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© aut hor/aut horsht t ps://doi .org /10. 26493/2350-54 43.13(1)41-62
Sensory Representations of Plague: The Plague Altar from the Mid-18th Century  
in St Andrew’s Church, Makole, Slovenia 
Čutne reprezentacije kuge: kužni oltar iz sredine 18. stoletja v cerkvi sv. Andreja  
v Makolah, Slovenija
Mojca Ramšak
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Heritage Science Laboratory 
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za kemijo in kemijsko tehnologijo, Laboratorij za dediščinsko znanost 
mojca.ramsak@guest.arnes.si 
Abstract
The article examines the sensory experiences associated with death during the plague and contextualis-
es them within a specific historical and geographical framework. The author focuses on the plague altar 
from the mid-eighteenth century in the Haloze Church of St Andrew in Makole, Slovenia. In particu-
lar, she analyses the lower part of the altarpiece, which is attributed to an unknown artist. The plague al-
tar not only conveys religious messages, but also reflects the knowledge and belief in the miasma theo-
ry of the time in question, in particular the understanding of the smell of the plague, the regulations on 
the plague and the organisation of civil protection. These themes vividly illustrate the depictions of the 
plague on the altar and offer insights into society’s reactions to illness and death in this period.
Keywords: plague, plague altar, smell of plague, miasma, Slovenia
Izvleček 
Članek obravnava čutne izkušnje, povezane s smrtjo v času kuge, in jih kontekstualizira v določenem 
zgodovinskem ter geografskem okviru. Avtorica se osredotoča na kužni oltar iz sredine 18. stoletja v ha-
loški cerkvi sv. Andreja v Makolah v Sloveniji. Analizira predvsem spodnji del oltarne slike, ki je pripisan 
neznanemu umetniku. Kužni oltar ne prenaša samo verskih sporočil, ampak odraža tudi znanje in vero 
v teorijo miazme v obravnavanem obdobju, zlasti razumevanje vonja kuge, predpisov o kugi in organi-
zacije zaščite prebivalstva. Te teme nazorno ilustrirajo upodobitve kuge na oltarju in ponujajo vpogled 
v odzive družbe na bolezni ter smrt v tistem času.
Ključne besede: kuga, kužni oltar, vonj kuge, miazma, Slovenija
Introduction
a) On the plague altar from Makole
In June 2024, I became aware of the plague al-tar of St Sebastian in St Andrew’s Church in Makole, Slovenia, a significant historical arte-
fact from the mid-eighteenth century. I was in-
trigued by its role in contemporary folk religios-
ity and its connection to local narratives about 
the plague, and arranged to visit the altar. On 
22 June 2024, I conducted an interview with the 
parish clerk, who gave me insights into the altar’s 
significance today and shared stories about the 
plague that have survived in the community.
The plague altar, which was created be-
tween 1751 and 1756 by the sculptor Jožef Štraub, 
is a wooden altar that was restored in 2018 due 
to significant damage, and features polychrome 
statues of angels and saints, including St Charles 
Borromeo and St Roch, who are depicted as pa-
tron saints against the plague. The altarpiece 
shows a painting of St Peter and St Sebastian, 
the latter traditionally associated with infec-
tious diseases, holding arrows symbolising his 
martyrdom.
The lower part of the altar shows a poign-
ant plague scene painted by an unknown artist. 
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It shows the suffering of the sick and dying, to-
gether with figures carrying away the deceased 
or helping the sick. This artwork reflects the im-
portance of protecting the living from conta-
gion while also emphasising the cultural tradi-
tion of honouring the dead, even in the midst 
of the horrors of an epidemic. The painting also 
shows a woman holding a handkerchief to her 
nose to show that she is aware of the unpleasant 
odour of the corpses, the burnt infected cloths 
and/or the risk of airborne contagion. This ges-
ture is not only a sign that she recognises the mi-
asma theory, which attributes the transmission 
of disease to foul air, but also illustrates the hu-
man reaction to the devastating effects of the 
epidemic.
The depiction of the plague at the bottom 
of the painting made a deep impression on me. 
I could well imagine the emotions it evoked in 
those who visited the church and heard stories 
about the plague that had been passed down 
through generations. These images, along with 
the sculptural representations of saints and an-
gels who served as protectors against the plague, 
acted as a form of visual communication. Ac-
cording to a church representative I spoke to, 
some older parishioners still occasionally pray 
for health at this side altar. However, there is 
currently a lack of information or explanation 
about this particular depiction. This gap exists 
because the altarpiece was primarily analysed 
from an art historical point of view. One art his-
torian noted that ‘the quality of the lower part of 
the altarpiece’, which illustrates the effects of the 
epidemic, ‘is not comparable to the surrounding 
sculptural works on the altarpiece’ (see: Kostan-
jšek Brglez 2019, 74; Šerbelj 1983, 205), which led 
to a greater focus on these elements.
b) On altars associated with health and disease
Plague epidemics are remembered in the col-
lective consciousness today as the deadliest. It 
is therefore not surprising that the responses 
to them throughout history have been not only 
medical but also religious (Atalić 2019, 232). In 
the field of health and illness, altars associated 
with health and disease serve as powerful meta-
phors for the focus and practises that individuals 
and communities use to promote wellness and 
address health challenges. These altars embody 
a rich tapestry of cultural meaning, interwoven 
with spiritual and ritual elements that emphasise 
their importance in the pursuit of health. Offer-
ings and prayers are made at these sacred sites 
to implore healing and protection from illness. 
This reflects a deep-rooted belief in the intercon-
nectedness of the physical, spiritual and commu-
nal aspects of health.
Figure 1: The plague altar in the church of St Andrew in 
Makole, Slovenia (Kostanjšek Brglez 2022b, 40).
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Altars associated with health and disease 
are consecrated structures used in various reli-
gious or ceremonial traditions for the offering 
of sacrifices. These altars serve as the centre of 
rituals aimed at appeasing deities or spirits be-
lieved to influence health and disease. They are 
often used to invoke protection from illness, ex-
press gratitude for healing or ask for forgiveness 
to alleviate further illness. The plague altar is a 
particular type of altar whose concept emphasis-
es the community’s desire for divine assistance 
in combatting plagues and epidemics and re-
flects a deep spiritual connection to health and 
well-being.
In ancient cultures such as those of Greece 
and Rome, altars were often dedicated to gods 
and goddesses associated with health, healing, 
and disease. Asclepius, the Greek god of medi-
cine, for example, had sanctuaries where people 
made offerings to him in order to find healing. 
His sanctuaries, called ‘Asklepieia’ (in Ancient 
Greek Asklepieion; in Latin aesculapīum), were 
places where people sought healing for illnesses. 
According to Christopoulou-Aletra et al. (2010), 
over 300 Asklepieia were discovered through-
out ancient Greece. Among the most famous 
temples were Trikka, Epidaurus, Kos, Ath-
ens, Corinth and Pergamon. Asclepius’ daugh-
ters were Hygeia (goddess of health, cleanliness 
and hygiene) and Panacea (a goddess of univer-
sal remedy).
In indigenous and folk religious practis-
es, there were altars or sacred places dedicated 
to spirits or ancestors who were believed to in-
fluence health and disease. Offerings could be 
made at these altars or rituals performed to pro-
tect the community from illness. In his work The 
Sacred and The Profane: The Nature of Religion, 
published in 1987, Mircea Eliade explores the 
complicated connections between different re-
ligious practises and their effects on health and 
healing. He examines how different cultures 
incorporate spiritual rituals, beliefs and sym-
bols into their concepts of well-being and sug-
gests that these practises often serve not only as 
a means of treating physical ailments but also as 
pathways to psychological and spiritual well-be-
ing. Eliade’s analysis emphasises the importance 
of understanding health in a broader cultural 
and religious context. He emphasises that heal-
ing is often seen as a holistic process that encom-
passes body, mind and spirit. In this way, he il-
luminates the ways in which religious traditions 
shape individuals’ perceptions of health and the 
methods they use to heal.
In mediaeval and Renaissance Christianity, 
Christian communities erected altars dedicated 
to saints associated with healing and protection, 
such as St Roch or St Sebastian, during times of 
plague. These altars were used for prayers and 
pleas for deliverance from the plague.
