Original Scientific Article
The City and the Sea: Evolution and Transformation
of a Controversial Relationship
Annarita Teodosio
University of Salerno, Italy
ateodosio@unisa.it
Over the centuries, the relationship between the city and the sea has been trans-
formed. Diverse factors (political, economic, social, scientific) have changed the way
people see the sea, gradually turning the seafront from being a place of danger into
a new development opportunity. In recent years, the demolition of restrictive struc-
tures and the construction of promenades along the waterfront hasmarked its open-
ing to the horizon and contributed to giving a new face to the coastal cities. In addi-
tion, the economic crisis of the 1970s led to the decline of many industrial and port
areas and the subsequent abandonment of several coastal areas. Since the 1980s, a
series of actions began to restore these degraded areas. The various interventions, al-
though different in origin and designmethods, had in common the desire to restore
the relationship between the city and the sea and the creation of new opportunities
for urban, economic, and socio-cultural growth. This study traces the critical stages
of a slow and complex process of opening cities to the sea and analyses the transfor-
mations from the 19th-century historical promenade into a territorial landmark, a
fulcrum of urban, economic, and tourism development. It provides, through a com-
parative and critical analysis of the case studies, which include famous and egregious
examples such as Barcelona and Bilbao, and less known and discrete destinations
such as Vigo, as well as some Italian cases, an overview of the extensive experience
of abandoned and re-used port areas and suggests a reflection on the city in general.
Now more than ever, cities are in search of a new identity, alternative centralities,
and environmental, social, and economic sustainability.
Keywords: coastal cities, promenade, waterfront regeneration
https://doi.org/10.26493/2335-4194.12.23-30
From a Place of Contemplation to an Opportunity
for Development
Between the 17th and 18th centuries, the decreasing
need for coastal, military defences due to changes in
political conditions1 and the spread of a landscape aes-
1 The Battle of Lepanto of 1571 put an end to the so-called
‘Turkish danger’ and restored theMediterranean to a climate
of peace, after a period of great instability. For this reason,
from the 17th century onwards, fortifications arwase con-
thetic that preferred open scenery and natural envi-
ronments contributed to the establishment of a new
urban vision especially evident in coastal cities (Mar-
ciano, 2005). The sea was no longer perceived as a
danger; it was transformed into a pleasant and sensual
place for rest and recreation.
The role of the sea as the bearer of aesthetic, recre-
centrated only in strategic points and coastal cities opened
up progressively on the coast.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019 | 23
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
ational, therapeutic, and symbolic values is found in
every period of the history of Mediterranean civilisa-
tions. However, the concept of the modern waterfront
was born in the late 18th century, when English seaside
resorts were created and organised to provide holi-
days (Camporesi, 1992; Corbin, 1988). This blended
the contemplative Nordic spirit of escape to nature
with a typical Mediterranean feeling of those com-
munities that, for climatic reasons, are accustomed to
living outdoors to enjoy the landscape, tomeet people,
and to see and be seen (Massa, 2005).
From that point onward, the waterfront shifted
from being a simple transition between land and wa-
ter and was transformed into a public space par excel-
lence, beloved by locals and tourists. The spatial ar-
rangements become increasingly complex and struc-
tured by new features and new functions. These are
generally organised in parallel bands marked by se-
quences of natural (flower beds, gardens) and manu-
factured (benches, fountains) elements and by build-
ings for recreation and leisure (Balducci & Orioli,
2006). Architectural essays resulted from the rework-
ing of existingmodels (hotels, cafes, kursaal) or by new
inventions (beaches used for leisure, pleasure piers)
(Massa, 2005). Buildings that previously turned their
backs to the sea and had their primary facades facing
the city were now facing the coast.
Cities, especially thosewith tourist ambitions, asked
the most influential engineers and architects to build
monumental marine promenades and seafronts, with
a strong visual impact. Between the end of the 19th
century and the beginning of the 20th century, the
most famous scenic routes and walks along the coast
were built, which often become the subject of literary
descriptions, paintings, photographs, and even film
sets (Massa, 2005, p. 13): from the elegant Promenade
des Anglais in Nice, with its dream hotels and its Art-
Deco architectures (Massa & Zucchini, 2005a), to the
‘exclusive’ boardwalk in Atlantic City, where access
was prohibited to beggars, drunks, people of colour,
or the badly-dressed (Massa & Zucchini, 2005b), to
the Brighton seafront with the Victorian buildings, its
piers and terraces from which visitors enjoyed spec-
tacular views (Di Cristina, 2005). Beyond the differ-
ent names that these routes take in various European
countries,2 they represent ‘the synthesis between the
natural environment and the architectural solutions of
urban monumentality’ (Marsala, 2002, p. 79).
