two antiphonals from the carthusian monastery in žiče: manuscripts 273 and 7 from the graz university library KATARINA ŠTER Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Ljubljana Izvleček: Kartuzija Žiče je v času velikega zahodnega razkola postala sedež kartuzijanskega reda za vse Rimu zveste kartuzije. To viharno obdobje je morda vplivalo tudi na glasbeno življenje samostana. Razprava skuša s primerjavo besedil, melodij in notnih skupin iz dveh žičkih antifonalov (iz 13. in 15. stoletja) vsaj okvirno prikazati spremembe v melodični tradiciji žičkih antifonalov do konca 15. stoletja. Tespremembe so bile najbrž povezane tudi s poskusi poenotenja kartuzijanskega reda po razkolu. Ključne besede: glasba 15. stoletja, Kartuzija Žiče, kartuzijani, gregorijanski koral. Abstract: The Carthusian monastery in Zice (Ger. Seitz or Seiz) played a central role in the history of the Carthusian Order during the turbulent period of the Great Schism, which might have also influenced its musical life. A comparison of the texts, melodies, and note groupings in two Zice antiphonals from the 13th and 15th centuries can offer at least a vague picture of melodic tradition of the Zice antiphonals till the end of the fifteenth century. This tradition was probably also connected to the unification of the Carthusian Order after the Schism. Keywords: fifteenth-century music, Zice charterhouse, Carthusians, plainchant. In 1822, the Styrian topographer Charles Schmutz wrote: 'The gnawing tooth of time, or rather, vandalism and unpardonable carelessness have almost completely destroyed one of the most venerable monuments of our fatherland." Jože Mlinaric, author of a monograph on the Žiče and Jurklošter monasteries (or charterhouses), added in 1991: "the word 'almost' should be omitted today."1 Schmutz's words were written only fifty years after the dissolution of the Žiče charterhouse. A monastery of venerable history, founded in 1160, it was one of the most important monasteries on Slovenian soil. It was only the nineteenth Carthusian institution established, but it was also the first to be built outside the "authentic" Carthusian countries, France and Italy. Following comparative poverty in the 12th century, the Žiče charterhouse first truly blossomed in the 13th century. Until 1335 it was the seat of the Carthusian German Province (Provincia Alemaniae) and, with the foundation of the Upper-German 1 Schmutz's quotation and comment upon it are taken from Jože Mlinaric, Kartuziji Žiče in Jurklošter, Maribor, Založba Obzorja, 1991, pp. 595-596. This monograph, which has been my main literature on the history of the Žiče charterhouse in this article, also contains a comprehensive summary in English. Province (Provincia Alemaniae Superioris) in 1355, Zice became its seat. However, the full blossoming of the Zice charterhouse took place in the 15th century. After its decline in the 16th century, enduring devastation by the Turkish armies and the spiritual crisis in Zice during the Reformation, monastic life was abandoned for more than thirty years, from 1565 to 1595. The 17th century was again a period of comparative advance. In 1782 Habsburg Emperor Joseph II carried out his reforms, in which he dissolved the Zice monastery as well as many others.2 Zice played an extremely important role in the history of the order from 1391-1410, in the time of the Great (Western) Schism, when it became the seat of the Carthusian Order for all charterhouses that remained loyal to the Roman pope. All the rights enjoyed by the superior of La Grande Chartreuse (the Great Charterhouse) were accorded to the prior general, who from then on was also the superior of Zice. Following John of Bari, who died in 1391, the next superior was Brother Christopher, a professed monk from Florence, followed in 1398 by Stephen Macone, a native of Siena. Macone was one of the most outstanding Carthusians in the history of Zice, whose circumspection and patience paved the way to unity within the whole Order. The records of the general chapter in Zice show the great efforts of their priors to achieve unity among the monasteries that were loyal to Rome, and to establish regular observance in them as well. During the Schism, the other two charterhouses in Slovenian territory, Bistra and Jurkloster, also enjoyed great esteem because their priors carried out important tasks for the order. In 1403 the last Carthusian institution in Slovenia, the Pleterje charterhouse, was founded; in 1410 it was received into the order.3 After the unification of the Carthusian Order, the number of religious houses greatly increased, and religious