ACTA HISTRIAE
28, 2020, 2
UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185 ACTA HISTRIAE 28, 2020, 2, pp. 185-348

UDK/UDC 94(05) 
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper
Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria
ACTA HISTRIAE
28, 2020, 2
KOPER 2020
ISSN 1318-0185
e-ISSN 2591-1767

ACTA HISTRIAE • 28 • 2020 • 2
ISSN 1318-0185                UDK/UDC 94(05)             Letnik 28, leto 2020, številka 2
e-ISSN 2591-1767
Darko Darovec
Gorazd Bajc, Furio Bianco (IT), Stuart Carroll (UK), Angel Casals Martinez 
(ES), Alessandro Casellato (IT), Flavij Bonin, Dragica Čeč, Lovorka Čoralić 
(HR), Darko Darovec, Lucien Faggion (FR), Marco Fincardi (IT), Darko Friš, 
Aleš Maver, Borut Klabjan, John Martin (USA), Robert Matijašić (HR), Darja 
Mihelič, Edward Muir (USA), Žiga Oman, Jože Pirjevec, Egon Pelikan, Luciano 
Pezzolo (IT), Claudio Povolo (IT), Marijan Premović (MNE), Luca Rossetto 
(IT), Vida Rožac Darovec, Andrej Studen, Marta Verginella, Salvator Žitko
Urška Lampe, Gorazd Bajc, Arnela Abdić
Patrizia Farinelli, Marko Štuhec, Peter V odopivec
Urška Lampe (slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Stane Mažgon (slo.), Borut Praper 
(angl.),  Metka Zupančič (fr.), Patrizia Farinelli (it.),  Neville Hall (angl.), 
Mojca Šorli (angl.), Desmond Maurer (angl.)
Urška Lampe (angl., slo.), Gorazd Bajc (it.), Arnela Abdić (angl.)
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko - Koper / Società storica del Litorale - Capodistria
©
 
/ Inštitut IRRIS za raziskave, razvoj in strategije družbe, kulture in okolja / Institute IRRIS for 
Research, Development and Strategies of Society, Culture and Environment / Istituto IRRIS 
di ricerca, sviluppo e strategie della società, cultura e ambiente
©
Zgodovinsko društvo za južno Primorsko, SI-6000, Koper-Capodistria, 
Garibaldijeva 18 / Via Garibaldi 18, e-mail: actahistriae@gmail.com; https://zdjp.si/
Založništvo PADRE d.o.o.
300 izvodov/copie/copies
Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije / Slovenian 
Research Agency, Mestna občina Koper
Napoleonov spomenik v Ljubljani oziroma spomenik Ilirskim provincam, postavljen leta 
1929, delo arhitekta Jožeta Plečnika in kiparja Lojzeta Dolinarja. Detajl, pogled z zahoda / 
Monumento dedicato a Napoleone ovver o alle Province Illiriche a Lubiana, eretto nel 1929, 
opera dell'architetto Jože Plečnik e dello scultore Lojze Dolinar. Dettaglio, vista da ovest /
Napoleon's Monument in Ljubljana or the Monument to the Illyrian Provinces, Erected 
in 1929, the Work of Architect Jože Plečnik and Sculptor Lojze Dolinar. Detail, View 
from the West (Foto: Darko Darovec, 2019).
Redakcija te številke je bila zaključena 30. junija 2020.
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ACTA HISTRIAE • 28 • 2020 • 2
V olume 28, Koper 2020, issue 2
VSEBINA / INDICE GENERALE / CONTENTS
Marko Štuhec: Kulturni transfer: koncept in zgodovinska realnost ..........................
Transfer culturale: il concetto e la realtà storica
Cultural Transfer: Concept and Historical Reality
Drago Roksandić: The Imperial Imaginary of the “Loyal Subject”:
Lujo Matutinović on a Kingdom of Illyria from the Gulf of Trieste 
to the Mouth of the Danube  (1811) ............................................................................
Lʼimmaginario imperiale del «suddito fedele»: Lujo Matutinović su un 
Regno illirico dal golfo di Trieste allʼestuario del Danubio (1811)
Imperialni imaginarij „zvestega podanika“: Lujo Matutinović o 
Ilirskem kraljestvu od tržaškega zaliva do izliva Donave (1811)
François Bouchard: Bartolomeo Benincasa, censore generale delle 
Province Illiriche  (1810–1811) ...................................................................................
Bartolomeo Benincasa, the Chief Censor of the Illyrian Provinces (1810–1811) 
Bartolomeo Benincasa, glavni cenzor Ilirskih provinc (1810–1811)
Luka Vidmar: “Grandi speranze di bene”: Metternich, Wrbna and 
Lažanský at the Zois Palace in May 1816 ...................................................................
“Grandi speranze di bene”: Metternich, Wrbna e Lažanský nel palazzo 
di Zois nel maggio 1816
“Grandi speranze di bene”: Metternich, Wrbna in Lažanský v Zoisovi 
palači maja 1816
Jean-Jacques Tatin-Gourier: De la gestion française des mines d’Idrija 
sous l’empire à leur insertion dans les parcours Européens et les études 
des ingénieurs der mines du début du XIX
e
 siècle ......................................................
Dalla gestione francese delle miniere d'Idria alla loro introduzione 
nei percorsi europei e negli studi degli ingenieri minerari agli inizi 
del secolo XIX
Idrijski rudnik od francoske uprave do vključitve v potovanja in 
razprave evropskih rudarskih strokovnjakov na začetku 19. stoletja
185
203
225
UDK/UDC 94(05) ISSN 1318-0185
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243

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Ernst Bruckmüller: The Agricultural Society of Vienna and its 
Connections to Southern and Western Europe between 1812 and 1857 ......................
La società agraria di Vienna e le sue connessioni con l’Europa 
meridionale e occidentale tra il 1812 e il 1857
Dunajska kmetijska družba in njene povezave z južno in zahodno 
Evropo med 1812 in 1857
Peter Vodopivec: Les socialistes « utopiques » français dans 
le Journal des österreichischen Lloyd (1841–1847) et le 
Laibacher Zeitung (1850) ............................................................................................
I socialisti «utopici» francesi nel Journal des österreichischen 
Lloyd (1841–1847) e nel Laibacher Zeitung (1850)
Francoski »utopični« socialisti v Journalu avstrijskega 
Lloyda (1841–1847) in Laibacher Zeitung (1850)
Giulia Delogu: Notizie vere, notizie false: la questione sanitaria 
nell'Adriatico austriaco e nella Carniola del XVIII secolo tra commercio, 
politica e «polizia medica» ..........................................................................................
True News, Fake News: Health Issues in Eighteenth-century Austrian 
Adriatic and Carniola between Commerce, Politics and “Medical Police”
Resnične in lažne novice: razmere v zdravstvu na območju avstrijskega 
Jadrana in Kranjske v 18. stoletju glede na trgovino, 
politiko in “medicinsko policijo”
Maria Bidovec: Eminenti sloveni nelle opere di referenza 
ottocentesche in Italia ..................................................................................................
Eminent Slovenes in Nineteenth Century Reference Works in Italy
Ugledni Slovenci v italijanskih splošnih enciklopedijah 19. stoletja
297
279
311
327

