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ANECDOTES
OF THE
RUSSIAN EMPIRE.
ANECDOTES
OF THE
RUSSIAN EM
IMA
SERIES   OF LETTERS,
WRITTEN, A FEW YEARS AGO, FROM
St* PETERSBURG.
LONDON;
PRINTED FOR W. STR AH AN, AND T. CADELL IN THE STRAND, MDCCLXXX1V.
TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM SHAW LORD CATHCART,
THESE LETTERS
ARE,
WITH GREAT RESP.ECT, INSCRIBED,
BY
HIS LORDSHIP1*
MOST   OBEDIENT AND
DEVOTED SERVANT,
W. RICHARDSON,
Glasgow College, Sept. 17, 1783.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Author of the following Letters, during the fpace of four years that he paffed in Ruffia, had opportunities of obferv-ing many circumftances that appeared to him. remarkable in the manners of the Ruffians ; and of knowing fome particulars, that feemed to him interefting in the chara&ers of eminent perfons.   He does not pretend, however, to have compiled a complete Account of the Ruffian Empire.    He has only mentioned fuch facts as he had occafion to wit-nefs; or fuch as had been communicated to him by perfons on whofe information he could depend :  and for this reafon, as the term Anecdote may perhaps apply to a nation in general, no lefs than to individuals, he has entitled his  Work Anecdotes.—Chiefly folicitous of conveying fuch information as might be ufeful or amufing to his Readers, he has kept every thing refpecling himfelf as much out of view as poffible ; and this muft A 4 account
viii ADVERTISEMENT.
account for abruptness in fome of the Letters ; and for his prefenting others in the form of Extracts, At the fame time, the Reader may probably remark, that feveral of the following Letters have little relation either to the manners of the Ruffians, or to the characters of eminent cotemporaries. Some of them contain enquiries fuggefted to the Author, or his Correfpondents, concerning facts or events which he took occafion to mention. Others have a connection ftill more remote ; and are fcarcely any otherwife related to his fub-ject, than that they were written during the time he remained in Ruffia. It is hoped, however, that, in a Publication in which a .very clofe method is not propofed, the flight connection between thofe Letters, and the prorefi'cd deiign or the Volume, will not be conlidered as a great defect.
CON-
CONTENTS.
LETTER   L   Page i.
JOURNAL of a Voyage from England to St. J    P eterjburg.
LETTER II.   p. 15.
The Emprefs of Ruffia and the Great Duke lay the Foundation of a magnificent Church.
LETTER III.   p. 23.
Anecdotes of the Emprefs of Ruffia.
LETTER  IV.  p. 28.
Deputies affembled by the Empnfs of Ruffia from different Parts of her Empire, for makivg Laius,—Anecdote of the Samoid Deputies.
LETTER  V.   p. 33.
Thank/giving for the Recovery of the Emprefs and Great Duke from the Small-pox.
LETTER   VI.   p. 37.
fjtjiribution of Prizes to Students in the Academy.—Reprefentation of a Rufjian Tragedy.
LETTER   VII.   p. 4i-.
Qaufes of the Turkifh War.
LETTER   VIII.   p. 51. 'the Ruffian Winter.
LETTER   IX.   p. 59.
Religion of the Ruffians.—Ruffian Clergy.-^. Anecdotes of a Prieft.
LETTER  X.   p. 66.
<the Ruffian Spring.
LETTER   XL   p, 68.
The State of Agriculture in Ruffia.
LETTER   XII.   p. 72.
Progrefs of the War.
LETTER  Xlïl.  p. 78-
Anecdotes of Count Munich.
LETTER XIV.  p. 88.
Progrefs of the War.
LETTER   XV.   p. 91.
Excurfion into Carelia.—State of the Fin-landers.
LETTER   XVI.   p. 97.
Fables tranjlatedfrom the German of Lessing.
LETTER   XVII.   p. ior.
Progrefs of the War.—Retreat of the Ruffians from Chotzim.
LETTER  XVIII.   p. 107.
Progrefs of the War.—A Ruffian Ptfquinade.
LETTER   XIX.   p. 112.
With fome Verfes.
LETTER  XX.  p. 114.
The Funeral of the Princefs Kurakin.
LETTER   XXI.   p. 120.
The Hymn chanted at the Afpafmus, or Lafi Embrace.
LETTER   XXIL   p. 132. The Library belonging to the Academy.-~-Rc~ liques of Peter the Great.
LETTER   XXiU.   p. 135.
Tranflation of a German Poem.
LETTER   XXIV.   p. 147,
Journal of the Weather for Fifty-five Days, during the Winter 1769-70,
LETTER   XXV.   p. i57.
Account of a Comet which ivas feen in Ruffia in the Tear 1769.—Account of fome other Comets.
LETTER   XXVI.   p. 177.
An Equejlrian Statue of Peter the Great.— The Rock intended for the Pedefial.
LETTER   XXVII.   p. 183. Fables imitatedfrcm the German o/"Gellertï
CONTENTS. xiu
LETTER  XXVIII.   p. 192. The Slavery of the Ruffian Peafants.
LETTER  XXIX.   p. 201.
Perfons, Food, Drefs> Houfes, and Names of the,Ruffian Peafants.
LETTER   XXX.   p. 209.
The Salutations, Quarrels, and Amufements of the Ruffian Peafants*
LETTER   XXXI.   p. 218.
Domefic Manners of Perfons of Rank in Ruffia.
LETTER   XXXII.   p. 258. Adminiflration of Jufice in Ruffia.
LETTER   XXXIII. p. 239. Refeclions on the Effecls of Defpotifn.
LETTER   XXXIV.   p. 244. National Character of the Ruffians.
LETTER   XXXV.   p, 255, With fome Verfes.
xiv CONTENTS.
LETTER   XXXVI.   p. 25-9.
Account of Goods exported from St. Peterfiurg in 1769.
LETTER   XXXVII.   p. 263.
With an Account of the Abdication of Victor Amadeus, King of Sardinia, in the Tear
173°-
LETTER   XXXVIII.   p. 309.
The Hofpodar of Wallachia.
LETTER   XXXIX.   p. 214.
Anecdotes of the Battle of Kahul—and of Count Romanzoiv.
LETTER   XL.   p. 320.
To a Lady, nvho had gone to London from St. Peter/burg, rèquefîing her Return.
LETTER. XLI.   p. 323.
Prince Henry of Pruffia at St. Peterfiurg—A fpendid Mafquerade and Fire-Works.
LETTER   XLII.   p. 332.
Account of the Confier ation of the Waters.
LETTER   XLIII.   p. 337-
Concerning the Effecl of pompous religious Rites on the Devotion of the Worjloipper.
LETTER   XLIV.   p. 340.
Obfervations on the Punifhment of Crimes, in Anfwer to the Thirty-fécond Letter in this Colleclion, concerning the Adminijlration of fufiice in Ruffia.
LETTER   XLV.   p. 364.
Concerning the Progrefs of the Feudal Syjlem in Ruffia.
LETTER  XVI.   p. 380.
Concerning the Caufes that Duelling and Single Combat have not been fo ufual in Ruffia as in other Countries in Europe.
LETTER   XLVIL  p. 396.
Englifh Players in Ruffia—Prologue on opening an Engliflj Theatre at St. Peterfiurg.
LETTER   XLVIII.   p. 400.
Copy of a Letter from Count Orloff to Rouffeau, with the Anfwer.
xvi CONTENTS.
LETTER   XLÏX.   p. 408. (inflation of an Eafier Hymn, fometimes recited in the Churches of the Greek Com-munion.
LETTER   L.   p. 412. The Serajkier of Bender.
LETTER   LI.   p. 416. Abjlracl of a Ruffian Catechij'hi.
LETTER   LII.   p. 426. Account of a Circaffuin Priucefs, the Widoua of Donduc Ambo, Chan of the Ca/niuck Tartars.
LETTER   LUI.   p. 445.
A Pefiilential Difemper in Ruffia.—The Maf-facre of the Archbifljop of Mofcoiv.
LETTER   LIV.   p. 451.
Anfwer to an Objeclion concerning the National Character of the Ruffians.
LETTER   LV.   p. 454.
Remarks on the prefent Situation of the Jews.
LETTER   LVI.   p. 4-5.
Journal of a Voyage from Cronftadt to Copenhagen.
AN EC-
ANECDOTES
OF THE
RUSSIAN EMPIRE.
LETTER L
Journal of a Voyage from "England to St. Pelerffburgh.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburgh, Aug. 16, 1762.
IHAVE the pleafure of informing you of my arrival in Ruffia. The paffage was expeditious ; but not intirely without fome hazard : and the following Journal of the Voyage, in which, however, I have only marked thofe days when any thing particular occurred, may perhaps afford you fome amufement. Nor fhall I harafs you with larboard and farboard> and fore and aft.
B We
We are neither of us feamen ; why, there** fore, mould I trouble either you or myfelf with the affectation of naval terms ?
Auguft 2. I embarked, in the evenings along with Lord C. * and his family, on board the Tweed Frigate at the Nore.
Augufl 3. Early in the morning the vef-fel was under fail. The wind very favour-able. The Tweed carries thirty-two guns : and, including forty marines, her full complement of men is two hundred and twenty.
Auguft 6. Very ftormy. The weather, hitherto, had been remarkably pleafant* This day we entered the Categate.'
Auguft 7. The weather fine, and the wind favourable.    We failed along the coaft of
Zealand.-Nothing of the kind could be
more delightful than the verdure and variety of hill and dale, difplayed in that beautiful Mland. In the afternoon we paffed a fmali paUce belonging to the King of Denmark,
* His Lordfhip was appointed Amba/Tador Extraordinary tnd Flenipotena:uy to the Emprefs of Ruflia.
It
ît is diftant about two miles from Elfinore ; is flat-roofed ; has twelve windows in front, and is built, as I was told, on the very place formerly occupied by the palace of Hamlet's father. In an adjoining garden, the very fpot is fhewn where that Prince was faid to have been poifoned.—-We came to anchor in the evening, in the Sound, between the oppo-fite fortreflfes of Elfinore and Helfingburgh.
Auguft 8.   Remained at Elfinore.
This town ftands upon a fmall bay : it contains about five thoufand inhabitants ; commands the Sound ; and was formerly the place of refidence of the Danifh Princes. The ftreets are narrow, and ill-paved : the houfes are of brick or wood, and are covered with tiles.   The caftle ftands on the weft point of the bay :   it is fortified with works of* earth, on which are mounted three hundred and fixty-five pieces of cannon j and the fubterranean apartments are faid to be fo very fpacious, as to be capable of containing more than a regiment of men.   In other refpects, the caftle itfelf feems to be a place of very Httle defence ; it is a fquare édifice, built of
B 2 free*
free-ftone brought from the coaft of Sweden j and is fo adorned with fpires, as at a diftaiicO to refembîe a church. The rooms are lofty ; and contain many coarfe hiftorical pictures, relating chiefly to the wars of Denmark.—The altar-piece, in the great church of Elfinore* is alfo fhewn as a curiofity. It is made of oak* very richly gilt and carved ; and the figures, in different groups, reprefent the hif-tory of our Saviour.—The Sound, at this place, is about three miles broad; and the toll, levied from merchant mips, was firft impofcd to defray the expence of light-houfes erected along the coaft by the King of Denmark..—The foil in Zealand, though the fea-coaft appears very beautiful, is light, fandy, and not very fruitful. The grain it produces h chiefly rye; and any cattle I faw were remarkably fmall. The carriages, in which the inhabitants carry turf for fewel, and other ne-ceffaries, are drawn by horfes, go upon four little wheels, are narrow, and have their fides wattled.
The opening of the Sound, and the fitua-of the Tweed this evening, difplayed a very beautiful Jandfldp,   The view to the eail was
bounded
uncled by the iile of Ween, formerly the 3'efidence of Tycho Brahe. This little illand is of a circular form : the fhore is higher than the neighbouring coaft of Zealand; and even higher at that particular place than the coaft of Sweden. We were juft able to diftinguiih its agreeable verdure, and to difcern the fpires of Copenhagen, which feemed very near it. The fea-coaft from Elfinore to Copenhagen, finely diversified with cornfields, meadows, woods, little hills, and fummer-palaces belonging to the King and the Nobility, was happily contrafted by the black rocks on the oppofite and mountainous coaft of Sweden. The fea was quite fmooth ; and the caftles of Elfinore and Helfingburgh, with the numerous veffels that lay at anchor, and all the other circumftances of the fcene, were em-beîlifhed by a glorious letting fun, whofe rays were reflected from a multitude of gilded clouds.
The only difagreeable circumftance I met with here, was a whifpered account of the royal family. I am afraid you will foon hear *>f " fomething rotten in the ftate of Den-" mark."
B 3 Auguft
Auguft g. We pafled the ifland of Born-holm. The coaft appeared high, without wood or cornfields ; but covered with verdure, The weather fine,
Auguft io. We failed along the coaft of Gothland, a very beautiful ifland, The land rifes gently towards the middle. The country appeared fertile and woody; and, from the number of fpires and houfes, and from the vaft fwarm of nfhing-boats wThich came around us, in the evening, it feemed very populous, The number of iflands in the Baltic, djfplaying a variety of different appearances constantly fHft^ ing, and Succeeding one another, renders the navigation of that fea, in fummer or autumn, remarkably agreeable,
Auguft il. A very ftormy day. At noon we came in fight of Dago, an uncouth, black, and difagreeable ifland ; the firft fpecimen of the Ruffian dominions. At night we left the Baltic, and entered the gulf of Finland,
Auguft 12. A fine day, The fea perfectly finooth. We paffed Revel in the mornings and as tjie evening was uncommonly plea-
foot,
faut, for the light continued with us longer than in more fouthern latitudes, we remained upon deck till paft eleven at night. Our voyage, which hitherto had been fpeedy and agreeable, was near an end ; and we retired, in perfect: fecurity, to our cabins.
Auguft 13.   At one o'clock in the morning an alarm was given.   The fhip had ftruck on a rock.   All upon deck was tumult: all below confternation.   Expecting every moment that the fhip-boats would be fent off with the paffengers, we held ourfelves in rea-dinefs for that event.   The morning was perfectly calm ; and the fea fmooth as a mirror. Thefe circumftances were peculiarly favourable ; for the leaft gale of wind wTould have clafhed the veffel in pieces.   To the north-eaft, within two or three miles of us, lay fome little iflands; and to the north-weft was a beacon, to wdiich our pilots, for we had two of them, had not attended.   Our fhip, in the meantime, was fo clofely wedged in between the rocks, that fhe feemed incapable of any motion.    The rocks at the fore-part were hardly two feet under water.
The
The firft attention of Mr. Colingwood, the Captain, was to lighten the veffel : and, ac-* ccrdingly, feveral of the fhip-guns, and fome heavy cafks, were thrown into the fea. A large anchor was carried out by the ftern ; and an united effort was made by the Ship's crew, to force back the veffel. But the anchor having taken faft hold of a rock, and having its flook torn off, our effort failed. We now expected to leave the fhip, left a fudden gale Should put it out of our power. But to this meafure, feveral reafons were op-pofed. Signals of diftrefs had been hung out, and fix or feven guns had been fired; but though in the neighbourhood of fome iflands, no boats had come off to our affiftance: if, therefore, thofe iflands were inhabited, it muft be by barbarous Fins, who, living on the confines of the Ruffian and Swredifh dominions, were hardly Subject: to either power, and might prove no lefs formidable than the gulf itfelf. If they were not inhabited, we muft run the hazard of wanting provifions, as we knew by our charts, that we were twelve leagues from the coaft of Finland, Befides, our leaving the fhip, might have difcouraged the crew, who had hitherto ex-
. erted
/
erted themfelves with the utmoft fpirit and alacrity.
In the meantime, the fun rofe mod fplend-idly, without a cloud. It refembled a blaze *)f fire rifing from the midft of the fea ; and the gulf, to the diftance of many leagues, flione with refulgent beams. The fcene was glorious ; and all of us feemed to receive new fpirits from the view of that radiant object. More guns and calks were thrown overboard : another anchor was carried out : another effort was to be made ; and the attention and expectation of all were excited. But the anchor having broke, like the former, we remained in our former pofition. Add to this, that the increafing light, by having Shewn us the wreck of a veffel that had been loft on thefc very Shelves, fcattered among the rocks and under water, heightened our fenfe of danger. Xet no unbecoming feelings appeared.
Soon after, the appearance of fails at fome. distance, revived our hopes. Signals of dif-trefs were repeated : we fancied they wrere fleering towards us : we expected they would put us on fhore at Revel, or fome neighbour-
ing harbour : we every inftant imagined they were coming nearer : every one was eager to impart the joyful intelligence : but when thofe who were gone below deck on this good-natured errand returned, and expected to fee thofe friendly veffels at hand, they law them with difficulty ; the fails were leifening, and difappeared. Whofoever they were to whom thofe veffels belonged, and I truft they were not our countrymen, they did not choofe to involve themfelves in our misfortune. Thus, faftened as we were, to a folitary rock in the gulf of Finland, we had the additional diflrefs of feeling ourfelves abandoned.
We had now been Struggling no lefs than eight hours in this critical and forlorn fitua-tion. It was nine in the morning ; and the fea, owing, very probably, to an approaching gale, feemed to Swell, and have a tremulous motion. Not a moment was to be loft. Our Sheet anchor was laid on a raft, and carried out like the former : more guns and cafks were thrown into the fea, and the remaining guns were loaded, that by their difcharge, the con-cuffion given to the Ship might aflift us. The effort was made ; our anchor broke as before i
but
but at that interefling moment the fhip got off. It was now our fortitude feemed to leave us : we had been more careful in arming our minds againfl any thing adverfe, than in guarding againfl the joy of deliverance ; and our apprehenfions never appeared but in our mutual congratulations, when we thought ourfelves fafe. Our honefl Captain, Steady as he appeared to be during the time of our danger, and who was jull about giving orders for cutting down the mails, fhewed emotions, when he faw us out of danger, which did him honour.
About half an hour after the Tweed was in motion, we difcovered a fmall veffel, with a fail, coming towards us : but on feeing us clear of the rocks, it put about, and the perfons on board feemed afraid of approaching Us : circumflances which gave us no favourable opinions of their defigns, had our fhip been wrecked.   We obliged them to come on board.   They wTere Fins from a diflant ifland, who had fet out on hearing the firfl Signals of our diftrefs.   They afiifled in piloting us from among the rocks, and were very happy in jbeing allowed to pick up the calks floating
upon
upon the water. One of the midfhipmen gave the chief perfon among them an old Jaced hat, with which he ftrutted upon deck with great confcioufnefs of fuperior rank.
We were not above an hour under fail, when the Iky became cloudy, and the fea very rough : and, what is very fmgular, we were in no lefs danger the fucceeding night : but the hazard to which we were expofed was inftantaneous ; and we fcarcely knew of it till it was pall. Coming with a brifk wind right upon a fleep rock on the coaft of Hog-land, the fhip was within a few minutes of being dafhed in pieces 5 and was called to by a trading veffel, juft time enough to tack about.
The rocks we ftruck upon are about fifty-five leagues from St. Peterfburgh, and in the fixtieth degree of north latitude. The iflands are named Pelting Scars ; they are fituated off the coaft of Nyland in Finland, and almoft dirc&ly fouth from the city of Borgo. Between Nyland and the Pelting Scars, is Pelting Sound, a fea full of rocks and barren iflands.
Auguft
Auguft 14. We paffed the ifland of Hog-ïand or Hochland, fignifying, in the language of thofe parts, Highland. The coaft is rocky, mountainous, and covered with heath. At night we lay at anchor at Cronftadt, in the ifland Scutari.
In this place are the principal dock-yards of the Ruffian Emprefs. The ifland itfelf is four miles in length, and two in breadth, and has fome wood upon it. The town of Cronftadt is very fmall, and ill-built. It is diftant about eighteen miles from St. Peterfburgh.
Auguft 15. This day we left the Tweed, and arrived at St. Peterfburgh in one of the Emprefs's yachts. The weather was very fine : and wve had, in failing along, a full view of the neighbouring coaft of iEfthonia, The palaces of Oranibaum and Peterhoff have a magnificent appearance to the fea ; and the face of the country is agreeably diverfified with woods and little hills. The country around St. Peterfburgh is very woody : fo that in approaching it, the ftecples and fpires, which are covered with tin and brafs, and
fome
fome of them gilt, feemed as if they arofe from the midft of a foreft.
I fhall write you again In a few days, either by poft, or by the Tweed, on her return to England.
Adieu.
Russian empire.
15
LETTER II.
The Emprefs of Ruffia, and the Great Didef lay the Foundation of a magnificent Church.
DEAR SIR, St.Peteriburçh, Aug. 19, 1768.
J AM juft returned from witneffing the ceremony of the Emprefs's laying the found-ation-ftone of a church dedicated to St. Ifaac ; and which is intended to be the largeft in St, Peterfburgh.   St. Ifaac is held in efteem by the Ruffians, not fo much for any diftin-guifhed character of his own, as that the day confecrated to him  was the  birth-day of Peter the Great,   As the Ruffians apprehend that every day of the year is confecrated to fome particular Saint, they are convinced that every individual is under the peculiar protection of that holy perfon, on whofe day he happened to have been born ; and all of them carry about them a fmall metal image of their tutelary Saint.   Herodotus, if I rightly recollect, gives a fimilar account of the Egyptians.
8 He
He tells us, that they believed every day {&* cred to fome particular God ; that they were under the peculiar protection of that divinity on whofe day they were born ; and that they rendered him particular homage* So much alike are all fuperflitions.
As the ceremony I mail now defcribe to you was reckoned of great importance, it was performed with great pomp and magnificence. All the fpace to be occupied by the church had been previoufly railed in ; and into this place, only perfons of high rank, and thofe who had a particular permiflion, were admitted.   An immenfe multitude of people were afTembled without.   An arch, fupported upon eight pillars of the Corinthian order, and adorned with garlands, was raifed immediately over the place intended for the altar. Beneath this arch was a table covered with crimfon velvet, fringed wTith gold ; upon which was placed a fmall marble cheft, fixed to a pully directly above the table.   On a fide-table, fixed to one of the pillars, was a large gold plate, with medals and coins, to be de-p'ofited at the foundation, and a gold box to contain them.   On another fide-table was another
other gold plate, containing two pieces of marble in the form of bricks, a gold plate with mortar, and other two plates of the fame metal, in which were two hammers and two trowels of gold.
The proceffion began with the Grand Duke and his retinue. This young Prince, the heir apparent of the Ruffian empire, is of a pale complexion, with dark eyes, more remarkable for their good colour, than expref-fion ; and of a fliape more delicate than genteel. He feems of a chearful difpofition, of affable and eafy manners. He was dreffed in the uniform of the navy, which is white turned up with green, and wore a blue ribbon of the order of St. Alexander Newfky. He was attended by Count Panin, his governor, who is alfo prime minifler.
Soon after his arrival, the approach of the Emprefs was announced by the beating of drums, and a difcharge of the cannon at the Admiralty, which continued firing at regular intervals during the whole time of the ceremony ;  and the Grand Duke, who had
C been
been converting with the courtiers, returned with his retinue to meet his mother, and fall in with her train. It was now that the principal parts of the proceflion approached. It was preceded by priefls of inferior orders, in long purple or dark-coloured garments of woollen cloth, with wide fleeves ; having their heads uncovered, their long hair hanging loofe about their ihoulders ; fcattering in-ccnfe from fmall cenfers, which hung in chains ; and carrying (lags, on which were reprefented, in glaring colours, the deeds, and, I believe, the martyrdom of St. Ifaac. Thefe were followed by priefts of a higher order, with their heads uncovered like the former ; but having their Slowing robes, of flowered filk, adorned with gold and Silver ; and carrying Splendid crofTes, burning tapers, and a large portrait of the Saint. Immediately after thefe came a band of ChoiriSters, finging hymns ; the mufic was deep-toned, folemn, and even Sublime. After them came the dignified Clergy, with garments of gold and Silver Stuffs, adorned with precious Stones; and having their lofty mitres ornamented in a Similar manner.   They had, in general, a
very
Very venerable appearance, with grey locks and long beards : they feemed like fo many Socratefes and Zenos ; though, ever and anon, you might have feen an excellent Si-lenus, appearing rather furprifed at his becoming a biihop.
Some large wax tapers were carried immediately before her Imperial Majelty, who came next, attended by a great number of ladies and gentlemen. *The Emprefs of Ruffia is taller than the middle fize, very comely, gracefully formed, but inclined to grow corpulent ; and of a fair complexion, which, like every other female in this country, fhe endeavours to improve by the addition of rouge. She has a fine mouth and teeth ; and blue eyes, expreffive of Scrutiny, fomething not fo good as obfervation, and not fo bad as fufpicion. Her features are in general regular and pleafing. Indeed, with regard to her appearance altogether, it would be doing her injuuice to fay it was mafculine, yet it would not be doing her juftice to fay, it was entirely feminine. As Milton intended to lay of Eve, that fhe was C 2 fairer
fairer than any of her daughters,  fo this great Sovereign is certainly fairer than any of her Subjects whom I have Seen *.— She wore a filver Stuff negligee, the ground pea-green, with purple flowers and filver trimming.   Her hair was drefTed according to the preSent faShion.   She alfo wore a rich diamond necklace, bracelets, and ear-rings, with a blue ribbon of the higheSr, order of Knighthood ;  and the weather being very warm, fhe carried in her hand a fmall green umbrella.    Her demeanour to all around her Seemed very fmiling and courteous.
After the whole proceffion arrived, at the proper place, divine worfhip was performed with prayers, vocal mufic, and all the pompous ceremonies of the Greek church. A crucifix, after being immerfed by a Priefl of high rank in a filver bafon filled with water, was carried to the Emprefs and Grand Duke. Bowing, and crofîingthcirbreafts, in teftimony of adoration, they kiffed it.   Holy water was
* I have fcen no picture, medallion, or print, excepting one picture, in which fhe is painted in men's clothes, that Joes her juftice. In moil of them her features appear too flxong, and her air too mafculine.
I Sprinkled
iprinkled on all who were prefer, and a cenfer   fmoking with   incenfe was carried round.   Then, after fome fuitable paifages of the Greek fervice had been read aloud, accompanied with prayers and mufic, another dignified Clergyman,  laying the medals on a crimfon velvet cuihion, fringed with gold, lifted them on his head, and carried them round the altar-place.   After they were in this manner confecrated, and laid in the marble cheft, the Emprefs giving her umbrella in a very eafy manner to an attendant, and taking a hammer very gracefully in one hand, and a piece of marble in the other, fhe put it into the cheft.   Then, with the trowel, fhe put in fome mortar.   The fame ceremony was performed by the Grand Duke and the dignified Clergy.   Some of the Nobility,  and Foreign Minifters, alfo put in fome mortar.   The marble cheft was then fhut  up,   and  raifed  by  the  pulley ; at that inftant the table, finking down through a trap door, was very quickly removed ; and her Imperial Majefly letting down the pulley, the cheft funk gently down through the platform into its place.   When this was done, the Court Chaplain, afcending a pulpit, which C 3 was
was fattened to a pillar, delivered, with fervent, and almoft declamatory, elocution, a fhort difcourfe in the Ruffian language. I could only judge of his manner, which was not difagreeabie ; and of the found of the language, which was liquid and pleafant. The whole ceremony concluded by the Em-prefs's allowing the dignified Clergy to kifs her hand, which they did with good-will and a loud noife; and feemed rather happier with fuch an opportunity, than her Imperial Majefty herfelf, notwithstanding her fmiles.
Adieu.
î
LETTER IIL
Anecdotes of the Emprefs of Ruffia.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburgh, Nov. 7, 1768.
F PERCEIVE, by fome fevere expreffions,
in a letter from our friend-, that our
northern Semiramis has but little chance of exciting his admiration. Not to him, therefore, but to you, who have more indulgence for the "weaker veffel," though on the pre-fent occafion no indulgence is neceffary, I tranfmit the following diary of the Emprefs, as I heard it from the Countefs Romanfoff, a very refpe&able old lady of the higheft rank in this place, and mother to Count Roman foff.
Her Majefty, according to this authority, rifes at five in the morning, and is engaged in bufinefs till near ten. She then breakfafls, and goes to prayers : dines at two : withdraws to her own apartment foon after din-C 4 ner;
ner : drinks tea at five : fees company, plays at cards, or attends public places, the play, opera, or mafquerade, till fupper : and goes to fleep at ten. By eleven every thing about the palace is as ftill as midnight. Whiff is her favourite game at cards ; fhe ufually plays for five imperials * the rubber ; and as fhe plays with great clearnefs and attention, fhe is often fuccefsful : fhe fometimes plays too at picquet and cribbage. Though fhe is occafionally prefent at mufical entertainments, flie is net faid to be fond of mufic. In the morning, between prayers and dinner, fhe frequently takes an airing, according as the weather admits, in a coach or fledge. On thefe occafions, fhe has fometimes no guards, and very few attendants ; and does not chufe to be known or faluted as Emprefs. It is in this manner that fhe vifits any great works that may be going on in the city, or in the neighbourhood. She is fond of having fmall parties of eight or ten perfons with her at dinner ; and fne frequently fups, goes to balls, or mafquerades in the houfes of her nobility.   When fhe retires to her palaces in
* Ten guineas,
the
the country, efpecially to Zarfkocelo, (he lays afide all ftate, and lives with her ladies on a footing of as eafy intimacy as poffible. Any one of them who rifes on her entering or going out of a room, is fined in a rouble * î and all forfeits of this fort are given to the poor. You will eafily perceive, that by her regular and judicious distribution of time, fhe is able to tranfact a great deal of bufmefs; and that the affability of her manners render her much beloved. But I will not yet fay any thing very politive' concerning her character and principles of action. For, fhe may be very focial, and very affable, ** and
fmile, and fmile,  and"--you know the
reft.
I may, however, very fafely affirm, that a great number of her actions, fo great indeed as to conftitute a diftinguifhing feature in her character, proceed either from the defire of doing good, or the love of fame. If from the laft, it muft alfo be acknowledged, that the praife fhe is fo defirous of obtaining, is, in many inftances, the praife of humanity.
• four fhillings.
Somfi-
Sometimes, indeed, there is a fort of whim or affectation of Angularity, in the manner of conferring her favours, that looks as if the defire of being fpoken of, fully as much as the defire of doing good, was the fountain from which they flow. For example— A young officer, who attended the court» fell in love, as was natural, with a young lady. The lady, as was alfo natural, appeared not infenfible to his worth, nor dif-pleafed with his afhduity. But want of fortune on both fides, was an obftacle to their union. The Emprefs, however, perceived their attachment ; and fent, one day, for the young gentleman to a private conference. She told him, fhe had obferved that M— and he entertained great tendernefs for one another ; that the whole Court obferved it ; and hinted fomething like regret, that fuch things fhould have been remarked. The young man was difconcerted j but had firm-nefs enough to avow the fincerity of his paffion. " Then," faid her Majefly, " you " muft forthwith be married." this was fudden : the young man fhewed fome hefi-tation ; but not from any motives that were improper : ** he had no fortune, and could
" not
u not maintain the lady in a manner fuited " to her rank and merits."   The Emprefs was  peremptory.    They were married as fpeedily as the forms of the church permitted, and fent off in a coach to St. Peterfburgh ; for the Court was at that time at Zarfkocelo. They knew not whither they were going, nor how they were to fubfifl ; nor were they very certain of their not having incurred their Sovereign's difpleafure.   Meantime, the perfons who conducted them, and who would give them no information, let them down in the * Galerhinhoff.   Here, to their utter afto-nifhment,   they were carried into a houfe elegantly furnifhed ; they met with a numerous company of their friends ; they found a fplendid entertainment ;   and the bridegroom was told by a meffenger from the Emprefs, that her Majefty had given him that houfe as he found it, and had appointed him to an office " fuited to his rank and merits."
***** *
Adieu.
* One of the fineft ftreets in St: Peterfburgh, inhabited chiefly by Engliili merchants.
LETTER IV.
Deputies afemblcd by the Emprefs of Ruffia, from different Parts of her Empire, for making Lazvs,
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburgh, 1768.
T WAS lately prefent at a meeting of the deputies fummoned by the Emprefs from all the nations of her empire, and who have been affembled to affift her MajeSty in forming a fyftem of legiflation. There is Something magnificent in this idea : and if fhe really intends what fhe profeffes, to give equitable laws to all her Subjects and dependents, from the Baltic to the wall of China, and from Lapland to the CaSpian» She deferves admiration. The deputies, in their firft addrefs, filled her " Great, wife, u and the Mother of her People j" titles which, excepting the laSf, fhe declined, telling them at the fame time, " None can be ** called great before death ; none wife that
*' are
u are mortal ; I hope I fhall ad as the Mother <s of my People."
The meeting confifts of about fix hundred members.   They meet in the palace, where they have one large hall for the whole af-fembly;  and feveral adjoining rooms for committees.   They confiff, of reprefentatives of the nobility, the pcafantry, and the inhabitants of towns or cities.   Count Panin is deputy for the city of Mofcow.   The chief officers in this affembly are a Marifchal, who prefides ; and a Procureur General for the Crown.   Out of the affembly, fix committees, each confifting of five perfons, are chofen by ballot : and their bufinefs, according to their various departments, is to regulate the form and order of thofe matters, concerning which the whole affembled deputies are to deliberate.
In tranfadting bufinefs, the following method is obferved. The Procureur lays before the-deputies fome principle or Subject of law propofed by the Emprefs, and concerning which they are to give an opinion. They then adjourn ; and the committee to whom
that
that Subject particularly belongs, prepare it for the next general meeting. Then all the members are permitted to deliver their opinions in a written fpeech, and to determine the point before them, by the plurality of votes. But whatever their determinationa may be, it remains with the Emprefs to ratify them or not, as Ihe pleafes. Two of the fubjects lately difcuffed in this affembly were, st Whether any but the nobility had a right H to buy lands ?" and, *' Whether any but ** the nobility had a right to buy flaves ?"
I have heard that freedom of extemporaneous fpeaking was allowed in fome of the firft meetings of this affembly ; but that being likely to occalion too much diforder, it was difcontinued. At prefent, it is expected that no perfon, unlefs his views be very well known, {hall deliver a fpeech without previously confuting the Marifchal ; and if he difapproves of it, the orator, though he had the powers of a Cicero, muft keep his fpeech in his pocket. Indeed, this affembly has no prête n fions whatever to freedom of debate, and fcarcely any tendency towards eftablifh-ing political liberty. The members; in ge-t neral,
neral, are chofen by the will of the fove-reign : by her the fubjecls of debate are pro-pofed : fhe keeps in her own hands the right of ratifying every determination : and the affembly, convoked by her fole authority, may be difmiffed at her pleafure.
Ail the deputies have gold medals, as badges of their office, faftened to their breafts: and as they come here from the remoteft parts of the empire, the variety of their dreffes and appearance is very whimfical and
amufing.-'I have feveral times heard the
following anecdote of the two Samoid deputies.   I give it you as nearly as poflible, in the very words in which I have heard it. The Emprefs afked them to fuggefl fuch laws as they apprehended would promote the welfare of their nation.   One of them replied, that they had very few laws, and did not defire any more.   " How," faid the Emprefs, M have you no crimes ! Are there no perfons " among you guilty of theft,  murder, or (l adultery ?  If you have crimes, you muft '* have punifhment ;  and punifhment fup-" pofes law."    " We have fuch crimes,'* anfwered the deputy, tf and they are duly
" punifhcd.
*c punifhed. If one man puts another to ** death unjuftly, he alfo muft fuffer death." Here he flopped : he thought he had faid enough. " But what," refumed her Majefty, *c are the punifhments of theft and adultery ?" u How," faid the Samoid, with a good deal of furprife," tS is not detection fufficient pu-
tc nifhment ?"-'One would imagine, from
this anecdote, that the Samoids are, or re-femble, the nation of whom Tacitus fays, *■ Plu/que ibi boni mores valent, quam alibi " bonne leges " and virtuous manners have " there more efficacy than good laws elfe-* where."
LETTER   V. (Extract.)
Thank/giving for the Recovery of the Emprefs and Great Duke from the Small-pox.
. December 3d, 1768.
*- * * * F>ÉIV1NE fervice was performed jL/ this day in the Emprefs's chapel, on account of her recovery, and that of the Great Duke,, from the fmall-pox ; for which they had undergone inoculation by Dr. Dimfdale. The ceremony was very folemn and magnificent.
On each fide of the chapel, which is a very lofty and fpacious room in the winter-palace, is a row of gilt Ionic pillars. The walls are covered with glaring and ill-executed pictures of Ruffian faints. On the roof over the altar*, the Supreme Being is reprefented as an old man in white apparel. On the inficle of a rail which extended acrofs the room, and clofe by the pillar which was next the altar,
* Or raiher, the place correfponding to the alar in Eng-Vifh chuixhes.
D on
on the fouth Tide, flood the Emprefs and her fon : andalfoon the infide of the rail, and on each fide of the altar*, was a choir of mufi-cians. All the reft who witneffed, or took part in the folemnity, excepting the priefts, flood on the outfide of the rail.
The ceremony began with folemn mufic ; and then were pronounced the prayers and ejaculations which constituted the firft part of the fervice. This having lafted fome time, two folding-doors clofe by the altar were opened from within, and difplayed a magnificent view of the interior and moft holy part of the chapel. Oppofite to us was a large picture of the taking down from the crofs : on each fide, a row of gilt Ionic pillars ; in the middle a table covered with cloth of gold j and upon the table were placed, a crucifix, a candleftick with burning tapers, and chalices with holy water. A number of venerable priefts, with grey hair, flowing beards, mitres, and coftly robes, flood in folemn array on each fide of this magnificent fan&uary. The whole fug-gefted aa idea of the Temple of Jcrufalem.
* Sec th-preceding no;e.
From
From this place advanced a prieft, with " flow and folemn pace,1' carrying a lighted taper : he was followed in like manner by another, reciting prayers, and carrying a cenf r (racking with incenfe. Advancing towards her Majeily, he three times waved the cenfer before her ; fhe all the while bowing, and very gracefully crofling her brcaft. He was fuceeeded by another prieft, who carried the Gofpel ; out of which having read fome part, he prefénted it to the Emprefs', who kilTed it.
The priefts then retired ; the folding-doors were clofed ; the choirifters fung an anthem : they were anfwered by mufical voices from within : the ratifie was deep-toned, and fub-lime. The folding-doors were again fet open : the ceremonies of the taper and incenfe repeated : two priefts then advanced, and carried the bread and wine of the Eucharift, veiled with cloth of gold* Having adrnt-niftered thefe, they retired. The doors were clofed, and the folemn mufic relumed.
The doors were fet open a third time, with the fame ceremonies as before > and a prieft D 2 afcending
afcending a pulpit fixed to the pillar oppofitc to the Emprefs, delivered a difcourfe. In this he celebrated her fortitude and magnanimity ; and took occalion to remark, " That " the Ruffians had borrowed afliftance from *' Britain, that ifland of wifdom, courage, and " virtue.'' After this, fome priefts came from the infidc of the chapel, and concluded the fer-vice with prayers and ejaculations.  * * * *
LETTER VI.
D/fribution of Prizes by the Great Duke to Students   in  the  Academy.—The Reprefentation of a Ruffian Tragedy by young Ladies.
St. PeterfDurg, January 1769.
IA S S U R E you, my dear Sir, I do not find it an eafy matter to obtain information concerning the ftate of Ruffia. Very little can be reaped from mixed converfation ; for the topics ufually difcuffed in large companies are either very general, or fuited, as indeed they ought to be, to promote prefent amufe-ment. Befides, it is an unpleaiant thing to afk queftions. The enquirer is fo much in the power of the pcrfon he addreflcs, that the Situation is difagrecable ; or he puts people fo much on their guard againft him, that he defeats his own purpofe, and receives not even accidental or indirect information. They entertain fufpicions of your defign ;
D 3 they
they think you wiih to be a profound politician, or that you are carrying on a treafonable correfpondence ; or, ftill more atrocious, that your purpofe is to publim a book ; or, lailly, they may perchance have read Horace, and have faid to themfelves, in the words of that exquifite poet,
Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem eft*.
Befides, no intelligence of a political nature, but fuch as the court chufes to communicate j no views of men and manners, and no anecdotes of incidents in domeftic life, can be collected from the new8-papers. How unlike England ! that land enlightened by the radiance of Chronicles, Advertifers and Gazetteers. The half of Ruffia may be deftroyed, and the other half know nothing about the matter. I cannot imagine how travellers coming into this, or indeed any foreign country, and who, befides other difficulties, may be ignorant of the language, and who flay only a few weeks or months, are able to give an exact circumflanlial account of perfons, manners,
* Th' impertinent be fere to hate ;
Who loves to aflc, will love to prate. Francis. Avoid the cjueftion-alker, for he prates. Anosj,
govern-
government, political interefts, improvements, and all thofe particulars which draw the attention of flrangers. I marvel at their abilities, or at their bold nefs.
I have to contend too with another difficulty, I perceive that the fame objects are feen in very different lights by different perfons. I will give you an inftance ; and to an Etonian, daily verfant in the works of inliruction, the circumftanccs I fhall mention may afford fome amufement.—I was lately prcfent at a difhibution of prizes to fludents educated m the Academy of Arts and Sciences. I paffed through two large rooms, where the boys, drefled in white uniforms, were drawn up in two ranks ; and went into a third, where the Great Duke, and other Academicians, were feated round a table, on which were placed fpecimens of hand-writing and drawing, executed by the fcholars. There were alfo prefent many ladies and gentlemen of the Court. Count Betfkoy began the ceremony, by addreffing a fpeech to the Grand Duke, in which he recommended the feminary to his protection. To this his Imperial Highnefs replied, " As D 4 " the
\% the welfare of Ruffia fhall ever be the ob-" ject neareft my heart ; and as the proper " education of youth is of fo much confe-" quence in every well-ordered ftate, it " claims, and fliall ever obtain, my moft <c conllant attention." He fpoke flowly, and with propriety, yet not without the diffidence of an amiable boy. On fitting down, he turned fmiiing to Count Panim, his governor, with the air of one afking, Have I acquitted myfelf aright ? The Count feemed to a (Tent, and i thought a tear rofe in his eye. I was told that the Emprefs was prefent among the ladies ; but though this might be known to them, fhe did not chufe upon that occafion to be acknowledged as Emprefs. The mother wifhed to obferve her fon. It was the fir ft time he had fpoken in public ; and the mother's heart muft have thrilled with
pleafure %    I almoft wept for joy.-After
this the company paffed into another room, where the prizes were diftributed. They were fir ft prefented to the ladies, and by them to the little boys. The fcene was amufing; and was enlivened at intervals by a band of muficians in an adjoining recefs.--'Tell me
* Laiona; taciturn pertentant gaudia peclus. Vir«.
now,
russian   empire. 4r
now, would not a ftranger, on witnefting fuch a fcene, on feeing one of the molt powerful Sovereigns on earth, and the prefump-tive heir of this mighty empire, fo attentive to the welfare and improvement of their people, would he not feel rapture, approve, and applaud ? Yet when I exprefs thofe fenti-ments, there are perfons who make their heads ; who tell me, this Academy has fub-fifted for many years, and what have they done ? It may be mentioned, with oftenta-tious pomp, in a news-paper, or by Voltairci and nothing clfe is intended.—Such fpeeches are mortifying ; and, notwithftanding their authority, I muft fay, that even admitting the love of fame to be the fole motive, the means ufed are far more laudable than thofe practifed by princes who purfue the objects of their ambition, by adding one inhuman act to another*
The Academy mentioned above was founded in a former reign. But at a convent, a few verfts from St. Peterfburgh, there is an eftablifhment for the education of young women, by her prefent Majefty. It fomewhat *efembles that of St. Cyr, founded by M.
Maintenon ;
4*
anecdotes of the
Maintenons and the Emprefs maintains in it two hundred girls, from fix to eighteen years old. They are divided into two claffes : the firfl confifts of the children of officers, above the rank of Major, inclufive : and the fécond confifts of the children of inferior officers : the firft are inftructed in elegant and polite ac-complifhments; and the fécond, together with mufic and dancing, are taught to work in all female employments. All their expences, comprehending even their drefs, are defrayed by the Emprefs.
I was prefent, fome time ago, at an entertainment, confifting of dances of different kinds, which they exhibited in prefence of the Grand Duke, and many of the Nobility. It began with dances by girls of the fécond clafs, who were drefTed uniformly in brown petticoats, blue jackets, white aprons, white caps and handkerchiefs. They were fuc-ceeded by thofe of the fir ft divifion, who were dreffed in court-dreffes, of different colours ; excepting that the younger part were drelfed uniformly in white,  trimmed with
blue.--But the moft amufing exercife I
have
have feen them exhibit was the reprefentation of a Ruffian tragedy. It was reprefented not only with propriety, but with elegance ; and not only fo, but with great theatrical ability. The flowing hair, the fparkling blue eyes, the fine figure, and graceful motions, of the young lady who performed the principal character j her melodious voice, and ex-quifite but well-regulated fenfibility, charmed, and even tranfported, her audience. Near where I fat was an old venerable officer: during the fir ft fcenes, his folicitude and anxiety were very apparent; they were foon changed into joy ; his emotions flowed out in tears :—fhe was his grandchild.
Yet blue eyes, fine figure, and melodious voice have no effect on thofe who fhake their heads, and make fage remarks. They chill the ardour of your applaufe by afking, What provifion is made for thefe young ladies after they leave the convent ? And whether their education be fuited to their fortune or expectations ? And whether, if they mould not foon get hufbands, they will be inclined, after all this mufic, and dancing, and trage-dizing,   to fubmit to the rigid laws of a
nunnery ?
nunnery ?-Queftion-aiking, as I obferved
at the beginning of this letter, is no pleafant bufinefs; and the above queftions feemed to me particularly difagreeable, as I was not juft furnifhed with fit replies. I ought to have mentioned that the nuns refident in this convent, fome of whom were prefent at the above-mentioned entertainments, have it in charge, to inftruc~t the young ladies in religious knowledge.
Adieu,
LETTER VII.
Canfes of the Turhf War.
DEAR SIR, January, 1769.
YOU are in the right; Ruffia is at pre-fent in very critical circumftances, and will furnifh the Gazettes of Chriitendom with more interefting intelligence, than any other nation in Europe.   The Emprefs has, within thefe few days, declared war againfl the Turks ; and the preparations that are making on both fides fcem to announce a very violent  ftruggle.    The following circumftances, I am credibly informed, have occa-fioned this unfortunate rupture-Count Poniatowfky, the prefent King of Poland, was, at an early period of his life, appointed Envoy from his own country to the Court of Ruffia.   During his refidence in that empire, he attached himfelf to the great Duchefs, who is now Emprefs, and in-
finuated
finuated himfelf into her favour.   This Prin-cefs, poffeffed of eminent talents, and actuated by an unbounded ambition, having dethroned her hufband, who fucceeded to the Emprefs Elizabeth, and having invefled her-felf with the Imperial dignity, relblved to eftablifh her credit at home, and her importance abroad,  by governing the affairs of Poland.     Accordingly,   connecting herfelf with the King of Pruffia, and in fpite of the efforts of France, Auftria,  and the Saxon Princes, fhe advanced Poniatowfky to the throne, hoping, perhaps, that he would cooperate implicitly in her defigns, or imagining that he poffeffed greater abilities than he has hitherto difplayed.   Surely no prince has had a finer opportunity of diftinguifhing himfelf as a warrior or politician : he was celebrated by Voltaire, who alfo celebrated the King of Denmark, and who celebrates all princes that are free-thinkers, and that pay him for his adulation : yet Poniatowfky, like fome others, to whom he has offered incenfe, has done little credit to his panegyric. He has (hewn neither fpirit nor patriotifm, and is faid to be chiefly defirous of amafling trea-fure, and of fecuring to himfelf an independency
9
dency in fome foreign country, fhould he, like another Staniflaus, he forced to abdicate his unmerited dignity.    The Emprefs of Rufha, having fucceeded in giving a King to Poland, continued to act with authority in the affairs of that kingdom.   To render her-felf popular at home, and to leffen the influence of Catholic Princes among the Poles, fhe encouraged all thofe, who adhered to the tenets of the Greek religion, or to the principles of the reformation. This party, known in the Gazettes of Europe by the appellation of Diffidents, poffeffed at a former period very confiderable privileges.   They not only enjoyed the free exercife of their religion, but had voices in the legiflation, and were inverted with public offices.   Supported by the power of Ruffia, and the favour of the King, they revived their pretentions,  and demanded a reftoration of their rights.    The Catholics took the alarm.   The French fomented the cvuarrel, and thus concurred with the Emprefs Queen, who had married her favourite, daughter to one of the Saxon Princes, and who flattered herfelf, that, by encouraging the difaffeded party, and by dethroning Poniatowfky,
towfky^ fhe might exalt her fon-in-law to the throne. Mean while, the Emprefs of Ruffia, depending on the greatnefs of her power, and not fufficiently aware of confe-quences, or mifinformed by her miniflers, acted with violence and precipitancy. One outrage led to another. The Diifidents were alarmed ; they forefaw the ruin of their country ; and willing to content themfelves with having the free exercife of their religion fe-cured to them, withdrew their claim to fu-perior privileges. But Ruflia having maintained the juftice of their demands, thought her honour interefled in afferting them, and determined by force of arms to fubdue the obftinacy of her opponents. King Staniflaus wavered ; he abandoned himfelf to the advices of the Czartorinfkys, who are his relations, and, without connecting himfelf with the confederates, incurred the fufpicions of the Emprefs. Mean time the French were indefatigable ; they laid out immenfe fums in Poland, and were no lefs active at Conftan-tinople. They painted in the livelieft colours the growing power of the Ruffians, and re-prefented how dangerous they would be to the Ottoman Porte, fliould they become ab-\ folutc
r
■lolute in Poland. The Polilli confederates added weight to their reprefentations ; they fupplicated the protection of the Sultan, and offered to indemnify him with a part of their dominions. The Turks have been eafily per-fuaded. Infligated by their ambition, and feduced by the policy of France, they h ave determined to interfere in the affairs of Poland. Nor are they without expectations, that a diverfion may be made in their favour on the fide of Sweden. The Emprefs of Ruffia, on the other hand, is no lefs determined to affert the rights, and maintain the dignity, of her Imperial diadem.
As the time fcems big with important events, I may, perhaps, from time to time, give you fome information concerning them.
Adieu.
P* S. I need not inform you that the Ruffian army is reckoned inferior to none m Europe. It is not, however, on her army alone that the Emprefs means to depend. At the time that the war is to be carried on with great vigour in Moldavia and the Crimea, iome confiderable exertions will be made by
E fea.
fea. The command of the great army, to act on the frontiers of Poland and Moldavia, is given to Prince Galitzen : and it is reported that an Englifh Admiral is to have aconfider-able command in the fleet intended for the Mediterranean.
RUS S 1 À N   £ .Al P I R E.
LETTER VllL Ruffian Winter.
February, 1769.
COLD! defperately cold J We have had winter without the leaf! abatement of its rigour fince the firft of November; and it may continue, we are told, without the leaft mitigation, till the beginning or the middle «f April. The froft has been all this while uninterrupted. The wind has blown almoft conftantly from the north-call. It comes howling and cold from the heights of Siberia, and has brought with it immenfe quantities of fnow. In the beginning of winter the fnow fell, without intermilfion, for feveral days. In the country, nothing appears but a boundlefs white defart ; and the river? are almoft one chryftalline mafs.—I refer you, however, for a better account of a Ruffian winter than I can pretend to give you, to E 2 your
your favourite Virgil. In his third Géorgie you have the following account, which I /hall lay before you, circumftance by circum-fiance ; and which defcribes the objects I have now in view with great exactnefs.
*-Ncque ullae
Aut herbas campo apparent, aut arbore frondes.
O'er the unfruitful fcene Nor fields nor trees are cloth'd in lively green.
Yet the feathered appearance of the boughs and little branches, is beautiful and romantic :
Sed jacet aggeribus niveis informis, et alto Terra gelu late, feptemque afTurgit in ulnas. \   Semper hiems, femper fpirantes frigora cauri.
One wafte of fnow the joylefs landfcape lies y Seven ells in height the ridgy drifts arife ; There Hill the bitter blafts of winter dwell.
The repetition of the word " femper" in the laft line has an admirable effect;. Virgil could not have expreffed himfelf more feelingly on the banks of the Neva. There is no circum-fiance feems to me fo dreary as the r fpirantes " frigora cauri," the cold-breathing blafts. No translation can do the paffage juftice. The confiant monotonous melancholy found
of
of thofe howling blafts make me almoft low* fpirited.
Turn fol pallentes baud unquam difcutit umbras,. Nor the fun's rays the paly fhade difpel.
This feems to you furprifing.   You think, perhaps, that we have confiant clear weather. Ear from it.   We have had, fince the beginning of winter, a great deal of hazy, mifty weather ; and the cold, on thofe occafions» has frequently been very intenfe.   The iky, however, has been much clearer fince the middle of January, than before that time. I have remarked a circumftance here which I never obferved in Britain : in the coldeft and brighteft weather you fee an infinite multitude of little fhining darts or fpiculae, flying in all directions through the fky.  1 hey feem to be about a quarter of an in :h in length ; they have not more thicknefs than the fineft hair ; and their golden colour, glancing as they fhoot through the deep azure fky, hr.a a great deal of beauty.   If the weather were warmer, and if the climate were more genial, and if we had any belief in ancient mythology, we fhould take them to be an. imnaenfe multitude of arrows, difcharged by E 3 fome
fome mifchievous Cupids. Nor would fucfï an explanation be without evidence in the character of the Ruffians.
Concrefcunt fubitae" currenti in fluminc cruflae : Undaque jam tergo ferratos (uftinct orbes, ruppibus ilia prias patuïis, nunc hofpita plauftris.
Th' encroaching ice the loitering current feels, And on it^ bofom bears the (tudded wheels: Where crll the ftately bark was wont to ride, Waggons thro' paths unknown fecurcly glide.
