173 DOI: 10.4312/as.2018.6.2.173-188 Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts Simona LUKMINAITĖ* Abstract The topic of bushidō in education has recently been explored by Gainty (2013), Benesch (2014), and several Japanese historians in Japan, such as S ōgawa (2017). However, martial arts and bushidō, as found in the education for women, remains a largely untreated issue, despite the great attention women and their physical education received in the discourses regarding the creation of a healthy modern nation that took place during and after the Meiji period (1868–1912). 1 By looking at numerous primary sources, this paper, building upon Lukminaitė (2018), focuses on Meiji Jogakkō’s 2 instruction of budō 3 as a modern means of physical education (PE). It aims to provide new insights into how budō was perceived, treated in writing, and functionally put into practice. Keywords: Meiji Jogakkō, Iwamoto Yoshiharu, Hoshino Tenchi, budō, ryōsai kenbo. Izobraževanje žensk v Mejdžijevski dekliški šoli in vloga borilnih veščin Izvleček Bushidō v kontekstu izobraževanja so v svojih nedavnih delih obravnavali Gainty (2013), Benesch (2014) in nekateri japonski zgodovinarji, na primer Sōgawa (2017). Vendar je pomen borilnih veščin in bushidōja v izobraževanju deklet še vedno precej neraziskano področje, čeprav so ženskam in njihovi telesni vzgoji v diskurzih o ustvarjanju zdravega modernega naroda v obdobju Meiji (1868–1912) in po njem posvečali veliko pozornosti. Ta prispevek se na podlagi številnih primarnih virov, upoštevajoč Lukminaitė (2018), osre- dotoča na poučevanje budōja oziroma borilnih veščin kot sodobnega načina telesne vzgoje (PE) na Mejdžijevski dekliški šoli. S tem želi ponuditi nov vpogled v to, kako so borilne veščine zaznavali, o njih pisali in jih uporabljali v praksi. Ključne besede: Meiji Jogakkō, Iwamoto Yoshiharu, Hoshino Tenchi, budō, ryōsai kenbo * Simona LUKMINAITĖ, PhD Student, Osaka University, Japan. simona.lukminaite[at]gmail.com 1 A valuable contribution has been made recently: Kakemizu Tōko 掛水 通 子, Nihon ni okeru Joshi Taiiku Kyōshishi Kenkyū 日本における女子体育教師史研究 (Tokyo: Ozorasha 大空社, 2018). Kakemizu explores the history of modern physical education of women in Japan, yet mentions Meiji Jogakkō only in passing. 2 明治女学 (1885–1909). The English title used by the school was Meiji Girls’ School. 3 武道, in the meaning of martial arts as modern physical education. Budō will be used interchange- ably with martial arts within the text. 174 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts Introduction With the Meiji Restoration (1868), the reforms that followed soon after, and the increased exposure to the cultural influence of foreign nations, various issues regarding girls and women gained urgency. To be recognised as an independent and advanced state, the government undertook many reforms under which the citizens of Japan were perceived as assets of the nation. The issue of females as cultural representatives of modern Japan was painfully perceived by various intel- lectuals, who, partially inspired by Spencer and the theories of eugenics, argued that women’s education was one of the shaping-factors to the physical and men- tal development of future generations. Women thus required an upbringing that would address this issue. However, while the topic was deemed urgent, there were also the deeply-set customs, and thus there was very little consensus and very little action over words. By the 1890s, with the government settling on a ryōsai kenbo 良妻賢母 (good wife, wise mother) style model, efforts were finally made with regard to standardising the education of women. This paper examines the activities of independent Japanese educators, who were willing to take the issue to hand and provided an example of an original interpre- tation of modern education for women parallel to government’s efforts. Meiji Jogakkō’s Model of Education After the legal ban on Christianity was lifted in 1873 and Christians, or Chris- tian-inspired intelligentsia, became active during the years of early Meiji, they also started promoting modernisation/Westernisation through education. With primary education becoming compulsory for girls in 1872, the Christian involve- ment in female education gradually became a tangible presence, and by the end of 1880s numerous private academies were established. Meiji Jogakkō can be said to have been the first successful enterprise of the Japanese Protestant community (Kischka-Wellhäußer 2007, 132). Meiji Jogakkō was a noteworthy institution for a variety of reasons. First, rather than trying to gain support by maintaining affiliations, it did not define itself by following a clear-cut model as other schools did (that could have been identified as missionary, government, or one-teacher private), and devised an original