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Luka VIDMAR: “GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA AND LAŽANSKÝ AT THE ZOIS PALACE ..., 243– 268
“GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA AND 
LAŽANSKÝ AT THE ZOIS PALACE IN MAY 1816
Luka VIDMAR
Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts,
Institute of Slovenian Literature and Literary Studies, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia
e-mail: luka.vidmar@zrc-sazu.si
ABSTRACT
The paper deals with talks between Austrian Foreign Minister Klemens von Metter-
nich and Carniolan Enlightenment figure Žiga Zois von Edelstein in Ljubljana in May 
1816. Based on an analysis of Zois’ s correspondence with Jernej Kopitar, Raffaele Zelli 
and Anton Bonazza, it sheds light on the context of this meeting and previously unknown 
details related to it. At the same time, Zois was visited by two other high representatives 
of the Austrian government, Count Rudolf von Wrbna-Freudenthal and Count Procop 
Lažanský von Bukowa. The carefully planned talks addressed not only the importance of 
an Illyrian kingdom and the rehabilitation of Valentin Vodnik, but also the state purchase 
of Zois’ s Upper Carniolan ironworks.
Keywords: Klemens von Metternich, Žiga Zois, Valentin Vodnik, Kingdom of Illyria, 
Austrian Empire, ironworks
“GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA E LAŽANSKÝ 
NEL PALAZZO DI  ZOIS NEL MAGGIO 1816
SINTESI
Lʼarticolo verte sulle trattative svoltesi nel maggio del 1816 tra Klemens von Met-
ternich, il ministro austriaco degli Esteri, e l’illuminista carniolano Sigismondo Zois 
von Edelstein. Basato sull’analisi degli scambi epistolari di Zois con Jernej Kopitar, 
Raffaele Zelli e Antonio Bonazza, il contributo fa luce sul contesto di quell’incontro e su 
alcuni dettagli ad esso relativi, rimasti finora ignoti. Nello stesso periodo Zois ricevette la 
visita di altri due esponenti di rispetto del governo austriaco, il conte Rudolf von Wrbna-
Freudenthal e il conte Procop Lažanský von Bukowa. Trattative così ben pianificate 
rilevano non solo l’importanza che dovette avere, in quellʼincontro, la questione di un 
Regno d’Illiria e la riabilitazione di Valentin Vodnik, ma anche l’acquisto da parte dello 
Stato delle ferriere di Zois dellʼAlta Carniola.
Parole chiave: Klemens von Metternich, Sigismondo Zois, Valentin Vodnik, Regno d’Illiria, 
Impero austriaco, ferriere
Received: 2020-04-20                            DOI 10.19233/AH.2020.13

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INTRODUCTION
1
Due to a preserved copy of a letter written by Baron Žiga (Sigmund) Zois von 
Edelstein (1747‒1819) to his former secretary, Jernej (Bartholomäus) Kopitar, 
on 12 July 1816 (ZRC SAZU, ISLLV , ZFK 15, MP 84), it has long been known 
that the Austrian Foreign Minister, Prince Klemens von Metternich (1773–1859), 
visited Zois, a central figure of the Carniolan Enlightenment, in his palace in 
Ljubljana in May 1816 (Kidrič, 1929–38, 562). France Kidrič, who was the first 
to publish information from the copied letter, interpreted the talks between Zois 
and Metternich selectively: in light of the national perspective of his Zgodovina 
starejšega slovenskega slovstva (History of Early Slovenian Literature), he saw 
only the Baron’s apology for Valentin V odnik and his poem Ilirija oživljena (Il-
lyria Revived), and the Baron’s support for V odnik’s candidacy for the position 
of professor of Slovenian at the Ljubljana Lyceum, which was threatened by the 
reluctance of the Austrian authorities to give their consent (Kidrič, 1929‒38, 562, 
609, 610). 
Janko Kos, who referred to a draft of Zois’s letter dated 24 June 1816 to Raf-
faele Zelli, the former Superintendent of Schools in the Illyrian Provinces, as an 
additional source (NMS, KŽKZ 13, P 141; Faganel, 1999, 162), correctly found 
that Zois had included his defence of V odnik and Ilirija oživljena in the more 
important, central topic of his talks with Metternich: his support for the establish-
ment of an Austrian Illyrian kingdom on the basis of the French Illyrian Provinces 
and the South Slavic character of this new state (Kos, 1988, 28–30). I myself 
found some new information in the correspondence between Zois and Kopitar: in 
mid May, when he learned of the Minister’s imminent arrival in Ljubljana, Kopitar 
asked his former patron and mentor to advocate the Illyrian kingdom as a South 
Slavic state (including Dalmatia) with its own court chancellery and chancellor. 
Zois and Metternich then met no later than 23 May, and not on 25 May as (incor -
rectly) stated in the correspondence and consequently in the associated literature 
(Vidmar, 2016, 207–212).
In the present paper, I will try to expand the existing knowledge concerning 
the talks between Zois and Metternich by analysing an additional source: Zois’s 
letters to his nephew Anton von Bonazza, who was living in Trieste at the time. 
These letters, preserved at the Ravne na Koroškem Museum (Krivograd, 2010), 
give a more detailed and, above all, more complex picture of the events of May 
1816: Zois spoke not only with Metternich, but also with two other representatives 
of the court and the government; there was not just one discussion, but several; 
at least two of the meetings were planned not just a few days before, but several 
1 This paper is the result of research carried out in the programme Studies in Literary History, Literary The-
ory and Methodology, funded by the Slovenian Research Agency (ARRS, P6-0024). My thanks to Neville 
Hall and Mojca Šorli for translating the text. I am indebted to Karla Oder (Carinthian Regional Museum, 
Ravne na Koroškem Museum) for providing me with the photographs of Zois’s letters to Bonazza.

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weeks and even months in advance; and the participants spoke not only about 
V odnik and the Illyrian kingdom, but also of Zois’s ironworks. In the continua-
tion, I will try to reconstruct the content of the talks, but first I will clarify their 
context: the journey of Austrian Emperor Francis I through the annexed Italian 
and Illyrian provinces.
Fig. 1: Portrait of Baron Žiga (Sigmund) Zois at the end of his life, 
lithograph by Joseph Lanzedelly the Elder, 1820. Slovenian Academy 
of Sciences and Arts. Photo: Luka Vidmar.

