Edinost in dialog Unity and Dialogue
76 (2021) 2: 243–273
Mihai Dragnea
Shaping Religious Identity on the 
Northern Edge of the Christianitas : 
Portraits of Pagans and Idolaters 
in the Twelfth Century Pomerania
1
Oblikovanje verske identitete na severnem robu 
christianitasa: podobe poganov in malikovalcev 
v Pomeraniji dvanajstega stoletja
Abstract: This study analyses the image of pagans and paganism in Pomerania during the 
first half of the twelfth century. It also analyses the relationship with idolatry known since 
early Christianity. The conversion of Pomeranians to Christianity took place by giving up the 
worship of idols and submission to the Christian faith. It was the obedience to the German 
ecclesiastical authorities and the Polish duke that caused the Pomeranians to be regarded 
as real Christians. This study shows that Pomeranian paganism appears as a Christian con-
struct of a socio-religious identity, created to be an antithesis to Christianity.
Keywords: Pomerania, Paganism, Idolatry, Christianization, Apostasy, Crusading
 
Izvleček: Ta študija analizira podobe poganov in poganstva v Pomeraniji v prvi polovici 
dvanajstega stoletja. Analizira tudi razmerje z malikovanjem, kot je znano vse od zgodnjega 
krščanstva dalje. Pomeranijci so se spreobrnili v krščanstvo, s tem ko so prenehali častiti 
malike ter se predali krščanski veri. Zaradi svoje poslušnosti nemškim cerkvenim avtorite-
tam ter poljskemu vojvodi so veljali za prave kristjane. Ta študija pokaže, da je pomeranijsko 
poganstvo izvorno krščanski konstrukt družbeno-verske identitete, ki je bil ustvarjen kot 
antiteza krščanstvu. 
Ključne besede: Pomeranija, poganstvo, malikovanje, pokristjanjenje, odpadništvo, križarstvo
1 This study is based on research conducted in 2021 at the Faculty of Theology, University 
of Copenhagen, and was supported through a grant given by the Eugen Lozovan Foundation 
in Copenhagen.
Izvirni znanstveni članek Original scientific paper (1.01)
Besedilo prejeto Received: 26. 5. 2021; Sprejeto Accepted: 17. 8. 2021
UDK UDC: UDK 257.2(430Pomeranija)
DOI: 10.34291/Edinost/76/02/Dragnea
© 2021 Dragnea CC BY 4.0

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
Introduction
The historiography regarding the construction of a pagan identity in rela-
tion to idolatry and apostasy in medieval north is very rich. In this appro-
ach, historians have shown interest both in the theological arguments 
used by chroniclers to define pagan identity on the Southern Baltic coast 
(Dragnea 2021b; Goetz 2015, 103–118; Cusack 2011, 33–51; Ingrao and 
Szabo 2008; Kaljundi 2008, 113–127; Lübke 2008, 189–203; Jensen 2002, 
173–193; Scior 2002), the authenticity of the Slavic mythology (Rosik 2020; 
Hardt 2015, 263–268; Müller-Wille 1999) and in the political, social and 
cultural interaction between pagans and Christians (Dragnea 2019, 7–34; 
Hardt 2005, 35–49; Zaroff 2003, 5–36; Petersohn 2003, 99–139; Lübke 2002, 
91–110; Althoff 1999, 267–292; Hoffmann 1998, 23–49). The influence 
of crusading ideas in the discourse of the chroniclers (Dragnea 2021, 
41–61; Dragnea 2019; von Güttner Sporzyński 2014; Gładysz 2012; 
Fonnesberg-Schmidt 2007; Lotter 1989, 267–306), the justification of war-
fare against the apostates and the forced conversion in relation to the 
canon law was also analysed (Jensen 2016, 227–250; Becher 2013, 23–52; 
Hen 2006, 33–51; Warner 2006, 11–35; Kahl 1955, 161–193, 360–401).
In the last decades historians have focused on the role of ethnicity in the 
development of pagan identities in Northern Europe.
2
 It was also analysed 
how the pagans became »the others« and what theoretical background 
accompanied this transformation. Such kind of ideas are of course deba-
table but one thing is certain. Articles with this topic have stimulated the 
latest research on pagan identity in the Latin periphery. However, in this 
discussion from the last two decades the influence of theology in relati-
on to the political matters has been underappreciated. There are in fact 
no specialized studies dealing with apostasy and the role of canon law 
and ecclesiastical authority in shaping the profile of the Pomeranians.
3
 
Therefore this article will attempt to correct the lack of discussion 
on church affairs as an important aspect of how the ecclesiastical writers 
2 See the special thematic issue of the Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31 (2001), with 
special attention to the studies of Hahn, 1–37, Bartlett, 39–56, and Jordan, 165–173. A fundamental 
work on expansion of the Latin Christian frontiers is Bartlett (1993).
3 There are only a few studies that focus on the whole Baltic region in a broad sense: Janson 2010, 
11–30; 2009, 171–191; 2005, 141–154.

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
from the northern fringe of the Latin Christianity described the pagan 
identity. It will also explain why and how labels such as »pagans« and 
»apostates« were equated.
Scholars have wondered over time to which extent the image of the 
pre-Christian cults and beliefs was distorted. In certain cases, labels assig-
ned to the Pomeranians as other northerners did not concern real pagans, 
but rather apostates. The Pomeranians had not left any tangible proof 
of their genuine religion. The ecclesiastical narratives on pagan practices 
were nothing more than motifs collected from classical literature. In a 
broad sense the concept is known as interpretatio Romana.
4
This article will take a strong position on an ongoing historical debate 
about whether conversion accounts produced by Christian authors in the 
Middle Ages tell us anything real about the native paganism of northern 
Europe or are simply a concoction of tropes, clichés and literary borrowin-
gs. It will examine the question of what elements constituted the pagan 
identity in twelfth-century Pomerania, and how this image had been crea-
ted by the ecclesiastical writers according to the canon law. They depicted 
Pomerania as a pagan realm beyond the Christian mental frontier, whose 
inhabitants were in need of salvation through conversion, even if they 
were already Christians. In order to decrypt the clerical information about 
the Pomeranians’ religiosity in theory and practice, it is necessary to place 
the narrative within the political context of the time. It is also appropriate 
to explore the intellectual life of the medieval authors who wrote about 
the supposed Pomeranian idolatry. The condemnation of Pomeranian 
idolatry was not only a theological endeavour meant to strengthen the 
authority of the church on the Christian periphery. It could also be seen 
as an individual or collective attempt to interpret certain events on the 
basis of the political background. Therefore our investigation will focus 
on medieval literary perception of Pomeranian idolatry, its nature and its 
relation to Christianity.
4 For the interpretatio Romana of Slavic pre-Christian religion in the historiography of the last century, 
see Rosik 2020, 10–38.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
Who were the Pomeranians?
Pomeranians (Pomerani), who inhabited the region called Pomerania 
between the Oder and the Vistula, were among the most important 
Wendish tribes, along with the Obotrites, Luticians, and Rugians.
5
 The di-
stinct character of the Wends was emphasized by chroniclers from the 
tenth century onwards.
6
 According to the eleventh-century chronicler 
Adam of Bremen, there were about thirteen Wendish tribes stretching over 
a vast territory mostly across the Elbe. For Germans, the Wends (Wenden) 
were speakers of Slavic languages, living in a large area between the Elbe 
and the Baltic Sea (Graus 1980, 74). For Scandinavians, the Wends (vinder 
in skaldic poetry) were neighbours living on the southern coast of the 
Baltic Sea (Vindland). Their eastern neighbours were called Austr-Vinðir 
(»East Wends«) with the synonym term Læsir. This is in fact an exonym 
which could designate the »Wends« living close to the western boundary 
of Rus’ (e. g. Lendians).
7
The Conquest and Conversion of the Pomeranians
The earliest description of Pomeranian paganism in connection to idolatry 
in the twelfth century was given by a Benedictine monk known as Wolfger. 
He is one of the three biographers of Bishop Otto of Bamberg (d. 1139). 
His biography was written between 1140 and 1146 at Prüfening, a Bavarian 
abbey founded by Otto on 12 May 1119.
8
 The second biography was wri-
tten between 1151 and 1159 by another clergyman named Ebo from St. 
Michael's Abbey in Bamberg. His source of information was Wolfger’s ha-
giography, Otto’s correspondence (eight letters, of which only three were 
written by the bishop) and other information from Udalricus (Ulrich), one 
5 Adam of Bremen 1876, I. 1; II. 18–19; III. 19.21; IV. 13.18. For the diversity of the Wendish gens and 
populus and the geographical distribution of the tribes in the narratives of Adam of Bremen, see 
Dragnea 2021b, 12.
6 For a brief analysis of the cultural and social interactions between Germans and Wends in the second 
half of the tenth century, see Dragnea 2019, 5–33.
7 For the participation of the Norwegian King Harald Hardrada (d. 1066) in Yaroslav's campaign against 
the Poles in 1031, see Lubik 2020, 12.
8 For the inscription documenting the consecration of Prüfening Monastery in 1119 to St. George, see 
Brekle 2005, 8.

