tV 1" r ' i MARTINA BLEČIČ POVEZANOST PERSPEKTIVE A COHERENCE OF PERSPECTIVE T> 1 r S Kultura p j RfvUte C&Ml HiAJ I I ULTURES Povezanost perspektive A coherence of perspective Osor u kulturnim kontaktima mladeg željeznog doba ■ Osor in cultural contacts during the Late Iron Age Martina Blečic Kavur KOPER ■ LOSINJ ■ 2015 Contents PROSTOR, PRIRODA, PROSLOST ♦ SPACE, NATURE, PAST | 9 t\ PREGLED ARHEOLOŠKIH ISTRAžIVANJA ♦ OVERVIEW Of ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS | 23 PROSPERITET GRADA ♦ PROSPERITY Of THE CITY | 41 Grad - izgled i odnosi ♦ The city - apperance and relations | 49 Bedem ♦ City walls | 51 Nekropole i pojedinačni grobovi ♦ Necropoles and individual graves | 57 povezanost OsORsKE perspektive ♦ A COHERENCE Of OSORSPERSPECTIVE 61 »Odijelo«, nakit, status, simbol ♦ »Clothing«, jewelry, status, symbol | 65 Vojna oprema kao moc, status ili simbol ♦ Military equipment as the power, status or symbol | 105 Simpozij umjetnosti ♦ The symposium ofartistry | 125 partnerstvo »sjEvERA« i »juga« ♦ THE PARTNERSHIP Of »NORTH« AND »SOUTH« 147 »Odijelo«, nakit, status, simbol ♦ »Clothing«, jewelry, status, symbol | 151 Simpozij različitosti ♦ The symposium of diversity | 179 Raskoš keramičkog mozaika ♦ Splendour ofthe ceramic mosaic | 197 PRAsKOZORjE nove EPOHE ♦ THEDAwN Of A NEw ERA | 213 POGOvOR ♦ AfTERwORd | 235 BIBLIOGRAFIJA ♦ BIBLIOGRAPHy | 243 Prostor, priroda, prošlost Space, nature, past 1. Položaj i razmještaj Kvarnera (prema Blečic Kavur 2014a). Position and arrangement ofthe Kvarner Bay (after Blečic Kavur 2014a). Jadransko more rubno je more Sredozemlja. U prošlosti, nazivano je i njegovim najvecim zalje-vom, Najvažnijim ili čak Velikim morem1. Njegova prostrana istočna obala obilježena je izvanrednom dužinom i prekrasnom razvedenošcu, a s obzirom na skup drugog po veličini otočja Sredozemlja, ubraja se u tzv. arhipelaška mora, čime se predstavlja kao jedin-stveno područje na Sredozemlju, a možda i na svijetu.2 Tisuce otoka, pristupačni zaljevi, blage i zaklonjene uvale, svojim nizom stvaraju zašticene kanale i lagune, a plitko i toplo more te blaga sredozemna klima pruža-li su osnovne blagodati za razvoj života i njegovo ne-prekinuto trajanje. Obala predstavlja sasvim odvojen morski pojas od onog otočnog. Pa ipak, zahvaljujuci otočnim predispozicijama obala se, a s njom i graviti-rajuci prostori obližnjeg zaleda, povezuju sa širim Sre-dozemnim bazenom.3 Istovrsno, i otoci se, u geostra-teškom i gospodarskom smislu, preko obale povezuju 1 Kozličic 1990, 48-52; Coppola 1999; Braccesi 2001, 11-21; usp. Radie Rossi 2010, 91-93. 2 Duplančic Leder et al. 2004, 6-31; Favro, Saganic 2007, 61-62. 3 Stražičic 1981, 13-14; Stražičic 1996a, 63; Benac et al. 2006; usp. Kirigin et al. 2009. The Adriatic is a marginal sea of the Mediterranean. In the past, it was called its largest bay, The most important or even The Great Sea.1 Its spacious eastern side is characterized by its extraordinary length and beautiful indented coastline. Since containing the second most numerous island group of the Mediterranean, it can be included in the category of the so-called archipelagic seas. It represents a unique area in the Mediterranean and perhaps in the world.2 Thousands of islands, accessible bays, create channels and protected lagoons, while the shallow and warm sea as well as the mild Mediterranean climate provide basic benefits for the development of life and its continuous duration. The coast is a completely separate sea belt. However, thanks to the island predispositions, the coastline, and with it the gravitating hinterland is connecting with the wider Mediterranean basin.3 Simultaneously, the islands are connected in a geostrategic sense across the coast with the inevitably important 1 Kozličic 1990, 48-52; Coppola 1999; Braccesi 2001, 11-21; cf. Radic Rossi 2010, 9I-93. 2 Duplančic Leder et al. 2004, 6-31; Favro, Saganic 2007, 61-62. 3 Stražičic 1981, 13-14; Stražičic 1996a, 63; Benac et al. 2006; cf. Kirigin et al. 2009. 2. Osor i osorski tjesnac koji razdvaja otoke Cres i Lošinj (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Osor and Osor channel that separates the islands of Cres and Lošinj (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). s neizostavno važnim priobalnim zaledem. Na taj način izgraden prirodni »most«, formiran je u izvrstan ekosustav. Njegove mnogobrojne uvale i drage omo-gucavale su i prirodna a sigurna skloništa, pa su time, kao značajan prirodni resurs različitih gospodarskih aktivnosti, pogodovale i razvoju ustaljene plovidbe te formiranju prvih pomorsko-trgovačkih uporišta.4 Sve to čini jedinstveni zemljopisni splet dinamičnih stalnih mijena, koji je omogucio život čovjeka i njegovo aktivno djelovanje u najrazličitijim razdobljima proš-losti, gotovo jednako kao i danas. U tom ambijentu, područje Kvarnera predstavlja dio sjevernog hrvatskog primorskog pojasa u čijoj cjelini i ekosustavu ima vrlo istaknutu poziciju (sl. 1). Naime, upravo na tom zemljopisnom položaju Jadransko se, putem njega i Sredozemno more najviše uvlači u prostrani europski kopneni prostori Ujedno, to znači da se ondje dodiruju i medusobno prožimaju dva potpu-no različita zemljopisna miljea; jadransko-sredozemni i kontinentalni, alpsko-panonski.6 Iznimnost Kvarnera čini, medutim, jedinstvena otoč-na skupina. Rasprostire se od Riječkog zaljeva na sje-veru pa do ulaza u Kvarneric, tj. do tzv. Ilovičkih ili Kvarnerskih vrata na krajnjem jugu. Odnosno, od Podvelebitskog kanala na istoku (vinodolsko-velebit-ske obale), pa sve do istočnih obala Istre na zapadu. Rasporedena je u dva niza otoka: zapadni s Cresom i Lošinjem, s manjim otocima Unije, Vele i Male Sraka- hinterlands. In this way constructed natural »bridge« was formed in to an excellent ecosystem. Its many coves and inlets enabled natural but safe shelters, and did therefore, as an important natural resource of various economic activities, favour the development of established navigation and formation of first naval and commercial strongholds.4 All this constitutes a unique geographic combination of constant dynamic changes, which enabled the life of man and their active agency in various periods of the past, almost in the same way as it does today. In this environment the area of Kvarner represents a part of the northern Croatian coastal area in which integrity and ecosystem it features holds a very prominent position (Fig. 1). It is precisely in this geographical location that the Adriatic and through it the Mediterranean Sea draws into the vast European land mass.5 At the same time this means the intertwining of two different geographical milieus - the Adriatic/Mediterranean and Continental/Alpine-Pannonian.6 Exceptionality of Kvarner forms a unique island group. It stretches from the bay of Rijeka in the north to the entrance into the Kvarneric, the so-called Ilovik or Kvarner gates, in the southernmost point; its easternmost point is the Velebit channel (Vinodol-Velebit coast) and the east coast ofIstria its westernmost point. It is divided into two strings of islands; the western one with Cres and Lošinj and the smaller islands of the Un- w OS s < Z w" u < C OS < C C os os C C os 4 Stražičic 1981, 14; Benac et al. 2006. 5 Rogic 1982, 15; Stražičic 1996a, 38. 6 Stražičic 1996a, 38. 4 Stražičic 1981, 14; Benac et al. 2006. 5 Rogic 1982, 15; Stražičic 1996a, 38. 6 Stražičic 1996a, 38. 3. Vizura Osora i lošinjskog kanala sa sjeverozapadne strane. ne, Susak, Ilovik i Sv. Petar te istočni s Krkom, Rabom i sjevernim dijelom otoka Paga, s nekoliko manjih otoka izmedu njih.7 Medu njima, osobit prirodan kontekst odlikuje otočnu skupinu Cresa i Lošinja s broj-nim manjim otocima i hridima (36)/ u čiji se čarobni ambijent smješta i tema ovog »vremeplova« (sl. 4). U užem smislu usredotočena je pak na prostor povije-snog grada Osora koji se, geostrateški, s obližnjim prostorom Punte Križa, izdvaja kao samosvojno, zemljo-pisno jasno definirano okruženje krajnjeg juga otoka Cresa (sl. 2; 4). A njega obilježavaju relativno plitke uvale razvedenog kanala izmedu obala obaju otoka. Osobito je pristupačna zapadna obala, orijentirana prema Lošinjskom kanalu.9 Naime, riječ je o prolazu koji je, zbog opcih morskih struja i vjetrova te pitomih i zašticenih uvala, tisucljecima dominirao kao nezao-bilazna navigacijska ruta unutar mreže komunikacija kako sjevernoga Jadrana tako i tog dijela Europe.10 Sukladno logistici plovnoga puta, ono je postalo ne-zaobilazno tranzitno područje, pa ne čudi da se upravo ondje formirao i razvio Osor - jedna od najistak-nutijih »metropola« Kvarnera, te najsigurniji grad na istočnoj obali Jadrana u doba rane povijesti. Smješten na najnižoj prevlaci, tj. na mjestu doticaja ne-kad cjelovitoga otoka, Osor se opravdano smatra i njegovim najznačajnijim povijesnim naseljem (sl. 3). Po-drijetlo njegova naziva tražilo se duboko u prošlosti i 7 Stražičic 1981, 40-41; Stražičic 1996a, 38; Benac et al. 2006, 201-204. 8 Stražičic 1981, 13-14; Mavrovic 1997, 7-8. 9 Stražičic 1981, 39; Mavrovic 1997, 116-118; Dlaka 2011, 5-7. 10 Stražičic 1981, 17, 47-54, 111-114; Zaninovic 2005, 16-19; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 13. ije, Vele and Male Srakane, Susak, Ilovik and Sv. Peter; and eastern one with Krk, Rab and the northern part of the island Pag.7 Among them, a distinctive natural context characterizes the group of islands of Cres and Lošinj with many small islands and rocks (36)/ in to which magical ambiance is located the subject of this »time machine« (Fig. 4). More specifically, it focuses on the historical space of the town of Osor which geostrategically stands out, with the nearby area of Punta Križa, as an authentic geographically clearly defined southernmost district of ^ the island of Cres (Fig. 2; 4). It is characterized by a rela- w tively shallow bay of the indented channel between the p coasts ofboth islands. Particularly accessible is the west- z ern coast oriented towards the Lošinj channel.9 Specif- S ically, it is a passage that has due to general sea currents and winds as well as protected bays for millennia dom- £ inated as an unavoidable navigation route within the 2 network of communications of the northern Adriatic Š a and this part ofEurope.10 In accordance with the waterway logistics, it has become an inevitable transit area - it g is not surprising that it was just there that Osor was de- g veloped. It was one of the most prominent »metropo- Q lises« of Kvarner as well as the safest city on the eastern g Adriatic coast in the period of early history. Ž Located on the lowest isthmus at the point of contact of a once integral island, Osor is reasonably considered its most significant historical settlement (Fig. 3). 7 Stražičic 1981, 40-41; Stražičic 1996a, 38; Benac et al. 2006, 201-204. 8 Stražičic 1981, 13-14; Mavrovic 1997, 7-8. 9 Stražičic 1981, 39; Mavrovic 1997, 116-118; Dlaka 2011, 5-7. 10 Stražičic 1981, 17, 47-54, 111-114; Zaninovic 2005, 16-19; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 13. K > t1 U K Par K P- tL C K u z w OT K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K P-f- C Z < s K > C P- 4. Zemljopisna karta Kvarnera (prema Blečic Kavur 2014a). Geographical map of Kvarner (after Blečic Kavur 2014a). nastojalo se tumačiti na razne načine. Jedan od privlač-nijih pristupa svakako je bio onaj povezan uz zgodu iz grčke mitologije. Po njoj je naselje dobilo ime Apsor (Apsoros), otok Apsirtidi (Apsyrtides Nesoi ili Osorski oto-ci), a narod Apsirtejci ili Apsirti. Svi znameniti antič-ki pisci bilježe to nazivlje, interpretirajuci ga kroz le-gendu o slavnim grčkim moreplovcima Argonautima iz Kolhide i s otmicom »zlatnoga runa«.11 Legenda o Argonautima jedna je od najvažnijih iz grčke mitologije. Riječ je o junacima koji su s brodom Argo i s Ja-zonom, iz Jolka u Tesaliji, kao predvodnikom pošli u Kolhidu odnijeti »zlatno runo« - ovnujsko proročan-sko runo (sl. 5). Jazon se pak u Kolhidi zaljubio u čarob-nicu Medeju, kcerku tamošnjeg kralja Ajeta. Svojom magijom pomogla mu je da s čudesnim runom pob-jegne iz Kolhide i savlada prepreke na putu kako bi se oslobodili kolšanske potjere i vratili se u Grčku. Ajet je 5. Jazon otima »zlatno runo«. Detalj s atičke crvenofiguralne vaze Orchard slikara, 470.- 460. g. pr. Kr. (New York, Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 34.11.7) (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Jason abducts the »Golden Fleece«. Detail from an Attic red-figure 1- vase by the Orchard Painter, about 470-460 BC (New York, Metropolitan Museum ofArt, 34.11.7) ^ (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). os S Once people searched for origins of its denomination < in the deep past and interpreted it in various ways. One w of the most attractive approaches was certainly the one ^ associated with an event from Greek mythology. Ac- ^ cording to the later the settlement was named Apso- c ros (Apsoros), the island Apsyrtides (Apsyrtides Nesoi) and c people Apsirtians or Apsyrtides. All the famous writers of antiquity recorded this terminology interpret- g ing it through the legend of the famous Greek seafar- ~ ers Argonauts from Colchis and the abduction of the ^ »Golden Fleece«.11 The legend ofthe Argonauts is one of the most important parts of Greek mythology. It g tells the tale about Jason from Jolkos in Thessaly and his band of heroes went to Colchis who with the ship Argo to take the »Golden Fleece« - a prophetic ram's fleece (Fig. 5). In Colchis Jason fell in love with the sorceress Medea, daughter of the local king Aeetes. With her magic she helped him to escape with the miracu- 11 Opčenito Mori 2008 - uz svu stariju literaturu; Katičič 1995, 73-74; usp. Faber 11 In general see: Mori 2008 - with earlier literature; Katičič 1995, 73-74; cf. Faber 1980, 289-291; Stražičič 1981, 16-17; Fučič 1990, 7; usp. i Radič Rossi 2010, 92. 1980, 289-291; Stražičič 1981, 16-17; Fučič 1990, 7; cf. Radič Rossi 2010, 92. oc K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C u potjeru za otmičarima poslao svoga sina Apsirta. Na našem otoku Apsirt je sustigao Argonaute. No sestra ga je Medeja prijevarom namamila u zasjedu, gdje ga je Jazon ubio i obredno osakatio. Tijelo i kosti pokopali su u zemlju medu domačim ljudima. Tako su sta-novnici otoka, otok i grad nazvani po nesretno umore-nom Apsirtu iz Kolhide.12 Bilo kako bilo, predajom ili mitskom prošlošču, iz ze-mljopisne književnosti iznjedrila je činjenica po kojoj se Aspirtidima odreduje najsjevernije jadransko otočje s Cresom-Lošinjem kao središtem, kojima tek potom slijede Liburnski otoci i pripadajuča im obala.13 Arheološki pak potvrdeni izvori svjedoče kako se Osor kao dominantno naselje posebno razvija od kraja brončanog i tijekom željeznog doba posljednjih ti-sučlječa stare ere.14 Pa iako se na čitavom području od Osora do Punte Križa u to doba formiraju brojna gra-dinska naselja - naselja na uzvisinama, njihov karakter, funkcija i kontinuitet postojanja zapravo i dalje pred-stavljaju svojevrsnu nepoznanicu. Sve su one smješte-ne na istaknutim uzvišenjima središnjeg bila prema Punti Križa, pa pokazuju prostornu dosljednost, a sva-kako razvijenu mogučnost brze i jednostavne medu-sobne komunikacije. Takvim su rasporedom činile prvi zaštitni pojas prema središnjem naselju u Osoru. Velika večina njih podizana je na manjim zaravnjenim 12 Katičic 1995, 35-36, 45, 67-68, 72-75, 79-80; Mori 2008, 214-215; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 17-19. 13 Katičic 1995, 184-187; usp. Blečic 2001, 68; uz stariju navedenu literaturu. 14 Opcenito kod Faber 1974, 81; Faber 1976, 229, 233; Faber 1982; Blečic 2006; Blečic Kavur 2010, 16-19; Blečic Kavur, Kavur 2013, 354-355; usp. Blečic Kavur 2014b. lous fleece from Colchis and to overcome the obstacles along the way in order to return to Greece. Aeetes sent in pursuit of the kidnappers his son Absyrtos - the later caught up with the Argonauts on our island. But his sister Medea tricked him into an ambush where Jason killed and ritually mutilated him. His body and bones were buried in to the ground among the locals. Thus, the inhabitants of the island, the island itself and the city were named after the unfortunate murdered Ab-syrtos from Colchis.12 However, due to the tradition or the mythic past, evolved from the geographical literature the northernmost islands of the Adriatic with Cres-Lošinj as the centre were denominated as the Apsyrtians. Succeeding them were the Liburnian islands and the associated coast.13 Archaeological sources however testify that Osor, as the dominant settlement, developed from the end of the Bronze and during the Iron Ages in the last millennium BC.14 Although it was a period when on the entire area from Osor to Punta Križa were formed numerous hill-forts - settlements on the hills. Their character and continuity of existence in fact continue to represent a sort of unknown. They were all located on prominent elevations of the central ridge running towards Punta Križa, demonstrating a spatial consistency and certainly developed possibility of quick and 12 Katičic 1995, 35-36, 45, 67-68, 72-75, 79-80; Mori 2008, 214-215; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 17-19. 13 Katičic 1995, 184-187; cf. Blečic 2001, 68 - with earlier literature. 14 In general see Faber 1974, 81; Faber 1976, 229, 233; Faber 1982; Blečic 2006; Blečic Kavur 2010, 16-19; Blečic Kavur, Kavur 2013, 354-355; cf. Blečic Kavur 2014b. podijima upravo s namjenom izvidnice, stražarnice ili, jednostavno, promatračnice.15 Osor je, dakle, središte - okružen morem, opasan snažnim bedemima i s pristanišnom infrastrukturom (sl. 6). U to se doba vjerojatno prokopava i kanal uz za-padni potez prevlake zbog kojeg, na začetku razvoja pomorstva i priobalne navigacije, naselje i stječe tu ka-pitalnu stratešku vrijednost.16 S obzirom na iznimno dugu povijest posljednjeg tisučlječa prije Krista, naša se pozornost opet sužava i u vremenskom odredenju ograničava na vrijeme druge polovice toga tisučlječa, odnosno još uže, na razdoblje od kraja 5. do 2. stolje-ča pr. Kr. Prema sadašnjem poznavanju tog djeliča njegove bujne prošlosti, koje se u največoj mjeri temelji na suku-su brojnih rezultata arheoloških istraživanja,17 Osor je tada pouzdano imao pravi protourbani karakter naselja. Sudjelovao je u oblikovanju i filtriranju gospodarskih ali i kulturnih trendova, pa kao središn-je naselje otočja postaje i nezaobilazno prometno središte sjevernoga Jadrana, nadziruči jednu od važnih i vitalnih komunikacija iz sjeverne i srednje Europe k Sredozemlju. Obrazloženje takvom promišljanju iznova se može pronači u staroj zemljopisnoj književnosti,18 a potvr- 15 Blečic, Sušanj 2007b, 5-7; usp. Dlaka 2011, 7-12; Starac 2011, 21-26. 16 Stražičic 1981, 111-114; usp. Faber 1980, 298; Faber 1982, 61-63, 65; Blečic 2007, 200. 17 Faber 1972; Faber 1974; Faber 1975; Faber 1976; Faber 1980; Faber 1982; Faber 2000 - uz stariju literaturu; usp. Blečic et al. 2006, 39-57; Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 4-27; Blečic Kavur 2010, 16-37; Blečic Kavur 2014a; Blečic Kavur 2014b. 18 U grčkoj se geografiji od 4. st. pr. Kr. nalaze nešto jasnije predodžbe o hidro- simple mutual communication. Such arrangement formed the first protective zone of the settlement in Osor. The vast majority of them were erected on small flattened plateaus intended to function as observation points or watchtowers.15 Osor is therefore the centre - surrounded by the sea, girdled with strong walls and with harbour infrastructure (Fig. 6). At that period was probably excavated the channel on the western isthmus due to which, at the (A beginning of the development of maritime navigation, the settlement acquired its capital strategic value.16 Given the extremely long history of the last millennium BC, our attention is again narrowed and chronologically limited to the period from the end of the 5th to the ^ 2nd cent. BC. g According to present knowledge, which is largely ^ based on the summary of numerous results of archae- c ological research,17 Osor reliably had a real proto-urban character of the settlements. It participated in shaping and filtering of economic but also cultural trends. The § central settlement of the island group became an inevi- 5 table centre of transp ort in the northern Adriatic over- ^ seeing one of the important and vital communications £ running from Northern and Central Europe to the Š Mediterranean. Explanation of these conclusions can be found again in the old geographical literature, while confirmations 15 Blečic, Sušanj 2007b, 5-7; cf. Dlaka 2011, 7-12; Starac 2011, 21-26. 16 Stražičic 1981, 111-114; cf. Faber 1980, 298; Faber 1982, 61-63, 65; Blečic 2007, 200. 17 Faber 1972; Faber 1974; Faber 1975; Faber 1976; Faber 1980; Faber 1982; Faber 2000 - with earlier literature; cf. Blečic et al. 2006, 39-57; Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 4-27; Blečic Kavur 2010, 16-37; Blečic Kavur 2014a; Blečic Kavur 2014b. o H K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C diti u izrazitom bogatstvu nalaza materijalne ostavšti-ne. Vrijednost arheoloških izvora prikazanih s raznim predmetima nošnje i nakita domaceg, lokalnog i uve-zenog podrijetla, s raskošnim predmetima posebnih simboličkih i ideoloških dragocjenosti, s predmetima od prestižnih egzotičnih materijala, izravno upucuju kako je ovdje riječ o arheološkoj baštini iznimne važnosti. Njihova nam je analiza pokazala, naime, niz naj-različitijih utjecaja, koji odražavaju kontakte brojnih gospodarskih i kulturnih sprega ponajprije iz alpskog i italskog prostora, zatim na pritjecanje iz grčko-ma-kedonskog miljea te napokon na one iz keltskog kul-turnog prostora srednjoeuropskog željeznog doba. S druge strane, a s obzirom na odredene prepoznatljive i jedinstvene forme nakita i/ili nošnje, smatra se da su se neke od njih morale proizvoditi upravo u mjesnim obrtničkim radionicama, što, dakako, potvrduje pro-filiranje Osora i u iznimno važnoj gospodarskoj grani proizvodnje. U pravilu, nalazi materijalne kulture do nas su pri-spjeli reduciranim brojem i omjerom. Zbog toga nam pomno analiziranje i ispravno tumačenje postoje-cih predmeta neposredno i snažno progovara o izu-zetnom spektru kulturnih doticaja onoga vremena, ali, u njihovoj pozadini, i o mnogim složenim druš-tveno-ekonomskim odnosima. Čini se, medutim, još važnijim istaknuti; kako svi ti predmeti odražavaju i neposrednu potvrdu o statusu željeznodobnog Oso- come from the vivid richness of material remains.18 Value of archaeological sources is presented with various objects of attire and jewellery of domestic, local and imported origin, with luxurious items of special symbolical and ideological values, with items made from prestigious exotic materials, directly indicating that this is an archaeological heritage of exceptional importance. Its analysis has shown us, in fact, a number of different influences, reflecting numerous contacts of economic and cultural unions primarily from the Alpine and the Italic area, then the influx from the Greek-Macedonian milieu and finally those from the Celtic cultural area of the Central European Iron Age. On the other hand, with respect to certain identifiable and unique forms ofjewel-lery and/or costume, it is considered that some of them had to be produced in these local workshops which, of course, confirms profiling of Osor and in the existence ofthe important economic branch - the production. As a rule the finds of material culture arrived to us in a reduced number and ratio. Therefore, the careful analyzes and interpretations of existing objects directly and intensively addresses the extraordinary range of cultural contact of that time, but, in their background, it demonstrates numerous complex socio-economic relations. It appears, however, even more important to point out how all these objects directly confirm the status of the Iron Age Osor. grafiji Europe. Po njima se Dunav dijeli u dva toka, od kojih zapadni utječe u sjeverni Jadran, a drugi, istočni, u Crno more. Zapadni tok obilježava u biti trgovački put koji je tekao Savom i Posavinom do sjevernog Jadrana (Katičič 45). In Greek Geography of the 4th cent. B C existed clear conceptions of the hydrography of Europe. According to them the Danube was divided into two streams - the western one running in to the northern Adriatic, and the other, eastern one, in to the Black Sea. The western one marked essentially the trade route that followed Sava and Posavina to the northern Adriatic (Katičič 1995, 45). 18 6. Vizura Osora i pogled na Kavanelu s j ugozapadne strane. View of Osor and Kavanela from the southwest side. ra. Ovim predstavljanjem nastoji se osvijetliti njegovu This presentation seeks to highlight the cultural, eco- kulturnu, ekonomsku i društvenu moč, odnosno nje- nomic and social power and its equal participation in govo ravnopravno sudjelovanje u procesima optjecaja the processes ofcirculation ofdiverse knowledge, skills, najrazličitijih znanja, vještina, komunikacija i trendova communications and trends that were taking place in a koja su se odvijala u jedinstvenom društvenom feno- unique social phenomenon - the combination of Eu- menu - spoja europske kulture i sredozemne civiliza- ropean culture and civilization of the Mediterranean cije na vrhu Velikoga mora. on top of the Great Sea. Pregled arheoloških istraživanja Overview of archaeological investigations H M anje ili više, svi pregledi istraživanja arheološke i kulturne povijesti otoka Cresa i Osora započinju s putopisnim vijestima Alberta Fortisa iz i8. stoljeca. Pa iako postoje i stariji zapisi o baštini toga otoka i grada, njegova studija Saggio d'osrevrazzioni sopra I'isola di Cherso ed Ossero iscr-pno se posvetila predstavljanju njihove antičke slavne povijesti, rimskih spomenika i ostataka, mitskih legendi i sl. prvi put »dočarane« na taj način i na jedno- me mjestu. No konkretna i poznata arheološka istraživanja u Osoru, započinju sukladno s istraživanjem ostalih prapovijesnih nalazišta na području Kvarnera, tj. od 19. stoljeca. Iz tog vremena datira najveci dio grade koji je prikupljen iz nekropola i tumula te samo manjim dijelom iz naselja. Opsegom najveca i datumom najstari-ja istraživanja zabilježena su, naravno, za Osor. Ondje se sustavno iskopavalo prapovijesnu i rimsku nekro-polu na lošinjskoj strani prokopanog morskog kanala, na Kavaneli, ali i na cijelom području urbane jezgre, More or less all reviews of archaeological research and cultural history of the island of Cres and Osor start with the travelogue news ofAlberto Fortis from the 18th century. Although there are older records about the heritage of the island and the city, his study Saggio sopra l'osrevrazzioni d'Isola di Cherso ed Ossero was dedicated in details to the presentation of their ancient glorious history, Roman remains, mythical legends for the first time »evoked« in this way and in one place.19 However, concrete archaeological research started in Osor in the 19 th century in accordance with the study of other prehistoric sites in the Kvarner region. From that time dates most of the material that was collected from the necropoles and tumuli and only in a minor part from the settlement. The largest and oldest research was recorded, of course, in Osor. There the prehistoric and Roman necropolis on Lošinj side of the dugout sea canal on Kavanela as well as the whole area of the urban core were systematically excavated since 19 Fortis 1771. 19 Fortis 1771. 8. Eduard von Sacken. 9. Otto von Benndorf. još od i860. godine.20 Mnoštvo je grade, koju je priku-pljao nadžupnik dr. Ivan Kvirin Bolmarčič (sl. 7), naj-vecim dijelom rimskodobne, objavljivano u tadašnjim glasilima Mittheilungen der KK- Central Commision i Archeaologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Osterrei-ch-Ungarn. Manji dio nalaza i opise samog nalazišta i mjesta pružili su Richard Burton,21 Eduard von Sac-ken (sl. 8),22 Otto von Benndorf (sl. 9)23 i Anton Klo-dič.24 Buduci da je austrijsko Ministarstvo za kulturu djelomično financijski potpomagalo istraživanja Bol-marčica,2S Otto von Benndorf, osnivač austrijskog ar-heološkog instituta i osobno izrazito zainteresiran za nalazište na Osoru, nekoliko je dana proveo u nadzoru tih radova. Uskoro je objavio i podroban izvještaj u kome je naveo, izmedu ostalog, opise različitih tipova i načina sahranjivanja na Kavaneli, zatim usredotočio se na nalaze iz rimskog doba, ali je obavijestio i o pojedi-nim, vrlo vrijednim prapovijesnim predmetima.26 Potom, Klodič objavljuje, medu inima, i nekoliko predmeta iz brončanog i željeznog doba koji, medutim, struci ostaju uglavnom nepoznati ili ignorirani!27 Isko-pavanja I. Bolmarčica bila su nestručna i metodološki neadekvatno dokumentirana. Provodila su se od 1874. do 1880. godine, pa svi oni istraživači koji su se osorske grade dotaknuli, pogledali zbirku ili njegove dnevnike iskopavanja, svjedoče kako je iskopao nevjerojat- 20 Usp. Blečic Kavur 2014a, 15-16. 21 Burton 1877. 22 Sacken 1879, 150. 23 Benndorf 1880. 24 Klodič 1885, I-VII. 25 Imamovič 1979, 100. 26 Benndorf 1880, 73-82. 27 Klodič 1885, Fig. 1; 4-5; 13-14:16. i860.20 Numerous, mostly Roman, finds which were collected by the parish priest dr. Ivan Kvirin Bolmarčič (Fig. 7) were published in journals of that time - in Mit-theilungen der KK-Central Commission and in Archeaolo-gisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Osterreich- Ungarn. A smaller proportion of the finds and descriptions of the site and town were presented by Richard Burton,21 Eduard von Sacken (Fig. 8),22 Otto Benndorf (Fig. 9)23 and Anton Klodič.24 Since the Austrian Ministry of ^ Culture partially supported financially the research of Bolmarčič,25 Otto Benndorf, the founder ofthe Austrian archaeological Institute was personally extremely in- s terested in Osor and spent a few days supervising these g works. Soon he published a detailed report in which he c mentioned descriptions of various types and ways of ^ burying in Kavanela. Further he focused on finds from 3 the Roman period but informed also about individu- £ al very valuable prehistoric objects.26 Later Klodič published, among others, several items from the Bronze and Iron Ages, which however, remained largely unknown or ignored by the scientific public!27 Excavations of I. Bolmarčič were unprofessional and inadequately documented. They were performed between 1874 and 1880 - all those researchers who mentioned the finds from Osor, looked thorough the collection or his excavation diaries witnessing that he excavated an 20 Cf. Blečič Kavur 2014a, 15-16. 21 Burton i877. 22 Sacken 1879, 150. 23 Benndorf i880. 24 Klodič 1885, I-VII. 25 Imamovič i979, i00. 26 Benndorf 1880, 73-82. 27 Klodič 1885, Fig. 1; 4-5; 13-14:16. oc H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C nu količinu različitih i izrazito loše očuvanih, polomljenih, predmeta medu kojima se posebno ističu jantarni ukrasi. Dokumentacija o gradi, načinu kopanja ili o samim grobovima i njihovim cjelinama bila je i više nego skromna.28 Na iskopavanja I. Bolmarčica ubrzo se, nakon njegova odlaska u Krk,29 nadovezao i konzervator Stefano Petris, 1894. i 1897. godine. Rezultate svojih radova, istra-živanja i popise grade takoder je publicirao u istom austrijskom glasilu KK Komisije.30 No za razliku od prijašnjih objava, Petrisovi su radovi doista bili isklju-čivo u obliku kratkih izvješca, tj. crtica. U pregled-nom radu iz 1896. godine AusLiburnien undIstrien nekoliko nalaza materijalne grade objelodanjuju Edward Nowotny i Piero Sticotti.31 Kako kazuju sačuvani nam izvori iz toga vremena, Osor je tada neprikosnoveno najbogatije nalazište na sjevernom Jadranu, čije se grade žele domoci kako pul-ski arheološki muzej u osnivanju tako upravo i riječki i zagrebački muzeji. No grada je ipak ostala u Osoru za-hvaljujuci čemu je uskoro otvoren u gradskoj vijecnici i Muzej s postavom prapovijesne i rimske grade, 1889. godine.32 Kao takav održao se, uz manje ili vece pro-mjene, sve do ratnih godina 20. stoljeca. incredible amount of different and very poorly preserved broken items among which specially stand out the decorations made from amber. Documentation about the finds. actual tombs and their entities was more than modest.28 The excavations of I. Bolmarčic. soon after his departure to Krk.29 were followed up by the conservator Stefano Petris in 1894 and 1897. He also published the results of his work. research and descriptions of finds in the same Austrian journal of the KK Commission.30 But unlike previous releases. Petris papers were exclusively in the form of short reports. i.e. sketches. In a review paper from 1896 Aus Liburnien und Istrien several finds were brought to light by Edward Nowotny and Piero Sticotti.31 As demonstrated by the preserved sources from that time. Osor was back then undisputedly the richest site in the northern Adriatic. The archaeological museum in Pula just being established as well as the museums in Rijeka and Zagreb were trying to obtain some finds. But the discoveries remained in Osor - due to the fact that a museum presenting the prehistoric and Roman finds was opened in the town hall in 1889.32 As such. with bigger or smaller changes. it persisted until the years ofwar in the 20th century. 28 Benndorf 1880. 150; Milčetic 1884. 83-85; Marchesetti 1924. 140-141; usp. Faber 1980. 291. 29 Ostavština od 4 fascikla nalazi se u biskupijskom arhivu u Krku (Velčic 2011. 400). 30 Petris 1895; Petris 1897. 31 Nowotny. Sticotti 1896. 176. 32 Milčetic 1884. 84-85. 28 Benndorf 1880. 150; Milčetic 1884. 83-85; Marchesetti 1924. 140-141; cf. Faber 1980. 291. 29 Legacy of four folders is kept in the Diocesan Archives in Krk (Velčic 2011. 400). 30 Petris 1895; Petris 1897. 31 Nowotny. Sticotti 1896. 176. 32 Milčetic 1884. 84-85. 10. Carlo Marchesetti. NOTIZIE D15GLI S C AVI Anno 1924 — FasoicoU 4t 5, Regions X (VENETU ET BISTRI A) L ISOLK DEL QUJ.KNE&Q — Ricercte Paletnologiche. £ qwesta 1« prim« volt« che le JKritffe tkali wsn' diana cortesg oepitalHi a una relatione prostori« dalla Itogiono Giulin the finora, per it special! owulixioni politiche, noo potcva ftgnrare in un giornate ed ito iwttn gli aiupicii dol Minister* dolla Pubblicn Istriuieme del Reguq, Per tal modo aetsun cenno n is fatto dsllc nnmeros« ed important! swpm« paletnotofriche che si andavano facendo nepli ultimi otto Inxtri dalle Alpi si Carnarfl, da quanta eiok »I comiiicio I'wplorAiwne s i ste matic* del p«w«, more*1 la quale il nuatro rematbauna paseato g'illumitid improTriumuifo di fnlgida In«, dan-doei eontwaa di gonti fino altera ignora« o delle prischc eiviltA the fiorironri aelle no-stre cautrade prima che le aquile romanc stendeswro il lore vol o trionfale a quo« to Mtrenio lembo dell'Adriatico, apportitrici di una nuava piii ipl«ndida coltura chc, nanostante ravvicendarsi di tanti erenti, piii non doveva estinguursi. Ha ora che i nostri destini si ion« felice mcnte compluti,« che anche la nostra rcgiono S ontrata n far parte della grand« raadre-patria, ft tempo che par essa oecupi finalawsnto il posto che le compel« tra 1» altro consorelt« della poedsola, e faccia eenoseere agH sto-dioii deHo altre parti d'ltalia 1c sacre r&liquie de1 nostri proavi, eoiuervataci galosa-mcnte per lunght millenniiael gre rabo della terra. Lontana dai grandi centri diculiura e dalle bencfiche infiuenic civiliaatrici di popoli piti tvoluti, eh'ebbero cod natewle parte nel prcgr®»o di altre contrade della penttola, essa naturalmente non pub vaniare gl'in-slgni tosori aicheologici deli« necropoli deJrEtraria, dal Laso e dcllUmbria, ma tat-tavia d rivcla parcochic partieolaritA nan privc d'importaTiia, determinate dalla sua posiucwe geografiea tra le dn« opposte rive delTAdria, partieolariti cbo »i eonnettono al grand« e compkaM problema delta imgrazioni Oriental!. Grate al vivo intenssimento di S. EL Ten. Rosadi, gii lottosesietario all« Belle Arti, el Teouc oonccsso an rantributa per la con lino »sic no degfi soavi swpesi fatalmente dallo scoppLo della gaerra, Bioch^ era, dopo quasi an deeennio d^iawemosa battrrita, d Konus Sem 1924 — Vol. XXL ]« ii. Naslovnica članka Isole del Quarnero C. Marcheset-tia iz 1924. godine. Front cover of the 1924 article Isole del Quarnero by C. Marchesetti. o K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C PoCetak i rana desetljeca 20. stoljeca obilježena su ra-dom, istraživanjima i rezultatima koje je na prostoru Kvarnera realizirao tršcanski arheolog Carlo Marchesetti (sl. 10). Tako je svoju sintetsku studiju o gradina-ma u Julijskoj Krajini, odnosno Krasu i Istri, ukljuCio i prostor Kvarnera, koji je pripadao talijanskom, odnosno austrijskom primorju.33 Tek manja probna istra-živanja proveo je na osorskoj nekropoli, 1901. godine, kao i na drugim gradinskim nalazištima otoka Cresa i Lošinja. Pored podataka koje donosi još 1903. u nešto skromnijem, 1924. godine u radu Isole del Quarnero (sl. 11) u opširnijem se izdanju osvrnuo na to podruCje, s dotad najvecim izborom objavljene materijalne grade upravo iz osorske Kavanele; zapravo iz muzejske zbirke. Do suvremenih objava s kraja 20. stoljeca, bio je to jedan od najvažnijih referentnih radova za cresko-lo-šinjske otoke, Krk i priobalno podruCje do Rijeke.34 Marchesetti je znao vrijednost i znamenitost osorske materijalne grade, pa je stoga pokušao dobiti cjeloviti-ju sliku i stanje »gradinske« kulture na tome područ-ju. Zbog toga je proveo temeljito rekognosciranje svih poznatih gradina i tumula, a na ponekima je i istraži-vao manje probne sonde. Popisao je ukupno 59 nalazi-šta, od kojih se izdvajaju Vela Straža kod Osora, Pelgi-nja, Pukonjina i Skulka na Cresu te Polanža na Lošinju, odnosno Turan (Arbit) na Unijama.35 Medutim, priku-pljena, uglavnom keramička, grada nije pružila pri-željkivane rezultate, jer je ionako bila vrlo oskudna, u odnosu na »civilizaciju« koja je cvjetala u Osoru. Za- 33 Marchesetti 1903. 34 Imamovič 1979; Glogovič 1989; Cus-Rukonič 2005. 35 Marchesetti 1924, 128-129, 131-133, 137-140, Fig. 4-5, 13. Beginning and early decades of the 20th century were marked by the work, research and result which were realized on the territory of Kvarner by the Trieste archaeologist Carlo Marchesetti (Fig. 10). So he included in to his synthetic study of the hill-forts the Giulia, i.e. the Karst and Istria, also the territory ofKvarner which was a part of the Italian or Austrian littoral.33 Only smaller test excavations were conducted by the parish priest on the necropolis of Osor in 1901 as well as other hill-fort sites of the island of Cres and Lošinj. In addition to the data already issued in 1903 in a something modest way in 1924 he reflected this territory in a voluminous publication Isole delQuarnero (Fig. 11). He presented until then the largest selection of finds from Kavanela - actually from the Museum collection. This was until the modern publications from the end of the 20th century one of the most important reference works for the Cres-Lošinj islands, Krk and the littoral area to Rije-ka.34 Marchesetti knew the value and importance of finds from Osor and therefore tried to get a more complete picture and the status of the »hill-fort« culture on this territory. That is why he performed a thorough reconnaissance of all known hill-forts and tumuli, and in some cases excavated smaller test trenches. He described a total of 59 sites, from which stand out Vela Straža near Osor, Pelginja, Pukonjina and Skulka on Cres, Polanža on Lošinj, and Turan (Arbit) on Unije.35 The collected, mainly ceramic finds, did not provide the desired results since the finds, few in numbers, were considered being humble in comparison with the »civ- 33 Marchesetti 1903. 34 Imamovič 1979; Glogovič 1989; Cus-Rukonič 2005. 35 Marchesetti 1924, 128-129, 131-133, 137-140, Fig. 4-5, 13. ključio je, kako su te gradine različitih funkcija samo manja, siromašnija i uglavnom napuštena naselja na-kon brončanog doba.36 No, nakon Drugog svjetskog rata u znanstvenoj se literaturi nalazi sa šireg kvarnerskog područja pojav-ljuju tek usporedno i to u radu Zdenka Vinskog, koji je objavio tzv. ostavu iz Baške i pojedine predmete iz Garice s otoka Krka, a u kojima se osvrce i na gradu iz Osora.37 Nedugo nakon njegove studije o fibulama tipa Baška, Šime Batovic objavljuje studiju o ploča-stim liburnskim fibulama koje potječu s teritorija Hrvatske. U njihov je repertoar uvrstio i pločaste fibule iz područja Rijeke, Krka, Baške i, naravno, Osora.38 Arheološka istraživanja na otočnom i priobalnom di-jelu Kvarnera provodila su se uglavnom rekognosci-ranjima, reambulacijama terena, te manjim probnim istraživanjima na gradinama i tumulima, kao upravo logičan nastavak Marchesettijevih preteča. Velik dio tih zahvata odvijao se tada i u okviru zaštitnih istraži-vačkih radova ili složenijih gradevinskih projekata. Na cresko-lošinjskom otočju od 50-ih godina 20. stoljeca sustavno je istraživao Vladimir Mirosavljevic, ondašnji profesor na Filozofskom fakultetu u Zagrebu (sl. 12), koji je nastavio topografsko i tipološko istra-živanje gradina. Odredio je 38 gradina na Cresu, Lo-šinju, Unijama, Srakanama i Iloviku, a na 21 gradini izveo je probna istraživanja. Nešto detaljnija izvješca ilization« blooming in Osor. He concluded that these hill-forts of different functions were largely after the Bronze Age abandoned settlements.36 But after World War II finds coming from the wider area of Kvarner appeared only sporadically in scientific literature in the works of Zdenko Vinski, which published the so-called hoard from Baška and individual objects from Garica from the island of Krk in which he reflected also the finds from Osor.37 Shortly after his £ studies of Baška type fibulae, Šime Batovic published a study on the Liburnian plate fibulae originating from | the Croatian territory. He included in to their reper- > toire also the plate fibulae from the area of Rijeka, Krk > and Baška and, of course, Osor.38 c Archaeological research on the islands and the coast- ^ al area of Kvarner were, just as a logical continuation of £ Marchesetti's work, limited mainly to reconnaissance, field walking and test excavations on hill-forts and tumuli. The largest part of these interventions took place in the framework of rescue excavations or within complex construction projects. From the 50s of the 20th century Vladimir Mirosavljevic, at the time professor at the Faculty ofPhilosophy in Zagreb, systematically investigated on the Cres-Lošinj archipelago (Fig. 12) and continued the topographical and typological research of the hill-forts. He determined 38 hill-forts on the islands of Cres, Lošinj, Unije, Srakane and Ilovik as well as excavated trial trenches 36 Marchesetti 1924, 126-140. 37 Vinski 1956; Vinski 1959; Vinski 1961. 38 Batovic 1958. 36 Marchesetti 1924, 126-140. 37 Vinski 1956; Vinski 1959; Vinski 1961. 38 Batovic 1958. 12. Vladimir Mirosavljevič. 13. Povijesno arheološki vodič po Osoru Envera Imamoviča iz 1979. godine. Enver Imamovičs Historical archaeological guide ofOsor from 1979. i tlocrtne situacije donosi za gradine Vela Straža na Cresu, Maslovnik, Polanžu, Lace, Halmac, Ilovicu, Skulku, Pelginju, Sv. Bartolomej i Halm.39 Ipak, preostali su nam samo preliminarni izvještaji i šturi opisi eventualnih stratigrafija, odnosno keramičke grade. Cjelokupna studija nije nikada priredena, a prikuplje-ni nalazi materijalne kulture nisu bili strukturirani i objavljivani.40 Prostor urbane jezgre Osora, oduvijek atraktivan i zanimljiv, nastavili su istraživati od 1950. do 1954. Boris Bacic kustos iz Arheološkog muzeja Istre (AMI) u Puli i Andro Mohorovičic iz Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (HAZU) u Zagrebu. B. Bacic istraživao je pojedine dijelove gradskog areala prili-kom gradevinskih radova. Najviše energije usmjerio je u istraživanje visokog nasipa uz Kaštel 1953. godine, s unutarnje strane zapadnih gradskih vrata, sa strati-grafijom od ranog brončanog do željeznog doba. Isti je autor istraživao i dva tumula kod Belog.41 Grada je vecinom pohranjena u AMI i do danas je ostala neobjavljena. Zaštitnim radovima 1959. godine nadovezao se i Josip Mladin, takoder kustos iz AMI u Puli, koji istražuje tumul uz današnje osorsko groblje Sv. Marije prema Bijaru, odnosno uz pružanje istočnog gradskog bede-ma. Na tom dijelu grada vjerojatno se nalazila poveča nekropola pod tumulima, koju djelomično presijeca i gradnja kasnijih, megalitskih gradskih bedema. On- on 21 of them. He presented more detailed reports and layouts of hill-forts Vela Straža on Cres, Maslovnik, Polanža, Lace, Halmac, Ilovica, Skulka, Pelginja, St. Bartolomej and Halm.39 Still what he left us were just sparse descriptions of possible stratigraphic sequences together with descriptions of ceramic finds. A comprehensive study was never prepared and the collected material culture was not properly published.40 The territory of the urban kernel of Osor, always attractive and interesting was continuously explored from 1950 to 1954 by Boris Bacic, curator from the Archae- ^ ological Museum of Istria (AMI) in Pula and Andre > Mohorovičic from the Croatian Academy of Scienc- £ es and Arts (HAZU) in Zagreb. B. Bačič investigated individual parts of the city during construction works. c He focused mostly on the research ofa high dyke along 3 the Kaštel in 1953. Located on the inner side of the city g gates he discovered a stratigraphy ranging from the Early Bronze Age to the Iron Age. He also excavated two tumuli near Beli.41 The discovered finds are mostly stored in the AMI and remain unpublished. Rescue excavations continued in 1959 with Josip Mladin, also a curator of AMI in Pula, who explored a tumulus located near the today's cemetery of St. Mary on Bijar - this is on the extension of the eastern city walls. In this part of the town was probably located a larger necropolis with tumuli which was partially cut through by the later construction of megalithic city walls. There were discovered in total seven graves with 39 Mirosavljevic 1974, 271-290; usp. Glogovic 1989; Cus-Rukonic 2005. 40 Batovic 2003, 256. Keramički fundus grade pohranjen je u HAZU u Zagrebu. 41 Batovic 2003, 257. 39 Mirosavljevic 1974, 271-290; cf. Glogovic 1989; Cus-Rukonic 2005. 40 Batovic 2003, 256. The ceramic material is kept in HAZU, Zagreb. 41 Batovic 2003, 257. K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C dje je, naime, dokumentirao ukupno 7 grobova zgrče-naca u kamenim škrinjama s prilozima nakita i nošnje, koje je autor s pobližom tlocrtnom situacijom i katalogom uskoro i objavio.42 Bio je to prvi tumul i grobovi uopce s područja Kvarnera koji su imali cjelovitiju dokumentaciju, pa su zbog toga i više puta u stručnoj literaturi reproducirani.43 Premda je B. Bacic 1953. go-dine postavio privremen postav, uredenje preostale grade za novi postav i konačno postavljanje Arheološke zbirke u Osoru (AZO), nije uspio ostvariti.44 Istra-žena je grada, ne samo iz njihovih, vec i iz starih istraživanja Kavanele, pristigla tako u AMI u Puli gdje se i danas nalazi djelomično predstavljena i u stalnom po-stavu.45 Vec 1968. godine Arheološka zbirka u Osoru dolazi pod nadležnost Pomorskog i povijesnog muzeja u Rijeci, premda postav ureduju i postavljaju iznova tek Radmila Matejčic i Enver Imamovic 70-ih godina prošlog stoljeca.46 Potonji autor objavljuje ujedno i prvi cjelokupni arheološki vodič po Osoru i njegovim spomenicima (sl. 13). Na prostoru gradske jezgre i bedema Osora zaštitne i sustavne radove obavljao je Institut HAZU iz Zagreba, koja je provodio A. Mohorovičic.47 Od 70-ih godina 20. stoljeca pridružuje se istraživanjima i Institut za arheologiju iz Zagreba, koji ondje višekrat- the deceased buried in a crouched position in stone chests with grave goods consisting of jewellery and attire. Soon after the excavations the author published a detailed ground plan and a catalogue of finds.42 It was the first tumulus and graves ever from the area of Kvar-ner which had a complete documentation and were therefore often reproduced in scientific literature.43 Although B. Bacic set up in 1953 a temporary exhibition, he failed to succeed arranging the remaining material for the exhibition and the final set up of the Archaeological Collection in Osor (AZO).44 The discovered finds, not only from his, but also from the older excavations on Kavanela arrived to AMI in Pula where they are today still partly presented in the permanent exhibition.45 Already in 1968 AZO was allocated to the Maritime and History Museum in Rijeka, although the exhibition was presented anew by Radmila Matejčic and Enver Imamovic in the seventies of the last century.46 The latter author published also the first overall archaeological guide of Osor and its monuments (Fig. 13). On the territory of the urban kernel and the city walls of Osor were conducted rescue and systematic excavations by the Institute HAZU from Zagreb - led by A. Mohorovičic.47 Since the 70s of the 20th century Institute of Archaeology from Zagreb joined the research. Several campaigns were conducted under the direc- 42 Mladin 1960. 43 Glogovic 1989; Cus-Rukonic 2005. 44 Bacic 1968, 29; usp. drugačije navode kod Matijašic 2008; Mihovilic 2012/2013. 45 Upravo je stoga dio grade iz Osora, tj. najvecim dijelom sav nakit od jantara koji se nalazi u AMI, objavila potom i Klara Buršic-Matijašic (1990). 46 Imamovic 1979, 99, 101, 105; usp. Cetinic 1991. 47 Mohorovičic 1953; Mohorovičic 1956. 42 Mladin 1960. 43 Glogovic 1989; Cus-Rukonic 2005. 44 Bacic 1968, 29; cf. see different in Matijašic 2008; Mihovilic 2012/2013. 45 Consequently apart of the material from Osor, i.e. most of all jewelry made of amber kept in AMI, was published by Klara Buršic-Matijašic (1990). 46 Imamovic 1979, 99, 101, 105; cf. Cetinic 1991. 47 Mohorovičic 1953; Mohorovičic 1956. no iskopava pod vodstvom Aleksandre Faber.48 Obja-vivši uglavnom topografske i arhitektonske podatke gradskih bedema i luka, autorica je djelomično predstavila rezultate svojih istraživanja i pri tomu priku-pljenu pokretnu gradu, koja se samo manjim dijelom čuva u zbirci, jer velika večina grade iz tih istraživanja nije pristigla u AZO. Njezin je doprinos svakako vri-jedan spoznaje kako se na širem, danas reduciranom, gradskom arealu Osora nastanjivalo u kontinuitetu od brončanog doba. Prva podvodna istraživanja osorskog akvatorija pro-vodila je Radmila Matejčič (sl. 14), ondašnja kustosi-ca u Pomorskom i povijesnom muzeju Hrvatskoga primorja i konzervatorica u Konzervatorskom odjelu anom Ministarstva kulture u Rijeci,49 zajedno s Marij; Orličem iz tadašnjeg Republičkog zavoda za zaštitu spomenika Ministarstva kulture.s° Nekoliko preglednih radova s osnovnim topografskim i povijesnim, več 14. Radmila Matejčič. tion of Aleksandra Faber.48 Publishing mainly topographical and architectural details of the city walls and the port, the author only partially presented the results of her research and the discovered finds - only a small proportion of the later is kept in the collection since the vast majority of discoveries from these excavations were not transported to the AZO. As her major contribution she presented valuable insights in to the continuous occupation ranging from the Bronze Age on a broader urban complex of Osor. The first underwater research of Osor's aquatorium was conducted by Radmila Matejčič (Fig. 14), who was at the time the curator at the Maritime and History Museum of the Croatian Litoral and conservator at the Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture in Rijeka ,49 and Marijan Orlič from the Republic Institute for the Protection of Monuments at the Ministry of Culture.50 Several review articles with ba- K > C C K C w OS 48 Faber 1974; Faber 1976; Faber 1980; Faber 1982; Faber 2000. 49 Cetinič 1991. 50 Matejčič 1976; Matejčič, Orlič 1982; Orlič 1986. 48 Faber 1974; Faber 1976; Faber 1980; Faber 1982; Faber 2000. 49 Cetinič 1991. 50 Matejčič 1976; Matejčič, Orlič 1982; Orlič 1986. vo K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C dobro poznatim činjenicama, objavila je Jasminka Cus-Rukonič,S1 tadašnja kustosica u Creskom i Lošinj-skom muzeju, kao i tek manji izbor grade iz AZO.S2 No glede topografskog i tipološkog poznavanja gra-dinskih naselja na čitavom prostoru cresko-lošinjskog otočja, posebno treba izdvojiti sintetske radove Nikole Stražičiča ondašnjeg profesora s Pomorskog fakulteta u Rijeci,S3 koji je sustavno pregledavao teren, odredi-vao stara i nova nalazišta, prikupljao brojnu, uglavnom keramičku gradu. Tijekom 8°-ih i 9°-ih godina prošlog stolječa na po-dručju Osora i njemu pripadajučeg šireg prostora pro-vodila su se isključivo zaštitna arheološka istraživanja. U največoj mjeri provodio ih je Konzervatorski odjel Ministarstva kulture u Rijeci,S4 a tek manji dio Lošinj-ski muzej i ostale institucije u suradnji.SS Na prostoru gradske jezgre pozornost se ponajviše usmjeravala na istraživanja i obnove sakralne i profane arhitekture te antičkog, rimskodobnog, kulturnog sloja grada. Pra-povijesni slojevi kao i pojedinačna nalazišta na širem prostoru gradskog areala uglavnom su ostala nedota-knuta. U istom smislu, 1984. godine u potpisu Jasmin-ke Cus-Rukonič, postavljen je i izložbeni postav AZO s gotovo izuzetim prapovijesnim, iznimno vrijednim nasljedem. sic topographical and historical but well-known facts and only a small selection of material from the AZO were published by Jasminka Cus-Rukonič,51 at the time a curator in the Cres and Lošinj Museum.52 But with regard to topographical and typological knowledge of hill-forts from across the Cres-Lošinj archipelago, we have to put out the synthetic work of Nikola Stražičič, at the time professor at the Faculty of Maritime Studies in Rijeka.53 He systematically examining the terrain, determined the old and new sites and collected numerous, mostly ceramic, finds. During the 80s and 90s of the last century were in the area of Osor and the adjacent wider territory conducted exclusively archaeological rescue excavations. They were mostly carried out by the Conservation Department of the Ministry of Culture in Rijeka,54 and only a small proportion by the Lošinj Museum collaborating with other institutions.55 On the territory of the town's kernel the attention was focused on the research and restoration of sacral and secular architecture and antique, roman, cultural layers of the city. Prehistoric layers as well as individual sites in the wider area of the city's areal remained largely intact. In 1984 was in the same manner presented by Jasminka Cus-Rukonič the exhibition of AZO with exceptional and extremely valuable prehistoric finds. 51 Cus-Rukonič 1982; Cus-Rukonič 1998; Cus-Rukonič 2005. 52 Cus-Rukonič 1981; Cus-Rukonič, Glogovič 1989. 53 Stražičič 1981; Stražičič 1996b; Stražičič 1998. 54 Usp. Blečič et al. 2006; Blečič, Sušanj 2007a; Blečič, Sušanj 2007b -nom terenskom, konzervatorskom i arhivskom dokumentacijom. 55 Šmalcelj 1991; Cus-Rukonič, Šmalcelj 2012. ede- 51 Cus-Rukonič 1982; Cus-Rukonič 1998; Cus-Rukonič 2005 52 Cus-Rukonič 1981; Cus-Rukonič, Glogovič 1989. 53 Stražičič 1981; Stražičič 1996b; Stražičič 1998. 54 Cf. Blečič et al. 2006; Blečič, Sušanj 2007a; Blečič, Sušanj 2007b -conservation and archival documentation. 55 Šmalcelj 1991; Cus-Rukonič, Šmalcelj 2012. 'ith field, Glede prapovijesne grade Osora iz razdoblja bronča-nog i željeznog doba, u najvecoj se mjeri njenom objav-ljivanju i interpretiranju posvetila Dunja Glogovic, ta-dašnja djelatnica Instituta za arheologiju u Zagrebu. S nekoliko je tematskih i analitičnih studija obradila značajnije pojedinačne predmete, izmedu kojih su naj-važnije osorske fibule. S osvrtom na starija istraživanja naselja i nekropola, uz tipološko-kronološko struktu-riranje predmeta materijalne kulture, u dva je monografska izdanja uredila i predstavila dotad najveci dio predmeta iz AZO i AMI u Puli.56 U širem poimanju, njezini su radovi obilježili značajan napredak u poznavanju, širenju i interpretiranju kulturne-povijesti želje-znodobnog Osora. Odreden izbor grade našao se zastupljen i u preglednim tematskim radovima Kristine Mihovilic iz AMI u Puli. Prilikom toga, objelodanila je i nekoliko novih, pojedinačnih predmeta koji se čuvaju u AZO i u AMI u Puli.57 Istraživanja posljednjih desetljeca bitno su promijenila način istraživačkoga, metodološkog i analitičkog rada. Ne začuduje stoga što gotovo svako zaštitno istraživa-nje u Osoru bilježi izuzetne prapovijesne slojeve, po-glavito iz brončanog i željeznog doba.58 Velikim bro-jem pokretne arheološke grade, koja se sustavno 56 Glogovic 1982; Glogovic 1987; Glogovic 1988; Glogovic 1989; Glogovic 1991; Glogovic 1993; Glogovic 2003. 57 Mihovilic 1995; Mihovilic 2002; Mihovilic 2004; Mihovilic 2007; Mihovilic 2012/2013. 58 Faber 1974, 80-81; Faber 1980, 298-299, sl. 9-10; Faber 1982, 68-69, sl. 8; Čauševic 2003; Causevic-Bully 2008; Jurkovic et al. 2009; Bully et al. 2010; Maric et al. Regarding the prehistoric finds from the Bronze and the Iron Age ofOsor, Dunja Glogovic, former employee ofthe Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb dedicated herself to the fullest extent to its publication and interpretation. With several thematic and analytical studies she analyzed important individual finds among which were the most important fibulae of Osor type. With reference to earlier research of the settlement and necropolis and with typologically and chronologically structured archaeological finds, she edited and presented in two books, until then, the largest proportion of artefacts from AZO and AMI in Pula.56 In a broader perspective her work marked a significant improvement in the understanding, dissemination and interpretation of the cultural history of the Iron Age Osor. A certain selection of finds found its way in to the comprehensive thematic publications of Kristina Miho-vilic, also a curator from AMI in Pula. In addition she unveiled several new individual items that are kept in the AZO and in the AMI in Pula.57 The investigations in the last decades significantly changed the ways of research, its methodological and analytical frameworks. It is not surprising that almost every rescue excavation in Osor recorded exceptional prehistoric layers - especially from the Bronze and the Iron Age.58 With large numbers of portable archae- 56 Glogovic 1982; Glogovic 1987; Glogovic 1988; Glogovic 1989; Glogovic 1991; Glogovic 1993; Glogovic 2003. 