hs Historicni seminar 5 Zbornik izbranih predavanj 2004–2006 Uredili Vojislav Likar Petra Svoljšak Peter Weiss Ljubljana 2006 HISTORICNI SEMINAR 5 Zbornik izbranih predavanj 2004–2006 Uredili Vojislav Likar, Petra Svoljšak in Peter Weiss © 2006, Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU Jezikovni pregled slovenskih besedil Peter Weiss Oblikovanje Milojka Žalik Huzjan Prelom Brane Vidmar Založil Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU Za založnika Oto Luthar Glavni urednik Vojislav Likar Likovno-graficna urednica Milojka Žalik Huzjan Tisk Littera picta d. o. o., Ljubljana Naklada 300 Izid knjige sta podprla Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost RS in Raziskovalni sklad ZRC SAZU. CIP -Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna inuniverzitetnaknjižnica, Ljubljana 930.85(4)(082) HISTORICNI seminar 5 : zbornik izbranih predavanj 2004-2006 / ure­dili Vojislav Likar, Petra Svoljšak, Peter Weiss. -Ljubljana : ZRC SAZU, Založba ZRC, 2006 ISBN 978-961-6568-95-1 1. Likar, Vojislav 231780608 Za avtorske pravice v tej knjigi reproduciranih ilustracij in notnih primerov odgovarjajo avtorji prispevkov. Vse pravice pridržane. Noben del te izdaje ne sme biti reproduciran, shranjen ali prepisan v kateri koli obliki oz. na kateri koli nacin, bodisi elektronsko, mehansko, s fotokopiranjem, snemanjem ali kako drugace, brez predhodnega pisnega dovoljenja lastnikov avtorskih pravic (copyrighta). Digitalna verzija (pdf) je pod pogoji licence CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 prosto dostopna: https://doi.org/10.3986/9789616568951 KAZALO Predgovor ............................................................................................... 5 ArnaldoMarcone: Che cos’č una cittŕ carovaniera? Il paradigma di Palmira ............................................................... 7 ZdenkaJanekovicRömer: Tko je pravi muž? Slucaj biandrije u Dubrovniku 1480.......................................................................23 MarieL. Neudorflová: The Concept of Democracy in the Political Thought of T. G. Masaryk ....................................... 41 IstvánLukács: Tri »dobre zgodbe« o kralju Matjažu........................... 61 SaraF. Matthews-Grieco: Written With the Body: Emblem books, the gendered body and the codification of the visual idiom (16th – early 17th centuries)...........................................................83 GiuseppeGerbino: »Rimanti in pace«: temna stran Arkadije v glasbi Marenzia in Monteverdija ............................................ 117 AlenkaBagaric: Renesancni plesi za lutnjo Giacoma Gorzanisa .....139 PieterDirksen: Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck – Humanist Composer...159 MarinaCerna: Figurative Writing in Mozart’s Clavier Music...........167 CirilaToplak: Zgodovina kot izkušnja ali biografija kot sodobna historiografska metoda................................................181 MojcaRamšak: Kam z življenjskimi zgodbami? Mali praktikum o kritiki ustnih virov ...................................................................189 KarlKaser: Historical Anthropology - A revolutionary has aged very much ..........................................................................205 Podatkioavtorjih ...............................................................................219 Predgovor S petim zbornikom izbranih predavanj Historicnega seminarja sepodvanajstihletih, kisominilaodobjaveprvega,zakljucujeserija njegovih knjižnih objav. Kakor vsi zborniki doslej tudi ta izpricuje vecdisciplinarno usmerjenost njegove organizacijske zasnove in pri­naša širok izbor za knjižno objavo posebej redigiranih predavanj iz strok, ki segajo od historicne antropologije, etnologije, muzikologije pa vse do kulturne in politicne zgodovine. Posebnost tega zbornika (kakor tudi vseh dosedanjih) pa je, da slovenski in tuji raziskovalci javnosti predstavljajo »nova«, »sveža« in »aktualna« dognanja in do-sežke specificnih raziskovalnih tem, in da v mnogih primerih odpi­rajo tudi nove poglede in predstavljajo nove pristope sodobnih znan­stvenih iskanj in raziskovanj na podrocje humanisticnih in sorodnih ved nasploh. Historicni seminar seveda ostaja še naprej živa organizacijska oblika predstavljanja in srecevanja domacih in tujih raziskovalcev s strokovno in širšo javnostjo. Svoj namen in poslanstvo pa bo poslej priredilzahtevamcasainobjavenajboljodmevnihpredavanjprenesel v medij, ki bo omogocil veliko širšo in hitrejšo dostopnost – svetovni splet. Urednikisezahvaljujejovsem, kisopomagali kpripravizborni­ka za tisk, posebej šeMetodi Kokole,Katarini Šter in Tinki Selic. Che cos’č una cittŕ carovaniera? Il paradigma di Palmira ARNALDO MARCONE L’idea di cittŕ carovaniera in genere, e di Palmira in particola- re, č associata all’evocativo libro, Caravan Cities, pubblicato da M. Rostovtzeffnel1932.Alcunesueformulazionisonotalidarestareim­presse nellamemoria: “the temple, andthecaravan road, religion and lucre: such are a caravan city’s main interests”; “Petra and Palmira are among the most romantic relics of the ancient world”; “Palmira is the most typical caravan city of antiquity”; “the pulsation of commercial caravanlife”;“thisfairy-talecitycreatedbycaravansandintendedfor caravan trade” (Rostovtzeff1932: 125, 132). Come č ben noto lo studioso russo, che all’epoca era impegnato conFranzCumontnelladirezionedegliscaviaDuraEuropos,hadato nel libro una brillante ricostruzione delle imponenti rovine di alcune localitŕubicatenellavastaareadelVicinoOrientegovernatadaRoma (cfr.Millar1995).PerRostovtzeffc’eraunaseriedicittŕchepotevano essere definite sinteticamente come “carovaniere”: Petra e Gerasa in Giordania,Palmira,situatalontanonellasteppatraEmesaeDamasco e l’Eufrate, e infine Dura-Europos, la guarnigione sull’Eufrate. Ad esse si puň aggiungere Seleucia, un incrocio tra cittŕ-carovaniera e porto fluviale (cfr. Marcone2003a). Parlare di loro come “cittŕ carovaniere” implica che esse devono illorocaratteredicittŕalcommercio,alcommerciodilungadistanza, alle carovane. Quando parliamo di carovane intendiamo naturalmente convogli di cammelli, che percorrono lunghe distanze attraverso il deserto. In realtŕ parlare, in termini molto generali, di cittŕ carovaniere potrebbe essere appropriato solo per Palmira. Petra fu, a rigore, in un primo tempo una cittŕ regia e, quindi, una modesta cittŕ provinciale, situata in una zona dove era possibile l’agricoltura. Vedere in Gerasa una cittŕ carovaniera č problematico. Gerasa ha una bella piazza cen­trale, con una peculiare forma ovale che ha suggerito a Rostovtzeff di vedervi un possibile luogo di incontro per le carovane. Ma dato il ricco territorio agricolo circostante, questo basta per spiegare la sua imponenza architettonica. CertamenteDuranonera una cittŕ carova­niera (cfr. Leriche 1994). Vediamodiarticolarelanostrariflessionefissandoalcunipunti­ chiave: Punto primo: Cittŕ carovaniere e commercio a lunga distanza Le cittŕ carovaniere devono essere associate al commercio a lun­gadistanza. Rostovtzeffhaavutoilgrandemeritodiconcentrarel’at­tenzionesulla crescitaspettacolare di alcune cittŕ nel Vicino Oriente. In realtŕ č difficile, se non impossibile, considerare tutti e quattro i casi delle cittŕ da lui presi in esame come “cittŕ carovaniere”. Punto secondo: Effetti economici indiretti del commercio Di regola un commercio attivo č all’origine di una notevole po­polazione non produttiva che richiede lo sviluppo di un’agricoltura piů avanzata che sfami le comunitŕdei mercanti, deipartecipanti alle carovane e degli altriassociati con il commercio. Punto terzo: Itinerari commerciali e loro modificazioni Quanto č vero per il commercio carovaniero nel I millennio a.C. non č altrettanto vero per i primi due secoli d.C. L’inizio del com-mercio sudarabico nella seconda metŕ del X secolo a.C. ha dalla sua tanto il Vecchio Testamento quanto le iscrizioni reali assire ed č al­tresě compatibile con lo sviluppo tecnologico del controllo arabo sul-l’ambiente desertico con la sua rete di itinerari carovanieri cosě come čricostruibile(cfr. Bulliet1990). Uniniziodelcommerciosudarabico allafinedelXsecoloimplical’esistenzadiunaformaalmenoembrio­nale di cittŕ carovaniere yemenite in un periodo pio meno contem­poraneo o anteriore. Consideriamo il noto passo di Plinio, Storia Naturale VI, 101 in cui lo scienziato latino menziona il commercio marittimo tra l’Egitto e l’India. La nostra documentazione ha un punto di partenza sicuro nel Periplus Maris Erythraei, un testo davvero straordinario che ri­guarda il commercio marittimo di lunga distanza per mare scritto tra il 40 e il 70 d.C. Il problema fondamentale č dato dalla natura della nostra docu­mentazione. Le informazioni di cui disponiamo sul commercio per terra, le cosiddette Stazioni Partiche di Isidoro Saraceno, scritte pro-babilmente all’inizio del I secolo d.C., sono difficilmente paragona­bili. L’interesse dell’autore, infatti, č centrato sulle questioni militari e non su quelle economiche. La nostra fonte di maggior pregio sul commercio dilungadistanzaperterrač ancora Plinio chesembraab­bastanza aggiornato. Cito il passo che interessa della Storia Naturale XII, 63–65: “L’unica strada che si pupercorrere per portare l’incenso da Sabota (una cittŕ dell’Arabia centrale) passa per il territorio dei Gebbaniti, e cosě si paga un tributo anche al loro re. La loro capi-tale, Tomma, dista da Gaza, cittŕ della Giudea posta sulle rive del Mediterraneo,1437migliaemezzo,unadistanzachesipercorrein65 tappe di cammello (quindi si considera che le tappe che un cammello possa percorrere siano in media di 22 miglia). Anche i sacerdoti e gli scribi del re ricevono delle parti fisse. Ma, oltre a questi, anche le guardieeiloroaiutanti,iportierieiservisidannoalsaccheggio. Per tutto il viaggio si paga dove per l’acqua, dove per il pascolo o per le soste e i pedaggi vari: si raggiunge cosě la spesa di 688 denari a cam-mello per il viaggio fino alla costa del Mediterraneo, e poi lě si paga ancora aipubblicanidel nostroImpero” (trad. A. Perutelli). Strabone č utile ma il suo punto di vista č differente. A suo dire c’era un regolare traffico commerciale da Petra a Leuké Kome, (un sito che non č stato individuato anche se probabilmente si trovava al-l’interno del golfo di Aqaba), “verso cui viaggiano in piena sicurezza gruppi dipersone e di commercianti sulla via da e verso Petra con un numerotaledicammelliediuominidanonesseredistinguibilidaun esercito” (Geogr. XVI, 4,23). Prendiamo in considerazione una citazione del Periplus che menziona ancheLeuké Kňme: “attraverso questa localitŕ c’č una via verso l’interno fino a Petra, a Malichus il re dei Nabatei. Questo porto svolge in parte la funzione diportodiscambiodiprodottitrasportatidalleimbarcazioni,nessuna grande, che vi giungono con il loro carico dall’Arabia. A tal scopo vi č insediato un addetto doganale e anche un centurione con una guar­nigione” (Per. 19). Punto quarto: Il ruolo della politica e della storia militare ConsideriamoilcasodiGerasa.Glisviluppidellaprimametŕdel primo secolo d.C., quando fu tracciata l’ambiziosa pianta della cittŕ, non erano che un preludio di quanto doveva avvenire sotto Traiano e il suo successore Adriano e dello sviluppo che sarebbe culminato nell’ etŕd’orodegliAntonini. Gliimperatorieranoprofondamenteinteres­ sati alle province orientali, che vedevano come una base sicura per la loro politica flessibile relativamente alle frontiere. Di particolare significato per Gerasa era la politica traianea di espansione che portň all’annessione dell’Impero nabateo nel 106 d.C. e alla creazione della provinciadiArabia. Sinoad alloralontana dalcentro,Gerasa sitrovň ad essere geograficamente vicina alla nuova capitale provinciale. Per garantire sicurezza e facilitŕ di controllo della regione fu costruito un sistema di belle strade, non solo la grande Via Nova ma anche una strada tra Philadelphia e Gerasa, una collegante Gerasa con Bosra, e unacheunivaGerasaaPella. Quest’ultima,costruitasottoladirezio­ne di C. Claudius Severus, legato di Traiano, pose le condizioni per­chéilcommerciopassassedaGerasaindirezionedellacosta. Gerasa, trovandosiimprovvisamenteinunaposizionestrategica,iniziňpresto a raccogliere i benefici che avevano fatto tanto riccaPetra. Traiano era considerato “salvatore e fondatore” come ci informa un’iscrizionedellaPortaNord. GliabitantidiGerasacapivanochiara­ mente che era responsabile della loro prosperitŕ. Si deve tener presente che Gerasa controllava un’area disomo­genea. Alcune cittŕ di rilievo si trovavano nella sua orbita ma tutte tranne due erano situate ad occidente rispetto ad essa. Verso oriente, alcontrario,citroviamodifronteaunmondoinlargamisuraprivodi influenze di urbanizzazione. Punto cinque: Storie di breve periodo La conseguenza dell’importanza che noi attribuiamo alla storia politica č che i fenomeni di cui trattiamo non sono immutabili perché condizionatiinmododecisivodalclimaedall’ambiente.E’verol’esat-to contrario. O la categoria di cittŕ carovaniera č cosě generica che alla fine ne troviamo troppe, oppure č il risultato di condizioni molto precise e uniche. In quanto localitŕ dalle quali gruppi di viaggiatori si dirigono attraverso i margini della steppa, esposti agli attacchi da parte dei nomadi o, almeno, alle esazioni di pedaggi da parte loro Antiochia, Beroea e Hierapolis in Siria, Zeugma sull’Eufrate, Batne, Edessa e Nisibi in Mesopotamia potrebbero ricadere tutte, almeno po­tenzialmente, nella categoria di “cittŕ carovaniere” (cfr. Millar 1995). La politica č importante. Il punto che deve essere sottolineato č che la pista attraverso il deserto fino all’Eufrate, che tocca l’oasi di Palmira, non č certamente una tappa ‘naturale’ per carovane che si dirigono dall’Oriente romano verso la Mesopotamia. Le vie che passavano piů a nord erano senz’altro conosciute anche se la situa­zione politica precludeva in larga misura il loro uso. Queste vie, se-condo Strabone, erano piene di grandi difficoltŕ per il viaggiatore a causa delle esazioni dei capi nomadi ivi operanti, che forse avevano acquisito importanza dopo che i Seleucidi avevano perso il controllo di quest’area. Il geografo romano afferma che per questa ragione i mercanti preferivano affrontare il rischio di un viaggio attraverso il deserto piuttosto che viaggiare lungo il fiume: Infatti dopo l’attraversamento del fiume la strada attraversa il deserto sino a Scenae, un’importante cittŕ situata su un canale vicino ai confini di Babilonia. Dall’attraversamento del fiume fino a Scenae c’č un viaggio di 25 giorni. Ci sono conducenti di cammelli sulla pi-sta che ha dei caravanserragli, alcuni dei quali ben forniti di acqua, molticoncisterneealcunidoveusanoacquaportatadaaltrearee. Gli Sceniti sono pacifici e moderati nell’esazione dei pedaggi e perciň i viaggiatori evitano il paese lungo la costa e si dirigono attraverso il deserto e lasciano il fiume sulla destra per un viaggio di circa tre giorni. (XVI,1,27) Strabone fornisce dunque documentazione per l’uso di questa strada da parte dei mercanti (quelli che pagano dazi sono chiamati “mercanti” poche righe dopo) verso la metŕ del I secolo a.C. La via sembra, secondo la descrizione di Strabone, aver varcato l’Eufrate ed averquindiattraversatoildesertotral’EufrateeilTigrisinoachenon si raggiungeva Babilonia. Lastradachepiůtardiavrebbeacquisitotantaimportanza,quella che attraversava il deserto siriano attraverso l’oasi di Palmira e, quin-di, sino all’Eufrate, sembra sconosciuta tanto a Strabone che a Isidoro Caraceno, ed č dunque possibile che non avesse ancora il rilievo che avrebbeavutoinseguito. Appiano,tuttavia,fariferimentoall’esisten­za di Palmira nel 41 a.C. ricordando un attacco di Marco Antonio verso quella cittŕ. In questa versione, Appiano menziona il fatto che i Palmireni erano commercianti che trasportavano mercanzie dall’in­terno del regno partico a Roma: “Essendo mercanti, trasportano le mercanzie indiane ed arabe dalla Persia per venderle nelle terre dei Romani” (Guerre Civili V, 9). E’ possibile che quest’allusione si riferisca a un’epoca successiva quando i Palmireni avevano giŕ dato inizio alle loro attivitŕ mercan­tili che li avrebbero portati a un livello di ricchezza senza precedenti. Oltre a questa, l’unica menzione letteraria del ruolo di Palmira come centro commerciale, noi abbiamo pochi indizi della natura dei beni trasportati: si tratta di prodotti indiani e arabi che erano trasportati dall’interno della Persia. Qualunque documentazione ci possa essere per una “Via della Seta” e un commercio sistematico della seta con la Cina a una data piů tarda, non ne disponiamo alcuna per il primo secolo a.C. Le merci trasportate attraverso Palmira, e perciň molto probabilmente lungo la via dell’Eufrate, erano indiane e arabe, assai probabilmentearomiespezie. Inoltrečchiarochequestibeniveniva-no trasportati dalla Persia, vale a dire dall’interno del regno partico. Questocommercioperciňnonerainalcunmodoincompetizionecon quellochepassavaattraversoilregnonabateo,chepartivadall’Arabia meridionale. Un’ulterioreosservazionediPlinioapropositodiPalmirarisulta molto importante per il mio discorso: “Hailsuodestinotraiduegrandiimperi,deiRomaniedeiParti, e alle prime manifestazioni di conflitto č sempre al centro dell’inte­resse di entrambe le parti” (Storia Naturale V, 21)(cfr. Will 1985). In proposito non mi sembrano condivisibili affermazioni come questa: “This was certainly not the case in Pliny’s time and it may be that he is quoting an earlier source” (cfr. Young 2001). Mi sembra di poter dire, al contrario, che Plinio sta parlando di una situazione con- temporanea di cui č pienamente consapevole. Palmira, a mio modo di vedere, al tempo di Plinio non č ancora pienamente sotto il dominio romano ma continua a godere diun certo grado di libertŕdi azione. Per ribadire in breve quello che ho detto. Le vie a nord di Palmira non sono altrettanto ben attestate di quelle attraverso Palmira, Petra e l’Egitto. Ciň nondimeno c’č della documentazione che mostra che i mercanti facevano uso di strade che partivano da Antiochia e attraver­savano l’Eufrate a Zeugma. Tra queste c’era la famosa ‘Strada della Seta’, cosě come la via lungo l’Eufrate descritta da Isidoro che dava accesso alla Mesopotamia e al Golfo. Tali strade attraversavano l’area che era spesso oggetto di dispu­ta tra l’Impero romano e i suoi antagonisti iranici, i regni partici e quindi sasanidi. Questo significa che, almeno in quest’area, il com-mercio orientale di lunga distanza rivestiva, almeno potenzialmente, unacertaimportanzapolitica,eforsecostituivaancheunelementodi cui tener conto nella determinazione della politica estera da parte di una delle due potenze. Tale circostanza puň spiegare l’importanza di Palmira e la sua sorprendentecrescita nei primi tre secoli d.C. Sesto e ultimo punto: Scoperte tecniche Ci sono due importanti sviluppi che giocano un ruolo di primo piano nel commercio di lunga distanza tra Oriente e Occidente, per terra e per mare. L’invenzione di una sella da cammello, nota come sella nordarabica sulla base del suo presunto luogo di invenzione, in un’epoca compresa tra il 500 e il 100 a.C., trasformň la storia econo-mica, sociale e politica del Vicino Oriente. Quello che accadde in que­sto periodo in cui i cammelli diventano predominanti nell’economia del trasporto č che i nomadi allevatori di cammelli acquisiscono un potere militare, politico ed economico senza precedenti ed erano per-ciň in grado di conseguire un grado di integrazione socio-economica con le terre di insediamento. La scoperta dei monsoni in etŕ ellenistica aprě la via dell’India per via marittima (cfr. De Romanis 1996). L’epoca del primo impiego dei monsoni da parte dei marinai greci č stata oggetto di ipotesi diverse, ma il suo uso era chiaramente ben stabilito all’epoca di redazione del Periplus. La menzione da parte di Strabone di un commercio molto accresciuto tra l’Egitto e l’India dopo l’annessione dell’Egitto sembra indicare con sicurezza che il monsone era conosciuto e usato al suo tempo. Il Periplus mostracheiregnidell’Arabia meridionale godeva-no di un alto livello di ricchezza e di influenza nel primo secolo d.C., con i loroporti attivie pienidicommercianti:questa situazionesorse molto probabilmente a causa del commercio romano di in censo in queste regioni. Primadell’arrivodeiRomani,iTolemeiavevanoiniziatoasfrut­tareilcommerciotantoconl’Indiacheconl’Arabiaconlacostruzione di porti lungo la costa del mar Rosso. Il commercio marittimo era ben consolidato alla fine del periodo ellenistico. Il commercio tanto con la penisola arabica che con l’India era stato molto facilitato dalla scoperta dei monsoni. Il ricorso ad essi consentiva alle navi che com-merciavano con l’India di raggiungerla direttamente invece di essere costretti a fare un lungo e difficoltoso viaggio a tappe lungo la costa (cfr. De Romanis 1996). Primaditalescopertasembrachepochenavifacesseroilviaggio senza scali intermedi: il cargo trasportato di regola veniva trasferi-to dalle navi indiane e arabe in uno dei porti sudarabici. Il Periplus Maris Erithraei, scritto verso la metŕ del primo secolo d.C., che regi­stra molti particolari significativi sul commercio, ricorda un’epoca in cui non c’erano viaggi diretti per mare dall’Egitto all’India, ma tutti i carichi venivano trasferiti nell’Arabia Eudaimon (Aden). I mercanti romanidell’Egittononeranoisolicommerciantiprovenientidall’Oc­cidente in questi porti: molte iscrizioni palmirene menzionano navi che viaggiano verso la “Scizia”, che era il nome dato alla costa india­na. Il passo fondamentale del Periplus č il seguente: “L’Arabia Felix era chiamata ‘fortunata’, essendo un tempo una cittŕ, allorquando, dal momento che le navi né venivano dall’India in Egitto né quelle dell’Egitto osavano andar oltre ma arrivavano fin qui, essa riceveva i carichi da entrambi i paesi, cosě come Alessandria riceve le merci importate aldi fuori dell’Egitto” (26). Dopo la scoperta dei monsoni da parte dei marinai greci le navi provenienti dal Mediterraneo facevano il viaggio direttamente, e il ruolo dell’Arabia meridionale nel commercio tra l’Egitto e l’India fu ridottoa quello diun mero luogo di sostaperilrifornimento d’acqua. E’ vero, tuttavia, che il commercio pilucrativo dell’Arabia, quello della mirra e dell’incenso, non fu toccato da questo sviluppo dal mo-mento che questi prodotti venivano coltivati all’interno dell’Arabia stessa. Palmira ConcentriamooralanostraattenzionesuPalmira,la“Venisedes sables” (č la definizione di Will 1992). Al pari di Emesa, ma in modo del tutto diverso rispetto a Damasco, Palmira come centro urbano era una nuova creazione, chenon risale al di lŕ del primo secoloa.C. PliniodescrivePalmiracomebenedettadabuoneterreesorgenti d’acqua, malgrado la sua collocazione nel belmezzo deldeserto: “Palmira č una cittŕ celebre per il suo sito, per la ricchezza del suoloeperl’amenitŕdelleacque. Ilsuoterritoriočcircondatodaogni parte da grandi estensioni sabbiose ed č come se dalla natura fosse separata dal resto del mondo” (Storia Naturale V, 88). Le iscrizioni che documentano il commercio palmireno vanno dal 19 d.C. agli anni 250–260 d.C. La localitŕ esisteva e doveva essere un luogo di transito giŕ da diversi secoli. Ma non sembra che ci fosse alcun insediamento stabile nel sito per tutto il periodo ellenistico. E’ solo in Flavio Giuseppe, lo scrittore ebreo del I secolo d.C., che troviamo quella che si puň chia-mare una “preistoria” di Palmira (Antichitŕ Giudaiche VIII, 6,1) “(Salomone) si inoltrň anche nel deserto della Siria superiore, se ne impadroně e vi fondň una grandissima cittŕ distante due giorni di viaggiodallaSiriasuperioreeungiornodiviaggiodall’Eufrate,men­treladistanzadallagrandeBabiloniaeradiseigiorni. Ilmotivodella fondazione di una cittŕ cosě distante dalle parti abitate della Siria, fu chenellaregioneinferiorenonv’eraacqua,esoloinquelluogositro­vavano pozzi e sorgenti; cosě fondň questa cittŕ, la circondň di mura fortificate e la chiamTadmora, come č chiamata tuttora dai Siri, mentre i Greci la chiamano Palmira” (trad. L. Moraldi). Le prime fasi di urbanizzazione del centro non possono essere ricostruite. Come sito Palmira viene alla luce per la prima volta nel-l’ambito della storia narrativa greco-romana per la menzione che ne faAppianodicuisičgiŕdetto. Appiano(Guerre Civili V,37–38)rac­conta di come iPalmireni evacuassero la cittŕe fuggissero attraverso l’Eufrate, preparandosi a difenderne la riva con i loro esperti arcieri. Da questo passo č impossibile congetturare se Palmira avesse le muraomenoeseilsuocommerciodilungadistanzafossegiŕiniziato nel primo secolo a.C., cosa che sembra inverosimile. Il commento di Appiano si riferisce a tempi recenti dal momento che scrive: “essen-do commercianti essi comprano beni indiani e arabi dal territorio dei Persiani e ne fanno uso inquello dei Romani”. Si deve aggiungere che la prima iscrizione palmirena nota risale al 44/43 a.C. e registra l’erezione di una statua da parte dei sacerdoti di Bel. Gli elementi distintivi della civiltŕ palmirena incominciano a essere individuabili. Il gruppo di iscrizioni onorifiche degli anni 20 d.C. fornisceanchelaprimaprovadocumentariadidueimportantissi­mi elementi della cittŕ: il commercio con Babilonia e l’evoluzione dei Palmireniinunacollettivitŕconunaspecificaorganizzazionepolitica. Il testo dell’iscrizione del 24 č redatto in onore di Malichus da parte “di tutti i mercanti che sono nella cittŕ di Babilonia”. Si tratta davvero unpuntodipartenza:questačinfattilaprimadiunaseriediiscrizioni chedocumentanoilcommerciopalmirenoconcentridiappoggionegli Imperiparticoepersiano(cfr. Drexhage1998;Marcone2003). Il punto che desidero sottolineare č che Palmira, sin dal primo momento in cui la vediamo emergere come centro urbano, č evoluta passo dopo passo verso le strutture di una “normale” cittŕ greca. Nel 32 d. C. fu eretto il grande tempo di Bel. C’č una coincidenza crono­logica tra la dedicadeltempioe ilprimo riscontrodocumentario della formale organizzazione della comunitŕ. Ma si deve sottolineare che tale coincidenza coincide anche con la prima attestazione di presenza romana e di influenza romana. Un cippo di confine trovato a circa 75 km a nord-ovest della cittŕ indica che Palmira era saldamente nella sfera d’influenza romana: i confini della regio Palmyrena erano stati stabiliti sotto Creticus Silanus, legato di Siria nell’11–17 d.C. Un testo successivo, il codice fiscale del 137 d.C., cita una disposizione emes­sa da Germanico quando operava in Siria nel 18–19. Una delle poche iscrizioni trilingui diPalmira risaleal58 eriguarda probabilmente un pubblicano romano, Lucius Spedius Chrysantius, che potrebbe essere stato incaricato di riscuotere le tasse indirette romane (IGR III,1539). Palmira non era certamente al centro di una campagna fertile come quella attorno a Gerasa. Ma ciň nondimeno era, come qualsiasi altra cittŕ greco-romana, la “sede centrale” di un hinterland agricolo. Ecco perché la famosa legge fiscale non getta alcuna luce sul traffico a lunga distanza di Palmira, che peraltro esisteva. Come č stato riba­dito anche recentemente questa legge riguarda prodotti che arrivava- no in cittŕ dal suo immediato entroterra (cfr. Matthews 1984; Teixidor 1984).Inveritŕsonotassatiancheicommercianti,ivicompreselepro­stitute. Si tratta infatti di una legge sulle tasse indirette che Palmira, come qualsiasi altra cittŕ dell’Impero, aveva titolo per riscuotere. Ma i testi si riferiscono a carichi portati da cammelli o dromedari; ad animali che arrivavano per essere macellati, a statue di bronzo che venivano importate, alla vendita di sale; e a pecore che entravano in cittŕ o per il pascolo o per essere tosate. Quasi niente nella legge sug­gerisce commercio di generi di lusso sulla lunga distanza. L’unico bene che puň rientrare in questa categoria č la menzione di cammelli – o dromedari – carichi di balsami, di mirra. Un’analisi della legge fiscale crea un’immagine dei movimenti economici e delle relazioni commercialidellacittŕchepotrebbeessereveradiognilocalitŕdiuna certa importanza. In altri termini dalla legge fiscale non emerge che Palmira fosse una cittŕ carovaniera. Un numero limitato di iscrizioni ed alcuni monumenti attestano gli inizi della vita urbana nell’oasi isolata di Palmira durante il primo secolo a.C. Sembra che, verso l’inizio dell’era cristiana, Palmira for-masse una sorta di comunitŕ indigena, amministrata da “tesorieri” eletti. Non abbiamo la possibilitŕ di accertare sino a quanto indietro nel tempo risalissero queste istituzioni. Questa comunitŕ entrň nel-l’orbita del potere romano molto probabilmente con Germanico nel 17 d.C. (non č necessario pensare a un vero e proprio inserimento nella provincia) lasciando apparentemente al loro posto le istituzioni preesistenti (discussione della questione in Gnoli 2001, in particolare delle tesi svolte dagli studiosi francesi). Le iscrizioni, tuttavia, atte­stano che giŕ verso la seconda metŕ del secolo esisteva un consiglio cittadino, degli arconti eletti e dei liberti stranieri che agivano come pubblicani: in altri termini, per quel che possiamo giudicare, Palmira avevailregimestandarddiunacittŕprovinciale. Adifferenzaperňdi altre cittŕ provinciali, Palmira conservl’aramaico per l’uso ufficiale anche se diregola affiancato dal greco(cfr. Millar 1998). Malgrado le sue peculiaritŕ culturali, questa ‘repubblica dicom­ mercianti’, come č talvolta chiamata, rimase sotto il controllo diretto o indirettodeigovernatoriromanisenzaalcunamanifestazionedivolontŕ diindipendenzasinoalleconvulsionidellametŕdelIIIsecolo. Mentre le sue frontiere settentrionali e occidentali (con Emesa ed Apamea) erano stabilite, o confermate, da parte dell’autoritŕ romana all’inizio del primo secolo, il territorio cittadino era praticamente aperto verso sud dove incontrava il deserto. Verso Oriente Palmira controllava una partedellavalledell’EufrateasuddiDura-Europos,conl’isolafortez­za di Ána e i terreni da pascolo nel Wadi Hauran nei pressi del fiume, cosěcomelestazionimilitarilungolepistedesertichecheportavanolŕ (cfr. Gawlikowki c.d.s.).Queste postazioni avanzate segnavano perciň i limiti dell’Impero Romano, ma apparentemente non erano presidiate datrupperomaneregolari.PercertiversiilterritoriodiPalmiraforma­va una zona cuscinetto, mentre la cittŕ stessa era stabilmente inserita nell’orbitadelpotereromano (cfr. Sommer2005). Relazioniconinomadi Il regolare traffico carovaniero verso l’Eufrate, e piů giů verso il Golfo Persico, presupponeva condizioni di sicurezza che avrebbe potuto essere garantito solo da una complessa rete di relazioni con i nomadi. E nessuno, a parte i componenti delle tribnomadi, avrebbe potutogarantireilnecessariopotenzialedicrescitaperPalmiraeperla creazione diranch neldeserto nellecolline nordoccidentali, essenziali per l’allevamento di massa di animali da soma per le carovane palmire­ne. Palmira appare quindi un caso di riuscito insediamento di nomadi all’interno del quadro preesistente della vita cittadina, stimolato dalle opportunitŕ per il commercio che si aprivano con la pace romana. Nomadi sedentarizzati potevano creare le condizioni per lo svi­luppo di santuari o di centri urbani sofisticati come Petra e Emesa, quest’ultima una cittŕ con caratteristiche simili a quelle di Palmira. Di regola,tuttavia, čdifficiletrovare tracce di un’autenticavita nomade. A un certo momento alcune tribů, gli Sceniti, in Mesopotamia, avevanoiniziatoafarsentireilloropoterealpuntodiriscuoteretasse sui prodotti commerciali in transito attraverso al loro territorio; altri, i Nabatei, erano andati un passo oltre ed erano diventati essi stessi mercanti. Altri ancora erano lontani da questi sviluppi. Il grado di conflitto tra i nomadi e i gruppi sedentarizzati, e la natura della risposta delle autoritŕ romane a questa minaccia, č stata oggetto di valutazioni diverse. Mentre taluni studiosi vedono le tri­bů desertiche comeaggressoripotenzialicherichiedono una costante presenzamilitaresul limes fortificato, altri li considerano come prati­camente innocui e il limes arabico del secondo secolo come in primo luogo una strada essenzialmente militare (cfr. Young 2001). Quello chečchiaročche,difatto,nonvičregistrazionediserieincursionidi nomadi nel primo Impero. Se questo risultda una salutare paura, o dapassi positivi presidai Romani, appare incerto. In Mesopotamia, ad esempio, i nomadi si spostavano nel de­serto tra l’Eufrate il Tigri. E’ interessante che, secondo Strabone (XVI.1.27), una parte delle tribů si dedicava al rifornimento delle ca-rovane. A tempo debito esse finirono sotto il controllo delle cittŕ e dei capi sedentarizzati della regione: un arabarches risiedeva nella Dura-Europosdominata daiParti,elasua controparte eraubicata nel regno di Edessa. La cittŕ di Hatra ad Occidente del Tigri si sviluppň attornoaunimportantesantuarioaicuigrandisacerdoti,nellasecon­da metŕ del secondo secolo d.C., fu dato, presumibilmente da parte dei governanti partici, il titolo di “re degli Arabi” e di “Arabia” (cfr. Sommer 2003). E’ evidente che i commercianti palmireni viaggiavano regolar­mente verso l’Eufrate, direttamente a Dura, o lungo la via in direzio­ne sudoccidentale verso Hit (cfr. Gawlikowski 1988). La lunga pista attraverso la steppa č ancora visibile dal cielo. I mercanti potevano scendere lungo ilfiume sino aVologesia,lacui esattaubicazione sul-l’Eufratenončnota,oaSpasinouCharax(Mesene),chečmenzionata in molte iscrizioni del II sec. d.C. Ma essi potevano anche navigare verso le coste dell’India nordoccidentale. E’ interessante che non ci sia documentazione palmirena che indichi che questi mercanti abbiano mai preso la via in direzione nordorientale verso l’Asia Centrale, vale a dire la via che parte da Seleucia attraversa i monti Zagros, la via attraverso l’Iran e l’Asia Centrale, la famosa Via della Seta. Il commercio carovaniero palmireno Quello che sappiamo del traffico carovaniero č per lo pilimi­tato a quello che apprendiamo da iscrizioni onorarie che hanno un carattere molto formale, ufficiale. Sappiamo che i membri delle sy­nodiai, delle carovane, erano chiamati “figli delle caravane”. Le ca-rovane eranodavverounacomponenteregolare delcommercio. C’era uncapocarovana,il “syndiarchos”,eunafigurapubblicadenominata “archémporos” (cfr. Young 2001). Le carovane avevano necessitŕ di protezione contro i nomadi e i pericoli delle vie terrestri. Quello che sembra un’esclusivitŕ di Palmira č che risulta essere l’unica cittŕ pro-vinciale che avesse propri avamposti militari lontano sull’Eufrate, al di fuori di qualsiasi controllo romano. Noi non sappiamo nulla, in realtŕ, dell’organizzazione interna di una carovana e dell’oggetto del commercio. E nulla dei mezzi di tra­sporto, cammelli e dromedari. E soprattutto non abbiamo documenta­zione del modo in cui questo commercio si svolgeva verso occidente e in quale direzione In effetti noi non sappiamo neppure quali beni fossero trasportati verso Oriente dalle carovane palmirene. L’unica traccia č un passo nel Periplo del Mar Eritreo (39) che menziona di­versi prodotti importati nell’India settentrionale. E’ possibile che le carovane palmirene si mettessero in viaggio solo con un limitato nu- mero di prodotti da Occidente, acquistando il resto dei loro beni da smerciare nella loro strada verso sud. Varicordatal’importanzadiArsunell’artepalmirena.Ildiodelle carovane č di solito raffigurato o seduto su un cammello o vicino a lui: molti rilievi mostrano con abbondanza di particolari le truppe a cammello che sorvegliano lavia del deserto. Palmira era abituata ad innalzare statue in onore dei piů illustri capi delle carovane e sceicchi beduini ricevevano spesso l’incarico di condurre i convogli palmireni. Una colonna del secondo secolo d.C., che fu trovata lungo la via carovaniera Palmira-Hit, reca un’iscrizio­ne significativa in onore di un certo Soados Boliadou. Soados aveva avuto riconoscimenti da parte di due imperatori romani in ragione dei suoi “reiterati buoni uffici” e del fatto che in “molte circostanze importanti” aveva “aiutatocongenerositŕprincipescamercanti,caro-vane e quanti dei suoi concittadini che erano insediati a Vologesia”. Inoltre il senato e il popolo di Palmira, cosě come “diverse carovane”, avevano eretto quattro statue di Soados a spese del tesoro pubblico; e tre altre statue erano state erette in suo onore a Spasinou Charax, a Vologesia e alcaravanserraglio di Genneas. In ragione in gran parte della sua posizione sulla frontiera tra Roma e l’Impero persiano Palmira godette nel terzo secolo d.C. di un breve periodo di gloria militare molto superiore a quello mai goduto da Petra. Plinio, nel terzo quarto del I secolo d.C., aveva in raltŕcolto il senso della peculiare situazione della cittŕ e del suo destino (v. il passo citato sopra a p. 12). Palmira e Dura Si deve tener presente che al livello attuale della ricerca le fon-ti archeologiche non forniscono una risposta precisa al problema se Dura-Europos fosse situata sulla strada delle carovane palmirene. Sebbene le iscrizioni di Palmira, per quanto č a mia conoscenza, non menzionano mai Dura con riferimento al commercio carovaniero, la cosa non costituisce un argomento decisivo contro il suo coinvol­gimento nel traffico carovaniero dal momento che le iscrizioni non fornisconoinformazioniinmerito alpercorsoesatto seguitodalleca­rovane e non specificano i mezzi di trasporto dei beni che venivano importatioesportati.Sideveaggiungerechenonc’čneppuremateria­ le che comprovi il commercio locale tra le due cittŕ. Ad ogni buon conto viaggiare attraverso il deserto richiedeva tempo, era costoso e rischioso e possiamo percisupporre che i com-mercianti seguissero la via piů breve possibile verso l’Eufrate e ritor-no.E’possibile,comesostenutodaGawlikowski,chelalunghezzadel percorsoseguitodallecarovanedipendessedallanavigabilitŕdell’Eu­frate (cfr. Gawlikowski 1988). Per il viaggio controcorrente, cioč dal Golfo Persico verso Palmira, il fiume era navigabile solo sino a Hit (cfr. Mouterde – Poidebard 1931). In questa localitŕ i Palmireni erano costretti ad abbandonare le loro imbarcazioni e le carovane seguiva-no un percorso di ritorno lungo 500km. Per il viaggio verso il mare il fiume non poneva limiti di sorta ed č ragionevole che i Palmireni scegliesserola via piůbreve inquella direzione. L’ipotesi che si transitasse da Dura solo nell’itinerario da Palmira alGolfoPersicopuňspiegareperchénoinonincontriamomaiilnome dellacittŕnelleiscrizionipalmirenecheriguardanoilcommerciocaro­vaniero. Conpochissimeeccezionitutteleiscrizioniattestanoilviag­gio delle carovane dalle cittŕ nella Babilonia meridionale a Palmira. Questa disomogeneitŕ nel materiale epigrafico puň essere dovuta in parte ai pericoli incombenti sul percorso da Hit a Palmira. Quello che appare importante č che le informazioni forniteci dalle iscrizioni ri­sultano condizionate da considerazioni politiche e, in parte, militari: i beneficimenzionatiapropositodeglievergetichevengonocelebrati si riferiscono alla terra di nessuno tra Palmira e l’Eufrate e, cosa che mi sembra molto importante, tra l’Impero romano e quello partico e, quindi, persiano. Romaaveva davvero necessitŕ di Palmira. Conclusione Abbiamo parlato di commercio carovaniero e di cittŕ carovanie-re. E’ opportuno ribadire semplicemente che quello che č vero per il commercio carovaniero nelI millennio a.C. nonč altrettanto veroper i primi due secoli d.C. E quello che č vero delle condizioni politiche nel primo millennio a.C. non č piů vero dopo la conquista romana e il peculiare equilibrio di forza tra Roma e il regno partico nei primi secoli d.C. Palmiraallafineapparecomeuncasoaséstante.Indubbiamente non era solo una cittŕ carovaniera. Ma era anche una cittŕ carovaniera. Palmira,insomma, era Palmira,la “Veneziadelle sabbie”. BIBLIOGRAFIA Bulliet 1990 = R.W. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel, New York, 1990. De Romanis 1996 = F. De Romanis, Cassia, cinnamomo, ossidiana: Uomini e merci tra l’Oceano Indiano e il Mediterraneo, Roma, 1996. Drexhage 1988 = R. Drexhage, Untersuchungen zum Römischen Osthandel, Bonn, 1988. Gawlikowski 1988 = M. Gawlikowski, Le commerce de Palmyre sur terre et sur eau, in: L’Arabie et ses mers bordičres I: Itinéraires et voisinages, éd. J.-F. Salles, Paris,1988, 163–172. Gawlikowski c.d.s. = M. Gawlikowski, Palmyra on the Euphrates, in: AttidelCongresso“ApproachingDiasporaandCulturalIdentity: The Middle Euphrates in Antiquity” (Rome 15–17 September 2005). Gnoli 2000 = T. Gnoli, Roma, Edessa e Palmira nel III sec. d.C.: Problemi istituzionali,Pisa – Roma, 2000. Leriche 1994 = P. Leriche, La porte de Palmyre ŕ Doura-Europos, in: Palmyra and the silk-road: International Colloquium (Palmyra, 7–11 avril 1992) = Annales Archéologiques Arabo-Syriennes 42 (1996), 245–252. Matthews 1984 = J. Matthews,ThetaxLaw of Palmyra:Evidence for Economic History in a City of the Roman East, JRS 74 (1984), 157–180. Marcone 2003 = A. Marcone, Moneta e commercio in una cittŕ di frontiera: Palmira tra II e III secolo d.C., in: Moneta Mercanti Banchieri: I precedenti romani dell’euro: Atti del convegno di Cividale del Friuli (26–28 settembre 2002) a cura di G. Urso, Pisa, 2003, 187–204. Marcone 2003a = A. Marcone, Palmira e l’idea della cittŕ carovaniera, MedAnt 6 (2003),641–659. Millar 1993 = F. Millar, The Roman Near East. 31 BC–AD 337, Cambridge, Mass. – London, 1993. Millar 1995 = F. Millar, Dura Europos under Parthian Rule, in: J. Wiesehöfer (Hg.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse – The Arsacid Empire: Sources and Documentation, Stuttgart, 1995 (Historia Einzelschriften 122), 473–492. Millar 1998 = F. Millar, Caravan Cities: the Roman Near East and Long-Distance Trade by Land, in: Modus Operandi, Essays in honour of Geoffrey Rickman, eds. M. Austin – J. Harries – Chr. Smith, London, 1998, 119–137. Mouterde – Poidebard 1931 = R. Mouterde – A. Poidebard, La voie antique des caravanes entre Palmyre et Hit au IIe sičcle aprčs J.­ C., Syria 12(1931), 101–115. Rostovtzeff 1932 = M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, Oxford, 1932. Sommer 2003 = M. Sommer, Hatra: Geschichte und Kultur einer Karawanenstadt im römisch-parthischen Mesopotamien,Mainz, 2003. Sommer 2005 = M. Sommer, Roms Orientalische Steppengrenze: Palmyra – Edessa – Dura Europos – Hatra: Eine Kulturgeschichte von Pompeius bis Diocletianus, Stuttgart,2005. Teixidor1984 =J. Teixidor,Un port romain du désert: Palmyre et son commerce d’Auguste ŕ Caracalla, Paris, 1984. Will 1985 = E. Will, Pline l’Ancien et Palmyre, Syria 62 (1985), 263– 269 (= id., De l’Euphrate au Rhin: Aspects de l’hellénisation et de la romanization du Proche Orient, Paris, 1995, 525–531). Will 1992 = E. Will, Les Palmyrénéens: La Venise des sables (Ier sičcle avant – IIIčme sičcle aprčs J.-C.), Paris, 1992. Young 2001 = G.K. Young, Rome’s Eastern Trade, London – New York, 2001. POVZETEK Palmira: karavansko mesto? Pojem »karavanska mesta« je povezansknjigo, ki jojeleta 1932 izdal Mihail Rostovcev. Karavansko mesto naj bi dolgovalo svoj znacaj trgovini, trgovanju na velike razdalje in karavanam. Ko go-vorimo o karavanah, mislimo predvsem na trgovske odprave s kame­lami, ki prek pušcav prepotujejo velike razdalje. Naceloma lahko kot karavansko mesto opredelimo zgolj Palmiro, ne pa tudi druga mesta, ki jih Rostovcev obravnava kot karavanska (Petra, Dura-Evropos in Gerasa). Primer Palmire je poseben in zasluži podrobno obravna­vo. Po eni strani je kategorija karavanskih mest tako splošna, da jih bomoodkriliprevec,zatojeverjetneje,dasonaznacajmestavplivale in ga oblikovale tocno dolocene in edinstvene okolišcine. Kraje kot npr. Antiohijo, Berojo, Hierapolo v Siriji, Zevgmo na Evfratu, Batne, Edeso in Nizibis v Mezopotamiji, od koder so se skupine popotnikov odpravljale z obrobij step prek pušcav, kjer so bile izpostavljene na­padom nomadov in/ali prisiljene placevati za prost prehod, lahko vse obravnavamo kot karavanska mesta. Tko je pravi muž? Slucaj biandrije u Dubrovniku 1480 Zdenka Janekovic RömeR Prijenekolikogodina,kadasamuDržavnomarhivuuDubrovniku radila na jednoj sasvim drugoj temi, u katalogu sam ugledala zabi­lješku koja me privukla. Radilo se o seriji Giustizieria – pod brojem 2 stajalo je: »Processum matrimoniale Marusse, relicte olim Antonii Bratossaglich, 1480., ca. 103.« Dakako, privuklo me to što se radilo o bracnom procesu, jer se oni u 15. stoljecu nisu vodili pred svjetovnim sudom nego pred crkvenim, pa mi je bilo cudno što ta knjiga radi u Arhivu Republike. No, još više od toga me zacudila brojka na kraju bilješke:103karte,znaci206folija–pakakvajetoparnicakojasevodi na više od dvjesto stranica? Prije toga prelistala sam stotine stranica sudskihspisaiprocitalatisuceparnicakojesuunajtežimslucajevima, kada se radilo o osobito teškim ubojstvima, zapremale tek nekoliko stranica. Kad sam pocela raditi na rukopisu, pitanja su se nizala dalje. Doista,proces jebio voden prednadbiskupskimsudom (tocnijevikar­skim,jerjenadbiskupbioodsutan),pasepostavilopitanjekakojeiza­štodošaoiznadbiskupskogarhivauArhivRepublike.Otomemožemo samonagadati,jeruzrukopisnijeostavljenanikakvabilješka,nikakav komentar o ruci koja je ucinila taj sudbonosni potez, sudbonosni zbog toga što je dubrovacki nadbiskupski arhiv izgorio u požarima koji su gradom bjesnili nakon potresa 1667. godine, koji su progutali i dobar dio srednjovjekovne franjevacke biblioteke. Knjige Vijeca Umoljenih (Senata) iz te godine takoder nema, pa ne mogu dokumentirati svo­ju pretpostavku da je vlada Republike odlucila preuzeti slucaj u svoje ruke i zaustaviti skandal koji je od proljeca do jeseni te godine potre­sao grad. Osim cinjenice da je rukopis sacuvan u Arhivu Republike, takvu pretpostavku potvrduje uobicajena praksa miješanja svjetovnih vlasti u crkvenu jurisdikciju i njihova sklonost zataškavanju skandala. U svakom slucaju, da nije bilo tog poteza, danas ne bismo imali jednu odnajživopisnijihpricaizdubrovackeprošlosti. Na 206 stranica ovog kodeksa razvija se prica o ljubavi i bra-ku, odnosu oca i kceri, nacinima sklapanja braka u srednjem vijeku, svecenstvu, životu višeg sloja gradana kojem su svi protagonisti pri­padali i, opcenito, o Dubrovniku toga vremena. Valja reci da tih 206 stranica ne znaci kraj, jer parnica time nije okoncana – naime, pisar je došao do kraja kodeksa i vjerojatno prešao u drugi, a taj drugi nije sacuvan. Samrukopis je ostavio otvorenim pitanje ishodaparnice,no to sam uspjela saznati iz drugih dokumenata. Rukopis je pisan latin-skim jezikom, ranom kurzivnom humanistikom, ne osobito lijepom, ali prilicnodobro citljivom. Prica pocinje 8. svibnja 1480. godine, kada se pred nadbiskup­skimsudompojavioNikolaBiziaipozvaoMarušuBratosaljic,udovi-cu zlatara Antuna Bratosaljica i kcer Jakova Butka da se pojavi pred sudom i prizna svima da je njegova zakonita žena. On doslovno kaže da je »predicta Marusa me prefatum Nicolaum capit in suum verum et legitimum sponsum et maritum sicut vult sancta mater ecclesia. Et egoNicolaus predictusacceptavi illa supradictaverba et fidem.«1 No, problem je bio u tome, što je postojao i drugi muž, Frano de Menze, pucanski potomak jedne od najznacajnijih patricijskih dubrovackih obitelji, s kojim je Maruša, cini se, vec živjela. Kratko receno, mlada udovicajesvojeljubavno-imovinskedvojbeizmedudvojicemuškara­cakojisujehtjelizaženuriješilanatakavnacindaseudalazaobojicu. Osim njih dvojice, bilo je još prosaca u igri – nekoliko svjedoka kažu da im je Maruša rekla, prilicno cinicno: »Multi me in uxorem petunt sedprominorimaloacciperemNicolaumJacobi.«2 NaNikolinutužbu Frano je odgovorio protutužbom – obojica su tvrdili da se Maruša za obojicu zakonito udala u razmaku od nekoliko mjeseci. Prvi je bio Nikola, no to mu nije samo po sebi donosilo prednost pred sudom, jer je trebalo valjanim svjedocima dokazati da je brak sklopljen kako trebai tek ga je tadasud mogao priznati valjanim. Vec prvoga dana u parnicu se umiješao i Marušinotac, Jakov Butko,koji je svesrdno za­govarao bogatijeg zeta, to jest Mencetica. Iz kasnijih iskaza svjedoka saznaje se da je, blago receno, utjecao na Marušin izbor i silio je da za muža prihvati njegovog poslovnog suradnika Mencetica. Svjedoci su pripovijedali i o tome da je Marušino srce jace kucalo za Nikolu, noprihvatilajeocevizbor,kaoštojebioobicaj. Kadajujeprijateljica Maruša Miošic upozorila da je Nikola na glasu po lošem ponašanju, odgovorila je vjecnom ženskom zabludom: »Ego eum meliorem red­derem.«3 PredsudomjeopisanairomanticnazgodakadajeNikolace­kao i gledao sakriven iza ugla, dok je ona njegovom posredniku kroz 1 DAD, Giustizieria, ser. XIII, sv. 2, Processum matrimoniale Marusse, relicte olim Antonii Bratossaglich, 1480, 10. 2 Isto, 19. 3 Isto. prozor spustila cvijet u košarici, kao znak ljubavi i pristanka. Taj je dogadaj, doduše, suprotna strana osporila, no ostaje ipak opis obicaja i znacenja simbolicnih poklona u uspostavljanju bracne veze.4 Nikola je po rijecima svih svjedoka zapravo bio jako dobar cov­jek,alijevoliozabavusdruštvomi rasipao jenovac –isamaMaruša rekla je svojoj rodakinji: »Nicolaus Jacobi est dissipator et male sua expendit. Nescio quid factura sum.«5 Nikola nije bio sirotinja – bio je iz dobro stojece pucanske obitelji Bizia, ne osobito bogate, ali ugle­dne. On i braca bavili su se trgovinom i cesto su plovili do Venecije i ondje boravili. Marušajeu razgovorima sasvojim prijateljicama spo­minjala oca i njegovu prisilu – on joj je branio udaju za Nikolu, no kako se doznaje iz iskaza nekih svjedoka, tek onda kada se pojavio prosacponjegovomukusu,atadajebraksNikolomvecbiosklopljen. Neki rodaci izjavili su da ih je Maruša molila i nagovarala da idu po­sredovatikodnjezinogocakakobiprihvatioNikolu.Onje,pak,molio rodake da joj iz glave izbace tu opaku ideju »quia Nicolaus nec vita necgenere estparnobis«.6 JednomjeodbioNikolinzahtjevzazaštitu Marušinamirazairekaodaceje,akoNikoladobijeparnicu,poslatiu samostan, pa joj miraz nece trebati. Iz svjedocanstava nedvojbeno proizlazi da je otac vršio priti­sak na Marušu, što je bilo uobicajeno. Djevojke su se u Dubrovniku udavale po mediteranskom modelu – vrlo mlade, u dobi od 16 do 18 godina, za starije muškarce, u dvadesetim, a još cešce u tridesetim godinama života, pogotovo u višim slojevima društva. Prije toga su život provodile u kuci, pod strogim nadzorom. Kod odabira mlado­ženje nisu imale rijec – o tome je odlucivao njihov otac, braca i drugi skrbnici. Mogle su biti sretne ako bi uopce bile izabrane za udaju, jer jezanjihtrebalopriskrbitimirazodgovarajucinjihovomstaležu. One prekobrojne, iz siromašnijih obitelji i s više sestara morale su odlaziti u samostan, ne po duhovnom pozivu nego zbog toga što nisu imale miraz. Ako bi se usprotivile dogovorenom braku mogle su izgubiti miraz i time biti razbaštinjene, jer nisu imale pravo na nasljedstvo kao sinovi.7 Medutim, Maruša je bila poseban slucaj, zato što je bila udovicainijebilaadolescenticanegozrelažena. Neznamotocnonje­zinu dob, ali s obzirom da se prvi puta udala 1471. godine, u vrijeme parnicemoglajeimati25ilivišegodina.Njezinjeprvimužbiozlatar 4 Daniela Lombardi, Matrimoni di antico regime, Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001, 205– 210. 5 Processum matrimoniale, 20’. 6 Isto, 23. 7 Zdenka Janekovic Römer, Rod i grad: Dubrovacka obitelj od 13. do 15. stoljeca, Dubrovnik:ZavodzapovijesneznanostiHAZUuDubrovniku –Zavodzahrvatsku povijest FF-a u Zagrebu, 1999,109–111, 126–137. Antun Bratosaljic, uspješan trgovac na Levantu koji je ondje i umro 1476. godine. U oporuci napisanoj u Sitiji na Kreti u kolovozu 1475. spominjese»dilectauxorMarussa«kojojosimobecanoga(!)ostavlja još 100 dukata.8 Sacuvana je i isprava o Marušinom mirazu iz koje se vidi jedan od mogucih motiva parnicenja oko njezinog drugog bra-ka. Naime, ona je od oca dobila visoki miraz, od 1300 perpera, 20 aksagija zlata, nakit i odjecu opšivenu biserima, prema dubrovackim obicajima.9 NakonmuževesmrtiMarušajenjegovuimovinunekovrijemedr­žala nepodijeljeno s njegovim bratom Ivanom. Genealogija Antunina spominje Antunovu i Marušinu djecu, sinove Stjepana i Benedikta.10 Zanimljivo je, medutim, da ih Antun ne spominje u oporuci – spo­minje samo izvanbracnoga sina Iliju. Ne spominje ih ni djed Jakov Butko ni u oporuci ni u sporovima koje je pokrenuo zbog izvršenja zetova testamenta. Takoder, sinovi se uopce ne spominju u sudskomsporu niti se itko poziva na Marušine majcinske obaveze. Što je još cudnije, ne spominju se niti u sudskim sporovima oko imovine koje je Maruša vodila s Ivanom, bratom svoga muža. Naime, iako žena u Dubrovniku nije mogla nasljedivati, upravljala je imovinom muža u ime maloljetne djece, pa bi bilo logicno da se u sporu s djeverom Maruša pozove na to. Ta šutnja izvora o djeci, baca sumnju u tocnost podataka Vlajkijeve genealogije, odnosno, postavlja se pitanje jesu li to doista bila Marušina djeca. U svakom slucaju, ako su to bila nji­hova djeca, stariji sin mogao je u vrijeme parnice imati najviše 9 go-dina, a mladi manje od toga. Nije poznato što je bilo s djecom nakon Marušine preudaje. Niz sudskih dokumenata otkriva pojedinosti o Antunovoj imo­vini: upravo 1480. neki su vjerovnici tražili da Ivan i Maruša podi­jele imovinu i namire Antunove dugove koje su zavlacili 4 godine.11 Kasnije, 1481. godine, Ivan Bratosaljic tužio je Marušu i njezinog drugog muža, jermu nije isplatiladioimovine prvogamuža: tražioje ogrlicu od bisera, 10 zlatnih prstenova s dragim kamenjem, 4 zlatna pojasa ukrašena dragim kamenjem, dva srebrna nožica s ukrašenim koricama, srebrnu vilicu i 2 lancica, dvije krunice sa srebrnim kugli­cama, koraljne niske, 10 lakata novog platna 28 lakata svile i puno drugih finih tkanina, svilu za torbice, ogrtace i kape i firentinsko ogledalo ili da mu na ime toga isplate 175 dukata. Maruša je isprva tvrdila da nema pojma o tim stvarima i da ih nije nikada vidjela, ali 8 DAD, Testamenta,ser. X,sv. 23, 1–1’ a tergo. 9 DAD, Libri dotium, ser. XXXII, sv. 7, 112’, 26. 1. 1471. 10 DAD, Vlajkijeva genealogija Antunina, 295’. 11 DAD, Sentenze, ser. XXIV,sv. 41, 40–41’, 101. je na inzistiranje sudaca ipak priznala da je te stvari ponijela iz kuce svog pokojnog muža; donesena je presuda da sve to mora vratiti ili isplatiti.12 Tiprihodisigurnosuodigrali uloguunjezinim strastvenim potezima i naveli je da se pokuša suprotstaviti uobicajenim obitelj­skimženidbenimstrategijama.Netrebazaboravitinitodajeonakroz cetiri godine udovištva okusila slast samostalnosti i da je to moguce izvorište njezinih poteza. Sacuvani zapisi o parnici teku od 8. svibnja 1480. do 10. stude­nog iste godine, kada se prica prekida. U tom razdoblju pred sudom se izredao niz likova, jer su obje strane pozivale velik broj svjedoka. Izbrojala sam 75 svjedoka, najvecom vecinom uglednih gradana iz redova bratovštine Antunina, bogatih trgovaca, druge elite grada.13 Uspjela sam pronaci njihove oporuke, bracne i mirazne ugovore, te ustanoviti njihove rodbinske, poslovne ili prijateljske veze s jednom ili drugom stranom u sporu. Na stranicama kodeksa pred našim se ocimaizmjenjujutrgovci,sitniducandijeilibogativeletrgovci,obrtni­ci, plemici, bogati pucani, pravnici, svecenici, Marušine prijateljice i rodakinje,NikolinodruštvoskojimjepiouRijecidubrovackoj,citava galerija likova tadašnjeg dubrovackog društva kojih se Držic ne bi postidio, dapace, katkad se cine literarnijima od literarnih likova. Osim likova tu su i situacije, prostor, obicaji koje iz drugih iz­vora ne možemo išcitati i koji pružaju nezamislivo dobar materijal za antropološku analizu života mediteranskog grada na kraju srednjega vijeka, u jednom, zapravo, sretnom razdoblju. Osim glavne price, tu ima i drugih prica, vezanih uz svjedoke. To je posljedica pravosu­dnog sustava u kojem je svjedocanstvo svjedoka moglo biti pobijeno difamiranjem toga svjedoka. Drugim rijecima, da bi poništila svjed-ocanstvo nekog svjedoka, suprotna stranka je cinila sve da ga ocrni i oblati pred sudom. Najbolji primjer takvog postupka je Nikolin pri­jatelj, svecenik Pavao Radosaljic. On je posredovao izmedu Maruše i Nikole i upravo pred njime su oboje izjavili da su sporazumni uzeti jedno drugo za zakonitog bracnog druga. Njegovo je svjedocanstvo stoga imalo najvecu težinu. Marušin otac, Jakov de Butko, zbog toga jepredsudomizjaviodasetakvomsvjedokuništanemoževjerovatii dagatrebaodbacitikaosvjedoka,jerjeprostinepouzdan,sumnjivog života, sramotan i da ga je dva puta vidio u nastupu bijesa. Nadalje je naveo da je pred nadbiskupom bio optužen zbog krive zakletve, da 12 Sentenze, sv. 42, 163’–164’. 13 Zdenka Janekovic Römer, Okvir slobode: Dubrovacka vlastela izmedu srednjovje­kovlja i humanizma, Zagreb – Dubrovnik: Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Dubrovniku, 1999, 264–269. zbogtoganijesmionekovrijemeslavitimisunitidrugeobrede. Osim toga, kada je bio in partibus et ditione Turchorum naveo je zarucnicu nekoga Bosanca iz Uskoplja da postane redovnica u Dubrovniku, a poslije se krivo kleo da to nije ucinio. Nadalje, sa svojim prijateljem Nikolom i drugima je lumpao u Rijeci Dubrovackoj, kao najprostija osoba, a ne kao svecenik, te je pred njima uzeo jedan vrc vina, i kla­njao mu se kao svetoj krizmi i ulje vicuci »Ave sanctum crisma«, te potom njime krizmao prisutne po glavi. Sumnjiv je takoder i zbog togaštojesiromašaniimamnogovjerovnika,tevišejedeuNikolinoj kucinegousvojoj.ZatoButkotvrdidajeRadosaljicpodmiceninago­voren i da je njegovo svjedocanstvo lažno.14 Pavao na to daje pismeni odgovor,kakokaže,»nebezprolijevanjasuzaipreteškeboli«,tvrdeci dajeJakovispunjenipotaknutdavoljimduhom,bezikakvogpoštova­nja i savjesti prema njegovoj starijoj dobi i svecenickom dostojanstvu i bez straha od Boga njega sramotno i necasno napao. Na njegove op-tužbe je uzvratio rekavši da je Jakov necist, nesretnik, gnjusan, tvrd i svetogrdan covjek koji je izmislio laži o njemu, Kristovom vojniku i time doveo u opasnost citav kler i vjeru. Tražio je odštetu od 1000 dukata za duševne boli. Pisao je i Svetoj Stolici i tražio zaštitu.15 U tom pitanju došlo je do dodatnog spora unutar glavne parnice, tako da se dalje paralelno odvijaju dvije parnice i istrage. Radosaljiceva oporuka iz 1483. svjedoci da je moglo biti i zrnce istine u Butkovim optužbama – u oporuci se najviše govori o nerazriješenim dugovima, a svojim bližnjima ostavlja stare haljine, pokrivace, bakrene posude, klupeitepihe. Buducidanijeimaonovca,dvijegregorijanskemiseza svoju dušu platio je pokrivacem.16 Kako su oba braka bila sklopljena? Prica o tome otkriva složenu problematiku srednjovjekovnog braka. Prije Tridentinskog koncila, koji je uveo red i stroga pravila u obred sklapanja braka, na tom je podrucju vladalo poprilicno šarenilo. Neki su elementi kršcanskog obreda sklapanja braka bili prisutni još od 9. stoljeca i postupno su prodirali medu laike, no nisu bili obavezni niti su imali ikakve veze s konstituiranjem braka. Nije bilo potrebno da se brak sklopi pred svecenikom niti u crkvi, a blagoslov i prsten bili su opcionalni. Cak i kada se sve to odvijalo u crkvi ili, što je bilo cešce, pred crkvenim vratima, to nije bilo zbog vjerskih razloga, nego zbog toga što je to javno mjesto na kojem se citava zajednica može okupiti. Crkva se ne ukljucuje izravno u ugovore »per verba de futuro et verba de prae­ 14 Processum matrimoniale, 33’–35. 15 Isto,38–39’. 