DE CIVJTATE DEI IZ BISTRE Nataša Golob, Ljubljana
Ko je France Štele popisal iluminacijo v kodeksu z besedilom Avrelija A vgu.it i na L)e civttate Det,1 ki ga od razpustitve kartuzijanskega samostana v Bistri 29. januarja 1782 hranijo kot ms 2 v zbirki sedanje Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, je poudaril, da ima kodeks "sočasne monumentalne usnjene platnice," da ga je "spisal in okrasil ... 1. 1347. po nalogu priorja Hermana neki Nikolaj," (si. 12) daje v iluminaciji "dvoličnost", ker gre za elemente, ki so popolnoma romanski oziroma tradicionalni, da je najti prvine, ki so tipično zgornje italijanske, pri čenici je omenil preplet trakov v iniciali P na fol. I08r, ter daje "pisarska ornamentika naravnost značilna za takratno avstrijsko in čeSko knjižno opremo", omenil pa je tudi prisotnost sodobnih francoskih motivov in predlog.3
V dobrini nicri vse Stclctove ugotovitve držijo in "stilistična dvoličnost" je -kakor je mogoče razbrati iz tehnologije ilu miniranj a - posledica dveh delovnih faz: natančen pregled kodeksa nam pove, da gre za delo dveh iluminatorjcv. da sc je delo časovno sicer prekrivalo in da je drugi mojster posegel, ko prvi svojega dela (pri nekaterih inieialah) Se ni dokončal. O tem sem ic pisala in opozorila, da ne gre le za enega iluminaiorja z imenom Nikolaj, pač pa za dve različno Šolani osebnosti;3 v tem tiči razlog ¡ca estetsko in slogovno neskladnost kodeksa iz Bistre in v pričujočem članku želim podrobneje osvetliti njuna prispevka m pokazati na okolje, iz katerega sta črpala svoje ustvarjalne nazore. Če gledamo na kodeks kot pisarsko-siikursko celoto, ga namreč določa nekaj prvin, ki opozarjajo tako na pripadnost času, pri čemer gre za odzivanje tako na srednjeevropske horizonte kot na oijc pokrajinske posebnosti. S tem mislim na nitaste, fleuronnirane iniciale, na motive fantastičnih bitij v telesih inicial in grotesk na margim, Šopkov- listja in rož na naslovnicah. Opraviti imamo še z barvnimi značilnostmi: pred seboj imamo dvoje zaokroženih, a med seboj neskladnih barvnih enot in tudi kolorit razmejuje posege dveh mojstrov.
1 Kodikološki opis jc objavljen na koncu članka, F. S tel i:, Ilu min atomi okras b istrski h rokopisov, Srednjeveški rokopisi v Sloveniji (M, Kiii. - F, Štele, ed.), Ljubljana 1931 (od tod citirano Šteli: Srednjeveški rokopisi), pp
1 N. Golob, Folknandova podob a: zgledi in posne tk i, Zl^Z, n .v. X X VI, 3 990(od tod c i t i -
rano Golob, Folknandova podoba), pp. 48-49,
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Ko je bil lem 1347 po volji Hermana, pnurja v Bistri - Vallis Jocosa4 - dokončan ta kodeks, je bita v knjižni produkciji razmejitev med dvema tipoma okrasnih micial že jasna. Izoblikovan je bil tip neuronnirane, nitaste tmciale na eni strani iti slikarske inicialc na drugi, uveljavljeno je bilo načelo, kije ločevalo dva različna slikarsko-pisarska posega. V romani k i ne poznamo prehodnega tipa med kal i-grafskimi in vitičnimi inicialami, in tudi v gotiki sla ta dva principa praviloma nastopala vsak zase. sicer v enem m istem kodeksu, vendar ponavadi ne hkrati v eni iniciali.1" Tudi zato je v nekaterih bistrskih inicialah jasno razvidno, katero potezo je potegnil en alt drug slikar. - Flcuronnirane, nitaste inicíale so se razvile iz poznoromanskih kaligrafskih inicial, ki jih kot resno napoved gotskega nitastega okrasja najdemo okrog leta 1140 v Parizu/ in potem so se prek mozanskih krajev in vplivnih skriptorijev zelo naglo Širile po francoskih in nemških deželah. K razmahu nitastih inicia! je pripomogla tudi enoviiosl cistcrcijanskc knjižne opreme, ki je bila naklonjena mono krom n emu, risarskemu principu, prav eistercijan-ski skriptoriji pa so v 12. stoletju naslajali v naglem zaporedju; tako je okrog leta 1200 vsaj zgodnja oblika fleuronnčja znan likovni element predvsem severno od Alp. Delovni postopek je skrajno preprost - že ob koncu rornamke so se orna mentalno razcepila telesa inicial in v njih so dobile prostor preproste valovnice. zobci, vitičm prevoji in tudi meandri Gotika je proporce inicial spremenila, poudarila je širino pred višino in tako osenčene dele hipenrofirala: v njih so dekorativni razcepi imeli dosti več možnosti za fantazijske novotarijc. Bistvena prvina flcurnnnira-nih inicial je nitasta ohroba, ki je v romanikt obris ti o linijo črke pospremila v lahnih kaskadah, sedaj je povsem osvojila notranje črkovno polje in ga razdelila na več segmentov, na zunanjem polju pa seje nit spremenila v vejnate izrastke paralelnih in pod pravim kotom od stopaj oči h scsvedranih, nagrebe njenih črt. Nitasta inicíala je praviloma izpisana v dveh barvah; v kodeksih iz Slovenije in sosednjih dežel prevladuje kombinacija rdeče in modre barve, V bi sirske m kodeksu niso vselej uporabili i inte: risba z gostimi, reliefno nanesenimi temperami je prispevala zares Žlahten vtis in to je vedel tudi Bistrski pisar. - Fleuronnée seje spreminjal, razvil v modne duhovitosti in regionalne posebnosti, že ob koncu 13, stoletja pa je dosegel tisto formalno zrelost, ko je z jasno in vselej enakomerno otnamentirano površino postal pretanjena dv obarvna igra, ki ju - kot bi šlo za trilčke - variirala eno in isto drobceno temo v vedno novih načinih.
1 J. Mlinaric, Kartuzija Bistra od 1255 do 1782, Reilavnittvo mi Slovanskem [F. M Doli-
nar, ed.t, Ljubljana 1984 tod tod citirano Mlinarič, Kanuzija Bistra), pp. 163.
" I / doslej objavljenega gradi vaje videti, da se v rokopisih, ki so nastali v provinc ialnem
okolju, pojav i vsiljevanje si ikarskih elementov v nitaste initiale, pa Se takrat gre npr. za brSljanove liste, ki se ra/.plelejii na dnu fleuron ni ranega repa ali v telesu čike, vendar pri tem ne rušijo predvsem dvobarvne ureditve nitastih micial. Cf. A. Giintherovi & J. Mišiatnk: $in -¿favckà Ah Umi nuilba na Sh vchxku, B niti * I ava 1961 (od tod ciiiranniGUoihe -tovà - Miïiamki Stredovekâ kniinà malbn), pp .15-37, l i. Missale l'ossoniensc "C" i/
S 330* 1340, Budimpešta. Driavna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Cod, lat. 220 in sorodna rokopisu Cod, Lat, 94 in 92 iz iste ihirke.
* P. Stienwmann. Fils de la vierge. L'initiale à filigranes parisienne: I 140-1314, Revue île l'art,90,1990, pp. 58-74
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Mojster, ki je risal nitasto okrasje v bi sirske m De civitate De i, svojega imena ni zapisal in zaradi poenostavitve ga zaznamujem z zasilnim Imenom Bistrski pisar: zaradi kompozicijskih pretanjenosti, ko se besedilo in inicialu do popolnosti prilagajata prostoru, ki je bil na voljo, smemo domnevati, da je prepisoval besedilo in sproti vključeval nitaste iniciale.' Bistrski pisar se vsaj v tem kodeksu ni izkazal kot iluminator - nastopil je le kot kal igral, ki pa je z zanesljivo roko prekrival črkovno polje in pripadajoči marginalni prostor s pajčevinasiim orna-meniom. Notranje črkovno polje je razdelil z navpičnicami (npr. fol. 2Sv, 65v, si. 4) ali z rombom (fol. 146v) ali z ovalno-kroi.nimi linijami (fol. 36r, 98v) v več manjših segmentov (si. 3), ki jih je dvobarvno variiral, inicialo G na fol. 3r (in Se več drugih) pa je spremenil v enakomerno se prelivajoč ornament krogov Je v zlati barvi. Osnovna dekorativna prvina v njegovem fleuronnieju je krog z dvojnim obodom, tretja linija pa že povezuje en krog z drugim. V krogu se ob sredinski veji ali ob viiičasto razcepljeni veji nizajo brsti, poudarjeni z drugobarvno piko, Tak vzorec spominja na cvetove imamice, zalo ga nemška literatura imenuje "Maiglbckehen-Fleuronnče", Izjemoma, scelcga le v miciali E na fol, 77v. je
namesto nitastega polnila i/ krožeev izrisal pnlžasto zvit vzorec vitice s srčastimi
listi, ki spominjajo na hrSljanovc. BrSljan je bil od jjoznega 13. stoletja dalje priljubljen dekorativni element, saj je skorajda ni obrobne letve, iz katere ne bi rasle drobne briljanove veje.
H istrski pisar je imel na voljo dosti zlate barve, ki jo je uporabljal za nitaste vzorce v črkovnih poljih, medtem ko je repe le izjemoma izpisal z zlato, Posebno rad je zlato kombiniral s sinje modro, pa tudi v povezavi s temnomodro, bledoze-leno in okrom jo najdemo, pike v krožcih pa so povečini rdeče. Svetilnost zlate barve povzroča vtis dematerializiranosti, ne le formalne plemenitosti in (materialne) dragocenosti. Vendar jc pretanjenosi in lahkotnost svojih inicial znal doseči tudi takrat, ko jih je izpisal v "navadnih" barvah; prav odlično delo je imciala D (fol. yOv), čeprav je risana le v ubiti modri in rdeči barvi. Mislim, da srebrne barve ni uporabljal, zato pa jo je čislal Nikolaj, Enako je videti, da je Nikolaj vpeljal lila-rožnato tempero m je t njo prevleke! tudi že dokončane oblike inicial: D na fol. 40r jasno kaže. da je prvotni cmoher v zunanjem delu tniciale izginil pod povrSnimi nanosi lila barve, enako velja za F na fol. 52v (si. 5). D na fol. 22v itd. Nastali so novi, debelejši barvni nanosi, ki jih je bilo treba popravili, obrobili so jih s kontrastno tinto, a videti je, dp je pero pri debelih barvnih nanosih spodrsava-lo in se zatikalo. V inicial ah, za katere lahko rečemo, da so scelega delo Bistrske-ga moj sira, teče pero v gladki, nerazcepljeni liniji, predvsem pa njegova poteza ni nezanesljiva. Bisirskega pisarja odlikuje popolnost, odličnost poteze, ki ni nikoli
' Pisava mestoma niha, vendat se d uk tu s črk spreminja tekoče, pest optima, in nikoli tako /elo, da bi dvomili, daje kodeks prepisal cu sam pisar, /a definicijo osebnih pisarskih variacij cf. K. Kl. lazd/ewski. Idemifizierungsprobleme bei Schreiberhanden, Wal-fenbtitteler Forschungen (Probleme der Bearbeitung mittelalterlichen Handschriften), 3(1. 1986, pp, 325-326, Za pod robn ej So paleograf s ko opredelitev in utemeljitev te faze v razvoju i ek s i ure ef. O. Muzal, Beobachtungen z ti österreichischen ti uch Schriften des 14. Jahrhunderts, Codices manuseripti. 16. 1992, zlasti pp. 1-6 in sL 1-4.
