D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 TEMATSKI SKLOP / THEMATIC SEC TION MIGRACIJE DELOVNE SILE V UKRAJINI IN NA OBMOČJU NEKDANJE SOVJETSKE ZVEZE L A B O R M I G R AT I O N I N U K R A I N E A N D T H E P O S T - S O V I E T S PAC E Z h a n n a B o l a t I ntroduc t ion: Labor M igrat ion in Uk raine and the Post-Soviet Space Te t i a n a M a r u s i a k , O k s a n a K hy m ov yc h , Vo l o d y my r H o b l y k , Va s y l P i g o s h , U l i a n a Ro s o l a M igrat ion Abroad as a Socia l Consequence of Transformations of the I nst i tute of Educat ion in Modern Uk raine A k m a n a t A b u ova , N u r l a n B a i g a by l ov, M u k h t a r A b d i ka k i m ov, S a l t a n a t A u b a k i r ova , G u l n a r A s s y l k h a n ova Socia l -Economic I ntegrat ion of K azak h M igrants in Turkey Z hu l d y z I m a s h e va Explor ing Ethnic Entrepreneurship: Family Business of Taj ik M igrants O l e g Ya r o s h e n ko, Vo l o d y my r H a ra s h c h u k , O l e n a M o s ka l e n ko, G a l i n a Ya kov l e va , Vi t a l i i Sv i t l yc h ny i A Comparat ive Analys is of Forced M igrants’ R ights Abroad and in Uk raine and Control O ver Their Obser vance Under Condit ions of Mar t ia l Law A i g e r i m Ad i l g a z i n ova , Lya i l ya B a l a ka ye va , M a ra G u b a i d u l l i n a M igrant Issues in Contemporar y Japan G u l s a ra Ka p p a s s ova , M e i ra m g u l A l t y b a s s a r ova , G a n i Ye l m u ra t ov, M a d i n a Ra k h i m b a e va , B o r i s Po l o m a r c h u k M igrat ion Processes in the Republ ic of K azak hstan: Regular i t ies, Problems, and Prospec ts ČL ANKI / ARTICLES Lo r e d a n a Pa n a r i t i A H istor ical Analys is of Lef t-Wing Trade Union Posit ions Regarding Bangladeshi Workers in Monfalcone ( I ta ly) and Bosnian Workers in S lovenia V l a d i m i r I ve t a , M a r i j e t a Ra j kov i ć I ve t a M igrat ions, C i t izenships, and the R ight and Choice to Play for a Nat ional Footbal l Team with a Focus on the Croat ian Nat ional Team M a r j e t a Vr b i n c, D o n n a M . T. C r. Fa r i n a , A l e n ka Vr b i n c Or is s lovar jev in pr i ročnikov za učenje angleščine s lovensk ih izsel jencev v ZDA v obdobju 1895–1919 Ro k S m r d e l j Communicat ion Relat ions on Twitter Dur ing the M igrant “Cr is is” in S lovenia Ka t j a Ko b o l t Postmigraci jsk a estet ik a : Avtof ikc i jsko narat ivno delovanje v pisanju Di jane M atković in v izualnem ust var janju Anne Ehrenstein 592 0 2 4 9 7 7 0 3 5 3 6 7 7 0 1 3 ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 59 2 0 2 4 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 1-3 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31 Glavni urednici / Editors-in-Chief Kristina Toplak, Marijanca Ajša Vižintin Odgovorna urednica / Editor-in-Charge Marina Lukšič Hacin Tehnični urednik / Technical Editor Tadej Turnšek Mednarodni uredniški odbor / International Editorial Board Synnove Bendixsen, Ulf Brunnbauer, Aleš Bučar Ručman, Martin Butler, Daniela l. Caglioti, Jasna Čapo, Donna Gabaccia, Jure Gombač, Ketil Fred Hansen, Damir Josipovič, Aleksej Kalc, Jernej Mlekuž, Claudia Morsut, Ikhlas Nouh Osman, Nils Olav Østrem, Lydia Potts, Maya Povrzanović Frykman, Francesco Della Puppa, Jaka Repič, Rudi Rizman, Matteo Sanfilippo, Annemarie Steidl, Urška Strle, Adam Walaszek, Rolf Wörsdörfer, Simona Zavratnik, Janja Žitnik Serafin Lektoriranje in korektura / Copyediting and proofreading Jana Renée Wilcoxen (angleški jezik / English) Tadej Turnšek (slovenski jezik / Slovenian) Oblikovanje / Design Anja Žabkar Prelom / Typesetting Inadvertising d. o. o. Založila / Published by ZRC SAZU, Založba ZRC Izdal / Issued by ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko izseljenstvo in migracije / ZRC SAZU, Slovenian Migration Institute, Založba ZRC Tisk / Printed by Tisk Žnidarič, d. o. o. Naklada / Printum 150 Naslov uredništva / Editorial Office Address INŠTITUT ZA SLOVENSKO IZSELJENSTVO IN MIGRACIJE ZRC SAZU p. p. 306, SI-1001 Ljubljana, Slovenija Tel.: +386 (0)1 4706 485; Fax +386 (0)1 4257 802 E-naslov: dd-th@zrc-sazu.si Spletna stran / Website: https://ojs.zrc-sazu.si/twohomelands Revija izhaja s pomočjo Javne agencije za znanstvenoraziskovalno in inovacijsko dejavnost Republike Slovenije in Urada Vlade Republike Slovenije za Slovence v zamejstvu in po svetu / Financial support: Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency and Government Office for Slovenians Abroad ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 4-6 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31 31 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 h t t p s : / / d o i . o r g / 1 0 . 3 9 8 6 / 2 0 2 4 . 1 . 0 3 I PhD in social sciences, Faculty of Social Sciences, L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Astana; E-mail: ak_abuova@bk.ru; ORCID https://orcid.org/0009-0004-1542-3281 II PhD in social sciences, Department of Sociology, L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Astana; E-mail: nurbaigabylov@outlook.com; ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8212-9171 III PhD in social sciences, Center for Social Monitoring and Prognosis, Shakarim University, Semey; E-mail: mu_abd211@hotmail.com; ORCID https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9441-2257 IV PhD in social sciences, Department of Social Sciences, Journalism and Information, Toraighyrov University, Pavlodar; S_Aubakirova1@outlook.com; ORCID https://orcid. org/0000-0001-7894-6208 V Full Doctor in social sciences, Department of Social and Humanitarian Sciences, Innova- tive University of Eurasia, Pavlodar; gulnar.assylkhan@yahoo.com; ORCID https://orcid. org/0000-0002-9490-4275 @language: sl, en @trans-language: sl, en @publisher-id: id @doi: 10.3986/2024.1.03 @article-type: 1.01 @article-category: H 270 @pages: 31–46 @history-received: 1. 