Documenta Praehistorica XL (2013) Social change at the end of the Middle Jomon: a perspective from resilience theory Takamune Kawashima Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Tsukuba, JP k_takamune@hotmail.com ABSTRACT - It is widely known that social change occurred in the end of the Middle Jömon, which can be seen in archaeological evidence such as settlements, pottery types, and so on. Most archaeologists have recognised this change as a result of climate change. It is said that a cooling trend in this period had a great influence on food acquisition and caused low chestnut harvests, which was a staple. However, the notion that climate was the critical factor is not sufficient to explain the social change that occurred at the end of the Middle Jömon, because similar types of society existed after this cooling trend, although the population numbers decreased. It is also important to consider human adaptation to the environment, especially in the case of hunter-gatherer societies. In this paper, I will describe the outline of the arguments supporting the environment theory among Japanese archaeologists, and explore how Jömon people overcame this period and constructed a new society, based on resilience theory. IZVLEČEK - Znano je, da se je družbena sprememba zgodila na koncu razvoja srednje Jömon kulture, kar lahko prepoznamo v arheoloških podatkih kot so naselja, tipi posod, itd. Večina arheologov je prepoznala to spremembo kot posledico klimatskih sprememb. Ohladitve v tem obdobju so imele velik vpliv na pridobivanje hrane in so povzročile slabše letine kostanja, ki je bil osnovno živilo v tej kulturi. Vendar pogled, da je sprememba klime predstavljala ključni dejavnik, ni zadosten za razlago o tem, kako je prišlo do družbenih sprememb na koncu srednjega Jömona, saj so se podobni tipi družbene ureditve obdržali tudi po ohladitvi kljub zmanjšanju števila prebivalcev. Upoštevati je potrebno tudi človeško prilagodljivost na okolje, sploh pri lovsko-nabiralniških družbah. V članku opisujem okvirne razprave, ki so v prid okoljskim teorijam med japonskimi arheologi, in s pomočjo teorije prožnosti raziskujem, kako so ljudje v kulturi Jömon obvladali to obdobje in zgradili novo družbo. KEY WORDS - Jömon; social change; resilience theory; hunter-gatherers; prehistory Social change at the end of the Middle Jomon It is widely known that social change occurred at the end of the Middle Jömon. Many archaeologists (Yamamoto 1980; Yasuda 1981; Suzuki 1986; 1991; Teshigawara 1992; Abiko 2011; Abe 2008) describe how large settlements disappeared and the size of settlements decreased, while settlements in the middle Middle Jömon had large numbers of pit houses. Most archaeologists believe that climate change caused this social change. It is said that a cooling trend in this period had great influence on food acquisition, and caused low chestnut harvests, which was a staple food in the Middle Jömon. They reason that the Jömon economy could not have sustained such large-scale settlements, and that Jömon people were forced to change their subsistence and settlement system in order to adapt to climate change, which is thought to have been a cooling trend. This kind of interpretation has been dominant since the 1980s. However, the notion that climate was the critical factor is not sufficient to explain the social change which occurred at the end of the Middle Jö-mon, because similar types of society existed after the cooling trend although the number of houses decreased. It is also important to consider human adaptation to the environment, especially in the case of hunter-gatherer societies. Only a few archaeologists (Kobayashi 1985; Imamura 1997) proposed alternative view, which focuses on the environmental adaptability of hunter-gatherers. They assert that Jömon society could have adapted to climate change, since their subsistence was based on hunting, gathering and fishing. However, no theory has explained this social change so far, except climate change which is based on pollen analysis (Yasuda 1981; 1997). According to the pollen analysis, increasing amounts of horse chestnuts (Aesculus hippocastanum) from Late Jömon sites are inferred, relating to climate change (Sasaki 2007). Although the main construction material for houses (and other structures) after the Late Jö-mon remained chestnut wood. Therefore, it is not sufficient to explain the increasing quantity of horse chestnuts merely as a result of climate change (Ka-washima 2009). Resilience theory and archaeology According to Walker and colleagues, a resilient system is defined as a system that can absorb disturbance and undergo some degree of change while still retaining the same general functions and structure (Walker et al. 2004). Resilience is also explained as the ability of a system to undergo change and keep the same functions, structure and feedbacks (Gunderson, Holling 2002; Walker, Salt 2006). Resilience theory suggests four stages: exploitation, conservation, release and reorganisation. These stages are highly theoretical, but suggest important concepts for understanding processes of reformation or reorganisation in cultures. Previous archaeological research in Japan focused mainly on the exploitation and conservation stages. However, resilience theory can be also applied to understanding prehistoric societies. In this paper, I will examine the process of changing material culture in the Jömon, using the methodology proposed by Hegmon and colleagues (2008), which aims to measure degrees of rigidity. Rigidity is thought to be among the factors that reduce