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zdrknila prek dovoljenega oboda, me ne kaže na površnost, nobena kompozicija lli pomanjkljivo ali slabo pretehtana/
13istrski pisar se je nedvomno ie spočetka naslanjal na kodeks z besedilom Avgusti nove Božje države, ki so ¿1 ga sposodili v Stični (sedaj je kot Cod. 650 hranjen na Dunaju, v Zbirki rokopisov in inkunahul Avstrijske nacionalne biblioteke)g Prav kmalu je - najbrž na izrecno naročilo - narisal kopijo iniciale S na foL 9v. kije v stisko-dunajskem kodeksu na fol 4r in pri tem zvesto sledil črtkanju na notranji strani listov, krogcem na zavihih, razdeljenemu telesu, celo barvam in preprostemu okviru. Ker jc ta iniciala ostala kot osamljen dokaz kopiranja B istrskega pisarja po stiški predlogi, se poraja vtis. daje pri kopijah dveh uncijalnih D (foL l36r, si. 6, in 115r) sodeloval le 1 narisom zapletenega vitičja, medlem ko slutimo, daje kompaktne in ne prav na ta nine barvne nanose prispeval Nikolaj,
Vsekakor je nekaj fleuron ni rano- slikarski h i niči al, pri katerih ne moremo z gotovostjo razmejiti prispevka prvega in drugega. To sta denimo miciali Q na začetku 5. in II. knjige (fol. 28v, si. 4, in 12Krj. Obakrat jc kauda antropomorfna ptica slokega telesa in prvikrat jc Bistrski pisar obilno sodeloval, ker je ob usloče-nem trupu razsul nitaste zanke; obris glave je risan v enaki modri barvi kot preostalo okrasje. Drugikrat se togo ptičje telo ulega prek pisarskega opozorila (Nota) in ga v dobrini meri prekriva. Čeprav je risba ptice enako kvalitetna kot prvič, je nitasti zaključek okoli glave videti na pol dokončan.
Marsikaj iz razmerja med Nikolajem in Bistrskim pisarjem pojasnjujeta tudi dve miciali P: prva (foi, 98v) je podoba skrajno kontlikinega razmerja. Lep mo-dro-zlat nitast vrtinec v trebuhu črke obdaja lila telo, v katerem so obaline povezave krogov in rombov: to je zelo svojevrsten odmev romanske predloge, ko seje vitica pretikala skozi telo črke. Nikolaj jc na temenu odpraskal nitaste obrobe, ki se očitno niso ujemale z njegovim videnjem celote. Ker je hkrati odpraskal tudi del rubriciranega incipita, jc drugod s tem opravilom odjenjal. Torej jc okrog i niči a le nanese) lepilo za srebrno bun kasto ob robu in pri tem naredil te h no luško napako - perganient seje zgrbančil in dobi i temen soj. Na teme in nogo sLubla je nataknil perjanico iz lila in zlatih listov (prav taki so na obeh naslovnih straneh). Nikolaj je na obarvane dele črke rad nanaSal geomctrizirana filigranska polnila ■ bela risba, sestavljena iz krogov, rombov in črtic je skorajda njegov podpis, Bistrski pisar pa jc sledil organskim motivom: risal je preslice, rože, vilice, grozde.
Tej iniciali je sledila "spravna" iniciala P (fol. I08r, si. iJi. ki stoji na začetku obetavnega inicipita Promissiottcs Dei: okoli črke je spel bunkasla obroba, vendar je zlata, posuta s cvctličnim filigranom in pergament ni poškodovan, Cve-
* Tehnološko zanimiva sta dva detajla: v iniciali D na fol. 83rjc nitasti okras na zunanjem polju črke ostal nedokončan. Ostala je torej perorisba - predrisba ■ v svetlem, laviranem tušu, ki ra/.krivado popolnosti izrisano nitasto okrasje, ki bi ga bilo treba prevJeči bodisi i. zlato aii sitijo potezo čopiča - kol preostali del iniciale - pa se to ni ¿godilo, V uncijalni D na fol, 40r pa so med zlate niti okrasja v crki hoteli nanesli polnilo s srebrno barvo: prav kmalu so odjenjali (menda so sprevideli, da bi bilo vsega dobrega preveč) in sedaj se v črno oksidirana srebrna barva kaže kot težak, neprijeten dodatek.
11 N. Golob, Slikarski okras romanskih rokopisov m. Stitne: dunajska skupina, 7.U7-, n.v. XXV, 1989, ppvŠ7-55, zlasti 44-4$.
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tlice so tudi v ornamentiranem, lila (!) steblu črke. Pod trupom se vzpenja pes s srčastim repom - tako kot v stiškein kodeksu 650 na fol. 126r (si. 9), Medlem ko je pes stoka, elegantna žival (kol obe prej navedeni antropomorfni pisci), se šerif črke spusti v listno gugalnico, kjer sedi čokat, v kratke hlače oblečen moiic. Vse telo. s hlačami vred. je podloga za geometrični omamen t, ki s segmenti i oko v, črticami in križci spreminja figuro v bizarno prikazen. Pa vendar je Nikolaj isti moli v narisal Štirikrat - dvakrat ob medaljonski podobi sv, Avguština in klečečega Hermana (fol. 3r, si. 2), na dnu iniciale [ (fol. S6r) in tu, na fol. I08r,
Povedati je ireba, da je Nikolaj želel s lako čokato in geomelrizirano zasičeno risbo prepričati še večkrat, na primer v kopiji opata v iniciali O (fol. 56vj in zoomorfnega S (fol, !55r, si, 10), Težke barve in napolnjenost teh inicial je nedvomno delovalo vizualno učinkovito. Če je kaj resnice v Radicsevi trditvi, da je bil Nikolaj poznejši bistrski prior,10 potem njegovi posegi pač niso bili izpostavljeni kritiki napredno mislečega iluminatorskega duha. Morebili si je tudi zato lahko dovolil, da je svoje ime napisal z zlaiimi in srebrnimi črkami v lunetah arkad na naslovnici (si- 1). medtem ko je njegov prednik na priorskem mestu. Herman, ponižno pokleknil pred Sv. Avguština in na odprti knjigi pokazal na napis "Obsecro te... " Rotim te, usmili se me v svojih molitvah (si. 2),
Nikolaj se je sicer trdno oprijel stiSke predloge pri nekaj inicialah in o vplivu StiŠke figuralike na Nikolajevo delo sem pisala pred nekaj leti (si. 10, II).11 Čeprav tako številne romanske prvine v sredini 14. stoletja delujejo arhaično, neskladno z veljavnimi tokovi, čeprav je Nikolaj pri "svojih" inicialah (O z opatom12 in zoomoifni S) brez razloga segal čez linijo vertikalnega naslonila v stolpcu in mu sicer lahko očitamo težko in manj gibčno roko, poudarjeno rabo lila in srebrne barve, nasičeni kromoksid iti svojevrstno, kričečo lisičje rdečo barvo, pa ne moremo trditi, da vsemu navzlic ni poznal tudi sodubnih tokov v iluminaciji. Taka kot Bistrski mojster je tudi on uporabil v večbarvne segmente razdeljene okrasne letve, motiv drolerij - lova na lisice in zajce, moža na gugalnici - motive fantastičnih bilij, ki so antropomorfni baziliski, plice in triglava ptica s kačjim repom.
Že motiv antropomorfnih ali psoglavih zmajčkov v telesih črk (si. 5) je dovolj zgodnji primer na teni delu K v rope. v Sloveniji pa starejšega rokopisa iz naših samostanov s inkim elementom ni, Gerbard Schmidl je v analizi Konvoluta iz Mcika opozoril, da se v avstrijskih rokopisih pojavijo take groteskne živali v
P. pl. Radies, [* nekdanjih samostanskih knjižnic v ,Stični, Kostanjevici. Bislri in Ple-trjah, Izves'j" Muzejskega društva za Kranjsko, XIII, 1903, pp. 53-54; Mlinarič. Kartu-zija Bistra, p. 172.
11 Cl.op, 3.
Ne /nam si razložiti, ^akaj je ta (bistrski) opat dohil ikonografsko oznako, da gre za upodobitev kralja Davida, a tako je razumeti iz opisa B. Bcrčita, str. 14; isto ponavlja besedilo v kjtulogu TtSori delta Biblioteca Naztonale e universitaria tli Lubiuna. p.46. H. lierčičet al.l Zakladi Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, Cankarjev dom. Ljubljana 19S2, pp, 12 in 14; M úíavan et al.: Te sur i delta Biblioteca NatfonaU s universitaria NUK di Lubiana, Biblioteca Tri vulziana, Milano J9ÍI9, p.46.
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odebeljenih delih črke šele v dvajsetih letih 14, stoletja," v Melku pač pod vplivom skripinrija iz Švicarskega sa mu slana KaLharinncnthal. Če bi skušali najti še primere, ki bi bi Ji .si i Jursko sorodno zasnovani, bi bil rokopis Nikolaja iz Lire, hranjen v samostanu Vorau na avstrijskem Štajerskem, kar pravšnji,tJ pa tudi bratislavski m i sal "A" iz Leta 1341, kjer imajo zmajčki podobno poudarjeno hrbtenico in jim iz ust rastejo listi.1-' V vorauskcm rokopisu je Se nekaj drugih sorodnih potez z bi sirskim kodeksom, v bratislavskem misaJtj pa ne. V isto vrsto figuralnih vzorcev spada tudi antropomorfna ptica, medtem ko motiv moža na gugalnici sodi med značilne marginalne domislice iz 13. in 14. stoletja. To je le odvod iz tistih burkaških predrznosti in opičarij. ki so celo ob najsvetejših besedilih zganjali neslanosti in bolj kot katerikoli se vemo italijanski oziroma furlanski vzor,1" so pravi izvir teh mož i cev podobe opic pri zabavi, pri guganju v košarah, ki jih je po tedanjih rokopisih mrgolelo.
