Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021, 91–107
COVID-19 IMPACT ON DAILY
MOBILITY IN SLOVENIA
Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa
Bus stop Dovje-Mojstrana.
T A D E J B R E Z IN A

Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
92
DOI: https://doi.org/10.3986/AGS.9390
UDC: 913:331.556:616-036.22(497.4)
COBISS: 1.01
Tadej Brezina,
1
Jernej Tiran,
2
Matej Ogrin,
3
Barbara Laa
1
COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
The Slovenian subsample (n=415) of an international online survey about changes in daily mobility dur-
ing the COVID-19 outbreak in the spring of 2020 was analysed from a  geographical perspective. The dataset
was split into three spatial classes (urban, transitional and rural) according to the respondents’ place of
residence. People’s behaviour before and during the COVID-19 lockdown was compared and analysed in
terms of commuting frequency, changes in mode choice for commuting and style of grocery shopping.
The results show that commuting was reduced drastically during the lockdown while the car remained
the main transport mode both for commuting and shopping, especially in rural areas. The study provides
an unprecedented insight in travel behaviour changes due to the pandemic and congruously argues for
improved transport policies to meet climate change and public health challenges.
KEY WORDS: travel behaviour, modal share, level of urbanization, lockdown, pandemic, Slovenia
Vpliv epidemije covida-19 na dnevno mobilnost v Sloveniji
POVZETEK: Z geografskega vidika smo analizirali slovenski podvzorec (n = 415) mednarodne anketne
raziskave o spremembah dnevne mobilnosti, ki je bila izvedena med prvim valom epidemije covida-19
spomladi 2020. Podatkovno bazo smo najprej razdelili v tri skupine glede na kraj bivanja anketirancev (urbani,
prehodni in ruralni), nato pa primerjali mobilnost ljudi pred in med zaprtjem države ter jo analizirali z vidi-
ka pogostnosti poti na delo, izbora načina potovanja in nakupovalnih navad. Ugotovili smo, da so bila potovanja
na delo med zaprtjem države izrazito okrnjena, pri tem pa je osebni avtomobil tako za pot na delo kot nakupo-
vanje ostal prevladujoč potovalni način, zlasti na podeželju. Raziskava nudi edinstven vpogled v spremembe
potovalnih navad med epidemijo in podkrepljuje potrebo po bolj trajnostnih prometnih politikah za omilitev
podnebne krize in izboljšanje javnega zdravja. 
KLJUČNE BESEDE: potovalne navade, modalni delež, stopnja urbanizacije, zaprtje države, pandemija,
Slovenija
The article was submitted for publication on January 6
th
, 2021.
Uredništvo je prejelo prispevek 6. januarja 2021.
1
Vienna University of Technology, Institute of Transportation, Research Center of Transport Planning
and Traffic Engineering; Vienna, Austria
tadej.brezina@tuwien.ac.at (https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4865-9472); barbara.laa@tuwien.ac.at
(https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5053-2097)
2
Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Anton Melik Geographical Institute;
Ljubljana, Slovenia
jernej.tiran@zrc-sazu.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9839-720X)
3
University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Arts, Department of Geography; Ljubljana, Slovenia
matej.ogrin@ff.uni-lj.si (https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4742-3890)

1 Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic has been affecting the W orld in an unprecedented manner. When the SARS-CoV-2
virus spread in Europe in early spring of 2020, a diversity of reactions – from pharmaceutical to non-phar-
maceutical – ensued. Among the non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPI) enacted by national and/or regional
authorities were measures to reduce virus transmission by restricting socializing and public life and lim-
iting human movement (Flaxman et al. 2020) – also called lockdown.
The SARS-CoV-2 virus was also detected in Slovenia. In the first half of March 2020, the spread of infec-
tions accelerated and on March 12
th
, the Government of the Republic of Slovenia declared an epidemic
(Odredba o razglasitvi … 2020). Interventions followed quickly: on March 16
th
, gathering of people in edu-
cational institutions was prohibited and the prohibition of public transport was issued as well. In addition,
all restaurants and many shops were closed. On March 30
th
, any movement outside municipalities of resi-
dence was also prohibited (with certain exceptions). The total lockdown of public life and many activities
lasted about a month, as the first measures to lift the lockdown took effect on April 17
th
(Odlok o začasni
prepovedi in omejitvah…2020; Odlok o spremembi…2020; Odlok o začasni prepovedi, omejitvah…2020).