resilience. Jömon society must have been much simpler than the societies which are examined in the following examples, but I will test the method for the analysis of hunter-gatherer societies. Case studies from the Southwest of the US Hegmon et al. (2008) investigated some parameters of three societies in the southwest region of the United States: Mimbres, Mesa Verde and Hohokam. They chose the periods of transformation: the Mim-bres Classic (AD 1000-1130) ended with changes in material culture and settlement reorganisation, which can be related to change in the natural environment (Schollmeyer 2011); Late Pueblo III (AD 1200-1300) ended with large-scale emigration and depopulation; and the Hohokam Classic (AD 1150-1450) ended with population decline. They assessed 20 archaeological measurable variables (Tab. 1), using data from three regions for almost the same period. A key concept here for explaining the difference in changes in various societies is 'rigidity trap'. They conclude that such parameters support their proposition that an association existed between the degree of rigidity and the severity of transformations. As a result of their comparison of three cases, they concluded that the Mim-bres transformation was the least rigid case, which led to the moderate reorganisation of their settlements and change in their material culture. I will try to evaluate the rigidity of Middle Jömon societies in the same way. Resilience of Jömon society: comparison with societies in the Southwest of the US The subsistence and social organisation of the Jö-mon differs from those of the three cultures of the US Southwest. We cannot apply the same variables. For example, there were no clear public structures in the Middle Jömon in the Kanto region. So, we cannot measure the degree of 'restricted access to public architecture', 'people per public structure', or 'average number of public structures per aggregated site'. It is well known that the Middle Jömon was characterised by many large-scale settlements. Settlement plans were usually circular, and sometimes areas were divided for storage, graves, and pit houses. Although the area is different, the Nishida site in Iwa-te prefecture is well known. This kind of large settlement appears in the middle period of the Middle Jömon, and disappears after the Kasori E3 phase. For example, at the Teranohigashi site, which is known as a site with a ring-shaped earth mound, Middle Jömon pit houses were excavated in the southern part of the site (Ehara 2001). The Middle Jömon settlement at Teranohigashi could have been s? s s J- »Q s t s rt QfQ 3 o S3 o o 00 H Variables Mimbres Ranking Mesa Verde Ranking Hohokam Jömon Area (km2) of core and region 2000/19 000 1817/22 000 4000/50 000 1. # of people core/region 2700/5600 1 15 000-19 500/30 000 2 20 000-30 000/40 000 3 ? 2. What happened to the people? Some emigration, some reorganization 1 Complete depopulation, some emigration, and probably some mortality 3 Large but not complete population decline, probably both emigration and mortality 2 Depopulation? less and smaller settlements Severity of Transformations: 3. Abruptness of transformation Period of change, then abrupt depopulation 2,5 Period of change then abrupt depopulation 2,5 Gradual 1 period of change and abrupt depopulation Scale and 4. Eventual resettlement? Yes; repopulated after No No Displacement. ± 50 years 1 2,5 2,5 No 5. Ceramic style and technology Fades away 1,5 Fades away 1,5 Disappears Fades away 3 6. Household organization Changes in organization and Changes from unit pueblo to modular N/A mobility 1,5 1,5 mobility Severity of 7. Ritual architecture and Changes in architecture New organization and N/A Transformations: organization 1 religion 2 No Degree of Change. 8. Village layout/organization Major change 1,5 major change 1,5 N/A Major change Severity of 9. Health problems Sporadic 1,5 Sporadic 1,5 Endemic 3 No Transformations: Physical Suffering. 10. Violence Slight 1 Yes, massacre 3 Threat 2 No 11. % of population in -30 —90+ aggregated sites —50 2 1 3 up to 70 12. Average # of people per 130 250 Measures of aggregated site 80 1 2 3 up to 130 Rigidity: Integration 13. people per public structure N/A 1 250 2 450+ 3 No (in Kanto region) (Calculated for the 14. Average # public structures ~1.6 —0.5 Core Areas). per aggregated site N/A 1 2 3 No (in Kanto region) Possible differential Differential access to Clear differences in form and 15. Household differences access to ceremonial special structures/stores placement spaces 1 2 3 No 16. Restricted access to public N/A Yes, new more restricted Yes, surrounded by walls Measures of architecture 1 forms in last few decades 2 3 N/A Rigidity: Social 17. Differential burial treatment No No evidence Yes, goods and treatment Power. 