life in them received a fresh impulse. The 15th century was a period of general spiritual and economic crisis in Europe. However, it was not until the final decades of the century that some expressly negative consequences of this became evident in Zice. The helm of that monastery was manned by competent people; later they usually became superiors in other religious houses of the province. However, further development in the Upper German Province was hindered chiefly by numerous wars, and by the devastations of the Hussites and Turks in the second half of the 15th century. Thus, from 1473 to 1477 the general chapter discussed the destiny of the endangered Slovenian charterhouses several times. Where necessary, the monks had to move into other houses of their province or neighbouring provinces. In 1471 Pleterje and Jurkloster were devastated. Although the Turks then raged far and wide around the Zice monastery, destroying its property, they did not destroy the monastery itself. This fate was to befall the Zice charterhouse in the following century.4 Today only about 120 manuscripts and 100 fragments from the Zice charterhouse have been preserved, but they can reveal much about spiritual activity in this monastery.5 2 J. Mlinaric, op. cit., 1991, pp. 582-596. 3 J. Mlinaric, op. cit., 1991, pp. 135-172 and 585-587. 4 J. Mlinaric, op. cit., 1991, pp. 586-588. 5 Nataša Golob, Srednjeveški rokopisi iz žičke kartuzije (1160-1560), Ljubljana, Narodna galerija, 2006, p. 7. In Žiče and the neighbouring Slovenian charterhouses, tightly connected in the spiritual brotherhood,6 many intellectuals, men of letters, and skillful copyists left their marks.7 At the end of the Middle Ages, the Žiče library was undoubtedly a very large one. When he visited the monastery in 1487, Paolo Santonino wrote about its library with astonishment: "In the monastery can be seen over two thousand volumes from all departments of knowledge, for the most part written on parchment."8 In the 16th century, in addition to the other troubles of the Carthusians in Žiče, Archduke Charles II of Graz ordered them to lend their books to the Jesuits, who had just founded the University of Graz. At the end of the century they managed to regain some books, but not all of them. Many books were also destroyed in the peasant uprising of 1635. After the dissolution of the Žiče charterhouse in 1782, the best books were sent to Vienna, the bulk of the remainder to Graz, and some also to Ljubljana. Many others were damaged, lost, or sold.9 Today most of the Žiče manuscripts are kept in the Graz University Library, some of them in national libraries in Ljubljana, Vienna, Prague, and some in other places. However, the 15th century has left us more manuscripts from Žiče than any other century, among them many music manuscripts, which are among the most beautiful codices of Žiče. Altogether, there are three graduals, six antiphonals, hymnals, and psalters, as well as many music fragments from the Middle Ages.10 Surprisingly, five nearly complete antiphonals from the 15th century, none from the 14th century, and only one from the end of the 13th century are preserved. These manuscripts can offer the first picture of the musical life of a religious house during a certain period. Their individual characteristics and the differences between them can be seen by means of comparison, for which the earliest and the latest antiphonals of the Middle Ages, which stand 200 years apart, have been chosen.11 6 On 26 October 1415, the priors of the Slovenian charterhouses gathered in Žiče to confirm this brotherhood formally. The brotherhood was confirmed again in 1481. See J. Mlinarič, op. cit., 1991, p. 187. 7 To mention only the most important authors: the poet Sifrid of Schwaben, who lived in the Jurklošter charterhouse in the 13th century; the poet and writer Conrad of Hainburg and Philipp of Žiče, poet and author of the most important medieval epic poem about Mary's life composed in German; both stayed at the Žiče charterhouse at the beginning of the 14th century; as well as both priors of Jurklošter and Žiče from the time of the Great Schism, Michael of Prague and Stephen Macone. At the end of the 15th century, Nicholas Kempf from Jurklošter was of particularly great importance. Much information is given in the chapter on literary activity in J. Mlinarič, op. cit., 1991, pp. 466-497. See also: Jože Mlinarič, Odnos kartuzijanov do knjige in naše slovenske kartuzije, Knjižnica 26/1-2 (1982), pp. 23-46: 29-34; Jože Mlinarič, Duhovna podoba in pomen srednjeveških samostanov na Slovenskem, Zgodovinski časopis 47/4 (1993), pp. 489-495: 493. 