2. 2023 @history-accepted: 3. 11. 2023 * * * Ž u r n a l m e t a * * * @issue: 59 @volume: 2024 @pub-year: 2024 @pub-date: 15. 2. 2024 * * * O p r e m a * * * @avtorji: Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova @running-header: Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey SOCIAL-ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF KAZAKH MIGRANTS IN TURKEY Akmanat Abuova,I Nurlan Baigabylov,II Mukhtar Abdikakimov,III Saltanat Aubakirova,IV Gulnar AssylkhanovaV COBISS: 1.01 ABSTRACT Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey The research aims to describe the social and economic integration of Kazakh migrants in Turkey. Amongst the objectives of this scientific work are research on Kazakh migration into Turkey in the first half of the twentieth century and the determination of reasons and prerequisites for such a process. The primary methods of this research are historical and logical analysis, induction and deduction, and synthesis. The article covers the Kazakh migration to Turkey, the integration process of Kazakhs into Turkey, and the reasons, prerequisites, and factors that led to the migration of Kazakhs from East Turkistan. KEYWORDS: migration, transmigrants, refugees, diaspora, migrants’ integration IZVLEČEK Socialno-ekonomska integracija kazaških migrantov v Turčiji Namen znanstvenega prispevka je opisati družbeno in gospodarsko vključevanje kazahstanskih migrantov v Turčiji. Cilja avtorjev sta tudi raziskati kazahstanske migracije v Turčijo v prvi polovici dvajsetega stoletja ter opredeliti razloge in pogoje, ki so vplivali na ta proces, pri čemer uporabljajo predvsem metode zgodovinske in logične analiza, indukcije in dedukcije ter sinteze. Avtorji proučujejo kazahstanske migracije v Turčijo, proces vključevanja Kazahov v Turčijo ter razloge, predpogoje in dejavnike, ki so privedli do migracije Kazahov iz Vzhodnega Turkestana. KLJUČNE BESEDE: migracije, transmigranti, begunci, diaspora, integracija migrantov 32 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova INTRODUCTION According to Bermukhamedova and Abilova (2020, pp. 249–252), the Kazakh dias- pora is located in fifty countries and has 5 to 5.5 million people. Nevertheless, it is impossible to clearly evaluate the number in the Kazakh diaspora as it shrinks in many countries. Kuşçu (2016, pp. 380–396) notes that ethnic Kazakhs do not live near each other in European and US territories. Meanwhile, in the Near and Far East, the opposite effect takes place. Since the initial migration, Kazakh people have attempted to save their cultural traditions and ethnic group. Many Kazakh people in Turkey are descendants of Xinjiang, and many still deem this region their home- land. Mendikulova (1997) concludes that an indicator differentiating the Kazakh diaspora from other migrants is a successful integration into the society of the recipient country. This is a prerequisite to their successful integration into countries with developed economies and multicultural structures. The Kazakh mass migra- tion began around the eighteenth century and lasted until 1960. Prerequisites for migration were various: political, religious, and economic. According to Kaiyrken and Makhat (2020, pp. 31–37), the main reason was the intolerance to the oppres- sion from the Chinese government. The beginning of the Kazakh diaspora in Turkey was mainly in 1930, when after the suppression of the Xinjiang rebellion, around eighteen thousand Kazakhs moved from Altay to the territories of India and Paki- stan. However, refugees did not settle there for a variety of reasons. Amongst the possible next destinations in the migration were five primary ones, each of which was closely discussed and analyzed: 1. Migration to the Arab countries, mainly Saudi Arabia. Kazakhstan is a predominantly Muslim country, and Islam is the religion of the majority of its population. Kazakhs could easily integrate due to their shared religion. 2. Taiwan, as some Kazakhs were cooperating with Chiang Kai-shek, who had fled there after the Chinese Communist Party took control of mainland China. Chiang Kai-shek was the head of the Nationalist government in China and later in Taiwan. This connection led Kazakh migrants to consider Taiwan a migration destination (Hrubinko & Fedoriv, 2023). 3. The unusual variant was to move to the United States (California and Texas), where the government invited Kazakhs. Various factors affected this variation, including the desire to diversify immigrant populations, economic opportuni- ties, or geopolitical considerations. 4. Remain in India and Pakistan. Some Kazakhs considered the option of remain- ing there due to their initial migration to these countries. 