All this is very juft, excepting in one particular, namely, that of the wheels. What the ancient Scythians might have done, I know not ; but the modern Ruffians take the wheels off their carriages in the winter, and, in their flead, ufe fledges. When the fnow has fallen in its great ell: quantity, and that the roads are beat fmooth, the motion of the Hedge is very eafyand agreeable. It is drawn in this country by horfes, and the fwiftnefs With which they go, even upon ice, is afto-nifhing. The horfes here are fmall, but very nimble and beautiful ; and the Ruffians, in general, are excellent horfemen. Driving in fledges is one of the chief amufements that perfons of rank can have without doors in the winter ; and accordingly, they endeavour to
difplay
difplay their fancy in the form and embellifh-ments of thefe whimfical carriages. They are quite open, and the moft elegant I have feen have the appearance of fhells, painted with fhowy colours ; fo that the ladies and gentlemen who drive in them refemble Divinities of the fea. Thofe ufed by perfons of any diftinçtion are drawn by two horfes ; but thofe that ply in the ftreets are drawn only oy one. They fly with aftonifhing fwiftnefs ; fo that in the fpace of five or ten minutes you can be tranfported to any quarter of the city.
Stiriaque irripeîns induruit horrida barbis.
Their matted beards by the keen climate frore, With hanging icicles are hard and hoar.
The circumftance, though true, is almoft ludicrous ; but not inconfiftent with the freedom of didactic poetry. In addition to it, I have heard of a circumftance ftill more ludicrous ; namely, that two Ruffian peafants, faluting one another, have, by the fuddennefs -and intenfenefs of the froft, had their beards unexpectedly frozen together. I do not, however, atteft the fact.
Interea
Interea toto non fecius aëre ningit. Meanwhile the (kits are dim with falling fnows„
The tranflation here does not exprefs the fact fo flrongly as the original. For feveral days together, in the beginniug of winter, as I mentioned above, the fnow falls without the leafi intermifiion.
-— Confertoque agminc cervi
Torpent mole nova, et fummis vix comibus exftant, &c.
In growing heaps benumbM, fhc crowding deer, Scarce from beneath their branching antlers rear, &c„
I cannot take upon me to confirm what the Foet defcribes with fo much fpirit and fancy concerning the deer ; but I have heard a fimilar account of bear-hunting. The bear, when the fnow begins to fall, feeks fome hollow, lays himfelf down, and is foon covered many feet deep. The peafants difcover him by a fmall opening through the fnow, by which he breathes. The huntfmen immediately gather around, and pufhing a long pike through the wreath or heap, they pierce his body. He wakes, rufhes forth, and immediately the dogs affail him.
Ipfi in defoffis fpecubu?, fecura fub alta Otla agunt terra, congeftaque'robora, totafque
Adyolvcre
/
Advolvere focis ulmos, igniquc dedere : Hic no£tem ludo ducunt, et pocula laeti Fermento atque acidis imitantur vitea form's. Talis hyperboreas feptem fubje&a trioni Gens effraena virum Riphseo tunditur Euro: Et pecudum fui vis velantur corpora fetis.
In caverns deep, with oak np-pil'd, they raife, And many a branching elm, the crackling blaze. From cold fecure, around the flaming hearth, Wafte the long dreary night in focial mirth. Guiltlefs of wine, the goblet ft ill goes round, With Ceres'juice, and fparkling cyder crown'd. Such is the race of favage fwarms that lie Beneath the regions of the polar fky; And, fore afflicted by the piercing eaft, Their limbs with furs, and brinded fkins invefh
Some part of this defcription is more applicable to the northern and more uncivilifed parts of Ruffia, than to the neighbourhood of Petermurgh or Mofcow. Perhaps in Siberia, and near the White Sea, fome of the inhabitants may have their habitations, during the winter, under ground and in caverns. The fuel here, agreeably to what the poet fays, confifts chiefly of wood; but it is ufually burnt in ftoves built in the wall ; fo that in a Ruffian houfe you never fee the flame, nor have the comfort and chearfulnefs of a blazing fire.   With regard to the paftime, drink
and
and drefs of the Ruffians, the Poet is as well informed as though he had lived at Archangel.
You will no doubt remark, in the lines I have quoted, an example of that beautiful gradation and progrefs of thought, that occur fo frequently in the works of Virgil. His defcription corififts of three parts. He begins with inanimated nature ; leaflefs fo-refts*, the froft, the fnow, and the frozen rivers. He then exhibits living objects, but irrational : " corpora magna boUm tc côn-" ferfbque agmine cervi." In the third part he defcribes the manners of intelligent and
rational beings.-1 am fure you will thank
me for having animated fo cold and fo dreary a fubject with fo much excellent poetry.
Adieu.
LETTER IX.
Religion of the Ruffians.—Rufjian Clergy.— Anecdote of a Priefi.
To the Rev. Mr.W-.
REV. DEAR SIR,
ICAN offer you nothing very interesting on the article of Religion. You are acquainted with the tenets of the Greek Church. It is pretended that its principles are pure and rational : the practice, Fm fure, is different. I may tell you of pompous ceremonies, magnificent procédions, rich dreffes, fhowy pictures, fmoking cenfers, and folemrt mufic ; but I cannot tell you that the clergy in general are exemplary, or the laity upright. On no confideration would a Ruffian peafant omit his fallings, the bending of his body, and the regularity of his attendance on facred rites : fcourge him if you will, yet you cannot oblige him to crofs himfelf with
more
more than three fingers ; but he has no fcru-pie to iteal or commit murder. Were I not an eye-witnefs, I could fcarcely conceive it poffible, that men (liould fo far impofc: upon their own minds, as to fancy they are rendering acceptable fer vice to Heaven by the performance of many idle ceremonies, while they are acting inconfiftently with every moral obligation.   Judge of their religion by
the following anecdote.'-A Shop-keeper
Came On fome bufinefs to the houfe of an Engliih Merchant, on the evening before the day confecrated to St. Nicholas. The Merchant was engaged, and begged he would return on the morrow. " To-morrow/' faid the pious Ruffian, " you are doubtlefs an in-4< hdel ! The very Tartars have more de-" cency : each of them will fpend his rouble *4 to-morrow ; and, in honour of St. Niche-*4 las, get becomingly drunk."
The Ruffians obferve four faffs in the year. Of thefe, Lent is of the longefl duration : and one of the moft folemn ceremonies of their religion is performed at Eafter, in honour of the refurrection of Chrift. In fome churches, the very act of refurrection is dramatically
matically reprefented ; and all the miniftering priefts, moving in proceffion, cry with a folemn voice, " Chrift is arifen !"   The ceremony begins about two in the morning* when all the churches are crowded with vaft multitudes of people.   The following week is fpent in revelry and rejoicing. Hardly any bufinefs is done; for the Ruffians of all ranks and opinions, nobility and peafantry* believers and unbelievers, betake themfelves with the utmoft licentioufnefs to the pleafures of the table.   They all embrace one another, faying, " Chrift is arifen," and prefent eggs to one another, painted with various figures, and infcribed with different devices. Some of thefe devices are religious ; fome amorous; and fome both together : fo that it is no un-ufual thing to fee St. Athanafius with a crofs, on one fide of an egg ; and on the other, a lover falling at the feet of his miftrefs-Wh erever they meet, whether they are acquainted with one another or not, they embrace and give the cuftomary falutation. Nor is it unufual to fee two drunken peafants$ announcing the glad tidings, embracing, and tumbling into the kennel.    In the vacant places of the city, vaft crowds affemble, and
f.ng
T
fing in their flying chairs, and partake of every tort of amufement. Mean time, every perfon who chufes, goes into the churches, rings the bells as long as he thinks fit, and believes that he is thus glorifying God, or making expiation for his fins. The week before Lent is in like manner dedicated to riotous diverfion; with this difference, that when they part with one another on the evening before the faft commences, they take leave as if they were going on a far journey.
You afk me particularly about the Ruffian clergy. They are, in general, very ignorant. There are, no doubt, among them men of fome learning and ingenuity ; but their number is very fmall. No more learning is ufually required of common officiating parifh Priefts, or Popes, as they call them, than that they be able to read the old Rufs or Scla-vonian language. They feldom or never preach : and their chief duty confifts in the knowledge of forms, and in reading prayers and portions of fcripture. You may judge of their improvement by the following fad, which happened indeed in the rçign of a
former
former fovereign, but which, without mifre* prefenting the religious manners of Ruffia, might have happened at prefent.— At the end of Lent, as I mentioned above, all ranks of people abandon themfelves to feafting and rioting : but this they are not permitted to do till the clergyman of the place vifits their houfes, and gives them his benediction. It happened that a Prieft, having had fome dif-pute with one of his flock, intentionally palled his houfe, when making his progrefs through his parifh, and omitted giving him the benediction which he had given the reft of his parifhioners.   The man was exceedingly afflicted,  to be obliged to faft, and to fay prayers, while all his neighbours were feafting and getting drunk, was not to be borne ; iç feemed ftill more infufferable to his wife. In all emergencies of this kind, the fair fei are good at giving good counfcl. Softened by the admonitions of his help-mate, the hufband waited upon the Prieft; acknowledged his fault ; implored his forgivenefs, and craved his bleffing.   But the holy man was inexorable.   His fuppliant was forced to employ his laft refource ; it was his corps-de-1 referve j
referve; a goofe, which he had concealed under his cloak.   Its eloquence was irrefift-ible ; its interceflion was powerful ; and the effect inftantaneous.    For immediately, on fight of it, the countenance of the holy man was changed ; his feverity was foftened into complacency, and, from the extreme benignity of his nature, he was difpofed to grant remifïion to a repenting finner, who had given fuch evidence of his contrition. But one difficulty remained : the Penitent's houfe was feveral miles diftant ; the day was far fpent ; next day was Eafter ; and the Clergyman was obliged to attend in church, What was to be done ? for it was eflèntial, in giving the ufual benediction, that it fhould be pronounced clofe by the four corners of the houfe But the goofe quickened his invention, and feemed like infpiration to the man of God. An expedient was immediately fuggefted to him.   *' tiold your cap," faid he, to the wondering Penitent.    lie religioufly held open his cap.   Then the Prieft, crofting himfelf, bending, and holding his mouth over it, pronounced the benedictions and exorcifms, which  he would have pronounced at the man's houfe.   " Now," faid he, «' hold it
" clofe 5
u clofe; get home as faff as .you can, and at " every corner of your houfe, crofting your-11 felf, open a corner of your cap, and my tc prefence may be difpenfed with." The man obeyed ; thanked God, and got drunk;
But, with all the fttperftition and ignorance of the Ruffian clergy, it muft be acknowledged in their favour, that they are tolerant, arid very charitable to thofe of a faith different from their own. They fay, all men may go to heaven ; but that the chief place will be affigned to the Ruffians. This tolerating fpirit feems to me very wonderful : I fhall attend to it more minutely : and if I fhall think myfelf able to fay any thing fatif-factory concerning its caufes, I will very frankly, as on former occafions, lay my opinion before you. *****
F
LETTER X.
The Ruffian Spring.
DEAR SIR, May iz, 1769.
IEMBRACE the opportunity of a courier going to London, to inform you of my health. Though the winter has been very fevere, and the climate very different from that of England, I have had no fort of ailment. Our weather for fome days paft has been very warm, yet we have fcarcely any appearance of vegetation ; and while the woods with you are filled with primrofes and hyacinths, we fee not a green leaf. Indeed, when the wind blows from the eafl, the cold returns with it ; and the river is filled with large fragments of ice from the Ladago. Till the beginning of April, the ice was as firm on the Neva as in the middle of January. It broke up a few weeks ago, and announced its departure with a dreadful noife.
If
If climate could have any effect on national characters, the proofs ought to be manifeft in Ruffia. The heats and colds are exceffive ; and the tranfition, from the one extreme to the other, fudden. A fortnight ago the ground was covered with fnow ; this day the heat is almoft infufferable : at prefent fcarcely a bud appears ; but we expect, in a few days, to fee the fields and trees invefied with verdure.-A fhort letter this, you will fay,
and a fhort account of a Ruffian fpring. It is fo ;—but a long defcription would be un-fuitable, when a Ruffian fpring is the fubject*
LETTER XI.
State of Agriculture in Ruffia.
DEAR SIR, June 14, 176g.
IAM juft returned from an excurfion of thirty verfts* into the country. I was at a place called Crafnocelo, where an Englishman, who has been fome time in this country, has eflablithed a manufacture of printed cloth. The weather was very fine, and the province of Ingria, fouth and eaft from St. Peterfburgh, appeared delightful. The country is perfectly green; varied with woods, confirming chiefly of birch and fir; and inter-iperfed'with a number of riling grounds.
I travelled a confiderable way along the banks of a beautiful little river, bordered with wood. In the neighbourhood of Crafnocelo is fituated a romantic round hill, co-
* About 20 miles.
vercd
vered with birch, larix, and other trees ; and in the middle of it, a dell, about a quarter of a mile in length. The fides of the eminence that furrounds it are very fteep ; nor is there any accefs to it but by a Hoping entry to the weft, and not more than twenty feet wide. This delightful little fpot is the immediate property of the crown ; it is laid out like a garden, and has in the middle an elegant fmall pavilion. Yet I ihould have liked it better unadorned, or adorned only by the hand of nature.
The foil, in this province, feems tolerably good ; in fome places a deep clay, and in others fandy. Jt is, as you may fuppofe, very little improved. A Ruflian plough is, indeed, a ridiculous object; fo light, that you may lift it in your hand : it is drawn by one fmall horfe ; the plough-lhare is no bigger than a large carving knife, and ferves no other purpofc than to loofen the fur-face of the "earth. Yet, in fome places, you fee tolerable crops of barley, rye, and buckity wheat; and, in many places, F 3 extenlivQ
cxtenfive meadows, luxuriant with natural grafs.
Indeed, as agriculture is Hill in its infancy in Ruffia, on account of the flavery of the peafants, the prefent Emprefs endeavours to promote fome knowledge of this neceffary art, by forming colonies of flrangers. A few verfts from this city, there is a feulement of Germans, confifting of about a thoufand people ; and the following, I have been informed, is the manner and terms of their eftablifhment :-One of the colonifts receives from the Emprefs a horfe, an ox, a cow, four or five hundred rubles, and a portion of crown lands.   Thefe lands he muft cultivate; and, at the end of ten years, he muft repay the crown the fum of money which he has received.   He is then at liberty to leave his farm, and fettle wherever he pleafes.   If he remain, the farm, on paying a fmall annual rent to the crown, becomes his property for ever.   There are feveral of thefe colonies in different part's of Ruffia : they confift chiefly of German Lutherans, and are indulged in the free exercife of their religion»
I hope
I hope to hear from you foon ; and am, &c.
P. S. On the fourth of this month, at twenty minutes paft three in the morning, I had the good fortune to fee the tranfit of Venus.
LETTER Xll
Progrefs of the War.
IT is really impoftible for me, my dear Sir, to give you a circumftantial account of all the rencontres, and various ads of hoftility committed, I might rather fay perpetrated, in the prefent barbarous and complex war. I doubt much whether it will ever be poflible for the cleared and moft accurate hiftorian to deliver them in a regular, particular, and complete detail. You will fee the propriety of this remark, by obferving; the prefent fituation of the different combatants and opponents. The whole of Poland is in a ftate of diftra&ion. There are confederacies and aftbeiations of armed men in every quarter ; and almoft in every quarter there are Ruffian troops, pr fuch as are in-lifted under the royal banner. Of confequence there ?^e conftant encounters : fometimes the one party, and fometimes the other, is fuc-cefsful.  Thefe conflids contribute nothing to
the
. I . -v
the re-eftablifhment of public affairs : they are bloody and barbarous : all the effect they produce is, to extend and diverflfy the miferies of the country ; nor, in any of them that ever I heard of, is there, even in individuals, any fuch difplay of conduct, military talents, and heroifm, as, independent of their effects, would render them intereff ing. It is really wonderful, that the prefent civil war in Poland has called forth in that nation, no gallant fpirits to draw upon themfelves particular attention, and to rife above the general mafs of furious and fierce partizans. No fupereminent abilities have appeared among them, Kow different have been the effects produced by the civil wars both in France and in England ! On the frontiers of Ruffia too you have the fame uniform and mocking fpectacle. You fee in pne quarter, parties of favage Tartars committing cruel depredations on New-Servia 5 and parties of no lefs favage Coffacks, perpetrating bloody outrages in Wallachia and Bef-farabia. Fertile provinces rendered defolate, towns and villages in flames ; numerous herds of cattle rapacioufly driven away ; the inhabitants butchered, or carried into captivity, conftitute the dreadful features of Ruffian and
Tartarian
Tartarian warfare. When you confider thefe things, I perfuade myfelf you will not regret my difinclination, and indeed inability, to lay before you circumftantial details. One event, however, has happened on the eaftern frontier, which may be of fingular importance in the progrefs of the war. The Ruffians have taken poffeffion of Afoph ; and as it may be of great fervice in affifting them to carry on a naval war with their adverfaries, they have employed a number of men in repairing the fortifications.
As far as I am able, I fhall give you a more particular account of the motions and atchieve-ments of the great armies under Prince Gal-litzin and the Grand Vizir. The great Ruffian army, in the prefent campaign, feems to direct its chief operations againfl Moldavia-Perhaps, as this Province is contiguous to Poland, it may be the intention of the Emprefs to prevent, or cut off, as early as poffible, any intercourfe between the Turks and the Poles. Accordingly, Prince Gallitzin led his army, as foon as he was able, to the banks of the Neifter, intending, by a fudden attack, to feize Chotzim, the frontier town.   He croffed the
riven
river, and on the thirtieth of April attacked an army of above twenty-five thoufand Turks, in their entrenchments under the walls. They were defended by the artillery of the fortrefs. Caraman Pacha, who commanded them, made his cavalry charge the right wing of the Ruffians ; but notwithstanding the valour of their attack, and the advantages of fituation, the Turks were totally routed and driven out of their camp.   General Ifmaelof purfued them, and it is faid, that the bloodfhed, both in the battle and the purfuit, was very confiderable. About the fame time fome confiderable advantages were gained by Prince Proforowfky over a detachment of the enemy, at no great diftance from Chotzim.   Thefe fucceffes you may be fure, and this happy commencement of the war, occafion much rejoicing in the capital.   I heard Te Deum fung before the Emprefs in the Cafan church, on account of them.   Indeed, the iffue of this war may be of great confequence, not only to the Ruffian empire, but to the Emprefs in particular. Her elevation to the throne was not aufpicious; and there are, no doubt, many perfons in the empire not yet reconciled to her government.
Many
Many of the nobility choofe rather to refide at Mofcow, than with the court at St. Peterfburg. The Ruffians are in general fickle, and fond of change. The Great Puke will foon be of age, and it was underftood by many, when the Emprefs was crowned, that when her fon wTas old enough to reign, fhe was to refign. An unfuccefsful foreign war tends to impair the authority of all defpots; and this is the firft foreign war fhe has ever waged. To her, therefore, jn circumftances fo particular, the iilue of the war is of the greateft importance. Accordingly fhe exerts every effort ; and, actuated In this manner, we are not to expect a languid, flow, and protracted conteft, but a war of fpirited and vigorous operation. The reduction of Chotzim, it is expected, will be the immediate confequence of Galitzin's victory ; and in the mean time a confiderable fleet is preparing at Cronftadt, to attempt fome important ftroke in, the Mediterranean or Archipelagp. One of the beft officers in the Ruffian fleet, is Commodore Greig, a native of Fifefhire. His naval abilities are reckoned very great ; yet that funpiicity and modefty of deportment which ufually accompany, and too
often
often veil, the moft diftinguiflied merit, may with a people, fo fond of fliew and glare as the Ruffians are, and fo apt to judge of men, according as they fee m to entertain a high opinion of themfelves, keep out of fight for a time, and even kffen the value of his abilities. * * *
LETTER XIII.
Anecdotes of Count Munich.
Ifland of Caminioiollrow, July, 1769.
" TSLAND of Caminioioftrow," methinks A I hear you repeat with terror, after ob-ferving the date of my letter, recollecting sourfelf, turning over to a map of Ruffia, aid with an anxious eye looking towards Si-leria. No occafion, my good friend, for pur fears j I have not been guilty of treafon, iiid am neither banifhed to the frozen Sea, lor to the borders of China. The place I ivrite from, is an ifland in our river, where Lord C. and his family are to pafs the weeks, you will obferve I don't fay months, of the fummer.
It is indeed a delightful recefs ; diflant no more than three miles from St. Peterfburgh. It is the northmoft of a numerous duller
of
of iflands formed in the mouth of the Neva, where it enters the gulph of Finland, and is joined to Peterfburfky ifland by a bridge of nine boats. It is fcarcely two miles in length, and not more than half a mile broad. This, and all the neighbouring iflands, and the banks of the river, are adorned with wood, chiefly with birch, which grows very tall and bufhy, and whofe fine filver bark makes a beautiful contrail with the deep verdure of the leaves. Our little ifle, for there are fome much larger, is finely interfperfed with lawns and meadows; and its fields and fhores are diverfified with a number of flowers. The wild flower, which feems to grow here in the greatefl: abundance, is the lily of the valley. The river, branching out into many clear deep ftreams, laves the green borders of the different iflands : and the fragrance wafted from the trees, efpecially in an evening, heightens the plea-fure of the fcene. Nothing can be more agreeable than to row around this and the adjacent fhores, in a fine morning, or in a moon-light night. The Ruffian bargemen ufually fing as they row ; they fing in cho-
rufes ;
rufes ; the mufic is fometimes accompanied with a horn ; and in the ftillnefs of the night, and, when heard at fome diftance, it has a folemn effect.
In this ifland is a fmall palace belonging to the great Duke, which Lord C. poffeffes during the fummer; and adjoining to it is a little garden, laid out with arched and gravel walks. It was built by Count Beftuchef, who was Chancellor during part of the reign of the late Emprefs. While he continued in favour, he was regarded as Prime Minifter, and the foremoft man in the empire. His door was daily befet with coaches; and all the nobility looked up to him, almoft as to their fovereign : his fmile conflituted their happinefs, and his frown tbeir mifery. But having fallen into difgrace, he was inftantly ftripped of his honours, offices, and eflate ; and was exiled into fome remote and inhospitable corner of that empire which he formerly governed.
Oh how wretched Is that poor man that hangs on princes' favours ! There is betwixt that fmile he would afpire to, That fweet rfpcct of princes and his ruin, More pangs and tears than war or women havej
And
And when he falls, he falls like Lucifer, Never to hope again.
Reverfes of this fort are not unufual here* and in other countries that are governed by defpots. In the life of no great man in this empire were they illuftrated more remarkably, than in that of the famous Count Munich. The old age of this celebrated General was marked by fome finking circumflances, which are not very generally known, and of which the following account may afford you fome amufement.
Count Munich was Prime Minifter of Ruflia, in the reign of the Emprefs Anna Ivanowna, and in that of her fucceflbr Ivan ; was condemned to fuffer death by the Emprefs Elizabeth, but received a pardon on the fcaffold; and, inftead of being beheaded, was banifhed into Siberia. Count ufterman, his political rival, was to have fuffer ed death at the fame time, and in the fame mariner : he afcended the fcaffbld ; faw the axe and the executioner ; committed his foul to heaven ; laid his head upon the block ; expected the deadly blow ; was lifted up ; had his eyes uncovered ; and was told that the Emprefs
C had
had {pared his life, but that he muft go into banifhment. One might afk, whether, in this inftance, mercy wore the vizor of cruelty,
or cruelty the vizor of mercy?--The
Countefa Munich had the liberty of choofing, cither to accompany her hufband into a wild and dreary region in the north of Afia ; or to remain with her acquaintance and friends in Petersburg. Without hefitation or reluctance fhe chofe to follow her hufband.
The commanding officer of the fortrefs where the Count was confined, was ftriuly enjoined to allow him no more than the mere neceffaries of life; and was ordered to indulge him in no alleviation of his fufferings. But, fortunately for Munich, the Officer had ferved under him in the Turkifli war, and was a perfon of a generous and humane difpo-fitions.   Moved by veneration for his General, whom he had feen performing fo many gallant exploits, and conceiving himfelf out of the reach of information, by his great distance from the capital, he did every thing in his power to foften the rigour of exile ; and, among other indulgences, permitted him the
ufe
me" of materials for writing, and to have fome intercourfe with the inhabitants of the country. The Countefs found amufement, and pleafure, and relief, during many folitary years, in inftrucling the children of the neighbouring peafants. For this alleviation of her misfortune, fhe was indebted to the fame goodnefs of heart, that carried her from the gaiety of focial life into the midft of a lonely defart: for had fhe been proud and felnfh, fire could not have fubmitted to, or been capable of, any fuch employment; and muft confequently have been deprived of the comfort which it afforded her. Even the discharge of her duty to her hufband, and his affectionate gratitude, could not otherwife riave preferved her from pining* The Count found amufement in the exercifes of a well-regulated underftand'ing ; he employed himfelf in writing the memoirs of his life, and in drawing plans of fieges and fortifications.
But thefe alleviations of their captivity were interrupted. A Ruffian officer pafting through the country, and flaying fome days at the fortrefs, obferved the liberty enjoyed by Munich, and had the lingular inhumanity, G 2 on
on his return to St. Peterfburg, to inform Elizabeth of all he had feen.   The difpofitions which led him to inform, led him alfo to exaggerate.   He infinuated, that the Count was plotting mifchief againfl; the Emprefs, or againff, the flate : and that his plans and writings were not matter of mere amufement. Accordingly, the friend of Munich was fud-denly recalled, diverted of his authority, and threatened with the punifhment of treafonable difobedience.   But the Count, in order to exculpate his benefactor, fent all the papers he poffeffed, thofe memoirs,  and thofe plans which were the objects of his affection, and his folace for many winters of difmal folitude : he fent them with the utmoft readinefs to St. Peterfburg.   This effort coft him a grievous pang.   They were burnt.   But they were an oblation offered on the altar of grateful friendfhip ; for he had the coniblation of learning, that they had been the means of preferv-ing his friend from rigorous punifhment. He had not, however, the happinefs of feeing him return to Siberia.
On the accefîion of Peter the Third he was relieved from his captivity ; and, after an exile
of
of twenty-five years, was reftored to his for-iiner honours. One of the firft perfons he met with at Court, after his reftoration, was his old enemy and rival Count Ofterman, who, as was above mentioned, had been exiled at the fame time with himfelf, and was now alfo .at Court, for the firft time, fince his recal. What, do you apprehend, were the fentiments of thefe two remarkable men, on this extraordinary and unexpected meeting ? They had been equally ambitious ; had poffeffed fimilar political abilities ; had been engaged in the fame purfuits ; competitors for the fame preeminence, and of courfe in violent oppofition to each other : they had both been difappoint-ed, had fuffered fimilar punifhment, and were -now, after a long period, in the fame manner, and at the fame inftant, releafed. Would any remains of their old animofity ftill lurk in theirbofoms, and ftill darken their hearts ? Or, rather, cured of the ambition which had formerly fet them at variance, would they not regard one another with fome complacency ? Would they not feel as if they had met in heaven ? And, defpifing the littlenefs of their former diflenfions, would not the recollection unke their affections ? Such, perhaps, would G 3 have
have been the tendency of their feelings, if the prefence of fo many Spectators, who be-, held them with gazing curiofity, had not im-preffed their minds with the dread of impropriety, and fo reftrained their emotions. The circuraftaiices were indeed difagreeablc ; and the Emperor, by whofe clemency they were reflored, would have Shewn a delicate, inflead of a whimfical generofity, if he had prevented a Situation fo very painful. I am indeed per-fuaded, by the following anecdote, that if the heart of Munich had been allowed to flow un-reftrained, it would have flowed in a full ftream of complacency.—Soon after his return to St. Peterfburg, the perfon who had fo malicioufly informed againfl the Officer who had fhewn him fo much attention in Siberia, fought an early opportunity of waiting upon him, threw himfelf at his feet, and craved his forgivenefs* " Go,'1 faid the old man, " were my heart *' like yours, perhaps I might feek for re-*c venge ; but as I am out of your reach you M have no reafon to be afraid." An anecdote of the fame kind is related of the Emperor Adrian. After his elevation to the imperial dignity, meeting a perfon who had formerly been his moft inveterate enemy : " My good
friend^
friend," cried he, (i you have efcaped, for I " am Emperor."
Munich died not long after the accejjjion of Catharine the Second: and I have heard, that ' though much folicited, he would never accept of any marks of her favour.   " I am an old *' man," he would fometimes fay : " I have al-" ready fuffered many misfortunes ; and if I " purchafed a few years of life by the proflitu-Cc tion of my opinions, I mould make but a ** bad exchange." Hehad, at the timeof Peter's dethronement, given him fome very Spirited counfel : " Go forth,'' faid he, " put your-" Self at the head of the troops you have with *' you, or go forth alone ; addrefs the two " regiments that are marching againft you : " Tell them you are their fovereign, the " grandfon of Peter the Great ; afk them if '* they have been aggrieved, and affure them eS of full redrefs.   I will forfeit my hoary ** head, if they do not fling down their arms, lt and fall proilrate before you."   But Peter was infatuated; would not follow his counfels; and wras dethroned.—The prefent Emprefs (hews every mark of regard and attention to the fon and grandfons of Munich. Adieu*
G 4
LETTER XIV. (Extract,) Progrefs of the War.
Jane 1769.
#■* + ** y INFORMED you in my laftpo-litical letter that we expe&ed daily accounts of the reduction of Chotzim-This event, however, has not taken place. On the contrary, Galitzin has at prefent relinquished his attempt, and has repaffed the Neifter. This occafions a good deal of fur-prize ; for people, who know not upon how many minute cii cumftances military operations very often depend, are ever fanguine in their expectations, and, in the ardour of their wifhes, not only defire but expect, that every advantage fhall be inftantly followed by fame-thing flill more marvellous and important,
I mentioned to you, that Prince Calitzin'ii dcfign was to reduce Chotzim by a fudden af-
fault.
fault.   But he was difappointed by the dexterity of Caraman Pacha, who threw fo great a part of his army into the place, that it was utterly impoffible for the Ruffians to proceed againfl it in the manner they intended ; nor were they provided, it is faid, with artillery for profecuting a regular fiege.   Add to this, that the Ruffian army is by no means fo numerous as the news-papers report. Befides, the diforders in Poland were rifing to fuch a height, as perhaps made it neceffary for the great Ruffian army to give fome attention to that quarter.   That the Poles fhould be particularly furious at prefent, is not merely to be accounted for by their hope of afliflance from the Sultan, and the removal of fome of the Ruffian troops that were ftationed among them, to the borders of Turkey ; but from fome late meafures of the Ruffian court.
The Emprefs,as was already mentioned, is actuated by many confiderations, not to protract, but to profecute the war with vigour. This principle appears, and throws itfelf out in a variety of operations: in confequence of the general determination, it is applied in all cafes ; and it is applied in fome cafes that ought
to
to bave been excepted, and where it is not expedient.  It is owing to this that the Emprefs iffued a proclamation, and which produced a fimilar declaration from Conftantinople, allowing none of the Poles, in the prefent con-teft, to remain neuter ; but to take part, in a decided and active manner, with one or other of the contending powers : and this of itfelf has thrown them into the greateft ferment.--* From one or all of thefe caufes, Prince Galit-zin has found himfelf under the neceffity of repairing the Ncifter.   Nor is it unlikely that his outpofts, and the detachments fent from his army, either for provifions, forage, or to reconnoitre the enemy, may have fuftained con4 fiderable loffcs.   The Turks actually contend, that he has been compelled, by force of arms, to abandon the fiege : and, according to every thing I can learn, thefuperiority of the Turkifh cavalry give them a decided advantage in all fkirmifhes, and on all occafions, where the Ruffian infantry is not engaged. *****
LETTER
LET TE R XV,
jLxçurfion into Cardia.—State of the Finlanders.
DEAR SIR, July, 1769.
Y AM juft returned from a very agreeable excurfion into the province of Carelia. The appearance of the country at this feafon is remarkably pleafant.   It rifes in little hills, and is a good deal covered with birch, fir, aller, and other trees.   In the woods there are a number of hurtleberries, cranberries, and wild Strawberries. The foil is in general light and fandy, and the country is diverfified with little green lawns, meadows, and corn-fields. I was furprized at the fizeof the grafshoppers; they are at lead an inch and a half in length. The houles in the villages are conifructed of wood ; and the inhabitants of this country are chiefly Fins.
The
TheFins are neither fotall, nor fo handfome as the Ruffians. Their hair is light-coloured, and their complexions fair; fo that though their children are very comely, the poornefs of their diet, and the inclement weather to which they are fo much expofed, give them, when grown up to youth and manhood, even a mi-ferable appearance. Their language is totally different from that of the Ruffians : being chiefly Lutherans, they are alfoof a different religion ; and though all the fubjects of this empire may be eonfidered on an equal footing in regard to freedom, yet having been conquered by the Ruffians, they are eonfidered as their inferiors. They are accordingly treated v/ith the utmoft infult and abufe.
Nothing indeed can be more deplorable than the condition of a people reduced by, and con-flituting a part of another nation, but differing from them in language, cufloms and religion. Such differences will expofe them to contempt ; the contempt they meet with wiil in time make them deferve it : treated with no refpect. by others who have power over them, they will lofe all fenfe of character, and Ijave no refpect for themfelves : thus, not dar-
ing to exprefs their refentment in a refolute and manly manner, they will harbour fenti-ments of latent malice ; they will indulge ignominious vices ; become mean, infidious, and deceitful.   Perhaps circumftances of this fort may account for the character of many modern Jews ; and, fo long as thefe circumftances continue, they will always be a feparate people. —On the difperfion of that famous nation, many things concurred  to keep them dif-tinct from the' other nations among whom they dwelt, and to render them even objects of their averfion.   This was particularly the cafe in Europe.   Among the European Hates the manners and maxims of chivalry were about to'commence : men fubfifted by war and agriculture; commerce and manufactures were not held in eiteem. But the Jews were neither proprietors of land, nor retainers on great men : they no longer made ufe of the fword ; and fubfifted neither by agriculture nor military depredation. Contemned anddetefted for their origin, their religion, their hatred of Chriftian-ity, and their perfecution of its ttoly Author, they felt that they had no chara£er to Iofc, and betook themfelves for fubfiftence to fuch employments as the Europeans defpifed. They
earned
earned a livelihood by traffic ; and by fuch occupations as among the Romans, and the northern nations who rofe on the ruins of Rome, were never practifed but by the dregs of the people.   This therefore added to the contempt and hatred of their condition; and contributed, by a correfponding procefs, to render them really bafe and defpicable. Perceiving and feeling that they were already hated and defpifcd, they had not fufficient fortitude to contend with, and overcome the mife-rable influences of Situation ; they Suffered themfelves to deServe both contempt and aver-fion, and not only engaged in employments which were held difhonourable, but aéted dishonourably in Such employments.   They not only practiSed commerce, but were guilty of fraud. As Europe became civilized, they found that they were enabled, by their occupations, both to fubfift and become wealthy. Their Situation, therefore, however defpiSed by the Gentiles, had considerable advantages, which compensated for the contempt they Suffered, and reconciled them to their condition.   It ought alfotobe remarked, that theopportunity which fraud and deceit gave them of retaliating in fome meafure the injuries they underwent, as
it
U gratified their refentment, tended to darken their underftandings, and hindered them from difcerning the atrocity of their conduct.—-Upon the whole, of this digrefllon it may not be improper to remark, that thofe who enjoy pre-eminence, and treat their inferiors with contempt, merely on account of difference of Situation, trefpafs againfl: the interefts of fo-ciety,by compelling men to become worthlcfs. It may alfo be mentioned, that as fituations of this fort are of fuch powerful, as well as of fuch malignant influence, if there are perfons who, in defiance of them,a(fert the dignity of human nature by the inflexible dignity of their own conduct, they do honour to the fpecies.
In returning from my excurfion I faw fome very beautiful landfkips. Travelling through a thin wood of birch and aller, I had a fine view to the fouth of the Gulph of Finland, bounded by JEfthonia, which pfefented the palaces of Peterhoff and Oranibaurn, and was diverfified by a number of veffels that lay at anchor. Towards the eaft was a green and bufliy wildernefs ; the numerous iflands of the Neva adorned with wood ; the river flow-
5 inS
ing around them in different channels ; and the gilded or painted fpires of the city rifing, as it were, from the midft of a foreft. The fun fetting bright in the weft, and pouring a blaze of radiance on the gulph, heightened in a remarkable manner the beauty of the land-fkip. I went into a barge at the mouth of the Neva ; the courfe of the ftream was per* fectly fmooth ; the banks and borders of the fragrant and green iflands, as I was rowed along, were for ever changing their appearance j and the bargemen ftruck their oars according to the cadences of their vocal concert. The moon,fhining over the whole with temperate but unclouded radiance, rendered the fcene very foft and folemn.
Adieu.
LETTER XVI. (Extract.) Fables tranjlatedfrom the German of Less ing.
* * * * A MONG thofe in St. Peterfburg 4: *• who feek amufement in reading, I find that German literature is much in fafhion. Indeed many German authors have diftinguifhed themfelves of late, not only by their learning and depth of philofophical re-fearch, but by elegance of compofition, and the graces of fine writing. They feem particularly fond of fables : there is a fimplicity in their language which is well fuited to that fpecies of compofition ; and two of their fabu-lifts, Leffing and Geliert, the one in verfe, and the other in profe, have rifen to very high reputation. With Geliert you are already acquainted ; and of Leffing*s inventive talents, you will perhaps agree with me, that the following tranflations of his fifth and fifty* fourth fables are no unfavourable fpecimens.
H JUPITER
JUPITER and the HORSE.   A Fable.
[Tranflated from the German of Leffing.]
" Father of men and beafts !" faid the Horfe, approaching the throne of Jupiter, " it is " faid of me, that I am one of the moft beau-" tiful animals with which thou haft adorned *' the world ; and felf-love inclines me to be-t£ lieve the character juft: yet in fome par-«* ticulars, my appearance might admit of *} improvement."
t£ Of what kind ? Inform me. I am will-" ing to receive inftrucfion," faid the Father of all, and fmiled.
" I would probably run better,'' replied the Steed, " if my legs were longer, and more «"< llender ; a neck like a fwan would be more *{ becoming j a wider cheft would improve my " ftrength ; and, fince thou haft ordained me " to carry thy darling, Man, might I not have " a natural faddle growing upon my back, in-
" ftead
u ftead of that with which the well-meaning Se rider confines me."
<{ Have patience," refumed the God ; and with an awful voice, pronounced his creative word *. Life darted into the dull:; inert matter became alive ; organized members were formed ; they were joined in one confident body ; and, before the throne, arofe—the hideous Camel ! The Horfe fhuddered, and fhook with horror.
u See," faid Jupiter, Ct longer and more " flender legs ; a neck like that of a fwan ; <l a large cheft, and a natural faddle. Would " you chufe to have fuch a ihape ?"*—The Horfe quaked with extreme, averfion.
1* Go," continued the God, *' take counfel *' from this event; be henceforth fatisfied with " your condition ; and, in order to remind you " of the warning you have now received"— fo faying he caft on the Camel a •f preferving look, " Live," faid he, " new inhabitant of
# Sparch das wort der fchoepfung. f Warf cinen erhaltcnden blick. H 2
«c the
«' the world ! and may the Horfe never fee thee " but with trembling averhon !"
The SHE-GOATS.   A Fable.
[Tranflated from the German of Lessing.]
The She-goats requefted Jupiter to give them horns; for in the beginning they had none. But the God defired them to think better of their requeft, and to confide in the care he had of them; for that along with horns, they might be obliged, perhaps, to receive fome difagreeable appendage. They perfifted in their demand. They received horns—and a beard; for in the beginning they had none. What vexation they felt for thefe filthy beards ! more vexation than joy for their fooli(h horns.
LETTER XVII.
Progrefs of the War.—Retreat of the Ruffians from Chotzim.
dear SIR,
SINCE the lafl accounts I gave you of the war in Moldavia feveral events have happened, at firft favourable, but now unfavourable, to the Ruffians.
Prince Galltzin, with his army confiderably ftrengthened, returned to the Neifler ; croffed that river on the 13th of July, and fell unexpectedly on a Turkifh army in the neighbourhood of Chotzim. He gained a complete victory ; and of confequence renewed the fiege, or blockade, which he had formerly been obliged to relinquish. I need not enter into a minute account of the circumftances of the battle. Suffice it to fay upon the whole, that in all general engagements, where theftrefsof the conflict depends on infantry and artillery ?
H 3 the
the numbers and impetuous valour of the Turks, their fabres and horfes, are not a match for the fteady difcipline of European armies. Indeed, there feems to have been great/mifcon-duct in the Turkifh officers, in fuffering themfelves to be furprifed ; and we are told, in confirmation of this, that Caraman Pacha beheaded the Serafkier who commanded that army.
Meantime the great Turkifh army, commanded by Mefauge Pacha the Grand Vizir, advanced from the Danube, and took poft at different places between that river and the Neifter.   The flownefs of this General's operations has occafioned more uneafinefs at St. Peterfburg, than if he had advanced with confident and impetuous ardour.   He is reported to be a man of comprehenfive and fleady un-derftanding.   He is fenfible that want of difcipline is the great defect of his army. He therefore protracts his operations, in order that his foldiers may be properly trained, and reduced to regular fubordination.   He is alfq fenfible, that more harm may be done the Ruffians by haraffing them,   and by attacking the detachments, than by engaging them in a pitched battle. By this Fabian conduct, he
Las already rendered effentiai fervlce to the Sultan. For although fome troops were defeated, that attempted in the beginning of Auguft to throw fupplies into Chotzim; yet his detachments in other quarters have been fo fuccefsful, and the Ruffian army is fo much weakened, and fo much alarmed, that theyhaye again railed the fiege,and repaffed the Neiftcr. But this they were not able to effectuate without confiderable lofs. Their loffes, however, have been greatly exaggerated ; and if I am not mifinformedj the regular troops in Prince Ga-litzin's army were not much more than the numbers that, according to fome accounts, were faid to have been flain.
Thefe things have flattened our fpirits. The people are beginning to murmur. Rumours of confpiracies are fecretly propagated ; feveral perfons, I have heard, either guilty or fuf-pe&ed of treafon, have difappeared : but thefe things are not noifed abroad, they are only mentioned in confidential whifpers. The people are prohibited from fpeaking or writing about politics. The Emprefs tells them, that as her maternal care for her dear people
H 4 keeps
her fleeplefs by night, and bufy by day ? and I really believe that her nights are as fleeplefs as her days are bufy:—they have no oc-cafiqn to give themfelves any further trouble about public affairs, than to act implicitly as fhe directs ; and, in order the more effectually to fave her dear people from unneceffary labour, fhe not only exhorts, but actually forbids them to fpeak, write, or think politics. The fpies are bufy : the fufpected great men are clofely watched : For,
Not a Thane of them, but in his houfe She has a fervant fee'd.
Happy king of England ! who may go about with as much fecurity after a defeat, as after a victory ; who has no occafion for a board of fpies "againfl his own fubje&s ; and may allow his people to fpeak, write, and think as. they pleafe.
Among other changes, which, it i$ faid, will take place in the Ruffian armies, Prince Galkzin is to be recalled, and the chief command given to Count Romanzoff. General Panin, brother to the Prime Minifter, is to command an army near Bender, and the / mouths
mouths of the Danube.   Both Panin and Ro-> manzoff have the reputation of great military-talents j and the firft, for I have not feen the laft, has indeed a very bold, blunt, military countenance ; very different from the fmooth fmiling afpect of the Prime Minifter. Thefe changes may be for the public good ; yet fome court-intereft and intrigue may have helped them forward.   Count RomanzofFs mother is much regarded at court ; fo alfo is his filler, the Countefs Bruce.   You will be furprifed at the name.   Count Bruce is the defcendant of a Scots gentleman of that name, who came into Ruffia after the rdifcomfiture of the Scots by Oliver Cromwell ; and who, having recommended himfelf to the good graces of the court, married a Ruffian lady, and was advanced to confiderable honours.   A gentleman, named Hamilton, who came in the lame fhip with Bruce, paffed into Sweden ; and, in the lait war, his defcendant, Count Hamilton, commanded the Swedifh army in Po-merania,
A fleet of feven fail of the line, and fome frigates, having with them a confiderable number of land-forces, and under the command
mand of Admiral Elphinfton, will fet out, very foon, on an expedition into the Méditer* ranean. The Admiral is a Captain in the Britifh navy : and, among other important fervices, conducted the Britifh fleet through the Straits of Bahama, when the Englifh, in, the laft war, invaded Cuba. Admiral Spiri-doff, with a confiderable force, failed fome time ago,
BETTER XVIIE
Progrefs of the War.—A Rufjian Pafquinade:
" Thofe whom the gods diftinguifh by their hate, f* They firft confound, and then refign to fate." À
Oftober 17, 176:;.
T Mentioned to you the prudent conduct of Meffauge Pacha, the Grand Vizir ; and his plan of wafting the Ruftian army in fmall conflicts, rather than of hazarding a general action. I alfo informed you of his fuccefs ; and that his adverfaries, in a very ihattered condition, had again retreated into Poland. But his meafures did not meet with the approbation, nor he himfelf with the recompence, which fuch ability merited. He was difliked by his army ; fo little qualified are foldiers to judge of the merits or demerits of a commander. The ftrictnefs of his difcipline was ill fuited to their licentioufnefs and irregularity.   Accordingly, complaints were brought
againft
againfl him at Conftantinople, and they were liflened to with the greater readinefs, that the deliberate flownefs of his operations by no means correfponded with the fanguine expectations and impetuofity that reigned in the councils of the Sultan. He was accordingly recalled from Moldavia, and beheaded ; and Moldovani Ali Pacha, the new Grand Vizir, was promoted to the chief command.
The meafures of Moldovani have been violent and precipitate. He has not only put to death Caraman Pacha, but has loft all the advantages gained by the prudent conduct of his predeceffor ; and has brought fuch ruin on the Turkifh army under hiscommand, as may contribute, by its confequence9, to decide the fate of the war.—Prince Galitzin returned again to the banks of the Neifter. The Grand Vizir, with a prodigious army, was polled in the neighbourhood of Chotzim. He immediately determined to attack his opponents ; but the troops, which he fent to the other fide of the river for that purpofe, at two different times, and who exerted themfelves with obftinate valour, fuffered total difcom-fiture. He ftill perfifted in his rafh defign ; and
laid
laid one large bridge, in place of three, which he had formerly ufed, acrofs the river. Upon, this he fent over twelve thoufand men: they were to be followed by the reft of the army ; but before the junction could be made, a dreadful tern pelf arofe; the river was fwelted to a prodigious height ;   the bridge was fwept away ; and the Turks that had crofTed the river fell a prey to the Ruffians.   Whether or not any terms of capitulation were offered them, I have not heard ; if there were, they were not accepted.   The Ruffians attacked them with unrelenting fury : and thus, in fight of the Vizir and his army, who mull have fuf-fered on this occafion the moft excruciating torment, as they were unable to give them any affiftance; and in fight, I believe, of Chotzim, the finer! troops in the Turkifh army were cut in pieces. The garrifon of Chotzim, and the reft of the Vizir's forces, after the firft tranfports of their rage, gave way to terror and confirmation.   They deferted the fort-refs, fled from their encampment, and made the beft of their way to the Danube. Thus the Ruffians are become matters of Moldavia and Walachia ; and have finifhedthe campaign with honour.
Still,
Still, however, the nomination of Count RomanzofF to the command of the grand army continues. Prince Galitzin returns to court ; and will be received with every mark of distinction. Yet that his conduct is not approved of, is abundantly manifeft, and the following Pafquinade, which has been allowed to circulate, even fince the reduction of Chotzim, will fhew you fufficiently how he ftands with the public. It will alfo fhew you with what licentiouihefs and feverity the Ruffians, if they were allowed, would indulge themfelves in political fatire.
a Prince Galitzin having been obliged to <c retreat from Chotzim, found himfelf much tc embarraffed. One night he was fo anxious " he could nor fleep. He rofe, dreffed him-*' felf, and heard two perfons fpeaking at the ct door of his tent. An old Soldier was tell— •* ing his dream to the centinel. I dreamed, " faid he, that I was in a battle ; that my " head was cut off ; confequently that I died ; *c and confequently went to heaven. I knock-*' ed at the door. Peter came with a bunch 4t of keys, and, made fo much noife, that he f wakened God, who came in great hafte,
"and
•c and enquired what was the matter ? Why, " fays Peter, there is a great war upon earth, *' between the Ruffians and the Turks. And " who, faid the Supreme Being, commands " the Ruffians ? Count Munich, replied the *' Saint. Then, faid God, I may go and fleep. " I wakened, faid the old Soldier ; but fell *' afleep, and dreamed again. The circum-*' fiances of the fécond dream were precifely " the fame with thofe of the firfl, excepting " that the war in which I fancied myfelf en-" gaged, was not that of Count Munich, but " that which we are now^waging. According-u ly, when God afked Peter, who commanded u the Ruffians? the Saint told him, It was u Prince Galitzin. Then, faid God, get me ** my boots, for now they need me.—-Tn a " fhort time after, the Turkifh bridge over ** the Neifler was fwept away by a flood.*'
LETTER   XIX. (Extract.)
With fome Verf es.
* * * rr^HE following lines were written X during my flay in the ifland of Caminioioftrow. The fine weather, the agreeable fituation, and the delightful fcenery around the banks of the Neva, provoked my old propenfity to rhiming. I thought it was at an end \ but you know what Horace fays about inclinations that are either natural, or by indulgence rendered habitual.
TO A YOUNG LADY*
With fome Flowers,
To thee, fweet fmiling maid, I bring The beauteous progeny of fpring : In every breathing bloom I find Some pleafing emblem of thy mind,
* Now V—fs of S—-t.
2
The
The blufhes of that opening rofe Thy tender modefty difclofe. Thefe fnow-white lilies of the vale Diffufing fragrance to the gale, No oftentatious tints affume, Vain of their exquifite perfume ; Carelefs, and fweet, and mild, we fee In them a lovely type of thee. Jn yonder gay-enamel'd field, Serene that azure bloffom fmil'd : Not changing with the changeful fky, Its faithlefs tints inconftant fly ; For, unimpaired by winds and rain, I faw th' unalter'd hue remain. So were thy mild affections prov'd, Thy heart by Fortune's frown unmov'd, Pleas'd to adminifter relief, In times of woe would folace grief. Thefe flowers with genuine beauty glow The tints from Nature's pencil flow: What artift could improve their bloom ? Or fweeter make their fweet perfume ? Fruitlefs the vain attempt.   Like thefe Thy native truth, thine artlefs eafe, Fair, unaffected maid, can never fail t pi eafe.
LETTER XX.
The Funeral of the Prlncefs Kurakhi.
DEAR SIR, Nov. 13, 1769.
THERE are, as you apprehend, fome circumftances of a very extraordinary nature in the funeral ceremony of the Ruffians; and I think the beft method of telling you what they are, is to dcfcribe the funeral of the Princefs Kurakin, of which I was this day a witnefs.
The procefîion fet out at ten in the morning from the little Millione, for the burial-place in the Monaftery of St. Alexander New-fkey, about two miles from St. Peterfburg. All the ftreets and the road by which it was to pafs, were ftrewed with green twigs, chiefly of yew. It was preceded by a band of ringing boys, who fung hymns, and chanted portions of the funeral fervice ; and who were
followed
followed by about twenty inferior priefts, attendants on the dignified clergy. The Bifhop of St, Peterfburg, accompanied with Archimandrites, and other Priefts of higher orders, Walked immediately before the hearfe. They had mitres on their heads, were arrayed in coftly drefTes, and carried tapers in their hands. The hearfe, which was not covered, as in Britain, was drawn by fix horfes. The coffin was covered with pink-coloured velvet, and adorned with filver ornaments; but had no pall laid over it. The chief mourners walked behind, and other friends and relations followed in mourning coaches. Before they reached the Monaftery, the Bifhop left the proceflion, which came on flowly, and got before them into the church. There he put on fuch pieces of raiment as were cuftomary on fuch occafions ; and performed fuch parts of the fervice as were ufually performed previous to the arrival of the proceflion.
When the funeral reached the gate of the Monaftery, the Biftiop, attended with the Monks and Priefts, went out to meet and conduct it to the place of interment. A platform, two fteps in height, about fix feet in I 2 length,
length, and four in breadth, covered with crimfon-velvet fringed with gold, was railed in the outward divifion of the church. Upon this the coffin was placed ; and on bringing it into the church, all the fervants and female attendants of the deceafed raifed a moft dolorous lamentation, wringing their hands, beating their breafts, tearing their hair, and crying lb as effectually to drown the voices of the choirifters. Meantime thofe who had tapers in their hands, lighted them : and fix large wax-candles, which ftood in candlefticks a-round the dead body, were alfo lighted. The monks were arranged on one fide of the place before the altar, and the choirifters on the other. The Bifhop fat in a chair covered with velvet, in the middle of the church, fur-rounded by deacons and attendants. Others lifted the lid from the coffin, covering the corpfe with a pall of cloth of gold, on which ■was embroidered a filver crofs ; and folding it back, difplayed the dead body lying on a bed of white fattin. The head, with the face uncovered, and drefTed in a clofe coeffure, very richly adorned with lace, lay on a white fattin pillow. The features were elegant, but the colour was gone ; the eyes and lips clofed ;
the
the fmiles and graces were flown for ever. The body was dreffed in white fattin, and the hands, covered with white gloves, were laid acrofs the breaft.
The Bifhop now performed mafs, with all the ufual ceremonies of finging, praying, fcattering incenf'e, carrying about the bread and wine, the gofpels, and the crucifix. This lafted a confiderable time ; and the Biftiop's feat being then removed to the head of the coffin, he took his ftation there, while twelve perfons, in black facerdotal habits, with lighted tapers in their hands, arranged themfelves around the dead body. After the burial fer-vice, which was indeed very folemn, the Bifhop Handing up, pronounced a few fen-tences in a kind of deep-toned grave recitative. He was anfwered in the fame manner by a Priell on his right, and he by another on the left; and fo on, by all thofe that flood around the coffin. This part of the ceremony was very ftriking ; and, indeed, very noble. When this was ended, a Prieft (the Princefs's confeflbr, as I was told) delivered a fcroll of paper to the Bifhop, who read it aloud, and returned it to the confeflbr, who, with filent
13 and
and reverential demeanour, put it into the right hand of the deceafed. The priefts and monks returned to their former poiition ; and then all the friends and relations, both •male and female, but chiefly the laft, with loud howling, weeping, and lamentation, gathered around the dead body, kifTed the hands and forehead, and with a forrow exprelfed with too much violence to produce fympathy? took leave of their departed friend. This part of the ceremony, including the preceding hymn, chanted by the Priefts, is termed the Alpafmus, or Laft Embrace.
