UDK 2(05) ISSN 0006 – 5722 Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2022 Roman Globokar Ranljivost cloveka, družbe, narave in Boga DRUGE RAZPRAVE Jean Greisch « Une autre clarté » : la phénoménalité esthétique et la phénoménalité de la Révélation Marek Dobrzeniecki Belief in God and Affective States Bogdan Kolar »Ni normalno, da na Teološki fakulteti predavajo tuji državljani« Boris Golec Jurij Dalmatin (ok. 1547–1589) in njegovi Vladislav Puzovic The Study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology ... Maria Carmela Palmisano Trije starozavezni liki sprejemanja trpljenja ... Alan Tedeško Il ritiro in preghiera di Gesù per un ritorno nuovo Tina Bratuša Nova odkritja o Marijini romarski cerkvi na Sladki Gori Jaša Drnovšek Škofjeloška bratovšcina sv. Rešnjega telesa med utrjevanjem vere ... Janez Pirnat Celostna ekologija ali ekologija in dobrobit? Antun Japundžic The Ecological Efforts of the ,Green Patriarch‘ Wlodzimierz Osadczy The Word of God at the Meeting Point of Civilisation Ronald Kasowski et al. Media Education in the Formation of Candidates for Priesthood ... Mateja Cvetek et al. Relational Ethics Scale Zoran Vaupot Hiring Lay Faithful in the Catholic Church Glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani 2022 • 1 Letnik 82 Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE 1 Letnik 82 Leto 2022 Glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani Ljubljana 2022 Kazalo KAZALO / TABLE OF CONTENTS TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2022 / CONVOCATION IN HONOUR OF ST. THOMAS 2022 7 Roman Globokar – Ranljivost cloveka, družbe, narave in Boga The Vulnerability of the Human Being, Society, Nature, and God DRUGE RAZPRAVE / OTHER ARTICLES 15 Jean Greisch – « Une autre clarté » : la phénoménalité esthétique et la phénoménalité de la Révélation “Another Brightness”: Aesthetic Phenomenality and the Phenomenality of Revelation »Jasnost drugacne vrste«: estetska fenomenalnost in fenomenalnost razodetja 33 Marek Dobrzeniecki – Belief in God and Affective States: A Free-Will Response to the Hiddenness Argument Vera v Boga in afektivna stanja: odgovor svobodne volje na argument skritosti 45 Bogdan Kolar – »Ni normalno, da na Teološki fakulteti predavajo tuji državljani« »It Is not Normal That Foreign Citizens Teach at the Faculty of Theology« 55 Boris Golec – Jurij Dalmatin (ok. 1547–1589) in njegovi: identiteta in družina avtorja prvega popolnega prevoda Svetega pisma v slovenšcino Jurij Dalmatin (ca. 1547–1589) and His Family: The Identity and Lineage of the Author of the First Complete Translation of the Holy Scripture into Slovene 77 Vladislav Puzovic – The Study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade Proucevanje cerkvene zgodovine na Pravoslavni teološki fakulteti v Beogradu 93 Maria Carmela Palmisano – Trije starozavezni liki sprejemanja trpljenja (Job, Jeremija in Drugi Izaija) v luci Nove zaveze Three Old Testament Types of Accepting Suffering (Job, Jeremiah and the Second Isaiah) in the Light of the New Testament 103 Alan Tedeško – Il ritiro in preghiera di Gesù per un ritorno nuovo Jezusov umik v molitev za novo vrnitev The Retreat of Jesus in the Prayer for a New Return 117 Tina Bratuša – Nova odkritja o Marijini romarski cerkvi na Sladki Gori New Findings on the Pilgrimage Church of the Virgin Mary on Sladka Gora 137 Jaša Drnovšek – Škofjeloška bratovšcina sv. Rešnjega telesa med utrjevanjem vere in skrbjo za onostranstvo The Škofja Loka Confraternity of Corpus Christi between Strengthening the Faith and Providing for the Afterlife 149 Janez Pirnat – Celostna ekologija ali ekologija in dobrobit? Integral Ecology or Ecology and Well-Being? 161 Antun Japundžic – The Ecological Efforts of the ,Green Patriarch‘ Ekološka prizadevanja ,zelenega patriarha‘ 171 Wlodzimierz Osadczy – The Word of God at the Meeting Point of Civilisation: Cultural and Identity Search in the Space of Religious Life of Roman Catholics in Contemporary Ukraine Božja beseda na sticišcu civilizacij: iskanje kulture in identitete na podrocju verskega življenja rimskih katolicanov v sodobni Ukrajini 185 Ronald Kasowski, Józef Kloch and Monika Przybysz – Media Education in the Formation of Candidates for Priesthood in the Context of the New „Ratio Fundamentalis“ and Polish Seminaries Medijska vzgoja pri formaciji duhovniških kandidatov v kontekstu novega „Ratio Fundamentalis“ in poljskih semenišc 203 Mateja Cvetek, Peter Pucnik, Robert Cvetek and Roman Globokar – Relational Ethics Scale: Psychometric Evaluation of the Slovene-Language Version Lestvica relacijske etike: psihometricno ovrednotenje slovenske razlicice 217 Zoran Vaupot – Hiring Lay Faithful in the Catholic Church: Comparing HRM Theory and Practice Zaposlovanje laikov v Katoliški Cerkvi: primerjava teorije in prakse pri upravljanju s cloveškimi viri OCENE / REVIEWS 231 Guy Lafon, Abraham ali iznajdba vere (Mari Jože Osredkar) 233 Roland Boer, Red Theology: On the Christian Communist Tradition (Klemen Kocjancic) 236 Nedjeljka s. Valerija Kovac, Mjesto slike u govoru vjere: povijest – teologija – primjeri (Roman Globokar) SODELAVCI / CONTRIBUTORS Tina BRATUŠA mariologija, mlada raziskovalka, asist. Mariology, Jr. Res., Tch. Asst. Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and in umetnosti, Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta Arts, France Stele Institute of Art History Novi trg 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana tina.bratusa@zrc-sazu.si Mateja CVETEK zakonska in družinska terapija, dr., doc. Marital and Family Therapy, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana mateja.cvetek@teof.uni-lj.si Robert CVETEK zakonska in družinska terapija, dr., prof. Marital and Family Therapy, Ph.D., Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana robert.cvetek@teof.uni-lj.si Marek DOBRZENIECKI filozofija, dr., doc. Philosophy, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. Papeška teološka fakulteta v Varšavi Pontifical Faculty of Theology in Warsaw Dewajtis 3, PL – 01-815 Varšava mdobrzeniecki@pwtw.pl Jaša DRNOVŠEK literarne vede, dr., znan. sod. Literary Studies, Ph.D., Res. Assoc. Univerza v Mariboru, University of Maribor, Fakulteta za organizacijske vede, Raziskovalni center Faculty of Organizational Sciences, Research Center Kidriceva cesta 55a, SI – 4000 Kranj jasa.drnovsek@um.si Roman GLOBOKAR moralna teologija, dr., izr. prof. Moral Theology, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana roman.globokar@teof.uni-lj.si Boris GOLEC zgodovina zgodnjega novega veka, History of the Early Modern Period, dr., izr. prof., znan. svet. Ph.D., Assoc. Prof., Res. Adv. Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy znanosti in umetnosti, Zgodovinski inštitut Milka Kosa of Sciences and Arts, Milko Kos Historical Institute Novi trg 2, SI – 1000 Ljubljana bgolec@zrc-sazu.si Jean GREISCH filozofija, prof. emer., dr. Philosophy, Prof. Emer., Ph. D. Katoliški inštitut v Parizu, Filozofska fakulteta / Guardinijeva Institut Catholique de Paris, Faculty of Philosophy / Guardini stolica za filozofijo religije in katoliški svetovni nazor Professorship in Religious Philosophy and Catholic View na Humboldtovi univerzi v Berlinu of the World, Humbold-Universität, Berlin Rue d'Assas 21, F – 75270 Pariz greisch@wanadoo.fr Antun JAPUNDŽIC ekumenizem, dr., doc. Ecumenism, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. Univerza Josipa Juraja Strossmayerja v Osjeku, University of Josip Juraj Strossmayer in Osijek, Katoliška teološka fakulteta v Ðakovu Catholic Faculty of Theology in Ðakovo Ul. Petra Preradovica 17, HR – 31400 Ðakovo antun.japundzic@gmail.com Ronald KASOWSKI mediji, dr. Media, Ph.D. Katoliška akademija v Varšavi The Catholic Academy in Warsaw Ul. Szumiaca 5, PL – 02-847 Varšava rkasowski@wmsd.waw.pl Józef KLOCH verska komunikacija, dr., izr. prof. Religious Communication, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Univerza kardinala Štefana Višinskega v Varšavi Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw Ul. Promienna 14/47, PL – 33-100 Tarnów jwkloch@gmail.com Klemen KOCJANCIC obramboslovje, dr., asist. Defense Studies, Ph.D., Tch. Asst. Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences Kardeljeva plošcad 5, SI – 1000 Ljubljana klemen.kocjancic@fdv.uni-lj.si Bogdan KOLAR zgodovina Cerkve, dr., zasl. prof. Church History, Ph.D., Prof. Emer. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana bogdan.kolar@guest.arnes.si Wlodzimierz OSADCZY zgodovina, dr., izr. prof. History, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Katoliška univerza Janeza Pavla II v Lublinu John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin Ewa Szelburg-Zarembiny Street 30, PL – 20-448 Lublin wlodos@yahoo.com Mari Jože OSREDKAR osnovno bogoslovje in dialog, dr., doc. Fundamental Theology and Dialogue, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI – 1000 Ljubljana mari.osredkar.ofm@siol.net Janez PIRNAT krajinska ekologija, dr., izr. prof. Landscape Ecology, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Univerza v Ljubljani, Biotehniška fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Biotechnical Faculty Vecna pot 83, SI – 1000 Ljubljana janez.pirnat@bf.uni-lj.si Monika PRZYBYSZ družbena komunikacija, dr., izr. prof. Social Communication, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Univerza kardinala Štefana Višinskega v Varšavi Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw Ul. Siwinskiego 11/318, PL – 05-120 Legionowo uksw@op.pl Peter PUCNIK zakonska in družinska terapija, univ. dipl. teol. Marital and Family Therapy, B.A. in Theology Zavod Marianum Veržej Marianum Veržej Institute Pušcenjakova ulica 1, SI – 9241 Veržej peter.pucnik@gmail.com Vladislav PUZOVIC cerkvena zgodovina, dr., izr. prof. Church History, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Univerza v Beogradu, Pravoslavna teološka fakulteta University of Belgrade, Faculty of Orthodox Theology Mije Kovacevica 11b, RS – 11060 Beograd vpuzovic@bfspc.bg.ac.rs Alan TEDEŠKO Sveto pismo in judovstvo, dr., asist. Bible and Judaism, Ph.D., Tch. Asst. Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Theology Poljanska 4, SI - 1000 Ljubljana alan.tedesko@gmail.com Zoran VAUPOT management, dr., izr. prof. Management, Ph.D., Assoc. Prof. Katoliški inštitut, Fakulteta za pravo in poslovne vede Catholic Institute, Faculty of Law and Business Studies Krekov trg 1, SI – 1000 Ljubljana zoran.vaupot@kat-inst.si TOMAŽEVA PROSLAVA 2022 / CONVOCATION IN HONOUR OF ST. THOMAS 2022 Kratki znanstveni prispevek/Article (1.03) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 7—14 Besedilo prejeto/Received:03/2022; sprejeto/Accepted:04/2022 UDK/UDC: 17.032 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Globokar © 2022 Globokar, CC BY 4.0 Roman Globokar Ranljivost cloveka, družbe, narave in Boga The Vulnerability of the Human Being, Society, Nature, and God Povzetek: V prispevku avtor razmišlja o pomenu ranljivosti na moralnem podrocju. Ranljivost pojmuje v širšem, ontološkem pomenu besede – kar pomeni, da je vsak clovek ranljiv, saj je vsakdo krhek in nepopoln. Prav to stanje ranljivosti posameznika odpira za odnos z drugimi, za povezovanje, držo empatije, socutja in solidarnosti, iskanje ustvarjalnih rešitev. Na družbeni ravni v zadnjem casu doživljamo ranljivost ob pandemiji COVID-19 in ob soocenju z vojno v Ukrajini, kar po eni strani razkriva našo nemoc, po drugi strani pa krepi iskanje skupnih rešitev in solidarnost. V navezavi na Hansa Jonasa avtor spregovori o ranljivosti narave, v katero clovek posega do te mere, da ogroža kakovosten nadaljnji ob-stoj cloveka na našem planetu. Avtor je preprican, da je tudi Bog v svojem bi-stvu ranljiv, saj je cutec in solidaren s svojim ljudstvom – še vec, v Jezusu Kri­stusu postane eden izmed nas in se nam razodene v vsej svoji ranljivosti. Prav preko njegovih ran prihaja na svet odrešenje in možnost za novo življenje. Vera v Jezusa Kristusa nam omogoca, da sprejmemo svojo ranljivost, da smo pozor­ni na ranljivost drugih ljudi in celotnega stvarstva ter obenem prevzamemo odgovornost in skrb za življenje. Kljucne besede: ranljivost, oblicje, odgovornost, skrb, globalna bioetika, odnosna avtonomija, novi humanizem Abstract: In this paper, the author reflects on the meaning of vulnerability in the moral sphere. He understands vulnerability in a broader, ontological sense, which means that every human being is vulnerable because everyone is fragile and imperfect. It is this state of vulnerability that opens the individual up to re­lating with others, connecting, to an attitude of empathy, compassion and soli­darity, to finding creative solutions. At the societal level, we have recently expe­rienced vulnerability in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and in facing the war in Ukraine, which, on one hand, reveals our helplessness, but on the other hand, strengthens the search for common solutions and solidarity. Drawing on Hans Jonas, the author discusses the vulnerability of nature, which is being en­croached upon by human beings to such an extent that it threatens the quality of the permanent existence of humanity on our planet. The author is convinced that God is also essentially vulnerable because he is sentient and in solidarity with his people; moreover, in Jesus Christ, he becomes one of us and reveals himself to us in all his vulnerability. It is through his wounds that salvation and the possibility of new life come into the world. Faith in Jesus Christ enables us to accept our vulnerability, to be attentive to the vulnerability of other human beings and the whole creation, and to take responsibility and care of life. Keywords: vulnerability, the face of the other, responsibility, care, global bioethics, relational autonomy, the new humanism 1. Uvod Beseda ranljivost ima razlicne pomene in pri razlicnih osebah odzvanja zelo razlic­no. Nekatere bolec prizvok besede ranljivost vznemirja, saj se navezuje na bese-do rana, ki oznacuje nekaj krvavecega, bolecega. Ranljivost res ni najbolj prijetna beseda, saj nakazuje na našo nemoc, ubogost, negotovost. V družbi govorimo o ranljivih osebah in skupinah, ki potrebujejo posebno pomoc in skrb, saj same ne zmorejo poskrbeti zase. Res pa je tudi, da smo pravzaprav vsi ljudje ranljivi – smo krhki in minljivi. Doživljanje pandemije in soocanje z vojno v Ukrajini razkrivata ranljivost družbe, ki išce odgovore na nepredvidljive dogodke. Po eni strani izkuša nemoc, po drugi išce izhod v medsebojni povezanosti in solidarnosti (Klun 2020; Parsi 2021). Ekološka kriza je razkrila ranljivost celotnega naravnega okolja, saj se narava ni zmožna obnavljati v zadostni meri, kar ima negativne posledice za vsa živa bitja na našem planetu. »Clovek je postal gospodar narave, narava, naše oko­lje pa vse bolj ranljivo in ogroženo. /…/ Živimo v paradoksni situaciji, ko je clovek postal žrtev in suženj lastnega napredka.« (Pevec Rozman 2021, 835) Ce je ranljiv clovek kot oseba, cloveška družba in naravno okolje – ali potem lahko govorimo o tem, da je ranljiv tudi Bog kot Stvarnik vsega? Naj že v izhodišcu poudarimo, da pojmujemo ranljivost kot izvorno stanje clo­veka, da ni samozadosten, da ni popoln suveren, da ostaja vedno nedovršèn – iz­postavljen tveganju in tudi bolecini. In prav zato hrepeni po odnosu, po drugem. Ker smo ranljivi, smo sposobni cutenja, empatije, ljubezni, presežnosti. Gre za zavedanje o lastni krhkosti, minljivosti in nepopolnosti, ki pa nas odpira za odnos z drugimi in iskanje kreativnih rešitev. Ranljivost torej pomeni izpostavljenost, ob­cutljivost ter hkrati sposobnost za odziv in prilagajanje (ten Have 2016, 12). Pre­pricani smo, da se prav v naši krhkosti skrivajo zakladi, ki so sposobni prenoviti življenje posamezne osebe in celotne družbe. Zato stanje ranljivosti v svojem jedru ni nekaj negativnega, kar bi bilo treba za vsako ceno preseci. Clovek lahko svoje rane sprejme in jih ustvarjalno vtke v svo­ jo življenjsko zgodbo. »Tako kot ne bi imeli pojma neskoncnega, ce se ne bi zave­dali lastne koncnosti, kot ne morem trditi, da sem jaz, ce ni prisoten drugi, tako tudi svoje krhkosti ne bi mogli dojeti, ce ne bi imeli moci, da jo izboljšujemo.« (Vodicar 2021, 901) Seveda pa sama ranjenost še ne zagotavlja, da bo ranjena oseba postala bolj obcutljiva, empaticna in ustvarjalna. Ravno zaradi prizadejanih ran lahko clovek postane bolj surov, neizprosen, tiranski. Strah pred novo prasko ga usmeri v brezkompromisno in agresivno držo do potencialnih sovražnikov – pomislimo samo na vojaške stratege v trenutni vojni v Ukrajini. Izvor vojne je v ranjenosti, rešitev pa bi bila v sprejetju ranljivosti sebe in drugih, kar bi vodilo v odpoved nasilju in želji po nadvladi nad drugim. Pri predmetih teološke etike – od osnovne moralne teologije do bioetike in družbene etike – študentje od profesorja najveckrat pricakujejo jasne odgovore, skorajda recepte za moralno delovanje: kaj je prav in kaj narobe, kaj je dobro in kaj slabo. Na žalost vas moram razocarati, da boste verjetno tudi po branju tega prispevka ostali z vec vprašanji kot odgovori. Enoznacnih odgovorov na težke mo-ralne dileme ne boste dobili. Upam pa, da se boste globlje zavedali svoje clove­škosti – in predvsem svoje nenadomestljive odgovornosti. Nobena eticna teorija in nobena moralna avtoriteta ne more prevzeti nase konkretne odgovornosti, ki jo ima vsak posameznik in tudi družbene skupnosti, ko se odlocamo, kako bomo v dolocenih primerih ravnali. Vsaka odlocitev na moralnem podrocju je namrec enkratna in neponovljiva, saj ni dveh popolnoma ponovljivih situacij. Vsekakor pa eticna teorija išce zanesljiva merila, s katerimi lahko skušamo dolociti, ali je dolo-ceno dejanje dobro in pravilno. Predmet našega razmišljanja je, v kakšni meri je lahko, ce sploh, ranljivost kri­terij za moralno odlocanje. Je ranljivost moralni kriterij le, ko govorimo o doloce­nih skupinah ljudi (begunci, ostareli in bolni, pa otroci, ki potrebujejo posebno zašcito),1 ali lahko ranljivost jemljemo kot moralni kriterij tudi širše – kot smerokaz za uresnicevanje našega cloveškega življenja? 2. Ranljivost kot moralni kriterij 2.1 Izkušnja ranljivosti kot priložnost K popularizaciji pojma ranljivost je veliko prispevala ameriška raziskovalka Brené Brown, ki poudarja, da obstajajo meje, ki jih clovek mora sprejeti. In prav te meje so za cloveka priložnost. Kot ranljiva bitja smo nepopolni, a ker smo ranljivi, smo tudi odprti za odnose z drugimi. Brown je prepricana, da je ranljivost kraj rojstva veselja, ustvarjalnosti, pripadnosti in ljubezni. Ce omamimo ranljivost, potem oma­mimo tudi druge obcutke, kot so veselje, hvaležnost, ljubezen, obcutek srece. Kot programsko izhodišce njene dejavnosti lahko služijo naslednje besede: »Brez ranljivosti ni ustvarjalnosti. Brez možnosti za neuspeh ni inovacij. Tako pre- O ranljivih osebah govorimo tudi na podrocju zašcite pred spolnimi zlorabami. Celarc to skupino defini­ra takole: »Ranljiva oseba: oseba, ki je v fizicni ali mentalni bolezenski situaciji oziroma ji manjka osebne svobode, to pa ji omejuje, tudi ce zgolj obcasno, zmožnost razumevanja, želje ali ubranitve napada.« (2020, 736) prosto je to. Ce niste pripravljeni na neuspeh, ne morete inovirati. Ce niste pripra­vljeni graditi kulture ranljivosti, ne morete ustvarjati.« (Brown 2019) Obcutek lastne vrednosti krepimo tako, da v vsakdanjem življenju vadimo tri temeljne drže: pogum, socutje in povezanost. »In dobra novica je, da je naša ran-ljivost tista, ki nas prisili, da posežemo po teh cudovitih orodjih. Ker smo ljudje in tako cudovito nepopolni, moramo rabo teh orodij vaditi vsak dan. Na ta nacin postanejo pogum, socutje in povezanost darovi – darovi nepopolnosti.« (2018, 19–20) Ranljivost torej ni nekaj, kar bi morali zavracati, ampak nekaj, ker je treba sprejeti. 2.2 Bioeticno nacelo ranljivosti Ranljivost ima v bioeticnem razmišljanju osrednje mesto, ceprav je opaziti precej­šnje razlike med razlicnimi kontinenti in tudi med razlicnimi teoreticnimi pristopi (Cunha in Garrafa 2016). Drugace kot v severnoameriški bioetiki, kjer je ranljivost omenjena samo v povezavi z nacelom avtonomije, in sicer kot potreba po posebni zašciti ranljivih oseb oz. ranljivih skupin pred zlorabami na podrocju raziskav (Biros 2018, 75), pa v evropski bioetiki ranljivost predstavlja ontološko stanje cloveškega bitja. Ne gre za ranljivost v ožjem pomenu besede, torej kot nekaj, kar bi bilo tre­ba odpraviti oz. na kar je treba biti posebej pozoren, ampak za temeljno danost cloveškega bitja – ki cloveku omogoca, da je clovek. Filozof Hans Jonas pravi, da je ranljivost oz. izpostavljenost temeljna zmožnost vsakega živega bitja. Gre za osnovno možnost, da bitje sploh lahko obstaja. Bit živih organizmov je stalno izpostavljena nevarnosti propada in smrti, zato je biva­nje pravzaprav stalna naloga živih bitij.2 To ontološko stanje ranljivosti živih orga­nizmov Jonas širi na ranljivost vsega naravnega sveta. Ta ranljiva narava klice so-dobnega cloveka, ki ima moc, da jo unicuje, da sprejme odgovornost – in omogo-ci kakovostno življenje na zemlji tudi prihodnjim rodovom. Dolžnost cloveka je, da ohrani cloveško vrsto nedotaknjeno kot »najvišje in ranljivo zaupanje« (1984 , 74). Jonas zato nasprotuje vsakemu poskusu izboljševanja cloveške vrste z genskim inženiringom, saj da bi to lahko ogrozilo nadaljnji obstoj cloveštva (Globokar 2019) – izkušnja ranljivosti je podlaga za odgovornost. Kot paradigmo vsake odgovorno­sti pa Jonas predstavlja odgovornost staršev do novorojenega otroka, ki je uteme­ljena zgolj v pogledu na nemocno in ranljivo bitje: »Poglej in boš vedel!« (1984, 236) Podobno utemeljuje etiko eden vplivnejših judovskih filozofov prejšnjega stoletja Emanuel Lévinas. Pravi, da pogled drugega, ki je ranljiv in gol, v meni pre­buja brezpogojno zahtevo: »Ne ubij me!« (2012, 11–13) Etika je utemeljena v ranljivem oblicju drugega, ki me klice k odgovornosti. Branko Klun jedro Lévina­sove etike povzema takole: »Po eni strani je vsako oblicje golo, krhko in ranljivo, po drugi pa skozenj preseva eticna moc, presežna neodvisnost, ki je ne more nic zlomiti in brezpogojno eticno zapoveduje.« (2014, 206) Na Lévinasa se sklicujejo avtorji „Barcelonske deklaracije“ (1998), ki povzema »Zuinnerst qualifiziert durch die Drohung seiner Negation muß Sein sich hier behaupten, und behaupt­etes Sein ist Dasein als Anliegen.« (Jonas 1992, 14) osnovne gradnike evropske bioetike in bioprava (Rendtorff in Kemp 2008). Ranlji­vost je tako poleg avtonomije, dostojanstva in integritete temeljno bioeticno na-celo. V samem nacelu sta združeni dve ravni, in sicer osnovna bivanjska izkušnja krhkosti življenja in moralna dolžnost, da se pomaga tistim, ki so pomoci potreb­ni. Avtorji poudarjajo, da vidijo v ranljivosti univerzalen izraz cloveškega stanja, to pa razumejo kot »povezovalni dejavnik med moralnimi tujci v pluralisticni družbi« (Rendtorff 2002, 237). Dodajajo, da je nacelo ranljivosti mogoce uporabiti tudi na podrocju zašcite živali in celotnega naravnega okolja. Opozarjajo, da je bila ranlji­vost v sodobnem svetu interpretirana napacno, saj se je predstavljala kot nekaj, kar bi bilo treba odpraviti, da bi lahko ustvarili popolna cloveška bitja. Ravno spo­štovanje ranljivosti ob zavedanju koncnosti vsakega cloveka omogoca pravo rav­novesje med pretirano željo po popolnosti in lajšanjem trpljenja. V konkretnem primeru eticnega presojanja glede terapevtskega poseganja v cloveški genski zapis vidi Josef Römelt ranljivost kot odlocilen kriterij. »Konkretno soocenje s trpecim clovekom je mera, ki dela raziskovalne korake smiselne in cloveške. Pravili, da ne povzrocamo nepotrebnih tveganj in omejimo raziskovanje na ultima ratio, omo­gocata previden in nadzorovan nadaljnji razvoj genetskih spoznanj. Ta razvoj bo omejen z mero tveganja, ki ga lahko naložimo ljudem kot trpecim posameznikom, da bi dosegli nova spoznanja.« (2018, 247) Rešitev zato ni v popolnosti cloveka ali narave, temvec v hevristiki, »ki v oblicju trpecega najde pravo mero za spreminja­nje« (249). Gre torej za upoštevanje in spoštovanje ranljivosti cloveka. 2.3 Teologija ranljivosti Ce razmišljamo o ranljivosti znotraj teološke perspektive, potem ne moremo mimo temeljne kršcanske resnice, da je Bog, ko se je uclovecil v Jezusu Kristusu, iz ljubezni do nas postal ranljiv. Bog je postal krhko cloveško telo, da bi nam odprl pot v neminljivo življenje (Fil 2,6-11; 1 Kor 15,54). Biblicna podoba Boga ni suve­ren, neobcutljiv, nespremenljiv, vseveden in vsemogocen vladar, temvec Bog, ki hodi s svojim ljudstvom, ki cuti bolecino svojega ljudstva, še vec – ki se utelesi v Jezusu Kristusu. Celotno Jezusovo življenje je zaznamovano z ranljivostjo: od njegovega rojstva do smrti na križu. Tudi vstali Gospod je zaznamovan z ranami. Prav zaradi svoje ranljivosti Jezus omogoca življenje ljudem, ki jih srecuje (Capantini in Gronchi 2018, 93–139; Platovnjak in Svetelj 2019, 673-679). Teološko gledano je izvor ranljivosti cloveka v ranljivosti Boga. Teolog James Keenan tako pravi: »Verjamem, da naša ranljivost izhaja iz narave Boga, po kate-rem smo ustvarjeni; ker smo ustvarjeni po podobi ranljivega Boga, je ranljivost naša narava.« (2019) Ranljivost zato ni posledica greha, ampak oznacuje izvorno stanje cloveka. Keenan ponazarja podobo o ranljivem Bogu s priliko o izgubljenem sinu. Na zacetku se prilika osredotoca na izgubljenost mlajšega sina, toda osrednje sporo-cilo poudarja »najbolj ranljivega, ki je Oce, ki v daljavi prepozna svojega sina, ga objame, ponovno vkljuci v skupnost in si prizadeva obnoviti vse, kar je bilo polo­mljeno, izpostavljeno in ogroženo.« (2019) Oce se kaže ranljiv tudi v odnosu do starejšega sina, ki trpi zaradi zagrenjenosti in zakrknjenosti. Ker oce ljubi, je ranljiv, saj tvega, da bo zavrnjen in njegova ljubezen ne bo dobila ustreznega odgovora. Vendar prav ta ranljivost oceta omogoca obema sinovoma novo življenje. Že Origen v svoji pridigi h knjigi preroka Ezekiela govori o ranljivosti Boga in jo utemeljuje v vecni strasti ljubezni, ki biva v srcu Boga Oceta. »Ali ne trpi na neki nacin tudi Oce, Bog vesoljstva, usmiljen, odpušcajoc in zelo dobrotljiv? /…/ Tudi Oce ni ravnodušen. Ce ga prosimo, obcuti usmiljenje in socutje, trpi zaradi ljube­zni in se vživi v obcutke, ki mu jih zaradi velicine svoje narave ne bi bilo treba ime-ti, in zaradi nas prenaša bolecine ljudi.« (Homilije k Ezekielu [1987, 119]) 2.4 Teološka etika ranljivosti Podoba ranljivega Boga ima posledice tudi za podrocje teološke etike. Irska te­ologinja Linda Hogan je tako prepricana, da lahko etika, ki temelji na ranljivo­sti, odgovori na številne izzive sodobnega sveta, kot so ogrožanje clovekovega dostojanstva, raznovrstno nasilje, zloraba moci, revšcina, migracije, radikalizmi, populizmi, negotovost politicnih institucij in tudi unicevanje naravnega okolja. Ranljivost – kot nacin bivanja, kot osnova naših medosebnih odnosov in kot nacin družbenega udejstvovanja – predstavlja podlago za skupno prihodnost cloveštva in zagotavljanje globalne pravicnosti. Kljub temu da ekstremisticni voditelji veliko­krat zlorabljajo prav izkušnjo ranljivosti dolocenih oseb in skupin za poudarjanje lastne identitete in obenem nasprotovanje enakim možnostim za vse, pa Hogan v ranljivosti vidi kreativni potencial za postavljanje temeljev nove politicne sku­pnosti na globalni ravni. Vsi ljudje si namrec delimo »ontologijo, ki je utemeljena v ranljivosti« (2019, 219). Ta ranljivost je povezana z našim telesnim obstojem, našo odvisnostjo od drugih ljudi, našimi medosebnimi odnosi in tudi z negotovo­stjo družbenih institucij. »Taka ranljivost, pomanjkanje in žalost neizogibno izha­jajo iz našega utelešenja ter poudarjajo našo bistveno soodvisnost in odnosnost. Vendar pa ranljivost avtonomiji ne nasprotuje, temvec jo opredeljuje in ji daje novo smer.« (219) Izkušnja ranljivosti cloveka povezuje z živalmi, na kar opozarja Martin Lintner. »Tako kot živali so tudi ljudje ranljivi in to tako kot individuumi kot tudi v svoji vkljucenosti v naravne povezanosti, kot je njihova medsebojna odvisnost in njiho­va odvisnost od nedotaknjenega ekološkega okolja. /…/ Kar cloveka vsekakor lo­cuje od živali, je poznavanje teh krhkih povezanosti. Clovek razmišlja o lastni ran-ljivosti in o ranljivosti drugih ljudi, zaveda pa se tudi ranljivosti vseh živih bitij. Zato ranljivost dobi zavezujoco moc.« (2019, 66) Zavest o ranljivosti sebe in drugih postane vir odgovornosti. Prav zaradi tega potrebujemo tudi premik na podrocju etike in eticnega delovanja. »Sodobna etika ne more vec iskati in utemeljevati norm, ki bodo urejale zgolj medcloveške odnose, temvec mora najti ustrezne re-šitve pri opredeljevanju tega, kar je dobro tudi za druge stvari, celotno stvarstvo. Clovek ne more biti odgovoren zgolj zase in za drugega, temvec tudi za svet, ki mu je zaupan v odgovorno ravnanje.« (Pevec Rozman 2021, 843) 3. Novi humanizem Ali lahko priznanje ranljivosti politicno in družbeno življenje dejansko spremeni? Seveda ne smemo biti naivni in zanemarjati moci sedanjih politicnih in ekonomskih struktur – kljub temu pa v možnost novega politicnega diskurza moramo zaupati. Pomembno je oblikovati »novi humanizem« (Capantini in Gronchi 2018, 44), ki bo reinterpretiral koncept avtonomije v smeri odnosne avtonomije, temeljece na ranljivosti in medsebojni odvisnosti. Samostojni namrec lahko postanemo samo znotraj družbenega konteksta, torej znotraj medosebnih odnosov, ki predposta­vljajo doloceno kulturo in jezik. Osebna avtonomija se postopoma izgrajuje znotraj socialne interakcije (ten Have 2015, 401). In zato potrebujemo novo antropološko paradigmo, nov pogled na cloveka, ki bo izhajal iz njegovega temeljnega bivanjskega stanja (Capantini in Gronchi 2018, 34–46). Kot druga živa bitja je clovek v svojem bistvu minljiv, krhek, smrten, ran-ljiv. Prav zaradi tega pa tudi cutec in socuten, odprt za odnose, usmerjen k inova­tivnosti in ustvarjalnosti (Platovnjak in Svetelj 2019, 679-680). Strinjamo se s tezo Henka ten Haveja, da je ranljivost za prevlado nacela avto­nomije v bioetiki – in po našem prepricanju tudi širše v družbi – potreben korektiv (2016, 1–17). Ranljivost primarno ni okrnjena avtonomija, ceprav drži, da v ožjem pomenu besede obstajajo tudi ranljive osebe in skupine z okrnjeno avtonomijo, kot so npr. otroci, osebe s posebnimi potrebami, osebe z demenco. Pa vendar je ranljivost pravzaprav bolj univerzalna lastnost cloveka kot avtonomija. Nihce na­mrec ni samozadosten – življenje vsakega posameznika je vpeto v številne odno­se. Bolj temeljna kot clovekova avtonomija je zato njegova vpetost v odnose. Ran-ljivost spodbuja sodelovanje, solidarnost, skrb za drugega, socutje, zato po našem mnenju predstavlja izhodišce za novi humanizem, za globalno etiko – in s tem za svetlejšo prihodnost celotnega cloveštva. Katoliška teologija s središcem v veliko­nocni skrivnosti trpljenja, smrti in vstajenja Jezusa Kristusa lahko s svojim pogle­dom na cloveka prispeva k pogumnemu sprejemanju ranljivosti in odgovorni skr-bi za lastno življenje, za življenje soljudi in drugih živih bitij. Reference Biros, Michelle. 2018. Vulnerability, and Informed Celarc, Matjaž. 2020. Teološki pogled na spolne Consent for Research. The Journal of Law, zlorabe v Cerkvi: Splošni pregled (1. del). Bogo-Medicine & Ethics 46, št. 1:72–78. slovni vestnik 80, št. 4:733–750. Cunha, Thiago, in Volnei Garrafa. 2016. Vulnerabi- Brown, Brené. 2018. Darovi nepopolnosti: Vodic lity: A Key Principle for Global Bioethics? Cam- do življenja z vsem srcem. Ljubljana: Družina. bridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 25, št. 2:197–208. – – –. 2019. Call to courage. Pressreader. https:// Globokar, Roman. 2019. Normativnost cloveške www.pressreader.com/usa/usa-today-us-editi­ narave v casu biotehnološkega izpopolnjevanja on/20190423/282106343045225 (pridobljeno cloveka. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, št. 3:611–628. 20. 2. 2022). Hogan, Linda. 2019. Vulnerability: An Ethic for a Capantini, Laura, in Maurizio Gronchi. 2018. La Divided World. V: Kristin E. Heyer, James F. vulnerabilità. Cinisello Balsamo: San Paolo. Keenan in Andrea Vicini, ur. Building Bridges in Sarajevo: The Plenary Papers from CTEWC 2018, 216–220. New York: Orbis Books. Jonas, Hans. 1984. Das Prinzip Verantwortung: Versuch einer Ethik für die technologische Zivilisation. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. – – –. 1992. Philosophische Untersuchungen und metaphysische Vermutungen. Frankfurt: Insel. Keenan, James F. 2019. Vulnerability and the Father of the Prodigal Son. Alfonsiana, 27. 9. https://www.alfonsiana.org/blog/2019/09/27/ vulnerability-and-the-father-of-the-prodigal­-son/ (pridobljeno 3. 2. 2022). Klun, Branko. 2014. Onkraj biti: Biblicni odmevi v postmoderni misli. Ljubljana: KUD Logos. – – –. 2020. Rezilienca in resonanca: V iskanju nove drže do sveta. Bogoslovni vestnik 80, št. 2:281– 292. Lévinas, Emmanuel. 2012. Težavna svoboda: Eseji o judovstvu. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva družba. Lintner, Martin M. 2019. Clovek in ljube živali: Eticna vprašanja o ravnanju z živalmi. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva družba. Origene. 1987. Omelie su Ezechiele. Rim: Città Nuova. Parsi, Vittorio Emanuele. 2021. Vulnerabili: come la pandemia sta cambiando la politica e il mondo; La speranza oltre il rancore. Milano: Piemme. Pevec Rozman, Mateja. 2021. Upanje za naravo in cloveštvo: nekateri eticni premisleki. Bogoslov­ni vestnik 81, št. 4:835–848. Platovnjak, Ivan, in Tone Svetelj. 2019. To live a life in Christ’s way: the answer to a truncated view of transhumanism on human life. Bogo­slovni vestnik 79, št. 3:669-682. Rendtorff, Jacob Dahl. 2002. Basic ethical princi­ples in European bioethics and biolaw: Autono­my, dignity, integrity and vulnerability – To­wards a foundation of bioethics and biolaw. Medicine, Health Care and Philosophy 5, št. 3:235–244. Rendtorff, Jacob Dahl, in Peter Kemp. 2008. The Barcelona Declaration: Towards an integrated approach to basic ethical principles. Synthesis Philosophica 46, št. 2:239–251. Römelt, Josef. 2018. Der Christliche Glaube an Gott als Schöpfer: Kritik einer Ideologie des genetischen Enhancements. V: Thomas Bahne in Katharina Waldner, ur. Die Perfektionierung des Menschen? Religiöse und ethische Perspek­tiven, 241–249. Münster: Aschendorff Verlag. ten Have, Henk. 2015. Respect for Human Vulne­rability: The Emergence of a New Principle in Bioethics. Bioethical Inquiry 12, št. 3:395–408. – – –. 2016. Vulnerability: Challenging Bioethics. Oxon: Routledge. Vodicar, Janez. 2021. Odprtost pomenu kot temelj upanja v vzgoji in izobraževanju. Bogoslovni vestnik 81, št. 4:893–904. RAZPRAVE / ARTICLES Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 15—31 Besedilo prejeto/Received:02/2022; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 1Marion J.-L.:27-236.5 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Greisch © 2022 Greisch, CC BY 4.0 Jean Greisch « Une autre clarté » : la phénoménalité esthétique et la phénoménalité de la Révélation1 “Another Brightness”: Aesthetic Phenomenality and the Phenomenality of Revelation »Jasnost drugacne vrste«: estetska fenomenalnost in fenomenalnost razodetja Résumé :Parmilesnombreusesquestionsexégétiques,philosophiquesetthéologiques que soulève l’épisode biblique du Buisson ardent, une question préjudicielle méri­te de retenir l’attention des phénoménologues : celle de l’air de famille entre cer­taines expériences esthétiques et l’expérience de la Révélation proprement dite. Elle est ici discutée au regard des thèses que développe Jean-Luc Marion dans la première partie de son « Essai » monumental : D’ailleurs, la Révélation (2020). Mots clés: Expérience, Esthétique, Révélation, Buisson Ardent Abstract: Among the numerous exegetical, philosophical and theological questi­ons raised by the Biblical narrative of the Burning Bush, the question of the family resemblance between some aesthetic experiences and the experience of Revelation proper deserves a particular interest from a phenomenogical po­int of view. The present essay addresses this question in reference to the First Part of Jean-Luc Marion’s monumental “Essay”: D’ailleurs, la Révélation (2020). Keywords: Experience, Aesthetics, Revelation, Burning Bush Povzetek: Med številnimi eksegetskimi, filozofskimi in teološkimi vprašanji, ki jih odpira svetopisemska pripoved o gorecem grmu, si pozornost fenomenologov zasluži zlasti vprašanje o družinski podobnosti med estetsko izkušnjo in izkušnjo o razodetju v ožjem pomenu besede. V prispevku to vprašanje obravnavamo z vidika tez, ki jih je razvil Jean-Luc Marion v prvem delu svojega monumental-nega ‚eseja‘ D’ailleurs, la Révélation (2020). Kljucne besede: izkušnja, estetika, razodetje, goreci grm, Jean-Luc Marion Conférence donnée le 29 septembre 2021 dans le cadre d’un Séminaire de la Luxembourg School of Religion and Society. Depuis longtemps et jusqu’à nos jours, le récit fondateur du Buisson ardent dans la Bible hébraïque et dans le Coran (Exode 3:1-4:17; Qur’an 20:9-24, 27:7-14, 28:29­ 33) est un point chaud herméneutique où s’affrontent philologues, exégètes, histo­riens des religions, traducteurs, théologiens et philosophes.2 Face à l’énormité des questions que soulève la révélation de Dieu sous la double espèce de la paronoma­se ehye asher ehye et du Tétragramme YHWH, la contribution du phénoménologue ne peut qu’être modeste : repartir du motif du buisson ardent, en s’interrogeant sur l’air de famille qui permet de rapprocher les phénomènes esthétiques et les phénomènes de révélation. 1. L’expérience esthétique en tant que phénomène de révélation : pour une approche phénoménologique De quoi parlons-nous, quand nous qualifions une expérience d’« esthétique » et quand nous parlons de « révélation » ? Pour ne pas me perdre en généralités, je partirai d’un exemple concret : le tor-se archaïque d’Apollon (480-470 av. J.-C.) découvert sur un site archéologique de la ville grecque de Milet. Cette sculpture, qu’on peut admirer au Louvre, a inspiré à Rainer Maria Rilke un célèbre poème sur lequel s’ouvre la deuxième partie des Neue Gedichte parus en 1908. Archaischer Torso Apollos Wir kannten nicht sein unerhörtes Haupt, darin die Augenäpfel reiften. Aber sein Torso glüht noch wie ein Kandelaber, in dem sein Schauen, nur zurückgeschraubt, sich hält und glänzt. Sonst könnte nicht der Bug der Brust dich blenden, und im leisen Drehen der Lenden könnte nicht ein Lächeln gehen zu jener Mitte, die die Zeugung trug. Sonst stünde dieser Stein entstellt und kurz unter der Schultern durchsichtigem Sturz und flimmerte nicht so wie Raubtierfelle und bräche nicht aus allen seinen Rändern aus wie ein Stern: denn da ist keine Stelle, die dich nicht sieht. Du mußt dein Leben ändern. Torse archaïque d’Apollon Nous ne connaissions pas sa tête inouïe où les prunelles mûrissaient. Mais tel un candélabre, son torse brûle encore, Pour une mise en perspective, voir : Ricoeur et LaCocque 1999, 305-371. où son regard, juste retenu, demeure et brille. Sinon la courbure de la poitrine ne pourrait t’aveugler, et de la légère torsion des flancs, un sourire ne pourrait partir pour le centre qui porta la procréation. Sinon cette pierre se dresserait courte et défigurée sous le globe transparent des épaules et ne luirait pas comme des peaux de fauves ; et ne s’échapperait pas par tous ses bords comme une étoile : car il n’y a là aucun endroit qui ne te voit pas. Il faut que tu changes de vie. 3 Ceux qui souffrent d’une cécité phénoménologique et d’une insensibilité esthétique insurmontables, ne comprendront rien à la nature de l’expérience à laquelle nous convie le poète. A leurs yeux, une sculpture mutilée à ce point ne semble plus avoir d’autre intérêt qu’un intérêt purement archéologique : celui d’un morceau de marbre datant d’une époque lointaine, parvenu jusqu’à nous. Sous le regard émerveillé de Rilke, cette œuvre, pour fragmentaire qu’elle soit, donne lieu à une expérience esthétique extraordinaire, celle d’un torse qui non seulement brille et brûle tel un « candélabre », mais qui, en vertu d’un étrange « tour de vis » (zurückgeschraubt) phénoménologique, préserve et intensifie même le regard qui émanait du visage originel. Ce que décrit le poète, c’est une expérience épiphanique qui compense et surcompense même l’absence des par­ties manquantes. Le deuxième quatrain opère un nouveau tournant phénoménologique, en re-marquant la légère torsion des flancs qui esquissent un sourire en direction du sexe, lui aussi manquant, de la sculpture. Cette sculpture qui n’a plus de tête délègue en quelque sorte son regard (Schau-en) au reste du corps, lui conférant une transcendance sui generis qu’exprime l’image de l’étoile qui déborde et fait éclater les confins de l’espace qui voudrait la contenir. Toute l’expérience converge vers les deux vers conclusifs qui amorcent un troisième « tournant » phénoménologique encore plus décisif, qui mérite d’être qualifié de « conversion ». Ils associent un constat : « da ist keine Stelle / die dich nicht sieht » (« là il n’y aucun endroit qui ne te regarde », trad. pers.) à une injonc­tion ou une interpellation : « Du musst Dein Leben ändern » (« Tu dois changer ta vie », trad. pers.). Sans analyser plus en profondeur le poème et l’expérience esthétique sous-ja­cente, je me contente de soulever une question à première vue déconcertante : cette expérience n’est-elle pas en même temps une expérience de révélation ? Pour une discussion des traductions françaises du poème, voir : Macher 2019, 177-189. La question m’est inspirée par les thèses que développe Jean-Luc Marion dans la première partie de son « Essai » monumental : D’ailleurs, la Révélation (2020), qui s’ouvre sur l’affirmation que la « révélation » fait partie de l’expérience hu­maine la plus commune. La minuscule de ce vocable nous avertit que, loin de se confiner au champ religieux des religions dites « révélées », on rencontre ce phénomène dans tous les champs de l’expérience humaine, cognitive, intellectu­elle, esthétique, morale, spirituelle, érotique, historique, religieuse, etc. A l’encontre du concept moderne (métaphysique) de la Révélation, Marion exige de partir directement de la phénoménalité de ce qui se dévoile ou plutôt se dé-couvre (apophainesthai, apokalupthèsthai). Dans les 60 pages de la première Partie, intitulée « Envoi », Marion expose les praeambula phénoménologiques qui justifient le privilège qu’il accorde au phénomène et à la notion de révélation. Nous parlons légitimement de « révélation » à chaque fois que, dans le torrent incessant des apparitions qui ne cessent de nous submerger, certaines insistent et persistent, nous parlent et nous interpellent au point de devenir inoubliables, comme c’est le cas du poème de Rilke. Marion caractérise la phénoménalité propre de la révélation (dont l’index lexi­cal est le verbe grec apokalupthèsthai, qu’il importe de distinguer du verbe apophainesthai dont Heidegger se sert au § 7 d’Etre et temps pour définir la no­tion phénoménologique de phénomène) par une structure triadique : auto-do­nation du phénomène, révélation de moi-même à moi-même, révélation à d’autres de ce que je suis devenu d’ailleurs (2020, 27). Ce sont les mêmes caractéristiques qu’on retrouve dans le poème de Rilke : auto-donation d’un phénomène, qui en se révélant, nous fait oublier son caractère fragmentaire ; révélation du spectateur à lui-même, qui, renonçant à la position d’observateur neutre, accepte qu’il doit changer sa vie ; révélation à d’autres de la métamorphose ou transformation intérieure que l’expérience a suscitée, par le truchement de la parole poétique. Par « révélation », au sens large du mot, Marion entend tout « ce qui s’éprend de moi » (20) défiant mes capacités de l’accueillir. Inoubliable, parce que venant d’ailleurs, la révélation reste toujours sur sa réserve, vu qu’il est impossible d’en avoir une compréhension exhaustive. Quel que soit le champ d’expérience où elle se produit, la révélation n’est pensable qu’en termes d’événement, mais un événe­ment en un sens particulier du mot que Marion, citant Péguy, définit comme « un avènement qui évient » (28). Cette caractérisation de la phénoménalité propre de la révélation implique la nécessité d’une révision critique du concept de « cohésion de la vie » (Zusammen-hang des Lebens) qui joue un rôle central dans la conception diltheyenne de l’herméneutique. Là où elle advient, la révélation fait éclater la cohésion de la vie, faite de l’enchaînement ininterrompu de vécus. La vie réelle (« facticielle » dirait Heidegger) est la collection – en apparence disparate – des révélations successi­ves « que je n’ai pas comprises, mais qui, elles, me comprennent » (29). Une phénoménologie de la révélation est « an-archique » (au sens que Levinas donne à ce terme) par définition, semblable à l’appel venu de nulle part dans le récit de la vocation de Samuel. Les événements de révélation « frappent d’un éclair dirimant celui à qui ces faits se destinent et qui les aperçoit comme à lui destinés ». Comme dans le poème « In lieblicher Bläue » de Hölderlin, ils font bande à part (abgesondert sehr die Gestalt ist), constituant des figures et des constellations de sens qui se détachent et se distinguent de la toile de fond commune de l’apparaître du monde. Cela requiert un discernement phénoménologique et herméneutique qui ne va jama-is de soi. La singularité du phénomène de révélation tient au fait que nous avons affaire à une « auto-donation dont les conditions de possibilité ne coïncident jamais avec les conditions de possibilité de notre expérience ». Par définition, la révélation « appa­raît en venant d’ailleurs » (33) et elle « apparaît en tant qu’invisible et le reste ». Cela conduit Marion à distinguer plusieurs types de phénoménalité (phé­nomènes « pauvres », phénomènes de « droit commun », phénomènes « sa­turés », et phénomènes « de révélation ». Son plaidoyer pour la possibilité d’une analyse rigoureuse de la phénoménalité des phénomènes saturés dont il distingue quatre types : l’événement, l’idole, la chair et l’icône, le conduit progressivement à décrire « la contre-expérience de la Révélation comme phénomène saturé par excellence » (265). Sans entrer dans une analyse technique de ces distinctions introduites dans Etant donné, et reprises dans tous les ouvrages ultérieurs de Marion, ce qui méri­te de retenir notre attention est la manière dont il passe de la « stricte phéno­ménalité du phénomène de révélation dans toute sa puissante banalité » (35) à l’acception religieuse du terme « Révélation » (avec majuscule), sous-jacente à la distinction entre religions dites « révélées » et sagesses. La thèse d’après laquelle « la Révélation, effective ou non, authentique ou non, ouvre, par sa seule possibilité, tout le possible », marque la transition à une appro­che plus conceptuelle qui se focalise sur trois déterminations conceptuelles : le témoignage, la résistance, le paradoxe. 1. Incommensurable à ceux qui l’acceptent, la Révélation se destine à des témo-ins, dont le témoignage « ne se manifeste pas par une connaissance compréhen­sive, mais par la reconnaissance d’une incompréhensibilité » (43). Loin d’être un défaut, la fragilité de la parole du témoin est un atout. « J’ai en-tendu, mais je n’ai pas compris » (Dn 12, 8) dit le prophète Daniel. Je ne compren­ds pas ce qui m’est arrivé, je sais juste que cela m’est arrivé, dit l’aveugle-né qui a retrouvé la vue dans l’Evangile de Jean (Jn 9, 25) à ceux qui contestent la validi­té de son témoignage. Marion en tire une thèse générale, directement inspirée de Glaubhaft ist nur Liebe de Hans Urs von Balthasar : « voir ne suffit pas pour comprendre, il faut aimer pour connaître. » (2020, 42) La pluralité de témoignages qui correspondent à une nécessité phénoménale. La « discordance apparente des évangiles » (Pascal) est un bienfait herméneutique et non un scandale. 2. La thèse d’après laquelle « Résistance et Révélation vont de pair » (46), expri-me le deuxième moment constitutif du concept de Révélation. Une Révélation irrésistible, qui s’impose à nous comme le diktat d’un dictateur annihilant notre liberté, n’en est pas une, car « il appartient à la Révélation d’apparaître en tant que telle intolérable et irrecevable » (44). De même, une Révélation qui ferait l’unanimité n’en serait pas une. Provenant d’ailleurs, la Révélation suscite néces­sairement le conflit : « aucune Révélation ne peut se manifester sans danger. » « Le salut lui-même met en danger parce qu’il modifie toute notre conception des chose. » (47) En ce point, nous butons sur une difficulté qui risque de se transformer en apo­rie. C’est la difficulté avec laquelle Franz Rosenzweig s’est débattu tout au long de son Etoile de la Rédemption : est-il possible de concevoir un concept de Révélati-on qui ne contredise ni les exigences du concept (sous peine de basculer dans l’irrationalisme), ni celles de la Révélation (sous peine de la subordonner à une rationalité incapable de l’accueillir) ? Soit dit en passant : à ma connaissance, Rosenzweig est de loin le penseur qui s’est le plus intéressé aux enjeux esthétiques et éthiques du concept de Révélati-on. Aussi est-il regrettable que l’Essai de Marion ne lui consacre que quelques notes en bas de page. 3. Pour Marion, la solution passe par une certaine réhabilitation de la notion de paradoxe, qu’illustre un verset de l’Evangile de Luc, relatant la réaction des témoins de la guérison du paralytique : « Tous furent alors saisis de stupeur (ek-stasis) et ils glorifiaient (edoxasan) Dieu. Ils furent remplis de crainte et ils disaient: “Nous avons vu d’étranges choses (paradoxa) aujourd’hui !” » (Lc 5, 26) De toute évidence, les « paradoxes » dont il est question ici, n’ont rien en com-mun avec ce que les logiciens désignent sous le même nom. « Le paradoxe », so-uligne Marion, « joue toujours sur les marges de la phénoménalité, pas dans les contradictions du formalisme » (56), ce qui veut dire que, concernant la révélati-on, qu’« aucune révélation ne peut se recevoir sans un paradoxe assumé comme tel ». Marion en tire une règle de méthode générale valable pour toute révélation et applicable à tous les champs d’expérience : « une révélation véritable impose une telle nouveauté qu’il lui revient intrinsèquement, non pas accidentellement, qu’on la puisse récuser. » (2020, 56) Une fois admis que « la Révélation (juive et chrétienne) se joue à l’évidence en termes de phénoménalité » (58) et que « les phénomènes de révélation, « modi­fient les règles de leur phénoménalisation selon leurs exigences propres » (60), en mettant à chaque fois « en crise les limites et les conditions de la rationalité qui, supposée savoir, prétend comprendre » (51), la Révélation biblique qui est le « phénomène saturé » par excellence est l’exception qui confirme cette règle générale. Si « la Révélation accomplit paradoxalement, en vertu de la donation qu’elle seule performe parfaitement, l’essence de la phénoménalité » (61), son unique privilège est qu’il s’agit d’une « donation qui outrepasse toute attente, toute prévision et finalement toute réception » (57). 2. « Une autre clarté » : Moïse devant le Buisson ardent Marion illustre ce privilège en citant l’adage de Bernard de Clairvaux : « dando revelat et revelando dat » dans les Sermons sur le Cantique des Cantiques et les vers sur lesquels s’achève la deuxième strophe de l’hymne Versöhnender, der du nimmergeglaubt, de Hölderlin : Und dämmernden Auges denk’ ich schon, Vom ernsten Tagwerk lächelnd, Ihn selbst zu sehn, den Fürsten des Fests. Doch wenn du schon dein Ausland gern verläugnest, Und als vom langen Heldenzuge müd, Dein Auge senkst, vergessen, leichtbeschattet, Und Freundesgestalt annimmst, du Allbekannter, doch Beugt fast die Knie das Hohe. Nichts vor dir, Nur Eines weiß ich, Sterbliches bist du nicht. Ein Weiser mag mir manches erhellen; wo aber Ein Gott noch auch erscheint, Da ist doch andere Klarheit. Et l’œil crépusculeux il me semble déjà Que souriant de l’oeuvre rigoureux du jour Je le vois en personne, le prince de la fête. Mais bien que tu te plaises à renier ton étrange pays Et que, comme harassé de la longue campagne héroïque, Tu baisses, oublieux, l’œil, voilé d’ombre légère, Et prennes aspect d’ami, toi que chacun connaît, cette grandeur Pourtant me plie presque le genou. Je ne sais devant toi Rien, sinon cette chose : tu n’es rien de mortel. Un Sage peut m’éclairer bien des points ; mais quand, de plus C’est un Dieu qui nous apparaît, Il s’agit d’une autre clarté. (trad. Jean-Pierre Lefevre) Les vers cités à l’instant, nous fournissent un bon fil conducteur pour faire que­lques pas supplémentaires en direction de l’interprétation de l’épisode biblique du Buisson ardent en Exode 3-4. Marion ne se contente pas de défendre la possibilité d’une approche phéno­ménologique de la Révélation combinant en elle les quatre types de saturation phénoménologique ; il y ajoute la nécessité herméneutique de « contempler la Révélation comme phénomène jusque dans le détail des textes bibliques » (2020, 267). La longue série d’interprétations phénoménologico-herméneutiques qui jalonnent son Essai sur la Révélation s’ouvre significativement avec une brève in-terprétation de la théophanie du Buisson ardent (283-295), dominée par la thèse d’après laquelle « la Révélation ne se découvre pas par le phénomène d’un spec­tacle, ni la vision d’une forme, mais par l’ouverture de la parole et le déploiement du Nom » (291). Sans examiner en détail cette interprétation, qui se déploie selon trois axes (« Faire apparaître l’invisibilité » ; « Face au Nom » ; « L’appel du “Je” ») je me contente de pointer quelques détails remarquables. 1. L’interprétation de Marion prend son départ, non avec les chapitres 3 et 4 de l’Exode, mais avec le chapitre 19, en particulier le verset : « Vois, voici, c’est moi qui viens vers toi dans la nuée épaisse, afin que le peuple écoute quand je te parlerai et qu’il te fasse confiance à jamais.»(Ex 19, 9) Tout se passe comme si, en comparaison de la « nuée épaisse », le Buisson ar­dent n’était qu’un épiphénomène spectaculaire, risquant d’occulter le fait qu’il « n’y a rien d’autre à voir que la parole que Dieu prend, donne et tient ». Mais l’accent mis sur l’expérience auditive (Hörerfahrung), ne se fait pas sans reste, comme l’exprime la magnifique formule « une Voix qui voit » de Claudel : « le face-à-face s’accomplit par un échange de paroles, qui permet de déployer toute la figure de l’appel et de la réponse. » (2020, 285) En l’occurrence, Marion emboîte le pas de Levinas aux yeux duquel même l’épiphanie du visage humain ne se réduit pas à un phénomène visible dans le monde, s’offrant à la captation du regard. Révélant la présence en personne, « la face se donne en personne non pas en se montrant comme une chose du monde, mais en se faisant parole, comme une promesse venue et tenue d’ailleurs » (287). A fortiori, il en va de même de la Face de Dieu qui transcende la sphère du visible intramondain. 2. Cela conduit Marion à formuler une seconde thèse, qui est la clé de son in-terprétation d’Exode 3, 14 : « La Révélation ne se découvre pas par le phénomène d’un spectacle, ni la vision d’une forme, mais par l’ouverture de la parole et le déploiement du Nom (…) Moïse n’a pas vu Yahvé, mais il a entendu le Nom en allant vers le Buisson. » (291) A défaut d’un impossible face-à-face entre Moïse et Dieu, leur « face-à-face sans face a lieu sur le mode d’un nom-à-Nom » (289). 3. La troisième thèse décisive est que « parce qu’elle culmine dans l’écoute du Nom, la manifestation commence (…) par l’entente l’appel » (291), de sorte que « l’ordre de la phénoménalisation n’aboutit qu’à partir d’une parole, donc d’un appel, donc d’abord une écoute » (292). 3. Un « petit détour pour voir » aux conséquences incalculables Une lecture phénoménologico-herméneutique qui se focalise davantage sur le récit du Buisson ardent, nous aide à déceler d’autres aspects du phénomène de la Révélation qui nous confronte en effet à « une autre clarté » que celle dont nous parlent les « sages » de tous les temps et les « chercheurs de sagesse », au­trement dit les « philosophes ». « Moïse faisait paître le petit bétail de Jéthro, son beau-père, prêtre de Madiân ; il l’emmena par-delà le désert et parvint à la montagne de Dieu, l’Horeb.»(Ex 3, 1b) Dans l’immensité sauvage du désert, où il n’y a ni routes ni chemins, un berger fait paître des moutons qui ne sont pas les siens. Si l’on veut savoir ce que cette montagne a de spécial, au point d’être qualifiée de « montagne de Dieu », il faut parcourir tout le Livre du Deutéronome, en par-ticulier les versets suivants : « Je te propose la vie ou la mort, la bénédiction ou la malédiction. Choisis donc la vie, pour que toi et ta postérité vous viviez, aimant Yahvé ton Dieu, écoutant sa voix, t’attachant à lui ; car là est ta vie, ainsi que la longue durée de ton séjour sur la terre que Yahvé a juré à tes pères, Abraham, Is­aac et Jacob, de leur donner.»(Dt 30, 19-20) Le berger est celui qu’un égyptologue contemporain appelle « Moïse, l’Egyptien » (Assmann 1988), en s’étonnant de ce que la découverte du Dieu unique de cet homme ait laissé des traces aussi profondes dans l’histoire de l’humanité, alors que le nom du Pharaon égyptien Echnaton (Amenophis IV), qui avait voulu instaurer le culte d’un dieu unique dans son Empire, a depuis long-temps sombré dans l’oubli. De la profondeur du temps qui, à la longue, semble vouer toutes les histoires humaines à l’insignifiance, se détache un phénomène singulier débouchant sur une rencontre encore plus singulière qui arrache un homme à ses habitudes quo-tidiennes. Cette rencontre décisive a trouvé son reflet dans un vieux texte dans lequel s’entrelacent plusieurs traditions que l’exégèse historico-critique nous per-met de démêler en partie. « L’Ange de Yahvé lui apparut, dans une flamme de feu, du milieu d’un bu-isson. Moïse regarda : le buisson était embrasé mais le buisson ne se con-sumait pas. Moïse dit : “Je vais faire un détour pour voir cet étrange spec­tacle, et pourquoi le buisson ne se consume pas.” » Moïse fait un « détour » pour observer de plus près ce phénomène inhabituel – lequel mérite pleinement d’être qualifié de « phénomène saturé »4 au sens que Jean-Luc Marion donne à ce terme. De nos jours, où même dans les restaurants, les stations de métro, les salles d’attente et même dans les trains, les avions et les bus touristiques, des écrans ne cessent de clignoter, en particulier ceux des téléphones portables, de tels déto­urs nous sont épargnés et nos regards sont devenus si blasés que nous en deve­nons incapables de faire la différence entre l’ordinaire et l’extraordinaire. Ce n’est que quand des avions se crashent sur les Twin Towers à New York que nous nous apercevons qu’un événement exceptionnel s’est produit. Il n’empêche qu’il nous arrive, à nous aussi, de parler d’un spectacle « qui vaut le détour ». Dans notre récit, deux regards s’entrecroisent : celui de Moïse, qui fait un déto­ur pour mieux voir le phénomène extraordinaire d’un arbuste qui brûle sans se consumer, et celui de Yahvé : « Yahvé vit qu’il faisait un détour pour voir, et Dieu l’appela du milieu du buisson. “Moïse, Moïse”, dit-il, et il répondit : “Me voici.” Il dit : “N’approche pas d’ici, retire tes sandales de tes pieds car le lieu où tu te tiens est une terre sainte.” Et il dit : “Je suis le Dieu de tes pères, le Dieu d’Abraham, le Dieu d’Isaac et le Dieu de Jacob.” Alors Moïse se voila la face, car il crai­gnait de fixer son regard sur Dieu. »(Ex 3, 4-6) Un arbuste qui réussit à prendre racine dans la sécheresse du désert, a toutes les chances d’être pourvu d’épines, de sorte qu’on ne peut s’en approcher qu’avec précaution. Le fait qu’il en émane une flamme (v. 2), le rend encore plus menaçant. Si, en plus, il est habité par une présence mystérieuse que le verset 2 désigne comme « Ange du Seigneur », le phénomène en devient aussi effrayant que fa-scinant. Ce qui se présente d’abord comme une petite expédition botanique, mue par la curiosité, se transforme presque immédiatement en rencontre qui déclenche des processus de reconnaissance inédits. Même un petit changement de regard peut avoir des conséquences imprévues. Le petit « détour pour voir » de Moïse aura pour conséquence une traversée du désert qui durera quarante ans ! Aussitôt que la Voix appelle Moïse par son nom, il cesse d’être un observateur et devient partie prenante d’un événement de Révélation qui dépasse son enten­dement et qui l’entraîne dans une aventure dont il ne maîtrise pas les tenants et les aboutissants. Sa réponse : « Me voici » retentira souvent dans la suite de l’histoire du salut. Elle transforme Moïse en « élu » au sens que Levinas donne à ce terme : chargé du fardeau d’une responsabilité qui le dépasse. Par « phénomène saturé », il faut entendre « la possibilité d’un phénomène où l’intuition donnerait plus, voire démesurément plus, que l’intention n’aurait jamais visé, ni prévu » (Marion 1997, 277). Le « Me voici » de Moïse l’entraîne sur un terrain qui est d’une tout autre na­ture que celui d’un berger nomade qui fait paître son troupeau là où cela lui chan­te. Mais c’est toujours la même terre déserte, le même sable brûlant, parsemé de pierres qui rendent la marche difficile. Si le sol sur lequel il s’avance, après s’être déchaussé, est désigné comme « terre sainte », cela ne veut pas dire qu’il se tro­uverait subitement dans un paradis ou une oasis miraculeuse. L’exhortation à se déchausser, qu’on retrouve sur d’innombrables illustrations, indique que Moïse est encore plus exposé, plus vulnérable et plus démuni qu’auparavant. Avant même qu’il ait le temps de s’enquérir de l’identité de celui qui l’interpelle, il reçoit une première réponse : « Je suis le Dieu de tes pères, le Dieu d’Abraham, le Dieu d’Isaac et le Dieu de Jacob. »(Ex 3, 6) Sa réaction à cette déclaration d’identité divine – qu’on peut désigner comme « identité narrative », se rappor­tant à l’histoire de la relation de Dieu avec les patriarches –, nom que Saint Augu­stin désigne comme « nom de miséricorde », renforce encore l’impression que le petit détour pour mieux voir le phénomène extraordinaire « para-doxal » du Bu-isson ardent, confronte Moïse à une présence qu’il a du mal à affronter : « Alors Moïse se voila la face, car il craignait de fixer son regard sur Dieu. » C’est la première, mais non la dernière fois qu’il sera obligé de se livrer à pareil geste de protection. 4. « Qui suis-je donc ? » : une mission impossible Le contraste entre le désir de « faire un détour pour voir cet étrange spectacle » du buisson en flammes qui ne se consume pas, et la peur de voir Dieu face à face, est le prélude du deuxième acte, où il y va d’un envoi qui provoque une nouvelle crise d’identité chez l’envoyé. De nouveau, la séquence commence avec le verbe voir : « Yahvé dit : “J’ai vu, j’ai vu la misère de mon peuple qui est en Égypte. J’ai entendu son cri devant ses oppresseurs ; oui, je connais ses angoisses.” »(Ex 3, 7) Voir, entendre, connaître : ces trois verbes marquent une gradation qui va de l’extérieur à l’intérieur, du visible à l’invisible. La misère du peuple « saute aux yeux », du moins aux yeux de ceux qui ne détournent pas le regard. Entendre les cris des opprimés demande davantage de temps qu’un simple clin d’œil furtif. Seul celui qui s’y montre sensible connaît et reconnaît l’angoisse de ceux qui souffrent. Tous les regards n’en sont pas capables, car il y a aussi des regards qui, passant outre à ce qui n’est pas visible, transfor­ment le vu en objet d’observation. « Maintenant va, je t’envoie auprès de Pharaon, fais sortir d’Égypte mon peu­ple, les Israélites. » (v. 10) Aussitôt que Moïse entend cette mission impossible, il a de bonnes raisons de regretter son petit « détour pour voir » qui a toutes les chances de devenir un grand voyage sans retour, non seulement pour lui-même, mais aussi pour son peuple. « Qui suis-je pour aller trouver Pharaon et faire sortir d’Égypte les Israélites ? » (v. 11) La question est d’autant plus légitime que Moïse n’est pas un tribun popu­laire doué de l’art de convaincre, comme le montre son aveu dans le quatrième chapitre : « Moïse dit à Yahvé : “Excuse-moi, mon Seigneur, je ne suis pas doué pour la parole, ni d’hier ni d’avant-hier, ni même depuis que tu adresses la parole à ton serviteur, car ma bouche et ma langue sont pesantes.” »(4, 10) Yahvé a beau le rassurer : « Va maintenant, je serai avec ta bouche et je t’indiquerai ce que tu devras dire »(4, 12), il ne lui promet pas de délier sa langue, mais se contente de lui offrir l’aide d’un porte-parole en la personne de son cousin Aaron : « Tu lui parleras et tu mettras les paroles dans sa bouche. Moi, je serai avec ta bouche et avec sa bouche, et je vous indiquerai ce que vous devrez faire. »(4, 15) La réponse divine à cette question angoissée n’a pas de quoi le rassurer : « Je serai avec toi, et voici le signe qui te montrera que c’est moi qui t’ai envoyé. Quandtu feras sortir le peuple d’Égypte, vous servirez Dieu sur cette montagne. » (v. 12) C’est un peu comme si la Voix disait à Moïse déchaussé, perplexe et interrogatif : « A partir de maintenant, la flamme qui a jailli du buisson ardent, sera la seule lumière sur ton chemin ! » 5. Le Nom au-dessus de tout nom : un nouveau parcours de reconnaissance Le troisième acte, le plus décisif du récit, concerne la question de l’identité de l’Envoyeur, question qui a retenu l’attention d’innombrables interprètes (Ricoeur et LaCocque 1999, 305-371).5 Dans la Bible hébraïque, le titre du livre de l’Exode est « Shemot ». Il nous aver-tit que les noms – ceux des principaux protagonistes des traditions narratives qui ont abouti à la rédaction de ce livre, mais également ceux du Dieu qui se révèle à Moïse et lui confie une mission qui dépasse manifestement ses capacités – y jo­uent un rôle particulièrement important. « Dieu », est le « mot le plus facile à prononcer et le plus difficile à penser », sachant que « le plus difficile n’est pas de connaître le nom, mais bien le che-min » (de Gramont 2013, 86-87), chemin qui, pour ceux qui s’y engagent, se trans-forme en immense parcours de la reconnaissance. Qui est-il, ce Dieu dont un verset du Deutéronome dit qu’il est « Celui qui ha-bite le buisson ardent »(Dt 33, 16). La réponse dépend de trois noms qui s’entrelacent étroitement dans notre texte, constituant une sorte de buisson ardent lexical : « le Dieu de tes pères, le Dieu d’Abraham, le Dieu d’Isaac et le Dieu de Jacob. » (v. 6) C’est, pourrait-on dire, Voir également les pages que Jean-Luc Marion consacre à la révélation du nom divin et le face-à-face de Moïse avec Dieu dans : D’ailleurs, la Révélation (2020, 283-295). J’en extrais une phrase capitale : « La Révélation ne se découvre pas par le phénomène d’un spectacle, ni la vision d’une forme, mais par l’ouverture de la parole et le déploiement du Nom. » (291) le Dieu de la mémoire, évoquant un lointain passé. C’est ce qui conduit Saint-Au­gustin à le qualifier de « nom de la miséricorde ». S’y ajoute la révélation d’un deuxième nom, inédit celui-là : « Je suis Celui qui Est », connotant une présence indéfectible, nom que Saint-Augustin qualifie de « nomen substantiae » (v. 13-14). Enfin, d’après le début du chapitre 6 de l’Exode, le nom même de « Yahvé », fait, lui aussi, partie de la théophanie du buisson ardent : « Je suis Yahvé. Je suis apparu à Abraham, à Isaac et à Jacob comme El Shaddaï, mais mon nom de Yahvé, je ne le leur ai pas fait connaître. » (v. 2) C’est un nom nouveau qu’on peut ordon­ner au futur d’une Alliance non encore conclue. 1. « Voici, je vais trouver les Israélites et je leur dis : “Le Dieu de vos pères m’a envoyé vers vous.” Mais s’ils me disent : “Quel est son nom ?”, que leur dirai-je ? » (v. 13) On peut s’étonner de ce que Moïse ne se satisfasse pas de la réponse tra­ditionnelle : « le Dieu de vos pères ». Si ce nom ne suffit plus, c’est parce que l’histoire de la libération que Moïse est chargé d’initier, n’a pas son équivalent dans le passé. A histoire nouvelle, nom nouveau, et pas seulement parce que, comme le suggèrent certains exégètes, il y va également de la révélation d’un nom secret de pouvoir qui fait participer l’initié à la puissance du détenteur du nom. 2. La réponse que reçoit Moïse est aussi surprenante qu’énigmatique : « Dieu dit à Moïse : “Je suis celui qui est.” Et il dit : “Voici ce que tu diras aux Israélites : ‘Je suis’ m’a envoyé vers vous.” » (v. 13-14) Jusqu’à aujourd’hui, les exégètes s’interrogent sur la signification de la parono­mase : ‘ehyeh ‘asher ‘ehyeh, et sa traduction la plus appropriée. Il y a peu de dé­finitions (à supposer qu’il s’agisse d’une « définition » !) qui ont fait couler autant d’encre. Ici n’est pas le lieu de détailler les questions exégétiques que soulève ce nom. Le seul point qui retient mon attention est le lien entre le phénomène du buisson ardent et la signification du nom. Je serais presque tenté de dire que ce nom lui­même est un Buisson ardent qui, dans certaines situations, se transforme en arbre de vie. Cette interprétation m’est suggérée par la manière particulièrement audacie-use dont maître Eckhart interprète Exode 3, 14. Pour Eckhart, « le propre de Dieu est être (…) C’est pourquoi c’est seulement dans l’être que réside tout ce qui est quelque chose. Etre est un nom premier. Tout ce qui est caduc est un déchet de l’être. Toute notre vie devrait être un être. Autant notre vie est un être, autant elle est en Dieu. Autant notre vie est enclose dans l’être, autant elle est apparentée à Dieu. » (Pr. 8, I, 99 ; 120) Le verbe sum, pris en sa fonction de verbe d’existence, n’est pas prédiqué de Dieu per inhaeren­tiam, mais per identitatem. Dieu n’est pas le sujet de l’être, il est l’Etre lui-même. Eckhart ne se contente pas d’affirmer : « Deus est esse », il renverse la proposition en : « Esse est Deus », ce qui lui attirait la suspicion des inquisiteurs de Cologne. Eckhart se démarque toutefois d’une identification sommaire de Dieu et de l’être, en s’intéressant au mystère de l’Ipséité divine qu’annonçait déjà le nom augustinien d’Idipsum qui suggère que Dieu est le Soi-même par excellence. « “Ego”, le mot “Je” », déclare Eckhart, « n’est propre à personne qu’à Dieu seul dans son unité » (Pr. 28, 324 ; 278). L’union mystique vise à devenir « Je » dans l’Etre-Sujet : « Tu dois pleinement t’abîmer de ton être-tien et dois te fondre dans son être-sien, et ce qui est tien et ce qui est sien doivent devenir un mien, que toi, éternellement, tu comprends avec lui son étantité non-devenue et sa néanti­té innommée. » (Pr. 83, I, 192 ; 633) Le soupçon nietzschéen d’après lequel l’être serait une abstraction exsangue, étouffant la vie, tombe à plat si, comme le souligne Eckhart, rien n’est plus inten­sément vivant que le « bouillonnement » (bullitio) constitutif de l’être divin. Le phénomène du buisson ardent qui brûle sans se consommer est, dans cette hypothèse, en congruence parfaite avec la signification du nom divin Sum qui sum, désignant « une sorte de jaillissement dans lequel une chose fermente et se ver­se d’abord en soi-même, en épanchant tout ce qui est d’elle en tout ce qui est d’elle, avant de se déverser et de bouillonner au dehors ». Cette brève incursion dans la mystique spéculative du maître Thuringien suggère qu’il n’y a pas lieu d’opposer le buisson ardent et l’arbre de vie, tout au contraire ! Cela me semble parfaitement compatible avec les interprétations qui insistent davantage sur la futurité impliquée dans la formule ‘ehyeh ‘asher ‘ehyeh, en critiquant celles qui ne veulent retenir qu’une présence constante immuable. Encore faut-il se méfier des interprétations qui réduisent ce nom divin à une simple dérobade. Le buisson ardent n’est pas un feu follet qui renverrait à une présence si faible que le nom que Dieu révèle à Moïse ne signifierait rien d’autre que « Je ne suis pas disponible ». La question de Moïse concernant l’identité « substantielle » (« nomen substan­tiae » dans la terminologie de Saint-Augustin) de Dieu n’est pas celle que Nietzsche mettra dans la bouche de l’insensé, criant : « Wohin ist Gott ? » (« Où Dieu est-il parti ? »). C’est au contraire la question : « Où nous mènera-t-il ? ». Elle accom­pagnera Moïse tout au long de son périple ultérieur qu’il passera, quarante années durant, à garder un « peuple à la nuque raide » qui lui causera bien plus de soucis et de tracas que le troupeau de son beau-père Jéthro. 3. Quoi qu’il en soit de l’importance qu’on accorde au « nom de substance » que la Vulgate traduit par la formule tautologique « Sum qui sum », on n’oubliera pas le troisième nom que comporte la formule de l’envoi de Moïse : « Tu parleras ainsi aux Israélites : “Yahvé, le Dieu de vos pères, le Dieu d’Abraham, le Dieu d’Isaac et le Dieu de Jacob m’a envoyé vers vous. C’est mon nom pour toujours, c’est ainsi que l’on m’invoquera de génération en génération. Va, réunis les anciens d’Israël et dis-leur : ‘Yahvé, le Dieu de vos pères, m’est apparu - le Dieu d’Abraham, d’Isaac et de Jacob - et il m’a dit : Je vous ai visités et j’ai vu ce qu’on vous fait en Égypte, alors j’ai dit : Je vous ferai monter de l’affliction d’Égypte vers la terre des Cananéens, des Hittites, des Amorites, des Perizzites, des Hivvites et des Jébuséens, vers une terre qui ruisselle de lait et de miel.’ Ils écouteront ta voix et vous irez, toi et les anciens d’Israël, trouver le roi d’Égypte et vous lui direz : « Yahvé, le Dieu des Hébreux, est venu à notre rencontre. Toi, permets-no­us d’aller à trois jours de marche dans le désert pour sacrifier à Yahvé no-tre Dieu.” » (v. 15-18) Même si le nom Yahvé, prononcé, pour ne pas dire martelé, quatre fois dans ces quelques versets, ne désigne pas un autre Dieu que celui des Pères, il s’en di­stingue par sa fonction : « mon nom pour toujours », ce qui en fait l’équivalent fonctionnel d’un nom propre. « Dieu parla à Moïse et lui dit : “Je suis Yahvé. Je suis apparu à Abraham, à Isaac et à Jacob comme El Shaddaï, mais mon nom de Yahvé, je ne le leur ai pas fait connaître. J’ai aussi établi mon alliance avec eux pour leur don-ner le pays de Canaan, la terre où ils résidaient en étrangers. Et moi, j’aientendu le gémissement des Israélites asservis par les Égyptiens et je me suis souvenu de mon alliance. C’est pourquoi tu diras aux Israélites : Je suisYahvé et je vous soustrairai aux corvées des Égyptiens ; je vous délivrerai de leur servitude et je vous rachèterai à bras étendu et par de grands ju­gements. Je vous prendrai pour mon peuple et je serai votre Dieu. Et vous saurez que je suis Yahvé, votre Dieu, qui vous aura soustraits aux corvées des Égyptiens. Puis je vous ferai entrer dans la terre que j’ai juré de donner à Abraham, à Isaac et à Jacob, et je vous la donnerai en patrimoine, moi Yahvé.”»(Ex 6, 2-8) Dans l’article 11 de son traité des Noms divins, Thomas d’Aquin se demande si le Sum qui sum convient proprement à Dieu. Il allègue pour cela trois raisons ma-jeures : l’existence pure et simple, sa portée universelle et sa connotation : un présent éternel qui ne connaît ni passé ni futur. On peut craindre que ce que Dieu gagne en universalité, il ne le perd en indi­vidualité. C’est la raison pour laquelle Thomas introduit un correctif important à son identification de Dieu et de l’être, comme une sorte de garde-fou sémantique : dire que le verbe « être » convient proprement à Dieu ne veut pas dire pour au­tant qu’il s’agisse de son nom le plus propre qu’exprime « quasiment » le Tétra- gramme. On trouve une réserve analogue chez Maître Eckhart, aux yeux duquel le Tétra-gramme exprime l’autosuffisance de l’essence divine, la substance nue et pure de Dieu, inaccessible à l’intellect humain. Le Tétragramme nous rappelle que le Dieu qui se révèle dans la théophanie du buisson ardent n’en reste pas moins un « Dieu caché » : « Vraiment, tu es un Dieu caché, Dieu d’Israël Sauveur »(Is 45, 15), s’écrie le prophète Isaïe, dans un verset que Levinas citait souvent. A s’en tenir à Exode 3 et Exode 6, Yahvé s’est révélé pour la première fois sous ce nom à Moïse.6 Le Tétragramme, qui exprime la relation d’Alliance particulière qui attache Israël à son Dieu est un nom aniconique par excellence et même, d’après la tradition juive instaurée, dès le troisième siècle, un nom imprononçable lors de la lecture synagogale de la Torah. Le fait que, sur une lithographie de Marc Chagall, le buisson ardent ne soit surmonté par rien d’autre que le Tétragramme, reflète cet interdit de représentation qui s’imposera de plus en plus fortement, pour mettre l’accent sur le « Dieu caché » qui ne se confond jamais avec l’agnostos theos de l’ésotérisme. Dans ses Lectures bibliques, Daniel Sibony nous propose une interprétation de l’épisode du buisson ardent qui recoupe en partie celle que je viens d’esquisser. Son interprétation s’ouvre sur un dialogue fictif entre Moïse et son épouse. Moïse lui rapporte ce qui lui est arrivé lors de la théophanie du buisson ardent et ses tentatives infructueuses d’en expliquer les conséquences au peuple (2006, 124­126). Face à leur incompréhension, il leur dit : « Prenez part et vous comprendrez. Vous êtes compris dans cette pensée. Vous faites partie du Texte, il s’écrit avec vos corps et votre sang. Il vous lie et vous délie (…) Et si ça passe, vous serez li­bres. » (125) Cette déclaration, qui pourrait aussi bien valoir comme axiome général d’une herméneutique biblique « participative », se prolonge par un autre propos de Moïse, qui se rapporte directement à la grande nuit de la Pâque : « La mort passe pour tous mais certains trouvent le passage, le défilé. Elle est passée près de vos enfants, tout près, et ils ont réchappé. Et vous, les rescapés de l’esclavage, la vie s’ouvre devant vous. Ce passage est marqué pour toujours. Chaque année, cette passe sera fêtée, cette passation du père au fils, au fil des générations. Cette pas­sion des passeurs. Bien que ça nous dépasse … » (125-126) Entre parenthèses, Sibony ajoute malicieusement : « Il bafouille un peu. » Je serai tenté d’ajouter : « Tant mieux », car je préfère un Moïse bafouillant à un Moïse trop bavard. Pour parler du phénomène de Révélation, en l’occurrence du Buisson ardent, nous devons en effet accepter de « bafouiller un peu », car comme le disait Hus­serl dans un tout autre contexte, « pour dire tout cela, les noms nous font défaut » (« Für all dies fehlen uns die Namen »). Certains en concluront avec Wittgenstein qu’il est préférable de se taire face à tout ce qui relève du « mystique ». Mais on peut également faire un pari phénoménologico-herméneutique plus risqué, parce que plus para-doxal : ce dont nous ne pouvons parler, parce que cela vient d’ailleurs, ne nous condamne pas à un mutisme total si, et seulement si, les mots pour en parler ne sont pas les fruits de notre invention, mais proviennent de la même source et restent accordés à elle. Sur la difficile question de la genèse du monothéisme biblique, voir : Römer (2017). Références bibliographiques Assmann, Jan. 1988. Moses der Ägypter : Eine Sinngeschichte. München: C.H. Beck. de Gramont, Jérôme. 2013. Au commencement : Parole, Regard, Affect. Paris: Les éditions du Cerf. Macher, Daniel. 2019. « Archaischer Torso Apollos » (Torse archaïque d’Apollon) : un poème intra-duisible ?. Austriaca 88–89: 177–189. Marion, Jean-Luc. 1997. Etant donné. Paris: PUF. – – –. 2020. D’ailleurs, la Révélation : Contribution à une histoire critique et à un concept phéno­ménal de révélation. Paris: Grasset. Ricoeur, Paul, et André LaCocque. 1999. Penser la Bible. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Römer, Thomas. 2017. L’invention de Dieu. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Sibony, Daniel. 2006. Lectures bibliques : Pre­mières approches. Paris: Odile Jacob. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 69 Roman Globokar Vzgojni izzivi šole v digitalni dobi Monografija predstavi vpliv digitalnih medijev na celosten razvoj otrok in mladih. Izpostavi poudarke sodobne kulture (hitre spremembe, provizoricnost, globalnost, virtualnost, vrednotna praznina itd.) in predlaga vrednote, ki naj bi jih spodbujala šola v digitalne dobe (samospoštovanje, custvena vzgoja, kriticno mišljenje, kre­ativnost, skupnost). Del celostne vzgoje je tudi poznavanje religij, zato avtor za­govarja uvedbo nekonfesionalnega religijskega pouka za vse ucence v slovenskih javnih šolah. Ob koncu predstavi rezultate dveh obsežnih raziskav o katoliškem šolstvu pri nas. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2019. 247 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-74-1. 10 €. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 33—44 Besedilo prejeto/Received:09/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:08/2021 UDK/UDC: 123:2-183.7 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Dobrzeniecki © 2022 Dobrzeniecki, CC BY 4.0 Marek Dobrzeniecki Belief in God and Affective States: A Free-Will Re­sponse to the Hiddenness Argument1 Vera v Boga in afektivna stanja: odgovor svobodne volje na argument skritosti Abstract: The paper offers a new version of a free-will defence to Schellenberg’s hiddenness argument. Previous defences were accused of absolutizing human freedom and not showing how a cognitive state concerning divine existence could limit the moral freedom of people. The paper addresses these issues by referring to Aquinas’ and Pruss’ idea that there could be evidence favouring God that results in a cognitive state of certainty accompanied by the affective states that deprive people of moral freedom. A relationship with God founded on this evidence would not be personal. Therefore, God is justified in holding such a piece of evidence back (for at least a period of time). Keywords: the hiddenness argument, free-will defence, cognitive freedom, moral freedom, the dominant option Povzetek: Clanek ponuja novo razlicico zagovora svobodne volje proti Schellenber­govemu argumentu skritosti. Prejšnjim zagovorom so ocitali absolutizacijo clo­veške svobode in pa to, da ne pokažejo zares, kako lahko kognitivna stanja, povezana z božjim obstojem, omejujejo moralno svobodo ljudi. Clanek obrav­nava omenjena vprašanja s sklicevanjem na idejoTomaža Akvinskega in Prussa o dokazu za obstoj Boga. To vodi v kognitivno stanje gotovosti, ki ga spremljajo afektivna stanja, kar pa ljudem jemlje moralno svobodo. Odnos z Bogom, ute­meljen na takšnem dokazu, ne bi bil oseben. Zato lahko Bog takšen dokaz upra-viceno zadrži (vsaj za dolocen cas). Kljucne besede: argument skritosti, zagovor svobodne volje, kognitivna svoboda, moralna svoboda, prevladujoca izbira The hiddenness argument formulated by John L. Schellenberg concentrates on the problem of the existence of non-resistant non-believers or, to put it differently, of The author acknowledges the financial support from the National Center of Science in Poland, research project „Deus absconditus – Deus revelatus, grant no. 2018/29/B/HS1/00922“. the weak epistemic position of theism. The Canadian philosopher claims that there is something inconsistent in accepting both: (1) the claim that an omnipotent and omnibenevolent God exists (that is, a God whose one of the aims would be to enter into personal relationships with creatures capable of an aware and loving response for the sake of their goodness and happiness), as well as (2) the common-sense re­mark that among non-believers are those who honestly search for God, who enterta­in in such endeavours their intellectual powers, but they either still remain a sceptic when it comes to God’s existence, or they straightforwardly reject it. Schellenberg argues that in a world governed by a benevolent and omnipotent God, there would be only one group of non-believers: those invoking Schellenberg’s metaphor who intentionally close their eyes to avoid seeing the light of evidence speaking in favour of theism. In other words, if theism is true, it cannot be in a weak epistemic position. In what follows, I shall present an original free-will defence of theism that is inspired by the concept of affective states. I shall begin with analysing Schellen­berg’s expectations of God, which I shall encapsulate in the concept of evidence T. In my opinion, only religious experience (evidence RE) fulfils the requirements of evidence T, so I shall ask if there are any reasons for which God does not uni­versally grace us with such experiences? I will argue that there is indeed a justify­ing reason for that, namely our moral freedom. At the end of the paper, I will ad­dress some of the possible objections to my proposal. 