Christian communities’ most lasting evi-
dence of their presence are, in particular, the 
votive churches built in honour of the patron 
saints against plague epidemics (Atalić 2019, 
214). Some of the most important Christian 
saints who are considered patron saints against 
the plague are St Roch and St Sebastian, the 
best-known saints, but also St George, St Ed-
mund, St Beat, St Barbara, St Francis Xavier, St 
Saturnin, St Coloman, St Anthony, St Aloysi-
us Gonzaga and St Rosalia. In the Christian tra-
dition, these saints are traditionally invoked to 
protect against the plague. In Slovenia, there are 
33 churches dedicated to St Roch and around 30 
churches dedicated to St Sebastian (‘Sveti Rok 
– romar in spokornik’ n.d.). Furthermore, in 
churches not dedicated to these saints, there are 
many plague altars with a combination of sever-
al plague saints, and there are also plague signs 
dedicated to them all over the countryside and 
in towns.
Obviously, plague epidemics left their mark 
on art. In connection with them and other dis-
eases, many works of art were created in the sev-
enteenth and eighteenth centuries, both out-
doors and in sacred spaces. In the period in 
question, we can hardly find a church or parish 
that did not have at least one plague altar or a 
depiction of one of the plague patrons (Kostan-
jšek Brglez 2022a, 52). Just as people in the Ba-
roque period erected plague signs, churches and 
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altars to commemorate the plague epidemics or 
to give thanks for their end, they did not give up 
their belief in the help of the saints later on, ei-
ther (Kostanjšek Brglez 2022b, 40).
c) On the method of interpretation of the plague 
altar
In this analysis, I have drawn on Roland Barthes’ 
concepts of punctum and studium (Barthes 1981) 
to guide my exploration of the topic. My initial 
emotional response and personal impressions – 
which Barthes refers to as punctum – served as a 
catalyst for a more in-depth examination of the 
historical events and public health implications 
surrounding the plague in the region, which 
align with Barthes’ notion of studium. This dual 
approach allowed me to combine my subjective 
experiences with a broader contextual under-
standing, enabling a comprehensive examina-
tion of the interplay between individual percep-
tion and collective historical narratives.
According to Barthes (1981, 26–28), the 
punctum is a personal detail in a photograph 
that ‘pierces’ or ‘pricks’ a particular viewer and 
has a private meaning that has nothing to do 
with a cultural code. The punctum refers to 
those features of a photograph (in this case the 
painting) that seem to create or convey mean-
ing without invoking a recognisable symbolic 
system. This kind of meaning is unique and de-
pends on the reaction of the individual viewer 
of the image. The punctum not only pricks the 
viewer but also leaves a lasting bruise and evokes 
a deep feeling of emotion. On the other hand, 
studium refers to the factor that initially draws 
the viewer’s attention to a photograph. It refers 
to the intention of the photographer (in this 
case, the painter). The viewers can determine 
the studium of a photograph with their logi-
cal, intellectual mind. The studium describes el-
ements of an image and not the sum of the in-
formation and meaning of the image. The study 
points to historical, social or cultural meanings 
that are extracted through semiotic analysis. In 
other words, you can recognise references to cul-
ture and time in the image. Sometimes these are 
juxtaposed ideas that contradict each other or 
make a cultural or political statement, but some-
times they do not. The reference may be abstract 
or implied. Whatever the context, it captivates 
the viewer.
In this analysis, the two concepts are linked 
in such a way that punctum signifies an anthro-
pological close-up perspective that reflects what 
the author considers important, while studi-
um refers to a culturally and historically specif-
ic context.
The literature I have used to understand 
the message of the plague altar includes sourc-
es such as ethnographic and historical studies, 
medical texts, legal documents, medical histori-
cal accounts and extracts from the literature de-
scribing the plague, which form a comprehen-
sive basis for the interpretation of the plague 
altar.
The Plague: Transmission, Clinical 
Manifestations and History
a) From the history of medicine about plague
The plague, caused by the bacterium identified 
by Alexandre Yersin in an outbreak in Hong 
Kong in 1894 (later named Yersinia pestis in his 
honour), has been responsible for major pan-
demics throughout history. Understanding the 
different forms of plague and its transmission is 
crucial to understanding its devastating impact 
on society. The spread of the disease usually fol-
lows a specific pattern: from wild rodents to ur-
ban rats and finally to humans after the rats 
have died out. Modern medicine distinguish-
es between three main forms of plague: bubon-
ic plague (nodular plague), which has been the 
most widespread throughout history, pneu-
monic plague and septicaemic plague, in which 
the bacillus is found in inflamed lymph nodes, 
sputum and blood. Bubonic plague is transmit-
ted by infected flea bites and is characterised by 
swollen, tender lymph nodes (buboes) near the 
original site of infection. If left untreated, the 
bacteria can enter the bloodstream and spread 
to various organs such as the liver, kidneys, 
spleen, lungs, meninges and eyes, sometimes 
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causing an ulcer at the site of the initial infec-
tion. If septicaemia occurs early, death can oc-
cur before buboes appear. Pneumonic plague, 
on the other hand, develops either as a com-
plication of bubonic plague or through direct 
transmission via infected droplets in the air we 
breathe. It occurs rapidly, with symptoms 1–3 
days after infection, and is characterised by se-
vere pneumonia, shortness of breath, high fe-
ver and bloody mucus. This form is almost al-
ways fatal if untreated and requires antibiotic 
treatment within 15–18 hours of the onset of 
symptoms to have the best chance of survival. 
While human-to-human transmission is rare 
in asymptomatic cases, pneumonic plague pa-
tients can spread the disease to close contacts 
as it progresses. Therefore, all plague patients 
must be isolated for 48 hours after starting an-
tibiotics, and pneumonic plague patients must 
be completely isolated until sputum cultures 
are negative. Without treatment, the mortality 
rate is around 50%, with pneumonic plague be-
ing particularly deadly if not treated promptly 
with appropriate antibiotics (Turkington and 
Lee Ashby 2007, 237–239). 
Understanding the different forms of 
plague and its transmission is crucial to under-
standing the devastating impact of these diseas-
es on society. Historical records do not always 
provide enough information about the symp-
toms to say with certainty what type of plague 
people contracted and died from. But, while 
modern science has given us a clear understand-
ing of the mechanisms and forms of plague, 
this knowledge was not available to mediaeval 
physicians and the populations who faced the 
disease. This gap between contemporary and 
historical medical knowledge is particularly rel-
evant when examining the historical records of 
plague outbreaks and their impact on mediae-
val society.
Among the many health challenges facing 
mediaeval cities, none was as devastating as the 
recurring epidemics, especially those that con-
temporaries referred to as the plague. By far the 
greatest mass mortality of the Middle Ages  was 
caused around the middle of the fourteenth cen-
tury by the pandemic known as the Black Death 
(bubonic plague), which was responsible for the 
selective but widespread death of up to a third of 
the population in the middle of the fourteenth 
century and which continued to afflict Europe 
repeatedly until the eighteenth century, and 
led to a general demographic collapse. Without 
modern medical knowledge, physicians attrib-
uted these outbreaks to various causes, relying 
mainly on the miasma theory of atmospher-
ic impurity. The Black Death led to the further 
development of the ‘pestilential miasma’ theo-
ry. While fleeing infected cities was considered 
the best defence, quarantine measures were not 
widespread in the Middle Ages (Jankrift 2016; 
Miethke 2016).
b) Slovenian accounts of plague
Among the early medical writers addressing the 
plague in the Slovenian context, the Renais-
sance thinker David Verbec, who was active in 
Germany, made significant contributions. He 
wrote a critical treatise on the plague in Latin 
in 1618, A Book of Medical Investigations on 
a Disputation on the Plague (orig. Exercitatio-
num medicarum super disputatione quadam de 
peste liber unus). In this work, he provided a pre-
cise description of the disease, which was still 
widespread in Central Europe at the time, con-
templated its nature and transmission and acted 
against quacks. The treatise proved to be so con-
troversial and misunderstood that he left his po-
sition in Ulm and moved to Augsburg in 1620. 
During his time in Ulm, Verbec wrote sever-
al works on the plague. While his Tractatus de 
peste (Treatise on the Plague, Kempten 1617) is 
only known by its title, his main work Exer-
citationum medicarum super disputatione quad-
am de peste liber unus (published in Kempten 
in 1618) offers a comprehensive critique of J. 
Schegkius’ De pestis curatione Germanicum con-
silium (German Policy on Pest Control). This 
text examines the nomenclature of the plague, 
the causes, the symptoms, the clinical forms 
and the course of the disease. Verbec rejected 
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theriac1 and mithridate2 as universal remedies 
and argued in favour of specific treatments. 
Above all, he analysed the concept of disease 
‘seeds’ (seminarium) and contagion, distin-
guishing – in contrast to Schegkius – between 
contagion and physical contact (tactus, contac-
tus) with the diseased. His vivid description of 
the symptoms suggests first-hand experience 
as a physician, while his analysis of contagion 
both draws on ancient authors and anticipates 
the later work of Marko Anton Plenčič. A later 
work, Exercitationum de peste libri duo (Investi-
gations About the Plague Book Two, Kempten 
1619), which is only indirectly known, could 
have been a continuation of these studies (Ver-
bec 1618; Mušič 1982).