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
of the Otto’s collaborators and a priest at the church of St. Aegidius. His 
work contains information from the memoirs of the bishop’s companions 
on missions in Western Pomerania (e. g. Udalricus and others). The third 
biography was written in 1158 by Herbord (d. 1168), a magister at the St. 
Michael's Abbey School in Bamberg.
9
As we know, the central character of the three vitae is the missionary 
bishop Otto of Bamberg, the second son of a Swabian noble family. 
After 1082 he served at the court of Duke Władysław I Herman of Poland 
(1079–1102) as chaplain to Judith of Swabia, second wife of the duke 
and sister of the emperor Henry IV. Later Otto became chancellor of the 
emperor, who also appointed him as bishop of Bamberg in 1102. Otto 
supported the emperor in his conflict with the papacy over the issue of the 
Investitures. His episcopal appointment was confirmed by Pope Paschal 
II in 1111 (Álvarez-Pedrosa 2020, 114).
The conversion of Pomerania was carried out by Otto and his clergy, but 
it took place in the political context of the time. A precondition was the 
submission of the Pomeranians. The main urbes and civitates of Pomerania 
were a considerable source of wealth for the Piast dynasty. The region has 
been under the influence of the dynasty since the time of Mieszko I. His 
successor, Bolesław I (992–1025), conquered some Pomeranian stronghol-
ds up to the Baltic coast and founded a diocese at Kołobrzeg around 1000 
(Buko 2007, 214). 
Christianity in Poland was maintained at ecclesiastical level only in ter-
ritories where the Piasts were able to exercise power. The Pomeranian 
nobles under Polish domination were the first to revolt. Following Mieszko 
II’s death in 1034, the inhabitants of some dependent regions within 
Poland rebelled against Piast domination and the Church. This resulted 
in the destruction of the ecclesiastical infrastructure in Greater Poland, 
Silesia, and the northern parts of Lesser Poland (Berend, Urbańczyk and 
Wiszewski 2014, 162). The most important record comes from an anony-
mous author, commonly referred to as Gallus since the sixteenth century. 
9 For the ecclesiastical activity of Otto described by the three authors, see Álvarez-Pedrosa 2020, 
113–114; Dragnea 2015, 25–48; Morrison 1977, 131–156, here 143; Demm 1972, 49–74, here 55.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
From his narrative we find out that first bishops and then priests were 
targeted by the rebels. Their actions were described as a deviation from 
the »Catholic faith«
10
 and therefore the death penalty for apostates was 
legitimate.
11
 However, the order in which the victims (bishops first) are 
presented and the category of victims (only clergy) confirms that the 
rebellion was not driven by a zeal against Christian doctrine, but rather 
had an anti-clerical character. This attitude could be explained as a sign 
of disobedience to ecclesiastical authorities and denial of ecclesiastical 
hierarchy.
12
 Social considerations are added to these. The payment of a 
tribute from certain nobles such as the Pomeranians, or tithing, would 
have burdened the hard life of the peasantry who would have seen the 
clergy as the main oppressor.
The Pomeranians and other neighbouring enemies took advantage of the 
internal conflicts and invaded Poland. So did the Czechs, who sacked 
Gniezno and Poznań. What we know is that this situation did not last long. 
The liberation of the occupied territories is presented as a mixture of cou-
rage and divine support. It was Duke Casimir I (1040–1058) who, with only 
five hundred knights,
13
 managed to crush the rebellion and to increase his 
control over the territories which were occupied. The Czech, Pomeranian, 
and other neighbouring invaders were defeated, and the duke became the 
rightful ruler of all the occupied territories.
14
It seems that during the centuries the Pomeranians caused a lot of tro-
uble to the neighbours. The Poles and the Saxons were attacked mostly 
on land by the Pomeranian milites. According to Herbord, all soldiers were 
horsemen, which means that the Pomeranian ground forces consisted 
10 »A fide katholica deviantes, […] adversus episcopos et sacerdotes Dei seditionem inceperunt.« (Gallus 
Anonymus 2003, I. 19 [78])
11 »Eorumque quosdam gladio quasi dignos peremerunt, quosdam vero quasi morte dignos viliori 
lapidibus obruerunt.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 19 [78])
12 For the Wendish idolatry in relation to disobedience in the tenth and eleventh centuries, see Dragnea 
2021b, 45–67.
13 »Et assumptis secum militibus quingentis Polonie fines introivit, ulteriusque progrediens, castrum 
quoddam a suis sibi redditum acquisivit.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 19 [80])
14 »Totam Poloniam a Pomoranis et Bohemicis aliisque finitimis gentibus occupatam liberavit, eamque 
suo dominio mancipavit.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 19 [80])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
exclusively of cavalry made up of milites.
15
 Since each miles received 
only one horse, the number of milites was given by the number of hor-
ses which his lord had (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 23 
[75]). However, the military power of the Pomeranians did not consist 
only of the cavalry. The Pomeranian magnates from Szczecin and Wolin 
possessed a remarkable fleet, which also endangered neighboring states, 
especially the Scandinavians. Military shipment of horses is also recorded. 
Perhaps the most important mention of cavalry transportation is related 
to the raids organized on the Norwegian coast in 1135 or 1136. According 
to the Icelandic politician, poet, and historian, Snorri Sturluson (d. 1249), 
the port settlement of Konungahella (Konghelle) was sacked by an army 
composed of Pomeranians and other Wendish allies who possessed 
a naval fleet, perhaps the Rugians.
16
 The Pomeranians have certainly raided 
Norwegian coasts since the second half of the tenth century. When they 
were in good shape, the Norwegian kings and jarls organized punitive 
raids on the Pomeranian shore of the Baltic. The German chronicler Adam 
of Bremen stated that around 1043, King Magnus the Good of Norway 
(d. 1047), St. Olav’s son,
17
 burned the Pomeranian civitas of Wolin (Adam 
of Bremen 1876, II. 75, [92]). 
Polish attempts to extend control of some parts of Pomerania took 
place in the first decade of the twelfth century. In 1109, the Polish Duke 
Bolesław III (r. 1107–1138) managed to capture Naclam (Nakło), one of the 
most important Pomeranian strongholds. Records on this famous battle 
are found in Gesta principum Polonorum (c. 1115), written by Gallus 
Anonymus to restore Bolesław’s undermined authority and to legiti-
mate his power.
18
 There it was stated that the defeat of the much larger 
Pomeranian armies was possible only with divine help. God’s miraculous 
intervention on Bolesław’s behalf meant the Christian triumph over the 
pagan Pomeranians. The victory was part of God's plan and took place 
15 In Pomerania, the power of a nobleman was estimated by the number of horses he owned (Herbordi 
Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 23 [75]).
16 For the raid, including the cavalry transportation, see Zaroff 2014, 6–22.
17 For the Varangians in Constantinople and Olaf’s cult, see Dragnea 2020, 145–167.
18 For the narrative of Gallus Anonymus about the Piasts as the sole rightful rulers of Poland, see 
Dalewski 2011, 145–166.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
on a special day, namely the one of the martyr St. Lawrence.
19
 Since it was 
a miraculous battle, it was decided not by the hands of the Polish knights 
who bore swords and shields, but by the »hand of God«.
20
 