57 Mihovilic 1995; Mihovilic 2002; Mihovilic 2004; Mihovilic 2007; Mihovilic 2012/2013. 58 Faber 1974, 80-81; Faber 1980, 298-299, sl. 9-10; Faber 1982, 68-69, sl. 8; Čauševic 2003; Causevic-Bully 2008; Jurkovic et al. 2009; Bully et al. 2010; Maric et al. K > C C K C w OS oc K > p u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C obraduje, objavljuje i adekvatno predstavlja ne samo ological finds, which were systematically processed, stručnoj, vec i široj zainteresiranoj zajednici, preusmje- published and adequately presents not only to the pro- rena su dosadašnja promišljanja o tom dijelu osorske fessional, but also to the broader interested public, di- prošlosti.59 Kao jedno od istaknutijih hrvatskih arheo- verted the so far existing understanding of that part of loških nalazišta Osor je napokon zastupljen i u prvom Osor's past.59 As one of the most prominent Croatian hrvatskom arheološkom atlasu.60 archaeological sites, Osor is finally represented in the first Croatian archaeological atlas.60 59 Blečic 2007; Blečic 2009; Blečic Kavur 2011; Blečic Kavur 2012; Blečic Kavur, Kavur 2013; Blečic Kavur 2014a; Blečic Kavur 2014b. 60 Blečic 2006. 59 Blečic 2007; Blečic 2009; Blečic Kavur 2011; Blečic Kavur 2012; Blečic Kavur, Kavur 2013; Blečic Kavur 2014a; Blečic Kavur 2014b. 60 Blečic 2006. 15. Osor s ucrtanim položajem nekropola (▲) i pojedinačnih grobova (•) (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Osor with marked locations ofprehistoric necropolises (▲) and individual graves (•) (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). Prosperitet Prosperity of the City Vrijeme 5. st. pr. Kr. obilježava jednu od najuz-budljivijih »epizoda« naše europske prošlosti - to je vrijeme velikih promjena, ali i vrijeme kada krajevi istočnojadranskog priobalja prispijevaju na svjetlo povijesne pozornice. Za njegove druge polovice (450.-400. g. pr. Kr.) mnogo se prijelomno važ-nog zbilo i na sredozemnom i na kopnenom dijelu Sta-rog Kontinenta. Medutim, ti se dogadaji nisu u pravilu odvijali neovisno ili daleko jedni od drugih. Njihova se povijesna okolnost vrlo često ispreplitala, osobito u stoljecima koja su slijedila, sa znatnim posljedicama u njihovom meduodnosu i s odjecima u širem kultur-nom prostoru. Splet dijela takvih kulturnih i politič-kih prilika ostavio je neizbrisanog, a ponovno nade-nog »traga« i u kulturno-povijesnoj baštini Kvarnera, ponajbolje Osora. Promatrajuci stoga Osor unutar kvarnerskog bazena i u aspektu šire povijesne pozadine, jasno je da su kulturne veze i tradicije iz starijih razdoblja nastavljene i logično razvijane u tome vremenu. Naime, u vrijeme starijeg željeznog doba kontakti izmedu kulturnih The period of 5th cent. BC marked one of the most exciting »episodes« of our European past - a time of great change, but also a period when the territory of the eastern Adriatic coast came to light on the stage of history. During its second half (450 - 400 BC) many important turning points happened in the Mediterranean and in the continental part of the Old Continent. These events did not occur independently or away from each other. Their historical circumstances were very often intertwined, especially in the centuries that followed, with significant consequences in their mutual relations and with echoes in the wider cultural area. Entangled piece of work of such cultural and political situation left an ineffaceable and again discovered »trace« in the cultural heritage of Kvarner - mostly in Osor. Observing therefore Osor within the Kvarner basin and in a wider historical background, it becomes clear that the cultural ties and traditions from earlier periods continued and logically developed at that time. In the Early Iron Age contacts between cultural groups took K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > P y K P- K C z < s K > C skupina odvijali su se po nekom regionalnom principu gospodarskog i političkog afirmiranja.61 Koliko nam je danas poznato, materijalna grada optjecala je unutar kulturnih krugova koji su zemljopisno bili bliže medu-sobno povezani, a njihov nam zbir u stvaranju šire kul-turno-povijesne predodžbe prenosi i fragment ispre-pletenosti ondašnjih različitih društvenih odnosa. Tada je Kvarner, zajedno s Istrom, predstavljao istoč-ni dio kulturnog prostora sjevernog Jadrana ili prostora Caput Adriae. A on je, sa svojim zaledem jugoi-stočnog alpskog prostora i dijelom zapadnog Balkana, tradicionalno bio vitalno tijelo tzv. sjevernojadranske koine. Dinamično interaktivna s čitavim alpskim, po-glavito jugoistočnoalpskim prostorom, gdje su domi-nirale različite skupine halštatskog kulturnog kruga, u istom je angažmanu bila i s jugoistočnim i središnjim italskim kopnom. Poseban odnos ta je koine ostvarila s etnički nam dobro poznatim zajednicama Venata i Pičena, posredno i s Etruščanima.62 Sve su te zajednice, bez izuzetaka, svoju moč izgradivale na privredno-tr-govačkom potencijalu, a štitile je i širile uznapredova-nim vojnim snagama. om, a Medutim, promjene u društvenom i gospodarske neizravno i u ideološko-konceptualnom razvoju pro-tourbanog društva dodatno se oplemenjuju novim, za istočno Sredozemlje i južnobalkansko područje izrazito karakterističnim impulsima. Jer, južnije, na Balkanu, situacija je izvjesno bila živa, pogotovo u vojno-političkom pogledu. U tom nam je smjeru povijest place on a kind of a regional principle of economic and political affirmation.61 As far as we know today, material culture circulated within cultural circles which were geographically closer interconnected. Their summation in the creation of a broader cultural image brings us a fragment of entanglement of different past social relations. Kvarner did at the time, along with Istria, represent the eastern part of the northern Adriatic cultural area or the territory of Caput Adriae. And it was, with its hinterland of the south-eastern Alpine region and a part ofthe Western Balkans, traditionally a vital part of the so-called northern Adriatic koine. It was in dynamic interactive relations with the entire Alpine, especially south-eastern area, where different groups of Hallstatt cultural circle dominated and at the same time it was connected to the south-eastern and central Italic mainland. This koine achieved a special relation with the ethnically well-known communities of Veneti and Piceni and indirectly with the Etruscans.62 All of these communities, without an exception, built their power on the economic and commercial potential, and protected it with advanced military forces. However, changes in social and economic, and indirectly in the ideological and conceptual development of the proto-urban society were further refined with new, for the Eastern Mediterranean and the southern Balkans area very characteristic impulses. Further south, on the Balkans, the situation was extremely lively, especially in the military and political perspective. In that direction history left us with much more infor- 61 Tomedi 1999; Peroni 2004. 62 Peroni 1996; Nascimbene 2009; usp. Mihovilic 1986; Blečic Kavur 2012. 61 Tomedi 1999; Peroni 2004. 62 Peroni 1996; Nascimbene 2009; cf. Mihovilic 1986; Blečic Kavur 2012. ostavila pak mnogo više podataka. Grčka je tada vec iscrpljena Peloponeškim ratovima (431.-404. g. pr. Kr.) u kojima je Sparta nadmocno pobijedila Atenu i postala hegemonskim autoritetom Egeje. Od tih je rato-va uz sjeverni rub Grčke politički neosporna činjenica postala Makedonija, koja je imala pravno uredenje države potpuno nezavisno od grčkog svijeta ili od Perzije. U svakom je aspektu imala gospodarsko-ekonom-ski imperativ, pa ubrzo postaje i »vladarom« buduce Via Egnatiae,63 tj. prometnice koja je spajala istočni Jadran s Makedonijom i sjevernom Egejom. Nadalje, iznad Gornje Makedonije formirano je i tzv. ilirsko kraljevstvo,64 takoder vojnopolitički čimbenik toga zemljopisa, s vrlo istaknutom ulogom na Jadranu. Osnivanje grčkih kolonija na njihovoj obali, Kor-kire, pa Epidamna i Apolonije,65 imalo je u tome smislu ključnu vrijednost. S druge strane, Atenjani su vec od 6. st., a posebno ti-jekom 5. st. pr. Kr., imali čvrsto i jasno definirane trgo-vačke odnose s emporijima Spine i Adrie na zapadnoj jadranskoj obali, uz deltu rijeke Po.66 Promet Jadranom zbog toga nesumnjivo postaje pojačan.67 U ta-kvim se okolnostima pojavio još jedan neosporivo va-žan čimbenik s druge strane i to u oličenju Dionizija Starijeg, tiranina iz velikogrčke Sirakuze, imperijalne sile srednjeg Sredozemlja, inače saveznice Sparte i Ilira. A, Sirakužani podižu Ankonu i Numanu, zatim 63 Roisman 2010, 156. 64 Cabanes 2002, 51, 73. 65 Čače 2002; Kirigin 2004, 55; usp. Cabanes 2002, 28-33; Šašel Kos 2005, 234-235. 66 Braccesi 2001, 46-57, sa starijom literaturom. 67 Kirigin 2004, 57. mation. Greece was already exhausted by the Pelopon-nesian wars (431-404 BC) in which Sparta supremely overpowered Athens and became the hegemonic authority of the Aegean. Due to these wars along the northern edge of the Greek world Macedonia became a politically indisputable fact. It had a legal regulation of the state which was completely independent from the Greek world or from Persia. In every aspect it had an administrative and economic imperative and soon became the »ruler« of the future Via Egnatia63 - the road that connected the eastern Adriatic with the northern >- t- Aegean. Furthermore, above Upper Macedonia was u formed the so-called Illyrian kingdom64 - also a political factor of that territory which featured a prominent £ role on the Adriatic. Of key importance was the estab- t- lishment of Greek colonies on their shores - of Cor- w p* cyra and Epidamnos as well as Apollonia.65 a On the other hand the Athenians had from the 6th and ^ especially during the 5th cent. BC clearly defined trade & relationships with the emporia of Spina and Adria on h the western Adriatic coast along the delta of the river ~ Po.66 Adriatic traffic undoubtedly increased.67 In such circumstances appeared another indisputably import- g ant factor on the other side - it was impersonated by Dionysius the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse. Featuring the imperial power of the central Mediterranean he was an ally of Sparta and the Illyrians. And Syracusans founded Ancona and Numana, then Issa on Vis and helped 63 Roisman 2010, 156. 64 Cabanes 2002, 51, 73. 65 Čače 2002; Kirigin 2004, 55; cf. Cabanes 2002, 28-33; Šašel Kos 2005, 234-235. 66 Braccesi 2001, 46-57, with earlier literature. 67 Kirigin 2004, 57. Isu na Visu, te pomažu podizanje Farosa na Hvaru. Li-sos su osvojili, a u Adriji učvrstili svoju poziciju. Kon-trolu nad Jadranom preuzeli su na taj način gotovo u cijelosti.68 Ustaljeni odnos snaga na Balkanu bio je, da-kle , u potpunosti izmijenjen i u znaku stalne uzbude-nosti, sukoba i otvorenih ratova. Njihove različite interesne propagande provodile su se i na potezu istočne ^ obale Jadrana, gdje izravno nisu obuhvatile jedino teri- ^ torij Histra i Liburna. w ~ S obzirom na takvo stanje, prihvačeno je mnijenje g kako se, tijekom 6. pa do ranog 4. st. pr. Kr., poglavi-2 to do keltskih invazija u Italiju, kao odraz statusne važ-g nosti i vojnopolitičkog autoriteta mjesne aristokra-g cije sjevernoitalskog i jugoistočnog alpskog, baš kao g i balkanskog, prostora počinju izdvajati bogati i rat-l nički grobovi. Novi način obilježavanja snaga pojedi-u nih i, najvjerojatnije, autonomnih elita postaju raskoš-^ ne nošnje, izuzetni simpozijastički predmeti i bogata ~ vojna oprema koje najčešče nalazimo očuvane u grog bovima ili na obrednim mjestima. Običaj je to koji se g prenosio etruščanskim, ali i grčkim i makedonskim h posredništvom, posebno ekspanzijom njihove trgo-§ vine, razmjene i utjecaja preko sve snažnijeg istupanja n kolonijalnih ili posredničkih, trgovačkih središta, baš o kao i vojnih uporišta na Jadranu.69 Premda s njima pristiže različita materijalna grada, evidentno drugačija od prijašnje, kao što je vojna 68 Čače 1994, 41; Kirigin 2004, 59-60; usp. Grant 1989, 173-174; Braccesi 2001, 8197. 69 Teržan 1977, 10; Egg 1986, 128-129; Teržan 1995, 86; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Ca-pek 2011; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012. raise Pharos on Hvar. They conquered Lissus and consolidated their position in Adria - consequently they took over almost entirely the control on the Adriatic.68 Steady power relations in the Balkans had therefore to be fully revised in an ambience of constant excitement, conflicts and open wars. Different propagandas featuring their interests were carried out on the eastern Adriatic coast, where they did not directly ensnare only the territories of Histri and Liburni. Given the situation it is an accepted opinion that during the 6th to the early 4th cent. BC, especially prior to the Celtic invasion in Italy, as a reflection of the importance ofstatus and military authority of the local aristocracy ofthe northern Italic and south-eastern Alpine, just like and the Balkan, territory, rich and military graves started to appear. A new way of demonstrating the power of individual and, most likely, autonomous elites acquired luxurious costumes, extraordinary symposium items and rich military equipment - preserved mostly in graves and ritual contexts. It was a tradition transmitted by the Etruscan, but also by the Greek and Macedonian intermediation, especially due to the expansion of their trade, exchange and through increasingly stronger appearances of colonial or intermediary and trading centres - just as well as military bases on the Adriatic.69 Albeit with them arrived different material items, evidently different from the former, such as military 68 Čače 1994, 41; Kirigin 2004, 59-60; cf. Grant 1989, 173-174; Braccesi 2001, 81-97. 69 Teržan 1977, 10; Egg 1986, 128-129; Teržan 1995, 86; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Ca-pek 2011; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012. oprema, luksuzno keramičko ili metalno posude te razna druga dobra, njihov je neupitan i svakako pre-sudan utjecaj, pored razvijenih sjevernoitalskih et-ničkih zajednica, bio u društvenoj reorganizaciji i hi-jerarhizaciji tzv. mjesnih, vojničkih i/ili trgovačkih elita. Ipak, samosvojni razvoj pojedinih regionalnih skupina ili samih užih područja, bilo u materijalnom bilo u duhovnom smislu, nije bio zanemariv, inferio-ran ili degeneriran u odnosu na pristignute, vec izrazit i profiliran u svojim potrebama i težnjama. Una- toč svemu tome one izgledno nisu smogle gle, ili nisu htjele, prekoračiti tzv. civilizacijski prag onodobne europske povijesti. Osor je kao protourbano mjesto u tome svemu imao samo jednu realno mogucu gospodarsku perspek-tivu: izrazit pomorski i posrednički resurs. Glavna je to djelatnost koja je kreirala i pospješila uključivanje toga dijela obale u tzv. globalnija kretanja društvenih i gospodarskih sustava. Zbog toga osorsko društvo vrlo rano formira svoju mjesnu elitu kozmopolitskog i eklektičnog duha. Takav se društveni izgled nije do-godio slučajno, niti isključivo za toga doba. U svojoj je biti pokazala uhodano razvijanje običaja još iz kasnog brončanog i starijeg željeznog doba, drugim riječima u tradiciji duljoj od polovice tisucljeca! equipment, luxury ceramic or metal vessels and various other goods, their influence was unquestionable and certainly decisive, beside the influence ofthe developed northern Italic societies, in the social reorganization and hierarchisation of the so-called local, military and/or commercial elites. Still the autonomous development of individual regional groups or limited areas was either in the material or in a religious sense not negligible, inferior or degenerated in respect to the arrived, already featured and profiled in their needs and aspirations. Despite all this they obviously could not or did not want to trespass the so-called threshold of civilization of European history of that time. Osor had as a proto-urban city in all of this only one realistically possible economic perspective: distinct marine and intermediate resource. It was the main activity which created and accelerated the inclusion this part of the coast in to the so-called global movements of social and economic systems. Therefore the society from Osor formed very early its local elite of a cosmopolitan and eclectic spirit. Such a social appearance did not occur accidentally nor exclusively at that time. In its essence it demonstrated a commonly development of habits already continuing from the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Age - with other words in the tradition longer than half a millennium! >- h u K I U- C y E- 5 K C os < C < os C H K H 5 K PC os i6. Pogled na istočni predio Osora i položaj današnjeg groblja sa crkvom Sv. Marije. View of the eastern district of Osor and today's cemetery with the church of St. Mary. Grad - izgled i odnosi The city - apperance and relations Osor je smješten na zadanoj, morem odvoje-noj niskoj prevlaci koja je i s južne i sjever-ne strane omedena morem (sl. 15-16). Tu su bila smještena i podesna pristaništa, na Jazitu i Bija-ru. Zapadna, kao i dijelom istočna strana završavale su kanalom. U takvim granicama obuhvačen je prili-čan prostor, izdvojena površina idealna za nastanjiva-nje i razvijanje naselja. Kako je rečeno, njegov se razvoj, posredno, prati od brončanog doba, več od prijelaza 2. na 1. milenij stare ere, ako ne i od ranije.7° Tada naselje postaje večih dimenzija od onih u bližem okruženju, a ubrzo i središnje naselje otoka. Raspolažuči s ogro-mnom urbanom površinom koja je spadala u največe na području istočne obale Jadrana, ipak se o njegovom prapovijesnom ili protourbanom i urbanom izgledu malo zna. Največom mjerom to se odnosi na poznavanje bedema koji su se sačuvali u opstojnosti i una-toč novijim dogradnjama. Značajniji je pak pristup u poznavanju odnosa samoga naselja, jer su nam zasad poznata barem tri sigurno odvojena, različito djelat-na areala. Bedem se tako ispostavlja kao poveznica ili 70 Faber 1974, 80-81; Faber 1976, 229; usp. Blečic et al. 2006, 39-57. Osor is located on a low isthmus which is on the southern and northern side bordered by the sea (Fig. 15-16) - there on Jazit and Bi-jar were located the ancient ports. Western, as well as a part of the eastern side ended with a channel. Within such confines was embraced a considerable space, an isolated area ideal for the establishment and development ofthe settlement. As mentioned before, its development could be indirectly followed from the Bronze Age - already from the turn of the second in to the first millennium BC first, if not earlier.70 Then the settlement became larger than others in the neighbouring area and soon it acquired the role of the central settlement on the island. Having at disposal a spacious urban area which was among the largest on the eastern Adriatic coast only a little is known on its prehistoric or pro-to-urban and urban appearance. This relates mostly to the acquaintance with the walls which were preserved despite future upgrades. Significant is in turn the understanding ofthe relationship of the settlements since so far are known to us at least three divided areas with 70 Faber 1974, 80-81; Faber 1976, 229; cf. Blečic et al. 2006, 39-57. different functions. The city walls could be exposed as the linking or the dividing mechanism of Osor areas. As an essentially defensive architecture they can be interpreted as a solid and harmonious link ofthe urban or the living part ofthe settlement, while as a dividing line they appear in the relation to »the world of departed souls« which, as a rule, was located along its periphery. O K > P U K P- P y K P- C P- razdjelnica osorskih površina. U svojstvu obrambene arhitekture možemo ga tumačiti kao čvrstu i skladnu poveznicu naseobinskog ili životnog dijela naselja, dok se kao razdjelnica pojavljuje u odnosu na »svijet preminulih duša« koji se, u pravilu, smještao uz njegove obode. Bedem City walls Zidni plašt osorskih bedema pokazuje stano-vit raspon u obradi kamenih blokova i načina zidanja, tj. fazi i tehnika gradnje (sl. 17-18).71 Zasad se, s odredenom dozom sigurnosti, ali samo na dijelovima koje su zahvatila sondažna arheološka istraživanja, mogu razlučiti dvije graditeljske faze iz raz-doblja prapovijesti. Kao i postoječi, tako su i oni prvi bedemi morali slijediti prirodnu konfiguraciju zemlji-šta pridobivajuči tlocrtnu kompoziciju izrazito kruž-nog oblika od kojeg se nije odstupalo ni u svim kasni-jim dogradnjama. : more, s na- Bedemi su u največoj mjeri bili podizani uz 1 stojanjem povečanja sigurnosti od raznih neprijatelj-skih napada. Iako nisu sačuvani u potpunosti, smatra se kako su u starije željezno doba, od 8./7. do u 4. st. pr. Kr., prelazili širinu od 4 m (sl. 18).71 Gradeni su po istom principu gradnje dvostrukog suhozida kao što 71 , Sušanj Faber 2000, 150, 155, sl. 19-21, 29; usp. Brusic 2000, 13-132, sl. 9-10; BlečiC, . 2007a, 28-64. 72 Temelji bedema i praga južnih gradskih vrata nalaze se oko 8 0 cm ispod današnje razine mora, što odgovara reduciranju kopnene površine uslijed podizanja mora za oko 2 m (Faber 1974, 80-81; Faber 1976, 233-235, sl. 5a-b; Faber 1980, 298, 302-306; Faber 1982, 72, sl. 3, 10; Faber 2000, sl. 29). The stone masonry of Osor city walls demonstrate a certain range in the processing of blocks of stone and ways of arranging them -in the phases and building techniques (Fig. 17-18).71 For the time being, with sufficient certainty, but only on the sections that were partly excavated, we can distinguish between two construction phases from the prehistoric period. As well as the existing, so the initial walls had to follow the natural configuration of the terrain by enlisting the shape of a distinctly circular form which persisted in all the subsequent additions. The walls had largely been erected by the sea in an effort to increase the security of various enemy attacks. Although not preserved completely, it is believed that in the Early Iron Age, from the 8th/7th to the 4th cent. BC their width exceeded 4 meters (Fig. 18).71 They were built by the same principle of building as all the other 71 Faber 2000, 150, 155, sl. 19-21, 29; cf. BrusiC 2000, 13-132, sl. 9-10; BlečiC, Sušanj 2007a, 28-64. 72 The foundations of the walls and doorstep of the southern city gates are located about 80 cm below the present sea level which corresponds to the reduction of land area due to sea level increase of approximately 2 meters (Faber, 1974, 80-81; Faber, 1976, 233-235, sl. 5a-b; Faber, 1980, 298, 302-306; Faber, 1982, 72, sl. 3, 10; Faber, 2000, sl. 29). 17. Gradski bedemi s detaljima megalitske gradevne faze na Kavane-li (A-B) i kod groblja Sv. Marije (C-D) (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b; Blečic Kavur et al. 2014). City walls with details of the megalithic building phase on Kavanela (A-B) and at the cemetery of St. Mary (C-D) (after BlečiC Kavur 2014b; BlečiC Kavur et al. 2014). su izgradivana i sva ostala gradinska naselja. Kamen lo-mljenac slagan je pravilno na vanjskim stranama, a sre-dišnji je dio bio ispunjen sitnijim kamenjem i zatrpa-van sa zemljom. Pretpostavlja se, kako su i u to vrijeme najjači bedemi bili uz najlakše pristupe gradu, uz istoč-ni i zapadni potez, gdje su se nedvojbeno s manjim ili večim odstupanjima, kao što je bio slučaj i u svim ka-snijim razdobljima, nalazili ulazi u grad kroz koje je tekla glavna prometnica.73 U vrijeme mladeg željeznog doba, od kraja 4. i u 3. st. pr. Kr., Osor su obuzele velike promjene s porastom helenističkog utjecaja sredozemnih kultura. Izmedu ostalog, uredile su se luke i prilazi te adaptirali posto-ječi bedemi (sl. 17-18). Na dijelovima su se učvrstili ili nadogradili velikim kamenim blokovima, u tzv. me-galitskoj ili kiklopskoj tehnici gradnje obrambene arhitekture. Gdje je to bilo dozvoljeno terenskim uvje-tima, novi su bedemi podizani u nešto širem obujmu od prethodnih, čime je riješeno željeno povečanja ur-banog prostora.74 Premda su i ti bedemi izvedeni u suhozidu, slagani su od blago zaobljenih velikih kamenih blokova, u relativno pravilnim redovima i s pravilnim sljubnicama.75 Kameni blokovi izrazito su du-guljastog formata, dužine do 1,5° m i visine do °,6° m, s izvedbom anatiroze, tj. otklesanog pojasa uz rub bloka, i s blago ispupčenom vanjskom površinom kako bi 73 Faber 1982, 72; Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 28-34, 41-53. 74 Dokaz tomu je presijecanje tzv. helenističkog megalitskog bedema pojedinih grobnih tumula i pojedinačnih grobova, ponajviše uz istočni i zapadni potez (Faber 1980; Faber 1982) što stoji u suprotnosti s tezom A. Faber o reduciranju površine vec i u tome vremenu (Faber 1980; Faber 1982). 75 Faber 1976, 235-236, sl. 5b; Faber 1982, 72-73, sl. 11; Faber 2000, 161-162; usp. Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 30-33, 41-49. hill forts - as a double dry wall. Stone blocks of regular forms were arranged properly on the outside, while the central portion was filled with smaller stones and covered with earth. It is assumed, that at that time the strongest walls were positioned on the easiest approaches to the city along the eastern and western side, where undoubtedly with minor deviations, as was the case in all subsequent periods, were positioned the entrances into the city through which led the main road.73 During the period of the Late Iron Age, from the end of the 4th and in the 3rd cent. BC, Osor witnessed major changes reflected by the increase of the Hellenistic influences of Mediterranean cultures. Inter alia, the harbour and approaches were regulated and the existing city walls were adapted (Fig. 17-18). They were upgraded on several locations with large stone blocks in the so-called megalithic or cyclopean building technique of defensive architecture. Where the terrain allowed it new walls were raised in a broader scope than previous ones which resolved the desired increase of the urban space.74 Although they were drystone walls they were stacked from slightly curved large stone blocks placed in relatively regular rows with regular joint connections.75 Stone blocks were extremely elongated - up to 1.5 meters long and up to 0.60 meters high with a anathyrosis, a chiselled belt along the edge of the 73 Faber 1982, 72; Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 28-34, 41-53. 74 Proof of this is the cutting of certain grave tumuli and individual graves by the megalithic Hellenistic walls - mostly along the eastern and western side (Faber 1980; Faber 1982) which stands in contrast to the thesis of A. Faber which assumed a reduction of the surface already in that period (Faber 1980; Faber 1982). 75 Faber 1976, 235-236, sl. 5b; Faber 1982, 72-73, sl. 11; Faber 2000, 161-162; cf. Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 30-33, 41-49. >- H U K I U- C y E- 5 K C os < C < os C H K H 5 K PC os D SREDNJI VIJEK 18. Gradevne faze bedema pri gradskom ulazu na Kavaneli (obradeno prema Faber 2000). Construction phases ofthe wall at the city entrance on Kavanela (adapted according to Faber 2000). se blok osigurao od pucanja. Spojevi su dijelom konstruirani »na koljeno«, zbog učvrščenja zidne mase i otklona eventualnih iskliznuča. Kamen je prema jez-gri slagan poput klinova, pa ukupna širina bedema na pojedinim mjestima iznosi i više od 4,5 m, pri čemu je vanjski zid širok oko 1,5 m, dok je jezgru sačinjavala na-bijena ilovača sa sitnim kamenjem, kojoj pripada i osta-tak konstrukcijske širine.76 Usprkos tako monumentalnoj gradnji, osorske su me-galitske zidine očuvane djelomice. Dobro se mogu uočiti na istočnoj strani pružanja, od Bijara prema grobljanskoj crkvi Sv. Marije (sl. 17 C-D; 20). Ondje su očuvane u relativnoj visini od 1 do 2 m, ali je njihova du-bina znatno izražajnija. Potvrdilo se to i prilikom istra-živanja grobljanske crkve Sv. Marije, gdje su, tijekom zaštitnih arheoloških i konzervatorskih radova, kameni blokovi i preslagivani.77 Prapovijesna ulazna vrata s kulama, kao niti drugi po-datci stambene ili urbane arhitekture zasad nisu ustanovljeni. Takvo stanje, u večini, opravdava činjeni-ca tisučljetne opstojnosti u istim tlocrtnim okvirima, s neminovnim i neprestanim preslojavanjem novih gradnji. Ipak, na južnom su potezu bedema, arheološkim radovima definirana gradska vrata rimskoga postanka. U tlocrtu, medutim, očituju prapovijesni tip kosog ulaza u grad, koja su u vrijeme rimske domina- 76 Prilikom istraživanja nadeno je mnoštvo importirane keramike. Ponajviše se odreduje apulskoj produkciji crveno slikane keramike i keramici tipa Gnathia srednje faze, koje su datirale gradevinu u kraj 4. i poč. 3. st. pr. Kr. (Faber 1982, 72, sl. 7-11, Prilog 3; Faber 2000, 163-164); vidjeti ovdje poglavlje Raskoš keramič-kog mozaika. 77 Faber 2000, 164; usp. Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 31, 33. block and with a convex outer surface in order to protect the block from cracking. The joints were partially constructed »on the knee«, for fixing the wall mass. Stone blocks were wedge-shaped. The overall width of the walls is in some places more than 4.5 meters with the outer wall 1.5 meters wide, while the core, to which belonged the rest of the width, consisted ofcompacted clay with small stones.76 Despite such a monumental construction Osor city walls are only partially preserved. They can be observed on the eastern side of their extension from Bi-jar towards the cemetery church of St. Mary (Fig. 17C-D; 20). There they are preserved in a relative height of 1 to 2 meters, but their depth is much expressive. The latter was confirmed during the investigation of the cemetery church of St. Mary, where, during rescue archaeological and conservation works, it was discovered that the stone blocks were displaced.77 Prehistoric gates with towers as well as any other information on residential or urban architecture were not discovered yet. This situation is justified mostly by the fact that in the millennia ofexistence the city remained in the framework of the same ground plan with constant stratification of new constructions. Though, on the southern stretch of the walls, archaeological work defined the city gates of Roman origin. In the ground plan, however, they reflect a prehistoric type of oblique 76 During the research a multitude of imported pottery was discovered. It belonged largely to the Apulian red painted pottery and Gnathia ceramics of medium phase. According to these finds, the building was dated in the 4th and in the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC (Faber, 1982, 72, sl. 7-11, Appendix 3; Faber 2000, 163-164); see here chapter Splendour of the ceramic mosaic. 77 Faber 2000, 164; cf. Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 31, 33. >- H U K I U- C y E- 5 K C os < C < os C H K H 5 K PC os cije rane antike preuredena naličjem blokova uz ispu-nu jezgre vapnenom žbukom. Struktura vrata seže 2,8 m u dubinu i u širinu od 5,2 m. Sam je helenistički dio zidina na tome mjestu debljine 1,80 m.78 Isto tako me-galitski su zidovi razvidni i na zapadnoj strani pruža-nja uz Kavanelu, ali u znatno nižim razinama i u kra-čoj sekciji pružanja (sl. 17A-B-19). I na tom su se dijelu izvodila manja probna istraživanja, a zid je djelomič-no saniran prilikom rekonstruiranja navedene dionice w pružanja 60-ih godina 20. stolječa. Bedem je na dijelo- £ vima očuvan do največe visine od 2,20 m, mada bloko- § vi odstupaju od pravilnog četvrtastog formata i nema- ra ju izvedenu anatirozu.79 o g Kroz povijest, osorski su bedemi doživljavali ne samo w znatne promjene i preuredenja, nego i destrukcije te £ neprimjerene rekonstrukcije. Sve to prilično nam ote- 8 žava njihovo detaljnije analiziranje i poznavanje. Zani- ^ mljivo je, kako neznatna korektura njegove površine ~ nije ostvarivala ekspanziju gradskog areala, toliko uo- g bičajene kod drugih priobalnih gradova s takvim kon- g tinuitetom, nego je u pravilu, tijekom mladih epoha, h težila njegovoj redukciji.80 o z < s K > C entrance in to the city. They were in the period of Roman domination converted to a form with a stone face and a core filled with lime mortar. The structure of the gate is 2.8 meters deep and 5.2 meters width, while the Hellenistic walls at the location are only 1.80 meters thick.78 Likewise megalithic walls are evident on the western side along Kavanela, but at a significantly lower level and in a shorter section (Fig. 17A-B-19). Smaller test excavations were executed also at the location and the wall was partially repaired during reconstruction in the 60s of the 20th century. On several parts the wall was preserved to a maximum height of2.2o meters although blocks deviate from the proper square form and lack the constructive anathyrosis7 Throughout history Osor walls did not go only through significant changes and reorganizations, but also destruction and inappropriate reconstructions. All this makes it difficult to analyze and understand them in detail. It is interesting how slight correction of their surface is not achieve the expansion of the city area, as common in other coastal towns with such a continuity, but as a rule during the younger epoch tended to its 80 reduction. 78 Faber 1982, 69-72, Prilog 3; usp. Blečic, Sušanj 2007a, 38-39. 79 Faber 1982, 72, sl. 3, 10; usp. Blečič, Sušanj 2007a, 43-48. 80 Blečič, Sušanj 2007a, 26-27. 78 Faber 1982, 69-72, Appendix 3; cf. Blečič, Sušanj 2007a, 38-39. 79 Faber 1982, 72, sl. 3, 10; cf. Blečič, Sušanj 2007a, 43-48. 80 Blečič, Sušanj 2007a, 26-27. Nekropole i pojedinačni grobovi Necropoles and individual graves Zbog arheoloških istraživanja u prošlosti, kao i onih suvremenih, bolje su nam poznata je-dino groblja i pojedinačni pokopi. Iz vremena kasnog brončanog i starijeg željeznog doba znamo tek nekoliko pojedinačnih ukopa s različitih položaja unutar gradskog tkiva, posebice na prostoru njegova sjevernog pružanja, od samostana Sv. Petra pa do kapele Sv. Katarine prema Bijaru (sl. 15).81 No prema dosad prikupljenim podatcima, smatra se kako se pokopavanje za starijeg željeznog doba Osora obavljalo sigurno na dva položaja izvan »urbanog« područja. Pokopavanjem se takoder slijedila zada-nost prirodnog prostora kao i logike njegova korište-nja, buduci da su nekropole smještene na kopnenim stranama naselja. Veca nekropola bila je smještena uz zapadnu stranu bedema i ulaza u mjesto, na prevla-ci Kavanela (sl. 15-16; 19), a druga, manja, kod istočnog pružanja bedema uz današnje groblje i crkvu Sv. Marije (sl. 15-16; 20). Vec je bilo govora o tome, kako je na prostoru kod groblja djelomično istražen poveci tu- 81 Faber 1974, 80; Blečic Kavur, Kavur 2013 - s navedenom starijom literaturom; Mihovilič 2012/2013; Arhiv AZO. Due to past as well as contemporary archaeological research we known better only cemeteries and individual burials. From the Late Bronze and the Early Iron Age we distinguish a few individual burials from different locations within the urban area, particularly from the northern part - from the monastery of St. Peter all the way to the chapel of St. Catherin towards Bijar (Fig. 15).81 But according to previously collected data, it is considered that the inhumations in the Early Iron Age Osor were performed for sure at two positions outside the »urban« area. Since the necropoles were located on the mainland side of the settlement, the burials followed the given natural space as well as the logic of its use. A larger necropolis was situated on the western side of the walls and the entrance to the town, on the isthmus Kavanela (Fig. 15-16; 19). While the second one, smaller, was located along the eastern walls on the locality of today's cemetery and the church of St. Mary (Fig. 15-16; 20). It was already mentioned that on the area 81 Faber 1974, 80; Blečič Kavur, Kavur 2013 -2012/2013; Archives AZO. ith earlier literature; Mihovilič 19. Pogled na osorski kanal Kavanelu, tj. na prostor prvobitne željeznodobne i rimske nekropole. View of the Osor channel Kavanela, i.e. on the area of the original Iron Age and Roman necropolis. 20. Groblje i bedem tijekom zaštitnih arheoloških is-traživanja 2003. godine (prema Blečič et al. 2006). Cemetery and the city wall during the rescue archaeological research carried out in 2003 (after Blečič et al. 2006). mul, čiji su pokopi, temeljem prikupljene grade, pouz-dano smješteni u vrijeme starije faze starijeg željeznog doba.82 Istraživanjima je takoder potvrdeno kako se na tome položaju moralo nalaziti više grobnih, najvjerojatnije, obiteljskih tumula.83 Buduci da pojedinačni grobovi iz samog naselja, te tu-mul kod groblja Sv. Marije, predstavljaju gradu stari-ju od vremenskog okvirna ovdje prikazanoga gradiva, pozornost je usmjerena na predmete koji potječu sa zapadne nekropole na Kavaneli. Riječ je uglavnom o starim istraživanjima čija nam dokumentacija nije, nažalost, sačuvana.84 Medutim poznato je kako se on-dje pokopavalo i u vremenu prapovijesti željeznoga i u vrijeme rimskog doba, odnosno kako se pokopava-nje obavljalo na više načina obrednih praksi: kostur-no (inhumacijom) i spaljivanjem (incineracijom).85 Na mjestu te nekropole, vjerojatno bliže samome bede-mu i zapadnom ulazu u grad najvjerojatnije se nalazi-lo i mjesto obrednog spališta (sl. 15; 19). Grada priku-pljena njihovim istraživanjem omogucuje nam obilan arheološki potencijal za razumijevanje i interpretaci-ju te, jedne od najznačajnijih epizoda osorske kulturne povijesti. near the cemetery a sizable tumulus was partially excavated. The discovered burials were reliably dated in to the earlier phase of the Early Iron Age.82 Studies have also confirmed that this position should contain several, most likely, family tumuli.83 Since single graves from the settlement itself and the tumulus from the graveyard of St. Mary represent material older than the here presented chronological frame, attention will be focused on the items that originate from the western necropolis on Kavanela. They mainly come from old research whose documentation is, unfortunately, not preserved.84 However, it is known that the burials took place during prehistory (Iron Age) and in the Roman period. The burials were performed in several ways of ritual practices - there were skeletal (inhumation) and cremation burials (incinera-tion).85 On the area of this necropolis, probably closer to the walls and the western entrance to the city, was most likely located a ceremonial burning place (Fig. 15; 19). The material collected presents us abundant archaeological potential for the understanding and interpretation of this, one of the most important, episodes of Osor cultural history. >- h u K I U- C y E- 5 K C os < C < os C H K H 5 K PC os 82 Mladin 1960; Glogovic 1989, 6, sl. 3, T. 3. 83 Faber 1982, 68-69, sl. 8; usp. Blečic et al. 2006, 19-23, 56-57. 84 Benndorf 1880; Klodič 1885; Marchesetti 1924; usp. Faber o iskopavanjima Bolmarčica (Faber 1980; Faber 1982); Glogovic 1989; Blečic Kavur 2010. 85 Benndorf 1880. 82 Mladin 1960; Glogovic 1989, 6, sl. 3, T. 3. 83 Faber 1982, 68-69, sl. 8; cf. Blečic et al. 2006, 19-23, 56-57. 84 Benndorf 1880; Klodič 1885; Marchesetti 1924; cf. Faber on excavations of I. Bolmarčic (Faber 1980; Faber 1982); Glogovic 1989; Blečic Kavur 2010. 85 Benndorf 1880. Povezanost osorske perspektive A coherence ofOsors perspective Vrijeme 5. i 4. st. pr. Kr., kako je rečeno, obi-lježeno je znatnim promjenama koje su svoj trag ostavile i u materijalnoj kulturi osorske kulturne baštine. Premda izrazito reducirana i prilič-no fragmentirana, arheološka nam grada pruža jedan od vrijednih izvora za istraživanja te daleke osorske prošlosti. Kao i kod večine tadašnjih zajednica, koje su formirale i poticale razvoj svojih istaknutih središta, tako je i Osor u to doba značajnije središte na Kvarneru te jed-no od važnijih duž istočne obale Jadrana. Logično, rezultat njegova »uspjeha« prije svega se tumači predno-stima kao što su prirodne predispozicije i geostrateški položaj. Medutim, efekt sinergije i toliko izrazit uči-nak kojim se Osor upisao u povijest ovoga kraja, ono-dobna je osorska zajednica ponajprije razvijala na usa-vršavanju vlastitog, ljudskog potencijala. Pri tomu su svakako najvažniji bili njihovo znanje i vještine, otvo-renost i prilagodljivost različitim integracijama koji su, u zajedništvu različitosti i s dobrom organizacijom svojih poslovnih aktivnosti, uspjeli ostvariti kontinu- The period of the 5th and 4th cent. BC was, as it was said, marked by significant changes which left their traces in the material culture of Osor cultural heritage. Although markedly reduced, archaeological finds give us a valuable source of information for research of distant past of Osor. As with most of the communities in the period which formed and encouraged the development of their prominent centres, Osor was a significant centre of the Kvarner region and one of the most important ones along the eastern coast of the Adriatic. Logically the result of its »success« was primarily interpreted as due to its advantages such as natural resources and the geo-strategic position. Despite the effect of synergy and so pronounced impression with which Osor entered the history of this region, the communities of Osor primarily developed on perfecting their own human potential. In doing so most important were certainly their knowledge and skills, openness and adaptability to different integration which, in communion of diversity and with a good organization of its business activities, managed to achieve continuous and secure vo K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C iranu i sigurnu povezanost vlastite perspektive. U ta-kvom se društvu potiče motivacija gotovo svih članova, no otvara se mogucnost formiranju i nešto manjeg ali vodeceg sloja ljudi kao mjesne elite, o čemu je ta-koder vec bilo riječi. Namjera ovo knjige nije ograni-čena rasprava o elitizmu Osora i eklektičnosti njegove elite, vec o arheološkom zapisu kojeg najčešce odraža-vaju materijalni ostatci upravo tih i takvih društvenih struktura. Oni koji tome rječito i slikovito svjedoče iz-dvojeni su kako bi bili predstavljeni i u ovome pregledu ponovno »oživljeni«. Uobičajeno interpretirani kao statusni simboli, zatupljeni su u rasporedu od specifične nošnje i nakita, preko rijetke ali vrijedne vojne opreme, pa sve do luksuznih servisa za obrede i svetkovine. U biti, riječ je o predmetima čija je moc kao simbola i vrijednosti u komunikacijskoj mreži onodobnog »svi-jeta« bila prihvacena i prepoznatljiva u izražavanju au-toriteta mjesne i/ili pridošle elite na prostoru čitavog Kvarnera, ali ponajviše one na Osoru. U prostornim i medukulturnim odnosima, od alp-skog preko italskog pa sve do balkanskog i egejskog prostora, Osor je imao ugledan položaj. Iz njegovih dosadašnjih istraživanja poznato je mnogo predmeta koji izravno ukazuju na osorski efekt sinergije u kon-taktima širokih razmjera, čak i iz perspektive moder-nog shvacanja prostornih udaljenosti. connection of their own perspective. In such a society motivation of almost all the members was encouraged, but it opens the possibility of forming a small in numbers, but leading, class of people functioning as the local elite, which was also already been discussed. The intention of this book is not a limited discussion of Osor elitism and eclecticism of its elite, but the presentation of the archaeological record which usually features the material remains of such social structure. Those finds that eloquently testify were put forward to be presented in this overview and restored to »life«. Usually interpreted as status symbols, they were arranged in schedule from specific attire and jewellery, rare or valuable military equipment and all the way to luxurious services for ceremonies and feasts. In essence, these are items whose power to act as symbols and valuables was accepted in communications network of the »world« at that time and recognizable in the expression of authority of the local and/or foreign elite on the entire area of Kvarner, but mostly the one on Osor. In spatial and intercultural relations, from the Alpine across the Italic and all over to the Balkan and Aegean area, Osor had a respectable position. From previous studies is known a multitude of finds which directly indicate the Osor effect of synergy in long distance contacts, even from the perspective of modern understanding of spatial distance. »Odijelo«, nakit, status, simbol » Clothing«, jewelry, status, symbol vo Nošenje nakita, ukrašavanje ili kicenje u osnovi se tretira dvovrsno: socijalno - razlikovanje od drugih, isticanje položaja i statusa unutar zajednice, i magijski - vjerovanje u predmet, oblik, materijal, simbol ili ideju. Samo pojedini nakitni predmeti imali su i funkcionalnu vri-jednost pri odijevanju. S vremenom se, bez obzira na namjenu, razvijala estetska vrijednost kojom se takoder izražavao status, položaj ali i ideja o apo-tropejskom. Nošnja i njezin nakit obilježavaju jed-nako žene, muškarce i djecu, i ponekad je iznimno teško razlučiti čijoj i kakvoj opravi, s obzirom na spol ili starost, pripadaju. Iz Osora poznajemo izvanred-nu kolekciju različitih dijelova nošnje, što se u prvo-me redu odnosi na fibule i pojasne kopče, tj. okove koje imaju funkcionalnu ali i dekorativnu namjenu. Kao ukras tijela ili nošnje, simboličke ili statusne vri-jednosti izdvajaju se naušnice, ogrlice, narukvice i različiti privjesci. Wearing jewellery, decoration or adornment could be observed in two perspectives - as social, as a distinction from others highlighting the position and status within the community; and as magic, as a belief in the item, form, material, symbol or idea. Only a few jewellery items had a functional value in clothing. Through time, regardless of the purpose, it developed an aesthetic value, which was used to express the status, position and also the idea of apotropaic. Attire and its jewellery marked in the same manner women, men and children, and sometimes it is extremely difficult to distinguish whose and what kind of outfit, with regard to gender or age, it belonged to. We have from Osor an outstanding collection of different elements of attire relating primary to fibulae and belt buckles, i.e. the plating that had a functional as well as a decorative purpose. As decorations of the body or costume with symbolic or status values stand out earrings, necklaces, bracelets and different pendants. 21. Fibule tipa Certosa. Certosa type fibulae. Fibule Fibule tipa Certosa Od 5. st. pr. Kr. pa nadalje široko rasprostranjenu i pri-hvacenu modu obilježavat ce i za Osor vrlo značaj-na dva oblika fibula: fibula tipa Certosa i fibula tipa Baška. Fibula tipa Certosa najbrojniji je oblik fibula zastupljen na čitavom području Kvarnera koja se koristila u konti-nuitetu od nekoliko stoljeca (sl. 21; 25 A-C). Zastuplje-na je s više varijanti i inačica, sa starijim i mladim formama. Fibule iz osorske Kavanele i u ovome primjeru odskaču brojnošcu i varijabilnošcu od svih ostalih kvarnerskih nalazišta. Pokazalo se, medutim, kako su fibule starijih stilskih obilježja znatno rjede zastuplje-ne u odnosu na one mladih karakteristika. Tako su od fibula tipa Certosa X varijante prema Bibi Teržan,86 tj. jedne od najraširenijih varijanti »klasičnog« tipa fibula zastupljena samo 4 primjerka. Fibula tipa Certosa X varijante karakteristična je za ju-goistočno predalpski prostor, koja se preko Dolenjske širila na veliko okolno područje i tako učinila posljed-nje halštatsko povezivanje alpskih regija.87 Oznaka je certoškog mladeg i posebno negovskog horizonta Dolenjske, uglavnom ženskih, ali i muških, ratnič-kih grobova. Osobito je zastupljena na jugozapadnom dijelu Slovenije, Furlanije sve do Trentina-Alto Adige i područja Salzburga, gdje se javlja u vrijeme istoime-nog horizonta u Bologni, odnosno istovremenog Sv. The fibulae Fibulae of Certosa type From the 5 th cent. BC onwards widespread and accepted fashion will be marked by the, for Osor highly significant, fibulas of two forms - the Certosa and Baška type fibulae. Certosa type fibula were one of the most numerous form of fibulae represented in the entire Kvarner region and were used continuously for several centuries (Fig. 21; 25A-C). They were represented with more variants, with older and younger forms. Fibulae from Kava-nela stand out ofall other sites due to their number and variability. It turned out, however, that the fibulae of older stylistic features were significantly less represented than those with younger characteristics. Thus only 4 examples ofthe Certosa type fibula variant X according to Biba Teržan,86 one ofthe most widespread varieties of »classic« type fibulae, are known. Fibulas ofvariant X are characteristic for the south-eastern Pre-Alp ine area. They are spread across the Dolenjska region to many surrounding areas and created the last Hallstatt connection of all the alpine regions.87 It is a mark of the younger Certosa and especially Nego-va horizons in Dolenjska, an item of mainly female, but also male warrior graves. They were particularly numerous in the south-western part of Slovenia, in Friuli and all the way to Trentino-Alto Adige and the area of Salzburg. They occur in the chronological horizon of the same name in Bologna and at the contemporary St. Lu- £ k u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C 86 Teržan 1976, 331, 333, sl. 4. 87 Gabrovec 1965, 36; Teržan 1976, 364, sl. 31; Težak-Gregl 1981, 30. 86 Teržan 1976, 331, 333, sl. 4. 87 Gabrovec 1965, 36; Teržan 1976, 364, sl. 31; Težak-Gregl 1981, 30. 22. Djelomično očuvane brončane fibule tipa Certosa Xe (A), Xc (B) i XIb (C) varijante. Partially preserved bronze Certosa type fibulae ofvariants Xe (A), Xc (B) and Xlb (C). Lucija 2b-c i Este 3B-C stupnja.88 Medutim, tip spome-nute fibule koji je zastupljen na kvarnerskoj regiji ipak je karakterističan za mlade X varijante (c, e, g, h) (sl. 21-22A-B). To su masivne fibule, s okruglim dugmetom iznad navoja, izduljenom nogom sa »V« ornamentom i asimetrično postavljenim zaobljenim dugmetom na njezinom kraju. Na Osoru su zastupljene varijante Xc i Xe (sl. 21-22A-B). U tome smislu velike, klasične fibule tipa Certosa obilježavaju one Xe varijante u koje, pored fibule iz Osora,89 ubrajamo i primjerak iz Kastva.9° One su bile vrlo dobro prisutne u nošnjama od notranjsko-kraške, do svetolucijske i dolenjske kulturne skupine, zatim na viničkom području, te nešto manjim brojem na prostoru Like s jedne, kao i Bolo-gne te Este s druge strane.91 U modu su inaugurirane za vrijeme Este 3C kasne faze i traju do srednjolaten-skog doba. Činjenica se pogotovo odnosi na one prostore gdje su isključivo bili prisutni utjecaji iz latenske kulture, a ne konkretno asimiliranje s Keltima.92 Zbog prostornog su rasporeda i istovremenosti korištenja smatrane jednim od vodecih oblika gornjojadranske koine kraja starijeg i početnog mladeg željeznog doba (sl. 23).93 88 Teržan 1976, 364-365, 368, 382; Guštin 1975, 478-479; Teržan, Trampuž 1975, 430-434; Gabrovec 1987, 67-68; Pettarin 2006, 212; Gleirscher et al. 2002, 47, 129-130. 89 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 45, 619. 90 Blečic 2002, T. 3, 1.3.7. Fibula ima zvjezdasto, tj. zrakasto narebreno dugme, ko-jemu identičan primjerak poznajemo iz Kompolja, grob 157, definiran kao tip 4a prema T. Težak-Gregl (1981, 39, T. 2, 7). 91 Teržan 1975, 679-680, T. 1; Teržan 1976, 334, 368, 381-382, sl. 31; 52; Težak-Gregl 1981, 30; Blečic 2004, 84-85, sl. 12; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, 284-286, sl. 231. 92 Teržan 1976, 364, 368, 381-382; Guštin 1975, 479; Drechsler-Bižic 1974, 33-34; Drechsler-Bižic 1987, 409-410, T. 45, 12-13; Maric 1968, 13-15. 93 Peroni 1973, 71; Pettarin 2006, 212, f.n. 96. cia 2b-c and Este 3B-C phases.88 However, the type of fibula which is present in the Kvarner region is still characteristic for the younger forms of the X variant (c, e, g and h) (Fig. 21-22A-B). These are massive fibulae with a round button above the thread, with an elongated foot with »V« shaped ornament and asymmetrically positioned rounded knob on its end. On Osor are present variants Xc and Xe (Fig. 21-22A-B). In this sense large, classic Certosa type fibula characterize those Xe variants which, in addition to the fibula from Osor89 are known from Kastav.9° They were very well present in the costumes of Notranjska, Karst, in the St. Lucia and Dolenjska cultural groups and further in the Vinica area. They are les numerous on the territory of Lika on one and Bologna and Este on the other side.91 They were inaugurated into the fashion during the Este 3C late faze and lasted until the Middle La Tene period. This is particularly true for those areas where only influences from La Tene culture were present and which were not assimilated by the Celts.92 Due to their spatial distribution and simultaneous use they were considered as one of the leading forms a north Adriatic koine at the end of the Early and initial Late Iron Age (Fig. 23).93 88 Teržan 1976, 364-365, 368, 382; Guštin 1975, 478-479; Teržan, Trampuž 1975, 430-434; Gabrovec 1987, 67-68; Pettarin 2006, 212; Gleirscher et al. 2002, 47, 129-130. 89 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 45, 619. 90 Blečic 2002, T. 3, 1.3.7. The fibula has the star, i.e. radially ribbed button which identical copy is know from Kompolje, grave 157, defined as a type 4a according to T. Težak-Gregl (1981, 39, T. 2, 7). 91 Teržan 1975, 679-680, T. 1; Teržan 1976, 334, 368, 381-382, sl. 31; 52; Težak-Gregl 1981, 30; Blečic 2004, 84-85, sl. 12; cf. Blečic Kavur 2010, 284-286, sl. 231. 92 Teržan 1976, 364, 368, 381-382; Guštin 1975, 479; Drechsler-Bižic 1974, 33-34; Drechsler-Bižic 1987, 409-410, T. 45, 12-13; Maric 1968, 13-15. 93 Peroni 1973, 71; Pettarin 2006, 212, fn. 96. K U Z w OS K I C u < C z < s K > C 23. Karta rasprostranjenosti fibula tipa Certosa Xe varijante (nadopunjeno prema Teržan 1976). Distribution map of Certosa type fibulae of variant Xe (supplemented after Teržan 1976). 24. Karta rasprostranjenosti fibula tipa Certosa Xc varijante (nadopunjeno prema Teržan 1976). Distribution map presenting Certosa type fibulae ofvariant Xc (supplemented after Teržan 1976). Nešto manja fibula s profiliranim dugmetom na kraju luka iz Kavanele, može se pribrojiti varijanti Xc (sl. 22B),94 i tako pridružiti fibulama karakterističnim za prostor Dolenjske, ali i cijele istočne Slovenije, te samo manjim brojem za estensko područje (sl. 24).^' Uz fibule X-ih varijanti, vrlo se često od negovskog horizonta pa do kraja mladeg halštatskog razdoblja na prostoru dolenjske skupine, ali i na području svetolu-cijskog kulturnog kruga, te još bližeg notranjsko-kraš-kog i japodskog prostora pojavljuju fibule tipa Certosa XI-ih varijanti.96 Vec je odavna poznata fibula karakteristične sheme s pločastim, uzdužno profiliranim du-gmetom pri kraju luka te s dugmetom na nozi, koje je ukrašeno dodatnom izbočinom i koncentričnim kružnicama iz Kavanele (sl. 22C).97 Opisane ju karakteristike najuže povezuju uz varijantu XIb tog tipa fibule i tako uz matične prostore odakle je najvjerojat-nije kao izravni import i prispjela na Osor. Iznenaduje, zapravo, njihov nevelik broj na prostoru priobalnog dijela sjevernoga Jadrana, pa osim iz Osora poznajemo još samo fibulu varijante XIa iz Nezakcija.98 No s obzirom na očuvanost vrlo malih ulomaka luka s navojem fibula i pločastim gumbom, poput diska, na kraju luka, možda se i drugi ulomak iz Osora99 može opce-nito pribrojiti toj varijanti fibula. 94 Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 6. 95 Teržan 1976, 332, 368, sl. 35. 96 Teržan 1976, 336-337, 368, sl. 36. 97 Glogovic 1982, 40, sl. 4, 3. 98 Mihovilic 2001, T. 55, 37. Pridružuju im se u novije objavljeni nalazi iz okolice Cividalea (Pettarin 2006, 213-214, T. XIII, 180) i iz Lovarie kod Udina (Seidel 2008, k. 23). 99 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 45, 621. A something smaller fibula with a profiled button at the end of the bow from Kavanela could be added to variant Xc (Fig. 22B).94 It belongs to a group of fibulae characteristic for the Dolenjska area, but also the entire eastern Slovenia and present only in smaller numbers in the area of Este (Fig. 24).95 Beside the Certosa type fibulae of the X variant appear also examples of the XI variant. They are characteristic for the Negova horizon until the end of Late Hall- ^ statt period in the area of Dolenjska cultural group but also on the territory of St. Lucia and even closer on g the Notranjska and Karst as well as the Japodic terri- | tory96 For a long time is known from Kavanela a fibula of a characteristic scheme with a flat, longitudinally 8 profiled button at the end of the bow and a button on ^ the foot which is decorated with an extra rib and con- h centric circles (Fig. 22C).97 Due to its characteristics it § is most closely associated with the variant XIb of this £ type fibula and so with its originating area from where c it most likely arrived to Osor as a direct import. Surprising is, in fact, their small number on the coastal area of the northern Adriatic and except from Osor such fibulae of variant XIa are known only from Nesac-tium.98 However, due to the preservation of very small fragments of the bow with flattened, disc-shaped knob we could assume that the second piece from Osor99 94 Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 6. 95 Teržan 1976, 332, 368, sl. 35. 96 Teržan 1976, 336-337, 368, sl. 36. 97 Glogovic 1982, 40, sl. 4, 3. 98 Mihovilic 2001, T. 55, 37. They were joined by the recently published finds from the surrounding of Cividale (Pettarin 2006, 213-214, T. XIII, 180) and from Lo-varia near Udine (Seidel 2008, k. 23). 99 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 45, 621. 