ap- proach to education under an independent banner of a network of intellectuals who, reflecting their own education, combined in their practices various ideas stemming from within and outside of Japan. In addition, it attracted students with its flexibility and variety of higher-education courses, serving as a bridge between 175 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 classes and religious inclinations, and taking in students regardless of their social and religious backgrounds. Meiji Jogakkō’s declared goal was to educate women in order to strengthen and improve the society at large. To achieve this, it took a twofold approach. First, it catered for a variety of educational needs and offered high-quality training to find employment, carry out research, or supervise a modern household as independent and confident modern women. This approach translated at the school into the en- couragement of student autonomy, promotion of critical thinking, self-, peer-, and group-assessment, and the emphasis on extracurricular learning. The school also strove to enlighten the masses about the potential and needs of girls and women, subsequently aiming to create an environment in which they could function with more ease. This approach was enforced by publishing activities. Most importantly for the argument of this paper, however, it was a place where a variety of theories and schools of thought were melded together, resulting in a school for girls that intentionally went beyond being just Christian, encouraged students’ own inter- pretation of religion and its values, placed great emphasis on literature as a means of education, and instructed girls in martial arts when very few other schools found PE appropriate or necessary. In 1890, Meiji Jogakkō started instructing its students in martial arts. The physi- cal and intellectual (bunbu 文武) training was carried out by Hoshino Tenchi 星 野天知 (1862–1950), who combined Christian religion, literature, and ideas on psychology and martial arts in his practices as an educator. His course attracted 50 students. The martial arts education at the school experienced its ups and downs, especially after Hoshino left in 1897 in order to concentrate on his literary career, yet support for teaching martial arts to girls could still be seen in publications by the school until 1904, and was most likely being carried out on some level until its closure in 1909. To promote martial arts by emphasising its benefits for female students, the school’s staff used Jogaku zasshi 女学雑誌 4 (1885–1904) and Jogakusei 女学生 (1890–92)—two magazines for girls and women with strong links to the school. Moreover, when the need was felt to represent the education carried out at the school to the public (when receiving visitors, participating in charity events, or hoping to publicise the school to attract more students), fierce naginata duels were chosen as most appropriately descriptive of the benefits to be obtained from the Meiji Jogakkō’s special form of education. 4 The English title The Women’ s Magazine was applied by Jogaku zasshi itself, while Jogakusei can be translated as “The Girl Student”. 176 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts Ryōsai Kenbo and PE: Meiji Jogakkō’s Version While there was at first much resistance to PE (taisō) for girls and women, as promoted by the government, after the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95) the government tied the ryōsai kenbo ideal to sports to promote the strong physical bodies of women who could: 1) protect Japan when the husbands were away; 2) unify the mentalities of the women vis-à-vis the foreigners, whose presence in Japan was increasingly felt; and 3) create the skilled workers that were necessary in the developing economy, especially in factories (Tanigama 1989, 721–22). Exercising thus became a responsibility of girls and women to the nation. How- ever, while ryōsai kenbo, or “good wife, wise mother”, thought is often believed to have started in Japan in the 1890s and has been created by the government 5 , as Koyama Shizuko (2013) and others have pointed out, it began with the in- fluence from the West. Following the example of scholarship that accepts the divide between ryōsai kenbo as an “ideal of the ‘civilisation and enlightenment’ phase of the early Meiji period [...] and the ‘nationalistic,’ ‘patriarchal,’ ‘Con- fucian’ version at the turn of the twentieth century” (ibid., 1), this paper places Iwamoto Yoshiharu in the former category. Importantly, he was critical of the latter. Thus, just as the modern bushidō ideas were first popularised by the Chris- tian intelligentsia, so was the ryōsai kenbo ideal. The term ryōsai kenbo was not fixed, and had been in use in several versions before it was “standardised” in the 1890s. However, it was most likely coined by Naka- mura Masanao 中村正直 (1832–91) who popularised it via Meiroku zasshi 6 明 六雑誌 (1873–74), yet started using the word earlier, when he was serving as the principal of Tōkyō Joshi Shihan Gakkō (Patessio 2011, 27–30). Both Nakamura and the magazine influenced Meiji Jogakkō and its policies through the principal Iwamoto Y oshiharu 巌本善治 (1863–1942). Iwamoto’s understanding was that ryōsai kenbo had a dual implication: literal and metaphorical. He applied it to the actual families and women who wished to mar- ry, in addition to women who sought to become professionals and carry out their roles as “mothers to the nation” or “mothers to the world”. 