1. Conditions of a Personal Relationship with God Since a benevolent and omnipotent Creator would care for the well-being of His self-conscious creatures and would be aware that they achieve their fulfilment in a personal relationship with Him, He would at least be open to a personal relation­ship with any finite person who has the capacities needed for such a relationship (Schellenberg 2015, 40). However, since in order to participate in a relationship with another person, one has to be certain that the person in question exists, the belief in God appears to be the necessary condition of a personal relation­ship between man and God. It means that ,being open to a personal relationship‘ includes delivering finite persons evidence that would not have to automatically produce a theistic belief (because in order to remain free, a man has to be able to reject it), but on the other hand evidence that would generally be and at all times available and would render a belief in God highly probable (1993, 28). Let us call such evidence – evidence T (as evidence for theism). If such evidence exi­sted, then all non-belief would result only from epistemic or moral drawbacks such as negligence in evidence acquisition, indifference for investigation procedures, moral pride, and so on, and would be resistant. On the other hand, we know that in the actual world it is not the case that every atheist or agnostic is cognitively stubborn. There are non-resistant atheists or agnostics among us, those who are both epistemically as well as morally virtuous (or at least those who are not more corrupt and misguided than theists). The most vital question with regard to the hiddenness argument reads as fol­lows: »Is evidence T metaphysically possible?« If evidence T was metaphysically impossible, insisting that not delivering evidence T speaks against God’s existence would not form a case favouring atheism (1993, 44). Schellenberg claims that, since God is omnipotent, there: I. Could be delivered an evidence T that would: a) be generally and at all times available. According to Schellenberg’s demands, there cannot be a time t when a non­resistant person is in a non-belief state in relation to the theistic proposition (2015, 57). It would amount to allowing a non-resistant state of nonbelief for a certain amount of time, even if limited. Evidence T has to be always there, it should be noticeable if a person turns his or her attention to it. b) render theism true. One of the most important features of evidence T is that it has to be apparent. Schellenberg is aware of the fact that there are philosophers who think that we can achieve knowledge of God, but what he points out as characteristic of the arguments they invoke is that they are rebuttable, as the long-lasting debates around these arguments confirm. They are not apparent in the sense that they do not produce a consensus among non-resistant researchers in relation to the question of God. Evidence T would have to be different in this regard. Schellenberg also claims that: II. We do not encounter evidence T in the actual world. Theses (I) and (II) make theism challenging to defend. If one could think of evidence that would be generally available and would render theism probable, then one can raise a question: why does God let innocent in this regard people remain in the darkness of doubt or even in rejection of His existence? Schellen-berg answers from the atheistic point of view: the fact that there is no evidence T in the actual world means that there is an obstacle God could eliminate in order to ensure that every finite person is in a position to participate in a personal re­lationship with Him, that He apparently did not eliminate. It could speak against his omnipotence (maybe He cannot do whatever is metaphysically possible?) or benevolence (maybe He does not care after all about participating in personal relationships with us?). Either way, theism that proclaims the existence of a be­nevolent and omnipotent God has something legitimate to explain. 2. Religious Experience In order to defend it, we should look more carefully at the question of whether God is justified in not delivering to us evidence T. What could be the example of evidence T? Schellenberg is not clear on this point since he shifts his position with the passage of time. In his earlier works, he emphasized the importance of the inward experience of God; nowadays, his position is less exclusive in this regard, but generally, he mentions religious experience as a candidate for evidence T. He argues that the coveted evidence T could be a non-sensory, intense, and apparent experience of God’s forgiving, comforting, and guiding presence in a background awareness, so it does not have to be (and one can suspect that it could not be) intrusive to anyone’s experience (let us call this type of evidence – evidence RE). Evidence RE includes God’s constant presence in one’s awareness (even if not explicit) and a person’s switching to the divine presence instantly when he or she reaches the appropriate stage of development of capacities enabling the person to explicitly grasp the divine presence (1993, 48–49). In this sense, one can state that evidence RE is at all times available. Moreover, because the experience of the divine presence would be available to all human beings, evidence RE would be generally available (in other words, it fulfils requirement (a)). Schellenberg also defends the thesis that evidence RE described as such would render theism highly probable (it fulfils the requirement (b)). He grounds his con­viction on features of the experience of the divine presence. According to him, it would be: - intense, so that one would not mistakenly overlook it in one’s consciousness; - apparent – it would reinforce the theistic beliefs formed in other ways. For example, it would be an experience of consolation in the time of suffering, an experience of affirmation in the moment of doubts with regard to the source of the divine presence experience, it would be an experience of encourage­ment in moments of making important life decisions, etc.; - universal – Schellenberg thinks that the uniformity of its descriptions coming from people every time and everywhere would also reinforce the strength of evidence RE. More importantly, he thinks that such evidence is metaphysically possible: »The state of affairs I have described seems clearly possible: its descrip­tion seems perfectly coherent. Indeed, it could be the case that all human beings with a capacity for a personal relationship with God become aware of God’s presence« (1993, 51). 3. Hick’s and Swinburne’s Defences of Theism In what follows, I shall defend a simple claim. I shall argue that God has a justify­ing reason not to deliver evidence RE to finite persons that are non-resistant to a relationship with Him and this reason is His will to preserve the moral freedom of finite persons. It could be seen as a surprise because Schellenberg dismissed the so-called free-will responses that occurred in the philosophical literature on this subject. For example, John Hick in Faith and Knowledge claimed that in order to protect moral freedom, a human being has to preserve cognitive freedom with regard to the existence of God, and this is why the created world is open to both interpretations: theistic as well as atheistic. If we had convincing pieces of evi­dence in favour of theism at our disposal, this would ruin our cognitive freedom and, in consequence, our autonomy (1988, 133–135). This, however, assumes that knowledge of God is of a special kind: according to Hick, the act of knowing God is at the same time the act of obedience: »I cannot know that such a being exists and be at the same time indifferent to him.« (1983, 48) Whereas normally, the growth of knowledge broadens the capacities of humankind (even if it limits the scope of what seems to be a rational choice), the knowledge of God would have shrunken it not only to the point that we would have had a limited range of sustainable positions in theology and philosophy (it seems that it would not have abolished our freedom just as any other truth we gain during the course of the development of our societies does not abolish our freedom) but also to a point where we would not have been autonomous subjects anymore capable of making free decisions and of free-thinking. It seems controversial, and as Schellenberg points out: »It is not at all clear that individual who came to believe would not be cognitively and morally free.« (1993, 109–110) The other great theistic philosopher, Richard Swinburne, also argued that if we had a solid reason to believe in God, it would diminish our freedom. A person who knows that God exists also knows that He observers and judges every movement of His creatures, especially self-conscious and moral ones, and that in the end, He will make a decision about the final destiny of the latter. In Swinburne’s view, un­der such circumstances, the belief in God would amount to knowledge about an omnipotent and judging God. The act of obedience to Him would not have been an act of will anymore but an act of prudence (which is an intellectual virtue): »The reasons for being good would be virtually irresistible.« (1979, 211)2 More­over, the temptation to do wrong would be almost non-existent. A believer that would act for prudential reasons would not exercise his or her freedom of choice and, as such, would not have been a free agent. To this argument, Schellenberg responds by raising doubts if having solid reasons to do p or not to do q makes desires not to do p or to do q go away (Schellenberg 1993, 119)? A student who has an exam the next day has a solid prudential reason to learn. It does not mean that his desire to do something else (i.e., watch TV) vanishes. However, even if these specific Schellenberg’s counterarguments would not work, he could still ask: is the free will of human beings more important than reaching the ultimate goal of communion with God? Moreover, he answers this hypothetical question: »There is a tendency among some writers to value the giving of freedom and responsibility almost limitlessly /…/. But this is to forget that the con- Another free-will defence to the problem of hiddenness was developed by Michael Murray (2002), but since it is similar to Swinburne’s hypothesis, I will not present it here. text for all theistic talk about these matters must be the love of God, and that love not only grants freedom and responsibility, but desires personal relationships.« (199) Is a free-will response a dead-end for theism? If it was, the consequences would by far exceed the debate around the hiddenness argument. It would turn out that one cannot use a free-will response in the debate about the problem of evil either. It would be because atheists would finally find evil or suffering (I assume that the divine hiddenness would be such an evil) to which the divine desire to protect the freedom of people would not be an answer. I find the debate between Hick and Swinburne on the one hand and Schellen-berg on the other unsatisfying. It is no wonder if one takes into account that both Hick, as well as Swinburne, had written their works before the hiddenness argu­ment was formulated. One cannot possibly expect from the aforementioned the­istic philosophers a detailed refutation of an argument they did not even know. Secondly, I think that there is a very valuable intuition by Hick when he insists that there is a need for a priori willingness on our part if our experience of God is to be compatible with our moral freedom. In my paper, I shall explore this intuition. 4. Response to Necessity of a Moral Freedom My general response to Schellenberg’s claims is that while it is true that according to at least the Catholic tradition, a communion with God (a counterpart of what he describes as a personal relationship with God) is an ultimate and a supernatu­ral human goal, so one cannot think of any greater good for a human being, it is also true that reaching it is conditioned by freedom of a human being. When one speaks of a personal relationship, one means a relationship of free agents, and a minimum condition that has to be fulfilled in order for a relationship to be bet­ween free agents is that at the roots of the relationship stands a free decision of its participants. In my opinion, Hick is right: if there was no such willingness at the beginning of a relationship with God on the part of a human being, then it would no longer be a personal relationship. If one is determined to be in a relationship with the other, then one is manipulated or forced into the relationship and hence is treated rather as an object than as a subject. Summing up, in order for a human to reach the ultimate goal of communion with God, a personal relationship with Him has to start as a free decision of a human. On the other hand, I find it doubtful that the moral freedom one needs in order to make a free decision is conditioned by cognitive freedom. Hick and Swinburne seem to suggest that the mere knowledge that God exists somehow deprives us of freedom of choice. This observation is obviously not true. Many believers claim that they know that God exists (for example, those who think that the traditional proofs for God’s existence render theism highly probable), and yet they do not lose their autonomy. They are, for example, still tempted at times to reject their relation to God. Summing up, what I will try to preserve from the free-will defence of Hick and Swinburne is the conviction that at the beginning of a personal rela­tionship with God, there has to be a willingness on the part of a human person. On the other hand, I agree with Schellenberg that the mere belief that God exists does not deprive one of such freedom. The second element of my defence is the claim that there could be evidence that could deprive people of moral freedom. I will argue that evidence RE, as de­scribed by Schellenberg, is an example of such evidence. Therefore, God is justi­fied in not delivering it to us. What I find lacking in Schellenberg’s claims is the analysis if there are any cognitive states that are necessarily accompanied by the affective states that deprive people of moral freedom (let us call these cognitive states – states C). In what follows, I shall present my hypothesis in detail by refer­ring to the teachings of Aquinas. 4.1 The Affective States According to him, there are cognitive states (among others, a belief in God’s exi­stence) that generate affective states that have consequences for a spiritual life of a believer (Cross 2012, 179–180). The affective element is built, for example, in Aquinas’ description of the earthly religious experiences, where he speaks exten­sively about such affective states as gaudium (joy from satisfying rational desire), amor which leads to ecstasy (that is, having delectatio in something external, strong attachment to the object of love) (Summa Th. II-II, q. 28), and admiratio (a fear which follows the knowledge of something that surpasses our powers) (Summa Th. II-II, q. 180, a. 3). Note that the aforementioned states do not make being in a state incompatible with the belief in God impossible, but also note that one does not refer here to non-sensory awareness of the divine presence but to feelings, memories, or emotions. Both Aquinas as well as Schellenberg, agree that there is no non-sensory back­ground awareness of the divine presence in the actual world. A beatific vision of God is, according to Aquinas, a divine gift that is not explainable by the cognitive powers of a human being. It belongs to the kind of C-states because it is also ac­companied by the affective state of delectatio (delight) (Summa Th. I-II, q. 4, a. 1) or fruitio (delight of the good and rest in the good) (Lotz 1979, 70). What is im­portant in the context of the current discussion is that, according to St. Thomas, in the state of the beatific vision, one does not have a freedom of choice: »The will of one who sees God’s essence necessarily clings to God, because then we cannot help willing to be happy.« (Summa Th. I, q. 82, a. 2) Using a conceptual framework developed by Alexander Pruss, one can say that for a person having a cognitive state of seeing the divine essence, an option to do right always domi­nates over an option to do wrong (where option A dominates option B when in every fundamental evaluative respect A is at least as good as B and in some fun­damental evaluative respect A is better than B. Option A is on balance better than option B when option A dominates option B, but there are some nonfundamental evaluative aspects when B is better than A). Because we are always in our actions motivated by or attracted by a good, the fact that we encounter on balance bet­ter options is the only explanation for the fact that sometimes we make wrong or worse than the best possible decisions. On the other hand, a beatific vision dom­inates all the alternatives, which is why the blessed in heaven cannot commit a sin (Pruss 2016, 216–217). They are free if one conceives freedom as a unity of will and intellect, but they do not possess freedom of choice between right and wrong. 4.2 Belief in God as a Dominant Option As Schellenberg rightly points out, evidence RE does not have to be synonymous with the beatific vision, but one could nevertheless speculate if evidence RE would not also present itself as a dominant option for a human being? Experiencing af­fective states of being loved, accepted, consoled, emotionally supported, hav­ing a purpose in life, and most of all, »a quiet sense of God’s existence« (Schel­lenberg 2015, 67); the things that Schellenberg himself describes as an effect of God’s presence in the background awareness could be such that no one would be tempted to reject it. Even if not intrusive or overwhelming, God’s presence in the background awareness could be as dominant as the beatific vision; at least, it seems plausible. One has to take into account that the divine presence in the background experience would not only mean a personal interaction, the feeling of protection and acceptance, companionship, getting friendly guidelines and indi­cations in relation to most important life decisions. One gets a feeling that under such description the figure of God reminds, as Paul Moser once complained, »a doting grandparent or a celestial Santa Claus« (Moser 2013, 38). Only because of this specific way of depicting God one could believe that once having an ex­perience of His presence, one would be able so to speak to escape its charms. The experience of the divine presence should, although vaguely but at the same time, truthfully reflect God’s nature if it supposes to trigger a personal relation­ship with a finite person. Otherwise, God would play a role that would amount to luring someone into a relationship. Even if it was successful, it would shatter its personal character. It means that an experience of the divine presence would probably include not only the experience of His charity and love, but also of His glory, majesty, magnificence, splendour, omniscience and omnipotence, and this combination would most probably be so attractive (even if these features would be a distant reflection of the real divine attributions and would be experienced in the background awareness) that it would be virtually impossible to reject it. 4.3 Moral Freedom as a Justifying Reason for Divine Hiddenness What one benefits from using Aquinas’ theory is a possible explanation of why God does not provide evidence RE, and why it is possible to imagine both (a) that evi­dence RE is metaphysically possible as well as (b) that an all-loving and all-powerful God would be justified in not giving it to us. Evidence RE would probably not only result in the universal belief in God but also in affective states that would make a relationship with God a dominant option for a human being. God, as omnibenevo­lent, desires personal relationships with other persons. A personal aspect of such a relationship assumes that one at least should be able to decide if one wants to enter into it or not, but if it would present itself as a dominant option, then one would be forced into it, and that would shatter a personal character of the relation­ship. It would be then impossible to reach the ultimate goal of a human being. If an all-loving and omnipotent God desires personal relationships with human beings, He should not deliver evidence RE and, in this sense, remain hidden. Notice that it does not mean that God has a reason to suspend evidence of His existence that results in C-states constantly. It is just because in the definition of evidence T is built the requirement that it should be available at all times, that it makes it inconsistent with the divine respect for human freedom of choice and His desire to relate to us personally. Notice also that I am not claiming here that the reason for the lack of freedom of choice if evidence RE would be available, would be the lack of cognitive freedom. ,The blame‘ is on affective states that make a choice to do wrong (in this context, the rejection of the relationship with God) im­possible. My main point here is that even if there is a difference between seeing God’s essence and a background experience of the divine presence, still the latter could present itself in such a way that it would be perceived as a dominant option. 5. Objections: The Analogy Argument and Absolutization of Freedom I would like to quickly address one possible counterargument, which is often called the analogy argument. Schellenberg often uses a comparison between God – The Father and our earthly parents. He writes, among others: »Discussions of human interaction, including interaction between moth­ers and their children, do represent the primary context in which such concepts as those of ‚closeness‘, ‚care‘, and ‚love‘ are used and acquire their meaning. What, then, could justify the supposition that God’s close­ness, caring, and loving would not be like those of ideal mother /…/? The question is rhetorical.« (2004, 33–34) Although there are authors who respond to the hiddenness argument by invok­ing the traditions of the negative theology, and who would be very defiant in drawing conclusions from the fact that we call God our loving Father and would deny any similarity between the personhood of humans and God (Rea 2015; 2018, 42–62; Pouivet 2018), in my opinion following the steps of apophatism is not a promising option for a theist. Schellenberg is ultimately right: since one subscribes to the Christian revela­tion, one expects from God closeness, care, and love in a way similar to how they are usually experienced in everyday life. It is not, however, to admit that one uses the notion of a person or a father in an unambiguous way with regard to God. Schellenberg would agree with it since he used the term ,analogical‘ to describe his argument. It probably refers to the scholastic theory of analogia entis, which Augustine encapsulated in the Latin formula Deus semper maior, and which al­lows positive knowledge of God under the condition that one remembers that with every similarity, however great, comes even greater dissimilarity (Raczynski­Rozek 2019, 756). What is this greater dissimilarity between earthly parents and heavenly one in the context of the current debate? In my opinion, it consists in the fact that how­ever loving, caring and close to their descendant’s parents can be, a personal re­lationship with parents would never appear as a dominant option to them, may­be with the exception of small children. Nevertheless, a grown-up person, inde­pendent of how wrong and ungrateful such a deed would be, can reject personal relationships with his or her parents. The mere presence of loving and caring parents does not endanger the freedom of choice of their children. As I suggest­ed, we have reasons to suspect that it would be different if God was present in our lives in the form of evidence RE. Because of this difference, one cannot con­clude that since loving parents would do anything in their power to be present in the life of their children, the absence of evidence RE speaks against the existence or benevolence of God. I would also emphasize that the presented hypothesis does not fall into the trap of absolutization of moral freedom. According to it, preserving moral freedom is not the good in itself in comparison to which other goods, such as the well­being of people and their happiness, fade away. God suspends (at least temporar­ily) evidence that would render His existence apparent not because freedom of choice is the good in itself but because it is a necessary element of happiness of the finite persons that consists in participating in personal relationships with Him. It does not mean that He remains hidden in every possible meaning of the term. There are mystics who experience the divine presence, there are other pieces of evidence that could result in the cognitive certainty that He exists, but without accompanying affective states that could hinder the moral freedom of a person. Theists could mention a great variety of signs and pieces of evidence that indicate divine transcendence. Granted, these pieces of evidence are not apparent and as such, they do not constitute a solid epistemic position of theism. Otherwise, we would not have currently such large numbers of reasonable atheists and agnos­tics. However, if the solid epistemic position of theism would prevent us from reaching the ultimate goal of our lives, then being open to personal relationships with finite persons on God’s part means delivering us the evidence we currently have at our disposal. 6. Conclusions What are the results of the above defence? As one remembers, I ascribed to Schellenberg two claims: I. Evidence T could be delivered. II. We do not encounter evidence T in the actual world. I agree with both of them, but I disagree with Schellenberg in his contention that (I) and (II) together render theism inconsistent. In my opinion, God is justified in not giving to the finite persons evidence T, because by delivering it, He would abolish the moral freedom of finite persons: He would evince Himself in such a fashion that a relationship with Him would appear as a dominant option for them. It would be a critical obstacle for reaching by them their ultimate goal -a per­sonal relationship with the Creator. Since God is justified in not delivering evidence T, we start to understand why God governs non-resistant nonbelievers in the world. God may have only two alternatives: either He abolishes human moral freedom and puts theism in a strong epistemic position, or He allows a weak epis­temic position of theism and consequently the existence of non-resistant nonbe­lievers. However, human moral freedom is preserved, and consequently, a pos­sibility that people would reach their ultimate goal. The second alternative seems to be more commendable, especially if the last trend in Christian eschatology, that says that God’s mercy does not exclude nonbelievers from the beatific vision, re­flects the truth. Schellenberg is right when he claims that evidence T is metaphysically possible, he is also right in insisting that God should do everything in His power to eliminate obstacles that block us from being in a position to relate to God personally. Nev­ertheless, since the path to a personal relationship with God does not lead through evidence T, he is wrong when he suspects that two claims (I) and (II) are incom­patible with the belief in God. Hence, theism can defend itself from the hidden- ness argument. References Cross, Richard. 2012. Thomas Aquinas. In: Paul L. Gavrilyuk and Sarah Coakley, eds. The Spiritual Senses: Perceiving God in Western Christianity, 174–190. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hick, John. 1983. Second Christianity. London: SCM Press. – – –. 1988. Faith and Knowledge. London: Mac­ millan. Lotz, Johannes. 1979. Person und Freiheit: Eine philosophische Untersuchung mit theologi­schen Ausblicken. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herd­ er. Moser, Paul. 2013. The Severity of God. Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press. Murray, Michael. 2002. Deus Absconditus. In: Daniel Howard-Snyder and Paul Moser, eds. Divine Hiddenness: New Essays, 62–82. Cam­bridge: Cambridge University Press. Pouivet, Roger. 2018. Against Theistic Personal-ism: What Modern Epistemology Does to Classical Theism. European Journal for Philoso­phy of Religion 10, no. 1:1–19. Pruss, Alexander. 2016. Divine Creative Freedom. In: Jonathan L. Kvanvig, ed. Oxford Studies in Philosophy of Religion. Vol. 7, 213–238. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Raczynski-Rozek, Maciej. 2019. The Church as the Realization of the Nature of Man in „Deus semper maior“ by Erich Przywara. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, no. 3:752–785. Rea, Michael. 2015. Hiddenness and transcen­dence. In: Adam Green and Eleonore Stump, eds. Hidden Divinity and Religious Beliefs: New Perspectives, 210–225. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. – – –. 2018. The Hiddenness of God. Oxford: Ox­ford University Press. Schellenberg, John. 1993. Divine hiddenness and human reason. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. – – –. 2004. Divine Hiddenness Justifies Atheism. In: Michael L. Peterson and Raymond J. VanAr­ragon, eds. Contemporary Debates in Philoso­phy of Religion, 30–41. Oxford: Blackwell. – – –. 2015. The Hiddenness Argument: Philoso­phy’s New Challenge to Belief in God. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Swinburne, Richard. 1979. Existence of God. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Thomas Aquinas. 2006. Summa Theologiae. Vol. 11; 16; 19; 46. New York: Cambridge University Press. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 45—53 Besedilo prejeto/Received:02/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:10/2021 UDK/UDC: 378.6:2(497.4Ljubljana)“19“ DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Kolar © 2022 Kolar, CC BY 4.0 Bogdan Kolar »Ni normalno, da na Teološki fakulteti predavajo tuji državljani« »It Is not Normal That Foreign Citizens Teach at the Faculty of Theology« Povzetek: Okoli leta 1970 se je na Teološki fakulteti zacela kazati stiska zaradi po­manjkanja uciteljev dolocenih teoloških predmetov. Ker v predhodnih letih spe­cialisticni študij v tujini ni bil mogoc, ni bila mogoca niti redna menjava gene-racij. Pomanjkanje uciteljev se je najbolj kazalo pri biblicnih vedah, saj je bil študij tega podrocja mogoc samo na ustreznih specializiranih šolah in inštitutih v tujini. Da bi problem rešili, so se veliki kancler nadškof Jožef Pogacnik, vodstvo fakultete in posamezni ucitelji zavzemali, da bi vsaj obcasno kot predavatelji na fakulteti gostovali uveljavljeni slovenski biblicisti iz tujine. Politicne razmere temu niso bile naklonjene, zato ni bilo mogoce dobiti vseh potrebnih soglasij. To je preprecilo, da bi ugledna slovenska biblicista Alojzij M. Ambrožic in Jože Plevnik, ki sta delovala na univerzi v Torontu, postala ucitelja na fakulteti v Lju­bljani. Kljucne besede: Teološka fakulteta, ucitelji, biblicne vede, Jože Plevnik (1928–2010), Alojzij M. Ambrožic (1930–2011) Abstract: A lack of teachers of certain theological subjects showed at the Faculty of Theology in Ljubljana in the early seventies. Because of the impossibility to specialise abroad in the previous years, a regular change of generations was not possible. A particular lack of teachers was felt by the Biblical sciences since specialisation in that field was possible only in specialised schools and institutes outside Slovenia. In order to cope with the question, the Grand Chancellor Archbishop Jožef Pogacnik, the leadership of the Faculty, and different teachers suggested inviting, at least temporarily, as teachers well-known Slovenian Bib­lical scholars from abroad. The political situation was not in favour of such a solution and it prevented obtaining the necessary permissions. Therefore, two known biblicists of the Slovenian background teaching in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, Jože Plevnik and Alojzij M. Ambrožic, did not become Faculty members. Keywords: Faculty of Theology, teachers, Biblical sciences, Jože Plevnik (1928– 2010), Alojzij M. Ambrožic (1930–2011) 1. Uvod Konec šestdesetih in v zacetku sedemdesetih let preteklega stoletja je v uciteljskem zboru Teološke fakultete prišlo do menjave generacij. Svoje življenjsko poslanstvo so zakljucevali ucitelji, ki so na fakulteti delovali že pred drugo svetovno vojno ali celo od vsega zacetka ljubljanske univerze. Zato se je zacelo kazati pomanjkanje uciteljev. Pri katedrah se je to najbolj cutilo v biblicni skupini. Razlogi seveda niso bili samo v vodstvu fakultete. Glavni razlog so bile nenormalne razmere v slovenski družbi, ki ni omogocala, da bi študentje teologije v letih po koncu druge svetovne vojne lahko od­hajali na specialisticni študij v tujino (kar pa je bilo omogoceno študentom iz družin,ki za politicno oblast niso bile vprašljive). Šele od sredine šestdesetih let so se ponov-no pokazale možnosti, da so škofje študente, ki so se pripravljali na uciteljsko delo na Teološki fakulteti, lahko zaceli pošiljati v tujino (leta 1965 so na nadaljnji študij v Rim odšli trije prihodnji ucitelji na fakulteti: na Papeški biblicni inštitut France Roz-man; na Vzhodni inštitut dr. France Perko in na Lateransko univerzo Rafko Valencic). 2. Uciteljski zbor fakultete po koncilu Po drugi svetovni vojni so bili na Teološki fakulteti štirje ucitelji biblicnih predme­tov: za staro zavezo dr. Matija Slavic (rojen 1877, umrl 1958) in dr. Jakob Aleksic (rojen 1897, honorarni predavatelj 1947, 1952 izredni, 1967 redni profesor), za novo zavezo dr. Andrej Snoj (rojen 1886, umrl 1962) in dr. Stanko Cajnkar (rojen 1900, izredni profesor 1947, umrl 1977). Po smrti dr. M. Slavica in dr. A. Snoja sta pri biblicni katedri ostala samo še dva profesorja: za staro zavezo dr. J. Aleksic in za novo zavezo dr. S. Cajnkar. Kot honorarni predavatelj je leta 1968 zacel sode­lovati dr. France Rozman (v Rimu je biblicne vede študiral od 1965 do 1967) (Roz-man 1990, 54–55). Vendar je bilo cutiti potrebo po dodatnih ucnih moceh, kajti razmere na fakulteti so narekovale vec predavanj, seminarjev, vaj in mentorstev. Zaradi velikega napredka biblicnih ved so bili uvedeni nekateri novi predmeti. Ce­prav so se takrat za ucitelje biblicnih ved pripravljali trije slovenski duhovniki (Jože Krašovec, Marijan Peklaj, Jurij Bizjak), je bilo z njihovo vkljucitvijo v uciteljski zbor vendarle mogoce racunati šele od sredine sedemdesetih let dalje. Vsaj za nekaj let je bilo torej treba najti zacasno rešitev. Kot najbolj realisticna se je kazala mo-žnost, da bi del predavanj prevzela takrat že poznana slovenska biblicista, ki sta predavala na Teološki fakulteti Univerze v Torontu – jezuit dr. Jože Plevnik in du­hovnik torontske nadškofije dr. Alojzij M. Ambrožic. Racunali so na možnost, da bi en semester predavala v Torontu in en semester v Ljubljani. Nad takšno rešitvijo je bil navdušen veliki kancler Teološke fakultete dr. Jožef Pogacnik in tudi vodstvo fakultete. Znanstveni svet fakultete je o tem veckrat razpravljal že v letu 1971 in slednjic napravil korake, ki bi do takšne rešitve lahko pripeljali. Ker pa je pri odlo-citvah o uciteljih na Teološki fakulteti svojo besedo imela tudi Komisija Republike Slovenije za verska vprašanja, je bilo treba najprej pridobiti njeno mnenje in nato soglasje. To je jasno kazalo, da je bila Teološka fakulteta po letu 1952, ko je bila izkljucena iz javnega šolskega sistema, samo navidezno zasebna in neodvisna šola Katoliške cerkve v Sloveniji; pomemben vpliv pri sprejemanju kadrovskih odlocitev je v vsakem primeru imela omenjena komisija. Ta je na podlagi pregleda osebne in družinske zgodovine kandidatov, še posebej glede njihovega ravnanja v casu druge svetovne vojne in odnosa do nove oblasti po vojni, odlocala o njihovi primernosti in politicni sprejemljivosti – ne pa strokovnosti. 3. Kanadska biblicista Med clani slovenske skupnosti v Torontu in njegovi okolici, kjer je po drugi svetovni vojni našla dom mocna skupina zavednih Slovencev, sta bili ustanovljeni dve na­rodnostni župniji: župnija Marije Pomagaj (1954) in župnija Marije Brezmadežne (1961); obe so organizirali in nato vodili duhovniki iz skupnosti Misijonske družbe (lazaristi). Razgibano življenje v okviru župnij in mnogih organizacij je pripomoglo, da so iz slovenskih družin izšli nekateri duhovni poklici. Vkljucili so se v torontsko nadškofijo ali v posamezne redovne skupnosti. Jože Plevnik je bil rojen v Ljubljani 18. decembra 1928. Maja 1945 je s sorodni­ki zapustil Slovenijo in tri leta preživel v begunskih taborišcih v Avstriji: v Št. Viduna Glini, v Kellerbergu pri Beljaku, v Špitalu na Dravi in v Peggetzu pri Lienzu. Nje-gov starejši brat je bil vrnjen v Slovenijo in je umrl nasilne smrti. J. Plevnik je imel možnost obiskovati slovensko taborišcno gimnazijo. Junija 1948 je odšel v Kanado in moral sprejeti delo, kot so ga vsi priseljenci: delal je na farmi v provinci Nova Scotia. V Halifaxu je nato obiskoval Jezuitski kolegij in septembra 1950 vstopil v jezuitski noviciat v Guelphu, Ontario. Ko je postal clan skupnosti, se je posvetil študiju klasicnih jezikov (gršcine in latinšcine) in se nato preselil v Toronto, kjer je študiral filozofijo (1954–1957). Bil je ucitelj na gimnaziji Campion College v Regini na zahodu Kanade. Duhovniško posvecenje je prejel po študiju teologije leta 1964 v Torontu (Jakopic 1964). Leta 1966 je zacel študij biblicnih ved v Würzburgu v Nemciji in leta 1971 zagovarjal doktorsko delo iz Pavlove teologije pri prof. Rudol­fu Schnackenburgu („The Parousia of the Lord According to the Letters of Paul: an Exegetical and Theological Investigation“). Po vrnitvi v Toronto je postal ucitelj na jezuitski teološki šoli Regis College, ki je bila del torontske teološke fakultete in s tem torontske univerze. Predaval je predvsem o Novi zavezi, zlasti evangelijih in Pavlovih pismih. Po letu 1984 je bil vodja višjih programov (Advanced Degree Stu­dies). Ob vrsti clankov v specializiranih znanstvenih revijah (The Catholic Biblical Quarterly, Biblica, The Way) je izdal osem knjig, od katerih so bile nekatere pre­vedene v slovenšcino; izdal jih je župnijski urad Ljubljana-Dravlje (Umrl je jezuit dr. Jože Plevnik 2010, 19). Njegovo življenje in delo je celovito predstavil prof. dr. Maksimilijan Matjaž (2010, 663–665). Dr. J. Plevnik je bil povezan s slovensko skupnostjo v Torontu in se je udeleževal razlicnih prireditev, ki sta jih pripravljali obe slovenski župniji. Napisal je vrsto pri­spevkov za slovensko revijo Božja beseda, ki izhaja v Torontu. Po upokojitvi je veckrat nadomešcal slovenskega župnika v cerkvi Marije Pomagaj. Umrl je 4. junija 2010 v Rene Goupil House, Pickering, Ontario (Umrl je jezuit dr. Jože Plevnik 2010, 167). Alojzij Ambrožic je Slovenijo z družino zapustil maja 1945 kot petnajstletni fant. Rojen je bil 27. januarja 1930 v Gaberju pri Dobrovi. V begunskih taborišcih naKoroškem Peggetz in Špital na Dravi je obiskoval gimnazijo in leta 1948 maturiral. Septembra istega leta se je družina izselila v Kanado in si našla dom v bližini To-ronta. Filozofijo in teologijo je študiral kot bogoslovec torontske nadškofije v kra­ju Scarborough pri Torontu; junija 1955 je bil posvecen v duhovnika. Kot duhovnik je služboval v vec župnijah in bil ucitelj v semenišcu sv. Avguština v Torontu. Spe­cialisticni teološki in biblicni študij je opravil v Rimu na Papeškem biblicnem inšti-tutu (1957–1960) in v Nemciji na univerzi v Würzburgu (1967–1970). Mentor pri doktorskem delu s podrocja Markovega evangelija („St. Mark‘s Concept of the Kingdom of God: a Redaction-Critical Study of the References to the Kingdom of God in the Second Gospel“, Würzburg 1970) mu je bil prav tako prof. Rudolf Sch-nackenburg. Po vrnitvi v Toronto je postal redni ucitelj biblicnih predmetov Nove zaveze na torontski teološki fakulteti. Bil je tudi ravnatelj semenišca in clan števil­nih škofijskih delovnih teles. Alojzij Ambrožic je marca 1976 postal torontski pomožni škof in deset let ka­sneje nadškof koadjutor s pravico nasledstva. Februarja 1998 je bil imenovan za kardinala. Umrl je 26. avgusta 2011 v Torontu. S strokovnimi prispevki se je ogla­šal v razlicnih teoloških in pastoralnih revijah. Redno je sodeloval pri reviji Božja beseda, ki jo v Torontu izdajajo slovenski clani Misijonske družbe. Vec njegovih knjig je bilo objavljenih v slovenskem jeziku. Bil je poznan pridigar na duhovnih vajah in predavatelj na razlicnih srecanjih, tudi v Sloveniji in slovenskem zamejstvu. Bil je sodelavec in clan uredništva Celovškega zvona, novembra 1991 mu je to-rontska univerza podelila castni doktorat (Kolar 2015, 597–617). V zgodovino Ka­toliške cerkve v Kanadi in nasploh kanadske družbe se je zapisal predvsem kot voditelj najvecje nadškofije v državi – in kot izjemen poznavalec pastoralnega dela med priseljenskimi skupnostmi. 4. Moledovanje za dovoljenje O možnosti, da bi profesorja Jože Plevnik in Alojzij Ambrožic obcasno prevzela pre­davanja na Teološki fakulteti v Ljubljani, je najprej razpravljal Fakultetni svet, ki je v tistem casu usklajeval vse dejavnosti fakultete. Prve razprave o takšnem nacinu iskanja uciteljev za biblicne predmete so bile ob koncu prvega semestra študijske­ga leta 1971/72, ko so se zacele priprave na naslednje študijsko leto. Decembra 1971 se je med ucitelji fakultete izoblikovala ideja, da bi k sodelovanju povabili omenjena ucitelja – in da bi predavala menjaje v Ljubljani in v Torontu (ATF, fasc. 9, spisi). Po narocilu Fakultetnega sveta je dekan prof. dr. Marijan Smolik na Ko­misijo za verska vprašanja v zacetku februarja 1972 naslovil informacijo o sklepu in prosil komisijo za mnenje. Ker je bil predsednik komisije Pavle Bojc odsoten, sta dekana 11. februarja sprejela njegova sodelavca Sergij Pelhan in Franek Sladic. V zabeležki srecanja beremo: »Predložil je osnovne podatke za dva slovenska duhovnika, ki trenutno bivata v Kanadi, Lojzeta Ambrožica in Jožeta Plevnika, s prošnjo, da bi komisija pregledala njuno zadržanje v polpretekli dobi, ker ju namerava fakulteta sprico pomanjkanja predavateljev za bibliografijo pritegniti za predavatelja. Prihajala bi za pol leta v Jugoslavijo predavat; izmenoma vsako leto drug, zacela pa bi predvidoma februarja meseca 1973.« (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Predlog za odobritev namestitve dveh predavateljev bibliografije na TF; zabeležka dne 11. 2. 1972) Dekan dr. Smolik je uradnika komisije spomnil, da se je o možnosti vkljucitve omenjenih uciteljev v fakultetno delo na komisiji pogovarjal že veliki kancler nad­škof dr. Jožef Pogacnik in da takšno idejo podpira. Iz iste zabeležke izvemo še, da je dekan dr. Smolik zatrdil, da imenovana zaradi mladosti medokupacijsko nista kompromitirana, da se tudi v inozemstvu nista politicno udejstvovala – ni pa vedel pojasniti, ali imata urejene odnose glede državljanstva oziroma cigava državljana sploh sta. Sklep je bil: »Dogovorili smo se, da bo komisija imenovana preverila približno v roku 1 do 2 mesecev in seznanila g. dekana.« (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Predlog za odobritev namestitve dveh predavateljev bibliografije na TF; zabeležka dne 11. 2. 1972) 15. junija 1972, ko so na fakulteti že pripravljali seznam predavanj za naslednje študijsko leto in dolocali predavatelje za posamezne predmete, se je dekan dr. Smolik ponovno oglasil na komisiji, da bi izvedel za ugotovitve. Takrat sta ga spre­jela predsednik Komisije Pavle Bojc in njegov svetovalec Sergij Pelhan: »Dr. Smolika smo obvestili, da smo zadevo v zvezi s slovenskima duhovnikoma, ki bivata v Kanadi (Lojze Ambrožic in Jože Plevnik) proucili, vendar trenutno ne kaže, da je problem rešljiv. Gre namrec za to, da bi lahko opravljala vsak po en semester predavanje biblicistike na teološki fakulteti. Zadržek je v tem, da je Ambrožicu bilo odvzeto državljanstvo, medtem ko Jože Plevnik po naših informacijah to vprašanje nima urejeno.« V nadaljevanju zabeležka dodaja: »Dr. Smolik je obvestilo vzel na znanje, ceš bomo pac morali problem predavateljev rešiti kako drugace. Obenem je dejal, da bo imenovana obvestil o stanju in naši informaciji.« (AS 1211, šk. 141, zabeležka o razgo­voru z dekanom Teološke fakultete dr. M. Smolikom dne 15. 6. 1972) Dekan dr. Smolik je tako dobil odgovor, da je bilo dr. Ambrožicu slovensko dr­žavljanstvo odvzeto leta 1962.1 Na drugi junijski seji Fakultetnega sveta 28. junija Glede na informacije, s katerimi razpolagamo v tem trenutku, je povsem mogoce, da je bilo leta 1962 državljanstvo odvzeto Alojziju Ambrožicu starejšemu, to je ocetu – in ne duhovniku Alojziju Ambrožicu. Oba sta živela v Torontu in bila kanadska državljana. V nekaterih dokumentih se kot leto odvzema državljanstva Alojziju Ambrožicu ml. omenja tudi leto 1973. Dokler ne bodo dostopni ustrezni arhivski fondi, tega ne bo mogoce preveriti. Poizvedovanje na Ministrstvu za notranje zadeve Republike Slo­venije, kjer še vedno hranijo vso dokumentacijo, povezano z odvzemanjem državljanstva, ali bi bilo mogoce preveriti leto odvzema državljanstva in pravno podlago za takšno odlocitev, je bilo zaman. V 1972 je dekan dr. Smolik clane sveta obvestil: »Verska komisija oziroma Sekreta­riat za notranje zadeve je sporocil, da dr. Plevnik in dr. Ambrožic ne moreta pre­davati na naši fakulteti, ker sta kanadska državljana.« (ATF, seje fakultetnega sve­ta, fasc. 5) Potem ko sta prejela odgovor iz Ljubljane, sta se ocitno posvetovala in do ravnanja slovenskih oblasti zavzela skupno stališce – avgusta 1972 je dr. Plevnik dekanu dr. Smoliku sporocil, da se kanadskemu državljanstvu zaradi slovenskih oblasti nimata namena odpovedati in da bo treba v prihodnje ravnati skladno s tem (ATF, spisi, fasc. 45). Iz ohranjenih dokumentov je razvidno, da se je vodstvo fakultete v nadaljevanju odlocilo vztrajati pri pridobivanju dovoljenj za predavanje le za dr. Plevnika, kajti na dr. Ambrožica, ki je med tem v torontski nadškofiji prevzel vrsto nalog, ni bilo mogoce vec misliti (od 1971 do 1975 je bil akademski dekan v semenišcu sv. Av-guština in v tej vlogi cel semester ne bi mogel manjkati; postal je clan vec nadško­fijskih struktur in bil vpet v vodenje nadškofije). Ker fakulteti drugacne rešitve ocitno ni uspelo najti, so skušali dobiti soglasje vsaj za to, da bi dr. Plevnik lahko predaval na fakulteti le obcasno – tako da bi imel sklop predavanj, za kar odpoved kanadskemu državljanstvu (po mnenju vodstva fakultete) ne bi bila potrebna. Ko­nec oktobra 1972 so na Komisijo za verska vprašanja poslali prošnjo: »Fakultetni svet Teološke fakultete v Ljubljani je sklenil povabiti kot gosta predavatelja – specialista dr. Jožeta Plevnika iz Kanade, da bi slušateljem naše fakultete odpredaval ciklus izrednih predavanj o sv. pismu nove zaveze. Ta predavanja bi prišla v program v letnem semestru štud. leta 1972/73, to je od marca do maja 1973. Ker je imenovani sicer Slovenec po rodu, pa kanadski državljan, prosi Teološka fakulteta za dovoljenje, da bo dr. Plevnik lahko predaval na naši fakulteti.« (ATF, fasc. 45, dopis št. 332/72 z dne 31. oktobra 1972) Hkrati sta se na komisiji oglasila dekan dr. Marijan Smolik in prodekan dr. Franc Rode. Na strani komisije sta pogovoru prisostvovala njen predsednik Pavle Bojc insvetovalec Drago Šcernjavic (AS 1211, KOVS, Zabeležka o razgovoru z dekanom in prodekanom Teološke fakultete z dne 31. 10. 1972). Dekan in prodekan sta poja­snila, da fakulteta predavatelja za biblicne vede nove zaveze nujno potrebuje in da je dr. Plevnik ugleden kanadski jezuitski predavatelj na torontski teološki fakul­teti. »Oba jamcita za njegovo korektnost in prepricana sta, da jim ne bo delal težav, kar je tudi v interesu fakultete, ker je tip cloveka, ki je zaprt vase in nima stikov z emigracijo.« Nadaljevanje pogovora ni prineslo pricakovanega rezultata: »Povedano jim je bilo, da sicer ni normalno, da predavajo na fakulteti tuji državljani in da bi se Plevnik kljub iznešenim argumentom lahko odrekel kanadskega državljanstva in sprejel naše. Tako bi po normalnem postopku verjetno dobil namestitev na fakulteti. Ker pa tega noce storiti, je vezan na skladu s 35. clenom Zakona o državljanstvu bi namrec moral za takšno poizvedovanje imeti privoljenje obeh pokojnih profesorjev, cesar mi ni uspelo pridobiti. Znanstvenoraziskovalni namen za pridobitev takšnega podatka ni ustrezna pravna podlaga. posebno dovoljenje, ki mu ga lahko izda le organ, ki je pristojen za tako dovoljenje.« (AS 1211, KOVS, Zabeležka o razgovoru z dekanom in prode­kanom Teološke fakultete z dne 31. 10. 1972) Usmerjevalka celotnega postopka in predlagateljica odlocitev je bila torej ko­ misija. Pokazalo se je, da je glavna ovira dejstvo, da je dr. Plevnik prihajal iz slovenskih izseljenskih vrst, kar je v tistem casu bilo za slovensko politiko zelo težko – ali sploh ne – sprejemljivo. Slovenska politicna emigracija je bila namrec enacena s sovra­žniki države in družbene ureditve v Jugoslaviji. Zato tudi zakljucna trditev v zapi­sniku omenjenega srecanja: »Problematiko emigracije smo povezali s Plevnikom in jim dali vedeti, da naj take stvari ocenjujejo s širših dimenzij in naj upoštevajo tako zunanje kot notranje politicne procese.« (AS 1211, KOVS, Zabeležka o razgo­voru z dekanom in prodekanom Teološke fakultete z dne 31. 10. 1972) O obisku dekana dr. Smolika in prodekana dr. Rodeta na Komisiji za verska vpra­šanja in o nacrtovanju Fakultetnega sveta, da povabi kot predavatelja dr. Jožeta Plevnika, sta bila obvešcena vodstvo Socialisticne zveze delovnega ljudstva Slove­nije in Republiški sekretariat za notranje zadeve. 2. novembra 1972 je vodja stro­kovne skupine Peter Kastelic pripravil porocilo in obe ustanovi zaprosil za mnenje (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Informacija o razgovoru na KVV z dekanom in prodeka­nom Teološke fakultete dne 31. 10. 1972). Med drugim je zapisal: »Nastavitev dr. Plevnika na Teološko fakulteto v Ljubljani je aktualna že dalj casa. Komisija je zavirala nastavitev Plevnika zaradi tega, ker je kanadski državljan in ne želi sprejeti našega državljanstva, kar utemeljuje s tem, da mu je kanadski jezuitski red omogocil študije in specializacijo v razlicnih državah. Jože Plevnik je ob koncu vojne, kot sedemnajstletni mladenic emigriral na Koroško in se leta 1948 preselil v Kanado ter leta 1950 vstopil v jezuitski red ter do leta 1971 študiral na razlicnih univerzah eksegezo nove zaveze ter doktoriral iz teologije in filozofije. Od septembra 1971 je asistent profesor na Teološki šoli v Torontu. Med tem casom je veckrat obiskal svojo mater v Ljubljani in vedno obiskal tudi nadškofa Po-gacnika. V zaupnih pogovorih ni kazal navdušenja za koncilsko orientacijo v cerkvi, posebej pa še ne željo vkljuciti se na Teološko fakulteto v Ljublja­ni kot redni profesor, kjer naj bi bil pod povecevalnim steklom verske ko­misije in Teološke fakultete kot kakšen zacetnik.« (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Informacija o razgovoru na KVV z dekanom in prodekanom Teološke fakul­tete dne 31. 10. 1972) Da je komisija lahko pripravila tako celovito informacijo, je morala pridobivati podatke iz razlicnih virov in spremljati ravnanje vec ustanov in posameznikov. Ob-vešcena je bila tudi o zaupnih pogovorih, ki jih je dr. Plevnik imel s posamezniki v Cerkvi. Hkrati dokument kaže, da je bila prav komisija tista, ki je pripravljala odlo-citve – in s tem bistveno oblikovala politiko države do Teološke fakultete in do Cerkve nasploh. Iz nadaljevanja je razvidna predzgodovina vprašanja o vkljucitvi dr. Plevnika med ucitelje fakultete (in predhodno dogajanje nasploh). »Fakultetni svet je najprej odklonil, da se omogoci Plevniku obcasna predavanja v nekajmesecnem trajajocem kurzu na fakulteti. Pogacnik s tako odlocitvijo ni bil zadovoljen. V zadnjem casu pa je fakultetni svet znova razpravljal o Plevniku in shemi, da bi Plevniku omogocili take kurze predavanj iz predmeta eksegeze nove zaveze.« (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Informacija o razgovoru na KVV z dekanom in prodekanom Teološke fakul­tete dne 31. 10. 1972) Ker so se razmere na fakulteti spremenile, kar sta ob svojem obisku povedala dekan dr. Smolik in prodekan dr. Rode, sta na komisiji iskala soglasje. »Oba predstavnika fakultete sta v razgovoru na Komisiji povedala, da jim je Plevnik nujno potreben, ker takega predavatelja nimajo, da jamcita za njegovo korektnost in da je tudi sicer tip cloveka, ki je zaprt vase. Prepricana sta, da jim ne bo povzrocal nikakih težav, kar ni v interesu fa-kultete. Povedala sta, da Plevnik ni povezan z našo politicno emigracijo.« (AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, Informacija o razgovoru na KVV z dekanom in prodekanom Teološke fakultete dne 31. 10. 1972) Porocilu je bila dodana še informacija, ki so jo uradniki komisije sporocili pred­stavnikoma fakultete – dr. Plevnik naj se odpove kanadskemu državljanstvu in za­prosi za slovensko. S tem bo dobil vec možnosti, da postane ucitelj na ljubljanski Teološki fakulteti – ker da ni normalno, da bi na tej fakulteti poucevali tuji drža­vljani. Preden bo komisija dala dovoljenje, bo pocakala še mnenje republiškega Sekretariata za notranje zadeve. Iz nadaljevanja je razvidno, da mnenje omenjenega sekretariata ni bilo ugodno. Dr. Plevnik namrec ni prišel predavat v Ljubljano. Je pa s fakulteto ohranjal stike, oskrboval jo je z biblicno literaturo iz angleško govorecega sveta, sodeloval pri raz­licnih projektih ter se s fakulteto in slovenskimi biblicisti še bolj povezal po politic­nih spremembah v Sloveniji. Ko je leta 1989 ljubljanska univerza in z njo Teološka fakulteta praznovala 70-letnico, je bil dr. Plevnik, ki je bil takrat dekan oddelka za podiplomski študij Regis Collegea v Torontu, povabljen na praznovanje v Ljubljano. Ob tej priložnosti je predaval na Teološki fakulteti (Prof. dr. Jože Plevnik gost v Lju­bljani 1989, 174) in sodeloval na okrogli mizi biblicistov, ki jo je pripravila fakulteta. Takrat je spregovoril o Pavlovem pismu Tesalonicanom in bil prvic podrobneje pred­stavljen slovenski javnosti (Profesor Plevnik slovenskim poslušalcem, 30. 4. 1989). V desetletju 1990–2000 je imel kot gostujoci ucitelj obcasna predavanja s podrocja eksegeze Pavlovih pisem in evangelijev na fakulteti v Ljubljani in na enoti v Mari-boru. Hkrati je zacel zavzeto prevajati svoja dela v slovenski jezik; namenjena so bila tako študentom teologije kot širši javnosti. V Bogoslovnem vestniku je izšlo šest njegovih razprav, kot samostojne publikacije pa pet njegovih knjig. Z zanimanjem je spremljal nastajanje Slovenskega standardnega prevoda Svetega pisma in ob iz­idu leta 1996 na znanstvenem simpoziju sodeloval z razpravo. Pripravil je obsežno terminološko študijo o nekaterih teoloških terminih v Dalmatinovi Bibliji, ki je bila objavljena ob izidu faksimilov najstarejših slovenskih biblicnih prevodov. Leta 2007 je sodeloval na Mednarodnem biblicnem kongresu v Ljubljani, kjer je prevzel na-loge generalnega sekretarja in tudi sicer sodeloval pri izvedbi svetovnega srecanja biblicnih strokovnjakov (Matjaž 2010, 663–665). 5. Zakljucek Ceprav je bila Teološka fakulteta leta 1949 najprej izkljucena iz Univerze v Ljubljani in nato tri leta kasneje še iz javnega šolstva na Slovenskem nasploh, je še vedno ostajala pod državnim nadzorom. Preko republiške Komisije za verska vprašanja je slovenska politika njeno delovanje ne le nadzorovala, pac pa tudi posegala v vse pomembne odlocitve, ki jih je vodstvo fakultete sprejemalo. Sredstvo pritiska so bile letne dotacije, ki jih je za delovanje fakultete namenjala država, najbolj kon­kretna oblika posegov pa vmešavanje v fakultetne kadrovske zadeve. Medtem ko so na drugih fakultetah tuje državljane lahko zaposlovali, na Teološki fakulteti to ni bilo dovoljeno; pri tem so bili posebej dosledni, ko je šlo za Slovence, ki so sprejeli tuje državljanstvo – da bi lahko cetudi le obcasno predavali, bi se morali tujemu državljanstvu odpovedati. V dveh primerih, ki sta predstavljena v razpravi, se to ni zgodilo – zato strokovnjaka z biblicnega podrocja nista dobila možnosti, da bi na ljubljanski Teološki fakulteti predavala še pred politicnimi spremembami. Kratici ARS – Arhiv Republike Slovenije. ATF – Arhiv Teološke fakultete. Reference Arhivski viri – – –. 2015. Kardinal dr. Alojzij Matej Ambrožic. V: Marija v Lešcevju: Dobrova pri Ljubljani, 597– ARS, AS 1211, KOVS, šk. 141, 142. 617. Ljubljana: Salve. ATF, fasc. 5 (seje fakultetnega sveta). Matjaž, Maksimilijan. 2010. Prof. dr. Jože Plevnik DJ (1928–2010). Bogoslovni vestnik 70, št. –, fasc. 9 (spisi, verska komisija). 4:663–665. –, fasc. 45 (spisi, leto 1972/73). P. Dr. Jože Plevnik DJ (18. 12. 1928, Ljubljana – 4. 6. 2010, Toronto). 2010. Sporocila slovenskih Druge reference škofij, št. 7:167. Prof. dr. Jože Plevnik gost v Ljubljani. 1989. Božja In memoriam. 2010. Božja beseda, št. 7/8/9:89–90. beseda, št. 6:174. Jakopic, Marjan. 1964. Rojaku p. Jožetu Plevniku k Profesor Plevnik slovenskim poslušalcem. 1989. novi maši. Ameriška domovina, 15. junij, št. Družina, št. 18: 1; 6. 118, 2. Rozman, Francè. 1990. Katedra za biblicne vede. Kolar, Bogdan. 2013. Geslo Ambrožic Alojzij Matej. Bogoslovni vestnik 50, št. 1/2:54–62. V: Novi Slovenski biografski leksikon. Zv. 1, Umrl je jezuit dr. Jože Plevnik. 2010. Glasilo ka­153–155. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. nadskih Slovencev, št. 3:19. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 72 Marjan Turnšek (ur.) Stoletni sadovi Clani katedre za dogmaticno teologijo v jubilejnem letu z zbornikom predstavljajo »dogmaticne sadove« na »stoletnem drevesu« TEOF v okviru UL. Prvi del z naslovom »Sadovi preteklosti« s hvaležnostjo predstavlja delo njenih rajnih profesorjev. Kako katedra živi ob stoletnici svojo sedanjost in gleda v prihodnost z upanjem, predstavljajo prispevki živecih clanov katedre v drugem delu pod naslovom »Sadovi sedanjosti«. Tretji del ponuja »Podarjene sadove«, ki so jih ob jubileju poklonili nekateri pomembni teologi iz tujine, ki so povezani z našo fakulteto (zaslužni papež Benedikt XVI., Hans Urs von Balthasar, Jürgen Moltmann, Bruno Forte, Marino Qualizza in Marko I. Rupnik). Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2019. 476 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-81-9, 20€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 55—76 Besedilo prejeto/Received:12/2020; sprejeto/Accepted:01/2021 UDK/UDC: 929Dalmatin J. DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Golec © 2022 Golec, CC BY 4.0 Boris Golec Jurij Dalmatin (ok. 1547–1589) in njegovi: identite­ta in družina avtorja prvega popolnega prevoda Svetega pisma v slovenšcino Jurij Dalmatin (ca. 1547–1589) and His Family: The Identity and Lineage of the Author of the First Com­plete Translation of the Holy Scripture into Slovene Povzetek: Jurij Dalmatin (ok. 1547, Krško ali okolica – 1589, Ljubljana), protestant-ski duhovnik in avtor prvega popolnega slovenskega prevoda Svetega pisma (Wittenberg, 1584), v zgodovino ni vstopil s podedovanim priimkom, ampak si ga je nadel sam in se v humanisticni maniri svojega casa podpisoval kot Dalma­tinus. Prispevek analizira hipotezo, da so njegovi predniki izvirali iz Dalmacije. Veliko bolj od priselitve enega od prednikov kot obrtnika ali trgovca iz Dalma­cije v mesto Krško je verjetno, da je Dalmatin po ocetovi strani izviral iz družine hrvaških beguncev pred Turki, ki so se okoli leta 1530 kot kolonisti naselili na Krškem polju. Dalmacija je bila v njegovem casu bistveno širši geografski pojem, ki je na severu segal vse do Kolpe. V nasprotju s prepricanjem, da so Dalmatinu, oženjenemu s hcerko ljubljanskega mešcana, vsi otroci pomrli že v otroštvu, se je izkazalo, da sta odrasli vsaj dve njegovi hcerki, ki sta se obe omožili, tako kot se je vnovic porocila njegova vdova. Znanih je tudi pet Dalmatinovih vnukov, vsa družina pa se je v procesu protireformacije pokatolicanila. Kljucne besede: Jurij Dalmatin, reformacija, izvor priimka, Sveto pismo, Krško, Lju­bljana Abstract: Jurij Dalmatin (ca. 1547, Krško or nearby – 1589, Ljubljana), a Protestant priest and the author of the first complete translation of the Holy Scripture into Slovene (Wittenberg, 1584), did not enter history with an inherited family name, but one that he assumed on his own, signing himself in the humanist manner of his time as Dalmatinus. The contribution analyses the hypothesis that he came from a Dalmatian family. Rather than one of his Dalmatian ances­tors having immigrated to the town of Krško as a craftsman or trader, it seems much more likely that on his paternal side Dalmatin descended from a family of Croatian refugees who colonised the Krško field fleeing from the Turks. In his time, Dalmatia was a significantly wider geographical area, extending in the north as far as the Kolpa River. Contrary to the belief that all children of Dal-matin, who married the daughter of a citizen of Ljubljana, died at a tender age, it turned out that at least two of his daughters reached adulthood and married and that his widow remarried. There are also five known Dalmatin’s grandsons, and the entire family converted to Catholicism during the process of Counter-Reformation. Keywords: Jurij Dalmatin, Reformation, family name origin, Holy Scripture, Krško, Ljubljana 1. Uvod Ko je Primož Trubar 19. marca 1584 vojvodi Ludviku Württemberškemu v imenu kranjskih deželnih stanov poslal tri izvode pravkar natisnjenega slovenskega prevo­da Svetega pisma, je o prevodu zapisal, da mu zelo ugaja, o prevajalcu pa naslednje zgovorne besede: »Vrh tega je pokojni oce vaše knežje milosti [vojvoda Krištof] Jurija Dalmatina, ki sem ga pred 19 leti [1565] v svojem drugem pregnanstvu kot revnega šolarja poleg svojih dveh sinov peljal iz Kranjske, najprej spravil v Beben­hausen, nato v Tifernov štipendij, kjer je ob marljivem študiju bral tudi moje slo­venske knjige in toliko napredoval, da je zacel prevajati Staro zavezo.« (Rajhman 1986, 290) Vojvoda Ludvik, sin Dalmatinovega dobrotnika, je tako nemara ugledal Dalmatinovo Biblijo celo malo prej kakor clani kranjskih deželnih stanov, ki so nosili glavno breme njenega natisa in so prve izvode na Kranjsko pretihotapljene knjige morda držali v rokah februarja, sicer pa pred 26. aprilom 1584 (Kidric 1926, 119). S prvim popolnim prevodom Svetega pisma se je slovenšcina dokoncno uvrstila med razvite knjižne jezike. Tako je postala štirinajsti jezik, v katerem je knjiga vseh knjig ugledala luc sveta – in to kot tedaj eden najmanj razširjenih jezikov, ki je za­pisano Božjo besedo izpovedal v celoti (Wikipedia 2020). 2. Dalmatinov izvor Namen pricujocega prispevka je osvetliti vprašanje, kdo in od kod je bil Jurij Dalma-tin, ki ga je Trubar ob izidu Svetega pisma oznacil kot nekdanjega revnega šolarja s Kranjskega in ki je kot Dalmatin podpisan izkljucno v lastnih slovenskih tiskih. V nemških rokopisnih virih – pismih, porocilih, zapisnikih – njegov priimek praviloma najdemo v latinski obliki Dalmatinus, kot se je dosledno podpisoval sam, tudi ko je šlo za nemško besedilo, tako vedno v latinskem kontekstu in z latinsko obliko osebnega imena Georgius (Rajhman 1997, 46; 56; 63; 66; 69; 74; 78; 84; 89; 93; 96; 97; 101; 105; 109; 112; 118; 130; 142; 144; 153; 165; Kidric 1926, 116), npr. M.[agister] Georgius Dalmatinus sacrarum literarum in Schola Tübingensi Studi­osus (Rajhman 1997, 56). Drugi, denimo Trubar, so ga vcasih imenovali tudi Dal­mata (Rajhman 1986, 227; 233; 236; 241; Kidric 1926, 116),1 kar je bilo latinsko poimenovanje za Dalmatinca in je velikokrat izpricano v univerzitetnih matrikah kot oznaka geografskega izvora študentov (Gall in Szaivert 1971, 250; Andritsch 1977, 391). Kot Dalmatin, torej brez latinske koncnice -us, se naš ob Trubarju naj­pomembnejši protestantski pisec in clani njegove družine pojavljajo v nemških virih le izjemoma, in sicer v ljubljanskih mestnih sodnih zapisnikih, racunskih in davcnih knjigah, ki odražajo živo rabo priimka tako v slovenšcini kot v nemšcini (ZAL, LJU 488, imenska kartoteka k Cod. I in XIII, Dalmatin.). Ni dvoma, da so Juri­ja Dalmatina v obicajnih življenjskih situacijah imenovali Dalmatin, uceni krogi in tudi deželni stanovi pa so vselej pazili, da so njegov priimek zapisovali in sklanjali latinsko – Dalmatinus, Dalmatini, Dalmatino itd. Latinski razlicici Dalmatinus in Dalmata še izraziteje kot Dalmatin pricata o za­vesti zapisovalcev, kakšen je izvorni pomen priimka: Dalmatinec, torej nekdo, ki iz Dalmacije bodisi prihaja bodisi od tam izvira. Pri tem se postavlja eno kljucnih vprašanj naše obravnave, in sicer, kakšna je bila dejanska zveza Jurija Dalmatina z Dalmacijo in kje je njegov priimek nastal. Sam priimek ima v slovenskem prostoru v morfološkem pogledu vrsto vzpore­dnic v priimkih s koncnico -in, npr. Jakopin, Gregorin, Potrpin, Pobežin (Bezlaj 1974, 179; 224; 460; 476). Najdemo ga tudi kot oznako za etnicni oziroma geografski izvor, kot izpeljanko iz etnonimov Hrvat in Oger: Hrvatin, Hrovatin, Ogrin, Vogrin ipd. (213; 410; 684). Toda kolikor je znano, razen pri Juriju Dalmatinu, njegovi ženi in otrocih kognomen Dalmatin ni izprican nikoli, kar je zelo pomenljivo.2 Seveda je prav mogoce, da je obstajal tudi neodvisno od Dalmatinove ožje družine, a je medtem že izumrl – kot denimo priimek Trubar, ki se na Trubarjevi rodni Rašici prvotno pojavlja kot Trobar in ga do zacetka 17. stoletja srecujemo tudi zunaj Do-lenjske, potem pa ne vec (Golec 2010b, 353–378). Vendar pa se pri Juriju Dalma­tinu vsiljuje mocan pomislek, da Dalmatin ni bil njegov prvotni priimek, ampak si ga je nadel sam. Kot bomo videli, je obmocje Krškega, od koder je izviral, v njego­vem casu zelo dobro pokrito z viri, ki razodevajo množico rodbinskih imen – ne da bi bilo katero Dalmatinovemu vsaj približno podobno.3 Šestnajsto stoletje, sredi katerega se je Jurij Dalmatin rodil (okoli leta 1547), je bilo obdobje intenzivnega nastajanja in utrjevanja priimkov, ki sicer še dolgo – vse do jožefinske dobe – niso bili nespremenljivi in dedni, tj. obvezno prenosljivi s 1 Vipavec Sebastjan Krelj, ki je vedno pisal latinsko, se je prav tako dosledno podpisoval v latinizirani obliki Crel(l)ius (Rajhman 1997, 37; 39; 42; 1986, 186; 198), samo enkrat pravi Dalmatin zanj v rodilniku: des herrn Krellij (1986, 54). 2 V Bezlajevem Zacasnem slovarju slovenskih priimkov, ki ponuja celoten priimkovni fond v Sloveniji v obdobju 1931–1948, priimka Dalmatin ni (Bezlaj 1974, 98). V drugi polovici 20. stoletja je nekdo ocitnoprevzel identiteto znamenitega protestantskega pisca. Na ljubljanskih Žalah so namrec leta 2003 poko­pali Jurija Dalmatina, rojenega leta 1927 (Grobovi Žale 2020). 3 Izjema, ki to pravzaprav ni, je ime ,gospoda‘ Hansa Dalmatinerja, s katerim je neznano kdaj pred letom 1614 posloval Franc Gall pl. Gallenstein, omenjenega leta umrli lastnik gospostva Brežice na štajerski strani Save. V njegovem zapušcinskem inventarju sta omenjeni dve nedatirani pravni zadevi; prvo je imel z Dalmatinerjem sam, drugo pa Sebastjan Leiser (StLA, Landrecht, K 242, v. Gall (1), fol. 12 in 19v, 29. 3. 1614). staršev na otroke. Posameznik je lahko v svojem življenju (celo hkrati) uporabljal vec kognomenov, odvisno od spremenljivega položaja (socialnega, geografskega, mikrolokacijskega), v katerem se je znašel (prim. Golec 2018, 208). Znameniti Mi-hael Tiffernus (1488–1555), cigar štipendijo je užival mladi Dalmatin in ki je postal vzgojitelj in svetovalec prej omenjenega württemberškega vojvode Krištofa, se je zaradi nenavadne usode – kot ugrabljenega otroka so ga našli v zapušcenem tur­škem taborišcu – sprva imenoval Turk, a si je nato po nemškem imenu Laškega (Tüffer), kjer je odrašcal, nadel humanisticno zvenece ime Tiffernus (Simoniti 1979, 204–205; 208).4 Tudi Primož Trubar (1508–1586), ki je samo priložnostno (1550) uporabil latinski psevdonim Philopatridus Illiricus (Rajhman 1982b, 211), se Trubar oz. Trobar ni pisal po ocetu, ceprav svojega oceta enkrat izrecno imenuje Mihélj Trubar, ampak je priimek prevzel po materinem rodu – ker je bil bolj unikaten in imenitnejši od ocetovega priimka Malnar (Golec 2010b, 356–357; 361–365). Ni izkljuceno, da je bil tudi Adam Bohoric (ok. 1524–1601/2) v svojem rodu prvi s tem priimkom, ceprav je že v njegovih rosnih letih izprican neki duhovnik Bohoric. Poimenovanje po pogorju Bohor, izpod katerega je bil doma (sam se je oznacil kotŠtajerec oz. Štajerec iz Krškega, ki je sicer na Kranjskem), bi si lahko nadel šele, ko se je znašel zunaj rodnega okolja, denimo, ko se je šolal v Krškem.5 Tako kot o Bohoricu – drugace kot pri Trubarju – ne vemo, iz katerega kraja pod Bohorjem je izviral in kdo so bili njegovi starši, ostajajo tudi pri Dalmatinu neznan­ka njegov natancen geografski in socialni izvor ter imeni in priimek staršev. Kaj o Dalmatinovem izvoru pravzaprav vemo? Sam se je leta 1569 v pismu kranjskim deželnim stanovom – svojem najzgodnejšem ohranjenem pisanju sploh – podpisal kot Krcan (Georgius Dalmatinus Gurkfeldianus etc.) (Rajhman 1997, 46). Na sta­nove se je kot študent univerze v Tübingenu, kjer je kot Tiffernov štipendist bival zadnja tri leta, obrnil s prošnjo za financno podporo, ki so mu jo dotlej naklonili že dvakrat. V bližnji prihodnosti je pricakoval dosego naslova magister, za podpo­ro pa ni prosil staršev, ker da »jih zelo težita revšcina in domaca stiska ter mi zato ne morejo niti najmanj pomagati« (46–47). O njegovem izvoru in zacetnem šola­nju lahko najvec izvemo iz pisma, ki ga je dve leti in pol pozneje (v zacetku leta 1572) že kot magister poslal iz Esslingena kranjskim stanovskim poverjenikom – ožjemu vodstvu deželnih stanov. Ce torej povzamemo: rojen na Kranjskem, skoraj do osemnajstega leta so ga vzgajali in vzdrževali starši, šolal pa se je v Krškem, kjer je njegov dom (hab ich zu Gurckfeldt welches dann mein heymat ist), pri Adamu Bohoricu, dokler ni bil ta iz šole odpušcen (najpozneje 1563). Nato se je Dalmatin po nasvetu dobrih prijateljev in z dovoljenjem staršev odlocil za drugo šolo v nem­ški deželi (Rajhman 1997, 53–58). Kot že omenjeno, ga je Primož Trubar leta 1565 najprej spravil v Bebenhausen. Ob pisanju pisma poverjenikom je bil tako že vec kot šest let deležen Tiffernove štipendije v Tübingenu, zdaj pa je ,svoje skromne usluge‘ ponudil stanovom in ,slovenski kršcanski Cerkvi‘ (der windischen Christli- 4 O njegovem izvoru je Primož Trubar pisal leta 1585 v pismu vojvodi Ludviku Württemberškemu (Rajhman 1986, 293–294). 5 Nove ugotovitve o Adamu Bohoricu so bile ob njegovi 500-letnici predstavljene na simpoziju „Novi pogledi na Adama Bohorica“ 27. oktobra 2021 v Ljubljani. Gl. Golec 2022. Slika 2: Podpisa Jurija Dalmatina in Adama Bohorica (ARS, AS 2, šk. 88, fasc. 54/2, sn. 3, pag. 130, 30. 7. 1583). chen Kirche). Navedel je še pomemben podatek, da je prišel pred enim letom (1571) na Kranjsko obiskat starše (als ich vor einem Jar in daß Crainlandt meine liebe Eltern haimbzusuchen ankommen) (54; 57). Žal o Dalmatinovem geografskem in socialnem zaledju nimamo tako povedne­ga vira, kot je reverz za štipendijo, ki so jo kranjski deželni stanovi leta 1585 dode­lili mlademu Vipavcu Matiji Trostu za študij v Tübingenu. V njem je ta zgodaj umr­li prevajalec Andreaejeve pridige ob pogrebu Primoža Trubarja, tiskane leta 1588, o sebi povedal, da je sin pokojnega vipavskega tržana Kocjana Trosta in njegove žene Helene (Rupel 1954, 59). Glede na izpricano šolanje Dalmatina v Krškem, »kjer je moj dom« (1572), samooznako Krcan (Gurkfeldianus) (1569) in Trubarje­vo navedbo (1568), da je tübingenški študent Georgius Dalmata doma iz Krškega (von Gurgveld bürtig) (Rajhman 1986, 227), bi moralo biti na dlani, da je Dalmatin enako kot mlajši Trost prihajal iz urbanega okolja – iz Krškega, ki je bilo približno sedemdeset let pred njegovim rojstvom, leta 1477, povzdignjeno iz trga v dežel­noknežje mesto (Mlinaric 1977, 39–40). Zelo verjetno je Jurij res odrašcal pri star-ših v mestu, lahko pa bi bil tudi otrok podeželske okolice – tako kot Trubar ni izvi­ral iz same vasi Rašica, ampak iz mlina v njeni neposredni bližini, kar je sam nekoc izrazil z besedami: »blizi mujga rojeniga domu per (!) Rastcici« (Golec 2010b, 217). In ce oce prve slovenske knjige ne bi sam zapisal, kje se je rodil, urbarji gospostva Turjak pa se ne bi ohranili, bi ga imeli za Turjacana, rojenega blizu turjaškega gra­du, saj se je leta 1528 na dunajsko univerzo imatrikuliral kot »Primus Truber ex Aursperg« (Gall in Szaivert, 1971, 45). Tako kot so se študenti opredeljevali po domacem gospostvu, župniji oziroma najbližjem mestu ali trgu – trški otrok Ma-tija Trost denimo kot Vipacen.is Illyricus (Rupel 1954, 55; 59), kar poleg trga Vipa­va lahko pomeni tudi širše Vipavsko (gospostvo, župnijo) –, za Dalmatina ni mo­goce reci z gotovostjo, ampak le s precejšnjo verjetnostjo, da je izviral iz samega mesta Krško. Revšcino njegovih leta 1571 še živecih staršev je treba razumeti kot relativno uboštvo, kot nezmožnost, da bi podpirali v tujini živecega sina študenta – torej nikakor ne nujno kot revšcino glede na socialno okolje, v katerem so žive­ li. Ljubljancan Janž Znojilšek je, na primer, v svojem imenu in v imenu Adama Bo­horica mlajšega, ko sta bila leta 1588 sprejeta na univerzo v Wittenbergu, pisal kranjskim deželnim stanovom, da je premoženje starega ucitelja Adama Bohorica tako skromno, »da na žalost ne more pomagati vec niti svojemu sinu« (Rajhman 1997, 157–158; 169–161). Tudi Dalmatinov pecatnik z nicimer ne nakazuje, kakšnega socialnega izvora je bil oziroma s cim so se ukvarjali njegovi starši.6 Za primerjavo povejmo, da je imel Primož Trubar na pecatniku tesarsko sekiro, s cimer je sporocal, da je sin tesarja, kar je sicer izprical tudi v besedi (Golec 2009, 58–59). Pecatnik Jurija Dalmatina pa prikazuje prekrižana predmeta, najverjetneje bakli, ki simbolizirata svetlobo oziroma ucenost, in nad njima krono, ki bi utegnila biti krona Matere Božje.7 Iz casa, ko so Dalmatinovi starši potrjeno še živeli, je na voljo obsežen urbar krškega gospostva iz leta 1570, ki zajema veliko vecino podložnikov na širšem ob-mocju Krškega – razen maloštevilnih podanikov drugih zemljiških gospodov – in tudi popis placnikov dvornega cinža, ki so mu bili zavezani vsi gospodarji v mestu. Toda drugace kot priimek Bohoric, ki se pojavi samo pri njivi in vinogradu Adama Bohorica (ARS, AS 1, šk. 81, I/46, Lit. G VIII–4, novoreformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1570, pag. 477 in 523; AS 174, Terezijanski kataster za Kranjsko, šk. 114, RDA, N 141, No. 29, novoreformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1575 s. p., Zinss von Akhern vnd Wisen; Perkrecht zu der Herschaft gehörig), tedaj že rektorja stanovske šole v Ljubljani – tako v tem kot v naslednjem urbarju iz leta 1575 zaman išcemo kakr­šno koli sled za podložniki ali mestnimi ljudmi s priimkom Dalmatin oziroma po­dobno. Možnost, da urbarja priimka, ce bi le obstajal, ne bi zajela – tako niti prihasnovalcih njiv in vinogradov –, je resnicno majhna. Še posebej za mesto Krško, kjer je pri gospodarjih neredko navedeno tudi ime prejšnjega gospodarja oziroma hišno ime, npr. Blaže Rožic placuje od oštata Jakoba Peitlerja, Boštjan Studencarpa od Šterkove polovice oštata. Veliko vecja je verjetnost, da Dalmatinovih staršev okolica pod tem rodbinskim imenom ni poznala. Poleg tega sta se za mestno okolje ohranili mestna knjiga (1543–1679) – s sicer neredno vpisovanimi sodnimi in drugimi zadevami ter mno­žico imen novosprejetih mešcanov od leta 1543 dalje (ARS, AS 1080, šk. 8, fasc. 11, Civitatensia, Mesto Krško, mestna knjiga 1539–1679, s. p.) – in retrogradno sestavljena cehovska knjiga krojaškega ceha, v katero so vpisovali tudi druge po- 6 Znani so trije odtisi pecatnika: ARS, AS 2, šk. 88, fasc. 54/2, sn. 3, pag. 325, 30. 5. 1583; pag. 326, 5. 7. 1584; pag. 366, 10. 9. 1583. 7 Za razlago pomena vsebine pecatnika se iskreno zahvaljujem izr. prof. dr. Tomislavu Galovicu iz Zagreba. klice, clane krojaške bratovšcine (ARS, AS 501, šk. 1, bratovšcinska knjiga, pag. 26–31). Ce je bil Jurij mestni otrok, potem se resnicni priimek njegove družine skriva v naboru na novo sprejetih mešcanov, hišnih in drugih gospodarjev, oseb, ki nastopajo v sodnih pravdah, ali med clani krojaške bratovšcine. Drugo vprašanje je, kako priti do spoznanja, kateri priimek je pravi. Literarni zgodovinarji se niso nikoli ukvarjali z vprašanjem, ali gre pri priimku Jurija Dalmatina za podedovani ali novoustvarjeni priimek. Pri F. Kidricu beremo: »Eden prednikov se je najbrž priselil iz Dalmacije ali preko Dalmacije, oce pa je bil po vsej priliki že sloveniziran ter je izvrševal najbrž kako obrt v Krškem.« (1926, 116) A. Slodnjak je domišljiji pustil še bolj prosto pot. Mladenic »z mediteranskim imenom« naj bi bil po njegovem »potomec siromašnih ljudi, ki so se morebiti pri­selili v Slovenijo s Hrvaškega«; Dalmatinov »domaci kraj« naj bi bilo preprosto »mestece Krško« (Slodnjak 1977, 71). Takšno nehistoricno gledanje je seveda lah­ko silno zavajajoce. Najprej bi se bilo treba vprašati, kaj je v 16. stoletju veljalo za Dalmacijo oziroma katero prebivalstvo za Dalmatince, takoj zatem pa, kako bi si­romašni ljudje z južnih obmocij lahko pristali v Krškem oziroma njegovi okolici. Sodobne predstave v obeh primerih odpovedo. Dalmacija, po kateri si je naš pre­vajalec Svetega pisma nadel priimek, ki ga je dosledno uporabljal – ne samo kot dodatno oznako, tako kot Trost ali Vlacic Ilirik –, je bila v njegovem casu in še po­zneje veliko širši pojem od današnje Dalmacije. Takšna, kakršno jo poznamo danes, s politicnimi mejami, kot jih je kot avstrijska dežela imela do leta 1918 (brez po­zneje odpadle Boke Kotorske), je dobila vzhodno kopensko mejo šele leta 1718, po beneški zmagi nad Osmansko državo (obenem je to današnja državna meja med Hrvaško ter Bosno in Hercegovino). Na severu je namrec na kopnem segala do južnega Velebita in na morju precej dlje navzgor do vkljucno otoka Raba (Du­gacki in Regan 2018, 232–233; 254–255). Da ne govorimo o srednjeveški in še posebej anticni Dalmaciji, ki je zajemala znaten del zahodnega Balkana – na vzho­du do Drine in na severu do Kolpe (62–63). Zlasti proti severu se njene geografske meje nikakor niso ujemale s politicnimi. Dalmacija 16. stoletja, denimo, ni bila samo beneška Dalmacija, ampak se je imelo za Dalmatince prebivalstvo, ki je ži­velo vse do meje Svetega rimskega cesarstva na Kolpi (torej do današnje sloven-sko-hrvaške državne meje) in deloma tudi v mejah tega cesarstva v Istri, kar velja še posebej za izobražence. Med dunajskimi in graškimi študenti z opredelitvijoDalmatinec (Dalmata) ne srecamo samo Splitcanov, Šibenicanov, Trogircanov ali Hvarcanov, ampak v nic manjšem številu študente, ki so se identificirali z Istro, istrskim Pazinom in Lupoglavom, s Kastvom, še zlasti pa s Senjem in Reko8 – in nekateri posamezniki celo s Trstom, Vipavsko in Kanalom ob Soci.9 Ko si je Dalma- 8 Dalmatinci (Dalmata) iz prostora severno od današnje Dalmacije so bili doma: iz Istre (Dunaj 1552), is-trskega Pazina (Dunaj 1576, Gradec 1605), Lupoglava v Istri (Gradec 1595), iz Senja (Gradec 1605, 1640, 1649, 1650 in 1654, Dunaj 1660), z Reke (Gradec 1628, 1633, 1635, 1640, 1641 in 1649) in iz Kastva (Dunaj 1667) (Gall in Szaivert 1971, 97; 169; 1975, 6; 38; Andritsch 1977, 95; 145; 183–184; 260; 266; 1980, 41; 176; 182; 196; 238; 246; 262; 281; 284). Kot Dalmatinci so se še v drugi polovici 18. stoletja (med 1771 in 1780) opredeljevali nekateri graški študenti, doma z obeh strani Kolpe: iz Broda na Kolpi, Dragatuša v Beli krajini in Kostela (Golec 2012, 30; 91). 9 Takšni so bili v tretji cetrtini 16. stoletja trije dunajski študenti: Zacharias Bonaza Dalmata Tergesinus tin kot humanist in izobraženec nadel ime po tej anticni pokrajini, bi torej lahko imel v mislih zelo širok prostor – ali Dalmacijo svojega casa, razdeljeno med Be-neško Republiko, Ogrsko kraljestvo, Osmansko državo in Sveto rimsko cesarstvo (v delu Istre), ali pa celo anticno Dalmacijo. Vsekakor pa je s priimkom hotel po­vedati, da segajo njegove korenine (tudi) v prostor južno od Kolpe in Gorjancev. Toda kam konkretno? Žal ne vemo, kdo od prednikov in kdaj naj bi se priselil v Dalmatinove rodne kraje v kranjskem Posavju. Za nacin priselitve se ponujata pred­vsem dve možnosti, ki sta odvisni od tega, ali je bil cilj priselitve mesto Krško ali nje­gova okolica (krško zemljiško gospostvo). Ce se je Jurijev prednik priselil naravnost v Krško, skorajda ni mogel biti drugega kot obrtnik ali trgovec in je prišel sam, morda še s kakšnim tovarišem, a težko s celo družino. Ce pa se je priselil na podeželje, je moral biti kmecki clovek, ki ga je v svet pognala sila – in sicer najprej in najverjetneje osmanska pustošenja oziroma zasedba njegove ožje domovine. Tak clovek bi sam ali z ožjo družino prišel le izjemoma, veliko prej organizirano kot begunec in kolonist na dodobra izpraznjeno Krško polje, kjer bi postal podložnik enega od gospostev. Najprej si pobliže oglejmo prvo možnost, priselitev iz vzhodnojadranskega pro-stora v mesto Krško. Da si obrtnik ali mali trgovec izbere Krško, ki je bilo v prvi polovici 16. stoletja dokaj perspektivno in za slovenske razmere srednje veliko mesto, bi bilo razumljivo. Tak clovek bi bil glede na gospodarske in politicne raz-mere veliko prej ,Dalmatinec‘ iz enega od istrskih ali kvarnerskih mest in mestec kakor iz prostora južno od Velebita. Tako poznamo v Ljubljani uspešno trgovsko rodbino Frankovic, katere poslovne zveze z Reko dajejo slutiti, da se je njen zace­tnik pred sredino 16. stoletja priselil iz Istre ali Hrvaškega primorja (Fabjancic 2013, 113). Nadaljnja pot za zaslužkom je iz Ljubljane vsekakor lahko vodila tudi v Krško, tako po kopnem kot po Savi, ki je v 16. stoletju postajala vse pomembnejša pro-metnica (Umek 1999, 263–270). Praviloma bi bil tak priseljenec že od doma oseb-no svoboden in samski, v Krškem pa bi si scasoma ustvaril družino ter ob izpolni­tvi pogoja, da si je kupil hišo in se oženil, dobil mešcanske pravice. V novo okolje bi bodisi prinesel priimek svojih staršev ali pa bi v casu intenzivnega nastajanja priimkov tega dobil oziroma si ga nadel sam šele v Krškem. Že znani viri o krškem mestnem prebivalstvu iz 16. stoletja poznajo vec priimkov Krcanov, ki zvenijo hrvaško oziroma jih najdemo tako na Slovenskem kot na Hrva­škem. Takšni so (navedena je samo najzgodnejša omemba, razen pri krojacih, ki casovno niso opredeljeni, pa je kot zgornja casovna meja upoštevan urbar iz leta 1570):10 Catnica (1566), Domin (krojac), Drapošaj (1562), Draguša (urbar 1570), Glu­hak (1560), Gardina (1541), Gregoric (mešcan od 1563), Juršic (mešcan od 1563), Juršak (krojac), Jakšic (urbar 1570), Jankovic (urbar 1570), Jancic (mešcan od 1541, mestni sodnik 1556), Kerušic (1556), Kodric (krojac), Koncic (kovac, mešcan od 1558), (1556), Stephanus Grosl ex Wipach Dalmata in Andreas Iaritsch Ganalicensis Dalmata (1568) (Gall in Szaivert 1977, 144; 149–150). 