When this was over, which was not fud-denly, the coffin was lifted up, the platform removed from beneath, and a vault difcover-ed under it, into which the body was let down. The Bifhop then advanced, pronounced a fhort prayer, and threw fome earth into the vault. It was then clofed : the mourners withdrew, and thus the ceremony
was concluded.-1 need not add, that the
parade was exceffive; and the lamentation fo loud, as totally to deftroy the pleafmg melancholy, and the difpofition to folemn thought, which fuch ceremonies ought to produce. I
was.
was, however, fo much pleafed with the hymn pronounced at the laft embrace, that I lhall endeavour to have it tranllated, and if fo, I fhall tranfmit you a copy.   I am,
Yours, &c.
LETTER XXI.
The Hymn chanted at the Afpafmus, or Left Embrace.
DEAR SIR,
\ GREE ABLY to my promife I fend you A a tranflation of the Hymn recited by the Priefts or Monks, for I don't juft recoiled; which they were, who, according to the cuf-tom of the Greek church in the burial of the dead, ftand around the coffin previous to the Laft Embrace. I have been informed that it was written originally in Greek, by the famous Joannes Damafcenus ; and was tranflat-ed from him, for the ufe of the Ruffian church, into the Sclavonian, the dialed: ufed in this country in acts of religious worfhip. It is divided into ftanzas fuited to the method of recitation,
I.
Come hither, brethren, let us worfhip God, and pay our laft duty to the deceafed.
6 No
No longer mindful of vanity, or the cares of the flefh, he hath forfaken his kindred, and approacheth the grave. Where are kindred and friends ! We are now feparated from one another—May the Lord grant him repofe !
II.
O brethren ! what painful feparation, what lamentation and wailing accompany this •mournful hour! Approach.—Embrace him who was lately one of ourfelves. Delivered up to the grave ; covered with a ftone, he mull dwell in darknefs, and be buried among the dead. Now, friends and kindred ! we are feparated from him ! May the Lord grant him repofe !
III.
Every wicked connection with life and vanity is diffoived. The fpirit hath forfaken her cottage. The clay is disfigured : the veffel broke. We carry a motionlefs, infenfible corps to the grave, intreating the Lord to grant him eternal reft.
IV.
Oh what is life ! a bloftbm ! a vapour Ï or dew of the morning !   Approach there-
fore>
fore, and with attention contemplate the grave. Where now is the graceful form ! Where is youth ! Where are the organs of fight ! And where the beauty of complexion ! They are withered like ftubble. Approach, and weeping wTorfhip God.
V.
What lamentation and wailing, and mourning, and ftruggling, when the foul is feparated from the body ! Hades and perdition are then difclofed. Human life feems altogether vanity ; a tranfient fhadow; the fleep of error; the unavailing labour of imagined exiftence. Let us therefore fly from every corruption of the world, that we may inherit the kingdom of heaven.
VI.
Looking upon the deceafed, let us meditate on our latter end. Like a thin vapour ri-fing from the earth, hevanifhed : like aflower, he decayed : like grafs he was cut down ; arrayed in perifhing apparel, he is laid in the duff. Intreat Chrift to grant repofe unto him whom ye are now leaving, and flaall no longer behold.
VIE Come
VIL
Come hither, O defcendants of Adam Ï and fee humbled in the ground a man refem-bling ourfelves ; diverted of all comelinefs, foon to be confumed in the grave ; to perilh in darknefs, and crumble into dud. Intreat Chrift to grant repofe unto him whom ye are now leaving, and fhall no longer behold.
VIII.
When the fpirit is raviftied from the body by awful angels, kindred and acquaintance are all forgot ; the future judgment engageth our attention ; for the vain purfuits and fruitlefs labour of the rlefh are then at an end. Supplicating the Judge, let us befeech him to forgive the fins of the deceafed.
IX.
Come hither, brethren, let us view the duft and afhes of which ye are moulded. Whither are we going ; and what fliall we become ? Who is poor ; or who is rich ? Who is the mafter j or who is free ? Are not all
allies ?
afhes ? The beauty of the countenance hath faded, for death blafls the bloffom of youth.
X.
All the pleafures and dignities of life are vain and perifhing : We are all decaying, and fhall die. Kings and princes, judges and potentates, the rich and the poor, all are mortal. Thofe formerly numbered among the living, lie lifelefs in their graves. To whom may Jefus accord repofe !
XI.
All the members of the body are now rendered motionlefs : very lately they were active and full of vigour : now they are rendered weak. The eyes are clofed ; the feet are bound ; the hands at reft ; the fenfe of hearing extinct ; and the tongue locked up in fdence. All are delivered up to the grave : Ail human things are vain.
XII.
Thou Mother of the Sun that never fets, Parent of God, we befeech thee intercede with thy divine offspring, that he who hath departed
ed hence, may enjoy repofe with the fouls of the juft. Unblemifhed Virgin, may he enjoy the eternal inheritance of heaven in the abodes of the righteous.-Doxology.
Words fuppofed to exprefs the fenti-ments of the deceafed, fpoken by the Chief Prieft :
"Brethren, friends, kinfmen, and acquaintance ! View me now, and lament. It was but yefterday that we converfed together ; for the fearful hour of death hath furprifed me. Come here all who tenderly loved or efteemed me, and with a laft embrace pronounce the laft farewell. No longer ihall I fojourn among you : No longer bear a part in your difcourfe : I go to the Judge who hath no refpe£t of perfons. The mafter and the fervant, the fove-reign and the fubjec"t, the rich and the poor, are here upon a level : for according to their deeds ihall they be glorified or put to fhame. Therefore let me entreat and befeech you all, intercede with Jefus who is God, that I may not receive the punifhment due to my guilt, but that he may eftablifh me in the light of life."
The
The following additional Stanzas are ufed at the burial of a Prieft ; they appear to me more ftriking and more pathetic than the former.
I.
Be ftill ! be ftill ! let the departed reft in peace. Meditate this awful myftery. 'Pis an hour of terror ! be ftill ! Let the fpirit depart in peace. It begins the tremendous trial, and with much trembling deprecates the Almighty,
II.
Whether have the fpirits of the deceafed departed ? Or what is their lot ? How I long to learn their condition. But 'tis a myftery which none can reveal. Like mortals do they remember their friends ?,Are they forever unmindful of the mourners ? of thofe who bewail their departure, and celebrate their obfe-quies with forrow ?
III.
The (laves of ungoverned paflions enjoy no repofe in the grave: formidable accufers
are
are there, and there the books are opened. Where wilt thou look for fuccour, O man, or who will maintain thy caufe î unlefs thy conduct in life was upright, unlefs thy bounty relieved the poor.
IV.
Haft thou pitied the afflicted, O man ? in death thou fhalt be pitied. Haft thou confoled the orphan ? the orphan will deliver thee. Haft thou clothed the naked ? The naked will procure thee protection.
I could fend you tranilations of fome other parts of the funeral ceremony. But you will probably be fatisfied with what you have.
I mentioned that the funeral ceremony of the Prircefs Kurakin was performed in the Monaftery of St. Alexander Newfkey. This Saint was formerly a Sovereign of the Ruf-fias, and was canonized, not fo much for his Chriftian virtues, as for his military achievements. His exploits, indeed, were in defence of his country againft the Swedes or Finns, and are engraved on a magnificent filver fhrine vvithin the monaftery. In the neighbourhood
of St. Peterfburg, at leaft, he is fo highly revered, as to have become a formidable rival to St. Nicholas. Perhaps, it is becaufe his greater! actions were performed upon the banks of the Neva ; and that the church and monaftery, confecrated to him, are very magnificent, and happen to be placed in a confpi-cuous fituation. The adjoining walks, woods, and garden, are extremely pleafant, and even romantic.
P. S. I mentioned to you, that, after reciting the Hymn previous to the Laft Embrace, a Prieft put a fcroll of paper into the right hand of thedeceafed. This has fometimes been ludi-croufly reprefented as a paffport to be delivered to St. Peter. The following, however, has been given me * as an exact tranflation of the fcroll above mentioned, and fhews the in-juftice of that account.
The Prayer, Hope, and Declaration of a Chriftian Soul in the Faith.
" Every God-glorifying, orthodox chriftian, having lived and honoured this hope, declares the following : and when he is dead,
• By the Reverend Dr. King, author of a learned account of the Rices and Ceremonies of the Greek Church.
whoever
whoever is willing, may pioufly put this declaration into the hand of the deceafed when in the collin.
All-creative, Omnipotent God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Ghoft, in Three Perfons, but one Godhead, fubftance, and eflence : inceffamly praifed by all creatures, who, by thy holy will, foreknowledge, immeafurable goodnefs, and inexprefTible wif-dom, did ft create all things vtfible in the world; thou-didft create alfo me thy fervant, to glorify thee, O Lord my God ! to ling thy holy name; gratefully to thank thee for all thy mercy, and to endeavour, by all virtues, to attain thy everlafling kingdom. But, O, Divine Trinity ! I have finned againft thee; have offended thy holinefs; have broken thy commandments ; and have not preferved, as I ought, thy image and likenefs exifting within me. I have defiled my foul and body by all manner of fins ; and by wicked actions have moved thee to wrath. But though I have been dazzled with the vanities of the world, yet, O Lord ! I have not caft myfelf wholly from thee, my Creator, my life, my joy, my falvation, and hope. And now, my life li-K mited
mi ted by thy power, I willingly refign. My foul feparates itfelf from my corruptible body; goes into immortality ; and if it feem good unto thee, fhall with this body arife again; which I hope for from thy goodnefs and mercy, according to the faith of our holy religion, and becaufe thou didft fuffer for our falvation. Yet I am terrified with fear, left the torments of the wicked be inflicted upon me, for the fins which I have committed againfl thee. Wherefore, O Immortal King, and my God ! with this my laft breath I pray unto thee, that thou wouldft forgive all the fins I have committed from my youth up to this time ; for thou art my God and my Creator ; I believe in thee ; I hope in thee ; by thy righteous judgment fave me, O Lord ! and vouchsafe unto me thy kingdom. Thou who for us men became Jefus Chrift, to deliver us from fin ; by thy power I was born, and brought up in the wifdom of the only holy Eaftern Church. And I pray thee, O Lord! confider not my fins; but grant me abfolution in prefence of the immaculate Virgin Mary, the Mother of God. Free from doubt, 1 come unto thee, O God ! and at the
fepa-
feparation of my foul into all fpace from the body, receive, O Lord ! my fpirit into thy hands, and according to thy mercy, revive me in the evangelic beatitude, for ever and ever. Amen !
LETTER XXII. (Extract.)
The Library belonging to the Academy.'—Re-
containing feveral rooms and galleries. It is furnifhed with about thirty thoufand volumes. The books are in bad order ; nor are they very valuable. The collection, however, of Rufs tranllations of French, Eng-lifh, and German authors is confiderable.— Among fome books in the Englilh language I found feveral political tracts, maintaining the
abfolute and indefeafible right of Kings.-■
They had been brought to Ruffia by Dr. Arefkine.
In one gallery is depofited a numerous collection of Chinefe drefles, coins, and utenfils; together with a number of Chinefe and Tar-
liques of Peter the Great.
m # # *
T
HE Library belonging to the Academy is a large building,
tarian
tarian manufcripts. I was alio fhewn a number of Kamfhatkadale curiofities ; and, among others, two waxen figures, as large as the life, reprefenting two Kamfhatkadale for-cerers. They were accoutred as in the exer-cife of their profeflion ; and had hanging around them a number of iron rings. They had in their hands a fort of mufiçal infiniment refembling a drum.
In another gallery are a number of reliques of Peter the Great ;  his walking-ftick, models of fhips executed with his own hands ; and indeed fuch a variety of different things, as leffen their  value  as  reliques. What pleafed me moft was a waxen figure of that great man, as large as the life, and made to refemble him as much as poffible.   He is re-prefented fitting, dreffed in regimentals, and having on his head an old hat without lace. In one of the cocks of his hat is a large hole, faid to have been made by a bullet at the battle of Pultowa.     His   countenance is ftrangely expreffive of thoughtful, but fierce, dignity.
The remains of Peter lie in a church within the caftle. They are contained in a marble K 3 cheft,
cheft, infcribed with his name, and covered with green velvet embroidered with gold. Near them are the remains of fome other fo-vereigns ; and near them alfo are fome of the horfetails and ftandards taken from the Turks in the laft campaign. The caftle is fituated in a fmall ifland, oppofite to the winter palace, and furrounded by the greateft branch of the Neva; * * *
LETTE II XXIII.
Tranjliition of a German Poem.
DEAR SIR,
T Mentioned to you, I believe, in a former letter, that German literature was fa-ihionable in Ruffia. Indeed the Germans have of late bellowed confiderable attention on thofe kinds of compofition which are intended to amufe : and the fuccefs of their poets, in particular, has, in many inflances, been very confpicuous. An elegiac poem, by a young Lufatian, was lately put into my hands: and pleafed me fo much, that I have endeavoured to preferve its beauties in an Englifh tranilation. Judge of it : yet I am fenfible of my doing a bold thing in offering it to your perufal. I have alfo prefixed the author's prefatory note, becaufeitthrowsfomelight both on the defign of the poem and the mind of the poet. It feems to me as if the firft part of thje performance were dictated by feeling; and the fécond by a fenfe of duty. But concern-K 4 ing
ing a work with which î have taken fo much pains, I am as little entitled, or even qualified ^ to fpeak, as the author himfelf, The mea-fure in the tranflation is the famé as in the original. ******
A  B  I  R  A N;
or, t h e
VICTIM   OF   FANCIED WOE.
(N. B. That H man is born to forrow, as the fparks fly upward," is proved by daily observation, and too often by daily experience. The real miferies ot human life are numerous: but as if thefe were not enough, men create miferies to themfelves. They fuiïer their fancies to afflict them, when fortune and outward circumftances, according to the ufual eftimate of human enjoyments, are not unfavourable. It is ftrange they fhould not oppofe a propen-lity fo adverfe to their happinefs, and apparently fo unreafonable ; yet fuch is too often the condition of many an amiable and excellent character. It may indeed happen, that perfons incapable of enormous vice, and having never fuflercd very heavy calamity, may, however, have met with fome affliction, and
may
may not have endured it with fuitable firm-nefs. But this is not fufficient to account for the appearance* Together with, or independent of fuch fituation, their feelings are occafioned chiefly by their having taftes too refined for the obje&s in which they are con-verfant ; and in their having defires for a certain elevated fpecies of happinefs, which, though it may feem paradoxical to fay fo, they do not fully conceive. They are even fenfible of the agreeable circumftances in which they may happen to be placed ; yet wifhing for fomething ftill finer and more perfect, their enjoyments are incomplete. Nay, they lofe all reiifh for the good things in their power. They muft therefore complain : What elfe can they do ? or cherifh their griefs in fecret. They can do more. They can have recourfe to religion: in compliance with its dictates, they may do all the good they can in the meanwhile: they may thus look forward to a future period, when pleafures, more exquilltc than they now feel or imagine, fhall be annexed to every virtuous exertion; and may thus alTure themfelves of that happinefs, which, by a wonderful anticipation, in their prefent ftate not knowing,
thev
they yet defire. Though this mould be termed delufion, very barbarous is he who would deprive the poor fufferer of its foft confolation.
The following verfes are intended as a reprefentation of fuch imaginary, though the author confeffes himfelf loth to call it unreal, fuffering : the caufe may be imaginary ; but the fuffering is real: and as the great object of poetical imitation is human nature, perhaps there may be fome readers to whom this particular afpect of the human mind may not be uninterefting. This however depends on the execution of the thing defigned, no lefs than on the defign itfelf ; and concerning neither of thefe has the author any right or any power to determine.)
" WHENCE this oppreffive load of woe r
, Th' involuntary figh ? " And th' oozing tear about to flow " From my dejected eye ?
" O, Melancholy ! how thy powe.
" Againfl: my peace confpires ! " Still will thy leaden afpect lour,
" And quench my genial fires.
" O why
" O why is my defponding mind
tC Become thy very flave ? " And may I not—alas ! not find
" A refuge in the grave ?
" The grave will give fecure repofe
" From perfecuting grief ; " For there alone, from heavy woes,
" The weary have relief.
" Alas ! in early life to leave " This world fo good and fair !
" Not fo to me, who pine and grieve, " The viûim of defpair.
" And yet how bright thofe flaming fkies 1
" How lovely Nature's face ! u The groves and hills around me rife,
" Robed with celeftial grace.
" I know them beautiful ! I fee
" How beautiful they are -, " I feel their beauty ! yet, ah me !
" My bofom pines with care.
" In vain to me the vernal gale
" Difpenfes foft perfume, '« While thro* the windings of the vale He flies from bloom to bloom.
" Can
** Can wit or gaiety impart
" Enjoyment to my breaft ? u I fmile, even laugh -, but, in my heart*
" My griefs are ill fupprefs'd.
" And what can tuneful numbers do ?
" Or the melodious firing ?--
" They can improve the fenfe of woe,
" And fharpen Sorrow's fting.
" Even when I would be gay, a figh
" Betrays my fecret care—— " Be happy, ye who can, f$f I
" Muft ftruggle with defpair.
" Nor can I Nature blame; fhe made
u Me capable of joy : " She gave me powers : and Fortune faid,
" Go, and thy powers employ.
" And I have known Delight ; e'erwhile
" Have feen her beauty fhine : " And blefs'd with her endearing fmjle, " Have cal Ed the blefling mine.
" Bear witnefs, every foft recefs
" That heard my vocal lay ; " And fcenes of facial happjnefs,
" That I was very gay. >*
2 And
" And bring the blifs of former days,
" O, Memory !—fhe brings u The fportive images : obeys,
" But in obeying flings.
" The green-hill and th' enamel'd plain, " Where blyth I us'd to range,
" How foft and lovely they remain î " But I have fuff'red change.
" Of early friends untimely reft, " They are the mould'ring clay !
" They fleep; and I, alas I am left " More defolate than they.
" I envy you, ye filent dead,
" And your eternal fleep : u Ye are from care and forrow fled ;
" And I am left to weep.
" My joys are deadend ; clouds invert, " And glooms involve my Ikies ;
" And more t' afflicT: my widow'd breaft, " Soft images arife.
" I fee a lovely fcene with flowers, " With groves and verdure gay :
" I haften to the blifsful bowers, " Lur'd by the feftive lay,
" Soft
" Soft melodies around, above,
" Breathe thro' the vocal air ; " And the long, liquid notes of love
" Soothe and fubdue defpair.
" And now I quaff the cup of joy Ï
" The phantoms fly away ! " Stay, ye tranfporting pleafures !—why
" Will not the vifion flay ?
" Wild waftes appear, and gloomy fkies,
" And pealing thunders roll ! " And tempefls—O what tempefls rife
" In my diflracted foul !
" But let me fearch my fecret heart ;
" Perhaps fome latent crime " Hath planted there a deadly dart,
" And blafls me in my prime.
" I am not guilty—gracious God !
" I fay not I am pure : " And I would kifs thy chafPning rod,
" And thy rebuke endure :
" But that to guiltier men—O heaven !
" Forgive my froward will— " To guiltier men than I is given
" Security from ilk—
" Poor
" Poor toiling fpirit ! wilt thou yet " Thus with thy griefs debate ?
" Be ftill ! be fenfelefs ! and fubmit " To thy determin'd fate.
" O then, why am I what I am ?
" Why am I made to glow " With ardour of extatic flame,
" Yet be condemn'd to woe ?
" Rage on, ye ftorms ! defcend, and down
" The fky with fury roll ! " And let the fiends of horror frown
" On my devoted foul."--
Thus flow'd Abiran's fecret woe,
As thro* a pathlefs glade, Unfeen, with fullen pace and flow
His wayward footftep ftray'd :
And deep into the devious wood
He urg'd his defperate way, Wh ere favage rocks and groves exclude
The fun's enliv'ning ray :
And fierce in his diflemper'd breaft
The dire fuggeftion rofe : " The grave," he cried, " to the diftrefs'd,
" The grave will give repofe."
He
He paus'd ; his cheek grew wan ; his eye
With wild diftradtion glar'd : He rais'd the gleaming poniard high ;
The frantic bofom bar'd.-•
Inftant, athwart th' incumbent gloom
A flood of light appear'd : The grove was nll'd with foft perfume :
A hidden voice was heard 1
A gentle voice ! gentler than gales That wave their mufky wings
In Aden's aromatic vales, Or by Daphnsan iprings.
tc Attend, thou plaintive fon of earth I " Yield to the will of heaven :—
" To me, appointed at thy birth, " The pious charge was given,
" To guard thee from th* infidious wile
" And craft of vitious care ; " The Syren fong that would beguile*
" The fmile that would enfnare:
" Nor lefs to guide thy recklefs way " From thofe fequefler'd bowers,
" Where melancholy would betray, " And blaft thy growing powers.
9 " Spirits
i( Spirits of fin eft texture, oft
" Are by her fighs deceive! ; " And by her air and accent fofr,
** Of inward peace bereav'd.
u Fly then from her receffes, fly !
" The gales that gently blow, <{ In fancied fympathy reply
" Harmonious to thy woe.
u The turtle cooing in the dale, " Will with thy grief accord 3
" And the deep umbrage of the vale *' Congenial glooms afford.
" Nor feek, with fruitlefs toil, to learn,
r Why virtue fuffers pain.— •l Canft thou the lightning's path difcern ?
" The lightning's fury rein ?
44 In earthly frame pent and confin'd,
" How can thy foul pretend, t£ The conduct of th' Almighty mind
" T' arraign or comprehend ?
11 If in the Lybian defart wide,
" To flake the Lion's thirft, ** Even from the rock's reluctant fide
" He bids the fountain burft :
L " AnI
" And bids, for wild-birds, lofty trees
t{ Their ruddy harvefl: bear, li The Father of mankind ! he fees,
" Nor difregards thy care.
il Nor fruitlefs are the ftorms of woe
" To the progreffive mind : 41 For they give vigour, and to glow
*' With energy refin'd.
" Obferve how winds, and beating rains, li Drench and deform the dale ;
" And how the hufbandman complains, " And how the Ihepherds wail.
*{ But when the rains are blown awav,
u Behold ! a thoufand dyes, *{ And flowers and fruit, and verdure gay,
li In every field arife.
<{ You know not, if with meek regard " You wait the will of heaven ;
" You know not what fublime reward " May to your grief be given.'*
LETTER XXIV.
Journal of the Weather for Fifty-five Days, during the Winter 1769-70.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, Jan. 24. 1770.
/~\UR weather is indeed very fevere. You may judge of its feverity by our precautions.   We have recourfe to them, not only in our drefs, but in our houfes.
Our drefs, within doors, is the fame as during the winter in England. But when we encounter the external cold, our defenfive raiment is indeed very grotefque. The head is defended by a large fur cap, and the body, by a garment refembling a night-gown, extending from the neck to the heel, made of whatever fluff you pleafe, but lined throughout with the thickefl: fur. Fur-fhoes, or con-guees, as they are termed, having the hair on the outfide, are tied over the flioes we com-L 2 monly
monly wear. Our arms are fecured by the long lleeves of the upper garment, or pelifle, as it is called ; and our hands by large muffs, which are alfo ufed to defend the face. On entering any houfe, fome of the fervants immediately untie your fur fhoes, and diveft you of your pelilfe : nor is it unamuhng to fee fine gentlemen, adorned with gold and filver, and purple, and precious flones, flatting forth from their rough external guife, like fo many gaudy butterflies burfting fuddenly from their winter incruflation.
In houfes of any diftinétion here, every room is provided with a large ffove, reaching from the floor to the cieling. It is ufually made of brick ; and is often fo adorned with various colours, and with ornaments of brafs, as to exhibit a very good appearance. From this ftove, flues and paffages, for conveying the heat around the room, are fometimes con-flrueted within the walls. After the wood is completely burnt down, fo that not the fmall-eft particle of flame or of fmoke remain, the little iron door by which the fuel was put into its place, but which flood open while the wood was burning, is fattened very clofe :
and>
and, by another aperture in the fide of the ftove, or petchka, as it is called, half way between the floor and the cieling, the pailagc by which the fmoke enters the chimney is alfo covered. Thus the heat, confined entirely within the room, becomes fometimes excef-five, and almoft infnfferable ; nor have I ever felt fo much warmth in any houfe in London, as in the houfes of St. Peterfburg. For in order ftill farther to guard againft the vifita-tions of Siberian blafts, and the cold companions they bring along with them, the windows are fo formed as to admit of double cafe-ments. Of thefe the inner cafement may be removed at pleafure. It is ufually fixed in its place in October, and remains till the beginning of May. The fpace between the two may be about fix or feven inches.
In the intermediate fpace between two of thefe cafements, in an antichamber in my apartment, I have fufpended one of Reaumur's thermometers ; and, in order to give you a more precife idea of our climate, I ihall fubjoin a journal of the weather for fifty-five days, beginning with the ift of December laft, and continued till the date of my letter.
L 3 The
The expofure is to the fouth ; but the obfer-vations were ufually made at an early hour. Obferve, therefore, that by the mark 8 m. in the journal, is meant eight o'clock in the morning. I need not tell you, that by b» fr. is meant below the freezing point.
Dec. 8 m. 9 deg. b. fr. The fky clear. A little wind N. W. The ground covered with fnow. At noon the fpirit of wine fell 7 deg.   The fty cloudy.   A fall of fnow.
Dec. 2. 8 m. Si- deg. b. fr. Cloudy, with fome miff.
Dec. 3.   8 m. yl- deg. b. fr. Snow. Afharp
wind N. E. Dec. 4.   8 m. 104 deg, b. fr. Clear. Dec. 5.   8 m. iA deg. above fr. Cloudy. Dec. 6.   8 m. 2 deg. b. fr. Clear. Dec. 7.   8 m. z deg. above fr. Clear. Wind
S. W.
Dec. 8.   8 m. ' deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Dec. 9.   8 m. 34. deg. above fr.   Wind S. W.
Dec. 10. 8 m. 3 deg. above fr.   At half an
hour after eight the fpirit of wine fell to
three degrees b. fr.
Dec. ii4 8 m. 8 deg. b. fr.
Dec. 12. 8 m. i \ deg. b. fr. Wind W. Some fnow.
Dec. 13.
Dec. 13. 8 m. 24. deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Dec. 14. 8 m. 3 deg. b. fr.   Very cloudy.
A fharp wind E. Dec. 15. 8 m. 3 deg. b. fr.   Very cloudy. Dec. 16. 8 m. 3 deg. b. fr. Snow. Dec. 17. 8 m. 4 deg. b. fr.     Snow. Wind
N. E.
Dec. 18. 8 m. 7 deg. b. fr. Cloudy. At nine at night the fpirit of wine flood at 15 deg. b. fr.   Wind N. E.
Dec. 19. 8 m. 22 deg. b. fr. Clear. Wind N. E.
Dec. 20. 8 m. 23*-deg. b. fr. Clear. Wind N. E.
Dec. 21. 8 m. 12 deg. b. fr. Snow.
Dec. 22. 8 m. 17 deg. b. fr. Clear.
Dec. 23. 8 m. 15. deg. b. fr. Cloudy. Snow had fallen in the night.
Dec. 24- 8 m. 14 deg. b. fr. Cloudy. Snow had fallen in the night.   Wind N. E.
Dec. 25. 8 m. il deg. b. fr. Snow had fallen in the night.   Wind N. E.
Dec. 26. 8 m. 9 deg. b. fr. Snow. Wind N.E.
Dec. 27. 8 m. 11 deg. b. fr. Snow. Wind N. E.
L 4 Dec. 28.
Dec. 28. 8m. 15 deg. b. fr.   Clear. Wind N. E.
Dec. 29. 8 m. 17 deg. b. fr. Cloudy. Wind N. È.
Dec. 30. 8 m. 9 deg. b. fr. Cloudy. Wind N. E.
Dec. 31. 8 m. 9. deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. I. 1770. 8 m. 10J deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 2.   8 m. 31 deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Jan 3.   8 in. 15 deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Jan. 4.   S m. i2~ deg. b. fr.   Snow. Wind
s. w.
Jan, 5.   8 m. G deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Jan. 6.   8 m. $± deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 7.   8 m. 6. deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 8.   8 m, 6; deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 9.   8 m. 84 deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 10. 8 m. 6 deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 11. 8 m. 5-*. deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 12. 8 m. 5 deg. b. fr.   Snow. Wind
■ N. E.
Jan. 13. 8 m. 5 deg. b. fr.    Snow. Wind N. È.
Jan. 14. 8 m. 1 deg. b. fr.    Snow. Wind S. W.
Jan. 15. 8 m. 3 deg, above fr. Snow. Jan. 16. 8 m. i deg. above fr. Snow.
Jan. 17.
/
Jan. 17. 8 m. 14 deg. above fr. Snow.
Jan. 18. 8 m. 4 deg. b. fr.   Snow. Wind N. E.
Jan. iQ. 8 m. 5 deg. b. fr.   Snow. Wind N.E.
Jan. 20. 8 m. 17 deg. b. fr. Mifty.
Jan. 21. 8 m. 15 deg. b. fr. Snow.
Jan. 22. 8 m. 8^ deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Jan. 23. 8 m. 9 deg. b. fr. Cloudy.
Jan. 24. 8 m. 10 deg. b. fr.   Cloudy *.-
You will, no doubt, have remarked, in this journal, that our weather is often very dim and cloudy. This, however, is more the cafe in the beginning of winter, before all the fnows have fallen, than afterwards. In the months of February and March, the fky is
* The coldeft weather, during my flay in Ruffia, was ufually after the fnow fell, in the months of February and March. The fpirit of wine was generally, in thofe months, between ten and fifteen degrees below the freezing point. The coldeft weather known, while i lived in St, Peterfburg, was in the month of March 1771. On the firft, fécond, and third days of that month, the fpirit of wine was at 20 deg. b. fr. ; but' on the fourth, a little before feven in the morning, it fell to 32 deg. b. fr. According to fome other obfervations, it flood at 34 deg. b. fr. It did not remain long at 32 deg. ; but rofe ucceffively to 10, 8, and 5 deg. b. fr. On the 18th of March it flood at z deg. above freezing.
remarkably
remarkably clear; and the moon-light, in particular, when the firmament is quite fe-rene, and the ground covered with fnow, appears much brighter than I have obferved it in Britain. Nor in thofe months, though the colds are more intenfe than at any other period, have we fo much wind as at prefent. The " Spirantes frigora cauri" feera to be the harbingers of the fevere cold j the dreary attendants of November, December, and January.
Perhaps our hazy and cloudy weather, in the end of autumn, and beginning of winter, is the reafon that I have never yet feen the Ruffian fky adorned and enlivened in an evening with an Aurora Borealis. 1 fay enlivened, for though once or twice I have feen a dull fullen rednefs in the air, which 1 was told was an Aurora Borealis ; I have never yet feen it with fuch bright colours, rapid motions, and fantaftic geftures, as embellifh the Britiih autumnal fky. I have never feen any thing like the beautiful and juft defcription given us of this object by the bard of external nature :
Oft
Oft in this feafon, filent from the north,
A blaze of met'-ors (hoots : enfweeping firft
The lower fkies, they all at once converge
High to the crown cf heaven; and all at once
Relapfing quick, as quickly reafcend j
And no i x « and thwarr, extinguish, and renew i
All aether courfmg in a maze of light.
Though in the line, "and mix and thwart, &c.'' the Poet employs his verbs in an un-ufual manner, the defcription is juft and ftriking. It is more than pi&urefque ; it is poetic : and by exhibiting a fwift fucceflion of diverfifled motions, affords us a fine example of that fort of reprefentation which fcorns the powers, great though they are, of painting. On fuch fignal occafions, language is an engine te> be ufed as the poet pleafes. The defcription is admirably heightened, by his fuggefting the effects of fuch appearances on the fuperftitious minds of the vulgar : and by his reprefenting the object as receiving a fhape and features fuited to their confterna-tion.
From look to look, contagious thro' the crowd The panic runs, and into wond'rous fhapes Th' appearance throws : armies in meet array, Throng'd with aerial fpears, and fteeds of fire,
Till
Till the long lines of full extended war
In bleeding fight commix, the fanguine flood
Rolls a broad ilaughter o'er the plains of heaven,
As thus they fcan the vifionary fcene.
On all fides fwells the fuperftitious din
Incontinent ; and bufy frenzy talks
Of blood and battle ; cities overturn'd, &c.
The defcription is carried on, and rifes by a fine amplification ; till
Nature's felf Is deem'd to totter on the brink of time !
and is then concluded, and finely contrafted, by the following ferene reflection :
Not fo the man of philofophic eye And infpecl fage ; the waving brightnefs he Curious furveys ; inquifitive to know Thecaufesand materials yet unfix'd Qt this appearance.
Adieu.
LETTER XXV.
Account of a Comet which was feen in Ruffia in the Tear 1769,—Account of fome other Comets.
DEAR SIR,
St. Peterfburg, Jan. 1770.
OUR letter, informing me that you were
engaged in the ftudy of aflronomy, gave me indeed the fmcereft pleafure. I congratulate you on the delightful improvement it will afford you. In fo far as a mere lover of that fcience may fpeak concerning it, I will venture to affirm, that no literary purfuit whatever enlarges the mind fo much, or yields fuch fublime enjoyment. I am convinced too, that it influences the heart and manners. At leaff. all thofe aflronomers whom I have ever had the happinefs of knowing, have been clininguifhed for their modefty, condefcenfion, and candour. Fond as you are of this exalting fcience, I flatter myfelf, that the following account of the
2
comet
comet that appeared here in the months of Auguft and September laft will afford you fome amufement.
This brilliant ftranger, in its progrefs through the planetary regions, made its appearance here on the 28th of Auguft. I had the pleafure of feeing it early in the morning on the i ft of September. Its head was then fituated almoft due eaft, thirteen degrees above the horizon ; and made a right-angled triangle, whofe hypoteneus was fixteen degrees, with the bright ftar Aldebaran, and the moft northern of the Pleiades. September'the ift, 2d, and 3d, it advanced with an oblique foutherly courfe, ftraight upon the flar Bella-trix in the moulder of Orion. It pafled that ftar within lefs than half a degree, on the morning of the 4th. By proceeding in fuch a tract, and with fuch accelerated rapidity, towards the Perihelion, ir feems to have defended upon us, through the breaft of Aries, about the beginning of Auguit ; and to have crofted the Ecliptic, when near thirty degrees diflant from the point of the vernal Equinox. At that time it was probably too remote to be difcerned.   From Bellacrix it
moved
moved onward to the Solftitial colure ; panning that circle with two or three degrees of N. declination ; and, before the loth of September, arrived at the Celeftial Equator, having a right afcenfion of an hundred and three degrees. On the 13th, it arofe along with Sirius at three in the morning, and was then feen, for the laft time, near the tail of Mono-ceros, diftant from the Dog-ftar, as I was informed, twenty-fix degrees ; and from Pro-cyon, or the Star of the Little Dog, fifteen degrees.—In the evenings, about fix weeks after, it was looked for in its return in the con-ftellation Ophiuchus ; but I have not heard that it was difcovered.
During all the nights I had an opportunity of attending to the progrefs of this illuftrious vifitant, as the atmofphere was very ferene, I was much gratified with the fine appearance exhibited by the long train of diverging light which formed the tail. On the morning of the 2d of September, it had increafed from twelve degrees of length to near thirty, flretching from the weftern arm of Orion, where the head then was, full four degrees beyond the two kappas of the Whale. On 3 the
the 8th, the difplay of its radiance was ftill more majeftic ; for it now occupied a fpace in the heavens of no lefs than forty-four degrees, reaching acrofs Orion, even beyond the ftars in Eridanus. All this time it was haftening towards the Sun's place in the Ecliptic ; and by fuch rapid marches, that it was foon after-1 wards abforbed from our view by the effulgence of the morning rays.
I need fcarce obferve, that all the above motions and diftances afcribed to this beauteous and eccentric wanderer, are only apparent. The real track of a body fo confiderable, through the orbits of the planets, is another conficleration ; and leads to reflections of a very interefting nature. On this fubjecl: I have received the following information from an ingenious friend converfant in aftronomy, who was much occupied in obferving the places of the comet, and has fince fpent fome time in computing from the data thus obtained. According to him, its neareft approach to the earth was on the 9th of September* when it paffed us at about a third part of our mean diftance from the Sun. Had it arrived at the fame point of its trajectory twenty-one
days
days later, we Ihould have been Hill three times nearer: though even at this neareft poflible approach* as the bulk of the comet was relatively very fmall, the mutual gravitation would have occafioncd no tendency to diforder in the motions of our planet. It farther appears, that it paflld the plane of the orbit of Venus from the north to the fouth, In the month of Auguft, and repafled it again in October ; both times at fuch a distance from that planet, as to produce no fenfible effects. On the 7th of October it had reached its perihelion, and was ten times nearer the Sun than we are. Mercury was alfo then fo much out of the way as to efcape difturbance.
This comet is thought to be a new one 5 by which is meant, that it is different from any one marked in the catalogue given us by Dr* Halley, or any additions that fince his time have been made to it. According to the fame computations of its real fituation and diftance, it follows, that the lucid emanation which formed the tail was elongated from the nucleus, to the amazing extent of thirty-fix millions of miles. No wonder, therefore, M that
that fuch unuiual radiance, when contrafted with a dark and ferene air, mould have imparted an awful magnificence to the heavens-. Nor could I behold it, for the firft time, without feeling my foul fhaken with folemn terror and veneration. It feemed like the banner of Omnipotence, difplayed by fome mighty angel, and announcing, not only to the nations upon earth, but to the whole planetary region, from utmoft Saturn to the Sun himfelf, the power of their great Creator. A voice pealing through the vaft void of the ftarry heavens, and proclaiming fome awful beheft, or tremendous fummons, though it might have appalled, would not then have furprifed me.—Reflection, I allow, and found philofophy, excite other emotions. They in-fpire confidence in the goodnefs of that Being, whofe power and wifdom are manifefted in the order and harmony fo confpicuous in the frame of nature.
Thefe are thy glorious works, Parent of good!
You will, no doubt, have already difcover-ed, in the courfe of your enquiries and obfer-vations, that the aftronomy of comets is to be eonfidered, even m this age of fcience, as in
its
Ùs infancy. Of the number belonging to the fyflem, there is no room even for forming a conjecture : and in regard to their periods, phi-lofophers are only beginning to know fome-thing. The great difadvantage under which they labour, is the want of ancient obferva-tions. It was unfortunately the prevailing doctrine of the Ariftotelians, that comets were but tranfient meteors, compofed of combufti-ble matter, which floated caiually in the at-mofphere; and, on this account, they regarded them with very little attention. It is certain, however, that fome of the ancients entertained jufter conceptions. Seneca, in particular, reafons upon this fubject in a manner fo juft and philofophical, that it is aftonifhing the mere authority of the fchools could have fo long diverted the attention of enquirers, and prevented them fo long from beginning really to obferve. The trcatife* alluded to, is fo remarkable for a train of the molt happy fuggeflions, that I cannot help recommending it to your perufal ; and to juilify what I advance, allow me to lay before you the following quotations :—" Ego noitris non affentior.
* Qofcft. Natur 1. vii. M 2
** Non
" Non enim exiftimo cometen fubetaneurri ** igncm, fed inter aeterna opera nature *.— " Comètes habet fuam fedem: et ideo non *c cito expellitur, fed emittitur fuum fpatium : *'■ non extinguitur, fed excedit. Si erratica, •* inquit, ftella effet, in fignifero effet. Quis *' ununi ftellis limitem ponit ? Quis in an-" guftum divina compellit? Nempe hxc ipfa " fidera, quae Tola moveri crcdis, alios et alios ** circulos habent. Quare ergo non aliqua " fint quse in proprium iter, et ab iftis re-** motum fecefferintf ?—Multa funt quae effe tC concedimus : qualia fint, ignoramus.—* M Quid ergo miramnr, comptas, tarn rarum ** fpectaculum, non dum teneri legibus certis; •fr neque initia illorum, fmefque notefcere " quorum ex ingentibus intervallis recurfus « ef\ ?'>—,—<< With our philofophers I do not tc agree. I cannot believe that a comet is a " fire fuddenly kindled, but that it ought to «' be ranked among the everlafting works of " nature. A comet has its proper place, ** from which it is not quickly thrown out ; ** but goes its courfe : is not extinguished ; " but leaves us.   An objector may fay, if it
• Cap. 22,   f Cap. 23, 24*25,.
*c were
c' were a wandering ftar, it would keep in <c the zodiac. Eut who can confine the ftars ? *4 or reftrain the works of God to a narrow " compafs ? Thofe very ftars, believed by ** you to be the only bodies of the kind that *' have any motion, move in circles very dif-" ferent from one another. Why, therefore, *' may not fome ftars withdraw into paths of ** their own, and diftincT; from the reft ? We " grant that many things exift, of whofe na-M ture we are ignorant. Why then fhould u we be furprifed, fince the appearance of '* comets is fo rare, that we know nothing of " the laws by which their motions are go-" verned, nor of the limits within which 44 they move, nor of the periods in which " they revolve ?" To thefe wonderful anticipations he fubjoins the following remarkable prophecy î " Veniet tempus, quo ifta quae " nunc latent in lucem dies extrahat, et lon-" gioris aevi diligentia. Ad inquifitionem <l tantorum setas una non fufBcit. Veniet " tempus, quo pofteri noftri tarn aperta nos '* nefciffe mirentur. Erit qui demonftret <{ aliquando, in quibus cometaî partibus er-" rent, cur tarn fedudi a ceteris eant, quanti
qualefque fint.*'-~" The time will come,
M 3 44 when
" when thofe things which are now hid " from us, fhall, by the diligence and obfer-" vation of after ages, be fully difclofed. *' For one age alone is not fufficient for in-46 veftigating matters of fuch importance. " The time will come, when pofterity wûll ft wonder that we were ignorant of things fo 4f plain. One will arife, who will demon-44 urate in what region of fpace the comets (i wander, why they recede fo far from the 4t other planets, how great, and what fort of <f bodies they are."
But notwithftanding this bright emanation from a philbfophy fo pure and refined, it was not till about the year 1300 that comets were obferved with any attention. Mention is made, indeed, by authors before that period of no fewer than 41 5; but from their information, little elfe, excepting the knowledge that fuch bodies made their appearance at the time fpecified, can be derived. The particulars narrated are too general to admit of any certain companion with comets that have vifited us in later times. But fince the thirteenth century, or rather fince the time of Tycho Brahe, fo much has been accomplifhed, that
aftronomers
t '
?.ftronomers have now about fifty comets fo well afcertained, that they will have no difficulty of knowing, whether any which may hereafter appear be of that number. The period of any one, being in this manner determined, its return in future times may be foretold : and thus, by degrees, the number of all thofe ftars may come to be known, and their courfes fettled. In the year 1758, aftronomers had juft caufe of triumph, by the actual return of one of thofe bodies, according to a prediction founded on the principles now mentioned. This was the comet which had appeared before in the year 16 >;i, and which feems to be the Mercury of all the reft, as it is now certain, that it revolves about'the Sun in fo fhort a period as feventy-fix years. Seventy-five years was its period the time before; but Dr. Halley méwed plainly, from the laws of gravitation, that the action of the planets would neceffarily protract its return about one year: and therefore prognosticated, that its return would be towards the end of 1758, or the beginning of 1750. Thefe conclurions were âtfô confirmed by fome mod elaborate computations made by the members of the French academy, when the time drew M 4. near^
near, and when the attention of philoibphers was again directed to a fubject fo interefting. The fact, by a moft exact agreement, juftified the principles upon which they had founded their opinion : for, in the evening of the 25th of December 1758, the expected vifitant was discovered tending to its perihelion, and continued viable till the 14th of February 1759, when it was near its conjunction. On the J ft of April it again appeared in its recefs from the Sun, in the morning j and was obferved, by many aftronomers, in different parts of Europe for a confiderable time after, with fuch circumftances as left no doubt of its being the identical comet that had appeared in 1682.—There is another comet, which, from the correspondence of period with one formerly obferved, and other ftriking circumftances of agreement, both as to the fpecies and fituation of the orbit, is expected to return at a determined time ; and that too at no great diftance.   This is the comet which appeared in 1532, and 1661, and which, at an equal interval of 129 years, may be again looked for about the year 1789.
The
The comet, with whofe appearance we are next bed acquainted is, that memorable one which was feen fo long in the year 16S0. At that time a concurrence of happy circumftances contributed to the improvement of this part of aftronomy. The comet itfelf, of all others, from the extraordinary curvature of its orbit, was moft fuited to difcover to us the laws by which its motions were governed. Its tract in the heavens was carefully and critically marked by Cafini and Flamftead, in the lately eftablifhed obfervatories at Paris and Greenwich. But, above all, Sir Isaac Newton then flourifhed in the vigour of his ge^ nius, and had unfolded the true fyftem of the world. He demonftrated, from many obfer-vations of this great comet, that, like the planets, it was fubjec~t to the law of general gravitation ; and, like them, refpeûed the Sun in its periodical courfe. After this, upon the principles laid down by Sir Ifaac Newton, Dr. Halley determined, by an elaborate computation, what would be the motion of a body carried round the Sun in a certain ellipfts, with a period of 575 years, and found it moft perfectly to agree with the obferved places of this very comet. Perceiving this, and re-^ marking-
marking that hiftory makes mention of three very extraordinary comets which fucceeded one another by the fame number of years, he concluded, not without the higheft probability, that all of them were one and the fame comet, whofe laft return to its perihelion was in the year 1680.
The firft period, according to the information given me by the friend to whom I am indebted for the preceding account, carries us back to the year 1106, when Henry the Firft was King of England. The comet is recorded in the Saxon Chronicle by one who feems to have been an eye witnefs. He tells us, " That on Friday, February 16, a won-" derful comet appeared ; and was feen a <c long time afterwards every evening. The ** ftar itfelf was in the fouth-eaft ; but the " ray which proceeded from it was very clear " and large, fhining to the north-weft."— Alfo, in the confulate of Lampadius and Oreftes, in the time of the Emperor Juftinian, another comet like this appeared ; and is mentioned in the following manner by the author of the Antiochean Chronicle:—" A £C great and fearful ftar appeared in the weft,
" fending
i( fending forth a white beam upwards, " which, as it appeared like the flafhes of */ lightning, fome called it Lampadiom It " was feen for twenty days."'—Another period of 575 years brings us to the 44th year before Chrift, when, foon after the death of Julius Cœfar, a very remarkable comet appeared, mentioned by many hiftorians ; and alfo by Pliny, who gives us the very words of Auguftus Csefar concerning it:-—"In the '{ very days of my games, a blazing ftar was " feen in that part of the heavens which is " under the Septemtriones. It arofe about " the eleventh hour ; and was clearly to be " feen all over the world."—From thefe accounts it appears, that this comet has been obferved thrice fince the birth of Chrift; and once before that œra. In all four times. But if it performs its revolution regularly and uniformly in the fpace of 575 years, it muft, though unobferved, have returned frequently before that period. If you confult Blair's Chronological Tables upon this fubject, you will find, that it muft have returned in the year 619, B. C. in the reign of Jofiah King of Judah, when Ilalyattus II. reigned in Ly-dia, or, according to Alftedius, in the reign of
King
King Hezekiah. The next period of its appearance muft have been in the year 1194» B. C. at the beginning of the Trojan war. Another period of 575 years carries us back to the year 1769, B. C. ; and in the year 17^4 was the deluge of Ogyges, by which a confiderable part of Greece was rendered defolate for 200 years. Other 575 years brings you to the year 2344, B. C. within four years of the univerfal deluge, which happened in the year 1348. Add 5^5 years, and you come to the year 2919, B. C. the xra of Lamach and Mathufalem. And by another revolution of our comet, we come at the year 3494, B. C. ; fo that if this account be well founded, it muft have vifited us fix times before the birth of Chrift, exclufive of its appearance in the age of Auguftus. If you fup-pofe its revolutions to have gone on in the fame order before our globe was brought into the fyftem, you will have it travelling through our planetary region no later than fixty-flve years before what we call the creation of the world. I leave you to your own reflections on thefe, I had almoft called them coincidences. If they are not, they are very nearly fo ; and if this be granted, might not
great
great allowance be made for inaccuracy of calculations; difficulty of afcertaining ancient dates ; and alfo for variety, produced by unknown caufes in the period in which the comet itfelf may have performed its revolution ? The known anomalies in the motions of other comets, and even of the planets belonging to our fyftem, occafioned by mutual gravitation, or their actions on one another, render this laft fuppofition by no means improbable. But you will fay, I am launching into the fea of conjecture.
One thing, however, is certain, that this very comet, of all others yet known, interferes moft with the path of the planets; and more efpecially with that of our habitation. Nor is it poflible to read Dr. Halley's defcription of the progrefs of a bpdy fo vaft and formi* dable, in its laft vifit to the Sun, without confiderable emotion. " Now this comet," fays he, *,! in that part of its orbit in which it U defcended towards the Sun, came fo near " the path of all the planets, that if by " chance it had happened to meet any one of ct them when palling by, it muft have pro-11 duced very fenfible effects ; and the mo-
" tiori
tion of the comet itfelf would have AuTered the greateft diflurbance. In fuch a cafe, the plane and fpecies of its elliptic orbit, and its periodic time, would have been greatly changed ; elpecially from coming near Jupiter. In the late defcent, the true path of the comet left the orbit of Saturn and Jupiter below itfelf a little towards the fouth ; it approached much nearer to the paths of Venus and Mercury ; and much nearer ftill to that of Mars. But as it was pafling through the plane of the ecliptic to its fouthern node, it came fo near to the plane of the Earth, that, had it arrived thirty days later than it did, it would fcarce have left our globe one femidiameter of the Sun towards the north, and, without doubt, by its centripetal force, it would have produced fome change.upon the fituation and fpecies of the Earth's orbit, and upon the length of the year. But may the great good God avert a fhock or 'contact, of fuch great bodies, moving with fuch forces (which however, is manifeftly not impof-fible), left this beautiful order of things be entirely deftroyed, and reduced into its ancient chaos !"
Allow
Allow me to conclude my letter with repeating my congratulation on your having begun the ftudy of the ftars ; and to give you joy on the delightful improvement it will afford you. Permit me alfo to fay, that, in profecuting this ftudy, perfons in your fituation have peculiar advantages.
Dt tibi divitias dederint, artemqtte fruendi.
I fee you, in " my mind's eye," fhaking off the flumbers of that light and refrefhing lleep which only vifits the couch of temperance ; anticipating the dawn of morning; amending the little eminence in the lawn adjoining to your elegant villa ; and there converfmg with the hoft of heaven. You will never repent of fuch early vigils ; but will find thofe filent times, before the buftle and cares of the day begin, the fitteft feafon for contemplation. Beholding, with philofophic attention, thofe glorious fires that blaze through the regions of boundlefs fpace, and adminifter their benign influences to innumerable furrounding planets ; how your thoughts will afcend ; and your heart glow with ferene enjoyment ! With what tranfport of foul will you reflect, that all this exuberance of creation was formed
ed by the rule of wifdom, and is governed by immutable order !—Ye glorious fires ! how long have you kept watch in the heavens ? Where were ye before your courfes brought time itfelf into being ? By what original fpark were ye kindled ? Who ftored with light your never-failing urns ? Is the morning of your exiitence flill remembered, when the Almighty yet held you in the palm of his hand ? Know, ye flupendous hoft ! though your radiance proclaims an order of things majeftically great ; yet the eye of reafon is rilled with rays of a far purer luftre. They beam from beyond the veil that furrounds you ; and with irrefiitible energy, raife our views to that eternal, felf-exiftent Effence, the fountain of life, the great Author of univerfal nature.
Thefe are thy glorious works, Parent of good* Almighty, thine this univerfal frame, Thus wond'rous fair ; thyfelf how woml'rous then! Unfpeakable ! who fut'il above thèfe beavns,
LETTER XXVI.
An Eqiteftrian Statue of Peter the Great.***
The Rock intruded for the PedefaL
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, 1770.
'TplIE moft fkilful and ingenious ftatuary -S- in Europe, is employed here at prefent in executing an Equeftrian Statue of Peter the Great. The defign in this work is partly allegorical. 1 he pedeftal is to reprefent a rock, and the horfe appears with great fpirit and exertion in the act of afcending it. Tins is to indicate the difficulties furmounted by Peter in his great labour of reforming the Ruffians. An enormous fnake, by which Envy is typefied, appears, though ftill lifting its head, to be trampled upon by the hind-feet of the horfe. I confefs this feems to me both a conceit and a common place ornament. Befides, as benign and complacent emotions are intended to be the general effect produced by the Statue in the beholder, the circumftance now mentioned conveys too much of a different feeling. For, in works of tafte, unity of feeling is of no fmall importance.
N The
The fnake, however, ferves a more convenient purpofe; and is very ufeful in fupporting or in fixing the horfe's tail.
Peter is in the attitude of ftretching out one of his arms. He is thus intended to ex-prefs parental affection for his people : and when we are told that this is the artift's intention, we are fatisfied that he has done what he purpofed. The expreflion of the countenance is happy and chara&eriftic : you fee in it affection and wifdom ; not, however, without fome lineaments of that ferocity which ferved as a foil to Peter's amazing merit. At the fame time, I could have wifhed that the work, which, in other refpects, is really ex-quifite, had been lefs allegorical. The graces and beauties of allegory fubmit not their delicate tints and features either to the pencil or the chifel.     They are challenged by the
mufe alone..........The drapery in this ftatue is,
with great judgment, intended to be as fimple as poffible. Jt exhibits the original drefs of the Ruffians. The ftatue, you may be fure* is a topic of converfation here at prefent ; and this laft circumftance has given occafion for fome good criticifm on the Cojlume.
The
The rock intended for the pedeftal, is itfelf a curiofity. I went lately into Carelia^ where it now lies, that I might fee it in its natural ftate. It was then forty feet long, twenty-two in breadth, and twenty-two in height ; but before it be brought to St, Peterfburg, it will probably be a good deal curtailed. It is cpjite detached, lying a little way below the furface of the earth, and is altogether unconnected with any ftratum of ftone or of rock. In its compofition it feems to contain a great deal of granite and onyx. It admits of an exquifite poliih ; and difplays fome beautiful mixtures of white, black, and grey. Ia fome of its veins it fparkles ; and fome of its ftreaks exhibit a fine mixture of pale red, or blufh colour. Ear-rings and fleeve-buttons, cut out of the fragments of this rock, are at prefent very fafhionable. It is to be conveyed to the fide of the Neva on a machine drawn by men : it is there to be put on board a large barge, and to be towed by boats to the city.
