Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije
Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei
Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Series Historia et Sociologia, 35, 2025, 2
UDK 009                     Annales, Ser. hist. sociol., 35, 2025, 2, pp. 139-236, Koper 2025  ISSN 1408-5348
KOPER 2025
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije
Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei
Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Series Historia et Sociologia, 35, 2025, 2
UDK 009                               ISSN 1408-5348
e-ISSN 2591-1775
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
ISSN 1408-5348 UDK 009  Letnik 35, leto 2025, številka 2
e-ISSN 2591-1775
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ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
Otto Gerdina & Vesna Leskošek: 
Old Age Poverty: The Gender Differences 
in Lifelong Deprivations ........................................ 139
Povertà in età avanzata: le differenze di genere 
nelle privazioni nel corso della vita
Revščina v starosti: razlike med spoloma v 
vseživljenjski prikrajšanosti
Nina Perger, Tanja Kamin & Jana Mali: 
Navigating Hardship: Practical Strategies 
for Coping with Poverty in Old Age ...................... 151
Affrontare le avversità: strategie pratiche 
per gestire l’indigenza in età avanzata
Spoprijemanje s stiskami vsakdana: 
praktične strategije življenja z revščino v starosti
Andreja Živoder & Alenka Švab: 
Poverty in Slovenia Through the Key Themes 
in a Life Course Approach .................................... 163
La povertà in Slovenia attraverso i temi 
chiave dell’approccio del corso di vita
Revščina v Sloveniji skozi ključne teme 
pristopa življenjskega poteka
Žarko Lazarević: 
Integration of Peasants into the Social Security 
Systems in Socialist Slovenia ................................. 175
L’integrazione dei contadini nei sistemi 
di sicurezza sociale nella Slovenia socialista
Integracija kmetov v sistem socialne 
varnosti v socialistični Sloveniji
Ana Kralj: “This Much You Should Know: 
I was Less Afraid of a Snake Than of my 
Husband”: Older Women’s Life-stories 
on Poverty and Violence ........................................ 185
“Ti basti sapere questo: avevo meno paura 
di un serpente che di mio marito”: Storie di vita 
di donne anziane tra povertà e violenza
»Taku da znaste: kače sem se bala manj od 
svojega moža«: Življenjske zgodbe starejših 
žensk o revščini in nasilju
Andrea Rakanović Radonjić & Draško Gajić: 
Foster Care for Older Persons: A Model for 
Ensuring the Quality of Life and 
Individual Poverty Reduction ................................. 199
Affido familiare per anziani: un modello per 
assicurare un’adeguata qualità di vita e una 
riduzione della povertà individuale
Skrbništvo za starejše: model za zagotavljanje 
kakovosti življenja in zmanjševanje revščine 
posameznikov
Nada Poropat Jeletić & Sonja Lukšić: Applicazione 
dell’approccio basato sull’uso (usage-based approach): 
indagine sulla commutazione di codice degli 
italofoni istriani ..................................................... 209
Application of the Usage-based Approach: 
Investigation of Code-switching among 
the Istrian Italophone Speakers 
Uporaba pristopa temelječega na rabi 
(usage-based approach): raziskava o kodnem 
preklapanju pri istrskih italofonih govorcih
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS
UDK 009                                  Volume 35, Koper 2025, issue 2                                  ISSN 1408-5348
e-ISSN 2591-1775
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
Anali za istrske in mediteranske študije - Annali di Studi istriani e mediterranei - Annals for Istrian and Mediterranean Studies
Januška Gostečnik: To the Methodology of 
Determination Genealinguistic Language 
Borders: The Delimitation of Local Dialects 
in Gorski Kotar − A Case Study ............................. 223
Contributo alla metodologia di determinazione 
dei confini linguistici dal punto di vista della 
linguistica genealogica: caso studio sulla 
delimitazione delle parlate locali nel Gorski Kotar
K metodologiji določanja zemljepisnih 
jezikovnih mej: primer razmejevanja 
govorov v Gorskem Kotarju
Kazalo k slikam na ovitku ..................................... 235
Indice delle foto di copertina ................................. 235
Index to images on the cover ................................. 235
139
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
received: 2024-11-26                   DOI 10.19233/ASHS.2025.09
OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN 
LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS
Otto GERDINA
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Science, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
e-mail: otto.gerdina@fdv.uni-lj.si
Vesna LESKOŠEK
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Work, Topniška ul. 31, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
e-mail: vesna.leskosek@fsd.uni-lj.si
ABSTRACT
This article examines gender differences in old-age poverty in Slovenia through a life course perspective. Using 
qualitative in-depth interviews with 33 individuals aged 65 and older, the article identifies gender specific patterns of 
deprivation. Findings reveal that both men and women experience fragmented work histories and engagement in the 
grey economy, but women face additional disadvantages due to lower education levels, caregiving responsibilities, 
and persistent gender pay gaps. The insight into the interplay between structural inequalities and individual trajecto-
ries in shaping old-age poverty contributes to an understanding of the ways in which gender specific disadvantages 
accumulate over time.