5 E.g., Horiguchi, Women Adrift .; Pamonag, Promoting Japanese Womanhood, 6-7, points out that the previous study on ryōsai kenbo concentrated on “the role of the state as the major, if not the sole, formulator and implementor of this gender ideology”, marginalising the dissonant voices of non-state actors. 6 Issue 33 carried “Creating Good Mothers” by Nakamura Masanao, available in English in Meirokusha, Meiroku Zasshi: Journal of the Japanese Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass., Har- vard University Press, 1976), translated by William Reynolds Braisted, assisted by Adachi Yasu- shi and Kikuchi Y ūji. 177 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 I do not educate women to get them ready for marriage. However, to get them ready as mothers and wives, I believe it is important to develop their “inner qualities” (tensei 天性). I do not believe that mothers and wives are to be limited to one household and one spouse—depending on how one realizes one’s talents (sairyō 才量), one can become a mother and a wife, or a mother to the whole nation. Queen Victoria is a mother to the whole of Britain, Ms Willard became a wife to the world, Hannah More became a mother to the poor, Héloïse became a beloved wife for a single man. That is why, the curricula for women’s education, while covering all the various fields that today’s women should have a thorough understanding of, should emphasise the courses of arts (bijutsu 美術), professional train- ing (shokugyō 職業), and morals (dōtoku 道徳). However, the goal of such education should be not to become a wife in a household, but instead to become a true and an all-round woman. 7 This way there will appear not only the women who will become good wives and wise mothers of single households, but those who will become mothers of millions. 8 Along the same lines, Iwamoto argues the following in “A new plan to promote woman’s Education in Japan” 9 , where he reemphasised that educating girls to be- come ryōsai kenbo was but half of the picture. There are two ways of action that need to be taken to facilitate the growth of female education currently. The first one is to provide universal education to the general population, and thus allow the girls to become cultured and to give them a chance to better fill the roles of modern wives and mothers; the second is to provide a yet higher level of education to the brightest, and thus boldly strengthen the basis on which the female education stands, in order to clear the path for further free development. According to the text, the first method will create numerous ryōsai kenbo, who will change Japan one home at a time, make the husbands better (ryōjin ga daijōbu to naru 良人が大丈夫となる), raise wise children (kenji 賢児), and thus benefit the whole country. With the second method, the prodigies with the initiative to lead by 7 Iwamoto’s ideas here are close to those espoused by Tsuda Umeko 津田梅子 (1864–1929) and other female educators, such as Hani Motoko 羽仁もと子 (1873–1957), both having experienced Meiji Jogakkō’s educational model. 8 Wagatō no joshi kyōiku, “An Address to the Meiji Jogakkō Pupils. The Present Educational System”, 10. 9 Wagatō no joshi kyōiku, 207–8, based on Jogaku zasshi no. 280, July 29, 1891. “Jogaku Fukyū no Keirin” 女學普及の經綸. 178 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts example and educate (yūdō keimō 誘道啓蒙) their own sex would emerge, spreading throughout the country and becoming great teachers, invigorating jogaku 女学. 10 The goal of education for women was thus to invest in individuals who could be cultivated, assuring the spread of knowledge in both public and private spheres. The impact of these efforts was perceived as shaping the present and future of the nation. If Iwamoto saw education as a means of enlightenment and social activism, what role was PE meant to play in it? Iwamoto Yoshiharu’s Understanding of Body and Mind Iwamoto, who served as the principal of Meiji Jogakkō for seventeen years (1887– 1904) and was involved in the running of the school in the years before and after that, was an active supporter of PE for women. Exposed to the Western understanding of physical training, and due to Japan’s militarisation and national conscription (chōheisei 徴兵制, since 1873), the bodies of citizens became classi- fiable and comparable to each other (and foreigners) in terms of health, strength, and usability. Iwamoto, like many others, wrote about the differences between Western and Japanese women’s physiques. In Jogaku zasshi no. 79 11 , for example, by comparing Western ladies to their Japanese counterparts, Iwamoto drew atten- tion to the stark contrast: to him, women in the West were out of the home and working, striving to receive an equal salary to that of men, while in Japan being sickly and weak was considered a sign of beauty. 