25. Fibule tipa Certosa iz: A) Garice, Krk, B) Grobnika (prema Blečič 2004), C) Gazzo Veronese (prema Salzani 1988) i D) fibula tipa Baška iz Osora (prema Petris 1895) s dodatnim ukrasima, naušnicama i privjescima. Certosa type fibulae from: A) Garica, Krk; B) Grobnik (after Blečič 2004); C) Gazzo Veronese (after Salzani 1988) and D) Baška type fibula from Osor (after Petris 1895) with the additional ornaments, earrings and pendants. Fibule tipa Certosa klasične X i XI varijante zemljo-pisno i kulturno obilježavaju najvecim dijelom zale-de sjevernojadranskog prostora s kojim se Kvarner, pa i Osor, na ovaj način prisnije povezivao. U nešto dru-gačijim okolnostima tradiciju tih uhodanih odnosa i kulturnih kontakata uzduž Caput Adriae i pripadaju-ceg mu zaleda odrazit ce se i pri korištenju fibula tipa Certosa varijanti XII i VII koje vremenski pripadaju mladem razdoblju, kako cemo vidjeti, od kraja 4. pa sve do 2. st. pr. Kr. Fibule tipa Baška Posve je drugačija situacija s drugim tipom fibule, s fi-bulom tipa Baška (sl. 25D-27). U odnosu na ostale, relativno je malobrojno zastupljena na području Kvar-nera, s nešto izrazitijom prisutnošcu na otočnim nalazištima. Prikupljenim novim podatcima opceni-ta karta njihova rasprostiranja neznatno je nadopu-njena, osobito za očekivana nalazišta na području matične Liburnije.100 Dosadašnje studije koje su se bavile tom problematikom, a zbog pomanjkanja podataka o okolnostima nalaženja, uglavnom su sve primjerke tretirale okvirno i to u širokoj vremenskoj distanci od prijelaza 5. na 4. s trajanjem do u 2. pa čak i 1. st. pr. Kr., tipološki opredijeljene prema klasifikaciji koju je za njih bio predložio Š. Batovic.101 100 Klarin 2000; Brusic 2000; Brusic 2002; Brusic 2005; Glogovic 2003; Blečic 2007a, 116-117, Fig. 8. 101 Batovic 1973, 121-122; Batovic 1974, 189-192, sl. 3; Batovic 1976, 44, K. 9; Lo Schi-avo 1970, K. 6; Glogovic 1989, 31-32; Brusic 2000; Klarin 2000, 34-35; Blečic 2002, 114-115; Brusic 2005, 10-11. could be generally added in to this variant of Certosa type fibula. Certosa type fibulae of the classic X and XI variants marked geographically and culturally mostly the north Adriatic hinterland area with which the Kvarner, including Osor, was intimately connected. In slightly different circumstances traditions of these established relations and cultural contacts along the Caput Adriae and appertaining hinterland will be reflected using a fibulae of the Certosa variants XII and VII that chronologically belong to a younger period - as we shall see, from the £ end of the 4th up to the 2nd cent. BC. | K I Baška type fibulae 8 It is a quite different situation with the other type offib- ^ ula - the fibula of Baška type (Fig. 25D-27). In compar- h ison to the others it is relatively sparsely represented in § the Kvarner region but something more numerously present on the island sites. With collected new data a c general map of their distribution was slightly amended, in particular to the expected finds from the territory of central Liburnia.100 Previous studies dealing with these issues, lacking the information on the circumstances of their discoveries, mostly treated all examples roughly in a wide chronological framework ranging from the transition of the 5th to the 4th up the 2nd and even the 1st cent. BC. Typologically they were defined according to the classification proposed by Š. Batovic.101 100 Klarin 2000; Brusic 2000; Brusic 2002; Brusic 2005; Glogovic 2003; Blečic 2007a, 116-117, Fig. 8 101 Batovic 1973, 121-122; Batovic 1974, 189-192, sl. 3; Batovic 1976, 44, K. 9; Lo Schi-avo 1970, K. 6; Glogovic 1989, 31-32; Brusic 2000; Klarin 2000, 34-35; Blečic 2002, 114-115; Brusic 2005, 10-11. 27. Brončana fibula tipa Baška s tremoliranim ukrasom luka. Fibula tipa Baška nesumnjivo se kao regijska izvede-nica razvijala od nekih starijih ili srodnih tipova fibula upravo na prostoru matične Liburnije. Ondje se sigurno proizvodila i sve do konačnih, baroknih oblika za tzv. srebrnog horizonta od 3. st. pr. Kr. Prema sjeverni-jim područjima njezina se zastupljenost smanjuje i tu, unatoč novim istraživanjima i objavama, nije došlo do znatnijih promjena. Na Kvarneru su fibule tipa Baška zastupljene samo na nekoliko otočnih i jednom prio-balnom nalazištu, ali ne u povecem broju. Uglavnom je riječ o jednom ili par primjeraka, izuzev Kastva gdje ih je nadeno nešto više, iako je i ondje njihovo podrije-tlo zapravo dvojbeno.102 Fibulu tipa Baška prema tehnološkim i dekorativnim osobitostima razlikujemo u nekoliko varijanti. Na otočnoj skupini Cres-Lošinj zastupljene su tri variante i to isključivo na Osoru (sl. 26-27). Najslabije su za-stupljene starije varijante sa pet primjerka. Njih obi-lježava manja, zdepasta i nezgrapnija fibula, s malim listom na nožici i s ponekad minimalnim linearnim 02 Naime, iz Kastva zasigurno potječu samo one tri fibule mladih varijanti koje se čuvaju u ŽZD na Vrbniku (Blečic Kavur 2010, k. 49-51), od kojih dva cijela pri-mjerka spominje i opisuje vec C. Marchesetti (1903, 107). Sve ostale fibule tipa Baška koje se čuvaju u AMZ-u imaju nesigurne podatke; usp. Blečic 2004. Bronze Baška type fibula with tremolo decoration on the bow. Fibula of Baška type undoubtedly developed as a regional derivate from some older or similar types of fibulae on the territory of central Liburnia. There they were certainly produced all the way to the late, baroque forms from the so-called »silver horizon« of the 3rd cent. BC. Their numbers decrease towards the northern areas and despite new research there were no significant changes. In Kvarner the Baška type fibula are represented only on several island and one coastal site, but not in larger numbers. Known are only single or sometimes two fibulae - except Kastav where they were more numerous, although there their origin could be actually doubtful.102 Fibulae of Baška type could be according to technological and decorative characteristics divided in to several variants. On the island group of Cres-Lošinj they are represented in three variants - all of them appear exclusively on Osor (Fig. 26-27). The least represented, with five examples, is the older variant. These are small, stocky and unwieldy fibulae with a small leaf on the foot and sometimes minimal linear decoration. Ex- 102 Specifically from Kastav certainly originate only 3 fibulae of younger variant stored in the Parish collection Desetinec in Vrbnik (ZZD) (Blečic Kavur, 2010, k. 49-51) ofwhich two examples are mentioned and described already by C. Marchesetti (1903, 107). All other fibulae of Baška type kept in Archaeological Museum in Zagreb have insecure data; cf. Blečic 2004. IN K U Z w OS K I C u < C z < s K > C ukrasom. Izuzev iz Osora,103 fibule te varijante potječu iz starijih istraživanja Krka104 i Kastva.10 Mlada inačica poznata je zasad jedino na Osoru106 i Kastvu.107 Kod tih se fibula pri tehnološkoj obradi povečava izradba kovanjem, tj. iskucavanjem i urezivanjem, a pojavljuje se i posve nov način ukrašavanja tremoliranom tehnikom. Zbog toga se fibula i u svom osnovnom obliku ^ bitno razvija, postaje sve veča, ali i gracilnija. Upot- punjuje se i tzv. klasičan način ukrašavanja geometrij-w skih i linearnih motiva na krajevima luka fibule i na P samome pločasto raskovanome listu. Ondje se, medu- § tim, prvi put susreče i eksplicitni motiv lista ili klasa te g znak/simbol klepsidre izveden tehnikom urezivanja. 0 g Mlade varijante zastupljene su s nešto večim brojem w na Kvarneru, a izuzev u bronci počinju se izradivati i u 1 srebru. Fibule tih obilježja opčenito poznajemo iz Ka-stva i Osora108 te iz Nezakcija.109 Obilježava ih potpu- ^ no listasto proširen i raskovan luk, te dugačka noga ko- p joj list nije više tako dugačak kao kod starijih varijanti, g ali je zato krači i širi, kako bi bio pogodan za izradbu ^ tekučeg ili povezanog ukrasa duž rubova fibula, tj. me- topnih polja urezanih i tremoliranih motiva.110 Fibulo ^ I03 Glogovic I989, T. 26, 4; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 30, 3. i 5.-6. fibula. N I04 Polonijo, Bulic I93I, T. I, 2.; Blečic Kavur 20I0, T. 28, 405. > I05 Blečic 2002, T. 3, I.5.3; T. 4, I.5.6; T. 6, I.5.I2. ^ I06 Petris, I895, 258, 270, Fig. 4; Glogovic I989, T. 26, 5; T. 29, 3; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 3I, 2. i 4. fibula. 107 Blečic 2002, T. 3, I.5.I-I.5.2; T. 4, I.5.4-I5.5; T. 5, I.5.7-9; T. 6, I.5.I0-I.5.II. 108 Blečic 2002, T. 7; Glogovic I989, T. 29, 2, 4; T. 30, 7-8; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 30, I. fibula; usp. Blečic Kavur 20I0, T. 4, 48-5I; T. 47, 684-686. 109 Mihovilic 200I, 265, sl. 3, 6; Mihovilic 20I3, sl. I94. 110 Jedino je veliku fibulu iz Kastva (Blečic 2004, T. 7, I.5.I3) F. Lo Schiavo bila smjestila u svoj tip B, jednako kao i fibulu iz Nina, grob 20. Prema njezinoj tipologiji, vecina kastavskih fibula pripadala bi tom istom tipu (Lo Schiavo I970, 450, T. XXXIII, 2). cept from Osor,103 fibulae of these variants are known from older research in Krk104 and Kastav.10s A younger variant is known so far only from Osor106 and Kastav.107 In the case of these fibulae the technological treatment increases with forging, i.e. by embossing and engraving. Its appearance makes a new way of decorating - the tremolo technique. Therefore the fibula develops in its basic form - it becomes larger but also more gracile. The classical way of decoration with geometric and linear motifs develops further on the ends of the bow and on a flat hammered leaf. There, however, for the first time is being introduced the explicit motive of a leaf or an ear as well as the symbol of a clepsydra produced with the technique of engraving. Younger variants are represented with a slightly higher number in Kvarner and except from bronze they are starting to be produced from silver. Such fibulae are generally known from Kastav, Osor108 and Nesac-tium.109 They are characterized by a completely exfoliated expanded and forged bow and a long leg where the leaf is not as long as in older versions but shorter and wider in order to be suitable for the production of a flowing or linked decoration along the edges of the fibula - the so-called metope fields made from incised and tremolo motives.110 Fibulae of this variant will mark 103 Glogovic I989, T. 26, 4; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 30, 3 and 5 - 6 fibulae. 104 Polonijo, Bulic I93I, T. I, 2.; Blečic Kavur 20I0, T. 28, 405. 105 Blečic 2002, T. 3, I.5.3; T. 4, I.5.6; T. 6, I.5.I2. 106 Petris, I895, 258, 270, Fig. 4; Glogovic I989, T. 26, 5; T. 29, 3; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 3I, 2 and 4 fibulae. 107 Blečic 2002, T. 3, I.5.I-I.5.2; T. 4, I.5.4-I5.5; T. 5, I.5.7-9; T. 6, I.5.I0-I.5.II. 108 Blečic 2002, T. 7; Glogovic I989, T. 29, 2, 4; T. 30, 7-8; Blečic Kavur 20I4a, 30, I fibula; cf. Blečic Kavur 20I0, T. 4, 48-5I; T. 47, 684-686. 109 Mihovilic 200I, 265, sl. 3, 6; Mihovilic 20I3, sl. I94. 110 Only the great fibula from Kastav (Blečic 2004, T. 7, I.5.I3) was placed by F. Lo le te varijante obilježavat ce zapravo, zajedno s najmla-dim varijantama fibula tipa Certosa, krajnji tzv. srebrni horizont na području Liburnije i susjednih područja. U tipološkoj klasifikaciji i prostornoj raširenosti jasno je kako su te fibule na Kvarner pristizale kao importi iz središnje Liburnije, osobito one starijih varijanti. Mlade inačice, naprotiv, pripadaju tzv. sjevernijem krugu, odnosno radioničkim centrima koji su mogli djelova-ti na prostoru japodskog ili kvarnerskog prostora. To ujedno može biti i jedno od tumačenja zašto upravo tu varijantu nalazimo brojnije predstavljenu u odnosu na ostale inačice. Sve u svemu, fibula tipa Baška postala je univerzalni element nošnje u grobovima istočno-jadranskih kulturnih zajednica, koja ce se tako susre-tati s različitim rasponom nalaza materijalne kulture, od kraja starijeg i tijekom mladeg željeznog doba; od fibula i igala, do privjesaka i pojasnih okova, keramike pa sve do ilirskih kaciga. Naušnice i/ili sljepoočničarke Na području Kvarnera uz klasične fibule tipa Certosa povezuje se još jedna zanimljiva grupa nakita. Riječ je o kolutastim naušnicama i/ili sljepoočničarkama (sl. 25D). Izradivane su od brončane ili srebrne žice, veceg ili manjeg promjera, karakterističnog načina zakopča-vanja. Jedan kraj je u pravilu raskovano proširen kako bi se u njega umetnuo drugi, zašiljenog kraja žice. Prema sadašnjem stanju istraženosti, s Kvarnera je uku-pno poznato svega 27 naušnica od kojih čak 12 pri-mjeraka potječe iz Osora (sl. 28). Buduci da su sve one gotovo istovjetne tehnike izradbe, sistema zatvaranja, in fact together with the youngest variants of the Certosa type fibulae the final, so-called »silver horizon« on the area of Liburnia and the neighbouring areas. From their typological classification and spatial distribution it is clear that these fibulae arrived to Kvar-ner as imports from central Liburnia, especially those of older versions. Younger versions, on the other hand, belong to the so-called northern circle, to the workshop centres that were operating on the area of Japo-di or in Kvarner. It can also be one of the interpretation explaining why this variant is more numerously present in relation to all the other versions. All in all, fibulae of Baška type had become a universal element of attire in the graves of eastern Adriatic cultural communities. Thus they will meet a wide range of material culture in a period from the end of Early and during the Late Iron Age - from fibulae and pins, pendants and belt fittings, ceramics and all the way to Illyrian helmets. Earrings and/or temporal rings On the territory of Kvarner is another interesting group ofjewellery connected with the classical fibula of Certosa type. These are circular earrings and/or temporal rings (Fig. 25D). They were made from bronze or silver wire, had a larger or smaller diameter and characteristic fastening methods. One end was typically forged and rolled in a tube in to which the second, pointed end of wire was inserted. According to the present state of research from Kvarner are known 27 Schiavo in to her type B. The same as the fibula from Nin, grave 20. According to her typology most fibulae from Kastav belonged to the same type (Lo Schiavo 1970, 450, T. XXXIII, 2). K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C a estetski jasno definiranog izričaja, izdvoj seban, kvarnerski tip naušnica. ene su u za- oc K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C Osorske su naušnice zanimljive u prvome redu zbog izvedbi i u bronci i u srebru, čime dakako odstupaju od ostalih nalazišta u regiji. Ipak, niti jedna osorska naušnica nije na svojim krajevima ukrašavana, što je odlika nekolicine poznatih parova. Stoga ih prema načinu ukrašavanja razlikujemo dvama varijantama; prvu ili tip Kvarner I obilježavaju naušnice s urezanim sno-povima linija i pridodanim zrnima iz Kastva, Triblja i Krka (sl. 29B), dok drugu varijantu, tip Kvarner II, ba-rem trenutnim poznavanjem, obilježavaju naušnice iz Grobnika, Osora (sl. 25B; 28) i Novalje koje nisu dodatno ukrašavane.111 Shodno tomu, njihova se proizvodnja može tražiti negdje na prostoru priobalnog ali i otočnog dijela Kvarnera, pri čemu Osor odskače kako zbog količine tako i zbog različitosti korištenja materijala (sl. 28; 30). Primjerci naušnica koji su poznati iz Grobnika nade-ni su u grobu ovješeni o fibulu tipa Certosa Xh varijante (sl. 25B), uz pomoc koje je, makar dijelom, i njihova uporaba datirana do kraja 4. ili početnog 3. st. pr. Kr.112 Medutim, istaknuti treba i poznati primjerak srebrne fibule tipa Baška iz istoimene ostave, ukrašene, pored ostalih dodataka, i s velikim, srebrnim kolutastim na-ušnicama na kojima su se nalazila nanizana jantarna zrna.113 Toj grupi naušnica/sljepoočničarki možda tre- 111 Usp. Glogovic 1989, 34-35, T. 118, 5-6, 7-8, 11, 14; Glogovic 1991, 19, T. I, 3; Blečic 2002, 84, T. i, 3.I; T. 7, 3.2.-3.3, sl. I2. 112 Blečic 2004, 84. 113 Izvornu skicu fibule, povijesne fotografije i detaljan opis koje je izradio sam M. Abramic, iz arhiva NHMW donosi B. Mader (2006, 240-245, Abb. 1-3). Fo- earrings out of which 12 examples come from Osor (Fig. 28). Since they were all produced with almost identical techniques of manufacture and aesthetic clearly defined expression, they were recognized as a separate, Kvarner type of earrings. Earrings from Osor are interesting primarily due to elaboration in bronze and silver, differing from other sites in the region. However, none of the earrings from Osor was decorated at its ends, which is a feature ofsev-eral known pairs. Therefore they could be according to their decoration distinguished in to two variants; first or Kvarner I type are earrings with incised sheaves of lines and attached beads from Kastav, Tribalj and Krk (Fig. 29B), while the second variant, Kvarner II type, according to present knowledge mark the not additionally decorated earrings from Grobnik, Osor (Fig. 25B; 28) and Novalja.111 Consequently, we could look for their production centre somewhere in the coastal area or on the islands where Osor stands out because of the amount of finds as well as the diversity of the materials used (Fig. 28; 30). Examples of earrings known from Grobnik were found in a grave suspended on a Certosa type fibula of Xh variant (Fig. 25B). With the help of the later, at least partly, their use could be dated to the end of the 4th or the initial 3rd cent. BC.112 However we should put forward the famous silver fibula of Baška type from the hoard of the same name 111 Cf. Glogovic I989, 34-35, T. II8, 5-6, 7-8, II, I4; Glogovic I99I, I9, T. I, 3; Blečic 2002, 84, T. 1, 3.1; T. 7, 3.2.-3.3, sl. 12. 112 Blečic 2004, 84. ba dodati i primjerak brončanog koluta koji je naden u Osoru.114 Riječ je o kolutu, jednog kraja tanjeg i zašilje-nijeg, a drugog veceg i šireg, koji je ovješen takoder o fibulu tipa Baška (sl. 25D), i na kojeg su nanizani drugi privjesci i ukrasi. Izgledno je stoga da su se zbog svojih dimenzija takve naušnice uglavnom nosile ovješene o fibule, vrpce ili lančice, odnosno kao sljepoočničarke ili ukrasi odjece, kako nam to sugeriraju i nalazi nošnje, tj. njihove rekonstrukcije kod srodnih italskih pri-mjera.115 Time je samo dodatno potvrdeno kako kompozicija različitih nakitnih oblika nije usamljen, vec izgleda tipičan način postavljanja nošnje u grob pokojnika na širem kvarnerskom području. Naušnice s jantarnim zrnima nisu rijetkost i najčešce su zastupljene na onima izradenim od plemenitih metala. Na Kvarneru poznajemo jedan primjerak manje naušnice s jantarnom perlicom iz Triblja,116 te posljed-nji, ujedno i najzanimljiviji par brončanih naušnica s pridodana dva veca jantarna zrna koji potječe iz prostora krčke nekropole Šinigoj (sl. 29A).117 Taj par u skupini kvarnerskih naušnica predstavlja iznimku. Nai-me, one načinom izradbe i principom ukrašavanja ne odskaču od ostalih oblika naušnica, ali ih izdvaja nji- tografije su djelomično podudarne s crtežom kojeg je objavio Z. Vinski (1956, Abb. ia), kao i s crtežom kojeg je objavila N. Majnaric-Pandžic (1998, sl. 173). Zanimljivo je da su se u oba poznata slučaja, iako potječu iz različitih konteksta, tj. na naušnicama iz Baške, kao i na naušnicama iz Krka, očuvala jantarna zrna. Ovim naušnicama iz Baške potpuno odgovaraju ulomci koji potječu iz Osora (Glogovic 1989, 34, T. 38, 3). 114 Petris 1895, Fig. 4; Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 47, 678. 115 Negroni Catacchio 2007, Fig. 5-8. 116 Pojedinačni nalaz, predstavljen na izložbi Muzeja Grada Crikvenice, 845C. 117 Predstavlja, nažalost, pojedinačni nalaz iz privatne zbirke Itala Samblicha u Krku (Buršic-Matijašic 2011, 14; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, 306-307, k. 413, sl. 228). which was decorated with, among other additions, large silver ring shaped earrings which had several amber beads.113 To this group of earrings/temporal rings should perhaps be added an example of a bronze rings which was discovered in Osor.114 It is a ring with one thinner and one larger and broader end which was also suspended on a Baška type fibula (Fig. 25D) and on which were strung other pendants and ornaments. It seems likely, therefore, that because of their dimen- ^ sions such earrings were mostly worn suspended on the N fibulae, ribbons or chains, or used as temporal rings or decorations of clothing as suggested by the discoveries ^ of costumes and their reconstruction in similar Italic £ w examples.115 This is just a further confirmation that the composition ofvarious forms ofjewellery was a typical ^ method of installing the jewellery in to the grave in the wider region of Kvarner. £ z < Earrings with amber beads are not a rarity and are most- £ ly made of precious metals. From Kvarner we know c only one example of a smaller ear-ring with an amber bead from Tribalj,116 and the last, also the most interesting pair ofbronze earrings with two larger amber beads originating from Krk from the Šinigoj necropolis (Fig. 113 The original drawing of the fibula, historical photos and a detailed description made by M. Abramic were brought from the archives of NHMW by B. Ma-der (2006, 240-245, Abb. 1-3). Photos are partially matched with a drawing published by Z. Vinski (1956, Abb. ia), as well as a drawing published by N. Maj-naric-Pandžic (1998, sl. 173). It is interesting that in both cases known, although coming from different contexts i.e. the earrings from Baška, as well as the earrings from Krk, are preserved the amber beads. Earrings from Baška fully correspond to fragments from Osor (Glogovic 1989, 34, T. 38, 3). 114 Petris 1895, Fig. 4; Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 47, 678. 115 Negroni Catacchio 2007, Fig. 5-8. 116 Individual finds presented at the exhibition of the Museum of the City of Cri-kvenica, 845C, 2014. 28. Ulomci brončanih i srebrnih naušnica kvarnerskog tipa. Fragments of bronze and silver Kvarner type earrings. 29. Velike brončane naušnice s jantarnim perlama iz Krka (A) i manja brončana naušnica s plavom staklenom perlom iz Kastva (B). Large bronze earrings with amber beads from Krk (A) and a smaller bronze earring with a blue glass bead from Kastav (B). 30. Karta rasprostranjenosti naušnica kvarnerskog tipa varijante I (▲) i varijante II (•). Distribution map of Kvarner type earrings ofvariant I ( and variant II (•). B H OC K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C hova gotovo dvostruko veča veličina. Promatrano pak stilski i u skladu s obrtničkim rješenjima ostalih pri-mjeraka sasvim jasno pokazuju obilježja mjesne zanat-ske prepoznatljivosti. Pitanje dobavljanja luksuznih i skupih materijala, kao što je srebro ili jantar, dodatno pospješuju tezu o statusu kojeg je Osor unutar posred-ničkih i trgovačko-gospodarskih odnosa nesumnjivo morao imati. S druge strane, još je jedan poznati tip naušnice i/ili sljepoočničarke s trakasto raskovanim i »S« povije-nim jednim krajem koji potječe iz Osora.118 Ta nauš-nica ima najbliže paralele kod brončanih primjeraka s Krasa, iz Škocjana-Ponikve i Socerba,119 ali i kod srebrnih primjeraka iz Nezakcija.120 Najpreciznije su datirane u Este i to u vrijeme od 5. do 3. st. pr. Kr.121 Grupi nalaza vjerojatno treba pribrojiti i primjerak iz Baške, grob 3, koji je naden s velikom, srebrnom fibulom tipa Baška,122 čime posredno potvrduje njezinu dataciju do u 3. st. pr. Kr. Iako svojstveno ženama, misli se da isticanje, pokazi-vanje ili čak samo posjedovanje naušnica, osobito ako su izradene od plemenitih materijala ima neposrednu ulogu izricanja superiornog, uzvišenog, svetog i bo-žanskog.123 Razumljivim če stoga biti da su samo izni-mne žene na Kvarneru mogle nositi velike naušnice/ 118 Glogovic I989, T. 38, 2. 119 U Socerbu je nadeno više primjeraka takvih naušnica, a na jednoj se nalazila i plava staklena perla (Crismani, Righi 2002, 75, Fig. 59-63). 120 Mihovilic I995a, 89-90, T. 5-6. 121 Capuis, Chieco Bianchi 2006, T. I23. 122 Lo Schiavo I970, T. XXIV, II; Mader 2006, 255, Abb. I4. 123 O tim temama vidjeti iscrpno kod B. Teržan (2003); K. Nagler-Zanier (2005). 29A).117 This pair of earrings in an exception in Kvarner - in fact according to manufacture and decorating principle they do not stand out but their size is almost the double. Observed through a stylistic perspective and in accordance with the manufacturing solutions of other examples they clearly exhibit the characteristics of a local manufacture. The issue of supplying luxurious and expensive materials, such as silver or amber, further promotes the thesis about the status Osor undoubtedly had within the intermediary and trading/economic relations. On the other hand, another type of earrings and/ or temporal rings with band shaped forged and »S« shape curved end comes from Osor.118 This earring has the closest analogies in examples from the Karst, from Škocjan-Ponikve and Socerb,119 but also with silver examples from Nesactium.120 They are precisely dated in Este to the period from the 5th to the 3rd cent. BC.121 To the group of finds should be added an example from Baška, grave 3, which was discovered with a large silver fibula of Baška type122 which also indirectly confirms it's dating to the 3rd cent. BC. Although peculiar for females, it is considered that the promotion, demonstration and even the position 117 Represents, unfortunately, an individual find from Krk in the private collection of Italo Samblich (Buršic-Matijašic 20II, I4; cf. Blečic Kavur, 20I0, 306-307, k. 4I3, sl. 228). 118 Glogovic I989, T. 38, 2. 119 In Socerb were discovered several examples these type of earrings and on one was attached a blue glass bead (Crismani, Righi 2002, 75, Fig. 59-63). 120 Mihovilic I995a, 89-90, T. 5-6. 121 Capuis, Chieco Bianchi 2006, T. I23. 122 Lo Schiavo I970, T. XXIV, II; Mader 2006, 255, Abb. I4. sljepoočničarke, a samo ona pripadnica vrha društvene elite i sljepoočničarke izradene pozlatom ili od srebra. U tipološkom smislu, njihovo nošenje ili ko-rištenje, ako je suditi prema fibulama, odnosno širim kontekstima pojedinih nalazišta, moralo je biti u modi sve od 5. pa do 3. st. pr. Kr. Ostaje, medutim, nerazrije-šeno jesu li naušnice kvarnerskog tipa bile znak samo profane ili samo svete superiornosti, ili su vjerojatnije pokazatelj dostojanstva u oba smisla. Jantarne perle Na osorskoj je Kavaneli nadeno pravo bogatstvo jan-tara.124 Velik dio jantarnih perli uništen je pri rituali-ma spaljivanja i pokopavanjima, mnogo njih je izgubljeno i propalo. Gotovo su sve jantarne perle, izuzev onih na fibulama, bez pobližeg konteksta nalaženja. Vrlo ih je teško kronološki opredijeliti i zbog toga što večina njih pripada jednostavnim okruglim, ovalnim oblicima koji su bili izuzetno dugo u uporabi (sl. 31). S obzirom na tipološka obilježja opčenito se mogu ra-zumijevati varijantama 7b, 8b, 9 i 12b tipova perli prema tipologiji Aleksandra Palavestre,125 univerzalno korištenima tijekom kraja starijeg i mladeg željeznog doba na obama stranama jadranskog bazena.126 Izdvo-jeno je i nekoliko perli koje se mogu bliže povezati uz valjkaste primjerke tip 6 i trokutaste tipa 30 i varijanti. Srodne primjerke nalazimo u japodskom kulturnom prostoru, posebno u Prozoru, a zanimljivo je da upra- 124 Usp. Sacken 1879; Benndorf 1880. 125 Palavestra 1993, 63-64; Blečic 2009. 126 Palavestra 1993, 63, 280; Negroni Catacchio et al. 2006, 1444-1449, 1453-1454, Fig. 1; Negroni Catacchio 2003, 456, Fig. iA. of earrings, especially if they were made from precious metals, had a direct role in the imposing of superior, sublime, sacred and divine.123 Therefore it is understandable that only exceptional women in Kvarner could wear earrings/temporal rings, while only members of the top of the social elite were able to wear gold plated or silver earrings. In typological terms, their wear and use, judging by the fibulae, or taking into consideration the more general contexts of individual sites, they had to be in fashion from the 5th to the 3rd cent. BC. It remains, however, unresolved whether the Kvarner type earrings were a sign ofjust profane or sacred superiority ^ only, or is more likely indicator ofdignity in both senses. £ i c Amber beads < A real treasure of amber was discovered on Kavanela ^ in Osor.124 Much of the amber beads were destroyed in the burning and burial rituals, many of them were ^ lost and ruined. Almost all of the amber beads, except > the ones attached to fibulae, lack a more detailed context of discovery. Since most of them belong to a simple round, oval shapes that were used for an extremely long period of time it is difficult to determine them chronologically (Fig. 31). Given the typological characteristics they can be generally considered as variants 7b, 8b, 9 and 12b of types of beads according to the typology of Aleksandar Palavestra.125 These forms were universally used from the end of the Early and during the Late Iron Age on both sides of the Adriatic.126 Several 123 On these topics see in detail at B. Teržan B. (2003); K. Nagler-Zanier (2005). 124 Cf. Sacken 1879; Benndorf 1880. 125 Palavestra i993, 63-64; Blečic 2009. 126 Palavestra 1993, 63, 280; Negroni Catacchio et al. 2006, 1444-1449, 1453-1454, 31. Različite varijante jantarnih perli (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Various variants of amber beads (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). vo najbliže paralele možemo vidjeti kod perli iz nekro-pole Vinice gdje se često nalaze nanizane na raskošni-je ogrlice.127 S obzirom na toliku količinu perli, dragocjenih samih po sebi, osorski su primjerci najvjerojatnije pripadali I27 PMAEH inv. nr. 40-77-40/I0330 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu:8080/ peabody/media/view/Objects/I0 0 84 0/98260?t:state:flow=I6a7ec82-857I-4796-a37I-d8I55ef66e77, i8. 04. 20I4). 32. Stiliziran jantarni zoomorfni privjesak. Stylized zoomorphic amber pendant. beads should be put forward - they can be associated with the cylindrical specimens of type 6 and the triangular shapes of type 30 and its variants. Similar examples can be found in theJapodic cultural area, especially in the necropolis of Prozor. It is interesting that we can observe the closest parallels on the necropolis in Vinica were they are often strung on luxurious necklaces.127 Fig. 1; Negroni Catacchio 2003, 456, Fig. iA. 127 PMAEH inv. no. 40-77-40/10330 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu: 8080/ OO K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C vo oc K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C raskošnim ogrlicama od jantara koje su se obogaciva-le raznim načinima nošnje, bilo u paru s vecim brojem brončanih ogrlica, odnosno u bogatom kompletu na-kitnog ansambla, s fibulama i privjescima. Kako se jan-taru pripisivala apotropejska, profilaktička i magična moc, nosile su se i pojedinačno, najčešce kao amuleti, samostalno ili kao dugmeta (sl. 32). Privjesci Istom vremenskom horizontu valja pribrojiti i druge oblike sitnih ukrasa ali značajnih vrijednosti. Njima su kao nositeljima odredenih simboličkih informacija, tj. kao komunikacijskom mediju, uglavnom prida-vali astralno i/ili solarno obilježje, zbog čega su nerijet-ko dobivali ulogu amuleta zaštitnika, apotropejskog i profilaktičkog, magičnog i metafizičkog karaktera. Najbrojniji medu njima su privjesci koje razlikujemo kao: okrugle, kuglaste, privjeske u obliku košarica, u obliku bula, alke i druge. Košarasti privjesci Košarasti privjesci sa zaobljenim dnom Košarasti privjesci su najbrojniji tip privjesaka koji se predstavlja u više različitih varijanti (sl. 25D; 33-34). Oni sa zaobljenim dnom pripisuju se nadregionalnoj modi od kraja starijeg i tijekom čitavog mladeg željeznog doba na širokom prostoru europskog kopna. Interpretirani su kao jedan od iskaza kulturnih doticaja na velikim udaljenostima u mladem halštatskom razdobl-ju značajni za HaD horizont,128 ali koji nisu isklju jučivo Given that amount of beads, precious in itself, the examples from Osor should most likely belong to elaborate necklaces of amber that have enriched the various modes of attire either in pairs with a larger number of bronze necklaces or in rich sets ofjewellery with fibulae and pendants. Since amber had attributed apotropaic, prophylactic and magical powers, they were worn individually, most often as amulets, individually or as buttons (Fig. 32). Pendants From the same chronological horizon come also other forms of small ornaments with significant importance. They were interpreted as holders of certain symbolic information, i.e. as a medium ofcommunication which had mainly attributed astral and/or solar characteristics. Consequently they were often ascribed the role of protective amulets, of apotropaic and prophylactic, of magical and metaphysical character. The most numerous among them are pendants which could be divided as: round, spherical, basket and bulla shaped, rings and other forms. Basket shaped pendants Basket shaped pendants with a rounded bottom Basket shaped pendants are the most numerous types ofpendants appearing in different variants (Fig. 25D; 3334). Those with a rounded bottom are attributed to the superregional fashion from the late Early and throughout the Late Iron Age on a wide area of the Europe- 128 Teržan 1975, 684; Hiller 1991, 193; Warneke 1999, 128; TeEmann 2007, 687, K. 3. peabody/media/view/Objects/i0 0 840/98260?t:state:f low=i6a7ec82-857i-4796-a37i-d8i55ef66e77, 18. 04. 2014). importi iz velikih ili regionalnih centara, vec ukazu-ju na postojanje više proizvodnih središta na raznim područjima koja su stvarala pod utjecajem prispjelih 129 importa. Na Kvarneru su takvi privjesci zasad izuzetna pojava koja se povezuje samo uz Osor (sl. 25D; 33). Ondje ih je, doduše, nadeno ukupno 16 primjeraka, od kojih, su-deci prema dosadašnjim objavama, 4 imaju ukras ure-zanih paralelnih linija na gornjem dijelu košarice (sl. 33B).130 Svi oni ne potječu iz datacijski bliže odredivih cjelina, ali je pozornosti svakako vrijedan nalaz 5 pri-vjesaka ovješenih o fibulu tipa Baška (sl. 25D).131 Tipo-loški ju možemo opredijeliti u starije varijante, kronološki smještene u vrijeme 5. ili na sam početak 4. st. pr. Kr. Istovremeno su uz pomoc fibula tipa Certosa XIa varijante takvi privjesci datirani i u Nezakciju,132 po-stajuci tako kronološki relevantnima i za ostale priv-jeske s područja Istre i njezinog V. kulturnog stupnja.133 Medutim, ipak su nešto stariji primjerci privjeska poznati iz Dalmacije, u prvome redu oni u kompoziciji s po 5 komada iz Jagodnje Donje, nadeni zajedno s luč-nom fibulom s ptičjom unatrag povijenom glavicom na zaključku nožice tipa Kompolje,134 koja se vremenski smješta u 7. i rano 6. st. pr. Kr.135 Stoga bi nešto starije nalaze ili ranije forme mogli ponajprije povezati uz matični liburnski prostor, odakle su se širili i prema sje- 129 Grahek 2004, 152. 130 Klodič 1885, Fig. 1; usp. Glogovič 1989, T. 39, 4; TeEmann 2007, Abb. 14, 1; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, sl. 220A, T. 47, 678; T. 51, 848-849. 131 Petris 1895, 270, Fig. 4. 132 Mihovilič 2001, 105; Mihovilič 2013, 256, sl. 178. 133 Sakara Sučevič 2004, k. 147; Mihovilič 2013, 256. 134 Batovič 1990, T. XX, 2; Blečič Kavur 2009, 239, sl. 5, 10; 6. 135 Blečič Kavur 2009, 238, 245-246. an mainland. Interpreted as one of the testimony to the great long distance cultural contact in the younger Hallstatt period they are characteristic for the HaD horizon.128 They are not exclusively imports from regional centres, but indicate the existence of several production centres in various areas that have been created under the influence of the received imports.129 In Kvarner such pendants are currently an exceptional phenomenon known only from Osor (Fig. 25D; 33). There was, however, found a total of 16 examples, of which, according to the previous publications, 4 of g them had an incised decoration made of parallel lines § on the top of the basket (sl. 33B).130 They do not come from chronologically definable contexts but it is defi- 8 nitely worth mentioning the 5 pendants hanging on a fibula of Baška type (Fig. 25D).131 The later could be ty-pologically included into older versions and chronolog- § ically placed in to the period of the 5th or the beginning of the 4th cent. BC. At the same time, with the help of c a fibula of the Certosa XIa variant such pendants were dated in Nesactium,132 thus becoming chronologically relevant for other pendants from Istria and the phase V of its culture.133 However, there are some older pendants known from Dalmatia, primarily those from the composition of 5 pieces from Jagodnja Donja. They were discovered together with a bow fibula with a backward bent bird's head at the end of the foot of Kom- 128 Teržan 1975, 684; Hiller 1991, 193; Warneke 1999, 128; TeEmann 2007, 687, K. 3. 129 Grahek 2004, 152. 130 Klodič 1885, Fig. 1; cf. Glogovič 1989, T. 39, 4; TeEmann 2007, Abb. 14, 1; cf. Blečič Kavur 2010, sl. 220A, T. 47, 678; T. 51, 848-849. 131 Petris 1895, 270, Fig. 4. 132 Mihovilič 2001, 105; Mihovilič 2013, 256, sl. 178. 133 Sakara Sučevič 2004, k. 147; Mihovilič 2013, 256. 33. Brončani košarasti priv-jesci sa zaobljenim dnom (B prema Klodič 1885). Bronze basket-shaped pendants with a rounded bottom (B after Klodič 1885). 34. Brončani košarasti privjesci s profiliranim (A) i sa zašiljenim (B) dnom. Bronze basket shaped pendants with a profiled (A) and with a conical-pointed (B) bottom. A A B vernom Jadranu i Lici, gdje su takoder bili vrlo priljubljeni ukrasni predmet.136 S obzirom na njihovu zastupljenosti i prostornu rašire-nost, te dekorativne i zaštitničke male amajlije iz Osora priželjkivano podržavaju tezu po kojoj su i one bile dijelom kulturnih procesa jadranske koine!17 izmedu golaseškog i venetskog s jedne te liburnskog, odnosno svetolucijskog i dolenjskog kulturnog miljea s druge strane. Košarasti privjesci zašiljenog dna Košarasti privjesci sa zašiljenim i s profiliranim dnom kronološki predstavljaju nešto mladu varijantu privje-saka i takoder su krajnje rijetko poznati na području Kvarnera. U skupinu privjesaka sa zašiljenim (ili koničnim) dnom možemo pribrojiti privjeske iz Osora (sl. 34B).138 Ističe se svakako najveci privjesak očuvan ti-jelom košarice i dijelom alke. Pozornost privlači upravo njegova ispuna olovom, presvučena tankim bron-čanim limom s okruglom perforacijom u gornjem dijelu tijela košarice. Takve i slične privjeske poznajemo kao još jedan od oblika karakterističnih za prostor jugoistočnog alpskog prostora svetolucijske ili dolenjske kulturne skupine gdje su rasprostranjeni u naj-vecem broju.139 Jednako, sasvim su dobro potvrdeni i u Furlaniji, Carniji i na području Veneta.14° Medutim, najsrodniji primjerak, takoder s perforacijom u gorn- 136 Hiller 1991, 193; usp. TeEmann 2007. 137 Peroni 1973, 72. 138 Marchesetti 1924, Fig. 24; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 51, 853-856. 139 Teržan 1975, 684, f.n. 62, T. 11, 25; Warneke 1999, 127-129, Abb. 64; Svetličič 1997, 35-36, sl. 17. 140 Crismani, Righi 2002, 80-81, Fig. 116-117. polje type,134 which is dated in to the 7th and the early 6th cent. BC.I3S Therefore the slightly older examples or earlier forms could be linked to the main Liburni-an area from where they spread towards the northern Adriatic and Lika, were they were also a very popular decorative item.136 Given their representation and spatial distribution of these decorative and protective small amulets from Osor it is wished for to support the thesis according ^ to which they were a part of cultural processes of the Adriatic koine137 - between the Golasecca and Veneto on one and Liburnian or St. Lucia and Dolenjska cul- | tural milieu on the other side. £ c u Basket shaped pendants with a pointed bottom ^ Basket shaped pendants with a pointed and profiled h bottom represent a chronologically slightly young- § er version of pendants and are also extremely rarely in £ the Kvarner region. Pendants from Osor could be add- c ed in to this group (Fig. 34B).138 The emphasis is definitely on the biggest pendant with a preserved body of the basket and a part of the ring. Attention is drawn to the fact that it is filled with lead, coated with a thin layer of bronze and with a circular perforation in the upper part of the baskets. Such and similar pendants are known as one of the forms characteristic for the area of the south-eastern Alps - the territory of St. Lucia and Dolenjska cultural groups where they are most 134 Batovic 1990, T. XX, 2; Blečic Kavur 2009, 239, sl. 5, 10; 6. 135 Blečic Kavur 2009, 238, 245-246. 136 Hiller 1991, 193; cf. TeEmann 2007. 137 Peroni 1973, 72. 138 Marchesetti 1924, Fig. 24; cf. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 51, 853-856. o K > P U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C jem dijelu tijela košarice, nalazi se ipak u neposredni-jem zaledu Kvarnera, na području belokranjske Vinice.141 Slični primjerci poznati su i iz Lombardije gdje su obilježje Golasecca IIIAi stupnja.142 Svakako primjerak privjeska iz Osora valja tumačiti kao import i povezati ga uz prisne kontakte s jugoistočnim predalpskim prostorom. Oblik regionalne produkcije košarastih privjesa-ka sa zašiljenim dnom činit ce punolijevani privjesci koji imaju izduženo i volumenom plošnije tijelo s lije-po profiliranom alkom. Takve primjerke poznajemo iz Kastva,143 gdje su pridodani na kompozitni privje-sak tipa Kastav, te sa dva, odnosno sa tri primjeraka iz Osora (sl. 34B).144 Košarasti privjesci profiliranog dna Nadalje, iz Osora potječu i košarasti privjesci profiliranog dna (sl. 34A),145 a pridodaje im se i privjesak iz Kastva koji je takoder kao kompozitni član bio ovje-šen o pektoralni privjesak tipa Kastav.146 Ti privjesci, kao i svi prethodni, najvecim brojem obilježavaju prostor golaseške i venetske kulturne skupine, a zatim su rasprostranjeni sjevernije od Alpa.147 Medutim, u ju- 141 PMAEH inv. nr. 40-77-40/12255 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu:8080/ peabody/view/objects/asitem/search$0 040/4 8i/title-desc?t:sta-te:flow=0b 630 2e5-bd47-4f72-a502-764de0c502de; 18. 04. 2014). Privjesak je bio u grobu s pektoralnim privjeskom s konjskim protomama, s križnim dugmetom i s još jednim zašiljenim privjeskom. 142 De Marinis 1981, 229-231, Fig. 5A-B. 143 Blečic 2002, T. 9, 4.2. 144 Na crtežu objave C. Marchesettija primjerak je blago zašiljen, srcolikog oblika, ali je pridodan ovoj kategoriji (Marchesetti 1924, Fig. 24). 145 Glogovic 1989, T. 39, 3; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 51, 857-859. 146 Blečic 2002, T. 9, 4.1. 147 Warneke 1999, 127-129, Abb. 65. abundant.139 Equally they are present in Friuli, Carnia and in Veneto.I4° However, the most similar example, also with a perforation in the upper part of the baskets is known from the immediate hinterland of Kvarner, from Vinica in Bela Krajina.141 Similar examples are known from Lombardy where they are a feature of the Golasecca IIIAi phase.142 Certainly the pendant from Osor should be interpreted as an import and linked to close contacts with the south-eastern Pre-Alpine area. For sure a form ofregional production of basket shap ed pendants are the fully cast examples with a pointed bottoms with an elongated and flattened body with beautifully profiled ring. Such examples are known from Kastav,143 where they were added to the composite pendant of Kastav type, and 2 or 3 examples of Osor (Fig. 34B).144 Basket shaped pendants with a profiled bottom Furthermore, from Osor are known basket shaped pendants with a profiled bottom (Fig. 34A).145 To them could be added a pendant from Kastav which was also as a composite part suspended on a pectoral pendant 139 Teržan 1975, 684, fn. 62, T. 11, 25; Warneke 1999, 127-129, Abb. 64; Svetličič 1997, 35-36, sl. i7. 140 Crismani, Righi 2002, 80-81, Fig. 116-117. 141 PMAEH inv. no. 40-77-40/12255 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu:8080/ peabody/v iew/object s/a sitem/sea rch$0040/48i/t it le-desc?t :s ta-te:flow=0b6302e5-bd47-4f72-a502-764de0c502de; i8. 04. 20i4 Pendant was in the grave with pectoral pendant with horse protomes, with cross button and with another pointed pendant. 142 De Marinis i98i, 229-23! Fig. 5A-B. 143 Blečic 2002, T. 9, 4.2. 144 On the drawing of C. Marchesetti publication the example was slightly pointed and heart-shaped, but still added to this category (Marchesetti i924, Fig. 24). 145 Glogovic i989, T. 39, 3; cf. Blečic Kavur 20i0, T. 5i, 857-859. goistočnom alpskom prostoru osim u Mostu na Soči i u Vačama primjerke takvih privjesaka količinski bolje poznajemo iz kraško-notranjskog i škocjanskog područja. Prisutni su takoder osjetno večim brojem na nekropoli Vinice i posebno na nalazištima japodske kulturne skupine, dok na području Dalmacije i njezi-na zaleda, neočekivano, ali sasvim izostaju. Izgledno je da su ondje košarasti privjesci zaobljenog dna držali prvenstvo pred infiltriranjem ostalih, mladih varijanti košarastih privjesaka. Unatoč tomu, i njih treba poslje-dično sagledavati u cirkuliranju jadranske koine što je uostalom več bio zaključio i R. Peroni.148 Glede datacije njihova korištenja, na obližnjem području valja izdvojiti nalaz raskošne ostave nakita i nošnje iz Škocjana. Ondje je nadeno izobilje najrazli-čitijih privjesaka. Tako su na jednom od kompozitnih pektoralnih garnitura(?) zastupljeni privjesci i zašilje-nog i profiliranog dna rustičnije izradbe,149 vrlo bliski onima s pektoralnih privjesaka iz Kastva (tip I). Datirani su, kao i cijela ostava, temeljem fibula tipa Certosa Xg/h i Vllfu vrijeme druge polovice 4. i u 3. st. pr. Kr.IS0 Bule Nadalje, zanimljiv je i privjesak u obliku bule (sl. 35A). Okruglog je oblika izraden od dva brončana lima ka-lotastog presjeka koji su u sredini spojeni zakovicom/ trnom. Na tijelu ima izveden reljefni ukras od koncentričnih kružnica izraden u tehnici iskucavanja. Srod-ni primjerci potječu iz japodskog Kompolja gdje ih je, 148 Peroni 1973, 72, Fig. 22, 23. 149 Ruaro Loseri 1984, Fig. 26C. 150 Ruaro Loseri 1984, 150-151. of Kastav type.146 These pendants, as well as all the previous ones are most numerous on the territory of Go-lasecca and Veneto cultural groups, and then further north of the Alps.147 However in the south-eastern Alpine area, except in Most na Soči and in Vače, such pendants are in larger numbers known from the territories of Notranjska-Karst and Skocjan. They are present in the necropolis in Vinica and especially on the sites of the Japodian cultural groups, while in Dalmatia and its hinterland, unexpectedly, they are completely absent. It is likely that there the basket shaped pendants with a rounded bottom held the precedence before infiltrating younger version of basket shaped pendants. Despite all that they should be considered in the circulation of the Adriatic koine as it was, after all, already concluded by R. Peroni.148 Regarding the dates of their use, on the nearby area one should observe the discovery of a luxurious jewellery and attire hoard from Skocjan. There was discovered an abundance of various pendants. Thus on one of the composite pectoral sets (?) are present pendants with a pointed and with a profiled bottom of rustic manufacture149 very similar to those from pectoral pendants from Kastav (type I). They were dated as the whole hoard, based on fibulae of the Certosa Xg/h and Vllfvariants, to the second half of the 4th and 3rd cent. BC.IS0 146 Blečic 2002, T. 9, 4.1. 147 Warneke 1999, 127-129, Abb. 65. 148 Peroni 1973, 72, Fig. 22, 23. 149 Ruaro Loseri 1984, Fig. 26C. 150 Ruaro Loseri 1984, 150-151. K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C A B C 35. Brončani privjesci u obliku bule (A) i ribljeg repa (B) te ulomak antropo-ornitomorfnog privjeska (C). Bronze bulla-shaped pendant (A), pendant in the form of a fish tail (B) and a fragment of an anthropo-ornitomorph pendant (C). primjerice, samo na ogrlici iz groba 66(9) poznato čak 19 komada.151 Nezanemariv broj sličnih bula potječe i iz pokupske Vinice.152 Iz grobova u ličkom Smiljanu potječe 20-ak istih primjeraka izradenih od jantara,153 a takvi su se takoder nosili pojedinačno ili nanizani na ogrlicama.154 Nakitni predmeti u obliku bule, iz raznih materija-la i različitih formi univerzalni su nakitni element čitavog jadranskog bazena tijekom starijeg željeznog doba.155 Iz tog su razloga bule i izdvojene kao predstavnici karakterističnih formi jadranske koine od Picena i Este do prostora Donje Doline i Sanskog Mosta.156 Medutim, s obzirom na izveden ukras kao i dimenzije samog osorskog privjeska uže ga možemo povezati uz japodsku kulturnu baštinu, što bi se, s obzirom na kontekst ostalih nalaza materijalne kulture, moglo učiniti i za slične primjerke bula iz grobova 2 i 3 u Vič-joj luci na Braču.157 Naime, bule su upravo obilježile japodsku nošnju starijeg željeznog doba,158 koje su, misli se, služile kao amuleti posebno snažnih profilaktičkih svojstava, ljekovitih i zaštitničkih moci za njihove no- 151 Drechsler-Bižič 1959, 254, sl. 20; Drechsler-Bižič 1961, T. VIII, 1; Balen-Letunič 2009, 226, Fig. 1, 1. 152 PMAEH inv. nr: 40-77-40/10686; 40-77-40/10684 i dr. (http://pmem.unix. fas.harvard.edu:80 80/peabody/media/view/Objects/97663/i6i8i6?t:state:f low=da6iaad8-35i3-48d9-be73-0 666dff54528;http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard. edu:80 80/peabody/view/objects/asitem/search$0 040/5i2/title-desc?t:sta-te:flow=75f40i97-06c0-45a6-b7be-93c49b8bdf6e; i8. 04. 20i4). 153 Hoffiller i905, sl. 27, i8; Palavestra i993, tip 60A: 69-70, 2i2. 154 Bakarič 2004, i09, sl. i48; i49; Bakarič 2006, 74, i56, k. 88. 155 Hiller i99i, i84; Palavestra i993, tip 48; 60a: 209; 2i2. 156 Peroni i973, 74, Fig. 23: i0; usp. Mihovilič 20i3, 256, sl. i79. 157 Marovič, Nikolanci ^69, 50, sl. 3, 5; 6, 2; usp. Glogovič i9782, 38; Blečič Kavur 2010, sl. i7i; Blečič Kavur, Pravidur 20i2, sl. i2, 7. 158 Balen-Letunič 2009, 226-227. Bulla Furthermore is interesting a pendant in the form of a bulla (Fig. 35A). Round in shape it was made of two bronze sheets with doomed cross-sections connected in the middle with a rivet. On the body it has a relief decoration consisting of concentric circles made in the repousse technique. Related examples are known from Japodian Kompolje where they werei9 pieces discovered only on the necklace from the grave 66 (9).151 A substantial number of similar bullae come from Vini- ^ ca.152 In the graves in the necropolis of Smiljan in Lika were discovered some 20 examples of the same form ^ made from amber.153 Such pendants were worn individually or more of them forming a necklace.154 u Jewelry in the form of the bulla made from a variety of materials and in various forms is a universal decoration £ element in the whole Adriatic basin during the Ear- § ly Iron Age.155 Consequently the bullae were also discussed as representatives of the characteristic shape of c the Adriatic koine from Picenum and Este to the area of Donja Dolina and Sanski Most.156 However, with regard to the decoration and dimensions the Osor pendant, it could be closely related with the Japodian cultural heritage. The same could be, due to the context 151 Drechsler-Bižič i959, 254, sl. 20; Drechsler-Bižič i96i, T. VIII, i; Balen-Letunič 2009, 226, Fig. i, i. 152 PMAEH inv. no: 40-77-40/^686; 40-77-40/^684 i dr. (http://pmem.unix. fas.harvard.edu:80 80/peabody/media/view/Objects/97663/i6i8i6?t:state:f low=da6iaad8-35i3-48d9-be73-0 666dff54528;http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard. edu:8 0 80/peabody/view/objects/asitem/search$0 040/5i2/title-desc?t:sta-te:flow=75f40i97-06c0-45a6-b7be-93c49b8bdf6e; i8. 04. 20i4). 153 Hoffiller i905, sl. 27, i8; Palavestra i993, tip 60A: 69-70, 2i2. 154 Bakarič 2004, i09, sl. i48; i49; Bakarič 2006, 74, i56, k. 88. 155 Hiller i99i, i84; Palavestra i993, tip 48; 60a: 209; 2i2. 156 Peroni i973, 74, Fig. 23: i0; cf. Mihovilič 20i3, 256, sl. i79. K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C sitelje.159 No, kao i kod Japoda, tako su i u jugoistočno-alpskom prostoru male brončane bule takvog tipa bile značajne za kraj 5. i prvu polovicu 4. st. pr. Kr., najčeš-ce povezivane uz negovski horizont Dolenjske što je učinjeno i za srodne primjerke iz Istre.l6° Njima se, kao i primjerku iz Osora, ipak najbliže paralele mogu naci u japodskom i viničkom kulturnom prostoru u raspo-nu od 5. do 3. st. pr. Kr. Privjesak u obliku ribljeg repa Osorski brončani privjesak u obliku ribljeg repa na-glašeno je uvijenijih repova, velikog središnjeg prstena i trokutasto profiliranog tijela (sl. 35B).161 Privjesci toga tipa obilježili su kulture južno od Alpa,162 na prostoru golaseške kulture163 i kultura jugoistočnog alpskog prostora (sl. 36). Na sjevernom Jadranu predstavljaju takoder izniman nalaz i zasad ih, pored Osora, poznajemo jedino iz Nezakcija.164 Pridružiti im valja i privjesak iz japodskog zaleda, iz nekropole Kompolja.165 Iz dosadašnjih istraživanja saznajemo kako se varijante takvih privjesaka nalaze pojedinačno ili u kompletu s drugim predmetima. Zbog toga su nam poznati kao ukrasi na klinei (Hochdorf), na situlama (Este) i cista- Balen-Letunic 2009, 227, 231. Mihovilic 2013, 256. Glogovic 1982, 38, T. 3, 2; Glogovic 1989, 35, T. 39, 2; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 34. Ko- rištena je terminologija R. De Marinisa - coda di pesce (De Marinis 2000), koja tipološki odgovara varijanti B prema T. Warnekeu (Warneke 1999, 96). Warneke 1999, Abb. 47, B. De Marinis 2000, 387. 164 Mihovilic 1996, T. II, 29. 165 Hiller 1991, 192, Abb. 49K. Grobna cjelina koju navodi G. Hiller nije pouzdana niti potvrdena stanjem nalaza u Japodskoj zbirci AMZ, gdje se privjesci toga tipa nalaze, ali potječu iz nepouzdanih konteksta. 159 16c 161 162 16, of other finds, considered for similar bullae from graves 2 and 3 in Vičja Luka on the island of Brač.157 It was the bullae that precisely marked the Japodian costume of the Early Iron Age158 and which were considered as being used as amulets with particularly strong prophylactic properties, medicinal and tutelary power for their holders.159 However in the Japodian territory as well as in the south-eastern Alpine area such small bronze bullae ofthis type were significant for the end ofthe 5th and the first half of the 4th cent. BC usually linked with the Negova horizon in Dolenjska, as it was done and for the related examples from Istria.l6° They had, as also the bulla from Osor, the closest parallels on the Japodian and in Vinica cultural area ranging from the 5th to the 3rd cent. BC. Pendant in the shape of a fish tail The bronze pendant in the shape of a fish tail from Osor has accentuated curled tails, a large central ring and a triangularly profiled body (Fig. 35B).161 Pendants of this type were characteristic for the cultures south of the Alps,162 the area of the Golasecca culture163 and the cultures of the south-eastern Alpine area (Fig. 36). In the northern Adriatic the represent an exceptional discovery and are for now in addition to Osor known 157 Marovic, Nikolanci 1969, 50, sl. 3, 5; 6, 2; cf. Glogovic 19782, 38; Blečic Kavur 2010, sl. 171; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, sl. 12, 7. Balen-Letunic 2009, 226-227. Balen-Letunic 2009, 227, 231. Mihovilic 2013, 256. Glogovic 1982, 38, T 3, 2; Glogovic 1989, 35, T. 39, 2; Blečic Kavur 2014, 34. Used was the terminology of R. De Marinis - coda di pesce (De Marinis 2000) which typological corresponding with variant B after T. Warneke (Warneke 1999, 96). Warneke 1999, Abb. 47, B. De Marinis 2000, 387. 158 159 160 161 162 i65 36. Karta rasprostranjenosti privjesaka u obliku ribljeg repa (nadopunjeno prema De Marinis 2°°°). Distribution map of pendants in the form ofa fish tail (supplemented after De Marinis 2°°°). vo K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C ma (Bologna, Este, Vinica, Magdalenska gora) (sl. 52), na fibulama (Gazzo-Veronese) (sl. 25C) ili ogrlicama, s drugim privjescima (Škocjan-ostava, Este-Prosdoci-mi, grob 258) i čak sa skeptrima (Montebello Vicenti-no). U tom se iznimno različitom i izuzetno bogatom repertoaru nalaza široko datiraju od 6. do 4. st. pr. Kr. (do početka 3. st., npr. u Giubiascu), posebno uslijed toga što je njihov čest suputnik bila fibula tipa Certo-sa X varijante.166 Zanimljivo je svakako podvuči njiho-vu vrijednost i značaj u ekskluzivnim grobnicama po-put Hochdorfa167 ili Nezakcija, odnosno kao zaklade u svetištima poput Este,168 u ostavama i naseljima. Naravno, najviše ih poznajemo iz grobova ili nekropola, u čiji kontekst spada i taj jedini privjesak iz Osora. Ondje je najvjerojatnije dospio u istom vremenskom rasponu kraja starijeg i početka mladeg željeznog doba. Priv-jeske u obliku ribljeg repa največim brojem poznajemo iz okolnosti izravno povezanih s cistama.169 Upravo su ciste iz grobova Bologne i Magdalenske gore (sl. 52B) imale ovješen privjesak u obliku ribljeg repa koji je, u istoj funkciji, povezan i s nezakcijskim cistama iz grobnice 1981.170 Nije stoga isključeno da je slična okol-nost bila iskušana i na Osoru.171 Prostorna raširenost privjesaka oblika ribljeg repa na području zapadnih Alpa i južno od njih nadopunje-na je time i zaokružena nalazima iz jugoistočnog alp- 166 Warneke 1999, 96-97; Bondini 2005, 290, Fig. 29, 5Eb. 167 Biel 1985, 146-48, Abb. 166-167; De Marinis 2000, 388. 168 Salerno 2002, 160-161, k. 64. 169 Stjernquist 1967, 42-45, T. 1, 3; 3, 4; 8, 2; 9, 3; 10, 4. 170 Mihovilic 1996, 50, T. II, 29. 171 Glogovic 1982, T. 3, 2; Glogovic 1989, 35, T. 39, 2; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 34. only from Nesactium.164 In to the same group should be included also the pendant from the Japodic hinterland discovered in the necropolis in Kompolje.165 From previous research we know that the variants of these pendants could be discovered individually or in combination with other objects. Therefore they are known as decorations on a kline (Hochdorf), on sit-ulae (Este) and on cysts (Bologna, Este, Vinica, Magdalenska gora) (Fig. 52), on fibulae (Gazzo-Veronese) (Fig. 25C) or necklaces together with other pendants (Skocjan-hoard, Este-Prosdocimi, grave 258) and even on scepters (Montebello Vicentino). In this extraordinary wealthy repertory of finds they are broadly dated from the 6th to the 4th cent. BC (until the beginning of the 3rd cent., e.g. in Giubiasco) especially due to the fact that their frequent companion was a fibula of the Certosa X variant.166 It is interesting to underline their value in the exclusive graves like Hochdorf67 or Nesactium, or as treasures in shrines like Este,168 in hoards and in settlements. Of course the majority of them are known from graves and cemeteries - contexts to which should be added also the single example from Osor. It arrived there most likely in the period of the end of the Early and the beginning of the Late Iron Age. Pendants in the form of a fish tail are most numerously known from circumstances direct- 164 Mihovilic 1996, T. II, 29. 