ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICAGEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 2021 61 1 0101661851779ISSN 1581-6613 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA •GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK •61-1 •2021ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 61-1 •2021 Contents Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica and Vrata valleys 7 Vera graOV ac MataSSi, ana talanRecent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 25 constantin niStOr, ionuŽunišăžB SăVuleScu, Bogdan-andrei Mihai, liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin caraBlaiSă The impact of large dam s on fluvial sedimentation: The Iron Gates Reservoir on the Danube River 41 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota DyMek Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland 57 Danijel iV aJnšiź, David Pintariź, Veno Jaša gruJić, igor ŽiBerna A spatial decision support system for traffic accident prevention in different weather conditions 75 Special issue: Gastronomy, territory and tourism nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, Blaž kOMac Gastronomy tourism: A brief introduction 95 Maja tOPOle, Primož PiPan, Primož gašPeriź, Matjaž geršiź, Peter kuMer Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability 107 Mateja šMiD hriBar, nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, David BOle Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 127 carlos Ferna nDeS, greg richarDS Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal 141 špela leDinek lOZeJ Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia):Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheese 153 Saša POlJak iSteniź, Jasna Fakin BaJec Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culturein tourism product 169 nika raZP Ot nik ViSkOVić Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 185naslovnica 61-1_naslovnica 49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 1 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 61-1 202161-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 1 261-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 2 ZNANSTVENORAZISKOV ALNI CENTER SLOVENSKE AKADEMIJE ZNANOSTI IN UMETNOSTI GEOGRAFSKI INŠTITUT ANTONA MELIKA• RESEARCH CENTRE OF THE SLOVENIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS ANTON MELIK GEOGRAPHICAL INSTITUTE ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 61-1 2021 LJUBLJANA 202161-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 3 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA 61-1 2021 ISSN: 1581-6613 UDC: 91© 2021, ZRC SAZU, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika International editorial board/mednarodni uredniški odbor : Zoltán Bátori (Hungary), David Bole (Slovenia), Marco Bontje (the Netherlands), Mateja Breg Valjavec (Slovenia), Michael Bržndl (Switzerland), Rok Ciglič (Slovenia), Lóránt Dénes Dávid (Hungary), Mateja Ferk (Slovenia), Matej Gabrovec (Sl ove nia), Matja€ Geršič (Slovenia), Maruša Golu€a (Slovenia), Mauro Hrvatin (Slovenia), Ioan Ianos (Romania), Peter Jordan (Austria), Drago Kladnik (Slovenia), Bla€ Komac (Slovenia), Jani Kozina (Slovenia), Andrej Kranjc (Slovenia), Matej Lipar (Slovenia), Dénes Lóczy (Hungary), Simon McCarthy (United Kingdom), Slobodan B. Markovič (Serbia), Janez Nared (Slovenia), Cecilia Pasquinelli (Italy), Drago P erko (Slovenia), Florentina Popescu (Romania), Garri Raagmaa (Estonia), Ivan Radevski (North Macedonia), Marjan Ravbar (Slovenia), Nika Razpotnik Viskovič (Slovenia), Aleš Smrekar (Slovenia), Vanya Stamenova (Bulgaria), Annett Steinfžhrer (Germany), Mateja Šmid Hribar (Slovenia), Jure Tičar (Slovenia), Jernej Tiran (Slovenia), Radislav Tošič (Bosnia and Herzegovina), Mimi Urbanc (Slovenia), Matija Zo rn (Slovenia), Zbigniew Zwolinski (Poland) Editors-in-Chief/glavna urednika: Rok Ciglič; rok.ciglic@zrc-sazu.si, Bla€ Komac; blaz.komac@zrc-sazu.si Executive editor/odgovorni urednik: Drago Perko; drago.perko@zrc-sazu.si Chief editors for physical geography/področni uredniki za fizično geografijo: Mateja Ferk; mateja.ferk@zrc-sazu.si, Matej Lipar; matej.lipar@zrc-sazu.si, Matija Zorn; matija.zorn@zrc-s azu. si Chief editors for human geography/področni uredniki za humano geografijo: Jani Kozina; jani.kozina@zrc-sazu.si, Mateja Šmid Hribar; mateja.smid@zrc-sazu.si, Mimi Urbanc; mimi.urbanc@zrc-sazu.si Chief editors for regional geography/področni uredniki za regionalno geografijo: Matej Gabrovec; matej.gabrovec@zrc-sazu.si, Matja€ Geršič; matjaz.gersic@zrc-sazu.si, Mauro Hrvatin; mauro.hrvatin@zrc-sazu. si C hief editors for regional planning/področni uredniki za regionalno planiranje: David Bole; david.bole@zrc-sazu.si, Janez Nared; janez.nared@zrc-sazu.si, Nika Razpotnik Viskovič; nika.razpotnik@zrc-sazu.si Chief editors for environmental protection/področni uredniki za varstvo okolja: Mateja Breg Valjavec; mateja.breg@zrc-sazu.si, Jernej Tiran; jernej.tiran@zrc-sazu.si, Aleš Smrekar; ales.smrekar@zrc .sa zu.si Editorial assistant/uredniška pomočnica: Maruša Golu€a; marusa.goluza@zrc-sazu.si Journal editorial system manager/upravnik uredniškega sistema revije: Jure Tičar; jure.ticar@zrc.sazu.si Issued by/izdajatelj: Geografski inštitut Antona Melika ZRC SAZU Published by/založnik: Zalo€ba ZRC Co-published by/sozaložnik: Slovenska akademija znanosti in umetnosti Address/naslov: Geografski inštitut Anton a Mel ika ZRC SAZU, Gosposka ulica 13, p. p. 306, SI – 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija The papers are available on-line/prispevki so dostopni na medmrežju: http://ags.zrc-sazu.si (ISSN: 1581–8314) Ordering/naročanje: Zalo€ba ZRC, Novi trg 2, p. p. 306, SI – 1001 Ljubljana, Slovenija; zalozba@zrc-sazu.si Annual subscription/letna naročnina: 20 ć for individuals/za posameznike, 28 ć for institutions/za ustano ve. Sing le issue/cena posamezne številke: 12,50 ć for individuals/za posameznike, 16 ć for institutions/za ustanove. Cartography/kartografija: Geografski inštitut Antona Melika ZRC SAZU Translations/prevodi: DEKS, d. o. o. DTP/prelom: SYNCOMP , d. o. o. Printed by/tiskarna: Present, d. o. o. Print run/naklada: 400 copies/izvodov The journal is subsidized by the Slovenian Research Agency and is issued in the fra mework of the Geography of Slovenia core research pro- gramme (P6-0101)/Revija izhaja s podporo Javne agencije za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije in nastaja v okviru raziskovalnega programa Geografija Slovenije (P6-0101). The journal is indexed also in/Revija je vključena tudi v: SCIE – Science Citation Index Expanded, Scopus, JCR – Journal Citation Report/Science Edition, ERIH PLUS, GEOBAS E Jou rnals, Current geographical publications, EBSCOhost, Georef, FRANCIS, SJR (SCImago Journal & Country Rank), OCLC WorldCat, Google scholar, and CrossRef. Design by/Oblikovanje: Matja€ Vipotnik. Front cover photography: Jezerščica and Laški potok are just two of the many tributaries of Lake Cerknica, the largest intermittent lake in Slovenia. The water and riparian ecosystems of the lake with its tri butari es represent an invaluable habitat for many plants and animals (photograph: Rok Ciglič). Fotografija na naslovnici : Jezerščica in Laški potok sta le dva izmed številnih pritokov Cerkniškega jezera, največjega presihajočega jezera v Sloveniji. Vodni in obvodni ekosistemi jezera s svojimi pritoki predstavljajo neprecenljivo €ivljenjsko okolje mnogim rastlinam in €ivalim (fotografija: Rok Ciglič).61-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 4 5ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA ISSN: 1581-6613 UDC: 91Number: 61-1 Y ear: 2021 Contents Danijela Strle, Matej OgrinLatent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line:Case study from Planica and Vrata valleys 7 Vera graOV ac MataSSi, ana talan Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 25 constantin niStOr, ionuŽunišăžB SăVuleScu, Bogdan-andrei Mihai, liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin caraBlaiSă The impact of large d am s on fluvial sedimentation: The Iron Gates Reservoir on the Danube River 41 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota DyMek Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland 57 Danijel iV aJnšiź, David Pintariź, Veno Jaša gruJić, igor ŽiBernaA spatial decision support system for traffic accident prevention in different weather conditions 75 Special issue: Gastronomy, territory an d tourism nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, Blaž kOMac Gastronomy tourism: A brief introduction 95 Maja tOPOle, Primož PiPan, Primož gašPeriź, Matjaž geršiź, Peter kuMerCulinary events in the Slovenian countryside: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction,and views on sustainability 10761-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 5 Mateja šMiD hriBar, nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, David BOle Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 127 carlos FernanDeS, greg richarDS Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal 141 špela leDinek lOZeJ Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheese 153 Saša POlJak iSteniź, Jasn a Fa kin BaJec Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture in tourism product 169 nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 185 661-1-uvod_uvod49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 6 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 7–23 LATENT COOLING OF ATMOSPHERE AS AN INDICATOR OF LOWERED SNOW LINE: CASE STUDY FROM PLANICA AND VRATA VALLEYS Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin Snow cover may last for months in the Planica Valley.MATEJ OGRIN61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 7 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8573 UDC: 911.2:551.578.4:551.524(234.323.6)COBISS: 1.01 Danijela Strle 1, Matej Ogrin2 Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica and Vrata valleys ABSTRACT: ARüíáSSfSlowered snow line in Alpine valleys as aRüíáSSfSlocal weather phenomenon often varies from one valley to another. The relief morphology of the valleys and the intensity of precipitation play aRüíáSSfScrucial role in the variation. In Slovenia certain valleys are more susceptible to this phenomenon than others, one such example being the Planica Valley. This paper examines the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in the Planica Valley and the Vrata Valley during the winter seasons of 2015/2016 and 2016/2017. Precipitation events accompanying the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line were analyzed, and data on temperature and pre- cipitation were included in the analysis. Results showed aRüíáSSfSstriking degree of congruence of the phenomenon in both valleys. KEY WORDS: lowered snow line, mountain climate, local climate, snow precipitation, Vrata Valley, Planica Valley, Sl ovenia, geography Latentno ohlajanje ozraźja kot pokazatelj znižane meje sneženja: študija primera iz dolin Planica in Vrata POVZETEK: Znižana meja sneženja se, kot lokalni vremenski pojav, vRüíáSSfSalpskih dolinah ne pojavlja pov- sod vRüíáSSfSenaki meri. Kljuěno vlogo imata zaprtost dolinskega reliefa ter intenziteta padavin. Splošno znano vRüíáSSfSSloveniji je, da so nekatere doline, kot na primer dolina Planice za ta pojav zelo dovzetne, druge pa manj. V RüíáSSfSnekaterih dolinah je pojav manj poznan zgolj zaradi tega, ker so neposeljene in pozimi tudi neoblju- dene. Prispevek govori oRüíáSSfSanalizi pojava znižane meje sneženja vRüíáSSfSdolini Planice in dolini Vrata vRüíáSSfSdveh zimskih sezonah 2015/2016 in 2016/2017. Analizirani so bili padavinski dogodki sRüíáSSfSpojavom znižane meje sneženja, vRüíáSSfSanalizo pa smo vkljuěili temperaturne podatke te r podatke oRüíáSSfSpadavinah. Rezultati so pokazali presenetljivo uje manje pojava vRüíáSSfSobeh dolinah. KLJUČNE BESEDE: znižana meja sneženja, gorsko podnebje, lokalno podnebje, sneg, dolina Vrata, dolina Planica, Slovenija, geografija The paper was submitted for publication on April 5th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 5. aprila 2020. 81Osredek 12a, SI-1380 Cerknica danijela.strle@gmail.com (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8335-2295) 2University of Ljubljana, The Faculty of Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia matej.ogrin@ff.uni-lj.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4742-3890) 61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 8 1 Introduction ARüíáSSfSlowered snow line is aRüíáSSfSlocal climatic occurrence that is especially common in Alpine valleys due to moun- tainous topography, but can also occur outside of the Alpine valleys and on the lowlands (Jaffe 1967; Steinacker 1983; Strle and Ogrin 2016). The main reason for cooling of the atmosphere is the melting of snowflakes in the layer with aRüíáSSfSposi- tive temperature, where latent cooling h as an important role (Haby 2015). Minder, Durran and Roe (2011) and Minder (2010) studied the impact of latent cooling on the height of the zero isotherm and snow line with model simulations on the windward side of the mountain. In simulations without calculating the latent cooling, the zero isotherm and snow line were higher. As it approaches the mountain slope, the snow line descends evenly while th e zero isotherm descends only near the slope. Cooling of atmosphere due to snow melti ng can even induce aRüíáSSfSchange in the valley flow (Thériault et al. 2015). In general, this phenomenon is better known in mountain areas than over low and flat areas: an impor- tant scientific record aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line also comes from an Alpine region. In Innsbruck (elevation 580 m) on 6 June 1956 15 cm of snow fell when the zero isotherm was at an elevation between 1200–1500 m, aRüíáSSfSday afte r 27 °C was recorded (Jaffe 1967). ARüíáSSfSlowered snow line can also appear in open areas, but in such cases winds must be very weak and precipitation strong. In Slovenia such aRüíáSSfScase was recorded on 18 April 2015 in Logatec (elevation 477 m), when intense and long-lasting precipitation caused an unexpected lower- ing of the snow line in the Notr anjska region of Slovenia when the zero isotherm was at an elevation of around 1000 m (Likar 2015; Slovenian … 2020). Weakening of advection due to mountain relief is not the only reason for aRüíáSSfSfrequent lowered snow line in Alpine valleys. Marwitz (1983; 1987) found that during heavy precipitation the snow line descends considerably lower than in nearby areas with the same air mass. The longer the pre cipitation lasts, the lower the zero isotherm and the snow line. With increasing precipitation intensity, the lowering of the isotherm and snow line occurs more rapidly (Minder, Durran and Roe 2011). Ste inacker (1983) notes that in Alpine valleys the amount of precipitation for cooling the atmosphere is smaller than in open areas due to the »volume effect«. Unterstrasser and Zängl (2006) agree that s inc e the horizontal cross-section of the valley decreases towards the valley bottom, the volume of the air mass below the snow line decreases more rapidly than it does outside valleys. For lowering the zero isotherm to the valley bottom, the initial elevation of the zero isotherm is important. In Alpine valleys the zero isotherm starts to descend much faster if the initial elevation is under the eleva ti on of mountain ridges, which pre- vents warm air from the surrounding area from entering the area of precipitation and cooling. In extreme cases the thickness of the isotherm layer can reach 3 km (Stewart 1992); however, usually it reaches up to 1 km (Kain, Goss and Baldwin 2000). ARüíáSSfStypical feature of the lowered snow line phenomenon is signifi- cant fluctuation in the snow line within the same air ma ss and between areas in close proximity. In such cases, often the snow line occurs much lower than predicted (Pehsl 2010). Strle (2018) identified three dif- ferent types of weather conditions for lowered snow line. These are warm advection, cold advection and cold air lake. Very little is known about the local climate of Alpine valleys which are uninhabited, such as the Vrata Valley. Although it is we ll visited in summer, in winter it is virtually devoid of people apart from infre- quent mountaineers and climbers. Because it is long (12 km) and impassable in winter, it is one of the less frequently visited Slovenian Alpine valleys in this time of the year. The Planica Valley is also one of the longest in the Slovenian Julian Alps (8 km), but we know more about the local climate there, especially regarding precipitation (Ogrin and Kozamernik 2019; 2020). Precipitation condition in Julian Alps are typical for mountain areas relatively close to the sea with significant precipitation gradients and high pre- cipitation amounts which were discussed already in previous studies (e.g. Ogrin and Ortar 2007; Hrvatin and Zorn 2017) In Slovenia, aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in certain valleys in the Julian Alps was i nve stigated by Strle (2015; 2018) and Strle and Ogrin (2016). Based on aRüíáSSfSthree-year study of the phenomenon, we have obtained aRüíáSSfSlarge amount of data, presented in this paper. Research in recent years has provided insight into the magni- tude and characteristics of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in some Alpine valleys in the Slovenian part of the Julian Alps. The aim of this paper is to determine the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in the Vrata and the Planica v alleys through an analysis of temperature conditions during precipitation events. Our aim was also to analyse similarities and differences in aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line of the two valleys, which are located near toActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 961-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 9 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … one another. Since this is also the reason for similar amount and pattern of precipitation the main ques- tions were if lowered snow line occurs at the same time and if the cooling in both valleys is of the same rate. Such detailed questions were not discussed in papers, published so far. 2 Methods ARüíáSSfScharacteristic feature of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line is that during the precipitation event in the valley it first rains, then an increasingly thick vertical layer of air is gradually formed with aRüíáSSfStemperature of 0 °C or aRüíáSSfSfew tenths of aRüíáSSfSdegree above 0 °C (Stewart 1992; Kain, Goss and Baldwin 2000; Lackmann et al. 2002; Strle and Ogrin 2016). We therefore analysed temperature conditions duri ng winter precipitation events at dif- ferent locations and elevations in both valleys. In the temperature analysis from our temperature recording stations we included data obtained in the winters of 2015/2016 and 2016/2017, each from the beginning of December to the end of April. In the Planica Valley, the lowest placed station was Planica 1 at an ele- vation of 990 m, followed by the Planica 2 statio n at an elevation of 1200 m, while the highest station was Planica 3 at an elevation of 1390 m (Figure 1). Four stations were set up in the Vrata Valley. The lowest- lying station, Vrata 1, was placed at an elevation of 725 m, followed by the Vrata 2 station at an elevation of 770 m, the Vrata 3 station at an elevation of 940 m, and the highest placed station, Vrata 4, at an eleva- tion of 1115 m (Figure 1) . For an even better understanding of the dynamics of the vertical temperature gradient, we obtained temperature data from the Society for Weather and Climate Research (Archive of the Society … 2017) from the station located on the high mountain plateau of Kriški Podi at an elevation of 2050 m (Figure 1). As precipitation is crucial for the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line, we also obtained data on prec ipitati on duration and intensity from the ARSO weather stations closest to our measuring spots, collecting data from 10 Vrata ValleyPlanica ValleyK a r a v a n k s Upper Sava Valley Triglav (2864 m)A1 A2P1(864 m) A3P2V1 P3 V2(990 m) (1200 m) (1390 m) (2050 m)V3 V4(725 m) (770 m) (940 m) (1115 m)(777 m) (2514 m) 0 1.5 kmLocation of stations ARSO stations Planica V alley Vrata V alleyA1 ... ARSO Rateče Kriški PodiA2 ... ARSO Zgornja Radovna A3 ... ARSO Kredarica Scale: 1:125,000 Content by: Matej Ogrin Map by: Danijela Strle Source: GURS, 2019Kriški PodiAUSTRIA ITALY 3 4.5 Figure 1: Research area with locations of the measuring stations (see Table 1 for details).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 10 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 11the Rateěe and Zgornja Radovna stations. The distance from the Rateěe weather station to the nearest sta- tion in Planica (P1) was 3.3 km, and it was 7.5 km to the farthest station (P3), while the distance from the Zgornja Radovna weather station to our stations in the Vrata Valley was 2.9 km (V1) and 7.7 km (V4). We did not take data from the ARSO Kredarica high mountain station (2515 m), since the accur acy of pre- cipitation data in winter may be questionable due to the influence of wind (Y ang et al. 1994; Førland et al. 1996; Pristov, Pristov and Zupaněiě 1998; Nešpor and Sevruk 1999; Dolinar, Ovsenik Jegliě and Bertalaniě 2006). Precipitation data recorded at ARSO stations only served as aRüíáSSfSrough estimate of the intensity and duration of precipitation in each valley; we did not compare precipitatio n inte nsities in the two valleys. The temperature was measured using an iButton digital thermometer, which was placed in aRüíáSSfSradia- tion shield representing an imitation of aRüíáSSfSStevenson screen (Vertaěnik and Sinjur 2013). The radiation shield protected the digital thermometer from the effects of weather that might influence the accuracy of the data recorded. Digital thermometers in the Planica Valley were se t at aRüíáSSfSresolution of 0.1 °C and the tempera- ture was recorded every 15 minutes. In the Vrata Valley, digital thermometers were set at aRüíáSSfSresolution of 0.5 °C and the temperature likewise recorded at 15-minute intervals. The reason for the different resolu- tions is that the Vrata Valley is remote and hard to reach in winter, when there is also aRüíáSSfSdanger of snow avalanches. The measurement period was 8 5 day s for aRüíáSSfSresolution of 0.5 °C so that we did not need to col- lect the data as frequently as in the Planica Valley. All measurements were recorded using winter UTC+1 time. Where recorders were set at aRüíáSSfSresolution of 0.1 °C, one series of measurements lasted 42 days. The radiation shelter on the Kriški Podi Plateau contained aRüíáSSfS Madgetech TransiTempII temperature data log- ger and was set to aRüíáSSfSresoluti on of 0.1 °C, recording dat a every 15 minutes. It likewise measured temperature using winter UTC+1 time. Since we were interested only in temperature conditions during times of precipitation, when there is no direct sunlight, the influence of the microlocation on temperature data was negligible, and so we simply attached the temperature recording equipment to the trunks of trees. After completing aRüíáSSfSser ies of measure- ments, we transferred the data from the recorders to aRüíáSSfSlaptop and reset the recorders. Data loss due to iButton fai lure were very few. Only in case of 5 February 2017 we recorded loss of data on station V3, however this did not affect the quality of research. Table 1: Metadata of measuring stations. Area Station Elevation Geographical Measuring Measured parameter and (m) coordinate instrument measurement interval (min) YX (west – east) (south – north) Planica Valley Planica 1 (P1) 990 402329 147956 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Planica 2 (P2) 1,200 401370 145330 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Planica 3 (P3) 1,390 400113 143802 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 ARSO* Rateče (A1) 864 401574 151142 ARSO Temperature; 30 Rainfall rate; 30 Vrata Valley Vrata 1 (V1) 725 417179 145396 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Vrata 2 (V2) 770 415803 144761 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Vrata 3 (V3) 940 413263 142988 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Vrata 4 (V4) 1115 411490 142142 Digital recorder Temperature; 15 Kredarica ARSO* Kredarica (A3) 2,514 411822 137823 ARSO Temperature; 30 Rainfall rate; 30 Radovna Valley ARSO* Zgornja 777 419111 143227 ARSO Temperature; 30 Radovna Rainfall rate; 30 Kriški Podi Kriški Podi (A2) 2,050 408116 140475 Digital recorder Temperature; 30 Plateau Rainfall rate; 30 *Archive of Slovenian Environment Agency 2020.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 11 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … 12When aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line occurs, aRüíáSSfSzone of zero isotherm is established in the valley (Figure 2), so in the analysis of temperatures during precipitation we focused primarily on this phenomenon. We then compared the dynamics of cooling between the two valleys and in this way identified differences and sim- ilarities in the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line. 3 Results W e provide temperature analyses for seven snow events of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in the winter seasons 2015/2016 and 2016/2017 in both valleys and on Kriški Podi (2050 m). Temperature conditions at stations in each valley at roughly the same elevations were analysed. In two cases we refer to temperatures only from high- er-lying parts of the valleys and in five cases temperatures from both higher and lower parts. The higher 0C° TemperatureAltitudeTime +0ha) The height of the ridges... 0C° TemperatureAltitudeTime +3hb) The height of the ridges... ... 0C° TemperatureAltitudeTime +5hc) The height of the ridges... ... ... 0C° TemperatureAltitudeTime +6hd) The height of the ridges... ... ... Figure 2: The transition from heavy rain to snow at the surface due to the absorption of latent heat from melting snowflakes (modified after Lackmann et al. 2002, 1018).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 12 stations were Planica 2 (P2, 1200 m) in the Planica Valley and Vrata 4 (V4, 1115 m) in the Vrata Valley, while the lower ones were Planica 1 (P1, 990 m) in the Planica Valley and Vrata 3 (V3, 940 m) in the Vrata Valley. 3.1 Snow event 1: 7–8 February 2016 In the snow event recorded on 7 and 8 February 2016, the temperature congruence in the Vrata and Planica valleys at both elevations was very pronounced, i ndicating the simultaneous occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow l ine. At higher stations, the cooling in the Vrata Valley was slightly less pronounced or rather took place more slowly than in Planica, and even when the temperature reached its lowest values, the temperature remained aRüíáSSfSfew tenths higher than in the Planica Valley. Pronounced warming at the end of precipitation at higher stations occurred at the same time (Figure 3). At lower-lying stations, the cooling and warming curves were even more closely aligned. Although the cooling started about 90 minutes later in the Vrata Valley, the temperature curves soon merged (Figure 4). The occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in both valleys took place in aRüíáSSfSvery similar way and almost simultaneously. 3.2 Snow event 2: 9–10 February 2016 The data for the second snow event, which took place on 9 and 10 February 2016, show aRüíáSSfSstrongly con- gruent cooling and occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in the two valleys. With the intensification of precipitation, which occurred in the Vrata Valley aRüíáSSfSlittle earlier than in the Planica Valley, the atmosphere began to cool, about 45 minutes earlier in Vrata than in Planica. From the temperature on Kriški Podi (2050m) we see that cold advection started after the lowered snow line effect in both valleys cooled the atmosphere to 0 °C. Due to cold advection, the temperature at both higher stations dropped below 0 °C (to around –2 °C) (Figure 5), while at lower stations it dropped below 0 °C for only aRüíáSSfSshort time, and not lower than –1.5 °C (Figure 6). 3.3 Snow event 3: 28 February–1 March 2016 The case on 28 February –1 March 2016 involved precipitation at intervals and initial warming in both valleys. In the Vrata Valley, at station V4 this was followed by fluctuations in temperature that coincided with the beginning and end of precipitation. When precipitation stopped, the temperature rose to 2 °C or even 3 °C, but when precipitation occurred it cooled to an interval between 0 °C and 0.5 °C. There was hard- ly any temperature flu ctuation in Planica (P2) during precipitation (Figure 7). No fluctuations were recorded at the lower stations in either valley. One exception is the incidence between 11 am and 3 pm on 10 February whe n the temperature rose by about aRüíáSSfSdegree when the precipitation stopped or lessened. The tempera- ture dynamics at lower-lying stations were quite similar during precipitation (Figure 8). 3.4 Snow event 4: 5 Marc h 2016 In the snow event examined on 5 of March 2016, the temperature trajectories in the Vrata Valley and the Planica Valley largely coincided at both higher and lower-lying stations. At higher stations, we observed brief periods of temperature divergence, when the temperature in Planica rose from 0 °C to about 2 °C with aRüíáSSfSshort-term lessening of precipitation. Something similar occurred at the end of precipitation when the temperat ure in the Vrata Valley increased by 0.5 °C (Figure 9). There was aRüíáSSfSdifference even before the onset of precipitation when aRüíáSSfSweak inversion was present in the Planica Valley, which only dissi- pated through the cooling of the higher layer of air due to melting and warming of the lower layer. ARüíáSSfSslightly more pronounced inversion layer formed in the Vrata Valley, whi ch also dissipated q uickly after pre- cipitation began, and the upper station had the same temperature or was slightly (0.5 °C) cooler (Figure 9; Figure 10).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 1361-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 13 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … 140123456 –9–7–5–3–11357 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) 0123456 –9–7–5–3–11357 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 3 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 1Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm)Figure 3: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 7 to 8 February 2016. Figure 4: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at lower-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V 3, 940 m) and the Planica Valley (P1, 990 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 7 to 8 February 2016.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 14 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 150123456 –10 –12–8–6–4–22 0468 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) 0123456 –12–7–23813 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 3 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 1Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm)Figure 5: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 9 to 10 February 2016. Figure 6: Temperature and precipitation dynamics on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at lower-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V3, 940 m ) and the Planica Valley (P1, 990 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 9 to 10 February 2016.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 15 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … 1601 0.51.522.533.5 –3–2–101234 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) 01 0.51.522.533.5 –2–1012345 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 3 Temperature P 1Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm)Figure 7: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) dur- ing an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 28 February to 1 March 2016. Figure 8: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation at lower-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V3, 940 m) and the Planica Valley (P1, 990 m) during an occurrence of a lowe red snow line in the night from 28 February to 1 March 2016.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 16 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 170123456 –9–5 –7–3–113 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) 0123456 –9–5 –7–3–113 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 3 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 1Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm)Figure 9: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line on 5 March 2016. Figure 10: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at lower-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V3, 940 m) and the Plan ica Valley (P1, 990 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line on 5 March 2016.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 17 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … 3.5 Snow event 5: 5 February 2017 In the snow event on 5 February 2017, for which we have available only data from higher-lying stations, there was noticeable warming in the Planica Valley and the Vrata Valley that coincided with warming on the Kriški Podi Plateau. During the time of precipitation, the temperature in the Planica Valle y stayed with- in an interval between –0.5 °C and +0.5 °C, while in the Vrata Valley the temperature dropped from 2.5 °C to 0.5°C during precipitation. At the end of precipitation, the temperature in the Vrata V alley rose (to between 2 and 3 °C) while in the Planica Valley it remained at 0 °C. In this case, we do not see aRüíáSSfScomplete congru- ence since the inve rsion in the Planica Valley was more pronounced and there was no dissipation. Even so, both temperature curves become closest at the onset of precipitation, as confirmed by the coincidence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in both valleys (Figure 11). 3.6 Snow event 6: 28 February–1 March 2017 In the sixth snow event, we only have data available for higher-lying stations. The occurrence was record- ed on 28 Fe bruary 2017, when precipitation and aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line were followed by cold advection. An almost concurrent cooling is seen in both valleys when precipitation occurred, and then cooling stopped at 0 °C (P2) or at 0.5–1 °C (V4). Temperatures dropped below 0 °C only with cooling due to cold advec- tion, which is also visible in the dynamics of temperature on the Kriški Podi Plateau. The cooling was slig htly more pronounced in the Planica Valley, although it occurred about two hours later. ARüíáSSfStemperature of 0 °C was reached in Planica sooner than in the Vrata Valley due likely to the approximately 85 m higher ele- vation of the Planica station (Figure 12). When precipitation ended, the temperatures rose by 2–3 °C (Figure 12). In this case as well the occur- rence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line largely coincided i n the two valleys, and cooling was more pronounced in the Planica Valley by about one degree, but this difference could be attributed to the 85 m higher eleva- tion of the station (Figure 1). 1801.5 1 0.522.533.5 –7–3 –5–1135 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) Figure 11: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line on 5 February 2017.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 18 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 1901.5 1 0.522.53 –8–4 –6–22 046 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) Figure 12: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 28 February to 1 March 2017.3.7 Snow event 7: 4–5 March 2017 An analysis of snow event 7, recorded on the evening of 4 March 2017, shows temperature dynamics is s imilar to previous cases. Cooling was slightly more pronounced in the Planica Valley, but the tempera- ture difference was less than one degree (Figure 13). 4 Discussion Determination of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line through an analysis of temperature profiles during precipitation events has proven to be very useful. An analysis of temperature distribution with elevation within the valley sys- tem shows very c learly whether or not the effect of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line has occurred. The phenomenon of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line in Slovenia is best known in the Upper Sava Valley and partly in Bohinj because these areas are inhabited. There are also weather stations of the Slovenian Environment Agency (ARSO) in Rateěe and Bohinj, and both areas are host to visitors in winter. It is difficult to obtain meteorological obse rv ation data from remote and inaccessible valleys, since these are uninhabited and do not have per- manent automatic weather stations and cameras. In our study, temperature conditions were determined in aRüíáSSfSrelatively simple way in two valleys, which also enables research on the prevalence of the phenome- non and its dependence on other factors, for example, valley morphology and orientation. In our st udy, it also turned out that the phenomenon in valleys that are sufficiently close to one another and similarly closed to the advection of wind is quite similar but not entirely identical. To completely exclude tempera- ture differences due to elevation, it would be even better if the stations were set up at exactly the same elevation. We also noticed, that in the case of no wind and the effect of aRüíáSSfSl owere d snow line, differences in elevation of up to about 50 m do not have aRüíáSSfSsignificant effect on temperature, but when advection is present in dry air, the difference in elevation can also mean aRüíáSSfStemperature difference of up to 0.5 °C, whereas during advec- tion in saturated air these differences are smaller and amount to about 0.3 °C.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 19 Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin, Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica … The analysis of temperature conditions during aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line occurrence in the Vrata Valley and the Planica Valley showed considerable coincidence in the two valleys during the period of measurement. Comparison of temperatures at two elevations in the two valleys also showed aRüíáSSfSsl ight divergence of tem- peratures, with slightly more pronounced cooling observed in the Planica Valley in five of the nine instances (taking into account both the higher and lower stations). In calm atmosphere condition this is due to aRüíáSSfSmore pronounced inversion. In the case of cold advection, part of this difference can be explained by the dif- ference in elevation, since the higher station in Plan ica (P2) was located about 85 m higher and the lower station in Planica (P1) about 50 m higher than the corresponding stations in the Vrata Valley. The differ- ence in the resolution of the measurements should also be taken into account: the thermometers in Planica were set to aRüíáSSfSresolution of 0.1 °C and in Vrata to 0.5 °C. The lower resolution and consequently longer peri- od of measurements in the Vrata Vall ey was, as discussed in section 2, due to the remoteness of the valley and safety concerns. The proximity of the valleys to one another plays an important role, but it is not the only factor con- tributing to similar intensity of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line, nor it is aRüíáSSfSdecisive one. The elevation of the surrounding mountains is also aRüíáSSfScontributing factor in the occurrence of aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line due to weakening of advec- tion. Minder, Durran and Roe (2011) with model simulations showed that at higher wind speed, lowering of the snow line weakens. Simulations also showed that weakening of advection could also be the result of the blocking effect of relief, which is often the case in mountainous areas. An effect similar to weak- ening of advection due to blocking by mountains also occurs in deep and closed A lpine valleys. The ridges above the valleys protect them against strong winds, which also explains why aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line appears more often and more intensively in Alpine valleys (Unterstrasser and Zängl 2006). The importance of weak advection was also confirmed by Kain, Goss and Baldwin (2000). As in the Planica Valley, the Vrata Valley is also surrounded by high ridges over 2000 m in elevation at the valley head. In particular, the northern side surrounding the valley rises above 1900 m at the entrance to the valley with the slopes of Vrtaško Sleme (2076 m) and Vrtaški Vrh (1898 m) and then rapidly exceeds 2000 m. At the southern edge of the valley, the slopes rise more gradually, reaching 2000 m only with the slopes of the summit Nad Kuhinjo Špica 2001.5 1 0.522.54 3.5 3 –3 –5–13 157 0:00 2:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00 0:002:004:00 6:00 8:00 10:0012:0014:00 16:00 18:0020:0022:00Precipitation Rate če Precipitation Zgornja Radovna Temperature V 4 Temperature Kri ški PodiTemperature P 2Temperature °C ( ) Precipitation (mm) Figure 13: Dynamics of temperature and precipitation on the Kriški Podi Plateau (2050 m) and at higher-lying stations in the Vrata Valley (V4, 1115 m) and the Planica Valley (P2, 1200 m) during an occurrence of a lowered snow line in the night from 4 to 5 March 2017.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 20 (2266m). The ridges are high enough to protect both valleys often from strong advection. On the other hand, the elevation of the ridges is also important for the air temperature at the upper boundary of the valley, where precipitation enters the valley system and where advection begins to weaken. The head of the Vrata Valley, which is surrounded by the highest mountains in Slovenia (for example, the n orth wall of Triglav with the Triglav massif (2864 m) and Škrlatica (2740 m) especially weakens advection in the valley from north, south and west, and the narrow passage by way of Luknja Saddle (1758 m) does not have aRüíáSSfSsignificant effect in these cases. The Vrata and Planica valleys are quite similar with respect to the closed-in nature of the val- ley heads and so aRüíáSSfSlowered snow line occurrence is prim arily influenced by this feature of the valley heads of both valleys. In both valleys precipitation increases towards the head of the valley significantly and this is also an important factor for lowered snow line. Kain, Goss and Baldwin (2000) cited steady or moderate intensity of precipitation for at least several hours as an important factor for lowered snow line and this is the case in our study. In the same study Kain, Go ss and Baldwin (2000) cited surface temperatures close to freezing point at the beginning of precipi- tation also as an important factor. Measurements in our study indicate, that occurrence of lowered snow line in Vrata and Planica valleys is rarely connected with cold air pool at the bottom of the valley. However, if cold air pool is formed prior the precipitation and it doe s not dissipate when precipitation starts, snow line lowers even faster. In aRüíáSSfSstudy of latent cooling effect in the south Alpine Toce valley Zängl (2007) argues that cooling by evaporating cloud water also influences temperature, especially if valley atmosphere continues to be sub- saturated due to down valley wind. If snow melts already above the valley, the contribution of evaporating cloud water to cool ing can be of major importance. In our case we know, that falling snowflakes melted in the valley system, but we did not have wind data to observe any downwinds. The location north of the main Julian Alps massif also plays an important role, contributing to the atten- uation of southern winds in the lower layers of the atmosphere. An analysis of snow conditions in both valleys would certainly cont ribute to aRüíáSSfSbetter understanding of the intensit y of the occurrence, but we do not have this data. 5 Conclusion Through an analysis of temperature conditions during precipitation events we identified cases of aRüíáSSfSlow- ered snow line in the Vrata and Planica valleys. Since many Alpine valleys are remote and without systematic meteorological monitoring, this method proved to be useful and representative. We can conclude that in both valleys lowered snow line occurs practically at the same time which is aRüíáSSfSresult of similar influence of topography. In both valleys south and west advection are often disturbed or weakened due to moun- tain topography while the precipitation gradients increase precipitation in heads of the valley significantly (in Planica for factor 1,8) (Ogrin and Kozamernik, 2019) The stro ng temporal coincidence of the latent cooling of the valley atmosphere during precipitation, as well as very similar temperature conditions, sug- gest similar snow conditions; however, snow conditions were not discussed since snow data were not available. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT: The authors would like to thank the Society for the Study of Weather and Climate (DRVP) for the use of data from the meteorological stati on on the Kriški Podi Plateau and to Luka Likar for help at field work. 6 References Archive of Slovenian environment agency. Ljubljana, 2020. 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DOI: https:/ /doi.org/ 1 0.1002/qj.155Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 2361-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 23 2461-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 24 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 25–40 RECENT MARRIAGE AND CHILDBEARING TRENDS IN CROATIA AND SLOVENIA: A COMPARATIVE REVIEW Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan The average number of children per woman in childbearing age in both, Croatia and Slovenia is less than two.VERA GRAOVAC MATASSI61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 25 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 26DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8596 UDC: 911.3:314.12(497.4:497.5)«1985/2017« 911.3:316.36(497.4:497.5)«1985/2017« COBISS: 1.01 Vera Graovac Matassi1, Ana Talan2 Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review ABSTRACT: The paper discusses the marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia from 1985 to 2017. We made aRüíáSSfScomparative review of several indicato rs related to marriage and childbearing trends: mean ages of women at first marriage and first childbirth, birth rates, births within and outside marriage, total fertility rate, tempo-adjusted fertility rate, age-specific fertility rates, and marriage rate. The analysis is based on the official statistical data provided by the statistical offices of both countries and Human Fertility Database. Many of the indicators, including the birth rate, total fertility rate and age-specific fertility rate, are somewhat more favourable in Slovenia than in Croatia. One of the major differences between the two countries is that in Slovenia the connection between marriage and childbearing is not as nearly significant as in Croatia. KEY WORDS: population geography, marriage, childbearing, fertility, birth rates, Croatia , Slovenia Najnovejši trendi sklepanja zakonskih zvez in rojevanja na Hrvaškem in vlunimmšmSlovniji: primerjalna študija POVZETEK: VRüíáSSfSělanku avtorici prouěujeta trende sklepanja zakonskih zvez in rojevanja na Hrvaškem in vRüíáSSfSSloveniji med letoma 1985 in 2017. Primerjata razliěne sRüíáSSfStem povezane kazalnike: povpreěno starost ob sklenitvi prve zakonske zveze in rojstvu prvega otroka, nataliteto, število rojst ev znotraj in zunaj zakonske zveze, celotno stopnjo rodnosti in stopnjo poroěnosti. Analiza temelji na uradnih podatkih statistiěnih uradov obeh držav in na podatkovni b azi Human Fertility Database. Vrednosti veě kazalnikov, vkljuěno zRüíáSSfSnatal- iteto, celotno stopnjo rodnosti in starostjo ob rojstvu prvega otroka, so za Slovenijo nekoliko ugodnejše kot za Hrvaško. Ena veějih razlik med državama je ta, d a vRüíáSSfSSloveniji povezava med zakonsko zvezo in rojevanjem še zdaleě ni tako pomembna kot na Hrvaškem. KLJUČNE BESEDE: geografija prebivalstva, zakonska zveza, rojevanje, rodnost, nataliteta, Hrvaška, Slovenija The paper was submitted for publication on May 5th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 5. maja 2020. 1University of Zadar, Department of Geography, Zagreb, Croatia vgraovac@unizd.hr (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9020-3439) 2ana.talan1@gmail.com61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 26 1 Introduction The collapse of the state socialist system in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in late 1980s and early 1990s resulted in unprecedented social and economic changes (new political and social freedoms, transition to market economy, income inequalities and unemployment, expansion of university education, social strat- ification, etc.). Those changes affected, among other things, the marriage and childbearing trends. Although the re are numerous similarities regarding economic, social and family trends in CEE after the collapse of the socialist system, there are also some important differences. Even before 1990s, birth control and fer- tility decline of the first demographic transition generally started sooner in western, more industrialized and in economically more developed parts of the CEE (Ne jašmič 2002; Sobotka 2011). Demographic data indicate that already in 1960s, the birth rates in many former socialist countries were around or below 14 per 1,000 and the total fertility rate (TFR) fell below 2.1. The underlying causes of those changes were intensive industrialization, migration from rural to urban areas, increased employ- ment in non-agricultural sectors (particularly the employ ment of women), aspirations to aRüíáSSfSbetter material standard of living and double income, etc. (Wertheimer-Baletič 1999). Nejašmič (2002) distinguished three group s of countries regarding the stage of demographic transition in early 1990s: 1) countries in which demographic transition was not completed (Albania, Poland, Romania, Estonia, Macedonia, Moldova, Slovakia and FR Yugoslavia/Serbia and Montenegro ), 2 ) countries that were about to reach the post-tran- sitional stage (Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia and Ukraine), and 3) countries in post-transition (Bulgaria, Hungary, Czech Republic, Croatia and Slovenia). The end of the 20thcentury in post-communist countries was marked by aRüíáSSfSnumber of longstanding changes in all domains of life, including rapid expansion of universi ty education in most countries and newly emerging lifestyles, which were not easily compatible with children and family. Consequently, the result was postponement of marriage and childbearing to higher ages. The end of the 20thand the begin- ning of the 21stcentury were marked by extremely low total fertility rates, which subsequently started to recover in most countries (Sobotka 2011). According to S obotk a (2011), the intensive shift of fertility and partnership formation toward higher ages were crucial for the fertility and marriage declines in the 1990s, but they were not given the appropriate attention in public debates and in the media. Regardless of numer- ous similarities in economic, social, and family trends in CEE after 1989, the region became extremely differentiated in terms of economi c prosperity, social stability and economic transformation (Sobotka 2011; Ne jašmič 2002). At the beginning of the 21stcentury Croatia and Slovenia were faced with historically low birth rates and total fertility rates. These two neighbouring countries were once aRüíáSSfSpart of the same country and were both among the most developed republics of former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (Magaš 2013), and their demographic developments were, in some aspects, similar, but the recent demographic trends show some significant differences. Analysis of the official population statistics provided by the Croatian Bureau of Statistics and Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia reveal that one of the basic demo- graphic differences today between these two countries is that Slovenian population has bee n increasing since late 1990s, while the Croatian population has been decreasing constantly since early 1990s. In this respect (along with the level of birth rates, share of births outside marriage, and immigration trends) demo- graphic trends in Slovenia are more similar to those in western and northern European countries, while Croatia is more similar to many of the post-communist European countr ies. 2 Theoretical framework and literature preview The recent changes in reproductive behaviour and marriage patterns in Croatia and Slovenia can be analysed through the prism of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT) theory. The basic idea of the SDT is that industrialised countries have reached aRüíáSSfSnew stage in their demographic development, which is characterised by the extensive control over fertil ity. Namely, the couples tend to have one or two children, the fertility levels declined below the replacement level, and the childbearing is being postponed (Van de Kaa 2002). Lesthaege (2007) argues that the SDT also brings aRüíáSSfSmultitude of living arrangements other than marriage and the disconnection between marriage and procreation. In Croatian case, the extensive control over fer- tility, low ferti lity levels and postponed childbearing have been present for several decades, but there isActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 2761-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 27 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review still aRüíáSSfSsignificant connection between marriage and procreation. Similar characteristics have been observed in Slovenia too, but the connection between marriage and procreation is not as nearly significant as in Croatia. In the last three decades, the decreasing number of births and fall ing birth rates have been the crucial determinants of demographic development in Croatia. At the beginning of each year, upon the publica- tion of vital statistics for the previous year, the newspapers publish articles pointing out the »demographic catastrophe« referring to the decreasing number of births and marriages, low total fertility rate and increas- ing age of the mother at first birth. Ho wever, that issue has not been addressed enough in Croatian scientif ic literature, particularly recently. Most of the existing researches were focused on natural population change in general (e.g. Nejašmič 1986; 2000; Klempič and Lajič 2005), and two papers dealt with extramarital births in Croatia (Mrđen 1997; Pavič 2014). There is only one paper dealing with regional characteristics of birth rates i n C roatia in the period 2001–2003 (Nejašmič, Bašič and Toskič 2008). Despite the fact that Croatia has had below-replacement total fertility rate since late 1960s, that issue has been investigated more thor- oughly only recently, particularly the relation between women’s employment and fertility (e.g. Akrap 2011; 2013; 2014; Akrap and Čipin 2011a; 2011b; Čipin 2010; 2011). Similarly, in Slovenia, most of the researches discuss the birth rate trends, falling birth rates and pop- ulation replacement. The research on marriages, age at first birth and at first marriage is scarce. Birth rates and fertility changes in Slovenia were discussed by Boh (1988), Stropnik and Šircelj (2008), Jakoš (2009), Malaěiě and Sambt (2014). The fertility issues in Slovenia were more thoroughly investigated by Josipoviě , who focused on geographical factors of fertility (2003), general fertility-related issues in Slovenia (2004), the effects of migration on the changes in fertility behaviour (2006), the connections between the parents’ education and fertility (2007), and the changes in birth rate and fertility levels (2014). There are also sev- eral researches dealing with fertility levels and parents’ education (Čer niě Iste niě 2007; Kneževič Hoěevar 2007; Stropnik 2007; Šircelj 2007). V ertot and Križman (2009) analysed the demographic situation in Slovenia through birth and death rates, and migration. Marital and extramarital births in Slovenia were discussed by Vodeb-Bonaě (1991), Kriěaj Korelc (2005), Strehovec (2012), and Kuhar (2013), who analysed the under- lying causes of postponed childbearing and marriag e, as well as the decreasing number of marriages and increasing trend of extramarital births. Kerbler (2015) analysed the spatial perspective of population age- ing in Slovenia, and identified the falling birth rates as one of the most important causes of population ageing. In both countries, the researchers emphasized the need for implementing population policies (e.g. Friganovič and Šterc 1993; Akrap 2005; W ertheimer-Baletič 2005a; 2005b for Croatia, and B oh 1999; Stropnik and Šircelj 2008, and Malaěiě 2015, for Slovenia). Meanwhile, little has been done in that respect and the negative trends are continuing more rapidly than ever, prompting the need for further research. The aim of this paper is to provide aRüíáSSfScomparative review of marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia through t he analysis of the number of births, birth rates, extramarital births, total fertility rates, marriages, and mean age of the mother at first childbirth. The analysis encompasses the period from 1985 to 2017 in order to get aRüíáSSfSbetter insight into the trends before the collapse of the state socialist system and after. 3 Data and methods The research relies on the official statistical data provided by the Croatian Bureau of Statistics and Statistical O ffice of the Republic of Slovenia for the period from 1985 to 2017. However, there are some differences in data collecting methodology in these two countries, but they do not have aRüíáSSfSsignificant impact on the final results. The data on tempo-adjusted total fertility rate were taken from the Human Fertility Database, but the time coverage is not equal for bo th countriesRüíáSSfS– the data for Slovenia covers the period from 1984 to 2016, and for Croatia from 2003 to 2016. Accordingly, it is possible to compare this indicator from 2003 onward. The tempo-adjusted total fertility rate was calculated by using the Bongaarts-Feeney method (Bongaartsa and Feeney 1998). Due to the lack of data on completed cohort fertility for Croatia, it was not possible to make the co mparison between the two countries. The basic difference between population data collection in Croatia and Slovenia is that Slovenia has population register and Croatia does not, i.e. Croatia relies on population and housing censuses. The Slovenian population register is updated regularly, while Croatia conducts population censuses every ten years. Until 2861-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 28 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 292001, all Croatian citizens were included in the total population, regardless of their actual residence, but from 2001, if they had been living outside the country for 12 or more months, they were not included, but the foreign citizens who lived in Croatia for 12 or more months were included (Croatian Bureau of Statistics 2013). The Slovenian methodology changed as wellRüíáSSfS– the definition of total popu lation changed three times. Until 1995, total population included pers ons with permanent residence in Slovenia. From 1995 until 2008, the population of Slovenia encompassed the citizens of the Republic of Slovenia with permanent residence in Slovenia, but excluded those that had been abroad for more than three months and gave notice of their departure. On the other hand, it included the foreigners who had registered permanent residence in Slovenia. As of 2008, aRüíáSSfSnew definit ion has been used, and it is based on the usual residence concept (Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia 2018). For this reason, the population data is not always completely mutually comparable, but it does not have aRüíáSSfSsignificant impact on the analyses in this paper, particularly on mar- riage, mean ages and fertility i ndicators. The main method used in this paper is collection, analysis, visualisation and interpretation of the statistical data. 4 Results The beginning of the 21stcentury in Croatia and Slovenia was marked by two divergent demographic process- esRüíáSSfS– in Croatia, the population has been decreasing continuously, while the Slovenian population has been increasing and is at aRüíáSSfShistoric high (Figure 1). In ear ly 1980s, Croatia entered the post-transitional stage of demographic transition and since early 1990s it has been characterised by constant natural decrease, which, coupled with intensive emigration, led to depopulation. Slovenia also entered the post-transitional stage in early 1990s, and was faced with natural decrease at the turn of the 21stcentury, but it recorded aRüíáSSfSperiod of gradual recovery afterward, which subse quently resulted in slight natural decrease at the very end on the analysed period (in 2017). However, 1,900.0001,920.0001,940.0001,960.0001,980.0002.000.0002,020.0002,040.0002,060.0002,080.000 3,000.0003,200.0003,400.0003,600.0003,800.0004,000.0004,200.0004,400.0004,600.0004,800.0005,000.000 Population of SloveniaPopultion of Croatia 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Ye ar Croatia Slovenia 2017 Figure 1: Population of Croatia and Slovenia, 1985–2017. 61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 29 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review the most striking difference between the two countries in the analysed period is in international migra- tion. Namely, Slovenia was, mostly, an immigration country, while Croatia was emigrational (Malaěiě and Sambt 2014), which is ultimately evident in their recent demographic develo pme ntRüíáSSfS– population increase in Slovenia and population decrease in Croatia. Differences in immigration and net migration rates are closely related to the level of socio-economic development and Slovenia’s accession to the EU in 2004 (Kogovšek Šalamon 2018). One of the factors that made the existing demographic situation in Croatia even more difficult during the 1990s was the Croatian War of Independen ceRüíáSSfS– its negative effects were partic- ularly evident in the reduced number of marriages and births and in intensive emigration during and after the war. Analysis of the birth rates from 1985 to 2003 indicate that both countries recorded aRüíáSSfSdownward trend. The only exception in Croatia is aRüíáSSfSshort-term baby boom after the Croatian War of Independence (in 1996 and 1997). After that, birth rates started in creas ing and peaked in late 2000s, before recording the down- ward trend again (Figure 2). Slovenia recorded aRüíáSSfSshort-term baby boom in the second half of the 2000s, because somewhat more numerable generations born in late 1970s and early 1980s reached the reproductive age (Josipoviě 2014). The birth rates in Croatia were, in most years, higher than in Slovenia up to mid- 2000s, but from that point on, Sl ovenia has had higher birth rates than Croatia. An interesting fact is that throughout the whole analysed period, Slovenia had aRüíáSSfShigher share of women in child-bearing years than Croatia. This leads to conclusion that lower birth rates in Slovenia were the result of lower fertility rates. However, in both countries, the number of women in child-bearing years has been decreasingRüíáSSfS– from 1981 to 2017, the ir number in Croatia decreased by 22.4%, and in Slovenia by 7.7%. The reason for the lower intensity of decrease of women in child-bearing ages in Slovenia was immigration (Josipoviě 2006). Namely, Slovenia has had positive net migration and notable immigration of women in child-bearing ages, while Croatia has been characterized by negative net migration and intensive emigration of population. Bi rth r ate levels have had aRüíáSSfSsignificant impact on natural population change. In early 1990s, the natural popu- lation change in both countries reached the negative values, and in Croatia the downward trend continued, 30Birth rate 891011121314 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Ye ar Croatia Slovenia Figure 2: Birth rates in Croatia and Slovenia, 1985–2017.