The different perception of the land-water margin
as a place of leisure and meeting place for citizens and
tourists consolidated and grew until the first decades
of the 1900s. However, the various plans for recon-
struction after World War 2 did not seem to attribute
due importance or respect to the coast. Along the coast
and seafront, in fact, the main roads and rail arteries
frequently were placed, constituting a physical and vi-
sual barrier between the city and the sea; these are fo-
cuses of an intensive urbanisation, almost always of
poor quality and insensitive to environmental issues,
which cannot produce architectural and urban envi-
ronments worthy of their 19th-century predecessors.
Towards the end of the 20th century, the fate of his-
torical promenades became intertwined with disused
port areas within broader and complex urban regen-
eration projects that impacted ever longer stretches
of the coast. The industrial crisis of the 1970s and the
evolution of transport and storage infrastructure en-
tailed the reorganisation of commercial activities and
the relocation of many pieces of infrastructure. There-
after, large spaces were liberated, often in strategic lo-
cations in contact between the sea and the city, which
had been previously denied or inaccessible because
of the port and industrial installations. The need for
transformation and re-appropriation of these urban
voids also stimulated new reflections on the city in
general. The seafront was no longer an equipped walk
of 19th-century memory or a simple line between wa-
ter and land, nature and buildings, but was becoming
‘a network of places and functions, grafts and recon-
nections between the coast and the city, between the
port and urban activities’ (Carta, 2006, p. 227). There
are discussions about how to organise these spaces
filledwith historical, social, but also economic heritage
and activity. The urban centres of gravity have moved,
and the presence of water has become an added value
and a valuable ‘card to play’ for these cities to en-
hance their attractiveness and competitiveness (Brut-
2 Passeggiata or lungomare in Italy; promenade in France;ma-
rine parade in England; paseo in Spain.
24 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
tomesso, 2007). Many cities are in search of new iden-
tities and new areas of development, and the seafront
becomes the fulcrum around which new urban de-
velopment occurs (Teodosio & del Caz Enjuto, 2013);
it provides an excellent opportunity for growth, in-
cluding economic growth (Alemany, 2006). The keen
interest in the topic is demonstrated by many events,
debates, research activities, and scientific publications,
as well as by the birth of various associations and web
sites devoted to documentation and information about
the problems and the experiences of urban settlements
defined by their relationship with water.3 Since the
1980s, many various actions have taken place aimed
at the physical regeneration of seafronts, at the archi-
tectural restoration of industrial heritage and/or the
general reorganisation of the city waterfront, includ-
ing through the creation of various functions (public,
touristic, commercial, residential). San Francisco led
the way: a remarkable transformation took place start-
ing from the sea and spreading to the inland areas of
the city. It was followed by other examples, includ-
ing Baltimore with its Inner Harbour and the Saint
Charles district, New York with Pier 17, Sydney with
the Darling Harbour area, London with the Dock-
lands area, Barcelona with Port Vell, Bilbao with the
Abandoibarra area, Genoa with Porto Vecchio, and
the more recent experiences of Vigo and Salerno.
Spanish Accomplishments and Italian ‘Promises’
At the end of the 20th century, in the Mediterranean
countries with strong historical links to the sea, water-
front regeneration policies assumed particular impor-
tance, creating some emblematic achievements.
In Spain, in the 1980s, with the end of the dicta-
torship, the recovery of the coast assumed even great
political value. The coast had been severely compro-
mised by the balearizaciòn4 phenomenon and by the
serious setbacks of the maritime boundary. Therefore,
3 Among these, the Centro Internazionale Città d’Acqua, an
association founded in Venice in 1989, to develop and
promote research initiatives on different aspects of water-
city relationship; rete, an association between ports and
cities; the win (Waterfront International Network) special-
ized website on the themes of the waterfront.
4 A term coined in the late 1950s to indicate urban destruction
the new democratic government, which succeeded the
Franco regime, decided to intervene through the pro-
mulgation of the Ley de Costas (1988). This law, which
repealed previous ones,5 proclaimed the public char-
acter of the coast, removing it from the hands of pri-
vate speculators and returning it to the people (Pié
i Ninot, 2005). This law recognised the great strate-
gic value of the shore, even in the economic sphere.