The study of plague in Slovenian territories 
has developed through several distinct phases 
and has been shaped by several generations of his-
torians who gradually developed an understand-
ing of this important epidemiological and social 
phenomenon. Janez Vajkard Valvasor’s Die Ehre 
dess Hertzogthums Crain (1689) provided the first 
comprehensive account of the plague epidemics 
in Carniola, documenting outbreaks, folk reme-
dies and social reactions to the disease. Vladimir 
Travner’s monograph Kuga na Slovenskem (1934) 
represents the next important milestone that sys-
tematically dealt with the plague epidemics in 
the Slovenian lands, focussing on public health 
measures and mortality rates. Ema Umek’s study 
‘Kuga na Štajerskem v letih 1679–1683’ (1958) 
made an important contribution to the under-
standing of the last major epidemic in Styria, 
while Majda Smole wrote a study on the plague 
in Carniola in the sixteenth century (1957). 
Božo Otorepec documented the occurrence 
of the plague in central Slovenia in ‘Gradivo za 
1 Theriac: the term ‘theriac’ comes from the Greek word θηριακή (thēriakē), which means ‘of wild animals’. It was a complex me-
dicinal concoction containing various ingredients such as opium, myrrh, saffron, ginger, cinnamon and castor oil. Theriac was 
believed to have protective properties against poisons and was used as a universal antidote in ancient times. It was particularly 
popular in the Roman and Byzantine eras and was often associated with the treatment of snake bites and other toxic exposures.
2 Mithridate: mithridate refers specifically to a type of theriac named after Mithridates VI, the king of Pontus who ruled from 
120 to 63 BC. According to historical accounts, Mithridates developed this antidote to protect himself from poisoning, as he 
was known to have been the target of numerous assassination attempts. Mithridates consisted of various ingredients, similar to 
theriac, and was considered a general antidote for a variety of poisons. Over time, the term ‘mithridate’ has come to refer to any 
all-purpose antidote. Both theriac and mithridate reflect the ancient understanding of pharmacology and efforts to create rem-
edies for the dangers of poisons in the environment.
zgodovino Ljubljane v srednjem veku’ (1965), 
mentioning the plague in July 1466 and the ban 
on the city of Udine travelling to Ljubljana due 
to suspicion of the plague in June 1496 (Otorep-
ec 1965, X/81, X/94). More recent research has 
produced new methodological approaches and 
in-depth regional studies. In his works on the 
plague, particularly in the Lower Carniola re-
gion, Boris Golec (2022) illuminated the epide-
miological picture of Lower Carniola and made 
the radical observation that the sources docu-
menting these epidemics often contain exagger-
ated death figures, making it difficult to accu-
rately assess the actual situation. Many historical 
records that mention high death rates are often 
inaccurate and the demographic consequences of 
the epidemics were in reality less dramatic than 
depicted. The epidemics also caused economic 
difficulties as the closures and quarantines dis-
rupted trade routes, leading to poverty and short-
ages. Although the epidemics were destructive 
by nature, their actual consequences were often 
overlooked, although they remain in the collec-
tive memory (Golec 2022). Urška Bratož (for-
merly Železnik) made important contributions 
to the understanding of the social aspects of epi-
demics in the Littoral region. She investigated the 
plague outbreaks in the towns of the northern 
Adriatic in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen-
turies, focussing on legal records, containment 
measures and the impact on the population, es-
pecially during the 1630–1631 epidemic in Koper, 
and comparing the methods of plague control be-
tween Venetian Istria and the Austrian territories 
(Železnik 2007; 2013; 2015; Bratož 2020).
Based on this work, several important find-
ings about the plague in the Slovenian territo-
ries have emerged. The disease spread mainly 
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along the trade routes from the Italian harbours 
through the Karst region into the interior, with 
major outbreaks occurring in Ljubljana, Cel-
je, Ptuj and the coastal towns between the four-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. Together, the 
authors documented the development of public 
health measures, from early mediaeval isolation 
practises to the establishment of formal quaran-
tine stations (lazareti) in the seventeenth centu-
ry. The introduction of the cordon sanitaire along 
the military frontier was particularly signifi-
cant. Social reactions included the emergence of 
plague saints (especially Saint Roch), the found-
ing of votive churches and the development of 
specialised medical practises. The economic im-
pact was severe: some towns lost up to a third of 
their population during major outbreaks, lead-
ing to significant changes in urban development 
and social structures.
The profound impact of the plague is also 
reflected in the Slovenian language. The Slove-
nian language already mentions the word kuga 
(plague) in the Slovenian-Latin German diction-
ary by Hieronymus Megister from 1603 (Stabej 
2023). The term kuga is also mentioned by the 
priest Janez Svetokriški in works published at 
the end of the seventeenth and beginning of 
the eighteenth century, in the context that the 
plague is raging in the Italian region (v laški 
deželi), that the plague is coming, that the cat-
tle plague is killing the animals or that someone 
smells of plague (Snoj 2014). Lexicographers and 
translators Matija Kastelec and Gregor Vorenc 
list various terms for the plague in their Slove-
nian-Latin dictionary (1680–1710): contagium, 
contagio, contagies, pestilens and pestis, which is 
a harmful and deadly disease that kills everyone 
(Stabej 2014). The Slovenian Linguistic Atlas 1 
(Horvat 2011) documents that the lexeme kuga 
(plague) is used throughout Slovenia for ‘serious 
infectious disease of the lymph nodes, lungs or 
blood’. While this is the standard literary term, 
there are some regional variants, such as pest or 
pešt, which occur on the Slovenian coast, in the 
Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia and in 
Austrian Carinthia (Horvat 2011).
Beyond historical and linguistic evidence, 
the plague also left a significant mark on Slove-
nian literature. The depiction of plague symp-
toms in Slovenian literary works – including 
Fran Ksaver Meško’s Črna smrt (1911), Januš 
Golec’s ‘Zlato in kuga pod križem’ (1934) and 
Ivan Pregelj’s Plebanus Joannes (1920) – shows 
striking similarities. The core symptoms de-
scribed throughout include fever, unconscious-
ness, nausea, chills and pain, which testifies to 
the uniformity of the plague depictions in these 
works. In Črna smrt (Black Death) and ‘Zlato 
in kuga pod križem’ (Gold and the Plague un-
der the Cross), the presence of dark spots on 
the bodies of the victims explicitly indicates bu-
bonic plague. Plebanus Joannes offers a distinc-
tive depiction that emphasises additional symp-
toms: the characteristic smell of the patient, the 
swollen skin, the presence of pus and the altered 
physical appearance. In contrast, ‘Zlato in kuga 
pod križem’ offers a remarkably condensed de-
scription of the plague. While the literary depic-
tions vary according to period and style, the ba-
sic similarity of the symptoms described remains 
in all these works, indicating a common under-
standing of the manifestation of the disease that 
has persisted throughout Slovenian cultural his-
tory (Godec Čizmarevič 2022, 74).
Dr Vladimir Travner, a lawyer and local 
historian, states in his book on the plague in Slo-
venia (Kuga na Slovenskem, 1934), in which he 
lists the causes and consequences of this disease 
based on historical sources, that plague epidem-
ics hit the Slovenian population hard several 
times in the past. According to Travner, in Slo-
venia, we can count more than 150 plague years, 
from 792, when we have the first more precise 
information about the plague, to 1732, when it 
occurred for the last time (Travner 1934, 141). 
Zmazek (2022) states that the plague broke out 
several times: in the years 1348–1350, 1480 and 
during the sixteenth and seventeenth centu-
ries (mainly in the years 1644–1650 and 1678–
1683). Until the middle of the sixteenth century, 
the plague came to Slovenian territory main-
ly from the east (from Turkey and Hungary, 
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in connection with the Hungarian and Turkish 
invasions) and a few times also from the south 
(from the Republic of Venice, due to lively trade). 
After 1550, the plague almost always came from 
the north in Lower Styria and most of Carniola 
and from the south in Littoral (Primorska) and 
Lower Carniola (Notranjska), which was relat-
ed to the political, economic and transport con-
nections of the individual countries at that time. 