5. Move to Turkey. Turkey eventually emerged as a significant destination for the Kazakh diaspora due to cultural and historical ties between the two countries. 33 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey As a result, Turkey was a suitable choice for Kazakh refugees as permanent residents. This is due to their shared historical and cultural roots. In 1952, some Kazakh refu- gees moved to Turkey. They received Turkish citizenship and land and were given homes and cattle there. In the 1970s, Turkish Kazakhs successfully integrated into the country’s economy and earned their wealth from producing and selling leather. According to Baypakov and Smagulov (2010), more than twenty thousand Kazakhs currently reside in Turkey. Many live and work in Istanbul’s Gunashli, Sefekay, and Zeitinburg districts. The main goal of this research is to delineate the intricate process of social and economic integration among Kazakh migrants in Turkey. The study aims to uncover the motivations behind Kazakh migration to Turkey during the first half of the twen- tieth century, as well as the factors and prerequisites underpinning this migration. This study focuses on the nuances of their integration journey and emphasizes the adaptation and economic participation of the Kazakh diaspora in their host country. The novelty of this research is in its comprehensive examination of the social and economic integration of the Kazakh diaspora within the Turkish context. While previous studies have explored various facets of Kazakh migration and the diaspora’s experiences, this research seeks to address an existing gap by providing an in-depth analysis of their integration process in Turkey. Through a detailed exploration of historical, cultural, and economic dimensions, this study endeavors to contribute valuable insights into the dynamics of diaspora integration and its impact on both the host society and the migrants themselves. MATERIALS AND METHODS The basis of the methodological approach in the research is a quality combination of historical, cultural, and logical analysis during the study of literature, deduction, induction, and synthesis, which allowed us to deduct the primary peculiarities of the process projection. Scientific research covers the social and economic integra- tion of Kazakhs in Turkey, the migration process description, and their reasons and prerequisites. This scientific work was concluded in three main stages. The first stage of the research was dedicated to the theoretical basis, which was then used as an initial fundament for scientific research. A collection of theoretical sources and an analysis of information on this topic were concluded. The aims of the article were formed, the research problem was deducted, and forms and methods of its analysis were stated. The actuality of the research was also determined, and short reviews of other research on this topic were also presented. Reasons and prerequisites of Kazakh migration from Xinjiang were highlighted. Through logical analysis, we deducted a connection between the political oppression of Kazakhs in China and their migra- tion to other countries. 34 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova In the second stage of the scientific research, analytical research on the Kazakh migration into Turkey process was concluded. A historical and cultural analysis deter- mined the main reasons and prerequisites of Kazakh migration into Turkey. We also investigated the peculiarities of Kazakh ethnic migration into India and Pakistan and their subsequent move to Turkey. Moreover, we observed a connection between the Kazakhs’ successful integration into Turkey and their shared history. In the last stage of the scientific work, we systematically categorized and synthe- sized the material acquired during the research and study of other scientists’ work. Based on the results of their scientific work, we formed conclusions to determine the overall tendencies of economic and social integration of Kazakh refugees in Turkey. RESULTS Kazakh migration prerequisites Before the migration, Kazakhs were the largest ethnic group in Xinjiang after Uyghurs, and in 1945, their population was around 439,000 people (Noda, 2019, pp. 25–42). They were living mainly on animal husbandry and related professions. Kazakhs were settling there in the 1880s. According to the existing historical data, in 1883, nearly one hundred Kazakh families moved to the Altay first, under the rule of Daldebay and Kokdarhan naimans, which had moved through Jimsar, Mori, and Baytik Mountain in the Barkol region of East Turkestan (Xinjiang). In 1895, another two hundred families moved to Barkol, and during 1912–1913, one thousand more. Even though East Turkestan was under the control of Pekin, Kazakhs have lived in the husbandry region relatively autonomously. During the Qing Dynasty, their rulers had such ranks as uang or gyun, beis, tayzhi, ukyrdai, zalyng and zanggi, zhuz- basi and auylbasy. It is worth noting that this region was not under the full control of Pekin. This was especially prominent when the Xinhai Revolution overthrew the Qing Dynasty in 1912. Then, Chinese governors, usually appointed from the center, started acting more independently, usually employing overly cruel control methods. Pressure and oppression