While many EU countries introduced restrictions on public transport (Internet 1; Internet 2; Internet 3), Slovenia
was one of the very few countries that decided to shut-down public transport completely. International road
and rail-bound public transport was reinstated on June 13
th
(Odlok o načinu izvajanja … 2020). With such
an approach to fighting the epidemic, some sources cite Slovenia ranked high among countries on the strin-
gency index in the first wave (Hale et al. 2020), while others (Hans et al. 2020) cite in general less stringent
measures. The same study (Hans et al. 2020) argues that around April 1
st
2020 Slovenia’s measures during
lockdown were among the most stringent in EU, however this phase lasted less than a month. Therefore, the
general assessment is that Slovenia faced medium exposure to potential negative impact of COVID-19 lock-
down, a medium sensitivity in the eastern and central parts and a low sensitivity in the western part of the
country (Hans et al. 2020). This makes Slovenia interesting for research on potential consequences of COVID-
19 on human behaviour such as mobility.
After the first COVID-19 wave, many scholars evaluated the worldwide effect of lockdown on human
mobility. While some research collectives fathomed the global impact by interviewing transport scholars
and professionals (Zhang and Hayashi 2020), other scholars conducted surveys of mobility changes due
to COVID-19 for different countries.
A team of researchers from TU Wien – with the aid of international colleagues – designed, translated,
launched and distributed an online questionnaire in 21 languages to study the impact of the various inten-
sities of NPI measures on people’s daily mobility patterns. An analysis of the obtained international data
focuses on the commonalities and discrepancies in commuting behaviour for a subsample of fourteen coun-
tries (Shibayama et al. 2021). As Austrians were the most represented participants in this survey,
country-specific results were highlighted particularly by Brezina et al. (2020b). Their findings show sub-
stantial changes in transport demand and in general a drastic decrease of transport volumes during lockdown. 
A major branch of research focused on analysing traffic flows and all reported significant decrease.
One such analysis (Internet 4) shows that congestion levels in many cities dropped to 10% during the lock-
down, whereas they normally reach around 30–60%. In China, during the Spring Festival rush from January
10
th
to February 13
th
, commercial passenger traffic fell by 46.6% and rail, road, waterway and civil air traf-
fic fell by 50.3% compared to the same period of the previous year (Zhou, W ang and Huscroft 2020). In Japan,
for example the major T okaido Shinkansen line reported a 59% drop in passenger numbers in March. A study
by Zhang (2020) estimates that between January and March 2020, Japanese domestic intercity rail travel
declined by 30%. In India, after the nationwide lockdown on March 25
th
, a similar decrease of daily mobil-
ity was detected with only a slow recovery (Dandapat et al. 2020). In Sweden, for three regions (Stockholm,
Västra Götaland and Skane) the number of daily trips from March 1
st
to April 1
st
decreased by about 40–60%
relative to the same period in 2019 (Jenelius and Cebecauer 2020). In the city of Santander, Spain, Aloi et al.
(2020) report significant decrease in public transport and reduction of transport related emissions of pol-
lutants, with emissions of NO
2
reduced by 60%. Arellana, Márquez and Cantillo (2020) made an analysis
of official and secondary data of transport systems in seven urban areas within Colombia. In the first three
months of the pandemic, freight transport was the most resilient transport component. A German survey
studied the effects on the travel behaviour by means of an online survey while distinguishing areas with
Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
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Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
different levels of lockdown intensity. Results reveal a shift away from public transport and increases in
car usage, walking and cycling (Anke et al. 2021).
From the geographical perspective, also studies on modelling the influence of mobility on the spread of
SARS-CoV-2 should be noted, for example by Chang et al. (2021). While many studies focused on COVID-19
impact during the pandemic, some are already trying to foresee how cities will change in order to live with
a permanent COVID-19 threat (Florida, Rodriguez-Pose and Storper 2020).
Slovenia represents a good example of polycentric urban development (Nared et al. 2017) and is one
of the European countries with the most dispersed settlement system. According to the degree of urban-
ization (DEGURBA) classification, 44.5% of people are living in thinly populated areas, also classified as
»rural« (Local Administrative Units 2021). Trends in daily mobility in recent decades have been associ-
ated with an increase in inter-regional traffic flows towards major centres, a weakening of public transport
and an increase in car-dependent mobility patterns (Bole 2004, 2011). Travel behaviour changes among
the youth show a similar trend: between 1991 and 2016 in primary schools in Novo mesto, the share of
pupils who come to school by car increased from 4 to 53% (Plevnik, Balant and Mladenovič 2017).