165 Hiller 1991, 192, Abb. 49K. Grave mentioned by G. Hiller is not reliable, nor confirmed by the state of finds in Japodic collection in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, where pendants of that type are present, but originate from non-reliable contexts. 166 Warneke 1999, 96-97; Bondini 2005, 290, Fig. 29, 5Eb. 167 Biel 1985, 146-48, Abb. 166-167; De Marinis 2000, 388. 168 Salerno 2002, 160-1 61, k. 64. skog prostora, ali i iz istočnog kruga sjevernog Jadrana (sl. 36). Antropo-ornitomorfni privjesak Najvredniji i najzanimljiviji oblik privjeska koji potječe iz starih istraživanja osorske Kavanele onaj je an-tropo-ornitomorfnog tipa (sl. 35C).172 Njega karakte-rizira plosnato trokutasto tijelo, potpuno ravne donje istake, nepravilne perforacije te u pravilu uzdignutog kljuna ptice s izrazito naglašenim ili perforiranim očima, kratkog uvijenog vrata koja podsjeca na bar-sku pticu ili patku. Opisana varijanta privjesaka najviše se rasprostire na estenskom području, zbog čega se i naziva varijantom Este.173 Karakteristična je, naime, za gornjojadranski prostor sjeverne Italije, posebno Veneta, Verone i Trentina-Alto Adige odakle se, u dina-mičnom optjecanju te koine, vjerojatno prenosila i na prostor istočne obale Jadrana i njegova neposredno povezanog zaleda (sl. 37-38). S ukupno tri primjerka poznajemo ih i iz Osora.174 Dva su vec bila odredena lokalnoj varijanti nastaloj pod utjecajem italskih tipova.175 Medutim, iako je ri-ječ o izgubljenim nalazima i konzumaciji starih crte-ža, stilskim se obilježjima i temeljnim karakteristikama mogu pribrojiti varijanti Este. Činjenicu svakako dodatno osnažuje i još jedan, novonadeni ulomak privjeska istih obilježja (sl. 35C; 37G). Gotovo identični 172 Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 48-49. 173 Blečič Kavur 20i0, ii2-ii6. 174 Marchesetti i924, i47, Fig. 26-27; Kukoč 2009, sl. 240, i; Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 48. 175 Kossack i954, i07, T. i2, 7, 6; De Marinis 2004, Fig. 5. ly related to cysts.169 Such vessels from graves in Bologna and Magdalenska gora (Fig. 52B) had suspended a pendant in the shape of a fish tail which in the same function could be linked to cysts in the tomb i98i in Nesactium.170 Therefore it can't be ruled out that similar circumstances were attested on Osor.171 The spatial distribution of these pendants on the territory of western Alps and south of them was complemented thus completed with finds from the south-eastern Alpine area, but also from the eastern circle of the northern Adriatic (Fig. 36). Anthropo-ornithomorphic pendant The most interesting form of pendant originating from old research ofKavanela was a pendant of anthro-po-ornithomorphic type (Fig. 35C).172 It is characterized by a flat triangular body, straight lower protuberances, irregular perforations and bird beaks which were generally raised, with enhanced or perforated eyes and a short bent neck associating ofa swamp bird or a duck. The described form of pendants is most numerous in the Este area, which is why it was denominated as the Este variant.173 It is characteristic, namely, for the area of northern Italy, especially Veneto, Verona and Tren-tino-Alto Adige from which, in a dynamic circulation of this koine, they were probably passed on to the eastern coast of the Adriatic and its immediate linked hinterland (Fig. 37-38). 169 Stjernquist i967, 42-45, T. i, 3; 3, 4; 8, 2; 9, 3; i0, 4. 170 Mihovilič i996, 50, T. II, 29. 171 Glogovič i982, T. 3, 2; Glogovič i989, 35, T. 39, 2; Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 34. 172 Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 48-49. 173 Blečič Kavur 20i0, ii2-ii6. K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C DE F G 37. Brončani antropo-ornitomorfni privjesci tipa Este iz: A) Este (prema Capuis, Chieco Bianchi 2004); B) Montereale Valcellina (prema Vitri 2002); C) Vadena-Pfatten (prema Marzatico 2012); D) Vinica (PMAEH); E) Kompolje (prema Drechsler-Bižic 1973); F) Bosna? (prema Gerlach 1971); G) Osor, rekonstrukcija (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Bronze anthropo-ornitomorph pendants of Este type from: A) Este (after Capuis, Chieco Bianchi 2004); B) Montereale Valcellina (after Vitri 2002); C) Vadena-Pfatten (after Marzatico 2012); D) Vinica (PMAEH); E) Kompolje (after Drechsler-Bižic 1973); F) Bosnia? (after Gerlach 1971); G) Osor, reconstruction (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). primjerci nalaze se pojedinačno u Bosni,17 a vecim brojem zastupljeni u Vinici177 i u Kompolju (sl. 37-38) su 178 Kod svih je antropo-ornitomorfnih privjesaka likovni koncept zamišljen i ostvaren sinkretizmom trokuta, kruga i antitetično postavljenih ptičjih protoma. Od tog ikonografskog modela nema odstupanja niti u raz- 176 Gerlach i97i, P. 22, 23. Kod objave je vjerojatno zabunom kao mjesto porijekla naveden Kuban, umjesto Bosna! 177 Mahr i934, T. XVI, 88; Kossack i954, iii. 178 Drechsler-Bižic i973, i53, sl. 7-8; Hiller i99i, i62-i63, Abb. 54F; Raunig 2004, i29, XXVI, 5; Kukoč 2009, sl. 240, 2-3. 38. Karta rasprostranjenosti privjesaka tipa Este (veci simbol za više od 4 primjeraka). Distribution map ofthe Este type pendants (larger symbol stands for more than 4 examples). From Osor are known 3 examples of such pendants.174 Two were already determined as the local variations originated under the influence of Italic types.17 However, although we are speaking about lost finds and using old drawings, they could be according to their basic characteristics assigned to the Este variant. A fact certainly further strengthened by the discovery of another fragment pendant with the same characteristics (Fig. 35C; 37G). Almost identical items are known as a sin- K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C 174 Marchesetti i924, i47, Fig. 26-27; Kukoč 2009, sl. 240, i; Blečic Kavur 20i4a, 48. 175 Kossack i954, i07, T. i2, 7, 6; De Marinis 2004, Fig. 5. o o K > t1 u K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C ličitim varijantama niti u raznim likovnim izvedbama. Sudeci prema dostupnom, ta se forma privjeska može pribrojiti karakterističnim elementima gornjojadran-ske kulturne koine koja se koristila u najvecoj mjeri ti-jekom 6. i 5. st. pr. Kr. i gotovo nepromijenjeno upotre-bljavala do mladeg željeznog doba ili srednjolatenskog razdoblja prema srednjoeuropskoj periodizaciji.179 Pri-vjesci iz Osora i Bosne, kao i oni iz nekropole Kom-polja, mogu se dobro uklopiti u taj vremenski raspon i stvaralački povezati uz eventualnu regionalnu pro-izvodnju koja je djelovala upravo negdje na području japodskog ili čak viničkog zaleda. Astralni simbol, predočen krugom smještenim iz-medu dvije ptice, semantički je prastari motiv sunče-ve lade, ali i iz univerzalne simbolike dinamične slike svijeta, dočaravajuci tako pojam i proces stalnih mi-jena. Pojava takve likovne i simboličke interpretacije antropomorfnog, s neposrednom idejom i porukom religiozno-magijskog, kontinuirano se slijedi u umjet-nosti iz tradicija kasnog brončanog doba, posebno iz kruga kompleksa kulture žarnih polja s jedne, odnosno egejskog i italskog kulturnog kruga s druge stra-ne.180 Likovna, apotropejska i magijska, baš kao pro-filaktička i metafizička uloga tih privjesaka ostat ce tako gotovo nepromijenjena u kontinuitetu gotovo 1000 godina. 179 Izgleda, zasad, da ce tako najmladi primjerci biti oni iz Vinice od kojih je jedan naden ovješen o fibulu srednjolatenske sheme kao i primjerak iz Sanzena (Fo-golari 1959, 272; Marzatico 2012, 97, Fig. 5). 180 Kossack 1954, 52-53, 58; von Hase 1992, 249-250; Kukoč 1995, 63; Blečic Kavur 2010, 115-117. gle find from Bosnia176 while in larger numbers they are present in Vinica177 and in Kompolje (Fig. 37-38).178 In the case of all anthropo-ornithomorphic pendants their artistic concept was conceived and realized with syncretism of a triangle, a circle and a set of antithetical bird proteomes. There were no deviations from this iconographic model. According to the accessible, this form ofpendant could be added to the characteristic elements of the upper Adriatic cultural koine. It was used mostly during the 6th and 5th cent. BC and remained almost unchanged in use to the Late Iron Age or the Middle La Tene period of Central Europe.179 Pendants from Osor and Bosnia, as well as those from Kompol-je, could be fitted in to that chronological range and creatively connect with a possible regional production which operated somewhere in the Japodic area or even in the hinterland of Vinica. The astral symbol, constructed from a circle located between two birds, is an ancient semantic motif of the sun barge, but it is a part of the universal symbolic of the dynamical image ofthe world, evoking the conception and process of constant changes. The emergence of such a visual and symbolic interpretation of the anthropomorphic can be continuously traced in artistic tradition from the Late Bronze Age, especially from the circle of the Urnfield culture from one and the Ae- 176 Gerlach 1971, P. 22, 23. It is most likely that in its publication the place of origin was mistakenly listed as Kuban, instead of Bosnia! 177 Mahr 1934, T. XVI, 88; Kossack 1954, 111. 178 Drechsler-Bižic 1973, 153, sl. 7-8; Hiller 1991, 162-163, Abb. 54F; Raunig 2004, 129, XXVI, 5; Kukoč 2009, sl. 240, 2-3. 179 It seems, for now, that the youngest specimens are from Vinica, one of which was attached on the fibula of the middle La Tene schemes like the one from Sanzeno (Fogolari 1959, 272; Marzatico 2012, 97, Fig. 5). Pojasni okovi i kopče Sudeci prema količini nalaza iz osorske Kavanele u on-dašnjoj su »visokoj« modi bile omiljene i velike poja-sne kopče te okovi. Poznato je nekoliko brončanih primjeraka koji vecinom imaju pravokutni ili trape-zoidni oblik, zakovice za pričvršcivanje na podstavu, trn/kuku za kopčanje i najčešce neki linearni ukras na središnjoj, vidljivoj plohi okova (sl. 39). Najljepši primjerak, sačuvan u cijelosti, trapezoidnog je oblika i konveksnog presjeka, izraden od masivno lijevane bronce (sl. 39B).181 Buduci da ima kuku za kopčanje mogao se nositi i dekorativno i funkcionalno kao kopča za pojas. Ukras rubnika i središnjeg prikaza strijele ili koplja izveden je minimalistički, iznijet dvosmjerno strijelicom gore/dolje. Motiv je likovno riješen geometrijski, neuredno, ali dovoljno shemati-zirano i razumljivo duž čitave površine kopče. Vrlo sli-čan, iako fragmentiran pojasni okov, i/ili kopča, potječe iz ličkog Prozora.182 I taj je primjerak trapezoidnog oblika s urezanim središnjim pravolinijskim motivom. Iz bogate baštine pretpovijesnih Japoda poznajemo mnoge primjere pojasnih garnitura, pa je upravo važno izdvojiti onaj iz groba 66(9) u Kompolju naden s ogrlicom od brončanih bula. U to su vrijeme pojase-vi kod Japoda uglavnom uniformirane i jednostavne izvedbe, slično kao i u jugozapadnom predalpskom prostoru. Osobitost je to dolenjske skupine gdje se kontinuirano koriste od stupnja Stična pa do horizonta negovskih kaciga.183 No sigurno je da su pojasevi i 181 Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 28. 182 Istraživanja Š. Ljubiča. AMZ neobjavljeno. 183 Hiller i99i, 294-295; Bakarič 2005, i8-20; usp.Tecco Hvala 20i2, i7i-i79, i83-i 85, sl. 70. gean and Italic cultural circle on the other side.180 Artistic, apotropaic and magical, just as prophylactic and metaphysical role of these pendants will remain almost unchanged in continuity for almost i000 years. Belt clamps and buckles Judging by the quantity of finds from Kavanela large belt clamps and buckles were popular in the »high« fashion of that time. We have preserved several bronze ^ belt plates of rectangular or trapezoidal shape which have rivets for attaching to the lining, a spine/hook for fastening and usually a linear decoration on the central, visible surface of the plate (Fig. 39). £ i The most beautiful specimen, entirely preserved, has a u trapezoidal shape, a convex cross-section and is made ^ of solid cast bronze (Fig. 39B).181 Having a hook for fastening it could have been worn as a decoration or func- § tional as a belt buckle. The decoration of the edges and n K the central display with the motive of an arrow or spear is designed minimalistic, just with a two-way arrow going up and down. The motive is visually solved geometrically, in disorder, but schematically along the whole surface of the plate. Very similar, although fragmented belt plate and/or buckle comes from the Prozor necropolis in Lika.182 This example is also of a trapezoidal shape and has an incised central linear motive. From the rich heritage of prehistoric Japodi we know many examples of belt sets, consequently it is important to stress the one from the grave 66 (9) in Kompolje found 180 Kossack i954, 52-53, 58; von Hase i992, 249-250; Kukoč i995, 63; Blečič Kavur 20i0, H5-H7. 181 Blečič Kavur 20i4a, 28. 182 Research of Š. Ljubič. AMZ unpublished. 39. Brončane ukrašene pojasne kopče (B prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Decorated bronze belt buckles (B after Blečic Kavur 2014b). A B kopče postali prepoznatljiv element nošnje kako žena tako i muškaraca najčešce odredenog statusnog simbola od 6. pa sve do 3. st. pr. Kr.184 S obzirom na to da su okolnosti vrlo srodne, osorsku pojasnu kopču valja zasad razumijevati u istom, širem vremenskom rasponu, kada u modu okolnog prostora ulaze pojasne garniture takvog tipa i kada se počinje primjenjivati prilagodeni i preuredeni »rječnik simbola« preuzet iz šireg sredozemnog kulturnog kruga. Osorska pojasna kopča atraktivna je prije svega zbog središnjeg motiva koji, iako bez izravnih analogija, odredene simboličke sličnosti nalazi u japod-skom umjetničkom stvaralaštvu. Naime, prikaz stri-jele ili koplja središnji je motiv raskošno ukrašenih pojasnih ploča iz Prozora koje imaju razradenu mi-tološku priču bogate likovne naracije, mada nešto mladeg datuma.185 Isto rješenje mitološke priče kao motiva zastupljeno je i na srodnim pločama iz Oša-nica kod Stoca186 i iz Veljih Ledina kod Gostilja.187 Same po sebi, te nam ploče pojasnih garnitura odražavaju identitet, simboličku povezanost njihova nosi-telja i scene koja je na njima prikazana.188 Zanimljivo je naravno kako su sve one trapezoidnog oblika, upravo kao i naš osorski primjerak. 184 Bakaric 2005, 10. 185 Balen-Letunic 1995-1996; Bakaric 2005, 21-24; Kukoč 2008, 86, sl. 12-18; Kukoč 2009, 228. 186 Maric 1973; Maric 1995, 44, 5i,Abb. 12; Kukoč 1998, 8-9, sl. 5-6; Kukoč2009,sl. 344-345. 187 Basler 1969, 9-10, 29, T. VII, 30/2; Kukoč 1998, 8-9, sl. 4; Blečic 2007, 90-91, Fig. 12; Kukoč 2009, sl. 343. 188 Blečic 2007, 90. together with a necklace of bronze bullae. At that time belts used byJapodi were mostly uniformed and ofsim-ple execution - similar as in the south-western Pre-Al-pine area. They were a characteristic of Dolenjska group where they were continuous use from the Stična to the Negova helmet horizon.183 But it is certain that the belts and belt buckles became a recognizable element of female and male attire of a mostly determined status symbol from the 6th up to the 3rd cent. BC.184 ^ C Given the fact that circumstances were very similar, the belt plate from Osor should be for the time being con- ^ sidered in the same, broader chronological time span 2 when belt sets of this type entered the fashion of the g surrounding area. It was a time when an adapted and c rearranged »vocabulary of symbols« originating from < the Mediterranean cultural circle started to be used. h The belt plate from Osor is attractive primarily due to z its central motif that, although lacking direct analogy, £ has certain symbolic similarities in the artistic creation c of the Japodi. The depiction of an arrows or a spear is the central motive ofthe opulently decorated belt plate from Prozor featuring an elaborate mythological story with a rich visual narrative, although of a slightly younger date.185 The same solution of the mythological story as a motif is present also on the related plates from Ošanici near Stolac1 and from Velje Ledine near Gos-tilj.187 By themselves these plates from belt sets sustain 183 Hiller 1991, 294-295; Bakaric 2005, i8-20;cf.Tecco Hvala 2012, 171-179, 183-185, sl. 70. 184 Bakaric 2005, 10. 185 Balen-Letunic 1995-1996; Bakaric 2005, 21-24; Kukoč 2008, 86, sl. 12-18; Kukoč 2009, 228. 186 Maric 1973; Maric 1995, 44, 51, Abb. 12; Kukoč 1998, 8-9, sl. 5-6; Kukoč 2009, sl. 344-345. 187 Basler 1969, 9-10, 29, T. VII, 30/2; Kukoč 1998, 8-9, sl. 4; Blečic 2007, 90-91, Fig. 12; Ipak, na njemu je ideja prikazana simbolom, tj. znakom u posve reduciranoj formi lišenoj dodatnog sa-držaja. Znak je jasna i direktna poruka, a interpretirati se može kao simbol tzv. nebeskog koplja koji ima kozmičku, tj. univerzalnu simboliku identificiranu sa sunčevom zrakom.189 Kao i kod mladih primjeraka iz Prozora, Ošaniča i Veljih Ledina tako se i na osorskoj ^ kopči nebeska strijela/koplje proteže od šire prema 2 užoj strani okova. Taj postupak ističe karakterističan smjer pružanja Nebo-Zemlja.I9° Strijela se kao oblik P teofanije, najopčenitije, u gotovo svim kulturama, in- § terpretira kao oružje nebeskog božanstva koja stvara g i razara u istome trenutku, obilježavajuči na taj način o život i smrt. Onog čovjeka kojeg pogodi takva strijela je posvečen/9 pa se metafora njezina temeljnog znače-£ nja vrlo vjerojatno može razumijevati i za nositelje po- § jasnih kopči ili okova s istim simbolima. No koplje je ^ poistovječeno i sa simbolom autoriteta i njegove moči, osobito u javnim službama/92 zbog čega je najvjerojat-P nije i osorska kopča sugerirala na status upravo takvih § kvalifikacija njezinog nekadašnjeg vlasnika. pd K a H C Z < s K > C the identity, symbolic linking of their wearers and the scene which is depicted on them/88 Of course it is interesting that all of them are trapezoidal in shape, just like our example from Osor. Nevertheless, on its surface the idea is depicted by a sign in a completely reduced form deprived of additional content. The sign is a clear and direct message -it can be interpreted as a symbol of the so-called heavenly spear which has cosmic, i.e. the universal symbolic identified with a sunbeam/89 As on younger specimens from Prozor, Ošanici and Velje Ledine, on the plate from Osor the celestial arrow/spear extends from the broader towards the narrower side of the plate. This process highlights the distinctive direction from Heaven to Earth/90 The arrow as a form of theophanyis, generally, in almost all the cultures, interpreted as a weapon of heavenly deities which creates and destroys at the same time, marking in this way life and death. That man hit by such an arrow is consecratedI5" and consequently the metaphor of its fundamental meaning is likely to be understood for the carriers of belt buckles or plates with the same symbols. But the spear is also equated with the symbol of authority and it's power, especially in the public services/92 Accordingly it is most likely that the belt plate from Osor associated the status ofjust such qualifications of its former owner. 189 Kukoč 1998, 9; Kull 1997, 329, 331-333. 190 Jovanovic 1985, 51-52; Kull 1997, 229; Kukoč 1998, 12, 21; usp. Kull 2002, 194-199; Kukoč 2009, 227-228. 191 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2006, 580. 192 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2006, 250. Kukoč 2009, sl. 343. 188 Blečic 2007, 90. 189 Kukoč 1998, 9; Kull 1997, 329, 331-333. 190 Jovanovic 1985, 51-52; Kull 1997, 229; Kukoč 1998, 12, 21; cf. Kull 2002, 194-199; Kukoč 2009, 227-228. 191 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2006, 580. 192 Chevalier, Gheerbrant 2006, 250. Vojna oprema kao moc, status ili simbol Military equipment as the power, status or symbol Posve uobičajeno isticanje statusa raznim nači-nima, kao jedno od glavnih obilježja toga raz-doblja, nadmašio je samo razvoj mocne i skupo-cjene vojne opreme. Najčešce se izradivala od bronce za obrambeno i od željeza za navalno naoružanje. Kao i u razdobljima koja su prethodila, predstavljala je op-cenito izuzetne nalaze na prostoru sjevernog Jadrana, a posebice na Kvarneru. Mali broj zasad pouzdano po-znatih grobnih cjelina nije nam pružio ratničke ukope pune vojne panoplije (kaciga, oklop, štit, knemide, ko-plja, mač ili sjekire) kakve poznajemo iz prostrane regije sjevernoitalskog, jugoistočnoalpskog ili šireg bal-kanskog prostora. Medutim, nedvojbeno je na Osoru morala postojati odredena vojna formacija, odnosno profilirana vojna aristokracija, o čemu nešto više po-dataka saznajemo iz grade starijih istraživanja nekro-pole Kavanela. Ilirska kaciga iz rta Jablanac Najstariji nalaz obrambene vojne opreme, doduše, ne potječe neposredno iz Osora, nego iz creskog sjevernog akvatorija. Riječ je o nalazu brončane kacige izro- Entirely common demonstration of status with different means, as one of the main features of this period, was surpassed only by the development of powerful and expensive military equipment. Mostly it was made of bronze for defensive and iron for assaulting weapons. As well and in proceeding periods, its finds were considered being exceptional in the area of the northern Adriatic, especially in Kvar-ner. A small number for now reliably known graves did not give us warrior burials with a full military panoply (helmet, harness, shield, greaves, spears, sword or axe) as are known from the vast region of the northern Italic, south-eastern Alpine and the wider Balkan territory. However, on Osor a specific military formation or a profiled military aristocracy must have existed. We can extract more information about the existence of the later from the material of old excavations on the necropolis of Kavanela. Illyrian helmet from cape Jablanac The oldest discovery of defensive military equipment, however, does not derive directly from Osor, but from O 4°. Brončana kaciga ilirskog tipa iz rta Jablanca kod Beli, Cres (prema Blečic Kavur 2°°7). Bronze Illyrian type helmet from cape Jablanac near Beli, Cres (after Blečic Kavur 2°°7). njene na položaju ispred rta Jablanac, podalje naselja Beli (sl. 40).193 »Creska« kaciga spada u kasnu varijan-tu tzv. ilirskih kaciga (III Ai stupanj),194 i jedini je zasad sigurni podvodni nalaz te vrste na prostoru današnje Hrvatske,195 ali i opčenito. Buduči da su večinom na-lažene na središnjem balkanskom prostoru, creski pri-mjerak obilježava najzapadniju točku na karti njihova rasprostiranja (sl. 41).196 Kao jedna od malobrojnijih varijanti ilirskih kaciga, proizvodnja i največim dijelom uporaba, datira se u drugu polovinu 6. st. i tijekom či-tavog 5. st. pr. Kr.197 Velik broj navedenog tipa kaciga, prema dosad dostu-pnim podatcima, poznajemo iz makedonske nekro-pole Trebeništa na Ohridu198 te iz hercegovačkog na-lazišta Kačanj.199 Trenutačna činjenica, da se sjeverno od Makedonije nalazi ponajmanje 15 primjeraka, a na samom ohridskom prostoru 5 ili čak 6 kaciga III Ai varijante, svakako ima svoju vrijednost. Izuzimaju se je-dino nalazi iz panhelenskih svetišta Isthmije i Olim-pije na Peloponezu, gdje ih je, naravno, naden veči broj 193 Blečic 2007, Fig. 1-2, Pl. 1; Blečic 2014, 22. 194 Ilirske kacige dobile su taj naziv zahvaljujuci njihovoj najvecoj i najbrojnijoj rasprostranjenosti mladih varijanti upravo na prostoru Balkana, istočne obale Jadrana i njegova zaleda. Uglavnom se odnosi na teritorijalno područje, a manjim dijelom na etničke nositelje. Za opširniju literaturu na temu vidjeti kod Blečic 2007; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Capek 2011; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 20i2. 195 U dosadašnjoj literaturi kao eventualni podvodni nalaz navodila se samo kaciga iz Podgore pokraj Sucuraja na otoku Hvaru, koja ipak nema precizne podatke o mjestu i načinu nalaženja (Nikolanci i960, 31, sl. 1; Blečic 2007, 74). 196 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, sl. 7. 197 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, 46-63. 198 Filow 1927, 84-85, sl. 99, T. XV, 2; EyAuh 1932, 4, sl. 3, 24; Popovic 1956, 47, T. 18; Stibbe 2003, 26-29, 36-37; Blečic Kavur 2007; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, 51-54. 199 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, k. 5-7. waters around northern Cres. It is a bronze helmet discovered on a locality in front of cape Jablanac a little bit ahead of the settlement Beli (Fig. 40).193 The »Cres« helmet is in late variant of the so-called Illyrian helmets (III Ai type)194 and for the time being only sure underwater discovery of its kind in today's Croatia,195 but also in general. Since they are mostly discovered in the central Balkans, »Cres« helmet marks the westernmost point on the map of their distribution (Fig. 41).196 Belonging to one of the least numerous variants of Illyrian helmets, their production and for the most part use is dated to the second half of the 6th and throughout 5th ^ cent. BC.197 £ K I Numerous finds of this type of helmet, according to u the available data, are known from the Macedonian necropolis Trebeništa in Ohrid198 and the site ofKačanj £ in Herzegovina.199 Current fact, that 15 examples are z known from north of Macedonia and in the Ohrid £ area 5 or even 6 helmets of the III Ai variant, certainly c has its value. Excepted are only helmets from Pan-Hellenic sanctuaries at Isthmia and Olympia on the Pelo- 193 Blečic 2007, Fig. i-2, Pl. i; Blečic 20i4, 22. 194 Illyrian helmets were given this name due to their largest and most numerous distribution of younger variants on the territory of in the Balkans, on the Eastern Adriatic coast and its hinterland. It generally it refers to the territorial area and to a lesser degree to the ethnicity. For a more extensive literature on the subject to see Blečic 2007; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Capek 20ii; Blečic Ka-vur, Pravidur 20i2. 195 In literature was as a possible underwater discovery listed only helmet from Podgora - Sucuraj on the island of Hvar, which still does not have more detailed context of discovery (Nikolanci i960, 31, sl. i; Blečic 2007, 74). 196 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 20i2, sl. 7. 197 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 20i2, 46-63. 198 Filow i927, 84-85, sl. 99, T. XV, 2; EyAHh i932, 4, sl. 3, 24; Popovic i956, 47, T. i8; Stibbe 2003, 26-29, 36-37; Blečic 2007; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 20i2, 51-54. 199 Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 20i2, k. 5-7. 41. Karta rasprostranjenosti kaciga ilirskog tipa IIIAia varijante (prema Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012). Distribution map of Illyrian type helmets ofthe IIIAia variant (after Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012). i u njima primjerenom zavjetnom kontekstu (sl. 41). U smislu njihova povijesnog interpretiranja, podatak dobiva dodatno na vrijednosti jer je poznato kako su upravo Makedonci izrazito štovali i častili snažno ista-knut muški princip olimpijskog svetišta. U religioznoj i/ili diplomatskoj prohelenskoj promidžbi taj se napon neuzdržano iskazivao vec od 5. st. pr. Kr. nadalje.200 Opravdano se zato pretpostavlja kako je upravo pod-ručje Makedonije bilo izvorištem i poprištem kreacije, proizvodnje i distribucije ilirskih kaciga. Na njihovom se širem području prati kontinuitet razvojnih oblika, varijanti, inačica i dekorativno-simboličkih odlika tih kaciga. Ipak, time se ne podrazumijeva i neophodnost njihove primjene na području same Makedonske države, vec se otvara i mogucnost proizvodnje isključivo za strano tržište, susjednih sjevernijih područja Ilirije i »Barbaricuma«. Naime, u to je vrijeme Makedonija vec odmjereno, ali sigurno vršila svoju odredenu poli-tičku i ekonomsku propagandu i time postupnu pene-traciju na situaciju koja se odvijala na prostoru srednjega Sredozemlja, poglavito Jadrana. Stanje potvrduje i činjenica kako se na prostoru Halkidike i Grčke u isto doba nose halkidiške i ponajviše korintske kacige,201 odnosno da ilirske kacige uopce nemaju vojni ili modni autoritet toga vremena. Ukoliko se s »ilirskim kacigama«, dakle kao jednom od oznaka, može slijediti i iščitavati tako otvoreni put 200 Herodot 5.22; Berringer 2008, 54-58; Engels 2010, 96-97; Sprawski 2010, 141-142; usp. Borza 1990; Errington 1990; Gandeto 2002, uz stariju i potpuniju litera-turu. 201 Vasic 1982a, 8-10, karta; Pflug 1988b, 65-106; Pflug 1988c, 137-150; Teržan 1995; 123, sl. 10; Blečic Kavur, Pravidur 2012, 85. ponnese, where they were, of course, found in greater numbers in an, to them, appropriate votive context (Fig. 41). In terms of their historical interpretation, this information creates additional value since it is known that the Macedonians highly revered and worshiped the strongly emphasized male principle of the Olympic sanctuary. In religious and/or diplomatic pro-Hellenic promotion this connection was continually expressed from the 5th cent. BC.200 It is to be assumed, therefore, that it was the area of Macedonia was the source and scene of creation, production and distribution of Illyrian helmets. On their wider area we can follow the continuity of their formal development, formation of variant and decorative as well as symbolic features of these helmets. However, this does not imply the necessity of their use in the Macedonian state, but it opens the possibility of their producing solely for the foreign market of neighbouring northern regions of Illyria and »Barbaricum«. Since at the time Macedonia quietly but steadily performed its specific political and economic propaganda and thus the gradual penetration in to the situation that took place in the area of the central Mediterranean, especially the Adriatic. The condition is further confirmed by the fact that in the area of Chalcidice and Greece at the same time were used Chalcidian and mostly Corinthian helmets.201 The Illyrian helmets had no military or fashion authority of the time. O K U Z w OS K I C u < C z < s K > C 200 Herodot5.22; Berringer 2008, 54-58; Engels 2010, 96-97; Sprawski 2010, 141-142; cf. Borza 1990; Errington 1990; Gandeto 2002, with earlier literature. 201 Vasič 1982a, 8-10, kart; Pflug 1988b, 65-106; Pflug 1988c, 137-150; Teržan 1995; 123, Abb. 10; Blečič Kavur, Pravidur 2012, 85. one nisu samo sv jedok om je, vec O K > P U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C »prema Sjeveru«, potom vojnog ili trgovačkog angažmana Makedonije formiranja kulturno i komunikacijski srodnog ideo-loškog sustava u posredničkoj mreži jasno definiranih odnosa. U kontaktima širokih razmjera, ali medu-sobno srodnih vrijednosti, iako je riječ o zajednicama, konvencionalno smatranim, sasvim različite društvene i političke organizacije. BuduCi da su te kacige bile vrlo priljubljen oblik obram-bene vojne opreme, na zapadnom i središnjem Balkanu, kao i na prostoru istočnog jadranskog priobalja, njihova je proizvodnja mogla biti, na razne načine, prenesena barem djelomično, na sjevernija područja, po-najviše središnje Dalmacije i njezina hercegovačkog zaleda. U kontekstu tako zamršenih okolnosti »cre-ska« kaciga ima uistinu veliku važnost mada, još u pot-punosti nerazjašnjenu povijesnu okolnost. Vojna oprema iz Krka Diljem balkanskog područja ilirske su kacige, posebno one III. tipa i varijanti, nerijetko nalažene u grobo-vima s tzv. grčkim knemidama, najčešce u punoj grč-koj vojnoj panopliji. Takve npr. opet dobro poznajemo iz grobova u makedonskom Trebeništu.202 Ipak, u nešto bližem okruženju, knemide su zabilježene i u kombinaciji s kacigama drugih tipova, medu kojima se posebno izdvajaju one negovskog tipa. Kombinacija je to zastupljena kod grobova na prostoru središnjeg ital-skog kopna te, rjede, na njegovom južnijem prostira-nju (sl. 43). Klasično tumačenje takve situacije najčešCe Since with the »Illyrian helmets«, i.e. as one of the denotations, can be followed and read the open the way »to the North«, then they are not only a witness military or commercial engagement ofMacedonia, but the reflection of the formation of cultural and communication related ideological system in their intermediary network of clearly defined relations in large scale contacts of similar values, although between communities which were conventionally regarded as being quite different in their social and political organizations. Since these helmets were a very popular form of defence military equipment on the western and central Balkans as well as in the area of the eastern Adriatic coast, their production could have been, in many ways, transferred at least partly, to the northern territories -primarily to central Dalmatia and its Herzegovinian hinterland- In the context of such complicated circumstances the helmet from »Cres« has a great importance although in a still fully unsolved historical setting- Military equipment from Krk Across the Balkan region Illyrian helmets were, especially the ones of the III type and its variants, often located in graves with the so-called Greek greaves, mostly in full Greek military panoplies. Such examples are again well known from the graves in Macedonian Trebeništa.202 However a little bit closer greaves are recorded in combination with other types of helmets, among which stand out those of Negova type. This combination is present on the central Italic territory and less 202 Vasic 1982, 11-12; Stibbe 2003, 13-43. 202 Vasic 1982, 11-12; Stibbe 2003, 13-43. je bilo prilično linearno i/ili pojednostavljeno videno u prevladavanju tzv. modnog, vojnog, trenda onoga vremena, lišenog obilježja »etničkih« ili kulturnih skupina.203 Vojnički standard, medutim, nije svugdje bio istoznačan i primjenjiv kod svih jednosmjerno. Tako se i u tom spletu ističu vrijednosti pojedinih regija s njihovim mjesnim obilježjima, a unutar njih oni s točno normiranom vojnom hijerarhizacijom. Neospor-na činjenica jest, kako nije svaki ratnik bio opremljen punom vojnom panoplijom, posebice obrambenog naoružanja, da ona nije uvijek prispijevala u grob po-jedinca koji ju je nosio i da je mogla biti priložena i u ženskim grobovima. Sve u svemu, kada se podrobni-je vrednuju svi dosad prikupljeni podatci, dakako, bez detaljnijeg obzira na tipološku i time kronološku vri-jednost, na cjelokupnom rasprostiranju grčkih kne-mida i negovskih kaciga ustanovljen je samo mali broj grobova koji je pokazao spregu i kompoziciju ta dva, po izvorniku različita elementa vojne opreme. Sjedinjenje upravo navedenih dijelova vojne opreme poznato je naime i s Kvarnera, a potječe iz nekropole Šinigoj u gradu Krku (sl. 42).204 Nalaz predstavlja zasad unicum na čitavom prostoru istočnojadranskog prio-balja, a time i posebnu dragocjenost u istraživanju toga fenomena. Važno je istaknuti kako par brončanih knemida pripada mladoj varijanti tzv. grčkih knemi-da koje na bočnim stranama imaju plastično izveden ukras trostruke »S« linije. One dekorativno slijede liniju lista, iako funkcionalno pojačavaju čvrstocu li- frequent in his southern spreading (Fig. 43). The classic interpretation of this situation is usually pretty linear and/or simplified in the perspective of the so-called domination of fashionable, military, trends of the period devoid of any »ethnic« or cultural groups.203 Military standard, however, has not always been synonymous and applicable in all societies. Consequently in this context stand out individual regions with their local characteristics, and within them those with exactly standardized military hierarchisation. The fact is that not every warrior was equipped with full military panoply, especially consisting ofdefence weapons, and that ^ it was not always deposited in to the grave of the de- £ ceased who used it, not to ignore the fact that it could § have been deposited even in female graves. All in all, ^ when evaluating in detail all the data collected so far, " of course, without detailed regards of typological and £ chronological value, on the general distribution area < of Greek greaves and Negova helmets was discovered £ only a small number of graves which showed the inter- & face and the composition of the two, by their origins dissimilar elements of military equipment. The unification of above mentioned element of military equipment is known from Kvarner - it comes from the necropolis Šinigoj in the town of Krk (Fig. 42).204 The discovery represents at the moment a uni-cum on the entire eastern Adriatic coast, and thus a special valuable for studying this phenomenon. It is important to point out that the pair of bronze greaves 203 Teržan 1977, 9-10; Teržan 1995, 85-86; Egg 1999, 119-120. 204 Balen-Letunič 1991-92, 21-34; Balen-Letunič 2001, 32-33; Blečič Kavur 2014a, 20; usp. Buršič-Matijašič 2011, 10-11. 203 Teržan 1977, 9-10; Teržan 1995, 85-86; Egg 1999, 119-120. 204 Balen-Letunič 1991-92, 21-34; Balen-Letunič 2001, 32-33; Blečič Kavur 2014a, 20; cf. Buršič-Matijašič 2011, 10-11. 42. Vojna oprema brončanih kacige negovskog tipa i knemida grčkog tipa iz Krka, groblje Šinigoj (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Military equipment consisting of a bronze Negova type helmet and Greek greaves from the city of Krk, Šinigoj cemetery (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). 43.Karta rasprostranjenosti kaciga negovskog tipa (▲) i knemida grčkog tipa (I) (nadopunjeno prema Egg 1986; Teržan 1995; Stary 1981; Teleaga 2008). Distribution map of Negova type helmets (▲) and Greek greaves (I) (supplemented after Egg 1986; Teržan 1995; Stary 1981; Teleaga 2008). mova s bočnih strana. Sukladno nalazima i dataci-ji knemida na vecem prostoru središnjeg i zapadnog Balkana, mogu se smjestiti u širi vremenski raspon 5. do vrlo ranog 4. st. pr. Kr.205 Nasuprot, na području Apenina, najveca koncentracija knemida zastupljena je kod Picena, gdje su uglavnom dokumentirane grčke knemide starije varijante206 datirane u fazu Picenum IVB i V.207 No njihova brojnija pojava znakovita je u ^ tzv. etruščanskoj panopliji Emilije Romagne. Ondje w su se često nalazile sa samo jednim primjerkom, što je P obrazlagano umbro-sabelskom tradicijom, ali gotovo § uvijek u kombinaciji s kacigom, posebno onom regio- g nalnog negovskog tipa (sl. 43).208 0 g U ovom nalazu, brončana se kaciga takoder po glav- nim obilježjima može pripisati negovskom tipu,209 ali 1 je njezina izradba ispred svega rezultat unikatnog stva-u ralaštva (sl. 42). Buduci da je izradena posebnom teh-^ nološkom metodom, spajanjem dvaju zasebno lijeva-~ nih dijelova kalote zakovicama, primjetno se može g usporediti sa skupinom Sanzeno alpskog tipa negov- skih kaciga,210 a po dekorativnim elementima i načinu h oštecenja i s onima iz jugoistočnoalpskog prostora Slo- § venije. Sve u svemu, djelomično očuvana krčka kaciga, n za razliku od ostalih poznatih primjeraka, upozora- o va na postojanje mjesne radionice, tj. izradivača koji je stvarao prema izričitoj narudžbi. Razlog tomu upravo 205 Vasic 1982, 11-14, Karta; Balen-Letunic 1991-92, 22-24. 206 Stary 1981, 437-438, k. 16; D'Ercole 1999, 257, k. 469. 207 Lollini 1976, 150-156. 208 Eles Masi et al. 1982, 379. 209 Balen-Letunic 1991-92, 21-23; Balen-Letunic 2001, 32-33, k. 7; Buršic-Matijašic 2011, 10-11. 210 Usp. Egg 1990, 14-20. belongs to the younger version of the so-called Greek greaves with lateral plastic decoration in the form of a triple »S« line. These lines follow the form of the calf and are functionally increasing the strength of the metal sheets on the sides. Based on the discoveries and dating of greaves on a wider territory of central and western Balkans the can be dated in a wider time span from the 5 th to the very early 4th cent. BC.2°5 In contrary in the area of Ap ennines the largest concentration of greaves is present in Picenum with mainly Greek greaves of the older versions206 dated to phases Picenum IVB and V.207 But their more numerous appearance is significant for the so-called Etruscan panoplies of Emilia Romagna. There they were often present with only a single example which is explained with the Umbro-Sa-bellic tradition - but they are almost always discovered in combination with a helmet, especially that ofregion-al Negova type (Fig. 43).208 In the discussed discovery the bronze helmet could be according to main characteristics attributed to the Negova type,209 but its fabrication is in front ofall the result of a unique creativity (Fig. 42). It was produced with a special technological method by merging two separately cast parts of the calotte with rivets - consequently it could be compared with the Sanzeno group of alpine Negova type helmets,210 while according to the decorative elements and the damage with those from 205 Vasic 1982, 11-14, Karta; Balen-Letunic 1991-92, 22-24. 206 Stary 1981, 437-438, k. 16; D'Ercole 1999, 257, k. 469. 207 Lollini 1976, 150-156. 208 Eles Masi et al. 1982, 379. 209 Balen-Letunic 1991-92, 21-23; Balen-Letunic 2001, 32-33, k. 7; Buršic-Matijašic 2011, 10-11. 210 Cf. Egg 1990, 14-20. je izvedba koja koristi nekoliko tehnoloških vještina, a zapravo obilježava zahtjeve naručitelja i tehničke mo-gucnosti izradivača koji je trebao slijediti zadane ideje. Zbog toga se krčku kacigu ne može izričito opredijeli-ti nekom od dosad poznatih tipova negovskih kaciga. Kao takav, nalaz vojne opreme iz Krka mogao bi se vrlo predvidljivo uklopiti u horizont ratničkih grobova kraja 5. i početnog 4. st. pr. Kr. te datacijski uže odrediti vremenskom distancom uporabe grčkih knemida mladeg tipa. Kulturološki se, medutim, mogu izdvojiti neke poveznice koje su nedvojbeno bile dijelom pro-mjena, a promicane modom i praksom na iznimnom području. Ponajprije, čvrste naznake u povezivanju prostora Tirola i Kvarnera postoje, osobito dobro po-tvrdene raskošnim primjercima kacige Sanzeno tipa i situle iz Nezakcija.211 Nadalje, na Kvarneru su se pojedini društveni fenomeni tradicionalno i uhodano ispreplitali s jugoistočnim alpskim prostorom, a ta je interakcija vec mnogostruko dokazivana i dokazana. U pokušaju shvacanja odnosa unutar samog kvarner-skog prostora, nalaz vojne opreme iz Krka iznimno je vrijedan svjedok o jednoj sasvim neuobičajenoj ali mjesnoj pojavi toga vremena! Vojna oprema iz Osora Negovska kaciga Napokon, iz starih istraživanja osorske Kavanele po-tječu i četiri manja ulomka brončane kacige (sl. 44).212 Od njih samo jedan, i to ulomak plašta kalote, ima na 211 Mihovilic 1996, 47-48, 55; Mihovilic 2013, 256, sl. 177. 212 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 26. the south-eastern Alpine area of Slovenia. All in all, the partly preserved helmet from Krk, unlike other known examples, demonstrates the existence of a local workshop, i.e. manufacturer who created according to the explicit orders. This could be observed through the use of several technological skills, but in fact marks the requirements of the client in combination with technical capabilities of the maker who was supposed to follow the given idea. Therefore the helmet from Krk can't be ^ explicitly attributed to a previously known type of Ne- E gova helmet. w u As such, the discovery ofmilitary equipment from Krk § could be very predictable blended into the horizon of £ warrior graves from the end of the 5th and the initial 4th 8 cent. B C and more precisely dated according to the use H of Greek greaves of a younger type. Culturally howev- h er, can be demonstrated several links that have been un- § doubtedly a part of the changes promoted by the fash- n ion and practice on the exceptional territory. First of all c there are firm indications of connections between the areas of Tyrol and Kvarner, particularly well confirmed with luxurious specimens of a helmet of Sanzeno type and situla from Nesactium.211 Furthermore, in the Kvarner region the individual social phenomena were traditionally linked to the south-eastern Alpine territory - this interaction was already being proved and confirmed many times. In an attempt to understanding the relationships within the Kvarner area, the discovery of military equipment from Krk is an extremely valuable witness ofquite unusual but regional phenomenon of that time! 211 Mihovilic 1996, 47-48, 55; Mihovilic 2013, 256, sl. 177. 44. Ulomci brončane negovske kacige iz Osora (prema BlečiC Kavur 2014b). Fragments of a bronze Negova type helmet from Osor (after BlečiC Kavur 2014b). 45. Ulomak kalote kacige ukrašen borovom grančicom i koncentričnim kružicima umetnut u rekonstrukciju negovske kacige. Fragment of helmet's calotte decorated with a motif of pine twigs and concentric circles inserted in to the reconstruction of a Negova type helmet. rančica i oc K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C sebi izveden prepoznatljiv ukras friza jelovih gr koncentričnih kružica (sl. 44A-45). Izveden tehnikom žigosanja, manirom i stilom izradbe u potpunosti od-govara najbližem primjerku kacige kakvog poznajemo iz istarskog Nezakcija. Ta je kaciga pripisana grupi negovskih kaciga slovenskog tipa, tj. jednoj od lokalnih varijanti koja se izradivala na prostoru Dolenjske.213 Srodnu paralelu možemo stoga vidjeti i kod lijepog primjerka kacige iz Stične, Radohova vas.214 Negovske kacige navedene varijante bile su rasprostranjene na ši-rem području jugoistočnog alpskog prostora današnje Slovenije, a smještaju se u vrijeme od sredine 5. do u 4. st. pr. Kr., odnosno u negovski horizont Dolenjske, po kojima je i dobio ii 1 ime. Ulomci osorske kacige premaleni su za opsežnije raz-matranje, ali s obzirom na tipološko obilježje mogu se odrediti negovskom tipu kaciga i povezati, možda, uz slovenski tip, čime bi predstavljali najjužniji nalaz na zemljopisu njihova rasprostiranja. Izuzev same vrijednosti nalaza osorske negovske kacige, još zanimljivijim ističe se i način fragmentiranosti, tj. oblik očuvanosti. Buduci da je kaciga evidentno namjerno uništena, nasilno polomljena i paljena, pretpostavlja se da potječe iz mjesta obrednog spališta koji se vjerojatno nalazio ispred gradskog bedema, negdje na položaju kavanel-ske nekropole. Samim time, potvrduje dobro poznati i uobičajeni ritual obrednog uništavanja dragocjenih 213 Mihovilic 1996, 55, T. XVIII, 257; Mihovilic 2013, 254-256, sl. 176. 214 Egg 1986, Abb. 30, 2; Teržan, Gabrovec 2006, 261, T. 205; Teržan 2010, 321-322. 215 Teržan 1976, 391-393, sl. 59; Egg 1986, 73-75, Abb. 31; Egg 1988, 258; Teržan 2008, 321-322, sl. 60-61. Military equipment from Osor Negova helmet Finally, from the old research of Osor Kavanela originate four smaller fragment of a bronze helmet (Fig. 44).212 Of these only one, and this is fragment of the calotte, has a distinctive decoration strips in the form of fir twigs and concentric circles (Fig. 45). Manufactured with the technique of stamping, in its manner and style of manufacture perfectly fits the nearest example of a helmet know from the Istrian Nesactium. This helmet was attributed to the group of Slovenian type Negova helmet, i.e. one ofthe local variants which were made in the area of Dolenjska.213 A matching parallel can therefore be observed in the beautiful example ofthe helmet from Stična, Radohova vas.214 Negova type helmets of this variant were spread on a wider area of the south-eastern Alpine region of today's Slovenia and dated between the middle of the 5 th to the 4th cent. BC, or in Dolenjska in to the Negova horizon which was named after the later.215 Fragments of the helmet from Osor are too small for more extensive review, but given the typological characteristics can be determined as the Negova type of helmet and connect, perhaps, with the Slovenian type and representing the southernmost discovery on the geography of their distribution. Apart from the value of discovery the Osor Negova helmet stands out interestingly as well due to its state of preservation, i.e. 212 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 26. 213 Mihovilic 1996, 55, T. XVIII, 257; Mihovilic 2013, 254-256, sl. 176. 214 Egg 1986, Abb. 30, 2; Teržan, Gabrovec 2006, 261, T. 205; Teržan 2010, 321-322. 215 Teržan 1976, 391-393, sl. 59; Egg 1986, 73-75, Abb. 31; Egg 1988, 258; Teržan 2008, 321-322, sl. 60-61. predmeta koji se na Osoru primjenjivao u kontinuite-tu još od kasnog brončanog doba. Mačevi U pogledu vojne opreme navalnog naoružanja iz tog je vremena poznata šira uporaba željeznih, zakrivljenih jednosječnih mačeva koje nazivamo mahaira (prema grčkom tipu p.a^aipa)!'16 Kasnija varijanta mahaire, tj. kratkog krivog mača naziva se još i kopis (kotc^) koji se upotrebljavao i kao nož i kao mač, ali kao osobito snažno oružje u konjici.217 Tip takvog mača bio je ne-izostavan atribut vojnika i jedan od osnovnog oblika naoružanja makedonske vojske u vrijeme kraljeva Filipa i Aleksandra, s obzirom na to da je njihova učinkovitost bila znatno veča i jača u odnosu na mačeve rav- 218 nog sječiva. Dva primjerka iz Osora uvjeravaju kako je njihovo ko-rištenje bilo primjenjivano u različitim formalnim i ti-pološkim obilježjima (sl. 46A-B). Očuvanost im nije izrazita, s obzirom na osjetljivost otpornosti samog materijala, pa pojedine tipološke karakteristike nedo-staju. Oba mača, medutim, obilježava ploča rukohva-ta, lijevana zajedno sa sječivom, koja ima bočni ispust i čavliče za pričvrščivanje oplate rukohvata. Pri tomu se ipak medusobno razlikuju, jer jedan mač ima preo-statak brončane oplate na polovično očuvanom ruko-hvatu (sl. 46A), dok drugi mač ima u cijelosti očuvan 216 Quesada Sanz 1991; Quesada Sanz 1994; usp. Parovic-Pešikan 1982; Borangic 2009. 217 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 48-49. 218 Snodgras 1967, 119; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 49; Quesada Sanz 1991; Quesada Sanz 1997, 62-65, I53'I57; Blečic Kavur, Miličevič-Capek 2011, 64-65. mode of fragmentation. Since the helmet was evidently deliberately destroyed, violently broken and burnt, it is assumed that it originates from the place of ritual cremation which was most likely located in a front of the town wall, somewhere on the Kavanela necropolis. Therefore it confirms the well-known and usual ritual of destruction of valuable items applied on Osor continuously since the Late Bronze Age. Swords In terms ofmilitary equipment in assault weapons from that period was well known the use of iron, curved sin- S gle edged swords called machaira (according to Greek £ type ^&xaiRa).216 A later variant of machaira, a short bent sword is known as the kopis (koto;) which was ^ used as a knife and as a sword, and as particularly pow- " erful weapon in the cavalry.217 Given the fact that their effectiveness was much bigger and stronger in relation ^ to the swords with straight blades, such type of sword w were an indispensable attribute of soldiers and one of 2 the primary forms of armament of the Macedonian army during the reign of kings Philip and Alexander.218 Two examples from Osor demonstrate that examples of different forms and different typological characteristics were used (Fig. 46). The condition of their preservation is not excellent, mostly due the sensitivity of the materials, and consequently individual typological features are missing. Both sword, however, are character- 216 Quesada Sanz 1991; Quesada Sanz 1994; cf. Parovic-Pešikan 1982; Borangic 2009. 217 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 48-49. 218 Snodgras 1967, 119; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 49; Quesada Sanz 1991; Quesada Sanz 1997, 62-65, 153-157; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Capek 2011, 64-65. 46. Djelomično očuvani željezni zakrivljeni mačevi (A-B prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Partly preserved curved iron swords (A-B after Blečic Kavur 2014b). A B C rukohvat koji je u gornjem dijelu savinut i zaobljen, no bez oplate (sl. 46B). U izgledu sječiva razlike medu njima još su izražajni-je. Mač s brončanom oplatom rukohvata ima neznatno zakrivljen, gotovo ravan hrbat sječiva s blago rašire-nom oštricom, pri čemu je i odnos rukohvata i sječiva u istoj liniji (sl. 46A). Drugi mač, mnogo ošteceniji, ima zakrivljeno sječivo koje se, vjerojatno, prema vrhu znatno proširivalo (sl. 46B). Kao i u pogledu ilirske kacige ili grčkih knemida mlade varijante, osnovne tipološke odlike naših mačeva omogucuju nam bližu usporedbu sa srodnim primje-rima iz zapadnobalkanskog zaleda. Prema poznatim tipovima jednosječnih mačeva, može se pretpostaviti da bi oba mača sa svinutim i zaobljenim gornjim dije-lom rukohvata mogli biti najsrodniji zakrivljenim ma-čevima iz Jezerina i eventualno iz Sanskog Mosta,219 blago zakrivljene profilacije sječiva. Zbog navedenih, izrazito regionalnih obilježja vjerojatno se mogu pridružiti mahairama skupine IV prema tipologiji Maje Parovic-Pešikan,220 kakve su bile zastupljene kod rat-ničkih grobova šireg balkanskog prostora u vrijeme od druge polovice 4. st. pr. Kr.,221 ulazeci u red makedon-skog naoružanja.222 Treci primjerak željeznog mača odlikuje blago zakrivljeno sječivo koje se u donjem dijelu znatno širilo (sl. 219 Quesada Sanz i997, i57, Fig. 87, i-3, 7-8. 220 Parovič-Pešikan i982, 42-43. 221 Čovič i987, 454, sl. 26, i9; Vasič i982a, 2i; Quesada Sanz i997, i57; usp. Borangic 2009. 222 Npr. opčenito vidjeti kod: Quesada Sanz, i994, 77-88. ized by the guard forged together with the blade having a frontal quillion and rivets for fastening of the grip. Nevertheless they differ from one another since one of them has preserved a remnant ofbronze plating on half of the hilt, while the other sword has a fully preserved hilt, which is on the back side bent and curved, but lacking the grip. The appearance of the blade differs between them even more. The sword with the bronze-plated grip has a slightly curved, almost straight back and with a slightly widened blade - wherein the hilt and the blade fol- 'g low the same line. The second sword, much more dam- g aged, has a curved blade which, probably, towards the c point was significantly widened. < As with the Illyrian helmet or Greek greaves of the g younger variant, the basic typological features of our < swords allow us closer comparison with similar examples from the western Balkan hinterland. According to & the known types of single bladed swords, it can be assumed that both swords with curved and rounded upper part of the hilt could be most similar to the curved swords from Jezerine and possibly from Sanski Most,219 which had slightly curved profiles of the blades. Due to the listed distinctly regional characteristics it is likely that they could be ascribed to the group IV of mach-airas according to the typology of the Maja Parovič-Pešikan. 220 Such swords were present in warrior graves on the wider Balkan area from the second half of the 219 Quesada Sanz i997, i57, Fig. 87, i-3, 7-8. 220 Parovič-Pešikan i982, 42-43. H H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C 46C). Trnast rukohvat lijevan je zajedno sa sječivom i ima manji bočni ispust. Posebnost toga na je veca ovalna brončana oplata rukohvata, takoder na krajnjem dijelu oštecena. Na njoj se, u središnjem dijelu nalaze sa svake strane po dvije zakovice. Uspo-redbe mu možemo vidjeti takoder kod mačeva iz za-padnobalkanskog prostora gdje su se koristili tijekom 4. i 3. st. pr. Kr., a koji se od mahaire i kopisa razlikuju oblikom rukohvata.223 Takvi su nam primjerci poznati iz Stoca224 i iz Gorice,225 uz pridodane im 4th cent. BC,221 entering in to the group ofMacedonian mača očuva- armaments. mačeve iz po- 226 dručja jadranskog priobalja, posebice onih iz Budve i iz Gostilja.227 Srodne forme mogu se naci i kod nekoliko primjeraka poznatih iz Vinice.228 Mačevima se pripisuju i vece željezne karike koje su vjerojatno bile dijelom pojasne garniture o koju se pri-čvršcivao mač prilikom nošenja. U svakom smislu, primjerci iz Osora obilježavaju izni-mne nalaze za prostor Kvarnera, te uopce prve takvog tipa na sjevernom Jadranu. Ukazujuci na prisnije veze sa zapadnobalkanskim i južnojadranskim prostorom mladeg željeznog doba, ističu se svojim odnosom i za-stupljenošcu na prostornoj i kulturnoj karti njihova ra-sprostiranja. The third example of an iron sword is characterized by a gently blade which was in the lower part much wider (Fig. 46). The tang was forged together with the blade and has a smaller frontal guard. A special feature of this sword is the preserved round bronze grip also damaged at the end. In the central part of it are preserved two lateral rivets. We can observe comparable swords which differ from the machaira and kopis due to the shape of the hilt on the western Balkan territory where they were used during the 4th and 3rd cent. BC.223 Such examples are known from Stolac224 and Gorica,225 with similar swords from the Adriatic coast, particularly from Budva226 and Gostilj.227 Related forms can be found in several specimens known from Vinica.228 To the swords could be attributed also larger iron rings that were probably parts of a belt set use for the suspension of sword. In every sense, the specimens from Osor are exceptional finds in the area of Kvarner, and even first of such type in the northern Adriatic. Demonstrating closer 223 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 35, 42, 46. 224 Curčic 1907, 214, T. XIX, 1; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 41, T. IV, 5. 225 Truhelka 1899, 347-348, sl. 7; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 27, T. II, 4. 226 Markovic 2012, 78, T. 5, 1-2. 227 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 41, T. IV, 6. 228 Usp. PMAEH, inv. nr. 40-77-40/11081 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard. edu:80 80/peabody/view/objects/asitem/search$0 040/i2/title-desc?t:sta-te:flow=7259bb38-i96e-47bf-b9ec-87aicb2d6bea; 18. 04. 2014). 221 Čovic 1987, 454, sl. 26, 19; Vasic 1982a, 21; Quesada Sanz 1997, 157; cf. Borangic 2009. 222 E.g. in general seen in the: Quesada Sanz 1994, 77-88. 223 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 35, 42, 46. 