The centres and starting points of the plague ep-
idemics were almost always towns with heavy 
traffic, and from there the disease usually spread 
rapidly in the surrounding area. The border re-
gions, especially Podravje, Bela Krajina, Tržaš-
ka and Goriška, were particularly frequently 
and severely affected. The area around Ljublja-
na and Gorenjska was less affected, as the au-
thorities had already done everything necessary 
to contain the destructive force of the epidem-
ic before it spread through the heart of Slove-
nia. The conditions that enabled and accelerat-
ed the epidemics were, as elsewhere in Europe, 
mainly poor hygienic, housing and sanitary 
conditions (cramped, stuffy and often populat-
ed by rodents, fleas and lice, poor and monot-
onous diet, lack of hygiene, lack of sanitary fa-
cilities, lack of or severely inadequate medical 
care), difficult economic conditions, unfavour-
able weather conditions (floods, droughts) and 
other natural disasters (earthquakes, locust at-
tacks) and the associated crop failures and fam-
ines (Zmazek 2022).
Travner states that the epidemics claimed so 
many victims over many centuries – especially in 
the Middle Ages – because sanitary and hygien-
ic conditions were extremely neglected. Space 
in the cities was very limited due to the walls. 
As a result, the streets were narrow and dark. 
They had no sewerage system. But if there were 
ditches, they were so narrow and slightly sloped 
that the heat could not drain away well. In bad 
weather, it flooded the streets and squares and 
formed large, dirty and smelly puddles. Rub-
bish and waste was usually dumped in front of 
the houses and rarely taken away. The cesspits 
were usually poorly constructed so that their 
contents often spilled into the neighbourhood. 
Even in larger towns there were stables next to 
the houses, from which animals (especially pigs) 
often escaped into the streets and squares. Car-
rion (dogs, cats, chickens, rats and others) often 
lay in public places for days and weeks, spreading 
an unbearable stench. At best, they swept dead 
animals, waste, rubbish, etc. into nearby streams 
and rivers, which was even recommended by the 
infection regulations (e.g. 1625) and city magis-
trates, e.g. of Ljubljana in 1599. Of course, no-
body realised that water was a dangerous carri-
er of infectious diseases. Livestock was usually 
slaughtered at home without paying attention 
to order and cleanliness. Drinking water for hu-
mans and animals was taken from public wells, 
which were not covered but so poorly fenced that 
contaminated water and other rubbish got into 
them. Cemeteries were almost always located 
in settlements around the parish church. These 
were the normal conditions that prevailed in 
Slovenia until 1850, when Prussian-style health 
councils were established in Austria to take care 
of general hygiene and the proper care of patients 
(Travner 1934, 23, 24).
Following this example, other authors re-
ported similar conditions. For example, a histo-
ry professor from Metlika, Zvonko Rus, uses his-
torical sources to describe in literary form how 
the plague struck Metlika in his book Metličani, 
Part 1 (2021, 53–54): 
Behind the church of St Martin stands a 
plague sign, which is one of the oldest of 
its kind and is protected as a monument. 
In addition to the attacks by the Turks and 
Uskoks, Metlika was also ravaged by the 
Black Death. Imagine what Metlika looked 
like back then: narrow streets, no sewage 
system, no rubbish collection, no commu-
nal services and no communal economy. On 
these streets, even if they were paved, the 
townspeople threw everything they didn’t 
need in the houses: rubbish, dead cats, the 
stinking contents of chamber pots, rags, 
swill and so on. This heated up on the street 
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during the day, steamed up and spread the 
stench in the city air that people breathed 
in. Furthermore, half-naked children ran 
through the streets, peeing and pooing wher-
ever they could. And the adults didn’t hes-
itate for too long either. Hordes of hungry 
cats and dogs and whole swarms of rats were 
scattered across the city. Even in the houses, 
they probably didn’t pay too much attention 
to hygiene and bred lice and fleas. The inhab-
itants of Metlika died like flies and could not 
be buried on the spot in the parish cemetery 
of the Three Parishes, but exactly where St 
Roch’s Church stands today, or on the site of 
the plague sign at St Martin’s Church. The 
inhabitants of Metlika were frequently af-
flicted by plague, cholera, smallpox, typhus, 
dysentery and occasionally famine. The most 
severe outbreaks of plague occurred in 1431, 
1510, 1646, 1647 and 1691 and then again 
from 1720 to 1730, i.e. for ten years.3
Travner explains (1934) that in the years 
872 and 873, Slovenia, especially Lower Styr-
ia, was hit by extreme heat and drought. At the 
same time, huge swarms of locusts flew in, devas-
tating the Ptujsko polje in particular. The wind 
drove them into the Drava, but the waves threw 
them back onto land. Here, the carcasses of the 
locusts rotted and spread an unbearable stench. 
As a result, a major epidemic broke out in Ptuj 
and the surrounding area, killing many people. 
In the following years, similar conditions pre-
vailed throughout Europe (Travner 1934, 91). In 
1542 and 1543, large swarms of locusts also flew 
into Carniola and Styria, devouring everything 
that was green in a very short time. A great fam-
ine followed. The rotting carcasses of thousands 
of animals polluted the air. In 1542, in the area 
around Celje, especially on the border with Car-
niola, almost all landowners fled for fear of the 
plague epidemic. Between Maribor and Kam-
nica at the end of the nineteenth century, there 
was a plague sign with the year 1543 as a remind-
3 Unless otherwise noted, all translations are by the author.
er that infected corpses were buried in this place 
at that time (p. 96).
Ptuj also experienced the horrors of the lo-
cust invasion in 1672, exactly 800 years after the 
invasion of locusts in 872, with swarms again ar-
riving in such massive numbers that they dark-
ened the sun. Strong winds drove them into 
the Drava River, causing mass drowning. The 
waves then deposited countless carcasses along 
the shoreline, where decomposition produced 
an overwhelming stench. An epidemic followed, 
which only stopped the following year (Travner 
1934, 112).
During the plague, infected human corps-
es often lay unburied for a long time on roads, 
fields and in thickets, so that they were torn 
apart by dogs and wild animals, as for example 
near Ptuj in 1682. Other bodies rotted for weeks 
and months in abandoned houses. Such cases oc-
curred mainly in the countryside, where entire 
houses and settlements often died out, so that 
there was a lack of undertakers to bury the dead. 
In the cities, too, piles of corpses often lay in the 
streets. Everyone ran away from the infected 
corpses. They spread such a terrible stench that 
nobody could stay near them. There was also a 
high risk of infection. That is why everyone – ex-
cept the gravediggers – was strictly forbidden to 
touch the corpses. The locals had to hire a brave 
man as quickly as possible to pull the corpse out 
of the house with an iron hook on a long pole. 
It was only in later times (especially after the 
provisions of the Infection Ordinance of 1710) 
that corpses were covered with sheets or placed 
in coffins made of thin wood and incensed. In-
fected corpses were destined for their own cem-
eteries outside the towns and villages, which the 
communities had to take care of. They dug large 
and deep plague pits in which the corpses were 
disposed of, sprinkled with quicklime and then 
raked. They often even buried the apparently 
dead. When the epidemic ended, common mon-
uments (plague signs) were erected on the com-
mon graves of the victims. Here and there the 
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bodies were later exhumed and transferred to 
regular cemeteries, which had to be done secret-
ly as the authorities did not allow this (Travner 
1934, 46, 47).
According to the Chronicle of the parish of 
St Vid, written by Matej Slekovec4 (as cited in 
Hojnik 2025, 300), the plague began to attack 
again with devastating force in 1645: 
Due to the townspeople’s lack of caution, 
the disease spread throughout St Vid and 
the Haloze region. The victims suffered 
from successive and consistent symptoms: 
violent stomach cramps attacked them one 
after the other, some had acute chest pains, 
while others developed buboes character-
ised by bloody red spots on their bodies. The 
disease progressed with frightening speed – 
most of those affected succumbed within 
24 hours after feeling a paralysing weakness. 
Only a few survived for several days and re-
coveries were extremely rare. The corpses of 
the deceased were a gruesome sight, as they 
quickly turned black after death and gave 
off an overwhelming stench. ‘This is death,’ 
people whispered to each other as despair 
spread through the community. Some res-
idents thought of fleeing, but quickly real-
ised they had nowhere to go – conditions 
in the neighbouring region of Haloze were 
just as bad. By July 1645, the epidemic had 
already affected half of the houses in St Vid. 
The homes of those infected were quar-
antined, marked with conspicuous white 
crosses, and supplies were delivered through 
the windows to minimise contact. When a 
death occurred, families resorted to secret 
burials, usually held at night behind their 
homes. The toll taken by the plague went 
beyond the human victims and devastat-
ed the local economy. With so many people 
dead, agricultural labour in the vineyards 
and fields was neglected. The survivors 
4 The first part of the chronicle was written by Matej Slekovec (1846–1903), who worked as a priest in the neighbouring parish of 
St Mark from 1887. In 1883, he published the section on the outbreak of the plague in the St Vid Chronicle and also published it 
in Slovenski gospodar (see: Slekovec 1883, 142).
faced severe shortages and were unable to 
meet their tax obligations. In response to 
these circumstances, the parish priest of St 
Vid, Tomaž Zahely, asked the provincial 
government for tax relief for his parishion-
ers – a request that was readily granted by 
the authorities. 