12 The martial arts, however, were more than physical exercise or Western PE; they were a means for training both body and mind. “The Martial Arts of Old, Taiiku of Present—Reflections on the Current Dis- course on Taiiku for Women” 13 starts as a response to Spencer’s “Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical” (1861), Iwamoto naming the three corre- sponding categories of education, chiiku 知育, tokuiku 徳育, and taiiku 體育, 10 According to Jogaku zasshi no. 111, “Jogaku (The Study of Women) Defined” 女学の解, May 1888: “[Jogaku] is an academic discipline that deals with the principles behind anything to do with women: their heart and soul, past, rights, position, and the various matters regarding what is necessary to them in the present.” For more information on Iwamoto Yoshiharu and his jogaku ideology, as well as his understanding of ryōsai kenbo, see Lukminaitė (2016). 11 Editorial “Woman and Literary Work: No. I.” 女子と文筆の業（第一）, October 8, 1887. 12 Around this period Iwamoto advocated for any type of PE, as long as women were allowed to exercise. Rather than delving into details, he wished to change the understanding that PE was unfeminine and unnecessary for women. 13 古の武育、今の體育　女子體育論を評す, Jogaku zasshi no. 497, October 10, 1899. 179 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 and admitting the influence Spencer’s treatise had in Japan. While he agrees that there are lines of division between the categories of education, Iwamoto criticises those who see the three as independent from each other, and laments the fact that in recent years more people have started to think that it is possible to carry out education in only one direction. Iwamoto states that in a living hu- man being it is impossible to treat intelligence or morality in a singular fashion. The body is also closely tied to the condition of the heart/soul (kokoro 心), and it is hard to tell what are the workings of the physical (yūkei no kokoro no hataraki 有形の躰の働き) and what are the workings of the spiritual/emotional (mukei no kokoro no hataraki 無形の心の働). As this is the case, a person should be treated as a whole living being who needs to receive an education that is well balanced on both physical and spiritual levels. Explaining the current state of affairs in Japan, Iwamoto mentions that there are people (yakara 族) who disregard this need for well-roundedness in education, and wish to spread a novel (Western) type of PE as they believe that none is to be found in Japan. While zealous, they run the risk of doing a poor job by failing to acknowl- edge the traditional values regarding taiiku extant in the country. Iwamoto admits that the ideals of physical education in Japan are not well-formed, pointing to the lack of organisation or standardisation in educational practices. At the same time, he wonders how it is at all possible to perceive Japan as a country with no taiiku when it is common knowledge that there were many people physically ready to resist the opening of the country. He claims that if there were no taiiku in Japan, no children would have been born or raised to adulthood, and Japan is well-known to have a growing population. To him, the Japanese are not physically weaker than Westerners. Iwamoto goes on to lament that there are people who disregard the fact that taiiku for women already exists, and had existed in Japan before the Western concept of PE was introduced. From martial arts (bugei 武藝) to dances (odori 踊り) there is a great variety of examples of taiiku in Japan, yet the “female etiquette”—jorei 女禮—is the very embodiment of it. By not seeing it this way, teachers are risking corrupting the ideal already set in place. In explanation, the editorial continues by stating that as chii- ku develops intellect and tokuiku morality, taiiku is then responsible for completing the physical development of a human being. That is why taiiku’s influence is primarily on the physical body; nevertheless, it reaches to the heart/soul. On the other hand, it is also necessary to involve the heart/soul into physical self-cultivation. To Iwamoto, the body and soul/heart are like a married couple, i.e. complementa- ry and having a