99
Abstract
Areas with a higher concentration of queer population are a well-established feature 
of the spatial structure in major cities across the Global North. However, there is a 
conspicuous lack of research on queer population within post-socialist cities. This pa-
per addresses this gap by exploring the possibility of a higher concentration of queer 
men population in the Croatia’s capital, Zagreb. Based on the analysis of various spa-
tial datasets, we assumed the existence of a queer men’s residential core in Zagreb, 
described its position within the city’s spatial structure, and examined the spatial dy-
namics of its development. Our findings reveal that the urban geography of Zagreb 
is less heterosexual than is usually perceived. Additionally, we demonstrate how the 
global patterns of the queer community spatialization have adapted within the post-
socialist context with all its local specificities that enabled the unique integration of 
queer man spaces into Zagreb’s post-socialist urban structure.
Keywords: queer residential core, pink consumption, Zagreb, post-socialist city 
COBISS 1.01
DOI: 10.4312/dela.61.99-119
RE-MAPPING ZAGREB‘S URBAN SPACE: 
IN SEARCH FOR GAY  
RESIDENTIAL CORE
Martina Jakovčić*, Karlo Mak** 
*Department of Geography, Faculty of Science, University of Zagreb, Trg Marka 
Marulića 19, 10000 Zagreb, Croatia 
**Antun Gustav Matoš Grammar School, Andrije Hebranga 26, 10430 Samobor, 
Croatia 
e-mail: mjakovci@geog.pmf.hr, karlo.mak2@skole.hr
ORCID: 0000-0001-5555-4383 (M. Jakovčić), 0000-0001-7058-0299 (K. Mak)
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KARTIRANJE ZAGREBŠKEGA URBANEGA PROSTORA: V 
ISKANJU GEJEVSKEGA REZIDENČNEGA JEDRA
Izvleček
Območja z večjo koncentracijo kvirovske skupnosti so uveljavljena značilnost pro-
storske strukture večjih mest na globalnem severu. Vendar pa obstaja pomanjkanje 
raziskav o kvirovski skupnosti v postsocialističnih mestih. Članek želi odpraviti ome-
njeno vrzel, saj raziskuje možnost večje koncentracije moške kvirovske populacije v 
hrvaški prestolnici Zagrebu. Na podlagi analize različnih zbirk prostorskih podatkov 
smo predpostavili obstoj rezidenčnega jedra kvirovskih moških v Zagrebu, opisali 
njegov položaj v prostorski strukturi mesta in preučili prostorsko dinamiko njegovega 
razvoja. Naše ugotovitve kažejo, da je urbana geografija Zagreba manj heteroseksual-
na, kot se zdi na prvi pogled. Poleg tega smo pokazali, kako so se globalni vzorci pro-
storske organizacije kvirovske skupnosti prilagodili postsocialističnemu kontekstu in 
njegovim lokalnim posebnostim, ki so omogočile edinstveno integracijo kvirovskih 
moških prostorov v postsocialistično urbano strukturo Zagreba.
Ključne besede: kvirovsko stanovanjsko jedro, rožnata potrošnja, Zagreb, 
postsocialistično mesto
1 INTRODUCTION
The queer consumption places1 in Zagreb mainly concern the consumption entertain-
ment system and are concentrated in the wider city center. Their distribution roughly 
coincides with the greater spatial concentration of gay dating applications users (Mak, 
Jakovčić, 2023). Considering that the spatialization of the queer community2 in the 
West originated primarily in gay clubs (Collins, Drinkwater, 2017; Lugosi, 2007; Matt-
son, 2015), queer geographies provide a useful framework for understanding the role 
of space and place in the production of sexual identities and communities. This con-
cept highlights how spaces such as gay clubs, have shaped queer identities and com-
munities, while also highlighting the impact of these spatial relationships on social 
justice (Mayhew, 2023). This paper aims to examine the existence of a concentration 
1 Although there is no consensus on the appropriate terminology to describe queer consumption, Mak and 
Jakovčić (2021) suggest the term “pink consumption” due to its broad applicability. Other terms, such as 
“LGBT consumption” or “queer consumption,” either do not encompass all gender and sexual minorities 
or, while comprehensive, imply additional meanings that can be somewhat confusing. Therefore, later in 
this paper we adopt the term “pink consumption”. We define pink consumption places as those specifically 
intended for queer people and/or that communicate openness to and welcome queer communities (Mak, 
Jakovčić, 2023).
2 The term “queer” is used as an umbrella term for all sexual and gender minorities, without implying any 
additional meanings.
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Re-mapping Zagreb‘s urban space: In search for gay residential core
of queer male population, i.e. of a residential core of queer men in Zagreb. We hy-
pothesize that a higher concentration of pink consumption places leads to a higher 
concentration of user profiles on gay dating applications, and that the above indi-
cators potentially point to a higher concentration of queer men. By confirming the 
hypothesis, we would be contributing to what Collins and Drinkwater (2017) call 
the re-mapping of social space with clear indications that it is less heterosexual than 
is commonly assumed. Research on the spatialization of queer communities is well-
documented in Western societies (Clement, 2022; Ghaziani, 2022; Gorman-Murray, 
Nash, 2017; Hess, Bitterman, 2021; Howard, 2013; Podmore, Bain, 2021; Poltz, 2022). 