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THE EMPEROR’S JOURNEY THROUGH THE KINGDOM OF 
LOMBARDY -VENETIA AND THE FORMER ILLYRIAN PROVINCES
At the end of September 1815, after the final defeat of Napoleon, Emperor Francis I 
(1768–1835) travelled from Paris to Tyrol and further south to visit his new Kingdom of 
Lombardy-Venetia and the northern part of the former French Illyrian Provinces, which 
Austria had conquered by the end of January 1814 and formally annexed at the Congress 
of Vienna. On 31 October 1815, the ruler was formally received in Venice, where he 
stayed for some time. He then travelled to Milan, arriving on 31 December. In addition 
to his wife, Maria Ludovika, members of the imperial family and courtiers, he was 
accompanied by ministers and other senior government officials, who were preparing 
the reorganisation of the annexed Italian and Illyrian provinces. Among them were Met-
ternich, who had travelled from the French capital after the signing of the Treaty of Paris 
and joined the monarch in Venice on 5 December, as well as Count Rudolf von Wrbna-
Freudenthal (1761–1823) and Count Procop Lažanský von Bukowa (1771–1823). All 
three of these men were later to be Zois’s interlocutors. After the Empress died in Verona 
on 7 April 1816, Francis I set out for the former Illyrian Provinces, visiting Trieste, 
Istria, Carniola and Carinthia in May. After visiting Tyrol and Salzburg, he returned 
to Vienna in mid June (Giornale di Venezia, 31. 10. 1815, 1; Wiener Zeitung, 25. 9. 
1815–18. 6. 1816; Berényi, 1833, 190–200; Haas, 1963, 78–97).
As his correspondence with Bonazza shows, Zois closely followed the Emperor’s 
journey, partly out of an interest in politics, and partly because he wanted to make 
contact with the court, initially mainly for business reasons, when it travelled through 
Trieste and Ljubljana. He knew several members of the Emperor’s entourage personally, 
some of whom he had corresponded with in the past or was otherwise associated with. 
He was regularly, albeit with an inevitable delay, informed of the ruler’s movements by 
the newspapers Laibacher Zeitung, Osservatore Triestino and Vaterländische Blätter, to 
which he subscribed (Svoljšak & Vidmar, 2019, 55), although sometimes news reached 
him faster via Bonazza, who was closer to events. In addition, Zois read the central 
newspaper of the Habsburg Monarchy, Wiener Zeitung (see, for example, KPM, MRK, 
FMŽ, K 20, KM 5124), if not others. In establishing and maintaining contact with the 
court, he relied on his two nephews, who in recent years had been his main deputies in 
running the family estates and businesses: Bonazza helped run the trading company in 
Trieste and the ironworks in Mislinja, while Karl Zois, the designated heir, managed the 
Brdo estate and oversaw the ironworks in Bohinjska Bistrica and Javornik (cf. Kidrič, 
1939, 7, 8; Preinfalk, 2003, 33).
ZOIS’S CONTACT WITH WRBNA: THE SALE OF THE 
IRONWORKS IN MISLINJA, BOHINJ AND JA VORNIK
From the correspondence with Bonazza, it is evident that, in the autumn of 
1815, Zois decided to establish contact with the travelling court because he 
wanted to sell the Mislinja ironworks, followed by the ironworks in Bohinjska 

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Fig. 2: Portrait of Emperor Francis I, lithograph by Johann Georg Mansfeld, after the 
painting by Franz Thaler, around 1810. National Museum of Slovenia. Photo: Tomaž Lauko.

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Bistrica and Javornik. The profitability of his ironworks had begun to decline in 
the 1780s, as Emperor Joseph II had liberalised the iron trade and taxed domestic 
iron production, making it increasingly difficult for Austrian producers to com-
pete with Russian, Swedish and English iron. Zois modernised his plants, making 
them among the most efficient in Carniola and Carinthia; after 1809, however, the 
Continental Blockade and the contribution under French rule, as well as increased 
taxes on production and the introduction of export duty under Austrian rule, led 
to a reduction in operations, financial losses, borrowing and redundancies (Šorn, 
1984, 147, 160, 220, 221; Valenčič et al., 1991, 834‒836; Preinfalk, 2012, 45‒46; 
cf. Šumrada, 2006, 45‒46; Schmidt, 2015, 9 ‒11; Stergar, 2017, 104). It was under 
these circumstances that Zois began to look for buyers for his assets, including 
the ironworks. At the beginning of 1815, he and Bonazza discussed the sale of the 
Mislinja ironworks, but concluded that it would be difficult to obtain an accept-
able sum for them. Zois also considered, with anticipated support of his friends 
in the court responsible for mining and metallurgy (Franz Joseph Müller, Baron 
Joseph von Leithner, Count Rudolf von Wrbna-Freudenthal), the possibility of 
proposing a state purchase to the Emperor. In September, the Mislinja steward 
Joachim Paul Jaut advised trying to sell the ironworks through a lottery organised 
by the state on the basis of the official valuation. Zois and Bonazza were im-
mediately enthusiastic about the proposal (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5116, 
5118, 5122, 5128, 5129).
In a letter written in the period 3–6 October 1815, when the Emperor was 
already on his way from Paris, Zois began considering how he could win the 
favour of the court for the lottery. However, he complained that, due to his age 
and his persistent gout, he lacked the energy to execute such an extensive plan, 
and that this was also true of his allies, as his old friends in the court had already 
passed away (which was not entirely true). He was no doubt referring to Count 
Karl von Zinzendorf (cf. Trampus, 1993), who had died in 1813, having served as 
the minister responsible for home affairs until 1809 (Pettenegg, 1879, 185–186). 
Zois went on to conclude that it would be necessary to wait for the return of the 
Emperor, his brothers and magnates. As a potential ally, he at least envisioned the 
Aichelburg family, with whom the Zois family was closely related (cf. Preinfalk, 
2003, 34). In addition, he counted on the favour of Archduke John and Count 
Wrbna: “Um die Erlaubniß zum Ausspiel zu werben kann ich mich einzig auf 
die Gnade des Erzherzogs Johanns, und des Ministers Gr. Wrbna, verwenden!” 
(KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5130). Zois’s hopes were not unfounded: he had 
established a friendship with the Emperor’s brother, Archduke John, who had 
been his guest on several occasions, while Count Wrbna was an acquaintance 
and natural sciences correspondent (Kidrič, 1939, 29, 92; Klemun, 2000, 15; 
Vidmar, 2016, 73, 185, 187). This senior imperial chamberlain was particularly 
important to Zois’s plan because, as well as being the Emperor’s personal friend, 
advisor and the leader of his bodyguard, he was also a longstanding official of the 
Court Chamber of Coinage and Mining (cf. Wurzbach, 1856‒91, LVIII, 190‒194; 

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Luka VIDMAR: “GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA AND LAŽANSKÝ AT THE ZOIS PALACE ..., 243– 268
Procházka, 1974, 100; Klemun, 2000, 20). The correspondence with Bonazza 
shows that Zois established contact with Wrbna in the first months of 1816 and 
presented the lottery proposal to him. However, it is clear that he had not yet 
addressed Archduke John, who was visiting Britain at the time and only returned 
to Graz in May 1816 (see Wiener Zeitung, 25. 5. 1816, 1).
Fig. 3: Portrait of Count Rudolf von Wrbna-Freudenthal, 
engraving by Karl Hermann Pfeiffer, after the painting by 
Johann Baptist von Lampi the Elder, 1806. Europeana.