Arkadno naslovnico na fol. 2v in začetek besedila na 3r (si. 1, 2) pa moramo obravnavati kol enoten slogovni in ikonografski sklop. Ne moremo dvomiti, daje i niči al o in prve tri besede Glqriosissimi civi ta te Dei izpisal B istrski pisar. Zaradi velikosti iniciale se bolj kot kdaj kol i poprej izriše pisarska posebnost in dvojnost v učinku, ko je ileuronnče pisan z zlaiim prahom in je njegova barvita svetilnost mila, migotava, zunanja polovica črke z zlato folijo na osnovi iz armenske gline, ki se plastično boči, pa je polno svetlobno polje brez sence.1* Vizualni učinek ima
" G. Schmidt, Das "Mdker Konvolui" der Public library, New York, v: " Nohilc claret opu s ^ Festg abe fiir El le n Ju d it h Beer zu m 60. Gehu rtst ag. K. 43/1, 19 86. pp. 67-75; zlasti p. 71. - Taki zmajčki in nakaze s škratovskimi čepicami so bih kot dekorativni motiv na obrovnih letvah naslikani že celo stoletje poprej v angleških in francoskih rokopisih. C i. R. Eisler Die illuminierten Handschriften in Kiirnten, Leipzig 1907 (od tod citirano Eisler; Kiirnten), si. 31 - francoski diilrnak iz (verjetno druge tretjine) 13. Stoletja, kije v Admontu; H. Tietze: Die illuminierten Handschriften der Rossiana in Wien-Lainz, Leipzig 1911, si. 1 S3 - "/majevska" bordura okoli besedila na naslovni strani niijerenske ali belgijske Bihlije iz druge polovice 13. stoletja itd. Gerhard Stamm pa oh miniaturi i/, gornjerenskega (Švicarskega) samostana Wonnenthal z začetka 14. stoletja pravi, da so v skladu i "lepim mehkim slogom" miniatur tudi zmajčki jjosiali ljubki. G Stamm; D rac hen in al ten Hands chrifUn. Drachen zutn Welnen and Lachen, Karlsruhe. BadischcLandcsbiblioihek 1980,p. 130, si. 93, (r.k.l
I	■ P. Ruber]: Die Illuminierten Handschriften in Steiermark. Die Stiftshihhatheken zu Ail-
ment und Varašt, Lepzig 1911, Vorau Hs. 274 (103-IV), si. 215. 15 Giintcrov& - Mišianik: Stredovekd knitnd malha, cf. si. Budimpešta, Državna in
univerzitetna knjižni ca, Cod. lal. 214, fol. 130r. 14 S telo; Srednjeveški rokopisi, p, 60. cilira rokopis, ki ga Eisler uvršča med furlanske (oz. širše gornjeitalijarske), Stilna oznaka rokopisa jc najbrž točna (1 ni namreč razjasnjeno razmerje s sposojenim kodeksom iz Krke na K omike m, po katerem so "fur tuniki" k«' deks kopi ralij, nikakor pa se ne stri iifani z nakazano povezavo: škrat, ki bruha vilice in ga vidimo na spodnjem šerifu črke P, je odvod I/ romanskih maskeronov, ki jim v/, ust rasto vilice: bistrski možici na listnih gugalnicah SO iz drugačnega vsebinskega in formalnega sveta. Cf. Eisler; Karntcn, al. 25.
II	L. Randall: Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts, Berkeley & Los Angeles 1966, si. 53. npr. Psalter Riharda Canierburyjsknga, pisan po avguStinskcm redu; za-čas-no New York, Pierpunt Morgan Library, Glazier 53.
11 E. J. Beer, Marginalien zum Thema Goidgrti nd, ZeitxchnftfUr Kun xtgesch khte, 3,1983 (od tod citirano Beer, Goldgrund). pp. 271 286. zlasti 2S3.
2(1
nedvomno svojo materialno vrednost, vprašanje pa je, ali ima zlato tudi ikonografski sopomcn. Domnevati smemo, da ima zlato ozadje za upodobitvijo sv. Av-guitina in priorjii Hermana v medaljonu vrednost "idealnega prostorskega okolja, v katerem se... resnični predmeti lahko gibljejo v brezmejni globini,"" domnevati tudi smemo, da so stcbriči na arkadah s premislekom dobili zlato in srebrno prevleko. da bi "z idealno realnostjo - ki pomeni duhovno vsebmo - pridobili poudarjeno objektivno realnost materiala "-" Prav gotovo je bila s premislekom izbrana (in z enakim pomenom odtehtana) tudi zlata in srehrna folija za brSljanove vejice in Nikolajevo ime v lunetah ter za napis naslova knjige pod tremi arkadami. Od tod dalje pa uporaba zlate na naslovnih straneh bistrskega kodeksa ni več vsebinsko razvidna. Zlata in srebrna so tako telesca psov kot tudi zajcev, listi in Šopki na bnrdurah, kratke hlače gugajočih se možicev, zlati in srebrni so tudi deli teles bitij pod arkadnimi stcbriči. Pravega pojasnila za to ne vem. Logike v uporabi zlate in srebrne ni več, zdi se, da ostane le Se provinci al na bahatost z dragocenim materialom.
In če pogledamo na ti dve strani kot na slikarsko in ikonografsko stvaritev, se vnovič razkrije neuravnovešenost. Delež slikarskega znanja jc skromen; vseskozi naivna risba rastlinja, živali, fantazijskih stvorov in (še celo!) oseb je zrcalo možnega. pn čemer je z dekorativno preobloženostjo pomen, vsebovan v figuraliki na margini, večkrat ponovljen, Manjka tudi ljubezniva skladnost barv; kričeče SO, kromatsko vsaksebi - na teh dveh straneh bolj kot kjerkoli v kodeksu,
Ikonografsko branje moramo pričeti pri arkadah, ki so bile kot arhitekturni element prenesene iz sakralne arhitekture. Seveda jc arhitektura cerkve bila delček Cerkve, ki je na oltar (resnično in simbolično) postavila knjigo. Ves pomen tega dejanja je vsebovan v stavku iz Svetega pisma "In principi o erat verbum." Beseda je svela, beseda je pn Bogu. Bog je Cerkev. Zveza je nesporna; arkadne naslovnice so zrcalo sakralne arhitekture,-51 in listo, kar vzamejo v svoj objem, ima ¡lomen svetega, bofjega. A če prenesemo to prispodobo v območje realnega sveta, v s vel srednjeveških cerkva, potem se izriše na eni slrani podoba cerkvene biblioteke, zakladnice, poduhovljenega ž.ivljenja, ki se jc odvijalo v cerkvenem poslopju, na drugi pa podoba profanega. žanrskega, banalnega dogajanja, ki seje - v obliki krošnjarskih pultov in obrtniških kolib naslanjalo na stene cerkve ter nu petek in svetek spremljalo pretok ljudi in njihovih misli iz območja sakralnega v profano in obratno in opravljalo, pretilo, škodovalo, "Da obstaja idejna povezava zunanjih zidov cerkve z grehom, nam potrjuje tudi sočasna literatura, denimo Roman de ta Rose in Roman de Fauvel, kjer so simboli grehote orisani, ko L da so naslikani ali izklesani na zunanjih zidovih obzidanega vrta in palače.*1'' Za to gre v b istrske m kodeksu: beseda cerkvenega očeta Avguština je sveta in zato obdana z arkadnimi loki in okrasnimi letvami Njegove misli se nizajo v območju sakralnega, onkraj pa je hrup boja in pasjega laježa v pogonu na lisice in zajce.
" A. Kicgh DU spdtrdmische Kunstindustrie, Wien J927', p. 14,
10	Beer, Goldgrund, p. 272 in op. 3.
:' N. Golob: Arhitektumi elementi na naslovn tcah srednjeveikih rokopisov, Ljubljana 1990.
11	M. Cnmillc: Image on Ihr Edge. The Murginsof MedicvtilArt,Loniion 1992, p. 91.
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Psi gonjači se podijo in grizejo zajce, ki so že v Stari zavezi (Levitieus 11,6 in Deuleronomium 14,7) zaradi plodnosti sodili med simbole ne zmernosti, nečistosti, v srednjem veku pa spolnega poželenja, Eukstirije.11 Lisicam je srednji vek očital vsakovrstne pregrehe, postale so simboli heretikov, samega satana, zvijačnosti, prevare, skoposti, Pes, zvesta iival svojega gospoda, pregrehe podi in mori. Simbolika tega plesa na življenje in smrt med Pregrehami in Krepostmi ni zapletena. - Vsaj na prvi pogled pa je manj jasen pomen Štirih figur (si. 1), ki so dobile prostor na dnu, že na margini strani; videti so, kot da bi bile baze Štirih stebričev. Stelč pravi, daje "motiv stanja na živalskih in Človeških figurah tipičen za romansko arhitekturo v Italiji in se najde pogosto tudi v alpskih deželah."" Seveda najdemo ta motiv tudi v iluminiranih rokopisih in ne samo v Italiji, pač pa po vsem zahodnem krščanskem svetu. Vendar tukaj ne gre za motiv stanja. Gre za dinamično situacijn. kjer imamo dva para. vsak se bojuje ločeno od drugega. Prva dvojica je zlat lev, ki stoji pod zunanjim stebričem in se je prek hrbta obrnil proti nakazi, ki gaje hotela prevarali s svojim na videz spodobnim oblačilom in s svojim sprva mirnim mimohodom - potem pa se je obrnila, da bi s hrbta napadla leva in inu z mečem zadala rane. Lev rjovc: v človeška oblačila preoblečena zverina se pred njim brani s Ščitom. Desni par pa ne prikriva svoje prave narave: srebrn enorožec s svojim zlatim rogom napada Tei.ečega se rdečega zmaja z želenim repom in zelenimi nogami, ki so prave satanske barve. Spet je enorožec na zunanji strani in enako kot lev brani mejnike sakralne arhitekture. - Stara zaveza je slavila moč in silovitost enorožca (Numeri 23,22; 24, 8; Psalmi 21, 22; 28, 6; 91, 11 i t d. J in verjetno ga moramo v pomenu pozornega čuvaja čistosti, neomadeže-vanosti krSčanske duSe jemali ludi v letu primeru: tako postane pravi soborec levu, ki je simbol kreposti, in hkrati zastopnik levov, ki varujejo pol do Prestola modrosti.
Ne gre za romanski motiv podstavljanja vsakovrstnih figur pod stebre, da nosijo cerkveno slavho, gre torej za gotski motiv izganjanja pregreh iz območja sakralnega, za konflikt no razmerje med vsebinskim centrom in banalnim obrobjem. za razmerje med jasno kaligrafijo in urejenostjo zapisa na ent sirarn ter nemirnim, barvno kričečim marginalmm svetom na drugi. Kljub rohatosti poteze nas ne sme zapeljati misel, da gre na tej naslovnici iz Bistre za preprosto nadaljevanje visoko srednjeveške Psihomahijc: vizija boja med dobrim m zlim seje raz-plastila Marsikatero podobo pa je v centrih umetniškega dogajanja laže pojasnili kot skrivenčene podobe / obrobja, kjer miselnost province hkrati ovira obči iko nografski razvoj, a v istem hipu ustvarja "kontaminirane" tipe iz dveh disparat-nih, slogovno in sociološko navzkrižnih svetov.