Keywords: old-age poverty, gender differences, life course perspective, structural inequalities, socialism
POVERTÀ IN ETÀ AVANZATA: LE DIFFERENZE DI GENERE NELLE PRIVAZIONI 
NEL CORSO DELLA VITA
SINTESI
Questo articolo esamina le differenze di genere nella povertà degli anziani in Slovenia attraverso la prospettiva 
del corso di vita. Utilizzando interviste qualitative approfondite con 33 persone over 65, l’articolo identifica modelli 
di privazione specifici per genere. I risultati rivelano che sia gli uomini che le donne sperimentano storie lavorative 
frammentate e impieghi nell’economia sommersa, ma le donne affrontano ulteriori svantaggi a causa dei livelli di 
istruzione più bassi, delle responsabilità di cura e del persistente divario retributivo di genere. La comprensione 
dell’interazione tra disuguaglianze strutturali e traiettorie individuali nella formazione della povertà in età avanzata 
contribuisce alla comprensione dei modi in cui gli svantaggi specifici di genere si accumulano nel tempo.
Parole chiave: povertà in età avanzata, differenze di genere, prospettiva del corso di vita, disuguaglianze 
strutturali, socialismo
140
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
Otto GERDINA & Vesna LESKOŠEK: OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS, 139–150
INTRODUCTION1
Slovenia is one of the EU member states where 
population ageing is occurring at an above-average rate 
(Gerdina & Kurdija, 2024). As populations in the EU 
continue to age, the issue of old-age poverty remains a 
pressing concern. Although the increased overall edu-
cation and pension system implementation have contri-
buted to a decrease in old-age poverty over last decades 
(Oris et al., 2017), the Eurostat data shows that in recent 
years old-age poverty is increasing. In the EU 27, 18.9% 
of older women aged 65+ live in poverty, compared to 
13.9% of men. In the 75+ age group, the gap is even 
wider, with 20.7% of women at risk of poverty compa-
red to 14.1% of men (Eurostat, 2024). Furthermore, the 
data suggests that older individuals – particularly those 
who have faced lifelong economic disadvantages – are 
disproportionately affected by poverty in later life.
This disparity is primarily the result of structural 
inequalities that accumulate over the life course (Ferra-
ro, 2018). Over time, unequal access to and distribution 
of resources manifest in various forms of deprivation, 
limiting access to education, stable employment, and fi-
nancial security (Tillmann & Voorpostel, 2012). Women 
are more likely to experience economic disadvantages 
throughout their lives due to lower wages, interrupted 
careers, and caregiving responsibilities (Torres, 2014). 
Therefore, examining how early-life disadvantages com-
pound over time, is crucial for understanding old-age 
poverty (Gabriel et al., 2015). The literature investigating 
old-age poverty of men and women through a life course 
perspective is, however, limited (for notable exceptions 
cf. Gabriel et al., 2015; Oris et. al., 2017). 
To address this gap the article aims to examine 
the gender differences in old-age poverty, explore 
the differences in specific cultural and political 
contexts and thus to contribute to the understanding 
of the multidimensional and complex process of the 
accumulation of disadvantages throughout the life 
course of older men and women living in poverty. To 
this end, the article addresses the following research 
question: What patterns of deprivation emerge across 
different life stages that lead to old-age poverty, and 
how do these patterns differ by gender?
RESEARCH REVIEW ON POVERTY AND GENDER
Individuals are in many ways embedded in and 
dependent on systemic conditions and institutional 
frameworks (Rener, 2010) as well as social norms, the 
perceptions and attitudes of the wider and immediate 
social environment towards social inequality, diversity, 
1 The study received financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (research core funding No. P5-0183 and 
P5-0151; research project Everyday life and life course of old people living in poverty, funding No. J5-4587). The funder played 
no role in study design, collection, analysis, and interpretation of data neither in the decision to submit the article for publication. 
They accept no responsibility for contents.
difference or marginalization. All of this affects people’s 
social status, livelihood, self-image, position and 
consequently their agency and their capabilities (Sen, 
2002). Understanding these processes is crucial for the 
development of appropriate support and assistance ser-
vices, as they are interrelated and depend on the social 
and cultural environment, the political and structural 
framework of society, e.g. the welfare state and social 
policy (Daly, 2000), as well as people’s actions and 
choices. Recent publications add to that the importance 
of the life course perspective to emphasise the changes 
that happen over the time in both structural framework 
and life histories (Daly et al., 2023). In Slovenia, older 
women are particularly at risk of poverty. 
Considering household type the extent of poverty is 
particularly high for men and women living alone and 
for tenants. Only in two groups are the poverty rates 
of women slightly lower than those of men, e.g. single 
person households and those aged 75+ but this is only a 
statistical estimate.
The results of the study on the interaction of social 
policy and life courses by Börsch-Supan et al. (2011) 
show that inequalities in old age build up despite (or 
because of) social policies and other related measu-
res. Certain policy measures have direct effects. For 
example, the eligibility requirements for old-age or 
disability pensions and certain characteristics of the 
labour market have a direct impact on early retirement. 
On the other hand, long-term measures in the areas of 
education, health and housing have indirect and inter-
related effects (Börsch-Supan et al., 2011). Schaffner 
Goldberg (2010) notes that by researching personal 
biographies, a complex link can be identified between 
the individual’s life course and the historical context 
that the welfare state represents. 