10 Kadar ne gre za urbar iz leta 1570, se letnica nanaša na omembo v mestni knjigi, pri clanih krojaškega ceha pa letnic ne poznamo. Viri: ARS, AS 1080, šk. 8, fasc. 11, Civitatensia, Mesto Krško, mestna knjiga 1539–1679, s. p.; AS 501, šk. 1, bratovšcinska knjiga, pag. 26–31; AS 1, šk. 81, I/46, Lit. G VIII–4, novo­reformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1570, pag. 481–530. Knežic (cevljar, mešcan od 1558), Krajac (od 1552), Kupic (mešcan od 1562), Lašic (cevljar, mešcan od 1549), Loncaric (cevljar, mešcan od 1541), Ladovic (krojac), Mar­kovic ali Šmid (mešcan od 1569), Mešaric (mešcan od 1558), Marketic (sodar, me­šcan od 1563), Mavric (krojac), Marincic (krojac, mešcan od 1558), Maric (urbar 1570), Mihalic (jermenar, mešcan od 1567), Pecic (padar, mešcan od 1558), Peric(od 1551), Radovan ali Šerer (mešcan od 1563), Redic (mešcan od 1569), Silvestric(1551), Starešinic (mešcan od 1569), Staršic (mešcan od 1562), Šlepcic (1543 že po­kojni), Španjol (urbar 1570), Turšic (mešcan od 1549), Štitina (1544), Uglašic (urbar 1570), Ulešic (mešcan od 1569), Velcic (1570) in Vencic (od 1551); ne nazadnje tudi Božic (cevljar, od 1562 mešcan, pozneje mestni sodnik), Gregorcic (cevljar, mešcan od 1563), Kalcic (od 1556, 1560 mestni sodnik), Kovacic (cevljar, mešcan od 1563), Novak (krojac) in Rožic (mesar, mešcan od 1558). Kombinacije imena in priimka, ki kažejo na posameznikov bolj ali manj verjeten neslovenski izvor so: Krajacev sin Ivan, Jurko Lašic, Mikola Marketic, Ivan Markovic in Jurka Ulešic. Koncno bi bila z dalma­tinskega obmocja zlahka tudi zlatar Aberti (mešcan od 1549) in Taljan (1579), ki jeimel samo vinograd na Trški gori. Priimek Španjol, kot se je leta 1570 pisal tedaj že nekdanji posestnik oštata v mestu, je najbolj razširjen na Rabu (Acta Croatica 2020). Od tod je bil doma glagoljaški duhovnik Franceško V(a)lentic, ki se je leta 1583 v Kamnjah na Vipavskem v glagolici podpisal kot »Dalmatin od Raba« (Marušic 1985, 23). Samooznaka Dalmatin potrjuje, kako so se v ljudskem jeziku imenovali Dalma­tinci na severnem Jadranu in kako so jih utegnili naslavljati tudi v slovenskem pro-storu. Vzemimo še primer hrvaškega protestantskega pisca in prevajalca, ki se je imenoval Anton Dalmata in je med drugim deloval v Ljubljani, kjer je leta 1579 tudi umrl. V hrvaški enciklopedistiki je drugace kot v slovenski imenovan Anton Dalmatin (Hrvatska Enciklopedija 2020.) in tako ga v slovenskem besedilu imenuje tudi Mati­ja Trost (1588): »z /…/ Antoniom Dalmatinom.« (Rupel 1954, 67)11 Zgornji nabor krških mestnih priimkov, ki bi bili lahko neslovenskega izvora, bo morda kdaj prišel prav, ce se bo kateri od njih pojavil v kakšnem (še neznanem) viru skupaj z imenom Jurija Dalmatina. Na tak nacin je bila denimo ugotovljena identiteta Trubarjevega sorodnika Luke Zweckla oziroma Lukeža Klinca, prevajalca nemških pesmi v slovenšcino, ki ga je Trubar enkrat imenoval »moj sorodnik«. Omembe njegovih poslovnih in sorodstvenih razmerij v Ljubljani in Višnji Gori so razkrile, da je bil Višnjan in da je prvotni priimek Klinc po preselitvi v Ljubljano ponemcil v Zweckl (Cvekelj). (Golec 2010a, 6–22) Ce bomo kdaj naleteli na poda­tek, da je imel Dalmatin kakšno pravdo s kom iz Krškega – še posebej ce bo taisti oznacen kot njegov krvni ali priženjeni sorodnik –, bomo prejkone bliže odgovoru, kako se je Jurijeva družina dejansko pisala. Glede na dobro dokumentiranost kr­škega mestnega prebivalstva se bo odkrivanje Dalmatinovih domacih razmer lah­ko še nadaljevalo. Od kod so sicer v 16. stoletju v Krško novi naseljenci oziroma njihovi prednikiprihajali, povedo nekateri etniki in etnonimi med krškimi priimki. Poleg Španjola 11 V ljubljanski protestantski mrliški matici je ob smrti imenovan tako, kot so ga dejansko klicali: Anthoni Dalmata (ARS, AS 2, šk. 91, fasc. 54/5, sn. 6, maticna knjiga protestantske obcine v Ljubljani 1578–1587, fol. 285v). in Taljana kaže na mediteranski izvor – in s tem potencialno ,dalmatinski‘ – samo priimek Triester, ki ga je imel krojac, sprejet v mešcanstvo leta 1581. Sicer pa gre za priimke, kot so: Beham (1546), pozneje Behamic (urbar 1570), torej Ceh, Bo­horic (urbar 1570), imenovan po bližnjem Bohorju, Kocevar (od 1551), Laibacher (od 1544 dalje), Petauer (mešcan od 1563), Postojnar (mešcan od 1563), Sama­borec (urbar 1570), Saustainer (urbar 1570), imenovan po Boštanju pri Sevnici, Steiner (mešcan od 1577), cigar nosilec je morda dobil priimek po Kamniku ali Kamnu, in Vogrin (od 1541).12 Druga možnost priselitve iz širšega dalmatinskega prostora se, kot receno, na­naša na nesvobodne osebe, podložnike. Glede na znana dejstva o migracijskih to-kovih na Krško polje približno poldrugo desetletje pred Dalmatinovim rojstvom obstaja še veliko vecja verjetnost, da so njegovi predniki prišli na Kranjsko po tej poti. Njihov prihod so pogojevala osmanska pustošenja in zasedba glavnine hrva­škega etnicnega prostora po bitki pri Mohacu leta 1526. Begunci so se pod vod­stvom zemljiških gospodov organizirano pomikali proti severu in poselili takratno zahodno Ogrsko vse do Moravske (današnji Gradišcanski Hrvati) (Budak 2007, 104). Za našo problematiko je kljucnega pomena skromen vir, ki je bil najden na Dunaju. Zastavni imetnik gospostva Krško Ivan Ungnad – sicer znan protestant, pozneje ustanovitelj Biblijskega zavoda v Urachu – je leta 1534 dunajski dvorni komori po­rocal, da je krško gospostvo skoraj opustelo, zdaj pa ga je spet dodobra poselil, in sicer »s Hrvati in drugimi ljudmi« (mit Krabathen vnd annderen Personen), ki jih je za nekaj let tudi oprostil cinža in tlake (ÖStA, AVAFHKA, Innerösterreichische Herr-schaftsakten, K 22, G–31, fol. 1–2, 19. 3. 1534).13 Trubar je tako tri desetletja po­zneje (1562) v naslednjo trditev upraviceno vkljucil tudi okolico Krškega: »Preprosto ljudstvo zgornjih slovenskih dežel, namrec tisti v Slovenski marki, ki živijo na Me-tliškem, okoli Novega mesta, Krškega in tam okoli, imajo skoraj znacaj in obicaje Hrvatov in Srbov, ki so pred Turki in iz Turcije pribežali k njim.« (Sakrausky 1987, 210; Rupel 1966, 124) O številcnosti priseljenega prebivalstva nazorno pricata dva urbarja krškega gospostva iz sedemdesetih let 16. stoletja (ARS, AS 1, šk. 81, I/46, Lit. G VIII–4, novoreformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1570; AS 174, šk. 114, RDA, N 141, No. 29, novoreformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1575). Po ugotovitvah J. Ko­ropca je bilo tedaj na Krškem polju kar 11 od 14 vasi skoraj povsem ,uskoških‘, pa tudi v krškem hribovskem uradu je bila med podložniki petina priseljencev (Koropec 1977, 52).14 Alohtonih priimkov je zato v urbarjih absolutno prevec, da bi navedli vse. Srecujemo priimke, kot so npr. Dojmovic, Dijankovic, Ratkovic, Uglašic, Vidošic, Racic, Srbcic (ARS, AS 1, šk. 81, I/46, Lit. G VIII–4, novoreformirani urbar gospostva Krško 1570, pag. 321, 333, 386, 406, 415, 416, 424) in podobno, od katerih jih je nekaj izpricanih tudi v mestu Krško, kamor so prišli s kmeckimi priseljenci iz okolice (komaj kateri neposredno po priselitvi v krško gospostvo). Hrvaški izvor in ohranja­nje jezika potrjujejo v najstarejšem ohranjenem urbarju (1570) tudi nekatera oseb­ 12 Gl. op. 10. 13 Prim. Adamcek 1980, 258. O naselitvi Hrvatov malo pred letom 1534, gl. Golec 2012, 77. 14 Koropec ni vedel za Ungnadovo naselitev Hrvatov niti ni navedel etnicnega ali geografskega izvora priseljencev. na imena – tista, ki so jih zapisali v izvirni obliki, npr. Petrica Vukovic in Ivan Dijan­kovic v Skopicah, Baric Caric v Župeci vasi, Mikula Vrag v Krški vasi, Stipan Uglašic na Hrastju, Mikula Matelic ter Juvan (Ivan) in Vide Srbcic na Drnovem in drugi (pag. 328; 333; 395; 403; 417; 421; 424; 429). Kako dolgo so priseljenci, pravno izenace­ni s podložniki staroselci, svoj jezik in hrvaško identiteto obdržali, je bilo odvisno od vec dejavnikov in mocno lokalno pogojeno. Za ohranjanje obojega nikakor niso mogle biti ugodne naslednje okolišcine: pomešanost s staroselci, locenost od ro­jakov na Hrvaškem in tudi od ,Hrvatov‘ v Beli krajini ter odsotnost hrvaške duho­všcine. Na hrvaška osebna imena (Ive, Grga, Mate idr.) naletimo na Krškem polju (kot tudi med Savo in Gorjanci) precej pogosto sicer še sredi 18. stoletja, mnogi priimki pa so se ohranili do danes (Golec 2012, 76). V casu, ko je Jurij Dalmatin v Krškem ali njegovi bližini prišel na svet, bi bila gle­de na opisano številcnost hrvaških priseljencev v krškem gospostvu najverjetnej­ša razlaga za njegovo ,dalmatinsko‘ poreklo naslednja: mati je bila domacinka, bodisi iz mesta bodisi iz okolice, oce pa otrok priseljenske družine, ki je prišla na Kranjsko okoli leta 1530 s Hrvaškega, prejkone iz Like ali s Korduna. Zelo verjetno se je oce v mestu izucil neke obrti in si ustvaril dom – najsi se je kam priženil ali pa kupil hišo. Tako bo držala Kidriceva domneva, da je bil Jurijev oce že slovenizi-ran mestni obrtnik (Kidric 1926, 116). Jurij sam je odrašcal v slovenskem okolju in njegova materinšcina je bila krški govor. M. Orožen, ki je raziskovala dialektalizme v njegovem jeziku, ni zaznala kakšnih cakavskih elementov, ampak samo veliko število besed, ki jih danes ne poznamo, ne da bi lahko odgovorila, od kod so bile. Kot je zapisala, lahko samo obcudujemo Dalmatinovo ogromno poznavanje in ob-vladovanje besedja (Orožen 1977, 98). Temu kaže dodati, da se je njegov ozir na kajkavsko in cakavsko sosešcino, kot je v Bibliji izprican v Registru, verjetno opiral tudi na najbližjo cakavšcino, ki jo je slišal na Krškem polju.15 V zvezi z Dalmatinovo identiteto se postavlja kljucno vprašanje, zakaj naš preva­jalec Svetega pisma ni uporabljal ocetovega priimka ali tako kot Trubar vsaj mate-rinega, ampak se je odlocil za umetni humanisticni kognomen Dalmatinus – tako kot si je pred njim najdencek Mihael iz Laškega, imenovan Turk, raje nadel priimek Tiffernus. Bržkone je imel njegov pravi priimek neko ,napako‘, bodisi da ni bil ,lep‘ (npr. Vrag, Uglašic) ali pa ga je bilo težko izgovarjati in zapisovati. Ocitno je tudi ho­tel spoštovati in poudariti izvor svojih prednikov, za kaj takega pa je bilo kot nalašc dalmatinsko ime – kot staro anticno in v humanisticnem svetu temu ustrezno pre­poznavno. Morda ga je k rabi takšnega priimka nagovoril njegov ucitelj Adam Bo­horic v Krškem, morda se je za priimek Dalmatin odlocil šele na Nemškem po Tif­fernovem zgledu, potem ko je bil deležen njegove štipendije. Kakor koli, ko se Dal-matinovo ime leta 1566, ob imatikulaciji na univerzo v Tübingenu, prvic pojavi v virih, je Jurij že bil Dalmatinus – a ne Dalmata, kar je pomenilo Dalmatinca, temvec Dalmatinus s Kranjskega (Georgius Dalmatinus Corniolanus) (Hermelink 1906, 467). 15 Opozoriti gre na alohtono cakavsko narecje na pobocju Gorjancev, katerega relikti so se ohranili v nekaj vaseh jugovzhodno od Kostanjevice in v dveh vaseh jugovzhodno od Sv. Križa – Podbocja. Na omenjene cakavske drobce je prvi opozoril P. Kozler (1853, 1854) in temu ustrezno pri Kostanjevici tudi zacrtal potek slovensko-hrvaške etnicne meje na škodo Slovencev (Golec 2012, 76). Drugo vprašanje je, kako so priimek v njegovem casu izgovarjali. Kot receno, je v ljubljanskih mestnih in vicedomskih sodnih zapisnikih okrajšan v Dalmatin, tako kot je naveden tudi v vseh slovenskih tiskih. V teh ga vedno srecamo le v rodilniku in tožilniku (Dalmatina), nikoli v imenovalniku.16 Dalmatin je mogoce brati na tri nacine: prvic, kot Dálmatin v skladu z današnjo slovensko izreko, drugic, kot Dal-mátin, cesar slovenska ušesa ne prenesejo, in tretjic kot Dalmatín, s poudarkom na zadnjem zlogu. Izgovorjava Dálmatin je povzeta po nemški, analogija s priimki tipa Potrpin, Jakopin, Vogrin ipd. pa govori v prid slovenski izreki Dalmatín. Tudi pri slo­venski razlicici njegovega osebnega imena, ki je (podobno kot priimka) ne poznamo v imenovalniku, stvar ni tako preprosta. V Krškem je v 16. stoletju najti kar nekaj zapisov imena Jurij kot Juri (ZRC SAZU, ISJFR, Lastnoimenska kartoteka, Dalmatin), vendar ni receno, da niso Dalmatina v resnici klicali skrajšano Jur. Ob zapisih nje­govega imena – Iuria, Iurja in Jurja – sicer avtomaticno predvidevamo izgovorjavo drugega samoglasnika [i] – Jurija, prav lahko pa bi bil tudi izpušcen – torej: Jurja. Kakor koli, naš Jurij Dalmatin je bil v latinšcini Dalmatínus, naglašeno na tretjem (torej predzadnjem) samoglasniku, v nemšcini Dálmatin z naglasom na prvem zlo­gu, v slovenšcini pa gotovo Dalmatín, nemara sploh Jur Dalmatín in ne Jurij. 3. Dalmatinova sekundarna družina Kot smo videli, ne vemo o Dalmatinovi primarni družini nic dolocnega – tako niti tega, kako so se pisali njegovi starši, ki so še živeli leta 1571, ko jih je sin, zdaj že magister, leto dni pred dokoncno vrnitvijo na Kranjsko obiskal. Vse védenje o nje­govi družini je namrec omejeno na cas od leta 1580 dalje, ko se v ljubljanski pro-testantski maticni knjigi zacnejo pojavljati imena njegovih otrok. Ker je ohranjen samo mrliški del matice, vodene od zacetka leta 1578 dalje, smo za podatke o krstih in morebitnih prejšnjih smrtih Dalmatinovih otrok prikrajšani. Najprej mu je umrla hcerkica Katarina, pokopana 6. septembra 1580 na pokopališcu pri Sv. Petru (ARS, AS 2, šk. 91, fasc. 54/5, sn. 6, maticna knjiga protestantske obcine v Ljubljani 1578–1587, fol. 295v). Cez dobri dve leti, 24. oktobra 1582, je na istem mestu sledil pogreb druge hcerke Ane (fol. 306v), o kateri prav tako ne vemo, ko­liko je bila stara. Skoraj gotovo je bil od obeh omenjenih hcerk starejši sin Janez, ki je umrl 28. maja 1584, star devet let, in se je torej rodil leta 1575. Naslednji dan so ga odnesli k slovenski torkovi pridigi (zur windischen erchtag predig), ki jo je imel predikant Janž Schweiger, in od tam k Sv. Petru (fol. 310v).17 Prav tiste dni so v Ljubljani razpecevali pošiljke Svetega pisma, ki so skrivaj prispele od tiskarja v Wittenbergu (Kidric 1926, 119), veselja nad uspehom pa Dalmatinu ni skalila le smrt sina Janeza. Samo dobra dva tedna za sinom so namrec 13. junija nesli skupaj 16 V slovenskih tiskanih besedilih iz 16. stoletja se njegovo ime prvic pojavi leta 1574 v Trubarjevem delu Ta celi katehismus v rodilniku Iuria Dalmatina, nato pa do leta 1595 v oblikah: najveckrat Iuria oziroma Iurja Dalmatina, enkrat Jurja Dalmatina (Karšcanske lepe molitve, 1584) in nekajkrat okrajšano kot I. Dalmatina, (ZRC SAZU, ISJFR, Lastnoimenska kartoteka, Dalmatin). 17 29. maja 1584 je bil po gregorijanskem koledarju torek, kar pomeni, da so tudi ljubljanski protestanti medtem že prešli na novi koledar, ki je bil v habsburških dednih deželah uveden 7. januarja istega leta. k pogrebu dve deklici, hcerki Adama Bohorica in Jurija Dalmatina; njunih imen ne poznamo (ARS, AS 2, šk. 91, fasc. 54/5, sn. 6, maticna knjiga protestantske obci­ne v Ljubljani 1578–1587, fol. 310v). Naposled je v mrliški matici 16. julija 1587, tik pred koncem vpisov, zabeležen še pogreb Dalmatinovega triinpolletnega sina Marka, rojenega nekako v zacetku leta 1584, za katerega je imel nagrobno pridigo Felicijan Trubar (fol. 321v). V dobrih devetih letih in pol, kolikor jih pokriva mrliška matica (1578–1587), je torej Jurij Dalmatin izgubil pet otrok. Kot bomo videli, je imel poleg teh vsaj še dve hcerki, Suzano in Barbaro, ki ju edini poznamo kot od­rasli. Koliko otrok se mu je rodilo – znanih je sedem ali osem – in kdaj se je poro-cil, ostaja neznanka, ceprav je iz fragmentov prepisov iz krstne in porocne maticemogoce rekonstruirati tudi manjši del krstov in porok (Žabota 2019, 212-248 ). Iz teh fragmentov izvemo za tri krstne in tri porocne obrede, ki jih je Dalmatin opra­vil kot ljubljanski predikant, iz vpisov v ohranjeni mrliški matici pa izvemo, da je v letih 1578–1586 vodil vsaj 29 pogrebnih obredov (ARS, AS 2, šk. 91, fasc. 54/5, sn. 6, maticna knjiga protestantske obcine v Ljubljani 1578–1587, fol. 282v–317v). V mrliško matico so retrogradno vpisani tudi krsti šestih otrok Adama Bohorica za cas do 1578, pri cemer se Dalmatin pojavi kot kršcevalec dvakrat, leta 1573 in 1576 (fol. 280v–282r). K sreci je v mrliški matici pomotoma zabeležen in nato pre-crtan krst Dalmatinove hcerke Elizabete 3. avgusta 1580. Vpis razkriva ime žene oziroma matere Barbare, kršcevalca Gašperja Kumpergerja in imena treh botrov, od katerih sta bila dva imenitna; kot botri so zapisani: predikant Krištof Spindler, baronica Doroteja Auersperg, žena deželnega glavarja, in vdova Marjeta Eisvo-gel (fol. 293v), najbrž mešcanka. Kršcenka Elizabeta je zelo verjetno identicna s tisto Dalmatinovo hcerkico brez imena, ki so jo pokopali 13. junija 1584 – skupaj s hcerkico Adama Bohorica. Podatke o Dalmatinovih otrocih iz protestantske maticne knjige je poznal že F. Kidric in jih leta 1926 objavil v geslu o Dalmatinu v Slovenskem biografskem leksi­konu, kjer je o ženi Barbari zapisal, da njen dekliški priimek ni znan (Kidric 1926, 117).18 Med drugo svetovno vojno ga je identificiral ljubljanski mestni arhivar Vla­dislav Fabjancic – v knjigi ljubljanskih hiš, ki je še vec kot pol stoletja ostala ome­jena na nekaj tipkopisnih izvodov, je zgolj v opombi zapisal, da je bila Barbara Dalmatin hci mešcana Blaža Jauntalerja in njegove prve žene (Fabjancic 1941–1943, I. del. s. p., Stari trg 28). Širši javnosti je ta podatek postal dostopen leta 1952 v prispevku A. Svetine v Drugem Trubarjevem zborniku (Svetina 1952, 166), kjer so objavljeni tudi vsi podatki o otrocih iz protestantske matice (170–171). Barbarin izvor razkriva listina iz leta 1582, s katero sta ljubljanski mešcan Janez Kumperger kot varuh dedicev pokojnega Blaža Jauntalerja in Barbara, Jauntaler­jeva hci iz njegovega prvega zakona z ženo Heleno, zdaj žena magistra Jurija Dalmatina, predikanta kranjskih deželnih stanov, prodala od staršev podedovano hišo na Starem trgu pri lipi. Hiša je stala med hišama Viljema Heusla in Matevža Staudacherja, kupil pa jo je mešcan in nemški ucitelj Matija Venezianer (ARS, AS 1063, Kronološka serija, št. 1705, 1582 III. 9., Ljubljana). Jauntalerjeva hiša je del 18 V bibliografskem geslu o Bohoricu, objavljenem eno leto prej, Kidric maticnih podatkov o Bohoricevih otrocih še nima (Kidric 1925, 49–52). današnje hiše na Gornjem trgu 1, kjer v davcnih knjigah, vodenih od leta 1600, srecujemo ucitelja Venezianerja (Fabjancic 1941–1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Gor­nji trg 1; Suhadolnik in Anžic 2003, 65). Pri Svetinovi objavi o izvoru Dalmatinove žene Barbare je potem tudi ostalo. Vendar je na podlagi mestnih sodnih zapisnikov zgodbo mogoce vsaj nekoliko raz­širiti. Dalmatinov tast Blaž Jauntaler bodisi ni bil protestant, kar bi bilo zelo nena­vadno, ali pa je umrl pred zacetkom leta 1578, ko se protestantska mrliška matica zacenja – v njej namrec ni najti nikogar z njegovim priimkom. V nepopolno ohra­njenih sodnih zapisnikih se njegovo ime pojavi štirikrat, najprej kot Anthaller leta 1548, ko so ga kot mizarja sprejeli med ljubljanske mešcane (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 7, mestni sejni zapisniki 1548–1549, fol. 5, 2. 3. 1548). Tedaj je torej že moral biti porocen in imeti v mestu hišno posest. Ne o prvi ne o drugi ženi ni znano nic – razen imena prve žene Helene, ki je bila tudi Barbarina mati. Barbara je prišla na svet najpozneje okoli leta 1560 – glede na to, da je leta 1575 rodila sina Janeza (umrl 1584, star devet let), ki ni bil nujno najstarejši Dalmatinov otrok. Naslednjic srecamo ime Blaža Jauntalerja (Blase Jauennthaller) šele leta 1570, ko je kupoval drugo hišo na Starem trgu, vendar zanjo tedaj ni položil kupnine, zato se postopek ni nadaljeval.19 Zadnjic ga zasledimo živega leta 1571, ko so ga pred mestnim so­dišcem terjali za nek dolg (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 11, mestni sejni zapisniki 1571, fol. 138v; 174r).20 Njegov priimek na prvi pogled kaže na izvor iz koroške Podjune (Jauntal), cemur nasprotuje zapis Anthaller ob prvi pojavitvi leta 1548. Nemara je bil to njegov prvotni priimek, ki se je v Ljubljani scasoma preoblikoval v Jauntaler, tako kot ni izkljuceno, da je šlo prvotno za Auentalerja – za dobesedni prevod iz­vorno slovenskega priimka, ki bi se lahko glasil Logar ali Lokar (Aue = loka, log, Tal = dolina).21 Dalmatinova družina torej ni prebivala v podedovani in prodani Jauntalerjevi hiši. Jurij je na neznan nacin, najverjetneje z nakupom, kmalu po prihodu v Lju­bljano in nastopu službe stanovskega predikanta (1572)22 prišel do lastništva hiše na Starem trgu. Zanjo izvemo iz sklepa v mestnih sejnih zapisnikih 7. novembra 1575, ko je bilo treba odstraniti sipino, ki jo je pred njegovo hišo naplavil dež z Rebri pod ljubljanskim gradom (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 12, mestni sejni zapisni­ki 1575, fol. 203v; prim. Svetina 1952, 165). Kot je ugotovil V. Fabjancic, je šlo za 19 Šlo je za hišo pokojnega Blaža Zorca ali Šorca med Engelshauserjevo hišo in hišo Franca Honigsteinerja. Jauntalerju jo je hotel prodati zastopnik lastnika Franca Frankovica, ki pa ni hotel nadaljevati postopka, dokler ne bi dobil denarja (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 10, mestni sejni zapisniki 1570, fol. 84v, 17. 3. 1570). Glede na to, da so Engelshauserji vsaj od leta 1543 in še globoko v 17. stoletje imeli hišo na današnjemStarem trgu 26, ni pa znano, katera je bila Honigsteinerjeva, je šlo pri Zorcevi/Šorcevi hiši bodisi za hišo št. 24 bodisi št. 28 (Suhadolnik, Anžic 2003, 162–164). Slednja je bila pozneje v rokah Jurija Dalmatina. 20 Po smrti se njegovo ime pojavi v sodnih zapisnikih še leta 1588, ko sta varuha njegovih otrok Andrej Aleksandrin in Janez Kumperger v neki zadevi nastopila proti Matiji Venezianerju (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 13, mestni sejni zapisniki 1587–1588, fol. 128v), ki ga poznamo kot kupca Jauntalerjeve hiše. 21 Taki prevodi priimkov v 16. stoletju in prej niso bili redki. Prim. Trubarjevega sorodnika Lukeža Klinca, ki je v Ljubljani postal Zweckl (Cvekelj) (Golec 2010a, 6–22). 22 Dalmatin je bil ordiniran malo pred 14. junijem 1572 v Stuttgartu in je nastopil službo predikanta v Ljubljani tik pred 11. julijem istega leta; po svoji glavni službi je ves cas ostal ljubljanski predikant v službi kranjskih deželnih stanov (Kidric 1926, 116). Slika 3: Hiša Jurija Dalmatina na ljubljanskem Starem trgu 28 (foto: B. Golec, avgust 2020). hišo na današnjem Starem trgu 28, ki je cetrt stoletja pozneje v prvi mestni davc­ni knjigi iz leta 1600 navedena kot last dedicev Jurija Dalmatina (Fabjancic 1941– 1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Stari trg 28; Suhadolnik in Anžic 2003, 165). Skoraj go-tovo je prav to hišo leta 1570 kupoval in nazadnje tudi kupil Dalmatinov poznejši tast Blaž Jauntaler, saj je stala zraven Engelshauserjeve hiše, ki se v postopku ku­poprodaje omenja kot sosednja (ZAL, LJU 488, knj. 10, mestni sejni zapisniki 1570, fol. 84v, 17. 3. 1570). Potemtakem je Dalmatinu hišo prinesla v zakon žena – ce ne celotne kupnine, pa vsaj znaten del. Ce povzamemo: magister Jurij Dalmatin, deželnostanovski predikant v Ljublja­ni, se je oženil z domacinko Barbaro Jauntaler najpozneje leta 1574, saj je nasle­dnje leto dobil prvega znanega otroka. Tudi pridobitev hiše je morala sovpadati z ženitvijo. Ker so sodni zapisniki za obdobje 1572–74 izgubljeni, sicer ne vemo, kdaj je prišla v Dalmatinove roke in kako. Dalmatinovi so v tej hiši živeli vseskozi do Jurijeve smrti leta 1589 – in nato še dobrega cetrt stoletja. Jurij Dalmatin je bil sicer pogosto odsoten, najdlje v letih 1583–84, ko se je za­radi priprav na tisk Biblije mudil v Wittenbergu (Kidric 1926, 116), a tudi pozneje. Nekaj manj kot zadnja štiri leta svojega življenja je od 1. novembra 1585 upravljalžupnijo Škocjan pri Turjaku, ki so jo protestanti odtegnili katolicanom s pomocjo njenega patrona barona Krištofa Auersperga s Turjaka. Dalmatin se na svojo žu­pnijo sicer ni preselil, ampak je imel tam vikarja Andreja Savinca. Njegove obve­znosti v Ljubljani so se s tem nekoliko zmanjšale, župnijo pa je obiskoval le obca­sno, ko so župljani njegovo navzocnost pricakovali. Tako je njegovo bivanje v Ško­cjanu izpricano za 6. avgust 1589 (Samec 2008, 173–179), kar je sploh zadnji po­datek o Dalmatinu kot živem. Preminil je še isti mesec, 31. avgusta 1589 in bil naslednjega dne pokopan na mestnem pokopališcu pri sv. Petru. Benedikt Piroter, ki je imel zanj pogrebno pri­digo v špitalski cerkvi, središcu kranjske protestantske Cerkve, je zapisal, da je bilpokojnik predikant kranjskih deželnih stanov in župnik v Škocjanu pri Turjaku, umrl pa je okoli poldneva. Pridigar je izbral starozavezni odstavek preroka Izaije, ki go-vori o umiranju mladih zvestih mož, ki bi lahko Bogu in Cerkvi še dolgo služili. Vpis o smrti je pravocasno prepisal in ga leta 1825 objavil slovnicar Franc Metelko, s cimer je datum Dalmatinove smrti rešil pozabe (1825, XX–XXI). Ohranjeni del mr­liške matice se namrec danes konca dobri dve leti prej. Okolišcin in vzroka smrti Jurija Dalmatina ne poznamo. Lahko da je preminil nenadoma, saj je bil dobre tri tedne prej še v svoji župniji. Poslovil se je, ko mu je bilo le 42 ali 43 let, in zapustil ženo z vsaj dvema otrokoma. Dolgo ni bilo o Dalmatinovi vdovi in morebitnih preživelih otrocih znano nic. Ki­dric je v biografskem geslu o Dalmatinu navedel, da je vdova Barbara 26. julija 1590 še živela v Ljubljani in da je naslednje leto ,menda‘ še imela njegovo hišo na Starem trgu (1926, 117), Slodnjak pa je v svoji maniri rokohitrsko sklenil: »Vsi otroci so mu pomrli že v nežni dobi.« (Slodnjak 1977, 76) Resnica je drugacna in jo je v svoji tip-kopisni knjigi ljubljanskih hiš nakazal že Fabjancic, ki je v mestnih sejnih zapisnikih za leto 1615 našel dve Dalmatinovi odrasli hcerki – Suzano in Barbaro (Fabjancic 1941–1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Stari trg 28). Prvi Kidricev podatek o vdovi izvira iz njene skupne prošnje z vdovo predikanta Gašperja Kumpergerja. Vdovi sta že pred casom prosili, naj jima odobrijo prejemanje moževe place vsaj še pol leta po njegovi smrti, (superintendent) Krištof Spindler pa je nato 26. julija 1590 pisal Ju­riju baronu Khislu in stanovskim poverjenikom, da bi bilo to res kršcansko in spo­dobno.23 Drugi podatek, ki se nanaša na hišo, bi se lahko opiral na vpis poroke v protestantsko maticno knjigo, danes znan zgolj iz prepisa. 24. februarja 1591 je predikant Marko Kumpreht v hiši Barbare Dalmatin (im haus fraven Barbara Dal-matinin wittib) porocil mladoporocenca z Rakovnika (Žabota 2019, 241). Za vdovo je potem za dolgo casa izginila vsaka sled, kar bi zlahka vodilo k domnevi, da je kmalu umrla.24 Toda Barbara Dalmatin je ob moževi smrti štela kvecjemu štirideset let, raje bliže tridesetemu letu, in imela vsaj dve majhni nepreskrbljeni hcerki – zato ne preseneca, da je med letoma 1591 in 1595 pred oltar stopila še drugic. Kdo je bil njen drugi mož, razkrivajo sodni protokoli vicedomskega sodišca v Ljubljani, pred katerim je Gregor Metz namesto žene Barbare 25. novembra 1595 tožil Adama Bohorica in njegovo ženo za dolg 85 goldinarjev. Tolikšno vsoto naj bi zakonca dolgovala Barbarinemu prvemu soprogu Juriju Dalmatinu za tisk Biblije, a se je izkazalo, da je bil dolg že poravnan (ARS, AS 1, šk. 374, vicedomski sodni 23 ZRC SAZU, ISLLV, Zapušcina Franceta Kidrica, šk. 21/2, sveženj gradiva o Bohoricu in Dalmatinu, prepis Walterja Šmida, dokument 26. 7. 1590 v arhivu kranjskih deželnih stanov, fasc. 54/2; danes ni v evi­ denci (ARS, AS 2, šk. 88). 24 Tako pravi o njej M. Dolgan, 2014, 61. protokoli 1591–1596, fol. 712, 25. 11. 1595). Barbaro Dalmatin je torej od prve polovice devetdesetih let 16. stoletja treba iskati v virih kot Barbaro Metz; za zdaj ne vemo o njej nicesar drugega. V ljubljanskih mestnih sodnih protokolih oziroma sejnih zapisnikih se do leta 1612 pojavlja samo ime njenega soproga Gregorja. Pred poroko, še za Dalmatinovega življenja, je v letih 1587 in 1588 izprican kot višji nakladninski prejemnik in protipisar na Kranjskem, nato leta 1591 in 1601 kot oskrbnik pri Viljemu pl. Lambergu (v Mengšu), potem pa še veckrat, zlasti ker je precej kupceval s hišami.25 Njegovega priimka ni ne v mrliškem delu protestantske matice (1578–1587) ne v rekonstruiranih fragmentih njenega porocnega in krstne­ga dela ter nadaljevanja mrliških vpisov (ARS, AS 2, šk. 91, fasc. 54/5, sn. 6, matic­na knjiga protestantske obcine v Ljubljani 1578–1587; Žabota 2019, 212–251). Tako ne vemo, ali je bil pred poroko z vdovo Dalmatinovo že kdaj porocen. Kdaj po letu 1595 se je s tega sveta poslovila Barbara Dalmatin, rojena Jauntaler in vnovic porocena Metz, ostaja neznanka. Tudi ce je Metz do konca ostal v njeni hiši, ni nujno, da ga je žena preživela. Dalmatinova hiša na ljubljanskem Starem trgu je bila v mestnih davcnih knjigah do leta 1615 vodena kot hiša dedicev Jurija Dalmatina, od 1616 do 1628 pa dedicev Janeza Aša (Asch). V njej so poleg lastnikov prebivali (in placevali del davka) razlic­ni najemniki, najprej doktor medicine Jožef Gandin (1604–1606) (Fabjancic 1941– 1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Stari trg 28; Suhadolnik, Anžic 2003, 165). Eden od njih se je leta 1615 z Dalmatinovima hcerkama sprl, tako da iz sodnega zapisnika izvemo, kdo so bili ti skrivnostni Dalmatinovi dedici oziroma dedinji. Ranocelnik Lenart Han-fling je Dalmatinovi hcerki (die Dalmatinischen töchter) tožil, ker da sta njegovemu pokojnemu predhodniku Matevžu Friedrichu sobo oddajali v najem za drugacno najemnino (zinsweis ausgelassen) in ker noceta placati 220 goldinarjev (povracila). Mestni svet je Dalmatinovima hcerkama Suzani in Barbari naložil, naj Hanflingu v enem mesecu sobo izpraznita ali pa mu v enakem roku izrocita denar skupaj z obrestmi. (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 23, mestni sejni zapisniki 1615, fol. 202v–203r, 5. 11. 1615) Ker tega nista storili, je ranocelnik po dobrem mesecu za uresnicitev naloženega pred sodišcem izposloval 14-dnevni rok (fol. 244, 14. 12. 1615). Sestri bi v tem casu morali 220 goldinarjev vrniti Friedrichovim sirotam, nad katerimi je Hanfling prevzel varuštvo, kar izvemo iz sodnih zapisnikov takoj zatem, 8. januarja 1616. Mož ene od sester, Ambrož Cukulin (Zuggelin), sicer izdelovalec sabelj (Sä­belschmidt), je v imenu svoje neimenovane žene in njene sestre kot Dalmatinovih dedinj prosil za podaljšanje roka do mihelovega (tj. do 29. septembra) istega leta (knj. 24, mestni sejni zapisniki 1616, fol. 9r, 8. 1. 1616). Dolg je bil nato poravnan v manj kot pol leta, saj je Hanfling že 30. junija prosil mestni svet, naj mu izroci 234 25 Zadnjic se omenja kot živ 20. julija 1612, njegova kupoprodajna pogodba iz leta 1599 pa še v zapisnikih 13. marca 1615 (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 16, mestni sejni zapisniki 1599, fol. 29, 29v, 31 in 64; knj. 18, mestni sejni zapisniki 1601–2, fol. 71v in 89; knj. 19, mestni sejni zapisniki 1605–6, fol. 111v, 113, 123v, 124 in 133v; knj. 22, mestni sejni zapisniki 1612, fol. 111–111v; knj. 23, mestni sejni zapisniki 1615, fol. 47–47v). – Viljem pl. Lamberg je imel po M. Smole med letoma 1590 in 1606 mengeški Stari grad, v zacetku 17. stoletja pa tudi Cešenik, Jablje in Crnelo (Smole 1982, 635). Po J. B. Wittingu je bil taisti Janez Viljem prvic porocen z Ano pl. Auersperg in drugic s Sabino pl. Auersperg ter 18. februarja 1597 povz­dignjen v barona (Witting 1895, 181). goldinarjev, ki so jih Dalmatinovi dedici že deponirali (fol. 134v, 30. 6. 1616). Izpla-cilo tudi posredno prica, zakaj se je hiša istega leta znašla v rokah novega lastnika. Dalmatinovi hcerki Barbara in Suzana sta dolg ocitno lahko poravnali le iz kupnine zanjo. Glede na to, da se njuna mati, ki je bila (po možu) prav tako dedinja, ne ome­nja vec, je morala biti leta 1615 že pokojna. Ena od obeh hcera je torej najpozneje leta 1615 postala žena Ambroža Cukuli­na, stan druge – samska ali porocena – pa iz mestnih sodnih zapisnikov ni razviden. Dejansko sta bili poroceni obe, vendar sta vpisa njunih porok v najstarejši poroc­ni matici ljubljanske stolne župnije dvoumna, zato iz njiju brez referencnih podat­kov, kako je bilo sestrama ime, hcerk Jurija Dalmatina ne bi mogli z gotovostjo identificirati. Priimek prve je naveden kot Dalmata, pri drugi pa kot Tholmatinin – v ženski obliki s koncnico -in. Prva se je 25. septembra 1611 omožila Suzana, ki je bila verjetno tudi starejša, rojena okvirno okoli leta 1580. V porocni matici je oznacena kot Susana filia Ge-orgii Dalmatae. Njen soprog je bil Janez Legat, porocni prici pa nevestin ocim Gre­gor Metz in Danijel Schmizer (NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, P 1605–1632, pag. 48). Legat je nedvomno identicen s Hansom Legatom, krojacem iz Radovljice, ki so mu pol leta pozneje – 30. marca 1612 – podelili mešcanske pravice (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 23, mestni sejni zapisniki 1612, fol. 46v). Iz me-stnih davcnih knjig ni razvidno, da bi imel v Ljubljani lastno hišo (prim. Fabjancic 1941–1943). Po vsem sodec je mešcanstvo pridobil na podlagi ženine dedišcine, polovice Dalmatinove hiše na Starem trgu. V sodnih zapisnikih in drugih mestnih evidencah se njegovo ime odtlej ne pojavlja (ZAL, LJU 488, imenska kartoteka k Cod. I in XIII, Dalmatin), pac pa razkrivajo navzocnost zakoncev Janeza in Suzane Legat v Ljubljani krstne maticne knjige. Med letoma 1613 in 1618 so se Legatoma rodile tri hcerke: Ludovika, kršcena 31. maja 1613, Ana, ki so jo nesli h krstu 11. junija 1616, in Marija, kršcena 25. avgusta 1618. Prvi in tretji hcerki je bil boter Melhior Forest, drugi in tretji botra Sofija Peserl, prvi ob Forestu botra Ludovika Stapule, po kateri je kršcenka dobila ime, in drugi ob botri Peserlovi Janez Ossi.(NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, R 1607–1614, pag. 405; R 1614– 1621, pag. 82; 190) Glede na poroko za sestro in navedbo v sodnih zapisnikih za Suzaninim imenom je bila Barbara mlajša sestra, rojena v zacetku ali sredi osemdesetih let 16. stole-tja. Z že znanim Ambrožem Cukulinom (Ambrosius Zuklin) je stopila pred oltar dobri dve leti po Suzani – 29. januarja 1614 –, ob vpisu v porocno matico pa so vsi drugi podatki izostali. Ni ne ocetovega imena neveste ne imen pric ne cesa dru­gega, ampak le prazen prostor za dopolnitev vpisa (P 1605–1632, pag. 66). Zakon­cema Cukulin (Zukherli, Zukerli) sta se v naslednjih dveh letih rodila dva otroka. Hcerki Evi, kršceni 7. aprila 1615, sta bila botra Janez Aš (Asch), cigar dedici so od leta 1616 imeli Dalmatinovo hišo, in Sofija Peserl (Pesserlin), sinu Janezu pa 3. ju­nija 1616 Matija Štrukl in Marjeta Appl (R 1614–1621, pag. 23; 81). O konfesionalni pripadnosti obeh zakonskih parov ni dvoma. Kot pri mnogih drugih mladoporocencih je pri zakoncih Legat navedeno, da sta pred poroko po­novno opravila spoved (P 1605–1632, pag. 48). Izkljuceno je tudi, da bi se zakon-ska para Legat in Cukulin porocila vec let prej in bi bili njuni morebitni starejši otroci kršceni skrivaj po protestantskem obredu. Prav tako ne Cukulin, o katerem pred poroko z Barbaro Dalmatin ne vemo nicesar,26 ne Radovljican in krojac Legat jeseni 1615 s svojima ženama nista navedena na seznamu tistih maloštevilnih Lju­bljancanov, ki so jih zaradi vztrajanja v protestantski veri klicali pred protireforma­cijsko komisijo (Dimitz, 1867, 120). Hcerki Jurija Dalmatina se torej zaradi vere iz habsburških dednih dežel nista izselili, ampak sta se skupaj z veliko vecino prote­stantov uklonili protireformaciji in se pokatolicanili. O nadaljnji usodi Dalmatinovih potomcev za zdaj ne vemo skoraj nic. Hci Bar­bara Cukulin je umrla kmalu po rojstvu drugega otroka, po krstu sina Janeza 3. junija 1616 in vsaj nekaj tednov pred Cukulinovo vnovicno poroko 16. aprila 1617,ko je za ženo vzel neko Katarino Skalin (NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, P 1605–1632, pag. 86), ki mu je nato med letoma 1619 in 1628 rodila še tri otroke.27 Mrliške maticne knjige iz tega casa ni (vse do 1635), zato ne vemo, kdaj natanko je Barbara zapustila ta svet in ali sta v zgodnjih letih umrla tudi oba otroka. Dalmatinovi mlajši preživeli hcerki je bilo ob smrti manj kot 40 let. Glede na to, da po letu 1635 v mrliških maticah ni niti njene sestre Suzane Legat in ne clanov sestrine družine (M 1635–1657, M 1658–1735), lahko sklepamo, da so že pred tem vsi pomrli ali, kar je bolj verjetno, Ljubljano zapustili, potem ko sta Dal-matinovi hcerki hišo morali prodati. Tudi porok morda ovdovelega Janeza Legata ter Legatovih in Cukulinovih otrok ni zaslediti (P 1605–1632, P 1632–1651), Ambrož Cukulin pa je še leta 1635 izprican kot mešcan in izdelovalec sabelj (ZAL, LJU 488, Cod. I, knj. 25, mestni sejni zapisniki, 1635, fol. 281v, 351v in 352r, 21. 7. 1635). Me-šcanstvo je lahko dobil potem, ko je leta 1622 prišel do hišne posesti na Starem trgu, danes Gornji trg 24 (Fabjancic 1941–1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Florijanska ulica 24; Suhadolnik in Anžic 2003, 90), morda pa so mu tako kot Legatu mešcanske pravice na racun priženjene polovice Dalmatinove hiše podelili že prej, a se iz tega casa me-stni sejni in sodni zapisniki niso ohranili.28 Po davcnih knjigah je med letoma 1616 in 1618 še živel v Dalmatinovi, tedaj že Aševi hiši (Fabjancic, 1941–1943, I. del. Sta-ri trg, s. p., Stari trg 28). Umrl je 5. marca 1641 in je v mrliški matici oznacen kot 60-letni sabljarski mojster oziroma kovac sabelj (framcarum magister) (NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, M 1635–1657, pag. 53), kar pomeni, da se je rodil okoli leta 1581. V davcnih knjigah so mu od leta 1641 sledili poimensko neime­novani Cukulinovi dedici, nato pa od leta 1641 dedici Luka Zauna (Fabjancic 1941– 1943, I. del. Stari trg, s. p., Florijanska ulica 24; Suhadolnik, Anžic 2003, 90). O morebitnem nadaljnjem potomstvu Jurija Dalmatina torej za zdaj ni porocil. Njegov rod bi se nadaljeval, ce je imel otroke kdo od njegovih petih vnukov z ime­ 26 V ohranjenem mrliškem delu ljubljanske protestantske matice 1578–1596 ni nobenega Cukulina, enako do leta 1615 tudi ne v krstnih maticah stolne župnije, ki se zacenjajo z letom 1588 (Ind R 1588–1621). 27 11. avgusta 1619 je bil kršcen Mihael (Zhukel), 31. marca 1626 Marija (Zukulin) in 18. septembra 1628 Uršula (Zukulin); krstni botri so bili drugi kot v Cukulinovem prejšnjem zakonu (NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, R 1614–1621, pag. 236; R 1626–1631, pag. 11 in 69). 28 Ohranjeni so zapisniki za leta 1615, 1616 in 1633–36. ni Ludovika, Ana in Marija Legat ter Eva in Janez Cukulin. Kaže, da so Legatova dekleta pomrla ali pa so se skupaj s starši odselila, medtem ko je vdovec Cukulin ostal v Ljubljani, najsi sta ga njegova otroka preživela ali ne. Kar zadeva priimek Dalmatin, je ugasnil leta 1614 s poroko mlajše hcerke Barbare, in to po manj kakor dveh generacijah – saj ga Jurij ni nosil od rojstva, ampak šele od šolskih ali še ver­jetneje študijskih let dalje. Kratice ARS – Arhiv Republike Slovenije. NŠAL – Nadškofijski arhiv Ljubljana. StLA – Steiermärkisches Landesarchiv, Graz. ZAL – Zgodovinski arhiv Ljubljana. ZRC SAZU, ISLLV – Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Inštitut za slovensko literaturo in literarne vede. ZRC SAZU, ISJFR – Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU, Inštitut za slovenski jezik. Frana Ramovša, Sekcija za zgodovino slovenskega jezika. Reference Arhivski viri ARS, AS 1, Vicedomski urad za Kranjsko, šk. 81, 374. –, AS 2, Deželni stanovi za Kranjsko, šk. 88, 91. –, AS 174, Terezijanski kataster za Kranjsko, šk. 174. –, AS 501, Krojaški ceh v Krškem, šk. 1. –, AS 1063, Zbirka listin, Kronološka serija, št. 1705. –, AS 1080, Zbirka Muzejskega društva za Kran­jsko, Muzejskega društva za Slovenijo in Historicnega društva za Kranjsko, šk. 8. NŠAL, ŽA Ljubljana–Sv. Nikolaj, Maticne knjige, Ind R 1588–1621, R 1607–1614, R 1614–1621, P 1605–1632, P 1632–1651, M 1635–1657, M 1658–1735. StLA, Landrecht, K 242. ZAL, LJU 488, Mesto Ljubljana, rokopisne knjige, Cod. I, knj. 7, 10, 11–13, 16, 23, 25. –, LJU 488, Mesto Ljubljana, rokopisne knjige, Cod XVII, šk. 429. –, LJU 488, Mesto Ljubljana, rokopisne knjige, imenska kartoteka k Cod. I in XIII. Druga neobjavljena vira ZRC SAZU, ISLLV, Zapušcina Franceta Kidrica, šk. 21. ZRC SAZU, ISJFR, Lastnoimenska kartoteka. Druge reference Acta Croatica. 2020. Opanjol. 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Primus Truber: Deut­sche Vorreden zum slowenischen und kroati­schen Reformationswerk. Wien: Evangelischer Presseverband. Samec, Drago. 2008. Jurij Dalmatin – župnik vŠkocjanu. V: Jožef Marolt, ur. Kraji in ljudje v Trubarjevi fari: Zbornik ob 500 letnici rojstva Primoža Trubarja, 173–179. Škocjan: Kulturno društvo. Simoniti, Primož. 1979. Humanizem na Sloven-skem in slovenski humanisti do srede 16. stole-tja. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. Slodnjak, Anton. 1977. Jurij Dalmatin (okrog 1546–1589). V: Smrekar 1977, 71–86. Smole, Majda. 1982. Grašcine na nekdanjem Kranjskem. Ljubljana: Državna založba Sloveni­je. Smrekar, Lado, ur. 1977. Krško skozi cas 1477– 1977: Zbornik ob 500-letnici mesta. Krško: Skupšcina obcine. Suhadolnik, Jože, in Sonja Anžic. 2003. Stari trg, Gornji trg in Levstikov trg: Arhitekturni in zgo­dovinski oris mestnih predelov in objektov, lastniki hiš ter arhivsko gradivo Zgodovinskega arhiva Ljubljana. Ljubljana: Zgodovinski arhiv. Svetina, Anton. 1952. Protestantizem v Ljubljani: Kulturnozgodovinske slike. V: Mirko Rupel, ur. Drugi Trubarjev zbornik: Ob štiristoletnici slo­venske knjige, 161–174. Ljubljana: Slovenska matica. Umek, Ema. 1999. Promet po Savi in mitnina v Krškem (1569–1574). V: Darja Mihelic, ur. Gestrinov zbornik, 263–270. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC SAZU. Wikipedia. 2020. Prevodi Svetega pisma. Wikipe­dia. https://sl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slovenski_ prevodi_Svetega_pisma (pridobljeno 2. 8. 2020). Witting, Johann Baptist. 1895. Beiträge zur Ge- nealogie des krainischen Adels. Jahrbuch der K. K. Heraldischen Gesellschaft »Adler«: Neue Folge 5:162–264. Žabota, Barbara. 2019. Protestantizem v Ljubljani od zacetkov v dvajsetih letih 16. stoletja do konca dvajsetih let 17. stoletja. Doktorska disertacija. Filozofska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 77—92 Besedilo prejeto/Received:03/2022; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 378.6(497.11Beograd):27-9 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Puzovic © 2022 Puzovic, CC BY 4.0 Vladislav Puzovic The Study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade1 Proucevanje cerkvene zgodovine na Pravoslavni teo­loški fakulteti v Beogradu Abstract: The study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Bel­grade, during the 20th century, was performed within two courses – the His­tory of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the History of Christian Church. For a certain period of time, besides these two major Church History courses, there also existed the following courses – Cultural History of Byzantium, the History of the Russian Orthodox Church, and the History of Western Christianity. These courses were taught not only by Serbian, but also by Russian professors who emigrated from Soviet Russia. This paper gives the basic outline of the scien­tific legacy of the Church History Professors at the aforementioned Faculty. The Russian professors had left the most profound mark in the field of the study of the history of the Church in Byzantium, and the history of the Monophysite and Nestorian Communities. Their scientific legacy was important for the Serbian environment as a foundation for further study of the above-mentioned themes. The scientific legacy of the Serbian professors was mostly related to the study of the Serbian ecclesiastical past. A fewer number of their scientific papers concerned the themes of the history of Western Christianity. The aim of this paper is to represent the main research directions in Church History at the Fac­ulty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade during the 20th century. The individual work of each professor has been examined as a part of a whole which repre­sents a unified scientific legacy. Keywords: Church History, the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade, Alexander Pavlovich Dobroklonsky, Stevan Dimitrijevic, Radoslav Grujic. The paper has been created within the scientific research activity of the Faculty of the Orthodox Theol­ogy of the University of Belgrade, financed by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. The article was translated into English by Ana Dragana Lupulovic, the Teacher of English Language at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology, University of Belgrade. Povzetek: Na Pravoslavni teološki fakulteti v Beogradu je proucevanje cerkvene zgodovine v 20. stoletju potekalo znotraj dveh predmetov, in sicer Zgodovine Srbske pravoslavne Cerkve ter Zgodovine kršcanske Cerkve. Poleg teh dveh ve-cjih cerkvenozgodovinskih predmetov so v dolocenih obdobjih obstajali še dru­gi predmeti: Kulturna zgodovina Bizanca, Zgodovina Ruske pravoslavne Cerkve in Zgodovina zahodnega kršcanstva. Predmetov niso poucevali le srbski, pac pa tudi ruski profesorji, ki so emigrirali iz sovjetske Rusije. Pricujoci clanek ponuja osnovni pregled znanstvene dedišcine profesorjev cerkvene zgodovine na ome­njeni fakulteti. Ruski profesorji so pustili najgloblji pecat na podrocju raziskav cerkvene zgodovine Bizanca ter zgodovine nestorijanskih in monofizitskih sku­pnosti. Njihova znanstvena dedišcina je za srbski prostor pomembna kot temelj za nadaljnje proucevanje teh tem. Znanstvena dedišcina srbskih profesorjev je bila medtem po vecini povezana s srbsko cerkveno preteklostjo. Manjše števi-lo njihovih znanstvenih objav je obravnavalo tudi teme iz zgodovine zahodnega kršcanstva. Cilj pricujocega clanka je predstaviti glavne raziskovalne smeri cer­kvene zgodovine na Pravoslavni teološki fakulteti v Beogradu skozi 20. stoletje. Predstavljeno je individualno delo posameznih profesorjev kot del celote, ki predstavlja enovito znanstveno dedišcino. Kljucne besede: cerkvena zgodovina, Pravoslavna teološka fakulteta v Beogradu, Aleksander Pavlovic Dobroklonski, Stevan Dimitrijevic, Radoslav Grujic 1. Introduction The retrospective analysis of the historical currents of theological education in higher schools of theology represents one of the preconditions for the understan­ding of the current state of academic theology as well as one of the preconditions for the promotion of further research in different theological disciplines. In such a context, the analysis of Church History study at the Faculty of Orthodox Theolo­gy in Belgrade, during the 20th century, should be observed. Bearing in mind that during the greater part of the aforementioned century there existed a common South Slavic state (The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia, later socialist Yugoslavia) the legacy of the academic study of Church History in Belgra­de can be seen as a part of a wider legacy of Church History study at the higher schools of theology in the former Yugoslavia. Observed in a wider context, the scientific legacy of the Church History Professors of Belgrade can be seen as a part of both scientific and cultural legacy in South Slavic areas during the 20th century.2 The establishment of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade was planned according to the Act on Universities, enacted in the Kingdom of Serbia in 1905. In the aforementioned context this paper is in a certain correlation with the paper of Robert Petkovšek, dedicated to the development of the theological education at the Faculty of Theology in Ljubljana, mostly in the same chronological period studied by this paper as well (Petkovšek 2019, 473–490). The problems concerning the teaching staff, and later the wars, in the second de­cade of the 20th century had postponed the opening of the Faculty. The teaching at the Faculty had begun in new historical circumstances, in the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, by the end of 1920. Since the opening of the Faculty, Church History courses have been taught. The two basic Church His­tory courses were -the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church and the History of Christian Church. During the period between the two World Wars, two courses – the Cultural History of Byzantium and the History of the Russian Orthodox Church had also been taught during a certain period of time. Since 1925 the course – the History of Christian Church was divided in such a way that the History of Western Christianity from the 11th century was taught as a separate course (Draškovic 1961, 2–3; 7). In these courses, the students of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology were given the opportunity to learn about the history of their Mother Serbian Orthodox Church, the Universal Christian Church up to the 11th century, the history of other Orthodox Churches as well as the history of the Catholic Church and Protestant Communities. 2. The Professors of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade Three Russian church historians taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade. The first of them was Doctor of Church History Alexander Pavlovich Do-broklonsky (1856–1937), an alumnus of the Moscow Theological Academy and a student of a famous Russian church historian Alexey Petrovich Lebedev. Before coming to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, he had been a Dean and a professor at the Faculty of History and Philology of Novorossisk University in Odessa. He taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade from 1920 to 1937 (APBF, Dosije A. P. D.). He chaired the first Session of the Faculty Council, held on September 6th, 1920 (APBF, Knjiga zapisnika sednica fakultetskog saveta (1920–1930), 1). He was one of the first four professors of the Faculty and the first professor of the History of Christian Church. The second Russian church historian was Teodor Ivanovich Titov (1864–1935), the Doctor of Church History and a for­mer professor of Kiev Theological Academy. He taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology from 1920 to 1935. Since the place of a professor in the Department of the History of the Christian Church had already been taken, Titov taught Biblical History with Biblical Archaeology, and later – Dogmatic Theology (APBF, Dosije T. I. T.). At the request of the Russian students, and with the approval of the Faculty Council, he taught the History of the Russian Orthodox Church, as an elective cour­se, from the 1922 (APBF, Knjiga zapisnika sednica fakultetskog saveta (1920–1930), 69; 223). In this way, after the forcible closing of Russian Theological Academies, Russian Church History, as a faculty course, continued to exist in Belgrade. The third Russian church historian was Vikenty Florianovich Fradinsky (1892–1961). Unlike Dobroklonsky and Titov, Fradinsky was not an alumnus of Russian theolo­gical academies. He had graduated, and later, in 1939, got his Th.D. at Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology. He started working at the Faculty in 1924, as an assistant librarian. He became an Assistant Professor in 1939. He was one of the few professors who restored the Faculty of Orthodox Theology after the Second World War. When the Faculty was expelled from the University of Belgrade in 1952, he declared in writing that he would stay at the Faculty (APBF, Dosije V. F. F.). He succeeded Professor Dobroklonsky in the Department of Christian Church History and taught this course up to 1961. In this way, Russian church historians held the Department of Christian Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox The­ology in Belgrade for four decades. A list of Serbian church historians who taught at the Faculty of Orthodox The­ology in Belgrade begins with Stevan Dimitrijevic (1866–1953). Dimitrijevic was an alumnus of Kiev Theological Academy and a Rector of Prizren Seminary for many years. He was the first Dean of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgra­de and the first Professor of the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church. He wor­ked at the Faculty from 1920 to 1936. He was awarded the Honorary Degree of the University of Belgrade in 1936, for his great contribution to national science and culture promotion (APBF, Dosije S. D.). The Cultural History of Byzantium was taught by Dragutin Anastasijevic (1877–1950), an alumnus of the Belgrade Facul­ty of Philosophy, who defended his Doctoral Dissertation in Munich in 1905, under the mentorship of Karl Krumbacher. Before teaching at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology he had taught as a Professor of the History of Byzantium at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. He was the first Serbian Byzantologist and the founder of the Department of Byzantology at the Faculty of Philosophy. He came to the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in 1920 and taught there until his retirement (APBF, Dosije D. A.). In 1924, hieromonk Irinej Ðordevic (1894–1952), an Oxford gradu­ate and a Doctor of Theology of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology of the Univer­sity of Athens, was elected a teaching assistant to Dobroklonsky, at the Depart­ment of Christian Church History. From 1925 he taught the History of Western Christianity, as a part of Christian Church History course. He was a specialist in the history of the Anglican Church. He had stayed at the Faculty until 1928 when he was appointed Auxiliary Bishop of Srem (APBF, Dosije I. Ð.). Archimandrite Filaret Granic (1883–1948), who taught Patrology and Canon Law from 1929, deserves the credit for the development of Church History science. He wrote a number of significant scientific papers on Church History. Granic defended his Doctoral Dis­sertation in Munich, under the mentorship of Karl Krumbacher, as well as Anasta­sijevic. Before coming to the Faculty of Orthodox Theology he had taught as a Professor of Byzantology at the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje, and from 1933 he was a part-time Professor of the History of Byzantium at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. In 1935 he became a member of the Serbian Royal Academy (Jevtic 1980, 27). Before the start of the Second World War Radoslav Grujic (1878–1955) and Ðoko Slijepcevic (1907–1993) taught at the Department of the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Grujic defended his Doctoral Dissertation at the Facul­ty of Philosophy in Zagreb, and, before coming to the Faculty of Orthodox Theo­logy he had been a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje for a long time (1920–1937). While he was in Skopje, he organized the Museum of South Serbia and started a scientific journal The Herald of the Skopje Scientific Society (Serb. ....... ........ ....... .......). He came to the Belgrade Faculty of Ortho­dox Theology in 1937. As a Faculty Professor, he became a member of the Serbi­an Royal Academy, and he established the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Belgrade. During the Second World War, with the help of Germans, he saved the holy relics of the Serbian saints from the Fruška Gora monasteries, whi­ch were looted by the Croatian Ustaše military units, since the region of Srem was a part of the so-called Independent State of Croatia. After the Second World War, he was prosecuted for collaboration by the communist authorities (APBF, Dosije R. G.). Ðoko Slijepcevic started teaching at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in 1938. Earlier on, he had become the first Doctor of Theology at this Faculty. His mentor was Stevan Dimitrijevic. Having defended his Doctoral Dissertation he went to the Faculty of Protestant Theology in Berlin for further education (APBF, Dosije Ð. S.). Before and during the Second World War he stood out as a fierce opponent of the communists. For this reason, he was forced to flee to Italy via Slovenia in 1944. He spent the rest of his life as an immigrant, mostly in Germany, where he worked at the Munich Institute for Southeast Europe. After the Second World War, when the Faculty of Orthodox Theology was expe­lled from the University of Belgrade, the longest teaching career among the church historians at the Faculty had Dušan Kašic (1914–1990). Kašic was an alumnus of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology and a student of Radoslav Grujic. He taught Church History courses for three decades, primarily the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church (1959–1988). He contributed to the development of ecumenical relations, participating as one of the Serbian Orthodox Church representatives at the 4th Assembly of the Second Vatican Council in 1965, among other things (APBF, Dosije D. K.). Besides Kašic, in the before-mentioned period, Church Histo­ry courses were taught by Ljubomir Durkovic Jakšic (1907–1997), a Doctor of Hi­story of the Faculty of Philosophy in Warsaw, as well as Dragoslav Stranjakovic (1901–1966), a Doctor of History of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. During the 30s, as a student of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Durkovic Jakšic went to Poland, where he continued his studies of Orthodox Theology in Warsaw. Later on, he got his Master and Doctoral Degree, and, in the years following the Second World War, he taught the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church at Belgrade Fa­culty of Orthodox Theology (Mladenovic 1997, 277–278). Before coming to the Faculty of Orthodox Theology Stranjakovic had taught as a Professor of National History at the Belgrade Faculty of Philosophy. After the Second World War, he ta­ught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology for several years (APBF, Dosije D. S.). By the end of the 20th century, and at the beginning of the 21st century the Church History courses were taught by Bishop Atanasije (Jevtic) (1938–2021), Predrag Puzovic (*1950) and Radomir Popovic (*1954). All three of them were the alumni of Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Jevtic had got his Doctoral Degree at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Athens, while Puzovic and Popovic had got theirs at Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology (APBF, Dosije A. J.; Dosije P. P.; Dosije R. P. File). 3. The Scientific Contribution of the Russian Professors of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade to the Study of Church History Alexander Pavlovich Dobroklonsky and Theodor Ivanovich Titov brought the tra­dition of pre-revolution Russian Church historiography to Belgrade. Dobroklonsky had defended his Master Thesis and Doctoral Dissertation at Moscow Theological Academy. Both the Thesis and Dissertation concerned the history of the Church in the time of the Ecumenical Councils. His Master Thesis, „The Work of Facundus, the Bishop of Hermiane In Defense of the Three Chapters (Pro defensione trium capitu­lorum): a Historical-Critical Research on the Epoch of the Fifth Ecumenical Council“ (Rus. „......... ......., ........ ............ . ...... .... .... (Pro de­fensione trium capitulorum): ................... ............ .. ..... V-.. ........... ......“) had been written under the mentorship of Alexey Petrovich Lebedev, one of the founders of the critical direction in the Russian Church historio­graphy. It had attracted the attention of western scientific circles. A famous German theologian Adolf von Harnack wrote a positive review of this Thesis in the journal Theologische Literaturzeitung (Dobroklonsky 1938, 6). The Doctoral Dissertation was titled „Venerable Theodore, the Confessor and the Abbot of Studion: His Time, Life, Work, and Writings“ (Rus. „........... ......, .......... . ...... ..........: ... ....., ....., ............ . ........“). It was the most com­prehensive work dedicated to the famous Byzantine theologian of the first part of the 9th century (Puzovic 2011, 57–66). Among the numerous significant Church History works published by Dobroklonsky in Russia, his four-volume textbook on the history of the Russian Church, intended for Russian Theological Seminaries, stands out. He had written this textbook relying on the methods of his professor from Moscow Theological Academy – Evgeniy Evsigneyevich Golubinsky. The chief characteristics of Lebedev and Golubinsky’s scientific work were a critical analysis of the sources and a precise factography based on source materials. Dobroklonsky took with him his teachers’ methodology to Belgrade. Titov had become a Candidate of Theology at Kiev Theological Academy, after which he got his Master and Doctoral Degree. His Candidate and Master Thesis were dealing with Biblical Studies themes, while his Doctoral Dissertation was writ­ten under the title „The Russian Orthodox Church in the Polish-Lithuanian State“ (Rus. „....... ............ ....... . .......-......... ...........“). Titov had published more than 90 scientific papers in Russia. He was famous as a speci­alist for the history of the Russian Church in Malorossia (Ukraine) as well as for the history of Kiev Theological Academy. He was the successor of Kiev Church History school tradition, with Metropolitan Makary Bulgakov as its main representative (Uljanovskij 2003, XLIV–CXXVI). The third Russian church historian at Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Vikenty Florianovich Fradinsky, studied in Belgrade and was a student of Dobro-klonsky and Titov. He was the second Doctor of Theology at this Faculty, after Ðoko Slijepcevic. He wrote his Doctoral Dissertation under the title „St. Nilus of Sinai, His Life, His Literary Work and His Moral-Ascetic Teaching“ (Serb. „..... ... ........, ..... ....., ........ ... . .......-........ .....“). This Dis­sertation represented the first systematic study by an Orthodox Theologian on this Holy Father. The Dissertation was published sequentially in the journal The­ology (Serb. ..........), and it was positively reviewed in Serbian theological circles (Kašic 1961, 29). These three Russian church historians, the professors of the Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology, contributed immensely to the study of Church History at this Faculty. Two voluminous notebooks of Dobroklonsky’s lectures on the Histo­ry of Christian Church are kept in the Faculty archive. These lectures encompass the period up to the year 1054. In his Belgrade lectures, Dobroklonsky mostly re­lied on the works of Lebedev, his teacher, but also on the works of a famous Saint Petersburg Theological Academy Professor Vasily Vasilyevich Bolotov. These les­sons had compensated for what was lacking in the Serbian Church History scien­ce. In his lectures, Dobroklonsky represented the history of the early Church during the first three centuries of the Christian persecution, and the history of the Church in the period of the seven Ecumenical Councils after that. He dedicated several chapters to the relations among the major centres in Christian East and West.3 The lectures are based on reliable factography and detailed historical-theological analysis of the key events of the Christian history in the first millennium. The tra­dition of the Russian historiographical school was conveyed in these lectures to the Belgrade Faculty of Orthodox Theology. Dobroklonsky, Titov and Fradinsky published a number of scientific papers on Church History in Serbian scientific journals. Dobroklonsky and Fradinsky made the greatest contribution in the field of the History of Christian Church, as well as Titov in the History of Serbian Orthodox Church. Dobroklonsky and Fradinsky pu­blished their major scientific papers in the Faculty scientific journal – Theology (Serb. ..........). In 1926 Dobroklonsky published his paper „The Rigour (. t.. ....ße.a.) and Dispensation (. t.. ......µ.a.) of Church Politics – a Historical Overview“ (Serb. „....... ........ ............ (. t.. ....ße.a.) . .......... (. t.. ......µ.a.) – .......... .......“). This paper deals with the complex history of rigour and dispensation of Church politics during the first millennium. The period of the 8thand 9th century, when the conflict of the two currents in the Byzantine Church was at its peak was analysed in detail. Dobro-klonsky was an expert on this since the theme of his Doctoral Dissertation con­cerned this very period. Ten years later (1936) he published a paper titled „The The first notebook of Dobroklonsky’s lectures is titled The General History of the Christian Church – the first period (up to 313) (Serb. ..... ........ .......... ..... – .... ...... (.. 313)),while the second bears the title The General History of Christian Church – second period (313–1054), part I (Serb. ..... ........ .......... ..... – ..... ...... (313–1054), I ...) (APBF). Ecumenical Councils of the Orthodox Church (their structure)“ (Serb. „.......... ...... ........... ..... (...... .........)“). That was his last published scientific paper. It analysed the historical development of the Council Institution in the Christian Church. The paper was based on the sources. Dobroklonsky used the council acts, published in the Collections of Migne, Mansi and Hefele, as well as the data from the Church Histories of Eusebius of Caesarea, Socrates Schola­sticus, Hermias Sozomen, and Theodoret of Cyr. The above-mentioned papers of Dobroklonsky made a significant contribution to the Serbian Church historio­graphy. There were no quality scientific papers on these topics in Serbian Church Historiography before Dobroklonsky (Puzovic 2012, 100–106). A few years after Dobroklonsky, Fradinsky published two of his scientific papers in Theology (Serb. ..........). In 1939 he published a paper titled „A Charisma-tic-Hierarchic Institution in the Ancient Christian Church“ (Serb. „............­.......... ........... . ...... ........... .....“). A year later (1940), a paper titled „The Church and the State. Their Relationship in the Second Period of the Christian Church from 313 to 1054“ (Serb. „..... . ....... ..... ......... ..... . ...... ....... .......... ..... .. 313 .. 1054 ......“) was published. In the former paper, which represented his inaugural lecture at the Faculty, he described three charismatic ministries in the Ancient Church: apostles, prophets and teachers. He used sources such as Didache, the Shepherd of Hermas, and the Church History of Eusebius the Bishop of Caesarea. Bishop Atanasije Jevtic pointed out that this paper »was a significant contribution to the scientific-theological effort in Serbian theology before the Second World War« (Jevtic 1980, 191). The latter paper considers the relations between the Church and the state in the Eastern Roman Empire, from the Edict of Milan to the Great Schism in the 11th century. Dobroklonsky and Fradinsky made a significant contribution to the study of the relationship between the Orthodox and Anglican Church, as well as the Monophysi­te and Nestorian communities. At the request of the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church that the expert opinion of the Faculty of Orthodox Theo­logy in Belgrade should be passed on the validity of the Anglican consecration of a bishop, Dobroklonsky, with another Russian professor -Nikolay Nikanorovich Glu­bokovsky wrote a paper titled „An Opinion of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology on the Authenticity of the Consecration of a Bishop in the Anglican Church“ (Serb. „....... ............ ......... ....... ...... . ............. .......... ........... .....“). The paper was published in Serbian Church He­rald (Serb. ...... ...... .....), in 1923. There it was stated that, from the histo­rical point of view, the apostolic succession in the Anglican Episcopacy might be recognised, but that a clear statement of the Anglican Church on the character of a consecration of a bishop, and ordination in general was necessary. During the 50s Fradinsky published a series of papers dedicated to the history of Monophysite and Nestorian communities in the Northern Africa, the Middle East, and Transcaucasia in an Anthology of Works of the Faculty of Orthodox The­ology (Serb. ....... ............ ............ .........). There he de­ scribed the history of these communities, the specificities of their dogmatic doc­trine, the basic liturgical characteristics, church administration and customs. He was of an opinion that the differences between the Orthodox Church and those communities were, in a theological domain, more of terminological than of essen­tial nature and that their separation was rather a result of historical circumstances. These works were, at that time, the most complete studies on Monophysite and Nestorian communities in Serbian Church historiography (Kašic 1961, 30–31). The papers of Titov, published in Serbian church journals, can be divided into two groups. The papers dedicated to the recent Russian Church history belong to the first group. Titov especially wanted to inform the Serbian public about the causes of the suffering of the Russian Orthodox Church in Soviet Russia, so he published papers on Russian Church History of the Synodal period. He also wrote on the suffering of the Patriarch of Moscow Tihon Belavin. To the second group of his papers belonged the texts dedicated to the idea of Svetosavlje. The idea of Svetosavlje was formed in Serbian intellectual circles in the third decade of the 20th century. Among its proponents were St. Bishop Nikolaj Velimirovic and Vene­rable Justin Popovic. Svetosavlje meant a specific philosophy of life based on the teaching of Christ, supplemented by Serbian historical experience, and it repre­sented a specific Serbian answer to the ideas of European nihilism and humanism. On the other hand, the idea of Svetosavlje had the potential to strengthen the unity of the Serbian people in the multinational Kingdom of Yugoslavia and tomake them more resistant to upcoming materialistic and atheistic ideas (Šijakovic 2019, 174–182). Titov was one of the rare foreigners who got involved in the sha­ping of this idea. The specificity of his view on Svetosavlje was reflected in his stressing its Pan-Slavic, Pan-Orthodox, and even Pan-Christian importance. He especially insisted on the Pan-Slavic significance of St. Sava, and he connected the idea of Svetosavlje with Slavophilia. On the other hand, he called upon the Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Yu­goslavia to join in the celebration of St. Sava in 1935, a jubilee year, which com­memorated seven hundred years since his blessed repose. He stressed the fact that, during the 17th and 18th century, Catholic writers Ivan Tomko Mrnjavic and Andrija Kacic Miošic had written a hagiography and a praise to St. Sava. He con­sidered St. Sava a friend of Catholics, not their opponent (Titov 1935, 260–265). The Russian Professors of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade made their scientific contribution in numerable reviews of the relevant scientific papers from all Christendom as well. Dobroklonsky and Titov wrote surveys and reviews of the papers of Russian, Serbian, and Greek authors, but also of the papers of Western – Catholic and Protestant authors. The majority of the mentioned sur­veys was published in the Faculty journal Theology (Serb. ..........), so the Serbian theological academic circles were given an opportunity to get referent commentaries on the latest theological works from their country and abroad, written by the leading Church History experts. 4. The Scientific Contribution of the Serbian Professors of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade to the Study of Church History In the period between the two Wars, the Serbian Professors of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade were scientifically shaped in differ­ent educational centres. Stevan Dimitrijevic, the first Professor of Church History, was a Russian student, while his successor Radoslav Grujic received his educa­tion in the Habsburg Monarchy. The third professor in the Department of the Ser­bian Church History – Ðoko Slijepcevic was Dimitrijevic’s student who achieved his most important scientific results in immigration, after the Second World War. Dragutin Anastasijevic, the Professor of Byzantine Cultural History, as well as Fi­laret Granic, were western students, who were educated in Munich, while Irinej Ðordevic, who taught the History of Western Christianity, was first educated in Oxford, and later in Athens. The scientific legacy of those professors is rich and crucial for the further de­velopment of Serbian Church historiography. Dimitrijevic and Grujic were regarded as leading Serbian church historians in the period between the two World Wars. Dimitrijevic was a pioneer in the systematic study of the history of Serbian-Rus­sian Church relations. His Candidate Dissertation titled „The Travels of Serbian Hierarchs and Other Spiritual Persons to Russia from the 15th to the 18th centu­ries and the Consequences of These Travels“ (Rus. „........... ........ ........ . ...... ........ ... . ...... . ....... XV–XVIII ..... . ........... .... ...........“) was written at the Kiev Theological Academy in 1898 and evaluated as one of the best Serbian Candidate Dissertations in Rus­sia. In 1922 he published important historical materials under the title The Histo­rical Materials for Serbian History from Russian Archivers and Libraries (Serb. ..... .. ...... ........ .. ...... ...... . ..........). Even to this day, this collection of historical materials represents a base for the study of Serbian­-Russian Church relations. Dimitrijevic published a number of papers dedicated to St. Sava, the first Archbishop of the Autocephalous Serbin Church. During the 20s, with the help of numerous priests and teachers, Dimitrijevic started an en-deavour of collecting folk legends on St. Sava, throughout the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. He presented the results in a series of papers in which he gave a topography of folk legends on St. Sava, and analysed the major folk customs concerning the fest of this Saint. He also published a number of papers dealing with the history of the cult of St. Sava, including research on St. Sava’s cult among the South Slav Catholics (Dimitrijevic 1926, 821–830). Dimitrijevic also explored the archival material in the Serbian Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos. In 1922, in the edition of the Serbian Royal Academy, he published a group of documents from that monastery (1922, 20–31). He also gathered several hundreds of old in­scriptions and records in Hilandar and contributed them to the academician Lju­bomir Stojanovic for his famous anthology Old Serbian Inscriptions and Records (Serb. ..... ...... ...... . .......). He wrote numerous papers on different persons in Serbian Church History. Leading Serbian historians, such as Nicifor Du­cic, Jovan Radonic, Mita Kostic, Ðoko Slijepcevic etc. wrote positive reviews of his papers. In the Archive of the Serbian Academy of Science and Arts in Belgrade, his lectures on the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology, are kept. These lectures cover the whole of Serbian Church History, from the settling of South Slavs in the Balkans to the beginning of the 20th century. The lectures are preserved in manuscript form and have not been publi­shed to this day (Puzovic 2021, 97). Radoslav Grujic, Dimitrijevic’s successor at the Department of the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church, is among the most important Serbian scientists of the first half of the 20th century. He left behind a bibliography of more than 250 scientific papers. These papers cover the whole of Serbian Church History, from the Medieval period to the beginning of the 20th century. Grujic was regarded as a specialist in the history of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci. In a series of his pa­pers dedicated to this Serbian Metropolitanate in the Habsburg Monarchy, a paper titled „The Problems of the History of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci“ (Serb. „........ ........ .......... ...........“) stands out. It was published in 1929, in the Herald of the Historical Society of Novi Sad (Serb. ....... .......... ....... . ..... ....). The key issues of the history of the Metropolitanate of Karlovci were analysed in detail, and the inferences made in it are to this day re­garded as scientifically relevant. His seminal works are the study of the spiritual life of the Serbs in Vojvodina, and a number of monographs on Serbian dioceses and monasteries. He wrote the scientific papers concerning Serbian Medieval Church History. Geographically looking, these papers are mostly dealing with the area of Macedonia, and they were written in the period after the First World War, i.e. the time he had worked in Skopje, at the local Faculty of Philosophy. His Ortho­dox Serbian Church (Serb. ........... ...... .....), which appeared in 1920, was used as a textbook for the students of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology for a long time. A special unit in Grujic’s works represents entries he wrote for Nati­onal Encyclopedia of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Serb. ......a ............a ......-........-.........a), edited by a historian Stanoje Stanojevic, during the 20s. Grujic wrote over 500 entries related to Serbian Church History. These entries were published in 1993, as ABC of the Serbian Orthodox Church according to Radoslav Grujic (Serb. ........ ...... ........... ..... .. ......... .......). Grujic was one of the greatest experts on archival material on Serbian history in the archives of Vienna, Sremski Karlovci and Dubrovnik. Methodologi­cally, he was a follower of Ilarion Ruvarac and his critical direction in historiographi-cal researches (Kašic 1980 47–48; Mileusnic 1993, 335–344). The third Professor of Serbian Church History in the period between the two Wars was Ðoko Slijepcevic. He was the first Doctor of Theology at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology. In 1936 he defended his Doctoral Dissertation dedicated to Stefan Stratimirovic, the Metropolitan of Karlovci. Over the course of several years of his work at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology, before the beginning of the Se­cond World War, he published noted papers on Pajsije Janjevac, the Patriarch of Serbs, on the abolishment of the Patriarchate of Pec, as well as on the history of the Diocese of Hum and Herzegovina from 1219 to the 19th century (Andrijaševic 2018, 69). He achieved the most important scientific results after the Second Wor­ld War, as an immigrant in Germany. Slijepcevic is the author of the most encom­passing Serbian Church History. His work The History of the Serbian Orthodox Church (Serb. ........ ...... ........... .....), in three volumes, was writ­ten from the 60s to the 80s of the 20th century. In it, he represented the comple­te survey of the Serbian Orthodox Church History from the time of St. Sava, and even before him, to the middle of the 20th century. Although he did not have access to the archives and libraries in Yugoslavia, Slijepcevic wrote a respectable scientific work which is considered indispensable in any serious research of the Serbian Church past. The professors Dragutin Anastasijevic, Irinej Ðordevic and Filaret Granic left behind rich bibliographies. Anastasijevic and Granic were experts on Byzantine history, while Irinej Ðordevic was an expert on the history of Protestantism in the 16th century, especially on the history of the Anglican Church. Anastasijevic and Granic were the students of a famous German Byzantologist Karl Kraumbaher, under whose mentorship they had got their Doctoral Degree at the beginning of the 20th century (Jevtic 1980, 9; 27). Irinej Ðordevic had first graduated from Ox­ford with the Graduate Thesis titled „Religious Controversies of the XVI Century“. Later, in Athens, he defended his Doctoral Dissertation titled „The Influence of Lutherans on the Anglican Reformation in the 16th Century“ (Subotic 2003, 9). Of the three above-mentioned professors, it was Anastasijevic who taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology for the longest period of time. A voluminous notebook of his lectures on the cultural history of Byzantium has been preserved. These lectures represent an exceptional synthesis in which the main Byzantine culture currents were described over the course of many centuries. Of all his re­searches, those he carried out on Mount Athos (1906–1907, 1911–1912, 1926) are the most significant for the Church History science. He published numerous Byzantine and Serbian documents from the Athonite monasteries. He published about 200 entries dedicated to Byzantine history in National Encyclopedia of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Serb. ......a ............a ......-........­.........a) (Maksimovic 2004, 143–144). A historiographical part of the scientific legacy of Filaret Granic is dedicated mainly to Serbian and Byzantine Medieval monasticism, monasteries and mona­stery typika. The papers on the Hilandar and Karyes typika of St. Sava stand out. He also wrote about the legal position of the Church in Byzantium and Medieval Serbia. He published a number of reviews of the relevant works in the field of By-zantology. Some of these reviews were published in the leading German Byzan­tology journal Byzantinische Zeitschrift (Jevtic 1980, 27). Irinej Ðordevic taught at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology for only a few years. During that period he pu­blished the following papers – „Humanism as a Precursor of Anglican Reformation“ (Serb. „......... ... ....... ........... ...........