great influence upon each other. He points out that it is common for a person to spoil their physique, however strong he or she is, due to emotional issues. In this case, they will probably get told that it is due to lack of proper 180 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts nutrition or exercise, poor circulation of the blood, or that they should look at the Westerners who are so tough and eat more meat, etc. Such current ideas regarding health (eiseiron 衛生論, lit. discourse on hygiene) are often causing people to grow weaker instead of becoming stronger. Just as the moral or intellectual education can backfire by making a person too much of an idealist because of standards which are too high or too doubtful due to having the horizons widened too far, the discourse regarding the physical education has made few people stronger per- manently, as it has failed to find its foothold in the everyday lives of the people. By referring to physiology, adequate diet, and over-exertion as detrimental to the physical state of the students, Iwamoto is on the same page as Spencer. However, Iwamoto takes the connection further by speaking about emotional stress and its effects on the body. His aim here is to pacify the conflict between two camps: those who are promoting native forms of PE and rejecting Western influences, and those who do the opposite. Once more, bodies are compared: Japanese women’s with men’s, and then with Western women’s. In terms of how frequently they get ill, their endurance, and the length of life, Japanese women are superior to Japanese men. When compared to Western women, they are not necessarily worse off either. The issue lies in com- paring the women who come to Japan crossing the ocean to the women who lead peaceful lives in the inner chambers. If women of the same social standing were to be matched, he believes, it would become clear that there were not that many differences between them. Thus, it is misleading to make arguments regarding PE based on inadequate comparisons. Taking the readers back to Spencer’s ideas, the editorial states that it is a good bal- ance of hours spent on physical and intellectual education that is of utmost necessi- ty, and that it is around such topics that the discourse regarding PE in Japan should revolve. The first issue that needs to be resolved is the insufficient time allocated to PE. In addition, “as long as the conditions and customs allow, step by step, taiiku should be improved by being taken outdoors, carried out in groups, and made fun/ recreational. In Meiji Jogakkō, the most developed types of PE so far are the jorei, jūdō and labour.” Jorei, jūdō, and labour are thus the types of PE that Meiji Jogakkō was proud to present as its most developed, “outdoor, grouped, and fun” forms of PE in 1899. While jorei seems to have been present at the school throughout most of Iwamoto’s leadership, it is not known who and when instructed jūdō. Likewise, it is unclear what exactly was implied here by labour, but it is likely it meant manual tasks at the school: cleaning, preparing the food, working in the garden, etc., thus building upon Spencer’s argument of promoting natural forms of movement, yet including a nuance of practical application rather than recreation. The aspect of PE 181 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 as accomplishment or means to socialize found in the Western pastimes is treated as a factor that the Japanese PE could benefit from, yet, while PE provides a way to escape mental strain, it should not be unorganised or unproductive. The above quote is surprising in promoting jūdō and not naginata—a martial art that represented the martial instruction and PE at the school from 1890 to 1897, around the time Hoshino Tenchi, the mastermind behind the naginata classes, left Meiji Jogakkō. Fujita (1983, 8) writes how in addition to naginata and jūdō, the students were instructed in kendō, bōjutsu, and kusarigama, yet the exact periods are unclear. Kanō Jigorō’s 嘉納 治五郎 (1860–1938) work to introduce his Kōdōkan jūdō to police and military training programs, and as an activity at various educational institutions, might have been at play in choosing it over other martial arts at the school. The conclusion of the editorial summarises the stance of the school, providing an insight into how important PE was to Iwamoto. What is truly important are the ideals behind the physical education. Taii- ku is not a set of drills on the body that ignores the mind; it is not a playful pastime either. It is an indispensable part of comprehensive, high-level ed- ucation that starts from the body. The ideal would be to have such PE that is capable of developing a human being fully just by itself. Intellectual ed- ucation corresponds to bun—the civil arts, physical education corresponds