However, similar studies are lacking in the context of post-socialist cities. Using Za-
greb as a case study, we aim to address this gap in literature. In the paper we will try to 
determine: 1) the residential core of queer male population in Zagreb; 2) the timing 
of its emergence and 3) the spatial dynamics of its development.
2 SPATIALIZATION OF THE QUEER COMMUNITY
2.1 Spatialization of the queer community in the West 
In the initial phase of queer spatialization at the beginning of the 20th century, key 
gathering points were pink consumption places, such as gay clubs, pubs, and bars—
almost the only public venues where queer people could meet each other and spend 
their free time (Collins, Drinkwater, 2017; Lugosi, 2007; Mattson, 2015). Although 
these places were usually located in less safe neighborhoods and subject to police 
raids, pink consumption places provided greater safety than any other public space. 
This safety enabled the formation of the core of the spatialization of the queer com-
munity (Hinrichs, 2021). 
Gay neighborhoods emerged around pink consumption places as queer residen-
tial areas. They were mostly located in the immediate vicinity of city centers. The 
shift of queer community spatialization toward the city center is the result of several 
interwoven processes, with suburbanization and deindustrialization being key fac-
tors (Gorman-Murray, Nash, 2017). The spatialization of the queer community has 
thus evolved alongside urban development, taking into account the particularities of 
each case. For example, in 1930s San Francisco, suburbanization was accompanied by 
the reinforcement of heteronormative sexuality through more favorable loan condi-
tions and housing subsidies for (heterosexual) married couples with children. At the 
beginning of the 1940s, this policy was further strengthened and, together with the 
post-war baby boom, contributed to the acceleration of the suburbanization process. 
Unmarried and queer people were simultaneously excluded from these benefits. As 
a result, the USA inadvertently encouraged changes in the demographic and sexual 
urban geography (Howard, 2013), as poorer population with different socio-demo-
graphic characteristics remained in the cities. 
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At the same time, the deindustrialization process caused commercial and residen-
tial property prices to fall (Gorman-Murray, Nash, 2017). This reinforced conditions 
for a greater spatial concentration of people of lower socioeconomic status. In such 
circumstances, gay neighborhoods began to form, usually located in abandoned and/
or undesirable spaces near city centers, where real estate and rents were cheap(er) 
(Hess, Bitterman, 2021). 
The gay neighborhoods not only marked the beginning of residential gathering 
for queer people, but also created more favorable conditions for the establishment of 
queer businesses and the emergence of new places and forms of pink consumption 
(Poltz, 2022). This was a prerequisite for entering the mature development phase of 
queer community spatialization. The gentrification process transformed gay neigh-
borhoods from marginal areas, often resembling slums at the beginning of their de-
velopment, into commercially successful districts organized around pink consump-
tion and predominantly inhabited by an increasingly affluent queer community, as 
seen in West Hollywood, Greenwich Village in New York City, or Castro in San Fran-
cisco (Poltz, 2022). 
However, gentrification did not stop there. In the next stage, it led to a disper-
sal of the queer population due to rising housing prices. With the increasing social 
acceptance of sexual and gender minorities, gay neighborhoods ceased to function 
as a spatial response to experienced oppression. At the same time, technological 
developments meant that gay neighborhoods were no longer crucial for queer so-
cialization, as the widespread use of the internet created a new, virtual space for so-
ciability. Gentrification also led to changes in socioeconomic conditions, resulting 
in decreased investments from queer people in the businesses of pink commercial 
facilities, which contributed to a wave of their closure (Hess, Bitterman, 2021). For 
instance, in London, over fifty percent of these venues closed between 2006 and 2016 
(Ghaziani, 2022). Simultaneously, more queer-friendly people from wealthier social 
strata moved into gay neighborhoods (Clement, 2022). Thus, gay neighborhoods con-
tributed to reurbanization, urban revitalization, and changed social attitudes towards 
queer people. Yet, they also became unaffordable to the queer community itself—the 
very community that created and transformed them (Poltz, 2022).
2.2 Spatialization of the queer community in Zagreb
The spatialization of the queer community in Zagreb does not coincide chronologi-
cally with that of the West. Nor can it be concluded that it follows the development 
patterns of pink consumption in post-socialist Europe, since the spatialization of 
the queer community there only took place at the very end of the socialist period. 
Even then, queer spatialization was limited to less publicly visible places and the 
first Pride parades (Burmaz, 2014; Dimitrov, 2014; Lorencova, 2006; Pitonak, 2022; 
Stella, 2013). However, (post)socialist cities and societies were marked by common 
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development obstacles to the emergence of pink consumption. First, the socialist 
elites’ disdain for capitalism, consumption, and consumer society in general, as well 
as state control over the economy during socialism, made the emergence of pink 
consumption places impossible, as they are hardly possible without a free market. 
Secondly, with an emphasis on industrialization, there was an intensive migration 
of the population to cities, urbanization in post-socialist Central and Eastern Eu-
rope was gaining momentum at the same time as the cores of gay neighborhoods 
were forming in the West due to deindustrialization and suburbanization. Thirdly, 
just as pink consumption cannot develop without a free market, the democratic 
deficit of socialist societies did not support it either. The repressive state apparatus 
made it impossible to organize the queer movement almost until the collapse of 
socialism. It is true, the repressive apparatus also hindered a freer development of 
the queer movement in the West, but it was significantly weakened from the end of 
the 1960s (Pitonak, 2022). 