Iz tehnologije dela pa je razviden ie en zanimiv detajl. Arkadna naslovnica se torej naslanja na sliSko-dunajskl Cod, 650, vendar je na bi sirske m loliju 2 v več besedila kol na sliskem Poleg tega, da so v sicer identičnem naslovu nekatere besede izpisane brez abrcviatur, je razlika predvsem v tem» da je na koncu naslova dodano: lncipit liber primiuU S{anh(!)i Epi(scopi). V stiSkem kodeksu je to najbrž pisalo na sedaj manjkajočem foliju, verjetno pod eno od vseskozi bolj ali manj
" E. Punofsky:AfbrechiDiirer, Prmecton 1958, l,.p, 84M.,II.,|L 21 -,J Stde: Srednjeveški rokopisi* pp. s8 in bi).
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enakih íncipiimh arkad in glede na vet k ral potrjeno zvestob« bi sirskega kodeksa proti stiski predlogi, bi rekla, da incipit ni mogel biti dosti drugačen od tistega, ki se zaradi pomanjkljive 1. lege v stiškem kodeksa ni ohranil, Dodani incipit iz bi sirskega kodeksa nas opozarja, daje bil začetek knjige z Gloriosstssimam vivirme m Dei najverjetneje že napisan, ko je bilo šele odločeno, da bo bistrski kodeks moral (!) okrasje povzeli po stiškem, Torej so dodali nekaj folijev, ki so sedaj 1, lega: izsiljena je bila zasilna rešitev, zaradi česar naletimo na nekaj neestetskih elementov, a so kodikološko zelo zanimivi. Sprva so najbrž hoteli dodati trinij, a ker so uvideli, da tolikega števila folijev ne morejo uporabiti, so prva dva folija odrezali (al, bi) in naslednji folij (el) prilepili na notranjo stran platnic. Pol. 1 je prost in je zlepljen iz dveh pergamentnih kosov (c2, b2), na foliju, ki bi ga označili kol a2 v tem triniju. je že naslikana arkadna naslovnica. - Lega oziroma "lega" je zasilno napolnjena z monumentalnim kolofonom (si. 12) in z obširnimi oznakami posameznih knjig, veliko je praznega prostora.
Precejšnji del kodeksa je bil prepisan tako rekoč "v korak" s stiškim vzorcem; s tem ne mislim le na korekturne znake, ki so ponovili celo enake grafizme, kot jih je okoli leta 1180 pisal Bernard.21 pač pa predvsem na prizadevanje Bistrskega pisarja, da bi lovil korak s "prelomom" strani oziroma s količino prepisanega besedila na siran. SliSki pisar lingilbert je v Cod. 650 na slran napisal približno 4500 znakov, incipiie in eksplicite knjig pa je umeščal v arkade, medtem ko je llistrski pisar napisal približno 4650 znakov na siran, obsegu porabljenega prostora v stiškem kodeksu pa seje približal tako, da zaključkov in napovedi knjig ni umeJčal pod arkade (to bi bilo v gotiki seveda anahronistično), pač pa jih je za znamoval le s poudarjenimi Črkami v cinobru. Sprva so bile celo inicíale na enako numeriranih folijih - v stiško-dunajskem De civiiate Dei je bila inlciala S sprva na fol. 9 v (sedaj je na 4 v, ker manjka deli. lege), enako kol je v bis irskem kodeksu itd,
Še eno pojasnilo k čili ran i m S le le tov i m besedam o "sočasnih m onu me nt al ni h platnicah'' tega kodeksa, Vemo le, daje velikost komaj kaj spremenjena, a kodeks je bil prvič restavriran že ob koncu 15, stolelja. Sredi 14. stoletja takih kovinskih vogalmkov, kol so se ohranili, niso delali (podobne pa imata oba zvezka Anlifo-narja iz Kranja iz leta 1491). Ob lem restavriranju so čez poškodovani leseni platnici nalepili na sredinski del prednje in zadnje platnice dva kosa usnja, ki pa sta črne barve in sta prekrila prvotno purpurno usnje. Ali so takrat nalepili na notranjo stran lesenih platnic (čez mesta, kjer so usnjene vežice sidrane v les, da so tako pridobili površinsko izravnavo) tri kose papirjev in pergamentov, čez pa nalepili pergamemni folij, kije del prve in zadnje lege, ne vem. Mislim, da bistve-
" Razprava "Romanesque correction marks: i he case ofSitticum'*, ki sem jo predstavila na mednarodnem kongresu "Making the Medieval Book up to 1500", Oiford, Trinity College, 7-10 julij 1 lJ92. je v tem trenutku Se v tisku, vendar naj navedem, da sem Z raziskavo. v kateri sem sistematično zajela več kot sto kodeksov iz druge polovice 12. stoletja, dokazala, daje imel vsak skriptorij svoj sistem korekturnih znakov, ki so v bistvu abstraktni grafizmi in zato nevezani na pisarsko tradicijo. Bistrski pisar seje torej zavestno oprl na grafično podobo poldrugo stoletje starejših (in zato zastarelih) korekturnih znakov.
23
ne sledove zabrišejo poznejše restavracije. Vsekakor so kodeks ponovno res ta vri-rali, najbrž v i8. stoletju, takrat so na novo opietli kapital, na hrbtu so odrezali jezike ¡n poševno obsekaii lege - to je razvidno iz neenakomernih razmikov med Sivi na hrbtu.
Trije listi, ki so bili vlepljeni med leseno osnovo platnic in nalepljen folij, so zanimivi in čakajo na pa le ograJ s k o raziskavo: A je bilolij iz papirja, popisan v bas ta rdi; H je papirni b j folij ozkega pokončnega formata, popisan v dveh pisavah, kjer na vrhu beremo MCCCCXII in ličili in je torej letnica 1412 ante quem noti za dotacijo; C pa je pergatnemni bi folij, ki je očitno oseben popis zanimivosti mesta Jeruzalema. Srečne oči, ki so to videle.
Dodatek NUK 2: Aurelius Augoslinus: De civitate Dei
Ljubljana, Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica: ms 2. Signirano (Nicolaus) m datirano 1347. Pergament, 172 fol. Kodeks je nepopoln,
SIGN ATURA: Predfolij, prilepljen na prednjo platnico: Anno domini m" cof xi° vii" conpUtus est hoc opus et iussit fieri ¿lomimo, hermanui prior vailis iocose t trm cum cele ris tempore prioratus sui Na spodnji strani fol. Ir je okrogel pečat z napisom K K Lyzealbibliothek zu Laibach. enak jc tudi na 172v. Pol. 160v: iste liber est Carthnsiensium in Frenicz p rope Laybacum. Na notranji strani platnic je na levem gornjem vogalu s tinto napisana številka 2, ki je signatura kodeksa v zbirki NUK. Na zunanji strani platnic oz, hrbta ni nobene signaturne oznake.
VEZAVA: 538 \ 356/366 mm; rjavo-črno usnje v dveh neenakih slojih prek lesenih platnic, tako da je spodnji sloj. ki je svetlejše (sedaj vijolično-rjave, prej verjetno purpurne) barve, scelega viden le na hrbtu, sicer pa na posameznih mestih, ki so na obrobju platnic. Hrbet je nekoliko usločen. ima sedem dvojnih vežic (Šivano na točkah: 8 - 32 - 62 - 123 - 19(1 - 260 - 323 - 39(1 - 453 - 490 - 530, merjeno na 1. legi). Na mestih, kjer so vejice segale v platnice, so podložili odrezke treh pergamentnih in papirnih folijev, popisanih v bastardi 14 in 15, stoletja.
Platnici sta omamen tal no okrašeni. V vogalih so kovinski Ščitniki, ki so izrezani iz kovinske plošče: gre za kombinacijo tri listnih lilij in deteljic. Na sredini jc stilno skladna rozeia, kjer v Štiri smeri rastoče tri listne lilije obdaja prstan, na obodu pa so vnovič lilije. Kodeks se zapenja i. dvema pasovoma, ki se na sprednji strani natakneta na kovinski zaiič. ki ima osnovo v obliki rože te z izvihnjenimi listi.
Na notranji strani sprednje in zadnje platnice jc nalepljen pergamentni Folij. Na sredini sprednje platnice prodira stržen kovinskih zatičev v knjiini hlok.
PERGAMENT: 531 x 361 mm. Z izjemo 1. lege je skozi ves kodeks bel, svetel in sorazmerno kvaliteten pergament, najbrž telečji. Poškodbe niso pretirane; gre za vbode, raitrganine in zgrbančene dele, nekateri foliji so za spoznanje manjši
24
kot foliji, ki so bili obrezani po meri. Spodnji del folija 166 je v višini 185 mm odrezan, besedilo De civltate De i ni poškodovano. Odrezane so tudi spodnje margine fol. 170, 171 in 172 v višini 72 mm: manjkata folija 173 in 174 in s tem besedilo.
Povsem drugačen je pergament I. lege, kjer so foliji sestavljeni iz več manjših kosov različne debeline. Otipa in tonalilele. Holij, ki je nalepljen na zadnjo platnico, je podobne kakovosti kol pergament I. lege; je debel in roicvinastcga otipa.
LEGE: 19 leg (Ii J, 2-16-'. 17-18', 19"). I,lega je dodana pozneje, vendar Še v Času pred dokončanjem kodeksa: prvotnemu triniju (?) so odrezali prva dva folija (al, bi), naslednji folij (clj so prilepili na notranjo siran platnic, fol.I je dvoslo-jen - zlepljen iz d veli pergamentnih kosov (e2, b2), fol, 2 je prost in na 2 v je arkadna naslovnica. Preostale lege so pravilni kviniji z izjemo 17. in 18. lege, ki sta kvaterniju, in zadnje, 19, lege: to je bil temi}, najbrž dodan še v času pisarske-ga dela Folij, prilepljen na hrbtno platnico, ne sodi k legi.
Lege zaznamujejo reklamami (ki manjkajo na fol. 22v, 82v in na zadnjih dveh legah), kustod ni, Foliacija je novejša, s svinčnikom. Foliji so šteti dvakrat, ker je prvi bibliotekar naredil med M. in K), fol i jem napako, drugi bibliotekar pa jo je popravil.
ZRCALO: Dvostolpno zrcalo, 54 vrst v stolpcu. Dimenzije po širini: 0 - 41 ■ 153 - 177 - 286 -361, po višini: 0 - 44 - 440 - 531. Za besedilo je zrcalo risano s tinto. Ohranjeno je pikiranjc, iz katerega je razvidno, da so folije pikirali po legah.
VSEBINA: (predlolij) kolofon (Ir) prazno (Iv) vsebinsko kazalo (2r) prazno
(2v) arkadna naslovnica
(3r - 166r) besedilo De civiuile Dei Avrciija Avguština: Gloriossisuna eivitate dci.,,gratias gratulantes ADAM, In deo gratias aut domine iuiserere nobis (166v) prazno
(I67r - I72v) slovarski del: Abacuc prophctam..,Scicnlia non facit bonum homi-nem
PISAVA: Glavno besedilo je pisano v gothica leztuttfis formata, enako slovarski del in sočasne korekture, najbrž ena roka. Številni korekturni znaki se po obliki grafizma naslanjajo na stiško predlogo, po njej tudi povzemajo dekorativne kartufcc; isto velja za obliko nota znakov, dipie pravzaprav niso uporabljene.
