ha mai avuto.
Il libro El jardin de los monstruos, tradotto dal russo in modo corretto e di alta qualità dalla prof. Milagrosa Romero Samper, edito dalla casa editrice "Biblioteca Nueva" di Madrid non puo che lasciare una buona impressione (sia dal punto di vista poligrafco, sia - e questo è senza alcun dubbio più importante - dal punto di vista scientifico). Il libro contiene sei capitoli, nonché il Prefacio e l'Epilogo. I capitoli del libro hanno i seguenti titoli:
I.	Los monstruos en la mitología griega
II.	Dioses y monstruos
III.	Héroes y monstruos
IV.	El héroe-monstruo
V.	El árbol monstruo
VI.	La doncella y el dragon.
Come si vede dai titoli il libro è dedicato ai mostri mitici, appartenenti innanzitutto della mitologia greca. Ciononostante l'autore usa (e ció risulta dalle note) la letteratura mitologica e il materiale scientifico, prodotto in altri paesi.
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Nikolai Mikhailov
L'interpretazione della mitología, proposta da Yevzlin rispecchia proprio quella visione mito-archetipica basata su una serie di principali opposizioni: buono/catttivo, alto/basso, nuovo=giovane/vecchio ecc. Non dobbiamo illuderci, pero, vedendo queste definizioni "semplici". Il mondo è (stato) creato proprio da (o forse addirittura grazie a) queste opposizioni.
Il titolo del libro non ci sembra molto riuscito. Nel libro non si tratta né di un giardino, né dei veri mostri. Invece l'analisi dei motivi mitologici ci pare riuscita e giusta: la paura innata dell'uomo davanti ad un essere che non gli assomiglia e lo minaccia, puo esser trattata e compresa come una spiegazione molto chiara del fatto archetipico che anche nella vita attuale siamo tutti circondati dai mostri. L'idea di Yevzlin è pero molto più profonda: non si tratta dell'ossessione che tutti noi siamo circondati dai mostri, ma del fatto che esistono due mondi: quello ctonio e quello celeste.
Nel libro manca l'indice bibliografico e l'indice dei nomi. In generale, pero, possiamo solo congratularci con l'autore e con la casa editrice per la pubblicazione di un libro che -ne siamo sicuri - farà la sua strada nella scienza mitologica.
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221
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
Bemerkungen zu einem neuen archäologischen Dokumentationsband Hans-Dietrich Kahl
The author discusses the discovery of two Slavic cult sanctuaries from the eighth to tenth centuries. Both were found close to the Slavic-Scandinavian settlement and port Ralswiek along the Baltic Sea on the island of Rügen. The older sanctuary had been abandoned because of the rising sea level and had been replaced by a more recent one, which was destroyed by fire. As both were built close to the water, the author argues that the sanctuaries were consecrated to a female water goddess, probably Mokos. The article continues with a discussion of the Slavic settlement of Rügen and of the possibility of contact with the German natives. Evidence of this includes analysis ofpollen samples, while the pottery remnants argue otherwise. The author sees a methological-interpretative problem in this inconsistency.
Die slawische Altertumskunde steht heute auf Fundamenten, von denen man noch vor einem halben Jahrhundert kaum träumen konnte. Die Fortschritte danken wir nicht zuletzt dem intensiven Ausbau archäologischer Forschung. Von ihm hat auch die Religionsgeschichte profitiert. Wir kennen jetzt eine beachtlichhe Zahl von altslawischen Kultplätzen; es wurde möglich, in zusammenhängender Darstellung für sie eine Typologie zu entwickeln.1 Wir verfügen auch, aller Zerstörungswut christlicher Missionare zum Trotz, über eine wachsende Reihe religiöser Skulpturen, denen dort Verehrung gewidmet wurde.2
Zu dieser Erweiterung unseres Bildes hat das Gebiet wesentlich beigetragen, in dem die slawische Sprache seit der Zeit Karls des Großen zurückwich, nachdem sie dort im Übergang zum Frühmittelalter zunächst Neuland gewonnen hatte - auf dem Boden des heutigen Deutschland3, in dem Gebiet, das in Gegenüberstellung zur Germania Romana im Westen und der angrenzenden Romania Germanica treffend als die Germania Slavica
1	L. P. SEUPECKI, Slavonic Pagan Sanctuaries, Warsaw 1994; vgl. auch DENS., Die slawischen Tempel und die Frage des sakralen Raumes bei den Westslawen in vorchristlichen Zeiten, in: Tor 25 (Uppsala 1993), S. 247298.
2
2	SEUPECKI 1994, S. 198-228; ein Neufund, der einen bis dahin nur aus Schriftquellen bekannten Typ repräsentiert, bei H.-D. KAHL, Der Millstätter Domitian. Abklopfen einer problematischen Klosterüberlieferung zur Missionierung der Alpenslawen Oberkärntens (Vorträge und Forschungen, Sonderband 46), Stuttgart 1999, S. 49f. m. Abb. 7 (S. 111).
3
J. HERRMANN (Hg.), Die Slawen in Deutschland. Geschichte und Kultur der slawischen Stämme westlich von Oder und Neiße vom 6.-12. Jh. Ein Handbuch, Neubearbeitung Berlin 1985.
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Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
benannt worden ist.4 Dabei trat in den letzten Jahrzehnten zunehmend ein Ortsname auf Rügen hervor, von dem man vordem wenig gehört hatte: Ralswiek. In den beiden letzten Jahrzehnten der DDR, zwischen 1972 und 1989, hatten dort 18 großangelegte Grabungskampagnen stattgefunden, unter erheblichen Schwierigkeiten, etwa in Auseinandersetzung mit dem Grundwasserstand. Die Durchführung lag beim Zentralinstitut für Alte Geschichte und Archäologie unter Leitung von JOACHIM HERRMANN, einer Einrichtung der damaligen Akademie der Wissenschaften der DDR, die nach sowjetischem Muster organisiert war. Aufsehenerregende Funde drängten bald nach Aufnahme der Arbeiten in die Fachliteratur, teilweise allerdinge auf Grund provisorischer Informationen und Interpretationen, die sich nicht alle als haltbar erwiesen. Erst in den letzten Jahren ist die abschließende Dokumentationn in Gang gekommen. Sie wird gleichfalls von JOACHIM HERRMANN erstellt. Ihr zweiter Band ist es, der an dieser Stelle gesteigerte Aufmerksamkeit verdient.5
1.
Rügen, Deutschlands größte Ostseeinsel, zeigt eine eigenartige Umrißgestalt. Im Norden und und Nordosten legt sich, fast wie ein abwehrend erhobener Arm, eine merkwürdig gebildete Halbinselkette vor den Inselrumpf. Sie besteht aus zwei, fast möchte man sagen: selbständigen Inselkörpern, Wittow und Jasmund, die durch schmale Nehrungen miteinander und mit dem Hauptteil Rügens verbunden sind; eine weitere Nehrung sticht von Wittow aus wie ein Sporn zu diesem Hauptteil zurück, ohne ihn zu erreichen. In der dadurch verbliebenen Lücke beginnt ein zusammenhängendes System von Meeresbuchten, hier mundartlich-niederdeutsch Bodden genannt; ihre Bezeichnungen wechseln je nach der angrenzenden Teillandschaft. Im sog. Kleinen Jasmunder Bodden greift dieses Gewässersystem tief ins Innere der Insel ein, bis in die Nähe von Bergen, wo sich einmal der Hauptsitz des Fürstentums der slawischen Rujanen oder Ranen befand. Vom nördlich angrenzenden Großen Jasmunder Bodden aus gab es bis tief ins Mittelalter hinein für die kleinen, flachen Boote der Zeit Durchfahrten in die Ostsee auch in östlicher
4
Th. FRINGS, Germania Romana (Teuthonista, Zeitschr. f. deutsche Dialektforsch. u. Sprachgesch., Beiheft 4 = Mitteldeutsche Studien, Heft 2), 1932; E. GAMILLSCHEG, Romania Germanica, 3 Bde. 1934-1936, I2 1970; W. H. FRITZE (Hg.), Germania Slavica I (Berliner Historische Studien I), Berlin 1980, und Folgebände; dazu H.-D. KAHL, Germania Slavica. Ein neues Vorhaben deutsch-slawischer Geschichte in Mitteleuropa und seine Bedeutung für die Forschung der Ostalpenländer, in: MIÖG 89 (1981), S. 93-105. -Das Zurückweichen der slawischen Sprachgrenze durch Eindeutschung einer verbleibenden Bevölkerung behandelt an einem quellenmäßig besonders gut beleuchteten Beispiel, an dem vieles z.B. an die Verhältnisse in Kärnten erinnert, J. STRZELCZYK, Die slawische Minderheit in Deutschland im Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit am Beispiel der Nachkommen von Dravänopolaben im Hannoverschen Wendland, bei A. Czacharowski (Hg.), Nationale, ethnische Minderheiten und regionale Identitäten im Mittelalter und Neuzeit, Torun 1994, S. 69-94.
5	J. HERRMANN, Ralswiek auf Rügen, Die slawisch-wikingischen Siedlungen II: Kultplatz, Boot 4, Hof, Propstei, Mühlenberg, Schloßberg und Rugard (Beiträge zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte Mecklenburg-Vorprommerns 33), Lübstorf "1998" (tatsächlich greifbar seit Anfang 2000), 183 S., 144 Textabbildungen, 11 Tabellen und 17 Beilagen auf 4 großformatigen Faltbättern. - Der erste Band, der vor allem die sog. Hauptsiedlung behandelt, datiert von 1997 (ausgeliefert 1998). - Bd. III mit einer detaillierten Fundpublikation ist in Vorbereitung. Zahlreiche Stücke sind schon im voraus berücksichtigt bei HERRMANN 1995 (wie Anm. 3); die unten zu erwähnende Griffelfunde aus der Hauptsiedlung S. 292 f. m. Abb. 140 sowie Taf. 25, b-c (bei S. 150).
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Hans-Dietrich Kahl
Richtung, die künstlich offen gehalten wurden. Von März bis November ließ sich daher mit einer eisfreien Route rechnen, auf der das stürmische Kap Arkona auf Wittow umschifft werden konnte. Zwischen den Großen un den Kleinen Jasmunder Bodden schiebt sich von Südwesten, also vom Hauptteil der Insel her eine Landzunge vor, die nur eine schmale Wasserverbindung offen läßt. Dicht nördlich an ihrer Wurzel, also am Großen Bodden, auf der Jasmund gegenüberliegenden Seite, liegt Ralswiek, heute ein Dorf von 6-700 Einwohnern.