16 DAD, Testamenta, sv. 25, 1. senti«niprekosvojihpredstavnikanisvojimzakonima. Usvemutom šarenilu cvrsto je bilo samo nacelo »consensus facit nuptias«. Crkva je ustrajala na takvoj definiciji braka, kako bi izbjegla konstitutivno znacenjecopulaecarnalis,iakojeitoostalovrlovažnozadefiniranje braka, no ne i za njegovo sklapanje. To je nacelo utjecalo na porast ravnopravnostiženaidefactoiskljucilopotrebupristankaroditeljaza sklapanje braka, barem u katolickim zemljama, jer je Luther smatrao da je volja roditelja i Božja volja. Dakle, smatralo se da je brak sklo­pljenvecženidbenimugovorom,bezobziranatoštojemladenkamo­ždajošgodinamaostajalaživjetiuocinskojkuci–tojebilaposljedica crkvenedefinicijebrakakaosporazuma.17 Dubrovackasvjedocanstva o tom razdoblju su raznolika. Kada se radilo o višim slojevima sta­novništva, izvori svjedoce da su se supružnici rijetko vidali, dok, je npr. na otocima to bilo vrijeme kada se brak vec slobodno konzumi­rao, iako supružnici još nisu zajednoživjeli. Stvarjekompliciralaicinjenicadasesrednjovjekovnibrakskla­paounekolikostupnjeva. Prvojeslijediodogovor per verba de futuro – to jerazmjena obecanja da cese brak sklopiti. Istina jeda je ugovor per verba de praesenti bio središnji i u juridickom i u vjerskom smi­slu, no i verba de futuro imala su pravno znacenje.18 Upravo je to re-zultiralo ogromnimbrojem parnicakojesuse zbogbracnihobecanja, verba de futuro i verba de praesenti vodile pred crkvenim sudovima po citavoj Europi, osobito u onim slucajevima kada je došlo do kon­zumacije veze. Ti procesi, kojih su biskupski arhivi prepuni, bili su vrloteškizasuce,jerserazmjenaobecanjanajcešcedogadalaucetiri oka, bez svjedoka, pa nerijetko nije bilo svjedocanstava koja bi do-puštala da se nedvojbeno utvrdi istina.19 U središtu procesa je pitanje 17 D. Lombardi, Matrimoni di antico regime, 42–59, 69–97, 179–241; Michael M. Sheehan, Choice of Marriage Partner in the Middle Ages: Development and Mode of Application of a Theory of Marriage, u: Marriage, Family and Law in Medieval Europe: Collected Studies, ur. James K. Farge, Toronto – Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1996, 87–117; Joel F. Harrington, Hausvater and Landsvater: Pater­nalism and Marriage Reform in Sixteenth-Century Germany, Central European History, 21,1(1992),52–75. 18 Christiane Klapisch Zuber, Zacharie, ou le pčre évincé: Les rites nuptiaux toscans entre Giotto et le concile de Trente, Annales E.S.C. 34, 6 (1979), 1216–1243; D. Lombardi, Matrimoni di antico regime,180–210, 228–241; 19 Jean-PhilippeLévy,L’OfficialitédeParisetlesquestionsfamilialesŕlafinduXIV sičcle, u: Études d’histoire du droit canonique dédiées ŕ Gabriel le Bras 2 (1965), 1265–1294;RudolphWeigand,Liebe und Ehe im Mittelalter,Goldbach:KeipVerlag, 1993;RichardH. Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in Medieval England,Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974; Joseph Löhr, Die sachliche Zuständigkeit des ArchidiakonatsgerichtsinsbesonderedieEhegerichtsbarkeit,u:Die Verwaltung des Kölnisches Grossarchidiakonates Xanten am Ausgang des Mittelalters: Kirchen­rechtliche Abhandlungen 59/60, ur. Ulrich Stutz, Stuttgart: Verlag von Ferdinand kako dokazati da je brak bio regularno sklopljen kad se sumnjalo da je sporazum potajno razmijenjen, što je za crkveni sud samo po sebi bilo nebitno. Naime, prema crkvenom zakonu tajni brak, doduše, jest nešto što bi trebalo izbjegavati, ali je ipak valjan. Upravo ta, cvrsto provedena konsensualna doktrina Crkve, davala je pojedincima mo­gucnost slobodnog odabira bracnog druga i time dovodila u pitanje laicke,obiteljskeženidbenestrategije.20 IuDubrovnikusevec u13.,a pogotovo u 14. stoljecu prijekim okom gledalo na razvrgavanje zaru­ka, pa je i svjetovno pravo nastojalo regulirati ugovore sklopljene per 21 verba de futuro. Konacni korak bila je svadba – svecani dogadaj kada je mla­denka odlazila u kucu muža nije znacio sklapanje braka, jer je on vec bio sklopljen rijecima de presenti. Svadba ili deductio in domum mariti oznacavala je konzumaciju braka, odnosno pocetak reproduk­tivnog života para, te kohabitaciju, ali ne i pocetak braka. Izmedu jedne i druge faze moglo je proteci dugo vrijeme, po nekoliko go­dina.22 Problem Nikole de Bizia bio je upravo u tome što je brak bio sklopljen, ali se nije realizirao taj konacni pocetak zajednickog ži­vota. U mjesecima dok se na to cekalo, Maruša je sklopila i drugi brak. Drugi njegov problem je bio to što nije sklopio pismeni ugovor s Marušom pred notarom, što je bio jedini nacin službene registraci­je braka. Naime, do Tridentskog koncila nisu vodene maticne knjige, tako da nije bilo nadzora na tom planu. Mnogi su dubrovacki trgovci imalivjencaneženeuDubrovnikuiuBosni,ocemusvjedocenjihove oporuke. Dubrovackiarhivcuva14svezakabracnihugovoraod1447. dopredkrajRepublike,Pactamatrimonialia,ser.XXXIII.Ranijiugo­vori bilježeni su u knjige Diversa Notariae. Takav ugovor kojim su se obje straneosiguravaleod iznenadenja,sklapalebrakiutvrdivale rok odvodenja u kucu muža, Nikola nije mogao sklopiti, jer bi u tome, po gradanskom pravu, morao sudjelovati mladenkin otac. Još je manje mogao sklopiti mirazni ugovor (cuvaju se u seriji XXXII Libri doti- Enke, 1909, 199–222; Gene Brucker, Giovanni and Lusanna: Love and Marriage in Renaissance Florence, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005, 15–25; Gigi Corazzol, Esperimenti d’amore: Fatti di giovani nel Veneto del Cinquecento, Vicenza:Odeonlibri Editrice, 1981. 20 D. Lombardi, Matrimoni di antico regime, 47–59; Jean Gaudemet, Le mariage en Occident: Les moeurs et le droit, Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1987, 225–237; Beatrice Gottlieb,TheMeaningofClandestineMarriage,u: Family and Sexuality in French History,ur. R. Wheaton –TamaraK. Hareven,Philadelphia:UniversityofPennsyl­vania Press, 1980, 49–83. 21 Lastovski statut, ur. Frano Radic, Split: Splitski književni krug, 1994, cc. 66, 74; Liber viridis,ur. BranislavNedeljkovic,Beograd:SANU,Zbornikzaistoriju,jezik i književnost srpskognaroda, od. III, knj. XXIII, 1984, c. 237. 22 Ch. Klapisch Zuber,Zacharie, ou le pčreévincé, 1221–1225. um), jer Marušin otac nije htio ni cuti za njega, a pogotovo ne ugova­rati miraz. Dakle, Nikola je imao ono što je po važecim kanonskim zakonimabilojedinovažno:bilasuizrecena verba de presenti, to jest razmijenjenjesporazumitimejesklopljenvaljanibrak,ali,pokazalo se da su zakoni laickoga društva takoder imali svoju težinu i da je Crkva zapravo ulazila u kompromise s potrebama tog društva. Nikola je pred sudom ustvrdio da je sklopio s Marušom brak »so-lus cum sola … per verba de presenti secundum ritum romane ecclesie contraxitmatrimoniumhisspecialiteruterqueusiverbisvidelicet:Ego te capio in meam veram et legitimam uxorem prout vult sancta mater ecclesia Romana. Et illa similiter dixit: Ego te capio in meum mari-tum legitimum secundum quod vult sancta mater ecclesia.«23 To se dogodilo u prosincu 1479. godine. Citav dogadaj je prepricao Nikolin prijatelj, svecenik Pavao Radosaljic, pred kime je sporazum izrecen, odnosno sklopljen brak izmedu Nikole i Maruše. To se dogodilo u cr­kvi Svih Svetih gdje je Radosaljic službovao i kamo je došla Maruša sprijateljicom,tražeciodnjegaposredovanjeirazmjenubracnogspo­razuma. Ona se zaklela pred svecenikom da uzima Nikolu za svoga zakonitog muža i poslala ga Nikoli. Njezinu su zakletvu culi mnogi svjedoci u crkvi. Nikola je izjavio i zakleo se da je uzima za svoju pravu i zakonitu ženu. Cinjenica da oni nisu zajedno dali te izjave nijeupogledupravovaljanostibrakaznacilaništa,jerjesporazumbio izrecenpred svjedocimaitimejebrak biosklopljen. Štoviše,uvecini spomenutihregistriranihugovorastojidamladenkanijeprisustvovala tomcinu,vecjujezastupaootackojidefactosklapaugovorsazetom. Zanimljivojedajepostojalacakimogucnostsklapanjabrakaperpro­curam, a da ni jedno od mladenaca nije moralo biti prisutno, nego je brak u njihovo ime sklapao opunomocenik.24 Za Nikolin i Marušin brakznalisumnogi –velikjebrojsvjedokakojisutoizjavilinasudu. Neki kažu da se o tom ugovoru culo vec prije godinu dana, da se o tome u gradu puno prica i da se ljudi cude i zgražaju. Franjevac i ple­micMarkodeBenessaupozoriojeFrananekasenemotaokoMaruše, jer je ona Nikolina žena, pa od nje nece moci imati zakonito potom­stvo: »Francisce, noli te impedire in Marusam quia ipsa tua uxor non est, et quod ex ea natum erit non erit legitimum.«25 Maruša je pred nekim svjedocima priznala da je sklopila brak s Nikolom, a svjedoci suizjavilida»incivitateRagusinaeratpublicavoxetfama«dajeona 23 Processum matrimoniale, 1–2. 24 J. Gaudemet, Le mariage en Occident, 179–180; E. Blum, Le mariage par procura­tion dans l’ancien droit, Nouvelle revue historique du droit français et étranger 41 (1917), 383–402. 25 Processum matrimoniale, 97’. Nikolina žena.26 Dodala je da joj je on drag i dobar i da je njezin go-spodar. Brojni svjedoci su pred sudom izjavili da se tako po citavom gradupricaloidasutoculiivišedesetakaputa,tedaseradilooverba de praesenti, a ne futuro.Meduonimakojisutakogovoriliiposredo­vali za Nikolu bio je i Franov brat Marin, svecenik. Pred mnogim je svjedocima izjavio da je Maruša Nikolina žena. Jednom se svjedoku, plemicu Orsatu de Zamagna, toliko smucila kampanja protiv Nikole dajepredsudompotvrdiodajevjencanjabilo,alidaNikolizanjego­vo dobroželi da izgubi parnicu. Brak s Franom bio je sklopljen nekoliko mjeseci kasnije, u jednu svibanjsku nedjelju. Zanimljivo je da se to odvilo u ducanu, jer je je­danodposrednikauugovaranjubioaromatarius –ljekarnikMonaldo Viganti. Tamo su bile izrecene rijeci pristanka, ovoga puta bez pri­sutnosti Maruše – u njezino ime, pristanak je izgovorio otac, pred Franom i dvojicom svjedoka. Svecenici kao posrednici ili sudionici kod sklapanja braka spominju se samo u Nikolinom braku – tu je PavaoRadosaljic ifranjevacJeronimkojegsu molili da ih vjenca. Do toga na kraju nije došlo – on sam duhovito kaže da sjedi u samostanu bolestan od gihta i još uvijek ih ceka da se dodu oženiti – naime, na­stupio je kao svjedok Jakova de Butko. Dakle, na Franovoj strani nije bilo kanonsko pravo, jer je prednost imao brak koji je bio sklopljen prvi.Franoseprednekimsvjedocimaizdaoprijesklapanjasvogabra­ka, kada je govorio da Maruša »non vadit ad domum« ili cak »quare non vadit ad domum quia est desponsata«,27 misleci na dom Nikole. To što je izgovorio zapravo su formule deductio in domum mariti i priznanje da je znao da su izrecena verba de presenti. Bio je ocito svjestan i njezinih osjecaja, jer je, u tuzi nakon smrti brata Marina, nekima rekao da Maruša veselim i raširenim ocima gleda Nikolu. Uz problematiku braka koja je u ovom tekstu kljucna, iz njega izvireinizdrugihtema,medukojimasusemeninaprvommjestuna­metnule neke: npr. društveni život žena i njihovo razmišljanje, pucka religioznost, odnos klera i laika, odnos pucke i ucene kulture, pravna kultura, odnos javnosti prema skandalu. Tekst parnice omogucuje osobiti pogled na pravnu problemati­ku, ne samo s gledišta suda i propisanog postupka nego i s gledišta sudionika. Tuseprijesveganamecepitanjevjerodostojnostisvjedoka i medusobnog nadmudrivanja pravnika. Moguce je, takoder, zaklju-civati o pravnoj kulturi onih koji nisu imali pravnicko obrazovanje. 26 Isto, 79’, 82’. 27 Isto, 92’, 93’. SamNikolaotomejeizravnoprogovoriokadaje na rocištu26. lipnja tražio da se njegova obrana svecenika Pavla Radosaljica uzme u ob-zir, iako je pocinio grešku kada je izjavio da su optužbe protiv njega opcenite, a ne posebne. To se dogodilo zato što on ne poznaje niti pontifikalno niti civilno pravo, a ima lošeg odvjetnika, a ne dobrog kao što ima suprotna strana, ciji je odvjetnik doktor pontifikalnog prava. Smatra da njegova prava zbog toga ne smiju biti ugrožena, pa traži odgodu, kako bi mogao pronaci dostojnog odvjetnika koji ce se znati suprotstaviti suprotnoj strani. Jer, ne smije se dogoditi da zbog nesposobnostiodvjetnikaonizgubisvojuženu,štobibiloprotivBoga i svete majke Crkve. Ako sud ne bi udovoljio ovom zahtjevu, u što sumnja, odmah ulaže protest. Ocito je kako je s vremenom njegovo pravno znanje napredovalo, jer stalno ulijece sa zahtjevima da se bri­še ova ili ona formulacija, da se provede neki zakljucak, apelira ili slicno. Najednomjerocištuuskociosnovomoptužbomzazavlacenje parnice,naime,optužiojeFranadeMenzedaseponašapodrugljivoi spletkarskikadatakozavlaciparnicu,aznadajeMarušaženadrugog i da se za drugog udala po svetim kanonima i njegova ne može biti. Tražio je da se to unese u zapisnik. U paralelnom sporu protiv Pavla Radosaljica doveo je stvari do apsurda kada se pojavio pred sudom s upitnikom koji se odnosio na svjedocanstva protiv Pavla. Tražio je da se ispita navod o tome da je Radosaljicu zabranjeno slavljenje mise, to jest da se ustanovi u koje vrijeme godine, koji mjesec, u koje doba dana ili noci se to dogodilo, u prisutnosti kojih svjedoka i koji je no-tar to bilježio i gdje je isprava o tome; je li to bila kazna i za što je presudena. Takoder neka svjedoci navedu je li to bilo u Dubrovniku ili na nekom drugom mjestu i neka iznesu detaljne podatke o mjestu dogadaja: je li sudac stajao, sjedio ili hodao,je li dan bio kišan,vedar ili oblacan i tome slicno. Jednako tako detaljnu istragu zahtijevao je i o slucaju s vrcem vina. Izjavio je da su navodi suprotne strane is-prazni, lažni, bezvrijedni, nejasni i potpuno neprihvatljivi. Traži da se odbace optužbe protiv Pavla Radosaljica koji je dostojan svecenik, poštovan od klera i puka i da se proslijedi na donošenje presude u nje­govojparnici. MoraserecidajeNikolamijenjaomišljenjeosudu. Na pocetku je imao veliko povjerenje u nadbiskupski sud i bio siguran u ishodparnice,akasnijejedolaziousumnje,narocitonakonotvaranja postupka protiv Pavla Radosaljica. Tom je prilikom donio dodatak na svoju tužbu u kojem kaže da ce njihova sudska služba pasti u veliku opasnosti osudu, akodopuste daženaostavisvog prvog mužaipravi brak i živi u krivom i lažnom braku.Takoder traži da se sudski zaštiti Marušin miraz, jer njezin otac troši taj novac u parnici koja nije kori­sna niti njemu niti Maruši. Buduci da mora brinuti za buduce terete i troškoveusvomebrakutražidaseovajzahtjevizvrši. Tražidasesav novac, odjeca i nakit koji pripadaju Maruši odmah izdvoje i predaju u ruke nekog poštenog covjeka koji ce to cuvati dok parnica ne bude završena.Ženanesmijerasipatimirazprotivvoljemužainanositište­tu, kaže on. Zanimljivo je spomenuti i to da su rocišta bila vrlo cesta, svakih par dana, katkada i svaki dan. Iskazi likova donekle dopuštaju i uvid u razlike izmedu ucene i pucke kulture. Upadljivo su razliciti njihovi iskazi ovisno o statusu i obrazovanju. Najnaivniji i jezicno najjednostavniji su iskazi žena. SluškinjaMargaritareklajeda ništazna, samoznadajojjegospoda­rica zarucena. Marušine prijateljice bile su usredotocene na ljubavnu zavrzlamu,anjezinarodakinjaNikoleta,kojajebilauroduisFranom deMenze,lukavojenastojalaprikazatiMarušinodnossNikolomkao emotivnu dvojbu koja je prošla bez da su pale te važne rijeci. Njezin brat, Dobruško Dobricevic (de Bonis), doktor obaju prava, o samom je slucaju govorio kao vješti pravnik. Njegov iskaz ocituje visoko obrazovanje i želju da se to obrazovanje pokaže. Iskazi svjedoka su uzimani usmeno, sasvim sigurno ne na latinskom jeziku – notar ih je prevodio i zapisivao na latinskom. No, iskaz ovoga doktora prava dan je u vrsnom latinitetu koji izrazito odskace od svih ostalih iska­za. To ne samo da upucuje na razinu obrazovanja nego daje misliti da je on, kao pametni pravnik, dao svoj iskaz pismeno, da poslije ne bi bilo nikakvih zabuna. On je cijelu stvar prikazao tako kao da je Nikola oblijetao oko Maruše i pokušavao nagovoriti neke ljude, pa i njega da posreduju kod njezinog oca. Priznao je da je Maruša bila sklona Nikoli i da se željela udati za njega, cak je rekla i da se ne bi moglaboljeudatinegozanjega,alijenaglasiodatonikakonijehtjela uciniti bez pristanka oca. Tu su potom klerici koji se medusobno vrlo razlikuju po obrazovanju, od neobrazovanih službenika u pojedinim crkvamaiskromnihredovnica,dovrhunski obrazovanih franjevacai crkvenih velikodostojnika. Izvankuce,glavnomjestosusretazaženebilajecrkva.Pribivanje vjerskim obredima bilo je, uz posjete rodacima, gotovo jedini oblik društvenog života žena iz viših slojeva, a i drugih. U crkvu se nije odlazilo samo zbog pobožnosti i vjerskih obreda, vec i zbog susreta i razgovorasdrugimženama. ZapisnicisudskogsporaobrakuMaruše Bratosaljic pokazuju da se ondje razgovaralo o vrlo svjetovnim stva­rima. Uovomslucaju,crkvaSvihSvetihimalacrkvicasvetogNikole u Zlatarskoj ulici bile su poprište ljubavnih pregovora i ogovaranja.Žene koje se pojavljuju u ovom sporu su vrlo razlicite – neke su vrlo romanticne i samo pricaju o ljubavi. To su uglavnom žene nižeg sta­leža, najviše sluškinje. Nikolina sluškinja Vukava prepricala je susret u crkvi svetog Nikole, kada je rekla Maruši da je želi što prije vidjeti u njihovoj kuci, a ona je odgovorila: »Doleo quod Nicolaus expendit Deus scit quod nunquam male de eo dixi sed ipsum Nicolaum Jacobi amavi ut animam meam et semper de eo contenta fui.«28 Drugesupak ozbiljneiskandalizirane,kao Nikoleta,ženaMihovilaBaranina,koja se nije htjela miješati u ovaj slucaj i nije htjela svjedociti niti pod pri­jetnjomekskomunikacije. Nakrajujeipakmoralasvjedociti,alinena sudunegousvojojkuci. Drugeženejedva sucekaledabudu pozvane pred sud i da se njih pita o tom skandaloznom slucaju o kojem je bru­jao citav grad. Neke su pak, ocito bile instruirane u svojim iskazima, kao redovnica Dominka koja je na kraju zagovarala pobjedu prave­dne strane, ali je iz njezinih rijeci vidljiva antipatija prema sveceniku Pavlu i prema Nikoli. Vjerska osjecajnost i uloga vjere u životu tih ljudi takoder je na­šlamjestameduredovimasudskihzapisa.Velikidiozbivanja,osobito medu ženama dogada se u crkvi. Potom, tu je Pavao Radosaljic, vrlo živopisan lik svecenika po ponašanju i stilu života. Medu optužba-ma koje su bile izrecene na njegov racun u njemu je najviše straha izazvala ona o herezi, jer ga je to moglo koštati svecenicke službe i citaveegzistencije. Citavjenizaluzijanavjeru,svisenaraznenacine pozivajunaBogainjegovupravdu,njegoveraneiEvandelja,notobih sada ostavila po strani i usredotocila se na jedan zanimljivi fenomen. Naime, Nikola je od pocetka parnice tvrdio da Marušai Frano ne po­štuju odluku suda da ne smiju biti zajedno sve do donošenja presude. Konacno je krajem srpnja uspio to i dokazati pomocu svjedoka koji su izjavili da su vidjeli Frana de Menze kako izlazi iz njezine kuce u Zlatarskojuliciiliunjuulazi.FranodeMenzeiJakovButkoisprvasu reagirali bahato. Izjavili su da Frano ne krši odredbu suda, uostalom da mu nije bila ni izrecena nego samo opomena ili prijetnja. Dalje kažu da je Frano javno sklopio brak s Marušom bona fide, i sada ne može uci u posjed toga braka zbog uznemiravanja Nikole de Bizia. Mjesec dana kasnije Nikola je ponovo podsjetio sud na taj problem i zahtijevao ekskomunikaciju, zabranu pricesti, dolazak u crkvu i uki­danje svih prava vjernika. Doveo je veci broj svjedoka koji su potvr­dili da su vidjeli Frana de Menze kako na dan svetog Bartolomeja, poslije vecernje, izlazi iz kuce u Zlatarskoj ulici. Suprotna strana nije ozbiljnoshvatilateoptužbe. Caksuizjavilidajezabrananepravedna, jer je u procesu ustanovljeno da je Maruša u braku s Franom. No, kad je ekskomunikacija proglašena, promijenili su ponašanje: u sil­nomstrahuodekskomunikacijepostalisuponizniiskrušeni. Maruša 28 Isto, 96’. je »klececi i moleci pokoru i odrješenje od nadbiskupa« rekla da je Frano ušao u njezinu kucu, jer je bio neobuzdan zbog mladosti, pa je htio s njom razgovarati. Namjeravao je odmah otici tako da ga nitko nevidi,nonakrajunijenitirazgovaraosnjom,negojedošaosamodo pola skala i vratio se. Na kraju, Maruša moli poštedu za sebe, ako bi nadbiskupodlucioekskomuniciratiFrana. Nadbiskupjeprocijenioda jeprekršenanaredbasudaiobjavioekskomunikacijuFranadeMenze. Na sljedecem rocištu Frano se bacio na koljena i molio pomilovanje i obecavao da nikada više nece prekršiti naredbu suda i motati se oko Marušine kuce. Kad se zakleo na Evandelje ekskomunikacija mu je ukinuta. Epilog Prica se prekida kada je okrivljena strana došla s novom listom svjedoka, pa daljnji tijek i kraj parnice ostaje nepoznat. Srecom, re-konstrukcija ishoda moguca jepreko drugih izvora. U seriji Sentenze zapisanajepresudautužbiIvanaBratosaljicaprotivMarušeinjezina muža – Frana de Menze, iz 1481. godine. Nikola je ostao bez žene, iako je bilo jasno da je brak sklopljen, sud i javnost priklonili su se la-kšem rješenju i odobrili status quo koji je bio društveno prihvatljiviji, zbogpristankaMarušinaoca. Presudunemamo,novjerojatnojedaje Nikolinbrakbiookarakterizirankaouvjetovanibrak,kojijenevaljan jer uvjet, pristanak ženina oca, nije bio zadovoljen.29 ŠtojedaljebilosNikolom?Kaoiuslucajustrastvenihliterarnih junaka, njegov je kraj bio tragican. Brak s Marušom mu je propao i on se više nije ženio – kuga ga je odnijela u epidemiji 1482. godi­ne. Njegovuoporukunalazimo vecu travnju1482. godine. Uoporuci nemanirijecioMaruši,alinalazimonekolikodrugihpoznatihlikova: tu je Pavao Radosaljic kojem Nikola ostavlja 20 dukata per amor, pa sluškinja Vukava koja je dobila cak 50 perpera. Jeronimu de Bona ostavio je naušnice za uspomenu, a sve je ostalo dao za svoju dušu i dušu svoje majke.30 Mjesec dana kasnije oporuke su sastavila i njego­va braca Šimun i Pavao koji spominju njihov posjed u Rijeci i kvart u Venecijigdjesuboravilikaotrgovci.31 Pronašla sam i oporuku njihove majkeOrsule,sastavljenu11.9.1480.ujekuparnice,promulgiranu13. 12. 1482,nakonnjezine smrti.32 Jedandioteoporuke,onajkojisetice 29 Rudolph Weigand, Liebe und Ehe im Mittelalter, 414–414; Richard H. Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in Medieval England, 47–66. 30 Testamenta, sv. 24, 37’. 31 Isto, 48, 158. 32 Isto, 121. Nikole, sasvim je neuobicajen. I neki drugi roditelji preferirali su od-redenimdaromnekoodsvojedjece,alinitkotonijeuciniokaoOrsula de Bizia. Ona je sve osim kvarte za svoju dušu ostavila sinu Nikoli, zajedno s legatima njezine sestre Gajuše. Dala je i obrazloženje za to: »Et non sia alguno che piglia admiratione de quello che lasso al dicto Nicolo per che benche io habia zenerato cussi li altri figlioli como el dicto Nicolo. Tamen verso me alguno de li altri non ha usato honor et reverentiafiglialesaluoessoNicoloelqualsempremefoobedienteet studioso de farme ogni piacere et contentamento.« Njega proglašava izvršiteljem oporuke i povjerava mu brigu za svoju dušu. A Maruša, što je bilo s njom? Pitanje ostaje otvoreno. Posljednji spomen o njoj nalazimo u presudi parnice koju je protiv nje i njezina muža Frana de Menze pokrenuo Ivan Bratosaljic, brat njezina prvog muža,predBožic1481. godine.33 Nakontoga,onjojviše nemanigla­sa. Nije sacuvana njezina oporuka, kao ni Franova. Otac je uopce ne spominje u oporuci, ni kao živu ni kao mrtvu, kao ni njezinu dje-cu. Ne spominje je nitko od rodaka ni prijatelja, sudionika parnice. Moguce je da je i ona podlegla pomoru kuge 1482. godine, ali o tome nema nikakve potvrde. Nakon ove skandalozne parnice, ako nije bila mrtva,bilajedruštvenomrtva.Azašto?Zatoštojeujednomtrenutku svog života neuspješno pokušala ici za svojim željama, protiv uobica­jenihuzusa.Udruštvuukojemokvirženskogidentitetabioiskljucivo obiteljski ili redovnicki, njezin jepotez naišao na osudu. Jedna od stvari o kojima razmišljam i na cemu radim pripre­majuciknjiguoMarušinomslucajujeodnosizmedufikcijeistvarno­sti.Ovakvaprica,sovakvimlikovimaizapletimanemožesenapisati, a da i sam taj tekst ne bude u dobroj mjeri literaran, ne fiktivan, ali oblikovanknjiževnimsredstvima. Iinacesepriklanjamtzv. povratku naracije, jer smatram da je ona medij imanentan povijesti, da je povi-jest ujedno i pripovijest. Danas je vec iza nas lingvisticki obrat kojeg su mnogi povjesnicari smatrali pravim hororom i uništenjem vlastite discipline. Historiografija je vec prihvatila nova promišljanja o pisa­nju, pod utjecajem literarnih teorija. Moje je mišljenje da možemo sasvim slobodno i neoptereceno ispitivati granice discipline i da se ne moramo bojati njezine bliskosti s književnošcu, umjetnošcu, reli­gijom,psihologijomiantropologijom. Nemislimdajetakoopasnopo spoznaju priznati da književni izraz daje dio znacenja povijesnoj pri­povijesti,kaoštosemnogipovjesnicaripribojavaju.Uostalom,isama književnost,iakofikcija,možeposredovatispoznajustvarnosti.Štose tice historiografije, mislim da ona nimalo ne gubi identitet, podrucje 33 Sentenze, sv. 42, 163’–164’. niti spoznajnu vrijednost primjenom književnih sredstava.34 U ovom konkretnom slucaju pitam se, kada u formulama sudskog zapisnika pri nadbiskupskom sudu tako kipi život, kako bih ja smjela u svojoj historiografskoj obradi ugušiti tu životnost, upropastiti dobru pricu. Prošlojevrijemekadsmomoralidokazivatidapovijestipakima nekakve veze sa stvarnošcu, pa se sada otvaraju konkretnija metodo­loška pitanja o prirodi toga odnosa. Kako se povjesnicar mora odno­siti prema prici, koliko u nju smije ulaziti i smije li je zaokruživati i interpretirati; ako da, do koje mjere i na koji nacin? Jedan od limita povijesti jest da ona može pisati samo o onome što nalazi u izvorima. Uzasvu željudasaznamovišedetalja,da zaokružimopricu ilijeuci­nimo socnijom, mi se ipak moramo držati onih podataka koje nam donose izvori. Naravno, pri tome ne moramo niti bismo smjeli biti pukipozitivistickiprepricavateljiizvora;naprotiv,mimožemograditi pricu, cak je i konstruirati. Ovu pricu mogu dograditi drugim izvo­rima koji joj daju kontekst i opcenitije znacenje, osvjetljuju sredinu u kojoj se todogodilo i odnose u njoj. Želim, takoder, iskušati i neke metodološke granice discipline, vidjeti koliko duboko mogu zagaziti u literaturu, a da ipak pišem hi-storiografiju.Osimtoga,ovajpredložakcebitiidealantestizavaganje odnosa subjektivnosti i objektivnosti u historiografiji. Svako histori­ografsko djelo osim o temi izuzetno mnogo govori i o svom autoru, utoliko više ukoliko ima više emotivnog angažmana. U ovom slucaju svakako ga ima: u meni prije svega postoji velika znatiželja u odnosu naovutemu,zatimpreferencijapojedinihlikova, paiispitivanjesebe kroz njihove situacije. Sebe u knjizi vidim u ulozi pripovjedaca, ne sveznajuceg, odmaknutog, ali donekle i uklopljenog u ova zbivanja. Poigrat cu se svjesnokonvencijamaprice i nastojatito uskladitisme­todologijom povijesnog istraživanja. Nadam se da cu na kraju dobiti djelokojeceiznijetinavidjeloizvornepodatke,pricuilikoveikojece istovremenoukljucitimnogedosegesocijalnepovijesti,antropologije, historije mentaliteta, kulturne povijesti i psihologije i pokazati da je moguce stvaranje historiografskog znacenja, odnosno spoznaje kroz pripovijedanje. 34 ZdenkaJanekovicRömer,Opisanjupovijestiiznanjuoprošlosti,ZbornikMirjane Gross, Zagreb: Zavod za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskog fakulteta Sveucilišta u Za-grebu,1999, 445–458. POVZETEK Kdo je pravi mož? Primer dvomoštva v Dubrovniku leta 1480 Maja 1480 so na nadškofijskem sodišcu v Dubrovniku obravna­vali vlogo Nikole de Bizia, ki je tožil Frana de Menzeja, da se je ne­zakonito porocil z njegovo zakonito ženo, vdovo po zlatarju Antunu Bratosaljicu,Marušo. Franojeodgovorilspritožbo –oba stanesamo trdila, temvec tudi dokazala, da se je Maruša v kratkem casu z obe-ma zakonito porocila. Ohranjen je dvesto strani dolg spis, v katerem se razpravlja o zakonu, ljubezni, spolnosti, poucenosti, neznanju, o ženskah in moških, o družbenih razlikah, verski osvešcenosti, o du­hovnikih, trgovcih, plemicih, pa o raznih zabavah,skrivnih snidenjih in znakih in še o mnogocem. Slika, ki nam jo daje ta zapis, obraca na glavo mnoge ustaljene predstave, ki jih imamo o srednjem veku, in omogoca drugacno antropološko, kulturološko in jezikovno anali­zo. Spis z naslovom Processum matrimoniale Marusse. relicte olim Antonii Bratosaglich 1480 hrani Zgodovinski arhiv mesta Dubrovnik v fondu Giustizieria,XIII.2. The Concept of Democracy in the Political Thought of T. G. Masaryk MARIE L. NEUDORFLOVÁ SinceT.G. Masarykwasformulatinghisideasaboutdemocracy, its complexitites and conditions needed for its development mainly in the last quarter of a century before World War I, my focus will be on this period. The most relevant in this context is his complex method of looking at reality. Its essence comes out best in his relevant views on specificissuesandproblems,particularlyCzechconditionsanddeve­lopments.Toacertainextent,theywillserveinmyarticleasbackgro­und for Masaryk’s more general views. Masaryk’s Presidency will be mentioned only briefly at the end of my essay, because this period was filled with his struggles to apply his ideals and concepts in practice on various levels and with various degrees of success. He was aware that the existence of democratic institutions itself does not guarantee theexistenceofafunctioningdemocracy,andthatitssuccessdepends notonlyonlongandshorttermaims,butequallyondailystrugglesto fosterconditions for preserving and advancing democracy and on the art of making reasonable compromises in competing needs and inte­rests. While he was very satisfied with the existence of institutional democracyinCzechoslovakiaafter1918,hewaspermanentlyworried about the insufficient number of knowledgeable and politically invol­ved democrats. If Masaryk’s concept of democracy is to be understood, it is first necesary to mention Masaryk’s major assumptions on which he built his concept. To a great extent, it still remains relevant to the present,1 The number of works which could be considered as relevant is extremely large. For that reason only recent works, which contain usually references to older works are mentioned in this paper. The most recent work in English, which elaborates on Masaryk’s approach to reality and on his major assumptions related to the ad-vancementof democracy is AlanWoolfolk and Jonathan B. Imber,Eds., Construc­tive Sociological Theory. Thomas G. Masaryk. USA: Transaction Publishers 1994. This book, however, does not make many reference to the literature on Masaryk. Masaryk’s works are being published by the Masaryk Institute of the Academy of SciencesoftheCzechRepublicinPrague.Overthirtyvolumeshavebeenpublished so far. Masarykuv sborník,XI-XII,2004,containsvaluablecontributionsbyCzech especially in light of the fact that the development of functional de­mocraciesin post-communistcountries isnot very successful. Masaryk incorporated into his concept basic assumptions of Enlightenment thought related to the possibility of progress in a very broad sense, including the recognition of inner worth and the equa­lity of people (the idea basically Christian); the idea that those who are ruled should have the power to control, influence and recall those who rule, and that the division of people into privileged minorities and unprivileged dominated majorities was inhuman, unjust and il­legitimate. Consequently, a democracy in the form of representative government, division of power, and political equality was desirable for the benefit of the majority of people and society as a whole. It implied human rights and political freedoms, knowledge of society, critical spirit as well as the majority principle, and at the same time respect for the rights of minorities.2 Masaryk perceived the ideal of democracyasrevoltingagainsttheocracyandaristocratismofallkin­ds. Democracy was in harmony with the dignity of every individual and with the principle of ‘love for your fellow man’, which denies the right to use people as a means for privileges and advantages of any individual, group or nation. Masaryk called the related positive and constructivephilosophicalprinciples,developedfrombasicChristian values, the ideas of the Enlightenment, and from historical experien­ce, ‘humanistic ideals’.3 Duetostrongandevenviolentpressuresfrombelow,anddecades of lasting philosophical reasoning in their favour, these general prin­ciples became gradually reflected in political institutions. Masaryk always emphasised that the degree of success of democracy and its as well as foreign scholars on various aspects of Masaryk’ thoughts and activity. It also contains a list of publications on Masaryk from 1999 to 2004. Standard works on Masaryk’s life do not contain much analyses of his ideas and political concepts. The value of Masaryk’s intellectual and moral heritage is questioned by a number ofconservative,Catholicaswellasneoliberalintellectuals(mainlyCzechandGer-man). 2 JohnLockeandAndreJardinTocqueville,whileinfavourofadvancingdemocracy, occupied themselves with minorities from different perspectives. Locke perceived certain groups, particularly of different confessions than protestantism, as incom­patible with civic status, and thus excluded them form his democratic consider­ations. Tocqueville, concerned with the rights of minorities, had in mind mainly traditional aristocratic power groups. As an aristocrat, he was worried that a de­mocracy could eliminate these groups completely from power. 3 Masaryk summarized humanistic ideals as reflected in Czech and Slovak tradition and writings in European context, in his work Humanitní idealy. Praha 1901. In English,ThomasGarrigueMasaryk, Humanistic Ideals. USA:BucknellUniversity 1971. The fist edition was published as Ideals of Humanity. London: George Allen andUnwin 1938. efficiency was dependent on other conditions, related to the overall level of every specific society, its cultural, economic, moral, politi­cal level. Their level determined particularly the efficiency of public discussions on matters of public concern, the possibility to accept modern democratic values, and the ability to solve problems by non­ violent means. In other words, the political maturity of the public and its responsible involvement in politics was a necessary condition for the advancement of democracy. Masaryk also perceived democracy as a division of work, as the participation of all members of society on work useful to progress of both the individuals and societal level. (This was different from undemocratic systems, in which the privi­leged classes did not have to work). He also considered democracy possible only with the involvement of scientific and critical methods and the use of knowledge from all disciplines – it was necessary to understand the world, society, human positive potentials and needs. He was aware that such an outlook was contrary to a mythical theolo­gicalexplanationoflifeandtheworld,butnotnecessarilytoreligious beliefs. But religion, relevant to morality and spiritual growth, had to be in harmony with reasoning and common sense. Masaryk was aware that conditions, which he viewed as fundamental for the esta­blishment of democracy, required a society deeply integrated in many respects. TakingintotheaccountthelevelofWesterncivilization,Masaryk considered national entities, with their deeply rooted broad identities, as the most suitable for the development of democracy. Members of each nation shared many important aspects, such as territory, langu­age, history, culture, traditions, partly social and political values, the level of education, needs, interests, problems and even enemies. Such a historically deeply rooted degree of integration provided potenti­als for the existence of a significant public sphere, for very thorough self-knowledge and self-reflection – indispensable for the effective communication on matters of public concern, and for effective invol­vementofthepublicintheprocessofpolicymakingthroughpolitical parties and various civic groups. There was not equally complex, si­gnificant enough community, with which people could meaningfully identify. While the majority of the public might well understand that a democracy is more beneficial to its needs and interests than other systems, its capacity to maintain and preserve functional democra­cy had to be continually cultivated through a knowledge of problems (media), democratic values, and skills to form and communicate in­formed opinions. This perception did not underestimate the need for continouscommunicationamongnationsandtheprocessoftheirmu­tual influence. But the adoption of ideas from others had to be main­ tained as a critical approach, in harmony with the needs of one’s own community, nation. Equally important was the ability of the public to resist the unde­mocraticminoritystreamsinsociety,particularlythosestrongenough to seek power, influence and privileges at the cost of others (Catholic Church,aristocracy,someprivilegedethnicgroups). Itwasclearalre­ady at the end of the 19th century that ethnic minorities could create problems for the advancement of democracy when their loyalty to the community was insufficient. But even the liberal ideology and prac­tices became counter productive to the advancement of democracy becauseoftheirinsufficientrespectforintegratingmoralandcultural values. Also Marxist ideology of social democratic parties had more divisive than integrativepotentials. Masaryk, as many other thinkers,4 considered a conflict in hu­man existence as its natural component, particularly the conflict be­tween those who possessed power and privileges and those who did not. Masarykbelieved that providing asmanyequalopportunities for peopletoadvancetheirpositivepotentialswaseffectiveinpreventing serious social problems and violent conflicts. Democracy was more promising in this repect than other systems, because it was more re­sponsive toneeds ofthepublic,especially basicneeds. Consequently, 5 a democracy was more a harmony with the ideal of justice. While Masaryk believed that a democracy was the most desir­able and in the interests of the majority of people, he shared a view withKarelHavlícekandothers,thatpeoplehadtoostrongadesirefor privileges at the cost of justice. People had to be continuously edu­cated in understanding why democracy with its social, cultural and educational solidarity was in the interest of stability, the quality of people and societies and their future. The humanistic roots of democ­racy – the love for the fellow man, was complemented by the belief that it was possible to create such a system, in which the principle of justicehadbroadersocial,ethicalandpoliticalfoundations,including the involvement of a democratic government on itsbehalf. Since he viewed knowledge (general as well as specific), and in­formed public opinion as a necessary condition for democratic poli­ 4 For example, already in 1873 John William Draper published in the USA an excel­lent book, History of Conflicts Between Religion and Science (published in Czech in 1892). Very relevant is a recent publication by American historian Charles Tilly, Contention and Democracy in Europe 1650-2000. United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press2004. 5 Tilly, Contention and Democracy, elaborates considerably on the on the role of the public in politics as the only force able to block an excessive influence of undemo­cratic groups and their inclination to undermine democracy. tics, he developed a special method of investigating reality. He called thismethod ‘realism’. IntheEnglishliteratureonMasarykitisusual­lycalled ‘constructivesociologicaltheory’. Itisasociologicalmethod of investigating various specific issues of society to gain sufficient knowledge on society and its problems. However, if this knowledge was to be useful for positive work, improvements and progress on practical levels, it had to be combined with democratic philosophy, po­litical as well as personal, partly growing from the collective positive experience of one’s own community, usually the nation. It assumed both the knowledgeof positive history,to continueits course, andthe knowledge of negative experience, to serve as a warning for avoiding past mistakes,conflicts andproblemsas much aspossible. To neglect bothmeantleavingdangerousamountofpublicspacetoprivateinter­ests and to those not interested in the advancement of common good, justice and democracy. In other words, without a knowledge of his­tory, a society would easily become a means for private interests and privileges of undemocratic minority elites. In this context, Masaryk viewed good modern education as the most important element in the process of democratization of a society and building a political de­mocracy. This aspectwill be mentioned again below. Inthepast,usuallythelackoffreedomforgainingandspreading knowledge and information served the privileged classes, supported by the dogmatic teachings of churches and the imposition of the hier­archicalorganisationofsocietiesclaimedasnaturalandgivenbyGod. Liberalism, while undermining the position of the nobility, churches and religion, in the 19th century its political practices began to ob­struct the process of democratisation. Leaning on positivism (disin­terested in causes and consequences) as a way of perceiving reality, contributed to confusion in the understanding of social conditions. Especially adverse effect had failed to distinguish between more and less important information, promoting excessive individualism, al­most unlimited freedom and competition (with destructive results), the support of culture focused on instincts as well as a considerable abuse of language. Masaryk greatly appreciated the analyses of liberalism by Karel Havlícek,themostsignificantCzechpoliticaljournalisttillthepresent, who already in the mid-1800s, pointed to substantial differences be­tween democratic philosophy and values and the current liberal ideol­ogy. Analyses of both seem to be still relevant. Liberalism, with its concept of expanding freedom, individualism, competition, certain rights and freedoms for individuals, the demand that governments stay away from solving social problems, and having a materialistic perception of the world and humans, had a more divisive than integra­ tive impact on society. A high level of moral, cultural and historical integration was needed however, for the advancement of democracy. Above all, liberal ideology ignored the importance of the moral and cultural sphere for the quality and meaning of life, it ignored the im­portance of a community (nation), its history and culture, despite of their importance for the stability of people, their mutual trust and the ability to act constructively and responsibly towards others, and to cooperate and to maintain solidarity with weaker groups. The liberal practices increasingly allowed the power elites to perceive society as ameansfortheadvancementoftheirprivateinterestsandadvantages, at the cost of justice and social peace. In other words, Masaryk viewed the liberalism of the period since the mid-1800s as insufficient for advancing justiceand democracy. In his view, it was also high time to apply democratic princi­ples to relationship between large, usually expansionist nations and smaller nations in Europe, since they proved their worth by contribu­ting culturally to the level of Western civilization,6 and the dignity of their people required that they had a chance to develop with respect to their conditions, needs and interests. Masaryk criticized liberal prac­tices viewing small nations as obstacles to progress in a number of his works, similarly as other ideologies with insufficient democratic orientation. Since the position and the existence of small nations in Central and Eastern Europe were always threatened by the expan­sionism and destructivness of large European nations, he also paid attention to the attitudes of the large nations.7 He considered these attitudes as causing a waste of talents and positive potentials of small nations, which could under less pressures and more respect and cooperation, contribute to their own positive development as well as to the whole of Western civilization. Nobody benefited from resulting conflicts, which were absorbing positive potentials and possibilites. Moreover, efforts to eliminate small na­tions would become a dark mark on the history and conscience of respective large European nations. With these views, Masaryk actu­ 6 Tilly, Contention of Democracy, points out often overlooked but essential aspect of Western democracies, who apply democratic principles at home, but in rela­tion to other nations, especially those whom they do not consider as equal, apply undemocratic, usually excessively liberal practices, blocking the development of democracy. ThisdoublestandardpossiblyhassomethingtodowithviewsofAdam Smith, who in his work Wealth of Nations expresses a view that it is not possible to gainwealthby honestmeans. 7 Masaryk elaborates in detail on the need to reorganise Central Europe on demo­cratic principles in his Nová Evropa. Stanovisko slovanské. Praha 1920. It was pub­lished first in English in 1918: New Europe. Slavic View. London: Eyre and Spot-tiswoode 1918 and again in1972. ally continued the considerations of František Palack, expressed half a century earlier. InrelationtotheHabsburgEmpire,Masarykaswellasanumber of other politicians, viewed the federal reorganization of the multina­tional Empire as the first necessary step to improvements and democ­ratization.Theresultwouldprovidenotonlymoredignifiedandequal positions for the dominated nations, but also more financial resources to respond to their different specific needs, to which the central gov­ernment in Vienna was unable or unwilling to respond positively. It was important that each nation would build its own economy as much aspossible,toservethelevelofitspeopleandnottoprofitsofforeign investors, corporations and banks. Only this way could nations have enough financial resources for culture,education, science, etc. Toavoidwastingintellectual, moralandeveneconomicresourc- es, Masaryk believed in the necessity of a political and even national program, realistically related especially to basic needs for improve­ments in societal life, such as education, health, social securities, cul­ture, social improvements. In the Czech case, Masaryk appreciated the political program formulated by Palacký and others during the promising revolutionary period 1848-49. The aspects of the program related to the idea of federalism, cultural and political democratiza­tion remained basically in force up to 1918. It demanded an equal po­sition of the Czech Kingdom and the Czech nation with the Austrian Germans, and put great emphasis on the cultural development on the assumptionthattheworkfortheoverallelevationoftheCzechnation, based on as broad an initiative of the public as possible, would not only secure its dignified existence but would make it a worthwhile partofWesterncivilization.Masaryk’smajorassumptionwasthatthe acceptance of humanistic and democratic ideals and orientation would be in Western civilization permanent, although he had no illusions about possible temporary reversals. Masaryk believed that the internal politics of nations should be in harmony with this orientation as much as possible, and this applied to every level of democratic development, including political parties. He felt that the two major Czech political parties had gradually re­duced theoriginal program and focused toomuch on official politics, especially strugglesto achievevarious concessions from the imperial government.Consequently,theculturalaspectsoftheprogramrelated to work with the Czech public, had been gradually neglected. Since the mid-1890s, the critical approach to Czech politics and to gov­ernmental politics became a continuous part of Masaryk’s political writings. Actually, he seemed to be the only one who considered the thorough, continual, systematic and critical reflections on political reality as extremely important for securing democratizing orienta­tion. Our experience indicates that there is never enough understand­ing of the overall conditions in which people live. Under democracy, the first obligation of intellectuals, especially in the humanities, is to becontinuallycontributingto such understanding. Itis quiteinterest­ingthatMasarykalsoincludedamongsourcesofvaluableknowledge thereflectivearts,especiallygoodliterature,aboutwhichhebelieved thatitsmostdemandingmissionwastosearchfortruthaboutlifeand its problems in a social context. The idea of having a broad long term as well as short term pro­gram for national development, political as well as cultural, and growing from different conditions of each nation, became very much a part of Masaryk’s concept of democracy. Moreover, he demanded that politics be built on ethical principles. These aspects were impor­tant especially in relation to the small nations of the Empire, since they could not afford to waste human resources and the talents of their people. The program would also necessarily include defensive meth­ods to resist the destructive tendencies of various groups, internal as well as external. It was essential that most individuals would accept the national entity as extremely worthwhile, and would incorporate concern for its level and quality into their personal philosophy, in harmony with Havlícek’s question of not only what the nation could do for the in­dividuals but also what the individuals could do in their capacity for the nation. This principle was directly related to the cultivation of the democratic political culture. It should be emphasized again that only a knowledgeable public, capable of informed opinions was relevant in this context. The notion of the public included three groups: the minority in the position of influencing the majority with its knowledge and views (usually the intellectuals and politicians); the majority, which played a less active role in this respect, but was important in the election process; and spe­cificminoritygroupswithspecialneedsandpotentials(occassionally even antidemocratic). The constructive interaction between them in the democratic spirit was a necessity if a democracy was to be stable. The quality and efficiency of this interaction, and consequently the stability of the democratic system, was dependent on the general level of education, maturity, sharing democratic values and honest con­cern for common good. Similar to other thinkers in the 19th century, Masaryk contribu­ted considerably to the increase of the educational, intellectual and moral level of the Czech public, including the intelligentsia. He also got involved in parliamentary struggles with the government for a greater number of Czech schools and for a second university.8 The Czechsecondaryschoolsbegantobeestablishedonlyfromthe1860s, theuniversityfromthebeginningofthe1880s. Thegirls’ schoolshad beenbuiltfromCzechpublicdonations,andtheAustriangovernment neverincludedthemintothestatesystemofschools. Masaryk’sargu­ments pointed to the unjust treatment of Czech schooling, to their in­ sufficient number and quality, which was far behind the opportunities whichtheGermansenjoyeddespitebeingonlyaonethirdminorityin the Czech Kingdom. On the whole, nine million of Austro-Germans had nine universities or their equivalent, while six million Czechs had only one university.9 Especially in his parliamentary speeches Masarykimplicitly accused thegovernmentandtheAustro-Germans that they were intentionally retarding the positive intellectual develo­pment of the Czechs, disregarding that the Czechs payed the highest taxes. As in other areas, he argued that the educated peoples in the Empire would strengthen it, and he repeated that each nation nee­ ded to incorporate into the educational system its own conditions and needs. When talking about university education, he emphasized the need for more humanities, knowledge of history and culture of diffe­rentpartsoftheEmpire,aswellasknowledgerelevanttotheneedsof modern society. The issue of quality and easy availability of education was very important in Masaryk’s considerations related to democracy. He de­manded substantial school reforms and resistance to the Catholic Church pressures to have more influence over schooling, since mod­ern times demanded people with knowledge, able to think, judgde ob­jectively, discuss, have positive initiative, and able to get involved responsibly in politics on behalf of individuals as well as positive so­cial development. From this perspective he continually emphasized the importance of knowledge gained by sociological methods as well as its popularization, to provide expanding ground for understand-inglifeanditspotentials. Thisunderstanding,combinedwithethical, moral principles, was to be at the root of human responsibility and responsible democratic politics. 8 Complete Masaryk’s parliamentary speeches in the Reichsrat, Bohemian Diet and in the Delegations were published by Masaryk Institute AV CR, as T. G. Masaryk, Parlamentní projevy 1891-1893, V. 21, Praha 2001, and Parlamentní projevy 1907­1914, v. 29, Praha 2002. 9 In the mid-1890s the Imperial government and the Reichsrat permitted the estab­lishmentofa secondCzechuniversity,whichwassupposedtobeinMoravia(Brno or Olomouc). But the Moravian Diet, in which the Germans were able to form the majority due to the unjust electoral law, never allowed the relevant bill to be passed. Masaryk considered the political sphere of the constitutional and parliamentary system potentially as the most effective path to impro­vementsandsolvingproblems. WhileheappreciatedwhattheCzechs achieved by their own struggles and means through the 19th century in the cultural and economic spheres, he viewed their achievements in the political sphere as not reflecting the opportunities provided by the existing semi-democratic system, especially since the 1880s.10 He believed that providing thorough knowledgeable analyses and good arguments in favour of badly needed reforms (federal, national, educational, social, legal, etc.) would persuade the Austro-German majority in the Reichsrat to support them. He was particularly con­cerned with a federal reform in favour of the equality of all nations in the Empire, which he believed and argued would be in the interest not only of dominated, unequal nations, but also in the interest of the Empire’sprosperity,stabilityandrespectability.Intimesofadvancing democracy,itwas,forexample,untenablethattheCzechmajorityhad the position ofa minority in their own Kingdom. To provide knowledge needed for positive politics, including the advancement of democratisation, Masaryk became a deputy in 1891 fortheCzechLiberalParty(YoungCzechs),onconditionthatthepar­ ty would accept his idea of professional and diligent parliamentary work and the idea of more intensive communication with the Czech public (a principle in fact necessary for any efficient democracy). He and other Czech deputies delivered dozens of competent knowledge­ able speeches between 1891 and 1893 on all important issues (usually translatedintoCzechandpublishedintheCzechpress),thequalityof thespeechesbeingsomethingcompletelynewinAustrianparliament. ThemajorityoftheAustro-Germanandconservativedeputiesremai­ned, however, unmoved and tried to justify the privileged German, dominant position, and unjust electoral laws, by arguments related to German superiority, state-forming capabilities, and the need for a centralised state on behalf of efficiency. The Czech demand for re­ 10 Since the establishment of constitutionalism and parliamentarism and at the same timedualismintheHabsburgMonarchyin1867(dividingtherulebetweentheAus­tro-GermansandtheHungarians),theCzechsresistedthispoliticalsystemtreating the majority of the Empire’s nations as unequal, and practiced so called ‘passive resistance’ in the Reichsrat and in the Bohemian Diet. However, since the end of the 1870s they began to participate due to the change of the electoral law for Land Diets. But not to iritate the Taaffe’s government and the Czech historical nobility, they maintained insuffient initiative. This was the reason, why the Czech younger deputiesgraduallyestablishedtheCzechLiberalPartyinthe1870s(svobodomyslná strana or Mladoceši), which won the elections for the Rechsrat in 1891, and almost swept the National Party from the political scene. Masaryk became a member of the Liberal Party and became a deputy for two and half year. storation of the Czech Historical State Law, and thus for a greater independenceoftheCzechKingdom,wasviewedbyAustro-German deputies as incompatible with the Empire’s interests, and even procla­imed by one deputy (Menger) as treason.11 The intensive communication of the Czech deputies with the CzechpubliconissuesdiscussedintheReichsrat,andfrequentpoliti-cal meetings(often attendedbythousandsofpeople)had beenmostly conducted in informative manner, and in the spirit of democracy and justice. Thanks to Národní Listy, the public was generally well infor­med on the work of their deputies and the press provided an additio­nal source for political education. According to some historians this period of almost three years was the most intensive wave of political education of the Czech public.12 When this unusual political participation of the Czechs was ended by the government’s proclamation of exceptional measures (unjustified and illegitimate in all respects), limiting the possibilities for political activities of the public and the press to a minimum, and lasting for over two years, Masaryk began to understand that the of­ficial politics was not really open to the interests and needs of modern democratic ideas and to the respect for the needs of the Empire’s na­tions. HebegantoperceivetheEmpiremainlyasameansforthepre­servationofprivilegesandthedominantpositionofAustro-Germans, who saw the majority of people and nations in the Empire as a threat to the Empire and to their privileges. Since the 1860s, their attitudes blockedneededdemocratization,andtheintroductionoftheuniversal suffrage in 1907 made little difference in this respect, since the rule was maintained more by the Emperor’s decrees than by decisions of disfunctional parliament. Masaryk became aware that the struggles for more democrati­zation and positive advancement had to ignore official politics, and 11 Masaryk elaborated on Czech historical State Rights in several of his speeches. AfterhisspeechintheReichsraton23November1892,hewasproclaimedbyAus­trogerman deputy Menger a traitor to the Monarchy. Despite considerable sym­pathy for him, Menger was censured by the majority of the House. Josef Penížek, Ceská aktivita v Cechách letech 1878-1918. Vol. 2. Praha: Ceský ctenár, 1931, pp. 161-162. The leader of the Germans in the Bohemian Kingdom von Ernst Plener, believed that the realization of the Bohemian Staatsrecht (Czech Historical State Laws) would destroy the Empire. Since the 1870s the Austrian government incres­ingly shared this view. It was no coincidence that the government prohibited to makeconnectionsbetweendomesticandforeignpoliciesintheReichsrataswellas inDelegations.ButCzechdeputiesfrequentlyviolatedthisprinciple,andpointedto the increasing dependence of the Empire onGermany as a source of grave troubles for the Empire. Since the end of the 1890s Masaryk began to promote ‘the natural right’ of nationsto their full existence, as equally important ashistorical rights. 