The artift who is engaged in this immortal work, has brought with him to this place a fine marble figure, intended as an allegorical reprefentation of Winter. A very proper ornament, you will fay, for the metropolis of a N 2 northern
northern empire. There is, however, fome* thing very particular in the nature of the de-fign. Winter is reprefented as a female, very beautiful, and very young. She is arrayed in loofe drapery ; her countenance is expreffive of the moft tender affection, as fhe appears gracefully bending over fome winter flowers, and in the act of protecting them, with a fold of her garment, from the feverity of the weather. But how, you will afk, as I took the liberty of doing, are we to know that this is Winter ? By the following—fhall I venture to fay, conceit ? — Near her, on the pedeftal, is an earthen vafe filled with water : the fluid, by expainicri occafioned by the froft, bad burft the edge of the vefiel, and the broken fragment is lying beficle it ! But my chief objection is againfl: the general defign. Ought not Winter, agreeably to the conduct both of poets and painters, to appear herfelf not inferhble to the effects of cold ? Is not Death, when perfonified, reprefented as a fkeleton ? or fuch as Milton has reprefented him ? And is not Danger, exhibited by Collins, in actual danger ?
Danger ! v/hoie limbs of giant mould, What mortal eye can fix'd behold ?
Who
Who ftalks his round, an hideous form, Howling amid the midnight ftorrrii Or throws him on the ridgy fteep Of fome loofe hanging rock to fleep.
Fear, by the fame Poet, appears flarting, flying, and in diibrder :
Ah, Fear! ah, frantic Fear!
I fee, 1 fee thee near; I know thy hurried itep, thy haggard eye, Like thee I (tart, like thee diforder'd fly.
Defpair, too, according to the mafterly delineation of Spenfer, is reprefented as fuffering the moft excruciating torment.
" Thefe writers,'' replies the artift, who is alfo an acute critic,   " have conducted " themfelves erroneoufly.    I follow a plan " more confiftent, and more correct.   I re-" prefent the Power who prefides over the " feafon; who has the fole management of " frofts and of tempefls; and cannot there-" fore be fuppoied to fuffer by their incle-" mency."   The thought is ingenious ; but I cannot fubferihe to the doctrine.   The dif-cuflion of this point, however, would involve me in a longer letter than I have leifure to write at prefent. Adieu.
N 3
LETTER XXVII.
Fables imitated from the German 0/~Gellert.
DEAR SIR, St.Peterfburg, 1770.
THE moft. popular among the living authors in Germany, in fo far as I may judge from what I can hear of German literature in this place, is the famous Geliert. He is a profeflbr at Leipfig ; and is univerfally celebrated, not only as a man of diftinguifti-ed ability, but of great worth. As an author, he is particularly diftinguifhed for fmooth-nefs of verification, propriety of expreflion, and elegance, rather than ftrength of invention. His works are of different kinds ; Letters, tales, and fables. In the apologue, he is eonfidered as the Phsdrus of Germany* I fhall therefore conclude the fpecimens I have already given you of German literature, with the following imitations of fome of his fables. They are imitations, rather tranflations : I
woulj
would have rendered them into verfe, if I had felt myfelf in a mood for rhyming; or rather if I had thought myfelf equal to the tafk. Nor can I pretend to any thing elfe in the fubfequent outlines, than to give you fome notion of the inventive powers of an author, whom his countrymen have ranked very high among thofe that excel in elegant compofition. *****
L
The NIGHTINGALE and the LARK.
A Lesson to Poets.
WHILE a Nightingale chanted in the midft of a foreft, the neighbouring hills and valleys were delighted with her exquilite melody. Every wild bird forgot to fing, liften-ing with fond admiration. Aurora tarried behind the hill, attending to her mufical cadences ; and Philomel, in honour of the god-defs, warbled with unufual fweetnefs. At length fhe paufed, and the Lark took the opportunity of thus addreffing her: "Your " mufic meets with juft approbation; the " variety, the clearnefs, and tendernefs of the N 4 " notes
" notes are inimitable : nevertheiefs, in one M circumftance I am entitled to a preference. f( My melody is uninterrupted; and every " morning is ufhered with my granulations. " Your fong, on the contrary, is heard but *' ieldom ; and, except during a few weeks et in the fummer, you have no claim to pe-" culiar attention." " You have mention-ec ed," replied the Nightingale, " the very tf caufe of my fuperior excellence. I attend " to, and obey, the dictates of Nature. I nc-il ver ling but by her incitement, nor ever *• yield to importunate, but uninfpired inclina-tion."
II.
The TRAVELLER.
DURING the violence of a ftorm, a Traveller implored relief from Jupiter, and intreat-ed him to afluage the tempeft. But Jupiter lent a deaf ear to his intreaty. Struggling with the unabating fury of the whirlwind* tired, and far from ftielter, he grew peevifh and difcontented. " It is thus (he faid) ft the Gods, to whom our facrificcs are ofter-f* ed  daily, heedlefs of our  welfare, and
M amufed
w amufed with our fufFerings, make an often-" tatious parade of their omnipotence." At length, approaching the verge of a foreftf 11 Here," he cried, " I (hall find that fuccour li and protection which Heaven, either unable " or unwilling, hath refufed." But as he advanced, a robber rofe fuddenly from a brake ; and our Traveller, impelled by inftant terror, and the proipect of great danger, betook himfelf to flight, expofing himfelf to the tempeft of which he had fo bitterly complained. His enemy, mean while, fitting an arrow to his bow, took exact aim ; but the bow-firing being relaxed with the moifturc, the deadly weapon fell fhort of its mark, and the Traveller efcaped uninjured. As he continued his journey, a voice iflued awful from the clouds: Meditate on the providence as " well as on the power of Heaven. The " florin which you deprecated fo blafphe-11 moufly, hath been the means of your pre-" fervation. Had not the bow-ftring of your enemy been rendered ufelefs by the rain, M you had fallen a prey to his violence !"
Ill
i86        ANECDOTES OF THE
III.
A Weil-timed REBUKE.
PHILINDA, in the bloom of youth and beauty, foon became confcious of her charms. Like other comely maids, fhe attired herfelf in gaudy apparel, and was conftantly confult-ing her mirror. Her brother, a grave and formal philofopher, celebrated for his erudition, declaimed againfl: the vanity of the fex, " Have a care," replied Philinda, with a fmile, " left the charge be retorted. Hourly *• I take counfel with my mirror, and hourly " you rehearfe your own compofttions."
IV.
The TENDER WIFE.
CLARINE loved her hufband with fincere affection ; for they had been only fix weeks married. He conftituted her fole felicity ; for he was exactly fuited to her mind. Their délires and averfions were the fame. It was Clarinets ftudy, by diligent attention, to anticipate her hufband's wifhes. *' Such a wife," fays my male reader, who entertains thoughts
of
of matrimony, " fuch a wife would t defire !" And fuch a wife may ft thou enjoy.— Clarine's hufband fell fick. A dangerous malady " No hope/' faid the Phyfician, and (hook his awful wig. Bitterly wept Clarine : " O Death, might I prefer a petition Ï ** Spare, O fpare my hufband ! Let me be the " victim in his ftead !" Death heard, appeared; " and what," cried he, " is thy requeft ?'* " There," faid Clarine, trembling and afto-*' nilhed, *' there he lies ; pierced with in-" tolerable agony, he implores thy fpeedy «< relief!"
V.
The YELLOW  HAMMER and NIGHTINGALE.
A Yellow Hammer and a Nightingale were fufpended in their cages at the outfide of Damon's window. The Nightingale began to warble, and Damon's child was fmit with admiration of his melody. " Which of the u birds," faid he, " fings fo delightfully ?" " 1 will fhew you them," anfwered the father, " arid you may guefs." The boy fixed   his eye on the Yellow Hammer :
" Thia
*' This muft be the fongfter.   Kow beauti-
" fully painted are his feathers î The other,
44 you may fee by his plumage, is quite un-
" mufical, and good for nothing !" 44 The
44 vulgar," laid Damon, "judge precifely af-
44 ter the fame mariner, and form their opi-
" nion of merit merely by external appear-li 11
44 ance.
VI.
The FOX and MAGPIE.
SAID Renard to a Magpie, 44 May I pre-cc fume to afk the fubjecx of your inceflant " difcourfe ? Doubtlefs you difcufs many cu-44 rious and important inquiries." " True,'* anfwered the Magpie, *' I minifter truth and " inftruclion to the public. From the eagle 44 even to the bat, all partake of my wifdom." " May I requeft a fpecimen of your know-' " ledge ?" faid the Fox, with a fubmiftive tone.—As a quack-dodor mounts the ftage, extols the virtue of his drugs, draws out a voluminous handkerchief, and coughs, and fpits, and harangues; fo the Magpie, flapping from bough to bough, whetting his beak, and aftuming an air of profound fagacity and importance, addreffed his difciple : " My chief 9 u delight
« delight is in communicating and diffufing " knowledge. Attend to the following *' theory, proved by incontestable fads, and H of bgnal confequence to the welfare of 44 foxes :— Have you not hitherto imagined, " that it is by four feet alone that you per-" form the operations of running and walk-<< ing ?" " Certainly," faid Renard. " Then 41 be ailured," added the inftru&or, " that 44 you have laboured under a grofs mifappre-14 henfion. I will evince, by irrefragable ar-44 guments, that you run, walk, and ikip 44 upon five feet. When you run, your foot ,£ moves ; and when you neither walk nor 44 run, your foot is at reft. Again, when you " walk, your tail touches the ground. Thefe 41 principles are fimple and felf-e vident. " Mark the confequence. When your foot 41 moves, your tail moves ; your foot moves u from one place to another; and fo does 14 your tail. And, again, when you run ct full fpeed, your tail touches the ground ; 14 therefore your tail is your fifth foot : 44 E. B " 44 Excellent/' cried the Fox, 14 the lefs we know, the readier we are to in-4t ftruct and demonftrate."
j9o        ANECDOTES OF THE VIL
The PAINTER.
A fkilful Painter fliewed a pidure of Mars to a Connoiffeur, and afked his opinion concerning it. The Connoiffeur examined it clofely, and fpoke his fentiments without re-ferve. He told him he difliked it; alleging many good reafons for his dillike. But the artiftwas of a different mind; and his friend difputed with him at great length, without being able to convince him. Meantime a Fop entered the room ; and calling a fuperfî-cial glance at the pidure, " Good Heavens !" cried he, in an extafy of admiration, " what 41 a mafter-piece of art and invention ! what %i an elegant foot ! and how exadly are the " nails proportioned ! Mars lives in the pic-tl ture ! What ingenuity in that fhield ! and 44 how much fkill in the execution of the ** helmet !" The Painter was covered with utter fhame and confufion. *4 Now," faid he, 44 I am convinced of my miftake :" And the moment his applauding vilitant withdrew,
he expunged the godhead.--The work is
bad, if a judge difapproves ; if a fool praifes, eraze.
VIII.
The HIDDEN TREASURE.
A FATHER, on his death-bed, thus ad-dreffed his Son : " Providing for your welfare?
" I laid up a Treafure-" Death interrupted
him; for, without finifhing his fpeech, he died. " A Treafure !" faid the Son; " but " where ?"—As foon, therefore,as the funeral ceremonies were performed, he gathered his friends and neighbours, and, with fpades and pick-axes, turned up the adjacent fields. Their fearch was fruitlefs, and the young man, in defpair, difmiffed them. But looking accidentally into the bed where his Father died, he found the Treafure. " In like manner," fays the Moralift, " we often neglecT: the di-
red and immediate means of difcovering " the truth, and defpife them becaufe they " are eafy."
LETTER XXVIII.
The Slavery of the Ruffian Peafants,
DEAR SIR, T WILL endeavour, in fo far as my own ob~ fervstion extends, and in fo far as J may depend on the information I have received from others, to fatisfy your enquiries concerning the political fituation, and national character, of the Ruffians. On this iubject I fhall lay the facts and observations before you in the order in which they occur ; and with fuch occafional incidents or anecdotes, as may tend to illuftrate any general remark. Nor will 1 trouble you with any apology for a method, if it may be termed method, fo very defultory. in truth, I want leifure, and, perhaps, many other requifites, for compofing a formal treatife. I will therefore, confole myfelf, and endeavour to fatisfy you, by obferv-ing, that, for the purpoies of mere amufement, the arrangement I have chofen is perhaps
haps as proper as any other. I have alfo to premife, that if any thing fevere fhall happen to efcape me concerning the form of the Ruffian government, it can only be concerning theform^ and without any view to the prefent administration. I believe fincerely that no defpor, orj if you like the term better, no ab-folute monarch, ever ruled with more prudence, or ftudied the welfare of his people with more rectitude of intention, than the prefent Emprefs of Ruffia. Yet it is impoffible for a native of Britain, giving an account of this country to an Englifhman, not to exprefs fuch feelings and reflections, as a comparifon between the Britilh government, and that cf other nations, muft naturally fuggeft.
The peafants in Ruffia, that is to fay, the greateft part of the fubjects of this empire are in a ftate of abject flavery ; and are reckoned the property of the nobles to whom they belong, as much as their dogs and horfes, Indeed, the wealth of a great man in Ruffia is not computed by the extent of land he poffeffes, or by the quantity of grain he can bring to market, but by the number of his flaves.   Thofe belonging to Prince Shereba-
O toff,
toff, and conftituting his fortune, are faid to-be no lefs in number than a hundred and twenty-feven thoufand.
Every flave pays about a ruble * yearly to his owner ; and if he be in the way of making money, the tribute he pays is augmented. In general, every Ruffian nobleman allots to the peafants that belong to him, a certain portion of land to be cultivated by them, the produce of which, excepting what fuffices for their own maintenance, is paid to the proprietor. Sometimes thofe flaves prac-tife trades, or engage in traffic ; and all fuch perfons pay a much greater fum yearly to their owners, than is done by the labourer of the ground. In fact, a Ruffian peafant has no property ; every thing he poffefFes, even the miferable raiment that fhelters him from the cold, may be feized by his mafter as his own. 'A carpenter, being known to have made fome money, was commanded by the rapacious ileward of a rapacious Knaez, to give two hundred rubles to his owner. The man obeyed, and brought the money in cop-
* Four Shillings.
f per.
RUSSIAN  Ë M P î R Èi 1^5
per. " I muft have it in filver," faid the iteward. Tiie Have, denying that he had fo much, was inftantly fcourged till he promifed to fulfil the demand. He brought the filver* and the covetous fuperior retained both the filver and copper.----You will eafily conceive, that men in this fituation, if they are ever enabled to improve their fortunes, will conceal their wealth, and affume an external appearance of indigence and mifery.
The owner has alfo the power of felling his flave, or of hiring his labour to other perfons ; and, it happens fometimes, that a Knaez, or Boyard, fhall give a Have to a neighbouring Boyard in exchange for a dog Or a horfe. The owner may alfo inflict on his flaves whatever punifhment he pleafes* and for any fort of offence. It is againfl law, indeed, to put any of them to death ; yet it happens, fometimes, that a poor flave dies of the wounds he receives from a paffionate and Unrelenting fuperior. I have heard, that not long ago a lady at Mofcow, the filler of
Marifchal S■......was convicted of having
put to death upwards of feventy flaves, by fcourging, and by inflicting upon them other O 2 barbarous
barbarous puniftiments. It was a matter of amufement with her to contrive fuch modes of punifhment as were whimfical and un-ufual. Such enormity, however, notwithstanding her rank, and the great power which the nobility have over their flaves, was not to pafs with impunity. She was tried, was found guilty, and condemned to ftand in the market-place, with a label on her breaft declaring her crime, and to be fhut up in a dungeon. But fhe, who had felt no reluctance in making her fellow-creatures fuffer the moft: inhuman torments, and had even amufed her-felf with the variety of their fufferings, had fuch a fenfe of her rank, and fuch lively feelings of her own difgrace, that pride, fhame, and refentment deprived her of her reafon. In truth, both the crime and the punifhment feem to me ftrongly marked with the characters of barbarity.
As a Ruffian peafant has no property, can enjoy none of the fruits of his own labour more than is fufficient to preferve his exift-ence, and can tranfmit nothing to his children but the inheritance of wretched bondage, he thinks of nothing beyond the prefent, You
are
are not, of confequence, to expect among them much induftry and exertion. Expofed to corporal punifhment, and put on the footing of irrational animals, how can they pof-fefs that fpirit and elevation of fentiment which diftinguifh the natives of a free ftate ? Treated with fo much inhumanity, how can they be humane ? I am confident, that moft of the defects which appear in their national character, are in confequence of the defpotifm of the Ruffian government.
I mentioned that the revenue of a Ruffian nobleman arifes from thofe lands which are cultivated by his flaves; and fometimes in their being employed in other occupations than tillage. They often come from diftant provinces, and are either employed as domef-tic flaves, mechanics, or as day-labourers, at Mofcow, Peterfburg, and other cities. In thefe cafes they muft have certificates and a written permit, fpecifying their names, owners, and the time they are allowed to be abfent. When they come to any great town, with a view of remaining there, and engaging themfelves in any w6rk, the perfon who employs therp muft lodge their certificates with
O 3 thi
the matter of the police in the place where they are about to refide.   After remaining their allotted time, they muft return to their former owners, and muft be accountable to them for every thing they have earned,—To thefe practices the Emprefs alludes in the fol-? lowing paffages, in her inftrudions to the deputies  affembled for making laws:—" It W feems too, that the method of exacting 44 their revenues, invented by the lords, di-44 minifties both the inhabitants, and the fpi-" rit of agriculture, in Ruffia.   Almoft all 44 the villages are heavily taxed.   The lords, 44 who fcldom or never refide in their vil-ei lages, lay an import on every head, of one, 44 two, and even five rubles, without the leaft 44 regard to the means by which their peafants 44 may be able to raife this money.    It is 44 highly neceffary that the law fhould pre-^ 44 fcribe a rule to the lords, for a more judi-44 cious method of railing their revenues ; 14 and oblige them to levy fuch a tax as tends 44 leaft to feparate the peafant from his houfe 44 and family: this would be the means by 44 which agriculture would become more ex-44 tenfive, and population more increafed in W the empire;   Even now, fome hufbandmen
«' da
t( do not fee their houfes for fifteen years to-
" gether, and yet pay the tax annually to
" their refpe&ive lords ; which they procure
" in towns at a vaft diftance from their fami-
" lies, and wander over the whole empire for
" that purpofe."
Another hardfhipto which the Ruffian peafants are expofed, is, that they are obliged to marry whatfoever perfons,or at what time their fuperiors pleafe. Every flave who is a father, pays a certain tax to his owner for each of his children ; and the owner is therefore felicitous that a new progeny be railed as foon as poffible. Marriages of this fort muft produce little happinefs ; neither hufband nor wife are very ftudious of conjugal fidelity : hence the lower clafTes are as profligate as can poffibly be conceived ; and, in fuch circumftances, we cannot expe£t that they will have much care of their children.
The condition of thofe peafants who are immediate flaves of the crown, is reckoned lefs wretched than the condition of thofe who belong to the nobility ; and they are of three kinds : The firft are thofe who, having either O 4 fecretly,
fecretly, or by the favour of a humane fuperior, been able to procure as much money as may enable them to purchafe their freedom, have alfo the good luck to live under a fuperior who is equitable enough to free them for the fum they offer. Such perfons, and their children, are ever after immediate flaves of the crown. On the fame footing are all priefts and their children ; though the dépendance of the inferior upon the fuperior clergy, is fometimes as grievous as the moft painful bondage. Soldiers alfo, and their children ; and this clafs includes the whole body of the nobility, are immediate flaves of fhe crown;
O fbrtunatos nimium, fua fi bona norim,
Britannos !
Adieu,
LETTER XXIX.
The Perfons—Food—Drefs—Houfe s—<and Names of the Ruffian Peafants.
THE Ruffians arc tall, robuff, and well-proportioned ; their teeth are remarkably good i their hair is in general black, and their complexions ruddy.    I have fcarcely feen any red-haired perfons among them ; and thofe who are fair, are not fo good-looking as thofe who are dark-complexioned. Squinting or fluttering are feldom met with; and you fee few or none who are either lame or deformed.   Perhaps, from the little care the poor people can have of their children, and from the mifery of their enflaved condition, moft of thofe who are feeble and ill-formed die in their infancy.   Indeed I have heard another reafon alleged for the few lame and deformed people that appear in Peterfburg.    The Emprefs Elizabeth, it is faid,
had
had fo much delicacy, that fhe could not bear to behold fuch perfons ; and therefore prohibited their appearing in the places where fhe chofe to refide. This caufe, however, now ceafes to operate ; nor have I heard that her prefent majefly was ever afflicted with fuch averfions. —The women of all ranks in this country, though very fprightly and very gay, for, ever dancing, and finging, and laughing, and talking, have not the fame pretenfions that the men have to good looks, and the graces of external appearance. They have no delicacy of iliape ; and their complexions are ■ what they pleafe. For thofe even in the lowelt condition, if they are able to afford it, bedaub their faces with red. Red is the favourite colour here, infomuch, that the word denoting it in the Ruffian language, is fyno-nymous with beautiful.
The Ruffian peafants eat a kind of black bread, made of rye, barley, buck-wheat, and other grains of an inferior quality ; it is four, but not unwholefome. They alio eat a great deal of garlic, coarfe oil, and fifh. They make no cheefe ; and are not much acquainted with the ufes of milk.   They drink a bad
kind
kind of mead, and liquors made of wild fruits ; but their chief potation, and of which they partake very freely, is extracted from the corns which their country produces.— What Tacitus fays of the ancient Germans is, in this circumftance, quite applicable to the Ruffians : H Potui humor ex hordeo aut fru-44 mento, in quondam fimilitudinem vini cor-** ruptus.—Sine apparatu, fine blandimentis 44 expellunt famem :   adverfus   fitim, non 44 eâdem temperantiâ.'*    M Their drink is a 44 liquor prepared from barley or wheat j 44 corrupted into a certain refemblance of 44 wine.—They fatisfy hunger without regard 44 to the elegancies and delicacies of the table. 44 In quenching their third; they are not 44 equally temperate *."
Though they are in general ftrong and healthy, they are fometimes attacked by fe-vere difeafes. Their fiih diet in Lent brings upon them violent fluxes.' They are alfo fubject to fcorbutic diforders, for which, however, Nature provides an excellent antidote in the berries that grow native in Ruflia. Thefe
* Aikin;
are
are the marofhki * ; a berry in fize and fhape like a mulberry, but hard, of a reddifh or yellowifh colour, having a fubacid tafte, with little flavour, and growing on a fmall plant about half a foot high ; the glukoi, or cranberry; wild ftrawberries ; and hurtleberries.
Their drefs, I mean that of the Ruffian peafants, is very fimple, and well fuited to their rigorous climate. It confifts of fkins, coarfe woollen cloth, and coarfe linen, which they ufe for ihirts or drawers. Their upper garment is a large frock, reaching to their knees, folding over before, and faftened about the middle with a girdle. In the various and glaring colours of the girdle, they fometimes endeavour to difplay their tafte. They have pieces of cloth wrapped in a variety of folds about their legs, and faftened with firings ;
* Cloudberry—Rubus chamœmorus fo'liîs fimplicibus ÎQ-
batis, caule inermi unifloro.-The Swedes and Norvegians
efteem cloudberries to be an excellent antifcorbutic ; they pre-ferve great quantities of them in the autumn, to make tarts and other confections. The Laplanders bruife and eat them, as a delicious food, in the milk of the rein-deer ; and to preserve them through the winter, they bury them in fnow, and at the return of fpring find them as freih and good, as when it fitil gathers4. Lightfoot.
nor
nor do they feem at all folicitous of exhibiting in this limb any qualities of fhape or proportion. Their necks are naked, and expofed to the weather, and, of confequence, they re-femble bulls necks. They have long beards and bufhy hair ; and have their heads covered with worfted or fur caps, rifing for the moft part in a conic form. Every Ruffian, of what rank foever, ufually wears upon his breaft, and hanging by a ribbon or "firing tied about his neck, a fmall crofs of gold, filver, or lead. They receive thefe croffes from their God-fathers at their baptifm; and they never part with them as long as they live.
Their houfes are made of wood, and con-ftru&ed in a very particular manner. A number of large trees are ftripped of their bark; they are not cut into deals, but are laid clofe and horizontally upon one another ; they are faftened at the end with wooden pegs ; and thus, by fixing the end of one tree into another, they conftitute the walls. The roof is fometimes of boards, and fometimes thatched. I have heard, that houfes of this fort are frequently placed on wheels, fo as to be moveable from one place to another. The
Ruffians,
Ruffians, in conftructing their houfes, make ufe of very few inftruments. The hatchet is almoft the only one in ufe among them ; it ferves them even for a faw ; and it is wonderful how ftraight and regularly they can cut with it. 1 hey make ufe neither of the plane nor of the chifel. 1 except from this account thofe who are profefled carpenters.
In the country, the Ruffians generally live in fmall villages ; the ground which they are to labour for their proprietors is in the neighbourhood ; and in this cafe, every man is his own taylor, carpenter, and fhoemaker. In every village there are fuperintendants, petty tyrants !
In fo far as I can learn, the Ruffian peafants have no firnames. Incapable of hold^ ing any property, and having nothing but bondage to tranfmit to their children, fuch diftincYton is ufelefs.' Thofe among them that afTed firnames, generally take the name of their proprietor, additionally to their chriftian name. The moft common chriftian names that I have heard among them are* Cufma, Gregory, Stephen ; Ivan, which they
translate
tranflate John ; Vafili, which they tranflate William; Demetrius, Alexis, and others, ma-nifeftly derived from their neighbours in the fouth.   This circumftance will appear to you the  more furprifing, that little intercourfe fubfifted between the Ruffians and the fubjects of the eaftern empire.   It is owing to their religion.     According to the tenets of the Greek church, every day in the year is facred to fome particular faint ; and every child is believed to be under the protection of the holy perfonage who was homaged on his birthday.   Hence, too, unlefs for fome very particular reafon, all Ruffian children are called by the names of faints ; and, as many of the faints have Greek names, the Barbarians by the Ladago, or the White Sea, are called by appellations  familiar,   in   later   times, in Athens or Byzantium.    It follows, of confequence, in a country where the worfhip of images is practifed, that every one has an image of the fainted perfon who protects him, and who is  honoured accordingly. This image is fo placed in the corner of his room, as to be the witnefs of all his actions, and receive   humble   obeifance   s s   he entera the door.   Hence, in every houfe and fliop,
you
you fee an effigy of the tutelary faint ; and, in days of religious folemnity, a wax candle or two are lighted before him. But though the Ruffians have fuch facred witneffes of their conduct, they foon become fo familiar with them, as to hazard the performance of any act whatfoever before them ; and I have not heard of any but fome of the fair fex, who, in cafes of irrefiitible temptation, have thought of veiling with an apron the face of the blufhing faint.—In regard to firnames I already mentioned, that the peafants, in fo far as I could learn, have no fuch appellation. If there are feveral of a name, they are diflin-guilhed from each other by taking the name of their father, compounded with the.words, which, in their language, fignify fon or daughter, and fo denoting that particular relation. Thus, Ivan Petrowits, fignifies Ivan the fon of Peter ; and Anna Ivanowna, fignifies Anna the daughter of Ivan. Adieu.
Russian empire.
2©9
LETTER XXX.
The Salutations—Quarrels—and Amufements of the Ruffian Peafants.
dear sir,
T N my laft, I gave you fome account of the perfons, food, drefs, houfes, and names of the Ruffians* The circumftances I fhall now mention, concerning their falutations, quarrels, and amufements, may give you a more particular view of their manners and national character.
Two Ruffian peafants, meeting each othen take off their caps, bow moft profoundly, fliake hands, wipe their beards, kifs one another, and, according to their different ages, call one another brother or father, or by fome. appellation that expreffes affection. Both men and women in their falutations bow very low.   I was much ftruck with this circum-
P ftance;
ftance ; and foon found, that, in their obei-fance to the great, and in the worftiip of their faints, they were early trained to proflration and pliancy of body. Indeed, the fervile fub-miffion they teftify to their fuperiors, can only be equalled by the haughty ufage they meet with in return.
Two Ruffian peafants, if they fhould happen to quarrel, feldom proceed to blows ; but they deal abufe with great profufion ; and their abufive language confifts of the bafeft allufions, and the moft fhocking obfeenity. This can fcarcely be exemplified in the manners of any other nation. If ever they come to blows, the conflict has a moft ludicrous appearance; they know nothing of the clenched fift of an Englifhman ; but lay about them moft uncouthly with open hands and extended arms.
I know no circumftance by which the national character of any people may more eafily be detected, than their amufements. When men divert themfelves, they are care-lefs, unguarded, and unreferved : then the
heart,
heart, and all its latent tendencies, difguifed inclinations, and indulged habits, appear. Nor am I acquainted with any circumftance by which national characters are more diver^-fined. The Romans were a lefs refined people than the Greeks; their amufements accordingly were coarfer and more fanguinary* In like manner the diverfions of the French and Spaniards mark the difference of their national character. The paftime of the Spaniards, without doors, is fierce and bloody; nor is the Toros, or bull-fight, of which they are fo paftionately fond, the amufement of men only, but has its admirers alfo among the women.   Flencc Butler has faid of them,
That Spanifh heroes, with their lances, At Once wound bulls and ladies' fancies : And he acquires the nobleft fpoufe That widows greateft herds of cows.
Chefs, and the other amufements to which a Spaniard has recourfe within doors, are certainly very grave and folemn. How different from the gaiety, fprightlinefs, good humour* and feeming levity of a Frenchman.
Pa The
The diverficms of an Englifhman exhibit itxength, agility, and the love of exertion. Thofe of a Ruffian exhibit lloth, inactivity? and the love of pleafure. The Ruffians, in their amufements, are indeed extremely fo-cial. They affemble in crowds, fing, drink, fwing on fee-faws, are drawn up and down and round about in flying chairs fixed upon wheels, fome with a perpendicular, and fome with a horizontal motion.
in the winter feafon, they are pufhed down ice-hills and gliflades. Thofe ice-hills are railed upon the river, and are conftrucled of wooden frames. They are very high ; fo that you afcend fifty or fixty fteps on the fide behind what is properly called the gliflade. The fummit is flat, and enclofed with a rail, in order that thofe who indulge themfelves in this amufement, may have room to ftand and fuffer no inconvenience in the defcent. The fide by which they go down is fo fteep, as to* be juft not perpendicular. Upon this fnow having been piled, and water pouted, it becomes a precipice of the fmootheft ice. In defeending, you fit upon a fmall wooden feat made for the purpofe, and generally in ihe
Lap
lap of a Ruffian, who fits behind to direct your courfe, having his legs extended on each fide of you. In this poffure you are puffied down the hill, and Hide with fuch velocity, that for fome féconds you cannot breathe ; and after reaching the bottom, the impulfe you have received carries you forward fome hundred paces. There are commonly two of thefe gliffades erected almoft, but not quite, oppofite to each other; and at fuch a dillance, as that you are carried along the ice from one to another. Thus you may go down the one hill and up the other, alternately, as often as you pleafe.—Skating is not a common diver- . fion, becaufe the ice, where it is not fwept, is ufually covered with fnow.—The Ruffians are alfo fond of dancing ; yet their dancing does not difplay fo much nimblenefs, agility, and livelinefs, as it expreffes the fame tainted imagination, which aifumes a lefs feducing and more boilterous form in their quarrels and abufe.
I believe I may reckon their bathing rather an amufement than a religious practice. In every village, efpecially in thofe by the fide of rivers, where they are generally built, P 3 there
there is a fleam-bath, conftru&ed ufually qf wood, to which all the inhabitants, both male and female, repair regularly once a week. The place is fo infufferably hot, that a pei> fon who is not acçuftomed to it, cannot remain in it above a few minutes. But thofe to whom it is not unufual, fit quietly for a long time on the heated bricks, without any covering whatfoever, excepting fome branches of birch, of which, however, they hardly make any other ufe than to fcrub themfelves. After they have fat in this fituation, till they have perfpired abundantly, they run out, and plunge headlong into the river. They are excellent fwimmers ; but inflead offwimming like frogs, as we do, they imitate rather the motion of dogs. I once faw one of thofe baths catch fire; the weather was dry; it blazed up in a moment, and the whole bevy it contained, ran with the utmofl confterna-tion into the water, fcreaming and plunging, and looking back as if they thought the flames were purfuing them.
You will perhaps imagine, that the practice of ufing the bath, as defcribed above, contributes to the licenùoufnefs of manners,
fo
fo remarkable in the lower claffes among the Êuflians. No doubt it does ; but fome other cjircumfiances, formerly mentioned, have the 4me tendency. The power poffeffed by fu-pèriors of compelling their flaves to marry as they fhall direct, if ever exerted, muff, be completely deftructive of domeftic happinefs and fidelity. The practice fo common among the nobles, of removing their flaves from one place to another, and of keeping them a long time feparated from their families, has alfo the fame effect. You will readily perceive that this muft be very much the cafe, when they are fent from the country villages, to earn their wages in Mofcow and St. Peterfburg.
You will have remarked too, in the accounts I have given you, that the lower claffes here are very focial, and much addicted to merriment. They are even infantine in their amufements. Old, bearded boors divert themfelves with fuch paftime and gambols, as in our grave country we fhould think too trifling for a child. The truth is, that, beyond the prefent moment, they have nothing either to think about, or care for ; and, of confequence, P 4 they
they are perfectly thoughtlefs and carelefa. In the country they live chiefly in villages; when they come to the great towns, many of them having no houfes of their own, pafs moft of their time, when they are not employed in labour, in their cabecks*, where they drink, talk, and fing till they fall aileep; and on holidays they affemble together in vacant places in or near the city, for their cuftomary exercifes and amufements. Thofe two circumftances, therefore, namely, their focial difpofitions, promoted in the manner now mentioned, and their total want of care or concern about the future, give them the appearance of having great fprightlinefs and good humour, and of pofTefling no inconfi-derable fhare of enjoyment. Perfons of high rank, though their fituations muft occafion fome variety in the circumftances that influence their manners, arc fubject to the fame effects, and exhibit a fimilar appearance. If you call fuch enjoyment happinefs, or fuch focial difpofitions virtuous, you may : I own I cannot agree with you. Ruffians of all ranks are moft ardent in their expreflions of
* Public-houfeg,
friendfhip ;
friendfhip ; but I fufpect the conftancy of their attachments is not equal to the fervency of their emotions. They have more fenfibi-lity than firmnefs ; they poifefs a temper and difpofitions, which, properly improved, and with the encouragements held forth by freedom, might render them a worthy, as, in fome cafes, they are an amiable, and, in many, an amufmg people.
Confidently with this account, the Ruffians, though they have great quicknefs in learning the rudiments of art or knowledge, feldom make great proficiency. They foon arrive at a certain degree of excellence ; there they remain; they tire; becomeliftlefs; entertain difguft; and advance no further-In this particular, alfo, if they enjoyed the incitements afforded by a free government, their national character might improve, and they might be rendered capable of more per-feverance. After the wifhes of novelty ceafe, men engaged in arduous purfuits, muft be carried on by a fteady regard to their own in-tereft and honour. Where their honour and intereft are not much concerned, how can they perfevere ? Adieu.
LETTER XXXI.
Domeftic Manners of Perfons of Rank in ■ Ruffia*
dear sir, St. Peterlburg, 1770.
ICANNOT fay much for the tafte difplayed by perfons of high rank in Ruffia, either in their drefs, houfes, or retinue. They are pompous and tawdry. The equipage of a Ruffian nobleman deferves particular notice. The great man lolls in a clumfy gilt coach, drawn by fix horfes, fometimes of different colours, and having the traces of hempen ropes inftead of leather. The coachman and poftilions are often in the coarfe drefs of the peafants, while three or four gorgeous footmen are ftuck behind. One or two petty officers ride by the fide of the coach,.and thefe are ufually attended by a peafant, who is alfo on horfeback ; and thus princes and noblemen
blemen are dragged to court.-They read
plays and novels, and often fome French phi^ Jofophy. They fometimes write little comedies; and fometimes reprefent them, both in the French and Ruffian languages. I was lately prefent at the reprefentation of tl Le Philofope Mari," and *' Annette and Lubin," by fome noblemen and ladies of the higheft rank. They performed in the theatre in the Winter Palace, and the Emprefs feemed much amufed with the reprefentation,
I mentioned to you formerly, that the inferior orders of men in this country are in a ftate of abject flavçry. Nor is it inconfiftent with this account to fay, that many perfons of high rank in Ruffia live on a footing of eafy familiarity with fuch of their menials as become favourites, and are capable of amufing them with their humour and low wit. All domeftiç tyrants, from the days of the Greeks and Romans inclufively, treat thofe flaves who are not favourites with the utmoft rigour, and thofe who are, with weak unbecoming indulgence. Perhaps in no other country in Europe could you obtain a jufter
idea
idea of the parafitical character, fo frequently difplayed by the comic and fatirical poets of antiquity. The parafites here are in general Frenchmen, whofe lively loquacity feems ab-folutely necetfary for the amufement of thofe great men, to whofe tables they have admif-fion.
At the fame time, if the following repre-. fentation, in one of the fineft iatires that any language can boaft of, be founded on obferva-tion, the circumftance now mentioned is not peculiar to the Ruffian Princes.
All that at home no more can beg or (leal, Or like a gibbet better than a wheel ; HifPd from the ftage, or hooted from the court, Their air, their drefs, their politics import} Obfequious, artful, voluble, and gay, On Britain's fond credulity they prey.— Studious to pleafe, and ready to fubmit, The fupple Gaul was born a parafite : Still to hi3 int'reft true, where'er he goes, Wit, bravery, worth, his lavifli tongue beftows j In every face a thoufand graces fhine, From every tongue flows harmony divine.
The defcription is heightened in the next lines by a characteriflical and happy contraft.
Thefe
Thefe arts in vain our rugged natives try, Strain out with fauk'ring diffidence a lie, And gain a kick for awkward flattery.
The fatirift then proceeds in a fuccefsful vein of playful irony ; and concludes the paffage with a ferious, and indignant addrefs.
Befides, with juftice this difcerning age, Admires their wondrous talents for the ftage; Well may they venture on the mimic's art, Who play from morn to night a borrow'd part j Praélis'd their mafter's notions to embrace, Repeat his maxims and reflect his face; With ev'ry wild abfurdity comply, And view each objecl: with another's eye; To fhake with laughter, ere the jeft they hear, To pour at will the counterfeited tear ; And as their patron hints the cold or heat, To (hake in dogdays, in December fweat; How, when competitors like thefe contend, Can furly Virtue hope to fix a friend? Slaves that with ferious impudence beguile, And lie without a blufli, without a fmile.— For arts like thefe, preferred, admir'd, carefs'd, They firft invade your tabic, then your breaft $ Explore your fecrets with iniidious art, Watch the weak hour, and ranfack all the heart ; Then foon your ill-plac'd confidence repay, Commence your lords, and govern or betray. '
Befides
Befides parafites, many Ruffians of high rank retain dwarfs in their families, and perfons not without Hirewdnefs, who affect folly, and amufe them in the character of buffoons. They alfo retain a vaft number of other flaves, who are employed by them in all manner of neceffary or whimfical fervices. The
Countefs W-1 has in her family feveral
Calmuck women, who are taught to read German and Rufs, who read by her bed-fide till fhe falls afleep ; and continue reading or talking, without intermiflion, all the time fhe is afleep ; for, if they did not, the Countef8 would awake immediately, not much, I fup-pofe, to the fatisfaction of the poor attendants.
I need fcarcely tell you, that the Ruffians are very carelefs in the education of their children. They do not fend them to public fchools ; but have them taught at home under private tutors. Thefe tutors are generally French or Germans, into whofe character they make but little enquiry. If their children learn to dance; and if they can read, fpeak, and write French, and have a little
geography,
geography, they defire no more. I have feen one of thofe inftructors, who has, in the courfe of his life; appeared in the different fhapes of a comedian, valet-de-chambre, and
hair-dreffer.-Indeed I do not wonder at
the conduct of the Ruffians in this refpect. Why educate their children ? They are to live and die in thraldom ; they may be in glory to-day, and to morrow fent to Siberia. Why fhould they train their offspring for any expectations beyond thofe of the prefent moment ? The citizens of free ftates alone are inexcufable, if they do not improve their minds to the utmoft limits of their capacity. Why quicken the fenfibilities, or enlarge the mind of a flave ? You only teach him to hate himfelf. If, however, there was any probability, that, by enlightning the minds of the Ruffians, they mould not only be enabled to difcern the abafement of their condition ; but alfo to contrive, and execute the means of emancipation, I fhould heartily regret their prefent blind nefs.
The military education of the Ruffian youth is conducted very differently. They
have
have an academy in the Wafiloftrow, where a very confiderable number, but none under twelve years old, are admitted. Here they live together; and during the fummer fleep in an adjoining field under tents* They are formed into a regiment ; and each of them, of what rank ibever, whether Prince, Count or Boyard, muft pafs through every condition, beginning with that of a common foldier, and fubmit to every kind of obedience. They perform their exercifes with great exactnefs, and are inftructed in mathematics. From this feminary excellent officers may be expected. Like the Perfians, defcribed by Xenophon, they learn to obey before they are called to command.
After the account I have given you of the tafle and literary education of the Ruffians, you will not be furprifed if I tell you, that their religious principles are not very correct, nor in fome of them, perhaps, very deeply rooted. A prieit came to hear the confeflion of a great man. " Holy Father," fays the Count, " have you a good memory." " Yes." 41 Then you remember what I told you at my
" laft
RUSSIAN E M P î R È. ii|
c* laft confeffion. Since that time I have had f * the fame temptations from without ; the ** fame weaknefs from within ; and here is ** the fame number of rubles."—I would not fay, however, that the Princes of Ruffia are much inferior* either in religious or moral improvement, to many great men, even in thofe ftates of Europe that enjoy the means of fuperior knowledge. If I am not much riiiftaken, there are among them a greater number who affect indifference or difbelief in religious matters; than who really difbe-lieve. Perhaps, in times of ficknefs, difgrace, and low-fpirits, they have more faith in St* Nicholas, than in Voltaire.
The fair fex in all ages have more fenfibi-îity, lefs of the pride of reafon, and I had almoft faid, more good fenfe than the men ; and accordingly you find fewer among them who affect irreligion. Their notions may be erroneous ; this is owing to their inftruc-tors : but their difpofitions are pious, and they owe this to themfelves. Indeed, when I fee Ruffian Princeffes, as they fit down to an entertainment,  crofting  themfelves, which
they do very gracefully, in teftimony of religious gratitude, I refpect both their good fenfe and their piety. They will cxcufe me, therefore, for telling the following ftory : I do not anfwer for the fact ; but that fuch flories are told, and reckoned not improbable, may give you fome notion of the religious
manners of the Ruffians-Â lady of high
rank had a child fuddenly feized with a violent illnefs.   Full of anxiety, fhe difpatched a meffenger to a neighbouring prieft, intreat-ing him to fend a fivourite faint, who might effectuate the cure.   But the prieft, being a fenfible man, and unwilling to fend the hallowed phyfician, without fixing the fee, or for fome other reafon, refufcd her requeft. The lady, in mighty wrath, haftcned to the Emprefs, then fome miles out of town, and brought a formal complaint againfl: the prieft. The Emprefs ordered him forthwith to comply.   Accordingly the faint was fent, but he came a bootl'efs errand; for a Scotch phyfician,  little defirous that interlopers fhould interfere with  his trade, had reftored the child to health, before the arrival of his ghoftly colleague.
I write
î write to you in a very defultory manner ; and I am afraid I may fometimes be guilty of repetition. The truth is, I have not a great deal of leifure, and you have a great deal of indulgence. Adieu*
LETTER XXXII.
Adnihiîjlration of fufice in Ruffia.
DEAR SIR,
AGREEABLY to your defire, and to gratify my own curiofity, I have made every enquiry I could concerning the manner of adminiftring juftice in Ruffia. I am forry, however, it is not in my power to give you fuch fatisfactory information on this fubject as I wifhed to have done. Nor can I offer you any other account of the courts of juftice, the method of conducting a law-fuit, or the punifhment of crimes, than the following.
The Judge of loweft rank in this empire is the Staroft; and from him, in the firft in« fiance, perfons in the provinces who have fuffered injury may feck redrefs. From his dccifion there lies an appeal to the Governor of the province, and from him to the College
of
of Juftice in the capital. For the whole empire is divided into a certain number of governments ; to each of thefe a particular college of juftice is appropriated in St. Peterfburg ; and to thofe colleges caufes may be appealed. From them too there lies an appeal to the Senate. Nor are the decifions of that court, though of a name fo venerable, and though faid to have both a legiflative and judicative authority, eonfidered as ultimate ; for, as the Sovereign is regarded as the fource of law and juftice, there may bean appeal to the Throne, even from the decrees of the Senate, The Sovereign, however, not having leifure for attending to a multitude of private law-fuits, delegates this department to Commiflioners ; and their decifions, or Ucafes, according to the term ufually given them, are accounted final. All the judges are named by the Sovereign, and hold their places only during her pleafure.— ÏU general, the adminiftration of juftice has been reprefented to me as very tedious, and liable to corruption. I have heard, indeed, that the Emprefs intends to alter the prefent fyftem ; and if fo, it will certainly receive improvement. In truth, the Courts of Juftice now mentioned, bear a greater refem-
3 blance
blance to a Court of Chancery * than to any thing elfe. The decifions of the judges arc neither founded on general principles of equity, nor on eiiablifhcd laws. They are founded chiefly on precedents and former decifions, This, as you will eafily conceive, renders the iffue of a law-fuit very doubtful ; and, indeed, it frequently happens, that precedents and former Ucafes may be perfectly applicable to the fame caufe ; and yet in direct op-pofition to one another. In cafes the moft fimilar that can be thought of, contradictory decrees of different fovereigns, and fometimes even of the fame fovcreign, may be appealed to. Thus it is obvious, that, on the prefent footing, every thing depends on the will of the Judge.
Thofe perfons who correfpond to counfel or advocates in Britain, are very little reflected in Ruffia. They receive no regular education in the ftudy of law. And how fhould they, when there is none to ftudy ? They are ulually fuch perfons as may have been Judges* fervants, or have had other epportunities of learning the forms of courts,
and
* Bhckflone.
and of being acquainted with precedents or Ucafes. Dexterity in the knowledge and application of thefe conftitutes their higheft merit. They never plead ; but give their advice in the conduct of a law-fuit; write the neceffary papers ; and either in public or private lay the fads before the judges. This laft, indeed, may be eonfidered as a fpecies of pleading, fince they may reprefent facts in fuch colours, as to influence both judgment and inclination. I have heard it furmiied, however, by perfons, I confefs, of acrimony, but not without knowledge, and even experience, that the be ft fer vice they ufually render their clients, is to inform them by what means they may have eafieft accefs to the good-will of the Judges. The moft eminent counfel who practifes here at prefent, had been a (hop-keeper, and had involved himfelf in fo many law-fuits as to become bankrupt. But though he loft his fortune, he gained knowledge ; and the fame argumentative dif-pofition that had ruined him as a merchant, advanced him at the bar.
Befides the courts above-mentioned, a general Court of Police is eftablilhed in Ruffia, of Q_ 4 which
which the principal department remains at St. Peterfburg. The chief objects of the lYlafier of Police are, to keep order in the city ; to profecute for robbery and murder ; to guard againft fires; to keep the itreets clean; to prevent or difperfe riots ; to fuper-intend the Jflivofhicks, who hire fledges or carioles in the ftrcets ; and to keep an exa£t account of the inhabitants. At one time a caufe might be carried by appeal from this court to the Senate; at other times, its decifions were determined to be final. All thefe changes and varieties depend on tlie will of the Sovereign.
You queflioned me in particular about the punifhment of crimes in Ruffia, and feemed to applaud the plan purfued by the late, and continued by the prefent, Emprefs, of fubfli-tuting flavery, hard labour, and corpora} punifhment, in place of death. The abolition, or fufpenfion of capital puniffrments, is indeed a very plaufible topic; it may foothe pur fentiments of humanity, it may pleafe in theory; but in practice it appears very inadequate. Robberies here are frequent and barbarous, and conftantly attended with murder.
Criminals,
Criminals, I have heard, are profecuted care-Jelly ; and thofe who are punifhed with ri^ gour, are treated with inhumanity. They fuffer the knout ; that is, they fuffer dreadful fcourging and diflocation ; and though they are not formally put to death, many of them die of the cruel wounds they receive. I faw a crowd lately affembled in an open fpace in the city ; I drew near ; a fcourge rofe at intervals above the heads of the people ; at intervals were heard the repeated ftrckes ; and every flroke was followed by the low fiip-preffed groan of extenuated anguifli. After the appointed number of lafhes were given in that place, the poor criminal had a piece of the coarfeft canvafs thrown over his naked and wounded body ; and he was thus led to another quarter of the city, to have his torments not only renewed, but dreadfully encreafed by diflocation,
Thofe who furvive fuch punifhments are very feldom reformed ; the difgrace and infamy they fuffer, take away all rei'ped for themfelves, and regard for the opinion of others. On this fubjecl I agree entirely with your favourite Greek Tragedian.
" Xpnv h £u6uç mm rr,vfo-roiç nrx<ri $ix.y\it
Snivtiv, to yxç irw^yov aw uç r,v ttqXv."
«*-Were all like thee to perifh
Who violate the laws, 'twould lefTen much The guilt of mortals, and reform mankind *".
At any rate, the fubje&s at leaft of a free ftate, ought to be much on their guard 'how they fuffer any fuch punifhment to be fubfti-tutcd in place of capital punifhment, as may reconcile the imaginations of the people to the poftibility of their being happy, or of their enduring life in chains and bondage. They ought always to believe, nor in adopting fuch a creed, would they fuffer any delu-iion, that flavery is a more miferable condition than death. I have felt lefs horror in feeing malefactors hauging in gibbets on Bagfhot or Hounflow-heath, than in feeing men, beings of my own fpecies, endowed with
* The elegant translator of Sophocles docs not appear to me to have tranflated this ftrikir.g paJT-jge with his ufml fpirit. Terhaps the Latin verfion may convey more llrongly the Poet's meaning.
** D"cerct autem omnes illico has ptsnas dare Qoicunque contra leges quid.vis agere lludet Ut Rtcaretur.   Sic kdsra iniuus crebra forent."
reafon
reafon and a fenfe of juftice, doomed to hard labour all the days of their lives, bent down with oppreftion, having their faces inferibed with mifery, and their limbs rattling with chains. Crimes are not to be puniihed by the fevereft pains we are capable of inflicting: and I hope the natives of Britain will conlider chains and bondage, in the face of the public, as a punifhment no lefs barbarous to the mind, than torture to the body. In another view, the effects of fuch punifhments on the minds of a free people muft be pernicious; and I fhould be afraid left their enduring them for any length of time, were a fatal fymptom that their zeal for liberty was waxing cold. There is much thought and penetration in the following fentiment, afcribed by Tacitus to Galgacus, in his celebrated
fpeech before his battle with Agricola :--
" Priores pngnx, quibus adverfus Uomanos " varia fortuna çertatum eft, fpem ac fubfi-** dium in noftris manibus habebant ; quia *' nobiliflimi totius Britannia?, eoque in ipfis " penetralibus fiti, nec ferventium littora ** afpicientcs, oculos quoquc a contaclu domina-
* twins inviolatls habcbamiis^-u All the
the battles, which have yet been fought
" with
" with various iuccefs againfl: the Romans, " had their refources of hope and aid in our " hands ; for we, the nobleft inhabitants of " Britain, and therefore ffationed in its *• deepeil receffes, far from the view of fervile ** fhores, have preferved even our eyes un-** polluted by the contact of fubjedtion *V'
Little provifion is made in this country for prifoners: and a poor wretch, without friends or money, confined in a Ruffian jail, runs fome hazard of ftarving. I have fometimes vifited thofe manfions of mifery : and if famine, chains, nakednefs, and filth, are fhock-ing, the fcenes I beheld were lhocking.
On reading over what I have written, it feems to me that I might have given you a more complete account of the adminiftration of juftice in Ruffia, by telling you what they have not, inftead of what they have. Suffice it to fay then, that they have no trials by jury, and no Habeas Corpus Act A perfon accufed of crimes may be kept in prifon for ever i or if he is brought to a trial, he is not tried by his Peers.   In other refpedts, caufes
f Aitkin,
need
need not be numerous and complex. The peafants who are themfelves flaves, will probably have no law-fuits. The nobility, merchants, and foreigners alone can have any employment for courts of juftice. Adieu.
P. S. If the Emprefs fhould really engage, as I believe fhe intends at prefent, in the laborious work of amending the method of adminiftring juftice in Ruffia, feveral paf-fages in her inftructions to the commiffioners appointed to frame a new code of laws, and the following, in particular, promife not only changes, but confiderable improvements :
*' No man ought to be looked upon as '* guilty, before he has received his judicial u fentence; nor can the laws deprive him of " their protection, before it is proved that he " has forfeited all right to it. What right, tc therefore, can power give to any to inflict 11 punifhment upon a citizen, at a time when " it is yet dubious whether he is innocent or *' guilty ? Whether the crime be known or " unknown, it is not very difficult to gain a " thorough knowledge of the affair, by duly " weighing all the circumftances. If the 4 " crime
" be known, the criminal ought not to fufFef ** any punifhment but what the law ordains ; Al confequently the rack is quite unnecefTary, " If the crime be not known, the rack ought ** not to be applied to the party accufed ; lor ** this reafon, that the innocent ought not to be ** tortured ; and, in the eye of the law, every " perfon is innocent whofe crime is not yet " proved. It is undoubtedly extremely ne-u celTary, that no cime, after it has been proved, fhould remain unpunifhed. The '* party accufed on the rack, whilft in -the " agonies of torture, is not matter enough of " himfelf to be able to declare the truth, Sm$
LETTER XXXIII.
Reflections on the Effecls of Defpot'fm.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, 08. lit, 1770.