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 30 reaching the history lowest value (in peaceful times) in 2017 (–4.1‰). On the other hand, the lowest val- ues in Slovenia were recorded in late 1990s and early 2000s, and from 2006 to 2016 the natural population change was positive primarily due to the increase of the birth rates. However, the recent falling birth rates resulted in natural population decrease. Another most evident difference between the two countries is related to births within and outside mar- riage (Figure 3 and Figure 4). At the beginning of the analysed period, in 1985, the share of births outside marriage in Slovenia was 19.1% and in Croatia 5.9%, while at the end, in 2017, that share in Slovenia reached 57.5% and in Croatia 19.9%. This clearly shows that there is still aRüíáSSfSfirm bond between marriage and childbearing in Croat ia , and according to the data provided by Eurostat, Croatia is among the European states with the lowest share of births outside marriage. On the other hand, in Slovenia, the share of births outside marriage surpassed the share of births within marriage in 2007, and today, Slovenia is among the four countries in Europe with the highest share of births outside marriage (the top three countries being Ic eland, France and Bulgaria). Ac cording to Oinonen (2008), the main reason for high proportion of extramarital births in Slovenia is that cohabitation was largely accepted even during the Communist era. It is also evident that the secu-larization has been more prominent in Slovenia than in Croatia (cf. Smrke and Uhan 2012). Total fertility rate (TFR) is one of the basic indicators of reproduction. The onse t of below-replace- ment fertility in Croatia can be situated in mid-1960s, while in Slovenia it occurred some 15 years later, at the very end of 1970s. However, throughout the last two decades of the 20thcentury and at the begin- ning of the 21stcentury, TFR was higher in Croatia than in Slovenia. During the 1980s, both countries experienced aRüíáSSfSdecline of TFR below 1.80, heralding an era of long- te rm subreplacement fertility (Sobotka 2011). Additionally, both countries reached the historically low TFR in 2003 (1.33 in Croatia, and 1.20 in Slovenia), with the gradual recovery in the following years (Figure 5). From 2008, TFR has been higherin Slovenia than in Croatia, and it is currently at 1.62 children per woman. Since total fertility rate is aRüíáSSfSsynthetic rate that does not take into consid eration other demographic deter- m inants of fertility than age, it is advisable to complement it with tempo-adjusted total fertility rate and cohort fertility data in order to get aRüíáSSfSbetter insight into the fertility levels. However, there is no data on cohort fertility data for Croatia, so it is not possible to make aRüíáSSfScomparison with Slovenia, and the tempo- adjusted total fertility rate for Croatia i s only available since 2003. Nevertheless, the data reveal that, with the exception of 2015, the tempo-adjusted total fertility rate in Croatia has been higher than in Slovenia (Figure 6). The tempo-adjusted total fertility rate is aRüíáSSfSbetter indicator for the average number of children per woman than the observed TFR, because it takes into consideration the birth order specific changes (i.e. its calcula tion requires only age-specific fertility rates by birth order), while the TFR is affected by tempo e ffect (i.e. by distortions due to changes in the timing of births) (Bongaarts and Feeney 1998). It is evi- dent that the both countries have experienced »postponement transition« (shift of childbearing to older ages) (Sobotka 2017), but if we eliminate the tempo effect, the tempo-adjusted rate reveals that the fertil- ity rates are somewhat more favorable in Croatia. However, it is not possible to draw concrete conclusions due to short time span covered. It is interesting to note that the tempo-adjusted total fertility rates are very often higher than total fertility rates. According to Josipoviě’s (2014) calculation for Slovenia, from 1954 to 1979, the fertility rates were overestimated by +0,2 t o +0,5 children per woman, and from 1980 onwards, they were underestimated by –0,3 to –0,4 in the period from 1991 to 2004, and by –0,2 from 2005. Changes in fertility levels are closely connected to the timing of marriage and childbearing. In both countries, there has been aRüíáSSfSsignificant increase in the average age of women at first marriage and at first childbirth (Figure 7 and Figure 8). At the begi nning of the analysed period, the women in both countries entered the first marriage at the age of 22.8, and gave birth to the first child at the age of 23.8 (in Croatia) and 23.2 (in Slovenia). In the course of the following 32 years the average ages in Croatia increased to 28.6 and 28.9, and in Slovenia to 30.1 and 29.4. The major difference between the two countries is that in Croatia the average a ge at childbirth has been constantly higher than the average age at first marriage, which indi- cates that marriage usually precedes childbearing. On the other hand, in Slovenia, there is no particular gap between the two average ages, and approximately in the last two decades, the average age at first mar- riage has been higher than at first childbirth (with the exception of 2009 and 2010, when the age at first childbirth was slightly higher). It is evident that in the analysed period there was aRüíáSSfSsignificant shift of the timing of childbearing from early 20s to late 20s and early 30s, and the age-specific fertility rates decreased, particularly in the mostActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 3161-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 31 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 320102030405060708090100 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017Births (%) Ye ar Within marriage (%) Outside marriage (%)Births (%) 0102030405060708090 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Ye ar Within marriage (%) Outside marriage (%) 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017Figure 3: Births within and outside marriage in Croatia, 1985–2017. Figure 4: Births within and outside marriage in Slovenia, 1985–2017.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 32 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 33TFR 1.001.101.201.301.401.501.601.701.801.90 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Ye ar Within marriage (%) Outside marriage (%) 1.001.201.401.601.802.002.20 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 Ye ar Within marriage (%) Outside marriage (%)Tempo–adjusted TFRFigure 5: Total fertility rate (TFR) in Croatia and Slovenia, 1985–2017. Figure 6: Tempo-adjusted total fertility rate in Croatia (2003–2016) and Slovenia (1985–2016). 61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 33 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 3422232425262728293031 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Ye ar First birth First marriageAge 22232425262728293031 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Ye ar First birth First marriageAgeFigure 7: Average age of women at first marriage and at first childbirth in Croatia, 1985–2017. Figure 8: Average age of women at first marriage and at first childbirth in Slovenia, 1985–2017.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 34 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 35<15 15 19 – 20–24 25 29 – 30 34– 35 39– 40 44– 45 49– 50+ Mother's age020406080100120140160 1987 2017 2007 1997Age–specific fertility rate Figure 9: Age-specific fertility rates in Croatia in selected years. <15 15 19 – 20–24 25 29 – 30 34– 35 39– 40 44– 45 49– 50+ Mother's age020406080100120140160 1987 2017 2007 1997Age–specific fertility rate Figure 10: Age-specific fertility rates in Slovenia in selected years.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 35 Marriage rate 1.02.03.04.05.06.07.0 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 Ye ar Croatia Slovenia Figure 11: Marriage rates (marriages per 1,000 inhabitants) in Croatia and Slovenia, 1985–2017. 36Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review fertile age group (Figure 9 and Figure 10). In 1987, the age-specific fertility rates were the highest in the age group 20–24 (141.2 in Croatia and 139.6 in Slovenia), but in 2017 the rates in that age group decreased to 40.6 in Croatia and 42.6 in Slovenia. Moreover, in 2017, the a ge group 20–24 had the lowest fertility rate in comparison to the age groups 25–29, 30–34 and 35–39. In 1997 and 2007, in both countries the highest age-specific fertility rates were recorded in the age group 25–29, but in 2017 the fertility in Croatia was the highest in the age group 30–34. On the other hand, in Slovenia the highest fertility was still in the age group 25–29 (but only slightly higher than in the age group 3 0–34; 111.5 and 110.1, respectively), and it even increased in comparison to the previous two years. The conclusion that the timing of childbearing in both countries shifted to older age groups is further sup- ported by the fact that from 1985 to 2017 the fertility in the age group 15–19 was decreasing continuously, with simultaneous increase of fertility among the women aged 4 0–44. T he analysis of marriage rates indicates that the importance of marriage as aRüíáSSfSunion is decreasing. In the analysed period, the marriage rates decreased, but there is still aRüíáSSfSdifference between the two countries. In Croatia, the rate is currently at almost five marriages per 1,000 inhabitants, and in Slovenia just over three marriages per 1,000 inhabitants (Figure 11). From 1985 to 2017, the numb er of marriages in Croatia d ecreased by 34.4% and in Slovenia by 38.7%. 5 Discussion In most cases, childbearing was traditionally associated with marriage, and extramarital births comprised only aRüíáSSfSsmall portion of total live births. According to the church and other historical records in Europe, from 16thto 19thcentury, the non-marital childbearing (»illegitimacy ratio«) ranged from approximately 2 to 7 pe r cent in most countries (Laslett, Oosterveen and Smith 1980, cited in Perelli-Harris et al. 2010). Throughout the 20thcentury, marriage was aRüíáSSfSdominant form of union between aRüíáSSfSman and aRüíáSSfSwoman, and61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 36 1960s and 1970s were the »golden age of marriage« across many Western nations (Kiernan 2001), as well as in Croatia (Mrđen 1997) and Slovenia (Stropnik and Šircelj 2008). In Slovenia and Croatia, the num- ber of marriages started decreasing in mid-1970s and late-1970s, respectively. The lower marriage rate in Slovenia can be attributed to the changes in attitudes toward traditional, religious and mor al perception of marriage. Namely, the period after the Second World War was marked by significant changesRüíáSSfS– exclu- sion of the church from the schools, media and public life, better access to contraception, and cohabitation among the younger generations (Strehovec 2012). Another important factor is the fact that aRüíáSSfSsignificant number of young people continue living with their parents even after they c omplete their studies, thus post- pon ing marriage and forming their own families (Kuhar 2013). In Croatia, that process started somewhat later, as the influence of the church and the religion has been stronger. It is important to emphasize that the decrease in fertility level, as well as other changes in demographic behaviour, had started years or even decades before the political, economic, and socia l transition t hat start- ed in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Stropnik and Šircelj 2008), which makes Slovenia and Croatia fairly different from most former socialist countries. Of course, it cannot be ignored that the political and eco- nomic transition in the early 1990s had aRüíáSSfSsignificant impact on demographic changes during the 1990s and early 2000s. Some of the most notable reasons for the signif icant fall in the number of live births and birth rates were definitely intensive industrialisation and urbanisation, which influenced the reproduc- tive behaviour of the population resulting in lower fertility rates (Breznik 1988, cited in Josipoviě 2004; Černiě Isteniě 2009). Namely, the period from early 1960s to early 1980s in Croatia and Slovenia were char- acterised by intensive industrialisatio n (Vrišer 1992; Nej ašmič 2008), during which there was an increased demand for labour force, particularly in labour-intensive industries. Such demand prompted aRüíáSSfSsignificant emigration from rural to urban areas and the increase of women labour force. Additionally, women’s edu- cational and career aspirations increased. The researches have shown that prolonged education contributes to postponing the ch il dbearing (Liefbroer and Corijn 1999; Baizán et al. 2003; Lappegård and Rønsen 2005). The same trend can be observed in Croatia and Slovenia, too. Namely, the analysis of the number of women enrolled at higher education institutions in both countries has increased significantly since the mid-1980s (Stropnik and Šircelj 2008; Croatian Bureau of Statistics 2018). Simultaneously, the birth rates and fer tility decreased significantly. Active parti cipation in labour force also contributed to delaying marriage and childbearing. Additionally, due to economic insecurity in post-socialist and transitional economies, there was aRüíáSSfSstrong need for investing in one’s own education and career thus postponing marriage and pregnancy (Čipin 2011). Although, at the national level, highly educated women in Slovenia generally have fewer children than the women with lower l evels of education, aRüíáSSfSresearch conducted by Josipoviě (2007) revealed that in some parts of the country the women with higher education tend to have more children than the women with lower level of edu- cation. On the other hand, aRüíáSSfSresearch conducted in Croatia by Čipin (2011) showed that the women who attained tertiary education had fewer child re n than women with elementary or secondary education, but their desired number of children is higher than in women with lower levels of education. Although there is no unanimous scientific evidence that links declining fertility and reduced number of live births with the periods of economic recession (Lanzieri 2013), there is evident decline in the num- ber of live births in Croatia since the beginni ng of the economic recession in 2008, and simil ar trends were observed in aRüíáSSfSnumber of other European countries, particularly in Southern, Eastern and Central Europe (Goldstein et al. 2013). The changes in reproductive behaviour in that period have been prompted by increased unemployment of young adults and economic uncertainty. For the same reason, young people tend to post- pone marriage. However, it is also important to emphasise the negative effects of emigration from Croati a, which has intensified since the beginning of the crisis, particularly because most of the emigrants have been young adults in their reproductive age. In conclusion, we can say that Croatia has been faced with, as Lanzieri (2013) calls it, baby recession. Although the number of births and fertility rates have been declin- ing since the mid-1980s, they have recently reached the unprecedented levels. The situation regarding childbearing has been alarming for the past 25 years, and in 2006, the National Population Policy was adopt- ed in Croatia (Nacionalna populacijska politika 2006). The policy largely focused on introducing favourable housing policies for the young people and families with small children, better emplo yment opportunit ies, reducing emigration of young population, at family allowances, tax reliefs, on full-time employment and flexible working hours, particularly of mothers, better child care opportunities etc. Despite the policy, lit- tle has been done (Akrap 2019), and the number of live births each year has been decreasing constantly.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 3761-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 37 Vera Graovac Matassi, Ana Talan, Recent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review The state also failed to mitigate the negative impact of economic conditions on fertility by introducing fam- ily policies that might have softened the adverse effects of the crisis. On the other hand, such decline in the number of births after 2008 was not present in Slovenia. Some of the most notable reasons are less pronounced effect of the economic crisis and immigration. Namely, as much as 73% of the women who have immigrated to Slovenia since 2000 are aged 20–39. Additionally, some of the family policies and measures in Slovenia probably yielded certain results, particularly those related to the mothers’ labour market participation, maternity and paternity leave provisions, early child- hood education and care, health care, housing etc. (Stropnik 2014). In the last few years, Croatia has recorded the lowest number of births ever, while the latest data on the number of births in Slovenia show that it is still above the all-time lowest recorded in 2003. 6 Conclusion Although Croatia and Slovenia were once aRüíáSSfSpart of the same state and, to an extent, experienced similar politi cal, economic and social changes in that period, their demographic features have not been as simi- lar in some respects. One of the major differences today is that Slovenia has had population increase since 2000, aRüíáSSfSCroatia has been depopulating since 1991. The population increase in Slovenia can be attributed to low, but positive natural population change and positive net migration. On the other hand , C roatia has been faced with aRüíáSSfSlong-term negative natural population change and negative net migration. Another major difference is related to marriage rate and extramarital birthsRüíáSSfS– in Croatia, the marriage rate is higher and as much as 80% of the children are born within marriage, while in Slovenia, the marriage rate is lower, and the share of extramarital births is much higher than in Croatia. As for the other indicators, the trends are more similar, but the birth rate, total fertility rate, and age- specific fertility rate are still more favourable in Slovenia. It is evident that the mean ages at first marriage and first childbirth have been increasing constantly, and the age at first childbirth is above 28 in Croatia and 29 in Slovenia. This can be attributed to prolonged education of both sexes, j ob insecurity and increas- ing real estate prices, which prevents the younger generation from leaving parental home earlier. Both countries are faced with great demographic challenges, and there is aRüíáSSfSstrong need for introducing more effective policies and measures aimed at increasing the fertility levels, particularly by removing the obsta- cles that prevent the young people from having childr en earl ier (this includes much better housing opportunities for young adults, more generous family allowances and tax reliefs, better child care system, part-time employment and flexible working hours, job security, etc). 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Radovi 37-1. 4061-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 40 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 41–55 THE IMPACT OF LARGE DAMS ON FLUVIAL SEDIMENTATION: THE IRON GATES RESERVOIR ON THE DANUBE RIVER Constantin Nistor, Ionuțuni021B Săvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisă General view of the Cerna Gulf area.IONUȚ SĂVULESCU61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 41 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.7856 UDC: 911.2:551.312.4(282.243.7) 551.312.4:627.8(282.243.7) COBISS: 1.01 Constantin Nistor1, Ionu  Săvulescu1, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai1, Liliana Zaharia2, Marina Vîrghileanu1, Sorin Carablaisă3 The impact of large dams on fluvial sedimentation: The Iron Gates Reservoir on the Danube River ABSTRACT: Dam construction is one of the major human pressures impacting fluvial processes, including topography and hydro-sedimentary flows, as aRüíáSSfSresult of the change in flow regime from fluvial to fluvial-lacus- trine. This paper investigates geomorphic changes at Iron Gates I, the largest reservoir on the Danube River, completed in 1972 for hydropower and navi gati on. The study focuses on aRüíáSSfSgulf area that emerged at the mouth of the Cerna River into the reservoir, highlighting spatial changes in topography and sediment dis- tribution, based on aRüíáSSfSdiachronic analysis of two datasets before and after the dam was built: one extracted from historical topographic maps and the other obtained from aRüíáSSfSbathymetric echo sounding survey, inte- grated within aRüíáSSfSGIS analys is. The results reveal the dominance of the sedimentation process, with an alluvium laye r thickness up to 14 m. The current sediment pattern has changed the submerged morphology, lead- ing to the formation of an alluvial fan at the mouth of the Cerna River and of aRüíáSSfSsedimentary bar between the Cerna Gulf and the Danube River’s channel. The siltation process together with the current underwa- ter morpholo gy limits ship traffic and the storage capacity of the reservoir. KEY WORDS: hydropower dam, Iron Gates reservoir, sedimentation, topography, Cerna Gulf, Danube River Vpliv velikih jezov na reźno sedimentacijo: Primer zajezitve Železna vrata na Donavi POVZETEK: Gradnja jezov je eden najveějih ěloveških pritiskov, ki zaradi spremembe pretoěnega režima iz reěnega vRüíáSSfSreěno-jezerskega vplivajo na reěne pro cese, vkljuěno sRüíáSSfStopografijo in vodno-sedimentnimi tokovi. Namen prispevka je raziskati geomorfne spremembe znotraj zajezitve Ž elezna vrata I, najveěje zajezitve na reki Donavi, ki je bila dokoněana leta 1972 in je namenjena proizvodnji hidroenergije ter plovbi. Študija se osredotoěa na zaliv, ki je nastal ob izlivu reke Cerne vRüíáSSfSakumulacijsko jezero, sRüíáSSfSpoudarkom na prostorskih spre- membah vRüíáSSfStopografi ji in razporeditvi usedlin. Raziskava temelji na diahroni analizi dveh nizov podatkov pred in po zgradbi jezu: pr vi je bil izvzet iz zgodovinskih topografskih zemljevidov, drugi pa pridobljen zRüíáSSfSbatimetriěno sonarsko raziskavo, integrirano vRüíáSSfSGIS okolju. Rezultati razkrivajo prevlado sedimentacije zRüíáSSfSdebelino aluvial- nega sloja do 14 m. Sedanji vzorec sedimenta je spremenil potopljeno morfologijo, kar j e povzroěilo nastanek vršaja ob ustju reke Cerne in sedimentnih nanosov med zalivom Cerna in Donavo. Proces siltacije skupaj zRüíáSSfSdanaš- njo podvodno morfologijo omejuje ladijski reěni promet in tudi sedimentno zmogljivost akumulacije. KLJUČNE BESEDE: jez hidroelektrarne, akumulacija Železna vrata, sedimentacija, topografija, zaliv Cerna, rek a Donava This paper was submitted for publication on January 13th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 13. januarja 2020. 421University of Bucharest, Faculty of Geography, Department of Geomorphology, Pedology, and Geomatics constantin@geo.unibuc.ro (https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-1978-9980), savulescu@geo.unibuc.ro (https:// orcid.org/0000-0001-6054-7954), bogdanandrei0771@gmail.com (https:// orcid.org/ 0000-0002-5834-8697), marina.virghileanu@geo.unibuc.ro (https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-4665-9620) 2University of Bucharest, Faculty of Geo graphy, Department of Meteorology and Hydrology zaharialili@hotmail.com (https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-3069-0113) 3University of Bucharest, Orţova Geographical Research Station Center, cgsorin@yahoo.com61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 42 1 Introduction The construction of large dams and reservoirs has many and complex environmental, economic, and social impacts (Hohensinner et al. 2011; Zhang et al. 2016). Among the major consequences are alterations of hydro- sedimentary flows and geomorphic changes, both upstream and downstream from the dam (Brandt 2000; Zhou et al. 2011; Čanjevac and Orešič 2018; Li et al. 2018). Therefore, as aRüíáSSfSres ult of the transition from aRüíáSSfSfluvial to aRüíáSSfSfluvial-lacustrine flow regime upstream from the dam, sediment retention and shore abra- sion processes become dominant (Petkovic, Dragovic and Markovic 1999; Repnik Mah, Mikoš and Bizjak 2010; Vukovic, Vukovic and Stankovic 2014). Generally, sediment distribution into reservoirs is related to erosion and accumulation processes (Zahar, Ghorbel and Albergel 200 8), i nfluenced by the incoming flow and sediment load, as well as the bottom morphology and the water level (Evrad et al. 1985). On the other hand, downstream from the dam, the liquid and solid flows considerably decrease, fluvial erosion intensifies, and the riverbed changes from aRüíáSSfSdepositional regime from before dam construction to an ero- sional one (Castillo et al. 2007; Li et al. 2016). The Iron G ates I (IG I) d am, known as Porțile de Fier I in Romanian and Djerdap in Serbian, is 1,278 m long and 60 m high. It was built about 900 km from the mouth of the Danube River at the Black Sea, main- ly for hydropower and flood control, as well as to improve river transportation conditions in the Iron Gate Gorge area (Netzband 2007) between Romania on the north side and Serbia on the south side (Figure 1). Upstream from the IG I dam aRüíáSSfSreservoir more than 140km long was formed, covering an area of about 100km² and storing aRüíáSSfSvolume up to 2.4 km³ at the maximum retention level of 69.5 m (Aquaproiect 1992; Pop 1996). The hydropower plant has aRüíáSSfStota l installed power of 2,136 MW , which is shared equally between the neigh- boring countries, Romania and Serbia (Pop 1996). After it attained operational level in 197 2, the IG I reservoir strongly affected the hydro-sedimentary flows and processes upstream and downstream from the dam. Upstream from the dam, the water level rose by about 30 m and the fluvial regime turned into aRüíáSSfSfluvial-lacustrine regime. Before the construction of the reservoir, the Danube River had high water levels in the spring and low levels in the fall, but later the water level and discharge regimes were strongly influenced by exploitation of the reservoir. As aRüíáSSfSresult of the reg- ulatory flow function of the res ervoir, the discharge increases during low-water periods (in winter and fall), and it decreases during high-water periods in order to mitigate flood magnitudes (Zaharia 2010). Regarding sediments, it is estimated that the IG I reservoir retains up to 77% of the suspended sedi- men t volume supplied by the Danube River (Panin and Jipa 1998; T eodoru and W ehrli 2005; Babic Mladenovic e t al. 2017). The sediments are deposited in layers of variable thickness, depending on the bottom mor- phology, the incoming flow velocity, and the underwater stream distribution (Evrad et al. 1985). The sedimentation process is more intensive within the small inlets or gulfs formed at the tributari es’ mouths, as well as at the reservoir tail and in low areas where the flow is slow (Rądoane and Rądoane 2005). In some inlets with low flow rates (e.g., at Dubova and Sviniża), the sediment layer exceeds 11 m in thickness (Zaharia 2010). The alluvium retention in the IG I reservoir had aRüíáSSfSdirect effect on sediment reduction in the Danube Delta (Panin and Jipa 2002; Giosan et al. 2014; Constantinescu et al. 2015; Oaie et al. 2015). The annual average volume of suspended sediment supplied by the Danube River in its delta decreased by more than 50% after construction of the IG I dam (Zaharia et al. 2011; Zaharia and Ioana-Toroimac 2013). This paper investigates the geomorphic changes induced by development of the IG I reservoir, as well as the spatial distribution and the dimension of sediment deposit s, i n order to provide useful informa- tion for reservoir management. The study focuses on the Cerna Gulf area, located north of the main stream of the Danube, in Romania, about 20 km upstream from the dam. This is the first study focusing on the Cerna Gulf, an important area in terms of economic activities at IG I reservoir, where the ship-building industry and river transportation are dominant activi ti es. 2 Material and methods 2.1 Study area The Cerna Gulf is located in aRüíáSSfSmountainous area in Iron Gates Natural Park (Figure 1), between kilometers 953 and 955 from the mouth of the Danube. It was artificially formed after construction of the IG I dam,Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 4361-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 43 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … when water accumulated in the reservoir flooded the floodplain and the lowest terraces of the Danube Valley. The Cerna River is the largest tributary of the Danube in this area, with aRüíáSSfSlength of 87 km and aRüíáSSfScatch- ment area of 1,360 km² (Aquaproiect 1992). It has an annual average flow rate of about 20 m³/sRüíáSSfSand it carries about 3 kg/sRüíáSSfSof suspended sediments (Sârbu 2001). Before the reservoir was built, the Cerna River flowed into the Danube near the old town of Orťova, which developed on the floodplain and the two lowest ter- races. Today this area is covered by water. The old confluence point was located 4 km downstream from the current position. The Cerna Gulf extends over almost 500 he ctares and reaches aRüíáSSfSdepth of 24 m. It is almost 3.4 km long and about 1.4 km wide. The gulf is surrounded by hills with elevations up to 460 m and slopes up to 50 degrees, formed by easily erodible sedimentary rocks, clays, marls, sands, and gravels. The lithology and the morphometry of this area is favorable for the occurrence of many morphodynamic process- es, such as sheet erosion and landslides. Gully erosion is also widespre ad during the heavy rains of the early summer season. The materials eroded from the surrounding slopes, as well as those resulting from the abrasion processes, contribute to siltation of the gulf, affecting local economic activities, including the ship- yard and the port. 44 R O M A N IA S E R B IAH U N G A RYU C R A I N E M O L D O VA Danube B l a c k S e aCARPATHIAN M O U N T A IN S BALKAN MOUNTAINS !P!P ! ( ! (! (!P ! (! ( ! (! (! (! ( ! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! (! (! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( !P!P ! ( ! ( ! (! ( !P ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! ( ! (! (! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! ( ! (! (B U L G A R IA Iron Gates I Dam / Djerdap DamIron Gates Natural Park Drobeta Turnu Severin KladovoOrșova Donji MilanovacMoldova Noua Golubac National Park Djerdap D ANUBE CernaGulf of Cerna River Content by: Marina Vîrghileanu Map by: Marina Vîrghileanu Source: IUCN Database on Protected Areas, 2019; SRTM, USGS 2018; Natural Earth DataLegend PTown (Village Protected area0 100 km ±05 10 kmN Figure 1: Location map of the study area.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 44 2.2 Data and methods The analysis follows two directions: reconstruction of the topography before the flooding of the Cerna Valley as aRüíáSSfSresult of the formation of the IG I reservoir, and modeling the current submerged morpholo- gy within the Cerna Gulf. Based on these approaches, the changes in submerged morphology were revealed through aRüíáSSfSdiachronic analysis (Figure 2). The reconstruction of the former topo graphy before the construction of the reservoir was based on military topographic maps at aRüíáSSfS1:20,000 scale from 1939 (Romanian Army Shooting Map 1939) and 1:25,000 scale from 1952, edited by the Military Mapping Directorate (DTM). These maps were used to extract vec- tor data representing contours at aRüíáSSfS10 m interval, elevation points, and the stream network. These datasets were integrated into aRüíáSSfSsp atial interpolation to obtain the Digital Elevation Model (DEM) of the study area. CORONA KH-4B satellite images from 1968 (Mihai, Nistor and Simion 2016) and the geomorphic map from the Iron Gates Atlas (Posea, Grigore and Popescu 1976) were used to map the old floodplain micro- landforms. The current submerged topographic model was generated using bathymetric measurements collected with an echo sound er inst rument. The survey was performed during two field campaigns, on March 29th and October 25th, 2017, following previously drawn boat tracks. These 33 transects, with an interval of 100 m, were perpendicular to the former Cerna River’s channel direction. Throughout those transects, the water depths were measured every 10m, using aRüíáSSfSGarmin GPS map 298 single-beam sounder (Table 1). The sounder was sunk into the water at aRüíáSSfSdepth of 0.30 m and set at aRüíáSSfScone angle of 10° with aRüíáSSfS200 kHz signal frequency for aRüíáSSfSclear view. Route coverage control was accomplished using the GIS MapPlus / iPhone 6s application with an accuracy of 2 to 3 m at an average boat speed of 10 km/h. The interconnected GPS/EGNOS systemActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 45Relief before dam construction Nowadays submersed relief Topographic maps Vector data extraction DEM generationGarmin single beam SONAR Deep water measurement DEM for submerse relief DEM difference Relief change reveal Volume of sediments calculationSpatial distribution accumulation/erosion Figure 2: Workflow of the analysis.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 45 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … 46provided the xycoordinates for each measurement in the GCS/WGS 84 coordinate system. In order to increase the data density during the measurements, another 1,351 observation points were manually record- ed. All the data collected during the field surveys comprises 5,551 measurement points. The values measured during both time periods were correlated with the variation in the water level of the Danube (T able 2) provided by the River Administration of the Lower Danube, aRüíáSSfSsubsidiary of the Drobeta Tu rnu-Severin Navigable Way Agency (AFDJ) (River Administration of the Lower Danube 2017). Table 1: Echo sounding survey parameters used for data collection during field surveys for bathymetric measurements. Data March 29th, 2017 October 25th, 2017 Boat speed 9 km/h 8 km/h Number of observations 3,235 2,316 Track length 31.9 km 13.7 km Measurement time 3h 33' 1h 50' Area covered 400 ha 140 ha Distance between point observations 10 m 10 m Offset 0.3 m 0.3 m Table 2: Reference values used for bathymetric data calibration. Data March 29th, 2017 October 25th, 2017 Black Sea – Sulina/Constanța correction +0.224 m +0.224 m Daily water level 68.744 m 69.444 m Water level correction +0.7 m – The elevation of the corresponding points for the submerged landforms was calculated as the differ- ence between the corrected water level and the measured water depths, using the formula H=Wl– Wd, where H= elevation of the submerged topography (in m), Wl= daily water level (in m), and Wd= water depth (in m). The daily water level values ( Wl) for the first field survey, obtaine d from the AFDJ authority, were cal- ibrated with the difference measured during the second survey. The water depth values were also corrected with the offset values adapted to the depth at which the sounder was sunk into the water. Then the ele- vation of the submerged topography (H) was correlated with the sea level value difference between the Sulina and ConstanRüíáSUTgaRüíáSSfSreference points on the Black Sea coast (Table 2). The topographic changes caused by development of the IG I reservoir were obtained as the difference between both elevation models: the first corresponding to the former topographic configuration (1939) and the second produced with the help of the in situ measurements of the submerged topography (2017). The changes in the topography were highlighted within three cross-profiles from re presentative sectors of the Cerna Gulf, based on data extracted f rom the 1939 topographic map and on bathymetric measure- ments from 2017. These profiles show the spatial magnitude of the erosion and accumulation processes. 3 Results The primary topography, prior to the formation of the IG I reservoir, was shaped by the Cerna and Danube rivers. The confluence area was aRüíáSSfSfloodplain 500 to 700 m wide, bord ered by two terraces where several settlements developed: the town of Orţova and the villages of Jupalnic and Tufąri. Along the former flood- plain, the Cerna River had several braided streams, sand accumulations, small islands, and marshes, typical for the natural evolution of the confluence area (Figure 3). Figure 3: Fluvial morphology of the confluence area between the Cerna and Danube rivers in 19 39, prior to the formation of the Iron Gates I reservoir. p61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 46 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 47 #### # ## ######## ####### #### #### ## ## ## !!! ! ! !!! !!! ! !! ! ! ! ! !!!! ! ! ! ! !!00Vale Slãtinicului Ogașu Izneu Valea lui Stan River bed Alluvium Swamp 1/s.superior/t.superior terrace 2/t.superior/h.superior terraceFloodplainGravel# #### ### Outlier 0 500 m±Altitude point (m) !70 Temporary stream Fluvial harbor RailwayAltitude 14.3 m353.8 mPoienilor Ridge Ozoina Ridge Bisericii Hill Alion Hill Dracului HillCioaca Mare Peak295.3 196.2163.6263.7 55 147.8 268.6286.8340 316.770 70 701856167 5070 5070 100 2007010757 4863 DANUBECerna River Road BuildingCountry boundary0OrșovaJupalnicTufãri Map by: Constantin Nistor Source: Topographic mapsN 61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 47 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … 48The current depth configuration of the Cerna Gulf is closely linked to the old micro-landforms and to the sedimentation processes. In this respect, Figure 4 illustrates the correspondence between the deep- est bathymetric points and the former channel of the Cerna River. Low water depths were also found close to the left bank, where submerged stream cutting is intensive. Except for the areas of the h ighe st micro landforms that featured the former topography of the Cerna Valley, low water depths were found at the mouth of Cerna River and in the junction area between the Cerna Gulf and the Danube River channel, caused by aRüíáSSfSlarge accumulation of sediments. !!! ! !! ! ! ! !!! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! !! !! !! ! !268.6185196.270 70 707070 147.8316.7 100340 163.6–5.9 –7.1 –11.5 –2 –15.8 –19.7 –19.3–9 –14.4 –22.1–9.8–13.8295.3CernaRiver Water depthBuilding 0 m –23,6 mTemporary stream Railway RoadCountry boundary 0 500 m±DANUBE0 Orșova0Elevation point (m)70! Fluvial harbor G–ral Dragalina Park Map by: Constantin Nistor Source: Topographic maps; Survey data from 2017.–9 Water depth (m)! N Figure 4: Current bathymetric configuration of the Cerna Gulf (2017).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 48 The spatial distribution of topographic changes between 1939 and 2017 shows accumulation areas, marked by positive values, as well as erosion areas, marked with negative values, separated by sectors of minimal change. The analysis of the spatial distribution of the changes reveals the presence of three dis- tinct sectors, marked on the map in Figure 5 as a, b, and c. The first sector corresponds to th e Cer na River fan deltas (Goudie 2006), at the entrance into the reser- voir. This conical deposit is 1,300 m long, with aRüíáSSfSmaximum width of 350 m. The granulometry classes feature 10% gravel in the upper section, 70% sand, and 20% silt in the lower part (Sârbu 2001). The bathymetricActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 49 !!! ! !! ! ! ! ! !!!! ! ! ! ! !!147.8163.670 295.3340 185196.2 316.770 707070 286.8 268.6 107 70100 200Orșova DANUBECerna River G–ral Dragalina Park0Elevation diferenceAltitude point (m)!340 Temporary stream Railway Road Building Sector of interest –15.5 m14.3 mCross–sectionFluvial harbor0 a b cCountry boundary b 0 500 m±Map by: Constantin Nistor Source: Topographic maps; Survey data from 2017.N Figure 5: Map of topographic changes from 1939 to 2017 in the Cerna Gulf area.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 49 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … profile crossing the first sector (Figure 6a) highlights the accumulation process in the central part with an alluvium thickness up to 5.5 m. It shows that the former channel of the Cerna River is completely cov- ered by aRüíáSSfSsediment layer corresponding to the alluvial fan. The seco nd sector corresponds to the junction area of the main streams of the Cerna and Danube rivers. Sediments are distributed over aRüíáSSfSlarge surface due to the circular submerged stream generated by the Danube River, which crosses the former channel of the Cerna River. Anthropogenic st ructures, such as the General Dragalina Town Park island and the ship pontoons, influenced the configuration of the submerge d land - forms in this sector. Moreover, significant alluvium inflow is due to sediments carried by temporary streams to the right slope of the gulf, especially after major rainfall periods in April, May, and June. The profile crossing the central area of the Cerna Gulf (Figure 6b) shows that the initial landformsRüíáSSfS– the extensive floodplain and the terraces of the Cerna RiverRüíáSSfS– were covered by sediment s with aRüíáSSfSdiverse and changing morphology. The accumulation process is dominant because the thickness of the sedimentary layer reaches 5 to 6 m in the western part of the profile due to lateral sediment inflow and the develop- ment of the artificial island in front of Orţova’s new downtown. On the eastern edge of the gulf, which corresponds to Orţova’s port area, the cross-profile indicates degradation of the topography because of excavation work along the new highway and railway embankments and cuttings (before 1970). The third sector is influenced by the main stream of the Danube River, whose sediment supply is sub- stantial. Within this sector, the sediments cover aRüíáSSfScompact area with aRüíáSSfSthickness up to 14 m and aRüíáSSfSmaximum width over 500 m, similar to aRüíáSSfScross-bar. The Cerna Gulf is located where the D anube River changes its flow direction from 40° NE to 80° E. This change of about 40° has significant effects on t he river hydrodynamics with aRüíáSSfShigher inertia of flow. The main stream of the Danube, featuring aRüíáSSfSlinear trajectory imposed by the alignment of the riverbed, tends to maintain its direction when entering the gulf area. The profile crossing the third sector (Figure 6c) highlights the intensi ty of the accumulation process, mainly along with the lateral parts of the gulf. The old town of Orţova, located in the western part of the gulf, is covered with aRüíáSSfSsediment layer 5 to 6 m thick. On the opposite side, the sediment thickness reach- es 12 m, but near the left shore the elevation decreased by 7 m in 2017 as an effect of anthropogenic reshaping of slopes prior to the development of the reserv oi r between 1965 and 1972. The central part of the gulf is affected by erosion processes. The spatial analysis of the negative changes to the topography in the Cerna Gulf area reveals an unequal distribution that can be linked to various processes such as fluvial erosion, lacustrine abrasion, and anthro- pogenic processes. Many areas affected by negative changes are located near shorelines, where the elev ation differences reach −15 m. These differences can be explained by the anthropogenic transforma- tion of landforms and fluvial erosion. Engineering work such as blasting and reinforcement of slopes were required to rebuild the national/European highway from Bucharest to Timiţoara and the main railway sec- tors 20 m higher than their original position. Other work was necessary for the construction of three road and railway viaducts crossing the main tributaries in the Cerna Gulf: the Cerna, Slątinicului, and Valea lui Stan rivers. Moreover, the port area and the dockyard site are regularly dredged in order to maintain aRüíáSSfSconstant depth. Downstream from the town of Orţova, the Danube River’s flow velocity generates sub- merged cutting of streams into the left slope, with effects on the channel an d bank erosion. The central area of the gulf is marked by negative changes of as much as −3 m, corresponding to the former channel of the Cerna River. During the periods with high flow rates, the alluvia are removed and the bottom of the gulf is eroded. Other areas affected by negative changes are related to anthropogenic excavations such as slope tilting and to lacustrine abrasion caused by short-term variat ions in the water level due to reservoir management work. 4 Discussion Under natural conditions, the beds of the Cerna and Danube rivers were paved with coarse deposits con- taining gravels mixed with sands known as the facies of the Danube. Measurements performed in 1968, 1973, 1975, and 1976 at km 955 on the Danube River revealed aRüíáSSfSpositive balance for the former settlement site at Orťova, featur ing an accumulation pro cess with aRüíáSSfSsediment thickness between 1.0 and 2.5 m (Vespremeanu and Posea 1988). 5061-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 50 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 51b) 0 500 1000 1500 Distance (m)Elevation (m) 5560 50657075 WE c) 0 500 1000 1500 Distance (m)Elevation (m) 40455055606570758085 2017 1952a) 0 200 400 600 800 Distance (m)Elevation (m) 5560657075 WE W E Figure 6: Cross profiles in the Cerna Gulf area, showing the topography before and after the Iron Gates I reservoir formation: a) first study sector, b) second study sector, c) third study sector.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 51 Constantin Nistor, IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu, Bogdan-Andrei Mihai, Liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin Carablaisą, The impact … The analysis of the spatial distribution of the sediments confirms the current siltation trend in the IG I reservoir (Diaconu 2005; Zaharia 2008; Babic Mladenovic, Kolarov and Damjanovic 2013). Our study maps for the first time the development of an alluvial bar tending to close the Cerna Gulf. Diaconu (2005) identified aRüíáSSfSsimilar distribution of sediments in the study area, mentioning intensive accumulation at the mouth of the Cerna River and also in the eastern part of the gulf, together with aRüíáSSfSdeepening trend along the west shoreline. ăeląu (2010) mentioned the development of aRüíáSSfSsubmerged alluvial deposit about 1 km long up to the entrance of the Cerna River into the gulf an d aRüíáSSfSsed iment cover more than 6.0 m deep. For the entire gulf area, it has been clearly observed that the maximum thickness of the sediments reach- es 14 m with aRüíáSSfSmean value of 3.8 m. This is related to aRüíáSSfSperiod of 45 years, from 1972 to 2017, at aRüíáSSfSmean rate of 8.2 cm/year. Other in situ measurement data obtained under similar environmental conditions at the confluence of the Topolnica River with the Danu be on the Serbian side show aRüíáSSfSrate between 3 and 10 cm/year (Vukovic, Vukovic Stankovic 2014). The lacustrine abrasion process is related to the water level oscillation as aRüíáSSfSmain effect of reservoir man- agement, together with the waves generated by international ship traffic of goods and passengers. Previous studies showed that the annual water level oscillations at the Orťova hydrometric station can rea ch 6.2 m, with aRüíáSSfSmaximum rate of 1.3 m per day (Zaharia 2008). Fast and high-level variations reduce the stability of the neighboring slopes and shorelines, causing their collapse in extreme conditions. The abrasion process mainly affects the steeper shorelines, which can retreat by about 1 m/year (Zaharia 2008), contributing to the sediment supply to the reservoir. The results were validated by meas uri ng the sediment volumes accumulated, calculated through GIS spatial analysis. These were compared with the measured suspension sediment volumes supplied to the reservoir by the Cerna River. Sârbu (2001) estimates that the Cerna River has aRüíáSSfSsuspended sediment dis- charge of 95,541.4 tons/year, which amounts to 1.8 million m³ based on aRüíáSSfSsample density of 2,400 kg/m³, according to Oaie et al. (2015), f or 45 years since the IG I reservoir was formed. This value is similar to our estimate of 1.72 million m³. The project for electricity production in this section of the Danube Basin was extended for tributary rivers as well. In this respect, two other reservoirs, Lake V alea lui Iovan and Lake Hercule, were built upstream, along the Cerna Valley sector for power generation and flood prevention (Pop 199 6). T he construction of these reservoirs along the Cerna River in 1983, with aRüíáSSfSwater volume of 138 million m³, led to aRüíáSSfSdecrease in the river flow rate from 35 m³/sRüíáSSfSto 18.5 m³/sRüíáSSfS(Sârbu 2001; Hrvatin et al. 2019). As aRüíáSSfSconsequence, the stream power flowing into the Cerna Gulf significantly decreased. The alluvium did not reach the Danube River’s main channel, leading to the development of the fan delta i n the upper section of the Cerna Gulf. The damming of the Danube River altered the sediment flow from 67.5 million tons/year before the reservoir formation to 30 million tons/year measured at the discharge mouths (Panin and Jipa 1998). The decrease of the sediment volume supplied by rivers into the sea is aRüíáSSfSgeneral feature for most dammed rivers (St□nic□ and Panin 2009). For example, the sediment amou nt s of the Y ellow River in China decreased by three times after the construction of the Sanmenxia Dam and Xiaolangdi Dam (Y onggui et al. 2013). The same situation occurred after the construction of the Aswan High Dam in 1964 on the Nile River in Egypt (Gu, Chen and Salem 2011; Kantoush and Sumi 2013). The Mississippi River in North America, one of the most modified rivers (Kesel 2003), has had aRüíáSSfStotal decreas e in sediment flow from 400 million tons/year to 200 million tons/year (Allison et al. 2012; Meade and Moody 2009), leading to erosion processes on 60% of the deltaic coast (Bentley et al. 2014). For the Danube, the Gaběíkovo–Nagymaros Dams led to the retention of 70% of sediments transported (Smith, Szilágyi and Horváth 2002). 5 Conclusion This study provides the first detailed map of the submerged relief of the Cerna Gulf, which developed after the Danube River was dammed and the IG I reservoir formed. These results highlight the spatial distrib- ution of accumulation sectors, which reach 14 m in thickness, as well as areas with negative changes in topography caused by anthropogenic work together with erosion processes. The Cerna Gulf is aRüíáSSfScharacteristic area along the Danube River where ac cu mulation processes exceed erosional ones by aRüíáSSfSratio of 4:1, emphasizing aRüíáSSfSsmooth lake clogging tendency. Sediment deposition changed the submerged morphology during the last 45 years, leading to the accumulation of an alluvial fan at the 5261-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 52 mouth of the Cerna River and an alluvial bar between the Cerna Gulf and the main channel of the Danube River. The siltation process has aRüíáSSfSnegative effect on river transportation as well as on the sustainability of the port in Orţova, which specializes in coal and coke transport. It also has aRüíáSSfSnegative impact on emerging tourism traffic and on shipyard activities, which involve the production of hulls . In addit ion, it decreases the volume of water storage and accelerates the eutrophication level. For this reason, periodic dredging activities are required to allow ships to access the Orţova port basin. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: The research infrastructure for this study belongs to the Orţova Research Station, Faculty of Geography, University of Bucharest. The authors Constantin Nistor and IonuRüíáSUTg Sąvulescu co n- tributed equally to this work. 6 References Allison, M. A., Demas, C. R., Ebersole, B. A., Kleiss, B. A., Little, C. D., Meselhe, E. A., Powell, N. J., Pratt, T . C., Vosburg, B. M. 2012: ARüíáSSfSwater and sediment budget for the lower Mississippi–Atchafalaya River in flood years 2008–2010: Implications for sediment discharge to the oceans and coastal restoration in Louisiana. Journal of Hydrology 432-433. 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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1002/hyp.8406Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 5561-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 55 5661-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 56 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 57–74 SPATIAL DIVERSITY OF ECOLOGICAL STABILITY IN DIFFERENT TYPES OF SPATIAL UNITS: CASE STUDY OF POLAND Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek Spring landscape of Roztocze, Poland.JOLANTA JÓŹWIK61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 57 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8779 UDC: 913(438):502.131.1COBISS: 1.01 Jolanta Jóțwik 1, Dorota Dymek1 Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland ABSTRACT: The study estimates and compares the spatial distribution of ecological stability within admin- istrative units in Poland. Its method permitted the value of the coefficient of ecological importance parameter to be determined, and enabled the design of aRüíáSSfSspatial unit typology. The units originally analyzed were municipalities (Pol. gminy). In this variant, areas with low and average ecological stability were evident- ly dominant. Verifying the results obtained i nvolved extending the study, and using of aRüíáSSfSsquare with sides of 1 km as the basic unit of assessment. This approach yielded dominance of areas extreme in terms of eco- logical stability. The spatial analyses also allowed for the spatial dependence of the phenomenon to be identified and illustrated spatially. KEYWORDS: Coefficient of Ecological Importance, spatial autocorrelation, spatial planning, lan d c over, landscape, Poland Prostorska raznolikost ekološkega ravnovesja v razliźnih tipih prostorskih enot: primer Poljske POVZETEK: V raziskavi avtorici prouěujeta in primerjata prostorsko porazdelitev ekološkega ravnovesja v upravnih enotah na Poljskem. Z izbrano metodologijo sta doloěili vrednost koeficienta ekološkega pome- na in izdelali tipologijo prostorskih enot. Osnovna prostorska enota, ki sta jo najprej analizirali, je bila oběina ( pol. gminy). Rezultati so razkrili, da v njih prevladujejo obmoěja z nizkim in povpreěnim ekološkim rav- novesjem. Da bi avtorici preverili dobljene rezultate, sta raziskavo razširili in za osnovno enoto tokrat uporabili kvadrat s stranico 1 km, za katero so rezultati pokazali prevlado obmoěij z ekstremnimi vrednostmi ekolo- škega ravnovesja. S prostorskimi anal izami sta avtorici lahko doloěili tudi prostorsko odvisnost prouěevanega pojav a in jo prikazali v prostoru. KLJUČNE BESEDE: koeficient ekološkega pomena, prostorska avtokorelacija, prostorsko naěrtovanje, pokrovnost tal, pokrajina, Poljska The paper was submitted for publication on June 30th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 30. junija 2020. 581Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, Lublin, Poland jolanta.jozwik@umcs.pl (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7041-3781) dorota.dymek@umcs.pl (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8902-9373)61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 58 1 Introduction The cultural landscape is constantly evolving to meet the ever-changing needs of present and future gen- erations. One of the main factors currently influencing significant changes in the landscape structure is human activity (Verburg et al. 1999; Verburg et al. 2002; Dotterweich 2008; Geri et al. 2010; Baran-Zgłobicka and Zgłobicki 2012; Ribeiro and Šmid Hribar 2019). New anthropogenic elements introduced into the nat- u ral environment contribute to landscape transformation. Their intensity has an impact on the ecological stability of the landscape. Considerable accumulation of such elements may lead to gradual degradation of the natural environment and disturbances in the area’s ecological stability (Richling and Solon 1994; Król and Gałaș 2008). Ecological stability is defined as t he ecosystem’s ability to return to equilibrium, or to its »normal« direc- ti on of development, via its own internal mechanisms. The sooner the ecosystem returns to its original balance, the more stable it is (Holling 1973; Vološěuk and Míchal 1991). Forman and Godron (1986) define landscape stability as the landscape’s resistance to disturbances and its ability to regenerate after they occur. Biěik e t al. (2015, 9) define it as »a condition that is inversely related to the amount of energy, material, and labor invested by the society so that the landscape remains in aRüíáSSfSbalanced condition.« Over time, land- scapes and ecosystems undergo natural transformations (Widacki 1979). As aRüíáSSfSresult, the forms, functions, and significance of landscapes also change (Urbanc et al. 2004). Therefore, the stabilit y of the natura l envi- ronment is dynamic. Considering all of this, when aRüíáSSfSdisruptive factor is introduced, the natural environment is not able to return to its exact original state, even though it can achieve an approximation of it (Balon 2006). Zaušková and Midriak (2007) also point to the dynamic ability of ecosystems to maintain and restore the conditions of their existence through self-regulatory mechan isms. This is reflected in their stability and resistance to natural and anthropogenic factors. Two main trends are designated in landscape stability research (Balon 2006; Gigon and Grimm 2014). The first refers to natural areas capable of functioning owing to internal mechanisms, without human inter- vention: the »natural« approach (e.g., Gigon 1983; Geng et al. 2019). The second refers to sta bility assuming the presence of anthropogenic activities and economic uses of the natural environment: the »utilitarian« approach (e.g., Messerli 1983; Winiger 1983; Fuentes 1984; Zhang et al. 2017). aRüíáSSfSmixed approach also exists that combines both of these (e.g., Kienholz et al. 1984; Ganjurjav et al. 2019). Pinpointing and evaluating the ecological stability of aRüíáSSfSlandscape is aRüíáSSfScomplex process, in wh ich the level of ecological stability of aRüíáSSfSgiven area may reflect aRüíáSSfScoefficient of ecological importance. It can be expressed numerically, whereas the result is only an approximation of the reality behind the model (Bastian and Schreiber 1999). Mandatory large-scale landscape studies of this type have been conducted in the Czech Republic and Slovakia as part of their Territorial Systems of Ecological Stability (Moyzeová and Kenderessy 2015; Koěická et a l. 2018). Meanwhile, aRüíáSSfSnumber of approaches to measuring ecological stability have been developed over the years, presented in works by Turner et al. (1993), Y ang et al. (2016), and (Kazakov 2019), and others. Poland’s attempts to estimate ecological stability levels to date have concerned the local level (the area of aRüíáSSfSmunicipality and the area aro und aRüíáSSfSwater reservoir), as in Król and Gałaș (2008), Gałaș and Gałaș (2009), the regional level (Subcarpathia Province and Holy Cross Province) by Salata et al. (2016), Ciupa and Suligowski (2018), and the country level (based on land-use structure data from the Central Statistical Office for each province) by Harasim (2015). These studies appear insufficient, and do not pro- vide necessary informatio n on the ecological stability of Poland overall. The studies cited here primarily focus on selected areas of Poland, with analysis of various types of single spatial units, such as drainage basins, municipalities, or provinces. As aRüíáSSfSresult, the results obtained are not comparable. Moreover, the local character of the research does not permit conclusions to be drawn regarding the level of ecological stabil ity throughout the entire country. Some of them are also based only on statistical data or individu- ally vectorized objects from base maps. Particularly in the second case, this carries the risk of generalization and subjectivity. It should be emphasized that the statistical data used in Harasim’s work (2015) refer to the provincial level, and provide only aRüíáSSfSvery general view of ecological stabi lity, with no differentiation between them. The methodology adopted in this paper is the first attempt at comprehensive research on ecological stability carried out at the level of Poland’s administrative units based on spatial data. This paper is an important contribution to help fill this research gap, and such an in-depth analysis of ecological sta- bility is likely to be aRüíáSSfSuseful tool for shaping the broadly defined spatial policy.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 5961-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 59 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland The objective of this study is to compare the spatial diversity of Polish municipalities’ ecological stabil- ity and to calculate the spatial autocorrelation of this phenomenon in order to determine spatial dependencies. An additional aim is to verify the results by compar ing them with those of an ar tificial geometric division; that is, aRüíáSSfSsquare with sides of 1 km. 2 Material and methods The source material for this paper was the CORINE Land Cover (CLC) 2018 database maintained by the European Environment Agency. This database contains data on current land cover across all of European territory. The data contained in the database are hierarchically grouped at three levels. T he first level con- sists of five main land-cover classes: anthropogenic land, agricultural land, forests and semi-natural ecosystems, wetlands, and water areas. The second and third levels provide further details within more pre- cise categories (Heymann et al. 1994). Poland’ s data were provided by the Chief Inspectorate of Environmental Protection. In our study, estimating the degree of ecological stabil ity in administrative units employed the Biěik’s (1995) method of classifying and verifying areas. For the purpose of this analysis, the typology of land- cover classes included in CLC 2018 (Table 1) was replicated to enable appropriate weights of ecological importance (cei), as proposed by Biěik et al. (2015), to be assigned to particular classes of land cover. This treatment allowed aRüíáSSfSclassifi cation to be obtained that can be used in similar area studies at the local, region- al, national, and international scale. An additional advantage of the division proposed in this paper is the fact that the CLC database is widely available, free of charge, and identical for many European countries. It offers access to unified data, reinforcing the spatial compatibility of the dataset, and permitting c om- parison of different areas. A number of methods exist for determining aRüíáSSfSsite’s level of ecological stability. The majority are based on assigning aRüíáSSfSnumerical value to the ecological stability indicator, allowing for aRüíáSSfSqualitative assessment of the area under investigation. The most basic methods are those proposed by Míchal (1982), Löw (1984), and Miklós (1986). Míchal’s method is the simplest. I t pertains to the relationship between the surface area of areas defined as stable (e.g., forests, waters, meadows, and pastures) and the surface area of unstable areas (e.g., arable and built-up land). This approach was modified by Löw to assign individual landscape elements to five degrees of stability that were given constants reflecting their importance. The process devel- oped by Miklós does not divide lands cape elements into stable and unstable ones, but introduces numerical coefficients that differentiate their ecological stability. This method reflects the ecological stability of the spatial composition of the area studied by determining the relation between the sum of products of areas occupied by individual landscape elements and their corresponding weights of ecological stability to th e tota l area of the terrain in question. This approach was the starting point for Biěik et al. (2015) in their pro- cedure for assessing complex ecological stability used in this paper. In line with the adopted methodology (Biěik et al. 2015), the Coefficient of Ecological Importance (CEI) was used to estimate the degree of eco- logical stability. It is the sum of the products of the appropriate weigh ts of ecological stability and the percentage of the area of each b asic unit of assessment (BUA) that is covered by the classes of the features mentioned above. Graphically, it represents aRüíáSSfSprojection of the degree of ecological stability of these BUAs. The CEI for an individual spatial unit is expressed as the following formula (Biěik et al., 2015): (1) where: CEIi= coefficient of ecological importance in BUAi, ceic= weight of ecological importance of land- cover class c, Pci= percentage of the area of the BUAicovered by land-cover class c, n= number of land-cover classes, and i= individual BUA. The values of individual weights of ecological importance (cei) reflect the ecological stability of indi- vidual landscape elements, and fall within aRüíáSSfSrange of 0 to 1, where the value »0« represents anthropogeni c areas (heavily transformed by human activity), and »1« represents valuable natural areas (scarcely trans- formed by human activity). Similarly, values of the synthetic coefficient of ecological importance (CEI) are in aRüíáSSfSrange from 0 to 1, with the value »0« standing for ecologically insignificant areas, and »1« eco- logically significant areas. The level of ecological stability of aRüíáSSfSstudy area incre ased with an increase in the 60CEIi=∑(c=1)nceic·Pci61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 60 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 61Table 1: Reclassification of CORINE Land Cover 2018 land-cover classes with assigned cei weights. Land-cover class Level I CLC Level II CLC Level III CLC CLC Code ceiweight 1. Forest and Forest and Forest Broad-leaved forest 311 1.00 semi-natural semi-natural Coniferous forest 312 areas areas Mixed forest 313 Scrub and/or Natural grassland 321 herbaceous Moors and heathland 322 vegetation Sclerophyllous vegetation* 323 associations Transitional woodland/shrub 324 Open spaces with Beaches, dunes, sands 331 little or no Bare rock 332 vegetation Sparsely vegetated areas 333 Burnt areas 334 Glaciers and perpetual snow* 335 2. Wetlands and Wetlands Inland wetlands Inland marshes 411 0.79 water areas Peat bogs 412 Coastal wetlands* Salt marshes* 421 Salines* 422 Intertidal flats* 423 Water bodies Inland waters Water courses 511 Water bodies 512 Marine waters Coastal lagoons 521 Estuaries* 522 Sea and ocean 523 3. Permanent Agricultural areas Pastures Pastures 231 0.64 grasslands 4. Permanent Agricultural areas Permanent crops Vineyards* 221 0.34 crops Fruit trees and berry plantations 222 Olive groves* 223 5. Other Agricultural areas Arable land Non-irrigated arable land 211 0.14 agricultural Permanently irrigated land* 212 areas Rice fields* 213 Heterogeneous Annual crops associated with 241 agricultural areas permanent crops* Complex cultivation patterns 242 Land principally occupied by agriculture, 243 with significant areas of natural vegetation Agro-forestry areas* 244 6. Other areas Artificial surfaces Mine, dump and Mineral extraction sites 131 0.14 construction sites Dump sites 132 Construction sites 133 Artificial, non-agricul- Green urban areas 141 tural vegetated areas Sport and leisure facilities 142 7. Built-up areas Artificial surfaces Urban fabric Continuous urban fabric 111 0.00 Discontinuous urban fabric 112 Industrial, Industrial or commercial units 121 commercial Road and rail networks and associated land 122 and transport Port areas 123 units Airports 124 * Classes that do not occur in Poland. They are included in the table to ensure comparability with other potential studies in other EU countries.