to bu—the martial arts. Thus, the physical education of now is the martial education of old. As the two were taught as inseparable in the past (bunbu funi, bunbu itto), it is thus a retrogression and a loss in the progress of edu- cation to forget such experience from the past, instead of building up on it, and to concentrate only on the material aspects of PE and the body. Iwamoto kept Meiji Jogakkō together and running according to his vision by concentrating his efforts on employing the right teachers. Having learned about Hoshino Tenchi and his ideas on martial arts in the education of women, Iwamo- to invited him to become the instructor of these at the school. Hoshino T enchi’s Budō and Literature In 1890–97, Hoshino taught Martial Arts, Eastern Philosophy (tōyō tetsugaku 東 洋哲学), Psychology, Western and Chinese Literature and ran a Christian Sunday class. All of these complemented each other in his writing, and were constituents of the mental training (seishin shūyō 精神修養) he saw himself employed to carry out 182 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts at the school. Combining his passion for literature and martial arts, Hoshino con- tributed a variety of texts aimed at girls and women that used the theme of martial arts. The examples can be found in a variety of forms. Jogaku zasshi ran his writing in the miscellaneous section (zatsuroku 雑録) that covered martial topics, such as “The Comments on the ‘The Art of Testing Naginata’” 14 (October 1890), alongside his ideas on the study of Chinese Classics 15 (February to March, 1891), which went beyond classical Chinese and referred to English literature as well. He also contrib- uted to the leading articles (ronsetsu 論説) in the magazine, being given the honour of opening various issues. Examples of such writing are “The Origin of Military Spirit” 16 (1892) and “Joshikyōiku to Budō” 17 , which could be rendered in English as “Education for Women and Martial Arts” (serialised from 1893 to 1894). While he reviewed the writing of others in a literary criticism section (hihyō 批評), such as in the article “Budō Hitsuketsu Aiki no Justu” 武道秘決合気之術 18 (1890) that dis- cussed the underlying principle of negating or redirecting an opponent’s power (aiki), he also contributed his own original fiction (shōsetsu 小説). Hoshino’s “Musōken” 無 想剣 19 ran in 1891 in Jogaku zasshi no. 286–90, after it had been published in Jogaku- sei no. 16 in the same year, as an appendix, signed by Ankōko 暗光子 in both cases 20 . It was around 20 pages long, which shows the considerable attention and effort were made. Another one of Hoshino’s attempts at female-student-oriented martial fiction is seen in Jogakusei no. 20. 21 The work titled “Tachikizu” 太刀創, translatable as “Scars on the Sword” and also signed by Ankōko 暗光子 was approximately five pages in length, a special New Y ear addition to the magazine. As both of these work appeared in Jogakusei first, it is clear that they were aimed at female students as an audience. Jogakusei, which Hoshino was the main editor of, must have been to him a per- fect means to relate the contents of his lessons at Meiji Jogakkō to audiences beyond the school. He established a section titled kōburan 講武欄 which dealt 14 “’Naginatajutsu’ wo yomu” 「薙刀術」を読む, signed by Hoshino Shin 星野慎 in Jogaku zasshi no. 233. 15 Jogaku zasshi no. 253-55, “Kangakuben” 漢学弁, signed as Tenchiko 天知子, one of Hoshino’s pennames. 16 “Budō no Hatsugen” 武道の発源 in Jogaku zasshi no. 331–33, published from November to De- cember, and signed by Tenchiko. 17 女子教育と武道, Jogaku zasshi no. 359–61, signed by Hoshino Shinnosuke 星野慎之輔. 18 Jogaku zasshi no. 239, signed as Hoshino Shinnosuke. 19 The title is hard to render into English and was left as “Musōken” in the English list of contents. 20 For a list of Hoshino’s pennames and contributions, refer to Noheji and Matsubara (1970). The reason behind such a variety of names was possibly twofold: to mask the fact that the magazine was run by mostly Hoshino alone, and to provide a certain freedom of expression, by signing under a name that would suggest that the author is a female, and, most likely, of similar age and status to the reader. 21 Dated January 23, 1892. 183 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 with detailed instructions on how to carry out practical and theoretical part of budō, such as in his “Jokai no Budō” 女界の武道, 22 “Budō no Shinka” 武道の眞 價, “Bugi no Kōen” 武技講演 and “Naginata Jutsu” 薙刀術. 23 “Naginata Jutsu” included images and continued into no. 6. 24 No. 6 carried a new column titled bu- rinrin 武凛々 that changed into no. 7–8’s 25 burindan 武凛談, and depicted brave male and female characters. For instance, there were such titles as “Miyamoto Mushashi no Kettō” 宮本武蔵の決闘, “Tanryoku wo fukikomu” 胆力を吹込む in no. 6. No. 7 had “Monzen no Kawara” 門前の瓦 and “Matsukaze no Kiai” 松風 の気合ひ, while no. 8 carried “Budō wa Shinkō nari” 武道は信仰なり. 