YOU fay I will have much pleafure in contemplating the manners and political conftitution of a people fo different from the natives of Britain. I cannot altogether agree with you. No doubt there is fome pleafure in what Lucretius fays,—*' jua<ve man mag-no, &c." There is fome fatisfacfion in recollecting, that while other nations groan under the yoke of bondage, the natives of our happy iflands enjoy more real freedom than any nation that does now, or ever did, exjft. In other refpects, it is no very pleafing exercife to witnefs the deprefiion and fufferings of the human race ; to contemplate the miferies and manners of flaves ! Poor abject flaves ! who are noï allowed the rights of men—hardly thofe of irrational creatures ! who muft toil, 9 undergo
undergo hardships, and fuffer the moit grievous fuffering, to gratify the defires, or humour the caprice of fome oppreffive mailer ! Judge of their condition—From the hour of their birth they are in the power of a rapacious chief, who may fell, fcourge, or employ them in any labour he pleafes.    They have no property—no home—nothing that their proud fuperior may not feize, and claim as his own.   The horfe and the bull may chufe their loves, according to their own inclination ; a privilege not allowed to the Ruffians; They hd fooner arrive at the age of puberty, than they are often compelled to marry what-foever female their proprietor chufes, in order, by a continued progeny of flaves, to preferve or augment his revenue.   In fuch families, no conjugal happinefs,—no paternal or filial affection can etfer, exifl.   Where the hufband and wife hate each other, or are indifferent, there can be little fidelity ; the hufband takes little care of the child ; the mother is not always affectionate ; the poof guiltlefs infant is thus neglected ; Nature defeats the purpofes of avarice, and a great proportion of their children die in their nonage.    Thofe that!
wrvlvé
Russian empire.
241
furvive become little better than favage. In their eaily years, no tender affe&ion foftened or humanized their hearts ; none can grow up in an after period ; they receive no prejudices or opinions favourable to mankind ; and they enter into life as into a den of tygers. The guile, the bafenefs, and rugged ferocity attributed to   flaves, and men overwhelmed with oppreffion, are chiefly owing to their oppreflbrs.   Expofed to the avarice and pride of fome haughty fuperior, who is himfelf a flave, and who has not in his breaft one fenti-ment of humanity, they have no other defence againfl: oppreffion but deceit ; and feel no other emotion from the treatment they receive, but hatred and deep revenge.   It is thus, in accuftoming the mind to vicious habits, more than in merely depriving us of our property, and the fecurity of our perfons, that defpotifm is the bane of fociety. Thofe poor unhappy men, who are bought and fold, who are beaten, loaded with fetters, and valued no higher than a dog, treated with una-bating rigour, become inhuman ; infulted with unremitting contempt, become  bafe ; and for ever afraid of rapacious injuftice, they grow deceitful.
R * Chill'd
- " Chill'd by unkindly blights,
tl Their opening virtues languish and decay. ** Their features lofe the liberal air of truth " And open candour.   Dark fufpicion clouds " Theft low'ring vifage ; and deceit perverts ** Their fault'ring fpeech.   When pride and avarice warp
" Th'opprefTor's heart; bar his relentlcfs ear
M Againfl: the prayer of pity ; and eraze
*• The fenfe^of merit from his dark'ned foul :
" What ftiield can weaknefs to his rav'nous grafp
" Oppofe, but daftard guile? Can thofe who groan
*' Beneath th' inhuman tafk, whofe rueful pangs,
*' Unpitied, unreliev'd, breed lading hate,
** And thirft of vengeance in the foul indulge
" Tender emotions, and the glowing heart?
" O ye ! who roll the eye of fierce difebin,
41 Impute not to the trembling, tortur'd ilave,
" Condemn'd by partial fortune to endure
" The ftripes of av'rice, and the fcorn of pride,
" Impute not guile, or an unfeeling breaft.
** Ye teach him feelings ! your infatiate rage
** His hate exafperates, and inflames his heart
" With rancour and unufual wrath.   'Twas thus
" Th' Iberian humaniz'd the guiltlefs tribes
" Who roam'd Peruvian forefts, and the banks
'* Of Orellane, what time, convuls'd and torn
" With agony, the tortur'd fires bequeath'd
** Refentment to their fons 1 'Twas then their hearts
*l Throbb'd with new horror; with unwonted ire
" The wild eye redden'd, and the virtues fled !
" The gentle virtues ! In their fteadarofe
** Difmay, the counfellor of daftard deeds,
" Revenge
** Revenge and ruthlefs hatred.   Then were heard *' Wailing and weeping; howl'd the defart caves ; " And Nature from the roaring torrent figh'd."-■
" Facit indignatio verfum." Thofe lines were fuggefted by the fcenes of oppreffion I too often behold. I have introduced them into a fhort poem lately publifhed in Britain ; and intended, in fo far as my voice could be heard, to interefl my countrymen in behalf of the Corficans. I iufpedt, however, that at prefent, not many of my countrymen feel themfelves much concerned in fuch a caufe. * * # # # %
R2
LETTER XXXIV.
National Character of the Ruffians. dear sir,
TN fo far as my own obfervation reaches, every thing I fee, and every thing I hear from fuch authority as I can truft, confirms me in the opinion I formerly ex pre fled to you concerning the national character of the Ruffians. They have certainly more fenfibility than flrmnefs. They have lively feeelings ; but having feldom employed their reafon in forming general rules of conduct for the commerce of life, their actions, as flowing from variable and fhifting emotions, are defultory, and even inconfiftent.
I have heard, for inftance, that, in confidential converfation, they fometimes indulge themfelves in fevere or indignant expreffions againfl the prefent adminiflration of public affairs.—" That they fhould always be go-*' verned by women, or foreigners, or by fo-«4 reigners exalted they not how; or by per-
" fon s
(t ions of no original eminence, men of yef-" terday, and who have arifen to dignity by " their guilt or bafe compliances,"—are, on fuch occafions, the ufual topics of their discontent.   They work themfelves into what they conceive virtuous indignation, or patriotic refentment. They even talk of changes and revolutions:   " Things," they will fay, " that have happened   once, may happen *' again;" and thus the fervour of their emotion, exhaufted in the expreffion, abates, Other feelings arife, and fuggeft other con-vicYions.—** The prefent adminiftration has w been fuccefsful ; laurels have been obtain-£t ed;   public meafures are conducted with " fpirit and wifdom ;  they themfelves enjoy " fecurity ; not only fo, perhaps they enjoy " fortune and honours ;  how wrong then " would it be in them to wifh for change ; u how ungrateful !   how guilty !  even of " treafon ! they deferve punifhment î per-" haps it may come upon them !  their aflb-i{ ciates may think as they do ! may feel in-" dignation !  or fear for themfelves ! the " danger is urgent, and muft be prevented." Hurried by this new fet of feelings, they repent, confefsj and, from the deep fenfe they Pv 3 have
have of their trefpafs, betray their friends. On account of this extreme fenfibility, unfub-dued or ungoverned by reafon, it is fcarcely probable that the Ruffians themfelves, how much foever they may occafionally exprefs refentment, indignation, or love of liberty, as I have heard fome of them do with more violence than any liberty-boy of Brentford, unlefs fome dextrous, infinuating, and fteady foreigner take advantage of their temporary tranfports, fhall ever accompliih any great revolution.   The chief rulers have penetration enough to difcern this defect of character ; and though they may be often informed-of treafonable  fpeeches, they are neverthelefs very much at their eafe.   At the fame time, this feature,  in the  national character of the Ruffians, ffiews how neceffary it is for their Sovereigns, without incurring the blame of improper fufpicion, to be watchful over their proceedings, and well acquainted with their fecret defigns *.
I really believe, that the inconftancy, the deviations from truth, and even perfidy, with which the Ruffians are fometimes charged,
* See Letter XVII.
are
are not fo much the effects of determined vice, as of irregular feeling.   They may appear wicked, not becaufe they act from perverted principles, but becaufe they have no permanent principles.   They never could fay to themfelves, *' Video meliora proboque, de-" tcriora fequor" becaufe whatfoever they do, or even perpetrate, they think they arc acting aright ; and as they feldom look back on the paft, or anticipate the future, they derive little advantage in the culture of their moral principles from experience.   They are bearded children ; the creatures of the prefent hour; they will exprefs the moft ardent affection in the moft ardent language ; they will exprefs the moft furious rage in the moft vindictive terms.   But as you need not lay great ftrefs on the advantages to be reaped from their friendfhip, fo you need not be greatly afraid of their inveterate or latent enmity.   In moments of extreme good humour, a Ruffian will make ample promifes ; he is quite fincere ; his feelings at the time intereft him in your favour ; but thofe feelings  fubfide j   other  interefts engage his heart; he never meant to deceive you; but his promifes are not fulfilled.   If you feem R 4 anxious
anxious about any fad, and if the matter is not exaclly as you wifh it to be, your Ruffian friend enters warmly into your wifhes ; he would not add to your anxiety, but he knows that the fact is not exactly as you concvive; he fees in it, however, fome circumftances  correfponding to your  defire ; thefe he felects ; he is loth to tell you a harfh truth ; and if he does not tell you a pleating fiction,  he at leaft lulls your difquietude. Rigid virtue may call this double-dealing; but the Ruffian neither intends deceit, nor thinks his conduct deceitful.   In like manner you may fometimes fee perfons of the higheft rank, even before firangcrs, engage in violent difputcs, particularly if they are playing at cards or billiards; and treat one another at leait with  impetuofity. Their own language, though they may have been fpcaking French or German before, becomes* on thefe cccafions, the vehicle of their prayers and wifhes; and its habits of fcem better fuited, than thofe of the weftern languages, for fuch pure and refpeclful inter-courfe.   In a few minutes after they are as calm as if nothing had happened, and feem to love one another the more for this transient
phrafeology
fient ebullition.   Perfons of fuch irregular fenfibility are occafionally very brave, or very daftardly; and fo are the Ruffians. Sometimes the flighted danger appalls them ; and fometimes you would imagine that they were incapable of fear, or had no fenfe of danger. This tendency is corrected in their army by the ftri&eft difcipline.   It is perfectly confident with this account, that flight enjoyments mould raife them to the fummit of happinefs; and that flight loffes, or difap-pointments, mould caff, them down in de-fpair.     Accordingly,   their  happinefs dif-plays itfelf in appearances of infantine levity;  and their defpondency often terminates in fuicide.   1 he immediate view of punifhment, or the  profpect of evil linking   their fenfes, may reftrain their emotions ; but, removed at a diftanee, or out of fight, it is of little power.   One of their principal dramatic Poets, and he has indeed a great deal of genius, befides the impetuofity and eagernefs emailed upon him by his pro-feflion, has alfo to contend with the precipitancy and irregular fenfibdity fo common among his countrymen.   The Governor of Mofcow, where he ufually refides, ordered
one
one of his tragedies to be reprefented. The Poet was certainly honoured by this mark of attention ; and the Governor really intended to do him honour ; nor was there any thing that could reaionably be objected to the reprefentation. But the Poet had been taken in a wayward humour. He oppofed the reprefentation with indecent violence, and treated the Governor with rude difrefpect. The Emprefs, whom nothing efcapes, was informed of ir ; but refpe&ing the genius of the Poet, while fhe rebuked the folly of the Ruffian, fhe wrote him with tempered feverity, and told him, " That though fhe was much " pleafed with his imitations of pailion, fhe *• could not bear the reality."
Perfons of the character now mentioned, are often fluent in fpeech, and eloquent in exprefllon. They are alfo apt to be influenced by the powers of eloquence. Full of fcnfibility, they enter eafily into the feelings of others.   Such are the Ruffians.-.
Walking one day along the GalerinhofF, at a time when, by the removal of a bridge of boats, the communication between that ftreet and an oppofite ifland was interrupted, I faw
a Ruffian
a Ruffian, rather better dreffed than a common peafant, putting fome cows into a boat^ intending to have them carried to the other fide.   He had juft, with much difficulty, and the affiftance of two or three boatmen, çot them in, when a petty officer, with fome fol-diers, arrived at the place, and feemed alfo in great hafte to get acrofs the river. There was no other boat; fo, with a tone of great authority, be ordered the grazier, or cowherd, or whatever he was, to take out his cattle, and let him have immediate conveyance.   The Ruffian was loth; the officer in-fifted ; the Ruffian argued; the officer grew angry ; the Ruffian ftill hefitated ; and a fol-dier, to gratify the wrath of his fuperior, jumped into the boat, gave the man a blow, and ftruck off his cap.   The Ruffian in an inftant, and you would fay by involuntary impulfe, put himfelf into one of the fineft attitudes I ever faw.   He wore a long garment, faftened about his body with a girdle; his forehead was high and bald ; his hair on the hinder part of his head was fhort and grey ; his beard long;   his features well formed; and his afpect, notwithftanding the irrfult he had met with, did not feem difcompofed; he
lifted
lifted up his hands; he pled with humble fubmiffion; he then rofe in remonftrative tones ; he then fpoke to excite compaffion ; and, at length, poured out a torrent of irre-fiftible vehemence ; every change in his ad-drefs was followed by correfponding changes in the countenance and air of the officer, to whom it was addreffed. Till, at length, quite fubdued, he turned to him who had given the blow, and beat him in the moft furious manner. The orator, in the ,mean time, lifted his cap, put it on with an air of triumph ; and bowing once or twice to the officer, while he was adminiftering chaftife-ment to the foldier, rowed off immediately
with his cattle.-That Ruffians of all ranks
are fond of mufic, is no lefs confident with the foregoing account, than their powers and fufceptibility of eloquence.
In a word, the defects in the national character of the Ruffians, feem to me to arife chiefly from want of culture. Were they taught to reflect on the pait, and anticipate the future, they would be led to form maxims and general rules for the direction of their conduct*. Reafon would then be liftened to; ? See Letter LIV.
I and
and their moral principles would recover their authority. But they will never either reflect or anticipate, till they are moved to thofe exer-cifes by fome prevailing interefl: ; nor can they ever have any fuch interefl:, till they have entire fecurity for their perfons and pof-feffions. How is this to be done ? It is an important problem ; and great and immortal wrould be the glory of that fovereign who would really defire to underftand the folution. Immortal would be the glory of that fovereign who would reftore above twenty millions of men to the rights of intelligent and rational beings. But is this atchievement to be performed by one perfon, and at once ? I believe not. It muff be the work of time ; and muft be carried on by fucceflive changes. To give liberty at once to twenty millions of flaves, would be to let loofe on mankind fo many robbers and fpoilers. Before flaves can receive freedom in full ipofteffion, they muft be taught to know, relifh, and ufe its bleftings. This, however, is to be done gradually ; and if it is to be done according to a regular plan, thofe who have fuch things in their power, muft obferve the growth of freedom in thofe places where it arofe fponta-
neoui,
neous, and without any previous purpofe.—* Perhaps, if a defpot intended to lay the foundation of a defign fo magnificent, it would be proper to begin with giving great privileges to commercial and manufacturing towns. It would alfo be proper to reflore their rights to fuch provinces as might formerly have enjoyed fome freedom j and of which they might ftill entertain fome fond recollection. I am the more inclined to exprefs thefe opinions, as fome of the Ruffians, and particularly thofe in the vicinity of Archangel, who, I have heard, enjoy greater privileges than their brethren, are ufually reprefented as ho-nefl, able and induftrious and, indeed, of a character very different from the reft.
But I quit fuch Utopian fpeculations ; and will only exprefs my wifhes, that the fmall portion of the human race who enjoy real freedom, may preferve and make a proper ufe of it. Adieu.
LETTER XXXV. With fome Verfes.
r
DEAR SIR, Oft. loth, 1770. .
THE Banks of the Neva are indeed very fine,  the iflands delightful, and the woods fragrant ; but they are filent.   Not a thrufh, linnet, or goldfinch have I feen in Ruffia.    People tell me, however, that the fault is my own; and that if I were in the country early enough in the feafon, I might both fee and hear them.   They even pretend that they have nightingales.   One nightingale indeed I faw, heard, and admired. But it came from Aftracan.    It belonged to a lady; and, unable to endure the approach of winter, fome weeks ago it died.   " Alas!" you will fay,   " Poor Nightingale !" And you have more reafon to regret its death than you are perhaps aware of ; for, inftead of getting a letter full of news about Turks and Ruffians, and of hearing how the Ottomar • i empin
empire is fhaken to the very centre, you arc to have a poem on the death of a bird. In blank verfe too ! It cannot be helped; and all you can have, by way of compenfation, is to amufe yourfelf with remarking, how whimfi-cally we may be affected by the various events and incidents that happen under the fun. A (mail bird, hatched near the Cafpian, and buried in an ifle in the Neva, (hall almoft difpofe you, who are fitting in a neat parlour, in a trim manfion on the border of Windfor foreft, to frown !
Verfe s on the Death of a Nightingale, written in the Ifle of Caminiofiroiu.
MELODIOUS warbler !   Lucia lov'd thee, charm'd
With thine enchanting wild note : and I ween Her gentle manners, that in every breaft Kindle affection and efteem, in thee Kindled affection ; and the ftrong defire To imitate, to feize, and to transfufe Into thy long-like fweetnefs.   And thy voice Obey'd thee ; tuneful in thy native groves, Where Volga rolls his mighty flood, and laves The realm of Mracan ; more tuneful now,
Even
Even in a northern clime, and in the ifles Of Ingrian Neva.   Not the mournful plaint Of that Hefperian Nightingale, that charm'd The foul of Maro, when his raptur'd mufe Beheld the Thracian Poet, by the ft ream Of Hebrus, wailing, with incefiant woe, His loft Eurydice : Nor even the fong, That fill'd with extafy th' impaftion'd mind Of Milton, when, beneath the moonlight pale, All by the margin of his native Thames, He held high converfe  with th' infpiring Powers
That dealt him minftrclfy divine—could e'er Thy melody furpafs.   The gentle gales Children of Summer, born in Tempe, heard Thy fongs expreftive ; and, with fond delay, Linger'd amid the northern flcy, beyond The time allow'd them, ihedding fragrant
flowers, And mildnefs unpermitted.— Boreas beheld, as on a fnowy cliff, Shining with thoufands of reflected rays, Azure, and green, and crimfon, he reclin'd, Wrap'd in a robe rough with effulgent froft, Viewing his vaft domain, from Zembla fouth To the chaff'd billows of the Cafpian main. Boreas beheld ! " And fhall thefe wanton gales S " Longer
" Longer infult me ? Shall a warbling note, " Or the weak native of a fouthern clime, " Even by my throne, with arrogant delay, " Detain them?  He fhall perifti." fternly fierce
He fpake ; and inftant fent a rapid blaft, Arm'd with an icy fliaft, and in a fhower Of fnow envelop'd.   Iiowling how he flew Acrofs the dark'ning Ladago ! The flowers Wither'd before him : and at evening hour, Fie gain'd the border of our ifle.   O then Thy melting voice, fweet Nightingale! was loft : (gales Thy Lucia mourn'd ; the mutes mourn'd ; th® Of fummcr fled reluctant ; on thy grave Sighing full fore, and featuring as they flew Decaying blooms, fad relics of their woe.
LETTER XXXVI.
Account of Goods exported from St. Pcterjburg in 1769.
St. Peterfburg, Nov. 7th, 1770. •
* * * * f $ r~T\ H E iron in Siberia is A wrought at little expence: the places where it is found are by the fides of large rivers. Provifions are cheap : a fheep may be bought for thirty copies % and the rivers areftored with excellent fiih. Wood for working the iron is found every where in the greater! abundance. Not only fo, but the foil in the fouthern and eafkrn parts of Ruffia is very fertile. The Ukraine alone, with no other labour than that of plowing, could fnpply the whole of European Ruffia with corn. The empire, befides its vicinity to the Cafpian, Euxine, Baltic, and Northern Seas, is interfperfed with lakes, and interfered by
* i t. 3d.
S2
navigable
navigable rivers ; thefe might eafily, by means of canals, be made to communicate with one another. Nor is even land-carriage interrupted, or rendered difficult here, as in many other places, by fens and mountains. The natural advantages of Ruffia, therefore, might render it one of the richeft countries in Europe.
Accordingly, even in its prefent infant (late of improvement, the balance of trade has been, of late years, more unfavourable to Britain than formerly.    Many fuch manufactures as were imported by Englilh traders, fome time ago, and fold here with large profits, are now wrought in the country. Formerly the coarfe cloth, with which the army is clothed, was brought from England ; it is now wrought in Ruffia.   Pewter alfo was a profitable commodity ;  but pewter dimes, with earthern ware, and even china, may be had here very good, and manufactured in the country.   The filk manufacture at Mofcow is in a thriving condition ; and Ruffian linen and diaper are fold in Britain.
You will receive, however, a more diftinct notion of the commerce of this empire from the following
account of Goods exported from St. Peterfiurg in 1769, by 326 Englijb Ships, and 247 of other Nations.
Quality of Goods.	Quantity.	Firft Cod.	
I on         — —		Rubles 1,686,7-0	90
Clnn Hemp   — —	i//19 400	1,548,1x1	
0 Elliot D tto —	166.691	185,500	10
' iai 1 clean Di to —		9*,258	
Hemp Cod il le ■—	11 3,$j*	#S»31»	80
FI 'X. ia beaded —	j 04 407	"95.-93I s	»?
1 'i to, 9 ditto   — —	39 89 1	61,833 :	5
Ditto, 6 dino —■	10,205	13,011	37
Ditto Codille   — —		66,44	*5
Hides      — —	144,61 z 13,761	838,749	60
Br Hies, ii\ and ad fnrc		81,566	
Ifinplifs       — —	4. "4	82,79s	
Soap ar.dCandlî Tallow	»6^.640	€30,3 36	
"■O.ip •—. -1	|2,Roi	19 201	5
Hemp Oil     — —	92,40a	110.883	60
1 r.in Oil    — —	9 3*8	11,265	60
Lintfecd Oil   — —	1,243	*>"3	lo
Wax      — —	8 14	8,75o	5°
Hoife Hjir   — —	3,t£8	5.738	40
Hfrfe T»»l  — —	3°. 547		2o
Cow Hair   — —	180	900	
Tallow Candles —	9.-096	30,016	80
Caviar        — —	S4«4	»3 7'o	
Wax Candlo —	4'	541 ■	20
Cirdige —» —	6,6 S 8	J4.703	60
Hops     — —	467	1,214 '	10
Tobacco      — —	4.-.8'	4>I2t !	yc
Soal Leather —	6.334		
Copper      — —	4,C2C	29 145	
Pitch      — —	1,391	10,070 •	40
Tar         — —	1,658	1,989 :	60
Rolin      — —	I-47S	M?5	
Car raw ay Seed —	162	•94	40
Anife Sred   — —	3 A'.'fheen 431,6«^	3	3°
B'oad Diaper —		36,687	36
Nanow Ditto   — —	458,07«	22 003	5°
Broad Linen    — _	SÔi,c,77	**,3S3 * 76,305 :	5
Narrow Linen ■—.	1,695.663		6
Suniry forts Linen	»35*534 87î.77â	9.487 î	3^
Crafh       — —		26,113 <	28
Drills       — ~	l'iecei          6 ,58 5	»93.749	
Fleirt* —1	11,601	75,606	
Raven Datlc —	43,406	173,624	
Sail Cloth   — —	33*335	200,010	
Account of Goods, &c. continued.
Quality of Goods.	Qjantity.		Firft Coft.	
				
Hare Skins      —   - ■	Pieces	29-",-J! F	Rub'es 47,600	
Squirrel Skins —		47iS<>°	3,56'. -	50
Bear Skir.s —		483	2>I73 :	5°
Fox Skins   — —-		428	5'3 :	60
Lynx Skins   — —		2?	324,	
Erm'ne      — ~—	Tun	15	alo	
Feathers    —    —■	Pood	37«	1,4.20	
Down —■    — —		132	», 3-18	
Gunpowder    — —		60	360	
Rhubarb     — —		1	6S	
MJs      — —	Pieces	62	6.200	
De la     —     — —	Dozen	8-.375	}2^,3I9 !	44
Matts    , ■—	P^ees	4,60c	184	
Wheat       — ~	Chetwerts	5.9,100	116,400	
Ox Hones      -— —	Pieces	27,000	300	
Old Iron      — i—	Pood	M5°	1,470	
			Rubles 6,964,504 :	6
N. 8. î Bergejitz is 10 Pood.
1 Food    40 Pound,—run equal to jjj Pou .id Englifh.
I Arfheea is 28 Inches Enj/lifh.
j\ Chitwerts, corn measure, make a Tun.
LETTER XXXVII.
With an Account of the Abdication of Viclor Amadeus, King of Sardinia, in the Tear 1730.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, 1770.
T FLATTER myfelf that the inclofed ac-* count of the Abdication of Victor Amadeus, King of Sardinia, who refigned his fceptre in the year ï 730, will afford you fome amufement.    He is not the only Prince recorded in hiftory, who exchanged the pomp and cares of royalty for the ohfcurity or the peace of retirment.   But though feveral, before the prefent century, have prefented this curious fpectacle to mankind, we cannot boaft of being fully acquainted with their motives or expectations.   A crown has fo many charms, that the ftate of mind which could induce a Sovereign Prince to refign his dignity, and his fubfequent conduct or deportment, are, to thofe who would obferve human nature, ob-S 4 jects
jects of great curiofity. The following account pretends to give a full view of the motives that urged his Sardinian Majefty in his abdication, and of his conduct in his retirement. Nor would I have offered it to your perufal, if I did not believe the intelligence it conveys authentic. It was written originally in Italian, and as I know not of its having been ever publiihed in Britain*, either in the original, or in any other language, I hope the perufal of the following Englilh ~j- translation will afford you fome entertainment.
You will recollect, that Pope Paul III. created his natural fon, Peter Lewis Farnefe, Duke of Parma,—that the fovereignty of the Parmefan remained in the Farnefe family till the year 1731,—that as the failure of the the male line feemed inevitable, it had been agreed upon that Don Carlos, fon to the Queen of Spain, who was defcended of the Farnefe family, fhould fucceed to that dukedom ; but not without receiving it from Charles Emperor of Germany as a fief of the Empire,—that this fettlement was determined
* Yet a French tranflation of this little traft may be met with in many places on the Continent, f By an ingenious friend.
by
by a treaty between the Courts of Vienna and Madrid, ratified at Vienna in the year ij2$a •—that by the treaty of Seville, ratified in the year 1729, Great Britain engaged to aflift the Spaniards in bringing fix thoufand Spa-nifh troops into Tuicany and Parma,—and, laftly, that the Emperor, jealous or apprc-henfive of the power of Spain, notwithfiand-ing the treaty of Vienna, was determined to oppofe the entry of thofe troops into Italy. Keeping thofe previous events in view, you will enter eafily into the following detail.
THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY having formed the refolution of oppoiing, by the moft vigorous exertions, the entry of fix thoufand Spaniards into Italy; having, for that pur-pofe, fent a confiderable army into Tufcany and the Parmefan; and having engaged the Grand Duke of Florence on his fide, was fenfible it would be of the greater! advantage to his affairs, alfo to engage in his interefts the King of Sardinia. With this view he figni-fied to that Prince, by the Governor of Milan, 'hat if he would unite with him, he Would furnifh him, in cafe of necefhty, with an army of 12,000 men, confifting of 8,000
foot
foot and 4,000 horfe, to a£t in concert with the Germans; that he would appoint him Governor of the Milanefe for life ; and to enable him to hold his troops in readincfs to march on the fliorteft notice, that he would pay down to him immediately 300,000 philips. Amadcus accepted of thefe conditions j and the Emperor ordered the money to be paid, providing that he mould refund it, if he had no occafion for the 12,000 men. This treaty was concluded and figncd at Milan by the Ambafladors of the Emperor and thofe of his Sardinian Majefty, in the month of June, A. D. 173©.
Some time after this the Spanifh AmbaiTa-dor, then at Genoa, vifited the Court of Turin incognito ; and, in a private audience with the King of Sardinia, offered him, on the part of the King his mailer, the cities of Novare and Pavia, together with feveral adjacent territories beyond the TelTm, which now conftitute a part of the Dukedom of Milan, and belong to the Emperor, on condition that he would join him to expel the Imperialifts out of Italy, unlefs they would allow Don Carlos the unmolefted poiTeflion of the Parmefan. Victor
tor not only regarded thefe offers of Spain as much more advantageous than thofe of the Imperial court, but alfo believed that England and France had entered into a relblutioa to co-operate with the Spaniards in driving the forces of the Emperor out' of Italy. He therefore willingly accepted of them, and promifed to afiiit Don Carlos with his army againfl the Germans.
Notwithstanding the great precautions which he had ufed to conceal this new and perfidious alliance into which he had entered, the Emperor's emillaries entertained fome fufpicions of the truth ; they communicated them to their mailer j and he, of confequence, gave immediate orders to the Governor of Milan, to threaten Victor with the heavieff. effects of his vengeance. That Prince ex-cufed himfelf as well as he could, by denying the charge. But when he was afterwards informed, by his AmbatTador at Vienna, that the Aulic Council feemed difpofed to enter into the meafures of the Allies of Seville, he was filled with terror and confternation, from the apprehenfion that thofe two powers would undoubtedly take fuch fignal vengeance on 5 his
his perfidy, as would prove equally ruinous to his interefls, and difgraceful to himfelf.
Victor, thus agitated by a thoufand different emotions, and at a lofs how to recover the falfe ftep he had taken, refolved at length to divefl himfelf of the fovereignty, till his affairs mould allume a more favourable afpedh He hoped that he might thus inciter himfelf from the ftorm wdiich was ready to burft over his head, and that a pretended abdication of the Crown, by extricating him from thofe embarraffing engagements, would tend to filence the clamour that might be raifed againfl: him. This meafure, indeed, was not agreeable to the maxims of Machiavel, whom this Prince had hitherto followed with fcru-pulous exactnefs. He flattered himfelf> however, with hopes of fuccefs ; and trufted to the implicit fubmiffion of his fon, together with the affectionate attachment of his fub-jecls. But we fhall fee, in the lequel, how widely he was miftaken.
Previous to the excution of his fcheme, he judged it proper, by communicating fome part of his defigns to the Prince of Piedmont, to
prepare
prepare him for this important event. With this view, for two months before his abdication of the crown, he retired with him daily into a private apartment, and add relied him
in fuch terms as thefe:-" My dear Son,
*1 I am not yet fo much funk under the in-" firmities incident to old age, as I am op-<e preffed by the anxious cares that attend on " fovereignty. I am therefore difpofed to ïc retire for fome time from public affairs, in " order to unbend my mind, and to commit *c the reins of government to your hands. " The burthen, my Son, is indeed heavy, " and my fears are great, left, at fuch an age, " you fhould prove unequal to its weight. u Your experience in affairs of ftate is '* fmall ; for you know that I have hitherto tf avoided to initiate you in the myfteries of " politics, or to truft to any one the manage-" ment of the ftate; I have hitherto govern-" ed my fubjedts without the aid of any mi* " nifter. But this is an art to be attained *' only by long experience. It is therefore " abfolutely neccffary, my dear Son, that you " Ihould, in the beginning of your reign, !! have fome fage Mentor, to direct your prc-" ceedings, and enable you to maintain, or
" even
" even increafe that authority with which î " am now about to invert, you. But as it is " very dangerous for a Prince, in early life, « to repofe unlimited confidence in any indi-" vidual of his fubjeets, I have refolved, un~ " til you are qualified to govern alone, that I *' myfelf fhall difcharge the duty of your di-et rector. On thefe terms, my Son, I have *' refolved to furrender to you my crown $ ** confider them, and inform me whether ** they be fuited to your inclinations."
The Prince of Piedmont replied with the moft profound refpect, " That his Majefty *' might do what feemed to him meet ; and a that while he enjoyed that life which " he derived from him, he might remain *' affured of his fub million and fidelity ; that, •* whether his Majefty chofe to diveft him-M felf of his royal authority or not, he would u ever efteem it his indifpenfible duty to <l yield the moft entire obedience to his will. 44 In one word, he promifed that, whatever *' events fhould take place, he fhould always " refpect him as his Father and his Sove-" reign." This declaration, often repeated by a young Prince, hitherto a ftranger to
the
Russian empire. 271
the arts of difimulation, gave the mod entire fatisfadion to the King i and he refolved to delay no longer the execution of a fcheme from which he expected, at the fame time, to derive both tranquillity and honour.
He therefore iftued an order on the fécond of September 1730, to the  Princes of the Blood, the Knights of the Order of the Annunciation, the Minifters and Secretaries of State, the Archbifhop of Turin, the Grand Chancellor, the firft Prcfidents, the Generals of the army, and all thofe who held the chief Offices at court, to affemble on the morrow, at three o'clock in the afternoon, at the Caftle of Rivole.   There, after having fummoned a Council of State, he declared, that he made a general abdication of his kingdom, and of all his dominions, in favour of his fon Charles Emmanuel,   Prince  of Piedmont. Then, having ordered all thofe who had come from Turin, in obedience to his commands, to be admitted, the Marquis del Borgo, Secretary of State, read the Act of Abdication with a loud voice, after which his Majefty addrelled the affembly in a very pathetic diicourfc, to the following purpofe :
, « The
" The innumerable troubles and toils which I have undergone, without inter-million, during a reign of fifty years, without mentioning the infirmities to which all men are liable, and the age to which I have attained, would have been more than enough to render the burthen of government heavy and intolerable to me. Befides, as my end is now drawing nigh, and as I begin to regard death as the common lot of fovereigns and of their lfubje£r,s, I confider myfelf as bound, by the mofl fa-cred obligations, to interpofe fome fpace between the throne and the grave. Thefe motives have been powerful enough to lead me to that meafure which I have this day adopted ; and, efpecially, as Providence feems to favour my intentions, by bellowing upon me a fon worthy of fuccecding me, and of governing my people ; a fon endowed with all thofe qualities that adorn a deferving Prince. I have therefore refolved, without hefitation, to transfer to him, by a folemn act, figned this day with my own hand, the fupreme authority over all my dominions, and am refolved to pafs the remainder of my days at a diflance
" from
(i from affairs of ftate.   I exhort yon, there-
" fore, to ferve the King, my well-beloved
" fon, with the fame inviolable fidelity which
" ye have ever demon ft rated towards my-
*• felf ; alluring you, at the fame time, that I
" have carneflly recommended you to his
4t royal favour."
King Amadeus, upon his abdication, had recommended it to his fon to caufe all the eftates of his nobility and gentry to be fur-veyed, and to proportion their taxes to the extent of their polTelIions. Had. this mea-fure been carried into execution, it would indeed have augmented the revenues of the crown, but it would have ruined t he no— bility. When Charles afcended the throne, he found it improper to adopt it. This gave great offence to the abdicated Monarch ; he wrote his fon on the fubjecl:, more in the ftyle of a mafter than of a father; and when he found that his fon ftill perfified in neglecting his remonftrances, he formed the refoluiion of returning the fovereignty.
Amadeus had referved for himfelf a yearly penfion of 50,000 crowns, and retained only T a few
a few domeftics about his perfon, He had made choice of the caftle of Chamberry for the place of his residence ; to which he repaired a few days after his abdication, being then in the fixty-fourth year of hit> age, and a widower fince the :.6th of Auguft 1728. He had left a mittrefs in Piedmont, who was known by the title of the Countefs of St. Se-baftian ; and as this lady performs a very confpicuous part in the fequel of this ftory, it will not be foreign to our purpofe to mention, in this place, the outlines of her life and character.
Her maiden name was Maclamoifelle de Cumianc. While yet only fifteen years of ige, flic was a maid of honour to the Queen Dowager, the mother of Amadeus. This Prince, who was then only in his thirtieth year, took more delight in the gay converfa-of the ladies of his mother's court, than ii canvafting with his miniffer? the difficult affaira of ftate ; and fuch amufement was the ::;orc agreeable to him, that the Queen *,,
* She hnd been educated at the Court of France, being the ■■^tighter of the Duke de Nemours, who was killed in a duel ■y (be Duke de Beaufort, which was the occafion of Lewis X V. prohibhing duels on pain of death.
who
It U S S I A N EMPIRE. 275
who was no lefs addicted to gaiety than himfelf, admitted thofe only into her train who Were remarkable for their beauty. Thu6 the Prince, and the young lords of his court, enjoying the pleafures of variety, never experienced difguft. At length,, however, Amadeus, fixing his affections on Madamoifelle de Cumiane, loaded her with extraordinary favours, fo that, in a fhort time, fhe became diftinguiiTied from all her fair companions, by an unfeemly change in her fhape. In order to remove this deformity, the Queen Dowager, who was a faithful confident to her fon, as wTe!l as an affectionate mother, gave her immediately in marriage to the Count de St. Sebaftian, her Premier Ecuyery who elteemed himfelf highly honoured in being admitted into fuch an intimate connection with his Sovereign. The Countefs his wife Was made one of the Queen's Dames d'Honneur ; and notwithftanding her marriage, was often honoured by the alhduities of the King. Sometimes, however, when any new intrigue intervened, thefe attentions were interrupted. But even when the Countefs no longer poffeffed the King's affections, (he had the addrefs fo effectually to fee 11 re his friendfhip and T a efleem.
efteem, that fhe ftill maintained her influence over him ; and when fhe was left a widow in A. D. 1723, the King undertook the care of her children, and attended to them as particularly as if they had been his own. He at the fame time appointed her an apartment in the palace, which communicated with his own, and enabled him to vilit her as familiarly as he defired, without obfervation or fcandal. He afterwards named her one of the ladies in the train of the Princefs of Piedmont.
Such had been the fortunes of the Countefs de St. Sebaftian, till the abdication of Amadeus. As foon as fhe received information of this event, being naturally ambitious, and well verfed in intrigue, fhe immediately went in quell of Father Audormiglia, Abbot of a Monaftery of Feuillants, and Confeflbr in Ordinary to King Amadeus, and of Dr. Boggio, Curate of St. John's, his Spiritual Director. She fuggefted to them, that the King, in order to make reparation for the injury which he had done her and her family, had, fince the death of the Queen, frequently promifed to conclude with her a private marriage j and that, now having abdicated the
throne.
throne, he ought not any longer to delay the performance of his promife ; for, having thus defcended to a level with private perfons, he could, with lefs difficulty, fulfil the duty of a Chriftian, and of a man of honour. She then promifed thofe two ecclefiaftics, that if, by their means, fne became the wife of that Prince, fhe would employ all her interefl: with her hufband, in order to promote them to the chief dignities of the church. Engaged by thefe promifes, as well as by the pleallng and insinuating addrefs of the Countefs, thofe ecclefiaitics did every thing in their power to promote her dcfigns, and they found little difficulty in rendering their en. deavours effectual ; for the King was very well pleafed to have fuch a companion in his folitude as this lady, to whom, as to another felf, he might confide the moft fecret fenti-ments of his heart. Jn fhort, he fent for her, and married her publicly; he thereupon demanded 100,000 crowns of the King his fon, which were immediately granted him; this fum he prefented to his wife, that fhe might purchafe with it an eftate for the children of her former marriage ; and, with this view, T 3 ihe
fhe purchafed the Marquifate of Spigna, of which fhe henceforth affirmed the title.
Amadeus, during the firft f^ur months, appeared to be fufEciently happy in bis retirement ; and the Marchionefs his wife, who fludicd affiduoufly to fuit herfelf to his humour, alfo alTurned the appearance of happinefs. At the fame time, oblerving that the King was ditfatisfied with his houfe, and that he frequently propofed to repair it, fhe exerted herfelf firenuoufly to difluade him from his purpofe, by reprefenting to him, that it was not worth his while to repair an old caille, which was every where falling into ruin ; that he could never render it either agreeable or commodious, but by pulling it down and erecting a new one in its ftcad ; and for this fhe faw no neceffity, fince his Majefty had many fine palaces in Piedmont, amongfi which he might chufe the place of lus refi-dence ; to all which fhe added, that the eliminate of that country would be more favourable to his health than that of Savoy.
By fuch arguments as thefe, the Marchio-nels endeavoured to give her hufband a dif-
gufl
guft at his refidcnce at Chamberry, and to perfuade him to return into Piedmont. But they only ferved to agitate him, without per-fuading him, as he had firmly refolved to remain for fome time at a diftance from the court, in order the more effectually to conceal his deligns. The Marchionefs indeed had other reafons befides the health of the King, for being fo eager to perfuade him to exchange his prefent refidence for that of Piedmont ; but thefe fhe took care not to difcover, until fhe knew how they might correfpond with the inclinations of her hufband.
In the mean time, fhe fludied to infinuate herfelf more and more, by flattery, and an affected fondnefs, into his good graces ; and fo fuccefsful was fhe in her endeavours, that the King one day requeued of her to check her impatience only for a little ; and that, in a fhort time, fhe would obtain that for which fhe moft eaincflly wifhed ; for that it never had been his intention, notwithstanding what he had made his fon believe, on his abdication of the crown, to pafs the remainder of his days at Chamberry.
T 4 After
After this mark of confidence, the Mar-chionefs was convinced that it would be eafy to penetrate into the fecret motives of his abdication, to which flie had hitherto remained a ilranger.   From this period, with great art and penetration, fhe flu died to difcover his fecret fentiments.   She knew, by long experience, thofe foft and favourable moments of accefs, in which a wife can obtain any boon from a hufband ; fhe feized the propitious in-fiant ; and learned that his intention was to refume the crown in lefs than two years. u Two years !" exclaimed the Marchionefs, in a tranfport of joy ;  " and why will you " defer it to fo difiant a period ?" The King then communicated to her the fecret motives of his abdication* with the reafons which hindered him from renaming the crown, until the differences between the Fmperor and the King of Spain, with regard to the Parmefan and Tufeany, fhould be terminated either by a peace or war ; previous to which event, he could not extricate himfelf from his engagements, confiflently with his honour or inte-refls ; for, on the one hand, fhould he join the allies of the treaty of Seville, in the expectation of their fending a powerful army to
fupport
fupport him in Italy, he might be very eafily overpowered by the Germans :—or mould he, on the other hand, declare in favour of the Emperor, the allies would not fail to take the fevereft vengeance on him if they ever gained the fuperiority, which in all probability would happen, as the Emperor and he would never be able to make oppofuion againft four powers fo formidable as England, France, Holland, and Spain. As he had then been fo unfortunate as to enter into engagements with the Emperor and the King of Spain at the fame time, he had been able to find no other expedient by which he could repair his fault, than by abdicating the throne in favour of his fon, recommending it to him to maintain a neutrality with regard to the contending powers, until their difputes mould be brought to an iffue.
The Marchionefs approved of her huf-band's conduct ; and they agreed to remain at Chamberry, where they might watch for a time and an opportunity favourable to their defigns.
During their refidence in Savoy, this haughty woman fuggefted to her hufband,
that
that it would be proper to exercife, at times, that fovereign authority which he ftill retained over his fon and his minifters, that it might not infenfibly be loft. Amadeus entered readily into her view.s, and put her advice in practice. He ordered the King his fon to vilit him at Chamberry, to receive his inftructions with regard to fome important affairs j and that Prince obeyed him, as if he had been ftill his fubject. In the fame manner, he ordered the minifters of ftate, and feveral of the chief officers of the court, to attend his perfon ; and he was obeyed, as if he had been ftill their Sovereign.
In the beginning of Auguft 1731, Amadeus, having been informed that the Emperor had at length contented to permit Don Carlos, with his 6000 Spaniards, to enter into Italy, communicated the intelligence to his wife. This gave extreme pleafure to the Marchionefs, becaufe fhe faw herfelf now in a condition to execute the fchcme which fhe had fo long meditated. For this purpofe, fhe withdrew with her hufband into her clofet ; where fhe obferved to him, " That it was *c now time to return into Piedmont, and to
tc refume
*' refume the crown, \vhilft his fon and his il fubjefls yet retained for him fentiments of <s refpeel: and obedience; that any delay, at " that period, might prove fatal to him; *' efpecially fhould the Emperor and Don ** Carlos recognife his fon as King of Sar-H dinia ; that the young King, by being any ** longer accuftomed to the charms of fove-" reignty, might begin to feel their influences u too powerfully, to be willing to renounce " them, and to defcend to the rank of a fub-" ject." Thefe infmuations of the Mar-chionefs left a deep impreflion on the mind of Amadeus who had now become more jealous than ever of his authority, though he had, in appearance, furrendered it to his fon. He therefore refolved, without delay, to return into Piedmont; and having fignified his re-folution to his fon, the caftle of Montcalier was, by his orders, immediately prepared for his reception. In the end of Auguft, Amadeus left Chamberry, with his wife, and fixed his refidence in that place.
The King his fon, with the principal perfons of the court, immediately attended him, T#ith congratulations  on  his  fare return.
The
The Archbifhop of Turin, and the Magi-ftrates of the city, paid him the fame marks of their refpect. The Queen herfelf, accompanied by feveral ladies of her court, vi-fited the Marchionefs de Spigno; and (hewed her the ftrongeft marks of eiteem and affection. In fhort, Amadeus and his wife, fince their return into Piedmont, appeared to be the real Sovereigns of that country. In frequent conversions which that Prince had with the Minifters of State, and with the Governors of Turin and of the Citadel, he artfully endeavoured to found their inclinations ; and as thofe officers had always pro-felled great fubmi/Iion, and a warm attachment to his perfon, he was perfuaded that he might, at that time, rcafcend the throne, without meeting with any oppofition, either on the part of his fon, or of his miniftry. He even relied on the attachment of the foldiery: he knew that he pofTefTed their efteem, and he flattered himfelf that he alfo had their affection: as the greatell part of the officers were his creatures; he did not doubt but that they would pay refpedt to his inclinations ; and he even hoped, that they would readily concur in promoting his defigns.   But the
lequel
fequal of this great event will fhew how much he was deceived in his expectations.
He wrote to Maréchal Rélminder in very general, though flattering and infmuating terms. But that General, who was Commander in Chief of the forces, was immediately fenfible of how much confequence it was, to deftroy every expectation in Amadeus of ever reafcend-ing the throne. He replied accordingly,—That he acknowledged himfelf his debtor in all that he pofTefled,—his eltate, his honours, and his dignities. " Your Majefty," laid the Maréchal, " has made me what I am. I owe %i nothing to King Charles) and all my ex-H preflions of obligation are due only to your *l Majefty. But of all the favours with ** which you have loaded me, I have always ** held the honour of your clleem to be the " moft precious. Permit me then, Sire, to " prefer ye this honour inviolated ; which, I 4t will take the liberty to fay, I have acquired " at the expence of that blood which 1 have 14 fhed in your fervice. But I would forfeit *' it, Sire, were 1 unfortunate enough to prove diiloyal to that King whom you have fet I over me, and to whom you have bound
* " me
'* me to yield obedience. I will maintain the " fame fidelity to him that I have done to your; *< Majefty ; and I will lofe the laft drop of •f my blood in the fupport of his throne •* At the fame time, Sire, I OS all be, at all '* times, ready to give your Majefly the moft " unequivocal marks of my refpedtful at-<c tachment; fully fenfible that you will ne-fc ver impofe upon me any command?, that " may be inconfiftent with that j u if ice and ** honour which have ever accompanied all " my adions."
On the 28th of September, 173 1, about fix o'clock in the afternoon, Amadeus, being then alone with his wife at Montcalier, dif-patched a me Mage to the Marquis del Borgo* with orders to attend him immediately. That minifter, without entertaining the flightcft fufpicion of the bufinefs on account of which his prefence was required, inftantly obeyed the fummons, as he had been wont to do on former occafions. Immediately on his entering the apartment, the King faid to him> " Del Borgo, I have fent for you to fup with *' my wife and me, that you might endeavour, " byyour good humour, to remove a head ach 9 u with
" with which (lie is afflicted; and after fupper u I will impart to you an affair which will give 44 you pleafure." The Marquis, with the utmoft refpect, acknowledged the honour which his Majefty had done him, and took his feat at table. The King was in high fpirits during the time of fupper, and entertained the Marquis with a flow of humour and gaiety. When fupper was over, and the domeftics retired, the King addreffed Del Borgo in the following terms : 14 It hath " given me great pleafure to obferve, that the 44 King, my fon, has retained in his fervice the fame perfons whom I had employed 44 myfelf ; fince, without doubt, he could 4t not have chofen any that were equal to you *' in fidelity, or in abilities, or in experience. " I doubt not, at the fame time, that you M know fufficiently, that it was I who ex-*' prefsly charged my fon to employ the fame 44 minifters, on whom I myfelf, during my 14 reign, had fixed my choice ; and I hope
1 that, as well out of duty as out of gratitude, 44 you are ftill firmly attached to him who 4{ has been the author of your fortunes.'* The Marquis replied, 14 That his Majefty
44 might always rely on his obedience, as
44 well
w well as on the affection of all the minifters
" and officers of the King his fon, in the
" fame manner as if he were ftill their Sove-
" reign ; and that, with regard to himfelf, he
" would, on all occalions, embrace every op-
" portunity of  demonftrating to him the
" moft fincere and inviolable attachment."
The King then renaming that haughty and authoritative tone, in which he had been wont to addrefs his Minifters, replied, " We " are fo fully convinced, Del Borgo, that you " are entirely devoted to our fervice, that we " have ever diftinguifhed you above all our " minifters, by our particular regard ; we " have always fclected you from amongft the " reft, in order to entruft to you our moft " important affairs ; and we have now made " choice of you to be the depofitor of our moft " fecret refolutions.   It is now about a year " fince we have abdicated the throne in fa-" vour of our well-beloved fon Charles Em-" manuel, from the motives which we fet " forth at Rivole on the day of our abdica-" tion ; to which it may be added, that we " had alfo in our view to try how that Prince " would demean himfelf in the character of a
" Sovereign,
russian empire. 289
a Sovereign, that we might, in our lifetime*
" affift him with our advice, and be able to
" leave   you, after our deceafe, a Prince
" worthy of filling our Throne. And though
" we hâve beeri entirely fatisfied with his
" adminiftratiori, yet the intereft of our ftate
" lays us under an indifpenfible obligation to
" refume the reins of Government imme-
i£ diately, as we are now upon the eve of fee-
** ing very important revolutions in Italy,
" which might prove deftruclive to our Son,
M and to his fubjeds, were the administration
t£ then vefted in a young Prince, yet inexpe-
*' rienced in thofe wiles and myfteries of po-
" litical ait, which a Sovereign, who would
*' maintain his power, is under a neceflity of
" employing.    For thefe reafons, Marquis,
" we command you to deliver up to us the
" Aclofour Abdication ; and then to fignify
" our intentions to our Son, and to his Mi-
** nifters, in order that we may be invefted
" to-morrow3 without delay, with the Sove-
" reignty : for fuch is our will and plea-
" fure."
A declaration fo unexpected threw the Marquis into the utmoft confternation j and he U was
was at the greatcft lofs how to extricate himfelf from an affair of fuch delicacy and danger. For, on the one hand, had he given a pofitive refufal to this high-fpirited and impetuous Prince, who had never met with a refufal in his life, he ran the rifque of throwing him into a tranfport of fury, to which he himfelf might have fallen a vi&im ; and, on the other hand, had the Marquis yielded to his demands, he would have proclaimed himfelf a rebel againfl his juft and lawful Sovereign, and have incurred the penalty of high treafon.
In this embarraffmg fituation, that artful minifler, hoping to efcape the fiorm which threatened him by an excufe full of fubmif-lion and flattery, replied to the King, re-quefting of him, with the utmoft humility, to reflect, that it was not in his power to reftore the Act: of Abdication, until he had firft obtained permiftion of the King of Sardinia, to whom, as his Majefty knew, he had fworn fealty. The King, chafed and enraged, interrupted him in thefe words :—" Del Borgo, " do you acknowledge any other Sovereign " than me ? To whom did you firft fwear x " the
H the oath of fealty ? To me, or to my Son ? " Are you not a traitor, both ungrateful and " dilloyal towards the perfon who hath raifed u you to that eminence which you poiTefs, K and to whom you have this moment pro-44 feiTed perpetual obedience ? But I will " eafily find means to bring you back to your " duty, fhould you fail to obey me inftantly."
The Marquis, in the utmoft trepidation, proceeded in the following terms :—M Sire, if 44 you will do me the favour to liften to me a " moment, you Ihall be convinced that I am <4 not fuch a man as you imagine me to be. " It is true, that, by your orders, I have en-" tered into a new allegiance to the King your " Son ;   but,  notwithstanding this, I have u ever regarded you as my juft and lawful 44 Sovereign ; and in order to convince you, 44 Sire, of my entire refpect and obedience, I 41 will bring you the Act of Abdication toff morrow morning, without mentioning the 44 affair to any perfon whatsoever ; and the 44 only favour that I will requeft in return is, " that you fhould juftify my proceeding to 41 the King your Son."    This anfwer pacified Amadeus, who, after having obliged the U 2 Marquis
Marquis to promife repeatedly that he would1 rcligioufly keep his word, left him at liberty to retire.
