Frančiška Trobevšek Drobnak university of Ljubljana Slovenia 2015, vol. 12 (2), 99-112(244) revije.ff.uni-lj.si/elope doi: 10.4312/elope.12.2.99-112 uDc: 811.111'367.625:81'367.4 E L O p E Iconicity and Distribution of Complex Verbal Phrases in English abstract The aim of the paper is to look into how the use and distribution of complex verbal phrases in English comply with the postulates of the theories of constructional iconicity, frequency asymmetries and naturalness, especially in the initial stages of their proliferation. The three theoretical frameworks are first outlined and compared, and predictions ensuing from them are formulated as to the expected behaviour of complex versus simple linguistic constructions. Two types of complex verbal constructions are examined from the point of view of these predictions: the progressive verbal phrase be + present participle and the composite predicate consisting of a semantically bleached verb + deverbal noun. Keywords: iconicity; frequency; naturalness; progressive; composite; deverbal Ikoničnost in raba opisnih glagolskih zvez v angleščini povzetek osnovni namen članka je ugotoviti, ali in kako se raba opisnih glagolskih zvez v angleščini ujema z napovedmi konstrukcijskega ikonicizma, s pogostnostjo pogojenimi jezikovnimi asimetrijami in z napovedbmi jezikovne naravnosti. Postulati omenjenih teorij so najprej na kratko opisani, nakar so iz njih izpeljane napovedi o pričakovanem vedenju opisnih glagolskih zgradb v primerjavi z enostavnimi glagoli. Dve vrsti angleških glagolskih opisnih zgradb sta analizirani s stališča omenjenih napovedi: glagolska zveza biti + deležnik sedanjika ter glagolsko-samostalniška zgradba pomensko ošibljeni glagol + izglagolski samostalnik. Ključne besede: ikoničnost; pogostnost; naravnost; progresivni; sestavljeni; izglagolski LANGUAGE 99 Iconicity and Distribution of Complex Verbal Phrases in English 1 Introduction The emergence and the proliferation of complex verbal constructions in English have been discussed mostly from the point of view of their meaning (Wierzbicka 1982; Nickel 1978) and/or collocations (Akimoto 1989), but as conclusive as the findings may be the propensity of speakers to choose a complex verbal phrase over its simple alternative, to favour "packing thinner [semantic] bundles into two or more words" (Bolinger 1971, 45), remains elusive in many contexts. The theories of linguistic iconicity, of frequency asymmetries and of linguistic naturalness all suggest that the choice between two linguistic variants depends (also) on their respective outer forms. The present paper examines the validity of the predictions of these theories by exploring whether (and if so, to what extent) they comply with the emergence and proliferation of the construction be + present participle in the English language, and whether or not comparable results would be found in a formally similar construction, the combination of a semantically bleached verb with a deverbal noun. The paper first outlines the postulates of the theories of linguistic iconicity, frequency asymmetries and naturalness, as well as their predictions about the expected behaviour (distribution) of formally less or formally more elaborate linguistic variants. The diachronic aspect of the predictions ensuing from each of the theories is also summarized. Complex verbal phrases may be qualified as formally more elaborate linguistic variants of simple verbal structures, especially in contexts where both are acceptable or even synonymous. In the broadest sense of the word, a complex verbal phrase is any structure which consists of more than a simple verb and acts as a predicate, including periphrastic tenses, phrasal verbs and combinations of semantically bleached verbs with deverbal nouns. The paper then introduces the periphrastic verbal phrase be + present participle, and predictions ensuing from the above theories are applied as to emergence, expansion and functions of the construction from Old English to Modern English. The construction has been chosen because of its attested interchangeability with corresponding simple verbal phrases (at least) in initial stages of its assertion in Old English. The absence of any meaningful contrast between two constructions makes the relevance of other factors, such as grammatical environment, more discernible. The predictions are compared with the relevant findings of previous studies of the use and function of the construction (Trobevsek Drobnak 1990; Elsness 1994; Dennis 1940; Ranta 2006). If the behaviour of the verbal phrase be + present participle complies with the predictions of the three theories applied — and this is to be interpreted as contingent on its outer form — similar results should be obtained in the case of other elaborate verbal constructions. For the