The existing literature outlines several life course 
events as contributors to old age poverty. Early life 
educational attainment is linked to later economic di-
sadvantage (Carlsson et al., 2023). Gender differences 
appear often: women face higher risks when caregiving 
responsibilities disrupt their careers (DeRigne et al., 
2022). Family formation events such as marriage or 
divorce further influence later life poverty (Fonseca et 
al., 2014), as older women who live alone (Ahonen & 
Kuivalainen, 2024; Leskošek, 2019) or support depen-
dent family members are more vulnerable to old-age 
poverty. In addition, health events and cumulative 
midlife health disadvantages, consistently emerge as 
predictors of poorer economic outcomes in old age 
(Kemptner, 2019). The impact of these life events also 
varies with their timing. For instance, Riekhoff et al. 
(2025) report that the impact of financial hardship 
141
Otto GERDINA & Vesna LESKOŠEK: OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS, 139–150
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
varies depending on when it occurs in the life course. 
Finaly, Daly (2000) argues that the welfare state can 
play an important role in regulating social inequalities 
and gender inequalities in particular; it can mitigate 
or exacerbate them depending on how it regulates or 
determines the relationship between the state and the 
family or the individual throughout the life course. 2
The majority of poverty research relates to the 
incidence and extent of poverty, statistical measures, 
international comparisons, income distribution and 
inequality (Banerjee & Duflo, 2011; Milanović, 2016). 
These studies have made an important contribution 
to understanding the mechanisms and role of the 
structural environment in the emergence and mainte-
nance of poverty and social inequality. However, they 
provide only a limited understanding of how poverty 
is reproduced and how it affects different generations 
and groups, how people experience it, what strategies 
they use to cope with poverty, how poverty hinders 
access to education, health care or the labour market, 
and how it is passed on across generations. Therefore, 
2 M means that the estimate is considered less reliable.
we situate our study within the life course conceptual 
framework (Elder & Giele, 2009), the lifeworld (Ule, 
2018) and everyday life in poverty (Dewilde, 2003; 
Rank et al., 2015; Švab, 2018). This research focuses 
on the multidimensionality of poverty and how it 
accumulates over the life course, what are the main 
trajectories for poverty in old age (Gabriel et al., 2015; 
Oris et al., 2017). By employing a life course approach 
to poverty this article sets out to show how individuals’ 
biographies are intertwined with the structural enviro-
nment (Börsch-Supan, 2011; de Graaf & Maier, 2015) 
and contribute to a deeper understanding of gender 
differences in poverty (Schaffner Goldberg, 2010).
METHODOLOGY
The study used a qualitative methodology to explore 
everyday life, the lifeworld, life stories and the life co-
urse, which allows the data to be compared with other 
international studies (Dewilde, 2003; Schaffner Gold-
berg, 2010; Rank et al., 2015; Švab, 2018). The concept 
Table 1: At-risk-of-poverty rate by age groups, gender, household type and employment status, 2024 (Source: SURS, 
Income, poverty and social exclusion; Eurostat, 2024).
Age Gender % 
By Age Groups
Total
Men 12.1
Women 14.3
65+
Men 18.4
Women 25.8
75+
Men 13.4
Women 29.7
By Household Type
One person 65+ 
Men 48.2
Women 47.8
Two adults, at list one adult 65+ 14.2
By accommodation tenure status
65+ Owner or rent free
Men 17.0
Women 24.7
65+ Tenant
Men 50.7
Women 54.4
75+ Owner or rent free
Men 11.8
Women 28.4
75+ Tenant
Men 67.0M2
Women 65.4M
142
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
Otto GERDINA & Vesna LESKOŠEK: OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS, 139–150
of everyday life refers to people’s actions, discursive and 
cognitive practices, while the lifeworld is the domain of 
life in which these actions and practices take place (Ule, 
2018). The life course enables the study of the change, 
impact and interconnectedness of everyday life and the 
social context in which it takes place over extended 
periods of time. We choose narrative biographical semi-
-structured interviews as a methodological tool for our 
project. Biographical narrative interviews are commonly 
used in the life course studies, along with other ethno-
graphical research tools such as the analysis of visual 
material, participant observation, discourse analysis, 
etc. (Elder & Giele, 2009; Vezovnik, 2018). 
Interviews were conducted in the period from No-
vember 2023 to April 2024. The sample consisted of a 
geographical spread (from Pomurje to the Obalno-Kraška 
region), gender (13 men and 20 women, no other gen-
der identity), income (below the poverty line), age (65+) 
and urban-rural area. Since the population is difficult 
to access, we chose different sampling methods. Most 
of the contacts came from the Centres for Social Work 
(Slovenian social services), some from the Red Cross and 
other organisations. We explained to the organisations 
the purpose of the interviews and the characteristics 
of the sample, and they sent us the contact details of 
those who agreed to be interviewed. We contacted 
them and it turned out that some were not willing to be 
interviewed, some were ill, others had left their homes 
to go to older people’s homes or hospitals. In the end we 
were able to conduct 33 interviews. We conducted six 
interviews twice. The individual visits lasted longer than 
the interviews themselves, because the interviewees 
were happy to receive a visit and wanted to talk to us, 
show us their homes, tell us about their neighbourhoods 
and so on. Some of the visits lasted more than 3 hours. 
3 The empirical data supporting this study are securely stored by the project team and are available from the corresponding author upon 
reasonable request.