224 Curčic 1907, 214, T. XIX, 1; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 41, T. IV, 5. 225 Truhelka 1899, 347-348, sl. 7; Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 27, T. II, 4. 226 Markovic 2012, 78, T. 5, 1-2. 227 Parovic-Pešikan 1982, 41, T. IV, 6. 228 Cf. PMAEH, inv. no. 40-77-40/11081 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard. edu:8 0 80/peabody/view/objects/asitem/search$0 040/12/title-desc?t:sta-te:flow=7259bb38-i96e-47bf-b9ec-87aicb2d6bea; 18. 04. 2014). Koplja Standardni dio vojne opreme ratnika, baš kao i ratnič-ke aristokracije, predstavljala su koplja i to po više njih u kompletu.229 Prema mogucnosti njihove očuvano-sti, raspolažemo poznavanjem dužih vrhova željeznih koplja, koja su kao dominantni oblik navalnog naoru-žanja služila kao laka koplja za bacanje.23° Osorski pri-mjerci, svi prilično ošteceni, imaju kraci list izduženog rombičnog presjeka i dugačak tuljac za nasad. Vrijeme njihova korištenja najvecim se dijelom uklapa u situa-ciju s ratničkim grobovima šire regije, što je potvrde-no i malobrojnijim nalazima iz obližnje Istre, osobito Nezakcija.231 ties with the western Balkan and southern Adriatic territory in the Late Iron Age they stand out with their relations and representation on the spatial and cultural map of their distribution. Spears A standard part of military equipment of warriors, just like in the military aristocracy, is represented by the spear - several of them in the kit.229 According to the possibilities of their preservation, we have longer tops of iron spears, which as the dominant form of assault weapons were used as light javelins.230 The finds from Osor are all pretty damaged, have a shorter blade with an elongated rhombic cross-section and a long socket. The period of their use largely fits the situation with warrior's graves in the wider region, as confirmed with a few finds from the nearby Istria, especially from Nesactium.231 H K U Z w OS K I C u < C z < s K > C 229 Teržan 1977, 9-21; Čovic 1987, 454; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Capek 2011, 63-64. 230 Čovic 1987, 630. 231 Mihovilic 1996, 55, T. XX, 316-323; Mihovilic 2013, 256. 229 Teržan 1977, 9-21; Čovic 1987, 454; Blečic Kavur, Miličevic-Capek 2011, 63-64. 230 Čovic 1987, 630. 231 Mihovilic 1996, 55, T. XX, 316-323; Mihovilic 2013, 256. Simpozij umjetnosti The symposium of artistry Unatoč nekim točno odredenim razlikama s obzirom na spol pokojnika, gotovo su se bez razlika u istaknute i/ili bogate grobove prilagale metalne posude. One raskošnije izradene i ukra-šene, kao i one nešto skromnije izvedbe, postale su prestižan amblem iskazivanja moči, bogatstva i važnosti odredene mjesne aristokracije ili njihovih prvaka. Njima podrazumijevamo brončana vedra tzv. situ-le, cilindrične narebrene posude tzv. ciste, posude za žrtvovanja tzv. ciborije, zatim njihove poklopce, čaše, cjediljke i brojne druge predmete koji su činili sastavni dio servisa za pojedine rituale. Koristile su se najčešče pri obrednim ispijanjima prilikom banketa ili ceremonija, svakodnevnih baš kao i posmrtnih gozbi. Upo-trebljavale su se i za prilaganje dragocjenih popudbina uz pokojnika, pa čak i kao urne. Donedavna one nisu bile poznate s prostora Kvarnera. Ali, mnoštvo uloma-ka brončanih limova, izdvojenih medu nalazima iz starih istraživanja nekropole na Kavaneli, svjedoči upravo 232 suprotno. Despite some precisely defined differences given the sex of the deceased, they, almost without difference, deposited metal vessels into prominent and/or rich graves. The ones lavishly manufactured and decorated, as well as those of more modest elaboration, have become prestigious emblem for the of expressing power, wealth and importance of a certain local aristocracy or their leaders. They include the so-called bronze buckets, situlae; ribbed cylindrical vessel called cysts; vessels used for sacrifices, so-called ciboria; then their lids, cups, strainers and other items that were integral parts of the services for certain rituals. They were used in ritual drinking at ceremonies, in everyday just like in post-funeral banquets, as precious grave goods with the deceased and even as urns. Until recently they were not known from the area of Kvarner. But a multitude of fragments of bronze sheet, discovered among the findings from the old research on the necropolis on Kavanela, bears witness to the 232 contrary. 232 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 32-36; situlska baština iz Osora bila je predstavljena na Medunarodnom znanstvenom skupu Hrvatskog arheološkog društva 2012. na Malom Lošinju (Blečic Kavur 2012, Osor - nastavak slijedi!) 232 Blečic Kavur 20I4, 32-36; situla heritage from Osor was presented at International scientific conference of Croatian Archaeological Society on Mali Lošinj in 2012 (Blečic Kavur 2012, Osor - to be continued!). A 47. Ulomci brončanih situla u mogucim rekonstrukcijama; A - starije i B - mlade faze (A prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Fragments of bronze situlae with possible reconstructions; A- older and B - younger phase (A after Blečic Kavur 2014b). Riječ je, naime, o vrlo usitnjenim ulomcima čija prvotna analiza upucuje na više tipološki različitih posu-da: ponajprije situla, cista i poklopaca (sl. 47-50; 52-53). U njihove ansamble spadaju i pojedini dijelovi ručki i provijesla, olovnih šipki, ispuna i stezaljki za popravke, dna i oboda posuda te njihovih privjesaka (sl. 53). Poče-sto je takvo posude ukrašavano urezivanjem i iskuca-OO vanjem brončanog plašta s prikazom različitih deko- ^ rativnih, poglavito figuralnih motiva, poznatog kao situlska umjetnost ili stil.233 U situlskom stilu ukraše-P no je nekoliko manjih ulomaka brončanog lima, ali § su najvecim brojem sačuvani tako fragmentarno da g se nije uspio rekonstruirati nijedan konkretan, odno- o sno cjelovit prizor. Naime, navedeni ulomci pokazuju u kako su sve posude morale biti prilično oštecene gore- £ njem i, možda, namjerno lomljene i deformirane. Više g nije moguce ustanoviti jesu li one služile i kao urne ili ^ su samo prilagane u istaknutije grobove i njihove grob- ni ne inventare. > H g Izdvojiti valja četiri manja ulomka brončanog lima g obradena u izrazito plitkom reljefu s ukrasom dvo- h strukog urezanog prepleta (pletenice) s iskucanom § točkom u sredini (sl. 47A-48B). Iznad njega očuvana su n samo dva ulomka na kojima je prikazan donji dio tijela o sa stražnjim nogama vjerojatno neke rogate životinje. Noge su izrazito vitko prikazane s jasno istaknutim kopitima, preponama i linijama mišica, a na stražnju se nogu u raskoraku naslanja vec i prva noga sljedece životinje. Prema svome položaju, odnosno orijentaciji, životinje su okrenute udesno. U smislu izražajnije pre- These are very small fragments which according to their preliminary analysis demonstrate the presence of numerous typologically different vessels - first of all sit-ulae, cysts and lids (Fig. 47-50; 52-53). Their ensembles includes individual parts ofhandles, grips, lead bars, fillings and clamps for repairs, bottoms and rims of vessels as well as their pendants (Fig. 53). Often were decorated with incisions and embossing depicting various decorative, especially figural motifs, known as the Situla Art or Style.233 In Situla Style were decorated several smaller fragments of bronze sheet, but the largest number of them is preserved so fragmentary that it was not possible to reconstruct any specific or complete scene. Specifically, these fragments demonstrate that all vessels must have been quite damaged by burning and, perhaps, deliberately broken and deformed. It is no longer possible to determine whether they were used as urns or were added just as grave goods in to prominent graves being part of their inventories. We should put forward four small fragments of bronze sheet covered in extremely shallow relief decorated with carved double intertwined lines (braids) with embossed dots in the centre (Fig. 47A-48B). Above it are preserved only two fragments depicting lower body with hind legs of probably some horned animal. The legs are depicted extremely slender with clearly distinguished hooves, groins and muscle lines. The rear leg is already touching the first leg of the following animal. According to their orientation the animals are turned to the right. In terms of expressive images, almost identical according to the manner and quality of manufac- 233 Turk 2005, 9-15. 233 Turk 2005, 9-15. dodžbe, gotovo identičan način i kvaliteta izradbe, te tehničkog i stilskog prikaza rogatih (jelena, kozoroga i sl.) životinja prikazana je na donjem, trečem frizu situ-le iz Providence (Bologne?) koja je inače raskošno figuralno ukrašena s još dva narativna friza. Predstavlja rad klasične situlske umjetnosti i datirana je u 6. i 5. st. pr. Kr.234 To je vrijeme kada situlska umjetnost cvjeta u čuvenom » situlskom polumjesecu« od Bologne sve do Dolenjske.235 Usporedbe stoga možemo pronači i kod situla iz jugoistočnog predalpskog prostora. Prema ukrasu prepleta, u najdonjem dijelu plašta posude, ulomak situle iz Osora srodan je onome iz Kobarida, gdje su ekstremiteti životinja (konja) takoder prikazani izuzetno vitkima.236 Nadalje, sličnosti su vidljive i kod ulomaka situle iz Dolenjskih Toplic, grob 2/23,237 a po figuri životinje i kod situle iz Vača.238 Medutim, najbliža i najsigurnija usporedba nalazi se kod ulomka s realističnim prikazom oranja iz grobnice I/12 iz nasu-protnog istarskog Nezakcija.239 Osim na situlama, takav preplet susrečemo i kao razdjelnu liniju izmedu dva figuralno, narativno ukra-šena friza na brončanoj cisti iz Montebelluna.24° Ona se ipak udaljuje u paraleli od osorskog primjerka, kao i ostalih navedenih analogija, jer noge životinja nisu 234 Lucke, Frey 1962, T. 1-5. 235 Kastelic 1988, 100-103; usp. Turk 2005 (sa starijom literaturom); Teržan 2007, 81-83 (sa starijom literaturom). 236 Lucke, Frey 1962, 71, T. 33, I9e; Turk 2005, 70, k. II, sl. 105. 237 Lucke, Frey 1962, k. 32; Teržan 1976, Priloga 3; Turk 2005, k. 47, sl. 50-51. 238 Turk 2005, 34-35, sl. 52. 239 Lucke, Frey 1962, 77, T. 45, 30!; Mihovilic 2001, sl. 94, T. 15, 9; Mihovilic 2013, 290, sl. 166, 224. 240 Capuis, Ruta Serafini 1996, Fig. 6; Teržan 2001, 210, sl. 3; Turk 2005, 29-30, sl. 40. ture as well as technical and stylistic presentation of the horned animal (deer, ibex etc.) is depicted on the lower, third frieze of the situla from Providence (Bologna?), which is lavishly decorated with two further narrative friezes. It represents the work of classical Situla Art and is dated to the 6th and 5th cent. BC.234 This is the time when the Situla Art flourishes in the famous »situla crescent« from Bologna all the way to Dolenjska.235 We can find comparison in situlae from the south-east- C^ ern Alpine region. According to the intertwined dec- >—1 oration in the lowest part of the vessel fragment from Osor is akin to that from Kobarid, where the limbs of ^ animals (horses) are also presented as extremely slen- £ der.236 Furthermore similarities are visible on fragments of situlae from Dolenjske Toplice, grave 2/23,237 and in the figure of animals from the situla from Vače.238 However, the nearest comparison comes from a frag- £ ment with a realistic depiction of plowing from the < grave I/12 from the Nesactium.239 c a Beside situlae such ornament of intertwined lines is known as the dividing line between two decorated friezes from the bronze cist from Montebelluno.24° But it differs in comparison from the Osor finds as well as other listed analogy, since the feet of the animals are not so precisely depicted as on the above-mentioned 234 Lucke, Frey 1962, T. 1-5. 235 Kastelic 1988, 100-103; cf. Turk 2005 (with earlier literature); Teržan 2007, 81-83 (with earlier literature). 236 Lucke, Frey 1962, 71, T. 33, I9e; Turk 2005, 70, k. II, sl. 105. 237 Lucke, Frey 1962, k. 32; Teržan 1976, Priloga 3; Turk 2005, k. 47, sl. 50-51. 238 Turk 2005, 34-35, sl. 52. 239 Lucke, Frey 1962, 77, T. 45, 30b Mihovilic 2001, sl. 94, T. 15, 9; Mihovilic 2013, 290, sl. 166, 224. 240 Capuis, Ruta Serafini 1996, Fig. 6; Teržan 2001, 210, sl. 3; Turk 2005, 29-30, sl. 40. tako precizno, elegantno i vitko prikazane kao na pri-je navedenim situlama. Napokon, takav je ornamen-talni geometrijski ukras i okvir čuvenoj pojasnoj kop-či iz Vača sa središnjim figuralnim motivom dvoboja konjanika.241 Prema načinu izradbe, kvaliteti i patini same bronce možda je moguče istoj situli pripisati i četiri ulomka šava situle sa zakovicama, dijelovima ruba s ručkama i dna posude (sl. 47A). Tomu u prilog slijede i ostaci pla-šta uz šav zakovanog ruba situle na kojima se jasno vidi figuralni ukras u četiri friza i ista profilacija razdjelne linije frizova kao i kod netom opisanih, situlskim stilom ukrašenih ulomaka? Ukoliko je riječ o posve dru-goj ili drugim posudama, samo če se dodatno povečati njihov broj, što če opet u drugim okolnostima imati svoju vrijednost interpretiranja situlske baštine Osora.242 U kulturnoj i stilskoj povezanosti, osorski ulomci kao »specifični subjekti« odražavaju prisnije odnose kako s jugoistočnim predalpskim prostorom tako i s prostorom Tirola, čije je nepobitno prisustvo utje-caja svakako več dokazano kod nezakcijskih primjeraka i ulomaka. Sukladno zasad izdvojenim paralelama i te ulomke možemo smjestiti u proizvodačka središta negdje na području Bologne ili retijskih Alpa u vrije-me vrhunca stvaralaštva situlske umjetnosti kraja 6. i 5. st. pr. Kr. situlae. Finally such decoration and frame is present on the belt plate from Vače with the central figural motif of a horsemen duel.241 According to the method of manufacture, quality and patina of the bronze, it might be possible to attribute to the same situla further four fragments of a suture of a situla with rivets, parts of the rim with handles and the bottom of the vessel (Fig. 47A). This is further supported by the remains of mantle attached to the riveted suture on which could be clearly seen figural decoration in four friezes and the same profile ofthe dividing line between the friezes as present on the described with Situla Style decorated fragments. But if these are fragments of another or others vessels the fact only increases their number, which will again in different circumstances, have its value in the interpretation of Os-or's situlae heritage.242 In cultural and stylistic connections, the fragments from Osor as »specific subjects« reflect close relationships with the south-eastern Pre-Alpine area and with area of Tyrol, whose undeniable presence of influences was certainly well attested in examples and fragments from Nesactium. According to the present parallels these fragments could be attributed to production centres somewhere in the area of Bologna or Rhaetic Alps during the peak of creativity in Situla Art at the end of the 6th and in the 5th cent. BC. K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C 241 Lucke, Frey 1962, T. 54, k. 35; T. 55, k. 35; Turk 2005, 63, k. 51, sl. 58, 1; 92. 242 Navedene analize su preliminarne isključivo prema postoječem stanju. Resta-uracijom i analiziranjem situlske osorske baštine bit če poznati precizniji i ko-načni podatci. 241 Lucke, Frey 1962, T. 54, k. 35; T. 55, k. 35; Turk 2005, 63, k. 51, sl. 58, 1; 92. 242 These analyzes are preliminary and based on present condition. Restoration and analyzing of Osor's situlae heritage will produce more precise and final data. H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C Iznimnu pozornost zavreduje i jedini ulomak s antropomorfnim prikazom (sl. 48A). Sačuvan je u vrlo ma-lom komadu i teško je odrediv nekoj kodificiranoj sceni ili prizoru poznatih iz situlske umjetnosti. Riječ je o prikazu gole lijeve noge čovjeka. Precizno je profili-rana s realistično naglašenim mišicima i stopalom, a s gornje, donje i bočne strane obrubljena je dvostrukom linijom. S obzirom na veliku površinu gole noge može se pomišljati na nekakvog borca ili ratnika čiji bi horizontalno postavljeni štit do bedra možda predstavljao gornji rub dvostruke linije, kakve takoder vrlo dobro poznajemo iz više primjera situle iz Providence (Bologna?) ?243 Može se pomišljati i na orača, buduci da su u pravilu kanoniziranog prikazivanja dočarani uvijek s tunikom do bedara ili, iznimno, goli?244 Zatim na ko-čijaše bojnih kola kao primjerice kod situle iz Dolenjskih Toplic,245 ili povorke muškaraca kao kod situla iz Magdalenske gore246 itd., itd? S obzirom na veličinu osorskog ulomka mogu se nizati najrazličitije uspo-redbe, iako u perspektivi ostaju bez trajnijeg rješenja. Njegova ce vrijednost ostati ekskluzivna tek u kontekstu prvog osorskog antropomorfnog prikaza situlske umjetnosti. Istom vremenskom razdoblju, ako ne i ranije, može se pribrojiti i ulomak poklopca situle izraden od debljeg brončanog lima (sl. 49A, C). Rub poklopca je oštar i neravnomjeran, a obrubljen je s trakom od vece profi- 243 Usp. Lucke, Frey i962, T. i-5. 244 Usp. kod situle iz Nezakcija (Mihovilic 200i, sl. 94, T. i5, 9; Teržan 200i, 207-2i0, sl. 4; Mihovilic 20i3, 290, sl. 224). 245 Usp. Turk 2005, 34, sl. 50-5L 246 Turk 2005, 5i-53, k. 33, sl. 77-79; Teržan 2007, sl. 2. Exceptional attention deserves the only fragment with an anthropomorphic depiction (Fig. 48A). Preserved is a very small piece and it is difficult to attribute it to a codified scene or a scene known from Situla Art. It is a depiction ofbare left leg ofa man. It is precisely profiled with realistically pronounced muscles and foot, while on top, on the bottom and on the side it is bordered with a double line. Due to the large surface of the bare foot one could think of a fighter or warrior whose horizontally placed shield could represent the upper double line as known in several cases on the situla from Providence (Bologna?)?243 One can also think of a ploughmen since they are according to the rules of canonized depictions represented with a tunic falling down to thighs or, exceptionally, naked?244 Or perhaps the coachmen on chariots such as on the situla from Dolenjske Toplice,245 or the procession of men as on situla from Magdalenska gora246 etc. Given the size of the fragment several comparisons can be listed although in perspective they do not bear the final solution. Its value will remain exclusive only in the context of the first anthropomorphic representation on Situla Art in Osor. In to the same period of time, if not earlier, could be attributed a fragment of situla lid made of thick bronze sheet (Fig. 49A, C). The sharp edge of the lid is bordered with a band of larger hammered circles within thin incised lines. On the inner side there was an animal frieze, of which is preserved only one, most prob- 243 Cf. Lucke, Frey i962, T. i-5. 244 Cf. with situla from Nesactium (Mihovilic 200i, sl. 94, T. i5, 9; Teržan 200i, 207-2i0, sl. 4; Mihovilic 20i3, 290, sl. 224). 245 Cf. Turk 2005, 34, sl. 50-5i. 246 Turk 2005, 5i-53, k. 33, sl. 77-79; Teržan 2007, sl. 2. liranih iskucanih krugova unutar tanko urezanih linija. S unutarnje strane nalazio se životinjski friz, od ko-jeg je sačuvana samo jedna, vjerojatno prednja noga. Kopito životinje prikazano je nezgrapno i površno, is-crtkanih krace urezanih linija. Srodne primjerke po-znajemo iz jugoistočnog predalpskog prostora iz Stične (sl. 49C) ili Mosta na Soči, premda se paralele mogu vidjeti i kod estenskih primjeraka.247 Opcenito su po-klopci tako ukrašeni s ručkama u obliku čašica bili karakteristični za prostor sjeverne Italije i istočnih Alpa.248 Od ostalih ulomaka postojani su i rubovi koji su na-glašeni ili ukrašeni središnjim vecim točkama i s vanj-skim sitnije punciranim točkicama, koji obrubljuju ili zatvaraju najvecim dijelom dekorativni friz iskuca-nih, uskih vertikalnih rebara s točkom na vrhu, formi-rajuci na taj način lepezasti motiv (sl. 47B). Najčešce se takav način ukrašavanja nalazi na donjim dijelovi-ma posuda, pa uz pojedine detalje ukazuju ne samo na ornamentalno ukrašavanje vec i na postojanje figuralnih prikaza, vjerojatno samo jednog životinjskog fri-za. Životinje su kod takvih primjera prikazivane fantastično, pogotovo njihovi rogovi, vitice i spirale, biljni i drugi motivi. Time osorski primjerci ulomaka situla pokazuju odlike druge razvojne faze i vremena na za-lazu inspiracije stvaranja situlske (arhaične) umjetno-sti. U isti kontekst smještaju se i ulomci još dva različi-ta poklopca (sl. 49B, D). Na svima su prikazani samo donji dijelovi tijela i prednji ekstremiteti životinja. Dio ably the forefoot of an animal. The hoof of the animal is awkwardly and superficially depicted with dotted short incised lines. Similar examples are known from the south-eastern Pre-Alpine region from Stična (Fig. 49C) or Most na Soči, although parallels can be observed in examples from Este.247 In general lids with such decoration and with cup shaped grips were typical for the area of northern Italy and eastern Alps. r( From other fragments edge fragments were preserved which were profiled or decorated with central row of larger and outer rows of smaller points enclosing or g closing in a decorative frieze hammered, narrow ver- Š tical ribs with a point at the top, forming a fan-shaped j motif (Fig. 47B). Most often such way of decorating is u located on the lower parts of the vessel. With certain details they indicate not only the ornamental decora- £ tion but also the existence of figural representations, z probably only a single animal frieze. The animals are in £ these cases depicted in a fantastic way, especially their c horns, tendrils and spirals, vegetal and other motives. Thereby the specimens from Osor demonstrate the characteristics of the second developmental phases and a period in the dusk of inspiration to create Situla (archaic) Art. In to the same context could be placed the fragments of two different lids (Fig. 49B, D). On both fragments are depicted only the lower parts of the body and the front limbs of animals. Part of the lid composed of several fragments is made of extremely thin sheet bronze and ornamented with embossment. From the figurative motifs are, except for the front legs, 247 Turk 2005, sl. 14. 248 Turk 2005, 18-19. 247 Turk 2005, sl. 14. 248 Turk 2005, 18-19. A C D 49. Ulomci poklopaca ukrašenih u situlskom stilu (B, D prema Blečič Kavur et al. 2014) s jednom od mogučih rekonstrukcija prema poklopcu iz Stične (C prema Turk 2005). Bronze lid fragments decorated in the Situla Art Style (B, D after Blečič Kavur et al. 2014) with one of the possible reconstructions according to the lid from Stična (C after Turk 2005). B poklopca koji je sastavljen iz više ulomaka izraden je od iznimno tankog brončanog lima te ornamentiran tehnikom iskucavanja (sl. 49B). Od figuralnih motiva, izuzev prednjih nogu sačuvani su dio trbuha i dio spiralne vitice ili biljnog motiva koji je najvjerojatnije vi-sio iz životinjske njuške. Znakovito je da kopita nisu linijama dovršena, nego su ostavljena otvorena, što je i inače bio čest slučaj u izradama na poklopcima. Istom primjerku pripada najvjerojatnije i gornji dio na kome je vidljiv par valovito razvedenih dugih rogova usmje-renih ulijevo. Vanjski je obrub poklopca obrubljen iznova lepezastim ornamentom s kuglicama na vrhu kratkih vertikalnih rebara koje su tekle uokolo ruba poklopca. Na taj je način repertoar motiva ureden u, najvjerojatnije, dva friza. Kod drugog je primjerka situacija slična, premda je figuralni motiv životinje postavljen s unutarnje strane, a obrubljen je s užim lepezastim, pravilno rasporede-nim obrubom (sl. 49D). Životinja je za razliku od svih dosadašnjih prikaza, pokazana u izrazito širokom ra-skoraku prednjih i stražnjih nogu, nedovršenih linija kopita. Trbuh je znatno konkavno spušten, a iz njuške visi spiralna vitica. Najbliže primjerke situlama »mlade generacije« poznajemo iz Nezakcija, iz grobnice I/12149 i iz grobnice 1981., situle br. 68 i 69.^° Situle su izrazito vitkog i ele-gantnog oblika, zvonastog plašta i sužene stope, s gor- 249 Gabrovec, Mihovilic 1987, T. XXXIV, 3; Majnaric-Pandžic 1998, sl. 92; Mihovilic 2001, T. 13, 1, 3-4; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 165-166; usp. Lucke, Frey 1962, 77, T. 46, 31; Frey 1969, 110, T. 83, 46. 250 Mihovilic 1996, T. IV, sl. 20. preserved a part of the belly and a part of the spiral tendrils or vegetable motive that is probably hanging from animal's snout. It is significant that the hooves are not completed with lines, but are left open, which is otherwise often been the case in the decoration of the lids. To the same piece belongs most probably also the upper part of which is visible a pair of wavy long horns oriented to the left. The outer edge of the lid is trimmed again with a fanned ornament with balls on top of the short vertical ribs running around the edge of the lid. Thus the repertoire of motifs is arranged in to, most likely, two friezes. ^ w OS In the case of a second example the situation is similar £ although the figural motif of animals is placed on the u inner side and trimmed with a narrow fan-shaped, properly spaced rim (Fig. 49D). The animal is unlike all pre- £ vious displays, depicted with extremely wide astride of z front and rear leg s with unfinished lines of the hooves. The belly is substantially concave lowered and from the c muzzle are hanging spiral tendrils. The closest parallels of the situlae of »younger generation« are known from Nesactium from the tomb I/12249 and the tomb from 1981 - situlae number 68 and 69.^° They are of an extremely elegant shape, with a bell-shaped body and a narrowed foot. They have an upper figural frieze of fantastic animals (birds, ibex, horned animals, with tendrils, stylized plants etc.) and with lower fan-shaped motif with narrow vertical ribs 249 Gabrovec, Mihovilic 1987, T. XXXIV, 3; Majnaric-Pandžic 1998, sl. 92; Mihovilic 2001, T. 13, 1, 3-4; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 165-166; cf. Lucke, Frey 1962, 77, T. 46, 31; Frey 1969, 110, T. 83, 46. 250 Mihovilic 1996, T. IV, sl. 20. vo K > t1 u K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C njim figuralnim frizom fantastičnih životinja (ptica, kozoroga, rogatih životinja, s viticama, stiliziranim biljkama itd.) i s donjim lepezastim motivom, uskih vertikalnih rebara koja još više vizualno naglašavaju sužavanje tijela, tj. vitkost posude. U Nezakciju se, teh-ničkom izvedbom, nalaze i vrlo bliski poklopci situla251 našem prvom poklopcu koji se, prema ornamentira-nju i izvedbenom programu, ubrajaju u isti kulturni i radionički krug. Buduči da te motive ne nalazimo na prostoru jugoistočnog alpskog prostora, nezakcijske su situle i njezini poklopci povezani uz izravni utjecaj iz sjevernoitalskog, venetskog prostora, a stvaralački i obrtnički predstavljale su oblike iz najmlade faze situl-ske umjetnosti estenskog kruga, ili središta koji je stva-rao pod njegovim utjecajem od 6. pa sve do 4. st. pr. Kr. (Este III).252 U toj usporedbi valja zato istaknuti vrlo srodne situle iz samog Este. Najprije je to situla iz Capodaglia, grob 31, koja ima bogat friz različitih fantastičnih životinja ali i friz lepezastog, rebrastog ornamenta u središnjem dijelu plašta koji se sužava prema dnu posude.253 Gotovo identična, i tehnički i stilski, poznata je jedna od si-tula iz grobnica nekropole Boldu Dolfin (II), gdje su gornjem frizu pored fantastičnih životinja prikaza-i još i grifoni, a vertikalna rebra, koja su znatno niža u ni 251 Mihovilič 1996, T. V, 70, sl. 21; Mihovilič 2001, T. 16, 1; Mihovilič 2013, 250, sl. 170, 261. 252 Frey 1969, 57; Mihovilič 2001, 101. Na nezakcijskim su, kao i na osorskim, situ-lama, tj. ulomcima sve zakovice nepravilne glavice, što se takoder povezuje uz estenski radionički krug (Kastelic 1988, 109). 253 Frey 1969, 99, T. 70; Fogolari 1988, Fig. 46; Chieco Bianchi 2002, 76, Fig. 84-86. even more visually emphasizing the narrowing of the body - the slenderness of the container. In Nesactium are known according to the technical design lids251 very similar our first example which could, according to the ornamentation and the execution, belong to the same cultural and workshop circle. Since these designs are missing in the area of south-eastern Alps, the situlae from Nesactium and their lids are associated with direct influences from the Venetic area. In a artisanal perspective they are examples of the youngest phase of Situla Art of Este, or from a centre which created under its influences from the 6th until the 4th cent. BC (Este III).252 In this comparison very similar situlae from Este should therefore be emphasized. First of all the situla from Capodaglio, grave 31, which has a rich frieze of various fantastic animals and also a frieze of ribbed ornament in the central part of the mantle that narrows toward the bottom of the vessel.253 Almost identical is one of the situlae from a tomb of the necropolis Boldu Dolfin (II). There are griffins depicted on the upper frieze in addition to fantastic animals and significantly lower vertical ribs in comparison to those of the previous sit-ula decorate the lower part of the vessel.254 Representative examples of such realization and aesthetic decorating of situlae are in the same way orna- 251 Mihovilič 1996, T. V, 70, sl. 21; Mihovilič 2001, T. 16, 1; Mihovilič 2013, 250, sl. 170, 261. 252 Frey 1969, 57; Mihovilič 2001, 101. In Nesactium have, as well as in Osor, all rivets irregular head, which is also related to the Este workshop circle (Kastelic 1988, 109). 253 Frey 1969, 99, T. 70; Fogolari 1988, Fig. 46; Chieco Bianchi 2002, 76, Fig. 84-86. 254 Frey 1969, 100, T. 77, Beilage 2; Chieco Bianchi 2002, 24-25, Fig. 18. u odnosu na ona s prethodne situle, ukrašavaju dakle donji dio plašta posude.254 Reprezentativni predstavnici takvog izvedbenog i estetskog ukrašavanja situla jesu i na isti način iskice-ni plaštevi čak četiri situle i iz groba Capodaglio 38, samo što na tim primjercima izostaje lepezasti motiv u donjem dijelu tijela posuda.2SS Svi su navedeni grobovi (Capodaglio 31 i 38; Boldu Dolfin 52/53) kronološki uvršteni u nešto širi okvir kasnog halštatskog raz-doblja, odnosno u vrijeme Este III kasno (3 Di) kraja 5. i 4. st. pr. Kr.256 Navedeni primjerci predstavljaju stoga ornamentalni realizam, tj. posljednju fazu situlske umjetnosti. Nji-me se tradicionalna forma i tehnička izradba konven-cionalno poštivala, ali je likovna tematika bila reducirana na simboličku dekorativnost u jednome frizu, odnosno narativni je sadržaj nestao u korist dekorativne linearnosti koju krase stilizirani biljni motivi.2S7 Pored Nezakcija, nalazišta tog situlskog stila predstavljaju Novo Mesto, Valična vas, Vače i Magdalenska gora iz jugoistočnog alpskog zaleda (sl. 51). Tako su npr. u istome stilu ukrašeni i poklopci situla kako iz Nezak- 254 Frey 1969, 100, T. 77, Beilage 2; Chieco Bianchi 2002, 24-25, Fig. 18. 255 Frey 1969, T. 72; T. 73. 256 Frey 1969, 24, 44-45, Abb. 11. Ovdje svakako treba istaknuti i različite lepeze koje su izradivane na isti način, odnosno sličnim dekorativnim elementima kracih i dužih vertikalnih rebara u jedan ili dva friza, čiji svakako ekskluzivni predstavnik potječe iz Populonije, Tomba dei Flabelli (Kossack 1998, 133, Fig. 3), ali i iz ostalih etruščanskih i venetskih nalazišta (Bonfante 1981, 21, Fig. 36). Neobična je zanimljivost upravo urezani ukras lepezastog motiva s točkicama na ulomku brončane ručke lepeze iz bogate I/12 grobnice iz Nezakcija (Mihovilic 2001, T. 24, 14, sl. 67). 257 Knez 1984, 94-95. mented four situlae from the grave Capodaglio 38, just as in those cases is absent the fan-shaped motif in the lower part of the vessel.2" All these graves (Capodaglio 31 and 38; Boldu Dolfin 52/53) were chronologically incorporated into the late Hallstatt period, i.e. during the late Este III (3 Di) period at the end of 5th and the 4th cent. BC.2s6 These specimens therefore represent an ornamental realism, i.e. the last phase of Situla Art. In it the tradition- ^ al form and technical fabrication was conventionally respected but the visual theme was reduced to a sym- ^ bolic decoration in one frieze - the narrative content £ K has disappeared in favour of decorative linearity which § was adorned with stylized vegetal motifs.2S7 In addition to Nesactium sites in the south-eastern Alpine hinter- J land bearing examples of that Situla Style are Novo c Mesto, Valična Vas, Vače and Magdalenska gora (Fig. < 51). For example in the same style are decorated lids of > situlae from Nesactium, tombs I/i22s8 and 1981, no. 70,2S9 and also from Magdalenska gora - three examples are known from the grave 2/46.260 In accordance with the 255 Frey 1969, T. 72; T. 73. 256 Frey 1969, 24, 44-45, Abb. 11. Here we must highlight the different fans which were made in the same way - with similar decorative elements of shorter and longer vertical ribs in one or two friezes. A certainly exclusive representative of this derives from Populonia, Tomba dei Flabelli (Kossack 1998, 133, Fig. 3), but is known also from other Etruscan and Venetan sites (Bonfante 1981, 21, Fig. 36). An unusual interesting piece is the incised decoration of a fan-shaped motifwith dots on a fragment of a bronze handle of a fan from the rich tomb I/12 from Nesactium (Mihovilic 2001, T. 24, 14, sl. 67). 257 Knez 1984, 94-95. 258 Mihovilic 2001, T. 16. 1. 259 Mihovilic 1996, 49, T. V, 70, sl. 21. 260 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 42, 10; T. 43, 12; T. 44, 15. A 50. Ulomak brončane obredne posude, najvjerojatnije ciborija (?) (A) i crtež ciborija iz Magdalenske gore (B prema Tecco Hvala et al. 2004). Fragment of a bronze ritual vessel, most probably a ciborium (?) (A) and a drawing of ciborium from Magdalenska gora (B after Tecco Hvala et al. 2004). B 51. Karta rasprostranjenosti situlske umjetnosti (nadopunjeno prema Bondini 2012). Distribution map of the Situla Art Style (supplemented after Bondini 2012). A 52. Ulomci brončanih cista i privjesak oblika ribljeg repa (A prema Blečič Kavur 2014b) i cista iz Magdalenske gore (B prema Tecco Hvala et al. 2004). Fragments of bronze cysts and a pendant in the form ofa fish tail (A after Blečič Kavur 2014b) and a cyst from Magdalenska gora (B after Tecco Hvala et al. 2004). cija, grobnica I/12258 i grobnica 1981., br. 70259 tako i iz Magdalenske gore, i to tri primjerka poznata iz groba 2/46.160 Sukladno estenskim situlama i ti su poklopci široko datirani u kraj 5. i u 4. st. pr. Kr. Dočarani ambijent valja sada razumijevati i za situlsku baštinu, tj. njezine preostale »tragove« iz Osora koji nepobitno svjedoče da se prestižna roba uvozila i u to vrijeme kraja 5. i tijekom 4. st. pr. Kr., kako je to več dokazano i na nezakcijskim primjercima (sl. 51).161 Pored luksuznih situla, brončani ulomci različitih oblika svjedoče da su se u Osoru koristile i druge sim-pozijastičke posude. Dva manja ulomka gusto nare-brenog lima, snižene i naglašeno zaobljene profilacije, upozoravaju da su možda služila kao poklopci bronča-nim ciborijima (sl. 50A). Riječ je o kultnim posudama za žrtvovanja čije i izvorne forme imamo zabilježene u umjetnosti situlskih spomenika. Njihovi poklopci su najčešče gusto narebreni, snižene profilacije što ek-skluzivno predstavlja figuralno ukrašen ciborij iz Magdalenske gore (sl. 50B).161 Takve su posude najčešče pri-lagane u grobove istaknutijih ženskih pokojnica. Od ostalih posuda neizostavni su i ulomci cilindrično oblikovanih posuda ili cista (sl. 52A). Buduči da niti jedna posuda nije očuvana u mogučoj formi, definira-ju se samo pojedini tipološko opredjeljivi ulomci koje 258 Mihovilic 2001, T. 16. 1. 259 Mihovilic 1996, 49, T. V, 70, sl. 21. 260 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 42, 10; T. 43, 12; T. 44, 15. 261 Gabrovec, Mihovilic 1987, 332; Mihovilic 1996, 49; Majnaric-Pandžic 1998, 265; Mihovilic 2001, 101. 262 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 14, C3; Turk 2005, 26, k. 31, sl. 31, 75-76; Tecco Hvala 2012, 356, sl. 131b; usp. Waisenberg, tumul 2 (Gleirscher 2008, 52, Abb. 15). Este situlae, these lids are widely dated to the end ofthe 5th and the 4th cent. BC. The evoked atmosphere should now be understood also for the situla heritage from Osor which finally prove that the prestigious goods were imported during the end of the 5th and in the 4th cent. BC, as it was already proven with the examples from Nesactium (Fig. 5l).261 t Beside luxury situlae, bronze fragments of different shapes demonstrate that in Osor were used also other J symposium vessels. Two smaller fragments of densely 2 ribbed bronze sheet, with a lover and rounded profila- % tion demonstrate that this was most probably a lid of c a bronze ciborium (Fig. 50A). It was a ritual vessel used < for sacrifice and which original forms were recorded in the monuments of Situla Art. Their lids are usually c densely ribbed and lowered - a form exclusively repre- < sented by the figural decorated ciborium from Magda- > lenska gora.262 Such vessels were usually positioned in to the graves of prominent females. Among the other vessels are indispensable the fragments of cylindrically shaped vessel or cyst (Fig. 52A). Since neither vessel is preserved in the possible shape, they are defined only by individual typological deter-minable fragments which could be, with a certain confidence, attributed cysts.263 Preserved is a single larger fragment of the upper part and the edge of the ves- 261 Gabrovec, Mihovilic 1987, 332; Mihovilic 1996, 49; Majnaric-Pandžic 1998, 265; Mihovilic 2001, 101. 262 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 14, C3; Turk 2005, 26, k. 31, sl. 31, 75-76; Tecco Hvala 2012, 356, sl. 131b; cf. Waisenberg, tumul 2 (Gleirscher 2008, 52, Abb. 15). 263 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 34. ipak možemo, s odredenim pouzdanjem, pripisati ci-Sačuvan je jedan veči ulomak gornjeg dijela i stama H K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C ruba posude, zatim čitav jedan šav sa zakovicama ciste, veči ulomak dna i mnoštvo sitnijih ulomaka plašta posuda. Prema ukrasu dijelova plašta, mogu se razlikovati dva osnovna tipa horizontalno narebrenih posuda, najjednostavnijeg ukrasa i to tipa Di i D2 prema tipologiji Berte Stjernquista,264 od kojih tip D2 ima izme-du rebara još i nizove punciranih točkica. Rub posude bio im je savijen prema unutrašnjosti posude, od kojih su preostali sačuvani ulomci bili navučeni na olovne šipke pa tako obilježavaju standardnu grupu tipa KM 1 prema istome autoru. 265 263 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 34. 264 Stjernquist 1967, 34, Abb. 4, Di, D2. 265 Stjernquist 1967, 37, Abb. 5, KMi. 266 Stjernquist 1967, 68, 83-85, 107; Mihovilič 1996, 50; Mihovilič 2013, 250. 267 Mihovilič 1996, T. VII, 119-120; T. VIII; T. IX,i40; Mihovilič 2013, sl. 168; usp. Stjernquist 1967, T. XIX, 5-7; T. LII, 1-3. 268 Stjernquist 1967, T. XX, 4-5; T. LI, 1-4; Mihovilič 2013, sl. 169. 269 Stjernquist 1967, 68, 71, Abb. 12. sel, further an entire suture with rivets of a cyst, s larger fragment of the base and numerous fragments of the mantle. According to the decoration preserved on parts of the mantle, the can be distinguished in to two basic types of horizontally ribbed vessels - those with the simplest decorations designated to type Di and D2 according to the typology of Bert Stjernquist,264 and those of type D2 which have is between the ribs also strings of punctuated dots. The rim of the vessel was bent towards the interior and the preserved fragments were rolled around lead rods and thus characterize a standard group of type KM 1. 265 Sačuvano je samo jedno dno posude koje je zapravo i indikativno, jer svojim oblikom i ukrasom od dvi-je profilirane trake (tip PBi) i spajanjem na plašt po-sude s unutrašnje strane (tip KBi), pripada posebnoj, tzv. istarskoj skupini cista koje su obilježile IV. i V. fazu istarske skupine, odnosno vrijeme HaD2-3 stup-nja srednjoeuropske kronologije (sl. 52).266 Zato če se i najsrodniji primjerci nači na istarskim nalazištima, ponajprije u Nezakciju, grobnica iz 1981. godine267 ali i kod primjeraka iz Picuga.268 Analogije se mogu vidje-ti i kod posuda iz svetolucijskog i venetskog područja, gdje takve posude i čine odredenu koncentraciju.269 Preserved was only a single bottom of the vessel which is actually indicative, since with its shape and decoration consisting of two profiled strips (type PBi) and connecting to the mantle of the vessel from the inner side (type KBi), belongs to a separate, so-called Istrian group of cyst that marked IV and V phases of the His-trian group - this is the time of HaD2-3 according to the European chronology (Fig. 52).266 Consequently the most similar examples were found in Istrian sites, primarily in Nesactium, tomb i98i267 but also in Picu-gi.268 Analogies can be observed in vessels from the St. Lucia and Veneto areas where such vessels make a certain concentration.269 Technical similarities exist also with cysts from the Bologna circle, e.g. with the cysts 264 Stjernquist i967, 34, Abb. 4, Di, D2. 265 Stjernquist i967, 37, Abb. 5, KMi. 266 Stjernquist i967, 68, 83-85, i07; Mihovilič i996, 50; Mihovilič 20i3, 250. 267 Mihovilič i996, T. VII, ii9-i20; T. VIII; T. IX, i40; Mihovilič 20i3, sl. i68; cf. Stjernquist i967, T. XIX, 5-7; T. LII, i-3. 268 Stjernquist i967, T. XX, 4-5; T. LI, i-4; Mihovilič 20i3, sl. i69. 269 Stjernquist i967, 68, 7i, Abb. i2. Proizvodne i tehničke sličnosti postoje medutim i kod cisti iz bolonjskog kruga, npr. kod ciste iz Arnoaldi grob 111,270 te s druge strane iz jugoistočnog alpskog prostora, npr. kod ciste iz Magdalenske gore, Preloge G. 2/k (sl. 52B).271 Poput situla, i ciste su krasili brojni privjesci. Vec smo vidjeli kako je njihova donekle prepoznatljiva oznaka bio privjesak u obliku ribljeg repa (sl. 52; 35B-36), a znali su biti pridodani i drugi oblici, medu kojima u najve-cem broju različiti privjesci u obliku karike sa zupci-ma. Privjesci svojom gustocom nalaženja obilježavaju područje jugoistočnog alpskog prostora svetolucijske i dolenjske kulturne skupine, odnosno područja go-laseške kulture u vremenu kasnohalštatskog i ranola-tenskog razdoblja.272 Medutim, njihovo je rasprostira-nje obilježilo osobito prostor Kvarnera i Istre gdje su zabilježeni gotovo kod svakog istraživanog nalazišta u najrazličitijim kontekstima.273 Odredenu gustocu nalaza grade predstavljaju i poje-dinačne ručke situla i cista (sl. 53A).274 Osnovna je jed-nostavna forma ručkica, izradenim lijevanjem u kalupu. Pokazuju svojstva tipa AHi, s jednom ušicom.27S Ne izostaju ni čvrste, izdužene pravokutne ručke, koje su bile aplicirane izravno na tijelo posude, a mogu se 270 Stjernquist 1967, T. X; Macellari 2002, T. 24, 1. 271 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 12, Bi. 272 Warneke 1999, 82-83. 273 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 7, 102-106; T. 13, 200-201; T. 23, 332; T. 33, 450, 463; T. 51, 861866. 274 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 32, 34-35. 275 Stjernquist 1967, 30-32, Abb. 2. from Arnoaldi, grave 111,270 and on the other from the south-eastern Alpine region, for example from Mag-dalenska gora, Preloge G 2/k (Fig. 52B).271 Like situlae the cysts were decorated with numerous pendants. We have already seen how their somewhat recognizable mark was the pendant in the shape of a fish tail (Fig. 52; 35B-36). But also other forms could be added among which is the largest number of differ- ^ ent pendants in the shape of denticualted rings. The pendants with their density of distribution mark the area of the St. Lucia and Dolenjska cultural groups £ and the area of Golasecca culture in the late Hallstatt Š and early La Tene period.272 However, their distribution marked mainly the area of Kvarner and Istria u where they were recorded at almost each site in variety of contexts.273 £ c z A certain density of finds is represented by the indi- n vidual handles of situlae and cysts (Fig. 53A).274 Basis is the simple form of handles, made by casting in a mould. They demonstrate the properties of type AHi with a single loop.27S Then, there are also solid rectangular handles, which were applied directly to the body of the vessel, and can be joined to Series 1 according to the same researcher.276 They are further strengthening the link with the Bologna area. 270 Stjernquist 1967, T. X; Macellari 2002, T. 24, 1. 271 Tecco Hvala et al. 2004, T. 12, Bi. 272 Warneke i999, 82-83. 273 Blečic Kavur 20i0, T. 7, i02-i0 6; T. i3, 20 0-20i; T. 23, 332; T. 33, 450, 463; T. 5i, 86i-866. 274 Blečic Kavur 20i4a, 32, 34-35. 275 Stjernquist i967, 30-32, Abb. 2. 276 Stjernquist i967, 30, Abb. i. A 53. Brončane ručke situla/cista (A prema Blečič Kavur 2014b) i dva olovna ulomka spojnice (B). B Bronze handles of situlae/cyts (A after Blečič Kavur 2014b) and two fragments of lead joints (B). pridružiti Seriji 1 prema istome istraživaču,276 i tako još više učvrstiti vezu s bolonjskim prostorom. Naposljetku vrijedni pozornosti su i preostali konstrukcijski elementi situla i cista, što se odnosi na nalaze olovnih šipki, stezaljki i spojki takoder od olova (sl. 53B).277 Olovne šipke ispunjavale su rubove i dna situla i cista čime se nastojalo pojačati njihovu čvrstocu i stabilnost. Olovne stezaljke koristile su se pak najvecim dijelom pri popravcima kod dugotrajnijeg korištenja, što je i odlika istarskih metalnih posuda.278 U svakom primjeru, olovni elementi jasno svjedoče da se i na Osoru morala nalaziti zanatska radionica s majstori-ma specijaliziranim za takvu vrstu zahtjevnih poslova. U interpretaciji vrijednosti situlske umjetnosti (sl. 51), koja se razvijala na velikom prostoru prapovijesnih kultura, ali u inspirativnom doticaju s rascvjetanim sredozemnim civilizacijama, najčešce se podrazumi-jeva kao iskaz razvijenosti i statusa onodobnog arha-ičnog društva.279 Sukladno arhaičnosti kulturno izrazito heterogenih područja, umjetnička ostvarenja situlske umjetnosti odlikuje izrazita konzervativnost kako u izvedbi tako i u naraciji. Spektar motiva, iko-nografskog sadržaja te metoda ponavljanja scena, prizora, simbola ili znakovlja, učvrstila se u tradiciji dugoj gotovo četiri stoljeca. Kompozicija izvedbe pojedinih ukrasa u pravilu je bila simetrična, ritmična ali plošna pa je, zajedno s isključivo plitko reljefnim prikazima u 276 Stjernquist 1967, 30, Abb. 1. 277 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 54, 889. 278 Mihovilic 2013, 316-318, sl. 252 (sa starijom literaturom). 279 Teržan 2007, 81-83 (sa starijom literaturom). Finally are worthy of attention the remaining structural elements ofsitulae and cysts, such as lead rods, clamps and couplings also made of lead (Fig. 53B).277 Lead rods filled the edges and bottoms of situlae and cysts to increase their strength and stability. Lead clamps were used in turn largely for effective repair of long used vessels, which is a characteristic of Istrian metal vessels.278 In any case, lead elements clearly demonstrate that Osor also must have had a workshop with craftsmen specialized in this kind ofpretentious jobs. In the interpretation of the importance of Situla Art (Fig. 51), which was developed on a large area of prehistoric cultures and in inspiring contacts with blooming Mediterranean civilizations, they were most commonly referred to as a statement of development and status of then contemporary archaic society.279 In accordance with the archaism of culturally extremely heterogeneous territories, artistic achievements of Situla Art are characterized by a striking conservatism both in performance as well as in the narration. The spectrum of motifs, iconographic content and method of repetition of scenes, symbols or signs was strengthened in a tradition of almost four centuries. The composition of the performance of individual decorations was as a rule symmetrical, rhythmic or flat so, together with only shallow reliefs depicted in profile, it became a canonized and a commonly accepted way of artistic expression.280 Neverthe- 277 BlečiC Kavur 2010, T. 54, 889. 278 MihoviliC 2013, 316-318, sl. 252 (with earlier literature). 279 Teržan 2007, 81-83 (with earlier literature). 280 Teržan 1997; Teržan 2001; Teržan 2007; cf. Koch 2003; Cassola Guida, Vitri 2012; Bondini 2012. K u Z w OS K I C u < c z < s K > C vo K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > P y K P- K C z < s K > C profilima, postala kanoniziran i opčeprihvačen način umjetničkog izraza.280 Unatoč svemu, svaka je umjet-nina toga stila bila jedinstvena. Svaka je dobila, bilo sa-držajem, bilo ikonografijom, bilo mjesnim obilježjima ili načinom izvedbe odredenih detalja, svoju vlasti-tu iskaznicu kojom se čitavom »svijetu« predstavljala kao unikatni proizvod vrhunskog umjetničkog obrta, posve razumljiv u komunikacijskim i diplomatskim odnosima njihova doba.281 Isto je dodatno isticao ikonografski repertoar takvih spomenika koji su do nas pristigli u večem ili manjem opsegu. I, on je u pravilu, unatoč standardizirano razvijenom programu, bio ra-zličit i individualan, semantički elokventan i simbolič-ki povezan uz viša značenja kultne ili vjerske pozadine njihova vlasnika. Nažalost, osorski primjerci ne pružaju mogučnost iščitavanja i analiziranja ikonografskih sadržaja u ve-čem razmjeru i time obogačivanja postoječih znanja te razumijevanja daleke nam prošlosti. Ipak, kako u obrtničkom, tako če i u likovnom izrazu konteksta te velike umjetnosti osorski sitni ulomci kao specifični subjekti u smislu pars pro toto dobiti izvjesno elitan značaj, postajuči drugim nalazištem na prostoru Hrvatske i najjužnijom točkom na karti njezina rasprostiranja (sl. 51). less every piece of this style was unique. Each of them got, either with its content, either with iconography or local characteristics and way of production of certain details its own identity card which was used to be presented to the whole »world« as a unique product of superior artistic craft, entirely understandable in communication and diplomatic relations of their epoch.281 The same was further emphasized by the iconographic repertoire of such monuments that arrived to us in a greater or lesser extent. And the later was, as a rule despite a standardized developed program, variable and individual, semantically eloquent and symbolically associated with higher meanings of cultural or religious background of their respective owners. Unfortunately, the examples from Osor do not offer the possibility of reading and analyzing the icono-graphic contents on a larger scale and thus enriching the existing knowledge and understanding of the distant past. However, as in the craftsmanship, so in the visual context of this large artistic expression the tiny fragments from Osor will, as specific subjects within the meaning ofpars pro toto, obtain a certain elite importance, becoming the second site on the Croatian territory and the most southerly point on the map of its distribution (Fig. 51). 280 Teržan 1997; Teržan 2001; Teržan 2007; usp. Koch 2003; Cassola Guida, Vitri 2012; Bondini 2012. 281 Usp. Koch 2003; Huth 2012. 281 Cf. Koch 2003; Huth 2012. Partnerstvo »Sjevera« i »Juga« The partnership of »North« and »>South« Pod utjecajem sveprisutnog helenističkog stila na istočnom Sredozemlju, več od kraja 4., a poglavito tijekom 3. st. pr. Kr., Osor prihva-ča nove životne standarde. Razvija se i ureduje na način prave urbane forme. Postoječi bedemi učvršču-ju se velikim kamenim blokovima u suhozidu, tzv. megalitskim ili kiklopskim zidinama. Na istočnoj strani, pored današnjega groblja i na ulazu u grad, sa zapadne strane pružanja još se dobro mogu uočiti di-jelovi konzerviranog bedema toga vremena (sl. 15; 1718). Zadržavanjem strateškog položaja nezaobilazne luke u tranzitnim komunikacijama tog dijela Europe, potiče se ponovno uredenje tjesnaca i pristani- šta te obližnjih uvala Jaz i Bijar kao sigurnih lučica za 282 pristajanje. Nalazi pokretne arheološke grade i nadalje neosporno svjedoče o razvijenom društvenom i političkom statusu Osora unutar ondašnjih gospodarsko-trgovač-kih ali i vojno-političkih snaga na Jadranu.283 Due to the influence of the omnipresent Hellenistic style of the eastern Mediterranean already from the end of the 4th and especially during the 3rd cent. BC Osor accepted new living standards. It developed and was regulated in a true urban form. The existing city walls were reinforced by large stone boulders in the dry building technique - the construction of the so-called megalithic or Cyclopean walls. On the eastern side, near the present-day cemetery, on the west side of the extension one can still see parts of the conserved city walls of that time (Fig. i5; i7-i8). By keeping the strategic position of an unavoidable port in transit communications in this part of Europe was encouraged the re-planning of the strait and the port as well as the nearby bays Jaz and Bijar as safe harbours for docking.282 Archaeological finds still demonstrate the existence of the developed social and political status of Osor within the past economic and trade but also military and political forces in the Adriatic.283 282 Faber i980; Faber 2002. 283 Usp. Glogovič i989; Blečič Kavur 2009; Blečič Kavur 20i0. 282 Faber i980; Faber 2002. 283 Cf. Glogovič i989; Blečič Kavur 2009; Blečič Kavur 20i0. Posebnost koja se tada filtrira jest zapravo mjesno stva-ralaštvo u najširem poimanju te riječi. Ono s jedne strane, posve konkretno i sigurno pokazuje autohto-ne obrtničke tradicije, preoblikovane pod utjecajima novih ideja i djela, vještina i tehnologija. Ponegdje ih nadomještaju ili istiskuju predmeti helenističke obrtničke provenijencije, a ponegdje oni iz svijeta keltskog O kulturnog stvaralaštva. Medutim, postoji i nemali broj ^ obrazaca koji pokazuju njihovo zajedničko nastupan- £ je, što je s obzirom na položaj Osora realno shvatljivo £ i očekivano. Drugim riječima, ni jedan od navedenih E utjecaja nije bio nasilan ili izravan, nego postupan, bez g vecih ili naglih preobrata, izabran. Predmeti prestiža 0 i luksuznih importa bili su obilježjem standarda suk- ^ ladnog vrijednostima šireg kulturnog kruga, posebno ^ sjevernojadranske kulturne koine. Tako se ujedno do- o kazao i kontinuitet autohtonog življa koji je primao < te prilagodavao trendove svojim potrebama, shodno > vlastitom profiliranom i prepoznatljivom stilu, kako u prijašnjim tako i u zadnjim stoljecima stare ere.284 ^ a K a H C Z < s K > C A special feature which is then filtered is actually the local creativity in the broadest understanding of the word. It quite concretely and certainly demonstrates the indigenous craft tradition, reshaped under the influence new ideas and works, skills and technology. In some instances they are replaced or displaced by items of Hellenistic craft provenance, and sometimes by those from the world of Celtic cultural creativity. However, there are a significant number of patterns that demonstrate their common occurrence, which is, due to the position of Osor, really understandable and expected. In other words, neither of the above impacts was violent or direct, but elected and gradual without major or sudden reversal. Prestige items and luxury import were the demonstration of the standards in accordance with the values of the wider cultural circle, especially ofthe northern Adriatic cultural koine. Thus it also demonstrated the continuity of the indigenous population who adapted the trends according to their needs - in compliance with their own profiled and recognizable style, both in earlier and in the last centuries BC.284 284 Blečic Kavur 2014a. 284 Blečič Kavur 2014a. »Odijelo«, nakit, status, simbol » Clothing«, jewelry, status, symbol T ijekom čitavog mladeg željeznog doba, od 4. pa do 2. st. pr. Kr., pojedini elementi nošnje i nakita, zbog svoje su funkcionalnosti ili jed-nostavnosti, nepromijenjeno dugo ostajali u modi ta-mošnjeg stanovništva. No pojedini se ipak razvijaju i usavršavaju u korist novoprispjelih kulturnih utje-caja i manifestacija. Zorno nam to pokazuju upravo kasni oblici i varijante fibula tipa Certosa kojih je na Osoru zabilježen uistinu impozantan broj. Istu tradi-ciju slijede i varijante fibula tipa Baška. One su, u luksuznim baroknim formama, nerijetko bile izradiva-ne od srebra, uklapajuci se tako u širenje masovnije uporabe srebra, odnosno u tzv. srebrni horizont tijeka 3. st. pr. Kr.285 S druge strane, na čitavom prostoru Kvarnera bili su prihvaceni i posredni utjecaji iz keltskog kulturnog miljea. Njihov se odraz slijedi u preuzimanju osnovnih obrazaca kod izradbi tzv. fibula latenske sheme. Kulturni su to dotoci koji su prodirali iz zaleda, od sje-verne Italije, ponajviše Furlanije i jugoistočnog alp- Throughout the Late Iron Age, from the 4th to the 2nd cent. BC, individual elements of costumes and jewellery, due to their functionality or simplicity, remained unchanged for a long time in fashion of the local population. But were developing and improving due to the benefit of newly arrived cultural influences and manifestations. This is clearly demonstrated to us by the late forms and variants of Certosa type fibula which were recorded in Osor in a truly impressive number. The same tradition is followed by the variants of Baška type fibula. They were in luxurious, baroque forms, often produced from silver, thus matching the spread of massive application of silver or the so-called silver horizon during the 3rd cent. BC.285 On the other hand, in the entire area of Kvarner were accepted indirect influences from the Celtic cultural milieu. Their reflection was followed in accepting the basic forms in the production of the so-called La Tene scheme fibulae. These were cultural influences penetrating from the hinterlands - from northern Italy, most from Friuli and the south-eastern Alpine region 285 Blečic Kavur 2014a. 285 Blečic Kavur 2014a. skog područja današnje Slovenije. Po uzoru na njih, na Kvarneru su bile vrlo popularne fibule tzv. srednjo-latenske sheme. Ističu se fibule tipa Kastav i Nezakcij, od kojih je upravo na Osoru poznat največi broj, a koje svojom prostornom raširenošču ukazuju na regional-nu produkciju tog tipa umjetničkog zanatstva. Miješanje stilova, moda, utjecaja ili inspiracija bilo je H izuzetno snažno u tome vremenu na čitavom prostoru Kvarnera, ali na Osoru se očitovalo na najživopisni- ~ ji moguči način. u p* g Kasne varijante fibula tipa Certosa o Najmlade če oblike fibula tipa Certosa obilježavati oni u primjerci koji se javljaju na samom kraju starijeg želje-£ znog doba, odnosno več s fibulama srednjolatneskih g shema. Tako su na neki način istisnule iz uporabe stadij je tipove i varijante Certosa fibula, ali i obilježile več saw svim novo vrijeme mladeg željeznog doba čiji se oblije kovni preobrat počinje dogadati od 300. g. pr. Kr. pa S nadalje. U te se vodeče oblike ubrajaju XII i pogoto-g vo VII varijante fibula tipa Certosa čija če manifestaci-£ ja ovisiti o prostornom, odnosno kulturnom raspore-* du (T 2.1; 54-56).286 N ra o Na prostoru Kvarnera fibule tipa Certosa XII varijan- te bile su, konvencionalno, vrlo slabo zastupljene. Pridružena im je bila tek fibula iz Grobnika, koja se ipak bliže povezuje uz njihovu raskošniju, barokniju XIIa varijantu. Naime, riječ je o fibulama koje su obilježile područje dolenjskog kulturnog kruga završnih faza of today's Slovenia. Following their example in Kvarner were very popular so-called fibulae of the middle La Tene scheme. Especially fibulae of the type Kastav and Nesactium, of which is the greatest number known in Osor. Their geographic distribution indicates the regional production of this type of artistic crafts. Mixing styles, fashions, influences or inspirations was very strong at that time in the entire area of Kvarner, but on Osor it was evident in the most colourful way. Late variants ofCertosa type fibulae The youngest forms of Certosa type fibulae were marked by specimens which appear at the end of the Early Iron Age, which is already with fibulae of middle La Tene scheme. In a certain way were they squeezed from use the older types and variants of Certosa type fibula and marked the completely new era of Late Iron Age with its formative turnaround starting to happen from 300 BC and onwards. Among these main forms were included XII and VII variants of Certosa fibula of whose manifestations will depend on the spatial and cultural schedule (Fig. 21; 54-56).286 In the area of Kvarner Certosa type fibula XII variants were, conventionally, very poorly represented. Among them was the fibula from Grobnik, which, however, could be closer, linked with their sumptuous baroque XIIa variant. These were fibulae that marked the area of Dolenjska cultural circle in the final phases of Negova horizon of the late HaD3 and the early La Tene peri- 286 Teržan 1976, 371-372, sl. 41; 42. 