purpose of this paper, the combination of a semantically bleached verb and a deverbal noun has been chosen, mainly because of its near-synonymy with a corresponding simple verb, and the elusive rules of its use. The emergence, the proliferation and the function of this construction from Old English to Modern English are therefore described and assessed from the point of view of the predictions of the theories of iconicity, frequency asymmetries and naturalness, and the findings are compared with those pertaining to the construction be + present participle. The findings of earlier studies are used to that effect (Akimoto 1989; Matsumoto 2005; Iglesias-Rabade 2001; Wierzbicka 1982). A pilot analysis of the grammatical environment of all the instances 100 Frančiška Trobevšek Drobnak Iconicity and Distribution of Complex Verbal Phrases in English of semantically bleached verbs with deverbal nouns in Oscar Wilde's play The Importance of Being Earnest is added, in order to assess the affinity of the construction for a more complex grammatical environment, as predicted by the theory of naturalness. 2 Iconicity, Frequency Asymmetries and Naturalness Linguistic iconicity is broadly described by cognitive linguists as "the intuition [...] that the structure of language reflects in some way the structure of experience" (Croft 1990 [2003], 102). Greater quantities are so referred to by longer expressions (iconicity of quantity), meanings that are related are expressed by more cohesive forms (iconicity of cohesion), and more complex meanings are conveyed by more complex formal structures (iconicity of complexity) (Haspelmath 2008, 1—2). Of all the types, iconicity of complexity is the one most frequently suggested as the possible motivation behind the choice of formally more or less elaborate structures. The iconicity of complexity (also called constructional iconicity) has been defined as the correlation between marked meanings and marked forms (Jakobson 1963 [1966], 270). The notion of markedness was introduced by the Prague School in the 1930s. It has survived to this day, but it can be further understood in at least twelve different senses (Haspelmath 2006, 31). Applied in phonology, it first referred to specification for phonological distinction (Trubezkoy 1931), but more recent authors define it in terms of difficulty of articulation and lower frequency within and across languages (Haspelmath 2006, 26). Outside phonology, a distinction has been made between formal and semantic markedness. Formal markedness generally means "overtly expressed". Semantic markedness, which extends to different values of grammatical categories, is measured either by the number of features needed to describe the meaning of an expression (Lehmann 1974) or as specification for semantic distinction. So, for example, Jakobson (1957 [1971]) describes the perfective aspect in Russian as marked in comparison with the imperfective aspect, since the former refers specifically to the completion of the event and the latter is noncommittal in that respect. Other expressions used with respect to constructional iconicity are (correlation between) "semantic complexity" of a sign and its "phonological representation" (Lehmann 1974, 111), "a larger chunk of information" and a "larger chunk of code" (Givon 1991), "conceptual intensity" and "morphological expression" (Haiman 2000, 283). Typical examples of isomorphism between semantic complexity and formal expression of grammatical categories in English are:1 PLURAL number as opposed to SINGULAR number (girl : girl-s) GENITIVE case as opposed to NOMINATIVE case (children : children-'s), FEMALE gender as opposed to MALE gender (lion : lion-ess) PAST tense as opposed to PRESENT tense (work : work-ed) NEGATIVE polarity as opposed to AFFIRMATIVE polarity (is : isn't) IMPERFECTIVE as opposed to PERFECTIVE/AORISTIC aspect (wrote : was writing), etc. 1 Mayerthaler (1981, 11—12) and Oresnik (et al. 1990, 7—8) propose that the singular is less marked than the plural, the present tense is less marked than the past tense marked, the positive polarity less marked than the negative, etc. E L O P E LANGUAGE 101 The notions of markedness and constructional iconicity are brought up in the theory of linguistic naturalness. This theory was first formulated as natural phonology (Stampe 1979; Donegan 1985) and natural morphology (Mayerthaler 1981; Dressier 1987), later extended to syntax (Ryden 1979), and eventually it became a language-universal theory (Dotter 1990; Oresnik et al. 1990; Dressler 2000). Naturalists currently operate with the terms naturalness scale, sem-values and sym-values (Mayerthaler 1988; Oresnik 2004). The naturalness scale rests on the assumption that, from the speaker's point of view, some morphosyntactic structures are more natural (nat), since the latter "strain the human language capacity" (Wurzel 1998, 63). A typical plural > dual CASE: nominative > accusative > dative PERSON: 3rd > non-3rd (1st and 2nd) DEGREE: positive > comparative > superlative VOICE: active > passive MOOD: indicative > subjunctive POLARITY: affirmative > negative TENSE: present > future Haspelmath believes that "the great majority of universal morphosyntactic asymmetries are economically motivated [...]