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In addition to the proposal for the Mislinja ironworks, in the spring of 1816, 
Zois also put together a proposed solution for the Bohinj and Javornik ironworks: 
the state treasury would buy them and combine them with the Bled estate, which 
had been secularized in 1803, thus creating an economically strong and, above all, 
profitable state estate. Zois referred to this idea as “Veldeser Projeckt” (the Bled 
Plan), for instance, on 16 May and 12 June 1816 (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 
5135, 5138). All the while, he was well informed about events in Italy. In mid April, 
when the newspapers were only just reporting the Empress’s death (Wiener Zei-
tung, 12. 4. 1816, 1), he already knew that the Emperor was on his way to Trieste. 
On 15 April, he quickly instructed Bonazza to seek an audience with Wrbna upon 
the arrival of the court, to thank him on Zois’s behalf for his goodwill regarding 
the solution for the Mislinja ironworks, and to mention the Bled Plan. If possible, 
Bonazza was to express the entire family’s gratitude to the Emperor himself. Zois 
wrote that he intended to repeat this tribute – personally and with the help of his 
nephew Karl – in Ljubljana (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5132). Wrbna did indeed 
receive Bonazza shortly after 30 April, when the Emperor arrived in Trieste (see 
Wiener Zeitung, 8. 5. 1816, 1), as, on 7 May, Zois was delighted by his nephew’s 
account of the meeting. Moreover, he was not disturbed by the fact that Bonazza 
had not had an opportunity to explain the Bled Plan to Wrbna in more detail, as he 
was convinced that a perfect basis had been established for his personal talks with 
Wrbna, which had already been agreed upon (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5134).
ZOIS’S PREPARATIONS FOR METTERNICH’S ARRIV AL
At precisely this time, new opportunities unexpectedly opened up for Zois’s 
lobbying. On 7 May 1816, when the Emperor was already in Istria (Laibacher 
Zeitung, 21. 5. 1816, 1‒2), or a few days earlier, the court commission for accom-
modation informed Zois that his palace had been chosen to serve as Metternich’s 
residence during the Emperor’s visit to Ljubljana. As he wrote in a letter to Bon-
azza on 7 May, Zois was alarmed by the news, as he believed his premises were 
too meagre for such an important guest: “Die hiesige Hof Quartiers Kommission 
hat mir den Fürsten Metternich angesagt, worüber ich beinahe erschrocken bin, 
weil meine Zimmer für so grosse Herren wohl zu armselig sind.” (KPM, MRK, 
FMŽ, K 20, KM 5134). Despite his surprise, Zois immediately decided to take 
advantage of this opportunity, but to resolve other matters. He reported the news 
to Kopitar in Vienna, with whom he had been developing the concept of Illyria as 
a South Slavic state since 1810, when the first rumours of the return of the Illyr -
ian Provinces to Austria had come to light. In mid May, Kopitar sent the Baron 
instructions encoded in a Latin sentence due to their delicate political content. 
In a conversation with Metternich, Zois was to take advantage of a favourable 
occasion to mention a weighty matter: his support for the establishment of an 
Illyrian kingdom as a South Slavic state: “Tu per occasionem mentionem injice 
rei magnae!” (Vidmar, 2016, 202‒208).

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Fig. 4: Portrait of Prince Klemens von Metternich, engraving by David Weiß, after the painting 
by Baron François Gérard, after 1810. National Museum of Slovenia. Photo: Tomaž Lauko.

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Thus, no later than 7 May, Zois had secured a meeting with two statesmen. 
On 16 May, he described to Bonazza the final preparations before their arrival. 
On the morning of that day, Karl Zois, the imperial chamberlain Count Josef von 
Thurn-Valsassina and six other Carniolan nobles set out for Planina and Postojna, 
to pay their respects to the Emperor. The delegation probably arrived before the 
Emperor in Postojna, on 17 May, and from there escorted him to Ljubljana (cf. 
Laibacher Zeitung, 21. 5. 1816, 2). During these days, Karl had ample opportunity 
to thank Wrbna and the Emperor once again for their help in resolving the situa-
tion with the Mislinja ironworks, as his uncle had explicitly ordered him to do. 
Meanwhile, the Baron was preparing everything necessary to receive Metternich, 
who was travelling to Ljubljana with his friend and advisor, Prince Franz Joseph 
von Dietrichstein, and the general and imperial privy councillor, Baron Peter Duka 
von Kadar, by another route, from Rijeka via Karlovac: “Heüte erfahre, daß Fürst 
Metternich mit Fürst Dietrichstein, und F. M. L. Duca von Fiume über Karlstadt 
hier einrücken werden.” Zois also awaited the final court instructions regarding the 
accommodation of his high guests (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5135).
ZOIS’S TALKS WITH WRBNA: THE BLED PLAN
From the same letter from Zois to Bonazza, we can gather the circumstances in 
which the discussions with the statesmen, beginning with Wrbna, took place. The 
Baron’s health was very poor. In the draft letter to Zelli dated 24 June 1816, Zois 
wrote that he had suffered a severe attack of gout on 29 February of that year in all of 
the joints of his upper torso. He had been close to death and subsequently remained in 
bed for three months (NMS, KŽKZ 13, P 141), thus including the month of May. On 
16 May, just prior to the visit by the statesmen, he wrote to Bonazza that he had not 
yet recovered sufficiently to perform his duties fully on this very decisive occasion: 
“Bin ich noch nicht so weit erhohlt, um alles was mir in dieser höchst entscheidenden 
Gelegenheit obliegt, mit physischen und moralischen Kräften gehörig ausführen zu 
können.” He could only leave his bed in the afternoons, his arms were paralysed, 
and he complained of a weak head and voice. As he described in a postscript the 
next day, his condition worsened on the night of 16 to 17 May, when he suffered an 
attack of gout in his left hip. This burdened him with the sad fate of greeting his first 
important guest while bedridden: “[…] muß ich unglücklicherweise berichten, daß 
mich heüte Nachts ein neüer Anfall im linken Hüftbein ausser Stande gesezt hat, an 
das Aufstehen zu denken, wonach mich also das betrübte Schiksal treffen wird, den 
Gr. Wrbna nicht anderst als aus dem Bette sprechen zu können.” (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, 
K 20, KM 5135). A report to Zelli also confirms that Zois had received the statesmen 
half dead (“mezzo morto”) in bed (NMS, KŽKZ 13, P 141).
From a postscript dated 17 May, it is obvious that Zois was expecting the im-
minent arrival of Wrbna. It is quite possible that Wrbna actually came to Zois prior 
to the arrival of the Emperor, possibly on 18 May, so that he could prepare every-
thing necessary for a ruler’s sojourn in Ljubljana. Surprisingly, Zois’s next letters to 

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Fig. 5. The first page of Zois’ s letter to Bonazza announcing the talks with Wrbna, 
16‒17 May 1816. Carinthian Regional Museum, Ravne na Koroškem Museum. Photo: 
Karla Oder.