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 61 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland index value. It is worth emphasizing that within the same methodology involved in the approachRüíáSSfS– the concept of planning used to optimize spatial organization, protection, and utilization of the landscape, called Landscape Ecological Planning (LANDEP; Miklós et al. 2019)RüíáSSfS– some authors use different ranges for the degree of ecological stability values (e.g., Reháěková and Pauditšová 2007; Igondova et al. 2016; Miklós and Špinerová 2019). Two variants were used to estimate the degree of ecological stability. The first one used gminy – admin- istrative units that roughly correspond to municipalitiesRüíáSSfS– as the basic unit of assessment. The average area of aRüíáSSfSmunicipality was 126 km ². The main advantage of using this type of unit is that the message of the results is clear, and data for comparisons are commonly available from various offices and agencies. Unfortunately, aRüíáSSfSvery serious disadvantage of accepting administrative units as BUAs is their internal het- erogeneity that does not fully reflect the spatial distribution of the phenomenon surveyed. The heterogeneity of the area makes it difficult to compare individual units’ results (Balon and Krć  2013). In order to ver- ify and improve the precision and level of detail of the results in this paper, aRüíáSSfSsecond variant was used, based on an artificial geometric division of the area studied, wherein aRüíáSSfSsquare with sides of 1 km was adopted as the BUA. The consistency in the area of each fieldRüíáSSfS– in this case 1 km²RüíáSSfS– facili tate s statistical calcula- tions, making individual results easily comparable with one another. Moreover, aRüíáSSfSBUA with aRüíáSSfSsmaller area presents differences in the spatial distribution of ecological stability better and more precisely. Regardless of the variant adopted, the procedure for estimating ecological stability was conducted in the same way. CLC 2018 land-cover classes were trimmed to the borders of the BUA. Then, each newly created parcel within aRüíáSSfSgiven BUA was assigned an appropriate weight ( cei, according to land-cover class), and its share in the total area of the BUA ( P) was calculated. Based on the above, the municipalities were ordered based on the numerical value of their ecological stability coef ficient. The calculated values permitted spa- tial units to be classified into five equal classes corresponding to different degrees of ecological stability. Because the method used in this paper does not have f ixed threshold values for individual classes, the classification proposed by Petroviě (2005) and used in works such as Mederly et al. (2006), Boltiziar and Olah (2009), Salata et al. (2016), and Krivosudský (2012) was applied. The following classes were distinguished: A: very low e co- logical stability (CEI 0.00–0.20); B: low ecological stability (CEI 0.20–0.40); C: average ecological stability (CEI 0.40–0.60); D: high ecological stability (CEI 0.60–0.80); E: very high ecological stability (CEI 0.80–1.00). Determination the s patial dependence of the phenomenon studied involved performing an analysis of spatial autocorrelation. Spatial autocorrelation permits estimation of the r el ationship between the value of the examined variable in aRüíáSSfSgiven location and the value of this variable in another location. Spatial auto- correlation is referred to when aRüíáSSfSgiven phenomenon occurring in aRüíáSSfSparticular location increases or decreas- es the probability of its occurrence in the neighborhood (Bivand 1980). This paper employs the global Moran’s I index, one of the best-known autocorrelatio n coefficients. It is expressed by the followin g for- mula (Moran 1950): (2) where: zi= deviation of an attribute for feature (BUA) ifrom its mean (xi–Xˆ), zj= deviation of an attribute for feature jfrom its mean (xj–Xˆ), wi,j= spatial weight between feature iand j, n= total number of fea- tures, S0= aggregate of spatial weights. The Global Moran’s I index permits detection of the strength and character of sp atial dependence in the area studied. The statistical value is in aRüíáSSfSrange from −1 to 1, where negative values indicate occurrence of different values of observations in the neighborhood, 0 indicates randomness of the distribution of obser- vation values (lack of autocorrelation), and positive values indicate similarity of values located in the neighborhood (Janc 2006). Moreover, the Local Indicator of Spatial Association (LISA) is used to identify systems occurring in space. It allows for estimation of the degree of similarity of individuals to their neighbors, and determi- nation of the statistical significance of these relationships (Anselin 1995). As aRüíáSSfSresult, each spatial unit was classified as aRüíáSSfShigh-value unit with neighbors of similar value (High-High Cluster), aRüíáSSfSlow-value unit with neighbor s of similar value (Low-Low Cluster), aRüíáSSfShigh-value unit with low-value neighbors (High-Low Outlier), a RüíáSSfSlow-value unit with high-value neighbors (Low-High Outlier), or aRüíáSSfSunit without significant statistical local autocorrelation (Janc 2006). In this paper, aRüíáSSfSlocal version of Moran’s I statistics (LISA) was used. Global and local Moran’s I statistics were determined in ArcGIS based on Spatial Statistic s Tools . 62I=n S0∑i=1nzi2∑i=1n∑j=1nwi,j zi zj61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 62 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 63Content by: Jolanta Jóźwik Map by: Dorota DymekSource: Corine Land Cover Data, 2018© 2020, Maria Curie–Skłodowska University 0 25 50 kmLegend Forest and semi natural areas Wetlands and water areas Permanent grasslands Permanent cropsOther agricultural areas Other areas Built–up areasMZ WP LBZPPL DŚKP PKŁDWMPM LS MPŚW ŚLOP 0 100 km Figure 1: Spatial distribution of the land-cover classes identified. DŚ – Lower Silesia, KP – Kuyavia-Pomerania, LB – Lublin, LS – Lubusz, ŁD – Łódź, MP – Lesser Poland, MZ – Masovia, OP – Opole, PK – Subcarpathia, PL – Podlasie, PM – Pomerania, ŚL – Silesia, ŚW – Holy Cross, WM – Warmia- Masuria, WP – Greater Poland, ZP – West Pomerania.3 Research area The preliminary research permitted the determination and present ation of the spatial distribution of seven main classes of land cover (Figure 1), as well as calculation of their share in the total area of Poland (Table 2). Table 2: Share of land-cover classes as a percentage of Poland’s surface area. Legend Land-cover class Share (%) 1 Forest and semi-natural areas 33.0 2 Wetlands and water areas 2.1 3 Permanent grasslands 9.0 4 Permanent crops 0.6 5 Other agricultural areas 49.2 6 Other areas 0.5 7 Built-up areas 5.661-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 63 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland 64Over 80% of the country’s area is covered by two of the seven classes: other agricultural areas and forest and semi-natural areas; almost half of the country is covered by the former. The highest concentration of these areas occurs in aRüíáSSfSbelt stretching from the north through the central part of the country towards the southwest. Other types of land cover form mosaic systems. The second most dominant class is forest and semi-natural areas, which occupy more than 30% of the area analyzed. They occur in aRüíáSSfSplane system, par- ticularly in the northwestern and southern part of the country, and in aRüíáSSfSmosaic system in variable proportions over the remaining area. The remaining classes of land cover occupy aRüíáSSfSmuch smaller area, and together account for less than 20% of the country’s terrain. Permanent grass lands, primarily loc ated along river val- leys and in northeastern Poland, dominate among these classes. aRüíáSSfSsmall percentage of the country’s area is occupied by wetlands and water areas, as well as built-up (developed) areas. The first two are mainly locat- ed in the north of the country. Built-up areas correspond to the settlement network of the country. Larger concentrations of built-up areas occur i n administ rative capitals and larger cities. Permanent crops occu- py the lowest percentage of the area analyzed. They are concentrated in three main basins located in central and eastern Poland, where fruit crops are grown. 4 Results A detailed analysis of the land-cover classes identified was used to estimate the degree of ecological sta- bility in municipalities. Further in the study, the percentage o f areas occupied by individual groups in regional te rms and their spatial distribution were analyzed (Figures 2 and 3). Group aRüíáSSfSincludes heavily urbanized municipalities. The landscape of these areas is not stable or con- sistent. The municipalities are dispersed, occupying aRüíáSSfSrelatively small percentage of the country’s area (4.7%). They only merge into small clusters in several places in Poland. More than one-third of the country’ s area (35.7%) is occupied by areas of low ecological stability (group B), form ing relatively extensive patches scattered throughout Poland. Group C occupies the largest area in the country (37.9%). Municipalities belonging to this type form relatively large clusters cutting across areas that primarily belong to group B. In total, groups B and C occu- py nearly three-quart ers of the area of Poland. These groups also dominate in almost all provinces. Areas of high ecological stability (group D) cover almost one-fifth of the country’s area (18.6%). They are most highly concentrated in northern and western Poland. Small concentrations are also found in the southern and southeastern parts of the country. Group E occupies the smallest area (only 3.1% of Poland’s total area) . This type emerges in e cological- ly stable areas with significant natural functions and little transformation by human activity. Municipalities included in group E are characterized by aRüíáSSfShigh degree of spatial dispersion. They only form aRüíáSSfSband-shaped cluster along the southeastern border of the country. In the central part of Poland there are hardly any such areas. The Lubusz Province (LS) compares m ost favorably to the other provinces. No municipalities classi- fied as group aRüíáSSfSwere recorded there, and more than half of the province’s area (70.4%) belongs to groups D and E. The most unfavorable situation occurs in the Łódț (ŁD) and Kuyavia-Pomerania (KP) Provinces. More than half of their area is occupied by groups aRüíáSSfSand B. Visual evaluation of the obtained results suggests the occurrence of spati al autocorrelat ion. To confirm this assumption, global Moran’s I statistics were used. The calculations employed the spatial weighting matrix resulting from linear standardization of the neighborhood matrix, where aRüíáSSfScommon boundary expressed by linear or point contact was used as aRüíáSSfScriterion of neighborhood. The statistic value obtained is 0.542 (significantly different from 0). The positive sign means that the analyzed case shows aRüíáSSfStendency to con- centrate units with similar CEI value in the neighborhood. Moreover, given the z-score of more than 2.58 and p-value < 0.001, the likelihood that this clustered pattern could be the result of random chance is less than 1%. The high values of global Moran’s I statistics are confirmed by the image obtained from the Local Indicators of Spatial Association ( LISA) analy sis. This analysis allowed to confirm the assumption of the occurrence of cluster systems in the spatial distribution structure of the CEI (Figure 4). In the second variant, the percentage of areas corresponding to particular classes of ecological stability changed quite significantly (Figures 5 and 6). Among all the distinguished classes, areas included in group aRüíáSSfSconstitute by far the lar gest surface area of the country (41.0%). aRüíáSSfSsimilar dynamic is observed at the sub-61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 64 national (provincial) level. Almost all of the provinces are dominated by this class, and in several cases these areas occupy up to half of their area. The highest concentration of these areas occurs in central and western Poland, and in aRüíáSSfSbelt stretching from the southwest to the southeast. Areas belonging to group B occupy aRüíáSSfSrelatively small area of Poland (12.9%). They are characterized by aRüíáSSfSmosai c s ystem and signifi- cant dispersion throughout the country. They are primarily located in the vicinity of areas classified under group A. Greater concentrations of these (B group) areas occur in the Masovia (MZ), Łódț (ŁD), Holy Cross (ŚW), Lublin (LB), and Podlasie (PL) Provinces. Group C shows similar dynamics. These areas occu- py the smallest area in the country (10.2%), and are characterized by s ignificant, but uniform dispersion. Areas included in group C do not merge into larger clusters. The situation is slightly different for areas with high ecological stability (group D). These areas are considerably scattered throughout the country, and occupy aRüíáSSfSsimilar percentage of the area as groups B and C (11.1%). They merge and form several larg- er clusters, particularly in the northern part of the country. The differences in the share of groups B, C, and D across all provinces are not significant, and remain at aRüíáSSfSsimilar level. The second largest group inActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 65Content by: Jolanta Jóźwik Map by: Dorota Dymek Source: Corine Land Cover Data, 2018 © 2020, Maria Curie–Skłodowska University0 25 50 kmLegend Very low ecological stability (A) Low ecological stability (B) Medium ecological stability (C) High ecological stability (D) Very high ecological stability (E) Figure 2: Spatial distribution of Poland’s ecological stability classes based on the CEI value (BUA: municipalities).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 65 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland terms of surface area is group E (24.9%). The spatial distribution of this group is fairly diversified. Areas of this type occur in both mosaic and plane systems. The highest concentration of these areas is located in the northern, western, and southern parts of Poland. Like i n the first variant, the most favorable situation in terms of ecological stability occurred in the Lubusz Province (LS), where groups D and E cover over 50.0% of the area. The worst situation occurred in the Łódț (ŁD) and Kuyavia-Pomerania (KP) Provinces, where groups aRüíáSSfSand B cover more than 60.0%. In this variant, the latter also included the Opole (OP) and Greater Poland (WP) Provinces. Like in t he case of municipalities, the global Moran’s I statistics indicated the o ccurrence of spatial auto- correlation. The statistics value obtained was 0.716, suggesting aRüíáSSfStendency to group units with similar CEI values. Given the z-score of more than 2.58 and p-value < 0.001, also in this case the likelihood that this clustered pattern could be the result of random chance is less than 1%. LISA analysis c onfirmed the occur- re nce of clusters in the area analyzed (Figure 7). 66ŚWŚLPMPLPKOPMZMPŁDLSLBKPDŚPOL ZPWPWM Very low ecological stability (A) Low ecological stability (B) Medium ecological stability (C)High ecological stability (D) Very high ecological stability (E)10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0 Figure 3: Share (%) of ecological stability classes at the national and provincial level (BUA: municipalities). POL – Poland, DŚ – Lower Silesia, KP – Kuyavia-Pomerania, LB – Lublin, LS – Lubusz, ŁD – Łódź, MP – Lesser Poland, MZ – Masovia, OP – Opole, PK – Subcarpathia, PL – Podlasie, PM – Pomerania, ŚL – Silesia, ŚW – Holy Cross, WM – Warmia-Masuria, WP – Greater Poland, ZP – West Pomerania.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 66 5 Discussion This study estimates the degree of ecological stability at the level of administrative units in Poland. The assessment was performed in two variants. The units originally analyzed were municipalities (Pol. gminy). The verification of the results obtained involved extending the study. aRüíáSSfSsquare with sides of 1 km was used as the basic unit of assessment. The spatial analyses conducted also pe rm itted the spatial depen- dence of the phenomenon to be identified and spatially illustrated. This research is an important contribution to Polish research on ecological stability. Owing to the use of the CLC 2018 unified database, the method is characterized by aRüíáSSfSrelatively high level of detail and high degree of objectivity. The basic unit of assessment applied (an artificial geometric division: aRüíáSSfS square with sides of 1 km) permitted comparison of units with each other, which until now was not possible due to different types of spatial units used by other authors. Moreover, the analysis was carried out for the entireActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 67Content by: Jolanta Jóźwik Map by: Dorota Dymek Source: Corine Land Cover Data, 2018 © 2020, Maria Curie–Skłodowska UniversityAnselin Local Moran's I High–high cluster High–low outlier Low–high outlier Low–low cluster0 25 50 km Figure 4: Distribution of cluster and outlier analysis (Anselin Local Moran’s I) for CEI in Poland (BUA: municipalities).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 67 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland territory of Poland, allowing for some conclusions regarding Poland’s ecological stability to be drawn. The added value of the study is the extension of the statistical analysis to include aRüíáSSfSspatial analysis which, by demonstrating the spatial dependence of the ecological stabil ity of the landscape, confirmed the occur- rence of spatial units with similar values in close neighborhoods (clusters). Adopting Poland’s principal administrative units (municipalities) as BUAs revealed aRüíáSSfSclear dominance of areas concentrated around low and medium ecological stability (groups B and C). Using the second vari- ant (artificial geometric divisions) showed the predominance of groups with extreme CEI values (group aRüíáSSfSand group E) which constituted aRüíáSSfSsmall percentage of the total in the first approach. Regardless of the variant applied, the most favorable situation in terms of ecological stability was observed in the following provinces: Lubusz (LS), Subcarpathia (PK), and West Pomerania (ZP). Moreover, in the case of the Subcarpathia Province (PK), the result is similar to the res ult s of research for this area presented in 2016 by Salata et al., where aRüíáSSfSdifferent database was used, one that is slightly more accurate than that used in 68Content by: Jolanta Jóźwik Map by: Dorota Dymek Source: Corine Land Cover Data, 2018 © 2020, Maria Curie–Skłodowska University0 25 50 kmLegend Very low ecological stability (A) Low ecological stability (B) Medium ecological stability (C) High ecological stability (D) Very high ecological stability (E) Figure 5: Spatial distribution of Poland’s ecological stability classes based on CEI value (BUA: a square with sides of 1 km).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 68 this work. This proves that the method described here can be aRüíáSSfSuseful tool for comparisons between other European Union countries based on aRüíáSSfSdatabase made according to uniform principles: the CLC database. The heterogeneity of the results derives from the type and size of the basic units of assessment that were used. As expected, the larger the BUA, the less accurate the obtained results. Both varian ts have their advantages and disadvantages. The first approach reflects the general character of the municipalities fair- ly well, and provides aRüíáSSfSrelatively easy and clear message for non-specialists, especially decision-makers at various administrative levels. The second variant is much more precise, and reflects the actual state of the analyzed areas more accurately, while the equal area of each BUA f acilitates comparison of results (Balon and Krć  2013). This approach may facilitate the identification of sensitive areas where fluctuations in the level of ecological stability are likely to occur. It should be emphasized, however, that according to the logic of ecological fallacy, it is not appropriate to transfer conclusions for the examined elements to every sin- gle unit of area that makes up that element.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 6910 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0ZPWPWMŚWŚLPMPLPKOPMZMPŁDLSLBKPDŚPOL Very low ecological stability (A) Low ecological stability (B) Medium ecological stability (C)High ecological stability (D) Very high ecological stability (E) Figure 6: Share (%) of ecological stability classes at the national and provincial level (BUA: a square with sides of 1 km). POL – Poland, DŚ – Lower Silesia, KP – Kuyavia-Pomerania, LB – Lublin, LS – Lubusz, ŁD – Łódź, MP – Lesser Poland, MZ – Masovia, OP – Opole, PK – Subcarpathia, PL – Podlasie, PM – Pomerania, ŚL – Silesia, ŚW – Holy Cross, WM – Warmia-Masuria, WP – Greater Poland, ZP – West Pome ra nia.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:06 Page 69 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota Dymek, Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland The cartographic presentation of the studied phenomenon made it possible to distinguish two main systems of spatial distribution of ecological stability values, namely the plane system and the mosaic sys- tem. From the ecological point of view, the plane system is more adv antageous to the extent that it is configured as aRüíáSSfScompact complex of areas that are easier to manage. The mosaic system is unfavorable, due to its sig- nificant dispersion and high internal heterogeneity of individual areas. These systems are characterized by relatively high volatility; that is, the susceptibility to transitioning rapidly to extreme states (Balon 2004; Gałaș and Gałaș 2009). Therefor e, areas with mosaic systems should be given special attention to avoid further deterioration of their ecological stability. In the case of environmentally valuable areas, it is not desirable to have low or very low values of the ecological stability index in the neighborhood. It may lead to the weakening of their potential. High frag- mentation and dispersion of areas included in group E make it sign if icantly more difficultRüíáSSfS– and, in extreme cases, impossibleRüíáSSfS– to ensure that they remain undegraded. It is very difficult to take effective protective 70Content by: Jolanta Jóźwik Map by: Dorota Dymek Source: Corine Land Cover Data, 2018 © 2020, Maria Curie–Skłodowska University0 25 50 kmAnselin Local Moran's I High–high cluster High–low outlier Low–high outlier Low–low cluster Figure 7: Distribution of cluster and outlier analysis (Anselin Local Moran’s I) for CEI in Poland (BUA: a square with sides of 1 km).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 70 measures in such areas. Moreover, the risk of irrational economic management in these areas is high, which in turn may contribute to harmful changes in the way they are administered, and in extreme cases to aRüíáSSfScom- plete loss of ecological potential. Such areas require both specialized knowledge and well-thought-out actions. On the other hand, mosaic systems can contribute to aRüíáSSfSsustainable flow of eco system services, enrich the land- scape str ucture, and enhance the landscape’s aesthetic values (Waldhardt et al. 2004), prevent soil erosion (Boardman and Poesen 2006), and significantly reduce spatial tensions and conflicts between stakeholders. Research on the degree of ecological stability of aRüíáSSfSgiven area can be very useful for the implementa- tion of beneficial land cover or changes in land use. Area analyses of this type can be applied in practice both at the initial and final stages of spatial development planning (as an important element of environ- mental management), in addition to being helpful in the preparation of landscape audits. They may be used to identify resources and evaluate their potential for further use. 6 Conclusions The objective of this study was to compare the spatial diversity of administ rative units’ ecological stability, and to calculate the spatial autocorrelation of the phenomenon studied in order to study spatial dependencies. An additional goal was to verify the results obtained by comparing them with an artificial geometric divi- sion; that is, squares with sides of 1 km. The methods applied were sufficient for achieving the research objective. The results’ de gree of detail mainly depends on the spatial unit used. Analyses of this type based on aRüíáSSfSgeographical information system can be easily modified and adjusted depending on the purpose and area of analysis. Moreover, the applied method confirms that the CLC database can be successfully used to determine aRüíáSSfSsite’s degree of ecological stability. It also permits continuous monitoring of changes in land cove r or land-use structure, and can be aRüíáSSfSuseful tool that supports sustainable development policies. The research showed that the use of different types of spatial unitsRüíáSSfS– administrative units (municipal- ities), and artificial geometric divisions (squares with sides of 1 km)RüíáSSfS– significantly affects the results: the larger the basic unit of assessment, the less accurate the results obtained. In the first variant (BUA: munic- ip alities), areas with low and average ecological stability were clearly dominant. It can be concluded that the ecological stability of Poland was close to the average level. The second approach (BUA: aRüíáSSfSsquare with sides of 1 km) yielded dominance of extreme areas in terms of ecological stability. 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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.proeng.2017.01.222 7461-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 74 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 75–92 A SPATIAL DECISION SUPPORT SYSTEM FOR TRAFFIC ACCIDENT PREVENTION IN DIFFERENT WEATHER CONDITIONS Danijel Ivajnšič, David Pintarič, Veno Jaša Grujić, Igor Žiberna The application SLOCrashInfo in active mode.DANIJEL IVAJNŠIČ61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 75 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.9415 UDC: 913:614.86:551.515(497.4) 659.2:004.5:614.86(497.4) COBISS: 1.01 Danijel Ivajnšiź1, David Pintariź2, Veno Jaša Grujić3, Igor Žiberna4 A spatial decision support system for traffic accident prevention in different weather conditions ABSTRACT: Natu ral conditions play an important role as determinants and cocreators of the spatiotem- poral road traffic accident Hot Spot footprint; however, none of the modern commercial, or open-source, navigation systems currently provides it for the driver. Our findings, based on a spatiotemporal database recording 11 years of traffic accidents in Slovenia, proved that different weather conditions yield dis ti nct spatial patterns of dangerous road segments. All potentially dangerous road segments were identified and incorporated into a mobile spatial decision support system (SLOCrashInfo), which raises awareness among drivers who are entering or leaving the predefined danger zones on the street network. It is expected that such systems could potentially increase road traffic safety in the future. KEY WOR DS: GIS, mobil e application, spatial databases, spatial patterns, traffic safety Prostorski sistem za podporo odloźanju pri prepreźevanje prometnih nesreź v razliźnih vremenskih razmerah POVZETEK: Vremenske razmere so pomemben dejavnik in soustvarjalec prostorsko-ěasovnih vzorcev prometnih nesreě. Kljub veliki uporabni vrednosti podatki o prostorskem odtisu prometnih nesreě niso del programske podpore voz nikov v sodobnih komercialnih ali odprtokodnih navigacijskih sistemih. Na podlagi baze 11-letnih podatkov o prometnih nesreěah v Sloveniji smo ugotovili, da razliěne vremenske razmere oblikujejo razliěne prostorske vzorce nevarnih cestnih odsekov. Potencialno nevarne cestne odseke smo vkljuěili v mobilni prostorski sistem za podporo odloěanju (SLOCrashInfo), ki voznike opozori, ko vstopajo ali zapu šěajo nevarna obmoěj a cestnega omrežja. Priěakujemo, da se bo s tem sistemom poveěala varnost v cestnem prometu.KLJUČNE BESEDE: GIS, mobilna aplikacija, prostorske podatkovne baze, prostorski vzorci, prometna varnost The paper was submitted for publication on Januray 26 th, 2021 Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 26. januarja 2021. 761University of Maribor, Faculty of natural sciences and mathematics, Maribor, Slovenia; University of Maribor, Faculty of arts, Maribor, Slovenia dani.ivajnsic@um.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4419-5295) 2david.pintaric@gmail.com (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6021-9851) 3University of Maribor, Faculty of natural sciences and mathematics, Maribor, Slovenia; University of Maribor, Faculty of education, Ma ribor, Slovenia veno.grujic@um.si 4University of Maribor, Faculty of arts, Maribor, Slovenia igor.ziberna@um.si61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 76 1 Introduction Road transport remains one of the most important human activities. One of the essential components of road transport efficiency is its safety. The latter is the result of the triangle formed by entities like road infra- structure, vehicles and users (Y annis and Karlaftis 2010; Perrels et al. 2015). The interaction between them is especially pronounced by considering the driver’s age (Ete ha d et al. 2015). Physiological (vision, reac- tion time) and cognitive functions decline with increasing age, thus 40% of fatal road traffic injuries in the European Union are caused by elderly people (65+ years) (Nagata, Uno and Perry 2010; Etehad et al. 2015). The European Commission reported that by 2030 a quarter of all drivers will be aged 65 and above (Internet 1). However, the social, psycholog ical and financial damage caused by road accidents worldwide is still enormous. Road traffic crashes cost most countries 3% of their gross domestic product (Global sta- tus report … 2018). Every year the lives of approximately 1.35 million people are cut short as a result of road traffic crashes. Between 20 and 50 million more people suffer non-fatal injuries, with many incurring a disability as a result of their injury, and road traf fic injuries are the leading cause of death among children and young adults aged 5–29 years (Global status report … 2018). These numbers are calling time-efficient and cost-effective applicative actions, in conjunction with recent advances in spatial analysis and GIS tech- nology, to identify road traffic accident Hot Spots and increase traffic safety (El-Said et al. 2019 ). In that regard, the following risk factors should be considered: speeding, inadequate safety distance, driving under the influence of alcohol and other psychoactive substances, nonuse of motorcycle helmets, seat-belts and child restraints, distracted driving (mobile phones, smoking while driving etc.), unsafe road infrastruc- ture, unsafe vehicles, inadequate post-crash care and inadequate law enfo rc ement of traffic laws (Global status report … 2018). In addition, natural conditions, manifested mainly in the geometrical structure of the road and various weather conditions, play an important role as determinants and co-create the spatiotemporal footprint of road accidents. However, Bergel-Hayat et al. (2013) outlined that weather conditions can be con- sidered as a significant driver of traffic acc idents, whether on motorways, or on urban or rural road systems. Moreove r, the frequency of traffic accidents simultaneously depends on mobility, on which the weather can have either a positive or a negative impact. Fridström et al. (1995) and Hermans, Wets and Van Den Bossche (2006) concluded that weather conditions can explain 5% of the variability in frequency of traf- fic accidents at the monthly l evel. Brodsky and Hakkert (1988) have proven that the weather type dominated by rain is the main meteorological explanatory factor for a higher car accident risk. However, rain can have the opposite effect on the frequency of traffic accidents, as well. Y annis and Karlaftis (2010) discovered that, in some places, the number of road accidents decreased during rainy weather, which can be explained by pr eve ntive behavior of the drivers, which at the same time reduces exposure to accidents on road networks. Some studies dealing with temporal variability in the effects of precipitation on traffic accidents point out that the influence of rain on the abundance of road accidents is less if it rained the day before (Eisenberg 2004). This positive anomaly is the result of increased care among drivers who adjust to the given situation. Brijs, Karlis and W ets (2008), who proved the connection between the length of drought pe riods and an increase in road accidents occurring at the reappearance of rain, further confirmed this theory. These facts lead to the conclusion that surveys investigating the impact of weather conditions on the number and spatiotemporal pattern of road accidents are very important f or the preparation of appro- priate mitigation measures and strategic planning to increase traffic safety. Understanding the causes, position and time dynamics of road accidents is thus crucial for realizing this goal (Xie and Y an 2008). However, the spatiotemporal pattern of traffic accidents is rarely random. Most often traffic accidents form significant concentrations along a road network, called H ot Spots, Black Spots or Death Spots (Aguero-Va lverde and Jovanis 2006). These dangerous sections of the road system usually form because of typical traffic load (Black 1991). Of course, other factors that shape the spatial distribu- tion of these negative events are also important: natural and environmental determinants (steep slopes, sharp turns), weather (rain, snow, wind, fog and black ice), the c onfigurat ion of the transport network with the number of entry and exit points, defective design and maintenance of roads and motorways, etc. (Xie and Jun 2008). The spatial data analysis known as Point Pattern Analysis has frequently been used by spatial statistics that have developed various methodological approaches to identify hot spots based on point events (Bailey and Gatrell 1995; O’Sullivan an d Unwin 2002; X ie and Y an 2008). Often, the kernel density estima- tion method, now based on road complexity (Okabe, Satoh and Sugihara 2009), is at the forefront and can be traced in numerous studies considering road accident analysis (Anderson 2009), risk analyses for cyclistsActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 7761-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 77 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … based on traffic density (Delmelle and Thill 2008), the detection of critical areas for pedestrians (Pulugurtha, Krishnakumar and Nambisan 2007), the analysis of animal collisions (Krisp and Durot 2007; Colino-Rabanal and Peris 2016), or in the analysis of hot spots on the motorway network (Erdogan et a l. 2008). However, there is no doubt that road accident Hot Spots are important spatial information with con- siderable applicative value (Savas Durduran 2010), but none of the modern commercial or open-source navigation systems provides this for the user or customer. From that perspective, we aimed to reveal the weather-related spatial pattern of the road accidents in Slovenia. In addition to our findings, a mobile appli- cation was developed that warns drivers when they enter and leave sections of road that have been identified as significant road accident Hot Spots under various weather conditions. Thus, the following research issues we re addressed: (1) which municipalities in Slovenia are most exposed to road traffic accidents and are thus suitable for preventive action i mpl ementation; (2) which are the specific characteristics of road traf- fic accidents in the selected municipalities (study areas); (3) whether the spatial Hot Spot pattern in the study areas differ in different weather situations; and finally, (4) whether those results can be applied in the form of a mobile spatial decision support system that raises driver awareness when entering or leav- ing predef ined danger zones along the street network. 2 Methodes 2.1 Databases In order to secure the road network vector data, the national public infrastructure database (GJI) was obtained from the web platform of The Surveying and Mapping Authority of the Republic of Slovenia (Internet 2), which operates under the Ministry of the Environment and Spatial Planning. In the next step, the traffic accident data wer e d ownloaded from the Slovenian Police website (Internet 3) owned by the Ministry of the Interior. These data were collected by the Police at each reported traffic accident along the existing street network in Slovenia and can be downloaded for 1995 onwards in CSV format. We transformed this database (considering the time window 2006–2017) into a geospatial format in order to identify poten- tial sign ificant road accident Hot Spots along road network s egments in the study areas in different weather conditions. All the required information (GPS location, traffic accident type and weather conditions at the events etc.) were provided in the CSV file. To calibrate the potentially identified significant road acci- dent Hot Spots, a third database was obtained. Here, the national OPSI [Slovenia Open Da ta ] platform (Internet 4) was used to obtain traffic load data in the same time period (2006–2017). This is collected at predefined locations but can be interpolated by applying Spatial Analysis along Networks (SANET) tools (Okabe, Okunuki and Shoiode 2006). 2.2 Study area By analyzing the 2006–2017 time interval of road traffic accidents and its geospatial pattern in Slovenia(Figure 1), we selected t he four most prominent municipalities (according to road traffic accident frequency and traffic load data) for detailed analysis and mobile spatial decision support system (SDSS) de velopment, owing to computation capacity limits. All four municipalities (Ljubljana [LJ], Maribor [MB], Celje [CE] and Koper [KP]) are located along the main Slovenian transport corridor axis (A1), which runs from NE to SW (Fi gure 2). Ljubljana, the capital city, lies right at the intersection with another Slovenian transport corridor running from NW to SE. Maribor, as the second largest urban area in Slovenia, and Celje standout in road traffic accident frequency, as well. Koper is a special case, especially in the summer months owing to higher traffic load caused by tourism. 2.3 Structure and properties of road traffic acc idents in the study areas To understand the spatial footprint of road traffic accidents in the study areas, all information in the data- bases (number, time, traffic accident type [death, serious or minor injury or just material damage], roadtype [highway, high-speed road, primary road, secondary road, tertiary road, town street network, etc.]) 7861-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 78 and weather conditions (clear sky, cloudy sky, rain, snow, wind and fog) were analyzed. Collision types (rollover, frontal collision, lateral collision, chain collision, pedestrian collision, animal collision, collision with an object and collision with a standing or parked vehicle) were also analyzed. The SPSS statistical toolkit was used to generate the contingency tables and descriptive statistics par ameters. 2.4 Road traffic accident spatial pattern analysis In the next step, all road traffic accidents, along with the outcome death, major or minor injury or mate- rial damage between 2006 and 2017 in different weather conditions (sunny, cloudy, rainy, snowy, windy and foggy) in the study areas were combined to develop point input layers for identifying Hot Spots along road network segments base d on the network kernel density estimation algorithm (Kernel type = Equal split continuous at nodes, Band width = 300 m) within the SANET tool (Okabe, Okunuki and Shoiode 2006) for ArcGIS. The second input comprised the network dataset built with the corrected (linked) nation- al road vector layer. Additionally, weightings were applied by considering the traffic load data for each study area and weathe r c onditions. These were initially interpolated across road networks in the study areas by applying the Interpolation algorithm within SANET (Interpolation Type = Inverse Distance Weighting, Band width = 300 m). Finally, to compare the identified Hot Spot pattern in each study area and weather conditions, the average Kernel density variable was transformed to raster format and compared with band collec ti on statistics (Pearson’s correlation coefficient) in ArcGIS. Thus, the similarity or dissimilarity in the road traffic accident Hot Spot pattern was evaluated. 2.5 SDSS (SLOCrashInfo) development Identification of significant Hot Spots along road networks in different weather conditions is a highly applica- tive result. A spatial decision support system for Android mobile devices in the study areas was developed by using the Hot Spot database, Mapbox Maps SDK for Android, SpatiaLite database, GraphHopper Routing E ngine, OpenWeatherMap API and Kotlin programming language (Figure 1). The app is also linked toActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 79SloveniaNational public infrastructure database Road traffic accident database Traffic load databaseMunicipalities: •LJ •MB •CE •KP Traffic load data interpolation along municipal road networksSANET Hot Spot analys is along road network segmentsInjury type: •death or major injury •minor injury & material damage Weather conditions: •sunny sky •cloudy sky •rain •snow •fog •wind •otherInfrastructure type:•road networkMunicipal Hot Spot injury type 1 and 2 database for: •sunny sky •cloudy sky •rain •snow •fog •wind Mapbox Maps SDK for AndroidSpatiaLite database GraphHopper Routing EngineSLOCrashInfo OpenWeatherMap API12 3 4 5 6 +++ Figure 1: The schematic view of the SDSS development. 1= database integration phase, 2=database filtering phase, 3=spatial extent filtering phase, 4=spatial analysis phase, 5=programing phase and 6=SDSS applying phase.61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 79 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … 80the weather forecast (utilized OpenWeatherMap API) and thus adjusts the Hot Spot footprint provided for a given study area, depending on the actual weather situation. The SLOCrashInfo app can be down- loaded at http://185.164.136.112:21201/slocrashinfo/slocrashinfo.apk. However, to better visualize the SLOCrashInfo SDSS integrated results in this paper, a hexagon network (diameter = 500m) was develop ed across all study areas with the Generate Patterns of Repeating Shapes tool in ArcGIS, since road segments identified as Hot Spots are linear structures, which are barely visible at the munic- ip al level. However, this was done only to prepare Figures 2, 3, 4 and 5. The SDSS app operates with raw vector line data, where each critical road segment is clearly recognizable on the OpenStreetMap road net work. 3 Results 3.1 Road traffic accident frequency and distribution in Slovenia Between 2006 and 2017, 171,119 GPS-recorded road accidents occurred in Slovenia. In 45,493 (26.6%) of these situations, no injuries were recorded; 43,588 ended with major injuries (25.5%), 6202 with seri- ous injuries (3.6%) and 1278 (0.7%) with a fatal outcome. Most accidents occurred on Fridays (17.1%) and Mondays (14.7%), wit h 25.5% of all traffic accidents occurring over the weekend. The highest share of traf- fic accidents was recorded in July and August (9.0% of all road accidents), followed by June (8.9%) and May (8.8%). During the day, traffic accidents were concentrated in the afternoon. More than a third (27.0%) of road accidents occurred on regional roads, 17.9% in settlements with a street network system and 17.2% in settlements w ithout an existing street system. In 18.4% of road traffic accidents between 2006 and 2017, speed limits were exceeded; in 17.3%, an incorrect driving side or direction was the main cause of the acci- dent, and in 16.8%, incorrect operation of the vehicle. Adverse weather conditions were present by 13.8% of all road accidents: most frequent were road traf- fic accidents in rainy cond itions (9.7%), followed by snow conditions (2.7%), fog (1.3%) and high wind situations (0 .1%). The road surface was dry in 70.0% of cases, wet in 22.0% and slippery in 2.8%. In the next part of the research, we focused on the four most prominent municipalities (LJ, MB, CE and KP), owing to computation capacity limits; the four were selected based on road traffic accident fre- quency and traffic l oad bet ween 2006 and 2017 (Figure 2a, b). The spatial frequency pattern of road traffic accidents is correlated with traffic load, since Slovenia is a typical road transit country. 3.2 Road traffic accident characteristics in the study areas Among the 29,071 traffic accidents that occurred in the four municipalities during the period 2006–2017, the most (13,843) occurred in LJ, followed by MB (7354), CE (4214) and KP (3660). In CE, 32.9% of record- ed cases ended with minor and major injuries or with fatal consequences, 31.2% in MB, 26.4% in KP and – surprisingly – in a sma ller proportion in LJ (23.3%), despite its having the highest frequency of traffic acci- dents. The weekly traffic accident regime did not differ significantly between the study areas: the highest proportion of road accidents occu rred on Fridays (between 16.4% and 18.8%), but KP stands out, owing to its tourism orientation, by having a clearly higher traffic accident frequency on weekends (Saturday, Sunday). This fact can also be traced by breaking down the monthly regime of road traffic accidents inthe study areas. In KP , more records of these unfortunate events were reported in July (11.1%) and August (10.9%) during the sum mer holidays and t he tourist season. By considering the day interval, all study areas had a traffic accident frequency peak between 3pm and 4pm, thus indicating a classic daily employee migra- tion cycle. The minimum (0.9%) was detected between 2am and 4am. There were 11.4% weather-related traffic accidents in the study areas. The highest share belonged to CE (13.2%) and LJ (11.5%), while MB accounted for 10.9% and KP for only 9.7% (Table 1). Most of the traf- f ic accidents occurred in rainy weather (2,594 or 8.9%), with CE standing out (9.7%). Among the weather situations under consideration, snow-related traffic accidents were frequent in LJ, MB and CE (478 or 1.6%). Figure 2: Road traffic accident frequency (in SD categories) in Slovenian municipalities (a) and the corresponding average traffic loads (no data in white) b etween 2006 and 2017 (b). The selected study areas (the municipalities of Ljubljana [LJ], Maribor [MB], Celje [CE] and Koper [KP]) are outlined in turquoise.p61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 80 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 81 Legend National Border Street type Highway Expressway Major Road Road accident frequency < 0.50 Std. Dev.– ––0.50 0.50 Std. Dev. 0.50 1.5 Std. Dev.– 1.5 2.5 Std. Dev.– > 2.5 Std. Dev. 50 kmMB CE LJ KPNovo mestoKranj H4A1 A2A2 A1A5 A4 A3 Legend National Border Street type Highway Expressway Major Road Traffic loads 45 1949– 1950 4128– 4129 7675– 7676 14718– 14719 33246 –MB CE LJ KPVransko VrhnikaVodiceSenčur Izolaa b61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 81 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … Here, CE was again in front with 2.6%, while – understandably – this share was the lowest in KP (0.2%), which is characterized by a milder and windy sub-Mediterranean climate. However, if we normalize the absolute frequency of road traffic accidents in each municipality with the cor re sponding number of days of each weather situation between 2006 and 2017 (Table 1), we can conclude that snowy condonations yield- ed the highest risk for a traffic accident exactly in KP . Owing to low snow frequency, winter tires are not obligatory there, resulting in chaotic road traffic whenever snow does occur. Moreover, traffic accidents in extreme wind conditions were recorded only in KP (0.3%) . Fo ggy weather conditions are common in LJ and CE, owing to their geographic position in the bottom of relief basins (the Ljubljana basin and the Celje basin); thus, 2% of all traffic accidents in fog happen in those two study areas. 3.3 Road traffic accident spatial patterns and the SLOCrashInfo SDSS The road traffic accident spatio-temporal database that we developed revealed that these unwanted events appeared on different road segments of the street network in all study areas depending on the given weather s ituation (Table 2). Most of the identified danger zones or Hot Spots were in accordance with clear and cloudy atmospheric conditions. Clearly, other road traffic accident causes must be playing the major role here. However, the spatial Hot Spot footprint under clear and cloudy conditions i s s ignificantly different compared to other weather situations in all study areas and is thus still highly informative for the driver, regardless of its weather-independent origin. In LJ, the highway bypass ring, in particular the entrance and exit segments, is highly susceptible to traffic accidents in clear and cloudy conditions. Most of the deadly outcomes happened on these high-speed roads (Figure 3a, b). Dangerous road segments outside the highway 82Table 1: Weather-related road traffic accident numerical summary in the study areas, additionally normalized with total number of days for each considered weather situation between 2006 and 2017. Weather Variable CE KP LJ MB Total Sunny sky F 2402 2563 6930 3997 15892 % 57 70 50 54 55 Fnormalized72 16 7 32 %normalized76 61 76 70 73 Cloudy sky F 1118 665 4546 2404 8733 % 27 18 33 33 30 Fnormalized1 13 2 7 %normalized12 18 15 19 15 Rain F 407 326 1212 649 2594 % 10 99 9 9 Fnormalized0.3 0.2 1 0.4 2 %normalized4 73 4 4 Snow F 110 7 235 126 478 %3 0.2 222 Fnormalized1 0.4 113 %normalized7 12 566 Fog F 40 10 150 30 230 %1 0.3 101 Fnormalized0.1 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.4 %normalized1 21 1 1 Wind F0 12 00 12 %0 0.3 000 Fnormalized0 0.01 00 0.01 %normalized0 0.2 00 0.02 Other F 137 77 770 148 1132 % 3 26 2 461-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 82 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 83 10 kmSignificant danger zone 2 (minor injury + material demage) Significant danger zone 3 (death + major & minorinjury + material demage) Public street networkSignificant danger zone 1 (death + major injury)Legendb a c d eDom žaleMedvodeKranj Dom žaleMedvodeKranj Dom žaleMedvodeKranj Dom žaleMedvodeKranj Dom žaleMedvodeKranj Figure 3: LJ’s Hot Spot footprint (general [clear (a) or cloudy sky (b)], rain (c), snow (d), fog (e)).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 83 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … ring were identified along regional roads 211 via Kranj and 639 via Jože Puěnik airport, and on road 104 to Domžale. Inside the highway ring of LJ, dangerous street segments were mainly identified on three city entrance roads (Celovška street, Šmartinska street and Zaloška street) . However, there was a clear dif- ference by comparing the Hot S pots footprint in weather independent (Figure 3a, b) and dependent situations (Figure 3c, d, e). In rain or snow, the junctions between the highway ring surrounding LJ (the highway junctions E and N, E and S, N and W , W and S) experience the most deadly road traffic accidents. In contrast, in foggy weather conditions, streets outside and inside the highway ring are more susceptible at Hot Spots. In MB, the spatial distribution of Hot Spots in clear or cloudy conditions shows a general footprint where five critical zones can be identified (Figure 4): (1) the H2 road starting with the roundabout in Pesnica and continuing to road 430 (Tržaška street), crossing MB city from N to S; (2) the western entrance from the town of Bresternica to K oroška street; (3) the parallel road on the other side of the river Drava from Limbuš to the roundabout connecting Limbuška and Erjavěeva street; (4) The SE entrance street to Maribor (Ptujska street) and fin ally, (5) the road segment crossing the river Drava channel in the town of Dogoše (on the SE outskirts of Maribor). As in LJ, the spatial pattern of Hot Spots in rainy, snowy or foggy weath- er co ndit ions clearly differs from the above-described general situation. Consequently, fewer danger zones were identified in poor weather conditions. Sharp curves, high-speed road entrances and major inter- sections are typical Hot Spots under these weather conditions in MB. Under heavy fog conditions, dan- gerous road segments were identified mainly outside the city structure. An individual section of t he H2 road stands out here, a s well as some curves in the eastern hilly part of the municipality towards the town of Maleěnik. In CE, three zones should receive heightened driver attention: (1) the N-S segment of road 430 from the settlement of Škoflja vas, through Celje city and continuing as road 5 in the direction of the town of Laško, (2) the E-W corridor consisting of roads 107 and 5 from the town of Štore in the direction of the town of Levec, and (3) highway exits across the whole municipality (Figure 5). However, in rainy weath- er conditions, clusters of Hot Spots are located in the eastern (industrial) part of the municipality, near the town of Štore and at some major road crossings in the city center. Accidents with minor injuries and material damage are linked to the E57 highway and the winding sections of road in the Savinja valley towards the town of Laško. These parts of the road are identified as dangerous in snowy conditions as well. In fog, highway exits in CE are most susceptible to road traffic accidents. In KP , dangerous sections of road were identified mainly along the H5 and H6 highway and on the roads surrounding the town of Koper (Figure 6). The road network in the rur al outskirts of Koper is most- ly free of Hot Spots, with a local road exception in rainy weather conditions between the towns of Soěerga and Buzet (in Croatia). However, the frequent Bora wind does leave behind a road accident footprint, which clearly differs from the general or other weather-dependent Hot Spot spatial patterns. In this regard, the area around the town of Črni Kal stands out, owing t o it s geographic position beneath a high limestone plateau, where these katabatic NE winds gain turbulence and speed. By comparing the Kernel density variable along the street networks in all study areas, similarities or dissimilarities in Hot Spot footprints for different weather conditions were quantified (Table 2). Clear and cloudy conditions leave behind a similar spatial pattern of Hot Spots. Ho weve r, the highest variability in road traffic accident spatial patterns was identified in KP and MB. Fog and wind were the two weather conditions with the most unique Hot Spot footprints relative to other weather independent (clear or cloudy sky) or dependent situations (rain and snow). Figure 7 illustrates the activated SLOCrashInfo app. The identified Hot Spot footprint is linked to the OpenStreetMa p basemap and to the weather forecast and is automatically adjusted depending on the GPS p osition of the mobile device in the study areas. The screen frame of the mobile device turns red (Figure 6a) if the vehicle enters danger zone 1 (death, major injury) and automatically switches color when reaching danger zone 2 (minor injury or material damage) or 3 (death, major injury + minor injury or material dam- age ) (Figure 6b), or turns off when the Hot Spot section of the street network has been left behind. Sound alerts are not integrated because these could disrupt driver’s attention and can be annoying while driving. Thus, drivers are informed about the potential danger and can react accordingly by focusing on the speed limit and safety distance to other nearby vehicles at the given momentum. 8461-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 84 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 85 Malečnik Dogo šeBresternicaPesnica Malečnik Dogo šeBresternicaPesnica Significant danger zone 2 (minor injury + material demage) Significant danger zone 3 (death + major & minorinjury + material demage) Public street networkSignificant danger zone 1 (death + major injury)Legend 5 kmb a Malečnik Dogo šeBresternicaPesnicac Malečnik Dogo šeBresternicaPesnicad Malečnik Dogo šeBresternicaPesnicae Figure 4: MB’s Hot Spot footprint (general [clear (a) or cloudy sky (b)], rain (c), snow (d), fog (e)).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 85 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … 863 km Significant danger zone 2 (minor injury + material demage) Significant danger zone 3 (death + major & minorinjury + material demage) Public street networkSignificant danger zone 1 (death + major injury)Legendb a c d eŠtore LaškoŠtore Laško Štore LaškoŠtore Laško Štore Laško Figure 5: CE’s Hot Spot footprint (general [clear (a) or cloudy sky (b)], rain (c), snow (d), fog (e)).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 86 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 8710 km SočergaČrni Kal BuzetSočergaČrni Kal Buzet SočergaČrni Kal BuzetSočergaČrni Kal Buzet SočergaČrni Kal BuzetSignificant danger zone 2 (minor injury + material demage) Significant danger zone 3 (death + major & minorinjury + material demage) Public street networkSignificant danger zone 1 (death + major injury)Legendb a c d e Figure 6: KP’s Hot Spot footprint (general [clear (a) or cloudy sky (b)], rain (c), fog (d), wind (e)).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 87 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … 884 Disscusion Slovenia lies at the conjunction of different climatic zones characterized by differences in air masses and differences in weather phenomena, which further modify traffic safety. When traveling on the NE-SW tra- jectory, across the Alpine-Dinaric mountain barrier to the Slovenian coast, a driver can experience very diverse weather conditions along the road in only a few hours. However, the Sl ovenian data show that the frequency of traffic accidents in adverse weather conditions is comparable to that of other European coun- tries (Etehad et al. 2015). Despite improving numbers, road traffic accidents remain one of the main global issues of health and social policy (Goniewicz et al. 2016). In Slovenia, trends in road traffic accident frequency are fortunately clearly negative, as in other Eu ropean countries, but with significant regional differences. Traffic load plays here an important role, since Slovenia is a typical road transit country. However, stud- ies investigating highway traffic loads (Castillo-Manzano, Castro-Nuño and Fageda 2016) concluded that modern vehicle-to-vehicle communication technologies could support the driver with real-time traffic data and thus prevent road network accidents. Such te chnology can be seen in the Google Maps navigation sys- tem, which is, for now, developed only for the highway network. However, highways tend to be safer than regional, local or urban road systems (Grande et al. 2017). From that perspective, we can highlight some municipalities with larger towns that had higher road traffic accident frequency, although there were some exceptions (municipalities lying within the triangle MB, CE and the city of Novo mesto and along the H4 expressway (Razdrto–Vrtojba) in the SW part of Slovenia). Consequently, the spatial road accident HotSpot pattern clearly differs in regard to study areas and different weather conditions. Several studies across the Globe (Brodsky and Hakkert 1988; Fridström et al. 1995; Hermans et al. 2006; Brijs, Karlis and Wets 2008; Y annis and Karlaftis 2010; Bergel-Hayat et al. 2013) confirmed the weather dependence (as direct or indirect cause) of road traffic accident, particularly under rainy or snowy conditions. Slovenia is not an excep- tion, rain and snow leave behind the highest share of road traffic accidents in adverse weather but fog andTable 2: Study site- and weather-related correlation matrix (Pearson’s correlation coefficient). Weather condition Study Area Clear Sky Cloudy Sky Rain Snow Fog Wind Clear Sky LJ 1 0.77 0.61 0.47 0.32 MB 1 0.87 0.58 0.37 0.24 CE 1 0.79 0.52 0.36 0.27 KP 1 0.65 0.62 0.05 0.05 Cloudy Sky LJ 0.77 1 0.76 0.52 0.41 MB 0.87 1 0.69 0.35 0.28 CE 0.79 1 0.55 0.37 0.29 KP 0.65 1 0.87 0.06 0.08 Rain LJ 0.61 0.76 1 0.42 0.30 MB 0.58 0.69 1 0.27 0.23 CE 0.52 0.55 1 0.35 0.34 KP 0.62 0.87 1 0.03 0.09 Snow LJ 0.47 0.52 0.42 1 0.28 MB 0.37 0.35 0.27 1 0.11 CE 0.36 0.37 0.35 1 0.17 KP 0.05 1 Fog LJ 0.32 0.41 0.30 0.28 1 MB 0.24 0.28 0.23 0.11 1 CE 0.27 0.29 0.34 0.17 1 KP 0.05 0.06 0.03 1 0.01 Wind LJ MB CE KP 0.05 0.08 0.09 0.01 161-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 88 wind were the two weather conditions with the most unique Hot Spots footprints. However, Romano and Jiang (2017) emphasized that road traffic accident Hot Spots should be considered as spatio-temporal events along road networks. In other words, the road accident footprint is changing with time and is influenced by many factors, including weather. The informative power of such geospatial results is hi ghly applicable and these data, not just can, but should be integrated as a driver assistance system in the coming »smart« vehicles. Our study proves that an information system providing the driver with information about poten- tially dangerous road network segments in varying weather conditions could have a positive influence on the driver’s behavior while navigating these routes. Thus, more attentio n to speed limits, safety distanceActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 89 a c eb d f Figure 7: The SDSS application SLOCrashInfo in action (in the danger zone) (a). The Data view mode (b). Live mode in the non-danger zones (c) and Live mode in the significant danger zone 1 (d), 2 (e) and 3 (f).61-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 89 Danijel Ivajnšiě, David Pintariě, Veno Jaša Grujič, Igor Žiberna, A spatial decision support system for traffic accident … and other vehicles entering and leaving the system can be expected. Uchida et al. (2017) outlined that mobile devices, such as smartphones, have recently become very effective methods that could help prevent or decrease road traffic accident frequency in general if they are used prope rly. As already mentioned, the ideal solu- tion for this mobile spatial decision support system would be integration with the vehicle’s system, so that dangerous road segments could be indicated with a warning symbol, like the slippery road alert if air tem- peratures drop below 4°C. Another possibility would be integration with the Google Maps navigation system, which provides in-time traffic update s based on mobile device location. This app could be enhanced with the weather-related Hot Spot footprint data and easily projected into the vehicle cockpit via Android Auto technology (if supported). To do so, national road traffic accident databases should be analyzed. With the recent developments Intelligent Transport Systems such as autonomous vehicles or vehicle-to-vehicle com- munication systems , which will definitely be equipped with smart geospatial information systems, it is expected that traffic accident frequency will be decrease drastically in the near future. 5 Conclusion Understanding where traffic accidents occur is crucial for improving road safety and proper traffic enforce- ment allocation. We detected clear regional differences in road traffic accident frequency connected with tr affic load, since Slovenia is a typical road transit country. As expected, municipalities with larger towns had higher road traffic accident frequency, although there were some exceptions. However, different weath- er situations leave behind different spatial footprints of road traffic accidents. Thus, the spatial road accident Hot Spot pattern clearly differs in regard to study areas and different weathe r conditions. Despite that, the highest weather-related road accident frequency was recorded in rain and snow, fog and wind were the two weather conditions with the most unique Hot Spot footprints. T o address the applicability of such geospa- tial results, we developed a mobile spatial decision support system (SDSS), functioning in the Android environment that have the potential to improve road safe ty. Moreover, modern commercial car naviga- tion systems provide many valuable spatial data for the driver but none of them visualizes road traffic accident hot-spots (dangerous road segments) related to weather patterns. Owing to computer limits, our SDSS SLOCrashInfo was designed only for most exposed municipalities in Slovenia. Next steps should thus be orientated towards the whole road network in Slovenia or even beyond national borders. The optimal solu- ti on would be an automatic integration of such data into the navigation system of all vehicles, where an alert message could be immediately displayed on the cockpit while entering a traffic accident hot-spot road segment. However, it should be emphasized, that such information systems are only suitable (or neces- sary) for non-autonomous veh icles, where driving decisions are still in human hands. 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Washing ton . 9261-1_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:07 Page 92 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 93ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 2021 SPECIAL ISSUE Gastronomy, territory and tourism EDITORS: Nika Razpotnik Visković Rok Ciglič Blaž Komac61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 93 9461-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 94 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 95–105 GASTRONOMY TOURISM: A BRIEF INTRODUCTION Nika Razpotnik Visković, Blaž Komac Visit of food market is a popular tourist activity.NICK_NICK, SHUTTERSTOCK61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 95 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Blaž Komac, Gastronomy tourism: AUŻšèVViVbrief introduction 961Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia nika.razpotnik@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3584-8426) blaz.komac@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4205-5790)DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.10258UDC: 913:338.48-6:641/642COBISS: 1.01 Nika Razpotnik Visković 1, Blaž Komac1 Gastronomy tourism: A brief introduction ABST RACT: The aim of this article is to provide aUŻšèVViVtheoretical and conceptual introduction for the spe- cial issue on the interactions between food and territory manifested in gastronomy tourism. We focus on four perspectives: sustainability, the role of heritage, the potential for rural development and the networking of stakeholders. The contributions critically examine the development potentials but a lso the weakness- es of the growing gastronomy tourism. The case study approach and qualitative methods provide aUŻšèVViVdetailed and concrete insight into the emerging challenges of host communities, tourism businesses and farmers, public policy makers and visitors. The special issue also provides applicable results for stakeholders involved in the strategic development, creation and consumption of tourism offe rings. KEYWORDS: food, tourism, rural development, qualitative research, culinary experiences, agricultural products, place-making Gastronomski turizem: kratek uvod POVZETEK: Cilj uvodnega članka je podati teoretični in konceptualni uvod za posebno številko oUŻšèVViVpovezavah med hrano in prostorom, ki se kažejo vUŻšèVViVgastronomskem turizmu. Osredotočamo se na štiri vidike – traj- nost, vlogo dediščine, prispeve k kUŻšèVViVrazvoju podeželja in mreženje zainteresiranih deležnikov. Prispevki kritično oc enjujejo ne le razvojni potencial, temveč tudi pomanjkljivosti rastočega sektorja gastronomskega turizma. Pristop študij primera in kvalitativne metode omogočajo poglobljen vpogled vUŻšèVViVnastajajoče izzive gostiteljskih skupnosti, turističnih podjetij in kmetovalcev, ustvarjalcev javnih politik in obiskovalcev. Posebna številk a ponuja tudi uporabne rezultate za deležnike, ki sodelujejo pri strateškem razvoju, ustvarjanju in potrošnji turistične ponudbe. KLJUČNE BESEDE: hrana, turizem, razvoj podeželja, kvalitativne raziskave, kulinarične izkušnje, kmeti- jski proizvodi, ustvarjanje prostora The paper was submitted for publication on April 17th, 2021. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 17. aprila 2021.61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 96 1 Introduction This special issue of Acta geographica Slovenica focuses on the geographical, economic, social, cultural and environmental interactions between food and territory, manifested in the relatively new gastronomy tourism. This type of tourism includes visiting places related to food production and consumption, including cul- tural events related to preparation processes or eating aUŻšèVViVspecial di sh as wel l as seeing how aUŻšèVViVcertain dish is being prepared (Hall et al. 2003). From aUŻšèVViVgeographical perspective, gastronomy tourism is an important co-creator of landscape. It transfers global dimensions with its advantages and flaws into local contexts and re-creates space through cultural innovations. In this way the traditional landscape is transformed into what we can call aUŻšèVViV»culinary landscape« whi ch refle cts the complex relationships in aUŻšèVViVmodern society, and the regional and cultural diversity that different cultural traditions form. Therefore, gastronomy tourism allows destinations to present their cultural uniqueness and diversity as competitive advantage in aUŻšèVViVglobalised world. Gastronomy tourism is supported by global economy and mobility. As Scarpato (2000, 127, cited in Scarpato 2002, 63) state d: »People are travelling more to expand their business, that means they will be experienc- ing more [...] their palates will demand more and more. We actually have aUŻšèVViVgroup of people that have been travelling around the world, whether they’re musicians, entertainers, lawyers, corporate businessman or edu- cators (and their travelling) develop an influence of their palate instinct.« Gastronomy, therefore, has become an important criterion in the sele ction of holiday destinations and leads experiential tourism, such as wine tourism (Dowling 2014). To this end, destinations need to identify and promote the attributes that sustain their image, including specific products made from their own cultural and natural resources (Borzyszkowski, Marczak and Zarębski 2016; Skowronek et al. 2018; Yilmaz, Ki liçarslan and Caber 2020). Although gastronomy is inherently diffused, partly tangible, partly intangible, it shapes and structures space, mainly through changes in social and economic structures, and land use. Due to its complex nature, it is difficult to accurately and fully understand the historic mechanisms, expressed in heritage, by which it serves as aUŻšèVViVresource for territorial development (Pér ez Gàlvez et al. 2017; Perry 2017; Tricarico and Geissler 2 017). This is especially true because the territory is aUŻšèVViVcomplex construct in which different stakeholders (residents, visitors, investors) interact with their different perspectives, motivations, knowledge, experi- ences and expectations (Prada-Trigo 2018). Numerous studies on gastronomy tourism show that the use of gastronomy as an economic resource can have cont roversial impacts on the host communities. While Bessière (1998) sees local food as aUŻšèVViVmeans of cultural tourism experience, and the sale of local food products as aUŻšèVViVmeans of strengthening local iden- tity, Carral, del Río and López (2020) remind us that gastronomy tourism does not always contribute to the cultural, social, economic, and territorial development or at least not to the expected degree. This is especially true in aUŻšèVViVcompetitive globalized world (Pitte and Moody 2002). As many urban dwellers once lived in rural areas, we need to discuss complex relationships between urban and rural, including aUŻšèVViVreturn to »local landscape«, terroir (Jamšek Rupnik, Čuš and ámuc 2016). Gastronomy tourism shortens the spa- tial and technological distances that have increased due to indu strialization and globalization of agricultural food supply chains (Wiskerke 2009) by engaging local actors involved in the food system (farmers, pro- ducers and processors, chefs and caterers, festival organizers and managers, policy makers and authorities), and the community. They obtain local skills, historical and cultural practices and traditional knowledge in the production, processing and trans formati on of products (Vandecandelaere et al. 2010). Therefore, we note regional differences as gastronomy became one of the centrality factors. This development is char- acteristic of cities, but often not so evident in rural areas, where it influences spatial development and formation of regional identity, for example, through the development of aUŻšèVViVtourist gastronomic region, aUŻšèVViVtouristscape (Kowalczy k and Derek 2020). Therefore, there is aUŻšèVViVneed for aUŻšèVViVcontinuous scientific discussion on the positive and negative effects of territorialization of gastronomy (Table 1), which is also the aim of this special issue. The most important aspects of the food–territory–tourism triangle are discussed in the papers: • sustainability in gastronomy tourism, • the role of heritage, • contribution to spatial, especia lly rural development, and • networking of stakeholders. These are not new topics in gastronomy-tourism research but due to the growing nature of this eco- nomic sector, they still require sufficient attention and aUŻšèVViVcritical approach.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 9761-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 97 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Blaž Komac, Gastronomy tourism: AUŻšèVViVbrief introduction The papers presented in this special issue of Acta geographica Slovenica are based on empirical stud- ies, two of which are comparative. The geographical level of the studies varies from local and regional (Kras region in Slovenia, Minho region in Portugal) to the macro-regional (Mediterranean, Alps), rural areas being the f ocus of the research, except for one case. One paper analyses the visitors’ perspective, namely their satisfaction with gastronomy events, while the others focus on small local businesses, associations and public authorities, responsible for the development of gastronomic tourism offer. The units of the obser- vation are also diverse, ranging from simple ones (aUŻšèVViVsingle restaurant or product) to more complex culinary eve nts and culinary experiences (e.g. tours, workshops, routes). In the following chapter we present the contribution of this special issue in more detail. 98Table 1: Some phases in gastronomy tourism development in relation to selected factors, with an increasing added value from left to right (Hall 2002; Hjalager 2002; Richards 2002; Author’s consideration). LEVELS \ PHASES OF DEVELOPMENT SELECTED FACTORS ECONOMiC THEMES Phases Traditional Modern Postmodern Market Commodities Goods Services Experiences Economic Production and Reinventing traditions Offering new products Consumption, selling know-how marketing, mercantile and services, migration to professionals, technology and communication Collaboration Unchanged Enforcing cooperation Creating new structures, Creating new structures in a global between existing still localized context organizations Services ingredients Dishes Meals Gastronomic experience Behaviour Enjoying the food Understanding the food Experiencing the food and exchange knowledge Visitor involvement Quality of offer Quality of service Quality of experience SCiENCE THEMES Research focus Region (e.g., development) Society (e.g., events) individual, culture (e.g., narratives) Research method Exploring phenomena Acquiring knowledge Exploring practices Tourism Development of Development of »mobile« global tourism Development of cultural tourism »classic« tourism and its »grey zones«, such asreligion, industrial heritage, events, festivals, and gastronomy Focus in geography Food and wine geography Culinary geography Gastronomy geography THEMES COVERED iN THiS SPECiAL iSSUE Level of cultural heritage indigenous culture Globalisation of indigenous culture (homogenisation) Re-indigenisation of global culture, gastronomy of subcultures (localisation) Sustainability Sustainable economy Non-sustainable economy Re-sustainable economy Space/Visitor mobility Space is local Relativisation of space, »globalised« local destination Difuse space, global visitors in a local destination Rural development Bottom-up initiatives Top-down initiatives and formation of programs Bottom-up initiatives support support local support local development wider regions and are supported development by the global economy Stakeholder networking Networking in regions to Top-down networking Bottom-up networking Bottom-up-initiated/top-down- promote culinary aspects initiatives, quality standards, initiatives, opening of supported/market-based clustering certification and branding routes and trails, visitor activities between »inner« and centers and museums »outer« stakeholders61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 98 2 Sustainable development and gastronomy tourism Sustainable tourism reflects sustainable issues in tourism in general, and »takes full account of current and future economic, social and environmental impacts to meet the needs of visitors, industry, the environment and host communities« (UNWTO 2017). Since tourism is one of the most important consumers of her- itage food, heritage food tourism should f ollow sustainable practices, expressed through four main principles ( Sanagustín Fons, Moseñe Fierro and Gómez y Patiño 2011): • optimal and responsible use of environmental resources, including the conservation of essential eco- logical processes and biodiversity; • respect for the socio-cultural authenticity of host communities and their values in order to build bet- ter understanding and cultural toler anc e; • building aUŻšèVViV viable economy, that ensures socio-economic benefits are distributed fairly and stable employment opportunities are provided and • creating social services that improve the quality of life (see Tiran 2016) and food security of the host community. Since access to quality food is expected to become an environmental issue, sustainable development is not only about preserving the past, but also about creating potential for the future (Fernandez and Richards 2 021). Through its focus on the local economy, gastronomy tourism establishes aUŻšèVViVclose relationship with these principles of sustainability. They manifest themselves in the expression of cultural heritage and con- sumption, the means and forms of production, the multiplicity and complexity of social interactions, and local trade (Carr al, del Río and López 2020; Polajnar Horvat and Ribeiro 2019). Many (local) groups of heritage producers and consumers in rural areas, such as farmers, fishers and pilgrims, are directly relat- ed to food and gastronomy (Timothy 2018). In sustainable gastronomy tourism, visitors are encouraged to participate in the cultural life of the destination, explained and interpreted mainly through the cuisine , local products and all related services (Gheorghe, Tudorache and Nistoreanu 2014). They are also encour- aged to behave responsibly in relation to the environment (harmless behaviour in the natural environment, gree n mobility to reach the destination, waste recycling etc.). However, it remains unclear how the sus- tainable gastronomy tourism contributes to the sustainable development of rural areas knowi ng that gastronomy is aUŻšèVViVkey element for the sustainable tourism development of cities and attracts tourists with greater economic resources (Pérez et al 2017). Numerous behavioural studies aim to investigate how sensitive tourists are to responsible travel, the role they play in it and their capacity to identify sustainable and unsustainable practices in the destina- tions they visit (see Kim 2012 ; Bu onincontri, Marasco and Ramkissoon 2017; Birch and Memery 2020). The latter was also addressed in the first paper of this special issue, entitled Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability (Topole et al. 2021). The paper provides aUŻšèVViVdetailed analysis of the motives and satisfaction of visitors to culinary events in the Karst region in Slove nia. The survey included 244 visitors to five events of different size, theme, character and histo- ry. AUŻšèVViVsignificant part of the study was devoted to measuring visitors’ sensitivity to sustainable practices at the event they attended. Their observations were similar and did not differ in terms of their age, gender, education or place of residence. They appreciated the high-quality service and th e use of local culinary ingredients, but were critical of the poor accessibility of the venues by sustainable transport, namely the lack of public transport, and the excessive waste generation, mainly from disposable plastic cutlery. This paper provides aUŻšèVViVgood insight into possible organizational improvements in the future and draws atten- tion to areas that local authorities should address in the fut ure (e.g. the issue of accessibility by public transport). 3 Role of heritage The link between (cultural) heritage and food is very close. From aUŻšèVViVheritage perspective, gastronomy is aUŻšèVViVmixture of tangible and intangible elements, it embodies the values and meanings of heritage bearersand represents their cultural identity (Richards 2001; Blešić et al. 2014; Pérez Gàlvez et al. 2017). FromaUŻšèVViVgeographical pe rspective, food is aUŻšèVViVtourist symbol of place (Timothy 2018).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 9961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 99 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Blaž Komac, Gastronomy tourism: AUŻšèVViVbrief introduction Tradition and heritage are an intrinsic resource of any territory (Ledinek Lozej and árimpf Vendramin 2020). They are perceived as enablers for economic development, as territorial identity is an economically valuable asset, especially when integrated with creative industries (Kozina and Clifton 2019; Kozina, Poljak Istenič and Komac 2019) – gastronomy sector being one of them (Tricarico and Geissler 2017). Topole and Pipan (2020) point out that the globalisation has localised cultural heritage making it an important distinguishing factor between regions (Leigh 2000). The important question for gastronomy tourism researchers to reflect on is how heritage is understood, interpreted, and used for tourism purposes by tourism provi ders and local inhabitants who can convince the tourists something is real and authentic. The concept of heritagisation was established by Bessière (1998; 2013) who studied the role of heritage in local / rural development. Her studies of gastronomic experi- ences and attractions were the cornerstone for grounding the theory of the indispensable link between heritage and innovation in contempora ry (gastronomy) tourism. Building on loc al initiatives, we can state that the link between heritage and innovation is aUŻšèVViVcrucial element in the development of tourism experi- ences, which is the last step in the scale of progression of economic value, after commodities, goods and services (Table 1; Pine and Gilmore 1998; Richards 2012; Topole and Pipan 2020). Two papers in this special issue explore ho w he ritage, tradition and authenticity are perceived by gas- tronomy tourism providers (restaurant owners, farmers and culinary event organisers) and also how authenticity is perceived by their visitors. The first paper, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture in tourism product (Poljak Istenič and Fakin Bajec 2021), high- lights the discrepancy between the t op-down and bottom-up approaches to in creating aUŻšèVViVgastronomy tourism product, including the selection of heritage elements and their signif icance. The authors present the process of creating aUŻšèVViVluxury food tour as aUŻšèVViVbottom-up initiative by aUŻšèVViVgroup of small businesses following the nation- al tourism strategy to create five-star experiences. They point out that the criteria for luxurification from »top« s ide are often too ambiguous or even contested once thought through the integration of the her- itage and tradition on the »bottom« side of the process. The second paper, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal (Fernandez and Richards 2021) shows how existing local gastronomy, which is aUŻšèVViVstrong element of regional identity, is nowadays influenced by changing consumers tastes a nd their expectations of low prices. Restaurant own- e rs therefore place great emphasis on the meal experience and less on the origin of ingredients and the introduction of innovations in cuisine. They do not visit local food markets or use other distribution sys- tems for locally produced food, which has concrete territorial implications – it impedes local production, trade and social interactions. If the links between restaurants and the regional food economy are not restored, th is can become aUŻšèVViVlong-term threat to local gastronomy culture. 4 Rural development According to Spilkovà and Fialovà (2012), the »development of rural tourism in its various forms, includ- ing gastronomy tourism, represents aUŻšèVViVpotential means of an alternative development strategy and economic activity in peripheral areas«. G astronomy tourism encourages agricultural development through the pro- motion of niche and regional products and creates positive effects in terms of revenue and employment (Corigliano 2002; Fernandez and Richards 2021). However, rural development should not only be seen in economic terms but also in the function of building social solidarity in protecting local culture (Polat and Aktaź-Polat 2020). I t is interesting to note, that more bottom-up gastronomy initiatives linked to local food producers are often based on aUŻšèVViVmore flexible organizational logic that differs from the structures of conventional tourism (Richards and Russo 2016), probably linked to an increased mobility (Richards 2001). While they integrate into the global economy, including through low-cost airlines and internet-reviews, they strongly support the local economy. Examples of the renewed tradition of sourcing local products include Slovenian chef Ana Roš (Michelin … 2021). Here we can see that the development of gastrono- my tourism follows four economic phases, that lead from the local to the global level: First, it builds within existing economic structures and networks, then it integrates material suppliers, creates new types of con- necti ons and cooperation, and finally it creates ‘intelligent’ gastronomy clusters in the economy (Hjalager 2002). It is therefore necessary that such local gastronomy initiatives are supported by wider documents, such as the »new rural paradigm« grounded in the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy. The document strong- 10061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 100 ly supports the non-productive functions of agriculture and forestry through multi-level and multi-actor process (Ledinek Lozej 2021). The main feature of this approach is the search for synergies between agri- culture and other sectors and the creation of »fertile links« to stimulate them (Ploeg and Roep 2003; Spilkovà and Fialovà 2012; Tišler and áuligoj 2020). An example of such aUŻšèVViVlink is the revit alisation and valorisation of local and traditional a gricultural products through qualification tools, ranging from top-down European quality schemes (e.g. Protected Designation of Origin, and Protected Geographical Indication) to bottom-up initiatives for territorial or place branding, trademarks and heritage inventories (Barreda 2018). These mechanisms provide an oppor- tunity for initially less comp etitive locally distinctive products to participate in the globalized, commodit y-driven market (Parrot et al. 2002; Ledinek Lozej 2020). They stimulate endogenous economic development especially in areas that lack other distinctive attractiveness (Watts et al. 2005). However, the question remains, ‘What is local?’ , if aUŻšèVViVproduct that is supposed to be standardised to some degree is con- sidered authent ic and therefore better (Blakey 2020). Food quality designations and regional brands are aUŻšèVViVsuitable tool for developing sustainable rural tourism as they allow tourists to learn about the social and economic life in aUŻšèVViVgiven region, meet producers, visit their workshops or farms, and learn about the resources needed to create quality products (Spilkovà and Fialovà 2012). Designated local food products a nd related activities are therefore often included in tourism products and are part of culinary tourism experiences such as culinary events, tours and routes (Kumer et al. 2019). Local food products form »aUŻšèVViVwhole that constitutes aUŻšèVViVstrong and distinctive element and can lead to pos- itive differentiation associated with image, quality and reputation« (Fabry and Zeghni 2014), and can lead to aUŻšèVViVnew rela ti onship between urban and rural areas by the redevelopment of landscapes (Férérol 2018). However, the expectations of the producers who are entering in certification or branding process are sometimes too high, as shown in this issue’s paper Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheese (Ledinek Lozej 2021). Paper depicts various collective instruments for valorising cheese products from top-down European and national quality schemes and inventories of traditional agricultural products and heritage, to grass- root initiatives such as Slow Food instruments and local brands. The study finds substantial difference in the use and impact of geographical indications in Italy and Slovenia, as well as dissonance betw ee n the expectations of the producers when entering in these schemes and real effects on the small-scale farming (and dairy production) in the study regions. 5 Stakeholder networking For tourism to develop successfully, actions should be planned and managed responsibly (Pilar and Londoño 2015). Even though democratic inclusion is one of the premises of sustainable development, the multi- plicity of stake hol ders can hinder the process of shared decision-making in community-based tourism development. Insiders, represented by residents, local business managers and public officials, and outsiders, namely investors and tourists, compete for limited local resources to serve the visitors as well as their own interests. In this way new forms of clustering and networking are created (Vries, Go and Aple 2018) , framed by the changing (national and international) legal environment. Due to the described development from local to globally influenced local service, tourism products, including gastronomy products, are becoming more complex. The changes in gastronomy tourism of rural and urban communities are supported by their wish to attract visitors, entice them to stay longer, spend more money, and encourage the m to visit again. It was necessary to develop aUŻšèVViVpackage of attractions to capture the attention of today’s increasingly demanding clientele (Spilkovà and Fialovà 2012). For the same reason, tourism strategies of destinations promote and encourage development of integral tourism prod- ucts rather than simple ones (McKercher 2016). Clustering activities and attractions and creating rural tourism prod uct s such as tours or routes, stimulates cooperation between local areas, and local agents (Spilkovà and Fialovà 2012). The complexity of stakeholder networking in different types of tourism products is evident in the fifth paper in this issue, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences (ámid Hribar, Razpotnik Visković and Bole 2021). The study identifies different groups of stakeh olders and t heir motivesActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 10161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 101 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Blaž Komac, Gastronomy tourism: AUŻšèVViVbrief introduction to participate in tourism experiences. It presents three emerging models of stakeholder networking, includ- ing their hierarchical relationships, the organisational characteristics and challenges, such as financial support, degree of formality, and openness of the network. The last paper, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the c reative place-making process (Razpotnik Visković 2021) , changes the focus of the previous contributions – it addresses gastronomy events and dis- cusses the place-making potential of gastronomy in the urban context and its contribution to five important characteristics that define the quality of aUŻšèVViVplace: diversity, liveliness, innovativeness, creativity and open- ness/tolerance. By analysing the network of stakeholders, who organise and participate at the selected events, the understanding of gastronomy and food as vectors of social inclusion and participation of communi- ty members is broadened, going beyond the scope of direct economic benefits. 6 Conclusion Although gastronomy is multidisciplinary, this special issue shows that geography is certainly able to pre- sent its different perspectives. T he contributions in this special issue of Acta geographica Slovenica focus on four of them – sustainability, role of heritage, contribution to rural development and networking of stakeholders. The authors have three main objectives. First, they identify and critically asses not only the development potential, but also the weaknesses of the growing gastronomy tourism sector. Followed by the introductory paper, the case study approach and qualitative methods used in the research provide aUŻšèVViVdeep and concrete insight into the emerging challenges of host communities, tourism businesses and farmers, public policy shapers and visitors. Second, the authors identify knowledge gaps in contemporary gastronomy research that should be addressed in the future. Finally, the studies presented offer applicable findings and conclusions for stakeholders involved in the strategic development, creation and consumption of the tourism offe r in aUŻšèVViVgiven territory. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency research core funding Geography of Slovenia (P6-0101). 7 References Barreda, A. 2018: Gastronomy tourism as aUŻšèVViVmarketing strategy for place branding. The Routledge Handbook of Destination Marketing. London. Bessière, J. 1998: Local development and heritage: Traditional food and cuisine as tourist attractions in rural areas. Sociologia Ruralis 38-1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9523.00061 Bessière, J. 2013: ‘Heritagisation’ , aUŻšèVViVchallenge for tourism promotion and regional development: An exam- ple of food heritage. Journal of Heritage T ourism 8-4. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1080/1743873X.2013.770861 Bi rch, D., Memery, J. 2020: Tourists, local food and the intention-behaviour gap. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 43. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhtm.2020.02.006 Blakey, C. 2010: Consuming place: Tourism’s gastronomy connection. Hohonu 10. 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Culinary boutique tourism in the hinterland of Mediterranean tourist destinations. Traditiones 49-3. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.3986/Traditio2020490305 Topole, M., Pipan, P ., Gašperič, P ., Geršič. M., Kumer, P . 2021: Culinary events in th e Sl ovenian country- side: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability. Acta geographica Slovenica 61-1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.7617 Tricarico, L., Geissler, J. B. 2017: The food territory: Cultural identity as local facilitator in the gastronomy sector, the case of Lyon. City, Territory and Architecture 4-16. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1186/s40410- 017-0072-2 UNWTOUŻšèVViV– United Nati ons W orld T ourism Organization: T ourism and the Sustainable Development GoalsUŻšèVViV– Journey to 2030. 2017. 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DOI: https:// doi.org/10.1108/IJTC-07-2019-0115Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 10561-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 105 10661-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 106 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 107–125 CULINARY EVENTS IN THE SLOVENIAN COUNTRYSIDE: VISITORS’ MOTIVES, SATISFACTION, AND VIEWS ON SUSTAINABILITY Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer Chefs from Ljubljana’s JB Restaurant, the first Slovenian restaurant listed in The World’s 50 Best Restaurants (ranked eighty-ninth in 2010), preparing dishes from local ingredients at the fourth Karst Savory Festival in 2018.MATJAŽ GERŠIČ61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 107 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.7617 UDC: 911.373:338.48-6:641/642(497.472)COBISS: 1.01 Maja Topole 1, Primož Pipan1, Primož Gašperič1, Matjaž Geršič1, Peter Kumer2 Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability ABSTRACT: This pape r focuses on five culinary events on Slovenia’s Karst Plateau (Kras). It presents vis- itors’ motives for attending these events, their satisfaction with them, and their views on sustainability. These traditional culinary events, which take place in the same gastronomic region, differ in their scale, theme, character, and history. AUŻšèVViVsurvey was conducted among 244 visitors, approximately 50% of who m had aUŻšèVViVuni- ve rsity degree. The most important motives for their visit include local cuisine; experiencing something new, different, or special; and exploring natural heritage and especially cultural heritage. Visitor satisfac- tion is the greatest at boutique culinary events, where the main theme is highlighted more strongly than at large-scale culinary events. The main challenge in terms of the sus tainability of culinary events is public transport access to the venues. Significant progress would be made by reducing the amount of disposable packaging made from non-sustainable materials. The key to successful culinary events is high-quality ser- vices and ingredients, where the word local is key. KEY WORDS: culinary tourism, gastronomy, cultural heritage, sustainable destination, geography of food , Karst Plateau gastronomic region Kulinarični dogodki na slovenskem podeželju: motivi, zadovoljstvo in ocena trajnostnosti z vidika obiskovalcev POVZETEK: Prispevek obravnava pet kulinaričnih dogodkov na slovenskem Krasu. ZUŻšèVViVvidika obiskoval- cev predstavi motive za obisk dogodkov, zadovoljstvo sUŻšèVViV prireditvami in oceno zUŻšèVViV vidika trajnostnosti. Tradicionalni kulinarični dogodki vUŻšèVViVisti gastronomski regiji s e med seboj razlikujejo po obsegu, tematiki, značaju in zgodovini. Anketirali smo 244 obiskovalcev, od katerih je imelo kar okrog 50 % univerzitetno izobrazbo. Najpomembnejši motivi za njihov obisk so: 1) lokalna kulinarika, 2) izkušnja nečesa novega, nenavadnega, posebnega in 3) spoznavanje naravne, predvsem pa kulturne dediščine. Zadovoljstvo obiskovalcev je največje na butičnih kulinaričnih dogodkih , kjer je vUŻšèVViVprimerjavi zUŻšèVViVmnožičnimi kulinaričnimi dogodki osrednja tema prireditve bolj poudarjena. Glavni izziv zUŻšèVViVvidika trajnostnosti kulinaričnih dogod- kov predstavlja dostopnost prizorišč zUŻšèVViVjavnim prometom. Precejšen napredek bi pomenilo zmanjšanje količine e mbalaže iz netrajnostnih materialov za enkratno uporabo. Ključ do uspešnih kulinaričnih dogodkov so kakovostne storitve in kakovostne prehra nske sestavine pri čemer je ključna beseda »lokalno«. KLJUČNE BESEDE: kulinarični turizem, gastronomija, kulturna dediščina, trajnostna destinacija, geografija prehrane, gastronomska regija Kras The paper was submitted for publication on October 8th, 2019 Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 8. oktobra 2019. 1081Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Ljubljana, Sloveniamaja.topole@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1007-2289) primoz.pipan@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2707-618X) primoz.gasperic@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6736-1308) matjaz.gersic@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9640-6037) 2Ministry of Education, Scienc e and Sport, Ljubljana, Slovenia peter.kumer@gov.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5923-9823)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 108 1 Introduction This paper examines how visitors experience culinary events on the Karst Plateau (Kras) by exploring their motives for attending individual events and their satisfaction with the services and products offered, the events’ organization, the providers’ attitude, and the appearance and cleanliness of venues. In addition, it examines how satisfied they are with the quality of accompanying activiti es, such as the presentation of the destination, the region, and its cultural heritage, available recreational and other activities, and what their views are on the events’ sustainability. Data on the respondents’ origin, age, sex, and education are also vital for better understanding their views. This study explores the quality of culinary events and contributes to their improvement. In this way, the countryside surrounding the coastal tourism destination can become more attractive to tourists and better socioeconomic and environmental conditions can be provided for the local population. 1.1 Culinary events and culinary tourism Culinary events are one-off events that complement the attractiveness of larger events, such as festivals. They aim to impress visitors with special dishes and unique se ttings. These events are exceptional if they have aUŻšèVViVmulti-layered effect on individuals, arouse all their senses (i.e., taste, sight, hearing, and experience), and leave them with lasting memories. They broaden the attendees’ horizons and provide them with aUŻšèVViVlink between culture, landscape, and food (Smith 2007; Getz 2012). Attendees experience something similar to what Marcel Proust described in his novel Swann’s Way: eating madeleines (i.e., aUŻšèVViVsensory experience) triggers an involuntary memory in an individual. Culinary experiences are often presented as »authen- tic«; that is, historically representative of aUŻšèVViVlocale (Long 2013). Culinary events enhance culinary tourism opportunities for destinations, and they play aUŻšèVViVcrucial role in promoting regions and creating loyalty to food and wine product s (Mason and Paggiaro 2010; Simeon and Buonincontri 2011, Topole and Pipan 2020). What is at the forefront of culinary events may not be the economic aspect, but empowerment of the local community and other social aspects, such as connecting stakeholders, preserving and transferring knowledge, conserving cultural heritage, strengthening identi- ty, intergenerational dialogue, and so on (Bole, ámid Hribar and Pipan 2017; ámid Hribar, Razpotnik Visković and Bole 2021). As an element of local culture, food is part of rural capital and, from the perspective of tourism, it is attractive for visitors (Bole, Komac and Pipan 2013). The products of regional tourism empha- size the uniqueness of the region and its community, culture, and heritage (Ledinek Lozej and árimpf Vendramin 2020). Local dishes and culinary experiences differ from region to region, and so culinary events allow tourists to experience less well-known or unknown cultures and tastes. Food as part of culinary events e nhances the profile of the destination (Bessiere 2001; Cai 2002; Hall and Mitchell 2005). Traditionally, food as part of hospitality services has had aUŻšèVViVsupporting role and development potential within the larger tourism indust ry (ámid Hribar and Ledinek Lozej 2013). It was considered aUŻšèVViVnecessary component of the tourism package. Recently, however, food tourism has been identified as aUŻšèVViVstand-alone activity or attraction offered in various manners by different organizers (Kumer et al. 2019). People have begun to travel to destinations specifically for the unique food products offered (Quan and Wang 2004). Food events bri ng positive economic impacts into aUŻšèVViVrural setting, even in aUŻšèVViVdeveloping country, where resources can be limited (Hall and Gössling 2016). 1.2 Visitors’ motivations The decision to attend any tourist event is aUŻšèVViVresult of multiple simultaneous motives (Crompton and McKay 1997). For many culinary events, leisure and social benefits appear to dominate among the motives (Getz et al. 2015). In comparison to non -food events, the attendees of food events are more motivated by the idea of finding something new. They are also motivated by an opportunity to socialize with people they know and other people (Crompton and McKay 1997; Weiler, Truong and Griffiths 2004; Blešić et al. 2014; Hattingh and Swart 2016). Compared to other non-food events, they are significantly less motivated by cultural exploration. Nicholson and Pearce (2001) state that food-related events in New Zealand attract- ed aUŻšèVViVlower proportion of visitors with specific interests compared to non-food-related events. Food-relatedActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 10961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 109 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … events were primarily viewed by visitors as aUŻšèVViVconsumption and entertainment opportunity. Park, Reislinger, and Kang (2008) studied the motivating factors for first-time visitors to the South Beach Wine and Food Festival in Miami Beach, Florida. The four most important factors are the desire to »taste new wine and food,« »enjoy the event,« »enhance social status,« and »escape from daily routines.« Smith, Costello, and Muenchen (2010) concluded that food, event novelty, and socialization were push motivations for attend- ing aUŻšèVViVculinary event. These internal factors initiated aUŻšèVViVneed by individuals to make aUŻšèVViVtrip. This is also related to the emergence of the term foodie (Topole and Pip an 2 020). Food products, support services, and essen- tial services, on the other hand, are external factors and pull motivations for potential attendees. Krajíčkovà and áauer (2018) found that for two food festivals in the Czech Republic the most prominent motivations to attend were »to have fun,« »to relax,« and »to taste the favourite meal/beverage [ sic].« Park, Reisinger, and Kang (2008) point out that motivation not only depends on the theme of the event, but is also influenced by socio-demographic characteristics, the region, and the location of the event. For first- time visitors, tasting wine and food might be more important, but for repeat visitors learning more about food and wine might also be important. 1.3 Visitor satisfaction Past findings show that food experiences at travel destinations contribute to tourist satisfaction (Bessiere 1998; Boniface 2003; du Rand, Heath and Alberts 2003; Frochot 2003; López-Guzmàn and Sànchez-Cañizares 2012; Okumus et al. 2013; Privitera, Nedelcu and Nicula 2018). Consumer satisfaction is one of the main goals in marketing because it is aUŻšèVViVgood predictor of purchase behavior (Erevelles and Leavitt 1992; McQuitty, Finn and Wiley 2000; Tsiotsou and Vasiot i 2 006). Tourist satisfaction has become aUŻšèVViVmajor research area and is the main factor for marketing strategists (Satish and Menezes 2001; Fallon and Schofield 2003; Kozak, Bigne and Andreu 2003; Tsiotsou and Vasioti 2006). In turn, food contributes significantly to tourists’ satisfaction with the destination visited. For this reason, it is essential to link gastronomy to tourism because it attracts aUŻšèVViV very distin ct tourist profile with aUŻšèVViVhigh economic potential (Ab Karim and Chi 2010; Jiménez Beltràn, López-Guzmàn and Santa-Cruz 2016). The literature shows that the local gastronomy, the quality and price of food, and the atmosphere are the most important determinants of tourist satis- faction with aUŻšèVViVdestination. The overall food service experience is an increasingly important factor of both tourist satisfaction and dissatisfaction: it can greatly stimulate expendit ure but can also cause serious financial losses (Nield et al. 2000; Fox 2007). Abdelhamied (2011) points out that various aspects such as parking space, wholesome and local dishes, and restroom cleanliness are key attributes for satisfied customers. 1.4 Visitors’ views on the sustainability of events and their sustainability Transport of food is an important p art of sustainability. The quality of food that travels longer distances is lower compared to food of local origin. Fresh food is crucial for preparing high-quality dishes. Therefore, the modern trend is to bring aUŻšèVViVconsumer closer to where the food was produced, and not vice versa (Nilsson, Griggs and Visbeck 2016). This is especially important for culinary tourism. Another trans port -related sustainability aspect is stimulation of public transport use. Rural tourism can play an active role in promoting the use of public transport – and, conversely, public transport can foster rural tourism. This can have aUŻšèVViVpositive impact on better accessibility for the rural population (Nilsson, Griggs and Visbeck 2016). Richards (2012) argues that tourists that are attracted by culinary exp eri ences see their own transport as the least important factor in visiting aUŻšèVViVdestination. Mode of transport is one ofthe characteristics that divides mass tourism from sustainable rural tourism, which stimulates walking and the use of bicycles by introducing biking and hiking routes (Regoli, Vittuari and Segrè 2011). Parking infra- structure is visitors’ first introduction to the destination (Wijaya et al. 2013). Brunori and Rossi (2000) and Abd elhamied (2011) argue that clean and well-maintained parking lots result in consumers deciding to return to the destination (Hjalager 2002). To promote sustainable transport and reduce the amount of indi- vidual journeys by car, Jones (2017) suggested aUŻšèVViVseries of measures for event organizers. She emphasizes the importance of incentives, bonuses, or rewards for attendees. 11061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 110 Waste management and recycling are also part of aUŻšèVViVsustainable approach to culinary tourism prod- ucts (Richards 2002). One of the characteristics of rural ecotourism is the efficient use of resources connected with the quantity of waste; this should be decreasing, in contrast to mass tourism, where it continues to increase (Regoli, Vittuari and Segrè 2011). Recently, plastic waste has been the bigges t probl em (Barnes et al. 2009). According to Ryan et al. (2009), despite the promotion of biodegradable plastic, disposable packaging continues to be composed of regular plastic. Plastic products are very useful in gastronomy, but consumers are increasingly aware of their negative impact on the environment. Therefore, sustainable alter- natives are more than welcome. Canavari et al. (2011) report that, as part of the services offered in the countryside, culinary experi- ences are also suitable for disadvantaged groups, such as people with mental and physical disabilities. This type of service can be combined with various therapeutic activities (e.g., equine-assisted therapy) that can- not be provided in other environments. According to Kim, Eves, and Scarles (2009) and Vuksanović et al. (2019), there i s a UŻšèVViVdifference in attitudes toward culinary events between respondents depending on sex, age group, and education. For example, elderly respondents (51–60 years old) have aUŻšèVViVmore positive atti- tude toward food and beverages than to everything else offered at the event. Zeppel and Hall (1991) and Glanz et al. (1998) argue that respondents with aUŻšèVViVhigher level of education are more likely to consume loca l food and pay more money. 2 Methods The study was conducted in the Karst Plateau gastronomic region in southwest Slovenia, above the Gulf of Trieste, which is one of Slovenia’s twenty-four gastronomic regions (Bogataj and Letič 2017), of which each is homogenous, unique, and therefore distinctive (Bogataj et al. 2006). Due to its karst character, the region has no running surface water, which made life q uite difficult, especially in the past. Nonetheless, people have lived there throughout history and developed aUŻšèVViVrich tangible, intangible, and social culture. This historically homogenous area was divided between Italy and Yugoslavia after the Second World War. In the coastal area, economic development was successful, whereas in the surrounding karst countryside it came to aUŻšèVViVhalt due to the changed ge ogr aphic situation. The situation improved in 2007 with the open- ing of the border through the Schengen regime (Pipan 2008). The research methods used included observation and on-site questionnaires with participants in the culinary events. An eight-page structured questionnaire was employed with aUŻšèVViVset of eighteen questions extracted from literature studying attendees’ impressions of food events; fou r we re multiple-choice ques- tions, seven were open-ended questions, six were combined, and one was answered on aUŻšèVViVscale. The questions can be divided into four thematic categories. The first category focused on establish- ing the motives for attending culinary events, assessing their quality, views on the affordability of what is offered at these events, and visitor satisfaction. The second category w as connected with the ecological aspect, which indirectly affects visitor satisfaction. It explored the respondents’ views on waste recycling, avoiding plastic, public transport arrangements, and so on. This was covered by aUŻšèVViVspecial question answered on aUŻšèVViVscale. The third category examined the methods of informing visitors about specific events, the dis- tance from their permanent residence, and the t ype of transport they used to travel to the event. The fourth cate gory included questions related to the respondents’ demographic characteristics (sex, age, and edu- cation). The questionnaire was tested between May and June 2018 among geography researchers with exten- sive experience with such aUŻšèVViVmethod. The survey was modified based on their comments and suggestions. Four trained researchers surveyed visitors at five culinary events using an on-site intercept procedure. Two of them conducted the survey at each event over the course of the entire day. The goal was to col- lect perspectives on the event that were as comprehensive as possible. However, many visitors stayed at the event for only part of the day or aUŻšèVViVfew hours, and so not everyone had aUŻšèVViVcomprehensive experi- ence of the event. Vi sitors were approached randomly, seeking aUŻšèVViVbalanced di stribution between the sexes and avoiding distributing questionnaires to more than one person in aUŻšèVViVgroup. The respondents within groups were not selected; they volunteered on their own or were designated by the group to answer the questions.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 11161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 111 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 112Table 1: 2018 culinary events on the Karst Plateau included in the analysis. Event Location Date Organizer No. of visitors Year first held Main theme (estimated by the organizer) 9thKarst Plateau Lavender Festival / ivanji Grad June 30th– Ekotera d. o. o. Large-scale event; 2010 (first field Lavender-related activities (growing 9. festival sivke na Krasu July 1st, 2018 2,000–2,500 sown with lavender and harvesting lavender and using it in 2008) in the beauty industry, crafts, and cuisine) 48thTeran Wine and Prosciutto Dutovlje August 11th–12th, Sečana Sports, Tourism, Large-scale event 1970 Teran Wine and prosciutto Festival / 48. praznik terana in pršuta 2018 and Leisure Department (one of Slovenia’s best-known and largest culinary events); 8,000 4thKarst Savory Festival / Kačiče–Pared September 9th, Andrejka Cerkvenik, Boutique event; 2013 Promoting the use of winter savory 4. praznik kraškega šetraja 2018 Belajevi Herbal- 300 in cuisine and elsewhere in an Ethnological Farm inovative way Opening of Karst Cuisine Month / Štanjel October 6th, 2018 Planta Society (restaurants Boutique event; 1996 introduction to Karst Cuisine Month: Otvoritev Meseca kraške kuhinje and inns from the Karst 300–400 sampling traditional Karst dishes and Plateau) and the Komen drinks prepared in a unique and Karst Society modern way Štanjel Wine Festival (part of the Karst Štanjel November 10th, Komen Karst Society Large-scale event; 2014 Presenting Karst wines, with a minor Martinmas Celebration) / Praznik vina 2018 (and Sečana Sports, 6,500–7,000 emphasis on Karst dishes v Štanjelu – del Martinovanja na Krasu Tourism, and Leisure Department)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 112 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 113The goal was to survey at least fifty visitors at each event. This number was achieved or even exceed- ed at all events except the Karst Savory Festival, where only thirty-four surveys could be conducted due to the intense activity at the boutique event. AUŻšèVViVtotal of 244 surveys were conducted. 3 Results 3.1 Motivations for attending culinary events Taking into account all events on the Karst Plateau, respond ents reported three main motives for visiting these destinations: local cuisine (40%), experiencing something new, different, and special (35%), and explor- ing natural and, first and foremost, cultural heritage (34%; Figure 1). Respondents could select more than one answer. Local cuisine proved to be aUŻšèVViVmajor motive in four events, with the Karst Plateau Lavender Festival standing out in terms of p redominantly non-culinary motives. Without the Karst Plateau Lavender Festival, the share of respondents that prioritized the local cuisine motive would have been 45%. Exploring new places (28%) and visiting aUŻšèVViVpopular area (25%) were also fairly important motives, whereas the remaining motives reported by the respondents were significantly less important in percentage terms (e.g., purchasing products: 1 7%, recreation (hiking, running, and cycling): 14%, the opportunity to enjoy wholesome food: 12% – with an above-average share recorded at the Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival and the Karst Savory Festival – and meeting locals: 11%). Six percent of respondents ended up at the event by coincidence because they were drawn by the crowds. When asked how important cuisine was as aUŻšèVViVmotive to travel to the event, only 9% of respondents replied that it was their only reason to attend the event. Just under aUŻšèVViVthird (32%) repor ted that cuisine was the most important reason but that they also needed other things to attract them to the event. Respondents for whom food was among the more important reasons to attend the event primarily highlighted the importance of authentic, fresh, home-made, affordable food prepared in aUŻšèVViVtraditional, original way. For 56% of respondents, cuisine was not the primary motive, but nonetheless aUŻšèVViVwelcome addition to the event. Thus, the majority of respondents (i.e., 97%) were more or less interested in cuisine, with only aUŻšèVViVgood 3% reporting that it was com- pletely irrelevant to them; these 3% ended up at the event because they accompanied someone else or by coincidence. Amon g all the events, the Opening of Karst Cuisine Month has the strongest culinary charac- ter, with the strongest emphasis on tasting and exploring karst dishes and drinks. However, this event is also attended by the largest number of people not interested in cuisine (6%). They primarily come for the accom- panying activities, which they repor ted among the important motives for attending the event (Fig ure 2). 3.2 Satisfaction with culinary events AUŻšèVViVgood third of respondents (35%) will primarily remember the event for its main theme (Table 1). Among all respondents, 15% were impressed by the event as aUŻšèVViVwhole, and aUŻšèVViVfurther 12% were impressed by both the main theme and ambience. AUŻšèVViVsimilar share (12%) praised the organization, the organizers’ friendli- ness, and the atmosphere alongside the main theme. Se ven percent of respondents will remember the event for its deficiencies or for having had aUŻšèVViVnegative experience. The same share will remember special and ran- dom episodes unrelated to cuisine. Nine percent of all respondents could not define what they would remember about the event. It is encouraging that, alongside other impressions, the main theme will be positively remembered by nearly four-fift hs of the respondents; this share amounts to aUŻšèVViVfull 94% at the Karst Savory Festival, whereas at the Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival it is the lowest (i.e., 56%). Just over half of respondents (52%) were satisfied with the event and did not feel that anything was missing. Their satisfaction was greater with boutique event organizers, who provide unique ambiances and culinary experiences and aUŻšèVViVlink to loca l cuisine, offer high-quality and wholesome food of local origin pro- duced in aUŻšèVViVtraditional, sustainable way, and are innovative (Figure 3). Around 69% had no comments on the Karst Savory Festival and 64% no comments on the Opening of Karst Cuisine Month, whereas with other, more large-scale events, this share varied between 39 and 50%. In contrast to large-scale events, which Figure 1: Motive s for at tending culinary events by importance (n = 244). pp. 11461-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 113 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 114 0102030405060 20 38 40 25 27 27 16 7 11 4 2547 26 30 17 19 19 13 17 11 8 2342 56 42 28 19 19 11 14 6 6 1150 36 32 34 24 12 12 10 12 4 1042 26 26 38 34 8 18 12 14 8 1640 35 34 28 25 17 14 12 11 6 18 Local cuisineExperiencing something differentExploring heritageExploring the placePopular areaPurchasing productsCuisine and recreationWholesome foodMeeting localsRandom visitOtherShare of respondents that find the motive important (%) Lavender Festival Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival Karst Savory Festival Opening of Karst Cuisine Month Štanjel Wine Festival Karst Plateau Total61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 114 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 1150 20 40 60 80 100Karst Plateau TotalOpening of Karst Cuisine MonthTeran Wine and Prosciutto FestivalKarst Savory FestivalŠtanjel Wine FestivalLavender Festival Respondent share (%) Sole motive for attending Primary, but other motives also required Not primary, but welcome Irrelevant918 3236 5640 3611 30 57 29 23 66 36 36 56 22 31 64 4 526964504539 331724344044 151412161517 Karst Plateau TotalKarst Savory FestivalOpening of Karst Cuisine MonthŠtanjel Wine FestivalLavender FestivalTeran Wine and Prosciutto Festival Respondent share No Ye s Don ’t know0 20 40 60 80 100Figure 2: importance of cuisine as a motive to visit culinary events (n = 244). Figure 3: Respondent replies to the question of whether they felt something was missing or noticed any deficiencies in the event’s organization (n = 244).61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:10 Page 115 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 116are usually only held once aUŻšèVViVyear and last one day (or aUŻšèVViVmaximum of one weekend), boutique event orga- nizers hold aUŻšèVViVvariety of smaller events from spring to late fall. For example, the various events, workshops, educational walks and excursions, tastings, and musical-culinary events held at the Belaj Farm make up the Herb Festival at the Meeting Point of the Karst Plateau and the Brkini Hills, which Topole and Pip an (2020) present in detail. In turn, the Opening of Karst Cuisine Month is aUŻšèVViVpresentation of farms on the Karst Plateau, which for the entire month offer karst dishes that focus on aUŻšèVViVdifferent selected ingredient every year. Taking into account all events, 15% of respondents had no opinion about their quality, and aUŻšèVViVthird (33%) suggested improvements. This third felt that the event nee ded aUŻšèVViVmore diverse selection of (especially local) food and drinks, an improved or expanded program (better ongoing information on activ ities, more com- pact activity, and more local music), and higher-quality technical support (better parking areas, more signs along the road showing the way to the venue, better venue equipment, including for bad weather, and more signs at the venue itself) (Figure 3) . The visitors surveye d largely learned about the events online or from their friends, whose recommen- dations persuaded them to make the trip. Namely, satisfied visitors are key to promoting individual events. In evaluating the selection of food and drinks offered at the event, the respondents were also asked to share their views on the organizational and ecological aspects. According to them, the se lecti on of food and drinks is at the forefront at these events (3.9 out of 5). This is especially evident at the Karst Savory Festival (4.2), the átanjel Wine Festival (4.1), and the Opening of Karst Cuisine Month (4.0). This is followed by arrangement of parking areas and traffic, waste recycling, cleanliness and the num- ber of restrooms, use of ecological materials, and drinking water accessibility (3.6–3.2). With most events, publ ic transport accessibility was ranked the lowest (2.8) (Figure 4). Respondents greatly value high-quality services and products, and they are willing to pay more for fresh homemade products. In turn, they greatly dislike unfairly high prices. They are willing to pay more than €25 for superior-quality food and service (42%), aUŻšèVViVhigh-quality additional program (20%), aUŻšèVViVd ish requir- ing more demanding preparation (19%), and more complex event organization (12%). 05.10.15.20.25.30.35.40.45.50. Public transportParking areas Traffic arrangements Waste recycling Restroom cleanliness Avoiding non-sustainable materials Enough restrooms Drinking water accessibility0.0Rating3.6 3.6 3.4 3.43.3 3.33.2 2.8 Figure 4: Respondent satisfaction with five culinary events on the Karst Plateau in terms of sustainability (n = 244).61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 116 3.3 Sustainability aspects Among all the events, the átanjel Wine Festival was ranked highest in waste recycling (3.8 out of 5), and the respondents were least satisfied with recycling at the Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival (2.5 out of 5). The same applies for single-use materials: respondents believe the átanjel Wine Festival offered the most biodegradable materials compared to other events (4.2 ou t of 5). Karst Cuisine Month, held by the same association, was close behind (4.1 out of 5). The Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival was least sustainable in terms of use of materials (2.0 out of 5). The átanjel Wine Festival (4.4 out of 5) also ranked highest in offering sustainable transport in order to travel to the event. They were the only ones offering public transport (aUŻšèVViVspecial train line from Ljublj ana and aUŻšèVViVcircular Karst Bus Line). In the desire to contribute to sustainable mobility, the Belaj Farm, hosting the Karst Savory Festival, already provided transport from the nearest train station in Divača in the past, but this met with aUŻšèVViVpoor response from visitors because it was too time-consuming. It is difficult to arrange public transport to culinary events because visitors come from diff erent places. Among the respondents, 83% drove to the event, 8% came in groups with chartered bus transport, and only 5% used public transport. They resort to less sustainable solutions because public transport is very poor- ly developed in the Slovenian countryside and therefore there are only aUŻšèVViVfew options to choose from. The only exception is the átanjel Wine Festival, for which aUŻšèVViVspecial train was av ailable (from Ljubljana to átan- jel and back via Sežana). The train was used by 16% of respondents, 12% came by charter bus, and two-thirds still drove to the event. Nonetheless, one of the event organizers (i.e., the Sežana Sports, Tourism, and Leisure Department), estimates that the train was selected by aUŻšèVViVnegligible number of all visitors to the Karst Martinmas Celebration, which the átanjel Win e Fe stival is part of: approximately 180 out of 6,500 to 7,000. Due to aUŻšèVViVfailure to reach an agreement with Slovenian Railways, this option was no longer available in 2019. The only constant in transport ever since the beginning of the átanjel Wine Festival in 2014 has been the cir- cular bus route between wine cellars or open-door farms on the Karst Plateau. It has been very well accepted by visitors and therefore the event organizers plan to keep this practice in the future. Less certain is the further provision of the train line from Ljubljana to átanjel because it is not competitive in terms of dura- tion; it is more than 2 times longer than going by car (cca. 2 hr 30 min compared to 1 hr 10 min). Only passengers that look for entertainment and experience on the way (aUŻšèVViVmusic event, socializin g with other passengers, admiring the landscape, and so on) are interested in it, but at the same time these also demand greater comfort on the train. Respondents were most satisfied with restroom cleanliness at the átanjel Wine Festival and Karst Savory Festival, whereas they were the least satisfied with restroom cleanliness at the Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival. All the organizers were ranked rel atively low in terms of free drinking water provision. The organiz- ers of the átanjel Wine Festival and Karst Savory Festival scored highest in supplying free drinking water (such as at fountains) and marking them clearly. 3.4 Visitor structure and place of residence The group between forty-six and sixty years old predominated among the respondents (39%), and those under thirty accounted for the smalle st share (14%). An above-average share of respondents sixty-one or older (i.e., 28%) was recorded at the Karst Savory Festival and of those under thirty at the átanjel Wine Festival (22%). Most of the respondents (almost 50%) in all events have aUŻšèVViVuniversity education, followed by aUŻšèVViVsecondary education (29%). The highest share of university-educated respondents participated in the Opening of Karst Cuis ine Month (64%). Some respondents (31) refused to disclose information on their education, age, and place of residence. In general, respondents from places that are not very far away andallow them to make aUŻšèVViVone-day trip predominated. The majority (i.e., 80%) came from places over 50 km away, and 41% even came from places over 100 km away. They are willing to travel that far to explore aUŻšèVViVless familiar c ultu re or aUŻšèVViVless familiar or unknown region (Figure 5, Figure 6).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 117Figure 5: Distance between culinary events on the Karst Plateau and respondents’ place of residence (n = 213). pp. 118 Figure 6: Municipalities that respondents to culinary events on the Karst Plateau came from (n = 213). pp. 11961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 117 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 118 Distance from place of residence (km)051015202530354045 0–20 20–40 40–60 60–80 80–100 100–120 120–140 140–160 nad 160 Lavender Festival Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival Karst Savory Festival Opening of Karst Cuisine Month Štanjel Wine Festival Karst Plateau TotalNumber of respondents 10 0418 3 12 06 6 114 09 4 3 1 112 57 211 6 2 0 0268 8 3 135 03 37 116 3 211 333 1540 2942 15 1217 1061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 118 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 119 LjubljanaMaribor Štanjel Dutovlje Kačiče - ParedIvanji Grad Adriatic Sea Content by: Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer Map by: Matjaž Geršič, Manca V olk Bahun Source: GURS © ZRC SAZU Anton Melik Geographical Institute0 10 20 30 40 kmLegend Number of respondents per municipality 0 1–2 3–5 6–9 18 51 Location of the festival Two largest cities in SloveniaA U S T R I AY L A T I C R O A T I AH U N G A R Y61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 119 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 4 Discussion 4.1 Main motives: local cuisine, expecting something new, cultural heritage Most respondents (58%) attend events that are thematically very diverse, with food not being the only rea- son for attending. Getz et al. (2015) and Yuan et al. (2005) came to similar conclusions. Cromp ton and McKay (1997) and Nicholson and Pearce (2001) state that, compared to other non-food events, attendees of food-related events are less interested in cultural exploration, but our results show that interest in c ultural content is among the three most important motives for attending aUŻšèVViVculinary event, espe- cially for those from faraway places. These people have aUŻšèVViVstronger desire to experience so mething new and u nusual, and they wish to avoid the everyday routine. More opportunities for this are provided at bou- tique culinary events. Most respondents do not wish to be more actively involved in food preparation; they simply want more tasting and training in the form of workshops. Similar was established by Éela, Knowles-Lankford, and Lankford (2007), Park, Reisinger, and Kang (2008), and Hatti ngh and Swart (2016). According to Getz et al. (2015), entertainment and socializing are among the predominant motives. In this case, however, only 4% of respondents expressly mentioned socializing as aUŻšèVViVmotive, even though most came to the event with their partner, with other couples, with their family, or in aUŻšèVViVlarge organized group (e.g., as aUŻšèVViVsociety). Cuisine and socializing are largely more importa nt motives, especially for those that come from places nearby, up to only 20 km away. The share of these was only 15%, and for them other motives are less relevant. In contrast, motives such as experiencing something special or exploring cul- tural heritage are important for those that come from far away and are unfamiliar with the target area. More demanding and satisfied visitors like to return, and f or them it is improving knowledge about food and wine that counts. The findings by Park, Reisinger, and Kang (2008) thus also apply to the Karst Plateau. This is particularly valid for specialized culinary events like the Karst Savory Festival. The factors of edu- cation status of the participants are considered one of the most important. Participants with at least aUŻšèVViVuniversity education (almost 50%), and from higher-income social groups prevail at the gastronomic events. It appears that people are willing to travel longer distances to participate in an event (Krajíčkovà and áauer 2018). More than half (56%) reported that they would also be willing to stay overnight in the area; this applies to culinary events in general. Especially visitors from places farther away are willing to pay more for hi gh - quality food or improved programs, food preparation, and organization, which agrees with Leones, Colby and Crandall (1998) that people traveling farther spend more at the destination to justify the travel expens- es. We cannot confirm this because the respondents were not asked about their income or how much they spent at the event. It is vital for event organizers to know in detail the motives tha t att ract visitors. Only in this way can they meet their expectations about the selection of food and drinks offered, their diversity, authenticity, qual- ity, and how they are served, and about aUŻšèVViVfair and friendly attitude. Considering that only 9% of respondents attended the event only for the cuisine and that others need additional motives to attend culinary events, the accompanying program must al so be prep ared with great care: aUŻšèVViVcultural program, aUŻšèVViVpresentation of the place or area, activities typical of the region, products offered at stands, and aUŻšèVViVsports program. Other authors (Weiler, Truong and Griffiths 2004; Park, Reislinger and Kang 2008; Smith, Costello and Muenchen 2010; Getz et al. 2015; Hattingh and Swart 2016) also established that, in addition to visitors interested in food, culina ry fest ivals are also attended by many other people with completely non-culinary motives. 