8 Paolo Santonino, Popotni dnevniki, transl. by Primož Simoniti, Klagenfurt, Mohorjeva založba, 1991, p. 87. Santonino did not mention the library of the lower monastery for the lay-brothers in Špitalič, although it may also have existed at that time. N. Golob, op. cit., p. 19-20 and 23. 9 N. Golob, op. cit., p. 14; J. Mlinarič, op. cit., 1982, pp. 39-41; J. Mlinarič, op. cit., 1991, pp. 466-497. 10 The list of the preserved medieval manuscripts and fragments from Žiče is given in N. Golob, op. cit., pp. 121-133. 11 Both manuscripts have been studied using digital photographs from the Graz University Library. Manuscript 273 from the Graz University Library is one of the earliest nearly completely preserved Carthusian antiphonals (there are lacunae of 11 folios at the beginning of the manuscript, some other folios, and 6 folios at the end). Today it contains 247 folios measuring 298 x 197 mm; originally it was approximately 35 x 24 cm but the edges were cut in the 17th century.12 Its provenance is not yet clear; some scholars have confirmed its strong connections with France on the basis of notation,13 but others stress that especially the initials show great influence of the Italian masters and the "Italianizing" style of that time.14 Even the Zice charterhouse itself is not excluded as a place of provenance.15 The manuscript dates from about 1280.16 It has ten lines of text and music and it is notated in French square notation on a staff of four red lines; clefs are given for F, C1, and (rarely) G1. The manuscript is certainly the work of several copyists. With regard to the melodies, there is an exceptional likeness to another Carthusian antiphonal from the same period, manuscript Lyon 509 from the Ste-Croix-en-Jarez charterhouse.17 The Zice antiphonal shows traces of use through a long period because it has numerous later additions; however, because of some ambiguous places in the manuscript it is difficult to distinguish between the original and added layers. Many of the additions were obviously contrary to the earlier record and the manuscript could not have avoided certain "corrections" such as additions of B-flats or drawing the lines between the first note and the following group of notes in the melismatic sections. Manuscript 7 from the Graz University Library is the largest antiphonal from the Zice charterhouse and dates from the second half of the 15th century.18 It shows great similarities to other Zice manuscripts of the time. It contains 293 folios measuring approximately 535 x 370 mm, but it was even larger originally, probably about 8-10 cm taller and around 3-4 cm wider.19 This manuscript also features square notation on a staff 12 N. Golob, op. cit., p. 70. See also Rudolf Flotzinger, Die notierten mittelalterlichen Handschriften aus der Kartause Seiz, Srednjeveška glasba in njene evropske vzporednice / Medieval Music in Slovenia and its European Connections, ed. Jurij Snoj, Ljubljana, ZRC SAZU, Založba ZRC, 1998, pp. 51-66: 56. 13 R. Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 56. Carthusian authors also connect this manuscript with France; Augustin Devaux describes the manuscript as "venant de la chartreuse de Seitz" in his unpublished Introduction à une édition critique de l'antiphonaire cartusien, Sélignac, 2000, pp. 3-20: 5. 14 N. Golob, op. cit., p. 70. 15 Another of Devaux's notes on the manuscript says "Provenance: la chartreuse de Seitz," which could mean that the Žiče charterhouse itself could be the place of provenance. See letter from Gabriel van Dijck, La Grande Chartreuse, 19 February 2008. 16 This date is given in N. Golob, op. cit., p. 70. Flotzinger places the manuscript in the period after 1259 and before 1300: R. Flotzinger, op. cit., pp. 56-57. Augustin Devaux suggests that the manuscript was copied between 1271 and 1318 (the office of St. Mary Magdalene is an appendix and there is no office for the feast of the Holy Sacrament). Letter from Gabriel van Dijck, op. cit. 17 This could well be explained by the fact that they came into being in the connection with the same person, Prior Hismido or Hismion, who was first prior at the Žiče charterhouse and then went on to the Ste-Croix-en-Jarez charterhouse. Letter from Gabriel van Dijck, op. cit. On Prior Hismido, see also J. Mlinarič, op. cit., 1991, p. 65. 18 R. Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 57. Golob suggests that the manuscript was written around 1478. N. Golob, op. cit., p. 102. 19 N. Golob, op. cit., p. 102; R. Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 57. of four red lines (these lines were drawn in after the notes); the clefs are C1 and (rarely) F. It was in use for a long time, which is evident from later additions. Some bifolios were replaced with later ones in the late Renaissance, and some other bifolios of the original Manuscript 7 were re-used as covers for new manuscripts.20 The texts studied in the selected parts of Manuscripts 273 and 7 from Graz (Advent season and Christmas) are the same. The 13th-century manuscript uses fewer text abbreviations, and its rubrics are richer; the incipits are also more clearly indicated (there are both more text and more music incipits than in Manuscript 7). In the later manuscript, the first letters of the name Maria and the repetendum texts are usually small capital letters, also coloured red. Such differentiation of names and different text units is unknown in the earlier manuscript. The use of vertical lines in the staff in Manuscript 7 also shows awareness of the text content and its structural units. As far as the spelling of the words is concerned, most differences arise from the very common Latin spelling convention that substitutes ti for ci in Manuscript 7. There are many examples of different spelling in the same places of both manuscripts, such as gratiam/ graciam, mentietur/mencietur, generationes/generaciones, penitentiam/penitenciam, fortior/forcior, montium/moncium, dominantium/dominancium, nationes/naciones, and so on. However, some of these words are sometimes written with the same spelling in both manuscripts (iusticia, milicie, etc.). There are also other cases in which the spelling is different (the first spelling can be found in MS 273): assum/adsum, sompnis/somnis, and also in the case of the name IhesulIesus. The letter u - appearing as both u and v - can also be written in different ways in both manuscripts, sometimes even as w (vv): euangelistam/ evangelistam/evvangelistam. A single or doubled i in one manuscript can be replaced with y in another (labijsllabys, iosephlyoseph, etc.). Both manuscripts have the words michi and nichil written the same way, but the way the letter h is used is different in the word pulchrior/pulcrior (MS 7), and there is an interesting detail in the text of the seculorum amen: MS 273 uses only the consonants and the vowel o, and MS 7 only the vowels of these words. In both manuscripts there are also some obvious scribal errors, which appear more frequently in MS 7. With regard to the music, Carthusian manuscripts are special because they use many vertical lines in the staff. Manuscript 273 has these only in front of the repeated parts of the responsories. A later hand added some thin, curving lines in the staff to define which notes belong to which syllables. Manuscript 7 is richer in this respect: the responsories have vertical lines after the intonation and before the repetendum, but also between individual music and text units. These lines give the pieces clearer formal structure; in many cases they are found before the conjunction et - it seems that they also take into account the structure of the Bible verses with their parallelisms. Scholars have expressed heterogeneous opinions about the use and number of B-flats in the Carthusian manuscripts of the late Middle Ages. In the printed edition of the Carthusian antiphonal from 1612, the number of B-flats was radically reduced; it only had five B-flats for the first two weeks of Advent.21 The manuscript Carthusian 20 N. Golob, op. cit., p. 102. 21 A. Devaux, op. cit., p. 15. antiphonals show a different number of B-flats for this liturgical period, which enabled Augustin Devaux to create a hypothesis about two schools of Carthusian melodies - the first being La Grande Chartreuse, with a modest number of B-flats, and the second being the Portes charterhouse, which used B-flats abundantly. Two manuscripts from Zice were taken into consideration in his research: Manuscript 273, which has twelve original B-flats, and Manuscript 21 from the 15th century with nine B-flats; in this respect, both are similar to La Grande Chartreuse manuscripts.22 Nevertheless, caution is warranted because Manuscript 273 begins only within the second week of Advent and probably had more B-flats originally. This manuscript also has later additions of B-flats (thinner letters compared to the original thicker ones), which were not considered in Devaux's research because they were not a part of the original manuscript. However, I have found fifteen notated original B-flats, five B-flats after the key signatures, and twelve later additions in Manuscript 273. Manuscript 7 has 24 notated B-flats for the first week of Advent, and 25 B-flats for the second one. It is not