12 Penížek, Ceská aktivita, 2, pp. 123-127. concentrateonstrugglesfrombelow,innon-politicalareas. Hecalled this orientation ‘subtle work’ (drobna prace). He figured out five ma­jor areas in need of urgent attention to preserve and even to advance the gains already achieved in advancing democracy: sources of in­spiration for positive work; the role of intellectuals; the quality and influence of journalism; the destructive role of radicalism on national integration; and education. After resigning his parliamentary seat in September 1893, for several years Masaryk devoted his attention to theseissues,andthengraduallyalsototheCzechwomen’smovement, which he also viewed as very relevant to democratisation. First he began to seek efficient means of preventing the Czech nation from demoralization under strict exceptional measures, which reduced drasticly political freedoms. He was occupied for almost two decades with philosophical sources of positive constructive thinking, and his interest in positive streams of Czechhistory was one of them. Masarykalwaysconsideredtheroleoftheintelligentsiaascrucial for the level of the nation and its democratic orientation, and since the 1880s he contributed to it to an admirable extent by his journals, arti­cles, lectures. He tried to balance the one-sided influence of German philosophy and thinking by publishing translations and reviews of thinkers from other countries, especially Anglo-Saxon, since they were incomparably more relevant to the advancement of democracy. He also paidgreatattentionto the Slavicnationsof Central, Southern and Eastern Europe, considering intensifying their political coopera­tion as extremely important for the future. He searched for positive inspiration to encourage the faith of the Czech nation in its positive potentials and in meaningful work for its positive development even in politically difficult conditions. Inthebackgroundofhiseffortswas Palacký’s and Havlícek’s belief that after periods of oppression, op­portunities always come for more freedom and a more decent political system, but the nation has to be prepared for such a chance. Only two decades later he began to perceive the international tensions and a coming war conflictas playing into the hands of democratic forces. In Ceská otázka (1895)13 he was trying to show on the basis of Czech history, that it was always the focus on humanistic ideals and positive work on various levels, that had been in the background of Czech positive advancement, occasionally bringing the Czechs to the forefront of struggles against oppression and for a more free and dignified human existence. By humanistic ideals he understood the continuation of those streams of thoughts and ideals, which had fa­ith in the inner equality and autonomy of human beings, their right 13 T. G.Masaryk, Ceská otázka. Snahy a tužby národního obrození. Praha: Cas 1895. to develop their positive potentials, including morality, and to apply them in practice. In the Czech case, he traced the line back to the 15th century to Jan Hus, the Czech reformation and the Enlightenment. His book caused century-lasting controversies and it is still viewed by many historiansasthemostimportantCzechwork,becauseitcreatedaspe­cificphilosophyofhistory,sooncalled ‘Czechphilosophy’,providing moral criteria against which the work of Czech intellectuals are still valued. The major point is that Masaryk, like many contemporary scholars, believed in the importance and great value of a deeply root­ed and integrated community, and that knowledge of its history was essential for the development of democracy. He shared with Palackand Havlícek the view that history was, to a great extent, a part of the present, its knowledge making possible the incorporation of posi­tive achievements into the present and future struggles, and partly assisting the avoidance of past problems, mistakes and conflicts. This stand, unlike a conservative one, believed in the possibility of progress, and unlike radicalism, favoured more reforms than radical changes, including revolutions. Masaryk, however, recognized the need of revolutions, when all other legitimate and non-violent means failedtoachievethejustandlegitimateends,andwhentherevolution had a chance for victory. His perception of history was much broader than was usual in his times. His call to broaden the scope of histori­cal research (not only events, but also social, cultural, economic, and otherconditions),aswellastherangeofmethodsofinvestigatinghis­tory (sociology, philosophy, ethnography, psychology, economy, etc.) soon resulted in a very positive and fruitful response among young Czechhistorians. He was concerned especially with the young intelligentsia, who began to turn to various fashionable -isms (cosmopolitism, radical­ism, anarchism, Marxism, socialism, free love, etc.), without under­standing their roots, meanings, and purposes. He tried to persuade young intelligentsia to work hard, to concentrate on gaining a good education (general as well as professional), including knowledge of the conditions and needs of their own nation, and to use their skills consciously for positive work. He argued that the community of the nation provided broad opportunities for positive involvement in the public sphere even under unfavourable political conditions, and the acceptance of the nation’s needs into one’s personal outlook, phi­losophy and positive work expanded the identity of individuals, and provided them with a higher meaning of their life. Consequently, the self-respect of individuals was to increase as well as the ability to take themselves, their talents, work and others seriously. In other words, Masaryk promoted the view that the intelligent-sia,havingprivilegesandmoreknowledgeandunderstanding,should be also more involved in public affairs, and should have more respon­sibility for the state and the level of the nation. He viewed all other ori­entations, especially cosmopolitism and positivism, as an escape from real life and from responsibilities. Since the 1880s, he wrote a number of articles on this topic, but at the end of 1895 summarised his views in detail in several chapters of Naše nynejší krise (Our Present Crisis).14 With this book, he influenced a considerable part of young Czech in­tellectuals and students.15 Masaryk, like Palacký and Havlícek, also implied that a morally, culturally and politically mature nation, re­lying mainly on its own initiative and work, would eventually achieve its legitimate aims.16 In this work he also criticized the insufficiency of Czech politics, its narrow and rather unrealistic orientation on gai­ning various concessions from the central government, especially the recognition of the Czech Historical State Rights, instead of focusing more on work, which would also assist the overall level of the Czech nation,including political education. Since journalism before World War I was the most important means of spreading political information, education and attitudes, and since Masaryk viewed the Czech journalism of the 1890s as very insufficient (regardless of existing hard censorship), he paid great attention to possibilities to improve it. He viewed the emptiness of news, frequent vulgarities, unclear terminology, the lack of educa­tional aspects, false radicalism, as little helpful to the advancement of democratic and positive values and skills. To avoid moralizing, he took great pains to mine again into Czech history, and in 1896 came out with the book on Karel Havlícek, the Czech journalist active aro­und the revolutionary period of 1848-49.17 Masaryk viewed as very relevanthisclearpoliticalthinking,hismethodof explaining modern political terms and concepts, and the essence of political conflicts. MasaryksharedHavlícek’spersuasion that a democracy was possible under the condition that the public must be, with its level of educati­ 14 T. G.Masaryk, Naše nynejši krise. Praha: Cas 1895. 15 A young literary critic F. X. Salda summarized the positive influence of this book on young intelligentsia in article Težká kniha. In: Rozhledy 4, 1895, p. 641-8, 711­21. 16 Koloman Gajan, Ed., Tomas Garrigue Masaryk: O demokracii. Praha: Melantrich 1991, s. 91. 17 T. G. Masaryk, Karel Havlíccek. Snahy a tužby politického probuzení. Praha: Cas 1896. When the political absolutism was renewed in the Habsburg Monarchy, Havlícek was persecuted despite his skills not to violate the existing laws. In 1851 was taken to exile to Brixen. When he was reliesed in 1856, he was a sick destroyed manand diedseveral monthslaterat theageof thirtysix. on, prepared for its complex and responsible role in the democratic system. He hoped that with this book he would influence the unsa­tisfactory quality of Czech journalism. For all his life he believed, that objective and critical journalism is a part of the public control over the government and its decision-making. Democracy was not possible without free, informative, educational and responsible jour­nalism. He considered politics, democracy and journalism intimately 18 interconnected. Variouskindsofradicalismbegantogrowinthe1890s,themost disturbing being that of some youth organizations (Pokrokári), which assumed that the radical agitation for badly reduced Czech Historical State Rights19 would force the government to renew them in some form. The radical progressives promoted the idea of a revolution aga­inst Vienna to achieveindependence for the Kingdom. Masaryk tried in several articles to explain that such attitudes were contraproduc­tive, unrealistic, and that the idea of revolution, which had no hope for victory, was very dangerous, especially for those democratic and progressive aspects which had been already achieved. But he worried evenmoreabouttheinfluenceofMarxismontheyoungintelligentsia and the working class, who formed a considerable part of the Czech population. It was not only the idea of revolution which worried him, but the materialistic essence of the teaching, with all its assumptions incompatible with the concept of democracy. He wrote a substantial critical book on Marxism, carefully analysing distorted assumptions of Marx and Engels’ teachings about human nature and possible so­lutions of social problems.20 Both authors had basically a pessimistic view of human beings, ignored non-materialistic dimensions of hu­man existence as essential to human well-being, and did not explain 18 T. G. Masaryk, Svetová revoluce. Praha: Orbis a Cin 1925, pp. 547-48. The last chapter of this extremely important Masaryk’s work ‘Demokracie a humanita’ is devoted to considerations on democray in a very broad context, pp. 499-608. Last edition MSU AV CR, Praha 2005. In English published as Making of a State 1927, 1969, in Slovenein 1936,and inanumberof otherlanguages. 19 Czech Historical State Rights was a set of Rights of the Czech Kingdom as es­tablished after the disastrous battle of White Mountain in 1620 by the Catholic Habsburgsfromthepositionofpower. Itsstatuswas stillconsiderablyautonomous intheframeworkoftheHabsburgMonarchy,butespeciallyundertheruleofMaria Tereza and Josef II, its independence was reduced, and when constitutional systém wasestablishedin1867,theCzechnationbecamewithothernon-Germanandnon­Hungariannationsasecondclassnation,withunequalpoliticalrights.However,the validityoftheHistoricalRightswasusuallyrecognizedbytheHabsburgEmperors in times of crises, when they needed the Czech support, the last occassion being in 1871. Butthe promises given hadnever benfulfilled inpractice. 20 T. G. Masaryk, Otázka sociální. Základy marxismu filosofické a sociologické. Praha: Jan Laichter1898. Also published byMSUAVCR Praha 2000. how from decayed conditions the revolution could make a better sy­stem. He perceived the influence of Marxism as a divisive force for thenation,ignoringtheimportanceofmorality,culture,andinsensiti­ve to the positive achievements of the past, undermining the integrity of society, dangerous to conditions necessary for the advancement of democracy. While he viewed both the critique of social conditions and the demands of the working class justified, he always disagreed with the means by which socialists wanted to achieve changes. Masaryk even argued that Marx and Engels later began to abandon the idea of revolution since the practice had shown that reforms could be an efficient means for the improvement of the lower classes. In his view, democracy as an open society and public influence provided suffici­ent opportunities for such reforms. In this context the existence of political parties, representing the needsandinterestsofvarioussocialgroups,playedanimportantrole. He considered their existence as necessary for a democratic system. but worried that not all political parties use political freedoms hone­stly and build their ideology on the acceptance of basic democratic principles. He pointed particularly to the conservative parties, which had an inclination to perceive their often selfish objectives as those of the whole nation. In Masaryk’s view, to be a tool of democracy, politi­cal parties had to have a common basis related to democratic princi­ples, values, rules, and open communication with the ruling strata as well as with the public, and they primarily had to aim at the common good, justice for all, and the well-being of the community. Masaryk agreed with Havlicek that the nature and quality of political parties shouldbejudgedmainlyonthebasisoftheirattitudetoeducation,its quality and availability for all people.21 In the Czech case, conside­ringtheinsufficientexperienceofthepublicwithdemocraticpolitics, Masaryk perceived as untimely the existence of a considerable num­ber of political parties at the end of the 19th century, since there was not even universal suffrage yet, and some parties had the inclination toenforcetoospecificinterestsatthecostofthecommongood. Their position was also a kind of radicalism, unfavourable to public intere­sts, contrary to the public role of controlling political power, and thus contributing insufficiently to democratic development. Masaryk had no illusions that some kind of perfect democracy was achievable on any relevant level (state, municipality, political organizations, etc.), but he considered the continual struggle for the 21 Masaryk, T. G., Karel Havlícek, p. 219. Masaryk presented considerably detailed reviewofHavlícek’sviewsonthenatureandtheroleofmostcommonpoliticalpar­ties, pp. 219-223. advancement of democracy and the positive development of both the individual and the community as essential for the continual advance­ment of democracy. He was aware that the content of democracy on various levels and in different times had to reflect changing conditons and needs, and for that reason it was necessary to be permanently in touch with all relevant aspects of reality.22 Since Masaryk viewed a democracy also as a way of thinking, in which public and private needs and interests had been intercon­nected, it did not escape his attention that women had been treated not only as unequal social beings but also as unequal in their intel­lectual potentials. He believed as feminists did, that with such a per­ception of women it would be difficult to advance democracy. While as a deputy, he demanded equal educational opportunities and equal political rights for women, he became aware that the prevailing soci-ety’sperceptionofwomenasunequalbeingshadverydeephistorical reasonsrelatedtotheofficialteachingoftheearlyChristianity. When he became active in the Czech women’s movement at the beginning of the 1900s, he devoted several lectures and articles to this issue, gradually presenting the teaching of St. Paul and its consequences for the Christian church, as the major source of the distorted view on womenasinferiorbeings. Masaryktried to provethisperceptionwas very unjustified, contrary to the position and attitude towards women, which Jesus maintained. The distortion of his teaching allowed the brutal exploitation of women through history. He did not exclude the private sphere from the need to adopt more moral and democratic attitudes. He particularly saw the need for adopting the principle of cooperation in marriage and the family, and the need for more re­spect and appreciation for the work of women by society and men. He considered important that women had the opportunities of choice in many respects. Masaryk considered the prevailing attitudes towards women as basically immoral. The double standard of sexual morality before marriage, free for men and strict for women, caused great disappo­ inments and distrust on the part of women, and at the same time it was a great health hazard, destroing the healthy foundations of the family 22 From the theoretical perspective, the summary of Masaryk’s views on democrcy is in T. G. Masaryk, Demokratismus v politice. Praha: Studentská revue 1912; T. G. Masaryk, Nesnáze demokracie. Syndikalismus a demokracie. O bolševizaci.Also relevant is: O tak zvané diktature proletariátu. Praha 1990. (Originally in 1913). In 1925 In Svetová revoluce Masaryk described in detail Czech and Slovak struggles during World War I for a democratic Czechoslovakia and Central Europe. A useful review of his ideas on democracy is in Koloman Gajan, Ed., Tomáš Garrigue Ma­saryk, O demokracii. Praha: Melantrich 1991. and the nation. It was not only that sexual diseases were incurable, but even married men, especially from the middle classes, had a habit of visiting brothels, since wives tried to avoid sexual relations to escape pregnancy (anticonceptives had been almost unobtainable and perce­ived as perverse). For the sake of women’s health and family well-be­ing,hethoughtittimely thatmenshouldalsobecomemoreincontrol of the number of children their families had (six to twelve was quite common),sincetoomanychildrenhadbeenunwanted,illegitimateor evenabused.Masaryk’sperceptionofwomenasequalbeings(butnot identical), with equally valuable positive potentials, and his ability to see the relations between men and women from women’s moral and emotionalneeds,wasviewedbyCzechwomenasalmostrevolutiona­ry, andthey remained gratefultoMasarykfor decades. Moreover,his viewsseemedtoinfluence,atleastpartly,theCzechpublic,especially the intelligentsia.23 Since he was a deputy in early 1890s, he fostered theideaofpoliticalequalityforwomen,especiallytherightofvoting. In 1901 he expressed in detail his ideas on this topic in lectures, which 24 were published in Zensky obzor. Until 1914, Masaryk’s major concern was with the change of unequal status of small nations in the Habsburg Empire, since their position, as it was mentioned, was that of a minority in most of the lands despite the fact that the Austro-Germans or Hungarians in fact formed a minority in most of them. The unequal status was related to political and national rights, to the use of a mother tongue, and even more importantly to the number and quality of schools. Masaryk, as a deputy, demanded an increase in the legal use of the Czech language not only in regions where the Czechs formed a majority, but also in regions where they formed a minority, since their children had been forcedtoattendGermanelementaryschoolsthereandhadbeenunder great pressure to be germanized. This went at the cost of learning other subjects, thusblocking theirintellectual and professional devel­opment. Masaryk believed that people, when a reasonably sized mi­nority, should receive, for a number of reasons (including emotional, 23 Most of Masaryk’s published relevant lectures are included in the volume published inhonourofMasaryk’s80thbirthdaybyCzechWomen’sCouncilin1930: Masaryk a ženy. Praha: Ženská rada 1930. In English a detailed summary of his relevant views is in Marie L. Neudorfl, Masaryk and the Women’s Question. In: Stanley B. Winters, Ed., T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937). USA: St. Martin’s Press 1990, pp. 258­ 282. Since the major source of Masaryk’s views on feminism were influenced by hiswifeCharlotta,avolumeofcontributionsonherlifeshouldbementioned:Marie L. Neudorflova, Ed., Charlotta G. Masaryková. Praha: Masarykuv ústav AV CR, 2001, 246s. 24 Masaryk,T. G.,Ženaapolitika. In:Ženský obzor,1901,no. 1,pp. 5-7,no. 2,pp. 19­20,no. 3,pp. 38-40. psychologicalandintellectual),thechancetogetaneducationintheir mother tongue. But he always considered it important that educated people know more languages, to keep intellectual contact with other countries; for the Czechs, the German language was most practical, but Masarykwishedthatlearningforeignlanguageswouldnotbeout of necessity. He devoted to this issue parts of his several parliamen­tary speeches as well as parts of a number of his studies. WhenPresidentoftheCzechoslovakRepublic,hewaswellaware of the problem of incorporating the German minority into participa­tory politics as loyal citizens, since their feelings of superiority were badly wounded by the formation of a democratic Czechoslovakia. He was very careful to preserve conditions for their cultural level (till the 1930s they had more secondary schools per number of children than the Czechs had), but the rise of Hitler and Nazism had changed the promisingdevelopmentofpeaceful coexistence. Some Czechpatriots viewedhimasaGermanophile(forexample,writersViktorDyk,dep­uty, and Božena Viková Kunetická, senator), and his trust in German rationality andgood willas unjustified. Masaryk built his views and policies on the assumption that a democratic course in Europe would gradually intensify and that a realistic chance would be provided for smaller nations to advance their level and potentials. He was well aware of intensifying contac­ts among nations and states, and perceived the positive potentials of this development. But he believed that democracy applied to the in­ternational scene would prevent undesirable and destructive pressu­res on the identity, culture and integrity of nations, particularly small nations. He was not politically naive, and was aware of the possible reversals of positive developments, but believed that attempts to de­stroy democracies would always be defeated in Western civilization. Definitely, he was not, however, able to imagine the horrors of World War II and its planned destructivness not only towards Jews, but also towards the Slavic peoples. His considerations on how to strengthen the democratic systems in Europe and the cooperation among Slavic people continued in the 1920s and 1930s. He considered particularly important the cooperation of smaller countries in Central Europe and theBalkans,pointingtocertainculturaltraditionsandmanycommon interests.25 His practical policies had been directed to this goal, but 25 He elaborated on the need for cooperation of smaller Central European countries especially in New Europe and in the last chapter of Svetová revoluce, pp. 505-512. HewaspartlyscepticalaboutgoodwillonthepartofthePolishgovernment,buthe was very optimistic as to the cooperation with the Balkan Slavic nations, especially the Serbs and the Slovenes. Many relevant aspects are discussed by Irena Gantar Godina,forexample,The Influence of T. G. Masaryk on the Slovenes. In: Stanley B. Nazi Germany,anditsaggressivnessandtheexpansionistwarandits consequences thwarted againthispromisingcourse.26 POVZETEK Koncept demokracije v politicni misli T. G. Masaryka Masarykov koncept demokracije vsebuje razlicne temeljne pred­postavke, med katerimi je najpomembnejša ta, da popolne demokra­cije ni, da ne obstaja in da mora biti boj za njeno uresnicitev nekaj stalnega. Dejstvo je, da popolni demokraciji grozijo nedemokraticni pritiski. Druge predpostavke se nanašajo na možnost napredka, na željo po splošnem dobrem, na obstoj globoko prežetega fenomena družba–nacija, na njeno samospoznanje, na proces politicne enakosti deprivilegiranih skupin (ženske, delavstvo, manjšine) in že v zacet­ku nujno upoštevanje njihovih razmer. Drugi vidiki se nanašajo na posebne potrebe vsake posamezne družbe, kot so npr. izobraževan­je in demokraticne vrednote. Demokraticna politicna kultura pred­stavljaprepoznavanjedružbenihproblemov,ucinkovitoinodgovorno sodelovanje oz. poseganje javnosti v politicne procese in sposobnost politicne elite sprejemati razumne kompromise, ki so lahko v korist vecine posameznikov, družbe kot celote in ne škodijo šibkejšim sku­pinam. Winters, Ed., T. G. Masaryk (1850-1937). USA: St. Martin’s Press 1990, pp. 114-129; Loncar in Masaryk. Ljubljana: Slovenska Matica 1994; T. G. Masaryk in the Eyes of the Slovenes. In: Proceedings of the conference ‘Masaryk a strední Evropa’. Brno 1997. 26 This Contribution is a part of Research project MSU AV CR Search for Identity: IdeologicalandPoliticalConceptsofModernCzechSociety1848–1948.KodAVOZ 70900502. Tri »dobre zgodbe« o kralju Matjažu ISTVÁN LUKÁCS I Kralj Matjaž je osrednji lik slovenskega ljudskega pesništva, o njem govorijo številne ljudske pesmi in pripovedke. V njih je še ve­dno veliko skrivnostnega, kralj Matjaž pa se v ljudskih pripovedih o skupni slovensko-madžarski preteklosti pojavlja predvsem kot pozi­tiven junak, odrešenik slovenstva. Z likom kralja Matjaža v sloven-skem ljudskem izrocilu se je prvi ukvarjal Avgust Pavel še v casih pred drugo svetovno vojno, žal pa ni napisal nacrtovanega celovitega dela o tej temi.1 Skoraj neodvisno od Pavlovih raziskav, toda bistveno pozneje, so se analize, razlage in klasifikacije ljudskih pesmi in pri-povedkokraljuMatjažulotilitudislovenskietnologi,mednjimiIvan GrafenauerinMilkoMaticetov.2 Leta 1990, ob petstoti obletnici smrti kralja Matjaža, je v Mariboru potekala skupna slovensko-madžarska konferenca,nakaterisovzvezistotemoprišlinadanštevilnidetajli, ki so raziskovanjumatjaževk dali nov zagon.3 Ljudske pesmi in pripovedke o kralju Matjažu so od romantike naprej predstavljale navdih za slovensko književnost. Kralj Matjaž slovenskega ljudskega izrocila se je uvrstil med bajeslovne like slo­venskeganaroda,pisateljiinpesnikisoseopiralinatobogatoljudsko izrociloinsoskušaliprekzgodbokraljuMatjažupoiskatiodgovorna usodna vprašanja slovenstva in tudi na svoje individualne dvome. V monografiji v madžarskem jeziku sem povzel dognanja slo­ 1 ÁgostonPável,AzOrpheusz-mondarokonaiadélszlávnépköltészetben,v:Ágoston Pável, Válogatott tanulmányai és cikkei,Szombathely,1976. 2 Ivan Grafenauer, Slovenske pripovedke o kralju Matjažu, Ljubljana: SAZU, 1951; MilkoMaticetov, Kralj Matjaž v luci novega slovenskega gradiva in novih razisko­ vanj, Ljubljana: SAZU, 1958. 3 Gradivo konference je bilo objavljeno v zborniku Corvin Mátyás-konferencia – Posvetovanje Matjaža Korvina (sic!), ur. József Varga – Zoltán Molnár, Mari-bor, 1991. Študije o kralju Matjažu so bile pozneje objavljene v Hasonlóságok és különbözoségek – Ujemanja in razhajanja, ur. István Fried – István Lukács, Buda­pest:KossicsAlapítvány, 1998. venskeinmadžarskestrokovneliterature20. stoletjaokraljuMatjažu v slovenskih ljudskih pesmih in pripovedkah in sem prvi podal celovit pregled o recepciji matjaževk v slovenski književnosti.4 Uspelo mi je pritegniti pozornost madžarskega bralca in opozoriti na to, da je naj­uspešnejši vladar madžarske nacionalne zgodovine igral pomembno vlogovživljenjunarodovtegaprostora,šezlastipavdružbenem,zgo­dovinskem induhovnemživljenjuSlovencev. V tejštudijibomskušal predstaviti svoja najnovejša dognanja v okviru te vsestranske teme. Moje raziskave so se osredotocale predvsem na naslednja vprašanja, pojave in probleme: na predstavitev nekaj novih zgodovinski dejstev, ki govorijo o odnosu kralja Matija Korvina do slovenskih dežel; nova interpretacija besedil ljudskega izrocila o kralju Matjažu kot besedil kolektivnegaspomina,kolektivneganarativainnacionalneidentitete; in na koncu na soocanje, konfrontiranje zgodovinskih dejstev, moti­vov besedil kolektivnega narativa in leposlovne adaptacije besedil o kralju Matjažu. II Splošno znano dejstvo je, da je usodo ozemlja, poseljenega s Slovenci,žedavnopredkraljemMatijemKorvinom,od12.stoletjana­prej, oblikovala rodbina Celjskih grofov. Z zelo spretnimi politicnimi koraki, ki so pogosto vplivali tudi na evropske razmere, s sorodstve­nimi vezmi s pomembnimi evropskimi dinastijami so postali važen dejavnik od Balkana pa vse do meja Habsburškega cesarstva. V boju za oblast so uporabilitudinajbolj grobemetode,znacilne zafevdalno aristokracijo.Priširjenjusvojegavplivasobilivglavnemvsovražnem odnosusHabsburžani. ObzatonuoblastiCeljskihgrofovpajeusodna vloga doletela Hunyadijce. Po smrti bosanskega kralja Tvrtka II. se je János Hunyadi zaradi dedišcine sprl z Ulrikom Celjskim, ki je bil porocen s hcerjo srbskega despota Jurija Brankovica. Zaradi poraza naKosovempolju(1448)stabilavendarleprisiljenasklenitipremirje. JánosHunyadijeobljubil,dasebonjegovsinMatijaKorvinporocilz Elizabeto,hcerkoUlrikaCeljskega.MatijaKorvininElizabetaCeljska staleta 1451 sklenilaporocnopogodbo,porokapaje bilazaradispora med starši šele leta 1455. Elizabeta je živela pri Jánosu Hunyadiju, Matija pa je moral na dvor Ladislava V. Ta poroka med otrokoma je bila v resnici navadna ugrabitev. Elizabeta Celjska je kmalu umrla, po vsej verjetnosti na gradu Hunyad. Po smrti Jánosa Hunyadija 11. IstvánLukács,A megváltó Mátyás király színeváltozásai a szlovén néphagyomány-ban és szépirodalomban, Budapest: Lucidus, 2001. avgusta 1456 je habsburški kralj za vrhovnega kapitana Ogrske ime­noval Ulrika Celjskega inne Ladislava Hunyadija. Zaradi tega seje v kroguHunyadijcevšepoglobilosovraštvodoCeljskihgrofov.Pristaši Ladislava Hunyadija so 9. novembra 1456 v Beogradu ubili Ulrika Celjskega. S kruto smrtjo zadnjega moškega clana Celjskih grofov je bila rodbina, ki je vseskozi imela dinasticne ambicije, dokoncno iz­brisana iz slovenske zgodovine. Usmerjenost Celjskih grofov na jug in vzhod, njihove rodbinske vezi in pomembna posestva so bistveno vplivalinausodokrajevodBalkanadoOgrske. ZadedišcinoCeljskih grofov se je zacel srdit boj, katerega zmagovalec je leta 1457 postal cesar Friderik. S krvavimi bitkami si je pridobil bistveni del premo­ženja. Ovdovela kneginja Katarina je našla zatocišce v Turciji in je tam tudi umrla. Toda celjsko vprašanje se s tem ni koncalo; sloven-sko ozemlje je postalo prizorišce še bolj krutih vojn. Po smrti kralja Ladislava je nastal nov položaj. Leta 1458 je postal ceški kralj Jurij Podjebrad, ogrski pa Matija Korvin. V habsburških deželah je pote­ kala dedna vojna med Friderikom in Albertom. Skoraj celo desetletje so na slovenskih tleh spet pustošile najemniške vojske s ceškimi voj­skovodjinacelu enkrat ene,drugicdruge strani. Medljudstvomsose širili letaki, ki so Friderika ostro kritizirali. Po umiku najemnikov pa se je nenadoma pojavila nova nevarnost – Turki. Turška vojska, ki je prihajala iz Bosne in Srbije, je med letoma 1469 in 1483 že preplavi-la slovensko ozemlje med Istro in Zagrebom ter po njem požigala in pustošila, povzrocala ogromno škodo in z ustrahovanjem pripravila teren za morebitni vecji pohod. Obrambni ukrepi Friderika III. niso biliucinkoviti,ponenadnemumikuturškevojskesejezmanjšalatudi protiturška bojevitost. Vedno nove davšcine kmetom niso izboljšale položajain ti so postajali cedalje boljnezadovoljni. Kruti turški vdori so se prenehali po mirovni pogodbi med miroljubnim Bajazitom II., ki je sledil bojevitemu Mehmedu II., in Matijem Korvinom leta 1483. Glede priljubljenosti kralja Matjaža na Slovenskem to nikakor ni ne­pomembna okolišcina. Kralj Matjaž in Turki ter kralj Matjaž v turški jeci sta pogosta motiva v slovenskih ljudskih pesmih in pripovedkah pa tudi v raznih leposlovnih adaptacijah. Pogostnost teh tem bi bilo mogoce razlagati tudi z dejstvom, da je bil v nenehnem boju s Turki, obstaja pa tudi bistveno bolj zanimiva in skrivnostna biografska okolišcina, zaradi katere so lahko te zgodbe bolj »osebne«. Matija Korvin je v pismu, ki ga je napisal Mehmedu II., sultana spoznal za krvnega sorodnika, pozneje pa prav tako tudi mlajšega brata sultana Bajazita II., prestola željnegaprincaDžema,kigajeskušaldobitiodpapeža,dabigaimel kot lastnega ugrabljenca. V zvezi z njim je papeževemu odposlancu sporocil, da je princ Džem sin starejše sestre njegove stare mame, matere Jánosa Hunyadija, ki je bila v turškem ujetništvu in je postala sultanova soproga. Bajazit II. je v mirovni pogodbi leta 1488 Matija Korvina prav tako imenoval za svojega »brata in sorodnika«.5 Glede tega sicer ni zanesljivega zgodovinskega podatka, toda že samo dej­stvo, da je kralj pogosto poudarjal krvno sorodstvo, je izredno po­membnoin je bilo morda splošno znano. Leta1480sejezacelapravavojnamedFriderikomIII.inMatijem Korvinom. Ogri so zavzeli Radgono, kmalu tudi Fürstenfeld, nasle­dnje leto pa so oblegali že Maribor. Nekateri plemici so se postavili na stran kralja, ki jih je bolje placal. Leta 1483 so Ogri vdrli vse do Ljubljane. Nacrti Matija Korvina so bili vedno jasnejši: Habsburžane je želel izriniti od Dunaja pa vse do morja, na tem obmocju je hotel postaviti mocne utrdbe proti Turkom. Matija Korvin je kljub naspro­tnim prizadevanjem Friderika III. zavzemal vedno vec slovenskih krajev. Leta 1489 so se zacela mirovna pogajanja, toda ogrska oblast nad slovenskim ozemljem se je kmalu koncala zaradi Korvinove ne­nadne smrti leta 1490. Zavzeto ozemlje je ponovno prešlo pod oblast Habsburžanov. Matija Korvin je verjetno predstavljal vladarja, ki bi bil sposoben slovenstvo obvarovati pred turško nevarnostjo in ki bi lahkonamestozasmehovanegaFriderikaIII. na Slovenskem vzposta­vil red.6 V zvezi s kraljem Matjažem iz slovenskega ljudskega izrocila se ne le v mislih laika, ampak tudi v slovenski strokovni literaturi poraja temeljno vprašanje, s kom je mogoce pravzaprav poistovetiti junakaljudskihpripovedi,natancneje:aligajesplohmogoceistovetiti z likomiz madžarske zgodovine, z Matijem Korvinom? Zgodovinska dejstva o vplivu renesancnega madžarskega vladarja na Slovence, ki sem jih predstavil zgoraj, sicer potrjuje zelo malo pisnih virov in do-kumentov,todavseenojetrebaugotoviti,dajeimelavladavinaMatija Korvina mocen vpliv na omenjenem obmocju, in to velja tudi za Slovence.Vsekakorjetrebaupoštevatiugotovitev,kijojezapisalIvan Grafenauer v svoji monografiji: »[V]prašanje je malodane nerešljivo, dokler se zgodovinsko razmerje kralja Matija Korvina do slovenskih dežel in Slovencev nadrobno ne razišce ...«7 Vedeti moramo, da se za znanstvenimi in vcasih tudi za lažnimi znanstvenimi razpravami 5 András Kubinyi, Mátyás király, Budapest: Vince Kiadó, 2001, 9. 6 Milko Kos, Zgodovina Slovencev: Od naselitve do petnajstega stoletja, Ljubljana, 1955; BogoGrafenauer, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda III, Ljubljana:Državnaza­ložba Slovenije, 1956; Hunyadi Mátyás, Emlékkönyv Mátyás király halálának 500. évfordulójára, Budapest: Zrínyi Kiadó, 1990; Peter Štih – Vasko Simoniti, Sloven-ska zgodovina do razsvetljenstva, Celovec, 1996; András Kubinyi, Mátyás király, Budapest: VinceKiadó, 2001. 7 Ivan Grafenauer,n. d., 174. skrivanacionalnapodobaonajbližjemsosedu,kijesevedanimogoce locitiodrazvoja doloceneganaroda. Vzvezinacionalnopodobovelja splošna resnica, ki jo je vsekakor treba upoštevati, namrec da iracio­ nalni elementi, stereotipi bistveno vplivajo na nacionalno podobo in da se v doloceni zgodovinski situaciji pogosto ponovno pojavijo že pozabljene posplošitve, negativne ocene in poenostavitve.8 Ob razu­mevanjuingenezikraljaMatjažavslovenskihljudskihpesmihinpri­povedkah srecamo vsete pojave. Anton Ocvirk je v svoji duhovnozgodovinski študiji iz tridese­tih let 20. stoletja ob Lepi Vidi, Petru Klepcu in Kurentu med najpo­membnejšeslovenskenacionalnesimboleuvrstiltudikraljaMatjaža.9 Po Ocvirkovem mnenju ti nacionalni bajeslovni simboli v sebi skrivajo osrednjo resnico, iz katere je mogoce izlušciti celoten eksistencialni, umetniški in kulturni razvoj. Povsem nepomembna je okolišcina, da so ti štirje liki nekoc prišli iz tujega okolja in da bi si jih morali deliti zdrugiminarodi–pomembnojeleto,dajihjenarodprilagodillastni duhovni podobi. Ocvirkova študija o duhovni zgodovini Slovencev je bila pravzaprav predhodnica monografije Jožeta Pogacnika, ki jo je napisal dobrih pet desetletij pozneje, o najpomembnejšem mitu ljud­skegapesništvavslovenskemleposlovju,oleposlovniadaptacijimita o Lepi Vidi.10 Ta mit je celi vrsti pisateljev in pesnikov nudil trdno in trajno doživetje, prav zato je mogoce domnevati, da se v njem skriva neka elementarna slovenska psihofizicna globina. Tema se pojavlja v vseh literarnozgodovinskih obdobjih, v vseh smereh, kar pomeni, da so intrepretacijske možnosti sporocila, ki se skriva v njem, neiz-crpne. Pogacnik je to poimenoval elasticna stabilnost. Po Pogacniku je vsebina mita »vse bolj rasla, vkljucevala je psihicni, socialni in na­cionalni problem slovenstva ter s tem postajala nadcasovna in obca. Dotakerastijelepovidskemuindrugimpodobnimmotivompomagal poseben psihološki pojav, ki se imenuje kolektivni spomin. V njem se stikajostvari,kisopodzavestenizrazživljenjskeusmerjenostinekega narodainnjegovegaposebnegaživljenjskegaobcutja. Kolektivnispo-min je tudi sicer najbolj pogosta oplojevalna sila v umetnosti. Stvari, ki so nezavestno živele v narodovi notranjosti, ožive v casu, ko se kulturnozgodovinska, sociološka in biološko-psihološka plat strnejo v konstelaciji, ki spontano uresnici in aktualizira poprej le virtualno živecepodobe.«11 PogacnikjemitLepeViderazdelilnatriskupine,ki sizgodovinskosledijo:1. sensus mythicus,to,karpoznamoiztradici­ 8 Dénes Sokcsevits, Magyar múlt horvát szemmel, Budapest: Kapu Könyvek, 2004, 6. 9 Anton Ocvirk, Slovenski kulturni problemi, Ljubljanski zvon 1931, 241–249. 10 Jože Pogacnik, Slovenska Lepa Vida ali hoja za rožo cudotvorno, Ljubljana, 1988. 11 N. d., 295–296. onalnegaljudskegapesništva,2. sensus historicus,realisticnadela,ki mitrazlagajozgenetskegaoziromazgodovinskegazornegakota,in3. sensus astrologicus, dela,v katerih se nahaja kozmicno bistvo hrepe­nenja. Umestitev mita Lepe Vide v zgoraj navedeno trojno pojmovno enoto,kijojeodkrilPogacnik,sepopolnomaujemazmožnotipologi­jo mita o kralju Matjažu v ljudskempesništvu inleposlovju. III V zgodovinski znanosti današnjega casa se je zvecala vrednost kolektivnih narativov, ki zagotavljajo obstoj in casovno trajnost dolo-cene skupnosti, služijo pa tudi reorganizaciji identitete posameznika. Tekolektivnepripovedkeimajoposebnodinamiko,sajsosedolocene zgodbe skozi cas ohranile v najrazlicnejših razlicicah, vse dokler ni nastala »dobra zgodba«.12 Kolektivni spomin, nacionalna identiteta in ustvarjeni narativi tvorijo med seboj povezano trojico. Maurice Halbwachs,kijeprviizdelalteorijookolektivnemspominu,meni,da cloveški spomin ni individualne narave, ampak je vezan na družbeno komunikacijo. Spominjamo se lahko samo tistega, kar posredujemo v komunikaciji razlicnih družbenih skupin, kar lahko umestimo v tamkajšnje socialne sheme ali družbeni kontekst.13 Spomin je lahko komunikativniinkulturni.PoJanuAssmannukomunikativnispomin vsebuje tiste spomine neposredne preteklosti in sedanjosti, ki si jih delijosodobniki. Kulturnispominseganazajvsedoizvoraskupnosti. Kulturaopredmetidoživetjainspomine,kisopomembnizaskupnost, meddrugimjihkodiravzgodbahinjihtakoohrani.PoAssmannovem mnenju traja casovni interval štirideset let, v tem casu spomin cla­nov skupine na konkretne dogodke prepusti mesto simbolicnim obli­kam, torej kulturnemu spominu.14 Želim pripomniti – in to potrjuje Assmanov pogled –, da so prva porocila o kralju Matjažu kot junaku slovenskih ljudskih pripovedi dokaj zgodnja. Marcantonio Nicoletti (1536–1589), notar v Cedadu,jevdrugi polovici 16. stoletjaprvic po­rocal o obicajih Slovencev v okolici Tolmina in med drugim zapisal: »[R]adi pojo v svojem jeziku, v vrsticah razlicnih napevov pesmi v slavo Kristusovo in svetnikov, pa tudi ogrskega kralja Matija ter dru­gih slavnih ljudi svojega naroda.«15 To zgodnje porocilo prica o tem, 12 FerencPataki,Együttesélmény –kollektívemlékezet, Magyar Tudomány 2003, št. 1. 13 Gábor Gyáni, Kollektív emlékezet és nemzeti identitás, Magyar Tudomány 2003, št. 1, 12–16. 14 JanAssmann, A kulturális emlékezet, Budapest:Atlantisz Kiadó,1999. 15 Ivan Grafenauer,n. d., 9. da je kralj Matjaž dokaj hitro zavzel mesto v slovenskem ljudskem izrocilu. Glede ohranjanja preteklosti so spomin in kolektivni nara­tivi izredno pomembni. Pierre Nora pravi, da ce se prekine trajnost spomina, se oddaljimo od lastne preteklosti. Spominjamo se lahko le, ce obstajajo spominska mesta (ustanove, topografske tocke, kulturne stvaritve,družbenenavade,rituali,narativi).Najpomembnejšanaloga spominskih mest je krepitev in posredovanje nacionalne identitete.16 V narativih kot spominskih mestih kodirani dogodki »niso resnicni zato, ker so se zgodili, ampak zato, ker so vredni spomina, ter zato, ker si najdejo prostor v kronološko urejenem zaporedju dogodkov«.17 Kako pravzaprav funkcionira kolektivni spomin, ki ustvarja narative za ohranjanje kolektivne in individualne identitete? V verigi dogod­kov dobijo poseben pomen doloceni epizodni dogodki, ki se kolek­tivno stilizirajo. Kolektivna pripovedka, ki je tako nastala, fizicno ohrani skupnost, zagotovi njeno casovno trajanje in na podlagi te se gradi in trajno reorganizira posameznikova samozavest. Ti narativi se permanentno spreminjajo: obnavljajo in dograjujejo se, njihov po-men se dopolnjuje. Gre za zaprt sistem pomenov: dolocene ideje so razumljive le za skupnost. Le malo vemo o mehanizmih ustvarjanja kolektivnih narativov.18 IV Med številnimi ljudskimi pesmimi in pripovedkami ter leposlov­nimibesediliokraljuMatjažuvsekakorizstopajotri»dobrezgodbe«, ki so bile tudi že prej predmet številnih zanimivih analiz zgodovine mita.19 Prva»dobrazgodba«jepripovedkaznaslovomVoznik pri kra­lju Matjažu,drugaljudskapesem Godec pred peklom, tretja pa pripo­vedka Ivana Cankarja z naslovom Potepuh Marko in kralj Matjaž. Voznik pri Kralju Matjažu Neki Slovenec(pravijo)je iz Ugerskevinadomavozil. Nekega dnepri­de po svojem potu skoz veliko dobravo, nameri se podvisoko goro, na kterej opazi hišico, ktera stoji na pol v skalo zazidana, tako da se je kumej streha iz zemlje vidila. Pred vratami zagleda verlega junaka, s sabljo opasanega. KadarseSlovenecsvozampribliža,zacnejunakgovoritiinpitati:»Prijatelj! 16 Nav. po:GáborGyáni, n. d., 12. 17 Hayden White, A történelem terhe, Budapest: Osiris, 1997, 134. 18 Ferenc Pataki, n. d. 19 ÁgostonPável,AzOrpheusz-mondarokonaiadélszlávnépköltészetben,v:Ágoston Pável, Válogatott tanulmányai és cikkei, Szombathely, 1976, 7–29; Vlado Nartnik, OdkvarnerskegazmajaNegotinadokoroškegakraljaMatjaža, Rijec (Rijeka)1996, št. 2, 150–156. Ti si iz gornjih naših stran. Povej mi, ali še lazijo mravlice na te tri verhe: naŠent-Krištofov,na Šent-Helenin in naŠent-Urihovverh?« (Tako se imenujejo tri gore na severnoizhodnej strani od Celovca. Na verhuvsaketehtrehgorjecerkvicaizzidana,kamorsoSlovenciradinabožji pot hodili. Tudi je bila ta navada, da so se morale vse tri cerkve na jeden den objiskati,karjebilodostitežavno.Cerkvicasv.Urihase je že poderla; unidva ste paše celi.) Slovenecje odgovoril: »Še lazijo, pa ves cas leredje.« »Povej doma: kadar bode vera toliko oslabela, da ne bode nikdo vec hodil na te triverhe, tedajbodem jazustal in prišel ssvojocernovojsko.« »Kdo sipa ti?« ga upraša Slovenec. »Jaz sim kralj Matjaž! Stopi bliže in pojdi za menoj v to hišico, da se sam s svojimi ocmi prepricaš.« Slovenec gre z njim v hišico in kralj Matjaž mu ukaže: »Stopi tu za me in poglej meni crezdesno ramoskoztoto okno.« Clovek stori, kakor mu je ukazano, in vidi ravno polje, dolgo in široko. Po celim polju crez in crez vse sami vojaki v orožji s konji. Pa vse mirno in tiho. Nicse ne gane,kakor dabispalikonji in vojaki. »Vidiš, to je cerna vojska!« rece kralj Matjaž zacudjenemu Slovencu. – »Poglej spet skoz okno.« – Clovek spet pogleda, kralj pak prime rahlo za svojosabljoinjomaloiznožnicepovlece.Sdajglej!Celavojskaoživí!Vojaki se uzdvignejo, konjizacnejosglavami majati, herzati ins kopitami kopati. »Vidiš!« rece kralj Matjaž, »ne bode vec dolgo, in jaz bom ustal in po­tegnil svojo sabljo. Bode mlacen veter potegnil, vsem ljudem jedno misel dal. Moji vojaki bodo poskakali na konje. Tedaj bode cerna vojska za sveto staro vero in pravico.« (Tako je dejal Kralj Matjaž.)20 V zgornji »dobri zgodbi« se skrivajo številne zanimive in po­membne bajeslovne, duhovnozgodovinske in konkretne zgodovinske plasti, z njihovo razlago in klasifikacijo pa je bilo podkrepljeno vse tisto, kar sem zgoraj na kratko navedel o oblikovanju kolektivnih na­rativov. Vlado Nartnik je v svoji študiji ob tej zgodbi opozoril hkrati na bajeslovne in zgodovinske globine, ki oblikujejo diskurz kolektiv­nega spomina.21 Arabski znanstvenik Al-Masúdi je v svojem delu iz 10. stoletja porocal o treh svetišcih Slovanov, in sicer takole: Prvosvetišceizraznoteregainraznobarvnegakamenjastojinapreviso­kemgorovju,vnjegovikupolisonavzhodnistranilineinznamenja,kisepo njih prerokuje, z viška donijo silni glasovi. DrugosvetišcejepostavilnaCrnigoriedenodslovanskihkraljevsredi zdravilnihvoda.VnjemstojivelikanskiSaturnovmalikvoblikistarca,drže-cega palico, ki z njo spravljav gibanje kosti mrtvih;pod njegovo desnonogo so mravlje, pod levo pa vrane in druge ptice »zamorci«in»crnci«. Tretje svetišce iz marmorja in smaragda je na gori, ki jo obdaja morski zaliv. Maliku v njem iz cetverega dragocenega kamenja in z zlato glavo stoji 20 Ivan Grafenauer,n. d., 210–211. 21 Vlado Nartnik, K rabi in smislu barvnih izrazov v Cankarjevem Kurentu, Jezik in slovstvo 1984/85,št. 6,194–199. nasprotiženskimalik.Svetišcejesezidalnekimodrijan,kijeprerokovalskoz lino v kupoli.22 Med »dobro zgodbo«, Al-Masudijevim porocilom in Voznikom pri Kralju Matjažu je vec ocitnih ujemanj: prerokovanje skozi lino prvega in drugega svetišca, torej pogled v prihodnost, nadalje vidna podobnostmedSaturnovimmalikomvdrugemsvetišcuzMatjaževim likom. Matjaž povabi voznika v svojo hišo, da bi cez njegovo desno ramo skozi okensko odprtino pogledal v prihodnost. Dokaz za to, da gre v resnici za pogled v prihodnost, je že pretirani prihodnji cas v zadnjem odstavku pripovedke, saj v vsaki povedi najdemo spregane oblike pomožnega glagola v prihodnjiku (bode, bodem, bode, bodo, bode). Saturnv rokidrži palico in s temoživljakosti umrlih. Matjažz napol izvleceno sabljo zbuja svoje nepremicne vojake. Pod Saturnovo desno nogo so mravlje, Matjaž pa voznika sprašuje o tem, ali še ple­zajo mravlje na tri hribe. Pred Saturnovo levo nogo so tudi krokarji »zamorci« in »crnci«. Ptica v Matjaževem grbu je prav tako krokar, njegovo vojsko pa so imenovali »crna vojska«. To so najpomembnej­ši elementi »dobrih zgodb«, na podlagi katerih je mogoce potegniti mitološke vzporednice med Al-Masudijevim opisom in Voznikom pri kralju Matjažu. V Vozniku pri kralju Matjažu omenjenitrijehribi–SvetiKrištof, Sveta Magdalena in Sveti Ulrik – se nahajajo na obmocju, ki je tvo­rilo osrednji del Regnuma Noricuma in bilo pozneje prikljuceno Rimskemu cesarstvu. Treba je vedeti, da so se pred vojaško širitvijo Rimavsmerivzhodapojavilitrgovciimperija,kisoimelistalnopred­stavništvo na hribu Sveta Magdalena. Prek teh trgovcev se je na tem obmocju rimska civilizacija pojavila že pred politicno integracijo.23 Pozneje je na istem hribu imela postojanko tudi manjša enota ptuj­ske osme legije.24 Na hribu Sveti Ulrik so arheologi odkrili ostanke poznoanticne bazilike, na hribu Sveta Magdalena pa so našli ostanke Noreie, ki se je štela za središceNorika.25 Na vrhu treh hribov severovzhodno od Celovca stojijo tri cerkve – poimenovana po svetem Urhu se je podrla –, ki so bile ciljne tocke t. i. »letecih procesij« Slovencev. Te tri svete hribe se je spodobilo obiskati v enem dnevu, kar je bilo dokaj utrudljivo.26 Vprašanje kralja 22 Nav. po: Vlado Nartnik, n. d., 199. 23 Bogo Grafenauer, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda I, Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 1978, 145. 24 N. d., 159. 25 Ivan Grafenauer,n. d., 210. 26 Vlado Nartnik, Kizvorukoroškihletecihprocesij,Koledar Družbe svetega Mohor­ja v Celovcu 1989, 64–70. Matjaža v slovenski ljudski pripovedki – »Povej mi, ali še lazijo mra­vlice na te tri verhe: na Šent-Krištofov, na Šent-Helenin in na Šent­Urihov verh?« – se seveda nanaša na božje poti. Zgodba na zacetku govori o velikem gozdu, visokem hribu in o »hišici, ktera stoji na pol v skalo zazidana, tako da se je kumej streha izzemlje vidila«. Vzvezi stemjetreba spomnitina sodobnika Matija Korvina, Erazma Predjamskega, in njegov tudi v svetu redek grad v bližiniPostojnskejame,kipravzapravtvoricelotoskraškojamo.Jama jedelkraškegasveta,podnjosevtrehnadstropjihskrivapodzemeljski svet z vodnimi tokovi. V prvem nadstropju se nahaja t.i. Erazmova jama, pri njenem vhodu so zgradili grad, prednika gradu pa so uredili še globljevsami jami. Gradje v 14. stoletjuprišelpodupravo nemške rodbineLueger,kisojoSlovenciimelizaPredjamsko.Najveclegendje povezanihpravzimenomErazmaPredjamskega,kisejeproticesarju FriderikuIII.povezalzMatijemKorvinomterpostalpraviroparskivi­tez.Leta1484sogavlastnemgraduubili.27 Kotroparskivitezjeustra­hovalsvojookolico,pogostojenapadalokoliškozemljiškogospodoin trgovce, ki so cez Kras prevažali blago na morje, ali pa prav z morja v notranjost države.28 Ta posebna lega gradu se popolnoma ujema s položajem Matjaževe hišice v pripovedki (»na pol v skalo zazidana«). V pripovedki je moški, ki prevaža vino, »Slovenec«, o Matjažu na za-cetkuzgodbepaizvemole,daje»verlijunak«.Tukajgrepravzapravza prikritoopozicijo:Slovenec–»verlijunak«(kiniSlovenec).Zgodboje mogocenatejtockipovezatitudizErazmomPredjamskim. V svoji knjigi o kralju Matjažu sem že opozoril na zgoraj na­vedene mitološke in zgodovinske povezave, med raziskovanjem gra-diva pa sem našel dve dodatni dragoceni informaciji, ki zgodbo še popestrijo. Gre za dva dogodka, ki sta se zgodila blizu slovenskega ozemlja v casu vladavine Matija Korvina v letih 1485 in 1487. Matija KorvinjepredosvojitvijoDunaja18. marca1485zavzelKronenburg. Matjažev dvorni zgodovinar Antonio Bonfini je v zvezi z dogodkom napisal:»Tegadnejebiltakomocansoncnimrk,dasosevideleštevil­ne zvezde. Številni so napovedali, da bo soncni mrk pomenil nesreco za cesarja.«29 Opisani soncni mrk je bil pravzaprav 16. marca 1485 in je zajel obmocja okrog Linza, Koszega in Esztergoma. Na Dunaju in v Budimu pa je bil soncni mrk skoraj popoln. Merkur, Venera, Mars inJupitersobiliob Soncuvidnikotsvetlezvezde. Zakraljapa je bilo splošno znano, da se je bal nebesnih znamenj. Drugi pomembni do-godek se je zgodil po zavzetju Dunajskega Novega mesta 17. avgusta 27 Nace Šumi, Slovenija – umetnostni vodnik, Ljubljana, 1990, 146. 28 Ivan Stopar, Gradovi na Slovenskem, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1987,331. 29 Antonio Bonfini, Mátyás király, prev. László Geréb, Budapest,1959. 1487 na razkošnem pregledu vojske, ki ga je Bonfini zelo podrobno opisal. Iz zelo obsežnega besedila želim navesti le kratek odlomek: »NaravnempoljupredDunajskimNovimmestomjerazvrstilcelotno legijo, jo postrojil ... Vojska, ki je iz taborišca zakorakala na polje, da bi se odpravila na zavzetje sotesk in dolin Norika, je štela osem tisocpešcev,dvajsettisockonjenikovinokrogdevettisocvozov(brez oprode, pomocnikov, jestvinarjev). Kralj je želel osebno postaviti vse kolone in je sam podelil vojaške naloge po zaslugi posameznika ... Povsod je vladala pokoršcina, ljubezni do poveljnika se je pridružila bojazen in spoštovanje, njegovim ukazom so ustregli, še preden jih je izgovoril, zanj bi žrtvovali tudi življenje. Povsod je bila tišina, nikjer se ni slišal cloveški glas, kaj šele rezget konja. Potem so se posame­zne kolone vojakov malce premaknile naprej, na povelje so vladarju izvedli vojaško vajo, kolone so tvorile razne formacije v obliki klina, kroga,trikotnika, štirikotnika, žage in škarij.«30 BajeslovnikraljMatjažvljudskizgodbiVoznik pri kralju Matjažu prav tako oživlja svoje vojšcake »cerne vojske« kot zgodovinski kralj MatjažvBonfinijevemopisunavojaškiparadinapoljuSollenauvoja­ke svojecrnevojske. V obeh »dobrih zgodbah«sta opisani dve stanji: mirujoce, mrtvo, in vitalno, dinamicno. Do prehoda iz enega stanja v drugo pride, ko pravljicni kralj potegne sabljo iz nožnice oz. ko uka­že zgodovinski vladar. Na misticnem/bajeslovnem »ravnem polju« –priBonfinijupravtako»ravnopolje«31 –Sloveneczagledamirujoco »cernovojsko«, kijeprejnividel. Dvestanji»cernevojske« –obstoj, neobstoj – kot da bi bili povezani z soncnim mrkom, ko dejanski svet za kratek cas izgine, potem pa se hitro vrne. Omenjena dva zgodo­vinskadogodka(soncnimrk,vojaška parada),ko jezgodovinskikralj Matjaž s svojo vecnacionalno vojsko tri leta pred smrtjo prikorakal dejansko najbližje slovenskim krajem in se mu je odprla pot na za-hod (Norik), sta vsekakor morala pustiti vidne sledove v kolektivnem spominu slovenstva. V Vozniku pri kralju Matjažu kot polivalentni »dobri zgodbi«, ki je od casa do casa doživela metamorfoze, najdemo razlicneplastikolektivnegaspomina –misticne,bajeslovneinzgodo­vinske. V Orfejev lik je v grški mitologiji skrivnosten vse do danes, saj ni razjasnjeno, ali gre za zgodovinsko osebo ali za bajeslovnega junaka. 30 http://www.hik.hu/tankonyvtar/site/books/b85/ch39.html. 31 Tako tudi v pesmi Godec pred peklom: »pole široko«. Spominnanjjenegovalaskupnostorfeistov,kisoosebitrdili,daima­jo v posesti knjige z Orfejevimi nauki, njegovimi porocili o pohodu v podzemlje in vse znanje, ki si ga je pridobil tam spodaj in potem širil na zemlji.32 Njegov lik sta najbolj poeticno upodobila Ovidij v Metamorfozah inVergilijv Georgiki. V teh dveh delih sta poudarjeni dvetemeljniznacilnostinjegovegamita:magicnamocnjegovepesmi, ki ocaraves živisvet, in njegovspustvpodzemlje. Orfejjebilzaman v podzemlju, svoje ljubljene Evridike ni mogel rešiti, medtem ko se je Dioniz, drugi miticni junak, ki so ga v antiki primerjali z Orfejem, uspešno spustil v Had po svojo mater Semelo.33 Orfejev lik se je pojavil tudi v ljudskem pesništvu južnoslovan­skih narodov. Najbolj znani pesnik hrvaškega barocnega pesništva Ivan Gundulic (1589–1638) ga je omenil v epu Osman. Od Orfejeve tradicije v dolini Marice, ki jo omenja Gundulic, se ni ohranilo nic, AvgustPavelpajemadžarskimbralcempredstavilbajcnolegendarno pesem o kralju Matjažu, ki je nastala po popolnem orficnem navdihu in ki je le ena od tovrstnih v slovenskem ljudskem pesništvu.34 Godec pred peklom Stoji mi pole široko, Po poli stezavglajena. Po stezi pridekralMatjaš Nose mocno hudo drži. Jega pa sreje potnik star, Potnikstar, sam vecni Bog: »Pa kaj je tebi kralj Matjaš kaj se ti takhudo držiš?« »Bog vam plati na pitanje! Koj se ja nebi hudo držâ, Ki že meni za doűgo let Moja lubamrtva leži, Moja lubamrtva leži, Noduša joj v pekli gori.« »Ojnikaj, nikaj, kral Matjaš! Le idi ti na senjem lep, Si kupi žoűte goslice, Nopred peklom zaigraj. Da boš igrâ minote tri. De tebe pitâ šatan vrag: Cuješ, ti igrc, kral Matjaš. Kaj pa bom tiza placodâ? Ti pa mu (ta)odgovor daj, Kaj boš si placojemâ sam.« 32 Károly Kerényi, Görög mitológia,Budapest: Gondolat,1977,365. 33 N. d., 368. 34 ÁgostonPável, Az Orpheusz-monda …, n. d., 7–29. Kral Matjaš grč na senjem lép Nosi kupižoűte goslice, Te on ide pred pekel, Nopred peklom zaigrŕ. Da je že igrâ minotetri, Ga je pitâ šatan vrag: »Cuješ, ti igrc, kral Matjaš! Kaj pa bom tiza placodâ?« »Cuješ, ti šatan,peklenskikral! Jazbom si placo sam jemâ.« On prime luboza belo rokó Nojo pela z pekla žerecega. Kak hitro jo perpela vun, Takhitroluba pregoűci: »Nesrecenbodi, pekel ti, kaj bóšzdaj mogâprazen bit!« Kak hitro luba pregoűci, Takhitronazaj vpekel zleti. »Nesrecenbodi, jezik ti, Kaj nesi mogâ tiho bit! Zdajpa naveke goriâ boš, Zdajpa naveke trpiâbóš!« Osnovnorazliko medanticnimOrfejevimmitominzgorajnave-denim predstavlja prisotnost kršcanskih elementov. Vemo, da je imel Orfejvkršcanskimitologijiposebnomesto. Vkatakombahjepogosto videti njegovo podobo v obliki dobrega pastirja. Ne vemo, kako je prišla legenda o Orfeju v slovensko ljudsko pesništvo, skrivnost pa je tudito,alijelikkraljaMatjažaneposrednozamenjalOrfejaalidrugo, še starejše miticno bitje.35 Joseph L. Henderson, ameriški ucenec C. G. Junga, je v svoji študiji Orfej in Božji sin preuceval, kako se razlicni miti dograjuje­jo, zamenjujejo in katera psihološka izkušnja se skriva v njih.36 Avtor trdi, da versko iskanje cloveka sodobne zahodne kršcanske civiliza­cije še vedno dolocajo prastara izrocila, medtem pa med poganskimi in kršcanskimi verovanji nastane konflikt, ki ga je mogoce dokazati v fantazijah in sanjah. Toda ne le v sanjah, bomo rekli mi, ampak te prehode verodostojno in dobro vidno hrani tudi ljudsko izrocilo. V predkršcanskem obdobju sta bili dve zamenjavi misterija, ki sta se 35 Ágoston Pável, n. d., 7–29; Vlado Nartnik na podlagi osnovnih ugotovitev Pavlove študije nakazuje na oddaljene, delno literarne (Dante), delno neevropske, novo­mehiške vzporednice. Gl. Vlado Nartnik, Pogledi na Pavlove raziskave tematike Orfeja, v: Slovensko-madžarski jezikovni in književni stiki od Košica do danes, ur. István Nyomárkay – István Lukács,Budapest: KossicsAlapítvány,1998,205–210. 36 Joseph L. Henderson, Orpheusz és az Ember Fia, v: C. G. Jung, Az ember és szim­bólumai,Budapest: GöncölKiadó, 1993,140–148. pozneje organsko navezali na kršcanstvo: prvi je bil kult perzijskega boga sonca Mitra, drugi grški Dionizov kult. Kult Mitra je bil v 3. stoletju prisoten v krogu rimskih vojakov v okolici Ptuja; trije reliefi hranijo spomin nanj.37 Na Slovenskem se nahaja še en Mitrov relief, in sicer v Rožancu v Beli krajini; v naravnem okolju so ga vklesali v skalo.38 Vec reliefov Mitra in Dioniza so našli tudi na panonskem podrocju.39 Predivja osrednja lika, ki sta »hrepenela po verskem ži­vljenju«, je pozneje zamenjal Orfej, ki ga je zgodnja kršcanska cer­kev štela za predpodobo Kristusa in ki je na prefinjen nacin ohranil Dionizovo vero. »Orfej je kot dober pastir in posrednik našel rav­notežje med Dionizovo in kršcansko vero, ker tako pri Dionizu kot tudi pri Kristusu odkrijemo podobno vlogo [...] – ena je ciklicna vera spodnjega sveta, druga pa je predstavnica nebeške in eshatološke (o zadnjih ciljih življenja in sveta) ali finalne vere.«40 Na Ptuju tudi da­nes stoji Orfejev spomenik, ki ga je okrog 2. stoletja postavil neznani dobrotnik. Sploh ni nakljucje, da je v srednjem veku služil za sramo­tilni stolp.41 Zaslediti jetudi Orfejevpanonski kult,saj njegovspomin hranijo številni reliefi.42 PosebnaslovenskaprojekcijaanticnevzporednicemedDionizom in Orfejem je, da zgornja pesem obstaja v še eni razlicici, ki jo je za­pisal Stanko Vraz v okolici Ljutomera v bližini ogrske meje. V tem besedilu se kralj Matjaž v pekel ni spustil po svojo ljubico, ampak podobno kot Dioniz po svojo mater.43 Iz življenjepisa Matija Korvina poznamo s Ptujem povezani politicni in družinski dogodek. Mati in snaha, torej bodoca Matijeva soproga, sta se prvic srecali na Ptuju. Matija Korvin se je leta 1476 porocil z Beatrice, hcerjo Ferdinanda I., neapeljskega kralja. V številcni ogrski delegaciji, ki je potovala v Neapelj, je bilo tudi 20 turških ujetnikov. Nevarna kopenska pot bo­doce kraljice je peljala cez Kranjsko in Štajersko, med potjo so nanjo prežale turške cete. Prve dni decembra so prispeli na Ptuj, kjer je bo­doco kraljico pocakala vdova Jánosa Hunyadija, Matijeva mati, in jo spremila v Székesfehérvár, kjer so jo okronali za kraljico.44 Iz Godca pred peklom lahko prav tako kot iz Voznika pri kralju 37 Bogo Grafenauer,n. d., 207. 38 Zakladi Slovenije, besedilo Matjaž Kmecl, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1979, 124. 39 Gyula László, Vértesszolostol Pusztaszerig, Budapest: Gondolat, 1974,139 in146. 40 JosephL. Henderson, n. d., 143. 41 Zakladi Slovenije, n. d., 31. 42 Gl. Gyula László, n. d., 135. 43 Slovenske ljudske pesmi – Szlovén népdalok,prev. ÁgostonPavel,uredil,predgovor inopombe napisalVilko Novak, Murska Sobota:Pomurska založba, 1967, 180. 44 JózsefPrém,Mátyáskirályakrajnainépköltészetben,v:Mátyás király emlékkönyv, Budapest, 1902. Matjažu izlušcimo tiste bajeslovne in zgodovinske plasti kolektivne­ga spomina, ki so v njiju okamnele. Ptuj kot pomembna lokacija je spominsko mesto, v katerem sta se »srecali« bajeslovje in zgodovina. Kralj Matjaž v slovenskih ljudskih pesmih in pripovedkah je pravza­prav »arhetipski simbol«,45 v katerem se v spremenjeni, malce preo­blikovani in aktualizirani obliki pojavljata »preteklost in prihodnost, kistaprisotnivkolektivnipodzavesti«46 inkistadolocalizgodovinski in kulturni razvoj slovenstva. Preteklost v tem smislu, da se je v teh besedilihohranilospiritualnobistvovsehcivilizacij,skaterimijebila geografska pokrajina naseljena s Slovenci skozi zgodovino v stiku, prihodnostpatako,daslovenstvovsedodanesohranjaizrocilookra­lju Matjažu. VI Poslikavanje panjskih koncnic je bila na Slovenskem razširjena navada. Najstarejšapanjskakoncnicaizviraizsredine18. stoletja,ve-cinapajihjeiz19. stoletja. Gledetematikeinmotivovspadapolovica koncnic v krog posvetnih, polovica pa v krog verskih.47 Med njimi so slike,kipredstavljajopodobeizstarezaveze,najdemo patudi upodo­bitvetrehevangelistovvpodobiživali.Številnimotiviizvirajopraviz ljudskegapesništva.»Motivikanapanjskihkoncnicah,kijojevstole­tjih dopolnjevala ljudska domišljija s spreminjanjem izvirne zgodbe, je tako kot drugo ljudsko izrocilo preplet psihološkega, socialnega in zgodovinskega.«48 Izmed cele vrste panjskih koncnic želim opozoriti nadve, ki sta pomembni vluci naše teme in staglede kompozicije te­snopovezaniterstablizutudipovestiIvanaCankarjaPotepuh Marko in kralj Matjaž.OsrednjilikprveslikejeKristuszglorijo,kogaslaci­tadvarimskavojaka.Kompozicijozobehstranizakljucujejodrevesa. Na drugi sliki zavzema osrednje mesto kralj Matjaž, njegova dolga bradajerazdeljenanadvadelainsegacezkamnitomizo. Vsekakorje nenavadno in anahronisticno, da kralja Matjaža z obeh strani varuje po pet rimskih vojakov s sulico. To se zdi nenavadno tudi odlicnemu poznavalcu te teme Gorazdu Makarovicu: »Kralj ne spi, ampak sedi ob mizi pod krošnjami dreves. Okoli njega stojijo njegovi vojaki v 45 Northrop Frye, Az irodalom archetípusai, v: A modern irodalomtudomány kiala­kulása, ur. Antal Bókay – Béla Vilcsek, Budapest:Osiris Kiadó,1998,440–448. 