4.2 Visitor satisfaction is influenced by more than just the selection of food and drinks Food contributes significantly to tourist satisfaction, and hence tourism should be connected with gas- tronomy (Ab Karim and Chi 2010; Jiménez Beltràn, López-Guzmàn and Santa-Cruz 2016). The culinary events studied on the Ka rst Plateau prove this because most respondents came to the event due to its culi- nary theme (Figure 1). However, only 9% reported that cuisine was the only reason for attending. Others required additional motives (Figure 2). The respondents confirmed the findings of Nield, Kozak, and LeGrys (2000) and Fox (2007) that local gastronomy, the quality and price of food, and ambiance influence tourist sat is faction the most. Because consumer satisfaction is very important (Morgan, Attaway and Griffin 1996; McQuitty, Finn and Wiley 12061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 120 2000) and affects marketing (Erevelles and Leavitt 1992), the organization of culinary events on the Karst Plateau should take into account that more demanding visitors seek aUŻšèVViVmore diverse selection of local (home- made) food and more opportunities for tasting traditional dishes and dishes prepared in new, innovative ways. In addition to ambiance, they are also interested in aUŻšèVViVhigh-quality complete c ultural program origi- nating in Karst tradition. This requires the following f rom the event organizers: good technical organization and sustainable behavior, successful connection and coordination of stakeholders, and good managerial skills of their leader (ámid Hribar, Razpotnik Visković and Bole 2021). Visitor satisfaction is enhanced by suffi- cient signs showing the way to the venue, carefully pl anned traffic and people coordinating parking, appropriate distance and arrangement of parking areas and access points, info points with helpful staff, information signs with aUŻšèVViVschedule of activities or regular loudspeaker announcements, well-arranged stands, marked and clean restro oms, marked waste bins, proper waste management and instructions for recycling, clean public trans- port stops, and avail ability of public transport. Satisfaction is further influenced by the use of environmentally friend ly packaging, accessibility of drinking water (not in plastic bottles), and first aid availability. All the events on the Karst Plateau take place outdoors, and so one of their weaknesses is poor adap- tation to bad weather. Bad weather influences the quality of the services and products offered, and t he general atmo sphere, and results in aUŻšèVViVcritical opinion among visitors and aUŻšèVViVsmaller number of providers and visi- tors. Therefore, even more thorough preparations for potential rainy weather are required. 4.3 Certain sustainability aspects are still insufficiently observed Some Karst events still have room for improvement in sustainable behavior. In general, respondents ranked the selection of food and d rinks relatively high (3.9 out of 5), but one-third nonetheless felt greater diver- sity of local and especially home-made food and drinks was missing, including stews and soups. The more critical among them were aware that there is primarily aUŻšèVViVneed to present the local environment and local products and intangible qualities that are key for promoting the region. Among other things, they high- lighted that dishes from elsewhere, such as Bled cream pastry (blejska kremna rezina, kremšnita), Balkan rolled kebabs (čevapčiči), and so on are completely unnecessary in the selection of Karst food presented. The same applies to the selection of handicrafts offered at stands and the accompanying program. The emphasis should be on the Karst tradition. The range of products offered should be better conne cted with the event’s theme, which should present the local traditional crafts and cuisine. AUŻšèVViVweakness of tourism on the Karst Plateau is the poor public transport accessibility of the event venues. As many as 83% of respondents came to the events studied by car. An example of aUŻšèVViVbetter practice in this regard is the átanjel Wine Festival, where train service from Ljubljana was offered in combination w ith a UŻšèVViVcircular bus route. In this connection the revival of the Karst railway, which was discontinued after the Second World War, may be worth considering. Event organizers strive to introduce ecological improve- ments, but these are still insufficient; the use, selection, and availability of sustainable packaging materials received aUŻšèVViVscore of only 3.3 out of 5, and recycling was only rated 3.4 out of 5. 4.4 Limitations of the study Most respondents lacked extensive experience in attending culinary events. Two-thirds revealed their favorite culinary experience up until then, aUŻšèVViVfew individuals did not remember anything that would be worth men- tioning, and 7% did not have aUŻšèVViVprevious culinary experience because that was the first time they had attended aUŻšèVViVculinary event. Those with more experience (41%) mentioned aUŻšèVViVvariety of culinary events across the globe, including elsewhere in Europe and Slovenia (e.g., street food in Tokyo or Sri Lanka, aUŻšèVViVrestaurant in Paris, outdoor food service in Heiligenblut, Austria, and so on). The only thing that came up several times was the Odprta kuhna food market in various Slovenian towns (6%), but this was only mentioned by respondents with less culinary experienc e. The Karst Plateau Lavender Festival was included in the survey because cui- sine was expected to play aUŻšèVViVmajor role in this event, but it later turned out that other aspects were more important. The programs of fered at the Teran Wine and Prosciutto Festival and the Opening of Karst Cuisine Month were partly compromised by rain. The results of surveys conducted with visitors of large-scale culinary events on the one hand and boutique events on the other are dif ficult to compare because respondents have dif- ferent criteria. In general, participants in boutique events are more demanding and have stricter criteria.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 12161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 121 Maja Topole, Primož Pipan, Primož Gašperič, Matjaž Geršič, Peter Kumer, Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside … 5 Conclusion This paper presents the findings of an analysis of 244 people surveyed at five culinary events on the Slovenian Karst Plateau during the summer of 2018. Local cuisine is aUŻšèVViVvery important motive that draws people to these events, which provide an opportunity to promote the r egi on and its cultural heritage. Only 9% of respondents stated that cuisine was the only motive for attending the culinary event. For just under one-third, cuisine is the most important reason, but they need additional stimulation. For 56% of respondents, cuisine is aUŻšèVViVwelcome addition, but not aUŻšèVViVprimary motive for attending. The most impor- tant motives for attending culinary events include the follow ing: local cuisine, experiencing something new, d ifferent, and special, and exploring natural and, first and foremost, cultural heritage. Cuisine and social- izing are important for only 15% of respondents, who tend to come from nearby places, only up to 20 km away. Respondent satisfaction is the greatest at boutique culinary events, where the main theme is highlighted more than at large-scale culinary eve nts. More demanding visitors (almost 50% of respondents had aUŻšèVViVuni- versity degree) seek aUŻšèVViVgreater diversity of local sustainably produced food and more opportunities for tasting traditional dishes and dishes prepared and served in aUŻšèVViVdifferent, innovative way. They are also interested in aUŻšèVViVcombination of cuisine and local culture (e.g., dance, music, and presentation of the place). The visitors also ev aluated the events in terms of sustainability. The main weakness highlighted was the poor public transport accessibility of the venues. They also think there is still significant room for improve- ment in selecting the packaging used; plastic disposable packaging still tends to be overused at these events. The success of promoting aUŻšèVViVspecific region and expanding the area it draws visitors from pri marily d epends on the quality of services and food ingredients, the uniqueness of culinary events, and experi- ences that cannot be expected anywhere else. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: The authors acknowledge financial support from the European Regional Development Fund for funding the project MEDFEST (MED Culinary Heritage Experiences: How to Create Sustainable Tourist Destinations) and financial support from Sl ove nian Research Agency research core funding Geography of Slovenia (P6-0101), and Heritage on the Margins: New Perspectives on Heritage and Identity within and beyond the National (P5-0408). 6 References Ab Karim, S., Chi, C. G. 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Journal of Tourism Studies 2-1.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 12561-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 125 12661-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 126 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 127–140 MODELS OF STAKEHOLDER COLLABORATION IN FOOD TOURISM EXPERIENCES Mateja Šmid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole Food is an essential part of every tourism experience.TOMO JESENIČNIK61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 127 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 128DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8756 UDC: 911.373:338.48-6:641/642(4-13)COBISS: 1.01 Mateja Šmid Hribar 1, Nika Razpotnik Visković1, David Bole1 Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences ABSTRACT: This study explores the role of stakeholders in creating and managing food tourism experi- ences. The main aim was to discover who participates in this process, why, and how. The researc h is based on interviews and participatory observation of twenty-two case studies mainly located in rural areas in eight Mediterranean countries. The paper focuses on two types of food experience: food events and food services with additional subtypes. The results reveal three models of stakeholder collaboration: one typ- ical for events, one typical for services, and one emphasizing more direct inter acti on between visitors and local communities. The findings show diversity in the connections among stakeholders, who have different motives and roles in food experiences. KEY WORDS: food tourism, gastronomy tourism, tourism experience, stakeholders, network, collaboration, Mediterranean Modeli sodelovanj deležnikov v kulinarični turistični izkušnji POVZETEK: átudija raziskuje vlogo deležnikov pri ustvarjanju in upravljanju kulinaričnih turističnih izkušenj. Glavni cilj je bil odkriti kdo, zakaj in kako sodeluje vUŻšèVViVtem procesu. Raziskave temeljijo na intervjujih in opa- zovanju zUŻšèVViVudeležbo vUŻšèVViV22 študijskih primerih vUŻšèVViVpretežno podeželskih območjih vUŻšèVViVosmih sredozemskih državah. Osre dotočili smo se na dve vrsti izkušenj: kulinarične prireditve in kulinarične storitve zUŻšèVViVnjihovimi dodat- nimi podtipi. Naši r ezultati kažejo na tri modele sodelovanja deležnikov: enega, značilnega za dogodke, drugega za storitve in tretjega, k i poudarja bolj neposreden stik med obiskovalci ter lokalno skupnostjo. Ugotovitve kažejo raznolikost povezav med deležniki, ki imajo različne motive in nastopajo vUŻšèVViVrazličnih vlogah. KLJUČNE BESEDE: kulinarični turizem, gastronomski turizem, turistična izkušnja, deležniki, mreža, sode- lov anje, Sredozemlje The paper was submitted for publication on June 4th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 4. junija 2020. 1Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia mateja.smid@zrc-sazu.si (https:// orcid.org/0000-0001-5445-0865) nika.razpotnik@zrc-sazu.si (https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-3584-8426) david.bole@zrc-sazu.si (https:// orcid.org/0000-0003-2773-0583)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 128 1 Introduction Culinary tourism, food tourism, and gastronomy tourism are interchangeable terms associating food and tourism. The term culinary tourism is favored in North America, food tourism in Australia and Asia, and gastronomy tourism in Europe, although it seems that international organizations such as the World Food Travel Organization or the World Tourism Organization (hereafter: UNWTO) seem to pre fer food tourism because the terms culinary tourism or gastronomy tourism have an »elitist ring« (Rachão et al. 2019, 35). This paper also uses the term food tourism. Although food is an essential part of every tourism experience, studies and typologies are difficult to come by. In aUŻšèVViVspecial report (OCTA & Skift 2015, 4) food tourism is characterized as »any tourism expe- rience in which one learns about, appreciates, and/or consumes food and drink that reflects the local, regional or national cuisine, heritage and culture.« The UNWTO has adopted the definition by Hall and Mitchell (2001), which identified the following activities of food tourism attracting visitors: primary and secondary food producers, food festivals, restaurants and specific locations for food tastings, and experiencing spe-cialis t food production. This definition implies that food tourism involves many different stakeholders with d ifferent motives and roles in entrepreneurial food networks (Boesen, Sundbo and Sundbo 2016). This paper explores the role of stakeholders in creating and managing food tourism experiences: who participates in this process, why, and how. It investigates food tourism experiences in the Mediterranean area and addresses the following research questions: • Do different types of food experiences stimulate the creation of various stakeholder networks? Who are the stakeholders collaborating within food experiences, and what is their role in aUŻšèVViVspecific type? • Which motives drive stakeholders to connect and set up aUŻšèVViVnew food experience? What are the strengths and potential threats in their collaboration? The objective of this paper is thus to identify stakeholders involved in different types of food experi- ence, identify their motives for cooperation, and explore their role in the network. 2 Background Rural areas are well-positioned for cultural and food tourism. In addition to distinct cultural and social capital, they combine natural environments suited for tourism opportunities (Bole, ámid Hribar a nd Pipan 2017). Food tourism in rural areas is increasingly being marketed with the goal of »reconnecting« with nature, re silience to globalization, aUŻšèVViVsearch for authenticity, freshness, and support for local producers and local products (Sidali, Kastenholz and Bianchi 2015; Ledinek Lozej 2020, 2021). In aUŻšèVViVway, food has become an ideal endogenous resource of rural territorial development, in which the knowl edge of local gastronomy is either rediscovered or newly invented for economic gain or social wellbeing (Ray 1998). Food has become an attraction in its own right and aUŻšèVViVmotivation for travel. Food tourism also depends on consumers’ socioeconomic characteristics, especially their educational profile and age group (Vuksanović et al. 2019). Hall and Sharples (2003) state that aUŻšèVViVvisit to aUŻšèVViVrestaurant is not food tourism in itself, but the desire to experience aUŻšèVViVparticular type of food or the produce of aUŻšèVViVspecific region, or to taste dishes preparedby aUŻšèVViVparticular chef, could be motives for such travel. There is no definite typology of food tourism expe- riences; however, Smith and Xiao (2008) present aUŻšèVViVtypology of food tourism resources, which could serve in understanding the variety of tourism expe riences based on them (Table 1). They are divided into four groups: facilities, events, activities, and organizations. Certain resources fit better into aUŻšèVViVmore experience- based economic model. In general, one can distinguish between three types, or »generations,« of research on food tourism expe- riences (Richards 2015). The first generation is where the main topic was how to engage consumers by design ing experience elements to make tourism products that engage all five senses. The second genera- tion of research is marked by the emergence of the »foodie« – aUŻšèVViVconscious and experienced consumer, driven by aUŻšèVViVsearch for »authentic« and »exotic« culinary experiences. In the third generation of research, the tourist is seen as aUŻšèVViVco-creator of culinary experience with direct interaction between the consu mer and the resi- dents (cooking classes at home, tours at food markets with local producers, etc.). This also requires great interconnectedness of local producers; in this vein, Richards (2015) advocates aUŻšèVViVmore experience- and net- work-based approach instead of the atomized view of tourism gastronomy.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 12961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 129 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences Another attempt to classify food tourism was provided by Bessière (2013), who linked gastronomy to heritage. According to her, gastronomy heritage is understood as collective memory and aUŻšèVViVcultural code connected with particular production and food modes, rooted in aUŻšèVViVterritory, spac e, and time. Bessière dis- tinguished three basic forms of gastronomy heritage. The first is the traditional or artisanal form, in which stakeholders aim to conserve or preserve traditional heritage and have aUŻšèVViVstrong territorial attachment. Second is the industrial form of gastronomy heritage promotion, in which heritage is promoted by one iconic or dominant production, such as aUŻšèVViVtype of cheese or oth er produ cts. The third form is heritage promoted around rural enterprises, in which new innovative tourist activities are centered on local producers and their farming activities. How different stakeholders are engaged in the creation of food experience can be understood through the supply chain theory, which »refers to the body of concepts, models, and relationships describing the linkages of producer s and distributors in the context of the creation of aUŻšèVViVcommodity« (Smith and Xiao 2008, 291). According to Atkin and Affonso (2004), each stakeholder enters the initiative with its level of contribution (high or low), level of risk (high or low), and level of expectations regarding the profit (high or low, and short- or long-term). Different expectations lead to more difficult management of the food experience and require a UŻšèVViVmore skilled leader to manage potential conflict situations. Boesen, Sundbo, and Sundbo (2016) argue that the success of the collaborations within aUŻšèVViVnetwork depends strongly on the action and attitude logics of actors, depending on their motivation to join the initiative. Actors’ actions are determined by either one logic or several logics in which one is dominant (Thornton and Ocasio 2008; C loutier and Langley 2013). According to Boesen, Sundbo and Sundbo (2016; Table 2), it is not unusual for actors to follow different logics in different situations (networks or cooperation ini- tiatives) or to change their perspective at different stages of cooperation, especially in challenging situations such as resolving disagreements. If network members are able to adjust and shift be tween different log- ics, the initiative is easier to manage (Boesen, Sundbo and Sundbo 2016). If the pluralism of logic is too obvious and there is aUŻšèVViVlack of dynamism in actors’ behavior (willingness to compromise), initiatives need to undergo significant organizational changes or they fall apart. The success of the food experience thus depends significantly on the compatibility of the actor’s moti ve s because this determines their ability to positively collaborate within the network (Mei, Lerfald and Brata 2017). Finally, it must be stressed that the stakeholders’ motives for collaboration in creating food experiences are not only economic in nature. In cases of other tourism activities, the main motivation for stakeholders’ 130Table 1: Food tourism resources and products (adapted from Smith and Xiao 2008). Facilities Activities Events Organizations • Buildings/structures: • Consumption: dining, picnics, • Consumer shows: food and • Restaurant classifications or food-processing facilities, food purchase, pick-your-own wine shows, kitchen shows, certifications (Michelin, etc.), wineries, breweries, farmers’ operations product launches food/wine classifications and markets, stores, museums, • Touring: wine, agricultural • Fe stivals: food or wine festivals, associations (slow food, etc.) restaurants regions, city food districts harvest festivals • Land uses: farms, orchards, • Education/observation: cooking vineyards, food streets classes, wine tastings, chef • Routes: wine routes, food competitions, reading food routes, gourmet trails magazines and books Table 2: Overview of action and attitude logics and their components (Boltanski and Thevenot 1999; Boesen, Sundbo and Sundbo 2016). Logic Higher common principle and motives Worth attributes inspired Creativity, ingenuity, nonconformity Passionate, spontaneous Domestic Reputation, authority, hierarchy Discreet, trustworthy, honest Civic Collective interest, solidarity, equality Unitary, official Opinion Recognition, renown Reputed, visible Market Price, purchasing power Desirable, value industrial Productivity, efficiency, expertise Functional, reliable 61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 130 collaboration is in local community-building, personal empowerment, and assuming responsibility for their own (local) development (Bole, Pipan and Komac 2013). In those cases, stakeholders go beyond only eco- nomic competitiveness and collaborate to pursue common principles and motives as well (ámid Hribar and Ledinek Lozej 2013). 3 Methods This study analyzed twenty-two food experiences (Figure 1), mainly located in rural areas in eight Mediterranean c ountries. Sixteen cases were set up before the MEDFEST project (MEDFEST – MED culinary heritage experiences: How to create sustainable tourist destinations) in 2017, and six of them were newly created as aUŻšèVViVresult of the same project during 2018 and 2019. 3.1 Existing food tourism experiences In selecting the sixteen food experiences for this study, the availabil ity of data and accessibility of stake- holders for interviews were considered. The goal was to identify diverse types of food experiences (see 3.3; Capatti 2012; Richards 2012; Kumer et al. 2019) in eight Mediterranean countries (Croatia, Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Slovenia, and Spain). For each selected experience, four to eight in-depth inter- views were conducted with organize rs and other involved stakeholders (farmers, local tourism authorities, re presentatives of associations, and others). The questionnaire was structured in such aUŻšèVViVway as to collect data about the content of the culinary experience, territorial anchoring of the experience, organization of the stakeholders, and inclusion of experience in existing policies and strategies. Interviews were carried out betwee n June and August 2017, and the y were written into stories by the project partners (Kumer, ámid Hribar and Razpotnik Visković 2018). 3.2 New food tourism experiences Six food experiences in this study are new ones. They were created in 2018 and 2019 as part of the MEDFEST project. The process has been followed from the beginning, gathering information about the content of the experience and tracking th e involve ment of the stakeholders. 3.3 Typology of food tourism experiences For the content analysis of food experiences, which tried to establish distinct types of food experiences, the following typology was used: • Events related to food: • Single-activity events (usually focused on one specific theme and one place); • Combined-activity events (aUŻšèVViVbroader theme, various locations and multiple places in aUŻšèVViV wi der region, throughout the year or season). • Services related to food: • Place-based services (linked to one location; e.g., aUŻšèVViVkitchen for workshops); • Tours (linked to several locations organized in an integrated activity). 3.4 Content analysis and models Content analysis of food experiences was performed based on interviews, study visits, and detailed pro- ject reports. The following information indica ti ng the main characteristics of the food experiences was obtained: inclusion of the stakeholders and the main holder(s), their motives and roles in the network, approaches taken, and type of financial support. The term holder refers to the institution, association, entre- preneur, network, or other entity that organizes aUŻšèVViVfood tourism experience, and can be public, private or mixed when there are mor e than one holder involved. Based on collected data for previous and new foodActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 13161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 131 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences experiences, an overview table of twenty-two food experiences was created (Table 3) as well as aUŻšèVViVmatrix of stakeholders’ roles and networks (Figure 2). In addition, the models of stakeholder networks were created with aUŻšèVViVclassification of experiences based on who the holder of the ex perience is and who participates (which group of stakeholders), what the main a ctions are in creating the experience, and what their role is in the experience. 4 Results 4.1 Types of food tourism experiences and stakeholders involved The food tourism experiences analyzed (hereafter: experiences) can mainly be divided into two main and distinguishing types, which can be further subdivided into two subtype s. O f the twenty-two experi- ences, almost half (10; 45%) are food events, which were divided into events with single activities (6; 27%) and events with combined activities (4; 18%). The remaining experiences (12; 55%) were classified as food- related services; seven of them (32%) fit into place-based services, and five (23%) exist as tours. Sixteen experiences were created earlier, and six were set up during the project, which made it possible to gain insight into their creation. All the latter experiences received start-up investments. In the older experi- ences, the food events observed depend on longer financial support and are all financed by public authorities (see Table 3 and Figure 2). On the other hand, all but one of the food services (the Castelnaudary Cassoulet Route) received start-u p i nvestment, but they can continue with their financial resources. Half of the cre- ators of food services invested their own resources. Interestingly, the majority of events (8; 80%) are managed by more than one holder usually two to three public or public and private institutions are involved in aUŻšèVViVtop-down approach. Exceptions are the event Sant Ermengol Fair , where the initiative came from aUŻšèVViVcitiz en, but was later led by the municipality and there- fore classified as aUŻšèVViV»mixed approach,« and the Onion Festival , which was initiated and led by aUŻšèVViVlocal association. In cont rast, most of the services (9; 75%) are managed by aUŻšèVViVsingle, often private holder using aUŻšèVViVbottom-up approach. 132 XatheriFestivol Pie FestivalOnion FestivalFrom Farm to ForkTourist Farm ButulHomestead Belajevi Sant Ermengol FairIstrian Truffle Days Eating Algarve Food Tour Aromatic & Healing HerbsMar i Munt Culinary OffersWelcome to the CountrysideCastelnaudary Cassoulet Route Historical Commandaria MuseumCretan Miracle Diet and CuisineMushrooms and Wild HerbsKras/Carso Food Tour Brkini Fruit Road Festival Honey Routes in Rur al LarnacaCooking Classes with Local ProductsGastronomic rutes Menja't l’ Alt Urgell SPAIN TURKEYFRANCE ITALYROMANIAGERMANY BULGARIASERBIAAUSTRIAHUNGARYCZECH REP .POLAND GREECEPORTUGALSLOV AKIA ALBANIASLOVENIA CYPRUS MALTA Content by: Mateja Šmid Hribar Map by: Manca Volk Bahun Sources: Natural Earth data © 2020, ZRC SAZU Anton Melik Geographical Institute0 200 400 km Legend Food tourism events Food tourism services Figure 1: Locations of food tourism experiences in eight Mediterranean countries explored in this paper.61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 132 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 133Table 3: Food experiences by country, year of establishment, type and number of holders, type of financial support, and approach. Type, number Name Country Estab lished Type and number of holder Financial support Approach Events (10) Single activity (6) Aromatic & Healing Herbs Cyprus 2008 Mixed (3) Longer/ongoing Top-down Festivol italy 2006 Mixed (2) Longer/ongoing Top-down Sant Ermengol Fair Spain 1995 Public (1) Longer/ongoing Mixed Mushrooms and Wild Herbs* italy 1994† Mixed (2) Longer/ongoing Top-down Onion Festival italy 1981 Mixed (3) Longer/ongoing Bottom-up Pie Festival Greece 2012 Private (1) Longer/ongoing Top-down Combined activities (4) Welcome to the Countryside Spain 2016 Public (2) Longer/ongoing Top-down Brkini Fruit Road Festival Slovenia 2015 Mixed (6) Longer/ongoing Top-down Honey Routes in Rural Larnaca* Cyprus 2014 Mixed (2) Startup investments Top-down istrian Truffle Days Croatia 1994 Public (3) Longer/ongoing Top-down Services (12) Place-based (7) Cooking Classes with Local Products Croatia 2015 Public (1) Startup investments Top-down Cretan Miracle Diet and Cuisine Greece 2013 Private (1) No public support Bottom-up From Farm to Fork* Croatia 2019 Public (1) Startup investments Top-down Historical Commandaria Museum Cyprus 2010 Mixed (2) Startup investments Bottom-up Homestead Belajevi Slovenia 2013 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up Tourist Farm Butul Slovenia 1997 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up Xatheri Greece 2014 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up Tour (5) Castelnaudary Cassoulet Route France 2007 Public (2) Longer/ongoing Top-down Eating Algarve Food Tour Portugal 2016 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up Kras/Carso Food Tour* Slovenia 2019 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up Mar i Munt Culinary offers* France 2019 Public (2) Startup investments Top-down Gastronomy Routes Menja’t l’Alt Urgell* Spain 2019 Private (1) Startup investments Bottom-up * Experiences developed within the MEDFEST project † first developed in 1994, improved in 201861-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 133 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 134The main stakeholders involved in Mediterranean food experiences are public institutions, food producers, and private holders of food experiences. In-depth interviews showed that tourism and rural development agencies as part of public authorities are the driving force in the creation of food events, and that entre- preneurs, who are not necessarily farmers, play aUŻšèVViVsignificant role in the creation of food serv ices. However, many other stakeholders are involved in the creation and organization of food experiences. They have dif- ferent motives and roles: they organize, manage, finance, promote, or only participate with their services or products. The following stakeholders were identified (Figure 2): •Public bodies are usually concerned with government, tourism, or development and are active at the local, regional, or national level (e.g., the local council, municipality, tourism organization, or regional development agency); their role is particularly crucial at food events, where they provide funding and publicity and are often the first initiator of the event. •Local agricultural producers either act individually or are organized in associations and cooperatives (e.g., farmers, bean producers, chee se makers, winemakers, beekeepers, fishermen, herb farmers, duck farmers, etc.). They supply the main ingredients and food-related products, and sometimes they initi- ate and finance food events. •Private food tourism experience creators are entrepreneurs (sometimes aUŻšèVViVfamily) or associations, some- times with aUŻšèVViVprofessional background in gastronomy or cultural heritage, but this is not necessary. They are central to the food services they create but are also often involved in food events. •Supporting experts and professionals (e.g., chefs, nutrition experts, brand makers, travel guides, or text writers) are essential because they often add aUŻšèVViVspecial value to individual experiences to make them more attractive. •Local private companies, small shops, restaurants, and hotels (e.g., dairies, truffle bus inesses, can- neries, etc.) offer products and additional services; in rare cases they also finance food experiences. •Tour operators and travel agencies are particularly involved in providing services in less accessible areas. •The research sector and schools are crucial for the transfer of knowledge, learning, and development. •Various chambers (e.g., chambers of commerce, trades, crafts, and agricultu re) are also involved. •Other stakeholders involved include artists, active citizens, the press, protected areas, and museums. Three models of stakeholder networking were identified and defined (Figure 3). In Model 1, one or more public institutions that are already linked to each other and already acting as aUŻšèVViVdriving force for development choose aUŻšèVViVtopic that is significant for the area, and they achieve aUŻšèVViVcommon vision for orga- nization aUŻšèVViVfood event. In later s tages, they invite other stakeholders to participate, thereby expanding the network. In contrast, the model for services (Model 2) involves an entrepreneur creating an experience and making unique agreements with stakeholders that offer products or services. Key services could be based on the entrepreneurs’ knowledge, products, or location, or they might outsource to external stakeholders. T he analysis revealed another approach to creating food services, which is represented in Model 3. In this case, it is an existing group of private food experience creators and/or local food producers and accom- modation providers that start creating new food services based on their previous collaboration and mutual trust. Based on the search for synergi es among themselves, they create aUŻšèVViVrange of food services arranged in different tourism activities. They might invite other national and international stakeholders to collab- orate, but they tend to be less open than the private entrepreneurs in Model 2. Because the private creators of the food experience in Models 2 and 3 invest their own resources, it is of great importance whether they can obtain a dditional funds for advertising and joint marketing, often provided by public authorities. 4.2 Motivation behind different types of food experiences The motives for launching the food experience were explained by the holders during interviews; they explained how the food experience began and how aUŻšèVViVstakeholder network was built around it. The motives were thus identified at the level of the food experi ence and not for each participating stakeholder, where differences might occur. The motives of different stakeholders may vary depending on the nature of the food experience and the related network, which means that the same stakeholders play different roles and have different61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 134 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 135 Figure 2: Stakeholders involved in creating, financing, and organizing selected food tourism experiences. Figure 3: Models of stakeholder networks. pp. 136motives in different food experiences (Figure 4). The most common identified motive for initiating food experiences by public authorities or tourism organizations is to increase the visibility of the tourist destinations, to safeguard heritage, to cr eate networks with links between service providers and local pro- ducers, and to prolong tourist activities into the off-season period. Networking enables them to offer aUŻšèVViVcommon narrative and contribute to the diversif ication of tourist products and development of regional tourist ser- vices. The main motivation for an association of local producers or cooperatives to hold aUŻšèVViVfood event is to participa te i n the effective promotion and wide recognition of aUŻšèVViVspecific local product, diet, or culture. In the case of private entrepreneurs, direct economic benefit is the main motive, but not the only one. Through stories created around food experiences, many private holders educate visitors about the importance and valorization of food resources as stated by Topole et al. (2021). Promotion and wider recog niti on are also crucial aspects for them, and so it is important to include them in preexisting websites, leaflets, and joint market presentations supported by tourism organizations and public authorities.61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 135 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 136Tourism organisation Promotion + financial supportOrganizers + financiersOrganizers + financiersOrganizers + financiers Municipality Associations Development agencyLocal producersResearch institutions, schools Create packages of food servicePrepare a programe/service/products based on their own resourcesMini network of private food experience creators and/or local food producers/ accomodation providers Model 3Tourism organisation Promotion + financial supportMunicipality Associations Supporting professionals (designer, guide, photographer …) Supporting professionals (designer, guide, photographer …)Development agencyLocal producersResearch institutions, schoolsCompanies/tour operators/ restaurants/hotels Companies/tour operators/ restaurants/hotelsCreate a food service Get connected in new networksPrepare a programe/service/products based on their own resourcesPrivate food experience creator/ development agency Model 2Volunteering, providing services and productsActive citizens Additional associations ExpertsPrivate food experience holdersLocal producersPress/mediaCompanies/ tour operators/ restaurants/hotelsCreate a common vision of food eventMini network of public authorities, tourism/development organization, association of producers Model 1 Legend: Holder of the experinece Activity RoleInvite others and organize event Several internal meetings Several internal meetings fo find synergies61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 136 5 Discussion The investigation of the selected cases of food tourism experiences revealed that they were created for dif- ferent purposes, by different initiators, and for different target groups. The study identified two significantly different types with four subtypes. This typology can be closely related to the three generations of food tourism experiences presented by Richards (2015), in which the first generation can be associated with events ( e.g., Festivol), the second generation with more personalized food experiences, such as services located in existing restaurants, development centers, and similar venues (e.g., Cooking Classes with Local Products ), and the third generation with services that take place at home (e.g., Tourist Farm Butul, Belajevi Homestead, and Xatheri ) and food tours for which direct interaction between the consumer and local producers prevails (e.g., G astronomy Routes Menja’t l’Alt Urgell, Kras/Carso Food Tour ). Food tours are aUŻšèVViVmixture of more tra- d itional tourist services, increasingly co-created by consumers, and are therefore aUŻšèVViVhybrid or mixture of the first and second generation, combining elements of the third generation of food experiences. The two main type s of food experiences differ in terms of their motives, type of holders, and approaches, as presented in Chapter 4. It seems that food events are used when mostly public institutions, sometimes together with local associations, try to raise the visibility of local products (e.g., agricultural products) that are inherently linked to traditional agri-food productions and local identity. It is widely as sumed that such rec ognition and valorization of local products will lead to favorable economic consequences in the long run – first, by increasing the added value of the products themselves and the overall tourist draw result- ing from these products, and, second, by increasing sales of these products, not only during the event at the venue, but also later (e.g., during aUŻšèVViVrevisit to the location) or el sewhere (e.g., in supermarkets where this p articular product can be purchased). In the case of services, on the other hand, organizers expect short- term and immediate economic benefits from dealing with visitors. Richards (2015) already noted that creating and managing food experiences requires aUŻšèVViVcomplex network of different stakeholders. This analysis sup- ports this argument because all experiences involve aUŻšèVViVlarge number of differently organized stakeholders (different roles), simplified here into three main models of stakeholder networks (Figure 3). AccordingActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 137Networking, creating partnership among actorsRecognition, promotion,valorizationSafeguarding heritageInspired Domestic Civic Opinion Market Industrial LOGIC Knowledge transfer, educatingCommunity building Creating links between service providers & visitors Support for local producers Raising awareness about cultural offer Additional channel for selling products Selling serviceMAIN MOTIVES Figure 4: Motives for initiating the food experience.61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 137 Mateja ámid Hribar, Nika Razpotnik Visković, David Bole, Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences to the analysis, stakeholders connect with each other in different ways. This interaction depends on the type of food experience and the initial investment required (time, resources, etc.). From an organizational point of view, it is usually more demanding to organize aUŻšèVViVfood event than food service, but an event only takes place once aUŻšèVViVyear, whereas aUŻšèVViVservice should be carried out or offered as often as possible. As shown in Figure 3 (Model 1), public institutions are more involved in the design of food events. The creation process is based on smaller, already existing institutional networks in which the holders have aUŻšèVViVcommon vision about the food experience and also share simi lar expe ctations. From this top-down posi- tion, they later invite other stakeholders to participate. On the other hand, food services are mainly organized by entrepreneurs. In this case (Model 2) as well, at least initially, communication flows in one direction, from the entrepreneur to other invited stakeholders. Over time, the entrepreneurs create their networks, work within these networks on vario us interrelated topics, and even exchange guests (e.g., Tourist Farm Butul and Belajevi Homestead; for more details, see Topole and Pipan 2020). The most complex and multilateral network (Model 3) is created when the holder is aUŻšèVViVnetwork or group of highly motivated entrepreneurs, members of aUŻšèVViVlocal association, or cooperatives, who are networked among themselves, seeking synergies and able to offer un ique food exper ience(s) due to their diversity. Such aUŻšèVViVnet- work has been observed in the case of the Kras/Carso Food Tour , in which two stakeholders offer traditional food and two modern cuisines, another two stakeholders are wine producers, and one of them is very good at giving cooking classes. Such an approach can strengthen resilience among food experience holders, which is particularly important i n aUŻšèVViVtime of aUŻšèVViVcrisis (such as the Covid-19 crisis). Even if they may not receive guests for aUŻšèVViVcertain period of time, they can focus on the production of homemade products, agriculture and wine, virtual cooking classes, and so on. With this type of networking, selected stakeholders in the area no longer compete with each other but start to work together by creating fair opportunities for every- one in the network. The obstacle to such an approach, however, is that those involved are less open to external stakehol ders when they need someone to coordinate and sell the food service they offer. In some of the cases observed in Slovenia, it seems extremely difficult or even impossible to join aUŻšèVViVnetwork if you are not invited. The adaptability and resilience of the stakeholders engaged in food tourism are also reflected in their different and changing motives for participating in the networks. Taking aUŻšèVViVcloser look at the producers gathered around the Kras/Carso Food Tour, their involvement can be observed in various food events in the region, where they share responsibility and commitment with many other regional tourism stakeholders. In this role, they raise the visibility of their destination, l ocal characteristics, local products, and also their own products. However, involvement in the tour means more individual involvement and investment (in facilities, advertising, building sales channels, etc.), obliging those involved to bear direct costs of either success or failure. Further synthesizing types of collaboration in stakeholder networks, two types can be distinguished. The first one is mo re hierarchical and formal in the sense that aUŻšèVViVstakeholder is seen as aUŻšèVViV»leader« that makes connections and invites other participants based on his or her motives in creating food experiences. Usually, the top-down approach is used, and often aUŻšèVViVleading stakeholder is aUŻšèVViVpublic institution (e.g., Honey Routes in Rural Larnaca or From Farm to Fork). The second type of collaboration is more informal; ther e is no clear leader, and decision-making within aUŻšèVViVgroup is consensual. This is more common when the creators of the experience are members of associations or cooperatives such as the Kras/Carso Food Tour. Another important aspect of collaboration is when the existing networks are open to new stakeholders to join the existing initiatives. Again, some are more closed and operate within aUŻšèVViVwell-establish ed group of stakeholders wit h roles already assigned, and other experiences are open to stakeholders in the sense that they can freely join the network if they contribute to the experience (see Table 4). It remains to be explored which types 138Table 4: Some examples of the type of collaboration and openness of stakeholder networks in selected food tourism experiences. Name of the experience Type of collaboration Openness Honey Routes in Rural Larnaca Formal / hierarchical Open Gastronomy Routes Menja’t l’Alt Urgell informal / consensus Open From Farm to Fork Formal / hierarchical Closed Kras/Carso Food Tour informal / consensus Closed61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 138 are more suitable for creating successful experiences in food tourism that contribute to local sustainable development. However, it is speculated that more informal and consensus-building decision-making and openness to other stakeholders can facilitate communication between stakeholders and reduce tensions. As stated by Boesen, Sundbo, and Sundbo (2016), this may ultimately lead to aUŻšèVViVbetter-fitting logic bet ween stakeholders and better collaboration between them. The key message is that the mode of stakeholder collaboration greatly depends on the stakeholders’ motives and attitudes toward the development of local tourism. If the main motive is more general and long-term (e.g., promotion of the destination in general, or raising awareness about culinary heritage), the type of stakeholders involved and their ways of conne cting are completely different: they rely more on cen- tral, top-down, and planned communication, usually initiated by aUŻšèVViVpublic institution that »invites« local producers to participate. If the motives are more specific and short-term (e.g., an additional channel for selling agricultural products or services), the stakeholders usually act in aUŻšèVViVmore consensual, bottom-up process and can ensure more sustainable activation and enhancement of local food resources. This con- firms findings by ámid Hribar and Ledinek Lozej (2013), who claimed that collaboration between various stakeholders, especially those with knowhow, can effectively secure, activate, and enhance financial and human local resources. 6 Conclusion This paper provides valuable insights into the origins and relationsh ips between stakeholders involved in food experiences in the Mediterranean area and contributes to research on sustainable development of rural areas based on culinary heritage. Based on twenty-two food tourism experiences, three main conclusions can be drawn. First, by using top-down or bottom-up approaches, stakeholders tend to connect differently within networks. This is highly dependent on 1) typ es of experience and 2) the stakeholders’ motives and expec- tations. Stakeholders can be flexible: in one case they may be aUŻšèVViVholder of an experience that invites other stakeholders, whereas in another they only participate in the presentation of their services and products. Second, the motives for creating food tourism experiences are numerous and depend on the type of stakeholders involved. Motives range from raising awareness, safeguarding cultural heritage, communi- ty building, and knowledge transfer – all of which are significantly linked to food events organized by public institutions – to networking, finding additional sales channels, and extending tourist attractions into the off-season, which is usually presented among service providers and local producers. Third, this study identified thr ee models of stakeholder networks, observing the hierarchy of stakeholders and their role in creat ing and managing experiences. The models suggest different forms of collaboration and indicate the directions in which collaboration can develop in future food tourism experiences. In Model 3, in which aUŻšèVViVholder is aUŻšèVViVsmall existing network of entrepreneurs and/or members of the local association and cooper at ives, it was observed that collaboration seems to be less open to other stakeholders in the local area, at least in the beginning. Therefore, it needs to be further investigated under which conditions, when, and how stakeholders in the existing network would open up and be willing to involve external stakeholders in their food experiences, and how this would contribute to local territorial developm ent. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT: The authors acknowledge financial support from the European Regional Development Fu nd for funding the project MEDFEST (MED culinary heritage experiences: how to create sustainable tourist destinations) and financial support from the Slovenian Research Agency research core funding Geography of Slovenia (P6-0101). 7 References Atkin, T., Affonso, J. 2004: Wine supply chain management. Wi ne: AUŻšèVViVGlobal Business. Elmsford. Bessière, J. 2013: ‘Heritagisation’ , aUŻšèVViVchallenge for tourism promotion and regional development: an example of food heritage. Journal of Heritage Tourism 8-4. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1080/1743873X.2013.770861 Boesen, M., Sundbo, D., Sundbo, J. 2016: Local food and tourism: an entrepreneurial network approach. Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and T ourism 17-1. 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J., Xiao, H. 2008: Culinary tourism supply chains: AUŻšèVViVpreliminary examination. Journal of Travel Re search 46-3. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0047287506303981 ámid Hribar, M., Ledinek Lozej, á. 2013: The role of identifying and managing cultural values in rural devel- opment. Acta geographica Slovenica 53-2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS53402 Thornton, P . H., Ocasio, W . 2008: Institutional logics. Th e Sage Handbook of Organizational Institutionalism. Lo s Angeles. T opole, M., Pipan, P . 2020: Med tradicijami in inovacijami: Butični kulinarični turizem vUŻšèVViVzaledju sredozemskih turističnih krajev. Traditiones 49-3. DOI: 10.3986/Traditio2020490305 Topole, M., Pipan, P ., Gašperič, P ., Geršič, M., Kumer, P . 2021: Culinary Events in the Slovenian Countryside: Visitors’ Motives, Satisfaction, and Views on Sustai nability. Acta geographica Slovenica 61-1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.7617 Vuksanović, N. D., Tešanović, D., Kalenjuk, B., Portić, M. 2019. Gender, age and education differences in food consumption within aUŻšèVViVregion: Case studies of Belgrade and Novi Sad (Serbia). Acta geographica Slovenica 59-2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.5160 14061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 140 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 141–152 DEVELOPING GASTRONOMIC PRACTICES IN THE MINHO REGION OF PORTUGAL Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards Alto Minho landscape.CARLOS FERNANDES61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 141 DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.9370 UDK: 913:640.43(469.11)COBISS: 1.01 Carlos Fernandes 1, Greg Richards2 Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal ABSTRACT: We explore the role of restaurants and food events in promoting local and regional gastronomy in the Minho region in Northern Portugal. Interviews with restaurant owners and event organizers in this mainly rural region reve al that innovation is driven mainly by changing consumer tastes, but also con- strained by consumer expectations of low prices. Restaurants maintain aUŻšèVViVfamily-run structure, also due to aUŻšèVViVlack of human resources. The main thrust of innovation lies in creating aUŻšèVViVconvivial atmosphere, but there is less emphasis on locally produced food ingredients. In the long run this may undermine the region- al food c ultu re and its authenticity, despite the perceived importance of tradition. KEY WORDS: sustainability, gastronomy, protection, conservation, food cultures Razvoj gastronomskih praks v regiji Minho, Portugalska POVZETEK: VUŻšèVViVčlanku raziskujemo vlogo restavracij in kulinaričnih prireditev pri promociji lokalne in regionalne gastronomije vUŻšèVViVregiji Minho na severu Portugalske. Intervjuji zUŻšèVViVlastniki restavrac ij in organi- zatorji prireditev vUŻšèVViVtej pretežno podeželski regiji razkrivajo, da inovacije spodbuja predvsem spreminjanje okusa potrošnikov, hkrati pa jih omejujejo pričakovanja potrošnikov glede nizkih cen. Zaradi pomanjkanja človeških virov restavracije ohranjajo pretežno družinsko strukturo. Glavni namen inovacij je ustvarjan- je prijetnega vzdušja, manj izrazit pa je poudarek na lokalno pridelanih se stavinah. Dolgoročno to lahko oslabi regionalno prehransko kulturo in njeno pristnost. KLJUČNE BESEDE: trajnost, gastronomija, zaščita, ohranjanje, prehrambne kulture The paper was submitted for publication on June 3rd, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 3. junija 2020.Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal 1421Polytechnic Institute of Viana do Castelo, Viana do Castelo, Portugal cfernandes@estg.ipvc.pt (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7656-8765) 2Breda University of Applied Sciences, Breda, The Netherlands richards.g@buas.nl (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5903-6310)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 142 1 Introduction There has been much discussion in the field of gastronomy and tourism on the nature of authentic gas- tronomic experiences (Richards 2012; Sormaz et al. 2016; Fernandes 2015; 2019). Gastronomy is aUŻšèVViVcultural and social practice subject to constant change, as local and global influences combine to shift the context of local foods, their ingredients, their consumption and their popularity ( Bu ccini and Dahlstrom 2020). There is therefore much discussion about the need to conserve local gastronomy and the best means of doing this. For example, should we try and ensure that local foods remain unchanged and untouched by shifting technologies and consumer demand, or should we try and innovate gastronomy to appeal to mod- ern tastes? Such debates are particularly significant in rural regions, whe re gastronomy lies close to aUŻšèVViVrural way of life, aUŻšèVViVweb of practices related to food production and cultures of food consumption. Changing rules about the way in which food is produced (such as regulations on the use of unpasteurized milk to make cheese) (Ren 2010) and consumed (such as rules relating to food preparation and hygiene) threaten to under- mine the local basis of gastronomic culture. Th is is occurring at the same time as the gastronomic attractions of rural regions are increasingly being discovered by tourists and promoted by local and region authori- ties as aUŻšèVViVmeans of distinguishing themselves in an increasingly crowded global marketplace. This paper seeks to examine the relationship between innovation and tradition in the sustainability of the local foods provided by restaurants and food events. W e pay particular attention to the tension between d eeply rooted practices that emphasize the links between food and the local environment and commu- nity (tradition) and the pressure to adapt foods to suit the preferences of visitors (innovation). We examine these issues in the context of aUŻšèVViVsingle region, the Minho area of northern Portugal, where deep-rooted food practices interact with aUŻšèVViVrapidly developing food tourism scene. 1.1 Case study: The Minho region of Portugal Situated in the north of Portugal, the Minho region comprises 24 municipalities, bordering on Galicia (Spain), in the north, and the Atlantic Ocean, in the west (see Figure 1). With aUŻšèVViVpopulation of over 1.1 million inhab- itants, the region is often associated with the green of its natural scenery, where water is i n abundance. Minho is also typically characterized by aUŻšèVViVmountainous terrain of great beauty and biodiversity, which grad- ually becomes softer as one reaches the river valleys and the countless beaches along the coastline. In Minho, land was often regarded as an »heirloom rather than as means of production« (Cabral 1978). Farmers cultivate what they need on small farms with low productivity, and the y generally do not sell their agri cultural products. This subsistence family farming is outdated, unspecialized and uncompetitive. Furthermore, the farms in Minho are too small to generate sufficient quantities to support an efficient region- al supply chain. Minho´sUŻšèVViVfood culture is influenced by the region´sUŻšèVViVlandform, soil and climate, the colonial past of Portugal and its geographic position as aUŻšèVViVbri dge between Celtic and Mediterranean cultures, resulting in aUŻšèVViVdiverse food culture of which the regional society is fiercely proud. Home cooking is important for the individ- ual and for the community, and local people maintain aUŻšèVViVclose relationship with nature and traditional cultural heritage. The landscape is mirror of their lifestyle and traditional food is the link between place and peo- ple. This sense of Minhoness means people see themselves as inheritors of an array of food traditions, which they also want to pass on to future generations (Fernandes 2015). The Minho is often seen as aUŻšèVViVregion in transition from tradition to modernity, and resistance to change often characterizes such transitional cultures. This also applies to food cultures. Local food production and consumption patterns and customs have become meaningful over time and are not quickly changed. Resistance to dietary changes may be traced to fear of losing the »culturally oriented significance« of food (Lowenberg 1979). Nielsen (1998) considers change and resistance as contemporary tendencies in rela- tion to culinary novelties on the one hand and the preservation of local culinary traditions on the other hand, or as Richa rds (2002) poses it, the debate between gastronomic conservation and innovation. The question remains: can »old« ways of life offer »new« experiences for today´sUŻšèVViVdemanding consumers? HowActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 143Figure 1: Case study context – the Minho region and its constituent districts and municipalities. pp. 14461-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 143 Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal 144 Scale: 1:1,000,000 Map by: Sonia Santos Source: Portuguese Administrative Units 2019 © 2021, DGT Directorate General for Territory of Portugal0 20 kmLegend Administrative units Districts Municipalities61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 144 can local gastronomic practices be sustained in aUŻšèVViVrapidly globalizing world? This paper explores the rela- tionships between local foods and social practices, economic development strategies and consumer demand for gastronomic experiences, based on research carried out at restaurants and food events in the Minho region. 1.2 Literature review Traditional food products are important elements of European identity and heritage, fostering the sus- tainability of rural areas (Guerrero et al. 2009). However, there is no common understanding regarding the concept of traditional food: »local food«, »original food«, »regional food«, »typical food« are all com- monly used labels (Elss and Treu 2020). For Nummedal and Hall (2006), local food is not only about locally grown produce. It can also include food that requ ires raw material from outside the area, but which is processed locally and thereby given aUŻšèVViVlocal or regional identity. Vanhonacker et al. (2010, 472) suggest that traditional food »is aUŻšèVViVproduct frequently consumed or associated to specific celebrations and/or seasons, transmitted from one generation to another, made in aUŻšèVViVspecific way according to the gastronomic heritage, naturally processed, and distinguished and known becaus e of its sensory properties and associated to aUŻšèVViVcer- tain local area, region or country.