In any case, the development of pink consumption and the spatialization of Zagreb’s 
queer community cannot be understood within the Western European or Anglo-Amer-
ican framework. Similarly, the experiences of Central and Eastern Europe cities are 
modest and do not provide an adequate basis for comparison. Therefore, considering 
local specificities emerges as the only reasonable option. There are important differences 
that distinguish Zagreb from most other post-socialist European cities, making it pos-
sible to discuss the development of pink consumption places, and thus about the begin-
nings of the spatialization of queer community even during socialism. 
First, Yugoslav society was freer and more consumer-oriented than the rest of so-
cialist Europe. The song Tata kupi mi... [Dad, buy me...] by Ivo Robić and Zdenka 
Vučković from 1957, which openly celebrates consumption, could never become a 
hit in a society lacking a consumer mentality. In addition, in the late 1950s and early 
1960s, personal consumption in Yugoslavia grew by more than 10 % per year (Duda, 
2004). On the other hand, while most of Central and Eastern European countries ex-
perienced increased political opportunities after the collapse of socialism—leading to 
the rise of activism and the creation of the first queer organizations (Darakchi, 2019; 
Francoeur, Noonan, 2003; Mikulak, 2019; Pitonak, 2022)—Croatia was drawn into 
armed conflict, during which conservatism and traditional values were reinforced 
(Bilić, Stubbs, 2015). It is precisely for this reason that the democratization of society, 
i.e. greater acceptance of the queer community, took place later. Not so much in par-
allel with the economic transition, but much more during the Croatia’s accession to 
the European Union (Bilić, Stubbs, 2016; Čemažar, Mikulin, 2017). The lengthy EU 
accession negotiations played a key role in improving the legal standing of the queer 
community in Croatia and mitigating the effects of the re-traditionalization of society 
in the 1990s. Therefore, it is also difficult to draw parallels with the rest of the post-
Yugoslav societies, as most of them are still not part of the EU, while Slovenia, which 
is already a member, did not experience war on such a scale and duration in the 1990s. 
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Based on this, we argue that the development of pink consumption and the process of 
spatialization of the queer community in Zagreb are completely specific and different 
from other cases in post-socialist Europe.
To explain why gay neighborhoods never formed in Zagreb, we compare its ur-
ban development with that of American cities, as the spatialization of the queer 
community is best documented in the US. We have seen that the processes of dein-
dustrialization and suburbanization significantly contributed to the emergence of 
gay neighborhoods in the US after the Second World War. However, intensive ur-
banization stimulated by industrial development took place in Zagreb in the same 
period (Vresk, 1997). Socialist societies focused their economic development on 
traditional industry for much longer than was economically viable, which delayed 
the deindustrialization and suburbanization processes (Pacione, 2009). The subur-
banization of Zagreb only began in the 1970s, and was driven in a planned man-
ner—by the decentralization of city functions. This process intensified in the 1980s, 
when the Zagreb agglomeration entered the phase of relative decentralization of 
housing (Vresk, 1997), while in the 1990s, absolute decentralization of its popula-
tion development occurred (Bašić, 2005).3 
The increasing depopulation and functional transformation of the central parts of 
Zagreb since the 1970s (Vresk, 1997), did not lead to the spatialization of the queer 
community. The relatively homogenous socio-spatial structure (Prelogović, 2004) 
prevented the formation of a concentration of cheap(er) residential buildings as gath-
ering place for poorer and/or oppressed social groups. Furthermore, the economic 
basis on which gay neighborhoods could function could hardly exist under the condi-
tions of a planned economy (Pacione, 2009). Socio-legal circumstances also did not 
favor the creation of pink consumption places and spatialization of the queer commu-
nity, as (male) homosexuality was only decriminalized in 1977 (Vouk Nikolić, 2022), 
and socialism inherited the practice of conservative bourgeois moralization from the 
period that preceded it, and therefore sexuality, especially minority sexuality, was ta-
boo (Béres-Deák, 2022). Of course, this does not mean that the queer community did 
not exist prior to the end of socialism; but rather that it was not officially recognized 
and often remained “hidden” from public view.
Although the LGBT movement in Zagreb and the rest of Yugoslavia began to de-
velop at the end of the 1980s, its progress was abruptly halted in the 1990s due to the 
war, rising homophobia, and growing conservatism (Stepanović, 2022; Vouk Nikolić, 
2022). The transition process from a planned to a market economy also resulted in 
changes in the socio-spatial structure of the city, with increasing social polarization 
being the most notable shift (Prelogović, 2004). However, unlike in Anglo-American 
3 The relative decentralization of housing in the city region means that the growth of the population in the 
surrounding area is relatively higher than the growth in the population of the home city (Vresk, 1997). 
Similarly, the absolute decentralization of housing implies an absolute greater increase in the number of 
inhabitants of the surrounding area compared to the home city.
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and Western European cities, the population of higher socioeconomic status was con-
centrated in the central parts of Zagreb (Prelogović, 2009). 
Following the development of gay neighborhoods in the US, this would suggest 
that space for the concentration of the LGBT population (cheaper housing, lower so-
cioeconomic status) opened up on the outskirts of the city—where new planned resi-
dential areas emerged after 2000, similar to abandoned industrial sites (Mlinar, 2009). 