In the following decades, Bolesław III sought to expand his realm in eastern 
and central Pomerania. Between the years 1102/1103 and 1121/1122 there 
are records of many attacks on Białogard, Kołobrzeg, Czarnków, Ujście, 
Wieleń, Wyszogród and several other Pomeranian castles.
21
 The inhabi-
tants of some of these castles became Christians. According to Gallus 
Anonymus, after they captured Czarnków, the Poles managed to baptize 
many Pomeranians, including the lord of the castle.
22
The Polish attacks targeted not only the northern part of Pomerania. 
The Polish knights crossed the Oder and marched further west. The 
Pomeranians were again defeated and sometime between 1119 and 1122, 
the dukes of western Pomerania were forced to accept dependence 
on Bolesław III (Wiszewski 2010, xl). This was the case of the Pomeranian 
duke Wartislaw I (d. 1135), who became a tributary of Bolesław. Among 
the commitments made by Wartislaw and other Pomeranian principes was 
the acceptance of baptism and the conversion of his subjects (Herbordi 
Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 21 [74]).
23
 Before 1124, when Otto 
came to preach in Western Pomerania, few Pomeranians were baptized, 
including the duke and the milites from his personal guard.
24
 The duke, 
19 St. Lawrence is known as an important figure in Ottonian proselytism. His image was linked 
to martyrdom, protection of the Saxon Church and the struggle against pagans and apostates (i. e. 
the Wends across the Elbe). He was the patron of the church monastery in Calbe, Anhalt, who was 
sacked by the Wends during the 983 uprising. (Dragnea 2021b, 48.101)
20 »Non humana, sed manu divina.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, III. 1 [220–227]) This is not the only case 
of a battle won by divine aid. The pagan Cumans who invaded Poland were also crushed as a divine 
intervention (Gallus Anonymus 2003, II. 19 [154–155]).
21 For the Polish military campaigns in Western Pomerania campaigns in the years 1102/1103 and 
1121/1122 and capture of the Pomeranian castles, see Wybranowski 2017, 67–111.
22 »Ad fidem multos ab infidelitate revocavit, ipsumque dominum castelli de fonte baptismatis elevavit.« 
(Gallus Anonymus 2003, II. 44 [200–201])
23 The demands of the Polish duke were sent to the Pomeranian principes through comes Paulicius. 
According to him, the tribute paid by the whole of Pomerania (»tota terra Pomeranorum«) to Bolesław 
III was 300 silver marks each year. Furthermore, in time of war the Pomeranians had to support the 
Polish duke by creating an auxiliary army financed with arms and money. (Herbordi Dialogus de vita 
S. Ottonis 1868, II. 30 [87])
24 »Milites ergo, qui cum duce venerant, cathezizati statim et baptizati sunt, multique ex eis qui prius 
christiani fuerant.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 21 [74])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
his family and a part of the nobility were no doubt Christians, but regular 
Pomeranians and probably some other nobles were labelled as unbelie-
vers. Because they lived in the same community with the increduli, they 
were seen as a group detached from Christianity, i. e. the Church, repre-
sented by the ecclesiastical authorities. Their reintegration into it did not 
require a new baptism, but only confession of sins, penance, and the pro-
mise to give up everything that harmed the Christian name.
25
Kołobrzeg was a suffragan of Gniezno and had only one residential bishop, 
Reinbern, who would have led the diocese for only seven years (1000–1007) 
(Krzystek 2016, 72.75). According to Thietmar, he preached among the 
Pomeranians (Thietmar of Merseburg 1935, VII. 72 [487]), but most likely fa-
iled to attract too many adherents, especially among the Pomeranian upper 
class. There are no mentions of the existence of Pomeranian Christian 
clerics subordinated to the diocese. The Pomeranians revolted against 
Polish domination, remaining outside the ecclesiastical network for more 
than a century. The first known attempt to bring back the Pomeranians 
into the Christian fold was initiated at the beginning of the second decade 
of the twelfth century by Bolesław III. With the approval of Pope Callixtus 
II (d. 1124), in 1122, a Spanish Benedictine monk known as Bernard, who 
was appointed as bishop of Pomerania, travelled to Pomerania to correct 
the »error of paganism and idolatry«. With great zeal, Bernard tried unsu-
ccessfully to convert the Pomeranians by preaching.
26
 The bishop might 
had been active in Pomerania even earlier, since in 1120 he could have 
arrived at the court of Bolesław. What we know is that Bernard did not 
receive any kind of military assistance from Bolesław, who at the time was 
engaged in war with Vladimir II Monomakh of Kievan Rus’ (r. 1113–1125). 
Bernard’s target was Wolin, where he travelled as a hermit to spread the 
»seed of the Catholic faith with constancy«.
27
 That is why we should not 
25 »Ex consortio incredulorum metas christianitatis excesserant, ex quorum numero ducem ipsum 
fuisse constat, per confessionem et poenitentiam ecclesiae reformati sunt, promittentes se deinceps 
omnia quae christiano inimica sunt nomini respuere, et ea quae sunt apta sectari.« (Herbordi Dialogus 
de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 21 [74])
26 »Pomeraniam adhuc gentilitatis errori deditam, zelo pietatis armatus illuc euangelizandi gratia 
diuertit […] ut illos ab errore idolatriae ad uiam ueritatis reducat.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi 
Bambergensis 1869, II. 1 [39–40]) For the missionary activity of Bernard in Pomerania, see Masalski 
2017, 59–72.
27 »Despecto habitu et nudis pedibus urbem Iulin ingreditur, ibique constanter fidei katholicae semina 
spargere coepit.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 1 [40])