of Kazakhs and Uyghurs in the region were more apparent, as local governors wanted to ensure their rulership position, and freedom-loving residents of Xinjiang were ready to defend their lifestyle with arms in their hands. During the rule of local governors Jin Shuren (1928–1933) and Sheng Shicai (1933– 1944), the situation reached its boiling point (Forbes, 1991). The period saw restrictions on Kazakh language education and ever-increasing local taxes. During an attempt to stabilize the situation in regions, native lands were confiscated by local authorities and distributed amongst Chinese migrants. People were punished and sentenced to death even for minor infractions. After the arrests of popular Uyghur and Kazakh representatives of East Turkmenistan, they rebelled. Although the rebellion was initially successful, they could not match the governor’s 35 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey forces, which were overpowering them in numbers and equipment quality by a large margin. As a result, it is possible to denote that cruel and violent treatment by Xinji- ang governors was a key factor in the Kazakh massive exodus from East Turkistan. Migration from Xinjiang to India and Pakistan Having faced harsh realities, some Kazakh leaders of Kymyl and Barkol regions met secretly in August of 1935 and discussed help from Ma Bufang, a Muslim general who had controlled neighboring provinces of Gansu and Qinghai. At the beginning of 1936, Kazakh groups moved to Gansu individually. They clashed in brutal fights with Sheng Shicai forces on the way, but they were welcomed in Gansu. Around 18,000 Kazakhs, including women, children, and cattle, relocated from Xinjiang during this period (Kara, 2019, pp. 1–11). Therefore, an exodus from Xinjiang began. In Gansu, however, Kazakhs did not stay for long. The unwillingness to be an instru- ment in Ma Bufang’s political games and conflicts with the local population forced Kazakhs to move forward. They decided to move south to Hindustan. Around five thousand people went on the journey. Even though Chinese soldiers tried to block the route for the Kazakhs, they managed to fight their way to Tibet. There, during the year, they clashed with local tribes while suffering from hunger, cold, and suffoca- tion. Different estimates note that around two thousand Kazakhs died, 40% of their total exodus to India. Despite all the complications on the journey, in September 1941, migrants managed to get to India (Figure 1). Figure 1: In 1950, a group of Uyghurs escaped during the communist Chinese invasion and sought refuge in Kashmir, India (Radio Free Asia, 2023). 36 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova Their trouble persisted even after crossing the Indian border. Initially, they were in the refugee camp in Muzaffarabad, where they were kept in practically prison-like conditions, which led to many deaths. Tropical climate, unusual for migrants, also had its influence. In 1940–1950, they were accustomed to the conditions of India and Pakistan. They also managed to befriend local Muslims. However, they could not comfortably live in a foreign environment, as lingual and cultural differences between locals and foreigners were too steep. Due to the refusal of Pakistan and the Indian government to give them citizenship, unsatisfactory conditions of living, etc., Kazakh migrants started to grasp the lack of perspectives in Pakistan and India. A question of migration to other countries started to appear. Relocation to Turkey During a meeting of Kazakh leaders in Srinagar, they decided to migrate further to Turkey, as their local populace was closer to them linguistically and religion-wise (Gayretullah, 1977). With this, in the early 1950s, a Kazakh delegation visited a Turkish consul, presenting a list of people who wanted to migrate to Turkey. An interesting addition to the topic of Kazakhs’ stay in India and Pakistan is help from the United States. US representatives offered assistance to Kazakh refugees during their stay in India, Pakistan, and other countries primarily as part of their geopolit- ical strategy during the Cold War era. The US government saw an opportunity to utilize the Kazakh refugees as a potential asset against the Communist regime in China, which was aligned with the Soviet Union (Zhanbulatova et al., 2020). The assistance provided by the US representatives involved indirect support and agita- tion to further the US agenda. This was done through indirect help and agitation among the Kazakh people (Ono, 2019, pp. 43–83). The United States might have lobbied for humanitarian aid to be directed toward Kazakh refugees through either international organizations or bilateral agreements. This aid could include food, shelter, medical care, and other necessities for their well-being. In some cases, US representatives might have been involved in facilitating safe havens for Kazakh refu- gees, offering protection from potential threats or harassment from the Communist regime or other hostile entities. The United States could have supported cultural and educational exchanges for Kazakh refugees, aimed at empowering them with skills and knowledge that would enable them to contribute positively to their host countries and potentially assist in their eventual return to Kazakhstan (Nurtazina & Toktushakov, 2017). On October 17, 1951, the Association of East-Turkestan Kazakh Refugees was founded, which aimed to: 1. Organize migration of Kazakh political refugees from Pakistan to Turkey, which required close connections to the Turkey embassy in Karachi. The collection of material required for migration was also concluded. 