However, only few studies have been conducted on the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on trav-
el behaviour in Slovenia so far. A survey by the Slovenian Car Association (AMZS) questioned almost 500
people about the change of their mobility habits, indicating some substantial changes (Poženel 2020). While
the survey of the European Consumer Organization shows that occasional work at home in Slovenia increased
from 27 to 63% of the population during the lockdown compared to before lockdown, 56% of respondents
were still occasionally working from home in October 2020 (Okorn 2020).
Some »pre-COVID-19« mobility studies took spatial differences in transport behaviour into considera-
tion, such as between rural and urban areas. In general, the mobility of the urban-rural continuum is characterized
by the fact that as rurality increases, the private car gains in value and public transport loses (Pucher and Renne
2005; Bouwman and Voogd 2005). Studies from the Netherlands have also shown that the number of short
distance trips in rural areas decreases and the number of medium distance trips increases (Bouwman and
V oogd 2005). Connections between mobility pattern and lifestyle across the urban-rural continuum were also
studied in Slovenia by Drozg (2012). Inhabitants of towns and suburbs were found to be more mobile than
rural dwellers, while the latter usually travel over longer distances. His study confirms the gap between urban-
ization of inhabitants (urban way of life) and urbanization of space (accessibility of urban activities). 
Our review of existing research and literature shows that a geographic approach to studying the impact
of the COVID-19 epidemic on daily mobility has not been used yet. Thus this paper examines the Slovenian
subsample of the openly available dataset »International survey on COVID-19 lockdowns and mobility
behaviour« (Brezina et al. 2020a) from a geographically differentiated viewpoint. Previous analysis of this
available dataset has examined differences and commonalities between 14 countries, Slovenia included,
but did not specify geographic differences (Shibayama et al. 2021). Their research also indicates that the
Slovenian subsample appears well suited for a detailed geographical analysis, as it shows the best balanced
distribution between urban and rural locations. Apart from Slovenia, countries show predominantly urban
respondent locations. In this paper, we analyse the replies of respondents from Slovenia, distinguishing
by their residential location along the urban-rural continuum. Here we study the changes in daily travel
behaviour of the subsample for work commuters and for grocery shopping due to NPIs during the first
wave of the COVID-19 pandemic compared to the pre-pandemic period. These types of trips were the
only ones allowed during the lockdown, except for emergency trips.
2 Methods and data
2.1 Questionnaire
We utilise the openly accessible dataset of an international online survey in 21 languages on changes in
everyday mobility, carried out during the COVID-19 outbreak in spring of 2020 (Brezina et al. 2020a). The
online questionnaire was available with its first language versions from March 24
th
until May 12
th
, 2020.
The Slovene version was available from March 25
th
on. In total, the dataset contains more than 11,000 respons-
es from over 100 countries. The questionnaire is reported (Shibayama et al. 2021) to have been distributed
with the snowball method using email and social media and comprised of 33 total questions with pre-
dominantly closed-ended questions. Replies included the option »other« to specify a divergent answer.
94

Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
95
The survey gathered information from respondents on:
• the specifics of workplace;
• the specifics of place of education;
• the specifics of grocery shopping;
• the transport means, duration and frequency of trips for these purposes before and during the COVID-19
triggered lockdown;
• the way of and motivation for changing one’s behaviour;
• and the COVID-19 triggered changes in child-care.
In addition to age class, gender, education and occupation, household type and country of living, the post-
code was also asked to identify the location of the respondents. We use the postcode for spatial classification
of responses. The metadata of the dataset gives details on questions and answering options (Brezina et al. 2020a).
2.2 Sample
The Slovenian subsample encompasses 415 total replies of which 244 stated to be female, 167 to be male
and 4 people chose diverse or left it unanswered. As for the gender and age class of the respondents, Table 1
shows the age distribution of the sample.
Table 1: Age distribution of the survey participants.