Thereafter, thanks to shared and synergistic action by
all levels of government (municipalities, autonomous
regional governments, state) it triggered a process
of transformation that produced solutions with high
technical and economic content that became real ref-
erence models. They involved projects to regenerate
the beach and the marine ecosystem using new mar-
itime engineering techniques.6 Good quality, modern
architecture has been built on the seafront, and well-
equipped spaces and paths have become critical ele-
ments of the redevelopment of the waterfront (Trap-
ero, 1988).
The transformation of Barcelonawas in the context
of the award of theOlympicGames (1986), new legisla-
tion, and general, widespread optimism, as well as the
availability of substantial economic resources, trigger-
ing a significant process of urban renewal. Eventually,
it was possible to overcome all the technical, admin-
istrative and economic difficulties that had led to the
failure of previous attempts to change.7 The transfor-
implemented on the coasts of Mallorca during the Franco
dictatorship. In the broadest sense, it refers to continuous
and massive construction on the coast.
5 Ley de Aguas (1866, 1918), Ley de Paseos Maritimos (1918,
1957), and Ley de Costas (1969), where the laws that favored
the privatisation of the territory.
6 Since the late 1970s in Spain, there has been discussion
about coastal erosion. The engineer EnriqueCopeiro delVil-
lar attributed the degradation to the construction of infras-
tructure (marinas, especially) and to the positioning of the
breakwaters that interfered in the natural dynamics of the
sea and he stressed the need for ‘suaves’ (sweets) and non-
invasive actions (Copeiro de Villar, 1978, 1980).
7 The first attempt at coastal redevelopment is represented
by the Plan de Ribera (1965), promoted by large businesses.
The plan, much disputed and fortunately not implemented,
envisaged a very dense development of residential building
along the seafront.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019 | 25
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
Figure 1 Barcelona, Port Vell (Photo by Author)
mation also involved areas not directly affected by the
Olympics and led to the demolition of about thirty
buildings, the regeneration of 30,000 m2 of beach
(Nóvoa, 2005) and the construction of the Port and
the Olympic Village that become the symbol of the
new Barcelona (Martorell, Bohigas, Mackay, & Puig-
doménech, 1988). The Special Plan of the Olympic city
– Plan Especial de ordenación Urbana de la fachada al
mar de Barcelona en el sector Carlos I y Avenida Icarìa
(1986) – includes a series of structural and infrastruc-
tural works and pays particular attention to the wa-
terfront area. Here, it sought to reduce the separation
between the city and the sea (by relocating railways
and removing remnants of the industrial activities of
the Poblenou district), redeveloping the stretches of
sand, building quality public spaces (parks, squares,
port) and opening a wide coastal road. The new mar-
itime walk, the Ronda Litoral, became the backbone
of Barcelona and plays a key role with its playful, sym-
bolic, and representative character, but it is also func-
tional, ensuring the connection between the various
parts of the city by promoting communication and
social aggregation (Trapero, 1988).
During the same period, Bilbao undertook a pro-
cess of renewal in which the Guggenheim Museum is
the most famous and striking, element but which, in
reality, is the result of a different set of factors that are
rooted in the political, economic and social history of
Bilbao (Cenicacelaya, 2004). The Basque city, located
inside the Ria of the Nervion River, is an important
Figure 2 Bilbao, View of the Rìa whith the Guggenheim
Museum (Photo by Author)
centre for shipbuilding, as well as for steel production
and manufacturing. Factories, warehouses, and stores
occupied the entire coastline, creating an urban sky-
line with a purely industrial character. With the eco-
nomic crisis, the changed political conditions result-
ing from the death of the dictator General Franco and
the flooding of the River Nervion in 1983, Bilbao had
to undertake a process of renewal. This time the start-
ing point for the redevelopment was brownfield sites
located on the riverfront. This required significant in-
frastructure projects (e.g., the relocation of the port
and the railway line, the construction of a subway line
along the Rìa) and two detailed plans (Plan Especial
de Reforma Interior) were drawn up for the areas of
Abandoibarra and Ametzola. On that latter area are
the Guggenheim Museum and the Euskalduna Palace
of Music and Congress; they became the two ends of
the new urban route along the banks of the estuary, a
fitting public space for the city (Ronzani, 2006).