Most of the older people were very open and talkative 
and wanted to share their life stories. Some could not 
remember distant events or did not want to talk about 
certain topics.
The interviews were transcribed and anonymized 
and given a code consisting of the researcher’s abbrevi-
ations and the number of the interview conducted. We 
removed any data that could reveal identity (first names, 
last names, city, addresses, year, relatives and other 
personal data).3 The anonymized interviews were then 
qualitatively processed and coded using the MAXQDA 
programme. We created a coding book with the main 
themes that related to the areas and time periods we 
asked about and identified subthemes in it that followed 
the course of the interview. The study was reviewed and 
approved by the Commission for Research Ethics at the 
Faculty of Social Work, University of Ljubljana.
RESULTS
The presentation of the results is organised according 
to the most important life-course trajectories, such as 
growing up in a primary family, education, working 
career, partnership, taking on caring responsibilities 
and life after retirement, health, housing, violence and 
income.
Women’s trajectories
Growing up and primary family
The vast majority of women interviewed came from 
poor families or from farms with little land and few ani-
mals. Their parents had no education and were mainly 
farmers. In a few families, only the father was employed, 
Table 2: Sample characteristics.
Age 65–95 years, average 75.4
Gender 13 men, 20 women
Nationality at birth Slovenian (21), Bosnian (5), Croatian (4), Serbian (2), Polish (1)
Regions Central Slovenia (6), Coastal Karst (12), Littoral-Inner Carniola (5), Upper Carniola (2), Savinja (2), Mura (2), Drava (2), Central Sava (2)
Level of urbanisation Densely populated areas (cities, larger urban centres) (6); intermediate density areas (smaller cities, suburban areas, smaller urban centres) (16); thinly-populated areas (rural areas) (11)
Educational 
attainment 
Unfinished elementary school (6), Elementary school (18), Vocational school (6), Secondary 
school (1), University degree (2)
Marital status Single (6), Married (8), Divorced (9), Widow-er (10)
Household type One person (23), Two persons (8), Three persons (2)
143
Otto GERDINA & Vesna LESKOŠEK: OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS, 139–150
ANNALES · Ser. hist. sociol. · 35 · 2025 · 2
but mothers had some income from informal work, such 
as growing and selling flowers, cross-border housework, 
selling handicrafts, sewing and so on.
Most described their parents in positive terms and 
were sympathetic to their difficult situation. Some of 
them reported violence:
My dad was a heavy drinker. And many times, 
my mother would take the three of us and go. 
It was really like that from childhood. So, I’ll 
tell you: it wasn’t that... high level of violence, 
but... a lot of times when he was drunk, we 
would run away. We went to my mother’s place 
where I was born. (Neva, F, 72)
Education and early career
Almost all of them started to work early, either 
to take care of the household, to look after the other 
children, to work on the farm, or they left school early 
to find a job and help their parents support the family 
with their wages.
More than half had low education, i.e. incom-
plete or finished elementary school. Only four of the 
interviewees had completed vocational school or 
secondary school.
Working trajectories
The employment careers varied greatly. Three 
interviewees had never been employed and worked 
on a farm. Only one of them paid pension insurance. 
All the others were employed, mostly as factory or 
production workers. It was rare for them to be promo-
ted to a higher position, if at all. They were cleaners, 
assembly line workers, restaurant workers and so 
on. Interruptions in working life were already com-
mon under socialism, especially when they worked 
for private employers. It was rare for them to leave 
their jobs themselves. They lost it either because the 
company closed and collapsed or they were on long-
-term sick leave due to work-related injuries or for 
other reasons. This was especially the case after the 
transition from socialism to capitalism, when most of 
them were pushed into early retirement or lost their 
jobs. There were just three cases of reasonably stable 
employment. 
Most were very poorly paid for their work. Some 
had good pay for a while, but it did not last long. 
They said that even two salaries were not enough to 
cover housing expenses or their children’s schooling, 
so they took out loans even for small expenses like 
buying bedding. In general, more than half of them 
took out loans or deferred payments. Due to low inco-
mes, many of them engaged in a range of undeclared 
work in grey economy in addition to their paid work, 
most commonly cleaning.
I went to the lady to make an appointment to 
clean up... she’s such a good-hearted little old 
woman... that when you see her, you’d imme-
diately hug her, even if it’s the first time you’ve 
seen her ... And we made an appointment... But, 
of course, there was no trust or anything right 
away. You have to get trust.... I mean, I’ve been 
with her, yes, for thirty years. (Ferida, F, 71)
Partnerships and caring responsibilities
Two of them were not married, one was a single 
mother and is from the post-war generation. Less than 
half described their marriage as good, respectful and 
supportive. A quarter had divorced, mainly due to 
alcoholism and intimate partner violence.
Oo, you know how it is for me, when I got di-
vorced, I thought that ... I had that ahead of me, 
when he would come, when he would be nasty 
to us again. And it was a disaster, my husband, 
not to talk about him, there was so little that 
was good that you couldn’t stand it, most of it 
was bad. (Nadja, F, 70)
Those who divorced for these reasons had also lost 
the assets they had built up in the marriage by moving 
away to escape the violence. Some of them had already 
paid off their husbands’ debts at the time of their mar-
riage, and some inherited debts after their husbands’ 
deaths. In very few cases, husbands got custody over 
children after the divorce and the mothers had little or 
no contact with the children until a later life.