« It is aUŻšèVViV»representation of aUŻšèVViVgroup, it belongs to aUŻšèVViVdefined space, and it is part of aUŻšèVViVculture that implies the cooperation of the individuals operating in that territory« (Bertozzi 1998, 15). Poulain (2007) sees the act of eating as one of the essential parts of aUŻšèVViVjourney, as an eve ryday act gives us first-hand contact with autochthonous culture and people. Cuisines where many different identities merge are aUŻšèVViVmirror of daily lifestyles, religious beliefs, habits, traditions and customs (Sormaz et al. 2015). Timothy and Ron (2013, 275) note that »food, cuisine and culinary traditions are among the most foundational ele- ments of culture. While there is aUŻšèVViVlong tradition of identifyi ng many places with their traditional foods, cuisine is becoming an ever more important part of the contemporary cultural heritage of regions and coun- tries«. The promotion of local food and local food traditions allows communities to develop the pride of their heritage and culture (Keeley 2007). Traditional cuisine isn´t just made from recipes; it is born out of necessity, availability, and intuiti on, and it is codified not in books but in individual recollection or in common wisdom. Traditional cuisine is folklore, inspired by the world in which its creators live, imbued with lessons about that world, and passed down by aUŻšèVViVpeople among themselves, with infinite variation and frequent adaptation (Andrews 1996). It is aUŻšèVViVcollection of social and cultural practices that are difficult to divorce from the society that sustains and is sustained by those practices, and the landscape of which it forms part. It is important to recognize that sustainable development of gastronomy is not just about preserving the past, but also about creating potential for the future. Trends in food show an increasing importance of healthy food, local and fresh food, but also of authen- ticity related to tradition and the importance of production and sustainable agriculture (Schmitt et al. 2017; Ramankutty et al. 2018; Calicioglu et al. 2019; Liberato, Mendes and Liberato 2020). Thus, innovation in cuisine is not solely cognitive work but includes feelings, perceptions, emotions, aesthetic judgments, and the social position, history, and style of the chef (Gomez and Bouty 2009). Increasingly, destinations need to monitor what is it that consumers se ek in regional gastronomy. Is it traditional food, the ‘authentic’ , ‘real’ cuisine of aUŻšèVViVregion, or is it the innovative aspects of food and gastronomy that draw the crowds? Though there are publications related to culinary innovation processes, these are still scarce and there are research gaps in relation to the drivers, barriers, sources, and diffusion of innovation in t his sector (Albors-Garrigos et al. 2013). The attractiveness of aUŻšèVViVdestination is often related to its capacity to satisfy tourists’ needs and expec- tations (Okumus and Cetin 2018). Food became aUŻšèVViVmeans to attract tourists (Smith and Costello 2009) searching for newness in food tastes and eating experiences (Gyimóthy and Mykletun 2009) but in the context of authenticity (Kauppinen-Rãisãnen et al. 2013) often explained by nostalgia, aUŻšèVViVfeeling of inse- curity in aUŻšèVViVquickly changing world and interest in heritage (Richards 2002). Local cuisines are aUŻšèVViVmajor factor affecting destination selection and travel experience (Ab Karim and Chi 2010; Silkes et al. 2013) as food is eaten for enjoyment, for emotional release, for social prestige, and for attention, adverse or otherwise (Lowenberg et al. 1979). Tasti ng local food represents aUŻšèVViVcore manifes- tation of aUŻšèVViVdestination’s intangible heritage, and through its consumption, tourists can gain aUŻšèVViVtruly authenticActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 14561-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 145 Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal cultural experience (Hjalager and Richards 2002; Okumus, Okumus and McKercher 2007) making it aUŻšèVViVkey contribution to the economy of tourist destinations (Kivela and Crotts 2006; Telfer and Wall 2000). The linkages between food and tourism can contribute positively to rural and regional development as well as building social solidarity in protecting local culture (Bessière 2013; Polat and Aktas-Polat 2020). It is important to identify and encourage agricultural development through niche and regional products, which can stimulate both tourism and agriculture, engendering beneficial effects in terms of revenue and employment (Corigliano 2002). Restaurants and food events play aUŻšèVViVvery important role in thi s. Restaurants are arenas where food culture is enacted. They are places where people can eat, talk, smell, taste, hear, socialise, d rink, chop and fry food, hang around, generating feelings of belonging (Burstedt 2002). Food events are also intimately related with the maintenance and celebration of community values [including regional food] and are aUŻšèVViVcelebration of something the local community wishe s to share and which involves the wider pub- lic as p articipants in the experience (Hall and Sharples 2008; Blešić et al. 2014). Eating like the locals, or consuming food in the cultural contexts where it first originated, can be perceived by tourists as authentic experiences exclusively available at specific destinations (Šzdemir and Seyitoğlu 2017). These gastronom- ic events are aUŻšèVViVway to learn about places’ cu ltural identity (Björk and Kauppinen-Rãisãnen 2017) and local people’s lifestyles (Šzdemir and Seyitoğlu 2017). Thus, restaurants and food events are crucial sources for promoting the local cuisine as well as establishing collaborative relationships with local producers, pro- viding unique experiences for customers, and making restaurants an important player in tourism (Dhora and Dionizi 201 4). The aim of this paper is therefore to examine the relationship between tra dition and innovation in the context of restaurants and food events in the Minho region, examining factors promoting and inhibiting innovation in aUŻšèVViVpredominantly traditional food culture. 2 Methods This research is based on aUŻšèVViVliterature review, field observations and interviews. The literature review sought to establish the rel ationship between cultural lands cape, production of local food, gastronomy and tourism. This provided aUŻšèVViVcontext for the analysis of the data from the observations and interviews. Unstructured ethnographic interviews and participant observations were made during aUŻšèVViVradio programme dedicated to examining the status of regional food providers and their role in disseminating gastronomy products. According to Si lva et al. (2009), when seeking to understand cultural practices as located within the complexity of the everyday, aUŻšèVViVmixed method case study offers aUŻšèVViVrobust means of exploration. The radio show aired every two weeks during Sunday lunch time, usually reserved for family gatherings. AUŻšèVViVresearcher first joined and socialized with the people present in casual conversation to ascertain their attitudes toward loca l food as aUŻšèVViVcomplement to the interviews that followed by the program´sUŻšèVViVofficial host. For the interviews with gastronomy stakeholders, 25 restaurants and 5 food related events were select- ed through aUŻšèVViVrandom route sampling method. Random route samples are widely used when no complete list of respondents is available, in order to ensure that all units have the same selection probability ( Bau er 2014). Several restaurants approached turned down the invitation to interview, largely because of diffi- culties with scheduling. Of the 25 responding restaurants, most were located mostly in urban areas (n=17). Generally, these are small businesses in which the husband works front-of-the-house and the wife is the cook. With the exception of three restaurants, all proprietors are originally from Mi nho. Seven of these restaurants had been run by the same family for over 30 years, with an ageing staff (mostly over 60 years), and were resis- tant to changing the daily operations of the restaurant to the convenience of customers. The other 10 urban restaurants were established less than 30 years ago, of which half in the last 15 years. There were eight rural restaurants in the sample. Except for one restaurant, all the proprietors are over 50 years old and all orig- inally from Minho. Of the events, two were in rural areas and three in urban areas. The rural based eventswere all run by volunteers and the urban events were organized by restaurants or the municipality to show- case restaurants and regional foods and cultural entertainment. Interviews with restaurant operators took place betwee n Nove mber 2018 and March 2020, and event organizer interviews between January and May 2019. All interviews were recorded in audio and video. The interview questions were developed based on the literature review and the objectives of the study and 14661-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 146 included questions on the food products their customers usually ordered and the customers´ gastronomic experiences. Results of the participant observation served to complement the data obtained from the inter- views. Descriptive data analysis was conducted to define the operational characteristics of the restaurants and events, the perceptions of owners of the customers´ consumption patterns and the custome rs’ atti- tude toward the restaurants and events during their gastronomic experiences. 3 Results This section presents the results of the analysis firstly of the restaurants (referred to by RT number codes) and then the events (coded as EV). The restaurants generally claim to serve traditional food based on traditional recipes, although some use their experiences of living abroad to innovate by mi xing foreig n flavours with the regional food, specif- ically Italian (RT5), Brazilian (RT17) and Galician (RT7 and RT19). RT19 states »because our customer base is predominantly from Galicia, we follow the wave of providing food which is familiar to them«. Some restaurants located closer to the major towns diversify their offer through internationalization. According to RT1, »we provide aUŻšèVViVbit of every thing to s atisfy all« (RT1,2,3,6,19,20,23), not just specific dish- es for different customer segments, like pizza crepes (RT2), but also with beverages like foreign beer, caipirinha (Brazilian drink-RT2) and sangria (RT19,23). Beverages play an increasingly important role in the food experience (RT1,2,7,12,16,18,21,23), generally the regional vinho verde wine, with the red served in its traditional f orm – in aUŻšèVViVwhite bowl (RT12,18,21,23), and champarrião, aUŻšèVViVderivative of vinho verde mixed with beer, sugar and 7up (RT3,25). Other restaurants incorporate internationalisation into their name (RT1,2,17), for example adding »food & friends« (RT1) as they see it as aUŻšèVViVform of customer attraction and aUŻšèVViVsense of innovation. That attitude is also seen in the restaurants use of information technology, particu larly social media such as Tripadvisor and Facebook (RT1,5,6,7,19,24). Some restaurants are more open to innovating the basic food product. As one respondent indicated, this often implies the reinterpretation of traditional dishes that might be termed »tradinnovation«. This seems to be driven largely by consumer demand: »Today I make things more elab- orate because the customers ask for it« (RT 20). » Eve ry year we change something in the restaurant. The question we ask ourselves is, what do we want to conquer with that change« (RT25). Innovation is also used to avoid the pressure tradition exerts on pricing. In the Minho, customers are used to large portions at low prices. One restaurant reiterated that it »controls the portions but customers can always ask for more at no extra cost« (RT5) and »qu antiti es cannot be small, they must be generous« (RT6) keeping to tradition of providing hearty, comfortable food. Others are quite faithful to the tradi- tional food and their operating model is based on aUŻšèVViVpractice of aUŻšèVViVset menu that includes soup, bread, choice of main course and beverage and expresso coffee at aUŻšèVViVprice ranging between €6 and €8 (RT5,10,15,16). Restaurants tend to be informal, casual with aUŻšèVViVfamily, festive atmosphere (RT3,4,5,8,9,10,13,19,25), with custome rs and staff being on aUŻšèVViVfirst name basis (total of 22 RT). »First friendship, then the food« (RT14), »the camaraderie« (RT20), »we talk, we hug and widen the circle of solidarity that at times is not so evi- dent in other places« (RT18). Customers experience wonderful stories of food and drink and customer loyalty is high (RT1,3 ,5,8,10,16,24,25). In his Cook´sUŻšèVViVTour of Portugal, Bourdain (2001) noted aUŻšèVViVnumber of specific elements of the Minho dining experience. The large groups of people who ate together. The family element. The seemingly casual cruelty that comes with living close to your food [subsistence agri- culture]. The fierce resistance to change –if change comes at the expense of traditionally valued dishes. Most res tau rants are family-based and have been operating for over 40 years, in one case since 1939 (RT22). The cook is generally aUŻšèVViVwoman, with four exceptions (RT5,6,11,17). Even today, in the tradition- ally patriarchal based society of Minho, women are more associated with the kitchen than the men. Thecooks remain at the same restaurant for many years, especially at family run restaurants. Only one resta u- rant referred to aUŻšèVViVchef instead of aUŻšèVViVcook (RT6). The term »chef« is rarely used, and only in restaurants placing e mphasis on the presentation (RT5,6), seasonal menus (RT6,24) and where »the dishes don´t look tradi- tional but have all the elements« (RT5). One innovative practice is that gradually more restaurants are providing food outside of the traditional set time for meals (RT1,2,7,16,24), more tow ards late afternoon (RT9,25) and more so on weekends, par- ticularly restaurants on the periphery of the towns. Others are more open to serving food throughout theActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 14761-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 147 Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal day (RT5,14,15,23); »lunch continues while there is still food« (RT5). This tendency for smaller meals out- side the traditional mealtimes is changing restaurant operations and models – with aUŻšèVViVgrowth in petiscos (the Portuguese version of the Spanish tapas). »Petiscos are the best thing we have in Minho« (RT 4). »Traditional petiscos like our mothers used to make« (RT23), like our ancestors (RT24). In terms of forms of innovation, Table 1 shows that design and atmosphere are most frequently employed. Table 1: Forms of innovation used by restaurants (categories adapted from ivkov et al. 2016). Type Restaurants Design and atmosphere (e. g., interior and exterior appearance, friendship, entertainment) 22 Food and beverages (e. g., portion size, new ingredients) 19 Technology application (e. g., POS terminals, online reservations, social media) 5 Responsible business (e. g., social responsibility, eco-friendly packages, waste recycle) – Human resources (e. g., customer orientation, service climate) 14 Food and Beverage innovations ranked second, and Human resources ranked third. In particular, the two top ranked items were expected as they formed part of the criteria for selecting the sample. Technology Application (4thranked) was mentioned as aUŻšèVViVsource of innovation amongst the more recently established restaurants. However, Responsib le Bus iness was not mentioned by any respondents, reflecting the tradi- tional focus of most operations. Overall, these mostly family run restaurants focus essentially on their friendly atmosphere and food, which is also what their customers seem to expect from them. First friendship, then the food. There was little difference between restaurants in rural and urban areas, although the older urban restau rants continue being most resistant to change. Food events stimulate aUŻšèVViVsustainable approach to food by highlighting the social and cultural benefits of the conservation of traditional heritage, skills and lifestyle, for »awareness of the roots of aUŻšèVViVcommunity« (EV1) and aUŻšèVViV»feast of traditions« (EV1,2) with aUŻšèVViVnostalgia for bygone traditional eras. Alongside endoge- nous food, the events embrace cultur al entertainment (EV1,2,3,4,5). In a ll five events, the principal motive for the visit was the local food promoted based on home cooking. But the social atmosphere was also men- tioned by all events as being important in providing aUŻšèVViVmix of »Food & Entertainment«. It is not just about the food, but also the authenticity, storytelling, and the valued gastronomic experience. Events hosted in urban areas are organised by the respective Municipality (EV4). But events outside the towns are voluntarily organised (EV1,2,3,5) and some serve aUŻšèVViVsocial purpose (EV1,2,5). » Food is served family style. The locals gather for a social cause and simultaneously pass on heritage to the new generations« (EV1). Alongside restaurants serving the celebrated foods, locally produced products were on display for tasting an d pu rchasing, for example smoked meats (EV4,5). Events present themselves as viable forms of keeping food cultures alive by involving local communities. Following the same parameters as in Table 1, the forms of innovation identified at the events were Food and Beverages and Design and atmosphere (tied as the top ranked), followed in close second by Responsible Business, having to do with the social ca use s for which the event is being organized. 4 Discussion Our analysis shows that providers place significant emphasis on the meal experience and less emphasis on the provenance of the ingredients. This may be linked to restaurants providing daily specials at low prices, requiring that they reduce the cost of their purchases. In restaurants that serve traditional food, customers are not usually so conce rned about t he origin of the ingredients and are less interested in eating local, fresh, or organic food. Enthusiasm for local produce and high-quality ingredients, the matching of flavours and aUŻšèVViVmore modern style of cooking and food presentation is more evident in recently opened restaurants that are more open to innovation. Such restaurants are still not in abundance in the Minho Region, but the num be r is increasing. The new restaurant operators suggest that the way forward is for cooks to look for inspiration in the region´sUŻšèVViVhumble peasant cooking. Dishes embedded in tradition, but not simply repro- 14861-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 148 duced in the same way as in the past. Gastronomy should not be limited to replicating the past, but should also look forward (Fernandes 2019). The lack of attention to food provenance has practical implications. Restaurant operators are not com- mon visitors to food markets in Minho. In fact, the municipal food markets in Minho have fallen into disuse. There is no regional network or distribution syst em of locally produced products to restaurants outside the major towns. Although aUŻšèVViVsignificant quantity of fresh and processed food products are sold by indi- vidual small ‘farmers’ and producers, they face the challenge of aUŻšèVViVrapidly expanding supermarket culture featuring Portuguese chains and international operators offering more accessible prices. These trends may in the longer term undermine the t raditi onal food culture of the region and its ability to meet contem- porary demands for ‘local’ food. The biggest difficulty Minho restaurants face is human resources, as it is increasingly difficult to recruit and maintain employees. They prefer to not work nights, weekends and are not flexible in terms of sched- ule. Minho has aUŻšèVViVsignificant number of hospitality vocational schools distributed throu ghout the region. Y et, every year these schools see their graduates look for employment in nearby Spain, where the wages are much higher. For those who do opt to remain in Minho, the turnover is very high. »In the hospitali- ty schools they are trained with the idea of Masterchef and the reality is quite different. When faced with the reality, they usually stay aUŻšèVViVlittle over aUŻšèVViVmonth. They see restaura nt professions as aUŻšèVViVhobby. The theory is very different from the practice« (RT25). The difficulty in recruiting qualified servers and cooks/chefs is seemingly persuading restaurants to adapt their operations to be less tradition-focused. Food festivals, in particular those based on local, traditional products, appear to be ritual tools used by local communities for sustaining their collective memory a nd heritage (Hall and Sharples 2008; Di Francesco 2013). In so doing, the celebrated foods become ethno-commodities (Comaroff and Comaroff 2009) and these culinary products are promoted in an attempt to attract culinary tourists (Long 2004). In the past decade, Minho has witnessed the proliferation of food-related events acting as attractors for gen- erating visitor demand. Most of these events are or gan ised in the tourism low season as aUŻšèVViVmotivation for visiting the region. But summer events also attract aUŻšèVViVbooming tourist market in search of authentic region- al foods. Thus, Minho is aUŻšèVViVyear-round gastronomy destination. Whereas in restaurants, the customers place more emphasis on the meal experience and less expectan- cy on local ingredients for the preparation of the food, food-related events in Mi nho use words such as »local« and »authentic« applied to endogenous food to attract consumers, particularly when the service is provided by local companies. Events also provide aUŻšèVViVmore flexible food provision format that is less sus- ceptible to the human resource pressures faced by restaurants. 5 Conclusion The Minhoness of the people, their attachment to their history and culture, suggests that they see them- selves as inheritors of an array of food traditions and gastronomic practices that they would like to pass on to future generations. However, in traditional restaurants the traceability of the origin of the ingredi- ents and products is not so evident. Their strategy is to compete based on cost and not necessarily on the quality and origin of the ingredients. This relates to the cultural pos iti on of traditional restaurants, which provide aUŻšèVViVspace for socialisation around food. This means that the familiarity of foods and relatively low prices are prioritised over innovative gastronomic practices. Some restaurants that have developed aUŻšèVViVmore elaborate approach to traditional recipes are more open to using regional producers, they but tend to take aUŻšèVViVbroader view of the region as extending be yond the Minho. Meanwhile, restaurants on the peripheral villages are more focused on the endogenous products and »0 km approach« and the conviviality with the customers. Contemporary consumer behaviour suggests aUŻšèVViVmore sustainable approach towards food production may be developing. There is aUŻšèVViVcloser relationship between aUŻšèVViVterritory and its products in terms of quality and uniqueness. There is more emph asis on local fresh seasonal ingredients and more transparency in the pre paration of the food (Fernandes 2019). But strong linkages between gastronomy, local food produc- tion, fisheries, agricultural activities and tourism are not being sufficiently explored for creating added value and contributing to regional development.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 14961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 149 Carlos Fernandes, Greg Richards, Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal For many restaurants in the Minho, the main challenge will be marrying the traditional focus on socia- bility and atmosphere with changing consumer demand and trends towards more sustainable gastronomy. The ability of traditional restaurants to innovate is constrained not just be local gastronomic cultur e, but also by lack of human resources and aUŻšèVViVweak food supply chain. Unless the links between restaurants and the regional food economy can be strengthened, this may constitute aUŻšèVViVlong-term threat to the local gas- tronomic culture. 6 References Ab Karim, S., Chi, C. G. 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DOI: https://do i. org/10.1002/agr.20241 15261-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 152 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 153–168 LABELLING, CERTIFICATION AND BRANDING OF CHEESES IN THE SOUTHEASTERN ALPS (ITALY, SLOVENIA): MONTASIO, BOVEC, TOLMINC AND MOHANT CHEESE Špela Ledinek Lozej Exhibition of cheeses at the evaluation and auction, Sutrio.ŠPELA LEDINEK LOZEJ61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 153 ápela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8746 UDC: 39:637.3:347.772(450.2/.4+497.452)COBISS: 1.01 Špela Ledinek Lozej 1 Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheese ABSTRACT: The paper presents various collective instruments used in the labelling, certification and brand- i ng of cheeses in the southeastern Alps of Slovenia and Italy. Based on long term ethnography it discusses four case studies of Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc, and Mohant cheeses, that were awarded protected desig- nation of origin at European Union level. The impact of geographical indications on the local dairy chains is compared to othe r instruments, ranging from top-down European and national quality schemes and inventories of traditional agricultural products and heritage, to grass-root initiatives such as Slow Food instruments and local brands. The study finds substantial difference in the use and impact of geograph- ical indications in Italy and Slovenia, as well as several ambiguous and dissonant effects in all the identif ie d instruments. KEY WORDS: cheese, geographical indications, quality schemes, collective trademarks and certificates, heritage registers, the southeastern Alps Označevanje, certificiranje in znamčenje sirov v jugovzhodnih Alpah (Italija, Slovenija): montaž, bovški sir, tolminc in mohant POVZETEK: V prispevku predstavljamo kolektivna orodja označevanja, certificiranja in znamčenja sirov na območju jugovz hod nih Alp Slovenije in Italije. Na podlagi etnografske raziskave smo obravnavali štiri primere sirov z zaščiteno označbo porekla na evropski ravni, to so montaž, bovški sir, tolminc in mohant. Učinke geografskih označb na mlečne verige primerjamo z učinki drugih instrumentov kvalificiranja, od evropskih shem kakovosti, nacionalnih registrov tradicionalnih izdelkov in dediščine do ljudskih pobud, kot so Slow Food in lokalne znamke. Ugotovili smo razliko med rabo, vplivom in učinki geografskih označb v Italiji in Sloveniji ter neskladja med učinki identificiranih orodij. KLJUČNE BESEDE: sir, geografske označbe, sheme kakovosti, kolektivne znamke in certifikati, registri dediščine, jugovzhodne Alpe The paper was submitted for publication on June 23rd, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 23. junija 2 020. 1541Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Slovenian Ethnology, Ljubljana, Slovenia spela.ledinek@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0632-1414)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 154 1 Introduction Changes in society and the economy have shifted the food system towards mass production, intensifica- tion and industrialisation, aUŻšèVViVprocess that began at the end of the 19thcentury and accelerated in the second half of the 20thcentury (Pratt 2007). »…food production, distribution and consumption have become increas- ingly entangled in global flows of goods, people, money, scientific and technological innovations, services and – last but not least – ideas and cultural trends, supported by ever faster media and communication tech- nologies« (Parasecoli 2017, 13). These developments have given rise to aUŻšèVViVseries of contestious and alternative movements focusing on five main issues: the environment, the future of small farmers, the direction of glob- al trade relations, the rise of corporate powe r throughout the food chains; and food quality (Pratt 2007). The response of European Union (EU) was the »new rural paradigm« and Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), which promoted rural development as aUŻšèVViV multi-level, multi-actor and multi-faceted process, whose main characteristic was the synergy of agriculture and other activities (Ploeg et al. 2000; Ploeg and Roep 2003). This has sparked interest i n the revival and qualification of local and traditional agricultur- al products. Several food product qualification instruments have emerged, ranging from top-down European quality schemes to bottom-up initiatives of territorial branding, oscillating between trademarks and heritage inventories, i.e. between the properties of food and food property (Mattioli 2013). Researchers studying the impact of geo graphical indications, collective marks, certification marks, pre- s idia, registers and other forms of branding have found that these tools may have positive effects on rural development as aUŻšèVViVwhole (Bowen and Master 2011) helping to contribute to the preservation of rural com- munities in maintaining control over local production and creating opportunities for non-local markets. Nevertheless, their po tential is often overestimated (Co ombe, Ives and Huizenga 2014). Among the adverse effects mentioned were homogenisation, standardisation and other eventual changes in the production process due to increased production and shifting to non-local markets (Bowen and Master 2011; Parasecoli 2017). Among the ambiguous effects is also the changing role and meaning of labelled goods which, instead of satisfy ing personal calorific needs, connecting everyday practices and symbolising rituals, become qual- ified market goods (MacDonald 2013), appropriated by individual and/or external actors for non-local or niche markets (Leitch 2003) in the context of the broader process of turning rural areas into living muse- ums for privileged urban visitors (Barham 2003). Many researchers find that geographical indic ations (GI), territoria l brands, and collective trademarks (CT) do not reflect pre-existing differences, but instead estab- lish and reify them (Coombe, Ives and Huizenga 2014; May et al. 2017). Such narratives show that we are consuming the product of aUŻšèVViVunique and traditional farming system. Still, the reality is far more complex, as Pratt (2007) found out that these specialty products were generated out of sustained commercial activ- ity, state regulatory systems and international trade agreement. Crops, products, and produce are things that labelling transforms into (lower or) high-quality niche products. It is, therefore, necessary to exam- ine the scales, power relations and interests behind initiatives that introduce new organisational forms, requirements and actors into the agro-food supply chai ns (Ledinek Lozej 2020). This paper examines initiatives in relation to cheese. Cheese is aUŻšèVViVproduct that – comparable to wine – is simultaneously rooted in the discourse of terroir (and terroir-based geographical indications) and (tra- ditional) skills, craftsmanship and artistry, and therefore has aUŻšèVViV latent potency in (re)introducing (re)localisation, reinvention, heritagisation and appropriation pro cesses by various actors in the background of designation and brand labelling. And, above all, in the selected mountain regions of Italy and Slovenia, cheese was, and still is, one of the essential agricultural products, not only in the daily diet but, above all, also as aUŻšèVViVhighly valued (artisanal or industrial) market product. In the words of Grasseni (2017, 4), »cheese is here the chosen pivot of br oader epistemolog ies that are acted on the ground, mediating personal, local and scalar levels of agency.« Several authors have described contexts and outcomes of cheese designations, sometimes even »battles of cheeses« in »the heritage arena« (Grasseni 2017), as can be seen from the ethno- graphies in disputes over product appropriation at transnational, national and local level, between industrial an d artisanal producers, and between private and community interests (Gorlach et al. 2006; Bowen and Master 2011; May 2013; Welz 2015; West 2016; May 2017; Welz 2017; Bardone and Spalvēna 2019), and especially from several in-depth ethnographies on the designation, reinvention and heritagisation of Alpine cheeses (e.g. Tschofen (2017) on the Austrian Vorlaberg Montafon sour cheese; Grasseni (2007, 2011, 2017) on the Italian Bergamasque Bitto, Formai de Mut, Branzi, Stracchino and Strachitunt cheeses;Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 15561-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 155 Špela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … Godina Golija (2012) on Mohant cheese; Ledinek Lozej (2020) on Tolminc cheese; Pascolini (2008) on alpine Friuli cheeses, and Čotar (1988) and Bovolenta and Romanzin (2014) on Montasio cheese). While comparative perspectives on cheese labelscapes in the southeastern Alps of Friuli and Slovenia have been partially addressed in the framework of the research on high mountain pastures in the Julian Alps (Ledinek Lozej 2017; Ledinek Lozej and Roškar 2018a; Ledinek Lozej and Roškar 2018b), the over- all picture in the cross-border Alpine region of Slovenia and Friuli Venezia Giulia (FVG, Italy) remains to be uncovered in this paper. The main research questions of our study is to explore the reasoning, the impact, and the differences between the effects of GI in Italy and Slovenia. Additionally, we have included assessment of several other collective qualification instruments, their use and their potential complemen- tarity or eventual exclusivity with GI. 2 Methodology and research area Having understood labelling, certification and branding as qualification instruments with differing impacts at a variety of levels, we have focused the study on presenting and comparing the four cheeses from the Friuli and Slovenian Alpine region with recognised GI at EU level – Italian Montasio cheese and Slovenian Bovec, Mohant and Tolminc cheese (see Figure 1). In assessing the supplementary qualification tools, we only considered collective actions aimed at qual- ifying cheese on the basis of territoriality and/or (traditional) skills, for example, EU, national or regional quality schemes (e.g. mountain product, organic labels), territorial brands (i.e. collective trademarks), non- governmental initiatives (e.g. Slow Food), as well as heritage or traditional product inventories. Thus, in this assessment, we have disregarded private trademarks, brands and other commercial initiatives, that (might) use comparable narratives. 156 # # ! ! ! !!! !!! ! ! PulaUdine Venice RijekaBolzano Trieste FerraraTrevisoLjubljanaInnsbruck Klagenfurt Adriatic SeaTriglavGrossglockner A LPS Legend Mohant cheese Montasio cheeseTolminc cheeseBovec cheese Content by: Špela Ledinek Lozej Map by: Matjaž Geršič Source: Natural Earth © 2021, ZRC SAZU0 30 60 15 kmFriuli Venezia Giulia VenetoTrentino-Alto Adige/Südtirol Emilia-RomagnaS l o v e n i a A u s t r i a I t a l y Julian AlpsJulian AlpsJulian Alps Figure 1: The production areas of Bovec, Tolminc, Mohant and Montasio cheese, as they are defined in the specifications (355/2011/EU; 187/2012/EU; 753/2012/EU; 1127/2013/EU; 1163/2013/EU).61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 9:41 Page 156 The data was interpreted by using the qualitative case studies method, following on from Bowen and Master (2011, 75), which is particularly appropriate and useful in developing »an understanding of the contradictions or unexpected outcomes of particular processes« as they »lend themselves to emergent the- ories and interpretations« (Feagin, Orum and Sjoberg 1991, 277). The case study method »allows u s to ‘rec onstruct’ the existing body of literature on values-based food labels and territorially embedded agri- food systems – elaborating, correcting, and refining it – through showing how it does, or does not, account for the cases at hand« (Bowen and Master 2011, 75). Thus, the described case studies serve as aUŻšèVViVlens to analyse effects afforded by GIs and any eventual conjunctions, synergies, compleme ntariti es and exclu- sivities with other food qualification instruments. The cases are drawn from the long-term ethnography of alpine pasture and alpine dairying practices in Slovenia and from the ethnography of the alpine pasture in Friuli between 2016 and 2017. Unstructured and non-formal interviews were conducted with cattle breeders (9), cheesemakers (15), shepherds (14), representatives of grazing communities (5), cooperatives (2), and regional consortia (1), managers of dairies (2), employe es of regional development agencies (3) and chamber of agriculture (2), representatives of nation- al and regional parks (2), regional museum (1), ecomuseum (2), and with aUŻšèVViVrepresentative of Slovenian Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Food (1) (the interlocutors that have multiple roles are counted only once). The data was supplemented by observations with dif ferent degrees of participation, that ranged from mere observation at trade fairs, cheese exhibitions and auctions to help at varying chores in an alpine dairy or active presentation of research result at some events, where the issues of traditional food and cheese- making were discussed. The empirical data is complemented by interpretation and a naly sis of primary sources, such as laws, regulations, decrees, product specifications, statutes, programmes and comparable technical literature, avail- able in the eAmbrosia: EU Geographical Indications Register (Internet 1), as well as on the websites and registers of other (inter)national and local actors engaged in food labelling and qualification. In case of missing references, data has been take n from field notes or interviews. 3 Results 3.1 Cheese qualification instruments in the research area Based on our research two main types of labelling practices can be identified: firstly, purely commercial labelling practices found in commerce (e.g. sales names, private and collective trademarks); and second- ly, certification or designation labelling, which may provide information on the origin of pro du ction (e.g. geographical indications) and/or technology (e.g. organic quality schemes). Behind such labelling lie either instruments based on intellectual property rights (e.g. brands, (collective) trademarks), standardisation (e.g. quality schemes, different types of registers and certificates) or specific non-governmental certification. These qualifications usually refer to territoriality, i.e. th ey designate the origin (e.g. geographical indications), distinct (traditional) skills and knowledge (e.g. trademarks, heritage registers, presidia) or pro duction tech- nology (e. g. organic farming). Some qualifications meet the requirements of various references, e.g. Slow Food presidia are location-bound, emphasising traditional skills and production technologies at the same time. Appreciation and v alorisation of the link between food and specific places have been the basis of com- mercial and legal frameworks in Europe since the mid-19th century (Pratt 2007; Parasecoli 2017). Precursors to such geographical indications were developed and consolidated in France for wine labelling i n connection with the notion of terroir. France was also the first to establish its administrative system for appell ations of origin; for wines and spirits in 1935, that was extended to cheeses in 1955 (Thévenod-Mottet and D elphine 2011). This relationship between terroir and food has gradually been adopted by other coun- tries but remains primarily aUŻšèVViVphenomenon of the European Mediterranean (Pratt 2007). In the international arena, bilateral agreements were initially established, and have been included within the General Agree ment on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) since 1947. In 1951, the International Convention for the Use of Appellations of Origin and Denominations of Cheeses (so-called Stresa Convention) was drawn up, apply- ing specifically to cheeses and to concerns about the use of the designation of origin and the names of cheeses, and was ratified by eight European countries in 1953, with Italy among them ( O’Connor 2004). ItalianActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 15761-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 157 ápela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … legislation (Tutela … 1954) has distinguished Denominations of Origin and Denominations of Typicity since 1954. The characteristics of the former primarily derive from the production environment, while those of the latter result mostly from production methods and techniques (Grass eni 2 017). In 1992 aUŻšèVViVreg- ulatory framework was adopted by the European Economic Community to certify and authenticate products with aUŻšèVViVguaranteed or protected place of origin, and this subsumed and included national legislation (Barham 2003). Two categories have existed since then: that of Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and that of Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) (2081/92/EEC). The PDO indicates that all stages of production and processing take place in the designated geographical area. In contrast, the PGI demonstrates that at least one step of the production and processing takes place in the area specified in the designation. AUŻšèVViVless strict category, the Traditional Specialty Guaranteed (TSG), which does not refer to aUŻšèVViVproduct’s specific area of origin but to its traditional compos iti on and production methods, was added in 2006 (Grasseni 2017; Parasecoli 2017). In Slovenia, GIs were protected following the Industrial Property Act; EU regula- tions were only adopted by the Agriculture Act in 2000 (see also Table 1). Of the 192 PDO cheeses listed in EU geographical indications register, 53 are from Italy and four from Slovenia. Despite the sizeable Italian number, there is only o ne che ese from FVG, namely Montasio cheese, while there are three PDO-recognized and produced cheeses from Slovenia – Bovec, Mohant and Tolminc cheese (Internet 1). There are several other EU, national, regional and NGO collective instruments applied to cheese qual- ification, based either on certification or registration, that overlap, make additional differentiations or complement GIs. They indicate a nd promote organic production, short food supply chains, direct sales, mountain- or protected-areas, or local products and are presented in Table 1. 3.2 Case studies: Montasio cheese (Italy) and Bovec, Mohant and Tolminc cheese (Slovenia) Montasio cheese, the only one PDO awarded cheese in FVG, owes its name to Mount Montasio, that lies in the Italian part of the Western Julian Alps. The Moggio Udinese Be nedictine Abbey owned the moun- tain pastures below Mount Montasio, and it is said that the monks taught alpine herders the techniques and skills for processing aUŻšèVViVfirm hard cheese suitable for maturing. The first documented mentions of »Montasio cheese« date back to 1773 and 1775 and were found on the price lists of San Daniele and of Udine township in Friuli. At the end of the following century, t he dairy technique became remarkably wide- sprea d with cooperative dairies in the valleys across Carnia and on the Friuli plains (Čotar 1988; Pasut, Romanzin and Bovolenta 2016). Montasio cheese had been awarded Denomination of Typicity following the Italian legislation already in 1955 (Riconoscimento … 1955). The Consortium for the Protection of Montasio Cheese was founded in 1984 with the aim of »pro tecti ng the production and trade of Montasio cheese, the use of its designation and the preservation of its typicality and particular characteristics« (Internet 2). Montasio achieved aUŻšèVViVstricter Denomination of Origin in 1986, while also benefitting from permission by decree to produce in other areas (Riconoscimento … 1986). It was awarded PDO at European level in 1996, with the first round of registrati on of previously protected designations (1107/96/EC). Subsequently, several changes were made to the description, production methods and labelling (2010/C 212/07; 355/2011/EU; 1127/2013/EU; 2016/C 70/04; 2017/C 286/08). The consortium has aUŻšèVViVtwofold operation; in addition to monitoring production and trade, it is also the promoter. It lobbied for the cheese to be included in the Legends from Europe pro gr am (2011–2014), which informed consumers and professionals in the USA about the EU PDO system (Internet 3). With aUŻšèVViVproduction of 6104 tons in 2019, it ranks seventh in Italy among cow’s milk cheeses (Internet 4). Its pro- duction is widespread in across almost all FVG and part of the Veneto region (Internet 5, see also Figure 1), and there are 28 Montasio producers in FVG (and another 15 in Veneto Re gi on), as well as 17 ripening and maturing plants (Internet 6). Despite high production figures and general recognition, it is – as we were told by some cheesemak- ers – no longer appreciated as an alpine and artisanal cheese; hence there was aUŻšèVViVneed for differentiation, which has been bridged by several additional qualifications based on territory of production or produc- tion technology. These included attributes such as organic production, long-term maturing (over 100 days), us ing only milk of the Italian Simmental breed, and labelling as aUŻšèVViV‘mountain product’ (Bovolenta and 15861-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 158 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 159Table 1: Overview of the main cheese qualifications instruments and regulations. international/European Agreements italy (FVG) Slovenia Geographical indications international Convention for the Use of Ratified by italy in 1953. Appellations of Origin and Denominations of Cheeses (Stresa Convention 1951, cited in O’Connor 2004) National Law (Tutela … 1954): industrial Property Act (1992) • Denominations of Origin • Denominations of Typicity EU Quality Scheme Council Regulation (EEC) No 2081/92 of 14 July 1992 on the protection Agriculture Act (2000) (pre-accession of geographical indications and designations of origin for agricultural adoption of EU regulations) products and foodstuffs (2081/92/EEC):• Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) • Protected Geographical indication (PGi) EU, national and regional National Law (Disposizioni … 2002): quality scheme expanded- • Produced in the mountains (a label labelling of mountain and for differentiation of EU PDO and organic production PGi products) Regional Law FVG (Norme … 2002): • the regional quality scheme AQUA (Agriculture, Quality and Environment, it. Agricoltura, Qualità e Ambiente) European charter for mountain quality food products (2005, updated in 2016) by Euromontana Council regulation (EC) No 509/2006 of 20 March 2006 on agricultural products and foodstuffs as traditional specialities guaranteed (509/2006/EC): • Traditional specialities guaranteed (TSG) Council Regulation (EC) No 834/2007 of 28 June 2007 on organic production and labelling of organic products and repealing Regulation (EEC) No 2092/91 (834/2007/EC) Regulation (EU) No 1151/2012 of the Decree of 20 July 2018, adopted Rules on quality schemes for European Parliament and of the Council with the reduction of distance agricultural products and foodstuffs of 21 November 2012 on quality schemes (Linee … 2018) (Rules … 2015b) (adopted without for agricultural products and foodstuffs derogation) (1151/2012/EU): • Mountain productRegulation (EU) No 1305/2013 of the Act amending the Agriculture act (2014): European Parliament and of the Council • Selected Quality – Slovenia of 17 December 2013 on support for rural development by the EuropeanAgricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD) and repealing Council Regulation (EC) No 1698/2005 (1305/2013/EU) Territorial brands: Quality Certificate of the Julian Prealps The Triglav National Park Quality – Local certificates Natural Park (internet 15) Certificate (internet 14) – Collective trademarksCurrently developing a common certificate – UNESCO Man and Biosphere Reserve Julian Alps From Bohinj (Sl. Bohinjsko) Governmental registers of Register of Traditional Products Register of the intangible Cultural traditional, local and/or (it. Prodotto agroalimentare Heritage of Slovenia (internet 19) heritage products tradizionale, PAT) (internet 9) Small Local Production intangible Search: inventory of the intangible Heritage of the Alpine Regions (internet 11) NGO instruments Slow Food (internet 20):• Arc of Taste • Presidia61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 159 ápela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … Romanzin 2014; Pasut, Romanzin and Bovolenta 2016). Probably, the most appreciated is matured cheese from the milk of the Italian Simmental cows and produced in the alpine pastures under Mount Montasio. That cheese has also been included on the Slow Food Ark of Taste (Internet 7 ) and is also labelled as aUŻšèVViVtyp- ical product of the Julian Prealps Nature Park but, interestingly, it is not part of the Moggio Udinese municipal d esignation. On the other hand, Montasio cheese from the Montasio alp is recognised by the Small-scale Local Production instrument implemented by Veneto and FVG regions and the Italian Health Authority and Research Organization for Animal Health and Food Sa fety, whose aim is helping small local producers redu ce excessive administrative bureaucracy (Internet 8). Three dairies producing Montasio cheese are included in the regional quality scheme of FVG AQUA (‘ Agriculture, Quality and Environment’) (Bianco, Pozzi and Tudorov 2015). In contrast, Montasio cheese is not listed in the Register of Traditional Products, even though there are 14 types of cheese f rom FVG (Internet 9). Neither Montasio cheese, nor any other Friuli food(-related) elements, are listed among the »intangible demo-ethno-anthropological assets« in nation- al or regional heritage inventory (Internet 10), and also not in Intangible Search, an Inventory of the Intangible Heritage of the Alpine Regions (Internet 11). See Table 2 for different instruments on Montasio cheese. Three cheeses have been awarded PDO in Slovenia: Bovec, Mohant and Tolminc cheese. Bovec cheese is aUŻšèVViVhard alpine cheese made from sheep’s milk (and may contain aUŻšèVViVlimited amount of goat's or cow’s milk); Tolminc is also aUŻšèVViVhard cheese made from raw or thermalised cow’s milk; Mohant is aUŻšèVViVpiquant soft unmould- ed chees e made from raw cow’s milk. Bovec and Tolminc cheese were previously documented on the Udine price li st of 1756 (Fischione 1998) and are produced in the Upper Soča Valley. Mohant cheese is made in the Bohinj area. It was also popular in other Alpine regions before the introduction of common cheese- making. Until the middle of the 20th century, all the previously mentioned cheeses were produced in alpine pasture dairies and, to aUŻšèVViVlimited extent, also in the lowland cooperative dairies. Their producti on declined in the second half of the 20th century. The exception is Tolminc cheese, which has enjoyed industrial-scale output at the cooperative Kobarid Dairy since 1957 (Ledinek Lozej 2020). Their production was revived and »reinvented« (Grasseni 2017) in the new glocal heritage arena, with the help of GIs and other quali- fication instruments at the end of the 20th century. The first attempts to des ignate these locally produced cheeses with aUŻšèVViVGI did not begin until the sec- ond half of the 1990s, as new-born Slovenia moved closer to the EU, and accession negotiations also included intellectual property rights and GIs. T olminc cheese was registered by the T olminc Cheesemaking Association as aUŻšèVViVdesignation of origin at the Slovenian Intellectual Property Office of the then Ministry of Economic Affa irs in 1999 under the existing Industrial Property Act (1992). Due to harmonisation of national leg- islation with that of the EU, the PDO was to be reapplied at the Ministry of Agriculture following new EU regulations and procedures (Agriculture Act 2000, Rules … 2003a). It was granted aUŻšèVViVPDO at national level in 2003 as one of the first food items in Slovenia (Rules … 2003b) but was only registered at European level i n 2012 (187/2012/EU). The delay was aUŻšèVViVresult of the Tolmin Agricultural Cooperative (the owner of the Kobarid Planika Dairy) having applied for the registration of the collective trademark (CT) ‘Cheese from alpine milk – Tolminc’ at the Intellectual Property Office some years earlier (Internet 12). Since then there have been two recognised Tolminc cheeses: Tolminc PDO, produced followi ng st ricter PDO specifications by certified producers, and Tolminc CT cheese, produced following more relaxed regulations by only one producer – its own subsidiary cooperative, the Planika Dairy in Kobarid (Ledinek Lozej 2020). Following the T olminc example, Bovec and Mohant cheeses received PDO recognition at national level in 2004 (Rules… 2004a; Rules … 2004b) and at European level in 2012 and 2013 (7 53/2012/EU; 1163/2013/EU). In comparison with the 43 producers of Montasio cheese, there are only three producers of Tolminc PDO cheese, three producers of Mohant and five producers of Bovec PDO cheese (Internet 13). The ratio between the produced Montasio cheese and the Slovenian PDO cheese is even lower, as the quantity of all Slovenian PDO cheese (i.e. about 130 tons of Tolminc cheese, 13 tons of B ovec cheese and 1.5 tons of Mohant cheese per ye ar (Ogorevc 2007)) is only 2.5% of the annual production of Montasio cheese. But these num- bers do not reflect the actual situation, because, as we have seen, in addition to the Tolminc PDO, there is at least 1000 tons of Tolminc CT cheese produced by the Kobarid Planika Dairy. Two producers of Mohant cheese and two of Tolminc cheese, members of the Ass oc iation of Rural Cheesemakers (Internet 14), are also part of the ‘Selected Quality – Slovenia’ national quality scheme, which was introduced in 2014 for agricultural products with specific characteristics in regards to production, raw materials, processing and local production and processing (Act … 2014; Odredba … 2015; Rules … 2015a; Rules … 2015b; Specifikacija … 2019) and is supported by an intensive m edia campaign (Internet 15). 16061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 160 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 161Table 2: Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheeses in relation to different food qualification instruments. Montasio Bovec Tolminc Mohant GEOGRAPHiCAL iNDiCATiONS Organisation in charge / original name Consortium for the Protection of Montasio Bovec Association of Small Cattle Tolminc Cheesemaking Association / Slo. Bohinj Cheesemaking Association / Slo. (year of establishment, number of Cheese / it. Conzorzio per la tutela del Breeders / Slo. Društvo rejcev drobnice Sirarsko društvo Tolminc (1999, 3) Sirarsko društvo Bohinj (2000, 3) producers in 2020) formaggio Montasio (1984, 4 3) Bovš ke(1998, 5) Nationalyear of recognition 1955 (1986) 2004 1999 (2003) 2004 EU Quality Schemeyear of recognition 1996 (2011, 2013) 2012 2012 2013 EXPANDED QUALiTY SCHEME EU • Organic, since 2007 (number of producers) • Organic (4) • Organic (5) • Organic (1) • Organic (1) • Mountain product, since 2005, updated • Mountain product (0) • Mountain product (0) • Mountain product (0) • Mountain product (0) in 2016 (number of producers) National Name of directory or label / original name Directory of Mountain Products / L ’Albo Selected Quality – Slovenia / Slo. Izbrana Selected Quality – Slovenia / Slo. Izbrana (year of establishment, number of dei prodotti di montagna (since 2003): kakovost Slovenije (since 2014, 2 members kakovost Slovenije (since 2014, 2 members producers) ‘produced in the mountains’ / it. prodotto of the Association of Rural Cheesemakers / of the Associat ion of Rural Cheesemakers / nella montagna (8) Slo. Združenje kmečkih sirarjev) Slo. Združenje kmečkih sirarjev) Regional Name/ original name (number of producers) AQUA certificate – Agriculture, Quality and Environment / it. Agricoltura, Qualità e Ambiente (3) internal diversification of products Name/ original name (number of producers) • Long term maturing (over 100 days) (1) • Using only milk of the italian Simmental bread / it. Solo di Pezzata Rossa Italiana (1) • Montasio alp / it. Malga Montasio (1) TERRiTORiAL BRANDS Local certificates Name / original name Quality Certificate of the Julian Prealps The Triglav National Park Quality The Triglav National Park Quality (year of establishment, number of Natural Park / it. Parco Naturale Prealpi Giulie Certificate / Slo. Znak kakovosti Triglavskega Certificate / Slo. Znak kakovosti Triglavskega producers) Marchio di qualità (since 2000, 1) narodnega parka (since 2011, 2) narodnega parka (since 2011 , 1) Collective trademarks Organisation in charge / original name Tolmin Agricultural Cooperative / Slo. Municipality of Bohinj / Slo. Občina Bohinj (year of establishment): trademark name / Kmetijska zadruga Tolmin (since 2002): (since 2015): From Bohinj / Slo. Bohinjsko (3) name in original (number of producers) Cheese from alpine milk – Tolminc / Slo. Sir iz planinskega mleka tolminc) (1) GOVERNMENT REGiSTERS OF TRADiTiONAL, LOCAL AND/OR HERiTAGE PRODUCTS Name of instrument / original name Small-scale Local Production / it. Piccole intangible Search (since 2019, 4) Register of the intangible Cultural Heritage (year of establishment, number of Prodizioni Locali (1) of Slovenia / Slo. Register nesnovne kulturne producers/bearers) dediščine (since 2013, 1) intangible Search (since 2018, 3) NGO iNSTRUMENTS Slow Food Ark of Taste (Montasio cheese Slow Food Ark of Taste Slow Food Ark of Taste Slow Food Ark of Taste from Montasio alp)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 161 ápela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … All five producers of Bovec cheese, one producer of Mohant cheese, and one producer of Tolminc cheese are certified organic producers; and two producers of Bovec cheese and one producer of Tolminc cheese have received the Triglav National Park Quality Certificate (Internet 16; I nte rnet 17). Three producers of Mohant cheese are also among certified suppliers of the recognised ‘From Bohinj’ brand (Internet 18). ‘The Making Bohinj Mohant’ is also one of the elements included in the Slovenian Register of Intangible Cultural Heritage (Internet 19). It is, together with ‘Making of Tolminc cheese’ , listed on the Intangible Search inven- tory, coordinated by the Lombardy Region as a UŻšèVViVrecord of Alpine fo odways (Internet 11). All Slovenian PDO cheeses are also listed on the Slow Food Ark of Taste (Internet 20). See Table 2 for different instruments on Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant Cheese. 4 Discussion Our examination of the collective labelling practices for four mountain cheeses in Slovenia and FVG has revealed aUŻšèVViVproliferation of qualification tools based on territoriality and/or (tradi ti onal) production prac- tices. However, there are also several differences among the cultural biographies of Friuli and Slovenian PDO awarded cheeses. Montasio cheese had outgrown its original slopes under the mountain chain of Montasio in the Julian Alps. It occurred due to being reliably solid (a characteristic legendarily ascribed to Moggio monks), expansion of cooperative dairies in the 19th century, and intensive state and regional support since 1930s, when the alps below Montasio were bought by the Consortium (later the Association) of Owners of Breeding Bulls from Udine, aUŻšèVViVkey player in rebuilding livestock farming in Friuli after the WW I (Pasut, Romanzin and Bovolenta 2006; Ledinek Lozej and Roškar 2018a). It has been awarded denom- ination of typicity at national level since 1955. In th e sec ond half of the 20thcentury, it became the leading regional dairy brand, and not only aUŻšèVViVflagship cheese of the FVG and Veneto region but also – as the Legends from Europe program has shown – for the whole of Italy and even Europe. The expansion of the Montasio PDO production area was complemented by internal diversification: two versions of the »mountain prod- uct label« (the additional PDO designa ti on under national law and the optional quality label under EU quality schemes), Montasio PDO from the milk of the Italian Simmental breed, organic production, and long-term maturing (see Table 2). Additionally, there are some private labels of the respective cheese dairies, of which the Montasio alp label is probably the most valuable, since it is the only one on both the Slow Food Ark of Taste and in the Small Local Production program. At the same time, Montasio cheese was reduced from aUŻšèVViVmuch appreciated alpine cheese to aUŻšèVViVcasual dairy product, as an alpine dairy cheesemak- er in the Julian Prealps described: »We produce alpine cheese. Montasio cheese you can get anywhere and anytime, whereas alpine cheese is produced only for three months on an alp; therefore, it has aUŻšèVViVhigher value.« Comparabl e with other »battles of the cheeses« – the most notorious is undoubtedly the case of Bitto cheese i n the Italian Alps (Grasseni 2017; Rinallo and Pitardi 2019) – this originally alpine cheese was appropri- ated by actors at regional and national level (Ministry of Agriculture, Consortium for the Protection of Montasio Cheese, ERSA, larger lowlands cooperative dairies) that also dictated, governed and popu larised further expansion and, unlike the Bitto case, internal diversification. But the majority of smaller and sea- sonal alpine dairies – except for aforementioned Montasio alpine dairy – did not have such possibilities,or did not want to follow the industrialised pace of the Consortium, and continued to produce predom- inately alpine cheeses, named formaggio di malga , Çuç di Mont or Çuç(that were recently listed in the Register of Traditional Products and also recognised by Slow Food). Compared to Montasio production, Slovenian PDO cheeses are not just marketed, but they also lit- erally are niche products – their production is limited to aUŻšèVViVnarrow territory, the number of certified producers and the quantity of PDO products remains low. They were given PDO at national level in pre-accession adopt ion of EU regulations at the turn of the millennia, before finally being awarded at EU level in 2012 or 2013. GIs were used – comparably as in other new member states (Welz 2015; Bardone and Spalvēna 2019) – more as aUŻšèVViVtool for national emancipation by creating »European products« that are produced local- ly but in compliance with EU legislation, and are aUŻšèVViVproof of Europeanization and some kind of natio nal prope rty. In the eyes of local actors (predominantly cheese-making associations) GI was also seen as an instrument recognising local production and empowerment of the diverse modalities of the cheese pro- duction. This is evidenced by recognition of the Mohant production, but mostly of the diversification in Tolminc cheese’s two modes of the production. While differentiation of Montasio cheese was internal, result- 16261-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 162 ing in several subtypes of the Montasio PDO cheese, differentiation of Tolminc cheese was external, as there are two varieties of the Tolminc cheese production – the more artisan Tolminc PDO cheese, pro- duced following stricter specifications, and the industrially produced T olminc CT cheese. Such differentiation was not the case with the Bovec and Mohant cheeses, which were not industrially produced a nd were (far) less known outside the place of production before being awarded PDO. Despite the previously mentioned e mpowerment of local products, there are only aUŻšèVViVfew of certified producers of Slovenian PDO awarded cheeses. However, there are many non-certified and non-registered producers of organoleptically and char- acteristically similar Bovec-, Tolmin-, and Mohant-like cheeses. Even though they cannot officia lly be sold under the designated name, they are nevertheless produced and consumed, as we were told by an alpine dairy cheesemaker in the Julian Alps: »We do not need to certify our cheese; it is the same as the Tolminc, we just don’t have the right to sell it under that name. In any case, we eat it all or sell it at the same price.« And interestingly enough, it was neither PDO-certified nor CT Tolminc cheese, but the non-certified and non -registered variety of aUŻšèVViVTolminc-like cheese that was subversive enough to be presented at the bien- nial Slow Food »Cheese!« event in Bra (Piedmont, Italy) (Topole and Pipan 2020). There is aUŻšèVViVsubstantial difference in the impact of the long-term institutionalised endeavours for the protection of Montasio cheese in Italy and of being awarded an »Euro pean products« of Tolminc, Bove c, and Mohant cheese in Slovenia. Whereas the difference of the impact of GIs in Italy and Slovenia is sub- stantial, the differences in application and impact of other EU quality schemes and qualification instruments are not so evident. The ‘organic’ label is used by certified producers and recognised by specific consumers either in Slovenia or in Friuli; the EU quality s cheme »mountain product«, however, is unused by Slovenian and Friuli producers. The additional Slovenian ‘Selected Quality - Slovenia’ national quality scheme has been supported by an intensive media campaign, but it pertains only to the Planika Dairy and to smallscale producers as members of larger networks (either as milk suppliers, members of cooperatives, or of the Association of Rural Cheesemaker s). T he Italian national quality scheme does not impact the dairy supply chain, while the AQUA regional quality scheme is – following aUŻšèVViVmedia-supported launch in 2017 – struggling for visibility and survival among producers and consumers. Producers’ and consumers’ recog- nition of the certifications proposed by the two protected parks is still being sought with the additional development of aUŻšèVViVcommon umb rella infrastruc ture in the pipeline. This umbrella infrastructure might also be beneficial in unifying the proliferated territorial brands in Slovenia. In Italy, cheeses, as well as other food and food-related traditional skills and knowledge are listed in the Register of Traditional Products, supervised by Ministry of Agriculture, Food, and Forestry, while in Slovenia these are listed in the Regist er of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, managed by Ministry of Culture. Producers that adhere to the qualification instruments in question expect at least greater recognition of their products as well as other benefits, for example, reducing excessive administrative burdens for ensur- ing food safety, assistance with launching the products on the market, packaging, and promotion, and ultimately also hi gher prices. The described qu alification instruments only partially guarantee it, and only to aUŻšèVViVlimited extent. Sometimes labelling has also counter-effects, through additional costs and time-con- suming administration, hence not all producers can meet the requirements and see it as aUŻšèVViVbeneficial oppor- tunity. The empirical research showed that the impacts of labelling, certification and branding on t he future of small farmers in the mountain region of the southeastern Alps in Slovenia and Friuli are ambiguous. Despite the general GIs’ rhetoric, that fosters local production and short food chains, they remain part of the global flows of goods and ideas, anchored in the mass production and/or EU administration. The qual- ifications of cheeses have not had such an impact on aUŻšèVViVsmall scale farming, da iryi ng, and preservation of local communities as it was envisaged by the new rural paradigm. Hence, it is not aUŻšèVViVsurprise that in the recently published Farm to Fork Strategy (2020), EU announced to check the legislative framework on GI and labelling and launched the conference and consultation process on strengthening the GIs (Internet 21). The consultation process analysis shall help producers stay com petitive in niche markets, provide consumers with better information, and boost regional economies. However, it shall be complemented by empirical research, for example on stakeholders’ networks (see e.g. ámid Hribar, Razpotnik Visković and Bole 2021). And, as Slovenia is the European Region of Gastronomy in 2021 (Internet 22) on the eventual overlap- ping with new emerging labelling (e. g. Slovenia G reen) and w ith (food) heritagisation (Ledinek Lozej and árimpf Vendramin 2020).