In addition to the descriptions of living 
conditions, hygiene and the tragedy of rotting 
corpses and their odour, some Slovenian-lan-
guage literary works are based on the belief in 
the cleansing power of fire and smoke. Fire is 
often associated with rituals and ceremonies 
aimed at purifying or cleansing people, objects 
or spaces. 
Fumigation was the most important meth-
od of preventing the plague. This practise was 
based on the belief that fire had purifying prop-
erties and could clear the air. Various fragrant 
or smoky woods were used for this purpose, in-
cluding cypress, pine, juniper, oak and beech. In 
addition to pleasant scents, unpleasant-smell-
ing substances were also used, including castore-
um, galbanum, sulphur, burnt leather, horns and 
gunpowder. Gunpowder was particularly prized 
and was used from the sixteenth to the late eight-
eenth century (Byfleet 2023).
The function and occurrences of the puri-
fying fire were described in detail in James Fraz-
er’s Golden Bough (1922) in the chapter on the 
‘Need-fire’ and in several places in earlier ver-
sions of the book. Frazer claims that the fire fes-
tivals are all celebrated periodically at certain 
times of the year and date back to a very distant 
time. But apart from these regularly recurring 
celebrations, farmers in many parts of Europe 
resorted to a fire ritual at irregular intervals in 
times of hardship and distress, especially when 
their livestock was afflicted by a plague. Some-
times the need-fire was referred to as a ‘wild 
fire’, no doubt to distinguish it from the tame 
fire produced by ordinary methods. Among the 
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Slavic peoples it is called ‘living fire’. The history 
of fire can be traced from the early Middle Ages, 
when it was described by the Church as a pagan 
superstition, to the first half of the nineteenth 
century, when it was still occasionally practised 
in various parts of Germany, England, Scotland 
and Ireland. Among the Slavic peoples it seems 
to have lasted even longer. The usual occasion for 
the performance of this rite was the outbreak of 
the plague or cattle-disease, against which the 
need-fire was regarded as an infallible remedy 
(Frazer 1922, 638, 639).
The Slavicist and philologist Radivoj 
Lenček (1943) confirms Frazer’s statements and 
adds that fire was used by all peoples in various 
rituals as a means of purification. Even in the 
non-periodic purification fires, which purified 
humans, animals and plants by burning and de-
stroying harmful physical and spiritual elements 
(witches, sorcerers, evil spirits) that haunted all 
living beings, permanent, recurring fires were 
lit and corresponding rituals performed. Such 
fires, known as ‘living fire’ among Slavic peo-
ples, were most often lit for infectious diseases, 
against which the ‘living fire’ was always an ef-
fective apotropaic remedy.5 The ‘living fire’ was 
sacred, as its smoke and ashes were also used for 
various medicinal purposes. But the most effec-
tive form of purification took place in the fire 
itself, by walking or jumping over the flames. 
Lenček adds that in Upper Bavaria, for exam-
ple, cattle were driven through the solstice fire; 
the sick to get well, the healthy to be protected 
from the plague and other evils during the year. 
Sick cattle were often driven through the smoke 
and flames two or three times so that they were 
burnt to death. Every year on St Roch’s day, Pol-
ish farmers drove their cattle through the ‘liv-
ing fire’ three times a day to protect them from 
infectious diseases. Not only the cattle, but also 
the people could be purified in such a fire. Ac-
cording to Lenček, this is proven by the numer-
ous cases of boys and girls who jumped over bon-
fires and ‘living flames’ on various occasions. In 
5 Apotropaic remedy: a means of defence against evil which, according to folk belief, has the power to ward off and protect against 
misfortune.
all such and similar cases, the purifying moment 
plays the greatest role (Lenček 1943, 61).
Given the belief in the purifying proper-
ties of fire, it is not surprising that some Slove-
nian literary works contain detailed descriptions 
of the plague and the measures taken to com-
bat it. These descriptions are based on the belief 
that fire has the ability to purify the air and drive 
away the plague, as well as the idea that smoke 
can purify the atmosphere. A vivid example of 
this can be found in the book The Black Death 
(1911) by Franc Ksaver Meško, a writer and priest.
His history-based literary work depicts the 
period of the plague in Ptuj and the surrounding 
area and in Hajdina from May 1645 to autumn 
1646. Literary figures also remember the plague 
epidemics in the period from 1623–1625. Meško 
writes (1931): 
The world around them presented them 
with a marvellous scene. Everywhere they 
looked, bonfires were burning and smoul-
dering. They were lit for the first time – al-
ready during earlier epidemics – by refu-
gees from Ptuj in Haloze. It was an agreed 
sign to relatives and acquaintances that they 
were still alive. They were also lit by farmers 
living alone. According to the custom of the 
mountain dwellers, they signalled to their 
distant relatives that they had a corpse in 
the house. Because why should they signal 
that they are still alive? Thank God, who 
still drives away the danger and still tames 
the murderer! So, the original sign of life 
itself became a harbinger of death. Slowly, 
the fires began to be burnt everywhere, for 
many claimed that fire purifies the air and 
the smoke kills poisonous germs. So even 
now the land was full of fires, all shrouded 
in smoke.
The author also refers to the doctors who 
helped the infected in various ways, including 
with incense: ‘The doctor distributed the med-
icines he had brought with him: powder, various 
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liquids and incense, with which the room and 
the whole house were to be fumigated so that 
the germs would stop and the risk of infection 
would decrease.’ (Meško 1931).
In Croatia, popular belief in connection 
with the epidemic also included the belief that 
smoke and ashes could cleanse from disease, 
and so things were often ‘cleansed’ with ashes or 
smoke (Skenderović 2003, 169). Although med-
icine already knew a great deal about the plague 
in the eighteenth century, people saw the occur-
rence of the epidemic as the hand of God punish-
ing them for their sins. This view was supported 
by the court itself, so that numerous royal letters 
also spoke of God’s punishment and called on 
subjects to repent and lead a moral life. Along-
side this belief, which was supported by both the 
official government and the church, there were 
also many superstitions in which some character-
istic beliefs emerged that had ancient, pre-Chris-
tian roots. Examples of purification with smoke 
and ashes were everywhere, so it seems that this 
method was also accepted by the official author-
ities at the time. The houses of the infected were 
often burnt, but the authorities simply sprayed 
some houses with vinegar, which was apparent-
ly believed to destroy the infection (pp. 168, 169).
The Capuchin monk Fedele from Zadar de-
scribed in great detail the disinfection methods 
used to combat the plague in Split, Croatia, be-
tween 1783 and 1784, when the city was com-
pletely isolated for fifteen and a half months 
(Donadini 1988). These methods included var-
ious forms of fumigation of the rooms. Fedele 
writes (Donadini 1988, 79): 
When the house is empty, the cobwebs are 
removed, the house is swept and all the 
rooms are exposed to the so-called pun-
gent odours of incense for two days, with 
the doors and windows completely closed. 
These scents are obtained by placing tarred 
ribbons, sulphur and cow hooves in the 
burners. The whole house is then white-
washed with lime and, after drying, in-
censed twice more with scents, the first time 
with the pungent scents just mentioned and 
the second time with the so-called sweet 
fragrance, which is obtained from a mix-
ture of frankincense, myrtle, sage, rose-
mary and juniper berries. With this second 
scent, the task of deodorising the house is 
complete. Although all things can be com-
pletely dissolved by boiling, soaking or air-
ing, some people, out of excessive fear, allow 
all or most of these things that could oth-
erwise be saved to burn. Using fire is really 
the most complete and quickest way that is 
more than safe. In this way, even the largest 
house can be completely and perfectly dis-
infected in a few hours, and the whole city 
in a few days, so that it would not have to be 
subjected in any way to the health measures 
of the city. What I feared most was the dan-
ger of a fire breaking out because the beams 
had caught fire and the rooms were filled 
with smoke. The fire that I feared so much 
had actually already broken out. So, if I had 
not come at the right time and warned the 
others, the fire would have spread quickly 
because of all the things that had accumu-
lated and the constant wind. 