clear whether all of them are original - the writing is very light, and in some places it is barely visible. If most of them are original, this would show more resemblance to the Portes tradition than to that of La Grande Chartreuse. The two manuscripts seem to be more alike because of the later additions, although B-flats do not always appear in the same pieces (see 11.4 in Figure 3). Two other characteristics of the Carthusian antiphonals also testify to the existence of two melodic groups. There are two different melodies of the antiphons Qui non ac-cipit and Christus peccata nostra for the feast of Exaltatio crucis. One "pair" belongs to La Grande Chartreuse melodic tradition and the other to Portes.23 The antiphons in Manuscript 7 entirely agree with the common melodies of La Grande Chartreuse, as well as with the melodies of Manuscript 21 from the Graz University Library (another 15th-century antiphonal from Zice). Manuscript 273 has lacunae in this part. Figure 1 Mi!fa melodic variants. Another characteristic is the existence of two melodic variants of the typical motive that appears frequently in the 8th mode responsories (see Figure 1). The second note of this motive can be either e/mi or f/fa. In general, the fa variant is employed more frequently in the manuscripts of the Portes tradition, and the manuscripts from La Grande Chartreuse mostly have mi. Of the 25 examples given in Devaux's article, in which Manuscript 273 was given as having 8fa's and 7 mi's in the first 15 examples, Manuscript 7 always has the mi variant, just like Manuscript 21.24 However, Manuscript 273 is much more complicated: in some places it is obvious that the previous fa had been scratched out and that mi was written over it. This was certainly not a notator's error because this 22 A. Devaux, op. cit., pp. 15-16. 23 A. Devaux, op. cit., pp. 6-7. 24 A. Devaux, op. cit., pp. 7-10. situation appears too often, and sometimes both variants occur in the same responsory. Even Devaux enlisted some of the scratched-out «¿-variants in his list of /a-variants. Most surprising, the majority of the melodies primarily written in Manuscript 273 actually use the /a motive. For the same psalm verse, which follows the same antiphon in both manuscripts, Manuscript 273 sometimes gives a different psalm intonation than Manuscript 7. Such is the case with some psalm verses of the 8th mode antiphons in Manuscript 7, in which the psalm intonation begins on the same note where its antiphon ends (g-a-c, the common intontion of the eight psalm tone), but in Manuscript 273 the first note is different (f-a-c). Both intonations are followed by the same termination - G: c-c-h-c-a-g (e.g., see Dominus regnavit: 14v.10 in Manuscript 273 and 27r.8 in Manuscript 7; and Magnus dominus: 16r. 3 in Manuscript 273 and 28v.6 in Manuscript 7). This may indicate efforts to bring the antiphon and its psalm closer to each other in terms of modality in the later manuscript. In some other cases - albeit rarely - there is even a completely different melody for the same psalm verse, following the same antiphon in both manuscripts. Manuscripts 273 and 7 differ in one more respect: the melismatic sections demonstrate different graphic features. Some authors have already drawn attention to the changes in Carthusian choir-book notation in the 15th century. Klein pointed out the changes in the ligatures, and he wrote about this period: "The podatus, salicus, and scandicus were divided into their components and the single notes simply lined up. The sign which lasted the longest time was the climacus."25 In connection with the 15th-century Zice antiphonals, Flotzinger writes that square notation gradually became simpler over the course of the 15th century. He theorizes that the notes became rhythmically equalized and that the monks' singing gradually became slower.26 Even the image of the notes in Manuscript 7 does not give us any impression of rapidity. Some folios are full of single notes for which the notator visibly stopped after each sign -nearly every square note is finished with a distinctive line. Puncti in the shape of a rhombus, which are relatively frequent in Manuscript 273, appear here only in compositione. From the representative examples, which appear frequently in Manuscripts 273 and 7 and are given in the illustrations below, the graphic differences resulting from different groupings of notes may be seen. Here I have sketched out the basic forms that can be found in Manuscript 273 (on the left side of the figures), and their corresponding forms from the same chants in Manuscript 7 (on the right side of the figures, marked with an asterisk). These are: - I (Figure 2): a single note (punctum) followed by a podatus (figure of scandicus) and other groups that contain this basic form; - II (Figure 3): a single note (punctum) followed by a torculus and connected patterns; 25 Johann Baptist Klein, Der Choralgesang der Kartäuser 1, p. 36 (Berlin, 1910, PhD dissertation), cited in Carol Steyn, The Manuscripts of Gosnay, Studia musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45/1-2 (2004), pp. 225-236: 231. 