However, given the traditional inhospitality of the city’s periphery towards sexual and 
gender minorities, and the significantly lower population density, such a concentra-
tion was unlikely to occur.4 Additionally, Zagreb experienced a different historical 
and geographical development compared to Western cities. While post-industrial cit-
ies emerged in Western societies as early as the 1970s, shifting from manufacturing to 
service sector development (Backović, 2005), in post-socialist cities, significant and 
rapid changes in the retail and service sectors only became noticeable in the 1990s. 
Thus, the economic transition played a key role in changing the socio-spatial struc-
ture of Zagreb (Prelogović, 2004; 2009), leading to increased commercialization of 
the city center, the expansion of the central business district and a certain degree of 
gentrification (Slavuj, Cvitanović, Prelogović, 2009). This post-socialist development 
also led to the belated emergence of pink consumption places as a basis for the spa-
tialization of the Zagreb’s queer community.
3 METHODOLOGY
The lack of official statistical data is a common problem in research concerning 
the queer population and significantly limits the understanding of the characteris-
tics of this social group.5 Since official statistics in Croatia also do not track sexual 
and gender minorities, the spatial distribution of the queer population can only be 
estimated. We will base the reconstruction on the application of several different 
datasets that more or less directly concern the queer male community. First, dur-
ing May and June 2021, data on pink consumption places in Zagreb was collected 
through 14 semi-structured interviews.6 The initial respondents were provided 
by the Zagreb-based queer organizations “Zagreb Pride” and “Iskorak,” while the 
sample was expanded using the snowball sampling technique. Second, data on the 
4 After all, the socio-spatial structure of a city has not proven to be a key factor in the concentration of 
the queer population. Amsterdam for example, has a relatively even socioeconomic spatial distribution 
of the population, and no clustering of queer people in residential areas has been observed (Poltz, 2022). 
Therefore, it can be argued that gentrification in Zagreb has occurred in opposition to the queer movement, 
and not as a result of it, as it was the case in the US.
5 Western countries are increasingly successful in collecting data on the sexuality of their population, either 
through national surveys of a large sample, as in the USA (Conron, Goldberg, 2020), or through questions 
in census questionnaires as in England and Wales (Barton, 2023). None of these methods have yet been used 
in Croatia.
6 The Interviews were part of a wider research conducted in preparation for a doctoral thesis. For this work, 
only data on the location of pink consumption places were used. Only 29 of them were recognized.
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spatial distribution of the profiles of its users was collected using the queer men 
dating application Romeo in the spring of 2022.7 The two datasets were also used in 
the study by Mak and Jakovčić (2023). Although previous research has shown that 
pink consumption places are central to the spatialization of queer communities, 
we do not claim that the Romeo application users set the location to their actual 
place of residence. To better identify the core of the queer male population, we used 
data from 2021 Census on the marital status of the population specifically focusing 
on never-married men.8 Comparing city neighborhoods where the proportion of 
never-married men exceeds the city average with neighborhoods that show a higher 
concentration of Romeo application user profiles could support the thesis regarding 
a potential core of the queer male population. Similar data also exists for the 2001 
and 2011 censuses, based on the current administrative division of the City of Za-
greb.9 Finally, if the data on the spatial distribution of never-married men, serves at 
least partially as evidence of the queer male population, it should reflect the general 
distribution of population density. High population density is a key factor for queer 
life – often even a more important factor than the total population (see for exam-
ple Jubany et al., 2021) – since it allows them anonymity, which in turn provides 
safety and facilitates freer expression of queer identity.10 The methodology used to 
delineate the queer men’s residential core is only partially adequate, due to the lack 
of direct statistical data. As a result, all findings from this research are approximate 
estimates of the queer men’s residential location.
7 The Romeo application allows for the collection of data on the location of its users. Although the provided 
locations are not entirely reliable (± 50 meters), even approximate data can be useful. However, it is 
important to recognize the methodological limitations of this approach. First, the Romeo application is 
primarily intended for queer individuals who identify as male. Second, not all queer individuals use this 
application, and a single individual may have multiple open profiles. Furthermore, the user’s location in the 
app does not necessarily correspond to their actual place of residence, as individuals can manually adjust 
their location according to their preferences and needs. Finally, the spatial distribution of Romeo app users 
may be significantly influenced by tourists and other visitors to the city, rather than its residents alone, 
which means a higher concentration of users can typically be expected in tourist areas, especially in the 
historic city center.
8 This is not to imply that all never-married men are part of the queer community, nor that some 
married men are not part of the queer community. Regarding the available data on marital status, we 
opted for never-married men since previously collected data on users of dating applications concerned 
men. Furthermore, the research by Mak and Jakovčić (2023) found that the majority of users of pink 
consumption places are men.
9 Data on never-married men at the level of city neighborhoods of the City of Zagreb are also available for 
the year 1961. However, the administrative division at that time was significantly different, so it is not 
comparable with the current situation. Furthermore, due to the different migration characteristics, it is less 
likely that the potential “excess of never-married men” is related to the queer male population. 
10 In the study by Mak and Jakovčić (2023), it was determined that the consumer shopping system is not 
recognized as pink at all, although it also includes very strictly controlled consumer facilities such as 
suburban shopping centers. However, the suburban area is marked by a significantly different population 
density, so visiting the shopping center entails exposure to a more hostile part of the city. 
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4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Since we have the strongest base for the existence of a core of the queer male popula-
tion in Zagreb for the most recent period, the discussion will be presented in reverse 
chronological order. For the period 2021–2022, we have the most comprehensive 
dataset, including the spatial distribution of the Romeo application users, number 
and spatial distribution of pink consumption places and the data on never-married 
men. We do not have data from dating applications for 2001 and 2022, and for earlier 
periods, data on pink consumption places are increasingly scarce. The further we in-
vestigate the past, the less reliable the available data becomes.