The Marquis had fcarce departed, than this Prince, reflecting on what had palled, began to repent of having difcovered his intentions. Pie began to entertain a diftruft of all his Son's minifters j  he was apprehenfive that they would oppofe his deligns ; and his mind was agitated by turns with the emotions of ambition and of revenge.   At oneinltant, he flattered himfelf with the hopes of fuccefs from the docile and yielding difpofitions of his Son ; at another, he was tortured by the moft agonizing appréhendons, left that Prince, after having once tafted the pleafures of unbounded liberty, and of abfolute power, fhould refufe to fubmit again to the authority of a Father fo ftern and rigid as himfelf, and fo averfe to the purfuits of pleafure.   Such reflections as thefe funk his fpirit into the loweft defpondency; nor did he know of any re-fource to which he could apply ; but, ftripped of his power, a'nd abandoned by his friends, he faw himfelf devoted to the rigour of his fate.   The Marchionefs, who had hitherto
been
been wont to enliven his iolitary hours, and to banihh his cares by her gaiety, and tender officioufnefs, now durft not open her lips, left fhe might irritate his refentment, and draw on herfelf the effects of his difpleafure. In this ftate of penfive  melancholy, fetching deep fighs, and at times giving way to tranf-ports of outrageous fury, which difcovered the agitations that he inwardly underwent, he walked about his chamber till midnight, when addrefling himfelf to the Marchionefs abruptly, as if juft awaking from a difmal dream, he exclaimed,   <c My relolution is " formed j—order my horfe to be got ready " for me without delay !" She obeyed, with much reluctance, unable to guefs the motive of fo fudden a refolution, and not daring to make any enquiry.   He mounted his horfe, attended by one valet de-chambre, and pre-fented himfelf at the gate of the citadel of Turin, demanding immediate admittance.— One of the officers of the citadel immediately acquainted the Baron de St. Remis with the arrival of King Amadeus.   The Baron was aftonifhed, and could fcarce be made to believe that he could vifit him at fo unfeafon-able an hour : he went himfelf, without de-u 3 lay,
lay to examine into the truth ; and actually found Amadeus on the fpot, extremely impatient to obtain admittance.   The Governor begged to be.informed what was his pleafure with him.    " Open the gate this initant," replied he, *' and 1 will fatisfy you." The Baron anfwered, that if he had any orders to give him, he might deliver them from the place in which he itood, or fend them to him in writing, for that he could by no means open the gate at luch an hour, without being wanting to his duty, which he was refolved fhould never be the cafe. ujvftSf ioa &A >m •j'hio—- d:t!jK>t '
The King, after this repulfe, returned to
Montcalier rilled with confufion, with appréhendons, and with rage.   He had expected that the Baron would have received him into the citadel without fcruple, becaufe he owed the place which he then held to his good offices ;  and he had flattered himfelf with the hopes, that were he once admitted, he might be able, by means of the Governor, to fet himfelf at the head of the troops fla-tioned in that place; and thus to compel his Son to reflore the crown, if he fhould not be difpofed to furrer-der it voluntarily. But
now
now all his ichemes were fruflrated, becaufe he found nobody inclined to afhft in promoting his defigns. Overwhelmed by ihe keeneft agony, he threw himfelf down on a couch, without faying a word to the Mar-chioncfs, who was Handing by, lit led with diftrefs, at obferving the affliction which her hufband endured, whiift fhe was ignorant of the immediate caufe of his fiifferiugs.
No fooner had the Marquis del Borgo got back to Turin, than he haftened to court, and, with the itrongeft marks of consternation, demanded an audience of the King. Upon this one of the Ladies of the Bedchamber in-ftantly arofe, and went to awake his Majefty, informing him, wkh much trepidation, that it was by the orders of the Marquis del Borgo, who was then expecting him in an anti-chamber, to confer with him concerning affairs of the higheit moment. The King arofe immediately, and entered his clofet, âfter having given orders to admit nobody but the Marquis only. He was then informed by that Minilter, that the King his Father intended, the next day, to refume the Crown; and that he had commanded him to reftore U 4 into
into his hands the Ad of Abdication, and, at the fame time, to announce his refolution ta his Majefty and his Minifters.   The King immediately replied to the Marquis, without any emotion, " That fince he had afcended " the Throne by his Father's command, and " with the univerfal approbation of the peo-" pie, he held it to be a duty which he owed " them, to confult their Sentiments before he " refigned his fovercignty.'*    And as the fhortnefs of the time required decifive mea-fures, he immediately commanded the attendance of the Minifters of State, the Arch-bifhop of Turin, the two Firft Presidents, and the other general Officers of the Crown, in order to deliberate, in full council, on an affair of fuch delicacy and  importance, on which depended the happinefs and tranquillity of the realm.   Thofe Minifters having affembled with all poffible difpatch, the King communicated to them the intentions of Amadeus, informing them, at the fame time, that, for his own part, in order to convince his Father of his filial obedience, and of his entire resignation to his will, he was ready to furren-der to him his Crown ;  but that this was a ftep which he could not refolve to take, without
out previoufly confulting their inclinations and opinions.   Upon this all the members of that illuftrious affembly arofe, and after tefti-fying their deep fenfe of the deference which his Majefty had paid to them, by a low bow, the Archbifhop, in the name of the reft, fpoke to the following effect: ; " That fince his Ma-14 jefty had permitted them to declare their " fentiments upon the fubject which was the u occafion of their meeting at that time, it *£ appeared to him, that Amadeus having, " more than a year ago, voluntarily furren-" dered the Crown in the moft folemn man-" ner that could be devifcd, and for the rea-tc fons fet forth by himfelf, in his fpeech on *' on that occafion (which was inferted in the " Act of Abdication), it appeared to him, he ** faid, that the King could not poftibly have " any juft or reafonable motive at that time " to refume the Crown; fince he muft have " been fully fatisfied with his Majefty's ad-" miniftration, which had been equally agree-" able to his fubjects, and calculated to pro-" mote the eafe of King Amadeus, who en-" joyed the fubmiffion and refpect due to a K Sovereign, without being fubjected to the
" troubles
" troubles and cares which attend that exalt-" ed station : that for thefe reafons, though " that Prince had fo foon retracted what ** he had folemnly fworn to obferve in-" violably, he did not appear to be influenced " by juft and reafonable motives ; and that " he strongly fufpected that he was inftigated " in this affair only by the boundlefs vanity " of the Marchionefs his wife, who had often, " fince her marriage, betrayed an eager de-** fire to be declared Queen : That as they ** had every reafon to believe this to be the " cafe, his Majefty was in honour and duty " bound to preferve the Crown, and to pre-" vent his fubjects from falling a prey to the " infatiable ambition of a mifchievous woman: " That he could not help admiring and ap-* plauding that dutiful fubmiffion which his " Majeily profeffed to the will of his Father-*' but that, in this inftance, his obedience, in-" ftead of meriting appiaufe, would become " the fubjecl: of cenfure, as it would prove " ruinous to his own interests, and to thofe of " his people : That the intereft of the public " fhould ever regulate the actions of a Sove-" reign ; and that he ought to reject, with-
" out
<e out a fcruple, every meafure that tended to " obstruct this general view.''
All the other members of the Council un* animouily concurred with this Prelate in opinion, and approved of the dutiful remon-ilrances which he had offered to his Majefty. As they were deliberating concerning thofe meafures which it would be proper to embrace, in order to ward off the calamities which threatened the ftate, they were interrupted by a fudden knocking at the door of the hall, in which they fat: The (Marquis del Borgo, by his Majesty's command, went to examine what was the matter, and found that it was an officer difpatched from the citadel by the Baron de St. Remis, with a letter  to the King, containing an account of the late ftep which  Amadeus had taken there, in order to promote his defigns.     The  King and all   the  Council   were  fo   much alarmed by   this   information,   that   they agreed, with one voice, on the neceffity of immediately feizing the perlons of King Amadeus, and of the Marchioaefs his wife, in order to fecure the tranquillity of his Majeily, and that of the Hate, which they threatened to disturb.
The
The young King exclaimed repeatedly againit this meafure : "What! make my " Father be feized ! No," faid he, 41 it is im-** poflible that I mould ever confent to it." It was a long while before he could be prevailed upon to agree to this meafure ; and it wras only in compliance with the prefTing in-treaties of his council, that he was at length brought to give his confent. When he hgn-ed the order, his hand trembled fo violently, that the Secretary of State was obliged to guide his pen.
They committed the execution of this bold enterprize to the care of twenty officers, of the moft intrepid refolution, accompanied by a detachment of dragoons and infantry ; and the Count de la Peroufe, Lieutenant-General of the forces, was charged with the. office of feizing the King, with the affiftance of a large detachment of troops, entrufled to him for that purpofc. Thefe troops had been drawn out from Turin, and the places adjacent; they fallied forth at the fame inllant from their dations, and, without knowing the place of their destination, marching in profound filence, without beat of drum, or found of
trumpet.
trumpet, they appeared before the caftle of Montcalier, the ftation appointed them ; and it was immediately furrounded by dragoons. The Count de la Peroufe, attended by the Chevalier de Solave, Lieutenant-Colonel of the guards, at the head of a detachment of grenadiers with mounted bayonets, afcended the ftaircafe which led to the King's apartment; and the Marquis D'Ormea, Secretary of State, who carried the order figned by King Charles, with another detachment of grenadiers, took pofleffion of the back-ftairs. De la Peroufe, finding the door of the apartment locked, gave orders that it fhould be forced open; and there hé feized a page, who being then in waiting, lay in the an ti-chamber. In the fame manner he advanced forward, forcing all the doors, till he reached the bed-chamber, where the King lay with the Marchionefs his wife. That Lady, hearing the noife, as it approached, arofe fuddenly; and having only time to throw a night-gown around her, fhe rufhed towards the door. On feeing fo many armed men advancing, fhe exclaimed, " Sire, " we are betrayed !" They did not allow her time to fay any more. Two ofHcers immediately conducted her into an adjacent apart-7 ment,
ment, where they ordered her to drefs ; and they afterward-s conveyed her to the caftle of Ceve, in Piedmont.
Neither the cries of Madame de St. Sebaf-tian, nor the noife which the officers made, had difturbed Amadeus, who ftill continued funk in the profoundeft fleep.   The Chevalier de Solave took poffeftion of the King's fword, which he obferved lying upon the table, and M. de la Peroufe advanced and drew the curtain.     The King, upon this, ftarting out of his fleep, demanded what was the matter ?   " I have an order from the " King," faid Peroufe, " to feize your per-" fon."   " And who is your King," returned Amadeus :  " I am your King and your " mafter ;   nor ought you to acknowledge u any other as fuch."   " Your Majefty has " been my King," replied the Count, ** but " you are fo no longer ; and fince you have " thought proper to give us Charles for our u Sovereign, and to command us to obey M him, I hope you will yourfelf be difpofed " to fet us the example of loyalty."
The
The King was quite tranfported with rage; he menaced the officers, and refufed to get out of his bed. tie gave the Chevalier de Solave, who advanced too near him, a blow-on the breaft, and angrily commanded him to retire. As he obftinately refufed to rife, the officers found themfelves under a neceffity of raifing him, and dreffing him by force. He declared that he wifhed to fill the throne again only for two hours, that he might have it in his power to hang the mifcreants who had feduced his Son ; and among this number he reckoned the principal perfons at court.
When he was dreffed, the officers fur-rounded him, and conducted him by the great ftaircafe towards his chariot, which waited for him in the court. He appeared confounded when he faw the anti chamber full of armed men ; and the foldiers, who were as yet in the dark with regard to the bufinefs, were aftonifhed when they found that it was their old King whom they were carrying a prifoner. «« What ! 'tis our King !" they whifpered among themfelves :" " What 'has " he done?  Y/hat are we about?" The
Count
Count de la Peroufe, apprehenfive of a mu« tiny, cried out to the foldiers, *' By the " King's authority I command filence, ori " pain of immediate death."
The King found in the court a regiment of dragoons which he had always diflinguifh-ed above the reft of his troops. Their pre-fence feemed greatly to afrecT: him, and he made an attempt to addrefs them particularly; they did not however allow him leifure for this, but hurried him precipitately into his chariot. The Count de la Peroufe, and the Chevalier de Solavc, begged his permitlion to take their feats by him ; but he replied, that this was what he would by no means allow. Mounting therefore on horfeback, they took their ftations on each fide of the chariot, which was at the fame time furrounded by the troops ; and in this manner the King was conducted to Rivole. I had omitted to ob-ferve, that when departing from Montcalier* he demanded three things, his wife, his papers, and his fnuff box : of all thefe he obtained only the laft. The garrifon of the citadel was reinforced that night with two regiments, and that of Turin was confiderably augmented.
Early
Early in the morning the officers and dragoons that guarded Amadeus at Rivole were relieved by a body of 600 foot ; and Uriel orders were given to the commanding officer to keep that Prince always in fight. For after the refufal of the Baron de St. Remis to admit him into the citadel, he had funk into a kind of liftlefs infenfibility ; his fpirits having been exhaufted, by ruminating on the affront which he thought had been offered to him on that occafion, and on the means of revenging it. But when he found himfelf feized by his own officers, and abandoned by all thofe who had hitherto profeffed the greatcft refpect: and attachment to his perfon, he became outrageous and ungovernable. They were therefore under the neceffity of confining him in a room, of fecuring the windows with iron bars, and of watching his adions narrowly, left he fhould deftroy himfelf, or commit any other outrage. When the King obferved the glazier bufy about the windows of his apartment, he demanded what he meant? " I " mean," replied he, 44 to furnifh you with 44 a double cafement, left you fhould catch u cold during the winter." " What! vil-X 44 lain,"
" Iain," faid the King, (t do you imagine " that I fhall pafs the whole winter here ?" " Ay, faith," replied the glazier, " this, and " many more."
He was ferved in his confinement with all the attention and refpect due to his rank. The Chevalier de Solare, with two Captains of the guards, had the charge of attending him ; and he fometimes amufed himfelf in playing with them at billiards. They had orders to treat him with every mark of refpect; ; but never to return any anfwer to the complaints which he might be difpofed to utter in their prefence.
The Council of State iiTued orders, on the fame day, to arrefl the Confeflbr of that Prince, together with near fifty perfons of distinction, who had entered into the cabal with the Marchioncfs de Spigno, for the pur-pofe of dethroning the reigning Prince.'— An exprefs was difpatched to the Governor, to the Intendant-General of Chamberry, and to the Count de St. George, his brother, who was first President of that city, with orders
tiers for them to repair immediately to Turin, to receive new instructions. The Count de St. George, who was fufpected to have engaged in the affair more deeply than the reft, he being a near relation of the Marchionefs dc Spigno, was fent to the citadel of Turin, to be privately examined. The Count de Cumiane, her brother, obtained his pardon, by discovering all the fecrets with which his fifter had entrufted him. What may be reckoned fingularly fortunate for King Charles in this affair is, that none of his fub-jects were found deficient in loyalty towards him ; and that he was not laid under a ne-ceffity of tarnifhing the glory of his reign by fhedding the blood of any of his fubjects. Madame de St. Sebaftian funk into the loweft dejection of fpirits, and took no other fuf-tenance than broth, which fhe herfelf prepared. After her difgrace, her fon, then an Enfign in the guards, withdrew from Court-The young King took notice of his abfence, and very generoufly gave him to understand, that he might again appear at Court, and continue in his employment ; fignifying to him, at the fame time, that however guilty X 2 Madame
-Madame de St. Sebaftian had been, the con-fcquences would not be extended to him ; and affuring him that he himfelf would take the charge of his future fortune.
L II T T E R   XXXVIIf. (Extract.)
The HcfpoJar of Wallachuiu
St. PaerftVrg, Ofl. iz, 1770.
Hp HE Hofpodar, or Prince of Wallachia, arrived fome months ago at St. Peterfburg. He is a captive. Soon after the reduction of Chotzim he was taken prifoner in the capital of his dominions. Captive Princes are objects of curiofity. They are like ftars fhorn of their radiance, and caft down from the firmament. If they conduct themfelves with fuitable dignity, we regard them, even in their fall, with veneration: and according to the fortitude they diicover, along with a proper fenfe of their calamity, are our feelings of refpectful compafiion. Befides, in confidering them as fallen from exalted power, to a ftate of humble dependence, our fentiments are finely fhaded by obferving the fleeting weaknefs of human grandeur.
X 3 Even
Even circumftances of no very important nature give a certain energy to thofe feelings: fo that not only a graceful deportment, but even a good appearance, and a drefs fuited to their character and fituation, promote and improve them.
Some circumftances of this fort concur in the appearance of the Prince of Wallachia. He is tall, robuft, aged about fifty, of a dark complexion, and of a grave afpect. He wears on the crown of his head, which feems either bald or very clofely fhaved, a fmall round cap of fcarlet cloth; it is entirely without ornament ; does not cover his ears, nor reaches to his neck or forehead. His body is wrapped in a wide pelife of crimfon cloth, with long ileeves, lined with fable, and flowing down to his feet. He wears yellow leather half-boots hanging loofe about his ankles ; and has no-, thing about him very ornamental, excepting that on his little finger he has a fmall gold ring, fet with a beautiful turquoife, furround-ed with a row of diamonds.
As he is of Greek origin, his being a man of fome accomplifiiments will not furprize you.   He is fond of mufic : fpeaks Latin and
Italian,
RU S 3 I AN EMPIRE.
Italian, and undeiftands French. But he fpeaks little. Indeed he feenfs conftitution-ally grave and taciturn. Fie appears to have been, at all times, a man of more pride than vanity; and exhibits at prefent a fine picture of fullcn grandeur.
He looks, as doth the tower, whofe nodding walls After the conflict of heaven's angry bolts, Frown with a dignity unmark-'d before Even in its prime of ftrength.
Alas ! in my next fentence, fo Faithful are our feelingsy at leaft, to the interests of virtue ! I ihall undo the charm ; efface every pleafing impreffion I may now have given you ; and destroy all the prepofleffions you may have entertained for the Hofpodar of Wallachia. Fie is faid to have proved falfe to the Sultan, and to be inwardly pleafed that he is a captive. Away then with his princely feature, his grave afpeÛ, his few words, and his flowing robe.—Gregory Giko, for that is his name, wears nothing about his neck ; but if he fall into the hands of the Muflulmen, it will probably be embraced with a bowstring *.
* If I have not been mifinformed, he was reflorcd to his dom:nior.s when the peace was concluded between the Tuiks and Ruffians, and was foon after affaffinaied in bis palace.
X 4 You
You will fay, perhaps, that as he was a Greek, his wiilies were naturally hoftile to the Turks. But you will alio remember, that he was protected by, and depended upon, the Sultan. You know that the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, as well as the Crimea, are dependents on the Turkifh empire ; and that their Sovereigns, if they may be called fo, are, in fome meafure, nominated at Constantinople. In this view therefore he is inexcufable. You will obferve, that the great Defpots of Europe feem defirotis of having fmall Princes, rather than mighty Potentates, on the frontiers of their dominions. Such neighbours are not fo formidable : in cafe of foreign wars they ftand in the way of inva-fion ; and may in time become a part of the neighbouring empire. Perhaps the Sovereigns of Ruffia would not be forry to fee Finland and Lithuania, no lefs-than the provinces of ancient Dacia, erected into what they might be pleafed to term independent Dukedoms or Principalities. " Why," they will fay, in the fuperabundance of their good-nefs, " ought the Finlanders and the Lithua-*' nians to be fubject to the Kings of Poland u and Sweden ?"
It
It is impofiible to confider the prefent ftate of the diftri&s bordering on the north fide of the Danube and the banks of the Ncifter, without feeling regret. No foil is more fertile ; no climate more delightful; and the Euxinc, together with the navigable rivers that fail into it, afford the means of intercourfe with the reft of the world. Yet thofe fine provinces, which might form of themfelves a refpectable kingdom, oppreffed and ravaged, are almoft a defart.
LETTER XXXIX.
Anecdotes of the Battle of Kabul—and of Count Romanzozv.
St. Peterfburg;
"T T gives me the fincereft pleafure, my dear t* Sir, that our correfpondence, after a long interruption, is now renewed ; and I congratulate you, with all my heart, on the pleafure you will receive in vifiting France and Italy.
7&     %    % 3fc
Long before this reaches England, you will have heard of a decifive victory obtained by Count Romanzow at the River Kabul, over the Vizir and the grand Turkifh army. It will at leaft determine the fate of Bender, which General Panin has for fome time paft been very clofely befieging.
Some amufing circumftances relating to the battle are mentioned here.—The Sultan having
ing confulted his aftrologers, was told, that if the Vizir croffed the Danube on one day, and the Aga of the JanifTaries on another, both which days were particularly fpecified, and if they marched immediately, and began their attack on the Ruffians, they would prove fuccefsful. Accordingly orders were fent to the Vizir to act agreeably to the predictions of the wife-men ; and in fo far as the Ruffians permitted them, they were punctually obeyed. For Romanzow, by beginning the attack, has afforded an excufe to the aftrologers for the failure of their prophecy ; and fo perhaps may have faved them their heads.—The Ruffians, going on the attack, had to march through a field of wheat ; and the common foldiers embracing this opportunity of making an addition to their provifions, filled their pockets with the wheaten cars. This circumftance was a better omen to the General, th an were the predictions of aftrologers to the Sultan : it fhewed him that his men had no apprehenfion either of dying, or of being forced to return.
The Emprefs has rewarded Romanzow ^vith the rank of Field Marfhal ; and has 4 given
given him a prefent of 5000 flaves, corre-fponding to the number of {lain on the field of battle. You will know the value of this prefent, by recollecting, that a great man's eftate in Ruffia is not reckoned by the extent of his lands, fo much as by the number of boors he poffefles. They labour the ground; pay him an annual tax ; and, in proportion as their wealth increafes, their tax is augmented.
Count Romanzow, by his conduct: in this campaign, has justified the high opinion that was generally entertained of him as a foldier. Perfons on whofe veracity and information I can depend, have given me the following account of him.—Pie poffefles great strength of mind, and is, of confequence, very fteady and determined. His eagernefs and activity in profecuting every enterprize he undertakes, are invincible. His ambition is very great; yet, in his temper, its violence may be counteracted by attention to prefent interefl. He is friendly, and even refpectful to his equals; condefcending to his inferiors ; to his fupe-riors haughty and unpliant.   This difpofition
may
may prove inconvenient to himfelf, and hinder him from enjoying much happinefs in attending on a court; but it marks a high-minded man. In particular, the perfon who refpeds his equals, mews that he rcfpeds himfelf. Perfons - of confcious inferiority alone exprefs a mean opinion of thofe who are in the fame condition with themfelves.— Count Romanzow's abilities, as a politician, are faid to be no lei's eminent than his military talents ; and his négociations may perhaps be no left fuccefsful than his fword, in putting an end to this cruel war.
The following anecdote of his youth is related and believed.-His carlieft paflion
was the love of military glory : his fuperior understanding foon convinced him, that improvement in his profeffion could not, at that time, be obtained in Ruffia ; and his eager-nefs determined him to a meafure which his perfeverance and addrefs enabled him to execute. He left his own country without the knowledge of his friends, and enlifted as a private foldier in the army of his Pruffian Majefty.   Here he continued for fome time ;
was
was at length difcovered ; received promotion fuited to his rank ; and did not return to Ruffia but in obedience to the commands of his Sovereign. This anecdote receives fome confirmation from an cxpreffion in a letter from Romanzow to the Britiih AmbafTador, delivered by a Scotch officer who had been recommended to him by his Lordfhip, and who ferved with diftinguifhed honour to himfelf as a volunteer in the Ruffian army. Of that letter *, written originally in French,
the following is an extract :-44 I confefs
I have always been ambitious of having " the good opinion of your nation. I had 44 much intercourfe with the natives of your 44 country in my youth ; and I reckon 41 among them many particular friends. 44 Befides the obligations I owe to the late 4< Marcfchal Keith, that is to fay, all the 44 knowledge I have in my profeffion, and 44 confequently all my fortune, fhall make 44 me, on all occalions, ardently defire to 44 render juftice to the merit of Englifhmen. 4< It is a fort of retribution ; and the wor-
* Communicated to me by tbc gentleman who had been recommended to Count Romanzow.
44 thieft
" thiefl incenfe I am capable of offering
" to the manes of that great man."-The
letter is written with the fpirit of a foldier ; wTith the politenefs of a gentleman; and, I may add, with the elegance of a fine writer.
I am, yours, &c.
LETTER XL.
To a Lady, who had gone to London from St. Peterfiurg, requefilng her Return.
St. Peterfburg, Dec. 23, 1770.
ALLOW me, Madam, to tell you, that by remaining in London, inftead of returning to Ruffia, you neither confult your own interefl: nor ours. I will give the reafon in a comparifon. You have probably obferved in a frofty evening, and fuch evenings are not fcarce in St. Peterfburg, that there are fewer ftars in the north-weft quarter of the fky than in any other. You will alfo have obferved, that any bright ftar that condefcends to fhine there, does more good than if it fhone in the milky way; it feems to illuminate thofe who would otherwife have fat in dark-nefs ; and, of confequence, as the reward of fuch condefcenfion, it draws much more attention, and is much more admired. The 5 application
application is obvious. But left profe fhould not prevail, and that nothing may be left nnattempted, let us try alfo what verfe may
do, .fa^aâ^v/ -y-.;.. ..■ ... * .
LESBIA, return—I cannot fay
To flowery fields, and feafons gay :
The M ufe, defponding, cannot fing
Of the fweet garniture of fpring;
Of funny hills, and verdarit vales,
And groves, and ftreams, and gentle gales I
Thefe, in more hofpitable climes,
May run mellifluent in my rhymes :
For Winter, hoary and fevere,
Rules an imperious defpot here.
In chains the headlong flood he binds3
He rides impetuous on the winds *,
Before him awful forefts bend,
And tempefls in his train contend.
But what tho* wintry winds prevail,
And Boreas fends his rattling hail,
Siberian fnows, and many a blaft,
Howling along the dreary wafte,
From Samoïda to the fhores,
Where black with florins the Euxine roars ;
Thy blamelefs wit, thy polifh'd fenfe,
Can eafe and gaiety difpcnfe,
Y Come
Come, then, enchanting Maid, and br The kindly influence of Spring ; Come, with thy animating air, And Nature's weary wafte repair.
LETTER XLI.
Prince Henry of Pruffia at St. Peterfiurg-—a fplendid Mafquerade and Fire-Works.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, Jan. 4, 1771»
THIS city, fince the beginning of winter* has exhibited a continued fcene of fef-tivity and amufement : feafts, balls, concerts, plays, operas, fireworks, and mafquerades in confiant fucceffion; and all in honour of, and to divert his Royal Highnefs Prince Henry of Prufiia, the famous brother of the prefent King. Yet his Royal Highnefs does not feem much diverted. He looks at them as an old cat looks at the gambols of a young kitten ; or as one who had higher fport going on in his own mincl, than the paftime of fiddling and dancing.
He came here about the beginning of November, on pretence of a friendly vifit to the ïmprefsj  to have  the happinefs of wait-Y 2 ing
ing on fo magnanimous a Princefs; and to fee' with his own eyes the progrefs of thofe im-menfe improvements fo highly celebrated by Voltaire, and the French writers^ Who receive gifts from her Majesty. As the Queen of Sheba had heard of King Solomon's 11 a<te <c and wifclom ;" and " came to fee whether flic " had heard a true report of them in her own <c land :" fo alfo this roval Prince hath come to vifit this mighty Princefs. it may be too, that, like the Queen of Sheba, he is come to prove her Majefty with " hard questions if fo, he may depend upon getting, anfwers to all his questions ; and if he has any délires which fhe can grant, ihe will u grant him his *' heart s defire." I could, with the greatest, eafe, make out an excellent parallel, in which the precious (l< npej the camels and affes brought by the She ban Potentate to Jerufa-lem, would, I allure you, make no contemptible figure.
But do you feriouily imagine, that this creature of fkin and bone fhould travel through Sweden, whence he is come at piefent, and Finland, and Poland, all ior the pleafure of feeing the metropolis and ■f Emprefs
emprefs of Ruffia ? Other Princes may pur-fue fuch paftime; but the Princes of the Houfe of Brandenburg fly at a nobler quarry. Or is the King of Pruffia, as a tame fpectatorj to reap no advantage from the troubles of Poland, and the Turkifh war? What is the meaning of his late conferences with the Emperor of Germany ? Depend upon it, thefe planetary conjunctions are the forerunners of great events. Time, and perhaps a few months, may unfold the fecret. You will recollect: the figns, when you (hall hear after this of changes, ufurpations, and revolutions.
Prince Henry of Pruffia is one of the molt celebrated Generals of the prefent age. So great are his military talents, that his brother, who is not apt to pay compliments, fays of him,—that in commanding an army he was never known to commit a fault. This, however, is but a negative kind of praife. Pie referves to himfelf the glory of fuperior genius, which, though capable of brilliant at-chievements, is yet liable to unwary miftakes ; and allows him no other than the praife of correctnefs. To judge of him by his appearance, I fhould form no high eftimate of his Y 3  " abilities.
abilities.    But the   Scythian ambaffadors judged in the fame manner of Alexander the Great.   He is under the middle fize ; very thin;  he walks  firmly enough, or rather ftruts, as if he wanted to walk firmly ; and has little dignity in his air or geflure. He is dark-complexioned ; and he wears his hair, which is remarkably  thick, clubbed, and dreffed with a high toupe'e.   His forehead is high ; his eyes large, with a little fquint ; and when he fmiles, his upper lip is drawn up a little in the middle.    His look exprefTes fa-gacity and  obfervation ;  but nothing very amiable : and his manner is grave and ftifF rather than affable.   He was dreffed, when I firfl faw him, in a light-blue frock, with filver frogs; and wore a red waiftcoat and blue breeches,   He is not very popular among the Ruffians ; and accordingly their wits are dif-pofed to amufe themfelves with his appearance, and particularly with his'toupe'e. They fay he refembles Samfon ; that all his flrength lies in his hair ; and that, confcious of this, and recollecting the fate of the fon of Ma-noah, he fuffers not the nigh approaches of any deceitful Dalilah.   They fay he is like the comet, which, about fifteen months ago,
appeared
appeared fo formidable in the Ruffian hemi-fphere; and which, exhibiting a fmall watry body, but a moft enormous train, difmayed the Northern and Eaftern Potentates with " fear of change."
I faw him a few nights ago At a mafque-rade in the Palace, faid to be the moft magnificent thing of the kind ever feen at the Ruffian Court. Fourteen large rooms and galleries were opened for the accommodation of the mafks ; and I was informed that there were prefent feveral thoufand people. A great part of the company wore dominos, or capuchin dreffes. Though, befides thefe, fome fanciful appearances afforded a good deal of amufement. A very tall CoiTack appeared completely arrayed in the " Hauberk's *' twifted mail/' He was indeed very grim and martial. Perfons in emblematical dreffes, reprefenting Apollo and the Seafons, ad-dreffedthe Emprefs in fpeeches fuited to their characters. The Emprefs herfelf, at the time I faw her Majefty, wore a Grecian habit; though I was afterwards told, that fhe varied her drefs two or three times during the maf-ouerade. Prince Fïenry of Pruffia wore a Y 4 white
white domino.   Several perfons appeared in the dreffes of different   nations, Chinefe! Turks, Perfians, and Arminians.   The moft humorous  and   fantaflical   figure  was a Frenchman, who, with wonderful nimblenefs and dexterity, reprefented an overgrown, but very beautiful parrot.    He chattered with a great deal of fpirit ; and his (boulders, covered with green feathers, performed admirably the part of wings. ' He drew the attention of the Emprefs ; a ring was formed; he was quite happy ;  fluttered his pjumage ;  made fine ipeeches in Rufs, French, and tolerable Eng-lifh ; the ladies were exceedingly diverted ; every body laughed but Prince Plenty, who ilood befjde the Emprefs, and was fo grave and fo folemn, that he'would have performed his part'moft admirably in the fhape of an pwl.   The parrot obferved him ; was determined to have revenge ; and having faid as many good things as he could to her Majefty, né was hopping away; - but juft as he was going out of the circle, feeming to recollect liimicii, lie flopped, looked over his moulder, at the formal Prince, and quite in the parrot tone and French accent, he addreffed him hip ft emphatically with Henri I Henri / Henri !
and then diving into the crowd, difappeared. His Royal Highnefs was difconcerted ; he was forced to fmiie in his own defence, and the company were not a little amufed.
At midnight a fpacious hall of a circular form, capable of containing a vaft number of people, and illuminated in the moft magnificent manner, was fuddenly opened. Twelve tables were placed in alcoves around the fides gf the room, where the Emprefs, Prince Henry, and a hundred and fifty of the chief nobility and foreign minifters, fat down to fupper.   The reft of the company went up by ftairs on the outfide of the room into the lofty galleries, placed all around on the infide. Such a row of mafked vifages, many of them with grotefque features and bufhy beards, nodding from the fide of the wall, appeared very ludicrous to thofe below.   The entertainment Was enlivened with a concert of mufic ; and at different intervals perfons in various habits entered the hall, and exhibited Coflack, Chinefe, Polifh, Swedifh, and Tartar dances. The whole was fo gorgeous, and at the fame time fo fantaftic, that I could not help thinking myfelf prefent at fome of the magnifi-
cent festivals defcribed in the old-fafhioned romances :
the marfhal'd feaft Serv'd up in hall with fewers and fenefhals.
The reft of the company, on returning to the rooms adjoining, found prepared for them alfo a fumptuous banquet. The mafquerade began at fix in the evening, and continued till five next morning.
Befides the mafquerade, and other festivities, in honour of, and to divert Prince Henry, we had lately a moft magnificent fhew of fireworks. They were exhibited in a wide fpace before the Winter Palace ; and, in truth, " beggared defcription.1' They displayed, by a variety of emblematical figures, the reduction of Moldavia, Wallachia, Beffa^-rabia, and the various conquefts and victories atchieved fince the commencement of the prefent war. The various colours, the bright green, and the fnowy white, exhibited in thefe fireworks, were truly aftonifhing. For the fpace of twenty minutes, a tree adorned with the lovelieft and moft verdant foliage, feemed to be waving as with a gentle breeze. It was entirely of fire; and during the whole t of
of this stupendous fcene, an arch of fire, by the continued throwing of rockets and fire* balls in one direction, formed as it were a fui table canopy.
On this occafion a prodigious multitude of people was aflembled ; and the Emprefs, it was furmifed, feemed uneafy. She was afraid, it was apprehended, left any accident, like what happened at Paris at the marriage of the Dauphin, fhould befal her beloved people. I hope I have amufed you ; and ever am,
Yours, &c.
LETTER XLÏI.
Account of the Confccration of the JVaters:
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, Jan. 7. 177 r.
ONE of the moft magnificent ceremonies in the Greek church, and that which feems chiefly to draw the attention of {bangers is, the consécration of the waters. It is performed twice in the year ; but the moft fplendid difplay of this ceremony is exhibited on the 6th of January, and is performed in commemoration of the baptifm of our Saviour. As I was yefterday prefent at thk folemnity, I fliall mention to you fome of thofe circumftances in the fhew, which feemed to me moft remarkable.
A pavilion, fupported by eight pillars, under which the chief part of the ceremony was performed, was erected on the Moika, a stream which enters the Neva between the
Winter
Winter Palace and the Admiralty.   On the top was a gilded figure of St. John : on the fides were pictures of our Saviour, reprefent^ ed in different fituations ; and within, immediately over the hole which was cut .through the ice into the water, was fufpended the figure of a dove.   The pavilion was fur-rounded with a temporary fence of fir-branches ; and a broad lane from the palace was defended on each fide in a fimilar man-^ ner.   This paffage, by which the proceflion advanced, was covered with red cloth. The banks of the river, and the adjoining ftreets* were lined with foldiers.   The Moika, in honour of the event commemorated by this fo-lemnity, is always dignified, on the 6th of January, with the name of the river Jordan.
On the prefent occafion the Archbifhop of Novogrod prefided ; and the firft part of the fervice was performed in the Imperial chapel. The proceflion then advanced, by the paflage abovementioned, to the Jordan of the day. It confifted of muficians, inferior clergy, and dignified clergy, with all their ufual parade of tapers, banners, lofty mitres, and flowing  robes.    Thev ranged themfelves
within
■within the pavilion, and were foon after joined by another proceflion of fuch of the Em-prefs's Court and Family as chofe to be prefent at this folemnity; for the Emprefs, owing to fome indifpofition, was abfent. No parade of Priefts and Lévites, even in the days of Solomon, and by the banks of Shiloh, could be more magnificent. After the rite was performed with cuflomary prayers and hymns, all who were prefent had the happinefs of being fprinkled with the water thus confecrated and rendered holy. The standards of the army and the artillery received fimilar confecration ; and the rite was concluded with a triple discharge of mufquetry.
The Ruffians conceive that the water, thus fanclifiedj poffefles the moft Angular virtues. Accordingly the multitude who were aflembled on the outiide of the fence, and the guard furrounding the pavilion, when the ceremony was over, rufhed with ungoverned tumult to wafh their hands and their faces in the hallowed orifice. What pufhing and bawling, and fcolding and fwearing—to get rid of their fins ! the Priefts of different churches, and many other perfons, carried
home
home with them large quantities of holy water ; and believed themfelves in polTeflion of a moft invaluable treafure. For they apprehend, that it is not only blefled with fpiritual energy, and is efficacious in wafh-ing away the difeafes of the foul, but is alfoa fovereiga antidote againfl the malign influences of evil fpirits ; and may be preferred with great advantage againfl the pains and maladies of the body.—A Lady, as the flory goes, had a child ill of a fever ; many medicines were tried, but without efTed : fhe was at length prevailed with to adminifter holy water: it was many months after the time of confecration ; the water was fpoilt ; but fhe did not believe it was fo : for fuch water is reckoned incapable of fpoiling. Be that as it may, fhe adminiftered a copious draught; and the child died. But having been poifoned by the waters of Jordan, the mother could not repine.
On the fame principle, all infants who are baptized with the water of the facred orifice, are fuppofed to derive from it the moft peculiar advantages. Parents therefore are very eager, even at the hazard of their
childrens*
childrens' lives, to embrace the blefled occafion. I have heard that a prieft, in immer-fing a child, for baptifm is performed here by the immerfton of the whole body, let it flip, through inattention, into the water. The child was drowned ; but the holy man fuffer-ed no consternation. " Give me another," faid he, with the utmoft compofure, for the " Lord hath taken this to himfelf/* The Emprefs, however, having other ufes for her fubje&s, and not defiring that the Lord fhould have any more in that way at leaft, gave orders, that all children to be baptized in the Jordan, fhould henceforth be let down in a bafket. Adieu»
Letter xliii. (Extract.)
To the Reverend--+
Concerning the Effecl of pompous religious Rites on the Devotion of the Worfioipper.
* * * * T AM more than ever of your opi-m nion, that fimplicity ought to reign in the forms of religious worfhip.— *' Piety, and a fenfe of the Supreme Being," as i have heard you obferve, " ought not to tf be mere holiday raiment, or a cloke to be £t worn only on Sundays. The fentiments tf and difpofitions produced by true religion <c ought to be mingled with, and form a part *' of our temper. We ought to entertain " them habitually in our minds, and carry " them with us even to fcenes of bufinefs and " of amufement. They will render bufinefs tc agreeable, and heighten the pleafure of the H rural walk." Thefe are your do&rines, Z and
and they are well founded.   But if we think it elîential to the exercifes of devotion, that our minds be much elevated and tranfported ; if we muft feel violent raptures and ftrong emotions, we deceive ourfelves.   Thefe tran-fports are of little fervice.   Extacy foon fub-fides : the refolutions which it occafions are no lefs tranfient; they vanifh with the mood that produced them ; they are a gaudy ftructure, but have no foundation.    Pompous ceremonies, glaring pictures, and even ravifhing mufic, have, no doubt, very pleafing effects ; but they rather tend to produce wild enthu-iiafm, than meek religion.   I had lately a whimlical inftance.   At a very magnificent ceremony of the Greek church, at which I was prefent, every thing was contrived to work on the fenfes, and inflame the imagination : Solemn procédions of mitred Priefts— a refpectable and numerous audience—the Emprefs of this great empire, and all her Court—every one with the geftures and face of devotion—myfterious forms—and folemn mufic.   1 was ftruck !  'tis a falfe religion, faid I to myfelf: but ftill I was amazed at what 1 felt ; and almoft joined in worfhipping
the glaring Saint.-J was next night at
an
an exquifite opera: the mufîc rapturous—the icenery like enchantment—the theatre lofty—■ the dreffes magnificent—and the dancing, vvhich was intermixed, refembled the light airy geftures of fylphs or preternatural beings. In-one part, a Prieftefs of Diana, accompanied with a chorus, confining of an hundred Priefis and Nymphs, fung hymns to the Goddefs : it was affecting. cC It is " ftrange, thought I; yefterday I was of the " Greek perfuafion ; and I am this night a " Pagan." * * * *
LETTER  XLIV *
Qbfervations on the Punifoment of Crimes, in Anfwer to the Thirty fécond Letter in this Collecliony concerning the Adminfiration of fuftice in Ruffia.
dear sir,
THERE are feveral circumftances in your fituation which muft afford you a great deal of pleafure, efpecially the opportunity which you enjoy, and which I fee you do not neglect, of comparing the condition of mankind in foreign countries with that which you were acquainted with at home, and of
* The Author of this Volume had no notion, when he wrote the Thirty-fecond Letter, of the merit it was about to have with his Readers. It produced this Anfwer, which the ingenious Writer has moft obligingly allowed htm to publifh. If the Editor could have prefented every other Letter in the colle&ion fo well fupported as that which has occafioned this return, the folicitude he now feels on coming before the Public, might perhaps have been lefTened.
obferving
obferving the varieties which the difference between them produces upon manners and character. It is flattering to our national pride, that you have hitherto met with nothing that tends to weaken your attachment to the liberty and the customs of your countrymen.
In your enquiries, the various regulations of police defervedly occupy a part of your attention ; and, among thefe, the laws relating to the prevention or punifhment of crimes certainly occupy a very diuinguifhed place. Every good citizen ought earneftly to with, that the magistrate fhould be enabled to watch over the interests of all the individuals belonging to the community, and to restrain any perfon whatever from violating their rights. For the fake of absolute fecurity from all injuries to his perfon or property, he might perhaps be difpofed to facrifice feveral other valuable privileges;
There are regulations and establishments of police in other countries, which tend more effectually to protect the inhabitants from the fraud and violence of their fellow-citizens, than any provifions that have been made by Z 3 our
our laws. I entirely acquiefce, however, in your judgment, that fimilar plans, for prevention of crimes, would be attended with great and imminent danger, if they were adopted in Britain. It is not to be denied, that, in this ifland, daring attacks have often been made by defperate individuals upon the perfons and properties of men; and, on account of thefe, our unequalled form of government has frequently fuffered reproach among the advocates for arbitrary power in foreign liâtes. The reprefentations of this evil that have been given are not entirely groundlefs, though they are fometimes grofsly and induftrioufly exaggerated. But even granting that they are ftriclly true, it will not be found eafy to devife a remedy that will not occafion more fatal confequences than the difeafe. It is better to remain as we are, though fometimes expofed to danger from, the feeble attack of a timid and fkulking plunderer, than to arm a protector with irre-fifiible powers, that may afterwards be openly employed to rob us of our moft valuable rights.
I have
I have heard of two fchemes that Èàve been ferioufly propofed, with a view to prevent the frequency of crimes, efpecially of robberies, in this country.   The one of thefe is, to erect a Board of Police in the capital, re-fcmbling that which is eftablifhed in Prance, under the infpeclion of a fit perfon, corre-fponding to the Lieutenant of Police in Pari6» who, by means of fpies and emifiaries, and by means of information regularly tranfmit-ted to him from proper officers ftationed in the country, may have a perfect acquaintance with the residence and tranfacYions of all perfons whofe characters are fufpicious. The other fcheme  is, to condemn all perfons, guilty of robbery, or of other grofs crimes, to bondage and hard labour.   I am not fatisfied that either of thefe propofals, if carried into execution, would anfwer the end intended by them; and I am thoroughly convinced that neither of them is adapted to the constitution of Britain, and the temper of its inhabitants.
The firft of thefe fchemes, by which it is propofed to form a great eftablifhment of police, comprehending many inferior depart-Z 4 ments.
ments, with their proper officers, is recommended by the iuccefs in preventing or fpeedily detecting crimes, with which fimilar plans have been attended on tfie Continent, efpecially in France. We muft not, however, allow this consideration alone to determine our judgment, for there may be regulations well adapted to the manners and government of other nations, that are incon-fiftent with our fentiments, and with the fpirit of our conftitution.
An obvious objection to this plan arifee from the great expence with which the execution of it muft neceffarily be attended. It would require a vaft number of fpies of different ranks, connected with one another by their fubordinatipn to cpmmon fuperiqrs.— We can hardly fuppofe that thefe fpies could, at all times, poffefs a fufiicient degree of intelligence for the purpofes of the eftablifh-ment, if they were lefs numerous than the officers of excife. As it might be neceflary, however, that, in appearance at leaft, they fhould carry on fome ordinary bufinefs, with a view to conceal their real employment, they might not entirely depend on the public treasury
fury for fubfiftence, and might therefore be fupported for a fmaller fum than the fame number of excife officers.   At the fame time, when we reflect, that fecret fervices muft be liberally paid for, and that it might be requi-fite to have fpies who could eafily obtain ad-miffion into fafhionable circles, there is reafon to believe that the difference of expence upon the whole might not be very confiderable. Though the excife be a very productive tax, the nation has always complained of the heavy charges paid for collecting it.   If a burthen equally grievous were laid upon a free people, without any pretence of defending their country, or of annoying their enemies, it would be altogether unfupportable. The French indeed do not murmur; but the French do not tax themfelves, and they claim no right to enquire into the expenditure of public money.
There is another objection to this propofal pf much more weight than that which I have already mentioned, arifing from the nature of our civil conftitution. A free people will never fubmit, for the fake of the moft perfect fecurity from the injurious attacks of individu al s,
duals, to the restraint of acting always under the infpection of fpies. They will not allow their houfes to be examined by officers of police, without legal warrants from the magif-trate î nor will they bear with patience to fee their fellow-fubjects carried away to prifon, unlefs they know the grounds upon which they are fufpected, and are alfo allured that they fhall foon be brought to a fair and open trial. Men who love civil liberty, would rather chufe that their goods and perfons fhould be expofed to fome fmall degree of danger, than purchafe a complete fecurity from fuch injuries, by fuffering thofe who are in power to infpect every man's bufinefs and converfation. An eflablimment of police, perfectly adapted to anfwer its end, requires that cognizance fhould be taken of the fufpicious as well as of the guilty, and is therefore inconfiftent with liberty.
Tt is only in arbitrary governments that fuch great and regular fyflems of police have been carried into execution î and there is reafon to believe, that they are fupportcd at great cxpence, and with unremitting attention, much more from reafons of ftate than
from
from any regard to the fecurity of the fub-jed, or the good order of the community. The end which they have in view does not appear to be fo much the punifhment or the prevention of crimes, as the fafety of the Prince's perfon, and the maintenance of his authority.   A defpot is at all times jealous and fufpicious.   He dreads every whifper, as if it were the voice of a confpirator ; and his throne fhakes below him whenever there is the fmalleft commotion among his fubjeds. Spies are necelfary to bring him information of every thing that has the appearance of de-fign or of exertion, that he may be enabled to preferve, through all his dominions, the ftill-nefs of night.   But he endeavours to conceal his own fears under the plaufible pretence, that all his anxieties are produced by his un-ceafing attention to the fafety and fccurity of his fubjeds.   The Sovereign of a free ftate is agitated by no fimilar fears, for he reigns agreeably to the declared inclinations of his people ; he poffefles their confidence, and can depend upon their affcdions.   As long as the Sovereign of a free country is difpofed to rule agreeably to the principles of the conftitution, he will endeavour to be direded by the general
ral wiilics of his people ; and whenever he begins to fupprcfs the open declarations of their fears and difgufts, and to obtain fecret and indirect: information concerning their fen-timents, he certainly means to increafe his own power, and to lefTen their influence. He diftrufts them, becaufe he knows that he himfelf deferves not to be trufted.
A fyflem of police, for the purpofe of detecting crimes by means of Spies, has, for a confiderable time, been carried on in London, under the inflection of Sir John Fielding; but it is not extenfive, nor is it fubfervient to any thing but the administration of juftice. It mull be conducted in fome way that is very different from its prefent form, before any fufpicion can reafonably arife, that it may, at laft, be made ufe of to ferve purpofes of ftate. The heft of rulers, however, are'naturally défi ro us of increafing their power ; and men who have privileges to lofe, ought for ever to be on their guard. The conduct of the fufpicious muft fometimes be enquired into; but let the nature and grounds of the fufpicion under which they lie always be made publicly known ; and let the enquiry be open, impartial,
partial, and not unnecelTarily delayed. Notwithstanding every precaution that can be taken, the innocent may fometimes be in-juftly fufpedted, and may become fufferers by confinement before the truth can be investigated -, but let them never fuffer, unlefs ffrong prefumptions lie againfl them, and let it be understood, that fuffering is very different in its nature from punifhment, for though it may be fevere, it is not ignominious.
The other fcheme, by which it is propofed to condemn certain claffes of criminals to hard labour, as well as the former, feems liable to strong objections. Punifhments of various kinds may be devifed, and many kinds of them have been inflicted in different countries, fome of them with better and fome with worfe effects. All thofe which are accompanied with torture are happily laid afide in our own ifland ; and, in the opinion of the wifefl men, fhould be abolifhed every where. Why fhouid the delicate, the fenfible, and the companionate, be wantonly fubjected to that anguifh which they muft neceffarily feel, when they are forced to fee, or to hear of fufferings that are fhocking to humanity ? Is
it
it even prudent to expofe atrocious guilt in thofe particular circumftances, in which its bafenefs is concealed, or palliated, by emotions of pity excited in favour of the criminal ? Such punishments are inconfiftent with the natural principles of man, and with the ends of penal fandtions.
The punifhments that are fhocking to humanity ought never to be inflicted ; yet there are crimes that juftify great feverity. Juftice may reafonably demand, that a man who has been guilty fhould fuffer in his fortune; though, at the fame time, rigour, in this refpect, fhould always be avoided, when the future welfare of his family is connected with the forfeiture. A man may alfo deferve to be banifhed from his country, and to be legally diverted of all thofe privileges which he formerly enjoyed as a citizen. He may even be guilty of fuch atrocious acts, that the indignation of mankind cannot be fatisfied, if his life be fpared. Ranifhment and death are punifhments, by which future danger from the attempts of a perfon, who, by the perpetration of grofs crimes, has difcovered an inclination and capacity to injure fociety in its moft ef-
fential
fential interests, may be effectually prevented ; and they do not feem improper under any form of government.
Deprivation of liberty is a kind of punifhment that may alfo, in fome forms of it, be adopted in any civil community. Imprisonment for a limited time, if it be regarded as a fevere and not as a fhameful punifhment, may often be very reafonable and proper. Even perpetual imprifonment is a fort of pu-oifhment that is not inconfiftcnt with the principles of free government; but in any ftate, whether free or defpotical, to retain a perfon who is never to be of any fervice to the community, and who might perhaps be ufeful elfewhere, feems to be a meafure unne-ceffary and inexpedient. If there be a man, whom it is dangerous to preferve in the community, the obvious dictate of common fenfe feems to be, that he ought to be thrown out of it.
Instead of preferving an ufelefs life in a ftate of long imprifonment, it has been thought a wife expedient in fome nations to condemn to flavery thofe criminals, whofe
guilt
is not eonfidered as heinous enough to àe* ferve death, though their vicious inclinations are fo well known that it would be dangerous to entruft them with liberty. It has been imagined, that while their labour was a punifhment to themfelves, it might be productive of fome benefit to the ftate. This is the mode of treating certain claffes of felons ; which fome are defirous of feeing eftablifhed in Britain.
There are feveral lights in which the tendency of this fort of punifhment may be examined. If we look upon it as an engine of police, merely intended to prevent men who are ill-difpofed from the commiflion of crimes, it appears to be very well contrived. While perfons, from whom danger might be apprehended, are kept under the immediate inflection of proper officers, while their tafks are regularly demanded from them, and the rod of correction is continually fufpended over their ■heads, they can hardly find any opportunity to injure the properties of others.
It cannot, however, be rcafonably expected, that this mode of punifhment will produce
any
any fuch good effect:, unlefs the criminal be condemned to ilavery for life.   There are fome, indeed, who are inclined to believe, that hard labour, continued for a limited courfe of years, may be fufficient to anfwer the putpofe.   They found their belief upon the perfuafion, that a happy alteration in the manners and characters of the fiifferers may gradually be produced.   I am rather of opinion, that every fucceffive year the morals of perfons in fuch circumftances will become more and more corrupt.   Slavery muft bé followed with confequences entirely fimilar to thofe which attend other puhifhments of an ignominious nature; all of which feem very ill adapted to make any defirable alteration in the offender.   A man who is fubject-ed to public infamy immediately lofes all fenfe of fhame, and becomes from that time bolder in guilt than ever he was before. This evil is common to all ignominious pu-nifhments when the criminal is permitted to furvive them, and to continue in the fame fociety to which he formerly belonged. But there are alfo other evils which are peculiar to that mode of infamous punifhment which we are confideiing.   If it mould become A a common
common to condemn felons to hard labour, rt will be impoflible to keep them under proper difcipline, unlefs a number of them be collected together ; and if they be permitted to live in fociety with one another, each of them will become more corrupted than he was before : and perfons thus trained up in the fchool of vice, whenever their period of fervitude expires, will become the moft daring of villains. The contagion of bad principles that infects every manufactory where labourers are collected together, cannot fail of fpreading with great rapidity among men who are ftigma-tized for their villany, and legally deprived of reputation.   The lot of ilavery alone ia fufficient to debafe the minds even of the ingenuous, and muft render thofe who are already corrupted totally abandoned. If, therefore, it be at all proper to make flavery the punifhment of crimes, it ought to be perpetual ; for in no other way can it effectually prevent the dillurbanee  to  which Society might afterwards be expofed from the fame perlons who had formerly violated its laws.
The matter may be examined in another view.   One,important end of punifhment is
z to*
to prevent the future commiflion of crimes fimilar to that for which the penalty is in* Hided. Condemnation to hard labour does not feem to be an expedient well adapted for anfwering this valuable purpofe. Its effects indeed extend to the guilty perfons who fuffer ; it restrains from injurious ads fome of the worft members of the Society; but it does not fufficienlly deter other perfons of abandoned principles from committing the fame crimes for which they arefufTering, No punifhment can be very effedual, unlefs it flrike the imagination of the fpedator; and for this purpofe, it is not enough that it be fevere, it is further requisite that it fhould rarely occur* Slavery in itfelf is undoubtedly very fevere, even more fevere than death ; but it feldom appears to an indifferent fpeelator in tins light. The generality of men thougbrîefsly ellimate the lot of a flave as not much harder than that of the labouring poor. They look only to his external appearance, without entering into the dillrelsful thoughts that are infeparable from his wretched flation. Where flavery is eftablifhed, the evils attending it are frequently expofed to view, and the impref-ilon which they make upon the mind, even of A a z the
the companionate, is fcarcehr felt. A punifh-ment that is continually exhibited cannot be very ftriking. We ceafe to be moved with the moft fhecking fpectaclcs when we are accuftomed to fee them every day; and a villain will not feel much uneahnefs from the dread of thofe fufferings which long obferva-tion has rendered familiar to him.