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Bonazza do not mention the details of the talks with Wrbna (nor with Lažanský and 
Metternich). The suspiciously large time gap between the letter dated 16 May and the 
next letter dated 8 June suggests that Bonazza may have burned the letter that spoke 
about the statesmen due to its political sensitivity. This was a typical precautionary 
measure among Zois’s contemporaries and acquaintances (cf. Kidrič, 1939, 169; Vid-
mar, 2010, 257). It can, however, be reasonably assumed that Zois sought to obtain 
the firmest possible approval or rejection of the Bled Plan from Wrbna, as he assured 
Bonazza on 16 May: “Ich werde thun, was möglich seÿn wird, und haubtsächlich, 
um über das Veldeser Projeckt ein bestimmtes ja oder nein […] zu erhalten.” (KPM, 
MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5135). Of course, it was not so simple, as Wrbna was not 
able to decide on such an ambitious plan alone. At most, Zois could obtain from 
Wrbna – and, in light of the development of events, he apparently did so – a promise 
of governmental consideration of the proposal and an assurance of personal support. 
On this occasion, Wrbna no doubt also viewed Zois’s mineral collection, as he was a 
collector himself and had exchanged minerals with the Baron in the past (cf. Klemun, 
2000, 15, 19).
THE EMPEROR IN LJUBLJANA, LAŽANSKÝ 
AT THE ZOIS PALACE
On 19 May, shortly before noon, the Emperor arrived in Ljubljana via the road 
Tržaška cesta (Triesterstrasse). He entered the city not far from the Zois Palace in 
Breg (Rain), near the monastery of the Teutonic Order. From his palace, Zois would 
have been able to catch the sound of the city guard parade in the square Nemški trg 
(Deutscher Platz) and the military parade with a band in the square Novi trg (Neuer 
Markt). No doubt his employees and acquaintances also informed him about the 
lively events in the city streets. The Emperor then took up residence in another part 
of Ljubljana, in the diocesan palace (Laibacher Zeitung, 21. 5. 1816, 1). It is unlikely 
that he and Zois met during these days. Zois was in fact well known to Francis I, who 
appreciated and made use of his experience in the fields of economics, zoology and 
mineralogy. In 1808, the Emperor named Zois a commander of the then-established 
Order of Leopold for his service to the state (Kidrič, 1939, 96; Vidmar, 2016, 185). 
However, Zois was probably too frail to attend any formal receptions with the Em-
peror, such as that held for all present recipients of the Order of Leopold, the imperial 
chamberlains and the generals in the diocesan palace at one o’clock in the afternoon 
on 22 May (Laibacher Zeitung, 31. 5. 1816, 2‒3), to which he would certainly have 
been invited. The Emperor had a busy schedule and, between his daily visits to state 
buildings and public institutions, probably did not find time to visit Zois personally. 
At least for now, we do not know of any source that mentions such a visit. If nothing 
else, the Baron would have been able to see the ruler from his palace on the morning 
of 22 May, when the latter visited the nearby tollhouse building in Breg. The Emperor 
left the capital of Carniola on the morning of 23 May, setting out for Villach from the 
square Marijin trg (Marienplatz) (Laibacher Zeitung, 31. 5. 1816, 2‒4).

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Fig. 6: Portrait of Count Procop Lažanský von Bukowa, lithograph, early nineteenth 
century. Europeana.

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It is, however, clear that Zois was visited by a senior government official who, 
according to the reporting of the newspaper Laibacher Zeitung, always accompanied 
the Emperor during his official visits: since July 1814, Count Procop Lažanský von 
Bukowa had served as the chairman of the Court Central Organisation Committee, 
which was responsible for preparing the integration of the Italian and Illyrian prov-
inces into the Austrian Empire (Laibacher Zeitung, 31. 5. 1816, 2; Haas, 1963, 42; 
Kos, 1988, 28). This is testified to by the draft of a letter by Zois to Zelli, which is the 
only known source that mentions all three statesmen in the palace in Breg: “[…] lʼho 
[Metternich] veduto al mio letto, assieme alli Conti Wrbna e Lazanzkÿ […]” (NMS, 
KŽKZ 13, P 141). Although it could be inferred from Zois’s words that all three 
men came to his bedside together, such coordination of statesmen with very different 
duties in such a short time is very unlikely; furthermore, the Baron’s correspondence 
with Bonazza and Kopitar indicates that the first statesman to visit the palace in Breg 
(around 18 May) was Wrbna and the last (around 23 May) was Metternich. In the 
interim, Lažanský appeared.
Given what we know about Zois’s careful planning of the talks with Wrbna and 
Metternich, we can conclude that Lažanský’s visit was more than just a courtesy 
call. It is quite likely that Lažanský visited Zois, who was one of the greatest 
authorities on the local situation, on the specific instructions of the Emperor, or at 
least with his knowledge. They probably talked about the administrative arrange-
ments of the former Illyrian Provinces and, if the discussion proceeded according 
to Zois’s wishes, about the scope and character of the future Kingdom of Illyria. 
The conversation no doubt also touched upon the Upper Carniolan ironworks, 
as the correspondence with Bonazza shows that Lažanský was informed about 
the Bled Plan after returning to Vienna. In view of the fact that Zois mentions 
Lažanský less frequently than Wrbna and Metternich in the extant letters, we 
can conclude that the former was the least amenable to his plans, or the least 
useful in this regard. That would be logical, as Lažanský was not responsible 
for economic matters, least of all for the iron industry. Moreover, he was not in 
favour of Metternich’s proposal to transform the Austrian Empire into a union 
of kingdoms, which would give more weight to the Kingdom of Illyria, instead 
advocating traditional concepts of centralisation and provincial identities (Haas, 
1963, 99, 148, 188).
METTERNICH AT THE ZOIS PALACE: THE FATE OF THE 
KINGDOM OF ILLYRIA AND V ALENTIN VODNIK
Of the three statesmen, it was Metternich who spent the most time in the Zois 
Palace, as he resided there during the Emperor’s visit to Ljubljana. With typical 
modesty, Zois reported to Zelli that, among the ministers who accompanied the 
ruler, Metternich had contented himself with his military apartment: “Abbiamo 
qui avuto di passaggio per 4 giorni il nostro Sovrano con tutto il seguito di Min-
istri, frà i quali il Prencipe Metternich sʼè contentato del mio quartiere militare 