OKRAS: Ineipiti in eksplieiti so pisani z rdečo tinto. V kodeksu je dosti kartuš okoli imen citiranih avtorjev in naslovov njihovih del ter vstavljenih manjkajočih tekstov, ki so - tako kot v stiškem kodeksu - zapisane v cinobru. V zadnjem delu knjige (zlasii od foi. 120 dalje), dosledno pa v slovarskem delu, so začetnice, pisane v prvi zgornji vrsti, dopolnjene z zankami, repi, iističi, grebeni, zobci, obrazki in kadelami. Med besedilom so številne enovrstične začetnice, ki so pra-
25
vi loma pisane v menjavi rdeče in modre linle, posebno pogoste so v naslovih poglavij, zapisanih pred pri čet kom Avgusti novega besedila. Kaligrafske miciale med besedilom so pisane kol lombarde, velike povečini 2 do 6 vrst, izjemoma do 16 vrst. Vseh je menda 174; prišteli je treba Se štiri lombarde s fleuronnčejem v kontrastni barvi. V slovarskem delu je cinobrastih lombard 16, od tega imajo i niči ale A, C, B, G, O in S dekorativno razcepljeno telo.
Slikarske inicíale so bodisi scelega narisane kot fleuronnirane iniciale ali so povezane s slikarskimi prvmanii, ki sodijo v sodobno ornamentiko (baziliski, am-fisbene) oziroma ponavljajo formalne prvine, povzete po stiski De civitaie De i ali drugih starejSih predlogah.
Inicíale, risane izključno v fleuronnéeju: 3r. 22v. 36r, 71 v, 77v, &3r, 90r, 146v; s sodobnimi slikarskimi prvinami (zmajčki v telesu črke, kaude v obliki antropomorfnih ptic); 28v, 52v, 12tSr, 136r: v celoti po stiškem vzoru: 9v, 56v, 65r, I lir, I55r; zaznamovane z romanskimi prvinami: Iftr. 4(lr, 46r, 98v. I08r. Vseh slikarskih inicial je 21.
Po stiski predlogi je povzeta tudi arkadna naslovnica,
LITERATURA; t*. Stelfe, lluminatorni okras bi s irski h rokopisov, Srednjeveški rokopisi v Sloveniji (M. Kos - F. Stelč, ed.), Ljubljana 1931. pp. 58-61, tudi pj>. 63-66; F Šteli, Numiiiirani rokopisi- Slovenija, Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, 4, Zagreb 1960, pp, 353-354; F. Stelč, Latinski rukopisi u Sloveniji. Minijatura u Jugoslaviji (Zdenka Munk, ed,). Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb 1964, pp, 23-24, 321, sl.47; J. Mlinarič, Kartuzija Bistra od 1255 do 1782. RedóVniStvo na Slovenskem: benediktinci, kartuzijani, cistercijani (F. M. Dolinar, ed.), Ljubljana 1984, pp, 163-191. zlasti 172; B. liercič ct al.: Zakladi Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, Cankarjev dom, Ljubljana 1982, pp,11 -23", zlasti 12, 14; M Glavan et al,: Te suri dellu Biblioteca Nazionale c universitaria NU K di Lubiuna, Biblioteca Trivulziana, Milano 1989, pp. 17, 46; N, Golob, Folknandova podoba: zgledi in posnetki, ZUZ, n.v. XXVI. 19911. pp, 33-50; N. Golob: Arhitekturni elementi na naslovnicah srednjeveških rokopisov, Ljubljana 1990; N Golob, Pergameni je naj plemenitejša pisna osnova. Samostani v srednjeveških listinah na Slovenskem, Arhiv Republike Slovenije, Ljubljana 1993, pp. 65-79, zlasti pp. 72-7.3 [r.k.¡.
26
DEOVTTATE DEI FROM BISTRA
hy Nataia Go]oh, Ljubljana
Iti describing the illumination of the manuscript containing the text by Aurclius Augustinus De Civiiutc Dei,' preserved since the secularisation of the Carthusian monastery in Uistra on 29 January 1782 as MS No.2 in the collection of the present National and University Library. France Stelt emphasized thai the manuscript had "contemporary monumental leather covers", that ii was "written and
decorated..... in 1347 hy a certain Nicolaus, who was commissioned by Prior
Herman" (pi. 12), that some "ambiguity" existed in the illumination because there were elements which were utterly Romanesque, or traditional, that there were older, typically Italian elements, in connection with which he mentioned die interesting strips in the P initial on fol. lOSr, and added that the "scribes* ornamentation was very characteristic of Austrian and Czech book decoration of that time". P. Sic It also mentioned the presence of contemporary French motifs and model s.^
To a great extent alb that F. Stelfc has established is true and the "stylistic ambiguity" is the result of two working sequences (which is evident from the technology of the i I In mi nation): careful scrutiny reveals that we are dealing with the work of iwo illuminators who worked at the same time, and that the second one started when the first one had not yet finished his work (on some initials). T have already written on this issue, showing that ihere was not only the illuminator called Nicolaus bui ihat there were two persons of different education at work;1 herein lies the reason behind the aesthetic and stylistic discrepancies of the Bistra manuscript, in this article I would like to give a detailed account of their creative views. If the manuscript is considered as a unit, executed by a scribe and an illuminator, it is defined by some elements that are lime-bound. This can be considered as an orientation towards both Central Luropean and regional characteristics. I am referring to flourish (fleuronnec) initials, to elements with lantastic creatures in Ihe bodies ot initials atld grotesques in [he margin, and bunches of leaves and flowers on the title page. The colours should not be forgotten cither:
1 Fdfthc codicokjgical description cf, ibe appendix.
1 Siclt. Iluminatorm okras bistrskih rokopisov, pp. 53-61, in. M. Kos P. Stele,
Srednjeveški rokopisi v Sloveniji, Ljubljana 1931 (Stele, Srednjeveški rokopisi). ' N. Golob, Folknandova podoha: /gledi in posnelki, ZUZ. n,v, XXVI, 1990. pp. 4S-49 (Golob. Fol k nan deva podoba).
27
we are faced with two well-rounded but mutually non-compatible colour units where the choice of the colour harmony mirks the boundary between two different illuminators.
When this manuscript was completed in 1347 by the will of Herman, prior of Bistra - Vallis Joeosa.'' the boundary between the two types of decorated initials in book production was clear. The respective types of the flourish initial on one hand and the painted initial on the other had been formed. The principle dividing two different painting and scribal modes was established. In the Romanesque period no transitional type between the calligraphic and flourish initials seems to have existed and even in the Gothic period these two principles used to appear separately in the same manuscript, but usually not in the same initial.' This is another reason why it is clear from some of the Bistra initials which stroke was executed by this or that illuminator. - Flourish initials developed from late Romanesque calligraphic initials that can be found as an announcement in earnest of Gothic decoration around 1140 in Paris.'' Soon afterward they spread rapidly via the Mosan region and important scriptoria over France and Germany. The uniformity of Cistercian book decoration due to the monochrome drawing principle, also contributed to the rise of fleuronnée initiais. In the 12th century. Cistercian scriptoria were born in quick succession. Thus, at least I he early form of flcuronée was a well-known decorative element around 1200 in scriptoria and workshops to the north of the Alps. The technique oi the procedure is very simple - as early as towards the end of the Romanesque period the bodies of initials bccamc divided into two halves with decorative split-line in the middle, since then initials were filled inside and outside with simple wavy lines, dents, spiral forms and meanders in pen work. In the Gothic period the propo riions of i ni liais were changed, the width becamc more important than the height and thus the shaded parts were exuberantly emphasized: it was in these that the decora live splits provided belter scope for fanciful innovations. The basic element in the fleuron née initials is the hairline decoration, which in the Romanesque period followed the marginal line of the initial in light cascades; now the pen work decoration succeeded in capturing the inner field of the initial and divided ii into several segments, while in the outer field the penwork decoration changed into branehlike sprouts of curves and crests m parallel and branching off at right angles. The flourish initial is penned in two colours; in the manuscripts from Slovenia and ifie neighbouring countries the
*	J MlinariC, Kartu/ija Bistra od 1255 do 1782. in: F. M. Dolinar (ed.),itofovttijrvona Slovenskem, Ljubljana 1984 (Ml inane. Kartuzija Bistra), p. 163.
1 It is evident from the mate ri al published to date that die manuscripts created in a pr< >v i ncia I environment show a penetration of pointing elements into ihc flourish initials, as in the case oT the ivy leaves unfolding at the bottom of the penwork extensions or in a let 1er body, without destroying lln; mainly two-coloured arrangement of flourish initials. Cf. A. GUntherovâ & J. Miiianik: Stredovekd k/tiind trtalba nu Stovensku, R rat is la va 3 9 (il (Guntherovd &. Miiianik: Streduvekd kniittâ m alb a), pp. 35-37, ihe so-cal led Mixxate Possoniensc "C from 1330-134(1, Budapest, Slate and University Library, Cod. Lai. 220 and related manuscripts Cod Lai. 94 and 'J2 from the same collection.
*	P. Stlerncmann, Fils de la vierge. L'initiale à filigranes parisienne: 1140-1314, Revue de l'an. 90,1990, pp. 58-74.
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combination of red and blue prevails. In the Bistra manu script, the red respectively blue ink was not always applied: llie thick temperas applied in the relief technique made a noble impression, as the Bistra scribe knew very (veil, too. -During the Gothic, penwork initials gradually changed, developing faddish witticisms and regional peculiarities. By the end of the 13th century it had achieved a kind Of formal maturity which became a refined two-Colour ¡^artie On the clear, always evenly ornamented surface. As wiih thrills, it was an endless variation on one and the same ILtle theme in ever-changing ways.
The master who drew the penwork in the Bistra manuscript did not sign his name and for the sake of simplicity 1 will provisionally call him the Bistra scribe: it can be assumed on account of the refined compositions, when the text and the initial were perfectly adapted to the space available, that in copying the text he also simultaneously included flourish initials.' In this manuscript the Bistra scribe did not act as an illuminator but merely as a calligrapher who, with a reliable hand, covered the field of the initial and the corresponding marginal space with a spidery ornament. He divided up the inner field of the initial by means of verticals (e.g. fol. 28v, 65v, pi. 4), or a rhomb (fol. 145v), or oval/circular lines (fol, 3tir, 98v) into several smaller segments (pi. 3). varying the two colours, lie changed the initial G on fol. 3r (and several others) into an evenly spread nrnament of circles painted in gold only. The basic decorative element in his fleurotinee is a circle with a double border-line while the third line connects one circle with [he next Buds, emphasized by a dot in a contrasting colour, are strung in a eirclc along the central branch or on the forked spot, This pattern is reminiscent of a lily-of-the valley, hcncc " Maiglöckchen-Fleuronnde" in German literature. [Exceptionally, only in the initial E on fol. 77v, the Bistra scribe drew, instead of the circle fleuronn6e, the spiral snail shell pattern of the sprouts with heart-shaped leaves resembling ivy. After the late 13th century, ivy was a popular decorative element, as there is hardly a marginal branch without small ivy offshoots.