It may be added, that condemnation to hard labour is the molt unequal of all punifh-ments that can be inflicted. Death and exile are equally fevere upon the generality of men ; but the evils of flavery fill men with different degrees of diflrefs, according to the diverfity of their circumftances. A man who, during the greater part of his life, has been accuftomed to work with his hands, and whofe expectations fcarce ever rofe beyond provifion for a fcanty maintenance, could not fuffer nearly fo much from being obliged te» labour in a way fimilar to his ordinary employment, as the man who has been brought up in luxury and refinement. The fpend-thrift clerk of a grocer may be guilty of the fame crime with a coal-hc: ver ; but it would be moft unmerciful to condemn the former
to
to undergo the fame bodily labour with the latter. One of them wants entirely thofe habits which the other has fpcnt his days in acquiring. Cafes might eafdy be fuppofed, in which punifhments of this fort would be more fevere than any thing which the ingenuity and cruelty of men have been able to cievife. A judge might indeed be allowed to difcriminate among a number of criminals, and allot to each of them the degree of punifhment which he thought proper, and adequate to his offence, his conftitution and his habits ; but in a free ftate, every difcrimination of fuch a nature is looked upon as grofsly iniquitous.-
A law, then, condemning criminals of a certain defcription to hard labour, though it might be [attended with feveral advantages as a regulation of police, appears at the fame time to be infeparable from various difadvan-tages that are more than fufficient to counterbalance all its falutary effects. The inconveniences, however, that have been mentioned, are not the whole, nor are they the moft alarming of thofe that might be mentioned.   It is to be apprehended, that fuch a
A a 3 law
law, if it were executed with rigour, might indirectly produce confequences of a public and moil important kind. I am fully fatif-fied that, flavery, limited to a certain term of years, will not anfwer the intention of preventing crimes. In order, therefore, to render a law, by which felons are condemned to hard labour, effectual in bringing about its end, it will be neceffary to make -the penalty perpetual. If the condemnation of fe-» Ions to a ftate of bondage, which is to terminate only with their lives, were eftablifhed by ftatute, and if the law were rigoroufly executed through every part of the kingdom, it is manifeft that the number of bondmen, would foon become very great. The ex-pence neceffary for fupporting the inftitution would, in a fhort time, become enormous and intolerable to the nation ; for the labour of flaves, employed in public works, and placed under*thç direction of an overfeer who has no interefl: in them, will produce nothing by which the charge of maintaining them may be defrayed. The expences might indeed be leffened, by employing them in the ordinary occupations of civil life ; but if this were the cafe, the diftinction between them
and
and other claffes of citizens would be too flightly marked to render their punifhment examplary; while, at the fame time, the ho-neft labourer would fuffer degradation in his own fancy and that of others, from the reflection, that he earned his bread by manual acts fo mean and fo fevere, that condemnation to the performance of them was thought a proper punifhment for thofe who are the disgrace of our fpecies. The following feems to be the only remaining expedient for preventing thefe evils, if this fort of penalty be infilled upon, to wit, That thofe who mayhe condemned to hard labour ihall be made the private property of individuals, who being bound to maintain them, will have an interefl in obliging them to perform the tafks aflign-ed therm But ftill this expedient wouid bring along with it new inconventencies. It is greatly for the intereft of the community, that perfons of notoriously abandoned characters fhould be kept by themfelves ; but, according to this fcheme, they w7ould again be difperfed and mingled with the great body of the people, whom they would have an opportunity to corrupt. Their punifhment might be abundantly and even exceflively fe-A a 4 vere;
vere; but being endured, in private, it could not be exemplary; and there is reafon to fear, that it would very frequently be capri-cioufly and iniquitoufly inflicted. It muft be added, that, from the inftant when fuch a regulation took effect, domeftic flavery would he introduced, and fupported by the authority of Jaw.
If domeftic flavery, in any confiderable extent, were tolerated, and a legal method of acquiring flaves inftituted, the horrors of that deplorable ftate would appear to the imagination in colours much lefs lively than they do at prêtent, and would foon ceafe to be fhoek-ing, Cuftom and familiarity would reconcile the minds of men to the view of mifery, and in procefs of time it would probably not be thought cruel to deprive men of their liberty for very fmall offences. The confequenccs might at laft become worfe than at firft might be fufpeded, or indeed can be eafily conceived. In fuch circumftances, would an ambitious ftatefman helitate to court the fa*? vour of the rich, by freeing them from the burthen of poor's-rates, which plight be eafily done, if the minds of men were reconciled to
dome flic
(domeftic flavery, by adopting the plan for maintaining the poor, which was propofed and recommended, about the beginning of this century, by Mr. Fletcher of Saltoun? Would he think it hard, to make thofe who could not fupport themfelves and their families, together with their wives and children, the legal property of their rich and powerful neighbour, who might be willing to fupply with food the feeble and the infant, from the profpedl: of acquiring a fufficient recompence by their future labour ? As one ftep naturally and infenfibly leads to another, we might reafonably expect:, that a fcheme of this nature would be embraced, as foon as the minds of men could be brought to bear it. The ancient Romans allowed the perfon of a man who could not pay his debts to be fold. If we were accuftomed, as they were, to the deprivation of liberty, domeftic flavery would ibon become univerfal.
A ftate in which domeftic flavery prevails may be great and vigorous, and may enjoy very extenfive political liberty ; but its freedom muft be the freedom of an ariftocracy, under which inaufpicious form of government,
ment, whatever bleflings may be enjoyed by a few, the great body of the people muft be in a condition of bondage and ignorance, very little fuperior to the condition of hearts of burthen.
I have given you my fentiments with refpect to thefe two expedients for preventing and punifhing crirnes. Both of them muft, in my opinion,, be inadequate, as long as they are managed confidently with the principles of free government. I think it would be highly dangerous to this country to carry them into execution in any degree whatever ; becaufe it is not improbable, that, at fome future period, a minister inclined, as minifters often are, to increafe the power of the crown, might avail himfelf of them to promote purpofes that were not intended by thofe,who at firft propofed them. A free country can never be enflaved till the cuftoms and the feelings of men be altered ; but this is a fort of change that may, by flow and infen^ fible degrees, be at laft effected. In a ftate where the conduct of none of the citizens has ever been watched over by fpies, the minister who employs fuch emiifaries, for his own
ends,
ends, will be univerfally detefted.   But if an eftablifhment of this jealous nature be already founded in one department, and the minds of men reconciled to it, fomething of the fame kind may, with lefs difficulty, be introduced into another. Freemen abhor flavery j but if they can be induced by motives of conve-niency to tolerate it in one inftance, they may gradually be brought to bear it with patience in more.   If they can behold a felon reduced to flavery, without any emotions of indignation, they may be brought, by degrees, to behold thofe whom they defpife, or in whofe welfare they have no interefl, reduced to the fame condition, without feeling much for their mifery.   It is the duty of a free people to watch over their liberties with a jealous eye, and to look even upon fmall circumftances, by which they are infringed or endangered, as matters of great importance.
LETTER XLV.
Concerning the Progrefs of the Feudal Syjlem in Ruffia.
dear sir, 'pROM all the enquiries î have been able ta J-   make, I do not Find that the Feudal System was ever fo fully eflablifhed in Ruffia as in the other countries of Europe.
The Sovereigns of this country, for near a thoufand years, feem to have reigned with unlimited power. Nor have I ever found, notwithstanding the fond aliénions of fome patriotic Ruffians, that in all that period they
ever beheld a fingle glimpfe of freedom.-1
You will readily obiervc, from the Situation of this country, that it was, in early times, much expoSed to the invaSions and ravages of the neighbouring nations. It had been the thorough-fare, in fome meafure, by which the Eaflern tribes had entered into, and taken
poffeffion
poffeffion of Europe. After that period, the nations that remained in it were governed by various independent leaders, or Knezes. Thefe neceflarily quarrelled, and waged war againfl one another. At length they were all fubdued by the anceflors of the Ruffian Emperors, whofe territory being in early times limited, they refided firft at Wolodo-mir, but afterwards transferred the feat of their dominion to Mofcow.
Not only were the Ruffians expofed to the inroads of furrounding baibarians, but the whole country may be eonfidered as one extensive plain. It is not defended by fuch faflneffes of rocks, and chains of mountains, as have fometimes ferved as a barrier to other nations. In order therefore to be ever ready to repel violence, and protect: his fubjects from the predatory afiaults of their rapacious neighbours, the Sovereign, or Velike Knez, was provided with a body of armed troops. He gave them regular pay ; he kept them in readinefs to obey his commands ; and never difmilfed them from his fervice. In this manner he afforded fuch ample protection to his fubjects of every denomination from the
incurfions
incurfions of foreign enemies, that they became carelefs of their own defence. Every thing was entrusted to the Velikè Knez, known, after the reduction of Cafan, by the name of Czar, and of late by the more failli o liable name of Emperor. His valour and activity, aided by his army, though fome^ times feverely tried by his furrounding ad-verfaries, preferved them, upon the whole, not only from depredation, but infult.
Another confequence flowing from the fame caufe was, that perfons of great property did not fix their confiant residence on their estates in the country, nor lived fepa-rately from one another, furrounded by their dependants, and in a ftate of rural magnificence. They left the care of their eflates to Superintendants, and reforted to the great towns, and particularly to Mofcow. Here they not only enjoyed fomefecurity from the ravages of the Tartarian and northern tribes, but fhared in the intercourfe of focial life. This intercourfe, however, though it might be favourable to projects and confpiracies against the power of the Sovereign, never produced any combination fo fuccefsful as to
overthrow,
overthrow, or even ihake his authority. Were they ever fo much inclined to revolt againft, or abridge his power, they were def-titute of the means. They were removed to a diftance from their dependants; their dependants themfelves had no other connection with them than to render them obedience, or the fruit of their labour * ; and were not prefent to partake of the glory, or adopt the re-fentment of their fuperiors. Add to this, that the armed force in the hands of the Czar would immediately crufh the beginning of at rebellion.
The fame feems to have been the fituation in the eastern monarchies, and particularly in? Perfia and AlTyria. The great men lived together in fenced and walled cities: they were at a distance from their vaiTals, and under the immediate view of the Sovereign. Hence thofe cities of enormous magnitude, that dif-tinguifhed in early times the more improved parts of Afia. Hence too the name of the capital fometimes became the name of the country or of the people.   The Sovereigns of
* Stuart's View of Society in Europe, p. 2. ch. r. .
Chaldea
Chaldea were often fly led Kings of Babylon, In like manner the city of Mofcow had almoft impofed the name of Mufcovy on Ruffia, and of Mufcovites on the Ruffians. It required a confiderable effort in the rulers of Ruffia to recover and preferve their original name.
In confequence of the armed force and fuc-cefs of the Velikè Knez in defending his fub-je&s, he entertained ambitious views, and meditated conqueft. Accordingly he fub-dued the kingdoms of Cafan and Aftracan, and extended his dominions towards the Baltic. Thefe conquefts contributed in a variety of different views to confirm his abfolute power at home. He rofe, accordingly, to the ftate of an Oriental Defpot. So. totally were all notions of real rights and privileges extinguished in the breafts of the nobility, that when the line of Ruric, which had reigned 700 years, was extincl, and when a new Sovereign, or Dynafty of Sovereigns, was to be appointed, the Ruffians never thought of binding their race of rulers by any fuch covenant or regulations as would even tend to emancipation. Even of late, when the Emprefs
prefs Anna Ivanowna was exalted to the throne, and was in fuch critical circumftances as would have induced her to grant any privileges to her fubjects, thofe which were demanded had little refpect; to the general freedom of the people, or even of the nobility ; and, therefore, that fhe was not compelled to grant them, need not be regretted.  Such ab-folute and undifputed authority has the Sovereign of this empire continually maintained ;  and  fo little opposition has he ever encountered from his great lords or chieftains, that I have not learned of his ever having found it expedient, in order to encumber their ambition, to intcrpofe in behalf of their vaffals, or countenance among them any pretenlions to independence.    In the fame view it is amufmg to remark the nature of the fufpicions entertained by the Ruffians againft Demetrius, a pretender to the Ruffian throne, and the charges that were brought againft him. " His laying aiide the haughty 4t ftate of the former Czars, by appearing in ** public more than they had ufed to do ; " and his fuffering people to fpeak to him tf without being commanded, a treatment the 44 Ruffians had not been ufed to, were deem-Bb " ed
" ed derogatory from his dignity, and con-" firutd into proofs of his net being the " perfon he pretended."—The manner too, in which fome of the Ruffian Emperors chofe their wives, refembles that of the Artaxerxes's and Ahafuerus's, and other Sovereigns of an-tient Afia.   " The fineft maidens in the em-tf pire were fent for to court ; the monarch or 4t faw them either under a borrowed name, " withoutdifguife; the wedding day wasfixed; '* and the bridegroom declared his choice, by " prefenting a wedding garment to the bride. " ft was thus the Czar Michael Romanzow ** married Eudoxia,thedaughterof Strefhneu, *' who was tilling his ground with his own <l fervants, when a meffenger brought him " prefents from the Emperor, and informed *4 him that his daughter was on the throne."
Although, therefore, you may have remarked fome circumftances in the accounts I have given you that refemble feudal manners, yet I cannot think they have their origin in the feudal inftitutions. No doubt, in fo far as feudal principles are common to all men, in a certain flate of fociety, and may be traced among the Greeks and Romans, no lefs than
among
among the anceftors of the modern European nations, the Ruffians alfo may have exhibited fome correfponding appearances. But the chief particulars in their manners, that dif-play any fuch pretenfion, arife from the fu-preme authority of the Emperor over the nobility, and of the nobility over their flaves.
The peafantry were obliged to obey their Superiors, either in labouring the ground, or in going out to war; but it does not appear, that the terms on which they were allowed to derive fubfiftence to themfelves from tillage were, that tbey fhould, on demand, perform military 1er vice.   If they tranigreffed againft the will of their owner, they might no doubt be driven out of his eftates. But the matter was unwilling to inflict this kind of punifhment; it was like depriving himfelf of a dog or a horfe.   The moft common punifhment would be the feizure of their effects, or corporal fuffering.   In this we fee nothing like the incident of cfckeat*. In like manner the incident of marriage is not to be looked for in the power of the
* Millar's elegant and ingenious Account of the Origin of thi Diftrn&ton of Ranfes.
B b 2 m after
mailer to make his Have efpoiife whom, or at what time, he appointed. He did Something Similar for the propagation of his herds and flocks. Confidered as having no property but what depended on the good-will of their owners, we need not fearch among them for wardjljips, non-entries, or aids. Nor does any relation of a feudal nature feem to have fubfifted between the Sovereign and his nobility. He was as abfolute over them, as they were over the labourers of the ground. If he w7anted to recruit or augfnent his army, he told the rulers of certain diitricts the number of men he wanted, and they were bound to fupply them. In cafes of great emergency, no doubt, they muftered all their vaffals, and this force has been termed a militia : it is ma-" nifeft, however, that it could only be employed for defence, and that other forces were neceffary for the wars waged at a distance, and the extenfive conquefts atchieved by the Czars. As we have nothing, therefore, in the early accounts of this country, corre-fponding to the military fer vice in the weft of Europe, the Ruffian hiftory, if I miftake nor, furnifhcs few instances of the judicial combat, nor of the manners and customs
' - flowing
flowing from fuch practice or inflitution. Neither have I found any thing in the early ftate of this country that has the appearance of an affembly of chieftains, met together for the purpofcs of enacting laws, administering juftice, or of deciding concerning the expediency of peace and war.    The Senate, as it is termed, feems to me to have been originally no other than a certain number of leading men, nominated by the Sovereign, to aflift him in his deliberations.    But what clearly fhews that feudal customs were never very much known in Ruflia, is  the manner in which a man's family fucceeded to his eftate. The right of primogeniture, till of late, was never much recognized or regarded. The wife generally fucceeded to one-fourth part of a moveable fubject, and one-feventh, or one-eighth, of immoveables. The hufband, in like manner, fucceeded to the fortune of his wife ; and if fhe had no children, the remainder of her effects was divided among her relations.   In thefe particulars, however, I fuf-pect there is fome inaccuracy.   I fufpect the interests of the wife, in fuch a divifion, would be little attended to.   But, as Herodotus fays, With regard to circumftances in his narrative, B b 3 which
which feemed to himfelf rather ftrange, I tell you what I was told. Each of the daughters in a family fucceeded to a portion equal to half what the widow received ; and all the reft was divided equally among the Ions, if this was the cafe in early times, you will ob-ferve that it tended directly to dèftroy an hereditary nobility ; and fo confributed in the moil obvious manner to increafe the power of the Sovereign.
There is fo great a difference, according to the views now Suggested, between the manners, customs, and political constitutions of the Ruffians, and other nations of Christendom, that I mention them with the utmost; diffidence. I believe I am founded in the account I have given you ; I have no theory to ferve by the things now mentioned ; yet you may let them down, if you pleafe, under the head of conjecture. Two particulars, however, I muft Subjoin ; the one in favour of what I have fuggefled, and the other rather inimical,.
1.1 am apt to think, that the full completion Qf the feudal fyftem, as it arofe in the welt
of
r
of Europe, is a Singularity in the hiftory of mankind ; and particularly in the hiftory of thofe nations that have any pretenfions to improvement.   The great empires of Affyria* Chaldea, and Perfia, if we make due allowances for difference of climate, prefent nearly the lame appearance with the Sovereignty of the Czar, or Vclike Knez.    Their Emperors commanded   great   armies,   which enabled them not only to make extenfive conquefts, but to extend their authority at home; and their nobility refidcd either in the metropolis, in Nineveh, Babylon, or Sufa ;   or in the fenced cities of the provinces.   The government of the provinces was altogether military. I am inclined therefore to view the Ruffian ftate as a great oriental empire: and if I may trivft certain fymptoms in the character of the nation and its rulers, notwithstanding the efforts made by Peter the Great and the prefent Emprefs, to give it fome refemblance to other European fiâtes, for they are the only Potentates who have really made the attempt, it will again return, Ï will not fay relapfe, into its former oriental condition.
2. The
2. The other circumftance to be mentioned is, that feudal cuftoms are aiTerted by grave authority to prevail not only in the neighbourhood of Ruiïia, but even in fome diftricts that are now provinces of the Poiftian empire. An ingenious French Writer, the author of an Effay on Public Happinefs, expreiïes himfelf
in the following manner:-" We have
" ftill in the Ukraine a (hiking example of %i the feudal government in all its purity, and fuch as it muft have been in the be-** ginning.   The Czars gave this province " to the CoiTacks, on condition that they M fhould   improve   it, and  be   ready to ** render them what Services they fhould re-" quire.    Military  forms and regulations 4t were in place of every other rule or infti-" tution.   The province is divided into feve-41 ral regiments, which form fo many dif-*' tricls.    One company makes a village, *• fubjed to a Captain, who is under the Co-" lonel, who re fides in the city.   The Het-" man refides in a fort of capital, which is u no other than a camp, where he always " keeps in his pay a certain number of in-41 fantry and of cavalry.   The reft labour 41 and cultivate the ground, on no other con-
+      44 dition
r u*s si an   empire. 377
*f dition than that, whenever there is any <c need for them, they fhali appear in arms."
According to this account, no doubt, there is in the Ukraine an appearance of feudal inftitutions.   But, as was hinted above, the principles, fo to fay, of feudality  may be found in all nations ; among the Romans, in the relation of Patrons and Clients ; among the Greeks, at the fiege of Troy ; in Mexico, when that country was fubdued by Cortes; in Otaheite, and the South Sea Iflands. Nor has the above quoted Author afferted that the particular incidents of the feudal fyflem, and which give it its peculiar character, are to be met with among the Coffacks.    I confefs, though the outlines of the fyflem may be traced among them, 1 doubt much whether they ever had it in its full completion.
At prefent the Ukraine may be eonfidered as in all refpeds a Ruffian province. It has no pretenfions to independence. The title of Hetman is in lome meafure aboliihed. Count Rofamouiky, the prefent Hetman, is more commonly known by the title of Marifcha! than of Hetman.   He was raifed
to
to his office by the Sovereign of Ruffia, and may be removed at the Emprefs's pleafure. He refides in a fplendid palace at St. Peterfburg, and exhibits all the indolent magnificence and gorgeous luxury of a Magabazus, or Artabazus, or any other Perfian Satrap in the reigns of Darius or Artaxerxes.   I have been informed that the peafants in the Ukraine, who were not, as in Ruffia, attached to the lands they laboured, the fole property of their matters, and to be bought and fold at their pleafure, but might hire their fervices on any eft ate, or to whom they chofe, have lately undergone a deplorable change, and have been reduced, by an edict of the prefent Emprefs, to the condition of her other Ruffian fubjects.
You will perhaps infer from the foregoing account, that Ruffia was, in early times, in a more improved ftate than the Tartar and other nations in its vicinity. You will be apt too, to afik the reafon. 1 am afraid, however, I can give you no farther iatisfaction on this fubjecT:, than to fay, that the difference muft have arifen from difference of foil and climate. The fouthern and eafiern parts of Ruffia,
efpecially
efpecially about the banks and mouths of the many great rivers by which this empire is So abundantly watered, are exceedingly Sertile, and capable of the highcil improvement. This, therefore, along with fome other circumftances, determined the inhabitants of this country to fow corn and build towns, while their Scythian, Lap-ponian, and Tartarean neighbours led a wandering and fugitive life. In like manner thofe who lived in former ages by the banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, cultivated the ground, and were expofed to the depredations of thofe favages who iifued from the wilds of Arabia, the faftneffes of Mount Taurus, or the deferts of Caucafus.
LETTER XLVL
Concerning the Caufes that Duelling and Single Combat have not been fo ufual in Ruffia as in other Countries in Europe.
DEAR sir,
r^HE Ruffians are not addicted to duelling,
Perfons of fafhion, in fo far as i can learn, do not appeal to the fword, either to revenge an affront, or to vindicate their honour. In this refpect alfo, the manners of the Ruffians differ from thofe of other nations in Chriftendom. The circumftance is indeed fo. Singular, that you will be inclined to aSk how it happens.
It occurs immediately, in confidering this Subject, that we hear of no duels among the Romans, Greeks, Jews, Perfians, or any people of antiquity; nor even among the moderns, if we except the Europeans and their defendants.   That contefts between two per-
fons.
Sons, even bloody contefts, and terminating in death, have not exifted in all times and places fince the days of Cain and Abel, is not alTerted.   I only alTert, that we have no evidence that the judicial combat ever exifted, or gave rife to the modern duel, but among European nations. By no other people, in fo far as I have heard, was ever perfonal valour made the teft of truth ;  or a matter of fact proved by the fword ; or the will of heaven fuppofed to be revealed by the death or victory of a combatant in Single combat. But among our eaftern and northern progenitors, even in very early times, conflicts, having fuch Singular importance annexed to them, were not unufual.   Frothon, a very ancient Scandinavian Prince, declared by edict,  " that it " was better to terminate differences by arms «* than by argument ; and by blows than by * words.''   This doctrine was very readily and  very  generally  embraced. Rotharis, King of the Lombards, who was the firft in his nation that formed a regular fyftem, or eode of laws, and who borrowed nothing, as we are told, from ftrangers, but only collected and renewed the unwritten laws of his fathers, enacted, " that if a man, poiTefling
'* lands,
*' lands, or any kind of property, were a<i-" cufed of holding them unjuftly, he might " alTert his right by fingle combat." Such edicts might be expected from the defcend-ants of thofe who, according to the accounts both of Caffar and Paterculus, determined the molt facred rights, and fucceflion to the molt important offices, by the fword. About thirty years after Rotharis, Grimoald, his fuccefTor, boailed of having reformed his fyftem. A King of the Burgundians alfo, at a very early period, enacted, that the fingle combat might be ufed as lawful evidence. The Goths, and other nations, who fettled in lands that had been much occupied by the Romans, became, in this refpect, milder than their brethren of the north. Flence King Theodoric, according to Caffiodorus, propofed them as a pattern to be followed by his fubjects in Hungary, and in the regions along the Danube. " Why," fays he, " have re-" courfe to fingle combat, fince the judges in " my dominions are incapable of being venal.
Meddle not with arms but againft your >* foes ; and in this refpect follow the i: Goths."—*' Univerlis barbaris, &c. per 44 Pannoniam conflitutis. Res parva non vos
" ducat
** ducat ad extrema difcrimina. Acquiefcite " juftitia qua rnundus Isetatur. Cur ad Mo-u nomachiam recurritis qui venalem judicem S£ non habetis. Depoiite ferrum qui non vt habetis inimicum, &c. Quid opus eft ■* homini lingua fi caufam manus agat ar-** mata ? Aut unde pax effe creditur, fi fub 11 civilitate pugnetur ? Imitamini certc 41 Gothos noftros qui foris pradia, intus no-" runt exercere modeftiam."
In explaining the reafons of a difference fo remarkable between the manners of the Romans, to whom I (hall chiefly appeal on the prefent occafion, and the anceftors of fome modern European ftates, you will probably be able alfo to difcern the reafon of the fimilar difference between them and the Ruffians. Whence then has it arifen?—In attending to the fubjecT:, you will perhaps agree with me, that three circumftances re-fpecling the drefs, government, and ftiperfti-tion of the nations, concerning whom we are treating, have, by their joint operation, produced this curious effect. Difunited, no one of them apart from the reft could have done it ; but by combining their powers, and by
exerting
exerting them in the fame direction, they have given rife to this lingular difference. I will endeavour, in this view, to il lu ft raie thofe three particulars; and if in this dilcuf-fion I offend your patience, let me crave the indulgence of a friend.
I. We have the teflimony of feveral art-tient authors, hiftorians as well as poets and orators, that neither the Romans nor the Greeks, nor indeed any nation of antiquity^ unlefs in very rude times, ufed offeniive arms as a part of their drefs ; nor indeed upon any other occafion than that of actual engagement with an enemy. Our information concerning the Romans, is apprehended to be no lefs appofite than deciiive. No Roman who was not a, foldier was allowed to carry arms. Even thofe who were enrolled in the legion, were not entrusted with offeniive weapons, but in the time or inftant expectation of battle. The arms of the army* when they were encamped, were carefully depofited near the Praetorium, and were not to be ufed, nor put into the hands of the fol* diery, but by the exprefs order or leave of the Commander in Chief.   * Accedunt infuper
" boites
" hoftes ferocius multo, ut ftatuiiTe, non pug-" nare confules cognitum eft.   Qmppe im-" pu ne infuUaturos.    Non credi militi ar-fi ma */*    When Turnus  Herdonius was charged by Tarquin, in a general meeting of the Latins, with a defign againft his life, the proof was, that he was poffeffed of arms. A fearch was inftantly made : arms were found in his cuftody : they had been conveyed privately to his lodging by the partizans of Tarquin ; and he was of confequence accounted guilty.    " Non dubitare fi vera deferantur " quin prima luce, ubi ventum in concilio fit, ,c inftructus cum conjuratorum manu, arma» ** tu/que venturus fit.   Eunt, inclinatis qui-" dem ad credendum animis, tamen nifi gla-" diisdcprehcnfiSjCseteravanaexiftimatura-f\', In times of peace, or during any ceffation of hoftilities, the arms, even of thofe foldiers who had been recently engaged, or were about to engage in warfare, were taken from them, and depofited in the armory J. Add to this, that no perfon was allowed to fabricate arms, either in the city or in the pro-
* Liv. 1. ii. ca. 4;. I Llv. 1,1.6 51.
1. Petifcus. Servius
C c vinces,
vinces, without the permiiTion or authority of the ftate*. Virginius, who came directly from the army to fave his daughter from difho-nour, does not appear to have been armed even with a fword ; but put her to death with à butcher's knife. lf Ah lanio cultro *' arrepto, hoc te uno quo pofiu'm, ait, modo, <k filia in libertatem vind'ico.   Pectus deinde
** Pueïîâe transfigitt.'1--The Senators of
Great Britain, like their German ancestors, when they meet in their legislative aflembly, appear in arms; but the Roman Senators, who put Gefar to death; armed themfelves fecretly for that particular purpofe ; nor had Cccfar any weapon to defend himfelf with, but an iron pen feized fuddenly from the hand of a clerk J,   It was certainly owing to the regulations, which hindered the Romans in the city from wearing arms, that for many centuries before the time of the Gracchi, notwithstanding the tumults and violent contests between the Patricians and Plebeians* excepting in two or three instances, there wras little bloodfhed, and no life ever loft.
• Petifcuj.      f Liv. I. 3. c. 48.-     I Suetonius.
But
Russian empire. 3s7
But in this refped, the practice of the Germans, according to the accounts given us by-Tacitus, was very different. Armour constituted a part of their drefs. In all public meetings, and in all deliberative alfemblies, even in times of the proroundeft peace, they never met but in arms. J he confequence was, that in all difputes and distentions they appealed to the fword, as to a prompt and de-cifive umpire. Impatient of eoiitradidion, pafhonate and furious, as men in an early ftate of fociety ; high-minded, couragious, and expert in arms, as the progenitors of the French and Englilh, they proceeded to instant conflict. <c Turn ad negotia nec it minus fsepe ad convivia 'procedunt ar-<c mati creprae rixse, raro conviciis, Ibepius
c:ede et vulneribus transflguntur."—Not only was this pradifed by the Germans in the times of Tacitus, Paterculus, and Crjsfar, but was continued long after 1 he posterity of the Germans, when they became a mighty people, and were divided into various fiâtes went in armour not only to their parliaments and public councils, but to their vifi.ts and private meet-C c « ings.
fogs*.   Indeed, no race of men, fo far advanced in improvement, continued this practice fo long as the anceflors of the nations in the weft and north of Europe.   Yet the cuf-tom is fo peculiar, and muft neceffarily have been of fo much influence in the common intercourfe of life, that we need not be furprifed, if it fhould diftinguiih the people, among whom it prevailed, with the moft peculiar ufages and inftitutions.   Indeed the wonder would be, fuppofing fuch a difference to fubfift between two nations, the Romans, for example, and the defcendants of the antient Germans, if its confequences, in a variety of remarkable circumftances, did not diverfify their manners, and render them diflimilar. Hence not only the duel and judicial combat, but the joufts and tournaments, that make fo great a figure in the hiftory of modern Europe.
II. It is obvious, that fuch excefles as thofe mentioned in the paflage from Tacitus, tended to injure, and even ruin fuch fmall communities as German tribes ; and called upon
• A View of Society in Europe, by Dr. Gilbert Stuart : a work to be lludied by all who would really underltand Taci-tus'i Treatife of Ancient Germany.
the
the rulers to interpole every means of prevention. ' The lofs which the State fuftained by the death of intrepid leaders ; the tumults occafioned by fuch outrageous diflention ; and the lading enmity between different families, diifeminated by hidden acts of violence, were in the number of thofe calamities that arofe from furious and irregular ftrife. The rulers, therefore, were much interefted in having them foftened, or entirely prevented. But how was this to be done ? Not furely by pofi-tive and exprefs prohibition. The powers of government were then fo weak, that fuch prohibition, oppofed to the furious paffions of valiant men, were of little effect. " Nec re-" gibus infinita, aut libera poteftas : et duces 44 exemplo potius, qua m imperio, &c. prae-44 funt " Their Kings have not an abfo-" lute or unlimited power; and their Gene-*l rals command lefs through force of autho-u rity than of example."
In order, therefore, to prevent misfortunes of the kind above-mentioned, the rulers of States betook themfelves to other means than direct prohibition.   They laid to the angry
• Tacitus.
C c 3 perfons,
perlons, who would terminate their diffen* tions by violence, ** Do as yon pleafe ; light " if you will ; but have relpect tor the meet-il ing ; let not the bufinefs of a public déliai beration be call into dilbrder by your dila-*>8 greement : nay, do juftice to yourfeives 5 " let no one take advantage of another : go ".forth to an open place: ufe proper wea-*f pons: and let each of you carry along with him an equal number of friends, to affift *' you in fo far as may be confiftent with ho-ct nour and be the faithful witnefTs of your *' valour."—in all this there was nothing that oppofed their pallions : nay, 'heir felf-i nportance was in fome degree flattered. Meantime delay was obtained : by 'he g >od offices of friends their anger might be appealed: at any rate, the mifchiets arifing from outrageous difcord were leffened ; and as the perfon who fell would feem to have met with fufficient juftice, the refentmcnt of hiz adherents wTouid be affwaged.
The difpofition of rulers, in early times, to prevent violence by indirect: means, and even by afeeming compliance with the angry paf-fions of thofe they governed, when their real
defign
defign was to counteract and oppofe them, is well illuftrated by the methods practifed by fome Indian nations in punifhing murder. They are mentioned particularly by Lailtau ; and their chief object feems to have been, to appeafe the relent ment of thofe who would feel themfelves incited to avenge the death of a friend. The criminal was obliged to give iixty prefents; nine of thefe were given to the friends of the dcceafed, and the reft were fufpended over the dead body. Some of them were faid to be given to make the tomahawk fall from the hand of vengeance ; fome to wipe the wounds of the dead; and others to qoniole his friends and relations.
III. Another circumftance, which, along with the preceding, tended to produce the judicial combat, and particularly the formalities of that cuftom among a rude people, fo Situated as the ancient Germans and their descendants, was their pronenefs to fuperftition* Their gods, as they -believed, were interested in their fortunes ; and, of confequence, were interested in nothing fo much concerning them, as what related to their life or death. Hence they regarded the fingle combat as an
C c 4 arrea^
appeal to the jufliee of the Beings they wor-(hipped ; or an infallible method to prevail with them to reveal their will to mankind. Thus every fuch conflict implied a fort of tacit convention with the praerernatural objects of divine adoration ; and the appeal to heaven constituted a finking feature of this fingular cuftom. The difpofnion to believe that the Gods announced promifes of protection, and confequently their opinion concerning the juftice of any caufe, by the fuc-cefs of a combatant in fingle combat, appeared fo early as among the nations delcribed by Tacitus. '* Ejus gentis cum qua bellum eft 41 captivum quoquo modo interceptum, eum " eiedo popularium fuorum, patriis quemque *4 armis committunt : victoria hujus vel il-44 litis pro praejudicio accipitur." M They ob-** lige a prifoner, taken by any means what-** foever from the nation with whom they are ** at variance, to fight with a picked man of 44 their own, each with his country arms ; ** and according as the victory falls, they prefage fuccefs to one or the other party."
As the fingle combat was thus eonfidered as, a demand on heaven to inierpofe in behalf
half of truth or innocence, it was conducted with religious folemnity. Moreover, as the Gods could not be fuppofed to favour falfehood or injustice, a perfon's pronenefs in calling the fword to witnefs, was held a fymptom of his integrity : his fuccefs was regarded as inconteflible evidence in his favour : and thus perfonal valour, fupported by fkill in arms, became, in fome meafure, the tcft of truth. The propagation of Christianity, by a strange perverlion, contributed to give the cuftom liability. By the doctrines of that benign religion, the Deity was reprefented as inclined to interpofe, in a very particular manner, in behalf of integrity, and as regarding deviations from truth with peculiar difpleafure. From the mifapplica-tion of thole opinions, by the groiîett and moft arrogant fuperftition, the Supreme Being had a method prefcribed to him for the dif-play of his authority ; and was required to manifefl his juftice within the lilts of the fingle combat. The manners of men became gradually more improved : government acquired vigour : offences were reftrained or punifhed by pofitive laws : the judicial combat, like the fiery ordeal, was no longer appealed
pealed to ; and fo went into difufe. Buta connection had been formed between valour and truth : it was cherifhed by the ardent fpirits of impetuous men : they wore arms to defend their honour: it was natural they fhould feel refentment againft thofe who impeached their veracity : and girt with a fword, it was no Ids natural that the fword fhould exprefs their refentment. Thus, though the judicial combat was difcontinued, it left us its reprelentative, the modern duel. I am aware of the diflindtion between the fingle combat, eonfidered as an inflirution of honour, and an inllitution of civil polity*'; nor does it feem inconlifteiu with the foregoing observations.
Upon the whole, the northern nations wore arms on all occaftons, and in periods of confiderable improvement ; the Romans fel-dom : the powers of government among the northern nations were weak ; among the Romans ftrong : and thefe circumftances, along with fuperftition, a quality of which all men, as well Romans as Huns and Lombards, have always poffeffed quantity enough
• Dr. Stuart's View of Society,
for
for producing fuch valuable inflitutions as judicial combats and fiery ordeals, explains the difference above dated; and apply, with propriety enough to the Singularity in the manners of the Ruffians, which has impofed the talk upon you of reading this tedious Letter. If am not mifinformed, the Ruffians, excepting the guard of the Veliké Knez, and the Handing army, were not accuftomed to appear in arms.   No abufes, therefore, arifing from the promifcuous ufe of military accoutrements, called either for the direct or indirect interposition of government. The judicial combat, and confequently the duel of honour, never exifted among them. But as the fafiYions of Europe, and particularly thofe of France, are making progrefs among the natives of this country, fome perfons among them who atfect patri >tifm, exprefs their expectations, that they will foon have the credit of blowing out one another's brains in the eafieft and policeft manner. Adieu.
LETTER XLVII.
EngU/h Players in Ruffia—Prologue on opening an Englijh Theatre at St. Peterfburg,
DEAR  SIR,        St. Petrrfburg, Feb. 12. 1771.
YOU will be furprifed to hear, that we have got at St. Peterfburg an Englifh Playhoufe. A Company of Players arrived here in the end of autumn. They were ad-vifed, you may be fure, to return home without lofs of time ; they chufe, however, to make their home, at leaft for one winter, in Ruffia, and truft to the well known humanity of their countrymen in the Gallerinhoff. Accordingly, with great diligence, and much tinfel, they furbilhed up an old barn into the iikcnefs of a theatre j and that every thing might be as complete as poffible, they had in it, not only a feat for the Britifti Ambafladorf but boxes for the Great Duke and her Imperial Majefty of all the Ruflias.   So, on the
firft
firft mght that the theatre was opened, all their countrymen came to them,  to give them charity, and to laugh, as might have been expected, at the Tragedy of Douglas. But inftead of laughing, they cried. The part of Douglas was performed by a female player with inimitable pathos.   The audience were furprifed into the warmeft ap-plaufes.    The fame of this excellent performance was fpread through the city ; and for two or  three  fuccefhve  evenings the theatre was crowded with Ruffians and Germans as well as Englifh.   On the fourth night of the reprefentatation, juft as the play began, the door of the Emprefs's box was unexpectedly  opened ;   and  her Majefty, without having given any previous warning, took poffeffiou of her feat.   You may eafily imagine how much we were plcafed and flattered with this mark of her Majcfty's confidence and condefcenfion.     This was fiill more the cafe, when, in anfwer to fome apology that had been conveyed to her, about the badnefs of the accommodation, fhe replied, u that, among the Englifh, fhe was ft quite at eafe."   In order, however, to remedy the real inconveniences of the fituation,
and
and to testify ftill farther her prefent partiality to our nation, fhe ordered a better theatre to be prepared ; and on occafion of opening it, the player who had drawn fo much attention, delivered the following Prologue :
WITHOUT the aid of ornament or art,. To fpeak the language of a grateful heart, I come refpect fui.   Little known to fame, Thro1 flormy feas to distant fhores we came $ And to us, Britons, in a foreign land, Britons extended the protecting hand: Friendleis we came ; but every Britiih heart In all our interests took a friendly part. Fair fame attend you ! O may due fuccefs Reward your merit and ycur labours biefs 1 Kind as ye are, and generous, may ye ttill Enjoy the power, as ye polfefs the will !
The Rulers of this land beheld, with joy, How Britifh hearts on Britiih hearts rely : Flow Albion's fons, incapable of change, Thro' no variety of friendfhips range : Kind without interest, with affection true, Gen'rous and confiant where their faith is due*
The Rulers of this land, whofe hosts defied The rage of Infidels, and quell'd their pride ; Made Kahul's streams with flaughter'd foes rur?
red i (dead 5
Heap'd Bender's  walls with  thoufands of the
Undaunted
Undaunted in the gallant ftrifeof arms, Even co Byzantium carried dire alarms; Ting'd the iEgîcan wave with Ottoman gore, And fhook with terror Afia's diftant more ; They faw your goodnefs, felt it, and were mov'd.-To emulate the worth their fouls approv'd : ; This gen'rous Sympathy their favour drew ; Us they applauded, but they honour'd—You.
With unexampled goodnefs from the Throne The radiance of th' imperial bounty (hone, Beam'd glory round us, rais'd us from the ground, And bade us bloom, and bade our fruits abound. Far thro' the nations may that radiance blaze, The good to cherifh, and the meek to raife-, rFo fofter merit, from the haunts of men To banifh Difcord, and her ghaftly train : Envy fhall pine and ficken at the fight ; And Turkifh crefcents mingle with the night.
LETTER XLVIII.
Copy of a Letter from Count Orloff to Rouffeau, ivitb the Anjzver.
DEAR SIR,
ISEND you inclofed what I am perfuaded you will confîder as a literary curiofity : a letter fent by Count Orloff to the famous Rouffeau; and another from that ftrange citizen of the world in return.
Copie d'une Lettre de Monf le Comte Orloff en Ruffle, à Monf J. J. Rouffeau en Angleterre,
Monsieur, Dec. 1766.
VOUS ne ferez point étonné que je vous écrive, car vous favez que les hommes font inclins aux fingularités. Vous avez les vôtres ; j'ai les miennes : cela eft dans l'ordre : le motif de cette lettre ne Eeft pas moins.
y
Je vous vois depuis long-terns aller, d'un endroit à l'autre.   J'en fais les raifons par les voies publiques ; et peut-être, les fai je mal : parcequ'elles pouvent être fauffes.    Je vous crois en Angleterre chez le Duc de Richmond, et je fuppofe que vous y êtes bien : ce™ Jpendànt il m'a pris fantafie  de vous dire, que j'ai une terre eloigned de foixante verftes de St. Peterfburg, ce qui fait de dix lieux d'Allemagne, où l'air eft fain, l'eau admirable, les coteaux qui entourrent différents lacs, forment de promenades agréables très propres à rêver ; les habitans n'entendent ni l'Ang-lois ni la Francoife ; encore mois la Grec et la Latine.   Le cure ne fait point difputer ni prêcher ; et les ovaitles, en faifant le figue de k croix, croient bonnement que tout eft dit„ Hé bien, Monfieur, fi jamais ce lieu là eft à votre gout, vous pouvez y venir de demeurer. Vous auriez la neceffaire, fi vous la voulez. Si non, vous auriez de la chaffe, et de la pêche. Si vous voulez avoir à qui parler pour vous défengager, vous le pourrez : mais en tout, et fur tout, vous n'effuyerez aucune gene fur rien ;  ni n'auriez aucune obligation à per-fbnne.   De plus, toute publicité fur fe fejour, fi vous fauhaitez, pourroit être évitée: et D d dans
dans ce dernier cas, vous ferez bien, felon moi, fi vous pouvez fupporter la mer, de faire le trajet par eau. Auffi bien les curieux vous importunèrent moins fur ce chemin, que fur la route de terre.
Voilà, Moniteur, ce que je me fuis crû endroit de mander, d'après la reconnoif-fance que je vous ai, pour les inftruc-tions que j'ai prife dans vos livres, quoique ils ne fuffent pas e'erits pour moi. Je fuis, Moniteur, avec beaucoup de refpect, V. S. &c.
LA REPONSE,
Le 2^mc de Février, ù Hatton.
VOUS vous donnez, Monfieur le Comte, pour avoir des fingularités. En effet, ce'n eft prefque une d'être bienfaifant fans intérêt: et c'en eft une bien plus grande, de l'être de ft loin, pour quelqu'un qu'on ne connoit pas. Vos obligeantes offres, le ton dont vous me les avez fait, et la defcription de l'habitation que vous me deftinez, feroient af-iurçment très capable de m'y attirer ; fi j'étois
moins
moins infirme, plus allant, plus jeune, et que vous fuffiez plus près du foleil. Je craindrois d'ailleurs, qu'en voyant celui que vous honorez d'une invitation, vous n'y eufïiez quelque regret : vous attendriez à une manière d'homme de lettres, un beau difeur, qui de-vroit payer en frais d'efprit et de paroles votre genereufe hofpitalité ; et vous n'auriez qu'un bon homme bien fimple, que fon goût et fes malheurs ont rendu fort folitaire, et que pour tout amufement herberifiant toute la journe'e, trouve ce commerce avec les plantes, cette paix fi douce à fon cœur, que lui ont refuse les humains. Je n'irai donc pas, Mon-fieur, habiter votre maifon ; mais je fouvien-drai toujours avec reconnoifiance que vous me l'avez offerte ; et je regretterai quelque foix de n'y être pas pour cultiver les bontés^ et l'amitié' du maître.
Agréez, Mon lieu r le Comte, je vous fup-plie, mes remerciments très finceres, et mes très humbles falutations.
Dd2
Tranjlafion
Tranflation of the above Letters, I.
YOU will not be furprifed at my writing you ; for you know men are apt to have ilngularities : You have yours, and I have mine : thefe are things of courfe. My motive for writing you is not lefs fo : I have obferved you for fome time going from place to place. I know the reafons of this by public rumour; and perhaps I am mifinformed, as public rumour is not always true. I believe you are now in England with the "Duke of Richmond; and I fuppofe that there you are happily fituated. Neverthclefs, I have taken it into my head to tell you, that I have an eftate diftant fixty vcrfts, that is, about ten German miles, from tit. Peterfburg, where the air is healthy, the water admirable,- and the little hills Surrounding the lakes form walks very well fuited for contemplation. The inhabitants are ignorant both of F.nglifh and French ; and ftill more fo of Greek and Latin. The curate can neither argue nor preach; and his fheep,, in making the fign of
the
the croSs, are Satisfied in good earneft that they have done all that is needful. Now, Sir, if ever this place iuit your tafte, you may come here and live. You fhall have your wants Supplied, if you chu Se. If not, you ihall have hunting and fiihing. If you tire of folitude, and chufe converfation, it is in your power. But in all, and above all, you ihall fuffer reft rain t in nothing, and have obligations to none. Befides, your retreat may be as fecret as you incline : and, in that view, I would advife you, if you can bear the voyage, to come by fea. By taking that route, you will be lefs teized by inquifitive perfons than if you came by land.
All this, Sir, I thought my duty to t'gU you, out of gratitude for the inftruc~tion which your books, though they were not written on my account, have afforded me : and am, Sir, with much refipect, &c.
IL
Hatton, Feb. 23* YOU would pafs, Sir, for a perfon who has Singularities.   In truth, it is a Singularity Dd 3 te
to be beneficent without felf-intereft.   It is much more fo to be beneficent from fo rrjeat a diftance, and towards a perfon with whom you are not acquainted.    Your obliging offers, the manner in which they are made, and the defcription of the dwelling you intend for me, would be fully fufficient to draw me thither, were I lefs infirm, better able to travel, and younger than I am, and if you were fituated nearer the fun.    Befides, I would be afraid, left, in feeing him whom you honour with an invitation, you fhould feel fome regret. You expect a fort of learned man, a rare talker, who ought to repay your hofpitality with wit and fine fpeeches ; and inftead of this you would have but a very plain and fimple man, whole tafte and mif-fortunes have rendered very folitary; and who has no other amufement than to pafs the day in herbalizing ; but who finds, in converting with plants, that peace, fo pleafing to his heart, which men have refufed him. I will not, therefore, go to live in the houfe you mention; but, Sir, I will always, with gratitude, remember the offer you have made me ; and I fhall fometimes regret that I am J not
not there to enjoy the goodnefs and friendship of its owner.
I intreat you, Sir, to accept of my fincereft thanks.
Dd4
LETTER XLIX.
Tranjlation of an  Eafler Hymn, fometimes; recited in the Churches of the Greek Communion*
To the Reverend Dr. L-d,
REV. DEAR SIR, ■\/OU know that, at Eafter, in churches of Jl the Greek communion, Priefts, appointed for the purpofe, reprefent the Refurrec~lion of our Saviour. On that occafion, ï have been informed, that the following Plymn, written originally in Greek by a Bifhop of Theflalonica, is fometimes fung. You will eafily obferve, that it is intended to be recited in the interval between the burial and the refurrection.
O WHAT an awful, awful hour,
Beheld our Saviour die ! The Sun, in dire eclipfc, withdrew
His radiance from the fky.
The
The waters of the troubled deep
To their abyffes fled : The mountains, and the fol id earth,
Shook with exceflive dread.
Amazement was in heav'n ! But who
The folemn myfVry faw, That Struck, ev'n in the h eav'n of heavens.
Angelic holts with awe ?
At that tremendous, awful hour, The gates of heav'n were clos'd:
The fabric of the rolling fpheres With consternation patis'd.
Meantime what deeds were done on earth !
Deeds of atrocious strife ! The powers of Death and Darknefs strove
Against the Lord of Life !
And conquer'd—-as they vainly deem'd !
Nor, in their frenzy, knew, That they fhould, by that heinous act,
Their own rebellion rue.
The darknefs flies away ! the gates
Of heaven are open'd wide ! And fudden, from the fapphire throne,
Bursts an effulgent tide.
Emerging
Emerging from the cloud of light,
With beaming harps, behold ! In bright attire, the Séraphin
Their radiant forms unfold.
On high their loud hofannas flow ;
Meffiah's praife they fing : The nether orbs refume their fpeed,
And with hofannas ring.
*' Meffiah triumphs," they proclaim,^—«
4t Tho' in the grave he lies, " Soon will he burft the bonds of Death*
" And reafcend the fkies.
44 Ten thoufand thoufand angels then
4t Shall join the vocal lay; 44 And hail, triumphant, his return
44 To everlafting day !
44 To Him a crown of majefty
44 Amid the hofts of heaven, 44 Shall by Jehova be with power
4t And wide dominion given.
44 Far thro' the ftarry realms of fpace> 44 Blazing with beams of gold,
^l Elis banner, at the gate of heaven, ? An angel ihall unfold.
4t Then
tC Tiien pealing with tremendous voice
The Seraph of the Sun, " Shall, as his flames expires, proclaim
44 Median's reign begun.
" Rous'd by that voice, in white array,
" His Elect to the fky 4t Shall foar, and reign with glory crown'd
tc in realms of blcfs on high.
il Glory to God, and to the Son,
" And to the Spirit pure ! 44 Their juftice, goodnefs, and their power,
" Forever fliall endure."
LETTER L.
The Serajkier of Bender.
D E A R SIR, July ioth, 177,1,
TT is faid here, that, except Constantinople, no city in hurope contains a greater variety of ftrangers than St Peterfburg. In London and Paris you have Europeans of all nations; but you have not, additionally to thefe, different races of Tartars, Orcadians,
and Armenians.--The moft beautiful Cir-
caffian 1 have feen here is the wife of an Armenian merchant ; and her beauty feems of a kind fomewhat fmgular. She is moft gracefully formed; but has not the leaft tint of complexion : nor does (he imitate the Ruffian ladies, in fummoning art to the aftiftance of nature. Her fkin is as white as the driven fnow ; it is fo tranfparent, as to fhew the purple veins underneath ; her features dif-play the beauties of Helen ; her eyes are
deep
deep blue ; her eye-brows exquifire ; and her hair, flowing over her ivory neck, is as black as the wing of a raven. This fpecies of beauty, however, does not diitinguifh all the Circaffians I have feen ; fome of them have black eyes, and a ruddy complexion.
In confequence of the number of ftrangers in t. Peterfburg, many perfons fpeak a variety of different languages: nor would even the ladies think you were calling them bad names, if you were to fay they were Polyglots. The Englifh ladies here fpeak French, German, and Rufs, and fome of them Italian. Their other graces and accomplifhments are proportioned to their gift of tongues.
The variety of ftrangers here is diverfifîed at prefent, by the addition of a great many Turkifh prifoners. They are remarkably well ufed ; and go about the city with a great deal of freedom. The moft diftinguifhed perfonage among them is the Serafkier, who behaved fo gallantly in the defence of Bender. He is an Emir; that is, a defcendant of Mahomet; and, as a mark of his high lineage, the colour of his robe is green.   The fafhioa
of
of his drefs, excepting that he wears a turban, is the fame as that of the Hofpodar of Wallachia.  But he is a different perfon from the Hofpodar.   Gregorio Giko is rather tall, and of a dignified appearance : the Serafkier is little, meagre, marked with the fmall-pox-, and of a mean appearance.   But he is as valiant as the edge of his fabre, iteady to his truit, active in the difcharge of his duty, and determined in his tenor of conduct. Though conquered, and a captive, he is not fubdued ; but exhibits an unyielding, and even contemptuous fternnefs, that furprifes his conquerors.   Fîe infifted on having a numerous attendance of Turks, including a part of his feraglio, and a perfon of fmall ftature, who difplays the antic geftures of a buffoon : his re-quifition was immediately granted. A Ruffian nobleman afked him to his houfe : " I am " your prifoner," he replied 5    you may do 44 with me what you pleafe ; you may cut off " my head, if you will : but if I am free to *( go to your houfe, or not ; I will not go."— One of his bafhaws gave a blow with his fift to a Ruffian officer.   The officer complained to his General ; and the General afked the Scrafkier, " what would have been done to a
" Ruffian
41 Ruffian at Constantinople, who fhould have " behaved in that manner to a Turk?1' " They would have Strangled him," he replied.   But the Turk was not Strangled.-
The Serafkicr, however, paid a viftt, at his houfe in the country, to the Britifh Ambaf-fador. He came on horfe-back, with his green flowing garment, and his horfe moft fumptuoufty caparifoned. He fpoke little ; for, foon after his fitting down, one of his attendants brought him a very long tobacco-pipe, and he continued fmoking all the time of his vifit. His buffoon appears very often in parti-coloured garments in the Streets of the city ; and endeavours, by his drolleries, to amufe the paffengers. The Turks themfelves appear fo grave and folemn, that it is
really amufing to fee a Turkifh buffoon.--
Adieu.
î
LETTER LI.
Abjiracl of a Ruffian Catechifm. To the Reverend —-,
REV. DEAR  SIR, Auguft 1771.
¥ MENTIONED to you, that the Ruffian Clergy were, for the moft part, very ignorant. I alio fuggefted, that this general eenfure was not to be received without limitation ; and that among them were fome perfons of learning, and of great moderation. Some attempts have been made of a very laudable nature, to diffeminate among the people correct and enlarged fentiments of religion. Of this kind is a Catechifm, which, in many partages, not only breathes a liberal and pious fpirit; but is compofed with much -iimplicity, both of language and manner. You are fo much a friend to any thing good, en fubjects of fuch importance, that I perfuade
fuade myfelf, you will receive with pleafure the following abstract: of this performance. Befides, in fome of the explanations, you will, perhaps, find fome allufions to the manners of the country, that will make you fmile.