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[…]” (NMS, KŽKZ 13, P 141). From these words it can be gathered that Zois re-
linquished his personal apartment on the second floor of the palace to the Foreign 
Minister, which was not so modest, as it consisted of seventeen rooms including 
the renowned library and mineral collection (cf. Kopitar, 1851, 6; Kidrič, 1939, 
34; Svoljšak & Vidmar, 2019, 93, 94).
Metternich apparently took the time to have a long discussion with Zois in the 
second half or towards the end of his stay in Ljubljana, as the copy of the Baron’s 
letter to Kopitar of 12 July dates this meeting on 25 May (ZRC SAZU, ISLLV , 
ZFK 15, MP 84). This date is, however, incorrect, because the Foreign Minister 
was already in Klagenfurt on 24 May (cf. Haas, 1958, 392). The mistake was made 
either by Zois himself when composing or dictating the letter, or by his copyist 
Vincenc Karnof when copying the letter for the archives. The talks were in fact 
probably held on 23 May (Vidmar, 2016, 209), the day of the Minister’s departure, 
or on a day prior to that.
The correspondence with Kopitar proves that Zois wanted to talk to Metternich 
primarily about the Illyrian question. It is highly likely that Metternich wanted to 
hear Zois’s opinion on the matter, and this may even be why he chose the latter’s 
palace for his residence. Zois reported to Kopitar: “Ich wiederhohle kurz, daß 
der Fürst M. alle Gründe für Illyrien, und für den Südlichen Slavismuß mit vieler 
Aufmerksamkeit angehört, beherzigt, und versprochen hat, den Gegenstand zur 
Fig. 7: The Zois Palace in Breg, Ljubljana, early nineteenth century. Photo: Luka Vidmar.

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Sprache bringen zu wollen.” Thus, Zois explained to the Foreign Minister his 
and Kopitar’s understanding of an Illyrian kingdom, which, under the Austrian 
imperial crown, would politically and culturally connect the South Slavs from 
Carinthia to Dalmatia, possibly extending as far as Serbia, while the capital would 
be located in Ljubljana. The Baron probably recommended that, if at all possible, 
there should be an Illyrian court chancellery with a chancellor in Vienna, in order 
to give the new state genuine significance and influence. According to Zois, Met-
ternich listened carefully to his reasons for the South Slavic character of the future 
Kingdom of Illyria, giving them due consideration and promising to take them up 
with the Emperor (Kos, 1988, 29–30; Vidmar, 2016, 209). Zois’s impression of 
Metternich’s sympathy for his and Kopitar’s ideas was entirely correct: as early as 
the beginning of 1816, the Foreign Minister suggested to the Emperor the estab-
lishment of an Illyrian kingdom that would include Dalmatia (as did the Illyrian 
Provinces) and would serve as a counterbalance to Russia’s presence in the Balkan 
Peninsula. This proposal was part of Metternich’s ambitious plan to transform 
the Austrian Empire into a more effective federation of states or kingdoms with 
a powerful central authority in Vienna (Haas, 1963, 98, 99; Rumpler, 1997, 202; 
Stergar, 2017, 106–108).
The second topic of the talks – Valentin V odnik – was undoubtedly raised 
by Zois himself. The Emperor had retired V odnik at the end of 1814 due to his 
Francophilia, expressed mainly in the poem Ilirija oživljena, as well as his al-
leged membership in the Masonic Lodge (V odopivec, 1988, 19–20; Kos, 1990). In 
1816, V odnik had applied for the new Slovenian language chair at the Ljubljana 
Lyceum, but had little chance of securing the position in light of the Emperor’s 
command. Due to a personal dispute, even Kopitar, then a scriptor at the Impe-
rial Library and a censor for Slavic and Greek books and periodicals in Vienna, 
did not support V odnik’s candidacy. As early as in 1815, he had envisaged the 
position of professor being taken up by theologian Matevž Ravnikar, who was 
also a member of Zois’s circle. Thus, on 20 March 1816, Kopitar informed Zois 
that, at the bequest of the government, he was preparing questions for the call for 
applications for the professorship, and that his preferred candidate was unequivo-
cally Ravnikar (Vidmar, 2016, 111). Zois was justifiably worried that they would 
overlook V odnik despite the latter’s efforts for the Slovenian language. Although 
Metternich was not responsible for education and was probably not aware of 
the case at all, Zois took advantage of the opportunity to try to help his friend. 
On 12 July, he reported to Kopitar: “Er [Metternich] hat mir erlaubt, Ihnen die 
Illyria rediviva, mit lat. Übersetzung zuzusenden, und hat meinem Kommentare 
über diese Ode und dem verfolgten Poeten, gütig aufgenohmen.” (ZRC SAZU, 
ISLLV , ZFK 15, MP 84). Obviously emboldened by the Minister’s kindness, 
Zois skilfully directed the conversation to the matter of V odnik. He defended the 
controversial poem, probably downplaying its pro-French stance and emphasis-
ing its patriotism (which was also important for the future Austrian Illyria), and 
advocated the appointment of V odnik as professor of Slovenian. According to the 

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Fig. 8: The first page of the copy of Zois’ s letter to Kopitar with a report on the 
talks with Metternich, 12 July 1816. Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of 
Sciences and Arts.

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Baron, Metternich graciously accepted his comments and agreed to Zois sending 
him the poem in Slovenian together with its Latin translation (Kidrič, 1929‒38, 
650, 651; Kos, 1988, 30; Vidmar, 2016, 94, 209). The translation was, of course, 
necessary in order for the Minister to understand the poem at all.
In addition to the issues of Illyria and V odnik, Metternich and Zois also 
touched upon the political situation in Europe. In his report to Kopitar, Zois 
expressed satisfaction with the enhanced role of Austria after the Congress of 
Vienna and the establishment of the Holy Alliance: “Viel Gutes ist zu hoffen, 
wenn die konzentrirende Parthey die Oberhand behält.” (Vidmar, 2016, 209). 
Last but not least, the report reveals Zois’s genuine enthusiasm for Metternich. 
We can therefore conclude that the two interlocutors established an excellent 
mutual understanding: “Viel schöne Hof Sprache, aber auch viel sublimes wah-
res Genie und Talent habe bei dieser Gelegenheit bewundert.” (ZRC SAZU, 
ISLLV , ZFK 15, MP 84; Vidmar, 2016, 210). Zois’s praise of Metternich’s fine 
courtly language, his talent, and even his sublime genius, is in line with the 
impressions of his contemporaries, who, regardless of their personal predisposi-
tion towards the man, recognised the Austrian Foreign Minister’s sharp intellect 
and sophisticated elegance (cf. Sked, 2008, 27).
UNSOLD ZOIS’S IRONWORKS
The May talks filled Zois with great hope for the state purchase of the 
ironworks, the establishment of a South Slavic Illyrian kingdom, and V odnik’s 
appointment as professor of Slovenian. A favourable general outcome is alluded 
to in the draft of a letter to Zelli: “[…] ed ho avuto campo di ammirare i sublimi 
talenti di questi Capi, e di concepire grandi speranze di bene per lʼavvenire ‒ ma 
troppo tardi per me ‒ pregando il Cielo che i Superstiti ne possan goderne quanto 
prima.” (NMS, KŽKZ 13, P 141). Thus, after the visit of the statesmen, whose 
superior gifts he had an opportunity to admire, Zois could have entertained high 
hopes for the best in the future, even though the realisation of his plans would 
come too late for him personally. In the summer of 1816, he remained in contact 
with all three visitors via letters and intermediaries. In keeping with their prom-
ises and the Baron’s expectations, they did in fact support, or at least favourably 
consider, his plans, which nevertheless failed one after the other, as their fate was 
sealed by other factors.
The correspondence with Bonazza shows how further lobbying was conducted 
for the purchase of the Upper Carniolan ironworks. On 12 June, Zois announced 
that he had brought the troubles of the Upper Carniolan ironworks to the attention 
of Archduke John, and had specifically recommended the Bled Plan to him, “weil 
dieses Projeckt im Grunde vollkommen physisch und moralisch wahr und gut 
ist.” No later than August, he sent Karl Zois to Vienna to deliver his letters to 
Archduke John, Wrbna, Lažanský and other government officials, and to convince 
them of the advantages of the Bled Plan. Thus, Karl delivered his uncle’s letter 