In den älteren Quellen tritt sein Name hinter dem von Arkona zurück. Dort, unmittelbar an der Ostseeflanke von Wittow, befand sich im 12. Jh. das Heiligtum des Swantewit, den die Ranen als ihren Hauptgott verehrten, und ein Handelszentrum von überregionaler Bedeutung. Der genannte nordwestslawische Stamm war damals, nach dem Untergang des Ljutizenbundes, zu einer gewissen Vormachtstellung an der südwestlichen Ostseekünste aufgestiegen. Er entfaltete eine Art slawisches Wikingertum und wußte seinen Einfluß machtpolitisch, wirtschaftlich und religiös geltend zu machen; die Anziehungskraft Arkonas auch für skandinavische und deutsche Kauffahrer wurde dabei geziehlt eingesetzt. Den wichtigen Platz archäologisch zu durchforschen, ist weitgehend unmöglich geworden, denn die See hat ihn zum größten Teil hinweggerissen. Einiges konnte gleichwohl erreicht werden, und neue Untersuchungen sind im Gang.6 Besonders gute Schriftquellen ermöglichen trotz aller Einschränkungen eine ziemlich gute Vorstellung von der Beschaffenheit des einstigen Heiligtums.' In Sommer 1168 wurde es mit deutscher Unterstützung durch die Dänen zerstört und die Insel zwangschristianisiert. Es scheint, daß es dabei neben handfesten politischen Interessen um einen späten Ableger jenes merkwürdigen Kreuzzugs von 1147 gegen die "Heiden des Nordens" ging, für den sich in den Geschichtsbüchern die verfehlte Bezeichnung "Wendenkreuzzug" festgesetzt hat.8
Die Bedeutung von Ralswiek reicht offenbar weiter zurück als die jenige von Arkona, hielt jedoch weniger lange an und erreichte keinen vergleichbaren Rang. Die Siedlung entstand um die Mitte des 8. Jh., und zwar als ein Seehandelsplatz jener frühen Form, die
J. HERRMANN, Arkona auf Rügen. Tempelburg und politisches Zentrum der Ranen vom 9.-12. Jh. Ergebnisse der archäologischen Ausgrabungen 1969-1971, in: Zeitschr. f. Archäologie 8 (1974), S. 177-209; ergänzende Hinweise bei DEMS., Ralswiek II, S. 35-37 samt Tabelle 7. Vgl. Anm. 7.
7
J. HERRMANN, Ein Versuch zu Arkona. Tempel und Tempelrekonstruktionen nach schriftlicher Überlieferung und nach Ausgrabungsbefunden im nordwestslawischen Gebiet, in: Ausgrabungen und Funde 38 (1993), S. 136-144.
8
H.-D. KAHL, Die Kreuzzugseschatologie Bernhards von Clairvaux und ihre missionsgeschichtliche Auswirkung, bei D.R. Bauer - G. Fuchs (Hgg.), Bernhard von Clairvaux und der Beginn der Moderne, Innsbruck 1996, bes. S. 306-309; zum Begriff "Wendenkreuzzug": DERS., "... Auszujäten von der Erde die Feinde des Christennamens..." Der Plan zum "Wendenkreuzzug" von 1147 als Umsetzung sibyllinischer Eschatologie, in: Jahrb. f. d. Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 39 (1990), S. 134-136 (auch zu den "Heiden des Nordens"); vgl. auch DENS., Die Ableitung des Missionskreuzzugs aus sibyllinischer Eschatologie. Zur Bedeutung Bernhards von Clairvaux für die Zwangschristianisierungsprogramme im Ostseeraum, bei Z.H. Nowak (Hg.), Die Rolle der Ritterorden in der Christianisierung des Ostseegebietes (Ordines militares I), Torun 1983, S. 129-139. Ergänzend DERS., Die weltweite Bereinigung der Heidenfrage -ein übersehenes Kriegsziel des Zweiten Kreuzzugs, bei S. Burghartz u.a. (Hgg.), Spannungen und Widersprüche. Gedenkschrift für F. Graus, Sigmaringen 1992, S. 63-89. - Zum allgemeinen: L. LECIEWICZ, Rügen, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters VII (1995), Sp. 1091 f. mit weiteren Nachweisen.
225
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
vor allem im Ostseeraum des Frühmittelalters weit verbreitet war.9 Wir haben an eine skandinavische Initiative zu denken, die in Zusammenarbeit mit den einheimischslawischen Machthabern Ausführung fand. Die erhaltenen Holzbautenreste deuten teils auf nordgermanische, teils auf slawische Handwerkstraditonen, und dasselbe gilt für die aufgefundenen Boote. Erschlossen wurde eine Hauptsiedlung in geschützter Lage, leicht erhöht, zwischen dem Großen Jasmunder Bodden und einem inzwischen verlandeten Binnensee, in dem sich die bemerkenswert ausgebauten Hafenanlagen befanden. Sie umfaßte weniger als 20 Hofstellen, darunter auch Gewerbebetriebe im Stil der Zeit (Metallverarbeitung, nämlich Eisen und Bronze, ferner Verarbeitung von Horn bzw. Geweihen, von Bernstein u. dgl.).10 Hinzu kamen eine kleinere Südsiedlung, die noch manche Rätsel aufgibt, Kultstätten, ein umfangreicher Bestand an Hügelgräbern in Gruppen, abseits gelegen, noch nicht abschließend publiziert, und Befunde aus jüngerer Zeit, unter denen im Grabungsbereich merkwürdigerweise keine Kirche erschien, obwohl Ralswiek nach 1168 eine Propstei des Bistums Roskilde aufzunehmen hatte. Hier geht es um die vorchristlich-sakralen Plätze - ein archäologisch oft heikles Problem, in dem möglicherweise noch mancherlei Neuland zu erwarten ist. Auch Ralswiek hat Unerwartetes geboten.
Der Band, der uns jetzt vorallem über den bedeutendsten dieser Plätze unterrichtet, räumt ihm von 183 großformatigen Druckseiten nicht weniger als 79 ein. Er weckt wieder Vertrauen. Dokumentation und Interpretation sind nach Möglichkeit getrennt, was die Überprüfung erleichtert; die Auswertung erfolgt vor dem Hintergrund des bisher verfügbaren Vergleichsmaterials von anderen Stellen; zahlreiche Fotos, Zeichnungen und Tabellen bieten das Beleggut. Zu den wichtigen Feststellungen gehört, daß die Schichtenfolge in der Hauptsiedlung und an den Kultplätzen offenbar gleichläufig ist. Das ermöglicht Gegenüberstellung, die es gestattet, manche Aussage zu präzisieren.
In älterer Literatur wird die Zahl der sakral genutzten Stätten bei Ralswiek mit drei angegeben. Das läßt aufhorchen in Hinblick auf eine Grundsatzfrage, die ANDREJ PLETERSKI angeschnitten hat. Er rechnet für altslawische Zeit mit einem verbreiteten System von jeweils drei Kultstätten, die auf einander bezogen und in einem "heiligen Winkel" von etwa 23° miteinander verbunden waren.11
Es muß festgestellt werden, daß sich in Ralswiek bei relativ hohem Alter für diese Konzeption keine Stütze ergab. Die eine der drei Stätten wurde auf dem sog. Mühlenberg, unweit der Südsiedlung, gesucht. Sein flacher Rundwall hatte bei erster Begehung die Frage geweckt, ob sich dort nicht ein neues Beispiel für den längst bekannten Typ eines kreisförmigen Kultplatzes in Höhenlage finden würde, und diese provisorische Vermutung erhielt in vorläufiger Auswertung einen Bestimmtheitsgrad, der ihr keineswegs zukam. Die
9	,
Hier genüge neben Ralswiek I der Hinweis auf W. EOSINSKI, Zur Genese der frühstädtischen Zentren bei
den Ostseeslawen, bei H. Brachmann (Hg.), Burg - Burgstadt - Stadt. Zur Genese mittelalterlicher
nichtagrarischer Zentren in Ostmitteleuropa, Berlin 1995, S. 68-91; L. LECIEJEWICZ, Kaufleute in
westslawischen Frühstädten in archäologischer Sicht, ebd., S. 60-67, sowie V. SCHMIDT, Frühstädtische
Entwicklung in Nordostdeutschland, ebd., S. 108-117, samt weiteren Beiträgen dieses Sammelbandes.
10Eingehend: Ralswiek I.
11A. PLETERSKI, Strukture tridelne ideologije v prostoru Slovanih, in: Zgodovinski časopis 50 (1996), S. 163184, mit deutscher Zusammenfassung: Räumliche Strukturen einer dreiteiligen Ideologie den Slawen, ebd., S. 184 f,; vgl. auch DENS., Die Kärntner Fürstensteine in der Struktur dreier Kultstätten, bei A. Huber (Hg.), Der Kärntner Fürstenstein im europäischen Vergleich, Gmünd (Kärnten) 1997, S. 43-119, passim.
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Hans-Dietrich Kahl
ergrabenen und nun vorgelegten Befunde schließen eine derartige Nutzung dieser Höhe mit voller Sicherheit aus; es gab dort lediglich eine spätmittelalterliche Windmühle, die in jüngerer Zeit einging. Übrigens hätte eine Sakralstätte dort zu den beiden anderen nicht in dem gesuchten Winkel gelegen.
Was diese angeht, so waren ihre Stätten benachbart, doch sie waren nicht gleichzeitig in Gebrauch: Der zweite, bei der sog. Südsiedlung näher am Mühlenberg, hat den ersten, der der Hauptsiedlung näher lag, offenbar in zeitlicher Folge abgelöst. Da die Funde aus dem Bereich jener Südsiedlung noch nicht gebührend aufgearbeitet sind, bleiben Art und Verlauf dieses Ortswechsels zunächst unklar; die vorliegende Publikation erfaßt außer dem Mühlenberg nur noch den Kultstrand am Bodden, un zwar als die Stätte, die zu ihrer Zeit nach bisheringer Kenntnis als einzige ihrer Art bei Ralswiek bestand. Sie wird als Opferplatz eindeutig erwiesen durch einen außerordentlich reichen Bestand an Knochenmaterial, das in seiner Zusammensetzung charakteristisch von demjenigen der Hauptsiedlung abweicht, ebenso übrigens wie bei der mutmaßlichen Nachfolgerin weiter südwärts. Die Hauptsiedlung zeigt das, was dort abfällt, wo man wohnt, als Überrest täglicher Nahrungsaufnahme. Die beiden anderen Stätten bieten ein völlig abweichendes Bild. Statt gewöhnlicher Fleischtiere wie Schwein und Ziege, Geflügel und Wild traten Pferd, Hund und Rind (offenbar in dieser Reihenfolge) ungewöhnlich stark hervor, nicht nur in anderer Häufigkeit, sondern auch in anderer Beschaffenheit. Vor allem aber beherrschten menschliche Skelettreste das Feld, vorwiegend von Erwachsenen beider Geschlechter, kaum von Kindern, Jugendlichen und Greisen; vorwiegend Einzelknochen, gelegentlich zusammenhängende Skeletteile, jedoch kein einziges vollständiges Skelett; teilweise deutlich durch gewaltsamen Eingriff verändert (besonders Schädel- und Oberschenkelknochen). All diese menschlichen und tierischen Überreste traten in auffällig enger räumlicher Konzentration um bestimmte charakteristische Punkte auf. Vergleichbares ist bisher an keinem anderen frühgeschichtlichen Grabungsplatz bekanntgeworden, zumindest nicht in entsprechender Menge und Intensität.