37 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey 2. Ensure positive relations with the Pakistani government. 3. Resist any actions of the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China, which agitated Kazakh people to return to China. 4. Provide any help required for Kazakhs who escaped from East Turkistan and reached India and Pakistan borders. As a result of the successful activity of the organization, fourteen thousand Kazakhs were added to the list of refugees, four hundred of whom were children who had been in India and Pakistan in the previous twelve years (Gür, 1995). Later, this list was given to Nebil Bati, an ambassador of Turkey in Pakistan, and in February of 1950, a pleading for migration to Turkey was filed. During this year, an answer from Ankara was given, which stated that Kazakhs would be accepted as migrants, but they had to wait while bureaucratic procedures were conducted. Meanwhile, the second group of Kazakh migrants from East Turkestan arrived in Kashmir in 1951. These people left their native lands as they chose not to conform to the Mao Zedong regime instated by the Chinese Communist Revolution in 1949. Pakistan Kazakhs contacted the group and recommended they migrate to Turkey together. On March 13, 1952, the Turkish government, under the chair of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, decided to allow the migration of Kazakh refugees from Paki- stan, India, and Kashmir. This meant that Turkey had officially recognized them as refugees (Gayretullah, 1977). The first 102 migrants traveled through Kashmir, India, Pakistan, and Iraq on cars to the Turkish border. There, they went to Istanbul by train. It took them around twenty days. Through the efforts of members of the Asso- ciation of East-Turkestan Kazakh Refugees, 1,379 Kazakhs who had migrated from India in 1941 moved from Pakistan to Turkey between September 12 and Decem- ber 26, 1953 (Gür, 1995). Social-economic integration of Kazakhs in Turkey Kazakh refugees in Turkey were divided into two categories: “Free migrants” and “settled migrants.” The former were Kazakhs who arrived in Turkey in 1952 from India and Pakistan and were not on the list evaluated by the Turkish government. They settled in Ceylanpinar, in the Urfa Province. There, they were working on one of the largest Turkey farms (Figure 2). “Free migrants” received Turkish citizenship and were not taxed. They could receive a loan to build a house or start a business (Andrews, 1989). “Free migrants” are the majority of Kazakh refugees in Turkey. They arrived in 1952–1958 with a total estimation of 1,900 people. Officially settled migrants were given citizenship, land, home, and cattle. They were accommodated in the refugee camps near Istanbul: Zeytinburn, Tuzla, and Sirkeci. There, they were taught the Turkish language and simple professions. The traditional profession of Kazakh is husbandry. However, for most Kazakhs in Turkey, it has changed. Kazakhs have come to the country without any capital, and as refugees, they were working in any job 38 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova they could find. They worked jobs, such as house and road building, for around ten years. Animal husbandry, a previous Kazakh profession, was practically unavailable in Turkey (Kalshabaeva & Beisegulova, 2018, pp. 153–160). Figure 2: Kazakh refugees, late 1950s (source: Lias, 1956) Kazakhs also worked at farming, growing wheat. This profession was common amongst Kazakhs who settled in Konya, partly due to the geographical peculiarities of the region—being a flat plain suitable for farming. The government has given them land and horses. In teams of ten to twenty people, Kazakhs started to plow fields and grow plants. However, lacking farming skills and experience, they were forced to find other ways of earning a living. Thus, they came to handicraft and leath- erwork. At least a single sewing machine was present in each Kazakh family. Thus, in the 1960s, Kazakhs began developing a sphere new to the Turkish economy— leather processing and leather product manufacturing. They produced leather gloves, hats, and covers, sold them on the market, and began an entrepreneurial practice. This led to their profit and society status improvement. Home workshops grew into whole manufacturing. Families moved from villages to the closest cities and then to economic centers, such as Istanbul, Izmir, and Ankara, with the intention of continuous expansion (Mendikulova, 1997). The Kazakh people’s historical nomadic lifestyle significantly influenced their ability to adapt to new conditions. Having spent millennia living as nomads devel- oped their social, psychological, and physical capacities, making them resilient and versatile (Tastulekov et al., 2019). This adaptability translated well into their integra- tion efforts in Turkey. Upon their arrival in Turkey, Kazakh refugees demonstrated a