Another method of sanitising the air, which 
Father Fedele mentions with great reluctance, is 
the following (Donadini 1988, 84): 
Instead of the laborious and manifold fu-
migation of houses, it would suffice for this 
purpose to expose the room to the evapo-
ration and fumigation of quicklime thrown 
into water. Moreover, this lime dipped in 
water can later be used to whitewash the 
walls. And immediately there are extraor-
dinary savings, not only in time and effort, 
but also in so many additional resources 
used today for this purpose, and finally in 
the firewood used when fumigating hous-
es. At the same time, we have got rid of the 
danger of a fire which had already affect-
ed one house here and would have spread 
to the whole street if the usual strong wind 
had blown that night.
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The Plague Altar of St Sebastian  
in the Church of St Andrew in Makole:  
Close View and Interpretation
a) The upper part of the plague altar
An example of visual art related to plague is the 
so-called ‘Plague altar’ of St Sebastian by the 
sculptor Jožef Štraub with a plague scene by an 
unknown painter in the lower part of the art-
work, which was created between 1751 and 1756 
and is located in the parish church of St Andrew 
in Makole in Slovenia.
The side plague altar, which was badly dam-
aged, dilapidated, worm-eaten and rotten, was 
restored in 2018 (Šiles and Radšel 2018).
The wooden altar consists of a wooden 
background and polychrome statues of angels 
and saints. In the lower part, there are statues 
of St Charles Borromeo and St Roch. In the at-
tic of the altar are four more angels, two smaller 
and two larger, as well as nine angel heads with 
wings. In the centre is a statue of Jesus Christ 
with the rays of the sun, with silvered clouds in 
the background (Šiles and Radšel 2018, 2).
On the left side of the altar is a statue of St 
Charles Borromeo, who is known for having 
helped plague patients during the plague in Mi-
lan in 1576, and on the right side is a statue of St 
Roch, the patron saint against the plague.
The wooden painting on the altarpiece 
shows St Peter, who is depicted with a key be-
cause he is traditionally regarded as the keeper 
of the keys to heaven, and St Sebastian, a patron 
saint against contagious and sudden infectious 
diseases. Black clouds can be seen above them, 
from which lightning bolts shoot down to earth. 
As it is said that ‘such diseases are like an arrow 
shot secretly’, St Sebastian is usually depicted 
‘tied to a tree or a pillar with arrows in his body’ 
(‘Sveti Sebastijan (Boštjan) – mučenec’ n.d.). 
On this plague altar, he is holding arrows in his 
right hand, the tips of which are pointing away 
from him. ‘Initially, the saint was the patron 
saint against the plague, later together with St 
Roch, who slowly took his place’ (‘Sveti Sebasti-
jan (Boštjan) – mučenec’ n.d.).
St Sebastian is one of the most venerated 
saints. He is the protector (patron saint) against 
the plague. The rapid cessation of this disease in 
Rome in 680 is attributed to his intercession. 
In depictions of St Sebastian, arrows symbolise 
his role as protector against the plague and his 
martyrdom. These images, often showing him 
bound and pierced by arrows, reflect his unwa-
vering faith and courage in the face of persecu-
tion. The arrows, which in the past were invoked 
to protect against illness, symbolise both his 
suffering and the divine intervention that gives 
hope to those who suffer. Overall, they embody 
themes of martyrdom, protection, resilience and 
divine grace and emphasise the importance of St 
Sebastian in the context of suffering and heal-
ing, especially in times of plague.
The arrows of pestilence are deeply root-
ed in many languages. The Hebrew words for 
plague (maggefah, negef, naga, makkah) all im-
ply a blow. The English word ‘plague’ comes from 
the Latin plaga, which is derived from the Greek 
πληγή, meaning blow. Similarly, the French word 
fléau, which means both flail and plague, comes 
from the Latin flagellum and Greek θλίβω, af-
flicted. In Arabic, the term for plague evokes the 
idea of being ‘stung’ or ‘pricked’, reminiscent of 
the snakes or arrows associated with the disease 
(Payne Crawfurd 1914, 8–9).
St Roch, also known as St Rocco, is often 
invoked as a protector against plague and infec-
tious diseases. His symbolism is rich and com-
plex, reflecting both his life and the historical 
context in which he became a figure of venera-
tion. St Roch is primarily regarded as the patron 
saint of those suffering from infectious diseas-
es, especially the plague. This association stems 
from his own life story, in which he was involved 
in the plague outbreaks of the fourteenth cen-
tury. His actions are an example of compassion 
and selflessness, qualities that play a major role 
in times of crisis. In artistic representations, St 
Roch is often depicted as a pilgrim with a shell, 
together with a staff and a dog. The dog symbol-
ises loyalty and comradeship. In some stories, it 
is said to have brought him bread when he was in 
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isolation because of the plague. This symbolism 
emphasises the themes of support and care, both 
divine and earthly. St Roch is often depicted 
with a wound on his thigh caused by the plague. 
This visible sign is a reminder of the human suf-
fering and trials that occur during an epidem-
ic. It also symbolises the healing that can come 
from faith and the importance of caring for the 
suffering.
b) The lower part of the plague altar
In addition to these obvious symbols of the 
plague, the lower part of the plague altar in Ma-
kole shows harrowing scenes from everyday life 
during the plague epidemic. This part of the 
painting by an unknown author shows a plague 
scene in which the dying and sick lie or sit on the 
ground in various states of suffering (nine adults 
and one infant), while four men and a wom-
an look after them, carry the deceased away on 
stretchers, or offer help to those still clinging to 
life. The dying or dead figures are depicted na-
ked; only their genitals are covered with a cloth. 
This was a common artistic convention in Chris-
tian religious paintings and symbolised respect 
for the deceased. This conscious artistic deci-
sion preserves human dignity, even though it de-
picts the most devastating circumstances of mass 
death. The cloth covering symbolises an impor-
tant cultural and religious tradition that has pre-
served decency in the depiction of death, even 
under the catastrophic conditions of the plague.
Of particular note is the subtle yet dis-
turbing motif of the infant next to a half-na-
ked mother figure. This compositional choice is 
reminiscent of the gruesome reality documented 
in cultural narratives from the region – infants 
attempting to suckle from deceased mothers 
(Tomažič 1990, 66; Ramšak 2022, 669). While 
the painting preserves a certain religious deco-
rum, the folk tales from the same cultural area 
of Pohorje offer more explicit descriptions of this 
phenomenon.
The story The Merchant’s Son (‘Trgovčev 
sin’, Tomažič 1990) from Pohorje takes this mo-
tif to an even more disturbing level by showing a 
desperate child feeding on the dead. What may 
appear to be exaggerated folklore finds its visual 
equivalent, albeit in a more restrained form, in 
the altar painting. Both depictions capture the 
same fundamental horror – the reversal of nur-
turing motherhood through death, with the 
child instinctively seeking nourishment from 
the mother who can no longer give it.
These textual-visual parallels show how 
both religious art and folktales address a collec-
tive trauma, even if the religious art maintains 
certain boundaries of propriety that the folk-
tales transgress by explicitly mentioning an un-
conscious mother lying on the floor and a cry-
ing child beside her, sucking blood from an open 
vein on her arm (Tomažič 1990, 66). The subtle 
suggestion of the image and the explicit descrip-
tion of the narrative are complementary strate-
gies for preserving the cultural memory of the 
profound disruption that the plague caused even 
in the most basic human relationship – that be-
tween mother and child.
On the left side of the painting, a woman is 
depicted covering her nose with a handkerchief 
in her right hand, probably due to the stench of 
dead. With her left hand, she offers the hand-
kerchief to a sick man sitting on the ground. He 
stretches out his arms towards her to protect 
himself from infectious miasmas. This detail 
of the painting, showing the woman covering 
her nose to avoid inhaling miasma, indicates at 
least two things: firstly, that people were aware 
Figure 2: The lower part of the painting in the plague al-
tar is by an unknown painter and depicts everyday life in 
times of plague. Makole, Church of St Andrew, Slovenia 
(a detail from Šiles and Radšel 2018, 26).
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of the transmission of the disease and that they 
took simple self-protective measures. That the 
stench must have been unbearable can also be 
inferred from other details of the scene, such as 
the green grass, bright green trees in the back-
ground, and the bare-footed men with rolled-
up sleeves carrying away the corpses, from 
which we can conclude that the painter has de-
picted an epidemic tragedy in warm weather, 
such as late spring, summer or early autumn. 
The woman in the picture holding a handker-
chief to her nose indicates not only protection 
against stench, but also an understanding of the 
concept of miasma.