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
be surprised when Ebo mentions that at Wolin, Bernard was attacked 
by the Pomeranians when he wanted to chop down a wooden idol with 
an axe. The idol was worshiped as a god by the Pomeranians and wron-
gly mentioned by the biographer as a column dedicated to Julius Caesar, 
from whom the urbs had supposedly taken its name (Ebbonis vita Ottonis 
episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 2 [41]). Furthermore, his appearance ba-
refoot and wearing poor clothes astonished the Pomeranian sacerdotes 
and elders of the villages where he travelled. They all considered him mad 
and desperate.
28
The Pomeranian Apostasy
Christian ethics has been defined since late antiquity by the Church 
Fathers. In De rudibus catechizandis, the well-known catechetical treati-
se, St. Augustine of Hippo (d. 430), emphasized that a true Christian is a 
person who before baptism renounces any kind of non-Christian socio-
-cultural customs. Furthermore, he warned the new converts that certain 
habits and practices such as drunkenness, greed, gambling (dice-players), 
adultery, fornication, and the attendance of public games, will not bring 
salvation (Augustine 1969, 7.11). Refusal to follow the norms of proper 
conduct was seen as a sort of religious deviance, or theologically as a 
rejection of the true faith (Augustine 1969, 7.11; 25.48).
In his catechetical treatise known as De correctione rusticorum, the Iberian 
bishop Martin of Braga (d. 580) stressed that the integration of converts 
into Christianity also concerned moral behaviour. Their acceptance was 
not limited to baptism and basic faith (Martin of Braga 1991, 15) but was 
also conditioned by the renunciation of certain pagan customs such 
as veneration of sacred spaces or the practice of divination by birds 
(Ornithomancy). A person who practiced such demonic things (cultura 
daemonum) after baptism was labelled an idolater (Martin of Braga 1991, 
9–10.16.17). In Scarapsus, a Frankish catechetical manual, the abbot Pirmin 
(d. 753) emphasized that obedience to God was a duty as part of »the 
28 »Hiis auditis sacerdotes et seniores plebis multam inter se conquisitionem habentes aiebant: Iste 
insanus et desperatus est.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis, II. 2 [41])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
agreement made with God during baptism«. A violation of this agree-
ment would be regarded as a defection from the Christian faith and an as-
sociation with »the devil and his works« (diaboli opera) (Pirmin 1850, 
1035–1036). In Pirmin’s eyes, obedience to God meant several duties, 
including the payment of tithes and obedience and reverence to clergy 
(1850, 1042.1044.1048.1049).
29
Certainly, things were the same in the twelfth century. For Bernard 
of Clairvaux (d. 1153), the rebellious Irish were »Christians only in name, 
but pagans in fact«, and only St. Malachy, the Archbishop of Armagh 
(d. 1148), could reintegrate them into Latin Christianity.
30
 The Pomeranians 
were regarded in a similar way. Most probably they were dissatisfied with 
the heavy tribute and tithe. Their aggressively anti-ecclesiastical attitude 
was based not necessarily on negative feelings towards Christian doctrine, 
but was rather a spontaneous act motivated by social and political rea-
sons. The Polish presence in Pomerania did not last longer than previous 
decades. The Pomeranians revolted again and attacked the ecclesiasti-
cal authorities and probably Christians who were obedient to them. The 
Pomeranians from the two main civitates, Szczecin
31
 and Wolin (Ebbonis 
vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 1 [72–73]), were labelled 
as apostates by the biographers.
32
 The apostasy was a casus belli for the 
Polish duke, who organized two main punitive campaigns across the Oder 
in 1124 and 1128 (Kruszewski 2018, 31). 
Bolesław’s objectives were to restore Christianity among the Pomeranians 
and to ensure political control over the western part of the region. Since 
29 A similar vision was shared by Boniface (d. 754), for whom »paganiae« were certain Christian rituals 
practiced in proximity to the churches, »under the name of the holy martyrs and confessors«. See 
Boniface, Epistolae, no. 56, and Karlomann’s capitulary of 742, Pertz 1835, 17.
30 It is worth mentioning a study emphasizing the importance of ecclesiastical affairs in shaping the 
pagan barbarian identity of the Irish, Wends, Scandinavians and Orthodox Russians in the twelfth 
century. For instance the refusal of the Irish people to pay tithes and their »diabolical« disobedience 
to the Anglo-Norman lords and ecclesiastical authorities. Such kind of negative portraits were made 
by several ecclesiastical figure, including Bernard of Clairvaux. (Perron 2009, 467–492)
31 In 1126, when a nobleman from Szczecin named Witscacus (Wyszak) sailed to Denmark, the inha-
bitants of the civitate were already apostates. (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 
2, [75–76])
32 Their official conversion took place in 1124 when some of them accepted the Christian »faith and 
doctrine« (»fide et doctrina Domini«). For Szczecin, see Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 
1868, II. 8 [55]. For Wolin, see Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 15 [65].

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
it was considered an apostate Polish region, its permanent submission had 
to be justified by religious aims. The protection of Christian community 
and obedience to German and Polish ecclesiastical authorities were the 
main reasons to justify warfare. The Polish military campaigns against 
the Pomeranians were acts of vengeance. Moreover, this was a religious 
warfare promoted with zeal, which was intimately connected with the 
ideas of justice and punishment for disobedience to God and his ser-
vant on earth, the Polish duke. The rage of the Polish knights was justi-
fied by analogy with certain biblical passages regarding the Maccabees. 
Bolesław’s knights who marched into Western Pomerania were depicted 
as the Israelite heroes from the Old Testament. In a similar manner to the 
Maccabees,
33
 the Polish duke was able to defend Poland and avenge its 
wounds
34
 inflicted by its enemies both Christians (Czechs) and pagans 
(Pomeranians).
35
 One of the most important vengeful campaigns against 
the apostate Pomeranians labelled as pagans
36
 was led by Magnus, the 
comes of Mazovia. Again with divine aid, having a small army, Magnus ma-
naged to kill 600 Pomeranians, to seize their booty previously stolen from 
Mazovia and to liberate the Mazovian captives (Gallus Anonymus 2003, 
II. 49 [206]).
The emotional discourse of the chronicler shows that this religious warfa-
re was an expression of both royal power and Christian values. This was 
an essential element within the Polish kingship and has its explanation 
in the history of relations between Poland and the papacy, and of cour-
se in the ideological influence of crusading in Poland. In order to avoid 
ecclesiastical dependency on the Saxon church and to maintain a low level 
of political obedience to the Ottonians, Mieszko I placed his realm under 
the protection of the pope and pledged himself a vassal of Saint Peter 
33 »Tandem sicut Machabeorum imitator, diviso exercitu et patrie defensor extitit et iniurie vindicator.« 
(Gallus Anonymus 2003, II. 34 [180])
34 »Tum vero Bolezlauus in dubio magno pependit, utrum prius de recenti contumelia se debeat con-
tinuo vindicare, an ab invasoribus suam patriam liberare.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, II. 34 [180])
35 »Hoc eventu Bolezlauus cum eodem exercitu de Pomoranis se vindicare disposuit, iamque cepta 
via Bohemos in Poloniam exire fama precurrens innotuit.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, II, 34 [180])
36 The expeditions against the pagan Wends as acts of divine vengeance and justice influenced by the 
crusading ideas were analysed in Dragnea 2016, 49–82.

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
in Rome.
37
 Pope John XV (d. 996) accepted the legitimacy of the Polish 
dukes for the territory they ruled. Furthermore, the pope recognized the 
sacred character of the Piast dynasty. From the early eleventh century 
onwards, the Piasts were called »natural princes« of Poland (domini natu-
rales) (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 19 [80]).
38
 If Bolesław was chosen by God 
to exercise his royal prerogatives, than his regnum was also a chosen
39
 land 
beloved by God and supported by Him in certain cases. Through the as-
sociation with God, Poland appears as a blessed land, whose welfare God 
watches over. As part of the Polish regnum, western Pomerania was also 
considered a sacred region through the missionary of Otto of Bamberg 
and the presence of ecclesiastical authorities. The campaigns against the 
Pomeranians, a »savage nation of pagan barbarians,«
40
 were described as a 
kind of »holy wars«
41
 meant to punish the frequent apostasy and disobe-
dience of the Pomeranian dukes.
42
 
The apostasy took place in both rural and urban areas, but it only lasted 
a few years. The integration of the Pomeranians into the Church had to be 
made through another conversion, which took place in the context of the 
punitive campaigns organized by the Polish duke. In 1128, bishop Otto ma-
naged to baptize the inhabitants of the main Pomeranian civitates.
43
 Most 
likely they remained Christians in the sense of obedience to the 
37 The vassality to the Holy See and the military campaigns in Pomerania were the pillars of the Piast 
policy because it legitimized their rule. For the interference between the two with the crusading 
ideas in the first half of the twelfth century, see von Güttner Sporzynski 2011, 255–268.
38 This term was also used in the late twelfth century by Vincent of Kraków 1994, I. 1 [5].
39 The idea of divine election (chosen rulers, land and people) in connection to Israel first appears 
in the Early Middle Ages, when the Franks were depicted as the chosen people of »New Israel« 
(Garrison 2000, 114–161). Over the centuries it turned out to be a powerful political tool to legitimize 
a reign and to strengthen the ties between the royal power and the loyal noble families. In the twelfth 
century, the idea of the crusaders as a chosen group appeared, by analogy with the people of Israel. 
(Riley-Smith 1991, 130–52)
40 This dichotomy of Christians and pagans or Christians and barbarians was used not only for the 
Pomeranians, but also for the Prussians and Cumans. (Gallus Anonymus 2003, III. 1 [220–225])
41 »Ad mare autem septemtrionale vel amphitrionale tres habet affines barbarorum gentilium ferocissi-
mas naciones, Selenciam, Pomoraniam, et Pruziam, contra quas regiones Polonorum dux assidue 
pugnat, ut eas ad fidem convertat.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, Prohem [12])
42 »Sepe tamen principes eorum a duce Poloniensi prelio superati ad baptismum confugerunt, itemque 
collectis viribus fidem christianam abnegantes contra christianos bellum denuo paraverunt.« (Gallus 
Anonymus 2003, Prohem [12])
43 For example the inhabitants of the island of Usedom were not converted in 1124 and this is why 
in 1127 they were described as a separate group from the apostates in Szczecin. (Ebbonis vita Ottonis 
episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 3 [77])