The Bistra scribe had a great deal of gold colour at his disposal. He used it for penwork filling in initials whereas he rarely inscribed the extensions in gold, He particularly liked to combine the gold with sky blue, as well as with dark blue, light green and ochre The dots in ihe circles are mainly in red, The light intensity of the gold colour gives an impression of immateriality, besides the nobility of form and the preeiousness of Ihe material. Moreover, he was able to achieve the effects of refinement and lightness of his initials even when lie painted then) in "ordinary" colours. The initial D (fol. 90v) is an excellent achievement, even though it is painted in blurred blue and red. 1 Ihink he never used the silver colour.
The script is uneven in places, but the ductus of the letters changes fluently and g radii ally so thai it cannot be doubted that the manuscript was copied by one scribe only. On determining personal variations among scribes ef. K. Kl. ladzewski. Identifizier ungsproblcme bei Schreibbändert, Wolfenbutteler Forschungen (Probleme der Bearbeitung mittelalterlicher Handschriften), 30, 19S6, pp. 325-326. i*or minute paleographic analysis and for definition of this phase in the d e ve I op ment of lex t ura c f. O Mazal, Beobachtungen zu ¡isterreichiscliefi Buehschriften des 14. Jahrhunderts, Codices manuscripti, 16,1992, es p. pp, I-6 and pi. 1-4,
29
which was appreciated by Nicolaus_ It is also obvious (hat Nicolaus introduced the lilac/rose tempera and used it even for covering the finished forms of the initials: the letter D on fol 40r clearly shows ¡hat the primary cinnabar in the outer pan of the initial vanished under the careless coat of lilac; the same is true of Ii on fol. 52v (pi. 5), D on fol. 22v etc. There appeared new, thicker colour layers which needed to be corrected; thus they were outlined in a contrasting ink, but it seems that the pen slipped and stuck at the edges of thick layers of colours. In the initials which arc evidently the work of the Bistra scribe, the pen flows in a smooth, uninterrupted line and his stroke is always sure. The Bistra scrihc excels at drawing pertect, noble lines which never slide beyond the permitted boundary, Nothing is superficial, no composition deficient or insufficiently considered." From the very beginning, the Bistra scribe was undoubtedly attached to the manuscript containing the text of St Aug us line's De civiiate Dei, which was borrowed by the StiCna (Sillicum) Monastery (now preserved in Vienna as Cod. 650 in the Manuscripl and Incunabula Collection at the Austrian National Library)."' He had probably been ordered to draw the copy of the initial S on fol. 9v, which can be found in the Stiüna-Vienna manuscript on fol. 4r, where he faithfully followed even the hatching on the inner side of the leaves, as well as the little circles in the folded parts, the divided body and even ihe colours and the simple frame. As this initial remains an isolated evidence of copying by the Histra scribe after the SiiCna manuscript, one gets the impression that to the copies of the two uncial Ds (fols. I36r, pi. 6 and 115r) he contributed only the drawing of the complicated scroll-leaves, while the compact and rather careless colour cnating was CXCCUted by NicolilUS.
At any rate, there are a few combined (penwork and painted) initials where the contributions of each cannot be differentiated with certainty. These include the initials Q at the beginning of the 5ih and 1 lih books (fols. 28v. pi, 4, and 128v). In both cases the cauda is an anthropomorphic bird with a lean body and the Histra scribe obviously cooperated in the initial D on 2Sv, because the nourish loops are scattered along the curved creature; the outline of the head is drawn in the same blue colour as the remaining decoration. On fol. 128v the rigid body of the bird is leaning across the scribe's note, covering it to a considerable entern. Although the drawing of the bird is of eijually high quality, the pen work ending around the head appears half-done.
Much may he inferred concerning the relationship between Nicolaus and the Bistra scribe from two P initials: the first (fol 98v) is the image of a thoroughly controversial relationship. A beautiful hhie-golden flourish swirl in the bowl ot
1 Two details are technologically interesting: In the initial D on fol. the flourish in the outer field of the letier has remained unfinished. We can seen the drawing - a sketch - of perTect nourish in light washed India ink: il should have been coated either with gold or blue - like the remaining part of the initial. Another example is the uncial D on fol. 40r; the intention was to cover the fields between the nel of gold flourish with si Ever additions, but was soon abandoned (it was presumably realized ihattoo much good was unnecessary}, and ihc silver coating in its black oxidation now appears heavy and unpleasant.
* N, Golob. S1 i karski okras romanski h rokopisov iz Stitne: dunaj ska skupina, ZUZ. 1089, pp. 37-55, particularly 44-48.
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the Itiiicr is surrounded by a lilac body in which the circles and rhombs are grossly connected; tins is an isolated echo of the Romanesque model where the vine-scrolls filled and penetrated the body of the letter. An the top of the arch Nicolaus scratched off the pen work extensions, which apparently did not accord with his view of the whole, As he had simultaneously scratched off the rubricated incipit. he gave it up elsewhere He therefore applied some glue around the initial for the silver bump-border, thus commit! t ng a technological error: the parchment wrinkled and acquired a dark gloss. On the arch and on the stem of the letter he adjusted a plume of lilac and gold leaves (exactly the same can be seen on both title pages). Nicolaus habitually applied geometrical filigree fillings - a white drawing composed of circles, rhombs and little lines is virtually his signature, whereas the Bistra scribe gave priority to organic motifs: he drew horse-tails, flowers, scrolls, grapes.
This initial was succeeded by the "conciliatory" initial P (fol. lUir, pi. 8) standing at the beginning of a promising incipit Prom issiones Dei: around the letter there is again the bump-border, this time in gold, and sprinkled with a filigree of flowers; the parchment remained undamaged. The [lowers fill the ornamented Iiiac (!) sialk of the letter as well Below the stem, a dog with a heart-shaped tail is springing forward as in the Stična manuscript 650 on fol. 126r (pi, 9). While the dog is a slender, elegant animal (like the two anthropomorphic birds mentioned earlier), the serif of the letter transforms itself at the bottom into a leaf swing where a stocky little man dressed in short trousers is sitting. His whole body including the trousers is a surface free to accept a geometric ornament which changes the figure - by means of arcadcd segments, lit tic lines and crosses - into a bizarre apparition. Nicolaus actually drew the same motif four times - twice on either side of the medallion immage of St Augustine and the kneeling Herman (fol. 3r, pi. 2). then bellow the initial 1 (fol.lir), and here, on fol.lOSr.
It should be said that by means of this thickset, geometrical, richly decorated drawing, Nicolaus wanted to be convincing on several occasions, for example when copying the image of the prior in the initial O (fol. 56 v) and the zoomorphic S (fol. I55r. pi. 10). The heavy colours and the richly decorated initials undoubtedly made an effective visual impression. If there is any truth in Radics's claim that Nicolaus later became the prior of the Carthusian monastery of Bistra.111 then his work was not exposed to the criticism oT ihe progressively oriented illuminator's spirit. It may have been for this reason that he permitted himself to inscribe his name in gold and silver letters in the lunettes of the arcades on the title page (pi, 1), while his predecessor in the office ot prior, Herman, humbly kneeled down in front of St Augustine, pointing at the inscription in the open book Obsecra te...: "I beseech thee to be gracious unto me in your prayers" (pi, 2).
Nicolaus faithfully followed the model of the Stična manuscript, ČNB 650, in some initials. 1 wrote about the influences of the Stična decoration in Nicolaus' work some years ago (pis. 10. II).11 Despite Ihe facts that numerous Romanesque
" P. Radics. I/, nekdanjih samostanskih knjiinte v Stični. Kostanjevici. Bistri in Pletcrjah. k ve s tja Muzejskega društva la Kranjsko, XIII (1903), p p 53-54; MlinariČ, Kirtuzija Bistra, p, 172,
11 Cf note 3.
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elements in the niid 14ih century give an archaic impression which is at odds with the prevailing aesthetic and artistic trends, that Nicolaui in "his" initials (O with the prior12 and the zoomorphic S) was breaking through the vertical column line without good cause, that we can reproach him tor his heavy and none too dexterous hand, his overemphatic use of liiac and silver colours, the saturated chromoxide and the singular, bright ginger colour, it cannot be claimed that despite all this he was not acquainted with the contemporary trends in illumination. Like the Bistra scribe, be also used decorative bands divided into many-coloured segments, the principle of drolleries (the fox and rabbit hunt, the man on the swing), the fantastic creatures which are anthropomorphic basilisks, birds and a three-headed bird with a serpentine tail.
J he motif of small anthropomorphic or dog-headed dragons in the bodies of the letters (pi. 5) is an early enough example from this part of Europe, while there is no older manuscript from Slovenian monasteries that would contain such elements. By analyzing the Convolute from Melk, Gerhard Schmidt pointed out that in Austrian manuscripts grotesque animals of this kind can be found in the shaded parts of letters only in the second quarter of the 14th century.l' in Melk of course under the influence of the Swiss monastery of Kalhariiienthal. If we were to look for still lurther examples related to them by their pictorial presentation, the manuscript of Nicholas from Lyra, preserved in the Vorau monastery in Austrian Styria, would fit in perfectly,14 as would the Bratislava missal "A" of 1341, where the dragons have a similarly emphasized spine and leaves growin» from their mouths.'5 In the Vorau manuscript one finds certain other features related to the
It is hard to understand why the image of the Bistra prior has icunographically been interpreted as K ing David, as; it isio be understood from the description by B, Berčič, p. 14. the same definition reappears in the text of the catalogue Tesori deliti Biblioteca Nationale e universitaria di Lubiana, p 46. Cf, B. Berčii et al,: Zakladi Narodne m univerzitetne knjižnice, Cankarjev dom, Ljubljana 1l)82. pp. 12 and 14; M. Glavan et al.: Tesori della Biblioteca Nationale e universilaria NU K di Lubiana, Biblioteca Tri vulziana, Milanu, 1939, p. 146.