“), „Zwinglianism in Anglican Reformation“ (Serb. „.............. . ............ ...........“), and „Calvinism in Anglican Reformation“ (Serb. „.......... . ............ ...........“). All three papers were published in the Faculty scientific journal Theology (Serb. ..........). Up to that time, these were the highest quality scientific contributions to the history of the Anglican Church within Serbian Church historiography. In the years following the Second World War, Church historians at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology were Ljubomir Durkovic Jakšic and Dragoslav Stranjakovic. Durkovic Jakšic got his PhD at the Faculty of Philosophy in Warsow with his Doc­toral Dissertation titled „Petar II Petrovic Njegoš“, while Stranjakovic defended his Doctoral Dissertation under the title „The Government of the Constitution Regime 1842–1853“ (Serb. „..... ............... 1842–1853“), at the Faculty of Phi­losophy in Belgrade. Both of them dealt with Serbian political, cultural and Church history of the 19th century, and they both based their scientific papers on the unpublished archival material from Yugoslav and foreign archives. While Durkovic Jakšic was an expert on Polish archives, Stranjakovic was a specialist for archives in France. Durkovic Jakšic was an expert on the history of Serbian-Polish relations as well. Another field of his scientific interest concerned the history of the Serbi­an Church in Montenegro, especially Bishop Petar II Petrovic Njegoš. The greatest number of Stranjakovic’s scientific papers dealt with political history, which is not strange because he first taught National History at the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade. As regards Church History, he wrote the biographies of a number of fa­mous Church dignitaries of the 19th century Serbia, and published them mostly in the official journal of the Serbian Church – Herald of SOC (Serb. Glasnik SPC) (Mladenovic 1997, 277–282; Ljušic 1997, 660). In the period from 1959 to 1988, the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology was taught by Dušan Kašic. Kašic was a student of Radoslav Grujic under whose mentorship he wrote his Doctoral Dissertation ti­tled „The Diocese of Lepavina-Severin“ (Serb. „..........-.......... ........“) (1954). The theme of the Dissertation paved the way for Kašic’s further scientific work. He was an expert on the history of the Serbian Church in Croatia and Slavo­nia. His monographs Serbs and Orthodoxy in Slavonia and Northern Croatia (Serb. .... . ........... . ......... . ......... .........), published in Belgrade in 1967, Serbian Monasteries in Croatia and Slavonia (Serb. ...... ......... . ......... . .........), published the same year in Belgrade, as well as Serbian Settlements and Churches in Northern Croatia and Slavonia (Serb. ...... ...... . ..... . ......... ......... . .........), published in Zagreb in 1988, testify to this. He wrote a Church History textbook, which was published in Belgrade in 1967 and used in Serbian seminaries for decades. Kašic’s scientific papers, dedica­ted to various events and persons in Serbian Church History, were published in all important jubilee collections of articles, by the Serbian Orthodox Church from the 50s to the 80s. His bibliography consists of more than 200 titles, and he published his papers both in church and lay scientific journals. He followed the methodolo­gical principles of his teacher Radoslav Grujic, basing his scientific articles in the critical analysis of unpublished archival material (Mileusnic 1996, 377–380). By the end of the 20th century, Church History courses at the Faculty of Ortho­dox Theology were taught by Predrag Puzovic and Radomir Popovic. Besides them, Bishop Atanasije Jevtic also taught at the Faculty for a short period of time. Pri­marily, Bishop Atanasije was not a church historian, but he left behind several valuable papers on Church History. He focused on the Serbian Church History of the 20th century, especially on the suffering of the Serbian people during the Se­cond World War. His papers „The Development of Theology in Serbs“ (Serb. ...... .......... ... ....“), published in Belgrade in 1990, and „The Theology of Saint Sava“ (Serb. „.......... ...... ....“), published in Vrnjacka Banja in 1991, has had considerable scientific importance because they represent pioneer undertakings when it comes to systematic representation and analysis of the hi­storical currents of Serbian theological thought since the time of St. Sava (Vasilje­vic, Markovic 2004, 303–307). Professors Puzovic and Popovic defended their Doctoral Dissertations at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade. Puzovic wrote his Dissertation under the title „Pavle Nenadovic, the Metropolitan of Kar­lovci and His Time“ (Serb. „.......... .......... ..... ......... . ...... ....) (1990) (APBF, Dosije P. P.), while Popovic’s Dissertation was titled „Christi­anity in Our Lands up to the Slavic Settlement“ (Serb. ........... .. ..... ... .. ........ .......“) (1989) (APBF, Dosije R.P.). Puzovic taught the Histo­ry of the Serbian Orthodox Church, while Popovic taught General Church History. Puzovic is an expert on recent Serbian Church History. His most important work is a four-volume Contributions to the History of the Serbian Orthodox Church (Serb. ....... .. ........ ...... ........... .....). In the Contributions we can find scientific papers dealing with all the periods of the Serbian Church History. Puzovic is a follower of Serbian Church historiographic tradition represented by his mentor Dušan Kašic, and Radoslav Grujic, before him. Popovic published a Serbian translation of selected documents of the seven Ecumenical Councils in his work The Ecumenical Councils – Selected Documents I (Serb. .......... ...... – ........ ........., I), Belgrade 2012, and The Ecumenical Councils – Selected Documents II (Serb. .......... ...... – ........ ........., II), Belgrade 2011, thus making a significant contribution to the research of this su­bject in Serbian theological circles. He wrote a textbook for the history of Local Orthodox Churches, under the title Orthodoxy at the Crossroads of Centuries. Lo­cal Orthodox Churches (Serb. ........... .. ........ ....... ....... ........... .....), published in Belgrade in 1999. He also published a collec­tion of sources for the History of Christian Church, under the title Church History Sources (Serb. ...... .. ....... ........), in Belgrade in 2001. He translated into Serbian some important works of ancient Christian writers concerning Church History. Popovic has also published a Glossary of Church History (Serb. ......... ....... ........), in Belgrade, in 2000, where he, among other things, covered a number of issues related to the history of the Catholic Church. The bibliography of Puzovic and Popovic together consists of about 500 titles, representing a valu­able legacy of contemporary Serbian Church historiography. 5. Conclusion During the 20th century the study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox The­ology in Belgrade was dominantly developed under the influence of two Church History schools: Russian and Karlovci school. The Russian Church History school was represented by Russian immigrant professors, and Serbian professors educat­ed in Russia, while the school of Karlovci was represented by the professors who were educated in the area of the former Metropolitanate of Karlovci. Professors Dobroklonsky, Titov, Fradinsky, and Dimitrijevic belong to the first group, while the main representative of the second group is Professor Grujic. Slijepcevic, the student of Dimitrijevic, can be added to the first group, while Kašic, Puzovic and Popovic, the successors of Professor Grujic’s work, can be added to the second group. Besides them, there is a group of professors who gained their knowledge in the university centres of the West, such as Anastasijevic, Granic, and Ðordevic. The scientific legacy of the aforementioned professors consists of several thou­sand bibliographic units. It is dominantly dedicated to the Serbian Church past, while a part of this legacy is dedicated to general Christian Church History. Serbian Church past has been represented in a series of monographs, textbooks, scientific articles, and published archival material. Chronologically the entire Serbian Church History has been covered, from the time of Saint Sava, or even before him, to the contemporary times. In terms of content, scientific papers on all the key topics of Serbian Church History have been written. The articles have been written on the key events, persons, theological schools, monasteries, on the development of Serbian theology and worship, on the relations with the other Orthodox Churches, but also on the relations with the Catholic Church, and Protestant communities. The first to cover the themes related to general Christian History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology were the Russian professors. The scientific papers on Byz­antine Church History, as well as on the history of Monophysite and Nestorian communities were written. In a later phase, the significant material related to the seven Ecumenical Councils was published, and Serbian translations of the sources important for the history of the early Church appeared. As far as Western Chri­stianity is concerned, only a lesser part of the scientific legacy of Serbian Church History professors is dedicated to this subject. The papers on the history of the Anglican Church are dominant, while those dedicated to the themes concerning the history of the Catholic Church and Protestant communities are not numerous. It can be noted that, during the 20th century, the study of Church History at the Faculty of Orthodox Theology in Belgrade was a unified and uninterrupted process in which 15 professors took part and whose results make up a solid base for the further development of Church History researches in the 21st century. Abbreviation APBF – Arhiv Pravoslavnog bogoslovskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu. References Archival material APBF, Dosije A. J. [Dosije Atanasija Jevtica]. –, Dosije A. P. D. [Dosije Aleksandra Pavlovica Dobroklonskog]. –, Dosije D. A. [Dosije Dragutina Anastasijevica]. –, Dosije D. K. [Dosije Dušana Kašica]. –, Dosije D. S. [Dosije Dragoslava Stranjakovica]. –, Dosije Dj. S. [Dosije Ðoka Slijepcevica]. –, Dosije I. Ð. [Dosije Irineja Ðordevica]. –, Dosije P. P. [Dosije Predraga Puzovica]. –, Dosije R. G. [Dosije Radoslava Grujica]. –, Dosije R. P. [Dosije Radomira Popovica]. –, Dosije S. D. [Dosije Stevana Dimitrijevica]. –, Dosije T. I. T. [Dosije Teodora Ivanovica Titova]. –, Dosije V. F. F. [Dosije Vikentija Florijanovica Fradinskog]. –, Knjiga zapisnika (1920–1930) [Knjiga zapisnika sednica fakultetskog saveta (1920–1930) / Faculty Minute Book (1920–1930)]. Secondary references Andrijaševic, Nemanja. 2018. O životu i radu Ðoka Slijepcevica sa bibliografijom njegovih radova do 1944. Simpleksis, no. 1:61–79. Dimitrijevic, Stevan. 1922. Dokumenti hilendarske arhive do XVIII veka. Spomenik Srpske kralje­vske akademije 55, no. 47:20–31. – – –. 1926. Sveti Sava u narodnom verovanju i predanju. Belgrade: Štamparija Sveti Sava. Dobroklonski, Aleksandar Pavlovic. 1938. Moja kratkaja avtobiografija. Zapiski russkogo nauc­nogo instituta 15:1–8. Draškovic, Cedomir. 1961. Cetrdeset godina Bogoslovskog fakulteta u Beogradu. Bogoslo­vlje 20, no. 1/2:1–26. Jevtic, Atanasije. 1980. Dr Dragutin Anastasijevic. Bogoslovlje 39, no. 1/2:9–22. – – –. 1980. Dr Filaret Granic. Bogoslovlje 39, no. 1/2:27–41. – – –. 1980. Dr Vikentije Florijanovic Fradinski. Bogoslovlje 39, no. 1/2:191–192. Kašic, Dušan. 1961. Crkveni istoricar dr Vikentije F. Fradinski. Bogoslovlje 20, no. 1/2:27–32. – – –. 1980. Dr Radoslav M. Grujic. Bogoslovlje 39, no. 1/2:47–71. Ljušic, Radoš. 1997. Stranjakovic, Dragoslav. In: Sima Cirkovic and Rade Mihaljcic, eds. Enciklo­pedija srpske istoriografije, 660. Belgrade: Knowledge. Maksimovic, Ljubomir. 2004. Anastasijevic, Dragu-tin. In: Mladen Leskovac, Aleksandra Foriškovic and Cedomir Popov, eds. Srpski biografski recnik. Vol. 1, 143–144. Novi Sad: Matica Srpska. Mileusnic, Slobodan. 1993. Pogovor. In: Slobodan Mileusnic, ed. Azbucnik Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve po Radoslavu Grujicu, 335–344. Belgrade: Beogradski izdavacko-graficki zavod, Muzej Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve. – – –. 1996. Protojerej-stavrofor dr Dušan Kašic. In: Slobodan Mileusnic, ed. Dušan Kašic, Srpski manastiri u Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji, 377–380. Belgrade: Muzej Srpske Pravoslavne Crkve. Mladenovic, Aleksandar. 1997. Prof. dr Ljubomir Durkovic Jakšic 1907–1997. Arheografski prilozi 19:277–282. Petkovšek, Robert. 2019. Vloga teološkega študija v Ljubljani pred in po ustanovitvi Univerze v Ljubljani. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, no. 2:473–490. Puzovic, Vladislav. 2011. Licnost i delo prof. dr Aleksandra Pavlovica Dobroklonskog (I deo).In: Bogoljub Šijakovic, ed. Srpska teologija u dvadesetom veku: istraživacki problemi i rezul­tati. Vol. 10, 39–74. Belgrade: Pravoslavni bogoslovski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu. – – –. 2012. Licnost i delo prof. dr AleksandraPavlovica Dobroklonskog. In: Bogoljub Šijako­vic, ed. Srpska teologija u dvadesetom veku: istraživacki problemi i rezultati. Vol. 11, 92–111. Belgrade: Pravoslavni bogoslovski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu. – – –. 2021. Putevima srpske crkvene istorije: Naucno nasledje prote Stevana Dimitrijevica. Belgrade: Pravoslavni bogoslovski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu. Subotic, Dragan. 2003. Episkop Irinej Ðordevic (1894–1952) u duhovnoj baštini srpskog naroda. In: Dragan Subotic and Borisav Celikovic, eds. Episkop Irinej Ðordevic: Odabrani radovi, 9–22. Gornji Milanovac: Biblioteka „Braca Nastasijevic“. Šijakovic,Bogoljub.2019. Svetosavlje i filosofija života: Skica za aktuelizaciju meduratne rasprave o ideji svetosavlja(Retractacio). NoviSad:Pravoslavnarec. Titov, Teodor Ivanovic. 1935. Sveti Sava kao svehri-šcanski ucitelj i svetitelj. Pregled Crkve Eparhije Niške 16, no. 9:257–266. Uljanovskij, Vasilij Irinarhovic. 2003. Zizn i tvorce­stvo otca Fedora Tirova. In: Vasilij Zaev, ed. Imperatorskaja Kievskaja duhovnaja akademija v ee trehvekovoj žizni i dejatelnosti (1615–1915 gg.): Istoriceskaja zapiska: Sostavil professor pro-toierej Fedor Titov, XLIV–CXXVI. Kyiv: Zlagoda. Vasiljevic, Maksim, and Ignjatije Markovic. 2004. Ogled bio-bibliografije episkopa Atanasija Jevtica. In: Atanasije Jevtic. Hristos - alfa i omega, 303–307. Vrnjacka Banja: Bratstvo Sv. Simeona. Kratki znanstveni clanek/Article (1.03) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 93—101 Besedilo prejeto/Received:09/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:06/2022 UDK/UDC: 27-236.5-246 27-185.2-246 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Palmisano © 2022 Palmisano, CC BY 4.0 Maria Carmela Palmisano Trije starozavezni liki sprejemanja trpljenja (Job, Jeremija in Drugi Izaija) v luci Nove zaveze Three Old Testament Types of Accepting Suffering (Job, Jeremiah and the Second Isaiah) in the Light of the New Testament Povzetek: Prispevek prikazuje osnovne poteze treh starozaveznih likov – modrega Joba, preroka Jeremija in Drugega Izaija – znotraj konteksta posameznih knjig, ki ponujajo tri razlicne poglede na trpljenje posameznika in ljudstva in predstavljajo tri etape samorazumevanja cloveka ter razodevanja Boga in njegovega nacrta od­rešenja. Ob holisticnem branju Stare in Nove zaveze ti liki današnjemu cloveku odstirajo globino bivanjskega vprašanja trpljenja, pa tudi širša obzorja odnosa z Bogom, ki posameznika spremlja in postopoma vodi do globljega doumevanja Božjega odrešenja. Ta skrivnost se je razodela v trpljenju, smrti in vstajenju Jezusa Kristusa, ki nam odkriva clovekovo življenje, pa tudi trpljenje kot veliko vrednoto. Kljucne besede: trpljenje, bolecina, bolezen, trpljenje nedolžnega, rešitev, odreše­nje, teodiceja, prerok, modri, Božja modrost Abstract: The paper presents the basic features of three Old Testament charac­ters: the wise Job, the prophet Jeremiah and the Second Isaiah within the con­text of the individual books that offer three different perspectives and experi­ences regarding the suffering of an individual and the people. At the same time, they represent three stages in a person’s self-understanding and in the revela­tion of God and his plan of salvation. Within the holistic reading of the Old and New Testaments, the three characters reveal to contemporary man the depth of the existential question of suffering and the broad horizons of the relation­ship with God. He accompanies an individual and gradually leads him to a dee­per understanding of God‘s redemption. This mystery has been revealed in the suffering, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ and discloses a great value of human life as well as of suffering. Keywords: suffering, pain, illness, the suffering of the innocent, salvation, redemp­tion, theodicy, prophet, the wise, wisdom of God 1. Uvod Sveto pismo o trpljenju v razlicnih oblikah govori pogosto, ceprav ni vedno mogo-ce razlikovati med fizicnimi, psihicnimi in duhovnimi razsežnostmi te univerzalne cloveške izkušnje.1 Hebrejšcina zanjo uporablja razlicne glagolske korene, kot so hlh (glagol halah), ‚biti bolan‘, ko opisuje fizicno bolezen (2 Sam 19,14) ali posle-dice bitke (npr. rane v 2 Krn 18,33), notranjo tesnobo in duhovno stanje trpecega (Dan 8,27). Notranje bolecine so torej opisane kot bolezen, kot nekaj, kar ovira in prizadene clovekovo zdravje in delovanje (gl. Scaiola 2010, 375). Ker kot semitski jezik hebrejšcina gleda na cloveka kot na celoto, je vcasih med fizicno in duhov-no bolecino težko razlikovati. Drugi glagol, ki izraža bolecino kot žalost, grenkobo, stisko v nasprotju z veseljem (Neh 8,10-11), je ‘asab ‚žalostiti‘ v razlicnih glagol­skih oblikah in z razlicnimi pomenskimi odtenki (od ‚žalostiti drugega, povzrocati trpljenje drugemu‘ do ‚biti žalosten, trpeti‘). Bolecina, trpljenje, bolezen v Svetem pismu niso nikoli predstavljeni kot nekaj pozitivnega, temvec kot nekaj negativnega, proti cemur se je treba ,boriti‘ z razlic­nimi sredstvi (primer takega bojevitega odnosa ob izkušnji trpljenja imamo pri Jobu). Eden od nacinov, kako clovek trpljenju nasprotuje in se mu zoperstavlja, je spre­memba pogleda na trpljenje – da v njem vidi pozitivne vidike za lastno spreobr­njenje (to obzorje razmišljanja je prisotno v modrostni literaturi, npr. Job 33,17­19). Vendar je tak pogled na trpljenje možen šele post factum, ko clovek ob raz­mišljanju o pretekli zgodovini in izkušnji trpljenje in življenje ponovno vrednoti. Do tega nacina gledanja clovek pride sam, ne more pa svoje lastne izkušnje pre­nesti na druge – še manj je drugim vsiliti. Kar smo sedaj orisali sinteticno, bomo bolj konkretno prikazali s predstavitvijo treh starozaveznih likov, ki pred nami za­risujejo neko pot razumevanja in sprejemanja trpljenja. Trpljenje in bolecina kot izraz zla, ki cloveka prizadene, se v biblicnem razmišljanju povezujeta z vprašanjem teodiceje – vprašanjem o tem, kako je mogoce povezati izkušnjo bolezni in trpljenja z mislijo o Bogu, ki je sama dobrota.2 Biblicno razmišlja­nje predpostavlja, da je v ozadju clovekove izkušnje delovanje Boga, s katerim je clovek v odnosu zaveze, ker je Bog z ljudmi v tesnem odnosu ljubezni in pripadnosti: »… in bom vaš Bog, vi pa boste moje ljudstvo.« (3 Mz 26,12; Jer 11,4; Ez 36,28) 2. Job: ko se vse poruši Jobova knjiga opisuje univerzalno trpljenje cloveka, ki se sooca s preizkušnjo – nenadno, nerazumljivo in veliko: z izgubo dobrin in najbližjih ter s težko boleznijo (Lorenzin 2013, 77–78). Na zacetku knjige, v Jobovem monologu, slišimo, kako se 1 Pricujoci clanek je nastal kot prispevek na poletni šoli z naslovom Sprejemanje trpljenja, ki jo je Teološka fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani organizirala 22. maja 2021. 2 Vprašanje o smislu trpljenja je manj prisotno v naravnih religijah (npr. budizem in hinduizem), ki ideje o dobroti Boga ne predpostavljajo. Sveto pismo predstavlja artikulirano pot odgovora na vprašanje trpljenja in sprejemanja trpljenja, pri tem pa težav in dvomov glede smisla trpljenja – predvsem trpljen­ja pravicnega in nedolžnega – ne zamolcuje. množijo in nizajo najbolj bivanjska vprašanja (Gilbert 2003, 80–83): »Zakaj nisem umrl že ob rojstvu? Zakaj so me sprejela kolena, zakaj prsi, da sem sesal? /…/ Za­kaj se daje luc trpecemu.« (Job 3,11-12.20) Zakaj? Zakaj? (beseda se pojavlja kar 7-krat samo v Job 3). Podobno kot v go-vorici psalmistov, kjer zasledimo drugo ponavljajoce se vprašanje: do kdaj, Go-spod? (Ps 13,2; 35,17; 79,5; 89,47; 94,3); obe vprašanji in druga (gl. Rita Torti Mazzi 2003, 155–304), ki so jima podobna, izražajo nesposobnost cloveka, da bi našel odgovor. Zato se molivec intenzivno ozira na Boga, da bi s svojim odzivom posegel v bolece stanje in tako razsvetlil nerazumljivost trpljenja. 2.1 Vprašanje sprejemanja trpljenja v kontekstu Jobove knjige Razmišljanje avtorja Jobove knjige ponazarja notranjo dramo cloveka, ki so ga udarile bolezen in težke preizkušnje. Vsa knjiga predstavlja zelo zahteven dialog cloveka s prijatelji, s samim seboj in z Bogom – ko se spušca do globin svojega bi-tja, svoje vesti, ko išce smisel trpljenja nedolžnega. Ce se ustavimo pri zacetku in zakljucku knjige (Job 1–2; 42,7-17), ki sta napisa­na v prozni obliki, bi knjiga literarno gledano lahko predstavljala pripoved s srec­nim zakljuckom, vendar je ta splošni okvir knjige le kontekst. Vanj avtor postavlja razpravo glavne osebe, ki ima za knjigo osrednji pomen in vsebuje tudi temeljno sporocilo. Job izkušnjo bližajoce se smrti doživlja kot nasilno. Sprašuje se, kakšen smisel ima rojstvo, ce se življenje konca in celo istoveti z izkušnjo smrti (Gilbert 2003, 82): »Naj zgine dan, ko sem se rodil, in noc., ki je rekla: Decek je bil spocet! /…/Zakaj se daje luc. trpecemu, z.ivljenje zagrenjenim v duši?« (Job 3,3.20) Za Joba ni brez smisla smrt, temvec življenje zaznamovano s trpljenjem (Job 3,11; 6,8-9; 10,18-19). Vprašanja, ki prihajajo iz Jobovih ust, spreminjajo obicajno pozitiv-no biblicno antropologijo, ki vidi v življenju najvecji dar. Sprememba je tudi glede na obicajno gledanje na Boga in njegovo teodicejo, po kateri je svet pod vodstvom Boga, ki zanj skrbi in vse ureja v dobro cloveka. Modri iz Uza (Job 10,1) podobno kotv Žalostinkah (Gilbert 2003, 82) delovanje Boga opisuje negativno (Job 9,3.14.22; 12,13-25) – da je tisti, ki v ustvarjenih bitjih išce napake (9,2; 4,18; 15,14-16; 25,2­6), smrtnikom ne daje miru (7,13-21; 9,17-18; 10,14-17; 13,21.25-27; 16,9-14) in krivicne pušca brez kazni (9,24; 10,3; 21,7-18.28-33). V razpravi se Jobove trditve zdijo nekoliko pretirane, tudi zaradi pogostega poseganja prijateljev, ki na mnoge nacine in z razlicnimi argumenti »branijo Boga« (8,20), Joba pa obsojajo (22,4-9). Prijatelji trdijo, da bi se moral Job spomniti, da noben pravicni ni bil nikoli pogubljen (4,7) – zato bi moral pac sprejeti preizkušnjo (5,17; 33,19), s katero ga Bog precišcu­je, da bi bil na koncu deležen povracila (5,24-26).3 Kajti ce bi nacelo povracilne pra-vicnosti odpovedalo, bi se po njihovem mnenju porušil red sveta (Bovati 2012, 209). Vendar Job pri svojem razpravljanju vztraja (16,18), ne sprejme obicajnih in tradici- Pedagoški vidik trpljenja lahko zasledimo v 5 Mz 8,2-6 , kjer beremo, da je Bog na potovanju po pušcavi Izraela vzgajal tako, kakor oce vzgaja svojega otroka. Podobno misel zasledimo tudi v Elihujevim govoru v Job 36,10: »(Bog) odpira jim (pravicnim) uho, da jih vzgaja, govori jim, naj se odvrnejo od zla« in v modrostnem izrocilu (Prg 13,24), ki priznava vrednoto trpljenja, gl. Maurice Gilbert 2003, 67. onalnih odgovorov, temvec pricakuje Božji odgovor (31,35). Job ni moder zato, ker bi Bogu postavljal radikalna vprašanja, temvec zato, ker svojo misel odkrito izraža in izroca svojo pravdo Bogu ter od njega pricakuje odgovor. Pusti se uciti od Boga. S svojo pametjo pride do tocke, pri kateri mora priznati, da preprosto ne ve: »Modrost torej, od kod pride? Kje je kraj razumnosti? Zagrnjena je ocem vseh živih, tudi pticam pod nebom je prikrita. Kraljestvo mrtvih in smrt pravita: Le govoriti smo slišali o njej. Le Bog razume pot do nje, on pozna njen kraj.« (Job 28,20-23) Bog na koncu knjige odgovarja, vendar ne tako, da bi Jobu ponudil pricakovane od­govore, temvec tako, da mu postavi še dodatna vprašanja (38,4–39,30). Ta razkrivajo, kako cloveknimasposobnostiprodreti vskrivnoststvarjenjainvsega,karjeustvarjeno. Božji odgovor namrec kaže, da ima le Bog moc vladati nad zlom (40,9–41,26). Modri Job pred takim razodetjem svoja usta zapre; ne zato, ker bi skrivnost razu­mel, temvec zato, ker skrivnost ostaja skrivnost – saj je ta znacilna za Boga samega (Job 42,2-3). Job sprejme, da Bog vstopa v situacijo navideznega nesmisla in dopol­njuje svoje delo. Clovek, ki ga Job predstavlja, ni gospodar samega sebe, temvec slu­žabnik, Božji služabnik (1,8; 2,3; 42,7-8),4 kot ga Bog sam imenuje, ki v tišini pred smrtjo, ki nanj preži, odkriva željo in hrepenenje, da bi videl svojega Rešitelja (19,27) – ter notranjo gotovost, da se bo to zgodilo. 3. Jeremija in Božja Beseda: »… pa te ne bodo premagali, ker sem jaz s teboj, govori Gospod, da te rešujem …« (Jer 1,19) Modri so o smislu trpljenja, predvsem o trpljenju nedolžnega (Mdr 2–5), veliko razmišljali. Trpljenje je tudi skoraj vedno spremljalo življenje prerokov. Mnogi od njih so bili namrec žrtve nerazumevanja, nasprotovanja, preganjanja, fizicnega in duhovnega trpljenja. Najprej se bomo ustavili pri Jeremiju, ki sredi ljudstva, ki ga preganja in skuša usmrtiti, pricuje o Bogu, ki ga rešuje – in ga že v trenutku pokli­canosti pripravlja na soocanje s trpljenjem.5 »Prišla mi je Gospodova beseda, rekoc.: ›Preden sem te upodobil v materinem telesu, sem te poznal; preden si prišel iz materinega narocja, sem te posvetil, te postavil za preroka narodom.‹ Jaz pa sem rekel: ›Oh, Gospod Bog, glej, ne znam govoriti, ker sem še mlad.‹ A Gospod mi je od­govoril:›Nikar ne govôri: Mlad sem še; kajti h komurkoli te pošljem, boš šel, in karkoli ti ukažem, boš govoril. Nikar se jih ne boj, saj sem jaz s teboj, da te rešujem, govori Gospod.‹ Potem je Gospod iztegnil svojo roko in se dotaknil mojih ust; in Gospod mi je rekel: ›Glej, svoje besede polagam v 4 O opredelitvi modrega Joba kot ‚služabnika‘ gl. Pietro Bovati 2012, 210. 5 Za širšo predstavitev dinamike sprejemanja trpljenja v življenju preroka Jeremija gl. Bovati 2008, 77–104. tvoja usta. Glej, postavljam te danes nad narode in kraljestva, da rujes. in podiras., da unicujes. in rušis., da zidas. in sadis..‹ Glej, danes te naredim za utrjeno mesto, za železen steber, za bronasto obzidje proti vsej deželi, pro-ti Judovim kraljem, proti njegovim knezom, proti njegovim duhovnikom in proti ljudstvu dežele. Bojevali se bodo proti tebi, pa te ne bodo premaga­li, ker sem jaz s teboj, govori Gospod, da te rešujem.« (Jer 1,4-10.19) 3.1 Jeremija obsojen na smrt in cudežno rešen Jeremija je predstavljen kot clovek, ki v Boga globoko zaupa, ceprav ga pestijo in vznemirjajo dvomi in vrsta vprašanj. V svoje življenje sprejme Božjo besedo, jo po­sluša in ta mu globoko kroji življenje.6 Prerok je v knjigi orisan kot Besedi poslušen, kot tisti, ki sprejme poklic – zavedajoc se, da bo zaradi Božjega poklica pogosto izpostavljen nerazumevanju in nasilju lastnega ljudstva, kot mu je v trenutku klica Bog sam razkril. V tesnem odnosu z Bogom odkriva, kdo je in kdo ni, kako lahko dela in živi, kaj pa mu Bog po Svoji Besedi prepoveduje (npr. zakonsko življenje v Jer 16,2 ali vlogo posrednika v Jer 7,16-20). Jeremija pogumno pricuje, da Bog zmaga nad strahom, da v preroku zaupanje v Boga raste. Pogumno se sooca z vsemi preizkušnjami, s smrtno obsodbo (ceprav je ta kasneje preklicana), z veckratnimi aretacijami, udarci, s sramotenjem in na koncu s tem, da bo vržen v kapnico. Porocilo o smrtni obsodbi nazorno opisuje soocanje preroka s težko preizkušnjo: »Tedaj so vis.ji uradniki rekli kralju: »Tega cloveka je treba usmrtiti, ker sla-bi roke vojakov, ki so še ostali v tem mestu, in vseh ljudi, ko jim govori take besede. Saj ta clovek ne is ceblaginjetemuljudstvu,ampaknesreco.«Kralj . Sedeki´ja je rekel: »Glejte, v vaših rokah je. Kralj vam ne more nic.esar odreci.« Vzeli so torej Jeremija in ga vrgli v kapnico kraljevega sina Malkijája, ki je bila v straz.nem dvoru. Spustili so ga vanjo po vrveh. V kapnici pa ni bilo vode, temvec . blato; tako se je Jeremija pogreznil v blato.« (Jer 38,4-6) Prerok je veckrat izpostavljen nerazumevanju in naklepom sorojakov (Jer 18,18­23). A sredi lastne nemoci in preganjanja, ki ga doleti, izkusi Božjo bližino in Božjo moc (Jer 30–31), ki ga krepita – kakor npr. ko v zaporu vsak dan prejme hleb kru-ha (Jer 37,21) ali ko je cudežno rešen in potegnjen iz vodnjaka. Prerok se v trenut­kih nerazumevanja in nasprotovanj sklicuje na svoj poklic, zavedajoc se, da je iz­postavljen nevarnostim, grožnjam in smrti, in s tem kaže, da je pripravljen svoje pricevanje živeti do konca: »Glejte, v vaših rokah sem; storite z mano, kar je dobro in prav v vaših oceh. Samo eno vedite: ce me usmrtite, spravite nedolžno kri nase, na to mesto in na njegove prebivalce! Saj me je Gospod v resnici poslal k vam, da vam na ušesa povem vse te besede.« (Jer 26,14-15)7 6 Glede preroka Jeremija kot pricevalca Besede gl. Patrizio Rota Scalabrini 2017, 181–182; gl. tudi Georg Fischer 2015, 117–119 o Besedi, ki ,gori‘. 7 O povezavi med prerokovo zavestjo, da ga je Bog poklical, in njegovo držo, po kateri sebe ne opravicuje ali zagovarja, gl. Bovati 2008, 83–84. Tretja znacilnost pricevanja preroka je poleg poslušnosti in pogumne drže svo­boda. Kot ujetnik Božje besede prerok živi v popolni notranji svobodi, ki bralca preseneca in osupne, saj se Jeremija ne boji srecanj npr. z vladajocimi skupinami (Jer 23,9-40; 26; Schreiner 1981, 136–145) oz. z vladarji ljudstva (Jer 22; Craige, Kelley in Drinkard 1991, 299–323). Svoboden je glede imetja, saj daje, kar ima, za odkupnino zemlje svojega sorodnika (Hanaméla) – v trdnem prepricanju, da je to dejanje jamstvo za odrešenje, ki bo prišlo od Boga za njegovo ljudstvo (Jer 32,6­44). Prerok je svoboden tudi glede ugleda, ko mora zaradi zvestobe Božji besedi prenašati zasramovanje in preziranje sorojakov (Jer 23,9-40).8 Globoka svoboda pa zaznamuje koncno tudi njegov odnos do Boga, pred katerim razkriva svoja najgloblja vprašanja in dvome in od katerega je pripravljen sprejeti odgovore – a tudi tišino. V tem odnosu prerok v zvestobi do Boga raste: odkriva skrivnost svobode Boga, ki uresnicuje nacrt ljubezni do svojega ljudstva tudi takrat, ko ga oblikuje in preoblikuje, da bi bilo ljudstvo rešeno greha in smrti (Jer 18). 3.2 Trpljenje preroka Jeremija in Božje odrešenje Drugace kot pri razmišljanju o trpljenju v Jobovi knjigi – ki se razvija na osebni in hkrati obcecloveški ravni – opažamo, da se trpljenje pri preroku Jeremiju nazorno po­vezuje z usodo ljudstva in njegovega odrešenja,9 saj razkriva nespametni upor izvo­ljenega ljudstva Božji besedi. Življenje preroka je živa podoba in hkrati zanesljiva na­poved vrnitve iz izgnanstva. Njegovo življenje je pricevanje o tem – in zato tolažilno. Sprejemanje trpljenja pri prerokih, zlasti Jeremiju, postaja pot, na kateri prerok poglablja spoznavanje samega sebe, Boga in drugih. Lahko bi rekli, da je razmišlja­nje preroka Jeremija nadaljevanje Jobove izjave na koncu knjige: »S sluhom ušesa sem slišal o tebi, a zdaj te je videlo moje oko.« (Job 42,5) Osebno srecanje med Bogom in modrim, s katerim se konca razprava modrostne knjige, predstavlja v preroških knjigah iztocnico za nadaljnji razvoj spoznavanja Boga, življenja z njim in vedno globlje zavestno sodelovanje z Bogom za odrešenje.10 4. Drugi Izaija: »Glej, moj Služabnik« (Iz 52,13a) Tretji starozavezni lik sprejemanja trpljenja je Gospodov služabnik iz Devteroi­zaija. Kot svojega Služabnika (Iz 42,1; 49,3; 52,13; 53,11) ga predstavlja Bog. Na koncu cetrtega speva zakljucuje opis lika s temi besedami: »Zato mu bom mnoge dal v delež in z mogocnimi bo delil plen, zato, ker je svoje življenje dal v smrt in bil prištet med hudodelce, medtem ko je nosil grehe mnogih in prosil za hudo­delce.« (Iz 53,12) 8 O odnosu med prerokom in sorojaki pri Jer 23,9-40 gl. Jak R. Lundbom 2004, 178–221. 9 Ta vidik zaznamuje življenje mnogih prerokov: gl. Am 7,10-17; Ezk 12,11; 21,11-12. 10 Nekateri vidiki sodelovanja pri odrešenju drugih so nakazani tudi v Jobovi knjigi, npr. ko Job daruje daritve za svoje otroke – v odkup za njihove morebitne grehe. A v tem kontekstu so bolj poudarjene povezave med pravicnim ravnanjem Joba in pozitivnimi posledicami za njegovo družino, ne pa med trpljenjem posameznika in odrešenjem njegovih bližnjih. Drugi Izaija, posebej v štirih pesmih Božjega služabnika (Iz 42,1-9; 49,1-6; 50,4­11; 52,13–53,12), predstavlja razodetje Božjega nacrta odrešenja in zato velja za višek starozavezne teologije. Usoda njegovega Služabnika, ki trpi11 in umre sredi nasprotovanja in sramotenja ljudstva in ki ga na koncu Bog povelica, odpira vec vprašanj o identiteti skrivnostnega lika – ta ostaja enigmaticna.12 Božji nacrt je, cloveško gledano, težko sprejeti. Vendar pa ponižanje Božjega služabnika postane sredstvo Božje zaveze tudi za pogane (Iz 42,1.4.6) in posredništvo za grešne (53,5­6). Osvoboditev od greha je Božje delo – toda Služabnik se razodeva kot živo orod­je, po katerem se Božji odrešenjski nacrt uresnici. 4.1 Gospodov služabnik kot primer Pashalnega prehoda iz smrti v življenje, ki postaja podoba za usodo ljudstva in predpodoba Mesija Ce smo pri branju vseh spevov o Gospodovem služabniku pozorni na tistega, ki v posameznih spevih govori, ugotovimo, da je to v prvem spevu (Iz 42,1-9) Bog Stvarnik, ki predstavlja svojega Služabnika (v. 1-5) in njegovo poslanstvo za izvoljeno ljudstvo in narode (v. 6-9).13 Spev se zakljuci z oznanilom Boga, ki dela nove reci (v. 9), da jih bo razodel skozi vse speve (Zapff 2001, 248–251). V drugi pesmi (49,1-7) Gospodov služabnik svoj govor v prvi osebi namenja narodom; opisuje poslanstvo, ki ga je prejel od Gospoda že v materinem telesu in služi od­rešenju narodov (v. 6). V tretjem spevu (50,4-11) Gospodov služabnik govori kot modrec, ki o svoji usodi poucuje tiste, ki se Gospoda bojijo (v. 10). Služabnik bo prenesel preganjanje svojega ljudstva (v. 6-7), saj bo deležen Božje pomoci (v. 8). V cetrtem spevu (52,13–53,12)14 je medtem Gospodov služabnik umrl, zato ne go-vori vec on, temvec govorijo o njem drugi. Najprej Bog (52,13-15), nato ljudstvo, ki v drži pokore in kesanja razmišlja o usodi Gospodovega služabnika (53,1-10). Ob zakljucku speva pa spet spregovori Gospod, ki razkriva skrivnost trpljenja Božje­ga služabnika za odrešenje mnogih. Pri branju vseh spevov Gospodovega služab­nika v luci zakljucka prvega speva (42,9) opazimo, da je Služabnikovo delovanje za odrešenje mnogih opisano kot delo Stvarnika (42,5). Odrešenje je torej novo stvarjenje. Gospodov služabnik, ki ga je preganjalo in umorilo lastno ljudstvo, je deležen vecnega življenja – dokoncne zmage Boga, po kateri bo odrešenje do-seglo mnoge (53,12). Pot sprejemanja trpljenja v Stari zavezi od lika Joba do lika Gospodovega služabnika tako kaže, da je sprejemanje trpljenja sredstvo Božjega odrešenja za mnoge. 11 O odnosu cloveka, posebej Božjega služabnika, do trpljenja gl. Jože Krašovec 1999, 549–553. 12 O identiteti Gospodovega služabnika v Drugem Izaiju obstaja zelo obsežna literatura, gl. John D. W. Watts 1987, 777–779; gl. tudi José L. Sicre 1995, 360–361. 13 O povezavi med stvarjenjem in preroštvom pri Drugem Izaiju, zlasti v spevih o Gospodovem služabniku, gl. Luca Mazzinghi 2014, 18–19. 14 Posebej o cetrtem spevu o Gospodovem služabniku gl. John L. Mckenzie 1969, 129–136; Joseph Blen­kinsopp 2002, 344–357; John Goldingay in David Payne 2006, 275–336. 5. Zakljucek Na koncu kratke predstavitve osnovnih znacilnosti treh razlicnih likov sprejemanja trpljenja v Stari zavezi lahko vzporedimo nekatere vidike Stare zaveze z izbranimi mesti Nove zaveze, ki teologijo Stare zaveze potrjujejo ali razvijajo. Npr. notranjo pot modrega Joba, ki se v iskanju globljega in bolj osebnega odnosa z Bogom ter njegovega odgovora na vprašanje preizkušnje in trpljenja vedno bolj usmerja v svojo notranjost, bi lahko vzporedili s svarilom, ki ga izreka Jezus v Lukovem evan­geliju in razkriva neprimerljivost med zemeljskimi dobrinami na eni in spoznanjem Boga na drugi strani: »Bog pa mu je rekel: ›Neumnez.! To noc. bodo terjali tvojo dušo od tebe, in kar si pripravil, cigavo bo?‹« (Lk 12,20) V tej priliki Jezus izostruje pogled na vse pridobljene zemeljske dobrine (pra-vicno zaslužene s trudom in naporom) in postavlja radikalno vprašanje o cloveko­vem življenju po smrti, ki odpira pot za tisto modrost, ki jo podarja le Bog.15 V situaciji trpljenja, ki ga povzroca neupraviceno nasprotovanje in preganjanje prerokov, Jezus daje v Novi zavezi novo in dokoncno spodbudo – zaradi svoje, Kri­stusove, zmage nad smrtjo: »To sem vam povedal, da bi imeli mir v meni. Na sve­tu imate stisko, vendar bodite pogumni: jaz sem svet premagal.« (Jn 16,33). Za ucenca, za kristjana, ki se z zahtevnim vprašanjem o sprejemanju trpljenja in stisk, ki jih povzroca logika sveta, sooca tudi danes, so Jezusove besede tolažil­ne in vir globokega upanja. Razmišljanje o tretjem liku sprejemanja trpljenja, o Gospodovem služabniku, nam orisuje pot, ki iz trpljenja in smrti vodi v življenje, ki ne mine – saj je življenje pri Bogu vecno, kakor je vecna njegova ljubezen. V knjigi preroka Izaija se po tr-pljenju in smrti zgodi prehod iz smrti v življenje, kot se je to zgodilo ob Rdecem morju (2 Mz 14), ob vstopu v obljubljeno deželo pri Jaboku (Joz 3) in pri drugih prehodih, ki jih je izvoljeno ljudstvo doživelo v 40 letih potovanja po pušcavi. Vsak prehod, ki ga vodi Bog, je zaznamovan z novim rojstvom ljudstva;16 podobno lah­ko vidimo pri Božjem služabniku – njegov prehod iz trpljenja preko smrti v novo, vecno življenje vodi Bog. Nova zaveza, zlasti Janezov evangelij, trpljenja v okviru Jezusovega trpljenja, smrti in vstajenja ter v širšem kontekstu življenja Cerkve in Jezusovih ucencev vseh casov ne predstavlja kot primanjkljaj, temvec kot rojstvo – kot velikonocni in do­koncni prehod iz smrti v življenje: »Žena na porodu je žalostna, ker je prišla njena ura. Ko pa porodi dete, se ne spominja vec. stiske zaradi veselja, ker se je clovek rodil na svet. Tudi vi ste zdaj žalostni; toda spet vas bom videl in vaše srce se bo veselilo in vašega veselja vam nihce ne bo vzel.« (Jn 16,21-22) Jezus je v poslovilnih govorih svoje ucence pripravljal, da bi lahko sprejeli to, kar se mora Ucitelju zgoditi – ko bo obsojen, umorjen in bo tretji dan vstal –, kot 15 O dinamiki med modrostjo sveta in razodetjem Božje modrosti, posebej v biblicni argumentaciji 1 Kor 3,18-23, kjer Pavel navaja in komentira Job 5, gl. Maksimilijan Matjaž 2019, 931–933. 16 O podobi rojstva ljudstva pri prehodu cez Trsticno morje in ob prehodu cez Jabok gl. Jean-Louis Ska 1997, 164–167. stisko in prehod, ki pa pomeni vstop v druge razsežnosti življenja, zaznamovanega z vstajenjem. Ucenec po Jezusovem trpljenju, smrti in vstajenju na veliko skrivnost Kristuso­vega trpljenja gleda drugace. Trpljenje se po svetu nadaljuje tudi danes in je za­znamovano z nezaslišanimi bolecinami – ki pa naznanjajo novi svet, novo clove­štvo, novo nebo in novo zemljo, ki prihaja od Boga. Reference Blenkinsopp, Joseph. 2002. Isaiah 40-55: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Yale Bible Commentaries. Double­day: Yale University Press. Bovati, Pietro, in Salvatore Maurizio Sessa, ur. 2008. Così parla il Signore: Studi sul profetismo biblico. Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane. Bovati, Pietro. 2012. Parole di Libertà: Il messag­gio biblico della salvezza. Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane. Craigie, Peter C., Page H. Kelley in Joel F. Drinkard. 1991. Jeremiah 1-25. Word Biblical Commentary 26. Dallas, TX: Word Books Pub­lisher. Fischer, Georg. 2015. Teologie dell‘Antico Testa­mento. Italijanski prev. Simone Paganini in Benedetta Rossi. Cinisello Balsano; Rim: San Paolo; Gregorian & Biblical Press. Gilbert, Maurice. 2003. Les cinq livres des sages: Proverbes; Job; Qohélet; Ben Sira; Sagesse.Pariz: Les Éditions du Cerf. Goldingay, John, in David Payne. 2006. Isaiah 40–55. Zv. 2. The International Critical Com­mentary. London: T&T Clark International. Krašovec, Jože. 1999. Nagrada, kazen in odpušca­nje: Mišljenje in verovanje Starega Izraela v luci grških in sodobnih pogledov. Ljubljana: Svetopi­semska družba Slovenije. Lorenzin, Tiziano. 2013. Esperti in umanità: Intro-duzione ai libri sapienziali e poetici. Graphé 4. Torino: Elledici. Lundbom, Jack R. 2004. Jeremiah 21–36: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. Anchor Bible Commentary 21B. Doubleday: Yale University Press. Matjaž, Maksimilijan. 2019. Uporaba Stare zaveze v retoricni argumentaciji Prvega pisma Korin-canom in njen pomen za razumevanje odre­šenjske modrosti. Bogoslovni vestnik 79, št. 4:923–935. Mckenzie, John L. 1969. Second Isaiah: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. The Anchor Bible Commentaries. Doubleday: Yale University Press. Rota Scalabrini, Patrizio. 2017. Sedotti dalla Paro-la: Introduzione ai libri profetici. Graphé 5. Torino: Elledici. Scaiola, Donatella. 2010. Dolore. V: Romano Penna, Giacomo Perego in Gianfranco Ravasi, ur. Temi Teologici della Bibbia, 374–380. Cini­sello Balsamo: San Paolo. Schreiner, Josef. 1981. Jeremia 1–25,14. Die neue Echter Bibel: Kommentar zum Alten Testament mit der Einheitsübersetzung. Würzburg: Echter Verlag. Sicre, José Luis. 1995. Profetismo in Israele. Rim:Borla. Ska, Jean-Louis. 1997. Le passage de la mer: Etude de la construction, du style et de la symbolique d’Ex 14,1-31. Analecta Biblica 109. Rim: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico. Torti Mazzi, Rita. 2003. Quando interrogare è pregare: La domanda nel Salterio alla luce della letteratura accadica. Studi sulla Bibbia e il suo ambiente 7. Cinisello Balsamo: San Paolo. Watts, John D. W. 1987. Isaiah 34-66. The Word Biblical Commentary 25. Dallas, TX: Word Books. Zapff, Burkard M. 2001. Jesaja 40–55. Die neue Echter Bibel: Kommentar zum Alten Testament mit der Einheitsübersetzung. Würzburg: Echter Verlag. Mazzinghi Luca. 2014. Al cuore della sapienza: Aspetti del vivere nell‘Antico Testamento. Collana Biblica. Bologna: Edizioni Dehoniane. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 61 Christian Gostecnik Psihoanaliza in sakralno izkustvo Psihoanaliticna relacijska paradigma predpostavlja, da imata tako religiozni kot ne­religiozni clovek svoje psihicne razloge za vero oziroma nevero. Zato je pomemb-no ugotoviti v kakšnega Boga verujoci veruje oziroma v kakšnega Boga neverujoci ne veruje. Tudi religiozna oseba namrec ne veruje v Boga v katerega nereligiozna oseba ne veruje ali ne more verjeti. Ljubljana: TEOF, ZBF in FDI, 2018. 455 str. ISBN 9789616844611, 20€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 103—116 Besedilo prejeto/Received:10/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 27-27-247.6 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Tedesko © 2022 Tedeško, CC BY 4.0 Alan Tedeško Il ritiro in preghiera di Gesù per un ritorno nuovo Jezusov umik v molitev za novo vrnitev The Retreat of Jesus in Prayer for a New Return Riassunto: L'articolo si propone come contributo esegetico alla pericope Mc 1,35­39, che narra del ritiro in preghiera di Gesù dopo la sua prima giornata d'annuncio. La conseguenza del ritiro in preghiera sarà l’espansione della sua missione tra la popolazione della Galilea. Il passo viene analizzato dal punto di vista della esegesi sincronica e messo in relazione con gli altri due passi in Mar­co, che narrano di un ritiro in preghiera di Gesù (Mc 6,46; 14,32-42). Dai paral­leli emerge il rapporto tra Gesù in preghiera e i discepoli, che non comprendo-no la sua missione. Questa si rivela strettamente legata al ritiro e alla preghie­ra di Gesù intesi come ricerca della volontà del Padre. Il giorno della risurrezi-one, con le sue risonanze pasquali e missionarie, messo in rapporto con il primo giorno dell'annuncio di Gesù, diventa infine uno schema per la missione della Chiesa. Parole chiave: Gesù, primo giorno, preghiera, annuncio, discepoli, esegesi Povzetek: Clanek predstavlja eksegetski prispevek k odlomku Mr 1,35-39, ki pripoveduje o Jezusovem umiku v molitev po njegovem prvem dnevu oznanjevanja. Posledica tega umika je razširitev njegovega poslanstva med Galilejci. Odlomek smo analizirali z vidika sinhrone eksegeze in ga povezali še z dvema Markovima odlomkoma o Jezusovem umiku v molitev (Mr 6,46; 14,32­42). Iz vzporednic lahko razberemo odnos med Jezusom v molitvi in ucenci, ki njegovega poslanstva ne razumejo. Slednje je tesno povezano z Jezusovim umi­kom in njegovo molitvijo, ki predstavlja iskanje Ocetove volje. Ko koncno pri­merjamo dan vstajenja in njegove velikonocne ter misijonske motive s prvim dnem Jezusovega oznanjevanja, se izriše še vzorec poslanstva Cerkve. Kljucne besede: Jezus, prvi dan, molitev, oznanjevanje, ucenci, eksegeza Abstract: This article intends to offer an exegetical contribution to Mk 1,35-39, which tells us of the retreat of Jesus in prayer after his first day of proclaiming the gospel. The consequence of the retreat will be the expansion of his mission among the people of Galilee. The passage is analyzed from the perspective of synchronic exegesis, and it is related with the other two passages in Mark that inform us of a retreat of Jesus in prayer (Mk 6,46; 14,32-42). From the parallels emerges the relationship between Jesus in prayer and his disciples, who do not understand his mission. This is strictly linked to the retreat and the prayer of Jesus as a looking for the will of the Father. The day of the resurrection, with its Easter and missionary resonances, seen in relation to the first day of Jesus, finally becomes a pattern for the mission of the Church. Keywords: Jesus, first day, prayer, proclamation, disciples, exegesis 1. Introduzione Chi ha svolto il lavoro pastorale sa come è spesso difficile tenere insieme gli obbli­ghi del lavoro e la preghiera. Spesso si rischia di favorire il lavoro a svantaggio della preghiera. Il tema del ritiro in preghiera è strettamente legato all’annuncio di Gesù. Nel vangelo di Marco ricorre per la prima volta nella pericope di Mc 1,35-39. Dopo la prima giornata d’annuncio tra la popolazione di Cafarnao, Gesù trova tempo per il ritiro e la preghiera (1,35). Mediante essa stabilisce il rapporto con il Padre, con l’aiuto del quale riesce a discernere in modo sempre più profondo la propria missione (1,38-39). Marco ci mostra Gesù che si ritira in preghiera solo tre volte nel suo vangelo. Sono i punti chiave della vita di Gesù: all’inizio dell’attività pubbli-ca (1,35), nell’apice delle sue grandi opere (6,46) e alla fine della sua vita (14,35). I momenti di preghiera sono così importanti per Gesù, che è disposto a lascia-re tutti per ritirarsi in preghiera: lascia la città di notte (1,35), costringe i discepo­li a partire (6,45), si allontana da loro per stare da solo con il Padre (14,35). In questi momenti egli discerne ed accoglie la volontà del Padre, che lo richiama alla sua missione originaria (1,14-15). La preghiera non è per lui una fuga in un luogo solitario; infatti, egli torna sempre rinvigorito dall'incontro con Dio, e ogni volta comincia una nuova fase della propria vita: porta il suo annuncio a un’espansione in tutta la Galilea (1,39), soccorre i discepoli in difficoltà e rivela loro tratti più mi-steriosi della propria persona (6,48-49), compie l’opera di redenzione che porterà, dopo la sua risurrezione, l’annuncio oltre i confini dello spazio e del tempo (16,6). Non solo l’annuncio del regno di Dio, ma egli stesso diventerà il kerygma della predicazione cristiana universale. Emerge da questi passi anche il rapporto tra Gesù orante e i suoi discepoli, i quali dovrebbero imitarlo sia nel ritiro in preghiera -per non lasciarsi affaticare troppo dal lavoro (6,31) –, sia nella preghiera – per non cadere in tentazione (14,34.38). Il ritiro e la preghiera di Gesù diventano nel vangelo un modello per i suoi discepoli, come pure per i suoi futuri discepoli, i lettori del vangelo, che vo­gliono dirigere la propria vita nella sequela di Gesù. 2. Percorso dell’analisi Seguendo l’articolazione del brano, dividiamo la pericope di Mc 1,35-39 in tre parti, alle quali corrispondono tre titoli. La prima parte (1,35) ci mostra il distac-co di Gesù e la sua preghiera in un luogo deserto. La seconda (1,36-37) ci narra la ricerca dei discepoli e le loro parole al ritrovamento di Gesù. La terza (1,38-39) invece spiega la risposta di Gesù che implica parole e azioni. Cerchiamo sempre di cogliere il significato del testo come ci viene proposto dall’evangelista Marco, che diventa per noi l’esegeta privilegiato del suo stesso Vangelo. Il rapporto della pericope con il contesto evidenzia il contenuto del racconto in relazione al vangelo. Emerge qui la ricchezza lessicale e tematica del passo, che trova eco in tutto il vangelo e lo consolida con i propri richiami interni. Nel nostro lavoro ci fermiamo sul tema del luogo deserto, della preghiera di Gesù, del suo annuncio e della ricerca di Gesù nel vangelo di Marco. Infine, ci dedichiamo al tema del primo giorno con risonanze pasquali e missionarie. 3. Articolazione del brano Le proposte sulla struttura del nostro brano sono poche e per lo più si fanno di­pendere dalla ricostruzione storico-critica (Bazzi 2004, 63). Offriamo qui una ri­partizione che tiene conto dei cambiamenti dei personaggi principali e delle loro azioni. Secondo questi criteri la pericope di Mc 1,35-39 si può facilmente dividere in tre parti. La prima parte (1,35) presenta Gesù come agente di tutte le azioni principali, anche se si parla di lui solo implicitamente mediante le desinenze verbali. Il par-ticipio ..ast.., ‚alzatosi‘, riporta un’informazione di sfondo, mentre i verbi di movimento .....e. .a. .p...e., ‚uscì e si ritirò‘, danno avvio all’azione vera e propria. Questa viene poi rallentata e intensificata dall’imperfetto p..s...et., ,pregava‘, il quale indica una nuova azione di Gesù. Il versetto funge da esposizi-one, poiché mette in rilievo il personaggio principale di tutto il racconto ed espo­ne le coordinate spaziali (...µ.. t.p.., ,luogo deserto‘) e temporali (p... .....a ..a., ,presto, quando era ancora molto buio‘), che diventeranno le circostanze del suo ritrovamento e del dialogo con quelli che lo seguono (1,36-38). La seconda parte (1,36-37) mette in rilievo le azioni dei discepoli. L’iniziativa sembra essere di Simone, che viene presentato come capo del gruppo. L’azione dei discepoli è descritta mediante il verbo .atad...., ,mettersi sulle tracce di qualcuno‘, che non è un verbo ordinario per la ricerca di una persona. Dopo il ri­trovamento segue un verbum dicendi (.....s.., ,dicono‘), che introduce una sequenza dialogata. L’agente rimane immutato, sono sempre i discepoli a intro-durre il dialogo, che rivela la loro motivazione per la ricerca: ...te. ..t..s.. se, ,tutti ti cercano‘ (1,37b). La terza parte (1,38-39) riporta una parola di Gesù e il suo movimento. La ri­sposta ai discepoli al congiuntivo presente ...µe., ,andiamo‘, è un’esortazione ad accompagnarlo nel suo annuncio. La motivazione per andarsene sembra un po’ misteriosa e cercheremo di chiarirla nell’esegesi: e.. t..t. ... ......., ‚per questo, infatti, sono uscito‘. Al dialogo segue la narrazione che fa intravedere le azioni realizzate da Gesù. L’indicativo aoristo ...e., ,andò‘, porta in primo piano il suo percorrere le sinagoghe di tutta la Galilea, i participi presenti ....ss.. (,predicando‘) e ..ß..... (,scacciando‘), invece, mostrano le azioni che accom­pagnano il suo movimento. 4. Interpretazione del testo Nell'esegesi del testo cercheremo di comprendere cosa voglia rivelarci l’evangelista nel breve passo sul quale abbiamo indagato. Seguiremo la struttura tripartita com'è stata proposta nell’articolazione del testo. Per ogni parte riportiamo il testo e ne offriamo una traduzione letterale. 4.1 L’uscita di Gesù (Mc 1,35) .a. p... .....a ..a. ..ast.. .....e. .a. .p...e. e.. ...µ.. t.p.. ...e. p..s...et.. (Mc 1,35) «E alzatosi presto, quando era ancora molto buio, uscì e si ritirò in un luo-go deserto, e là pregava.» La pericope comincia con una doppia designazione temporale che forma una netta cesura rispetto a quanto precede. Se la scena del giorno precedente terminava la sera con il tramonto del sole (1,32), questa inizia molto presto la mattina e insiste sul tempo ancora notturno dell’uscita di Gesù. La sequenza di tre avverbi p... .....a ..a., (,presto‘, ,di notte‘, ,molto‘) per descrivere le circostanze temporali non è abituale (France 2005, 100). Due di questi avverbi (p... e ..a.) però forma-no un contatto lessicale con il racconto della risurrezione, dove vengono ripetuti insieme (16,2) (Kirchschläger 1978, 307–309). Il momento in cui Gesù decide di alzarsi è un tempo in cui le persone ancora dormono, per cui nessuno dovrebbe notare la sua uscita che avviene in segreto (Légasse 2000, 121). Lo stacco narrativo è enfatizzato dal participio (..ast.., ,alzatosi‘) seguito da un verbo di movimento (.....e., ,usci‘). Si tratta di una costruzione semitica per se­gnalare un cambio di scena (Belano 2008, 129). L’accumulo dei verbi di movimento indica che l’intento dell’evangelista non è solo quello di esprimere lo stacco da un tempo precedente, ma anche dal luogo e da tutto ciò che ad esso è legato. Infatti, l’espressione .a. .p...e. (‚e se ne andò‘), posta in primo piano, significa proprio ,l’andare via‘, cioè lasciare un luogo e incamminarsi verso un altro. Marco utilizza il termine .p....µa. persegnalare il distacco dalla gente(Gundry 1993, 93). La de­stinazione del movimento di Gesù, e.. ...µ.. t.p.. (‚in un luogo deserto‘), non designa necessariamente il deserto, ma può essere qualsiasi luogo solitario o disa­bitato, lontano dalla gente e dal tumulto delle folle. Marco è molto preciso nel dis­tinguere l'...µ.. t.p.. dal ...µ.. (Stein 2009, 100). L’aggettivo ...µ.. richiama il ,deserto‘, il quale è legato all’annuncio di Giovanni Battista (1,3.4) e alla tentazio­ne di Gesù (1,12) all’inizio del vangelo, mentre il sostantivo t.p.. appare in connes­sione con il ,luogo‘ della morte e risurrezione di Gesù (15,22; 16,6). Sembra come se si volesse congiungere nell’espressione ,luogo solitario‘, il motivo della tentazio­ne da una parte e la consapevolezza della sorte di Gesù dall’altra. La tentazione proviene dalle folle che vogliono vedere in lui, un personaggio pronto a risolvere i loro bisogni. Gesù però apparentemente delude queste attese recandosi in un luo-go che richiama la presenza del Padre e la sua missione primaria (Lane 1974, 81). La fine di Mc 1,35 descrive l’azione di Gesù nel luogo solitario: ...e. p..s...et., ‚e lì pregava‘. L’avverbio ...e., un hapax marciano in posizione enfatica, stabilisce un contrasto con la città e con le sue aspettative (Mateos e Camacho 1997, 173). Mentre prima, per descrivere il movimento di Gesù avevamo degli aoristi che mo-stravano la sequenza dei fatti, ora un imperfetto fa convergere la percezione tem­porale sulla preghiera di Gesù. Il movimento sparisce, il tempo si estende e quasi ferma la scena in una contemplazione dispiegata davanti al lettore, per mostrare l’importanza di questo momento. Non conosciamo il tipo di preghiera di Gesù, e nemmeno conosciamo il suo contenuto, vediamo però Gesù che si distacca dalla sua attività incessante e trova il tempo per rivolgersi a Dio nella quiete e nel raccoglimento (Stock 1990, 56). Sono momenti di colloquio con il Padre, perché p..se...µa. significa sempre rivolgersi a Dio. Abbiamo visto che Gesù è legato a Dio fin dall’inizio del vangelo (1,11). Osservando Gesù in preghiera nel contesto delle azioni che lo avvolgono, vediamo che nell’atto della preghiera avviene il discernimento in cui egli chiarisce e rilancia tutta la sua azione (Stock 2010, 44). Gesù poteva trarre gloria e vantaggi dai miracoli compiuti ma Marco spesso contrappone il pensiero dell’uomo a quel-lo di Dio (8,33) e mostra come Gesù nella preghiera riesce a superare questa ten-tazione (Beck 1999, 67). Le sue azioni sono continuamente accordate con il vole-re divino, non influenzate dalle aspettative della gente e dell’opinione pubblica. Nella preghiera Gesù, infatti, discerne la volontà del Padre. 4.2 La ricerca dei discepoli (Mc 1,36-37) .a. .ated...e. a.t.. S.µ.. .a. .. µet. a.t.., .a. e.... a.t.. .a. .....s.. a.t. .t. ...te. ..t..s.. se. (Mc 1,36-37) «Ma Simone e quelli che erano con lui si misero sulle sue tracce. Lo trova­rono e gli dicono: ›Tutti ti cercano!‹» Quando i discepoli si accorgono dell’assenza di Gesù, si mettono sulle sue tracce (1,36-37a). Il verbo .ated.... è un hapax neotestamentario, nei Settanta però prevale il senso ostile di ,inseguire, dare la caccia, perseguitare‘ un nemico o un rivale (Gs 8,17; Ps 31,15; 1 Sam 26,18) (DENT, 1930). Per alcuni l’espressione in-dica una sorta di ricerca intensa in senso positivo (Stein 2009, 100), altri, invece, vedono in essa un’intrusione violenta dei discepoli nella preghiera di Gesù (Gnilka 1987, 109). A nostro parere l’inseguimento dei discepoli ha il senso di una ricer-ca intensa: «si misero sulle sue tracce.» (CEI, 2008) Il testo marciano sembra così alludere alla ricerca insistente dei discepoli di Gesù. I promotori della ricerca sono Simone e i suoi compagni. Dal gruppo chiara­mente emerge Simone, nominato a parte, mentre gli altri semplicemente stanno con lui. Più avanti nel vangelo leggiamo che Gesù stabilirà i dodici ..a .s.. µet. a.t.., «affinché stessero con lui» (3,14), vediamo però che in questo momento stanno con Simone. Lui prende l’iniziativa e trascina dietro di sé anche gli altri che hanno cominciato a seguire Gesù (1,17.20). In questo momento però più che se­guirlo, sembra quasi che lo stiano cercando. Marco pone l’accento sull’atteggia­mento dei primi discepoli nei confronti di Gesù: loro sono chiamati a seguirlo (.........), ora però si sono messi sulle sue tracce (.atad....). Sono quelli che lo accompagnano nelle opere gloriose, mentre lo cercano quando si ritira da solo nella preghiera. L’uscita segreta di Gesù ha provocato un vuoto, che viene colmato nel v. 37a, quando i discepoli ‚lo trovano‘ (e.... a.t..). A questo punto convergono nello stesso luogo e tempo il movimento di Gesù e quello dei disce­poli. Finisce qui la scena muta e comincia un’azione dialogata. Il movente di Pietro e dei suoi compagni sarebbe difficile da valutare, se non fosse spiegato dalle loro stesse parole. La motivazione che danno a Gesù al mo-mento del suo ritrovamento è formata da un’espressione iperbolica: p..te. ..t..s.. se, ‚tutti ti cercano‘. Più che una situazione reale, l’evangelista vuole ac-cennare alla grandezza dell’impatto che ha provocato Gesù tra la gente della città (Stein 2009, 101). Il verbo usato dai discepoli è abituale: ..t.. significa ,cercare‘ qualcuno o qualcosa. Nella tradizione biblica indica il dinamismo del cammino religioso, ma lo troviamo in Marco sempre in un contesto conflittuale, cf. 3,22; 8,11-12; 11,18; 12,12; 14,1; 14,11; 14,55 (Beck 2015, 101). Anche se non viene detto espressamente, sotto le parole dei discepoli si per-cepisce la loro posizione. Non si tratta solo della gente ma anche loro cercano Gesù, perché anche loro sono presi dall’impatto che ha provocato su di essi nel primo giorno. Così l’evangelista, cambiando focalizzazione, mostra i discepoli come portavoce della gente e intermediari tra gli entusiasti e Gesù. Mentre però la po­polazione lo cerca invano, i discepoli, forse più perseveranti spingono oltre le loro ricerche e lo trovano (Légasse 2000, 123). Tuttavia, anche se essi condividono il desiderio della folla, Gesù non condivide il loro desiderio (Gnilka 1987, 107). 4.3 La risposta di Gesù (Mc 1,38-39) .a. ...e. a.t..., ...µe. ...a... e.. t.. ...µ..a. ..µ.p..e.., ..a .a. ..e. ......· e.. t..t. ... .........a. ...e. ....ss.. e.. t.. s..a..... a.t.. e.. .... t.. Ga...a.a. .a. t. da.µ...a ..ß...... (Mc 1,38-39) «Dice loro: ›Andiamocene altrove, nei circostanti villaggi, affinché io pre­dichi anche là; per questo, infatti, sono uscito!‹ E andò per tutta la Galilea predicando nelle loro sinagoghe e scacciando i demoni.» Gesù risponde a due livelli, uno di parole (1,38) e l’altro d’azione (1,39). La ri­sposta alla battuta dei discepoli è inaspettata: ...µe. ...a..., ‚andiamo altrove‘. Si rivela così che l’allontanamento di Gesù non era una fuga ma un gesto preme­ditato. Siamo a un punto nodale che capovolge la situazione nel corso degli even-ti. I discepoli si aspettavano che Gesù sarebbe tornato con loro a Cafarnao, così avrebbe soddisfatto le loro aspettative e quelle degli abitanti della città. Marco non spiega perché Gesù non sia tornato in quella città ed è difficile trarre un ar­gomento ex silentio, possiamo però dire che la sua risposta rivela le aspettative di Dio, dopo che Gesù ha considerato la situazione in preghiera. La risposta di Gesù diventa così un invito ai discepoli ad andare altrove. La frase formulata al congi­untivo non è solo un semplice invito ma un’esortazione che invita fortemente i discepoli ad accompagnarlo. Il tempo presente con il senso durativo dà all’invito di Gesù un valore di continuità nel suo stile di vita itinerante (Bazzi 2004, 167). Gesù continua ad associare al suo lavoro quelli che ha chiamato a seguirlo (1,17). Il testo dà per scontato che i discepoli hanno seguito Gesù per la Galilea, anche se non viene detto che hanno capito o accettato la sua decisione (Mateos e Ca­macho 1997, 176). Il sostantivo ..µ.p..e.., coniato da Marco, viene interpretato dalla Vulgata come vicos et civitates per indicare i villaggi e le città. La frase subordinata ..a .a. ..e. ......, ‚affinché io predichi anche là‘, indica il fine della sua decisione che è la predicazione. Non solo Cafarnao deve beneficiare della sua presenza e del suo insegnamento ma ci sono anche altri posti in Galilea ai quali deve essere an-nunciata la sua parola accompagnata dalle opere (Stein 2009, 101). L’evangelista non riporta il contenuto della predicazione, perché l’ha già fatto in Mc 1,15. La motivazione che offre Gesù della propria decisione e.. t..t. ... ......., ‚per questo, infatti, sono uscito‘, è la più difficile da interpretare. La domanda che si pone è: a che cosa si riferisce il suo ......µa.? Molti spiegano questo come un verbo teologico, l’uscita di Gesù dal Padre nel senso giovanneo, oppure come la sua missione globale (Ernst 1990, 80). Il problema di questa lettura è che non ci sono contatti lessicali diretti nel testo marciano per supportare questa interpre­tazione; tutte le occorrenze del verbo, infatti, sono concrete (Gundry 1993, 94). In questo caso l’espressione si riferisce all’inizio della nostra pericope, dove Gesù esce dalla casa e da Cafarnao per pregare. Il contesto d’altronde suggerisce una certa ambiguità. La frase si rivela interpretabile a due livelli: al senso concreto dell’uscita di Gesù dalla città corrisponde il senso teologico del suo uscire dal Pa­dre per andare in mezzo agli uomini. In questa breve frase appare la genialità dell’evangelista e la sua capacità di inserire concetti teologici in termini concreti che rispondono alla realtà umana. Il legame tra le due tappe è stabilito dalla pre­ghiera, momento di riflessione e di profondo legame con Dio in vista della salvez­za degli uomini (Gnilka 1987, 109). Il suo uscire è un venire in mezzo agli uomini, ma è anche un sottrarsi alla gente, che vuole impadronirsene, al fine di raggiun­gere anche altre persone. Si tratta di un uscire continuo che supera tutti gli osta­coli personali in vista di una prospettiva universale. Anche l’uscire nelle tenebre verso l’ora mattutina è un alzarsi in vista dell’alba che amplifica l’orizzonte. Mc 1,39 segna il passaggio dal dialogo alla narrativa, che pone ancora una vol-ta in primo piano il movimento di Gesù (1,35). Com'è caratteristico dei sommari, il versetto riprende più azioni di Gesù. Gli elementi della ripresa sono già apparsi in Mc 1,38 (annuncio) e in Mc 1,21-28 (esorcismi). La menzione del movimento accompagnato dall’annuncio in tutta la Galilea corrisponde al sommario dell’avvio dell’attività pubblica di Gesù (1,14). L’evangelista produce così un eco che fa risuo­nare il contenuto della proclamazione di Gesù, l’annuncio del regno di Dio e il ri­chiamo alla conversione (1,15) (Gundry 1993, 94). Il primo ambiente della proclamazione di Gesù è ‚nelle loro sinagoghe‘ (e.. t.. s..a..... a.t..), dove egli trova l’ascolto della gente radunata per la preghie­ra. La seconda locuzione avverbiale e.. .... t.. Ga...a.a. (‚in tutta la Galilea‘), disturba l’eleganza stilistica del versetto e apre il problema a quale verbo assegna-re ciascuna delle due o ambedue le locuzioni: all’annuncio o al movimento di Gesù. Senza il riferimento agli esorcismi il greco suggerisce che ambedue le locuzioni siano rette dal participio (101). Questo favorisce l’idea di un ampliamento gradua­le dell’orizzonte: Gesù non predica solo nelle sinagoghe, ma anche per tutta la Galilea. La frase .a. t. da.µ...a ..ß..... (‚e scacciando i demoni‘) rompe un po’ lo stile, perché anche il suo participio (..ß.....) deve essere retto dal verbo principale. Ciò favorisce una reversione del v. 39, la quale lega il verbo di movi­mento alla seconda locuzione avverbiale, al participio invece la prima, riducendo così l’annuncio solo all’ambito delle sinagoghe: «E andò per tutta la Galilea predi­cando nelle loro sinagoghe e scacciando i demoni.» Senza la menzione degli esor­cismi il versetto avrebbe eleganza, ma sarebbe un annuncio al quale mancano i segni che confermano la predicazione sulla venuta del regno di Dio (1,14-15.21­34) (Grasso 2003, 81). Con Mc 1,39 viene realizzato ciò che veniva postulato nel v. 38. L'attività di Gesù prosegue nell’annuncio del regno di Dio (1,14-15) sulla scia di quanto era accadu-to nella sinagoga di Cafarnao (1,21-28). Il carattere sommario del versetto amplia la prospettiva: quello che è successo nella sinagoga di Cafarnao, succede ora in tutta la Galilea. 5. Contributo di Mc 1,35-39 al messaggio del vangelo Il nostro testo apre alcuni temi che trovano eco nel vangelo. La loro presenza si manifesta in modo oggettivo nell’uso del vocabolario comune. Tra i temi più im­portanti di Marco possiamo annoverare la preghiera, la ricerca, l’annuncio e il primo giorno. 5.1 La preghiera di Gesù come ritiro Nel vangelo di Marco, i discepoli sempre accompagnano Gesù, eccetto nella sua passione. Sono pochi i momenti che descrivono un ritiro di Gesù e sempre si tratta di un ritiro per la preghiera. Questa appare nei punti chiave del vangelo: all’inizio (1,35), al centro (6,46) e alla fine (14,32-42). Vogliamo elaborare brevemente que­sti riferimenti che illuminano il nostro passo e aggiungiamo un tema che emerge: il rapporto tra Gesù in preghiera e i suoi discepoli. 5.1.1 La preghiera sul monte (Mc 6,46) Nella pericope dell’epifania sul mare (6,45-52) troviamo una breve menzione sul fatto che Gesù, subito dopo aver costretto i discepoli a precederlo sull’altra riva (6,45) e congedata la folla, «salì sul monte a pregare» (6,46). La pericope segue la moltiplicazione dei pani (6,32-44). Come nel nostro passo, la preghiera di Gesù avviene in solitudine e di notte, dopo che ha agito davanti alle folle fino a sera (1,34; 6,41-42). La differenza è che in 1,35 pregava in un luogo solitario, mentre qui sale su un monte per pregare (6,46). Il passo fa intravedere che Gesù non si ritira dalla gente per lasciarla, ma per espandere la sua missione (6,53-56; 1,39). Dopo la preghiera avviene l’incontro, prima con i discepoli (6,48; 1,37), e dopo con la gente (6,54; 1,39). L’evangelista di nuovo tiene separati i discepoli dalla folla e quando lo fa, vuole descrivere un momento importante (Légasse 2000, 344). La descrizione dell’evento sul mare in 6,48-51 è significativa: Gesù vede i discepoli in difficoltà e agisce. L’incontro avviene nella quarta veglia notturna, cioè verso il mattino, e la sua azione mette in rilievo la questione della sua identità. Il te­sto dice espressamente che lo credevano un fantasma (6,49), ma afferma anche che non avevano ancora capito il fatto dei pani (6,52). I discepoli per mancanza di fede ignorano quello che avrebbero dovuto sapere e comprendere, e la loro paura ne è la prova. Questo illumina anche il nodo in Mc 1,38, dove Gesù non risponde alle aspet­tative dei discepoli ma lancia loro una proposta diversa. Il suo invito doveva su­scitare nei primi quattro discepoli una domanda, almeno sul perché del suo com-portamento inaspettato. Qui la questione si fa più chiara: i dodici stanno davanti alla domanda dell’identità di Gesù. Le azioni di Gesù si rivelano così, strettamen­te legate alla domanda sulla sua identità. 5.1.2 La preghiera nel Getsemani (Mc 14,32-42) Marco dipinge Gesù in preghiera nel Getsemani in 14,32-42. Emergono dal gru­ppo i primi discepoli: Pietro, Giacomo e Giovanni, manca però Andrea (14,33). La preghiera di Gesù è descritta come un ritiro che egli compie da solo, staccandosi di alcuni passi dai tre discepoli (14,35). La forma verbale p..s...et. è identica a quella in Mc 1,35, un imperfetto che esprime la perseveranza di Gesù nella pre­hiera (Gundry 1993, 854). L’evangelista riporta due novità: mentre altrove non conoscevamo il contenuto della preghiera, qui sono le parole di Gesù a rivelarcelo e d’altra parte sono rivelati anche i suoi sentimenti (Légasse 2000, 748). Per Gesù non è questione se Dio può fare qualcosa, ma vi è la preghiera per poter aderire al volere di Dio: «Non ciò che io voglio, ma ciò che tu vuoi.» (14,36) Il suo rapporto fiducioso verso il Padre viene svelato dal termine aßßa, ,papà‘. Si tratta di un modo molto intimo di rapportarsi con Dio, che all’epoca di Gesù usavano i bambini o i ragazzi per rivolgersi al proprio padre (Stein 2009, 662). Nella preghiera Gesù parla della sua sorte, che percepisce come volontà del Padre e alla quale vuole aderire. Se viene qui spiegata la preghiera come ricerca della volontà del Padre, possia-mo supporre che anche i primi due ritiri in preghiera (1,35; 6,46) fossero una ri­cerca della volontà di Dio. Le pericopi precedenti parlavano del ritiro in preghiera di Gesù dopo le sue grandi opere, mentre qui si parla esclusivamente del suo fu­turo. Questo fa pensare che Gesù nella preghiera considerasse le sue azioni pas-sate e cercasse la volontà del Padre per il suo futuro, il che spiegherebbe anche ciò che aveva detto ai discepoli in 1,38: e.. t..t. ... ....... ‚per questo, infat-ti, sono uscito‘. La sua preghiera è un aderire alla volontà del Padre negli eventi che l’attendevano, nella fede che tutto sarebbe avvenuto per la salvezza degli uomini. Paradossalmente completerà la sua più grande opera di liberazione non agendo, ma consegnandosi nelle mani degli uomini (14,41). 5.1.3 Il rapporto tra Gesù in preghiera e i suoi discepoli Nei tre passi che narrano del ritiro di Gesù e della sua preghiera emerge una discre­panza fra Gesù e i suoi discepoli. Quando andò a pregare in Mc 1,35, i primi quattro discepoli si misero sulle sue tracce (1,36). Dopo che finì di pregare sul monte, andò dai discepoli, ma non lo riconobbero e si spaventarono (6,48-50). Nel Getsemani invece si addormentarono (14,37). Il racconto nel Getsemani (14,32-42) è forse il più illuminante per il rapporto di Gesù in preghiera e i suoi discepoli. Gesù li invita alla vigilanza (14,34), ma loro si addormentano (14,38). Gesù li richiama alla vigi­lanza e alla preghiera per non cadere in tentazione, ma si addormentano di nuo­vo (14,40). Succede così anche la terza volta. I discepoli mostrano di non essere all’altezza del loro maestro. Gesù prega ed è preparato per gli eventi che stanno per accadere, i discepoli invece non pregano e non sono preparati ad affrontare il momento di crisi. Come risultato della non vigilanza diventeranno suoi disertori e lo rinnegheranno (Stein 2009, 666). Il fatto che Gesù chiama Pietro nel Getse­mani con il nome di Simone potrebbe simbolicamente indicare il suo fallimento nell’essere un vero discepolo (Légasse 2000, 756). Si potrebbe forse supporre che una tentazione abbia accompagnato anche la preghiera di Gesù a Cafarnao (1,35). Se non avesse cercato la volontà del Padre, avrebbe potuto rimanere lì, dove era già accolto e ammirato da tutti, ma la consapevolezza della sua missione lo spinge oltre. Marco sembra fare un gioco dialettico tra la prima e l’ultima preghiera di Gesù; quando i discepoli dovrebbero dormire, lo cercano (1,36), mentre quando dovrebbero pregare, invece dormono (14,37.40.41). L’atteggiamento dei discepoli è spiegato nella pericope dell’epifania, dove Marco dice che non capivano ancora; però Gesù li incoraggia a cogliere la sua identità (6,50-52). Dopo la sua preghiera nel Getsemani, Gesù lancia l’esortazione: ...µe., ‚an-diamo‘ (14,42). Questo richiama il primo invito ai primi quattro discepoli ad ac-compagnarlo nella sua missione in Mc 1,38. Il contatto lessicale forma un’impor­tante inclusione: esso si trova all’inizio della missione di Gesù e si trova all’inizio del compimento della sua missione. Gesù non scappa ma va incontro a quelli che si avvicinano, a quelli che lo ,cercano‘, e invita anche i suoi ad accompagnarlo (Stein 2009, 665). Mc 14,42 sono le ultime parole di Gesù ai suoi discepoli più in-timi e formano un contrasto con quello che aveva detto loro prima di ritirarsi a pregare: «rimanete qui e vegliate» (14,34). Dopo la preghiera è ora di passare all’azione, ma i discepoli, non avendo pregato, lo abbandoneranno. 5.2 La ricerca di Gesù in Marco Il motivo della ricerca di Gesù si trova più volte nel vangelo di Marco. Abbiamo già visto il verbo .ated...., usato per la ricerca da parte dei discepoli; ma questo ver­bo è usato una sola volta (1,36). Il verbo ..t.. è molto più comune per significare la ricerca di qualcuno o qualcosa. Questo occorre 10 volte nel vangelo di Marco (1,37; 3,32; 8,11.12; 11,18; 12.12; 14,1.11.55; 16,6). La prima volta lo troviamo sulla bocca dei discepoli in 1,37: «Tutti ti cercano», anche se la loro azione viene descritta dall'altro verbo. Sembra quasi che l’evangelista voglia esprimersi ironi­camente. I discepoli scusano la propria ricerca con l’interesse della gente, mentre le loro azioni parlano di un inseguimento di Gesù. Quando appare ..t.. abbiamo sempre a che fare con Gesù: lo cercano i suoi discepoli, le folle, i parenti, le donne (1,37; 3,32; 16,6), oppure i suoi avversari cercano il modo di prenderlo per farlo perire (11,18; 8,11.12; 12,12; 14,1.11.55). Anche la ricerca del segno in 8,12 è usata solo come risposta alla provocazione dei farisei che lo tentano (8,11). I pa-renti lo cercano per portarlo via, ritenendolo fuori di sé (3,21), mentre le donne alla tomba cercano il suo corpo che porta i segni della crudeltà umana (15,43.45). La ricerca di Gesù si mostra così, come una ricerca ostile quando è al servizio dei propri interessi (Belano 2008, 132). I criteri secondo i quali i discepoli e la gen-te cercano Gesù sono umani e non riescono a cogliere la sua identità, né dal suo insegnamento, né dalle sue opere (1,21-45). Per rendersi conto della realtà divina e accogliere il messaggio di Gesù bisogna cambiare pensiero (1,15), usando altri criteri (Beck 1999, 45–46). 5.3 L’annuncio nel vangelo di Marco Il tema dell’annuncio è richiamato due volte dal nostro passo (1,38.39). Marco usa il verbo ....ss., ,proclamare‘, per designare l’annuncio (Légasse 2000, 67). Nel suo vangelo appare 16 volte (1,4.7.14.38.39.45; 3,14; 5,20; 6,12; 7,36; 13,10; 14,9; 16,15.20), su 32 casi nei sinottici. Data la natura del verbo, un denominativo da ....., ,araldo‘, si tratta di proclamare non un messaggio personale ma un mes-saggio altrui, come faceva l’araldo. Il verbo riveste un carattere di ufficialità, perché ciò che si annuncia entra subito in vigore, senza possibilità di trattare o posticipare (Belano 2008, 32–33). L’annuncio di Gesù viene designato come ‚vangelo di Dio‘ (1,14-15). Tutto ciò che Gesù d’ora in poi dirà o farà sarà solo l’affermazione della realtà di quest’annuncio. Le ricorrenze del verbo nella nostra pericope (1,38.39) s’intendono quindi come missione di Gesù alla luce di 1,14. L'altro verbo che Marco usa per indicare la missione di Gesù è d.d.s.., ‚inse­gnare‘. Lo troviamo 16 volte nel suo vangelo. Quasi esclusivamente si riferisce a Gesù che insegna: alla gente nella sinagoga (1,21.22; 6,2) e nel tempio (11,17; 12,35), alla folla presso il mare (2,13; 4,1.2; 6,34) e percorrendo il paese (6,6; 10,1), infine ai suoi discepoli lungo la strada (8,31; 9,31). Una volta è riferito all’insegna­mento degli apostoli inviati da Gesù (6,30) e una volta all'insegnamento umano degli scribi e dei farisei (7,7). L’annuncio, sia come insegnamento sia come proclamazione, è accompagnato dalle opere di guarigione e dagli esorcismi. Questi eventi sono normalmente con-giunti (1,21-31; 5,1-43) e appaiono insieme anche nei sommari (1,32-34; 3,10-12; 6,13). Nella nostra pericope appare solo l’esorcismo, che viene messo accanto alla predicazione di Gesù. Marco non pone grande accento sui segni, poiché Gesù non è venuto per operare miracoli ma per proclamare (1,38). Il suo pieno potere si rivela nella sua parola, i segni che la accompagnano manifestano solo la realtà della sua proclamazione sulla venuta del regno di Dio (Gnilka 1987, 305–307). 5.4 Il primo giorno con risonanze pasquali e missionarie (1,35-39 e 16,1-8) Mc 1,35-39 condivide agganci lessicali e tematici con il racconto della risurrezione in Mc 16,1-8. Già Wichelhaus aveva notato che il raddoppiamento dei dati cronolo­gici (p... e ..a.) vuole indicare l’altra stessa ora che appare nel vangelo: il mattino della risurrezione (1969, 52). Infatti, il mattino in Mc 1,35 segue gli avvenimenti del sabato, primo giorno di Gesù a Cafarnao (1,21-34), come anche il mattino in Mc 16,1 comincia dicendo: d.a.e..µ.... t.. saßß.t.., ‚passato il sabato‘. I movimenti di Gesù in Mc 1,35: ..ast.. .....e. .a. .p...e., ‚alzatosi uscì e andò via‘, descrivono quindi gli avvenimenti pasquali (Wichelhaus 1969, 52–53). Contro questa posizione si pone Légasse negando l’allusione tra l’alzarsi di Gesùin Mc 1,35 e la sua risurrezione nel capitolo 16 (Légasse 2000, 848). È vero che questo capitolo non usa il verbo ...st.µ. per la risurrezione di Gesù, come vor­rebbe vederlo Wichelhaus (1969, 53–54), però sono anche innegabili i collega­menti tra le due pericopi. A parte la precisazione temporale, troviamo in Mc 16,1­8 la ricerca delle donne, un luogo disabitato, l’annuncio del giovane, l’invio delle donne (van Iersel 1989, 39–40). Il movimento delle donne verso il sepolcro di Gesù (16,2) è descritto dal giova­ne come una ricerca: ..s... ..te.te t.. .a.a....., ‚cercate Gesù, il Nazareno‘ (16,6). Se in Mc 1,36-37 i discepoli e le folle cercavano Gesù, qui sono le donne che cercano Gesù il Nazareno, cioè il Gesù della storia terrena, una storia termi­nata (Légasse 2000, 852). Quello che trovano non è il suo corpo, ma un giovane che si rivolge a loro con un messaggio e indica loro il t.p.., ,luogo‘, dove era sta-to posto Gesù. Il luogo del sepolcro richiama il luogo deserto, dove Gesù si rela­zionava con il Padre (1,35). Dal luogo deserto è partita l’evangelizzazione di tutta la Galilea (1,38), e così paradossalmente dal sepolcro parte l’annuncio della risur­rezione di Gesù (16,6), un vangelo per tutte le genti che varcherà i confini spazia­li e temporali fino ai giorni nostri. Il giovane chiede alle donne di ricordare ai discepoli l’oracolo di Gesù, quando affermava che li avrebbe preceduti in Galilea (14,28), punto di partenza della sua rivelazione messianica (1,14.39). Là i discepoli furono invitati a seguirlo (1,17.20.38), qui l’invito è rilanciato, ma dovranno percorrere la strada da Geru­salemme, luogo del loro fallimento, verso la Galilea, luogo del loro inizio (van Ier­sel 1989, 40). La ricerca delle donne si conclude come la ricerca dei discepoli (1,38), con un invito a seguire Gesù. Con questi echi tematici e lessicali, Marco collega la fine con l’inizio del vangelo. Possiamo aggiungere la preminenza di Pie­tro che di nuovo emerge dal gruppo. Quando era ancora Simone, aveva per primo cercato Gesù nel suo ritiro in preghiera (1,36), ma quando come Pietro avrebbe dovuto imparare a imitare il maestro nella preghiera, ha fallito (14,37). Ora però è il primo a essere invitato a ritrovare (16,7), non più il Gesù terreno che ha cer­cato quella mattina in Galilea, ma il Gesù risorto che attende lui e i suoi compagni per incontrarli di nuovo in Galilea. 6. Conclusione L’analisi di questa breve pericope mostra un testo ricco di significato. Nel cor-so dell’esegesi abbiamo scoperto lo scopo dell’uscita di Gesù: «per questo sono uscito.» (1,38) Sorprende lo stile di Marco che riesce ad impregnare di significa-to teologico una parola così concreta e così semplice come il verbo quotidiano ......µa.. Il suo duplice valore parla da una parte del ritiro in preghiera di Gesù e dall’altra della sua uscita dal Padre e della sua venuta nel mondo. Il suo movi­mento ha uno scopo, e questo va ricercato nel ritiro e nella preghiera al Padre per discernere la sua volontà. Dopo la preghiera, il suo movimento si rivela come un uscire per venire e per andare di nuovo. Si tratta di una visita dinamica legata all’annuncio e alle opere che confermano la realtà di quest’annuncio. Va annun­ciato il vangelo di Dio (1,14-15). Lo annuncia Gesù da solo a Cafarnao, ma dopo il ritiro e la preghiera ritorna per allargare la portata dell’annuncio a tutta la Galilea. I richiami tematici della pericope echeggiano nel contesto del vangelo. Gesù si allontana dai discepoli per pregare nel Getsemani e compie la missione per cui è venuto nel mondo. La sua risurrezione, infine, allarga la portata dell’annuncio dal-la Galilea a tutto il mondo. La preghiera, che era la chiave della missione di Gesù, diventa per la Chiesa la chiave per comprendere la propria missione. Questa si svolge fino al ritorno del Risorto, il quale porterà con sé il pieno riconoscimento della persona di Gesù Cristo, Figlio di Dio. Abbreviazione DENT – Balz e Schneider 2004 [Dizionario esegetico del Nuovo testamento]. Riferimenti bibliografici Balz, Horst, e Gerhard Schneider. 2004. Dizionario Bazzi, Carlo. 2004. Mattutino in Marco: La costru­esegetico del Nuovo Testamento. Brescia: zione del discorso e l’avvio del racconto Mc Paideia. 1,21-45. Roma: Urbaniana University Press. Beck, Tomaso, Ugolino Benedetti, Gaetano Bram-billasca, Filippo Clerici e Silvano Fausti. 1999. Una comunità legge il Vangelo di Marco. Bolo­gna: Dehoniane. Belano, Alessandro. 2008. Il Vangelo secondo Marco: Traduzione e analisi filologica. Roma: Aracne. Ernst, Josef. 