46 C. G. Jung, Múlt és jövo a tudattalanban, v: Az ember és szimbólumai, Budapest: Göncöl Kiadó,1993, 30–37. 47 Edi Berk – Janez Bogataj – Janez Pukšic, Ljudska umetnost in obrti v Sloveniji, Kranj, 1993. 48 IdaGnilšak, Pripovedi s panjev, Radovljica, 1992,11. nenarodnih nošah, podobnih rimskim.«49 Kompozicijo tudi v tem pri­meru zakljucujeta drevesi. Slikar panjske koncnice je želel sporociti, za koga pravzaprav gre, saj je na sliki tudi napis Kral Matiaš, kar je dokajnenavadnozatozvrst. Vojakiv rimski oblekisodokazzato,da gretudivprimerutehdvehpanjskihkoncniczaaktualizacijo:vkom­poziciji je Kristusaz glorijozamenjal lik kralja Matjaža, zgodovinski lik, ki je postal legendaren. Glorijo zamenja krona, torej svetniški sij zamenjasimbol najvišjeposvetneoblasti. Todavtemprimeruobstaja bistvena razlika: v upodobitvi kralja Matjaža na panjski koncnici je v ospredju bajeslovnost/misticnost kralja, saj sedi za kamnito mizo, ki jo bo obrasla njegova brada. Ritualni in bajeslovni sistem simbolov je za književnost neizcr-pen vir, »neke vrste arhetipska gramatika«.50 Tudi na splošno drži in bomospomocjoslovenskeknjiževnostitudikonkretnodokazali,daje leposlovjeprekfolkloregenetskopovezanozmitologijo.51 IstvánFried trdi,dametodikakritikemitalahkopomagapriodkrivanjutistihsve­topisemskih in anticnih elementov v literarnih delih 19. stoletja, ki pogosto razlagajo in preoblikujejo pomen, lahko pa osvetli tudi tiste skrite bajeslovne aluzije, ki hkrati odpirajo poti do Svetega pisma, antike in psiholoških arhetipov.52 Hkratno presojanje ljudske likovne umetnosti, ljudskega izrocila in književnosti, razvozlavanje arhetip­skih stikov med njimi nam je lahko v pomoc pri boljšem poznavanju zgodovinskih duhovnih plasti in pri boljšem razumevanju in reševa­nju literarnih delavtorjev,ki temeljijo in crpajoiz teh tradicij. Posebna sinteza skoraj stoletje prisotnega mita o kralju Matjažu vslovenskiknjiževnostijeCankarjevapovest Potepuh Marko in kralj Matjaž iz leta 1905. Pred nastankom dela je bil Cankar v posebnem, prenapetem duševnem stanju. V casu pisanja Potepuha se je odlocil za nenavaden korak. Poglavja, ki so bila napisana, je predal v branje Ivanu Prijatelju, ki je celotno Cankarjevo literarno ustvarjanje razla­galnapodlagiNietzschejevegaapolonskegaindionizijskegaprincipa. KoncnobesedilopajeposlalFranuLevcustemibesedami:»Kakorže ime razodeva, sem krenil to pot skoro popolnoma s svoje dosedanje ceste; hotel sem pokazati tistim ljudem, ki mi ocitajo, da ne pišem za ‘ljudstvo’, kako se piše dandanes naroden jezik in pa da se dá vsaka ideja obleci v cisto preprosto obliko.«53 Cankar se je pravzaprav po­ 49 Gorazd Makarovic, Poslikane panjske koncnice, Ljubljana, 1962, 115. 50 JeleazarMeletyinszkij, A mítosz poétikája, Budapest:Gondolat, 1985, 152. 51 N. d., 357. 52 István Fried, Utak a komparatisztikában, v: Utak a komparatisztikában: Az össze­hasonlító irodalomtudomány új-régi kérdései,ur. István Fried, Szeged,1997,3. 53 Ivan Cankar, Potepuh Marko in kralj Matjaž, v: Ivan Cankar, Zbrano delo 13, Lju­bljana: Državna založba Slovenije,1973, 235. skusil prilagoditi Trdinovi estetsko utemeljeni folklorni usmeritvi, o katerisejeizrazilpohvalno,torejnovimliterarnimnormam,pricako­vanjem.Pravzaraditegajenjegovametodatudiliterarnozgodovinsko utemeljena in je hkrati dvojni – estetski in zgodovinski – odgovor na Kettejeve protinarodne ocitke, ki jih je izrekel v zvezi s Cankarjevo 54 Sodbo. Marko zaspi in se v sanjah zatece na »cudovito pot«. Sredi goz­da skozi odprtino vstopi v jamo, ki je podobna grobu. Slika, ki ga je sprejelavjami,tapasejerazširilavdvorano,jebilazelopodobnatisti na panjski koncnici: »Hodnik se je razmeknil, razširil se in vzbocil v prostorno dvorano. Ob vhodu je slonelo dvoje vojšcakov. Globoko na prsi sta povešala glavo, roke so se opirale ob ratišce dolge sulice. Podobna sta bila natanko tistim rimskim vojšcakom, ki jih je videl Marko nekoc v farni cerkvi pred božjim grobom; tudi tako rjava in bradata sta bila v obraz.«55 Matjaževa in Kristusova podoba se tudi v tem primeru združita. Na podlagi mota pripovedke Potepuh Marko – »Kadar bo kralj Matjaž kraljóval, / onda bo kmetic dobro kmetóval« – lahko identifi­ciramo slovensko ljudsko pripoved, ki je bila Cankarjev vir. Pripoved najdemo v knjigi Ivana Grafenauerja z naslovom Pijanec pri kralju Matjažu.56 Za Cankarja je bil literarno »idejno« zanimiv le en ele­mentpripovedi,insicerlikpijanegaglavnegajunaka,kigajespomo-cjo nacel modernisticne estetike oblikoval v resnicno ambivalentno figuro. Marko je pravi dionizijski lik, ki uteleša vecstoletno iskanje pravicnosti slovenstva –umetnik, berac,pijanec, tragicna inkomicna figuraveniosebi.PotepuhMarkojeizrednozapletenlikCankarjevih številnih »nomadnih junakov«, ker je v dialogu s konkretno ljudsko tradicijo, torej je moral pri oblikovanju lika racunati z dolocenimi omejitvami. Glede na to, da gre za simbolicnega junaka, njegova ži­vljenjska pot ni tradicionalna razvojna pot, ampak življenjska pot, ki seoblikujeponaravnihciklih,karpomeninenehnovracanjekžepre­seženim vrednotam.57 Matjažev mit kot najbolj arhaicen, najbolj stabilen in zelo prilju­bljenelementslovenskegaljudskegaizrocilajebilCankarjuprimeren za odgovor na številne probleme usodnih vprašanj slovenskega naro­dain tudina aktualne dileme posameznika. 54 O tem Franc Zadravec, Cankarjevi folklorni junaki, v: Franc Zadravec, Umetnikov »crni piruh«, Cankarjeva založba, Ljubljana, 1981, 17–32; Franc Zadravec, Stikali-šca med Trdinovoin Cankarjevo umetnostjo, v: FrancZadravec,n. d.,33–55. 55 Ivan Cankar,n. d., 227. 56 Ivan Grafenauer,n. d., 227–228. 57 MarkoJuvan,Medidentifikacijoinnegacijo:PripovedkovniintertekstvCankarje­vipovesti Potepuh Marko in kralj Matjaž, Slavisticna revija 1989, št. 4, 479. Zakaj je lahko mit o kralju Matjažu postal tako pomemben del Cankarjevega življenjskega dela? Cankar se je od konca devetdese­tih let 19. stoletja soocal z vprašanji, ki se jim ni mogel izogniti kot pisatelj. Eno izmed vprašanj je bila huda obtožba nenarodnosti, torej je moral hitro razcistiti svoj odnos do slovenskega ljudskega izrocila. MitokraljuMatjažukotživinneizogibendeltetradicijeje –pozneje ob mituKurenta – postal osrednjielement njegovegarazmišljanja, bil je primeren za sprožitev usodnih vprašanj, ki so bila vseskozi priso­tna v slovenski zgodovini: izpostavljenost slovenstva skozi stoletja, usodnostzgodovinenaroda,nenehnatujaoblast,brezmožnostizara­zvoj iz družbene nepravicnosti. Mit o kralju Matjažu, ki je vseskozi prisoten v Cankarjevem življenjskem delu, nas podkrepi v tem, da pisatelj z njim ni želel obracunati,58 ampak ga je hotel aktualizirati in razumevati nasticišcu kolektivizma in individualizma. V slovenskem leposlovju, zlasti v casu moderne in umetniškega delovanjaIvanaCankarja,kojeprišladoizrazasecesijskaobcutljivost doevropskihinnacionalnihmitov,soustvarjalciodgovorenakoncna vprašanja iskali zunaj empiricnega sveta. Z vkljucevanjem likov iz mitologijeinnacionalnefolklore–Dioniz,Orfej,kraljMatjaž,Kurent itn. – na neposreden, vcasih pa tudi na izrazito prenesen, prikrit li­terarni nacin so nastali neposredni, razrešljivi, razvezljivi, hkrati pa tudi dokaj enigmaticni odgovori na bistvena vprašanja dolocenega zgodovinskega obdobja in na trenutne individualne dvome ustvar­jalca. Leposlovje je ljudsko tradicijo vcasih uporabljalo namenoma in teatralno, ker je pac moralo izkazovati svojo nacionalno zaveza­nost,vcasih pajo je naredilopodobno palimpsestu,dabitako nastalo skrivnostnogradivonaslovnikašeboljomajalo. Inresje,kraljMatjaž slovenskega ljudskega izrocila in leposlovja nas tudi danes ocara s svojo raznovrstnostjo, s plastmi mitološke preteklosti in zgodovinske resnicnosti,kijujemogocekdajpakdajprepoznatiinrazvozlati,kdaj drugicpa nista razrešljivi. VII Ideja odrešitve (posameznika – cloveka, skupnosti – sloven-stva) je vseskozi prisotna v pripovedkah o kralju Matjažu, tako tudi v zgoraj omenjenih in podrobno analiziranih »dobrih zgodbah«. Na 58 Franc Zadravec na podlagi Cankarjevega dela O cloveškem napuhu. Gl. Ivan Can-kar, Zbrano delo 10, Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 1959, 435–439; Franc Zadravec, Cankarjevi folklorni junaki, Slavisticna revija 1980, št. 2, 153–165; gl. še: Franc Zadravec, Umetnikov »crni piruh«, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 1981, 17–32. koncu lahko postavimo konkretni vprašanji: Od kod odrešenik kralj Matjaž? Ali obstaja kaka konkretna zgodovinska osnova za razla-go tega zelo pomembnega motiva, kompozicijskega elementa, mita v slovenskih pripovedkah o kralju Matjažu? Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499), izjemna osebnost firenškega hu­manizma, neoplatonist in teolog, ustanovitelj Platonove akademi­je v Firencah, je tretjo knjigo svojega dela De triplica vita, v kateri se ukvarja predvsem z astrologijo, posvetil kralju Matiju Korvinu. Država Matija Korvina je bila prva država, v kateri se je dosledno uveljavil firenški humanizem. V posvetilnem pismu iz leta 1480 be-remo, da so filozofi, pesniki, govorniki in zgodovinarji grške antike po toliko letih sijajnega dela in življenja zdaj pod turškim jarmom. V nadaljevanju piše: »In kakor so nekoc v limbu cakajoci stari svetniki klicali Mesija, tako zdaj ti ubobožani modreci glasno klicejo Matjaža kotMatjažaodrešenika,dajihizpeklapopeljenasvetloboinvživlje­nje.«59 Takoj je treba poudariti, da v tem primeru ne gre le za nava­dno humanisticno laskanje enega od številnih Matjaževih castilcev, za katerim so bili predvsem osebni interesi, ampak za iskrene besede pomembne, celo vec, najpomembnejše osebnosti italijanskega huma­nizma. Kljub žalostni zaostalosti Srednje Evrope se je proti koncu sre­dnjega veka prav to obmocje razvijalo najbolj dinamicno. Za vlade Matija Korvina kot potencialnega predstavnika mocne dinastije se je Ogrsko kraljestvo, tudi iz Italije gledano, štelo za nevarno obmocje, na katerem se odvija oster in uspešen boj proti Turkom in husitom. Zaradi te dvojne nevarnosti so križarske vojne postale ponovno ak­tualne, pri cemer so namenili vodilno vlogo prav Matiju Korvinu, ki ga je Antonio Bonfini v delu De Corvinae domus origine genealoško povezal z Jupitrom (zaradi delnega romunskega porekla). V Evropi je bilo predvsem po zmagi pri Jajcu (1463) jasno, da lahko Evropa v boju proti Turkom racuna le na eno potencialno državo, na Ogrsko kraljestvo. Po letu 1470 je prišlo do resnih sprememb v politiki Matija Korvina. Odnosi s Svetim sedežem so se zaostrili, ker je kralj po­skusil ustanoviti nacionalno cerkev in je s tem vedno manj pozor­nosti posvecal boju proti Turkom. Ideja o križarskem boju je posta-la manj pomembna. Nova zahodna orientacija in s tem zacetek boja proti Frideriku III. ter poroka z Beatrice so bili prvi resni koraki na poti do ustanovitvehumanisticne monarhije. PonenadnismrtiMatija 59 Nav. po: Tibor Klaniczay, A kereszteshad eszméje és a Mátyás-mítosz, v: Tibor Klaniczay, Hagyományok ébresztése, Budapest: Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó, 1976, 166. Korvina leta 1490 pa je zelo hitro prišlo do politicnega in gospodar­skega zloma države. V mitu o kralju Matjažu kot odrešeniku se zelo strnjeno odraža, da je izjemen vojak, potencialni križarski vodja, ki bo premagal bre­zverce in krivoverce, ter postal vladar, ki bo osvobodil ta del Evrope barbarstva in razširil humanisticnega in renesancnega duha. Prav za­radi tega gaima MarsilioFicinoza odrešenika. SUMMARY Three “Good Stories” about King Matthias Corvinus The author’s monograph, published in Hungarian in 2001, was thefirstattemptatasynthesis ofthetopicofKingMatthiasCorvinus in Slovenian folk tradition and literature. This study clearly contin­ues a possible expansion of the theme that was sketched out in the monograph, primarily moving towards a new interpretation of tra­ditional folk texts about King Matthias Corvinus as texts of collec­tive memory, collective narrative, and collective identity. The myth of King Matthias Corvinus as a savior strongly condenses how this exceptional soldier and possible crusader leader, who shall vanquish the unbelievers and heretics, became a ruler that liberated this part of Europe from barbarism and instilled in it the spirit of humanism and theRenaissance. ÖSSZEFOGLALÁS Három »jó történet« Mátyás királyról A szerzo magyar nyelvu monográfiája (2001) az elso szintézis jellegu kísérlet volt a Mátyás-jelenségmegvilágítására aszlovén nép­hagyományban és szépirodalomban. A jelen dolgozat a monográfia folytatásának is tekintheto. A modern és posztmodern kutatási irány­zatok teljes mértékben kikezdték a hagyományos történettudományt. Felértékelodtek az olyan narratívák, amelyekkel korábban maga a tudomány nem foglalkozott. A Mátyás királyról szóló szövegeket a szlovénség évszázadok során emlékezésre méltónak találta, azok képesek voltak maguknak helyet találni az események kronologiku­san rendezett sorában, továbbá mint az emlékezet helyei jelentos sze­repet játszottak a szlovénség kollektív emlékezetének és a kulturális emlékezetének a megszilárdításában. Written With the Body: Emblem books, the gendered body and the codification of the visual idiom (16th – early 17th centuries) SARA F. MATTHEWS-GRIECO Emblem books and the iconographic idiom As authors of books of emblems and devices never tired of point­ing out, the primary purpose of the emblem was pedagogical. Both moral and religious commonplaces were conveyed by mythical and allegorical subjects that were simultaneously represented in images anddiscussedintheiraccompanyingtext.1 The visual references used bytheengraverswhoillustratedthesevolumesweredirectlydescend­ed from what Michel Foucault has termed “la prose du monde,”2 a lan­guagemadeupofnaturalsigns–animals,plants,andheavenlybodies –thatwasgiventomankindbyGodatthemomentoftheCreation,and that was supposed to have been absolutely transparent (things “said” what they “were”): the lion signified courage and strength, the eagle indicatedroyalty,theserpentbitingitstailrepresentedeternity,andso on. This “natural” and immutable language was believed to have lost its original transparency with the diversification of spoken language consequent upon the hubris of the Tower of Babel. The only one true language –thatofGod –remainedthatofnaturalsigns,alanguageto which humanity had lost the key. Thus one of the primary objectives of encyclopaedic projects in the Middle Ages (such as bestiaries and 1 Earlier versions of this essay were presented on a number of different occasions. I would like to thank the following scholarly organisations and university centers for having permitted me to air this material and benefit from audience input: Ren­aissance Society of America Conference (2001), Historical Seminar ZRC SAZU Ljubljana (2001), Gender Studies Department of the Central European University (2005), Harvard University Humanities Center (2005). The expression “Written with the Body” is taken from a book by Jeanette Winterson (Written on the Body, London: Vintage, 1993), wherein the author never identifies by gender the second­ary character – the person with whom the first person narrator is in love. I would liketoencourageasimilaranalyticalawarenessfortheearlymodernperiod,during whichtheiconographicgenderingofthehumanbody asa semioticicon wasjust as consciously constructed as Winterson’s literary ploy. 2 Michel Foucault, “La prose du monde” in Les mots et les choses. Une archéologie des sciences humaines, Paris: Gallimard, 1966,pp. 32–59. cosmographies) was to catalogue and interpret the language of living and inanimate things, thus deciphering the messages hidden in the natural world and revealing, with their meanings, God’s purpose for mankind. In the course of the 16th-century, the tradition of moral and reli­giousexegesisbasedontheinterpretationofnaturalsignswasgivenan added impetus by books of emblems, devices and hieroglyphs, whose ambitions became increasingly totalitarian in the course of the 17th century: they were to promise the reader a key to the true meaning of the “language” ofnature bymeans ofthe “language” of pictures.3 The firstemblemauthors were relativelymodestintheir claims,proposing totheirreaders/viewers“pleasinganduseful”volumes4 which used fa­miliar symbols and well-known iconographic references to stimulate edifying reflections. Comparing themselves to the ancient Egyptians whohadonceusedimagesofanimalsandthings(hieroglyphs)tocom­municate, Renaissance and Reformation emblem authors aspired to communicate an ethical and/or religious interpretation of the natural world by means of pictures.5 By the early decades of the 17th century, authors such as Andreas Friedrich (to cite but one of many examples) were entirely comfortable in asserting the comprehensive semiotic rangeoftheirbooks.Friedrich’sEmblemes Nouveaux: esquels le cours de ce monde est depeint et représenté par certaines figures ... pour le 6 bien de la jeunesse, & du simple peuple,not only blithely embraced 3 AccordingtotheJesuitClaude-FrançoisMenestrier, “C’estlepropredesEmblemes de rendre intelligibles les choses les plus difficles, parce que c’est le propre des Emblemes d’enseigner […] Tout Embleme est donc aujourd’hui une espece d’en­seignement mis en image, pour regler laconduite deshommes […] “LesEmblemes sont aussi anciennes que le monde, puisque le monde est pour ainsi dire, une Em-bleme de la Divinité…les choses que nous voyons, sont ŕ l’homme autant d’images & de figures sensibles qui luy representent la sagesse aussi bien que la puissance de Celuy qui les a faites. Il est vray que les creatures ne sont pas moins destinées parcette sage providenceŕ nostre instruction,qu’ŕ servir nos autres besoins. Etles enseignements de la Morale sont presque tous établis sur les rčgles de la nature.” in L’Art des Emblčmes (Lyons, 1662), édition augmentée Paris, 1684, Préface. For a quick overview of the eclectic visual and literary sources of emblem books see: DanielS. Russell, The Emblem and Device in France,Lexington(Kentucky),1985, pp. 85, 176–178. 4 On the Horatian concept of “utile dulce” and its importance in 16th-century em-blematicsandgametheory see: RobertJ. Clements, Picta Poesis: Literary and Hu­manistic Theory in Renaissance Emblem Books, Rome,1960. 5 Onthisaspectof16th-centuryemblemsseeRichardCavell,“RepresentingWriting: the Emblem as (Hiero)Glyph” in Bernard F. Scholz, Michael Bath and David Wes­ton (eds.), The European Emblem. Selected Papers from the Glasgow Conference, 11–14 August, 1987, Leiden/New York, 1990,pp. 167–190. 6 Emblemes Nouveaux: esquels le cours de ce monde est depeint et représenté par certaines figures, desquelles le sens est expliqué par rimes: dressés/ Pour plus the entire “world,” but vaunted the transparency of the allegorical images contained therein, supposedly so self-evident as to be under-stoodbytheyoungandby “simplepeople”. By1653,theJesuitFilippo Picinelliwaspromisinghisreadersanencyclopedicguidetotheentire universe in his Mondo simbolico … formato d’imprese scelte, spiegate et illustrate consentenze ed eruditioni Sacre, e Profane.7 Picinelli’s ex­haustivekeytothesymbolicmeaningofthematerialworldcreatedby God–whereeachanimal,plantorobjectwasinvestedwithameaning bothmoralandreligious–containsanponderousandwell-indexedlist of hundreds of images, complete with their various interpretations, in whichhesuggested that oratorsandpreachers, poetsand artistsmight find a “numero infinito di concetti.” To a certain extent, emblem books succeeded in creating a rela­tivelystablecatalogueofcurrentsigns,astherangeofpictorialsigni­fiersused toconvey meaningsbecamefixed through repetition. Each emblembookbuiltonitspredecessors,proposingoldandfamiliarmo­tifswithentertainingvariants,butseldomdeviatingfromtheprimary purposeofmoralorreligiousedificationvia entertainingpicturesand pleasing poetry. Each emblem book thus comprised a veritable lexi­con of images whose meaning could be expected to be understood by a fairly large public, and whose visual topoi were often re-used for a variety of purposes, on various supports and occasions.8 grande incitation au gens de bien & honorables, d’ensuivre la pieté & vertu, &/ Pour sincere instruction & advertissement aux meschans & dissolus de fuir de vice./ Premičre En Allemand par André Frideric, & maintenant en Francois, pour le bien de la jeunesse, & du simple peuple, Frankfurt am Main, 1617, with 88 cop­perplates byJacques de Zetter. 7 Filippo Picinelli, Mondo simbolico o sia Vniuersita’ d’imprese scelte, spiegate, ed’ illustrate con sentenze, ed eruditioni sacre, e profane. Studiosi diporti dell’abbate D. Filippo Picinelli milanese ... Che somministrano a gli oratori, predicatori, acca­demici, poeti &c. infinito numero di concetti con indici copiosissimi, Milan, 1653. 8 Emblems were much-used in the decorative arts, from the ephemera of ceremonial entries to domestic tableware. A number of books of emblems and devices were printed in reduced versions (mostly pictures) specifically for artisans, such as the Tetrastiques faictes sur les Devises du Seigneur Paulo Giovio e de Messire Gabriel Simeon Pour server en Verrieres, Chassis, Galeries, et Tableaux ... (Lyons, 1560). Their pervasiveness was such that a standard course in the curriculum of Jesuit colleges was the “art” of emblematics: see John Manning and Marc van Vaeck, The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition, Turnhout, 1999. The success of the emblem had itsroot in theanalogical thought processes and taste for symbolisim andmoral allegory that characterized this period (see Peter Daly, Literature in the Light of the Emblem. Structural Parallels between the Emblem and Literature in the Six­teenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Toronto, 1979). On the cultural resonance and widespread use of the emblem (and the often conflated genres of the device and hieroglyph) in 16th-and 17th-century Europe see, amongst the vast bibliography on thissubject:JohnManning,The Emblem,London,2002;DavidRussel,Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture, Toronto, 1995; Michael Bath, Speaking Recentworkontheuseofsymbolicimagesandemblematiccon­structions for the purpose of religious persuasion and political legiti­mation provides ample evidence of the levels of visual literacy expect­ed of at least part of the urban population in early modern Europe.9 Illustrated books of emblems, devices and hieroglyphs may not have been the primary source of iconographic sophistication for the urban public, but they undoubtedly played an important role as a primary locus for the compilation of allegorical images, thereby constituting an essential source for the re-use of such images and their vulgarisa­tion in the visual arts (and this long before the development of more specialized iconological “dictionaries”, such as that of Cesare Ripa).10 With very few exceptions, the emblem book aspired to provide a collection of images composed of easily recognisable visual com­monplaces, often enlivened by a veneer of fashionable stylistic in­novation. Emblem anthologies thus provide an essential but as yet under-exploited source for the historian interested in early modern visual communications. Emblem books – and the related and often conflated genres of the device and hieroglyph – permit us to re-trace the introduction, implementation or disappearance of certain images or motifs over time and place. They can thus give us a window onto the representational universe shared by specific social groups: in this case the vaguely literate artisan, merchant and professional classes that composed the bulk of the emblem-making and emblem-consum­ingpublic.Theycanalsorevealvisualmarkerstomeasuresea-chang- Pictures, English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture, London 1994; Alison Saunders, The Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book. A Decorative and Useful Genre, Geneva, 1988; Daniel Russell, The Emblem and Device in France, Lexing­ton,1985;ErnstLudwigVolkmann, Bilderschriften der Renaissance. Hieroglyphik und Emblematik …, Nieuwkoop, 1969; Friedrich von Monroy, Embleme und Em-blembücher in den Niederlanden 1530–1630,Utrecht, 1964. 9 Roy Strong was one of the first to point out the use of emblems in royal entries: cf. Art and power: Renaissance festivals 1450–1650, Woodbridge, 1973. There was an extensive use of easily recognisable personal devices in early modern political iconography in public spaces. See, for example: Matthias Oberli, “Magnificentia Principis” Das Mäzenatentum des Prinzen und Kardinals Maurizio von Savoyen (1593–1657), Weimar, 1999; Silvio Leydi, Sub umbra imperialis aquilae: immagini del potere e consenso politico nella Milano di Carlo V, Florence, 1999; Allan El-lenius, Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation, Oxford, 1998. 10 The iconographic programs of urban festivities were often assigned to artists and humanists whose libraries contained emblem books (as in the case of the Prior Vin-cenzio Borghini in Medicean Florence), as well as to renowned emblem authors and theorists (such as the Flemish painter Otto van Veen and the Jesuit theorist Claude-François Menestrier). A little known, early iconological “dictionary” (an­tedating Cesare Ripa’s celebrated Iconologia, Rome, 1593) is that of Cornelis van Kiel, Prosopografica, with copperplate illustrations by Philippe Galle, Antwerp, no date (circa1590). es in certain cultural concepts (such as the perception of the body and gender) and to better document successive stages in the evolution of the early modern world-view. For the purpose of this article I have perused some 20 emblem books, including various editions of the same over a period of time ranging from 1531 to 1621, with publications in different languages, but with identical (or quasi identical) vignettes that are often diffi­cult to attribute to a specific engraver.11 Although the emblem book was initially a French phenomenon, translations into all of the major European languages proliferated as of the 1540s, and new antholo­gies began to spring up in Italy, Spain, Germany, England and the Netherlands in the course of the second half of the century. Their success, and above all the fidelity of their iconography, testify to the Europe-wide nature ofthisformof visual reflection. The body as a natural sign Given the assertions of 16th-and 17th-century emblem-authors about images and the universal language of nature, the first question to be addressed when investigating the representation of the body in early modern Europe is when and where might books of emblems, devices and hieroglyphs have considered the body to be a “natural sign,” comparable to animals, plants and objects? When and where did the body – male or female – appear as a primary signifier in the emblematic interpretation of the natural, moral and religious world … especially in the first hundred years of the development of this genre, when the opportunities for innovation and codification were most flexible? Ofcoursethefirstproblemthatariseswhenlookingforthebody in emblem books is to determine when is it being used as a natural sign as opposed to being used as a personification. The female form dressed all’antica and holding a book that represents “Science” in Gilles Corrozet’s Tableau de Cebes, (Paris, 1543),12 is undoubtedly a personification, as is Achille Bocchi’s sophisticated “Prudentia”, a naked woman sitting astride a dolphin in the middle of the sea, hold­ing aloft a pair of scales (Bologna, 1555).13 Often the gendered body 11 See Appendix for a short title list of emblem books used for this article. 12 Corrozet, Les Emblems du Tableau de Cebes, (Paris, 1543), first emblem. On both the Hecatongraphie and the Tableau de Cebes see the Introduction to the facsimile editionedited byAlisonAdams,Geneva, 1997,pp. IX–LXVII. 13 GillesAchilleBocchi,Symbolicarum Quaestionum, De universo genere, quasserio ludebat, libri quinque, Bologna, (first editon 1555) 1574, illustrated by Giulio Bo­ represents a socio-economic orprofessionalcategory,as with Andrea Alciati’s elite Astrologer (Augsburg,1531)and Scholar (Paris,1536),14 or Guillaume de La Perričre’s more humble Labourer, Teacher, and Farmwife (Lyons, 1553).15 Sometimes the body appears as an anony­mous “agent,” performingtherole of acompositionallyimportantbut semantically insignificant support for a pair of scales – as in Gilles Corrozet’s allegory “Vertue meilleure que richesse,” where a palm branch weighs heavier than a sceptre.16 Similarly, a human figure can fulfil some sort of function in support of the principle message of the composition: such as a fashionably dressed male figure in an em­blemfromGuillaumedelaPerričre’sThéatre des Bons Engins (Paris, 1539),representedenergeticallywhiskingfliesoffaplateofmilk(this allegory uses the example of flies drowning in milk to denounce the deadly consequences of “voluptuousness”).17 At other times detached body parts are called upon to represent a variety of moralized con­cepts: such as the evil tongue commented by both Claude Paradin in his treatise on devices (Lyons, 1551),18 and by George Wither in his bookofemblems(London,1635).19 There are also innumerable exam­ples of hands, clasped in love, faith or friendship.20 Finally, a number ofwholebodies–nakedordressedinexoticcostumes–areidentified asclassicalgodsandheroesbybothimageandtext,suchastheomni-present Hercules, the polyvalent Venus,or the mischievous Cupid.21 nasone,emblemCVIII. See the facsimilereproductionofthiseliteemblembook in the catalogue of Bonasone’s work by Stefania Massari, Giulio Bonasone, (vol. II) Rome,1983. 14 Andrea Alciati, Emblemata liber (Augsburg, 1531) Astrologer fol. C7 and (Paris, 1536) Scholar p. 22. 15 Guillaume de la Perričre, Morosophie, Lyons, 1553, emblems 85 and 58 respec­tively. 16 GillesCorrozet, Hecatongraphie, 1540, fol Oiverso–Oii recto (emblem 98) 17 Guillaume dela Perričre, Théatre des Bons Engins, Paris, 1539, emblem IIII. 18 Claude Paradin, Devises heroďques, Lyons,1557(1st ed. 1551), pp. 109–110. 19 George Wither, A collection of Emblemes, Ancient and Moderne, Quickened with metricall illustrations, both Morall and divine: And Disposed into lotteries, that instruction, and good counsell, may bee furthered by an honest and pleasant rec­reation (London, 1635, book I, emblem XLII, p. 42). On Wither’s emblems, which re-cycle copperplate vignettes by Crispin de Passe already published by Gabriel Rollenhagen in Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum (Arnheim, 1611) and Em-blematum centuria secunda (Arnheim, 1613), see the special edition of Studiolum, n.3,2002,editedbybyPeterM. DalyandAlanR. Young, “TheEmblemsofWither & Rollenhagen.” 20 For example, Julius Wilhelm Zincgreff, Emblematum etico-politicorum centuria, Heidelberg,1619,illustrationsbyThéodordeBry,emblemn.85,andGeorgeWither, A collection of Emblemes (London, 1635, book 2, emblem XXXVI, pp. 99–100). 21 Cf. ArthurHenkelandAlbrechtSchöne,Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. Und XVII. Jahrhunderts, Stuttgart, 1967 (reedited1997). Such examples all use the human body as a vehicle of meaning, butnotasanaturalsign. Whenandwhere –ifatall –doesthehuman form convey a meaning which translates, as succinctly and immedi­atelyasonlysymbolicimagescando,whatthegenderedbody –asan icon–impliedforRenaissanceviewers?Isthebodyonlyabodywhen it is undressed? And how did emblem illustrators – and by extension their public – view the human body, its “nature” and its significance in a period where high art was proposing new readings of the human form and new conventions for its use? In these anthologies of alle­gorical images – be they humanist and moralizing or religious and proselytizing–appeartwoprincipleusesofthebodyasanaturalsign. These two types of representation exploit what were then considered universal characteristics of the corporeal envelope that housed the soul during its earthly sojourn. The first of these “universal” charac­teristics used gender to elaborate upon the moral weakness of the hu­man condition. The second addressed the unstable boundary between humanity and the animal world. One body, two genders Emblem book illustrations embrace a number of cultural com­monplaces that were easily rendered visually. One example is that of the subjection of the human body to the influence of the seven planets, where each part is ruled by a celestial body: the weak and wet stomach is ruled by the Moon, the agile tongue belongs to Mercury, the geni­tals are governed by Venus, and so on. In a vignette from Johannes Sambucus, entitled “Partes homines” (Antwerp, 1567) the viewer is visually reminded of this univer­sal condition of the human body, a concept that was also widely found in popular medical literature and para-medical practise as well as in learned treatises about the influence of the celestial sphere on the micro­cosm of the human body [fig. 1]. In this woodcut vignette, the twelve signs of the zodiac that surround a nudemalefigurewereconventional symbols with respect to the influ­ence of heavenly bodies on the lives of mankind. According to the humanist programofemblemauthors,the Sara F. Matthews-Grieco cosmic sway of the stars could nevertheless be offset by the moral fiber of the individual. In Gilles Corrozet’s emblem “Vertu domine sur les astres,” (Paris, 1540) a woman is por­ trayed in a landscape with a largescorpioninherlap[fig.2]. Visuallyreiteratingthecommon assumptionthatthegenitalsfall under the sign of Scorpio, the text of the emblem nevertheless affirms that the exercise of vir­tue can ensure chastity, even in women born under that unfortu­nate sign.22 Dating from classi­calantiquity,this “astrological” vision of the body was to have a long-livedsuccessinthescience of physiognomy, as is borne out by Gerolamo Cardano’s Metoposcopia. Composed be­tween 1550 and 1555, this con­troversial work circulated in manuscript form, only to be published in Parisin1658.Themid17th-centuryeditioncarriesillustrationswhere stylized representations of the human face show “The disposition of molesaccordingtothesignsofthezodiac”,and “Theforeheadsubdi­vided into thezones ofinfluenceof the seven planets.”23 Inscribed by its subjection to the celestial sphere, the early modern bodynonethelessbelonged,firstandforemost,totheterrestialsphere. Analogous to the common bramble, all humankind is “rooted” in the 22 The link between lust and the zodiac sign of scorpio is fairly common in 16th and early 17th-century iconography. See, for example, Cesare Ripa, Iconologia ouero Descrittione di diuerse imagini cauate dall’antichita, & di propria inuentione, trouate, & dichiarate da Cesare Ripa perugino ... Di nuouo reuista, & dal medesi-mo ampliata di 400 & piu imagini, e di figure d’intaglio adornata … (first illustra­ted edition Rome, 1603), where “Libidine” is represented by a woman seated on a ram, holdingaloft ascorpion(Padua, 1618,Book IV). 23 On Cardano see: Nancy Siraisi, The Clock and the Mirror. Girolamo Cardano and Renaissance Medicine,Princeton,1997. Onartandthe history ofphysiognomysee: Flavio Caroli: Storia della fisiognomica: arte e psicologia da Leonardo a Freud (Milan, 1998), as well as the richly illustrated exhibition catalogue by the same au­thor, L’anima e il volto: ritratto e fisiognomia da Leonardo a Bacon, (Milan, 1998). earth,morefleshthanspirit,aspointedoutinanemblemengravedby Pierre Woeriot for Georgette De Montenay’s protestant Emblemes ou devises chrestiennes (Lyons,1571),entitled“Ex Natura”[fig.3].From theearthgrowsathornybramble,strivingtowardstheheavens,onlyto returninevitablytoitsearthlyorigins. Sotoomankind,beingformed of the dust of the earth, cannot escape its earthy nature. Half-buried in the earth under the arch of the branch, a masculine figure provides an easily recognisable reference to Adam, father of all humankind. A similar vegetable analogy for human nature is also to be found in a woodcut illustration to Barthélemy Aneau’s Imagination Poétique (Lyons,1552),towhichtheauthorgavethetitle“L’origine, et termina­tion humaine” [fig. 4]. 24 Here a woman is shown sprouting from the side of the original Man, the first human body created by God from the mud of the earth. Still half-buried in the soil, they both raise their 24 Barthelemy Aneau was commissioned by the Lyonnais publisher, Macé Bonhom-me, to write verses to accompany a series of 100 woodcut vignettes; the result was the Imagination poetique, traduicte en vers François, des Latins, & Grecz, par l’auteur memse d’iceux, Lyons, 1552. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco arms and faces to the sky, like the branchesofatree. Raysofdivine light shine down from clouds which, by iconographic conven­tion, designate the division be­ tween the celestial and terrestrial spheres, and complete the visual allusion to Genesis. In these two examples, we see underscored not only the earthly nature of the human body, but also one of the most pervasive constructions of gender in this period: the ge­neric use of the male body as be­ing representative of the whole of humankind, the androcentric male universal. At the same time emerges the current cultural conviction with respect to the derivative nature of the female body… hardly a surprise in a pe­riod where Biblical history was reinforcedbyvulgarizedmedical treatises faithful to Aristotilian monosexism.25 In the schematic iconography of emblem illustrations (whose capacity for conveying meaning was curtailed as much by the small dimensions of the pictures as by the didactic and therefore necessarily simplified rhetoric of visual communications), the human body was depictedashavingadualnature:notonlyterrestrialandspiritual,but also male and female. Developing one side of this basic dichotomy, Gilles Corrozet further explores the possible meanings associated with the female body and its “nature”. An emblem entitled “Nature foeminine” depicts asa nude woman wearing ahousewife’s coif, run­ning in a landscape after a flock of birds [fig. 5]. She is naked ex­cept for her head covering, an attribute which both identifies her as a 16th-century woman and suggests that she is representative of all her contemporaries. The accompanying verses declare that this “natural 25 On the vulgarization of medical theory at this time see: Rudolph Bell, How To Do It: Guides to Good Living for Renaissance Italians, Chicago, 1999. Evelyne Ber-riot-Salvadore,Un Corps, un destin. La femme dans la médecine de la Renaissance, Paris, 1994; William Eamon, Science and the secrets of nature: book of secrets in medieval and early modern culture, Princeton, 1994; Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender from the Greeks to Freud, Cambridge (MA), 1990. woman” shares the “complex­ion” or natural characteristics of birds in the wild: women are as foolish,flightyand, by impli­ cation, as unchaste as are birds in their natural habitat.26 In a similar vein, in another emblem of the Hecatongraphie entitled “Complexion de femme,” the “complexion” or character of womankind is depicted as be­ing erratic, alternately quarrel­ some and conciliatory: a female figurebrandishesaswordinone hand, and the palm of peace in the other [fig. 6]. Again dressed in an 16th -century outfit that suggests to the viewer that this figure represents all contempo­rary women, Corrozet’s bi-po­ lar depiction of the female sex transmits some of the more cur­rent misogynist arguments used to justify the increasing control ofwomeninsociety. Bothoftheseemblemsemphasizecurrentpreju­diceswithrespecttogenderthatcanbefoundinavarietyofothercul­ tural vehicles, from facetious broadsheets and chapbooks to conduct literature andtreatises onthe government of thehousehold. The “nature” of woman as a specifically gendered (as opposed to generic or universal) human being is a popular topos in emblem books, where the inconstancy attributed to female affections and the “lunatic” reasoningofbrainlesswomenprovidesoneofthemostcon­sistently represented themes, to be found in the vast majority of mo­ralizedliteratureofthisnature.ThusoneofAchilleBocchi’semblems, “Muliebris Inconstantia,” engraved by Giulio Bonasone (Bologna, 1555), shows a woman walking away from a renaissance home in the company of a man, at the same time raising a stick to chase away three small children [fig. 7]. Bocchi’s elaboration on this theme de­rivesfrom Homer, accordingto whoma woman when widowed cares 26 On the association of birds with sexual activity in this period see: Allen Grieco, “From Roosters to Cocks: Renaissance Birds and Sexuality”, in Sara F. Matthews-Grieco (ed.), The Erotic Cultures of Renaissance Italy,Aldershot (forthcoming). Sara F. Matthews-Grieco no longer for her children but thinksonlyofprocuringforher-self a new husband. Seeing as widowed women in Italy at this time had no legal right to keep with them the children from a first marriage should they or their families arrange a second marriage, this rather biased ac­ cusation of mutable affection is reinforced by the traditional definition of female nature as being unstable, volatile and ever-changing. Numerous other allegories and personifications, such as those in the first illus­trated edition of Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia (Rome, 1603), pre­ dictably personify notions such as Inconstantia by a female figure: female not only because of the gender of the noun per­ sonified, but also in terms of the weight of contemporary expec­tations and gender-specific as­sociations. In the case of Ripa, for example, Inconstanza is shown with a crescent moon in hand, a heavenly orb specifically associated with women, whose wax­ing and waning also made it a symbol of mutability. 27 If the female half of humanity is defined as being flighty, bel­ligerentandhardtocontrol(ifnotentirelyunchaste),whatofthemale half? There are, in fact, no emblemsrepresenting “Naturemasculine” thatwouldprovideacounterparttoCorrozet’s “Naturefeminine” and othersofsimilarimport.Theclosestemblemillustratorscometousing themalebodyasagender-specificsignisinevocationsoftemperance andself-discipline,twoqualitiesdeartothehumanistcultureinwhich these books had their editorial origins, and whose pedagogical pre­cepts emblem authors sought to propagate. In Jacob Kerver’s French edition of the Horapollo (1543), a naked man is represented stand­ing in a landscape, holding his private parts, a posture said to denote 27 Cesare Ripa, Nuova Iconologia, Padova, 1618, Book III. temperance [fig. 8]. In Antwerp in 1567, the Dutch physician Hadrianus Junius (Adrien le Jeune) reproduced this same emblem, adding a second gesture typical of mid-16th-century notions of civility: the naked man (this time identified as the ultimate of legendary savages, the Scythian or Hun) not only holds his “shame­ ful” parts with one hand, but with the other covers his mouth: through theimpositionofself-discipline,this wild man of the woods becomes a model of Renaissance decorum, temperate in his carnal appetites and judicious in speech [fig. 9]. The em­ blematic use of the primitive Sythian or Hun is also to be found in Alciati, based on travel lore which located thisoriginal“noblesavage”inanicy homeland where neither Ceres nor Bacchus could flourish. Described by Alciati as being without posses­ sions other than the animal skins with which he keeps himself warm, the Sythian is attributed a utopian life as he feels no cold and fears no thieves: having neither natural nor human enemies, the Sythian lives in peace and happiness with his own kind, and thus pleases God.28 Whereas Alciati’s noble sav­age is presented as an anthropologi­cal model for humanity in general, the temperate variant evoked by the nude bodies of the Horapollo and the Emblesmes of Junius evokes an idealized male identity, free from carnal and verbal excesses and liv­ing in a state of moral purity. This construction of a kind of primitive 28 This emblem first appeared in the last authorized editionof Alciati(Lyons, 1550). man – an ur-mensch – free from the corruption of urban society and its opportunities for sin, is strikingly different from the construction offemaleidentity.The“natural”woman–theemblematic ur-frau –is defined asbeing far less compatible with 16th-century social ideals. Whereas emblem books might use the male body as a primary sign denoting all of humanity, it subjection of the cosmic laws of the stars and its terrestrial nature, the female body is used as a secondary sign in that its gendering automatically triggers commonplace con­victions with respect to sexual characteristics and social roles. The illustrated emblem book conscientiously relayed contemporary medi­calconceptsandtheteachingsofconductliteraturewithregardtothe “natural” characteristics of womankind and the need for strict social controls to curtail her supposedly innate tendency towards sexual promiscuity.29 Emblematics thus reinforced the early modern premise according to which the social order was a faithful reflection of the natural order. The unstable boundary between humanity and the animal world The second use of the human body as a natural sign in the early modern emblem book is to be found in moralized compositions in which the human body – male or female – appears as a particularly eloquent iconographic signifier: that of the monster. Half-beast, half-human, the monster that appears in books of emblems, devices and hieroglyphs conveys, both visually and semantically, the unstable boundary between humanity and the natural world and, more specifi­cally, the conflict between the animal nature of mankind and man’s more spiritual aspirations. It was “animal nature” from which the 16th century was attempting to distance all of humankind, through the trappings of civility, and thedisciplineof body and mind. Two of the most popular figures in emblem literature – the siren andthesatyr –haveahalf-human,half-animalphysiognomythatacts both as a primary signifier and as a springboard for moral reflections on a number of defects inherent to humanity. How did the 16th century view such mythical creatures? Illustrated bestiaries in the vernacular can help us understand the cultural background emblem authors and illustratorsmightpossess,andwhichtheymightpresupposecommon 29 For the 16th-century discourse on gender in a nutshell, see Ian Maclean, The Ren­aissance Notion of Woman. A Study in the Fortunes of Scholasticism and Medical Science in European Intellectual Life, Cambridge, 1980. to their readers and viewers. An example can be found in the 1508 and 1524 chapbook renditions of Il libro de la Natura deli animali in vulgale & Primo del la Natura de Lomo,30 a rather free, reader’s di­gest sort of adaptation of the De animalibus of Albertus Magnus and a type of publication that was widely circulated in Western Europe. HereappearstheGreatChainofBeinginitsmostschematicform,or­ganised according to a cosmographic hierarchy that begins with man and then moves on to associate animals with the elements in which they are supposed to live: birds-air, quadrupeds-earth, fish-water and reptiles-fire. And here of course we need to remember that, in this period, when the organic world view was still widely embedded, bestiaries were usually “moralized”, translating for their readers the meaning of the “natural signs” created by God when he brought into beingthebeastsoftheearth,thebirdsoftheairandthefishofthesea. Particularly powerful and dangerous animals (such as the siren and the satyr) complicated this neat classificatory system in that they are heteromorphous. Belonging simultaneously to two distinctcategories – in this case the human and the animal – their dual physiognomy renders them particularly resonant in terms of the divine message to be deduced from their mixed nature. Tritons, mermaids and dumb cows The heteromorphous monster was generally interpreted in nega­tive terms in the late medieval and Renaissance bestiary, as it was in the 16th-century emblem book. Here, however, I would like to begin with a rare exception to this rule. Andrea Alciati’s emblem “Ex liter-arum studiis immortalitatem acquiri” depicts the notion of immortal fame gained through literary studies by a triton biting his own tail, as seen in a woodcut from the first illustrated edition (Augsburg, 1531) [fig. 10]. This conflation of the circular serpent of eternity and a tri­ton, trumpeteer of the Gods (and thus also an emblem of Fame) was separated out in the very next edition of Alciati’s emblems, printed by ChrestienWeschelinParisin1534,firstinLatin,andquicklythereaf­ter in a number of dual-language editions, all of which used the same series of woodcuts attributed to Jean (“Mercure”) Jollat. In the dual-language version of 1542 (Latin-German), the notion of immortality earned by literary studies, translated in German as “Kunst,” has been transformedintoamermaidencircledbyasnake,althoughthetextstill specificallymentionsatriton[fig. 11]. Totheengraverofthiswoodcut 30 Mondově1508&Savona1524.Inexpensiveanddog-eared,theseinexpensivepubli­cationsareknownas“libridibisaccia”orlibripopolari,cf.PaolaNavoniinGiorgio Celli, Le Proprietŕ degli animali, Genoa, 1983, pp. 185–186. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco –andmostprobablyforhistar-get audience – the archetypal mer-person was the female siren. The woodcut illustrat­ing this emblem thus adopts an elegant solution, a compro­mise between the degree of visual literacy expected of a not necessarily very educated viewer and the demands of the text. Assimilated with the God Triton only insofar as she too has a fish’s tail, the mermaid is given a secondary iconograph­ ic role with respect to that of themainsignifier–thecircular serpent. She points to the ser­pentbitingitstail,thusshifting the main focus of the image to a symbol of immortality, and more or less successfully trans-mittingtheintendedmessage. It is not rare in emblem books for text and image to vary some­what in their content. On the one hand emblem authors – especially those steeped in Renaissance Humanism – were anxious to proselyt­ize their ethical world view by means of the edifying entertainment of avolume of moralizingverses,sprinkled with de rigeur references to classical antiquity. On the other hand, the artisans responsible for engraving the vignettes were all too aware of the limits of their audi­ence’s visual sophistication. It is for this reason that the iconography of emblem illustrations often reverts to a more “popular” and wide­spread visual culture, catering to the expectations of the viewing (as opposed to the reading) audience. In the course of the first century in which the vogue for em­ blems was to reach the farthest outposts of continental Europe, from the first illustrated edition of Alciati’s Emblemata Liber in 1531 un­til the early decades of the 17th century,31 emblem iconography was in an evolutionary flux. Artists and engravers sought to seduce and 31 The 17th century was to attempt to “discipline” emblematics by means of an ency­clopedic approach (cf. Picinelli, Mondo simbolico, Milan, 1653) and an exhaustive theoretical framework. (cf. Claude François Menestrier L’art des emblems, Lyons, 1662). entertain their viewers/readers with intriguing pictures with­out, however, alienating the less educated public with images that would have been perceived asbeingunfamiliarorhermetic. It is for this reason that Alciati’s 1542 triton-mermaid – the re­ vised composition, which aimed at a greater transparency for a contemporary audience – was destined to be revised yetagain, for sirens were supposed to be bad news, not good news. Faithful to the zoological literature in which she holds an established and generally nefarious place, the siren will no longer appear in anything resembling a positive light in books of emblems, devices or hi­eroglyphs. Half beautiful maid­en, half fish, she sings sweetly to sailors, luring them to their doom. The “moral meaning” of the mermaid, according to most bestiaries and all emblem books subsequent to the Weschel edi­tion, was that of the vanities of the world whose sweetness lulls “vo­luptuous” men to sleep (both literally and spiritually). Some moral-izedbestiariesevenreferindirectlytoHomer,suggestingthattheonly remedyagainsttheseductionofsirensistostopupone’searswiththe “wax” of holy words, good actions and virtue.32 The “true” nature of the Siren thus imposes itself – in fulfilment of audience expectations –intheverynextillustratededitionofAlciati,thatofAldusinVenice in 1546, which features a choice of 86 emblems, some of which en­tirely new. In this selection of Alciati’s emblems, tritons are entirely eliminated in favour of mermaids. Gone is the equivocal emblem on the immortality conferred by literary studies, replaced with one sim­ply entitled “Sirenes” [fig. 12]. In this vignette, the “true” nature of these creatures is rendered explicit by their bipartite tails and gesture 32 Girogio Celli, Le Proprietŕ degli animali, Genoa, 1983,pp. 318–319,496–497. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco of “ostentatiogenitalia,” arenderingdrawnfromaniconographictra­dition that would have been well-known to Renaissance viewers. For example,JohannesdeCuba’s Gart der Gesundheit (1485)–asuccess­fulandmuchtranslatedanthologyofmedicaladviceinterspersedwith sensational information culled from bestiaries – features an entry on the mermaid in which the “sirena” demonstrates her pernicious nature withthis samegesture[fig. 13].33 This one example from a vernacular guide to health illustrates the pervasiveness of such representations, derived from a long-standing iconographic tradition to be found in bestiaries, church architecture and choir stalls, to cite but a few of the supports on which such images appeared.34 In 1549, three years after the Aldine edition, a re-arranged edi­tion of Alciati’s Emblemata liber was published in Lyons by Macé 33 Johann Wonnecke von Caub was a German doctor, probably located in Frankfurt. HishighlysuccessfultreatisefirstappearedinGermanasthe Gart der Gesundheit (1485), and was quickly translated into Latin as the Hortus sanitatis (Mainz, 1491) or Ortus sanitatis (Venice, 1536). The first French translation (Paris, 1500) was entitled the Jardin de santé.ThefirstItalianlanguageeditionappearedinVenicein 1542. 34 See, for example, Claude Gaignebet, Art profane et religion populaire au Moyen Age, Paris, 1985. Bonhomme, featuring new woodcut illustra­tions for a selection of 165 of Alciati’s 201 emblems to date (Alciati continued to add to his original 100 emblems throughout his lifetime). These wood-cuts,engravedmostprob- ably by Pierre Eskrisch (also known as Pierre Vase), reveal an elegant solution to the problem of a seeming contradiction between a medieval tra­dition of zoological exe­gesisandthe16th-century vogueforclassicallegend and mythology, now on the rise all over Europe. In Eskrich’s series of vi­gnettes, both male and female sea monsters are definitively separated out, and both are fash­ionably classicized. On the one hand, Triton is definitively re-instated in his role as the trumpeter ofNeptune,hisparticularphysiognomybeingdescribedinthetextas being as half sea monster, half god – an important detail, for divine descent automatically conferred a more positive valence -while the circularserpentofeternitywasleftintheforeground,justtokeepthe less informed viewer on track [fig. 14]. On the other hand, mermaids were updated to a more narrative and historicized context entirely in consonance with audience expectations: they are represented as fish­tailed seductresses singing to sailors. In the accompanying text they are described as signifying “les voluptez de ce monde” (the volup­tuous pleasures of the world) and “putains” (whores) [fig. 15]. Only later in the verse exegesis on the moral significance of the emblem (a long text that continues onto the following page) is the man tied to themastactuallyidentifiedasbeingnoordinarysailor,buttheGreek heroUlysses. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco The assimilation of mermaids with har­lots (against whom vir­ tuous men must arm themselves, according to Alciati’s text, with the study of religion, arts and letters), trans­ mits both the prejudice of gender and a deep- rooted fear of serpentine or piscine women. The image of the fish or ser­ pent woman flourished in Renaissance Europe, nourished by represen­tations of the Original Sin which endowed the serpent of the Fall with a female torso. This topos was also promoted by popular folk tales, such as that of Mélusine, por­ trayed in her “true” form as a half-human dragon or mermaid on the title page to the 1529/30 Paris edition of Jean d’Arras’ Mélusine.35 Finally, the notion that women were a bit fishy was encouraged by medical folk­lore, according to which serpents dwelt in the uterus.36 Negatively connotated fish, serpents and dragons were thus more easily “femi­ nine” than masculine, especially when they shared their form with humanity. TheonlyreasonforwhichthemaritimegodTritonisinterpreted in a positive light in Alciati’s emblems is due to the fact that he rep­resents a specific figure from classical mythology, and as such can constitute one of the very few exceptions to the general rule of nega­tive exempla beingbuiltuponheteroformbodiesinbooksofemblems, devices and hieroglyphs. And here it should be pointed out that the 35 Jean d’Arras, Mélusine nouvellement imprimée, Paris,1529/30. 36 Cf. note25. repeated use of any iconographic composition and its variants can be considered proof of the meaning and resonance attached to such images by contemporary emblem artists and their audiences. Single appearances of any one image can generally be classified as compo-sitionalflopsor,aswehaveseeninthecaseoftheWeschelmermaid­as-Triton,asiconographic “mistakes” quicklyrectifiedintheillustra­ tions of successive editions. The general rule of the negative meaning associated with het­ eroform bodies is borne out by Alciati’s emblem “Human wisdom is foolishnessbeforeGod” (Lyons,1549)[fig.16].Thiscompositionwas soon to inspire other emblem authors, such as Barthélemy Aneau in 1552 [fig. 17]. In both cases “monsters” with ahuman head andtorso, and a serpent’s tail in lieu of legs, supposedly represent a race of gi­ants that once peopled the earth under the reign of King Cecrops of Athens. However, as they loved earthly things more than God, they were destined to extinction. The composite form of these “monsters” conveysa reminderthathuman, terrestrialknowledgeis butfollyand ignorance when compared with the celestial, divine knowledge imparted by faith and religion: those who look no higher than Sara F. Matthews-Grieco earthly affairs are condemned to live as half-beasts, crawling on the earth they worship. The ignorance attributed to animals, who have no reli­gion and whose bestiality is compounded by slavery to their natural appetites, is a recurring theme in emblem books, where the moralized wisdom of medi­evalbestiariesandRenaissance treatises on physiognomy com­bine to encourage recurring representations of monsters and heteroform bodies. An entry in Gabriele Simeoni’s Devises Héroiques et Morales (Lyons, 1559)37 reminds us that, accord­ing to the science of physiog­nomy, the wide, bovine shape of a man’s forehead betrays his slow un­ derstanding [fig. 18]. A similar observation also appears in Giovanni Battista Della Porta’s treatise, Della Fisonomia dell’Huomo (Naples, 1598), along with a graphic comparison in which the broad forehead and large eyes of a man are almost the mirror image of a frontal view of abull [fig. 19]. Given the generalized consensus of such physiogno-mic observations, it is hardly surprising that emblems rep­resenting human stupidity 37 The lyonnais publisher Guillaume Rouille published an Italian edition of this book (Le Imprese Heroiche [sic] et Morali) at the same time, with the same woodcut il­lustrations. This sort of editorial initiative was entirely typical of the flourishing print trade in the international city of 16th-centuryLyons, from whencebookswere distributed through the main traderoutesof continental Europe. or ignorance also use bovine monsters. In Lyons in 1552, BarthélemyAneaureferstothis commonplace conviction in or­der to interpret an image of a monstrous creature, a cow with a human head. The anonymous woodcut for which Aneau com­posed a title and an interpretive poem represents a crouching, bovine creature, said to repre­sent “l’homme” (mankind) and “Nature Humaine” (human na­ture), portrayed looking up at the sky in which (divine) fig­ ures appear in the clouds. In the background, tiny figures wor­ship a (pagan) deity on a ped­estal [fig. 20]. According to the verbal exegesis developed by the poet, this image represents thebovineignoranceofhuman­ ity when it turns away from the light of God, Religion and Reason:itisonlywheninspired by divine Faith and the faculty ofReasonthathumanitycanre­ tain its true, human form, that which was given to the first man when he was made in the image of his Creator. The heteroform monster that represents the bestial na­ture of human ignorance is, however, decidedly feminized insofar as it is endowed with long flowing hair, a physical attribute that point­edly draws upon contemporary notions relative to the mental weak­ness of women. Human ignorance might be bestial in nature, but it is alsounequivocallygendered. OneofPierreWoeriot’sillustrationsfor Georgette De Montenay’s Emblesmes chrétiennes (Lyons, 1571) also personifies human ignorance as a bestial woman – she is equipped with prominent donkey’s ears [fig. 21]. Is this figure female simply because of the female gender of the word “ignorance” in French? Or isittheautomaticassociationofwomenwitha lack of judgement and knowledge – andin this case alsoapostasy – that lies behind this par­ticular composition? In the visual world of emblem books, ignorance is above all a feminine –and bestial – fault. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco Besides serpentine creatures, bullish men and bovine or asi­nine women, there is yet another gendered monster used to convey the notion of human ignorance in emblematics, and that is the leg­endary sphinx. In early editions of Alciati (Augsburg 1531 & Lyons 1551) it is represented as creature standing upright, with the face of a girl, a feathered torso and the legs of a lion [fig. 22]. According to the text, this tripartite creature represents the three causes of hu­man ignorance: intellect (that is, Fig. 23:“Submovendamignorantiam” in AndreaAlciati, Emblematum liber (Padua,1621),unidentifiedengraver, emblemn°CLXXXVIII.[PD] the hubris thereof), desire for worldly pleasures, and pride, whichcor­rupts virtue. The pagan, female sphinx had an enduring success in emblematics, although the impact of illustrated travel literature soon brought about a more accurate rendering of the Egyptian monument. Illustrations of later editions of Alciati hastily departed from the “in­correct” depictionofanuprightsphinx,restoringtothemythicalbeast the crouching stance that characterizes the desert sculpture, while at thesametimeunderscoringthecreature’sfemininephysiognomy[fig. 23]. Nevertheless, no matter howthesphinxwas represented, itwould seem that emblem authors and, above all, emblem illustrators, felt that the female sex was more thanplausibly guilty of intellectual hubris, if notcrassignorance. Represented by serpentine men and bovine, asinine or leonine women, human ignorance (the type of ignorance which condemns mankind to an animal existence, ignorant of God) is, however, but one of the human failings that gives rise to heteromorphic monsters inallegoricaliconography. Asecond,andequallyseriousweaknessof humanity, one that which turns mankind back into a beast, is lust. Satyrs, centaurs and brutish bears “Luxuria” becomes a standard emblem as of the 1546 Aldine edi­tion of Alciati, where it is first represented as a man with the lower body of a dragon, said to be a “Faun” in the text [fig. 24]. This sort of iconographic naiveté was to be rapidly corrected, how­ever, as mid-16th century editions printed in Lyons re­store to the lubricious Faun the horns and goat legs of the classical satyr, as can be seen in a 1549 edition of Alciati, printed by Macé Bonhomme and illustrated by Pierre Eskrisch [fig. 25].38 Here the composite monster that rep- Fig.24:“Luxuria”inAndrea Alciati,Emblematum libellus (Venice,1546),anonymous woodcut,p.34.[HG] 38 The humanist emblem book tradition enthusiastically embraced the satyr as the em­blem of lust: see another example in a Spanish emblem book by Hernando de Soto, Emblemas Moralizades, Madrid,1599 (emblem 13). Sara F. Matthews-Grieco resents “Luxure” is described in the accompanying verses as a “beste Bouquine tresluxu­rieuse” (a very lustful ram-like beast) and is portrayed wear­ing a wreath, identified by the text as being a wreath of rocket (rughetta), and blowing a ram’s horn.39 Bestial lust and the animal passions of man were thereafter to be routinely represented by a satyr-like creature, as can be seen in another example from Jean Jacques Boissard’s bi-lin­gual Emblems latins (Metz, 1588) [fig. 26]. Whereas this particular type of composite monster – half human, half hairy goat – generally acts as a vehicle for reflection on the dangers represented by the sen­sual side of human nature, the double physiognomy of the faun occasionally lends itself to less negatively connoted evocations, althoughthesetendtobeexcep­tions that confirm the rule. The 1549 edition of Alciati (Lyons, Macé Bonhomme), twice uses the same woodcut representing a satyr. In this first it represents, as we have seen, “Luxuria” [cf. fig. 24]. In the second use of the woodcut, the text identifies the figure as the Greco-roman god Pan, and entitles it “Nature”[fig. 27]. This type of re-cycling of 39 The peppery taste of rocket was responsible for its classification among a category of “hot” plants and spices that were believed to “heat” the body and thus invite lust. Luca Bonelli Conenna (ed.), La divina villa di Corniolo della Cornia. Lezioni di agricoltura tra XIV e XV secolo, Siena, 1982, cf. “Della ruca”,pp. 312–313. images was not unusual in 16th-century editorial practise, in a period whereaudiencescravedpicturesmorethantheydemandedoriginality. The verses commenting this vignette explain that this mythological figure represents the dual nature of all men: reason renders mankind divine, while “animal” desires ensure the necessary reproduction of humanity. Here again we see that it is only when representing a clas­ sical divinity that the monstrous body can avoid the explicit moral opprobrium normally assigned to the heteroform body in the early modern emblem book. One of the reasons that the goat-legged satyr was such a suc­ cess in illustrated emblem books is that it was considered more or less the equivalent of the legendary wild man, much studied by historians of medieval and early modern folklore. A device discussed by Paolo Giovio in his Dialogo delle Imprese (Rome, 1555) represents a wild man whose rough exterior was likened to the rough manners of the bearer of the device, renowned for both his appetite for love and his success with the ladies [fig. 28].40 In the elite milieu of the 16th-cen­ 40 AdeviceattributedtoCharlesd’Amboise,fromPaoloGiovio, Dialogo delle Impre­se, Rome, 1555. Sara F. Matthews-Grieco turyCourt,wherethecompositionofdevicesforone’sselfandothers was a fashionable pastime, a somewhat facetious use of the wild man motifwasentirelypossible. Butforthemoremiddle-classaudienceof the emblem book, authors and artists tended to adopt a more prosaic and pedagogical approach, where the moral message conveyed by a monsterorheteromorphfigurecouldnotbeleftindoubt. Anexample of an emphatic equation between a wild man or satyr and male lust can be found in an emblem from the Imagination Poétique (Lyons 1552) entitled “Toucher femme est mauvais” (Touching women is bad) [fig. 29]. The woodcut illustration represents what the text calls “Un sauvage home, un Satyr” (A wild man, a satyr), who attempts to embrace a fire but is restrained by a man dressed in the long robes of a sage. The text makes a drawn-out analogy between the damage that would be wrought by embracing a living flame and the damage caused by the venereal flames of passion, especially the embrace of loose women. The moral to be drawn from both image and text is that only “wild” men – half animal, half human – give in to their bestial passions: those in possession of the ethical values proposed by emblem authors will be capable of the self-restraint considered emblematic of civilised man. Not only wild and lustful men, but also so-called “rustics” are represented as being half-animal. Considered closer to the animal world as they belong to the lowest level of the social hierarchy and live far from urban civilisation, farmers and peasants can also be rep­resented as part beast. A flagrant example can be found, once again, in the Imagination Poétique (Lyons,1552)inan emblementitled: “De pere et mere villains, enfans gentilz” (From humble parents, genteel children), an emblem whose iconography is predictably zoomorphic in its condescending class-ism [fig. 30]. The title conveys the moral meaning constructed by Barthélemy Aneau from the woodcut vi­gnette furnished to him by his Lyonsnais publisher. Here it is impor­tant to remember that the entire volume of Aneau’s Picta Poesis or Imagination Poétique was a commissioned re-cycling of pre-exisitng woodcuts, and thus provides us with a key to the level of visual litera­cy possessed by a 16th-centurypedagogue,re-packagedfor pedagogi­cal purposes. Described by the text as “rustic idiots,” the ill-formed, peasantile parents of a handsome child have the bodies of equine monsters (half-human, half-horse) while their well-formed offspring walkshappilybesidehiscentaur-father,perfectinallofhishumanity. BarthélemyAneau’sinterpretationofthemoralmessageconveyedby this composition is directly derived from his professional ethic: he was first and foremost a teacher, and wrote a number of treatises on educationinspiredbyRenaissancehumanism. Herehisinterpretation putsforththeratherradicalidea(atleastforhistimeperiod)thatedu-cation can transform even a child of ignorant peasants into a decent humanbeing,freefromtheuncouthoriginsandbestialcharacteristics of his parents. The heteromorphic bodies that had such an enduring success in emblem illustrations provided a continual reminder of the highly permeable boundary between human society and the animal world, and continually warned readers and viewers of the dangers incurred by giving in to earthly, animal appetites. According to the zoological code of visual communications, where bestial lust and the animal pas­sions of man were represented by the satyr, human bodies that became enslavedbytheirbasernaturecouldmorphevenfarther,assumingan entirely animal shape. In the 1621 Padua edition of Alciati, for exam­ple, the emblem “Che l’huom si de[v]e guardar dale meretrice [sic]” (Men should avoid whores) shows a woman on a throne – the sorcer­ess Circe – surrounded by the companions of Ulysses whom she has already transformed into cowering beasts [fig. 31]. The moral drawn Sara F. Matthews-Grieco here is that men lose their “intelletto e la ragione” (in­tellect and reason) when they frequent prostitutes, thereby abandoning the one faculty that distinguishes man from beast and keeps men human. Reason can be lost by other means, however. Human be­ings can be reduced to an animalstatethroughilltreat­ ment, be they servants abused by their employers or pupils abused by their teachers. Barthélemy Aneau makes an unusual case against cor­ poral punishment in schools with an emblem he entitles “Abetissement d’Enfans, par tyrannie des Magisters” (Children rendered stupid by the tyranny of teachers) The vignetteshowsawomanbeat­ing her servant until the poor girl is so brutalized she turns into a bear [fig. 32]. Here the humanist pedagogue makes a poign­ ant statement about the vulnerability of women and children, servants and pupils. Low on the social and educational ladders, domestics and schoolchildren are defenceless against the brutality of their masters, andthuseveratriskofslippingbackintothe“animal” existencefrom which renaissance civility aspired to save them. Gendered bodies and the codification of the visual idiom The gendered use of the human body in the figurative vignettes illustrating 16th-century emblem books is categorical in its verdict with respect to the faults to be attributed to men as opposed to woman. Although both are human, their “nature” is similar only in that it is terrestrial. Flighty,bird-likehousewivesandserpentinesirensconvey an deep-rooted distrust with respect to female sexuality, while goat-leggčd men remind the viewer that lust deprives even the more noble sex of his reason and humanity. The ignorance attributed to beasts – which is seen, alongside of the animal appetites, as being the main difference between the animal world and that of humans – brute ignorance is seen as being a trait attributa­ ble above all to the lower social orders and to women, which attribution would hardly have constituted a surprise for any 16th-century viewer. Rendered in a relatively accessible, easily deciphered figurative language, the rep­ resentational idiom used by emblem illustrators drew upon currentgenderstereotypesand a common visual culture to both transmit and reinforce an urban, middle-class ethic. The emblem book thus functioned as a tool of 16th-century ac­culturation, carrying the new flavours of humanist ethics and the more familiar wisdom of merchant class morality to a wide (and not necessarily very literate) public. Finally, what we also see – in this quick look at the gen­dered body in early modern emblem books – is an increasingly rigor-ouscodificationoficonography.Visualcompositionsthatfluctuatein the early years ofemblematics (such as the Alciati siren-as-triton) are quickly sorted out into more specific representations whose success can be measured by subsequent imitations on the part of other emblem authorsandengravers.Theneedforanincreasinglyrigorouscodifica­tion of emblem iconography – and iconographic language as a whole – was due, above all, to the demands of an international book and printmarket.ThespreadofvisualliteracythroughoutEurope,andthe development of a large market for mechanically reproduced images, demanded a more uniform figurative language, with fixed meanings and rules of composition, just as the spread of textual literacy in this sameperiodrequiredamoreuniformvernacularlanguage,withfixed spellingand rules of grammar. The human body continued to be used as a primary signifier in the European emblem book up until the early 17th century(1620circa), when it seems to disappear in favour of time-tried personifications, standard allegorical figures (such as Cupid), and heroic and mythical figures easily recognised by the consumers of this eclectic cultural product. On the one hand, the progressive elimination of the human body asa naturalsign doubtless has to do with the increasingly rigor­ous codification of the emblem genre and the development of a more exhaustive theoretical apparatus, complete with rigorous rules for the composition and use of allegorical images of this kind. On the other hand, the market for heterogeneous collections of emblems, devices and hieroglyphs as so many “dictionaries” of natural signs gradually dissipated in favour of more mono-thematic emblem books, such as Otto van Veen’s multi-lingual Amorum Emblemata (Antwerp, 1608), whereCupidappearsineveryvignette,orFrancisQuarles’Emblemes and Hieroglyphikes of the life of man (first edition London, 1635), a collection of religious reflections peopled with human figures repre­senting devout pilgrims and struggling souls. This is not to say that encyclopaedic projects such as Filippo Picinelli’s ponderous Mondo simbolico (Milan, 1653) were no longer in demand, but they tended to limit the “natural language” of the world to a long list of animals, plantsandobjects,whilereducingthehumanbodytoonlyafewofits component parts: Capo, Cuore, Mano, Piede. Another possiblereasonfortheprogressive disappearanceofthe human body as a “natural sign” in emblem iconography is the con­temporary shift in world view from organic to mechanic.41 If one can judge by the illustrations of emblem books, by 1610/1620 an image of a naked male body no longer triggered an association with the no­tion of man as microcosm, while the nude body of both sexes had be­come something of an aesthetic abstraction, functioning above all as a conventional support for allegorical symbols and the paraphernalia of visual rhetoric.42 In addition to this series of hypotheses about the decline in the use of the human body as a natural sign in early modern emblemat­ics, it is worth remembering that heightened controls with respect to sexual practise doubtless influenced emblem authors and illustrators, 41 Cf. Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World, New York, first edition 1983 and CarolynMerchant, The Death of Nature, San Francisco, first edition 1980. 42 AsismorethanevidentinCornelisvanKiel Prosopografica, Antwerp, circa 1590, andin Cesare Ripa, Iconologia,Rome,1603. resultinginamorecautioususeofaheavilyoverwrittensign–thena­kedbody. Whateverthecausesmighthavebeenforthedisappearance of the gendered body as a “natural sign”, it is important to recognise that this phenomenon is pan-European in its scope. It demonstrates the extent to which emblem iconography had become a widespread expression of visual culture, easily transcending the borders of lan­guage and religion. It also demonstrates the extent to which the em­ blem book can furnish the historian of today with a kind of litmus paper to measure fundamental shifts in the worldview of the urban, “middling” classes of early modern Europe. Reproduction Acknowledgements: (Every effort has been made to contact the copyright holders of the images reproduced as illustrations for this article. The author would be pleased to receive further information about any copyright holders she has failed to lo­cate.) AA = Facsimile Edition Corrozet 1544 edited by Alison Adams, Geneva, 1997 AB = Facsimile Edition Alciati 1542 edited by August Buck, Darmstadt, 1991 BNF = Bibliothčque Nationale de France (Cabinet des Estampes & Réserve des Imprimés) Della Porta = Della fisionomia dell’uomo editedbyMario Cicognani,Parma 1988 H&S = Henkel & Schöne, Emblemata Handbuch, Stuttgart, 1996 HG = Facsimile Alciati Editions 1531 & 1546 edited by Henry Green, Manchester 1870 PD = Facsimile Editon Alciati 1621 edited by Peter Daly et alia, Toronto, 1985 SM = Facsimile Edition Bocchi1574 edited by Stefania Masari, Rome, 1983 POVZETEK Napisano s telesom: knjige emblemov, zmoralizirano telo in kodi­fikacija vizualnega idioma (od 16. do zgodnjega 17. stoletja) Knjige emblemov so bile primarno sredstvo za kodifikacijo ikonografskega izražanja, katerega raba v vizualni komunikaciji je bila mocno razširjena v vseh pomembnejših kulturah, ki so proiz­vajale in uporabljale grafike v zgodnjem obdobju moderne Evrope. Namen tega eseja je prikazati pomen emblemov za rekonstrukcijo široko razširjene urbane vizualne kulture, v kateri lahko s sledenjem razvoja v ikonografski vzpostavitvi telesa in spola opazimo pomem­ bne premike v kolektivni miselnosti. Emblemske ilustracije so cloveškemu telesu pripisovale vrsto okvirno dolocenih, a vendar omejenih vlog. Ta ikonografski »kata-log« vlog se je pogosto uporabljal tako v moralizirajocih alegori­jah humanisticnih avtorjev emblemov kot v didakticnih ilustraci­jah verskih emblemskih knjig. Ta clanek se bo ukvarjal predvsem z vprašanjem, kdaj in kje so knjige emblemov, priprav in hierglifov imele cloveško telo za naravni znak, primerljiv z živalmi, rastlinami in predmeti. Kaj je telo – kot semitoicna ikona – pomenilo za avtorje, bralce in ogledovalce knjig emblemov? In predvsem, kako so ilus­tratorji (in z njimi njihovo urbano in pogosto ne ravno izobraženo obcinstvo) videli cloveško telo, njegovo »naravo« in njegovo vlogo v materialnem vesoljstvu, ki ga je ustvaril bog – predvsem v obdo­bju, ko je visoka umetnost izoblikovala novo pojmovanje cloveške figure in nove konvencije za njeno rabo. Iz korpusa evropskih knjig emblemov, objavljenih med letoma 1531 in 1633, lahko izlušcimo dve glavni rabi telesa kot »naravnega« znaka. Prva definira tako imeno­vano »naravo« cloveka, ki vkljucuje dodatno artikulacijo v okvirih spola.Drugaslužikotpomoczarazmislekoneprijetnoprepustnimeji med cloveštvom in živalskim svetom. V obeh primerih sta moškemu in ženski dodeljeni vedno bolj stereotipni ikonografski identiteti, ki odsevata tako vse bolj utrjeno doloceno besedišce vizualnega idioma v zgodnjem obdobju moderne Evrope kot vedno bolj polarizirano predstavo o spolu. »Rimanti in pace«: temna stran Arkadije v glasbi Marenzia in Monteverdija GIUSEPPE GERBINO Po letu 1570 je težko je najti tiskano knjigo madrigalov, ki ne bi imela vec pastoralnih besedil, kot bi jih želeli prebrati. Še težje pa je razumeti, kaj je Arkadijo, njene pastirje, nimfe, satire, razkošne po­krajine in koprnece ljubimce napravilo tako privlacne za renesancno obcinstvo. In vendar je pastoralna moda zadnje cetrtine 16. stoletja navdihnila osupljivo število novih in povsem raznovrstnih glasbenih slogov. Cenamjepravaline,locniceglasbenega podobjacasasobile v veliki meri dolocene s konvencijami tega na videz neukrotljivega modnega krika. Povedano z bolj tehnicnimi izrazi: skoraj vsaka nova tendenca v hitro spreminjajocem se svetu poznorenesancnega madri­galasezdinatakalidrugacennacinpovezanazretoricnimpodrocjem pastorale, od lahkotnega sloga t. i. canzonetta-madrigala do vse bolj custveno obarvane glasbene avantgarde devetdesetih let 16. stoletja (v katero seveda spada tudi mladi Claudio Monteverdi). Pod vplivom pastoralnetradicijeso nastalitudi zgodnjiopernilibreti. Mit Arkadije je imel izredno vizualno, skorajda fizicno privlac­nost. Po humanisticnem ponovnem odkritju klasicne ekloge v drugi polovici 15. stoletja je bukolicni simbolizem, izpeljan iz Vergila in Ovida, našelposebno rodovitna tlavznakovnem sistemu,nakaterem jesvojezahtevepokulturniprevladiutemeljevalapoliticnaindružbe­nainstitucijadvora.Sistematicnosejerazširiltakovlepihumetnostih in literaturi kakor tudi na hibridnem podrocju dvornega razvedrila. Postaljesubtilnorazpršenmetajezik,vkateremsonastajalepoliticne, cutne, verske in družbene utopije. Vendar – kot že omenjeno – pred­vsemvizualnidejavniktetradicijedolocanašerazumevanjetega,kar najbisanjeopastoralnemživljenjskemslogupomenilezaomikanoin urbanizirano elito moderne Evrope. Podoba zacaranega vrta govori o dobi blaženosti in nedolžnosti, dobi, v kateri sta clovek in narava živela v popolni slogi. Velik del madrigalnega repertoarja poznega 16. stoletja se posveca predstavljanju naravnega stanja prvotne bla­ženosti. Enako pomemben del se ukvarja z življenjem in glasbenim izražanjem prebivalcev tega idealiziranega sveta. In vendar se ti dve plati iste tradicije le redko ujemata. Ko pastirji ter – v manjši meri – pastirice in nimfe svoj glas napravijo slišen, se to zgodi v visoko stilizirani retoriki tožbe. Ponavadi so zatopljeni v obcutja izgube in locitve. Z drugimi besedami: ko na sredino odra stopi cloveška izku­šnja, se Arkadija ne zdi vedno srecen bukolicnisvet.1 Pricujoca razprava se osredotoca prav na ta vidik pastoralne tradicije, na temno stran Arkadije, tako rekoc na mracne in žalostne primere pastoralnega madrigala. Taka izbira se morda zdi nekoliko nasprotna intuiciji. Vendar verjamem, da moramo za razumevanje ocaranosti poznega 16. stoletja z bukolicnim simbolizmom ponovno razmisliti o predpostavki, da je bilo idealiziranje bistvo renesancne pastorale, in se sprijazniti z dejstvom, da je bil pastoralni patos v ti-stem casu obcuten popolnoma drugace. Kakšen je bil ta pastoralni patos? In kakose je razlikoval od npr. tragicnega patosa? Takšnemu vprašanju se lahko približamo s kratkim povzetkom pogosto navajanega mnenja Marca Antonia Ingegnerija (1550–1613), enega najizvirnejših polemikov in piscev iger svojega casa. V svoji razpravio»predstavljajocipoeziji«izleta1594jeIngegnerivprašanja moralnihinslogovnihzakonitostipastoralnegagledališcaobravnaval v navezavi na stvarno gledanje tistih, ki so spoznali, da je na odru zmagala pastoralna tragikomedija. Menil je, da »ce ne bi bilo pasto­ral, bi lahko rekli, da je praksa uprizarjanja iger skoraj popolnoma izgubljena«.2 Gledališce – nadaljuje Ingegneri – bi moralo izpolniti clovekovopotreboposprostitviinrazvedrilu. Vendarjevtemspodle­telo tako komediji kot tragediji. Komedije niso vec cenjene, ker so jih poklicniigralcispremenilivopolzkespektakle.Podrugistranisotra­gedije prevec mracne in grozovite. Z eno besedo: po Ingegnerijevem mnenju oblike klasicnega gledališca sodobnemu cloveku niso imele povedati nicesar vec. Afektivni in slogovni liricizem arkadijskega ideala se je potem­takem vsiljeval kot edino zdravilo za slabosti sodobnegagledališca: 1 Okonvencijitožbevkontekstupastoralnepoezijegovoriobsežnaliteratura–preob­sežna, da bi lahko jamcil za izcrpno bibliografijo. Za splošen pregled gl. predvsem Ellen Zetzel Lambert. Placing Sorrow: A Study of the Pastoral Elegy Convention from Theocritus to Milton, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1976; Renato Poggioli, The Oaten Flute: Essays on Pastoral Poetry, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975. Pomemben kriticen vpogled lahko najdemo tudi v Paul Alpers, What is Pastoral?, Chicago – London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996. 2 »… se le pastorali non fossero, si potria dire poco men che perduto a fatto l’uso del palco.«AngeloIngegneri, Della poesia rappresentativa e del modo di rappresenta-re le favole sceniche, ur. Maria Luisa d’Oglio, Ferrara: Panini, 1989, str. 6. O Inge-gnerijeviteorijipastoralegl.nedavnoizšloknjigoLaureRiccň,Ben mille pastorali: l’itinerario dell’Ingegneri da Tasso a Guarini e oltre,Rim:Bulzoni,2004. Kar je ostalo, so pastorale, ki so s svojim podeželskim in zelenecim oko­ljem bolj ljubke kot razkošne in zelo prijetne za oko, ki so s svojo sladko poezijo in prefinjenim govornim slogom nadvse privlacne za uho, ki, medtem ko niso nezmožne skoraj tragicne resnobnosti ..., nadvse spretno prenašajo nekatere komicne dovtipe, ki z dopušcanjem devic in poštenih žensk na odru – cesar komedije ne dovoljujejo – porajajo plemenita custva, kakršna ne bi ucinkovala neprimerno niti v tragedijah.3 Pastoralnakonvencijajenastalakotizraznimedijširokerekoncep­tualizacijedramskihobliktakovoznakahslogakotdružbenefunkcije. Kot pojasnjuje Ingegneri, je 16. stoletje sprejelo novi tragikomicni/pa­storalnisistemvrednot,kijevzvišenoinvtemeljuoptimisticnozmer­nocustvovanjepostavilnadskrajnostitragedijeinkomedije.Plemenita custva, na katera je Ingegneri opozarjal v navedenem odlomku, niso bila nic drugega kot konvencije petrarkisticne ljubezenske poezije, ki ni vplivala le na literaturo, temvec tudi na družbene norme celotnega stoletja. To trditev lahko še naprej izpeljujemo z domnevo, da je bila ljubezenska bolecina pastoralnega gledališca za družbo 16. stoletja to, kar je herojsko trpljenje tragedije predstavljalo za anticno grško in rimskodružbo. Toni bilolevprašanjeteorije. Pastoralaje jasnoutele­šala duha nove dobe. Ko je Ingegneri priznal nemožnost tragedije, je v pastoralnem etosu svojega casa prepoznal edino obliko dramskega custvovanja,kijesodobnemuclovekušepreostala. Ingegnerijeva družbeno-slogovna analiza položaja italijanskega gledališca je zadela v crno. Za naše namene lahko nekoliko preobli­kujemonjegovotrditev:pastoralnogledališcesejerazvilokotdrama­tizacija ideala (ohlapno opredeljene) petrarkisticne poezije; do konca stoletja je ta pastoralna dramatizacija ljubezenske izkušnje prevzela istodružbenoinslogovnovlogo,kakršnojeimelavantikitragedija.V nekemsmislujepastoralnimadrigal,kijebilvtehletihmoda,odražal natanko tapastoralni etos in ga hkratiurejal vslogovne hierarhije. Za primer madrigala, ki je bil razumljen kot dramska projek­cija tradicionalno kodirane izkušnje ljubezni v pastoralni preobleki, sem izbral eno najbolj priljubljenih vsakdanjih situacij v madrigalni literaturi: locitev ljubimcev. Obstaja knjiga madrigalov, ki je zaradi posebno premišljene rabe pastoralnih prizorov vredna preucevanja v »Restano dunque le pastorali, le quali, con apparato rustico e di verdura econ abiti piů leggiadri che sontuosi, riescono alla vista vaghissime; che co ’l verso soave e colla sentenza delicata sono gratissime agli orecchi e all’intelletto; che, non inca­paci di qualche novitŕ quasi tragica ... patiscono acconcissimamente certi ridicoli comici; che, admettendo le vergini in palco e le donne oneste, quello che alle com-medie non lice, danno luogo a nobili affetti, non disdicevoli alle tragedie istesse.« Ingegneri, Della poesia rappresentativa, str. 7. nekaterihpodrobnostih. Toje precejdobroznanaantologija,kijeleta 1586 izšla pod vabljivim naslovom I lieti amanti (Srecni ljubimci).4 Knjiga, ki je nastala v Ferrari, prinaša izbor skladb, posvecenih dolocenim temam v skladu z modelom, ki sta ga nekaj let pred tem slovesno ustolicili dve najslavnejši ferrarski antologiji, Il lauro secco (1582) in Il lauro verde (1583). Deset od dvajsetih madrigalov, ki so vkljucenivI lieti amanti,pripovedujeobolecilocitvidvehljubimcev; zanje je po narocilu napisalo glasbo deset ferrarskih skladateljev.5V preostalih desetih madrigalih – napisali so jih skladatelji, ki so delo­vali v drugih italijanskih mestih6 – nekdanji ljubimec opeva svojo na novo pridobljeno svobodo, dami pa, ki je mislila, da ne more živeti brez nje, namenja zanicljive besede. Za namecek so madrigali razpo­rejeni še v takem zaporedju, da ljubecemu odhodu v uglasbitvi fer-rarskega skladatelja vedno sledi pikra locitev, ki jo je uglasbil njegov neferrarski kolega. Ljubimci desetih ferrarskih skladateljev so pari pastirjevinnimf(alipastiric). Zaponazoritevnajslužitadvaprimera: dialog, ki ga je uglasbil ferrarski skladatelj Lodovico Agostini, in di­alog iz uglasbitve Costanza Porte: LODOVICO AGOSTINI »Dolce e vaga mia Clori, A dio,« »Silvano, a dio« Dicean partendo ne’ piů freschi albori Due boscarecci amanti Versando amari pianti. Egli dicea: »Il partire Qui te lasciando mi farŕ morire.« Ed ella rispondea: »Sarŕ finita Col tuo partir mia vita.« Alfin egli partisse e rimase ella, Né so ben dir se piů dolente o bella. »Zbogom,mojasladkainlepa Clori.« – »Zbogom,Silvano,« stasi rekladva gozdna ljubimca, ko staodhajalaproti cvetocim drevesom 4 I lieti amanti,Ferrara:VincentieAmadino,1586.SodobnaizdajavMarcoGiuliani, I lieti amanti: madrigali di venti musicisti ferraresi e non, Firenze: Olschki, 1990. 5 Ippolito Fiorini, Orazio Vecchi, Innocenzo Alberti, Alessandro Milleville, Mar­cello Tosone, Lodovico Agostini, Alberto L’Occa, Paolo Virchi, Paolo Isnardi in LuzzascoLuzzaschi. 6 Alessandro Striggio, Rinaldo del Mel, Andrea Rota, Luca Marenzio, Alfonso Ga-nassi, Costanzo Porta, Ruggiero Giovannelli, Giaches de Wert, Andrea Gabrieli in Lelio Bertani. in tocila bridke solze. On je rekel: »Moj odhod,skaterim te zapušcam, mibo povzrocil smrt.« In ona je odvrnila: »S tvojim odhodom sebo koncalomoježivljenje.« On je odšel in ona je ostala, nevempovedati,ali bolj žalostna ali lepa. COSTANZO PORTA Donna, ben v’ingannate Che di vita i’ sia privo, Quando a voi mi ritolgo ed a me vivo. Anzi vivo son io Dal dě che vi lasciai, Perň che morto fui mentre v’amai. Fu morte il viver mio, Che’l vivere al martire Un modo veramente č di morire. Gospa,popolnomasemotite, [ce mislite,] dasem izgubil svoje življenje, ko sem se locil od vas in se –še vednoživ – vrnilk sebi. Nasprotno,vrnil sem se v življenje tisti dan, ko sem vaszapustil, ker sem bil mrtev, ko sem vas ljubil. Moje življenjeje bilo kot smrt, kajti resnicni nacinumiranja je živeti vbolecini. Tematiko odhoda/locitve ljubimcev je nedavno raziskoval James Chater.7 Bila je priljubljena snov velikega dela renesancne poezije, av-toritativni vzori zanjo pa so bili klasicni modeli. Vendar je bila v na­sprotju s tem postavitev takšne locitve v popolnoma pastoralno okolje precej neobicajna zamisel. Bralec, seznanjen s pesniškimi konvencija­mimadrigala,jevtematikiodhodaljubimcevgotovožeprepoznaleno najbolj priljubljenih tem posvetne glasbe 16. stoletja. Primer, ki nam med prvimi pride na misel, je Anchor che col partire, eden od najvec­kratuglasbenih,imitiranihinparodiranihmadrigalovcelegastoletja:8 7 James Chater, Such Sweet Sorrow: The »dialogo di partenza« in the Italian Madri­gal, Early Music 27/4, nov. 1999, str. 577–599. 8 Gl. Chater,SuchSweetSorrow,str. 584. Chaterzasledujeklasicnogenealogijotega toposa vse do Ovidove Heroides xviii (pismo Hero Leandru). O izjemnem uspehu Anchor che col partire Io mi sento morire Partir vorrei ogn’hor ogni momento Tanto č il piacer ch’io sento De la vita ch’acquisto nel ritorno. E cosě mille e mille volte il giorno Partir da voi vorrei Tanto son dolci gli ritorni miei. Ceprav obslovesu si želim umreti, ševedno rad odšel bi vsako uro, vsak trenutek – tolikšnaje radost, ki jo cutim v življenju, kiga prejmem ob vrnitvi. In tako bi rad od vas odhajal tisockrat inše veckrat na dan, tako so sladka moja vracanja. Temeljna ideja Anchor che col partire je drugacna kot tista v pastoralnih madrigalih zbirke I lieti amanti. Deset pastoralnih ma-drigalov v I lieti amanti je zagotovo manj optimisticnih: namigujejo na dvojno metaforo locitev/smrt–vrnitev/vstajenje (kakor tudi dvojno seksualno razumevanje), ki se osredotoca izkljucno na žalostne po­sledice paradoksa, zajetega v prvih dveh vrsticah. Vendar so prikrite sorodnosti,kipovezujejo Anchor che col partire s temo I lieti amanti, kljub vsemu jasne. Razlika je ta, da I lieti amanti preoblikuje topos, obicajen za ljubezensko poezijo, v pastoralno sceno. Lahko bi razpravljali o tem, da je bil prenos poudarka od nepo­srednega izražanja custev k dramski reprezentaciji le-teh eden od od­locilnihtrenutkovpoznorenesancneglasbeneestetike. Kljub ozadjute spremembe so se najpozornejši skladatelji obrnili po eni strani k razi­skovanjunovihslogovglasbenedeklamacije,podrugistranipakizpo­polnjevanju doživetega in izraznega polifonega pisanja. Tu mislim na GiachesadeWertainmladegaMonteverdija,patudinaLucaMarenzia, zlastišeMarenzia zadnjihštirih knjig madrigalov. Pastoralnekonven­cije zbirke I lieti amanti so povzrocile slogovni odziv, ki je šel prav v to smer – namrec k postopnemu stopnjevanju glasbene retorike. Po mnenju Jamesa Chaterja lahko v lihih madrigalih opazimo dve težnji: uglasbitve Anchor che col partire Cipriana da Roreja gl. James Haar, Popularity in the Sixteenth-Century Madrigal. A Study of Two Instances, v Studies in Musical Sources and Style: Essays in Honor of Jan LaRue,ur. EugeneWolfin EdwardRie­sener,Madison,Wisconsin:A–REditions,1990,str.191–212.Toposlocitveljubim­cevvpovezavizRorejevimpopravicienakoslavnimDalle belle contrade d’oriente raziskujetudiStefanoLaVia. Gl. StefanoLaVia, Il lamento di Venere abbandona­ta: Tiziano e Cipriano de Rore, Lucca: Libreria musicale italiana, 1994. prvo k prevzemanju dialoške strukture poezije v glasbi (zaradi cesar sedrobitudiglasbenastruktura)indrugokintenzivnejšicustvenosti.9 Prav ta vidik glasbe je tisti, ki se, ce upoštevamo vsa dejstva, izkaže za najbolj razpoznavno slogovno potezo zbirke. Vecina skladateljev je strastne okolišcine pastoralnih prizorov interpretirala skozi prizmo nemirnegaharmonskegajezika,takšnega,kijerazvijalvarljivezveze, kromaticnemodulacijeinnepricakovanaharmonskazaporedja. Znotrajsplošnihokvirovjeposebejzanimivoopazovati,kakoso posamezni skladatelji uporabili homofonijo ali imitacijsko polifoni­jo, da bi dosegli resnobnost, ki so jo verjetno iskali v teh dialogih. OrazioVecchisenajveckratzanašanasubtilnespremembehomofone teksture. Vendar je to tip homofonije, ki se znacilno razlikuje od pre­finjenega deklamacijskega sloga, kakršnega najdemo pri Wertu, in ki je seveda odvisen od harmonskega barvanja na podlagi custvenega naboja. Zacetek madrigala (primer 1), ki se s svojimi zaporedji soro­dnih kvint takoj odmakne od tega, kar se zdi transponirani modus na d (sistem z enim nižajem in finalisom na G), proti zvocnosti c-mola, to dobro ponazarja.10 »Atmosfera«c-moladejanskoostajavozadjuskoziceloskladbo. Obenem z njo prihaja do neprestanega nihanja med h-jem/b-jem in f-om/fis-om (ter s tem med zvocnostmi G-dura/g-mola in D-dura/d­mola). Prav tako je jasno, da se Vecchi tu ne zavzema za realisticno razlocevanje med glasovoma Tirsija in Dafne: odgovor Dafne (takti 9–13)jezamegljenzbasovimvstopom.Vecchisivelikoboljprizadeva zaretoricnostopnjevanjegovoraDafnezmehanizmomkontrapunkta. Uporaba tega ucinka zvocnosti, ki za naša ušesa nenehno nihajo med durom in molom, jeena od glavnih znacilnosti madrigala. Dodatektemuharmonskemubesedišcunamelodicniravnipred­stavlja poudarjeno poltonsko gibanje. Za peto vrstico pesmi (»D’un pallor di viole«) Vecchi napiše drhteco melodicno linijo, ki se razvije iz preproste menjave dveh not v oddaljenosti poltona (primer 2). Ko se pesem premakne iz neposrednega dvogovora v pripoved, Vecchirazrahljahomofonozgradbozacetka. Tekstura,kijoprivzame tukaj, spominja na slog, povezan z lahkotnejšimi žanri, kakršna sta canzonettaincanzonetta-madrigal. Kratekmotiv,podvojenvvzpore­dnihtercahalisekstah,medpetimiglasovipremetavanaprejinnazaj, karustvarjailuzijonenehnopremikajocesefasade.Todakotkažepri­ 9 Chater,Such Sweet Sorrow, str. 584,592. 10 Moja raba iz tonalnosti izpeljane terminologije ima le ta namen, da opredeli verti­kalne zvocnosti na primeren in preprost nacin. Seveda pa nima nikakršnih »tonal­nih« implikacij v smislu funkcionalne harmonije. Ě Ě S. Q. A. T. B. D  ˇ Ě X D o" X Dis -si par D Ě ˇ - ten ---doal -Ě  ˇ D o" Ŕ Ě Dis -si par Ě - ten ---doal - D 8 X Dis - ˇ ˇ si par -ten -Ě - ˇ ˇ ˇ ˇ -doal -l'ap -pa -Ě  " D o" . ˇ ˇ Dis -si par . - ˇ ten ---doal -. 10 "A dio, Tir ­ Primer1:Vecchi,»CaramiaDafne,adio«,takti1–14 Ě 20 S. Q. A. T. B. lor di vi-o -le 25 Ě ˇ ˇ Ě pal -lor divi -o -le Spar -se, Primer2:Vecchi,»CaramiaDafne,adio«,takti18–27 mer 2, custvena narava melodicnega materiala preusmeri govorniško oblikote strukture v bolj afektivno zaznamovan slog. PodobnoharmonskorazpoloženjeprevevatudiAgostinijevmadri­gal. VendarAgostiniuporabljanekolikodrugacnoretoricnostrategijo, sajneposrednegagovoraCloriinSilvananenavezujenaakordicnode­klamacijo, temvec na resnobno imitacijsko pisanje. Silvanove zacetne besede uvaja obsežna imitacijska ekspozicija, v kateri si Agostini pri­vošci dvoumne melodicne in harmonske stranpoti. Zakljucni del ma-drigala prežema v osnovi homofoni slog. Koncna vrstica ponuja še en primer ferrarskega nagnjenja k nenadnim harmonskim kontrastom in kromatiki. Pripovedovalec jeurocen od lepoteClorine žalosti(»ostala je,/ ne vem povedati, ali bolj žalostna ali lepa«), podoba, ki dobro po­nazarja izrazito vizualni znacaj pastoralnih prizorov locitve. Agostini ponovitev zadnje vrstice uglasbi z vzpenjajoco se melodicno linijo v sopranu,kidoseževisokig.Podaljševanjenotnihvrednostivbrevesin semibrevespovzrociucinekallarganda,ki–karjevprimerihtegaslo­gapogosto–služikotprotiutežnenadnemustopnjevanjuharmonskega besedišca. Tukajgrenko-sladkozaporedjenekonvencionalnihzvocno­sti –precjenazadržanema-juvbasu,kimuneposrednosledizvecana kvarta med sopranom in altom – podcrtava enako grenko-sladko po­dobjebesednezveze»dolenteobella«(žalostnaalilepa). Ceprav zbirka I lieti amanti nikoli ni bila ponatisnjena, je prizor locitve ostal ena najbolj trdno zasidranih konvencij pastoralnega ma-drigala. Predstavo o njegovi priljubljenosti v zadnjih dveh desetletjih 16. stoletja si lahko ustvarimo iz seznama besedil in uglasbitev, ki ga jevzgorajomenjeništudijinapravilChater. Glasbenikomješenaprej nudilpriložnostraziskovanjaskrajnihmejaafektivnegasloga. Sampa bi rad razpravljal še o zadnjem primeru iz te tradicije, sonetu Angela Grilla (aliLiviaCelana),kista gauglasbilainizdala takoMonteverdi kot Marenzio, prvi leta 1592, drugi leta 1594. »Rimanti in pace« a la dolente e bella Fillida, Tirsi sospirando disse. »Rimanti, io me ne vo; tal mi prescrisse Legge, empio fato, aspra sorte e rubella.« Et ella hora da l’una e l’altra stella Stilland’amaro humore, i lumi affisse Nei lumi del suo Tirsi e gli trafisse Il cor di pietosissime quadrella. Ond’ei, di morte la sua faccia impressa, Disse: »Ahi, come n’andrň senza il mio sole Di martir in martir, di doglie in doglie?« Ed ella, da singhiozzi e piant’oppressa, Fievolmente formň queste parole: »Deh, cara anima mia, chi mi ti toglie?« »Ostani v miru,«jerekelTirsi, zdihujoc, žalostni in lepi Fillidi. »Ostani,jazmoram iti; zakaj tako so mi zapovedali zakon, kruta usoda ter varljivainnemilasreca.« Inonaje pogledala v oci svojega ljubljenegaTirsija,iz blešcecih oci tocilagrenkesolze inprebodlanjegovo srce z najbolj usmiljenjavrednimi pušcicami. S pecatom smrti na obrazu jerekel: »Ah, kako bom hodil brez svojega sonca, izbolecine vbolecino, iz žalosti v žalost?« Pobita od tarnanja in joka je slabotno izrekla te besede: »Kdotejemlje odmene,moja dragaduša?« Na tem mestu je treba omeniti svojevrstno naravo tega pasto­ralnega soneta. Grillov literarni vzor za strastni znacaj soneta je Tassova epska pesnitev. »Rimanti in pace« so besede, s katerimi se Tancredi poslovi od Armide. Cela prva kvartina ocitno spominja na Tancredijeve zadnje vrstice v XVI. spevu Gerusalemme liberata (Osvobojeni Jeruzalem).11 Ni težko uganiti, zakaj je Grillo v zacetku soneta namignil na Tancredijeve besede: Armidina epizoda, o kateri pripoveduje XVI. spev, je sama po sebi prizor partenze – in povrhu še zelo slaven –, ceprav so custvene okolišcine slovesa tukaj nekoliko drugacne. Nic manj pa ni glede Grillovega Tirsija/Tancredija zanimi­votole:pokaženamnapretanjenosorodstvomedizraznimobmocjem epikein tistim iz pastorale. Tako Monteverdi kot Marenzio sta Grillovemu sonetu name-nila posebno pozornost. Monteverdi mu je zaupal sklepno mesto v svoji tretji knjigi madrigalov.12 Pomembno je opozoriti na dejstvo, da je bila to knjiga, ki je po mnenju Garyja Tomlinsona zaznamo­vala Monteverdijevo odkritje Tassovega epa Gerusalemme liberata in Wertovega herojskega sloga.13 Dve leti zatem je Marenzio vklju-cil svojo uglasbitev soneta Rimanti in pace v šesto knjigo petglasnih madrigalov, s tematskega vidika izjemno zgošceno zbirko in eno od najzgovornejšihprimerovpriljubljenosti,kijojeemblempastoralnega življenja užival v teh letih.14 Pet madrigalov od sedemnajstih obdelu­je motiv slovesa ljubimcev, štirje od teh na izrazito pastoralen nacin. Tako Monteverdi kot Marenzio sta posegla po konvenciji pastoralne partenze, da bi preizkusila custvene skrajnosti glasbenega besedišca in prignala strastno retoriko I lieti amanti do najskrajnejših meja. Vendar sta to storila vsak na svoj nacin. Marenzio je osredotocil svo­ja prizadevanja na izrazno zmožnost skoraj nepopravljivo izkrivljene modalneharmonije,Monteverdipasejeposvetilpredvsemrazvijanju Wertovega deklamacijskega sloga. Pecat resnobe, ki ga je Marenzio hotel vtisniti svoji uglasbitvi Grillovega soneta, je razviden iz kombinacije menzure in modusa; to stamisuradi breveinfrigijski modus(transponirannaa),tj. modus,ki je bil v opredelitvi Orazia Vecchija povezan s »parole dolorose e piene di pianto« (žalostne in tožece besede).15 Frigijski modus je bil nadvse 11 »Rimanti in pace; i’ vado: a te non lice/ meco venir; chi mi conduce il vieta. / Ri­manti, o vaper altra viafelice,/ e, comesaggia, ituoi consigliacqueta« (XVI, 56). 12 Claudio Monteverdi, Il terzo libro de madrigali a cinque voci, Benetke: Amadino, 1592.SodobnaizdajavMadrigali a 5 voci, libro terzo,ur.MariaTeresaRosaBarez­zani, Instituta et monumenta: Serie I, Monumenta, v. 5, t. 4, Cremona: Fondazione ClaudioMonteverdi, 1988, str. 195–207. 13 Gary Tomlinson, Monteverdi and the End of the Renaissance, Berkeley – Los An­geles: University ofCalifornia Press, 1987,str. 59–72. 14 Luca Marenzio, Il sesto libro de madrigali a cinque voci, Benetke: Gardano, 1594. Sodobna izdaja v The Complete Five Voice Madrigals, ur. John Steele, New York: GaudiaMusic andArts, 1996. 15 Orazio Vecchi, Mostra delli tuoni, ur. Mariarosa Pollastri, Modena: Aedes mura­ kocljiv.Zdise,danidelovalenakokotpreostalimodusi,posebnoše,kar zadevarazmerjedonjegoveplagalneoblikeinopredelitevregularnihin iregularnihtonovvkadencah.Marenziojezakljucilprvidelsoneta(takt 37) s pravilno kadenco na kvarti nad finalisom (d), ki jo je Calvisius – sledec Zarlinu – poimenoval »clausulaAeolii«.16 Todav zacetnih štirih taktih(»Rimantiinpace«)skladateljglasbenitoktakojpreusmerivbolj tvegano in rezko podrocje pete stopnje (e); ta poteza povzroci zvišanje druge stopnje in tako napove kromaticno nihanje med h-jem in b-jem, kijevnadaljevanjuskladbezeloizrazito(primer3).17 Da bi zajel besedno ponavljanje med vrsticama 1 in 3, Marenzio obnoviprvotnokadencnostrukturomodusatako,daglagol»rimanti« zapre v kadencno zaporedje d – a – d (takta 11–12 v prvem delu ma­drigala).Konecobsežnegasklepnegagovoraucinkujekotdolgoprica­kovani zakljucek. Cezuro še bolj poudari nenadna sprememba sloga. Marenzio uporabi visoko triglasno teksturo in deklamacijo v hitrih osminkah,karspominjanacanzonetto-madrigal(»iomenevo«,takti 11–14). Takoj ko se približamo kljucni 4. vrstici (»Legge, empio fato e sorte aspra e rubella«), pa se tekstura spremeni v bolece pocasno gibanje in v od zadržkovizmuceni kromaticni trio (primer 4). Tojeedennajdrznejšihdelovmadrigala. Zgrajenjeizdomiselne harmonizacije padajoce melodicne figure v sopranu. Trenutek najve-cjezmedevtemzaporedjusovpadazbesedami»fatoesorte«,karse­vedaninakljucje. Sopran se vsvojemsestopuzdajnekoliko obotavlja ob c-ju, medtem ko se vsi glasovi hkrati spušcajo po poltonih, to pa ucinkujekotneke vrste kromaticno drsenje akordov prvega obrata (c6 –b6 –C6). Marenzio uporabi še eno razširjeno kromaticno epizodo, toriana, 1987. Renesancna teorija o afektivnem znacaju osmih (ali dvanajstih) mo-dusov je znacilno nejasna in vcasih kontradiktorna. Vecchi si je stalno mesto pri preucevanju Marenzia pridobil zaradi uporabe njegove priljubljene prve knjige pet-glasnihmadrigalovzaponazoritevrazlicnihlastnostimodusov.Gl.razpravovJames Chater,Luca Marenzio and the Italian Madrigal: 1577–1593,AnnArbor:UMI,1981, str. 40–45;MarcoBizzarini, Luca Marenzio: The Career of a Musician between the Renaissance and the Counter-Reformation,prev. JamesChater,Aldershot:Ashgate, 2003,str. 308–316. Kakorkoliže,omracnjaškemznacajutretjegamodusajevladalo sorazmernosoglasje.Zarlinojedelilvosnoviistoprepricanje,daima»[frigijskimo­dus]zmožnost,daganedosolz«(GioseffoZarlino, Istitutioni harmoniche [Benetke: FrancescodeiFranceschiSenese,1573],knjiga4,poglavje22). 16 Seth Calvisius, Melopoiia, Erfurt: Baumann, 1592, poglavje 14. Vecina nepravil­nostifrigijskega modusa (zlasti pogosta raba kadenc na a in c namesto na h) in tudi metode, po katerih so se z njim ukvarjali teoretiki 16. stoletja, je zajeta v Bernhard Meier, The Modes of Classical Vocal Polyphony, prev. Ellen S. Beebe (New York: Broude Brothers, 1988),str. 107–108. 17 Calvisius je v 14. poglavju svoje Melopoiie o frigijskem modusu napisal še tole: »Durusestetausterus,nisifrequenterClausolamAeolii…etJoniciadsciscat«(Trd jeinrezek,cepogostoneuporabljaklavzuleeolskega[naa]injonskegamodusa[na c] ). Citiranoin prevedeno v Meier, The Modes, str. 108, op. 48. S. A. Q. T. B. 5 D Ŕ Ě Ri - ˇ ˇ man-tiin pa  Ě - ce Ě Ě X  D 8  ˇ ˇ Ě Ri Ě - Ě ˇ ˇ man-tiin pa ˇ Ě - -X -ce D 8 man-tiin pa -O ˇ  -Ě -ce O Ě in pa . - ce . " D ˇ ˇ in pa -ˇ ˇ Ě -X -ce X X man-tiin pa -ce 2 Primer3:Marenzio,»Rimantiinpace«,takti1–7 30 Ě Ě Ě Ě Ě S. A. Q. Leg geem -pio fa -toe -sor ­ 35 tea -sprae ru --bel ----la Primer4:Marenzio,»Rimantiinpace«,drugidel,takti30–39 s katero zacne drugi del madrigala (takti 1–12, primer 5). Ta je prav takopisanlezatriglasove(sopran,altintenor),vendarse –vprimer­javi s 4. vrstico –razvije v bujno vzpenjajoce se zaporedje. Tako v razširjenem kromaticizmu, kakršen je ta, kakor tudi na posameznih mestih harmonskih neskladij se zdi, da slog teh pasto­ralnihuglasbitevizzove –vsajzamodernaušesa –razbrzdanobcutek zvocnega meteža. Marenziev vznemirljivi harmonski idiom je nastal kot izraz dvoumnega užitka tožbe, ki je prevzel dvorno kulturo tega casa,užitka,kisogamoškiinženskepoznega16. stoletjacedaljebolj povezovali s cutnostjo pastoralne bolecine. Monteverdi je glas pastoralne bolecine našel drugje, v napetem deklamacijskem slogu Wertovih uglasbitev Liberate. Njegov madri­gal je prav zares prenesel vse poteze Wertovega »herojskega« sloga v Grillov pastoralni sonet. Nastala je najbolj Tantalovih muk polna S. A. T. -d'ei di mor -te la sua fac- D Ě X 10X X X -ciaim -pres-D O Ě Ě Ě O Ě sa Ě Ě Dis ---se  X  Ě ciaim pres --sa  Ě Ě D 8 Ě  Dis -ˇ ˇ ˇ ˇ ---se X X ciaim -pres -sa Dis-----se Primer5:Marenzio,»Rimantiinpace«,takti1–12 glasbeno-dramska scena, kar jih je bilo napisanih do današnjih dni. Zanimivobibilopripomniti,daMonteverdi–takokotMarenzio–za-cenjasvojoskladbostožecopadajocokvarto(d–a).Vendarvnaspro­tju z Marenziem Monteverdi takoj zamrzne zacetni prizor v tipicno wertovsko zgradbo: homofono deklamacijo, ki temelji na podaljševa­nju enegasamega akorda (primer 6). Bolj znacilnouporabo teplasticnetehnike akordskedeklamacije lahko vidimo v drugem delu madrigala (primer 7). Na tem mestu velja poudariti dve znacilnosti obravnavanega afektivnega sloga. Oster harmonski obrat se navsezadnje razreši v utripajoco nepremicnost zacetne zvocnosti: v taktu 51 je to zadržek none pred oktavo, kombiniran s kromaticno variacijo tretje stopnje akorda nad staticnim c-jem, v taktu 55 pa naletimo nanenadenizmik  5 S. Q. A. T. B. "Ri -man -tiin pa­  -ce" Primer6:Monteverdi,»Rimantiinpace«,takti1–9 izB-duravakordAs-dura. Osnovnivzorec,kijepodlagategaupoca­snjevanja, nastaja iz podaljševanja znanih tercno sorodnih zaporedij – znacilen obrazec harmonskega besedišca poznega 16. stoletja, ki je najveckrat uvajal modusu tuje akcidence v obliki precij.18 Iz tega nastanerazširjenoprecje,kiseosredotocananasprotjedvehharmon­skih/deklamacijskih blokov, prvega na akordu G-dura (h v drugem sopranu), drugega na akordu B-dura (b v prvem sopranu in basu). Monteverdi spet doseže obcutek strukturne jasnosti tako, da ublaži centrifugalno silo tega harmonskega preobrata z zakljuckom epizode vzaokroženem sosledju G –B – G. Drugatehnika,kisijojeMonteverdiizposodilodWerta,jeupo­raba dolgih melodicnih linij, spredenih iz deklamacije na enem tonu. In Monteverdi – kakor Wert – vlije te recitativom podobne melodije v imitacijsko teksturo, pri tem pa v gibanje požene še deklamativni kontrapunkt, ki je po Tomlinsonovem mnenju naraven dodatek upo-casnjevanja zgoraj opisanega harmonskega ritma.19 Kako ucinkovit je taslogvMonteverdijevihrokah,lahkoslišimovtretjivrstici,koTirsi povzame svoj poslovilni govor. Kot je bilo predvideti, Monteverdi ne zgreši priložnosti in poudari ponovitev incipita s preusmeritvijo tonalne tirnice, ki jo je zacrtal kvartni skok v zacetku kompozicije. Padajoca kvarta postane kvinta (d-g), s tem pa ponovno utrdi osnov­ni kadencni vzorec modusa (hipodorski modus, transponiran na g).20 Pricakovali bi zvocnost g-mola, vendar slišimo durov akord. Ucinek spremembevharmonskibarvijeosupljiv. Natejkadencivstopidrugi sopran in raztrga zvocni prostor z rezko monotono melodicno linijo, ki nemudoma odjekne v preostalih glasovih. Izredno velik del temat­ 18 Oba prehoda (iz G-dura vB-dur in iz B-dura nazaj vG-dur) sta omehcana z vmes­nimiakordi.Posebnoprviprehod,vkateremsebaspribližazgornjiterciprekotona, ki bi ga danes poimenovali kar »nepopoln sosednji ton« (g – c – b), predstavlja po­vratno harmonsko formulo v afektivnem slogu poznega 16. stoletja, kakršno je po­gosto uporabljal tudiMarenzio. Karjepri Monteverdiju – intudi pri Wertu –novo, je nenavadna razširitev harmonskega ritma zaporedij, ki so bila prej iztrošena v razmiku treh zlogov (en zlog za vsak akord). Tomlinson opozarja na isti postopek v zvezi z Wertovo rabo harmonskega vzorca Romanesca v njegovih uglasbitvah Liberate v osemdesetih letih 16. stoletja (Monteverdi and the End of Renaissance, str. 64–65). 19 Prav tam, str. 65. 20 Zdi se, da Marenzio anticipira to gesto v predhodni epizodi (takti 11–20). Kvinta g-d, kiposkakuje v celinkah v nižjihglasovih,deluje kottemelj ritmicno in tekstu­alnorazslojeneteksture,kjersevišjiglasovizaženejovhitroinrazdrobljenoosmin­sko deklamacijo (madrigalizem na besedi »sospirando«). Isti interval – obrnjen v narašcajoco kvarto – prav tako izzove imitacijo in s tem naznaci zacetek drugega dela. Zelo zanimivo je tudi, da se glasovi hitro približajo homofoni deklamaciji na akorduAs-dura,tj. vharmoniji,oddaljenipoltonaodpodaljšanega akordaA-dura, s katerim je krenil napot prvidelmadrigala. Ed el -la da sin ghioz ­ - zie pian -tiop -pres -sa, fie -vol men ­ te for -mň que -ste pa-ro -le: Primer7:Monteverdi,»Rimantiinpace«,drugidel,takti46–58 skegamaterialategamadrigalasezanašanaizraznomocdeklamacije na ponavljajocem se tonu. Znotraj teh presenetljivo ozkih omejitev melodicnega pisanja lahko najdemo pristne bisere glasbene drama-turgije, kakršen je nenadni solo tenorja, s katerim hoce Monteverdi zaustaviti cas ob nimfinem neutolažljivem pogledu (takti 78–80). Še nekaj zakljucnih opažanj. Ideja prvobitne srece ali izgubljene nedolžnosti je bila postranska, ce že ne povsem nasprotna izkušnji, ki so jo izražala pastoralna življenja. Kakšna je bila torej ta izkušnja? Ljubezenske muke. Glasbeni slog se je neizogibno spreminjal. Toda pod površjem je od I lieti amanti do Marenzia in Monteverdija vedno trdno veljalo eno. Pastorala je skladateljem pokazala pot do retoric­nega locusa lirskega patosa. Na koncu te poti bodo mnogi našli pa-storalno igro Il pastor fido Giovannija Battista Guarinija, ki je bolj kot katera koli druga potrjevala pastoralnega duha casa kot dramsko projekcijofenomenologijeljubezni.21 Družbeniobicaji,znotrajkaterih je zbirka I lieti amanti verjetno nastala – tj. praksa ragionar d’amore 21 Enaodzadnjihocenizredne glasbenepriljubljenostiGuarinijeveigrejebibliograf­ski katalog Jamesa Chaterja v Guarini, la musica, i musicisti, ur. Angelo Pompilio (Lucca:Libreria musicaleitaliana, 1997), str. 157–183. –,namnaslikajoizjemnojasnopodobokulturnegapoložajapastorale. S pomocjo te podobe spoznamo, da locus amoenus, o katerem so vsi fantazirali, koneckoncevnibil nicdrugegakot laboratorij,vkaterem je dvor preizkušal svoje nazore o naravi ljubezni. Potemtakem se je poglobljeni afektivni slog teh madrigalov ujemal s predstavo družbe, v katero so sodobniki Vecchija, Marenzija in Monteverdija postavi­li izrazne norme pastoralne konvencije. V zadnji analizi se lahko iz MonteverdijevegaprenosaWertovegaepskegaslogavpastoralnisonet naucimo tole: tam v globini ni bilo vec velikih razlik med herojskim in pastoralnim, med Armido in Filido, med Rinaldom in Tirsijem. Pastorala je v resnici postala nadomestilo za tragicni slog, ali, kakor bidejalAngeloIngegneri,enaodredkihobliktragicnegaizraza,kiso še (pre)ostale 16. stoletju. Prevedla Katarina Šter SUMMARY “Rimanti in pace”: The Dark Side of Arcadia in Marenzio’s and Monteverdi’s Music According to Alfred Einstein, the late sixteenth-century mad­rigal developed along the lines of a fundamental opposition between two expressive poles: the playful and light-hearted atmosphere of the pastoral madrigal, and the pathos of the heroic style exemplified by the heightened expressionism of Giaches de Wert’s settings from Tasso’s Gerusalemme liberata. The purpose of this essay is to dem­onstrate that such a view obscures the Renaissance perception of the pastoral code as a form of tragic sensitivity. For us to understand the meaning of the Arcadian fashion of the late Cinquecento, we need to rethinktheassumptionthatidyllicismwastheessenceofRenaissance pastoral and come to terms with the courtly ideal of pastoral sorrow. Taking as examples Marenzio’s and Monteverdi’s settings of Angelo Grillo’ssonnet Rimanti in pace,thispaperinvestigatestheuseofpas­toral styleas a substitute for tragicstyle. Renesancni plesi za lutnjo Giacoma Gorzanisa alenka BagaRic Rokopisne in tiskane tabulature za lutnjo iz srede in druge polo­vice16. stoletjaprinašajopovsebiniinpoobsegunajrazlicnejšezapi­se.1 V rokopisih so se ohranile predvsem zbirke virtuoznih ricercar­jev, fantazij in intabulacij oz. lutenjskih priredb vecglasnih vokalnih skladb, ki so jih za svoje potrebe sestavljali poklicni glasbeniki, in prirocne zbirke manj zahtevnih skladb, ki so jih za razvedrilo igrali ljubiteljski glasbeniki. Tiski iz Italije in Nemcije so povecini knjige cenjenih lutnjistov, v katerih so zabeležene njihove izvirne imitativ­ne ali improvizacijske skladbe, intabulacije mašnih stavkov, motetov, francoskih chanson, madrigalov, frottol in vilianel drugih skladate­ljev ter plesi.2 Številne italijanske lutenjske skladbe so, prenesene v nemške ali francosketabulature, v drugi polovici 16. stoletja podjetni založniki in tiskarji v Nemciji, Belgiji in na Nizozemskem izdajali v obsežnih antologijah glasbe za lutnjo. 1 ViriglasbezalutnjososistematicnopopisanivHowardMayerBrown,Instrumental Music Printed Before 1600: A Bibliography,2.izdaja,Cambridge(Mass.)–London: HarvardUniversityPress,2000;WolfgangBoetticher, Handschriftlich überlieferte Lauten- und Gitarrentabulaturen des 15. bis 18. Jahrhunderts: beschreibender Ka­talog, München: Henle Verlag, 1978 (Répertoire international des sources musica­les (oz. RISM) B/7); Dinko Fabris,Prime aggiunteitalianealvolume RISM B/VII: intavolature mss. per liuto e chitarra, Fontes artis musicae 29 (1982), str. 203–221; Christian Meyer [idr.], Sources manuscrites en tablature: Luth et théorbe c. 1500– c. 1800: Catalogue descriptif: I. Confoederatio Helvetica, France, II. Bundesrepu­blik Deutschland, III/1. Österreich, III/2. République tchčque, Hongrie, Lituanie, Pologne, Fédération de Russie, Slovaquie, Ukraine, Baden-Baden – Bouxwiller: Editions Valentin Koerner, 1991–1999 (Collection d’études musicologiques 82, 87, 90,93).Gl.tudiArthurJ.Ness,Sourcesoflutemusic,The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 24, 2. izdaja, London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001, str. 39–63, kjer so našteti pomembnejši rokopisni in tiskani viri, sodobne izdaje ter referencnaliteratura. 2 Splošni glasbeni termin v tej zvezi zaobsega skladbe v plesnem nacinu, ki jih naj-demo v virih inštrumentalne glasbe in niso nujno vezane s plesno umetnostjo oz. dejanskim plesanjem. Prim. Ingrid Brainard, Ballo, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 2, 2. izdaja, London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001, str. 605–607. V tiskih tabulatur konkurencnih beneških tiskarjev Girolama Scotta in Antonia Gardana, natisnjenih med letoma 1546 in 1572, številcno prevladujejo intabulacije, ki so bile osrednji del skoraj vseh tiskanihizdajtedanjihlutnjistov,zizjemoknjigricercarjevinfantazij najbolj obcudovanega lutnjista dobe Francesca da Milana ter nekaj knjigplesov. Odskupnopribližno45prvotiskovinponatisovknjiglu­tenjskihtabulaturjihplesevsebujepolovica(gl.prilogo1).3 Natisnjeni so bili kot samostojne skladbe ali kot plesni nizi v zaporedju dveh ali treh plesov, najveckrat z dodanimi opisnimi naslovi. Slednji kažejo na glasbene vzorce ali vokalne predloge, ki so služili kot osnova ali modelza oblikovanjelutenjske plesne skladbe. Vnadaljevanjubodopodrobnejepredstavljeniplesizašeststrun­sko lutnjo Giacoma Gorzanisa, v cigar štirih tiskih tabulatur, izdanih v Benetkah med letoma 1561 in 1579, ter v rokopisu z letnico 1567 se je ohranilo najvec tovrstnih avtorskih skladb. Tri Gorzanisove knji­ge so za zgodovino glasbe na Slovenskem še posebej zanimive, saj jih uvodna posvetila neposredno povezujejo s slovenskimi deželami takratne Notranje Avstrije oz. s Kranjsko in z Goriško. Prvo knjigo je leta 1561 Gorzanis naslovil na Hansa Khisla z gradu Fužine pri Ljubljani, z drugo se je leta 1563 obrnil na radovljiškega grašcaka in zakupnikagospostvaPustigrad(Waldenberg)MoricaDietrichsteina, tretjopajeleta1564posvetilgoriškemuplemicuinpoznejšemuvpliv­nemu cesarskemu diplomatu Vidu Dornberškemu.4 3 Za podrobnejšo predstavitev vsebine tiskov gl. kataloga Jane A. Bernstein, Music printing in Renaissance Venice: The Scotto Press (1539–1572),Oxford:OxfordUni­versity Press, 1998, in Mary S. Lewis, Antonio Gardano, Venetian Music Printer 1538–1569: a Descriptive Bibliography and Historical Study 1: 1538–1549 in 2: 1550–1559, New York – London: Garland Publishing, 1988–1997. Gl. tudi Franco Rossi, Elenco delle edizioni veneziane per liuto, v: Il liuto a Venezia dal rinasci­mento al barocco, Venezia: ArsenaleEditrice,1983, str. 73–105. 