Almost all of them took over caring responsibili-
ties. They looked after younger children or cooked 
meals when they were still very young. Some started 
looking after sick parents or relatives at an early age. 
Later, some of them took care of their sick husbands 
who suffered from both occupational diseases and 
alcohol-related illnesses. Two cared for sick older 
people for payment.
Life after retirement and health
Most of the interviewed women were single at the 
time of the interview, two of them have never been 
married, sixteen of them are divorced or widowed and 
only two of them have no children.
In general, the health of the women interviewed 
was quite poor throughout their lives, with half of 
them reporting various illnesses from childhood. Typi-
cal childhood diseases such as scarlet fever, measles 
and others had a major impact on their health due to 
the poor living conditions. Just under half described 
their health at the time of the interview as good. Some 
of them had age-related illnesses, but did not attach 
great importance to them.
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More than half owned apartments or houses, even 
though they had very low incomes. Around a third 
of the interviewees lived in rented accommodation, 
with some of them paying high rents or very high 
infrastructure costs.
I’m used to it, this room has been heated 
maybe 10 times as I’ve been here. I only heat 
it up for New Year ’s or birthdays... If I’m cold 
I cover up, watch TV, take the dog out, so 
practically the most I’ve used it is around five 
o’clock to seven o’clock in the afternoon. I 
turn it on for those two or three hours, and 
that’s it. Now that the winters are so mild, I 
haven’t even turned on the major heating for 
three years, I just use small electric radiator, 
which is 35 years old. (Marija, F, 70)
Many of them worked in grey economy either in 
addition or in-between jobs. The in-between jobs peri-
ods lasted several months, for some even several years. 
This was later reflected in their pension. Just under half 
of the women interviewed had retired with full-time 
employment, quite a few of them around the time of 
the political change (aged 50 to 55) or later. Some of 
them did not meet the requirements for retirement, 
i.e. at least 15 years of service, due to interruptions 
in their working lives or extensive unemployment. 
These respondents received cash benefits, only one of 
them received a widow’s pension. They generally had 
the lowest income in old age, followed by those who 
receive disability pension. 
Most of those who had a pension were receiving 
between 500 and 600 EUR or between 600 and 650 
EUR. Some of them also received extraordinary financial 
assistance (one or two times a year for extraordinary 
costs, such as heating material for winter, payment of 
utility bills and similar). Around half of respondents 
received food parcels from Red Cross and Karitas. Some 
respondents had income from other sources, i.e. from 
renting out property, selling wood and crops. 
All these activities also have an impact on the extent 
and strength of personal support networks. Most had 
medium and strong social networks, usually consisting 
of children or siblings. For most respondents, the net-
work was narrow, but the ties were strong. Respondents 
could rely on their children and grandchildren to visit 
them often, go shopping, take them to the doctor, come 
to clean, bring food and the like. Most said that they had 
no worries and felt supported by their relatives. 
My children take care of me, and they take care 
of me almost too much. Mostly the two boys. 
Which I think, as far as I understand, boys are 
better than women for mothers: ‘Mum, will you 
have this, mum, will you have that? Mom, what 
do you need?’ Here, they brought me lunch 
(meals on wheels). My son pays for everything. 
...They took me to the hospital seven times ... 
and that’s not a little! (Luiza, F, 90)
More than half felt happy and calm in their old 
age. Especially women that experienced violence 
and came out of it are very happy although they have 
low incomes and must be very careful with money 
that does not cover all their needs. However, some 
respondents were also lonely and had only a weak 
support network.
Men’s trajectories
Growing up and primary family
Almost all of the male interviewees originated from 
impoverished backgrounds. In most families both 
parents were farmers, or only the father was emplo-
yed. Their parents were mostly poorly educated and 
employed in unskilled or semi-skilled occupations. 
Some individuals reported having experienced a re-
latively carefree childhood, whereas others indicated 
that they had been required to contribute to domestic 
tasks or even engage in agricultural or other labour 
from an early age.
I became a fieldhand, and all that nonsense... 
The neighbours were more [wealthy], but we 
were cotters […] [When I was 14 or 15 years 
old] someone recommended I go to work on 
a boat, since I was a good cook. He told me 
I would work six months on a boat and then I 
would spend six months at school, and then six 
months on a boat and six at school again. And 
at the end I will become a cook or a waiter. And 
so I went. (Bine, M, 68)
For a significant number of interviewees fathers 
were alcohol dependent.
Education and early career
A significant share of the interviewees grew up 
in large families where they received limited support 
from their parents. For example, only a few intervi-
ewees indicated that their parents had encouraged 
them to pursue an education. Most of them had 
completed only primary school or less, with a few 
having completed vocational school and only two 
having obtained a university degree, one in law and 
the other in physics. The latter subsequently assumed 
the role of a secondary school teacher. However, he 
was compelled to resign due to political pressure and 
subsequently sought employment abroad, where he 
had engaged in various forms of informal economic 
activities for several years, including driving a taxi.
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Working trajectories
Almost all of interviewees were employed in 
simple or medium-skilled jobs. The former category 
includes jobs such as peddler or plumber, while the 
latter encompasses jobs such as metalworker, truck 
driver or carpenter. A significant number stated that 
they had been engaged in physically demanding work 
with long working hours. 