A similar, but yet very different, operation was re-
alised in Vigo between 1994 and 2004 by the architect
Guillermo Vázquez Consuegra, winner of the com-
petition ‘Abrir Vigo al mar’ promoted by the Consor-
tium of the Zona Franca de Vigo. The competition
was aimed at the redevelopment of the waterfront to
revitalise and integrate it into the city centre. The An-
dalusian architect worked on a long and linear band
delimited by two squares – Plaza de la Estrella east and
Plaza de Berbes west. This led to the creation of an ex-
tensive public space, with pedestrian paths, gardens
26 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
Figure 3 3 Vigo, Waterfront designed by Guillermo
Vázquez Consuegra (Photo by Author)
and fountains, large sculptures, public buildings (the-
atre, maritime station, shopping centre, aquarium),
along with some underground infrastructure (tun-
nels, parking lots). He realised a high-quality project,
using a stripped-down vocabulary, a skilful choice
of good-quality materials (granite, galvanised steel,
corten steel, white concrete for the exterior, glass),
precise design, and careful execution (Vázquez Con-
suegra, 2008). Consuegra, with its poetic and discreet
work, transformed a marginal area in a central lo-
cation and opened to the sea a city with a histori-
cally consolidated industrial and port. His scheme,
although using small-scale interventions compared to
other celebrated cases in Spain, has been recognised as
a good example of the redesign of a marine frontage
for a city (Pittini, 2006).
In Italy, with its 8000 kmof coastline, interest in the
redevelopment of coastal areas is becoming increas-
ingly important in urban policies. Since the 1990s,
many coastal cities seeking to emulate the positive re-
sults of international examples have equipped them-
selves with planning tools based on growth forecasts
expected from a renewed relationship with the sea.
Unfortunately, the Italian situation is very different
from the Spanish one; there are still many critical is-
sues and conflicts that need to be solved, primarily at a
bureaucratic and legislative level. Coastal areas, where
industrial and port areas exist, are potential places of
conflict between the many institutions that have juris-
diction (state and local authorities, port authorities).
The administrative and procedural complexity, the
lack of clear and shared strategies, and a chronic lack
of economic resources have led to the failure of almost
all the proposals.8 Years of discussions, disputes, and
hundreds of architectural and urban projects designed
to regenerate the waterfront across Italy, have not, in
most cases, produced the desired results (Savino, 2010)
and, despite the few concrete achievements, the initia-
tive has often been ceded to private investors, a dan-
gerous trend that, in some cases, has produced prob-
lematic speculations (Pierotti, 2010). Many ambitions
have not been realised (Pavia, 2012) and, although
projects have begun to progress, thus far the only con-
crete and completed programmes are that of the Old
Port of Genoa by Renzo Piano, (totally renovated to
mark the occasion of the Columbus celebrations of
1992), while in Salerno the ‘Sea Front’ designed by the
Catalan architect Ricardo Bofill is a project headlined
by the construction of a monumental Crescent (Teo-
dosio, 2014).
Intervention Strategies on the Seafront
The redevelopment of the land/water margin involves
a set of tangible and intangible interventions, which
are complex and varied. There is no singlemethod and
universally valid operational criteria for such projects,
but as a result of completed schemes, it is possible to
identify common strategies that characterise the re-
generation of these areas.
The re-appropriation of these places cannot be sep-
arated from their accessibility. Therefore, it is essential
to eliminate of all physical barriers between the city
and the sea, through the demolition of the enclos-
ing walls of the old ports; the removal or rerouting
of railway lines and main roads and the construction
of underground car parks). In addition, the upgrad-
ing of public transport and pedestrianisation make
the recovered spaces generally more accessible and
usable, providing locations for sport, leisure, and cul-
ture. In Barcelona, Moll de la Fusta (1983–1987), with
its cross-section with steps, allowed the funnelling of
traffic through an underground tunnel on top ofwhich
8 Examples of unrealised schemes include for the waterfronts
of Naples, Palermo, Messina, and Reggio Calabria.
Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019 | 27
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
Figure 4 Salerno, Maritime Terminal
designed by Zaha Hadid (Photo by Author)
pedestrian areas were created. The solution, designed
by Solà Morales, solved the problem of crossing the
road and contributes to the opening of the city to the
sea. The relocation of the railway line from the Bil-
bao riverside freed the left bank of the estuary and
established a large urban park. In Vigo, the burying of
vehicular traffic in the Túnel de Beiramar, which runs
under the boardwalk, allowed the reconfiguration of
setting the coast.