strong entrepreneurial spirit. Lacking capital and facing the necessity to find work, 39 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey they took on various jobs, including manual labor and house building. Their will- ingness to engage in diverse economic activities showcased their determination to succeed. Recognizing that their traditional profession of animal husbandry was not readily available, they seized the opportunity to develop the leather processing and manufacturing sector in the 1970s. This shift allowed them to contribute to the Turkish economy and establish a significant presence in the leather industry. Kazakh families moved from rural areas to urban centers like Istanbul, Izmir, and Ankara as their leather businesses expanded. This strategic migration allowed them to tap into larger markets, access resources, and expand their business operations. Higher education led to diversification in their professional pursuits and enhanced their contribution to the Turkish economy (Akgün, 2019; Komilova et al., 2021). Kazakh migrants shared religious and cultural affinities with the host Turkish society. This commonality facilitated social interactions and eased the process of assimilation. The Turkish government’s policy of providing citizenship, land, hous- ing, and support to refugees, including Kazakhs, significantly aided their integration (Koulish & Fouskas, 2022). The availability of resources and opportunities helped them establish themselves as self-sufficient members of society. The Kazakh commu- nity’s cohesion and mutual support among its members played a pivotal role in their integration. Sharing common experiences and assisting one another created a sense of belonging and facilitated their transition into Turkish society. DISCUSSION Rakhimzhanova (2021) notes that after some time spent in India, Kazakh migrants asked for shelter in Turkey, where they were accepted as Turkic people with a shared history. The author also concludes that although Turkish, they are visually distinct from other Turkish people, mainly because of their atypical appearance. Kazakh people, due to their Central Asian origins, may have physical features that are distinct from the Turkish population. These features include variations in facial structure, skin tone, eye shape, and hair texture. Kazakh refugees maintained certain elements of their traditional clothing, which can stand out compared to the clothing typically worn by most of the Turkish population. Nevertheless, the successful integration of Kazakhs into the Turkish environment is an interesting depiction of Kazakh identity flexibility and their ability to adapt to the environment. Conclusions on the success- ful integration of Kazakh refugees in Turkey are similar to those made by the author. While investigating the Kazakh diaspora in Turkey, Zafer (2020) describes Kazakhs as an ethnic group with their own cultural identity and traditions as well as their migra- tion process from East Turkistan. He states that Kazakhs were forced to leave their native lands due to cruelty from the Chinese. The researcher states that their path lay through Gansu, Tibet, Kashmir, India, and Pakistan. He concludes that the Kazakh diaspora in Turkey was formed during a long migration period, initially thought of as 40 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova temporary. Conditions, however, forced them to settle down in a new place. Zafer’s conclusions on the migration of Kazakhs from East Turkistan are similar to those of this article’s authors. For a wider understanding of the problem, it is necessary to point out the number of Kazakhs residing outside the Republic of Kazakhstan. In the article “Meet- ing the Kazakh Diaspora,” Wood (2019) notes that around four million Kazakhs reside outside Kazakhstan, a quarter of the total Kazakh population. She notes that other countries’ annexation of their territories is the primary reason for the migration. Other reasons are those of political, religious, and economic origin. The problem of the national identity of Kazakhs in Turkey is noted in Demirci’s research, which considers an attempt to evaluate the value of Kazakh culture amongst them, the place of culture in their identity, and the transformations that took place during the development process (Demirci, 2020, pp. 321–342). According to the conclusions, identity is determined by one’s existence in society, one’s perception of society, and one’s belonging to it. It is apparent that the peculiarities—everyday life, traditions, and ceremonies—of the country in which one is living play a great role in the under- standing of the Kazakh identity (Bozorgmehr & Díaz, 2022). Demirci thinks that to restore the uniqueness of their cultural heritage, Kazakhs utilize reconstructions of the national identity of the traditional period. Thus, the information presented is a valuable addition to the conclusions made in this article. While discussing the Kazakh refugee integration in Turkey, their political life in the country is worth noting. Kidal (2020) thinks that Kazakhs were getting closer to the Nationalist Movement Party (NMP) and actively participated in Turkey’s politi- cal life from 1968 to 1980. The NMP’s anti-communist rhetoric managed to attract Kazakh migrants