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
ecclesiastical organization for at least a few decades. Not all important 
Pomeranians manifested their disobedience and disrespect to the German 
ecclesiastical authorities. According to Ebo, in 1127, the rich wife of the pre-
fect of the wealthy civitas of Wolgast accepted with honour two priests sent 
by Otto (Udalricus and Albwinus). The woman showed her humility and 
devotion for the German clergy, washing their feet and organizing a rich 
meal for the two priests. Moreover, the woman offered to provide protecti-
on for the two, as they could be killed by the local magistrates, who were 
most likely apostates (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, 
III. 7 [83–84]).
The Annihilation of Pomeranian Idolatry 
and the Victory of the Cross
Medieval authors, like their ancient predecessors, from whom they drew 
inspiration, often tended to use pejorative epithets for various peoples 
on the periphery of Christianity. In the twelfth century, the writers sharpe-
ned the rhetoric of paganism to describe any group or individual who was 
disobedient to the Church or the pope. Some sort of a mental map was de-
veloped, in which certain populations have been described (not necessa-
rily perceived) according to the age of their Christian identity and their 
degree of obedience to the secular and ecclesiastical centres of power.
44
 
We should not be surprised to see that the Pomeranian apostasy was 
described as evil in both theory and practice. In some cases, biographers 
equated terms such as gods, pagans, and idols, which were associated 
with biblical demons (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 30 
[87–88]; Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 12 [58–59]; 
III. 18 [100]). 
The Pomeranian attacks against Christians were seen as diabolical actions, 
fuelled by an idolatrous faith; the Polish reprisals were therefore legitima-
te because they were to divert the Pomeranians from the belief in false 
idols. This divine task is related to the memory of the pagan past in the 
44 Such kind of mental maps were often transposed in medieval mappae mundi. For more details, see 
Dragnea 2021a, 726–750.

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
narrative of Gallus Anonymus. Since the ancestors of the Piasts were »sta-
ined by error and idolatry«, the Christian Piasts were aware of the religious 
dimension of the »error« among their subjects and knew how to correct 
it.
45
 Poland became Christian relatively late comparing to other states, and 
its Christianity had not yet been solidly rooted. This is why rulers like 
Bolesław I, who defeated the Pomeranians
46
 and converted them to the 
Christian faith,
47
 had a special place in the narrative of Gallus Anonymus. 
With the help of the pope, Bolesław I founded the diocese of Kołobrzeg 
around 1000, ordained bishops
48
 and perhaps built other churches within 
the diocesan limits, which are not mentioned by Gallus by name or loca-
tion.
49
 Through Mieszko I’s baptism and obedience to the Holy See,
50
 the 
Piasts were placed within Christianitas and became the earthly defenders 
of Christianity against the enemies of the church. The Piasts were to play 
a special role in God’s plan on earth. Their regnum was surrounded mostly 
by pagan peoples, and because of that they had to fight to convert them 
and to expand the borders of the Christianity.
Pomerania could be conquered by the Polish knights without great diffi-
culties. Yet its incorporation within the Polish realm was a more complex 
action. Bolesław III was aware of the fact that in order to be legitimate, 
the conquest needed the approval of the papacy. To avoid possible quar-
rels with the Empire, the support had to come not from Gniezno, which 
at that time was still a suffragan of Magdeburg, but from a German bishop 
who was in good relations with both the emperor and the pope. The 
right person for this task was none other than Otto of Bamberg, whom 
45 »Memoriam oblivio vetustatis abolevit et quos error et ydolatria defedavit, memorare negligamus 
et ad ea recitanda, que fidelis recordatio meminit, istos succincte nominando transeamus.« (Gallus 
Anonymus 2003, I. 3 [24])
46 »Quid igitur est necesse victorias et triumphos de gentibus incredulis nominatim recitasse, quas 
constat eum quasi sub pedibus conculcasse.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 6 [32])
47 »Ipse namque Selenciam, Pomoraniam et Prusiam usque adeo vel in perfidia persistentes contrivit, 
vel conversas in fide solidavit.« (Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 6 [32])
48 According to Thietmar, the only residential bishop was Reinbern, an educated Saxon cleric from 
Hassegau (Thietmar of Merseburg 1935, VII. 72 [487]). His successors could have been German 
or even Polish »hird-bishops« who acted as the duke's advisers in ecclesiastical affairs.
49 »Quod ecclesias ibi multas et episcopos per apostolicum, ymmo apostolicus per eum ordinavit.« 
(Gallus Anonymus 2003, I. 6 [32])
50 It has been emphasized that Mieszko’s baptism is one of the clearest examples of »empirical religi-
osity« as the central motif for a ruler’s conversion. (Steele 2020, 185–217)

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
Bolesław had known since childhood and who was so dear to his father, 
Duke Władysław I Herman (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 
6 [56]). 
In Western Pomerania, Otto preached as papal legate. Furthermore, 
he wanted to create a bishopric there. Most probably Bolesław sought 
to place the bishopric under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the pa-
pacy, and Otto could have lobbied for this political move. In this way 
Bolesław would have prevented Pomerania from becoming a suffragan 
of Magdeburg via Gniezno.
The missionary teams who were active in Western Pomerania were compo-
sed of German and perhaps Polish clergy.
51
 The entire missionary activity 
was coordinated by Otto. His aim was to disconnect the Pomeranians from 
the temples and from the »impostors« who deceived them (probably the 
Pomeranian priesthood). They followed »deaf and mute« gods, whose 
power was absent because they were nothing more than »carved ima-
ges«. The Pomeranians worshiped »unclean spirits«, and their stained souls 
could be purified only after having received the sign of the cross (status 
of catechumen).
52
 The idols were the source of the idolatrous faith spre-
ad by the priesthood called »sorceresses« (phitonissas) and »soothsayers« 
(sortilegi) (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 12 [59]).
This action was nothing more than a cleansing process that targeted both 
symbols and humans. Otto targeted not only the temples (fanis) and idols 
(simulacris) but also the priests (sacerdotes) in Szczecin. Neither Herbord 
nor Ebo mentions that the priests were punished by the Polish knights 
urged on by Otto. Herbord for example stated they were punished by God 
(mulctato divinitus sacerdote) without explaining how the punishment 
took place (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 36 [96]). In this 
sense, it is possible that the divine punishment was based on miraculous 
interventions that caused death, such as various diseases or accidents. The 
51 The architects of the conquest of Pomerania were not laymen but prelates who acted as Bolesław 
III's close advisers (Archbishop of Gniezno, Jakub of Żnin, Bishop Aleksander of Płock, and chan-
cellor Michał Adwaniec) (Von Güttner-Sporzyński 2011, 256).
52 »Et primo ipsis deceptoribus, diis vestris surdis et mutis, sculptilibus et immundis spiritibus qui in eis 
sunt, signo Crucis armati, quanto citius renunciate, fana diruite, simulachra conterite…« (Herbordi 
Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 30 [88])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
destruction of temples and idols and death of sacerdotes, who might have 
been stubborn in their own faith, was regarded as a triumph of Christianity. 
The »victorious Cross« was erected probably in a place that was previously 
considered sacred by the Pomeranians. Moreover, an entire religious infra-
structure was built, which made mass baptism possible.
53
 This allowed the 
missionaries to offer catechetical instructions and then to baptize a part 
of the population. The clergy opposed themselves to Pomeranian idola-
try, which still had supporters among both lower and upper class. The 
Pomeranians who had been baptized received the Holy Spirit, the sacra-
ment of baptism which brought them a »shining ray of joy«.
54
 The unbap-
tized Pomeranians were depicted as agents of »the demon of darkness«.
55
 