Sample (n = 411)
Age class Male [%] Female [%]
0–18 0.5 0.5
19–29 4.1 11.2
30–39 11.7 18.0
40–49 11.9 18.0
50–59 6.1 8.3
60–69 5.1 2.4
70 or older 1.2 1.0
Total 40.5 59.2
Out of 415 total participants, 337 (307 + 20 + 10 in Figure 1) stated to be of working occupation. Table 2
gives the number of participants answering to questions being relevant in the course of this analysis.
Table 2: Subsample sizes.
Subsample n Reference to
Working occupation 337 Figure 1
Commuting before lockdown 290 Figure 2
Commuting under lockdown 310 Figure 3
Work commute 289 Figure 4
Grocery shopping 351 Figure 5
Workplace type 313 Figure 6
Grocery shopping style before lockdown 387 Figure 7
Grocery shopping style under lockdown 384 Figure 8
As for the respondents’ occupational status, 74% were employees, 7.5% were retired, 6.8% were stu-
dents (working and non-working) and 4.8% were self-employed (see Figure 1). Therefore, occupational
status deviates from the national distribution as persons in employment, which account for around 43%
of the national population, are overrepresented in the sample on the account of other population groups
(Čuk 2020; Razpotnik 2020).

Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
96
2.3 Spatial classification
The geographic classification for Slovenia regarding the level of urbanization is also available at the set-
tlement level (n=5,994) and consists of six types: S1=city/town, S2=suburbanized settlement, S3=urbanized
settlement, S4 = strongly urbanized rural settlement, S5 = urbanized rural settlement and S6 = rural set-
tlement (Ravbar 1997; Cigale 2005). As individual survey data records were available on the national postal
district level, the data from the survey (available with much smaller granularity) needed to be aggregated
to a higher level. For this task we applied the following criteria for determining three postcode types along
the urban-rural continuum:
1. Urban area – predominant share (minimum 50%) of urban population (type S1) AND 75% of popu-
lation together with suburbs (types S1+S2) AND maximum 10% of rural population (types S5+S6). 
2. Transitional area – mixed, urban-rural area; does not meet the criteria either for urban or rural areas.
3. Rural area – a minimum of 50% of the population lives in rural or urbanized rural settlements (type S5+S6).
As the type S1 in the original classification of settlements was based on the outdated list of towns from 1981,
we slightly revised it and identified cities and towns according to the classification of the Slovenian statistical
office’s (SURS) criteria numbers one (≥ 3,000 inhabitants) and four (suburban settlements, gradually spa-
tially and functionally integrated with an urban settlement with 5,000 inhabitants or more) (Pavlin et al. 2004).
The results show that 268 respondents are located in districts defined as urban (64.6%), 92 in transitional
(22.2%) and 35 in rural (8.4%), while 20 participants (4.8%) provided non-assignable postcode data (Table 3).
Participants from a total of 110 postal districts (out of 466) have been recorded. The distribution along the
rural-urban continuum is therefore slightly biased with overrepresented urban dwellers (around 50% of the
Slovene population lives in urban areas) and underrepresented rural dwellers (their actual share in the nation-
al population is around 25%). The share of respondents in transitional areas is comparable to the national
average (Cigale 2005). Figure 2 shows the distribution of participants by postcode types over Slovenia.
Employee
Pensioner/retired
Self employed –
Student, not
working
Unemployed
Student, working
School (12. level)
Volunteering, Civil
Service/Military
No answer
Trainee
n = 415
Share % ( )
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
307
31
20 19 18
10
4 3 2 1
Figure 1: Share of survey respondents by occupation with absolute respondent number over each column.

3 Results
The geographical distinction of commuting frequency before COVID-19 lockdown (Figure 3) shows a clear
picture, as 81% (transitional) to 92% (rural) of the respondents were commuting five days a week. Under
COVID-19 lockdown, the situation changed drastically (Figure 4): around half report that they were not
commuting, but were under a mandatory home office regime. When adding those persons whose work was
closed (rural 3.4% to urban 10.0%) and those who worked at home voluntarily (rural 6.9% to urban 13.9%),
no actual commuting was taking place for a portion of between 62.1% (rural) and 72.2% (urban) of the
sample. Only around 10% of respondents commuted the same number of times.
Figure 5 shows the mode choice for work commute (left column) and for grocery shopping (right column)
in Sankey (flow) diagrams. The left hand side of each diagram shows the mode choice before COVID-19
lockdown and the right hand side during lockdown.
Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
97
1
5
1
2
2
2
2
1
3
1
1
2
2
2
1
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2
2
1
1
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2
8
2
1
1
1
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4
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1
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1
65
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7
1
125
2
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3
1
23
1
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1
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125
2
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11
3
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1
2
1
1
1
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1
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1
1
1
1
1
1
3
1
1
1
Legend
Respondents' postal districts
Urban
Transitional
Rural
Other postal districts
Settlement
125 = Number of respondents
Scale: 1:2.042.849
Content by: Jernej Tiran
Map by: Jernej Tiran
Source: GURS
© 2021 ZRC SAZU
Anton Melik Geographical Institute 
Figure 2: Map of Slovene postcode districts with their level of urbanization and inscribed number of survey participants.
Table 3: Sample sizes and shares of respondents by geographical classification.
Postcode types Sample size Sample share [%]
Urban 268 64.6
Transitional 92 22.2
Rural 35 8.4
None 20 4.8
Total 415 100.0

Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
98
Once/week
or less
Twice/week
3 days/week
4 days/week
5 days/week
6 days/week
7 days/week
Share % ( )
Urban (n = 197) Transitional (n = 67) Rural (n = 26)
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
Share % ( )
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
No answer
Y es, more
often
Y es, the ame
number of times
s
Y es, at
other times
Y es, but
less often
No, work
closed
No, voluntary
home office
No, mandatory
home office
No, taken off
to care for others
No, as usual
Urban (n = ) 209 Transitional (n = ) 72 Rural (n = 2 ) 9
Figure 3: Commuting frequency distribution before COVID-19 lockdown.
Figure 4: How commuting behaviour changed under COVID-19 lockdown in comparison to before.

Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
99
Figure 5: Sankey diagram matrix of changes in commuting mode choice before (left hand side) and during lockdown (right hand side) for workers (left
column) and changes in mode choice for grocery shopping (right column) according to the spatial classification urban (top row), transitional (centre row)
and rural (bottom row).


Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
100
There are obvious differences in the mode choice results of the survey for commuting between the spa-
tial classes before the COVID-19 lockdown. In urban areas, we see higher shares in active modes (walking
and cycling) and lower levels of private car use than in transitional ones. Especially in rural areas with no
share of active modes at all, a very high car share of 96.2% is evident. With 9.0%, the share of public trans-
port was higher in transitional and urban areas (8.2%) than in rural areas (3.8%).
During the COVID-19 lockdown, the percentage of people who were not commuting for work was
quite similar in all three areas. Between 59.7% (transitional areas) and 62.8% (urban areas) were in home
office and 7.7% (rural areas) to 11.9% (transitional areas) were not working. As public transport was ceased
nationwide, its share dropped to zero in all areas. The total shut-down of public transport did not signif-
icantly increase car traffic as the share of public transport users was already low before, while its users mostly
worked from home. In urban areas there was still a considerable share of active modes in commuting dur-
ing lockdown with 2.6% of walking and 7.7% of cycling, while in transitional areas only 1.5% walked or
cycled to work and even nobody in rural areas. There, cars were the only transport mode used by the com-
muters.
A similar pattern can be seen for the grocery shopping mode choice. However, before the COVID-19
lockdown, car use was more prevalent in urban areas for shopping than for commuting compared to tran-
sitional and rural areas, where it was high for both purposes. During lockdown, the modal share of cars
for shopping increased in all three spatial classes. The cessation of public transport did not affect the modal
share as public transport use for shopping before the lockdown was extremely rare. In contrast to work
commuting, the dominance of the car for shopping purposes persisted, while for work commuting the car’s
share shrunk in urban areas. For rural areas one can easily state that the car is basically the only commuting
mode.
The questionnaire also surveyed a wide variety of main workplace types before COVID-19 (Figure 6).
In our sample, a clear trend is visible with the changing perspective from urban to rural settings: ‘Office’
workplaces decrease from almost 55% to almost 38%, while simultaneously ‘Classrooms / lecture hall /
stage’ increase from 11% to almost 35%.