. Economical coding is functionally motivated if it occurs with frequently expressed meanings" (Haspelmath 2008, 2—3). This explains why complementary prototypes, i.e. typical associations of a particular value of a given category x with a particular value of another category y, behave differently than their respective constituent parts. Example: [2ndPERSON, IMPERATIVE] constitutes a more frequent association of person and mood than 102 Frančiška Trobevšek Drobnak Iconicity and Distribution of Complex Verbal Phrases in English [3rdPERSON, IMPERATIVE], hence the more economical Run!, as opposed to the more elaborate Let him/us/them run!. The main effect of frequency is predictability. The relation between (un) predictability and the required amount of encoding material is iconic (Givon 1991, 87). Rather than ruling it out, the principle of frequency asymmetry and economy complements the iconicity of complexity. Furthermore, frequency could be one of the major factors contributing to the naturalness of "some phenomena [being perceived] more easily than others" (Wurzel 1994, 2592). 3 Distribution of Alternative Constructions: Diachron-ic Aspect There are several (potential) phases of language change: (1) Innovation: any type of alteration of the language configuration — either the rise or the loss of any feature of phonemic, morphological, syntactic or lexical material. It may be externally or internally motivated.2 The two labels should not be understood as forming a mutually exclusive dichotomy, but rather as referring to two possible sources which can be identified in a language change, the description of whose differential interaction is an essential part of accounting for this change (Hickey 2012, 402—3). (2) Coexistence of pairs of competing linguistic variants which differ on the level of expression, but their respective functions may overlap and in certain contexts they are interchangeable. Within the framework of constructional iconicity, one member of such a pair may be described as formally more marked and the other one as formally less elaborate or unmarked. (3) Expansion of the new linguistic feature/structure. On diachronic level, the theory of naturalness posits that the behaviour of a linguistic innovation depends on how its outer form compares to the form of the "older" alternative construction. If the innovation is formally more elaborate (more marked), it will be, post status nascendi, favoured in "difficult" environment, which stretches beyond the extra-linguistic or contextual circumstances of communication into the complexity of the immediate grammatical environment. A weaker (less elaborate) alternative spreads faster (or survives longer) in an "easy" environment, which includes a less complex grammatical environment (Oresnik, et al. 1990, 5—11). (4) Regularisation of the function of competing alternative structures. As the new linguistic structure spreads, its interchangeability with the older structure may give way to specialized (diverging) function(s). The prediction based on the postulates of constructional iconicity is that the formally more marked structure would eventually assume the function of expressing the more marked (complex) meaning, if compared with the function assumed (or retained) by its less marked alternative. The prediction ensuing from frequency based postulates is that formally more elaborate structures would "specialize" for less frequently evoked meaning(s), and formally less elaborate structures would be preferred with more frequently evoked meaning(s). 4 Composite Predicate: be + present participle The periphrastic construction be + present participle has been most frequently referred to as expanded, progressive or continuous, of which the term progressive seems to be universally accepted 2 Externally-motivated language change is induced by sociolinguistic factors, a typical example of which is language contact. An example of an internally-motivated change is grammatical restructuring due to phonetic weakening or loss. LANGUAGE 103 nowadays. In this paper it will be referred to as progressive verbal phrase (PVP), although in Old English this construction was not consistent in portraying the action as being in progress. The Old English construction consisting of the verb beon/wesan + present participle can be found in the oldest English manuscripts. While