What we did... I was on the team that worked 
privately – on the railway! The wagon comes, 
and the load has to be transferred from wagon 
to wagon – a load that weighs half a tonne! 
By seven o’clock, I earned one daily wage and 
then I went to [a different town] for the day shift. 
(Zoran, M, 73)
Two interviewees reported being involved in crimi-
nal activities and having spent several years in prison, 
which also had a negative impact on their employability 
and financial stability.
More than half of interviewees had experienced one 
or more periods of unemployment, when they often 
delved into grey economy.
Furthermore, changes of employers and inter-
ruptions in employment career were also common 
features of their work trajectories. In most of the 
cases, job changes did not result in higher salary. 
One interviewee had completed several vocational 
qualifications (as a welder, a fitter, a conductor and 
a train driver) and had progressively advanced during 
his working life. 
Financial strain, partnerships and caring 
responsibilities
Many of the interviewees had themselves incurred 
debts or were forced to borrow money at some point 
in their lives, which put noteworthy strain on their 
financial situation.
It’s not the borrowing that’s the problem, it’s 
the paying it back. It accumulates and then it is 
very difficult to pay that money back. My wife 
says don’t worry, you’ll pay the next month, but 
then there’s interest and it’s even harder to pay. 
(Admir, M, 81)
Three interviewees were never married (one was 
only formally married on paper) and most of them 
had children (five were childless). For those that were 
divorced, their financial stability was affected as 
they had to pay child support. In less frequent cases, 
financial stability was threatened because their partner 
invested their joint assets poorly and recklessly or had 
alcohol and drug dependency.
It is noteworthy that none of the interviewees re-
ported experiencing violence from an intimate partner. 
Nevertheless, some recounted engaging in altercations 
with other men. None reported providing long-term care 
for an ill partner, but some did indicate providing care 
for their parents.
[I’ve been taking care of my mother since I 
came back from abroad]... twenty years ago! 
[…] The only thing that bothers me is this. […] 
Her teeth are falling out and I’m taking her to 
the dentist... I’ve taken her twice. That is to say, 
I have to put her in the trolley. I have to take the 
trolley to the dentist. Then I go to the farmer’s 
market, because it’s near [the dentist]. And I 
come back and I ask, ‘Did you fix anything, did 
you do anything to her?’ And they say, ‘Yeah, we 
didn’t want to bother her!’ Yeah, but why did I 
bring her here?! (Peter, M, 73)
Life after retirement and health
Nine were single at the time of the interview, 
including those who were divorced or widowed and 
four were still married. Over half had suffered from 
significant health problems before reaching retirement 
age. Furthermore, many reported sufferings from occu-
pational illnesses (e.g., lung problems due to inhaling 
chemicals, bone wear due to physically demanding 
work) which adversely impacted their ability to work. 
Consequently, only four of the interviewees had retired 
with a full working years. In contrast, only one had less 
than 15 years of service and was therefore not entitled to 
a pension. Two had retired on the grounds of disability. 
Some felt a sense of injustice upon retirement, as they 
realised some employers had not paid their insurance 
contributions for years.
The year I got my pension, the first thing I did 
was to investigate why it was so low. And then 
what now, if [the employer] didn’t pay the con-
tribution. They tell you that straight away, don’t 
they. There was a minimal payment up there 
[…] I never imagined what a crisis one pension 
could be to a person. […] And you can’t even 
call that a pension. That’s a dying subsidy, in my 
opinion. (Janez, M, 75)
At the time of the interview, the monthly income of 
four interviewees was less than 500 EUR, five had an 
income of between 500 and 700 EUR, three between 
700 and 900 EUR and one had an income in excess of 
900 EUR (but shared a household with a spouse that 
had no income). The majority owned the real-estate they 
lived in at the time of the interview, however most of 
their households were in poor condition and expensive 
to maintain. Following their retirement, some were 
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Otto GERDINA & Vesna LESKOŠEK: OLD AGE POVERTY: THE GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LIFELONG DEPRIVATIONS, 139–150
able to significantly augment their meagre pensions by 
engaging in grey economy, a practice that was no lon-
ger feasible at the time of the interview. Consequently, 
many were forced to seek social cash benefits, including 
extraordinary financial assistance and other forms of 
financial support. 
The humiliation that I will be forced to ask 
somebody somewhere for something… That’s...
hard. It was hard for me to ask for social assis-
tance. I walked around that building [centre for 
social work] for a long time, […] but then I was 
just forced to go in. (Janez, M, 75)
In addition to financial hardship, more than half of 
the male interviewees mentioned a lack of social su-
pport, either through a lack of a solid social network or a 
lack of a reliable source of support within that network. 
DISCUSSION
In the results section we presented distinct patterns 
of deprivation that emerged across different life stages 
that lead to old-age poverty for men and women. 
Now we turn to discuss the important similarities and 
differences between those patterns that led to old-age 
poverty.