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to Wrbna no later than 4 September, along with a package of minerals, which was 
Zois’s established way of gaining favour (cf. Kidrič, 1941, 156; Vidmar, 2016, 
185). Undoubtedly, Zois kindly sent some minerals that Wrbna had discovered to 
be missing from his own collection during his visit to Ljubljana. On or just prior 
to 7 September, Karl was received by Archduke John, who lamented the state of 
Austrian ironworking, graciously accepted Zois’s letter, endorsed the Bled Plan, 
and promised to warmly recommend it to the Emperor. The Archduke no doubt 
sincerely wanted to help, but Zois was probably unaware of how little weight his 
word carried in the court, as the Emperor and Metternich had excluded him from 
political decision-making due to his involvement in the attempt of a new Tyrolean 
uprising in 1813 (cf. Siemann, 2010, 97, 100).
The bad portents multiplied. In the period until 9 September, Karl was received 
by a number of government officials, including Lažanský, who was friendly but re-
ferred to the binding opinion of the General Court Chamber. He also had a meeting 
with the President of the General Court Chamber, Count Ignaz Karl von Chorinsky, 
who was much cooler and resolutely opposed the state purchase until he was con-
vinced of the true links between Bled and the Upper Carniolan ironworks. On 16 
September, Zois reported to Bonazza on the poor prospects for the realisation of the 
Bled Plan, which, according to him, could only be resolved by the ruler’s personal 
Fig. 9: Report on the visit of Metternich, Wrbna and Lažanský in the draft of Zois’ s 
letter to Zelli, 24 June 1816. National Museum of Slovenia. Photo: Luka Vidmar.

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intervention, encouraged with the help of Archduke John and Wrbna. On or just prior 
to 10 September, Court Councillor Franz Ferdinand Schiller, who was responsible 
for mining, bluntly informed Karl that he could not advise the state to take over 
the Zois’s ironworks, even if they were handed over gratis: “Der Haubt Referent 
S[c]hiller hat Karln drocken ins Gesicht gesagt, daß er dem Staate nicht anrathen 
könne, unsere Werken ‒ auch nicht geschenkter ‒ anzunehmen.” In the following 
days, assistance was offered by Wrbna, who was prepared to speak with his friends 
Chorinsky and Stadion (the Finance Minister) about Zois’s ironworks. However, 
the decision of the state financiers and mining experts remained unchanged: the 
Bled Plan was rejected. As early as in September 1816, Zois began to explore other 
solutions with his nephew Karl: the exchange of the Mislinja ironworks for Ruard’s 
ironworks in Sava; the sale of the Upper Carniolan ironworks to Count Radetzky, 
who would amalgamate them with the Bled estate if the Emperor bestowed it upon 
him for his military service; and the sale of the ironworks by lottery. However, after 
unsuccessful lobbying, Karl set out for home in October (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, K 20, 
KM 5138, 5144, 5146, 5147, 5148, 5149, 5150). In 1817, the exhausted Baron left 
the Mislinja ironworks to Bonazza, who was in any case its main creditor (KPM, 
MRK, FMŽ, K 20, KM 5132; cf. Potočnik, 1999; Krivograd, 2004, 78–98). The 
Upper Carniolan ironworks were sold to Karl by his uncle Zois just before his death 
in 1819 (Valenčič et al., 1991, 836).
A POWERLESS KINGDOM OF ILLYRIA
Nor did the creation of the Kingdom of Illyria unfold according to Zois’s 
wishes, despite initial positive indications. The day after his departure from 
Ljubljana, Metternich fulfilled his promise to Zois and raised the issue of Il-
lyria and the South Slavs with the Emperor. On 24 May 1816, he wrote a letter 
to Francis I in Klagenfurt advocating the establishment of an Illyrian kingdom 
with a South Slavic character. He asserted that he had been strengthened in this 
belief by conversations with authorities on the matter, specifically naming only 
the governor of Venice, Count Peter von Goëss, a member of an established noble 
family of Carinthia, but, of course, having Zois in mind, as well. Referring to the 
inhabitants of the proposed state, Metternich wrote: “Die Mehrzahl der hiesigen 
Nation ist Slawischen Ursprungs und hegt daher V orliebe zu dieser Abkunft. Ein 
Mittägliches Slawisches Reich kann nur V ortheil bringen und dieses besonders 
auf einem Punkte, wo diese Nationalität sich mit der römisch-katholischen Reli-
gion vereint.” (Haas, 1958, 392). According to Metternich, the Illyrian kingdom 
would be advantageous because it would connect the Catholic Slavic peoples in 
the southwest of the Habsburg Monarchy, consolidate their loyalty to Austria, 
and distance them from the neighbouring Slavic peoples of the Orthodox and 
Islamic faiths. This letter clearly demonstrates that the Foreign Minister took into 
account Zois and Kopitar’s arguments, which largely corresponded to his own 
plans (Vidmar, 2016, 211–212).