Der Befund schließt deutlich auch aus, daß es sich um Relikte eines Überfalls
handeln könnte, vergleichbar etwa der Hinterlassenschaft der babenbergischen Eroberung
der Thunauer Schanze bei Gars am Kamp (Niederösterreich), wo im Übergang vom Früh-
12
zum Hochmittelalter ein slawischer Kleinfürst gesessen hatte.12 Auf dem Platz bei Ralswiek fand sich, wie gesagt, kein einziges vollständiges menschliches Skelett. In Schriftquellen sind, auch für den slawischen Bereich, gerade auch für Seehandelsplätze, Menschenopfer gut bezeugt. Ein Rückgriff auf sie bietet hier die einzig plausible Erklärung. Sie wird gestützt durch Streufunde von Keramik und anderen Gebrauchsgegenständen, die so, wie sie auftreten, für jeweils begrenzte Nutzungsdauer sprechen, nicht für ständige Besiedlung am Platz.
12
Herrn Prof. Dr. Herwig FRIESINGER, Wien, danke ich persönliche Erläuterungen bei einer Führung vor Ort. Zusammenfassende Allgemeinorientierung gibt E. SZAMEIT, Gars-Thunau - frühmitelalterliche Residenz und vorstädtisches Handelszentrum, bei Brachmann (wie Anm. 9), S. 274-282; aus dortiger Literatur hebe ich hervor M. TESCHLER-NICOLA - K. WILTSCHKE-SCHROTTA, Der Erschlagene von Gars-Thunau, in: Archäologie Österreichs 1990/1, S. 40 f. - Für die Befunde aus Ralswiek, vorstehend und weiter sämtlich nach HERRMANN 1998 (wie oben Anm. 5) referiert, sei hier und weiter auf Einzelbelege verzichtet.
227
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
2.
Die damit bestimmte Stelle, der die wichtigste Dokumentation des vorgeführten Bandes gilt, lag knapp 200 m südwestlich der Hauptsiedlung und ihres Hafens, am gegenüberliegende Rand eines niedrigen Moränenrückens und unmittelbar an der damaligen Strandlinie, die sich mittlerweile durch Verlandung vorgeschoben hat. Der Große Jasmunder Bodden treibt an dieser Stelle eine kleine Bucht relativ weit nach Süden vor, nach Osten hin begrenzt durch die Landzuge, die ihn vom Kleinen Jasmunder Bodden trennt. Die Kultstätte umgab im Bogen ein Bach mit seiner Niederung; seine Einmündung in den Bodden unterlag während der in Betracht kommenden Zeit starken Veränderungen. Er kam aus dem See, in dem der Hafen entstanden war, und dürfte oft mehr Brackwasser als Süßwasser geboten haben. In jedem Fall lieferte er ein Frischwasser, das für die Bereitung von Opfermahlzeiten unentbehrlich war. Vielleicht bot er zeitweise sehr flachen Booten auch eine behelfsmäßige Durchfahrt zum Hafengebiet. Die eigentliche Hafeneinfahrt kam von Nordwesten her zum See; die Südsiedlung, sofern von ihr in den Anfängen schon etwas bestand, befand sich jenseits des Baches. Im Ganzen war also für den Kultbezirk eine gewisse Abseitslage gegeben, wie sie einem solchen Areal zukommt.
Im Fundmaterial von Ralswiek lassen sich insgesamt fünf Perioden unterscheiden. Die Ausgräber haben sie mit den Buchstaben A bis E bezeichnet. Periode A setzt in der zweiten Hälfte des 8. Jahrhunderts ein. Der Kultplatz wird damit zu einem der ältest bekannten in der slawischen Welt, für die Nordwestslawen vielleicht einstweilen nur durch
13
Feldberg bei Neustrelitz (Mecklenburg) in den Schatten gestellt.13 Im Lauf des 9. Jh. vollzog sich der Übergang in die Periode B, die sich noch über das 10. Jh. erstreckte. Mit der dann einsetzenden Periode C bricht die Nutzung des Kultplatzes ab; er weicht, bevor der Geländeabschnitt wegen veränderter Wasserverhältnisse ganz aufgegeben wird, einer deutlich profanen Verwendung - an seine Stelle trat ein relativ großes Gebäude, in dem z. B. in größerem Ausmaß gesponnen wurde und in dem Schreibgriffel zur Verwendung kamen, im Verhältnis ein Hallenbau.
In den ersten Jahrzehnten seines Bestehens wurden die Opferhandlungen unmittelbar am offenen, flachen Strand durchgeführt. Sie gruppierten sich um eine Steinpackung von ovaler Grundform auf leicht erhöhtem Geländepunkt, deren Längsachse, ca. 3 m, von Südwest nach Nordost verlief; die Querachse kam auf ca. 2 m. Im Zentrum erhob sich ein hölzerner Pfahl, etwa 30 cm eingetieft und mit Steinen verkeilt. Er wurde umgestürzt aufgefunden, im Oberteil zerstört. Erhalten war er bei 20 cm Durchmesser in einer Länge von 1,60 m; ob der verlorene Oberteil in größerer Breite ausgestaltet war, wie sich das anderweit findet, etwa eine Art Büste trug, kann nicht mehr geklärt werden. In 12 und mehr m Entfernung befand sich, gleichfalls auf dem offenen Strand, eine Gruppe von Feuerstellen mit deutlichen Überresten von Opfermahlzeiten.
Mit der Zeit begann der Wasserspiegel sich zu heben; Überflutungen kamen in Sicht oder setzten schon ein. Um 790 kam es daher zu einer durchgreifenden Umgestaltung des
13
J. HERRMANN, Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in Feldberg, in: Ausgrabungen und Funde 13 (1968), S. 198-204; vgl. DENS., Feldberg, Rethra und das Problem der wilzischen Höhenburgen, in: Slavia Antiqua (1969), S. 33-69; weiters bei S. KÜHNE-KAISER-B. JÄHNIG, Feldberg, bei H. Bei der Wieden (Hg.), Handbuch der Historischen Stätten Deutschlands XII: Mecklenburg-Pommern, Stuttgart 1996, S. 32 f. -Gegen ältere Annehme scheidet Feldberg für die Lokalisierung von "Rethra" aus: dazu jetzt V. SCHMIDT, Rethra - Lieps am Südende des Tollensesees, in: Studia mythologica Slavica 2 (1999), S. 33-46.
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Geländes; die gefundene Lösung mag zusätzlich durch gehobene Prestigebedürfnisse beeinflußt worden sein. Etwas landeinwärts neben dem alten Steinoval, also unter beachtlicher Wahrung der Platzkontinuität trotz allem, wurde ein Podest errichtet, in prinzipiell gleicher Längsrichtung. Seine Grundfläche hatte ca. 6-7 x 8 m. Die Holzkonstruktion (Fundamentpfähle, Ankerbohlen und Flechtwerk) blieb genau erkennbar. Sie überragte das ursprüngliche Bodenniveau um ungefähr einen halben Meter und blieb damit 25-30 cm über dem ansteigenden Spiegel des Boddens. Eine neuerliche Umgestaltung in Periode B hat die Spuren dessen, was sich einmal auf diesem Podest erhob, gründlich getilgt, nicht aus feindlicher Absicht, sondern um dem alten Zweck noch besser zu genügen. Indizien, zugegebenermaßen schwach, könnten dafür sprechen, daß sich dort ein Flechtwerkbau mit Lehmverstrich erhoben hatte. Es dürfte ein Tempel oder eine Kulthalle gewesen sein, d.h. entweder Götterwohnung oder Gemeinschaftshaus für sakrale Anlässe, doch ist selbst Überdachung nicht zweifelsfrei zu sichern. Die Entscheidung zwischen beiden Möglichkeitenn wird dadurch erschwert, daß das definitive Ende der Steinsetzung am Strand mitsamt dem Mittelpfahl sich chronologisch nicht einwandfrei festlegen läßt. Wir sehen, daß dieser Pfahl, ob nun Holzstele oder bloßer Träger einer Skulptur, am Platz verblieb. Er wurde also, was immer mit einem etwaigen Oberteil geschah, selbst nicht in das Gebäude überführt, doch wir erkenne nicht, ob er an der neuen Stelle, in nunmehr sakralem Raum ersetzt wurde oder nicht. Das verstellt zugleich den Blick auf den Verwendungszweck des zu vermutenden Bauwerks. Völlig unklar ist, wo die Opfermahlzeiten zubereitet wurden, nachdem die Feuerstellen am Strand unbrauchbar geworden waren.
Die Anhebung des Wasserspiegels jedenfalls setzte sich fort. Gleichwohl blieb man an der bisherigen Stelle, doch sie wurde in Periode B nochmals aufwendiger ausgestaltet. Sogar das bisherige Kultniveau wurde weiterhin für ausreichend erachtet. Das bestehende Podest wurde um etwa 5 m nach Osten, also auf den Bodden hin, in prinzipiell gleicher Konstruktion erweitert; es maß nun etwa 8 x 11 m unter Drehung der Längsachse um 900. Auf ihm entstand auf Schwellensteinen ein Holzbau ohne Nägel, für den mehrere Konstruktionsweisen erwogen werden können, mit Abmessungen von ca. 9 x 4,5 m, also annähernd 45 m2. Er war gleichfalls der Boddenseite zugekehrt. Gleichzeitig wurden die Böschungsbefestigungen am Bodden, deren Abstand vom neuen Gebäude nur noch gering war, verstärkt. Außerdem wurde ein weiteres, sehr viel leichter gebautes Podest von 6 x 10 m aufgeschüttet und befestigt, das offenbar unbebaut blieb. Es schloß nur teilweise an den Erweiterungsteil des älteren Podestes nach Südosten hin an, wohin seine Längsachse lief; es war dabei etwas nach Osten hin verschoben, den erweiterten Spielraum nutzend, den dort das verbliebene Gelände bot. Das Niveau blieb 30-50 cm über dem ursprünglichen Strand. Auf dieses Podest konzentrierten sich nunmehr weitgehend die Opferhandlungen. Unverkennbar scheint der Wunsch, sie in größere Nähe des Wassers zu rücken. Oft genug mag die Flut die beiden Erweiterungsteile unmittelbar bespült haben.