1990. Marco: Un ritratto teologico. Brescia: Morcelliana. France, Richard T. 2005. The Gospel of Mark: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Gnilka, Joachim. 1987. Marco. Assisi: Cittadella. Grasso, Santo. 2003. Vangelo di Marco: Nuova versione, introduzione e commento. Milano: Paoline. Gundry, Robert H. 1993. Mark: A Commentary on His Apology for the Cross. Grand Rapids: Eerd- mans. Kirchschläger,Walter. 1978. Jesu Gebetsverhalten als Paradigma zu Mk 1,35. Kairos 20, nr. 4:303–310. Lane, William L. 1974. The Gospel According to Mark: The English Text with Introduction, Exposition and Notes. NICNT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. Légasse, Simon. 2000. Marco. Roma: Borla. Mateos, Juan, e Fernando Camacho. 1997. Il vangelo di Marco: Analisi linguistica e com-mento esegetico. Assisi: Cittadella. Stein, Robert H. 2009. Mark. Baker Exegetical Commentary of the New Testament. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic. Stock, Klemens. 1990. Gesù la buona notizia: Il messaggio di Marco. Roma: Edizioni ADP. – – –. 2010. Marco: Commento contestuale al secondo Vangelo. Roma: Edizioni ADP. van Iersel, Bas. 1989. Leggere Marco. Cinisello Balsamo: Paoline. Wichelhaus, Manfred. 1969. Am ersten Tage der Woche: Mk 1,35-39 und die didaktischen Absichten des Markus-Evangelisten. Novum Testamentum 11, nr. 1/2:45–66. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 117—136 Besedilo prejeto/Received:08/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 726.034.7(497Sladka Gora) DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Bratusa © 2022 Bratuša, CC BY 4.0 Tina Bratuša Nova odkritja o Marijini romarski cerkvi na Sladki Gori New Findings on the Pilgrimage Church of the Virgin Mary on Sladka Gora Povzetek: V pricujocem prispevku avtorica predstavlja nova odkritja, zlasti arhivskih virov, o Marijini romarski cerkvi na Sladki Gori, ki sodi med najodlicnejše barocne spomenike pri nas. Besedilo se osredotoca na ambiciozna župnika Mikca, slad­kogorsko kongregacijo Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja, pa tudi na kontekst Cebejeve oljne podobe Marijin sprejem v nebesih. Ta zaseda v interierju cerkve posebno mesto, na Slovenskem pa velja za doslej edino odkrito konveksno sliko. S pomocjo arhivskih dokumentov lahko tudi zanjo postavimo nekaj tez, ki se do-tikajo predvsem okolišcin njenega nastanka in narocniškega vidika, njene konve­ksne oblike ter ikonografske povezave s preostalo ikonografijo cerkve.1 Kljucne besede: barocna sakralna umetnost, Sladka Gora, Anton Cebej, Marijina kongregacija brezmadežnega spocetja, konveksna slika, narocništvo Abstract: In the paper, the authoress presents new findings, particularly from ar­chival sources, on the pilgrimage church of the Virgin Mary on Sladka Gora, which is one of the most exquisite Baroque monuments in Slovenia. The paper focuses on two ambitious parish priests from the Mikec family, the Congrega­tion of the Immaculate Conception in Sladka Gora, as well as on the context of Cebej’s oil painting of the Reception of Mary in Heaven, which has a special place in the church interior and is also known as the only convex painting dis­covered in Slovenia. With the help of archival documents, it is possible to set a few hypotheses about the painting that touches especially on the circum­stances of the painting’s origin and its patronage, its convex shape, and the iconographic connection with the rest of the church iconography. Key words: Baroque sacral art, Sladka Gora, Anton Cebej, the Congregation of the Immaculate Conception, convex painting, patronage Clanek je nastal v okviru raziskovalnega programa „Umetnost na Slovenskem v sticišcu kultur (P6-0061)“, ki ga iz državnega proracuna sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. 1. Uvod Doslej smo besedila o sladkogorski Marijini romarski cerkvi po vecini poznali le kot prepise iz župnijske kronike,2 ki jih je neznani avtor zacel objavljati v leta 1927 izdani knjižici o omenjeni cerkvi (Romarska cerkev sv. Marije na Sladki gori), sedaj pa je z novimi arhivskimi in drugimi najdbami prišlo do vec novih spoznanj. Med drugim poznamo mnogo vec podatkov o dveh župnikih Mikcih in ju lahko tudi razlikujemo – v navezavi na nekdanjo lemberško župnijo, v katero je sladkogorska cerkev spadala do leta 1786, se je namrec doslej ves cas omenjalo le enega Mikca. Najvecje odkri­tje predstavlja drugi del popisa clanov sladkogorske kongregacije Marijinega brez­madežnega spocetja, s katerim lahko primarno ugotovimo, kako je bila ta družba organizirana oziroma na kakšen nacin je delovala, za kakšno združbo je pravzaprav šlo – ob tem lahko tudi dokažemo prisotnost posameznih umetnikov na Sladki Gori, novo soavtorstvo fresk in hkrati odkrijemo nekaj vec konteksta o nastanku Cebe­jeve konveksne slike Marijin sprejem v nebesih. Slednje je v pricujocem prispevku razširjeno še z ikonografskim vidikom, dokazani pa sta tudi tezi o primarni lokaciji in formi slike. Pomembno odkritje predstavlja še dekanijski šematizem, ki obstoj omenjene kongregacije potrjuje pisno in ustrezno razlikuje oba Mikca. Besedila, ki se ukvarjajo z romarsko cerkvijo na Sladki Gori, so vecinoma starej­ša, novejših obravnav je le nekaj. Navadno gre za zgodovinsko naravnana besedila,3 preglede romarskih poti,4 nekaj je tudi umetnostnozgodovinskih objav, ki izpo­stavljajo razlicne vidike.5 S Cebejem in z omenjenim konveksnim delom se je do-slej še najvec ukvarjal Ferdinand Šerbelj.6 2 Kroniko hranijo v župnijskem arhivu Šmarje pri Jelšah (Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg, 1334– 1888). 3 Vecji del se opira na kroniko in ustno izrocilo, kasnejša dela pa tudi na prve objave. Glej Janisch 1885, 1036; Vakaj 1888a, 25–26; 1888b, 30–31; Kovacic 1928, 85–86; 293; Krajevni leksikon dravske banovine 1937, 606: kot v Janischevem leksikonu je omenjeno, da je bila cerkev inkorporirana v novomeški stol­ni kapitelj, ki je tedaj še zmeraj vršil patronatske pravice; Strmšek (1937) je zapisal, da je bila sladkogor-ska kongregacija v tistem casu še delujoca; Metlicar 2004. 4 Glej predvsem Lavtižar 1936, 65–68; Petric 1995, 90–93; 2008, 338–340; Hajnšek 1971, 424–430. 5 Cerkev sta v obliki topografskih zapiskov obravnavala France Stele (Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slov­enske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta, Steletovi terenski zapiski, LXXXI, 1927; XXVIA, 1960) in Jože Curk (1967, 23–33), najbolj celostno umetnostnoz­godovinsko besedilo o njej pa predstavlja monografska knjižica Sergeja Vrišerja (1970). Freskantskim poslikavam so se posvetili Stane Mikuž (1940, 544–602), Darko Mušic (1968, 153–176) in Zvonka Zupanic Slavec (2013, 37–39) – slednja sta jih obravnavala z medicinskega vidika. Kiparstvo sta raziskali Darja Koter (2009, 45–63), ki je obravnavala Janeckove orgle, in Valentina Pavlic (2017, 223–236), ki je pisala o Jožefu Straubu. Pogoste so krajše omembe v pregledih umetnosti, kot so npr. Umetnost baroka na Slovenskem (1957, 16), Barok na Slovenskem (1961, 22), Cevceva Slovenska umetnost (1966, 114; 119; 132), Šumijeva Barocna arhitektura (1969, 38–39), kjer zasledimo napacno atribucijo sladkogorske cerkve arhitektu Janezu Nepomuku Fuchsu, Barocno stropno slikarstvo na Slovenskem Marjane Lipoglavšek (1996, 81–83), vec besedil Metode Kemperl (2001, 177; 2007, 119; 2012, 147) in mono-grafija Barok na Slovenskem, ki jo je Kemperlova spisala v soavtorstvu z Luko Vidmarjem (2014, 187). 6 Šerbeljev clanek iz leta 1977(1977, 109–133) predstavlja del njegove diplomskenaloge (1974),leta1978/1979 je objavil katalog umetnikovih del (1979, 81–113), v drugi polovici 80. in na zacetku 90. let je spisal krajša gesla za jugoslovansko (1985, 623–624) in slovensko enciklopedijo (1988, 1) ter biografski leksikon (1991, 782–783), kljucen pa je katalog razstave v Narodni galeriji (1991). Glej tudi Mesesnel 1923, 78; Stele 1924, 70; 76; Steska 1927, 93–100; Stele 1949, 81; 139; Cevc 1956, 14; 27–28; Dobida 1957, 11; 14; 27–28; Horvat 1959,598–599; Barok na Slovenskem 1961, 24; Cevc1966,138;Menaše1971, 347–348; Lisac 1974, 172–175. Slika 1: Romarska podobica Sladke Gore (vir: zasebna zbirka romarskih podobic g. Janeza Mavrica, Gornji Grad).7 2. Legenda o nastanku sladkogorske romarske cerkve Legenda o nastanku romarskega središca na Sladki Gori je zapisana v župnijski kroniki, kjer pa je pisec pripomnil, da ne gre za listinsko izprican dogodek, temvec ustno izrocilo. Slednje pravi, da so se romanja zacela leta 1738, ko so v kotanji nad vasjo, ki se imenuje ,Najdeliše‘, odkrili najdbo, ki je sprožila množicna zbiranja pri prvotni sladkogorski cerkvi sv. Marjete. Ni sicer navedeno, za kakšno odkritje je šlo. Kronika omenja še obstoj stranskega oltarja Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja v Marjetini cerkvi, ni pa znano, ali je bil postavljen v casu omenjenega odkritja ali že prej. Ambiciozni lemberški župnik Janez Mikec naj bi prav ob tem oltarju usta­novil kongregacijo Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja, in sicer že leta 1741, ko dogma o Marijinem brezmadežnem spocetju sicer še ni bila razglašena (1854). V kongregacijo naj bi že v prvem letu vstopilo vec kot 5000 clanov. Med letoma 1741 in 1745 je pri romarski cerkvi pomagalo pet zunanjih duhovnikov. Ker je bilo romarjev vsako leto vec, je Mikec leta 1744 zacel gradnjo nove Marijine cerkve. Posvecena je bila 25. julija 1754, posvetil pa jo je goriški nadškof Karel MihaelAttems (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888). Omenjeni oltar iz Marjetine cerkve – kakor tudi sama cerkev, z izjemo njenega zvonika – da­nes ni vec ohranjen. Gospodu Janezu Mavricu se zahvaljujem, da mi je razkazal svojo obsežno zbirko romarskih podobic. Slika 2: Freskantska poslikava na korni balustradi, kjer naj bi bil upodobljen Janez Mikec (vir: osebni arhiv). 3. Župnika Mikca in njuno delovanje V obravnavah nekdanje lemberške župnije in s tem sladkogorske cerkve se je do sedaj omenjalo le župnika Janeza Mikca. O njegovem predhodniku, prav tako Mikcu, ni bilo govora, ceprav je njegovo ime omenjeno v kroniki, deloma pa tudi v dosedanjih interpretacijah fresk – natancneje, v opisih (ne vec ohranjenega) za­pisa kratic na korni balustradi, cesar raziskovalci sicer niso posebej argumentirali, temvec le zakljucili, da je govora o Janezu Mikcu. Slednjemu so pisci vselej pripisovali tako narocilo cerkve in njene opreme kot tudi vzpostavitev kongregacije Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja, ceprav to ni­koli ni bilo listinsko dokazano. Kot dokaz o narocilu gradnje cerkve se je razumel opis ustnega izrocila v kroniki in danes ne vec razviden zapis na freskah, pa tudi casovni kontekst, ki je sovpadal z uradnim delovanjem Janeza Mikca v župniji v le­tih 1733-1760. Podobno velja za oba druga omenjena pripisa – vzpostavitev kon­gregacije in narocilo opreme, tudi Cebejeve konveksne slike. Kongregacija naj bi bila ustanovljena leta 1741, slika pa je datirana v leto 1761 – torej leto po tem, ko je Mikec uradno prenehal opravljati funkcijo župnika. Znano je, da je kljub temu še bil dejaven v župniji in tudi maševal na takrat podružnicni cerkvi na Sladki Gori.8 Glej prepis korespondence med Mikcem in Karlom Mihaelom Attemsom (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888, 42–44). V pismih imenujeta Marijino cerkev po nekdanjem patronatu sv. Marjete. Že samo ime oziroma oseba Mikca vzbuja precej nejasnosti in vprašanj. O domnevno njegovih zapisanih kraticah je v clanku o Jelovškovih freskah pisal Stane Mikuž (1940, 544–602). Po njegovem mnenju uprizarja srednji freskantski prizor na korni balustradi dogovor za zidavo Marijine cerkve, upodobljen pa je tudi žu­pnik Mikec, ki je od nekega moža (verjetno graškega gubernatorja) prejel listino. Ta je upodobljena pred župnikom na tleh, na njej pa je bil nekoc razviden latinski napis, ki sicer že v Mikuževem casu skoraj ni bil vec ohranjen. Kljub temu je ta kratice razbral oziroma sklepal, da je zapisano: »M(ikez) G(eorgius)? I(oannes). P(arochus). L(embergensis)?« (Mikuž 1940, 549) Omenjeni neohranjeni zapis je opisal tudi Stele, in sicer v obliki »M G J P L«, torej Mikez Georgius (?) Joannes Parochus Lembergensis (ZRC SAZU, UIFS, Stele­tovi terenski zapiski XXVIA 1960, 13). Razumevanje zapisa se razlikuje že pri obeh raziskovalcih. Mikuž je v svojem besedilu sicer pripomnil, da je zapis slabše ohranjen, pri tem pa še posebej izpo­stavil crko G. Iz restavratorske dokumentacije lahko razberemo, da so bile freske na korni balustradi slabo vidne že leta 1939. Kot je zapisal France Mesesnel, so freske oprali in jih pri tem prevec zdrgnili (Zapiski Franceta Mesesnela 1939, 13). Obe razlicici zapisa so kasnejši pisci nekriticno povzemali. Ob pregledu arhivskega gradiva se je izkazalo, da župnika z imenom Janez Jurij Mikec v lemberški oziroma kasnejši sladkogorski župniji ni bilo, drži pa, da sta bila prisotna dva Mikca – prvi od leta 1705 do 1736 in drugi od leta 1733 do 1760 (neuradno do smrti leta 1765). Njuni imeni sta bili Jurij oziroma Gregor Mikec in Janez Mikec. O medsebojni rod-binski navezavi zasledimo zapis v kroniki, ki pravi, da je bil Janez Jurijev necak (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888, 5). O prvem je znanih le nekaj fragmentov. Njegovo celotno ime se glasi Jurij ali Gregor Martin Mikec (Georgius ali Gregorius Martinus Mikez).9 Od leta 1702 do 1704 je kot kaplan služil v Središcu.10 V župniji Lemberg je služboval od 13. aprila 1705 do 16. septembra 1736. Umrl je prav takrat na Sladki Gori, star 72 let11 – od tod lahko sklepamo, da se je rodil leta 1664.12 Leta 1713 se je vpisal v mengeško duhovniško bratovšcino sv. Mihaela.13 Leta 1693 lahko njegovo ime zasledimo v 9 V arhivskih zapisih se enakovredno pojavljata obe razlicici zapisa. 10 V Slekovcevi kartoteki so pod številko 1906 zapisani podatki, povzeti iz dekanijskega šematizma, in dodaten podatek o kaplanskem delu (PAM, X1537/002/006, Digitalizati kartoteke: duhovniki 18. stoletje (2016), št. 1906). 11 Mrliške knjige za obdobje okoli tega leta nisem zasledila. Podatki so zabeleženi v dekanijskem šematizmu: »Admodum Rdus Nobilis Excellens ac Doctissimus Dnus Georgius Martinus Mikez, A: A: L: L: et Phli. Magister, et Parochus. Electus ob Ill‘mo D‘no Comite Raymundo De Lantheri 21 Martij 1705 Confirma­tus (et Instalatus) vero a R: D: Michaele Tschandig Commissario 13 Aprilis dicti Anni. obijt 16 7bris 1736 .tatis 72 Annorum.« (NŠAM, Dekanijski šematizmi, šk. 1, Alte Dekanate, D VI – Šmarje pri Jelšah, Sladka Gora, Cathalogus D. D. Parochorum et Cooperatorum […], 4) 12 Njegovega izvornega kraja ni mogoce zaslediti nikjer. Ker gre za osebo iz iste rodbine, v katero je spadal Janez Mikec, sem preverila žalske krstne knjige, kjer je vpisan slednji, Jurija pa v njih nisem zasledila. 13 »Adm Rdus Dnus Gregorius Martinus Mikez, parochus in Lemberg.« (Duhovniška bratovšcina sv. Mi­ matrikah graške univerze, ko se je v sklopu višjih filozofskih študij (studia superi­ora) vpisal v prvi letnik logike (Logici).14 Kje oziroma ali je študij nadaljeval in do­koncal, ni znano. O drugem Mikcu je ohranjenih precej vec arhivskih podatkov. Imenoval se je Ja­nez Krstnik Mikec (Joannes (Ioannes) Baptista Mikez). Kršcen je bil 12. junija 170515 v Galiciji (Žalec).16 Leta 1723 je bil zabeležen v graških matrikah kot ucenec drugega gimnazijskega razreda (studia inferiora) poetike (Ex Poesi),17 promoviran pa je bil v dveh letih, in sicer 172618 in 1727.19 Iz zapisa zadnjega izvemo tudi, da je bil nekda­nji gojenec kolegija Družbe Jezusove nadvojvode Ernesta v Jurkloštru in branilec univerze.20 Ali je študij nadaljeval z višješolskimi kurzi (studia superiora), ni znano. Sprva je služboval v Teharju pri Celju, 19. januarja 1733 je bil imenovan za ka­plana21 in nato 17. marca 1737 še za župnika lemberške župnije,22 h kateri je Slad­ka Gora spadala vse do leta 1786, ko je prišlo do prenosa sedeža župnije. Leta1741 naj bi na Sladki Gori ustanovil Marijino kongregacijo (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888, 3–4). 1744 se je vpisal v duhovniško brato-všcino sv. Mihaela v Mengšu.23 Poklic župnika je uradno zakljucil 23. julija 1760, a haela v Mengšu (Od leta 1667 do 1799) 1894, 415) Za podatke o vpisu v mengeško združbo se zahvalju­jem dr. Lilijani Žnidaršic Golec. 14 »Georgius Martinus Mikiz, Styrus.« (Andritsch 1987, 128) Za vec o jezuitski ureditvi študija glej Kalan 2009, 131–149. 15 Doslej smo poznali napacno letnico rojstva – 1709 (Ratajc 2004, 70). 16 »12 Junius 1705. Joannes Baptista filius legitimus Joannis Mikiz et Helena ingalium baptizatus e‘ a meCasparo Pirich patrinis assistentibus Jacobo Skargihl et d‘na Maria Magdalena Alzin.« (NŠAM, Žalec, Rojstna maticna knjiga 1702-1767, 16) 17 »Mikhez Joannes, Civis, Styrus, Saxenfeldtensis.« (Andritsch 2002, 70) 18 »Joannes MIKEZ, Civis Styrus Saxenfeldensis.« (Mairold in Golob 2013, 189) 19 »Rev. D. Joannes MIKEZ, Civis Styrus Saxenfeldensis, ex Arch-Duc. S. J. Conv. Coll. Alumnus Ernestiano-Gyriensis, Def. Univ.« (Mairold in Golob 2013, 202) 20 Dr. Alešu Mavru in dr. Polonci Vidmar se zahvaljujem za pomoc pri razvozlanju latinskih krajšav. 21 »Joannes Mikez A: A: et Phli. Magister natione Styrus Saxenfeldensis Districtus Sitticensis, Anno pr.terito tanquam Supernumerarius in Tiecher pro Curao‘aoum Sitticij approbatus, et pro Cooperatorea‘ D: Parocho Lembergensi Susceptus ac a‘ me. confirmatus die 19 Januarij 1733.« (NŠAM, Dekanijski šematizmi, šk. 1, Alte Dekanate, D VI – Šmarje pri Jelšah, Sladka Gora, Cathalogus D. D. Parochorum et Cooperatorum […], 11) 22 »Joannes Mikez, A: A: L: L: et Phli. Magister, Parochus Lembergi installatus 17 Martij Anno 1737: est natione Styrus Saxenfeldensis Subdistricta Sitticensi, .tatis 31 An: Ordinatus Gr.cij at Alumnus Gyrien-sis ad omnes, ad Indultum Pontificiu Anno 1729. Poniculensis absoluit Theologiam Speculatiuam Gr.cij. Samariensis absolutus Cosista et in secundum Annum Auditor Theologi. Gr.cij. Sibicensis absoluit Philosophiam Labaci, et in tertium Annum auditor Casuum Vienn.. Lembergensis absolutus Theologus Gr.cij. Sequuntur Cooperatores, et Supernumerarij in Styria.«(NŠAM, Dekanijski šematizmi, šk. 1, Alte Dekanate, D VI – Šmarje pri Jelšah, Sladka Gora, Cathalogus D. D. Parochorum et Cooperatorum […], 35) Kot v primeru Jurija Mikca najdemo prepis podatkov o Janezu Krstniku Mikcu iz dekanijskega šematizma tudi v Slekovcevi kartoteki pod številkama 1891 in 1905 (PAM, X1537/002/006, Digitalizati kartoteke: duhovniki 18. stoletje (2016), št. 1891, 1905). 23 »D. Joannes Bapt. Mikez, Parochus Lembergi.« (Duhovniška bratovšcina sv. Mihaela v Mengšu (Od leta1667 do 1799) 1894, 432) Dr. Lilijani Žnidaršic Golec se zahvaljujem tudi za ta posredovani podatek; glejtudi Žnidaršic Golec 2019, 48–49. Slika 3: Poslikava in grob Janeza Krstnika Mikca (vir: osebni arhiv). je še kljub temu maševal.24 Umrl je 21. junija 1765 na Sladki Gori, pokopan pa je pred glavnim portalom pod pevskim korom.25 Zaradi nejasnosti z zapisom kratic imena na freski ostaja odprta možnost, da je dovoljenje za gradnjo nove cerkve pridobil ali pa se zanj vsaj dogovarjal že prvi Mikec, tj. Jurij oziroma Gregor Martin Mikec, ki je umrl 16. septembra 1736, ure­snicil pa jo je nato Janez Krstnik Mikec. 4. Vprašanja o sladkogorski Marijini kongregaciji brezmadežnega spocetja Kot že omenjeno, naj bi Janez Krstnik Mikec leta 1741 ustanovil Marijino kongre­gacijo26 brezmadežnega spocetja ali Congregatio Immaculat. Conceptionis B. M. V. (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888). Kljub dosedanji neraziskanosti ali pomanjkanju oziroma neohranjenosti virov o tej združbi lahko sedaj povsem gotovo zatrdimo, da je delovala na Sladki Gori. Nadškofijski arhiv v Mariboru namrec hrani drugo knjigo popisa clanov te družbe, katere obstoj doslejše ni bil dokazan (NŠAM, Župnijski arhivi, Sladka Gora, CONTINUATIO ALBI MARI­ANI inc(h)oati Anno Domini MDCC LII).27 Njen obstoj potrjuje tudi na novo odkriti dekanijski šematizem, kjer je omenjeno le poimenovanje kongregacije, o ustano­vitelju ali datumu ustanovitve pa ni govora (NŠAM, Dekanijski šematizmi, šk. 1, Alte Dekanate, D VI – Šmarje pri Jelšah, Sladka Gora, Cathalogus D. D. Parochorum et Cooperatorum, 54). Je pa to zapisano v župnijski kroniki, po cemer lahko skle­pamo, da je pisec še v letu, ko je kroniko zacel pisati, imel na voljo prvi del popisaclanov kongregacije (ŽAŠ, Gedenkbuch der Pfarre Maria Sessenberg 1334–1888, 46). Enake podatke omenja tudi Kovacic v Zgodovini Lavantinske škofije (1928), a brez navedenih virov – sklepamo lahko, da jih je pridobil iz kronike. Zapisal je, da so prav zaradi cešcenja Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja zgradili sedanjo sladkogorsko cerkev, cešcenje pa naj bi vzniknilo že v casu nekdanje Marjetine cerkve (Kovacic 1928, 293). Z odkritjem popisa clanov kongregacije lahko dokažemo ali vsaj nakažemo še nekatere druge podatke o cerkvi. Pri izvršitvi freskantskih del je s Francem Jelov­škom sodeloval njegov sin Andrej, ki se je vpisal v Marijino kongregacijo leta 1752 (Andreas Illouschegk). Naslednje leto, 1753, zasledimo vpisanega arhitekta cerkve, 24 Glej op. 8. 25 »Ese Dulci Monte Die 21 Junij pie in D‘no obijt A: R: D: Joannes baptista Mikez Parochus Emeritus Ss: Sacramentis munitus (.tatis su. 59 Annoum) Sepultus in Dulci Monte penes Magnam portam per A: Rd‘um Dn‘um Archi­parochum Paulum Drolz a S: Cruce Comitantibus alijs 7 Di Sacerdotibus 23 Junij 765.« (NŠAM, Sladka Gora, Mrliška maticna knjiga 1745-1784, 92) 26 Têrmin ,kongregacija‘ (congregatio) se veckrat meša z izrazom ‚bratovšcina‘ (confraternitas). Pri slednjem gre za združenje z doloceno posebno skupno znacilnostjo (oblacilo, dejavnost, nazor itd.), medtem ko kongregacije takih skupnih posebnosti nimajo, posamezniki imajo pri usmerjanju delovanja družbe vec moci – te pa so tudi precej bolj svobodne, kar je prispevalo k njihovi popularizaciji (Bizant 1998, 137). 27 Zahvaljujem se mag. Lilijani Urlep iz NŠAM, ki je omenjeno knjigo odkrila. Slika 4: Izrezi popisa clanov sladkogorske kongregacije: Andrej Jelovšek, Jožef Hofer, Jurij Mersi, Anton Cebej (vir: NŠAM, Župnijski arhivi, Sladka Gora, CONTINUATIO ALBI MARIANI inc(h)oati Anno Domini MDCC LII). Jožefa Hoferja (Josephus Hoffer), pa tudi Ano Marijo Jelovšek (Anna Maria Illou­schekin), ki je bila vdova podobarja Jakoba Gabra in druga žena Franca Jelovška. Istega leta sta vpisani imeni Gregorja in Janeza Mikca (Miheza/Mikeza?; Gregori­us Michezh, Joannus Mikez), kar lahko pomeni, da ustanovitelj kongregacije ni bil župnik Janez Mikec – povsem mogoce pa lahko gre v tem primeru za Mikca, ki nista v nikakršni povezavi z omenjenima župnikoma, ki sta službovala v župniji Lemberg.28 Leta 1755 se je v družbo vpisal kipar in rezbar Janez Jurij Mersi (Geor-gius Mersy), leta 1760 (leto pred izvršitvijo slikarskega narocila) pa tudi slikar in freskant Anton Cebej (Antonius Zhewey). Ta obsežen popis je naslovljen CONTINUATIO ALBI MARIANI inc(h)oati Anno Domini MDCC LII; zacenja se z letom 1752 in koncuje z letom 1781 – dve leti pred odlokom Jožefa II., ki je tovrstna cerkvena združenja ukinil (za Marijine kongrega­cije je cesar izdal posebno prepoved, saj se te niso štele med bratovšcine) (Bizant 1998, 141; 149). Nato so kongregacijo ponovno obudili in nadaljevali s popisom od leta 1790 do 1879. Popis vkljucuje le imena in priimke clanov, ki niso razvršce­ni po abecednem redu; redke in predvsem kasnejše so izjeme s pripisom, da gre 28 Gregor ali Jurij Mikec je umrl že pred tem letom, pri vpisu Gregoriusa gre tako gotovo za drugo osebo, vprašanje pripadnosti rodu pa ostaja odprto. Slika 5: Popis clanov sladkogorske kongregacije Marijinega brezmadežnega spocetja (vir: NŠAM, Župnijski arhivi, Sladka Gora, CONTINUATIO ALBI MARIANI inc(h)oati Anno Domini MDCC LII). za vpis duhovnika. V knjigi ni podatkov o morebitnih izstopih clanov, ob vsakem zakljucku leta pa je zapisano število vpisov za tekoce leto.29 Pred zacetkom vpiso­vanja clanov leta 1791 je pisec zapisal nagovor z nekaj besedami o cašcenju Ma-rije. Nato sledi krajši popis, ki je locen po spolu. Kongregacija je bila v obdobju popisa odprta tudi za ženske; slednje je bilo od leta 1751 uradno omogoceno z odlokom papeža Benedikta XIV. (146). Knjiga nima paginacije, kar obdelovanje tako obsežnega popisa nekoliko otežuje. Na koncu popisa sledi kar nekaj praznih listicev, ki niso bili uporabljeni (zaradi morebitnega prenehanja delovanja družbe). Knjiga je vezana v rjavo usnje, ki je na platnicah potiskano z reliefnimi geometrij­skimi vzorci in rastlinsko ornamentiko. Notranje strani platnic so obarvane vijolic­no in okrašene z ornamentalnim vzorcem. Znotraj popisa ni zaslediti ilustracij. Pri obravnavi sladkogorskega vira se moramo zavedati, da v tem primeru ni šlo za klasicno kongregacijo ali bratovšcino, kjer bi clani imeli redne sestanke in opra­vljali razne zadolžitve, temvec za »romarsko« razlicico, ki je bila precej bolj mno­žicna od obicajnih (na leto se je vpisalo tudi do nekaj tisoc clanov). Oseba se je vpisala, verjetno tudi nekaj darovala – s tem pa je bila njena vloga (bolj ali manj) zakljucena. 5. O Cebejevi konveksni sliki Vpis slikarja Antona Cebeja v sladkogorsko kongregacijsko knjigo leto pred izvrši­tvijo dela dokazuje, da je prostor cerkve natancno poznal in vedel, kje bo locirana njegova slika. Ali je bila izdelava konveksno oblikovane podobe njegova ideja, ni znano – vsekakor pa sedaj vemo, da je bila konveksna forma izbrana primarno. Slednje dokazujejo ikonografija, ki se ujema s širšim ikonografskim programom prostora, že omenjena prisotnost slikarja v sami cerkvi pred izvršitvijo dela, pa tudi 29 Seštevku lahko sledimo tudi sproti po straneh, kjer so na spodnjem robu sešteti vpisi na doticni strani in seštevek tistega leta do doticne strani. Slika 6: Notranjost popisa clanov sladkogorske kongregacije (vir: NŠAM, Župnijski arhivi, Sladka Gora, CONTINUATIO ALBI MARIANI inc(h)oati Anno Domini MDCC LII). Slika 7: Marijina romarska cerkev na Sladki Gori, pogled proti prezbiteriju (vir: osebni arhiv). velikost slike, ki povsem pristaja med pilastra – s tem pa je dokazana tudi teza, da je to mesto njena prvotna lokacija. Cebej30 – slikar oljnih podob in fresk, eden izmed štirih glavnih predstavnikov po­znobarocnega slikarstva na Kranjskem31 – je v svojem najbolj plodnem obdobju, leta 1761 (Šerbelj 1991, 16), naslikal podobo Marijin sprejem v nebesih.32 Velja za slikarje­vo figuralno najobsežnejše delo,33 ki nam lahko služi kot korpus svetih oseb, njegova posebnost pa je tudi sama forma. Prav forma, kvalitetna izvedba in kompleksno for-mirana vsebina to delo v našem umetnostnem prostoru umešcajo na posebno mesto – kljub temu je bilo v literaturi obravnavano zelo redko, predvsem pa zelo skopo. Doslej so pisci omenjali, da je bila slika izdelana za natancno doloceno mesto v cerkvi, in sicer v konveksni formi, niso pa tega dokazali. Njena izbocena oblika namrec ni zadosten dokaz, da je slikar o takšni formi razmišljal že primarno,34 še 30 Za vec o avtorju glej op. 6. 31 Ob Cebeju (1722–po 1774) še Valentin Metzinger (1699-1759), Franc Jelovšek (1700–1764) in Fortunat Bergant (1721-1769) (Stele 1924, 80). 32 NaslovslikesejeustalilšelezMenašejevimmonografskimdelomoMarjinihupodobitvah(Menaše1994,277), pred tem pa ga v besedilih zasledimo v razlicnih variantah (npr. Vsi svetniki, Marija, sv. Trojica in svetniki ipd.). 33 Edina figuralno podobno obsežna doslej znana Cebejeva slika je oltarna podoba Vsi svetniki castijo sv. Trojico v podružnicni cerkvi sv. Kozme in Damijana v Malovšah pri Cernicah, vendar pa je na njej mogoce identificirati precej manj oseb, saj je vecina brez naslikanih atributov. 34 Slike na platnu so lahko primarno izdelane kot ravne in platno šele kasneje pritrdijo na zaobljen okvir oziroma nosilno plošco ter s tem dosežejo konveksno obliko. Slika 8: Cebejeva slika Marijin sprejem v nebesih pred restavriranjem, sprednja in hrbtna stran (vir: ZVKDS Ljubljana, RC, Oddelek za dokumentacijo in knjižnica, Sladka Gora, A. Cebej: Vsi svetniki 1989). manj poznal cerkveno notranjost ali bil tam celo prisoten. Vsekakor pa se umetni­ško delo skoraj povsem prilega površini in je tudi v popolni simbiozi s cerkveno notranjšcino. Umešceno je namrec na prav tako konveksno oblikovani slop predprezbiterijem nasproti prižnice. Meri 138 x 182 cm (Šerbelj 1991, 78) in je zaradi prvotne nosilne plošce (oziroma njenega manka) med primeri doslej znanih evrop­skih konveksnih slik prava izjema.35 Platno je bilo prvotno napeto le na upognjen podokvir brez nosilne plošce, zaradi cesar je prišlo do poškodb – ob robovih se je namrec precej raztegnilo in zacelo gubati, kar je bilo še posebej razvidno na zgor­njem delu slike. Med letoma 1988 in 1989 so sliko zaradi nacrtovane razstave v Narodni galeriji (Benedik 1989, 359–360) pod vodstvom Mihe Pirnata prvic resta­vrirali v Restavratorskem centru.36 Okvir slike je sestavljen iz preprostega obodne­ga dela, vsako stranico pa krasi bogato rezljano in pozlaceno ornamentalno okras­ 35 Sven Van Dorst je do leta 2012 odkril 24 konveksnih slik (Dorst 2013), poznane so mi še obravnavana sladkogorska, štirje primeri iz samostanske cerkve v Vorauu, vsaj šest velikih oltarnih slik in štiri manjše v cerkvi Marijinega vnebovzetja v Chelmnu na Poljskem (kolegici Karin Požin se zahvaljujem za namig o štirih vorauskih primerih in primeru slike sv. Valentina v Chelmnu), en primer v cerkvi sv. Antona Pado­vanskega v Kuznici prav tako na Poljskem in dva primera iz belgijske cerkve sv. Bava v Zelliku. 36 Sliko so zravnali z vlaženjem hrbtne strani in napenjanjem na ravno ploskev. S hrbtne strani so jo kon­servirali s smolnato vošceno maso, s katero so jo tudi prilepili na novo laneno podlago. Obstojeci po­dokvir so okrepili z dvema v obliki loka prirezanima letvama in na teh ukrivljeno lesonitno plošco (ZVKDS Ljubljana, RC, Oddelek za dokumentacijo in knjižnica, Sladka Gora, A. Cebej: Vsi svetniki 1989, Miha Pirnat, Porocilo o restavriranju slike). je.37 Pri umestitvi dela v cerkveni interier so razvidna hierarhicna nacela, ki so jih zaceli še posebej poudarjati po tridentinskem koncilu (1545–1563)38 – dispozicijo cerkvene opreme so podrejali hierarhiji svetega. Podoba je izobešena na ,ženski‘ oziroma evangelijski strani ladje, ki velja za castnejšo od ,moške‘ oziroma listne ali epistelske strani (Lavric 2011, 338). Kljub temu da slika ladjo že delno uvaja k prezbiteriju, torej k najsvetejšemu prostoru v cerkvi, je usmerjena k vernikom, tudi iz njene ikonografije pa je jasno, da je namenjena prav za njihovo poglabljanje vere. Motiv Cebejeve podobe je v likovni umetnosti veckrat predstavljen le kot del bolj priljubljenih motivov, kot so Marijino vnebovzetje in kronanje, redkeje pa kot locen motiv Sprejema v nebesih. Upodobitve tega so nastale na osnovi literarnih virov, zlasti Marijinih življenjepisov, ki opisujejo, s kakšno radostjo so angelski zbo­ri, sv. Trojica, apostoli, mucenci in drugi sprejeli Marijo v nebesih (De Voragine 1975; Rückert 1853; Mlinaric 1977). V delu Legenda aurea je v odlomku Homilij škofa in mucenca Gerarda zapisan njegov opis tega dogodka (Menaše 1994, 268, 277–278): »[H]odie virginem beatam coeli susceperunt laetanter, angeli gauden-do, archangeli jubilando, throni exaltando, dominationes psallendo, prin­cipatus harmonisando, potestates citharisando, cherubin et seraphin hymnizando atque ad supernum majestatis divin. tribunal ducendo. Ter­tio honorabiliter, quia ipse Jesus et totus militi. coelestis exercitus eidem obviam venit.« (De Voragine 1850, 512) Menaše meni, da motiv sicer najucinkoviteje prikazujejo velike freskantske upo­dobitve, kot najkvalitetnejšo izvedbo pa izpostavlja prav sladkogorsko oljno sliko. Ob celovitih prikazih tega motiva, kjer so navzoce množice svetih oseb, poznamo tudi reducirano obliko, kjer sta kot akterja prisotna le Marija in sv. Trojica (18. in 19. stoletje) (Menaše 1994, 268; 277–278). Cebej je v sladkogorskem primeru uporabil prvo razlicico, saj je glavnemu motivu dodal številcno svetniško spremlja­vo, ki jo je razvrstil v skupine in s tem ustvaril nadvse zanimivo kompozicijo. Sliko lahko ikonografsko razdelimo na tri dele.39 Zgornji plan zavzemajo tri ope­rutnicene angelske glavice, angeli in putti ter sv. Trojica, ki je postavljena v središce in uvaja pogled v srednji plan. Celotna kompozicija angelskih gruc je oblikovana v 37 Okvir je leta 1990 restavriral Sandor Huzsar (Šerbelj 1991, 78). 38 Za vec o tridentinskem koncilu glej Jedin 1949–1975. O pravilih, ki so se nanašala na sakralno umetnost, glej tudi Cvetnic 2007, 22–23; 52; Lavric 2007, 53. 39 Za primerjavo glej freskantsko upodobitev Marijin sprejem v nebesih iz leta 1769, cerkev sv. Križa, Gorenje Dole pri Škocjanu na Dolenjskem; grafiki Philippa Andreasa Kiliana in Martina Engelbrechta, FEST. OMNIUM SANCTORIUM in neznanega avtorja, Vsi sveti v nebesih, 1734 (Versammlung aller Heili-gen im Himmel (Allerheiligen) 1734); oljno podobo Vsi svetniki iz cerkve Vseh svetih v Váhovcah, Slovaška ipd. Slika 9: Identifikacija naslikanih svetih oseb z legendo (vir: osebni arhiv). obliki krožnice okoli sv. Trojice, ki je s tem še mocneje poudarjena. Na tem delu slike prevladuje zlato-rumen kolorit, ki oznacuje najsvetejšo nebeško atmosfero. V srednji plan je slikar na gledalcevi desni strani umestil osebe Stare zaveze, pro-ti središcu je izpostavil Marijo in na levi strani osebe iz Nove zaveze, natancneje dvanajst apostolov. Marija v pokleku vidno ganjena pogleduje navzdol proti mno­žici, ki je zazrta vanjo in jo casti. Dlani ima sklenjene na prsih, kar kaže na njeno ponižnost, nad njo pa je naslikan zvezdni nimb. Tega lahko povežemo s protirefor­macijskim poudarkom njene brezmadežnosti.40 V kompoziciji slike zavzema Marija izpostavljeno mesto pod Bogom Ocetom, slikar pa je njeno osrednjo vlogo pou­daril tudi z delno osamitvijo figure in barvami – s tradicionalnim izborom modre in rdece, ki se skupaj na poslikavi ne ponovita nikjer drugje. Za Marijo sledi v po­kleku sv. Jožef, ki ji podarja lilijo, simbol cistosti, in skupina starozaveznih oseb s sv. Janezom Krstnikom na celu. Ob njem je kralj David z liro, za njim Abraham in Melkizedek41 ter Mojzes. V ozadju se vije množica figur, izmed katerih lahko iden­tificiramo le še Adama in Evo, ki sta naslikana za Mojzesom. Na nasprotni strani je slikar upodobil dvanajst apostolov, ki kot oznanjevalci Jezusove besede simbo-licno zavzemajo njegovo desno stran. Med njimi v ospredju prepoznamo sv. Petra in Pavla, za njima pa sledijo še sv. Andrej, sv. Janez, sv. Jakob starejši in mlajši, sv. Tomaž in v ozadju sv. Simon ter preostali, ki nimajo razvidnih atributov. Sv. Peter, ki je na celu te apostolske skupine, z gesto nakazuje proti sv. Trojici. Za apostoli je Cebej v ozadje naslikal zbor mucencev in mucenic, ki jih ne moremo posamezno identificirati. V spodnjem planu sledijo na desni moške svete osebe in nekoliko pred njimi na levi ženske. Svetnice in mucenice so zbrane pod skupino apostolov. V ospredju je med njimi sv. Marjeta Antiohijska, zavetnica prvotne sladkogorske cerkve, ob njej sta posedeni še sv. Katarina Aleksandrijska in sv. Barbara. Kot ve-cina ostalih prisotnih tudi one presunjeno zrejo v središce dogajanja. Na kolo sv. Katarine je slikar v nasprotju s svojimi zgodnejšimi deli zapisal datacijo in signatu­ro »Ant: Zebe. pinx: 1761:«. Za omenjenimi svetnicami sledijo sv. Doroteja, sv. Lucija, sv. Neža, sv. Apolonija in ob orglah sv. Cecilija. Zadaj prepoznamo še sv. Uršulo s pušcicami, pri ostalih pa ni razvidnih atributov. Na desni je spredaj med skupino moških figur v profilu na­slikan sv. Gregor Veliki, za njim pa sledijo še preostali trije cerkveni ocetje – sv. Ambrož, sv. Avguštin in nazadnje sv. Hieronim. Ob sv. Gregorju Velikem lahko iden­tificiramo sv. Karla Boromejskega, ki je po tridentinskem koncilu zacrtal smernice o gradnji in ureditvi cerkva (Borromeo 1577), ob njem pa njegovega sodobnika, Franciška Saleškega. Povsem na levi je naslikan eden izmed avstrijskih zavetnikov, sv. Leopold z modelom cerkve,42 ob njem pa okronana figura, ki razen oklepa nima razvidnih atributov. Kdo je ta viteški svetnik, tako ostaja odprto vprašanje. Za fi­ 40 Na 5. seji koncila leta 1546 so obravnavali Odlok o izvirnem grehu, v katerega so dodali opombo o Marijini brezmadežnosti. Dogmo o Marijinem brezmadežnem spocetju je nato razglasil šele Pij IX. z bulo „Ineffabilis Deus“ leta 1854 (Strle 1997, 179–180, 272). O dogajanju v tistem casu pri nas glej Turnšek 2006, 111–123. 41 Za pomoc pri identifikaciji Abrahama in Melkizedeka se zahvaljujem dr. Polonci Vidmar. 42 Mnogi ga na tej poslikavi in prav tako na glavnem oltarju sladkogorske cerkve zamenjujejo s sv. Henrikom II. gurami iz prve vrste so upodobljeni predstavniki razlicnih redov. V drugi vrsti sle­dijo sv. Anton Padovanski z lilijo, sv. Dominik in sv. Francišek Asiški. Za sv. Antonom Padovanskim je sv. Anton Pušcavnik, za njim sv. Francišek Ksaver in sv. Ignacij Lo-jolski. Med vsemi naštetimi je izjema sv. Izidor (upodobljen ob sv. Antonu Pušcav­niku), zavetnik kmetov, ki ga je slikar umestil na poslikavo, da bi z njim slednjo približal okoliškim vernikom. Ti so bili tedaj vecinoma kmetje in je bil tako prav ta svetnik njihov dobro znan zavetnik. Pri obravnavi ikonografskega programa se zdi zanimivo dejstvo, da na sliki niso upodobljeni patroni vseh cerkva takratne župnije Lemberg – prisotni sta le zave­tnici prejšnje in zdajšnje sladkogorske cerkve, sv. Marjeta in Marija.43 To vprašanje so poudarjali skoraj vsi raziskovalci, ki so kdaj obravnavali to sliko, nikoli pa se na tem mestu niso dotaknili ne narocniškega vidika ne podrobnejše ikonografske analize. Prav (ne)upodobitev patronov bi lahko kazala, da je bila narocnica tega dela sladkogorska kongregacija oziroma njen vodja, domnevno Janez Mikec, in ne župnija oziroma sladkogorska cerkev. V procesu raziskovanja sicer nisem zasledila dokumenta, ki bi neizpodbitno potrdil, da je narocnica slike Marijina združba. V kroniki in preostalem gradivu omembe slike nisem zasledila, kar bi lahko pomeni-lo, da so jo evidentirali v inventarnem popisu kongregacije, ki še zaenkrat ni odkrit. Da inventarja družb ne bi pomešali s cerkvenim, je bilo namrec znacilno, da so ga natancno popisovali v svojih lastnih inventarnih zapisnikih. Slabo ohranjenost gra-diva družb je mogoce pojasniti tudi z jožefinskimi reformami, s katerimi je cesar 43 Ob njima še sv. Miklavž, sv. Pankracij, sv. Mihael in sv. Benedikt. med drugim ukinil bratovšcine in kongregacije ter želel uniciti vse sledi njihovega delovanja (Ambrožic 2015, 55–56; 67). Morebiti pa so bili ti dokumenti izgubljeni v požaru, v katerem naj bi zgorele skoraj vse listine o zgodovini cerkve in župnije (Vakaj 1888, 30). 6. Sklep Raziskovanje sladkogorske cerkve je dolgo stagniralo, pa ceprav gre za izredno kvalitetno poznobarocno celostno umetnino ali Gesamtkunstwerk. Po odkritju novega arhivskega gradiva o cerkvi se kaže v njegovem raziskovanju velik poten­cial. Novoodkriti dokumenti nakazujejo, da teza o unicenju vseh v požaru ne drži, in je torej le vprašanje casa, kdaj bo ponovno odkrita kakšna listina, ki bo o tem spomeniku posredovala nova spoznanja – in morda sprožila diskusijo o njegovi vrednosti in ohranjanju v stroki in/ali med ljudmi. Kratice MK, INDOK – Ministrstvo za kulturo RS, Informacijsko-dokumentacijski center za dedišcino. NŠAM – Nadškofijski arhiv Maribor. PAM – Pokrajinski arhiv Maribor. ZRC SAZU, UIFS – Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanost in umetnost, Umetnostnozgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta. ZVKDS, RC – Zavod za varstvo kulturne dedišcine Slovenije, Restavratorski center. ŽAŠ – Župnijski arhiv Šmarje pri Jelšah. Reference Arhivski viri NŠAM, Dekanijski šematizmi, šk. 1, Alte Dekana­te, D VI – Šmarje pri Jelšah, Sladka Gora, Catha-logus D. D. 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Gorica: Goriška Mohorje­va družba. Mairold, Maria, in Andreas Golob, ur. 2013. Promotionen an der Universität Graz, 1682-1773. Gradec: Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt. Menaše, Lev. 1994. Marija v slovenski umetnosti: Ikonologija slovenske marijanske umetnosti od zacetkov do prve svetovne vojne. Celje: Mohor­jeva družba. Menaše, Luc. 1971. Cebej, Anton. V: Evropski umetnostnozgodovinski leksikon, 347–348. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Mesesnel, France. 1923. Anton Cebej. V: Izidor Cankar, ur. Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino, 78. Ljubljana: Umetnostnozgodovinsko dru­štvo. Metlicar, Rok, ur. 2004. Skriti biser: Zbornik župni­je Sladka Gora. Sladka Gora: Župnijski urad. Mikuž, Stane. 1940. Freske Franca Ilovška na Sladki gori. Dom in svet 15, št. 9: 544–602. Mlinaric, Jože, ur. 1977. Carmen de vita beatae Mariae virginis metrica: in codice nr. 137 Bibli­othecae dioecesannae Mariborensis asserva-tum. Maribor: samozaložba. Mušic, Darko. 1968. Medicinalia na freskah Franca Jelovška na Sladki gori in analogije s podobnim gradivom na drugih lokacijah. Casopis za zgodovino in narodopisje 39, NV 4, št. 4:153– 176. Petric, Franci. 1995. Duša, le pojdi z mano: Božje poti na Slovenskem. Kranj: Gorenjski tisk. – – –. 2008. Slovenske božje poti. Ljubljana: Druži­ na. Rückert, Heinrich. 1853. Bruder Philipps des Carthäusers Marienleben. Quedlinburg: G. Basse. Stele, France. 1924. Oris zgodovine umetnosti pri Slovencih. Ljubljana: Nova založba. Šerbelj, Ferdinand. 1974. Anton Cebej, barocni slikar. Diplomska naloga druge stopnje. Filozof-ska fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani. – – –. 1977. Slikar Anton Cebej. Zbornik za umetno­stno zgodovino (Nova vrsta), 13:109–133. – – –.1979. Katalog Cebejevih del. Zbornik za umetnostno zgodovino (Nova, vrsta), 14/15:81– 113. – – –. 1985. Cebej, Anton. V: Enciklopedija Jugosla­vije. Zv. 2 623–624. Zagreb: Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod. – – –. 1988. Cebej, Anton. V: Marjan Javornik in Alenka Dermastia, ur. Enciklopedija Slovenije. Zv. 2. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. – – –. 1991. Anton Cebej: 1722–1774. Ljubljana: Na- rodna galerija. – – –. 1991. Zebey, Anton (Cebej). V: Jože Munda, ur. Slovenski biografski leksikon. Zv. 15, 782– 783. Ljubljana: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti. Stele, France. 1949. Slovenski slikarji. Ljubljana: Slovenski knjižni zavod. Steska, Viktor. 1927. Slovenska umetnost: Slikar­stvo. Prevalje: Družba sv. Mohorja. Strle, Anton. 1997. Vera cerkve: Dokumenti cer­kvenega uciteljstva. Celje: Mohorjeva družba. Strmšek, Pavel. 1937. Lemberg in Sladka gora. Celje: Muzejsko društvo. Šumi, Nace. 1969. Barocna arhitektura. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. Turnšek, Marjan. 2006. Blaženi škof Anton Martin Slomšek in razglasitev dogme o Marijinem brezmadežnem spocetju. Bogoslovni vestnik 66, št. 1:111–123. Vakaj, Alojzij. 1888a. Sladka gora, slavno Marijinosvetišce na Štajarskem. Slovenski gospodar, 12. julij. – – –. 1888b. Sladka gora, slavno Marijino svetišcena Štajarskem. Slovenski gospodar, 9. avgust. Versammlung aller Heiligen im Himmel (Allerhei­ligen). 1734. Herzog August Bibliothek Wol­fenbüttel. Bildindex. https://www.bildindex. de/document/obj35019079?part=0&medium= habgraph-res-b-197-32 (pridobljeno 25. 12. 2017). Vrišer, Sergej. 1970. Sladka Gora. Maribor: Obzor­ ja. Zupanic Slavec, Zvonka. 2013. Votivno slikarstvo z medicinsko tematiko na Sladki Gori. Isis 22, št.1:37–39. Žnidaršic Golec, Lilijana. 2019. Kariere duhovnikov na Slovenskem v zgodnjem novem veku: Vzvo­di, okolišcine, (samo)reprezentacija. Ljubljana: Založba ZRC SAZU. Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 137—147 Besedilo prejeto/Received:05/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:01/2022UDK/UDC: 27-788(497.4Škofja Loka)“17“ DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Drnovsek © 2022 Drnovšek, CC BY 4.0 Jaša Drnovšek Škofjeloška bratovšcina sv. Rešnjega telesa med utrjevanjem vere in skrbjo za onostranstvo The Škofja Loka Confraternity of Corpus Christi bet­ween Strengthening the Faith and Providing for the Afterlife Povzetek: Prispevek1 obravnava delovanje zgodnjenovoveške bratovšcine sv. Re-šnjega telesa iz Škofje Loke, kot se kaže v njeni publikaciji Lagkherisches Him-melBrod [Loški nebeški kruh] iz leta 1713. Po opredelitvi, da gre za tako imeno­vano ,bratovšcinsko knjigo‘, predstavlja in analizira njena dva najpomembnejša dela: pravila, ki naj bi jim clani bratovšcine sledili, in dejanja, za katera je bil predviden prejem papeških odpustkov. Avtor meni, da je bratovšcina v knjigi po eni strani prikazana kot tipicno potridentinsko združenje. Hkrati ugotavlja, da se je pri svojem delu skoraj prav tako zavzeto kot utrjevanju vere tudi še v 18. stoletju posvecala skrbi za posmrtno življenje svojih clanov, znacilni za naj­zgodnejše, visokosrednjeveške bratovšcine. Primerjava z drugimi bratovšcinami sv. Rešnjega telesa kaže, da škofjeloška bratovšcina v svojem delovanju od dru­gih tovrstnih združenj ni bistveno odstopala. Kljucne besede: bratovšcine, bratovšcinske knjige, sv. Rešnje telo, Škofja Loka, zgo­dnji novi vek, tridentinski koncil Abstract: The author examines the workings of the Early Modern Corpus Christiconfraternity of Škofja Loka as presented in its own publication Lagkherisches HimmelBrod [The Loka Bread from Heaven] from 1713. After defining the work as a so-called ,confraternity book‘, the author presents and analyses two of its most important parts: the rules which were to be followed by members of the confraternity, and the deeds for which papal indulgences were foreseen. The author holds that on the one hand, the confraternity in the book is depicted as a typical post-Tridentine organization, and on the other, he asserts that the confraternity’s work went beyond consolidating faith. As late as the 18th century, Clanek je nastal v okviru programske skupine „Podoba – beseda – znanje: Življenje idej v prostoru med vzhodnimi Alpami in severnim Jadranom 1400–1800 (P6-0437)“, ki jo iz državnega proracuna sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije. its dedication to strengthening faith was almost matched by its endeavour to provide for the afterlife of its members, a characteristic typical of the earliest, high medieval confraternities. A comparison with some other Corpus Christi confraternities in the Slovenian lands shows that the confraternity of Škofja Loka did not differ significantly from other associations of the same kind in its activities. Keywords: confraternities, confraternity books, Corpus Christi, Škofja Loka, early modern period, Council of Trent 1. Uvod Bratovšcine so pojav z dolgo, vec kot petstoletno zgodovino.2 Medtem ko njihovi zacetki segajo v visoki srednji vek – v italijanskem govornem prostoru in južno­francoski pokrajini Languedoc jih srecamo že v 12. stoletju (Davis 1974, 316) –,3 so od takrat nastajale in se širile v vec valovih (316; Blasting 1989, 3; Schneider 1994, 65; 69; Bonin 2011, 23). Do konca 18. stoletja, ko so jih razsvetljenske obla­sti postopoma odpravile,4 so obstajale na obmocju vse katoliške Evrope, zato jih lahko – celostno gledano – oznacimo za mednarodno ustanovo. Po drugi strani pa je za clane bratovšcin5 znacilno, da so vecinoma delovali le v svojih domacih, praviloma urbanih okoljih (Schneider 1994, 66; 69; Klieber 1999, 13).6 Carlo Schanzer meni, da lahko locimo med cerkvenimi in laicnimi bratovšcina-mi. Prve potrjuje papež ali škof, druge pa eventualno posvetna oblast. Locujemo lahko še med cistimi verskimi in mešanimi bratovšcinami – prve zaznamujejo ver-ska opravila, druge pa zlasti dobrodelnost; med javnimi in zasebnimi bratovšcina­ 2 Predhodnike bratovšcin vidi Zdenka Bonin sicer že pri Judih (združenja farizejev, samarijanov in naza­rencev), Rimljanih (sodalitates, collegia) in v kristjanih, ki so se skrivali po katakombah in drugje v Rimu (2011, 21). 3 Srednjeveška družba je bila nagnjena k združevanju, za ljudi tega obdobja pa znacilno, da so hkrati pripadali vec združbam. Posameznik ni smel ostati sam, saj bi kot tak lahko delal le zlo, kar je greh (Bonin 2011, 24). 4 V Svetem rimskem cesarstvu na primer sta cesarica Marija Terezija (1717–1780) in cesar Jožef II. (1741– 1790) že 17. avgusta 1771 za vse avstrijske dedne dežele izdala odlok, s katerim sta prepovedala ustanav­ljanje novih bratovšcin in odredila temeljito preiskavo obstojecih (HkkG, 2:82–83). Po vec nadaljnjih odlokih, ki so izražali še vecji dvom v njihovo družbeno koristnost, jih je Jožef II. leta 1783 povsem ukinil. V prihodnje so se lahko njihovi clani pridružili kvecjemu na novo ustanovljenemu Združenju iz ljubezni do bližnjega, ki so ga upravljali župniki (HkkG, 1:247–264). Z dvornim odlokom (27. 11. 1783) je vse premoženje bratovšcin prešlo prav na to ustanovo za revne (HkkG, 2:406–407). 5 Poudariti velja, da so clani bratovšcin izhajali iz vseh družbenih slojev (Mitterwieser 1930, 57; Tanzer 1992, 85; Malesevic 2022, 77). Poleg tega so lahko v bratovšcinah delovale tudi ženske, ki so skupaj pogosto predstavljale vecino clanstva (Schneider 1994, 72). 6 Do obnavljanja bratovšcin je znova prišlo v 19. stoletju (za vpliv manjših bratov na ta pojav v slovenskemprostoru gl. Kolar 2019, 950–951). Še leta 1917 jih podrobno opredeljuje „Zakonik cerkvenega prava“, ki bratovšcine ob tretjem redu za svetne ljudi in pobožnih zvezah uvršca med cerkvena združenja (as-sociationes) (Ušenicnik 1940, 497–507; Ambrožic 2015, 533). V trenutno veljavnem „Zakoniku cerkve­nega prava“ iz leta 1983 bratovšcine niso izrecno omenjene (ZCP, 149–161). mi; ter med bratovšcinami z lastnim premoženjem in takšnimi brez njega (1899, 6–10). Najpozneje po koncu tridentinskega koncila so bratovšcine postale eno od sred­stev Cerkve za lastno prenovo (Schneider 1994, 83–84).7 Med njihovimi številni-mi dejavnostmi8 je doslej še najmanj raziskano izdajanje knjig (Ogrin 2016, 55). Za slovenski prostor v obdobju baroka je okvirni pregled tovrstnih publikacij opra­vil Matija Ogrin. Ugotavlja, da so bratovšcine na omenjenem podrocju nastopale v treh vlogah, ki sestavljajo skoraj celoten literarni sistem: kot avtorji besedil, nji­hovi posredniki (izdajatelji oziroma založniki) in hkrati bralci (81). Ob tem gre po­udariti, da izmed vseh ohranjenih virov o bratovšcinah prav knjige, ki so jih izda­jale in ki vsebujejo njihove statute, nudijo najcelovitejši uvid v njihovo delovanje. V nadaljevanju si bomo to ogledali ob predstavitvi in analizi Loškega nebeškega kruha, dela, ki ga je leta 1713 izdala bratovšcina sv. Rešnjega telesa iz Škofje Lo­ke.9 Glavno zgodnjenovoveško združenje s tem imenom je leta 1538 pri cerkvi sv. Marije nad Minervo v Rimu ustanovil dominikanec in poznejši koprski škof Tommaso Stella (–1566), leta 1539 pa potrdil papež Pavel III. (1468–1549) (1860). Osrednji cilj omenjene bratovšcine je bilo izražanje temeljne katoliške dogme – resnicne navzocnosti Jezusa Kristusa v evharistiji – ob napadih protestantov (Tin­gle 2016, 89). Škofjeloška bratovšcina, nekakšna podružnica10 in eno izmed šte­vilnih tovrstnih združenj v slovenskem prostoru,11 je danes znana po tem, da je bila pokroviteljica Škofjeloškega pasijona – kapucinske procesije, ki je od leta 2016 pod zašcito Unesca in so jo prvic dokazano uprizorili leta 1721.12 O siceršnjem 7 Tridentinski koncil je na svoji 22. seji v zvezi z bratovšcinami izdal dva kanona. Prvi škofom podeljuje pravico do vizitacij bratovšcin, drugi bratovšcinam nalaga, da ordinarijem vsako leto porocajo o svojem poslovanju (Wohlmuth 2002, 740). V skladu z zadnjim kanonom, pozneje pa tudi z bulo „Quaecumque a Sede Apostolica“, ki jo je 7. decembra 1604 izdal papež Klemen VIII. (1536–1605), so morale bratovšcine škofom v potrditev predložiti tudi svoje statute (1867, 140). 8 Martin Scheutz bratovšcine oznacuje za »vecfunkcijske ponudnike storitev« (2013). Prevodi iz besedil, ob katerih v Referencah na koncu clanka prevajalec ni naveden, so avtorjevo delo. 9 Na splošno so bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa najvecji razmah doživele na prehodu iz 14. v 15. stoletje. Skrbele so za pripravo telovskih teoforicnih procesij, spremljale duhovnike s sv. popotnico k bolnikom, poživljale molitev in gojile evharisticno pobožnost z daritvijo sv. maše (Ambrožic 2015, 542–543). 10 Ob potrditvi rimske bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa je Pavel III. sklenil, da bodo vse druge bratovšcine, ki bodo ustanovljene pod istim imenom, deležne odpustkov in privilegijev glavne bratovšcine v Rimu, ne da bi bila za to potrebna formalna pridružitev (Pavel III. 1860, 279; Ušenicnik 1940, 504–505). Po Pavlu III. so odpustke rimski bratovšcini podeljevali tudi papeži Pavel V. (1552–1621), Klemen X. (1649– 1721) in Benedikt XIV. (1675–1758) (Pavel V. 1713; Klemen X. 1857; Bouvier 1844, 326–332). 11 Za zgodnjenovoveške bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa v slovenskem prostoru gl. zlasti Bonin 2011; Dolinar 2011; 2012; Lavric 2013; Ambrožic 2015; 2015a; Ogrin 2016; Lavric 2017. Medtem ko je na primer lju­bljanski škof Jožef Rabatta (1620–1683) leta 1667 Svetemu sedežu porocal, da bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa obstajajo skoraj v vseh župnijskih cerkvah (Dolinar 2011, 168), so ljubljanski škofje Viljem Leslie (1650–1727), Leopold Jožef Petazzi (1703–1772) in Karel Janez Herberstein (1719–1787) v letih 1723, 1764 in 1778 porocali, da v njihovi škofiji prakticno ni cerkve, pri kateri tovrstne bratovšcine ne bi imeli(Dolinar 2012, 57; 87; 94). Matjaž Ambrožic je na primer zgolj na slovenskem Štajerskem evidentiral 51 bratovšcin sv. Rešnjega telesa, ki so delovale od konca 14. stoletja pa do njihove ukinitve (2015, 547). 12 V letnih porocilih iz 1727 in 1728, ki sta del kodeksa Škofjeloškega pasijona, piše, da je bratovšcina sv.Rešnjega telesa procesijo v tem casu »vneto varovala« (ŠP, 142). Za kakšno varovanje gre, natancneje opredeljujeta dva druga dokumenta iz kodeksa. V zapisu „V vednost prihodnji dobi o procesiji na veliki petek“ tako beremo, da je procesija leta 1721 »prišla slovesno na svetlo / …/ na stroške dobrotne delovanju bratovšcine imamo za zdaj na voljo naslednje podatke: da je kot ime­tnica manjše posesti, združene s starološko župnijsko cerkvijo, obstajala že leta 1555 (Blaznik 1973, 242); da je bila pri cerkvi sv. Jakoba znova ustanovljena leta 1634 (338); da je bila leta 1699 narocnica oltarja za omenjeno cerkev (Lavric 2017, 16–18); da je bila ob koncu 17. ali v zacetku 18. stoletja verjetno narocnica slike z motivom Kristusa v stiskalnici (25–26); da je po viru iz leta 1727 loškemu ucitelju, ki je s pevci izmed ucencev sodeloval pri bogoslužju, na leto za to placevala 10 goldinarjev (Blaznik 1973, 310); da je imela v lasti nekaj desetin v Polhograjskem gospostvu in bila dokaj premožna, saj je na primer leta 1730 posojala vec kot 12.000 goldinarjev kranjske veljave, s cimer je letno zaslužila vec kot 600 goldi­narjev obresti (338); da je po viru, ki je domnevno iz leta 1778, loškemu ucitelju letno placevala 4 goldinarje in 15 krajcarjev, organistu v Loki 12 goldinarjev (Dem­šar 2005, 184), cerkovniku v cerkvi sv. Jakoba 8 goldinarjev in 40 krajcarjev ter Pavlu Pecniku kot cerkovniku in bratovšcinskemu glasniku13 8 goldinarjev in 30 krajcarjev (185); da je leta 1781 prispevala del sredstev za placo loškega ucitelja (Blaznik 1973, 399–400). Kako pa dosedanjo vednost o delovanju škofjeloške bra­tovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa dopolnjuje knjiga Loški nebeški kruh? 2. Loški nebeški kruh Loški nebeški kruh iz leta 1713, ki je ohranjen le v dveh javno znanih izvodih,14 predstavlja tretjo izdajo tega dela (LH, 8; 10). Edini izvod druge izdaje knjige iz leta 1708, znan šele od predlani, je v zasebni lasti (Somer 2020). Prvic je knjiga, pisana v nemškem jeziku, izšla kmalu po ustanovitvi bratovšcine leta 1634 (LH, 5);15 iz te izdaje se, kot kaže, ni ohranil noben izvod.16 Kot pove že podnaslov Loškega ne­beškega kruha – Pravila in odpustki hvalevredne bratovšcine presvetega Kristuso­vega telesa v mestu Škofja Loka, sta najpomembnejša dela namenjena pravilom, ki naj bi jim clani bratovšcine sledili, in papeškim odpustkom, ki so jih clani lahko pod izrecno dolocenimi pogoji prejeli.17 V tem smislu gre za znacilno ,bratovšcin­ bratovšcine presvetega Rešnjega telesa« (171); v zapisu „Pred procesijo je treba vedeti“, ki je tako kot dramski tekst nastal v letih 1725–1727 (Ogrin 2009), pa je navedena vsota, ki naj bi jo bratovšcina za procesijo namenjala: »Na konventu bratovšcine, ki je obravnaval procesijo, je bilo enkrat za vselej sklen­jeno, da se daje za pripravo procesije petdeset goldinarjev nemške veljave in ne vec.« (ŠP, 172) Prav financna podpora bratovšcine je najbrž prispevala, da je omenjena kot »[u]stanoviteljica in ohran­jevalka / …/ procesije« (172). 13 „Bratovšcinski glasnik“ (nem. „Bruderschaftsansager“) je glasnik, ki je moral posameznim clanom bratovšcine prinesti vabilo na srecanje ali sv. mašo (Sanford 1975, 16). 14 En izvod hrani Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, drugega pa Kapucinski samostan Škofja Loka. 15 O zacetkih delovanja bratovšcine lahko beremo v letopisu kolegija ljubljanske Družbe Jezusove za omenjenoleto: »Šli smo pomagat v Loko, kjer se je zacela Bratovšcina svetega Rešnjega telesa.« (Baraga 2003, 117) 16 Da je med izidom prve in druge izdaje Loškega nebeškega kruha minilo vsaj 74 let, med izidom druge in tretje izdaje pa le pet, kaže na to, da je bila bratovšcina v prvi polovici 18. stoletja bistveno bolj deja-vna kot pol stoletja pred tem. 17 Po nauku Katoliške cerkve je odpustek odpušcanje casne kazni pred Bogom za grehe, pri katerih je krivda že odpušcena. Vernik ga prejme pod dolocenimi pogoji ob pomoci Cerkve, ki v službi odrešenja sko knjigo‘, ki jo Gerald Hirtner – v kontekstu drugih bratovšcinskih dokumentov – opredeljuje takole: »Naceloma razlikujemo med vezanimi in nevezanimi tiska­nimi deli. Na podrocju vezanih tiskov se srecujemo z bratovšcinskimi, darilnimi in nabožnimi knjigami. Prve vsebujejo podatke o zgodovini, statutih, nalogah etc. zadevne bratovšcine. Ne smemo jih zamenjati z rokopisnimi vpisnimi knjigami (seznami clanov).« (2018, 160) Ker tretji (zadnji in najobsežnejši) del Loškega ne­beškega kruha vsebuje pretežno molitve, litanije in opis duhovnih vaj za vredno prejemanje najsvetejšega zakramenta (LH, 1), se zastavlja vprašanje, ali ga ne bi bilo mogoce oznaciti tudi za ,nabožno knjigo‘. Ce sledimo Hirtnerju, je odgovor nikalen, kajti sam nedvoumno pravi: »Nabožne knjige vsebujejo – kot pove že ime – izkljucno nabožna in molitvena besedila.« (2018, 160) Podobno meni Irene Rabl, ki loci med »bratovšcinskimi knjigami s statuti, molitvami in spevi« na eni ter »na-božnimi knjigami« (2018, 397) na drugi strani. Loški nebeški kruh potemtakem ni nabožna knjiga, temvec ima kvecjemu mocan nabožen znacaj. Služil naj bi zlasti clanom bratovšcine, sicer pa, kot še pred tem piše na naslovni strani, »ljudem vseh stanov« (LH, 1). S tem – v skladu s stanovsko odprtostjo bratovšcin – nagovarja kar najširši (v tem primeru nemško govoreci) krog bralstva. V kratkem predgovoru knjige, ki ga kot pomocnika predstojnika bratovšcine, glavarja Loškega gospostva Antona Eckherja von Kapfing und Liechteneck (1685– 1727),18 podpisujeta Janez Jakob Kos, sodni pisar in protipisar Loškega gospostvain Škofje Loke, ter Peter Anton Zanetti, ne gre spregledati mest, ki zacetek delo­vanja združenja zgodovinsko uokvirjata. Beremo, da so »pobožni kristjani to hva­levredno bratovšcino ustanovili po popolnem iztrebljenju luteranstva« (5), pa tudi, da je Loški nebeški kruh izšel zato, »da bi zanetil pobožnost /…/: custva pobožnih kršcanskih duš je to podžgalo do te mere, da je iz tedanje male pešcice nastala velika množica pridruženih tovarišev« (6). Ocitno je torej, da bratovšcine ni mo­goce ustrezno razumeti zunaj procesa protireformacije in katoliške prenove.19 Vecina od devetih pravil, ki urejajo delovanje bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa in skupaj predstavljajo njen statut, se nanaša na dejanja in opravila, ki izkazujejo vero in pobožnost. Prvo pravilo doloca, da mora vsak, ki se želi bratovšcini pridružiti, ob vstopu vanjo ali pa v mesecu dni po njem – in »po predhodnem premišljevanju svojih grehov, resnicnem kesanju in spovedi« (11) – prejeti obhajilo. Po drugem z oblastjo razdeljuje in naklanja zaklad zadostitve Kristusa in svetnikov. Odpustek je delen ali popoln v smislu, da prejemnika delno ali popolnoma reši casnih kazni, ki jih slednji za grehe dolguje (KKC, 389). V katoliškem pobožnem življenju je imel odpustek pomembno vlogo v poznem srednjem veku in potri­dentinskem katolištvu vse do prve polovice 20. stoletja (Kasper 1993, 53). Za clane bratovšcin je bilo njegovo prejemanje osrednja duhovna dobrina (Ambrožic 2015, 537). 18 Eckher je bil loški glavar med letoma 1713 in 1727 (Blaznik 1973, 451). Na ta položaj ga je imenoval njegov stric, freisinški knezoškof Johann Franz Eckher von Kapfing und Liechteneck (1649–1727) (Huben-steiner 1954, 60; 282–283). 19 V tretjem delu Loškega nebeškega kruha prica o tem tudi Kratki obrazec splošne izpovedi katoliške vere, s katerim so morali clani bratovšcine priseci, da bodo »edino zvelicavno rimokatoliško vero branil[i] in šcitil[i] do zadnjega diha svojega življenja« (LH, 29–30). Obrazec se bere kot priznanje sklepov triden­tinskega koncila: »Jaz, N.N., javno izpovedujem edino zvelicavno rimokatoliško vero, spoštujem in trdno verujem v vse, kar je proti raznim krivoverstvom, ki se pojavljajo v sedanjih casih, sklenil in dolocil sveti tridentinski koncil.« (29) pravilu se morajo clani bratovšcine vsako prvo nedeljo po telovem udeležiti sv. maše ter »v Božjo hvalo in za širjenje casti najsvetejšega Rešnjega telesa Jezusa Kristusa« (12) z gorecimi svecami prisostvovati procesiji.20 Tretje pravilo doloca, da morajo clani bratovšcine »v cast in za najponižnejše premišljevanje petih Kri­stusovih ran«, pa tudi za »uspešnejše pridobivanje drugih clanov za molitev in dobra dela« vsaj enkrat mesecno zmoliti pet ocenašev, pet zdravamarij in apostol­sko vero. Oziroma za zahtevnejše clane: »Ce pa bi kdo želel še bolj izkazati svojo vnemo in namesto pravkar omenjene kratke molitve zmoliti rožni venec, ali ce bi tisti, ki znajo brati, radi zmolili oficij sv. Rešnjega telesa, je to prepušceno volji in pobožnosti vsakega posameznika.« (14) Zadnji navedek kaže, da vsi clani brato­všcine niso bili pismeni – in hkrati njihovo družbeno razslojenost. Po cetrtem pra­vilu se morajo »bratje in sestre« (14), ki so doma in imajo cas, vsak prvi cetrtek v mesecu v cerkvi sv. Jakoba udeležiti sv. maše za žive in pokojne soclane, peti pred bratovšcinskim oltarjem21 in prisostvovati procesiji s hostijo, ki poteka v cerkvi ali okoli nje. To pravilo kot clane bratovšcine prvic izrecno omenja ženske, poleg tega prica o tem, da je bila cerkev sv. Jakoba maticna cerkev bratovšcine. Peto pravilo doloca, da morajo clani vsak teden tudi zasebno moliti za žive in pokojne soclane. Prepušceno jim je sicer, kaj in koliko bodo molili, zato pa morajo pri vsakomesec­nih sv. mašah za žive in pokojne soclane zmoliti tri ocenaše in tri zdravamarije. Po šestem pravilu morajo clani bratovšcine vsak dan zjutraj, pa tudi zvecer pred spa-njem, potem ko so se priporocili Bogu, Mariji, svojemu angelu varuhu in zavetni­ku ter opravili obicajno molitev, zmoliti še ocenaš in zdravamarijo »v cast sv. Tro­jice, za obco Katoliško cerkev, našega deželnega kneza in našo deželo« (18). Sedmo pravilo je o sv. popotnici in doloca, naj se v primeru, ko mora duhovnik v mestu ali predmestju obiskati bolnika, clani bratovšcine po zvonjenju v kar najvecjem številu zberejo v cerkvi sv. Jakoba, od koder bodo duhovnika s prižganimi lucmi spremili k bolniku in nazaj. Za njegovo zdravje naj zmolijo ocenaš in angelski poz­drav, pri cemer lahko tisti, ki se sprevoda ne morejo udeležiti, to storijo doma. Po tem pravilu morajo clani soclana, ki umre, »pospremiti k vecnemu pocitku in mu izkazati zadnje delo usmiljenja tega kraja« (20). Osmo pravilo doloca, da se mora­jo na poziv predstojnika bratovšcine in njegovih pomocnikov nujnih srecanj ude­ležiti vsi clani, ki le lahko. Po zadnjem (devetem) pravilu morajo clani bratovšcine podpirati vse, kar je »v hvalo in cast /…/ svetega Rešnjega telesa Jezusa Kristusa« (22). Prizadevati si morajo za tako življenje, da bo vsem jasno, da so »služabniki in služabnice, vredni najsvetejšega zakramenta« (22). Kot že receno, nudi vpogled v delovanje škofjeloške bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega te­lesa tudi drugi del Loškega nebeškega kruha. Pri tem gre za breve s papeškimi od­pustki Urbana VIII. (1568–1644), ki je datiran z 21. junijem 1634, podpisuje pa ga papežev tajnik Marco Aurelio Maraldi (1565–1651). Odpustki naj bi pomagali, »da bi /…/ bratovšcina dnevno rasla« (24), namenjeni pa so »vsem kristjanom, moškim 20 Presenetljivo ni v Loškem nebeškem kruhu niti z besedo omenjena procesija velikega petka, danes znana kot Škofjeloški pasijon. Domnevamo lahko, da gre pri tem za tradicijo, ki je bila precej mlajša od tradici­ je telovskih procesij v Škofji Loki. 21 Za opis bratovšcinskega oltarja gl. Lavric 2017, 16–18. in ženskam, ki vstopajo v /…/ bratovšcino« (24). Popolni odpustek je tako za nove clane predviden že prvi dan ob vstopu, »po opravljeni spovedi in prejetju najsvetej­šega zakramenta« (24). Prav tako so do popolnega odpustka upraviceni clani brato­všcine, ki »ob smrtni uri opravijo spoved in použijejo sv. obhajilo« (23–24) ali – ce tega niso zmožni – »ob resnicnem kesanju z usti /…/ ali pa v srcu pobožno klicejo Jezusovo ime« (23). Nenazadnje je popolni odpustek predviden za clane, ki »na ne­deljo v osmini sv. Rešnjega telesa, po opravljeni spovedi in obhajilu, v casu med pr-vimi vecernicami in soncnim zahodom, pobožno obišcejo cerkev ali kapelo, v kateri ima /…/ bratovšcina duhovne vaje, in tam vneto molijo za enotnost kršcanskih kne­zov, iztrebljenje krivoverstva in povzdignjenje Katoliške cerkve« (23–24). Ob pogojih za prejem popolnega odpustka papeški breve navaja tudi takšne, ki zadošcajo za prejem delnih odpustkov. Do odpustka v trajanju sedmih let in sed­mih kvadragen so tako upraviceni clani bratovšcine, ki »cerkev ali kapelo obišcejo in v njej molijo na dan Kristusovega rojstva ali vnebohoda ter na dan Marijinega spocetja ali vnebovzetja« (24). Odpustek v trajanju 60 dni po opravljeni pokori pa je predviden v naslednjih primerih: ce se clani »pojavijo pri maši / …/ ali na javnih in zasebnih srecanjih bratovšcine«, ce »nudijo zatocišce revežem, pomirijo sovra­žnike ali pomagajo pri pomiritvi« (24), ce »se udeležijo pogreba vernikov, proce­sije, ki jo dopusti ordinarij in v kateri se v dolžno cast ali k bolnemu nosi sveti za­krament (tisti pa, ki so zadržani, po slišanem zvonjenju zmolijo ocenaš in angelski pozdrav)« (24–25), ce clani »za duše pokojnih sobratov in sosester zmolijo pet ocenašev in angelski pozdrav« (25), ce »spravijo koga na pot blagrov« ali »pouci­jo nevedne o upoštevanju Božjih zapovedi in tem, kaj sodi k blaženosti« (25); ali ce tudi »sicer izkažejo kakšno delo pobožnosti ali ljubezni« (25). Ce prvi in drugi del Loškega nebeškega kruha obravnavamo skupaj, ob vprašanju o delovanju bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa izstopa zlasti dvoje. Po eni strani dejanja, ki jih clanom nalaga njihov statut in/ali za katera so predvideni odpustki, pogosto v zna­menju evharistije; najveckrat gre za prejem obhajila (ob vstopu v bratovšcino, pred smrtjo in na nedeljo v osmini sv. Rešnjega telesa) ali pa udeležbo v teoforicni procesiji (na telovo, po vsakomesecni sv. maši za žive in pokojne soclane in ob obisku bolnikov). Takšni poudarki so v skladu z imenom bratovšcine, ki lahko kaže tudi na potridentinsko krepitev evharisticnega kulta22 (Lobenwein 2018, 193–194) oziroma – širše – na že omenjeno vpetost bratovšcine v proces protireformacije in katoliške prenove. Toda po drugi strani statut in odpustki, navedeni v Loškem nebeškem kruhu, skoraj enako po­gosto zadevajo dejanja, ki so konstitutivna za najzgodnejše bratovšcine in povezana z vsemi tremi temeljnimi podrocji skrbi za posmrtno življenje njihovih clanov: 1) spre­mljanjem umirajocih, 2) pripravo pogreba in 3) ohranjanjem spomina na pokojne (Sch­neider 1994, 66; 77; Lobenwein 2018, 195). Konkretno gre za udeležbo pri vsakome­secni sv. maši za žive in pokojne soclane, tedensko zasebno molitev zanje, sodelovanje pri sv. popotnici za umirajoce soclane, spremljanje pokojnih soclanov h grobu in njihov pogreb. Ce sv. Rešnje telo pojmujemo v kontekstu sv. popotnice, lahko recemo, da so v imenu bratovšcine zajeti tudi ti zadnji poudarki (Lobenwein 2018, 193). 22 Za dekret o evharistiji, izdan na 13. seji tridentinskega koncila, gl. Wohlmuth 2002, 693–697. 3. Primerjava Loškega nebeškega kruha s pravili in odpustki izbranih slovenskih zgodnjenovoveških bratovšcin sv. Rešnjega telesa Zastavlja se vprašanje o morebitni izjemnosti škofjeloške bratovšcine sv. Rešnjega telesa glede na pravila in odpustke, ki so bili predvideni za druga tovrstna zgodnje­novoveška združenja v slovenskem prostoru. Dokoncen odgovor bi terjal obsežnej­šo raziskavo, pregled doslej znanih podatkov – gre za pravila oziroma odpustke bratovšcin sv. Rešnjega telesa, ki so bile v 17. in 18. stoletju ustanovljene pri cer­kvah sv. Nikolaja v Ljubljani (Dolinar 1998), sv. Urha škofa v Dolini pri Trstu (Rupel 1954), Marijinega rojstva na Homcu pri Mengšu23 (Mrkun 1914) in sv. Martina v Kamnici pri Mariboru (Ambrožic 2015) – in njihova primerjava s podatki iz Loške­ga nebeškega kruha pa kažeta, da obravnavana škofjeloška bratovšcina v svojem delovanju ni bistveno odstopala od drugih. Ponazorimo to s konkretnimi primeri. Ce so se morali clani škofjeloške bratovšcine vsako prvo nedeljo po telovem z gorecimi svecami udeležiti procesije, so bili clani ljubljanske bratovšcine dolžni z gorecimi svecami prisostvovati procesiji na osmino tega praznika. Kot so morali clani škofjeloške bratovšcine za ponižno premišljevanje Kristusovih ran najmanj enkrat mesecno zmoliti pet ocenašev, pet zdravamarij in apostolsko vero, so se bili clani ljubljanske bratovšcine pobožnosti, namenjene cašcenju Kristusovih ran, dolžni udeležiti vsak petek. Kot so morali clani škofjeloške bratovšcine vsak prvi cetrtek v mesecu obiskati sv. mašo, ki se je darovala tudi za pokojne soclane, so bili clani ljubljanske bratovšcine k molitvi za pokojne soclane dolžni prihajati na ponedeljek po kvatrni nedelji. Kot so morali clani škofjeloške bratovšcine s prižga­nimi svecami spremljati duhovnika s sv. popotnico k bolniku ter zanj zmoliti ocenaš in angelski pozdrav, so bili clani ljubljanske bratovšcine tudi dolžni spremljati du­hovnika s sv. popotnico in moliti za bolnike. Tako clani škofjeloške kot ljubljanske bratovšcine so morali soclane, ki so umrli, pokopati (Dolinar 1998, 8). Kar zadeva podatke o odpustkih, je bil tako v škofjeloški bratovšcini sv. Rešnje­ga telesa kot v bratovšcinah, ustanovljenih pri cerkvah sv. Urha škofa v Dolini, Ma-rijinega rojstva na Homcu in sv. Martina v Kamnici, za clane ob njihovem vstopu v bratovšcino, natancneje po spovedi in obhajilu, predviden popolni odpustek (Do­linar 1998, 8; Rupel 1954, 180; Mrkun 1914, 97; Ambrožic 2015, 44). V škofjeloški in homški bratovšcini so bili do popolnega odpustka upraviceni tudi clani, ki so ob smrtni uri – ce se niso mogli spovedati in prejeti obhajila – klicali Jezusovo ime (Mrkun 1914, 97). Tako v škofjeloški kot kamniški bratovšcini je bil popolni odpu­stek za clane predviden, ce so na nedeljo v osmini telovega opravili spoved, pre­jeli obhajilo in v domaci cerkvi ali kapeli molili za iztrebljenje krivoverstva in pov­zdignjenje Katoliške cerkve (Ambrožic 2015, 44); clani dolinske in homške brato­všcine pa so bili do popolnega odpustka upraviceni, ce so se spovedali in obhajilo prejeli na telovo (Rupel 1954, 180; Mrkun 1914, 97). Primerjajmo še podatke o delnih odpustkih. Podobno kot je bil za clane škofje­ 23 Za homško cerkev gl. Lavric in Resman 2019, 7–65. loške bratovšcine, ki so v domaci cerkvi ali kapeli molili na božicni dan, predviden odpustek v trajanju sedmih let in sedmih kvadragen, so bili clani homške bratovšci­ne do tolikšnega odpustka upraviceni, ce so na božicni dan opravili spoved in pre­jeli obhajilo (Mrkun 1914, 97). V škofjeloški, dolinski in kamniški bratovšcini je bil za clane, ki so posredovali med sprtimi, predviden odpustek v trajanju 60 dni (Ru­pel 1954, 180; Ambrožic 2015, 44), clani homške bratovšcine pa so bili za isto de­janje upraviceni do 100 dni odpustka (Mrkun 1914, 97). Za clane škofjeloške, do-linske in kamniške bratovšcine, ki so se udeležili pogreba, je bil predviden odpustek v trajanju 60 dni (Rupel 1954, 180; Ambrožic 2015, 44), clani homške bratovšcine pa so bili za to upraviceni do 100 dni odpustka (Mrkun 1914, 97). V škofjeloški, do-linski in kamniški bratovšcini je bil za clane, ki so se udeležili teoforicne procesije, predviden odpustek v dolžini 60 dni. Enako je veljalo, ce so clani teh bratovšcin ucili nevedne (Rupel 1954, 180; Ambrožic 2015, 44). Tako v škofjeloški kot tudi v dolinski bratovšcini so bili clani ob molitvi za duše pokojnih soclanov upraviceni do 60 dni odpustka. Enako je veljalo ob nudenju zatocišca revežem (Rupel 1954, 180). Nenazadnje je bil tako v škofjeloški kot kamniški bratovšcini za obisk sv. maše pred­viden odpustek v trajanju 60 dni. Enako je veljalo za obisk javnih ali zasebnih bra-tovšcinskih srecanj, ce so clani povedli koga na pot zvelicanja ali so se izkazali s kakšnim drugim delom pobožnosti ali ljubezni (Ambrožic 2015, 44). 4. Sklep Škofjeloška bratovšcina sv. Rešnjega telesa je v bratovšcinski knjigi Loški nebeški kruh prikazana kot sestavni del procesa protireformacije in katoliške prenove. Izid knjige je sicer narekovala želja po spodbujanju pobožnosti, zato je tako v prvem kot drugem delu opisana vrsta dejanj, ki naj bi pobožnost pomagala utrjevati. Da se pravila in odpustki, namenjeni clanom bratovšcine, v veliki meri nanašajo na tudi dejanja, ki so povezana s skrbjo za onostranstvo, ustreza tezam, po katerih je izvorni, visokosrednjeveški motiv delovanja bratovšcin tudi po tridentinskem koncilu ostal tako rekoc neokrnjen (Schneider 1994, 77; Klieber 2018, 108; 111). 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Wörterbuch von Berufs­bezeichnungen aus dem siebzehnten Jahrhun­dert. Gesammelt aus den Wiener Totenproto­kollen der Jahre 1648–1668 und einigen weite­ren Quellen. Frankfurt na Majni: Lang. Schanzer, Carlo. 1899. La transformazione delle Confraternite nel diritto pubblico italiano. Rim: F.lli Capaccini editori. Scheutz, Martin. 2013. Bruderschaften als multi-funktionale Dienstleister der Fruhen Neuzeit: Das Beispiel der vereinigten Barbara-und Christenlehrbruderschaft Herzogenburg (1637/1677–1784). V: Gunter Katzler in Victoria Zimmerl-Panagl, ur. 900 Jahre Stift Herzogen-burg: Aufbruche – Umbruche – Kontinuitat, 283–315. Bozen: Studien. Schneider, Bernhard. 1994. Wandel und Behar-rung: Bruderschaften und Frömmigkeit in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit. V: Hans-georg Molitor in Heribert Smolinsky, ur. Volks­frömmigkeit in der Frühen Neuzeit, 65–87. Münster: Aschendorff. Somer, Andrej. 2020. Knjiga Loški nebeški kruh. Zgodovina na dlani, 2. 9. https://zgodovinana­dlani.si/iz-zasebne-zbirke-knjiga-loski-nebeski--kruh/ (pridobljeno 20. 3. 2022). Tanzer, Gerhard. 1992. Spectacle müssen seyn: Die Freizeit der Wiener im 18. Jahrhundert. Köln: Böhlau. Tingle, Elizabeth C. 2016. Indulgences after Luther: Pardons in counter-Reformation France. Lon­don: Routledge. Ušenicnik, Franc. 1940. Pastoralno bogoslovje. Ljubljana: Jugoslovanska knjigarna. Zakonik cerkvenega prava. 1999. Ljubljana: Druži­na. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 65 Luka Trebežnik Med nihilizmom in mesijanizmom: Derridajeva filozofija religije Derridaju nikakor ne gre za zavracanje obstoja resnice, temvec gre le za sporoci-lo, da ta nastopa preko razlike. Dekonstrukcija trdi, da ne obstaja zunaj teksta, kar pomeni, da ne obstaja vecna resnica. Temu je tako, ker je sleherna resnica in-karnirana v jezik in pripoved. Ta Derridajeva stališca pa so v veliki meri nasprotna tradiciji, ki veruje, da se za tekstom nahaja trden in nesporen smisel. Izmed vse­ga slovstva je to najocitneje izraženo pri religijah, ki sprejemajo nadnaravni izvor svojih tekstov. Od to sledi, da sta dekonstrukcija in teologija izvorno nerazdružljivi. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2018. 264 str. ISBN 9789616844673, 17€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 149—160 Besedilo prejeto/Received:07/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 272-732.2-284:574 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Pirnat © 2022 Pirnat, CC BY 4.0 Janez Pirnat Celostna ekologija ali ekologija in dobrobit? Integral Ecology or Ecology and Well-Being? Povzetek: V pricujocem besedilu avtor kriticno ocenjuje uporabo pojmov, kot so ekosocializem, globoka ekologija, humana ekologija in celostna ekologija, ki se je uveljavila po objavi v okrožnici „Laudato si‘“. V uvodu je na kratko predsta­vljenih nekaj pogledov na okolje v slovenski teološki literaturi; v nadaljevanju avtor utemeljuje, zakaj po njegovem že pojem ekologija nujno vsebuje tudi iz­raz ,celostna‘. Predstavljene so tudi razlike med ekološkimi in sociološkimi sis-temi. V zakljucku avtor izpostavlja, kako zavajajoc pojem je ‚celostna ekologija‘ in predlaga, naj bo nadomešcen z besedno zvezo ‚ekologija in dobrobit‘. Kljucne besede: celostna ekologija, ekologija, Laudato si‘, okolje, dobrobit Abstract: In the presented article, the author provides a critical assessment of the terms ecosocialism, deep ecology, human ecology and ,integral ecology‘, which has entered common usage since the publication of the „Laudato si’“ encycli­cal. In the introduction, the author presents some of the views on the environ­ment found in the Slovenian theological literature. He continues by analyzing the term ,ecology‘, arguing his view on why it incorporates the meaning of the term ,integral‘ by definition, and underlining the differences between ecologi­cal and sociological systems. In the conclusion, the author cautions against the appeal of the term ,integral ecology‘ and suggests replacing it with a term ,ecol­ogy and well-being‘. Keywords: integral ecology, ecology, Laudato si’, environment, well-being 1. Uvod Vprašanja, vezana na ekologijo in okolje, so rdeca nit znanstvenih revij na po­drocju ohranjanja narave. Dobro je, da se v družboslovnih znanstvenih revijah, kjer objavljajo avtorji, ki izhajajo iz kršcanstva, obcasno pojavijo clanki, v katerih avtorji premišljujejo o kršcanskih odgovorih na aktualna okoljska in zdravstvena vprašanja (Einspieler 1992; Globokar 2018; Globokar 2020; Pirnat 1994). Marsi­koga se je dotaknila tudi Franciškova okrožnica „Laudato si‘“, saj je zaznamovala tudi nekatere razprave v naših teoloških znanstvenih publikacijah – kamor štejem predvsem reviji Bogoslovni vestnik in Res novae. Tako Nadja Furlan Štante v svojem clanku opozarja na odgovornost do narave, ki se kaže v etiki, skrbi in spodbujanju ekološke kreposti, kot jo vidi v okrožnici „Laudato si‘“. Hkrati opozarja na pasti, ki jih prinašajo npr. ekofeminizem, globoka ekologija ipd. (2016). Globokar smiselno opozarja, da je skrb za stvarstvo vtkana v biblicna besedila. Navezuje se tudi na okrožnico „Laudato si‘“, v kateri papež Francišek odklanja pre­tirani antropocentrizem. Globokar meni, da lahko v okrožnici zaznamo obliko mo-deriranega antropocentrizma, pri kateri se clovek odgovornosti do narave ne more izogniti (Globokar 2018). Globokar se bežno dotika okrožnice „Laudato si‘“ še v enem prispevku, ko govori o Franciškovih opozorilih o zavezanosti k družbeni od­govornosti, ki naj presega egoizem posameznika, pa tudi nacionalnih držav (Glo-bokar 2020). Pomenljiv vidik okrožnice „Laudato si‘“ izpostavlja Vodicar, ki iz sicer okoljske okrožnice izpelje misel, da je clovek zaverovanost vase zmožen preseci, da zmore videti potrebe drugih – in jim lahko (dobrine) tudi podarja. To je po njegovem mnenju eden izmed kljucnih vidikov vzgoje cloveka tako k moralni kot okoljski od­govornosti (Vodicar 2016). V drugem clanku Vodicar in Stala to misel razvijata naprej, ceš da so Franciškova opozorila o pretiranem tehnicizmu in napacnem antropocentrizmu v okrožnici „Laudato si‘“ smiselna – in da jih je mogoce upošte­vati le z novim vzgojnim modelom (Vodicar in Stala 2018). Zdi se nam, da je smiselno v mozaik raziskav dodati tudi kriticni pretres pojmov, kot so celostna ekologija, pa tudi globoka ekologija, humana ekologija, ekosocia­lizem. Zato želimo v našem prispevku najprej predstaviti temeljne znacilnosti eko­logije, njeno drugacnost od socioloških sistemov, hkrati pa varljivost pridevnikov, ki jih v stalnih zvezah z izrazom ekologija najdemo pogosto (npr. celostna ekologi­ja) – in naš predlog drugacnega poimenovanja v prihodnje. 2. Nekaj znanstvenih opredelitev pojmov s podrocja ekologije Pojem ‚ekologija‘ je v znanosti prvi uporabil nemški Biolog Ernst Haeckel leta 1866. Oznacil jo je kot biološko disciplino, ki proucuje vse odnose med organizmi ter njihovim organskim in anorganskim okoljem. Beseda izvira iz gršcine, kjer oikos pomeni »dom, hiša, prostor za življenje« (Krebs 1994). V znanosti se je ekologija mocneje uveljavila v 20. stoletju; danes jo v znanstvenih raziskavah najveckrat delimo na tri razlicne integracijske stopnje – glede na vsebino, ki jo obravnava (Begon, Harper in Townsend 1990): ‚Avtekologija‘ proucuje individualne organizme oziroma posamezne vrste v nji­ hovem okolju. ‚Sinekologija‘ proucuje skupine organizmov, ki živijo na dolocenem prostoru. ‚Krajinsko ekologijo‘ je prvic opredelil Troll že leta 1939 – ko je doumel krajino kot povezano celoto, ki je vec kot le vsota posameznih ekosistemov. Krajinsko eko­logijo tako opredeljuje kot študij celotnega kompleksa procesov med življenjskimi skupnostmi in njihovim okoljem v dolocenem krajinskem prostoru. Danes doda­jamo (Farina 2006), da krajinska ekologija proucuje povezave med krajinskimi vzorci in procesi v razlicnih merilih in da imajo posamezni prostorski fenomeni v razlicnih merilih drugacen pomen. Trajnost, trajnostni razvoj morda ni najbolj posrecen prevod angleške besede sustainable, katere pomen bi bolje opredelili z besedami kot npr. ,zadržan, vzdr­ževan‘ – saj ne govorimo toliko o casovni dimenziji (besedi ,trajno‘ in ,vecno‘ bi morda moral clovek, ki ni stvarnik narave, uporabljati bolj previdno). Osnovni koncept izhaja iz spoznanja, da hitrost izrabe ne sme presegati naravnega prirasta izkorišcanega vira. Besedo ,trajnost‘ sicer lahko povezujemo tudi z doloceno la-stnostjo materiala, v okolju pa z razlicnimi dejavnostmi, kot sta npr. trajnostno gospodarstvo in trajnostna raba. Pojem se je v okoljski zakonodaji pri nas že uve­ljavil, ceprav sodi v kategorijo t. i. mehkih informacij, ki jih je znanstveno težko nedvoumno opredeliti. Na težavnost opredelitve pojma trajnost opozarja Margu-ceva, ki pravi, da ni jasno, kdaj dosežemo t. i. trajnostno razvitost – hkrati pa jo je težavno zaznavati tudi zato, ker bi jo morali ocenjevati na podlagi zmožnosti ob-nove vseh razlicnih ekoloških sistemov (osebek-populacija-ekosistem-krajina) v ekološki hierarhiji, kjer pa so ,rešitve‘ na eni stopnji lahko dolgorocno v nasprotju z rešitvami na drugi stopnji (2018). Andrej Fink opozarja na varljivost oziroma celo perverznost pojma trajnostni razvoj, saj se na prvi pogled kaže kot smiseln gospo­darski pogled, hkrati pa vrednoti ,svet‘ celo višje od cloveka, zaradi cesar avtor svari pred možnostjo novega totalitarizma (nova enotna ekološka zavest – enoten svet – enotna svetovna vlada – enotno univerzalno pravo in enotna religija ali eti­ka). (Fink 2016) ‚Vecnamenskost‘ ali tudi mnogonamenskost je pojem, ki ga lahko pripisujemo tako posamezni rabi kot tudi ekosistemu ali krajini. Vecnamenskost se prav zaradi svoje širine izmika eni sami »uradni« opredelitvi in jo zato posamezne stroke po­gosto raje izrazijo opisno, kot pa da bi se zatekale k formalnemu uokvirjanju. Vec­namenskost je seveda zanimiva tudi na krajinski ravni – predvsem zaradi zavesti, da je na nivoju krajine nujno treba zasledovati številne cilje, kar pa je mogoce le z interdisciplinarnim povezovanjem razlicnih strok. Enega temeljnih spoznanj o potrebnosti vecnamenskosti na ravni krajin je prispeval Zev Naveh (2001). Po Na-vehu lahko mnogonamenske krajine utemeljimo s pomocjo desetih izhodišc, v katerih povezuje ekološko pestrost s kulturno pestrostjo. Ceprav misel zakljucuje z zapisom o potrebi postindustrijskega sožitja med naravo in cloveško družbo, tega v nadaljevanju ne konkretizira. Je pa pomembno, da je z izrazom THE (Total Hu­man Ecosystem) opozoril, kako mocno je clovek naravno okolje zaznamoval. Tudi izraz vecnamenskost je lahko zavajajoc – saj ga spremljajo iste težave kot pri prej omenjenem pojmu trajnost. 