286 Teržan 1976, 371-372, sl. 41; 42. negovskog horizonta kasnog HaD3 sve do ranolaten-skog razdoblja.287 Nasuprot, skromnijoj, zdepastijoj i ne toliko ukrašenoj varijanti XIIb fibula tipa Certo-sa, kao i njihovoj proizvodnji po uzoru na a varijante, pribrojiti se može i upravo četiri djelomično očuvane fibule iz Osora (sl. 54).288 Karakterizira ih zabačen luk prema nozi fibule s ukrasnim nepravilnim bikoničnim dugmetom na kraju luka kojeg se često nalazi ostatak zakovice kojima su bile pričvršcene opruga i igla na ti-jelo fibule. Osorske dvije bolje očuvane fibule su da-kle dvodijelne. Na najvišoj točki luka nalaze se s obje strane naglašeno izvučena polukružna zadebljanja tzv. »oči«. Zbog izrazite zastupljenosti u Lici smatra se da su se ondje možda i razvile, počevši od sredine 4. st. pr. Kr., postignuvši obilježje japodskog obrtničkog stva-ralaštva (sl. 54).289 Samim time označavat ce još jednu čvršcu poveznicu Osora toga vremena s kulturnim ostvarenjima Japoda u ličkome zaledu. Fibule tipa Certosa VII varijante učestalije su i tipološ-ki različitije zastupljene na prostoru kvarnerskog prio-balnog, ali i otočnog dijela te ih stoga poznajemo gotovo iz svih istraživanih nekropola od Kastva i Grobnika do Krka i Baške, te najjužnijeg Osora.29° Iz tog, ovdje istaknutog nalazišta predstavljaju se čak tri varijante (d, e, f), što je s obzirom na zastupljenost najveci omjer varijanti tih fibula na jednom, dosad objavljenom kvar-nerskom nalazištu. 287 Teržan 1976, 338, 371-372, sl. 41; Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 10; Cetinic 1996, sl. 5; Blečic 2004, 66, 84, sl. 12, T. 3, 1.2.9; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 11, 162. 288 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 47. 289 Lo Schiavo 1970, 493, T. 6, 11; T. 14, 4; T. 29, 15; Teržan 1976, 382; Težak-Gregl 1981, 31, T. 4; T. 5; T. 6; usp. Blečic Kavur 2010 , T. 46, 629-632. 290 Glogovic 1982, sl. 4, 1-2, 4; Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 7; Blečic 2002; Blečic 2004, T. 2, 1.2.4; T. 3, 1.2.5-1.2.8, 1.2.1; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 45, 47. od.287 In contrast, to the modest not so much decorated variants XIIb fibula ofCertosa type, as well as their production on the model of the a variants, can be added four partially preserved fibulae from Osor (Fig. 54).288 They are characterized by the taut bow towards the foot of the fibula decorated with an irregular byconical button at the end of the bow. On the bow were often remains of rivets for the fixing of the spring and pin to the body of the fibula. The two better preserved fibulae from Osor had therefore a two-piece construction. At the highest point of the bow are located on both sides semicircular thickening called »the eyes«. Due to j well defined presence in Lika it is considered that they | might have developed there, starting from the middle ^ of the 4th cent. BC, having attained the characteristic £ Japodic crafts creativity (Fig. 54).289 Their presence indicates another tighter link of Osor with the cultural achievements ofJapodi in Lika. c H Certosa type fibula of VII variant are more common and typological diverse on the coastal area of Kvar- h ner, but also the island part. They are known from al- £ most all of the necropoles from Kastav and Grobnik to Krk and Baška, and the southernmost Osor.29° For this, here presented site are present three variants (d, e, f), which is according to the presence of the highest ratio of variants of these fibulae in one, previously published site in Kvarner. 287 Teržan 1976, 338, 371-372, sl. 41; Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 10; Cetinic 1996, sl. 5; Blečic 2004, 66, 84, sl. 12, T. 3, 1.2.9; cf. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 11, 162. 288 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 47. 289 Lo Schiavo 1970, 493, T. 6, 11; T. 14, 4; T. 29, 15; Teržan 1976, 382; Težak-Gregl 1981, 31, T. 4; T. 5; T. 6; cf. Blečic Kavur 2010 , T. 46, 629-632. 290 Glogovic 1982, sl. 4, 1-2, 4; Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 7; Blečic 2002; Blečic 2004, T. 2, 1.2.4; T. 3, 1.2.5-1.2.8, 1.2.1; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 45, 47. 54. Dvije djelomično očuvane brončane fibule tipa Certosa XIIb varijante i karta njihova rasprostiranja (nadopunjeno prema Teržan 1976). Two partly preserved bronze Certosa type fibulae ofvariant Xllb and the map oftheir distribution (supplemented after Teržan 1976). 55. Brončana fibula tipa Certosa varijante Vlld. Razmjerno vecu, dobro očuvanu dvodijelnu fibulu iz Osora (sl. 55)291 može se pribrojiti skupini fibula varijante Vlld prema B. Teržan.292 Tipološki ju odredu-je polukružni presjek luka s polukružnim dugmetom na luku i rupicom za zakovicu. Noga je mala i niska s urezanim »V« ornamentom paralelnih linija, a završa-va prema naprijed pomaknutim dugmetom. Prisustvo te fibule, kao i druge varijante s kojima je istovremena, ukazuju na, iznova, bližu prostornu povezanost s jugo-istočnim alpskim prostorom od svetolucijske preko notranjske skupine, sve do viničkog područja. A, na takve, vec dobro realizirane kontakte, nadove-zuje se i sljedeci osorski primjerak. Fibula, naime, ima spljošten luk polukružnog presjeka koji je sa strana po-lukružno izvučen i ukrašen sa dvije urezane polukruž-ne linije, tzv. »oči«. Dugme je izvedeno imitacijom malog polukružnog zadebljanja sa jednim rebrom i pletenicom, a podignuto je visoko prema luku. Riječ je o fibuli tipa Certosa varijante Vile (sl. 56A),293 kojoj se najsrodniji primjerak nalazi upravo i kod najbliže fi- 291 Cus-Rukonič 1981, 8. T- I. 6. 292 Teržan 1976. 325. 328. sl. 3d. 293 Glogovic 1982. sl. 4. 1; Glogovic 1989. T. 32. 7; Blečic Kavur 2 640-643. 645-648. >. T. 46. 634-638. Bronze Certosa type fibula of the variant VIId. The relatively larger. well-preserved two-part fibula from Osor (Fig. 55)291 may be added to the group of fibulae ofvariant VIId according to B. Teržan.292 It is typo-logically determined by the semicircular cross section of the bow with a semicircular button on it and a hole for the rivet. The foot is small and low with engraved »V« shaped ornament consisting of parallel lines ending towards the forward-set button. Once again. the presence of this fibula indicating a closer connection to the territory ofSt. Lucia. Notranjska and Vinica cultural regions. And to such. well realized contacts. is linked also the following find from Osor. The fibula has a flattened bow of semicircular cross section which is on the sides decorated with two semicircular buttons decorated with two incised semicircular lines - the so-called »eyes«. The button was modelled with the imitation of a small semicircular thickening with a rib and a braid. It is an example of Certosa type fibula of variant VIIe (Fig. 56A).293 Similar example was discovered in Nesactium.294 To theses characteristic examples of fibulae of 291 Cus-Rukonič 1981. 8. T. I. 6. 292 Teržan 1976. 325. 328. sl. 3d. 293 Glogovič 1982. sl. 4. 1; Glogovič 1989. T. 32. 7; Blečič Kavur 2010. T. 46. 634-638. 640-643. 645-648. 294 Mihovilič 2001. T. 55. 40. aT K Z H aT < P- K I c > ar K Z H ar < A 56. Djelomično očuvane brončane fibule tipa Certosa varijante Vile (A) i Vllf (B) te karta rasprostiranja fibula VIIfvarijante (nadopunjeno prema Svetličič 1997). Partly preserved bronze Certosa type fibulae ofthe VIIe (A) and VIIf(B) variants and a distribution map of the VIIfvariant fibulae (supplemented after Svetličič 1997). bule iz Nezakcija.294 Izuzev tog, karakterističnog primjerka fibulama varijate VIIe može se pridružiti još oko 12 ukrašenih ulomaka iz osorske Kavanele, dok na ostalim kvarnerskim nalazištima predstavljaju rijet-kost.295 U suprotnosti od drugih varijanti fibula, najčešce usa-mljenih, pojedinačnih ili malobrojnih nalaza fibule varijante Vllf izričito su dobro zastupljene u cijeloj re- giji.296 Brojem od 6 ili 7 ulomaka ponovno odstupaju primjerci iz starih istraživanja Kavanele297 (sl. 56B). Na taj način znatno premašuju dosad poznatu zastuplje-nost na ostalim nalazištima.298 Fibule navedene varijante obilježava luk polukružnog presjeka, na vrhu ra-skovan u rombičnu pločicu neukrašenu ili s linearno urezane dvije polukružne linije, tzv. »oči«. Najbrojni-je su prisutne na prostranom području od svetolucij-ske pa do dolenjske, i od notranjsko-kraške do kolapi-janske i japodske kulturne regije (sl. 56).299 Mihovilic 2001, T. 55, 40. Zasad je poznat samo još jedan novi, upravo istražen nalaz takve fibule iz Krka, položaj Šinigoj-Sv. Lovro. Na proslijedenim podatcima i studijskoj dokumentaciji zahvaljujem se Mirni Vujovic. Grobnik (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 11, 156-160), grad Krk (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 29, 409-410), Krk (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 34, 466-467). 297 D. Glogovic publicirala je samo dva primjerka predmetnog tipa fibule, iako je u tekstu navela kako ih se u AZO nalazi najmanje oko desetak djelomič-no očuvanih komada (Glogovic 1982, 40). S obzirom na stanje očuvanosti i oblik konzervacije vecine fibula, više nije moguce odrediti koliki su od navedenih ulomaka možda bili dijelom jedna fibule. U tom aspektu, iznova je zanimljiv podatak da je prisutno 20 ulomaka lukova fibula s oprugom, što opet ima svo-ju težinu. 298 Nešto veca zastupljenost poznata je samo iz nekropole u Jezerinama (Teržan 1976, 328). 299 Teržan 1976, 328, sl. 42; Svetličič 1997, 31-34, sl. 16. Karta rasprostranjenosti na-dopunjena je osim navedenim kvarnerskim fibulama i fibulama iz: Adria, Ca'Cima 19/1993 (Tamassia 1997, 203, K. 77.07), Montebello Vicentino (Mig-liavacca 1987, Fig. 12, 49), Oderzo (Pettarin 2006, 211), Dernazzacco (Pettarin 294 295 296 variant VIIe can be joined some 12 decorated examples from Kavanela, while on other sites in the Kvarner they are rare. Contrary to other variants of the fibulae, usually single or few in number discoveries, the fibulae ofvariant Vllf are distinctively well represented in the region.296 With 6 or 7 fragments again stand out examples from the old research on Kavanela297 (Fig. 56B). Thereby it significantly exceeds known occurrence of these fibulae on other sites.298 Fibulae of the mentioned variant have a bow with semicircular cross section and at the top a forged rhombic plate - unadorned or with two incised linear semicircular lines, so-called »eyes«. They are numerously present on the vast territory from St. Lucia to the Dolenjska, and from Notranjska - Karst to Kolapi-an and Japodian cultural regions (Fig. 56).299 295 So far is known only another new, just discovered such fibula from Krk, from Šinigoj-St. Lovro. The information and insight to the documentation was provided by Mirna Vujovic. 296 Grobnik (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 11, 156-160), city Krk (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 29, 409-410), Krk (Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 34, 466-467). 297 D. Glogovic published only two examples of this type of fibula, although in the text she mentioned that in the AZO were at least ten partially preserved pieces (Glogovic 1982, 40). Given the state of preservation and the conservation of most of the fibulae, it is no longer possible to determine how much of the above fragments may have been part of a single fibula. In this context it is again an interesting fact that there are present 20 fragments of fibulas bows with a spring, which in turn supports the argument. 298 A more numerous presence is known only from the necropolis in Jezerine (Teržan 1976, 328). 299 Teržan 1976, 328, sl. 42; Svetličič 1997, 31-34, sl. 16. The distribution map is supplemented, in addition to the above fibulae from Kvarner with examples from: Adria, Ca'Cima 19/1993 (Tamassia 1997, 203, K. 77.07), Montebello Vicentino (Migliavacca 1987, Fig. 12, 49), Oderzo (Pettarin 2006, 211), Dernazzacco (Pettarin 2006, 211, T. VIII, 105) and Ljubljanica (Gaspari 2002, 147, sl. 15, 1; Gaspari 2009b, 232, k. 38c), Most na Soči (Mlinar 2008, T. 29, 8; T. 13, 1), Novo mesto (Križ 2000, T. 44, 3-4), Žerovinšček, Bločice (Laharnar 2009, T. I, 2-4, OT K Z H aT < P- K I c > ar K Z H ar < oc K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C Najzad, srodne varijante VIIe i VIIffibule tipa Certosa označavaju svojevrstan fenomen na Kvarneru. Večina fibula je jednodijelnih, premda se u varijantama VIId i VIIe, upravo kao i kod varijante XIIb, broji i više fibula izradenih dvodijelnim sistemom, inače toliko karakterističnim za obližnje viničko i japodsko područje u zaledu. Ne čini se stoga pogrešnim pretpostavljati mo-guči obrtnički atelje, proizvodni ili barem preradivač-ki, i na samome Osoru koji je stvarao u duhu inspiracije njihove mode ili pod njihovim izravnim utjecajem. U korist tomu potiču več od prije poznate uhodane prakse proizvodnje ili obrade dijelova nošnje i nakita, kao i drugih značajnih predmeta umjetničkog obrta. Jednostavna izvedba i efektni ukras vjerojatno je omo-gučio dugotrajan opstanak opisanih fibula u tadašnjoj modi. Jer, nalaze se u grobovima tijekom čitavog mla-deg željeznog doba, vrlo često upravo s gradom sred-njolatenskih obilježja, osobito s fibulama Lt B2 i Lt C horizonta,300 a neke čak i s gradom stupnja Lt Di, od- nosno sve do kraj a 2. st. pr. •. Kr.3 Fibule srednjolatenskih shema Več na samom kraju starijeg željeznog doba, tj. počet-kom mladeg željeznog doba, prepoznavani su i posredni utjecaji iz latenskog kulturnog miljea Keltima naseljenih sjevernijih prostora zaleda Caput Adriae. Fibule 2006, 211, T. VIII, 105) i Ljubljanica (Gaspari 2002, 147, sl. 15, 1; Gaspari 2009b, 232, k. 38c), Most na Soči (Mlinar 2008, T. 29, 8; T. 13, 1), Novo mesto (Križ 2000, T. 44, 3-4), Žerovinšček, Bločice (Laharnar 2009, T. 36), Vrebac, Velika njiva (Drechsler-Bižic 1958, T. XII, 98), Pašman-Kucica? (Batovic 1987c, sl. 10, 1), ), Picugi (Mihovilic 1986, T. 9, 5), Nezakcij (Mihovilic 2001, T. 55, 36), te iz Aserije, g. 5 (Klarin 2000, 36-37, T. 17, 1; T. 26, 1), Pula (Orlic 2011, sl. 9, T. II, 1-2). 300 Teržan 1976, 382; Svetličič 1997, 31-34, sl. 16. 301 Laharnar 2009, 101, 129. Finally, the related variants VIIe and VIIf of Certosa type fibulae mark a peculiar phenomenon in the Kvar-ner region. Most of them are made from a single piece, although the variants VIId and VIIe, just as variant Xllb, has numerous fibulae made from two pieces - a feature characteristic for the nearby Vinica and the Japodian area in the hinterland. It does not seem so wrong to assume a possible craft centre, the production or at least processing in Osor which worked in the spirit of inspiration of their fashion or under their direct influence. It is supported by from before known practice of production or processing of parts of attire and jewellery, as well as other important items of artistic handicraft. The simple design and effective decoration probably enabled lengthy survival of the described fibulae in the fashion of that time. They were discovered in the graves throughout the Late Iron Age, often just with material of middle La Tene characteristics, especially with fibulae of the Lt B2 and Lt C horizon,300 and some even with material of the Lt Di or until the end of the 2nd cent. BC.301 Fibulae ofmiddle La Tene scheme At the very end of the Early Iron Age, i.e. near the beginning of the Late Iron Age, were recognized indirect influences from the La Tene cultural milieu of the northern hinterland of Caput Adriae inhabited by the 300 30I 11; T. I, 8-10), Vrebac, Velika njiva (Drechsler-Bižic 1958, T. XII, 98), Pašman- -Kucica? (Batovic 1987c, sl. 10, 1), ), Picugi (Mihovilic 1986, T. 9, 5), Nesactium (Mihovilic 2001, T. 55, 36), Asseria, g. 5 (Klarin 2000, 36-37, T. 17, i; T. 26, 1) and Pula (Orlic 2011, sl. 9, T. II, 1-2). Teržan 1976, 382; Svetličič 1997, 31-34, sl. 16. Laharnar 2009, 101, 129. srednjolatenskih shema vremenski nastupaju, kako je rečeno, uz pojedine varijante fibula tipa Certosa ili tipa Baška. Na Kvarneru je zabilježen proporcionalno velik broj fibula takvih značajki (sl. 57-60). Brončane su fibule nedvojbeno bile djelom radioničkih centara na području Caput Adriae, gdje se tako oblikovalo i nekoliko zasebnih tipova koji su izrazito dugo opstali u modi.302 Obilježava ih navoj uokolo luka fibule te posebno oblikovane i ukrašene unatrag povijene nožice, s raz-ličito profiliranim i/ili ukrašenim dugmetima ili spojnicama. Zajednice koje su tada obitavale na Kvarneru nastavile su tako održavati svoje snažne i ukorijenjene tradicije, bez obzira na infiltriranje novih impulsa ili značajnijih povijesnih preobrata koji su se odvijali u, i uokolo njihove »stvarnosti«. Iz istraživanja osorske Kavanele očuvan je razmjerno velik broj fibula srednjolatenskih shema. Mnoge od njih pribrojiti se mogu jednostavnim formama fibula s karakterističnim oprugama od tri ili četiri navoja i s te-tivom/navojem uokolo luka fibule (sl. 57). Lukovi fibula variraju od punih, masivnih kružnih ili polukružnih pa sve do lecastih ili u potpunosti istanjenih presjeka. Neke od njih ukrašene su urezanim linearnim motivi-ma. Te činjenice svjedoče u prilog tezi da su one dugo bile u uporabi, vjerojatno tijekom čitavog mladeg željeznog doba sve do kraja 2. st. pr. Kr. što podupire i njihova velika zastupljenost od čak 30-ak primjeraka. Buduci da ih je vecina prilično oštecena, odnosno ne-dostaju im i nožica i spojnica, pomnija im je tipološka opredjeljivost onemogucena. Pozornost je stoga usm- Celts. Fibulae of middle La Tene schemes appear in the period together, as said, with some variants of Certosa or Baška type's fibulae. In Kvarner was recorded a proportionally large number of such fibulae with such features (Fig. 57-60). Bronze fibulae were undoubtedly produced in workshops on Caput Adriae area, where several individual types were shaped remaining long in fashion.302 They were characterized by a coil around the bow and particular designed and decorated backward bent feet with differently profiled and/or decorated buttons or clamps. Communities inhabiting Kvarner continued to maintain their entrenched tradition, j regardless of the infiltration of new impulses or signifi- g cant historical turnovers that took place in, and around | their »reality«. £ K I From research of Kavanela was preserved a relative- ^ ly large number of fibulae of middle La Tene scheme. ^ Many of they can be added to simple forms fibula with h characteristic springs from three or four coils is the w chord/coil turned around the bow of the fibula (Fig. £ 57). Bows are ranging from a full, massive with circu- ^ lar or semi-circular and all the way to lenticular or completely thinned cross-sections. Some of them were decorated with incised linear motifs. These facts testify in favour of the thesis that they were long in use, probably throughout the late Iron Age to the end ofthe 2nd cent. BC, which supports and their numerous presence of even 30 examples. Since most ofthem were pretty damaged or missing and their feet and joints, their more detailed typological definition is not possible. Attention is therefore focused on two types which, in their ver- 302 Guštin 1991, 36. 302 Guštin 1991, 36. A B C 57. Ulomci triju brončanih fibula srednjolatenskih shema. Fragments ofthree bronze middle La Tene scheme fibulae. jerena k dvama tipovima koji su, u svojim inačicama i svojim brojem, najizričitije zastupljeni na cijelom kvar-nerskom bazenu, posebno na Osoru. Riječ je o fibulama koje su i priskrbile mjesna tipološka nazivlja; o fibulama tipa Kastav i tipa Nezakcij (sl. 58; 60), sa svojim varijantama. Fibule tipa Kastav Iz Osora poznajemo dvije varijante fibule tipa Kastav: Kastav i Idrija prema tipologiji Mitje Guština.303 Vari-jantu Kastav obilježava luk ovalnog presjeka s nogom okrenutom unatrag i s masivnijom spojnicom kojom je noga bila pričvrščena za luk fibule (sl. 58). Spojnica je najčešče ukrašena urezanim paralelnim linijama, a nožica jednim kuglasto profiliranim zadebljanjem. Za luk je unutrašnjim navojem pričvrščena opruga najčešče od 6 navoja. Fibule te varijante rasprostranjene su na širem prostoru istočnog dijela Caput Adriae i njegova zaleda.3°4 Posebno se to odnosi na, s jedne strane područje Furlanije, te s druge na područje Like. »Slika« za prostor kvarnerskog bazena očekivano je nado-punjena, največim dijelom otočnim nalazima iz Krka i Cresa.305 Izgledno je kako fibula tipa i varijante Kastav nije odredena uvijek nekom strogom regionalnošču. Karta njezina rasprostiranja upravo svjedoči kako ona postaje sve više nadregionalnim tipom šire regije sje-vernog Jadrana i njegova zaleda (sl. 58).306 sions and their number, were most explicitly represented in the whole Kvarner bay, especially in Osor. These are fibulae that provided local typological terms - fibulae of Kastav and Nesactimu types (Fig. 58; 60), with their variants. Kastav type fibulae From Osor are known two variants of Kastav type fibulae: Kastav and Idrija after the typology of Mitja Guš- ^ tin.303 The variant Kastav is characterized by a bow of oval cross-section with foot bent backwards and a massive clamp fixing the leg to the bow (Fig. 58). The clamp 5 was mostly decorated with incised parallel lines and the w foot with a single sph erically moulded thickening. To the bow is attached with an inner cord a spring with £ usually 6 coils. Fibulae of this variant were spread in fE the wider area of the eastern part of Caput Adriae and its hinterland.304 This is related especially to, on one side the area of Friuli and the other side the region of Lika. £ w The »image« for the Kvarner was expectedly comple- fn mented mostly with finds from the island of Krk and 2; Cres.305 It is obvious that the fibulae of Kastav type and variant are not always determined by a strict regionalism. Map of their distribution demonstrates that they are becoming a more trans-regional type of the wider region of northern Adriatic and its hinterland (Fig. 58).306 303 Guštini987. 304 Blečic Kavur 2009, 198-200, Fig. 2. 305 Vec i C. Marchesetti 1924. godine navodi brojne, prilično uništene fibule sre-dnjolatenske sheme iz Osora (Marchesetti 1924, 145). 306 Blečic Kavur 2009, 198, Fig. i; 2. 303 Guštin 1987. 304 Blečic Kavur 2009, 198-200, Fig. 2. 305 Even C. Marchesetti in 1924 mentions numerous, rather destroyed fibulae of middle La Tene schemes from Osor (Marchesetti 1924, 145). 306 Blečic Kavur 2009, 198, Fig. 1; 2. 58. Djelomično očuvane brončane fibule tipa i varijante Kastav i karta njihove rasprostranjenosti (nadopunjeno prema Blečič Kavur 2009). Partly preserved Kastav type and variant bronze fibulae with the map oftheir distribution (supplemented after Blečič Kavur 2009). Istaknuta forma i način izradbe odredili su proizvod-nju tog funkcionalnog kao i ukrasnog dijela nošnje u vrijeme mladeg željeznog doba kraja 3. i u 2. st. pr. Kr., koji odgovara vremenu razvijenog srednjeg latena (Lt C) srednjoeuropske periodizacije. Ipak, pojedini su detalji, poput oblikovanja i ukrašavanja noge ili izvedbe opruge, jasno ukazali na znakovitu mjesnu kom-ponentu čija se proizvodnja mogla razviti uz periferna, Keltima naseljena područja, potencirana snažnim utjecajem novoustanovljene kolonije u Aquileji.3°7 Tako je univerzalni model fibule iz prostora latenske kulture preuzet, smišljeno preoblikovan i doraden prema mjesnim standardima kreirajuci time autentič-ni i prepoznatljivi dio nošnje.3°8 Upravo se mnogo fibula, u osnovi konstrukcijskih rješenja, luka, opruge i noge, može odrediti nekoj od mjesnih varijanti fibula tipa Kastav ili bi mogle predstavljati i neka posve neuo-bičajena hibridna rješenja (npr. sl. 57). Fibule tipa Idrija Fibule tipa Idrija pri Bači3°9 izdvojene su iz skupine fibule tipa Kastav i nekadašnje varijante Idrija (sl. 59) 31° Poznate su fibulama iz Krka311 i iz Osora, gdje su pored dva cijela primjerka još tri nadene u različitim ulom-cima.312 Stanjem njihove očuvanosti nije moguce de-taljnije ih približiti starijoj ili nešto razvijenijoj, boga-tijoj varijanti, koje su ipak kronološki sukladne.313 S 307 Guštin 1987a, 50-51; Guštin 2005a, 119; Guštin 2005b, 11. 308 Blečic Kavur 2009 309 Božič 2011, 253-255. 31c 311 312 313 ; usp. Blečic Kavur 2 Guštin 1987, 50-51. Blečič Kavur 2010, T. 29, 411. Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 48, 693-694; Blečič Kavur 2014 a, 54. Guštin 1987, 50-51, Fig. 11; Guštin 1991, 36-37. Characteristic form and manufacturing determined the production of this functional and decorative element of the costume during the Late Iron Age at the end of the 3rd and 2nd cent. BC, corresponding to the developed Middle La Tene (Lt C) according to central European periodization. However, individual details, such as design and decoration of the legs or manufacture of the spring clearly demonstrate an indicative local component whose production could be developed along the peripheral, with non-Celtic populations inhabited areas, aggravated by the strong influence from the newly established colony in Aquileia.3°7 In such way a universal model of a fibula taken from the area of La Tene culture, deliberately reshaped and revised according to local standards thus creates an authentic and identifiable part ofthe costume.308 Consequently numerous fibulae in their basic structural solutions of the bows, springs and legs, can be determines as one of the local variants of the Kastav type fibulae or could represent some completely unusual hybrid solutions (e.g. Fig. 57). Idrija type fibulae Type Idrija pri Bači type fibulae3°9 were separated from the group of Kastav type fibulae and of the former Idrija variant (Fig. 59).31° They are known from Krk311 and Osor, where beside two complete examples were discovered three different fragments.312 Due to the state of their preservation it is not possible to determine them 307 Guštin 1987a, 50-51; Guštin 2005a, 119; Guštin 2005b, 11. 308 Blečič Kavur 2009, 200; cf. Blečič Kavur 2010. 309 Božič 2011, 253-255. 310 Guštin 1987, 50-51. 311 Blečič Kavur 2010, T. 29, 411. 312 Blečič Kavur 2010, T. 48, 693-694; Blečič Kavur 2014a, 54. vo ar K Z H aT < P- K I c > ar K Z H ar < 59. Brončana fibula i ulomci lukova fibula tipa Idrija. A bronze fibula and bow fragments of Idrija type fibulae. obzirom na njihovo oblikovanje luka, koji je okruglog presjeka, te dvije vrlo grubo izvedene kuglice na nožici fibule iz Krka i Osora vjerojatno če pripadati onoj jed-nostavnijoj, prvotnoj varijanti. Ukoliko se navedene fibule zaista tretiraju kao proizvod mjesnih radionica mladeg željeznog doba Posočja, tj. stupnja IV,314 tada i navedeni primjerci iz otočnog dijela Kvarnera samo nadopunjuju, odnosno pokazuju nastavljanje prisnih razmjera s predmetnim prostorom i u tome razdobl-ju. Medutim, poveznice se proširuju i na područje Fur-lanije gdje se broj citiranih fibula osjetno povečao.315 Kako izgleda, prema prikazanom trenutnom stupnju poznavanja njihove prostorne raspodjele, morat čemo, pored kopnenih, računati i na kontakte pomorskim pravcima s akvilejskim arealom, preko kojeg se mogao vršiti transfer kulturnih utjecaja i do Posočja u vrijeme 2. i ranog 1. st. pr. Kr. Fibule tipa Nezakcij Drugi srodan, premda ne isti tip fibule, obilježava fibula tipa Nezakcij (sl. 60).316 Fibula je to minijaturnih dimenzija, koljenasto izdignutog, lečastog do potpu-no istanjenog presjeka luka. Isti na gornjem pregibu, koljenastog oblika, ima plastično profilirano zade-bljanje imitirajuči tako formu dugmeta. U pravilu je ukrašen urezanim linijama i/ili geometrijskim ukrasi-ma. Ako je sačuvana oštro povijena noga fibule, tada je razvidno kako je isti ukras ponovljen na njezinom dugmetu, a sama noga završava nizom urezanih linija na maloj spojnici kojom se pričvrščivala na luk fibu- 314 Guštin 1991, 37; Mlinar 2008, 32.-33, T. 30, 1, 3, 8. 315 Patterin 2006, 216; Seidel 2007, 17. 316 Blečic Kavur 2009. closer to the older or to a something more advanced variant, which are nonetheless chronologically consistent.313 Due to the design of the bow, which is round in cross-section and two very rough derived buttons on foot, fibulae from Krk and Osor are likely to belong to the simpler, original variant. If these fibulae could indeed be treated as products of the local workshops of Late Iron Age Posočje region, i.e. the local phase IV,314 then the listed examples from the island part of Kvar-ner only complement the continuation of exchange with the subject area in that period. However, the links are extended also to the area of Friuli where the num- | ber of discussed fibulae significantly increased.315 Actually, to the present knowledge of their distribu- ^ tion, we have to, in addition to continental, expect mar- k itime contacts with the territory of Aquileia, through ^ which could be performed the transfers of cultural in- ^ fluences also to Posočje in the period of the 2nd and ear- £ ly 1st cent. BC. | S Nesactium type fibulae < Another related, but not the same type, are the fibulae ofNesactium type (Fig. 60).316 These are fibulae ofmin-iature dimensions, with a lens-shaped to fully thinned cross-section of the bow. On the bent part of the bow they have a profiled thickening imitating the form of a button. Generally it is decorated with incised lines and/ or geometric design. If the sharply bent leg of the fibula is preserved, then it is apparent that the same decoration 313 Guštin 1987, 50-51, Fig. 11; Guštin 1991, 36-37. 314 Guštin 1991, 37; Mlinar 2008, 32-33, T. 30, 1, 3, 8. 315 Patterin 2006, 216; Seidel 2007, 17. 316 Blečič Kavur 2009. 6°. Dijelovi brončanih fibula tipa Nezakcij (prema Blečic Kavur 2°i4-b) i karta njihove rasprostranjenosti (nadopunjeno prema Blečic Kavur 2°°9). Fragments of bronze Nesactium type fibulae (after Blečic Kavur 2°i4-b) and the map of their distribution (supplemented after Blečic Kavur 2°°9). le. Tako je zapravo postignut efekt ukrasa sa dva du-gmeta na »luku fibule«, što je opet približava fibulama tipa Idrija. Upravo če taj dekorativni element na zaključku noge, kao i opruga s tetivom uokolo luka fibule, biti neposrednom vezom ili srodnost s fibulom tipa Kastav. Medutim, sve su fibule tipa Nezakcij tehnološki drugačije izradbe, znatno gracilnije i osjetljivije grade, pa je to možda racionalan i realan razlog zbog kojeg uglavnom nedostaju noga i, u pravilu, igla poznatih fibula.317 Brojnošču se predstavljaju fibule iz Osora gdje ih je do ovoga trenutka, naravno u ulomcima, zabilježeno 14 primjeraka,318 a slijede nalazi iz južnog dijela Istre, Ne-zakcija i Pule, gdje je sve ukupno do sada definirano 12 fibula.319 U svakom primjeru, nalaz i dvije fibule tipa Nezakcij u svetištu Reitie u Este zrcaliti če nam njiho-vu osobitu vrijednost.320 Fibule su, prema doradenim tehnološkim i stilskim odlikama, razlikovane i dvjema podvarijanatama koje su obje zastupljene upravo na Osoru i Kastvu (sl. 60).321 Uočava se kako je funkcionalno i dekorativno na tim 317 D. Božič definirao je predmetni tip fibule kao varijantu Nezakcij kastavskog tipa fibule (Božič 2011, 254), s istim onim argumentima kojima se služio pri izdvajanju varijante Idrija u zaseban tip! Epistemološki, a ni tipološki nezakcij-ske fibule ne mogu biti varijantom fibule tipa Kastav, o čemu je vec bilo raspra-ve (Blečic Kavur 2009). 318 Blečic Kavur 2010, k. 696-702, 720-725, T. 48, 696-702; Blečic Kavur 2014 a, 46, 49 - konzervacijom fibula možda ce biti moguce spojiti nekoliko ulomaka, čime ce se ujedno potvrditi i njihov konačan broj. Isto vrijedi i za ostale fibule srednjolatenskih shema, što je vec pokazano i na primjerima fibula tipa Baška i Certosa. 319 Blečic Kavur 2009, Fig. 4, 9-10, 14; Fig. 5; Mihovilic 2009, Fig. 3, 24-25; Orlic 2011, sl. 13, T. II, 3, 5. 320 Meller 2002, 2, 20, 22; Blečic Kavur 2009, 21, Fig. 4, 7-8. 321 Blečic Kavur 2009, 200-204, Fig. 4. is repeated on its button, and the very foot ends with a series of incised lines on the small clamp fastening to the bow ofthe fibula. In this way is achieved the effect of decoration with two buttons on the »bow of the fibula«, which is again approaching to the Idrija type of fibulae. It is this decorative element on the end of the foot, as well as springs with a string around the bow of the fibula, that are the direct connection with the Kastav type fibulae. However, all the Nesactium type fibulae were technology manufactured differently - they were much more gracious and sensitive. Perhaps their construction is the rational and realistic reason why they generally lack the foot and the known pin ofthe fibula.317 Most numerous are the fibulae from Osor, where up to this time, of course, in fragments, were recorded 14 examples,318 followed by finds from the southern part of Istria, Nesactium and Pula, where up to now 12 fibulae are known.319 In any case, the discovery of two examples of Nesactium type fibulae in the sanctuary of Reit-ia in Este reflects their special value.320 Fibulae were, according to their technological and stylistic features, differentiated and two sub-variants that 317 D. Božič defined this type as a Nesactium variant of the Kastav type fibula (Božič 2011, 254), with the same arguments that had been used in isolating variants Idrija in a separate type! Epistemologically and typologically Nesactium fibulae cant be a variant of Kastav type fibulae, which has already been discussed (Blečic Kavur 2009). 318 Blečic Kavur 2010, k. 696-702, 720-725, T. 48, 696-702; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 46, 49 - after the conservation it will be possible to join several fragments which will determine their final number. The same goes for all other fibulae of the middle La Tene scheme which was already demonstrated on the Baška and Certosa type fibulae. 319 Blečic Kavur 2009, Fig. 4, 9-10, 14; Fig. 5; Mihovilic 2009, Fig. 3, 24-25; Orlic 2011, sl. 13, T. II, 3, 5. 320 Meller 2002, 2, 20, 22; Blečic Kavur 2009, 21, Fig. 4, 7-8. vo OS K Z H OS < P- K I c > or K Z H OS < oc vo K > t1 u K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C fibulama jasno odvojeno, ali i snažno isprepleteno. U estetskom je pak smislu stvoren geometrijski, ali opet promišljen i skladno dinamičan ukras koji »teče« duž cijele, oku vidljive strane fibule. Plastično profili-rano ispupčenje ukrašeno je motivom urezanog znaka »X« ili »klepsidre«, kompozicijom dvije do tri kose linije, te interpolacijom jedne ili dvije linije koje su na njih poprečno urezane. Ista dekoracija nalazi se i na dugmetu oštro povijene noge. Tako prikazan motiv klepsidre evocira na poznati ukras kod fibula tipa i varijante Kastav znanih iz Prozora i Kompolja,322 a su-srest če se, doduše vrlo rijetko, i na pojedinim varijantama fibula tipa Certosa, poput one iz Dernazzacca kod Udina.323 Osor i po pitanju fibula nezakcijskog tipa brojnošču i različitošču premašuje sva dosad poznata nalazišta. Izvan regionalnog sjevernog Jadrana, Kvarnera i Istre, nalaze se tek sporadično, i to ondje gdje su bili tradicionalno isprepleteni odnosi različitog karaktera, bilo da je riječ o prostoru Veneta i Marchi s jedne ili Vinice s druge strane. Regionalna produkcija i stvaranje prema uzoru poznato je još od starijeg željeznog doba, pa je i u ovoj prilici razvijanje i formiranje mjesnog ukusa preuzetih formi tada dominantnoga stila latenske civilizacije posve opravdavajuče. Može li se, napokon, kvantitetom nalaza odredivati i mjesto produkcije, sporno je, osobito ako pri tomu ne- 322 TodoroviC 1968, T. LIX, 8. 323 De Piero 1985, 183, Fig. 5a, b. Fibula pripada tipu VIIc Certosa fibula, koje se jav-ljaju s primjercima X vrste i ostaju vrlo dugo u modi (Teržan 1976, 327, 357, sl. 44). were both represented just in Osor and Kastav (Fig. 60).321 It is observable that the functional and decorative element at these fibulae is clearly separated, but also strongly intertwined. In the aesthetic sense is created a geometric, but again deliberate and coherent dynamic decoration that »flows« along the whole visible part of the fibula. Plastically profiled bulge was decorated with a motif of »X« shaped incisions or »water-clock«, the composition of two to three oblique lines and the interpolation of one or two lines that were obliquely incised on them. The same decoration was located on the button of the severely bowed foot. The depicted image of a water-clock evokes the famous decoration at fibulae of Kastav type and variants known from the Prozor and Kompolje,322 and will be encountered, though very rarely, in individual variants ofCertosa type fibulae, like the one from Dernazzacco near Udine.323 Osor in terms of abundance and diversity of Nesactium type fibulae exceeds all previously known sites. Outside the regional northern Adriatic, there were discovered only sporadically, and only on locations of traditionally intertwined relations, either on the territory of Veneto and Marche on one or Vinica on the other side. Regional production and creation according to models was known ever since the Early Iron Age and, in these circumstances, the development of the local expression ofthe taken forms ofthe dominant La Tene style is completely justifiable. 321 Blečic Kavur 2009, 200-204, Fig. 4. 322 TodoroviC 1968, T. LIX, 8. 323 De Piero 1985, 183, Fig. 5a, b. Fibula belongs to the variant VIIc of Certosa fibulae which appear together with examples of the X variant and remain in use for a long period of time (Teržan 1976, 327, 357, sl. 44). dostaju konkretni arheološki konteksti. Ali, možda se može pomišljati kako su te male, ali zanimljive fibule mogle biti radene upravo negdje u radioničkom kru-gu južne Istre ili baš samoga Osora. Kao takve vjerojatno obilježavaju posljednji samostalni izričaj zanat-stva alohtone forme i autohtone estetike, istovremeno ili doista kao derivat fibule tipa Kastav, od kraja 3., tijekom 2., s mogucnošcu trajanja i u rano 1. st. pr. Kr.324 Srebrne fibule »srebrnog horizonta« »Srebrni horizont« uobičajeno se objašnjava kao po-sljedica opceg širenja dominantnog i raskošnog hele-nističkog kulturnog stvaralaštva, tj. za njegova cvata na širokom prostranstvu istočnoga i srednjeg Sredozemlja od kraja 4., i tijekom 3. i do početnog 2. st. pr. Kr. Utjecao je gotovo na sve oblike umjetničkog obr-ta, a to se odrazilo i na specifično obogacivanje vec du-gotrajno korištenih fibula tipa Certosa i tipa Baška. Uz opisane VIIfvarijante (sl. 56B), otprilike istovremeno u nošnji karakterističnoj za japodsko i za liburnsko područje nalazimo i regionalne, najmlade varijante fibula tipa Certosa - Ic i d (sl. 6iA).32S U tom je smislu opca forma fibule tipa Certosa doživjela znatne pro-mjene, a obama varijantama zajedničko obilježje je po-lukružan oblik luka i bikonično dugme s čepastim za-vršetkom na kraju noge. Varijantu Id, koja je ujedno na kvarnerskom području i najzastupljenija, krasi još 324 Blečic Kavur 2009, 203-204. 325 Teržan 1976, 319-320, 382, sl. 20. Prema klasifikaciji F. Lo Schiavo označavale bi takofibule s dugmetom u obliku boce koje je autorica razlikovala u dvije varijante A i D (Lo Schiavo 1970, 448, T. XXXII, 8; T. XXXII, 18), odnosno tip 8 prema tipološkoj podjeli T. Težak-Gregl (1981, 32-33). It is questionable if it is possible to determine with the quantity ofdiscoveries the place ofproduction, especially ifwe are missing the specific archaeological contexts. But perhaps we may consider that these interesting fibulae could be made just somewhere in the workshop circle Southern Istria or Osor itself. As such they probably mark the last independent expression of craftsmanship of alien forms and indigenous aesthetics - at the same time as, or indeed as a derivation of Kastav type ^ fibula from the end of the 3rd, during the 2nd, and with the possibility of extension in to the early 1st cent. BC.324 a Silver fibulae of the »silver horizon« S z The »silver horizon« is usually explained as a conse- £ quence of general expansion of the dominant and lux- £ urious Hellenistic cultural creativity in the period of its fE heyday on the wide vastness of the eastern and central Mediterranean from the end of the 4th, and during the > 3rd and to the initial 2nd cent. BC. It influenced almost £ all form of decorative arts and reflected in the specif- 2 ic enrichment of the long-term used Certosa and Baš- | ka type fibulae. With the described variants VIIf (Fig. 56B), approximately at the same time in costumes typical for Japo-di and Liburni are found also the regional, youngest variants of fibulae of Certosa type - variants Ic and d (Fig. 6iA).32S In this respect, the general form of Certo-sa type fibula has undergone significant changes, and 324 Blečic Kavur 2009, 203-204. 325 Teržan 1976, 319-320, 382, sl. 20. According to the classification of F. Lo Schiavo these were the fibulae with a bottle shaped the button which she divided in to two different versions A and D (Lo Schiavo, 1970, 448, T. XXXII 8; T. XXXII, 18), or type 8, according to typological division of T. Težak-Gregl (1981, 32-33). 6i. Ulomci dvije srebrne fibule tipa Certosa Id varijante (A) i ulomci srebrnih fibula srednjolatenskih shema (B). Fragments of two silver Certosa type fibulae of the variant Id (A) and fragments of silver middle La Tene scheme fibulae (B). B i raščlanjen luk s po tri kuglice. Več su dobro poznate fibule iz Kastva,326 Baške,327 Krka328 i Osora, sa dva primjerka.329 Varijanti Ic mogla bi se pripisati samo fibula s jednim ulomkom noge i bikoničnog dugmeta iz Osora (sl. 61A).330 Fibule varijante Id iz Osora, uz primjerak i iz Nezakcija,331 jedini su primjerci izradeni od srebra na sjevernom Jadranu, tj. na Kvarneru, što je ina-če bila oznaka fibula iz matičnog dijela Liburnije gdje su se tijekom 3. i vjerojatno 2. st. pr. Kr. i proizvodile.332 U regionalnom odzivu umjetničkog obrtništva/zlatarstva na utjecaje iz helenističke mode fibula tipa Baška doživjela je ipak nešto manji oblik transformacije. Najmlade varijante u pravilu su takoder izra-dene od srebra, raskošne forme s razvijenim tremo-liranim ukrasom i znatno večih dimenzija. Tako su dobivale na masi i snazi kako bi bile pogodnije za nošenje raznih pridodanih nakitnih predmeta i ukrasa, od manjih alki i obruča do velikih naušnica, jantarnih pri-vjesaka, privjesaka u obliku bočica i napokon do kombinacija s drugim fibulama. Najljepši primjeri, kao i večina njih, potječu iz tzv. srebrnih ostava. Rjede ih poznajemo iz grobova koji su takoder sadržavali večinom nalaze izradene u srebru, pa nije isključeno kako je i u tom slučaju bila riječ o ostavi, baš kao i vice versa, pogla-vito što se tiče ostave iz Baške.33 To nam ilustriraju do- 326 Glogovic 1989, T. 32, 4; Blečic 2002, 115, T. 3, 1.4. 327 Vinski 1956, 19, 22-23, Abb. 2. 328 Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, T. XXII, 3. 329 Cus-Rukonič 1981, 8, T. II,i; Glogovič 1989, 32, T. 32, 1-2. 330 Blečič Kavur 2010, T. 46, 677. 331 Mihovilič 1995, T. 1, 2; Mihovilič 2001, 108. 332 Batovič 1974, T. 26, 2-8, sl. 7, 5; Teržan 1976, 382. 333 Mader 2006, 240-241. a common feature in both variants is the semicircular bow and byconical button with a plug-shaped ending at the end of the foot. The variant Id, which is the most numerous in the Kvarner region, is further decorated with a segmented bow with three globules. Already well known are the fibulae from Kastav,326 Baška, 327 Krk328 and Osor, with two examples.329 To the variant Ic could be attributed only one fibula with a fragment of a leg and a bi-conical button from Osor (Fig. 61A).330 Fibulae of variant Id from Osor, and an example from C Nesactium,331 are the only finds which were made from silver in the northern Adriatic, i.e. in the Kvarner re- | gion. The latter is habitually denoting the fibula from £ the central area of Liburnia where they were produced ^ during the 3rd and probably the 2nd cent. BC.332 K J The regional response of artistic crafts/goldsmiths on ^ the influence of Hellenistic fashion the Baška type fib- ^ ulae experienced a slighter form of transformation. > The youngest variants were generally also made from g silver - elegant forms with developed tremolo decora- | tion and of significantly larger dimensions. Thus they £ were received in the bulk and strength in order to be more convenient to carry attached various jewellery items and ornaments - from small rings to big earrings, amber pendants, bottle-shaped pendants and finally combinations with other fibulae. The most beautiful examples, as well as most of them, originate from 326 Glogovič 1989, T. 32, 4; Blečič 2002, 115, T. 3, 1.4. 327 Vinski 1956, 19, 22-23, Abb. 2. 328 Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, T. XXII, 3. 329 Cus-Rukonič 1981, 8, T. II,i; Glogovič 1989, 32, T. 32, 1-2. 330 Blečič Kavur 2010, T. 46, 677. 331 Mihovilič i995, T. i, 2; Mihovilič 200i, i08. 332 Batovič i974, T. 26, 2-8, sl. 7, 5; Teržan i976, 382. H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C bro poznati nalazi iz grobova u Aseriji i Ninu,334 odnosno nalazi iz Jagodnje Gornje i Baške,33S koji su ujedno i kronološka odrednica njihove uporabe tijekom 3. ili ranog 2. st. pr. Kr. Premda su varijante Id fibule tipa Certosa znatno za-stupljenije u odnosu na fibule tipa Baška najmlade va-rijante, srebrne inačice oba tipa uglavnom slijede iste prostorne i kulturne zastupljenosti. S obzirom na kontekst, možda se mogu u prisniju vezu s tim »novoob-novljenim« domačim fibulama na Osoru dovesti i dvije srebrne fibule srednjolatenske sheme (sl. 61B). Teže ih je tipološki odrediti jer im nedostaju karakteristični elementi nožica i ukrasa. Samo je na jednoj, masivnijoj fibuli očuvana profilirana spojnica, što asocira upravo na spojnice fibula srednjolatenskih shema mladih varijanti fibula tipa Kastav ili Picugi, čemu bi u prilog išao i suženo profiliran završetak luka koji prelazi u opru-gu od dva navoja. Zanimljiv je podatak o nalazu po-dudarne fibule u furlanskom Dernazzaccu. Profilacija i oblik luka, ovalno okruglastog presjeka, te istovjetna spojnica kao i izradba u srebrnu to če potvrdivati.336 Fibule takvih karakteristika koristile su se uglavnom ti-jekom 3. i u 2. st. pr. Kr. Nesumnjivo se kao posljednja prepoznatljiva kreacija umjetničkog obrta iz kulture središnjeg prostora Liburnije predstavlja liburnska pločasta fibula. Iz Osora zasad poznajemo samo jednu fibulu337 uz pridružene 334 Batovic 1965, Abb. i9a-2o; Batovic 1968, T. XVII-XIX. 335 Batovic 1974, T. XVII, 13; T. XVIII; T. XXVII, 5-6; Vinski 1956, Abb. ia-ib; Batovic 2003, sl. 10-14. 336 Pettarin 2006, 216, T. XXXI, 536. 337 Vinski 1956, 23, Abb. 5; Lo Schiavo 1970, 452, T. XXXIII, 9; Batovic 1974, 198, sl. 5, 5. the so-called »silver hoards«. Less frequently they are known from the graves, which also contained a majority ofsilver made examples - therefore it can't be excluded that they were hoards, ofjust as vice versa, as especially in the case of the hoard from Baška.333 This is well illustrated with graves in Asseria and Nin,334 and respectively finds from Jagodnja Gornja and Baška,33S which are also the chronological determinants of their use during the 3rd or early 2nd cent. BC. Although variants Id of Certosa type fibulae are much more prevalent in relation to the Baška type fibulae of youngest variants, silver versions of both types tend to follow the same spatial and cultural distribution. Given the context, perhaps could be linked in to a more intimate relationship with the »newly refurbished« domestic fibulae in Osor two silver fibula ofthe middle La Tene scheme (Fig. 61B). They are harder to be typologi-cally determined since they lack the typical elements of the foot and decoration. Only on one, massive fibulae, is preserved the moulded clamp, which resembles exactly the clamps from younger variants offibulae ofmiddle La Tene scheme such as Kastav or Picugi, which would be supported by a narrow profiled termination of the bow passing into to a spring with two coils. A similar fibula was discovered in Friuli in Dernazzacco. The profile and the round cross-section of the bow, an identical clamp as well as the manufacture in silver are supporting 333 Mader 2006, 240-241. 334 Batovic 1965, Abb. i9a-20; Batovic 1968, T. XVII-XIX. 335 Batovic 1974, T. XVII, 13; T. XVIII; T. XXVII, 5-6; Vinski 1956, Abb. ia-ib; Batovic 2003, sl. i0-i4. 62. Osorska srebrna pločasta fibula liburnskog tipa (prema Vinski 1956). manje ulomke osovine sa dvije kuglice sa strane i dije-lova srebrnih limova koji takoder potječu iz Kavane-le (sl. 62). Ostale kvarnerske pločaste fibule liburnskog tipa poznate su iz Krka, Baške i iz Rijeke.338 Sve su izra-dene u srebru i uvrštene u varijantu B prema tipologiji F. Lo Schiavo.339 No krčka i osorska fibula tretirane su i kao inačice 4 i 5 mladeg stupnja, prema tipološkoj klasifikaciji Š. Batovica. Obilježava ih prilično usko tijelo i izrazitija dužina, s još odredenim srodnostima s fibulama starije faze u koju bi mogla pripadati fibula iz Rijeke.340 Vremenski su stoga smještene u stupanj VB li-burnske kulturne skupine.341 Kvarnerski primjerci, uz onaj iz Nezakcija,342 tretiraju se kao proizvodi koji su se uvozili iz liburnskog prostora, gdje su se pouzdano 338 Vinski 1956, 19, 25-Abb. 3; Batovic 1958, 368-369, T. 48, 4; Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, 451, T. XXII, 5; T. XXXIII, 5; Batovic 1974, 198; Batovic 2003, sl. 14, 6; Mader 2006, 246-247, Abb. 5. 339 Lo Schiavo 1970, 451-452. 340 Batovic 1974, 198, sl. 5, 4-5. 341 Glogovic 2006, 131, 137. 342 Mihovilic 1995a, T. 2, 1, 3; Mihovilic 2013, 270, sl. 197. Silver plate fibula of the Liburnian type from Osor (after Vinski 1956). this assumption.336 Fibulae of these characteristics were used mainly during the 3rd and the 2nd cent. BC. Undoubtedly, as the last recognizable creations of decorative arts from cultures of the central area of Libur-nia is represented the Liburnian plate fibula. From Osor is for now known only a single fibula337 with associated smaller fragments ofa shaft with two globules on the sides and fragments of silver sheet also originating from Kavanela (Fig. 62). Other plate fibulae of Liburnian type are known from Krk, Baška and Rijeka.338 All of them were made from silver and listed in to the variant B according to the typology of F. Lo Schiavo.339 But the fibulae from Krk and Osor were treated as versions 336 Pettarin 2006, 216, T. XXXI, 536. 337 Vinski 1956, 23, Abb. 5; Lo Schiavo 1970, 452, T. XXXIII, 9; Batovic 1974, 198, sl. 5, 5. 338 Vinski 1956, 19, 25-Abb. 3; Batovic 1958, 368-369, T. 48, 4; Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, 451, T. XXII, 5; T. XXXIII, 5; Batovic 1974, 198; Batovic 2003, sl. 14, 6; Mader 2006, 246-247, Abb. 5. 339 Lo Schiavo 1970, 451-452. OS K Z H OS < P- K I c > or K Z H OS < it K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C uz ostale nakitne oblike inspirirane helenističkim stil-skim obilježjima i proizvodili.343 Nakit i dijelovi nošnje Izuzev raskošnih i/ili statusnih fibula, nakit i opre-mu krasile su i različite naušnice, ogrlice, narukvice, dugmad, zatim pojasni ukrasni okovi baš kao i broj-ni privjesci, različitih oblika i mnogi drugi. Kako je o okovima i privjescima več bilo riječi, izdvojiti valja pri-mjerke kolutastog nakita, odnosno narukvica. Jedno-stavne, neukrašene spiralne narukvice, koje su inače karakteristične za prostor Istre, nadene su takoder i na Osoru.344 Njima se može pridružiti i spiralno prste-nje i/ili ukrasi za pletenice (saltaleoni) izradeni i ukra-šeni urezanim snopovima linija i kružnica s točkom u sredini.345 S obzirom na nedostatak ikakvog konteksta samo se približno mogu datirati od kraja 5. pa sve do 3./2. st. pr. Kr. i uže povezati s bogatim horizontom fibula tipa Certosa na širem prostoru sjevernojadranske regije. Nešto mlade, karakteristične upravo za posljednje faze mladeg željeznog doba bit če i jednostavne žiča-ne narukvice. Dvije narukvice masivne su izradbe s namotanim žičicama i obručima. Izdvaja se narukvica od deblje željezne žice s odvojenim i preklopljenim krajevima (sl. 63). Uobičajeno se nalaze u muškim gro-bovima kasnog latenskog razdoblja na području od ju- 4 and 5 of younger variants, according to the classification of Š. Batovic. They are characterized by a fairly narrow body and pronounced length with more specific affinity with fibulae of the earlier phase in to which may belong the fibula from Rijeka.340 Chronologically is therefore placed in to the VB phase of Liburnian cultural group.341 The specimens from Kvarner, with the one from Nesactium342 were treated as products imported from the Liburnian area, where they were reliably, along with other forms ofjewellery, inspired by the Hellenistic stylistic characteristics and products.343 Jewellery and elements of attire Apart from the luxurious and/or status reflecting fibulae, attire were adorned also by various earrings, necklaces, bracelets, buttons and decorative belt buckles, as well as numerous pendants of different forms and many others. Since the belt buckles and pendants were already discussed, one should set aside examples of annular jewellery, i.e. bracelets. The simple, undeco-rated spiral bracelets, which were otherwise characteristic of the area of Istria, were discovered also in Os-or.344 We could add to them also the spiral rings and/ or decorations for braids (saltaleoni) decorated with incised sheaves oflines and circles with a point in the middle.345 Given the lack of any context, they can be dated only approximately from the end of the 5th until the cent. BC and more closely associated with the 3rd/2nd 343 Batovic 1974, 203-205. 344 Cus-Rukonic 1981, T. III, 3. 345 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 51, 830-832. 340 Batovic 1974, 198, sl. 5, 4-5. 341 Glogovic 2006, 131, 137. 342 Mihovilic 1995a, T. 2, 1, 3; Mihovilic 2013, 270, sl. 197. 343 Batovic 1974, 203-205. 344 Cus-Rukonic 1981, T. III, 3. 345 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 51, 830-832. goistočnoalpskog do istočnog Podunavlja tijekom 2. st. pr. Kr. (Lt D1).346 Zanimljiva su i dva manja ulomka narukvica iz Kavanele, jedan masivniji i od željeza347 te drugi od bronce s namotanim tanjim žicama i spiralama. Narukvice gotovo identične izradbe, ali od srebrne žice poznajemo iz ostave/groba u Baški, iz Jagodnje Gornje i iz Aserije. Na njima su počesto bile dodane i vece jantarne per-le. Tipološko-kronološka analiza istih prema Š. Bato-vicu348 smješta ih u posljednje faze liburnske kulture 3. i 2. st. pr. Kr. Izuzetnu pozornost privlače i brončanepincete kao privjesci ili dijelovi ženskog toaletnog pribora kojih je na Osoru nadeno oko 9 primjeraka (sl. 63A), dok samo jedan primjerak potječe iz istarskog Nezakcija.349 Sve imaju karakterističan oblik izduženih i istanjenih kra-kova te trapezasto proširen kraj hvataljka. Po tijelu i uz rubove najčešce su bile ukrašene urezanim jedno-stavnim linearnim ili geometrijskim motivima, koji se očuvao na samo dva osorska primjerka. Pincete opisanih obilježja značajne su takoder u nošnji posljednjih faza kultura susjednih Japoda i Liburna, te osobito sje-vernije Vinice 3. i 2. st. pr. Kr.3S° 346 Kerman 2009, 290. 347 Glogovic 1982, 38, sl. 3, 3; Glogovic 1989, 34, T. 38, 3. 348 Batovic 1974, 206-207, T. XX, 20. 349 Mihovilic 2013, sl. 210. 350 Batovic 1987, T. XLI, 7, 12; Klarin 2000, 38, T. 23, 4; T. 25, 2; Drechsler-Bižic 1987, T. XLIII, 8; usp. PMAEH inv. br: od 40-77-40/10108 do 40-77-40/12614 (http://pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu:80 80/peabody/view/objects/asimages/ search$0 040/0/title-desc?t:state:flow=0 5c53949-45f5-46cc-9b4a-ede0 34b-c07fl; 18. 04. 