The baptized Pomeranians distinguished from the idolaters »as light from 
darkness« (veluti lux a tenebris) (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, 
II. 36). 
The fiercest fighters against the Pomeranian idolatry were the German 
and Polish clergy. However, in ecclesiastical authority, Germans took the 
lead. This was due to the fact that the whole missionary expedition was led 
by Bishop Otto, who acted as a papal legate. According to the biographers, 
in 1124–1125 and 1128, 14 churches were founded by Otto in both western 
and eastern Pomerania. The churches were built along the Baltic coast and 
on the Oder in Pyrzyce, Szczecin, Gridiz, Wolin, Lubin Kamień, Clodona, 
Kołobrzeg, Białogard, Gützkow, Wolgast, and Usedom.
56
 The Germans 
came from monasteries subordinate to the diocese of Bamberg, and pre-
ached among the Pomeranians. Between June 1124 and February 1125, 
Bishop Otto and his companions undertook a complex missionary cam-
paign in Pomerania.
57
 Before baptism, the clergy annihilated the source 
53 »Victoria crucis erigitur, construuntur baptisteria, dolia humo infodiuntur, cortinis velantur, omni-
busque religiose ac sancte aptatis…« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 36 [96])
54 »Quendam iocundum et spiritualis gratiae rutilare fulgorem.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 
1868, II. 36)
55 »Quidve tenebrosus demon suis cultoribus.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 36)
56 The distribution of the churches founded by Bishop Otto of Bamberg has been outlined in a map 
and can be consulted at Rębkowski 2020, 106 (Figure 3).
57 For the missionary activity of Otto and the conquest of Pomerania, see Guth 1992, 13–23; Bartlett 
1985, 185–201.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
of faith (idols) and the idolatrous network (temples or other sacred places 
and castles), which were interconnected.
58
 
The first known example of desacralization of a sacred natural space 
in the Baltic region goes back to the early eleventh century. Thietmar 
of Merseburg (d. 1018) tells us that Bishop Reinbern of Kołobrzeg (d. 1013) 
not only destroyed the Pomeranian temples (fana idolorum) with fire, 
but also desacralized the Baltic Sea. His intention was to purify the water 
by chasing away the demons that were living there. The purification ritual 
took place by sprinkling holy water on the waves and throwing four stones 
anointed with holy oil into them.
59
 Desacralization of castles are recorded 
not only in Pomerania but in the Eastern Baltic as well. According to Henry 
of Livonia, after the German knights conquered a Selonian castle (Selburg) 
in 1207, the bishops who accompanied them blessed the building by spark-
ling holy water on its walls. This act turned the castle into a Christian sacred 
space. The faith of Selones in idols was »washed« from their souls through 
baptism, and their living space where they probably performed religious 
rituals, was purified (Heinrici Chronicon Lyvoniae 1874, 3.11.6, [48]).
Desacralization had considerable effects on Pomeranian society. The 
Pomeranian gods were defeated on both the spiritual and material ba-
ttlefield. After having celebrated mass and receiving communion, Otto 
and his priests armed themselves with axes and hoes and destroyed the 
wooden idols and temples in Szczecin (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. 
Ottonis 1868, II. 31 [89]). This way the demons were driven from the souls 
of the Pomeranians and their sacred places. Throughout this process, water 
played the main role. It was not only a weapon used against demons, but 
also a vehicle for spiritual regeneration and integration into the Christian 
society (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 9, [53–54]; 
Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 28 [84–85]). The spiritu-
al phase is known as abrenuntiatio diaboli (Urbańczyk and Rosik 2007, 
58 »Si, inquiunt, aliquid divinae virtutis haberent isti, quorum sacra et templa convelluntur, utique de-
fenderent se.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 31 [89])
59 »Fana idolorum destruens incendit et mare demonibus cultum inmissis quatuor lapidibus sacro 
crismate perunctis et aqua purgans benedicta.« (Thietmar of Merseburg 1935, VII. 72 [487])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
276).
60
 After baptism, the clergy aimed to strengthen the Christian faith 
(confessio fidei) through consolidation of the Christian doctrine and the 
social norms inspired by the Christianity. The architect of this plan was 
none other than Bishop Otto of Bamberg, a close friend of the duke’s fa-
mily, who contributed to his education since his childhood (Herbordi 
Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 6 [56]).
Visible and Hidden Christians
All Christian Pomeranians were part of a single flock, but their submissi-
on to the German church and Polish duke was not always manifested 
in public. The core of the flock was composed of neophytes who were 
Christians in both theory and practice. They were obedient to the eccle-
siastical authorities, attended churches and received the sacraments. This 
could be possible only with protection from the Pomeranian duke or from 
certain high-rank nobles who were loyal to him. There were also Christians 
who manifested their faith in secret. Most probably they did not have 
protection and were therefore afraid to publicly express their obedien-
ce. According to Ebo, the Pomeranian duke Wartislaw was baptized as a 
child while a captive in Merseburg, Saxony (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi 
Bambergensis 1869, III. 6 [82]). Herbord described him as a »wholehe-
arted Christian«
61
 who received Otto with great respect and who hid his 
faith from his pagan subjects.
62
 All three biographers mentioned another 
well-known Christian named Domislaw, a noble from Szczecin, who was 
baptized in Saxony, and later became an apostate (Vita Prieflingensis 1999, 
II. 9 [92]; Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 9 [55]; 
Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 27 [83]). Ebo and Herbord 
give us a more explicit example, that of Nedamir (Nedamer), the wealthiest 
60 The generic name comes from an early ninth-century Saxon baptismal vow that was found in a 
monastery library in Mainz. The text within was used as an incantation to remove the devil and 
implicitly idolatry from a person's soul before baptism. The text mentions three Germanic pagan 
gods that the catechumen is to forsake. For more details, see Abrenuntiatio diaboli et prefessio fidei, 
Wadstein 1899, 119–121.
61 »Dux terrae Wortizlaus, toto corde christianus.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, III. 3 
[109])
62 »Et quia christianus erat, occulte autem propter metum paganorum, corde magis quam ore locutus, 
in amplexu pontificis diu pendens, alta devotione super viae causa Dei clementiam collaudat.« 
(Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 11 [60])

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
nobleman in the civitas of Wolin, also baptized in Saxony. Although his 
Christianity was »clandestine«, Nedamir was described as a Christian be-
cause in 1124 he helped Bishop Otto to arrive in Szczecin and treated him 
with devotion (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 8 [54]; 
Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 26 [81]). 
It must be emphasized that in Wolin it was not the Pomeranian nobility 
who opposed Otto’s preaching of the »true doctrine«, but the »perverse co-
uncil of their priests«.
63
 The existence of a hierarchy within the Pomeranian 
priesthood is confirmed by Ebo. According to him, those responsible for 
the apostasy in Szczecin in 1127 were the »chiefs of the idols« (high priests), 
who unanimously sent the Pomeranians to perdition.
64
 The pontifices ido-
lorum could refer to a sort of apostate high priests in Szczecin and Wolin, 
who coordinated the activity of the sacerdotes.
The idolaters appeared following the revolt of the Pomeranian nobility 
against the Christian authorities. When they wanted to highlight their di-
sobedience to the Polish duke or towards the apostolic authority of Otto, 
the biographers labelled them as pagans or worshippers of idols (Herbordi 
Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 30 [87–88]; Ebbonis vita Ottonis episco-
pi Bambergensis 1869, II. 12 [58–59]). They received these labels because 
they had not »submitted to the Christian law« (christianam subissent legem) 
(Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 23 [107]). We can 
assume that a large part of the subjects of the Pomeranian nobles became 
apostates, while some remained Christians. There were also few unbap-
tized subjects from isolated places such as the island of Usedom. Around 
the year 1127 they were described as a separate group from the apostates 
in Szczecin. All were targeted by the German King Lothair of Supplinburg 
63 From Wolin, Otto was forced to go to Szczecin, where the Pomeranian duke resided and where 
he could receive protection. »Sed illi prauo sacerdotum suorum consilio seducti, nullatenus sanae 
doctrinae praeconem recipere uolebant, quin immo de finibus suis cum ignominia eum perturban-
tes, ad Stetinenses ire compulerunt.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 7 [53])
64 »Ad Stetinenses, qui a fide, ut supra diximus, apostataverant […] Nam pontifices idolorum plebem 
apostatam in necem eius unanimiter concitauerant.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 
1869, III. 15 [95])