3. Kako ekologija deluje in zakaj je že izvorno celostna Na vprašanje, ali celostna ekologija obstaja, znanstveniki s podrocja naravoslovnih znanosti z veliko verjetnostjo odgovarjajo, da je vsaka ekologija samo celostna – ali pa je sploh ni. Tu bi lahko razpravo tudi koncali, vendar je zaradi korektnosti treba to misel bolje utemeljiti. Med bralci Bogoslovnega vestnika verjetno pre­vladujejo ljudje s humanisticno izobrazbo, zato si bomo dovolili nekoliko daljšo predstavitev nekaterih ekoloških zakonitosti – in kljucnih razlik v primerjavi s so-ciološkimi sistemi. Že dolgo vemo, da je clovek najpozneje od industrijske revolucije dalje planet Zemlja mocno preoblikoval. Zakaj svet še ni propadel? Ocitno tudi zato ne, ker v njem delujejo mehanizmi, ki delovanje ekosistemov uravnavajo na širši ravni. Robustnost ekosistemov izhaja iz prostorske heterogenosti in funkcionalne pestrosti. Ceprav do okoljskih težav prihaja marsikje, nas narava s svojo zmožnostjo obnove vedno znova preseneca. Zato lahko ekološke zakonitosti obnove najbolje opazujemo ravno pri postopnem razvoju narave po motnjah. Ta razvoj imenujemo sukcesija. Po mnenju številnih avtorjev (Begon, Harper in Townsend 1990; Krebs 1994) je sukcesija proces, ki oznacuje nesezonsko zamenjavo dolocene vrste (ra­zvojne stopnje) združbe na doloceni površini z drugo. Gre za zaporedje, pri katerem razvoj poteka od zacetnih, t. i. pionirskih, do stabilnih, t. i. klimaksih oblik. Pri tem je znacilno, da se združba razvija k bolj zreli obliki, ta razvoj pa se kaže v poveceva­nju kolicine biomase na enoto površine oziroma v višji energijski ucinkovitosti – P/B, t. i. razmerja med prispelo energijo (P) in vzdrževano biomaso (B). Tu gre za t. i. princip Ramona Margaleffa (1965), ki pravi, da naravno gibanje v sukcesiji vodi v vse vecjo organiziranost ekosistemov. Bolj kot je ekosistem zrel, manj energije po­trebuje za svoje vzdrževanje – in na ta nacin vsak ekosistem povecuje svoj vpliv na lastno prihodnost. Sodobne poglede na razvoj naravnih sistemov in sukcesijo pri­našata Gunderson in Holling (2002) in jih v nadaljevanju na kratko povzemamo. 3.1 Spremembe ekosistemov Spremembe v ekosistemih niso vedno zvezne, pac pa lahko nastopijo tudi nena­dno, hipno. Obdobju pocasnega kopicenja biomase lahko sledi njeno nenadno sprošcanje in reorganizacija – kot rezultat motenj (abiotske, biotske, clovek). Na spremembe vplivajo povezave med hitrimi in pocasnimi spremenljivkami ter po­vezave med lokalnimi in vecjim številom površinskih procesov. Spremembe od majhnega k velikemu se ne zgodijo s preprostim povecevanjem majhnega, pac pa se vmes zgodijo preskoki na drugo energijsko in snovno raven. Ekosistemi ne poznajo le ene stopnje stabilnosti, ki bi jo vzdrževali s homeostat­skimi mehanizmi. Razlicne stopnje stabilnosti se tako kažejo z zgradbo, pestrostjo in odpornostjo ekosistema. Nelinearni procesi plenilstva, razmnoževanja in tek­movanja ter dostopnosti hranil ustvarjajo razlicne stopnje stabilnosti. Sile, ki eko­sistem destabilizirajo, so hkrati pomembne za vzdrževanje pestrosti, odpornosti in nudijo dolocene priložnosti. Sile, ki ekosistem stabilizirajo, pa uravnavajo nje­govo proizvodnjo in biogeokemicne cikle (Gunderson in Holling 2002). 3.2 Odpornost ekosistemov Odpornost so tradicionalno pogosto opredeljevali kot stabilno nihanje okrog sta­nja idealnega ravnovesja. Gunderson in Holling (2002) opozarjata na vec stopenj ravnovesja, saj lahko neka motnja ekosistem pahne v drugo obliko ravnovesja, in ga nujno ne unici. Odpornost ekosistema je zmožnost ekosistema, da lahko vzdr­ži doloceno kolicino motnje, preden bi prišlo do kljucne spremembe v zgradbi ali delovanju ekosistema. Stabilnost ekosistema je mogoce ocenjevati na dva nacina – bodisi kot ucinkovitost delovanja bodisi kot obstoj delovanja ekosistema sploh. Vsak ekosistem ima tudi dolocen potencial za spremembo, ki vpliva na razlicne mo-žnosti sprememb. Stopnja povezav med notranjimi nadzirajocimi spremenljivkami in procesi je mera stopnje fleksibilnosti in s tem obcutljivosti na zunanje variacije. Odpornost ekosistema je mera obcutljivosti na (ne)pricakovane motnje oz. šoke 3.3 Prilagoditveni cikli ekosistemov Gunderson in Holling v 2. poglavju svoje knjige (2002) opisujeta štiri korake pri­lagoditvenih ciklov v ekosistemih. Prvi korak predstavlja izkorišcanje naravnega vira (hranil) za rast. V primeru motnje gre za ponovno zasedanje prostora po njej. Drugi korak predstavlja ohranjanje pridobljenega – v tej fazi se akumulacija snovi upocasni, poudarek je na ohranjanju snovi in energije. V tretjem koraku ekosistem snov kopici in razvija vse bolj zapletene povezave, dokler se vsa snov nenadoma ne sprosti ob naslednji motnji. Sledi cetrti korak, ponovna reorganizacija, v kate­ri se sprošcanje snovi in energije umiri – in se tako pripravlja na ponovni nastop prvega koraka v razvoju. Zaradi vseh teh spoznanj se je v ekologiji uveljavil nov pogled na hierarhijo eko­loških sistemov. Ta ni klasicna (v smislu od zgoraj navzdol), pac pa predstavlja pre­plet informacij in snovi po razlicnih hierarhicnih stopnjah. Gre za t. i. panarhijo. Gunderson in Holling s sodelavci (2002) skušata na ta nacin predstaviti prilagodi­tvene cikle ekosistemov v razlicnih prostorskih stopnjah (hektar, ekosistem, kraji­na, regija, država, EU) in v razlicnih casovnih okvirih (dan, mesec, leto desetletje, stoletje, tisocletje ipd.). Avtorja opozarjata na prepletene povezave med razlicni-mi hierarhicnimi stopnjami; za dolgorocno vzdržnost sistema sta posebej pomemb­ni povezavi t. i. ,upor‘ in t. i. ,spomin‘. Vcasih se v prilagoditvenem ciklu faze zaporedje spremeni in sistem ob razpadu preskoci na višjo stopnjo organizacije – kjer je so procesi vecji in pocasnejši, od­pornost pa manjša. »Upor« pomeni, da so hitri in po obsegu majhni dogodki v krhkih stopnji razvoja ekosistema po spletu okolišcin prevladali nad velikimi in pocasnimi. Dober primer je lahko gozdni požar, ki se zacne kot manjši ogenj, a postopno preskoci v krošnjo in se z vetrom razširi na celoten gozd – ce ne ukrepa-mo ustrezno. Druga oblika, ,spomin‘, opisuje razvoj po motnji. Ko se katera koli motnja (npr. požar) konca, se zacne obnova – iz širše okolice se sprošcata snov in energija ter pripomoreta k obnovi. Nanjo vplivajo organizmi, ohranjene strukture ekosistema, semena – torej ,spomin‘ –, ki sestavljajo biotsko dedišcino, ki se je pred motnjo nakopicila v ekosistemu. Tako ravna narava ,celostno‘ ob vsaki naravni motnji – oziroma ob vsakem posegu cloveka vanjo. 4. Ekološki in sociološki sistemi Potencial ekosistema se kaže v potencialni produktivnosti. To lahko merimo s ko-licino biomase, zgradbo, kolicino akumuliranih hranil ter mehanizmov ki ta hra­nila nadzorujejo in razporejajo tako, da je poraba energije cim manjša. Vse to je rezultat sukcesijske dinamike. V cloveški družbi se socialni ali kulturni potencial kaže kot akumulirano omrež­je medsebojnih odnosov – prijateljstvo, vzajemno spoštovanje in zaupanje med ljudmi, pa tudi znanje, ki se pretaka med ljudmi in institucijami. Sem sodijo tudi ekonomski kapital, akumulirano znanje, inovacije in vešcine, ki so na voljo in so dosegljive, pa skupne norme in nacini delovanja. Drugace kot naravni sistemi je clovek mislece bitje, ki je sposobno delovati preko simbolov (jezik) in z uporabo abstrakcije, sistema hierarhij in prevlade. Clovek s pomocjo mišljenja, pridobljenih izkušenj in znanja, ki izvira od pred­hodnih generacij, preoblikuje naravo, jo kultivira (primer ,vrt‘) in ji daje nov po-men. Clovek se lahko premika iz ene oblike organizacije v drugo (in nazaj) mnogo hitreje kot naravni ekosistemi – zmožen je ustvarjati celo virtualno realnost. Zara-di svoje zmožnosti refleksije lahko clovek s pogledom v sedanjost in preteklost oblikuje ideje prihodnosti. Ce ohranja narava ,spomin‘ s preostalimi semeni itd. ima clovek poleg spomina razmišljujoco zavest, zmožnost refleksije in ponovnega sklepanja za naprej. Tako zastavljen razvoj poteka mnogo hitreje kot evolucijski razvoj. Cloveški (socialni) sistemi se torej razlikujejo od naravnih sistemov v kolicini (velikostni razred) in kakovosti. To pomeni, da lahko v vsakem sistemu najdemo vzorce, ki jih v drugem ni. Štirje vsebinski sklopi prikazujejo razlike med obema tipoma sistemov: a. Clovek je sposoben posameznim dejavnikom v okolju dati simbolni (ideološki) pomen, cesar narava ne pozna. b. Clovek je zmožen refleksije – refleksija omogoca višjo stopnjo fleksibilnosti in povezav med sociološkimi sistemi. c. Clovek ima zmožnost nacrtovanja za naprej; na podlagi izkušenj lahko sklepa o prihodnosti. d. Clovek razvija novo tehnologijo in logiko, ki je narava ne pozna – in zato deluje s popolnoma drugacno hitrostjo kot npr. evolucija. Vse to je posledica zlasti zmožnosti abstraktnega mišljenja v reševanju realnih (okoljskih) problemov, kjer lahko poleg abstrakcije pomembno vplivajo tudi izku­šnje. Povezave med clovekom in naravnimi ekosistemi se kažejo v gospodarjenju z naravnimi viri z vidika trajnosti, ki zahteva poglobljeno ekološko védenje. Poleg znanstveno pridobljenega znanja locimo še lokalno znanje – ki ga ima na podlagi izkustev o dolocenem okolju dolocena skupina ljudi. Tradicionalno ekološko zna­nje pa je pojem, ki izenacuje skupno znanje in prepricanja o povezavah med ljudmi ter med ljudmi in njihovim okoljem, ki so jih razvile in prenesle naprej številne generacije ljudi. Tako lokalno kot tradicionalno znanje sodita med t. i. kulturni ka­pital, ki ga lahko sestavljajo informacije, znanje, razumevanje in modrost. To je pridobljeno z izkustvom in ne spada v t. i. koncept newtonske znanosti. Na pose-ben nacin sodi sem tudi t. i. krajinska stopnja ekološkega spomina oziroma genske sledi, ki sestavljajo zaplate naravne vegetacije v razlicni sukcesijski stopnji. Kot se je clovekovo tradicionalno ekološko znanje postopoma razvilo iz izkušenj, tako tudi narava s svojim genskim fondom iz »izkušenj« preživetja optimizira razvoj vegetacije, ki se iz okolice širi v prostor. Ce je bila tradicionalna ekologija bolj vezana na pojme, kot so termodinamika, sukcesija, klimaks, pa nastop t. i. nove ekologije kaže na drugacno razumevanje pojmov: ekosistemi so dinamicni, clovek je njihov del. Seveda vprašanje blaginje v povezavi z okoljem ni enoznacno, saj so deležniki okolja lahko zelo razlicni posamezniki in skupine (lastnik, kmet, gospodinjstvo oz. vas., rekreativci, drugi uporabniki prostora), prav tako pa je razlicno mocan njihov vpliv na naravo. Sožitje narave in razlicnih uporabnikov prostora ni enostavno – cloveške aktiv­nosti povzrocajo trajen stres vecini ekosistemov in s tem vodijo v njihove spre­membe. Glavne ovire trajnostnega razvoja lahko delimo v tri osnovne kategorije: pripravljenost na spremembe, razumevanje naravnih procesov, zmožnost ukrepa­nja. Uspešno upravljanje ekosistemov zahteva monitoring in institucionalno zmo­žnost odgovora na okoljsko povratno informacijo. Ekološki in sociološki sistemi sicer lahko sobivajo, se pa razvijajo vsak po svojih zakonitostih, ki jih clovek kot družbeno bitje in upravljalec naravnih sistemov sku­ša uravnovesiti in povezati – kar je tudi pripeljalo do nastanka izrazov, ki jih v pri­spevku obravnavamo. 5. O zavajajocem pomenu nekaterih pridevnikov in pojmov, povezanih z ekologijo Sodobni clovek že dolgo cuti potrebo vzpostaviti tesnejšo povezavo med družbe­nimi sistemi in naravnim okoljem. Tako naj bi se v družbenih znanostih že kmalu po letu 1920 uveljavil pojem ,humana ekologija‘ (Dorr 2014). Prav tako se je kma­lu uveljavila okoljska etika (The Aldo Leopold Foundation 2021), v sedemdesetih letih 20. stoletja pa je se pojavilo še gibanje za t. i. ,globoko ekologijo‘ (Drengson 2012) – kar kaže na morda nezavedno željo ljudi po družbeni in okoljski harmoniji. Pri nas se tudi zaradi ostankov marksisticne ideologije vedno znova skuša uveljaviti pojem ekosocializem (Kirn 2016). V ucenju katoliške cerkve so se že kmalu po 2. vatikanskem koncilu pojavile te­žnje po povezavi ekologije s pravicnostjo (Dorr 2014), prve poskuse svojih dveh predhodnikov pa je nadgradil papež Francišek z encikliko „Laudato si‘“ (2015), v kateri uvaja pojem celostna ekologija. Ta pojem je v katoliških krogih naletel tako na podporo (Reese 2015) kot tudi zavracanje (Vignelli 2019). V nadaljevanju si bomo zato ogledali, kako zavajajoci so lahko pojmi celostna, globoka, humana ekologija, ekosocializem z naravoslovnega in teološkega vidika. Temeljna težava se pojavi, ko si zacenja kakšna ideologija nad okoljskimi vpra­šanji pridobivati in lastiti monopol. Tako je že Hlebš (2017) opozoril na pomemb-no razliko med evolucijo in evolucionizmom (tem kot ideologijo). Vignelli (2019) opozarja na nevarnost ekologizma kot ideologije, ki trdi, da iznicuje tradicionalno hierarhicno vizijo odnosa med svetom, clovekom in Bogom. Ekologizem kot ideo­logija lahko vodi v nenaravno malikovanje, kot npr. kult Gaje, Matere Zemlje. Po-leg tega ekologizem prevzema mit o ,plemenitem divjaku‘ iz osemnajstega stole-tja, moto iz devetnajstega stoletja, ki je pozival k ,vrnitvi k barbarstvu‘, povelicuje pojem ,divjine‘ oziroma romanticnih pogledov nanjo (Cronon 1996; Pepper 1996). S tem ekologizem razvoju in civilizacijski razvojni spirali pravzaprav nasprotuje. Pepper (2005) zato smiselno opozarja, da spadajo ekologizmi med utopije, kerzagovarjajo umik iz modernega sveta namesto da bi gradili razvoj. Že v Stari zave­zi lahko beremo, da so se civilizacije razvile, ko so zapustile nomadstvo in razvile trajno naselitev – ceprav se je ob tem razvila tudi dekadenca. V razvoju civilizaci­je tako najvišje stopnje nikoli ne predstavlja težnja h kolektivnemu izenacenju (ki jo zloženke tipa ekosocializem v podtonu prinašajo), pac pa svoboda demokracije, v kateri se lahko clovek razvije kot posameznik z enkratnim osebnim odnosom do stvarstva. Kadar kako gibanje zavraca antropocentrizem, in ga skuša nadomestiti z ekocentrizmom, se zacne nevarno približevati utopijam, katerih cilj je pogosto prisilna enakost – ki jo lahko slutimo za izrazi, kot je npr. ekosocializem. To pome­ni obujanje preživetih ideologij, ki so prinesle cloveštvu zlasti teror in unicenje, hkrati pa tudi nerazumevanje sobivanja modernega cloveka in spremenjenih kul­turnih krajin. Ekosocializem se izvorno – kot vsak socializem – spogleduje s tota­litarizmom, ki ga prenaša tudi na podrocje ekologije (Dolan 2019; Fink 2016), saj se z ekocentrizmom dejansko postavlja nad cloveka. Trdoživost ideje ekosocializ-ma izhaja iz postmodernega casa, v katerem so kriteriji dobrega in zla preobliko­vani. Kot piše Chantal Delsol (2019), sta napredek in emancipacija sprejeti kot družbeno dobro, navezanost na korenine in iskanje meja pa kot zlo. Zato se po njenem mnenju v postmodernih družbah nacizem nedvoumno obsoja, za komu­nizem in še posebej socializem pa tako stroga obsodba nikoli ni veljala. Pojem celostna ekologija sicer ne izhaja nujno iz ideje ekosocializma, saj potre­bo po pridevniku »celosten« pred samostalnikom ekologija res razumemo kot željo avtorjev, da v bi se v razmerju clovek – narava uveljavila družbena pravicnost. Vendar so avtorji morda spregledali zavajajoci pomen pojma emancipacije in po­vezav, kjer so si okoljske pobude prisvojila moderna gibanja – kot so po Pepperju (2005) feminizem, anarhizem in socializem. Podobno ugotavlja tudi Nadja FurlanŠtante (2016). Emancipacija je sicer možna, a le takrat, ko je naš zanos odprt v neskoncnost (Delsol 2019). Napredek je mogoc le v smeri presežnosti – na Zemlji bo razvoj fi-zicno gledano namrec vedno nepopoln. Alexander Schmemann (2018) je to ute­meljil tudi teološko, ko je zapisal, da je svet, v katerem živimo, padli svet zato, ker se ne zaveda vec, da je Bog ,vse v vsem‘. Chantal Delsol v svoji knjigi (2019) posre-ceno primerja delo vrtnarja in demiurga. Ce naj bi bil naš ideal – tako kot njen – vrtnar, potem je jasno, da je za to delo poleg ljubezni potrebno tudi znanje. To znanje pa izhaja iz razumevanja delovanja ekologije, ki je v osnovi vedno celostna (ali pa ni ekologija), kot smo v naši razpravi skušali predstaviti – in zato pridevnika ne potrebuje. Podobno, kot je nesmiselno reci, da bo po vodi lahko plul samo coln, ki je celostno zatesnjen, saj je to vsakomur jasno; izraz ‚necelostno zatesnjen coln‘ je pravzaprav oksimoron, saj bi tak coln kmalu potonil. Kljucno spoznanje za razmerje kristjana do okolja izpeljujem iz naslednjih misli. Ce sprejemamo ta svet kot nekaj, kar je namenjeno le samemu sebi, potem po Schmemannu (2018) vsaka stvar postane vrednost le sama po sebi in izgubi vre­dnost (smisel), ki jo najdemo samo v Bogu. Svet narave, ki je odrezan od izvira življenja, je po Schmemannu svet, ki umira. To pa ne pomeni, da je sam po sebi že mrtev, saj kristjani verjamemo, da ga je ustvaril Bog in je (kot beremo v 1. Moj­zesovi knjigi) videl, da je svet dober. Ce je clovek kot edino ustvarjeno bitje obli­kovan po Božji podobi in podobnosti (1 Mz 1,26), potem nosi tudi odgovornost v skrbi za naravo – ni samo del narave, je hkrati tudi njen skrbnik. Zato je antropo­centrizem izvorno nujni del clovekovega razvoja na Zemlji. Toda to ne pomeni, da je clovek brezobziren gospodar nad naravo, pac pa naj bi bil njen skrbni varuh, ki je zmožen sadove zemlje preobraziti v dobro. Takšno gledanje ima oporo globoko v teološkem smislu. Clovek, ki Bogu daruje darove narave, ki jih je od Njega prejel, teh ne vraca v enaki obliki, kot jih je prejel, pac pa v preoblikovani – po Božjem nacrtu. Ne darujemo pšenice, pac pa kruh; ne darujemo grozdja, ampak vino, kot je zapisal Kallistos Ware (2021). Takšno gledanje pomeni, da clovek ni in ne more biti zgolj del celostnega ekosistema na Zemlji, ampak nujno tudi akter njene pre­obrazbe, kjer pa se mora – paradoksalno – podrejati temeljnim ekološkim zako­nom in spoznanjem. To pa pomeni, da je ‚celosten‘ odnos do narave mogoc le takrat, ko si o njej naberemo dovolj znanja, ki ga (lahko) nato cepimo z eticno držo posameznika. Zato je zavracati antropocentrizem in ga nadomešcati z ekocentriz-mom nemogoce – to pot smo zapustili že zdavnaj, saj ekocentrizem razvoja ne omogoca, ker je zagledan v preteklost in ne vodi v prihodnost. Ekocentrizem se bori – podobno kot ekosocializem – za enakost v delitvi, v rezultatu, medtem ko je v osnovna nacela ekologije vgrajena enakost v izhodišcu, na zacetku. To je tudi bliže antropocentrizmu, kadar ta temelji na meritokratskemu principu, da ima v razvoju prednost akumulacija znanja in kompetenc (Adam in Gorišek 2020). Po-dobno misel je izrazil profesor Hill v pismu Greti Thunberg (2019), ko je posreceno zapisal, da se lahko pelje na vrhunski jadrnici cez Atlantik samo zaradi izjemnega znanja, ki so ga nakopicile generacije pred njo. Tudi pandemijo covida-19 smo za­jezili samo z uporabe znanstvene misli, ki je v rekordnem casu razvila nova cepiva. Ta seveda niso popolna – pri vsaki tehnologiji poznamo tudi stranske ucinke in onesnaženja okolja ne moremo zanikati. Antropocentrizem je torej vzdržen, ce ima vgrajeno odgovornost do okolja (Pirnat 1992;1994). Tak antropocentrizem je edina pot, ki nam je namenjena in po kateri bomo kljub znanosti v potu svojega obraza vedno hodili, kot je zapisal pisatelj v 1. Mojzesovi knjigi (1 Mz 3,19). Le z znanjem bomo prišli do družbe, ki bo okolje manj obremenjevala. Ce se želimo izogniti pretiranemu antropocentrizmu, moramo v svoje delo nenehno vgrajeva-ti novo znanje in eticno ponižnost vrtnarja nasproti demiurgu. Tudi ce ga imenu­jemo moderirani antropocentrizem, je to še vedno sistem, v katerem odloca clo­vek – ter spreminja naravno in grajeno okolje. Vrnitev v ekocentrizem ni vec mo­goca, to misel zasledimo tudi v okrožnici „Laudato si‘“ (LS 118). Danes moramo zato opozoriti na naslednja kljucna okoljska vprašanja, pri ka­terih se srecujeta clovek s svojo tehnologijo, znanjem in – upajmo – modrostjo na eni strani, na drugi strani pa naravni ekosistemi in celotne krajine. Ti zaradi svojih naravnih zmožnosti sicer lahko delujejo, a le, ce clovek v tem delovanju podpira njihove mehanizme ohranjanja vzdržnosti in odpornosti: – Kako so vzorci rabe tal ustvarjeni in vzdrževani v ekosistemih / krajinah v raz­licnih merilih (od m do vec tisoc km, od meseca do tisocletja) in kakšno zmo­žnost samoorganizacije imajo? – Kako lahko krajinski vzorci, procesi, ki jih oblikujejo, in prilagoditve vrst prena­šajo kriticne ekološke dejavnike v razlicnih merilih? – Kako lahko razumemo vlogo pestrosti tako v naravnih sistemih kot v vrenju idej v cloveški družbi ob spreminjajocih se okolišcinah? – Kako razlicne povezave med sociološkimi, ekonomskimi in ekološkimi procesi vplivajo na spremembo krajinskih vzorcev? – Katera so kriticna gibala, zakrita za prilagoditvenimi cikli in socialnimi sistemi? 6. Zakljucek V prispevku smo želeli prikazati neprimernost pojma ‚celostna ekologija‘, ki je lah­ko tudi zavajajoc, zato za konec predlagamo rešitev. Naš predlog je, da namesto pridevnika ‚celosten‘, ki ga spremlja toliko nesporazumov in je kontaminiran tako z nepoznavanjem ekologije kot tudi z njeno zlorabo (Pepper 2005), uporabljamo vezniško povezana pojma ekologija in dobrobit. Smisel take zveze lahko predstavi-mo na primeru gozda, ki je najvišje razvit kopenski ekosistem in se v stoletni rasti ves cas prilagaja rastišcu in ekološkim razmeram na njem. Podobno ravna clovek gospodar – ce želi z gozdom gospodariti trajnostno in sonaravno. Do tu smo na podrocju ekologije. Ko pa lastnik drevo enkrat poseka in z lesom razpolaga tako, da bo imel od njega kar najvec koristi, preidemo na podrocje dobrobiti. Pojma sta povezana, a delujeta zaporedno, cesar v izrazih celostna ekologija, humana eko­logija, globoka ekologija ni mogoce zaznati. Ta zapis ni mišljen kot kritika okrožni­ce „Laudato si‘“, temvec kot opozorilo, da moramo biti pri izrazju previdni in ne smemo kar podirati temeljnih naravoslovnih spoznanj z družbeno nadgradnjo. Uporaba pojma dobrobit namesto pridevnika celosten v povezavi z okoljskimi vprašanji ni nov, saj smo v Evropski zvezi že v letih 2004–2008 poznali evropsko akcijo COST E39 „Forests, Trees and Human Health and Well-being“ (Nilsson idr. 2011), ki je prevajamo „Gozdovi, drevesa in cloveško zdravje in dobrobit“. Naš novi predlog poleg vecje jasnosti zaznamuje tudi dvojnost, ki jo lahko povezujemo z dvojino – bogastvom slovenšcine. Sporocilo je tako obenem še simbolno, saj na­kazuje tako pomen vzajemnega odnosa cloveka z bližnjim, cloveka z Bogom kot tudi cloveka z okoljem. Reference Adam, Frane, in Maruša Gorišek. 2020. Merito­kracija med mitom, normo in realnostjo. Druž­boslovne razprave 36, št. 94/95:217–238 Begon, Michael, John L. Harper in Colin. R. Townsend. 1990. Ecology. Cambridge: Black­well Scientific Publications. Cronon, William. 1996. Uncommon ground: Re­thinking the Human Place in Nature. New York: W.W. Norton Company. Delsol, Chantal. 2019. Sovraštvo do sveta: Totali­tarizmi in postmoderna. Ljubljana: Družina. Dolan, Ed. 2019. A Critique of Ecosocialism. Me­dium, 3. 12. https://medium.com/ swlh/a-critique-of-ecosocialism-aa21e3014948 (pridobljeno 21. 6. 2021). Dorr, Donal. 2014. The Fragile world: Church teaching on ecology before and by Pope Fran­cis. Thinking faith, 26. 2. https://www.thinking-faith.org/articles/%E2%80%98-fragile­world%E2%80%99-church-teaching-ecology­and-pope-francis (pridobljeno 13. 4. 2021). Drengson, Alan. 2012. Some Thought on the Deep Ecology Movement. Environment. http:// www.environment.gen.tr/deep-ecology/786­-some-thought-on-the-deep-ecology-move­ment.html (pridobljeno 7. 4. 2021). Einspieler, Klaus. 1992. Deset zapovedi: ponudbe za življenje v svobodi. Celovški zvon 10, št. 37:31–41. Farina, Almo. 2006. Principles and Methods in Landscape Ecology: Towards a Science of Land­scape. Dordrecht: Springer. Fink, Andrej. 2016. Laudato si’ – mednarodnopoli­ticni in pravni vidiki. Res novae: revija za celovi-to znanost 1, št.1:28–49. Francišek. 2015. Laudato si’ [Hvaljen, moj Go-spod]. Ljubljana: Družina. Furlan Štante, Nadja. 2016. Vloga žensk pri ekolo­ški senzibilizaciji Rimskokatoliške Cerkve. Bogoslovni vestnik 76, št. 3/4:483–494. Globokar, Roman. 2018. Kršcanski antropocentri­zem in izkorišcevalska drža cloveka do narav­ nega okolja. Bogoslovni vestnik 78, št. 2:349– 364. – – –. 2020. COVID-19, nacionalna država in druž­beni nauk Cerkve. Bogoslovni vestnik 80, št. 2:379–394. Gunderson, Lance H., in Crawford Stanley Hol-ling, ur. 2002. Panarchy: Understanding Trans­formations in Human and Natural Systems. London: Island Press. Hill, Jason D. 2019. Professor writes critical ‚Open Letter‘ to teen climate activist Greta Thunberg. Albertapressleader, 19. 11. https://albertapre-ssleader.ca/?p=12074 (pridobljeno 28. 6. 2021). Hlebš, Jože. 2017. Darwin, evolucija in/ali stvarje­nje. Celovec: Mohorjeva družba. Kirn, Andrej. 2016. Ekosocializem kot povezava družbenosti in sonaravnosti: realna alternativa ali utopija? Varstvo narave 29:49–72. Krebs, Charles, J. 1994. Ecology. Menlo Pak: Addi­son Wesley Longman, Inc. Margaleff, Ramon. 1965. On Certain Unifying Principles in Ecology. V: E.J. Kormondy, ur. Readings in Ecology. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Marguc, Karmen. 2018. Indeks trajnostnega razvoja kot alternativa Ramseyjevi formuli pri izbiri med dolgorocnimi projekti. Res novae 3, št. 1:44–75. Naveh, Zev. 2001. Ten major premises for a holis­tic conception of multifunctional landscapes. Landscape and Urban Planning 57, št. 3/4:269– 284. Nilsson, Kjell, Marcus Sangster, Christos Gallis, Terry Hartig, Sjerp de Vries, Klaus Seeland in Jasper Schipperijn, ur. 2011. Forests, Trees and Human Health. London: Springer. Sveto pismo. 2021. Biblija.net. https://www. biblija.net/biblija.cgi?l=sl&lang=sl (pridobljeno 28.06.2021). Pepper, David. 1996. Modern Environmentalism. London: Routlege. – – –. 2005. Utopianism and Environmentalism. Environmental Politics 14, št. 1:3–22. Pirnat, Janez. 1992. Etika sobivanja v okolju. Goz­darski vestnik 50, št. 4:215–226. – – –. 1994. Odnos do okolja v luci desete zapovedi iz Dekaloga. Gozdarski vestnik 52, št. 7/8:315– 321. Reese, Thomas. 2015. Integral ecology: everything is connected. National Catholic Reporter, 27. 8. https://www.ncronline.org/blogs/faith-and­justice/integral-ecology-everything-connected (pridobljeno 2. 4. 2021). Schmemann, Alexander. 2018. Za življenje sveta. Ljubljana: Družina. The Aldo Leopold Foundation. 2021. Aldo Leop­old. The Aldo Leoplod Foundation. https:// www.aldoleopold.org/about/aldo-leopold/ (pridobljeno 15. 4. 2021). Troll, Carl. 1939. Luftbildplan und ökologische Bodenforschung. Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 1939, št. 7/8:241–298. Vignelli, Guido. 2019. Why Integral Ecology Will Destroy Civilization. The American TFP, 27. 5. https://www.tfp.org/why-integral-ecology­will-destroy-civilization/ (pridobljeno 2. 4. 2021). Vodicar, Janez, in Józef Stala. 2018. Monoteizem in okoljska vzgoja. Bogoslovni vestnik 78, št. 2:415–427. Vodicar, Janez. 2016. Pojem žrtve v vzgoji: iz skrbi k odgovornosti. Bogoslovni vestnik 76, št. 2:373–383. Ware, Kallistos. 2021. Razodetje osebe. Ljubljana: Založba Dravlje. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 161—170 Besedilo prejeto/Received:07/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:09/2021 UDK/UDC: 271-1:574 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Japundzic © 2022 Japundžic, CC BY 4.0 Antun Japundžic The Ecological Efforts of the ,Green Patriarch‘ Ekološka prizadevanja ,zelenega patriarha‘ Abstract: The Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Bartholomew, started very early to deal with the issues of ecology and he also engaged in many different activities entwined with ecology and environment protection. In this area of public activity, one can clearly observe the continuity of endeavours of the pa­triarch Bartholomew, who has shown interest in the field of environmental preservation when he was an associate of the patriarch Demetrius. This inter­est in ecology became even more evident when he continued to work in this area after being elected as patriarch. Bartholomew recognised the ecological necessities, and he uses different ways to invite and encourage the others to develop acumen and sensitivity toward the care for the environment where we live, always accentuating that this is a call to which we all are invited to re­spond, that the emergence of the ecological crisis is a responsibility of every­one. Due to his many efforts in the area of ecology, Bartholomew was given the title of the ,green patriarch‘. Keywords: ecology, orthodox theology, ,green patriarch‘, Constantinople, ecumen­ical, Bartholomew Povzetek: Konstantinopelski ali ekumenski patriarh Bartolomej se je ekologiji zacel posvecati zelo zgodaj. Vkljucen je v razlicne dejavnosti, povezane z ekologijo in varstvom narave. Na tem podrocju javnega delovanja je v prizadevanjih patri­arha Bartolomeja, ki se je za ohranjanje narave zanimal že, ko je bil pomocnik patriarha Demetrija, mogoce opaziti jasno kontinuiteto. Zanimanje za ekologi­jo je postalo še vidnejše po njegovi izvolitvi za patriarha – Bartolomej je prepo­znal nujnost zavzemanja za ekologijo. Pri tem uporablja razlicne nacine, s kate­rimi druge ljudi vabi, spodbuja k razvijanju zavesti, obcutljivosti in skrbnosti za okolje, v katerem živimo. Vseskozi poudarja, da gre za klic, na katerega smo povabljeni odgovoriti vsi – pojav ekološke krize je odgovornost vsakogar. Zara-di njegovih številnih prizadevanj na podrocju ekologije se je Bartolomeja prijel vzdevek ,zeleni patriarh‘. Kljucne besede: ekologija, pravoslavna teologija, ,zeleni patriarh‘, Konstantinopel, ekumenski, Bartolomej 1. Introduction The ecological crisis and environment protection are topics that encompass the entire humanity, and all share the responsibility for the habitat in which they live, and we also carry the burden for its preservation. Having this in mind, interest in ecology issues also includes different scientific areas which strive to preserve the environment in which humanity dwells. Therefore, engagement in the field of ecology within the interdisciplinary approach bluntly shows the seriousness of the problem with which humanity has to deal with. One can assert that contem­porary ecology »is one of the most characteristic expressions of human interest concentrated on practical goals« (Bartholomew 2012a, 65). The gravity of ecolo­gy issues and ecological problems is a point of interest even for the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople, Bartholomew. The patriarch Bartholomew is one of the most prominent advocates of environment preservation who comes from the world of Orthodox theologians. For this reason, in the rest of the article, we will try to explore more closely his activities in the area of ecology, primarily by exa­mining some of the key elements of his theological endeavours. 2. The Activities of the Ecumenical Patriarch It is a well-known fact that the Ecumenical Patriarchate is an honorary title for the patriarchate of Constantinople. Therefore, by using the title of the ,Ecume­nical Patriarchate‘ one intends to symbolically point out the precedence of the patriarchate of Constantinople among the other Orthodox patriarchates. One can also freely claim that the present patriarch of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, Bartholomew stands out for some of his endeavours, and our at­tention will focus on these, that is, the ecological activities of this patriarch. We will not expound on his biography or present all the enterprises and initiatives he completed as a patriarch. Nevertheless, we intend to show his activity in the field of ecology because it was exactly him to be the first among the patriarchs to deal with this problem which concerns the life of everyone. In the context of efforts that deal with the assertion of Orthodox theologians dealing with ecology, it is definitely necessary to mention his interest in environ­mental issues expressed by the Ecumenical Patriarchate. It is a matter of fact that, within the ecumenical patriarchate, the interest in the activities connected with ecology and environmental issues was stimulated by the article written by the American historian Lynn White back in 1967. (White 1967, 1203–1207; Zizioulas 2013, 63–64). From this period, we can clearly discern different efforts made by this patriarchate in the field of ecological challenges. »Whether we are speaking about economy or ecology, from the perspective of the Ecumenical Patriarchate it is important to recognize that this world is our ‚home‘ – which is precisely what the Greek root oikos, or the prefix eco-, implies. This world is the home of every­one and of all creation.« (Bartholomew 2010, 67) The care for preserving the cre­ation is most surely one of the patriarch Bartholomew’s main and central activities (Chryssavgis 2018, 186). This fact will be accentuated later on different occasions by the patriarch Bartholomew himself: »for many years now, the Orthodox Ecu­menical Throne has devoted itself to the service of protection of the environ­ment.« (Bartholomew 2012e, 111) This type of effort will be especially visible in a specific way during the period of his service as the patriarch of Constantinople. 2.1 ,The Green Patriarch‘ Already one month after he was elected as patriarch, in May of 1991, he started to deal with the ecological issues and launched several initiatives in this area. However, a certain interest in the field of environment protection and some ven­tures in this area existed even before he was elected as patriarch (Maros 2017, 151–157). Particular interest and care for the environment by the Ecumenical Pa­triarch Bartholomew can be traced from 1968 when the Ecumenical Patriarchate was led by the patriarch Demetrius, a predecessor of the patriarch Bartholomew (Chryssavgis, 2007, 10; Maros, 2017, 151). In this way, one can observe the appea­rance of a defined ecological vision, as the initiatives and ventures of the patriarch Bartholomew reach as far as the period when he was not elected as the patriarch, all the way to 1986, when he organised the Pre-Synod Pan-Orthodox Conference in Chambésy, from October 28th till November 6th 1986 (Chryssavgis 2012b, 4). Patriarch Demetrius published on September 1st 1989 the encyclical, where, at the beginning of the new liturgical year, he encouraged prayer for the protection and preservation of the environment and all of creation (Dimitrios 2012, 23–25). In this way, near the end of the service of the Ecumenical Patriarch Demetrius, and before the start of the office of his heir, the Holy Synod in Constantinople had declared September 1, 1989, the Day of Prayer for the Care of Creation (Gnavi 2016, 17). This will prove to be very important, not only for the Patriarchate of Constantinople but also for the whole of Orthodoxy. What happened was that later (in 1991), this Day was acknowledged by all the Orthodox churches, and in this process, the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew played a significant role (Chryssavgis 2013, 154; Gnavi 2016, 17). In this manner, care for creation and the responsibility for the environment in which humanity lives was demonstrated by the Orthodox churches. Furthermore, let us mention here that the ecumenical patriarch Bartholomew gained numerous important recognitions because of his accomplishments and results in the ecological field. After all, the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew received the very title of the ,green patriarch‘ exactly because of his initiatives and efforts conducted in the area of preservation of nature. This title was for­mally granted to him in 1997 in the United States of America in the White House, and this is just one of the many signs of recognition and acknowledgement of his efforts and initiatives in the field of ecology (Chryssavgis 2012b, 4–15). The present Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, who has travelled more than any other Orthodox patriarch (Chryssavgis 2018, 218), from the very beginning of his service, was very active in this field of public presence, mainly because of his efforts regarding the protection of the environment in which humanity dwells. As was said, due to his activities and commitment to the care of creation, he was named the ,green patriarch‘ (Gnavi 2016, 16–17).1 It is meaningful to observe that in this context, the Head of the Department for Orthodox theology of the John Paul II Ecumenical Institute of the University in Lublin, Krzysztof Lesniewski, speaks about the ,green vocation‘ of the patriarch Bartholomew, pointing out the par­ticular contributions of the ,green patriarch‘ and his efforts in relation to environ­ment protection (Lesniewski, 2011, 34–37). 2.2 Ecological Initiatives and Efforts Let us mention here some of the notable activities of the patriarch Bartholomew that involve his solicitude in ecological issues, all those initiatives and enterpri­ses that he has undertaken, and which are connected with ecological arguments. As early as 1991, only a month after being elected as patriarch, on the island of Crete, he organised a lecture on the topic concerning ecology (Chryssavgis 2018, 169–171). In his posterior activities patriarch Bartholomew organised courses and conferences on the themes interwoven with ecology. In the context of men­tioning ecological activities, let us add that patriarch Bartholomew’s contribution to the World Council of the Churches is also well-known (Maros 2017, 169–174). He also initiated the organisation of the ecological summer courses in the Hal-ki School of Theology, which were held every year during the summer in the pe­riod from 1994 till 1998. There were five summer courses on Halki that were held in total, and the themes were: ‚The Environment and Religious Education‘, ‚The Environment and Ethics‘, ‚The Environment and Communication‘, ‚The Environment and Justice‘, and ‚The Environment and Poverty‘ (Chryssavgis 2012b, 4–15; Maros 2017, 155). It seems that his efforts were positively received and that the gen­eral reception was also affirmative, a fact which is corroborated by numerous awards and recognitions that were granted to him (Chryssavgis 2018, 170–171). One should especially emphasize the symposiums about water, which will be elaborated on in more detail later on because they are extremely important in patriarch Bartholomew’s overall ecological efforts. The mentioned symposiums were very well perceived even by the wider public and the media (for example, the New York Times, the BBC, the Independent, etc.) (Chryssavgis 2018, 180). This is the reason why, in 1994, on the initiative of the Ecumenical Patriarch, we could witness the foundation of the Religious and Scientific Committee, an institution that served Patriarch Bartholomew as a conduit to organise eight symposiums dedicated to rivers and seas (Maros 2017, 155–157). In this sense the Italian author Marco Gnavi, in the preface of the book Una casa chiamata terra, claims that the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew: »is universally known for his commitment for environment protection, and therefore deserves the title of the ›green‹ patriarch.« (Chryssavgis, 2007, 9–18; Chrys­savgis 2017; Gnavi, 2016, 16–17; Lesniewski, 2011, 33–48) 3. The Preservation of Water as the Source of Life In his role as the main spiritual authority of the Ecumenical Patriarchate, patri­arch Bartholomew often invites and encourages others to uphold and care for the protection of the environment and he also accentuates the role of religion in the world events (Bartholomew 2015). Among many things, patriarch Bartholomew points out: »We are called to work in humble harmony with creation and not in arrogant supremacy against it.« (2012g, 97) However, he is also well aware that religion cannot resolve the problems of ecology and the pending environmen­tal crisis without science. Hence, he has endeavoured to realise his plans and efforts connected with the care for the environment by cooperating with plenti­ful and various scientists. Therefore, it is imperative that everybody acts in their respective field of study to safeguard the environment in which humanity dwells (Chryssavgis 2018, 173). This was the reason why patriarch Bartholomew, within the project named „Religion, Science and Environment“, organises symposiums concerning water. These symposiums were remembered mainly because a host of scientists, theologians, politicians and many others have fruitfully participated in them (171–172). The symposiums about water were held in the period from 1995 to 2009 (172– 180). It is interesting to observe that patriarch Bartholomew did not choose by ac­cident the said topic regarding water. Moreover, he initiated and inspired all the or-ganisations precisely dedicated to this topic, to wit about water as the source of life. In this way, John Chryssavgis, in his role as the theological advisor of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for environmental issues, interprets the organisation of the symposiums dedicated to water in terms of patriarch Bartholomew’s persistence, considering that the patriarch is convinced that »the defence of the environment makes an integral part of his ministry as a priest« (174) and that this is the context and spirit in which the patriarch acts according to the purpose of environment preservation. In this manner, with the initiative of patriarch Bartholomew and the sponsor­ship of Ms. Maria Becket, significant symposiums about water were held, dealing with the pending issues of the world water systems (Maros 2017, 169). Contem­porary management of water once again demands the expansion of the concept of ethics of ecology, the care for water, responsible and rational usage of water, etc. (Chryssavgis 2018, 172). In this context patriarch Bartholomew points out: »Water should never be regarded as private property or become a tool or purpose of personal interests.« (172) However, rational spending and resource usage are not connected to water alone: »The rationalism of this utilitarian mentality is per­haps the only answer that ecologists can provide to this question.« (Bartholomew 2012a, 66) It is important to have a conscience about the limited and rational consumption of goods and natural resources. In this sense, »Ecologists demand a limited and controlled use of natural environment, a quantitative reduction that will allow its longer use by humanity. They seek a rational limitation of our limit­less use of nature. Therefore, they seek a more rational application of the rational system that is already exploiting nature.« (67) 3.1 The Care for the Preservation of Water The importance of the initiatives and efforts that regard the safekeeping of natu­re, and also the significance of symposiums that patriarch Bartholomew organi­sed, can be observed in the testimony written by one of his close associates John Chryssavgis: »I have personally witnessed and saw the manner in which the patriarch Bartholomew, especially during the period of the international symposium, used every opportunity to visit the local Orthodox dignitaries, and to gen­tly but also at the same time decisively obtain their understanding and support in the care for the natural habitat. The international symposium has really had a practical and symbolical value for visible unity of the Or­thodox churches.« (2018, 20) When it comes to the issue of the consideration of the Ecumenical Patriarch for the preservation of water and the realisation of the symposium about water, then one needs, in a special way, to single out the previously mentioned symposiums about water that were held in relation to the topic of the status of the world water heritage, paying attention to rivers and seas. In this way, the first in the line of many symposiums, held on the initiative and organised by the Ecumenical Patriarch Bar­tholomew, was dedicated to the topic of the Aegean Sea. This symposium took place in 1995 under the following heading: „The Apocalypse and The Environment“. In turn, this was precisely the topic that initiated the very series of symposiums dedicated to water. The second symposium was continued in September of 1997 and was named: „The Black Sea in Crisis“ (174). The symposium about the Black Sea remained very remarkable because of the fact that it was one of the direct results of the work of the Halki Institute of Ecology, which deals with the scientific exploration and solving of problems stemming from the pollution of the Black Sea. This symposium was marked by the great contribution of this Institute (Bartholomew 2012i, 166–170). One may claim that the same topic was elaborated, at least in some sort of way, even in the third symposium dedicated to water, titled: „The River of Life: from the Danube to the Black Sea“ (Chryssavgis 2018, 174–175). On the occasion of the opening of the third symposium, located in Turkey, Bartholomew said: »To ensure the furtherance of natural life, we consider ascetic self-denial to be necessary and the reduction of many material pleasures to be beneficial.« (2012b, 79–84) By continuing to organise symposiums about water, patriarch Bartholomew advanced to regulate the fourth water symposium as well, where the topic was the Adriatic Sea. This symposium was concluded in Venice in 2002, and its title was given as „The Adriatic Sea: a Sea at Risk – Unity of Purpose“ (Chryssavgis 2018, 175). One of the important fruits of this symposium was the stipulation of the Declaration between the Holy Father Pope John Paul II and His All-Holiness the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. This agreement also has an ecumenical as­pect, and we may claim that this declaration had marked the fourth symposium dedicated to water. The importance of this agreement is even greater if one con­siders that it is the first agreement between the leaders of the Western and East­ern Church achieved on the topic of ecology, expressing the care for our common home (John Paul II and Bartholomew I., 2002; Chryssavgis 2018, 176). Furthermore, patriarch Bartholomew continued with the symposiums concern­ing water by realising the fifth one had gathered more than 250 participants. This Symposium was organised in 2003, and it was named „The Baltic Sea: Common Heritage, Shared Responsibility“ (Chryssavgis 2018, 176–177). July of 2006 was the time when the sixth symposium regarding water was held, titled „The River Amazon, Source of Life“. Amazon is one of the longest rivers and also one of the richest in water supply (Chryssavgis, 2018, 177–178; Benedict XVI., 2006). On the occasion of this symposium Patriarch Bartholomew, in his homily during the blessing of the river Amazon, declared: »In blessing the waters of the great Amazon, we proclaim our belief that environmental protection is a pro­foundly moral and spiritual problem that concerns all of us. The initial and crucial response to the environmental crisis for everyone is to bear personal responsibil­ity for the way that we live, the values that we cherish and the priorities that we pursue.« (Bartholomew 2012f, 283) Notable was the title of the seventh symposium about the Arctic Ocean, titled „The Arctic, Mirror of Life“ (Chryssavgis 2018, 178–179). Lastly, let us mention the eighth, and at the same time, the final in the series of symposiums dedicated to water, held in October of 2009, named: „The Establishment of the Equilibrium: the Great Mississippi“ (179–180). By looking back at this series of symposiums about water, we may notice that they all contained the theme regarding the main water surfaces of the world, that is, the rivers and seas. This scientific, theological and spiritual contribution is def­initely important in the contemporary era, the time of the ecological crisis, and it might be said that we are all invited to stand up for the preservation of creation. 4. Some Theological Points that Regard Ecology In the spiritual and theological context, it is important to pinpoint the relevance of the prayer for the environment and everything created: »The Church which forgets to pray for the environment is the Church which refuses to offer drink or food to humanity in need.« (Bartolomeo 2016, 64–65) In this context, as we have alrea­dy mentioned, on 1st September 1989, patriarch Demetrios established the Day of the Protection of the Environment. It is the first day of the ecclesiastical year, and, at the same time, it also highlights the importance of prayer for creation. As he explained in his encyclical, on that day, »we invite through this, Our Message for the entire Christian world, to offer together with the Mother Great Church of Christ, the Ecumenical Patriarchate, every year on this day, prayers and supplica­tions to the Maker of all, both as thanksgiving for the great gift of creation and in petition for its protection and salvation« (Dimitrios 2012, 25). Looking at patriarch Bartholomew’s theological reasoning, we may claim that two fundamental arguments attest to his care for the ecology. Here we may first point out the creation issue, where everything that was created belongs to the Lord, and humanity’s task is to take care of the created world. Furthermore, we notice that God is creating again in the New Adam and returns the ,ancient beau­ty‘ (Maros 2017, 158). 4.1 ,Liturgical‘ and ,ascetic‘ ethos As is the case with many other Orthodox theologians, patriarch Bartholomew also keeps his own biblical and theological postulates which are then applied in his theological endeavours (Bartholomew 2012c, 88–89; 2012d 93–95). Moreover, it is from his theological convictions that he is taking directions for actions to pro­tect the habitat in which humanity lives. However, patriarch Bartholomew also provides a new vision of the word by emphasizing the ‚spirit of Eucharist‘ and the ‚ascetic ethos‘ (Bartolomeo 2016, 72). When speaking about the economic but also the ecological crisis of the modern world, and by invoking the teachings of his predecessor, patriarch Demetrius, patriarch Bartholomew indicates that »our Church insightfully emphasized the significance of the eucharistic and ascetic ethos of tradition« (Bartholomew 2012j, 63). Furthermore, patriarch Bartholomew here underlined the fact that the mona­stic and ascetic traditions have great importance and significance for Orthodox theology when we are talking about the environment and the ecological crisis happening today (2012h, 216–217). In this context, the ascetic tradition also pro­vides a new perspective of self-limitation within a system of sustainable living, a fact which actually indicates the potential of the ecological way of life (Theokritoff 2009, 93–116). When referring to ecological ascetism today, the contemporary Orthodox theologian Elizabeth Theokritoff said: »The ascetic tradition offers a radically new perspective on self-limitation, on the sort of restrictions on our ran­ge of options that a sustainable way of living is likely to demand. Such limitations are neither a way of making ourselves miserable, nor an occasion to feel self-ri­ghteous.« (113) This is the reason why patriarch Bartholomew is convinced that humanity sho­uld return to the ,eucharist‘ and ,ascetic‘ way of life, and these notions must be studied in the Church, thus enabling humanity to become even more conscious and grateful to the Lord for all of creation (Bartolomeo 2016, 37–46). In this sen­se, the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople points out: »We believe that by our unique liturgical and ascetic ethos, the spiritual teaching of the Orthodox Church is able to provide an important theoretical and deontological instruction for the care of our planet Earth.« (2012e, 111) In this manner patriarch Bartholo­mew connects spirituality and the environment: emphasizing spiritual values in the very definition of environment ethics (Lesniewski, 2011, 33–34). 5. Conclusion In this paper, along with the research it entails, we were directed primarily to the ecological efforts of the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. This does not repre­sent the total oeuvre of his work and activities, but it may provide a new perspec­tive and vision in caring for the safekeeping of the created world. One of the key topics in this area is definitely water as the source of life. In fact, this topic was the main theme of eight international and interdisciplinary symposiums, which were noted not only in the Orthodox world but also in the broader global arena. This type of research and the participation of various scientists in the mentioned symposiums open up new possibilities for even greater campaigns with many pe­ople, thus participating in the care for the conservation of nature. References Bartholomew. 2010. Message to the Twelfth Eurasian Economic Summit, Istanbul, May 6, 2009. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 66–70. – – –. 2012a. Address at the Conferral of the First Honorary Doctorate of the Department of Environmental Studies, University of the Ae­gean, Mytilene, Greece, October 27, 1994. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 65–72. – – –. 2012b. Address at the Opening Ceremony of Symposium II, Trabzon, Turkey, September 20, 1997. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 79–84. – – –. 2012c. Address at the Opening Ceremony of Symposium III, Passau, Germany, October 17, 1999. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 84–91. – – –. 2012d. Address at the Opening Ceremony of Symposium IV, Durres, Albania, June 6, 2002. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 91–95. – – –. 2012e. Address at the Scenic Hudson, New York, November 13, 2000. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 111–116. – – –. 2012f. Homily at the Blessing of the Amazon River, Symposium VI, July 16, 2006. In: Chrys­savgis 2012a, 282–284. – – –. 2012g. Keynote Addressed at the Santa Barbara Symposium, California, November 8, 1997. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 95–100. – – –. 2012h. Official Opening, Symposium I, Istan­bul, Turkey, September 22, 1995. In: Chryssav­gis 2012a, 215–220. – – –. 2012i. Opening Ceremony, Halki Ecological Institute, June 13, 1999. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 166–170. – – –. 2012j. September 1, 2010, The Financial Crisis and the Ecological Crisis. In: John Chrys­savgis 2012a, 63–64. – – –. 2015. Creation Care and Ecological Justice. The Oxford Union, 4. 11. https://www.orth­transfiguration.org/wp-content/up-loads/2016/09/HAH-Creation-Care-and-Eco­logical-Justice.pdf (accessed 13. 2. 2020). – – –. 2016. Una casa chiamata terra. Milano: Francesco Mondadori. Benedict XVI. 2006. Letter of His Holiness Bene­dict XVI to His Holiness Bartholomew I., Ecu­menical Patriarch, on the occasion of the sixth symposium on “Religion, science and the environment” focusing on the Amazon River. Vatican, 6. 7. Http://w2.vatican.va/content/ benedict-xvi/en/letters/2006/documents/hf_ ben-xvi_let_20060706_bartolomeo-i.html (accessed 12. 2. 2020). Chryssavgis, John. 2007. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew: insights into an Orthodox Chris­tian worldview. International Journal of Envi­ronmental Studies 64, no. 1:9–18. – – –. 2012a. On Earth as in Heaven: Ecological Vision and Initiatives of Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew. New York: Fordham University Press. – – –. 2012b. Introduction. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 1–22. – – –. 2013. A New Heaven and a New Earth: Orthodox Christian Insights from Theology, Spirituality and the Sacraments, In: John Chrys­savgis, ed. Toward an Ecology of Transfigura­tion. Orthodox Christian Perspectives on Envi­ronment, Nature and Creation, 152–162. New York: Fordham University Press. – – –. 2017. The Green Patriarch: Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew and the Protection of the Environment. Patriarchate. Https://www. patriarchate.org/the-green-patriarch (ac­cessed 18. 10. 2017). – – –. 2018. Apostolo e profeta: Vita e opere di Bartolomeo I, patriarca ecumenico di Costanti­nopoli. Bologna: EDB. Dimitrios. 2012. The Church Cannot Remain Idle. In: Chryssavgis 2012a, 23–25. Gnavi, Marco. 2016. Prefazione. In: Bartholomew. Una casa chiamata terra. Milano: Francesco Mondadori. John Paul II., and Bartholomew. 2002. Common Declaration on environmental ethics. Vatican, 10. 6. http://www.vatican.va/content/john­paul-ii/en/speeches/2002/june/documents/ hf_jp-ii_spe_20020610_venice-declaration. html (accessed 3. 6. 2020). Lesniewski, Krzysztof. 2011. Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew’s ‘Green message‘ to the World. Roczniki Teologii Ekumenicznej 58, no. 3:33–48. Maros, Alexander. 2017. The ecological Theology of Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I. Inter­national Journal of Orthodox Theology 8, no. 1:146–177. Theokritoff, Elizabeth. 2009. Living in God’s Cre­ation: Orthodox perspectives on ecology. Crest-wood: St Vladimir Press. Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 171—183 Besedilo prejeto/Received:06/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:11/2021 UDK/UDC: 272-9(477) DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Osadczy © 2022 Osadczy, CC BY 4.0 Wlodzimierz Osadczy The Word of God at the Meeting Point of Civilisation: Cultural and Identity Search in the Space of Religious Life of Roman Catholics in Contemporary Ukraine Božja beseda na sticišcu civilizacij: iskanje kulture in identitete na podrocju verskega življenja rimokatolicanov v sodobni Ukrajini Abstract: The Roman Catholic Church in contemporary Ukraine is to a large extent the heir to the tradition of the Latin rite of Lviv metropolis formed within the Polish Crown and other political entities related to Polish statehood and cultu­re. In the general consciousness, this Church is considered to be the ,Polish Church‘ as distinct from the ,Ruthenian Church‘, Orthodox. The revival of the Church in the conditions of the Ukrainian state causes many discussions of an identity nature. Nationalist tendencies lead to the rejection of Polish cultural heritage and the creation of a new quality in the religious space, usually iden­tified with the centuries-old achievements of civilization. Keywords: Ukraine, Latin Church, Ukrainian language, culture, religion, Catholicism, Orthodoxy Povzetek: Rimokatoliška Cerkev v sodobni Ukrajini je v marsicem dedinja izrocila Lvovske metropolije latinskega obreda, oblikovane znotraj poljskega kraljestva in drugih politicnih enot, povezanih s poljsko državnostjo in kulturo. V splošni zavesti velja za ,poljsko Cerkev‘ in se razlikuje od ,rutenske Cerkve‘, ki je pravo­slavna. Cerkveni preporod v okolišcinah ukrajinske državnosti povzroca številne razprave o identiteti. Nacionalisticne težnje vodijo k zavracanju poljske kultur­ne dedišcine in k vzpostavljanju nove razsežnosti v verskem prostoru. Ta nova razsežnost se obicajno identificira z vecstoletnimi civilizacijskimi dosežki. Kljucne besede: Ukrajina, latinska Cerkev, ukrajinski jezik, kultura, religija, katolištvo, pravoslavje 1. Ukraine’s Religious and Cultural Identity The lands of modern Ukraine, in their overwhelming majority, are connected with the history and tradition of Kievan Rus, a huge medieval state encompassing the infinite areas of Eastern Europe, stretching to the Asian steppe. An element in­tegrating these areas, inhabited by East Slavic ethnic groups – also called Ruthe-nian – and other tribes of non-Slavic origin, became a common cultural tradition arising from the Byzantine Christian heritage adopted in 988 by Grand Duke Vla­dimir. The capital of modern Ukraine – Kiev – was the centre of this great power and a source of cultural inspiration, which in later centuries evolved into national traditions of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, and due to the imperial advancement of Russia was also imposed on other nations that entered its orbit of influence. Attempts to divide early Christian Ruthenian tradition into exclusively Ukrainian or Russian, conditioned by political circumstances, were devoid of substantive justifications and appeared only as grotesque ventures to diminish the great and universal tradition of Kievan Rus in the spirit of nineteenth-century nationalisms (Podskalsky 2000, 112–115).1 Kiev played a special role in Christianisation in the east of Europe, it was called Ruthenian Jerusalem, and the Dnieper, in whose waters the inhabitants of Kiev were baptised, was called the Ruthenian Jordan. Pope John Paul II, visiting the capital of Ukraine in 2001, said: »This is the place of the Baptism of Rus. From Kiev, there began that flowering of Christian life which the Gospel first brought forth in the land of the ancient Rus, then in the lands of Eastern Europe and, lat­er, beyond the Urals, in the lands of Asia.« (Jan Pawel II [John Paul II] 200, 110) Kiev became not only the capital of the metropolis, but an important religious and political centre, which in the time of the break-up of the great Ruthenian state – progressing since the 13th century – was a visible symbol of the unity of ,Saint Vladimir’s heritage‘, but also an important culture-forming centre (Malmenvall 2016, 550). The Grand Duke of Kiev, Vladimir, the Baptist of Rus, also did a great job of incorporating his lands into the sphere of the Byzantine and Greek world civilisation and, through this, into general European tradition. »He became a Christian, and imposed the faith as the formal religion in Kievan territories. The other Russian states along the rivers were not slow to follow his example. From his Chersonesus campaign, Vladimir brought back with him to Kiev Greek priests, Greek artisans and Greek church orna­ments and books. He also took two bronze quadrigae – destined to decorate the Kiev of Vladimir, as the ‚steeds of San Marco‘ were later to be carried to Venice after the Latin conquest of Byzantium.« (Allen 1941, 13) Kiev Christianity began to develop very rapidly and expansively. This was main­ly due to a dynamic increase in the number of temples and the emergence of large An attempt to refer to the Russian-Ukrainian debate that has been ongoing since the 1920s, reaching back to the nineteenth-century polemics was made by Gerhard Podskalsky in his work Christentum und theologische Literatur in der Kiever Rus’ (988–1237) (München, 1982). monastic centres. According to various sources, just after the baptism, 300 to 400 Orthodox churches were built in Kiev alone (Zinkewych and Sorokowski 1988, 35)2. Ruthenian monasteries originating from the famous Kiev Pechersk Monastery (hollowed out in caverns, and caves on the banks of the Dnieper) rose to the rank of great scientific and cultural centres. Here the first histories were created – the chronicles of Rus, intellectual life flourished here, and from here, education and literacy spread throughout the lands of old Rus. Christianity shaped on the banks of the Dnieper had its characteristic features; it was an emanation of Byzantine culture adopted on the Slavic soil. For centuries, despite the progressing political divisions of the lands of ancient Rus, Christianity retained its universal ,all-Russia‘ dimension, which testifies to the religious-civili­sational community of the heirs of this tradition. For many researchers, this be­came the basis for the claim about the existence of a separate civilisation arising from the Byzantine tradition on the Ruthenian ground. Samuel P. Huntington used the term Orthodox civilisation, and the lands of contemporary Ukraine, at least partly have been its organic part and even a centre (Huntington 2011, 56). After the destruction of the Ruthenian state and after Poland and Lithuania star­ted to exercise sovereignty over its western part, the Orthodox Church maintained its cultural separateness despite the Renaissance, Baroque and Enlightenment tren­ds coming from the West and affecting the entire societies. Even after the creation of the Union with Rome in 1596 and formally joining the Western civilisation spa­ce, the Ruthenian Church retained its eastern, Byzantine character (Osadczy 2019, 47). A characteristic mode of holding religious services according to the liturgical texts of Saint John Chrysostom and Saint Basil the Great remained unchanged or subjected to insignificant changes; liturgical books and various prayer texts written in the archaic Church Slavonic language remained the same; Cyrillic letters – azbu­ka – based on the Greek alphabet were used for writing; after the introduction of the Gregorian calendar, the Ruthenian church still retained the old Julian calendar. The Orthodox and Uniate Churches preserved their theology distinct from that of the West, which from the beginning followed a different path than the Latin scho­lastic-Thomistic search confirmed in the documents of the Council of Trent. Being a civilisation centre of Russian Orthodoxy, Ukraine became an important part of the Western world as it united with Poland and Lithuania.3 This caused a migratory movement from the West as well as the relocation of the structures of the Latin Church to the newly connected lands. Catholic centres were created primarily in the western part of the Ruthenian lands in cities founded on German town law and inhabited by Germans and Poles, as well as in noble manors and castles of Polish or Polonised knights. In relation to local Eastern Christianity, Ro­ 2 This fact is described by German chronicler Thietmar and Polish chronicler Maciej Miechowita. Such a large number of temples is also explained by the fact that also small shrines and home chapels built in Ruthenia following a Greek custom were also taken into account. 3 In the eleventh century a part of Ruthenian lands passed under the suzerainty of the Hungarian Crown of Saint Stephen and as Hungarian Ruthenia or Subcarpathian Ruthenia created its hermetic history in complete isolation from the rest of Ukraine without affecting the overall civilisation and cultural situation. man Catholicism, although not numerous but enjoying a privileged position and social prestige in the Catholic state, represented utterly different cultural and ci­vilisational areas. It should be remembered that after the schism of 1054, inten­sified by hostility resulting from the raids of the Crusaders on Byzantium, relations between the two Churches were cool and tense. They created two hermetic spa­ces not interpenetrating each other, using different symbols, referring to comple­tely different aesthetic patterns and also developing according to completely dif­ferent historical conditions. Catholicism was constantly supplied from its centres in Western Europe with vivid theological and cultural trends, took on more and more attractive, modern forms and, being a minority denomination, sought expan­sion by emphasising its universal mission. Majority Orthodoxy was locked in a stalemate, cutting off from declining Byzantium, maintained conservative, retar­ded external forms and had no chance to attract neophytes, as it was associated with ,Ruthenian faith‘, a national feature of Rus. Over the centuries, however, the civilisational division was formed, reflecting the political division of the Ukrainian lands between Poland and Russia. The East merged with Russia as Little Ruthenia, actively participating in creating the power­ful Orthodox empire, and the West was maximally affected by Poland’s civilisati­onal influence, only at the commune level maintaining attachment to the Eastern Church, already appearing as Uniate. Despite subsequent political changes – the erasure of the Polish state from the world map for over 123 years, the expansion of Bolshevik Russia, the creation of a quasi-state in the form of Soviet Ukraine within which the modern Ukrainian state was formed after the collapse of the USSR, the civilisational and religious division remained a characteristic of Ukraine. Aforementioned S. Huntington wrote quite emphatically about this in the context of the discussion on the clash of civilisations: »Ukraine, however, is a cleft country with two distinct cultures. The civili­sational fault line between the West and Orthodoxy runs through its heart and has done so for centuries. At times in the past, western Ukraine was part of Poland, Lithuania, and the Austro-Hungarian empire. A large portion of its population have been adherents of the Uniate Church which practices Orthodox rites but acknowledges the authority of the Pope. Historically, western Ukrainians have spoken Ukrainian and have been strongly nationalist in their outlook. The people of eastern Ukraine have been overwhelmingly Orthodox and have in large part spoken Russian.« (Huntington 2011, 267–277)4 This civilisation duality with the dominant ,own‘ Eastern Church (Orthodox or Uniate) and the ,foreign‘ Latin Church became a characteristic feature of religious Giving a brilliant assessment of the cultural and political situation of Ukraine, the author made some simplifications and mental shortcuts that did not quite accurately reflect the religious specificity. The presence of the followers of the Uniate Church in Ukraine was slightly overstated (the total number of the faithful amounts to less than 7 % of the population), while the followers of the Roman Catholic Church were completely omitted. and devotional reality in Ukraine. Moreover, a symbol of this state of affairs is the capital city of Kiev, as evidenced by the impressions of a foreign observer: »Kiev is where the two legacies meet. The Dnieper, Ukraine’s only major natural feature and the boundary which used to divide the country between Russia and Poland, also splits the city into two. The golden domes of its great Orthodox monasteries and the neo-Gothic spire of its Catholic cathedral jostle on the skyline.« (Reid 2000, 16) 2. The Specificity of the Tradition of the Latin Church in Ukraine The presence of the Catholic Church in the lands of former Rus is a derivative of their inclusion in the Catholic countries and, above all, the Polish-Lithuanian state. The Roman Catholic archdiocese in Ruthenia was founded in 1375 under the rule of the Hungarian king’s governor Vladislaus II of Opole. It should be remembered that after the end of the Romanovs’ Ruthenian dynasty in 1340, Red Ruthenia, with its capital Lviv, was taken by the Polish king Casimir the Great as the closest heir to these areas. In turn, after his childless death, the King of Hungary, Louis, inherited the Polish Crown with Ruthenia. After the short ,Hungarian episode‘, the Ruthenian lands returned to the Polish Crown again, but now with its archdiocese. It should be recalled that at that time, Poland had had its ancient archdiocese in legendary Gniezno for over three centuries. After the incorporation of Rus, it became a country in which there were two metropolitans in the state hierarchy – high-rank dignitaries. The Gniezno metropolitan bore the title of primate, held first place in the Senate, followed by the Lviv metropolitan. In the east, Kamianets and Kiev dioceses were subordinated to the Lviv arch­diocese. The situation of the Catholic population was very unstable and danger­ous there. As we know, during the Cossack and Polish-Moscow wars, the partitions continually led to the depolonisation and desolation of these areas. Furthermore, right after that conflagrations, the fertile lands were again colonised by the peas­ant population recruited from counties of Central Poland. Thus, compact Polish and Catholic enclaves were established, maintaining their separateness from the surrounding Orthodox population. Gradually undergoing linguistic and cultural Ukrainianisation, Polish peasants firmly adhered to Catholicism. Churches were the oases of their culture and the only places where the Polish language was heard in public space. Despite the Russian authorities’ repeated attempts to introduce the Russian language into Catholic temples, this experiment failed. Not using Pol­ish every day, Roman Catholics in the Eastern Borderlands were within the orbit of the influence of the Polish culture and language in the sphere of religious life. Maria Dunin-Kozicka, a Polish writer, described this situation as follows: »Only in the churches of Volhynia, Podolia, Ukraine, the publicly spoken Polish tongue could be heard during sermons. Only in presbyteries, after the service, it was possible to gather without being denounced to the po­lice. At that time, the church was a place of entertainment and relief, God’s and Polish outpost, where everyone, despite social differences, felt broth­ers in common profession of faith and the legacy of the Lechites, prohib­ited in the offices of speech.« (1928, 127) Such historical and cultural circumstances led to the perpetuation of the soci­al consciousness of stereotypes that translated into defining the reality surroun­ding the sphere of operation of the Roman Catholic Church as Polish. The church, the priest, liturgical feasts, etc., were referred to as: ,the Polish church‘, ,the Poli­sh priest‘, ,Polish feasts‘, and ,Polish Christmas, Easter‘. The Latin Church was as­sociated with church fairs, ceremonial processions, Eucharistic adoration, playing the organ, and magnificent, extremely suggestive baroque sculptures. Churches were usually made of bricks and well-equipped, beautifully decorated, and their high spires and bell towers dominated the surrounding area. The Roman Catholic church, along with Polish culture and language, was asso­ciated primarily with city culture, the culture of noble courts, and in simplified terms with lord’s culture. Therefore, the Latin Church traditionally enjoyed high social prestige in the Ukrainian lands; it was a recognisable feature of the upper social classes. The folk proverb said that God »created a clergyman (a Latin priest) for the master, and a pope (the Orthodox priest) for the peasant«. These socio­-cultural stereotypes are perpetuated in the consciousness of the inhabitants of Ukrainian lands (Andreev and Andreeva 2019, 188). Social revolts or Polish-Ukrainian wars that broke out from time to time often resulted from social and class inequalities. Instinctive acts of aggression were di­rected against the Latin Church, as the area of life most associated with Polishness. During the escalation of aggression, everything associated with Latin culture and everything connected with Catholicism was cruelly destroyed. The temples were razed, the faithful were murdered, and the clergymen’s life was taken with parti­cular ferociousness. Fighting Latin Catholicism in an unbelievably cruel and total way had features characteristic of the clash of civilisations and the conflict bet­ween two cultural areas (Osadczy 2019, 67–111). Hence, at the level of folk cul­ture from which Ukrainian national culture grew, hostility to the presence of tra­ces of Latin tradition was very deeply rooted. It was associated with Polishness and, therefore, with a foreign civilisational and societal element. This civilisational space was ,lordly‘, aristocratic and therefore alien and hostile towards Ukrainian peasant, democratic national tradition. Orthodox churches and Latin churches, which had always been present in the Ukrainian landscape, were called ,Rutheni-an or Ukrainian churches‘ and ,Polish churches‘, ,Ruthenian feasts‘ and ,Polish feasts‘ were celebrated, ,Ruthenian priests‘ and ,Polish priests‘ performed rituals. In traditional folk consciousness, from which national culture grew, referring to many centuries of history, these two spaces were hermetically separated from each other, always present and always foreign and even hostile. Hence new chal­lenges of time related to the creation of a universal Ukrainian cultural space in connection with the emergence of the Ukrainian state have become a significant problem in the religious life of society going beyond the scope of its traditional class space. 3. From ,the Polish Church‘ to ,the Ukrainian Church‘ During the communist rule and struggle with religion, the Roman Catholic Church was the only official institution in the Soviet state that retained its Polish cultural and language character. Until the implementation of the provisions of the Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) introducing national languages into the liturgy, in the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine, Latin was used in rites of the Mass and other services. Canticles, as well as paraliturgical services (rosaries, litanies, sup­plications), were traditionally performed in Polish. The priest usually addressed the faithful in Polish. Over the centuries, especially during the communist dictatorship, the Polish population in Ukraine lost its language in everyday use. On the one hand, it was a natural process of assimilation of the rural population into the overwhelming Ukrai­nian majority; on the other, it was intended during the Stalinist struggle against the so-called ,Bourgeois nationalism‘ of non-Russian minorities. In the 1930s, all Latin churches in Soviet Ukraine were destroyed due to Stalinist repression. Man­ors – centres of maintaining Polishness – were destroyed during the revolutionary struggles of 1917–1920. Catholics in Eastern Polish provinces, annexed by the USSR in 1939, enjoyed religious freedom and the development of Polish religious culture throughout the interwar period. After the Soviet occupation, they became the ob­ject of persecution and repression, while the German occupation restored religious freedom in the occupied territories of Soviet Ukraine. Allowing for limited functioning of the Roman Catholic Church in the USSR, the authorities hoped for its quick ,extinction‘ as a result of ,legal‘ procedures. The church was deprived of its hierarchy and seminaries, catechising children and youth was treated as a criminal offence, priests were repressed, and their number was limited to a minimum. As bishop Marcjan Trofimiak, a former ordinary of the diocese of Lutsk recalled, Roman Catholic priests became the most persecuted group in the Soviet Union (Trofimiak 1994, 211). Roman Catholic centres survived in a few cities in western Ukraine – of which Lviv was the largest – and in Podolia and Kiev region, mainly in rural towns—as a result of the presence of Polish intelligentsia, towns, and especially the famous Lviv cathedral, managed to preserve the traditional cultural and religious order creating peculiar islands of Polish borderland culture. Catholic villages of the Polish popu­lation in areas formerly belonging to Tsarist Russia had been subjected to linguistic and cultural assimilation for a long time. Due to the presence of educated priests, it was possible to maintain the Polish language and traditional culture in the area of religious life. A well-known model of cultural and linguistic life was created when the language that was not used in everyday life and which ceased to function at home was reserved for the sacred sphere and was intended only for prayer and the temple. The Hebrew language of Jews, the hrabar language of Armenians, etc., underwent such a metamorphosis. Losing the Polish language in everyday life, Po­les in Ukraine preserved it in the church and prayer. Preserved prayer books in no­tebooks in which texts of Polish prayers and religious songs were phonetically han­dwritten in Cyrillic letters – writing used daily – and frequently with mistakes are a specific symbol of this state of affairs. After Polish missals were introduced to churches in Soviet Ukraine in the 1970s, the faithful could not understand Polish used in the Holy Mass; sometimes, they comically distorted the words, complete­ly perverting the content of the prayer. Moreover, thus, instead of ,Pontius Pilate‘ there was ,Polish‘ Pilate, and instead of »Hosanna in the highest«, they sang »Oksa­na [Ukrainian female name] in haying« (Dzwonkowski and Palyga 1995, 325). Among Latin Catholics, there was considerable resistance to attempts to introdu­ce the Ukrainian language into religious life. Both Poles and Ukrainians perceived it as the distortion of certain normality, tradition, and eternal order. After the liquida­tion of the Greek Catholic Church in 1946, gathering the Ukrainian population in the former Galician lands, some former Catholics of the Eastern Rite began to take ad­vantage of the possibility of attending services in the few Roman Catholic churches. Sometimes such faithful constituted the majority in Polish churches because the Polish population was deported to Poland in the new post-war borders. In exceptio­nal circumstances, Ukrainian religious songs were introduced to such services (Osad­czy 2009, 82).5 The Soviet authorities also made every endeavour so that church life did not go beyond the Polish cultural and linguistic sphere. Without schools, books, and the intelligentsia, the Polish population was doomed to disappear. Striving to eliminate the Roman Catholic Church from public life, the communist authorities made sure that the Church, opening itself to the Ukrainian language, would not be reborn through the influx of new believers from outside. According to the plans of the atheist regime, Catholicism should be locked up in the ghetto of elderly people of Polish nationality whose natural death would also be the demise of the Church. The lack of a hierarchy and seminaries was a guarantee of the definite end of the church structure that could not be included in the process of building communism. The situation changed after the collapse of the USSR. Universal religious free­dom allowed the hierarchical structures of the Catholic Church in Ukraine to be reborn. Separate church organisations were established in the countries newly created on the ruins of the Soviet state. Both from the perspective of the Vatican and the governments of post-Soviet countries, it was necessary to separate from the tradition of Polish Catholicism, which historically was the foundation of Catho­lic communities in post-Soviet areas – maybe except partly in Lithuania, Latvia and Carpathian Ruthenia – and begin to create Catholic hierarchical structures in the national language and culture (Lopert 2008).6 5 Exposing himself to the harassment by atheistic authorities, Marcjan Trofimiak, priest in Kremenets in Volhynia and priest for Catholics in Western and Central Ukraine, introduced Ukrainian canticles in the Borshchiv parish in Podolia. 