2014). rich horizon of Certosa type fibulae on the wider area of the northern Adriatic region. A bit younger, typical of the last phase of the Late Iron Age were bracelets made from wire. Two massive bracelets were made with coiled up wires and rings. One can put forward a bracelet made from thick iron wire with separated and covering over ends (Fig. 63). Commonly, they were found in men's graves of the Late La Tene period in the region of south-eastern to the eastern Danube region during the 2nd cent. BC (Lt D1).346 a Also interesting are the two small fragments of a brace- S let from Kavanela - one more massive made from g iron347 and the second from bronze with coiled up £ thinner wires and spirals. Bracelets of an almost iden- £ tical production, but made from silver wire, are known ^ from the hoard/grave in Baška, from Jagodnja Gornja and from Asseria. Their typological determination ac- > cording to Š. Batovic348 places them in to the last phase of the Liburnian culture in the 3rd and 2nd cent. BC. h or < CL Exceptional attention is drawn to bronze tweezers used as pendants or parts of women's toiletries - in Osor were discovered some 9 specimens (Fig. 63A) while only a single example is known from the Istrian Nesactium.349 All have the characteristic shape of elongated and thinned legs and a trapezoid widened grasping end. They were on the body often decorated with incised simple linear or geometric motifs, which were preserved in only 346 Kerman 2009, 290. 347 Glogovic 1982, 38, sl. 3, 3; Glogovic 1989, 34, T. 38, 3. 348 Batovic 1974, 206-207, T. XX, 20. 349 Mihovilic 2013, sl. 210. 63. Dijelovi brončanih pinceta (A) i brončana dugmad različitih varijanti (B). Fragments of bronze tweezers (A) and bronze buttons of different variants (B). B Unatoč iznimnoj količini istražene i očuvane željezno-dobne grade, u ondašnjoj modi nije bila znatno proši-rena tzv. kalotasta dugmad, od koje su sačuvana samo tri brončana komada s istakama na vrhu kalote (sl. 63B). Bio je to inače dobro prihvačen dekorativan element nošnje na prostoru kako otočnog, tako još više kopne-nog dijela Kvarnera, značajan za regiju sjevernogJadra-na i njegova zaleda.351 Zbog toga ju nalazimo na gotovo svim istraživanim nalazištima s posebnim osvrtom na dugmeta iz baščanske ostave/groba,352 jer upravo taj nalaz svjedoči o široj dataciji njihove uporabe tijekom čitavog razdoblja mladeg željeznog doba. U neposrednoj vezi s tim tipom stoje i tri primjerka sto-žaste dugmadi, sa dva ili više rebara na izvučenom vanj-skom rubu (sl. 63B). Ona je rjede zastupljeni nalaz na Kvarneru, koji pak pokazuje usmjerenost k transferi-ma utjecaja iz šireg područja od Dolenjske preko Like sve do Kvarnera tijekom mladeg željeznog doba, od 3. do 2./1. st. pr. Kr.353 two examples from Osor. Described tweezers were an important part of attire in the last cultural phases of the neighbouring Japodi and Liburni and especially north in Vinica during the 3rd and 2nd cent. BC.350 Despite the exceptional amount of preserved items of Iron Age material culture, in the fashion of the day was not significantly popular the use of the so-called calot-ted buttons, of which there were discovered only three pieces made from bronze with a projections on the top portion of a sphere (Fig. 63B). They were otherwise a well-received element of decoration of attire on the is- £ i land and even more on the continental part of Kvarner, £ significant for the region of the northern Adriatic and 2 its hinterland.351 Therefore, they are found in almost all a the investigated sites with special reference to the but- £ ton from Baškas hoard/grave,352 since this find brings the evidence of their use throughout the Late Iron Age. c H In close connection with this type of buttons are three g examples of conical buttons, with two or more ribs on the | extended outer rim (Fig. 63B). They are a less abundant £ discovery in Kvarner, demonstrating in turn the impact of the wider area of Dolenjska across Lika to Kvarner during the Late Iron Age, from the 3rd to the 2nd/ist cent. BC.353 351 Božič 2009b, 72-76, sl. 13; Blečic Kavur 2010, 350-351, sl. 268-267. 352 Batovic 2003, sl. 12. 353 Blečic Kavur 2010, 351-352, sl. 267-268; usp. Laharnar 2009, 105, sl. 10. 350 Batovic 1987, T. XLI, 7, 12; Klarin 2000, 38, T. 23, 4; T. 25, 2; Drechsler-Bižic 1987, T. XLIII, 8; cf. PMAEH inv. no: 40-77-40/10108 - 40-77-40/12614 (http:// pmem.unix.fas.harvard.edu:80 80/ peabody/view/objects/asimages/ sear-ch$0 040/0/title-desc?t:state:f low=05c53949-45f5-46cc-9b4a-ede0 34bc07fi; 18. 04. 2014). 351 Božič 2009b, 72-76, sl. 13; Blečic Kavur 2010, 350-351, sl. 268-267. 352 Batovic 2003, sl. 12. 353 Blečic Kavur 2010, 351-352, sl. 267-268; cf. Laharnar 2009, 105, sl. 10. Simpozij različitosti The symposium of diversity Iu tom se razdoblju nastavlja dopremati prestižno metalno posude i fina slikana keramika. Samo je nekoliko metalnih posuda poznato s Kvarnera odredenih razdoblju od druge polovice 4. pa sve do sredine 3. st. pr. Kr. Kao »specifični subjekti« izdva-jaju se ulomci zvonastih situla iz Rijeke i nalaz dije-la stamnoidne situle s izljevkom oblika lavlje glave iz Novog Vinodolskog (sl. 64A-B, D; 66B-C).354 Ulomci zvonaste i stamnoidne situle potječu takoder iz, s Kvarnerom nedjeljivo povezanog istarskog Nezakcija (sl. 64C; 66A). Posebno mjesto zauzimaju i nalazi čaša iz Baške i Osora (sl. 68), kao i ulomak posude sa srcoli-kom atašom iz Baške, koji če tako upotpuniti prikaz o prestižnim servisima za piče toga vremena. Situle ... Ulomci brončanih situla zvonastog tipa iz Rijeke i Nezakcija355 iznimno su vrijedan i na širem području istočnoga Jadrana i Caput Adriae rijedak nalaz (sl. 64A-D; 65). Pet ulomaka brončanog lima, ukrašenih In this period prestigious metal vessels and fine painted pottery continued to arrive. Only a few metal vessels are known from Kvarner dated to the period from the second half of the 4th until the mid-3rd cent. BC. As a »specific subjects« stand out the fragments of bell-shaped situlae from Rijeka and the fragments of stamnoid situla with the mount in form of a lion's head from Novi Vinodolski (Fig. 64A-B, D; 66B-C).354 Fragments of bell-shaped and stamnoid situlae are also known from, with Kvarner inseparably connected, Is-trian Nesactium (Fig. 64C; 66A). A special place holds the cups from Baška and Osor (Fig. 68), and the fragment of container with heart-shaped attache from Baš-ka, complementing the presentation of prestigious drinking services at the time. Situlae ... Fragments of bell-shape situlae from Rijeka and Nesactium355 are extremely important and on the wider area of the eastern Adriatic and Caput Adriae rare discovery 354 Blečic Kavur 20i4a, 50-5L 355 Mihovilic i996, 5i, sl. 23, T. X, i48, i50-i55, i59; Mihovilic 200i, 27i, Fig. 4, 6-8; Mihovilic 2002, T. 3, 8; Mihovilic 20i3, 258, sl. i83, i85-i85a. 354 Blečic Kavur 20i4a, 50-5i. 355 Mihovilic i996, 5i, sl. 23, T. X, i48, i50-i55, i59; Mihovilic 200i, 27i, Fig. 4, 6-8; Mihovilic 2002, T. 3, 8; Mihovilic 20i3, 258, sl. i83, i85-i85a. A 64. Ulomci brončanih ukrašenih situla iz Rijeke (A-B) s rekonstrukcijom (D), ulomak situle iz Nezakcija (C prema Mihovilic 2013) i situla iz Offide (E prema DErcole 1977; Pignocchi 2°°°). B Fragments of decorated bronze situlae from Rijeka (A-B) with a reconstruction (D), situla fragment from Nesactium (C after Mihovilic 2013) and situla from Offida (E after D'Ercole 1977; Pignocchi 2000). H OC K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C osobitom dekoracijom, potječu vjerojatno iz prostora prapovijesne nekropole u Rijeci (sl. 64A-B, D). Svi su izradeni od tankog iskucanog brončanog lima, dok su ukrasni motivi izvedeni urezivanjem i punciranjem, s višestrukim prepletom i, djelomično održanim »sr-colikim« ukrasom.356 Prema rasporedu i maniri ukra-šavanja sa sigurnošcu su rekonstruirane dvije posude. Pripisuju se tzv. tipu Fzvonastih situla prema opcenitoj podjeli Marie-Vittorie Giuliani Pomes, koja je u novije vrijeme i nadopunjena.357 Uzor ili nastanak takvih posuda postavljen je u vrijeme klasičnog grčkog razdoblja 5. st. pr. Kr. kada su se za nošenje ili prinošenje vode, ali i za miješanje vode s vinom, počele upotrebljavati male tzv. posude.358 Svoj ce vrhunac proizvodnje i upotrebe doživjeti tijekom 4. i ranog 3. st. pr. Kr., ponajprije u »helenističkom svijetu« i, paralelno, u Etruriji i s njom povezanim po-dručjima gdje se uobičajeno koristila pod nazivom situla.359 Riječ je o posudama koje se povezuju s manifestacijama simpozija, banketa i svečanosti gdje su vino i afrodizične trave bile neizbježno sredstvo opuštanja i podizanja duhovne te fizičke energije koje vode bla-ženstvu.36° Najvjerojatnije, ili gotovo sigurno, koristile su se u svrhu ceremonijalnog miješanja i/ili filtriranja vina.361 Medutim, njihova je uporaba znatno šira i 356 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 18, 299-302. 357 Giuliani Pomes 1957, 66-76. 358 Pojavu i razvoj situla u mediteranskom svijetu vidjeti kod E. Walters (1988), koja donosi i njihov ikonografski pregled, odnosno značaj. 359 Giuliani-Pomes 1957, 66-67; Zahlhaas 1971, 7, T. 1; Zimmermann 1998, 47-48. 360 Burkert 1990, 289, 293-294. 361 Zahlhaas 1971, 71; Ceka 1988, 360; Zimmermann 1998, 47; Rolley 2002b, 57; Kottaridi 2004, 65-71. Vino se ceremonijalno miješalo s medom i začinskim (Fig. 64A-D; 65). Five fragments of bronze sheet were probably originating from the area of the prehistoric necropolis in Rijeka (Fig. 64A-B, D). All were made of thin embossed bronze sheet, while the decorative motifs were made by incising and punching, with multiple intertwining and partly preserved »heart-shaped« ornaments.356 According to the division and manner of decorating with can certainty reconstruct two vessels. They are attributed to the so-called F type of bell-shaped situlae, according to the division of Maria-Vittoria Giuliani Pomes, which was recently also complemented.357 Model or the appearance of such vessels is set at the time of the classical Greek period in the 5th cent. BC when for carrying of water, but also for mixing of water with wine, began to be use the so-called small vessels.358 Their production culminated during the 4th and early 3rd cent. BC, primarily in the »Hellenistic world« and, in parallel, in Etruria and with the later related areas where they were usually called situlae.359 These were vessels that were connect the events of the symposium, banquets and ceremonies where wine and aphrodisiac herbs were inevitably means of relaxation and rising ofspiritual and physical energy leading to the blessedness.360 Almost certainly, they were used for the purpose of the ceremonial mixing and/or filtering of the wine.361 However, their use was much broader and 356 357 358 359 360 361 Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 18, 299-302. Giuliani Pomes 1957, 66-76. For the appearance and development of situlae in the Mediterranean world see E. Walters (1988), which demonstrates their iconographic overview and interpretation. Giuliani-Pomes 1957, 66-67; Zahlhaas 1971, 7, T. 1; Zimmermann 1998, 47-48. Burkert 1990, 289, 293-294. Zahlhaas 1971, 71; Ceka 1988, 360; Zimmermann 1998, 47; Rolley 2002b, 57; višeznačna, čemu potvrde treba tražiti i u kopijama ke-ramičke izradbe koje nisu malobrojne, posebno kod južnoitalske crvenofiguralne keramografske produk- 3 cije. more am 362 Zvonaste situle bile su dijelom luksuznih garnitura i reprezentativno bogatih grobova pokojnika iz redo-va najviših društvenih i političkih struktura, raspro-stranjene od srednjega Sredozemlja, Italskog i Balkan-skog poluotoka, pa sve do Crnoga mora i udaljenih krajeva sjeverne Europe (sl. 65). Zbog toga su vrlo če-sto interpretirane kao insignije, kao vrijedni diplomatski pokloni, jednostavno kao keimelie ili kao ritualno sredstvo iskazivanja uvriježenih eshatoloških praksi i trendova.3 63 Njihova prisutnost u najbogatijim grobovima Nezakcija (sl. 64C) odražava tako rasprostranje-nu predodžbu i u regionalnim/mjesnim okvirima. Njima valja pridružiti situlu iz bogate ostave iz her-cegovačkih Ošaniča.364 Jer, poput situla iz Rijeke i Nezakcija, sve ispod ataša imaju urezan listoliki, tzv. srcoliki ukras. Izveden je od dvije paralelne linije, sre-dišnjom razdjelnom linijom i donjim završetkom u obliku valovnice, odnosno akantizirujučeg špica, što je oznaka situla iz Ošaniča i prve situle iz Rijeke. Neri-jetko, zbog odredenog narativnog elementa, unutraš- biljem, pa su zbog toga pored situla vrlo čest nalaz servisi i cjediljke (npr. u Ver-gini, Apoloniji, Varbici ili u Montefortinu, pogotovo grobovi sa situlama 8, 23, 35) (Kottaridi 2004, 62-72). 362 Zahlhaas i97i, 7i-73; Trendal i989, i0, Fig. 2, k. i46, 228, 275-276. 363 Theodossiev 2000, 68-69; Treister 2002b, 63-64; Barr-Sharrar 2008. 364 Maric i979, 54-56, T. XIX; T. XX. Istoj radioničkoj produkciji mogu se pribro-jiti pored ataša iz Nezakcija, vjerojatno jedina preostala ataša iz Vrankamena (Truhelka i893, 88). ambiguous - a confirmation should be looked for in not so few in numbers ceramic copies which were manufactured especially in the southern Italian red-fig-ural ceramic production.362 Bell-shape situlae were part of the luxurious sets and of representative rich graves of deceased from the ranks of the highest social structures, spread from the middle of the Mediterranean, the Italic and Balkan Peninsula, all the way to the Black Sea and to remote areas of northern Europe (Fig. 65). As a result, they were very often interpreted as insignia, as valuable diplomatic gifts, simply as keimelia or as a ritual means of expressing es-chatological entrenched practices and trends.363 Their presence in the richest graves in Nesactium (Fig. 64C) reflected both a widespread perception in the regional/local frames. They should be joined by the situla from the rich hoard of Ošanici in Herzegovina.364 Since, just like the situlae from Rijeka and Nesactium, below the attache it had an incised leaf-shaped, so-called heart-shaped ornament. It is composed from two parallel lines, a central dividing line and a lower end in the form of wavy lines and ofacanthus point, which is the mark ofthe examples from Ošanici and first situlae from Rijeka. Often, due to a certain narrative element, the inner halves Kottaridi 2004, 65-7L Vine was ceremonially mixed with honey and herbs. Consequently beside the situlae were often present services and stainers (in Vergina, Apolonia, Varbicia or in Montefortinou, in graves with situlae number 8, 23 and 35) (Kottaridi 2004, 62-72). 362 Zahlhaas i97i, 7i-73; Trendal i989, i0, Fig. 2, k. i46, 228, 275-276. 363 Theodossiev 2000, 68-69; Treister 2002b, 63-64; Barr-Sharrar 2008. 364 Maric i979, 54-56, T. XIX; T. XX. To the shame workshop could be attributed also the fragments of situlae from Nesactium and the only remaining attache from Vrankamen (Truhelka i893, 88). OO OS K Z H OS < P- K I c > or K Z H OS < 65. Karta rasprostranjenosti zvonastih situla (▲) s izdvojenim situlama sa srcolikim ukrasom ispod ataša (▼). Distribution map of bell-shaped situlae (▲) with distinguished situlae with an heart-like decoration below the attache (▼). nje su polovice ispunjene dodatnom dekoracijom, npr. delfinima, po čemu se ističu situla iz Nezakcija365 i druga situla iz Rijeke, s jedinom dobrom paralelom kod situle iz picenske Offide (sl. 64E).366 Trima jedinima zvonastim situlama sa sjevernog Jadrana, detaljniju analizu umanjuje stupanj očuva-nosti te njihovo, ne sasvim jasno, podrijetlo. Prema navedenim paralelama, a s obzirom na tehnologiju izradbe i načine ukrašavanja, riječke i nezakcijske se zvonaste situle povezuju uz širenje helenističkog stila i uže smještaju na kraj 4. ili početak 3. st. pr. Kr. Izrav-no su povezane uz etruščanske ili etrurizirane radio: koje su izvozile svoje proizvode posredstvom Pi. ili ispostavljenih emporija Verucchia i Spine na suprotnu jadransku obalu. Činjenica ne predstavlja nikakvu novost u dosadašnjim spoznajama o kulturnim odnosima tih regija, ali svakako i po primjeru umjetničkog obrta vrhunske kvalitete i visokovrijed-nog značenja predstavlja potvrdu istovrijednih komunikacijskih i kulturnih dostignuča dviju jadranskih obala. Ulomak brončane posude sa srcolikom atašom iz osta-ve/groba u Baški367 valja razmatrati u istom kulturnom ambijentu. Sačuvana je izuzetno malim ulomkom pa joj je bliže tipološko definiranje onemogučeno. Kontekst nalaza odreduje ju najvjerojatnije vremenu 3. st. pr. Kr. i povezuje uz odredene mjesne radionice koje nice cena were filled with additional decoration - for example dolphins. Such was the situla from Nesactium365 and the second example from Rijeka, exhibiting good parallel with situlae from Offida in Picenum (Fig. 64E).366 The detailed analysis of the only three bell-shaped situ-lae discovered in the northern Adriatic was reduced by their state of preservation and their less than clear origin. According to the listed parallels, and taking into consideration the technology of their fabrication and ways of decoration, the bell-shaped situlae from Rijeka and the Nesactium should be associated with the expansion of the Hellenistic style and dated to the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. They were directly associated with the Etruscan or workshops producing under their influence that exported their products through Picenum or issued emporia of Ver-ucchio and Spina to the opposite Adriatic coast. The fact is no newness in the current state of knowledge about the cultural relations of these regions, but certainly an example of artistic crafts of high quality and ofhigh value ofmeaning it represents a confirmation of equivalent communication and cultural achievements of the two Adriatic coasts. Fragment of a bronze vessel with a heart-shaped attache from the hoard/grave in Baška367 should be considered in the same cultural ambiance. Preserved was an extremely small fragment consequently disabling its closer typological definition. The context determines the discovery most likely to the period of the 3rd cent. OO OS K Z H OS < K I c > or K Z H OS < 365 Mihovilic 2013, sl. 183. 366 D 'Ercole 1977, 71, 73, B 351; Pignocchi 2 367 Vinski 1956, 19-30, Abb. ia-4. >, 70, Fig. 95, 336; Lucentini 20 02, 34-35. 365 Mihovilic 20i3, sl. i83. 366 D Ercole i977, 7i, 73, B 35i; Pignocchi 2 367 Vinski i956, i9-30, Abb. ia-4. ), 70, Fig. 95, 336; Lucentini 2002, 34-35. A 66. Brončani izljevak ataše u obliku lavlje glave stamnoidne situle iz Nezakcija (A prema Mihovilič 2013) i iz Novog Vinodolskog (B prema Blečič Kavur 2012) uz predloženu rekonstrukciju situle iz Novog Vinodolskog (C). Bronze »lion spout« of a stamnoid situla from Nesactium (A after Mihovilič 2013) and from Novi Vinodolski (B after Blečič Kavur 2012), with a suggested reconstruction of the situla from Novi Vinodolski (C). C su, kako i sav ondje zastupljen nakit, tako i nju stvarale prema uzoru i obrascu helenističkih metalnih posuda. Ataša s motivom lavlje glave s kljunastim izljevkom i dvije pomične ručke iz Novog Vinodolskog pripada tipu stamnoidne situle (sl. 66B, D). Tipološka obilježja odreduju ju klasičnoj, drugoj varijanti stamnoidnih situla standardiziranih obilježja sa dvije bogato deko-rirane ataše, od kojih je jedna oblikovana kao kljunasti izljevak najčešče s prikazom motiva lavlje glave.368 S prostora istočnojadranskog priobalja otprije su poznate takve ataše s ručkama iz budvanske nekropole369 i iz Nezakcija (sl. 66A),37° te jedina situla sačuvana u cijelo-sti iz Karina.371 Stamnoidne situle s izljevkom povezane su uz raskoš-ne simpozijastičke servise u kojima se držalo i u funkciji vrča serviralo čisto, nerazrijedeno vino. Predstav-ljaju homogenu skupinu metalnog posuda, koja se koristila na prostoru istočne obale Jadrana, Balkana, posebice Makedonije i Trakije, Ukrajine i južne Italije, ukazujuči time na svojstvene kontakte širokih razmjera osobitih medukulturnih odnosa (sl. 67). Sjevernojadranske stamnoidne situle pokazuju iz-ravne veze s primjercima iz makedonskog kultur-nog, obrtničkog i umjetničkog kruga. I sama njihova konzumacija povezana je uz aristokratski širi krug 368 Blečic Kavur 2012. 369 Popovic 1969, 78-79, k. 60-61; Popovic 1994, 125-126, k. 90-92; Candela 1985, 30, k. 31-32, sl. 3a-b; 28; Markovic 2003, 24, sl. 27; Budva 2007, 16, k. 1. 370 Mihovilic 2002, 510, T. 3, 9; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 184. 371 Nikolanci 1969, 79, k. 63; Boucher 1973, 90, sl. 12; Candela 1985, 29-30, k. 30, sl. 7-9; Kirigin 2008, 4, 38, 42-43, k. 18. BC and connects it with some local workshops which, as all the represented jewellery, created it according to the model and pattern of Hellenistic metal containers. Attache with the mount in the form ofa lion's head and with two movable handles from Novi Vinodolski belongs to the type of stamnoidsitulae (Fig. 66B, D). Its typological features determine it to the classical; the second variant ofstamnoid situlae ofstandardized features two richly decorated attaches, one of which is shaped ^ like a beaked mouth usually depicting a lion's head motif.368 From the area of the eastern Adriatic coast were i known such attaches with handles from the necropoles 6 ^ in Budva3 9 and Nesactium (Fig. 66A),37° and the only entirety preserved situla from Karin.371 K Stamnoid situlae with a mount, are associated with lav- ^ ish symposia services where in them was kept and in the function ofa jug served pure, undiluted wine. They rep- > resent a homogenous group of metal tableware, which g was used on the eastern coast of the Adriatic, on the h or Balkans, particularly in Macedonia and in Thrace, in £ the Ukraine and in southern Italy, demonstrating inherent and large-scale contacts of distinctive intercul-tural relations (Fig. 67). North Adriatic stamnoid situlae demonstrate a direct connection with examples from the Macedonian cultural, craft and artistic circle. Also their use was asso- 368 Blečic Kavur 2012. 369 Popovic 1969, 78-79, k. 60-61; Popovic 1994, 125-126, k. 90-92; Candela 1985, 30, k. 31-32, sl. 3a-b; 28; Markovic 2003, 24, sl. 27; Budva 2007, 16, k. 1. 370 Mihovilic 2002, 510, T. 3, 9; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 184. 371 Nikolanci 1969, 79, k. 63; Boucher 1973, 90, sl. 12; Candela 1985, 29-30, k. 30, sl. 7-9; Kirigin 2008, 4, 38, 42-43, k. 18. 67. Karta rasprostranjenosti stamnoidnih situla (▲) s izdvojenim situlama s izljevkom u obliku lavlje glave (▼) (nadopunjeno prema Blečic Kavur 2012). Distribution map of stamnoid situlae (▲) with distinguished situlae with the spout in the form of a lion's head (▼) (supplemented after Blečic Kavur 2012). makedonskog dvora.372 Naime, iz povijesnih je izvora prihvačeno mnijenje kako su upravo Makedonci, pogotovo slavni Filip i Aleksandar, te ostali od Grka zvani »Barbari« uključujuči i Ilire, pili čisto nerazri-jedeno vino, što objašnjava takvu popularnost oblika upravo na makedonskom i njemu širem interesnom prostoru.373 Sukladno nalazišnim kontekstima raskoš-nih grobova i grobnica povijesnih Makedonije i Traki-je, vremenski su smještene u sredinu i drugu polovicu 4. st. pr. Kr.374 Vrijeme je to vrhunca makedonske luksuzne, umjet-ničko-obrtničke produkcije koja se razvijala s rastom makedonske moči, odnosno s njihovom kasnokla-sičnom ekspanzijom diljem Sredozemlja i Europe. Možemo ih zato razumijevati u širem spletu tekovi-na makedonskog toreutičkog stvaralaštva, u kontekstu najrazličitijih makedonskih diplomatskih, kao i promotivnih poslovanja s drugim važnim središtima moči i njihovim profiliranim tržištima. Ponajviše se to odnosi na Etruriju i keltsku ekumenu, tj. na potvrdene kontakte dugih razdaljina koji su se ostvarivali upravo preko jadranskog bazena (sl. 65; 67).375 Istočnojadran-sko priobalje u spletu tih odnosa i u optjecanju takvih dobara, a na sjecištu toliko snažnih kulturnih ambi-jenata i ambicija, zasigurno nije bilo podcjenjivano ili izostavljano, što situla iz Karina, tj. specifični subjekti stamnoidne situle iz Novog Vinodolskog i Nezakcija uvjerljivo i još jednom potvrduju. 372 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 129-130. 373 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 130; Barr-Sharrar 2000, 279. 374 Blečic Kavur 2012. 375 Blečič Kavur, Kavur 2010; usp. Rolley 1987, 347-349. ciated with a wider aristocratic range of the Macedonian court.372 Since from historical sources is accepted the opinion that it was the Macedonians, especially the famous Philip and Alexander, and other by the Greeks called »Barbarians« including the Illyrians, which were drinking pure undiluted wine, explaining the popularity of this form just in the Macedonian and its broader area.373 According to the discovery contexts of lavish graves and tombs of the historic Macedonia and Thrace, they were dated in to the middle and second half of ^ the 4th cent. BC.374 a I It was a period of the peak of Macedonian luxurious £ art-craft production that developed with the growth of g the Macedonian power, and with their late classical ex- < pansion throughout the Mediterranean and Europe. £ We can therefore understand them in the broader in- ^ terlacing of achievements of the Macedonian toreutic c creativity, in the context of various Macedonian diplo- £ matic and promotional operations with other import- g ant centres of power and their profiled markets. Above £ all, this applies to Etruria, the Celtic oecumene, i.e. the confirmed long distance contacts performed across the Adriatic basin (Fig. 65; 67).375 The eastern Adriatic coastline was certainly not in the web ofthese relations, in the circulation of such goods, and at the crossroads of so many strong cultural environments and ambition, underestimated or omitted - as situla from Karin, i.e. the specific subject's of stamnoid situlae from Novi Vino- 372 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 129-130. 373 Barr-Sharrar 1982, 130; Barr-Sharrar 2000, 279. 374 Blečič Kavur 2012. 375 Blečič Kavur, Kavur 2010; cf. Rolley 1987, 347-349. 68. Ulomci srebrne čaše iz Osora (A prema Blečič Kavur 2014b) i profilirana noga brončane čaše iz ostave u Baškoj, Krk (B prema Mader 2006). Fragments ofa silver cup from Osor (A after Blečič Kavur 2014b) and a profiled bronze cup's foot from the Baška hoard, Krk (B after Mader 2006). ... i čaše Pri različitim obrednim i ceremonijalnim zabavama u setovima za pice nezaobilazna je bila i čaša, tj. šalica ili pehar (cup-kantharos). Predmeti takve namjene do-sad nisu bili izdvojeni na području Kvarnera. No za-cijelo se valja prisjetiti raskošne ostave iz Baške, gdje se pored brojnog srebrnog nakita našao i ulomak jedne brončane čaše (sl. 68B).376 Sačuvana je samo karakteristična visoka, dvostruko profilirana noga. Izrade-na je lijevanjem, a dva njezina dijela odvaja i naglašava središnji karakteristični profilirani prsten sa žljebovi-ma. Donji dio noge zaobljen je i u stopi prstenasto ra-širen sa zaobljenim rubom kako bi bio stabilan nosač posude. Gornji dio je takoder prstenasto raširen, ali uži i s oštrim žljebasto ukrašenim rubom. Na tom je dijelu bilo postavljeno i zalemljeno posebno lijevano tijelo posude, najvjerojatnije tipa kantharos ili skyphos, sa dvije ručke.377 Medutim, potpuno nepoznat je neobičan i još zani-mljiviji nalaz čaše iz Osora (sl. 68A).378 Riječ je, naime, 0 jednostavnoj zaobljenoj čaši s neznatno zadebljanim 1 prebačenim rubom te s ukrasom urezane dvije linije s unutrašnje strane posude. Takve su posudice manjih dimenzija izradivane od četiri odvojena dijela (tijelo, noga i dvije ručke). Tijelo zaobljene i dublje posude bilo je postavljeno na nižoj ili višoj nozi, dok su sa stra-na stajale po dvije, iznad ruba, uzdignute ručke. Od tih 376 Mader 2.006, 254-255, Abb. 3; Abb. 4. Pogrešno interpretiran kao svijeCnjak, što je preuzeto još od M. AbramiCa! 377 Usp. Zu^], StS^pn? 2003, 45, niN 14^; I5y; 16a. 378 Blečic Kavur 2014a, 52-53. dolski and Nesactium, convincing and once again confirmed. ... and drinking cups In different ritual and ceremonial parties beakers and cups (cup-kantharos) were unavoidable in sets of drinking vessels. Such items were not put forward in the Kvarner region until now. But surely it is worth remembering the lavish hoard from Baška, where in addition q to numerous items of silver jewellery was discovered also a fragment of a bronze cup (Fig. 68B).376 Preserved was only the characteristic high, double-profiled foot. £ It was made by casting, and its two parts were sepa- g rated and highlighted by the central typical profiled £ ring with grooves. The lower part of the leg is ring-rate £ spread with rounded edges to make it a stable carrier of t-the vessels. The upper part of the ring-rate spread, but is narrower with sharp decorated edge. At this part was > added and soldered the separately cast container of the g vessel, most likely of kantharos or skyphos type, with two ^ handles.377 | However, completely unknown is the discovery ofa cup from Osor (Fig. 68A).378 It is, in fact, a simple curved cup with a slightly thickened rim and decorated with two incised lines on the inner side of the vessel. Such cups of smaller size were made of four separate parts (body, foot and two handles). The body ofrounded and deeper containers were placed on the lower or higher leg, while 376 Mader 2006, 254-255, Abb. 3; Abb. 4. Wrongly interpreted as a chandelier, which was accepted from M. AbramiC! 377 Cf. Zup], StS^pn? 2003, 45, niN I4y; 15^; 16a. 378 BlečiC Kavur 2014a, 52-53. 69. Karta rasprostranjenosti brončanih čaša (nadopunjeno prema Sideris 2°°°). Distribution map of bronze cup-kantharoi (supplemented after Sideris 2°°°). dijelova nije sačuvan ni jedan ulomak, jer su vjerojatno bili namjerno otkinuti od posude, a samo je tijelo drastično izobličeno i prignječeno. Medutim, izvanred-nost te šalice nije u njezinom tipu ili načinu izradbe, buduci da su to oblici koji su se proizvodili u različitim veličinama i od različitih materijala. One su bile nezao-bilazan i omiljeni oblik malih posuda pri simpozijima i banketarskim obredima ritualnog ispijanja najčešce prisutnog kod muškaraca iz grčkog i makedonskog svijeta od prve polovice 4. pa sve do sredine 3. st. pr. Kr.379 Ipak, medu njima, posebno su mjesto zauzima-le one šalice izradene od plemenitih metala, srebra ili zlata. Osorska čaša izradena je upravo lijevanjem u srebru zbog čega ce njezina vrijednost biti još izražajnija. Prema osnovnim karakteristikama osorsku čašu mo-žemo povezati uz umjetnički obrt makedonske proizvodnje koji je upravo inovirao duboke oblike šalica i čaša poglavito od bronce, a izvanredno od srebra.380 Brončane inačice tog tipa posuda najznačajnije su za područje Makedonije i sjeverne Grčke. U manjem se broju rasprostiru i u širokom ambijentu od južne Italije do srednje Europe, od Trakije sve do Ponta, tj. na onim područjima s kojima je Makedonija imala pri-sne i uhodane kontakte različitih meduodnosa (sl. 69).381 Na tom su teritoriju u pravilu sve nadene kao dijelovi setova za pice u grobovima i bogatim grobnicama istaknutih članova mjesnih aristokracija. U istom kontekstu moglo bi se naci i prikladno tumačenje standing on the sides were two, above the rim raised handles. None of these parts was preserved since they were probably deliberately broken off of the vessel, and only the body was drastically distorted and squashed. However, the specialty of this cup is not in the type or method of its construction, as it is of a form which was produced in different sizes and from different materials. They were indispensable and favourite form ofsmall vessels in symposia and banquets ritual ofdrinking usually present in men from the Greek and Macedonian world of the first half of the 4th until the mid of 3rd cent. BC.379 Nevertheless, among them, a special place occupied those cups made of precious metals - silver or gold. The cup from Osor was made by casting in silver consequently making its value even more expressive. According to the basic characteristics we can connect the cup from Osor with the arts and crafts ofthe Macedonian production - the later innovated deep forms of cups and beakers made from bronze and exceptionally from silver.380 Bronze versions of this type of tableware were most significant for the region of Macedonia and northern Greece. In smaller numbers they are spread in a wide area of southern Italy and central Europe, from Thrace to Pontus, i.e. in those areas with which Macedonia had genuine and well-established contacts ofvar-ious interrelationships (Fig. 69).381 On this territory they were discovered as parts of sets for a drinking in the graves and rich tombs of prominent members ofthe local aristocracy. In the same context could be observed OS K Z H OS < P- K I c > or K Z H OS < 379 Zimmermann 1998, 30-31. 380 Sideris 2000, 17-21; usp. Zimmermann 1998, 35. 381 Sideris 2000, 20, Fig. 18. 379 Zimmermann 1998, 30-31. 380 Sideris 2000, 17-21; cf. Zimmermann 1998, 35. 381 Sideris 2000, 20, Fig. 18. K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C osorskoj čaši. Naime, ona zasigurno potječe s prostora kavanelske nekropole, pa je najvjerojatnije pripadala nekom bogatijem grobu eminentnog pojedinca, s time da je, u skladu s ovdašnjim običajima, prethodno na njoj izvršen obred ritualizacije, namjernog lomljenja, deformiranja, uništavanja i spaljivanja na obred-nom spalištu. Za razliku od osorske čaše, najsrodniji primjerci izra-deni od bronce sačuvani su gotovo u cijelosti ili djelomično. Nalazi čaša iz Korinta i iz ostave Votonosi u Epiru,382 kao i njima najsrodnija čaša iz Metropolitan Museum ofArt koja navodno potječe iz sjeverne Italije,383 to vrlo dobro ilustriraju. U raznim inačicama naj-vecim brojem potječu iz područja Makedonije gdje se osobito ističu primjeri iz Derveni, Vitse ili Medeona (sl. 6?).384 No, srebrne čaše toga tipa vrlo su rijetke, i na prostoru Grčke uglavnom su povezane uz mlade kontekste makedonske produkcije. Izdvajaju se čaše iz Kozani38s i ona s otoka Halki (Chalki) kod Rodosa.386 Srebrne čaše istih obilježja poznate su nadalje iz kolekcije Metropolitan Museum of Art, tzv. New York cup koja po- 382 383 384 385 386 the appropriate interpretation of the cup from Osor. Specifically, it certainly comes from the area of Kava-nela necropolis, and it most likely belonged to a richer grave of an eminent individual, provided that, in accordance with the local custom, on it was previously performed the fragmentation rite - intentional breakage, destruction and burning on the ceremonial pyre. Unlike the cup from Osor, similar pieces made of bronze were preserved almost in its entirety. Discoveries of cups from Corinth and from Votonosi in Epi-rus,382 as well as a similar cup from the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which allegedly originated from northern Italy,383 illustrate it very well. In various versions, their highest numbers are known from the area of Macedonia where are significant examples from Derveni, Vitsa or Medeon (Fig. 6^).384 But the silver cups of this type were very rare, and in the area of Greece they were generally associated with younger contexts of Macedonian production. There are distinct cups from Kozani38s and one from the island of Halki (Chalki) near Rhodes.386 Silver cups of the same characteristics are known further from the collection ofthe Metropolitan Museum ofArt, the so-called New York cup that originating from the territory Vokotopoulou 1975, 768-769, Fig. 29; Zimmermann 1998, 158, T. 14, 2. Richter 1953, 127, Pl. 107b; usp. Bronze kylix (drinking cup), In Heilbrunn Ti- meline ofArt History, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000-http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/07.286.97 (21. 01. 2014). Sideris 2000, 11, 17, Fig. 7-9; usp. Vokotopoulou 1983, 178, Fig. 83, 6, T. 284, 1; Zimmermann 1998, 158, T. 14, 1, 3; T. 15, 3; Zup], StS^pn? 2003, 45-46, niN 16^; y. Strong 1966, 94; usp. Mentesidi 1993, 46, Fig. 19. Walters 1921, 5, Pl. III, 14; usp. Kylix-Chalki, Collection online, In: The Britisch Museum: http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/col-lection_object_details.aspx?objectId=429i89&partId=i (21. 02. 2014). 382 383 384 385 386 Vokotopoulou 1975, 768-769, Fig. 29; Zimmermann 1998, 158, T. 14, 2. Richter 1953, 127, Pl. 107b; cf. Bronze kylix (drinking cup), In Heilbrunn Timeline ofArt History, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000 - http:// www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/07.286.97 (21. 01. 2014). Sideris 2000, 11, 17, Fig. 7-9; cf. Vokotopoulou 1983, 178, Fig. 83, 6, T. 284, 1; Zimmermann 1998, 158, T. 14, 1, 3; T. 15, 3; Zu^], StSspn? 2003, 45-46, niN 16^; y. Strong 1966, 94; cf. Mentesidi 1993, 46, Fig. 19. Walters 1921, 5, Pl. III, 14; cf. Kylix-Chalki, Collection online, In: The British Museum: http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/col-lection_object_details.aspx?objectId=429i89&partId=i (21. 02. 2014). tječe iz područja sjeverne Grčke387 i primjerak iz Ko-prinke, grobnica 1, nekropole Sevtopolisa u Trakiji.388 S obzirom na poznate i sigurno datirane kontekste nalaza iz Kozani i Koprinke pripisuju se sofisticiranoj umjetnosti makedonskog dvora i njegove dominacije od druge polovice 4. st. pr. Kr.389 Poput prije opisanih simpozijastičkih posuda iz Kvarnera, tako se i čaša iz Osora, tj. noga čaše iz ostave iz Baške, mogu razmatrati u vremenu tzv. srebrnog horizonta i prisnijeg odnosa s makedonskom produkcijom helenističkog razdoblja 3. st. pr. Kr., koji su sliku raspro-stranjenosti i razvijenosti makedonske trgovine ovime takoder smisleno nadopunile. of northern Greece'87 and an example from Koprinka, tomb 1, from the necropolis Seuthopolis in Thrace.'88 Regarding the well-known and certainly dated contexts the discoveries from Kozani and Koprinka, they are attributed to the sophisticated art of the Macedonian court and its domination of the second half of the 4th cent. BC.389 Like the above described symposium vessel from Kvar-ner, so the cup from Osor, i.e. foot of the cup from the hoard from Baška, may be considered in the period of the so-called silver horizon and closer contacts to the Macedonian production in the Hellenistic period of the 3rd cent. BC. These finds meaningfully complement the picture of the extent and development of the Macedonian trade. OS K Z H OS < P- K I c > or K Z H OS < 387 Bothmer 1984, 49, Fig. 83. 388 Archibald 1998, 273, 339, Pl. 37. 389 Vokotopoulou 1975, 768; Archibald 1998, 272; Sideris 2000, 21. 387 Bothmer 1984, 49, Fig. 83. 388 Archibald 1998, 273, 339, Pl. 37. 389 Vokotopoulou 1975, 768; Archibald 1998, 272; Sideris 2000, 21. Raskoš keramičkog mozaika Splendour of the ceramic mosaic Usvakodnevne svrhe, pri stolnom posluživa-nju, kao i pri obredima banketa i simpozija u Osoru se koristila i luksuzna uvezena keramika. Najveci njezin broj potječe iz istraživanja grad-ske jezgre, i zasad nije poznat ni jedan ulomak keramike koji bi bio odreden nekom pogrebnom kontekstu. Ukratko, jedna je od najslabije istražene i gotovo neobjavljene grada iz Osora.39° Uslijed neodgovarajuce dokumentacije keramičko se gradivo može atribuirati i/ili interpretirati isključivo stilski i prema odredenim analogijama. Uvoz slikane keramike prestižne kvalitete na Osoru je prisutan vec od samog početka starijeg željeznog doba, obilježavajuci tako odredenu tradiciju u nje-govanjima udaljenih prostornih i kulturnih konta-kata. Najvecim dijelom riječ je o daunijskoj kerami-ci koja se, s vecim ili manjim intenzitetom, uvozila od 9./8. pa sve do 4./3. st. pr. Kr. Prekomorski trgovački odnosi duž obaju jadranskih obala najduže je poznati običaj. U ovome primjeru kulturnih doticaja sjever- In everyday use, serving at the table and at banquets and ceremonies of the symposium were used in Osor imported luxurious ceramics. Its largest numbers comes from excavations in town's centre, and for now is not known a single fragment of pottery which would be determined by a funerary context. In short, pottery is one of the least explored and almost unpublished materials from Osor.39° Due to inadequate documentation, the ceramic material can be attributed to and/or interpreted solely stylistically and according to certain analogie ies. Import of prestigious painted pottery is present in Osor from the beginning of the Early Iron Age, marking the particular tradition in fostering remote spatial and cultural contacts. For the most part it is Daunian ceramics which was, with greater or lesser intensity, imported from 9th/8th to the 4^/3^ cent. BC. Overseas trade relations along both Adriatic coasts were the oldest known customs. In this example of cultural contact we should focus on the so-called new vases or pots from 390 Lisičar 1973, T. IX, 23; Faber 1980, sl. 11-13; Mihovilic 2002, T. 3, 4; T. 5, 1-2; 390 Lisičar 1973, T. IX, 23; Faber 1980, sl. 11-13; Mihovilic 2002, T. 3, 4; T. 5, 1-2; Blečic Kavur 2014a, 37-40. Blečic Kavur 2014a, 37-40. nog jadranskog priobalja i južnoapeninskog prostora italskih civilizacija, pozornosti su vrijedne tzv. nove vaze, odnosno posude iz kasnije faze daunijske produkcije.391 Njima ce pripadati nekoliko ulomaka svi-jetlosmede do svijetlosive fine keramike ukrašene s nekoliko horizontalnih oslikanih traka i paralelnih linija (sl. 70). Naj češce su monokromnog, mat smedeg premaza, a rjede polikromnog, smedeg i smede-cr-venog premaza. Raskošne paralele čitavog servisa posuda te keramičke proizvodnje mogu se vidjeti kod grobnih cjelina u Nezakciju392 i kod ulomaka iz nase-obinskih slojeva Rovinja.393 Riječ je o keramici koja se počela znatnije proizvoditi pod utjecajem grčke keramike i tehnologije od kraja 6. i tijekom 5. st. pr. Kr. na području Peucetije i Lukanije.394 Na sjevernijem dije-lu i na prostoru Daunije ta tzv. keramika s trakama obi-lježila je kraj 5. i 4. st. pr. Kr.395 Upravo se tako odredu-je i najveci broj nezakcijskih vrčeva, ulomka iz Rovinja i iz Osora. Medutim, samo se jedan ulomak, ukrašen usporednim trakama i viticom bršljana (sl. 70A), približava tzv. keramici mješovitog stila.39 6 Predstavlja ju karakteristična primjena i geometrijskih, trakastih, i biljnih motiva. Kao proizvodno središte Daunije, od kraja 5. i tijekom čitavog 4. st. pr. Kr., posebno se za taj stil keramografije profilirao obrtnički krug Canose.397 later phases of Daunian production.391 To this group belong several fragments of light brown to light gray fine pottery decorated with several horizontal painted strip and parallel lines (Fig. 70). Mostly they have a monochrome matte brown coating and are rarely polychrome with brown and brownish-red coating. Splendid parallels of the entire service of vessels and of the ceramic production can be observed in the grave units in Nesactium392 and in fragments from the settlement layers of Rovinj.393 This was a pottery that was started to be produced by the significant influence of the Greek ^ pottery and technology from the end of the 6th and £ during the 5th cent. BC in the area of Peucetia and Lu- g cania.394 On the northern part and in the Daunian area £ the so-called ceramics with stripes marked the end of the £ 5th and 4th cent. BC.395 The same dating was attributed ^ to the highest number of jugs from Nesactium, frag- ^ ments from Rovinj and Osor. However, only a single ^ fragment, decorated with parallel stripes and tendrils w of ivy (Fig. 70A) is approaching the so-called ceramics of the mixed style.396 It is characterized by the application of geometric and floral motifs. It was produced from the end of the 5th and throughout the 4th cent. BC in Daunia where especially for that ceramics style was profiled the craft circle of Canosa.397 391 Yntema 1990, 337-345. 392 Mihovilic 2001, T. 11, 1-7; Mihovilic 2013, 260, 262, sl. 111, 188. 393 Matoševic, Mihovilic 2004, T. 8, 4-6, 8-9, 11-12, 14. 394 Nizzo 2007, 297-298. 395 Yntema 1990, 338, 344-345; Nizzo 2007, 298-300 - sa starijom literaturom. 396 Ulomak je bio neodgovarajuce atribuiran crvenoj slikanoj keramici (Lisičar 1973, 14, T. IX, 23; Faber 1980, 298, sl. 12, 5). 397 De Juliis 1997, 116-119; Nizzo 2007, 283-287. 391 Yntema 1990, 337-345. 392 Mihovilic 2001, T. 11, 1-7; Mihovilic 2013, 260, 262, sl. 111, 188. 393 Matoševic, Mihovilic 2004, T. 8, 4-6, 8-9, 11-12, 14. 394 Nizzo 2007, 297-298. 395 Yntema 1990, 338, 344-345; Nizzo 2007, 298-300 - with earlier literature. 396 The fragment was inadequate attributed to red painted pottery (Lisičar 1973, 14, T. IX, 23; Faber 1980, 298, sl. 12, 5). 397 De Juliis 1997, 116-119; Nizzo 2007, 283-287. Uspostavljanje i održavanje živih doticaja sjevernog dijela istočnojadranskog prostora i s novoosnovanim grčkim kolonijama u južnoj Italiji dokazuje fino slikano posude najčešče južnoitalske provenijencije (sl. 7174). Osorski ulomci pripadaju velikim širokim posu-dama za miješanje tekučina tipa krater, zatim vrčevima za vino tipa oinochoe, vrčevima za čuvanje ulja tipa lekyt-hos, te čašama i šalicama za ispijanje vina tipa kylix ili skyphos koji su, uz luksuzne metalne posude, činili sa-stavni dio raskošnih garnitura za piče. Atička crnofiguralna slikana keramika dosad nije dokumentirana na Osoru. Opčenito predstavlja rijetkost na sjevernomJadranu, poznatu jedino s luksuznim po-sudama iz Nezakcija.398 Crvenofiguralna slikana keramika znatno je brojnije zastupljena na cijelom kvarnerskom bazenu, pa ju poznajemo iz Krka, Raba399 i Rijeke,4°° te Osora i nasuprot-nog Nezakcija.401 Buduči da se koristila sve do kraja 4. st. pr. Kr. dovodila se u vezu sa sve snažnijim utjecajem južnoitalskih i sjevernojadranskih radionica. Fino pro-čiščenu keramiku tih obilježja, izdvajaju crvene figure na crnoj pozadini, izuzetno kvalitetnog premaza i pre-ciznog slikanja. Posude su uglavnom ukrašavane geometrijskim, figuralnim ili biljnim motivima. Pridružiti joj se mogu: ulomak vrata i ramena vrčeva tipa lekythos (sl. 71A-B), ulomak izvijenog ruba zvonastog kratera s 398 Mihovilic 2002, 502-504, K- 4399 Faber 1967; Faber 1980, 298; Mihovilic 2002, 505. 400 Blečic Kavur 2010, 281. 401 Mihovilič 2002, 504-505, k. 4; Blečič Kavur 2010, 280-281, sl. 208; Mihovilič 20I3, 264, 272, 274- Maintenance of contact of the northern part of the eastern Adriatic area with the newly established Greek colonies in southern Italy is attested with the presence of finely painted pottery of mostly southern Italian origin (Fig. 71-74). Fragments from Osor belong to big wide containers for mixing of liquids - craters, then jugs for wine of oinochoe type, pitchers for keeping oil of lekythos type and cups for drinking wine of kylix or sky-phos type which, with the metal vessels, were incorporated into the luxurious drinking sets. Attic black-figure painted pottery was not yet documented £ in Osor. Generally it is a rarity in the northern Adriatic, £ known only in the form of luxurious vessels from Ne- 2 398 ed sactium. < a K Red-figurepainted pottery is much more numerously repre- ^ sented throughout the Kvarner basin - finds are known from Krk, Rab399 and Rijeka,4°° as well from Osor and the opposite Nesactium.401 Since the later was used until the end of the 4th cent. BC it was linked with the in- h OC creasingly strong influence of southern Italian and the £ northern Adriatic workshops. Fine ceramics of these characteristics are adorned by distinguish red figures on a black background, high-quality of slips and precise imaging. The vessels are usually decorated with geometric, figurative or floral motifs. We could attribute to this group a fragment ofthe neck and shoulder of a lekythos type jug (Fig. 71A-B), a fragment of the bell-curved rim 398 Mihovilič 2002, 502-504, K. 4. 399 Faber 1967; Faber 1980, 298; Mihovilič 2002, 505. 400 Blečič Kavur 2010, 281. 401 Mihovilič 2002, 504-505, k. 4; Blečič Kavur 20I0, 280-28I, sl. 208; Mihovilič 20I3, 264, 272, 274. ukrasom lovorove vitice (?), ulomak tijela posude (vrča ili kratera?) s prikazanom nogom u povijenom stavu s ravnotežom na dva oslonca (mač ili štap?) (sl. 71C),401 ulomak ruba čaše tipa skyphos ili kantharos sessile s prikazom meandra (sl. 71D), ulomak posude s djelomič-nim prikazom muškog tijela i desne ruke403 i dr. (sl. 71). Srodni primjerci mogu se nači kod nalazišta iz Istre,404 unutrašnjosti jugoistočnog alpskog zaleda405 i zapad-nobalkanskog područja.406 Izuzev izravnog doprema-w nja iz južnoitalskih gradova, odredena trgovina tom P luksuznom keramikom pretpostavljena je posredniš- tvom emporija na zapadnoj, italskoj obali Jadrana.40' w g U istom kontekstu, od sredine 4. st. pr. Kr. pristižu i prve g posude južnoitalske slikane proizvodnje tipa Gnathia. w S vremenom je ta keramika stekla takvu popularnost i da je postala najraširenija keramika helenističkog raz- u doblja u i izvan njezinih središta proizvodnje, osobito ^ u medujadranskim trgovačko-posredničkim odnosi- ma.408 I kod ovog se tipa keramike izdvajaju ulomci veg likih zdjela tzv. bacino s crnim sjajnim premazom koje su oslikavane svj etlij om (žutom ili bij elom) i crvenom/ h bordo bojom (sl. 72). Prevladavaju geometrijski i bilj-§ ni motivi, vitice loza, bršljana i lističa, zatim mitološki n i životinjski motivi te ženski profili izmedu vitica. Na- > ^ 402 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 1; Mihovilic 2002. Najvjerojatnije je posuda bila oslikana dva- ma mladicima u razgovoru, mitološkog ili svakidašnjeg karaktera, scenom ti-pičnom za južnoitalsku crvenofiguralnu keramiku (Trendall 1989, 13, 18, 25). 403 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 2. 404 Mihovilic 2002, 504-505; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 202; 204-205. 405 Teržan 1995, 88. 406 Sanski most, g. 77, Fiala 247-248, sl. 86; Parovic-Pešikan 1986, 42-43, T. 1, 4. 407 Teržan 1995, 88; usp. Guzzo 1993; Landolfi 1996; Bonomi 2000; Attische Vasen 2004. 408 Miše 2012, 234. of a crater decorated with laurel tendrils (?), a fragment of the body of a vessel (jug or crater?) with a foot depicted in a curved position to balance the two arms (sword or stick?) (Fig. 71C),402 rim of the skyphos or kantharos sessile type cup depicting a meander (Fig. 71D), the fragment of a vessel with a partial representation of the male body and right arm403 and others (Fig. 71). Similar examples can be found at the sites in Istria,404 in the interior of the south-eastern Alpine hinterland405 and the western Balkan region.406 Except for direct delivery from the south Italic cities, certain trade with this pottery is assumed by the intermediation of the emporia on the western, Italic coast of the Adriatic.407 In the same context, since the middle 4th cent. BC, arrived the first painted vessels of southern Italian production of Gnathia style. In the course of time, this pottery received such popularity that it has become the most widely used ceramic of the Hellenistic period in and also outside of its centres of production, especially in the trans-Adriatic trade.408 And with this the type of pottery should be put forward fragments of large bowls of the so-called bacino with black glossy slip painted with lighter (yellow or white) and a red/maroon colour (Fig. 72). Prevalent are geometrical and flo- 402 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 1; Mihovilic 2002. Most likely the vessel was painted with two young men in conversation of mythological or everyday character - a scene typical of the southern Italian red figure pottery (Trendall 1989, 13, 18, 25). 403 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 2. 404 Mihovilic 2002, 504-505; Mihovilic 2013, sl. 202; 204-205. 405 Teržan 1995, 88. 406 Sanski most, grave 77, Fiala 247-248, sl. 86; Parovic-Pešikan 1986, 42-43, T. 1, 4. 407 Teržan 1995, 88; cf. Guzzo 1993; Landolfi 1996; Bonomi 2000; Attische Vasen 2004. 408 Miše 2012, 234. vedeni oblikovni i ukrasni elementi odreduju osorske ulomke tzv. srednjoj fazi Gnathia stila koja je značajna za drugu polovicu 4. st. pr. Kr.4°9 Medutim, i ovdje se izdvajaju figuralno ukrašeni ulomci (sl. 73). Ulomak ti-jela posude (vrča?) s prikazanim ženskim profilom iz-medu vitica u otisku,41° ulomak tijela posude (vrča?) s krilatom rukom oslikanom bijelom bojom i ulomak izvijenog vrata i ruba vrča tipa oinochoe s bijelo oslikanom trakom, mogu se tako bliže opredijeliti Dune-din grupi, inačici Sidewinder.411 I stoj grupi pridružuju se i uobičajeni veci i masivni ulomci velikih i dubo-kih zdjela s prikazima spuštenih loza, grozdova, žire-va po tijelima posuda i s oslikanim motivom jajastog štapa (tzv. jonske kime, ovulima), točkicama i listici-ma uz rubove posuda i po njihovim tijelima uz deblje crvene trake kao okvirima pojedinih slikanih površi-na.412 U toj grupi mogu se razmatrati i ulomci kratera i drugih dosad neobjavljenih zdjela. S područja Kvarne-ra takve primjerke zasad poznajemo jedino iz Osora, a dopremali su se iz Taranta (Dunedin skupina keramike) i Mesapije (duboke zdjele).413 Nadalje, tijekom 3. i 2. st. pr. Kr., uvozila se i keramika tzv. kasne faze Gnathia stila. Nju obilježava specifična faktura i način ukrašavanja gustih kanelura po tijeli-ma, zbog čega je prostor za slikanje reduciran samo na središnji dio posuda. Tom keramičkom stilu tzv. Ka- 409 Green 2001, 57-59410 Faber 1980, sl- 13, 1411 Miše 2012, 234-235; usp- Green 2001, 59-60412 Faber 1980, sl- 13, 2-3- Autorica, bez odstupanja, navodi kako je keramika tih ti-poloških obilježja istražena uz supstrukcije i uokolo iskopavanjima definiranih gradskih bedema i ulaza-413 Miše 2012, 234-235; Miše 2013, 103-104- ral motives, tendrils of vine, ivy and leaves, then mythological and animal motifs and female profiles between tendrils- These decorative elements determine the fragments from Osor to the so-called middle phase of Gnathian style significant for the second half of the 4th cent- BC4°9 However here too we are dealing with figural decorated fragments (Fig- 73) A fragment of the body of a vessel (jug?) showing a female profile between tendrils in reflection,410 fragment of the body of a container (jug?) with a winged hand painted in white and fragment of the neck and the edge of a jug of oinochoe type with a white painted stripe, can be so closer | attributed to the Dunedingroup, version ofthe Sidewind- £ er 411 To the same group could be attributed the usual massive fragments of large and deep bowls with imag- | es of suspended vine, and acorns and with the painted £ decoration in the form of the painted ovules (aka- Ion- ^ ian kyme), dots and leaves along the edges of the vessel c and their bodies with thick red stripes as frameworks h of individual painted surfaces-412 In this group could be considered the fragments of craters and other previ- £ ously unpublished bowls- On the area of Kvarner such ^ finds are so far known only from Osor, and they were imported from Taranto (Dunedin group of ceramics) and Mesapia (deep bowl)-413 Furthermore, during the 3rd and 2nd cent- BC was imported the pottery of the so-called late phase of Gnath- 409 Green 2001, 57-59- 410 Faber 1980, sl- 13, 1- 411 Miše 2012, 234-235; cf- Green 2001, 59-60- 412 Faber 1980, sl- 13, 2-3- The author, without exception, declared that the pottery of these typological features was discovered beside the substructures and the defined city walls and entrances- 413 Miše 2012, 234-235; Miše 2013, 103-104- 72. Ulomci slikane keramike Gnathia srednjeg stila A i B (A prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Fragments of middle Gnathian were A and B (A after Blečic Kavur 2014b). 73. Ulomci keramike tipa Gnathia srednjeg stila tzv. Dunedin grupe. Fragments of middle Gnathian were the so-called Dunedin group. 75. Karta rasprostranjenosti keramike tipa Gnathia na istočnojadranskom priobalju (nadopunjeno prema Miše 201°). Distribution map of Gnathia type pottery on the territory ofthe Eastern Adriatic coastal area (supplemented after Miše 201°). oc O H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C nuzijske grupe sjevernoapulske regije414 može se pripisati nekoliko ulomaka gusto kaneliranih tijela trbuha vrčeva tipa oinochoa ili čaša tipa skyphos te ulomci njihovih nogu i ručkica (sl. 74). Nalazi se gotovo na svim istraživanim nalazištima Kvarnera od Nezakcija4IS i Osora preko Krka pa sve do sjevernijih Kastva i čiča-rijskog Lupoglava.416 Gnathia keramika dopremala se na naša područja iz južnoitalskih radionica ponajviše Taranta, Mesapije i Canose. Svakako su brojnošču i različitošču Gnathia posude srednjeg i kasnog stila zastupljene na području Dalmacije417 i to največim dijelom na priobalju, a iznimno i u njezinom zaledu (sl. 75).418 Zanimljivo je istaknuti kako u Osoru, pa tako i na sjevernom Jadranu uopče, nije zabilježena regionalna keramika tzv. isejske Gnathia produkcije s Visa. Navedeno, još jednom svjedoči o intenzivnim vezama koje je sje-vernojadranski prostor uživao izravno s onim južno-italskim.419 Posljednjih desetlječa 4. st. pr. Kr. u nasuprotnim se etruščanskim središtima sjevernog Jadrana počela proizvoditi posebna keramika tzv. tipa Alto Adriatico 414 Miše 2012, 236, k. 2. 415 Mihovilič 2013, 278, sl. 208-209. 416 Blečič 2002, T. 13; Mihovilič 2002, T. 5, 1-2, 4; Miše 2010, 109-110, k. 4; Mihovilič 2013, 282, sl. 214. Mihovilič 2013, 282: nekropolu Veli Mišinac na Kastvu nespretno odreduje kao »liburnsko-japodsku« datirajuči je pri tomu u »srednji la-ten«!? 417 Kirigin et al. 2006, 206, Fig. 12; Cargo 2007, 24-30; Miše 2010; Miše 2012; Miše 20I3. 418 Miše 2010, k. 4; usp. i Marič 1995, T. 9-11; Paškvalin 2002, 528-529, T. III, 3-4. 419 Miše 2010, 115-135, 327-328, k. 5. ian style. It was defined by the specific facture and decoration with the dense grooves on the bodies -consequently making the space for painted decoration reduced only to the central part of the vessel. To this ceramic style, the so-called Canosa vases from the northern Apulian region414 can be attributed several fragments with dense grooves on the belly of oinoch-oe type jugs or skyphos type cups as well as fragments of their legs and handles (Fig. 74). They were located on almost at all the excavated sites of the Kvarner - from Nesactium4IS and Osor, Krk all the way to Kastav in the north and Lupoglav.416 Gnathian ware was imported mainly from Taranto, Mesapia and Canosa workshops. In Dalmatia are in great number and diversity present Gnathian vases of middle and late style 417 - mostly in coastal areas and exceptionally in its hinterland (Fig 75).418 It is interesting to point out that in Osor, as well as in the northern Adriatic in general, the so-called Issa Gnathian ceramics productions have been not registered. Again, all this testifies to the intensive relationship between the northern Adriatic and the southern Italic area.419 In the last decades of the 4th cent. BC in the opposing Etruscan centres of the northern Adriatic they start- 414 Miše 20I2, 236, k. 2. 