because, back in their homelands, many of them had suffered under communists. Another factor that familiarizes NMP and Kazakh is the movement of Pan-Turkism, which is determined to unify all the Turks, of which Kazakhs are a part (Besenyő & Málnássy, 2022). As such, many Kazakh migrant representatives were able to contribute to the politics in NMP. In their work, Tlebaldiyeva et al. (2021, pp. 3390–3395) state that Kazakh–Turkish relations were promising from the beginning. Kazakhstan’s initial and primary task was its recognition by other countries and inte- gration into a global society. Turkey had a prominent role in this task. Researchers have concluded that close cooperation with Turkey allowed young countries of Middle Asia and the Caucasus to gain independence, to close with European institutions and the United States, and to receive economic help from Turkey and their Western allies. An important factor in the support of Kazakhstan in all of the international organiza- tions is their lingual, religious, and cultural proximity (Omurzakova et al., 2022). Even though the research topic is barely related to the problem of this article, it is a small and natural addition to the research, as it analyzes the modern relations between Turkey and the Kazakhstan Republic, especially in the scientific sphere. Saylan and Chabdenova (2020, pp. 322–325) investigate the history of the Kazakh diaspora migration to Turkey, which occurred twice during the 1950s and 41 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey 1990s, and social and material assistance given to the refugees by Turkish people, which enhanced their living conditions. As a result, Kazakhs managed to develop various spheres in Turkey, which led them to success, mainly in the leatherworks (Tsybukh, 2023). Researchers also observe that despite living in another country, Kazakhs keep their traditions and culture while living in groups. Researchers focus on the fact that small leatherworks and leather product manufacturing companies created by Kazakh migrants were successful as this was their traditional profession. Saylan and Chabdenova’s conclusions and this article on Kazakh social and economic integration in Turkey are similar and contribute to each other. Analyzing the social and economic integration of Kazakh refugees into the Turkish system in the first half of the twentieth century is an actual task, as it allows us to conclude and evaluate the influence of ethnic and cultural belonging on the integration process in another country. Research of this process is an important topic of scientific investigation and attracts the interest of sociologists, historians, and representatives of other countries. The authors of this article have provided the main reasons and prerequisites for the migration of Kazakhs from their historical home. It was mainly due to the aggressiveness and oppression from local Chinese authorities. The authors’ interpretation of presented results may be a basis for a new hypothesis or theory in this discourse or other directions. The Kazakh integration process into Turkey’s social and economic system was analyzed. The authors describe professions that helped Kazakhs succeed in Turkish society, mainly through leatherwork. They note that this way, Kazakh refugees have created a new industry in the Turkish economy and, through manufacturing, have matched Turkish companies. The authors also described the migration process of Kazakhs from East Turkistan to Turkey. It began in Xinjiang, from which Kazakhs have moved south to India and Pakistan through the Tibet mountains. They assert that this journey was not easy and was full of obstacles: pursuit by Chinese forces in Xinjiang; hunger, cold, and armed resistance from Tibet tribes, which carried away around 2000 Kazakh lives; long-lasting stay in India and Pakistan, which ended in adoption by Turkey as refugees. As a result, the scientific research aim was completed, and an actual problem was solved. The results of this research mostly coincide with those of other authors. However, the problems, which are related to the scientific aim of the research, still require further investigation and diagnostics. CONCLUSIONS We can conclude that Kazakh refugees have successfully integrated into every layer of Turkey’s social and economic life, as they have become full-fledged members of the society in the country. This article highlights the tendencies of Kazakh refugee integration into the Turkish social and economic systems, indicating reasons and prerequisites to the migration from East Turkistan and describing the process of 42 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova Kazakh relations and its complications, which they had to overcome in the jour- ney. The main reason for Kazakh migration from Xinjiang was the aggressive and repressive policy of Chinese authorities, which tried to strengthen their power in the region by suppressing the nomad Kazakh and Uyghur. It was also apparent that one of the prerequisites to the adaptation of Kazakhs in Turkey was their shared nomad history, which substantially influenced their physical and psychological abilities. We conclude that Kazakh refugees in Turkey successfully integrated into the country by naturally adopting Turkey’s social