Workplace types differ in their suitability for switching to working from home. We differentiate between
‘home office possible’ , ‘presence essential’ and ‘undetermined’ . For this categorization, we define workplace
types ‘Home’ , ‘Office’ and ‘Classroom / lecture hall / stage’ to be ‘home office possible’ and workplace types
‘Mobile (customer visits)’ , ‘Customer traffic’ , ‘Hospital, nursing home’ and ‘ At customer site (e.g. construction
site)’ to be ‘presence essential’ . ‘Customer traffic’ denotes working places with stationary customer con-
tact, while service-oriented visits to customers are named ‘ At customer site’ . Results are shown in Table 5.
Two trends surface: ‘home office possible’ increases by a good 10 percent-points when switching from urban
(72.6%) to rural (82.8%) settings, while ‘presence essential’ decreases from 17.5% (urban) to 13.8% (rural).
The workplace types that we consider as ‘undetermined’ decrease from 9.9% to 3.4% with reduced spa-
tial density.
When it comes to the style of grocery shopping before COVID-19 lockdown (Figure 7), the distinc-
tion that urban people tend to shop for groceries more often than rural dwellers is notable, as 38.5% of
urban respondents do it many times per week, which is 5.5 percentage-points more than for transitional
and 9.1 percentage-points more than for rural respondents. Interestingly, twice as many people let others
do the shopping in rural areas than they do in urban or transitional ones.
COVID-19 related mobility changes could be explained by changed grocery shopping behaviour dur-
ing lockdown, depicted in Figure 8. Irrespective of spatial classification, a combined share of 50 to 60%
of responses report buying ‘larger quantities at once’ (18.6 to 21.8%), buying ‘long-lasting products’ (8.1
to 11.5%) and ‘shopping less often’ (29.3 to 30.8%). In urban settings 12% of respondents report to ‘eat out
less often’ , while in rural settings 10.3% go to ‘stores nearby’ .
Table 4: Share of workplace types in subsample by spatial classification and distinction between ‘home office possible’ and ‘presence essential’ .
Shares [%] Home office possible Presence essential Undetermined
Urban 72.6 17.5 9.9
Transitional 80.6 15.3 4.2
Rural 82.8 13.8 3.4

Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
101
Urban (n = 212) Transitional (n = 72) Rural (n = 29)
Production, warehouse
Mobile (customer visits)
Office
Civil protection facility
At Customer Site (e.g. construction site)
Classroom / lecture hall / stage
Home
Hospital, nursing home
Outdoors (e.g. field)
Customer traffic
No answer
Share % ( )
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
33 . 14 . 34 .
66 .
69 .
10 3 .
54 7 .
54 2 .
37 9 .
11 3 .
19 4 .
34 5 .
13 7 .
83 .
10 3 .
19 .
3 4 .
14 .
09 .
1 4 . 42 .
14 .
14 .
19 .
5 6 .
Share % ( )
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
Urban (n = 262) Transitional (n = 91) Rural (n = 34)
Someone else does
Ad hoc delivery –
Most meals delivered
1 2 times/week –
None of these
Mostly eat out
Many times/week
38 5 .
33 0 .
29 4 .
53 1 .
58 2 .
58 8 .
34 .
44 .
88 .
Figure 6: Workplace type before COVID-19 lockdown by spatial classification.
Figure 7: Style of grocery shopping before COVID-19 lockdown by spatial classification.

Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
4 Discussion
The changes in travel behaviour during the COVID-19 lockdown (comprising of limitations for travel-
ling, closed services and workplaces etc.) can be viewed as a social response to the threat of virus transmission.
On one hand, the mobility in Slovenia was reduced due to quite stringent measures, and a large propor-
tion of people working from home and going shopping less often, which is similar to other parts of the
world (Aloi et al. 2020; Jenelius and Cebecauer 2020; Dandapat et al. 2020). On the other hand, the pri-
vate car even reinforced its status as the major transport mode. However, there are some important differences
along the urban-rural nexus. Slovenian rural areas are very dependent on car mobility and in the last decades,
car dependency has even reinforced (Bole and Gabrovec 2012). While work commuters show a very strong
affinity with private cars in transitional and rural areas pre-lockdown as well as during lockdown, the pic-
ture looks more diverse in urban settings. There, car-dependency is not as pronounced and is balanced
by walking, cycling and the use of public transport. The higher share of non-car users in urban areas in
pre-lockdown can be explained with better service of public transport, especially in bigger urban areas
(Ogrin and Dovečar 2014) and with shorter distances of daily trips. While more than 30% of urban dwellers
still use alternatives to cars for grocery shopping, in transitional and rural areas, the travel behaviour for
shopping, as well as for commuting is distinctively dominated by car use. Very few alternatives are used
and the situation did not improve during the lockdown. These findings confirm a notion that built envi-
ronment influences the travel behaviour and frequency through promoting sustainable travel modes (Jiao,
Vernez Moudon and Drewnowski 2011; 2016).