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 16361-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 163 ápela Ledinek Lozej, Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia): Montasio … 5 Conclusion Our comparison of the collective qualification practices in the southeastern Alps of Friuli (Italy) and Slovenia has shown differences in proliferation, range and size of production of PDO cheese and certified producers, as well as in the eventual selection of supplem enti ng collective food qualification tools based on territo- riality and/or (traditional) production practices. The evidenced differences between Italy and Slovenia and among various complementary qualifica- tion tools support the introductory assumption of Coombe, Ives and Huizinga (2014) and of May et al. (2017) that GIs (and other collective certificates and trademarks) do not reflect differences, b ut they estab- l ish and reify them. The described labelling, certification and branding instruments are simultaneously instruments of qualification, differentiation and appropriation. In addition to the predominantly, but not restricted to, economic valuation of products, i.e. the creation of value defined and regulated by different actors to differentiate consumption, the intermediaries – usually deci sion -makers at multiple levels, but also associations such as Slow Food – emphasise the interaction between genre and territory or tradition. By doing that they essentialise the natural and cultural links between the product and the place of origin or production, thus strengthening the locality or even producing it, and establishing »value regimes« (Mattioli 2013). 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London. 16861-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 168 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 169–184 LUXURY FOOD TOUR: PERSPECTIVES AND DILEMMAS ON THE »LUXURIFICATION« OF LOCAL CULTURE IN TOURISM PRODUCT Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec Luxury cuisine served by the local inhabitants on the Karst/Carso Food Tour.MARIJAN MOČIVNIK, PLANTA ASSOCIATION61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 169 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.8960 UDC: 338.48:641/642(497.4Kras) COBISS: 1.01 Saša Poljak Istenič1, Jasna Fakin Bajec2 Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture in tourism product ABSTRACT: This paper focuses on the Kras/Carso Food Tour to present the challenges of developing aUŻšèVViVlux- ury tourism product. The tour’s desig n followed the current strategy of the Slovenian Tourist Board, which defines specific criteria for aUŻšèVViVluxury experience. Contextualized by the experiential trends in tourism, the paper juxtaposes the bottom-up and top-down perspectives on luxury experiences. The authors argue that mediation by experts familiar with academic discourses and local culture is beneficial for the development of aUŻšèVViVsuccessful tourism product. The study contributes to the debates on luxury tourism, which have neglect- ed bottom-up perceptions in tourist discourse and overlooked the dilemmas people face when »luxurifying« the ir traditions and heritage practices. KEY WORDS: experiential tourism, luxury tourism products, gastronomy, local c ulture, heritage, Kras/Carso Food Tour, Karst region Luksuzno gastronomsko doživetje: vidiki in dileme predelave lokalne kulture v luksuzni turistični izdelek POVZETEK: Članek se osredinja na gastronomsko doživetje Kras/Carso Food Tour, da predstavi izzive razvoja luksuznega turističnega izdelka. Zasnova doživetja je sledila trenutni strategiji Slovenske turistične organizacije, ki je opredelila posebna merila za luksuzno izkušnjo. Članek, ki je umeščen vUŻšèVViVizkustvene trende vUŻšèVViVturizmu, sopostav lja poglede na luksuzne izkušnje od spodaj navzgor in od zgoraj navzdol. Avtorici argu- mentirata, da je posredovanje strokovnjakov, ki poznajo akademske diskurze in lokalno kulturo, ključnega pomena za razvoj uspešnega turističnega izdelka. átudija prispeva kUŻšèVViVrazpravam oUŻšèVViVluksuznem turizmu, ki so doslej zanemarja le vi dike turističnega diskurza od spodaj navzgor in spregledale dileme, sUŻšèVViVkaterimi se ljudje soočajo pri preobrazbi svojih tradicij in dediščinskih praks vUŻšèVViVluksuzne izdelke za turizem. KLJUČNE BESEDE: izkustveni turizem, luksuzni turistični izdelki, gastronomija, lokalna kultura, dediščina, Kras/Carso Food Tour, Kras The paper was submitted for publication on August 19th, 2020. Uredništvo je prejelo p rispevek 19. avgusta 2020. 170Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Slovenian Ethnology, Ljubljana, Slovenia sasa.poljak@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5277-7100) Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute of Culture and Memory Studies, Nova Gorica, Slovenia jasna.fakin@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1680-6220)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 170 1 Introduction »Luxury is no longer the embrace of kings and queens but the mass marketing phenomenon of everyday life. Simply put, luxury has become luxurification of the commonplace,« wrote futurologist Ian Y eoman (2008, 238) more than aUŻšèVViVdecade ago when describing future scenarios and trends in tourism. This tourism orientation later intensified, leading some researchers to describe it as »the luxury turn« (Bellini and Resnick 2018). Countries, including Slovenia, quickly embraced the trend; the current Strategy for the Sustainable Grow th of Slovenian Tourism 2017–2021 (MGRT 2017, 13) envisions the country as aUŻšèVViV«global green bou- tique destination for demanding guests who are seeking aUŻšèVViVdiverse and active experience, peace of mind and personal benefits«. The phrase coined to denote products for »d emand ing guests« has become »five- star experiences«, which have been marketed under the quality label Slovenia Unique Experiences; similar »premium experience« labels were also adopted by other countries, regions or companies. Such brands characterize what is considered luxury in aUŻšèVViVtourism sense: local, authentic, unique, experiential, boutique, and sustainably green offerings of premium quality that a ddress people able to afford it and provide them with aUŻšèVViVspecial, rare »experience«. In the late 1990s, after several researchers had already indicated this new, experiential orientation of the industry (Toffler 1970) and marketing (Holbrook and Hirschman 1982) as well as underlined the men- tal shift towards experiencing aUŻšèVViVquality life (Schulze 1992), Pine and Gilmore (1998; 1999) coined the term expe rience economy for the fourth stage of economic development (after the agrarian, industrial, and ser- vice economies). They argued that memorable events, or experiences, are aUŻšèVViVnew recipe for business success. The concept was later adapted to numerous other fields, including tourism, where the experience was already rec ognized as its crucial aspect, especially regarding the notion of authenticity (Coh en 1 979; Pearce and Moscardo 1986; Cohen 1988; Wang 1999; Bajuk Senčar 2005; Lew 2011; Manley et al. 2020). As aUŻšèVViVresult, tourists began to be understood as active economic actors involved in the consumption of experiences while the crucial role of the tourism sector became to assist tourists in the production and the achievement of their experiences (Batat and Frochot 2014). Experiential Tourism is thu s not as new as we might suppose from the Slovenian Tourist Bo ard’s (STB) current strategy and orientation of Slovenian tourism. Defined as the opposite of mass tourism, it was described as aUŻšèVViVrapidly emerging trend in tourism as early as at the turn of the century (Prentice, Witt and Hamer 1998) and has since encompassed many types of tourism (Smith 2006), such as cultural tourism (Richards 1996; Du C ros and McKercher 2020; Timothy 2020), creat ive tourism (Richards 2011; Tan, Kung and Luh 2013; Poljak Istenič 2015; de Bruin and Jelinčić 2016; Richards 2020), ecotourism (Stronza 2001; Kozorog 2009; Fennell 2020), educational tourism (Ritchie, Carr and Cooper 2003; McGladdery and Lubbe 2017), exper- imental tourism (Antony and Henry 2005), heritage tourism (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1998; Timothy and B oyd 2003; Polja k Istenič 2013; Jelinčić and Senkić 2017; Kumer et al. 2019; Topole and Pipan 2020), nature or wildlife tourism (Curtin 2005; Kozorog and Poljak Istenič 2013; Sotiriadis 2017), and luxury tourism (Conrady, Ruetz and Aeberhard 2020). Besides its focus on active participation (or »immersion«) of tourists, the key components include environmental sensitivity, respect for local culture and pe ople, and learning. The luxury trend is especially on the rise in gastronomy and gastronomy tourism (Barrère, Bonnard and Chossat 2014; Bellini and Resnick 2018; Batat 2020). This is very obvious in Slovenia, the winner of the European Region of Gastronomy 2021 title. The first-ever Michelin Stars in the country were revealed in 2020. Chefs, restaurants, guest farms, and other organizations or initi ative s pursue similar endeavours towards luxury. They organize top culinary events, wine, beer, or other festivals, participate in television cooking shows where the luxury culinary offer is promoted, etc. Consequently, the level of culinary offerings in Slovenian restaurants and guest farms has risen sharply. As aUŻšèVViVresult, gastronomy has become aUŻšèVViVkey feature of Slovenia’s tourism, supported by Sloveni a’s green ori- entation (Poljak Istenič 2016; Poljak Istenič 2018) as aUŻšèVViVpromotional approach and certification scheme (such as Green Cuisine for gastronomy tourism). The promotion focuses on unique culinary experiences, espe- cially those winning the label Slovenia Unique Experiences. As noted by Novak (2019), they give tourists »an opportunity to connect with the place they are visiting on many level s – physical, emotional, experi- ential, spiritual, intellectual and social«. This label also inspires tourism providers to »repack« their regular offers into luxury language and adapt to the eligibility and content criteria to apply for the brand (see Table 1). Despite aUŻšèVViVthorough explanation of the criteria by the STB, some terms and concepts are utilized which are often disputed in the academic discou rse s of different disciplines (perhaps most of all authenticity; MacCannell 1976; Rickly and McCabe 2017). At the same time, they allow for aUŻšèVViVcertain level of subjec-Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 17161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 171 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … tivity and bias in their assessment and understanding, as was revealed in the case study of the Kras/Carso Food Tour, which forms the core of this paper. The authors were actively engaged in the process of the tour formation and its assessment. In this paper, they juxtapose to p-down criteria for luxury experience, as defined by the national tourism organization (STB), with the bottom-up perceptions and understand- ings. The aim is to reflect on the discrepancies between bottom-up and top-down perspectives on the luxury experiences and analyse dilemmas linked to the inclusion of local culture in tourism according to the pop- ular trends of luxury experiential tourism. The a uthors argue that understanding the key concepts in the criteria is challenging for tourism providers, and the mediation of experts familiar with academic discourses and local culture is thus beneficial for developing successful tourism products. The applied aim of the paper is to provide recommendations to tourism providers who would like to apply for Slovenia Unique Experiences or similar labels, bu t also inform the creators of labels on the problems of tourism providers to fulfil the criteria. The study contributes to the debates on luxury tourism, which have neglected bottom-up per- ceptions in tourist discourse and overlooked the dilemmas people face when »luxurifying« their traditions and heritage practices. The authors first present the methodology of the study, provide analysis of aUŻšèVViVbottom -up understanding of top-down concepts, evaluate the designed culinary tour according to the top-down content criteria, and in conclusion highlight the need to consider bottom-up perspectives not only for successful design and imple- mentation of luxury tourist experiences, but also for academic debates on the future of gastronomy tourism. 2 Methods 2.1 Designing the tour The research was carried out in the framework of the Interreg project MEDFEST: Culinary heritage expe- rience: how to create sustainable tourist destinations (2016–2019), led by ZRC SAZU (Anton Melik Geographical Institute). The project aimed to design culinary experiences to promote sustainable rural destinations (Internet 1). In Slovenia, the work was focused on the Karst region. The cultural landscape of the Karst, aUŻšèVViVlimestone pla teau in western Slovenia, is defined by numerous natural elements and process- es (e.g., areas without water, underground water, caves, the bora wind, karst commons ( gmajna – aUŻšèVViVmosaic of meadows, former pastures and forest edges with botanical species), etc.). Disadvantageous living con- ditions caused the development of aUŻšèVViVspecific way of life, strongly characterized by stone elements and structures (e.g. , dry stone, shepherds’ cottages, houses, architectural details). This has created aUŻšèVViVparticular landscape image today intensely used in tourism (Ciglič et al. 2012; Fakin Bajec 2015). The Karst-Brkini destina- tion, aUŻšèVViVrural hinterland area where the research was situated, lags behind the nearby coastal region. ákocjan caves, Lipica stud farm, fortified historical village átanjel, and the Karst edg e are the key tourism attrac- tions. Other heritage sites mostly revive during thematic festivals (the Teran and Prosciutto Festival, the Lavender Festival, the Karst Gmajna Festival, etc.). Gastronomy providers are also included in local cycling or hiking tours or other tourism offers (Fakin Bajec 2011; CPOEF 2018). ZRC SAZU researchers involved in the MEDFEST project collaborated with the Planta Ass oc iation for the Development of Agriculture and Tourism in the Karst Region. Its members were already working on aUŻšèVViVnew culinary experience and needed the experts’ help to enrich the activities and put the tourism product into practice. The Komenski Kras T ourist Organization was also involved in the project’s pilot action. The researchers worked intensively with eight members of the Planta Association. Foll owing the partic- ipatory research on culture-based development (Nared and Bole 2020; Fakin Bajec 2020a), they actively involved different stakeholders in developing activities from the beginning of the pilot action. The researchers conducted semi-structured interviews with members of the association, who came from three Karst restau- rants (identified as R1, R2, R3), two tourist businesses (i.e. , two guest farms, identified as GF1, GF2), and three farms producing various products (wine, prosciutto and other dried meat, cheese; F1, F2, F3). The main purposes of the interviews, conducted in April and May 2019, were to recognize the history of their restaurants, farms and/or villages, the structure of current guests, their culinary offer, the philosophy of their cuisine, the promotion of Karst cu isine, and the way they promote themselves and collaborate with the local population and associations. At the end of the conversations, the interviewees were also invited to express their wishes, expectations and ideas for the development of new luxury culinary experiences. 17261-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 172 During the discussions, the researchers asked the interlocutors to explain the terms used in the criteria for being awarded the Slovenia Unique Experiences label, such as »tourist experience«, »authenticity«, »sus- tainability«, »heritage«, and »traditions«. In this way, the researchers could better understand the perceptions, interests, and demands of the association’s members, which helped them dev elop luxury cu linary experi- ences. The interviews were then transcribed and used by one of the paper authors to create the content and slogans of the culinary tour. For the purpose of this paper, the authors analysed them with attention to interlocutors’ understanding of the concepts mentioned above. The aim of the analysis was to reveal bot- tom-up perspectives on luxury gastronomy tourism. The resear chers then organized an interactive workshop for the local tourism providers they have inter- vi ewed to present the results of the ethnographic research and design thematic culinary experiences that would sustainably promote, preserve and develop the local culinary offerings based on tradition but adapt- ed to innovative demands. Finally, after aUŻšèVViVyear of additional work with the tourism providers, th e »Kras/Carso Food Tour: AUŻšèVViVUnique Journey into Experiencing the Taste of the Authentic Karst« was created and pre- sented to aUŻšèVViVbroader public. In the end, four sub-thematic tours were designed (described in section 3.1), all promoted under the common label Kras/Carso Food Tour (Internet 2). 2.2 Testing and evaluating the tour Seven experts from different fields (tourism, ethnology, geography, economics, arch itecture) were invit- ed to test and evaluate the tour when it was designed (at the end, the driver of the test tour was also included in the evaluation). One of the authors of this paper participated in the test tour and, for the purpose of this paper, analysed it according to the criteria set up by the STB for its label Slovenia Unique Experiences. These criteria were chosen for the evaluation because the Planta Association intends to promote it as lux- ury gastronomy tourism and apply for this label in the future. According to the criteria (Novak 2018; Internet 3), the experience must reflect the local identity and promote it through aUŻšèVViVstory. Since the best promoters of identity are usually the local inhabitants, it is rec- ommended that the tourists interact with them. The tourism products shall also include local gastronomy and souvenirs as material representations of the locality. The criterion of authenticity implies that the expe- rience represents nature, culture (cultural heritage, way of life, cultural industries) and people of the region – but not in aUŻšèVViVstaged way or copying other tourism destinations. It should also highlight the area’s unique- ness, represented by natural featur es, cultural offerings, accommodation, and adrenaline experiences. AUŻšèVViVstrong ex periential note is given when the tour provides aUŻšèVViVpositive emotional, multi-sensory, and active experi- ence, allowing the visitors not merely to monitor, visit or see but to cooperate, become immersed in, and learn about the local culture. The packages must also ensure all the aspects of sustainable (green) man- agement. Tar geting small groups and using aUŻšèVViVpersonal approach ensure that tourists have aUŻšèVViV boutique (and not mass) experience. AUŻšèVViV premium offer is ensured by quality schemes (e.g., Slovenian Green Cuisine), train- ing for all the tourism workers, and cleanliness standards. The experience creates an added value by appealing to the visitors willing to pay more and ensuring that financial assets stay in the local commun ity. The tourism product shou ld not be limited only to summer ( deseasonalization ) and must contribute to the STB’s strat- egy of turning Slovenia into aUŻšèVViVgreen boutique destination for aUŻšèVViV five-star experience (this criterion was later replaced by good digital experience; STB 2020). Based on participant observation during the test tour, aUŻšèVViVqualitative evaluation was performed to assess how the tourism prov iders , with the help of experts, understood the top-down luxury criteria defined by the STB and succeeded in implementing them for aUŻšèVViVfood tour design. The results of the evaluation of one of the paper’s authors are presented in Table 1. 3 Results and discussion 3.1 Bottom-up perspectives on luxury experiences The Kras/Carso Food Tour promotes Karst nature and local cuisine (ingredients, dishes, traditions, know l- edge and tastes). It encompasses diverse experiences that provide tourists with hands-on learning about Karst cuisine and related phenomena, such as landscape, plant gathering, agriculture, culinary traditions, and family histories. The providers follow various approaches; some have built on family traditions, othersActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 17361-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 173 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … have developed high-quality cuisine, while some have designed new tourism products. The biggest chal- lenge for the experts and the Planta members was how to ensure aUŻšèVViV«premium«, »boutique«, and »authentic« experience with »added value« and other features defined in the STB’s c riteria that wou ld not only make the culinary tour eligible for the label but also distinguish it from the luxury culinary experiences offered by other Slovenian operators. There is aUŻšèVViVgeneral agreement that the Karst landscape is unique because of its geological and related cultural features (classical Karst is thus also included on UNESCO’s Tentative List for World Heritage; UNESCO 2020). However, the Z RC SAZU researchers, as well as the members of the Planta Association, struggled to determine how to demonstrate this uniqueness through culinary packages. Following the increas- ing orientation towards tourism experience and the impact of the luxury turn in gastronomy, the president of the Planta Association, who manages aUŻšèVViVguest farm, stressed that: »Foreigners are extremely enthusiastic about all th is [Slovenian culture]. If you take aUŻšèVViVforeigner to your farmstead and he feels he has been received heartily, he is delighted. /…/ Sitting here, sitting in the shade of the vine, and being able to look at itUŻšèVViV– he is already satisfied with that. /.../ When you take them to the field, it is already an experience. When you bring them here in this courtyard, it also makes aUŻšèVViVdifference.« (GF 1) The other gu est farm whose owner was interviewed served as an inn for horse and cart drivers (furmani) in the 19thand the first half of the 20thcentury. The discussion revolved around what could be prepared and offered to surprise the tourists, as this is one of the requirements for aUŻšèVViVmemorable experience (Novak 2018). The interviewee suggested driving the guests in aUŻšèVViVhorse carriage through aUŻšèVViVnearby town and »sto p- ping by t he traffic lights« (GF 2). On the other hand, for the chef of aUŻšèVViVtop restaurant, the element of surprise is the use of heritage in an unusual way. They serve soup to the guests in aUŻšèVViVwhetstone holder (oselnik): »… an ox horn, which was once used as aUŻšèVViVtool for manually mowing grass. The horn was put on the back of the mower, and inside were vinegar and aUŻšèVViVwhetstone for sharpening the scythe. [. ..] Well, now we have adapted it to pour the soup [on the plate]. We only put dumplings, aUŻšèVViVbeef tail, aUŻšèVViVlittle celery, and carrots on the plateUŻšèVViV– what gets cooked in the soupUŻšèVViV– and then pour soup over it. This makes aUŻšèVViVdifference.« (R1) 174 Figure 1: Welcome reception at the Ostroužka Pelicon guest farm, Coljava. MARIJAN MOČIVNIK, PLANTA ASSOCIATION61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 174 Many guests find the idea of utilizing aUŻšèVViVlocal heritage element previously used in agriculture for serving food appealing. Still, the question arises as to the value and perception of such heritage by the local inhab- itants. Farmers who, in the past, manually cut grass and often stuck their hands into the horn would probably have reservations about the new function of the artefact. At the same time, many ethnologists would judge it pejoratively as aUŻšèVViVfolklorism and thus inauthentic (Poljak Istenič 2008; Poljak Istenič 2011). This leads to the next challenge when designing the luxury tourist package: how to adapt local her- itage elements to contemporary use and lifestyles to preserve the authentic flare? According to MacCannell (1976), postmodern tourists are motivated to travel precisely by seek ing authenticity . He implanted Goffman’ s c oncept of front and back regions (Goffman 1959) into tourist studies and argued that front regions are arranged to deceive the tourists. In contrast, back regions stay closed and thus inspire tourists’ curiosity. However, the criteria for luxury experience imply that the providers should offer aUŻšèVViVglimpse into the »back- stage« and even let tourists experience it. Therefore, an important question to reflect upon is how heritage is understood, interpreted, and used for tourism purposes by providers and the local inhabitants who can convince tourists something is authentic. UNESCO has already influenced the understanding of heritage as aUŻšèVViVmix of tangible and intangible elements that embody the values and meanings of heritage bearers. The respect for those values and attitudes indicates to the tourists that the heritage is authentic. As shown by the example of an ox horn for pouring soup, the help of experts could be beneficial in search of heritage to be used in tourism »authentically«, especially when the usage in an unprecedented way could offend the feelings of heritage bearers. Some local inhabitants already feel offended because some community members, at le ast in their opin- ion, do not treat heritage respectfully, especially the work invested in preserving and presenting it. As they stress, it is thus hard to expect tourists to properly appreciate local heritage if the local inhabitants them- selves do not do it: »We must respect each other and our work. But we will begin to respect our work when we know our history /…/ That is why it is necessary to raise awareness. To make the locals aware so they start apprec iating themselves. /.../ [Tourists] come to buy ten litres of wine, and the locals on their ini- tiative also offer slices of prosciutto, homemade bread, and salami, but only charge for ten litres of wine. That means you do not appreciate yourself. That means you put yourself on sale.« (R2) Another interviewee also expressed that touris ts shoul d »learn that [how to make prosciutto and proper- ly offer it] is aUŻšèVViVreal science« (GF 2). Prosciutto supposedly has aUŻšèVViVunique taste when sliced by hand. The tourism providers thus think that instructing their guests on making aUŻšèVViVthin slice of prosciutto would grant an added value to their offer. The owner of aUŻšèVViVtop restaurant already offers tourists aUŻšèVViVworkshop where they can learn about the entire proc ess of prosciutto production: »We offer aUŻšèVViVtour around the place where the prosciutto is made, where you can not only peek through the door but get introduced to the entire process. /…/ We go to the old place where we dry pro- sciutto, where we have old artefacts in the courtyard, and [we can explain] how pigs were butchered. We also have old tools there. /…/ We also go to the place where we have silhou ettes of fresh pork legs [which hang from the ceiling]. We show how to salt them. We explain the whole drying process, from the fresh pork leg to prosciutto.« (R2) Haute cuisine , in particular, is considered cuisine with added value. It often relies on healthy and local food, promoting »zero kilometres« from the field to the table – or the green criteria for luxury experiences (although STB focuses more on green management than ecological food production). According to the respondents, »zero kilometres« in aUŻšèVViVSlovenian context indicates aUŻšèVViVsupply chain no further than »up to seventy kilometres«: » Whatever we needUŻšèVViV– potatoes, celery tubers, chicory, wild asparagus, or wild plantsUŻšèVViV– we get from the locals. These are local ingredients. /…/ Now, I cannot tell them to grow lettuce for me in the Karst because it needs aUŻšèVViVlot of water. The farmers [in such cases] send me somewhere else [to aUŻšèVViVfarmer out side the Karst].« (R2) However, as revealed in the interviews, the biggest problem that food providers in the Karst face is the acqui- sition of the key ingredient of the Karst cuisine, prosciutto: »Here we dry meat, here we salt it, that is it. The whole process takes place here in the Karst. But everyt hing else comes from all over Slovenia. /.../ [Therefore], unfortunately, prosciutto cannot beActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 17561-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 175 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … aUŻšèVViV’zero kilometre’ product because we are very strict [with our demands] to have aUŻšèVViVcertain quality of prosciutto. Now we could go to the first farm breeding the pigs. There [the farmer] provides two square metres for pigs [when bred]. But our demand is [using] fifteen square m etre s per pig, which means they can move aUŻšèVViVbit. This increases the quality of the meat.« (R2) One member of the Planta Association (F1) thus decided to breed the only Slovenian autochthonous pig breed – the Krškopolje pig – in the traditional way: the pigs were fed home-grown vegetables and lived outdoors. But aUŻšèVViVproblem arose in dry seasons when there was no food because of the drought; there are unfavou rable natural conditions for producing large quantities of home-grown vegetables in the Karst region. Fu rthermore, this breed takes four years to raise. Thus, the farmer gave up in aUŻšèVViVfew years, angry that the local food companies producing prosciutto do not breed pigs or financially support local farmers. For such reasons, local providers fulfil the concept of »zero kilometres« by using seasonal ingr ed ients. However, this is also why they doubt whether they fulfil the green criteria for aUŻšèVViVluxury experience. The majority of the Planta Association members want to continue the culinary tradition of their grand- parents because it represents the era before the development of mass tourism and can be characterized as boutique. AUŻšèVViVfew decades before Slovenia’s independence: »… tourists came by bus /.../ tri ed prosciutto, maybe ‘jota’ [soup with sauerkraut or turnip], maybe something fried in breadcrumbs, and that was it. Everything, I will say, was done faster. /.../ Later, depending on the place, we saw that this did not work [anymore]. /.../ There were no [more] orders from companies nor union trips, so you had to adapt to the situation.« (R2) Some providers also make cheese and experiment with adding karst herbs to increase the uniqueness and v alue of the final product. However, they still ponder how to add value to the tourist experience. In this regard, aUŻšèVViVsuitable place for cheese making would be karst caves, but the problem is, as expressed by the owner of the Karst farm, that: »… in our country, it is not possible to make cheese in aUŻšèVViVkarst cave, while in Italy, this is possible.In Slovenia, it is not legally possible, although some people park their cars in the cave. It is forbid- den to use aUŻšèVViVnatural cave because you must obtain aUŻšèVViVconcession which is granted by the state for the use of state resources.« (F2) Using the natural environment in such aUŻšèVViVway as suggested above would, in the opinion of the intervie- wees, definitely contribute to the criteria of uniqueness and differentiate their tou rist offer from those in other destinations. However, the question of whether such use of natural resources is sustainable was hard to answer. Interlocutors had difficulty defining the term sustainable and generally associated it with reduc- ing waste (which is also indicated in the green criteria for luxury experiences) as well as consuming local and seasonal ingredients. But the owner of the guest farm highlighted that sustainability also indicates: »… preserving this tradition of the house. What is produced is also cooked. To stick to these orig- inal tastes. And to develop [cuisine] at the same time, so that you ‘grow’ in the culinary world without stopping.« (GF2). However, from the authors’ point of view, sustainability is already embedded in the way of life practiced by members of the Plant a Assoc iation (Nurse 2006, Labrador and Silberman 2018). Besides buying and consuming locally and relying on ecological production, they also cooperate and help each other, whichresults in building aUŻšèVViVclose-knit community with aUŻšèVViVstrong local identity. However, until recently, they have not recognized the potential of cooperating with other associations in the Karst. Although they have aUŻšèVViVgood relations hip, they have not considered them partners in tourism (Fakin Bajec 2020b). People who safe- guard local heritage, master different traditional skills, or are good storytellers could help them with tours, workshops, and events. They can help tourists become »immersed in the life of local people«, as suggest- ed by the criterion of authenticity, and trigger positive emotions to make experiences more m emor able. 3.2 Evaluation of the designed tour according to the top-down criteria This chapter first describes the sub-tours of the Kras/Carso Food Tour and then evaluates them accord- ing to the criteria of the STB for luxury experiences. However, as the sub-tours are not yet put into practice nor thoroughly described and fixed – flexibility allows them to be adapted according to the tourists’ pref- 17661-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 176 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 177erences and time constraints – aUŻšèVViVthorough evaluation according to all ten criteria was not possible. The assessment was made for aUŻšèVViVtest tour and was adequate to recognize how successful the bottom-up under- standing of the criteria’s concepts was as well as some gaps to be addressed by the tourism providers should they decide to register the tour under the label Slovenia Unique Experiences. The Kras/Ca rso Food Tour consists of several stops in restaurants and on farms offering local cuisine, accompanied by sightseeing of local attractions, presentation of practices, and workshops. Local guides and tourist providers interact with tourists and engage in storytelling to allow them an insight into the local culture. Due to the intensity of the tour (number of visits, quantity of food, duration, etc.), fou r sub- tours were designed to highlight the main symbols of local culture and identity: 1) herbs, 2) prosciutto, 3) winemaking, as well as the ability of local chefs to include them in 4) high-end cuisine. The sub-tours described below promote aUŻšèVViVdistinctive food or haute cuisine while the accompanying sightseeing is left to the tourists’ desires and thus not included as aUŻšèVViVfixed element. The spring t ou r »Karst herbs – relaxation and enjoyment of flowering karst meadows and commons« raises awareness of the botanical diversity of the Karst. Karst spring cuisine is marked by the early fresh herbs and has been characterized by herbal frtalja (omelette; Figure 1), dandelion salad, and vegetable mine- strone. For the tourists, the marenda (morning snack) is served in an herbal garden to present how local people ate during times of major farm work. Besides enjoying food, the guests learn about local wild plants, the skills of picking herbs, and the preparation of herbal soaps, ointments, and tinctures. The second tour, »Karst prosciutto – aUŻšèVViVculinary treasure as the product of years of experience and the natural curiosities of Karst,« revolves around an essential element in Karst cuisine – dried meat pro du cts, especially prosciutto. The guests get to know the entire process of salting and drying prosciutto and learn how to best slice it by hand. The third tour, »Karst winemaking – climate, red soil, knowledge and hardworking people«, is dedi- cated explicitly to Teran, the most well-known Karst wine (Figure 2). It revolves around the history of viticulture in the Karst as well as the production of Tera n and white varieties of wine. The providers invite guests to their wine cellars. They taste selected wines and learn about Karst cellaring and the most impor- tant Karst celebration linked to wine, bendima (the grape harvest). Figure 2: Presenting Teran wine in the cellar at the Buntovi farm, Škrbina.MARIJAN MOČIVNIK, PLANTA ASSOCIATION61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 177 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … 178Table 1: Evaluation of the Kras/Carso Food Tour according to the content criteria for luxury experience elaborated by the STB (2020). Criteria Justification Gaps Local: The experience is based on local identity, is faithful (1.) Based on the local identity (nature, culture, Local providers, continuing the family or house Herbs and high-end cuisine weakly linked to local to the nature, culture, and people of the area, and people) traditions (1.) identity (1.) throughout the story supports the brand and (2.) interaction with the local population Home-grown vegetables, locall y bre d or produced No professionally designed souvenirs for tours with identity destinations. (3.) Souvenirs reflecting the local identity meat, local herbs (1.) no suitable workshops to make them on the spot (3.) Presentation of local culture (food, production, processing, traditions) by the locals (2.)Self-made souvenirs by the tourists, linked to the characteristic food (štruklji/dumplings) (3.) Authentic: The package offers a pristine, original experience and (4.) Performance in an authentic way, not staged Storytelling (linked to the offering) done by the Non-original functions of certain types of heritage does not imitate or borrow experiences from others. (5.) Faithfulness to the nature, culture, and people locals (4.) (e.g., tools) (4.) of the area inclusion of guests in a process (workshops) (4.) The la ck of loca lly raised pigs for prosciutto (5.) Focus on the symbols of local identity: prosciuttoand Teran (5.) Utilization of original places of food production and processing (gardens, courtyards, cellars, drying rooms, kitchens, etc.) (5.) Unique: The experience has an element of uniqueness and (6.) Based on the specialty or uniqueness of the area Focused on local/regional (Karst) specifics (6.) The lack of clear justification of originality/difference valorizes the most unique sales opportunities of (7.) Based on the specialty or uniqueness of Slovenia Prosciutto and Teran recognized as unique, nationally from other culinary tourism packages (8. ) t he provider/destination. (8.) Clearly expressed elements of difference from important heritage (European quality schemes) (7.) other packages Karst recognized as an exceptional landscape (9.) Carried out in an exceptional, special, unique (UNESCO 2020) (9.) location (nature, culture, accommodation, etc.) Experiential: it has a strong experiential note and addresses the (10.) inclusion of tourists into the experience inclusion of tourists into gastronomic processes Surprise not clearly defined; flexible unofficial tourvisitor on an emotional and practical level. (workshops, tastings, participation, activities, etc.). through workshops (10.) (unknown what is part of the tour and what could (11.) Tourists learn somethi ng new H ands-on learning (cooking, gathering herbs) and be regarded as a surprise) (12.) (12.) Surprise learning through explanations and demonstrations (13.) Appealing to all the senses and emotions in original settings (meat drying, winemaking) (11.)(14.) A story (told by the providers or guide) Addressing all senses: sight, hearing, taste, smell, with educational and green character touch (13.) Storyt elling by local tourism providers and guide – education linked to local nature and culture (14.)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 178 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 179Green: Ensures all the essential elements of sustainable (15.) Distinctive green aspect (sustainable mobility, Promotes and supports local culture and the Not yet certified or properly communicated (17.) operation. nature park, local gastronomy, cultural identity environment (15.) (16.) Education on green features of the region Ecological production and short supply chains (15.) and Slovenia and on green respon sibility Awa reness-raising on Karst landscape, biodiversity, (17.) Communicates Slovenia green certification local natural and cultural heritage (16.) Boutique: it offers the visitor a sense of individuality and (18.) Organized for smaller groups in an intimate way Organized for smaller groups, allowing a boutique-like experience. (19.) When visiting a mass attraction, entry is interactions (18.) separate and without waiting Avoidance of mass attractions, no waiting times (19.) (20.) individual approach (personalization, Flexible tour adapting to tourists’ wishes and individuality, consideration of special needs) needs (20.) Premium: it ensures premium quality – guarantees high quality (21.) A quality scheme – contacts with the guest in all Local guides and providers with thorough knowledge A quality scheme is not elaborated (21.) services throughout the whole purchase route. phases are identified, constant quality is guaranteed of local culture and environment (23.) Special training not defined (22.) (22.) Special training of the peo ple invo lved The difficulty for consistent inclusion of five-star (23.) Highly qualified guides with appropriate licenses concepts due to many providers (24.) (24.) The provider includes a five-star concept in all its operations and training Added value: Due to the strong experiential note and strong (25.) Motivational experience valuing the guest Engaging providers motivate tourists to explore the engagement of people, the experience creates higher (26.) A critical mass of offerings, attractions, local culture (25.) added value and appeals to the demanding visitor, activities that motivate the purchase Combination of many attractions to pause between who is willing to pay a little more for a special (27.) Financial benefits remain in a local community eating (26.) experience. (local supply chain) Local providers relying on local producers (27.) (28.) Good ratio between price and quality Good ratio between price and quality and quantity (benefiting providers and tourists) of experiences (28.) Deseasonalization: Motivating tourists with good content for a visit (29.) Provided outside the three summer months A flexible tour allows for visiting all year round (29.) Some elements are seasonal (e.g., herbs, different outside the summer stages of wine production) and thus not available to experience in full all year round (29.) Five-star / Gastronomy (32.) Local offer (food and drink) The ingredients are locally grown or bred (32.) The lack of locally raised pigs for prosciutto (32.) (33.) Seasonal offer The food served is seasonal (33.) (34.) Authentic offer (typical for the area) Dishes are characteristic for the Karst region; Teran respecting gastronomical pyramid and prosciutto as the main dishes belong to the top of the gastronomical pyramid acc ompanied by other representative food and drinks from the middle section (34.)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 179 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … The fourth tour, »Karst high-end cuisine – where the tradition of classic inns encounters contempo- rary creativity«, is based on the old catering business already well developed in the 19thcentury. It promotes local flavours and ingredients (also from the other three tours) as the critical components of haute cui- sine. The boutique and authenticity of the offer are further enriched by tasting menus, artistic arrangements of food, wine accompaniment, additional tastings, and the time that chefs and waiters dedicate to the guests to teach them about tradition and modernity through top-quality food. Based on the active participation in the test tour, the evaluation (Table 1) reveals that the tours fulfil most of the content criteria for aUŻšèVViVluxury experience. We can thus conclude that the tourism providers, despite struggling to understand the national criteria for luxury experiences (see Chapter 3.1), succeeded in imple- menting them in aUŻšèVViVtour design in line with the national tourism strategy – with the help of experts familiar with academic discourses and local culture wh o d iscussed different conceptual meanings with them and debated over the use of local traditions and heritage practices for tourism purposes. However, the authors also detected possible gaps which could be addressed to increase the added value of the Kras/Carso Food Tour and be used by the tourism providers and organizations to improve their product. The following assessment thus serves to fulfil the appl ied aim of the paper. The effort of the tourism providers should be devoted to linking the herbs and haute cuisine more con- vincingly to the local identity and the selection of souvenirs not made by the tourists on the spot. As some ingredients (herbs) and some stages of food production (e.g., of wine) are seasonal, the tours need to define several ways to promote them in all seasons. The same applies to weather; providers need to have aUŻšèVViVback- up plan for outdoor activities. The only issue which cannot be solved is the lack of locally-bred pigs for prosciutto; however, as this product already earned aUŻšèVViVProtected Geographical Indication label, its local char- acter is not disputed. Special attention must also be given to the use of cultural heritage for new purposes, as it can quickly destroy the tou rists’ perception of authenticity. Furthermore, as the tour is not defined (and described) in detail, it is hard to validate what is supposed to be aUŻšèVViVsurprise for the tourists, recom- mended to be provided for fulfilling the experiential criteria. Other deficiencies of the packages mainly concern the background work not directly linked to the tourist promotion. It would be beneficial to conduct aUŻšèVViVstu dy of similar food tours to underscore the tour’s origi- nality. The providers should also strive to earn any of the Slovenia Green certificates (at least the Green Cuisine) and elaborate on promoting this brand and communicating it to tourists. The most problemat- ic criterion is uniqueness, which guarantees high-quality services throughout the whole purchase route. The problem lies in the absence of aUŻšèVViVpowerful organization that would market the tour. Despite the good impression of the offering’s quality gained on the test tour, the providers have not yet set up aUŻšèVViVquality scheme to ensure aUŻšèVViVconsistent level of service, nor have they organized special training for all the people involved. Furthermore – especially in light of the considerable number of tourism providers – the lack of strong orga- n izational and promotional support also hinders the consistent inclusion of luxury criteria (or concepts) in their actions and consequent improvement of their services. 3.3 General recommendations for tourism providers and tourist sector On the one hand, the evaluation results provided in the previous chapter can be used more or less only on the local level, i.e., by the Karst tourism providers. On the othe r hand, the general assessment indicates what tourism organizations anywhere should give their attention to. We recommend them to demonstrate strong links to local identity; figure out how to overcome the seasonality of the offers; take into account changing weather conditions and adapt the tour accordingly; and carefully plan the use of cultural heritage in tourism together with their bearers. The inclusion of loc al heritage can effectively contribute to the added value of the tour. Still, if the local way of life is not inter- preted sensitively and authentically, it can hinder the involvement of the local inhabitants – key for the perception of the authenticity – as well as devalue heritage (Bogataj 1998). It would also be helpful for tourism providers to familiarize themselves with tourism strategies and labels before designing the tour, as this would make them aware of the quality schemes, certifications, training of staff, and other operations which do not directly involve the tourists but are necessary for aUŻšèVViVluxury product. This would make branding the prod- uct easier when put into practice. They could also analyse similar tours to avoid being one of many providers of the same experi ence. Strong organizational and promotional support is crucial for successfully imple- menting their tourism products; ensuring it already in the planning phase would help them in the process 18061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 180 and later to develop supplemental tourism activities. And to stress again, it is advised to engage experts in case they have difficulty understanding top-down recommendations and criteria. 4 Conclusion »AUŻšèVViVdestination of five-star experiences« is the current, luxury-oriented vision of Slovenia in the tourism context, which has demonstrated the popularity of »the luxury turn« (Bellini and Resnick 2018). It has been realized through the activities of the STB, including branding tourism products under the label Slovenia Unique Experiences. The criteria ensure that the tours are of premium quality and guarantee the tourists »experiencing aUŻšèVViVstory in aUŻšèVViVvery personal way, at its original scene, in touch with locals, in aUŻšèVViVway that has not been copied from elsewhere and is in line with the sustainable princi pl es in tourism« (Internet 4). On the other hand, the luxury concept and promotional support of the STB also motivate tourism providers to develop or adapt existing tourism offerings according to the criteria for winning the Slovenia Unique Experiences label, as has been the case of the Kras/Carso food tour presented in this paper. Top-down approaches often fail to translate into productive, sustainab le, and long-lasting activities of the communities they address (Fakin Bajec 2020c). The criteria for luxury tourism products are thoroughly explained by the STB and seem to be applied easily to tourism products when one is acquainted with the terms and concepts used as well as the history, heritage, and traditions of the area in question. However, the ethnographic analysis presented in the paper reve al ed that the concepts of authenticity, uniqueness, local, etc. – as well as the core term of experience – are subject to very personal interpretations. This poses aUŻšèVViVparticular challenge when designing luxury tours, especially concerning the use of heritage for »authen- ticating« the experience. The researchers involved in the MEDFEST project, including the authors, thus made aUŻšèVViVconsiderable effort to di scuss with tourism providers not only their ideas, wishes, knowledge, short- comings, and strengths but also the meaning of the terms and concepts. The mediation of experts familiar with the terminology and theory deriving from academic discourses proved beneficial, as shown by the evaluation of the food tour according to the content criteria. As it revealed only minor shortcomings, we can conclude th at the intervention of the experts (i.e., researchers) in designing the tour crucially contributed to the understanding of the criteria for luxury tourism products and conse quently to the successful tour design and its implementation. In cases where experts do not get involved, local providers – in the authors’ experience – often shy away from designing luxury tourism products despite the great potenti al for their real ization. The authors’ analysis of the case study, in which top-down criteria and bottom-up interpretations were juxtaposed, proves that an integrated, multi-level participatory approach (Poljak Istenič 2019; Fakin Bajec 2020d) is not only successful but also urgently needed for the successful development of luxury tourism. In this particular case, it led to aUŻšèVViVfood tour design with the pote ntial to obtain the label Slovenia Unique Experiences, which would significantly improve its promotion outside the regional context. Furthermore, local traditions and heritage practices, usually perceived as too simple and not sufficiently elite, proved crucial for the luxurification of the experience, fulfilling the criteria of originality and authenticity, unique- ness, and being boutique – altho ugh the process was also heavily debated due to contested views on the use of local culture for tourism purposes. The paper also shows why bottom-up perspectives are crucial for the analysis of the tourism discourse. Strategic documents for tourism development rely on academic concepts, but since communities or other tourism providers generally do not have sufficient knowledge to understand them, the tr anslation of the strategic or action plans in practice often fails to produce desirable outcomes. This paper has revealed the need to consider aUŻšèVViVbottom-up understanding of luxury tourism to ensure its development also outside elite areas and services. When expert mediation is provided, luxury tourism can flourish in rural areas, use unre- markable local heritage, or rely on people’s traditions. ACKNO WLEDG EMENTS: The authors acknowledge the financial support of the European Regional Development Fund for the project MEDFEST: MED Culinary heritage experiences: how to create sustainable tourist destinations (Interreg Mediterranean, 2016–2019) and of the Slovenian Research Agency for the research programmes Historical interpretations of the 20thcentury (P6-0347) and Cultural Spaces and Practices: Ethn ol ogy and Folklore Studies (P6-0088) as well as the research projects The Invisible Life ofActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 18161-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 181 Saša Poljak Istenič, Jasna Fakin Bajec, Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culture … Waste: Development of an Ethnography-based Solution for Waste Management in Households (L6-9364, for research on green management) and Y oung entrepreneurs in times of uncertainty and accelerated opti- mism: an ethnological study of entrepreneurship and ethics of young people i n modern-day Slovenia (J6-1804, for research on creative entrepreneurship in tourism). Special thanks go to researchers involved in the MEDFEST project, particularly Nika Razpotnik Visković for project coordination and Mateja ámid Hribar for leading the Karst region’s pilot action; they partici- pated in interviewing and transcriptions. We also thank Primož Pipan for his cooperation in ethnographic research . 5 References Antony, R., Henry, J. 2005: The Lonely Planet Guide to experimental travel. Melbourne. Bajuk Senčar, T. 2005: Kultura turizma. Ljubljana. Barrère, C., Bonnard, Q., Chossat, V . 2014: Luxury tourism and luxury gastronomy: AUŻšèVViVnew Holy Alliance based on heritage? T erritoire en mouvement Revue de géographie et aménagement 21. DOI: https: //doi.org/ 10.4000/tem.2267 Batat, W . 2020: The role of l uxury gastronomy in culinary tourism: An ethnographic study of Michelin Starred restaurants in France. International Journal of T ourism Research 23-2. 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DOI: https:// doi.org/ 10.4324/9780080878904 18461-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 184 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021, 185–199 GASTRONOMY AS A SOCIAL CATALYST IN THE CREATIVE PLACE-MAKING PROCESS Nika Razpotnik Visković Gastronomy event as a center of urban life.JOŠT GANTAR61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 185 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 186DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.9409 UDC: 911.37:641.5COBISS: 1.01 Nika Razpotnik Visković 1 Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process ABSTRACT: This paper examines the integration of gastronomy in the creative place-making process. The study is based on the interviews with the organizers of five gastronomy events: aUŻšèVViVcooking workshop, aUŻšèVViVgas- tronomy festival, aUŻšèVViVseries of gastr onomy events at museums, aUŻšèVViVgastronomy theatre performance and an intimate dinner event. The contextual analysis shows that gastronomy events can contribute to five impor- tant features defining quality of place: diversity, liveliness, innovativeness, creativity and openness/tolerance. The final phase of our study brings comparison with findings in art-based place-making studies and dis- cusses on dive rsit y, integration in development policies and replicability potential of analyzed gastronomy events.KEY WORDS: creative place-making, food, events, art, community building, quality of place, urban geog- raphy Gastronomija kot družbeni katalizator v procesu ustvarjanja prostora POVZETEK: Članek preučuje vključevanje gastronomije v procese ustvarjanja prostora (place-making). átudija temelji na intervju jih z organizatorji petih gastronomskih dogodkov: kuharske delavnice, gas- tronomskega festivala, niza gastronomskih dogodkov v muzejih, predstave gastronomskega gledališča in intimne večerje. Analiza konteksta kaže, da lahko gastronomski dogodki prispevajo k petim pomembnim značilnostim, ki opredeljujejo kakovost prostora: raznolikost, živahnost, inovativnost, ustvarjalnost in odprtost/strpnost. Zadn ja faza naše študije prinaša primerjavo z ugotovitvami v umetnostno naravnanih študijah in razpravlja o raznolikosti, vključevanju v razvojne politike in možnosti ponovljivosti analiziranih gastronomskih dogodkov. KLJUČNE BESEDE: ustvarjanje prostora, hrana, dogodki, umetnost, razvoj skupnosti, kakovost prostora, urbana geografija The paper was submitted for publication on December 24th, 2020. Uredništv o je prejelo prispevek 24. decembra 2020. 1Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Anton Melik Geographical Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia nika.razpotnik@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3584-8426)61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 186 1 Introduction Gastronomy is not aUŻšèVViVnew topic in place-based theory. It has been widely studied before, but mostly in the context of tourism: as event tourism (Everett 2012; Lew 2017), experience tourism (Richards 2002; Richards 2012; Andersson, Mossberg and Therkelsen 2017; Williams, Yuan and Williams 2018) and heritage tourism (Bessiere 2013; Rinaldi 2017; Topole in Pipan 2020). As local and authentic , or imported and »transplanted« ( Lau and Li 2019), gastronomy was recognized for its place-branding potential rather than its place-mak- ing implications. In their analyses, scholars were focused mainly on the reactions of the visitors, their satisfaction with culinary experiences and the feeling of authenticity (Wijaya et al. 2013, Bryce et al. 2015; Kumer et al. 2019; Topole et al. 2021). It was also i mportant to understand how the local communities identify with the current culinary tourism offer (Tsai and Wang 2017) and how this affects the experiential value of the place and the success of the place-branding policies, which integrate gastronomy as one of the unique cul- tural assets each area has to offer. The overview of research dedicated to creative place-making reveals the dominating focus o n art and its different manifestations (performances, events and centers), which are recognized as one of the most evident economic and social catalysts in the community (Rota and Salone 2014; Rembeza 2016). However, can gastronomy, food and cooking play this role as well? Answering this question requires aUŻšèVViVdeeper under- standing of gastronomy and food as vectors of social inclusion and participation of community members, which exceeds the scope of direct economic benefits such as through tourism. The goal of this paper is to start filling this gap. 2 Theoretical grounds for the study 2.1 Creative place-making Creative place-making is aUŻšèVViVcontemporary form of place-making, increasingly focusing on decentralized actions and initiatives, which substitute for or at least complement more traditional approac he s, such as establishing cultural and art centers in neighborhoods (Markusen and Gadwa 2010; Boichot 2014). In cre- ative place-making the social character of the neighborhood becomes as important as its physical character, the process of engaging the community is as crucial as the final outcome – for example, art performances, exhibitions or murals (Rembeza 2016). Creative place-making can be strategi c, planned and formalized (Markusen and Gadwa 2010) or it can be unconventional, bottom-up and even coincidental (Rota and Salone 2014). It is the »creativity« that is at the heart of its definition, but views on this also differ. Some authors argue that the creative process can only be artist-driven, or at least that local arts and culture should be activated, whereas for others every- thing involvin g humans is creative in its essence (Salzman and Y erace 2018). However, who are the »humans i nvolved« and who represents community when talking about creative place-making? Schneekloth and Shibley (2000) explain that place-making is not just about the relationship of peo- ple to their places; it also creates relationships among people in the place. These relationships are the backbone of the social ca pital that can emerge in communities and among them. Townley et al. (2011) distinguish two types of social capital that develop as aUŻšèVViVproduct of the creative place-making process. The first one is bonding capital, which is manifested in social and emotional ties within aUŻšèVViVhomogeneous group, creating aUŻšèVViVsense of identity and belonging. The second one is bridging capital, allowing the creation of links bet ween group s, which is crucial for the creation of open societies such as those that welcome tourists, migrants, refugees, exchange student, pilgrims and others among themselves. Following these findings, it can be con- cluded that aUŻšèVViVplace-making community cannot be limited only to the people that have grown up, lived and worked in aUŻšèVViVneighborhood, despite the fact that they are often proclaimed as bein g the first right ful bene- ficiaries (Thomas, Pate and Ranson 2015). Kullberg et al. (2010) agree that places are defined by both residents and outsiders. The potential of creative place-making to augment social capital is even more evident in urban neighborhoods, where it can replace the bonding role of disappearing traditional associations (Dumont 2005), which are more typical and enduring in rural ar eas (Salzman and Y erace 2018).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 18761-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 187 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 1882.2 Role of art in creative place-making Unarguably, the most recognized and the most studied medium of creative place-making is art, which has different functions in forming places (Kwon 2002): art in aUŻšèVViVpublic space, art as aUŻšèVViVpublic space and art in the public interest. It is the third function that is in our focus because it accentuates the engagement of art in social issues rather than in the built environment: its ability to emp ower individuals, to induce change in areas in crisis (Puleo 2014), to influence the true vitality of aUŻšèVViVplace and to create dialog with marginal- ized social groups (Thomas, Pate and Ranson 2015; Rembeza 2016). In this process, art is becoming an economic catalyst, encouraging innovation and collective actions (Thomas, Pate and Ranson 2015), and also aUŻšèVViVsocial catalyst (M arkusen and Gadwa 2010; Kaplan 2015; Pavluković, Stankov and Arsenović 2020), c reating not only aUŻšèVViVfeeling of connection across diversity (Kim and Miyamoto 2013) but also affecting the quality of life in communities and improving public health, the (sense of) safety and the liveability of aUŻšèVViVplace (Thomas, Pate and Ranson 2015). For Jorgensen (2015), an artist can be an »interlocutor for social change, « and for Markusen and Gadwa (2010) also aUŻšèVViVsubstantial contributor to the ascent of the cultural industry. It is due to its catalytic potential that art is often integrated in urban revitalization programs through ini- tiatives on various scales – from flagship, prestige and internationally renowned projects to smaller communal revitalization initiatives (Hall and Robertson 2001; Dragićević et al. 2015; Re mbeza 2016). Gastronomy and food have been recognized as catalysts as well: catalysts for improved cultural understanding (Santich 2007) and economic development, especially tourism (van Westering 1999), the food industry (Richards 2002) and the creative industry (Hurtado Justiniano et al. 2018). Therefore, research approaches used to understand the role of art in creative place-making can make aUŻšèVViVsi gn ificant contribution to expanding the study also on the food and gastronomy. 2.3 Formal vs. informal initiatives An institutional framework and support are not prerequisites for creative place-making (Salzman and Y erace 2018). Studies of unconventional, bottom-up and unplanned initiatives (events, street parties, etc.) show that they too can be linked to aUŻšèVViVlarge spectrum of place-based implications: e conomic, social, cultural, polit- i cal and ethical (Rota and Salone 2014). They exhibit aUŻšèVViVhigher level of commitment, identification and participation of community members and an inclination toward experimentation, including replicating and readapting practices from elsewhere (Stevenson 2020). They offer not only aesthetic enjoyment (linked to art), but also entertainment in encountering other people, c onviviality, and enjoying food and drinks (Crozat and Fournier 2005; Stevenson 2019), all of them being important drivers of sensing the commu- nity and sensing the place (McCunn and Gifford 2018). 