Ports began to take on a new strategic role. Within
old harbours, there were various port functions (leisu-
re, traditional fishing boats and passenger), but these
are compatible with urban use. These areas have taken
on new functions thanks to the renovation of decom-
missioned port heritage; for instance, Genoa’s Con-
vention Centre is located in the former cotton ware-
houses, exhibition spaces have been created in Venice,
and a hall for temporary exhibitions has been estab-
lished in the former Trieste Fishmarket. The construc-
tion of newbuildings also often assume a paradigmatic
role. Salerno’s maritime terminal, designed by archi-
tect ZahaHadid and inaugurated in April of 2016, with
its sinuous and daring forms, now dominates the old
commercial port (Teodosio, 2017).
The role of representing the transformation and
the new status acquired by a city often relies on the
construction of a ‘symbol building.’ The case of the
Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao is the most striking
example in this category. There are other less well-
known cases, such as the Crescent in Salerno. Such
buildings, often large and even bombastic statements,
emerged on regeneratedwaterfronts and aspired to be-
come, not necessarily always successfully, a new ful-
crum around which the public space and social life of
the city are organised. They stand as monuments of
contemporary town planning, symbols of a renewed
city’s identity, a sign of renewal and rebirth. However,
despite good intentions, many of these seem to seek
only sensationalism and originality at all costs, by of-
fering design solutions and an architectural vocabu-
lary almost always out of context, which can be diffi-
cult to assimilate.
However, the redevelopment of the coast concerns
not only sensational and futuristic architecture but of-
ten also includes a series of actions that, although less
dramatic, are of fundamental importance. These in-
clude interventions needed to secure the natural char-
acter of the seafront, dictated by a growing sensitivity
to environmental issues, including the nourishment of
the beaches of Barcelona and land reclamation and the
clean-up of thewaters of the estuary in Bilbao to repair
damage resulting from the former presence of steel-
works.
Conclusion
In these various examples, a range of different ap-
proaches have been applied, and the regeneration pro-
grammes have varied according to the uses to which
the regenerated areas will be put. The characters of the
individual urban areas are very different, as well as the
historical, geographical, political, social and economic
conditions. Moreover, the success of some schemes
does not imply that their ‘model,’ once exported, can
guarantee the same results. Indeed, at times, it can
generate bitter disappointments and disastrous fail-
ures. This happened at Barcelona, where the attempt
to repeat the success of the operations related to the
Olympics of 1992 generated the failed operation of the
2004 Forum of Cultures (Borja, 2004; 2010). This oc-
curs whenever the regeneration of an area relies on
the mere presence of a prominent building (Busquets,
2006).
The examples already undertaken can be useful
models to inspire other architects and cities, who can
draw lessons for future actions, provided that they do
28 | Academica Turistica, Year 12, No. 1, June 2019
Annarita Teodosio The City and the Sea
not ‘copy’ uncritically the model, but understand the
essence and detect the underlying logic, its fundamen-
tal character, and the background processes.
Today there is a need for a co-ordinated overall.
Therefore, any project for the regeneration of a water-
front must align itself with contemporary town plan-
ning thinking and propose approaches that promote
the construction of new cultural attractions, while also
attempting to find areas to allocate for residential and
commercial functions. It favours a functional mixité,
namely the peaceful coexistence ofmultiple functions.
It is necessary to avoid the mass tourism, gentrifica-
tion or the marginalisation of the area and to ensure
that the regenerated coastal areas can be used and en-
joyed at any time of year, at any time of day, by locals
and tourists.
Waterfront regeneration and the recovery of aban-
doned port areas often change the face of the city,mov-
ing the physical centre of gravity of urban activities,
creating a new equilibrium and improving the qual-
ity of life. The promenade becomes a public space par
excellence, a meeting place for social gathering, and
an attractive tourist destination. These interventions
have a positive impact providing that they are based on
an urban planning project of quality and they main-
tain a strategic balance between the necessary private
profits of some activities (commercial, recreational,
tourist) and the compelling visions of social develop-
ment, along with the preservation of services, equip-
ment and public spaces. The most successful projects,
in fact, are those based on strategies that have been
able to intelligently combine urban regeneration and
economic development with respect for the natural
and built environment and social needs.
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