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On this occasion, however, the Emperor disregarded Metternich’s advice and 
gave priority to the traditional division into provinces rather than a new system 
of kingdoms. He also decided to continue relying on Joseph IIʼs concepts of cen-
tralization and German primacy: he did not agree with adapting to ethnic features 
of particular parts of the Austrian Empire and was especially reluctant to approve 
a coherent state with a Slavic character (Haas, 1958, 393; Rumpler, 1997, 202; 
Stergar, 2016, 113). On the Emperor’s command, the Kingdom of Illyria was 
proclaimed on 3 August 1816, but it was territorially reduced and without any 
power. Ljubljana did not become the capital, but only the seat of the Ljubljana 
Gubernium, which, together with the Trieste Gubernium, constituted the new state. 
The existing provinces and their borders were maintained within the kingdom. The 
former Illyrian Provinces were expanded with the addition of Cividale del Friuli, 
Gradisca dʼIsonzo and, in 1825, the Klagenfurt district. The Kingdom of Illyria did 
not, however, include Dalmatia, and Provincial Croatia reverted back to Hungary 
in 1822 (Polec, 1925, 92–126; Haas, 1958, 394–396; Stergar, 2017, 113‒114). 
Despite Metternich’s persistent attempts, which were completely in line with Zois 
and Kopitar’s wishes, the kingdom was not allocated its own court chancellery 
and chancellor (Haas, 1963, 130, 131, 134; Rumpler, 1997, 202), nor was its South 
Slavic character indicated in any way. At the end of 1817, with his final rejection 
of Metternich’s attempt to reform the internal organisation of the Austrian Empire, 
the Emperor also buried Zois and Kopitar’s concept of a South Slavic Illyrian 
kingdom.
NO PROFESSORSHIP FOR VODNIK 
Likewise, despite his high connections, Zois was unable to help V odnik. On 12 
July 1816, he gave Kopitar a summary of his talks with Metternich, partly to remind 
him of Zois’s own (and potentially the Minister’s) support for V odnik’s candidacy. 
Significantly, he announced his parcel for Metternich that would supposedly help 
V odnik to secure the professorship rather than some Germanophile: “Prof. V[odnik] 
hat mir eben das Autographon [der Illyriae redivivae], wozu er nun eine Illyria 
magnificata verspricht, eingebracht: hoffentlich wird die Slavische Lehrkanzel 
nicht einem Nemshovauz ertheilet werden.” (ZRC SAZU, ISLLV , ZFK 15, MP 84; 
Vidmar, 2016, 122). Thus, V odnik prepared a manuscript of Ilirija oživljena (to-
gether with a Latin translation) for Metternich, as well as promising a manuscript 
(certainly also, or only, in Latin) of a new poem entitled Illyria magnificata or 
Ilirija zveličana (Illyria Redeemed). While the first ode was conceived as a eulogy 
to Napoleon, the second was a eulogy to the Habsburgs, but both hailed South 
Slavic statehood in the form of Illyria (Kos, 1988, 29–30). The parcel with the odes 
was intended to persuade Metternich that, in the period of the Illyrian Provinces, 
V odnik had acted primarily as an enthusiast for the Slovenian language and his 
homeland, and that he was, as such, extremely suitable for the post of professor of 
Slovenian, just as all of the Austrian officials dealing with his case had determined 

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Luka VIDMAR: “GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA AND LAŽANSKÝ AT THE ZOIS PALACE ..., 243– 268
(cf. Vidic, 1908). The Minister probably received the parcel with V odnik’s manu-
scripts around 4 September 1816. On that day, Karl Zois informed his uncle from 
Vienna that he had passed on the latter’s letter for Metternich (KPM, MRK, FMŽ, 
K 20, KM 5144).
For now, we do not know whether Metternich spoke in favour of V odnik, but the 
Emperor did not revoke his decision, while Kopitar also deliberately ignored Zois’s 
intimation that he should nevertheless support V odnik (Vidmar, 2016, 111). In 
1817, with Kopitar’s firm support, Ravnikar’s protégé Franc Metelko was elected 
professor of Slovenian in Ljubljana (cf. Jagić, 1885, 424; Kos, 1990).
CONCLUSION
Despite the lack of success of the plans that he had attempted to realise in 
talks with the three statesmen, Zois shows himself to be one of the most influ-
ential men in Carniola or the southwest regions of the Habsburg Monarchy in 
the early nineteenth century: his opinion on local administrative, economic and 
cultural policy was certainly always welcomed by the authorities, although it was 
not, of course, necessarily accepted. Despite the fact that these plans were not 
realised, they nonetheless represented a contribution to the long-term success of 
a large part of Zois’s efforts throughout his life: the Upper Carniolan ironworks 
remained the cornerstone of the Zois family wealth for half a century, the idea of 
a South Slavic Illyrian kingdom represented the beginnings of the search for an 
appropriate state framework for the Slovenian nation, and V odnik was established 
as the first nationally important Slovenian poet. Zois’s remarkable ability to act 
pragmatically and strategically, as is best demonstrated in his talks with the three 
statesmen, was a key foundation of his success, which was constantly threatened 
by frail personal health, challenging political conditions in Europe, the poor state 
of the economy in Carniola and neighbouring provinces, and the modest prospects 
of the Slovenian language.

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Luka VIDMAR: “GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”: METTERNICH, WRBNA AND LAŽANSKÝ AT THE ZOIS PALACE ..., 243– 268
“GRANDI SPERANZE DI BENE”:
METTERNICH, WRBNA IN LAŽANSKÝ V ZOISOVI PALAČI MAJA 1816
Luka VIDMAR
ZRC SAZU, Inštitut za slovensko literaturo in literarne vede, Novi trg 2, 1000 Ljubljana, Slovenija
e-mail: luka.vidmar@zrc-sazu.si
POVZETEK
Maja 1816, ko se je v Ljubljani na poti iz Lombardsko-beneškega kraljestva za štiri 
dni ustavil avstrijski cesar Franc I., so kranjskega razsvetljenca Žigo Zoisa barona 
Edelsteina v njegovi palači obiskali trije visoki predstavniki cesarskega dvora in vlade: 
zunanji minister Klemens knez Metternich, Rudolf grof Wrbna-Freudenthal, ki je bil 
cesarjev osebni prijatelj, svetovalec in vodja njegove telesne straže, poleg tega pa 
tudi dolgoletni funkcionar Dvorne komore za novčarstvo in rudarstvo, in Procop grof 
Lažanský-Bukowa, ki je vodil Dvorno komisijo za centralno organiziranje, zadolženo 
za pripravo vključitve italijanskih in ilirskih dežel v Avstrijsko cesarstvo. Srečanje z 
Wrbno je bilo skrbno pripravljeno vnaprej, srečanje z Metternichom pa je omogočila 
dvorna komisija za nastanitve, ki je za ministrovo bivališče v času cesarjevega obiska 
Ljubljane izbrala Zoisovo palačo. Zois je Wrbni predlagal, naj država odkupi njegove 
gorenjske fužine, Metternicha je prosil, naj podpre južnoslovanski značaj Ilirskega 
kraljestva in kandidaturo Valentina Vodnika za profesorja slovenščine na ljubljanskem 
liceju, z Lažanskim pa se je najbrž pogovarjal o prihodnji upravni ureditvi in gospodar-
skih težavah ilirskih dežel. Po pogovorih je ostal v korespondenčnih stikih z vsemi tremi 
državniki, za lažje lobiranje pa je poslal na Dunaj nečaka Karla Zoisa. Kljub temu se 
njegovi načrti niso uresničili: država ni odkupila gorenjskih fužin, Ilirsko kraljestvo ni 
postalo južnoslovanska država, Vodnik pa ni bil imenovan za profesorja.
Ključne besede: Klemens knez Metternich, Žiga Zois, Valentin Vodnik, Ilirsko kraljestvo, 
Avstrijsko cesarstvo, fužine 

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