4 Izvirni naslovi se glasijo: Intabolatvra di livto di messer Iacomo Gorzanis cieco Pvgliese, habitante nella citta di Trieste. Nouamente da lui compossto et per Anto­nio Gardano stampato et dato in Luce. Libro primo, Benetke: A. Gardano, 1561, Il secondo libro de intabvlatvra di livto, novamente composte per messer Iacomo de Gorzanis Pvgliese habitante nella citta de Trieste. Da lui diligentemente Reuisto et Coretto, Benetke: G. Scotto, 1564, in Il terzo libro de intabolatvra di livto di mes-ser Giacomo Gorzanis Pugliese, Habtante nella Citta di Trieste. Nouamente da lui composto et per Antonio Gardano stampato, Benetke: G. Scotto, 1564. Izvirnika prvihdvehhranitaUniverzitetnaknjižnicavGenoviinDržavnaknjižnicavParizu, tretje pa Avstrijska državna knjižnica na Dunaju in Državna knjižnica v Parizu. Vse tri knjige so izšle v faksimilirani izdaji Giacomo Gorzanis, Intabolatura di liuto I–III, Geneve: Minkoff Reprint, 1981. O posvetilih Giacoma Gorzanisa v pr-vihtreh tiskanih knjigah tabulatur za lutnjo gl. AlenkaBagaric, Posvetila Giacoma Gorzanisa v knjigah glasbe za lutnjo (Benetke 1561, 1563, 1564), v: Muzikološke razprave: in memoriam Danilo Pokorn, ur. N. Cigoj Krstulovic – T. Faganel – M. Kokole, Ljubljana: Založba ZRC, ZRC SAZU,2004, str. 15–26. Gorzanis je bil, kakor beremo na naslovnicah izdaj, slepi lutnjist iz Apulije; v šestdesetih letih 16. stoletja je živel v Trstu in po nekaj letih postal tržaški mešcan. O njegovem rodu, glasbenem šolanju in zgodnjem delovanju nimamo pisnih pricevanj, vendar na podlagi ne­katerihliterarnihinzgodovinskihvirovsklepamonavpetostvglasbe­no dogajanje v vojvodini Bari.5 Igranja na lutnjo bi se lahko naucil na tamkajšnjemdvoru,kjerjevzacetku16.stoletjanapobudovojvodinje Izabele Aragonske delovala vplivna glasbena šola. Pozneje je morda takokotmnogiapulijskiglasbenikiiskaldelovNeaplju,tedanjempo­liticnem, kulturnem in glasbenem središcu neapeljske podkraljevine, še verjetneje pa se zdi, da je sledil Izabelini edini hcerki in dedinji Boni Sforza na dvor v Krakov, kjer so po njeni poroki s poljskimkra­ljemSigismundomI. Jagelonskimdelovalištevilniitalijanskiumetni­ki.6 Po kraljevi smrti se je vojvodinja leta 1556 vracala v rojstni Bari, v njenem spremstvu pa bi utegnil biti tudi Gorzanis. Precej verjetno se namrec zdi, da bi glasbenik zaradi boljših možnosti za delo ostal naozemljuBenecije.7 Zdomnevocasovnosovpadatudiprvaomemba Gorzanisa v virih v Trstu.8 Leta 1558 je kot lutnjist izpricano poto-val v Ljubljano, iz posvetil pa sklepamo, da je v naslednjih letih na Kranjskem igral veckrat, predvsem za fužinske Khisle. Po letu 1570 se je vse pogosteje oziral za delom proti Gradcu, upravnem in kultur­nemsredišcutedanjeNotranjeAvstrije,pomarcu1574pasejezanjim izgubilavsakasled.9 Izuvodnihstranicetrteknjigetabulaturzalutnjo iz leta 1579izvemo, da je bil že pokojen. Gorzanisje kotlutnjist nedvomnoigral tudiskladbe, kijih jedal zapisati vtabulaturah. Prvetriknjige imajo enako vsebinsko zasnovo in razporeditev skladb. Po številu in obsegu v njih prevladujejo plesi: v prvi knjigi jih je 23, v drugi 33 in v tretji 40. Zakljucujejo jih po­lifoni ricercarji, vmes pa najdemo do dve intabulaciji vilanel drugih 5 Dinko Fabris, La musica a Bari, Bari: Levante editori, 1993, str. 32–33. Gl. tudi Giuseppe Radole, Giacomo Gorzanis: leutonista et cittadino della magnifica citta di Trieste, v: Bericht über den Internationalen Musikwissenschaftlichen Kongres, Wien, Mozartjahr 1956, Graz, 1958, str. 525–530; Giuseppe Radole, Musicisti a TriestesulfiniredelCinquecentoeneiprimidelSeicento,Archeografo triestino 71 (1959), ser. 4,št. 22, str. 133–138. 6 Prim. katalog razstave Bona Sforza, regina di Polonia e duchessa di Bari 1, ur. M. S. Calo Mariani –G. Dibenedetto, Roma:Nuova Comunicazione, 2000. 7 Dinko Fabris, La musica a Bari, Bari: Levante editori, 1993, str. 99. 8 Gl. Bruno Tonazzi, Il cinquecentista Giacomo Gorzanis liutista e cittadino di Tri­este, Il Fronimo 1 (1973), št. 3, str. 6–21; Bruno Tonazzi, Notizie biografiche, v: Giacomo Gorzanis, Libro de intabulatura di liuto (1567), ur. B. Tonazzi, Milano: Edizioni Suvini Zerboni,1975, str. 5–9. 9 Gl. Hellmut Federhofer, Musikpflege und Musiker am Grazer Habsburgerhof der Erzherzöge Karl und Ferdinand von Innerösterreich (1564–1619), Mainz: B. Schott’s Söhne, 1967, str. 238–239. skladateljev. Naslovi in njihova sosledja vecino plesov združujejo v nize dveh ali treh: prva knjiga prinaša dve plesni trojici passamezzo – padoana – saltarello, tri dvojice passamezzo – padoana in eno pas-samezzo –saltarello;vdrugiknjigijesedemtrojiczenakorazporedi­tvijo stavkov kot v prvi knjigi in dve dvojici passamezzo – saltarello; v tretji knjigi najdemo pet plesnih trojic z razporeditvijo plesov kot v prejšnjih,dvedvojicipassamezzo –padoanainenopassamezzo –sal-tarello. V prvi knjigi je zabeleženih tudi pet samostojnih salterellov, v drugi in tretji pa poleg enega oz. osmih saltarellov še trije oz. dva passamezza in po ena padoana oz. galiarda. V vseh treh knjigah naj­demotudiplesebrezizvirneplesneoznake,insicerrazliciciLa barca del mio amore v prvih dveh, Te parti cor mio caro v prvi ter L’herba fresca in Caccia la vechia fuora del campo vtretji,polegtehpašebal todesco s poplesom (suo salto ali padoana) (gl. prilogo 2). Plesni nizi in samostojni plesi temeljijo na predobstojecih vari­acijskih vzorcih – akordskem sosledju ali pesemskem napevu –, ki jih opredeljujejo opisni naslovi prvega stavka plesnega niza ali po­sameznega plesa, kot so antico, moderno, la roca el fuso, il Zorzi, il poverin, ciel turchin, il todeschin, la cara cosa in drugi. Nekatere izmed njih najdemo v najrazlicnejših obdelavah v številnih italijan­skih, pa tudi francoskih in nemških tiskanih in rokopisnih virih lu­tenjskih tabulatur, tabulatur za inštrumente s tipkami ali glasbe za inštrumentalni ansambel, drugi pa so pod temi naslovi po pregledu vseh razpoložljivih popisov vsebine ohranjenih tiskov in rokopisov iz tega obdobja zabeleženile pri Gorzanisu.10 Zacetno in hkrati osrednje mesto v vseh treh obravnavanih Gorzanisovih knjigah pripada plesoma passamezzo s pripadajocima padoano in saltarellom oz. dvema plesnima trojicama, ki temeljita na akordskih shemah osmih enakomerno dolgih trizvokov v osnov­ni obliki, imenovanih passamezzo antico in passamezzo moderno.11 10 Med Gorzanisovimi plesi ne temelji na predobstojecem glasbenem vzorcu le bal todesco, za katerega so znacilni dvodobnost brez sinkopiranja, homofona zasnova, druženje kratkih motivov ter tonalna in motivicna kontrastnost posameznih delov. Vitalijanskihvirih zalutnjo,kitaroincister druge polovice 16. stoletjaso »bal«ali »balletto«imenovalirazlicnetujeplese(npr. baltedesco,balboemo,ballofrancese alibaletto polaco). Gl. RichardHudson, The Allemande, the Balletto, and the Tanz, Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1986;RichardHudson,Balletto, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 2, 2. izdaja,London: Macmillan Publis­hers Limited, 2001, str. 599–602. 11 Plesa passamezzo antico in passamezzo moderno najdemo v italijanskih tiskih ta­bulatur za lutnjo od leta 1546, pri A. Rotti in D. Bianchiniju tudi kot vzorca tri­stavcnihplesnihnizov,cepravsprvašebrezoznakeanticoalimoderno.Obastabila najprej zabeležena v nemških lutenjskih tabulaturah Hansa Neusidlerja, izdanih v Nürnbergu, in sicer passamezzo antico leta 1536 z naslovom Ein welscher Tantz Wascha mesa inpassamezzomodernoleta 1540kot Passa mesa, ein welscher Tan­ Tipicnivzorecpassamezzoanticojesestavljenizštirihrazlicnihakor­dov oz. trizvokov nad znacilno melodijo v najnižjem glasu: osnovni tondrugega akorda leži veliko sekundo pod osnovnimtonom prvega, osnovni ton tretjega je glede na osnovni ton prvega akorda skok za kvarto navzdol, cetrtega pa za malo terco navzgor (i–VII–i–V–III– VII–i/V–i).12 Passamezzomodernojeiztrehakordov,gledenaizhodi-šce ležecih na zgornji in spodnji dominanti (I–IV–I–V–I–IV–I/V–I). Intervalni postopi osnovnih tonov akordov vzorca passamezzo mo-dernooz. smerskokaodenegakdrugemuglavnemutonuvnajnižjem glasuseprilagajasmerigibanjaskladbe,zatojemedprvimindrugim glavnim tonom lahko tako kvartni skok navzdol, kakor tudi kvintni skok navzgor (notni primer 1). Ponovitve vzorcev passamezzo antico in passamezzo moderno v posameznem plesu oz. zaporedne variacije vkljucujejo tudi dru­ge akorde. Glede na zvocni obseg glasbila in lege skladbe v zapisu ter vkljucevanje drugih akordov sta pri Gorzanisu vzorca praviloma uporabljena na nacin, da ne nastane melodicni ostinato. Prostor med dvema zaporednima akordoma akordske sheme izpolnjuje melodic­na linija, izpeljana iz lestvicnih prehodov in obigravanja poljubnega akordskega tona, ki prepreda celoten tonski obseg oz. vse glasove v modernem notnem zapisu. Passamezzoanticoinpassamezzomodernostaharmonska vzor-ca, ki ju, razen postopa v basu, ne doloca posebna melodicna linija. Nasprotno so akordske sheme Gorzanisovih vzorcev il todeschin, il poverin in el teteme,katerihosnovnitonsepremikazaintervalkvarte navzdol,vezanessvojstvenimmelodicnimpostopomvnajvišjemgla-su.Zacetnoakordskososledjetehplesov(III–VII–i–V–III–VII–i/V–I) zaznamujepadajocamelodijadvehcelotonskihinzakljucnegapolton­skega koraka v obsegu kvarte, izmenjujoc intervala velike terce in kvinte glede na osnovni ton akorda (notni primer 2). Podobno akord­skoinmelodicnozgradbokažetudidrugidelvzorcail Gorzanis. Prvi del akordske sheme vzorca la cara cosa (V–V–i–VII–III–VII–i–V) je zvezan najprej z narašcajoco in potem s padajoco melodicno linijo v sekundnem postopu (notni primer 3). Kljub vsemu gre opisane har­monsko-melodicne vzorce pri Gorzanisu razumeti bolj kot ogrodje, ki predstavlja melodicno in harmonsko zasnovo skladbe in temo za variiranje, in nekottrdno dolocen harmonski in melodicni potek. Vvirihglasbezalutnjoiz16.stoletjanajdemoenakealipodobne tz. Giuseppe Gerbino –AlexanderSilbiger, Passamezzo, The New Grove Dictiona­ry of Music and Musicians 19, 2. izdaja, London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001, str. 194–196. 12 Malein velike rimskeštevilkeoznacujejotrizvoke vosnovniobliki z malo aliveli­ko terco na doloceni stopnji tonskelestvice. akordske sheme v razlicnih plesih. Isto sosledje akordov imajo pas-samezzo antico, pavana milanese, Ballo del fiore, Le forze d’Ercole in La paganina (i–VII–i–V–III[ali i]–VII–i/V–i), romanesca, favorita pa tudi La gasparina, La canella, La comadrina, La desperata (La disperata), L’herba fresca, El poverin, Il todeschin ali La todeschina in Il traditor (III–VII–i–V–III–VII–i/V–i)terpavaniglia,La gamba in La cara cosa (V–V–i–VII–III–VII–i/V–i).13 Slednjasta zgodnjiobliki plesaoz.harmonsko-melodicnegavzorcafolie,kigapodtemimenom najdemo v virih od konca 16. stoletja.14 Zaradiponavljanjaistegazapo­redja akordov lahko tovrstne sheme v povezavi z renesancnimi plesi imenujemo tudi harmonski ostinati, vendar glasbenih vzorcev plesov renesanse ne doloca samo preprosto akordsko sosledje, temvec sku­pek raznovrstnih glasbenih prvin. Poleg harmonske sheme jih opre­deljujejo metrum, znacilno ritmicno gibanje (najveckrat punktirani ritemalihemiole),melodicnipotekvenemodvišjihglasov,kadencne formule in znacilnosti, povezane z izvajalsko prakso. Za inštrumen­talne primere romanesce je npr. v nasprotju z binarnim metrumom passamezza antica znacilen ternarni metrum, ceprav se razlikujeta le v zacetnem akordu. Enako harmonsko strukturo romanesce in fa­vorite locijo notne vrednosti, saj akordi vzorca romanesca praviloma obsegajo po dva takta ternarnega metruma, medtem ko akordi vzor-ca favorita obicajno izpolnjujejo samo eno ternarno enoto.15 Plesa La gamba in La cara cosa imata enako akordsko sosledje, metrum in prepoznavno melodijo, razlikujeta pa se v ritmicni podobi. V prvem deluobehtridelnihplesov(trikratzaporedomaponovljenivzorec)po­ 13 Richard Hudson, Ground, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 10, 2. izdaja, London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001, str. 446–447; Giuseppe Gerbino, Romanesca, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 21, 2. izdaja,London:MacmillanPublishersLimited,2001,str. 577–579. Hudsonvplesih zastrunskaglasbila16. inprvepolovice17.stoletjarazlikuještiriosnovneakordske sheme oz. akordske vrste (tri za tonski nacin »per B molle« in enega »per B qua-dro«),kisoponajpogostejšihoblikahvsakeizmednjihznanekotromanesca,passa­mezzoantico,foliainpassamezzomoderno.Gledenaznacilnezacetneakordejihje poimenoval shema III,shemaVII, shema Vin shema IV. RichardHudson,Chordal aspects of the Italian dance style 1500–1650, Journal of Lute Society of America 3 (1970), str. 35–52, predvsem zacetek; Richard Hudson, The Concept of Mode in ItalianGuitarMusicduringthefirsthalfofthe17thCentury, Acta musicologica 42 (1970), str. 163–183. 14 Za poznejši harmonsko-melodicni vzorec folie je znacilen harmonski postop i–V– i–VII–III’III–VII–i–V–i. John Griffiths, Folia, Die Musik in Geschichte und Ge-genwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 3, 2. izdaja, Kassel [idr.]: Bärenreiter, 1995, stolp. 600–607. 15 RichardHudson,Favorita,The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 8, 2. izdaja, London:MacmillanPublishers Limited, 2001, str. 626. tekavzorecvenakomernihnotnihvrednostih,vnadaljevanjupaseLa gamba zgosti v hemiolskem ritmu. Tovrstne vzorce so sredi 16. stoletja navajali in opisovali tudi v teoreticnih razpravah. Diego Ortiz je v prirocniku za igranje viole da gamba (Rim, 1553) v poglavju Recercadas sobre tenores t. i. italijan­ske tenorje zabeležil v menzuralni notaciji kot štiriglasni stavek nota proti noti ter jih namenil igranju na glasbilo s tipkami, ki spremlja variacije na violi (med njimi so prepoznavni vzorci passamezzo anti-co, passamezzo moderno, romanesca, ruggiero, folia in La gamba).16 Španec Francisco de Salinas je v traktatu De musica, Liber septem (Salamanca, 1577) v zvezi s tenorji razložil, da naj bi nekateri od njih še v 16. stoletju služili za petje ljudskih romanc, to je metricno eno­stavnihkiticnihpesmipripovednevsebine,polegtegapasoslužiliin­štrumentalistom za teme improvizacijskih in variacijskih plesov, kot so passamezzo, pavana milanese in galiarda.17 Predvsem romanesca naj bi bila po Salinasovi razlagi v Italiji v prvi vrsti melodija za petje pesmi v oktavah obspremljavi lutnje ali godala.18 Nemalo plesov za lutnjo iz tega casa se kaže v obliki vecglasne obdelave tenorskih napevov. Za nekatere izmed njih v muzikološki literaturizasledimoomembe, dasoljudskegaizvoraoz. dasojihpre­pevali na ulicah Padove, Bergama ali Benetk. Razkrivajo jih znacilni naslovi kot npr. Il Zorzi, v beneškem narecju zapisano ime Giorgio, El maton (it. Madonna), ki se posmehuje popacenemu naglasu nem­škega vojaka, ali za kraj znacilni dogodki, kot je namigovanje na pri­ljubljeno tekmovanje med mestnimi cetrtmi v Benetkah v Le forze d’Hercole.19 Veckrat zabeležene so še melodije La rocha il fuso, ki naj bi bila izvorno najbolj razširjena italijanska ljudska pesem tega casa, Meza notte in El buratto, ki sta se prepevali Benetkah, Tu te parti, Ciel turchino in druge. Iz vokalnih predlog naj bi izhajala tudi že omenjena plesa La cara cosa in La traditora, katerih melodiji sta 16 Diego Ortiz, El primo libro nel quale si tratta della glose sopra le cadenze et altre sorte de punti in la musica del violone, Roma 1553, Firenze: Studio per edizioni scelte,1984 (Archivummusicum, Collanaditestirari57),str. 47–61. Knjigajeleta 1553najprejizšlavšpanšciniznaslovomTrattado de glosas sobre clausulas y otros generos de puntos en la musica de violones. 17 Francisco Salinas, De Musica, Faksimile-Nachdruck, ur. M. S. Kastner, Kassel – Basel: Bärenreiter, 1958(Documenta musicologica 1/13), str. 384. 18 Gl. tudi Giuseppe Gerbino, Romanesca, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 21,2. izdaja,London:MacmillanPublishersLimited,2001,str.577;Ele­na Ferrari Barassi, A proposito di alcuni bassi ostinati del periodo rinascimentale e barocco, Quadrivium 12(1971), str. 347–364. 19 Prim. Giovanni Toffano, Danze venete del primo cinquecento dai manoscriti Mus. Ms. 1503(h) della Bayerische Staatsbibliothek di Monaco di Baveria e Roy. App. 59–62dellaBritishLibrarydiLondra,spremnobesedilozgošcenke:ConsortVene-to, Danze venete del primo cinquecento, Tactus, 2000. sorodni beneškima pesmima La cara cossa del Berdolin in La tradi­ 20 tore my fa morir. Gorzanis je uporabil tenorske napeve kot melodicne vzorce tako v plesnih nizih kot tudi v samostojnih saltarellih. Za uglasbitve me­lodicnih vzorcev so znacilni predvsem razmeroma hiter harmonski tok, punktirani ritem in razgibana melodija, ki vkljucuje tudi vecje intervalneskoke.Zaradistalnegaokraševanjainprepletanjaglasovse izvirnemelodijenapevavveciniprimerovnedanedvoumnodolociti, v nekaj primerih pa ji lahko sledimo primerjalno z drugimi zapisi v sodobnih virih. Za ilustracijo razlicic ritmiziranja, harmonizacije in okraševanjaistegamelodicnegavzorcajevsledecemnotnemprimeru Gorzanisov Saltarello il Zorzi zapisanvzporednossaltarellomGiulia Abondanteja in neznanega avtorja (notni primer 4).21 Za osnovo svojih plesov je Gorzanis jemal tudi vecglasne vo­kalne predloge, ki se, prenesene v tabulaturni zapis in prirejene za igranje nalutnjo,kitaro, cisterali orgle,v inštrumentalniglasbi srede 16. stoletja kažejo kot posebna vrsta glasbenih vzorcev. Gorzanis je poleg intabulacij štiriglasnih napolitan iz veckrat ponatisnjene zbirke BaldassarjaDonata,katerihnipreoblikovalinspreminjal,temvecjim jenakoncuodsekovdodalleobicajnelutenjskeokraske,vdrugiknjigi objavil tudi intabulacijo priljubljene štiriglasne villote Chi passa per questa strada, ki ji je zaradi metricne spremembe dodal oznako pa-doana. Skladba je bila prvic objavljena v zbirki Fillipa Azzaiole leta 1557, vendar ni intabulirana po tej predlogi.22 Gorzanisova padoana Chi passa per questa strada jeskorajidenticnapadoaniplesneganiza O perfida che sei izisteknjige,kardokazuje,dajeoblikovalzapored­jetreh plesov tudi na vecglasnemmelodicnemvzorcu.23 Oblikovno nacelo Gorzanisovih plesov je torej glasbeni vzorec, osnovno nacelo kompozicijskega dela pa je variiranje. Plesi z zapore­dnimi ponovitvami glasbenega vzorca, ki je v tem primeru tema za 20 Prim. CarolineM. Cunningham,Ensembledancesin earlysixteenth-centuryItaly: Relationships with vilotte and Franco-Flemish danceries, Musica disciplina 34 (1980), 159–203. 21 Zanimivjetudi primer vzorca Ciel Turchin,kije priGorzanisuritmicnooblikovan kotsaltarello,priAbondantejupakotgaliarda.Gorzanisovaizdelavajevprimerjavi zAbondantejevo mocnookrašena. 22 Zbirko pesmi v padovskem in beneškem narecju Filippa Azzaiole je prvic izdal Garadno leta 1557 z naslovom Primo libro de villotte alla padoana a quattro voci. Doživela je vec ponatisov. Jane A. Bernstein, Music printing in Renaissance Ve­nice: The Scotto Press (1539–1572), Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998, str. 557–558. 23 Sibylle Dahms, Passamezzo, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 7,2. izdaja,Kassel[itd.]:Bärenreiter,1997,stolp. 1447. variacije,inzaporedjadvehalitrehplesovzistimglasbenimvzorcem tvorijohkratioblikovni(formalni)tipvariacij.24 Glede nazgradbo sa­megavzorca selahko temavariacij ponovi veckratzaporedoma ali se kot celota izgrajuje postopno in se dokoncno izoblikuje šele na koncu plesa.25 Obdelave enodelnih harmonskih vzorcev passamezzo antico in passamezzomodernovGorzanisovihtabulaturahsopooblikistavcne variacije, v katerih zacetni predstavitvi teme sledi do šest variiranih ponovitev,oznacenihkot seconda parte, terza parte itd. Nasprotno so plesi vecdelnih melodicnih vzorcev, kot so la dura partita, la roca el fuso, o perfida che sei in caro fier homo, zgrajeni izzaporednih vari­iranih ponovitev posameznih odsekov vzorca. V zapisu praviloma ne tvorijo oblike variacij v ožjem pomenu besede, saj se tema – spevna melodija – ne ponavlja v celoti, temvec je razclenjena in se kot celota izoblikuje šele na koncu stavka. Oba nacina oblikovanja variacijske vrste se tudi prepletata. Zaporedne ponovitve variirane melodije in variacijsko nizanje melodicnih odsekov najdemo že v prvem italijanskem tisku plesov za lutnjo Joana Ambrosia Dalze z zacetka 16. stoletja.26 Dalzove pava­ne alla venetiana in pavane alla ferrarese napovedujejo dva osnovna nacina variacijskega izgrajevanja plesnih oblik, ki jima lahko sledi-mo skozi celo stoletje in še pozneje. V prvem nacinu sledi nekoliko daljši zakljuceni temi niz variiranih ponovitev, v drugem pa se celota izgrajuje z nizanjem zaporednih variiranih ponovitev krajših tem. V obeh primerih gre primarno za variiranje harmonskega glasbenega vzorca.27 Tiski plesov Giulia Abondanteja, Domenica Bianchinija in Antonia Rotte iz leta 1546 so prav tako vkljucevali plese z variirani-mi odseki in z zaporednimi variacijami glasbenih vzorcev, predvsem passamezze, vendar so glasbeni vzorci v skladbah obicajno obliko­vani na nacin, da se ponovitve ne locijo z zastojem, kot sta pavza ali kadencni zakljucek. 24 Zarazlagopojmavariacijegl.StefanDrees,Variation,Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 9,Kassel[itd.]:Bärenre­iter, 1998, stolp. 1238–1246. 25 VsiGorzanisoviplesnivzorcisosestavljeniizsodega številametricnihenot,ustre­zajocih taktu v sodobni notaciji, glede na kadencne zakljucke pa so eno-, dvo-, tri-ali štiridelni. Vecdelne vzorce sestavljajo deli dolžine dva, štiri, šest ali osem taktov,kisenavadnoponovijo. Ponovitveohranjajoharmonskazaporedjainosnov-no melodicnoizpeljavo, slednja padoživljadoloceno variiranjein okraševanje. 26 Joan Ambrosio Dalza, Intabulatura de Lauto, Libro Quarto. Padoane diverse, ca-late a la spagnola, calate a la taliana, tastar de corde con li soi recercar drietro, frottole, Venezia: OttavianoPetrucci,1508. 27 Imogene Horsley, The 16th-century variation: a new historical survey, Journal of American Musicological Society 12 (1959), str. 118–132, predvsem120. Gorzanisovi nizi plesov na istem glasbenem vzorcu so po obliki plesnevariacije.Kotkonstantaplesneganizasevselejohranjaglasbeni vzorec,kljucnispremenljivielementpajemera. Metricnespremembe dopolnjujejo ustrezni novi ritmicni obrazci, razširjene harmonije ter diminuirana ali okrašena melodicna linija. Referencna muzikološka literatura táko variacijsko vrsto oznacuje kot primarno oz. organsko. V primerjavi s sekundarno ali nakljucno variacijsko vrsto, ki nastane s spojitvijo razlicnih oblikovnih delov (variacijska canzona, variacij-ska suita), izhaja iz potrebe po vsakokratni spremembi ponovitve, pri cemer je variacija oblikovni potek.28 V italijanskih tiskih lutenjskih plesov iz srede in druge polovice 16. stoletja so plesni nizi na istem glasbenem vzorcu predvsem metricno-ritmicne variacije z zaporedji plesovpavana – saltarello, passamezzo –saltarello,passamezzo – ga­liarda, passamezzo – padoana – saltarello in passamezzo – galiarda – padoana, najdemo pa tudi druge povezave. Stavku v dvodobni meri vselej sledi stavek v tridobni.29 Menzurne oznake v Gorzanisovih tabulaturah niso zabeležene, zato je treba metricni pulz vsakega plesa razbrati iz glasbenega po­teka oz. primerjalno z drugimi viri. Za plese passamezzo nasploh je znacilnadvodobnameraoz.t. i.imperfektnamenzuratactus alla bre­ve.30 Gorzanisovi passamezzisharmonskimiinmelodicnimivzorciv izvirniku s tabulaturnimi crtami nakazujejo clenitev na enote štirih minim oz. štirih polovink v sodobni notaciji. V zapisu padoane in saltarellaritmicnipulzslediperfektnisemibrevisoz. enotamtrehmi­nim, vendar je sama ritmicna clenitev veliko bolj zapletena. Ceprav se padoana giblje pretežno v tridobnem metru, se zaradi sinkopiranja 28 Stefan Drees, Variation, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine En-zyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 9, Kassel [itd.]: Bärenreiter, 1998, stolp. 1239. 29 Najzgodnejši ohranjeni zapisi variacijskih plesnih dvojic v Italiji so iz že omenjene knjige plesov za lutnjo J. A. Dalze, vendar povezovanje plesnih stavkov v 16. sto­letju ni bila novost. V rokopisnih plesnih traktatih s konca 15. stoletja so zapisana navodila,kakoizenoglasnetenorskemelodijeoz.cantusfirmusabassadanzedobiti štiri zaporedno hitrejše plese. Na splošno je bil cantus firmus zabeležen s crnimi notami breves ali semibreves, kar nima menzuralnega pomena. Glasbeniki so pre­dlogoritmiziraligledenazahteveplesa,obenempaimproviziralidvaalivecpartov okrogtenorja. Browntrdi,danizivariacijzrazmeromakratkimisamostojnimiple­si, v katerih se nekateri elementi skozi številne ponovitve ohranjajo, medtem ko se drugi menjajo, pred 16. stoletjem niso obstajali. Howard Mayer Brown – Louise K. Stein, Music in the Renaissance,2. izdaja,NewJersey:PrenticeHall,1999(Prenti­ce Hallhistory ofmusicseries), str. 259–262. 30 Tactus je casovna enota enaka udarcu oz. taktu v sodobnem notnem zapisu. Prim. Carl Dahlhaus, Die Tactus-und Proportionenlehre des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts, v: Hören, Messen und Rechnen in der frühen Neuzeit, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1987 (Geschichte der Musiktheorie 6), str. 333–362, predvsem 245–349. v basu in delitve taktusa na dve punktirani minimi pogosto kaže kot dvodobna.31 Nasproti padoani je ritmicno gibanje saltarella v zapisu v najnižjem glasu clenjeno v enote šestih minim, treh semibreves ali dveh punktiranih semibreves, med katerima pa pogosto nastopi he­ miola.32 Pri variiranju kot nacelu skladanja lutenjskih plesov se Gorzanis opira na variiranje s spreminjanjem prvotnega oz. menjavanje melo­dicnega poteka nad stalnim ostinatom, katerega posamezni toni so prav tako bolj ali manj izrazito variirani, ter na variiranje z dodaja­njem k prvotnemu oz. zamenjevanje daljših melodicnih tonov z usta­ljenimi melodicnimi formulami – t. i. diminucijo ali okraševanje.33 Nacinikrajšanjaposameznihtonov in intervalovso obigravanjeglav­nega tona ali intervala, odmik od glavnega tona s tercnim, kvartnim, kvintnim,sekstnimalioktavnimskokominpribliževanjeistemutonu alimelodicnemuintervaluvsekundnemprotipostoputerhitrilestvic­ 31 Vvirihitalijanskelutenjskeglasbezgodnjega16. stoletjastabilipavanainpadoana zamenljivioznakizaples vdvodobnemmetru, že vlutenjskih tabulaturahD. Bian­chinijainA. Rottepajebilaoznakauporabljenazaprvialidrugimetricnospreme­njenipoplespassamezzavplesnemnizu. Padoananajbibilanasprotiprvotniozna­ki za vrsto plesa pavana–passamezzo protisrediin v drugi polovici stoletjaoznaka zahitriplesvštiridobnemalidvodobnemsestavljenemmetrumu,notiranemvzanje znacilnem proportio dupla, vendar ohranjeni primeri ne soglašajo popolnoma s to trditvijo. Lawrence Moe, Pavane, II. Padoana, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegen-wart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 7,2. izdaja,Kassel[itd.]:Bäre­nreiter, 1997, stolp. 1540–1542. Gl. tudi Rainer Gstrein, Pavane, Handwörterbuch der musikalischen Terminologie, Auslieferung 31, Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Ver­lag, 2001, loc. pag., str. 5; Charles P. Coldwell, Angelo Gardano’s Balletti moderni and its Relation to Cesare Negri’s Le Gratie d’Amore, Journal of the Lute Society of America 16 (1983), str. 57–102, predvsem 67. O ritmu in koreografskih modelih tridobnihplesovtipapavanagl. JuliaSutton,Triplepavans:cluestosomemysteries in16th-century dance, Early music 14 (1986), str. 175–181. 32 Gorzanisovi saltarelli glede ritma vzbujajo precej pomislekov. V primeru, da je v tabulaturi nakazana clenitev na taktus, je v gibanju treh imperfektnih semibreves dosežen termarni meter, vendar bi bil tempo skladbe nemogoce hiter (32 tonov na en udarec). Tactus je zato lahko le perfektna oziroma punktirana semibrevis, ki je podkrepljena tudi z znacilnim ritmicnim obrazcem saltarella v basu. Tempo je tudi v tem primeru precej hiter, kar bi utegnilo nakazovati ritmicno svobodnejše izvajanje najhitrejših pasaž. Tudi v drugih lutenjskih zbirkah 16. stoletja je meter saltarellov zaradi clenitve s tabulaturnimi crtami na tactus pogostonejasen in niha med dvodobno in tridobno mero. Ceprav zapisi dopušcajo razlicne možnosti inter-pretacije,najbibilivsisaltarellitegacasavtridelnimeri.MeredithEllisLittle,Sal­tarello, The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians 22, 2. izdaja, London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2001, str. 176–178; Ingrid Brainard, Saltarello, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopädie der Musik: Sachteil 8,2. izdaja, Kassel[itd.]: Bärenreiter, 1998, stolp. 874–877. 33 O diminuciji kot melodicnem okraševanju v 16. stoletju gl. Michael Beiche, Dimi­nutio / Diminution, Handwörterbuch der musikalischen Terminologie, Ausliefe-rung 17, Wiesbaden:Franz SteinerVerlag, 1989/90, loc. pag., str. 6–10. ni prehodi, ki pripeljejo v oktavno ponovitev glavnega tona ali izpol­ nijo interval med dvema tonoma. Najboljizdelana,ahkratizaradirazlicnihmožnostiinterpretaci­je najtežje natancno dolocljiva je pri Gorzanisu diminucija akordskih tonov harmonskih in harmonsko-melodicnih vzorcev, s katero izgra­juje melodicni potek plesa. V tabulaturi kaže na drobljenje daljšega tona vzorca – praviloma terce ali prime akorda – ritmicno razgibana enoglasnalinijameddvemaponovljenimaalizaporednimaakordoma. V 16. stoletju je nacine inštrumentalnega okraševanja cantus firmusa in daljših not polifonih kompozicij z ustaljenimi melodicnimi formu­lami (t. i. passaggi) opisovalo vec teoreticnih razprav in prirocnikov zaigranjenarazlicnaglasbila.Skorajvsisopodajalisistematicnepre­glednice, ki so prikazovale izbirne melodicne formule za vsakega od najboljobicajnihintervalov:prime,dvigajoceinspušcajocesesekun­de, terce, kvarte, kvinte in proti koncu stoletja tudi sekste, septime in oktave. Silvestro Ganassi je v pripocniku za igranje precne flavte Opera intitulata Fontegara (Benetke,1535)zapisalvseosnovneinter­valekotsemibrevesspojasnilomzaigranje,cesonotebreves,minime alivternarnemmetru,medtemkojeDiegoOrtizv Tratado de glosas za violo podal tri locene tabele za vsak interval, odvisno od tega, ali sta noti breves, semibreves ali minimi.34 Pri Gorzanisu se melodicno krajšanje ponovljenega tona lahko zacne inkoncana prvo taktovo dobo, medtem ko so lestvicne pasaže, ki pripeljejo v zgornjo ali spodnjo oktavno ponovitev diminuirane­ga tona, omejene na obseg takta. Poteku melodicne linije z zacetkom in koncem na istem akordskem tonu lahko sledimo tudi preko dveh taktov istega akorda vzorca, nakar se sklene na zadnjem tonu tak­ta. Prehodi med zaporednimi akordi vzorca so melodicno vecinoma izpeljani kot sekundni postopi, ki se zakljucijo na prvo dobo takta. Melodija se neredko ne nadaljuje s tonom, v katerega se je prehod razrešil, ampak je poljubno prestavljena v drug akordski ton, ki je do izhodišcnega v oktavnem, tercnem ali kvintnem intervalu. Z okraše­vanjem osnovnih intervalov melodicnih glasbenih vzorcev se ohra­nja osnovni obris melodije, metrum in izvirna clenitev. Za ilustraci­jo okraševanja melodije v najvišjem glasu so vzporedno prikazane 34 Diego Ortiz, El primo libro nel quale si tratta della glose sopra le cadenze et altre sorte de punti in la musica del violone, Roma 1553, Firenze: Studio per edizioni scelte,1984(Archivummusicum,Collanaditestirari57);SilvestroGanassi,Opera intitulata Fontegara, Venezia 1535, Ristampa anastatica, Sala Bolognese: Arnaldo Forni editore, 1980 (Bibliotheca musica bononiensis II/18). Osnovna tehnika prila­gajanja v naprej oblikovanih figurativnih vzorcev (passaggi) obstojeci melodiji se skozi stoletje ni spreminjala. Gl. Howard Mayer Brown, Embellishing sixteenth-century music, Oxford: Oxford University Press,1976,str. 17–30. Gorzanisova in Abondantejeva izdelava priljubljenega napeva Tu te parti cor mio caro in Azzaiolova štiriglasna vokalna villota iz leta 1557 (notniprimer 5).35 Vsi avtorji traktatov o okraševanju iz 16. stoletja so razlikovali med daljšimi svobodnimi tekocimi pasažami, ki so zamenjevale po-casneje gibajoce se osnovne intervale melodije (passaggi), in speci-ficnimiokraskizaposameznenote,kotstatremolo, stalno menjavanje medglavnimtonom in njegovospodnjo alizgornjosekundoali terco, in groppo, kadencni trilcek na spodnjem poltonu z zacetkom na glav­nemtonu,kisenavadnokoncasspodnjoterco.36 Gorzanisjetovrstne okraske izpisoval predvsem na zakljuckih skladb ali delov vzorca. Gorzanisovi plesi obravnavanih knjig kažejo skladateljev metje komponiranja glasbe na lutnji oz. spretnost diminuiranja in okraše­vanja predobstojecih glasbenih vzorcev. V nacinu oblikovanja inštru­mentalnega lutenjskega stavka se od sorodnih plesov v veckrat po­natisnjenih beneških izdajah iz štiridesetih let 16. stoletja razlikujejo predvsem v tem, da je glasbeni vzorec v izbranem metrumu in prire­jen posebnostim igranja na strunsko glasbilo do potankosti izdelan: izpisano je glasbilu lastno sozvenenje akordskih tonov (npr. skoraj stalno sozvenenje oktavo višjega tona dveh praznih strun), krajšanje tonov in sprecificno okrasje, ki so ga glasbeniki pri igranju dodajali naustreznih mestih sproti. Zizpisompravilomaimprovizirano doda­janih tonov iz zaloge znanih obrazcev za diminucijo in okraševanje slednjiniso vec poljudnoizbrani,ampakjihjetrebaigrati tako, kotje doloceno v notah. Glasbeni vzorec potemtakem ni vec zgolj predloga za živo izvedbo, ampak prepoznavna avtorska skladba, temeljeca na glasbenem vzorcu, oz. njegovaumetniška izdelava. NOTNI PRIMERI Notni primer 1: AkordskashemavzorcapassamezzoanticoizGiacomoGorzanis, Passamezzo antico (Secondo libro de intabulatura di liuto, 1563), t. 2–17 35 Prim. op. 22. 36 Howard Mayer Brown, Embellishing sixteenth-century music,Oxford:OxfordUni­versityPress,1976,str. 1–16. Akordska shema vzorca passamezzo moderno iz Giacomo Gorzanis, Passamezzo moderno (Secondo libro de intabulatura di li­uto, 1563), t. 2–17 Notni primer 2: Melodicno-harmonska shema vzorca il todeschin iz Giacomo Gorzanis, Il Todischino (Intabolatura di liuto, Libro primo, 1561), t. 1–8, 17–20 Notni primer 3: Melodicno-harmonska shema vzorca la cara cosa iz Giacomo Gorzanis, Padoana dell detto (Secondo libro de intabulatura di liuto, 1563),t. 1–8, 25–32 Notni primer 4: Giacomo Gorzanis, Saltarello il Zorzi (Intabolatura di liuto, Libro primo, 1561), t. 1–17 (prima parte) Giulio Abondante, Zorzi gagliarda (Intabolatura sopra el lauto de ogni sorte de balli, 1546) Neznani avtor, Zorzi saltarello (rkp. iz ok. 1580) Notni primer 5: Giacomo Gorzanis, Te parti cor mio caro (Intabolatura di liuto, Libro primo, 1561) Giulio Abondante, Tu te parti cor mio charo (Intabolatura sopra el lauto de ogni sorte de balli, 1546) PRILOGA 1 Knjigeplesovvtabulaturahzalutnjo,kistajihnatisnilaAntonio Gardano (*) in GirolamoScotto (**). 1546 Giulio Abondante, Intabolatura sopra el lauto de ogni sorte de balli, Libro primo* (BR 15461)37 Domenico Bianchini, Intabolatura de lauto di recercari, motetti, ma-drigali, canzon francese, napolitane et balli, Libro primo* (BR 15465) Pietro Paolo Borrono, Intabulatura di lauto del divino Francesco da Milano et dell’ eccellente Pietro Paulo Borrono, Libro secon-do** (BR15468) GiovanniMariadaCrema, Intabolatura de lauto di recercari, canzon francese, motetti, madrigali, padoane e saltarelli, Libro primo* (BR154610) GiovanniMariadaCrema, Intabolatura de lauto di recercari, canzon francese, motetti, madrigali, padoane e saltarelli, Libro terzo** (BR154611)= Libro primo, 1546 Marcantonio del Pifaro, Intabolatura de lauto de ogni sorte de balli, Libro primo* (BR 154613) 37 BibliografskaoznakapoHowardMayerBrown,Instrumental Music Printed Before 1600: A Bibliography, 2. izdaja, Cambridge (Mass.) – London: Harvard University Press, 2000. Antonio Rotta, Intabolatura de lauto di recercari motetti, balli, ma-drigali, canzon francese, Libro primo* (BR 154615) 1548 Pietro Paolo Borrono, Intavolatura di lauto, Libro ottavo** (BR 15482) Pietro Paolo Borrono, Intavolatura di lauto del divino Francesco da Milano, et dell’ eccellente Pietro Paulo Borrono, Libro secondo (BR15483)= Libro ottavo, 1548 1549 Melchiore de Barberiis, Intabolatura di lauto di fantasie, balli, passi e mezi, e padoane gagliarde, Libro nono intitolato il Bembo** (BR15491) 1554 Bernardino Balletti, Intabolatura de lauto di varie sorte de balli, Libro primo* (BR 15541) Domenico Bianchini, Libro primo* (BR 15542)= 1546 1561 GiacomoGorzanis, Intabolatura di liuto, Libro primo* (BR 15612) 1563 Giulio Abondante, Intabolatura di liuto de ogni sorte de balli, Libro primo* (BR 15631) = 1546 Domenico Bianchini, La intabolatura de lauto di recercari, motetti, madrigali, canzon francese, napolitane, et balli, Libro primo** (BR15632) =1546 Pietro Paolo Borrono, La intabolatura de lauto di saltarelli, padovane, balli, fantasie, et canzon francese** (BR 15633) = 1548 Giacomo Gorzanis, Il secondo libro de intabulatura di liuto** (BR 15638) Pietro Paolo Borrono, La intabolatura de lauto de diversi autori** (BR 156311) 1564 Giacomo Gorzanis, Il terzo libro de intabolatura di liuto* (BR 15644) 1565 Giacomo Gorzanis, Il secondo libro de intabolatura di liuto* (BR 15652) =1563 1566 Melchior Neusidler, Il primo libro intabolatura di liuto ove sono ma-drigali, canzon francesi, pass’e mezi, saltarelli et alcuni suoi ri­cercari* (BR 15662) Melcior Neusidler, Il secondo libro intabolatura di liuto ove sono mo-tetti, canzon francesi, pas’e mezi, saltarelli et alcuni suoi ricer-cari* (BR15663) 1568 Marc’Antonio di Becchi, Libro primo d’intabolatura da leuto con alcuni balli, napolitane, madrigali, canzon francese, fantasie, recercari** (BR 15681) PRILOGA 2 Plesi v treh tiskihGiacoma Gorzanisa. Intabolatura di liuto, Libro primo, 1561 passamezzo –padoana – saltarello (2):antico, moderno; passamezzo il Gorzanis – saltarello; passamezzo – padoana (3): Todeschino, La dura partita, La roca el fuso; bal todescho – salto; saltarello (5): Il Zorzi, El teteme, Il poverin, Sona Baloni, Ciel tur-chin; La barca del mio amor, Te parti cor mio caro. Il secondo libro de intabulatura di liuto, 1563 passamezzo – padoana – saltarello (7): antico, moderno, Il Gorzanis, O perfida che sei, Il Todeschin, La cara cosa, La pigna; passamezzo –saltarello (2): Caro fier homo, belissimo; bal todesco – la sua padoana; passamezzo bellisimo (3); saltarello il Philipin; padoana Chi passa per questa strada; La barca del mio amore. Il terzo libro de intabolatura di liuto, 1564 passamezzo – padoana – saltarello (5): 3 antico, moderno, La bata­glia; passamezzo –padoana (2): moderno, Il Todeschin; passamezzo Il cavalier – saltarello; bal boemo La Filippina –padoana; bal todescho – padoana (2); passamezzo (2): Il Imperator, Il Gorzanis; galiarda alla Milanesa; saltarello(8): Il palvelo, Dimel su presto, Il mal contento, Il bergama­sco, Amor mio bello, L’imperial, Tantara, Il Giordano; L’herba fresca, Caccia la vechia fuora del campo. SUMMARY Renaissance dances in the lute books by Giacomo Gorzanis Italian printed sources of lute music from the 16th century con­tain individual dances and pairs or suites of dances in duple and tri­ple metre. The descriptive titles of the familiar dance forms of passa-mezzo, padoana, saltarello, galiarda, bal tedesco, and others indicate various musical patterns – cord progressions, song melodies or vocal compositions –that served as model for their forming. The dances from the three lute books (Venice, 1561, 1563 and 1564) by the blind lutenist and citizen of Trieste Giacomo Gorzanis (fl.1558–1574)allbaseonsuchmodels.Thoseareseriesofsuccessive repetitions of a varied model as well as suites of dances draw on the same musical model. Gorzanis composed on his instrument, hence his dances reveal all of its instrumental characteristics. The pieces with precisely writ­ten out variations represent unique examples of performance practice regarding improvisation and ornamentation of that time. Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck – Humanist Composer PIETER DIRKSEN As Slovenia until recently had it in the form of one of their tolar noteswith theportraitofJacobusGallus,theNetherlandsalsoharked back to a decidedly ‘early’ composer to embellish one of their bank notes.FormanyyearstheportraitofJanPieterszoonSweelinck(1562­1621) could be found on the Dutch 25 guilders note which made use of a posthumous engraving from 1624 (Plate 1). On this engraving one sees a rather austere man, a depiction so it seems of the ‘vad­erlandsche toondichter’ (‘composer of our fatherland’) under which flag he was rediscovered in the nineteenth century – and not without nationalist overtones. The impression of a severe and austere man was increased still further on the bank note by the complete loss of any expressionintheeyesasisvisibleinthe1624engraving.Itisthiskind of image which, consciously but above all unconsciously, has firm­ly established the idea of Sweelinck as having been a stiff calvinist, whose music was expected to be of similar character and which would never return to becoming part of a living repertoire again. Given this state of affairs, it is very fortunate that we have a second, painted image (Plate 2) which shows us an entirely dif­ferent Sweelinck – and to which we will return later on – and of course there is the music itself which on closer scrutiny is able to invalidate all prejudice. Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck died on 16 October 1621, only 59 years of age. The cause of death is not known, but it appears that hispassing-awayoccurredrather suddenly. At the time he was still busy with composition and revision workontheconcluding,fourthvolumeofPsalmsettings.Thisvolume appeared still in the year 1621, some weeks after the composer’s death. From a recently discovered document it emerges that Sweelinck tra­velledtoEnkhuizen(atownabout40kilometersnorthofAmsterdam) to test an organ on 5 September 1621,1 that is less than six weeks be­fore his death. Such a travel was not undertaken when he did not still have his full health then. Thusendedanunadventurouslife.Biographicalmaterialasarule flowsrichlyinthecaseofchangeofhabitatandwork,travelsandcon­flicts,butaboutthelatterwedoknowofanythinginSweelinck’scase. BorninDeventer(atownabout110kilometerseastofAmsterdam)he was his whole life attached to Amsterdam, where the family moved in 1564. From 1577tohisdeathhewasorganistattheAmsterdamOude Kerk. His wanderlust was rather limited and he seems to have gone outside the boundaries of the Dutch republic only once – to Antwerp in 1604, in order to buy a harpsichord; otherwise we know only about travels to a number of Dutch towns for organ examinations.2 In all an artist with little appeal to the historical imagination and whose biography can in fact not be written, Sweelinck clearly belongs to the most elusive of the great composers. This makes the marvellous 1606 portrait (Plate 2) all the more precious. It certainly forms one of the most probing composer’s por­traits we know from anytime, and in my view it provides the best opportunity to get to know Sweelinck – of course apart from his mu­sic. It is unfortunately unsigned, but it is traditionally attributed to his brother,thepainter GerritPieterszoon Sweelinck(1566–1628). As obvious as this seems, the problem is that no painting by Gerrit su­rvives which equals this one in quality. Another contender could be the official town painter Pieter Isaakszoon, who in that very same year (1606) painted the inside of the lid of the harpsichord personally bought two years earlier by Sweelinck in Antwerp from the famous Ruckers workshop. This lid painting (forever divorced from the in­strument to which it belonged and which has been lost) consists of an elaborate allegorical depiction of Amsterdam as ruler of the world seas; the panel now hangs in the Amsterdam Rijksmuseum.3 The da­ting also reminds of Mattheson’s statement that one of Sweelinck’s earliestandmostimportantpupils,JacobPraetorius(1586–1651),took 1 JanJongepier,Het organ in de Zuider- of St. Pancraskerk te Enkhuizen (Enkhuizen, 1991),12. 2 MaartenAlbert Vente, ‘Sweelincks Orgelreisen’, TVNM 22/2 (1971),126–137. 3 Hessel Miedema, ‘The City Harpsichord of Amsterdam’, in Sweelinck Studies, ed. PieterDirksen(Utrecht,2002),225–247. a ‘gemahltes Ebenbild’ (‘painted image’) with him back to Hamburg4 and in this way had his revered master always near him; Praetorius studied from 1606 to 1608 in Amsterdam. However, the importance of this portrait goes much further. The left hand painted with such emphasis and spotlighted in an almost Rembrandt-like way stretches beyond the painted frame in a trom­pe d’oeil-like fashion. It does so with a striking gesture which at the time was undoubtedly understood as a rhetorical one: The two smal­lest fingers (ring finger and little finger) are pulled inwards while the other three are stretched out in a conspicuous way. In the rhetorical languagethishasaveryspecificmeaning:‘ThetwoFingers shut, and the other three presented in an eminent posture in the extended Hand, is a speaking Action, significant to demand silence, and procure au­dience’.5 It was thus an emphatic gesture made before the beginning of a speech – and with Sweelinck it of course concerned a musical performance rather than a spoken speech. With this portrait he thus placed himself expressly in the humanistic-rhetorical tradition, and the principles of the rhetoric indeed forms the firm basis of his com­positional outlook. An important principle of this rhetorical tradition consists of the fact that ‘elaboratio’ is more important than ‘inventio’: The orator or musician was not merely allowed to use extant material or motives, it was rather expected from him to proceed this way; compositional ingenuity and prowess was simply more evident and easier to ascer­tain when he used familiar material. Sweelinck’s large oeuvre must not least be seen in the light of these decidedly non-modernist ideas. Hismainwork,thepolyphonicsettingofall150Psalms(publishedin fourheftyvolumesin1604,1613,1614and1621),ismelodicallydomi­nated by the Genevan melodies, several of the Rimes Françoises et Italiennes from1612formarrangementsofwell-knownmadrigalsand chansons from the sixteenth century, and some of the 1619 Cantiones sacrae are based on traditionalGregorian chant. For his setting of the Psalter he ignored the less felicituous translation by Petrus Datheen from 1568 or some other Dutch ver­sification, but instead opted for the original French version, which incidentally was completed in Geneva in his year of birth, 1562. This latter versification is not only literary of a much higher quality than its Dutch emulations, its symbiosis with the accompanying melodi­ 4 JohannMattheson,Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte (Hamburg,1740);neweditionby MaxSchneider (Berlin, 1910), 328–329. 5 John Bulwer, Chironomia: or, The Art of manuall Rhetorique (London, 1644), 67; see also Willem Elders, Composers of the Low Countries (Oxford, 1991), 177. es (which Sweelinck uses so extensively in his settings) is ideal. The Genevan Psalter was a monument in Holland which had just turned to Protestantism and which Sweelinck clearly could and did not wish to ignore. By keeping to the original in respect to both melodies and texts he ensured himself of a solid artistic foundation. The sophisti­cated polyphony of these Psalms was in any case the realm of the higher echelons of (Dutch) society, and here French conversation was stronglycultivated.ItisknownthatSweelinckperformedthemwitha collegium musicum consisting of members of these higher classes as chamber music and as food for thought amongst kindred spirits. The young Constantijn Huygens (1596–1687), the brilliant patrician who excelled in all arts as well in politics, participated in these meetings withhis viola dagamba.6 Huygens also mentions that these sessions took place at the ho­use of Jean (Giovanni) Calandrini, an Italian merchant, banker and friend of Sweelinck, who dedicated the 1612 Rimes to him. Indeed, a closer scrutiny of Sweelinck’s acquiantances reveals how mixed these were: Among them we find the Catholic poet and lawyer Cornelis Gijsbertszoon Plemp, the calvinist poet and politician Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft (his first wife Christina van Erp was a harpsi­chord pupil of Sweelinck), the calvinist councel and state historian Willem Baudartius as well as the Antwerps Catholic merchant Frans Sweerts.7 This attitude averse to any partiality is connected to the peculiar period in Dutch history in which Sweelinck lived. After the Alteration (thechangefromRomanCatholicismintoProtestantismastheofficial faith),whichoccurredinAmsterdamin1578,astrictCalvinistregime was not immediately implemented. Instead an ‘open’ church existed for several decades in which many elements of the old rites persisted, enablingthepeopletomakethechangetothenewfaithinsomesortof continuity.8 Thiswassupportedby avery moderate first generation of Protestant Amsterdam church fathers. It was only at the beginning of the seventeenth century that the orthodox direction of Calvinism star-tedtobecomestronger,culminatinginthebattlebetweenremonstrants (the ‘liberals’) and counter-remonstrants (the orthodox direction), and finally in the victory of orthodoxy at the Synod of Dordrecht in 1619. Sweelinck had been raised in the rich Roman Catholic organ tra­ 6 Constantijn Huygens, Mijn Jeugd, translated by C.L. Heesakkers (Amsterdam, 1987), 25f. 7 Moreinformationonthesecontactsandcorrespondingdocumentationcanbefound in Pieter Dirksen, Sweelinck Compendium, OperaOmniavol. 9(in preparation). 8 Jurjen Vis, ‘Sweelinck and the Reformation’, in Sweelinck Studies (seeNote3),39– 54. dition of the sixteenth cen­tury and even started his career in 1577 as an organist in the old faith. (From 1578 onwards he was in the direct service of the town rather than the church). He thus was doubtedlessly strongly opposed to orthodoxy which banned organ playing from the service and even tried to have the organs removed from the churches (this lat­ter was usually prevented by the town magistrates, the owners of these usually very costlyinstruments). Hemust have remained close to the Catholic faith but was other­wise a liberal man. He there­fore was receptive to the Calvinist Psalms but clearly not in the translation of Dutch Calvinist fanatics. He also stood open for secular poetry, both French and Italian, and published a volume of Latin motets, the Cantiones sacrae, some of its texts which are of un­mistakableRomanCatholicpedigree.Thislatterpublicationappeared in 1619 in the Catholic city of Antwerp: It clearly concerns a deed of protest against the Synod of Dordrecht held in the same year and which was such a disaster for the liberal faction to which Sweelinck belonged. In his keyboard music – for organ and harpsichord – we see the same open-mindedness as well as the principle of ‘elaboratio’ side­by-side.9 As a natural consequence variation sets predominate, and in this field Sweelinck appears particularly receptive to differing Europeantraditions.WeherethusfindvariationsonGenevanPsalms, on Gregorian hymnes as well as on Lutheran chorales – the latter of whichundoubtedlyareconnectedtohismanyNorthGermanpupils – but also the most popular secular tunes of the day. What is more, most if not all of his great fantasias are based on themes which circulated ForsomecompellingthoughtsonthistopicseeGustavLeonhardt, ‘ThePrincipleof Varietas in Sweelinck’s Variation Works’, in Sweelinck Studies (seeNote3),57–64. all aver Europe amongst musicians, as material for improvisation and composition. Sweelinck’s oeuvre is like a mirror of the European music of the day, unparalleled in versatility and ingenuity in the elaboration of the chosen models, melodies and subjects. An important if not decisive role was played by the fact that in a certain respect he can be con­sidered a ‘free’ artist in the modern sense. He never played the organ during service, only before and afterwards and during specific times of the week and according to season, and was thus never bound to anyliturgicaldelimitationorotherartisticrestriction. Toputitanach­ ronistically: Sweelinck can be considered an autonomous artist. His mastery is evident in both his vocal and instrumental music. He had a virtuoso command of the vocal polyphony that had been developed in the sixteenth century on such a grandiose scale, and his Psalms, motets,madrigalsandchansonsdofitinseamlesslyintotheso-called ‘Netherlands’ polyphonictraditionwhichreachesbacktoJosquindes Prez – the composer so much admired by the great Dutch humanist Erasmus. Much less logical is that Sweelinck seriously devoted him­self to keyboard music as well. As a keyboard player he was foremost-ly (and for a long time exclusively, it seems) abrilliant improvisator. Butafter1600hewasincreasinglyexposedtokeyboardtraditions inwhichcompositionhadbecomean integralpart:Thisconcernedin particular the traditions of the cities of Venice, London, Brussels and Hamburg. Sweelinck slowly started to realize that the contrapuntal sophistication of his vocal technique was also attainable in keyboard music.Onthebasisofthesepan-Europeaninfluenceshedevelopedan entirely new species of instrumental polyphony which was completely adjusted to the exigencies of twohands on a keyboard but in which at thesametimestrictvoiceleadingisobserved. Alsovery ‘humanistic’ is the principle that this new polyphony is used indiscriminately over all genres. These genres are thus not strictly distinguished from each other. For example, typical toccata elements may crop up in a fanta­sia, while a fantasia theme may be treated in variation-like fashion. Sweelinck’s keyboard music originated in all likelihood in the last fifteen, at most twenty years of his life – a unique fact in the history of Western music – and in this field he thus was a pronounced late­bloomer.Thathissurvivingkeyboardoeuvrestillamountstoabout70 often very extensive pieces clearly points to a great productivity.10 It is above all the fantasia which can be considered a supremely 10 An exhaustive treatment of this part of Sweelinck’s ouevre can be found in Pieter Dirksen, The Keyboard Music of Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck: Its Style, Significance and Influence (Utrecht,1997). humanist invention. It is a concept derived from Greek ancient thou­ght which the humanists at the end of the fifteenth century brought into connection with contemporary art. It comprehended a rather ab­stract concept which stood for the ‘highest’ an artist could achieve as an individual.11 It was gratefully adopted for the ‘new’ instrumental music of the sixteenth century: Broken free from the realm of vocal polyphony and the traditional footing of a text, it was in dire need of appropriate concepts and novel terminology. The aspect of the ‘hig­ hest’ was naturally coupled to the most artful music of the day, namely the imitative polyphony of the ‘Netherlands’ tradition (Josquin!). The aspect of artistic individuality implied a distinctly personal approach onthepartofthemusicianorcomposer:Itwasmore-or-lessexpected that he created his own fantasia type. With no other composer of the humanist fantasia tradition this individuality comes as strongly to the fore as with Sweelinck, and his about twenty surviving specimens of the genre thus not only form the high-point of his oeuvre but also form the pinnacle of that tradition as a whole. Here he systematically exhausts all possibilities of contem­porary counterpoint, both in long monothematic pieces as well as in polythematic echo fantasias. Under the guise of the echo – at the time a very popular technique, not only amongst musicians but also amon­gst poets – he also explores canonic writing and other sophisticated contrapuntal techniques, and as a result these pieces are never as stra­ightforward orsimple as they might appear on firsthearing. Thelarge group of monothematic fantasias show an all-encompassing rhetorical design.Their‘forma’isanaloguoustothatofaclassicalthree-partspe­ ech, with the subdivision ‘exordium’, ‘medium’ and ‘finis’, and usually with meticulous proportioning in which the so-called Fibonacci num­ bers appear to play an important role as well. The aspect of ‘elaboratio’ is above all expressed in an exhaustive application of all those ideas which are translatable from rhetoric into counterpoint, such as ‘au­gmentatio’, ‘diminutio’, ‘syncope’ and ‘inversio’. Unity is guaranteed by the use of a single subject which is used throughout the fantasia in multifarious ways. This subject is as a rule a borrowed one, and a few go even further by using a very elementary musical idea, such as the six-notescaleofthehexachordorthechromaticallydescendingfourth. It is certainly no coincidence that it were exactly these two musical archetypes which led to two absolute masterpieces: The Hexachord Fantasiaand theFantasiaCromatica. WiththesetwoworksSweelinck achievedcompositions–apparentlyforthefirsttimeinWesternmusic 11 ArnfriedEdler, ‘FantasiaandChoralfantasie:ontheproblematicNatureofaGenre ofSeventeenth-Century Organ Music’,in The Organ Yearbook 19 (1988), 53–66. history–inwhich,withoutthesupportofatext,extensiveandcomple­tely thought-out and planned musical structures have been realized.12 Their inner logic, dynamic control and consumate craftsmanship are such that this can be immediately noticed and admired by any listener familiar with the instrumental masterpieces of much later periods. For Sweelinck the humanist tradition was the obvious base for his composing and for pursuing the Renaissance ideal of the crea­tion of an opus perfectum et absolutum which would survive after his death. He doubtlessly succeeded in achieving this goal, and the ‘manual’ hint on his portrait has certainly found an ear: His music remained performed and studied until several decades after his death – which was rather unusual in the era, not least also in view of the stronglytraditionalistaspectofSweelinck’scompositions–inspiteof the fact that the seventeenth century developed an entirely different aesthetics and world picture. It was the sheer quality, the craftsman­ship and not least the eloquence of his compositions which made him into an autor classicum and which at the present forms the firm basis of a true revival of his music POVZETEK Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck – humanisticni skladatelj Ceprav je Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (1562–1621) komajda kaj potoval, velja za enega najbolj kozmopolitskih skladateljev svojega casa. Kot organist amsterdamske Oude Kerk je bil v mestni in ne cer­kveni službi, saj so kalvinisti leta 1578 prepovedali orgle v cerkvah. Sweelinckje bil zadolžen predvsem za reprezentancnoglasbo, kar mu je dejansko pušcalo veliko umetniške svobode. Kot je bil Amsterdam na prehodu v 17. stoletje cvetoce mesto, povezano z vecino evropskih kulturnih središc, tako je tudi Sweelinckova glasba izraz tega vzdušja inodsevsiceršnjihevropskihglasbenihtokov,hkratipajeneprekoslji­vo izvirna v nacinih uglasbitve besedil, rabi znanih melodij in obli­kovanju vecjih glasbenih oblik. Skladatelj se je sprva osredotocil na vokalno polifonijo; njegova tovrstna prizadevanja so dosegla vrhunec v uglasbitvi celotnega Ženevskega psalterja (1604–1621) in z zbirko Cantiones sacrae izleta 1629. Sweelinck je v svetu zaslovel predvsem ssvojimpoznejšimmonumentalnimopusomdelzaglasbilastipkami. 