and economic system. The materials of this article may be useful and novel for sociologists, historians, political scientists, and scientists studying the social and economic integration of Kazakh refugees in Turkey in the first half of the twentieth century. Moreover, the data of this article will be valuable for specialists in sociology and history, students, and researchers interested in the East Turkestan Kazakh integration into Turkey, the reasons for it, and the prerequisites to the process. It is worth prolonging the in-depth research of the Kazakh integration into Turkey. The concluded investigation does not cover every peculiarity of this historical-sociological problem. It requires further analysis of such questions as the Xinjiang Kazakh exodus and the reasons for and prerequisites of the phenomena. 43 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey REFERENCES Akgün, H. M. (2019). 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Central Asia and the Caucasus, 21(2), 121–130. 45 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 Social-Economic Integration of Kazakh Migrants in Turkey POVZETEK SOCIALNO-EKONOMSKA INTEGRACIJA KAZAŠKIH MIGRANTOV V TURČIJI Akmanat Abuova, Nurlan Baigabylov, Mukhtar Abdikakimov, Saltanat Aubakirova, Gulnar Assylkhanova Prispevek ponuja podrobno analizo migracij etničnih Kazahov iz kitajske pokrajine Šindžjang v Turčijo v začetku dvajsetega stoletja. Avtorji s pomočjo zgodovinske analize, logičnega sklepanja in drugih metod raziskujejo dejavnike, ki so vplivali na odhod Kazahov, na njihovo potovanje v Turčijo ter na njihovo prilagajanje. Glavni vzrok za migracije Kazahov iz pokrajine Šindžjang je bilo zatiranje kitajskih oblasti. Zaradi njihovih agresivnih politik, s katerimi so želeli zatreti nomadska kazaška in ujgurska ljudstva, je bilo na tisoče ljudi prisiljenih v beg in iskanje zatočišča. To so bile ene najštevilčnejših migracij Kazahov, in danes po ocenah živi v diaspori v petdesetih različnih državah med 5 in 5,5 milijona Kazahov. Kazaški begunci so se morali podati na dolgo pot iz Šindžjanga preko Indije in Pakistana, polno nevarnosti, kot so lakota, hud mraz in napadi lokalnih plemen, preden so končno dosegli Turčijo. Pripovedi o tem napornem potovanju pričajo o tem, kaj vse so bili Kazahi priprav- ljeni tvegati, da bi ušli zatiranju in našli pot na svobodo. V Turčiji so kazaški begunci dobili državljanstvo, zemljo, streho nad glavo in živino, da so se lahko ustalili. Kljub temu pa so se le stežka vključili v tamkajšnjo družbeno strukturo in gospodarstvo. S tesno povezano skupnostjo in kulturnimi vezmi so si postopoma našli svoje mesto v turški ekonomiji. Najprej so se oprijeli vsakega razpoložljivega fizičnega dela, sčasoma pa so se specializirali za usnjarstvo, pri čemer so se oprli na svoje veščine, pridobljene v dolgi zgodovini nomadskega pastirstva. S tem so pripomogli k razvoju usnjarske industrije v Turčiji. Danes v Turčiji živi več kot 20.000 Kazahov, velika večina v istanbulskih predelih Gunashli, Sefekay in Zeitinburg. K njihovi lažji asimilaciji so pripomogle skupna muslimanska vera in turške kulturne korenine, ki si jih delijo s turškim narodom, pa tudi njihova prilagodljivost pri vključevanju v družbo gostite- ljico zaradi svojega nomadskega porekla. Zanimivo je, da so nekateri Kazahi našli še dodaten način socialne integracije s politično participacijo. Pridružili so se turški protikomunistični Stranki nacionali- stičnega gibanja (MHP) v Turčiji in na ta način pokazali svoje ostro nasprotovanje komunistični Kitajski. S svojim političnim aktivizmom so pokazali na še eno možnost integracije, ki jo imajo odločni migranti. O tem pričajo tudi fotokopije zgodovinskih dokumentov, prikazane v prispevku. Avtorji z analizo kulturnih vezi in vztrajnosti migrantov prinašajo spoznanja o lažjem vključevanju diaspore, poleg tega pa s prou- čevanjem tega slabo raziskanega vidika kazaške zgodovine pripomorejo k boljšemu akademskemu razumevanju prisilnih migracij in procesov prilagajanja. V prispevku predstavijo razburljivo potovanju kazaških beguncev in obravnavajo njihovo končno integracijo v Turčiji, s čimer prispevajo k širšim zgodovinskim pogledom 46 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S • 5 9 • 2 0 2 4Abuova, Baigabylov, Abdikakimov, Aubakirova, Assylkhanova na diaspore. Prikažejo, kako se lahko migranti s skupnimi kulturnimi koreninami in močnimi skupnostnimi vezmi uspešno prilagodijo in prispevajo k svoji novi domo- vini. Zgodba kazaških migrantov je zgodba o preizkušnjah in premagovanju težav z vztrajnostjo in postopnim vključevanjem v strukturo družbe gostiteljice. 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T. C r. Fa r i n a , A l e n ka Vr b i n c Or is s lovar jev in pr i ročnikov za učenje angleščine s lovensk ih izsel jencev v ZDA v obdobju 1895–1919 Ro k S m r d e l j Communicat ion Relat ions on Twitter Dur ing the M igrant “Cr is is” in S lovenia Ka t j a Ko b o l t Postmigraci jsk a estet ik a : Avtof ikc i jsko narat ivno delovanje v pisanju Di jane Matković in v izualnem ust var janju Anne Ehrenstein 592 0 2 4 9 7 7 0 3 5 3 6 7 7 0 1 3 ISSN 0353-6777 ISSN 1581-1212 59 2 0 2 4 D V E D O M O V I N I • T W O H O M E L A N D S 5 9 • 2 0 2 4 DD 59 ovitek final hrbet 15 roza pastel.indd 1-3 6. 02. 2024 13:29:31