6 This issue is discussed in detail in the article „Identiteta in religioznost“, see Lopert 2008. In Ukraine, the ,Polish Church‘ had to become Ukrainian and take its place among other ,Ukrainian‘ Churches, where Orthodox Churches played the domi­nant role. 4. Problems in the Search for New Cultural and Linguistic Identity It is known that attachment to tradition, adherence to archaic noble forms, and con­nection with generations of the faithful testify to the authenticity and prestige of the Church. The ,Ukrainian‘ Latin Church could not have these attributes because it found itself in a difficult situation. The whole authentic tradition was associated with Polish history and culture. The rich canticle resources were also exclusively Polish, incorpora­ted into the broad context of Polish religious culture. The air-tightness of the cultural and religious area was preserved despite the progressing Ukrainianisation of the daily life of faithful Catholics. This state of affairs was even, to some extent, satisfactory for the community staying in a kind of isolation from the atheistic environment marked by the surface religiosity characteristic of the culture of the Orthodox Church. The ,ghetto‘ was a suitable environment for surviving and preserving own identity, even observing the principle of preference for marriages within a religious group. Leaving the underground, establishing full-fledged hierarchical structures, joining the reli­gious life of the country devastated by atheistic ideology opened new perspectives and a new vision in the environment of the Latin Church. Unexpected and tempting perspectives opened for the accomplishment of the evangelising mission. The Latin Church in Ukraine, being part of the universal Church, felt and had the support of the entire Catholic world. First of all, Poland, where the issue of Catholicism at Eastern Borderlands was traditionally treated as Polish, provided succour. Support was also lent by Catholic dioceses from Western Europe and the USA, where societies were more and more secularised and the challenges of helping post-communist coun­tries strongly impacted the mission awareness. The authority of Saint John Paul II, an unquestionable moral standard not only for Catholics, was of great importance. Moreover, orientation to the West, which guided the revolutionary changes in the USSR and the overthrow of the dictatorship of the Communist Party, increased the attractiveness and prestige of the ,Western‘ Church. In such circumstances, being closed in the Polish cultural and religious circle became a great limitation for the development of missionary activity. The entry into the new socio-political reality occurred along with the change in the genera­tion of priests in Ukraine. The older generation educated in Polish seminaries, strongly attached to Polish tradition and culture, was leaving. Newly ordained priests originating from post-Soviet families, identifying with the Ukrainian envi­ronment, or indifferent to cultural matters, devoid of a more profound humanis­tic knowledge and, in particular, cut off from the normal transmission of cultural and religious values, willingly began to enter into modern pastoral and ecclesias­tical trends as far as possible detaching themselves from tradition. The retirement of the older generation of hierarchs also foreboded the inter­ruption of a certain continuity of persisting in faith and tradition, excellent ex­amples of which were given by eminent figures of the ,borderland hierarchs‘ per­ceived even as patriarchs in times of persecution (Osadczy 2002, 249–254). In the new historical and political circumstances, a project of the Latin Church, cut off from Polish tradition, creating a new Ukrainian cultural and religious real­ity, began to be implemented. The assumption was that the Latin church in Ukraine was universal and was to adapt to the language and linguistic and cultural condi­tions of the faithful, the principle of a ,blank card‘ was adopted. That is, cutting off from tradition and adapting to existing conditions – e.g. services in Polish in the former dioceses of the Second Polish Republic and preference of the Ukrai­nian language in central and eastern areas traditionally associated with the Cath­olic tradition and having a missionary character. This state of affairs partly provoked discussion and even opposition in central parts of Ukraine – the dioceses of Kamianets and Kiev-Zhytomyr – where the Pol­ish element remained traditionally strong, having lasting attachment to the Polish language in services despite the progress of Ukrainianisation in everyday life. Nev­ertheless, church factors got heavily involved in creating a new linguistic and cul­tural reality in the Latin Church in Ukraine through depolonisation and intensified Ukrainianisation of religious life. Not only local clergymen of the post-Soviet gen­eration but also priests coming from Poland were actively involved in this process. Gradually, the universality of the Church in Ukraine, also taking into account the area of tradition in Polish and the pastoral needs of the Polish population, began to be replaced by the Ukrainian language on a general scale. To the official narrative related to the identity of the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine, an ex­planation was added according to which the allegedly Polish linguistic and cul­tural character of the Roman Catholic Church was the result of the introduction of the Polish missal after the Second Vatican Council. The Liturgical Commission of the Episcopal Conference of Ukraine explained that Polish prayers and the nec­essary use of Polish missals gave rise to »a misconception, which still persists in society, that the Catholic Church is the Polish Church« (Rims'kij Mesal 2019). Sub­sequently, there is an even more astounding statement that thanks to the Polish language, which is very close to Ukrainian, as well as the engagement of Polish priests, the Church was able to operate more or less normally. However, as the author of the article about the missal in Ukrainian introduced for use in the Church in Ukraine points out, »finally the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine has been given the opportunity to use its own language« (Rims'kij Mesal 2019). Cutting off from traditional cultural and linguistic roots and trying to settle in the civilisation space, called by some scholars ‚Orthodoxy‘ 7, put Roman Catholics in Ukraine in a difficult situation. It was necessary to find one’s feet not in a mis­sionary space, devoid of Christian culture, opening up the possibility of creating new forms of Latin Western culture adapting to local conditions, but in lands with Among others, S. Huntington uses this nomenclature defining one of eight civilisations as ,Orthodoxy‘. over a thousand-year of a tradition of Eastern Christianity, on the basis of which indigenous, native, local tradition has grown. The problem starts with the term Church – Ecclesia. In the Ukrainian tradition, the form ...... is used, univocally associated with the Eastern Church. To define the Western Church, i.e. Polish in the general consciousness, there was a word phonetically reflecting the Polish name of the Church of ........ The custom of distinguishing ...... and ....... prevailed in all East Slavic – Ruthenian – languages. A half-way solution was ad­opted, the word ...... defines the church as an institution, while the word ....... remained to describe the temple. In order to eliminate Polish-sounding words in relation to Catholic temples, supporters of total depolonisation began to prefer even less linguistically precise terms .... – temple, ..... – cathedral, not only in relation to cathedral temples. When conducting the Ukrainisation of the linguistic and cultural space of the life of the Roman Catholic Church, the creators of the new reality must consider the functioning of popular words from the sphere of the Orthodox Church in the sphere of popular culture. Roman Catholics in Ukraine had to face a dilemma whether to use ready words developed by the Orthodox Church, familiar to the general public or introduce foreign words from Latin tradition. This dilemma is most spectacularly seen in the use of the words AMEN and alleluia. These words coming from Hebrew differ in the pronunciation of Eastern and Western Christi­ans. The Greek phonetic version in the form of AMIN’ and ALLILUJA entered the Eastern Christian tradition, and the version of Latin phonetics – AMEN and ALLE­LUJA – became established in the Western Christian tradition. As a result of quite strange conclusions, Greek words associated with the life of the Orthodox Church were introduced into the liturgical and prayer tradition of Latin Catholics in Ukrai­ne, i.e. AMIN’ and ALLILUJA (Vukašinovic 2010, 19–20)8. The adoption of the names of holidays and ceremonies borrowed from the vo­cabulary of the Orthodox Church, commonly used in society, somewhat changes the theological content of the commemorated event. Solemnity of the Assump­tion of the Blessed Virgin Mary is defined in the Eastern Church as ....... or ......., which are terms referring to the Dormition of the Mother of God. In the Latin tradition, the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary – Assumptio Beatissi­mae Mariae Virginis in caelum – is stressed. By adopting the version of the name of the feast commonly used in Ukrainian society, the Latin Church distorted the theological tone of the event, having a clear theological connotation and prayer and liturgical tradition in the practice of Roman Catholicism. Attempts to introdu­ce a literal translation of the Polish name of the Assumption ceremony – ........... – were linguistically ghastly, artificial and did not comply with the rules of Ukrainian grammar. Officially, there is a partial solution to this issue; in the liturgical use, the Eastern Christian version is given, containing in parentheses its meaning in accordance with the Latin theological tradition – ....... (...... .. Similar problems also arise in the situation of the Orthodox Church adjusting to modernity. An example is the situation in Serbia. ....) ......... .... ..... (Molitvi u Zvicajnomu per.od. [Ordinary Time Prayers] 2019). In some situations, it is not possible to use the equivalents of traditional Eastern Christian words to describe the reality of the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine. The sacrament of the confirmation, referred to as ............., is associated with the sacrament administered in the Orthodox Church according to a comple­tely different mode than in the Latin tradition. It is given by the priest during the baptism sacrament and has a completely different connotation from that in the Latin tradition, which emphasises growing up in faith and mature joining in the faithful community. The Polish word bierzmowanie is very specific as far as its pronunciation and spelling are concerned, which are clearly associated with the tradition of the Polish language, and its use in such a form is impossible in the Ukrainian language. Hence the word ........... was introduced to define the sacrament of confirmation, which refers to the Latin name of the sacrament – confirmatio. This is a completely innovative solution, which introduces a word to circulation which is foreign to both the traditional Polish language and Ukrainian religious culture, referring to the customs of the Orthodox Church. Many problems are also associated with the use of the names of liturgical ves­sels, liturgical vestments, liturgical and prayer books, as well as other objects functioning in the religious practices of the Roman Catholic Church. In many situ­ations, there are simply no terms in Ukrainian that describe specific objects that are usual elements of the Latin rite. One of the pioneers of translating the Latin Missal into Ukrainian, Bishop Marcjan Trofimiak, a retired ordinary of the Lutsk diocese, for many years the chairman of the Liturgical Commission of the Episco­pal Conference of the Roman Catholic Church in Ukraine, presented the tasks fa­cing the introduction of the Ukrainian language into Roman Catholic religious life: »We are also trying to be moderate in that the language is to be beautiful, not very poetic, although the note of poetry must be heard; not very archaic, although we have left some archaic words for embellishing the texts, without making it excessively oriental. We have also tried to make this Latin moment always present. It seems that we have succeeded, that it is a purely Latin liturgy in Ukrainian.« (Osadczy 2009, 135) References Allen, William Edward David. 1941. The Ukraine: Dunin-Kozicka, Maria. 1928. Rok 1917: Opowiesc A History. Cambridge: Cambridge University historyczna [1917: A historical story]. Kraków: Press. Wydawnictwo Zakladu Narodowego imienia Ossolinskich. Andreev, Aleksandr N., and Yulia S. Andreeva. 2019. Reunification of the Uniates of Maloros-Dzwonkowski, Roman, and Jan Palyga. 1995. Za siya (Ukraine) and Belarus with the Russian wschodnia granica: O Polakach i Kosciele w Orthodox Church: A View from Inside (Based dawnym ZSRR z Romanem Dzwonkowskim SAC on Memoirs of the Late 18th Century). Bogo-rozmawia Jan Palyga SAC [Across the eastern slovni vestnik 79, no. 1:181–190. border: Jan Palyga SAC talks about Poles and the Church in the former USSR with Roman Dzwonkowski, SAC]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Wspólnota Polska. Huntington, Samuel Philips. 2011. Zderzenie cywilizacji i nowy ksztalt ladu swiatowego [The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Muza. John Paul II. 2001. Chrystus Droga, Prawda i Zyciem: Pielgrzymka Ojca Swietego na Ukraine 23-27 czerwca 2001 [Christ the Way, the Truth and the Life: Holy Father’s pilgrimage to Ukraine, June 23-27, 2001]. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo M. Lopert, Maja. 2008. Identiteta in religioznost. Bogoslovni vestnik 68, no. 1:137–146. Malmenvall, Simon. 2016. Razvoj cerkvene orga­nizacije v Kijevski Rusiji do sredine 12. Stoletja. Bogoslovni vestnik 76, no. 3/4:547–558. Molitvi u Zvicajnomu per.od. [Ordinary TimePrayers]. 2019. Kom.s.ja u spravah L.turg... http://liturgia-rkc.org.ua/index.php/liturhiinyi--rik/19-zvychainyi-period (25. 7. 2019). Osadczy, Wlodzimierz. 2002. Losy duchowienst­wa polskiego na ziemiach zajetych przez Zwiazek Sowiecki w 1939 r. i wcielonych od Ukrainskiej RSS [The fate of the Polish clergy in the territories occupied by the Soviet Union in 1939 and incorporated into the Ukrainian RSS]. In: A. Judycki and Z. Judycki, eds. Duchowienstwo polskie w swiecie [Polish clergy in the world], 249–254. Torun: Oficyna Wydawnicza Kucharski. – – –. 2009. Wladyka Markijan: Wywiad-rzeka z ksiedzem biskupem Marcjanem Trofimiakiem ordynariuszem diecezji luckiej [Bishop Marki­jan: Interview with Bishop Marcjan Trofimiak, bishop of the Lutsk diocese]. Lutsk: Wydawnic-two KUL. – – –. 2019. Rzezie czy wojna cywilizacji? Kul­turowe i spoleczne uwarunkowania zbrodni wolynskiej [Slaughter or war of civilizations? Cultural and social conditions of the Volhynian crime]. Res Cresoviana 2019, no. 1:63–101. – – –. 2019. Unia Triplex: Unia Brzeska w tradycji polskiej, rosyjskiej i ukrainskiej [The Triplex Union: The Brest Union in the Polish, Russian and Ukrainian tradition]. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo von Borowiecky. Podskalsky, Gerhard. 2000. Chrzescijanstwo i literatura teologiczna na Rusi Kijowskiej (988­1237). Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM. Reid, Anna. 2000. Borderland: A Journey through the History of Ukraine. Boulder: Westview Press. Rims'kij Mesal [Roman Missal]. 2019. Kom.s.ja u spravah L.turg... http://liturgia-rkc.org.ua/ index.php/vydannia/11-rymskyi-mesal (ac­cessed 25. 7. 2019). Trofimiak, Marcjan. 1994. Swiadectwo archidi­ecezji lwowskiej obrzadku lacinskiego (Ukraina) [A testimony of the Lviv Archdiocese of the Latin Rite (Ukraine)]. In: J. Nagórny, B. Jurczyk, J. S. Gajek, eds. Swiadectwa Kosciola katolick­iego w systemie totalitarnym Europy Srodkowo-Wschodniej: Ksiega Kongresu Teo­logicznego Europy Srodkowo-Wschodniej [Testimonies of the Catholic Church in the totalitarian system of Central and Eastern Europe: Book of the Theological Congress of East Central Europe], 211–214. Lublin: Redakcja Wydawnictw Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubel­ skiego. Vukašinovic Vladimir. 2010. Confrontation of Liturgical Theologies in Translations of Holy Liturgies into Serbian Language in the 20th Century. Bogoslovni vestnik 70, no. 1:17–24. Zinkewych, Osyp, Andrew Sorokowski, eds. 1988. A Thousand Years of Christianity in Ukraine: An Encyclopedic Chronology. New York: Smolosk­ yp Publishers. ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 68 Branko Klun, Luka Trebežnik (ur.) Vracanje religije v postmodernem kontekstu Zbornik želi pokazati, da religija ni izginila iz filozofije, kot so napovedovali nekateri razsvetljenski misleci, temvec se vanjo vraca in jo na novo vznemirja. Sicer je to vracanje raznoliko in pogosto nekonvencionalno, vendar pa to ne zmanjšuje njego­vega pomena in s tem potrebe po dialogu med postmoderno filozofijo in teologijo. Ljubljana: Teološka fakulteta, 2019. 137 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-73-4, 9€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Pregledni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.02) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 185—202 Besedilo prejeto/Received:05/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:03/2022 UDK/UDC: 27-722.53:659.4(438) 659.4:37.01 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Kasowski © 2022 Kasowski et al., CC BY 4.0 Ronald Kasowski, Józef Kloch and Monika Przybysz Media Education in the Formation of Candidates for Priesthood in the Context of the New „Ratio Fundamentalis“ and Polish Seminaries Medijska vzgoja pri formaciji duhovniških kandida­tov v kontekstu novega „Ratio Fundamentalis“ in poljskih semenišc Abstract: On the basis of the „Ratio fundamentalis institutionis sacerdotalis“ of the CongregationfortheClergyofDecember8,2016(CongregationfortheClergy2016), the particular Churches with their Bishops’ conferences create the basis for the for­mation of future presbyters in their respective countries. The previous „Ratio“ was published more than 30 years ago by the then competent Congregation for Catho­lic Education. Between 1985 and 2016 there was a revolution in the field of social communication and media. It is difficult to imagine the modern intellectual forma­tion of a candidate for the priesthood without things such as media education. Fu­ture presbyters should know how to communicate with contemporary men and evangelise through the Internet, especially on social media. It will be good if they also understand the system of media work in general and know how to establish contact with journalists. Many valuable indications concerning contemporary com­munication and the journalistic world are contained in the teachings of the three popes of the Internet era and the relevant dicasteries of the Holy See from that pe­riod. The competence of future clergy in the field of IT is also important. The present paper contains a proposal for a new programme of media education in theseminaries. It[theproposal] isbased oncontemporaryITand mediaknowledge and on the research of nearly 30 years of experience in media education in the for­mation of future clergy in Poland. The article also presents an outline of the recep­tion of the Vatican’s indications concerning media education in the seminaries of selected particular Churches: in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. These analyses may help to determine the formation of future presbyters in the field of media education covering: the teaching of the Church on the media, media theory, IT and Internet education, elements of public relations and media relations. Keywords: Ratio fundamentalis institutionis sacerdotalis, formation of candidates for the priesthood, media education, seminaries, seminarians’ education, IT, media Povzetek: V skladu s Temeljnimi smernicami za formacijo duhovnikov („Ratio funda­mentalis institutionis sacerdotalis“), ki jih je 8. decembra 2016 izdala Kongrega­cija za duhovnike, glavna merila formacije bodocih duhovnikov v posameznih državah dolocajo delne Cerkve s svojimi škofovskimi konferencami. Prejšnje Smer-nice („Ratio“) je pred vec kot tridesetimi leti objavila takrat pristojna Kongrega­cija za katoliško izobraževanje. Med letoma 1985 in 2016 se je na podrocju druž­bene komunikacije in medijev zgodila revolucija. Sodobno intelektualno vzgojo duhovniškega kandidata si je zato težko predstavljati brez medijske vzgoje. Bodo-ci duhovniki se morajo znati sporazumevati s sodobnim clovekom in oznanjevati na spletu, še posebej na družbenih omrežjih. Dobro bi bilo, ce bi v splošnem ra­zumeli tudi sistem medijskega delovanja in znali vzpostavljati stike z novinarji. Veliko dragocenih navodil glede sodobne komunikacije in novinarskega sveta vse­bujejo nauki treh papežev spletne dobe, pa tudi sporocila ustreznih dikasterijev Svetega sedeža v tem obdobju. Prav tako so pri bodocih duhovnikih pomembne kompetence na podrocju informacijskih tehnologij. Clanek prinaša predlog novega programa medijske vzgoje v semenišcih. Temelji na poznavanju sodobnih informacijskih tehnologij in medijev ter na raziskavah skoraj tridesetletnih izkušenj z medijsko vzgojo in izobraževanjem bodocih duhovnikov na Poljskem. Clanek predstavlja tudi pregled sprejemanja vatikanskih navodil glede medijske vzgoje v semenišcih izbranih delnih Cerkva – v Litvi, Belorusiji, Ukrajini, na Slovaškem in Ceškem. Te analize lahko pomagajo pri opre­deljevanju izobraževanja bodocih duhovnikov na podrocju medijske vzgoje, ki pokriva nauk Cerkve o medijih, teorije o medijih, informacijsko in spletno vzgojo ter prvine odnosov z javnostmi in medijskih odnosov. Kljucne besede: „Ratio fundamentalis institutionis sacerdotalis“, formacija duhov­niških kandidatov, medijska vzgoja, semenišca, vzgoja semenišcnikov, informa­cijska tehnologija, mediji 1. Introduction »Communication permeates the essential dimensions of the Church, which is called to announce to all the joyful message of salvation. For this reason, the Church takes advantage of the opportunities offered by the commu­nications media as pathways providentially given by God to intensify com­munion and to render more penetrating the proclamation of His word. The media permit the manifestation of the universal character of the Peo­ple of God, favouring a more intense and immediate exchange among lo­ Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... cal Churches, and nourishing mutual awareness and cooperation.« (John Paul II 2005) This is what Saint John Paul II wrote about the media. Also his collaborator, Ar­chbishop John Patrick Foley (2002), when speaking about the necessity of »pre­paring the Web for use by the Church, which is one, holy, catholic and apostolic, in such a way that the Internet may be one, holy, catholic and apostolic«, pointed to analogies between the reality of faith and virtual reality. Today there is also a certain blurring of the boundaries between the real world and the virtual wor­ld (Morbitzer 2015, 416). Internet technologies find their use in building a real community, which is the foundation of the universal Church, and they can be a way of contact with the modern man to convey the message of salvation to him (Osewska 2014; Stala 2015). The web can be called Catholic because, like the Church, it is universal and reaches everywhere. It is apostolic, and this term refers to a new style of being apostles, who are called to cross – through the Web – the borders of continents, countries or cultures. It is not only believers who notice the similarities. Also, the creator of the World Wide Web, Tim Berners-Lee (2011) pointed out one of the most important features of the Internet, namely openness: »/…/ any person in the world can exchange information with any other on an ongoing basis.« Today it is especially through social media (Lim 2017). 2. The Necessity of Providing Media Education for the Modern Man The use of the media in the community of the Church, the proclamation of the ke­rygma in them and the witnessing are closely related. In the media, there is a need »not only to insert expressly religious content into different media platforms, but also to witness consistently, /…/ in the way one communicates choices, preferen­ces and judgements that are fully consistent with the Gospel, even when it is not spoken of specifically« (Benedict XVI 2011). The Catholic Church faces the challen­ge of an active and creative presence on the Internet. It is worth ensuring that the message of the Gospel is present in the communication channels which are used every day by billions of people around the world. Unless the Gospel is present in social media, it will not be present in the lives of many people. According to the theory of the order of everyday life – if there is no Gospel content in the media, there will be no Gospel content in people’s minds. The essence of the believer’s presence on the Internet is giving testimony of faith in Jesus Christ, which St. John Paul II (2002) called for: »From this galaxy of sight and sound will the face of Christ emerge and the voice of Christ be heard? For it is only when his face is seen and his voice heard that the world will know the glad tidings of our redemption. This is the purpose of evangelization. And this is what will make the Internet a ge­nuinely human space, for if there is no room for Christ, there is no room for man.« Nowadays, people are present for many hours on social media, as indicated by many communication researchers, numerous reports, analyses and statistics. Hen­ce, the Church’s involvement in practising various forms of spirituality on the In­ternet is extremely important (Kloch and Przybysz 2015). Online retreats, prayer communities (Rosary Roses), online pilgrimages, prayer in social media (live tran­smissions from Mass, services, adoration), and even meditations on the Word of God or perhaps graphics containing quotations from Holy Scripture and short vi­deo reflections published by priests – these are important activities not only in the spiritual life of young people but also in promoting holiness on the Internet. These activities are important both in the private communication of Christians and in institutional communication (Arasa 2008; Arasa, Lorenzo, and Lucio 2010). However, proclaiming the truth of the Gospel, or indeed any truth, today is not easy. According to researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), one of the most prestigious technological universities in the world, fake news spreads six times faster than real information, and fake news has about a 70% chance of being shared (Mayer 2018). This is why media education is so impor­tant, as it can significantly help with media comprehension, reception and also content co-creation. Following the definition given in the UNESCO documents, media education: - deals with all media communication, including the printed word and graphics, sound and both still and moving images; - enables people to understand the media used in their society and how they work, and to acquire the skills to use these media to communicate with others; - teaches how to use the media, critically analyse, interpret and produce media texts; - supports the ability to identify the sources of media texts, their political, soci­al, commercial and/or cultural connections and contexts; - teaches how to interpret the news and values offered by the media. (Fedorov 2008) Media education is supposed to support the media consumer in forming spe­cific communicative competencies (Gašpar and Garmaz 2016) in the media area, including: using information, building relations in the media environment, under­standing the language of the media, using the media creatively, promoting ethics and values in communication and the media, safety in the media, understanding and applying the law in communication and the media, understanding the eco­nomic aspects of the media, building digital competences (Fundacja Nowoczesna Polska 2014.), etc. Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... 3. A New Programme of Media Education in the Seminaries in Poland The new general decree „The Way of Formation of Priests in Poland: Ratio in-stitutionis sacerdotalis pro Polonia“ (KEP 2021) introduces to the seminaries an obligatory subject called ,media education‘, taking 30 hours, which is an important change in the seminarians’ curriculum (Rustja 2005, 457). The basis for this is the reflection that »In the modern world one cannot function without the media – one needs to know how they work, how to skilfully use them to promote good and how to apply them in the mission of the Church, especially websites and social media. This knowledge, skills and competence acquired in the framework of the obligatory subject ›media education‹ will allow future clergy to understand the essence of the media and to use them competently and fruitfully in their everyday pastoral work (Kloch 2013; Przybysz and Kloch 2012; Przybysz 2008; 2013). This knowledge is also intended to protect them and the Church from crisis situations (KEP 2021, no. 590). The specific issues to be included in these classes concern: - pre-evangelisation – a proclamation of the kerygma in the media in relation to evangelisation; - critical reception of media messages; the review of techniques of manipulating media recipients; - the media being used to have a destructive influence on children and young people; - protecting children and young people in cyberspace; - communication of institutional Church communities on the websites and in blogs; - building religious communities in social media; - the role of images in social media; - the importance of video in social media communication; - problems of addiction to online games and virtual reality; - promoting religious content on the Internet; - principles of creating press releases and making them available to journalists and the local community; - contacts with local and national media, giving interviews and statements to the media; - reactive crisis situation management; - proactive management of crisis situations (prevention); - press law and protection of image and property rights. (no. 591) In the proposed topics, there are issues related to the problems of technology, factual communication as well as media competence. It is worth briefly analysing this choice and the construction of issues. Proclaiming the kerygma has been an indispensable part of the Church’s activ­ity for over 2000 years. The commitment of the Church’s people and the concern to proclaim the full, unchanging kerygma make it possible to undertake evange­lization activities and are a missionary imperative for all the faithful (Pontificio Consiglio delle Comunicazioni Sociali 1989, no. 1). Throughout the centuries the kerygma has been proclaimed in various ways, while in the 20th and 21st centuries various means of communication have begun to be involved in this process, in­cluding, in recent years, social media and the entire space of the Internet. True evangelisation takes place in a personal encounter between man and God (Duff 2013, 28–29), often in the real presence of another person. This is always an en­counter which involves an act of will to accept Jesus as Lord and Saviour, and con­sequently to enter into the community of the Church and accept her teaching (Vodicar 2014). Very often, however, the media play a huge role in this process of preparation for this act of will, precisely a pre-evangelisation role. And although the Church took 3 different attitudes in the 20th century toward the media – as­similation, rejection or accommodation (Sultana 2014), the words of John Paul II »Do not be afraid! Do not be afraid of new technologies!« (2005, no. 14) are an extremely important message today in the context of dynamic technological changes, which have been taking place rapidly in recent years and will probably accelerate even further. The media communication in today’s world is fraught with many distortions, among which there is the problem of information overload, with knowledge but without the understanding of the modern world (Prijatelj 2011, 115), as well as huge emotions sold in the media as a basic product in place of information, the associated problem of hate speech causing serious health consequences in people, especially young, and as a consequence even suicide attempts, in addition to the polarization of society and building information bubbles, the problem of Internet addiction, smartphone use, and also the ubiquitous fake news. This is why class­es on the critical reception of media messages and the ability to recognise tech­niques of manipulating recipients are so important in the curriculum, as well as the problem of the media being used with a destructive influence on children and young people (e.g. paedophilia, pornography, promotion of violence, peer vio­lence in the media, hate, pathostreamers etc.). The issue of addiction to online games and virtual reality is also extremely important in this education. One of the highest priorities is the protection of children and young people in cyberspace, to which pastoral workers must be particularly sensitive, and they should be able to support young people in crisis situations and redirect them to the appropriate institutions and persons. As concerns the positive issues in pastoral ministry, it is also important to know how to communicate institutional communities of the Church on the WWW, in blogs, and also how to build religious communities on social media. These tools may support pre-evangelisation and pastoral activities, and their skilful and pro­fessional use may serve to promote good, the message of faith and religion (Spad­aro 2014, 17–20). The use of appropriate language in the process of communicat­ing with the recipient may be a factor determining the success of the process of proclaiming the kerygma. The language of the media and the Internet is evolving, so it is important to follow the emerging changes, to understand the role of the Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... image in social media and the importance of video in social media communica­tion. This will serve to promote religious content online. In recent years, a number of crisis situations related to the image of pastors, the institution of the Church itself or activities concerning her problems appear­ing in the media and the reaction of Church hierarchs began to appear in the me­dia space. Such phenomena may generate long-lasting cracks in the image of the Church and its individual representatives. Therefore, it is very important to be able to deal with crises in the media communication of the Church, and at the same time to use the help of specialists in crisis situations. It is also worth prepar­ing ourselves for concerning facts and anticipating crisis situations that may arise in the near future in the ranks of the Church. Therefore, important issues such as reactive crisis management and proactive crisis management (prevention) and the ability to manage these processes are essential for every pastor. For a selected group of priests it will also be important to know the principles of creating press releases and making them available to journalists and the local community; in addition: to how to maintain professional contacts with local and national media, to have the ability to give interviews, statements to the media; to have knowledge of press law and the protection of image and property rights. The latter, legal knowledge, should be available to all priests by virtue of running institutional communication channels on social media or supervising them. When it comes to Church communication, it is also worth remembering internal and external communication (Kloch 2021). Internal communication consists in reach­ing individual members within the institution with the right information, using the media belonging to the organisation. This strategy is needed so that individual members of the organisation know what is happening in specific sectors of the organisation. External communication, on the other hand, involves communicat­ing a professional message to the media using professional tools so that the pub­lic becomes interested in what the organisation is doing. This is why it is so im­portant to contact the media in order to present selected issues to them, also by offering appropriately prepared content, especially video content. 4. Research on Media Education in Seminaries: The Case of Poland The new programme of media education in the seminaries of the clergy in Poland was created on the basis of nearly 30 years of experience in this field1. Before the latest concept was proposed in 2019, research was conducted on the media education of seminarians to date. The results of the research became the starting point for the new scheme on this subject. After the adoption of the project con- The research covered 71 out of 84 seminaries in Poland -both diocesan and religious, which is 82% of all seminaries of this type. Data for the years 1990–2017 collected using online research questionnaires were analysed. The study lasted from May to August 2017. The author of the research is the co-author of this article, Rev. Dr. Ronald Kasowski. cerning media education in the entire „Ratio institutionis sacerdotalis pro Polonia“ (KEP 2021) by the Polish bishops2, the programme awaits a recognitio from the Vatican Congregation for the Clergy. Empirical online research was conducted in diocesan and religious seminaries in Poland from May to August 2017. The research includes in its scope analysis of the issues related to the presence of media education subjects in the current se­minary Ratio corpus and will illustrate to what extent and in what time course mass media issues appeared in the formation of candidates for the priesthood. The time range covered by the research panel for data acquisition concerns the years from 1990 to 2017. The collected results will allow the presentation of con­clusions and indication of trends related to the presence of elements of media education in the formation process of candidates for the priesthood. The research covered, among other things, the existence of published syllabu­ses, the teaching aids used, the forms in which students completed the course, the content of classes, the proportion between the lecture method and hands-on classes, the years of study in which media education was taught and the number of lectures, as well as their form (compulsory, optional). 4.1 Syllabus The answer to the question: Is there a syllabus for the subject? revealed that only in one in four seminaries the subjects related to media education were taught on the basis of a syllabus (Figure 1). In the remaining 75% of cases, lecturers used individual programmes. This largely involved the creation of original materials prepared and dedicated specifically to lectures and classes. Syllabus for media education subjects Exists 24% Does not exist 48% Not applicable 15% No response 13% Table 1: Syllabuses in seminaries in Poland (Source: own research, N=62). A textbook was used across the research group as part of the teaching in one in three seminars. Ready-made course books were also used at a similar level. However, the most popular form of teaching aids were ready-made materials in the form of presentations, short films or press clippings. This was the case in 89% of the seminaries (Figure 2). Bishop Damian Bryl presided (from 2018) over the work of the team for the preparation of new rules for priestly formation in Poland. After presenting the programme, the Polish Bishops’ Conference ad­opted the „Ratio institutionis sacerdotalis pro Polonia“ in 2021 during its March plenary meeting. The date of entry into force of the „Ratio“ will be determined by the President of the Polish Bishops’ Confer­ence, after receiving the recognitio of the Holy See. Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... Type of teaching aid Textbook 29% Ready-made course book prepared by the teacher 32% Other kinds of teaching aids, ex. video clips, ready-made coursebooks, ets. 89% There were no teaching aids 13% Table 2: Teaching aids for media education in seminaries in Poland. (Source: own research, N=62). 4.2 The Name of the Subject Media education subjects gained different names over the years. To a large extent, this depended on the thematic scope and subject type of the course. Among the answers given (87% of respondents provided an answer), the names of the su­bject dedicated to media education can be grouped by subject matter into three categories: - communicative and cultural, - educational and pastoral, - IT and Internet. The following conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the namesof the subjects3 included in the course of seminary studies devoted to the issues of me­dia education: - Some of the lectures and classes related to social media carry the marks of theoretical classes and hands-on classes. - Within the framework of theoretical classes, the role of the media inscribed in the social and cultural context is widely presented. - The role and significance of mass media in relation to the teaching and indi­cations of the Church is included in the content of lectures. - The significance and use of the mass media in relation to the pastoral challen­ges of the contemporary world is strongly emphasised. - Media education through lectures and classes gives the seminarians practical use of the acquired skills in pastoral ministry. - It also teaches the responsible use of mass media. - It presents ethical and moral consequences of functioning in the world of media. Subject names related to media education have been collected and grouped into three subject catego­ries: 1. Media education subject names relating to the communication and cultural context, such as: ,Information and communication technologies‘, ,Propedeutics of using new media‘, ,Social media‘, ,Mass-media. Public Relations‘, ,Interpersonal communication. Information techniques‘, ,Mass media in con­temporary culture‘, ,Media culture‘. Names of the subject of media education referring to the educa­tional and pastoral context, e.g.: ,New technologies in the mission of the Church‘, ,Media in the mission of the Church‘, ,Social media in pastoral ministry‘, ,Mass media in the Church‘, ,Information technology and communication practice in pastoral ministry‘, ,Media theology‘, ,Mass media pedagogy‘. Names of the subject of media education referring to the IT and Internet context, e.g.: ,Elements of Information Technology‘, ,Information and Internet Education‘, ,Basics of Information Technology (ICT)‘, ,Basics of Information Technology‘, ,Basics of Computer Technology‘, ,Organisation and Methodology of Mental Work‘, ,Information Technology in Religious Education‘, ,Basics of Information Technology‘. 4.3 Form of Assessment The study proposed various forms of course credit: examination, credit, only at­tendance. The results of the collected data showed (Figure 3) that in more than half of the seminaries (58%) the respondents indicated practical work through a credit project as a form of assessment. Form of subject assessment Type of assessment Avreage score (diocesan and religious seminaries) Project / practical work 58% Course credit (whithout stating the type) 31% Only class participation 8% Exam 2,5% Table 3: Form of subject assessment in seminaries in Poland (Source: own research, N=62). By crossover of the collected data, an interesting trend existing in the area of student work assessment can be observed. Practical work in the form of a credit project was definitely chosen more often by 2/3 of the research group in religious seminaries. In diocesan seminaries, on the other hand, such a form was accepted in every second surveyed case. Such a trend implies the premise that in the media education of the seminarians, more attention was paid to the seminarians’ acquired practical skills and the possibility of their application in pastoral ministry. In diocesan seminaries, more often, that is in almost every second case (Figure 4), the form of assessment for subjects related to media education was a course credit. Only 3% of the respondents indicated the exam as the best form of assessment for the subjects dedicated to social media. Type of assessment Seminaries diocesan religious Project / practical work 47% 74% Course credit (whithout stating the type) 42% 15% Only class participation 5% 11% Exam 5% 0% Table 4: Credit – forms in diocesan and religious seminaries (Source: own research, N=62). 4.4 Topics of Classes An important issue in the study was to identify the topics of media education in the course of the seminary studies. The following elements of media education were identified in the research questionnaire sent out: - the teaching of the Church in the area of the media, - the theory of the media, - IT and internet education, - issues related to the image (public relations), - contact with the media and presence in them (media relations), - other types of media education. Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... The response mechanism in the research questionnaire was based on a multi-ple-choice field. Such a response formula allowed for a thorough examination of the current thematic scope of media education. The analysis of the collected data allowed several conclusions to be drawn and trends to be indicated (Figure 5). a) In those seminaries where media education was taught, all the elements indi­cated in the questionnaire were included in its scope. In every second seminar, su­bjects are referring to the teaching of the Church related to social media and ele­ments of media theory concerning the nature and principles of their functioning. b) Most often (in 68% of the surveyed cases) issues related to IT and Internet education appear within the framework of the classes. This proves the discer­nment of the necessity of getting to know digital technologies, which prepares seminarians as future pastors to work in the world of cyberspace.4 It also allows to discover and perceive opportunities and threats in the use of social media in the pastoral space. c) Among the indicated elements of media education, classes on contact with the media and learning to be present in them play an important role. The basic principles of media relations teach clerics the proper and optimal use of media communication for ecclesiastical and pastoral purposes. Learning the elementary rules of communication functioning in the media and knowledge about the struc­ture of the mass media allows for the presentation of content and care for the image of the Church in the media space. Classes in public relations facilitate and support communication with the modern world. d) The category of other type of media education (Figure 5) is clearly noticeable in the results – which means that in some of the seminaries there is an original programme concerning the mass media. This may testify to the flexibility and availability of seminary formators in responding to current needs and challenges. Originally authored curricula also include in their content the possibility of participation of invited guests who are people from the world of the media. Elements of media education in the presently taught subject Curch teaching on the media 57% Media theory 54% IT and internet education 68% Public relations issues 38% Contacts with the media and presence in them (media relations) 60% Other type of media education 40% Table 5: Components of media education (Source: own research, N=61). »Using new communication technologies, priests can introduce people to the life of the Church and help our contemporaries to discover the face of Christ. They will best achieve this aim if they learn, from the time of their formation, how to use these technologies in a competent and appropriate way, shaped by sound theological insights and reflecting a strong priestly spirituality grounded in constant dialogue with the Lord. Yet priests present in the world of digital communications should be less notable for their media savvy than for their priestly heart, their closeness to Christ. This will not only enliven their pastoral outreach, but also will give a ‚soul‘ to the fabric of communications that makes up the ‚Web‘.« (Benedict XVI 2010) 4.5 Lectures vs. Classes The survey questionnaire allowed us to collate and compare the proportion of activities between lectures and hands-on classes (Figure 6). The data shows that the proportion of classes in all elements of media education present in the semi­nary curriculum is proportional to the number of lectures, with a tendency for theory to prevail over the practice. This is the case, for example, with regard to »Church teaching on the media«, »media theory« and »public relations issues«. Topics such as »contact with and presence in the media« and »other type of media education« show more or less the same ratio of lectures and practical classes. As far as IT and Internet education is concerned, there were definitely more practical classes than lectures (ratio 93% to 65%), which is quite obvious – Internet surfing and the use of ICT devices were practiced. Elements of media education in the presently taught subject Forms Lectures Clasess Curch teaching on the media 83% 36% Media theory 82% 44% IT and internet education 65% 93% Public relations issues 88% 67% Contacts with the media and presence in them (media relations) 76% 71% Other type of media education 80% 88% Table 6: Forms of classes in elements of media education (Source: own research, N=61). 4.6 Year of Study, Number of Hours The question »In which year of study were media education classes conducted?« showed two tendencies: theoretical classes and practical classes in media educa­tion are placed in the initial or final years of study. In the case of diocesan semi­naries, most often media education classes are held in the second or sixth year of studies, in religious seminaries – mainly at the beginning of studies (second or third year). It is worth emphasizing that the second year of studies in the semi­nary is the time of concluding the strictly philosophical subjects, while the sixth year is the time devoted to practice and pastoral subjects, directly serving pas­toral preparation. The practice of placing subjects related to the means of social communication at the end of the studies indicates that they are regarded as di­rect preparation for entering the priestly ministry. The research shows that media education is taught for 30 hours in more than 50% of the seminaries, and in more than 80% it is an obligatory subject. 5. Reception of the Vatican Guidelines in Selected Particular Churches of Central and Eastern Europe At the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, similar freedom processes began to take pla­ce in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The ,Velvet Revolution‘, the fall Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... of the Berlin Wall and the restoration of sovereignty to the Baltic states radically changed the geopolitical configuration of Europe. The particular Churches in the­se countries found themselves in a new situation, which radically changed their functioning, pastoral work and preparation for the priesthood. In the seminaries of Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, elements of me­dia education were gradually introduced according to the indications of the 1986 Vatican „Ratio“. The „Ratio studiorum pro Lituania“ (2006) has been in force at St Joseph’s Seminary of the Archdiocese of Vilnius in Lithuania since 2006. Among the op­tional subjects in the curriculum, there is a proposal for classes on ,public means of communication‘, as well as on ,psychology of communication‘. Since 1995 the seminarians at the Vilnius seminary have been editing the seminary periodical Teesie (Vilniaus šv. Juozapo kunigu seminarija 2006) which is an almanack of the most important events and an overview of various contents of the theological discourse related to the formation of the seminarians. Since 2002 St. Joseph’s Seminary in Vilnius has been affiliated with the Pontifical Lateran University, which entailed a change in the quality and rank of education. The formation of candidates for the priesthood in Belarus presents a different picture in terms of cultural, but above all socio-political conditions. Catholics con­stitute only 14.5% of the total population of Belarusian society (Catholic Church in Belorus 2010). The structure of the church administration is based on four dio­ceses: the archdiocese of Minsk-Mohylev, the diocese of Pinsk, Grodno and Vitebsk (Catholic Church in Belorus 2021). The preparation and formation of seminarians takes place in two seminaries: the Interdiocesan Major Theological Seminary of St. Thomas Aquinas in Pinsk (Wikipedia 2021) and the Major Theological Seminary in Grodno [Hrodna] (V.deastudyia Grodzenskai dyiatsez.. 2021). Due to the small number of seminarians and professors, the didactic programme is carried out in a block system. The course of seminary studies is structured in such a way as to include a sequence of lectures on the same subject in one cycle. The course plan fulfils all the basic indications and guidelines of the current „Ratio fundamentalis“. Classes in media education are carried out on an optional and workshop basis; this is also due to the need to approach seminarians differently. Often seminarians come from mixed Catholic-Orthodox families, which means that first they need to catch up and deepen their baptismal formation, and only after that, they can move on to the optional classes programme. Similarly, though under different conditions and scope, media education takes place at the St. Joseph’s Major Seminary of the Lviv Archdiocese in Lviv-Briukhovy-chi. Classes in mass media and the content covering issues related to the means of social communication are integrated into the scope of moral and practical the­ology, as well as pedagogy and catechetics. The seminarians acquire practical skills through practical classes, workshops and symposia. Since 2014 they have been publishing the seminarian information and formation bulletin Duc in altum, in which they publish their articles (Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Lviv 2021). Media education is implemented in a slightly different way in the major semi­naries in Slovakia. In this study we will look at two academic centres: The Roman Catholic St. Cyril and Methodius Faculty for Clerical Education in Bratislava (Ri´m­skokatoli´cka Cyrilometodská Bohoslovecká Fakulta 2021) and the Catholic Univer­sity in Ružomberok (Katoli´cka Univerzita v Ružomberku 2021). Both academic centres for the training of future priests bring together seminaries from various archdioceses and dioceses of the Church in Slovakia. The didactic programme of teaching the subjects related to media education among seminarians affiliated to the faculty in Bratislava and the University of Ružomberok, in its most essential elements, is indicated in the general norms,5 approved and adopted at the 74th plenary session of the Slovak Bishops’ Confer­ence in 2013. According to the recommendations contained in this document, each seminary as a formation and educational centre prepares its own didactic programme, scope and content-wise corresponding with the needs of the local Church community. The seminarians studying in Bratislava have the possibility of optional selection of lectures and exercises of subjects dedicated to media educa­tion, taking into account in the first place the implementation of the obligatory „Ratio fundamentalis“. Media classes are conducted within a systematic schedule in the form of workshops, faculties or conversation classes. Seminarians have the opportunity to verify and put into practice the acquired theoretical knowledge during student internships in various editorial offices of the Catholic media. Media education takes place in a very similar way at the seminary affiliated with the Uni­versity of Ružomberok. The Slovak media system came into being after 1992 as a result of an evolution in communications – a transition from a state model through a pluralistic to a dual model (Dobek-Ostrowska 2002, 14–15). The socio-political circumstances at the turn of the century and the economic transformations which took place in Slova­kia inspired the Church to create many pastoral media initiatives, ranging from the press to radio, television and websites. The specificity of the media system in Slovakia and the social context in which the Church functions, as well as a number of nuances related to the vocation and creation of Catholic media, have made media education among seminarians an important formative element. The forma­tion of seminarians into conscious and open pastoral workers, responsibly present on the social media, creates an opportunity for the permanent rooting of the evangelical message in the public space (KBS 2013). The problems of media education among students of the Church’s seminaries in the Czech Republic look quite different. This is primarily due to an ecclesial situation different than in Slovakia, historical circumstances and the accepted structural division of the Church into two provinces: Czech and Moravian.6 The 5 On March 11-12, 2013 in Donovaly, the Slovak Bishops’ Conference adopted a document regulating the principles of proclaiming the message of faith and the presence of clergy in the social media entitled „Normy Konferencie biskupov Slovenska ohladom katoli´ckych médii´ a vystupovania klerikov a zas­vätených osôb a predkladania katoli´ckej náuky prostredni´ctvom prostriedkov spolocenskej komunikácie“. 6 The Czech province includes the archdiocese of Prague and the dioceses of Ceské Budejovice, Králové­ Ronald Kasowski et al. - Media Education in the Formation ... formation of candidates for the priesthood in the Czech Republic takes place in two centres: The Archbishop’s Seminary in Prague (Arcibiskupský seminár Praha 2021) and the Archbishop’s Seminary in Olomouc (Arcibiskupský knežský seminár 2021). The seminarians of the Prague seminary are students of the Catholic Fac­ulty of Theology at Charles University in Prague, while those of the Moravian province are students of the Theological Faculty of St. Cyril and Methodius at Palacky University in Olomouc (Cyrilometodejská teologická fakulta 2021). Both seminaries, while having full autonomy, remain separate in the preparation of their didactic programmes based on the general guidelines for the education of future priests. Classes on the mass media are either lectures or optional hands-on classes. In the Czech Republic, in the pastoral preparation of future priests, great emphasis is placed on the dimension of pastoral ministry. The Church, faced with a shortage of priests and a lack of new vocations, focuses all its efforts on evangelisation and catechesis (Matuszek 2012).The presence of clergy in the media and the use of the potential of the social media by pastors is becoming an activity that is in keep­ing with the needs of the signs of the times. It is an attempt to seek new forms of communicating the Gospel to a group of recipients who either belong to the ec­clesial community or are outside it. Media education of seminarians concerns specific pastoral initiatives, such as retreats, and formation meetings, in which the tools of the new media are used as one of the means of effective communication. Summarising the reception of the Vatican’s indications on media education in selected churches of post-Soviet countries, it should be emphasised that they in­troduce elements of media education into individual pastoral subjects. They adapt this education to the needs and possibilities of local communities and, although it is often optional, it is implemented on the basis of the three-tiered model pro­posed by the Congregation for Catholic Education in 1986. In the seminaries of Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, the role and impor­tance of the media communication in pastoral work is appreciated. Local episco­pal conferences, bishops and lecturers take care not only of the seminarians’ theoretical knowledge, but also of their practical skills in handling and using the mass media in pastoral ministry. 6. Conclusion The Church should keep up with the rapid changes in technology and civilisation, and one of the goals is to make good use of social media (Reimann 2017, 67–71). And this is not only in the form of rapid adaptation on the technological side but also on the legislative, training, educational and organisational side. A guideli­ne document for a particular Church community is often the incentive for some Hrad, Litomerice and Pilsen. The Moravian province includes the archdiocese of Olomouc and the dio­ceses of Brno, Ostrava-Opava and the Apostolic Exarchate. ecclesial entities to become active in social media. In 2012 the German Bishops’ Conference issued such guidelines on the use of social media (DBK 2012), and in 2014 the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops issued a document on so­cial media practices and activities for Church people: priests, deacons, consecra­ted persons, bishops, lay employees of Church institutions or volunteers (USCCB 2014), and a year later the Australian Bishops’ Conference (ACBC) did so as well. The document prepared by the Diocese of Warsaw-Praga in Poland in 2018 is also a good example. It presents general principles of social media activity and rules related to the maintenance of accounts and profiles for both individual clergymen and institutions (Diecezja Warszawsko-Praska 2018). Abbreviations ACBC – Australian Catholic Bishops’ Conference 2015. DBK – Deutsche Bischofskonferenz 2012 [German Bishops‘ Conference]. KEP – Konferencja Episkopatu Polski 2021 [Polish Bishops’ Conference]. KBS – Konferencie Biskupov Slovenska 2013 [Slovak Bishops‘ Conference]. USCCB – United States Conference of Catholic Bishops 2014. References Australian Catholic Bishops’ Conference. 2015. Social Networking Policy for the Catholic Church in Australia. Catholic Church in Austra­lia. https://www.catholic.org.au/acbc-media/ media-centre/social-networking-policy/file (accessed 31. 4. 2021). Arasa, Daniel, Cantoni Lorenzo, and Ruiz Lucio, eds. 2010. Religious Internet Communication: Facts, Trends and Experiences in the Catholic Church. Rome: EDUSC. Arasa, Daniel. 2008. 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Grodnesis.by. http://wsd.grodnensis. by/ (accessed 14. 5. 2022). Vodicar, Janez. 2014. From Listening to Hearing the Message. The Person and the Challenges 4, no. 1:97–112. Wikipedia. 2021. Wyzsze Seminarium Duchowne w Pinsku. Wikipedia. https://pl.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Wy%C5%BCsze_Seminarium_ Duchowne_w_Pi%C5%84sku (accessed 14. 5. 2021). Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 203—216 Besedilo prejeto/Received:10/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:11/2021 UDK/UDC: 17.018 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Cvetek © 2022 Cvetek et al., CC BY 4.0 Mateja Cvetek, Peter Pucnik, Robert Cvetek and Roman Globokar Relational Ethics Scale: Psychometric evaluation of the Slovene-language version1 Lestvica relacijske etike: psihometricno ovrednotenje slovenske razlicice Abstract: This study aimed to translate, adapt, and psychometrically evaluate the Relational Ethics Scale in the Slovene language. This inventory was developed to measure people’s perception of relational ethics in their families of origin and in current significant adult relationships. Relational ethics is understood in terms of contextual family therapy and is composed of perceptions of trust and justice, loyalty and entitlement. The Slovene version of the Relational Ethics Scale was administered to a sample of 271 Slovene-speaking adults. Explor­atory factor (principal component), combined with parallel analysis, found a two-factor structure. This two-factor solution supports theoretically meaning­ful horizontal and vertical relationships dimensions or subscales. Reliability analysis shows excellent inter-item consistency (Cronbach alpha) coefficients for both subscales, as well as for the total scale. Confirmatory factor analysis supports a two-factor solution. The results support the further use of the scale as a valid and reliable instrument for measuring relational ethics in a Slovene language environment. Keywords: The Relational Ethics Scale, relational ethics, psychometric evaluation, Slovene-language version Povzetek: Cilj te raziskave je bil prevesti, prirediti in psihometricno ovrednotiti Lestvico odnosne etike (Si-RES) v slovenšcini. Ta lestvica je bila razvita z na­menom meriti posameznikovo zaznavanje odnosne etike v njegovi izvorni družini in v trenutnih prominin odraslih odnosih. Odnosno etiko se razume v terminih kontekstualne družinske terapije in jo sestavlja zaznavanje zaupanja in pravicnosti, lojalnosti in upravicenosti. Slovenska verzija Lestvice relacijske etike je bila preverjana na vzorcu 271 slovensko govorecih odraslih. Eksplor- The article was partially financially supported by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS, project No. J5-2570). atorna faktorska analiza (analiza glavnih komponent), kombinirana s paralelno analizo, je odkrila dvo-faktorsko strukturo. Ta dvo-faktorska struktura podpira teoreticno smiselni horizontalno in vertikalno dimenzijo oz. podlestvico, podob-no kot tudi španska verzija Lestvice relacijske etike. Analiza zanesljivosti je po­kazala, da ima vprašalnik odlicno notranjo skladnost, kar smo preverili s pomocjo Cronbach alfa koeficienta zanesljivosti tako za obe podlestvici, kot tudi za celotno lestvico. Konfirmatorna faktorska analiza podpira dvo-faktorsko rešitev. Rezultati podpirajo nadaljnjo uporabo lestvice kot veljavnega in zanes­ljivega instrumenta za merjenje relacijske etike v slovenskem jezikovnem okolju. Kljucne besede: lestvica relacijske etike, relacijska etika, psihometricna evalvacija, slovenska razlicica vprašalnika 1. Introduction Talk of ethics always involves relationality. Even Aristotle, the father of ethics, emphasised that the goal of ethics is a virtuous life in just relations with others. Man is a relational being and can only realise himself as a human being through relationships. The individual becomes a good person within a supportive enviro­nment in which ethical values prevail. The environment, therefore, has an impor­tant influence on the ethical development of the individual person. In contrast, the character of individuals is crucial in shaping the climate within a particular community. We see that there is reciprocity between an ethical per­sonality and a just society. We can say that the goal of ethics is »to lead a good life with and for others in a just order« (Trontelj 2014, 28). Ethics can be defined as a systematic reflection on what is good for the individual, society, and the na­tural environment. Relational ethics is concerned with ethical actions explicitly in relationships and responds to the question of how we should live together (Austin 2008, 748). The right ethical response in relationships is complex, sometimes difficult, discovered rather in dialogue with other/s, suitable, balanced, and harmonious, also consi­dering the immediacy and complexity of the particular situation and our moral responsibility within it (748). Relational ethics is also one of the key constructs in contextual family therapy (Boszormenyi-Nagy, Grunebaum, and Ulrich 1991). In contextual family therapy, relational ethics refer to questions of fairness and mutual reciprocity, trust, and loyalty in relationships (Boszormenyi-Nagy and Krasner 1986, xii). Relational ethi­cs has been seen as the most important dimension of intimate relationships, the primary reason for dysfunction in family and partner relationships, one of the most significant determinants of our actions in intimate relationships, and also of the most essential factors in healing dysfunctional relationships in therapy (Du­commun-Nagy 2009, 33; Boszormenyi-Nagy and Krasner 1986, 271; Hargrave, Mateja Cvetek et al. - Relational Ethics Scale Jennings, and Anderson 1991, 146). When there is an imbalance, injustice, or un­fairness of the give-and-take dynamic in a relationship over time, dysfunctions often occur (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991, 146). Boszormenyi-Nagy, the founder of contextual family therapy, was able to demonstrate that we all have an innate sense about fairness in giving and receiving in relationships; even people in psychosis do not lose this basic understanding of fairness. Our innate capacity for fairness and reciprocity could also lead us to build our moral systems (Ducommun-Nagy 2009, 33–35). The basic sense of fairness could also be found in some animals; Brosnan and de Waal (2003, 297–99) famously demonstrated that monkeys responded with high distress when confronted with unfair treat­ ment. Relational ethics in contextual therapy is constructed as being of two types. Vertical relational ethics refers to questions of justice, trust, loyalty, and entitle­ment in hierarchically unequal relationships, such as the relationships between parent and child (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991, 146), which are consi­dered asymmetrical and are governed more by care. Horizontal relational ethics refers to these questions in hierarchically equal relationships, such as intimate partners or friends, and are considered symmetrical (147). Some empirical studies support the correlations of relational ethics with im­portant life variables, such as marital satisfaction, health problems, and depres­sion (Grames et al. 2008; Hargrave and Bomba 1993; Gangamma, Bartle-Haring, and Glebova 2012; Gangamma et al. 2015). Questions of relational ethics and fairness are very important for different in­terpersonal dynamics; for example, they are essentially connected with the pro­cess of forgiveness and respect (Karremans and Van Lange 2005, 290–97; Cvetek and Cvetek 2018, 863; Ducommun-Nagy 2009, 44–46). However, Intimate partners in relationship crises often sink into the dynamic of emphasising their own suffe­ring and the other’s poor and unfair treatment (Shaw 2011, 2), with a spiralling of unfair treatment to each other, driven by the sense of previous unfair treatment from the other partner toward them. Given that the perception or feeling of justice/injustice is a significant factor in the quality of partner and marital relationships and also possible excuses for hur­tful (or even evil) acts toward the other partner, one of the major questions re­garding relational ethics in intimate relationships is the subjective nature of the sense of fairness. There are, of course, cases in which partners do not perceive unfair or even violent treatment toward them. Such partners really need support, but individuals are generally inclined to see themselves as more positive, and their investment and giving as more important. The phenomena of blindness (even inattention blindness) and selective attention are well documented in the nume­rous studies and literature in psychology (Simons and Chabris 1999, 1059–74; Hannon and Richards 2010, 309–19; Hughes-Hallett et al. 2015, 3184–89; Reming­ton, Cartwright-Finch, and Lavie 2014, 1–11; Oktay and Cangöz 2018, 59–66; Cha­bris et al. 2011, 150–53; Cosman and Vecera 2012, 576). Also, the constructs of self-affirmation (Steele 1988), self-justification (Holland, Meertens, and Van Vugt 2002; Blanton et al. 2009) and self-deception (Firestone and Catlett 2009, 155) can help us understand the subjective perception of relational ethics. After all, the self-positivity bias, which means that people tend to view themselves in an unrealistically positive light and as having less negative and more positive perso­nality traits and behavioural characteristics than others (Fields et al. 2019, 614), is seen as one of the most common and robust findings in social psychology (Lin, Lin, and Raghubir 2003, 3). With regards to relational ethics, it surely has signifi­cant family therapeutic implications. Emotions, emotional regulation, and past aversive experiences (abuse, deprivation, violence etc.) can also play important roles (Gostecnik et al. 2019, 176–78; Cvetek 2012, 281–84; Valenta, Gostecnik, Pate, and Repic Slavic 2019, 19–23; Poljak Lukek and Valenta 2020, 162–64). It is important to stress that Boszormenyi-Nagy understood the goal of therapeutic work with relational ethics not as a cognitive consensus between partners but as one that concerns the dialectic of responsible caring within the relational dialo­gue, an interpersonal balance of fairness involving the subjectivity of two sides, each being anchored in the polarity of the respective self-interest of the two par­tners (Boszormenyi-Nagy 1997, 171). Therapeutic attention to the sense of rela­tional ethics itself can be very helpful. For example, an interesting new model (i.e., the 80%–80% model) for more fulfilling intimate relationships was recently deve­loped by Klemp and Klemp (2021). They suggest that instead of a 50–50 (50% investment of one partner and 50% investment of the other partner) model of marriage and relationships based on fairness, one in which each partner is expec­ted to contribute equally to marriage, couples (but not all) should follow an 80–80 model – a shift from a mindset of fairness to one of radical generosity, which can help many relationships to work for the long term (Klemp and Klemp 2021, 18). Question of fairness and relational ethics seems to be important questions for future research in intimate relationships, so the measure for assessing relational ethics for Slovene cultural contexts is of great interest. The Relational Ethics Sca­le (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991) is currently the only validated and most widely used scale to assess relational ethics, conceptualised as consistent with the theory of contextual family therapy (Rived-Ocaña et al. 2020, 348). 2. Method 2.1 Participants The sample for the study consisted of 271 volunteering participants, 196 women and 75 men, with a mean age of 37.4 years and a standard deviation of 12.68, ranging from 18 to 80 years. All participants were residents of Slovenia who were proficient in the Slovene language. Regarding marital status, roughly two-thirds of the sample reported being mar­ried (N=158, 58.1%), 51 (18.8%) participants were single, 45 (16.5%) participants Mateja Cvetek et al. - Relational Ethics Scale were in partnership but not married, 7 (2.5%) were engaged, 3 (1.1%) were di­vorced, and 5 (1.8%) were widowed. Most participants (130, 48%) reported having a university degree, second Bo­logna degree, or equivalent, 72 (26.6%) had a first Bologna degree or equivalent, 46 (17%) had completed secondary school, 16 (5.9%) had a specialisation or ma­ster of science degree, and 7 (2.6%) had doctorates. 2.2 Measures The Relational Ethics Scale (RES) (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991) was used in the study. The RES is a self-report questionnaire, originally consisting of 24 items and measures perceptions of relational ethics in one’s family of origin and current adult significant relationships. The concept of relational ethics measured by RES is understood in terms of contextual family therapy. Participants answer each item on a five-point Likert-type response scale from ,strongly disagree‘ to ,strongly agree‘. It measures two main dimensions (vertical and horizontal, 12 items each); in the original version (component analysis, N=209), each dimensi­on assesses three subscales (trust and justice, entitlement and loyalty) (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991, 149–53). The vertical dimension assesses relational ethics in the parent-child relationship of the family of origin, while the horizontal dimension assesses relational ethics in a relationship with a partner. The validity of RES was also tested on single, never-married individuals (N=160, Hargrave and Bomba 1993); principal component analysis found a similar three-factor structure for the horizontal and vertical dimensions. We have found one adaptation of the scale into a different language. Rived-Ocaña et al. (2020) adapted RES into Spanish. Exploratory factor analysis of the Spanish version resulted in a three-factor solution (59.10% variance explained), one factor composed of Horizontal Relationship items, and two factors composed of Vertical Relationship items (2020, 350–51). Because both factors of the Vertical relationship items were highly correlated, they combined both factors into one to obtain a more theoretically meaningful model. The solution was confirmed with confirmatory fac­tor analysis (351–352). Their results suggest that S-RES is best represented with two subscales representing vertical and horizontal relationships (352). 2.3 Translation Process The translation process into the Slovene language mainly followed the standard translation process. The approval from the original author of the RES was ob­tained to translate and adapt the scale to the Slovene language. The English ver­sion of the RES was independently translated into the Slovene language by three translators proficient in both English and Slovene. Three versions were compared by the translators, and inconsistencies in their translations were discussed. The consensus was reached for all items. This version was pretested; it was used and analysed by students in a postgraduate course in research methods in marital and family studies at the University of Ljubljana. Students voluntarily administered it for testing through their social networks to 36 participants (ages ranging from 23 to 54). The data were used to show some basic psychometric analyses based on the collected data and to evaluate the understanding, comprehensibility, and suitability of the items. The scale was also checked by a Slovene language proof­reader. Based upon feedback, some minor aspects of the translated version were discussed by translators and researchers and were modified to best ensure that the questionnaire was well adapted for use within a Slovene cultural context. Then a native English-speaking translator, who had not seen the original English version, translated the Slovene version of the RES back into the English language (back-translation). Translators and researchers compared the original version and the back-translated version about the similarity in language and meaning, ad no important differences were found. The main author of the original version of RES, Terry Hargrave, checked the original and back-translated versions and confirmed the appropriateness of the final version of the translation. The translated version can be found in the Appendix. 2.4 Procedure Once translated, the RES and a short demographic questionnaire were admini­stered to volunteer participants recruited online through social networks by the authors via the »1ka« online survey tool. The online data collecting method has been criticised by some researchers, but there is strong empirical evidence su­ggesting that results from these data are consistent with findings from traditional methods (Gosling et al. 2004, 93). The results were analysed using SPSS (version 20) and AMOS (version 27). 