The survey of AMZS (Poženel 2020) on travel behaviour changes in Slovenia due to the lockdown shows
somehow different results: only 24% used the car about the same, while about 69% of respondents used
102
Share % ( )
0
30
40
100
10
20
50
90
60
70
80
38 .
18 6 .
18 6 .
21 8 .
83 .
81 .
11 5 .
29 3 .
33 8 .
30 8 .
22 .
14 .
51 .
77 .
90 .
26 .
34 .
52 .
38 . 65 .
90 .
10 3 .
12 0 .
76 . 03 .
05 .
51 .
Urban (n = 260) Transitional (n = 90) Rural (n = 34)
Other change Meals delivered less often Meals delivered more often
Eat out more often Eat out less often Stores nearby
Larger stores Others buy groceries for me Buy for people in risk group
Online grocery more often Online grocery first time Shopping less often
Buy long lasting products – Larger quantity at once No change
29 . 24 .
Figure 8: Change in grocery shopping under COVID-19 lockdown by spatial classification. Multiple choices per participant were possible.

the car less, and 3% used the car more than prior to the pandemic. The share of bicycle and walking increased:
18% used the bicycle more often, 31% used it the same and 15% used it less, while 31% walked more, 53%
walked the same and only 8% walked less. Their findings are not strictly in line with ours, as trips were
not separated by trip purpose and Brezina et al. (2020a) did not explicitly ask for frequency changes. AMZS’
survey as well as our inquiry suggest that shopping behaviour changed by shifting from higher frequen-
cies and smaller quantities to lower frequencies and higher quantities – and did so by increasingly using
cars for this purpose.
In contrast to previous recent (Shibayama et al. 2021) research, based on the survey’s complete dataset,
we also studied the spatial distribution of workplace types. The respondents who can work from home
have a high share in our sample irrespective of the spatial setting. Regarding changes in lockdown-induced
commuting, the scene is set with 82.8% of jobs in rural areas being ‘home office possible’ and 62.1% of
respondents reporting no commute. On the urban end of the spectrum, 72.6% reported to have ‘home
office possible’ jobs and 72.2% had no commute. While in the urban surrounding possibilities and actu-
al behaviour almost coincided, the rural settings saw a discrepancy of about 20 percentage-points. The
location of ‘presence essential’ workplaces in relation to dwelling areas appears to be a crucial perspective
in terms of crisis resilient and environmentally friendly transport supplies. With 17.5% the share of such
workplaces was highest in urban settings in our case. In general, we suggest that the closer ‘presence essen-
tial’ workplaces are located to dwellings (preferably of their workers), the more attractive it will appear to
workers to choose walking and/or cycling as a transport mode for commuting. However, this cannot be
always the case due to recent trends of decentralized spatial development (Rebernik 2010), current model
of the reimbursement of travel expenses, which favours long-distance commuting by car (Gabrovec et al.
2021), and the lack of infrastructure for sustainable mobility due to allocating funds mostly to road infra-
structure in the past (Bole and Gabrovec 2012). 
In both cases, safe and attractive infrastructures for public transport and active mobility need to be
provided. Consequentially, from a planning perspective, the provision of such infrastructures thus not only
asks to be appraised from an ecological perspective but also from the viewpoint of providing resilience in
a major health crisis – as was shown by research on pop-up infrastructures (Kraus and Koch 2021).
The lack of public transport use due to measures taken by the government is apparent in all settings
and was reflected also in its lower usage after the first wave was over (Čampa et al. 2020). As suggested
before, this sector had a remarkable position: Even though its services were cut down by the government,
no noteworthy protests from the public opposed this move. The reasons for that appear to be rooted in the
ongoing declining relevance of public transport and its low usage (Gabrovec and Bole 2009; Halilović et al.