4.1 Queer men’s residential core in Zagreb in the early 2020s
An analysis of the spatial distribution of Romeo app user profiles (N = 3,693) shows 
that their concentration is primarily in the central part of the city. This area, along 
with submountainous region of the Medvednica Mountain to which it is adjacent, 
forms a traditional residential zone of the more affluent population (Prelogović, 
2009). This concentration coincides with a higher concentration of pink consumption 
places, and it is reasonable to assume that, for safety reasons, many Romeo application 
users set their location to a pink consumption place, rather than their actual place of 
residence.11 
However, if Romeo users are indeed setting the location to the place of residence, it 
would indicate a significant concentration of queer male population in the city center. 
The thesis that the city’s central neighborhoods truly represent the core of Zagreb’s 
queer male population is also supported by the spatial distribution of never-married 
men (Figure 1). Although not entirely reliable, the method of “excess” number of nev-
er-married men seems indicative, especially when combined with other data. There-
fore, it is very likely that the neighborhoods of Donji Grad (Lower Town), Trešnjevka-
North and Trnje, apart from being the base of pink economic activity (Mak, Jakovčić, 
2023), also serve as the residential core of Zagreb’s queer male population. 
11 Since most of these places are coffee shops and nightclubs, their concentration can be explained, according 
to the work of Skočir and Šakaja (2017), by the need for security that a central location provides. In addition, 
safety is considered one of the basic characteristics of pink consumption places (Kates, 2002; Pereira, Ayrosa, 
2012).
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Figure 1: Spatial density of never-married men (2021) and of Romeo application user 
profiles (2022) in Zagreb.12 
Data sources: CBS, 2021; Romeo, 2022.
Since the early 2000s, the socio-legal position of queer people in Croatia has improved 
significantly (Vouk Nikolić, 2022). Despite these advancements and the established 
concentration of the queer male population in the city center, it remains unlikely 
that a spatially separated gay neighborhood will emerge in Zagreb. Western societies 
have shown that the liberalization of social attitudes leads to a deconcentration of 
the queer population. After all, Zagreb’s queer men residential core coexists with the 
majority population of heterosexual orientation—in the very same area. It largely co-
incides with the most densely populated neighborhoods: Donji Grad (Lower Town), 
12 The mapping of Romeo application user locations extended from the city center to the outskirts until at least 
one new profile was found within 500 meters of the last identified profile. For this reason, some districts 
were not mapped at all, while others were only partially covered. Since we do not have data on Romeo app 
user profiles for all districts of Zagreb, we mapped their spatial density using the Kernel Density function 
in ArcMap. This data was then overlaid with the spatial density data of never-married men available at the 
district level, as this is the lowest spatial level for which data is available.
Novi Zagreb - West
ČrnomerecPodsused - Vrapče
Pešćenica - Žitnjak
Maksimir
Trnje
Stenjevec
Novi Zagreb - East
Trešnjevka - South
Gornji Grad - Medveščak
Trešnjevka - North
Donji Grad
0 1.000 m
never-married/km2
< 100 100-200 200-500 500-1000 ≥ 1000
profiles/km2
< 10 10-50 50-100 100-200 ≥ 200
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Trešnjevka-North and Trnje (CBS, 2021). Thus, population density proves to be an 
unusually important factor for the spatialization of the queer community in the post-
socialist city, as it provides anonymity which provides (relative) safety, allows for freer 
expression of queer identity, and reduces social stigmatization and violence (Braun, 
Cleff, Walter, 2015; Clement, 2022).
4.2 Development of the queer men’s spatial distribution from 1999 to 2021
We have no data to confirm that there was a pronounced concentration of the LGBT 
population in Zagreb in the period between 1999 and 2021. However, it was during 
this period that the first pink consumption places emerged that publicly communi-
cated their openness to the queer community, which undoubtedly enabled the process 
of its spatialization. 
Figure 2: Spatial distribution of pink consumption places and the share of never-married 
men by Zagreb city neighborhoods in the period 2001–2021. 
Data source: CBS, 2001; 2011; 2021; interviews.
2001
0 5km
2011 2021
pink consumption places
32-34 34-36 36-38 38-40 > 40≤ 30 30-32
Never-married man (%)
N
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The first club in Zagreb that publicly communicated its openness towards sexual 
and gender minorities, i.e. the first gay club in Zagreb, was Bad Boy in the Ksaver 
neighborhood, which opened in 1999 (Štulhofer et al., 2003). As this club soon closed, 
the Global club became the key place of nightlife for LGBT people in Zagreb. In the 
early 2010s, there were three gay clubs in Zagreb — g.CLUB in Savska Street, Rush in 
Amruševa Street and HotPot in Petrinjska Street. Later, Rush was moved to Savska 
Street, where g.CLUB closed (Hermann, 2016), but due to the COVID-19 pandemic, 
Rush was also permanently closed. 
Table 1: Share of never-married men in Zagreb 2001−2021.