3.
An den Kultformen hat sich, soviel erkennbar, die ganzen Perioden A und B hindurch, also über zweieinhalb Jahrhunderte, nichts Nennenswertes geändert. Es war Opferkult, der Menschen forderte und ausgewählte Tierarten bevorzugte, ohne daß andere ganz fehlten. Bemerkenswert ist ein besonderer Umstand: Die Hauptsiedlung zeigt
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Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
deutlich teils slawisches, teils skandinavisches Gepräge; beide Ethnien werden dort gemeinsam gewohnt haben, wenigstens für einen beachtlichen Teil der genannten Zeitspanne, und sei es mit saisonalen Schwankungen. Am Kultplatz spricht nicht der geringste Anhaltspunkt dafür, daß er von anderen betrieben und genutzt worden sein könnte als von Slawen.
Überraschend ist diese Feststellung nicht. Für Arkona berichtet Helmold von Bosau kurz vor der Zerstörung als Zeitzeuge: Kaufleute fremder Herkunft, nicht zuletzt aus christlichen Ländern, hätten dort nur Zutritt, wenn sie dem Haptgott etwas zum Opfer brächten; wurde bemerkt, daß ein christlicher Priester in ihrer Mitte seinen Gottesdienst verrichtete, so wurde seine Auslieferung verlangt, um den Zorn der einheimischen Gottheiten zu beschwichtigen; auch sonst brächten die Ranen gern Christenopfer dar - sie wären ihren Göttern besonders wohlgefällig14 (dies wird man auf Kriegsgefangene allgemein, gleich welcher Herkunft, beziehen dürfen). Die Stelle zeigt offenbar, daß die Fremden das Opfergut zu stellen und den einheimisch-slawischen Priestern auszuliefern hatten, die dann die entsprechende Kulthandung vornnahmen; fremder Kult aber (ein peregrinum sacrificum nach Helmond,15 der damit authentisch wirkt, weil er die Aussage nicht auf Christliches einengt) - ein nicht am Ort eingewurzelten Kult wurde nicht zugelassen. Für die Zeit, in der der Kultplatz bei der Hauptsiedlung von Ralswiek blühte, war eins anders als im 12. Jh. vor Arkona: Skandinavier und Slawen standen beide in gentilreligiöser Mentalität, ohne dass Christentum hereinspielte; sie hielten folglich beide für selbstverständlich, daß es Zuständigkeiten von Stammes- und Landesgöttern gab, in die Außenstehende sicht nicht einzumischen, die sie aber im Kontaktfall anzuerkennen hatten.16 Die skandinavischen Partner in Ralswiek werden sich also gehütet haben, dort ein peregrinum sacrificum auf eigene Faust darzubringen. Sie werden die Zuständigkeit der Ortsgottheit nicht zugunsten eigener bestritten, sondern sie werden es der dortigen Priesterschaft überlassen haben, nach ihrem Ritus durchzuführen, was danach zu geschehen hatte; den Fremden blieb die bloße Ablieferung der Opfergaben.
Sehr viel merkwürdiger als die einseitige Nutzung ist die Lage der Opferstätte. Warum befand sie sich nicht auf dem Mühlenberg, keinen halben Kilometer weiter landeinwärts in gut gesicherter Höhenlage? Warum wurde sie am Bodden angelegt, warum vor allem dort beibehalten über einen derart langen Zeitraum hinweg, aller wachsenden Gefährdung zum Trotz? Waren auf dem Mühlenberg die Wasserverhältnisse zu ungünstig für kultische Mahlzeiten - oder kam es auf die Strandsituation an? Wurde die Nähe nicht nur zum Wasser gesucht, das man auch am See hätte haben können, sondern zu seiner größterreichbaren Fläche? Hat gerade diese Lösung etwas mit der Gottheit zu tun, die von diesem Seehandelsplatz aus verehrt werden solte? War es womöglich Mokos oder eine ihrer Nachfolgeformen?
14
HELMOLD von BOSAU, Slawenchronik, c. 6 (cur. Heinz Stoob, Darmstadt 1963, S. 54, 19 ff); vgl. c. 108 (S. 374, 9 ff.).
15HELMOLD, c. 108 (S. 374, 19)
16H.-D. KAHL, Heidnisches Wendentum und christliche Stammesfürsten. Ein Blick in die Auseinandersetzung zwischen Gentil- und Universalreligion im abendländischen Hochmittelalter, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 44 (1962), S. 72-119; ausführlicher bei DEMS., Slawen und Deutsche in der brandenburgischen Geschichte des 12. Jh. (Mitteldeutsche Forschungen 30/I-II), Köln-Graz 1964, S. 76-105 (eher geschrieben, doch später ausgeliefert, mit noch weniger präzis ausgebildeter Terminologie).
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Der Name dieser Gottheit gehört ja doch wohl zur Sippe von poln. mokac "naß machen," mokrosc "Nässe" usw. Aus gar zu spärlicher Überlieferung ist sie besser bekannt als Schutzherrin der Fruchtbarkeit und als weiblich geltender Arbeiten wie Mähen (also zunächst Sicheln) und Spinnen. Der Blick der Forschung hat sich oft dermaßen einseitig darauf fixiert, daß die skizzierte Herleitung des Namens in Zweifel geriet, was zu abenteuerlichen Konstruktionen führte.
Übersehen wurde dabei eine Eigentümlichkeit archaischen Denkens: es hat keine Schwierigkeiten, das Fruchtwasser der Frau mit "Wasser überhapt" zu einer Gesamtvorstellung zu verbinden, und diese ist es, die hier die Brücke zunächst zur Namensetymologie und dann zu weiterem schlägt. Der Augenblick, in dem das Fruchtwasser abgeht, leitet für Mutter und Kind eine Phase extremer Gefährdung ein; sie braucht besonderen Schutz derjenigen, die über die Wasser gebietet, und die Macht, die ihn gewährt, bezieht auch die sonstigen, die weniger gefahrenträchtigen Bedürfnisse des weiblichen Lebens in ihr Walten ein. Sie kann aber auch die Schiffahrt schützen, und wenn kraft ihres Wirkens die kleinen Boote der Frühzeit den Hafen erreichen, hat sie Anspruch
17
auf Dank.1'
Überlegungen dieser Art schließen nicht aus, auch für Ralswiek an eine männliche Gottheit zu denken, wie Swantewit sie für Arkona repräsentiert, nur sollten wir uns nicht im voraus auf eine solche festlegen: Wieder Helmold bezeugt eine Stammesgöttin der Polaben (im engeren Sinne), die um Ratzeburg saßen, eine dea Polaborum, die er Siwa
v	18
nennt (ob Ziva gemeint?)18 Auch weiblichen Gottheiten konnte also im Einzelfall hohe Bedeutung zugeschrieben werden. Der Pfahlrest, der am Ralswieker Kultstrand ans Licht kam, zeigt in den erhaltenen Teilen keinerlei Merkmal für eine Geschlechtsbestimmung. Kann sein Holz weiterhelfen? Es ist Rotbuche, unter den bekannten slawischen Kultbildern aus Holz eine Seltenheit - sonst herrscht Eiche vor. Auch im erkennbaren Baumaterial des sakralen Platzes kommt Rotbuche nur gelegentlich vor - Eiche bestimmt auch dabei im wesentlichen das Bild. Außer dem Stelenpfahl (falls er so genannt werden darf) kam in Ralswiek noch ein verstümmeltes Kleinidol zutage, das einmal 30 cm gemessen haben mag; erhalten sind die oberen 17 cm, also gerade der Teil, der bei dem größeren Kultobjekt fehlt. Der Ausgräber glaubt eine abstrakte Menschenfigur mit symbolisch gestaltetem männlichen Kopf zu erkennen. Warum diese Kopfandeutung
17 ■■
Uber Mokos zuletzt, höchst einseitig, doch mit weiteren Nachweisen R. ZAROFF, Organized Pagan Cult in Kievan Rus'. The Invention of Forreign Elite or Evolution of Local Tradition? in : Studia mythologica Slavica 2 (1999), S. 66, der dabei sogar an eine persönliche Erfindung Vladimirs d. Gr. denkt; in den weiteren Ausführungen, die sich für Anknüpfung Vladimirs an altslawische Tradition aussprechen, wird S. 67 nochmals die Unsicherheit aller Kenntnis über Mokos betont, die soeben wiedergegebene Vermutung jedoch nicht zurückgenommen (wie kann eine neugeschaffene Gestalt eines nur sehr kurzlebigen Reichskultes ohne nennenswerte Tiefenwirkung Einzug in lange nachwirkenden Volksglauben gewinnen?). Die Einsicht in die Schlüsselbedeutung des Fruchtwassers danke ich eingehender Unterrichtung über Forschungsergebnisse von MARIJA GIMBUTAS; nicht vorgelegen haben deren Bücher: The Language of the Goddes, San Francisco 1989 (Deutsch: Die Sprache der Göttin, Frankfurt/Main 1995), und: The Civilization of the Goddes, San Francisco 1991; sowie The Slavs, London 1971. Wie weit Mokos in diesen Schriften mit behandelt ist, wäre zu prüfen.
18HELMOLD, c. 52 (S. 196, 22). Dazu B. REHFELDT, Todesstrafen und Bekehrungsgeschichte. Zur Rechtsund Religionsgeschichte der germanischen Hinrichtungsbräuche, Berlin 1942, S. 41 f., vgl. 49 f. u. ö. Das viel zu wenig genutzte Buch behandelt über die Titelankündigung hinaus auch die Martyrien von Christen bei Slawen, Balten und ostseefinnischen Stämmen in aufschlußreicher Weise.
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Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
männlich sein soll statt einfach und schlechthin menschlich, auch mit weiblicher Deutungsmöglichkeit, läßt die Abbildung nicht erkennen . Das Material ist wieder nicht Eiche, sondern eine Buchenart - allerdings nicht Rot-, sondern Hainbuche.
Sind das Anhaltspunkte, auf denen sich weiterbauen läßt? Einstweilen bleibt nichts als Ungewißheit - und das Auffällige der Lage am Strandrand, samt ihrer Bewahrung trotz wachsender Gefährdung über dermaßen lange Zeit.
4.
Wie ging es mit diesem Opferplatz zu Ende? Das ist im Grunde nicht zu beurteilen, bevor nicht das Fundmaterial der Südsiedlung in gleich umsichtiger Sorgfalt dokumentiert vor uns liegt, denn beide Stätten können abschließend nur im Zusammenhang ausgewertet werden.