26 R. Flotzinger, op. cit., pp. 60-61. V £-*>- -ni IV 2. i - -■W3"*- liv.T- j sf!\- Vi- ZFr.1 -JL m m- nc que fir. 6 - '- SJr.3 -fi^v^- c%~ 2rS >es~ Figures 2-6 Graphic variants of the melodies in MSS 273 and 7.* * A list of the chants from which these examples are taken is given in the appendix. 6 - III (Figure 4): a single note (punctum) followed by a torculus resupinus and connected patterns; - IV (Figure 5): a clivis at the beginning with different groups of notes that follow; - V (Figure 6): a torculus at the beginning with different groups of notes that follow. Of course, these are not all of the possible groupings. Many larger groups may be composed from these basic forms. However, for the majority of more complicated examples, the solution in Manuscript 7 is a "chain" of notes in which grouping is no longer visible (e. g., example IV.5 in Figure 5). The earlier manuscript tends to begin the melismatic group with a single note. This aspiration is in many cases "corrected" by a later hand by adding the line between the single note and the following podatus, as in example I.1 (Figure 2). This results in a three-note group, which might in some cases be the original one. However, in many places it is clear that the line between punctum and podatus was not part of the original manuscripts. Later periods, probably even the 14th century, obviously lost the tendency of isolating the first note. The single note in the beginning of the melisma in Manuscript 273 becomes a part of a note group in Manuscript 7, usually a podatus. Thus, for example, a scandicus can be written in another way, with a podatus before a punctum - but was this pattern also sung in a manner different than the earlier one? Another interesting detail seen in Manuscripts 273 and 7 is the manner of drawing a single note and also a group of notes. The quill usually makes a small line at the beginning of a note, at the start of the hand movement, in the earlier antiphonal, and ends the notes with small closing lines, but the later antiphonal stresses the end of a single note as well as the note groups much more. The number of small lines that close the notes is larger in the later manuscript. Certainly, the existence of a large number of music manuscripts is the most eloquent proof of an animated musical life in Zice. The level of literacy and scholarship in the whole Carthusian Order was very high during the late Middle Ages;27 each monk devoted much of his working day to reading, writing, and copywork28 - and so it also was in Zice, where music manuscripts also seem to have been copied. Nonetheless, a small community of twelve monks could not have needed so many antiphonals only for themselves.29 A large number of antiphonals - and only antiphonals! - and fragments of antiphonals from Zice in the 15th century raise suspicions that they were copied for other Carthusian monasteries. For example, Manuscript 21 had been at the Gaming charterhouse for a while - perhaps as a sample for copying?30 27 Leah Morrison, Constructing Cantus Securus: Reaping Advice from Cantor Cartusiensis, Studia musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45/1-2 (2004), pp. 189-200: p. 194. 28 L. Morrison, op. cit., p. 192. 29 Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 61; Maria Mairold, Zur Bibliothekgeschichte der Kartause Seitz, Die Kartäuser in Österreich, Analecta cartusiana 83/1, Salzburg, Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik der Universität Salzburg, 1980, pp. 21-47: 23. 