2020). On first sight, additional reduction of passengers in public transport may lead to an increase in the
level of service (ceteris paribus): less crowded vehicles offer more comfort, are more COVID-safe and are
expected to run more punctually. But on a systemic level, this passenger reduction has led (and may also
do so in the future) to a decrease in cost-recovery rates for un-/tendered public transport services on state
and city levels. Other research suggests that urban transport as one of the crucial urban systems will need
to introduce pandemic-proof infrastructure and transport management (touchless solutions, capacity mon-
itoring, floor markings, …) (Florida, Rodriguez-Pose and Storper 2020).
Replacement of public transport for individual motorised mobility to avoid COVID-19 disease is not
an option. Not only would air quality deteriorate in many urban areas and have a negative impact on pub-
lic health, the growth of traffic in urban areas would increase the traffic loads on road infrastructures, leading
to a rapid increase in congestion and a deterioration in accessibility. Studies from Slovenia’s capital Ljubljana
confirmed poor air quality in major city roads within the period 2005 to 2013 (Ogrin and Vintar Mally
2013; Vintar Mally and Ogrin 2015). Since then, some streets in the centre of Ljubljana have been closed
to motorized individual traffic and remained open to public transport, and air quality in these areas has
improved. A return of individual traffic in the city centre would do much more harm than good. But the
regional challenges for substantial shifts from non-sustainable to sustainable modes remain persistent in
a policy culture that on the one hand eases all matters car and on the other highlights alleged difficulties
in providing better public transport (Brezina and Lokar 2020).
The study also has certain methodological limitations. As the data was collected with an online survey,
non-probability sampling was used. Even though the sample is not representative of the total population,
we insinuate that the snowball method of survey engagement proved functional for quickly harvesting social
reactions under a rapidly evolving situation at least among employees, which were the most represented
Acta geographica Slovenica, 61-2, 2021
103

Tadej Brezina, Jernej Tiran, Matej Ogrin, Barbara Laa, COVID-19 impact on daily mobility in Slovenia
population group in the sample. We also found the sample to be not too spatially biased, although the rural
dwellers were a bit underrepresented. One might also question the accuracy of determining the location
of the respondents as it was only available at the postal district level and not at a lower spatial scale, which
may be more appropriate for a country with such a disperse settlement system. We are aware that classi-
fying respondents along the urban-rural spectrum may lead to certain generalizations and errors. 
On matters of shortcomings, we need to admit that similar to changes in modes and commuting dura-
tion, an inquiry of commuting distances would have deemed promising. Commuting distance was asked
in the survey, but unfortunately the subsample of valid responses was too small (n = 8 altogether for all
three spatial classes) for useful evaluation.
5 Conclusion
In our research we address the COVID-19 pandemic and the corresponding mobility responses in Slovenia
from a geographic perspective. Emanating from a worldwide survey, we study the changes in everyday trav-
el behaviour with focus on working commuters and grocery shopping of the Slovene subsample, for which
we differentiate responses by three spatial classes: urban, transitional and rural. Depicting the changes in
travel behaviour from regular to lockdown shows the persisting and even increasing dominance of the car
for shopping purposes, while for work commuting the car’s share shrunk due to a high portion of people
working from home. Taking into account the spatial perspective, our study confirmed the notion that rural
areas remain very car-oriented, while modal share of the urban dwellers is more diverse.
Our results pose a challenging picture for the long-term future which requests transport policy to switch
shares of trips from non-sustainable to sustainable modes. Such transport policy does not only need to
implement measures which are effective from a sustainability perspective, but – as we may have learned
from the COVID-19 pandemic – needs to meet these demands under public health requirements.
Congruously, this also opens avenues for future research on the design and implementation of trans-
port policies that will enable people to move sustainably and in a pandemic dampening way in less densely
populated areas – not only in Slovenia but in all European countries.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: W e thank the reviewers for their valuable comments that helped to finalize the paper.
We thank Takeru Shibayama, Fabian Sandholzer, Melissa Kapfenberger, Ulrich Leth, Helmut Lemmerer
and Günter Emberger who co-designed and co-implemented the survey. We thank Miha Lokar for the
translation of the initial survey into Slovene language. We thank many colleagues who helped in distrib-
uting the survey among their peers. The authors also acknowledge receiving financial support from the
Slovenian Research Agency, research core funding Geography of Slovenia (P6-0101). 
CONTRIBUTIONS: Conceptualization of research: T.B., J.T, M.O.; geographical analysis: J.T.; data analysis:
T.B., B.L.; literature review: M.O.; paper writing: T.B., J.T., M.O., B.L.
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