The Ruffian Catechifm is divided into Three Parts. The Firft treats of Natural Religion; the Second, of Revealed; and the Third, of the Divine Laws.
PART I.
In the Firft Part are eonfidered the being and nature of God; the creation of the world, and its prefervation ; and the duty which man owes to God as his creator and governor. The proofs of the exiftence of God, are urged from the contemplation of the world ; from the general confent of all mankind ; from the teftimony of confeience ; and from the innate defire of the foul after perfection. Af-fuming the neceffary existence of God as a principle, from it are deduced his unity, eternity, immateriality, immortality, fpirituality, and confequently his wifdom, truth, juftice, E e goodnefs,
goodnefs, and all his other moral qualifies,; The creation of the world is then briefly treated of; and the following account given
us of the origin of evil :-Every thing is
faid to be created by God's wifdom; never-thelefs the beft things may be abufed; a fword may be ufed to flay the innocent, and the human understanding may be employed in guile. Man is faid to have been made after the image of God, with a natural propen-fity to good, and averfion to evil. The providence of God is alfo afferted ; and that the utility refulting to mankind, from the knowledge of God and of ourfelves, confifts in begetting in us confidence in God, and resignation to his will; in ftrengthening our moral principles, and in difpofing us to worfhip God. The worfhip of God is faid to be twofold ; interior, confifting in love, fear, veneration, and gratitude to God ; and, exterior, confifting in the external forms of devotion. Confcience, however, is faid to inform us, that our utmoft efforts to fulfil the will of God are. imperfect: ; and that our only hope is in his mercy.   No mention of original fin.
part
PART II.
Treating of Revealed Religion, it is obferved, that the light of nature is not alone fufEcient for our falvation ; that falvation is only had by the gofpel, which contains the joyful tidings of our redemption ; that religion is the receiving the gofpel in our hearts ; that the great truths of the gofpel are contained in the Old and New Teftament, and are fummarily contained in the Apoftles Creed ; that by it we are instructed in all the great doctrines of Christianity ; that God is one in effence, but confifts of three perfons, the Father eternal, the Son, begot by the Father before all ages, and the Holy Ghoft, proceeding from the Father ; all three to be equally adored : that faith in Çhrift is of infinite ufe, by calming the terrors of con-fcience, and reprefenting God as merciful as well as juft ; that it muft be an aétive faith, turning us to repentance and the true worfhip of God ; that all thofe who truly believe, constitute the church ; that thofe who belong to the church, are initiated by baptifm ; a myfterious rite, by which the foul is wafhed from fin ; that the Eucharift is another rite, E e 2 by
by which we tcftify our faith, and by eating bread and wirie, mytacrioufly Converted into the body and blood of Ghrift, receive great fpiritual advantages, and oblige ourfelves to live in union with the church ; and that the cart of imparting the Eucharift is committed to the clergy ; that the church poffeiTes other facraments, miction at baptifm, and extreme unction ; that it hath other institutions for the fake of good order; and, finally, that all who act according to the gofpel, and believe, mall rife to immortal life ; and that all who act in a contrary manner, Shall be eternally punifhed.
PART III.
Concerning the fubjects of the laws of God, it is afferted, that faith, without works, is ineffectual ; that we muft not only believe, but act agreeably to the law of God ; that the will of God is contained in the Decalogue ; that thofe who fin agamft the firft commandment, are atheifts ; Epicureans, rejecting Providence ; polytheifts; Sorcerers, who divine by dreams, who obServe omens, and aScribe Sanctity to certain dreffes and ton-5 Ares ;
fures;   heretics and SchiSmati.es;  and thofe who depend for all their welfare on their wealth or on human aid : that the invocation of faints is not forbid by this commandment, becaufe they are invoked as interceffors with God and Chrift:.   God is faid to be the maS-ter, and they are his principal Servants ; but that it is Sinful to honour them in their festivals equally with God.    That the .fécond commandment is tranfgrefied by thofe who worfhip graven images ; by ufurers and profligates ; by hypocrites, who think they worfhip God by penances and feftivity; by fu-pcrftitious people, who pretend to have intercourfe with ghofts ; and, brieily, by all thofe who hope to gain God's love o.thcrwife than by faith and good works.   That it is not fin-ful to have pictures of Chrift and of the faints, for the pictures are not themfelves worfhipped, they only aid the memory and imagination ; but this practice is liable to be perverted to idolatry.   That the third commandment  is tranfgrefied by blafphemers, perjured perfons, habitual Swearers falfe prophets, and by thofe who make indecent requests to God.   That the fourth commandment enjoins the obfervance of the b'abbath, Ee 3 and
and of festivals on religious occasions ; particularly it enjoins reft from labour, and the going to church to pray ; it enjoins the giving charity, the giving for the fupport of the church and its minifters, for hofpitals, fchools, and for the care of ftrangers and prifoners ; that all thofe who act otherwife, whether laity or ecclefiaftics, either through impiety^ or negligence, or wantonnefs, or profligacy, or avarice, tranfgrefs the commandment. That the fifth commandment enjoins reverence and obedience to parents, rulers, clergy, teachers, benefactors, and old men ;  that the duty of parents is to educate and instruct their children; the duty of children is to fupport their parents ; and to act in like manner in all the other relations above-mentioned ;  that the duty of fovereigns is to procure peace and happinefs to their fubjects, to maintain justice, to punifh the guilty, and reward the deferv-ing. to fupport the clergy, and be as fathers to their people ; that the duty of fubjects is to love their fovereigns next to God,—to obey them without complaint, to pay tribute, and, in cafe of need, to give their lives for their fafety ; that the duty of pallors is to instruct mildly by precept and example; the
duty
cluty of the flock to follow the fhepherd with all due refpect; that the duty of matters is to instruct their fervants —not to overburihen them, nor to punifh them too rigoroufly; that the duty of fervants is to fear their maf-ters with filial fear, to obey without fioth or murmuring, to put up with their ill-humours, and defend their honour ; that the duty of the hufband is to love his wife, to correct her faults gently ; the duty of the wife to love and revere her hufband ; that fidelity is the duty of both ; that the rich are bound not to be proud nor covetous, but liberal, and that the poor are bound to be honeft and industrious ; that, in general, we ought to love and confult the interefl of all men. Againft the iixth ^commandment thofe tranfgrefs who take away life from themfelves or others, or who are acceifory to fuch crimes, by aiding or concealing the guilty ; alfo unjuft judges; thofe who let the poor die of cold or hunger ; thofe who punifh and opprefs their fervants, fo as to kill them ; and all who encourage hatred, anger, malice, envy, inhumanity, the difpofitions of mind tending to the destruction of mankind. Againft the feventh commandment all thofe tranfgrefs who are im-E e 4 pure
pure in any manner in thought, word, or deed; and all who indulge in wanton dif-courfe, dainty living, and debauchery, tending to encourage impurity. Againft the eighth commandment ail thofe tranfgrefs who rob, or fteal ; all Superiors who enflave the free ; force thofe to fell who do not chufe it ; who exact: more labour of workmen than they engaged for ; who feize their neighbours goods., lands, &c. at their pleafure; who retain the labourers' hire ; alfo all thofe who take advantage of a dearth to raife the price of pro-vifion : who exact unconfcientious fervice of the poor in return for aiding them ; all uhirers ; all thofe who, in felling, impofe on the buyers, by vending damaged goods ; all who rob or cheat the government or the church ; all who having found what had been loft, keep it without feeking the owner; all who practife fimony ; who forge wills or accounts ; who, being rich, pretend they are poor, that they may get charity ; all hypocrites, who get money by pretending zeal ; all flatterers, who get money by impofmg on the weaknefs of others, &c. Againft the ninth commandment all liars and diflemblers tranfgrefs.   And the tenth commandment is
a fummary
a Summary of the preceding ones, and prohibits us even from thinking finfully. It is alfo afferted, that we cannot perform every thing required of us in thefe laws of our-felves, without the grace of God, which is obtained by prayerj and that our prayers ought to be formed on the model of the Lord $ Frayer.
LETTER LIL
Account of a Circaffian Princefs^ the Widow> of Donduc Ambos Chan of the Calmuck Tartars.
DEAR SIR,
A GREEABLY to your defire, I have per-
ufed Dr. Cook's Travels * ; and as you wifh to have my opinion concerning them, I can afTure you that, in fo far as my knowledge of the fads he relates, or of the manners he defcribes, extends, he is a writer of ftricT veracity. I agree with you in thinking his account of the Circaffian Princefs very interesting ; and alfo in regretting that he has not fo united t»he different circumftances, as that the whole might be read as a continued {tory. I have endeavoured to fupply this defect ; and from fuch information as I have collected here, together with his anecdotes, I have  formed  the following uninterrupted
* Travels and Voyages through the Ruffian Empire, &c. by J. Cook, M. D.
Narrative.
Narrative. In an evening, during the bad weather, and your prefent folitude in the country, it may perhaps amufe you.
THE CALMUCK TARTARS inhabit, or rather fiequent, that country which lies between the Cafpian and Euxine Seas; bounded on the fouth by Circaffia, on the north by the dominions of Ruffia, on the eau: by the Cafpian Sea and the Volga, and on the weft by the river Don and the Sea of Afoph. They have no fixed habitation, but live chiefly in tents ; and fubfift by depredation, or by the pafturage of cattle. They pretend they are an independent nation; yet, if they are not abfolutely governed, their counfels are much influenced by the authority of the Ruffians.
In the reign of the Emprefs Anna Ivanowna, the Court of Ruflia, by endeavouring to prevail with fhe Calmucks to betake themfelves to agriculture, and live in fixed habitations, wanted to reduce them to ftill greater Subjection. In this attempt, Donduc Ambo, the Chan of the Tartars, gave them great oppofi-
6 tion.
lion. The Ruffian mini {try, therefore, refolved to deprive him of his Sovereignty, and Substitute Donduc Dafhee, who, they conceived, would give them leSs oppofition, in his place. But the wifdom and valour of the reigning prince rendered their plan abortive. He was, nevertheless, fo fenfible of bis danger, and fo juftly apprehenfive of the future machinations of the Ruffian Court, that he prevailed with his nation to leave the regions they had formerly occupied, and migrate into Cuban-Tartary. This country is fituated on the fouth fide of the Palus Mccotis or Sea of Afoph, is feparated from Crimea by the Straits of Taman, and its inhabitants, the Cuban Tartars, are dependants on the Ottoman Porte,
The reception, however, which Donduc Ambo met with from the Turks, and the Tartars of Cuban, not having aniwered his expectations^ he determined to embrace the iirft opportunity of re-uniting himfelf, on honourable terms, with Ruffia, and of returning to the banks of the Volga. This opportunity foon occurred. For a war having arifen between th* Turks and the Ruffians,
he
he knew that the affifiance of his nation would be of great importance on either fide 5 and offered his friendship to the Emprefs of Ruffia. An agreement took place between them : it was Stipulated, that the Calmucks fhould return to the neighbourhood of AStra-can ; that Donduc Ambo fhould be their acknowledged Sovereign ; and that he fhould affift the Ruffians with forty or fifty thoufand men. The Emprefs ratified the league by prefents fent to the Calmuck Chan *.— Among thefe were two beautiful brafs cannon, of two or three pounders, and a fey meter with a hilt of gold, Studded with precious Stones. He feized an early opportunity of putting his fcymeter to the proof; for the Cuban Tartars, who had treated him with little friendship, during his fojourn among them, having purfued him with hoftile intentions at his departure, he fell upon them with great fury, and cut off the flower of their army.
Not long after, about the time peace was concluded between the Turks and the Ruffians, Donduc Ambo died.   On his deceafe,
* Dr. Cook.
the
the Ruffian Miniftry refumed their favourite deiign of abridging the independence of the Cal muck nation. For this purpofe, they again attempted to invert Donduc Dafhee, whom Anna Ivanowna had maintained in a princely manner in the city of Cafan, with the fovereign authority. But they met with unexpected reuflance in the widow of Donduc Ambo, the former Chan.
This Princefs was a Circaffian of illuflrious lineage ; and not more diftinguifhed for her beauty, which was eminent even in Circaffia, than for her virtues. She was the mother of five children ; and though they were yet in their infancy, fhe determined to affert their right to the fovereignty enjoyed by their father. Therefore, finding herfelf in danger from the ambition of Donduc Dafhee, and, the contrivances of the Ruffians, fhe fummoned the Cal muck chiefs to her tent. She reprefented to them the attempt made on their independence ; the unworthy conduct: of Donduc Dafhee, who would facrifice the intereft of his people to his ambition ; the magnanimous virtues of their former Chan ; his attachment to the dignity of the Cal muck
nation $
nation; the helplefs ftate of his family ; and the confidence fhe repofed in the care they would have of her children. Her beauty, heightened by her diftrefs, added force to her eloquence. The Tartar leaders entered warmly into her interefts ; and declared, that none but the progeny of Donduc Ambo fhould be their Sovereigns. Thus the Princefs, finding herfelf at the head of at leaft forty thoufand men, who had fought the battles of her hufband, and were now devoted to her family, having encamped for fome time nigh the banks of the Volga, retired, during the winter, to the borders of Circaffia.
Meantime the Ruffians in the fouthern provinces became apprehenfive of a vifit from Kouli-chan, the tyrant of Perfia, no lefs famous for his conquefts, than abhorred for his cruelty. Confcious too, of their having irritated the Cal muck Princefs, they were afraid, that, in cafe of an invafion, the Tartars would co-operate with the Perfians. It was determined, therefore, that every engine fhould be employed to deprive her of her authority ; and Donduc Dafhee, with thofé Tartars who adhered to him, entertained the
moft
moft fanguine expectations of comparing their defigns. For though the Emprefs Anna was now dead, her fucceffor, Elizabeth, entered in this particular into her views. But the vigilant Circaffian was aware of her danger. She was appfehenfive left the Coflacks on the river Don, uniting with fome Circaftians who had been brought over to the interefts of her opponents, would either betray her into the hands of the Ruffians, or oblige her to relinquish her authority. She therefore withdrew, very early in the fpring, to the eaftern fide of the Volga. Here fhe was in lefs danger of being furrounded by her adverfa-ries ; and in cafe of their perfifting in their oppreffion, fhe could betake herfelf for protection to the great nation of Black Cal-mucks, who frequent the vaft continent between the Cafpian Sea and the Wall of China. She flattered herfelf with meeting with a more friendly reception from them, as they were probably of the fame origin with th® Weftern Calmucks, and of fimilar manners, particularly as to religious opinions, than her hufband had experienced among the Tartars of Cuban.
In
In the mean time Donduc Dafhee having received many affurances that the Cal muck Princefs was afraid of him, and would, on the firft appearance of force, give up the conteft, left Cafan with an army of five thoufand men, and purfued her into the defart. Having overtaken her in her march, he was advancing boldly to the Tartar camp. Here he was met by fome Calmuck chiefs, who informed him, that the Princefs infilled on hit advancing no farther ; but that fhe was willing to converfe with any Commilfioner whom he fhould appoint to treat of the interefts of the Calmuck nation.   He accordingly fent one of his friends, acquainting her, that the Emprefs expected fhe would refign her authority to him ; and that fhe and her children might depend on having fuch provifion made for them, as fuited their high rank and condition.   The Princefs, who was only defirous of gaining time, and obtaining information concerning the force he had brought againft her, anfwered, that it was then late, and that next morning {i they fhould adjuft their differences *."   In the night fhe confulted with
her
* If the Calmuck Princefs be thought to incur blame in this part of her conduct, and if it can be removed or leflened F f by
her chieftains ; flic found them refolute ; and next morning, by fun-rife, fhe appeared on horfeback at the head of her army. She feîl upon Donduc Dafhee. Elis five thoufand men made a gallant defence ; but, overpowered by numbers, the greateft part of lhcm were put to the fword. Intelligence of this fatal conflict: was brought to Aflracan
o
by a Tartar attached to Donduc Dafhee. He was a perfon of fome diftincTion : had with him neither bow nor fey meter, nor any other weapon than a battle-axe*. He fhed a torrent of tears; and faid, his friends and the Calmuck Prince were certainly flain.
Vafilee Nikitits Tatifhoff was at that time Governor of Aflracan. He was a confuinmate politician ; and had diflinguifhed himfelf at the accefïion of the Emprefs Anna, by baffling the defigns of the Ruffian noblemen, who wanted to inipofe fome terms on their Sovereign, and reflrict her power. He was indeed well fuited to promote the views of an abfolute Prince. Totally unprincipled, he laughed at every facred tie; and being ad"
by authority, an apologiil may fay for her, that the ftratagem ihe praenfed was fimilar to one pra&ifed againfl the Carthaginians by Scipio Africanus.
* Dr. Cook.
aided
dieted to ftudy, he could fupport his immoral or irreligious maxim?, by the reafonings of thofe writers who gave countenance to his opinions *. Ele poffeffed, at the fame time, all the penetration, craft, and dexterity neceffary for the fervices to which he was called.
After the difcomfiture of Donduc Dafhee, the Calmuck Princefs returned to the country ufually frequented by her nation, between the Don and the Volga ; and there was reafon to believe, that fire intended, in cafe of any future aflault, to put herfelf and her children under the protection of the Perfian Monarch. It was neceffary, therefore, that Tatifhoff fhould lofe no time in executing the defigns of his Sovereign. He was fully fatisfied, fince the defeat of Donduc Dafhee, that open violence was not to be attempted ; and had recourfe to fuch meafures as were better fuited to his character. Trusting to his addrefs in difcerning, and adapting himfelf to the weaknefs of the female constitution, he fent her magnificent prefents ; he faid they were from the Ruffian Emprefs ; he affected to difapprove of her rival ; and, finally, he af-
* Dr. Cook.
F f 2 fared
fured her, that his Sovereign, from the high opinion fhe entertained of her merits, had appointed her governor of Aflracan. He informed her, that he was ready to obey her commands j and that her power in that country would be inferior only to that of Elizabeth Petrowna. In order Itill farther to impofe on her credulity, he forged letters as from the Emprefs ; and fent fome officers of distinction to affure her, that the great palace in the citadel, and the palace built in the neighbourhood of the city by Peter the Great, were ready for her reception. He told her, that all refpect fhould be fhown her as if fhe were Sovereign of the country ; and that her new fubjects were impatient to fee her inverted with the badges of her authority.
The Princefs, in evil hour, was feduced. She quitted her retreat, aud arrived in the neighbourhood of Aflracan. Tatifhoff waited upon her in her tent. Tie threw himfelf on his knees before her, and feemed to ratify, by the ardour of his protestations, the fincerity of his profefhons. Accordingly a day was fixed for her public entry into the city. Four thoufand men were drawn up in the ftreet,
forming
forming a lane from the gate to the citadel. Cannons were fired, drums beat, bells rung, and the whole city feemed to be filled with joy and congratulation % The Princefs ■walked on foot, attended by forty Calmucks, the chief men of her nation. TatifhofT and his officers appeared in her retinue. The dignity ot her perfon, and the beauty of her countenance, excited the admiration of the affembled multitude, Th# conicioufnefs of her own integrity, and the belief that her fpirited exertions, in behalf of her family^ had procured her this distinction as the reward of her virtues, gave additional dignity to her appearance. She little knew that fhe had fallen into a treacherous fnare.
A magnificent entertainment was provided for her in the great hall in the caftle. She was feated at the head of the table ; and while Tatifhoff fat at the foot, her forty Calmucks took their places on each fide of her. Every thing was conducted with the utmoft fplendour. Tatifhoff was overjoyed ; and the unfufpecting Princefs was too foon in-
* Dr. Cook.
formed,
formed, that his joy arofe from a very different caufe  than  what fhe apprehended. For, after dinner, on pretence of fome bufinefs, he requeued her to go afide with him into an adjoining gallery.   She went along with him unattended.   The gallery had three doors j one at each end, and one from the hall.   She had no fooner entered than the doors were fhut : two grenadiers, with Screwed bayonets, had been placed by every one of them on the infide :  and fhe was informed, in their prefence, of TatiihofF's perfidious pur^>ofe.   He told her not to be alarmed, for that no harm was intended againfl her life, or that of her children ;  but that fhe muft be prevailed with to refign her  authority to Donduc Dafhee ; and that if her attending Calmucks made any reliftance, it would prove fatal both to her and to them.   The aftonifh-ment, the refentment, and the anguifh of the Princefs, were no doubt exceifive.   Yet thefe emotions did not deprive her of recollection, nor of the fenfe of her own dignity. Her conduct in this critical fituation was fuch, as did not alter the circumftances of her fate, but very much leffened, if it did not entirely cleftroy, the triumph of her betrayer.
RUSSIAN   E M P ÎRE.
Slie upbraided him with his treachery; bu; abfolved the Emprefs from any fhare in hi« guiit : fhe reafoned concerning the propriety of his political conduct:;  fhe reprefented to him that her children were not actually in his power; that flic had given general in-ftructions to the Caimucks, who had them in charge, never, even at her requeSt, in whatsoever circumftance ftie might be, to give them out of their hands ; and that any violence done to them woukî for ever alienate the Calmuck nation from the interefts of Ruffia. She told him moreover, that fhe acqujefced in her fate; fhe faw it was in vain to contend ; but that if fhe were allowed to confer with her army, fhe would be able to difpofe them to  fuch   an   accommodation as was equally confinent with their honour, and the interefts of the Ruffian empire.   She added more prevailing enticements — her tears flowed in abundance, and with effectual power. A fympathetic emotion feized the heart of Tatifhoff; he was unprincipled—but not in-fenfible : and in that fufceptible moment he yielded to her entreaty.    The Princefs's attendants received no information concerning this unexpected bufinefs till they returned F f 4 with
with her to the Calmuck camp—TatifhofF, in the mean iime, was not lb entirely overcome by his feelings, as not to attend to fome prudential considerations ; and he fent along with the Princefs a guard of above five hundred men. They were commanded by his fon ; and armed in the completeft manner. It would appear, that the Tartar forces, on this occafion, were not very numerous, elfe they would have reicued the Princefs from the hands of the Ruffians. But this, upon the prefent occafion, they were unable to execute.
The Princefs, on returning to her encampment, loll no time in accomplifhing the flight of her children : fire herfelt was taking mea-fures for her own efcape; was mounting her horfe at midnight; was difcovered ; and kept afterwards in clofer confinement. In this Situation, however, exulting inwardly in the fuppofed fafety of her children, fhe appeared rather with the dignified filence of fallen majefty, than with the plaintive forrow of afflic*hd weaknefs. By the dignity of her deportment fhe awed the forwardnefs of young Tatifhoff, who was fufpected of hav-
ing offered her infult ; and compelled him, by her indignant referve, to behave with humiliating dittance.
Meantime the Governor of Aflracan re-pented him of his fenlibility. The generality of mankind who fuffer felf■ condemnation, are afflicted on account of their errors ; bur TatifhofF fullered felf condemnation for having given indulgence to fomewhat of a generous emotion. He argued, he intreated, he folicited his captive (for, though in the Tartar camp, (lie was Hill his captive), to learn from her what fhe had done with her children. He fent troops in purfuit of them ; he fcoured the defart with his Coffacks ; but in vain. She fmiled at his diftrefs : fhe told him he might do with her what he pleafed ; but the children of Donduc Ambo were no longer in his power. His chagrin preyed on his conftitution ; his fleep and his appetite left him ; he durft not, for fear of making the whole Calmuck nation revolt, ufe the Princefs with inhumanity ; yet he was deeply mortified, and covered with fhame for his difappointment.
Never thelefs
Neverthelefs he was too foon relieved from this merited affliction.    The young Princes' were indeed under the protection of a numerous body of Calraucks, who were determined  to defend them.    But they were no longer defended by the wifdom, the vigilance, and affection of their mother.    They fell at length into the hands of their enemy ; and were fent, along with the Princefs, under a ilrong guard, to Mofcow.   They were treated there with the utmolt refpect.   The Emprefs gave them ample poffefTions ; fhe vifit-ed the Princefs ; and did every thing in her power to  render  her  fituation agreeable. Virtuous, amiable, and refpected, the Calmuck Princefs enjoyed as much felicity as was confi Stent with the remembrance of her former condition.    Some circumftances of her Story referable that of Zenobia, the famous Queen of Palmyra ; and thofe particulars, in which there is any difference, do honour to the fair Circaffian.
It does not appear that Donduc Dafhee was able, or perhaps entirely willing, to ac-complifh the change fo much defired by the Ruffians, in the manners of the Calmuck nation.
tion.   Nor is it probable, that TatilhofF had much reafon to rejoice in his impious maxims. Succefsful in one perfidious enterprize, he attempted others : and while he Supported, as he apprehended, the interests of the empire, he was not inattentive to his own private emoluments.   He became Solicitous of amafiing wealth.   Selfifh. and unprincipled, he proceeded from injustice to violence and inhumanity.   Among other enormities, he plundered and put to death an Armenian merchant.   The affair was reprefented at St. PeterSburgh.   Enquiry was made;  and his guilt appeared So manifest, that he was diverted of his command, and confined to a village in the neighbourhood of Mofcow. He endeavoured to get an audience of his Sovereign ; and did not doubt but that his infi-nuation and addreSs would procure him for-giveneSs.   But thoSe who were interested in his fall oppoSed the means of his restoration. Once, in the difguiSe of a Soldier, he had almoft reached the palace ; but was detected, dragged away, and Sent back to his place of confinement.    He did not die   a violent death ; but, posTeffed of keen fenfibility, he fufFered pangs more excruciating than the
pain
pain perhaps of fuch a death. Devoured with chagrin, he blafphemed heaven, fpoke treaibn againft his Sovereign, calumniated all men, pined in difcontent, and died pf vexa? tion.
LETTER LIII.
A Pejlilential Diftemper in Ruffia,—The Mafi jacre of the Archbfhop of Mofcoiv.
DEAR SIR, St. Peterfburg, Dec, 3. 1771.
A PESTILENTIAL diftemper has, for jf jL feveral months, been raging at Mof-cow, and in the neighbourhood. It had been communicated from the army ; and broke out in the rainy feafon. Its ravages have been chiefly confined to the lower ranks ; nor has it ever appeared very formidable where people have ufed the proper precautions of cleanlinefs and good air, to prevent it. I have not heard any good account of the fymptorns, or nature of this dreadful diforder, other than that the unfortunate perfons who are feized with it, are firft affeded with ftartings and tremors in the fkin ; they are then afflicted with a violent fever ; exhibit red fpots in different parts of the body, whi< h feldom * Suppurate j
fuppurate ; and are tormented with excruciating pain in the bowels. They ufually die in three or four days : and fo furious was this diftemper for above two months in the antient metropolis of this empire, that a thoufand perfons are faid to have perilhed daily.
Its progrefs was encouraged by the improper treatment of the difeafed. Hundreds of fick perfons were unmercifully crowded into peft-houfes, and there left to themfelves. Whenever any perfon was fufpecled of having the plague, he was torn from his family, fhut up with a multitude of loathfome wretches, and, thus abandoned by the world, he was given up todefpair. Of confequence, few that were confined ever recovered ; and as no one, at the beginning of the diforder, thought of burning the clothes of thofe who died, the contagion fpread very faff.
Perfons of distinction, and even fome perfons in authority, fled to the country. Num-berlefs riots enfued; and inhuman robberies are faid to have been committed. One (hocking fpecies of oppreffion is reported to have been pradtifed by fome inferior officers. If they bore
ill-will
ill-will againft anyone, or wanted a bribe, they threatened toaccufehim of having the plague. The plague itfelf was not more formidable to the poor people, than the inhumanity with which the lick were treated ; and rather than fubmit to it, they gave all they had to fatisfy the avarice of their rapacious tyrants. The confequence of this was, that many perfons actually difeafed went about at large; and many in good health buffered dreadful confinement.
Meantime the peftilence became more and more violent, fo that the people were driven to diffraction ; and receiving little affiftance from their rulers, they had recourfe to fuper-ftition. A certain image of the Virgin Mary was reported, by fome mercenary priefts, to poffefs fingular efficacy in curing and preventing the diftemper. Crowds both of healthy and difeafed perfons flocked to this hallowed phyfician; nor were they niggardly in their gifts and oblations. So that fome of the inferior clergy, no lefs than the inferior officers, derived inhuman gains from the miferies of their fellow-citizens.
5
Ambrofius,
Ambrofms, Archbifhop of Mofcow, aman of great Worth and liberality of fentiment, dreading the confequences, and fhocked at the inhumanity of this infamous conduct, endeavoured, by removing the picture, to prevent it. This, however, produced an effect very different from what he expected. The people were enraged ; their rage was exafperated by the mitigation of the priefts ; they exclaimed that the archbifhop was a Jew and a heretic; and that he was engaged in a hellifh confpiracy with the phyficians and furgeons, againft whom their wrath was alfo kindled, to deftroy them. In this furious ftate of mind, about ten thoufand of them, with tumult and outcry, furrounded a church where the good archbifhop was performing mafs, and putting up prayers for their welfare. They infifted that he fhould come out, and reftore to them their favourite idol. The venerabte man appeared : he was arrayed in the folemn garb of his office ; his grey hair was crowned with a mitre ; he bore on his arm a crofs ; he flood on fome fteps on the outfide of the church ; and was about to ad-drefs them.   They fell upon him, and tore
him
him in pieces. Rendered frantic by this bloody deed, they were proceeding to fet open all the peft-houfes,—to let out the difeafed,—and mauacre all obnoxious perfons.
Mean time a Ruffian officer, named Yrep-kin, with great refolut'ton and prefence of mind, colle&ed about feventy foldiers : thefe wrere all he could mufter :  he alfo got two pieces of cannon ; and with thefe he ported himfelf at the entry into one of the principal itreets.   The mob advanced ; he ordered his men to fire; they did fo ; fome of the rioters were killed : his men looked difcontented ; they were inclined to mutiny: 4< is it pro-w per," faid one of them, affuming an arrogant tone, "that we fhould embrue our hands in " the blood of our miferable countrymen?" Yrepkin made no other reply than to plunge his fword in his bofom.   The reft were confounded ; they obeyed the orders of their fpiritcd leader, and  difpelled the tumult : not,  however,  without  the bloodfhed of many hundreds.
When the tidings came to Sr. Peterfburg, the consternation was univerfal ; the Emprefs G g cried
cried bitterly ; and Count Orloff was immediately appointed, with full powers, to do every thing for the reftoration of health, and the re-eftablifhment of the public-tranquillity. He accepted of the office with the ut-mofr. alacrity ; and I hear his labours are likely to prove effectuai. He employs all the poor people in public works without the city; and by keeping them cleanly, and in frefh air, the violence of the diforder is much abated. It is expected too, that much advantage will be derived from the feverity of the winter.
There is no appearance of any peflilential diftemper in this city. Every precaution, however, is ufed againfl; it : the communication with Mofcow, and all fufpccted places, is interrupted; vinegar is burnt in great quantities in every houfe ; and the utmoft attention is paid to the health of the lower ranks. Yet it is not very pleafant to be within two or three days journey of fo dreadful a neighbour. Adieu.
LETTER   LIV. (Extract.)
Anfwer to an Objecljon concerning the National Character of the Ruffians,
* * * J NDEED, Sir, I muft ftill retain my opinion, that the Ruffians, in general, fhew a great deal of ill-regulated fenfi-bilityï This is a character which you may often fee exemplified in individuals : But I fuppofe Ruftia is the only country where it is fo general as to become a leading feature in the national character. It appears, I think, in the volatility of the Ruffians, in their fickle-nefs, and fudden tranfitions from one affection, or one ftate of mind, to another. They have been branded with perfidy ; yet I am apt to believe, that the appearances, in favour of fuch a charge, may often be traced to the changes and caprices of irregular feeling. Nor is it an objection, that, in many in-ftances, they difcover ftrong fymptoms of in-Gg 2 humanity.
humanity,    You will agree with me, if you recollect, that feeling and fenfibility may lead men to relentment and indignation; thefe emotions may appear quite proper ;  and if fo in minds un accuftomed to reflection, their violent exceffes will fuffer little reftraint; this is flill more the cafe, when the manners of men are rude and undifciplined. Perfons of great fenfibility, or, in other words, perfons very apt to be moved, even in periods of refinement, unlefs their pallions be under due management, are more in danger of being tranfported by virulent and inhuman vehemence, than perfons of a colder and lefs affectionate temper. The Greeks were a people of more fenfibility than the Romans ; yet a fa-gacious obferver, and excellent judge of human nature, and withal an admirer of the Greeks, reprefents them as more fanguinary and inhuman.    " Hoc egit civis Romanus " ante te nemo.     Externi ifii Junt mores. " Ufque ad fanguinem incitari folet odium aut ** levium Gr^corumy aut immamum barbaro. " rum. *"
The terms and phrafes of endearment among the Ruffians are as extravagant, as
* Cicero pro Ligario.
■ • they
they are grofs and violent in their abufe. The foftneis and copioufnefs of their language too, are in favour of my opinion.— In a word, give them ffeadinefs, give them iirmnefs of mind, either by moral considerations, or by a regard to their own interefl: ; teach them to act. from fixed principles, and as they are an animated, you would foon fee them a refpeclable, people, t * *
0g3
LETTER LV.
Remarks on the prefent Situation of the Jews, dear sir,
T FLATTER myfelf I mail very foon have
* the pleafure of feeing you in England*
* * # #
Mean time, as you are a lover of historical enquiries, I fend you inclofed fome Remarks on the prefent Situation of the Jews. They were given me by a fenfible and ingenious friend, in confequence of fome fhort obferva-tions of mine on the fame fubject f.
The Fate of the Jews, fince their conqueil by the Romans, is one of the mod lingular events we meet with in the hiftory of the world. A conquered people have ge-n rally been either extirpated by their conquerors, or have been left by them to enjoy certain laws and privileges, or, mixing with
+ See Letter XV.
their
their conquerors, have united and been blended together.    The Saxons, when they conquered England, extirpated the natives, and they eeafed to be a people.   The Normans i'pared the lives of the Saxons, and the two people uniting, the diftinction between them was quickly loft.   But the Jews, after they were conquered by the Pvomans, being dif-perfed into the moft diftant countries, wuth* out any affociation together, or without any common bond of union to attach them to one country, or to one form of government, have remained diftinct, feparate, and divided from the reft of world ;  and no where do they teem to have been blended with the nations in whofe country they have had their refi* dence.   In vain would we account for this from the prophetic defcriptions of their litua-ticn contained in the Sacred Scriptures. The bare prophecies could   never produce the event.   It is enough, if thofe prophecies have foretold an event, which it ieems to have been beyond the utmoft power of human wit to forefee.   To account for this event from any fupernatural caufe, muft be equally unfa tisf actor y.    It is not probable that God, though he may, for wife purpofes, have in-G g 4 tended
tended that the Jews fhould remain in this Situation, would chufe to effectuate this by means different from his other operations in the world : and this is an account which no one, defirous of a folution, can reft upon with any tolerable degree of fatisfa&ion.
But the circumftance of the Jews having remained a Separate people, difunited from every nation in whofe country they lived, is not the only thing that is lingular in their hiftory. Another very particular circumftance in their hiftory is, their having been almoft every where of the fame profeffion. The Jews, wherever fituated, and in whatever country difperfed, have conflantly been merchants ; and if you fpeak of a Jew, the idea of a merchant is immediately called up along with it.
A third circumftance very particular in the Situation of the Jews is their number. It is obferved by Mr. Addifon, in a paper in the Spectator upon the Subject, that the Jews are at prefent as numerous as they were formerly in the land of Canaan ; and that this is very wonderful, when we confidcr the dreadful
flaughter
slaughter made of them under fome of the Roman Emperors, their difperfion, and the enumerable mafLcres and peifccntions they have fince undergone.
A fourth circumftance, which may he eonfidered particular with regard to the Jews in their character. The Jews, wherever they have gone, have ever held one uniform character. They have conftantiy, without exception, been eonfidered as a deceitful and a vile people.
To endeavour to give fome account of thofe peculiarities in the fituation of the Jews, is propofed in the following remarks ; which Ihall be chiefly confined to the fituation of. thofe Jews who have fixed their refidence in Europe.
Firft, with regard to their having remained a feparate and distinct people, never mingling or blending with thofe nations among whom they lived. One principal caufe of this appears to have arifen from the peculiar nature of iheir religion. The religion of the Jews was fuch, that they could
not
not poflioly retain it, unlefs they remained Separate and diftincX   The moment they intermingled, or intermarried with any other nation,  it behoved them  to abandon and for fake it.   The religion of the Jews was peculiar to themfelves ; it was peculiar to the twelve tribes of Ifrael ; it was direâed folely to the children of Abraham ; and was a religion which could fcarcely be adopted by any other people.    Befides, the government of the Jews was founded on their religion ; nay, made a part of it; and, unlefs they retained that government, as instituted at firft by Mofes, they could not retain their religious principles.   The theocracy, the priefthcod, verted in the Tribe of Levi ; nay, every article of their private law, was an article of religion, and believed to.be delivered by God to Mofes from the Mount.    Llence the neceffity this people lay under of remaining' a diftindt people, fo long as they retained their religion. This is a circumfiance which diftinguifhes the Jewifh from almoft every other religion. A "Froteflant may remain a Protestant wherever he lives, whether he intermingle or unite with the people where he lives, or not. But a Jew, the moment he does this, gives up his
religion,
religion, and forfeits all the bleflings which are promifed to his nation, or which belong to his particular tribe.   God's chofen and well-beloved people reckon themfelves the only people on earth worthy his protection and defence.    Upon this foundation they defpife.the Gentiles, they value themfelves as being the fons of Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob; and, in order to obtain the bleflings promifed to each particular feci:, they remain feparate and diftindt, and every Jew can number up his anceftors, in a direct: line from himfelf to Abraham.    Particular bleflings were promifed to them and them alone ; and the long expected  Mefliah was   prophefied  to the Jewifh nation only ; and when he came, he was to be of the Tribe of Judah.
Another circumftance which accounts for the Jews having never united or intermixed with the nations among whom they lived is, the averfion which, from the particularity of their fituation, they muft have entertained to all the nations among whom they inhabited, and which thofe nations muft, in their turn, have had to them. This mutual averfion muft have feparated them more and more ;
and
and muft have tended ftill further to keep the Jews a feparate and diftincl people. After the eftablilhment of Christianity, it is by no means wonderful, that the Jews fhould have been the objects of hatred and antipathy to the people among whom they lived. The Jewifh religion being allowed by all Chriftians to be of divine origin, though the only one, except their own, which could claim this privilege, they were naturally led to confider the Jews as the moft formidable antagonists to Chriftianity. Both boafting of a religion of a divine origin, the addition of a new and later revelation, being the only circumftance by which the Chriftians could fupport their deviation from the principles and religion of the Jews, they were naturally apt to confider thofe as their greatelt enemies, who, coming fo near themfelves, and allowing part of the religion which they poffeffed to be divine, refufed to acknowledge thefe later articles which they deemed the moft important. Befides, being of the fame country with the Author of Chriftianity,having had opportunity of becoming acquainted with the miracles which he performed, and the other proofs which he gave of the divinity of his million, it was natural that the
Chriftians
\
Chriftians fhould entertain an averfion to a people, who were not only of a religion different from their own, but who, favoured with all thefe circufiances, continued to deny thofe mighty works which had been wrought among them.    But, above all, it was the people of this nation who had brought to the molt cruel and infamous death the Son of God, and the founder of the Chriftian fyftem. The people concerned in this tranfadion were now, indeed, long fince buried in their graves; but their children (till remained a living example of their wretchcdnefs ; nay, they (till perfifted in approving of the deed, and continued to glory in what had been done. We may add to this, that the fury which formerly feized the Chriftians, of making crufades to the Holy Land, tended to keep up their antipathy to the Jews; and, at every new expedition, the Jews were fure to feel the effeds of their religious zeal.    The Englifh hiftory alone is a fufficient proof of the oppreffions which the Jews fuffered ; and thefe were all laid to the charge of their difference in religion.   It is no wonder then that the Jews fhould entertain an averfion to the religion and people with whom they lived ; and that, ' in
in thefe circumftances, they fhould be more rivetted in their own religious principles and cuftom s. Befides, that flubbornnefs fo natural to mankind in certain circumftances, which makes them refolved not to give up their opinions to fuperior force, they would be apt to confider thofe oppreftions as the effects of the greateil depravity and blindnefs ; and they would efteem themfelves as fuffering in the caufe of God and religion. Had the Jews been treated like other people,—had they been allowed to enjoy the fame privileges and immunities with the other inhabitants of the countries in which they lived, it is not probable that they would have remained fo long a feparate and diftincT people. Their own ancient manners would naturally have begun to have had Jefs influence upon their minds; and they would have been gradually interchanged for the manners of their neighbours: but the bad treatment they met with, in flea d of aftimilating them to the people among whom they lived, ferved to preferve that difguft and thofe prejudices which it was natural for them at firft to entertain againft them, and to confirm them in their cbftinacy in maintaining their ancient
errors.
errors. The Jews, feparated and difperfed from one another, had no head, no regular Society or junction, to fupport or confirm one another in their notions ; but the bad treatment they met with Served the fame end, aatd united more clofely thofe who inhabited the Same country.
I now proceed to confider thoSe circumftances which may account for the Jews being all of one profeflion ; and this appears to have ariSen from the Situation in which Europe was about the time, and for a confiderable time after, the firft Settlements of the Jews. Europe, the greateft part of it at leaft, was for a long time rude and barbarous. War was the only profeflion which was looked upon as honourable or reputable. Commerce, and every art connected with, or fubfervient to it, was eonfidered as mean and unworthy. No circumftance tends to diftinguiih an early from an improved age, more than that fuperior honour which is paid to thofe who follow the art of war, and the difgrace which is thrown upon every other. Men in early ages, accuftomed to military atchievements, and filled with high ideas of heroifm and honour, 6 are
are naturally apt to confider in a mean and defpicable light the more peaceable and fafe employments of the mechanic, the manufacturer, or the merchant ; and the whole affair of commerce is eonfidered as a profeffion founded on injustice and oppreffion, and by which men live by taking advantage of the wants and neceffities of others.
Thus, among the Greeks and Romans, it was reckoned a difgrace for a free man to be employed in a mechanical art. In the fame manner, among all the nations in Europe, mechanics were held in contempt, and merchandize was in the greatest difrepute. The borrowing money upon interefl, a thing without which trade cannot be carried on, was looked upon as the grofiefl injustice. In early ages, before the introduction of commerce, men never borrowed but when in need of money to fupply their neceflities, or the common expences of life. To take advantage of thefe neceffities, by refufing to lend without a premium, was eonfidered as an injustice by which men took advantage of the neceffities of others. After commerce is introduced, when men begin to borrow money,
not
not to fupply their neceffities, but with a view to profit and to increafe their fortune, the lending money may then be defended upon all the principles of juftice; yet men's prejudice againft this fpecies of traffic, from the influence of cuftom, ftill remains; and the taking of interefl: branded with the odious name of ufury, is ftill prohibited and accounted injuftice. The fevereft laws were made in Europe againft it; the canon law, from the influence of the caufes above-mentioned, which were increafed by the authority of Ariftotle's philofophy, permitted no Chriftian to receive interefl: ; and the municipal feconded the prohibition of the canon law.
From thefe caufes, the lending of money upon interefl:, the carrying on of every mo- • ney tranfaëdon, and almoft every branch of bufinefs, was taken out of the hands of the Chriftians, and was engroffed by the Tews. Hated already, and defpifed by the people among whom they lived, making light of any additional hatred or contempt which the profeflion of a merchant could bring upon them, and taught by their religion that it was no.
H h crime
crime to take ufury from a stranger, tfiey engaged in thofe branches of bufinefs which no other perfon in the country, who valued his reputation or character, would engage in. Devoid of the military fpirit, becaufe they had nothing to roufe it, and the more clofely attached to their own interest, that they were feci tided from the fociety of the people among whom they lived, they were almoft the only perfons, for a long time, who followed the profeflion of a merchant ; and by means thereof they generally amaffed prodigious estates. Joined to their being the only perfons who enjoyed the advantage of this profeflion, the high interest of money, which fometimes even amounted to 50 per cent, contributed greatly to the vast fortunes which they were enabled to acquire.
The circumstances which have been now mentioned, as they account for the Jews having been merchants, will likewile help to give fome additional reafons for the other peculiarity in their fituation, viz. their having fo long remained a feparate and distinct; people. It has been fhewn, that the Jews were the natural objects of odium to the people among
whom
fctJSSIÀN EMPIRE. 45;
whom they lived ; that this circumftance, while it drew upon them many hardihips and perfe-cutions, fo it rendered them more and more averfe to unite and conned themfelves with thofe people by whom they fuffered thefe perfections. But this rnal-treatment of the Jews will not of itfelf fufliciently account for their perfeverance in their religion, and their attachment to each other. Had their perfeverance only expofed them to evils and calamities, it is not to be believed that it would have continued. Men may for a while per-iift in their oppolition to the crueleft perfecutions ; and inftead of putting an end to their zeal, it may increafe it; but the more cool views of intereft will, in procefs of time, get the better of the more violent, and, of confequence, lefs permanent principle of zeal-The fathers may retain their ancient opinions, but the children will be apt to forfake them.
We have now feen, that evils and calamities were not the only things which attended the Jews, on account of their religion ; but from their perfeverance therein, and in the doctrines of their fathers, they H h 2 reaped
reaped many and lignai advantages. By a fortuitous coincidence of circumftances,, the perfection and ill-ufage which they met with, and the advantages which they reaped from their religion and country, wouUJ both have the fame '_ffcct» and would tend to make them continue attached to their religion and people, and averfe to mingle and unite with other nations. When they were haralfed and oppreiTed by the Chriftians, they would confider themfelves as fuffering in the caufe of God, and the confideration of this would attach them ftrongly to their religion ; when, from the circumftance of their being of that religion, they amaffed great fortunes, they would confider thefe as the reward of their perfeverance ; and ready to fink under the ill-ufa^e they met with, they would comfort themfelves under the view of more profperous circumftances, and of amafting ftill greater fortunes ; not to mention that the Jews, having no other object to attract their attention or engage their thoughts, would naturally become interefted, and put a high value on their riches. The perfections they met with, were likewife chiefly of that kind
which
Russian empire. 469
which made them put the greater value on the advantages they received from their religion. The averfion of the Chriftians to the Jews, while it led the Chriftians to opprefs them, ferved at the fame time to gratify another ftrong principle in the human mind, their avarice. The ill-wiH of the Chriftians was chiefly exerted in robbing and plundering the Jews of their great eftates. 1 his circumftance muft have had a confiderable influence in attaching them to their religion. It was the poverty or neceflity of the Chriftians which led them to attack the fortunes of the Jews ; it wa-s the riches of the Jews which expofed them to thefe attacks. The continual compa-rifon of thofe different filiations would make the Tews always give the preference to their own. It was to their religion they owed being fo much richer than the people about them ; and the worft that could befal them, was to be ftripped of thofe pofleftions, and to be reduced to fortunes fimilar to thofe of their neighbours. By becoming converts to Chriftianity, they loft at once all the advantages of procuring large fortunes, whereas, by remaining in their antient perfuafion, they H h 3 had
had iti.ll a chance of freeing themfelves from the plunder of their enemies. Attached to no one country more than another, if ever the perfection railed againft them became fo hot as to deftroy ail the advantages of their remaining in the country where .they refided, they quickly left it ; and finding means, by the invention of bills of exchange, to remove their effeds, they fettled in fome other country where they could live with greater fafety. This happened in England during the reign of one of the Edwards ; and fince that time, Mr. Hume obferves, very few of that nation have ever lived in England.
Thefe remarks may give fome account of the caufes of the particular Situation of the Jews. Their having fo long remained a fe-parate and diftind people, and attached fo clolely to their religion, feems to have arifen, firft, from the nature of that religion, the very exiftence of which depended on its votaries continuing a feparate people. 2dly, It feems to have arifen from the averfion which took place between them and the people among whom they lived, and the hardfhips and perfections they met with, which increafecf
thai;
that hatred and diflike. $$ly9 It appears, that it may be alfo in part accounted for, from certain advantages which they reaped from continuing attached to their religion and people.
The fécond peculiarity mentioned in the fituation of the Jews, has alfo been accounted for, viz. their having been merchants, from the particular fituation of the countries in which they lived, which prevented other men from being merchants, or laid them under great difadvantages if they followed that pro-feffion.
With regard to the third circumftance, mentioned as fingular in the fituation of the Jews, viz. their great number, perhaps it may be afcribed to their being merchants, and the wealth and opulence which the exer-cife of that profeflion produced. It is an ob-fervation, the truth of which will not be dif-puted, and which has been lately well illustrated by fome eminent writers, that the po-puloufnefs of a people depends on its means of fubfiftence; and that, in fhort, wherever
H h 4 people
people have enough to maintain a family, they will get a family ; and that where this is the cafe, the nation muft increafe in its numbers. Now, the Jews becoming rich and wealthy, had fubfiftence Sufficient. They had more; they were richer than their neighbours around them ; and, as they increafed their connexions became, of courfe, more and more numerous.
The fourth circumftance, which was mentioned as particular with regard to the Jews, was the unfavourable character uniformly given of them. The remarks which have been made, will help to give fome account of this. To which may be added the juft obfer-vation, that, to treat men with infamy, is the fure way to make them dcferve it.
Upon the whole, thefe caufes, if they cannot account for the events, may, at leaft, give room for enquiry upon the fubject. It muft be confefled, however, that the influence of thefe caufes feems noiv to be near an end. The principles of toleration that have now taken-place, have, in fome meafure, moderated, at
i place,
leaft, men's averfion to the Jews; and the improvements of a more enlightened age have made men form better and more worthy no<-tions of all the tranfa&ions of commerce. Thefe Remarks have chiefly been confined to the fituation of the Jews who have fettled in Europe. With regard to the Jews who have fettled in other countries, it ihall only be obferved in general, that the fame caufes which account for the Angular fituation of the Jews in Europe, will account for it likewife elfe-where. The Jewifti religion is oppofite to the Mahometan and Pagan, as well as to the Chriftian ; and there feems indeed to have been fomething, both in the religious and political inftitutions and cuftomsof the Jews, peculiar to themfelves, which ferved to detach them, and to render them odious to every other people in the world. The fame caufes will likewife account for their being merchants : befides, it ought to be obferved, that Alexandria was the place to which moft of the Jews, who did not inhabit Europe, reforted ; but the fituation of Alexandria was fuch as peculiarly fitted it for merchandize, and for infpiring into the minds of a people, who had no other
object
object to attach them, a fond nefs for this occupation. Alexandria, fituated on the coaft of the Levant, not far from the Red Sea, and near one of the mouths of the Nile, lay moft conveniently for carrying on the merchandize of India and of all the Laft.
LETTER   LVI. (Extract.)
"journal of a Voyage from Cronftadt to Copenhagen.
Auguft 16th, \\Jïï fet fail in the after-1772. noon for England*.
An agreeable evening; a brifk wind; the moonlight glancing upon the waves ; gentle lightning darting at intervals from the bofom of a white cloud : the woody coaft of Efthonia calm and ft lent.
Why did my heart throb, and my tears ftart, when 1 found myfelf in an Englifh man of war ? A thoufand images of friends and country rufhed on my mind. O, Nature! with what exquifite cords doft thou bind our hearts, and makeft them thrill with ineffable rapture ! I leaned over the fide of the fhip, and thought of Britain.
* In the Flora, commanded by Mr. now Sir, George Col-iier, who ditfinguiihed hiaifelf in the laft war by his fervice» >n America, and by the capture of the Leocadia.
8 Aug.
Aug.  17th.    We   paiTed  Hogland : a mountainous and heath-clad ifland.
Aug. 18th—29th. Crofs winds all the way from the Gulf of Finland: we run zigzag from Abo to Dantzig, and from Danrzig to the Gulf of Bothnia. We pafs Gothland ; its (hores are involved in a florm. Meantime the failors are drowning cats and goats ; performing facrifice, half in jeft and half in earneft, to the devil. There is more poly-theifm in the world than is commonly thought.
Aug. 30th. A thoufand bleflings on thy green hills and rocky fhores, and on all thy fone and daughters, fair and pleafant Born-holm 1 Though thou canft not boaft of groves aad trees, yet thy verdure is lovely : and ftill, to the weary mariner, may it feem fo ! Still, as to us, may thy gentle gales come in place of impetuous tempefls !
Sept. ift. W7e pafled the Ifle of Ween; and alio a long neck of land that forms the Bay of Copenhagen. We left to the leeward futy-two fail of merchantmen.   The fcene
delightful :
delightful : it exhibits Copenhagen lying at the bottom of the Bay, ornamented with ft> ven confiderable fteeples, and a number of le Her fpires ; behind it, a beautiful green eminence; the more on each fide flat, adorned with verdure, corn fields, houles, and villages; a multitude of veffels, including eight fhips of war, belonging to different nations, lying at anchor.
Sept. 2d. The city of Copenhagen is irregularly and too clofely built. The flreets are narrow and ill paved ; the houfes are of brick, and are covered with tiles. The palace is a heavv inelegant building: and the gardens of Rofenburg exhibit nothing buc narrow lanes between high hedges, and dull canals. I do affure you, and the fad may b4e of fer vice to thofe who gaze on the outfide of a palace with admiration, that in a room in the manfion of the Daniffi Princes, where we were told, the King and his Minifters held councils of ftate, we beheld—the Royal Game of the Goofe.
The Mufeum contains a valuable collection of natural curiofities, and fome good pictures.   Here we were alfo fhevvn fome
ivory
47« ANECDOTES, &c.
ivory trinkets executed by a Daniih King : the workmanfhip was indeed fine : but as we were looking at one piece that con lifted of different parts linked together by little ivory rings, the perfon who (hewed it accidently dropt it on the floor: it was fhivered into a thoufand fragments. We were filled with confternation : a monument of royal ingenuity ! a palladium perhaps of the Danifh ftate !—-tS Never mind it," faid our good-natured guide, " I (ball have another in its ** place to-morrow.'*
The other curiofities which are ihewn to ftrangers, are the dock-yard, which is indeed very noble ; and the heads of Struenfe'e and Brandt, which are very (hocking.   * * *. Adieu.
Cras ingens iterabimus aqtior.
T EI E END-
errata;
Page 25. line 10. for render read renders.
311. ■--------        6, for fullen read fallen.
370.- 8. dele or.
10. for without difguife, reador without difguife.
411. —— 3. for flames read flame.
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