Neighborhood 2001 2011 2021 Change 2011/2001
Change 
2021/2011
Brezovica 28.95 31.43 33.09 2.48 1.66
Črnomerec 31.75 35.51 37.58 3.76 2.07
Donja Dubrava 31.88 36.16 36.27 4.28 0.11
Donji Grad 34.57 38.52 39.44 3.95 0.92
Gornja Dubrava 31.43 34.78 36.07 3.35 1.29
Gornji Grad-Medveščak 33.10 36.03 37.80 2.93 1.77
Maksimir 31.07 34.45 36.13 3.38 1.68
Novi Zagreb-East 33.12 35.05 37.46 1.93 2.41
Novi Zagreb-West 31.65 36.54 36.37 3.39 -0.17
Peščenica-Žitnjak 32.17 37.26 38.41 5.09 1.15
Podsljeme 29.16 32.07 34.15 2.91 2.08
Podsused-Vrapče 31.51 32.96 34.25 1.45 1.29
Sesvete 29.97 32.92 34.53 2.95 1.61
Stenjevec 33.27 36.13 36.51 2.86 0.38
Trešnjevka-South 33.45 36.61 37.85 3.16 1.24
Trešnjevka-North 32.49 39.51 40.88 7.02 1.37
Trnje 33.15 38.74 40.05 5.59 1.31
City of Zagreb 32.17 35.77 37.02 3.60 1.25
Data Source: CBS, 2001; 2011; 2021.
Based on the overview of the business activities of gay clubs and the data on the chang-
ing share of never-married men in Zagreb’s neighborhoods (Figure 2), several observa-
tions can be made. First, the peak of Zagreb’s gay club scene occurred in the early 2010s. 
Notably the 2011 Census showed a significantly higher increase in the share of never-
married men compared to both the previous and the subsequent census (Table 1). This 
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suggests that the emergence of pink consumption places contributed to the spatializa-
tion of the queer community in Zagreb. Additionally, this spatialization process was 
much more dynamic in the 2000s13 than in the 2010s.14 
Second, during the 2000s, there was an intra-city redistribution of the concentration 
of never-married men (Figure 2). A significant increase in their share was recorded in 
the city neighborhoods of Trešnjevka-North, Trnje and Donji Grad (Table 1), setting 
these areas apart from the rest of Zagreb. This indicates that they became the centers of 
queer male population. This distribution remained unchanged into the early 2020s, and 
the data presented in the previous section suggest that it has become permanent. 
Finally, the decline in the number of gay clubs towards the end of the 2010s15 co-
incides with a significantly slower growth in the share of never-married men during 
that decade. This suggests that the process of spatialization of the Zagreb queer men’s 
community is slowing down and possibly coming to an end.
4.3 “Pre-phase” of the spatialization of queer community in Zagreb 
The earliest data on the number and spatial distribution of never-married men in Za-
greb are available for the year 1961. At that time, 29.6% of never-married men lived in 
the city. By 2001, the proportion had risen to only 32.2%. It follows that the assumed 
spatialization and concentration of queer male community Zagreb during this period 
was an extremely slow process, if it took place at all. Both today and in the early 1960s, 
a significantly higher concentration of never-married men was recorded in the central 
city neighborhoods (Donji Grad, Gornji Grad) (Table 2). However, since the territo-
rial boundaries of Zagreb’s city districts in 1961 differed from those of today, the data 
are not fully comparable.
13 The liberalization of the legal framework (e.g. the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act or the Anti-Discrimination 
Act) and social attitudes towards queer people, as well as the beginning of the organization of queer 
associations (Iskorak, Zagreb Pride, Domino...) and Pride parades possibly contributed to the faster growth 
of the number of gay clubs and the spatialization of the LGBT community.
14 The largest increase in the proportion of never-married men in the 2010s was recorded in the neighborhood 
of Novi Zagreb-East (+2,41 %). Based on the data on the spatial distribution of Romeo application users 
in 2022, it can be assumed that the increase in the proportion of never-married men in the 2010s is due 
(among other reasons) to the concentration of the queer population in the area (around) the Mamutica 
residential building (Figure 2). Mamutica is the largest residential building in Zagreb, which implies a 
large demographic mass and thus guarantees anonymity, which has already been noted as a very important 
feature when choosing a place to live for members of the queer community.
15 The decline in the number of gay clubs is not a phenomenon that occurred only in Zagreb, nor is it solely 
because of the COVID-19 pandemic. The dissolution of gay neighborhoods and the reduction in the number 
of pink consumption places is also recognized trend in Western countries as well, and it is interpreted 
in different ways. For example, through changes in family life for same-sex couples, which includes the 
adoption of children (Bitterman, Hess, 2021), the increasing acceptance of queer people that makes them 
feel safe even outside of exclusive queer areas, gentrification, the increase in the number of heterosexual 
orientation visitors to pink places and spaces, the ability of queer people to connect with each other through 
digital channels, and so on (Ghaziani, 2022).
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Table 2: Marital status of men over the age of 15 in Zagreb municipalities in 1961. 
Municipality Total
Never-married
Married Widowed Divorced Unknown
N %
Črnomerec 16,368 4,995 30.5 10,456 384 470 63
Donji Grad 15,312 5,209 34.0 9,070 384 580 69
Gornji Grad 7,915 2,660 33.6 4,746 191 281 37
Maksimir 18,488 5,477 29.6 12,046 479 414 72
Medveščak 20,084 5,721 28.5 13,193 452 612 106
Pešćenica 10,212 3,118 30.5 6,597 171 247 79
Remetinec 10,267 2,406 23.4 7,379 363 88 31
Susedgrad 14,112 3,863 27.4 9,593 303 247 106
Trešnjevka 26,820 8,288 30.9 17,144 590 708 90
Trnje 18,940 5,674 30.0 12,403 305 425 133
Zagrebačka 
Dubrava 10,105 2,545 25.2 7,109 215 174 62
Zagreb 168,623 49,956 29.6 109,736 3,837 4,246 848
Data source: FBS, 1961. 