Festzustehen scheint, daß der alte Kultstrand durch der neuen jenseits des Baches abgelöst worden ist. Aber wie? Geschah dies unmittelbar, durch einfache Verlegung, oder nach einem Hiat?
Es fällt auf, daß nicht nur das sakrale Gebäude auf dem erweiteren Podest der Periode B durch Feuer endete, sondern auch die profan genutzte Halle am gleichen Patz in der Periode C. Dazwischen schoben sich tiefgreifende Umgestaltungen des gesamten Geländes: Anhebung des Niveaus durch umfangreiche Aufschüttungen - ihnen danken wir nicht zuletzt die Bewahrung großer Teile des älteren Knochenmaterials - , Anlegen einer neuen Schiffseinfahrt, der Hallenbau, Veränderungen im Wegenetz und anderes mehr. Es war also Macht wirksam, die sich lange genug zu entfalten vermochte, um unter den primitiven Voraussetzungen der Zeit umfangreiche Erdarbeiten in Gang zu setzen, und sie hielt so lange an, daß für nicht näher bekannte Dauer im neuen Gebäude ein profanes Leben Platz greifen konnte. All das geschah, wie gesagt, zwischen den beiden Bränden.
Wie haben wir das alles zu verstehen? Es kann sich - zugegeben - um bloße Willkür des Zufalls handeln, um rein äußerliche Parallelität zweier Schadensfälle in zeitlichem Abstand am selben Platz, die nichts mit einander zu schaffen haben. Es kann jedoch, und gerade im hier gegebenen Rahmen, auch um ein Wechselspiel von Repression und Reaktion gehen, mit dessen zweitem Akt sich auch die Erneuerung des bisherigen Opferkultes am neuen Platz verband. Mit anderen Worten: Wurde der alte Kultplatz damals, als man ihn preisgab, lediglich verlegt, sein bisheriges Areal nur umgestaltet und umgewidmet - oder wurde die Stätte gezielt profaniert, und die Halle mit ihnen neuartigen Nutzungsmöglichkeiten hatte in erster Linie der Zweck, das bisherige Treiben dort für die Zukunft zu blockieren? Warum entstand der neue Kultplatz nicht, besser gegen das steigende Wasser gesichert, unter Wahrung der vordem so eindruckvoll gewahrten Platzkontinuität?
Es gibt mehr Fragen. Was ist davon zu halten, daß in dem Hallenbau, der den alten Kultplatz mit profaner Nutzung verdrängte, Schreibgerät zum Vorschein kam - ein unverkennbarer Griffel aus Horn, etwa 11 cm lang, und zwei Objekte, die die Deutung als Reste von Griffeln mit mehr oder weniger großer Wahrscheinlichkeit zulassen? Es gibt Griffelfunde auch aus der Hauptsiedlung. Sind sie an beiden Stellen gleich zu beurteilen?
Griffel weisen auf Wachstafeln als Beschreibstoff, ein antikes Erbe der damaligen westlichen Welt. Alltagsnotizen, Schulübungen, Rechnungen, Konzepte für Urkundentexte oder auch für literarische Entwürfe, wohl auch Briefe wurden dort eingeritzt. All das
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kommt jedoch in unserer bisheringen Vorstellung von den Ostseeslawen jener Zeit nicht vor. Wir sehen sie als Träger einer oralen Kultur - die gelegentliche Behauptung, die Götterbilder im Tempel von "Rethra" hätten eingeschnitzte Namen gezeigt, wirkt unglaubhaft. Wir sehen aber auch keine Gründe, für Laienkreise des damaligen Westens Schriftkundig-keit zu vermuten. Die Schreibkunst scheint uns dort für die Jahrhunderte, in die Ralswieks Periode C fiel, auf geistliche Kreise beschränkt. Laiensklaven aus Dänemark, aus Polen oder dem Reich, deren Schreibkenntnis von slawischen Besitzern ausgenutzt werden konnte, passen in dieses Bild ebensowenig wie Kaufleute aus gleicher Nachbarschaft, die sich die schwierige Kunst angeeignet hatten. Christenpriester, aber die erkannt wurden, wurden unter gentilreligiösen Slawen den Göttern geopfert. Wer also schrieb damals im Ralswiek der Periode C, über dem aufgelassenen (profanierten?) Kultplatz?
In der Hauptsiedlung mögen die Griffel von Orientalen oder von Skandinaviern benutzt worden sein (einer trägt eine Inschrift in arabischen Zeichen). Spricht das Schreibgerät im Hallenbereich für eine vorübergehende Festsetzung christlicher Invasoren, und das Ende der ersten Kultstätte, die Profanierung des Platzes geht auf diese zurück? Die bekannte Geschichte liefert keine Daten für einen derart massiven Eingriff zu in Betracht kommender Zeit, im früheren 11. Jh., und auch nicht für einen Gegenschlag, der den alten Kult wieder hergestellt hätte. Doch eine wirre Zeit ist es damals gewesen, mit vielfachem Hin und Her von dänischen Vorstößen und slawischen Gegenaktionen: So viel ist bekannt, auch wenn vieles im Dunkel verbleibt.
Vielleicht gibt es eine Alternative. Schriftkundig waren im damaligen Mitteleuropa auch die Juden, mit ihren besonderen Zeichen, jedenfalls in verhältnismäßig breiter Schicht, Folge ihres speziellen Verhältnisses zu ihrer Heiligen Schrift. Das 10. und 11. Jh. brachte ihnen eine Blütezeit mit vielfacher Privilegierung; sie wurden damals zu einem wichtigen Faktor in der Entwicklung zeitgemäßer Frühformen von Märkten und Städten -z.B. in Magdeburg, dem wichtigen Tor zum slawischen Nordwesten; erst mit der Katastrophe des Ersten Kreuzzugs begann dieses Bild sich zu wandeln. Ihre Wege und Verbindungen ostwärts des Elbstroms lassen sich aus Quellenmangel nicht näher verfolgen, abgesehen von dem einen, dem berühmten Ibrahim ibn Ja'qüb zur Zeit Ottos des Großen. Stammen die Ralswieker Schreibwerkzeuge von einem seiner Stammesgenossen, der ähnlich unterwegs war? Dann brauchten wir sie nicht mit etwaigen christlichen Zerstörern von "heidnischem Unflat" in Verbindung zu bringen und den Brand des Hallenbaues, mit dem die Funde zusammenhängen, nicht mit einer altgläubigen Reaktion. Es bliebe dann aber noch immer die Frage, wie dessen Brand sich gegenüber der Einrichtung des neuern Opferplatzes südlich des Baches in die relative Chronologie einfügt, ob in denselben Zeithorizont oder in einen anderen, vorher oder danach, und es bliebe nichts zuletzt das Auffällige, das in der Aufgabe der vorher so lange trotz Schwierigkeiten gewahrten Platzkontinuität lieg. Dergleichen wiegt für sakrale Orte ungleich mehr als in anderen Fällen.
Noch etwas fällt auf. Der vernichtete Hallenbau wurde nicht erneuert oder anders ersetzt. Die in Verbindung mit ihm neugeschaffene Schiffseinfahrt wurde nicht freigehalten; sie konnte versanden. Viellleicht gab es Versuche, den Bach zu regulieren, der gleichhfalls allmählicher Verflachung verfiel (wann?). Das Gelände blieb sich selbst überlassen, zeitweise wohl noch als Weide genutzt; nach und nach entwickelte es sich zu dem grasbewachsenen Ödland, das die Ausgräber vorfanden - wie weit sich vor der Beweidung auch wieder ein Hiat gegenüber der vorausgehenden Brandkatastrophe
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Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
einschob, ist schwer zu klären. - Wurde die weitere Verwendung der Stätte zu kulturellen Zwecken, so oder so, gezielt unterlassen, aus besonderen Gründen? Es war möglich geworden, das Heiligtum zu vernichten und die Stätte zu profanieren. Wurde das als Zeichen genommen, daß der Segen der Götter nicht mehr auf ihr ruhte, aber auf dem, was dann an die Stelle gesetzt worden war, offensichtlich auch nicht? Der Hallenbau war ja ein äußeres Zeichen der Profanierung. Denkbahnen, die aus der alten Religion eingeschlagen wurden, konnten wohl so verlaufen, und doch bleibt die Frage, ob der mehrfache Wechsel vielleicht doch einfach äußeren Gründen entsprang, bedingt durch die Entwicklung des Wasserstandes.
Es ist kaum zu erwarten, daß die aufgeworfenen Fragen einmal sämtlich Antwort finden, Trotzdem sollten wir sie stellen, um uns die Grenzen unserer Erkenntnismöglichkeiten bewußt zu halten. Einstweilen wird es richtig sein, sich nach keiner Richtung hin festzulegen, sondern zunächst einfach unvoreingenommen die möglichen Interpretationsalternativen bereitzulegen, bis die methodische Aufarbeitung der Materials der Südsiedlung und ihres Umfeldes neue Voraussetzungen schafft, sei es für die Erhellung der relativen Chronologie, sei es darüber hinaus. Zu den wichtigen Elementen, die dann abzuwägen sind, wird - neben dem Problem der Griffel - die Zähigkeit gehören, mit der der alte Opferplatz vor der Periode C gegen alle Widrigkeiten festgehalten wurde. Ob wir dann auch näheren Einblick in die Art seines Endes erhalten werden, bleibt abzuwarten.
5.
Zum Schluß sei der Blick auf ein Problem gelenkt, das die Kultgeschichte von Ralswiek nicht unmittelbar berührt, wohl aber die Voraussetzungen für ihren Beginn: die Slaweneinwanderung auf Rügen. In die Grabungskampagnen, die der vorliegende Band dokumentiert, wurden auch gezielte Punkte des Hinterlandes jener Siedlung einbezogen. Von ihnen erstreckte sich eine auf den sog. Schloßberg, knapp 3 km nordöstlich Ralswiek, an der Spitze der Landzunge, die den Großen vom Kleinen Jasmunder Bodden scheidet, also an der verengten Durchfahrt zwischen den beiden Gewässern. Auf dieser Erhebung war eine Wallanlage aufgefallen. Ein Suchschnitt erwies sie als völkerwanderungszeitlich; die Befunde wurden zu den Ergebnissen eines weitgespannten Netzes von pollenanalytischen Untersuchungen in Beziehung gesetzt. Wie oft schon andernorts, ergaben sich auch dabei gravierende Widersprüche zwischen den archäologischen und den paläo-botanischen Daten; Die ersten sprechen nach herkömmlichen Interpretationsmustern für einen deutlichen Hiat zwischen germanischer und slawischer Besiedlung, die anderen für eine Siedlungskontinuität, in die slawische Elemente, kenntlich an der Einführung von Roggenbau, spätestens im 7. Jh. eindrangen. Wie ist das aufzulösen?