2.4 Gastronomy in human geography studies The first studies addressing the role of gastronomy in urban space date back in 1950s. Since then, we can follow constant development of this research field, formul ated around four groups of approaches: spati ally oriented theories, behavioral theories, non-spatially oriented theories and theories concerning urban gov- ernance (Figure 1; for details see Kowalczyk 2020). Contemporary gastronomy research is focusing mainly on its non-spatial dimension, especially the economic value. Gastronomy has gained importance with the rise of experience economy, which »sug- gests that businesses must create memorable events for their customers, and that memory itself becomes the product i.e., the experience« (Pine and Gilmore 1998, 102). The model is based on four components that induce the experience: entertainment, education, aesthetics and escapism (Richards 2014). Creating experiences has become main development orientation in gastronomy tourism. We are witnessing the food- ification proc ess – drastic transformation of functions, mainly in urban spaces, in order to increase the sale and consumption of food for the purpose of tourism (Bell and Binnie 2005; Loda, Bonati and Puttilli 2020). Foodification can lead not only to regeneration of place, but even further – in gentrification of neighbor- hoods and overtourism (Zukin 2008; Loda, Bonati and Puttilli 2020). Due to its strong economic potential and cultural significance for the community, gastronomy has impor- tant role in planning and governance projects. These can include place-making activities, which reflect61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 188 the physical and social character of aUŻšèVViVneighborhood (Lugosi and Lugosi 2008); cultural mapping, which serves the purpose of the conservation/protection of cultural diversity (du Randa et al. 2016); or festval- isation, which aims to increase the attractiveness of the city, for both the residents and visitors (Cudny 2016). All mentioned activities are leaning on the creativity potential of the gastronom y (Kow alczyk 2020). Florida (2005), the author of the creative city concept, recognises the gastronomy as an important ameni- ty, that attracts the members of creative class to become either inhabitants or visitors in the city and represents important part of their lifestyle. Dimitrovski and Crespi Vallbona (2018) call this process aUŻšèVViVcultural con- sumption, which makes cities attractive according to t he perceived quality of life and lifestyle led in them. Florida’s concept is criticised for being too narrow since it considers only creative, even elite social class, while it underestimates the innovative businesses (Moretti 2012), doesn’t acknowledge the class of deprived, poor, and »non-creative« ones and promotes instrumentalization of the culture (d’Ovidio and Rodríguez Morató 2017). However, th e role of gastronomy in cities remain unquestionable: through eating establishments and culinary events it creates places of social concentration, affects the city’s economy and is important feature of the quality of place (Kowalczyk 2020). The quality of place consists of those characteristics of aUŻšèVViVcommunity or territory that make it differ- ent from other places and attractive as an area to live in, work in, and/or visit. Rei lly and Renski (2008, 14) define it as »community’s environment, civic traditions, cultural amenities, and recreational opportuni- ties«. In order to measure the quality of place, some authors combine indicators of several factors of quality of place into aUŻšèVViVsingle index e.g creativity index (Florida 2005) or investigate different aspects of quality of place individually and c omp aratively (Reilly and Renski 2008; Bahar Durmaz 2012). The concept of qual- ity of place served as aUŻšèVViVframework for identifying and exploring the place-making implication of gastronomy events presented in this paper. 3 Methods This study is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews with organizers of five different gastronomy events: aUŻšèVViVcooking workshop, aUŻšèVViVgastronomy festival, aUŻšèVViVseries of gastronomy events at museums, aUŻšèVViVgastronomy theatre performance and an intimate dinner. While the results from aUŻšèVViVsmall sample may not fully relate to aUŻšèVViVwider population of gastronomy events it was deemed that they would provide valuable insight to theActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 189focusing on spatial patterns of the distribution of gastronomyI. II. I V. III.SP ATIALLY ORIENTED THEORIESBEHAVIORAL THEORIES emphasizing that locational decisions are affected by the subjectivity of decison–maker NON –SP ATIALLY ORIENTED THEORIESTHEORIES CONCERNING URBAN PLANNING AND GOVERNANCE food is not only basic physiological need, but also element of culture and activity with economic dimensionfocus on different groups of space users; space is often only a background for social and economic processes Figure 1: Development of gastronomy related concepts in urban studies (adapted by Kowalczyk 2020).61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 189 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process explored issues. In order to ensure variance, events were selected considering the territorial level (neigh- borhood, city, network of locations, etc.), who the initiator is, link to public programs, the complexity of the organization and the actors involved. Three interviews were carried out in Paris, one i n Angoul ême and one via aUŻšèVViVvideo call. However, the locations of the interviews do not indicate the locations of the events themselves (see Table 1, Figure 2). Information about the frequency, status and location of the events cor- responds to their status at the time of the interviews – April 2019. Interview topics were organized in aUŻšèVViVway which would enable us to firstly, gather facts about the con- tent and development of the event, people engaged in organization and the participating public and, secondly, c ollect the information indicating the role of food and gastronomy in the event, its place-making poten- tial and the challenges organizers faced. Interviewees allowed us to audio record the conversation and provided also the supporting materials for the analyses: reports, photographs and collec tions of press clippings. The lang uages of the interviews were English or French, depending on the preference of the respondent. In solving the methodological dilemma how to explore the place-making implication, we leaned on key elements and features of quality of place identified in place-making literature, which we adapted for the analyses of the gastronomy events (Table 2). They served as contextua l framework for content analysis. 190Table 1: Selected gastronomy events for the study. Event name Launch T ype of F requency Status Event Territorial year event (at interview time) (at interview time) location level Rhythm & Cook 2018 Cooking workshop Monthly Ongoing Paris, France Neighborhood Les Gastronomades 1995 Gastronomy festival Yearly Ongoing Angoulême, France City A Place at the 2018 Series of gastronomy Series of events Finished 22 royal residences Network of Royal Table events in the in 2018 across Europe locations museums Sonomaton 2016 Gastronomy theater On program Ongoing Rennes (France); Network of Tanger (Maroco); locations Sibiu (Romania) Ecosistema 2017 intimate dinner Occasional in 2017 in quiescence Paris (France); Bari, Neighborhood and 2018 Taranto, Lecce (all italy) Table 2: Selected elements and indicators of quality of place. Element indicators described in place-making studies (Florida 2002; i ndicators adapted to gastronomy events Gertler 2004; Trip 2007; Bahar Durmaz 2012; Evans 2009) Diversity • Functional diversity • Diversity of uses of space • Distinctive neighbourhoods • Diversity of the content and themes, engaged actors • Sufficient density Liveliness • Cultural and musical events • Revitalisation and inclusion of local community • Live performance venues per capita • Communication • interactivity • Voluntarism innovativeness • Patents per capita • introduction of innovative gastronomy events • Relative percentage of high-tech output • Combination of different activities Creativity • Percentage of artistically creative people • inclusion of different activities • introduction of new themes Tolerance, • Relative percentage of foreign-born people • inclusion of different social groups openness • Cultural exchange • Behavioural change61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 190 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 191The findings were structured around these themes with detailed descriptions of examples from each study case. At the end of the result chapter we made aUŻšèVViVsynthesis and presented it in Table 3. 4 Study cases 4.1 Rhythm & Cook This monthly workshop in the 14tharrondissement in Paris was launched in 2018 by six students of Cultural mediation studies. The initiative started as aUŻšèVViVstudent project with one commo n objective : to work on inte- gration of refugees in their hosting community. They wanted to create an event where people of the neighborhood (local residents and refugees) could engage spontaneously in cooking and making music. 4.2 Les Gastronomades This yearly event dedicated to gastronomy takes place in Angoulême every last weekend in November. At the beginning, in 1995, it was intended mainly to sup port gastronomy publishing, but eventually it start- ed to promote agricultural products and addressed the public more directly with show-cooking and cooking workshops. Over 25 years, the event expanded spatially by engaging the entire city of Angoulême. 4.3 A Place at the Royal Table This series of events focusing on food culture and culinary traditions took place in several locations across Europe: at 22 royal residences, which are members of the Network of European Royal Residences (Figure 2). T he project was initiated to celebrate the European Y ear of Cultural Heritage in 2018 with an inventive and flexible concept. Each participating residence was free to design its own events in line with the finan- cial and human resources available. 4.4 Sonomaton Compagnie Mirelaridaine is aUŻšèVViVculinary theatre from Rennes and Sonomaton was one of the theatre’s pro- jects (the organizers called it aUŻšèVViV»tool«), launched in 2016. It took place in two phases. The first phase (the survey) consisted of interviewing the residents of cities of Tangier (Marocco) and Sibiu (Romunia) about their culinary heritage, stories and memories. The second phase (the staging) was creating aUŻšèVViVshow in aUŻšèVViVthe- atre with aUŻšèVViVnative artist from the country of the interviews and active inclusion of spectators. 4.5 Ecosistema Ecosistema was aUŻšèVViVseries of four events (i.e., dinners), where participants were engaged in exchanging food among themselves, and where they fed each other. Two of the events, the first in Bari and the last in Paris, were held in aUŻšèVViVprivate space with invited guests, and the other two dinners in Taranto and Lecce were h el d in an open space and were accessible to the public. 5 Results Exploratory analysis of the interviews revealed how selected gastronomy events addressed five different place-making elements (diversity, liveliness, innovativeness, creativity and tolerance/openness). In the descrip- tion of the results we use initials of the events: Rhythm & Cook = R&C, Les Gastronomades = G, A Place at the Royal Table = PRT, Sonomaton = S, Ecosistema = E. Figure 2: Locations of selected gastronomy events. pp. 19261-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 191 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 192 Map by: Nika Razpotnik Visković Source: Natural Earth data© ZRC SAZU, Anton MelikGeographical InstituteRhythm & Cook Les Gastronomades A Place at the Royal Table Sonomaton Ecosistema 0 250 500 750 kmLegend TurkeyUkraine Moldova Romania Bulgaria North Macedonia GreeceAlbania Malta Tunisia LibyaAlgeria W . SaharaMoroccoSpainPortugalUnited KingdomIreland France AndorraMonacoSwitzerlandLuxembourgBelgiumGermanyNetherlandsDenmarkNorway SwedenFinland Estonia Latvia Lithuania BelarusRussia Poland Czech Rep. Austria Slovenia Croatia ItalyBosnia and Herz.Serbia MontenegroHungarySlovakia61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 192 5.1 Diversity In case of two events (R&C, G) we observed the multi-purpose use of the public spaces where events are taking place. R&C was organized in aUŻšèVViVcollective café, which plays an important role in the community. The café is located on aUŻšèVViVsmall square surrounded by residential-commercial buildings, which serves also as aUŻšèVViVmeeting point for local inhabitants and playground for children. It’s especia lly busy on Sundays (the usual time of the workshops). Café building is made of glass, so it is possible to see inside, observe the activities and decide to enter. R&C workshop were thus attracting attention of people living in the neigh- borhood and passers-by. The main venue of G is the exposition area L ’ espace Carat in the northeast part of the city Angoulême, but there are many other secondary loc ati ons, mostly markets scattered around the city and municipal halls in the mainly disadvantaged neighborhoods. Diversity in the content of the event was accentuated in two cases (R&C, PRT). During the R&C work- shops, participants from Sudan, Afghanistan, Maghreb and the neighborhood created aUŻšèVViVvariety of simple dishes mainly with the use of different spices or condiments. The process of engaging in t he workshop was open and creat ive; it was possible to make traditional dishes or experiment with new recipes, but in aUŻšèVViVhet- erogeneous group of people that wanted to take part. In case of PRT developing aUŻšèVViVprogram linked to food was an opportunity for network members to work on the history of each residence and common European history, but from different perspectives which resulted in more than 100 uni que sub-events and act ivities. 5.2 Liveliness Contribution to liveliness, vitality and dynamism is one of the strongest place-making implications of our selected cases. Two interviewees (R&C, S) pointed out the universal value of cooking as means of com- munication – cooking allows exchanges among people without them having to speak the same language, and it thus creates sense of equality. Additional dime nsion of liveliness that we’ve identified is inclusion of local inhabitants. R&C mobilized people from neighborhood, who started to volunteer and became engaged in preparing the workshops them- selve s. We also shouldn’t overlook the contribution of local grocery and market vendors, who supported the project by donating their unsold products in generous quantities. Among our selected events, G and PRT a ttracted mostly tourists, but they dedicated part of the program explicitly to local community. Royal re sidences are cultural, aesthetic, historic and consequently tourist hotspots, often located in prestigious districts. However, one of the PRT objectives was to offer something new to the local community, espe- cially local visitors with annual passes, already familiar with permanent museum collecti ons . To this end, the Palace of Versailles, for example, held thematic visits in the gardens dedicated to pineapples for local people with an interest in botany and vegetable gardening. In case of G, part of activities too is targeted exclu- sively at local inhabitants. One of them are cooking workshops taking place in disadvantaged neighborhoods, which are dedicated to raising awareness about the ben efits of home cooking with loca l products. Another such initiative is joint local endorsement of annual menu gastronomad which is cooked and served in all city schools, retirement homes, hospitals and at businesses with their own cafeterias. The festival activi- ties are not limited to the formal three-day weekend program in dedicated locations; they extend beyond it in the temporal and spatial sense. Creat ive place-making initiatives are often integrated in urban revitalization programs and this aspect was mentioned in the interview with the organizer of E. In Paris edition, event took place in aUŻšèVViVformer indus- trial (coal) area in the southern suburbs that nowadays host music and other artistic events as part of urban revitalization strategy. In Lecce the dinner was held as the first in aUŻšèVViVseries o f eve nts at the opening of the local cultural center. The location of the event was aUŻšèVViVformer parking lot that was planned to become aUŻšèVViVgar- den – the asphalt had already been torn up, there was no light or electricity and the scenery was very modest and rough. Urban transformation was in progress, so the location of the event gave aUŻšèVViVstrong signal to the community about the change happening in the place. 5.3 Innovativeness Analysis of the interviews show that combining traditional and innovative gastronomy elements emerged in all selected events, either through experimenting with new recipes, introducing unconventional practices,Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 19361-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 193 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process combining different technologies or engagement through social media. In this section we’re pointing out the elements of innovativeness which were perceived and characterized as such by organizers of the events them- selves. The S was designed as aUŻšèVViVproject which would join the tradition, heritage, habits and s oc ial norms with novelty and innovation. Our interviewee explained that they started with collecting the testimonies about culinary heritage and based on that proposed an »unexpected spectacle with innovative engagement of the spectators«. In the case of PRT organizer accentuated that food, cuisine and gastronomy were rarely presented in the museum collections. For some members of the network, this was uncharted ter ritory and an additional reason to participate. What was also innovative was encouraging active participation of the public in tra- ditionally more »watch and listen« environment of historical museums (e.g., aUŻšèVViVcompetition for collecting recipes as memories of aUŻšèVViVchildhood in Prussian Palaces and Gardens Foundation Berlin-Brandenburg, Germany or virtual photo competitions held at the netwo rk level). In 25 years, G festival havs been always following latest trends in gastronomy and looking for innov- ative approaches to present them to public. To this end they have placed chefs in front of an audience, on the cooking stage, promoted the unconventional uses of traditional products, and diversified the program by introducing new accompanying activities, mainly artistic performances and pr oject s with communi- ty (menu gastronomad ; cooking competition of grandparent-grandchild pairs; workshops in disadvantaged communities). 5.4 Creativity In our study cases, creativity is primarily exhibited through the inclusion of artistic activities on the pro- gram. S, for example, is in its core also an artistic project (»the art of five senses«), creating theatre pieces based on field exploration in diffe rent countries. Music is important feature of R&C workshops, where in addition to cooking participants also perform together in improvised jam sessions. Organisers of the G festival are mixing the art of cooking with other genres of art such as music, comics, photography or plas- tic arts. Event is rooted in wider cultural movement of the city of Angoulême, which is known for its lively festival activiti es. It hosts several prominent festivals throughout the year: International Comics Festival in January, the Musiques Métisses festival in May, the Francophone Film Festival in August, the Piano en Valoi festival in October and Les Gastronomades in November. Accompanying artistic program was stat- ed to be important feature also in E and numerous PRT events. 5.5 Tolerance and openness In observed gastronomy events, contribution to the tolerance and openness of the place is threefold: inclu- s ion of different social groups, intergenerational exchange and personal enrichment. In R&C workshops the main target audience were local residents in 14tharrondissement in Paris and the refugees living there. Main objective of the organizers was helping refugees to integrate in their host- ing community a nd diminishing stigmatization they are subjected to. The event was advertised on the social med ia platforms of three organizations involved with refugees and migrants: SINGA Paris, the InFLÎchir Association and the Bureau d’ Accueil et d’ Accompagnement des Migrants. Working with unprivileged social groups was pointed out also in case of G and S. Enhancing intergenerational solidarity and exchange is on e of the horizontal objectives of G, carried out through different activities for elder people and children e.g., aUŻšèVViVcooking competition of grandparent- grandchild pairs, and schoolchildren serving meals to the elderly in retirement homes in Angoulême. Beside learning about other cultures and understanding the generational differences, our studied events put into test also attachment to the personal ha bits and behavioral patterns. The important component of the E project was thus to challenge existing habits that people have developed around food and feed- ing. At each event, the participants needed to follow three rules: they had to feed one another, part of the food needed to be fed with the hands and, in order to be able to do this, the participants needed to wash each other’s hands before. An i nterloc utor shared his observations about the participants’ reactions: »There is something ritualistic in washing someone else’s hands. The participants started to reflect on what it means 19461-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 194 to give food to other people. You become like a child, or like an older person; you need care and you do it with care.« 5.6 Summary of the analysis of place-making features of gastronomy events and its limitations After detailed analysis of different place-making implications that gastronomy events can have in their respective communities, we prepared the overview table, showing also whether event is aUŻšèVViV top-down or bot- tom -up initiative and which type of social capital it activates. Adaptation of quality place indicators and their use for the purpose of our analysis turned out to be challenging when making distinction between diversity, creativity and liveliness, and distinction between innovativeness and creativity (the need to be creative in order to innovate; Edwards-Schachter et al. 2015), but des pite this we managed to show that gastronomy events exceed their economic potential (when includ- ed in tourism offer of the territory), and carry strong potential also for development of local community and make place attractive to live and work in.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 195Table 3: Overview of place-making implications in analyzed gastronomy events. Rhythm & Cook Les Gastronomades A Place at the Sonomaton Ecosistema Royal Table Type of event according to • Unconventional, • Conventional, • Conventional, • Unconventional, • Unconventional, Markusen and Gadwa (2010); bottom- up top-down top-down bottom-up bottom- up Rota and Salone (2014) Activation of social capital • Bonding • Bonding • Bonding • Bonding • Bonding according to Townley et al. • Bridging • Bridging (2011) Diversity • Multi-purpose use • Multi-purpose use • Variety in the // of the public spaces of the public spaces content • Variety in the content Liveliness • Universal value of • Part of program • Part of program • Universal value of • Urban cooking as means dedicated to local dedicated to local cooking as means revitalization of communication community community of communication • inclusion of entire neighbourhood • Voluntarism innovativeness • Combining • Combining • Combining • Combining • Combining traditional traditional traditional traditional traditionaland innovative and innovative and innovative and innovative and innovative gastronomy gastronomy gastronomy gastronomy gastronomyelements elements elements elements elements • Placing chefs in • Selection of topics front of an audience rarely presented • Combining cooking in museums with other activities Creativity • inclusion of artistic • inclusion of artistic • inclusion of artistic • inclusion of artistic • inclusion of artistic activities activities activities activities activities Tolerance, openness • inclusion of different • inclusion of different / • inclusion of different • Personal social groups social groups social groups enrichment • intergenerational exchange61-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 195 Nika Razpotnik Visković, Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process The analysis of events confirms the complicity between art and gastronomy, both being identified as the important creative fields by UNESCO Creative city network initiative for promotion of creativity as aUŻšèVViVstrategic factor for sustainable urban development (Duconseille and Saner 2020). 6 Discussion In this chapter, we address three aspects emerging from comparison of the gastronomy-based and art-based pla ce-making implications: diversity of initiatives, integration in development policies and the question of replicability. In parallel with art studies (Rota and Salone 2014; Rembeza 2016), gastronomy initiatives with aUŻšèVViVplace- making impact can be diverse as well. In the five study cases the different spatial l evels of the actions were observed: from one neighborhood or one city to the group of locations (either random pop-up locations or already established network of sites). Knowing more about the organizers reveals additional aspect of diversity: in the cases at hand, the initiators are aUŻšèVViVgroup of students, aUŻšèVViVjournalist, an interest professional network and artists. They initiated the food events with eithe r completely volunteer or completely finan- cially compensated engagement. Different research findings in previous place-making studies showed that there is no single definition of the community (Thomas, Pate and Ranson 2015; Kullberg et al. 2010), which our study can confirm as well. Similarly to the findings of Salzman and Y erace (2018), we also observed that in more intimate and small-scale eve nt s the connection between participants and their reactions to the event are stronger (Rhythm & Cook, Ecosistema and Sonomaton). Part of our gastronomy events show compliance with the existing public policies and institutional frame- work in several forms (ámid Hribar, Razpotnik Visković in Bole 2021): through inclusion in event programming and direct public financial support (Les Gastronomades, Sonom aton) or financing through project s/programs (A Place at the Royal Table). The other two (Rhythm & Cook and Ecosistema) on the other hand indicate that institutional framework and support are not prerequisites for creative place-mak- ing (Salzman and Y erace 2018). Both events were spontaneous, based on volunteer engagement of the organizers and with cost-free entrance for participants. Interestingly, both events were recognized also as potentially sellable products, i.e., for team-building activities. This leads us to the next aspect of our cross- cutting analysis: the question of replicability and transferability of different gastronomy event concepts. Salzman and Y erace (2018) argue that creative place-making must be authentic for the community, and therefore the transfer of successful projects from the original place to another one is paradoxical. In contrast, some of our study cases demonstrate that replicability of the events in different locations (and different communities) is possible, with proper adaptation to changed circumstances (the audience, coop- erating partners, expectations and needs of the community, level of openness). For example, the Rhythm & Cook workshops were initially hel d in the 14tharrondissement in Paris. After the success in their com- munity, the cultural center in the commune of Saint-Ouen-sur-Seine (in the northern suburbs of Paris) sought to organize the same format of the event for their neighborhood, with the same purpose. Ecosistema was also presented in several locations, and each addition demanded adaptation to the physical conditions of the place (a c losed space, port or former parking lot under reconstruction), the guests (either invited or coincidental passers-by) or adapting the menu to the selection of local producers. However, the replic- ability of the royal palaces’ project A Place at the Royal Table in other locations would be more challenging: first, because of the context given by the European Y ear of Cultural Heritage and, second, beca use of the crucial role played by the management of the network in establishing the framework for defining the con- tent of the activity and coordinating the entire process from the beginning to the end. Our examples thus indicate that some types of gastronomy events (in our cases those are the unconventional events) are more transferable than others (conventional one), and that integration in aUŻšèVViVbroad er c ontext, namely policy or public financing, can weaken their replicability potential. 7 Conclusion The analyzed study cases in this paper demonstrate that gastronomy events can improve the quality of place and can play aUŻšèVViVsignificant role of the social catalyst in the community. They also indicate that places are 19661-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 196 not only »sceneries« of social interaction and community-building efforts, but also an integral element of these processes. The limited number of studied gastronomy events don’t allow us to draw generalized con- clusions. Despite that, our analysis can provide valuable insight in place-making potential of gastronomy events beyond the scope of the tourism for urban planning and governance. The most im portant is the recognition of the place-making potential of unconventional bottom-up initiatives, characterized by the absence of formality which tend to have stronger capacity for activating the bridging social capital, since they evoke multiple communities interacting in ways that are not superficial, but meaningful and purposeful. It is thus our recommendation that city authorities support also the se types of initiatives, while researchers d edicate more attention to better understand the replicability of these type of initiatives and investigate the effect of different financial mechanisms on them. 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DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1007/s10464-01 4-9691-x Topole, M., Pipan, P . 2020: Between traditions and innovationsUŻšèVViV– culinary boutique tourism in the hinterland of Mediterranean tourist destinations. Traditiones 49-3. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.3986/Traditio2020490305 Topol e, M., Pipan, P ., Gašperič, P ., Geršič. M., Kumer, P . 2021: Culinary events in the Slovenian country- side: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability. Acta g eographica Slovenica 61-1. DOI: http s://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.7617 Townley, G., Kloos, B., Green, E. P ., Franco, M. M. 2011: Reconcilable differences? Human diversity, cul- tural relativity, and sense of community. American Journal of Community Psychology 47-1,2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-010-9379-9 Trip, J. J. 2007: Assessing quality of place: AUŻšèVViVcomparative analysis of Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Jou rnal of Urban Affairs 29-5. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9906.2007.00362.x Tsai, C. T., Wang, Y . C. 2017: Experiential value in branding food tourism. Journal of Destination Marketing and Management 6-1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2016.02.003 van Westering, J. 1999: Heritage and gastronomy: The pursuits of the ‘new tourist’ . International Journal of Heritage Studies 5-2. DOI: https: // doi.org/10.1080/13527259908722252 Wijaya, S., King, B., Nguyen, T. H., Morrison, A. 2013: International visitor dining experiences: AUŻšèVViVcon- ceptual framework. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 20. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1016/ j.jhtm.2013.07.001 Williams, H. A., Yuan, J., Williams, R. L. 2018: Attributes of memorable gastro-tourists’ experiences. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Research 43-3. DOI : https://doi.org/10.1177/1096348018804621 Zukin, S. 2008: Consuming authenticity: From outposts of difference to means of exclusion. Cultural Studies 22-5. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/09502380802245985Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 19961-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 199 20061-1-special issue_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:11 Page 200 Guidelines for contributing authors in Acta geographica Slovenica EDITORIAL POLICIES 1Focus and scope The Acta geographica Slovenica journal is issued by the ZRC SAZU Anton Melik Geographical Institute, pub- lished by the ZRC SAZU Založba ZRC, and co-published by the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Acta geographica Slovenica publishes original research papers from all fields of geography and rela t- ed disciplines, and provides a forum for discussing new aspects of theory, methods, issues, and research findings, especially in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe. The journal accepts original research papers and review papers. Papers presenting new developments and innovative methods in geography are welcome. Submissions should address current research gaps and explore state-of-the-art issue s. Res earch-based on case studies should have the added value of transnational comparison and should be integrated into established or new theoretical and conceptual frameworks. The target readership is researchers, policymakers, students, and others who are studying or applying geography at various levels. The journal is indexed in the following bibliographic databases: SCIE (Science Citation Index E xpanded), Scopus, JCR (Journal Citation Report, Science Edition), ERIH PLUS, GEOBASE Journals, Current Geographical P ublications, EBSCOhost, Geoscience e-Journals, Georef, FRANCIS, SJR (SCImago Journal & Country Rank), OCLC WorldCat, Google Scholar, and Cabells Journalytics. The journal’s publisher is a member of CrossRef. 2Types of papers Unsolicited or invited original research papers and review papers are accepted. Papers and materials or sections of them should not have been previously published or under consideration for publication else- where. The papers should cover subjects of current interest within the journal’s scope. 3Special issues The journal also publishes special issues (thematic supplements). Special issues usually consist of invited papers and present a special topic, with an intro du ction by the (guest) editors. The introduction briefly presents the topic, summarizes the papers, and provides important implications. 4Peer-review process All papers are examined by the editor-in-chief. This includes fact-checking the content, spelling and gram- mar, writing style, and figures. Papers that appear to be plagiarized, are badly or ghost-written, have been published elsewhere, are outsi de the scope of the journal, or are of little interest to readers of Acta geographica Slovenica may be rejected. If the paper exceeds the maximum length, the author(s) must shorten it before the paper is reviewed. The paper is then sent to responsible editors, who check the relevance, significance, originality, clar- ity, and quality of the paper. If accepted for consideration, the papers are then se nt to peer reviewer(s) for double-blind review. Papers are rejected or accepted based on the peer reviews and editorial board’s decision. 5Publication frequency Acta geographica Slovenica is published three times a year.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 20161-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 201 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 6Open-access policy This journal provides immediate open access to the full-text of papers at no cost on the principle of open science, that makes research freely available to the public. There is no paper processing fee (Article Processing Charge) charged to authors. Digital copies of the journal are stored by the repository of ZRC SAZU and the digital department of Sl ovenian national library NUK, dLib. The author(s) receive a free print copy. The journal’s publication ethics and publication malpractice statement is available online, as well as information on subscriptions and prices for print copies. AUTHOR GUIDELINES Before submitting a paper, please read the details on the journal’s focus and scope, publication frequency, privacy statement, history, peer-rev iew process, open-access policy, dut ies of participants, and publication ethics (all available at https://ags.zrc-sazu.si). 1Types of papers Unsolicited or invited original research papers and review papers are accepted. Papers and materials or sections of them should not have been previously published or under consideration for publication else- where. The papers should cover subjects of current intere st within the journal’s scope. 2Special issues The journal also publishes special issues (thematic supplements). Special issues usually consist of invited papers and present a special topic, with an introduction by the (guest) editors. The introduction briefly presents the topic, summarizes the papers, and provides important implications. 3The papers Research papers must be prepared using the journal’s template (available at https:/ /ags.zrc-sazu.si) and con- tai n the following elements: – Title: this should be clear, short, and simple. – Information about author(s): submit names (without academic titles), affiliations, ORCiDs, and e-mail addresses through the online submission system (available at https://ags.zrc-sazu.si). – Highlights: authors must provide 3–5 highlights. This section must not exceed 40 0 char acters, includ- ing spaces. – Abstract: introduce the topic clearly so that readers can relate it to other work by presenting the back- ground, why the topic was selected, how it was studied, and what was discovered. It should contain one or two sentences about each section (introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusions). The maximum length is 800 characters including spaces. – Key word s: include up to seven informative key words. Start with the research field and end with the place and country. – Main text: The main text must not exceed 30,000 characters, including spaces (without the title, affiliation, abstract, key words, highlights, reference list, and tables). Do not use footnotes or endnotes. Divide the paper into sections with short, clear titles marked with numbers without fi nal dots: 1 Section title. Use only one level of subsections: 1.1 Subsection title. Research papers should have the following structure: •Introduction: present the background of the research problem (trends and new perspectives), state of the art (current international discussion in the field), research gap, motivation, aim, and research questions. •Methods: describe the study area, equipment, tools, m od els, programs, data collection, and analysis, define the variables, and justify the methods. •Results: follow the research questions as presented in the introduction and briefly present the results. 20261-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 202 •Discussion: interpret the results, generalize from them, and present related broader principles and relationships between the study and previous research. Critically assess the methods and their limita- tions, and discuss important implications of the results. Clarify unexpected results or lacking correlations. •Conclusion: present the main implications of the findings, your interpretations, and unres olved ques- ti ons, offering a short take-home message. Review papers (narratives, best-practice examples, systematic approaches, etc.) should have the following structure: •Introduction: include 1) the background; 2) the problem: trends, new perspectives, gaps, and conflicts; and 3) the motivation/justification. •Material and methods: provide information such as data sources (e.g., bibliographic databas es), search te rms and search strategies, selection criteria (inclusion/exclusion of studies), the number of studies screened and included, and statistical methods of meta-analysis. •Literature review: use subheadings to indicate the content of the various subsections. Possible struc- ture: methodological approaches, models or theories, the extent of support for a given thesis, studies that agree with o ne another versus studies that disagree, chronological order, and geographical location. •Conclusions: provide implications of the f indings and your interpretations (separate from facts), iden- tify unresolved questions, summarize, and draw conclusions. – Acknowledgement: use when relevant. In this section, authors can specify the contribution of each author. – Reference list: see the guidelines below. 4Paper submission 4.1 Open journal system Author(s) must submit their contributions through the Acta geographica Slovenica Open Journal System (OJS; available at https:/ /ags.zrc.sazu.si) using the W ord document template (available at https:/ /ags.zrc.sazu.si). Enter all necessary information into the OJS. Any addition, deletion, or rearrangement of names of the author(s) in the authorship list should be made and confirmed by all coauthors before the manuscript has been accepted, and is only possible if approved by the journal editor. T o make anonymous peer review possible, the paper text and figures should not include names of author(s). Do not use contractions or excessive abbreviations. Use plain text, with sparing use of bold and italics (e.g. for non-English words). Do not use auto-formatting, such as secti on or list numbering and bullets. If a text is unsatisfactory, the editorial board may return it to the author(s) for professional copyediting or reject the paper. See the section on the peer-review process (available at https/ /ags.zrc-sazu.si) for details. Author(s) may suggest reviewers when submitting a paper. 4.2 Language Papers are published in English. Papers can be submitted in English or Slo ve nian. Authors must take care of high-quality English text. In the case of poor language, the paper is copy- edited/translated after acceptance by a professional chosen by the editorial board. In such a case, the translation or copyediting costs are borne by the author(s) and must be paid before layout editing. All papers should have English and Slovenian abstracts. 4.3 Supplementary file submission Suppl ementary files (figures) can be submitted to the OJS packed in one zip file not exceeding 50 MB. 4.4 Submission date The journal publishes the submission date of papers. Please contact the editorial board (ags@zrc-sazu.si) with any questions.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 20361-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 203 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 5Citations Examples for citing publications are given below. Using »grey literature« is highly discouraged. 5.1 Citing papers • Bole, D. 2004: Daily mobility of workers in Slovenia. Acta geographica Slovenica 44-1. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/ 10.3986/AGS44102 • Fridl, J., Urbanc, M., Pipan, P . 2009: The importance of teachers’ perception of space in education. Acta geographica Slovenica 49-2. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS49205 • Gams, I. 1994a: Types of contact karst. Geografia Fisica e Dinamica Quaternaria 17. • Gams, I. 1994b: Changes of the Triglav glacier in the 1955-94 period in the light of climatic indicators. Geografski zbornik 34. • van Hall, R. L., Cammeraat, L. H., Keesstra, S. D., Zorn, M. 2016: Impact of secondary vegetation suc- cession on soil quality in a humid Mediterranean landscape. Catena, In press. D OI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1016/ j.catena.2016.05.021 (25. 11. 2016). • de Kerk, G. V ., Manuel, A. R. 2008: a comprehensive index for a sustainable society: The SSI – the Sustainable Society Index. Ecological Economics 66-2,3. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2008.01.029 • Perko, D. 1998: The regionalization of Slovenia. Geografski zbornik 38. • Urry, J. 2 004: The ‘system’ of automobility. Theory, Culture & Society 21-4,5. DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.1177%2F0263276404046059 • Y ang, D. H., Goerge, R., Mullner, R. 2006: Comparing GIS-based methods of measuring spatial acces- sibility to health services. Journal of Medical Systems 30-1. DOI: https:/ /doi.org/10.1007/s10916-006-7400-5 5.2 Citing books • Cohen, J. 1988: Statistical power analysis for the behavioral sciences. New Y ork. • Fridl, J., Kladnik, D., Perko, D., Orožen Adamič, M. (eds.) 1998: Geografski atlas Slovenije. Ljubljana. • Hall, T., Barrett, H. 2018: Urban geography. Routledge. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315652597 • Hall, C. M., Page, S. J. 2014: The geography of tourism and recreation: Environment, place and space. Routledge. • Luc, M., Somorowska, U., Szmańda, J. B. (eds.) 2015: Landscape analysis and planning, Springer Geography. He idelberg. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-13527-4 • Nared, J., Razpotnik Visković, N. (eds.) 2014: Managing cultural heritage sites in southeastern Europe. Ljubljana. DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/9789610503675 5.3 Citing parts of books or proceedings • Gams, I. 1987: a contribution to the knowledge of the pattern of walls in the Mediterranean karst: a case stu dy on the N. island Hvar, Yugoslavia. Karst and Man, Proceedings of the International Symposium on Human Influence in Karst. Ljubljana. • Hrvatin, M., Perko, D., Komac, B., Zorn, M. 2006: Slovenia. Soil Erosion in Europe. Chichester. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1002/0470859202.ch25 • Komac, B., Zorn, M. 2010: Statistično modeliranje plazovitosti v državnem merilu. Od razumevanja do upravljanja, Naravne nesreče 1. Ljubljana. • Zorn, M., Komac, B. 2013: Land degradation. Encyclopedia of Natural Hazards. Dordrecht. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-4399-4_207 5.4 Citing expert reports, theses, and dissertations • Breg Valjavec, M. 2012: Geoinformatic methods for the detection of former waste disposal sites in karstic and nonkarstic regions (case study of dolines and gravel pits). Ph.D. thesis, Unive rsity of Nova Gorica. Nova Gorica. 20461-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 204 • Holmes, R. L., Adams, R. K., Fritts, H. C. 1986: Tree-ring chronologies of North America: California, Eastern Oregon and Northern Great Basin with procedures used in the chronology development work including user manual for computer program COFECHA and ARSTAN. Chronology Series 6. University of Arizona, Laboratory of tree-ring research. Tucson. • Hrvatin, M. 2016: Morfometrične značilnosti površja na različnih kamninah v Sloveniji. Ph.D. thesis, Univerza na Primorskem. Koper. • Šifrer, M. 1997: Površje v Sloveniji. Elaborat, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika ZRC SAZU. Ljubljana. 5.5 Citing online material with authors and titles • Bender, O., Borsdorf, A., Heinrich, K. 2010: The interactive alpine information system GALPIS. Challenges for mountain regions, Tackling complexity. Internet: http://www.mo untainresearch.at/images/ P ublikationen/Sonderband/bender-borsdorf-heinrich.pdf (4. 8. 2014). 5.6 Citing online material without authors • Internet 1: http://giam.zrc-sazu.si (18. 11. 2016). • Internet 2: http:/ /ags.zrc-sazu.si (23. 7. 2012). • Internet 3: https:/ /www.sgi-network.org/2020/ (14. 2. 2021). 5.7 Citing sources without authors • Housing standards, Slovenia, multiannually. Statistical Office of the Re public of Slovenia. Internet: https://pxweb.stat.si/SiStatData/pxweb/en/Data/-/H151S.px (14. 2. 2021). • Popis prebivalstva, gospodinjstev, stanovanj in kmečkih gospodarstev v Republiki Sloveniji, 1991 – končni podatki. Zavod Republike Slovenije za statistiko. Ljubljana, 1993. • WCED – World commission on environmental and development: Our common future – Brundtland report. Oxford, 1987. 5.8 Citing cartograph ic sources •Buser, S. 1986: Osnovna geološka karta SFRJ 1:100.000, list T olmin in Videm (Udine). Savezni geološki zavod. Beograd. • Digitalni model višin 12,5. Geodetska uprava Republike Slovenije. Ljubljana, 2005. • Državna topografska karta Republike Slovenije 1:25.000, list Brežice. Geodetska uprava Republike Slovenije. Ljubljana, 1998. • Franciscejski kataster za Kranjsko, k. o. Sv. Agata, list A02. Arhiv Republike Slovenije. Ljubljana, 1823–1869. • T he vegetation map of forest communities of Slovenia 1 : 400,000. Biološki inštitut Jovana Hadžija ZRC SAZU. Ljubljana, 2002. 5.9 Citing official gazettes • 1999/847/EC: Council Decision of 9 December 1999 establishing a Community action programme in the field of civil protection. Official Journal 327, 21. 12. 1999. • Zakon o kmetijskih zemljiščih. Urad ni list Republike Slovenije 59/1996. Ljubljana. • Zakon o varstvu pred naravnimi in drugimi nesrečami. Uradni list Republike Slovenije 64/1994, 33/2000, 87/2001, 41/2004, 28/2006 in 51/2006. Ljubljana. 5.10 In-text citations Please ensure that every reference cited in the text is also in the reference list (and vice versa). In-text cita- tions should state the last name of the author(s) and the year, sep arate individual cit ations with semicolons, order the quotes according to year, and separate the page information from the name of the author(s) and year information with a comma; for example: (Melik 1955), (Melik, Ilešič and Vrišer 1963; Kokole 1974, 7–8; Gams 1982a; Gams 1982b).Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 20561-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 205 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 For sources with more than three authors, list only the first followed by et al.: (Melik et al. 1956). Cite page numbers only for direct citations: Perko (2016, 25) states: »Hotspots are …« To cite online material with authors, cite the name: (Zorn 2010). To cite online material without authors, cite only Internet followed by a number: (Internet 2). 5.11 Works cited list Arrange references alphabetically and then chronologically if necessary. Identify more than one reference by the same author(s) in the same year with the letters a, b, c, etc., after the year of publication: (1999a; 1999b). Use this format for indirect citations: (Gunn 2002, cited in Matei et al. 2014). Include the Digital Object Identifier (DOI) in the reference if available. Format the DOI as foll ows: https://doi.org/… (for example: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.1812). 6Tables and figures Number all tables in the paper uniformly with their own titles. The number and the text are separated by a colon, and the caption ends with a period. Example: Table 1: Number of inhabitants of Ljubljana. Table 2: Changes in average air temperature in Ljubljana (Velkavrh 2009). Tables should contain no formattin g and shou ld not be too large; it is recommended that tables not exceed one page. Upload figures to the OJS as separate supplementary files in digital form. If the graphic supplements prepared cannot be uploaded using these programs, consult the editorial board (ags@zrc-sazu.si) in advance. Number all figures (maps, graphs, photographs) in the paper uniformly with their own titles. Example: Figure 1: L ocati on of measurement points along the glacier. All graphic materials must be adapted to the journal’s format. Illustrations should be exactly 134 mm wide (one page) or 64 mm wide (half page, one column), and the height limit is 200 mm. To make anonymous peer review possible, include the name of the author(s) with the title of the illus- tration in the supplementary file metadata, but not in the paper t ext. Maps should b e made in digital vector form with Corel Draw, Adobe Illustrator, or a similar program, espe- cially if they contain text. They can exceptionally be produced in digital raster form with at least 300 dpi resolution, preferably in TIFF or JPG format. For maps made with CorelDraw or Adobe Illustrator, two separate files should be prepared; the original file (.cdr or .ai format) and an im age file (.jpg format). For maps made with ArcGIS with raster layers used next to vector layers (e.g., .tif of relief, airborne or satellite image), three files should be submitted: the first with a vector image without transparency togeth- er with a legend and colophon (export in .ai format), the second with a raster background (export in .tif format), and the third with all of the content (vector an d r aster elements) together showing the final ver- sion of the map (export in .jpg format). Do not print titles on maps; they should appear in a caption. Save colors in CMYK, not in RGB or other formats. Use Times New Roman for the legend (size 8) and colophon (size 6). List the author(s), scale, source, and copyright in the colophon. Write the colophon in English (and Slovenian, if applicable). Exampl e: Scal e: 1:1,000,000 Content by: Drago Perko Map by: Jerneja FridlSource: Statistical Office of the Republic of Slovenia 2002 © 2005, ZRC SAZU Anton Melik Geographical Institute Graphs should be made in digital form using Excel on separate sheets and accompanied by data. 20661-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 206 Photos must be in raster format with a resolution of 240 dots per cm or 600 dpi, preferably in .tif or .jpg formats; that is, about 3,200 dots per page width of the journal. Figures containing a screenshot should be prepared at the highest possible screen resolution (Control Panel\All Control Panel Items\Display\Screen Resolution). The figure is made using Print Screen, and the captured screen is paste d to the selected graphic program (e.g., Paint ) and saved as .tif. The size of the image or it s resolution must not be changed. Examples of appropriate graphic data forms : see the templates of maps in cdr and mxd files (available at https:/ /ags.zrc.sazu.si) for a whole-page map in landscape view and an example of the correct file structure (available at https://ags.zrc.sazu.si) for submitting a map made with ESR I ArcGIS. SUBMISSION PREPARATION CHECKLIST As part of the submission process, authors are required to check off their submission’s compliance with all of the following items, and submissions may be returned to authors that do not adhere to these guidelines. • I, the corresponding author, declare that this manuscript is original, and is therefore based on original research, done exclusively by the au thors . All information and data used in the manuscript were pre- pared by the authors or the authors have properly acknowledged other sources of ideas, materials, methods, and results. • Authors confirm that they are the authors of the submitting paper, which is under consideration to be pub- lished (print and online) in the journal Acta geographica Slovenica by Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU. • All authors have s ee n and approved the paper being submitted. • The submission has not been previously published, nor it is under consideration in another journal (or an explanation has been provided in Comments to the Editor). Authors have disclosed any prior post- ing, publication or distribution of all or part of the manuscript to the Editor. • Upon publishing a paper in a journal the authors agree to license non-excl usive copyrights to ZRC SAZU ( Založba ZRC): they retain the copyright in the scope that enables them to continue to use their work, even by publishing it in one of the personal or institutional repositories before the publication of the paper in the journal. • Authors consent to the publication of their works under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). • Permission has b een obtained for the use (in printed and electronic format) of copyrighted material from other sources, including online sources. Restrictions on the transfer of copyright on this material have been clearly indicated. • All the necessary permits to work with people have been obtained in the research related to the paper (in accordance with the applicable laws and institutional gu idel ines and approved by the relevant insti- tutions). • The journal policies and guidelines have been reviewed and followed. • The metadata (title, abstract, key words, authors, affiliation, ORCiD, etc.) are provided in English (Slovenian authors must provide the metadata also in Slovenian language). • The submission is in Microsoft Word format and the document template was used (single-spaced text, 12-p oi nt font, no formatting except italics and bold). • The paper has been checked for spelling and grammar. • Figures are not embedded in the Word file and are provided as a supplementary file: editable vector format (e.g., cdr, ai) for maps and illustrations; tif for photographs; xlsx for graphs. The Word file includes only figure captions. • Tables are placed in the Word file with text at the appropriat e pla ce. • The reference list was prepared following the guidelines. • All references in the reference list are cited in the text, and vice versa. • Where available, URLs and DOI numbers for references are provided. • Supplementary files are in one .zip file. • I agree that any costs of English proofreading are borne by the author(s). No additional costs are asso- ciated with the submission. • The instruct ions for ensuring a double-blind review have been followed.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 20761-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 207 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA EDITORIAL REVIEW FORM This is a review form for editorial review (version 13) of a paper submitted to the AGS journal. This is an original scientific paper. (The paper is original and the first presentation of research results with the focus on methods, theoretical aspects or a case study.) • Y es • No The paper follows the standard IMRAD/ILRA D sche me. • Y es • No The paper’s content is suitable for reviewing in the AGS journal. (The paper is from the field of geography or related fields of interest, the presented topic is interesting for the readers of Acta geographica Slovenica and well presented. In case of negative answer add comments below.) • Y es • No Editorial notes regarding the paper’s content. The reference list is suitable (the author cite s previ ously published papers with similar topics from other relevant geographic scientific journals). • Y es, the author cited previously published papers on a similar topic. • No, the author did not cite previously published papers on a similar topic. Notes to editor-in-chief regarding previously published scientific work. Is the language of the paper appropriate and understandable? RECOMMENDATION OF THE EDI TOR • The paper is accepted and can be sent to the review process. • Reconsider after a major revision (see notes). • The paper is rejected. ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA REVIEW FORM This is Acta geographica Slovenica review form (version 6). 1 RELEVANCE Are the findings original and the paper is therefore a significant one?• yes• no• partly 20861-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 208 Is the paper suitable for the subject focus of the AGS journal? • yes • no 2 SIGNIFICANCE Does the paper discuss an important problem in geography or related fields? • yes• no• partly Does it bring relevant results for contemporary geography? • yes• no• partly What is the level of the novelty of research presented in the paper? • high• middle• low 3 ORIGINALITY Has the paper been already published or is too similar to work already published? • yes• no Does the paper discuss a new issue? • yes • no Are the methods presented sound and adequate? • yes • no• partly Do the presented data support the conclusions? • yes• no• partly 4 CLARITY Is the paper clear, logical and understandable?• yes• noActa geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 20961-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 209 Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 If necessary, add comments and recommendations to improve the clarity of the title, abstract, keywords, introduction, methods or conclusion: 5 QUALITY Is the paper technically sound? (If not, the author should discuss with the Editorial Board [ags@zrc-sazu.si] for assistance.) • yes • no Does the paper take into account relevant current and past research on the topic? •ye s • noPropose amendments, if no is selected: Is the references list at the end of the paper adequate? • yes• no Propose amendments, if no is selected: Is the quoting in the text appropriate? • yes • no• partly Propose amendments, if no is selected: Which tables are not necessary? Which figures are not necessary? COMMENTS OF THE REVIEWER Comments of the reviewer on the contents of the paper: Comments of the reviewe r on the methods used in the paper: RECOMMENDATION OF THE REVIEWER TO THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Please rate the paper from 1 [low] to 100 [high] (this will NOT be presented to the author): Personal notes of the reviewer to the editor-in-chief (this will NOT be presented to the authors): COPYRIGHT NOTICE The Acta geographica Slovenica editorial board and the publisher, the ZRC SAZU Anton Melik Geographical Institute, are committe d to ensuring ethics in publication and the quality of published books and journals by following the Acta Geographica Slovenica Publication Ethics and Publication Malpractice Statement. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Authors must respect the copyright rules of data owners; for example, the rules of the Slovenian Surveying and Mapping Authority are available at its webpage. For paper sent to Acta geographica Slovenica, authors agree that all moral rights of the authors remain with the authors; material rights to reproduction and distribution in Slovenia and other countries are 21061-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 210 exclusively ceded to the publisher for no fee, for all time, for all cases, for unlimited editions, and for all media; and material rights to the paper figures (maps, photos, graphs, etc.) are ceded to the publisher on a non-exclusive basis. Authors allow publication of the paper or its components on the internet. Authors give permission to the publisher to modify the paper to conform to its guidelines , i ncluding the length of the paper. Authors shall provide a professional translation of papers not originally in English. The name of the translator must be reported to the editor. No honoraria are paid for papers in Acta geographica Slovenica or for the reviews. The first author of the paper shall receive one free copy of the publication. PRIVACY STATEMENT By submitting their papers or other contributions the authors and reviewers consent to colle ction and pro- cessing of their personal data (like name, surname and email address) which enable effective communication, editing and publication of papers or other contributions. The names and e-mail addresses provided to this journal site will be used exclusively for the stated purposes of this journal and will not be made available for any other purpos e or to any other party. PUBLISHER Anton Melik Geographical Institute Research Center of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts PO Box 306 SI–1001 LjubljanaSlovenia SOURCES OF SUPPORT The journal is subsidized by the Slovenian Research Agency and is issued in the framework of the Geography of Slovenia long-term core research programme (P6-0101). The journal is also supported by the Slovenian Academy of Sc iences and Arts. JOURNAL HISTORY Acta geographica Slovenica (print version: ISSN: 1581-6613, digital version: ISSN: 1581-8314) was founded in 1952. It was originally named Geografski zbornik / Acta geographica (print ISSN 0373-4498, digital ISSN: 1408-8711). Altogether 42 volumes were published. In 2002 Geographica Slovenica (ISSN 0351-1731, founded in 1971, 35 volumes) was merged with the journal. Sinc e 2003 (from volume 43 onward) the name of the joint journal has b een Acta geographica Slovenica . The journal continues the numbering system of the journal Geografski zbornik / Acta geographica. Until 1976, the journal was published periodically, then once a year, from 2003 twice a year and from 2019 three times a year. The online version of the journal has been available since 1995. In 2013, all volu me s of the magazine were digitized from the beginning of its publication to 1994 inclusive. All papers of the journal are available free of charge in digital form on the journal website http: //ags.zrc- sazu.si. Those interested in the history of the journal are invited to read the paper »The History of Acta geographica Slovenica« in volume 50-1.Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-1, 2021 21161-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 211 ISSN: 1581-6613 UDC – UDK: 91 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 61-1 2021 © 2021, ZRC SAZU, Geografski inštitut Antona Melika Print/tisk: Present, d. o. o. Ljubljana 2021 61-1-navodila avtorjem-konec_acta49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:12 Page 212 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICAGEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 2021 61 1 0101661851779ISSN 1581-6613 ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA •GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK •61-1 •2021ACTA GEOGRAPHICA SLOVENICA GEOGRAFSKI ZBORNIK 61-1 •2021 Contents Danijela Strle, Matej Ogrin Latent cooling of atmosphere as an indicator of lowered snow line: Case study from Planica and Vrata valleys 7 Vera graOV ac MataSSi, ana talanRecent marriage and childbearing trends in Croatia and Slovenia: A comparative review 25 constantin niStOr, ionuŽunišăžB SăVuleScu, Bogdan-andrei Mihai, liliana Zaharia, Marina Vîrghileanu, Sorin caraBlaiSă The impact of large dam s on fluvial sedimentation: The Iron Gates Reservoir on the Danube River 41 Jolanta Jóțwik, Dorota DyMek Spatial diversity of ecological stability in different types of spatial units: Case study of Poland 57 Danijel iV aJnšiź, David Pintariź, Veno Jaša gruJić, igor ŽiBerna A spatial decision support system for traffic accident prevention in different weather conditions 75 Special issue: Gastronomy, territory and tourism nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, Blaž kOMac Gastronomy tourism: A brief introduction 95 Maja tOPOle, Primož PiPan, Primož gašPeriź, Matjaž geršiź, Peter kuMer Culinary events in the Slovenian countryside: Visitors’ motives, satisfaction, and views on sustainability 107 Mateja šMiD hriBar, nika raZPOtnik ViSkOVić, David BOle Models of stakeholder collaboration in food tourism experiences 127 carlos Ferna nDeS, greg richarDS Developing gastronomic practices in the Minho region of Portugal 141 špela leDinek lOZeJ Labelling, certification and branding of cheeses in the southeastern Alps (Italy, Slovenia):Montasio, Bovec, Tolminc and Mohant cheese 153 Saša POlJak iSteniź, Jasna Fakin BaJec Luxury food tour: Perspectives and dilemmas on the »luxurification« of local culturein tourism product 169 nika raZP Ot nik ViSkOVić Gastronomy as a social catalyst in the creative place-making process 185naslovnica 61-1_naslovnica 49-1.qxd 28.7.2021 8:05 Page 1