3. Results 3.1 Descriptive Statistics on Item Level Means, standard deviations, kurtosis and skewness on the item level of the tran­slated original RES are presented in Table 1. Means of the items ranged from 1.47 to 4.33, kurtosis from -1.06 to 1.79 and skewness from -1.34 to 1.28. RES Item M Md SD Skewness Kurtosis 1 3.92 4 1.044 -0.942 0.413 2 2.62 2 1.202 0.302 -0.921 3 2.30 2 1.117 0.546 -0.622 4 3.79 4 1.062 -0.682 -0.327 5 4.19 4 .812 -0.954 1.055 6 2.38 2 1.297 0.482 -1.060 7 3.57 4 1.095 -0.377 -0.906 8 2.20 2 1.227 0.719 -0.626 9 2.88 3 1.170 0.071 -0.962 10 3.78 4 .961 -0.735 0.275 Mateja Cvetek et al. - Relational Ethics Scale 11 3.93 4 .900 -0.776 0.436 12 2.45 2 1.260 0.541 -0.812 13 4.09 4 .808 -0.981 1.188 14 1.78 2 .849 1.148 1.136 15 2.60 2 1.053 0.228 -0.795 16 4.33 5 .838 -1.344 1.785 17 4.22 4 .850 -1.232 1.609 18 2.37 2 1.062 0.608 -0.320 19 2.32 2 1.094 0.531 -0.605 20 4.16 4 .826 -0.825 0.224 21 3.84 4 .907 -0.530 -0.279 22 1.47 1 .644 1.283 1.587 23 1.80 2 .856 1.161 1.352 24 4.25 4 .797 -1.142 1.499 Note: N=271. M – arithmetic mean. Md – median. Table 1: Descriptive statistics on item level for the RES. 3.2 Exploratory Factor Analysis An exploratory factor analysis with principal component analyses was calculated. First, we checked the Kaiser Meyer-Olkin Measure of Sampling Adequacy, and the results showed that the sample was adequate (KMO=0.887). We also performed Bartlett’s test of sphericity, and the test was significant (.2 (276) = 2594.65, sig. = 0.000), indicating that nonzero correlations exist within the data set. Based on these good results, we proceed with calculating factor analysis. Oblique rotation (direct oblimin, also used by Rived-Ocaña et al. 2020) was used due to the theo­retical assumption that RES factors are correlated. We first performed analysis using a statistical extraction rule for the eigenvalue to be at least 1 (Kaiser Guttman criterion). The results showed that four factors should be retained, with 56.15% of variance explained. Since Kaiser Guttman cri­terion is described in the literature as somehow problematic (Hayton, Allen, and Scarpello 2004, 193), proposed parallel analysis (PA) (Hayton, Allen, and Scarpel-lo 2004) with O’Connor (2000) tutorial for SPSS was used to determine the num­ber of factors to retain. PA results showed that three factors should be retained. In the next step, item communalities and loadings in the pattern matrix were assessed. Similar as in the procedure of the Spanish adaptation of RES by Rived-Ocaña (2020), some items (in our version items 5, 10 and 13) were removed due to low (under 0,30) communalities (communalities of removed items ranged from 0,239 to 0,281). Item 5 (»No matter what happened, I always stood by my family«) was from the original RES Vertical Loyalty subscale, item 10 (»Individuals in my family were willing to give of themselves to benefit the family«) was from the original RES Vertical trust and justice subscale, and item 13 (»I try to meet the emotional needs of this person«) was from the original RES subscale entitled »Horizontal loyalty«. Next (the same as in Spanish adaptation of RES), item 15 (»When I feel hurt, I say or do hurtful things to this person«) and item 19 (»When I feel angry, I tend to take it out on this person«) from the original Horizontal en­titlement subscale of RES were the only two indicators for a single factor and were removed, since the factor does not meet the criterion of at least three indicators (Hair et al. 2010). Then updated exploratory factor analysis (with a second parallel analysis for determining the number of factors) was calculated. Parallel analysis showed that the two-factor solution should be applied. Updated and final exploratory factor analysis showed a two-factor solution accounting for 50.68% of the variance, fac­tor 1 (indicating horizontal relationship items) explains 33.93% of the variance and factor 2 (indicating vertical relationship items) explains 16.75% of the vari­ance. In Table 3, factor loadings and communalities are presented. RES/Si-RES items Factor 1 Factor 2 Communalities Item 1 RES / (Item 1 Si-RES) 0.728 0.031 .517 Item 2 RES / (Item 2 Si-RES) -0.616 -0.024 .371 Item 3 RES / (Item 3 Si-RES) -0.547 0.066 .327 Item 4 RES / (Item 4 Si-RES) 0.764 -0.092 .637 Item 6 RES / (Item 5 Si-RES) -0.733 -0.023 .526 Item 7 RES / (Item 6 Si-RES) 0.797 0.012 .629 Item 8 RES / (Item 7 Si-RES) -0.791 -0.04 .607 Item 9 RES / (Item 8 Si-RES) -0.679 -0.059 .438 Item 11 RES / (Item 9 Si-RES) 0.566 -0.059 .345 Item 12 RES / (Item 10 Si-RES) -0.82 0.016 .681 Item 14 RES / (Item 11 Si-RES) 0.037 -0.708 .520 Item 16 RES / (Item 12 Si-RES) 0.073 0.804 .613 Item 17 RES / (Item 13 Si-RES) -0.026 0.571 .337 Item 18 RES / (Item 14 Si-RES) 0.001 -0.644 .415 Item 20 RES / (Item 15 Si-RES) -0.063 0.762 .616 Item 21 RES / (Item 16 Si-RES) -0.037 0.712 .526 Item 22 RES / (Item 17 Si-RES) -0.046 -0.53 .268 Item 23 RES / (Item 18 Si-RES) -0.022 -0.785 .605 Item 24 RES / (Item 19 Si-RES) -0.03 0.797 .651 Note: RES – original Relational Ethics Scale, Si-RES – Slovene version of Relational Ethics Scale. Factor load­ings 0.50 or higher are indicated in bold. Table 2: Principal axis factor analysis results for SI-RES: Oblique (direct oblimin) factor load­ings for two factors solution. The loadings of the Si-RES items ranged between -0.82 and 0.804 (absolute value range between 0.53 and 0.82. There were no significant secondary loadings that would exceed 0,10. The absolute loadings for Horizontal subscale factor items ranged from 0.566 to 0.82, and for Vertical subscale factor items from 0,53 to 0,804. Similar to the analytic method of Rived-Ocaña et al. (2020), after the explor­atory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis using the maximum likelihood factor to test the goodness of fit was calculated. Due to the reasons described in Mateja Cvetek et al. - Relational Ethics Scale the previous section, we tested the two-factor model. In calculations, these two factors were permitted to correlate. Table 3 presents the standardised regression weights and model fit statistics for the model tested. RES/Si-RES items Correlated Two-Factor Model Factor 1 Factor 2 Item 1 RES / (Item 1 Si-RES) 0.652 --­ Item 2 RES / (Item 2 Si-RES) -0.563 --­ Item 3 RES / (Item 3 Si-RES) -0.509 --­ Item 4 RES / (Item 4 Si-RES) 0.773 --­ Item 6 RES / (Item 5 Si-RES) -0.655 --­ Item 7 RES / (Item 6 Si-RES) 0.753 --­ Item 8 RES / (Item 7 Si-RES) -0.751 --­ Item 9 RES / (Item 8 Si-RES) -0.606 --­ Item 11 RES / (Item 9 Si-RES) 0.542 --­ Item 12 RES / (Item 10 Si-RES) -0.81 --­ Item 14 RES / (Item 11 Si-RES) --­ -0.694 Item 16 RES / (Item 12 Si-RES) --­ 0.729 Item 17 RES / (Item 13 Si-RES) --­ 0.53 Item 18 RES / (Item 14 Si-RES) --­ -0.625 Item 20 RES / (Item 15 Si-RES) --­ 0.763 Item 21 RES / (Item 16 Si-RES) --­ 0.689 Item 22 RES / (Item 17 Si-RES) --­ -0.479 Item 23 RES / (Item 18 Si-RES) --­ -0.769 Item 24 RES / (Item 19 Si-RES) --­ 0.775 Model fit indices .2 = 307.39, df= 151, .2/df=2.036, p<0.001, CFI = 0.93, TLI = 0.91, RMSEA = 0.06 Note: RES – original Relational Ethics Scale, Si-RES – Slovene version of Relational Ethics Scale. All factor loadings and error variances are significant at p<.001. Table 3: Standardised regression weights and model fit statistics - results of Confirmatory Factor Analytic Test for correlated two-factor models. The results indicate that the proposed two-factor model is adequate. Although chi-square is statistically significant (.2 = 307.39, df= 151, .2/df=2.036, p<0.001), other indices of model fit (the Root Mean Square Errors of Approximation [RM­SEA] = 0.06; Comparative Fit Indexes [CFI] = 0.93; Tucker-Lewis Index [TLI] = 0.91) are reasonably satisfactory (they approach well fit), and they indicate that the model appears to find support. They comply with the criteria for adequate fit (López, Jódar, and MacDonald 2017, 1115); CFI is above the criterion (0.90 and above (Holmes-Smith 2011)), the RMSEA is below 0.08 (lower values indicate bet­ter fit, 0.08 is generally viewed as providing evidence of adequate fit, for a detailed discussion see Byrne (2010, 80-81)). The Tucker-Lewis Index produces a value above 0.90 and also indicates adequate fit. The estimated correlation between the two factors (Horizontal and Vertical subscale) is moderate, namely 0.396, and is similar to results (0.39) in the study of Rived-Ocaña et al. (2020, 353). 3.3 Descriptive and Reliability Statistics of Si-RES Means, standard deviations, minimums, maximums, and Cronbach alpha reliabi­lity coefficients for both determined Horizontal and Vertical subscales (along with total scale) of Si-RES were calculated and presented in Table 4. All Cronbach alpha coefficients reflect excellent reliability. M Md SD Skewness Kurtosis Min. Max. Cronbach Alpha Si-RES Horizontal 36.33 38.00 8.00 -.452 -.663 14.00 50.00 0.884 Si-RES Vertical 37.55 38.00 5.28 -.833 .744 20.00 45.00 0.872 Si-RES Total 73.88 76.00 11.02 -.460 -.308 44.00 95.00 0.887 Note: N=271. M – arithmetic mean. Md – median. Min. – minimum. Max. – maximum. Si-RES Horizontal – Horizontal subscale of Slovene version of Relational Ethics Scale. Si-RES Vertical – Vertical subscale of Slo­vene version of Relational Ethics Scale. Si-RES Total – Total score of Slovene version of Relational Ethics scale. Table 4: Descriptive and Reliability Statistics for the Si-RES subscales and Si-RES total score. 4. Discussion In Slovenia, there is a lack of measures of relational ethics. In fact, we do not know of any that have been translated, adapted, and psychometrically evaluated to be used for research and other purposes. Therefore, our study evaluated one such scale: the Slovene language version of the Relational Ethics Scale (Si-RES) which measures relational ethics as conceptualised by Boszormenyi-Nagy and Krasner (1986) and composed of perception of trust and justice, loyalty and entitlement. The results of our study provide strong support for the psychometric properti­es of our adaptation of the Si-RES. We found excellent reliability (Cronbach alpha) of the Si-RES dimensions. Measures of reliability and also other psychometric characteristics (e.g., arithmetic means of dimensions) are mainly consistent with published research of the Relational Ethics Scale (Hargrave, Jennings, and Ander­son 1991; Hargrave and Bomba 1993; Rived-Ocaña et al. 2020). Furthermore, exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis gave supportive re­sults and are, in general, especially consistent with the Spanish adaptation of the Relational Ethics Scale (Rived-Ocaña et al. 2020). There are two main differences from the original RES (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991); namely, it has fewer items and a slightly different factorial structure. The factor solution, repre­sented in Hargrave et al. (1991), has three separate factors (trust and justice, lo­yalty and entitlement) representing each horizontal and vertical dimension. Howe­ver, similar to the Spanish adaptation, our results suggested a two-factor structu­ Mateja Cvetek et al. - Relational Ethics Scale re, one factor representing the horizontal and the second factor the vertical di­mension. Like the Spanish-speaking participants, the current Slovene-speaking sample in the study seems to perceive relational ethics more globally: in terms of horizontal and vertical relational ethics and not as three distinct subscales (trust and justice, loyalty, entitlement). This structure of Si-RES is both most theoreti­cally meaningful and statistically confirmed. There are different possible reasons for the discrepancy from the original ver­sion. Of course, cultural and semantic differences are possible. Slovene people’s perception of relationships ethics could be more similar to Spain’s than that of the United States. Another possible reason, as suggested in Rived-Ocaña et al. (2020, 355), is time differences. Three decades have passed since the original va­lidation of the RES in 1991. Views on relationships, including relational ethics, in the original family, as well as in adult vertical relationships, could have changed substantially, and these differences could be reflected in our results, especially since the newer Spanish version in 2020 showed similar results. However, for fir­mer conclusions, more up-to-date validations in different cultural contexts are proposed. Important is the notion of Rived-Ocaña et al. (2020): that Boszormenyi-Nagy himself focused on the horizontal and vertical dimensions of relational ethics rather than the subscales within each dimension (Adkins 2010). However, we also think that it is possible that perceptions and understanding of relationships ethi­cs are now more similar to that position of the Boszormenyi-Nagy than it was in the time of the original version. Regarding the fewer items of Si-RES in comparison with the original version, we stress that we removed the same three items that were removed in the Spanish version: item 15 (»When I feel hurt, I say or do hurtful things to this person«), item 19 (»When I feel angry, I tend to take it out on this person«) and item 13 (»I try to meet the emotional needs of this person«). In particular, the first two removed items (15 and 19) seem to measure one factor: specific aspects of adult relation­ships, different from other items of relational ethics, possibly more connected with expressions of anger and hurt, impulse control or emotional regulation. As previ­ously discussed, cultural or time differences could be responsible for the discre­pancy with the original version. In the Spanish version, items 2, 11, 17 and 22 were also removed, but this was not the case in the Slovene version. In the Slovene ver­sion, just item 5 (»No matter what happened, I always stood by my family«) and item 10 (»Individuals in my family were willing to give of themselves to benefit the family«) were statistically less appropriate for this Slovene sample and were remo­ved from the final measure due to smaller communalities. Although we find our sample of similar quality as, for example, the original evaluation studies of RES (Hargrave, Jennings, and Anderson 1991; Hargrave and Bomba 1993), we need to stress that a bigger sample could be more fully repre­sentative of the whole Slovene population and that this fact may have contribu­ted to the limitation of this study. Therefore, future studies should be done with larger and more diverse Slovene samples (other than married subjects are so­mewhat underrepresented in our sample) to possibly confirm and extend our results. 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Vcasih me je družina nepošteno izkoristila. 8. Cutil sem, da so želje staršev obvladovale moje življenje. 9. Še naprej si prizadevam za tesnejše odnose z družino. 10. Pogosto sem se cutil zapušcenega od svoje družine. 11. Ne zaupam, da si ta oseba prizadeva za to, kar je najboljše zame. 12. Ta oseba mi stoji ob strani v težkih in veselih casih. 13. Preden sprejmem pomembne odlocitve, to osebo vprašam za mnenje. 14. Najina vložka v odnos med mano in to osebo nista enakovredna. 15. V tem odnosu sva enakovredna partnerja. 16. Razdajava se drug za drugega. 17. To osebo izkorišcam. 18. V tem odnosu se me jemlje kot nekaj samoumevnega ali pa se me nepošteno izkorišca. 19. Ta oseba me posluša in ceni moje misli. Izvirni znanstveni clanek/Article (1.01) Bogoslovni vestnik/Theological Quarterly 82 (2022) 1, 217—230 Besedilo prejeto/Received:05/2021; sprejeto/Accepted:12/2022 UDK/UDC: 272-722.7:331.5 DOI: 10.34291/BV2022/01/Vaupot © 2022 Vaupot, CC BY 4.0 Zoran Vaupot Hiring Lay Faithful in the Catholic Church: Comparing HRM Theory and Practice Zaposlovanje laikov v Katoliški Cerkvi: primerjava teorije in prakse pri upravljanju s cloveškimi viri Abstract: The role of lay employees in the Catholic Church has grown over the past few decades. As a consequence, the overall quality of human resources mana­gement (HRM), which includes the process of hiring, has become crucial within Church organisations. After an overview of the general theoretical findings about the process of hiring, we continue by presenting a survey executed among members of the Slovenian Bishops’ Conference about value orientations concerning the hiring of lay persons within the Slovenian dioceses. The survey results were unexpected. We attempt to explain them within the scope of pos­sible differences between the general HRM theory findings and research focu­sed exclusively on the Church. Our conclusion is that, as a rule, Church practice does not follow the principle of creating a large pool of possible candidates for the job. Rather, it depends on more personal, individual invitations communi­cated to previously selected applicants. Keywords: Catholic Church, lay faithful, hiring, recruitment, human resource ma­ nagement Povzetek: Vloga laikov v Katoliški cerkvi v zadnjih desetletjih narašca. To pa pome­ni, da je v cerkvenih organizacijah vedno bolj pomembna splošna kakovost funkcije upravljanja s cloveškimi viri (UCV), ki vkljucuje tudi proces izbire bodo-cih sodelavcev. Po pregledu splošnih teoreticnih spoznanj o procesu izbire sle­di predstavitev ankete, izvedene med clani Slovenske škofovske konference, o usmeritvah pri vrednotenju glede zaposlovanja laikov v slovenskih škofijah. Nepricakovani rezultati raziskave nas vodijo k poskusu iskanja razlage v okviru morebitnih razlik med splošnimi ugotovitvami teorije UCV in raziskavami, osre­dotocenimi zgolj na Cerkev. Ugotavljamo, da cerkvena praksa nacelu oblikova­nja velikega nabora možnih kandidatov za delovno mesto praviloma ne sledi. Raje ga nadomešca z bolj osebnimi, individualnimi povabili, ki jih posreduje predhodno evidentiranim potencialnim kandidatom. Kljucne besede: Katoliška Cerkev, laiki, izbiranje, zaposlovanje, upravljanje s clove­škimi viri 1. Introduction Basically, there are two sorts of employees in the Catholic Church (hereafter, the Church): clerics and lays. The tasks of clerics or ordained ministers are defined by the internal legal system (canon law) of the Church, which regulates its orga­nisation and directs its activities. The laws and legal principles included also ena­ble relative independence and decentralisation, which result in the indisputable authority and responsibility of clerics, both on the diocesan and parish levels. These characteristics differ from often-observed public opinion, which perceives the Church as a centralised and functional top-down managed organisation, with a military-like internal organisational culture. In contrast to the position of clerics, the one of lays or non-ordained workers is not so precisely defined. This is reflected in many aspects of their roles, starting with their hiring for specific jobs designated for lay people, but also the never­-ending process of recruitment.1 From a historical perspective, the situation may be explained by the initially voluntary support of lay faithful to the functions of the Church. In such circum­stances, the clerics historically oversaw all strategically important tasks and deci­sions. However, overall progress in human affairs resulted in the organisational pro­gress of all types of institutions worldwide, and this did not bypass the Church. 2. Church Identity and the Role of Lay Faithful For a meaningful application of contemporary HRM approaches in the Church con­text to preserve or even strengthen its value identity while striving for effective human resource management, it is necessary to place these issues under discus­sion in the broader context of the Church’s functioning. To do this, it is necessary to take into account the ecclesiology of the Second Vatican Council and the role of the laity, especially in light of recent synodal efforts. From the beginning of the 20th century, the growing importance of lay faithful(Perše 2013; Šegula 2015) has also been formally admitted and supported by nu­merous official documents of the Church’s highest institutions, such as: „Pastoral Neither in the academic literature nor in operational HRM practice is there a consistent distinction between ‚hiring‘ and ‚recruitment‘. The terms are often used as de facto synonyms, or hiring is under­stood only as the final stage of the recruitment process; in such cases, the terms ‚selection‘ or ‚selective hiring‘ are also used. These observations should be kept in mind, especially when reading the theo­retical overview chapter. However, we consistently understand and use, in our own opinions or conclu­sions, the term ‚hiring‘ as a selection activity that takes place when a specific role needs to be filled by finding, evaluating and establishing a working relationship with the most suitable person, while recruit­ment is the continuous process of attracting the most qualified people to an organisation, even in times without vacancies, in order to »keep in touch with the labour market and maintain a network of poten­tial candidates« (Osoian and Zaharie 2014, 132). In other words, as interconnected activities we com­prehend recruitment as a broad, ongoing strategic HRM process (which underlines its influence on objective indicators of firm performance) and hiring as a more focused, project-based task. Letter of 1919“ (1919), „Mater et Magistra“ (1961), „Lumen Gentium“ (1964), „Gaudium et Spes“ (1965), „Apostolicam Actuositatem“ (1965), „Populorum Pro-gressio“ (1967), „Economic Justice for All“ (1986), „Solicitudo Rei Socialis“ (1987), „Centesimus Annus“ (1991), „Communities of Salt and Light“ (1993), „Called to Global Solidarity“ (1997), „Everyday Christianity: To Hunger and Thirst for Justice“ (1998), „Welcoming the Stranger Among Us“ (2001), „Deus Caritas Est“ (2005), „Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship“ (2012) and „Evangelii Gaudium“ (2013). The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) led to significant long-term changes in the renewal of the identity of the Church in general, including the role of the laity. The new emphasis on the co-responsibility of all Christians, summarised by Perše (2014), meant that the faithful should move from being passive recipients of pastoral gifts to becoming active participants in the Church. A new turning po­int occurred with the 1987 Synod on „The Vocation and Mission of the Laity in the Church and the World“. A year later, as a result of this meeting, Pope John Paul II published „Christifideles Laici“ (1988), in which the vocation and mission of the laity is presented in the parable of the workers who, having agreed on their wa­ges, are sent by their master to work in his vineyard. In this context, we can recall the words of Pope Benedict XVI who summarised the content of the 26th Aposto­lic Exhortation on the Christian Laity by saying: »I urge you to do everything pos­sible to make the parish a ‚spiritual community‘ for people -a great family where we also experience the even greater family of the universal Church, and earn through the liturgy, through catechesis and through all the events of parish life to walk together on the way of true life.«(2006) In this context, the results of the 2012 survey are encouraging. All the priests surveyed in the Archdiocese of Lju­bljana were in favour of a greater future role for the laity in parish matters (Perše 2014). However, as the author points out, the laity should not only play a suppor­ting role to priests but should also have their own mission, in terms of being ac­tive in the world and in the Church. Even St. John Henry Newman, when asked about the role of the laity, replied, that without them, the Church would seem limited (Newman 1991). These mentions are consistent with the Compendium of the Social Doctrine of the Church no. 543, which states that there are certain are­as in which the Christian laity live and work: all worldly human realities, personal and social, circumstances and historical situations, structures, and institutions. To the extent that the laity strive to harmonise their actions with the vision of God’s love in these realms, »for the lay faithful to be present and active in the world is not only an anthropological and sociological reality, but in a specific way, a theo­logical and ecclesiological reality as well« (Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace 2004). However, the most explicit recent announcement about the growing role of the lay faithful was made by Pope Francis in his 22 December 2016 speech to the Roman curia. Pope Francis presented the twelve guiding principles of the re­form and tenth on the list was the one called ,Catholicity‘, offering explicit support for the growing importance of the role of the lay faithful within the Church: »Among the Officials, in addition to priests and consecrated persons, the catholicity of the Church must be reflected in the hiring of personnel from throughout the world, and of permanent deacons and lay faithful carefully selected on the basis of their unexceptionable spiritual and moral life and their professional competence. It is fitting to provide for the hiring of greater numbers of the lay faithful, especially in those Dicasteries where they can be more competent than clerics or consecrated persons. Also of great importance is an enhanced role for women and lay people in the life of the Church and their integration into roles of leadership in the Dicasteries, with particular attention to multiculturalism.« (Francis 2016) The guiding principle cited here could hardly be more explicit in its nature, al­lowing for no real creativity in interpretation from those in charge of its imple­mentation. Since the task of hiring is mentioned twice, we will focus our research on this activity (see note 1). It is based on the need for highly qualified lay people to fill the positions previously held mostly by clerics. We hypothesise that, among Church officials, there is an indisputable alignment to clearly defined values and principles during the process of hiring lay faithful for the needs of Church organisations. We start by explaining the broader context of the Church’s functioning for a meaningful application of contemporary HRM approaches. The second chapter is devoted to an overview of the existing, general theoretical findings concerning the process of hiring, which is one of the dominant processes within the area of HRM. The empirical research into the value orientations concerning the hiring of lay persons within the Slovenian dioceses will be presented in the third chapter. This is followed by a comparison of general HRM findings and the presentation of practice in the Church. These observations will be discussed in the fourth chapter. Finally, our conclusions are oriented towards recommendations for the scholars of future research in this area. 3. The Church and hiring 3.1 The typology of faith-based organisations Although the expression ,faith-based organisations‘ (as the opposite of secular organisations) is commonly used to describe organisations where religion has a certain degree of influence over job service programmes (Bielefeld 2006), we pre­fer to use the typology as established by Sider and Unruh (2004). Based on their religious characteristics, these authors differentiate between faith-permeated (the religious dimension is believed to be essential), faith-centred (religious messages and activities are explicit, but participants can opt out), faith-affiliated (some vi­sible influence of their religious founders, but no requirement for employees to express faith or engage in religious practices), faith-background (tending to look and act in a secular way, though historical ties to a faith tradition may exist), fa-ith-secular partnerships (typically secular in administration, but dependent on religious partners for volunteers and in-kind support) and secular organisations (no reference to religion). The dilemma of whether the use of this typology is appropriate only for the social services (which embrace activities from providing goods and services to individuals to enhancing the overall quality of life) and educational organisations and programmes, or also for the purpose of defining other types of Church-con­nected organisations (e.g., companies established by the Church), remains unad­dressed in the scientific literature. However, having personal experiences in working for a faith-based organisati-on, respecting the principle of consistency in evaluation which supports the afo­rementioned typology, and since we are unable to reveal any well-founded argu­ment against this approach, we opt for its utilisation. In so doing, we enable the conditions for establishing the possible criteria to be incorporated for the purpo­se of assessment of the candidates included in the hiring process: their alignment with the previously defined religious values and principles of each organisation. 3.2 Characteristics of the Hiring Process One of the tools favoured by modern HRM specialists is competency (Informa­tion Resources Management Association 2012).2 The competency-based man­agement model, as understood by Darós, Conca and Sáez (2003), is articulated in three basic dimensions: acquisition (hiring), stimulation (salary and incentive policy) and development (training management). The main purpose of the hiring process is to evaluate the future working performance of the selected candidate realistically (Osoian and Zaharie 2014). The hiring – a selection process that usu­ally includes more than one person – is discriminatory in its nature. However, the noun ,discrimination‘ should be understood and accepted by its definition of »the ability to recognise a difference between one thing and another« and not by its dominantly negative connotation, as »the practice of treating somebody or a particular group in society less fairly than others« (Oxford Learner’s Dictionary, s.v. »discrimination«). The result of the hiring process, which is certainly an ethically challenging task for the managers, is one or more selected applicants, who get salaries and addi­ tional financial or non-financial benefits, but usually also rejected candidates who remain without the desired job, along with its opportunities and advantages. »It is therefore a reality of organisational life that managers engage in acts that harm people /…/ Although individuals might prefer to avoid per- Comprehended as the relation between humans and work tasks (McClelland 1973), a combination of motives, traits, self-concepts, attitudes or values, content knowledge or cognitive behaviour skills (Spen­cer, McClelland and Spencer 1994) or a mixture of knowledge, skills, abilities, motivation, beliefs, values and interests (Fleishman 1995). forming them altogether, failure to accomplish these tasks threatens the greater good for which they are intended.« (Pinnington, Macklin and Cam­pbell 2007, 237) As one of the normally unpleasant, but sometimes just unavoidable, managerial choices, harming people is always an ethical issue. When it cannot be avoided, the argument using ‚necessary evil‘ (Molinsky and Margolis 2005) is, by virtue of its logic and content, the same type of explanation as the one about ,greater good‘. Both are, in reality, based on the philosophical concept of Utilitarianism (Bentham, Mills, Sid-gwick, and others), the most widely known form of Consequentialism, as an approach to the normative ethics which serve as the foundation for modern techniques of cost­-benefit analysis in the quest for economic efficiency (Marseille and Kahn 2019). A poorly organised and executed hiring process can involuntarily exclude poten­tially attractive job candidates, as well as those working for competitors and who­se onboarding could represent a double win at the same time: strengthening ours and weakening the competitor’s organisation. In order to organise and execute the hiring process effectively, which is itself intended to support building a high-per­formance organisation, we propose to take into consideration the findings of Pfef-fer (1998), who lists the main points to be respected: the existence of a large ap­plicant pool from which to select; screening for the cultural fit and attitude of candidates; clarifying a list of the most critical skills, behaviours, or attitudes cru­cial for success; executing several rounds of screening to build commitment and prove seriousness; involving senior people as recruiters, and executing the final evaluation of the results and the whole process performance. The multi-candidate selection activity leads toward a procedure even more com­plex than would be the case with only one applicant. A large applicant pool may be ensured by different sources (e.g., list acquisition, membership directories, proprie­tary organisation websites, social media, referrals, colleges, job fairs and employment agencies) that can be grouped by using various criteria; for example, internal/exter­nal or formal/informal (Kirnan, Farley, and Geisinger 1989). Still, every source must be activated by the appropriate attraction activities; for example, by using the spe­cific content of recruitment messages (Highhouse et al. 1999) to achieve the targeted characteristics of the applicant pools because, if the most desired and previously identified candidates do not actually apply for the openings, they cannot be hired. In addition, the existence of a large applicant pool can mask the possible ab­sence of the best candidates and the organisation may not even be aware of this. Coupled with the high costs of the hiring activity, both facts may lead to dissatis­faction with the results of the hiring project and a decision by the organisation not to repeat the procedure. The result may also be poorly-performing recruits. Recently – and especially in the case of international organisations – we have observed a trend to hire people from diverse backgrounds and skills, with firms prepared to train and promote their employees (Sangeetha 2010). The increased number of candidates in the selection process thus introduces a variety of com­petencies, enabling comparisons to be made. If an organisation wishes to avoid the multi-candidate procedure for the reason of lacking internal HRM competen­cies and/or enough dedicated personnel, the possibility of outsourcing the hiring process is an option, although attention must be paid to its possible drawbacks, especially the high costs of outsourcing and insufficient quality of recruits, due especially to the unclear request after the specific competencies. As Judge and Ferris have written (1992), the importance of company culture fit is reflected in understanding how including fit as a hiring selection criterion may assist organisations. They list four possibilities: fit as a control mechanism (control is achi­eved already through the selection (ex-ante) rather than through the socialisation (ex-post) process), fit as an assurance of workforce homogeneity (hiring people si­milar to existing employees will help to create or maintain the organisation’s homo­geneity), fit as a job-related criterion (especially relevant with regard to the growing importance of the service sector) and fit as an organisational public image enhancer. If organisations are aware that their web presentations must also consider the cul­tural, sociological and psychological element during the localisation process (Vaupot 2020), what we understand as a form of external or environmental acculturation, it is even more normal that fit to the organisational culture is expected from future employees, which could be explained as a form of internal acculturation. By defining the most critical skills, behaviours, or attitudes crucial for success, companies describe the ,ideal‘ candidate that is expected to fit within the orga­nisation by possessing a clearly defined set of abilities for completing their speci­fic tasks (Elrick 2016). This activity is defined as creating a ‚competency model‘: a descriptive tool or behavioural job description, based on the seminal works of McClelland (1973) and Boyatzis (1982). It usually identifies a group of seven to nine core competencies needed to work successfully within a specific organisati-on or industry (Shippmann et al. 2000; Vazirani 2010). Under the condition that these skills, behaviours, or attitudes are objectively evaluated and confirmed for the selected candidate, the perfect match with the organisation’s requirements should be assured. However, every parameter inclu­ded in such a definition excludes certain types of candidates that do not fit within the model. Bowen, Ledford and Nathan (1991) emphasise the importance of the »appro­ach to selection in which employees are hired to fit the characteristics of an or-ganisation, not just the requirements of a particular job« (Bowen, Ledford and Nathan 1991, 35). Similarly, Rivera (2012, 1) concludes that »hiring is more than just a process of skills sorting; it is also a process of cultural matching between candidates, evaluators, and firms«. In consequence, although prepared with the positive intention of finding the best candidate, the one-dimensional competen­cy modelling approach may easily become inefficient and discriminative in the negative sense, since »firms may ignore or deliberately deny that different types of workers have the ability to do a given job« (Windolf 1986, 237). Putting applicants through several screening rounds of interviews and rigorous selection is a protracted procedure that results in several benefits: careful scrutiny of those who pull through and better development of the commitment of the selected candidates. It can also foster the feeling of becoming a member of an elite group, which positively influences their motivation (Pfeffer 1998). However, based on our practical experience, the number of screening rounds, usually larger than three, should be justified to avoid a negative counter-effect, even among the best candidates. Especially for positions that differentiate the organisation from its competitors, the role of senior people as recruiters is crucial. Pfeffer presents an example of their involvement in the hiring procedure for flight attendants at Singapore Airli­nes since they are »an important point of contact with the customer and one way in which Singapore Airlines differentiates its service« (1998, 100). As put by Carlson, Connerley and Mecham (2002, 461; 465), »it is becoming clear that effective recruitment is critical to organisational success /…/ the first priority of recruitment should be attracting the best possible applicants«. Like any other process of the organisation, the hiring process performance should be eva­luated. This is absolutely in line with Deming’s PDCA (Plan-Do-Check-Act) concept (Moen and Norman 2009). The activities connected to hiring process evaluation are focused on the quality measurement of selected candidates, but also on the effectiveness of the process itself. In their survey of 620 organisations representing companies of all sizes, the Aberdeen Group revealed that companies with the best talent acquisition pro-grammes achieved the best results with the following hiring performance criteria: time to hire, quality of hire, new hire retention and hiring managers’ overall sa­tisfaction with the programme (Minton-Eversole 2008). Several common characteristics of the best performing organisations have also been discovered: intense collaboration between hiring managers and recruiters, active use of their websites as tools for showcasing the culture and job opportu­nities, pre-screening of the job candidates for technical competencies and a clear understanding of what applicant sources provide the best quality job candidates for their organisation (Aberdeen Group 2008). The introduction of the quantitative, financial aspect of evaluation may be expressed by the calculation of the cost-per-hire (CPH), often considered as the most important metrics. According to Corpuz (2006), the appropriate CPH evalu­ation should include in the analysis the following elements: internal costs (e.g., recruiting office salaries, staff travel costs, lodging, administration), costs of exter­nal recruiters, company visit expenses of the candidates, direct fees (e.g., adver­tising, job fairs, agency, and executive search fees) and other data (e.g., an avera­ge annual salary of recruits, number of interviews versus the number of hires, acceptance rate, relocation costs). In contrast to Corpuz’s (2006) approach, the Saratoga Institute’s HR Effectiveness model provides the other recruiters’ costs and the administrative costs. These costs are added as a flat 10% weightage. The­se simplified metrics, which avoid considering the real costs, are also the model’s main shortcoming (Sangeetha 2010). Avoiding the extremes of an exclusively qualitative or quantitative approach, the models of Utility Analysis (UA) are in fact a combination of both. According to Bodreau (1991, 622), utility analysis is based on »the process of describing, pre­dicting, and/or explaining what determines the usefulness or desirability of deci­sion options«. These models attempt to identify the ,returns‘ (typically defined as productivity and expressed in money terms) associated with the use of various recruitment and selection procedures. Two strands of research design can be ob­served that should be considered complementary: those that focus on the impact of recruitment on the individual candidate and those in which the organisation is the unit of analysis. However, each evaluation method has advantages and disad­vantages (Barber 1998) and its application depends on the circumstances of the particular evaluation case. 4. Empirical Research Having explained several of the main points to be considered during the hiring process, we proceed with an attempt to evaluate empirically the value orientati­ons of high-ranking Church leaders concerning modern HRM practices in hiring. In doing so, we have executed an anonymous survey among the members of the Slovenian Bishops’ Conference (SBC), whose ecclesiastical authority covers the geo­graphical territory of the Republic of Slovenia. This accounted for ten members at the time of the research (2021). They all received a printed version of the questionnaire, whose content and research results are presented in Table 1. After initial distribution, two reminders to fill in the questionnaire were sent. In total, the process lasted ap­proximately one month. Four replies were received, though one had to be excluded from the analysis owing to its non-alignment with the instructions for completion. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 prefer to avoid affecting individuals 67 33 preference for benefits to the organisation prefer one candidate 33 67 preference for mode candidates prefer respect for privacy 100 preference for consideration of personality traits many paths lead to results 33 67 prior definition of expected competencies is necessary prefer fast selection procedure 67 33 prefer multi-stage selection procedure no added value by senior members of the commision 33 33 33 senior commission members are useful vetted composition of the commision is critical 33 67 HRM experts are needed as members of the commission post-analysis of the selection process is not needed 33 67 post-analysis of the selection process is beneficial Table 1: Results of a survey among members of SBC. Distribution of the answers on the 7-point semantic differential scale (in %). For details of the survey, please contact the author. Already, from the beginning of the empirical part of the research and because of the small size of the population addressed, it was obvious that no complex sta­tistical analysis of results would be possible. Even if we agree with Roscoe (1975) that sample sizes between 30 and 500 are appropriate for the majority of analy­ses, but that »in case of simple experimental research with tight experimental controls, successful research is possible with samples as small as 10 to 20 in size« (Sekaran 2003, 295), the use of Yamane’s (1967) recommendations would still bring us to a sample size of nine received answers to obtain significant results for the total population of 10, with the confidence level of 90%. In order to raise the confidence level, the total population of the SBC should have answered the sur­vey. So, more than just the conclusion that approximately one-third of SBC mem­bers are generally well-aligned to the value orientations of modern HRM prac­tices concerning the hiring process, the observation that almost two-thirds de­cided not to answer the 8-question and 15-minute survey attracts our interest. Is there any specific rationale for that choice? After excluding the most common reasons for not responding to the survey (e.g., vague, sensitive or difficult questions, absence of survey relevance and its length, time burden, irreverent treatment, survey saturation, security concerns) as proposed by Tourangeau et al. (2000) and Gideon (2012) owing to their improb­ability, we hypothesise that no answer situation in the presented case is predom­inantly the consequence of an absence of clear personal opinions about the spe­cific topic in question. 5. Discussion and Conclusion In trying to verify the hypothesis, we analyse whether there are any publicly avai­lable value orientations of the Church officials or experts concerning the hiring procedure for the lay faithful. In such a case, these guidelines may have interfered with the general HRM recommendations and resulted in the decision of certain SBC members not to answer the presented survey, to avoid revealing a potential conflict situation between the different sets of values. After studying the selected and relatively scarce literature that deals with the subjects of HRM theory and practice in the Church, we conclude that two topics, connected to hiring activity, have attracted the special attention of academics. The first subject is the way parishes approach the possible candidates for job va­cancies and, second, the importance of the candidate’s fit. These areas of research can be contextually related to the first two phases of Pfeffer’s aforementioned model (1998): the existence of a large applicant pool from which to select, and screening for the cultural fit and attitude of candidates. Within the first topic presentation, we start by mentioning Murnion, who publis­hed his work about lays as new parish ministers (Murnion 1992). When talking about hiring activity, he differentiates between the ,professional‘ approach and the one (let us call it ,personal‘) that relates to the pastor’s previous experience with the lay per­son to be hired. According to the survey, the ,personal‘ approach has been dominant and used in almost 82% of the hiring procedures. As Fox writes (2010), this observa­tion has been confirmed by two subsequent pieces of research by Murnion and De-Lambo (1999) and DeLambo (2005). In the latter, the author revealed that more than half of lay parish ministers have been informed about the available ministry position through direct contact from the pastor or other parish employees. It is a logical assumption, then, that in hiring decisions, pastors value personal qualities, good interpersonal skills, specific ministerial experiences, prayerfulness and the sharing of a similar ecclesiology. In 2010, DeLambo completed these previous results with the observation that only 22% of lay parish ministers have first received information about the available position through more formal means, like magazine advertisements, internet postin­gs, the religious order network, etc. The conclusion is that little emphasis is placed on previous experience, like formal education or trainings, and »in terms of recruit­ment practices and job qualifications, lay parish ministry remains largely informal« (DeLambo 2010, 36–37). The topic of cultural fit and the attitude of candidates in connection with both scientific and religious/biblical principles has attracted the attention of Cousins, An­derson and DeKruyter (1990), who list three important criteria to be considered when hiring: Christian commitment (it makes people better workers since they most pro­bably evaluate their activity as a vocation), compatibility (team players who fit the Church’s culture and whose competence is compatible), and a combination of com­petence, dedication and vision. Messina (2007) focuses on four areas in the process of recruitment and selection. Besides the cultural and position fit of the applicants, their expectation of job security must be acknowledged. The author underlines that the whole process should be well-organised and unhurried, but also transparent. The starting point of Roberts’ (2015) research is the concept of servant leadership promoted by scripture. The author supports the execution of a realistic job-preview, which tackles the positive and negative characteristics of the specific job and the who-leorganisation. Such anapproach enablesthe candidatesthemselves to evaluatereali­stically whether their personal attributes are a suitable fit. Meetings between the ap­plicants,supervisorsandcurrentemployeescansupportthisdown-to-earthevaluation. The priority of first considering the person-organisation fit and only later the per-son-job fit during the process of hiring is emphasised by Winston (2018). Finally, be­sides the concern for using both internal and external sources to establish a large pool of appropriate candidates to choose the right person for the job, Busuttil and Van Weelden (2018) highlight the importance of matching the most appropriate candidates to specific jobs (a structural perspective), but also their fit with the who­le organisation (a relational perspective). We conclude by our observation that there is no important difference between the theoretical, general HRM recommendations and those dealing specifically with the Church hiring procedures as presented in the literature. The only issue accentu­ated in the Church situation is a difference in the first phase of the hiring process. Based on the presented research, which describes this practice ‚as is‘ without eva­luating its (in)appropriateness, it seems that Church practice usually does not follow the principle of creating a large applicant pool of possible candidates for the job. Rather, this is replaced by more personal, individual invitations communicated to previously-selected applicants. Whether only one or more invited applicants take part in the selection process does not seem to be of primary importance. What re­ally appears to count is that the screening of the candidate’s fit is an activity usually executed before candidates are invited to enter the selection process and that they may even be unaware of the fact. We argue that the presented conclusions about differences between theory and practice may also, at least partially, explain de facto rejection of our survey by an important part of the SBC members. To verify the vali­dity of such an interpretation, it would be interesting to conduct a similar type of research within the scope of the Bishops’ conferences of other countries. This could represent an interesting starting point toward implementing a more structured approach, not only for the purpose of the continuous improvement of hiring proce­dures in the Church but also of its overall HRM professionalism. Initiatives such as the creation of the Dicastery for Laity, Family and Life in 2016, when Pope Francis merged previously separate bodies into one institution, can make an important con­tribution. According to the prefect, Cardinal Kevin Joseph Farrell, the thread that connects these areas is the fundamental role of the laity in the Church: they are cal­led, above all, to contribute to the formation of the Christian life of other lay people, and to assume greater responsibility in their parishes and dioceses (Zamuda 2019). The work of the dicastery soon bore fruit in the form of the launch of the website www.laityinvolved.org, which presents initiatives and good practices in terms of the evangelization, formation and encouragement of lay people that have been success­ful in some countries and could be imitated in others. Also, good practices in relation to the empowerment of the laity and the corresponding HRM approaches are nee­ ded to achieve this goal. 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Vatican News, 2. 7. https://www.vaticannews.va/sl/ vatikan/news/2021-07/znotraj-vatikana-dika­sterij-za-laike-druzino-in-zivljenje.html (acces­sed 10. 2. 2022). OCENE / REVIEWS Guy Lafon. Abraham ali iznajdba vere. Celje; Ljubljana: Celjska Mohorjeva družba; Teološka fakulteta, Univerza v Ljubljani, 2022. 121 str. ISBN 978-961­7167-02-3 Teološka fakulteta UL in Mohorjeva druž­ba iz Celja sta konec februarja v sozaložbi 2022 izdali slovenski prevod knjige Abra­ ham ou l‘invention de la foi, ki jo je leta 1996 napisal francoski mislec Guy Lafon (izdala francoska založba Seuil). Da gre za pomembno teološko delo, potrjuje dej­stvo, da so knjigo prevedli tudi v italijan-šcino in portugalšcino. Prevajalec v slo­venšcino prof. dr. Drago Karl Ocvirk je na­slov dela prevedel Abraham ali iznajdba vere. Vsebina knjige obsega 121 strani, razdeljena je na 20 poglavij. Abraham je predstavljen na temelju biblicnih in ko­ranskih virov. Vendar to ni glavno sporo-cilo knjige. Lafon želi na specificen nacin povedati, da je Abraham resnicno ,oce vere‘. Ocak je zacetnik nekoliko drugacne vere od tiste, o kateri navadno govorimo. Bralec bo namrec od prve do zadnje stra­ni knjige cutil, da ne gre za vero, o kateri bi lahko razpravljali neprizadeto. Gre za vero, v kateri bo veren bralec udeležen. Toda tudi ateist bo ob branju spoznal in priznal: »Zame gre!« Abraham je iznajdi­telj vere, ki pa še zdalec ni zgolj védenje v kognitivnem pomenu besede. Ocak je iznašel vero in zacel verovati v zavezi, ki je njegovo življenje bistveno zaznamo­vala in oblikovala. Avtor je tak nacin ve­rovanja poimenoval abrahamska religi­ja, to je proces, ki je skozi vso zgodovino življenje abrahamskih vernikov bistveno zaznamoval. Judje, kristjani in muslimani namrec »poslušajo« Nekoga, ki jih nago­varja in s Katerim sklepajo zavezo. V bi-stvu gre za vero v vero. Lafon v Abraha-mu ne prepoznava zacetnika vere v smi­slu, da je pac veroval v Boga, da je torej priznaval Božji obstoj. Take vrste vera je obstajala že pred Abrahamom. Francoski mislec je preprican, da je ocakova vera veliko vec kot le prepricanje v Božji ob-stoj oz. vec kot oklepanje Božjega razo­detja. Nov nacin verovanja Lafon prepo­znava v dejstvu, da je Abraham veroval v Jahvejevo vero – on je veroval v vero Nekoga, ki ga sicer ne pozna, toda ta Nekdo ga je nagovoril. Torej ne gre zgolj za odnos med dvema osebkoma, med clovekom in Bogom. Gre za odnos med »clovekovo vero v Boga« in »Božjo vero v cloveka«. Rezultat odnosa med dvema verama pa je zaveza. A Guy Lafon se ne ustavlja le pri opisovanju ocakove verske drže pred vec tisoc leti. Iz abrahamske religije namrec izpelje Abrahamovo re-ligijo, ki se v zgodovini cloveštva rojeva vedno znova – vedno takrat, ko se clovek Božje obljube oklene in z njim sklene za­vezo. V tem smislu je Abraham iznašel vero v vero in jo lahko vedno znova iz­najde oz. zaživi vsak clovek, ki z Bogom sklene zavezo. Abraham ali iznajdba vere je vrhunec Lafonovega razmišljanja o veri, ki se zac­ne v knjigi Essai sur la signification du salut (1964), nadaljuje v Le Dieu com-mun (1982), v L‘autre-Roi (1987), in do-seže vrhunec v Abraham ou l‘invention de la foi (1996). V prvem omenjenem delu Lafon ostaja v okviru katoliške do-gmatike, ki trdi, da je vera potrebna za odrešenje. V drugi knjigi strogo dogmat-ski okvir prestopa in silovito izreka, da je vera odnos med vernikom in Bogom, ki pa ga clovek lahko prepozna v vsakem medcloveškem odnosu. Ta misel zori v L‘autre-Roi, z Abrahamom pa Lafon po­kaže na edinstvenost verovanja, torej na vero v vero, ki se je zacela z Abrahamom. Za povprecnega Abrahamovega »du-hovnega potomca« bo branje o veri v vero zagotovo nekaj novega. A tudi teo­logi bodo ideje o iznajditelju vere prebi­rali z zanimanjem. Vsekakor pa bo Abra­ham ali iznajdba vere lahko za vse bralce poglobljeno duhovno branje ali celo kar izdelana tema za duhovno obnovo, ce bodo le imeli pogum in bodo v Abraha-mu prepoznali samega sebe. Zgoraj omenjeni ustanovi sta hkrati s knjigo Abraham ali iznajdba vere izdali še publikacijo Lafon – mislec odnosa, ki je spremna študija o Guyu Lafonu in predstavlja razvoj njegove teološke misli. Najprej je bilo predvideno, da bo študija kot uvod natisnjena v knjigi Abraham ali iznajdba vere. A francoska založba Seuil, ki je Teološki fakulteti prodala avtorske pravice za natis slovenskega prevoda La-fonove knjige, je za tako obširen dodatek Lafonovemu besedilu (106 strani) videla pravne ovire, zato je predlagala, da naj se študija natisne v locenem zvezku. Vse­kakor bo predhodno branje študije, ki jo je napisal avtor te recenzije, bralcu knji­ge Abraham ali iznajdba vere koristilo za boljše razumevanje Lafonovega besedila. Lahko se bo seznanil z nacinom razmi­šljanja in sploh s celostno Lafonovo teo­loško mislijo (imenujemo jo relacijska teorija), ki jo je uvedel v teologijo. To po­sebej velja, ker je prevod njegovega be-sedila ponekod težje razumljiv. Toda tre­ba je poudariti, da so Lafonova besedila mnogokrat težko razumljiva tudi v origi­nalu za Francoze. Njegovo francosko iz­razoslovje je namrec specificno in fran­coski bralec se mora o pomenu kljucnih izrazov Guyjeve misli pouciti. Tudi v slo­venskem prevodu je bilo zato težko najti ustrezne in hkrati razumljive izraze. V skrbi, da bi bila misel jasna in tekoca, je pri opisovanju teologije odnosa in pre­vajanju Lafonovih besedil najvecja težava izbira ustreznega slovenskega izrazoslov­ja. Zato je namen študije na razumljiv in sodoben nacin slovenskemu bralcu ra­zložiti, kaj je Lafonova teologija, kako ra­zume vero – in kako so z vero povezani medcloveški odnosi. Vsekakor ima osre­dnje mesto v Lafonovi teologiji odnos. Vecina ljudi o odnosu ne razmišlja ali pa doživljajo to, da so v odnosu, kot nekaj tako samo po sebi umevnega, da se z njim sploh ne ukvarjajo. Podobno, kot se pred leti (še) ni govorilo o problemu eko­logije, ker smo imeli ciste vode in zrakana pretek. Šele sedaj, ko nam je teh do-brin zacelo primanjkovati, o ohranjanju cistega okolja razmišlja ves svet. Podob-no je z odnosom. Dokler so bile naše družine trdne in se je posameznik v druž-bi lahko uresniceval, odnosu nihce ni po­svecal pozornosti. Danes pa, ko je par- tnerski in zakonski odnos v krizi oz. lahko recemo, da so odnosi v družbi razvre­dnoteni nasploh, smo se zaceli spraševa-ti, kaj odnos zares je. Odnos je za posa­meznikovo življenje nekaj eksistencialno pomembnega. Je pravzaprav naš življenj-ski prostor: »V njem živimo, se gibljemo in smo.« Zunaj odnosa ni bivanja. Zato je tudi kvaliteta našega bivanja pogojena zodnosi. Še vec, Lafon nam kaže, da je od-nos kljuc za razumevanje clovekovega življenja in vere. Mari Jože Osredkar Roland Boer. Red Theology: On the Christian Communist Tradition. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV, 2019. 294 str. ISBN 978-90-04-38132-2. Roland Boer je teolog in filozof, ki pro-ucuje interakcije med marksizmom in religijo/teologijo. Na tem podrocju ve­lja za vodilnega strokovnjaka. Leta 2019 je pri založbi Leiden izšla knjiga Rdeca teologija: O kršcanski komunisticni tra­diciji kot del serije Studies in Critical Re­ search on Religion. Prvo poglavje knjige se zacne z opre­delitvijo zacetnika kršcanskega komu­nizma, in sicer ceško-ameriškega mar-ksista Karla Kautskega (1854–1938), in njegovega dela Forerunners of Modern Socialism (1895). Kautsky je raziskoval komunisticne korenine v družbah vse od Platona in zgodnjega kršcanstva da­lje, pri cemer ne razlikuje modernega od predmodernega komunizma. Pred­moderni komunizem tako Kautsky kot Boer opredeljujeta kot ,kršcanski komu­nizem‘. V 1. poglavju Boer povzema Ka­utskega analize posameznih družb sko­zi cas in izpostavlja njegov najvecji uvid: »kakršnakoli oblika socializma je delo v teku, išcoc pravilno pot k neznanemu« (str. 24). Boer zakljucuje, da je delo Ka­utskega nazoren primer, da je marksi­sticna podlaga bolj inkluzivna kot reduk­cijska. Drugo poglavje obravnava zgodnji kr-šcanski komunizem kot politicni mit. Po­sveca se esenom in zelotom v sklopu Apostolskih del, pristopom teh dveh re-volucionarnih družbenih skupin k sku­pnosti, pa vprašanjem porabe, proizvo­dnje in tranzicije med tema dejavnost-ma, vkljucno z analizo svetopisemskega gospodarstva (kmetijstva). Pri tem se sklicuje ne le na dela Kautskega, temvec tudi Rose Luxemburg (1871–1919) – ker je ta razvila tezo, da bo sodobni komu­nizem dokoncal tisto, kar je zgodnje kr-šcanstvo zacelo. Boer pri tem izposta­vlja, da se je »kršcanski komunizem lah­ko pojavil le hipoma v zgodovini, kot del ustanovitvenega trenutka kršcanstva, ampak to je bilo dovolj, da je izrazil upa­nje v prihodnost«. (str. 43) Boer v tretjem poglavju zoži svojo analizo na apostola Pavla, in sicer Pismo Rimljanom 13,1-7. Sprva se posveti vprašanju, ali je doticni del pisma anti-ali procesarski, saj je poglavitno vpraša­nje upor oz. zvestoba (rimskemu) cesar­ju/imperiju. Na koncu poglavja tako za­kljuci, da je »Pavel zapustil ambivalen­tno zapušcino na vec ravneh, ki je odpr­ta za možnost radikalnega, ce ne revo­lucionarnega branja njegovih in drugih besedil, ampak tudi z pravim potencia­lom za reakcionarne interpretacije, ki so zelo zadovoljne z okrepitvijo moci in prestiža« (str. 59). Cetrto poglavje je posveceno analizi romana Q (1999) radikalnega italijan­skega kolektiva Lutherja Blissetta, ki se prav tako ukvarja z vprašanjem marksiz-ma in religije v duhu antikapitalisticne­ga gibanja. Boer izpostavlja štiri roma­neskne teme: napetost med custvi in razumom, med prelomom in komuna­lizmom (communalism), med politicno ambivalentnostjo kršcanstva in vpraša­njem prenosa med politiko in teologijo. Na koncu poglavja avtor glavni namen romana vidi v »celoviti obnovitvi radi­kalnih, revolucionarnih dimenzij refor­macije, še posebej za vecjo skupino le­vicarskih gibanj danes« (str. 72). Tudi naslednje poglavje se ukvarja z reformacijo, posebej z Jeanom Calvinom (1509–64) in njegovim delom Ustanova kršcanske vere (1536), kjer se v zadnjem delu posveca vprašanju prepleta politike in teologije. Calvin tako razlikuje duhov-no in zemeljsko kraljestvo, ki sta po nje­govem locena – in to kljub temu, da (kot poudarja) so vladarji zemeljskih kralje­stev dani od Boga. S tem se zaplete v razlago, kako potem ti vladarji postane­jo tirani oz. brezbožni vladarji (ungodly rulers). Kljub temu Calvin poudarja, da je take vladarje (vseeno) treba ubogati. Šesto poglavje je posveceno pregle­du vpliva Martina Luthra (1483–1546) na Karla Marxa (1818–83) in Friedricha Engelsa (1820-95) oz. kako sta upora­bljala (protestantsko) kršcanstvo pri utemeljitvi marksizma. Pri tem se Boer osredotoca na tri teme: razlike dojema­nja cloveške narave pri luteranstvu in marksizmu; ambivalentni prikaz Luthra kot ideologa buržuazije v Engelsovi zgo­dnji študiji nemške kmecke revolucije l. 1525; Marxovo dialekticno ovrednote­nje Luthra kot iniciatorja prve faze nem­ške revolucije. Avtor na koncu zakljucu­je, da sta se oba marksisticna ideologa s kršcanstvom spoprijela in ga pri razvo­ju ideologije tudi uporabila, a »to ne po­meni, da je marksizem v kakršnikoli meri sekularizirana oblika kršcanske mi-sli in seveda eshatologije« (str. 102). Na zacetku naslednjega poglavja av-tor izpostavlja, da je prepletenost kr-šcanskega komunizma (v evropskem kontekstu) in marksizma razvidna – glavni snovalci ideologije marksizma so se sklicevali na pretekle revolucije, ki so imele tudi mocno versko konotacijo. Po­sledicno se avtor sprašuje, ali ima mar-ksizem globoko povezavo s kršcan­stvom, morda tudi z judovstvom. To raz­mišljanje sklene z ugotovitvijo, da ce­prav res imata skupne vire, je »sama narava temeljev [kršcanstva in marksiz-ma] kvalitativno drugacna, kar tudi oznacuje abstraktno in formalno analo­gijo« (str. 116). Marksizem zato prihaja do drugacnih zakljuckov, kako ustvariti popolno, idealno družbo. Sledi poglavje, ki se osredotoca na marksisticno-kršcanski dialog v 60. in 70. letih preteklega stoletja. Pri tem analizi­ra poglede kršcanskih teologov na mar-ksizem in marksisticnih filozofov na kr-šcanstvo – primarno tistih, ki so sodelo­vali v javnem dialogu (preko konferenc, publikacij), tako v vzhodni kot tudi zaho­dni Evropi. Osredotoca se na novo, so-dobno razumevanje cloveške narave, ali­enacije, Prometejskega protesta in pri­hodnosti. Takratno razumevanje teh poj­mov je bilo mocno zaznamovano z ne­posrednimi posledicami drugega vati­kanskega koncila, razvoja protestantske teologije, antikolonializma – pa tudi (v kontekstu hladne vojne) strahom pred jedrskim unicenjem sveta. Na marksistic­ni strani pa je razvoj filozofije še posebej zaznamovalo stalinisticno obdobje. Deveto poglavje analizira delo fran­coskega marksisticnega filozofija Louisa Althusserja (1918–90), pri cemer se av-tor posveca vprašanju, ali so marksisti in kristjani loceni skupini ali pa med nji-mi obstaja presek? Althusser tako po­skuša oblikovati analogijo med social-no/družbeno in versko revolucijo. Zatr­juje namrec, da ima lahko religija pro-gresivno, revolucionarno vlogo. V naslednjem poglavju je osrednja kršcansko-komunisticna misel avstral­skega anglikanskega duhovnika Farnha-ma Maynarda (1882–1973). Boer za­kljucuje, da je Maynard »le prišel do položaja, kjer lahko marksizem ponudi materialisticne in seveda objektivne od­govore, toda kršcanstvo zagotavlja kljucni manjkajoci element subjektivnih odgovorov« (str. 164). Enajsto poglavje je posveceno pri­merjavi kršcanskega komunizma in bolj­ševizma, pa tudi predhodnih oblik in vplivov (kmecki socializem, dela Leva Ni­kolajevica Tolstoja (1828–1910), bogo­graditeljstvo (.................)). Boer v analizi tako teh gibanj kot boljše­vizma vidi najvecji prispevek kršcanstva v »nepricakovanem in posredovalnem nacinu«, ko je boljševizem »zgradil in posredoval preko ideje, da so bile podo-be bogov v religiji v resnici ideal, do h kateremu morajo ljudje stremeti« (str. 182). Naslednje poglavje analizira razvoj kitajskega komunizma in vpliv kršcan­skega komunizma na Kitajskem, še po­sebej glede tajpinške revolucije (1850– 64), verige nadaljnjih vstaj in revolucij, ki so na koncu privedle do komunisticne revolucije Mao Cetunga (1893–1976). Boer zakljuci, da tajpinška revolucija »stoji na zacetku modernega revolucio­narnega procesa – natancneje gibanja, ki je izšlo pod vplivom tujega, revoluci­onarnega kršcanskega vpliva« (str. 199). V nadaljnjem poglavju avtor še po­drobneje analizira kitajski kršcanski ko­munizem v zacetku 20. stoletja na pod-lagi del vec kitajskih teoretikov in filozo­fov, ki so proucevali predhodna dela s podrocja religije in komunizma/mar­ksizma. Boer pravi, da ti misleci »trdijo, da sta kršcanstvo in komunizem edin­stvena fenomena, pri cemer menjujejo mnenje, da sta blizu povezana in ohra­njajoc doloceno dialekticno razdaljo med njima, neposredna možnost osta­ja, da bo komunizem zajet s kršcan­stvom« (str. 214). Kršcanski komunizem se iz Evrope ni razširil samo na Kitajsko, ampak tudi v Korejo, primarno v Severno Korejo. Boer se tu omejuje na tri elemente: do-morodno religijo, condoizem in ideolo­gijo Kim Il-Sunga (1912–94), ustanovi­telja severnokorejske komunisticne dr­žave in tudi vladajoce dinastije. Ugota­vlja, da junce – uradna ideologija Sever-na Koreje – in teološki vidik kršcanstva »delita vzajemno problematiko, kot so dobrodelnost, osvoboditev zatiranih, nasprotovanje brezbrižnosti, poudarek na nacionalnih problemih in cloveko­centricna perspektiva« (str. 235), kar pripisuje vplivu nekaterih progresivnih kristjanov v zgodnji dobi korejskega ko­munisticnega gibanja. Boer delo zakljucuje z ugotovitvami, da je treba pri razumevanju komunizma upoštevati zgodovinske primere; pri tem se ne smemo zadovoljiti le s prika­zom »komunizma kot idealnega sveta, ki ga bo mogoce lahko najti v meglicah oddaljene prihodnosti« (str. 237). To ro­manticno podobo komunisticnega sveta mora nadomestiti dejanska podoba in delovanje komunisticnih režimov, ki ka­žejo resnicno stanje. Hkrati ugotavlja, da je komunisticna dimenzija v kršcan­stvu nastala na obrobju – tako v razmi­šljanju kot tudi v dejanjih. Vseeno je »dinamika radikalnih in reakcionarnih elementov konstitutivna lastnost kr-šcanstva, in sicer tako zelo, da ne more-mo identificirati enega kot bistvo ter drugega kot perverzijo oz. odklop« (str. 238). Toda ideja kršcanskega komuniz-ma je na podlagi njegovih ugotovitev možna le znotraj relativno majhnih sku-pin, medtem ko na nacionalnem nivoju svoj vpliv izgubi. Obravnavano delo je zanimivo za vse proucevalce komunisticnih režimov, kjer so bile na koncu kršcanske skupine preganjane, vkljucno s podrocjem (nek­danje) Jugoslavije in Slovenije. Tudi Slo­venija je imela svoj delež vstaj, puntov in revolucij s prisotnostjo (tudi) verskih elementov. Monografija ponuja odlicno izhodišce za slovenske teologe, filozofe in marksiste, da izvedejo podobno ana­lizo vpliva kršcanstva na slovensko obli­ko komunizma oz. tudi analizo kršcan­ Kovac, Nedjeljka Valerija. Mjesto slike u govoru vjere: povijest – teologija – primjeri. Zagreb: Glas Koncila, 2020. 395 str. ISBN 978-953-241-916-0. Sodobni digitalni svet pri komunikaciji zelo izpostavlja pomen podob. S podo­bami se namrec sporocila posredujejo na bolj intenziven nacin. Tudi znotraj podrocja teologije so imele podobe v vsej zgodovini pomembno vlogo pri prenosu verskega sporocila, pri obli­kovanju bogoslužnih prostorov ter pri spodbujanju osebne in skupne pobo­žnosti. Izr. prof. za podrocje dogmatike na Katoliški teološki fakulteti Univerze v Zagrebu Nedjeljka s. Valerija Kovac je v znanstveni monografiji Mjesto sli­ke u govoru vjere: povijest – teologija – primjeri (Mesto podobe v verski go-vorici: zgodovina – teologija – primeri) predstavila zgodovinski pregled pome­na podob za versko življenje. Prikazuje pomen podob za razvoj teološke misli danes in podaja meditativno razlago za 55 razlicnih umetniških del s podrocja sakralne umetnosti. Avtorica je izbrala za današnjo teolo­gijo zelo pomenljivo in aktualno podro-cje. Umetnost lahko za marsikoga pred­stavlja vstopno tocko na podrocje vere. Podobe namrec v cloveku prebujajo njegov cut za presežnost, spodbujajo pa skih prvin v komunizmu. Nenazadnje smo imeli v preteklosti duhovnike in škofe, ki so se gibali v tem ideološkem obmocju. Klemen Kocjancic tudi k refleksiji lastnega življenja. Avto­rica se kriticno sprašuje, ali sistematicna teologija potencial, ki ji ga ponujajo umetniška dela iz preteklosti do danes, uporablja v zadostni meri. Ugotavlja, da teologija ostaja prevec ujeta v svoje lingvisticne in konceptualne izraze vere. Po njenem prepricanju umetniška dela za katehezo in pastoralo predstavljajo ne samo primerno sredstvo, ampak tudi referencne tocke za sistematicno teolo­ško razmišljanje. Zaradi prevelikega po­udarka na racionalnosti v teologiji je pri­šlo do nezaželenega razkola med ume­tnostjo in religijo. S svojim preglednim in sistematicnim delom želi Nedjeljka s. Valerija Kovac dati podobam castno mesto v verskem življenju posameznika in skupnosti ter v teološki refleksiji. Gre za pregledno delo, ki povzema spoznanja številnih avtorjev na podro-cju zgodovine in teologije – še posebej s hrvaškega, italijanskega in nemškega govornega podrocja. Napisano je v ra­zumljivem in berljivem slogu, zato je dostopno tudi širši populaciji in ne zgolj teologom. Knjiga je razdeljena v teore­ticni in prakticni del. Teoreticni del se­stavljata prvi dve poglavji, ki sta posve-ceni zgodovinskemu pregledu vloge po-dob v življenju Cerkve in sodobnim pri­stopom k uporabi podob v teologiji. V prakticnem delu pa s. Kovac ob umetni­ških delih iz bogate zakladnice zahodno­evropske kršcanske umetnosti predsta­vlja njihovo izvorno sporocilo in želi bralca spodbuditi k osebnemu pogla­bljanju v verske skrivnosti ob pomoci izbranih podob. Po eni strani avtorica želi pokazati na versko vsebino številnih umetniških del znotraj evropske umetnosti, ki se je po njenem prepricanju znotraj sekularizi­ranega sveta izgubila. Po drugi strani pa poudarja, da tudi sodobnih umetniških del ni mogoce razumeti izven religio­znega konteksta. Naloga teologije naj bi tako bila, da bi prispevala k bolj poglo­bljenemu razumevanju umetniških po-dob. Zdi se, da avtorica ostaja znotraj paradigme lingvisticne in konceptualne teološke misli, saj pri razlaganju podob daje primat besedi in kljub vsem priza­devanjem ne uspe zares odpreti prosto­ra teologije umetnikom – kot samostoj­nim snovalcem teologije. V sistematicnem delu se avtorica opi­ra na spoznanja nemškega teologa Alexa Stocka. Stock v verskem življenju razlikuje štiri podrocja uporabe podob: pri oznanjevanju in poucevanju, pri ce-šcenju v bogoslužju, pri osebni in sku­pnostni pobožnosti ter kot umetniška dela (23–66). Avtorica v nasprotju s pre­pricanjem, da so v preteklosti podobe v bogoslužnih prostorih služile predvsem kot Biblia pauperum, zagovarja mnenje, da so podobe služile vsem vernikom kot spodbuda h globljemu in celovitejšemu razumevanju verskih vsebin (31). Pri uporabi podob v bogoslužju poudarja, da se v zahodni Cerkvi – drugace kot v praksi vzhodne Cerkve – prava teologija podobe ni razvila. Vzhodna Cerkev na­mrec na podlagi teologije Janeza Dama-šcana zagovarja, da »je v podobah nav­zoca milost in moc prototipa, zaradi ce-sar je možna odrešilna realna navzoc­nost Kristusa in svetnikov v podobah« (38). Na zahodu v podobah ne vidijo realne navzocnosti Kristusa in svetnikov, temvec jih uporabljajo predvsem kot spodbudo k osebni pobožnosti. Avtori-ca še ugotavlja, da je proces sekulariza­cije v zahodni družbi sprožil umik visoke umetnosti iz sakralnih prostorov, hkrati pa je v sodobni družbi »umetnost pre­vzela vlogo religije« (63). Prepricana je, da se lahko teologija obogati tudi s so-dobno umetnostjo, ki vsebuje tudi pre­sežno razsežnost cloveka. V nadaljeva­nju dela avtorica utemeljuje pomen umetniškega upodabljanja Kristusa in svetnikov za versko življenje na podlagi kristoloških in antropoloških predpo­stavk (67–93). V prakticnem delu, kjer na umetno­stnozgodovinski in meditativno-teološki nacin predstavi 55 umetniških del iz sa­kralne umetnosti, pride bolj do izraza osebna kreativnost avtorice, pri cemer pa v povezavi z umetniškimi podobami manjka bolj poglobljena sistematicna teologija. Izbor umetniških del kaže, da avtorica daje prednost poglabljanju osebne duhovnosti in stika bralca z Bo-gom – velika vecina razlag se omejuje na krepitev osebne duhovnosti. So pa tudi nekatera dela, ki bralca neposre­dno spodbujajo k družbeni odgovorno­sti (slike št. 20, 22, 42, 47, 55). Knjiga je zelo uporabna za prakticno rabo tako pri katehezi kot v osebnem duhovnem življenju. Vsekakor pa je po­hvalna avtoricina ideja, da bi vkljucila podobe tudi v sistematicno teološko razmišljanje. Roman Globokar ZNANSTVENA KNJIŽNICA 51 Mari Jože Osredkar Teologija odnosaIn beseda je clovek postala Odnos je nekaj duhovnega, nekaj, kar se ne vidi, nekaj cesar cloveški cuti ne zazna­jo neposredno. Pa vendar je odnos za posameznikovo življenje nekaj eksistencialno pomembnega. Je pravzaprav naš življenjski prostor: »v njem živimo, se gibljemoin smo«. Še vec, odnos je kljuc za razumevanja vere in Boga. Ljubljana: Brat Francišek in Teološka fakulteta, 2016. 148 str. ISBN 978-961-6844-50-5. 12€. Knjigo lahko narocite na naslovu: TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si Navodila sodelavcem Navodila sodelavcem Rokopis znanstvenega ali strokovnega clanka, ki ga avtor/ica pošlje na naslov Bo-goslovnega vestnika, je besedilo, ki še ni bilo objavljeno drugod niti ni drugod v recenzijskem postopku. Rokopis je treba poslati v pisni in v elektronski obliki. Ele­ktronska oblika naj obsega le osnovne programske definicije (urejevalnik besedila Word s standardno obliko pisave brez dodatnih slogovnih dolocil). Pisna oblika ro­kopisa naj ima velikost crk 12 pt (Times), razmik med vrsticami 1,5, opombe 10 pt. Zaradi anonimnega recenzijskega postopka mora imeti vsak rokopis prijavo ozi­roma spremni list, na katerem avtor/ica navede svoje ime in priimek, naslov clanka, svoje kljucne biografske podatke (akademski naziv, podrocje dela, poslovni naslov in/oziroma naslov, na katerem prejema pošto, elektronski naslov itd.) in izjavo, da besedilo še ni bilo objavljeno in da še ni v recenzijskem postopku. Obrazec prijave je na spletni strani revije (http://www.teof.uni-lj.si/bv.html). Na drugi strani, ki je prva stran besedila, pa naj navede samo naslov clanka brez imena avtorja. Rokopis znanstvenega clanka ima povzetek in kljucne besede, in sicer na poseb­ni strani (listu). Povzetek naj obsega do 160 besed oziroma do 800 znakov. Povzetek obsega natancno opredelitev teme clanka, metodologijo in zakljucke. Obseg rokopisaizvirnega znanstvenegaclanka najpraviloma nepresegadolžineene avtorske pole (30.000 znakov); pregledni clanki in predhodne objave naj ne obsegajo vec kot 20.000 znakov, porocila ne vec kot 10.000 znakov, ocene knjig ne vec kot 8.000 znakov. Za obsežnejša besedila naj se avtor dogovori z urednikom. Besedila daljša od 8.000 znakov morajo vsebovati podnaslove. Tabele in slike morajo biti izpisane na po­sebnem listu papirja, v besedilu clanka mora biti oznaceno mesto, kam sodijo. Naslov clanka mora biti jasen, poveden in ne daljši od 100 znakov. Na koncu clanka pripravimo seznam referenc oz. literature. Knjižna dela nava­jamo v obliki: Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov. Kraj: Založba. Npr.: Janžekovic, Janez. 1976. Kršcanstvo in marksizem: od polemike do razgovora. Celje: Mohorjeva druž­ba. Clanke iz revij navajamo v obliki: Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov clanka. Ime publikacije letnik:prva-zadnja stran. Npr.: Krašovec, Jože. 1991. Filozofsko-teološki razlogi za odpušcanje. Bogoslovni vestnik 51:270-285. Pri referencah z interneta navedemo spletni naslov z datumom pridobitve dokumenta. Ce je bil dokument objavljen v periodicni publikaciji, to oznacimo za naslovom dokumenta. Priimek, Ime. Letnica. Naslov. Ime publikacije, dan. mesec. URL (pridobljeno datum. mesec leto). Npr.: Rebula, Alojz. 2006. Rekatolizacija ali recivilizacija? Družina, 7. aprila. Http://www.druzina.si/ICD/spletnastran.nsf/ (pridobljeno 16. oktobra 2006). V besedilu navajamo citate po sistemu avtor-letnica. Priimek avtorja, letnico izida citiranega dela in stran zapišemo za citatom v obliki (priimek letnica, stran). Npr. (Janžekovic 1976, 12). Na isti nacin navajamo tudi citate iz periodicnih publi­kacij in s spletnih strani. Ce sta avtorja dva, navedek zapišemo v obliki (Priimek in Priimek letnica, stran). Npr. (Rode in Stres 1977, 33). Pri vec kot treh avtorjih upo­rabimo obliko (Priimek idr. letnica, stran) ali (Priimek et al. letnica, stran). Npr. (Lenzenweger et al. 1999, 51). Ce avtor dela ni naveden, namesto priimka upora­bimo naslov, lahko tudi skrajšanega, npr. (Devetdnevnica k casti milostne Matere Božje 1916, 5). Ce priimek navedemo že v citatu, ga v navedku izpustimo in nave- demo samo letnico in stran. Npr.: »Kakor je zapisal Anton Strle (1988, 67) [...]. Ce v istem oklepaju navajamo vec del, locujemo eno od drugega s podpicji. Npr. (Pascal 1986, 16; Frankl 1993, 73). Ce citiramo v istem odstavku isto delo, navedemo referenco v celoti samo pr­vic, v nadaljevanju v oklepajih navedemo samo številko strani. Okrajšave »Prim.« ne uporabljamo. Po ustaljeni navadi v besedilu navajamo Sveto pismo, anticne in srednjeveške avtorje, koncilske in druge cerkvene dokumente, Zakonik cerkvene­ga prava (ZCP), Katekizem katoliške Cerkve (KKC) in druge dokumente, ki jih obrav­navamo kot vire. Natancnejša navodila za citiranje so na spletnem naslovu http:// www.teof.uni-lj.si/obrazci/citiranje.doc. Uporaba kratic znanih casopisov, periodicnih publikacij, najbolj citiranih del, leksikonov in zbirk mora ustrezati mednarodnemu seznamu (splošni seznam: List of serial title word abbreviations, COBISS.SI-ID: 61626368, dostopen v NUK-u; za teologijo: Internationales Abkürzungsverzeichnis für Theologie und Grenzgebiete, W. de Gruyter, Berlin 1992); kratice domacih del, zbirk in leksikonov se uporablja­jo, ce so splošno znane in priznane, na primer »BV« za Bogoslovni vestnik. Kratice revij/casopisov so v ležeci pisavi (kurzivi), kratice zbornikov, leksikonov ali mono-grafij so v pokoncni pisavi. Pravila glede precrkovanja (transliteracije) iz gršcine in hebrejšcine so dostopna v uredništvu. Objave v Bogoslovnem vestniku se ne honorirajo. Uredništvo zavrnjenih roko­pisov ne vraca. Bogoslovni vestnik Theological Quarterly EPHEMERIDES THEOLOGICAE Izdajatelj in založnik / Edited and published by Teološka fakulteta Univerze v Ljubljani Naslov / Address Bogoslovni vestnik, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana ISSN 0006-5722 1581-2987 (e-oblika) Spletni naslov / E-address http://www.teof.uni-lj.si/bv.html Glavni in odgovorni urednik / Editor in chief Robert Petkovšek E-pošta / E-mail bogoslovni.vestnik@teof.uni-lj.si Namestnik gl. urednika / Associate Editor Vojko Strahovnik Uredniški svet / Editorial Council Jože Bajzek (Rim), Metod Benedik, Erwin Dirscherl (Regensburg), Emmanuel Falque (Pariz), Vincent Holzer (Pariz), Janez Juhant, Gusztáv Kovács (Pécs), Jože Krašovec, Nenad Malovic (Zagreb), Zorica Maros (Sarajevo), Sigrid Müller (Dunaj), Mladen Parlov (Split), Didier Pollefeyt (Leuven), Vladislav Puzovic (Beograd), Miran Sajovic (Rim), Walter Schaupp (Gradec), Józef Stala (Krakov), Anton Stres, Grzegorz Szamocki(Gdansk), Ed Udovic (Chicago), Michal Valco (Žilina), Rafko Valencic, Vladimir Vukašinovic (Beograd), Karel Woschitz (Gradec) Pomocniki gl. urednika (uredniški odbor) / Irena Avsenik Nabergoj, Roman Globokar, Slavko Krajnc, Simon Editorial Board Malmenvall, Jožef Muhovic, Mari Jože Osredkar, Maria Carmela Palmisano, Barbara Simonic, Stanislav Slatinek, Vojko Strahovnik, Miha Šimac, Miran Špelic, Marjan Turnšek, Janez Vodicar Tehnicni pomocniki gl. ur. / Tech. Assistant Editors Liza Primc, Aljaž Krajnc, Jonas Miklavcic in Rok Gregorcic Lektoriranje / Language-editing Domen Krvina Prevodi / Translations Simon Malmenvall Oblikovanje / Cover design Lucijan Bratuš Prelom / Computer typesetting Jernej Dolšak Tisk / Printed by KOTIS d. o. o., Grobelno Za založbo / Chief publisher Janez Vodicar Izvlecke prispevkov v tej reviji objavljajo / Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Digitale Bibliothek; Canon Law Ab-Abstracts of this review are included in stracts; Elenchus Bibliographicus Biblicus; Web of Science (Wos): Core colection: the Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI); ERIH PLUS; dLib; IBZ Online; MIAR; MLA International Bibliography; Periodica de re Canonica; Religious & Theological Abstracts; Scopus (h) Letna narocnina / Annual subscription za Slovenijo: 28 EUR za tujino: Evropa 40 EUR; ostalo 57 USD (navadno), 66 USD (prednostno); naslov: Univerza v Ljubljani, Teološka fakulteta, Poljanska c. 4, 1000 Ljubljana Transakcijski racun / Bank account IBAN SI56 0110 0603 0707 798 Swift Code: BSLJSI2X Revijo sofinancira Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republi­ke Slovenije. Clanki v reviji Bogoslovni vestnik, razen ce ni drugace navedeno, so objavljeni pod pogoji licence Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0 International). Impressum Bogoslovni vestnik (Theological Quarterly, Ephemerides Theologicae) je znanstvena revija z recenzijo. V razvid medijev, ki ga vodi Ministrstvo za kulturo RS, je vpisana pod zaporedno številko 565. Izhaja štirikrat na leto. Bogoslovni vestnik je glasilo Teološke fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. Vsebuje izvirne in pregledne znanstvene clanke in prispevke s podrocja teologije in drugih ved, ki so sorodne teologiji. Objavlja v latinskem, angleškem, francoskem, nemškem in v italijanskem jeziku. Rokopis, ki ga sodelavec pošlje na naslov Bogoslovnega vestnika, je besedilo, ki istocasno ali prej ni bilo poslano na noben drug naslov in bo v v Bogoslovnem vestniku objavljeno prvic. Podrobnejša navodila so v prvi številki vsakega letnika. Prispevki v Bogoslovnem vestniku se ne honorirajo. Clanki so objavljeni na spletni strani s casovnim presledkom enega leta. Rokopise je treba poslati na naslov: Bogoslovni vestnik, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana (elektronski naslov: bo­goslovni.vestnik@teof.uni-lj.si). MAGNA CHARTA FACULTATIS THEOLOGICAE LABACENSIS Teološka fakulteta, ki ima korenine v srednjeveških samostanskih in katedralnih sholah in najodlicnejše mesto na prvih univerzah, je tudi ena od petih ustanovnih fakultet Univerze v Ljubljani. Njeni predhodniki so bili jezuitski kolegij, ki je deloval v Ljubljani v letih od 1601 do 1773, vrsta drugih redovnih visokih šol in škofijske teološke šole. Kakor ob svojih zacetkih želi Teološka fakulteta tudi na pragu 3. tisocletja ob nenehni skrbi za prvovrstno kvaliteto pedagoškega in raziskovalnega dela razvijati svoj govor o Bogu in o cloveku, o božjem uclovecenju in o clovekovem pobožanstvenju, o stvarstvu in o clovekovem poseganju vanj, o zacetkih vsega in o koncnem smislu, o Cerkvi in o življenju v njej. Opirajoc se na Sveto pismo in na izrocilo in ob upoštevanju dometa clovekove misli, usposablja svoje študente za jasen premislek o témah presežnosti in tukajšnjosti, vere in razodetja, kanonskega prava, morale in vzgoje. Kot katoliška fakulteta v zvestobi kulturnemu krogu, iz katerega je izšla, sledi avtoriteti cerkvenega uciteljstva in skrbi za intelektualno pripravo kandidatov na duhovništvo in za duhovno rast laiških sodelavcev v Cerkvi in v širši družbi.