415 Mihovilič 2013, 278, sl. 208-209. 416 Blečič 2002, T. 13; Mihovilič 2002, T. 5, 1-2, 4; Miše 2010, 109-110, k. 4; Mihovilič 2013, 282, sl. 214. Mihovilič 2013, 282: necropolis Veli Mišinac on Kastav was awkwardly defined as »liburnian-japodian« dating back in the »Middle La Tene«!? 417 Kirigin et al. 2006, 206, Fig. 12; Cargo 2007, 24-30; Miše 2010; Miše 2012; Miše 20I3. 418 Miše 2010, k. 4; usp. i Marič 1995, T. 9-11; Paškvalin 2002, 528-529, T. III, 3-4. 419 Miše 2010, 115-135, 327-328, k. 5. ili gornjojadranska keramika.420 Vrlo se često nalazi s Gnathia keramikom koja ju i datira u kraj 4. i početak 3. st. pr. Kr.421 Riječ je o slikanoj keramici koja je nasto-jala oponašati južnoitalske izvornike. Specifičnih je zdepastih oblika posuda i stilske dekoracije njihovih tijela. Prevladavaju biljni, vitičasti, geometrijski motivi i karakteristične ženske glave u profilu, slikani brzim potezima. Uobičajeno se koristila crna, tamnosmeda ili crvena boja loše kvalitete premaza na svijetloj pod-lozi.422 Ulomci nekoliko vrčeva izradenih u tom stilu poznati su zasad jedino iz Osora (sl. 76). Svi su prilično usitnjeni, s prepoznatljivim motivima spirala,423 mean-dra, vitica i sl. pa se i svi opredjeljuju mladoj fazi nave-denog tipa keramike 3. st. pr. Kr. Najsrodniji primjerci potječu iz istarskih nalazišta posebno iz Nezakcija, iako su slični ulomci poznati i iz Rovinja, i nadalje iz Dalmacije (sl. 76).424 Premda proizvodnja Alto Adriatico keramike otpoči-nje najprije u samoj Spini krajem 4. st., kasnije se proši-ruje i na picenski prostor Ancone i Numane, te se na-posljetku razvija i u samoj Adriji.425 Ipak, te ce posude ostati karakteristične isključivo i samo za prostor Jadrana, jer vece popularnosti nisu doživjele (sl. 76). Nje-zini sve brojniji nalazi na području srednje Dalmacije upucuju na snažne trgovačke razmjere duž cijelog ja- 420 Kirigin 1992, 79- 82; Mihovilic 2002, 505-506, k. 5; Mihovilic 2004, 110, Fig. 11, Matoševic, Mihovilic 2004, 15-16, k. 4. 421 Landolfi 1997, 116; Sešelj 2009, 40. 422 Sešelj 2009, 39-42. 423 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 4. 424 Mihovilic 2002, 506, f.n. 38; Mihovilic, Matoševic 2004, 37-38, T. 9, 16, 17-19; Mihovilic 2013, 274, 276, sl. 133; 203; Sešelj 2009, 43-44. 425 Landolfi 1997, 24-33; Berti 1997, 35-49; Bonomi 1997, 51-58. ed to produce the special of Alto Adriatico or the upper-Adriatic type of pottery.420 It is often found with Gnathia pottery dated from the late 4th and early 3rd cent. BC.421 It was a painted pottery that tried to imitate the southern Italian originals. It had very specific squatted vessel shapes and stylistic decorations of their bodies. The prevailing were vegetal, tendril, geometrical motifs and typical female head in profile, painted with swift strokes. Usually was used a black, dark brown or red colour of poor quality coating on a light background.422 Fragments of several jugs made in this style are known so far only from Osor (Fig. 76). All of them are quite fragmented, with distinctive spirals,423 meanders consequently attributing them to the later phase of the specified type of ceramics from the 3rd cent. BC. Most similar examples come from the Istri-an sites especially Nesactium, although similar fragments are known from Rovinj and further from Dal-matia (Fig. 76).424 Although the production of Alto Adriatico pottery begins first in Spina in the late 4th cent., it later expands to Piceni territory of Ancona and Numana, and finally develops in Adria.425 But, these vessels will remain characteristic exclusively and only for the Adriatic area, since they never experienced an increasing popularity (Fig. 76). Their growing numbers on the territory of 420 Kirigin 1992, 79- 82; Mihovilic 2002, 505-506, k. 5; Mihovilic 2004, 110, Fig. 11, Matoševic, Mihovilic 2004, 15-16, k. 4. 421 Landolfi 1997, 116; Sešelj 2009, 40. 422 Sešelj 2009, 39-42. 423 Faber 1980, sl. 12, 4. 424 Mihovilic 2002, 506, f.n. 38; Mihovilic, Matoševic 2004, 37-38, T. 9, 16, 17-19; Mihovilic 2013, 274, 276, sl. 133; 203; Sešelj 2009, 43-44. 425 Landolfi 1997, 24-33; Berti 1997, 35-49; Bonomi 1997, 51-58. O H os K Z H OS < P- K I c > ar K Z H OS < 76. Ulomci slikane keramike tipa Alto Adriatico i karta njezine rasprostran-jenosti (nadopunjeno prema Landolfi 1996; Šešelj 2009). Fragments of painted pottery ofthe Alto Adriatico type and a map of its distribution (supplemented after Landolfi 1996; Šešelj 2009). dranskog priobalja, posebno na istaknute veze picen-skog i delmatskog prostora toga vremena.426 Kako pokazuju nalazi iz čitavog Kvarnera, tradicija uvažanja luksuzne, pa i keramičke robe, ustalila se več od početka starijeg željeznog doba. Kultura i banke-tarski običaji mjesne aristokracije preuzeti iz okolnih civilizacija italskih, etruščanskih i helenskih, za mla-deg su željeznog doba, pod helenističkim utjecajem, još unaprijedeni. Pri tomu je održavanje kulturnih kontkata s prostorom južne Italije i u kontektsu novih gospodarsko-političkih odnosa na Jadranu, bilo izu-zetno važno. Premda krajnje sitan, raskošan keramič-ki mozaik iz Osora pokazatelj je uvoženja iz različitih obrtničkih južnoitalskih središta, autohtonog i kolo-nijalnog karaktera. Stoljetna tradicija poslovanja sa ši-rom regijom Daunije djelotvorno je pogodovala upravo takvo složenom odnosu tijekom 4. i 3. st. pr. Kr. central Dalmatia suggest extensive commercial contacts along the Adriatic coast, especially the prominent link of Picenum and Dalmatia in the time.426 As demonstrated by the discoveries from the whole Kvarner, the tradition ofimporting luxurious, and even ceramic goods, was established since the beginning of the Early Iron Age. The culture and banquet customs of the local aristocracy were taken over from the surrounding Italic, Etruscan and Hellenic civilizations, while in the Late Iron Age, under Hellenistic influence, this condition further improved. In doing so, the main- £ tenance of cultural contacts with the area of Southern £ Italy was, in the context of new economic and political z relations in the Adriatic, greatly important. Although < extremely small, the splendid ceramic mosaic from £ Osor is an indicator of imports from different south- ^ ern Italic centres, of indigenous and colonial character. c Centuries-old tradition of trading with the wider re- £ gion ofDaunia effectively favoured just such a complex g relationship during the 4th and 3rd cent. BC. £ 426 Kirigin et al. 2006, 205, Fig. 11; Cargo 2007, 14-19; Šešelj 2009, 41-42. 426 Kirigin et al. 2006, 205, Fig. 11; Cargo 2007, 14-19; Šešelj 2009, 41-42. Praskozorje nove epohe The dawn ofa new era 77. Brončane i željezne fibule tipa Picugi. Bronze and iron Picugi type fibulae. T ijekom 4. i 3. st. pr. Kr., prema dosadašnjem pregledu, postignut je vrhunac razvitka i značenja Osora kao sjevernojadranske »metropole« u širem optjecanju europskih povijesnih zbivanja. Zbog postojanih i profiliranih interakcija s okolnim kulturnim prostorima, kao i osnovom razvijenog gospodarstva, može se pouzdano pretpostaviti kako stanov-ništvo onodobnog Osora nije bilo u etničkom smislu homogeno, skučeno ili izolirano. Mnoga nam arheološka grada svjedoči o snažnoj heterogenosti društva koje nije samo preuzimalo uvažene predmete i oblike ponašanja, nego je sa sobom donosilo i/ili prenosilo odredena znanja i vještine, pogodnih za razvoj i recep-ciju mjesnih osobitosti, različitih manifestacija. No vec krajem 3. st. pr. Kr. prostor sjevernog Jadrana našao se u interesnoj oblasti novog velikog hegemona: Rimske Republike. Njezina agresivna politika kulmi-nirala je najbližim tzv. histarskim ratovima koji su zaključeni osvajanjem Nezakcija 177. g. pr. Kr. i, barem formalnim, okončanjem duge prapovijesti istarskog During the 4th and 3rd cent. BC, according to the previous examination, Osor achieved it's culmination of the development and meaning as the northern Adriatic »metropolis« in the broad circulations of European historical events. Due to persistent and profiled interaction with surrounding cultural areas, as well as the basis of a developed economy, it can be reliably assumed that the population of Osor was not homogeneous in ethnic terms, cramped or isolated. Numerous archaeological finds bear evidence of the strong heterogeneity of the society which did not only take over the enforced items and behaviours, but brought with them and/or passed certain knowledge and skills, suitable for the development and reception of local peculiarities, ofvarious manifestations. But already at the end of the 3rd cent. BC the area of the northern Adriatic found itself in the field of interest of a new great hegemon - the Roman Republic. Its aggressive policy culminated in the so-called His-trian wars which concluded with the conquest of Ne-sactium in 177 BC and, at least formally, the termina- 78. Karta rasprostranjenosti fibula tipa Picugi (nadopunjeno prema Guštin 1987). Distribution map of Picugi type fibulae (supplemented after Guštin 1987). poluotoka.427 Sama fizička povezanost bila je ključna da su se povijesni dogadaji vezani uz Istru izravno odrazili na prilike i ne prilike u čitavom kvarnerskom bazenu.428 Opravdano se promišlja kako je več u 2. st. pr. Kr. odredena rimska vojna prisutnost morala biti u Osoru. Ondje je, naime, jedina navigacijska točka iz koje su logistički mogli planirati, manevrirati i izvršiti učinkovit napad na Nezakcij.429 Dojmljiv broj fibula srednjo i kasnolatenskih shema te drugog arheo-loškog gradiva jamcem je prispiječa novih kulturnih dotoka koji su, rimskom propagandom, prodirali na naše prostore. Izrazitom zastupljenošču, s više od 2°-ak primjeraka, ističu se fibule tipa Picugi prisutne s varijantama Aqu-ileia i Picugi prema tipologiji M. Guština (sl. 77).43° Riječ je o fibulama srednjolatenske sheme, obiljež-jem razdoblja kraja mladeg željeznog doba na širem prostoru Caput Adriae i njegova obližnjeg zaleda. Po- 427 Kuntič-Makvič 1997; Matijašič 1998, 31-37; Starac 1999, 7-10; Mihovilič 2001, 108; usp. Miškec 2008. 428 Takvo mišljenje dijelio je i Andre Mohorovičič daleke 1954. godine. 429 Blečič Kavur 2014a. Plovidba od Osora do Nezakcija trajala je pola dana (25 Nm) kao najsigurniji put od srednjeg ka sjevernom Jadranu. Navigacija Kvarnerom odvijala se i u pravcu sjever-jug, duž zapadne creske obale koja je znatno zaštičenija od bure i od oluja toliko karakterističnih za Kvarnerič. Budavski je zaljev bio zato i sigurna postaja prema Puli, buduči da je južni premanturski rt najopasniji plovidbeni pravac tog dijela sjevernog Jadrana (Brusič 1980, 157-159; Stražičič 1981, 111; Zaninovič 2005, 17-18; usp. drugačije mišljenje kod Kozličič 1996, 40; Šašel 1996, 27; usp. Zivkovič 2013, 31-32). Raspolagati valja i činjenicom da je več krajem republikanskog i početkom carskog razdoblja, a vjerojatno i ranije, na Osoru stacionirana vojna flota što suvislo podupire stela centuriona Likeja, časnika rimske liburne Lukuste (Alfoldy, Mocsy 1965, 74; usp. Šarič 1982, 56; Starac 2000, 80-81, sl. 48). 430 Objavljeno samo par primjeraka: Cus-Rukonič 1981, T. II, 3; Guštin 1987, 51-53, Fig. 12; Guštin 1991, 38-39. tion of the long prehistory of the Istrian peninsula.427 The sheer physical connection was crucial that the historical events related to Istria directly reflected in the conditions and circumstances of the entire Kvarner ba-sin.428 It is right to assume that already in the 2nd cent. BC a certain Roman military presence was in Osor. There is located, in fact, the only navigational point out of which it was possible to logistically plan, maneuver and execute an effective attack on Nesactium.429 Impressive numbers of fibulae of middle and late La Tene scheme and other archaeological materials are a proof of the arrival of new cultural influx with which the Roman propaganda penetrated to our region. With their presence ofmore than 20 examples are highlights the fibulae ofPicugi type with their variants Aqui-leia and Picugi according to the typology of M. Guštin (Fig. 77).43° These are fibulae of middle La Tene schemes, a major feature of the period at the end of the Late Iron Age on the wider area of Caput Adriae and its nearby 427 Kuntič-Makvič 1997; Matijašič 1998, 31-37; Starac 1999, 7-10; Mihovilič 2001, 108; cf. Miškec 2008. 428 This opinion was shared by Andre Mohorovičič back in 1954. 429 Blečič Kavur 2014a. Sailing from Osor to Nesactium lasted half a day (25 Nm) as the safest path from the central to the northern Adriatic. Navigation through Kvarner was directed from the north to the south, along the western coast of Cres, which is considerably more protected from the wind and from the storm so characteristic of Kvarnerič. Budava Bay was consequently a sure stop on the way to Pula, since the southern cape Premantura is the most dangerous sailing direction of that part of the northern Adriatic (Brusič 1980, 157-159; Stražičič 1981, 111; Zaninovič 2005, 17-18; cf. a different opinion in Kozličič 1996, 40; cf. Šašel 1996, 27; cf. Zivkovič 2013, 31-32). We can manipulate with the fact that at the end of the Republican and early Imperial period, and probably earlier, on Osor was stationed a military fleet - this is supported by the stele of the centurion Liccaeus, officer of the roman liburna Lucusta (Alfoldy, Mocsy 1965, 74; cf. Šarič 1982, 56; Starac 2000, 80-81, sl. 48). 430 Published were few examples: Cus-Rukonič 1981, T. II, 3; Guštin 1987, 51-53, Fig. 12; Guštin 1991, 38-39. H < os K * K Z < U- C Z I C K I K I C P- K K > C z w c? C S C y < ar 79. Ulomci brončane fibule srednjolatenske sheme (A) i željezne žičane fibule (B). Fragments of a bronze middle La Tene scheme fibula (A) and a iron wire fibula (B). 80. Brončane žičane fibule tipa Misano. Bronze wire fibulae of Misano type. red kvarnerskih primjeraka431 izvanredan broj zabilje-žen je i na području Furlanije, Veneta i Krasa pa sve do slovenske Posavine, dok se u nešto manjem broju na-laze i u kulturama duž istočnoga Jadrana (sl. 78).431 Fibule toga tipa regijski su obrtnički produkt zajedni-ca na rubu keltskoga svijeta, nastao upravo ondje gdje je vec otprije bila razvijena izvedba različitih tipova fibula srednjolatenske sheme.433 Stoga su i na području sjeverne Italije, premda povezivane uz kasnolatensko razdoblje, u pravilu odredivane nekoj od mjesnih proizvodnji.434 Sve osorske fibule ne potječu iz okolnosti-ma poznatih konteksta nalaženja, zbog čega se i okvirno šire interpretiraju u vremenu od druge polovice 2. i za prve polovice 1. st. pr. Kr. Fibula srednjolatenske sheme, smatrana obilježjem mokronoške skupine IIb stupnja, fibula je s karakterističnim proširenjem masivnog luka prema opruzi s više navoja. Na unazad povijenoj nožici najčešce su dva profilirana zadebljanja s uzdužnim paralelnim na-rebrenjima izmedu njih i spojnice.43S Njima tipološki i stilski najvjerojatnije sudi i oštecena fibula iz Osora (sl. 79A). Istome vremenu, tj. 2. st. pr. Kr. valjalo bi pribli-žiti i željeznu žičana fibulu. Srednjolatenske je sheme, polukružnog luka, koji se širi prema opruzi, sa spojni- 431 Osorskim se fibulama pridružuju i nalazi iz Krka, Baške, Bakra i Crikvenice (Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, T. XXII, 6; Batovic 2003, sl. 17; Glogovic 1988b, 98, sl. 1, 1; Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 20, 314; T. 23, 329-330; T. 33, 461-462; T. 34, 472). 432 Guštin 1991; Blečic Kavur 2010, 354-355, sl. 273. 433 Guštin 1991, 38. 434 Buora 1991, 133-134; Crismani, Righi 2002, 71. 435 Božič 1987, 876, sl. 45, 8, T. LXXXVII, 14; Fibule tih obilježja u literaturi se mogu naci pod nazivom Valična vas (Lazar 1996, 279-280; Božič 1999, 197, 210; Dizdar 2011, 112). hinterland. In addition to the examples from Kvarner431 an outstanding number of them were recorded in the area of Friuli, Veneto and the Karst up to the Slovenian Posavj e, while they were in slightly lesser numbers found in cultures along the eastern Adriatic (Fig. 78).432 Fibulae of this type are a regional craft product of community from the edge of the Celtic world; created on a territory where already was developed the manufacture of different types of fibula of the middle La Tene schemes.433 Therefore they are in northern Italy, although linked to the late La Tene period, typically determined as < items of a local production.434 All fibulae from Osor ™ lack the known circumstances of discovery, which is g why they are roughly dated to the period of the second ^ half of the 2nd and for the first half of the 1st cent. BC. ^ I Fibula of the middle La Tene scheme, considered char- ^ acteristic for the Mokronog group IIb phase, has a char- fE acteristic enlargement of the massive bow towards the £ spring with several coils. On the backward bent foot are 2 usually two profiled thickening with longitudinal par- w allel ribbing between them and the clamp.43S In to this § group should be most probably added a damaged fibu- ^ la from Osor (Fig. 79A). Most probably should be dat- n ed to the same period i.e. 2nd cent. BC an iron wire fibu- ^ la. It has a middle La Tene scheme, semicircular form of g 431 Fibulae from Krk, Baška, Bakar and Crikvenica should be added to the finds from Osor (Lo Schiavo 1970, 424, T. XXII, 6; Batovic 2003, sl. 17; Glogovic 1988b, 98, sl. 1, 1; Blečic Kavur 2010, T. 20, 314; T. 23, 329-330; T. 33, 461-462; T. 34, 472). 432 Guštin 1991; Blečic Kavur 2010, 354-355, sl. 273. 433 Guštin 1991, 38. 434 Buora 1991, 133-134; Crismani, Righi 2002, 71. 435 Božič 1987, 876, sl. 45, 8, T. LXXXVII, 14; Fibulae with these characteristics were in the literature listed typologically under the type Valična Vas (Lazar 1996, 279-280; Božič 1999, 197, 210; Dizdar 2011, 112). o H H K > P U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C com u obliku kuglice (sl. 79B).436 Premda su oba tipa fibula oznaka keltske nošnje, dobro su zastupljene i na nekropoli Vinice, na prostoru Pokuplja s kojim je Kvarner, kako je pokazano, bio u prisnim odnosima. Njihovom meduodnosu vjerojatno se može pripisati i postojanje takvih tipova fibula na Osoru, dosad nepo-znatih na sjevernom Jadranu. Medutim, do 1. st. pr. Kr. koristile su se i druge fibule srednjolatenskih shema koje se najvecim dijelom po-vezuju uz utjecaje iz udaljenih prostora. Ističu se tako prvi put zabilježena tri primjerka žičanih brončanih fibula tipa Misano (sl. 80).437 Riječ je o relevantnim fibulama ponajviše ženskih nošnji kulture sjevernoitalskih Insubra.438 Kako je navedeni tip u svom izvornom kontekstu vrijedno kronološko uporište, obilježavajuci odgovarajuci im stupanj Lt D1,439 može se samo pret-postaviti kako su tijekom druge polovice 2. i/ili tijekom 1. st. pr. Kr. fibule tih varijanti dospjele i na Osor. na sa- Nadalje, izuzev fibula srednjolatenskih shema, mom kraju stare ere korišteni su i odredeni tipovi fibula kasnolatenskih shema. Fibula s facetiranim lukom i 436 Dizdar 2013, 195-197. 437 Razlikuju se još kao tip Misano 5b prema tipologiji E. Poletti Ecclesie (1999, 258-259) ili kao tip Feugere ib2 prema M. Feugeru (1985, 186-188), tj. kao tip XXIIj prema A. M. Adam (1996, Tipo XXIIj, 294). U svetištu Retie u Este, gdje ih je istražen povelik broj definirane su opcenito tipom Misano (Meller 2002, T. 8, 91-99). Slijedom istog konteksta valja im pridružiti i fibulu tih obilježja iz rta Ploče kod Rogoznice (Sešelj 2012, 360, T. III, 1) i fibulu iz Sv. Martina u Istri, koja je u izvornoj objavi usporedena s fibulama tipa San Servolo (Mihovilic 2009, 212-213, Fig. 3, 28)!? Istom tipu pripada i jedna fibula iz helenističkog groba 1 u Nadinu (Batovic, Batovic 2003, T. XVI, 36). 438 Tizzoni 1985, 58-59, Fig. 3, 6; Grossi, Iuliano 2010, 22-23. 439 Piana Agostinetti, Knobloch 2010, 6, 13, Fig. 2; Fig. 7. the bow which broadens towards the spring and a globular clamp (Fig. 79B).436 Although both types of fibulae are characteristic for Celtic attire, they are well represented on the necropolis Vinica in the Kolpa region, with which the Kvarner, as shown, was in close contacts. It is their interrelationship that can most probably be blamed for the existence of these types of fibulae, previously unknown in the northern Adriatic, on Osor. However, until the ist cent. BC were used also other types of fibulae of middle La Tene schemes that were mostly associated with influences from distant territories. Out of them stand out for the first time recorded three examples of bronze wire fibula of Misano type (Fig. 80).437 These fibulae were mostly elements of female attire present in the culture of the north Italian Insubrii.438 Since the mentioned type is in its original context a firm chronological base, it is appropriate to date them to Lt Di.439 It can be only assumed that during the second half of the 2nd and/or during the ist cent. BC these fibulae arrived to Osor. Furthermore, except for the fibulae of the middle, at the very end of the old era certain types of fibula of the 436 Dizdar 2013, 195-197. 437 They differ as type Misano variant 5b according to the typology of E. Poletti Ecclesia (i999, 258-259) or as type Feugere ib2 according to M. Feugere (i985, 186-188), i.e. as a type XXIIj according to A. M. Adam (1996, Type XXIIj, 294). In the sanctuary of Retia in Este where numerous were discovered, they were defined in general as the type Misano (Meller 2002, T. 8, 91-99). We should add to them also the fibula of these characteristics from rt Ploče near Rogoznica (Sešelj 2012, 360, T. III, 1) and the fibula from St. Martin in Istria, which was in its original publication compared with fibulae of San Servolo type (Mihovilic 2009, 212-213, Fig. 3, 28)!? To the same type belongs a fibula from the tomb i in Nadin (Batovic, Batovic 2003, T. XVI, 36). 438 Tizzoni i985, 58-59, Fig. 3, 6; Grossi, Iuliano 20i0, 22-23. 439 Piana Agostinetti, Knobloch 20i0, 6, i3, Fig. 2; Fig. 7. 8i. Djelomično očuvana brončana fibula kasnolatenske sheme facetiranog luka. trapezoidnom nogom44° jedna je od njih (sl. 81), a vec ju od ranije, s jednim primjerkom, poznajemo iz Krka.441 Njezina prostornost odredena je od Trenta, Veneta i Furlanije pa do Ljubljanske kotline,442 s najvecom kon-centracijom na prostoru doline rijeke Po. Datacijski se uže povezuju uz Lt Dib stupanj443 u čiji se vremenski raspon ranog i. st. pr. Kr. uklapaju i kvarnerske fibule. Od sredine i. st. pr. Kr. zastupljenost odredenih fibula kasnolatenske sheme je znatno manja, no tipološki raznolika. Ukupno 14 fibula mogu se odrediti u čak 6 tipova. Ponajprije, tu su tri, različito očuvane, fibule tipa Almgren 65A1,444 smatrane najčešce elementom muške nošnje (sl. 82). Označavaju kulturno područje sjeverne Italije i srednje Europe, premda su, u odrede-nom broju, bile rasprostranjene i na području istočne 440 Tip Ia prema S. Demetzu (1999, 94-95, Karte 27), tip XXVIIId prema A. M. Adam (1996, Tipo XXVIIId, 443-445). 441 Matejčič 1963, 114-115. 442 Demetz 1999, 246, Karte 27; Meller 2002, T. 26-27; Božič 2008, 84-86, Fig. 43. 443 Božič 2008, 84-85. 444 Težak-Gregl 1982, 99, 106, sl. 1, 3; Matijašič 1984, 55, 63, T. III, 34. Partially preserved bronze Late La Tene scheme fibula with a faceted bow. late La Tene scheme were used. A fibula with a faceted bow and trapezoid foot44° is one of them (Fig. 81). An example was already known from the island of Krk.441 Its distribution ranges from Trento, Veneto and Friuli to the Ljubljana basin,442 with the highest concentration in the area of the Po valley. They are dated to the Lt Dib phase,443 a time span of the early 1st cent. BC in to which should fit also the fibulae from Kvarner. Since the middle of the ist cent. BC the number of certain fibulae of the late La Tene scheme is much smaller, but they are typologically more diverse. The total of 14 fibulae can be determined in to even six types. First of all, there are three differently preserved fibulae of the Almgren 65A1 type,444 considered the most common element of male costume (Fig. 82). They indicate 440 Type Ia according to S. Demetz (1999, 94-95, 27 Karte 27), type XXVIIId according to A. M. Adam (1996, Type XXVIIId, 443-445). 441 Matejčič 1963, 114-115. 442 Demetz 1999, 246, Karte 27; Meller 2002, T. 26-27; Božič 2008, 84-86, Fig. 43. 443 Božič 2008, 84-85. 444 Težak-Gregl 1982, 99, 106, sl. 1, 3; Matijašič 1984, 55, 63, T. III, 34. H H < os K ^ K Z < U- C Z I C K I K I C P- K K > C z w c? C S C y < a 82. Ulomci lukova brončanih fibula tipa Almgren. Fragments of bronze bows of the Almgren type fibulae. 83. Ulomci brončanih lukova fibula tipa Nauheim. Fragments of bronze bows of the Nauheim type fibulae. A A C 84. Ulomci brončanih fibula tipa Gorica (A), Feugere 11 (B) i Alesia (C). Fragments of bronze Gorica (A), Feugere 11 (B) and Alesia (C) type fibulae. 85. Dijelovi lukova brončanih fibula tipa Jezerine. Parts of bronze bows of the Jezerine type fibulae. B jadranske obale.445 Dva ulomka ukrašenih lukova fi- razmatrati u istom vre- H H K > t1 U K Par K C K U Z w ar K I C u < K > t1 y K Par K C Z < S K > C ene 449 bula tipa Nauheim44 mogu se menskom horizontu (sl. 83). Pripisuju se ženskoj noš-nji447 i dosad su na sjevernom Jadranu bile zastuplj izuzetno s primjercima iz Nove Vasi,448 Nezakcija Pule u Istri.45° Naposljetku, sredini i več samom kraju 1. st. pr. Kr. pridružit če se pet, otprije poznatih fibula tipa Jezerine (sl. 85).451 Pozornosti vrijedne su i dva primjerka fibule tipa Gorica (sl. 84A) te primjerci fibula tipa Feugere 11 (sl. 84B)452 i Alesia (sl. 84C)453 koje su ujedno prvi put izdvojene.454 Sve su to, dakle, italski ti-povi fibula koji su iz pokrajina sjeverne Italije, napose Veneta i Furlanije, izvorno ili posredstvom iz Akvile-je, s novim kulturnim okolnostima i prijelomnim do-gadajima, na različite načine, prispijevali i na prostor Kvarnera. Osobnoj opremi i u izravnoj povezanosti s vojnim po-strojbama dovode se i strigili (strugači). S največom 445 Dizdar, Tonc 2013, 54. Najbliži primjerci potječu iz Crikvenice (neobjavljeno). 446 Varijante II.ia prema S. Demetzu (1999, 83, 87) ili varijante A prema D. Božiču (1993, 143; Božič 2008, 58-65); usp. Piana Agostinetti, Knobloch 2010, 6, 14, Fig. 2; Rg. 8. 447 Božič 2008, 62-63; Grossi, Iuliano 2010, 23. 448 Sakara Sučevič 2004, 25, k. 71-72. 449 Mihovilič 1996, 55, T. I, 11, 13. 450 Orlič 20ii, T. 4, i-2. 451 Težak-Gregl 1982, 99, sl. 1, 1-2; pridružiti se mogu varijantama IIa i IIb prema tipologiji S. Demetza (1999, 100-105, Karte 31); usp. Glogovič, Mendušič 2007; Drnič 20i3. 452 Sedlmayer 2009, 16, T. 2, 29; Dizdar, Tonc 2013, 54-59, Fig. 4, Map 1. 453 Prema S. Demetzu fibula se može ubrojiti u tip Ia3 s trokutastim lukom i mrežastim ornamentom (Demetz i999, i57-i6i; Istenič 2005, 205-206, T. i, 2; Dizdar Tonc 20i3, 60-62). 454 Fibule tipa Jezerine potječu s više kvarnerskih nalazišta (Stinica, Grobnik, Krk) (Ljubovič 2000, 59, kat. 14; Glogovič 2007, 149-151; usp. Blečič Kavur 20i0, T. i2, i76-i77; T. 25, 35i; T. 3i, 42i-422; T. 34, 473), dok se fibule tipa Gorica i Alesia nalaze još pojedinačnim primjercima na otoku Krku (neobjavljeno). the cultural area of northern Italy and central Europe, although, in a certain number, were distributed on the area of the eastern Adriatic coast.445 Two fragments of decorated bows of Nauheim type fibulae 446 can be dated in to the same chronological interval (Fig. 83). Attributed to women's attire447 they were known in the northern Adriatic with specimens from Nova Vas,448 Nesactium449 and Pula in Istria.45° Finally, in the middle and at the end of the ist cent. BC they will be joined by five previously known fibulae ofJezerine type (Fig. 85).451 Further there are two examples of Gorica type fibulae (Fig. 84A) and single Feugere 11 (Fig. 84B)452 and Alesia fibulae (sl. 84C)453 recognized for the first time.454 All these were Italic types of fibulae which, with new cultural circumstances, came to the area of Kvarner from northern Italy, mainly from the Veneto and Friuli, originally or by means from Aquileia. 445 Dizdar, Tonc 2013, 54. The nearest examples come from Crikvenica (unpublished). 446 Variants II.ia according to S. Demetz (1999, 83, 87) or variants A after D. Božič (1993, i43; Božič 2008, 58-65); cf. Piana Agostinetti, Knobloch 20i0, 6, i4, Fig. 2; Fig. 8. 447 Božič 2008, 62-63; Grossi, Iuliano 20i0, 23. 448 Sakara Sučevič 2004, 25, k. 71-72. 4 49 Mihovilič i996, 55, T. I, ii, i3. 450 Orlič 20ii, T. 4, i-2. 451 Težak-Gregl i982, 99, sl. i, i-2; can be added to variants IIa and IIb according to the typology of S. Demetz (1999, i00-i05, Karte 3i); cf. Glogovič, Mendušič 2007; Drnič 20i3. 452 Sedlmayer 2009, i6, T. 2, 29; Dizdar, Tonc 20i3, 54-59, Fig. 4, Map i. 453 According to S. Demetz the fibula may be considered as type IA3 with a triangular bow and net-shaped ornament (Demetz i999, i57-i6i; Istenič 2005, 205206, T. i, 2; Dizdar Tonc 20i3, 60-62). 454 Jezerine type fibulae are known from numerous sites in Kvarner (Stinica, Grobnik, Krk) (Ljubovič 2000, 59, k. i4; Glogovič 2007, i49-i5i; cf. Blečič Kavur 20i0, T. i2,176-177; T. 25, 351; T. 3i, 42i-422; T. 34, 473), while the fibulae of Gorica and Alesia types are still individual finds on the island of Krk (unpublished). 86. Tri oštecena brončana strigila na kolutu za ovjes (prema Blečic Kavur 2014b). Three damaged bronze strigili attached to a suspension ring (after Blečic Kavur 2014b). vo H H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C zbirkom na području istočne obale Jadrana, Osor i po pitanju tih predmeta predstavlja pravu iznim-ku (sl. 86). Strigili (strigilis/strigils) se u prvome redu ističu kao simbol tzv. helenizacije.455 U bogatim gro-bovima i grobnicama, pojedinačno ili u večem bro-ju, obilježavali su statusni simbol, pored drugih nala-za prestižnog i simboličkog značenja mjesne ili vojne aristokracije. Osorska zbirka strigila nije bila pobliže obradivana u stručnoj literaturi, premda je djelomično več bila objavljena.456 Sačuvano je čak 20-ak primjer-ka zastupljenih največim brojem u izvedbi od bronce i s jednim primjerkom od željeza. S obzirom na tipo-loška obilježja dijele se u dvije veče grupe koje se kronološki smještaju u poduži vremenski raspon. Samim time svjedoče nam i o znatnoj tradiciji njihova korište-nja u društvenim zajednicama Osora. U starijoj skupini, najbrojniji su strigili s presavijenim i pravokut-no oblikovanim rukohvatom čiji je trakasti nastavak več potpuno priljubljen uz rukohvat. Tipološko-kro-nološkim odredenjem uglavnom se razmatraju u vremenu od 3. do. 1. st. pr. Kr.457 Pored brojnih paralela na italskom, posebno Senonima naseljenom prostoru, iz-dvajaju se, naravno, i primjerci iz istočnojadranskog priobalja.458 Svi su oni, s obzirom na višekratno ukopa-vanje u grobnicama, datirani opširno, od 4. pa do 2. st. pr. Kr.459 Predložena okvirna datacija može zasad biti 455 Bolla, Buonopane 2010, 413-414. 456 Klodič 1885, III, Fig. 11. 457 Tabolli 2012, 435-437, k. 1351; 1363. 458 Vis, Martivlo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. IX, 2, 9,13, 29; Kirigin 1985, 9295; Kirigin, Marin 1985, 52, T. IX, 15; usp. Parovic-Pešikan 2005, 119), Budva, Apolonija, Epidamno (Mano 1971, 195-196, T. XLVI, 4, 6; Hidri 1983; usp. Parovic-Pešikan 2005, 118-120). 459 Markovic 2012, 79, T. 4, 21-22; T. 17, 7, 12. Elements of personal equipment in direct connection with the military units are also strigili (scrapers). With the largest collection on the eastern Adriatic coast, Osor is in relation to these items a real exception (Fig. 86). Scrapers (strigils) are primarily symbols of the so-called Hellenization.455 The rich graves and tombs, individually or in larger numbers, they were characterized as status symbol, among other finds of prestigious and symbolic significance of the local or military aristocracy. Osor collection of strigili was not properly discussed in literature, although it was partly published.456 Preserved are even 20 examples mostly manufactured from bronze and with a single example made from iron. Given the typological features they could be divided into two major groups that are chronologically dated in to a lengthy time span. In the older group, the most numerous are strigili with a folded and rectangular shaped handle whose ribbon-shaped continuation was pressed against the handle. By their typological and chronological definition they are generally considered as products of the period from the 3rd to the 1st cent. BC.457 In addition to the many parallels on the Italic, especially with Senones inhabited territory, stand out, of course, specimens from the eastern Adriatic coast.458 All of them, given the multiple burials in tombs, are dated extensively, from the 4th to the 2nd cent. BC.459 The proposed approximate dating can for now be appropriate for the old- 455 Bolla, Buonopane 2010, 413-414. 456 Klodič 1885, III, Fig. 11. 457 Tabolli 2012, 435-437, k. 1351; 1363. 458 Vis, Martivlo (Cambi, Kirigin, Marin 1981, T. IX, 2, 9,13, 29; Kirigin 1985, 92- 95; Kirigin, Marin 1985, 52, T. IX, 15; cf. Parovic-Pešikan 2005, 119), Budva, Apolo-nia, Epidamnos (Mano 1971, 195-196, T. XLVI, 4, 6; Hidri 1983; cf. Parovic-Peši-kan 2005, 118-120). 459 Markovic 2012, 79, T. 4, 21-22; T. 17, 7, 12. 87. Mali željezni noževi. primjerena i za osorske strigile starijeg tipa, mada je ti-pološka karakteristika značajnija za 2./1. st. pr. Kr. U razumijevanju konteksta povijesnih prilika, navedeni se strigili takoder dovode u prisniju vezu s povečanim dolaskom vojnih postrojbi tijekom republikanskog prisustva na Osoru. Tezu argumentiraju i dva pečata, kao jamstvo kvalitete njihove izrade. Pečati su pravo-kutnog oblika konkavnih stranica, postavljeni u obli-ku slova T, što je najbrojniji tip pečata (forma Aquileia IB) proizvodnjom usko povezan uz akvilejske radioni-ce 1. st. pr. Kr.46° Osobnoj opremi mogu se pripisati i mali željezni noževi. Dva manja noža označava trnast rukohvat u istoj liniji s proširenim sječivom blago zakrivljene profila-cije (sl. 87). S jedne strane, ispod hrpta, nalaze se dva/ tri usporedna žlijeba. Naime, vrlo srodni, gotovo identični primjerci potječu iz nekropole Vinice, gdje su za-stupljeni i u bogatijim grobovima žena, često s pin-cetama i fibulama srednjolatenskih shema mladih Small iron knives. er types ofstrigili from Osor, although their typological characteristics are important for the 2nd/ist cent. BC. In understanding the context of historical circumstances, the known strigili could be linked to the increased arrival ofmilitary units during the Republican presence in Osor. This thesis is supported by two seals which guarantee the quality of their production. They are rectangular in shape with concave sides, placed in a T-shaped form, which is the characteristic of the most numerous type of seals (forma Aquileia IB) linked with the workshops in Aquileia in the ist cent. BC.46° As elements of personal equipment small iron knives should be considered. Two smaller knives have a tang-shaped grip running in the same line with an extended blade of a slightly curved profile (Fig. 87). On one side, below the back, are located two/three parallel grooves. In fact, very similar, almost identical specimens are known from the necropolis in Vinica, where resent in richer female graves, often with tweezers and fibulae of middle La Tene scheme of younger versions, and H H < os K ^ K Z < U- C Z I C K I K I C P- K K > C z w c? C S C y < oc 460 Giovannini, Maggi 1994, 612-613. 460 Giovannini, Maggi 1994, 612-613. varijanti, zatim u Lici i u Pounju.461 Ulomak manjeg željeznog noža naden je i u grobu 1/1979 na nekropo-li Veli Mišinac na Kastvu.462 Opcenito se povezuju uz kasne faze mladeg željeznog doba 2./1. st. pr. Kr. i in-terpretiraju kao regionalna izvedenica, različita od keltskih tipova noževa korištenih u okolnom kultur-nom ambijentu.463 Dva, nešto veca željezna noža srodna su pak noževima tipa Pritoka-Bela Cerkev (sl. 88). Obilježava ih jed-norezno sječivo, blago zakrivljeno u donjem dijelu, s izvedbom veceg žlijeba ispod klekastog hrpta. Svojstven je, medutim, plosnato raskovan rukohvat sa tri rupice i zakovice, koji završava ovalno raskovanim zaključkom, kod jednog noža, i s bočnim ispustom, jed-nokrake križnice svinute na donjoj strani sječiva, kod drugog noža. Buduci da ih odlikuju vece dimenzije, masivnija izradba, a glede poznatih konteksta njihovih pojedinih nalaza, odredeni su vojnoj opremi regionalnih karakteristika; od jugoistočnog alpskog prostora pa preko Pounja i Like sve do Jadrana tijekom posljed-njeg stoljeca stare ere (sl. 88).464 Dok se noževi mogu pripisati regionalnim korisnici-ma ili utjecajima iz šireg zaleda Kvarnera, kod vojne opreme posebnu pozornost privlači i brojna tanad u obliku žira za pracke koja istupa kao sastavnica rimske republikanske vojske (sl. 89). U osorskoj zbirci čuva se further in Lika and Una valley.461 Fragment of a small iron knife was found in the grave 1/1979 in the necropolis Veli Mišinac in Kastav.462 They are generally associated with the late phase of Late Iron Age in the 2nd/ist cent. BC and interpreted as regional derivatives, different from the Celtic types of knives used in the nearby cultural environment.463 Two, slightly larger iron knives are in turn related to the ^ Pritoka-Bela Cerkev type (Fig. 88). They are characterized by a single cutting edge, slightly curved in the lower part with a larg er fuller below the bent back. Pecu- ^ liar is, however, the flat forged tang with three holes and | rivets ending in a rear bolster on one, and with a quil- < lion on the inner side of the blade on the second knife. c £ Since they are characterized by larger dimensions, mas- ^ sive fabrication and with regard to the known context ^ of their individual discoveries, they are determined as fE military equipment of regional characteristics during £ the last cent. BC - ranging from south-eastern Alpine 2 territory, across Pounj e and Lika to the Adriatic during w the last cent. BC (Fig. 88).464 g W c? While knives can be attributed to regional customers g and influences from a wider hinterland of Kvarner, in § the military equipment special attention is drawn to a ^ number of lead slings-shots as components of the Roman Republican Army (Fig. 89). In Osor collection are kept some 20 examples of different shapes and 461 Božič 1999, 187, sl. 17. 462 Blečic 2002, 100, T. 1, 12. 463 Božič 1999, 187. 464 Gaspari 2002; Balen-Letunic 2006, 65-68, karta 1; usp. Dizdar 2011, 116. 461 Božič 1999, 187, sl. 17. 462 Blečic 2002, 100, T. 1, 12. 463 Božič 1999, 187. 464 Gaspari 2002; Balen-Letunic 2006, 65-68, karta i; cf. Dizdar 2011, 116. 89. Olovna tanad za pračke (prema Blečič Kavur 2014b; crteži s natpisima prema Benndorf 188°). Roman republican lead sling-shots (after Blečič Kavur 2°i4b; drawings with descriptions after Benndorf 188°). oko 20-ak primjeraka različitih oblika i težina.46 Za-imljivost predstavljaju svakako dva taneta koja su na ni sebi sadržavala i natpis.4 Heterogenost tanadi, kao i ispisivanje njihovih površina, obilježilo je naime republikansko razdoblje, mahom povezano uz vojne aktivnost uokolo osnivanja Akvileje i akcija usmjerenih u prodiranju prema »istoku«, tijekom druge polovice 2. i početkom 1. st. pr. Kr. Nakon toga vremena više nisu bili u upotrebi.467 Ako opisana tanad ne može svj edo čiti, tada če zasigur-no smisleno sugerirati u prilog tezi o politički usmjere-noj i strateški angažiranoj poziciji Osora toga doba, a isto potvrduju i nalazi nekoliko dugih sulica (pilum) za borbe na daljinu, vrhovi koplja itd. Afirmaciju u istome pružit če i sigurnije uporište rezultata analizirane stratigrafije pojedinih gradskih pozicija. Naime, istraživanja su dokazala kako su se postoječe gradevine, različitih namjena, največim di-jelom prilagodavale ili podredivale novim kulturnim uvjetima. Osor nije bio porušen i ponovo planiran grad, jer bedemi i gradska vrata, južna i zapadna, upravo održavaju trajni kontinuitet gradnje. Nadalje, dobre osnove u tome promišljanju pružiti če i relativno noviji nalazi ogromnih keramičkih spremišta (dolija) istraženih na zapadnom dijelu grada469 kojima se pak potvrduje upotreba za skladištenja roba u voj- 465 Dva olovna primjerka tanadi nekad su bila pohranjena u zbirci AMI u Puli i objavljena su vec u stručnoj literaturi (Matijašič 1984, 65, T. IV, 49-50). 466 Sacken 1879, 150; Benndorf 1880, 79. 467 Usp. Horvat 1993; Laharnar 2011. 468 Faber 1980, 299. 469 Čauševič-Bully 2008, 354-356; Cus-Rukonič, Čauševič-Bully 2008, 259. weight465 Interesting are certainly two projectiles with inscriptions.466 Heterogeneity ofthe sling-shots, as well as the inscriptions on the surfaces were characteristic for the Republican period, associated with military activities around the establishment of Aquileia and actions aimed at the penetration to the »East«, during the second half of the 2nd and early 1st cent. BC. Later they were no longer in use.4 467 If the described sling-shots can't testify, then they will surely meaningfully suggest the thesis of the politically oriented and strategically engaged position of Osor of that time - and the same is confirmed by several long spears (pilum) for fighting at a distance, spear points etc. Affirmation of the same will provide secure results of analyzed stratigraphy of certain locations in the city. In fact, research demonstrated that the existing building, for various purposes, mostly adapted or captivated new cultural conditions. Osor was not demolished and re-planned city, since the city walls and gates, southern and western just maintain a permanent continuity of construction.468 Furthermore, good fundamentals for such a reflection will provide the relatively new discoveries of huge ceramic vessels (dolia) excavated in the western part of the city,469 which is in turn confirmed the use for storage of goods in military camps or encampments. To them should be certainly add- 465 The two lead sling-shots were stored in the collection of AMI in Pula and published already in the professional literature (Matijašič 1984, 65, T. IV, 49-50). 466 Sacken 1879, 150; Benndorf 1880, 79. 467 Cf. Horvat 1993; Laharnar 2011. 468 Faber 1980, 299. 469 Čauševič-Bully 2008, 354-356; Cus-Rukonič, Čauševič-Bully 2008, 259. H < ar K * K Z < U- C Z I C K I K I C P- K K > C z w c? C S C y < ar nim logorima ili kampovima. Njima svakako valja dodati i nalaze amfora grčko-italskog tipa i Lamboglia 2, najvecim dijelom poznatih iz podvodnih nalazišta, tj. brodoloma. Oba tipa ukazuju na razvijenu trgovinu ili dopremanje vina još od 3./.. pa sve do 1. st. pr. Kr. naj-vjerojatnije iz sjevernoitalskih područja.47° U postu-pnom procesu sve jače prisutnosti navedene su sastav-nice obilježile kraj jednog i početak novog doba. Da je institucija aleata ilifoederata s kvarnerskim zajed-nicama uistinu postojala u kontinuitetu vec od toga vremena, ako ne i ranije, potvrdno je čitljivo i iz drugih izvora. Impresivna ostava srebrnih republikanskih no-vaca, tzv. osorsko blago, samo je jedan od njih (sl. 9°).471 U tome smislu, dolaskom Rimljana u 2. st. pr. Kr., iz-vjesno je nastupilo posve novo vrijeme. Arheološki nam izvori, ma koliko bili škrti i/ili krnji potkreplju-ju pretpostavku o kulturnom i gospodarskom okon-čanju najdužeg poglavlja osorske prapovijesti. Tada je Osor, zajedno s ostalim kvarnerskim područjem, smjelo prešao prag povijesti i otpočeo još jednu iz mno bogatu epohu svoje velebne prošlosti. izni- ed amphorae of Greco-Italic type and Lamboglia 2, mostly known from underwater sites, i.e. shipwrecks. Both types point to a developed trade ofwine since the 3rd/2nd until the 1st cent. BC presumably from the north Italic areas.470 In the gradual process of increasing presence of listed components marked the end of one and the beginning of a new era. That the institution of aleati orfoederati with communities in Kvarner indeed existed continuously from that time, if not earlier, is also affirmative readable from other sources. The impressive hoard of silver Republican coins, the so-called treasure from Osor is only one of them (Fig. 90).471 In this sense with the arrival of the Romans in the 2nd cent. BC certainly started an entirely new era. Archaeological sources, no matter how stingy and/or truncated they are, are supporting the assumption of cultural and economic completion of the longest chapter of Osor prehistory. Then Osor, along with other area of Kvarner, boldly crossed the threshold of history and began another extremely rich epoch of their magnificent past. r^ H < OS K * K Z < U- C Z I C K I K I C P- K K > C z w c? C S C y < oc 470 Kirigin 1994; Horvat 1997, 57-59, sl. 48; Buora 1997; Buora 2001, 160-162, 181, Fig. 470 Kirigin 1994; Horvat 1997, 57-59, sl. 48; Buora 1997; Buora 2001, 160-162, 181, Fig. 3, 6; Kirigin et al. 2006, 198-204. 3, 6; Kirigin et al. 2006, 198-204. 471 Salata 1899; Dukat, Mirnik 1982; usp. Kos 1993, 300; Blečic Kavur et al. 2014, 27- 471 Salata 1899; Dukat, Mirnik 1982; cf. Kos 1993, 300; Blečič Kavur et al. 28. 2014, 27-28. Po; :ovor H Naposljetku, nekoliko riječi i o samoj knji-zi. Tiskana je u sklopu medunarodnog projekta Clash of Cultures čija je osnovna zadaca bila prikazati ispreplitanje svjetova, kultura, utjecaja, jednom riječju života prapovijesnih zajednica europ-skog kontinenta i sredozemnih civilizacija. U njemu su sudjelovali mnogi partneri i suradnici koji su nastojali oživjeti djelic toga vremena i predstaviti kulturne odnose u pojedinim regijama, nalazištima, arheološkom nasljedu.472 Lošinjski muzej sudjelovao je kao partner pri projektu upravo s nalazištem na Osoru. A, uloga je Osora, u takvim okolnostima bila neupitna, samim time što je njegov zemljopisni položaj bio nekako u središtu stjecišta tih dogadanja tijekom mladeg želje-znog doba, odnosno za posljednjih stoljeca stare ere. Kako je objašnjeno u knjizi, izuzetno bogata, posebna i vrlo bitna osorska željeznodobna grada odražava-la je tako esencijalne ideje i samoga projekta. Održane izložbe, promocije knjiga, druge afirmacije i predstavljanja tih vrijednih arheoloških nalaza uvjetovale su, pogodovale i na razne načine pripomogle nastanku i At last - a few words about the book itself. It was published as part of the international project Clash of Cultures. Its primary task was to demonstrate the intertwining of cultures, influences, with other words the life of prehistoric cultures of the European continent and the Mediterranean civilizations. It was a cooperation of many partners and collaborators who sought to revive a fraction of that time and to present cultural relations in individual regions, on sites and in the archaeological heritage.472 The Lošinj Museum participated as a partner in the project with the site of Osor. The role of Osor was unquestionable in such circumstances even with the fact that its geographical location was somehow at the centre of confluence of these events during the Late Iron Age, i.e. in the last centuries BC. As explained in the book very rich, exceptional and very important Iron Age finds from Osor reflect the essential idea of the project itself. Organized exhibitions, books promotions, other affirmations and presentations of these valuable archaeological finds have conditioned, favoured and 472 Blečic Kavur et al. 2014. 472 Blečic Kavur et al. 2014. Karta nalazišta uklj učenih u projekt Clash of Cultures. Map presenting sites included in the project Clash of Cultures. ove monografije. No osim sredstava u sklopu projekta Clash of Cultures, tiskanje knjige potpomognuto je i sredstvima Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske i Grada Malog Lošinja. U istraživanje osorske arheološke baštine uloženo je mnogo truda, znanja i vremena. Sve je otpočelo 2009. godine kada smo, Zrinka Ettinger Starčic, Boris Kavur i moja malenkost, započeli otkrivati i istraživati prapovijesnu zbirku u Arheološkoj zbirci Osor. Tom prilikom omogucena mi je daljnja analiza gradiva što je rezultiralo i velikim doprinosom pri izradi moje doktorske disertacije. Posebno je pri tomu naglaše-na osorska situlsku umjetnost koja se izdigla kao pravo neočekivano otkrice, iznimnog repertoara nalaza. Tijekom rada na Clash of Cultures projektu istraživanja svake vrste sustavno su se produbljivala, nadopunjava-la i razvijala. Pri generiranju nekih zaokruženih razmišljanja i sukusa brojnih razmatranja, težilo se jasni-jem iščitavanju arheoloških pokretnih i nepokretnih dobara kao izvora za preglednije predstavljanje njezi-ne opširne kulturno-povijesne prošlosti, znanstvenoj ali i široj zainteresiranoj publici. Iz tog je razloga knjiga i podijeljena u šest vecih po-glavlja, s manjim potpoglavljima. Čitatelja se uvodi u prostorna, prirodna i druga osnovna razmatranja o regiji i kraju, na koncu i o samom Osoru, njegovom ar-hitektonskom izgledu i urbanoj organizaciji. Kroz pregled arheoloških istraživanja moglo se više sazna-ti o uspjesima i neuspjesima istraživanja i predstavljanja njegovih arheoloških vrijednosti vec od 18. stolje- in many ways helped to the emergence of the present publication. But in addition to the funds from the project Clash of Cultures, its preparation was supported by founds of the Croatian Ministry of Culture and the City of Mali Lošinj. In to the study ofOsor's archaeological heritage was invested a lot of effort, knowledge and time. It all started in 2009 when we - Zrinka Ettinger Starčic, Boris Kavur and myself, started to explore the prehistoric collection in the Archaeological Collection Osor. On that occasion I was enabled to further analyze the material which resulted with a great contribution in the preparation of my doctoral dissertation. In this context should be especially emphasized the Situla Art from Osor that appeared as a really unexpected discovery presenting an extraordinary array of finds. While working on the Clash of Cultures project research of every kind was systematically deepened, supplemented and developed. When generating some conclusions and the essence of numerous considerations, it was pursued towards a clearer reading of archaeological goods as sources for an intelligible presentation of its comprehensive cultural and historical past to the scientific and wider interested public. For this reason the book is divided into six major sections with smaller sub-chapters. The reader is introduced to the spatial, natural and other basic considerations about the region and the place - and finally to Osor, its architectural appearance and urban organization. Through the examination of archaeological research it was possible to find out more about the suc- H c OS C ^ or K ar C > C C C e i o H K > t1 U K P- K C K U Z w OS K I C u < K > t1 y K P- K C z < s K > C ca. Posljednja tri poglavlja vezana su uz analiziranj interpretiranje arheološkog gradiva. Kako vecina po-tječe iz nama nepoznatih okolnosti nalaženja ono je prikazano po pojedinim tipološko-stilskim kategorijama, u kronološkom slijedu, koliko je to bilo moguce, i u širem povijesnom kontekstu. Uz bogatu slikovnu opremu osorske i komparativne grade, te karte raspro-stiranja pojedinih predmeta, nadam se da je moj cilj osvjetljavanja i pojašnjenja »tog i takvog« Osora ba-rem donekle uspio. U konačnici, ipak je to prava sin-tetska objava zbira samo jednog od brojnih osorskih dobara. mi Mnogim kolegama koji su bili voljni i željni pomoci pri istraživanjima kao i pri izradbi same knjige dugu-j em neizmj ernu zahvalnost, a prva medu prvima j e sva-kako Zrinka Ettinger Starčic (Lošinjski muzej, Mali Lošinj), koja je dobrohotno ustupila gradu iz muzej-skog fundusa na obradu i njezino objavljivanje. Profesor Mitja Guštin (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper) u svojstvu učitelja ali i voditelja projekta Clash of Cultures poticao je i promicao sveukupna istraživanja i projektne aktivnosti. Pri sakupljanju grade, dokumentacije, raznim savjetima pri interpretacijama i na putu mojih promišljanja pomogli su mi: Andrej Gaspari (Univerza v Ljubljani, Ljubljana), Tea Sušanj Protic (Ministar-stvo kulture, Uprava za zaštitu kulturne baštine, Kon-zervatorski odjel u Rijeci), Ranko Starac (Pomorski i povijesni muzej Hrvatskog primorja, Rijeka), Morana Čauševic Bully (Universite de Franche Comte/UMR Chrono-Environnement, Besan^on), Mirna Vujovic (Vrbnik), Italo Samblich (Krk), zatim Jacqueline Ba- cesses and failures of research and presentation of its archaeological valuables starting already in the 18th century. The last three chapters are related to the analysis and interpretation of archaeological material. As most of it comes from unknown circumstances of discovery, it is presented according to separated typological and stylistic categories in chronological order and, as far as possible, in a wider historical context. I hope that with an opulent visual presentation ofOsor and comparative archaeological finds as well as distribution maps ofindivid-ual items, my goal of illuminating and explaining »this and such« Osor was at least partly proven to be successful. In the end, however, this is the first synthetic publication of only one of numerous treasures from Osor. I owe gratitude to many colleagues who were willing and eager to help me during my research as well as in producing the book. The first among them is for sure Zrinka Ettinger Starčic (Lošinj Museum, Mali Lošinj), who has benevolently made available the materials from the museum for the processing and its publication. Professor Mitja Guštin (University of Primorska, Koper) as a teacher but also the project manager of Clash of Cultures encouraged and promoted the overall research and project activities. I was helped on the way of my considerations, in collecting of the sources and documentation as well as with various advices in interpretations by: Andrej Gaspari (University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana), Tea Sušanj Protic (Ministry of Culture, Conservation Department in Rijeka), Ranko Starac (Maritime and History Museum of the Croatian Littoral, Rijeka), Morana Čauševic Bully (Universite de Franche Comte / UMR Chrono-Environ- len, Lidija Bakaric, Ivan Drnic, Miljenka Galic, Igor Krajcar i Ivan Radman Livaja (Arheološki muzej u Zagrebu), Marko Dizdar i Asja Tonc (Institut za arhe-ologiju u Zagrebu), Josipa Mandic (Universite Rennes 2 - Universita degli Studi della Basilicata, Potenza), Maja Miše (University Fribourg, Fribourg), Pero Ar-djanlijev (Arheološki muzej na Makedonija, Skopje) i Antonio Jakimovski (Univerzitet Sv. Kiril i Metodij, Skopje). Ne mali posao obavili su urednik izdanja monografija Clash of Cultures Jonatan Vinkler (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper) te lektori Božena Bunčic (Zagreb) i Gregor Pobežin (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper). Zadnji, ali ne i posljednji je i moj suprug Boris Kavur (Univerza na Primorskem, Koper) koji izuzev prijevoda, potpisuje i vječno poticanje te oštroumnu kritiku moga rada u svim njegovim fazama nastajanja, bez kojeg bi tako okončanje ovog »projekta« jedno-stavno bilo nemoguce. Koristim stoga ovu prigodu kojom bih, još jednom, željela izraziti veliko zadovoljstvo na uspješnoj surad-nji i uputiti vam riječi iskrene zahvalnosti. U Izoli studenog 2014. godine Martina Blečič Kavur nement, Besangon), Mirna Vujovic (Vrbnik), Italo Samblich (Krk), then Jacqueline Balen, Lidija Bakaric, Ivan Drnic, Igor Krajcar and Ivan Radman Livaja (Archaeological Museum in Zagreb), Marko Dizdar and Asja Tonc (Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb), Josipa Mandic (Universite Rennes 2 - Universita degli Studi della Basilicata, Potenza), Maja Miše (University of Fribourg, Fribourg), Pero Ardjanlijev (Archaeological Museum of Macedonia, Skopje) and Antonio Jaki-movski (Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Skopje). Not a small job was done by the editor of publications c of Clash of Cultures Jonatan Vinkler (University of Pri- c morska, Koper) and proofreaders Božena Bunčic (Za- % greb) and Gregor Pobežin (University of Primorska, ^ Koper). Last, but not least is my husband Boris Kavur ^ (University of Primorska, Koper), who apart from the > translation contributed eternal encouragement and § perspicuate critique of my work in all its phases of creation. Without him the completion of this »project« would simply not be possible. Therefore I use this opportunity to, once again, express great satisfaction at the successful co-operation and address to you a word of sincere gratitude. Izola in November 2014. Martina Blečič Kavur Bibliografija ra\ H ADAM, A. M. 1996, Le fibule di tipo celtico nel Trentino, Trento. ALFOLDY, G. 1965, Bevolkerung und Gesellschaft in der romischen Provinz Dalmatien, Budapest. ARCHIBALD, Z. 1998, The Odrysian Kingdom ofThrace: Orpheus Unmasked, Oxford. Attische Vasen 2004, Attische Vasen in etruskischem Kontext: Funde aus Hausern und Heiligtumern, M. Bentz, Ch. Reusser (eds.), Beihefte zum Corpus vasorum antiquorum (Deutschland) 2, Munchen. 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Boris Kavur, dr. Martina Blečic Kavur Proofreading ■ Božena Bunčic, dr. Gregor Pobežin Published by ■ University ofPrimorska, University ofPrimorska Press, Titov trg 4, 6000 Koper, Lošinjski muzej, Vladimira Gortana 35, 51550 Mali Lošinj (zanj: Zrinka Ettinger Starčic) Editor in chief ■ dr. Jonatan Vinkler Managing editor ■ AlenJežovnik © 2015 Založba Univerze na Primorskem ISBN 978-961-6963-40-4 (printed) ISBN 978-961-6963-38-1 (pdf) www.hippocampus.si/lSBN/978-961-6963-38-1.pdf ISBN 978-961-6963-39-8 (html) www.hippocampus.si/lSBN/978-961-6963-39-8/index.html This publication was financially supported by the European commission with the Culture program. 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[et al.] ; cartography and drawings Martina Blečic Kavur, Miljenka Galic ; translation Boris Kavur, Martina Blečic Kavur]. - El. knjiga. - Koper : University ofPrimorska Press ; Mali Lošinj : Lošinjski muzej Vladimira Gortana, 2015 Način dostopa (URL): http://www.hippocampus.si/isbn/978-96i-6963-38-i.pdf Način dostopa (URL): http://www.hippocampus.si/isbn/978-961-6963-39-8/index.html ISBN 978-961-6963-38-1 (pdf) ISBN 978-961-6963-39-8 (html) 27935744°