30 Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 62. Copying manuscripts in Zice for other charterhouses seems even more probable if one remembers the respectable role that the monastery played in the time of the Great Schism. The priors of Zice always worked toward unity in crucial moments. After the Schism, the unity in the whole Order had to be regained anew, and with it also the unity of the Carthusian liturgy. A role in reforming the antiphonals was perhaps entrusted to the Zice monastery, which copied them for other charterhouses. Flotzinger presumes that the high consistency of the melodies from the 13th-century antiphonal and the late medieval Zice antiphonals could be explained by the fact that the monks purposefully intended to return to the old, authentic Carthusian antiphonal.31 On the other hand, similarities in the melodic variants of the 15th-century Zice antiphonals and the tradition of La Grande Chartreuse could mean the same thing: new attachment to the authentic Carthusian tradition as the means of achieving spiritual and formal unity within the Order. The historical and cultural significance of the Zice charterhouse - even to music manuscripts - may actually have been in its unifying role. This suggests that it could be more important for the history of the Carthusian Order than has been assumed to date. 31 Flotzinger, op. cit., p. 60. 16 Appendix List of the chants from which the examples in Figures 2-6 (I-V) are taken. I Liturgical occasion Genre Incipit Syllable MS 273 MS 7 I.1 Dominica 2 Adventus Re 9 Montes Israhel et 2r.5 10r.9 I.2 Dominica 2 Adventus V/Re 7 Tunc exultabunt quoniam 2r.3 10r.7 I.3 Dominica 2 Adventus Re lO Ecce dominus veniet eo 2r.8 10v.4 I.4 Dominica 2 Adventus Re ll Quomodo fiet hoc angelum 2v.3 11r.2 I.5 Vigilia Nativitatis Domini Re l Sanctificamini hodie crastina 14r.8 26r.9 I.6 Dominica 2 Adventus Re ll Quomodo fiet hoc fiet 2v.2 10v.9 II Liturgical occasion Genre Incipit Syllable MS 273 MS 7 II.1 Fer. 6 Hebd. 2 Adventus An Veniet fortior me corrigiam 4v.2 13r.6 II.2 Vigilia Nativitatis Domini Re ž Constantes estote dominus 14v.2 26v.7 II.3 Dominica 2. Adventus V/Re ll Ne timeas Maria dominum 2v.6 11r.5 II.4 Nativitas Domini Re l In principio erat verbum verbum 16v. 10 29v.3 III Liturgical occasion Genre Incipit Syllable MS 273 MS 7 III.1 Dominica 2 Adventus V/Re 7 Tunc exultabunt doram 2r.3 10r.6 III.2 Dominica 2 Adventus V/Re 7 Tunc exultabunt venit 2r.4 10r.7 IV Liturgical occasion Genre Incipit Syllable MS 273 MS 7 IV. 1 Vigilia Nativitatis Domini Re l Sanctificamini hodie Aodie 14r.7 26r.8 IV. 2 Dominica 2 Adventus Re l Ierusalem cito veniet merore 1r. 1 8v.2 IV.3 Dominica 2 Adventus Re ll Quomodo fiet hoc Maria 2v.3 11r.2 IV.4 Dominica 2. Adventus V/Re ll Ne timeas Maria dominum 2v.6 11r.5 IV.5 Dominica 2. Adventus V/Re 7 Tunc exultabunt exultabunt 2r.3 10r.6 IV.6 Dominica 2. Adventus Re 6 Sicut mater Ieruialem 1v.8 9v.7 V Liturgical occasion Genre Incipit Syllable MS 273 MS 7 V.1 Vigilia Nativitatis Domini Re 2 Constantes estote egrediemi ni 14v.2 26v.7 V.2 Vigilia Nativitatis Domini V/Re 2 O Iuda et omnes vestrum 14v.4 27r. 1 V. 3 Nativitas Domini Re 2 In propria sua neque 17r.6 30r.3 V.4 Dominica 2 Adventus Re 5 Montes Israhel expandite 2r.4 10r.8 Figures 7 and 8 Folios 2r and 2v from Manuscript 273 (Graz University Library; with permission). Figures 9 and 10 Folios 10r and 10v from Manuscript 7 (Graz University Library; with permission). DVA ANTIFONALA IZ ŽIČKE KARTUZIJE: ROKOPISA 273 IN 7 IZ UNIVERZITETNE KNJIŽNICE V GRADCU Povzetek Kartuzija Žiče (nem. Seitz) na ozemlju današnje Slovenije je bila prva kartuzija, ustanovljena zunaj matičnih dežel kartuzijanskega reda - Francije in Italije. Za kartuzijanski red je bila zlasti pomembna v obdobju velikega zahodnega razkola, ko je med letoma 1391-1410 postala sedež generalnega priorja vseh kartuzij, zvestih rimskemu papežu. Prav priorji žičke kartuzije so v tem času imeli ključno vlogo pri ponovni združitvi reda. Tako pomembno obdobje je prav gotovo vplivalo tudi na glasbeno življenje kartuzi-je. Prvo podobo o njem lahko izpričujejo ohranjeni glasbeni rokopisi, ki jih je največ prav iz 15. stoletja - časa, ki je neposredno sledil razkolu. Med njimi izstopa veliko število an-tifonalov, ki se v veliki meri navezujejo na melodično tradicijo Velike kartuzije: žički kar-tuzijani so jih verjetno prepisovali tudi za druge samostane. Primerjava besedil, melodij in notnih skupin v dveh žičkih antifonalih iz Univerzitetne knjižnice v Gradcu - Rokopisa 273 s konca 13. ter Rokopisa 7 s konca 15. stoletja - izkazuje spremembe v glasbeni tradiciji žičkih antifonalov. Čeprav v obeh antifonalih skoraj povsod najdemo iste melodije, se njihovi zapisi razlikujejo, saj so note v melizmatskih sklopih drugače razporejene v posamezne skupine, kar bi lahko pomenilo tudi drugačno izvedbo teh melodij. Zdi se, da se je glasbeno življenje žičke kartuzije v 15. stoletju, po razkolu, ki je pretresel slovito enotnost do tedaj trdnega kartuzijanskega reda, še bolj navezalo na tradicijo Velike kartuzije. Tako so si žički menihi tudi na področju liturgije in glasbe prizadevali za duhovno in formalno enotnost reda ter s tem nadaljevali pot, ki so jo v kriznem obdobju razkola nakazali žički priorji.