Die diffizile Problematik umfassend aufzugreifen, ist in einer Grabungsdokumentation nicht der Ort. HERRMANN beschränkt sich daher auf prinzipielle Hinweise, die früher von ihm Vorgetragenes weiterführen, ohne einer definitiven Lösung verzugreifen; es geht dabei ja letztlich um nichts anderes als um die Möglichkeiten und Grenzen des archäologischen Nachweises von ethnischen Bewegungen überhaupt. HERRMANN stellt in diesem Zusammenhang den Aussagewert rein typologisch fundierter Folgerungen aus keramischem Material erneut in Frage. Dem wird weiter nachzugehen sein. Das Problem berührt sich in manchem mit der Lage in Kärnten. Auch dort besteht ein Hiat: Slawen sind
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Hans-Dietrich Kahl
für die Übergangszeit zwischen Völkerwanderungszeit und Frühmittelalter durch Schriftquellen sehr gut bezeugt, archäologisch wollten sie sich geraume Zeit nicht zeigen, bis es wenigstens für das 8. Jh. zu Neudatierungen kam.19 Für Rügen ist das weitgehende Fehlen vergleichbarer schriftlicher Nachrichten zusätzlich in Rechnung zu stellen. Die Komplizierung der ostalpinen Situation durch unumgängliche weitere Fragen wie die nach Restromanen und awarischen oder sonstigen Steppennomaden bleibe hier aus dem Spiel.
20
Ein Restgermanenproblem verbindet beide Schauplätze.20 Es ist oft in schiefe Richtung gedrängt worden. Daß es gleichwohl legitim aufgeworfen wird, läßt sich aus Schrift-21
quellen belegen,21 durch die auch etymologische Erwägungen gerechtfertigt bleiben, selbst wenn sie manchmal in die Irre gehen.
Ein besonderer Aspekt des Restgermanenproblems, der gerade auch für Rügen in Betracht kommt, ist das zahlenmäßige Verhältnis zwischen slawischen Einwanderern und etwa verbliebener Vorbevölkerung. Der Berichterstatter vermag dazu nichts zu sagen, doch sei betont, daß in zu entwickelnde Modellvorstellungen die bekannt starke Durchsetzungskraft slawischer Idiome einbezogen werden muß. Mit Grund wird dazu auf ein Zeugnis verwiesen, das das sog. Strategikon des Maurikios bietet. Dort ist die ungewöhnlich starke
Bereitschaft der Slawen betont, fremde Elemente als "freie Freunde", also in günstiger
22
Rechtsstellung, in die eigene Sozialordnung einzubeziehen. Eine zahlen- und machtmäßige Überlegenhheit setzt allerdings auch das in jedem Fall voraus.
Wie diese Faktoren sich aur Rügen ausgewirkt haben, mindestens viele Jahrzehnte, bevor der Seehandelsplatz Ralswiek entstand, bleibt bis auf weiteres im Dunkel. Die Germanen, die sich an seiner Gründung beteiligten, waren mit Sicherheit keine auf Rügen altheimischen aus Jahrhunderten vor der Völkerwanderungszeit. Mag sein, daß es auf slawischer Seite damals noch Nachkommen solcher Restgermanen gegeben hat, die sich etwas von ihrer zeitweise vorauszusetzenden Zweisprachigkeit bewahrt hatten. Wirkten solche mit, so könnte das die für den Anfang entscheidende Verständigung erleichtert
23
haben.23 Doch dies gehört mit zu den interessanten Fragen, auf die niemand eine Antwort weiß.
19
E. SZAMEIT, Merowingisch-karantanisch-awarische Beziehungen im Spiegel archäologischer Bodenfunde des 8. Jh.s. Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach den Wurzeln der frühmittelalterlichen Kulturerscheinungen im Ostalpenraum, in: Neues aus Alt-Villach. Jahrbuch des Museums der Stadt Villach 31 (1994), S. 7-23; DERS., Zu Funden des 8. Jh. aus Kärnten, in: Acta Historiae 2 (1994), S. 79-92; DERS., Frühmittelalterliche Siedlungstätigkeit im Ostalpenraum und der Nachweis von Slawen im Lichte archäologischer Quellen. Bemerkungen zu einem Modell der archäologischen Fundsituation des 6.-9. Jh.s in Österreich, in: Mitt.d.anthropolog. Ges. Wien 125/128 (1995), S. 291-309.
20
H.-D. KAHL, Früheste Formen slawischer Staatenbildung im Ostalpenraum (in Vorbereitung für ein Sammelwerk: "Slowenien und Nachbarländer zwischen Antike und karolingischer Epoche", hg. von der Slowenischen Akademie der Wissenschaften).
21H.-D. KAHL, Die Anfänge Schwerins, in: Mecklenburg. Jahrbücher 113 (1998), S. 12 f.
22
MAURICII Strategikon 11,4 (hg. G.T. Dennis - E. Gamillscheg, Copus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 17, Wien 1981, S. 372), dazu W. POHL, Die Awaren. Ein Steppenvolk in Mitteleuropa, München 1988, S. 127 u.ö.
23
Möglichkeiten frühmittelalterlicher Verständigung zwischen damals noch weniger weit auseinanderentwickelten germanischen Idiomen zeigt A. LASCH, Das altsächsische Taufgelöbnis, in: Neuphilolog, Mitteilungen 36 (Helsingfors 1935), S. 92-133, am Beispiel der Auseinandersetzung angelsächsischer Missionare mit der Sprache ihres altsächsichen Missionsgebietes.
235
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
Gleichgültig indes, ob diese Möglichkeit in Ralswiek mitspielte oder nicht: Es kommt hier auf das Prinzipielle an. Das Restgermanenproblem in der heutigen Germania Slavica, als legitim abgesichert, kann helfen, eine Erinnerung wachzuhalten, die die beiden letzten Jahrhunderte nur zu oft verdrängt haben. Es trifft sich dabei mit der Frage nach dem Verbleib slawischer Vorbevölkerung im gleichen Gebiet nach dessen mittelalterlichdeutscher Durchdringung, nur daß beide sich auf verschiedenen Bahnen bewegen.
Frühere Zeiten mochten sich in der Vorstellung gefallen, daß "Völker", was immer man darunter verstand, als geschlossene Einheiten auf Wanderschaft gingen, Billardkugeln gleich, die einander stießen und dann ihre Wege nahmen. Dies festzuhalten ist endgültig verbaut durch die bahnbrechenden Forschungen, die REINHARD WENSKUS vor drei Jahrzehnten vorgelegt hat.24 Am Beispiel der frühmittelalterlich-germanischen gentes entwickelt, sind sie weithin übertragbar auf andere Gruppierungen wie auch auf andere Zeiten.
Völker und Nationen sind keine statischen Größen, die man in Geschichte und Prähistorie beliebig weit zurückverfolgen könnte. Sie entstehen und vergehen in vielfacher Fluktuation, deren Intensität wechselt, und sie bilden sich keineswege alle zu gleicher Zeit; dabei sind biologischer und sprachlicher Traditionsgange gegen ersten Augenscheine weder gleichläufig noch gar identisch. Beide nehmen verschiedene Wege, die sich nur teilweise berühren. Der einseitige Sprachnationalismus, der so vielfach eingerissen ist, verdrängt daher wichtige Lebenswirklichkeiten anderer Art, und das hat immer wieder
25
verheerende Folgen.25 Wir Völker Europas sind alle viel stärker durchmischt und viel enger verwandt, als man dies langezeit wahrhaben wollte, gleich, ob wir nun in der Romania Germanica leben, in der Germania Romana, in der Germania Slavica, in der Slavia Germanica (von der man sehr wohl ebensogut sprechen könnte) oder wo immer sonst. Das Restgermanenproblem ist eine unter vielen Karten in diesem Spiel. Sie sticht allerdings nicht an allen Plätzen, an denen man sie auszuspielen suchte.
Was nun die Übergangszeit zwischen Völkerwanderung und Frühmittelalter auf Rügen angeht, so wird man die Hinweise der Paläobotanik ernst nehmen müssen, nur daß von ihnen aus, soviel ich sehe, das Zahlenverhältnis zwischen Einwanderern und Vorbevölkerung offen bleibt. Es mag dazu erlaubt sein, an ein paar Binsenwahrheiten zu erinnern, von denen keine für sich etwas Neues bringt, doch im Zusammenhang könnten sie vielleicht weiterhelfen.
Auch Paläobotanik und Archäologie leben, wie mehr oder weniger alle Wissenschaft, in der Spannung von Befunden und Interpretation. Dabei ist die Ausgangslage verschieden. Pollenanalysen bieten für die Zeitspanne, die sie erfassen, und den Umkreis, den sie einbeziehen, den Befund lückenlos, von Jahr zu Jahr. Wielange ein bestimmter Fruchtanbau sich fortsetzt und wann ihn ein neuer ergänzt, kann sie beweisen;
24
R. WENSKUS, Stammesbildung und Verfassung. Das Werden der frühmittelalterlichen gentes, KölnGraz 1961 = Köln-Wien 1977.
25
s. Anm. 4, dazu H.-D. KAHL, Wer ist in Kärnten "autochthon"? Anmerkungen zur Bevölkerungsgeschichte zwischen Karawanken und Tauern, in: Carinthia I/186 (1996), S. 419-427: DERS., Solium Ducatus Karinthie. Fragen um Kärntens Füstenstein und seine Rituale, in: Carinthia 188 (1998), bes. S. 243 f. Zur Ungleichzeitigkeit des Entstehens von Nationen und dem Versuch, diese Tatsache durch Erfindung von Geschichtsmythen zu beschönigen: DERS., Der Mythos vom Zollfeld/ Gosposvetsko polje, bei A. Moritsch (Hg.), Karantanien - Ostarrichi. 1001 Mythos (Unbegrenzte Geschichte 5), Klagenfurt/Celovec 1997, S. 54-58.
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Hans-Dietrich Kahl
was das dann bedeutet, ist Auslegungssache - es kann vielfach nur durch Anleihen außerhalb des Faches klargestellt werden (daß es Slawen sein dürften, die den Roggen mitbringen, steht nicht in den Pollen). Ebenso haben Archäologen ihre spezifischen Befunde: Diese Scherbe vertritt den Feldberger, jene den Menkendorfer Typ; wer aber wann die Gefäße herstellte und wer sie wann benutzte, bleiben Fragen für sich. Immer wieder begleiten sie Datierungsprobleme, sehr viel weniger eindeutig als bei der Pollenanalyse, und deren Auflösung ist oft nur mit einem Unsicherheitsfaktor möglich, ob nun groß oder klein; verfeinerte Methoden können im Nachhinein auf Umdatierung drängen. Fundlücken verdunkeln zusätzlich das Bild, und sie sind tückisch: Jeder Tag kann Neues bringen, was sie verringert oder schließt, nur daß die meisten Tage dies nicht tun; bewiesen werden kann hier nur, was ist, nicht aber auch, was nicht ist, und Negativbefunde können immer nur bis auf weiteres gelten. Das sind Gegebenheiten, die die Archäologie gegenüber der Paläobotanik in Nachteil bringen, nicht weil sie von Haus aus weniger sorgfältig arbeitete, sondern von den Grundvoraussetzungen des Faches her.