11 G. Schmidt, Das "Melker Ktinvolui" der Public Library, New York, in : "Nobile claret opus". Festgabe fllr El Len Judith Beer zum 60. Geburtstag, ¿AK, 43/I„ 19&6, p p. 76-7 5, particularly p. 7 L - Such diminutive dragons and monsters with dwarfs' caps were decorative motifs on marginal strips painted in English and French manu seri pis a whole
century earlier. Cf. R, Eisler: Die iltuminietifon Handschriften in Kärnten, Leipzig 1907 (Eisler: Kärnten), fig, 31 - French Diu male front {probably the second third of) the 13 th century, now in Admont; B. Tieize; Die illuminierten Handschriften der Kossiann in Wien-Laim, Leipzig 1911, fig. 183 - the "dragon border" around the text on the tiilc page of the Lower Rhine or Belgian Bible from the second half of the 13th century etc. Gerhard Stamm says of the miniature from the Upper Rhine (Swiss) monastery Wonnenthal daring, from the beginning of the 14th century, thai in accordance wilh ihe "lovely soft style" of illumination the little dragons also became pretty. G, Stamm: Drachen in alten Handschriften: Drachen zum Weinen und Lachen {exhibition catalogue). Bad i sehe Landesbibliothek. Karlsruhe. 1980. p, 130, fig. 93,
" f. B über I: Did illuminierten Handschriften m der Steiermark. Die Stiftsbibliotheken zu
Admont und Vorau, l^ip/ig 191 I. Voruu Iis. 274 (103-IV). fig. 215.
15 Gun t hero vä - Mišianik: Stredovekd križna malha. cf. fig. 28, Budapest, State and University Library, Cud. Lat. 214, fol. I3l)r.
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Histra manuscript, whereas in the Bratislava missal these are totally lacking. The anthropomorphic bird from the Bislra manuscript belongs to the same family of figural models, whiie the image of the man on the swing represents one of the characteristic marginal witticisms dating back to the 13th and 14th centuries. This is but an echo of the follies and antics indulged in by jesters who did not flinch before even the holiest of texts, but persisted with their tricks, More than any North Italian or Friulian model."' the real origin of the little men can be found in the images of apes performing their antics, swinging in baskets, all of which the manuscripts of ihe time were teeming with.11
The arcaded title page on fol. 2v and Ihc beginning of the text on 3r should be dealt with its a stylistic and icon «graphical unit i pis, 1. 2). It cannot be doubted that the pen work initial in gold as well as the first three words of the Gtorivssissimi c hi tare Dei were written by the Bistra scribe, Because of the size of the initial G. the scribe's speciality and the twotolded effect of gold is at its best, since the gold dust is applied in the infilling pen work and its colour light is soft and flickering; next to this, the outer half of the letter with the gold leaf on a gesso - which is of convex form - is a full light field without any shading.'*
Undoubtedly, the visual effect had its material val ue, but ihe question is whether the gold has its own icouographical meaning besides. It can be assumed that the gold ground behind the St Augustine and prior Herman medallion iliiages possesses the value of an "ideal spatial environment in which . .. real objects can move in unlimited depth";19 it tan also be assumed iliat the little columns of the arcades were deliberately coated in gold and silver in order to "achieve, by means of ideal reality, which denotes spiritual meaning, the emphasized objective reality of ihe material".:u Equally deliberate was the selection of gold and silver foils for the ivy leaves as well as for Nicolaus's name in the lunettes and ihe book title under the three arcades. From here on. the use of gold colour on (he title pages of the Bislra manuscript bears no special meaning, Gold and silver were applied to Ihe bodies of dogs and labbils, leaves and bunches of flowers in the margins, the short trousers of the swinging little men. as well as to the body parts of the creatures
14 Side Srednjeveiki nkopisi, p. 60, cites the manuscript that Eisler places among those from Friuli (or North Itelyj.The stytistit definition of the manuscript is probably accurate (!, namely, the relation to the manuscript borrowed from Krka/Gurk inCarimhia according to which the "Friulian" manuscript was copied, has not been clarified). Hut I eannoi agree with the suggested connection: namely. Mini the goblin sprite in the lower serif of the letter I1 spewing foliated scrolls, has been m Steli's words re la led to I lie Romanesque maskerons with sprouts growing from their mouths. I am convinced that the tittle men from Bisira on leaf swings are from a world different in meaning and form. Cf. Eisler: Karnten, fig, 25.
11 [„Randall: Images in the Margins of Gothic Manuscripts. Berkley and Los Angeles
1966, fig. 5.3, e.g. the Psalter of Kichard of Canterbury, wriiten by the Augustine rule;
temporarily New York. Pierpont Morgan Library, Glazier 53.
" E. J. Beer, M arginalien zum The ma Goldgruitil, Ze ilsch rift fit > Kunstgesch ichte, 198 3/3
(Beer, Goldgrunfl), pp- 271 -266. particularly 283.
A. K i eg I : / )ie Spdtront inch i Kunstindustrie. W i e n 1927, p. 14.
lieer. Goldgrund, p, 272 and note 3.
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under the arcades. I cannot find an adequate explanation for this. There is no longer any logic in the use of gold and silver, hut apparently just provincial ostentation in the precious material.
If these two sides are looked upon as a painted and ieonographical unit, the unbalanced effect is visible again. The proficienciency of Nicolaus' painting is poor, the thoroughly naive drawing of plants, animals, fancy crcaiures and especially humans represents a re flection of the possible, whereby the meaning, decorated to excess and contained in the images on the margin, is repeated several limes. The pleasant harmony of colours is also missing: they are gaudy and chromatically discordant, even more so on these two pages than anywhere else in the manuscript.
Iconographieal reading should begin with the arcades, which were architectural elements trans let red from ecclesiastical architecture. The architecture of a church was ol course only a small part of the Church that placed the book on the altar (actually and symbolically}. The entire meaning of this act is contained in the opening sentence of the Bible: In principio enit verbitm. " The word is sacred, the word is with God and God is the Church. The conncction is incontestable, the arcaded title page represents the reflection of ecclesiastical architecture,^ and what ihey enclose is sacred and God-like in meaning. If we transfer this image into the real world, into the world of medieval churches, we gel. on one hand, the image of ihe church library, the treasury, the spirilual life taking place in the church building, and on the other hand, the image of the vernaculare, genre-like and banal succession of events consisting of petty tradesmen and haberdashers' stalk and craftsmen's booths leaning against the church walls. Every day there was a steady How of people whose thoughts were directed from the sacred to the profane nnd vice versa. They were engaged in slander, exaggeration and mischief. "The idea of the external walls of an edifice being associated with sin can be found in contemporary writings, such as the Roman de la Rose and Roman de Fauvel, in which emblems of Evil arc described as carved or painted on the outside walls of a garden or palace," " This is Ihe topic ol the Histra manuscript: ihe word of the church falher Augustine is sacred and accordingly surrounded by arcades and ¡decorative bands. His thoughts are expressed inside the sacrcd area beyond which there is ihe din of struggle and the baying of hounds in fox and rabbit hunts.
Hounds hunt atid bite rabbits, having been symbols of Vices since as far hack as the Old Testament (Leviticus 11,6 and Deuleninomium 14,7) because of their fertility, which belonged to the symbols of Immoderation. Unchastity and, in the Middle Ages, also sexual desire - Luxuria.1' In medieval era foxes were considered to be sinful and became symbols for Heretics, Satan himself, Slyness, Deceit, Avarice. The dog, the musi faithful animal of his master, is a pcrsuer and killer of Sin, The symbolism of this life-and-death struggle between Vices and Virtues is
; 1 N. Golob: Arhiteklwm i dementi na nastovnicah srednijeyeSkih rokapiso lytjubljaiia 1990. !i N. Camiile: Image On the Edge. The Margins ujMedieval Art, London 1p, 91. -1 F__ Panofsky: AlbrechtDiirer, Princeton 1958. L,p. 84 ss„II., fig. 21.
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not difficult to grasp, - However, the meaning of the four figures at the bottom, on the lower margine, is not so clear at first sight (pi. 1). They seem to be the bases for the four tiny columns, According to Stelfc ihe "motif of statant animal and human figures is typical of Romanesque architecture in Italy and is also frequent in Alpine countries".Yet such compositions of leaning upon arc easily found in illuminated manuscripts as well and not exclusively in Italy, but all over the Christian world. It is. however, not a motif of static immobility but a dynamic situation involving two pairs, each of them fighting independently of the other. The first pair consists of a golden lion and 3 monster. The lion is standing below the outer column and looking round at the monster that wants to decclvc the lion With its garment and stealthy approach. Then it turns to attack tile iion from behind and wound it with a sword, The lion roars, the monster in human disguise defends itself with a shield. The pair on the right does not hide its genuine nature; the silver unicorn with its golden horn is attacking the grinning red dragon with green tail ant) green legs: it has a satanic look. The unicorn is again on the outer side and, like the lion, defends the ecclesiastical architecture. - The power and violence of the unicorn are praised in the Old Testament (Numbers 23, 22; 24, 6; Psalms 21, 22; 28, 6; 91, 11 ctc.) and we should probably take the unicorn for what it is -ihe watchful guard of Chastity and the Purity of the Christian soul. Thus it becomes the counterpart of the lion, which is a symbol of Chastity and a representative of the lions guarding wat leading to the Throne of Wisdom.
Here we are dealing not with the representation of all kinds of figures placed below the columns to support the church building, hut with the Gothic motif of banishing sin irom the ecclesiastical sphere. We are dealing with the conflicting relationship between the meaningful centre and the banal border areas, the relationship between clear calligraphy and the neat arrangement of written words on one hand and the agitated, gaudily coloured marginal world on the other. In spite of the coarsc stroke we should not he distracted by the notion that this title page from Bistra is merely a continuation of high medieval Psycho ma chia: the vision of Ihe struggle between Good and livil had been stratified. Namely, several images can be explained more satisfactorily in the centres of artistic development, than (hose executed in remote regions where provincial mentality impedes iconographical development, but at the same time creates "contaminated" types emerging from two disparate, stylistically and sociologically opposed worlds.
Another interesting detail is to be read from the technology of the work. The arcaded title page is related to the StiCna-Vienna Cod, 650; there is, however, ei longer title-text on the opening folio (2v) of the Bistra manuscript than is that of Sticna (Cod, 6M1, fol. Iv). Apart from ihe fact that the identical title contains some words written out without abbreviations, the difference is primarily in the addition below the title: Inclpit liber prim(u)s S(an)c(1)i Epi(scopi). In the Stiina manuscript this was prohably written on the now missing folio, obviously below one of the more or less equal inci pit arcades. According to the repeatedly confirmed
" Sicle: Srcdnjevtikl rch'phi, pp. 58 ;ind 60.
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faithful lies s of the Bistra manuscript to the Stična model I shoukl say that the incipit could not have been much difiere m from the une not preserved on account of the deficient first quire in the Stična manuscript. The added incipit in ihc Bistra manuscript suggests that the beginning of the book with Gloriossissinuim civitatem Dei in flourished initial had most probably been written before it was decided that the Histra manuscript would have to (!) follow the decoration of the Stična model as well. Thus a few folios before the threc-arcaded incipit were added, forming now the first quire. This was a forced provisional solution the result of which were some unaesthettc elements, that are, however, very interesting from the codieological point of view. Initially, a trinium was to have been added, but when it became clear that such a number of folios could not be used, the first two folios were cul off (aI, M) and the next folio (cl) was stuck on the inner side of the wooden cover plate. Fol. 1 is loose, yet made of iwo parchment pieces (c2, b2) stuck together. The arcaded title is painted on this folio, which couid be numbered as ¡i2 in this trinium. The quire, or "quire", is provisionally filled by a monumental colophon (pi, 12) and extensive citations of titles of each book in the De civiiate Dei, with a great deal of blank space still remaining.