26 Jogakusei no. 14 27 carried “Budō no Kaiku” 武道の化育, “Bushi no Kifū” 武士の 気風, “Bunbu itto” 文武一途 and “Tokuseijō no Budō” 特性上の武道. 28 All were written with a direct link to Meiji Jogakkō, a fact illustrated by the presence of a short reflection regarding the naginata performance by the school’s students in the same issue, titled “Meiji Jogakkō Ongakukai ni Naginatajutsu wo mite” 明治 女学校音楽会に薙刀術を見て 29 , signed by Nobu のぶ, yet was possibly written by Hoshino himself. Predating similar columns in magazines like Butokushi 武徳詩 (1906–09) that serialised “Bushidō Jokunmyō” 武士道女訓妙 and “Bushidō Kakunmyō” 武士 道家訓妙, or Bushidō Teachings for Women and Home, Jogakusei no. 17 carried “Budōkakun” 武道家訓 30 , or the martial teachings for the home, that raised such topics as determination (kakugo 覚悟), being on guard (muyudan 無油断), emo- tional strength (shinkiryoku 心気力), and observation skills (kansatsuryoku 観察 力) to be learned by the women of the household. No. 18 carried “Gisonben” 義 22 An equivalent in English would be along the lines of “Martial Arts in the Lives of Women”. No 1., May 21, 1890, signed as Tenchiko. 23 All from no. 2, June 23, 1890, signed as Tenchiō 天知翁. Since no. 3., a new penname, Fūryūsai 風 流斎, becomes visible. The titles could be translated as “The True Value of Martial Arts”, “Perform- ing Martial Arts”, and “Naginata Techniques”. 24 Dated October 21, 1890. 25 November 21, 1890 and December 21, 1890 respectively. 26 Running the risk of oversimplification, the translations for the titles would be “Miyamoto Mu- sashi’s Final Battle/Duel”, “Inspiring with Courage”, “The Tile in front of the Gate”, “The Spirit of the Wind in the Pines”, and “Martial Arts as a System of Beliefs”. 27 June 23, 1891, all signed as Hoshino Shin, his professional name. 28 Again, simplified translations: “The Transforming Power of Martial Arts Education”, “The Char- acter of the Samurai”, “The Harmony between Martial and Civil Arts”, and “Characteristics of Martial Arts”. 29 “Impressions from the Naginata Performance at the Recital at Meiji Jogakkō”, signifying the fact that the authorities of the school were open to displaying martial arts to the public. 30 October 21, 1891, signed by Tenchiko. 184 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts 損辨, 31 or the ideas on sacrifice, along with “Neo no Tani ni Bu wo Arasou” 根 尾の谷に武を争う, or “A Fight at the Valley of Neo”, while no. 19 included 32 “Gōtō ni Aishi Yo” 強盗に遇ひし夜, or “The Night We Were Robbed”. In the leading article of no. 21 that spoke of Sen no Rikyū and the tea ceremony, ap- peared a section on “Bunbu oyobi Zendō no Tanren” 文武及び禅道の鍛錬, or “The Training in Bun, Bu, and Zen” making the connections among martiality, Zen Buddhism, and literature/art apparent in Hoshino’s thought and, conse- quently, in his practices at Meiji Jogakkō, which can be exemplified by the fact that he signed these texts using his professional name, Hoshino Shin. Likewise, under this name he continues to write on education in no. 22 33 , running such articles as “Gunji oyobi Heisho” 軍師及び兵書, “Sengoku no Kyōikuka” 戦国の 教育科, and “Jinbutsu Shūyō”人物修養, speaking of soldiers, military treatises, education in the Warring States period, and how to cultivate an individual. All these were written with a bend towards the practical nuances in education. No. 24 34 carried a passage on chivalry, “Kyōki” 俠気, again signed by Hoshino Shin, and no. 27 35 had “Fugū no Eiyū wo Kyūjo seyo” 不遇の英雄を救助せよ by Tenchiko, asking to save the hero in trouble. Comparison with the Western Understanding of PE and Martiality In his memoirs Hoshino reflected how the naginata performances were received around 1891. Presentation at the Imperial Hotel Once, we had a performance at Shiba no Yayoi (芝の彌生館). At the time, the students were all beginners and we had no issues. However, when the Aikoku Fujinkai 愛国婦人会 sponsored an event at the Impe- rial Hotel in Tsukiji, we saw some reaction. The newspaper reviews still lacked reference to the connection between education and martial arts, and only seemed to have spared us the openly harsh criticism. The foreign journalists still spoke of magic tricks. [...] The match was quite fierce. 36 31 November 30, 1891. The former by Hoshino Shin, the latter by Ankōko 暗光子. 32 December 26, 1891, by Ankōko. 33 March 22, 1892. 34 May 21, 1892. 35 September 22, 1892. 36 Hoshino, 201. The performance at the Imperial Hotel must have taken place on June 20, 1891. It is the same one that was observed by Nobu in Jogakusei. 