In the 1970s, important socio-spatial changes took place that could have significantly 
contributed to the formation of the core of the queer population in Zagreb. First, 
the suburbanization of Zagreb’s population and the functional transformation of the 
central parts of the city began during this decade (Vresk, 1997). As we have seen, sub-
urbanization is one of the key urban-geographical processes that contributed to the 
spatial concentration of sexual minorities in the West. Furthermore, male homosexu-
ality was decriminalized in Croatia in 1977. Finally, at the very end of the decade the 
first points of consumption-related gatherings among queer people in Zagreb started 
to emerge, which can be seen as the initial cores of the queer community’s spatializa-
tion. Early key venues included Splendid in Zrinjevac, the Club of Literary Workers, 
and the Club of Film Artists. By the 1980s, other important spots like the Croatian 
Association of Artists (at the coffee shop Kod Stipe) and Bacchus located in the city 
center, had become notable gathering places (Dobrović, Bosanac, 2007). The sexual 
revolution, which had its echoes in Yugoslavia during the 1970s, also likely contrib-
uted to the formation of the core of the spatialization of the Zagreb queer community 
(Miljan, 2018). However, the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the 1980s (Anušić, Kovač, 2021) 
and the particularly strong re-traditionalization during the 1990s likely slowed this 
process. Since even the places where queer people gathered did not communicate 
their openness publicly and thus remained largely invisible, the period from the 1970s 
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to the end of the 1990s can be considered the “pre-phase” of the spatialization of queer 
community in Zagreb. 
Despite its limited scope, this period is crucial for understanding the development 
and dynamics of the spatialization of the queer community in Zagreb, since it laid the 
groundwork for a more permanent queer presence, even in the face of continuous 
socio-political challenges. 
5 CONCLUSIONS
The paper presents the thesis that a residential core of queer men exists in Zagreb. 
Our thesis is supported by multiple datasets, whose overlap suggests that the urban 
geography of Zagreb is less heterosexual than it might appear at first glance. Roughly 
following the patterns of spatialization of queer communities in the West, albeit with 
a considerable time lag and significant deviations, the spatialization of the queer men’s 
community in Zagreb was preceded by the emergence and development of pink con-
sumption places. 
They appeared timidly as early as the 1970s, bolstered by the echoes of the sexual 
revolution. However, the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the 1980s, coupled with the war in 
the 1990s hampered further development. It wasn’t until 1999 that the first openly gay 
club was opened in Zagreb, marking the true beginning of the spatialization of the 
Zagreb queer men’s community. 
The extremely dynamic development of pink consumption places in Zagreb in the 
2000s was reflected both in their number and in the clear spatial concentration in 
the city center. At the same time, the place of residence of never-married men also 
changed—they also gravitated towards the city center. Both processes were strength-
ened by the liberalization of the legal framework and social attitudes towards queer 
people. However, during the 2010s, the growth of both pink consumption places, and 
the share of never-married men slowed. Their spatial distribution remained largely 
unchanged, and in 2022, it largely coincided with the spatial distribution of profiles 
on Romeo dating application. According to all the above indicators, the city neighbor-
hoods of Donji Grad (Lower Town), Trešnjevka-North and Trnje stand out as centers 
of queer men’s residence. 
Unlike some cities where gay neighborhoods are distinct, Zagreb’s queer men’s 
residential core is not spatially segregated; instead, it coexists with a heterosexual 
population in areas of high population density. This density provides anonymity, 
fostering a sense of safety and helping queer people manage the stress associated 
with minority status.
The development of queer men’s residential core in Zagreb highlights the com-
plexity and dynamism of post-socialist urban life. Areas with a greater concentration 
of queer male population, which are simultaneously shaped by social processes and 
the feedback influence on these same social processes, reflect both global patterns of 
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urban population relocation, as well as their local specificities that led to the subtle 
integration of the queer community into the framework of the urban fabric.
However, the research has limitations due to the lack of official statistical data on 
sexual and gender minorities, which prevents a more comprehensive understanding 
of the residential distribution of queer men. As such, our findings should be under-
stood as approximate estimates. To improve the results, future studies could incor-
porate a broader range of data sources and methods, including information on queer 
women and housing advertisements in queer media, to provide a more holistic view 
of the entire queer community and its dynamics.
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KARTIRANJE ZAGREBŠKEGA URBANEGA PROSTORA: V 
ISKANJU GEJEVSKEGA REZIDENČNEGA JEDRA
Povzetek
»Kvirovska« geografija je uporaben okvir za razumevanje vloge prostora in kraja pri 
oblikovanju spolnih identitet in skupnosti. Ta koncept poudarja, kako so prostori, kot 
so gejevski klubi, oblikovali kvirovske identitete in skupnosti, hkrati pa izpostavlja 
vpliv teh prostorskih odnosov na družbeno pravičnost (Mayhew, 2023). Namen tega 
prispevka je preučiti obstoj koncentracije kvirovske moške populacije oziroma rezi-
denčnega jedra kvirovskih moških v Zagrebu. Trdimo, da večja koncentracija rožnatih 
potrošniških krajev vodi do večje koncentracije uporabniških profilov na aplikacijah 
za gejevske zmenke in da omenjeni kazalniki potencialno kažejo na večjo koncentra-
cijo kvirovskih moških. V članku na primeru Zagreba raziskujemo: 1) rezidenčno je-
dro kvirovske moške populacije; 2) čas njegovega nastanka in 3) prostorsko dinamiko 
njegovega razvoja.