12 OntheHexachord Fantasia and its background see the special study by the author, ‘TheSweelinckParadox: Researching,Analysing and PlayingtheKeyboardMusic Jan PieterszoonSweelinck’,in Sweelinck Studies (seeNote3),93–113. Figurative Writing in Mozart’s Clavier Music* maRina ceRna Mozart’s music, known and unknown at the same time, has al­ways been a popular object of interpretation, in both the theoretical and practical senses. However, Mozart’s figurative writing has only rarely been the focus of research interest and therefore has not been sufficiently examined. Some authors have expressed their opinions of the potential fruitfulness of exploring this area, but this has been made possible only recently, thanks to the development of textural theory and new, more effective methods of textural analysis, which are able to begin solving the “enigma” of Mozart’swriting. AlexanderTchugayev,oneofthegreatestRussiantheorists,often told his students: “Something is taking place constantly in Mozart’s music – something other than what you are able to see while playing orlisteningtoit.” Thismysterious “something” ispartiallyconnected withthe activity of figures in Mozart’s texture. “Figuration” is taken to be a texture phenomenon connected with the saturation of the musical texture with melodic or rhythmic elements that are repeated periodically or organized in a specific sy­ stem. Mozart’s figuration in piano pieces was based on “hiding” lon­ger notes within smaller patterns, filling in broad melodic intervals, transformingchords,andsoon;inmanysensesitwasanoutgrowthof his predecessors’ art. He used traditional ornamental figures such as varioustrills,gruppetti,andcombinationsofthese,whichcouldmake chains of similar figures or couplets with tetrachords and arpeggios. The role of ornamental figures in Mozart’s texture was to reinforce the main melodic outlines. His figurative insertions were like orna- * The original term clavier music, used in this article by the author, was editorially replaced by a modern word “piano”. However, the reader has to bear in mind the fact thatinMozart’stimepianoorpiano-fortewasnotyetamonopolistamongkeyboard instruments. It was in fact a rather weak instrument, but its mechanism developed rapidly so that by around 1800 the piano took over harpsichord the primacy among keyboard instruments. In Mozart’s time piano and harpsichord co-existed on an equal lever and he played both instruments. ments in Classical painting. In some cases, the melody is “hidden” in gruppetto(ex. 1),orgruppetto-likefiguresareinsertedorganicallyin a melodic phrase (ex. 2). It is possible to find traces of diminution in Mozart’s texture as well, especially in slow movements of sonatas or in sets of variations. The texture of piano pieces by Viennese classical composers, particularly Mozart, is full of discoveries made in the previous era in connection with continuo practice, too. This concerns the role of har­monicfigurationintypical accompanimentformulas (suchasAlberti bass, combinations of a trill or a gruppetto with moving bass, chord tone motions, and so on) in constructing long melodic lines, and the broad use of arpeggio figures in different passages. The chord tone motionisnotusuallyconnectedwiththeinsertionofnon-chordtones; harmonies are outlined clearly and in accordance with traditional con­struction by thirds. In pieces by Viennese classical composers, harmonic figuration is given melodic power and meaning. In Mozart’s piano sonatas this may be seen in the fanfare style in sonatas such as K. 280, K. 284, K. 330, K. 533, K. 545,K. 547a, and K. 576 (see ex. 3). Two types of figuration – rhythmic and mixed (rhythmic-har­monic) – take on increasing importance in Mozart’s pieces. Mozart interprets the well-known and widely used formulas of drum bass, “murky” bass, and tremolo bass in a particular and highly artificial style. The composer uses various drum bass formulas in accompani­ment figures. In major-key pieces this helps to create a light, lively background (ex. 4) and in minor-key music its main function is to outlineanatmosphereofanxiety(ex.5).Thefastdrumbassinthelow register in the first movement of K. 457 (in C minor), where it gives the feeling of agitation, is a specialcase. This interpretation of the most widespread devices for creat­ing texture served as a model for many contemporary composers. Beethovenfollowed Mozart and used a fast drum bassin the low reg­ister to form dynamic, aggressive figuration (see the beginning of his Piano Sonata No. 4). He used broken octaves (tremolo bass formula) in the same conditions as Mozart did (low register, fast tempo) in the famous “Pathetique” Sonata,alsoinCminor.Thespecialcharacterof decorated drum bass in the “Rondo alla Turka” is determined by the role of the background used in the piece: the “Turkish style” here is connected with an imitation of the noise and commotion of oriental instruments, and the special rhythmic figuration functions to bring this image to mind (ex. 6). Therepeatedostinatorhythmicfigurationintheaccompaniment tothemainsubjectinSonataK. 310createsasortofthunderingeffect (ex.7).Hereitispartofadramaticsemanticcomplex.Anintervalofa second is built into the chord structure. In Mozart’s minor-key music, this interval usually signifies the “death interval.” The influence of thick dissonant harmonies (like clusters) is strengthened by rhythmic figuration in “hammer rhythm.” In the de­velopment section of this sonata, persistent repetitions of two melod­ic-rhythmic figures and dominant pedal points create the atmosphere offoreboding:theworldiscrashingintopiecesrightbeforetheeyesof thedrama’sprotagonist(ex. 8). Itis knownthat thissonatais autobio­graphicalandisconnectedwiththedeathofMozart’sbelovedmother in Paris. The composer therefore turns to symbolic use of expressive means. Mozartean figuration is connected with hidden voices in pas­sages with “singing” sounds, which may be outlined in all genres of hispianomusic.Thestructurehefrequentlyusesisthefollowing:one ofthevoicesmaintainsatrilloragruppetto-likefigure,whileanother voice (in the upper or the lower part of the score) creates independent motion based on melodic figuration (ex. 1). Mozart’s Fantasy K. 475 in C minor offers a very interesting example of singing figuration, wheretherapidfigurationbearsalongmelodycomingdownwardsin sequence (ex. 9 a, b). This type of figuration is quite special, though examples of this sort are typical in Mozart’s piano concertos – com­pare examples 9 and 10. In both examples, figuration plays a very important role because the character of the piece depends on it. The rhythmic ostinato in figurative passages and the free melodic lines hidden inside them form a musical complex of greattension. Mozart’s piano concertos offer many examples of constructing figurative blocks as well. As a rule, two figurative layers form such blocks.Forexample,differentlyshapedfiguresarechosenbythecom­poserinspecialmanner–tomakethetexturesoundastringent(vertical dissonances are formed in a fast tempo), tight configuration of notes givesdensityandsaturationtothemusic(seeex. 11a). Analysisshows Mozart’s use of ninths and sevenths, which themselves were then considered to be the most strained harmonic intervals. Strengthening here, in the functional harmonic system of the classical style, depends on ellipsis, though the configuration of moving voices and density of duplicationsarealso important(see thescheme in ex. 11 b). It is hard to find symmetry in Mozart’s figurative blocks, un­likeBeethoven’sblocks.Thereareshortsegmentsoftextureinmirror symmetry in the three last bars of example 11, but this may happen onlyinpassagelikepartitionsofthewholestructure. Infact,external constructiveness is not peculiar to Mozart, but the constructive ap­proach is very characteristic to Beethoven’s texture. Understanding the various aspects of 18th-century music, to which Mozart’s work belongs, is impossible without considering the principles of ars combinatoria (AC), especially the part of the teach­ing dealing with different figurative devices. AC principles are found throughout the 18th-century treatises thatdiscusscomposition problems andtechniques. TheEnglishscho­larLeonardRatnerreintroducedthese principlestothe musicalworld in the second half of the 20th century. This gave a new impulse to studying the peculiarities of texture creation in the compositions of Viennese classical composers. The term “combinatorial” was taken from mathematics, in which it referred to various devices used to systematically organize and dis­ play a set of objects in a certain order. Two types of influence upon objectswereoutlined:permutation,inwhichobjectswererearranged, and combination, in which objects were replaced. Sets of possible variants formed in musical combinatorial series become endless in certain conditions. Mozart is a genius of musical combinatorial art. In his early youth, he created paraphrases, rearranging sonatas by different com­posers such as Honauer, Eccert, Schobert, J. C. Bach, and others as concertos. Later he paid homage to the invention of musical games. His Anleitung zur Componiren von Walzern… waswritteninkeeping withJohannPhilippKirnberger’s Der allezeit fertige Menuetten- und Polonaisenkomponist. However, a traditional approach to AC forms only a superficial layerofthesignificantphenomenonofMozart’smusicalart. Mozart’s virtuoso combinatorial technique is truly unique, and must be consid­ered one of the most impressive attributes of his individual style. The seeming “simplicity” here revolves around a complicated and multi­faceted shaping of texture. Moreover, every single piece by Mozart bears its own combinatorial idea. Widespread formulas introduced by diminution practice and known since the time of the English virginalists predominate in the figurative writing of Mozart’s period. The length of each figure is equivalent to a beat, and each may be transformed (every figure may appear in inversion, in retrograde motion, or inverted retrograde mo­tion) or replaced by anewone. CompositionsbytheEnglishvirginal­ists(justlikecompositionsbycomposersthatlivedlaterandusedAC in their work – J. S. Bach, Domenico Scarlatti, and others) give us examplesoffiguresusedalonghorizontalandverticallines. Mozart’s texture shows the use of all three coordinates: horizontal, vertical, and even diagonal (in ensemble pieces). However, no wonderful mu­sic comes from construction elements without also being humanized through the composer’s genius. Mozart’s compositions give examples of dizzying transforma­tions of a limited amount of elements and splendid combinatorial ideas. Although the mechanisms giving rise to a musical setting are universal, the actual creation of texture is new in each case. ACmaybefoundinMozart’spiecesindifferentgenres.Usually, if figurative writing plays a significant role in the musical setting of a sonata, it is clear that a definitive and original combinatorial idea is beingrealizedinit. Themechanismsofcreatingmusicaltextureused in such sonatas, however, are universal in many senses. Sonatas K. 279, K. 311, K. 330 andK. 333 must be considered first. In Sonata K. 330 in C major, Mozart outlined the similarity of its subjects both in the first movement and the third and final one (see ex. 12). It is easy to see that all the themes in the third movement beginwiththesametones – mi, fa, sol (ex. 13). Thescalewisemotion predominates in melodic outlines: their construction is “as clear as a plain scale.”1 This simplicity may create the illusion of an ordinary wayoflookingfortheideaofthepiece. However,such “simple” com­positionsturnouttobethemostenigmaticinMozart’scase.Thequiet sparklingofmagicallysimilartonesinthemusicdoesnotrevealwhat really happens. In order to understand the nature of this quietude and hidden inner motion we have to discover the smallest elements of the musical material – figures. Repetition of the same notes, especially sol,givesthemusicabell-likecharacter,whiletheothercharacteristic color depends on a fanfare-like figuration based on small arpeggio patterns. The construction syntax in the first part of the sonata depends on the combinatorial idea, and is created by the interplay between coupled units and those that are not coupled. There are repetitions not only of single measures or couplets of certain measures, but also of half-measures (see m. 19). Each cascade of coupled repetitions of the motives and phrases in the subjects has a non-repeated closing of its own. Sometimes ca­dences are involved in the following constructions and this creates irregular use of the repeated elements, which becomes obvious when seen against the background of the general clarity and regularity of repetitions. For example, the play with elements in the main subject of the first part deals with the variant repetition of mm. 5–8 in the subsequent mm. 9–12,with resolution of the cadence formula in mm. 7–8 and 11–12. However, suddenly the cadence turn is repeated and, This is a quotation from Pushkin’s Little Tragedies (“MozartandSalieri”). as a result, the value of the final (twelfth) measure is not definitive. Therefore, in the row of repeated measures it is possible to hear gro­upings of mm. 11–12, 13–14, and 15–16, or possibly even 12–13 and 14–15. Thesyntacticplayofregularandirregular,aswellascombinati-ons of the very smallest patterns, form the inner layer of what procee­ded it in the Allegro first movement. Sonatas are not the only sites of wonderful examples of figurati­ve activity in Mozart’s texture. Combinations of the smallest melodic units –suchasmotivesandfigures(generallyconnectedwithACide-as) – are represented in Mozart’s fugues as well, with K. 426 for two pianosbeingthemostcharacterizedbythis.Itcanbedemandingtodi­scoverthecombinatorialplaytakingplaceinastrictgenrelikefugue. All the main elements are represented in the entrance of the fugue’s subject (ex. 14). Figure a represents “strict order,” and follo­wing it comes the “sighing” of figure b. Figure c is like a reply, after which motives d and e are united in a single phrase. Motive e is the least individualized element in the dictionary of this piece because it isintroducedlast.Itislikeatransformedvariantofascalewisefigure that was introduced for the first time in the initial motive: compare a and e in example 15. The other types of scale wise motion have some rhythmic variants – see example 16 (a, b, c, d, and e). As the fugue unfolds, many combinations of the elements mentioned above appear in both horizontaland vertical linesof the texture. Element d is veryactiveinhorizontalcombinations,inmanyca­ses taking the role of a beginning figure. A new result is achieved by the means of sequential multiplication of both d and e (ex. 17). Then d is separated from e and is further connected with modifications of small patterns from b or with the inverted a motive (ex. 18). Main melodic elements may change their position. For example, the trill that closes motive d becomesthe beginning of c (compare ex. 19a andb),while thedoublingofthe smallsixteenth-notepattern be­comes the continuation of the two initial quarter notes of the subject’s kernel (ex. 19 c). The vertical play within the score is no less intensive. The first combination of the motives shown in example 20 is not continued further: ab cd e A new counterpart is introduced whose melody depends on e, whi­le combinations of a and b appear in the vertical lines (ex. 21). The combination in coupled imitationsis alsoverysimilar (seemm. 39–41 andmm. 91–95). Inthelastvariant,motived getsinvolvedinthegame, givingthefollowingscheme: a bb a bd a b a bd An interesting combination of motives a, d, e is taking form, as shownin example 22 andthe following scheme: eee dde a aaad Thereareseveralphasesofthiscombinatorialgameinthefugue. During the second entry, the maximum number of motives is invol­ved in the game. In contrast, during the third entry, the counterpart motives do not appear at all. At this point, only three of the five initial elements remain: a, b, and d. Duringthisphasestrettoprinciplecomes to the fore, so the counterpart motives leave the stage because their significanceis diminished. Eventhe ever-presentelement d is absent in mm. 36–54. The most significant interactions here concern motives of the subject. Although this fugue is oversaturated with compound contra­puntal devices, its texture creation depends on AC as well. There is tremendous energy in the figurative activity here; an inner layer of intonationprocessisformedinthispiecethroughaspecialcombinatorial game. On the whole, Mozart’s work with figures prompts a peculiar trend in analysis of his compositions. The composer’s motive tech­nique is original and highly skilled. Analyzing them in this way aids understandingofthe innerlifeofthepieces,whichmay leadtobetter explanations of texture creation details and help solve performance problems. Analysis of Mozart’s texture shows that figuration in his piano pieces is both traditional for his time and original. It is masterfully designed and sometimes has unique features with regard to Mozart’s technique of working with small units. The composer exercises his freedom within his chosen genre in order to create a very special texture. MUSICAL EXAMPLES 1. Mozart.PianoConcertoK.466inDminor,I 2. Mozart.RondoK.511inAminor 3. Mozart. Sonata K. 545 in C major, I 4. Mozart. Sonata K. 283, III 5. Mozart. Sonata K. 330, II 6. Mozart. Sonata K. 331, III 7. Mozart. Sonata K. 310, I 8. Mozart. Sonata K. 310, I 9. Mozart. Fantasy K. 475 a b 10. Mozart. Piano Concerto K. 491 a b 11. Mozart. Piano Concerto K. 467, I a b 12. Mozart.SonataK.330,I a b 13. Mozart.SonataK.330,III a b 14. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 15. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 16. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 e 17. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 18. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 19. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 20. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 21. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 22. Mozart.FugueforTwoPianos,K.426 POVZETEK Figuracija v Mozartovi klavirski glasbi Glasba Wolfganga Amadeusa Mozarta, vsem znana, a hkrati polna neznank, je vedno zanimiva, pa naj bo kot izziv interpretom ali kot predmet muzikološkega študija. Mozartov figurativni slog je po eni strani tradicionalen, po drugi pa mocno individualen. Njegova klavirska figuracija temelji na umetnosti drobljenja daljših notnih vrednosti v manjše figure, ki izpolnjujejo prostor v razponu velikih intervalov in hkrati spreminjajo strukturo akordov. Uporabljal je že znane okraševalne figure, pa tudi kombinacije vec melodicnih ravni oz. skritihglasov,karnajdemovvsehzvrstehnjegoveglasbe. Podru­gi strani prav v klavirskih delih morda najmocneje zaznamo njegovo osebno tehniko motivicne gradnje, pri cemer ima pomembno vlogo t. i. »ars combinatoria«, ki jo je mojstrsko obvladal v vseh odtenkih in možnostih. Najocitnejši primeri so nedvomno Mozartove sonate K 279, K 311, K 330 ali K 333. Zgodovina kot izkušnja ali biografija kot sodobna historiografska metoda CIRILA TOPLAK Zdi se, kot da slovenski zgodovinarji biografije kot historiograf­ske metode dolgo casa niso posebej cislali. V tem in o tem strokov­nempristopusejemalopisalo;navsezadnjepaimamotuditeoretikov zgodovinopisja malo. Andrej Rahten v intervjuju, naslovljenem z V vsakem zgodovinarju tici prikrit biograf, v Književnih listih 3. mar-ca 2003 pojasnjuje piclo bero biografike na Slovenskem z zgodovino slovenskegazgodovinopisjapoenistraniinpomanjkanjemprimarnih virov po drugi strani. Pred drugo svetovno vojno se je tedaj komaj nekaj desetletij »staro« slovensko zgodovinopisje šele zacelo zani­mati za biografijo – npr. življenjepis Valentina Zarnika izpod peresa MiroslavaGoršeta,kijeizšelleta1940–,potempasejesplošnozani­manje pod vplivom staroste slovenskih zgodovinarjev Frana Zwittra, ki je usmeril slovensko zgodovinopisje v objektivisticni pristop, zna-cilen za francoske Anale, odvrnilo od zgodovinskega subjekta. Tudi v casu socializma je zgodovinopisje ostajalo trdno zasidrano v objek­tiviziranju zgodovinske snovi. Vecino 20. stoletja so slovenski zgo­dovinarji zasledovali »veliko sliko«, sliko kolektivne preteklosti na raznihpodrocjih,zredkimiizjemamihvalnicljubljenihsocialisticnih vodij. Zanemarjanje subjektivitete, ali z drugimi besedami, skrajno objektiviziranje je bilo nasploh znacilno za marksisticno koncepcijo družboslovja. Ker je v nemškem prostoru v tem casu biografika pridobila bo­gato tradicijo, ni presenetljivo, da so v devetdesetih letih 20. stoletja koroški Slovenci prevzeli pobudo za ponovno uveljavljanje te zgodo­vinopisne zvrsti. Izpostaviti kaže biografijo Anton Korošec, držav­nozborski poslanec na Dunaju, ki jo je leta 1992 izdal Feliks Bister. Tudi vzrok za v zacetku omenjeni Rahtenov intervju je bila objava biografije v Rahtenovem avtorstvu, in sicer o življenju in delu Janka Brejca, prav tako pomembnega predvojnega slovenskega politika, ki se ga je Rahten trudil naslikati v dvosmernem procesu: »Z opisom poti družbeno angažiranega protagonista, ki mu ni vseeno, je mogo-ce približati duh njegovega casa. Obenem pa je s preucevanji družbe mogoce spoznati njega kot navadnega državljana.« Rahten se je pri pisanju soocil tudi z drugim velikim problemom slovenske biogra­fike: pomanjkanjem primarnih virov, saj Brejc ni zapustil osebnega arhiva, in ga je Rahten nato »iskal« v spominih njegovih sodobnikov in razpršeni dokumentaciji po številnih arhivih v Sloveniji in tujini. Mordasebodozboljšoosvešcenostjoopomembnostiohranjanjaura­dnih in osebnih dokumentov vremena slovenski biografiki zjasnila vsaj v prihodnje. V zadnjem desetletju lahko hitro preštejemo znanstvene mono-grafije z biografsko vsebino: 1993: Damjan Prelovšek: Jože Plecnik; France Dolinar: Prošti novomeškega kapitlja; 1995: Zmago Šmitek: Srecevanje z drugacnostjo – slovenska iz­kustva eksotike; 1997: Dušan Kos: Turnirska knjiga Gašperja Lambergrja; 1998: Janko Pleterski: Dr. Ivan Šušteršic; 1999: Damjan Prelovšek: Plecnikova sakralna umetnost; Igor Grdina: Od rodoljuba z dežele do mešcana; 2001: Igor Grdina: Ipavci – zgodovina slovenske mešcanske di­nastije. In to je skoraj že vse, ce ne štejemo številnih zavedenih diplom­skih del z biografsko vsebino. Nasploh vsebinsko po številu izstopajo biografskepublikacijeobraznihobletnicahrojstvaalismrtipomemb­nih Slovencev. Slovenska Cerkev še zlasti skrbno pokriva tovrstno objavljanje o svojih dostojanstvenikih. Še manj je najti refleksije o biografiki. Pravzaprav je v zadnjem desetletjuotemvslovenskemzgodovinopisjupoglobljenoteoretiziral samo Oto Luthar. V preglednem delu z naslovom Med kronologijo in fikcijo izleta1993sejemeddrugimvsamostojnempodpoglavjuobi­ografikivprašal,alikažebiografijoštetizanovometodološkonacelo; gre za razmislek, ki ga je napovedal že v zgodnejšem prispevku, leta 1989,zaZgodovinski casopis znaslovomNove metode v zgodovinopis­ju ali po sol na Solnograško. V delu Med kronologijo in fikcijo Luthar navaja precej referenc s podrocja refleksije biografike, zlasti, kar nas zdaj ne more vec presenetiti, iz nemškega prostora. Ker v naših knji­žnicah te referencne literature skoraj ni najtiin ker štejemLutharjevo razmišljanje o biografiki za pregledno in poglobljeno, bom po njem na kratko povzela, kako je biografika umešcena v okvir sodobnega evropskega zgodovinopisja. O biografiji kot dodatnem modelu za preucevanje preteklosti so prvizacelirazmišljatinemškisociologivosemdesetihletihprejšnjega stoletja, pridružili pa so se jim scasoma tudi zgodovinarji, psihologi in drugi družboslovci tudi iz drugih držav in z drugih celin. Seveda ne gre za odkrivanje Amerike, kvecjemu za pogrevanje tople vode, saj je biografija kot tematizacija struktur življenjske zgodbe in s tem družbenihstrukturžedolgoprisotnavsajvsociološkiteoriji,zlastipa jeljubafenomenologom. Objaveznanstvenihmonografijzbiografsko vsebino so se torej vsaj zunaj naših meja množile in zanikale preho­dnostalimodnosttegametodološkeganacela.Šezlastipastakuvelja­vitvi biografike pripomogli dve sodobni spoznanji: – tematizacijabiografijepojasnjujepretekleinsedanjerazsežnosti družbe in – predmet biografike ni posameznik, temvec biografija sama kot družbeni konstrukt, kot orientacijski instrument za prepoznava­ nješiršihdružbenih vzorcev – nekakšna metabiografika torej. Opazovanje zgodovinskih procesov skozi t. i. »institucionaliza­cijo življenjske zgodbe«, tj. Zgodbo z velikim Z, ki je casovno raz­mejena in strukturirana kot socialna ustanova, omogoca med drugim casovno umešcanje oz. kronološko standardiziranje obicajnega pote­ka življenjske zgodbe. Skozi casovno umešcanje pa lažje dojemamo individualizacijoposameznikakotskozistanovskoalilokalnokatego-riziranje.Obicajnaživljenjskazgodbaimapotemtakemfaze,definira­ne s pridobitništvom: otroštvo/mladost ali pripravljalno fazo, aktivno odraslo življenje in mirujoco (ali mirnejšo) starost. Iz takšne delitve pa izhajajo predvidljivi cilji posameznika, ki so zamejeni z njegovim starostnim obzorjem in možnostmi vživljenju nasploh. Našteta biografska obdobja so bistveni del normalnega življenja in jih lahko analiziramo kot socialne strukture. A na posameznikovo življenjebistvenovplivajotudizgodovinskespremembeindogajanja, kiodgeneracijedogeneracijespreminjajorazmere,vkaterihposame­zniki poskušajo realizirati »normalno« biografijo. Nasproti opisanemu dolgorocno veljavnemu biografskemu vzor­custojišedrugevrsteindividualizacija:zavestnozavracanjesocialnih ustanov, navsezadnje same institucionalizacije biografije. Toda stre­mljenjezakonstituiranjemživljenjskezgodbezavecinoostaja»koda« za organizacijo delovanja, in zgodovinarjem proces izoblikovanja te kode zastavlja vsaj eno vprašanje: po prvi zlati dobi biografike v antiki nastane vec stoletij premora, v katerih z izjemo življenjepisov svetnikovin vladarjevbiografizacija bivanja ni pomembna. Znova pa se pojavi s prevlado kolektivnega, ki se izraža s pismenostjo in obve­znim šolstvom, nacionalno idejo in identiteto in množicno kulturo. Zakaj pride do zacasnega umanjkanja biografizacijske kode? Morda v casu med razpadom rimskega imperija in približno 15. stoletjem v odsotnostipojavnostimnožicnostiumanjkatudipotrebapomukahin veselju medsebojnega primerjanja. Ko pa se clovekova zavest znova osredotoci na tostransko in pridobitno, s cimer se vrnemo na osnov­no merilo sekvencnosti biografizacijske kode, slednja znova pridobi smisel. Zazgodovinopisjezahtevna,aneneizvedljivanalogabitorejlah­ko bila tematizicija tipicnih biografizacijskih vzgibov posameznikov v zgodovinskih obdobjih in njihova casovna in prostorskaumestitev. Nanizala sem nekaj možnosti biografske historiografske metode za sklepanje iz posameznega na splošno, a biografija sama po sebi je izrazit primer individualne družbenosti, ki je šele v zadnjih dveh de­setletjih postala zanimiv koncept. V ta »antiobjektivisticni obrat« ti-picno sodi tudi ustna zgodovina in nekateri vidiki zgodovine vsakda­njega življenja,ki so prispevali k razvoju »kriticne teorije subjekta«. Najšenakonkretnem primeruraziskave, kijozdaj opravljamže eno leto, pokažem, kako se je v skladu z doslej povedanim mogoce smiselno znova vracati k splošnemu. Gre torej za, poudarjam, delne in zacasne rezultate. Pred vec kot letom dni sem se s kolegom Igorjem Grdino pogo-varjala o tem, da se v Sloveniji malokdo ukvarja z evropsko zgodo-vino, obenem pa ostajajo bele lise tudi v nacionalni zgodovini, ce­prav se zdi, da so vsi zgodovinarji zazrti prav vanjo. Igor je omenil nekaj Slovencev, ki so bili v svojem casu znani tudi širše v Evropi, pa jih Slovenci sploh ne poznamo, med njimi Alojza Dobravca. Ne vem, zakaj sem si zapomnila prav njega, morda zato, ker je vecino svojega življenja preživel v Parizu, kjer sem tudi sama živela vec let. V Enciklopediji Slovenije sem našla o njem dva odstavka: Tržacan, ljubljanski gimnazijec, doktor prava, diplomat, publicist in pisatelj, njegovo življenje pa so geografsko najbolj zaznamovali Dunaj, Italija in Pariz. NaspletnihstranehFrancoskenacionalneknjižnicesemnašla10 knjig,ki jih je napisal Dobravec, vecinoma z diplomatskoin politicno vsebino, vmes pa je bil tudi predlog reforme pravnih fakultet in bio-grafija Napoleona III. Slovenski biografski leksikon je vseboval že tri strani o Dobravcu, Wurzbachov Biografski leksikon pa še nekaj vec, a v glavnemje bil biografskiopis v obeh identicen,skopih informacij pa vendarle dovolj za konkuriranje za skromno štipendijo francoske vlade. Junija 2003 sem šla torej prvic v Pariz s ciljem, da preucim Dobravceve knjige in … nadaljujem od tam. Trije tedni bivanja v Parizu so komaj zadošcali, da sem obiskala pomembne arhive in v knjižnici prelistala vsa dostopna Dobravceva dela. Za Napoleonovo biografijo izpod Dobravcevega peresa se je izkazalo, da jo je Dobravec spisal v letu, ko je Napoleon šele prišel na prestol (1853), in anekdote iz Napoleonove mladosti niso bile nato povzete v nobeni poznejši biografiji, s katerimi sem jo primerjala. Si je Dobravec izmišljal ali pa je bil res Napoleonov zaupnik, kot trdi biografski leksikon, in kako je to mogoce? VarhivihsemnašlaDobravcevporocniinmrliškilistterpotrdi-lo o dedišcini in o prodaji njegovega casopisa Journal diplomatique na dražbi. Vse kraje, kjer je v Parizu bival in delal, sem obiskala in fotografirala. Medtem sem na spletu našla nemške knjižne antikva­riate, ki so imeli naprodaj njegove tiskane knjige, eden pa je ponujal celoDobravcevrokopisnipopotnidnevnikizleta1845. Obsrecanjuv Parizumi ga je antikvarka zaupalain cez poletje sem ga prepisala. CakamepotnaDunaj,darazišcemuniverzitetneindiplomatske arhiveternajdemmorebitniDobravcevzunanjiopisvkakipersonalni mapi avstrijskega zunanjega ministrstva. Caka me še pot v Trst in iskanje Dobravcevega potrdila o rojstvu po krstnih knjigah tamkaj­šnjih cerkva. Natose bom znova podala v Parizinmeddrugim iskala Dobravcevededice,sajsemmedtemnašlatudipodatek,kdajjeumrla njegovavdova. Menim,daženavedenoopravicuje»izkustveni«pristopkpisanju biografije, torej pristop, v katerem sta pot/raziskava in cilj/biografski zapis nelocljiva, naracija pa je sestavljena iz vec »glasov«, biografo­vega in biografirancevega, ki sta locena v casu. Dobravcev dnevnik ali Dobravcev lastni »glas« ima petdeset strani in je že sam po sebi prepricljivinzanimiv. MojeraziskovanjeDobravcabilahkobildrugi, narativni »glas«, tretji, najmanj osebni, ceprav seveda tudi moj, pa bi analiziralkonstrukcijoDobravceveživljenjskezgodbeobupoštevanju individualizacije biografske kode na ozadju zgodovinskih procesov, ki so zaznamovali Dobravcev cas in prostor, torej Evropo sredi 19. stoletja. Seveda ne gre za kaj prav posebno novega v biografiki nasploh: Golo Mann, sin Thomasa Manna, je že leta 1971 izdal zanimivo bi-ografijo novoveškega »bica božjega« srednjeevropskih protestantov, vojskovodje Albrechta Wallensteina, ki je bila napisana s precej po­dobnim prepletom vsebin oz. »glasov«. Moj nekdanji mentor in do predkratkimraziskovalnisodelavec,prof. BernardMichelsSorbone, mi piše, da je v zadnjih letih uveljavljen pristop v zgodovinopisju na­sploht. i.»egozgodovina«(ego-histoire),karkonkretnopomenidoda­tek, po navadi uvod k doktorskim disertacijam ali znanstvenim mo-nografijam, v katerem je popisano avtorjevo iskanje in preucevanje virov. Vendar pa gre pri ego-zgodovini vendarle za del, ki je locen od biografije, medtem ko sama vidim prednost v priznanju tako in tako neogibnega vpletanja avtorja biografije v biografijo samo. To namrec doloca biografova doslednost pri raziskovanju virov in njegov pogled na biografirancev cas, ki ga biograf lahko opazuje seveda samo iz svojesedanjosti, ne padavuvodu»prizna«svojeomejitve,biografijo pa nato podav tonu vsevednega pripovedovalca. Tretji »glas« iz prej omenjenega trizvocja Dobravceve biogra­fije bo zajel tudi razmislek, v cem in zakaj je bil Dobravec podrejen konvenciji življenjske zgodbe svojega okolja in kje je odstopal od te konvencije. Ta razmislek si zamišljam kot nekakšno asociacijsko raz­biranje oz. primerjanje individualnih informacij o Dobravcu, ki se­gajo od vseh njegovih dokumentov, šolskih ocen, seveda dnevniških intimnih zapiskov in morebitne zdaj še neodkrite korespondence (ko je rokopisna zbirka NUK z mojim posredovanjem nedavno odkupila omenjeni Dobravcev dnevnik, so v zbirki našli tudi dve Dobravcevi pismi Matiji Copu!) do vseh njegovih natisnjenih del in casopisnih clankov, pa tudi grafološke analize; vse to bi želela vzporejati s splo­šnostmi Dobravcevega casa in prostora, ki so popisane v precej šte­vilnih delih na temo vsakdanjega življenja mešcanstva pod drugim cesarstvom, v spominih Dobravcevih sodobnikov in nasploh v zgo­dovini tega obdobja. Že v samem Dobravcevem dnevniku ogromno informacij zah­teva preveritev skladnosti ali odstopanja od konvencije, saj se zdijo nenavadneincelo presenetljive,npr. Dobravcev spoštljivi, anehierar­hicni nacin komunikacije, njegov izraziti obcutek za cast in dostojan­stvo, zmožnost hvaležnosti brez kleceplazenja, vera v idealno social-no mobilnost,katere dokazjebilsamDobravec,obsedenoopisovanje vsakdanjih rutin,namigina seksualnost itd. Ker sem že naslovila to predavanje Zgodovina kot izkušnja, naj navedem primer »izkustvenega« ugotavljanja pokrivanja individua­lizacije s konvencijo: prvo Dobravcevo stanovanje je bilo v samem središcu Pariza, starši njegove mladoletne neveste pa so živeli v so-sednji ulici. Ce Pariza ne bi tako dobro poznala oz. ce ne bi stopila do ene in druge stanovanjske stavbe, se tega najbrž ne bi zavedela. Zagotovonebivedela,datocnonasprotiprvegaDobravcevegastano­vanja stoji kavarna, ki je odprta že od leta 1823, in ker je Dobravec v popotnem dnevniku veliko presanjal o neprekosljivi francoski kavi, je precej verjetno obiskoval to kavarno. Ena izmed splošno razširjenih mešcanskihnavadjebilotudisprehajanjepoparkuTuilerije,kijecez cesto in kjer se je s svojoEvgenijoprecej verjetnotudi seznanil. Primer izrazitega odklona od konvencije pa je Dobravceva opu­stitev zagotovljene diplomatske kariere za financno veliko manj var-no objavljanje – dejansko ni zapustil omembe vrednega premoženja. Dobravcevo življenje meglivelikotakihnepojasnjenihdejstev – kako jelahkobilzaupnikNapoleonaIII.,kopasezdi,daDobraveczafran­cosko zgodovinopisje sploh ne obstaja!? Po drugi strani pa je napisal cesarjevo intimno biografijo in francoska mornarica ga je z vojaško fregato vozila na diplomatska odposlanstva za Avstrijo (!), sodeloval pajetudivpoliticnihprevratih,kisomajalivladeinodplavljalimini­stre(Thiersa),odlikovannajbibilzapodporoAvstrijileta1848,paše nisem našla njegovih clankov, ki naj bi takrat tako vplivali na evrop­sko javno mnenje, in nobenega dokaza o odlikovanjih in plemiškem nazivu, Habsburžana Maksimilijana naj bi preprical, da se polasti mehiške krone, pa o tem znova ni nobenih drugih pricevanj razen tr-ditev v Slovenskem biografskem leksikonu. (Kar malosimptomaticno se zdi, da je Dobravec v casu svojega življenjalenekajkrat omenjen v slovenskem casopisju, in to bolj ali manj kot tarca zlobnega opravlja­nja zaradi plemiškega naziva baron de Saldapenna, ki si ga je izbral inkisoganekateriprevajalikot»prodanopero«). Dobravcevpopotni dnevnik se konca z desetimi praznimi stranmi – sredi potovanja, dan pred tem, ko najbiga sprejel Metternich! Cakametorejševeliko dela. Direkcija pariškihpokopališcmije napisnozahtevosporocila,daDobravcevegagrobaninikjervParizu. Bilahkobilzaradivojne1870/71pokopanvskupnemgrobu?Tosemi gledenanjegovzadnjinaslovvrazkošnem9.okrožjuindejstvo,daga je ljubljena žena preživela, zdi manj verjetno. Prošnja, naslovljena na glavniuradFrancoskecastnelegije,jeobrodilavecsadov. Dobravcev tastPierreSigfeldtimadosjevNacionalniharhivihinnjegovavsebina me zelo zanima. Iz arhiva uprave Palais Royal, kjer je bila rezidenca Sigfeldtovih (tamso zdaj uradi ministrstva za kulturo), še nisem prejelaodgovora. Skratka, iskati je treba v vse možne smeri, se spopasti in sprijazniti s slepimi ulicami. Seveda pri tovrstnem raziskovanju ne gre brez muk: ena izmed vecjih pri tej raziskavi je bilo zagotovo razbiranje Dobravceve nepo­pisno neberljive pisave, ki sem se ji pocasi privajala, tako kot sem se ob prepisovanju dnevnika tudi vse bolj vživljala v pišcevo življenje. Bila sem tudi neprijetno presenecena, da so bili potrebni trije tedni policijskega preverjanja, da sem smela stopiti v francoske diplomat-ske arhive, potem pa tam nisem našla nicesar. Ne vem, ali bom kdaj našlaDobravcevodelo La question italienne izleta1849,vkateremje objavilizborsvojihclankovizleta1848,kinajbizelovplivalinapoli­ticne kroge in javno mnenje v Evropi sredi »pomladi narodov«, prav­zaprav takozelo,daFrancijatakratnipodprlaitalijanskihinnemških zahtev po lastni nacionalni državi. Za zdaj Dobravcev silni politicni vplivnavajajozgoljbiografskileksikoni. Inkjesplohiskatimorebitne dokaze o tem, da je Dobravec vplival tudi na avstrijskega vojvodo Maksimilijana glede Mehike? Biografika se mi zdi dober pristop k rekonstrukciji preteklosti, ker je raziskovalni del tako dinamicen, da je že skoraj detektivski. Omogocatolikofizicnegastikaspredmetompreucevanja,kotjesploh mogoce, saj imamo opraviti z raznovrstnimi in zgovornimi primar­ nimi viri, le preceniti moramo, ali jih je dovolj, da bo rekonstrukcija življenjske zgodbeposameznikadovolj celovita. Tudinekonvencionalnemetode,kotjegrafološkaanaliza(prizna­nislovenskigrafologjeobprvempogledunaDobravcevopisavoizja­vil, da gre za skrajno povzpetniškega cloveka, ob primerjavi moje in Dobravceve pisave pa postavilzabavno hipotezo, da sem Dobravceva reinkarnacija!),lahkoprispevajokboljšimrezultatom,šezlasticecilj ni zgolj cim objektivnejša rekonstrukcija posameznikovega življenja, ampak tudi zanimiva zgodba. Prav s tem namenom tudi zagovarjam zlitje raziskave in rezultatov raziskave v biografiji. SUMMARY History as Experience i.e. Biography as Contemporary Historiographic Method Lecture addresses a methodological issue by describing a case study of a biographic research still in course. Context is given by an assessment of the status of biography as historiographic method in Slovene historiography, including a short review of biographic writ­ing in modern Slovene historiography, major influences from abroad and a (non-exhaustive) list of principal publications in this subfield in Slovenia for the 1990s. A general issue is emphasized of lack of theory on biographic research and writing and recent theoretisation is summarized, primarily produced by contemporary German histo­riographers. LecturerpresentsindetailacasestudyofbiographyofaSlovene diplomat and writer Alojz Dobravec alias Louis Debrauz that was born in Trieste in 1811 but lived mostly in Paris, France, until his death in 1871. Reconstruction of Dobravec’s life-story focuses on a great variety of (sometimes less conventional) historical sources, including Dobravec’s personal diary. Case study demonstrates several general issues related to bio­graphic research such as confusion of data in various written sour­ces, limited access to archives, construction of a life-story between collective conventions of a period and biographee’s individualism, biographer’s objectivisationofdataandlimitations to it(theso-called ego-histoire),importanceofpersonal“experiencing”ofvariousmate-rial sources forthe completion of a convincing life-story etc. Kam z življenjskimi zgodbami? Mali praktikum o kritiki ustnih virov MOJCA RAMŠAK Skoraj spregledani viri se rokujejo s sramežljivimi aplikativnimi ucinki Zizkljucevanjemosebnihtematikizraziskovalnegaprocesaaliz oznacevanjem le-teh kot nepomembnih se izloci tudi veliko izraznih oblik in njihovih vplivov v socialnih skupinah in med njimi, med po­samezniki in med raziskovalci. Zapostavljanje subjektivnega pogleda jeprežitekstališca,kijevdorsubjektivnostivhumanistikooznaceval kot nezanimivo in nedostopno njenim disciplinarnim metodološkim dometom. Taka stališca so se v zadnjih dvajsetih letih 20. stoletja temeljito popravila. K temu je v Evropi precej pripomogel tudi prodor nove discipline ustnezgodovine,1 ki si je status samostojne vede pridobival vpovezavizzgodovino,etnologijo,folkloristiko,antropologijoinpsi­hologijo. Ustna zgodovina prvenstveno pomeni zbiranje govorjenih in zapisanih spominov na ravni vsakdanjega življenja, ki evidentirajo pretekle dogodke zgodovinskega pomena in posameznikov odnos do njih. V nasprotju z ustno tradicijo, ki se posveca predvsem prenosu spominov skozi generacije, se ustna zgodovina posveca izkušnjam posameznikovvbližnjipreteklosti. Pripovediinizpovedivsehvrstso glavno gradivo, biografski pristop pa glavno gibalo ustne zgodovine. Zapisovanje biografij ali avtobiografij ima pri Slovencih že vec kot stoletno tradicijo, zapisano predvsem v literarnih delih.Življenjske zgodbe neznanih, nepopularnih ljudi pa imajo v sloven-ski etnologiji kratko zgodovino, razen ce upoštevamo, da so pogosto služile zgolj kot pomožni vir. Slovenski etnologi so doslej zbrali in objaviližeprecejživljenjskihzgodb,todaomožnostih njihoveupora-be, o (avto)biografski metodi, njenih znacilnostih in ciljih niso dosti Angleško oral history, nemško Mundgeschichte, italijansko storia orale, francosko histoire orale. razmišljali. Doslej imamo v etnologiji razvite dokaj ustrezne tehnike zapisovanja življenjskih zgodb, teoretska podlaga pa ješibka. Obiografskimetodijedosredinesedemdesetihlet 20. stoletjale nekaj omemb, vec pa je raziskav, kjer so se biografije ali avtobiogra­fije pojavile med raziskavo, torej kot eden od ustnih ali pisnih virov, kijihjestrokauporabilapriraziskovanjunacinaživljenja. Življenjske zgodbe kot posebna vrsta gradiva, ki ilustrira potek posameznikove­ga življenja in njegov odnos do sveta, so bile deležne pozornosti šele od osemdesetih let pri redkih slovenskih etnologih. V osemdesetih in zacetku devetdesetih let je prišlo do objav življenjepisov pripovedo­valcev v celoti. Ti so bili jezikovno korigirani, vsebinsko skrceni in delno interpretirani s strani raziskovalcev. O kontinuiteti zanimanja zabiografskometodovslovenskietnologijilahkogovorimoodzacet­ka devetdesetih let, ko so zacele izhajati zbirke ali posamezne knjige življenjepisov Slovencev. Do devetdesetih let so se redki etnologi za življenjepisezanimalizgoljkotzasekundarnivir,vdevetdesetihsose ob njih zaceli spraševati tudi o mejah interpretacije in o eticnih dile­mah. Še vedno pa smo, kljub nekaj solidnim znanstvenim interpreta­cijam, dalec od aplikacije spoznanj za potrebe lokalnih skupnosti. Raba življenjskih zgodb v etnologiji Najožja opredelitev življenjske zgodbe pravi, da je to pripoved posameznika o dogodkih in doživljanjih iz njegovega življenja. V strokovni etnološki literaturi življenjske zgodbe pogosto imenujemo tudi življenjska pripoved, življenjepis, biografija, življenjska zgodo­vina, osebna pripoved. Življenjska zgodba je zgodba osebe, ki se od­loci, najveckrat ob intervjuju, da bo pripovedovala o svojem življenju kar se da popolno in stvarno, kolikor se ga spomni, oz. o tistem delu življenja, za katerega meni, da je dobro, da ga poznajo tudi drugi.Življenjska zgodba naj bi bila dokaj popolna pripoved o vseh izku­šnjah življenja kot celote in naj bi osvetlila njegove najpomembnejše tocke ter povzela, kar se je komu zgodilo. Ker pripoveduje o casu od rojstva do casa pripovedovanja, iz tega obdobja poudarja pomembne življenjskedogodke,izkušnjeindoživljanje. Odliterarnihbiografijse loci po izbiri subjekta. V življenjski zgodbi nastopa navaden clovek namesto javne osebe, neliterarni predstavnik tradicionalne družbe, etnicne manjšine ali urbane podkulture. Pomembnarazlikajetudimetodicna. Življenjskazgodbanastane ob terenskem delu, ki vkljucuje pogovor med raziskovalcem inpripo­vedovalcem;pritemsointervjujinajveckratposnetiintranskribirani, pogovore spremljata opazovanje in pogosto uporaba osebnih doku­mentov, kot so dnevniki, pisma idr. zapisi ter fotografije. Življenjsko zgodbo je možno zapisati tudi simultano, med samim pripovedova­njem, ali pa ubeseditev prepustiti pripovedovalcu oziroma zapisoval-cu. Vslednjemprimerugovorimooavtobiografskiživljenjskizgodbi.Življenjska zgodba se od literarnih ubeseditev življenjskih dogodkov in izkušenj loci tudi po pozornosti na dolocene teme (npr. kako po­samezniki dosegajo ali pridobivajo doloceno kulturno, spolno ali politicno identiteto). Metoda, ki jo uporabljamo za zbiranje in študij gradiva o življenjskih izkušnjah posameznika ali skupine, se imenuje biografska metoda. Zbrano gradivo obsega avtobiografije, biografije, dnevnike,pisma,nekrologe,življenjskezgodbe,spomineidr.Predmet biografske metode so življenjske izkušnje posameznika, pri cemer se metodicno locitasubjektivno(avtobiografsko) in objektivno(biograf­sko)zapisovanježivljenjskegapotekainnjegovihmejnikov. Prizbira­nju gradiva z biografsko metodo so pomembni tile metodicni koraki: izbirapripovedovalca,strukturiranjeintervjuja,snemanjeintranskri­ biranje posnetkov. V slovenski etnologiji je bila biografska metoda sprva upora­bljena predvsem pri zbiranju življenjepisov ljudskih pevcev, god-cev, pravljicarjev, v zadnjem desetletju 20. stoletja pa avstralskih in koroških Slovencev, kmetov in delavcev s slovenskega podeželja. Biografska metoda se kot nacin zbiranja gradiva v Sloveniji upora­blja pri zapisovanju in zbiranju življenjepisov od osemdesetih let 20.stoletja. Življenjske zgodbe sta med slovenskimi etnologi zbirali in objavljali Marija Makarovic (1993–2004; 1996; 1996a; 1999; 2000; 2000a; 2000b; 2001; 2001a; 2001b; 2001c; 2002; 2002a; 2003; 2004), Ivanka Pockar (1998) in Tita Porenta (2006), zbirale in preucevale pa Breda Cebulj Sajko (1992; 2000), Marija Makarovic (2006) in Mojca Ramšak(2003,2006). Vecinatehzapisanihzgodbsenanašanapode­željeinjezbranasklasicnimiintervjuji. Vzadnjemcasupasezbirajo tudi razlicne zgodbe iz urbanega okolja in pri tem se uporabljajo tudi pristopi spletne etnologije (npr. Ramšak 2006). Spletna etnologija je nov kvalitativni metodološki pristop, ki prenaša tradicionalne razi­skovalne tehnike in metode v virtualni svet, v racunalniško podprto komunikacijoinraziskujenjeneepistemološkeprednostiteromejitve. Ta kvalitativna metoda, ki ni lastna le etnologiji in antropologiji in imasvojezacetkesredidevetdesetihlet20. stoletja, nasnanekinacin prisili, da se ob virtualnem terenskem delu spustimo v ponoven pre­mislek o tradicionalnih etnoloških raziskovalnih kategorijah v dru-gacnem, racunalniško posredovanem okolju. Pri zbiranju življenjskih zgodb topomeni, da kot vir izrabljamo tudi v medmrežju pridobljeno gradivo (npr. z list oz. dopisovalnih seznamov, oglasnih desk, foru­mov, klepetalnic, spletnih dnevnikov, osebnih spletnihstrani). Metodološka konsistentnost knjižne zbirke Tako smo živeli, življenjepisi koroških Slovencev Prva slovenska zbirka življenjskih zgodb je Tako smo živeli, življenjepisi koroških Slovencev, ki je izšla v dvanajstih knjigah v Celovcu (1993–2004). V tej knjižni zbirki so zbrane pripovedi ljudi kmeckegaalidelavskegaizviraizRoža,PodjuneinZilje.Življenjepisi so bili zapisani po pripovedovanju ali pa so avtobiografski; približno tretjina je moških, dve tretjini ženskih, nekaj je anonimnih. Pomen te zbirke je v primerljivosti gradiva, saj so bile življenjske zgodbe za­pisane po vprašalniku in govorijo o spominih na otroštvo, mladost, življenjskega sopotnika, otroke, spremembe, podedovana sporocila, domacijo, prosti cas, delo, razmerje do narave, vere in razmerje do slovenstva. Vprašalnik s trinajstimi vsebinskimi sklopi, ki ga je sestavila Marija Makarovic, se osredotoca na dom, delo, družino, prosti cas, narodno zavest in spremembe v življenju. Pri izboru pripovedovalcev so bili pomembni naslednji dejavniki: – da je izbrana oseba Slovenec ali Slovenka, – da je rojena do konca druge svetovne vojne (v dvanajstih knji­gahnajstarejšapripovedovalkajerojenaleta1896,najmlajšaleta 1943) – indajespodeželja. Kmecki stan pripovedovalcev ni bil posledica zavestne metodo­loške izbire, ampak nuje, saj je bilo slovensko prebivalstvo na avstrij­skemKoroškemvprvipolovici20.stoletjavvelikivecinikmecko. Ta slovenskakmeckastrukturapodeželjaniimelaslovenskegadopolnila v mešcanski strukturi mest in trgov. Edini slovenski sloj izobražen­stvajebilavbistvukatoliškaduhovšcina,kijebilapovezanazvaškim življenjeminjeusmerjalatudikulturo,politikoingospodarstvokoro­ških Slovencev. Zavednih slovenskih uciteljev, uradnikov, advokatov in zdravnikov je bilo na Koroškem malo. Mešcanstvo je imelo v slo­venskem delu Koroške izrazito nemški znacaj. Nemško govoreci so-deželani so obvladovali trgovino, vecjo obrt, promet, tudi narašcajoci turizem, industrijo in deželno upravo. Redki Slovenci, ki so se uve­ljavili v mešcanski družbi, so stali vedno na pragu asimilacije. Tudi to zgodovinsko dejstvo je odlocalo, da je bilo zbiranje življenjepisov koroških Slovencev usmerjeno na podeželje. Intervjuji s pripovedo­valci so se v vseh primerih odvijali v slovenšcini oz. v pogovornem jeziku ali domacem narecju, pripovedovalci pa so v vecji ali manjši meri znali tudi nemško. Kritika virov: izbira pripovedovalca Vzpostavljanje stikov je kljuc pri uspešnem terenskem delu in zapisovanju življenjskih zgodb. Pri nacinih vzpostavljanja stikov v intervjujskih položajih so kljucni dobro poznavanje, predvidevanje in obvladovanje reakcij sogovornika in navsezadnje samega sebe. Prvo srecanje je velikokrat težavno, predvsem zato, ker je hkrati treba biti previden,odlocenindrzen,patudizato,kersovsipoznejšiuspehiali neuspehi odvisni prav od prvega vtisa. Dobro je, da raziskovalec, še preden mu pravzaprav morebitni sogovorniki dajo dovoljenje in pri­stanek za intervju, takoj jasno pokaže, kaj želi. Previdnost, diploma-cija, vztrajnost in potrpežljivost so skupaj z zaupanjem odlocilnega pomena. Pripovedovalce lahko izberemo nadva nacina. 1. Po prvem se že vnaprej odlocimo, kakšen položaj, pripadnost doloceni skupini, znanje, izkušenost in sposobnosti naj ima poten­cialni sogovornik. Ker pa so ta merila zavestno omejena, najveckrat uporabljamodrugi nacin, 2. pri katerem najprej naredimosondažno raziskavo na terenu in potem na podlagi dobljenih podatkov izberemo primernega kandida­ta. V tem primeru razsežnosti sposobnosti in pripadnosti dolocimo šele po zacetku raziskovanja. Vrsto reprezentativnih sogovornikov identificiramo s prvim na-cinom,dokoncnaizbirapajeodvisnaoddrugega,sajsešelepovzpo­stavitviodnosa,kitemeljinazaupanju,lahkolažjeodlocimo(Johnson 1990). Najboljša metoda je vsekakor osebno priporocilo. Kadar pri­povedovalce sprašujemo, kdo bi bil še primeren in zainteresiran za intervju, se to imenuje vzorcenje pripovedovalcev po nacelu snežne kepe. Na naslednji stopnji sestavimo poskusni spisek pripovedovalcev. Poskusni zato, ker se med delom pokaže, koga še izbrati ali morda izlociti s seznama. Vsekakor si želimo dobiti take pripovedovalce, ki imajo kaj povedati. Ce npr. sprašujemo o zgodovini kraja, izberemo pripovedovalce, ki so v njem živeli ali še živijo najdlje casa, pri dru­žinskihzgodovinahintervjuvamovsakegaclanadružine,pribiografi­jisprašujemošepripovedovalcevedružabnike,sorodnike,prijateljein tudikritike. Natehpodrocjihintervjuvanjasoinformacijeodvisneod izbranihoseb.Nacinvzorcenjaizbirepripovedovalcevjenacrt,poka­terem raziskovalec izbira svoje študijske primere, intervjuvance. Pri kvantitativnih raziskavah bi npr. vzorec predstavljal deset odstotkov populacijealidenimovsakodesetoimenaabecednemseznamu. Toda tak vzorec na slepo ni prevec uporaben pri zgodovinsko usmerjenih raziskavah, saj nas tu zanimajo doloceni dogodki in procesi. Deset odstotkov intervjuvanih bi zgodovinarju (in etnologu) pomenilo le splošno mnenje o neki zadevi. Zato je pri kvalitativnih raziskavah nujen drugacen pristop. Ce nas recimo zanimajo spremembe v neki skupnosti, bomo intervjuvali tiste ljudi, ki so odlocali o teh spre­membah. Toda tudi teh nekaj ljudi z vrha hierarhije še ne predstavlja skupnosti same. Zato je treba intervjuvati vse sloje prebivalcev, da bi ugotovili, kakšni so bili ucinki sprememb, kako so bile spremembe izvedeneipd.Trebajepridobitirazlicnamnenjaoraziskovanitemi,in tu uporabljamo ciljno vzorcenje. Lahko pa uporabimo tudi vzorcenje glede na kvoto, kjer izberemo doloceno število oseb, katerih vzorec je sorazmeren glede na spol, kraj bivanja, družbeni stan in podob-no. Pogosto se raziskovalci tudi vprašamo, koliko pripovedovalcev je dovolj. Kadar vidimo, da se pripovedovalci dvajsetkrat ali trideset­krat ponavljajo, kar se tice perspektive, enakih informacij ipd., ta­kratvemo,dajevzorecdovoljvelik. Toseimenuje nasicenost vzorca. Treba pa je tudi poudariti, da se v ustni zgodovini kot intervjuvanci ne pojavljajo prav pogosto redkobesedni, izolirani ali vase zaprti pri­povedovalci. Kljub temu pa jih je treba spodbujati k intervjuju, ker so pogosto prav taki ljudje kljucne price nekega dogajanja. Prednost na seznamumorebitnihpripovedovalcevpanajimajoposamezniki,kiso najboljpovezanizdolocenimidogodkialiprocesi,kinaszanimajo,ki so bili najbolj aktivni in neposredno vpleteni vanje ter najstarejši ali bolni pripovedovalci (Yow 1994:45–48). Kritika virov: tipicni in atipicni pripovedovalci Vcasih se zdi intervjujska situacija naporna, saj je nekakšen razpon med raziskovalcevo zamislijo in pripovedovalcem, ki ves cas zgublja nit in se oddaljuje s pripovedovanjem zgodbic, za katere se zdi, da nimajo nobene povezave z raziskovano materijo. Tu obstaja nevarnost, da postane spraševalec preozek, saj zavestno izbere teme, pri katerih bo spraševal v globino, obenem pa s to selekcijo izloci druge. Nevarnost te izbire je, da spraševalec izloci tiste stvari, za ka­tere pripovedovalec misli, da so dovolj zabavne, da jih pove, in se imenujejo»biografskelahkomiselnosti«. Takaizbiralahkopripeljedo izgube relevantnih informacij. Raziskovalcevo vrednotenje tipicnega nasproti atipicnemu zato ne pripelje zmeraj do pomembnih elemen­tov. Mnogokrat se raziskovalci bojijo atipicnega, ker jim to povzroca nejasnost vzorca. Ko raziskovalec zbira svoje vire, obstaja nevarnost, da bi z izlocanjem izgubil nekatere informacije že v temeljni fazi dela. Spraševalci bi zato morali biti odprti tudi za kaos. Ce se ne bi bili pripravljeni odpreti kaoticnemu, bi od našega spoznanja odreza­li razumevanje ne samo nevarnega, pac pa tudi trpljenje, veselje in ljubezen. Ce posebno izraža tudi splošno, je pri ustnih virih vcasih trebaizbratituditakegapripovedovalca,kijenetipicengledenasvoje okolje,sajnamtakiizceloteštrleciposameznikilahkodajejovpogled v družbeno strukturo vrednot in mišljenja. Nenavadno in netipicno lahko interpretiramo na vec nacinov. Netipicno lahko pomeni skrajni pojav, lahko je tudi pokazatelj preloma s tradicijo in lahko kaže na nekajnovegaalipapredstavljastaromodnividik,kijesiceržeizginil. Kar je bilo nenavadno v prejšnji kulturi, je lahko obicajno v seda­nji. Nenavadno in edinstveno nas opozarjata, da kultura ni staticna, ampak se stalno spreminja. V kulturnozgodovinskih raziskavah bi raziskovalcev cilj moral biti napredek v vkljucevanju nenavadnosti in edinstvenostivzaporedjenasprotij,hkratipabimoralusmeritipogled na to, kar velja za obicajno. To, kar pogosto zavrnemo kot nenava­dno, zadeva pogosto tudi vsakdanje življenje. Nenavadno dokazuje, dacloveškobitjeprestopameje,inimazatovlogospreminjanjaokolja (Thorsen 1990:71–75). ATIPICNI PRIPOVEDOVALEC 1. 2. Predstavlja staromoden vidik, Predstavlja prelom s tradicijo. ki je že izginil ali izgineva. Modelponazarja,kakšnevzorceobnašanjanamlahkoprinašajoatipicni pripovedovalci. Kritika virov: avtenticnost Pri analizi življenjepisov gradivo preverjamo vsaj s treh vidi­kov (prim. Gerndt 1992: 48; Hoffman 1996: 87–93; Hammersley – Atkinson 1995: 227–232; Grafenauer 1980: 395–403; Lehmann 1983: 27–31). Najprej preverjamo avtenticnost. Tu kontroliramo, v kolikšni meri jegradivorestakšno,kakršno senam kaževsvoji zapisaniobli­ki. Ta nadzor poteka že med intervjujem z dodatnimi podvprašanji. Cedobimoživljenjskozgodbožezapisano,avtenticnostnadzorujemo naknadno. Seveda pa pri upoštevanju osnovnega okvira najdemo bi-stvene razlike prav na ravni biografskega žanra (= avtobiografij, bi-ografij). Skozi pripovedovanje zgodbe pripovedovalec prevzame odgo­vornost za pomembnost jasnega pripovedovanja. Ce želimo raje sli­šati zgodbe kot porocila, potem moramo med intervjujem povabiti pripovedovalca,dapovezgodbo,ingaspodbuditi,daprevzameodgo­vornostza pomen svojihbesed. Uspešenspraševalec uspe premakniti težo odgovornosti na pripovedovalca na tak nacin, da jo ta rade vo­lje sprejme. Toda kako se to prenašanje odgovornosti zgodi (ali se ne zgodi) med samim intervjujem? Kako povabimo pripovedovalca, da pove svojo zgodbo? Odgovor se skriva v vprašanjih, ki jih postavlja-mo, in v naši orientaciji do pripovedovalca, ki se kaže v vprašanjih. Vprašanja, ki jih postavljamo, so pomembna za kakovost odgovorov, ki jih dobimo. Vprašanja naj bodo oblikovana v pogovornem jeziku, pripovedovalca je treba spraševati o njegovih lastnih izkušnjah, mi-slih in custvih, da bi dobili dovolj zgošcene informacije. Odnosi, ki jih vzpostavimo s pripovedovalcem, vplivajo na kakovost njihovih odgovorov na naša vprašanja. Kritika virov: objektivnost V življenjepisih kot drugo preverjamo objektivnost. Ker gre pri življenjskihzgodbahzasubjektivnispomin,kijevpetvkolektivnega, bi pri objektivnosti težko nadzorovali, v kolikšni meri je kako po­sredovano stanje pod vplivom specificnega duha casa. Zato kontro­liramo, kaj vse vpliva na to, da je subjektivni spomin takšen, kot je. Ta vrsta nadzora ne poteka nujno le na besedni ravni, ceprav jo je mogoce med intervjujem izlušciti tudi samo na podlagi ponavljajocih se vprašanj, opazovanja pripovedovalcevih reakcij, mimike, gestiku­lacije,premolkov,smehavzadregiipd. Prižezapisanemavtobiograf­skem gradivu so povedni npr. tudi odsotnost ali prisotnost dolocenih znakov, povezovanje povedi, tematskipreskoki ... Naosebneinterpretacijedogodkovvplivajotudifiziološkiinso­cialniprocesistaranja. Kadarstarejšipripovedovalcinpr. govorijo,da je bilo »vcasih« vec prijaznosti, pozornosti ipd., je to lahko posledica upadajocih fizicnih zmožnosti in družbene izolacije starostnikov, ne patolikodejanskihrazlikvnekemsocialnemokolju.Pripovedovalceva interpretacija stopnje družbenih sprememb je tako dolocena z njiho-vim trenutnim psihosocialnim stanjem in telesnimi zmožnostmi. Kritikaustnihvirovsenanašatudinadejstvo,dapripovedovalci vcasih ne morejo popolnoma razlikovati med svojimi trenutnimi in preteklimiidejami.Tolahkodonekemerereguliramo,cevrednotimo strukturirane intervjuje in na ta nacin vidimo, kako skrbno so bile informacije zbrane in posredovane. Kritika virov: reprezentativnost Navsezadnje moramo kontrolirati še reprezentativnost oz. v ko­likšnimerisopojavi,kisejihpripovedovalcispominjajo,splošnoraz­širjeni invnavadioz. so izjemnizageografskeenote,družbenesloje,starostne, poklicne in druge skupine. Šele ko zadostimo tej osnovni kritiki življenjepisnih virov, ko nezanesljive dele izlocimo, šele tedaj jih lahko vzorcimo po tipoloških in klasifikacijskih sistemih, ki jih uporablja etnologija kot znanstvena disciplina, in med seboj zadovo­ljivo primerjamo. Kritiki so ustni zgodovini najpogosteje ocitali omejenost krono­loškega dometa, sajjeevidenca dogodkovcasovnoomejena. Skeptiki tudi trdijo, da je metoda ustne zgodovine teleološka, ker pripovedo­valci govorijo o preteklosti skozi sedanje izkušnje. Druge skrbi za­nesljivost, saj je med dogodkom, ki ga pripovedovalci opisujejo, in casom, v katerem to pocnejo, lahko razmik tudi sedemdesetih let. Majhen casovni domet, ki preucuje mikrosfero posameznikov, dejan­sko ni vprašanje dometa, pac pa nacelne omejitve. Obmocje indivi­dualnega mikrosveta je tisto, ki ga posameznik po navadi bolje uspe obvladati kakor obmocje makrosveta medsebojnih sistemov družbe, kotso država innjene ustanove, ideološki aparatidružbe, ekonomska in razredna razmerja. Kritika virov: zanesljivost in veljavnost Zanesljivost je cvrstost, s katero posameznik pove zgodbo o is-tih dogodkih v razlicnih situacijah. Veljavnost se nanaša na stopnjo sovpadanja med porocilom o dogodku in dogodkom samim, kot ju lahkoprimerjamoizdrugihvirov,dokumentov,fotografij,dnevnikov in pisem. Brez te primerjave je izolirani opis dogodka lahko le ezote­ricni košcek, ki ga ne moremo pravilno vrednotiti. Ce s ponovljenimi intervjujinemoremopotrditizanesljivostipripovedi,potempodvomi­motudivveljavnostinišcemodrugevire,kinamdogodekovržejoali potrdijo (prim. Hoffman 1996: 89, 90). Pri pripovedovalcih moramo paziti na zgodovinsko zanesljivost, ki jo preverjamo z ugotavljanjem prekrivanja subjektivnega spomina z zgodovinskim, in na psihološko zanesljivost, ki jo preverjamo s ponovljivimi intervjuji. Seveda pa je resnicinaljubotrebapriznati,davsakintervjuvtempodvigunemore biti popolnoma uspešen. V tem smislu pa imajo zvocni in vizualni posnetki prednost pred zgolj na papirju zabeleženimi spomini, saj ne moremo podvomiti o njihovem avtorstvu. Druga prednost posnetkov je njihova svežina, ki izhaja iz neposrednega pogovora. Ne nazadnje pa ustna zgodovina omogoca, da se ohranijo spomini tistih ljudi, ki sami nikoli ne bi bili pripravljeni – bodisi zaradi pomanjkanja talenta ali bojazni pred posmehom zaradi uporabe narecja in starinskih izra­zov bodisi kratko malo zaradi lenobe – vzeti peresa v roke in pisati o svojem življenju. Ljudjesepogostospominjajodogodkovvoblikipogovora(»... in potem mi je rekel ...