1,5 1,5 3 No 18a. # of locally made decorated 1 (Mimbres B/W) 1 (Mesa Verde White Ware) 1 (Salado Polychrome) Kasori E pottery type ceramic wares 2 2 2 18b. # of locally made decorated 1 or 2 closely related 2 closely related (Mesa 3 closely related (Pinto, Tonto, 2 (Closely related Sori and ceramic types (Style II and III) 2,5 Verde and McElmo B/W) 2,5 Gila Polychrome) 1 Daigi pottery type) 19. % of locally made types in 0,97 0,99 0,95 Measures of decorated assemblages 2 2 2 app. 90% Rigidity: 20. Household architecture Many forms and Redundant unit pueblos Redundant courtyard groups, Some types and Conformity. configurations 1 3 some variability at larger scale 2 configurations a circular settlement. Like other Middle Jömon sites, scarce archaeological evidence of residence such as pit houses and pits from the end of the Middle Jö-mon to the beginning of the Late Jömon was found, while in the northern part of the site, a ring-shaped earth mound and most pit houses were built after the Horinouchi phase (Fig. 1). Using variables presented by Hegmon et al. (2008), I try to examine the degree of rigidity of Middle Jö-mon society. Scale and displacement: demographic and settlement data The size of the regional population in the Jömon prior to the transformation is difficult to estimate. Some archaeologists assume that in the Middle Jö-mon, large settlements were formed, but in a very long time period, which means the so-called large settlements could be the result of accumulation of pit houses over time. The minimum size of a settlement is about five contemporary pit houses grouped together. On the other hand, settlements could have a maximum of 12 houses. It is difficult to identify the phase to which each settlement belongs. If the assumption of population increase is correct, rapid population decline after the Middle Jömon presents another problem. The issue of Jömon population needs further research. While we should consider this problem, it is notable that houses were built repeatedly on the same sites in the Middle Jömon, even if they were mobile. This can be related to the rigidity of the society. After the Kasori E3 phase, these large settlements disappeared. At such sites thereafter, only a small number of archaeological remains are found. But, there is no clear archaeological evidence of emigration. People probably dispersed and created small-scale and short- term settlements. Degree of change: ceramic and architectural data Stylistic and organisational changes in the material culture can be seen in the Middle Jömon period. The ceramic styles gradually faded away, and regional differences are less recognisable. Mobility probably increased, although the basic style of a pit house remained unchanged, so change in household organisation could have been minimal. Physical suffering There is almost no trace of physical suffering in the Jömon, such as health problems and violence. We should study decayed teeth, which can be related to amounts of carbohydrates consumed. Fig. 1. Distribution of pit houses in the southern part of Teranohigashi (after Ehara 2001.Fig. 856). TNT no. 446 (from Abiko 2011.Fig. 1). Measures of rigidity: integration Again, it is difficult to define the population of aggregated sites. These range from a few houses to more than 10 houses, according to the previous references. Medium-size settlements could consist of up to 130 people. The percentage of population in aggregated sites would have been approximately 70% in terms of the number of houses. Measures of rigidity: hierarchy Household difference is not clearly ^semMe although Fig. 2. Pit houses at hierarchy or social complexity after the Late Jömon is a subject for discussion. Public architecture does not appear in the Kanto region in the Middle Jömon. Differences in burial treatment are not apparent. There were various types of burial, such as pit burial and burial in abandoned houses. At the TnT no. 446 site, it is assumed that household heads were buried in pit graves which are located at the centre of the settlement, because this fits the number of houses from the same site (Fig. 2) (Abiko 2011.33). This calculation seems to be based on the idea that people stayed at the settlement throughout the year. Measures of rigidity: conformity Conformity can be assessed by material homogeneity. Pottery has similar forms, but with many variations in decoration. In the Kanto region, Kasori E pottery type is dominant. At least two pottery types have been found in the Tohoku region in the north, and the Chubu region in the west. A certain amount of such pottery has been found in neighboring regions. In the Middle Jömon, household architecture remained homogeneous, and no critical differences in the structure and size of pit houses appear. Conclusion I used the variables in the study of Hegmon et al. (2008). Not every variable is useful for calculating the degree of rigidity in the Middle Jömon, but they can be useful when comparing its rigidity with other periods. In this paper, I chose the Middle Jömon period as a whole, although regional diversity and temporal differences are present even in the Kanto re- gion. For further research, we should explore more detailed data to clarify certain features of social change, such as the process of reorganisation and depopulation at the end of the Middle Jömon. Compared with the Late-Final Jömon, the Middle Jö-mon seems to have been less rigid and therefore more resilient. In the case of the US Southwest, Mim-bres is thought to have experienced the least severe transformation of these regions. In contrast, Hoho-kam shows high rigidity. This could be related to the irrigation system, which limits population mobility. The depopulation of the Middle Jömon society seems to have been more rapid than in the Late-Final Jö-mon, so we should consider what happened at the end of the Middle Jömon and whether the Middle Jö-mon society was resilient and able to reorganise. The variables used to examine rigidity can be also applied to simple hunter-gatherers. So, for a more detailed examination, we need to improve and create more variables to understand rigidity among such societies. While Middle Jömon society exhibits a certain degree of rigidity, the Middle Jömon should be compared with other Jömon societies, or other periods in the same region in order to clarify the degree of rigidity. 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