This scene reflects the contemporary un-
derstanding of disease transmission, which was 
based on the miasma theory. In this context, it 
is interesting to mention Marko Anton Plenčič 
(1705–1786), a Slovenian doctor who studied 
medicine in Padua and worked at the Faculty of 
Medicine in Vienna, who was firmly convinced 
that all infectious diseases were caused by living 
pathogens. In 1762, his first book was published 
under the title Opera medico physica.6 Plenčič’s 
practical experience in treating patients with in-
fectious diseases and the influence of his pro-
fessor, Carlo Cogrosi, who had written a book 
on contagious diseases in cattle in 1714, made 
him realise that his ideas were correct. Plenčič 
carried out experiments with variolisation and 
proved that variola was caused by a specific path-
ogen. He was also convinced that the scarlet fe-
ver infection was caused by airborne germs that 
entered the body through the skin or respiratory 
organs. Plenčič applied his idea of specific path-
ogens of infectious diseases to veterinary med-
icine, agriculture and the economy. One hun-
dred years before Pasteur, Plenčič explained the 
causes of infection with contagious diseases in 
humans, animals and plants and described the 
characteristics of disease agents (Stropnik 1998, 
153–156).
6 Full title: Opera medico physica, in quatuor tractatus digesta, quorum primus contagii morborum ideam novam una cum addita-
mento de lue bovina, anno 1761. epidemice grassante sistit. Secundus de variolis, tertius de scarlatina, quartus de terræ motu, sed 
præcipue illo horribili agit, qui prima novembris anno 1755. Europam, Africam, et Americam conquassabat. The book was translat-
ed into Slovenian in 1998 under the title O bolezenskem kontagiju: nova ideja.
This theory about the transmission of dis-
eases through the air, which dates back to antiq-
uity, was well known among the people, which is 
why the painter depicted it as protecting the res-
piratory tract with a handkerchief.
Based on the painting, which shows a 
plague scene, we can analyse the symptoms de-
picted to determine the probable nature of the 
plague. What we can observe in this artwork 
is that several plague victims are being cared 
for or carried away. Most importantly, howev-
er, there are no visible buboes (swollen lymph 
nodes) nor dark skin lesions (plague spots), the 
victims appear to be lying down or being car-
ried and the scene suggests acute onset and 
high mortality.
Given the absence of the buboes typical of 
bubonic plague and the apparently rapid pro-
gression suggested by the scene, it is probably 
pneumonic plague. Pneumonic plague is trans-
mitted directly from person to person through 
respiratory droplets, has an acute onset, has an 
extremely high mortality rate if untreated, does 
not produce the characteristic buboes of bubon-
ic plague, and the primary symptoms are res-
piratory/pulmonary rather than visible external 
manifestations.
Since the first symptoms of pneumonic 
plague (European Centre for Disease Prevention 
and Control n.d.) appear 1 to 3 days after infec-
tion, with chest pain, production of thick mucus 
in the lungs, shortness of breath and death with-
in 24 hours, it is possible that the woman in the 
painting is covering her airways with a handker-
chief because she is even the slightest bit aware of 
the disease, since this form of plague was trans-
mitted by droplets. It could be a sign of her fear 
of infection and her desire to protect herself and 
others during the epidemic. The painting ap-
pears to depict the horrific reality of caring for 
and disposing of victims during an outbreak of 
pneumonic plague.
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The depiction of naked dead and sick peo-
ple whose genitals are covered for reasons of de-
cency on the plague altar also shows that peo-
ple were aware of the risk of infection through 
clothing and it is supported with other sources. 
The nakedness of the dead and sick depicted on 
the plague altar can be explained by the hygiene 
measures taken to contain the disease.
Žepič, who analysed pandemic criminal 
law (2022), notes that although European coun-
tries faced devastating plague pandemics, there 
was no significant criminal intervention by the 
state in pandemics until the sixteenth centu-
ry, except in some Mediterranean coastal towns 
and northern Italian cities. The prosecution of 
sanitary offences was the responsibility of the 
sanitary magistrates, who had broad criminal 
jurisdiction. The ‘pandemic criminal law’ was 
characterised by harsh punishments reminis-
cent of martial law, by the criminalisation of 
both commission and omission, of intentional 
and negligent offences and by the abandonment 
of the principle of legality when this was already 
an established legal principle (Žepič 2022, 50). 
The Plague Statute that Visconti issued for Reg-
gio in Modena in 1374 stipulated that infected 
persons had to leave town immediately and iso-
late themselves in the countryside until they re-
covered or died. The isolation lasted at least ten 
days and also applied to those who were in con-
tact with the infected persons. The property of 
infected persons was confiscated, contaminat-
ed movable property was destroyed and wilful 
spreaders could expect to have their property 
confiscated. The admission of infected refugees 
was prohibited under threat of the death penal-
ty (pp. 53–54).
With this kind of pandemic criminal law, 
we can explain why the dying and dead are de-
picted naked on the plague altar in Makole. 
Their clothes were destroyed, burnt, so that the 
infection could not spread further.
The white smoke on the left side of the art-
work – which at first glance could be mistak-
en for a fluffy white cloud – could have a dou-
ble meaning. On closer inspection, however, 
we can see that the smoke is actually rising 
from the top of the hill and stands out against 
the sky. On the one hand, it could be the smoke 
from burnt, infected clothing, which is also con-
firmed by the depiction of the naked bodies. On 
the other hand, it could be a representation of 
the miasma itself, as in popular belief the plague 
was associated with the appearance of mist, 
smoke or vapour.
This interpretation could stem from the be-
lief, based on observations of the plague in Swit-
zerland, Austria, Germany and Iceland (Kro-
pej-Telban 2022, 30; Gunnell 2001, 49; Travner 
1934, 76.), that the plague could also appear in 
the form of mist, smoke, vapour or a cloud that 
settles in the valley and kills people and livestock 
(Kropej-Telban 2022, 30). From the mouths of 
people dying of the plague, it escapes like a cloud 
of blue vapour, which can penetrate various ob-
jects and, when it comes out, causes the plague 
(Travner 1934, 76), which corresponds to the de-
scription of a miasma.
Vinko Möderndorfer, who was the author 
of the first comprehensive systematic work on 
the folk medicine of the Slovenes (1964), also ex-
plains that fire was considered a natural disin-
fectant. In some places, when the plague spread, 
every stranger who entered the place had to pass 
through the fire and only then were they allowed 
to come into contact with the people. In Lower 
Carniola (Dolenjska), on the evening of the bon-
fire, everyone jumped over the fire three times 
to be protected from the plague. In Bela Kraji-
na, bonfires were lit in the courtyard during the 
plague and the cattle were driven through them 
(Möderndorfer 1964, 31). The ethnographer 
Jožef Pajek reports that the tradition of light-
ing bonfires on Easter morning, called ‘vuzen-
ice’, survived in Styria until the end of the nine-
teenth century, and at the same time people 
firmly believed that the plague would not reach 
the place where the smoke from these bonfires 
was lit and that the buckwheat would not with-
er (Pajek 1884, 84).
By zooming in and focusing the image, we 
can also understand the sense of horror of the 
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moment. The two men on the right, carrying the 
corpse on a stretcher, are visibly affected by the 
situation. The first (on the right), who almost lit-
erally walks out of the painting, has wide-open, 
almost bulging eyes, and the man behind him is 
screaming in horror and crying in agony, which 
we can see through his open mouth. The figure’s 
protruding eyes are also strikingly reminiscent 
of exophthalmos, a medical condition charac-
terised by an abnormal protrusion of the eye-
balls and usually associated with Graves’ disease 
– an autoimmune disorder affecting the thyroid 
gland. My main interpretation focuses on how 
the depicted features effectively convey the psy-
chological horror of the plague and the traumat-
ic burden of dealing with the dead. The bulging 
eyes and agonised facial expressions powerfully 
convey the overwhelming horror and suffering 
that prevails during epidemics. As a secondary 
observation, the figure’s facial hair (a goat beard) 
could possibly be a goitre (enlargement of the 
thyroid gland), given the painter’s obvious ana-
tomical inaccuracies elsewhere, such as the poor-
ly executed right arm of the deceased being car-
7 The art historian Marjan Zadnikar (1964, 20) cites this chapel from the painting of the plague altar in the parish church in Ma-
kole as an example of the existence of columnar signs (slopno znamenje) in the eighteenth century
ried. This secondary medical interpretation is 
speculative and certainly not the primary angle 
through which I am analysing the work. Never-
theless, it creates an interesting, if unintended, 
parallel between the historical artistic depic-
tion and contemporary medical understanding. 
While I acknowledge that I may be projecting 
modern medical knowledge onto historical art, 
the primary meaning remains the artist’s power-
ful depiction of plague terror, with any medical 
subtext only serving to enrich our appreciation 
of how effectively the visual elements convey hu-
man suffering during historical epidemics.