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
(emperor from 1133 until 1137) who, assisted by Pope Honorius II, wanted 
to »subdue them to the yoke of faith«.
65
Some Pomeranian nobles could have been apostates as well. This way they 
would have fulfilled their obligations to their subjects more easily. The 
tribute paid to the Polish duke by Wartislaw was taken from each noble, 
who in turn collected it from his subjects. In addition, they had to pay tithes 
to ecclesiastical authority. Therefore, the Pomeranian subjects put pressure 
on their nobility, who had no choice but to follow their concerns. Through 
the association with the apostates, sometimes called »unbelievers«, the 
Pomeranian duke was seen as an apostate as well. 
The Importance of Baptism and Catechetical Education
Herbord stated that not only Wartislaw was a Christian, but also the milites 
of his personal guard, who were first catechumens (persons who received 
the sign of the cross), and were then baptized.
66
 This category depended 
on a series of norms of social conduct that were different from the indi-
genous ones. The status of catechumen involved religious training and 
social education in accordance with apostolic »christiane fidei et religionis 
doctrina«. In order to cleanse the catechumen’s soul, priests would have 
read prayers to drive away the devil. After the catechumen had been alig-
ned with the apostolic virtues, he could be baptized.
67
To receive baptism, the Pomeranians had to prove their faith in God, which 
was based on knowledge of his existence (Romans 10:14). The knowledge 
also included the Sacraments and the Christian doctrine. This was possible 
only after the catechetical education. Otto probably did not impose a ri-
gorous selection of converts, and catechesis must have been rather poor, 
65 »Barbarorum fines rursum adire disposuit, tam pro apostatis ad sinum ecclesie revocandis quam 
etiam pro alia gente Uznoim dicta, que necdum nomen Christi audierat, iugo fidei subigenda.« 
(Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 3 [77])
66 »Milites ergo, qui cum duce venerant, cathezizati statim et baptizati sunt, multique ex eis qui prius 
christiani fuerant, sed ex consortio incredulorum metas christianitatis excesserant, ex quorum nume-
ro ducem ipsum fuisse constat.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 21 [74])
67 For more details on posthumous baptisms and catechesis in medieval Scandinavia and Rus’, see 
Uspenskij 2009, 9–22.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
since many of the Pomeranians became apostates. The apostasy must 
be understood not as a total or partial renunciation of the Christian sacra-
ments and doctrines, but as a rebellion against the ecclesiastical authori-
ties. The Pomeranians could have been Christians in their own style. The 
main practice they rejected was tithing. The Pomeranian duke and other 
Christian nobles saw this as a crisis, which they did not want to deal with, 
at least for the time being. We may assume that beside tithes, the ecclesi-
astical authorities also collected tribute. This is the only way we can explain 
the nobles’ fear of publicly displaying their Christian identity and their ties 
to ecclesiastical authorities.
The apostasy was considered a defection from faith, which was equiva-
lent to the breakup of the »Catholic Mother Church«. A reconciliation was 
possible only through the »sacrament of faith« (i. e. baptism). The prayers 
and blessed water were used to purify the souls of apostates, allowing 
the infusion with »baptismal grace«.
68
 According to Herbord, in 1124, Otto 
preached the Gospel to a large number of »ignorant« Pomeranians in Pyritz 
(Pyrzyce).
69
 After the Pomeranians had accepted the »holy faith« in theory, 
they were instructed by the bishop and his companions for seven days 
on how this should work in practice.
70
 The catechetical training was su-
cceeded by three days of fasting, at which point the bishop ordered them 
to wash their bodies in water to purify themselves and be able to receive 
»holy baptism«.
71
68 »Deinde eos, qui a fide apostataverant, benedictione sacrati fontis et manuum impositione purificans, 
vivifice crucis vexillo et orationis virtute katholice matri cum gaudio reconciliavit; aliis vero baptismi 
gratiam et fidei sacramenta contradidit.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, III. 17 
[17])
69 »Haec et his similia, quae inserere studio brevitatis omitto, populo rudi simpliciter euangelizante 
pontifice, omnis illa multitudo, quasi unus homo, fidei sanctae concordantes, illius doctrinae se com-
miserunt.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 15 [65])
70 »At ille cum clericis et sacerdotibus 7 diebus eos cathezizans, et de omnibus quae christianae religioni 
conveniebant.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 15 [65])
71 »Diligentissime instruens, indicto trium dierum ieiunio, iussit, ut corpora sua balneis mundarent, 
et lotis albisque induti vestibus, mundo corde et corpore mundoque habitu ad sanctum baptisma 
concurrerent.« (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 15 [65]) In other cases, catechetical in-
struction included the concept of peace, certain specifications about Christian feasts, Jesus, apostles, 
saints, martyrs, and the Christian calendar (Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 17 [67]). For 
more details on how the baptism was organized and officiated in Pomerania at the urging of Otto, 
see Herbordi Dialogus de vita S. Ottonis 1868, II. 16 [65–67].

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
The Pomeranians of Wolin were ignorant as animals because they had 
no knowledge of their creator, about whom Otto preached the sacra ver-
ba.
72
 Since they worshiped material things with no spiritual powers (i. e. 
wooden idols), the Pomeranians could be compared to the »naive beasts«. 
Due to the lack of spiritual essence they were unable to follow God’s path 
in a rational way.
73
 Most likely this depiction is related to the medieval 
perception of memory.
74
 Since the man was created by God in his own 
image (Genesis 1:27), he should always remember his Creator, to whom 
he should be grateful for his existence. A true Christian was a good man, 
who, according to Augustine, was defined by three distinct »powers« of the 
soul: memory (memoria), intellect (intelligentia), and will (voluntas). 
Augustine also believed that even though the three »powers« are distinct, 
they have only one (spiritual) essence. Of course, for Augustine and other 
theologians this was an image of the Holy Trinity. This association was 
discussed in the thirteenth century by theologians such as Duns Scotus.
75
The Pomeranian Church: the apple of discord 
between Germans, Poles and the Papacy 
Two years before Bolesław III’s death, the archdiocese of Gniezno be-
came independent of Magdeburg.
76
 In 1140, Pope Innocent II founded 
the diocese of Wolin (later moved to Cammin; today Kamień Pomorski), 
which was placed under the protection of the see of the St. Peter.
77
 The 
first episcopal see was the church of St. Adalbert at Wolin. Its first bishop 
was Adalbert of Pomerania, a former chaplain of Otto who assisted him 
in the missionary tours. Preserving the ecclesiastical independence of his 
72 »Absque noticia creatoris sui omnis homo pecus est.« (Ebbonis vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 
1869, III. 11 [57]; 25 [139].
73 »Pro ignorantia creatoris et cultu rei insensibilis comparatos iumentis insipientibus et similes factos 
illis, ad rectum tramitem perduxit et rationabile Deo vivo obsequium exhibere edocuit.« (Ebbonis 
vita Ottonis episcopi Bambergensis 1869, II. 11 [57])
74 For the relationship of the neophytes to the past in the medieval Baltic region, based on both written 
sources and archaeological material, see Ščavinskas 2017, 354–383.
75 For the Augustinian notion of the mind in connection to the Holy Trinity, see van den Bercken 2015, 
199–240.
76 For the conflict between Magdeburg and Gniezno for primacy over the Polish church in the 1130s 
and the papal bull Ex commisso nobis, see Kosonowski 2014, 41.
77 For the context in which the bishopric as founded by Pope Innocent II, see Labuda 1992, 15–28.