A considerable part ot !he manuscript was copied "Step by Step", as it were, after the Stična model. Here, I am thinking not only of the correction marks, where even the symbols are reproduced as written by Bernard-"1 around 11 HO, but rather of the Histra scribe's efforts to keep pace with the arrangement of the pages, i.e. with the quantity of the text copied per page. The Stična scribe Fngilbert wrote about 4500 characters pei page in Codex 650 and arranged the book incipits and explicits below arcades, whereas the Bisira scribe wrote about 4650 characters per page and tried to follow the quantity of used space in the Stična manuscript by noi writing the conclusions and announcements of books below the arcades (which would have been anachronistic in the Gothic period), but marking them in bold cinnabar letters, Even the iniiials were at first on equally numbered folios ■ in the Stična Vienna manuscript De civtfíííí Dei the initial S was at first on fol.l)v (now on 4v, since a part of the first quire is missing), as in the l-iistra manuscript, and so on.
It is wonh mentioning an additional explanation of Stele's words on the "contemporary monumental covers" of this manuscript- We only know thai the size has hardly changed and that the manuscript was first restored as early as the 15th century. In the mid 14th century such metal bosses as they have been preserved were not produced, (Similar ones can be found on the covers of two volumes of t he A nttphiin e r fro® Kranj dating back to 1491,) At the time of this first restauration
" The siudy entitled "Romanesque Correction Murks: The Case of Sitlictim", which I pre so nted ai the internal ion a I con gi ess "Making (he Medic v al Book up to 1500", Trinity College, Oxford, 7-id July 1992 is currently Mill being printed. However, I should Mate that in this study, which systematically comprises Over 100 tod ices from the second half of Ihc 12th century. I have proved ihat each scriptorium had its own system of correction marks. 1. e, symbols that wore basically abstract and therefore not lied down to ihe scribes' iradiiion. Thus, the Histra scribe conscientiously reproduced the graphic images of correction marks one and a hatl centuiies older (and therefore out of date).
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they repaired (he damaged wooden covers by slicking two pieces of leather in the middle part of the front and back covers. They used black leather over initially purple leather, i cannot judge, if it was on this occasion when the three pieces of paper and parchment were stuck inside the wooden covers (over the places where Ihe leather horizontal Ihongs were threaded into tunnel groovs in wooden boards so thai the surface became smooth). 1 think the basic traces have been obliterated by later restoration work. In any case, the manuscript was restored again, probably in the J8lh century. The capital was made anew, and half-moon tabs at the head and foot of the spines were cut off and the quires were trimmed obliquely, as is evident from the irregular intervals between the stiches on the spine.
The three folios that were stuck he t we en the wooden board of the covers, and the stuck-on folio, are interesting and deserve pateographic examination: A is a paper hi folio covered in batarde script. B is a paper bi folio of narrow u prig hi format and two hand wrote the text; on lop one can read MCCCXI1 in vigili and the year 1412 is to be regarded as Ihe ante t¡uem non for datalion. C is a parchment bifolio, evidently a personal register note on the marvels of Jerusalem. Happy the eyes that saw it.
APPENDIX NUK 2: Anrclius Angustinus, Dc dvitnte Del
Ljubljana. Narodna in univerzitctna knjiinica ms 2. Signed (by Nieolaus) and dated 1347. Parchment, 172 ful, Codes mancum,
SIGNATURES: Antcfolio, stuck onto the front covcr: Anno Domini tn ccc xi vii conpletus est hoc opus el issuit fieri domittUS hernvmus prior vatlis iocose ¡ma runJ ceteris tempore prinratus sui. At the bottom of fol. lr there is a round seal with the inscription K A K Lyzealbibliorhek tu Laibttch, the same on I27v Fol. 160v: Iste I ¡be rest Carthutiensium in Frenicz prope Laybacum. Inside the covers, in the upper lefthand corner, the ligure 2 is written in ink, the half-mark of ihe manuscript in the collection of the National and University Library in Ljubljana. On ihe outside of the covers or spine there is no shelf-mark.
BINDING: 538 x 356/366 mm; brown-black leather in two uneven layers over the wooden boards so that I lie original layer, which is of lighter colour (now lilac-brown, probably purple originally), can be seen entirely only on the spine of the book, and elsewhere only on some spots oil the edge of the covers. The spine is half bent, it has seven double thongs (sewn at the points 8 - 32 - 62 - 123 - 190 -260 - 323 - 390 453 - 490 - 530. measured on the first quire). Parts of boards, where thongs are bevelled, were covered with three cut-offs of parchment and paper, written in the batarde script of the 14ih and 15th centuries,
The covers are decorated; in the corners there are metal bosses in the form of three-leaved lilies and clovers. The centre boss is stylistically fitting form of rosette with thTee-leaved lilies growing in four directions and encircled by a ring, outside which there are mure lilies, The manuscript has two clasps and metal rosette-shaped caiches.
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On the inner side of both covers a parchment folio is stuck on, In the middle of the from cover the trunck of the metal boss has damaged the folios.
PARCHMENT: 531 x 361 mm. Apart from the 1st quire the parchment of the whole manuscript is white and of relatively goud quality, probably made df calfskin. Damages are moderate, although there arc some perforations, tears and wrinkles. Some folios are somewhat smaller than the folios which had their edges trimmed to measure. The lower pan of fol. 166 is cut off to a height of 185 mm, None of the text of De civirare Dei is missing. The lower margins of folios 170, 171 and 172 are cut off at the height of 72 mm; folios 173, 174 and the corresponding text arc missing. The parchment of the first quire is of different quality: the folios are composed of several rather small picccs of different width, they differ in txture and tonality. The folio that is stuck to the back cover is of similar quality to the parchment of the last quire; it is thick and has a callous texture.
QUIRES: 19 quires (1". 2-16!, 17-18J, 19W|. The first quire was added later, but still before the manuscript was finished: The original trillion was deprived of the first two folios (al. hi), the next (c)} was stuck inside the covers; fol. I is composed of two layers i.e. two parchments stuck together (c2, b2). fol. 2 is free (i.e. a2) and on 2v Ihere js the arcaded title page, The remaining quires arc regular quinions, except the 17th and 18th quires, which are quaternions, and the last, the 19th quire, was a irinion, probably added by the scribe. The folio stuck inside the back cover is not part of the quire.
The quires are marked by horizontal catchwords (missing on fols. 22v, 82v and on the last two quires); there are no quiresignatures, Foliotation is of later date, made in pencil. The folios bear two scqucnccs of numbers bccausc the first librarian made a mistake between the 8th and lOlli folios and the second one corrected it.
LAY-OUT: Double column, 54 lines each. Dimensions: (width): 0 - 42 - 153 -177 286 - 361; resp. (height): 0 - 44 - 440 - 531. Rulled in ink. The pricking is preserved and shows that it was made quire by quire,
CONTENTS: (anlefolio) colophon (lr) blank
(I v) table of contents (2r) blank
(2v) arcaded title page
(3r - !66r) the texl of De civitate Dei by Aurehus Augustinus: Ciioriossissinui civiiat dt t ,.. gta(¡as graluianles ADAM. In dco gfflias aid domine miserere nobis. (166v) blank
(167r - 172v) dictionary putt: Abacuc prophetam ... Stienlia non far it bun urn hominem.
SCRIPT: The main text is written out ingothtcatextualis lormata, the dictionary part and the simultaneous corrections as well; all probably by the same band. The
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numerous correction marks follow the Stična model both in the form of graphs as in the furtn of decorative cartouches; the same is true of the nota marks whereas actually no d 1 pie were used,
DECORATION: Ttie incipits and explicits are in red ink There are many pen work cartouches around the names of ci ted authors and the titles of their works, as well as around Ihe inserted words lhai were omitted, all written in red, following ihc example of the Stična ONB Cod. 650. In the last pan of the book (particularly from foL 120 onwards), and constantly in the dictionary section, the init ials, written above the top line are decorated with loops, tails, leaves, ridges, dents, little faces and cadcls. The text contains numerous one-line initials in red and blue ink alternately. They arc especially frequent in chapter titles that were put down before the beginning of Augustine's text. The calligraphic initials in the text arc written in Lombardic capitals, 2 to 6 lines large, but exceptionally as large as 16 lines. There seem to be 174 in all; four 1 .ombardic capitals with the flourish in contrasted colours should also be mentioned, Dictionary section contains 16 Lombardic initials in cinnabar, of which the initials A, C, E, G, O and S have decorativcly split bodies.
The illuminated initials are either drawn as nourish initials on the whole or have additional elements, which make part of contemporary orna men La t i on (basilisk, amphisbene), orelseihey contain formal elements copied after the Stična De civitate Dei or other older models.
Initials drawn exclusively in flourish: 3r. 22v, 36r, 71v, 77v, H3r, 90r, 146v; the same, including contemporary painlmg elements (little dragons ill the body of a letter, caudas in the form of anthropomoiphic birds): 28v, 52vf !2&r, I36r; entirely following the Stična model: 9v, 56v, 65r, 115r, I55r. marked by Romanesque elements: I6r, 40r, 46r, 98v, I08r. There are 21 illuminated initials. The arcaded title page also follows the Stična model.
BIBLIOGRAPHY F. Side: Uuminntorni okras bistrskih rokopisov, pp. 58-61 in: M, Kos ■ F. Šteli: Srednjeveški rokopisi v Sloveniji. Ljubljana 1931, also pp. 63-66. F Stele: Iluminirani rokopisi, Slovenija in: Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, 4, Zagreb I960, pp. 353-354. F. Slelč. Latinski rukopisi u Sloveniji, in Zdenka Munk (cd.): Minijatura u Jugoslaviji, Muzej za umjemosi i obrt, Zagreb. 1964, pp. 2324, 32J. fig. 47, J, Mhnarič, Kanuzija Bistra od 1255 do I7B2, in: F. M. Dolinar (cd,): Kedovništvo na Slovenskem: benediktinci, kartuzijtmi, ciste rcijani, I j ubij a na 1984. pp. 163 -191. especially 172.13. Berčič et al.: Zakladi Narodne in univerzitetne knjižnice, Cankarjev dom, Ljubljana, I982,pp, 11-23, especially 12, 14. M.Glavan e t al.: Tesorldella Bibiioteca Rationale e universitarla NUK d i Lubiana, Milano, Biblioteca Trivulziana 1989. pp. 17, 46. N, Golob, Folknandova podoba: zgledi in posnetki, ZUZ, n.v. XXVI, 1990, pp 33-50. N. Golob: Arhitekturni elementi na naslovnicah srednjeveških rokopisov, Ljubljana 1990. N. Golob, Perganient je najplemcnitejSa pisna osnova, in: F. M Dolmar (ed ); Samostani v srednjeveških ¡¡Slinah na Slovenskem, Arhiv Republike Slo veni j, Ljubljana, 1993, pp. 65-79, esp. 72-73.
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