The columnar sign with a pyramid roof and 
a niche7, the only masonry object in the paint-
ing, indicates that the painted scene is of local 
significance and originates from Makole or its 
surroundings, as Christian columnar signs of 
spiritual significance built in this way are often 
found along country roads and are particular-
ly common in alpine and pre-alpine areas. The 
presence of a columnar sign with a pyramid roof 
and a niche in the background and the religious 
symbolism above this painting suggest that re-
Figure 3: The main motifs of plague altar in the church of St Andrew in Makole, Slovenia (mind map created by Moj-
ca Ramšak (2025))
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ligious institutions played an important role in 
plague epidemics.
The depiction of real, sensory scenes of the 
plague and the supernatural world, such as an-
gels and saints, on the plague altar serves as a 
link between the spiritual and the material. It 
is no coincidence that the real world with the 
plague scenes is depicted in the lower part of the 
painting, because in a religious context, everyday 
life, human experiences and emotions, which 
the viewer can understand and experience on a 
physical level, are metaphorically ‘below’, while 
the metaphysical level of the depiction with pro-
tectors against the plague and guardian angels 
is ‘above’. In art and religion, real-life scenes can 
be used to illustrate moral values (in this case, 
helping others) or historical events that are im-
portant to the community (in this case, plague 
epidemics). By combining real scenes with super-
natural symbols such as angels and saints, a space 
for reflection and spiritual experience is created 
that encourages the viewer to think about their 
place in the world and their relationship with 
higher powers. It could be said that the depiction 
of real plague scenes in the context of art and re-
ligion serves as a means of communication, en-
abling the viewer to understand and tap into 
deeper religious truths by connecting the mate-
rial and spiritual levels. The viewer can identify 
with the scenes of suffering and at the same time 
seek solace in supernatural symbols. This inter-
action between the viewer and the art can lead 
to a personal spiritual experience. The plague al-
tar as a work of art not only presents the spiritual 
aspect, but also offers the viewer psychological 
support in difficult times. The artistic expression 
acts as a therapeutic tool that has helped people 
deal with fear and uncertainty in times of plague 
epidemics.
Many altars with patron saints against the 
plague were erected in the surroundings of Ma-
kole (e.g. in many places on Pohorje and at its 
foot, such as St Barbara (in Malahorna), St Blaise 
(in Slovenska Bistrica), St Francis Xavier (in Vi-
tanje, Slovenska Bistrica, Kot and Slovenske 
Konjice), St George (in Slovenske Konjice, Rito-
znoj, Slovenska Bistrica and Hoče), St Roch (in 
Vitanje, Janževski Vrh, Kovača vas and Prihova), 
St Sebastian (in Vitanje, Slovenska Bistrica, Pr-
ihova and Golika), and St Valentin (in Gorenje 
pri Zrečah and Prihova) (Ramšak 2019, 45–52, 
104–106; 2022, 670).
In the parish of Makole, which includes 
13 villages, there are 16 chapels and three signs, 
f3
f4
Figure 4: The idea structure of plague altar in the church of St Andrew in Makole,  Slovenia (mind map created by 
Mojca Ramšak (2025))
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2 of which are plague signs (Žnidar 2012, 62). At 
the crossroads in the village of Savinsko, there is 
a pillar-shaped plague sign from the turn of the 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which, ac-
cording to the locals, is more than 500 years old 
and has been restored several times (pp. 77–78). 
On the main Poljčane-Majšperk road, near the 
former Marolf Inn under Štatenberg Castle, 
there is a column-shaped plague sign from the 
second half of the seventeenth century (p. 98).
Plague signs, individual saints, and patron 
saints against the plague, which can be found in 
churches, chapels and other monuments, bear 
witness to the historical presence of the disease, 
the fear it caused and the deep belief in the power 
of healing through the intercession of the saints. 
Throughout history, the presence of plague signs 
and the veneration of certain saints reflect the 
profound impact the disease had on communi-
ties, often leading to the adoption of rituals and 
prayers to gain divine protection. These prac-
tises not only served as a source of comfort in 
times of crisis, but also emphasised the cultur-
al and spiritual importance of faith in overcom-
ing adversity.
Conclusion
To summarise, the plague altar from the par-
ish church in Makole, Slovenia, is a poignant 
reminder of the profound impact of epidemics 
on both art and everyday life. This artistic rep-
resentation not only reflects the fears and strug-
gles of communities in times of crisis but also 
epitomises the resilience and hope that emerge 
in the face of adversity. The altar is a testament 
to how art can capture the collective memory of 
a society struggling with loss and uncertainty, 
while providing solace and a sense of continui-
ty. As we navigate our own challenges in the cur-
rent post-Covid-19 era, the lessons we learn from 
such historical artefacts remind us of the endur-
ing human spirit and the way creativity can pro-
vide solace and meaning amidst the chaos of an 
epidemic.
Acknowledgement
The article was written as part of the project 
Smell and Intangible Cultural Heritage (J7-
50233), funded by the Slovenian Research and 
Innovation Agency (ARIS).
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Summary
This article explores the sensory experiences asso-
ciated with death during plague outbreaks with-
in a specific historical and geographical context. 
The author focuses on the plague altar from the 
mid-eighteenth century in the Haloze Church of 
St Andrew in Makole, Slovenia, created between 
1751 and 1756 by the sculptor Jožef Štraub. Par-
ticular attention is given to the lower part of the 
altarpiece, painted by an unknown artist, which 
depicts harrowing scenes of everyday life during 
plague epidemics.
The plague altar conveys religious messages 
and reflects contemporary knowledge and belief 
in miasma theory, particularly understandings of 
plague odour, plague regulations, and civil protec-
tion organisation. The lower painting shows nine 
adults and one infant in various states of suffering, 
while four men and a woman provide care or carry 
away the deceased on stretchers. Notably, a wom-
an covers her nose with a handkerchief due to the 
stench of corpses, indicating awareness of airborne 
disease transmission according to miasma theory.
The analysis employs Roland Barthes’ con-
cepts of punctum and studium, using the viewer’s 
personal emotional response as a starting point for 
broader historical and public health interpreta-
tion of plague in the region. The article surveys the 
history of plague in Slovenian territories from the 
earliest eighth-century records to the final eight-
eenth-century outbreaks, examining cultural and 
spiritual responses to epidemics, including beliefs 
in the purifying power of fire and smoke.
The altar represents a connection between 
spiritual and material worlds, with realistic scenes 
of suffering in the lower part symbolising earth-
ly experience, while saints and angels in the upper 
part represent supernatural protection. The work 
serves as visual communication of collective trau-
ma and hope during difficult times.
Povzetek
Članek obravnava čutne izkušnje, povezane s 
smrtjo v času kuge, in jih umešča v določen zgodo-
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62
vinski ter geografski okvir. Avtorica se osredotoča 
na kužni oltar iz sredine 18. stoletja v haloški cerkvi 
sv. Andreja v Makolah v Sloveniji, ki ga je med leto-
ma 1751 in 1756 ustvaril kipar Jožef Štraub. Poseb-
no pozornost namenja spodnjemu delu oltarne sli-
ke neznanega avtorja, ki prikazuje grozljive prizore 
vsakdanjega življenja med kužno epidemijo.
Kužni oltar ne prenaša le verskih sporočil, 
temveč odraža tudi takratno znanje in vero v teo-
rijo miazme, zlasti razumevanje vonja kuge, pred-
pisov o kugi in organizacije zaščite prebivalstva. 
Spod nji del slike prikazuje devet odraslih oseb in 
enega otroka v različnih stanjih trpljenja, med-
tem ko jim štirje moški in ena ženska nudijo po-
moč ali odnašajo umrle na nosilih. Posebej opazna 
je ženska, ki si zaradi smradu trupel pokriva nos z 
robčkom, kar kaže na zavedanje o prenašanju bo-
lezni po zraku v skladu z razumevanjem miazme.
Analiza temelji na Barthesovih konceptih 
punctum in studium, kjer osebni čustveni odziv 
gledalca služi kot izhodišče za širšo zgodovinsko 
in javnozdravstveno razlago kuge v regiji. Članek 
vključuje pregled zgodovine kuge v slovenskih de-
želah, od najzgodnejših zapisov iz 8. stoletja do 
zadnjih izbruhov v 18. stoletju, ter preučuje kultur-
ne in duhovne odzive na epidemije, vključno z ve-
rovanji o čistilni moči ognja in dima.
Oltar predstavlja povezavo med duhovnim 
in materialnim svetom, kjer realni prizori trpljen-
ja v spodnjem delu simbolizirajo zemeljsko izku-
šnjo, medtem ko svetniki in angeli v zgornjem delu 
predstavljajo nadnaravno zaščito. Delo služi kot vi-
zualno sporočilo o kolektivni travmi in upanju v 
težkih časih.