In terms of family background, there were no si-
gnificant differences between men and women. Both 
groups generally grew up in poor families, often in 
rural areas, with low parental education, what laid 
the foundation for lifelong poverty for both men and 
women. This finding is consistent with both the social 
stratification and the life course theories on poverty 
(Gabriel et al., 2015; Becker, 2016). Dragoš (2021) 
points to the phenomenon of the sticky floor and the 
sticky ceiling. Our results show that being born poor 
in early stages of socialism meant being stuck to the 
bottom, which further suggests that the social mobility 
up the social strata was very low despite socialism. 
In early stages of socialism social mobility was quite 
low, due to the absence of social policy measures that 
would enable schooling of children from poor famili-
es (e.g. scholarships, housing, etc.). Low educational 
attainment led to occupational segregation into ma-
nual and informal sectors, mirroring wider European 
patterns of poverty accumulation (Srakar et al., 2020). 
In times of socialism most of the interviewees 
rented their homes from the municipality and bought 
them for a very low costs under the Housing Act of 
1991 (after Slovenia declared independence from 
Yugoslavia), which regulated the privatisation of 
housing fond. However, most of these homes were 
modest, in poor condition and expensive to maintain. 
While our research supports the notion that housing 
security in old age is a crucial determinant of well-
-being (Kwan & Walsh, 2018), it also stresses that 
substandard housing conditions and maintenance 
costs reflect “asset poverty” (Rank et al., 2008).
The phenomenon of early retirement was common 
among both men and women. Early retirement was 
in some cases related to health deterioration that was 
a consequence of physically demanding work, but 
more often a consequence of the restructuring of the 
economy following Slovenia’s independence. Early 
retirement was often seen as a political solution to 
unemployment and industrial restructuring (Ebbin-
ghaus, 2006), a solution that was adopted after the 
collapse of the industrial sector in 1990s. However, 
while the unemployment rate increased during the 
1990s transition in Slovenia, it was still much lower 
than in other ex-Yugoslav countries (Kuhar & Reiter, 
2010), in part due to early retirement policies (Men-
cinger, 1995).
In terms of differences, women generally had lower 
levels of education compared to men and significantly 
fewer professional qualifications. Gender differences 
in educational attainment were significant for the time 
before and soon after the second world war (Becker, 
2016). This disparity in educational attainment had a 
long-lasting impact on their employment opportuniti-
es and income, contributing to greater economic vul-
nerability, what was confirmed in previous research 
which emphasised that low educational attainment is 
the strongest predictor of old-age poverty and a main 
source of gender differences (Novak, 2000; Gabriel 
et al., 2015). Carlsson et al. (2023) found that early 
life factors, including cognitive ability and stress resi-
lience, both of which are often linked to educational 
attainment, explain a large part of the educational 
differences in early labour market exit, a known risk 
factor of old age poverty. 
Female poverty in old age is in life course studies 
explained as a result of interruptions in working life due 
to caring responsibilities (Williams, 2010; Vlachantoni, 
2010) and weak work-life balance (Misra et al., 2006). 
Many studies suggest that women’s careers are more 
turbulent, more frequently interrupted and women are 
more likely to stay at home or leave the paid labour 
market due to caring responsibilities (Williams, 2010; 
DeRigne et al., 2022). Our research shows a different 
picture, as both the men and women frequently chan-
ged jobs and interrupted their employment, and often 
engaged in the grey economy, highlighting the notion 
that non-employment and under-employment severely 
decrease income in old age for both genders (Möhring, 
2021). The difference was that women worked in low-
-paid, menial jobs and rarely had the opportunity for 
career advancement, meaning their wages were con-
sistently low. In contrast, men tended to work in me-
dium-skilled jobs and some were eventually promoted 
to more responsible positions with better pay. In line 
with previous research (Alksnis et al., 2008) gender 
differences in job type contributed to a significant pay 
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gap. In some cases, however, part of the income of men 
was paid in the form of financial supplements (such 
as daily allowances, overtime pay and the like), which 
were not pensionable as they were not part of the 
salary, resulting in a low pension entitlement despite 
decent earnings. The participation in grey economy is 
a particular problem for women as they earn less per 
hour than men what is conceptualised as “feminiza-
tion of the informal labour” (Meagher, 2010), which 
emphasise that informal economy is not a source of 
empowerment for women, but rather a poverty trap 
(Jones & Nadin, 2025). 
Marriage is generally associated with lower po-
verty risk, while divorce and widowhood are noted 
as risk factors, primarily for women (Fonseca et 
al., 2014). The area of partnerships and caregiving 
showed pronounced gender differences in our stu-
dy which is also in line with previous research on 
gender inequalities in the private sphere (Williams, 
2010). A larger proportion of women in our study 
had children, and many took primary responsibility 
for the care of both their children and older family 
members. While some men were the main carer 
or shared caring responsibilities for their parents, 
women were more likely to care for sick partners or 
other relatives or be paid to care for others.
The differences in income in our study persisted 
in retirement, as men received about 100 to 150 
EUR higher pension than women, even though still 
under the poverty threshold. Low pensions force 
older people to either enter the grey market or to 
ask for social financial support or charity (food 
parcels or clothes at the Red Cross or Caritas). Here 
we found a clear gender difference, as men did not 
ask for support even though they urgently need it. In 
addition, some women relied on financial support 
from their personal networks to supplement their 
income. 
The issue of social networks in old age is, accor-
ding to our research, gender-specific, with women 
generally maintaining stronger social ties, often thro-
ugh their children or grandchildren. These networks 
provided women with both emotional and practical 
support, such as help with shopping or healthcare. 