All das berührt die Aussagemöglichkeiten beider Disziplinen, die eben von Natur nicht gleich sind, und das wirkt auf das Restgermanenproblem zurück, für Rügen und anderswo. Wenn Pollenanalysen methodisch sauber erarbeitet sind und deren Interpretation auf unanfechtbaren Voraussetzungen fußt, muß ich den Aussagen glauben, auch wenn zur Zeit keine entsprechenden Scherben oder Kämme sie stützen. Für den Archäologen bleibt dann die Frage, ob für das ihm vorliegende Material die Interpretationsansätze bisheriger Forschung überdacht werden müssen. Erweisen sie sich als weiterhin tragfähig, so bleibt die Kluft zwischen den beiderlei Aussagemöglichkeiten bestehen, und es muß weiter abgewartet werden, ob, wann und wie sie sich vielleicht doch noch einmal schließt, zum Beispiel durch Neufunde. Bringt die Herausforderung durch das Nachbarfach den Durchbruch zu neuen Interpretationsmöglichkeiten, so kann es vielleicht trotz allem schließlich zum Einklang kommen. Wenn ich recht verstehe, ist damit auch HERRMANNs Auffassung wiedergegeben. Jedenfalls sucht er, mit neuem Ansatz Bewegung in die Methodendiskussion seines Faches zu bringen, und dem sollte man mit Offenheit begegnen, gleichgültig, ob dieser Ansatz sich dabei noch modifiziert oder nicht.
6.
Der Band Ralswiek II ist mit alledem nicht ausgeschöpft. Auch so schon wird deutlich geworden sein: Hier ist wieder einmal vielseitige Information mit reichen Anregungen verbunden, die auch andere Fachrichtungen nun aufgreifen können, um am möglichen gemeinsamen Ergebnis weiterzuarbeiten. Dafür dürfen wir JOACHIM HERRMANN und seinem Mitarbeiterteam dankbar sein. Hoffentlich kann die Aufarbeitung der noch ausstehenden Materialien dieser Grabungskampagnen bald weitergeführt werden - nicht nur für die Südsiedlung, von der für die hier offen gebliebenen Fragen so besonders viel abhängt.
237
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.).
Slovanska kultna obala ob Baltiku pri Ralswieku na Rügnu/Rujani (8. - 10. st.)
Pripombe k novemu zvezku arheološke dokumentacije
(Povzelo uredništvo z dovoljenjem avtorja)
Avtor predstavlja novosti, ki jih izpod peresa JOACHIMA HERRMANNA prinaša novi zvezek objave arheoloških izkopavanj vikinško-slovanske naselbine in pristanišča Ralswiek na Rügnu/Rujani. Naselbina je nastala približno sredi 8. st. in je imela poleg najmanj 20 bivališč tudi pristaniške gradbe, delavnice za obelavo železa, brona, roževine, jantarja. Ob tej je bila še manjša naselbina in dva kultna prostora. Tretjega so domnevali na bližnji vzpetini Mühlenberg, a so izkopavanja pokazala, da gre za ostanke poznosrednjeveškega mlina na veter.
Glavna pozornost prispevka velja obema sosednjima kultnima prostoroma. Da so na obeh opravljali žrtvovanja, kažejo najdbe številnih kosti, ki se po svojem sestoju močno ločijo od tistih iz naselbine. Namesto svinj, drobnice, perutnine in divjačine, prevladujejo kosti konj, psov in goveda ter, kar je še posebej značilno, številni kostni ostanki človeka, v glavnem odraslih ljudi, a nikoli v anatomski legi. Kultna prostora sta si časovno sosledna. Starejši je ležal tik ob nekdanji obali v kolenu potoka, 200 m jugozahodno od glavnega naselja. Nastal je v drugi polovici 8. stoletja. Sestavljal ga je 3m dolg kamnit oval, ki je imel v sredini lesen kol, 12 m stran pa je bila skupina kurišč z ostanki obrednih pojedin. Nato se je začela vodna gladina dvigati. Ob starem ovalu so zgadili novega, večjega, a enako usmerjenega proti severovzhodu. Tu je stala stavba s stenami iz pleterja, ki je bilo ometano z glino. Kultnega stebra niso prenesli. Ker se je dvigovanje vodne gladine nadaljevalo, so nasutje razširili, zgradili novo leseno stavbo in nov podest, na katerem sicer ni stavbnih ostankov, so se pa poslej žrtvovanja dogajala ob njem. Tako je bilo do konca 10 stoletja.
Za razliko z naselbino, kjer se mešajo najdbe slovanskega in skandinavskega izvora, pa na svetiščnem prostoru vse kaže zgolj na Slovane. Avtor tega prispevka to okolnost razlaga s pravnim položajem Skandinavcev. Ti naj bi kot tujci ne imeli pravice do svojih žrtvovanj. Nadalje poskuša pojasniti poudarjeno obvodno lego svetišča. Domneva, da gre za češčenje vodnega božanstva, morda Mokoši. Pri tem opozarja, da je bil kultni steber bukov in ne hrastov, kakršnega bi pričakovali. Poleg tega je bil v Ralswieku najden tudi kipec človeške postave, ki je bil izrezljan iz gabrovine.
Svetišče je nadomestila profana stavba, v kateri je bilo najdeno pisalo. Vprašanje, ali je pripadalo poganskim svečenikom, krščanskim duhovnikom, ali celo neznanemu židovskemu trgovcu, pušča avtor poročila odprto. Stavbe na svetiščnem prostoru je uničil požar in jih niso obnovili.
V nadaljevanju teče beseda o slovanski naselitvi Rügna/Rujane in vprašanju stika z germanskimi staroselci. Tega nakazujejo analize vzorcev cvetnega prahu, razlage ostankov lončenine govorijo proti. Avtor prispevka vidi v tem metodološko-interpretativni problem. Tega pa obravnava tudi predstavljeni zvezek.
238
Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review.
Roman Zaroff

o\
On the example of a controversial book Mother Russia by American historian Joanna Hubbs, published in USA in 1993, the article attempts to explore studies in Slavonic religion worldwide. The author explores a number of selected serious mistakes made by Joanna Hubbs in her book and attributes them to a very poor knowledge of Slavonic religion and mythology in the West, and especially in English speaking countries. To address this problem, the article suggests that more articles should appear in SMS in English. Moreover it recognizes importance of SMS as vehicle to promote more research and better understanding of Slavonic religion and mythology worldwide.
In 1993 Joanna Hubbs, an American historian, published a book titled Mother Russia. The author advanced the theory that Slavic religion was matriarchal in its nature and that the major early Slavic deities were predominately feminine, and only in later historical times did a masculinization of these cults and deities take place.
In my opinion the book deserved a lot of scrutiny and a firm academic response not for its new approach to the Slavic religion and Eastern Slavic in particular, but for a number of serious mistakes that appeared. It is not my intention here to challenge either the main thesis of Joanna Hubbs or her interpretation of the evidence, despite the fact they are often very controversial and revolutionary to say the least. Nor do I intend to review here the entire book. Nonetheless, from a few examples I would like to show a number of serious - and to-date undisputed - mistakes she has made, and I will address only some of the religious aspects.
Early in the book Joanna Hubbs states: "According to the 6th century Byzantine historian Procopius, the pagan Slavs worshipped: both river and tree nymphs and some other kinds of spirits".1 She used the account by Procopius of Ceasarea here to advance her claims that the Slavs worshipped predominately feminine deities and that Mother Earth was dominant among them. However, she ignored an earlier part of the same account (just a few lines before) which identifies the male god of thunder, almost definitely Perun, as a major deity of the Southern Slavs.2
Furthermore, the four-faced Slavic idol of Zbrucz is identified by Joanna Hubbs as that of Sventevit, Polabian Sventevit of Rügen Island.3 Joanna Hubbs' speculation is based primarily on the fact that, according to Saxo Grammaticus, the idol of Svantevit of Rügen
1	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 11.
2	Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars,VII.X1V.23.
3	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p.12.
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Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review.
had four heads.4 It is worth noting that the claim that the stone idol of Zbrucz is Sventevit was made in the 19th century, after the discovery of a statue. However, as early as the beginning of the 20th century, this fanciful claim was rebuked by Polish historian and linguist Aleksander Brückner.5 Today no serious scholar would identify the idol from Zbrucz as that of Sventovit of Arkona. Multicephalism was common in Slavic mythology and iconography so the four-faced Zbrucz idol and four heads of Sventovit are hardly sufficient evidence to identify them as the same deity. It appears that Joanna Hubbs fails to realize that four heads is not the same thing as four faces.
Further on, she advances the claim that masculinization of an original female divinity had taken place at some stage at Arkona.6 Joanna Hubbs based her claim on the basis of feminine elements ( two out of four figures) and female figures on the trunk of the idol of Zbrucz. However, this alone would not allow any serious archaeologist or historian to claim either the femininity of the deity or a "half way" process of masculinization. Furthermore, these feminine elements in the idol at Arkona were not mentioned at all by Saxo Grammaticus.' The idol's moustache, horn and sword can hardly be interpreted as feminine.
In relation to rituals associated with the goddess Zhiva (venerated and worshipped by the Obodrite branch of the Polabian Slavs in modern East Germany) Joanna Hubbs stated: "It is thought that, as in later Russian peasant rituals, the women, young and old, officiated".8
It is true that Helmold of Bossau, in his description of Polabian religion, mentioned gods such as Prove, Redigast and Siva (Zhiva). The feminine ending of the name Siva leads most scholars to accept that this was a female goddess, and it is beyond the scope of this article to argue either way. Helmold also stated that men, women, and children participated in the rituals associated with those gods. In relation to Zhiva, however, the account was rather brief, and no leading role of females was indicated whatsoever.9 Communal banquets associated with various Slavic religious festivals and celebrations involving the entire population were a common tradition in pagan Slavdom. The evidence for the claim that females officiated there lacks substantiation.