185 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 Few seem to have been praising the performances, yet it was still seen as worth sponsoring and thus the situation may not have been as bad as Hoshino por- trays it. However, Hoshino’s writing that the Western journalists saw the students’ performances as tricks and magic can be backed up by how martial arts, such as jūjutsu 柔術, were being experienced abroad. Kanō Jigorō brought jūdo 柔道 to the U.S. for men, while his student’s wife, Yamashita Fude (c.1878–?), instructed women (Rouse and Slutsky, 2014). The Brit- ish suffragettes employed jūjutsu as a method of self-defence (Hashimoto 2011), and in New Zealand it was used as a performative art, in a more of an entertaining, yet still gender-boundary challenging way (Looser 2010). Rouse (2015) points out how it was easier for women to turn to such imported and exotic methods to ed- ucate themselves physically. According to her, the Japanese martial arts, the appeal of which was found in the concept of aiki, or a person of lesser build overthrowing a larger opponent with apparent ease, was a threat to sports, especially boxing and wrestling, and the ideals of Western masculinity, physical superiority, and race. And thus, while partially appropriated in Western physical culture, martial arts were si- multaneously discredited as unchivalrous trickery, performance, and, subsequently, feminine. It is thought provoking that martial arts, that were mostly not permitted Figure 1 “Naginatajustu”, Jogakusei no. 2. 186 Simona Lukminaitė: Women’s Education at Meiji Jogakkō and Martial Arts to Japanese women until decades later, 37 were being practiced by Western women since around 1900 via the leadership of Japanese women themselves. Martial arts, thus served as a way to express and defend one’s femininity, in addition to forging international bonds among women practitioners. Conclusions To Iwamoto, who was developing his arguments from the position of education as a means of enlightenment and social activism, PE was a means to, first of all, liberate women’s bodies by allowing them physical and mental expression and confidence, in addition to assuring their health and thus the ability to contribute to society. At the same time, it was understood as a means for moral and mental training that would ensure a good character, especially in the case of martial arts that were seen as capa- ble of balancing the overemphasis of Western learning in the education of women. Hoshino’s writings in girls’ magazines comes as surprising in its choice of martial topics, which were backed up by discussions on Chinese Classics, Zen Buddhism, and Christianity. However, these topics found their way into the magazines with such ease due to the fact that they did constitute a part of the education of women provided at Meiji Jogakkō. In their writing and teaching methods, both of the educators seem to have been seeking a balance among the 1) traditional and modern, 2) intellectual, moral, and physical, and 3) feminine and masculine aspects of education. The understanding of education as multilateral and necessary to mould an individual on a variety of levels, allowing free expression of thought and in movement, is also an idea that underlined the education provided for girls anwd women at the school. It is this idea that might have seen the instruction in martial arts as liberating, while also protecting the students, both physically and against criticism directed at students receiving Christian and Western education. 37 In order to exemplify how ahead of time Meiji Jogakkō was, let us look at the historical developments of martial arts in education. In 1898, the Ministry of Education permitted martial arts as extra-curricular activities. In 1910, a national meeting of normal school principals agreed for kenjutsu and jūjutsu to become regular school subjects, while female participation in naginata and kyūdō was encouraged. I.e., martial arts became an elective course, yet the area of instruction was restricted. In 1911, the Ministry of Education officially authorized kenjutsu and jūjutsu in schools, although in actuality martial arts (bujut- su) remained elective for a few more years. In 1912, males were officially permitted to study kenjutsu or jūjutsu. In 1923 Kōdōkan started judō classes for women and children. In 1931, reflecting the change of educational climate in pre-war Japan, kendō and judō became compulsory subjects at normal and middle schools for boys. Finally, in 1936, boys were permitted to study kyūdō, and girls became authorized to study kyūdō and naginata at schools. (Benett, 2011, 296-300) The early example of Meiji Jogakkō thus provides an important glimpse into the early development of physical and martial arts education. 187 Asian Studies VI (XXII), 2 (2018), pp. 173–188 References Benesch, Oleg. 2014. Inventing the W ay of the Samurai: Nationalism, International- ism, and Bushido in Modern Japan. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bennett, Alexander, ed. and transl. 2011. 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