Men were more likely to report weak or non-existent 
social networks, making them more vulnerable to lo-
neliness and isolation, which has also been found in 
other studies (Hlebec & Kogovšek, 2003). A possible 
explanation for this difference is that men have fewer 
opportunities for support as they do not have strong 
family ties (Stratton & Moore, 2007) and are less 
likely to seek help from formal institutions (Kagan et 
al., 2018).
CONCLUSION
By investigating the lifelong accumulation of disad-
vantages among older men and women living in poverty 
in Slovenia, this study extends the life course theories 
of cumulative (dis)advantage to post-socialist contexts, 
revealing how intersecting structural forces – gendered 
care economies, labour market precarity, and welfare 
retrenchment – shape divergent poverty trajectories. 
The significant contribution of the presented study to 
the international research on gender differences in old-
-age poverty relates to labour market participation. Poor 
men and women have similar experiences of the labour 
market, both are involved in precarious and often explo-
itative employment, both have intermittent working 
lives, and both are forced to work a lot in the informal 
economy to survive, which, while reducing their poverty 
in the short term, increases it in the long term.
Hard work worsens their health and causes serious 
illnesses that lead to career interruptions and early 
retirement, resulting in low pensions. The study also 
shows that the precarious labour market was already 
developed under socialism, but during the transition 
from socialism to capitalism, workers’ protections 
cracked and the collapse of industry led to mass retire-
ments, which in the long run worsened the economic 
situation.  
Another important finding of the study is that poor 
women do not leave the labour market to care for chil-
dren or sick family members, as this would put their 
livelihoods at risk. The interruptions in their careers are 
due to the precarious labour market. Women also do 
not have many opportunities for career advancement 
in the workplace, and if they do acquire qualifications, 
it does not guarantee them a higher salary, but more 
opportunities to participate in the informal economy 
(for example, sewing). Men, on the other hand, do so-
metimes advance in the workplace and are better paid 
in general. This underscores how patriarchal norms 
amplify economic precarity, a dimension absent in 
men’s accounts but critical to understanding intersecti-
onal disadvantage (Ahonen & Kuivalainen, 2024).
A difference that reflects the disadvantage of men is 
seen in the size and quality of social networks. Women 
generally had stronger support networks in old age, 
often relying on children or extended family for material 
and financial support. Men reported weaker social ties, 
especially if they did not have good relationships with 
children. This may reflect women’s particular skills 
acquired through the “hidden labour” of surviving in 
poverty – budgeting, negotiating bureaucracies and 
informal exchanges honed over decades of unpaid care 
work (Daly et. al., 2023; Möhring, 2021; Torres, 2014).
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REVŠČINA V STAROSTI: RAZLIKE MED SPOLOMA V VSEŽIVLJENJSKI PRIKRAJŠANOSTI
Otto GERDINA
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za družbene vede, Kardeljeva ploščad 5, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija
e-mail: otto.gerdina@fdv.uni-lj.si
Vesna LESKOŠEK
Univerza v Ljubljani, Fakulteta za socialno delo, Topniška ul. 31, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija
e-mail: vesna.leskosek@fsd.uni-lj.si
POVZETEK
Članek preučuje razlike med spoloma na področju revščine v starosti z zornega kota življenjskega poteka. S 
pomočjo kvalitativnih poglobljenih intervjujev s 33 posamezniki, starimi 65 let in več v Sloveniji, članek iden-
tificira spolno specifične vzorce prikrajšanosti, ki se skozi življenje akumulirajo in vodijo v starostno revščino. 
Ugotovitve glede podobnosti kažejo, da imajo tako moški kot ženske fragmentirane delovne zgodovine in so 
vključeni v sivo ekonomijo, vendar so ženske dodatno prikrajšane zaradi nižjih stopenj izobrazbe, skrbstvenih 
obveznosti in spolnih plačnih razlik. Tako moški kot ženske, ki se danes v starosti soočajo z revščino, so imeli 
razmeroma nizko izobražene starše in so odraščali v revnem okolju, kar osvetljuje medgeneracijski prenos 
revščine navkljub življenju v socializmu. Za oba spola je bila značilna zgodnja upokojitev, ki je bila delno 
posledica slabega zdravja, delno pa propada industrije po osamosvojitvi Slovenije. Ugotovitve glede razlik 
kažejo, da so kljub večjim skrbstvenim vlogam ženske dosegle stabilnejšo kariero in polno pokojninsko dobo, 
vendar so se pogosto soočale s povečano ranljivostjo zaradi nasilja v družini. Moški so imeli več možnosti 
za finančno napredovanje, vendar so se spopadali s šibkejšimi socialnimi vezmi in organiziranjem pomoči, 
kar odraža pomanjkanje izkušenj pri obvladovanju odgovornosti v zasebni sferi. Z osvetlitvijo medsebojnega 
vplivanja strukturnih neenakosti in individualnih potekov, ki vodijo v starostno revščino, ta članek prispeva k 
razumevanju načinov, kako se spolne specifični vzorci prikrajšanosti akumulirajo skozi čas. 
Ključne besede: starostna revščina, razlike med spoloma, perspektiva življenjskega poteka, strukturne neenakosti, 
socializem
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