Joanna Hubbs also makes an assumption that male spirits such as Leshy, Vodianoi
or Domovoi are later than Rusalki, Bereginye and Vily10, but this lacks any evidence. How
could she substantiate this? It would be prudent to assume that female and male spirits
always existed as an inseparable part of Slavic mythology. In another place Joanna Hubbs
refers to: "Dazhbog, father of Svarog".11 Although the real relationship between Dazhbog
and Svarog in Slavic mythology is unimportant in the argument, Joanna Hubbs cites Marija
12
Gimbutas, The Slavs, in which exactly the opposite relationship is stated.12
4	Saxo Grammaticus , XIV. 39.
5	A. Brückner, Mitologia slowianska ipolska, p. 325.
6	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p.16.
7	Saxo Grammaticus, XIV.39.
8	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 13.
9	Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum , Book I.52.
10	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 16.
11	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 17.
12	M.Gimbutas, The Slavs, p. 162.
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Roman Zaroff
Later Joanna Hubbs speaks of a female solar deity: "Among the Western
13
Slavs.....Matushka Krasnovo Solnca (Mother of the Red Sun)".13 To one familiar with
Russian, "Matushka Krasnovo Solnca" is obviously a Latin transcript from the Russian language. The Russians are not Western Slavs, and the Czechs, Poles, Slovaks and Sorbs are not in the habit of using Russian in these writings.
Another serious mistake was made by Joanna Hubbs when she wrote that: "The historian Thietmar of Mersenburg noted that in Stettin (where the statue of Svantevit was venerated) the popular assembly governed through unanimous vote. It is not clear to what extent women participated in the councils... We can speculate that women participated in government in some form".14
I would like to remind Joanna Hubbs that Thietmar of Merseburg did not mention Sventevit at all in any of the eight books of his Chronicon. The Slavic god named Sventovit was worshipped at Arkona on Rügen Island, a long way from Stettin. The people of Stettin worshipped the god Triglav. In his Chronicon, Thietmar specifically writes about the god Svarozhits (Zuarasici in the Latin version of his name) and of his worship at Radegosc (somewhere near modern Neubrandenburg). There is also nothing in Thietmar's account suggesting that women participated in such councils. Not even the word "women" or "female" is mentioned in this particular account.15
I would like to conclude by citing Joanna Hubbs' comments on the ethnic and linguistic divisions in Central Europe in the late Antiquity. She makes the following claim: "In the second and third centuries, the Dacians, associated with Slavic tribes and settled on the lower Danube, depicts her (Great Goddess of Central Europe) being worshipped...." 16 This claim gives the impression that Joanna Hubbs was unaware that the Slavs did not reach the Lower Danube until the 6th century C. E. It is possible that the Antaes (Antes) roamed the region sometime around the 3rd century C. E., but for this there is no evidence. The Antes were most likely the Sarmatians, who Slavicized much later.
I have searched for reviews of the book in a number of periodicals from 1993 onward and found none in the following: Russian Review, Slavic Review, The Slavic & Eastern European Review, Scottish Slavonic Review - Slavonica and Irish Slavonic Studies. However I have found one in the Canadian American Slavic Studies by Adela Barker of the University of Arizona. It is worth citing two comments made by Adela Barker:" This is carefully researched work which draws on a wide range of ethnographic, historical, and literary
17
materials to make its case."1' And soon after: "This book is a shining addition to the field".18
The case of Joanna Hubbs' book and the review in Canadian American Slavic Studies indicates how poorly researched the area of Slavic pre-Christian religion is in the English speaking world, and how poorly the topic is known and understood. It is surprising that a work with such serious mistakes and flaws was published by such a well recognized and prestigious institution such as the Indiana University Press. The survival of these flaws
13	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 18.
14	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 168.
15	Thietmar of Mersenburg,VI.23-25.
16	J. Hubbs, Mother Russia, p. 10.
17	Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 27, 1993, p. 341-343.
18	Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 27, 1993, pp. 341-343.
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Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review.
through the pre-publishing review process and the lack of proper academic response to the book shows again how little is known by English speaking scholars about pre-Christian Slavic religion and Slavic history in general.
To make things worse, Mother Russia has been used as a textbook in undergraduate History courses at the University of Queensland in Brisbane, Australia, and quite possibly elsewhere. The flaws in Joanna Hubbs' book cannot be ignored, as it is probably the largest recent English language publication dealing with pre-Christian Slavic religion.
Also, as far as I am aware, there is no department of Religious Studies at any University in the English speaking world that offers courses on Slavic religion. Therefore, the belief that the Slavs were animists before converting to Christianity is still common even in academic circles. What lesson can we derive from this ? I do believe that Studia mythologia Slavica is a perfect vehicle to advance the knowledge about Slavic beliefs and mythology, not only among European scholars, but also amongst those from English speaking countries.
We cannot realistically expect a high level of interest in pre-Christian Slavic religion in the English speaking world. The difficulty for most English speaking academics is the study of source materials in German or any Slavic language. Nonetheless, there are a sufficient number of academics who pursue their careers in this particular area. I believe it is up to European academics, especially those from the Slavic-speaking and Germanic countries, to break the wall of this linguistic barrier and provide a much needed forum that would encompass scholars from English speaking countries. I believe it desirable that articles in Studia mythologica Slavica appear in both the author's own language and English. This will not always be possible, as I do realize that many scholars do not speak English or that their knowledge of this language is limited. After all English is not compulsory. However, the articles may be translated by those of our colleagues who are fluent in English. I do fully realize that it is not a simple matter and cannot always be satisfactorily achieved. I myself, although living in Australia for many years, still write in rather crude English but am not too proud to seek assistance in the final editing. However, for the purpose of reaching the English speaking academics, the general public - and especially Joanna Hubbs and Adela Baker - there seems to be no other alternative.
Bibliography
A. Brückner, Mitologia slowianska i polska (Warszawa: Panstwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1985).
Canadian American Slavic Studies, Vol. 27, 1993, p. 341-343. Gimbutas, M., The Slavs (London: Thames and Hudson, 1971).
Helmold of Bosau, Chronica Slavorum, in F. J. Tschan, editor, The Chronicle of the Slavs
(New York: Octagon Books Inc., 1966). Hubbs, J., Mother Russia (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993). Procopius of Ceasarea, History of the Wars (Cambridge, Mass., USA: Harward University Press, 1968).
Saxo Grammaticus, Danorum Regum Heroumque Historia, Liber X- XVI, in E. Christiansen, ed. (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, International Series No. 84, 1984).
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Thietmar of Mersenburg, Chronicon, in M.Z. Jedlicki, ed., Kronika Tietmara (Poznan: Instytut Zachodni, 1953).
"Mother Russia" Joanne Hubbs, več kot ocena.
Roman Zaroff
Na primeru sporne knjige Mother Russia, ki jo je 1993 v ZDA objavila ameriška zgodovinarka Joanna Hubbs, poskuša avtorjev prispevek raziskati angleškojezične študije o slovanski religiji. Avtor razčlenjuje številne izbrane hude pomote, ki jih je zapisala Joanna Hubbs v svoji knjigi, in jih pojasni z zelo slabim poznavanjem slovanske religije in mitologije na Zahodu, še posebno v angleško govorečih deželah. Da bi odpravili to težavo, prispevek predlaga, naj bi v Studii mythologici Slavici objavljali več člankov v angleščini. Omenjena revija se mu zdi pomembna kot sredstvo za predstavitev raziskav ter kot pomoč pri boljšem razumevanju slovanske religije in mitologije.
243
Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review.
244
Sliki na zadnji strani ovitka prve in druge številke Studia mithologyca Slavica:
1.	Relief s cerkve Sv. Jurija na Svetih gorah nad Sotlo (Slovenija).
2.	Spolija iz pokopališkega obzidja ob cerkvi sv. Martina, Silberberg (Koroška, Avstrija)
246
Jifi Machaček, Andrej Pleterski
SLOVANSKA MITOLOGIJA 7 VIRI IN REKONSTRUKCIJE 7 7
MITOLOGIA SLAVA 7 FONTI E RICOSTRUZIONI 7
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav (Tschechische Republik) 9 Jiri Machâcek, Andrej Pleterski 9
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Aaœaia ai ooiieeaoa ia Iaeaea e îaaiaeoa oaeaoee ni aooae noaaiiaaeiaie e ôîëêëîôiè eçaiôe 23
ieein xaoneaen 23
Çôëûnrâû ' çfê'il Âiërdônl 43
Ydinn ë' "§r , Àeyenaiaô Èaôaaaia^, Ë^ai3ea Ao^ûo, Yaaaöa çaéei0ne3, Âaeaôûé Â3iaeoôa0 43 Èoeûoaaûy aôyaû 0 Âaeaôon3 57
Ëtâêlëf Äö+üö 57
Etnografia umanistica ne L'epistola sulla religione ed i sacrifici degli antichi prussiani di Jan
Sandecki Malecki (Meletius) 63
Lorenzo Pompeo 63
The Tenth Child in Folk Tradition 75
Monika Kropej 75
The Way of the Tâltos: 89
A Critical Reassessment of a Religious-Magical Specialist 89 Läszlö Kürti 89 Pastirji - čarovniki 115 Mirjam Mencej 115
Naaouo ia aaiiieoa a neiai e iaoaç 125
Èaaoa Oiaiöiaa-ieöaiaa 125
iiniöoii iöi ai oöaaeoeeoa ia aaeeaineeoa Neiaaie 133
Šoi^i N. Denoanee 133
Transformations of the Lithuanian God Perk\nas 149 Nijolà Laurinkienà log
SEMIOTIÈNE INTERPRETACIJE LJUDSKEGA IZROÈILA 159 INTERPRETAZIONI SEMIOTICHE DELLA TRADIZIONE POPO-LARE 159
Il motivo del Salvatore nella culla in un racconto popolare resiano. 161 Roberto Dapit 161
ÎndfcM ûçmîdûô mîâÎiMnÎé d'mndîfc ' çfâîâîdiîé $fdnčm ečdf â nndôçnôdûé îdäfíčçföčč niçnnf (if ëfnl^fëi ëčmânçč6 çfâîâîdîâ) 173 £adč' Çfâû'ëîâf 173
Altslawische Kultstrukturen in Pohansko bei Breclav (Tschechische Republik)
Cinderella the Dragon Slayer 187 Francisco Vaz da Silva 187 NEEVROPSKE VZPOREDNICE 205 205
PARALLELI NON-INDOEUROPEI 205
Obvladovanje notranje narave po Radža jogi 207 Maja Milčinski 207
RAZVOJ RAZISKOVALNIH METOD IN KRITIENE OCENE 217 217
SVILUPPO DEI METODI DI RICERCA E RECENSIONI 217 Una riflessione sugli ultimi sviluppi degli studi mitologici 219 Nikolai Mikhailov 219
Der ostseeslawische Kultstrand bei Ralswiek auf Rügen (8. - 10. Jh.). 223 Hans-Dietrich Kahl 223
Joanna Hubbs' Mother Russia: More than review. 239 Roman Zaroff 239
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