V začetni fazi prostorske umestitve kvirovske skupnosti v zahodnih državah so bila 
mesta rožnate potrošnje, kot so gejevski klubi, pubi in bari, skoraj edina javna mesta, 
kjer so se pripadniki kvirovske skupnosti lahko srečevali in preživljali prosti čas (Co-
llins, Drinkwater, 2017; Lugosi, 2007; Mattson, 2015). Okoli rožnatih krajev potroš-
nje so počasi začele nastajati gejevske soseske kot kvirovska stanovanjska območja. 
Njihov nastanek je bil rezultat več prepletajočih se procesov, med katerimi sta imela 
ključno vlogo suburbanizacija in deindustrializacija (Gorman-Murray, Nash, 2017). 
Gejevske soseske so se običajno nahajale v zapuščenih in/ali nezaželenih prostorih v 
bližini mestnih središč, kjer so bile nepremičnine in najemnine poceni (Hess, Bitter-
man, 2021).
Gejevske soseske so ustvarjale ugodnejše pogoje za ustanavljanje kvirovskih pod-
jetij ter pojav novih krajev in oblik rožnate potrošnje (Poltz, 2022). Kasneje je proces 
gentrifikacije gejevske soseske iz obrobnih območij spremenil v komercialno uspešna 
okrožja, organizirana okoli rožnate potrošnje in pretežno naseljena z vse bolj pre-
možno kvirovsko skupnostjo (Poltz, 2022). To je pripeljalo do rasti cen stanovanj in 
najemnin, kar je povzročilo izseljevanje in razpršitev kvirovske populacije.
Prostorska umestitev kvirovske moške skupnosti v Zagrebu se je razlikovala od 
tiste v zahodnih državah. Prva mesta rožnate potrošnje so se sramežljivo pojavila že 
v sedemdesetih letih prejšnjega stoletja. Vendar je epidemija aidsa v osemdesetih le-
tih skupaj z vojno v devetdesetih zavrla njihov nadaljnji razvoj. Šele leta 1999 so v 
Zagrebu odprli prvi odkrito gejevski klub, kar je pomenilo pravi začetek prostorske 
umestitve zagrebške kvirovske moške skupnosti.
Izjemno dinamičen razvoj prostorov za rožnato potrošnjo v Zagrebu po letu 2000 
se je odražal tako v njihovem številu kot v jasni prostorski koncentraciji v središču 
mesta. Hkrati se je spremenil tudi kraj bivanja nikoli poročenih moških – tudi oni so 
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Re-mapping Zagreb‘s urban space: In search for gay residential core
gravitirali proti mestnemu središču. Oba procesa sta se okrepila z liberalizacijo prav-
nega okvira in družbenega odnosa do istospolno usmerjenih oseb. Vendar se je v letu 
2010 rast tako krajev rožnate potrošnje kot deleža nikoli poročenih moških upoča-
snila. Njuna prostorska porazdelitev je ostala večinoma nespremenjena, leta 2022 pa 
se je v veliki meri ujemala s prostorsko porazdelitvijo profilov v aplikaciji za zmenke 
Romeo. Glede na vse navedene kazalnike kot središča bivanja kvir moških izstopajo 
mestne četrti Donji Grad, Trešnjevka - sever in Trnje. V nasprotju z nekaterimi mesti, 
kjer so gejevske soseske ločene, zagrebško kvirovsko moško stanovanjsko jedro ni 
prostorsko ločeno, temveč sobiva s heteroseksualno populacijo na območjih z visoko 
gostoto prebivalstva. Ta gostota zagotavlja anonimnost, spodbuja občutek varnosti 
in pomaga pripadnikom kvirovske skupnosti pri obvladovanju stresa, povezanega s 
statusom manjšine.
Razvoj stanovanjskega jedra kvirovskih moških v Zagrebu kaže na kompleksnost 
in dinamičnost postsocialističnega mestnega življenja. Območja z večjo koncentra-
cijo kvirovske moške populacije, ki jih hkrati oblikujejo družbeni procesi in povra-
tni vplivi na te iste družbene procese, odražajo tako globalne vzorce preseljevanja 
mestnega prebivalstva kot tudi njihove lokalne posebnosti, ki so pripeljale do subtilne 
integracije kvirovske skupnosti v okvir mestnega tkiva.
Zaradi pomanjkanja uradnih statističnih podatkov o spolnih in seksualnih manj-
šinah je ugotavljanje natančne prostorske porazdelitve kvirovskih moških zelo oteže-
no, kar vpliva na celovitejše razumevanje problematike. Ugotovitve raziskave je tre-
ba razumeti kot približne ocene. Za izboljšanje rezultatov bi lahko prihodnje študije 
vključile širši nabor virov podatkov in metod, vključno z informacijami o kvirovskih 
ženskah in s stanovanjskimi oglasi v kvirovskih medijih, da bi zagotovili celovitejši 
pogled na celotno kvirovsko skupnost in njeno dinamiko.
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