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
bishopric seems to be a hard task after the death of Innocent II in 1143. 
Since Otto I, Pomerania was under the jurisdiction of the archbishopric 
of Magdeburg. Therefore, the German claims materialized a few years 
later. In the crusader army led by the Margrave Albert the Bear of the North 
March (d. 1170) in the so-called Wendish Crusade of 1147, were several 
prelates from Magdeburg, including its Archbishop Frederick and Bishop 
Anselm of Havelberg (papal legate), who sought for a pretext to place the 
Pomeranian diocese under his jurisdiction (Lees 2015, 289).
By the 1140s, the main Pomeranian civitates – Wolin and Szczecin – had 
already been integrated into the ecclesiastical network. The Christian 
identity of Szczecin was confirmed by Vincent of Prague (d. 1170), the 
author of Annales Palidenses, written at the Premonstratensian monastery 
of Pöhlde. According to him, during the Wendish Crusade of 1147, a com-
pact group detached from the crusader army led by Albert the Bear, who 
attacked Demmin.
78
 The crusaders from this group, probably Bohemians 
led by Bishop Henry of Olomouc, marched to »pagan« Szczecin aiming 
to capture it.
79
 Unfortunately for those who manipulated them in this re-
gard, Szczecin was already Christian.
80
 Residents were extremely surprised 
to discover that they were attacked by manipulated knights bearing the 
sign of the cross.
81
 To avoid an unforeseen attack, they placed banners 
with the sign of the cross on the walls of the fortress. Furthermore, they 
opened the doors and Bishop Adalbert of Pomerania, who converted the 
Pomeranians together with Otto, questioned the Saxons about their unwar-
ranted attack.
82
 The bishop was puzzled why swords, and not preaching, 
78 Demmin (Dimine) was a Circipanian civitas, located on Peene, on the eastern ecclesiastical border 
of Hamburg- Bremen, in western Pomerania. According to Vincent, it belonged to the Billung March. 
(Dragnea 2021b, 14–15)
79 »Dominus autem Henricus, Moraviensis episcopus, pro nomine Christi cruce assumpta cum plurimis 
Saxoniae episcopis et plurima Saxonum militia ad fidem christianam pro convertendis Pomeranis 
Pomeraniam adiit.« (Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)
80 »Verum ubi ad metropolim eorum Stetin nomine perveniunt, illud prout possunt armata militia 
circumdant.« (Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)
81 »Pro nomine Christi cruce assumpta, cum plurimis Saxonie episcopis et plurima Saxonum militia.« 
(Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)
82 »Pomerani autem cruces super castrum exponentes, legatos suos una cum episcopo suo nomi-
ne Alberto, quem domnus felicis memorie Otto Bambergensis ecclesie episcopus, qui primo eos 
ad fidem christianam convertit, eis dederat, ad eos mittunt: quare sic armata manu venerint, causam 
exquirunt.« (Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
were used to strengthen the supposed weak faith of the Pomeranians.
83
 
Hostilities were avoided through diplomacy of Bishops Henry of Olomouc 
and Adalbert of Pomerania, but the key point was the public affirmation 
of the Pomeranian duke Ratibor I (r. 1135–1156) of the Christian faith.
84
Conclusion
The ecclesiastical authorities condemned Pomeranian idolatry because 
its source of faith was evil. As in Christianity, faith was the central ele-
ment that legitimized idolatry. This acted in both theory and practice. 
Adherence to the Christian faith meant obedience to secular and ecclesi-
astical authorities, and this had to be publicly acknowledged. Adherence 
to the faith in idols meant the opposite, namely disobedience. Most pro-
bably, Church property in Pomerania did not enjoy the same status as in 
Poland or the Empire and was regularly expropriated by the Pomeranian 
apostate nobles. The Pomeranian apostasy was associated with demonic 
disobedience and its consequences. God’s servants on Earth were the 
ecclesiastical authorities, and the denial of their authority meant a sort 
of Satanic rebellion against Him and His divine order. 
Ecclesiastical writers often mentioned that the Pomeranians relapsed 
from the true faith and joined in idolatry. For the Christian writers the 
Pomeranians were true heathens worshipping genuine gods or Christ 
alongside other gods. The Pomeranian idols were the biblical idols whose 
power came from demonic spirits. The Pomeranians left no written testi-
monies regarding their cults and beliefs. The narratives on their so-called 
paganism and idolatry were nothing more than »ancient superstitions« 
rooted in classical Greco-Roman ethnographic works. Paganism became 
associated not only with the superstitions practiced by improperly con-
verted Pomeranians, but also with a variety of other immoral behaviou-
rs, lack of discipline, and above all disobedience. These were presented 
83 »Si pro confirmanda fide christiana venerunt, non armis sed praedicatione episcoporum hoc eos 
facere debuisse referent.« (Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)
84 »Sed quia Saxones potius pro auferenda eis terra quam pro fide christiana confirmanda tantam mo-
verant militiam, episcopi Saxoniae hoc audientes cum Ratibor principe et cum Alberto terrae illius 
episcopo consilio de his, quae ad pacem sunt, habito, plurimis amissis militibus, una cum principibus 
suis ad propria redeunt.« (Vincenti Pragensis Annales 1861, 663)

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MIHAI DRAGNEA
in the literature as public testimonies for the Christian audience. The aim 
of the clergy was to justify the military campaigns and forced conversion 
in Western Pomerania, meant for bringing the relapsed apostates into 
the fold.
The missionary expeditions in Western Pomerania were experiences 
with the demonic. The Pomeranians were described as pagans because 
they worshiped idols. Their idolatry was justified by demonic rituals con-
demned by Church officials over the centuries, which were well known 
in the Christianitas. To be labeled as a pagan, it was necessary to worship 
idols in temples and to attend certain sacred places. These were not se-
parate from the temples, but connected to them (sacra et templa). This 
connection ensured the integration of the Pomeranian community with 
the sacrum. Furthermore, the label also implied the connection of the 
cult practices with magic. A pagan had to practice various rituals and per-
form sacrifices to the idols according to the local custom. As the primary 
sources have shown us, the Pomeranian idolatry was far from a primitive, 
unorganized cult. The priestly attributions also included socio-political 
aspects that were exercised according to the hierarchy. The Pomeranian 
priests were well organized and prominent in religious matters, but still 
not appropriately disciplined. Their rituals contradicted canon law.

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SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY ON THE NORTHERN EDGE OF THE CHRISTIANITAS ...
Abbreviations
BRG Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum
CC Corpus Christianorum
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica
MGH SRG Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum
MGH SS Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores
MPH NS Monumenta Poloniae Historica, Nova Series
PL Patrologia Latina
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Znanstvena knjižnica 64
Matjaž Ambrožič (ur.)
Janez Evangelist Krek – 
sto let pozneje (1917–2017)
Kaj ima Krek danes povedati svojim rojakom, ki so z dosego lastne države 
vzeli usodo povsem v svoje roke in si lahko svoj danes in jutri oblikujejo 
sami, čeprav v povezanosti z drugimi evropskimi narodi, pa vendarle brez 
potrebe, da bi odgovorne za neuspehe iskali drugod? Odgovore na tako 
zastavljena vprašanja je skušala najti skupna dobrih poznavalcev Krekove 
misli in njegovega življenja, časa, v katerem je Krek deloval, in družbe, ki jo 
je sooblikoval, a tudi oblikovalcev sedanjega trenutka slovenske zgodovine. 
Ljubljana: TEOF, 2018. 
ISBN 9789616844611, 15 €
Knjigo lahko naročite na naslovu:
TEOF-ZALOŽBA, Poljanska 4, 1000 Ljubljana; 
e-naslov: zalozba@teof.uni-lj.si