there are only four instances of it in Beowulf (Klaeber 1950), it is relatively frequent in texts translated from Latin. Mossé attributes them to either direct or indirect influence of Latin: Quelles que soient leur nature, leur dates et leur origins, poésie ou prose, traductions ou originaux, tous les textes du vieil-anglais nous ont été transmis sous la forme que leur avaient donnée des clercs, c'est-à- dire des lettrés qui tous savaient le latin. (1938, 53—54). According to Mossé, the introduction of this construction was further motivated by the collapse of the old Germanic system of the lexical aspect in verbs (Aktionsart). Nickel (1966, 83—207), on the other hand, dismissed the influence of Latin as the main instigator of the construction since he found no correlation with comparable constructions in the original Latin texts. In Orosius, dating probably from about CE 890, PVP is relatively independent from Latin: of 237 instances in the Old English text, 131 correspond to simple verbal phrases (SVP) or have no equivalent in the Latin original (Mosse 1938, 66; Nickel 1966, 112) and 154 are rendered as SPV in either or both of the Modern English translations (Nickel 1966, 330-51). Traugott also points to examples of Old English PVP in Orosius which would definitely be rendered as SVP in Modern English (Traugott 1972, 90). The electiveness of PVP in Orosius provides sufficient argument for this construction to be treated as a syntactic variant (alternative) of a corresponding simple verbal phrase (SVP) in Old English. On the basis of the postulates of linguistic theories described above, the following predictions can be formed as to the assertion of PVP in English: (1) In Old English PVP was formally more marked than SVP. (2) In Old English PVP was less frequent than SVP. (3) In Old English PVP was favoured in grammatically complex environment. (4) When not (no longer) interchangeable with SPV, PVP assumed semantically more marked meaning(s). The Old English finite verbal phrase (SVP) typically consisted of a verbal stem and a personal ending, both in the present and in the preterite tense, in the indicative and in the subjunctive mood. Its Modern English formal descendent is the Present/Past Simple Tense form. The Old English PVP consisted of the auxiliary beon/wesan in the appropriate form, the present stem of the verb and the participial ending -ende. When compared with the Old English SVP, Old English PVP may be described as formally marked, and Old English SVP as a formally unmarked linguistic construction. To account for the distinction between formal and semantic markedness, the qualifier
form to SPV in this paper. Old English PVP was much less frequent that SPV: in Orosius (Sweet 1883 [1959]) there are 237 clauses containing PVP and 2565 clauses with simple SVP (Trobevsek Drobnak 1990). In Shakespeare, Marlow and Milton, the construction is still rarely found, but it has been gaining ground, especially after 1700. Dennis (1940, 856) reports that the Gospel according to St Mark 104 Frančiška Trobevšek Drobnak Iconicity and Distribution of Complex Verbal Phrases in English contains 29 instances of PVP in the King James Bible from 1611, and that all but one of these instances are kept in their progressive form in a 20th-century version of the Bible, with the addition of 78 new cases of PVP, formerly rendered as SPV. The validity of the hypothesis of the theory of naturalness, that Old English PVP were initially favoured in grammatically complex environment, was tested on the use of PVP in the Old English translation of Historiarum Adversus Paganos by the historian and theologian Orosius).3 The basic sample consisted of 237 clauses with PVP as the predicator, and the control sample consisted of 855 clauses with SPV as the predicator. The probability rates of any chosen grammatical category for assuming a particular value was computed for the basic and for the control sample. The grammatical environment of selected constructions was determined as to its scope (e.g. sentence, clause, matrix verbal phrase) and as to the observables. Initially, these were traditional grammatical categories which were assigned binary values — one defined as constituting a more complex (com) grammatical environment. In the absence of other reliable criteria, the attribute form construction). The predictions based on the postulated of the theory of naturalness were confirmed in the case of the tense, the aspect, the type of verbal complementation (object) and the number. The propensity of com labels were used for the assessment of the complexity of grammatical environment of chosen constructions, and not for the evaluation of the complexity of constructions themselves. 5 Prepositional phrase as a complement to a transitive verb was assigned the qualifier