«). Spominjajo se besed znamenitih ali pomemb­nihljudi,kisojihsrecali,spominjajoseutemeljitev,opozoril,smešnih inironicnihpripombterlepooblikovanihpovedi. Dialogerekonstrui­rajonesamovintervjujih,pacpatudivpismihindnevnikih,rezultat tega pa je pisana, a nezanesljiva informacija. Spraševalci tako dobijo samo eno plat pogovora, po navadi leta po njegovem nastanku. Da bi lahko ovrednotili te podatke, je treba pomisliti, ce so komentarji znacilniinupraviceniincesosmiselnigledenakrajincasdogajanja. Spraševalec mora biti nezaupljiv do pripovedovalca, ki želi zmeraj imeti zadnjo besedo ali se ves cas pritožuje. Taki pripovedovalci se lahkospominjajotega,karsosivdolocenempoložajuželelireci,inne tega,karsozaresrekli.Izrecenomorabitiverjetnovkontekstudrugih podatkov, zato mora biti kriticna distanca do ustnih virov konvencija (Ritchie 1995:99–100). Kritika virov: miti v življenjskih zgodbah kot odraz samocenzure Miti in ljudske zgodbe imajo tradicionalno štiri osnovne funkci-je:1.vodijonasvsoglasjessamimseboj,2.zdrugimi,3.zmisterijem življenja in 4. s svetom okrog nas. Žive mitologije vsebujejo simbole, motive in arhetipe, ki nas nagovarjajo na zelo osnovni cloveški ravni inodsevajoosebnosferovkolektivno.Vsebujejomoc,kinaspovezuje z najglobljimi deli samih sebe. Tudi življenjske zgodbe imajo enake klasicne funkcije, ker so nosilke nadcasovnih tematik in motivov, ki jihnajdemovživimitologiji. Življenjskezgodbeustrezajotemklasic­nim funkcijam na štirih podrocjih: psihološkem, družbenem, mistic­no-religioznem in kozmološko-filozofskem(Atkinson 1998: 9–10). Prisotnostnekaterihmitskihsestavinvživljenjskihzgodbahima zasnovo okvira, znotraj katerega posamezni pripovedovalci razlaga­jo svojo osebno življenjsko zgodbo. Miselno oblikovanje zgodbe se zacenja pri individualnih dejstvih, ki bi se sicer lahko pojavljala po­ljubno nepovezana med seboj. Miselni tok se nadaljuje z razvrstitvi­jo in interpretacijo teh dejstev, ki se koncno spremenijo v biografske dogodke. Timitskiokviri so splošni v vseh družbah, še posebejpa so razširjeni tam, kjer se dogajajo hitre razvojne spremembe, kjer posa­meznikipripovedujejosvojezgodbekotoblikonapredkaalipotovanja skozi cas. V življenjskih zgodbah s tipicnimi znacilnostmi mitologi­ziranja lastnega življenja najdemo take, ki se z malenkostnimi odsto­panji pojavljajo pri vecini pripovedovalcev. Najprej se srecamo z na­sprotjem med »nekoc« in »danes«. To nasprotje razmejujejo eden ali vec dogodkov, ki so življenje posameznika usmerili na novo. Drugic srecamo nagnjenje, ko pripovedovalec želi prikriti ugodne družbene okolišcine s tem, ko iz pripovedi odstrani osebno zgodbo. Zgodbe manjših kmetov npr. nikoli ne omenjajo, da so do denarja med vojno prišli tudi s prodajo dobrin vojski ali na crnemtrgu. Nenazadnje sre-camo tudi mit o uspehu kot posledici zgolj lastnih prizadevanj in mi-nimaliziranje pomoci, družinske, rodbinske ali druge skupnosti, mit o nesrecnem otroštvu in druge. Nacelo, na katerem temeljijo ti miti, je prikazovanje uspešnega vkljucevanja v krut svet. Na ta nacin miti pomagajo pri razumevanju nacinov racionaliziranja in interpretiranja preteklosti. Nekatere življenjske zgodbe skozi to perspektivo posta­nejo apologije. Pri mitih v življenjskih zgodbah delujejo intelektualni mehanizmi reflektiranja podob iz preteklosti: idealiziranje, pretira­vanje, skrivanje, stopnjevanje, potlacitev, delno spreminjanje, popoln obrat in podobno (Peneff 1990: 36, 37–38, 41, 45). Zato je potrebno poznavanje teh navidez nepomembnih mitskih mrež, predvsem pa je treba med intervjujem samim cim bolj zmanjšati njihovo prisotnost. Tako lažje locimo, kaj so predstave, domišljija in kaj je opažanje. Od izkušenjin odintuicije poslušalca jepotem odvisno,kako izberetiste teme, kjer je pripovedovalec zanesljiv vir, in druge, kjer so podatki prilagojeni. Kritika virov: dopolnilni viri Pri kvalitativni raziskavi zbiramo podatke raznih vrst, iz raznih virov, uporabljamo razlicne metode in razlicne opazovalce in pripo­vedovalce. Poleg podatkov iz intervjujev in opazovanja uporabljamo kot vire podatkov osebne in uradne dokumente, pisma, dnevnike, dos-jeje primerov (Mesec 1998: 39). Vsi podatki o pripovedovalcu so del njegove življenjske zgodbe. Pod dopolnilne vire uvršcamo vse tiste informacije,kijihnepridobimozustnimspraševanjem,kinajveckrat potekameddvemaosebama. Dopolnilnivirisoporocilaopripovedo­valcu, ki jih napiše tretja oseba, genealogije, fotografije, avdiovizual­ni posnetki itd. (prim. Langness –Gelya 1981: 53–57). Biografske podatke zbirajo tudi uradi, zavodi, društva, stranke, zdravniki. Razlicne vrste kakovostnih biografskih podatkov, ki so odlicni dopolnilniviri za življenjsko zgodbo, zbirajo: – delodajalci zbirajo v osebnih aktih zaposlenih podatke o napre­dovanju, spremembah place, posebnih dosežkih, napredovanju, nagradah, prestopkih; – šolskaupravazbirapodatkeodosežkihsvojihucencev(spriceva-la), prestopke; – zdravnikizbirajopolegosebnihpodatkov(ime,starost,spol,na­ slov) tudi zgodovino bolezni in postopke zdravljenja pacienta; – maticniuradizbirajopodatkeospremembibivališca,družine; – davcnaupravazbirapodatkeozgodovininašihprejemkov,davc­niholajšav in placilu davkov; – zdravstvene zavarovalnice zbirajo podatke o receptih, obolenjih, zdraviliškihzdravljenih, katerih stroške pokrivajo; – bankezbirajopodatkeokreditnihsposobnostihinplacilnimora­ li; – cerkveneskupnostizbirajopodatkeoposameznikovihkorakihv cerkvenem življenju od krsta do maziljenja trupla – zavodi za socialno delo zbirajo podatke o ljudeh, ki prosijo za pomoc,o rasti ali padcunjihovegaživljenjskega standarda; – prevzgojni domovi za mladostnike zbirajo podatke psiholoških in pedagoških izvedencev o vedenjskih problemih, opise pre­stopkov, kazni, porocila inšpekcij, vzgojno prakso in nacin ži­ vljenja ter medsebojne odnose staršev; – policija zbira informacije o storilcih kaznivih dejanj in njihovih motivih; – sodišca zbirajo akte o kazenskem postopku, izvedenska mnenja psihologov,spricevala,sezname prekrškovinkazni,psihiatricne anamneze; – tajneslužbeimajopodatkeodomacihintujihdržavnihsovražni­kih, sumljivih osebah, sovražnih agentih ... Tu seznam ustanov, ki zbirajo biografske podatke, ni popoln in v vecini naštetih primerov ne gre za prave življenjske zgodbe, pac pa za administrativne oz. take, katerih vir ni obravnavana oseba sama (prim. Fuchs 1984: 28–30). Danes je dostop do teh podatkov skoraj onemogocen, tu je pomembnapravna regulacijaz zakonomo varova­ nju osebnih podatkov. Kritika virov: zgodovinska vrednost Problem zgodovinske vrednosti ustne zgodovine, omejene upo­rabebiografskegagradivainkritiketehvirovjeubesedilvoblikikon-kretnihvprašanjAlbrechtLehmann,kipravi,dasoosebnezgodbeter širše politicno, družbeno in gospodarsko življenje v nenehnem pre­pletanju, v dialekticnem razmerju. Zgodovinskost osebnih zgodb se kaže ravno v neizkljucljivem vplivu zgodovinskega razvoja na posa­meznikovo zavest. Zgodovina se kaže v življenjskih zgodbah. Iz tega lahkooblikujemokonkretnavprašanja,kisobistvenazaraziskovanje (avto)biografij in se kot problemi pojavljajo med znanstvenim proce­ som: – Kakoreagirajoljudjeenakestarostiinspolanaistozgodovinsko situacijo? – Kateri zgodovinski dogodki se zdijo posameznikom vredni pri­povedovanja, kadar pripovedujejo o svojem življenju? – Kako se razlikujejo subjektivni dogodki od dogodkov politicne in družbenezgodovine? – Kateripripetljajiinobdobjaizindividualneživljenjskezgodbese ohranijovspominu?Kakojihpripovedovalecrazvrsti,razlagain obdela? – Ali se posamezne pripovedovane zgodbe skladajo z ustaljenimi oblikami obredov prehoda ali pa prevladujejo drugacni življenj-ski dogodki? – Kakoocenjujejopripovedovalcisvoježivljenjekotfenomen? – Kako vidijo lastno vlogo v zgodovinskem procesu? (Lehmann 1983:16–17) V zadnjih desetletjih zagovorniki ustne zgodovine namesto ena­ kovrednostimedpisnimiinustnimi viri raje poudarjajopomengovo­ra kot nacina predstavljanja preteklosti. Namesto zamolcanih spomi­nov osvetljujejo razloge, zaradi katerih se pripovedovalci napacno ali sploh ne spominjajo dolocenih dogodkov, izpušcajo datume ali potla-cijo spomine. Psihološka ali afektivna resnica, ki je tako trdno stala nasproti zgodovinski, je postala objekt analize. Individualne in dru­žinskemitesointerpretiralitudiskozipsihicnefunkcije,kisojimslu­žili.Vtehpristopihjepostalpogostpoudareknajezikuinpripovednih oblikah. Spremembe pripovedovalcevega tona in vzorci govora, pre­mori in tišine ter interakcija med spraševalcem in izprašanim so tudi postali objekti analize. Ustna pricevanja so interpretirali kot trenutne kulturneartefakte,nedabivnjihiskalinesporoceneodsevepreteklih izkušenj. Ustna zgodovina mlajšega datuma poudarja posebne odlike govorjenih pricevanj, tako kot na primer pogled v preteklost, spomin in simbiozni odnos med virom in interpretatorjem. Interpretativno središce se je premaknilo od preteklosti, ki so jo pripovedovalci ži­veli, k preteklosti, kot jo predstavljajo v trenutku pricevanja. To pa je omogocilo bolj interdisciplinarni pristop k ustni zgodovini, ki danes poleg družboslovja vkljucuje tudi feministicne študije, psihoanalizo, literarne študije, antropologijo inkulturologijo (Roper 1996). LITERATURA Atkinson 1998 = Robert Atkinson, The Life Story Interview, Sage, 1998. Dunaway – Baum 1996 = David K. Dunaway – Willa K. Baum (ur.), Oral History: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, Walnut Creek – London – New Delhi: AltaMira Press, A Division of Sage Publications, American Association for State and Local History, Oral History Association, 1996. Cebulj Sajko 1992 = Breda Cebulj Sajko, Med sreco in svobodo: Avstralski Slovenci o sebi,Ljubljana:samozaložba,1992. Cebulj Sajko 2000 = Breda Cebulj Sajko, Razpotja izseljencev – raz­dvojena identiteta avstralskih Slovencev, Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, 2000. Fuchs 1984 = Werner Fuchs, Biographische Forschung: Eine Einführung in Praxis und Methoden, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag,1984. Gerndt 1992 = Helge Gerndt, Studienskript Volkskunde, München: MünchnerVereinigung fürVolkskunde,1992. Grafenauer1980=BogoGrafenauer,Struktura in tehnika zgodovinske vede,Ljubljana:Filozofskafakulteta,1980. Hammersley–Atkinson1995=MartynHammersley–PaulAtkinson, Ethnography: Principles And Practice, London – New York: Routledge,1995. Johnson1990=JeffreyC.Johnson,Selecting Ethnographic Informants, Sage,1990. Langness – Gelya 1981 = L. L. Langness – Frank Gelya (ur.), Lives: An Anthropological Approach To Biography, Novato, California: Chandler&SharpPublishers,1981. Lehmann 1983 = Albrecht Lehmann, Erzählstruktur und Lebenslauf: Autobiographische Untersuchungen, Frankfurt/Main – New York:CampusVerlag,1983. Makarovic 1993–2004 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Tako smo živeli: Življenjepisi koroških Slovencev, Celovec: Kršcanska kulturna zveza –SlovenskinarodopisniinštitutUrbanJarnik,1993–2004. Makarovic 1996 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Trije rodovi o Vuhredu in okolici.Vuhred:ObcinaRadljeobDravi,1996. Makarovic 1996a = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Vsi moji spomini ... Življenjske pripovedi s Štajerskega, Ljubljana: Zveza kulturnih organizacijSlovenije, 1996. Makarovic1999=MarijaMakarovic(ur.),Moje Babno Polje,Cerknica: Zvezakulturnihorganizacij,SkladRSzaljubiteljskekulturnede­javnosti,Obmocnaizpostava,1999. Makarovic 2000 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Med vrelci mlini in klopot­ ci: Življenjepisi Radencanov in okolicanov,Radenci:KUDBubla, 2000. Makarovic 2000a = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Pod reciškim zvonom: Življenjske zgodbe Recicanov in okolicanov, Mozirje: Zavod za kulturoMozirje,2000. Makarovic 2000b = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Življenje ob trti in krši-nu: Življenjska pricevanja krajanov iz Vipave in okolice, Vipava: Obcina,2000. Makarovic 2001 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Minilo je kot prijetne sa­nje: Življenjske pripovedi obcanov obcine Ribnica na Pohorju, RibnicanaPohorju:Obcina,2001. Makarovic 2001a = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Moje življenje: Življenjske pripovedi krajanov obcine Podvelka,Podvelka:Obcina,2001. Makarovic 2001b = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Tomaž Holmar, Celovec: Kršcanskakulturnazveza –SlovenskinarodopisniinštitutUrban Jarnik,2001. Makarovic 2001c = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Življenjske zgodbe kraja­nov Mute in okolice,Muta:Obcina,2001. Makarovic 2002 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Dva bregova, eno srce: Življenjske pripovedi iz doline Kolpe in Cabranke, Kocevje: Pokrajinskimuzej,2002. Makarovic 2002a = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Reke življenja se steka­jo: Življenjepisi prebivalcev ob Muri in Šcavnici, Radenci: KUD Bubla, 2002. Makarovic 2003 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Lovro Kaselj, Celovec: Kršcanskakulturna zveza,2003. Makarovic 2004 = Marija Makarovic (ur.), Milka Hartman: [dovolj je cvetje dalo zrnja],Celovec:Kršcanskakulturnazveza,2004. Makarovic–Mravljak2006=MarijaMakarovic–FridaMravljak(ur.), Sv. Anton na Pohorju: Domacije in ljudje,Ljubljana:Šolaretorike zaKrajevnoskupnostSv. AntonnaPohorju,2006. Peneff 1990 = Jean Peneff, Myths In Life Stories, The Myths We Live By, ur. Raphael Samuel – Paul Thompson, London – New York, 1990. Pockar 1998 = Ivanka Pockar, Iz casov jecmenove kave: Življenjepisi Štajercev in Kranjcev ob sotocju rek Krke, Save in Sotle, Novo mesto:Dolenjskazaložba,1998. Porenta2006 =TitaPorenta(ur.),MiraHiršel, Spomini na Kovor pred 2. svetovno vojno,Tržic:Tržiškimuzej,2006. Ramšak2003 =MojcaRamšak,Portret glasov: Raziskave življenjskih zgodb v etnologiji – na primeru koroških Slovencev, Ljubljana: Društvozaproucevanjezgodovine,antropologijeinknjiževnosti, 2003. Ramšak 2006 = Mojca Ramšak, Žrtvovanje resnice: Opoj zmuzljivih diskretnih nediskretnosti, Maribor: Litera, 2006. Ritchie 1995 = Donald A. Ritchie, Doing Oral History, New York: Twayne Publishers, 1995. Roper 1996 = Michael Roper, Oral history, The Social Science Encyclopedia, ur. Adam Kuper – Jessica Kuper, London – New York,1996,str. 579–580. Thorsen 1990 = Liv Emma Thorsen, Espionage and the Subjective: Reflections on Life-course Interwiews as Source Material, Ethnologia Scandinavica 1990,str. 63–84. Yow1994=RaleighValerieYow,Recording Oral History: A Practical Guide For Social Scientists,Sage,1994. SUMMARY Whither Life Stories? A Brief Practicum on the Critique of Oral Sources Oral history represents the collection of spoken and written memories at the level of everyday life that have recorded historically significant events and individuals’ relationships to them. Through narratives of all kinds, oral history is devoted to individuals’ experi­ences in the recent past. The tradition of writing biographies and autobiographies goes back more than a century in Slovenia, and these have primarily ap­peared in works of literature. However, life stories of unknown, ordi­nary people that were not celebrities have a short history in Slovenian ethnology. Up until the mid-1970s there were only a few mentions of the biographical method, but there were a number of studies in which biographies and autobiographies served as secondary sources. As a special type of material illustrating the course of an individual’s life and his relationship to the world, it was only in the 1980s that life sto­ries attracted the attention of a few Slovenian ethnologists. Complete biographies of storytellers appeared in the 1980s and the early 1990s. Onecanspeakofacontinuityofinterestinthebiographicalmethodin Slovenian ethnology from the beginning of the 1990s onwards, when collections or individual volumes of Slovenian biographies began to appear. Historical Anthropology - A revolutionary has aged very much KARL KASER Although Historical Anthropology goes back to the seventies of the20thcentury,inAustriaitisstillafledglingprojectandthereisno common understanding on what makes up its aims, methods and foci of interest.1 Historical-anthropological scientific work relating to ear­ly modern Germany, for example, is conceived in a different way and has priorities and research possibilities that diverge from projects de­aling with South-eastern Europe. There is also no unanimous agree­mentontheviewtakenherethatHistoricalAnthropologyisnotanew scientific discipline but rather represents a modified scientific appro­ach with emphasis on transdisciplinary method. This standpoint is in no way concerned with questioning established disciplines such as history, but with placing people in their entire historical complexities –thatisinrelationtotime,changeandculturaldiversity –inthecen­tre of teachingand research. However,as thedimension of timeplays a primary role, anthropologically-oriented history is naturally gran­ted a vital position in the study of history. Historical Anthropology is understood here as a project that seeks to integrate and encourage cooperation among the sciences of the human being. I. European Dimensions One of the crucial issues is how to describe our area of research. Termssuchas “South-EastEurope” or “theBalkans” areoptions,and offer a more or less distinct demarcation from “Europe”, the “West” or “Central Europe”. But today this approach is no longer appropria­te. While we acquire our empirical material mainly in South-eastern ThiscontributionisbasedontheintroductorychapterbyHannesGranditsandKarl Kaser “Historische Anthropologie im südöstlichen Europa – Aufgaben, Methoden, Theorien,Themen”,in:KarlKaser –SiegfriedGruber –RobertPichler(Eds.), His-torische Anthropologie im südöstlichen Europa. Eine Einführung, Böhlau: Vienna – Cologne –Weimar,2003,13–39. Europe, this is because we are doing European history and anthropo­logy in and not about this region – with our whole range of specific linguisticandotherspecialistskills.Toputitplainly:wemustbecome familiarwiththeideathatitisnottheregionthatdirectsresearch,but rather our tasks, research topics and scientific approaches. This new conceptualization of Historical Anthropology exists in a wider sense, for example as a forum of exchange between the different problems and approaches specific to various disciplines, although always with the basic intention of focusing on people as ac­tive, culturally, socially and politically moulded subjects. Historical Anthropology may also be understood in a narrower sense: in the implementation of the methodological product of the confrontation betweenthehistoricalandanthropologicaldisciplinesindealingwith a particular research task. When taking a historical anthropological approach to South-ea­stern Europe, present and historical inner-European power relations cannot be ignored. The identification of Western Europe and more recently of the European Union with Europe as such is evidently lin­ked to the fact that the capitalist economy developed in this part of the continent and that wealth and capital were accumulated here over centuries. EasternandSouth-easternEuropeslippedintotheperiphe­ry of this European economic nucleus for several reasons that will be examined more closely further down. Nevertheless, one result of this development is that today Western Europe disposes of adequate resources to enable it to mirror its own glorious history, while the countries of the periphery are unable to compete on such a grandiose scale. And if that were not enough in itself: this act of self-styling tempts comparison, the results of which often lead to the reinforce­mentofparticularstereotypeimagesofanddiscoursesontheperiphe­ral regions: the image of the Balkans as the powder keg of Europe; as a European ethnological museum; as a territory of peoples caught in eternal dispute and where war never ends; of war heroes, political despots and infinitely hospitable hosts. We are faced with a formidable obstacle: with the problem of “translating” between European cultures, a problem that in the light of post-colonialism has already developed into a lengthy discussion. Europe did not experience colonialism and imperialism in their clas­sic forms, yet cultural differences exist in Europe and power relations contribute to shaping them and their perception. A range of tools for translating between European cultures within the framework of exi­sting power relations has not yet been developed, despite its obvious necessity. TheUnitedNation’s –orNato’s –impositionoftheconditi­onofaprotectorateoverpartsofSouth-easternEuropehasdrastically made this clear. II. Methodological Perspectives The most prominent feature of the future prospect of Historical Anthropology in South-eastern Europe is the pluralism of methods andthemes. Itwouldbeentirelyunfoundedtodefendasinglemethod as the method. Instead, concrete research projects enable a diversity ofinterestingmethodologicalapproaches. Whileresearchinstitutions generallyappeartopromotetransdisciplinarywork,thisisseldomac­tually put into practice. Historical Anthropology in a wider sense: a transdisciplinary forum of exchange If we attempt to delineate the field in which transdisciplinary exchange within the framework of Historical Anthropology has so far taken place in regard to South-eastern Europe, we can discern a number of coordinates: 1. The first concerns research work that deals with the problems of the subjective perspectives, interpretations and rules of people and societies, and which attempts to comprehend and to “translate” them. Historical-anthropologicalresearchonpeopleinaparticularplaceand time cannot avoid examining the self-perception of individual actors, the motivation behind individual and collective action and the social norms governing the actors now and in the past. Comprehending the full range of people’s behaviour, irrelevant of which class or other socialgroup theybelong to, plays a pivotal role. In this actor-oriented view, knowledge of the understanding of social and cultural realities valid in thesociety under investigation is therefore essential. 2. Interest and an examination of the historical unfolding of the­se realities represent a second major coordinate. Much ethnological, anthropologicalandotherresearchunderestimatesthesignificanceof thedynamicsofhistoryandthecontinuingprocessesoftransformati­on over time. This includes not only historical or cultural continuities but also breaks discontinuities that have becomeshaping factors. 3. A further prominent aspect is a conscious effort not to treat re-searchproblemsinanisolatedmannerbuttointegratethem,explicitly or implicitly, into a wider regional and comparative theoretical con­text. Although one must be aware of limitations and the fact that not everythingthatiscomparedineverydayresearchpracticeismethodo­logicallypermissible(particularlywhenthisisundertakenwithoutan adequatetheoreticalbasis),varioushistoricalandsocialdevelopments aswellascomplexhumanactioningivenhistoricalconstellationscan only be investigated by systematic comparison. In order to arrive at results enabling general statements on historical, social and cultural phenomena in South-eastern Europe, these must be seen in regional, nationaland, if possible, global comparison. 4. A fourth coordinate derives from the challenge of pursuing scientific projects and scientific research additionally, and above all, with regard to present developments. In the case of South-eastern Europe, it is of vital importance to gain insight into current problems and to attempt to answer the open questions that concern us today. Historical-anthropological research must rise to specific socio-politi­calchallengesandshouldnotbesolelyabsorbedwithrecreatinghisto­rical micro-worlds. This is maintained despite the fact that history is conceived of in the plural, as “histories” that run their parallel courses in multiple contexts and form diverse perspectives for people acting in a variety of social and cultural circumstances. However, these hi­stories are seen in more or less vigorous relation to each other, for exampleinexistingpowerrelationsbetweensocialgroupsalongwith the historical, cultural and social consequences this entails. This approach to scientific problems is familiar to all disciplines of the social and cultural sciences and does not claim to be a “discove­ry” of Historical Anthropology. However, in actual research practice it often seems to lack a decisive role or even to be relegated to the sidelines.Incontrast,HistoricalAnthropologybasedontheprinciples developed above takes this approach as the core of research via its affirmation of transdisciplinaryexchange. To sum up, the different points of departure represented by indi­vidual disciplines are extremely interesting and have their strengths. But at the same time, cooperation between the disciplines must be for­tified and be given a solid theoretical base. Borders between subjects should not be decisive in answering scientific problems and it is ne­cessary to overcome the absolute formulation of scientific approaches to the exclusion of others. If weagree that this can be achieved by fo­cussingonpeopleasstructuredandstructuringactorsinadiachronic perspective and with life worlds connected to a regional, continental or even global context, Historical Anthropology may become a field for a history-oriented science ofthe human being. Historical Anthropology in a narrow sense: consciously linking anthropological and historical research In addition to the above concept of Historical Anthropology as a transdisciplinary, integrating research approach as well as the practice of an organized field of communication between disciplines, Historical Anthropology should also be discussed as a very real fra­ mework for the implementation of research projects. This is not new, and excellent examples already exist for other parts of Europe that demonstrate how such work can be achieved. The two examples selected here concern cultures in the High Alps. Cole and Wolf carried out cultural-anthropological research based on ethnicity and ecology in two villages in an Alpine valley in South Tyrol/Trentino. The anthropologists realized that without a thoroughreconstructionofthehistoryofthetwovillagesandtheirre­gionalcontexttheywouldlackthedecisiveknowledgetoanswertheir questions. This caused them to undertake intensive historical research and comprehensive work in local archives. The two anthropologists expected criticism, on the one hand, from historians who were likely to expose their historical analysis to scrutiny, and on the other, from colleagues from their own discipline who would question their claim to “mergehistoryandanthropology”. Thesecondexample:whatCole and Wolf attempted in a micro context, Viazzo ventured in a macro context. In the studies that flowed into his book Environment, popu­lation and social structure in the Alps since the sixteenth century, and in which he investigated the question of “open” and “closed” moun­tain societies, as well as their “backwardness” or “progressiveness”, Viazzo attempted to integrate his own extensive field research fin­dings and those of other anthropologists into a protracted process of historical development. Following his fieldwork in the Alps, he spent a long time working in the archives. In a first step, he directed his attention toreconstructing relevant andchanging demographic struc­tures over the centuries. Subsequently, he investigated the history of thesocieties under study in a historical long-term perspective. These briefly sketched models from the Alps could serve as maps for the course of historical-anthropological research projects in South-eastern Europe. As specifically planned phases, fieldwork and archival research must form a whole, whereby it is crucial to take the experiences and open problems in a particular present societal context as a starting point. Practical Realization: Data, Information, Sources What does this mean for practical research work in relation to particularcategoriesofsourcesandmethods?Asalways,theresearch problem precedes all further thought. It undoubtedly determines the sources sought to investigate it. To restrict the spectrum of used or generated sources a priori appears unjustified. All sources that can contribute to answering a question must be identified and evaluated. Naturally, priorities will evolve based on content or simple reasons of work economy. Those types of sources that reflect the subjective perspectives and interpretations of actors in regional communities or social gro­ups have special importance in historical-anthropological research. Depending how strongly research is focused on questions relating to the past or the present, the data base will be structured as follows: Either it will be generated to a larger part in the field, or archi­ val sources will be more prominent. In the first case, interviews and other material generated through interaction will tend to dominate. In the latter, autobiographies, diaries, testimonies, letters and other types of sources that reflect the perspectives of historical actors may beselectedfromthebroadrangeofpotentialsources. However, when researchingmoredistantagesorsocietiesinwhichthemajorityofthe populationwasilliterate–aswasthecaseforthelargepartoftherural societies of South-eastern Europe well into the 20th century – often no or only few records written by local people exist. In order to be able to investigate particular questions posed by Historical Anthropology – such as past forms of the family organization of labour – fieldwork constitutes a vital alternative to the analysis and evaluation of archival materials. The orally passed on memories of regional societies can hold decisive meaning for research, just as personal experience of the spatial context in which historical actors moved can contribute to the picture. Fieldwork therefore plays a crucial role, along with the analysis of autobiographical and other self-generated reports. A prolonged de­bate exists on methodological aspects of fieldwork especially in eth­nological and anthropological literature, which will not be discussed here. Nevertheless, the methods and techniques of qualitative social research are also applied by adjacent disciplines. The spectrum ran­ges from individual case studies to participant observation, narrative interviews, analysis of various forms of everyday life, oral history or biographic methods. The latter demonstrates in an exemplary way how various traditions specific to single disciplines can develop into transdisciplinary cooperation via a common dialogue on theory and method. In problems of Historical Anthropology, the reconstruction of the diachronic is and remains the fundamental research step. This cannot be emphasized enough. Methods of source research and cri­ ticism are elementary to the formulation of questions in Historical Anthropology. This has far-reaching consequences. Textanalysisand the study of archival material can also play an important role in an-choringcontemporaryself-generatedreportsinhistoricalground. All in all, the exploration of the structural frame on which the everyday reality under investigation rests constitutes a vital necessity to a hi-storical-anthropological approach based on an explicit interest in the changing historical conditions of cultural behaviour. III. The Theoretical Framework The Theoretical Framework of General Historical Anthropology InAustriaitisstillbasictoHistoricalAnthropology’sconception of itself to regard itself as an open project, also in relation to theory. But the motto is not “anything goes”. There is agreement on the ne­cessity to sketch a framework positioning the project in the world of science. 1.“Culture”isakeyterminHistoricalAnthropology.Forthepur-poseofthistext,itisunnecessarytobaseHistoricalAnthropologyon a specific definition of culture. Instead, we refer to the definition: the understanding of cultures in the broadest sense as sign systems seen inaculturalcontextandcontributingtothecircumstancesofpeople’s behaviour. Besides the analytical-methodological range of tools avai­lable for the analysis of cultural processes, the material expression of cultures (that can be explored with empirical methods and distinctly described) also represents a vital dimension. Both together enable us to link historical and contemporary cultures in the three dimensions most relevant to us: the symbolic, the social and the individual. The first dimension, the symbolic, is understood as that of the production ofideas(thecultural);theseconddimensionisthatofthelevelofem-piricallyascertainablephenomena(thesocial). Thethirddimensionis that of the subjects, who through interpretation of their environment and via their action produce cultural reality (the individual); they do thisinagivenhistoricalcontext,transformingitinthecourseoftheir action. Generally, Historical Anthropology gives special attention to thedimensionoftheindividual,althoughthedimensionsofthesocial and the cultural are always considered relevant and should therefore not be omitted from analysis. 2. Historical Anthropology, correctly understood, seeks to per-manentlyreviewitsscientificpractice,aprocesswhichinitsownright becomes part of scientific practice as a whole. Reflective Historical Anthropology includes the subjective standpoints, intentions and identities of researchers. It also assumes that while there may be such a thing as an “objectifiable” scientific account, an “objective” one is impossible as the author is always, consciously or unconsciously, an actor led by his or her interests whether during the research process or in analysis. Researchers may also be said to be taking a reflecti­ve approach when they clarify pragmatic considerations in relation to research strategies, for example by explaining that they selected a particular place of study because it was geographically reachable but at the same time at a great enough distance from home to enable them to recognize difference. In the process of mediation, history, culture and society do not evolve out of themselves. Researchers are involved in events and therefore become part of that history. In addi­tion, it is important to reflect those factors that influence one’s own scientific practice from the outside and at the same time to explain the biographical and subjective conditions of the investigation of the subjects or objects under study. 3. In stressing the dimension of the individual, Historical Anthropologypursuesapraxeologicalscientificinterest:itunderstan­ds people as subjects and historical actors. Historical social reality is seen as doubly constituted: history is shaped in a complex interplay of supra-subjectivestructuralconditions(lifecircumstances,production andpowerrelations)andthestructuringpracticeofactorsintheirjud­gementsandinterpretationsaswellasintheirbehaviourandthesigns derived from these. We are therefore talking about people’s scope for action, their perceptions and limitations. 4. In the eternal discussion on how large a share biology or cul­ture take in determining human behaviour and the conditio humana, HistoricalAnthropologytakesaradicalstandpoint.Itemphasizescul­turally acquired knowledge. The fact that women bear children does notmeanthatallwomenconceptualiseandexperiencepregnancyand birth in the same way, and it also does not follow that all women share maternal instinct to the same degree. “The” woman with particular “natural” attributes is just as non-existent as “the” man with his in­herent “impulses”. The conditio humana is subject to the dynamics of history and is not genetically determined. This even applies to appa­rentlydefinitebiologicalprocessessuchasdeath. Somepre-industrial societies, for example, declared the old or sick as socially dead long beforebreathingstopped. Concerningthecategoryof “illness”,medi­cal-anthropologicalresearchhasdiscoveredaconsiderablenumberof imaginationsof the state of sickness. 5. However, Historical Anthropology’s special focus on culture shouldnot lead toitslosingsight of social power relations. To givean example: (violent) conflicts are often triggered by social friction but are increasingly carried out under the cover of “culture”. Historical Anthropologymustbepreparedtovigorouslyexplorethedoublecon­stitution of social reality mentioned above. Cultural elements are in­ struments that are consciously employed to construct public opinion and also to justify and secure dependencies and inequality. It is essen­tial to reveal and make visible exactly how social conflicts are carried out in the realm of the cultural. Historical Anthropology is therefore not concerned with exchanging the social label for a cultural one, but with understanding the social in the guise of culture. 6. Historical Anthropology, asit islargelyunderstoodinCentral Europe, focuses on reasonably small areas, or micro worlds. It gives priority to micro history over macro history and models embracing both.Lookingatthejournal“HistoricalAnthropology”,thisapproach canevenbesaidtoformthepublication’sprogramme,althoughatthe same time the journal emphasizes the value of cultural comparison. Despite the fact that this practice does not dismiss macro-historical contexts,itgivesspecialimportancetotheirdetailsanddistinctivefe­atures. This emphasis makes sense in so far as it serves to rehabilitate the individual as a subject in history. The price paid for this approach, however, is high, as it goes hand in hand with an extensive lack of theory that impedes the prospect of linking the individual to a more global context. The Theoretical Framework for Historical Anthropology in South-Eastern Europe If we understand theories as explicit or implicit models of expla­nation that are not immediately accessible via sources and documents, but that stand on a higher level and help to connect these to a larger context and to enable elucidation of questions, theories are crucial both for the analysis of micro-worlds and for the observation of the prevailing macro-structural conditions of the lives of historical ac­tors. The following passage will discuss a number of theoretical ap­proaches that can be applied to South-eastern Europe and could be pivotal to the formation of a historical-anthropological perspective: 1. The hermeneutics of difference, implying a comparative ap­proach to culture, must be given a key role in the theoretical frame­work of Historical Anthropology in South-eastern Europe. This ap­plies to comparative studies within South-eastern Europe, as well as to those in a European context or that go beyond Europe. “Sensitive understanding” – the process by which historians translate written information from the past into the present – is as a rule based on the idea of a constancy of feelings, motivations, perspectives and gener­ally supposed historical and universal factors that enable the historian to immerse him or herself in the intellectual world of historical ac­tors. However, anthropologists’ experience with cultural differences has taught us to be cautious. The historical-anthropological approach assumes that the object of study constitutes a foreign world to the researcher, or a distinctly different world of historical cultures and signs. Thequestionthatrepeatedlyposesitselfiswhethertimehasal­ ready put so much distance between us and these systems that we are unable to decode them. Pragmatic reasons do not allow us to pursue the hermeneutics of difference to its full potential. But it is essential to consciously assume this outside stance to protect oneself from “ac­quiring” the “different” during research, a process that can all too easily leadto inappropriate de-alienation. 2. European cultural comparison (as well as comparison with non-European cultures) is a sensitive issue in that it usually assumes a dichotomical point of departure in the sense of an East/West con­trast. Any objections to this are perfectly justified, particularly since itgoeshandinhandwithimplicitorexplicitjudgementsderivedfrom the presupposition of the European West as the standard of measure­ment against which historical phenomena and developments in East andSouth-easternEuropearegauged. Easterneventsorcircumstanc-es are all too quickly degraded to imperfect phenomena, unequal to those found in the West. Such attitudes are difficult to avoid without taking a conscious stand against them. We researchers are also sus­ceptible to such dichotomies as we work in particular scientific tradi­tions and therefore survey Europe and the world from certain cultural viewpoints. The predominance of one-sided East/West constructions alsohasamaterialbackground,duetothefactthatresearchresources in Europe are unequally distributed. 3. Such dichotomies are also wrong for several other reasons. One of them is that it is possible to divide Europe from a historical-anthropological perspective – and for the purpose of theoretical ori­entation – into more than two dominant cultures or civilizations. We assume at least three, whereby none of them represents Europe to a larger degree than the others. The European trilogy proposed here fromamacro-perspectiveisnotvalidforalllevelsofhistoricalevents, but primarily for the level of micro-worlds, of the individual and the realm of interaction between the individual and society. These three zonesdonothave clear boundaries andhavecertainlynotexistedun­changedovertheages.Wearedealingwithshiftingtransitionalzones in which an eastern moves into a western or the eastern and western flow into a Mediterranean civilization. To paint a rough picture that spans the ages: the Mediterranean civilization is influenced by the Greco-Roman tradition while primarily Germanic traditions shaped the western regions of Europe and the eastern were determined by Eurasianmigratorycultures,wherebythelattertwointegratedsignif­icantelementsoftheMediterraneancivilization. Thisrelatestosocial aspects of life worlds such as: family and family ideology, household formation,kinshipandmarriagepatterns,youth,thesocialpositionof oldpeople,genderrelations,theruralorganizationoflabourandstrat­egies for extending the family work unit, social networks, patterns of inheritance, power and power relations between feudal lords or the landed aristocracy and peasantfamilies, andvillage organization and forms ofdividing and workingthe land. The theoretical assumption of three civilizations represents no more than an interpretative framework. All three display multiple variations within themselves. 4. The economic peripherilization of South-eastern Europe in the course of capitalist trade relations over the past half a millen­nium not only had consequences on an economic level but also sig­nificantly effected the level of micro-worlds. In order to categorize and better understand how South-eastern Europe was pushed to the economic periphery it is necessary to take a wider view. The regions of South-eastern Europe have neither displayed an economic dispar­ity with Western Europe since time eternal, nor simply as a result of Socialism. Until the 11th century, the economic imbalance in Europe leaned in favour of the South East. This was due to the economic and political strength of the Byzantine Empire that encompassed South­eastern Europe, while its cultural influence extended over most of Eastern Europe. Although Northern and North-western Europe were not situated on the periphery of the Byzantine economic system, they were economically underdeveloped in comparison. The political, economic, cultural and social demise of the Byzantine Empire began in the 11th century. Despite all efforts and briefbrightmoments,thedeclinecouldnotbestopped.TheByzantine Empire, which had so powerfully illuminated the adjoining regions, did not pull these down with it but the radiant centre was lost. None of the states that emerged during this time was able to substitute the ailingByzantineEmpire. Thisprocessofdeclineandthediminishing political, economic, cultural and social power of integration had two crucial long-term consequences: Firstly, the European centre of grav­ity began to wander towards the North West. Secondly, parallel with this global re-orientation, South-eastern Europe was incorporated in the new global constellation. The former configuration of power in South-eastern Europe that had clearly gravitated towards the South EastwithConstantinople atits centre,reversedinfavour of theNorth West. This shift was accelerated by the Ottoman conquests and ulti­mately became fixed in place. 5. The concept of the simultaneity of the unsimultaneous, i.e. the parallel existence of regional or micro-world stages and tempi of development that apparently belong to different times, represents a further useful theoretical approach. The economic peripheralization discussed above not least contributed to the moulding of a distinct simultaneity of the unsimultaneous. This was particularly pronounced in the territories that made up the periphery of the Ottoman Empire – the periphery of the periphery – as was especially the case in the mountainous western and central regions of South-eastern Europe. It is interesting to observehow socialformsunfoldedupintothe begin­ningofthe20thcenturyatacertaindistancefromthecapitalIstanbul, predominantly in mountainous regions but also partly in the plains, distinct from those in the vicinity of the capital. 6. The discontinuity of social elites. Regions in South-eastern Europe are often portrayed as archaic. This has reasons that will not bediscussedhere.Nevertheless,thisimagepresumesthatsocialelites did not exist and obscures the fact that in the 19th and 20th centu­ries the existing elite was several times forced to step down and was replaced by a new one. With the withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire fromEuropeandtheevolutionofaclusterofnew,Christianstates,the Muslim elite was radically driven out; its orientation no longer corre­sponded to the demands of an age in which the West had become the ultimate standard for most things. The creation and education of new national middle-class eliteswas aprotractedprocess. The communist rise to power in many countries of South-eastern Europe destroyed these efforts by forcing out the bourgeois establishment. At this time a Socialist elite was built up, which lost legitimacy after 1989. Since then, ancontemporary elite has been struggling to form. This discontinuity in the formation of elites (which does not ex­clude individual continuities) has indispensable explanatory value. It explains, among other things, the superficial nature of civil societies in South-eastern Europe. The process of the establishment of civil society is understood here as the creation of a strong network of civil organizations able to withstand and monitor changes in government. Such networks require a long period of construction and stability –andtheymustbedesiredandsupportedbytheelite. Thediscontinu­ ity of elites also had a drastic effect in so far as it destroyed the basis for a long-term formation of the structures of civil society in today’s “transition” countries. This situation is also complicated by the fact that many citizens are extremely sceptical towards the state and have problems identifying with it or placing confidence in it. To a certain extent, this attitude has its roots in history and is also partly nourished bycurrentnegativeexperiences,whichinturnarepartiallyconnected to the discontinuity of elites. Tosumup:thisconceptofHistoricalAnthropologyisconcerned with building an integrating theoretical platform based on aiming the research focus on people with their synchronic and diachronic cultural (individual,social,symbolic)differencesandcommoncharacteristics. Secondly,itgivesprioritytothescientificquestionratherthanthesci­entific discipline. In regard to South-eastern Europe, further specify­ing theoretical aspects mustbeincorporated, such as the comparative study of cultures under the conditions of certain historical and current political and economic power structures, or the problem of the centre and the periphery and that of the discontinuity of social elites. We now stand at the beginning. The future will show whether this concept of interdisciplinary or transdisciplinary research can be developed insuch away that its ambitious goals may be achieved. POVZETEK Historicna antropologija – mlada revolucionarka je prišla v leta KosmosekotmladainmajhnaraziskovalnaskupinanaOddelku za zgodovino jugovzhodne Evrope pred dobrimi desetimi leti zaceli posvecatihistoricnoantropološkim vprašanjem,so nas kolegi in kole­gice precej grobo napadali. Nismo imeli slabihnamenov,temvec smo želeli potegniti nujne posledice iz politicnih sprememb med letoma 1989 in 1991 in vplivov teh posledic na naš poklic. Z uspehi se je sovraštvo spremenilo v prijateljstvo. Tako se je medtem historicna antropologija spremenila v ugledno smer v okviru zgodovinskih študij. Zdi se, da je prišla mlada revolucionarka v leta. Podatki o avtorjih Alenka Bagaric je mlada raziskovalka na Muzikološkem inštitutu Znanstvenoraziskovalnega centra Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetno­sti. Magistrirala je s podrocja historicne muzikologije na Filozofski fakultetiUniverze v Ljubljani leta 2003. Študijsko se je izpopolnjevala iz glasbene notacije na Univerzi v Bariju ter v igranju na renesancno lutnjo in pozna­vanju renesancnih plesov na vec mednarodnih tecajih stare glasbe v Italiji in v Nemciji. Ožji podrocji njenega raziskovalnega dela sta glasba za lutnjo in posvetne italijanske vokalne oblike 16. stoletja, predvsem napolitane oz. neapeljske vilanele skladatelja Giacoma Gorzanisa, ki so tudi naslovna tema njene disertacije. V zadnjem casu objavlja clanke v muzikološki znanstveni reviji De musica disserenda. Marina Cerna je profesorica glasbe, pianistka in muzikologinja. Študirala je klavirsko igro na Konservatoriju Gorkega vMoskvi pri profesoricah Berti Marantz in Nonni Buslajevi. Pozneje se je zacela ukvarjati tudi s preuce­vanjem glasbe, pri cemer se je posvetila predvsem polifoniji v glasbi W. A. Mozarta,t. i.»arscombinatoria«,zgodovinizahodneinruskeglasbetersred­stvom ucenja v glasbenih disciplinah. V zadnjem casu se ukvarja predvsem z raziskavami figurativne glasbe v zahodnoevropski in ruski glasbi, iz ce-sar je 2005 tudi doktorirala na moskovskem konservatoriju. Svoje raziskave objavlja v clankih in monografijah že od leta 1988. Kot poklicna pianistka nastopa na številnih glasbenih festivalih po vsej Rusiji, kot predavateljica pa je v zadnjih letih sodelovala tudi na mnogih znanstvenih simpozijih doma in v tujini. Pieter Dirksen je leta 1996 doktoriral s temo o nizozemskem skladate­lju Janu Pieterszoonu Sweelincku in njegovih delih za glasbila s tipkami. Za svojo disertacijo je 1997 prejel elitno nizozemsko nagrado Praemium Erasmianum. Pieter Dirksen je tudi glasbenik solist (organist in cembalist) ter clan številnih najboljših evropskih skupin za staro glasbo, na primer Combattimento Consort iz Amsterdama in Cappella Figuralis Consort. Je tudivodjaskupinePogliettiConsort. Kotsolistinvskupinahnastopapovsej Evropi, v Združenih državah Amerike in v Kanadi. Je redni predavatelj in specialistzasevernoevropskoglasbo17. stoletjaterorgelskadelaJ. S. Bacha. Je avtor vec clankov in gesla Sweelinck v glasbeni enciklopediji The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians.Zasvojeposnetkeinnotneizdaje Sweelinckovih del za glasbila s tipkami je prejel tudi najvišje nizozemsko priznanje Edison. Giuseppe Gerbino je profesor glasbene zgodovine na Univerzi Columbia v NewYorkuinspecialistzarenesancnoinzgodnjebarocnoglasbo.Njegovamo­nografija o kanonih in glasbenih enigmah v prvi polovici 17. stoletja Canoni ed enigmi: Pier Francesco Valentini e l’artificio canonico nella prima metŕ del Seicento je izšla leta 1995 pri založbi Torre d’Orfeo v Rimu. Gerbino je avtorvecgeselvglasbeni enciklopediji The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, med njegovimi clanki pa izstopata »The Madrigal and its Outcasts: Marenzio, Giovanelli, and the Revival of Sannazaro’s Arcadia« v reviji Journal of Musicology 21 (2004) in »The Quest for the Soprano Voice: Castrati in Sixteenth-Century Italy« v Studi Musicali 33 (2004). V akadem­skem letu 2004–2005 je bil štipendist Harvardskega univerzitetnega centra zarenesancneštudijevFirencah;rezultatnjegovegaštudijabomonografijao glasbi in mitu Arkadijev Italiji16. stoletja, kijo pripravlja. Zdenka Janekovic Römer je zaposlena na Zavodu za zgodovinske vede Hrvaške akademije znanosti in umetnosti v Dubrovniku. Pri raziskovalnem delu se osredotoca na fenomen plemstva, družinske odnose in mentalitete predvsem v Dalmaciji in Dubrovniku. Njena bibliografija obsega okoli pet-deset clankov in nekaj knjižnih objav, med katerimi omenimo Rod i grad: Dubrovacka obitelj od 13. do 15. stoljeca (Dubrovnik, 1994), Okvir slobo­de: Dubrovacka vlastela izmedu srednjovjekovlja i humanizma (Zagreb – Dubrovnik, 1999) in Višegradski ugovor – temelj Dubrovacke Republike (Zagreb, 2003). Je tudi urednica izdaje Filip de Diversis, Dubrovacki govori u slavu ugarskih kraljeva Sigismunda i Alberta (Zagreb –Dubrovnik, 2000). Leta 2000 je za svojo knjigo Okvir slobode prejela nagrado Matice hrvatske za znanost. Karl Kaser je redni profesor na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Gradcu. Ukvarja se predvsem s historicno antropologijo, zgodovino družine in raz­merij med spoloma v vzhodni in jugovzhodni Evropi v 19. in 20. stoletju. Posebno pozornost posveca zgodovini balkanskega prostora, bivših južnih jugoslovanskih republik, Kosova in Albanije. Od leta 1998 je tudi direktor Centra za balkanske družbe in kulture na Univerzi v Gradcu. Kaser je so-urednik publikacije Lexikon zur Geschichte Südosteuropas in avtor števil­nih zgodovinskih gesel, ki obravnavajo vzhodno in jugovzhodno Evropo, Balkan in zgodovinske probleme tega prostora. Poleg tega je avtor številnih znanstvenihclankov,njegovazadnjamonografija,kijojenapisalskupajzD. Grafom in se ukvarja z vprašanji širjenja Evropske skupnosti, pa je Vision Europa. Vom Nationalstaat zum Europäischen Gemeinwesen (Dunaj, 2004). István Lukácsjevletih1979–1983študiralmadžarskijezikinknjiževnostter hrvaškosrbski jezik in književnost na Filozofski fakulteti Univerze Loránda Eötvösa (ELTE) v Budimpešti. V letih 1988–1992 je bil lektor za madžarski jezik na Filozofski fakulteti v Ljubljani. Leta 1993 se je kot asistent zaposlil na Oddelku za slovansko filologijo Filozofske fakultete ELTE, na katerem je od leta 2003 predstojnik. Njegovo znanstveno zanimanje je usmerjeno predvsem v primerjavo refleksivne hrvaške, slovenske in madžarske lirike v 19. stoletju. Leta 2000 je izšla njegova dvojezicna knjiga Dramatizirani kajkavski Marijin plac iz Erdelja 1626, leto pozneje pa v madžaršcini knjiga Preobrazba odrešenika kralja Matjaža v slovenskem ljudskem izrocilu in le­poslovju, ki je prvi poskus sinteze matjaževske problematike v slovenskem ljudskem izrociluinleposlovju. Arnaldo Marconeje študiral v Pisi na Scola Normale Superiore. Od leta 2001 naUniverzivVidmupredavarimskozgodovinoinjepredstojnikOddelkaza zgodovinoinkulturnodedišcino. ArnaldoMarconejepredvsemstrokovnjak zapoznoanticnoobdobje.Jeavtorkomentiranihizdajanticnihzgodovinarjev ter številnih clankov in razprav, objavljenih v mednarodni strokovni perio­diki in antologijah. V zadnjem casu je objavil tudi vec monografij z anticno tematiko, med katerimi naj navedemo: Pagano e christiano. Vita e mito di Costantino (Rim–Bari,2002)inStoria dell’agricoltura romana (Rim2004), Medicino, medico e societŕ nel mondo antico (2004), Storia romana (2004) ter Democrazie antiche. Istituzioni e pensiero politico (2006). Sara F. Matthews-Grieco jeprofesoricazgodovineinkoordinatorkaštudija ženskinspolovnaSyracuseUniversityvFirencah.DoktoriralajenaÉcole des HautesÉtudesenSciencesSocialesvParizu.Raziskovalnoseusmerjanadve podrocji historicnega preucevanja: a) zgodovino žensk, družine in seksual­nosti in b) vizualne prepoznavnosti in ikonografske konstrukcije identitete. Jeavtoricaknjige Ange ou diablesse. La représentation de la femme au XVIe sičcle (1991),sourednicainsoavtoricaknjig:Picturing Women in Renaissance and Baroque Italy (1997), Monaca, moglie, serva, cortigiana. (2000), The Art Market in Italy,15th-17th centuries (2001). Objavlja clanke v revijah: Renaissance Quarterly, Mélanges de l’École Française de Rome. Sodelovala je tudi v zbornikih: Histoire du corps (2005), Women and Faith (1999), Storia del matrimonio (1996), A History of Women in the West (vol. 3, 1993). Marie L. Neudorflová jediplomiralanaKarloviuniverzivPragi,magistri­rala in doktorirala pa na Univerzi Alberta v Ottawi, Kanada. Specializirala sejezamodernoevropskozgodovinoinzazgodovinoCeškesposebnimpo­udarkom na demokratizaciji, na Masarykovem razumevanju demokracije in na ceškemženskemgibanju do leta1914. Njena bibliografija obsega številne razpraveinmonografskadela,objavljapapredvsemnaCeškem. VKanadije predavala na razlicnih univerzah, delala v National Archives of Canada, leta 1990 pa je zacela predavati na Karlovi univerzi v Pragi. Na Masarykovem inštitutu Ceškeakademijeznanosti dela kot višja znanstvena sodelavka. Mojca Ramšak jekoordinatorkaAntropologijevsakdanjegaživljenjainpre­davateljica Biografije v mikrozgodovinski perspektivi na ISH, Fakulteti za podiplomskihumanisticništudijterdirektoricaneprofitnegaZavoda–Center za biografske raziskave v Ljubljani. Raziskuje v etnologiji, folkloristiki in kulturni antropologiji. Poleg dveh znanstvenih monografij (Portret glasov: raziskave življenjskih zgodb v etnologiji – na primeru koroških Slovencev, Ljubljana, 2003; Žrtvovanje resnice: opoj zmuzljivih diskretnih nediskretno­ sti,Maribor,2006)jenapisalatudimnogeprispevkeoustnizgodovini,etiki, etnološki leksikografiji v Evropi, zgodovini etnologije, metodologiji, margi­naliziranih skupinah, casti in dobrem imenu, aplikativni medicinski antro­pologiji idr. Bila je urednica številnih etnoloških publikacij, od leta 2001 do 2004 je bila nosilka aplikativnega raziskovalnega projekta »Leksikon etno­logije Slovencev«, od leta 2005 je sodelavka enciklopedicnega programa s podrocja folkloristike pri ameriški založbi Greenwood Press. V letu 2007 izide njenatretja knjiga Družbeno-kulturne podobe raka dojk. Cirila Toplak je doktorirala iz moderne politicne zgodovine na pariški univerzi Sorboni leta 1995. Od leta 2001 je zaposlena na Katedri za teoret­sko analitsko politologijo Fakultete za družbene vede Univerze v Ljubljani, kjer je nosilka ali sodelavka pri predmetih moderna zgodovina in zgodo­vina evropske ideje, politicna kultura in komunikacija v skupini. Objavila je številne clanke s podrocja politicne in kulturne zgodovine ter zgodovi­ne medicine. Pri Založbi Fakultete za družbene vede sta izšli tudi obe njeni znanstveni monografiji Združene države Evrope – zgodovina evropske ideje (2003) ter Parlamentarna izkušnja Slovencev (2005; vsodelovanjuzJankom Prunkom). 10,50 € (2.516 SIT)